Constitutiones apostolicae, Books I-II

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Διαταγαί. In Eclogis codicis Mazariniani, nunc Regii 2347: Διαταγαὶ τῶν ἁγίων καὶ πανευφήμων ἀποστόλων, αἱ διὰ Κλήμεντος προσφωνηθεῖσαι· βίβλιον πρῶτον. Ἐν τῇ Καθολικῇ διδασκαλίᾳ καὶ παραίνεσις περὶ λαϊκῶν, ἐν κεφαλαίοις ιαʹ. Constitutiones sanctorum maximeque praedicandorum apostolorum, quae per Clementem nuncupatae fuerunt. Liber primus. In Catholica doctrina etiam cohortatio de laicis, in capitibus 11; nimirum, praefatione pro capite primo computata. Agebamus mox de titulis. Doctrinam vero, Doctrinam sacram, Doctrinam catholicam dictas Constitutiones, in ipsis etiam reperies, Praefatione, et lib. II, cap. 12, (in lemmate) cap. 39, lib. VI, cap. 14 et 18. Quod nomen διδασκαλίας, sicut διδαχῆς, est Novi Testamenti. Act. II, 42: Ἦσαν δὲ προσκαρτεροῦντες τῇ διδαχῇ τῶν ἀποστόλων. II Timoth. III, 10: Σὺ δὲ παρηκολούθηκάς μου τῇ διδασκαλίᾳ. Cot.

"Constitutions." In the Eclogae of the Mazarin codex, now Royal 2347: "Constitutions of the holy and all-praised apostles, addressed through Clement: book one. In the Catholic Teaching, also an exhortation concerning the laity, in 11 chapters." [In Latin:] "Constitutions of the holy and most worthy of praise apostles, which were addressed through Clement. Book one. In the Catholic doctrine also an exhortation on the laity, in 11 chapters"; that is, with the preface counted as the first chapter. We were dealing with the titles a little earlier. That the Constitutions are called Doctrine, Sacred Doctrine, Catholic Doctrine, you will also find in the work itself: in the Preface, and book 2, ch. 12 (in the heading), ch. 39, book 6, ch. 14 and 18. The name "teaching" (didaskalia), like "teaching" (didache), belongs to the New Testament. Acts 2:42: "And they continued steadfastly in the apostles' teaching." 2 Timothy 3:10: "But you have closely followed my teaching." Cotelier.

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(ref. 68-71) ‹scripture-reference note under the Greek column; the superscript numerals are faint, reading uncertain› · call in col 557 Isa. v, 7, 2. Citat. Epiphan. hær. 45, n. 5.

Isaiah 5:7, 2. Cited by Epiphanius, Heresies 45, no. 5.

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Εἰς τὸν, etc. Ms. Vindob. ἐπὶ τόν.

"Into the," etc.: the Vienna manuscript has "upon the."

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Ἀμπελὼν αὐτοῦ ἐκλεκτός. Epithetum ἐκλεκτὸς sumptum est ex versione Symmachi Is. V, 2. Ille enim vocem שׂרק Σωρὴκ, Sorek, reddiderat ἐκλεκτὴν, uti discimus ex SS. Basilio et Hieronymo ad eum textum. Addit Hieronymus, interpretationem hanc solius Symmachi esse. Idemque ac Basilius docuerat Theodoritus ibidem; verum hodie non habemus integra ejus verba. Editi libri, καὶ ἐφύτευσα ἄμπελον. Ἔχει δὲ ἑρμηνεία τὸ ἀληθές· ἐκλεξάμενος γὰρ Ἀβραὰμ τὸν πατριάρχην ὁ τῶν ὅλων Θεὸς, ἐκ τῶν τούτου κλημάτων τὸν ἀμπελῶνα ἐφύτευσεν· cum sensus postulet, post ἄμπελον, hæc aut similia, Σωρὴκ Σύμμαχος ἡρμήνευσεν ἐκλεκτήν. A Tertulliano quoque Adversus Judæos, cap. 13; Contra Marcionem, lib. III, cap. 23; lib. IV, cap. 29; Origene homil. 12, in Jeremiam, et ad Matthæi XXI, 33, etc; Ambrosio Hexaemeron lib. III, cap. 12; Chrysostomo et Cyrillo in Isaiam, aliisque, retinetur ex LXX Sorek, Sorec, vel Sorech, Σωρὴκ aut Σωρήχ. Itaque abest a vero, quod tanquam ex Procopio Gazæo Curterii ait Jacobus Usserius, in Syntagmate de editione LXX Interpretum, cap. 4, ubi Vulgata Græca editio habet Σωρὴκ, ibi veros Septuaginta scripsisse ἐκλεκτήν. Fraudi fuit viro insigniter docto Liber indiligenter visus; in quo ἐκλεκτὴν non refertur ad Σωρὴκ, sed ad σταφυλὴν, vocabulum ejusdem versiculi. Et vero שׂרק non raro in sacro contextu usurpatur. Insignis est locus Gen. XLIX, 11, quem præclare versum invenies in disputatione Archelai adversus Manichæum, post Socratem et Sozomenum præstantissimi Valesii, pag. 202, col. 2, qui alligavit ad vitem pullum suum, et ad optimam vitem pullum asinæ suæ. At Senes per ἕλιξ exposuerunt; id autem cum multa apud Græcos significet, possitque intelligi etiam de funiculo, ac de cilicio, occasio errandi exstitisse videtur Latinis Interpretibus, qui reddunt apud Hieronymum in Traditionibus Hebraicis, et apud Augustinum lib. XVI, De civitate Dei, cap. 41, ac lib. XII contra Faustum Manichæum, cap. 42: Alligans ad vitem pullum suum, et funiculo pullum asinæ, aut, et cilicio pullum asinæ suæ. In quod erratum non incurrissent, si cum Theodorito quæst. 110, in Genesim, Diodoro in Catena ms. in Genesim, ac forte Cyrillo in Glaphyris, legissent καὶ τῇ ἕλικι τῆς ἀμπέλου. S. Cyprianus helicem servat, lib. I Testimoniorum, c. 21, et S. Ambrosius aliique ad palmitem interpretantur. Arbitror ergo, Rufini verba sunt, Præfatione in librum De benedictionibus Judæ, quem sequetur qui volet, me nullatenus repugnante, quod hic ipse Græcus sermo in Latinis exemplaribus antiquitus positus est, ut et alia nonnulla, et per tempus a scriptoribus non intelligentibus pro ἕλικι cilicium dici putatum est. Cot.

"His chosen vineyard." The epithet "chosen" is taken from Symmachus's version of Isaiah 5:2. For he had rendered the word שׂרק, Sōrēk, Sorek, as "chosen," as we learn from Saints Basil and Jerome on that text. Jerome adds that this interpretation is Symmachus's alone. Theodoret had taught the same as Basil in the same place; but today we do not have his words entire. The printed books read: "and I planted a vine. The interpretation has the truth: for the God of all, having chosen Abraham the patriarch, planted the vineyard from his branches"; whereas the sense requires, after "vine," these words or the like: "Symmachus rendered Sōrēk as 'chosen.'" By Tertullian too (Against the Jews, ch. 13; Against Marcion, book 3, ch. 23; book 4, ch. 29), by Origen (homily 12 on Jeremiah, and on Matt. 21:33, etc.), by Ambrose (Hexaemeron, book 3, ch. 12), by Chrysostom and Cyril on Isaiah, and by others, Sorek, Sorec or Sorech, Sōrēk or Sōrēch, is kept from the Septuagint. So James Ussher is far from the truth when he says, in his Syntagma on the Septuagint edition, ch. 4, as though from Corderius's Procopius of Gaza, that where the common Greek edition has Sōrēk the true Seventy wrote "chosen." The deception came, for a man of outstanding learning, from a book carelessly looked at, in which "chosen" is referred not to Sōrēk but to "grape-cluster," a word in the same little verse. And indeed שׂרק is used not rarely in the sacred text. A notable place is Genesis 49:11, which you will find finely translated in the Disputation of Archelaus against Manes, after the Socrates and Sozomen of the most excellent Valesius, p. 202, col. 2: "who bound his foal to the vine, and his ass's foal to the choicest vine." But the Elders rendered it by helix [tendril]; and since that word means many things among the Greeks, and can be understood also of a cord and of a haircloth, an occasion of error seems to have arisen for the Latin interpreters, who render, in Jerome's Hebrew Traditions and in Augustine's City of God, book 16, ch. 41, and Against Faustus the Manichaean, book 12, ch. 42: "Binding his foal to the vine, and his ass's foal with a cord," or "and his ass's foal with a haircloth." They would not have fallen into this error had they read, with Theodoret (question 110 on Genesis), Diodore (in the manuscript Catena on Genesis), and perhaps Cyril in the Glaphyra, "and to the tendril of the vine." Saint Cyprian keeps "helicem" (Testimonies, book 1, ch. 21), and Saint Ambrose and others interpret it as "the vine-shoot." "I think, then" (the words are Rufinus's, in the Preface to the book On the Blessings of Judah; let him follow it who will, I do not in the least object) "that this very Greek word was set down long ago in the Latin copies, as some others were too, and in time, by scribes who did not understand it, 'cilicium' [haircloth] was thought to be said for helix." Cotelier.

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Ἐνστερνισμένοι τὸν φόβον αὐτοῦ. Cum Turriano posui in Versione timorem ejus toto pectore amplecti, sicut Zonaras ἐνστερνιζόμεθα canone 1, Concilii generalis VII, explicat ἀγαπητικῶς δεχόμεθα καὶ κατασπαζόμεθα. Forte tamen in sensu passivo accipi debet, pro circumdati ac pectus muniti timore Dei. Id.

"Having taken his fear into your breast." With Turrianus I have put in the version "to embrace his fear with the whole breast," just as Zonaras, on canon 1 of the Seventh General Council, explains "we take into the breast" as "we receive lovingly and embrace." Perhaps, however, it should be taken in a passive sense, for "surrounded and fortified in the breast with the fear of God." The same [Cotelier].

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Ὁμόστοιχον. Ms. Vind. ὁμοστοίχως, convenienter. Vulg. lectio et melior. Cler.

"In keeping with." The Vienna manuscript has "in keeping," fittingly. The common reading is also the better. Le Clerc.

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Χριστῷ τῷ Θεῷ. Uterque codex Vindob. Κῷ, hoc est, Κυρίῳ, quod rationi loquendi apostolorum est magis consentaneum, quam secutus esse videtur qui hunc fœtum apostolis supposuit; sed orthodoxus Librarius Κυρίῳ mutavit in Θεῷ. Id.

"To Christ God." Both Vienna manuscripts have Κῷ, that is, "Lord," which agrees better with the apostles' manner of speaking, which he who foisted this offspring on the apostles seems to have followed; but an orthodox copyist changed "Lord" into "God." The same [Le Clerc].

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(refs. 73-78) ‹scripture-reference notes, full width› · call in col 559 ⁷³ Exod. XX, 17. ⁷⁴ Matth. V, 27. ⁷⁵ Isa. v, 8. ⁷⁶ Deut. XXVII, 17. ⁷⁷ Deut. XIX, 14. ⁷⁸ Tob. IV, 16.

73 Exodus 20:17. 74 Matthew 5:27. 75 Isaiah 5:8. 76 Deuteronomy 27:17. 77 Deuteronomy 19:14. 78 Tobit 4:16.

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Οὐκ ἐπιθυμήσεις. Convenientius Hebraicæ veritati, Exod. XX, 17, ac nunc in LXX, a quibus addita videntur nonnulla velut paraphrastice ex aliis Scripturæ testimoniis. Optime autem διαταγεῖς nostri ὑποζύγιον paulo post mutant in ὄνον. Mos enim LXX חמור interpretari ὄνον et ὑποζύγιον. Et cum Zachariæ IX, 9, iidem habeant, ἐπιβεβηκὼς ἐπὶ ὑποζύγιον καὶ πῶλον νέον, Matth. XXI, 5, citatur, ἐπιβεβηκὼς ἐπὶ ὄνον καὶ πῶλον υἱὸν ὑποζυγίου. Similiterque Balaami ὄνος Numer. XXII, 21, etc. Petro epist. II, cap. II, vers. 16, est ὑποζύγιον. Legendus Suidas in voce Ὑποζύγια. Cot.

"You shall not covet." More agreeably to the Hebrew original, Exodus 20:17, than now in the Septuagint, by whom some things seem to have been added, as by way of paraphrase, from other testimonies of Scripture. Our ordainers, however, very rightly change "beast of burden" a little later into "ass." For it is the Septuagint's custom to render חמור as "ass" and "beast of burden." And whereas at Zechariah 9:9 they have "mounted on a beast of burden and a young colt," it is cited in Matthew 21:5 as "mounted on an ass and a colt, the son of a beast of burden." Likewise Balaam's ass, Numbers 22:21 etc., is in Peter, 2nd epistle, ch. 2, verse 16, a "beast of burden." Read Suidas under the word Ὑποζύγια. Cotelier.

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Κέκριται. Huic voci præfigitur καί in Vind. ms. incommode. Cler.

"Has been judged." In the Vienna manuscript "and" is set before this word, unsuitably. Le Clerc.

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Δι' οὗ. Idem ms. ᾧ, incommode. Orthodoxi Librarii esse videtur. Id.

"Through whom." The same manuscript has "to whom," unsuitably. It seems to be an orthodox copyist's. The same [Le Clerc].

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Τῷ Θεῷ. Abest ab utroque cod. Vindobonensi, et debuit abesse mutato δι' οὗ in ᾧ a manu orthodoxa. Id.

"To God." It is absent from both Vienna manuscripts, and had to be absent once "through whom" was changed to "to whom" by an orthodox hand. The same.

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Ὁ προφήτης. Ms. Vindob. Ἠσαΐας, quæ est glossa. Id.

"The prophet." The Vienna manuscript has "Isaiah," which is a gloss. The same.

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Καί. Omittitur in utroque cod. et debet omitti, jam enim ad testimonium citatus est Moses. Id.

"Also." It is omitted in both manuscripts and ought to be omitted, for Moses has not yet been cited as witness. The same.

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Ἃ ἔθεντο πατέρες σου. Absunt hæc ab utroque perperam, sunt enim non tantum in Hebraico textu, verum etiam in LXX Intt. Male etiam ab iis abest vox ἁπλοῦς, paulo post. Id.

"Which your fathers set." These words are wrongly absent from both, for they are not only in the Hebrew text but also in the Septuagint translators. The word "simple," a little after, is also wrongly absent from them. The same.

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Ὃ σὺ μισεῖς ὑφ' ἑτέρου, κ. τ. λ. Proxime accedit ad Vulgatam Tob. IV, 16: Quod ab alio oderis fieri tibi, vide ne tu aliquando alteri facias, Græci, καὶ ὃ μισεῖς, μηδενὶ ποιήσῃς. Infra lib. III, cap. 15: Ὃ μισεῖς σοι γενέσθαι, οὐδὲ ἄλλῳ σὺ ποιή- (continues)

"What you hate [to be done to you] by another," etc. It comes closest to the Vulgate, Tobit 4:16, "What you would hate to be done to you by another, see that you never do to someone else"; the Greek, "and what you hate, do to no one." Below, book 3, ch. 15: "What you hate to be done to you, do not do to another either…" (continues)

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(refs. 79-83) ‹scripture-reference notes, full width› · call in col 562 ⁷⁹ Cap. xxiv, 9. ⁸⁰ Luc. VI, 28. ⁸¹ Prov. XX, 22. ⁸² Matth. V, 44. ⁸³ L. Ignat. Interpol. ad Philad. 3.

79 Chapter 24, 9. 80 Luke 6:28. 81 Proverbs 20:22. 82 Matthew 5:44. 83 See [the] interpolated Ignatius, To the Philadelphians 3.

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σεις, et lib. VII, cap. 2: Πᾶν ὃ μὴ θέλεις γενέσθαι σοι, καὶ σὺ τοῦτο ἄλλῳ οὐ ποιήσεις. Philo Judæus apud Eusebium Præparat. evangel. VIII, 7: Ἅ τις παθεῖν ἐχθαίρει, μὴ ποιεῖν αὐτόν. Chrysostomus hom. 13, ad populum Antiochenum: Ὃ μισεῖς, ἄλλῳ μὴ ποιήσῃς. Valerianus Cemeliensis homil. 13: Quod tibi non vis, alio (pro alii) ne facias. Operis imperfecti in Matthæum auctor ad cap. XXI, vers. 10. Pseudo-Clemens Epistola decretali 1, ac vulgo Latini: Quod tibi fieri non vis, alteri ne feceris. Quo de ultimo insignem Ælii Lampridii in Alexandro Severo locum nemo nescit. Inveni etiam in membranis Regiis num. 2386, hoc Apophthegma Orionis philosophi, editum an ineditum juxta nescio: Ὅπερ σὺ μισεῖς παρ' ἑτέρων σοι γενέσθαι, τοῦτο εἰς ἑτέρους μὴ ποίει. Præterea Act. XV, 29, in exemplaribus Irenæi, Cypriani, auctoris versionis Æthiopicæ, nonnullisque hodiernis, post πορνείας cernebatur et cernitur, καὶ ὅσα μὴ θέλετε ἑαυτοῖς γενέσθαι, ἑτέροις μὴ ποιεῖν. Et quæcunque non vultis vobis fieri, aliis ne feceritis. Vide primum lib. III, Adversus hæreses, cap. 12, secundum lib. III Testimoniorum ad Quirinum, cap. penult. Vide etiam Prima religionis Christianæ rudimenta apud Saxones et Alemanos, quæ cum Haymonis Historia edita fuerunt Lugduni Batavorum, p. 31. In Sexti Sententiis, sent. 169: Quod pati non vis ab alio, neque id facias. Nilus παραινέσει tertia, γενοῦ τοῖς πᾶσιν, ὡς σοι θέλεις πάντας. Denique cap. 5 Eclogarum S. Maximi, Socrati tribuitur, ἃ πάσχοντες ὑφ' ἑτέρου ὀργίζεσθε, ταῦτα τοῖς ἄλλοις μὴ ποιεῖτε. Cot.

…[do not do to another either,] and book 7, ch. 2: "Everything you do not wish to happen to you, you too shall not do to another." Philo the Jew, in Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel 8.7: "What one hates to suffer, let him not do." Chrysostom, homily 13 to the people of Antioch: "What you hate, do not do to another." Valerian of Cemele, homily 13: "What you do not want for yourself, do not do to another (alio for alii)." The author of the Unfinished Work on Matthew, on ch. 21, verse 10. Pseudo-Clement, Decretal Epistle 1, and the Latins commonly: "What you do not want done to you, do not do to another." On this last, no one is unaware of the notable passage of Aelius Lampridius in his Alexander Severus. I have also found in the Royal parchments, no. 2386, this apophthegm of the philosopher Orion, whether published or unpublished I do not know: "What you hate to have done to you by others, do not do to others." Moreover at Acts 15:29, in the copies of Irenaeus, Cyprian, the author of the Ethiopic version, and some of today's, after "fornication" was and is seen: "and whatever you do not wish done to yourselves, do not do to others." "And whatever you do not want done to you, do not do to others." See the first in Against Heresies, book 3, ch. 12; the second in book 3 of the Testimonies to Quirinus, the penultimate chapter. See also the First Rudiments of the Christian Religion among the Saxons and Alemanni, which were published with Haymo's History at Leiden, p. 31. In the Sentences of Sextus, sentence 169: "What you do not want to suffer from another, do not do that either." Nilus, in his third exhortation: "Be to all as you want all to be to you." Finally, in ch. 5 of the Eclogues of Saint Maximus it is attributed to Socrates: "What angers you when you suffer it from another, do not do to others." Cotelier.

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Ἐκδικήσῃ. Βοηθήσῃ. Alter codd. Vindobon. minus recte. Cler.

"Avenge." "Help": one of the Vienna manuscripts, less correctly. Le Clerc.

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Ἀγαπᾶτε, etc. Omittit εὐλογεῖτε τοὺς καταρωμένους ὑμᾶς, quod mox citaverat ex Lucæ VI, 28. Eademque omissio in Latino Interprete, ac in multis Patribus Græcis et Latinis, Isidoro Pelusiota lib. IV, epist. 11, Ambrosio in psalmum XXXVIII, auctore Operis imperfecti in Matthæum, Hieronymo, etc. Augustinus variat, interdumque agnoscit illud, Benedicite his qui vobis maledicunt, ut libro contra Adimantium cap. 17, interdum ignorat, ut epistola 54, et sermone 170, De tempore. Apud Origenem vero tom. XXII et XXV, in Joannem, et apud Cyprianum lib. De bono patientiæ, ac lib. De zelo et livore, invenies duntaxat: Diligite inimicos, et orate pro eis, qui vos persequuntur. At apud nonnullos comma de quo agimus, ad finem versus transfertur. Pari modo in ordine verborum versiculi sequentis multum discrepant antiqui, sed sine ullo sensus dispendio, aliis exhibentibus: Qui pluit super bonos et malos, et solem suum oriri facit super justos et injustos. Ita Tertullianus, II in Marcionem, 17, et Palladius Dialogo de Vita S. Chrysostomi cap. 16. Lege Origenem relatum in Catena in Matthæum. Aliis: Qui solem suum oriri facit super justos et injustos, et pluit super bonos et malos. Sic Philastrius parte III, hæresi 83, et Basilius Seleuciensis in fine orationis 16, ubi etiam ὅς τις ponit, quod legebant Interpretes, Latinus, Syrus et Persa. Aliis: Qui pluit super justos et injustos, et solem suum oriri facit super malos et bonos. Eo modo Basilius Cæsariensis Asceticarum constitutionum cap. 1. Quibusdam cum Vulgata, quibusdam cum Græco concordantibus; quibusdam modo uni, modo alteri accedentibus. Cot.

"Love," etc. He omits "bless those who curse you," which he had just cited from Luke 6:28. The same omission is in the Latin translator and in many Fathers, Greek and Latin: Isidore of Pelusium, book 4, letter 11; Ambrose on Psalm 38; the author of the Unfinished Work on Matthew; Jerome, etc. Augustine varies, and sometimes acknowledges "Bless those who curse you," as in the book against Adimantus, ch. 17, and sometimes ignores it, as in letter 54 and sermon 170 De tempore. In Origen, however, tomes 22 and 25 on John, and in Cyprian, On the Good of Patience and On Jealousy and Envy, you will find only: "Love your enemies, and pray for those who persecute you." With some, though, the clause we are dealing with is moved to the end of the verse. In the same way the ancients differ greatly in the order of words in the following little verse, but with no loss of sense, some giving: "Who rains on the good and the bad, and makes his sun rise on the just and the unjust." So Tertullian, Against Marcion 2.17, and Palladius, Dialogue on the Life of Saint Chrysostom, ch. 16. Read Origen as quoted in the Catena on Matthew. Others: "Who makes his sun rise on the just and the unjust, and rains on the good and the bad." So Philastrius, part 3, heresy 83, and Basil of Seleucia at the end of oration 16, where he also puts "whoever," which the Latin, Syriac and Persian translators read. Others: "Who rains on the just and the unjust, and makes his sun rise on the bad and the good." In this way Basil of Caesarea, Ascetic Constitutions, ch. 1. Some agree with the Vulgate, some with the Greek; some come now to one, now to the other. Cotelier.

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(refs. 84-88) ‹scripture- and variant-reference notes, full width› · call in col 563 ⁸⁴ Al. αὐτό, sic Vien. 2. ⁸⁵ Exod. XX, 14, 17. ⁸⁶ Matth. V, 28. ⁸⁷⁻⁸⁸ Epiphan. hær. 80, n. 7.

84 Another reading: "it" (αὐτό); so Vienna [manuscript] 2. 85 Exodus 20:14, 17. 86 Matthew 5:28. 87–88 Epiphanius, Heresies 80, no. 7.

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Μόνον. Deest in mss. Vindob. nec sane sensui necessarium est. Cler.

"Only." It is lacking in the Vienna manuscripts, and is indeed not necessary to the sense. Le Clerc.

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Ἑτέραν. Al. ἑταίραν. Alter codex νεωτέραν, quod absurdum sane non est, juniores enim potissimum καλλωπισμοῖς alliciuntur. Id.

"Another woman." Another reading: "a courtesan." The other manuscript has "a younger woman," which is certainly not absurd, for it is chiefly the young who are enticed by adornments. The same [Le Clerc].

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Ἀναγκασθείς. Blanditiis, nempe, quæ non minus πειθανάγκη sunt, quam minæ. Id.

"Compelled": that is, by blandishments, which are no less a persuasive compulsion than threats. The same.

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Ποιήσῃς. Al. ἐπίσεις pro ἐπίσῃς. Alter Vindob. ἐπ' ἴσης pro ἐπ' ἴσῃ, perinde. Alioqui Græce ἐν ἴσῳ dicere solent. Id.

"You do." Another reading: ἐπίσεις for ἐπίσῃς. The other Vienna manuscript has ἐπ' ἴσης for ἐπ' ἴσῃ, "equally." Otherwise the Greeks usually say ἐν ἴσῳ. The same.

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Ἠρνήσω αὐτήν. Eclogæ in codice Regio addunt, ἀπέσχου τε καὶ οὐχ ἥμαρτες εἰς αὐτήν. Hoc est, interprete Turriano, et abstinuisti, neque in eam peccasti. Quæ exciderunt a Græco contextu propter repetitionem vocis αὐτήν. Cot.

"You refused her." The Eclogues in the Royal manuscript add "and you held back and did not sin against her," that is, in Turrianus's translation, "and you abstained, and did not sin against her." These words fell out of the Greek text because of the repetition of the word "her." Cotelier.

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Ib. Alter Vindob. ἀπέχου τε καὶ οὐχ ἥμαρτες εἰς αὐτήν, non male. Cl.

In the same place. The other Vienna manuscript has "hold back, and you did not sin against her," not badly. Le Clerc.

(printed under page 279)

(25) ‹anchor: τοῦ οὐαὶ κληρονόμος› · call in col 563

Καὶ τοῦ οὐαὶ κληρονόμος. Absunt ab utroque Vindobonensi. Id.

"And heir of the woe." These words are absent from both Vienna manuscripts. The same.

(printed under page 279)

(26) ‹anchor: ἵνα μὴ καταχτενιζομένου› · call in col 563

Καταχτενιζομένου. Uterque cod. Vind. καταχνιζομένου, prurienle, quod non est a reipsa alienum, quamvis vulg. lectio commodum sensum pariat. Id.

"Combing [your hair]." Both Vienna manuscripts have καταχνιζομένου, "itching," which is not foreign to the matter itself, though the common reading yields a suitable sense. The same.

(printed under page 279)

(27) ‹anchor: μηδὲ ἀναξυρίδας› · call in col 563

Μηδὲ ἀναξυρίδας ἢ κρηπῖδάς σου, κ. τ. λ. His respondent, meo quidem judicio, quæ ex apostolorum διατάξεσι ait S. Epiphanius in hæresi Massalianorum, cap. 7: Μήτε ὑπερηφανίας ὑπόδειγμα, δικαιοσύνης τὴν προσέλευσιν ἔχειν. Ita quippe distinguo, vertendum autem arbitror, neque superbiæ speciem, justitiæ incessum habere. Id est, non oportere ut vir justus et fidelis in suo ingressu fastum ostendat. Siquidem fasciæ, et crepidæ, similiaque nimii cultus, non modo luxuriam indicant, sed et arrogantiam, in quam etiam Constitutiones invehi patet ex adverbio ταπεινοφρόνως paulo ante posito. Non me præterit, eruditissimum Usserium in cap. 9 Prolegomenorum ad S. Ignatium, componere cum verbis Epiphanii initium sequentis capitis: Οὐκ ἔσῃ ὡς πετόμενος καὶ ἐμπεριπατῶν καὶ ἀλώμενος ἐν ταῖς ῥύμαις, ἀκαιροεπόπτης τῶν κακῶς ζώντων. Verum eo capite non agi- (continues)

"Nor [arrange] your leggings or your sandals," etc. To these corresponds, in my judgement at least, what Saint Epiphanius says from the apostles' ordinances in the heresy of the Massalians, ch. 7: "Nor to have a show of pride, the gait of righteousness." For so I punctuate it, and I think it should be translated, "nor to have a show of pride, the gait of righteousness": that is, that a just and faithful man ought not to display haughtiness in his walk. For leg-bands and sandals and the like of excessive dress indicate not only luxury but also arrogance, against which the Constitutions too clearly inveigh, as appears from the adverb "humbly," placed a little before. I am not unaware that the most learned Ussher, in ch. 9 of his Prolegomena to Saint Ignatius, compares with Epiphanius's words the beginning of the following chapter: "You shall not be as one flitting about, walking around and wandering in the streets, an untimely spy on those who live badly." But in that chapter it is not… (continues)

(printed under page 279)

[The lower part of the page is given over to notes: the scripture references 89–91, and beneath them the Variorum notae, namely the end of note (27), continued from page 279, and notes (28)–(35). All are set once under the Latin column, 566 (n566); none is repeated here.] (printed under page 280)

(none) <!-- QA Q5a: this file carried the page's Variorum notae twice (two passes, one with italic markup); merged into one copy, no italics, and kept here until n566 should hold the opening of the continued note (27). QA Q16: n566 now holds that opening and the scripture notes 89–91, so the copy kept here is withdrawn and only the pointer remains; the copy read κρωβύλον and κρωβύλος in note (30), where the page prints κρώβυλον and κρώβυλος (so n566). -->

(89) ‹anaxyridas› · call in col 566

Lev. XIX, 27; et XXI, 5.

Lev. 19:27; and 21:5.

(printed under page 280)

(90) ‹mutare› · call in col 566

Epiph. ibid.

Epiphanius, in the same place.

(printed under page 280)

(91) ‹barbas vestras› · call in col 566

Ibid.

In the same place.

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(27) (continued) ‹end of a note begun on page 279; the opening lines down to 'alios-' set from the column images of 565, the rest from the foot images› · call in col 566

tur de superbo incessu, sed de inani curiosaque cursitatione. Ἀναξυρίδες porro quid sint, præter Lexicographos Pollucem, Hesychium, Suidam, Phrynichum, auctorem Etymologici magni, auctorem Glossarum Herodoti, et præter Diodorum Siculum lib. V, Himerium Sophistam in Photii codice CCXLIII, aliosque, Hieronymus et Theodoritus docent, quando exponunt textum Danielis III, 21, ad quem legi debet Scholium Græcum prout correctum fuit a Drusio Quæst. Hebraic. lib. III, cap. 60. Imperite vero Erasmus, interpretans Chrysostomi homiliam 37 in Acta apostolorum, ἀναξυρίδας facit gladios peculiares, anaxyridas dictos. At recte Rufinus in Josephi Ἀρχαιολογίας lib. III, cap. 11 (al. 8), vertit Vastrapas, quæ, teste Glossarii Latino-Græci scriptore, feminalia sunt. A nobis Gallis inde appellantur des guêtres. Atque de integumentis ac ornamentis femorum et pedum, multa ne diceremus, eo nos fasce levarunt viri docti diligentia sua. Monemus tantum de loco Nomicarum Glossarum: Ὀθδονάρια (seu ὀδονάρια aut οὐδωνάρια) τὰ περιαπτόμενα τοῖς ποσὶν ὑφάσματα, ἃ λέγεται ποδάπανα κατὰ Καθαρῶν· τὰ δὲ ἄλλα, πόδια (ita corrigunt) ὡς εἰπεῖν, τὰ ἐξ ἱματίων γεγενημένα, ἃ παρά τισιν ὀδώνια κέκληται ἢ βράκαι, χερσὶ περιτιθέασι, δακτυλίους δὲ τοῖς ποσίν; sic eum restituendum videri, ἃ λέγεται πόδια. Πανάριον vel Πανάρια κατὰ Καθαρῶν; non vero juxta sententiam clarissimi theologi Dionysii Petavii ad Panarii Epiphaniani verba, hæresi 59 Catharorum, cap. 11: Ὡς Ἐπιφάνιος κατὰ Καθαρῶν. Cl.

…[it is said not] of a proud gait, but of idle and inquisitive running about. Now what anaxyrides are — besides the lexicographers Pollux, Hesychius, Suidas, Phrynichus, the author of the Etymologicum Magnum, the author of the Glosses on Herodotus, and besides Diodorus Siculus, book 5, Himerius the Sophist in Photius's codex 243, and others — Jerome and Theodoret teach when they expound the text of Daniel 3:21, on which the Greek scholion should be read as corrected by Drusius, Hebrew Questions, book 3, ch. 60. But Erasmus, unskilfully, in translating Chrysostom's homily 37 on the Acts of the Apostles, makes anaxyrides into special swords called "anaxyrides." Rufinus, though, rightly renders [the word] in book 3, ch. 11 (otherwise 8), of Josephus's Antiquities as "vastrapae," which, on the testimony of the writer of the Latin–Greek Glossary, are breeches [feminalia]. We French call them from this "des guêtres" [gaiters]. Learned men by their diligence have relieved us of the burden of saying much about the coverings and ornaments of the thighs and feet. We note only the place in the Nomical Glosses: "Othdonaria (or odonaria or oudōnaria): the woven pieces fastened round the feet, which are called podapana [foot-wraps] 'against the Cathari'; the others, podia (so they correct it), so to speak, made of garments, which by some are called odōnia or brakai, they put on the hands, and rings on the feet." So it seems it should be restored: "which are called podia." Panarion or Panaria "against the Cathari"; not, however, in accordance with the opinion of the most distinguished theologian Denis Petau on the words of Epiphanius's Panarion, heresy 59, of the Cathari, ch. 11: "As Epiphanius against the Cathari." Le Clerc.

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Ὑποῤῥάψῃς. Alter codex Vind. ὑποῤῥίψῃς, forte nequitiæ signum fuit, crepidam subjicere puellæ, quasi casu pedi excidisset. Id.

"Stitch underneath." The other Vienna manuscript has "throw underneath": perhaps it was a sign of wickedness to slip a sandal under a girl, as if it had fallen from her foot by chance. The same [Le Clerc].

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Ταῦτα πάντα ἑταιρισμοῦ τεκμήρια ὑπάρχει. In Epiphanio hæresi 80, num. 7: Μηδὲ ἑταιρισμῷ κατακομεῖσθαι, vel κατακοσμεῖσθαι. Clemens Alexandrinus lib. III Pædagogi, cap. 3: Κουρὰς ἀγενεῖς καὶ πορνικὰς ἀποκειρόμενοι. Cot.

"All these are tokens of harlotry." In Epiphanius, heresy 80, no. 7: "Nor to let the hair grow long [or: to adorn oneself] in the manner of harlotry." Clement of Alexandria, Paedagogus, book 3, ch. 3: "cutting their hair in low and whorish styles." Cotelier.

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Τρέφειν τὰς τρίχας, etc. Varios compti capitis modos enumerat. Est autem spatalium, ut multi docent, armilla, atque, quod ex pseudo-Clemente hic discimus, coma in unum collecta, forsanque armillis nodata. Seneca, lib. III De ira, cap. 26: Nec rufus crinis et coactus in nodum apud Germanos virum dedecet. Tacitus de Moribus Germanorum, Insigne gentis, obliquare crinem, nodoque substringere. Thucydides, lib. I: Χρυσῶν τεττίγων ἐν ἔρσει (vel ἐνέρσει) κρώβυλον ἀναδούμενοι τῶν ἐν τῇ κεφαλῇ τριχῶν. Apud Philonem Judæum De vita contemplativa, τὰς τῆς κεφαλῆς τρίχας εὖ πως διαπλέκονται σφηκούμενοι. Sic κρώβυλος, et cincinnum significat, et nodum capilli, retiolum quod colligit comas ex Servio ad Æneid. IV. Sequitur in Catholica doctrina ἀπόχυμα, capillus cum cura effusus: Κομᾶν, καὶ γυναικώδεις φέρειν βοστρύχους μέχρι ζωστῆρος καθιεμένους εἰ δυνατόν, inquit Zonaras ad canonem 96 Trullanum. Perspicue demonstratur, locus est S. Hieronymi ad Ezechielis XLIV, 20, nec rasis capitibus, sicut sacerdotes cultoresque Isidis atque Serapis, nos esse debere; nec rursum comam dimittere, quod proprie luxuriosorum est, barbarorumque et militantium; sed ut honestus habitus sacerdotum facie demonstretur. Adde Senecam Epist. ult.: Quid capillum ingenti diligentia comis? Cum illum vel effuderis more Parthorum, vel Germanorum nodo vinxeris, vel ut Scythæ solent sparseris; in quolibet equo densior jactabitur juba, horrebit in leonum cervice formosior, et lib. I Naturalium quæstionum, cap. ult. de prisco tempore: Conjugum quidem manu crinis ille, quem effundere olim mos viris fuit, attrectabatur; sed illum sibi sine ullo artifice formosi quatiebant, non aliter quam jubam generosa animalia. Reliqua τῆς τριχὸς ornamenta: μεμερισμένην τηρεῖν more Samsonis (Judic. XVI, 19), ὀγκοποιεῖν, διαξαίνοντά τε καὶ πλάσσοντα οὔλην διατιθεῖν, et ξανθοποιεῖν, quod Plinio dicitur rufare, Tertulliano et Hieronymo irrufare, notiora sunt, quam ut remorentur nos. Videsis Claudii Salmasii Plinianas exercitationes, ejusdemque Epistolam de cæsarie virorum et mulierum coma. Ad præsens porro caput videntur respexisse Trullani Patres, canonem 96 sancientes. Id.

"To grow the hair," etc. He lists various ways of dressing the head. A spatalium, as many teach, is a bracelet, and also, as we learn here from pseudo-Clement, hair gathered into one, perhaps tied with bracelets. Seneca, On Anger, book 3, ch. 26: "Among the Germans red hair gathered into a knot does not disgrace a man." Tacitus, On the Customs of the Germans: "The mark of the nation: to comb the hair sideways and bind it up in a knot." Thucydides, book 1: "binding up a top-knot of the hair of the head with a fastening (or: 'an insertion') of golden cicadas." In Philo the Jew, On the Contemplative Life: "they braid the hair of their head finely, tying it tight." So krōbylos signifies both a curl and a knot of hair, a little net that gathers the hair, from Servius on Aeneid 4. There follows in the Catholic Doctrine apochyma, hair let flow with care: "to wear the hair long, and to carry womanish locks let down to the girdle if possible," says Zonaras on canon 96 of Trullo. "It is clearly shown" — this is the passage of St Jerome on Ezekiel 44:20 — "that we ought not to have shaven heads, like the priests and worshippers of Isis and Serapis, nor again to let the hair grow long, which is properly the mark of the luxurious, of barbarians and of soldiers, but that the decency of the priests' dress should be shown in their face." Add Seneca's last letter: "Why do you comb your hair with enormous care? Whether you let it flow in the Parthian fashion, or bind it in the German knot, or scatter it as the Scythians do, on any horse a thicker mane will toss, and a more handsome one will bristle on a lion's neck"; and Natural Questions, book 1, last chapter, on former times: "The hair which it was once men's custom to let flow was indeed handled by their wives; but handsome men shook it themselves without any artist, just as noble animals do their mane." The other ornaments of the hair — to keep it parted in the manner of Samson (Judg. 16:19), to make it bulky, to card and mould it and set it curly, and to make it blond, which Pliny calls rufare and Tertullian and Jerome irrufare — are too well known to detain us. See Claude Saumaise's Plinian Exercises and his Letter on men's long hair and women's hair. Moreover the Fathers in Trullo seem to have had the present chapter in view when they enacted canon 96. The same [Cotelier].

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Εἰς ἕν. Alter cod. Vind. σισόην, qua de voce vide not. ad Levit. XIX, 27. Hic quidem sermo est de cæsarie, sed an conveniat hic σισόη nescio. Pro σπατάλιον melius forte esset σπαταλῶντος, delicias facientis, quamvis σπατάλιον muliebre nescio quod ornamentum vulgo interpretentur. Sed nihil muto. Cl.

"Into one." The other Vienna manuscript has sisoēn [a lock of hair], on which word see the note on Leviticus 19:27. Here indeed the talk is of the hair of the head, but whether sisoē fits here I do not know. For spatalion perhaps spatalōntos, "of one living luxuriously," would be better, though spatalion is commonly interpreted as some kind of woman's ornament. But I change nothing. Le Clerc.

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Ἀπόχυμα. Alter cod. ἀπόσχημα, quod quid sit me fugit. Id.

Apochyma. The other manuscript has aposchēma, and what that may be escapes me. The same.

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(33) ‹anchor: not visible on the foot image› · call in col 566

Διαξαίνοντα. Διαξαίνειν, alter Vind. Id.

"Carding." "To card": the other Vienna manuscript. The same.

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Ἐν τῷ Δευτερονομίῳ, Οὐ ποιήσετε ὑμῖν σεισόην. Aut lapsu memoriæ constitutor Deuteronomium dixit pro Levitico, aut latius accepit Deuteronomii nomen, eo sensu, de quo paulo post ad caput sextum disseremus. Constitutorem non examinata re secutus est Zonaras, in explicatione canonis 96 Trullani, Zonaramque Theodorus Balsamon, nec non Matthæus Blastares, scriptor ineditus, ad eumdem canonem. σεισόη autem, σισόη, aut ut alii σισόης, σισώης, dictio Alexandrinorum videtur fuisse, ac juxta Hesychium, Phaselitarum, usurpata a LXX, in interpretando textu Levit. XIX, 27, quo prohibetur quædam capilli σύνθεσις aut (continues)

"In Deuteronomy: You shall not make yourselves a seisoē [lock]." Either the compiler said Deuteronomy for Leviticus by a slip of memory, or he took the name Deuteronomy more broadly, in the sense we shall discuss a little later at chapter six. Zonaras, without examining the matter, followed the compiler in his explanation of canon 96 of Trullo, and Theodore Balsamon followed Zonaras, as did Matthew Blastares, an unpublished writer, on the same canon. Seisoē, sisoē, or as others have it sisoēs, sisōēs, seems to have been an expression of the Alexandrians, and according to Hesychius of the Phaselites, used by the Septuagint in translating the text of Leviticus 19:27, by which a certain arrangement of the hair, or… (continues; the column breaks off here, and the remainder is not on the foot image)

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(35) ‹anchor: not visible on the foot image› · call in col 566

Οὐδὲ ἀναξυρίδας. Ad hunc locum nullatenus mihi satisfacio. Quid enim, quæso, faciunt anaxyrides pedum, ubi de capillamento ex Levit. (continues)

"Nor leggings." On this place I cannot satisfy myself at all. For what, I ask, have leggings of the feet to do here, where [the talk is] of the hair, from Leviticus… (continues)

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(none) <!-- QA Q16: (a) the scripture notes 89–91, called in this Latin column and printed under col. 565, were set nowhere: added above. (b) The opening of the continued note (27), "tur de superbo incessu … codice CCXLIII, alios-", was missing here and stood only in n565: added from the column images of 565, so the page's Variorum notae now stand whole in this file and n565 keeps a pointer only. The first syllable "tur" is the tail of a word divided across the page break from page 279; kept here as printed, to be dropped if the notes of page 279 already set that word whole. (c) Readings uncertain at this resolution: the second letter of "Ὀθδονάρια"; "μεμερισμένην" in note (30), set as in the text it quotes. -->

[The foot images show only the lower part of the page, which is given over to notes in two layers: above, the continuation of note (34) across both columns; below, the continuation of note (35) and then note (36). The lines of (34) above the foot crop are set from the column images: the left column from those of 567, the head of the right column from those of 568. Calls are filed under the Latin column, 567. Some Hebrew forms are small and blurred; where marked, the reading is uncertain.] (printed under page 281)

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ἀπόκαρσις, Ægyptiaca, opinor, deliciis, vel superstitioni, vel utrique dicata. Hæc qualis fuerit cum sit incertum, diversimode solent sacra verba exponi ab antiquis de cirro, cincinnis, crispa cæsarie, de capillis promissis et intonsis, de κόμῃ aut de κουρᾷ ἐκ πλαγίου; circa quod legito: Pollucem lib. II, cap. 3, num. 5; Herodotum in Melpomene cap. 175; Plutarchum in Vita Thesei paulo post initium, una cum Dione Chrysostomo de regno orat. 2, post principium, Suida ad vocem Ἀπόνοια, Sidonio lib. I, epist. 2, Aldhelmo opere De laudibus virginitatis cap. 28, et aliis de tonsura et rasura in rotundum. Atque hanc Tertullianus cap. 4 Libri de pallio, et Sidonius lib. IV, epist. 13, cum multis commemorant. Invenies explicationes istas, si percurreris versiones variarum linguarum, Maimonidis librum De idololatria, Rabbinos, Scholium Græcum, S. Cyprianum, III ad Quirinum 83, Hieronymum ad Jeremiæ IX, 26; Hesychium lib. VI in Leviticum, Suidam in Σισόης [first letter blurred], Theodoritum in Leviticum quæst. 28, atque ex hoc postremo scribentem auctorem Quæstionum post Quæstiones ad Antiochum, cusarum tom. II S. Athanasii, sect. 28, quem sic emendo: Τινὲς τὴν σισώην ἄλλως ἡρμήνευσαν. Ἐγὼ δὲ οἶμαι τὴν ἀπόκαρσιν τὸν νόμον ἀπαγορεύειν. Εἰώθασιν γὰρ οἱ Ἕλληνες μὴ ἀποκείρειν τῶν παίδων τὰς κορυφὰς, καὶ τοὺς μαλλοὺς ἐᾷν, καὶ τούτους μετὰ χρόνον ἀνατιθέναι τοῖς δαίμοσιν. Id est, Sisoem quidam aliter interpretati sunt. Ego vero arbitror lege prohiberi capillorum tonsuram. Consuevere enim Græci capita puerorum non attondere, promitti vero comam relinquere, eamque postmodum dæmonibus consecrare. Profecto nomen פאת non intellectum, reliquit Theodotio, τὸ φαάθ. Præterea verbum תקפו si deducatur a יקף [reading uncertain], circumdabitis et rotundabitis significat, id quod ad cirros adduci potest; si a נקף, amputabitis et attondebitis, quod secuti sunt alii. Similiter σισόην referre licet ad שיציא, שצא, שנה [readings uncertain], et ad ציצת, Græcorum σίσυν, σισύραν, quorum prius tonsuram, annulatos crines posterius respicit. Unde Hesychius utraque conjunxit. Insuper, inquit, nec comam in rotundum tondere, id est non radere in rotundum aspectum capitis, sicut et Symmachus edidit; quemadmodum etiam hi facere consueverunt, qui barbaricas student comas; propter quod, hoc LXX σισόην, forsitan propter magnitudinem concursorum (sic) capillorum appellaverunt. Et quibusdam interjectis: Sed nec cincinnos nutrire in honorem dæmonum, capillis aliis fortiores, et hoc (f. hos) vovere; student enim hoc pagani, caput puerorum offerre dæmonibus. Unde de hoc maxime oportet putari legislatorem præcipere. Igitur in tanta varietate ac obscuritate, non est facile arguendus antiquus poeta Chœrilus, qui apud Josephum lib. I contra Apionem, Judæos appellat κορυφὰς τροχοκουρίδας, capillis sub rotunditate detonsis, interprete Rufino; præsertim quia circularis hujus aut semicircularis tonsuræ, ὑποτροχάλου, et περιτροχάλου, περιτρόχου, apud Herodotum lib. III, cap. 8, Plutarchum De mulierum virtutibus, paulo ante finem, Agathiam Scholasticum De imperio et rebus gestis Justiniani lib. I non multo post initium, Nicetam Choniatem De Andronico Comneno lib. I, num. 9, Pollucem loco citato, et Hesychium in voce Σκαφίον, excogitari potuerunt plures figuræ; harumque aliquam in Veteri Testamento non vetitam nihil impedit, quo minus Judæi assumpserint. Pari modo epithetum ὀπισθοκόμων, quod Galilæis tribuit Nonnus in Joann. II, 2, quodque, ut et Homericum ὄπισθεν κομόωντες, Machlyibus applicari queat ex Herodoto lib. IV, cap. 180, Saracenis apud Theodorum Mopsuestenum, et multis aliis populis, non certo pugnat cum præcepto Levitici. Cæterum citatus Rufini locus in mendo cubat, sed parva opera in rectum statuetur per Græca Josephi. Scribe meo periculo: Postremum vero transibant genus mirabile visione, linguam quidem Phœnissam ore proferentes, habitantes autem in Solymis montibus, ubi palus amplissima est. Juvenes (corrupte legebat ἀκμαλέοι pro αὐχμαλέοι) capillis sub rotunditate detonsis, super equos erectos (ἀρτά male loco δαρτά) habentes vultus, et quasi fumo siccatos. Plura Cl. Salmasius, cujus librum De coma nondum legeram, cum superiora scriberem, ut necdum vidi dialogum ab illo eadem de re scriptum. Cot.

…shearing — an Egyptian one, I think — dedicated to luxury, or to superstition, or to both. Since it is uncertain what sort this was, the sacred words are variously expounded by the ancients: of a lock, of curls, of crisped hair, of hair grown long and unshorn, of komē or of a cut from the side; on which read Pollux, book 2, ch. 3, no. 5; Herodotus in Melpomene, ch. 175; Plutarch in the Life of Theseus, a little after the beginning, together with Dio Chrysostom, On Kingship, oration 2, after the beginning; Suidas under the word Aponoia; Sidonius, book 1, letter 2; Aldhelm in the work On the Praises of Virginity, ch. 28; and others on tonsure and shaving in a round. And this Tertullian, in ch. 4 of the book On the Pallium, and Sidonius, book 4, letter 13, mention with many others. You will find these explanations if you run through the versions in various languages, Maimonides' book On Idolatry, the Rabbis, the Greek scholion, Saint Cyprian, [Testimonies] III to Quirinus 83, Jerome on Jeremiah 9:26; Hesychius, book 6 on Leviticus; Suidas under Sisoēs, Theodoret on Leviticus, question 28, and the author who writes from this last, the author of the Questions printed after the Questions to Antiochus in volume 2 of Saint Athanasius, section 28, whom I emend thus: "Some have interpreted the sisōē otherwise. But I think the law forbids the shearing. For the Greeks were accustomed not to cut the crowns of their boys' heads, but to let the locks grow, and after a time to dedicate them to the demons." That is: "Some have interpreted sisoē otherwise. But I think the cutting of the hair is forbidden by the law. For the Greeks were accustomed not to cut boys' heads, but to leave the hair to grow long, and afterwards to consecrate it to the demons." Indeed Theodotion, not understanding the noun פאת, left it as to phaath. Further, the verb תקפו, if it is derived from יקף, means "you shall round" and "you shall make circular," which can be applied to curls; if from נקף, "you shall cut off" and "you shall shear," which others have followed. Likewise sisoē may be referred to [the Hebrew forms] … and to ציצת, the Greeks' sisys and sisyra, of which the first concerns the tonsure, the second ringleted hair. Hence Hesychius joined both. "Moreover," he says, "not to cut the hair in a round, that is, not to shave in a round the appearance of the head, as Symmachus also rendered it; as those too are accustomed to do who affect barbarian styles of hair; for which reason the Seventy called this sisoē, perhaps on account of the size of the hairs running together (sic)." And, after some words in between: "But neither to grow curls in honour of demons, stronger than the other hairs, and to vow this (perhaps: these); for the pagans are zealous for this, to offer the heads of boys to demons. Hence it must be thought that the lawgiver gives his precept about this above all." In so great a variety and obscurity, therefore, the ancient poet Choerilus is not easily to be faulted, who in Josephus, Against Apion, book 1, calls the Jews "shorn round on their crowns," "with their hair shorn round" in Rufinus's translation; especially since of this circular or semicircular tonsure — hypotrochalos, and peritrochalos, peritrochos — in Herodotus, book 3, ch. 8, Plutarch, On the Virtues of Women, a little before the end, Agathias Scholasticus, On the Reign and Deeds of Justinian, book 1, not long after the beginning, Nicetas Choniates, On Andronicus Comnenus, book 1, no. 9, Pollux at the place cited, and Hesychius under the word Skaphion, many figures could be devised; and nothing prevents the Jews from having adopted one of these not forbidden in the Old Testament. In the same way the epithet "long-haired behind," which Nonnus gives the Galileans on John 2:2, and which, like Homer's "letting their hair grow behind," can be applied to the Machlyes from Herodotus, book 4, ch. 180, to the Saracens in Theodore of Mopsuestia, and to many other peoples, does not certainly conflict with the precept of Leviticus. Furthermore, the cited passage of Rufinus lies in error, but with a little work it will be set right by Josephus's Greek. Write, at my own risk: "Last there passed a race wonderful to see, uttering with their mouth indeed the Phoenician tongue, but dwelling in the Solymian hills, where there is a very broad marsh. Young men (he wrongly read akmaleoi for auchmaleoi, 'squalid') with their hair shorn round, having their faces upright (arta wrongly in place of darta, 'flayed') above their horses, and as if dried with smoke." The distinguished Saumaise [says] more; I had not yet read his book On Hair when I wrote the above, just as I have not yet seen the dialogue he wrote on the same subject. Cotelier.

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XIX, 27 disseritur? Multo minus ad rem Francisci Turriani et Caroli Bovii, interpretum, ἐντομίδες, incisiones, Levit. XIX, 28; XXI, 5; Jerem. XVI, 6, cruciamentum, non ornamentum. An cum verbis Levitici XIX, 27, voluit jungere textum Levit. XXI, 5: Καὶ φαλάκρωμα οὐ ξυρηθήσεσθε τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐπὶ νεκρῷ· καὶ τὴν ὄψιν τοῦ πώγωνος οὐ ξυρήσονται. Et calvitium non rademini caput, super mortuum: et aspectum barbæ non radent? Verum hoc in testimonio non cultus, sed luctus designatur. Quid si ἀναξυρίδες σισόην explicant, secundum mentem Symmachi, qui interpretatur οὐ περιξυρήσετε κύκλῳ τὴν πρόσοψιν τῆς κεφαλῆς ὑμῶν. Non radetis in rotundum aspectum capitis vestri. Nisi dicatur id, affirmandum restat ἀναξυρίδας ex superiori contextu huc irrepsisse; eam tamen affirmationem ægre admiserim absque mss. codicum auctoritate. Cl. Salmasius audaci, ut solet, conjectura, legebat εἶτουν περιξυρίδα. Id. — Crediderim libri hujus auctorem voce ἀναξυρίδες, intellexisse τὰς ἄνω ξυρήσεις, hoc est, cæsariei tonsuras, quæ ad ornatum faciebant. Ad sonum potius vocis allusit, quam ad veram significationem quæ e solo usu petenda. Cler.

…19:27, is being discussed? Much less to the point is [the rendering] of Francisco Torres and Carlo Bovio, the translators, entomides, "incisions" (Lev. 19:28; 21:5; Jer. 16:6), which are a torment, not an ornament. Or did he mean to join with the words of Leviticus 19:27 the text of Leviticus 21:5: "And you shall not shave your head bald for the dead, and they shall not shave the appearance of the beard"? But in this testimony not adornment but mourning is signified. What if anaxyrides explains sisoē, according to the mind of Symmachus, who translates "you shall not shave round about the appearance of your head," "You shall not shave in a round the appearance of your head"? Unless this is said, it remains to be affirmed that anaxyridas crept in here from the preceding context; yet I would hardly admit that affirmation without the authority of manuscripts. The distinguished Saumaise, by a bold conjecture, as is his way, read "or else perixyrida." The same [Cotelier]. — I should think the author of this book by the word anaxyrides understood "the upper shavings," that is, cuttings of the hair made for adornment. He alluded to the sound of the word rather than to its true meaning, which must be sought from usage alone. Le Clerc.

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Οὐκ ἀπομαδαρώσετε, κ. τ. λ. Proponit aliis verbis legem Levitici XIX, 27: Οὐδὲ φθερεῖτε τὴν ὄψιν τοῦ πώγωνος ὑμῶν, Neque corrumpetis aspectum, seu effigiem, seu faciem barbæ vestræ; latam adversus ritum, aut superstitiosum juxta nonnullos, aut luxuriosum juxta cæteros, quibuscum noster sentit, necnon auctor istius Scholii in Catena ms.: Ὥσπερ κωλύει καλλωπίζεσθαι, οὕτως καὶ ἐπὶ νεκρῷ κόπτεσθαι. Emacula ex codicibus regiis Zonaram, ubi exponit canonem 96 synodi Constantinopolitanæ in Trullo habitæ, ac rescribe illic: Οἷς δὲ προήκων ὁ χρόνος, κατὰ συστήματα σχεδὸν ποιεῖ τὰς τρίχας τοῦ πώγωνος φύεσθαι, ἵνα μὴ τὴν ὑπήνην φέροιεν καθειμένην, οὗτοι ἀπέχονται μὴν ξυροῦ, κεράμου δέ τι (male vulgo ἐστὶ) θραῦσμα ἄνθραξιν ἐκπυρούμενον, τῇ ὑπήνῃ προσφέρουσι, καὶ τούτῳ τοῦ πώγωνος ἅπαν ἐκτεφροῦσι τὸ αἰωρούμενον. Verbo autem μαδαρόω utuntur Septuaginta Nehemiæ XIII, 25. Quod sequitur, τοῦτο, etc., pressius vertetur sic: Nam hoc, carere barba, mulieribus decorum esse Creator Deus fecit; viris autem non convenire judicavit. Cot.

"You shall not make bald," etc. He sets out in other words the law of Leviticus 19:27: "Nor shall you spoil the appearance of your beard," "Neither shall you mar the appearance, or likeness, or face of your beard": a law made against a rite, either superstitious according to some or luxurious according to others, with whom our author agrees, as does the author of this scholion in the manuscript Catena: "As it forbids adorning oneself, so also beating oneself over the dead." Correct Zonaras from the Royal manuscripts where he expounds canon 96 of the Council of Constantinople held in Trullo, and write there: "Those in whom advancing time makes the hairs of the beard grow almost in clusters, so that they may not wear the beard hanging down, these do indeed abstain from the razor, but they apply to the beard a fragment of potsherd (wrongly in the common text 'is') heated in coals, and with this burn to ash all of the beard that hangs loose." The Septuagint uses the verb madaroō at Nehemiah 13:25. What follows, "this," etc., will be rendered more closely thus: "For God the Creator made this, to be without a beard, becoming to women; but He judged it not fitting for men." Cotelier.

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(refs. 92-93) ‹scripture-reference notes, full width› · call in col 570 ⁹² Jos. I, 8; Deut. VI, 7. ⁹³ Citatur ab Anastasio, Quæst. 65.

92 Joshua 1:8; Deuteronomy 6:7. 93 Cited by Anastasius, Question 65.

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Οὐκ ἔσῃ ὡς πετόμενος. Infra cap. 7 profertur sententia Proverbiorum VII, 10, 11, 12, quam non injucundum erit cum hac conferre. S. Hieronymus contra Helvidium cap. ult.: Illa ad hirundinis modum lustrat universa penetralia. Item epistola XXII, cap. 12 et 13. Cot. — Uterque codex Vindobonensis habet ποτώμενος, quod est poeticum, potius quam vulgaris usus. Intelligitur homo otiosus, qui huc illuc fertur vagaturque, cum nescit cuinam rei incumbere eum oporteat. Suidas: πετόμενος, φερόμενος, hoc est, homo vagus. Cler.

"You shall not be as one flitting about." Below, in ch. 7, a saying of Proverbs 7:10, 11, 12 is brought forward, which it will not be unpleasant to compare with this one. Saint Jerome, Against Helvidius, last chapter: "She goes round all the inner rooms like a swallow." Likewise letter 22, chs. 12 and 13. Cotelier. — Both Vienna manuscripts have potōmenos, which is a poetic rather than common usage. An idle man is meant, who is carried here and there and wanders about, since he does not know to what he ought to apply himself. Suidas: "flitting, carried about," that is, a vagrant man. Le Clerc.

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Ἀκαιροπεριπάτητος. Mss. Vindobonenses ἀκαιροπάτος. Significatur intempestivus ambulator, qui quasi explorator ubique vagatur. Debuisset potius dicere ἀκαιροπεριπατητικὸς, nam ea forma activam potestatem habet, περιπάτητος passivam. Cler.

"Walking about out of season." The Vienna manuscripts have akairopatos. An untimely walker is meant, who roams everywhere like a spy. He ought rather to have said akairoperipatētikos, for that form has active force, peripatētos passive. Le Clerc.

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Δαβίδ. Deest in altero cod. Vindobonensi. Id.

"David." It is lacking in the other Vienna manuscript. The same [Le Clerc].

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Τῶν ἐθνικῶν βιβλίων πάντων ἀπέχου. Librorum a paganis conscriptorum lectio secum trahit multa commoda, multa incommoda, ut bono vel malo animo suscipitur. Eapropter apud magistros veteres modo invenies permissam, imo probatam, suasam, laudatam, defensam; modo condemnatam, et vel omnibus, aut saltem quibusdam prohibitam; modo nonnullis præceptionibus munitam atque vallatam. Comprobant, tuentur, laudibus efferunt, potissimum Alexandrinus Clemens lib. I Operis varie contexti, Tertullianus De idololatria cap. 18; Origenes Philocaliæ cap. 13, et apud Eusebium Hist. eccl. lib. VI, cap. 18, 19; Gregorius Nazianzenus orat. 20; Hieronymus epist. 84 ad Magnum Oratorem, Gregorius Papa ad I Reg. XIII, 19, 20; Theodoritus Hist. eccl. lib. IV, cap. 26; Socrates ac Nicephorus in consimili syntagmate, ille lib. III, cap. 16, hic lib. X, cap. 26; et Joannes Damascenus cap. 1 libri De dialectica. Rejiciunt ac vetant universe, cum Constitutionibus hic et lib. II, cap. 61, Recognitiones lib. X, capp. 15, 42; Isidorus lib. III Sententiarum c. 13; notaque nulli non est circa hanc rem Hieronymi flagellatio; cui annectere oportet quod de Cæsario Arelatensi refert Cyprianus discipulus in Vita illius, c. 3. Vide quoque epistolam 2 Paulini ad Ausonium. Sed et Origenis studium erga litteras sæculares nonnullis displicebat; quibus ille respondit per epistolam, ut videre est in Historia Eusebii lib. VI, cap. 19. Haymo Halberstadensis lib. VI De Christianarum rerum memoria cap. 3: Quod autem erratum est ab Origene, et contra orthodoxam fidem aliquid descriptum, opinor hoc ei accidisse, quia nimio lectionis studio philosophos est amplexus. Attigerat enim et omnino assecutus fuerat secreta Platonis, et Pythagoræ, Zenonisque Stoici, et Cerinthi volumina, cæterorumque philosophorum, etc. Quis fuerit Cerinthus iste, novus ex hæretico philosophus, juxta cum ignarissimis scio; nec satago quærere, quia constat apud me debere reponi Cornuti nomen, ex his Rufini, interpretantis caput mox laudatum Eusebianæ historiæ: Assecutus fuerat Origenes omnia Platonis secreta. Institutus fuerat in libris Numenii, et Cronii, et Apollophanis, ac Longini, sed et Moderati, atque Nicomachi. In Pythagoricis vero summorum virorum, non eum latuere Commentarii. Attigit etiam Chæremonis Stoici, et Cornuti volumina. Unde etiam substituendum forte Chæremonis, loco Zenonis in Haymone. Peculiariter vero, ne legant libros ethnicorum interdicit episcopis concilium Carthaginense IV, can. 61: Ut episcopus gentilium libros non legat, hæreticorum autem pro necessitate et tempore. Monachis Isidorus Pelusiota lib. I, epist. 63, et Isidorus Hispalensis cap. 8 suæ Regulæ. Nilus asceta lib. II, epist. 73, lib. IV, epist. 1. Quinetiam ab Apostata Juliano Christianorum simia, in fragmento præscribitur quibus scriptoribus abstinere debeant sacerdotes. Exstat adhæc epistola Gregorii Nazianzeni ad Gregorium Nyssenum, numero quadragesima tertia, qua increpat eum quod sacris volumi- (continues)

"Keep away from all the books of the heathen." The reading of books written by pagans brings with it many advantages and many disadvantages, according as it is taken up with a good or a bad mind. Therefore among the old teachers you will find it now permitted, indeed approved, urged, praised, defended; now condemned, and forbidden either to all or at least to some; now fortified and fenced about with certain precepts. Those who approve it, defend it and extol it with praise are chiefly Clement of Alexandria, book 1 of the Stromateis; Tertullian, On Idolatry, ch. 18; Origen, Philocalia, ch. 13, and in Eusebius, Church History, book 6, chs. 18, 19; Gregory Nazianzen, oration 20; Jerome, letter 84 to Magnus the Orator; Pope Gregory on 1 Kings 13:19, 20; Theodoret, Church History, book 4, ch. 26; Socrates and Nicephorus in their similar compilations, the former book 3, ch. 16, the latter book 10, ch. 26; and John Damascene, ch. 1 of the book On Dialectic. Those who reject and forbid it altogether are, with the Constitutions here and in book 2, ch. 61, the Recognitions, book 10, chs. 15, 42; Isidore, Sentences, book 3, ch. 13; and known to everyone is Jerome's flogging on this matter, to which must be joined what Cyprian the disciple relates of Caesarius of Arles in his Life, ch. 3. See also Paulinus's letter 2 to Ausonius. Origen's devotion to secular letters, too, displeased some; he answered them by letter, as may be seen in Eusebius's History, book 6, ch. 19. Haymo of Halberstadt, On the Memory of Christian Affairs, book 6, ch. 3: "As for Origen's errors, and that something was written against the orthodox faith, I think this happened to him because from excessive zeal for reading he embraced the philosophers. For he had touched and wholly mastered the secrets of Plato, and of Pythagoras and Zeno the Stoic, and the volumes of Cerinthus, and of the other philosophers," etc. Who this Cerinthus may have been, a new philosopher made out of a heretic, I know as well as the most ignorant; nor do I trouble to inquire, since I am certain that the name of Cornutus must be restored, from these words of Rufinus translating the chapter of Eusebius's history just cited: "Origen had mastered all the secrets of Plato. He had been trained in the books of Numenius and Cronius, and Apollophanes, and Longinus, and also Moderatus and Nicomachus. The commentaries of the greatest men among the Pythagoreans were not hidden from him. He also touched the volumes of Chaeremon the Stoic and of Cornutus." Hence perhaps Chaeremon should also be put in place of Zeno in Haymo. In particular, the Fourth Council of Carthage, canon 61, forbids bishops to read the books of the heathen: "That a bishop not read the books of the gentiles, but those of heretics according to need and occasion." For monks, Isidore of Pelusium, book 1, letter 63, and Isidore of Seville, ch. 8 of his Rule. Nilus the ascetic, book 2, letter 73; book 4, letter 1. Even by Julian the Apostate, the ape of the Christians, it is prescribed in a fragment which writers priests ought to abstain from. There is besides the letter of Gregory Nazianzen to Gregory of Nyssa, number forty-three, in which he rebukes him because, [neglecting] the sacred volumes… (continues)

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Τί. Ante hanc voculam leguntur in altero Vindobonensi libro: Τὰ αἱρετικὰ μὴ ἀναγίνωσκε. Cler.

"What." Before this little word there is read in the other Vienna book: "Do not read heretical writings." Le Clerc.

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…nibus abjectis, profana in manus sumpserit, rhetorque audire quam Christianus maluerit. Nec dissimilis argumenti litterae objurgatoriae alterius Gregorii lib. IX, epist. 48, Romani scilicet, ad Desiderium Galliae episcopum, ubi alludere videtur ad verba Hieronymi tum epist. 146, tum lib. III Commentariorum in Epistolam ad Ephesios ad cap. VI, vers. 4, qui Hieronymus consuli quoque potest cum fructu in Dialogo adversus Luciferianos cap. 5, et in epist. 61, cap. 1, quemadmodum et Cassianus collatione 14, cap. 12. Paulinus ad Severum ep. 7, et Sidonius lib. IV, epist. 3, 12; lib. VIII, epist. 4; lib. IX, epist. 16. Denique aviditati comparandae gentilis eruditionis modum imponunt, cautiones inter legendum profana scripta adhibendas edocent. Opera nullatenus attingenda demonstrant, et capiendas ex ea lectione utilitates indicant, ut multos, qui non occurrunt, missos faciam. Clemens Alexandrinus centone 1, p. 283, 264; Origenes homil. 11 et 14 in Genesim, nec non apud Gregorium Thaumaturg. in Πανηγυρικῷ εὐχαριστίας· Didymus citatus a Damasceno Parallelorum lib. III, cap. 64; Basilius homilia in principium Proverbiorum, et tractatu integro, Quomodo adolescentes ex gentili doctrina proficiant, Gregorius Nazianzenus, seu potius Amphilochius Iconiensis, carmine iambico ad Seleucum, Gregorius Nyssenus libro De vita Mosis, in mystica interpretatione; Isidorus Pelusiota lib. II, epist. 3; Hieronymus ad Damasum epist. 146; Augustinus epist. 131, ac lib. II De doctrina Christiana cap. 40. Beda lib. II in Samuelem c. 9; Damascenus Fidei orthodoxae lib. IV, cap. 18; Haymo ubi supra, et scriptor Chronicorum S. Benigni Divionensis tom. I Spicilegii Acheriani pag. 463. Ut autem ad Constitutiones redeam, monitum te velim, lector, circa variantes lectiones ex Anastasii Quaestionibus, optime exhibere manuscriptum Anastasium in Bibliotheca Regia, ἃ δή, et διέρχεσθαι, et βασιλείους, et σοφιστείας, et ᾀσματικῶν: praeterea rectius in Anastasio ὁρμήσῃς, haberi, quam in pseudo-Clemente ὁρμήσεις. Cot.

…[-]s cast aside, has taken profane writings into his hands, and has preferred to be called a rhetor rather than a Christian. Not unlike in subject is the letter of rebuke from the other Gregory, book 9, letter 48 — the Roman, that is — to Desiderius, bishop in Gaul, where he seems to allude to Jerome's words, both in letter 146 and in book 3 of the Commentaries on the Epistle to the Ephesians, on ch. 6, verse 4; which Jerome may also be consulted with profit in the Dialogue against the Luciferians, ch. 5, and in letter 61, ch. 1, as may Cassian, conference 14, ch. 12; Paulinus to Severus, letter 7; and Sidonius, book 4, letters 3, 12; book 8, letter 4; book 9, letter 16. Finally, [others] set a limit to the eagerness for acquiring gentile learning, and teach the precautions to be used in reading profane writings; they show which works are not to be touched at all, and point out the benefits to be gained from such reading — to pass over many who do not come to mind: Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis 1, pp. 283, 264; Origen, homilies 11 and 14 on Genesis, and also in Gregory Thaumaturgus's Panegyric of Thanksgiving; Didymus as cited by Damascene, Parallels, book 3, ch. 64; Basil in the homily on the beginning of Proverbs, and in a whole treatise, How Young Men May Profit from Gentile Learning; Gregory Nazianzen, or rather Amphilochius of Iconium, in the iambic poem to Seleucus; Gregory of Nyssa in the book On the Life of Moses, in the mystical interpretation; Isidore of Pelusium, book 2, letter 3; Jerome to Damasus, letter 146; Augustine, letter 131, and On Christian Teaching, book 2, ch. 40; Bede on Samuel, book 2, ch. 9; Damascene, The Orthodox Faith, book 4, ch. 18; Haymo as above; and the writer of the Chronicles of Saint Bénigne of Dijon, volume 1 of d'Achery's Spicilegium, p. 463. But to return to the Constitutions, I would have you warned, reader, concerning the variant readings from Anastasius's Questions, that the manuscript Anastasius in the Royal Library gives very well "which indeed," and "to pass through," and "royal," and "sophistries," and "of songs"; and moreover that "you should set out" (subjunctive) stands more correctly in Anastasius than "you will set out" in pseudo-Clement. Cotelier.

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Ἔχεις τὰς βασιλείους, etc. Inter varias Instrumenti Veteris distributiones istam quoque adnotabis; cujus partes sunt ἀρχαιογονίαι, νόμιμα καὶ παραγγελίαι, ἱστορικά, σοφιστικά, hoc est ad sapientiam, eruditionem cunctasque disciplinas pertinentia, καὶ ποιητικὰ et ᾀσματικά. Nullum quippe opus in Testamento Veteri legitur, quod non ad aliquam ex his classibus referatur. Sic universam Scripturam, novam quoque, comprehendit divisio praecedentis capitis, in τὸν νόμον, τὰς Βασιλείους cum quibus subintelliguntur reliquae Historiae, τοὺς Ὕμνους, et τὸ Εὐαγγέλιον. Videnda notata in caput 47 epistolae primae Clementis. Accedit aliquatenus ad priorem enumerationem illa Leontii Byzantini de sectis, actione 2, qua ponuntur βιβλία ἱστορικά, προφητικά, παραινετικά, et πρὸς τὸ ψάλλειν γενόμενα. Secundam instituit Cyrillus Hierosolymitanus catechesi 4 colligens in Veteri Testamento libros legis quinque, historicos septem, poeticos quinque, totidemque propheticos: nec longe abit Gregorius Nazianzenus carmine 33. De veris Scripturae libris; duntaxat enim, conjungendo libros quinque Moysis cum septem sequentibus, historicos duodecim facit. E Leontio autem leve mendum tolli debet. Impressum est: Παραινετικά εἰσι βιβλία τέσσαρα· ὧν πρῶτον ὁ Ἰώβ. Τοῦτο δέ τινες ἐνόμισαν Ἰωσήπου εἶναι σύγγραμμα· δεύτερόν ἐστιν, αἱ παροιμίαι Σολομῶντος. Τρίτον ὁ Ἐκκλησιαστής· τέταρτον, τὸ ᾆσμα τῶν ᾀσμάτων. Τετάχθαι δὲ νῦν μετὰ τὰ παραινετικὰ τὸ Ἆσμα τῶν ᾀσμάτων λέγω, ἐπειδὴ ἡ τούτων θεωρία ὑψηλοτέρα ἐστίν. Cum sensus exigat, μετὰ τῶν παραινετικῶν, cum, non post; uti postea nactus sum in ms. Regiae Bibliothecae. Cot.

"You have the books of Kings," etc. Among the various divisions of the Old Testament you will note this one too, whose parts are accounts of origins, laws and precepts, histories, sapiential books (that is, those concerning wisdom, learning and all branches of knowledge), and poetic books and songs. For no work is read in the Old Testament which is not referred to one of these classes. So the whole of Scripture, the New as well, is embraced by the division of the preceding chapter into the Law, the Kings (with which the remaining Histories are understood), the Hymns, and the Gospel. See the notes on ch. 47 of Clement's first epistle. To the former enumeration that of Leontius of Byzantium, On the Sects, action 2, comes somewhat close, in which are set historical, prophetic and hortatory books, and those made for singing. Cyril of Jerusalem made the second, in catechesis 4, gathering in the Old Testament five books of the law, seven historical, five poetic, and as many prophetic; nor does Gregory Nazianzen depart far from it in poem 33, On the True Books of Scripture; only, by joining the five books of Moses with the seven following, he makes twelve historical. A slight error must be removed from Leontius, however. It is printed: "The hortatory books are four, of which the first is Job. Some have thought this to be a writing of Josephus; the second is the Proverbs of Solomon; the third Ecclesiastes; the fourth the Song of Songs. I say that the Song of Songs is now ranked after the hortatory books because its contemplation is loftier." Whereas the sense requires "with the hortatory books," with, not after; as I afterwards found in a manuscript of the Royal Library. Cotelier.

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(43) ‹anchor: Δευτερώσεως (Greek, col 572)› · call in col 571

Τῶν τῆς δευτερώσεως. Ex Clemente supposititio, hic et lib. II, cap. 5, 35, lib. VI, cap. 12, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22 et 23. Mosaica praecepta dividuntur in, νόμον, seu, νόμον φυσικόν, νόμον πιστῶν· νόμον ἁπλοῦν, καθαρόν, etc., ἀκατανάγκαστον, et in τὰ ἐν νόμῳ ἐπείσακτα, sive δευτέρωσιν, τὰ τῆς δευτερώσεως, δεσμὰ τῆς δευτερώσεως τῶν ἐπεισάκτων· δεσμὰ ἀπίστων, ἐπείσακτα, μάταια, ἄλυτα· τὰ διὰ τῆς δευτερώσεως ἐπείσακτα: atque naturalis quidem lex est Decalogus, verba decem a Deo prolata et sancita, antequam Israelitae Apim vitulum conflarent ac venerarentur; lex vero adscititia continet ea omnia, quae populo post idololatriam mandata sunt et imposita, videlicet sacrificia, baptismata, aspersiones, purificationes, decimas, separationes, ciborum distinctionem, vacationes, reliquasque caeremonias et praeceptiones: denique legem neque coactio comitatur, neque Evangelii praedicatio sustulit, cum Deuterosis (sive Deuteronomium) et vim intulerit, et per Christum fuerit abolita aut translata, servatis tantummodo quibusdam; verbi gratia oblationibus, ad sacerdotum pauperumque sustentationem. Dixi Deuterosis sive Deuteronomium: haec enim solent absque discrimine usurpari. Unde S. Anselmus ad Matth. XXII, 23, exscribens Interpreta- (continues)

"Of the things of the second legislation." From the supposititious Clement, here and in book 2, chs. 5, 35, and book 6, chs. 12, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22 and 23. The Mosaic precepts are divided into the law — or the natural law, the law of the faithful; the simple, pure law, etc., unconstrained — and into the things imported into the law, or the deuterōsis: "the things of the deuterōsis," "the bonds of the deuterōsis of imported things," "bonds of unbelievers, imported, vain, indissoluble," "the things imported through the deuterōsis." And the natural law is the Decalogue, the ten words spoken and sanctioned by God before the Israelites cast and worshipped the calf Apis; while the added law contains all that was commanded and imposed on the people after their idolatry, namely sacrifices, baptisms, sprinklings, purifications, tithes, separations, the distinction of foods, holidays, and the remaining ceremonies and precepts: in short, the law is neither accompanied by compulsion nor abolished by the preaching of the Gospel, while the Deuterosis (or Deuteronomy) both imposed force and was abolished or transferred through Christ, only certain things being kept, for example the offerings for the support of priests and the poor. I said "Deuterosis or Deuteronomy," for these are commonly used without distinction. Hence Saint Anselm on Matthew 22:23, copying the Interpreta[tion]… (continues)

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tionem B. Hieronymi, δευτερώσεις, mutat in Deuteronomium. Et Maximus in Scholiis ad Epistolam nonam Dionysii, Judaicas Deuteroses et traditiones per nomen Deuteronomii exprimit: ὅπερ ἡ μὲν Γραφὴ οὐ λέγει, οἱ δὲ Ἑβραῖοι ἐν τῷ Δευτερονομίῳ ἔχουσιν. Photius autem, dum de Constitutionibus apostolicis judicat, respiciendo ad loca de quibus agimus, refert opponi libro, quod contra Deuteronomium criminationes quasdam emittat. Ubi admodum suavem se praestat David Blondellus, qui in pseudo-Isidoro pag. 36, suspicatur pro κατὰ τοῦ Δευτερονομίου legendum κατὰ τοῦ δευτέρου γάμου. Consule quod observavi paulo antea. Jam relatae Auctoris nostri sententiae favet Chrysostomus orat. 2, adversus Judaeos, et homil. 17 in Acta apostolorum. Si quidem priori in loco docetur, quod post festum daemonibus celebratum Deus Judaeis permiserit sacrificia; in posteriori (quem parte describunt OEcumenius ac Theophylactus) quod idololatriam in deserto cum victimis peractam secuta sint sacrificia Deo oblata, et praecepta caerimonialia. Favet qui sub Chrysostomi nomine interdum latet auctor Operis imperfecti in Matthaeum, dum ad cap. 8, vers. 5, et ad cap. XI, vers. 11 et 30, ponit legem levem et justam, id est, Decalogum ante idolum vituli fabricatum; et legem gravem, immitem, superbam, atque observatu impossibilem, dictatam a Deo irato, postquam populus vitulum adorasset, in poenam commissae idololatriae, ab eodem autem placato merito rescissam. Favet quoque Lactantius, quia dicit lib. IV, cap. 10, a Deo idololatriae scelere offenso Judaeos legi, quam per Moysem dederat, fuisse subjugatos. Quibus adde Hieronymum ad Jeremiae VII, 22: Manifeste, inquit, intelligitur quod primum Decalogum dederit in tabulis lapideis, scriptum digito Dei; et post offensam idololatriae caputque vituli, postea jusserit sibi magis fieri quam daemonibus; auferens puram religionem mandatorum Dei, et concedens et sanguinem victimarum, carniumque desiderium. In Ezech. XX, 23, etc. Potest et hoc dici, quod ante offensam, Decalogum tantum acceperint, post idololatriam vero et blasphemiam, multiplices legis caeremonias. Quod loci sacri interpretatio Theodoriti cum Hieronymiana concordat. Denique Photius videtur excusare apostolicas Diataxes. Mitto enim Justinum, qui colloquens cum Tryphone (p. 263) agnoscit tantum in lege Mosaica τὰ φύσει καλὰ, καὶ εὐσεβῆ καὶ δίκαια, τὰ καθόλου καὶ φύσει καὶ αἰώνια, καλὰ et τὰ πρὸς σκληροκαρδίαν τοῦ λαοῦ διαταχθέντα: itemque Irenaeum, ex cujus sententia lib. IV, cap. 27, dividitur lex in naturalia et libertatis decreta, atque in vincula servitutis; necnon Anastasii Abbatis dictum tom. III Antiquae lectionis Henrici Canisii, sacrificia Judaeis permissa non fuisse, nisi postquam daemoniis sacrificarunt. Verum non obstante horum auctoritate, compertum habetur ex veritate divinorum eloquiorum, ante vitulum conflatum et cultum, praeceptos fuisse eodem modo quo postea, multos legales ritus, circumcisionem, sacrificia, Pascha, oblationes varias, festa, etc. Quinimo dimitti praecipiuntur Hebraei ex Aegypto, ut sacrificent ac immolent Deo. Accedit huc inconstantia nostri constitutoris, quam nemo non perspiciet, si loca illius conferre voluerit. Negare tamen non ausim μοσχοποιΐα factum esse, ut Deus multo pluribus ac durioribus observationum vinculis ligaverit populum contumacem. Id.

…[interpreta]tion of blessed Jerome, changes δευτερώσεις ('second teachings') into 'Deuteronomy'. And Maximus, in the Scholia on the ninth Letter of Dionysius, expresses the Jewish Deuteroses and traditions by the name of Deuteronomy: 'which the Scripture does not say, but the Hebrews have in the Deuteronomy.' Photius, moreover, when he passes judgement on the Apostolic Constitutions, with regard to the places we are dealing with, reports that it is objected against the book that it launches certain accusations against Deuteronomy. Here David Blondel shows himself very amusing, who in his Pseudo-Isidorus, p. 36, conjectures that for 'against Deuteronomy' one should read 'against second marriage'. Consult what I observed a little before. Now the opinion of our Author here related is favoured by Chrysostom, Oration 2 Against the Jews, and Homily 17 on the Acts of the Apostles. For in the former place it is taught that after a feast celebrated to demons God permitted sacrifices to the Jews; in the latter (which Oecumenius and Theophylact transcribe in part), that the idolatry committed in the desert with victims was followed by sacrifices offered to God and by ceremonial precepts. It is favoured by the author of the Opus imperfectum in Matthaeum, who sometimes lies hidden under Chrysostom's name, when on ch. 8, v. 5, and on ch. 11, vv. 11 and 30, he sets down a light and just law, that is, the Decalogue, before the idol of the calf was made; and a heavy, harsh, proud law, impossible to observe, dictated by God in anger after the people had worshipped the calf, as a punishment for the idolatry committed, but deservedly rescinded by the same God when appeased. Lactantius also favours it, since he says (book IV, ch. 10) that the Jews were subjugated by God, offended at the crime of idolatry, to the law which He had given through Moses. To these add Jerome on Jeremiah 7:22: 'It is clearly understood,' he says, 'that He first gave the Decalogue on tables of stone, written by the finger of God; and after the offence of idolatry and the calf's head, He afterwards commanded that [sacrifices] be made to Himself rather than to demons; taking away the pure religion of God's commandments, and conceding both the blood of victims and the desire for flesh.' On Ezekiel 20:23, etc.: 'This too may be said, that before the offence they received only the Decalogue, but after the idolatry and blasphemy the manifold ceremonies of the law.' And Theodoret's interpretation of the sacred passage agrees with Jerome's. Finally, Photius seems to excuse the apostolic Diataxeis. For I pass over Justin, who, conversing with Trypho (p. 263), recognizes in the Mosaic law only 'the things good by nature, and pious and just', 'the things universal, natural and eternal', good, and 'the things ordained on account of the hardness of heart of the people'; and likewise Irenaeus, in whose view (book IV, ch. 27) the law is divided into natural precepts and decrees of liberty, and into bonds of servitude; and also the saying of Anastasius the Abbot in vol. III of Henricus Canisius's Antiqua lectio, that sacrifices were not permitted to the Jews until after they had sacrificed to demons. But notwithstanding the authority of these, it is held as established from the truth of the divine oracles that before the calf was cast and worshipped many legal rites had been prescribed in the same way as afterwards: circumcision, sacrifices, the Passover, various oblations, feasts, etc. Indeed, the Hebrews are commanded to be let go out of Egypt that they may sacrifice and offer victims to God. Add to this the inconsistency of our compiler, which anyone will perceive who is willing to compare his passages. Yet I would not dare to deny that it came about through the making of the calf that God bound the stubborn people with many more and harsher bonds of observances. The same.

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Τῆς Δευτερώσεως. Alter librorum Vindobonensium, διὰ τῆς Δευτερώσεως, quae sunt per Deuterosim addita. Cler.

'Of the Deuterosis.' One of the Vienna books has 'through the Deuterosis', that is, 'the things which have been added through the Deuterosis'. Le Clerc.

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Τίνα. Ἃ, quae, in iisdem, quod forte jungendum, hoc modo ἅτινα. Id.

'Which' (τίνα). The same [manuscripts] have ἅ, 'which', which should perhaps be joined, thus: ἅτινα. The same [Le Clerc].

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(46) ‹anchor: τουτέστιν (Greek, col 573)› · call in col 574

Καὶ μοσχοποιῆσαι τὸν παρ' Αἰγυπτίοις Ἆπιν, τουτέστι. Haec omnia desunt in Vindobonensibus codd. et re ipsa Glossema redolent, quo ostenditur quae fuerit idololatria hic memorata. Traditur idem a pseudo-Clemente altero Recognitionum lib. I, cap. 35; Lactantio lib. IV, cap. 10; Hieronymo ad Osee IV, 15, 16; VII, 14; VIII, 13 (qui etiam de Mnevi altero bove Aegyptiorum); Rufino in Amos. V, 25, 26; et Isidoro Originum lib. VIII, cap. ult. Theophylactus enarrans Actorum caput VII: μόσχῳ εἰς τύπον ὄντι ἑωσφόρου. At Apim soli sacrum fuisse refert Macrobius lib. I Saturn., cap. 21; Lunae, non solus Ammianus lib. XXII, ut dictum Salmasio, in Exercitationibus Plinianis, pag. 438, sed etiam Aelianus lib. II De natura animalium, cap. 11; Porphyrius apud Eusebium Praeparationis Evangelicae lib. III, cap 13; Theodoritus Graecarum affectionum curationis sermone 3, ante medium, et Suidas pag. 514 in Ἆπις ac Μέμφις. Apud Aelianum vero, libro II De natura animalium, cap. 10, Aegyptii Apidi suo tribuunt viginti novem notas, quae sidera aliasque res significent. Atque de Api scripserunt omnes: nemo, quod sciam, correxit depravatissimum locum Georgii Cedreni, ubi de gestis Theodosii Magni: Τοῦτον τὸν Σάραπιν οἱ μὲν τὸν Δία εἶναι λέγουσιν, οἱ δὲ τὸν Νεῖλον, διὰ τὸ τὸν μόδιον ἔχειν ἐν τῇ κεφαλῇ καὶ τὸν πῆχυν. Οἱ δὲ Ἆπιν τινὰ ἄνθρωπον εὔπορον ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ γεγονέναι, ὃς ἐν καιρῷ λιμοῦ, ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων ἐπήρκεσεν Ἀλεξανδρεῦσιν, ᾧ καὶ τελευτῶντι ναὸν καὶ στήλην ἀνέστησαν. Καὶ βοῦς αὐτοῦ ἐτρέφετο, ὃν καὶ Ἆπιν ἐκάλουν, ὁμωνύμως τῷ δεσπότῃ. Σύμβολον οὗτος ἦν τοῦ γεωργοῦ· μετωνόμασαν δὲ τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἐκεῖνον καὶ Γόρασιν, καὶ Σάραπιν τὴν στήλην. Legendum, μετωνόμασαν δὲ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐκείνου καὶ Σόραπιν καὶ Σάραπιν τὴν στήλην· uti patet per haec Nicephori, Hist. eccl. lib. XV, cap. 8: Σέραπις δ' ἐστὶν ὁ Ζεὺς, ἢ ὁ Νεῖλος, ἢ Ἆπις τις ἀνὴρ ἐν Μέμφιδι πόλει, ὃς λιμοῦ γενομένου, ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων Ἀλεξανδρεῦσιν ἐπήρκεσεν· ᾧ τελευτήσαντι, νεὼν καὶ στήλην ἱδρύσαντο· ὅπου δὴ καὶ βοῦς ἐπίσημά τινα ἔχων διετρέφετο, εἰς σύμβολον ὡς εἰκάσαι τῆς γεωργίας, ὃν καὶ αὐτὸν Ἆπιν ὁμωνύμως τῷ δεσπότῃ ἐκάλουν. Τὴν δὲ σορὸν τοῦ Ἄπιδος ἐκείνου τοῦ ἀνθρώπου μεταγαγόντες εἰς τὸν ναὸν, Σόραπιν ἐκάλουν αὐτοῦ τὴν στήλην, ἢ καὶ Σέραπιν, μεταθέσει τῶν στοιχείων. Cot.

'And to make a calf, the Apis of the Egyptians, that is.' All these words are lacking in the Vienna manuscripts, and in fact they smell of a gloss, by which it is shown what the idolatry mentioned here was. The same is handed down by the other Pseudo-Clement, Recognitions book I, ch. 35; by Lactantius, book IV, ch. 10; by Jerome on Hosea 4:15, 16; 7:14; 8:13 (who also speaks of Mnevis, the other bull of the Egyptians); by Rufinus on Amos 5:25, 26; and by Isidore, Etymologies book VIII, last chapter. Theophylact, expounding chapter 7 of Acts: 'to a calf, being a type of the morning star'. But Macrobius, book I of the Saturnalia, ch. 21, relates that Apis was sacred to the sun; that he was sacred to the moon is related not by Ammianus alone, book XXII, as Salmasius said in the Plinian Exercises, p. 438, but also by Aelian, book II On the Nature of Animals, ch. 11; by Porphyry in Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel book III, ch. 13; by Theodoret, Cure of Greek Maladies, discourse 3, before the middle; and by Suidas, p. 514, under Apis and Memphis. In Aelian, indeed, book II On the Nature of Animals, ch. 10, the Egyptians ascribe to their Apis twenty-nine marks, which signify the stars and other things. And all have written about Apis; yet no one, so far as I know, has corrected the very corrupt passage of George Cedrenus, where, on the deeds of Theodosius the Great, he says: 'This Sarapis some say is Zeus, others the Nile, because he has the bushel-measure on his head and the cubit. Others say that a certain Apis was a wealthy man in Egypt, who at a time of famine supplied the Alexandrians from his own goods, to whom also, when he died, they set up a temple and a statue. And an ox of his was reared, which they also called Apis, by the same name as its master. This was a symbol of the husbandman; and they renamed that man also Gorasis, and the statue Sarapis.' We should read: 'and they renamed the statue of that man both Sorapis and Sarapis'; as is plain from these words of Nicephorus, Ecclesiastical History book XV, ch. 8: 'Serapis is Zeus, or the Nile, or a certain Apis, a man in the city of Memphis, who, when a famine arose, supplied the Alexandrians from his own goods; to whom, when he had died, they built a temple and a statue; where also an ox having certain marks was reared, as a symbol, one may suppose, of husbandry, which too they called Apis by the same name as its master. And having transferred the coffin (soros) of that man Apis into the temple, they called his statue Sorapis, or also Serapis, by a transposition of the letters.' Cotelier.

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(ref. 100) ‹scripture-reference note; any earlier reference lines are above the crop› · call in col 575 ¹⁰⁰ Matth. XI, 28.

100 Matthew 11:28.

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Ῥύσηται τοὺς ὑποδίκους τῆς ἀποκειμένης ὀργῆς, καί. Hæc omnia desunt in codd. Vind. quæ, perspicuitatis causa, addi potuere. Cler.

"May deliver those liable to the wrath laid up, and." All these words are lacking in the Vienna manuscripts; they could have been added for clarity's sake. Le Clerc.

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Πρός με. Deest in utroque. Id.

"To me." It is lacking in both. The same [Le Clerc].

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Λούσασθαι βουλόμενος, χρήσῃ βαλανείῳ ἀνδρείῳ. Erant olim in fidelibus, tum luxuria et lascivia, more infidelium diffluentes; tum simpliciores ac idiotæ, a quibus (inquit Epiphanius hæresi 30, cap. 7) propter negligentiam doctorum ignaris, non vitabatur lavatio cum alterius sexus hominibus. Idcirco constitutione hac, et illa capitis 9, prohibentur balnea promiscua virorum et mulierum. Eademque interdictio legitur in canonibus Laodiceno 30, et Trullano 77, ad quem Balsamon improbat etiam lavationem balnei viro uxorique communem. Sed et sancti Patres consuetudinem turpitudinis, periculi et scandali plenam proscripserunt: Clemens Alexandrinus Pædagogi III, cap. 5; Cyprianus De disciplina et habitu virginum, circa finem, et in antiquis editionibus libro De lapsis, ante finem; Chrysostomus tractatu De educandis liberis, per virum eruditissimum Franciscum Combefisium vulgato, p. 73; Palladius dialogo De vita S. Chrysostomi cap. 13, et Hieronymus lib. II adversus Jovinianum cap. ult., nec non Nilus lib. II, epist. 211. Quid quod ethnicis multis res displicuit? ut Hesiodo in fine libri II Operum et Dierum, cujus versus laudatur a Clemente Alexandrino. Varro lib. VIII, De lingua Latina, post medium. Ubi bina essent conjuncta ædificia, lavandi causa; unum ubi viri, alterum ubi mulieres lavarentur. Et in Historia Augusta refertur quod Adrianus lavacra pro sexibus separaverit, Antoninus philosophus lavacra mista submoverit, Alexander Severus balnea mista Romæ prohibuerit exhiberi. Denique per leges civiles licebat marito repudium mittere uxori, si ea contra ipsius voluntatem cum viris extraneis lavaret. Absit itaque ut post Evagrium lib. I, cap. 21, et Nicephorum lib. XIV, cap. 50, laudemus stultos illos ascetas, qui dum sibi ἀπαθεῖς esse videbantur, solebant balneas adire, ut una cum mulieribus lavarentur. Cot.

"When you wish to bathe, use a men's bath." There were formerly among the faithful, on the one hand, those flowing over into luxury and wantonness after the manner of unbelievers; on the other, simpler and unlearned folk, by whom (says Epiphanius, heresy 30, ch. 7), being uninstructed through the negligence of their teachers, bathing with persons of the other sex was not avoided. Therefore by this ordinance, and that of ch. 9, mixed baths of men and women are forbidden. The same prohibition is read in canon 30 of Laodicea and canon 77 of Trullo, on which Balsamon disapproves even of bathing in a bath shared by husband and wife. But the holy Fathers too proscribed a custom full of shamefulness, danger and scandal: Clement of Alexandria, Paedagogus 3, ch. 5; Cyprian, On the Dress of Virgins, near the end, and in the old editions in the book On the Lapsed, before the end; Chrysostom in the treatise On the Education of Children, published by the most learned François Combefis, p. 73; Palladius in the dialogue On the Life of Saint Chrysostom, ch. 13; and Jerome, Against Jovinian, book 2, last chapter; and also Nilus, book 2, letter 211. What of the fact that the thing displeased many heathen? As Hesiod at the end of book 2 of the Works and Days, whose verse is quoted by Clement of Alexandria. Varro, On the Latin Language, book 8, after the middle: "Where there were two buildings joined together for bathing, one where the men bathed, the other where the women." And in the Historia Augusta it is related that Hadrian separated the baths by sex, that Antoninus the philosopher removed mixed baths, and that Alexander Severus forbade mixed baths to be provided at Rome. Finally, by the civil laws a husband was permitted to send his wife a bill of divorce if she bathed with strange men against his will. Far be it from us, then, to praise after Evagrius (book 1, ch. 21) and Nicephorus (book 14, ch. 50) those foolish ascetics who, since they seemed to themselves free of passion, used to go to the baths to bathe together with women. Cotelier.

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Τὰς οὕτως εὐαλώτους γυναῖκας. Desunt in utroque libro Vindobon. Cler.

"Women so easily caught." These words are lacking in both Vienna books. Le Clerc.

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Καὶ λαλοῦντα ἐν σκότει ἑσπερινῷ. Ms. Reg 495. καλοῦντα. LXX, aut scripserunt ἀλοῦντα, errantem, vagantem, quod accedit ad significationem verbi צעד gradi, itare, aut legerunt יצעק [reading uncertain] a צעק [last word partly obscured; reading uncertain] (continues)

"And talking in the evening darkness." Royal manuscript 495: "calling." The Seventy either wrote alōnta, "wandering, roaming," which comes near the meaning of the verb צעד, "to step, to go," or they read יצעק, from צעק… (continues)

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(refs. 1-4) ‹scripture-reference notes, full width› · call in col 578 ¹ Prov. VII, 1 et seq. ² Prov. IX, 18, sec. LXX. ³ Prov. VII, 25. ⁴ Prov. V, 11.

1 Proverbs 7:1 and following. 2 Proverbs 9:18, according to the Septuagint. 3 Proverbs 7:25. 4 Proverbs 5:11.

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mavit, convocavit. Certe versio Arabica loquentem exhibet. Postea versu 17, scriptum videntur repperisse in Hebræo, אהלי tentorium meum, οἶκόν μου. Cot.

…[cried out], called together. Certainly the Arabic version gives "talking." Afterwards, at verse 17, they seem to have found written in the Hebrew אהלי, "my tent," "my house." Cotelier.

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Ἐνεδρεύει. Deest in altero codd. Vindobonensium. Paulo post αὐτόν omittitur. Cler.

"She lies in wait." It is lacking in one of the Vienna manuscripts. A little after, "him" is omitted. Le Clerc.

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Ποθοῦσα. Additur in altero codd. ἰδεῖν, quod est forte Glossema. Id.

"Longing." In one of the manuscripts "to see" is added, which is perhaps a gloss. The same [Le Clerc].

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Ὁ δὲ ἐπηκολούθησεν αὐτῇ κεπφωθείς. Cepphus avis esse dicitur levissima, stolidissima, captu facilis, et ad libidinem maxime prona. Inde ex Antiquis, hunc textum LXX, Prov. VII, 22, alii de deceptione intellexerunt, alii de luxuria. Sed si levitas animalis assumatur, magis Versio Senum respondebit Veritati Hebraicæ, quæ habet פתאם statim; παραχρῆμα Aquilæ, ἐξαίφνης Symmacho. Hesychius: Κέπφος, εἶδος ὀρνέου κουφοτάτου, περὶ τὴν θάλασσαν διατρίβοντος, ὃ εὐχερῶς ὑπὸ ἀνέμου μετάγεται. Ἔνθεν λέγεται ὀξὺς καὶ κοῦφος ἄνθρωπος κέπφος. Et postea κεπφωθεὶς exponit etiam per ἐπαρθεὶς, cui a Suida additur ὀξέως ἐλαυνόμενος. S. Epiphanius hæres. 79, cap. 2: Τούτων τὸ φρόνημα κεπφούμενον τῇ τοῦ προειρημένου θηρὸς ἐπάρσει. Verbo κεπφοῦμαι utitur Cicero epistolarum ad Atticum lib. XIII, epist. 40. Nec præteriri debet insignis locus S. Athanasii, epistola de synodis Arimini et Seleuciæ, edit. Paris., p. 912: Καὶ περὶ μὲν Γεωργίου τοῦ Καππάδοκος τοῦ ἐκβληθέντος ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀλεξανδρείας λόγος οὐδεὶς ἀνθρώπου, μήτε ἐκ προάγοντος βίου τὴν μαρτυρίαν ἔχοντος, μήτε ὅλως Χριστιανοῦ τυγχάνοντος· ἀλλὰ μόνον ὑποκριναμένου διὰ τὸν καιρὸν τὸ ὄνομα, καὶ πορισμὸν ἡγησαμένου τὴν εὐσέβειαν. Διὸ οὐδὲ μέμψαιτο ἄν τις αὐτὸν εἰκότως, πταίοντα περὶ τὴν πίστιν, ἄνθρωπον μήτε εἰδότα περὶ ὧν λέγει, μήτε περὶ ὧν διαβεβαιοῦται, ἀλλὰ πᾶσι, κατὰ τὸ γεγραμμένον, ὡς κέπφον ἐπακολουθοῦντα. Ubi non obscure respicit ad testimonium Proverbiorum. Id.

"And he followed her, gulled like a storm-petrel [kepphos]." The kepphos is said to be a very light bird, utterly stupid, easily caught, and extremely prone to lust. Hence of the ancients some understood this Septuagint text, Proverbs 7:22, of deception, others of lust. But if the lightness of the creature is taken, the Elders' version will better answer the Hebrew original, which has פתאם, "at once"; Aquila "immediately," Symmachus "suddenly." Hesychius: "Kepphos: a kind of very light bird, living about the sea, which is easily carried along by the wind. Hence a quick and light man is called a kepphos." And afterwards he explains kepphōtheis also by "lifted up," to which Suidas adds "swiftly driven." Saint Epiphanius, heresy 79, ch. 2: "the mind of these being made giddy by the lifting up of the aforementioned beast." Cicero uses the verb kepphoumai in the Letters to Atticus, book 13, letter 40. Nor should a notable passage of Saint Athanasius be passed over, in the letter on the Synods of Ariminum and Seleucia, Paris edition, p. 912: "And about George the Cappadocian, who was expelled from Alexandria, no one makes any account, a man who has neither the testimony of a former life nor is a Christian at all, but only put on the name for the occasion and reckoned godliness a means of gain. Therefore no one could reasonably blame him for stumbling in the faith, a man who knows neither what he says nor what he affirms, but follows everyone, as it is written, like a kepphos." Where he plainly alludes to the testimony of Proverbs. The same [Cotelier].

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Καὶ μή. Conjunctionem καί non habet alter codex Vind. et quidem recte. Cler.

"And not." The other Vienna manuscript does not have the conjunction "and," and rightly so. Le Clerc.

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Δικαίων. Deest in altero. Id.

"Of the just." It is lacking in the other [manuscript]. The same.

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Τῷ ἑαυτῆς. Alter τῷ ἰδίῳ ἑαυτῆς, quod est perinde. Id.

"To her [husband]." The other has "to her own," which comes to the same. The same.

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(refs.) ‹scripture- and variant-reference notes, full width; the superscript numerals are blurred, reading uncertain (probably 5 and 6)› · call in col 579 ⁵ f. δι' οὗ, ut legit Bovius interpres. ⁶ I Cor. XI, 3

5 Perhaps "through whom," as the translator Bovio reads. 6 1 Corinthians 11:3.

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Ὁ Θεός. Ὁ ἐπὶ πάντων Θεός. Uterque codex. Quod etsi verum est, posset esse ab Ariana manu, sive scriptoris, sive interpolatoris. Cler.

"God." "The God over all": both manuscripts. Although this is true, it could come from an Arian hand, whether of the writer or of an interpolator. Le Clerc.

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Οὗ ἡ δόξα τῷ Θεῷ. Alter codd. ᾧ, omissis verbis, τῷ Θεῷ, quod forte melius. Id.

"Whose glory [be] to God." One of the manuscripts has "to whom," the words "to God" being omitted, which is perhaps better. The same [Le Clerc].

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Ἐντράπηθι. Utroque codice additur αὐτόν. Id.

"Revere." In both manuscripts "him" is added. The same.

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Ἡ τοιαύτη σκύλων οὐκ ἀπορήσει. Prov. XXXI, 11. Hodierni LXX addunt, καλῶν, contra textum Hebraicum, et mss. Bibliothecæ Regiæ 721, 2221. Rectius ergo in tractatu ad Proverbior. XXXI, 10, etc. De muliere forti, editiones S. Augustini, tom. X, serm. 45, De diversis, cap. 4, ostendunt: Quæ talis est, spoliis non indigebit, quam editiones S. Ambrosii tom. II: Talis bonis spoliis non indigebit. Cot.

"Such a woman will not lack spoils." Proverbs 31:11. Today's Septuagint adds "good," against the Hebrew text and the manuscripts of the Royal Library 721, 2221. More correctly, therefore, in the treatise on Proverbs 31:10 etc., On the Valiant Woman, the editions of Saint Augustine, volume 10, sermon 45 De diversis, ch. 4, show: "She who is such will not lack spoils," than the editions of Saint Ambrose, volume 2: "Such a one will not lack good spoils." Cotelier.

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Μηρυσαμένη ἔριον. In codice Regio 2221: εὑραμένη ἔρια. Quod alteri interpreti a LXX, Aquila, Symmacho, et Theodotione tribuunt, quodque sequitur B. Augustinus, ubi mox, vertendo inveniens lanam. Nunc, μηρυομένη ἔρια. Si autem mutaretur ρ in ν, quæ litteræ in mss. valde affines sunt, esset quod responderet Hebræo דרשה quæsivit, modo veritate nitatur illud Hesychii μηνύειν, κηρύσσειν, ζητεῖν. Non ausim tamen quidquam immutare; tum quia hæc acceptio verbi μηνύειν inusitata est; tum quia vulgata lectio apparet in Ambrosio, in Catena ad Proverbia, et in mss., tum denique quia sæpe LXX ad sensum magis quam ad verbum interpretantur. Id.

"Having wound wool." In the Royal manuscript 2221: "having found wools." This they attribute to another translator than the Septuagint, Aquila, Symmachus and Theodotion, and blessed Augustine follows it in the place just cited, rendering "finding wool." Now [the text reads] "winding wools." If, however, ρ were changed into ν, letters very alike in manuscripts, there would be something answering to the Hebrew דרשה, "she sought," provided that statement of Hesychius rests on truth: "mēnyein: to proclaim, to seek." Yet I would not dare to change anything: first because this sense of the verb mēnyein is unusual; then because the common reading appears in Ambrose, in the Catena on Proverbs, and in the manuscripts; and finally because the Septuagint often translates according to sense rather than word. The same [Cotelier].

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Τὴν ὀσφύν. Unus codd. ἰσχύν, minus bene. Cler.

"The loins." One manuscript has "strength," less well. Le Clerc.

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Χρήσιμα. Συμφέροντα, eodem sensu, sed diverso sono. Id.

"Useful things." "Profitable things": the same sense but a different sound. The same.

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Οὐ φροντίζει τῶν ἐν οἴκῳ ὁ ἀνὴρ αὐτῆς. Omittit sequentia ὅταν που χιονίζῃ. Ita quippe legendum, pro χρονίζῃ. Non timebit domui suæ a frigoribus nivis. Proverb. XXXI, 21. Mox additur στολάς, explicationis gratia. Male autem in editionibus τῶν Ο', ab ἐνδεδυμένοι εἰσί, disjungitur δισσάς, quam disjunctionem invenire etiam est in Catena ad Proverbia, in tractatu memorato De muliere forti Salomonis, in Gregorio Nazianzeno oratione 11, p. 181; Ambrosio ad Lucæ XVI, 18, et Augustino, serm. 217 De tempore. Patet ex ordine alphabetico, quo constant isti versiculi viginti duo postremi Parabolarum. Liber Regius 2221: ἐνδεδυμένοι εἰσὶ δισσά; στολὰς καὶ χλαίνας, etc. versio; Eliæ Cretensis in S. Gregorii Nazianzeni orat. 11, num. 11, Duplicem stolam ac penulam fecit viro suo. Alter codex 2263: ἐνδεδυμένοι εἰσὶ δισσὰς χλαίνας, etc. Apud Cassianum collatione 14, cap. 8: Omnes enim qui apud eam sunt, vestiti sunt dupliciter. Regiæ Biblioth. cod. 1609: ἐνδιδύσκονται δισσά, δισσὰς στολὰς καὶ χλαίνας. Idem ms. vers. 30: μάταιον κάλλος γυναικὸς οὐκ ἔστι παρὰ σοί. Ubi in multis libris ἐν σοί. Cot.

"Her husband is not anxious about those in the house." He omits what follows, "whenever it snows somewhere"; for so it should be read, instead of "whenever he delays." "She will not fear for her house from the cold of the snow," Proverbs 31:21. Next, "robes" is added for the sake of explanation. But in the editions of the Seventy "double" is wrongly separated from "are clothed," a separation also found in the Catena on Proverbs, in the treatise mentioned, On Solomon's Valiant Woman, in Gregory Nazianzen, oration 11, p. 181, in Ambrose on Luke 16:18, and in Augustine, sermon 217 De tempore. This is plain from the alphabetical order in which these last twenty-two little verses of the Proverbs are arranged. The Royal book 2221: "are clothed double; robes and cloaks," etc.; the version of Elias of Crete on Saint Gregory Nazianzen's oration 11, no. 11: "She made a double robe and cloak for her husband." The other manuscript, 2263: "are clothed in double cloaks," etc. In Cassian, conference 14, ch. 8: "For all who are with her are clothed doubly." The Royal Library's manuscript 1609: "they are clothed double, in double robes and cloaks." The same manuscript at verse 30: "vain beauty of a woman is not with you"; where many books have "in you." Cotelier.

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Κατοικούντων. Addit alter codex Vind. τῆς γῆς, quod Hebræis convenit. Cler.

"Of those who dwell." The other Vienna manuscript adds "of the land," which agrees with the Hebrew. Le Clerc.

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(refs. 6-8) ‹scripture-reference notes, full width; the first two superscripts are blurred, reading uncertain› · call in col 582 ⁶ Prov. XXXI, 10-31. ⁶* Prov. XII, 4. ⁷ Prov. XIV, 1. ⁸ Prov. XVIII, 3.

6 Proverbs 31:10–31. 6* Proverbs 12:4. 7 Proverbs 14:1. 8 Proverbs 18:3.

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Στόμα αὐτῆς διήνοιξε, κ. τ. λ. Et post unum versum, τὸ στόμα αὐτῆς ἀνοίξει σοφῶς καὶ ἐννόμως, θεσμοὶ δὲ ἐλεημοσύνης ἐπὶ τῆς γλώσσης αὐτῆς. Duæ sunt ejusdem 26 versiculi interpretationes. Unde editio Complutensis habet solummodo, στόμα δὲ αὐτῆς ἀνοίγει σοφῶς καὶ νομοθέσμως, ἡ δὲ ἐλεημοσύνη αὐτῆς ἐν τῇ γλώσσῃ αὐτῆς. Clemens Alexandrinus lib. III Pædagogi, cap. 11, p. 250: Ἥτις σῖτα ὀκνηρὰ οὐκ ἔφαγεν. Θεσμοὶ δὲ ἐλεημοσύνης ἐπὶ τῇ γλώσσῃ αὐτῆς. Ἥτις τὸ στόμα αὐτῆς διήνοιξεν σοφῶς καὶ ἐννόμως· ἧς τὰ τέκνα ἐμακάρισαν ἀνιστάμενα. At in Bibliotheca regia codex 721, post Χαναναίοις ponit, στόμα αὐτῆς διήνοιξεν προσεχόντως, καὶ τάξιν ἐστείλατο τῇ γλώσσῃ αὐτῆς. Ἰσχὺν καὶ εὐπρέπειαν, etc., στεγναί, etc. ἔφαγεν. Ἀνέστησαν τέκνα αὐτῆς καὶ ἐπλούτησαν. Codex 2221: Χαναναίοις. Ἰσχὺν καὶ εὐπρέπειαν, etc., ἐσχάταις. Στόμα δὲ αὐτῆς διήνοιξε προσεχόντως· καὶ τάξιν ἐστείλατο τῇ γλώσσῃ αὐτῆς. Στεγναί, etc., ἔφαγεν. Ἀνέστη τὰ τέκνα αὐτῆς καὶ ᾔνεσαν αὐτήν. In Melissæ lib. II, serm. 33: Στόμα αὐτῆς διήνοιξε προσεχόντως καὶ ἐννόμως, καὶ τάξιν ἐνετείλατο τῇ γλώσσῃ αὐτῆς. Gregorius Nazianzenus oratione 12: Τίς τάξιν οὕτως ἐστείλατο χείλεσιν. Denique in Opusculo de muliere forti legitur duntaxat, apud Ambrosium: Os suum aperit (vel aperuit) sapienter et legaliter, at gratia ejus (χάρις αὐτῆς, proxime ad edit. Symmachi et Theodotionis) in lingua ejus; apud Augustinum: Os suum aperuit attente, et ordinem posuit linguæ suæ. Igitur ex Hebræo, et ex Vulgata sic videtur constitui debere versio LXX Senum: Χαναναίοις. Ἰσχὺν καὶ εὐπρέπειαν ἐνεδύσατο, καὶ εὐφρανθήσεται ἐν ἡμέραις ἐσχάταις. Στόμα αὐτῆς διήνοιξε σοφῶς· θεσμοὶ δὲ ἐλεημοσύνης ἐπὶ τῇ γλώσσῃ αὐτῆς. Στεγναί, etc., ἔφαγεν. Ἀνέστησαν τὰ τέκνα αὐτῆς, καὶ ἐμακάρισαν αὐτὴν, καὶ ὁ ἀνὴρ αὐτῆς ᾔνεσεν αὐτήν. Cot.

"She opened her mouth," etc. And one verse later, "she will open her mouth wisely and lawfully, and ordinances of mercy are on her tongue." These are two translations of the same verse 26. Hence the Complutensian edition has only: "and she opens her mouth wisely and lawfully, and her mercy is on her tongue." Clement of Alexandria, Paedagogus, book 3, ch. 11, p. 250: "She who did not eat the bread of idleness. And ordinances of mercy are on her tongue. She who opened her mouth wisely and lawfully; whose children rose up and called her blessed." But in the Royal Library manuscript 721, after "to the Canaanites," it puts: "she opened her mouth attentively, and set order on her tongue. Strength and comeliness, etc.; close, etc., she ate. Her children rose up and became rich." Manuscript 2221: "To the Canaanites. Strength and comeliness, etc., in the last days. And she opened her mouth attentively, and set order on her tongue. Close, etc., she ate. Her children rose up and praised her." In the Melissa, book 2, sermon 33: "She opened her mouth attentively and lawfully, and enjoined order on her tongue." Gregory Nazianzen, oration 12: "Who so set order on her lips?" Finally, in the little work On the Valiant Woman there is read only, in Ambrose: "She opens (or opened) her mouth wisely and lawfully, but her grace (her grace, very close to the edition of Symmachus and Theodotion) is on her tongue"; in Augustine: "She opened her mouth attentively, and set order on her tongue." Therefore from the Hebrew and from the Vulgate it seems the version of the Seventy Elders ought to be established thus: "To the Canaanites. She clothed herself with strength and comeliness, and she will rejoice in the last days. She opened her mouth wisely; and ordinances of mercy are on her tongue. Close, etc., she ate. Her children rose up and called her blessed, and her husband praised her." Cotelier.

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Στεγναὶ δέ. Omittit alter liber Vind. δέ, quod rectius. Cler.

"And close." The other Vienna book omits "and," which is more correct. Le Clerc.

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Ἐλεημοσύνης. Addit alter codex αὐτῆς, sed nihil opus est. Id.

"Of mercy." The other manuscript adds "her," but there is no need. The same [Le Clerc].

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Ἐκτήσαντο πλοῦτον πολλαί. Desunt in altero codice. Id.

"Many have acquired wealth." These words are lacking in the other manuscript. The same.

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Γυνὴ γὰρ εὐσεβής, κ. τ. λ. Ita Clemens Alexandrinus loco citato. Antonius autem Monachus Melissæ libro II, serm. 33: Γυνὴ συνετὴ εὐλογεῖται, φόβος δὲ Κυρίου αὐτὴν αἰνείτω. Nostri LXX in eo solum variant a Constitutionibus, quod συνετὴ ponunt, non εὐσεβής, pro quo Liber Regius 2263, σοφή. In Ambrosio: Mulier enim prudens benedicitur; timorem autem Domini ista laudet. Apud Augustinum: Mulier enim sapiens benedicitur; timorem autem Domini ipsa collaudet. Crediderim legi oportere, γυνὴ φόβος Κυρίου, αὐτὴ αἰνείσθω. Mulier timor Domini, (hoc est, timens Dominum), ipsa laudetur. Adeo ut συνετὴ seu εὐσεβὴς seu σοφή, et εὐλογεῖται glossemata sint, priora vocum φόβος Κυρίου, posterius verbi αἰνείσθω. Cot.

"For a devout woman," etc. So Clement of Alexandria in the place cited. But Antony the Monk, Melissa, book 2, sermon 33: "An intelligent woman is blessed, and let the fear of the Lord praise her." Our Septuagint differs from the Constitutions only in putting "intelligent," not "devout," for which the Royal book 2263 has "wise." In Ambrose: "For a prudent woman is blessed; and let her praise the fear of the Lord." In Augustine: "For a wise woman is blessed; and let her praise the fear of the Lord." I should think it ought to be read: "a woman — fear of the Lord — let her be praised": "A woman, the fear of the Lord (that is, fearing the Lord), let her be praised." So that "intelligent" or "devout" or "wise," and "is blessed," are glosses, the former on the words "fear of the Lord," the latter on the verb "let her be praised." Cotelier.

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Πολλαί. Σοφαὶ alter codex, et sic habent Hebræa. Cler.

"Many." The other manuscript has "wise," and so has the Hebrew. Le Clerc.

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(refs. 9-12) ‹scripture-reference notes, full width› · call in col 583 ⁹ Eccle. VII, 27. ¹⁰ Prov. XI, 22. ¹¹ Prov. XII, 4, in LXX. ¹² Prov. XXI, 9, 19.

9 Ecclesiastes 7:27. 10 Proverbs 11:22. 11 Proverbs 12:4, in the Septuagint. 12 Proverbs 21:9, 19.

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Ἀπογνοῦσα. Id est desperans; item renuntians. Cot.

"Having given up": that is, despairing; also, renouncing. Cotelier.

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Σὺν τὴν γυναῖκα. Ecclesiastis VII, 27: את האשה. In Olympiodoro impresso, deest σύν; at in manuscripto Gazæ regiæ hic, quemadmodum et cap. 2, vers. 17, non omittitur. Antiochus homilia 18 corrupte, συζετεῖν γυναῖκα, pro σὺν τὴν γυναῖκα. Corrupte etiam apud Gregorium Thaumaturgum in Metaphrasi: Ἔγνων τὴν γυναῖκα, γῆν τινά, ἢ εἴ τι ἕτερον τοιοῦτον ὑπάρχουσαν. Lege meo periculo, σαγήνην τινά. Quod additur in Constitutionibus; Ἥτις ἐστὶ θήρευμα καὶ σαγήνη καρδίας, δεσμοὶ δὲ χεῖρες αὐτῆς, quadrat cum istis Hieronymi: Quasi laqueus et sagena cor adolescentis innectit: vincula sunt manus ejus. Apud Anastasium Quæst. 65: Εὗρον πικρότερον ὑπὲρ τὸν θάνατον τὴν γυναῖκα (exempl. Reg. 1789: Ἀναιδῆ γυναῖκα, alterum σὺν τὴν) ἥτις ἐστὶ θήρευμα καὶ σαγήνη καρδίας. Porro credibile mihi fit, particulam σύν, quæ in editionibus Græcis Ecclesiastis sæpe occurrit, cap. II, vers. 12, 17; cap. III, vers. 10, 11, 17; cap. IV, vers. 2, 3, 4; cap. VII, vers. 27, 30; cap. VIII, vers. 8, 15, 17; cap. IX, vers. 15; cap. XI, vers. 7; cap. XII, vers. 9, quamque repræsentat Alexandr. codex III Regum XIV, 8, irrepsisse in textum LXX, ex Versione Aquilæ, qui teste Hieronymo epist. 101 De optimo genere interpretandi, ubi Aquilam et Seniores committit, ἄρθρα et πρόαρθρα, syllabas et litteras κακοζήλως interpretatus fuerat, dixeratque (quemadmodum et videre est in Joanne Philopono lib. I in Hexaemeron seu de mundi creatione, cap. IV) σὺν τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ σὺν τὴν γῆν, Genes. I, 1, reddendo את per σύν. Et vero Hieronymus in Commentariis ad Ecclesiastem, in quibus se magis Septuaginta interpretum consuetudini coaptavit, illius σὺν nullam facit mentionem. Quin etiam in Metaphrasi Gregorii Nysseni non comparet: nisi quod cod. Reg. hujus, interdum habet; et videtur ille, dum ponit Ecclesiastis II, 17: Ἐμίσησα τοίνυν καὶ τὸν σύμπαντά μου βίον, reperisse in exemplari suo, καὶ ἐμίσησα σύμπασαν τὴν ζωήν, quod etiam retinetur a ms. Regio 278, estque depravatum ex καὶ ἐμίσησα σὺν τὴν ζωήν. Atque idem judicium ferri debet de loco Ecclesiastis IV, 2, 3, apud Hieronymum ad initium cap. VI Epistolæ ad Ephesios: Laudavi ego omnes mortuos, qui olim mortui sunt, super viventes, qui vivunt usque in præsens; et melior est super hos duos, qui necdum natus est, et non vidit omne opus malum, quod factum est sub sole. Versio Arabica; Totam pariter odi vitam, hoc est, ἐμίσησα σὺν πᾶσαν τὴν ζωήν, quo loci σὺν et πᾶσαν redundant. Observavi præterea, de σὺν Ecclesiastis, in scriptis ac editis Bibliis, in Catenis mss. et in Commentariis librisque Patrum, prætermitti aliquando, mutari aliquando in adjectivum σύμπας, aut σὺν πᾶς exponi per ὅλον, σύμπαν, τέλειον; item scribi interdum nomen σύμπας pro σὺν πᾶς; ad hæc bis male abesse a commentario Olympiodori, ad cap. III, nempe versu 10, ubi οὖν illius locum occupat, et versu 17, ante τὸν ἀσεβῆ, quo in Scripturæ loco codex Librariæ regiæ 1598: Σὺν τῷ δικαίῳ καὶ τὸν ἀσεβῆ κρινεῖ ὁ Θεός, vitiose quidem, sed non absque industria correctoris cujuspiam. Rectius autem idem Olympiodorus ad versiculum 11, capitis 3, σὺν facit loquendi modum Hebraicum, in illa lingua usurpari solitum passim et absque sensu; quam Philoponus loco citato, præpositionem cum, demonstratricem copulationis. Vulgo tamen exponunt simul, ut exstat in Ambrosii versione Ecclesiastis IV, 2. Quibus assentitur sæpe auctor Arabicæ Interpretationis; sed Ecclesiastis IX, 15, legebat σύνεσιν, non σύν, vertit enim prudentiam. Cot.

"The woman" (with σύν). Ecclesiastes 7:27: את האשה. In the printed Olympiodorus σύν is lacking; but in the manuscript of the Royal Gaza here, as also at ch. 2, verse 17, it is not omitted. Antiochus, homily 18, corruptly has syzetein gynaika for syn tēn gynaika. Corruptly too in Gregory Thaumaturgus's Metaphrase: "I knew the woman, being some earth, or anything else of the kind." Read, at my risk, "some drag-net." What is added in the Constitutions, "who is a hunter's snare and a drag-net of the heart, and her hands are bonds," agrees with these words of Jerome: "Like a noose and a drag-net she entangles the young man's heart: her hands are chains." In Anastasius, Question 65: "I found the woman more bitter than death (Royal copy 1789: 'a shameless woman'; the other: syn tēn) who is a hunter's snare and a drag-net of the heart." Further, I find it credible that the particle σύν, which occurs often in the Greek editions of Ecclesiastes (ch. 2, verses 12, 17; ch. 3, verses 10, 11, 17; ch. 4, verses 2, 3, 4; ch. 7, verses 27, 30; ch. 8, verses 8, 15, 17; ch. 9, verse 15; ch. 11, verse 7; ch. 12, verse 9), and which the Alexandrian codex shows at 3 Kings 14:8, crept into the Septuagint text from the version of Aquila, who, on the testimony of Jerome's letter 101, On the Best Kind of Translating, where he sets Aquila against the Elders, had translated articles and prepositive articles, syllables and letters, with misplaced zeal, and had said (as may also be seen in John Philoponus, On the Hexaemeron or the Creation of the World, book 1, ch. 4) "syn the heaven and syn the earth," Genesis 1:1, rendering את by σύν. And indeed Jerome, in his Commentaries on Ecclesiastes, in which he conformed himself rather to the custom of the Septuagint translators, makes no mention of that σύν. Nor does it appear in Gregory of Nyssa's Metaphrase, except that the Royal manuscript of it sometimes has it; and he, when he puts at Ecclesiastes 2:17 "So I hated also my whole life," seems to have found in his copy "and I hated the whole life," which is also kept by Royal manuscript 278, and is corrupted from "and I hated syn the life." And the same judgement must be passed on the place Ecclesiastes 4:2, 3 in Jerome at the beginning of ch. 6 of the [Commentary on the] Epistle to the Ephesians: "I praised all the dead who died long ago above the living who live until now; and better than these two is he who is not yet born, and has not seen all the evil work that is done under the sun." The Arabic version: "I hated the whole of life alike," that is, "I hated syn all the life," in which place σύν and "all" are redundant. I have observed besides, concerning the σύν of Ecclesiastes, in written and printed Bibles, in manuscript Catenas and in the Commentaries and books of the Fathers, that it is sometimes left out, sometimes changed into the adjective sympas, or that syn pas is explained by "whole, entire, complete"; likewise that the noun sympas is sometimes written for syn pas; and in addition that it is twice wrongly absent from Olympiodorus's commentary on ch. 3, namely at verse 10, where oun takes its place, and at verse 17, before "the ungodly," at which place of Scripture the Royal Library manuscript 1598 has "God will judge the just one and the ungodly," faultily indeed, but not without some corrector's diligence. More correctly, however, the same Olympiodorus on verse 11 of ch. 3 makes σύν a Hebrew idiom, customarily used everywhere in that language and without meaning, than Philoponus in the place cited, who makes it the preposition "with," indicating conjunction. Commonly, though, they explain it as "together," as it stands in Ambrose's version of Ecclesiastes 4:2. With these the author of the Arabic translation often agrees; but at Ecclesiastes 9:15 he read synesin, not syn, for he renders "prudence." Cotelier.

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Ὥσπερ ἐν ξύλῳ σκώληξ, κ. τ. λ. Melius in LXX ἄνδρα; qui LXX unam vocem בעצמותיו in ossibus ejus diviserunt in duas בעץ מותיו in ligno, mortes ejus scilicet viri, ac ex sensu interpretati sunt, οὕτως ἀπόλλυσιν ἄνδρα, sic disperdit virum. Id.

"As a worm in wood," etc. Better in the Septuagint, "a man"; the Seventy divided the one word בעצמותיו, "in his bones," into two, בעץ מותיו, "in wood, his deaths," that is, the man's, and translated according to sense, "so she destroys a man," "thus she ruins the man." The same [Cotelier].

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Ἄνδρας. Uterque ms. ἄνδρα, ut est in edit. LXX Intt. Cler.

"Men." Both manuscripts have "a man," as in the edition of the Septuagint translators. Le Clerc.

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Ἐπὶ γωνίας. Alter ἐν γωνίᾳ, contra quam habent edit. LXX Intt. Id.

"On a corner." The other has "in a corner," against what the editions of the Septuagint translators have. The same [Le Clerc].

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Σκέπουσα τὴν κεφαλήν. Refert Georgius Cedrenus Decium imperatorem edixisse, ne mulieres Christianæ caput velarent; illas apparentem turpitudinem in gloriam vertisse; quo factum ut usque ad sua tempora Christianæ accuratius viventes, absque velamine prodirent; cum obtegerentur Judææ atque ethnicæ. Verum id nequaquam reperi (continues)

"Covering the head." George Cedrenus relates that the emperor Decius decreed that Christian women should not veil their heads; that they turned the apparent disgrace into glory; whence it came about that down to his own times Christian women who lived more strictly went out without a veil, while Jewish and heathen women were covered. But this I have nowhere found… (continues)

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[The page's foot notes are set once, under the Latin column: see PG 1:586 (n586) for the source reference 13 and the Variorum notae (78 cont.)–(81). The calls (79), (80), (81) are printed in this Greek column only; reference 13 is called in the Latin column and printed at the foot of this one. The printer's signature line at the foot ("Patrol. Gr. I.", sheet 19) is not a note and is not set.] (printed under page 290)

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Pseudo-Ignat. ad Hieron. I.

Pseudo-Ignatius, To Hero 1.

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in antiquis scriptoribus: imo sancti Patres, etiam qui post Decium floruerunt, Apostolum secuti I Corinth. XI, praecipiunt feminis caput obnubere ac velare. Quocirca existimo historiolam confictam fuisse ab aliquo nugatore, ad fulciendam saeculi sui pravam consuetudinem. Lege caput sequens, et lib. II, cap. 57. Cot.

in the ancient writers: nay, the holy Fathers, even those who flourished after Decius, following the Apostle in 1 Corinthians 11, enjoin women to cover and veil the head. Wherefore I judge that the little story was invented by some trifler, to prop up the depraved custom of his own age. Read the following chapter, and Book II, chapter 57. Cotelier.

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Θ'. In mss. incipit hic κεφάλαιον ι', quia superius est in duas partes divisum. Cler.

Θ' [9]. In the manuscripts chapter ι' [10] begins here, because the one above is divided into two parts. Le Clerc.

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Μὴ περισσοτέραν δὲ λοῦσιν ποιείσθω. Frequentiores ac non necessariae lavationes damnantur sententiis Clementis Alexandrini lib. III Paedagogi, cap. 9; Cypriani, Opere de lapsis, ante finem; Hieronymi, epist. 4, 48, 99; et ad Jeremiae XXIII, 21, 22; consarcinatoris Epistolae ad Praesidium de cereo Paschali, apud eumdem magnum doctorem tom. IX, atque Augustini, epist. 109. Etenim semper licuit, exemplo Joannis evangelistae (si fides Theodorito Haereticarum fabularum II, 3); veterum Christianorum, referente Tertulliano in capite 42 Apologetici, et 3 Libri de Corona; multorum monachorum, ex eorum Regulis; Chrysostomi, in Photio Bibliothecae cod. LIX, aliorumque plurimorum piorum hominum; semper, inquam, licuit balneum aliquando ingredi: non quidem propter voluptatem, inquiunt Gregorius Magnus lib. XI, epist. 3, et Nicolaus I ad Consulta Bulgarorum, cap. 6; neque propter calorem, addit Clemens Alexandrinus in capite Paedagogi laudato; sed propter necessitatem corporis, docetur a duobus pontificibus; propter sanitatem ratione virorum, atque etiam munditiem ratione mulierum, exponitur per doctissimum Presbyterum; quanquam Tertullianus in Apologetico dicat: Lavo et debita hora et salubri, quae mihi et calorem et sanguinem servet. Tum fovendorum corporum causa, ut loquar cum Optato Milevitano (lib. VI). Aut quod in Augustini Confessionibus, lib. IX, cap. 12, legitur, ad anxietatem ex animo pellendam. Nec minus licitum fuit, aut balneis in totum abstinere, post Jacobum fratrem Domini, teste Hegesippo apud Eusebium Hist. eccl., lib. II, cap. 23, et apud Hieronymum libro De viris illustribus in Jacobo, teste etiam Epiphanio haeresi 78, cap. 13, item post Joannem evangelistam, eodem Epiphanio auctore haeresi 30, cap. 24, nec repugnante Irenaeo lib. III, cap. 3, post monachos plures et sanctimoniales, de quibus Epiphanius in Expositione fidei cap. 23. Hieronymus epist. 48, cap. 3, post presbyterum illum, cujus mentio actione decima concilii Chalcedonensis, in libello Samuelis et aliorum contra Ibam; postque plurimos et plurimas sanctitatis conspicuae, quorum quarumque gesta habemus descripta; aut lavacro uti duntaxat in magna necessitate, quemadmodum virgini praecipit Athanasius in tractatu De virginitate, praecipit monialibus auctor Regulae monacharum cap. penult. tom. IX Operum Hieronymi, necnon Florentinae sorori Leander, libro De institutione virginum cap. 10, utque de Paula refert Hieronymus in Epitaphio illius cap. 7.de Olympiade Palladius in Vita Chrysostomi cap. 17, aut certa aetate certisque temporibus ad balneas non accedere. Siquidem lavacra in adultis virginibus et juvenculis viduis Hieronymo displicent. Tertullianus vero De corona 3 ostendit fideles sui temporis ex die baptismi, lavacro quotidiano per totam hebdomadam abstinuisse; et cap. 1, De jejuniis commemorat lavacri abstinentiam congruentem arido victui seu jejunii xerophagiis: secundum illa verba S. Augustini epist. 118: Jejunia simul et lavacra tolerare non possunt. Et libro De poenitentia cap. 11, poenitentes appellat inlotos et sordulentos: ἀλουσίας τὸν χρόνον περιμένοντας, ait Sozomenus, lib. VII, cap. 16, Hist. eccl., qua de re vide Pacianum in Paraenesi ad poenitentiam. Addo tempus Eucharistiae, ex Responsis Theodori Balsamonis ad Interrogationes Marci Alexandrini num. 11, Juris Graeco-Romani lib. V, necnon tempus publicae calamitatis, ex Tertull., Apolog. 40. Absit modo ab hujusmodi vel usu vel abstinentia superstitio; qualis in usu reprehenditur a saepe laudato Tertulliano De oratione, cap. 11, plerorumque, qui ad omnem orationem etiam cum lavacro totius corporis aquam sumebant, in commemorationem Dominicae deditionis; et ab Attone episcopo Vercellensi Capitularis cap. 76, eorum qui in aqua sanctificata balneum faciebant pro aliqua infirmitate vel necessitate. VIII tomo Spicilegii; qualisque in abstinentia arguitur tum a Gregorio Papa jam citato, praedicantium nemini licere diebus Dominicis corpus lavare, etiam exigente necessitate; tum a pariter citato papa Nicolao, Graecorum, quarta et sexta feria balneum omnino prohibentium. Certe, si ea quoque juvat cognoscere, Pythagoras vetuit usum balnei; abhorruerunt a lavacris quidam idolorum cultores; non licuit militibus ire in balneas; diesque certi fuerunt apud paganos, quibus lavari erat nonnullis religio. Primum docemur ab Aeliano Variae Historiae lib. IV, cap. 17; secundum, a Clemente Alexandrino in Admonitione ad Gentes p. 58; tertium, ab Aelio Lampridio, scriptore vitae Alexandri Severi; postremum, a Tertulliano I ad Nationes 13, et a Plutarcho in Quaestionibus Romanis, edit. Paris. Graeco-Latin. t. II, 285. Postea noster Constitutor rejecto meridie, opportunae lavationi definit horam decimam; quia scilicet a moderatioribus ei rei assumebantur tempora vespertina: id quod certius est, quam ut probationis ullius indigeat. Cot.

"Let her not make bathing too frequent." Over-frequent and unnecessary washings are condemned by the judgements of Clement of Alexandria, Paedagogus Book III, chapter 9; of Cyprian, in the work De lapsis, near the end; of Jerome, letters 4, 48, 99, and on Jeremiah 23:21, 22; of the compiler of the Letter to Praesidius on the Paschal Candle, found with that same great doctor, tome IX; and of Augustine, letter 109. For it was always permitted, after the example of John the evangelist (if Theodoret, Haereticarum fabularum II, 3, is to be believed); of the ancient Christians, as Tertullian reports in chapter 42 of the Apologeticus and chapter 3 of the book De corona; of many monks, from their Rules; of Chrysostom, in Photius, Bibliotheca, codex 59; and of very many other pious men: it was always permitted, I say, to go into the bath at times: not indeed for pleasure, as Gregory the Great (Book XI, letter 3) and Nicholas I (To the Questions of the Bulgarians, chapter 6) say; nor for warmth, adds Clement of Alexandria in the chapter of the Paedagogus cited; but for the body's need, as the two pontiffs teach; for health in the case of men, and also for cleanliness in the case of women, as the most learned Presbyter explains; although Tertullian says in the Apologeticus: "I bathe at a proper and healthful hour, one that keeps up my warmth and my blood." Then for the sake of tending the body, to speak with Optatus of Milevis (Book VI). Or, as one reads in Augustine's Confessions, Book IX, chapter 12, to drive anxiety from the mind. Nor was it any less permitted either to abstain from baths altogether, after James the brother of the Lord, on the witness of Hegesippus in Eusebius, Hist. eccl., Book II, chapter 23, and in Jerome, book De viris illustribus, under James, with Epiphanius also witnessing, Heresy 78, chapter 13; likewise after John the evangelist, on the authority of the same Epiphanius, Heresy 30, chapter 24, and with Irenaeus, Book III, chapter 3, not contradicting; after many monks and nuns, of whom Epiphanius writes in the Expositio fidei, chapter 23; Jerome, letter 48, chapter 3; after that presbyter who is mentioned in the tenth session of the Council of Chalcedon, in the petition of Samuel and others against Ibas; and after very many men and women conspicuous for holiness, whose acts we have on record; or to use the bath only in great necessity, as Athanasius enjoins on a virgin in the treatise De virginitate, as the author of the Rule for Nuns enjoins on nuns, in its penultimate chapter, tome IX of the Works of Jerome, and Leander also on his sister Florentina, in the book De institutione virginum, chapter 10, and as Jerome relates of Paula in her Epitaph, chapter 7, and Palladius of Olympias in the Life of Chrysostom, chapter 17; or at a certain age and at certain times not to go to the baths. For baths in grown virgins and young widows displease Jerome. Tertullian, moreover, in De corona 3 shows that the faithful of his time abstained from their daily bath for the whole week from the day of baptism; and in chapter 1 of De jejuniis he mentions abstinence from the bath as befitting a dry diet, that is, the xerophagies of the fast: according to those words of St Augustine, letter 118: "Fasts and baths cannot be borne together." And in the book De poenitentia, chapter 11, he calls penitents "unwashed and squalid": "awaiting the time of not bathing", says Sozomen, Book VII, chapter 16, Hist. eccl.; on which matter see Pacian in the Paraenesis ad poenitentiam. I add the time of the Eucharist, from the Answers of Theodore Balsamon to the Questions of Mark of Alexandria, no. 11, Jus Graeco-Romanum, Book V, and also the time of public calamity, from Tertullian, Apology 40. Only let superstition be far from such use or abstinence; such as is censured in use by the oft-cited Tertullian, De oratione, chapter 11, in most of those who at every prayer took water, even with a washing of the whole body, in commemoration of the Lord's being delivered up; and by Atto, bishop of Vercelli, Capitulary, chapter 76, in those who bathed in sanctified water on account of some infirmity or necessity (tome VIII of the Spicilegium); and such as is rebuked in abstinence, both by Pope Gregory, already cited, in those who preached that no one may wash the body on the Lord's days, even when necessity requires; and by Pope Nicholas, cited likewise, in the Greeks, who altogether forbade the bath on the fourth and sixth days of the week. Certainly, if it pleases us to know these things too, Pythagoras forbade the use of the bath; certain worshippers of idols shrank from baths; soldiers were not permitted to go to the baths; and there were fixed days among the pagans on which some held it a religious scruple to wash. The first we learn from Aelian, Varia Historia, Book IV, chapter 17; the second from Clement of Alexandria, in the Exhortation to the Gentiles, p. 58; the third from Aelius Lampridius, the writer of the Life of Alexander Severus; the last from Tertullian, Ad nationes I, 13, and from Plutarch, Quaestiones Romanae, Paris Graeco-Latin edition, vol. II, 285. Next, our Constitutor, rejecting midday, fixes the tenth hour for a seasonable washing; because, namely, the more temperate took the evening hours for that business: which is too certain to need any proof. Cotelier.

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Ποιείσθω. Post hanc vocem addunt ambo codd. μηδὲ πολλὴν, μηδὲ πολλάκις. Quod minus necessarium videtur. Cler.

"Let her make." After this word both manuscripts add "neither much, nor often." Which seems less than necessary. Le Clerc.

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[Below the notes this page prints the chapter list of Book II (Capita libri secundi / Κεφάλαια τοῦ δευτέρου βιβλίου); that is text, not a note, and is not set here.] (refs. 14-16) ‹scripture-reference notes, full width› · call in col 587 ¹⁴ Isa. lii, 5. ¹⁵ L. Ignat. ad Trall. 8, et Ignat. interpol. ibid. Polycarp. cap. 10, l. infra, lib. ii, cap. 5. ¹⁶ Prov. XXI, 19.

14 Isaiah 52:5. 15 See Ignatius, To the Trallians 8, and the interpolated Ignatius at the same place; Polycarp, ch. 10; see below, book 2, ch. 5. 16 Proverbs 21:19.

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Ἄπιστος. Πιστός in utroque, quam bene, nescio. Cler.

"Unbelieving." "Believing" in both [manuscripts]; how well, I do not know. Le Clerc.

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Οὐαὶ γάρ, φησι, δι' οὗ, etc. Eodem modo lib. III, cap. 5. Capite autem 24 libri VII. Δι' ὑμᾶς τὸ ὄνομά μου βλασφημεῖται ἐν τοῖς ἔθνεσι. Vulgo, δι' ὑμᾶς διαπαντὸς τὸ ὄνομά μου βλασφημεῖται ἐν τοῖς ἔθνεσι. S. Ignatius Epistola ad Trallianos c. 8: Οὐαὶ, δι' οὗ ἐπὶ ματαιότητι τὸ ὄνομά μου ἐπί τινων βλασφημεῖται. Ejus interpolator ibidem, quemadmodum Constitutiones hoc in loco. S. Polycarpus Epistolæ suæ cap. 10: Væ illi, per quem nomen Domini blasphematur! Ex Athanasio, Apologia ad Constantium p. 693, ac Gregorio Nysseno serm. 3 De Oratione Dominica, et libro De professione Christiana, οὐαί, δι' οὓς τὸ ὄνομά μου βλασφημεῖται ἐν τοῖς ἔθνεσι! Joannes Chrysostomus homil. 7 in Genesim: Οὐαὶ ὑμῖν, ὅτι δι' ὑμᾶς τὸ ὄνομά μου βλασφημεῖται ἐν τοῖς ἔθνεσι. Homil. 57 in Joannem: Οὐαὶ τῷ δούλῳ ἐκείνῳ, δι' οὗ τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ Θεοῦ βλασφημεῖται. Et homil. 46 in Acta apostolorum: Οὐαὶ ὑμῖν, δι' οὓς τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ Θεοῦ βλασφημεῖται. In Confessione S. Patricii, quam in lucem emisit Jacobus Waræus: Væ homini, per quem nomen Domini blasphematur! Denique concilii Turonensis I, canone 1: Væ eis, per quos nomen Dei blasphematur! Cot.

"For woe, he says, to him through whom," etc. In the same way book 3, ch. 5. But in ch. 24 of book 7: "Because of you my name is blasphemed among the Gentiles." Commonly: "Because of you my name is continually blasphemed among the Gentiles." Saint Ignatius, Letter to the Trallians, ch. 8: "Woe to him through whose vanity my name is blasphemed among some." His interpolator in the same place [has it] as the Constitutions do here. Saint Polycarp, ch. 10 of his Letter: "Woe to him through whom the name of the Lord is blasphemed!" From Athanasius, Apology to Constantius, p. 693, and Gregory of Nyssa, sermon 3 On the Lord's Prayer, and the book On Christian Profession: "Woe to those through whom my name is blasphemed among the Gentiles!" John Chrysostom, homily 7 on Genesis: "Woe to you, because through you my name is blasphemed among the Gentiles." Homily 57 on John: "Woe to that servant through whom the name of God is blasphemed." And homily 46 on the Acts of the Apostles: "Woe to you, through whom the name of God is blasphemed." In the Confession of Saint Patrick, which James Ware brought to light: "Woe to the man through whom the name of the Lord is blasphemed!" Finally, the First Council of Tours, canon 1: "Woe to them through whom the name of God is blasphemed!" Cotelier.

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(84) ‹anchor: βίου διαμείνατε› · call in col 587

Διαμείνατε. Omittit uterque codex Vindobon. et potest abesse. Cler.

"Continue." Both Vienna manuscripts omit it, and it can be absent. Le Clerc.

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Ἀναπαύσεσθαι. Ἀναπαύσασθε alter codicum. Vulgata lectio melior. Id.

"To rest." "Rest!" one of the manuscripts. The common reading is better. The same [Le Clerc].

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(none) [The page foot carries only the continuation of the Book II chapter list (κεφ. ιϛʹ–λαʹ / cap. XVI–XXXI), with no rule and no notes.] (printed under page 292)

(none) [The page foot carries only the continuation of the Book II chapter list (cap. XLI–LVI / κεφ. μαʹ–νϛʹ), with no rule and no notes.] (printed under page 293)

(refs. 17-19) ‹scripture- and variant-reference notes, full width› · call in col 594 ¹⁷ f. δεῖν. ¹⁸ Tit. I, 7. ¹⁹ 1 Tim. III, 2.

17 Perhaps "it is necessary" (δεῖν). 18 Titus 1:7. 19 1 Timothy 3:2.

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Ἠκούσαμεν. In utroque οὕτως ἠκούσαμεν. Melius. Cler.

"We have heard." In both [manuscripts], "thus we have heard." Better. Le Clerc.

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Οὐκ ἐλάττονα (sic lego) ἐτῶν πεντήκοντα. Minus ut habeat admirationis Constitutio, facit hoc Siricii Decretum epist. I, cap. 9: Quicunque se Ecclesiæ vovit obsequiis, a sua infantia ante pubertatis annos baptizari, et lectorum debet ministerio sociari; qui ab accessu adolescentiæ usque ad tricesimum ætatis annum, si probabiliter vixerit, una tantum et ea quam virginem communi per sacerdotem benedictione perceperit, uxore contentus; acolythus et subdiaconus esse debebit; post quæ ad diaconii gradum, si seipse primitus continentia præeunte dignum probarit, accedat; ubi si ultra quinque annos laudabiliter ministraverit, congrue presbyterium consequetur: et exinde post decennium episcopalem cathedram poterit adipisci; si tamen per hæc tempora integritas vitæ ac fidei ejus fuerit approbata. Cui adjiciet qui volet canonem supposititium Sylvestri papæ. In Canonibus Hiberniæ, Spicilegio 9, p. 4: Presbyter anno tricesimo, episcopus vel tricesimo, vel quadragesimo, vel quinquagesimo sacerdos efficiatur; item: quadragesimo anno presbyter, quinquagesimo Episcopus stet. Gregorius M., Dialogorum libro II, cap. 2: Per Moysem in Exodo (Duæ hæ voces recte absunt a versione Græca et a mss tum duobus Regiis, tum uno V. Cl. Claudii Jolii, canonici Parisiensis. Neque enim ad Exodum, sed ad Numeros respicit summus pontifex) præcipitur, ut levitæ a viginti quinque annis et supra ministrare debeant; ab anno vero quinquagesimo custodes vasorum fiant... Liquet quod in juventute carnis tentatio ferveat, ab anno autem quinquagesimo calor corporis frigescat: vasa autem sacra sunt fidelium mentes. Electi ergo cum adhuc in tentatione sunt, subesse eos ac servire necesse est, et obsequiis laboribusque fatigari. Cum vero jam mentis ætate tranquilla calor recesserit tentationis; custodes vasorum sunt, quia doctores animarum fiunt. Quanquam canonibus multis et edictis principum requiratur solummodo ad episcopatum suscipiendum ætas annorum triginta, vel triginta quinque, vel supra triginta: necessitate ac summa virtute semper exceptis; quemadmodum docetur, de necessitate, in Epistola Zachariæ papæ ad Bonifacium archiepiscopum decima tertia, et in concilio Lateranensi sub Alexandro III, cap. III, de eximia virtute, exemplis præcipue S. Eleutherii Illyrici apud Nicephorum Histor. lib. III, cap. 29, et S. Remigii Remensis in Vita illius; quorum primus annum agens 20, alter 22, ad summum sacerdotium provecti fuere. Ἀλλ' οὐ νόμος ἐκκλησίας, τὸ σπάνιον, præclara est B. Gregorii Theologi senten- (continues)

"Not less than fifty years" (so I read ἐλάττονα). That the ordinance should cause less surprise is the effect of this Decree of Siricius, letter 1, ch. 9: "Whoever has vowed himself to the service of the Church from his infancy ought to be baptized before the years of puberty and attached to the ministry of the readers; and from the approach of adolescence up to the thirtieth year of his age, if he has lived commendably, content with one wife only, and her one whom he received as a virgin through the common blessing by the priest, he ought to be acolyte and subdeacon; after which let him come to the rank of the diaconate, if he has first proved himself worthy by continence going before; where, if he has served laudably for more than five years, he will fittingly attain the presbyterate; and thence after ten years he will be able to obtain the episcopal chair, provided that through these periods the integrity of his life and faith has been approved." To which whoever wishes may add the spurious canon of Pope Sylvester. In the Canons of Ireland, Spicilegium 9, p. 4: "Let a presbyter be made in the thirtieth year, a bishop, a priest, either in the thirtieth or the fortieth or the fiftieth"; also: "In the fortieth year let him stand presbyter, in the fiftieth bishop." Gregory the Great, Dialogues, book 2, ch. 2: "Through Moses in Exodus (these two words are rightly absent from the Greek version and from the manuscripts, both the two Royal ones and one belonging to the most distinguished Claude Joly, canon of Paris; for the supreme pontiff has in view not Exodus but Numbers) it is commanded that the Levites should serve from twenty-five years and upwards, but from the fiftieth year should become keepers of the vessels… It is clear that in youth the temptation of the flesh is hot, but from the fiftieth year the heat of the body cools; and the sacred vessels are the minds of the faithful. So the elect, while they are still in temptation, must be subject and serve, and be wearied with duties and labours. But when, in the tranquil age of the mind, the heat of temptation has withdrawn, they are keepers of the vessels, because they become teachers of souls." Although by many canons and edicts of princes only the age of thirty years, or thirty-five, or over thirty, is required for taking up the episcopate — necessity and the highest virtue always excepted; as is taught concerning necessity in the thirteenth letter of Pope Zachary to Archbishop Boniface and in the Lateran Council under Alexander III, ch. 3; concerning outstanding virtue, chiefly by the examples of Saint Eleutherius of Illyricum in Nicephorus, History, book 3, ch. 29, and of Saint Remigius of Reims in his Life, of whom the first in his twentieth year and the other in his twenty-second were raised to the highest priesthood. "But the rare thing is not the law of the Church" is the splendid sentence of blessed Gregory the Theologian… (continues)

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(refs. 20-25) ‹scripture- and variant-reference notes, full width› · call in col 595 ²⁰ f. ὅτε. 2. ²¹ Matth. XII, 36. ²² Ibid., 37. ²³ Ignat. interpol. ad Magnes. 3. ²⁴ IV Reg. XXII et xi. ²⁵ Isa. lxvi, 2.

20 Perhaps "when" (ὅτε). 2. 21 Matthew 12:36. 22 The same, 37. 23 Interpolated Ignatius, To the Magnesians 3. 24 4 Kings 22 and 11. 25 Isaiah 66:2.

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(87) (continued) · call in col 595

tia orat. 39, usurpata deinde ab illo concilio Constantinopolitano quod in templo SS. Apostolorum congregatum fuit, canone ultimo. Notatus fuit memoriæ lapsus in Hippolyto Thebano auctore vulgato parte I, tom. III Antiquæ lectionis Henrici Canisii, quando sub initium Chronici sui scribit: Οὕτως ὁ Κύριος Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς λ' χρόνους ἐν τοῖς παιδικοῖς αὐτοῦ χρόνοις διῆγεν. Μετὰ δὲ τὸ βάπτισμα ἐπελέξατο ἑαυτῷ τοὺς μαθητὰς, κηρύσσων σὺν αὐτοῖς τὴν βασιλείαν αὐτοῦ, μέχρι τοῦ σωτηρίου πάθους ἔτη γ'. Διὸ καὶ οἱ ἐν Νικαίᾳ κανόνες τιη' θεοφόρων Πατέρων παρακελεύονται, πρὸ τριάκοντα ἐτῶν μηδένα χειροτονεῖσθαι πρεσβύτερον. Ἀρκετὸν γὰρ, φησὶ, τῷ μαθητῇ, εἶναι ὡς ὁ διδάσκαλος αὐτοῦ, καὶ τῷ δούλῳ ὡς ὁ Κύριος αὐτοῦ. Id est, Sic Dominus Jesus Christus triginta annos in ætate sua juvenili transegit. Post baptismum autem delegit sibi discipulos, prædicans cum illis regnum suum, usque ad salutiferam Passionem annis tribus. Ideoque Nicænæ synodi trecentorum duodeviginti divinorum Patrum canones decernunt, ut ante annum 30, nemo ordinetur presbyter. Sufficit enim, inquit Scriptura, discipulo, ut sit sicut magister ejus; et servo, sicut dominus ejus. Nihil enim tale in concilio Nicæno. Sed canon 11 Neocæsariensis ita concipitur: Πρεσβύτερος πρὸ τῶν τριάκοντα ἐτῶν μὴ χειροτονείσθω, ἐὰν καὶ πάνυ ᾖ ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἄξιος, ἀλλὰ ἀποτηρείσθω. Ὁ γὰρ Κύριος Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς ἐν τῷ τριακοστῷ ἔτει ἐφωτίσθη, καὶ ἤρξατο διδάσκειν. Cot.

…[sen]tence in oration 39, adopted afterwards by that Council of Constantinople which was assembled in the church of the Holy Apostles, in its last canon. A slip of memory has been noted in Hippolytus of Thebes, an author published in part 1, volume 3 of Henricus Canisius's Antiqua lectio, when near the beginning of his Chronicle he writes: "So the Lord Jesus Christ passed thirty years in the years of his youth. After his baptism he chose for himself the disciples, preaching his kingdom with them until the saving passion, three years. Therefore the canons of the 318 God-bearing Fathers at Nicaea also enjoin that no one be ordained presbyter before thirty years. For it is enough, it says, for the disciple to be like his teacher, and for the servant like his Lord." That is: "So the Lord Jesus Christ spent thirty years in his youthful age. But after baptism he chose disciples for himself, preaching his kingdom with them up to the saving Passion, for three years. And therefore the canons of the Council of Nicaea of the three hundred and eighteen divine Fathers decree that no one be ordained presbyter before the thirtieth year. For it is enough, says Scripture, for the disciple to be like his master, and for the servant like his lord." For there is nothing of the kind in the Council of Nicaea. But canon 11 of Neocaesarea is framed thus: "Let a presbyter not be ordained before thirty years, even if the man is entirely worthy, but let him wait. For the Lord Jesus Christ was baptized [enlightened] in his thirtieth year, and began to teach." Cotelier.

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Εὐαγγελίῳ. Addit alter εἰρημένον, et postea pro λαλήσῃ habet εἴπῃ. Sic in omnibus ferme codd. sunt synonyma inter se mista, aut aliquid omissum, aut additum, sententia eadem. Cler.

"In the Gospel." The other [manuscript] adds "spoken," and afterwards has "says" for "speaks." So in almost all manuscripts synonyms are mixed with one another, or something is omitted or added, the sense being the same. Le Clerc.

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Πεπαιδευμένος. Uterque codex: Ἔστω οὖν εἰ δυνατὸν πεπαιδευμένος, εἰ δὲ ᾖ ἀγράμματος, ἀλλ' οὖν. Præterea scholium hoc legitur in margine: Ὅτι τὸ ἀγράμματον εἶναι, ἔμπειρον δὲ τοῦ λόγου, οὐ κωλύει πρὸς ἐπισκοπήν. Revera Apostoli non postulabant litterarum peritiam in episcopo, quas ipsi ignorabant, sed peritiam Evangelii, quod designatur voce λόγος. Qui personam hic sustinet Apostolorum sic necesse habuit loqui. Id.

"Educated." Both manuscripts: "Let him then be educated if possible; but if he is unlettered, yet at least…" Besides, this scholion is read in the margin: "That to be unlettered, but experienced in the word, is no bar to the episcopate." In truth the Apostles did not require of a bishop skill in letters, which they themselves did not know, but skill in the Gospel, which is meant by the word logos. He who here plays the part of the Apostles had to speak thus. The same [Le Clerc].

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Μεμαρτυρημένος. Καὶ σοφὸς εἰς ἐπισκοπὴν κατασταθῆναι, νέος δὲ ᾖ ἐκεῖ. Sic uterque codex. Quæ admittenda censeo et sic vertenda: Si vero in parœcia, quæ parva est, ætate provectus non inveniatur, qui testimonium ferat a familiaribus, quasi dignus episcopatu; et sit illic juvenis, ea sapientia, ut episcopus constitui queat, quod in juventute probatus mansuetudine, et compositis moribus senilem indolem ostenderit. Id.

"Well attested." "And wise enough to be appointed to the episcopate, but if there is a young man there." So both manuscripts. I judge these should be admitted, and translated thus: "But if in a parish which is small no one advanced in age is found who bears testimony from those who know him as worthy of the episcopate; and there is a young man there of such wisdom that he can be appointed bishop, because, proved in youth by meekness and composed manners, he has shown an old man's character." The same.

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Τοιούτων. Alter ms.: πάντων οὕτως. Id.

"Of such." The other manuscript: "of all thus." The same.

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Σολομὼν δωδεκαέτης, τοῦ Ἰσραὴλ ἐβασίλευσε. Idem ætatis Salomoni regnare incipienti tribuunt Eupolemus ab Eusebio Præparat. evang. lib. IX, cap 30, prolatus; Chrysostomus ad Isaiæ III, 4, ac libro De educandis liberis per R.P. Franciscum Combefisium publici juris facto p. 94; Hieronymus epist. 125, quæst. 2, epist. 131 et 132, et ad Isaiæ locum memoratum; auctor Ἱστοριῶν συναγωγῆς cum Chronicis Eusebii a Scaligero editis, ubi de Salomone; Cedrenus et Zonaras in eodem rege; Chronologia Hebræorum major cap. 14, aliique Rabbinorum Tractatus; item Epistola interpolata S. Ignatii ad Magnesianos cap. 3, et Epistola supposititia Mariæ Proselytæ ad S. Ignatium cap. 3. Nec diversa opinio Josephi, quamvis asserat regnasse Salomonem annos octoginta (perperam in versione Rufini edita, quadraginta, cum a Græco non dissentiant libri regiæ Bibliothecæ) vixisse annon quatuor et nonaginta; hoc est, XIV vitæ anno regnum inchoasse; quia videlicet non numerat primum Salomonici regni biennium, cum postremo Davidici conjunctum, ideoque Davidi potius ascribendum quam Salomoni. Sane III Regum II, 12 ad Σαλωμὼν ἐκάθισεν ἐπὶ θρόνου Δαυὶδ τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῦ, in ms. Alexandrino additur: ἐτῶν δώδεκα· et in quibusdam ed. υἱὸς ἐτῶν δώδεκα, quam postremam lectionem e 4 regiis codicibus tres servant. Cot.

"Solomon, at twelve years old, reigned over Israel." The same age is assigned to Solomon at the start of his reign by Eupolemus, cited by Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel, book 9, ch. 30; by Chrysostom on Isaiah 3:4, and in the book On the Education of Children published by the Reverend Father François Combefis, p. 94; by Jerome, letter 125, question 2, letters 131 and 132, and on the passage of Isaiah mentioned; by the author of the Collection of Histories published with Eusebius's Chronicles by Scaliger, where he speaks of Solomon; by Cedrenus and Zonaras on the same king; by the Greater Chronology of the Hebrews, ch. 14, and other treatises of the Rabbis; likewise by the interpolated Letter of Saint Ignatius to the Magnesians, ch. 3, and the spurious Letter of Mary the Proselyte to Saint Ignatius, ch. 3. Nor is the opinion of Josephus different, though he asserts that Solomon reigned eighty years (wrongly printed "forty" in Rufinus's version, since the books of the Royal Library do not disagree with the Greek) and lived ninety-four years, that is, began his reign in the fourteenth year of his life; because, namely, he does not count the first two years of Solomon's reign, joined with the last of David's and therefore to be ascribed to David rather than Solomon. Indeed at 3 Kings 2:12, at "Solomon sat on the throne of David his father," the Alexandrian manuscript adds "twelve years old"; and some editions "a son of twelve years," the last reading being kept by three of the four Royal manuscripts. Cotelier.

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Ταπεινόν. Alter ms. C. πρᾷον. Cler.

"Humble." The other manuscript, C, has "meek." Le Clerc.

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Διαπαντός. Deest in altero. Id.

"Always." It is lacking in the other [manuscript]. The same [Le Clerc].

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[Foot notes 20–25 (call 20 at ὅτι, the column's first word) and Variorum notae (88)–(94), all called in this column's Greek, are set under col 595 (notes/n595.md).] (printed under page 295)

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(95) ‹anchor: Δέ› · call in col 597

Δέ. Οὖν in altero. Cler.

Δέ ("but"): the other [manuscript] has οὖν ("therefore"). Clericus (Le Clerc).

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Ἐλεηθήσονται. Addit uterque codex ἔστω δὲ καὶ εἰρηνοποιὸς, ὅτι πάλιν λέγει· Μακάριοι οἱ εἰρηνοποιοὶ, ὅτι αὐτοὶ υἱοὶ Θεοῦ κληθήσονται : sit et pacificus, quia rursus dicit (Scriptura) : Beati pacifici, quia ipsi filii Dei vocabuntur. Id.

Ἐλεηθήσονται ("they shall obtain mercy"): both manuscripts add ἔστω δὲ καὶ εἰρηνοποιὸς, ὅτι πάλιν λέγει· Μακάριοι οἱ εἰρηνοποιοὶ, ὅτι αὐτοὶ υἱοὶ Θεοῦ κληθήσονται: "let him also be a peacemaker, for again it (Scripture) says: Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God." The same [editor].

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Παγίδα. Desunt καὶ παγίδα et ὁ ante ὑψῶν, in utroque Vindobonensi cod. Id.

Παγίδα ("snare"): καὶ παγίδα, and the ὁ before ὑψῶν, are missing in both Vienna manuscripts. The same [editor].

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(98) ‹anchor: Μιᾶς ἄνδρα γεγενημένον γυναικὸς μονογάμου› · call in col 597

Μιᾶς ἄνδρα γεγενημένον γυναικὸς μονογάμου. Circa clericorum mores multi loquuntur multa : nos quoque quaedam infra dicemus. Hic solummodo investigamus quare scripserit Tertullianus De exhortatione castitatis cap. 7 : Cautum in Levitico : Sacerdos mei non plus nubunt, vel nubant, vel nubent ; l. De monog., c. 7 : Prohibet lex sacerdotes denuo nubere ; et Siricius epist. I, cap. 8 : Ubi illud est, quod Deus noster data per Moysem lege constituit, dicens : Sacerdotes mei semel nubant ? ac Innocentius cap. 6, epist. 2 : Nec is qui secundam duxit uxorem clericus fiat ; quia scriptum est : Unius uxoris virum. Et iterum (in collectione Cresconii, alibi) : Sacerdotes mei semel nubant. Et alibi (eadem collectio, iterum) : Sacerdotes mei non nubant amplius ; epist. vero 23, cap. 5 : Scriptum est in Veteri Testamento : Uxorem virginem accipiat sacerdos. Et alibi : Sacerdotes mei semel nubant : cum nec in Levitico, nec in tota lege, nec ullibi Scripturarum, quidpiam ejusmodi legatur. Et quidem dici potest Siricium ex Tertulliano accepisse, ex Siricio ac Tertulliano Innocentium ; huncque non sine errore existimasse locum a Siricio citatum diversum esse a textu per Tertullianum prolato. Quapropter tota difficultas ad scriptorem Afrum redit. Visum Pamelio, adducta verba esse aut adjectionem ad versum 14 cap. XXI Levitici, aut interpretationem Symmachi vel Theodotionis. Ex sententia autem Seldeni Uxoris Hebraicae lib. I, cap. 8, occasionem errandi tribuit Tertulliano, quod capite illo Levitici, mulier sive uxor singulari numero efferatur ; unde cum Hebraei tantum colligant non licere pontifici maximo plures simul habere uxores, ille conclusit vetitas fuisse cunctis sacerdotibus secundas nuptias. Addo ego his, forsan a Tertulliano, non ad verbum, sed ex praesumpto sensu Leviticum librum ita citari ; vel quia legebat, οὗτος γυναῖκα παρθένος ἐκ τοῦ γένους αὐτοῦ λήψεται, pro παρθένον, Levit. XXI, 13, aut quia versu 15, nonnihil repererat simile illi ex quo Arabicus interpres fecit : Et ne profanet stirpem suam per aliam mulierem de gente sua. Vel denique quoniam putavit virginitate uxoris ostendi ἀγαμίαν mariti. Cot.

"The husband of one wife, of a once-married woman." Many say many things about the manners of clerics; we too shall say something below. Here we only inquire why Tertullian wrote, in De exhortatione castitatis ch. 7: "It is provided in Leviticus: My priests do not marry more than once" (or "let them not marry", or "will not marry"); and in the book De monogamia, ch. 7: "The law forbids priests to marry again"; and Siricius, letter 1, ch. 8: "Where is that which our God established in the law given through Moses, saying: Let my priests marry once?"; and Innocent, ch. 6 of letter 2: "Nor let one who has taken a second wife become a cleric, for it is written: the husband of one wife." And again (in the collection of Cresconius, elsewhere): "Let my priests marry once." And elsewhere (the same collection, again): "Let my priests marry no more"; and in letter 23, ch. 5: "It is written in the Old Testament: Let the priest take a virgin wife. And elsewhere: Let my priests marry once" — when nothing of the kind is read in Leviticus, nor in the whole Law, nor anywhere in the Scriptures. It can indeed be said that Siricius took it from Tertullian, and Innocent from Siricius and Tertullian; and that Innocent mistakenly thought the passage cited by Siricius different from the text Tertullian brought forward. So the whole difficulty goes back to the African writer. Pamelius thought the words adduced were either an addition to verse 14 of Leviticus 21 or the rendering of Symmachus or Theodotion. In the view of Selden (Uxor Hebraica, book 1, ch. 8), what gave Tertullian occasion to err is that in that chapter of Leviticus "woman" or "wife" is put in the singular; and whereas the Hebrews infer from it only that the high priest may not have several wives at once, he concluded that second marriages were forbidden to all priests. I add to these that perhaps Tertullian cites the book of Leviticus thus not word for word but from the sense he presumed; or because he read οὗτος γυναῖκα παρθένος ἐκ τοῦ γένους αὐτοῦ λήψεται, with παρθένος for παρθένον (Lev. 21:13); or because at verse 15 he had found something like the text from which the Arabic translator made: "And let him not profane his stock through another woman of his own people." Or, finally, because he thought the wife's virginity showed the husband's not having married before (ἀγαμία). Cotelier.

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(99) ‹anchor: Μονογάμου› · call in col 597

Μονογάμου. Est in altero cod. Vindobon. μονόγαμον, ita ut referatur ad virum, Vulgata lectio ad mulierem refert, quod satius. Videntur enim personati apostoli exigere ab episcopo non tantum ut abstineat secundo conjugio, sed ne cum primum uxorem ducit, viduam ducat, quod illicitum erat sacerdotibus, sub lege. Cler.

Μονογάμου ("once-married", of the wife): the other Vienna manuscript has μονόγαμον, so that it refers to the man; the common reading refers it to the woman, which is better. For the pseudo-apostles seem to require of the bishop not only that he abstain from a second marriage, but that when he first takes a wife he not marry a widow, which was unlawful for priests under the Law. Clericus (Le Clerc).

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(100) ‹anchor: εἰ ἄμωμός ἐστι περὶ› · call in col 597

Περί. Unus codd. παρὰ τάς, minus bene. Id.

Περί ("concerning"): one of the manuscripts has παρὰ τάς, less well. The same [editor].

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(26) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 598

Matth. V, 4.

Matthew 5:4.

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(27) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 598

Ibid. 7.

Same, verse 7.

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(28) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 598

Ibid. 8.

Same, verse 8.

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(29) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 598

I Tim. III, 2; Tit. I, 7.

1 Timothy 3:2; Titus 1:7.

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(30) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 598

Luc. XIV, 11.

Luke 14:11.

[VARIORUM NOTAE — the numbered calls are printed in the Greek column only.] (printed under page 296)

[Scripture references, printed above the Variorum notes.] (printed under page 297)

(31) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 599

Lev. XXI, 17.

Leviticus 21:17.

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(32) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 599

Prov. XV, 1, sec. LXX.

Proverbs 15:1, according to the Septuagint.

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(33) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 599

Joan. XIII, 35.

John 13:35.

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(34) ‹anchor: referre› · call in col 599

Prov. XIX, 24.

Proverbs 19:24.

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(35) ‹anchor: carnes suas› · call in col 599

Eccl. IV, 5.

Ecclesiastes 4:5.

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(36) ‹anchor: pannosis inducetur› · call in col 599

Prov. XXIII, 21.

Proverbs 23:21.

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(37) ‹anchor: nudior pistillo› · call in col 599

Ibid. 31 in LXX. Pseudo Ignat. ad Tars. 9.

Same, verse 31, in the Septuagint. Pseudo-Ignatius, To the Tarsians 9.

[VARIORUM NOTAE — the numbered calls are printed in the Greek column only.] (printed under page 297)

(1) ‹anchor: Τίς› · call in col 600

Τίς. Deest in altero cod. Vind. Cler.

Τίς ("who"): missing in the other Vienna manuscript. Clericus (Le Clerc).

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(2) ‹anchor: καὶ ἐνδύσεται› · call in col 600

Διερρωγότα. Alter : διερρηγμένα, non male. Id.

Διερρωγότα ("torn"): the other [manuscript] has διερρηγμένα, not badly. The same [editor].

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(3) ‹anchor: διερρωγότα καὶ ῥακώδη› · call in col 600

Ῥακώδη. Deest in altero. Id.

Ῥακώδη ("ragged"): missing in the other [manuscript]. The same [editor].

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(4) ‹anchor: γυμνότερος ὑπέρου› · call in col 600

Ὕστερον περιπατήσεις γυμνότερος ὑπέρου. Proverb. XXIII, 31. Qui fit, inquies, ut ab Hebraeo Graecum adeo discrepet ? Dicam quod sentio. Non legerunt LXX במישרים in rectitudinibus, seu directe, aut ut Vulgata blande. Legerunt במערים [Hebrew not certainly legible on the image] in nuditatibus : hocque παραφραστικῶς reddiderunt per Adagium γυμνότερος ὑπέρου, id est, nudior pistillo. Fallitur quippe auctor Catenae a Peltano vulgatae, ὕπερον exponendo quoddam sicci graminis foenive genus, quod propter naturalem debilitatem nudum et leve admodum exsistit ; videturque ὕπερον cum ὑπερικῷ confundere. Rectius Catena inedita : Τῆς θείας χάριτος γεγυμνωμένος πλέον ξύλου τινὸς, τῇ συνεχεῖ τρίψει τοῦ προστυχόντος τὸν οἰκεῖον ἀποβαλομένου φλοιόν. Nudatus divina gratia plus quam lignum quidpiam, quod continuo ad obvia attritu suum amisit corticem. Et alia pariter manu scripta, γυμνὸς καὶ βαρὺς ὡς τὸ ὕπερον. Exstat de isto Parabolarum textu difficilis ac forte mancus atque explicandus hic locus Isidori Pelusiotae libro IV, epistola 112, quam edidit corrupte Conradus Rittershusius, correctius Andreas Schottus. Ecce illum, ex editione Rittershusiana : Καὶ τὸ ἐν ταῖς Παροιμίαις : Ὕστερον περιπατήσει γυμνότερος ὑπέρου, ὕπερον εἰ ἔστι τοὔνομα· οὐ γὰρ εἶπε γυμνὸς ἢ γυμνότατος, ὥσπερ ὕπερον, ὅπερ, εἴγε τὸ ὑπερῷον μηνύει, ὤφειλε λεχθῆναι, ἀλλὰ γυμνότερον. (in marg. f. γυμνότερος.) Quod item in Proverbiis est : Tandem obambulabit nudior pistillo. Ὕπερον si est nomen, non enim dixit, Nudus aut Nudissimus, tanquam pistillum, quod dici debebat, si quidem ὑπερῷον significat, sed nudiorem dixit. Ex Schottana vero : Καὶ τὸ ἐν ταῖς Παροιμίαις· Ὕστερον περιπατήσεις γυμνότερος ὑπέρου, ὑπὲρ ὃ εἶ· συγκριτικὸν γάρ ἐστι τοὔνομα· οὐ γὰρ εἶπεν, γυμνὸς, ἢ, γυμνότατος ὡς ὕπερον, ὅπερ, εἴτε τὸ ὕπερον, εἴτε τὸ ὑπερῷον μηνύει, ὤφειλε λεχθῆναι· ἀλλὰ γυμνότερος ὑπέρου, ὑπὲρ ὃ εἶ. Quod item in Proverbiis est : Tandem obambulabis nudior pistillo super quo stas. Siquidem comparativi est gradus nomen : neque enim Nudus, vel Nudissimus dixit, tunc enim dixisse oportuit : Tanquam pistillum ; sed dixit Nudior ὑπέρου super quo stas, sive id pistillum sive tabulatum significet. Spissas utrobique tenebras. Sed sensum videre videor, dum post περιπατήσεις γυμνότερος ὑπέρου repeto e superioribus verbum ἐστίν. Nisi mea fallit conjectura, vult clarissimus scriptor, quanquam minus probabiliter, legi non oportere in Proverbiis, γυμνότερος ὑπέρου, aut ὑπερῴου, quia de pistillo aut coenaculo dictum fuisset, γυμνός aut γυμνότατος ὡς ὕπερον (continues)

"Afterwards you will walk about more naked than a pestle" — Proverbs 23:31. How is it, you will ask, that the Greek differs so much from the Hebrew? I will say what I think. The Seventy did not read במישרים, "in uprightness" or "straight", or as the Vulgate has it, "smoothly". They read [the Hebrew word] "in nakedness", and rendered it by way of paraphrase with the proverb γυμνότερος ὑπέρου, that is, "more naked than a pestle". The author of the Catena published by Peltanus is mistaken in explaining ὕπερον as a kind of dry grass or hay, which by its natural weakness is bare and very light; he seems to confuse ὕπερον with ὑπερικόν. The unpublished Catena is more correct: "Stripped of divine grace more than some piece of wood which, by the constant rubbing of whatever it meets, has lost its own bark." And another manuscript likewise: "naked and heavy as the pestle". On this difficult text of the Proverbs there is a passage of Isidore of Pelusium, perhaps defective and needing explanation, book 4, letter 112, which Conrad Rittershusius published corruptly and Andreas Schottus more correctly. Here it is, from Rittershusius's edition: "And the saying in the Proverbs: Afterwards he will walk about more naked than a pestle — if ὕπερον is the noun; for he did not say 'naked' or 'most naked', as a pestle, which, if it means the upper room (ὑπερῷον), ought to have been said, but 'more naked'." (In the margin: perhaps γυμνότερος.) [Latin version:] "As also in the Proverbs: At last he will walk about more naked than a pestle. If ὕπερον is a noun — for he did not say naked or most naked, like a pestle, which ought to have been said if it signifies ὑπερῷον — but he said 'more naked'." From Schottus's edition: "And the saying in the Proverbs: Afterwards you will walk about more naked than the pestle, above which you are; for the word is comparative; for he did not say 'naked' or 'most naked' as a pestle, which, whether it means the pestle or the upper room, ought to have been said; but 'more naked than the pestle, above which you are'." [Latin version:] "As also in the Proverbs: At last you will walk about more naked than the pestle on which you stand. For the noun is of the comparative degree: he did not say Naked or Most naked — for then he ought to have said, Like a pestle — but he said More naked than the ὕπερον on which you stand, whether that means pestle or floor." Thick darkness in both. But I think I see the sense when, after περιπατήσεις γυμνότερος ὑπέρου, I supply the verb ἐστίν from the preceding words. Unless my conjecture deceives me, the most illustrious writer means, though less probably, that one should not read in the Proverbs γυμνότερος ὑπέρου or ὑπερῴου, since of a pestle or an upper room it would have been said "naked" or "most naked as a pestle" (continues)

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[Scripture and reading notes, printed above the Variorum notes.] (printed under page 298)

(5) ‹anchor: Πολυδίδακτος› · call in col 601

Πολυδίδακτος. Alter c. Vind. habet πολυδιδακτικός, hoc est multum docendi studiosus, quod Episcopum decet quam maxime. Cler.

Πολυδίδακτος ("much-taught"): the other Vienna manuscript has πολυδιδακτικός, that is, "very eager to teach", which most of all befits a bishop. Clericus (Le Clerc).

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(6) ‹anchor: Ἑρμηνεύων› · call in col 601

Ἑρμηνεύων. Deest in altero cod. Vindob. Id.

Ἑρμηνεύων ("interpreting"): missing in the other Vienna manuscript. The same [editor].

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(7) ‹anchor: κατὰ λέξιν ἑρμηνεύειν› · call in col 601

Ἑρμηνεύειν. Alter habet ἑρμηνεύσῃς, eadem sententia. Id.

Ἑρμηνεύειν ("to interpret"): the other has ἑρμηνεύσῃς, with the same sense. The same [editor].

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(8) ‹anchor: μὴ φιλοπλούσιος› · call in col 601

Φιλοπλούσιος. Amans divitias, seu potius divites. Cot.

Φιλοπλούσιος: loving riches, or rather the rich. Cotelier.

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(9) ‹anchor: συνηγορῶν δίκαις χρηματικαῖς› · call in col 601

Μὴ ἐγγυώμενός τινα, ἢ συνηγορῶν δίκαις χρηματικαῖς. Habentur similes sanctiones non paucae. Postremum autem ita intelligo, ac si esset ne quidem in causis pecuniariis. Nam de criminalibus nulla poterat oriri difficultas. Tertullianus De idololatria, cap 17 : Neque judicet de capite alicujus, vel pudore ; feras enim de pecunia. Lactantius, lib. VI, cap. 20 : Neque vero justo licebit accusare quemquam crimine capitali ; quia nihil distat, utrumne ferro, an verbo potius occidas ; quoniam occisio ipsa prohibetur. Chrysostomus homil. De poenitentia seu de politia, etc., a Savilio imperfecte, a Combefisio integre edita : Καλὸν, καὶ τὰς χρηματικὰς δίκας φθάνειν διαλύσεσι φιλικαῖς, ἵνα πρὸς τῷ τέλει τῆς δίκης (continues)

"Not standing surety for anyone, nor pleading in money suits." There are not a few similar enactments. The last I understand as if it read "not even in money cases"; for about criminal cases no difficulty could arise. Tertullian, De idololatria ch. 17: "Let him not judge of anyone's life or honour; money matters you may allow." Lactantius, book 6, ch. 20: "Nor indeed will it be lawful for the just man to accuse anyone of a capital crime, for it makes no difference whether you kill with the sword or rather with a word, since killing itself is forbidden." Chrysostom, in the homily On Repentance, or On the Commonwealth, etc., published incompletely by Savile and in full by Combefis: "It is good to forestall even money suits by friendly settlements, so that at the end of the suit (continues)

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(38) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 602

Citatur a Cedreno. Vide Testimonia Veterum.

Cited by Cedrenus. See the Testimonies of the Ancients.

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(39) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 602

Lev. XIX, 15.

Leviticus 19:15.

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(40) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 602

Exod. XXIII, 3.

Exodus 23:3.

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(41) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 602

Deut. I, 17.

Deuteronomy 1:17.

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(42) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 602

Deut. XVI, 20.

Deuteronomy 16:20.

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(43) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 602

al. τροφὴ καὶ ποτός.

Another reading: τροφὴ καὶ ποτός ("food and drink").

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(44) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 602

al. σοι ὦ ἐπίσκοπε.

Another reading: σοι ὦ ἐπίσκοπε ("to you, O bishop").

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(45) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 602

al. δυνηθῇς.

Another reading: δυνηθῇς ("you may be able").

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(46) ‹anchor: perhibent de me› · call in col 602

Joan. V, 39.

John 5:39.

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(47) ‹anchor: scripsit Moyses› · call in col 602

Ibid., 46.

Same, verse 46.

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(48) ‹anchor: dum adhuc est tempus› · call in col 602

Osee X, 12.

Hosea 10:12.

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(49) ‹anchor: quam inferre› · call in col 602

l. Clem. Epist. ad Jacob. c. 5. l. Barnab., cap. 19.

[l.] Clement, Letter to James, ch. 5; [l.] Barnabas, ch. 19.

[VARIORUM NOTAE — the numbered calls are printed in the Greek column only.] (printed under page 298)

[Scripture and reading notes, printed above the Variorum notes.] (printed under page 299)

(50) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 603

Lev. XV, 31.

Leviticus 15:31.

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(51) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 603

al. εὐπρόσοχος.

Another reading: εὐπρόσοχος ("attentive").

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(52) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 603

Varia lectio, alterutrum vacat.

A variant reading; one of the two is superfluous.

(52*) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 603 Locus corruptus.

The passage is corrupt.

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(53) ‹anchor: ita et populus› · call in col 603

Osee IV, 9.

Hosea 4:9.

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(54) ‹anchor: Certe› · call in col 603

Ignat. interpol. ad Ephes. 15.

Interpolated Ignatius, To the Ephesians 15.

[VARIORUM NOTAE — the numbered calls are printed in the Greek column only.] (printed under page 299)

(10) ‹anchor: Κεναῖς› · call in col 604

Κεναῖς. Alter cod. Vind. καιναῖς, quae voces saepe ob soni affinitatem a librariis miscentur, praesertim cum alteruter sensus aeque commodus est. Cler.

Κεναῖς ("empty"): the other Vienna manuscript has καιναῖς ("new"); copyists often confuse these words because they sound alike, especially when either sense fits equally well. Clericus (Le Clerc).

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(11) ‹anchor: Δίκαιος, κριτικός› · call in col 604

Δίκαιος, κριτικός. Alter ms. δικαιοκριτικός, eleganter. Haec conjungenda, ita ut cum acumine judicii aequitatem pari passu incedere oportere intelligamus. Id.

Δίκαιος, κριτικός ("just, discerning"): the other manuscript has δικαιοκριτικός, elegantly. These are to be joined, so that we understand that fairness must go step for step with keenness of judgement. The same [editor].

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(12) ‹anchor: Προφήτης› · call in col 604

Προφήτης. Additur in altero Ὡσηέ, Hosee, quod glossam redolet. Id.

Προφήτης ("the prophet"): the other adds Ὡσηέ, Hosea, which smells of a gloss. The same [editor].

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(13) ‹anchor: ὁ Κύριος ἡμῶν› · call in col 604

Καὶ γὰρ ὁ Κύριος ἡμῶν, etc. Sumpserunt hinc amplificator epistolarum S. Ignatii in additamento ad c. 15 epistolae ad Ephesios, et Antiochus in homilia 111 ; verba hujus sunt : Φησὶν ἡ θεία Γραφὴ, ὡς [f. ὧν] ἤρξατο ὁ Ἰησοῦς ποιεῖν τε καὶ διδάσκειν. Πρῶτον ἐποίησε, καὶ οὕτως ἐδίδαξεν. Ὁμοίως καὶ αὐτὸς ἐντέλλεται λέγων· Ὃς ποιήσει καὶ διδάξει, οὗτος μέγας κληθήσεται ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ τῶν οὐρανῶν. Videsis, inter alios Hieronymum, epist. 16 ; pseudo-Chrysostomum auctorem Operis imperfecti in Matthaeum ad c. III, 15 ; Vigilium papam epist. 10 ; Joannem Climacum Scalae gradu 26, p. 334, et Jobium monachum Oeconomici lib. III, cap 11, in cod. CCXXII Photiani Myriobibli. Insuperque castiga interpretem Anastasii in Ὁδηγοῦ cap. 22, ubi inter alias infidelium objectiones haec quoque adducitur : Εἰ ὧν ἤρξατο ὁ Ἰησοῦς ποιεῖν, ταῦτα ἐδίδαξε, πῶς ῥαπισθεὶς εἰς τὴν σιαγόνα οὐχ ἔστρεψε καὶ τὴν ἄλλην, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐνεκάλεσε τῷ ῥαπίσαντι, quod est : Si quae coepit Jesus facere, ea docuit ; quo modo una maxilla caesus, non praebuit alteram, quin et caedentem reprehendit ? non autem : Si quae Jesus coepit facere, prius docuit. Cot.—Pro καὶ γάρ habetur καθὼς γάρ in altero ms. Vindob. Cler.

"For our Lord too", etc. From here the amplifier of St Ignatius's letters took his addition to ch. 15 of the letter to the Ephesians, and Antiochus in homily 111, whose words are: "The divine Scripture says, as [perhaps: 'what'] Jesus began both to do and to teach. First he did, and so he taught. Likewise he himself commands, saying: Whoever shall do and teach, he shall be called great in the kingdom of heaven." See, among others, Jerome, letter 16; pseudo-Chrysostom, author of the Opus imperfectum in Matthaeum, on 3:15; Pope Vigilius, letter 10; John Climacus, Ladder, step 26, p. 334; and the monk Job, Oeconomicus book 3, ch. 11, in codex 222 of Photius's Myriobiblon. Correct, moreover, the translator of Anastasius's Hodegos, ch. 22, where among other objections of unbelievers this too is brought: "If Jesus taught what he began to do, how, when struck on the cheek, did he not turn the other too, but even rebuked the one who struck him?" — that is: "If Jesus taught the things he began to do, how was it that, struck on one cheek, he did not offer the other, but even rebuked the striker?" — and not: "If Jesus first taught the things he began to do." Cotelier. — For καὶ γάρ the other Vienna manuscript has καθὼς γάρ. Clericus (Le Clerc).

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(14) ‹anchor: Χριστὸς ὁ Υἱός› · call in col 604

Ὁ Υἱός. Desunt in utroque ms. Id.

Ὁ Υἱός ("the Son"): missing in both manuscripts. The same [editor].

(printed under page 299)

[Scripture references, printed above the Variorum notes.] (printed under page 300)

(15) ‹anchor: Ὥς που λέγει› · call in col 605

Ὥς που λέγει usque ad διδάσκειν. Desunt in altero ms. videnturque deleta a critico, qui putabat non posse induci commode apostolos Lucam ad testimonium citantes. Cler.

From Ὥς που λέγει ("as he says somewhere") to διδάσκειν ("to teach"): missing in the other manuscript, and they seem to have been deleted by a critic who thought the apostles could not fittingly be brought in citing Luke as a witness. Clericus (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 300)

(16) ‹anchor: Δέ› · call in col 605

Δέ. Uterque codex καί. Id.

Δέ ("but"): both manuscripts have καί ("and"). The same [editor].

(printed under page 300)

(17) ‹anchor: σάλπιγξ δέ› · call in col 605

Δέ. Melius omittas cum utroque codice. Id.

Δέ: better omitted, with both manuscripts. The same [editor].

(printed under page 300)

(18) ‹anchor: διαμαρτύρασθαι καὶ› · call in col 605

Καὶ διαβεβαιοῦσθαι. Alter omittit. Id.

Καὶ διαβεβαιοῦσθαι ("and to affirm"): the other [manuscript] omits it. The same [editor].

(printed under page 300)

(19) ‹anchor: ἐν ἀπαιδευσίᾳ› · call in col 605

Ἀπαιδευσίᾳ. Alter addit αὐτῶν. Id.

Ἀπαιδευσίᾳ ("in ignorance"): the other adds αὐτῶν ("their"). The same [editor].

(printed under page 300)

(20) ‹anchor: Ἐὰν› · call in col 605

Ἐάν. Haec vox cum 17 sequentibus, quarum postrema est πάλιν, omissa sunt in utroque. Id.

Ἐάν ("if"): this word, with the seventeen following, the last of which is πάλιν, is omitted in both. The same [editor].

(printed under page 300)

(55) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 606

Act. I, 1.

Acts 1:1.

(printed under page 300)

(56) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 606

Matth. V, 19.

Matthew 5:19.

(printed under page 300)

(57) ‹anchor: vita vivet› · call in col 606

Ezech. XXXIII, 2 et seq.

Ezekiel 33:2 and following.

(printed under page 300)

(58) ‹anchor: tuam audient› · call in col 606

Jer. XXVI, 3; Ezech. II, 7.

Jeremiah 26:3; Ezekiel 2:7.

(printed under page 300)

(59) ‹anchor: si forte concedant› · call in col 606

Ezech. III, 11.

Ezekiel 3:11.

(printed under page 300)

(60) ‹anchor: in oculis ejus› · call in col 606

Exod. XV, 26.

Exodus 15:26.

(printed under page 300)

(61) ‹anchor: Dominus unus est› · call in col 606

Deut. VI, 4; Marc. XII, 29.

Deuteronomy 6:4; Mark 12:29.

[VARIORUM NOTAE — the numbered calls are printed in the Greek column only.] (printed under page 300)

[Scripture references, printed above the Variorum notes.] (printed under page 301)

(62) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 607

Matth. XI et XIII.

Matthew 11 and 13.

(printed under page 301)

(63) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 607

Prov. I, 8.

Proverbs 1:8.

(printed under page 301)

(64) ‹anchor: copiosa est in coelis› · call in col 607

Matth. V, 11.

Matthew 5:11.

(printed under page 301)

(65) ‹anchor: non tentatur a Deo› · call in col 607

Jac. I, 12, 13.

James 1:12–13.

(printed under page 301)

(66) ‹anchor: Dicunt, et non faciunt› · call in col 607

Matth. XXIII, 3.

Matthew 23:3.

[VARIORUM NOTAE — the numbered calls are printed in the Greek column only.] (printed under page 301)

(21) ‹anchor: Καὶ δοκοῦντες γάρ› · call in col 608

Καὶ δοκοῦντες γάρ. Οἱ δ. δέ, alter codex. Cler.

Καὶ δοκοῦντες γάρ ("for those who seem too"): the other manuscript has οἱ δ[οκοῦντες] δέ. Clericus (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 301)

(22) ‹anchor: ὑπάρχει Θεῷ› · call in col 608

Θεῷ. Alter codex Vind. παρὰ Θεῷ. Id.

Θεῷ ("to God"): the other Vienna manuscript has παρὰ Θεῷ ("with God"). The same [editor].

(printed under page 301)

(23) ‹anchor: εἶναι χρὴ τὸν ἐπίσκοπον› · call in col 608

Inscriptio haec deest in utroque codice. Id.

This heading is missing in both manuscripts. The same [editor].

(printed under page 301)

(24) ‹anchor: φωνῆς τῆς› · call in col 608

Τῆς. Haec vocula deest in altero cod. Id.

Τῆς ("the"): this little word is missing in the other manuscript. The same [editor].

(printed under page 301)

[Scripture and reading notes, printed above the Variorum notes.] (printed under page 302)

(25) ‹anchor: Δικαίως διώξεις τὸ δίκαιον› · call in col 609

Δικαίως διώξεις τὸ δίκαιον. Hunc textum, qui in LXX sic producitur, δικαίως τὸ δίκαιον διώξῃ, multum detorquet Antiochus homilia 75, dum citat, δίκαιος τὸ δίκαιον διώξει, si (quod nequaquam credo) libri impressi vitio carent. Itaque consului scriptos : et in membranis Regiis cod. 2420, reperi, δικαίως τὸ δίκαιον διώξει. Cod. vero 700 Δικαίως τὸ δίκαιον διώξεις. Cot.

"Justly shall you pursue what is just." This text, which in the Septuagint runs δικαίως τὸ δίκαιον διώξῃ, Antiochus in homily 75 distorts badly when he cites δίκαιος τὸ δίκαιον διώξει ("the just man will pursue what is just") — if (which I do not at all believe) the printed books are free of fault. So I consulted the manuscripts, and in the Royal parchment codex 2420 I found δικαίως τὸ δίκαιον διώξει, and in codex 700 Δικαίως τὸ δίκαιον διώξεις. Cotelier.

(printed under page 302)

(26) ‹anchor: Ἀσεβῆ› · call in col 609

Ἀσεβῆ. Addit uterque ἕνεκεν δώρων. Cler.

Ἀσεβῆ ("the ungodly"): both add ἕνεκεν δώρων ("for the sake of gifts"). Clericus (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 302)

(27) ‹anchor: Συνεδρίου› · call in col 609

Συνεδρίου. Uterque praefigit praepositionem ἐκ. Id.

Συνεδρίου ("council"): both prefix the preposition ἐκ ("out of"). The same [editor].

(printed under page 302)

(28) ‹anchor: Ὅτι› · call in col 609

Ὅτι, etc. Deest in utroque haec inscriptio. Id.

Ὅτι ("That"), etc.: this heading is missing in both. The same [editor].

(printed under page 302)

(29) ‹anchor: Οὗτος› · call in col 609

Οὗτος. Τοιοῦτος in utroque. Id.

Οὗτος ("this man"): both have τοιοῦτος ("such a man"). The same [editor].

(printed under page 302)

(30) ‹anchor: Νεοφωτίστοις› · call in col 609

Νεοφωτίστοις. Alter νεοφύτοις, minus recte. Id.

Νεοφωτίστοις ("the newly enlightened"): the other has νεοφύτοις ("the newly planted"), less correctly. The same [editor].

(printed under page 302)

(31) ‹anchor: καταφρονήσας› · call in col 609

Καταφρονήσας. Haec vox deest in gemino cod. ms. Vindob. nec sane necessaria est. Id.

Καταφρονήσας ("in contempt"): this word is missing in both Vienna manuscripts, and it is certainly not necessary. The same [editor].

(printed under page 302)

(32) ‹anchor: τῇ συνειδήσει› · call in col 609

Τῇ συνειδήσει. Alter codex τὴν συνείδησιν, aeque recte. Postea pro εἰ δὲ παρ' οὐδὲν uterque εἰ δὲ καὶ παρ' οὐδέν, quod est ἐμφατικώτερον. Id.

Τῇ συνειδήσει ("by his conscience"): the other manuscript has τὴν συνείδησιν, equally correct. Then for εἰ δὲ παρ' οὐδὲν both have εἰ δὲ καὶ παρ' οὐδέν, which is more emphatic. The same [editor].

(printed under page 302)

(33) ‹anchor: ὡς Ἄχαρ› · call in col 609

Ἄχαρ. Quidquid dicat S. Hieronymus, libro de locis Hebraicis, verum hujus furis nomen est Achar, non Achan, vel Achor ; licet Achan obvium sit, Achor autem legatur in quibusdam Bibliis mss. Latinis, in Caesariensi Eusebio Περὶ τῶν τοπικῶν ὀνομάτων ἐν τῇ θείᾳ Γραφῇ, in Hieronymo ad Michaeae IV, ult., in quibusdam codicibus Cassiani cap. 20 Collat. 1, in Annalibus Zonarae et in Jacobi de Vitriaco Epistola ad Honorium III papam, tom. VIII Spicil. Acher., p. 373. Nam habent Achar omnes editiones omnium linguarum I Paralip. II, 7, ac in Josue versio Syriaca, cuncti fere Graeci codices, et non pauci Latini manu exarati. Atque ita effertur a Graecis doctoribus, necnon a multis Latinis, etiam non admodum antiquis. Praeterea lectionem Achan excludit allusio ad vocem Achar, quae cernitur Josue VII, 25, in Hebraeo : Achor vero non est nomen hominis, sed vallis ; quod facile cum Achar confunditur ; ut vice versa Achar cum Achor, apud Theodoritum ad Osee II, 15, ex Syro interprete. Corrigendae editiones Origenis per Erasmum ac Genebrardum procuratae, quae perperam homilia 5, in Isaiam Achaz exhibent, cum vetus illa Merlini melius ostendat Achan. Pari modo Balsamon impressus ad Can. apost. 73, Ἄχας, manuscriptus Ἄχαρ. De Achare sequentia complectuntur membranae Regiae cod. 2437, relatu non indigna : Ὁ νοσφισάμενος ἐκ τῆς Ἱεριχὼ ψιλὴν ποικίλην λεπτὴν, καὶ σʹ δίδραχμα ἀργυρίου, καὶ γλῶσσαν μίαν χρυσῆν νʹ διδράχμων, ἣν ὁ Ἄχαρ υἱὸς Χαρμὶ, υἱοῦ Ζαμβρὶ, υἱοῦ Ζαρά. Ἔστι δὲ Ἑβραϊκὴ λέξις τὸ ποικίλην λεπτὴν, ῥένδαν Βαβυλωνίτικον φουφουδοτὴν· καλὴν· ἤγουν χλαμύδα βασιλικὴν χρυσῆν, τινὲς δὲ στολὴν, ὕφασμα, (continues)

Ἄχαρ: whatever St Jerome says in his book On Hebrew Places, the true name of this thief is Achar, not Achan or Achor — although Achan is the common form, and Achor is read in some Latin manuscript Bibles, in Eusebius of Caesarea On the Place-Names in Divine Scripture, in Jerome on the last verse of Micah 4, in some manuscripts of Cassian, Conference 1, ch. 20, in the Annals of Zonaras, and in James of Vitry's Letter to Pope Honorius III (d'Achery's Spicilegium, vol. 8, p. 373). For all editions in every language have Achar at 1 Chronicles 2:7, as do the Syriac version of Joshua, nearly all the Greek manuscripts and not a few Latin ones written by hand. It is so pronounced by the Greek doctors and by many Latins too, even not very ancient ones. Moreover the reading Achan is excluded by the play on the word Achar seen in the Hebrew of Joshua 7:25. Achor is not the name of a man but of a valley, which is easily confused with Achar — as conversely Achar with Achor in Theodoret on Hosea 2:15, from the Syriac translator. The editions of Origen produced by Erasmus and Genebrard need correcting, which wrongly give Achaz in homily 5 on Isaiah, whereas Merlin's old edition better shows Achan. In the same way the printed Balsamon on Apostolic Canon 73 has Ἄχας, the manuscript Ἄχαρ. Concerning Achar, the Royal parchment codex 2437 contains the following, not unworthy of report: "He who purloined from Jericho a fine embroidered ψιλή, and two hundred silver didrachms, and one golden tongue of fifty didrachms — that Achar, son of Charmi, son of Zambri, son of Zara. The 'fine embroidered' is a Hebrew expression: a Babylonian rendan, phouphoudote, fine; that is, a royal golden cloak; some say a robe, a woven fabric, (continues)

(printed under page 302)

(67) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 610

Deut. XVI, 20.

Deuteronomy 16:20.

(printed under page 302)

(68) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 610

Deut. I, 17.

Deuteronomy 1:17.

(printed under page 302)

(69) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 610

Exod. XXIII, 7 in LXX.

Exodus 23:7, in the Septuagint.

(printed under page 302)

(70) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 610

Ibid. 8.

Same, verse 8.

(printed under page 302)

(71) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 610

Deut. VII, 15. Cedrenus. Vide Test. Vet.

Deuteronomy 7:15. Cedrenus. See the Testimonies of the Ancients.

(printed under page 302)

(72) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 610

Prov. XXII, 10. Lege Anastasium, quaest. 60.

Proverbs 22:10. Read Anastasius, Question 60.

(printed under page 302)

(73) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 610

I Reg. XV.

1 Kings (1 Samuel) 15.

(printed under page 302)

(74) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 610

I Reg. II.

1 Kings (1 Samuel) 2.

(printed under page 302)

(75) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 610

Matth. XVIII, 6, 7.

Matthew 18:6–7.

(printed under page 302)

(76) ‹anchor: cum Core› · call in col 610

III Reg. XII; Num. XVI.

3 Kings (1 Kings) 12; Numbers 16.

(printed under page 302)

(77) ‹anchor: ut firmaret tetigit› · call in col 610

II Reg. VI.

2 Kings (2 Samuel) 6.

[VARIORUM NOTAE — the numbered calls are printed in the Greek column only.] (printed under page 302)

(78) ‹anchor: est› · call in col 611

Jos. VII.

Joshua 7.

(printed under page 303)

(79) ‹anchor: Naamanis munera› · call in col 611

IV Reg. V.

4 Kings (2 Kings) 5.

(printed under page 303)

(80) ‹anchor: mortalibus;› · call in col 611

I. Ignat. interpol. ad Trall. 7.

I. Ignatius (interpolated), To the Trallians 7.

(printed under page 303) [VARIORUM NOTAE — the numbered calls are printed in the Greek column only.] (printed under page 303)

(33) ‹anchor: ὡς Ἄχαρ (continued from page 302; see PG 1:609)› · call in col 609

ἱμάτιον, ἢ ὡς μαντίν (a)· ὅπερ ἐτίθουν τοῖς θεοῖς. Ἡ γὰρ γλῶσσά ἐστιν ἣν ἐτίθουν τῷ στόματι τῶν θεῶν αὐτῶν, ὁ δὲ τόπος οὗ ἔκρινεν ὁ Ἰησοῦς τοῦ φονευθῆναι τὸν Ἄχαρ, ἐκαλεῖτο φάραγξ Ἀχώρ, hoc est : Qui ex Hierichunte furatus est vestem variam tenuem, et ducentas didrachmas argenti, linguamque unam auream quinquaginta didrachmarum, fuit Achar filius Charmi, filii Zambri, filii Zarae. Est autem Hebraica dictio, variam subtilem, Rhendam Babylonicum Phuphudotem : bonam : sive chlamydem regiam auream. Nonnulli vero stolam, textum, stragulum, aut pallium : quod diis apponebant. Etenim lingua est, quam ponebant in ore deorum suorum. Locus porro in quo Acharem occidi decreverit Jesus, vocabatur vallis Achor. In eo autem in quo per praestantem virum judicio Frontonem Ducaeum arguitur μνημονικοῦ ἁμαρτήματος B. Chrysostomus, quasi homil. 25 ad Rom. posuerit patrem pro filio, Charmim pro Achare, defendi forsan poterit lectione cod. Regii 96 : Τὸν καταλευσθέντα μετὰ τοῦ γένους παντὸς Χαρμὶ, non Χαρμὴν, vertendo : Lapidatum cum omni Charmis genere, non lapidatum cum omni genere suo Charmim. Cot. — Textus hebraicus habet Achan עכן, absque ulla variatione, ut patet ex Variis lectionibus cel. De Rossi. Concordant textus chaldaicus, arabicus, utraque Vulgata latina, antiqua novaque, nec non omnes heb. codd. mss. quos mihi videre contigit. Drach.

a garment, or as it were a mantin (a), which they used to set before the gods. For it is the tongue which they used to put in the mouth of their gods; and the place where Jesus [Joshua] judged that Achar should be put to death was called the valley of Achor." [Latin version:] That is: "He who stole from Jericho a fine embroidered garment, and two hundred didrachms of silver, and one golden tongue of fifty didrachms, was Achar son of Charmi, son of Zambri, son of Zara. 'Fine embroidered' is a Hebrew expression: a Babylonian rhenda, phuphudotes; fine; or a royal golden cloak. Some say a robe, a woven fabric, a coverlet or a mantle, which they set before the gods. For it is a tongue which they used to put in the mouth of their gods. The place where Jesus [Joshua] decided that Achar should be killed was called the valley of Achor." As to the point on which St Chrysostom is charged with a slip of memory by Fronton du Duc, a man of outstanding judgement — as if in homily 25 on Romans he had put the father for the son, Charmi for Achar — it could perhaps be defended by the reading of Royal codex 96, Τὸν καταλευσθέντα μετὰ τοῦ γένους παντὸς Χαρμὶ, not Χαρμήν, translating "stoned with all the family of Charmi", not "Charmi stoned with all his family". Cotelier. — The Hebrew text has Achan, without any variation, as is plain from the Variae lectiones of the celebrated De Rossi. The Chaldee and Arabic texts agree, as do both Latin Vulgates, old and new, and all the Hebrew manuscripts I have been able to see. Drach.

(printed under page 303)

(34) ‹anchor: Καὶ παραυτίκα› · call in col 612

Καὶ παραυτίκα. Alter codex habet καὶ ἢ παραυτίκα. Cler.

Καὶ παραυτίκα ("and at once"): the other manuscript has καὶ ἢ παραυτίκα. Clericus (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 303)

(35) ‹anchor: Ἐπίσκοπε› · call in col 612

Ἐπίσκοπε. Alter cod. ὦ ἐπίσκοπε. Idem.

Ἐπίσκοπε ("bishop"): the other manuscript has ὦ ἐπίσκοπε ("O bishop"). The same [editor].

(printed under page 303)

(36) ‹anchor: Τῷ πάντων ἄρχειν ἀνθρώπων› · call in col 612

Τῷ πάντων ἄρχειν ἀνθρώπων, ἱερέων, βασιλέων, etc. Hinc, atque ex cap. 20, 25, 26, 34, lib. VII cap. 31, lib. VIII cap. 44, ubi additur sacerdotes esse ἄρχοντας, βασιλεῖς, δυνάστας, δεσπότας, κυρίους, desumpsit falsus Ignatius ad Trallianos 7, ad Philadelphenses 4, ad Smyrnaeos 9, ad Antiochenos ult. ac forte suppostor Epistolarum Pontificiarum epistola prima Clementis ante finem, et initio epistolae tertiae eidem pontifici ascriptae. Scilicet ita locuti sunt Christiani, postquam imperatores ac reges suae religionis consortes habuere ; ut videre est ex Graecis in Epiphanio haeresi 29, cap. 3, 4 ; ex Latinis in Ambrosio epist. 13, ad Valentinianum Augustum. Quin ipse primus imperator Christianus Constantinus agnoscit apud Rufinum lib. X Historiae, cap. 2, Deum sacerdotibus potestatem dedisse de imperatoribus quoque judicandi. Tum insigni παρρησίᾳ Constantium, Constantini filium, Lucifer Calaritanus sic compellat lib. I, pro S. Athanasio : Proba te super nos factum judicem. Proba ad hoc te constitutum imperatorem, ut nos armis tuis ad omnem implendam voluntatem amici tui diaboli perduceres. Cum probare non possis ; quia praeceptum sit tibi, non solum non dominari episcopis, sed ita eorum obedire statutis, ut si subvertere eorum decreta tentaveris, si fueris in superbia comprehensus, morte mori jussus sis ; quo modo dicere poteris, judicare posse de episcopis, quibus nisi obedieris, jam quantum apud Deum, mortis poena fueris mulctatus ? (Casaub. exercit. 15, c. 11). Praetereo quod a viris doctis est observatum, nomen monarcharum tributum fuisse episcopis, monarchiam de illis dictam. Nec volo citare verba Goffridi Vindocinensis opusculo 2 et 4, episcopum appellantis dominum et imperatorem Christianorum ; principem ac regem Ecclesiae ; eum qui ex jure divino regibus ac imperatoribus dominetur : itemque alia id genus. Quae tamen omnia sobrie intelligere oportet ; ne ad episcopalem dignitatem fastus ac tyrannis accedant ; unde frequentes sanctorum Patrum querelae ; neve jura principum et jura pontificum confundantur. Nam quod ad postremum attinet, non minus veritate nititur quam superiora, alia nimirum ratione, illud Optati lib. III, Tertullianum (opinor) in Apologetico et ad Scapulam secuti, super imperatorem non esse nisi solum Deum. Prudenterque ac fortiter ὁ Ἀβραμιαῖος γέρων ὁ ἀληθῶς Ὅσιος Epistola ad Constantium, prolata a magno Athanasio ad solitariam vitam agentes, ait : Μὴ τίθει σεαυτὸν εἰς τὰ ἐκκλησιαστικὰ, μηδὲ σὺ περὶ τούτων ἡμῖν παρακελεύου, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον παρ' ἡμῶν σὺ μάνθανε ταῦτα. Σοὶ βασιλείαν ὁ Θεὸς ἐνεχείρισεν· ἡμῖν τὰ τῆς Ἐκκλησίας ἐπίστευσε. Καὶ ὥσπερ ὁ τὴν σὴν ἀρχὴν ὑποκλέπτων, ἀντιλέγει τῷ διαταξαμένῳ Θεῷ· οὕτω φοβήθητι, μὴ καὶ σὺ τὰ τῆς Ἐκκλησίας εἰς ἑαυτὸν ἕλκων, ὑπεύθυνος ἐγκλήματι μεγάλῳ γένῃ. Ἀπόδοτε, γέγραπται, τὰ Καίσαρος, Καίσαρι, καὶ τὰ τοῦ Θεοῦ, τῷ Θεῷ· οὔτε τοίνυν ἡμῖν ἄρχειν ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς ἔξεστιν· οὔτε σὺ τοῦ θυμιᾷν ἐξουσίαν ἔχεις, βασιλεῦ. Ne te misceas ecclesiasticis, neque nobis in hoc genere praecipe ; sed potius ea a nobis disce. Tibi Deus imperium commisit : nobis, quae sunt Ecclesiae, concredidit. Et quemadmodum qui tuum imperium occultis conatibus invadit, contradicit ordinationi divinae : ita et tu cave, ne, quae sunt Ecclesiae ad te trahens, magno crimini obnoxius fias. « Date, » scriptum est, « quae sunt Caesaris, Caesari ; et quae Dei, Deo (Matth. XXII, 21). » Neque igitur fas est nobis in terris imperium tenere ; neque tu thymiamatum et sacrorum potestatem habes (II Paral. XXVI, 18), (continues)

"Ruling over all men, priests, kings", etc. From here, and from chs. 20, 25, 26, 34, book 7 ch. 31, and book 8 ch. 44 (where it is added that priests are rulers, kings, potentates, masters, lords), the false Ignatius took To the Trallians 7, To the Philadelphians 4, To the Smyrnaeans 9 and the end of To the Antiochenes; and perhaps the forger of the Papal Letters, in the first letter of Clement near its end and at the beginning of the third letter ascribed to the same pontiff. Christians spoke this way, of course, after they had emperors and kings sharing their religion, as may be seen among the Greeks in Epiphanius, Heresy 29, chs. 3–4, and among the Latins in Ambrose, letter 13, to the Emperor Valentinian. Indeed Constantine himself, the first Christian emperor, acknowledges in Rufinus, History book 10, ch. 2, that God gave priests the power to judge emperors too. Then with remarkable boldness (παρρησία) Lucifer of Cagliari addresses Constantius, Constantine's son, thus in book 1, For St Athanasius: "Prove that you have been made judge over us. Prove that you were appointed emperor for this, to lead us by your arms to carry out every wish of your friend the devil. Since you cannot prove it — because it has been enjoined on you not only not to lord it over bishops, but so to obey their statutes that, if you tried to overturn their decrees, if you were caught in pride, you were ordered to die the death — how will you be able to say you can judge bishops, when, unless you obey them, you have already, as far as God is concerned, been condemned to the penalty of death?" (Casaubon, Exercitationes 15, ch. 11). I pass over what learned men have observed, that the name of monarchs was given to bishops and monarchy said of them. Nor do I wish to cite the words of Geoffrey of Vendôme, opuscula 2 and 4, who calls the bishop lord and emperor of Christians, prince and king of the Church, one who by divine right rules over kings and emperors, and other things of that kind. All this, however, must be understood soberly, lest pride and tyranny attach to the episcopal dignity — whence the frequent complaints of the holy Fathers — and lest the rights of princes and the rights of pontiffs be confused. For as to the last point, that saying of Optatus, book 3, who followed (I think) Tertullian in the Apologeticum and To Scapula, that there is none above the emperor but God alone, rests no less on truth than the foregoing, though on a different ground. And wisely and bravely the old man like Abraham, the truly holy Hosius, says in his Letter to Constantius, reported by the great Athanasius to those leading the solitary life: "Do not intrude yourself into church affairs, nor give us orders about them, but rather learn them from us. To you God has entrusted the kingdom; to us He has committed the things of the Church. And as one who secretly steals your rule opposes God who ordained it, so fear lest you too, drawing the things of the Church to yourself, become guilty of a great crime. Render, it is written, the things of Caesar to Caesar and the things of God to God. Neither, then, is it lawful for us to rule on earth, nor have you, O emperor, authority to offer incense." [Latin version:] "Do not mix yourself in church matters, nor command us in this kind; rather learn them from us. To you God has committed the empire; to us He has entrusted the things of the Church. And as he who invades your empire by secret attempts contradicts the divine ordinance, so you too beware lest, drawing to yourself the things of the Church, you become liable to a great crime. 'Render,' it is written, 'to Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and to God the things that are God's' (Matt. 22:21). Neither, then, is it right for us to hold empire on earth, nor have you power over incense and sacred things (2 Chron. 26:18)," (continues)

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(a) ‹anchor: μαντίν (in note 33)› · call in col 611

Lectio ineptissima. Forte legitur in codice Regio : ἱμάτιον ἢ ὡς ἱμάτιον, stragulum aut aliquid simile. Quibus haec correctio non arridebit, subtiliorem excogitent, per nos licet. Edit. Patrol.

A most absurd reading. Perhaps the Royal manuscript reads ἱμάτιον ἢ ὡς ἱμάτιον ("a garment, or as it were a garment"), a coverlet or something similar. Those whom this correction does not please may devise a subtler one, for all we care. The Editor of the Patrologia.

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Latin title (facing version): CAPUT XI. / Quomodo oporteat peccatores ab episcopo judicari.

CHAPTER XI. How sinners ought to be judged by the bishop.

(81) ‹anchor: δείσητε› · call in col 613

f. δήσητε.

Perhaps read δήσητε ("you bind").

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(36) ‹anchor: Τῷ πάντων ἄρχειν ἀνθρώπων (continued from page 303; see PG 1:611)› · call in col 612

imperator. De priori vero, praeclare in hoc libro Constitutionum cap. 20, dicitur : Ποίμαινε τὸ ποίμνιον, μὴ ἐν κράτει μετὰ ἐμπαιγμοῦ, ὡς κατεξουσιάζων, ἀλλὰ ὡς ποιμὴν χρηστός, etc. Et in S. Chrysostomi homil. 11, in Epistolam ad Ephesios : Οὐ κυριεύομεν ὑμῶν τῆς πίστεως, ἀγαπητοὶ, οὐδὲ δεσποτικῶς ταῦτα ἐπιτάττομεν. Εἰς διδασκαλίαν λόγου προεχειρίσθημεν, οὐκ εἰς ἀρχὴν, οὐδὲ εἰς αὐθεντίαν· συμβούλων τάξιν ἐπέχομεν παραινούντων· ὁ συμβουλεύων λέγει τὰ παρ' ἑαυτοῦ, οὐκ ἀναγκάζων ἀκροατήν· ἀλλ' αὐτὸν ἀφίησι τῆς τῶν γενομένων (vel λεγομένων) αἱρέσεως κύριον. Non dominamur vestrae fidei, o dilecti, nec domini more haec imperamus. Ad doctrinam verbi praefecti sumus ; non ad imperium, nec ad auctoritatem. Consiliariorum admonentium locum tenemus. Consiliarius dicit quae a se procedunt, non necessitatem afferens auditori ; sed in ejus potestate dimittit, ut facienda eligat quae dicta sunt. Et ad homiliae finem : Εἰ μὲν οὖν περὶ ἡμῶν ταῦτα ὑποπτεύετε, ἕτοιμοι παραχωρῆσαι τῆς ἀρχῆς ὅτῳ περ ἂν βούλοισθε, μόνον Ἐκκλησία ἔστω μία, etc. Si haec ergo de nobis suspicamini, parati sumus cedere regendi munus cui voletis ; modo una sit Ecclesia. Denique in Epistola 3 Hieronymi, ad Nepotianum : Rex nolentibus praeest, episcopus volentibus ; ille terrore subjicit, hic servitute dominatur. Quibus similia apud Chrysostomum homil. 15, in epist. 2, ad Corinthios. Sane solent haeretici cum Tertulliano haeretico cap. 12, lib. De monogamia, et lib. De fuga in persecutione cap. penult. exprobrare Ecclesiae, omnia licere episcopis : ac episcopatum regnum esse sub obtentu procurandi. Concitate juxta ac eleganter B. Hieronymus loquens de S. Epiphanio adversus Joannem Hierosolymitanum, epist. 61, ad Pammachium, cap. 4 : Scilicet delirabat, qui in regno tuo contra tuam sententiam loquebatur. Caeterum sicut antistitibus nomen regum ac imperatorum aptatur, ita et imperatoribus ac regibus nomen Episcoporum, sacerdotum, pontificum, praesulum, apud Eusebium De vita Constantini lib. I, cap. 44 ; lib. IV, cap. 24 ; Simeonem Thessalonicensem libro De sacris Ordinationibus, cap. 7, in epistola Remigii Remensis ad tres episcopos, et in Conciliorum acclamationibus. Notaque est ex Lucifero adulatio Arianorum episcoporum, qui vocitabant Constantium imperatorem, episcopum episcoporum. Cot.

emperor." As for the former point, it is excellently said in this book of the Constitutions, ch. 20: "Shepherd the flock, not with force and mockery, as one lording it over them, but as a kind shepherd", etc. And in St Chrysostom's homily 11 on the Letter to the Ephesians: "We do not lord it over your faith, beloved, nor do we give these commands as masters. We have been appointed to the teaching of the word, not to rule nor to absolute power; we hold the rank of counsellors who give advice. The counsellor says what is his own, not compelling the hearer, but leaves him master of the choice of what has been done (or: said)." [Latin version:] "We do not lord it over your faith, O beloved, nor command these things as a master does. We are set over the teaching of the word, not over rule, nor over authority. We hold the place of counsellors who admonish. The counsellor says what comes from himself, laying no compulsion on the hearer, but leaves it in his power to choose, of what has been said, what is to be done." And towards the end of the homily: "If, then, you suspect these things of us, we are ready to give up the office to whomever you wish; only let the Church be one", etc. [Latin version:] "If, then, you suspect these things of us, we are ready to yield the office of ruling to whom you will; only let the Church be one." Finally in Jerome's Letter 3, to Nepotian: "A king rules over the unwilling, a bishop over the willing; the one subdues by terror, the other governs by service." Similar things are in Chrysostom, homily 15 on the Second Letter to the Corinthians. The heretics, indeed, with the heretic Tertullian (On Monogamy, ch. 12, and On Flight in Persecution, last chapter but one) are accustomed to reproach the Church that everything is lawful for bishops, and that the episcopate is a kingdom under the pretext of stewardship. Blessed Jerome, speaking of St Epiphanius against John of Jerusalem, letter 61, to Pammachius, ch. 4, says with equal heat and elegance: "Evidently he was raving, who spoke in your kingdom against your opinion." Moreover, just as the name of kings and emperors is applied to prelates, so too the name of bishops, priests, pontiffs and prelates is applied to emperors and kings: in Eusebius, Life of Constantine, book 1, ch. 44 and book 4, ch. 24; in Simeon of Thessalonica, On the Sacred Ordinations, ch. 7; in the letter of Remigius of Reims to three bishops; and in the acclamations of the Councils. And the flattery of the Arian bishops is known from Lucifer: they called the Emperor Constantius "bishop of bishops". Cotelier.

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(37) ‹anchor: Προσλαμβάνου› · call in col 613

Προσλαμβάνου. Alter cod. προσδέχου, ex consuetudine librariorum, qui saepe sensus majorem rationem habuerunt quam verborum. Cler.

Προσλαμβάνου ("receive"): the other manuscript has προσδέχου, from the habit of copyists, who often paid more heed to the sense than to the words. Clericus (Le Clerc).

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(38) ‹anchor: Ὁ γὰρ Θεός› · call in col 613

Ὁ γὰρ Θεός, et seqq. ad προσδέχου. Haec absunt in altero codice, forte ob repetitionem vocis προσδέχου, qua utraque clausula clauditur. Quam ob rem saepe a librariis peccatum est. Possunt etiam abesse, sine sententiae jactura. Id.

"For God", and what follows down to προσδέχου. These words are absent in the other manuscript, perhaps because of the repetition of the word προσδέχου, with which both clauses end. On this account copyists have often gone wrong. They could also be absent without loss to the sense. The same [editor].

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(39) ‹anchor: Λέγει Ἀδωναῒ Κύριος› · call in col 613

Λέγει Ἀδωναῒ Κύριος. Ita cum ms. Alexandrino, Theodorito, codice regio, editio Aldina ; pro quo Complutensis : Κύριος Κύριος ; at male Romana, Κύριος tantum ; errato quod saepe in ea editione, nonnunquam in aliis, et in mss. quoque occurrit, quodque etiam apud multos Patres deprehendas ; negligentia ac praetermissione descriptorum sacrae Scripturae ; LXX enim interpretes, voces אדני יהוה, quae passim in Ezechiele repetuntur, vertisse videntur, modo Ἀδωναῒ Κύριος, modo Κύριος Κύριος, modo Κύριος ὁ Θεός, nunquam Κύριος duntaxat. Sed et librariorum supinitati ascribendum, opinor, mendum, quod Hieronymi codices deformat, initio libri noni Commentariorum in Ezechielem. Meo judicio scripserat ille : Ubicunque juxta LXX, secundo ponitur, Dominus, Dominus ; secundum nomen tetragrammaton est, quod proprie ad Deum pertinet, et ineffabile dicitur ; primum commune, quod saepe in hominibus invenitur. Quam facile autem fuerit notas numerales commutare ad hodiernam lectionem conficiendam, primum nomen tetragrammaton est, secundum commune, nemo non videt. Ita gravi errore liberatur vir maximus, qui in eodem commentario ad cap. VI, vers. 3, contra observaverat, quod quando duo, Domini et Domini, juncta sunt nomina ; prius nomen commune est ; secundum proprie Dei, quod appellatur ἄῤῥητον, id est ineffabile, et quod scriptum fuit in lamina aurea, quae erat in fronte pontificis. Atqui Hieronymi verba de prophetia sola Ezechielis accipi debent. Notat quippe idem sanctus Doctor ad Psalm. VIII, 2, et CIX, 1, tetragrammaton iis in textibus poni ante Adonai. Quod et alibi fit ; ut Psal. juxta Hebraeos LXVIII, 21 ; CIX, 21 ; CXL, 8 ; CXLI, 8. Unde generaliter Origenes, interpretans locum Ezech. VIII, 1. ait : Ἔντισι δὲ γέγραπται· Χεὶρ Κυρίου Κυρίου· καί γε ἐν ἄλλοις εἰρήκαμεν ὅτι πολλαχοῦ τὸ ἐκφωνούμενον ἐν τῇ Κύριος φωνῇ, τὸ σεβάσμιον παρ' Ἑβραίοις ἐστὶν ὄνομα τοῦ Θεοῦ, ὅ τι περ οὐ ταχέως προφέρονται. Πλὴν ἔσθ' ὅτε τὸ Κύριος τάσσεται καὶ ἐπὶ Κυρίου τῶν δούλων. Ἔνθα οὖν κεῖται τὸ Κύριος Κύριος, χρὴ εἰδέναι ὅτι τὸ μὲν ἕτερον οἱονεὶ τὸ κύριον ὄνομα καὶ ἄῤῥητόν ἐστι τοῦ Θεοῦ· τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν τὸ Κύριος, Ἑβραῖοι Ἀδωναῒ, ἐπὶ τοῦ Κυρίου τάσσουσι, ὁτὲ μὲν προφερόμενοι τὴν φωνὴν ἐπὶ τοῦ ἀῤῥήτου ὀνόματος, ὁτὲ δὲ οἱονεὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ Κυρίου τῶν δούλων (continues)

"Says Adonai the Lord." So the Alexandrian manuscript, Theodoret, the Royal codex and the Aldine edition; for which the Complutensian has "Lord Lord", but the Roman badly has "Lord" only — an error that often occurs in that edition, sometimes in others and in manuscripts too, and that you may detect also in many Fathers, from the carelessness and omission of copyists of sacred Scripture. For the Seventy translators seem to have rendered the words אדני יהוה, which recur everywhere in Ezekiel, now "Adonai Lord", now "Lord Lord", now "Lord God", never "Lord" alone. And to the negligence of copyists, I think, must also be ascribed the fault that disfigures the manuscripts of Jerome at the beginning of the ninth book of his Commentary on Ezekiel. In my judgement he had written: "Wherever, according to the Seventy, 'Lord, Lord' is put twice, the second name is the tetragrammaton, which belongs properly to God and is called ineffable; the first is common, and is often found among men." Everyone sees how easy it was to interchange the numeral marks so as to produce today's reading, "the first name is the tetragrammaton, the second common." Thus the great man is freed from a grave error, since in the same commentary on 6:3 he had observed the opposite: that when two names, Lord and Lord, are joined, the first name is common and the second is properly God's, which is called ἄῤῥητον, that is, ineffable, and which was written on the golden plate on the high priest's forehead. Yet Jerome's words are to be taken of Ezekiel's prophecy alone. For the same holy Doctor notes on Psalms 8:2 and 109:1 that in those texts the tetragrammaton is put before Adonai. This happens elsewhere too, as in the Psalms according to the Hebrews 68:21; 109:21; 140:8; 141:8. Hence Origen, interpreting Ezekiel 8:1, says generally: "In some [copies] it is written: The hand of the Lord Lord. And indeed we have said elsewhere that in many places what is pronounced with the word 'Lord' is among the Hebrews the venerable name of God, which they do not readily utter. But sometimes 'Lord' is used also of a lord of slaves. Where, then, 'Lord Lord' stands, one must know that the one is, as it were, the proper and ineffable name of God, while the other 'Lord' — Adonai among the Hebrews — they apply to the Lord, sometimes pronouncing that word in place of the ineffable name, sometimes as of a lord of slaves (continues)

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(82) ‹anchor: in coelo› · call in col 614

Matth. XVIII, 18.

Matthew 18:18.

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[Scripture references, printed above the Variorum notes.] (printed under page 305)

(83) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 615

Ezech. XXXIII, 11.

Ezekiel 33:11.

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(84) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 615

Psal. VI, 6.

Psalm 6:6.

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(85) ‹anchor: praepara in agrum› · call in col 615

Prov. XXIV, 27.

Proverbs 24:27.

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(86) ‹anchor: sunt exclusae› · call in col 615

Matth. XXV.

Matthew 25.

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(87) ‹anchor: est judicium› · call in col 615

Deut. I, 17.

Deuteronomy 1:17.

[VARIORUM NOTAE — the numbered calls are printed in the Greek column only.] (printed under page 305)

(40) ‹anchor: Ἤ› · call in col 616

Ἤ. Omittitur in altero cod., nec sane necessarium est. Cler.

Ἤ ("or"): omitted in the other manuscript, and it is certainly not necessary. Clericus (Le Clerc).

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(41) ‹anchor: Ἀποθνήσκεται› · call in col 616

Ἀποθνήσκεται. Alter habet ἀποθνήσκετε, melius, sed oporteret scribi, ὦ οἶκε Ἰσραήλ : quanquam potest etiam ferri nominativus loco vocativi, ut est apud LXX Intt., Ezech. XXXIII, 11. Id.

Ἀποθνήσκεται: the other has ἀποθνήσκετε ("you die"), better; but then one ought to write ὦ οἶκε Ἰσραήλ ("O house of Israel") — though the nominative can also be tolerated in place of the vocative, as in the Septuagint translators at Ezekiel 33:11. The same [editor].

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(42) ‹anchor: Ὁ λόγος› · call in col 616

Ὁ λόγος. Deest in utroque, et revera ex re ipsa subaudiri potest, et saepe subauditur Γραφή. Id.

Ὁ λόγος ("the word"): missing in both; and indeed it can be understood from the matter itself, and Γραφή ("Scripture") is often understood. The same [editor].

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(43) ‹anchor: Αὐτούς› · call in col 616

Αὐτούς. Lege ἑαυτούς ex utroque codice. Id.

Αὐτούς ("them"): read ἑαυτούς ("themselves"), from both manuscripts. The same [editor].

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(44) ‹anchor: Αὐτῶν, καί› · call in col 616

Αὐτῶν, καί. Insere : Καὶ μετανοήσωσιν ἐκ καρδίας, ἐξευμενισάμενοι αὐτόν, et poenitentiam ex corde agant, placantes eum. Cot. Sic habet etiam alter codd. Vindobonensium.

Αὐτῶν, καί: insert καὶ μετανοήσωσιν ἐκ καρδίας, ἐξευμενισάμενοι αὐτόν, "and repent from the heart, appeasing him." Cotelier. The other of the Vienna manuscripts also has this.

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(45) ‹anchor: ὁδὸν› · call in col 616

Τὴν ὁδόν. Alter cod. ἔξοδον bene, sermo enim est de vitae exitu. Cler.

Τὴν ὁδόν ("the way"): the other manuscript has ἔξοδον ("departure"), rightly, for the subject is the departure from life. Clericus (Le Clerc).

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(46) ‹anchor: Διὰ› · call in col 616

Διά usque ad σοι. Desunt in codd. Vindobonensibus. Id.

From Διά ("through") to σοι ("to you"): missing in the Vienna manuscripts. The same [editor].

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(47) ‹anchor: καὶ ἀποσβέσασαι› · call in col 616

Ἀποσβέσασαι ad θεογνωσίας. Desunt in altero codice, nec necessaria sunt. Id.

From Ἀποσβέσασαι ("having quenched") to θεογνωσίας ("of the knowledge of God"): missing in the other manuscript, and not necessary. The same [editor].

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[Scripture references, printed above the Variorum notes.] (printed under page 306) (88)–(93) are set under the Latin column: see PG 1:618 (n618). Call 89, printed in the Greek after σοι, is removed from the text here.

(48) ‹anchor: Περὶ τῶν› · call in col 617

Περὶ τῶν, etc. Alter codex in hac inscriptione : Ὅτι χρὴ φεύγειν οὐ τὴν ἐν λόγῳ κοινωνίαν πρὸς τοὺς ἁμαρτάνοντας· ἀλλὰ τὴν ἐν ἔργῳ. Hinc alter codex ms. summas capitum in margine habet. Sed non sunt magni momenti et aliquando a bibliopego sunt mutilatae. Cler.

Περὶ τῶν ("Concerning those"), etc.: in this heading the other manuscript has "That one must shun not fellowship in word with sinners, but fellowship in deed." From here on the other manuscript has the chapter summaries in the margin; but they are of no great importance, and the bookbinder has sometimes cut them short. Clericus (Le Clerc).

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(49) ‹anchor: Ἀπέστρεψεν› · call in col 617

Ἀπέστρεψεν. Alter ἀπεστράφη. Id.

Ἀπέστρεψεν ("he turned away"): the other has ἀπεστράφη. The same [editor].

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(50) ‹anchor: Ὑπὸ τῶν ἀνηλεῶς λεγόντων› · call in col 617

Ὑπὸ τῶν ἀνηλεῶς λεγόντων, etc. Si quis cum viris doctis contenderit, ita non potuisse scribi ante exortum Montanum haeresiarcham, tria inter nos non commutabimus verba. Attamen non intelligo, cur adeo negetur exstitisse ante illud temporis haereticos saeviter de poenitentia sentientes ; cum credibile fiat, quod jam a primis saeculis, quemadmodum ex haeresibus indulgentes multae suis omnia permiserunt, adeo ut poenitentia non egerent ; sic et nonnullae crudeles denegaverint veniam peccatoribus ; quodque etiam in Ecclesiis variatum fuerit, aliis ad rigorem, caeteris ad facilitatem pronioribus ; quibusdam severius, aliis mollius de poenitentiae fructu disserentibus ; quod denique inde manarint sequentium temporum variae opiniones atque consuetudines. Equidem Adamiani, admodum antiqua haeresis, in culpam lapsos ejiciebant penitus ; uti refertur in Panario S. Epiphanii. Et severiora videri possunt illa senioris anonymi, qui audierat ab his qui Apostolos viderant, ac B. Irenaei lib. IV, cap. 45 : Et illis quidem, justis ante Christi adventum viventibus, curatio et remissio peccatorum, mors Domini fuit. Propter eos vero qui nunc peccant, Christus non jam morietur ; jam enim mors non dominabitur ejus (Rom. VI, 9) ; sed veniet Filius in gloria Patris, exquirens ab actoribus et dispensatoribus suis pecuniam quam eis credidit, cum usuris : et quibus plurimum dedit, plurimum ab eis exiget, etc. Quid quod filium suum Marcionem pater episcopus vir sanctissimus, etsi multum petentem, noluit admittere ad poenitentiam ? Consule observata ad caput 1, Mand. 4, lib. II, Hermae, ubi de poenitentia : iisque adjunge cum canone apostolico 44, vel 52, observanda in caput 3 Epistolae S. Ignatii ad Philadelphenos. Quod si Montanus alicubi traditur primus poenitentiae indixisse bellum ; hoc ideo dictum est, quia ille error sub ipsius nomine potissimum coepit fama celebrari. Alioqui forte non magis verum erit, quam quod a Vincentio Lirinensi affirmatur Commonitorii cap. 34, neminem ante crudelissimum Novatianum, crudelem Deum dixisse, eo quod mallet mortem morientis, quam ut revertatur et vivat. Cot.—Alter codex pro ἀνηλεῶς habet πονηρῶς. Cler.

"By those who say pitilessly", etc. If anyone contends, with learned men, that this could not have been written before the rise of the heresiarch Montanus, we shall not exchange three words over it. Yet I do not see why it is so firmly denied that there were, before that time, heretics who held harsh views on repentance; for it is credible that from the very first centuries, just as many indulgent heresies permitted their followers everything, so that they needed no repentance, so some cruel ones denied pardon to sinners; that practice also varied among the Churches, some leaning to rigour, others to leniency, some speaking more severely and others more mildly of the fruit of repentance; and that from this, finally, flowed the various opinions and customs of later times. The Adamians, a very ancient heresy, cast out altogether those who fell into sin, as is reported in St Epiphanius's Panarion. And severer still may seem the words of the elder, unnamed, who had heard them from those who had seen the Apostles, in blessed Irenaeus book 4, ch. 45: "For those who lived justly before Christ's coming, the Lord's death was healing and remission of sins. But for those who sin now, Christ will no longer die, for death will no longer have dominion over Him (Rom. 6:9); but the Son will come in the glory of the Father, demanding from His agents and stewards the money He entrusted to them, with interest; and from those to whom He gave most He will demand most", etc. And what of the father, a bishop and a most holy man, who would not admit his son Marcion to penance, though he begged earnestly? Consult the observations on Hermas, book 2, Mandate 4, ch. 1, where repentance is treated, and join to them, with Apostolic Canon 44 (or 52), what is to be observed on ch. 3 of St Ignatius's Letter to the Philadelphians. If Montanus is somewhere said to have been the first to declare war on repentance, it is said because that error first became widely known under his name. Otherwise it will perhaps be no truer than Vincent of Lérins's assertion in the Commonitorium, ch. 34, that no one before the most cruel Novatian called God cruel, as though He would rather the death of the dying man than that he turn and live. Cotelier. — For ἀνηλεῶς ("pitilessly") the other manuscript has πονηρῶς ("wickedly"). Clericus (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 306)

(51) ‹anchor: Συμμολύνεσθαι› · call in col 617

Συμμολύνεσθαι. Alter codex : συναναμίγνυσθαι. Id.

Συμμολύνεσθαι ("to be defiled together"): the other manuscript has συναναμίγνυσθαι ("to be mixed up together"). The same [editor].

(printed under page 306)

(52) ‹anchor: Αὗται› · call in col 617

Αὗται. Alter τοιαῦται. Id.

Αὗται ("these"): the other has τοιαῦται ("such"). The same [editor].

(printed under page 306)

(53) ‹anchor: ἐν λόγῳ› · call in col 617

Λόγῳ. Alter λόγοις, quod perinde. Id.

Λόγῳ ("in word"): the other has λόγοις ("in words"), which comes to the same. The same [editor].

(printed under page 306)

(54) ‹anchor: συντρίψω ἐπ'› · call in col 617

Ἐπ'. Omittitur in utroque, ut in textu LXX Intt. Id.

Ἐπ' ("upon"): omitted in both, as in the text of the Septuagint translators. The same [editor].

(printed under page 306)

(55) ‹anchor: ὦσιν οἱ› · call in col 617

Οἱ. Omittitur in altero, melius. Id.

Οἱ ("the"): omitted in the other, better. The same [editor].

(printed under page 306)

(88) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 618

Luc. XV, 7.

Luke 15:7.

(printed under page 306)

(89) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 618

Psal. LXXIII, 19.

Psalm 73:19.

(printed under page 306)

(90) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 618

Ignat. interpol. ad Ephes. X.

Interpolated Ignatius, To the Ephesians 10.

(printed under page 306)

(91) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 618

Jer. VIII, 4.

Jeremiah 8:4.

(printed under page 306)

(92) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 618

Jer. III, 22.

Jeremiah 3:22.

(printed under page 306)

(93) ‹anchor: iniqui super ipsum erit› · call in col 618

Ezech. XVIII, 20.

Ezekiel 18:20.

[VARIORUM NOTAE — the numbered calls are printed in the Greek column only.] (printed under page 306)

[Scripture and reading notes, printed above the Variorum notes.] (printed under page 307)

(94) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 619

Ezech. XIV, 13.

Ezekiel 14:13.

(printed under page 307)

(95) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 619

Matth. V, 45.

Matthew 5:45.

(printed under page 307)

(96) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 619

l. Ignat. interpol. ad Philad. 3.

[l.] Interpolated Ignatius, To the Philadelphians 3.

(printed under page 307)

(97) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 619

II Tim. II, 5.

2 Timothy 2:5.

(printed under page 307)

(98) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 619

Citat Anastasius, quaest. 35.

Anastasius cites it, Question 35.

(printed under page 307)

(99) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 619

Anast. ἀπολογήσεται.

Anastasius has ἀπολογήσεται ("will give account").

(printed under page 307)

(100) ‹anchor: Αἰγυπτίων› · call in col 619

Anast. Αἰγυπτίων κατεποντίσθη.

Anastasius has Αἰγυπτίων κατεποντίσθη ("was drowned [for] the Egyptians").

[VARIORUM NOTAE — the numbered calls are printed in the Greek column only.] (printed under page 307)

(56) ‹anchor: Οὗτοι› · call in col 620

Οὗτοι. In eodem omittitur. Cler.

Οὗτοι ("these"): omitted in the same [manuscript]. Clericus (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 307)

(57) ‹anchor: Σαφέστατα› · call in col 620

Σαφέστατα. Praeponit unus ἐνταῦθα, hic. Id.

Σαφέστατα ("most clearly"): one [manuscript] puts ἐνταῦθα, "here", before it. The same [editor].

(printed under page 307)

(58) ‹anchor: ἀπήγξατο› · call in col 620

Ἀπήγξατο. In utroque ἤγξατο. Id.

Ἀπήγξατο ("hanged himself"): both have ἤγξατο. The same [editor].

(printed under page 307)

(59) ‹anchor: συνετρίβη› · call in col 620

Συνετρίβη. Praefigit alter πεσών. Id.

Συνετρίβη ("was shattered"): the other puts πεσών ("having fallen") before it. The same [editor].

(printed under page 307)

(60) ‹anchor: ἐδέξατο τιμωρίαν› · call in col 620

Εἰς τὸν υἱὸν ἐδέξατο τιμωρίαν. In filio poenas dedit : Chanaan, e Genes. IX, 25. Notavi porro ad marginem Anastasii quaestiones carere voculis, εἰς τὸν υἱόν ; sed tunc non videram ms. codicem valde antiquum et bonum Regiae Bibliothecae, in quo scriptum est, εἰς τῶν υἱῶν, quod et videtur legisse Gentianus Hervetus earum quaestionum interpres, magisque convenit sensui hujus loci. Postea simili ratione e scripto, versione, ac sensu, legendum in Anastasio, ut hic : Οὔτε δίκαιοι ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀδίκων. Demum verbo κατεποντίσθη auctiores ac pleniores sunt quaestiones. Cot.

"He received punishment in his son" — "he paid the penalty in his son": Canaan, from Genesis 9:25. I noted in the margin that Anastasius's Questions lack the little words εἰς τὸν υἱόν; but at that time I had not seen the very old and good manuscript of the Royal Library, in which is written εἰς τῶν υἱῶν ("one of the sons"), which Gentian Hervet, the translator of those Questions, also seems to have read, and which better suits the sense of this passage. Further on, on like grounds of manuscript, translation and sense, one should read in Anastasius as here: Οὔτε δίκαιοι ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀδίκων ("nor the just for the unjust"). Finally, the Questions are fuller and more complete by the word κατεποντίσθη. Cotelier.

(printed under page 307)

(61) ‹anchor: Εἰ δὲ› · call in col 620

Εἰ δέ. Ὅτι δέ, uterque minus bene. Cler.

Εἰ δέ ("but if"): both have ὅτι δέ, less well. Clericus (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 307)

(62) ‹anchor: ὁ Ἰσραήλ› · call in col 620

Ὁ Ἰσραήλ. Οἱ Ἰσραηλῖται, alter codex. Id.

Ὁ Ἰσραήλ ("Israel"): the other manuscript has οἱ Ἰσραηλῖται ("the Israelites"). The same [editor].

(printed under page 307)

(63) ‹anchor: ἑτοιμοθανάτοις, καὶ› · call in col 620

Ἑτοιμοθανάτοις καί. Desunt in utroque. Id.

Ἑτοιμοθανάτοις καί ("to those quick to put to death, and"): missing in both. The same [editor].

(printed under page 307)

(64) ‹anchor: προσέχειν› · call in col 620

Προσέχειν. Addit alter : Ὅτι δὲ οὕτως ἔχει καί. Id.

Προσέχειν ("to heed"): the other adds Ὅτι δὲ οὕτως ἔχει καί ("and that it is so"). The same [editor].

(printed under page 307)

(65) ‹anchor: οὐκ ἀποθανεῖται› · call in col 620

Ἀποθανεῖται. Alter τιμωρεῖται. Id.

Ἀποθανεῖται ("will die"): the other has τιμωρεῖται ("is punished"). The same [editor].

(printed under page 307)

(66) ‹anchor: τοῖς συνοῦσι› · call in col 620

Συνοῦσι. F. σινοῦσι. Alter νοσοῦσι, ut bene conjecit Cotelerius. Id.

Συνοῦσι ("those who are with [us]"): perhaps σινοῦσι. The other has νοσοῦσι ("the sick"), as Cotelier well conjectured. The same [editor].

(printed under page 307)

[Scripture and reading notes, printed above the Variorum notes; the numbering starts again at 1 on this page.] (printed under page 308)

(67) ‹anchor: Ἔχοντες› · call in col 621

Ἔχοντες. Alter addit : Φησὶν ὁ Σωτὴρ ἐν Εὐαγγελίοις, καὶ πάλιν, omisso quod sequitur ἐπειδή. Cler.

Ἔχοντες ("having"): the other adds Φησὶν ὁ Σωτὴρ ἐν Εὐαγγελίοις, καὶ πάλιν ("says the Saviour in the Gospels, and again"), omitting the ἐπειδή that follows. Clericus (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 308)

(68) ‹anchor: Τῇ τοῦ Λόγου διδαχῇ› · call in col 621

Τῇ τοῦ Λόγου διδαχῇ. Potest quoque referri ad praecedentia, τοὺς πλησιάζοντας ἀδίκοις, ponendo virgulam post διδαχῇ, ut significetur, quod justi qui iniquis familiariter utuntur, quo eos in pietatis officiis instruant ; non inquinentur cum illis, nec peccato eorum participent. Atque ea interpretatio nunc magis placet, ob ea quae paulo ante ponuntur sic : Δεῖ δὲ ἡμᾶς βοηθεῖν τοῖς συνοῦσι, aut, ut legunt Interpretes, νοσοῦσι, καὶ κινδυνεύουσι καὶ σφαλλομένοις, καὶ ὅσον οἷόν τε τῇ παραινέσει τοῦ λόγου ὑγιάζειν αὐτούς. Cot.

Τῇ τοῦ Λόγου διδαχῇ ("by the teaching of the Word"): it can also be referred to what precedes, τοὺς πλησιάζοντας ἀδίκοις ("those who keep company with the unjust"), putting a comma after διδαχῇ, so that the sense is that the just who associate familiarly with the wicked in order to instruct them in the duties of godliness are not defiled with them nor share in their sin. And that interpretation pleases me more now, because of what is set down a little before: "We must help those who are with us" — or, as the translators read, "the sick" — "and those in danger and those who stumble, and as far as possible heal them by the exhortation of the word." Cotelier.

(printed under page 308)

(69) ‹anchor: Ταῖς› · call in col 621

Ταῖς. Addit uterque αὐτῶν. Cler.

Ταῖς ("the"): both add αὐτῶν ("their"). Clericus (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 308)

(70) ‹anchor: ὄμφακα› · call in col 621

Ὄμφακα. Alter ὄμφακας. Id.

Ὄμφακα ("sour grape"): the other has ὄμφακας ("sour grapes"). The same [editor].

(printed under page 308)

(71) ‹anchor: εἰ ἔτι› · call in col 621

Ἔτι. Abest haec particula ab utroque. Id.

Ἔτι ("still"): this particle is absent from both. The same [editor].

(printed under page 308)

(72) ‹anchor: αὐτὴ› · call in col 621

Αὐτή. Αὐτὴ καί habet alter codex. Id.

Αὐτή ("itself"): the other manuscript has αὐτὴ καί. The same [editor].

(printed under page 308)

(73) ‹anchor: ὅτι› · call in col 621

Ὅτι. Omittitur in uno. Id.

Ὅτι ("that"): omitted in one [manuscript]. The same [editor].

(printed under page 308)

(74) ‹anchor: πᾶσαι› · call in col 621

Πᾶσαι. Haec vox, cum tribus sequentibus omittitur in utroque. Id.

Πᾶσαι ("all"): this word, with the three following, is omitted in both. The same [editor].

(printed under page 308)

(1) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 622

Prov. V, 22.

Proverbs 5:22.

(printed under page 308)

(2) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 622

Isa. LXII, 11.

Isaiah 62:11.

(printed under page 308)

(3) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 622

Ignat. interpol. ad Smyrn. 9.

Interpolated Ignatius, To the Smyrnaeans 9.

(printed under page 308)

(4) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 622

Matth. IX, 12.

Matthew 9:12.

(printed under page 308)

(5) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 622

Matth. XVIII, 14.

Matthew 18:14.

(printed under page 308)

(6) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 622

Deut. XXVIII, 13, 44.

Deuteronomy 28:13, 44.

(printed under page 308)

(7) ‹anchor: judicium et justitiam› · call in col 622

Ezech. XVIII, 2.

Ezekiel 18:2.

(printed under page 308)

(8) ‹anchor: καὶ ἐρεῖται› · call in col 622

f. ἐρεῖτε.

Perhaps [read] ἐρεῖτε ("you will say").

(printed under page 308)

(9) ‹anchor: super ipsum erit› · call in col 622

Anastasius, ibid.

Anastasius, in the same place.

[VARIORUM NOTAE — the numbered calls are printed in the Greek column only.] (printed under page 308)

[Scripture and reading notes, printed above the Variorum notes.] (printed under page 309)

(10) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 623

Anast., ibid.

Anastasius, in the same place.

(printed under page 309)

(11) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 623

Nahum, I, 3 ; Exod. XXXIV, 17, in LXX.

Nahum 1:3; Exodus 34:17 [so printed], in the Septuagint.

(printed under page 309)

(12) ‹anchor: ad cor Hierosolymae› · call in col 623

Isa. XL, 1.

Isaiah 40:1.

[VARIORUM NOTAE — the numbered calls are printed in the Greek column only.] (printed under page 309)

(75) ‹anchor: Ὑμᾶς, οἶκος Ἰσραήλ› · call in col 624

Ὑμᾶς, οἶκος Ἰσραήλ. Omittuntur in altero. Cler.

Ὑμᾶς, οἶκος Ἰσραήλ ("you, house of Israel"): omitted in the other [manuscript]. Clericus (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 309)

(76) ‹anchor: Καὶ ἀθῶον οὐκ ἀθωώσει τὸν ἔνοχον› · call in col 624

Καὶ ἀθῶον οὐκ ἀθωώσει τὸν ἔνοχον. Verba Hebraica, Exod. XXXIV, 7 ; Nah. I, 3 : ונקה לא ינקה et absolvendo non absolvet. Graeci reddiderunt, priori loco ex sensu, καὶ οὐ καθαριεῖ τὸν ἔνοχον, altero ad verbum, καὶ ἀθῶον οὐκ ἀθωώσει. Quam utramque versionem conjunxit noster. Scio Bovium et Turrianum Constitutionum interpretes legisse ἀθῶον, atque ita impressum esse in editione Graeco-Latina. Scio quoque eam scripturam confirmari editionibus LXX, et commentario S. Hieronymi, licet in eo perperam et contra mentem magni Doctoris excudatur, καὶ ἀθῶον οὐκ ἀθωώσει, atque Et nocentem non faciens innocentem, pro καὶ ἀθῶον, proque Et innocentem. Verum in Constitutionibus sensus exigit ἀθῶον, idque editio Graeca repraesentat : in testimonio autem Nahumi ἀθῶον servant Cyrillus (si bene legatur) et Theodoritus, necnon codex Regius 229, qui sedecim prophetas una cum diversorum Graecorum interpretatione complectitur ; ut nihil dicam de ms. Alexandrino, et aliis ; a Theophylacto vero utraque lectio proponitur, ac explicatur. Cot.

"And he will not acquit the innocent [one who is guilty]." The Hebrew words at Exodus 34:7 and Nahum 1:3, ונקה לא ינקה, are "and acquitting he will not acquit". The Greeks rendered them in the first place according to the sense, καὶ οὐ καθαριεῖ τὸν ἔνοχον ("and he will not clear the guilty"), in the second word for word, καὶ ἀθῶον οὐκ ἀθωώσει. Our author has combined both renderings. I know that Bovius and Turrianus, translators of the Constitutions, read ἀθῶον, and that it is so printed in the Greek-Latin edition. I know too that this spelling is confirmed by the editions of the Septuagint and by St Jerome's commentary, although in that commentary καὶ ἀθῶον οὐκ ἀθωώσει, "and not making the guilty innocent", is wrongly printed, against the great Doctor's meaning, for καὶ ἀθῶον and "and the innocent". In the Constitutions, however, the sense requires ἀθῶον, and the Greek edition gives it; and in the testimony of Nahum, ἀθῶον is kept by Cyril (if the reading is sound) and Theodoret, and also by the Royal codex 229, which contains the sixteen prophets together with the rendering of various Greeks — to say nothing of the Alexandrian manuscript and others; while Theophylact sets out and explains both readings. Cotelier. [The Greek accents of ἀθῶον are as printed throughout; the note's distinction between the readings is not visible in the print.]

(printed under page 309)

(77) ‹anchor: καὶ πρὸς μετάνοιαν› · call in col 624

Παρακαλεῖν τοὺς ἡμαρτηκότας καί. Desunt in altero codice Vindob. Cler.

Παρακαλεῖν τοὺς ἡμαρτηκότας καί ("to exhort those who have sinned, and"): missing in the other Vienna manuscript. Clericus (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 309)

(78) ‹anchor: κεραίαις› · call in col 624

Κεραίαις. Omittitur in altero cod. Vind., quod vertit Cotelerius, furcillis, ex conjectura, ut puto, potius quam ex comperto usu vocis, qui exemplo probandus erat, si quod suppetebat. Id.

Κεραίαις ("with poles"): omitted in the other Vienna manuscript. Cotelier translated it furcillis ("with little forks"), by conjecture, I think, rather than from an established use of the word, which ought to have been proved by an example, if one was to hand. The same [editor].

(printed under page 309)

(79) ‹anchor: ὤσας› · call in col 624

Ὤσας. Alter habet παντελῶς, quod infertur ad ἐμβάλῃς. Vitii quidpiam subesse videtur, quamvis sententia non sit obscura. Id.

Ὤσας ("pushing"): the other has παντελῶς ("altogether"), which is attached to ἐμβάλῃς ("you throw in"). Some fault seems to lie beneath, though the sense is not obscure. The same [editor].

(printed under page 309)

[Scripture and reading notes, printed above the Variorum notes.] (printed under page 310)

(80) ‹anchor: Σέ› · call in col 625

Σέ. Deest in altero codice. Cler.

Σέ ("you"): missing in the other manuscript. Clericus (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 310)

(81) ‹anchor: ἡμέρας νηστειῶν› · call in col 625

Ἡμέρας νηστειῶν, κ. τ. λ. Aiunt viri eruditi, ac pluribus documentis aggrediuntur demonstrare, ante Montani haeresim, non diu exclusos fuisse a communione ecclesiastica peccatores poenitentes ; per tempora autem inter Montanum ac Novatum media, crevisse severitatem, non tamen adeo ut veniae mora biennium unquam excederet. Nec ego contra tendo. Tantum dico, quod fidem non superet, hac quoque in parte variasse disciplinam. Quis enim putet, omnes eos, qui semel duntaxat poenitentiam suscipi permittebant, breve tempus definivisse ad satisfaciendum Deo pro plurimis etiam ac gravissimis delictis ? Praeterea Victorinus commentario in Apocalypsim, nescio unde mutuatus, Nicolaitis hunc errorem tribuit : Ut quicunque fornicatus esset, octava die pacem acciperet. Plures denique illi episcopi, ad quos S. Cyprianus destinat epistolam 53, dubitabant, in causa favorabili trium lapsorum, qui cum nomen Domini fuissent confessi, et carcerem, minas, ac multa diutina, repetitaque tormenta, pro fide in Christum pertulissent, tandem diritate cruciatuum subacti, de gradu gloriae deciderant, atque ab eo tempore per triennium a poenitentia agenda non cessaverant ; dubitabant, inquam, utrum fas esset, eos lapsos ad communionem admittere, insuperque volebant ea de quaestione concilium episcoporum agitari ; non dispari vigore, atque conspicitur postea in canonibus synodi Ancyranae ac Petri Alexandrini. Vide ad canonem apostolicum 17, seu 24. Cot.

"Days of fasting", etc. Learned men say, and set out to prove by many documents, that before the heresy of Montanus penitent sinners were not long excluded from church communion; that in the times between Montanus and Novatus severity grew, yet never so far that the delay of pardon exceeded two years. I do not dispute it. I say only that it is not past belief that discipline varied in this respect too. For who would think that all those who allowed penance to be undertaken only once fixed a short time for satisfying God even for very many and very grave sins? Moreover Victorinus, in his commentary on the Apocalypse, borrowing it I know not whence, attributes this error to the Nicolaitans: "that whoever had committed fornication should receive peace on the eighth day." Finally, the several bishops to whom St Cyprian addresses letter 53 were in doubt, in the favourable case of three lapsed men — who had confessed the name of the Lord and endured prison, threats, and many long and repeated torments for faith in Christ, and at last, overcome by the cruelty of the tortures, had fallen from the rank of glory, and from that time for three years had not ceased doing penance — they were in doubt, I say, whether it was right to admit those lapsed to communion, and moreover wished the question to be debated by a council of bishops: with a rigour not unlike that seen later in the canons of the synod of Ancyra and of Peter of Alexandria. See on Apostolic Canon 17, or 24. Cotelier.

(printed under page 310)

(82) ‹anchor: αὐτοῦ εὐμενοῦς› · call in col 625

Εὐμενοῦς. Alter codex εὐμενῶς. Cl.

Εὐμενοῦς ("[of him] gracious"): the other manuscript has εὐμενῶς ("graciously"). Clericus (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 310)

(83) ‹anchor: οὐκ› · call in col 625

Οὐκ. Uterque cod. Vind. οὐκ ἄν, non male. Id.

Οὐκ ("not"): both Vienna manuscripts have οὐκ ἄν, not badly. The same [editor].

(printed under page 310)

(13) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 626

Jer. XII, 10.

Jeremiah 12:10.

(printed under page 310)

(14) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 626

Zach. X, 3.

Zechariah 10:3.

(printed under page 310)

(15) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 626

Mal. I, 6.

Malachi 1:6.

(printed under page 310)

(16) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 626

al. ἐξελθόντος αὐτοῦ.

Another reading: ἐξελθόντος αὐτοῦ ("when he has gone out").

(printed under page 310)

(17) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 626

Luc. XXIII, 34.

Luke 23:34.

(printed under page 310)

(18) ‹anchor: καὶ λέγειν› · call in col 626

f. λέγων.

Perhaps [read] λέγων ("saying").

(printed under page 310)

(19) ‹anchor: propitiatio est› · call in col 626

Ps. CXXIX, 3.

Psalm 129:3.

(printed under page 310)

(20) ‹anchor: Quiesce› · call in col 626

Gen. IV, 7 apud LXX.

Genesis 4:7, in the Septuagint.

(printed under page 310)

(21) ‹anchor: ne pergas peccare› · call in col 626

Citatur ab Anastasio quaest. 6.

Cited by Anastasius, Question 6.

(printed under page 310)

(22) ‹anchor: et postea ingredietur› · call in col 626

Num. XII, 14.

Numbers 12:14.

[VARIORUM NOTAE — the numbered calls are printed in the Greek column only.] (printed under page 310)

[Scripture and reading notes, printed above the Variorum notes.] (printed under page 311)

(23) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 627

Isa. I, 23.

Isaiah 1:23.

(printed under page 311)

(24) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 627

Luc. VI, 41.

Luke 6:41.

(printed under page 311)

(25) ‹anchor: commissa nequitia› · call in col 627

Citat. Anastasius, quaest. 60.

Cited by Anastasius, Question 60.

(printed under page 311)

(26) ‹anchor: totam massam corrumpit› · call in col 627

Gal. V, 9.

Galatians 5:9.

(printed under page 311)

(27) ‹anchor: φυράματος δολοῖ› · call in col 627

in Anastasio ζυμοῖ.

In Anastasius: ζυμοῖ ("leavens").

(printed under page 311)

(28) ‹anchor: unguenti aromatici› · call in col 627

Eccle. X, 1.

Ecclesiastes 10:1.

(printed under page 311)

(29) ‹anchor: ministri iniqui sunt› · call in col 627

Prov. XXIX, 12.

Proverbs 29:12.

(printed under page 311)

(30) ‹anchor: πολλοῖς φυλακταῖος› · call in col 627

Anast. φυλακτέος.

Anastasius has φυλακτέος ("to be guarded against").

(printed under page 311)

(31) ‹anchor: speluncam latronum› · call in col 627

Matth. XXI, 13.

Matthew 21:13.

[VARIORUM NOTAE — the numbered calls are printed in the Greek column only.] (printed under page 311)

[Scripture and reading notes (23)–(31), printed under page 311 above the Variorum notes, are set in the Latin column's notes: see PG 1:627 (n627). Calls 27 (after δολοῖ) and 30 (after φυλακταῖος) are printed in this Greek column only, so by the unit rule they belong here; n627 already sets them, so they are pointed to rather than set twice (Q9b).]

(84) ‹anchor: Ὡς πατέρες υἱούς› · call in col 628

Ὡς πατέρες υἱούς. Al. πατέρας. Corrigere autem oportet etiam ex mss. ac ex Niconis ἀνεκδότοις Collectaneis serm. 51, vitium lectionis in Anastasianis quaestionibus, ὥσπερ υἱούς, cui originem dedit abbreviata scriptura. Cot.

Ὡς πατέρες υἱούς ("as fathers [receive] sons"): another reading πατέρας. One must also correct, from the manuscripts and from Nicon's unpublished Collectanea, sermon 51, the faulty reading in Anastasius's Questions, ὥσπερ υἱούς, which arose from an abbreviated spelling. Cotelier.

(printed under page 311)

(85) ‹anchor: Ἢ διὰ δωροληψίαν› · call in col 628

Ἢ διὰ δωροληψίαν. Exciderunt haec ex altero cod., quia vox antecedens eodem modo desinit, quae res omissiones frequentes in antiquis codicibus peperit. Cler.

Ἢ διὰ δωροληψίαν ("or through taking bribes"): these words have dropped out of the other manuscript because the preceding word ends the same way, a thing that has caused frequent omissions in old manuscripts. Clericus (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 311)

(86) ‹anchor: ὃ μὴ γένοιτο› · call in col 628

Μὴ γένοιτο. Addit alter εἰς ὑμᾶς. Id.

Μὴ γένοιτο ("may it not be"): the other adds εἰς ὑμᾶς ("among you"). The same [editor].

(printed under page 311)

(87) ‹anchor: ἀνέλεγκτος› · call in col 628

Ἀνέλεγκτος. Uterque cod. Vind. ἀνεξέλεγκτος. Id.

Ἀνέλεγκτος ("unreproved"): both Vienna manuscripts have ἀνεξέλεγκτος. The same [editor].

(printed under page 311)

(88) ‹anchor: εἰς ἄλλους› · call in col 628

Ἄλλους. Alter ἀλλήλους. Id.

Ἄλλους ("others"): the other has ἀλλήλους ("one another"). The same [editor].

(printed under page 311)

(89) ‹anchor: τὴν διανομὴν λαμβάνει› · call in col 628

Διανομὴν λαμβάνει. Alter ἡ νομὴ ἕρπει, depastio serpit. Νομή est ulceris virulentia, qua fit ut depascatur vicinam carnem, serpendo quaquaversus, ἀπὸ τοῦ νέμεσθαι depasci. Itaque εἰς ἀλλήλους νομὴ ἕρπει est, virus serpit vicissim ; hoc est, alios alii vitiis suis inficiunt. Id.

Διανομὴν λαμβάνει ("takes distribution"): the other has ἡ νομὴ ἕρπει, "the eating sore spreads". Νομή is the virulence of an ulcer by which it eats away the neighbouring flesh, creeping in every direction, from νέμεσθαι, "to feed on". So εἰς ἀλλήλους νομὴ ἕρπει means "the poison creeps from one to another"; that is, they infect one another with their vices. The same [editor].

(printed under page 311)

(90) ‹anchor: φυράματος δολοῖ› · call in col 628

Πλήρωμα φυράματος δολοῖ. Tolle e libris Anastasii, verba, quae a margine in textum irrepsere, quaeque etiam absunt a mss. suntque Apostoli I Cor. V, 6, et Gal. V, 9, ὅλον τὸ φύραμα ζυμοῖ. Pari modo iidem codices Regii postea melius habent, χωρισθέν, ut Constitutiones. Qui autem sequitur in Anastasio, Salomonis locus, ex parte petitus est e Constitutionum lib. II, cap. 9. Reliqua vero omnia Anastasiana, non inveni in nostris Diataxibus. Cot. — In altero cod. Vindobon. legitur πλήρη φυράματα, non male. Cler.

Πλήρωμα φυράματος δολοῖ ("corrupts the whole of the lump"): remove from the books of Anastasius the words that crept from the margin into the text and are also absent from the manuscripts — they are the Apostle's, 1 Cor. 5:6 and Gal. 5:9, ὅλον τὸ φύραμα ζυμοῖ ("leavens the whole lump"). In the same way the same Royal manuscripts afterwards have, better, χωρισθέν, as the Constitutions do. The passage of Solomon that follows in Anastasius is taken in part from the Constitutions, book 2, ch. 9. All the rest of the Anastasian matter I have not found in our Diataxeis. Cotelier. — In the other Vienna manuscript is read πλήρη φυράματα, not badly. Clericus (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 311)

(91) ‹anchor: τὸ μύσος› · call in col 628

Τὸ μύσος. Addit alter πολλάκις. Verte : In totam gentem scelus inducit ; hoc est, eam ad latrocinandum exemplo pellicit. Id.

Τὸ μύσος ("the abomination"): the other adds πολλάκις ("often"). Translate: "brings guilt upon the whole nation"; that is, by his example he lures it to robbery. The same [editor].

(printed under page 311)

(92) ‹anchor: προσάψῃ› · call in col 628

Προσάψῃ. Alter Προσάψηται. Id.

Προσάψῃ ("touches"): the other has προσάψηται. The same [editor].

(printed under page 311)

(93) ‹anchor: καὶ ἄνθρωπον› · call in col 628

Καὶ ἄνθρωπον. Alter καὶ ἡμεῖς ἄνθρωπον, nos quoque hominem ab Ecclesia, etc. Quod non displicet. Id.

Καὶ ἄνθρωπον ("a man too"): the other has καὶ ἡμεῖς ἄνθρωπον, "if we too [do not separate] a man from the Church", etc. Which is not displeasing. The same [editor].

(printed under page 311)

(94) ‹anchor: ἐπὶ› · call in col 628

Ἐπί. Omittitur in altero, perperam. Ἐπί hic est erga. Id.

Ἐπί: omitted in the other, wrongly. Ἐπί here means "towards". The same [editor].

(printed under page 311)

[Scripture references, printed above the Variorum notes.] (printed under page 312)

(95) ‹anchor: Πρὸς ὑμᾶς› · call in col 629

Πρὸς ὑμᾶς. Alter Vind. cod. ἐν Εὐαγγελίοις. Cler.

Πρὸς ὑμᾶς ("to you"): the other Vienna manuscript has ἐν Εὐαγγελίοις ("in the Gospels"). Clericus (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 312)

(96) ‹anchor: Καί› · call in col 629

Καί. Alter, οὐκοῦν, ergo. Id.

Καί ("and"): the other has οὐκοῦν, "therefore". The same [editor].

(printed under page 312)

(97) ‹anchor: μία ἡμέρα› · call in col 629

Μία ἡμέρα. Alter cod. μιᾶς ἡμέρας, aeque bene, imo melius, quamvis vulgata lectio sit consentanea edit. LXX Intt. Id.

Μία ἡμέρα ("one day"): the other manuscript has μιᾶς ἡμέρας ("of one day"), equally good, indeed better, although the common reading agrees with the edition of the Septuagint translators. The same [editor].

(printed under page 312)

(98) ‹anchor: τῶν προγεγενημένων› · call in col 629

Διὰ τοῦτο καὶ τῶν προγεγενημένων, etc. Lege, si vacat, quae in hanc sententiam edisseruntur apud sanctos Patres, Irenaeum lib. IV, cap. 45 ; Chrysostomum, homil. de poenitentia et oratione, tom. I ; homil. 29 in Genesim, tom. II ; homil. in psalmum L, tom. III ; et Augustinum lib. III De doctrina Christiana, cap. 23, atque libro De natura et gratia, cap. 35. Cot.

"For this reason also [the lives] of those who lived before", etc. Read, if you have leisure, what is set out to this effect in the holy Fathers: Irenaeus book 4, ch. 45; Chrysostom, homily On Repentance and Prayer, vol. 1; homily 29 on Genesis, vol. 2; the homily on Psalm 50, vol. 3; and Augustine, De doctrina Christiana book 3, ch. 23, and De natura et gratia, ch. 35. Cotelier.

(printed under page 312)

(32) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 630

Lev. XV, 31.

Leviticus 15:31.

(printed under page 312)

(33) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 630

Ose. X, 13, juxta LXX.

Hosea 10:13, according to the Septuagint.

(printed under page 312)

(34) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 630

Matth. XVIII, 10.

Matthew 18:10.

(printed under page 312)

(35) ‹anchor: non morieris› · call in col 630

II Reg. XII, 13.

2 Kings (2 Samuel) 12:13.

(printed under page 312)

(36) ‹anchor: plus petent ab eo› · call in col 630

Luc. XII, 48.

Luke 12:48.

(printed under page 312)

(37) ‹anchor: vita illius› · call in col 630

Job XIV, 4, in LXX.

Job 14:4, in the Septuagint.

(printed under page 312)

(38) ‹anchor: mundum se esse a peccato› · call in col 630

Prov. XX, 9.

Proverbs 20:9.

[VARIORUM NOTAE — the numbered calls are printed in the Greek column only.] (printed under page 312)

[Scripture references, printed above the Variorum notes.] (printed under page 313)

(39) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 631

Num. XVIII, 1.

Numbers 18:1.

(printed under page 313)

(40) ‹anchor: bestiis saltus› · call in col 631

Ezech. XXXIV, 2-5.

Ezekiel 34:2–5.

(printed under page 313)

(41) ‹anchor: non pascebant› · call in col 631

Ibid., 8.

Same, verse 8.

(printed under page 313)

(42) ‹anchor: in devorationem› · call in col 631

Ibid., 11.

Same, verse 11.

(printed under page 313)

(43) ‹anchor: pedum vestrorum comedebant› · call in col 631

Ibid., 19-20.

Same, verses 19–20.

[VARIORUM NOTAE — the numbered calls are printed in the Greek column only.] (printed under page 313)

(1) ‹anchor: Ἐπιτελῶν› · call in col 632

Ἐπιτελῶν. Alter. cod. ποιῶν eodem sensu. Id.

Ἐπιτελῶν ("performing"): the other manuscript has ποιῶν ("doing"), with the same sense. The same [editor].

(printed under page 313)

(2) ‹anchor: Ἀμελήσῃς› · call in col 632

Ἀμελήσῃς. Alter cod. ἀμελής, sed sequi oporteret ᾖς, negligens sis, unde forte factum ἀμελήσῃς. Cler.

Ἀμελήσῃς ("you neglect"): the other manuscript has ἀμελής ("negligent"), but ᾖς ("you be") ought to follow — "be negligent" — whence perhaps ἀμελήσῃς arose. Clericus (Le Clerc).

(3-4) ‹anchor: Ὅτι› · call in col 632 Ὅτι. Οἱ in altero cod. Id.

Ὅτι ("that"): the other manuscript has οἱ ("the"). The same [editor].

(printed under page 313)

(5) ‹anchor: τοῦ δρυμοῦ› · call in col 632

Δρυμοῦ. Alter ἀγροῦ, ut habent LXX Intt. Id.

Δρυμοῦ ("of the forest"): the other has ἀγροῦ ("of the field"), as the Septuagint translators have. The same [editor].

(printed under page 313)

(6) ‹anchor: Καὶ ἐπιφέρει› · call in col 632

Καί. Εἶτα, alter cod., quod rectius, propter sequens, καί. Id.

Καί ("and"): the other manuscript has εἶτα ("then"), which is more correct because of the καί that follows. The same [editor].

(printed under page 313)

[Scripture references, printed above the Variorum notes.] (printed under page 314)

(10) ‹anchor: ὡς κύριον› · call in col 633

Ὡς κύριον. Praemittit alter codex ὡς πατέρα, omittitque quod sequitur ὡς δεσπότην. Id.

Ὡς κύριον ("as lord"): the other manuscript puts ὡς πατέρα ("as father") before it, and omits the following ὡς δεσπότην ("as master"). The same [editor].

(printed under page 314)

(11) ‹anchor: καὶ στέργων› · call in col 633

Στέργων. Idem habet θερμαίνων. Id.

Στέργων ("cherishing"): the same [manuscript] has θερμαίνων ("warming"). The same [editor].

(printed under page 314)

(12) ‹anchor: τοῖς πληκτισμοῦ› · call in col 633

Πληκτισμοῦ. Alter διαπληκτισμοῦ δεομένοις. Id.

Πληκτισμοῦ ("of striking"): the other has διαπληκτισμοῦ δεομένοις ("those needing a beating"). The same [editor].

(printed under page 314)

(13) ‹anchor: ἀλλὰ μὴ εἰς ἀνατροπήν› · call in col 633

Ἀλλά. Hanc vocem et tres sequentes non legimus in altero cod. Id.

Ἀλλά ("but"): this word and the three following we do not read in the other manuscript. The same [editor].

(printed under page 314)

(44) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 634

Ezech. XXXIV, 39, 31.

Ezekiel 34:39 [so it appears; perhaps 30], 31.

(printed under page 314)

(45) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 634

Ibid. 17.

Same, verse 17.

(printed under page 314)

(46) ‹anchor: Et quidem bonum pastorem› · call in col 634

l. Ignat. interpol. ad Trall. 7.

[l.] Interpolated Ignatius, To the Trallians 7.

(printed under page 314)

(47) ‹anchor: qui me misit› · call in col 634

Luc. X, 16.

Luke 10:16.

[VARIORUM NOTAE — the numbered calls are printed in the Greek column only.] (printed under page 314)

[Scripture and reading notes, printed above the Variorum notes.] (printed under page 315)

(48) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 635

Ezech. XXXIII, 10.

Ezekiel 33:10.

(printed under page 315)

(49) ‹anchor: et lupus rapit eas› · call in col 635

Joan. X, 11.

John 10:11.

(printed under page 315)

(50) ‹anchor: ἀπόλλυται› · call in col 635

al. add. ὑπὸ ἀνοίας.

Another [reading] adds ὑπὸ ἀνοίας ("through folly").

(printed under page 315)

(51) ‹anchor: perditae recuperatione› · call in col 635

Matth. XVIII ; Luc. XV.

Matthew 18; Luke 15.

[VARIORUM NOTAE — the numbered calls are printed in the Greek column only.] (printed under page 315)

(16) ‹anchor: Ψυχικῆς› · call in col 636

Ψυχικῆς. Omittit uterque, nec sane necessarium est et offendit aures. Id.

Ψυχικῆς ("of the soul"): both omit it; it is certainly not necessary, and it offends the ear. The same [editor].

(printed under page 315)

(17) ‹anchor: Εἰς βοράν› · call in col 636

Εἰς βοράν. Rectius quam βορᾷ, quod est in altero codice. Id.

Εἰς βοράν ("for food"): more correct than βορᾷ, which is in the other manuscript. The same [editor].

(printed under page 315)

(18) ‹anchor: Ὑπό τινων› · call in col 636

Ὑπό τινων. Omittitur in altero. Id.

Ὑπό τινων ("by some"): omitted in the other. The same [editor].

(printed under page 315)

(19) ‹anchor: τὸν διάβολον› · call in col 636

Τουτέστι τὸν διάβολον. Omittuntur in altero, et glossam redolent. Id.

Τουτέστι τὸν διάβολον ("that is, the devil"): omitted in the other, and they smell of a gloss. The same [editor].

(printed under page 315)

(20) ‹anchor: ἐπὶ τὰ ὄρη› · call in col 636

Ἐπί. Antecedit in altero cod. ἐπὶ τῇ ἐρήμῳ, quae facile exciderunt, propter repetitionem voculae ἐπί. Id.

Ἐπί ("upon"): in the other manuscript ἐπὶ τῇ ἐρήμῳ ("in the desert") comes before it — words that easily dropped out because of the repetition of the little word ἐπί. The same [editor].

(printed under page 315)

(21) ‹anchor: λιμήν (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 637 (Greek only)

Λιμήν. Male omittunt in utroque Vindobonensi. Cler.

"Harbour." Both Vienna manuscripts wrongly omit it. Clericus.

(printed under page 316)

(22) ‹anchor: ἰῶ (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 637 (Greek only)

Ἰῶ. Rectius alter ἰώμενος. Idem pro ἁμαρτίᾳ habet ἁμαρτίαις. Id.

"I heal." The other manuscript, more correctly, has ἰώμενος. The same has ἁμαρτίαις for ἁμαρτίᾳ. The same [Clericus].

(printed under page 316)

(23) ‹anchor: ὤν (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 637 (Greek only)

Ὤν. Alter cod. ὑπάρχων. Id.

"Being." The other manuscript has ὑπάρχων. The same [Clericus].

(printed under page 316)

(24) ‹anchor: τῷ κόλπῳ συνάγων τὰ ἀρνία (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 637 (Greek only)

Τῷ κόλπῳ συνάγων τὰ ἀρνία, κ. τ. λ. Habes vestigia integrae versionis Senum Is. XL, 11: Τῷ βραχίονι αὐτοῦ συνάξει ἄρνας, καὶ ἐν τῷ κόλπῳ αὐτοῦ βαστάσει, καὶ ἐν γαστρὶ ἐχούσας παρακαλέσει. Hoc est apud Hieronymum: In brachio suo congregabit agnos, et in sinu suo portabit, et praegnantes consolabitur. Minus bene quotquot venerunt in manus meas libri, sive excusi, sive manu exarati, ut et Cyrillus ac Procopius, omittunt voces, καὶ ἐν τῷ κόλπῳ αὐτοῦ βαστάσει, quas codex celeber Renati Marchali tribuit Aquilae et Symmacho, cum sint etiam interpretum LXX. Cot.

"Gathering the lambs in his bosom," etc. Here you have traces of the complete version of the Elders [the Septuagint] at Isaiah 40:11: "With his arm he will gather the lambs, and in his bosom he will carry them, and he will comfort those that are with young." In Jerome this is: "In his arm he will gather the lambs, and in his bosom he will carry them, and he will console those with young." Less well, all the books that have come into my hands, whether printed or written by hand, as also Cyril and Procopius, omit the words "and in his bosom he will carry them", which the famous codex of René Marchal assigns to Aquila and Symmachus, though they belong also to the Seventy translators. Cotelier.

(printed under page 316)

(25) ‹anchor: ἄδολος› · call in col 637 (Greek only)

Ἄδολος. Deest in altero cod. Vindobon. Cl.

"Guileless." It is missing in the other Vienna manuscript. Clericus.

(printed under page 316)

(26) ‹anchor: μὴ φιλεπιτιμητής› · call in col 637 (Greek only)

Φιλεπιτιμητής. Omittitur in altero cod. Id.

"Fond of rebuking." It is omitted in the other manuscript. The same [Clericus].

(printed under page 316)

(27) ‹anchor: ἄνευ τριῶν πιστῶν› · call in col 637 (Greek only)

Πιστῶν. Deest in altero cod. nec necessarium est, quia res per se satis intelligitur. Pro ὧν quod sequitur est ἐάν in utroque. Id.

"Faithful." It is missing in the other manuscript, and it is not needed, since the matter is clear enough by itself. For the ὧν that follows, both have ἐάν. The same [Clericus].

(printed under page 316)

(28) ‹anchor: τριττὴν γλῶσσαν ἔχοντες› · call in col 637 (Greek only)

Τρίτην γλῶσσαν ἔχοντες. Linguam tertiam Hebraei appellant, linguam oblocutoris, utpote mediam inter auditorem ac eum de quo sermo habetur: aiuntque lingua tertia tribus perniciem importari, detrahenti, auscultanti et insimulato. Quae γλῶσσα τρίτη quanta mala excitet, describitur in Eccli. cap. XXVIII; ubi tamen nonnulla exemplaria videntur habuisse τρητή, hoc est τετρυπημένη, perforata; eodem sensu quo servus ille Terentianus jocatur, se quando mendacia tacere jubetur, plenum rimarum esse, hac atque illac perfluere. Egregie in scholio 2 ad gradum 10 Scalae Joannis Climaci, Κατάλαλος ψυχή, τρίβολον ἔχει γλῶσσαν· ἑαυτὴν γὰρ, καὶ τὸν ἀκούοντα, ἔσθ' ὅτε δὲ καὶ τὸν καταλαλούμενον βλάπτει. Anima quae detractionibus est obnoxia, trisulcam habet linguam: nocet enim et sibi ipsi, et auditori, et illi quandoque cui detrahitur. Cot.

"Having a third tongue." The Hebrews call the tongue of the slanderer the "third tongue", as standing between the hearer and the one being spoken of; and they say that the third tongue brings ruin on three: the detractor, the listener, and the one accused. How great the evils this "third tongue" stirs up is described in Ecclesiasticus chapter 28; where, however, some copies seem to have had τρητή, that is τετρυπημένη, "perforated"; in the same sense in which that slave of Terence jokes that, when he is told to keep lies quiet, he is "full of cracks" and leaks out this way and that. Excellently in scholion 2 on step 10 of the Ladder of John Climacus: "A slanderous soul has a three-pronged tongue; for it harms itself, and the hearer, and sometimes also the one slandered." [Latin repeats:] A soul given to detraction has a three-forked tongue: for it harms both itself and the hearer, and at times him who is detracted. Cotelier.

(printed under page 316)

(ref 52) ‹anchor: not visible in foot image› · call in col 638 Luc. IV, 19.

Luke 4:19.

(ref 53) ‹anchor: not visible in foot image› · call in col 638 Matth. IX, 2.

Matthew 9:2.

(ref 54) ‹anchor: not visible in foot image› · call in col 638 Marc. V, 34.

Mark 5:34.

(ref 55) ‹anchor: not visible in foot image› · call in col 638 Matth. IX, 12.

Matthew 9:12.

(ref 56) ‹anchor: not visible in foot image› · call in col 638 Luc. XIX, 10.

Luke 19:10.

(ref 57) ‹anchor: not visible in foot image› · call in col 638 I. Ignat. ad Polyc. 2.

Ignatius, To Polycarp 2.

(ref 58) ‹anchor: not visible in foot image› · call in col 638 Ezech. XXXIV, 4.

Ezekiel 34:4.

(ref 59) ‹anchor: not visible in foot image› · call in col 638 Matth. XX, 25.

Matthew 20:25.

(ref 60) ‹anchor: not visible in foot image› · call in col 638 Isa. xl, 11.

Isaiah 40:11.

(ref 61) ‹anchor: tertiam linguam habentes› · call in col 638 Eccli. XXVIII, 16.

Ecclesiasticus (Sirach) 28:16.

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(ref 62) ‹anchor: not visible in foot image› · call in col 639 Ignat. ad Smyrn. 4.

Ignatius, To the Smyrnaeans 4.

(ref 63) ‹anchor: not visible in foot image› · call in col 639 Joan viii, 44.

John 8:44.

(ref 64) ‹anchor: not visible in foot image› · call in col 639 Prov. I, 16; Is. LIX; Rom. III, 15.

Proverbs 1:16; Isaiah 59; Romans 3:15.

(ref 65) ‹anchor: …rum› · call in col 639 Psal. XXXV, 2.

Psalm 35 (Vulgate numbering):2.

(ref 66) ‹anchor: et dabitur vobis› · call in col 639 Luc. VI, 37, 38.

Luke 6:37–38.

(ref 67) ‹anchor: debitoribus nostris› · call in col 639 Matth. VI, 12.

Matthew 6:12.

(ref 68) ‹anchor: ad Deum, requiretur› · call in col 639 Gen. IV.

Genesis 4.

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(29) ‹anchor: ἐθνικοῖς, καὶ Ἰουδαϊσταῖς, καὶ αἱρεσιώταις (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 640 (Greek only)

Ἐθνικοῖς, καὶ Ἰουδαϊσταῖς, καὶ αἱρεσιώταις. Judaistas, opinor, appellat, non tam Judaeos quam judaizantes. Quocirca statim post, gentium duntaxat ac haereseon mentionem facit, Judaistas complectens in haereticis: Ὅτι οὐ δεῖ Χριστιανοὺς Ἰουδαΐζειν, est 29 canon Synodi Laodicenae, καὶ ἐν τῷ Σαββάτῳ σχολάζειν, ἀλλὰ ἐργάζεσθαι αὐτοὺς ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ ἡμέρᾳ, τὴν δὲ Κυριακὴν προτιμῶντας, εἴγε δύναιντο, σχολάζειν ὡς Χριστιανοί. Εἰ δὲ εὑρεθεῖεν Ἰουδαϊσταὶ, ἔστωσαν ἀνάθεμα παρὰ Χριστῷ. Sic in Dialogis qui Origeni ascribuntur, dialogo 2, Marcus haereticus Marcionista Catholicis nomen Judaistarum dat, eo quod Legem, Prophetas ac Deum Judaeorum non aversentur. Cot.

"To gentiles, and Judaists, and heretics." By "Judaists" he means, I think, not so much Jews as judaizers. That is why just afterwards he mentions only the gentiles and the heresies, including the Judaists among the heretics. "That Christians must not judaize and rest on the Sabbath, but must work on that day, and, preferring the Lord's day, rest then, if they can, as Christians. But if they are found to be Judaists, let them be anathema from Christ": this is canon 29 of the Synod of Laodicea. So too in the Dialogues ascribed to Origen, dialogue 2, Marcus, a Marcionite heretic, gives the Catholics the name of Judaists, because they do not turn away from the Law, the Prophets, and the God of the Jews. Cotelier.

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(30) ‹anchor: προσπελάζουσι (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 640 (Greek only)

Προσπελάζουσι. Alter Vind. προσπαίζουσι, et mox ὡς λύκοι, deinde pro ἡγοῦνται, αὐτὸ ποιοῦνται. Cler.

"They approach." The other Vienna manuscript has προσπαίζουσι ("they make sport with"), and shortly after ὡς λύκοι ("like wolves"), then αὐτὸ ποιοῦνται for ἡγοῦνται. Clericus.

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(31) ‹anchor: ὑμῖν τὰ παραπτώματα› · call in col 640 (Greek only)

Παραπτώματα. Addit alter codex ὑμῶν. Id.

"Trespasses." The other manuscript adds ὑμῶν ("your"). The same [Clericus].

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(32) ‹anchor: τοὐναντίον ἑαυτοὺς› · call in col 640 (Greek only)

Ἑαυτούς. Alter ἑαυτὸν δεσμεύεις λέγων. Minus bene. Id.

"Yourselves." The other has ἑαυτὸν δεσμεύεις λέγων ("you bind yourself, saying"). Less well. The same [Clericus].

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(33) ‹anchor: μὴ προσδεχόμενος, φονεὺς› · call in col 640 (Greek only)

Φονεύς. Uterque cod., φονεύει τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ. Id.

"A murderer." Both manuscripts: φονεύει τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ ("he murders his brother"). The same [Clericus].

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(34) ‹anchor: Κάϊν Ἄβελ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ› · call in col 640 (Greek only)

Τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ. Αὐτοῦ in Vind., rectius. Id.

"The brother." The Vienna manuscript has αὐτοῦ ("his"), more correctly. The same [Clericus].

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(35) ‹anchor: καὶ ὁ ματαίως› · call in col 640 (Greek only)

Ματαίως. Ἀδίκως alter cod. Id.

"Without cause." The other manuscript has ἀδίκως ("unjustly"). The same [Clericus].

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(36) ‹anchor: σκοπούς (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 641 (Greek only)

Σκοπούς. Εἰς νοῦν, melius alter Vindob., hoc est ad animum revocans, quod aptius loco. Cler.

"Watchmen." The other Vienna manuscript has εἰς νοῦν, better, that is "calling to mind", which suits the place better. Clericus.

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(37) ‹anchor: προωδευκότα (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 641 (Greek only)

Προωδευκότα. Alter προειληφότα. Id.

"Having gone before." The other has προειληφότα ("having taken beforehand"). The same [Clericus].

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(38) ‹anchor: δίκαιον (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 641 (Greek only)

Δίκαιον. Δεῖ alter addit τῷ δικαίῳ. Id.

"Just." The other adds δεῖ before τῷ δικαίῳ. The same [Clericus].

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(39) ‹anchor: λυτροῦται, λέγων› · call in col 641 (Greek only)

Λυτροῦται λέγων. Alter ἐλυτρώσατο εἰπών. Id.

"Redeems, saying." The other has ἐλυτρώσατο εἰπών ("redeemed, having said"). The same [Clericus].

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(40) ‹anchor: εὐξαμένου ἐν κοιλίᾳ› · call in col 641 (Greek only)

Ἐν κοιλίᾳ. Alter ἐκ κοιλίας, et mox εἰς ζωὴν, ὡσαύτως καὶ ἐκ φορᾶς ᾅδου τὴν ζωήν. De quo deliberandum. Id.

"In the belly." The other has ἐκ κοιλίας ("out of the belly"), and shortly after εἰς ζωὴν, ὡσαύτως καὶ ἐκ φορᾶς ᾅδου τὴν ζωήν ("to life; likewise from the rush of Hades, his life"). This must be weighed. The same [Clericus].

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(41) ‹anchor: δευτέρᾳ τῶν Παραλειπομένων› · call in col 641 (Greek only)

Ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ τῶν Παραλειπομένων, τῇ τῶν ἡμερῶν. In re clara corrige mendum typographicum, quod indignis modis contaminat Prologum S. Hilarii in Psalmorum explanationem. Paralipomenon duo, in decimum librum Veteris Testamenti sint: sermones dierum Esdrae, in undecimum. Interpungi debet: sint; sermones dierum: Esdrae, in undecimum. Cot. — Pro τῇ τῶν lege ἤτοι ἡμερῶν vel dierum, quemadmodum hi libri apud Hebraeos vocantur. Cler.

"In the second of Paralipomena, that of the Days." In a clear matter, correct a printer's error that shamefully disfigures St Hilary's Prologue to his exposition of the Psalms: "the two of Paralipomenon are to make the tenth book of the Old Testament; the words of the days of Esdras, the eleventh." It should be punctuated: "are to make [the tenth book], the words of the days; Esdras, the eleventh." Cotelier. — For τῇ τῶν read ἤτοι ἡμερῶν, "or of the days", as these books are called among the Hebrews. Clericus.

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(42) ‹anchor: τῇ τῶν Ἡμερῶν› · call in col 641 (Greek only)

Τῇ τῶν ἡμερῶν. Desunt in altero cod. Vindob., mox etiam absunt voces: Καὶ ἀπέθανεν Ἐζεκίας καὶ ἐβασίλευσεν ὁ. Id.

"That of the Days." These words are missing in the other Vienna manuscript; shortly after, the words "And Hezekiah died and … reigned" are also absent. The same [Clericus].

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(43) ‹anchor: τῇ μητρὶ αὐτοῦ Ἐψιβά› · call in col 641 (Greek only)

Ἐψιβά. Alter Ἔψιβα, Ἀψιβά, Ὀφοβία, Ὀφειβά. Apud Georgium Syncellum Ἐψιβαάλ. In duobus Bibliorum exemplaribus Bibliothecae Regiae Ὀφσιβά. Latinus interpres, Haphsiba, Hebraice חפציבה Hepsiba. Hoc est, Voluntas mea in ea, nomen aptum gratae mulieri. Quamobrem Hieronymo, in libro De nominibus Hebraicis, restituenda videtur, etiam ex simili opere Venerabilis Bedae, ista lectio, Epsiba, seu Ephsiba, voluntas mea in ea. Vulgo, Ebsiba, voluntas mea in ea. Similiterque forsan in Lucifero, libro De regibus apostaticis, legi debeat, Epsiba, non Ebsibas. Josephus Antiq. Judaic., x, 4: Διαδεξάμενος δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ (Ἐζεκίου) Μανασσῆς, ἐκ μητρὸς Ἀχιβᾶς (codex Regius 1051, Αἰχίβας) τοὔνομα πολίτιδος γεγονώς. Quo loci conjici potest, litteram χ tenere locum litterae vicinae ψ, quanquam χ quoque lectum fuit a Rufino vetere interprete: Cui, inquit, successit in regnum filius prorius, nomine Manasses, de matre quidem Echibcive. Ita libri Regii, pro voce nihili excusa, Echibere. Id.

"Hephzibah." The other [manuscript] has Ἔψιβα, Ἀψιβά, Ὀφοβία, Ὀφειβά. In George Syncellus, Ἐψιβαάλ. In two copies of the Bible in the Royal Library, Ὀφσιβά. The Latin translator: Haphsiba; in Hebrew חפציבה, Hepsiba, that is, "My delight is in her", a fitting name for a beloved wife. Therefore it seems this reading should be restored in Jerome's book On Hebrew Names, also on the evidence of the like work of the Venerable Bede: "Epsiba, or Ephsiba, my delight is in her". The common text has "Ebsiba, my delight is in her". And likewise perhaps in Lucifer, in the book On Apostate Kings, one should read Epsiba, not Ebsibas. Josephus, Jewish Antiquities 10.4: "His son (Hezekiah's) Manasseh succeeded to the kingdom, born of a mother named Achiba (Royal codex 1051: Aichiba), a citizen [of Jerusalem]." Here one may conjecture that the letter χ stands in place of the similar letter ψ, although χ was also read by Rufinus, the old translator: "To him," he says, "succeeded in the kingdom his own son, named Manasseh, of his mother, a citizen, Echib[a]" [text as printed: "prorius … Echibcive"]. So the Royal manuscripts, instead of the meaningless word printed, "Echibere". The same [Cotelier].

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(ref 69) ‹anchor: non morieris› · call in col 642 II Reg. XII, 13.

2 Kings (2 Samuel) 12:13.

(ref 70) ‹anchor: vitam illius› · call in col 642 Jon. III.

Jonah 3.

(ref 71) ‹anchor: seu Dierum› · call in col 642 IV Reg. XX, xxi; II Paralip. xxxii, xxxiii.

4 Kings (2 Kings) 20, 21; 2 Paralipomenon (2 Chronicles) 32, 33.

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(44) ‹anchor: θυσιαστήρια (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 644 (Greek only)

Θυσιαστήρια. Addit alter codex τῇ στρατιᾷ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ, καὶ ᾠκοδόμησε θυσιαστήρια. Cler.

"Altars." The other manuscript adds "to the host of heaven, and he built altars". Clericus.

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(45) ‹anchor: Γεβαναὶ ἐν ὀνόματι (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 644 (Greek only)

Γεβαναὶ ἐν ὀνόματι. Unde monstrum lectionis? An ex vocabulo contextus, Γὲ βενεννόμ, II Paral. XXXIII, 6, et nonneminis ad illud nota marginali, ὄνομά τι, quoddam nomen, simul primo mistis ac postea corruptis? Ita sentio. Corrigo etiam in hac voce Luciferum libro De non parcendo in Deum delinquentibus, pagina 239 extrema, quo loci producit testimonium sanctae Scripturae IV Reg. XXIII, 10: Contaminavit quoque Thopheth, quod est in convalle filii Ennom: Graece, καὶ ἐμίανε τὸν Τοφὲθ τὸν ἐν φάραγγι υἱοῦ Ἐννόμ: dicitque, si libris editis credimus: Et coinquinavit Phem, quod erat in Cepenam. Sed rescribendum: Pheth, quod erat in Gehenam aut Gehennam, Gehennom, Gebenennom. Nimirum his nominibus donatur ea vallis. Et legebat Lucifer τὸ Φὲθ τό pro Τοφὲθ τό, quod habet editio Complutensis, ubi in ms. Alexandrino τὸν Θοφθά, in versionibus Syriaca et Arabica Taphath, in Scholio antiquo τὸν Θοφόθ, apud Theodoritum τὸ Ταφέθ, apud Procopium Gazaeum perperam τὸ Ἀφέθ, alibi Τωφέθ. Cot. — Alter Vind. cod. habet γεβάν. Cler.

"Gebanai by name." Where does this monster of a reading come from? From the word in the context, Gē Benennom (2 Chronicles 33:6), and someone's marginal note on it, ὄνομά τι, "a certain name", first mixed together and then corrupted? So I think. In this word I also correct Lucifer, in the book On Not Sparing Those Who Sin against God, at the foot of page 239, where he quotes the testimony of holy Scripture, 2 Kings 23:10: "He defiled also Topheth, which is in the valley of the son of Ennom"; in Greek, "and he defiled Topheth, which is in the ravine of the son of Ennom"; and he says, if we trust the printed books: "And he polluted Phem, which was in Cepenam." But it should be rewritten: "Pheth, which was in Gehenam", or Gehennam, Gehennom, Gebenennom; for that valley is given these names. And Lucifer read τὸ Φὲθ τό for Τοφὲθ τό, which the Complutensian edition has; where the Alexandrian manuscript has τὸν Θοφθά, the Syriac and Arabic versions Taphath, an ancient scholion τὸν Θοφόθ, Theodoret τὸ Ταφέθ, Procopius of Gaza wrongly τὸ Ἀφέθ, and elsewhere Τωφέθ. Cotelier. — The other Vienna manuscript has γεβάν. Clericus.

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(46) ‹anchor: τοῦ ποιῆσαι› · call in col 644 (Greek only)

Τοῦ ποιῆσαι. Deest in altero Vind. Id.

"To do." It is missing in the other Vienna manuscript. The same [Clericus].

(printed under page 319) (47-19) ‹anchor: τὸ πυξίον ἀπαλειφόμενον› · call in col 644 (Greek only) Καθὼς ἀπαλείφεται, κ. τ. λ. Nota varias lectiones, καταστρέψω et ἀποδώσομαι. Nam vertam quoque exhibet Vulgata; ἀποδώσομαι autem aeque ac editum ἀπεώσομαι vel ἀπώσομαι, respondet verbo Hebraico. Quod si cum ms. Alexandrino reponatur in LXX: Καθὼς ἀπαλείφεται τὸ ἀλάβαστρον ἀπαλειφόμενος καὶ καταστρέφεται ἐπὶ πρόσωπον αὐτοῦ, vertaturque (continues)

"As is wiped out," etc. Note the variant readings καταστρέψω ("I will overturn") and ἀποδώσομαι ("I will give away"). For the Vulgate too has "I will turn"; and ἀποδώσομαι, just like the printed ἀπεώσομαι or ἀπώσομαι ("I will thrust away"), answers to the Hebrew verb. But if, with the Alexandrian manuscript, one restores in the Septuagint: "As the alabaster jar is wiped out, being wiped, and is turned over on its face", and it is translated (continues)

(printed under page 319)

(20) ‹anchor: καταστρέψω ἐπὶ› · call in col 644 (Greek only)

Ἐπί. Alter ἀπὸ προσώπου. Cler.

"Upon." The other has ἀπὸ προσώπου ("from the face"). Clericus. [The call and note are printed "(20)", evidently for (50).]

(printed under page 319)

(72) ‹anchor: δι' ἁρπαγὴν› · call in col 645

l. διαρπαγήν. Sic alter cod. Vind.

Read διαρπαγήν ("plunder"). So the other Vienna manuscript.

(printed under page 320) [VARIORUM NOTAE — the numbered calls are printed in the Greek column only.] (printed under page 320) (47-19) ‹anchor: τὸ πυξίον ἀπαλειφόμενον (continued from page 319; see PG 1:644)› · call in col 644 vertaturque : Sicut qui abstergit alabastrum, abstergit, et invertit in faciem ejus, non erit Graecum inter et Hebraeum discrepantia. Editio Complutensis : Καθὼς ἐξαλείφεται τὸ πυξίον, καὶ καταστρέφεται ἐπὶ πρόσωπον αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἀπαλείψω (leg. ἀπολείψω) τὸ ὑπόλειμμα τῆς κληρονομίας μου. Cot.

and let it be rendered: "As one who wipes an alabaster box wipes it, and turns it upon its face", there will be no discrepancy between the Greek and the Hebrew. The Complutensian edition: "As a tablet is wiped out, and is turned over upon its face, and I will wipe away (read: I will forsake) the remnant of my inheritance." Cotelier.

(printed under page 320)

(21) ‹anchor: ἔπλησε› · call in col 645

Ἔπλησε. Ἐπλήρωσεν. Cod. alter Vind. Id.

"He filled" (ἔπλησε): the other Vienna manuscript has ἐπλήρωσεν. The same [Cotelier].

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(22) ‹anchor: καὶ ἦν δεδεμένος› · call in col 645

Καὶ ἦν δεδεμένος, κ. τ. λ. Haec et alia non pauca quae sequuntur, videntur ex traditionibus Judaicis, et ex apocryphis libris in sacrum textum fuisse translata. Unde simili sanctarum profanarumque dictionum compactione, auctor commentarii imperfecti ita loquitur, ad Matth. I, 10 : Cum multa gessisset impie Manasses, adduxit super eum Deus principes virtutis regis Assur : et comprehenderunt Manassen in vinculis, et ligaverunt eum in compedibus, et perduxerunt eum in Babyloniam : et erat ligatus et catenatus in domo carceris ; et dabatur ei panis hordeacus ad mensuram modicus, et aqua cum aceto modica ad mensuram, ut viveret tantum ; et erat constrictus in doloribus valde. Et ideo cum vehementer affligeretur, quaesivit faciem Domini Dei sui, et oravit Deum qui omnibus astat, et exaudivit Dominus vocem ejus, et misertus est ei. Et facta est circa eum flamma ignis, et liquefacta sunt omnia vincula ejus. Liberavitque Dominus Manassen ex omni tribulatione ejus, et reversus est in Hierusalem in regnum suum. Et cognovit Dominum Manasses, dicens : Ipse est solus Deus. Et servivit soli Domino Deo in toto corde suo, et in tota anima sua, omnibus diebus vitae suae, et reputatus est justus. Aiunt certe, illud de pane furfureo et posca, (quod etiam referunt Suidas et Glycas, ubi de hoc rege faciunt mentionem) in quibusdam codicibus Graecis inseri inter vers. 11 et 12, cap. 33, libri II Paralipomenon. Ac forte ἡ Ἑβραίων παλαιὰ γραφὴ οὐ τῶν ἐκκλησιαζομένων (e quo apocrypho in Sozomeni lib. IX, cap. 17, narratur de Joaso rege, filio ipsius, et Zacharia propheta) istas fabellas complectebatur : quemadmodum et similes : qualis illa quam verbis citatam praecedentibus adducit pseudo-Chrysostomus, quomodo Manassen occidere voluerit Ezechias rex, pater ejus, ob praedictionem Isaiae : qualisque alia apud Chronicum Eusebii, Georgium Syncellum, Georgium Hamartolum Monachum, Georgium Cedrenum, Suidam, Glycam, necnon S. Basilium De poenitentia homilia 28, ut Manasses τετραπρόσωπα εἴδωλα, sive statuam vel suam, vel Jovis, vel τῆς ἀκολάστου δαίμονος, hoc est Veneris, eamque quatuor aut quinque facies habentem, posuerit in templo Dei. Porro Constitutionum locum inveni laudatum a Georgio illo Hamartolo, qui χρονοῤῥάπτης ineditus exstat quoque in maxima maximi regis Bibliotheca, et per μακαρίτην Leonem Allatium vulgandus credebatur. Ait : Ὡσαύτως δὲ καὶ ἐν ταῖς τῶν ἀποστόλων διατάξεσιν οὕτω γέγραπται· Μανασσῆς οὖν υἱὸς Ἐζεκίου, ποιήσας τὸ πονηρὸν ἐνώπιον Κυρίου, ὑπὲρ πάντας τοὺς ἔμπροσθεν αὐτοῦ, καθώς φησιν ἡ Γραφή· Ἐπήγαγε Κύριος ἐπ' αὐτὸν τοὺς ἄρχοντας τῆς δυνάμεως τοῦ βασιλέως· καὶ δήσαντες αὐτὸν ἐν πέδαις χαλκαῖς, ἀπήγαγον εἰς Βαβυλῶνα, καὶ ἦν δεδεμένος, καὶ σεσιδηρωμένος ὅλος ἐν οἴκῳ φυλακῆς· καὶ ἐδίδοτο αὐτῷ ἐκ πιτύρων ἄρτος βραχὺς, καὶ ὕδωρ ὀλίγον σὺν ὄξει ἐν μέτρῳ, πρὸς τὸ ζῇν αὐτὸν καὶ μόνον. Συνεχόμενος δὲ σφόδρα καὶ ὀδυνώμενος, ἐζήτησε τὸ πρόσωπον Κυρίου τοῦ Θεοῦ, καὶ προσηύξατο λέγων· Κύριε παντόκρατορ, ὁ Θεὸς τῶν πατέρων ἡμῶν τοῦ Ἀβραὰμ καὶ Ἰσαὰκ, καὶ Ἰακώβ· καὶ τὰ ἑξῆς. Καὶ ἐπακούσας ὁ Θεὸς τῆς φωνῆς αὐτοῦ, καὶ διαλύσας τὰ δεσμὰ αὐτοῦ ἐπέστρεψεν αὐτὸν εἰς Ἱερουσαλὴμ ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλείαν αὐτοῦ, καὶ λατρεύσας Κυρίῳ τῷ Θεῷ μόνῳ ἐξ ὅλης καρδίας αὐτοῦ, ἐλογίσθη δίκαιος. Ὢ φιλανθρωπίας Θεοῦ. Ὅτι μείζων εἰδωλολατρείας οὐκ ἔστιν ἁμαρτία. Εἰς Θεὸν γάρ ἐστιν ἡ δυσσέβεια, ἀλλ' ὅμως καὶ αὐτὴ διὰ γνησίας καὶ ὁλοψύχου μετανοίας συγκεχώρηται. Καὶ γὰρ ὄντως ἄξιον θαυμάσαι τὴν τοῦ Θεοῦ φιλανθρωπίαν, πῶς τὸν τοσαῦτα καὶ τηλικαῦτα πεπλημμεληκότα χρόνοις τοσούτοις, ἐν μιᾷ καιροῦ ῥοπῇ συγγνώμης ἠξίωσεν. Nec est quod aliquid post tot alios notem, circa panem furfuraceum modicum, et parvam mensuram aquae aceto mistae. Adduco duntaxat locum illustrem S. Basilii epistola ad Julianum Apostatam : Τὰ βέλτιστα τῶν παρ' ἡμῖν βρωμάτων, δαψιλῆ χόρτου φύλλα σὺν ἄρτῳ βραχυτάτῳ (continues)

"And he was bound," etc. These and not a few other things that follow seem to have been carried over into the sacred text from Jewish traditions and apocryphal books. Hence, with a like joining of sacred and profane sayings, the author of the Unfinished Commentary speaks thus on Matthew 1:10: "When Manasseh had done many wicked things, God brought upon him the princes of the army of the king of Assyria; and they took Manasseh in chains, and bound him in fetters, and led him away to Babylon; and he was bound and chained in the prison house; and there was given him a small loaf of barley bread by measure, and a little water with vinegar by measure, only so that he might live; and he was sorely racked with pains. And so, being grievously afflicted, he sought the face of the Lord his God, and prayed to God who stands by all; and the Lord heard his voice and had mercy on him. And a flame of fire came about him, and all his chains were melted. And the Lord delivered Manasseh from all his tribulation, and he returned to Jerusalem to his kingdom. And Manasseh knew the Lord, saying: He alone is God. And he served the Lord God alone with all his heart and with all his soul all the days of his life, and was reckoned righteous." They say indeed that the detail of the bran bread and the vinegar-water (which Suidas and Glycas also report, where they mention this king) is inserted in some Greek manuscripts between verses 11 and 12 of 2 Chronicles 33. And perhaps "the ancient writing of the Hebrews, not of those read in church" (from which apocryphon Sozomen, book 9, chapter 17, tells of King Joash, his son, and the prophet Zechariah) contained these little tales, and others like them: such as the one, cited in the preceding words, that pseudo-Chrysostom brings forward, how King Hezekiah, his father, wished to kill Manasseh because of Isaiah's prophecy; and such as another in Eusebius's Chronicle, George Syncellus, George Hamartolus the Monk, George Cedrenus, Suidas, Glycas, and also St Basil's homily 28, On Repentance: that Manasseh set up in the temple of God "four-faced idols", that is, a statue either of himself, or of Jupiter, or of "the licentious demoness", that is, Venus, and that with four or five faces. Moreover, I have found the passage of the Constitutions quoted by that George Hamartolus, who as a "stitcher of chronicles" survives unpublished, also in the very great library of the very great king, and was believed about to be published by the late Leo Allatius. He says: "Likewise it is written thus in the Ordinances of the Apostles: Manasseh then, son of Hezekiah, having done evil before the Lord beyond all who were before him, as Scripture says: The Lord brought upon him the commanders of the king's army; and binding him in bronze fetters they led him away to Babylon; and he was bound, and wholly loaded with iron in the prison house; and there was given him a small loaf of bran, and a little water with vinegar by measure, only that he might live. Being sorely distressed and in pain, he sought the face of the Lord God, and prayed, saying: Lord Almighty, God of our fathers, of Abraham and Isaac and Jacob, and so on. And God, hearing his voice and loosing his bonds, brought him back to Jerusalem to his kingdom; and having served the Lord God alone with all his heart, he was reckoned righteous. O the love of God for mankind! For there is no sin greater than idolatry, since the impiety is against God; yet even it is forgiven through genuine and whole-souled repentance. And truly God's love for mankind is worth wondering at: how one who had sinned so much and so greatly for so many years He counted worthy of pardon in a single turn of the moment." There is no need for me, after so many others, to note anything about the small bran loaf and the little measure of water mixed with vinegar. I adduce only a notable passage of St Basil, in his letter to Julian the Apostate: "The best of our foods: plentiful leaves of herbs, with a very small loaf (continues)

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(73) ‹anchor: impatibilis› · call in col 646

Legendum importabilis, Vulgatae lectioni et sensui congruentius. Edit. Patrol.

Read importabilis ("unbearable"), which agrees better with the Vulgate reading and with the sense. The editors of the Patrologia.

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(22) ‹anchor: καὶ ἦν δεδεμένος (call on p. 320)› · call in Greek col of p. 320

(continued) καὶ τῷ ἐξεστηκότι οἴνῳ, et versus elegantes B. Gregorii Nazianzeni carmine iambico 18, p. 214: Φαγεῖν; μέγιστον ἄρτος ἐνδεῶς δοθείς. Πιεῖν; ὕδωρ σοι δώσομεν, καὶ ὀξίνην. Cot.

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(23) ‹anchor: λέγων (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 648 (Greek only)

Λέγων. Vera Manassae regis oratio legebatur in sermonibus regum Israel, et in sermonibus Hozai, ut docetur II Paral. XXXIII, 18, 19. Ista autem fictitia est, ac extra canonem librorum divinorum collocata: quamvis pro genuina habuerint etiam scriptor Sermonis in Publicanum et Pharisaeum, tom. VI Operum B. Chrysostomi, Antonius Monachus lib. ii Melissae serm. 94; Theodorus Studita, Sermone catechetico 93; Theophanes Cerameus homil. 2 et 56; Freculfus, Georgii duo, Syncellus et Hamartolus, in Chronicis suis, atque Suidas in voce Μανασσῆς, ubi recte exemplar Regium numero 130: Καὶ τότε προσηύξατο πρὸς Κύριον τὸ, Κύριε παντόκρατορ. Quibus accedunt omnes ii, apud quos inter Cantica Scripturae legebatur; quod factitatum patet ex mss. Alexandrino et Regiis, et ex eo quod eam Freculfus appellat Canticum poenitentiae, Anastasius Sinaita in psalmum vi: Τὴν προσευχὴν τῆς ᾠδῆς, Georgius vero Syncellus, Michael Glycas, et Theophanes Cerameus, ᾠδήν. En Graeca Theodori Studitae: Ὠδὴν ᾖσε τῷ Θεῷ, ἣν ἕως τῆς σήμερον ἡμέρας ᾄδει ἡ τοῦ Θεοῦ Ἐκκλησία. Quare ad marginem alterius ms. Georgii Monachi seu Hamartoli in Bibliotheca vere Regia scholium istud compareт: Ἱστόρηται παρὰ Ἀφρικανῷ, ὅτι ἐν τῷ ᾄδειν τὴν ᾠδὴν τὸν Μανασσῆν, τὰ δεσμὰ διεῤῥάγησαν σιδηρᾶ ὄντα, pro quo in Damasceni Parallelis lib. ii, cap. 13 leges: Memoriae proditum est ab Africano, quod dum orationem hanc funderet Manasses, vincula ferrea confracta fuerunt, atque ipse fuga saluti suae consuluit. Lib. ii Comment. Pet. Lambecii Caesarei Bibliothecarii, e cod. mss. Vindobonensi inter Theol. Graecos 25: Ἱστορεῖται παρὰ Ἀφρικανῷ, ὅτι ἐν τῷ λέγειν τὴν ᾠδὴν τὸν Μανασσῆν, τὰ δεσμὰ διεῤῥάγησαν σιδηρᾶ ὄντα, καὶ ἔφυγεν. Id.

"Saying." The true prayer of King Manasseh was read in the words of the kings of Israel and in the words of Hozai, as 2 Paralipomenon 33:18–19 teaches. This one, however, is fictitious, and placed outside the canon of the divine books, although it was taken as genuine by the writer of the Sermon on the Publican and the Pharisee (vol. 6 of the works of St Chrysostom), Antony the Monk (Melissa, book 2, sermon 94), Theodore the Studite (Catechetical Sermon 93), Theophanes Cerameus (homilies 2 and 56), Freculf, the two Georges, Syncellus and Hamartolus, in their Chronicles, and Suidas under the word "Manasseh", where the Royal copy number 130 rightly has: "And then he prayed to the Lord the [prayer], Lord Almighty." To these are added all those among whom it was read among the Canticles of Scripture; that this was done is clear from the Alexandrian and Royal manuscripts, and from the fact that Freculf calls it the Canticle of Penitence, Anastasius of Sinai (on Ps. 6) "the prayer of the ode", and George Syncellus, Michael Glycas and Theophanes Cerameus "the ode". Here is the Greek of Theodore the Studite: "He sang an ode to God, which the Church of God sings to this very day." Hence in the margin of another manuscript of George the Monk, or Hamartolus, in the truly Royal Library this scholion appears: "It is recorded by Africanus that while Manasseh was singing the ode, his bonds, which were of iron, burst apart"; for which in the Parallels of Damascene, book 2, chapter 13, you will read: "It is handed down by Africanus that while Manasseh was pouring out this prayer, his iron chains were broken, and he saved himself by flight." Book 2 of the Commentaries of Peter Lambeck, the Imperial Librarian, from the Vienna manuscript, among the Greek theological codices no. 25: "It is recorded by Africanus that while Manasseh was saying the ode, his bonds, which were of iron, burst apart, and he fled." The same [Cotelier].

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(24) ‹anchor: ὁ ποιήσας τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 648 (Greek only)

Ὁ ποιήσας τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ, κ. τ. λ. Theophanes Cerameus homilia 56: Κόσμος καὶ ἡ τοῦ κάλλους ἁρμονία, καὶ διακόσμησις, κατὰ τὸ ὑμνούμενον ἐν τῇ ᾠδῇ Μανασσῆ· Ὁ ποιήσας τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ τὴν γῆν σὺν παντὶ τῷ κόσμῳ αὐτῶν. Id.

"Who made heaven and," etc. Theophanes Cerameus, homily 56: "The world, and the harmony of beauty, and its ordering, as is hymned in the ode of Manasseh: Who made heaven and earth with all their array." The same [Cotelier].

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(25) ‹anchor: ἀνυπόστατος ἡ ὀργή (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 648 (Greek only)

Ἀνυπόστατος ἡ ὀργή, κ. τ. λ. Inter Scripturae testimonia hanc sententiam profert Antonius Melissa dictus lib. ii, serm. 94, legitque, Ἐπὶ ἁμαρτωλοῖς, quo modo editio Veneta an. 1632, qua utor, Horologii Graecorum, in officio μεγάλου ἀποδείπνου, magni Completorii. Id.

"Unbearable is the wrath," etc. Antony, called Melissa, quotes this sentence among the testimonies of Scripture (book 2, sermon 94), and reads ἐπὶ ἁμαρτωλοῖς ("upon sinners"), as does the Venice edition of 1632 of the Greek Horologion, which I use, in the office of the Great Compline. The same [Cotelier].

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(26) ‹anchor: ὅτι σὺ εἶ Κύριος εὔσπλαγχνος (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 648 (Greek only)

Ὅτι σὺ εἶ Κύριος εὔσπλαγχνος. Alexandrinus Bibliorum codex mirae antiquitatis: Ὅτι σὺ εἶ Κύριος ὕψιστος, εὔσπλαγχνος. Quoniam tu es Dominus altissimus, benignus, ait vetus interpres. At in editionibus, in Horologio, et in quinque mss. Regiis, σὺ γάρ εἶ Κύριος ὕψιστος, εὔσπλαγχνος. Mitto alias varietates, non majoris momenti. Id.

"For you are the Lord, compassionate." The Alexandrian codex of the Bible, of wonderful antiquity: "For you are the Lord Most High, compassionate"; "For you are the Lord most high, kind," says the old translator. But in the editions, in the Horologion, and in five Royal manuscripts: σὺ γάρ εἶ Κύριος ὕψιστος, εὔσπλαγχνος. I pass over other variants of no greater weight. The same [Cotelier].

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(27) ‹anchor: μετανοίας (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 648 (Greek only)

Μετανοίας. Alter Vind.: μετάνοιαν καὶ ἄφεσιν. Utraque lectio corrupta. Abundat μετανοίας, aut μετάνοιαν. Cl.

"Of repentance." The other Vienna manuscript: μετάνοιαν καὶ ἄφεσιν ("repentance and forgiveness"). Both readings are corrupt: μετανοίας, or μετάνοιαν, is superfluous. Clericus.

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(28) ‹anchor: τὸ ὕψος τοῦ οὐρανοῦ› · call in col 648 (Greek only)

Οὐκέτι εἰμὶ ἄξιος ἀτενίσαι, κ. τ. λ. Ab auctore homiliae de Publicano et Pharisaeo, quam B. Chrysostomo attribuunt, citatur absque particula ἔτι, quae etiam a reliquis exemplaribus abest. Cot.

"I am no longer worthy to gaze," etc. The author of the homily on the Publican and the Pharisee, which they attribute to St Chrysostom, quotes it without the particle ἔτι ("longer"), which is also absent from the other copies. Cotelier.

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(ref 74) ‹anchor: ἐπέστρεψεν αὐτὸν περὶ› · call in col 649 (Greek only) al. εἰς.

Another reading: εἰς ("into").

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(29) ‹anchor: ἀλλ' (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 649 (Greek only)

Ἀλλ'. Omissum in altero Vind. nec ejusmodi precum stylus omitti conjunctiones vetat. Cler.

"But." Omitted in the other Vienna manuscript; and the style of such prayers does not forbid omitting conjunctions. Clericus.

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(30) ‹anchor: ἄνες μοι, Κύριε, ἄνες μοι (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 649 (Greek only)

Ἄνες μοι, Κύριε, ἄνες μοι. De hoc loco videnda homilia 2 Ceramei Theophanis. Cot.

"Forgive me, Lord, forgive me." On this passage see homily 2 of Theophanes Cerameus. Cotelier.

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(31) ‹anchor: τήν (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 649 (Greek only)

Τήν. Alter codex habet τὴν πᾶσαν, quod est ἐμφατικώτερον. Cler.

"The." The other manuscript has τὴν πᾶσαν ("all the"), which is more emphatic. Clericus.

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(32) ‹anchor: σώσεις με (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 649 (Greek only)

Σώσεις με. Sic habet alter codex Vind. Id.

"You will save me." So the other Vienna manuscript has it. The same [Clericus].

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(33) ‹anchor: καὶ ἐγένετο περὶ αὐτὸν φλὸξ πυρός (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 649 (Greek only)

Καὶ ἐγένετο περὶ αὐτὸν φλὸξ πυρός. Ut mendacia instabilitate ac portentis gaudent, variis mirisque modis narratur Manassis liberatio, contra simplicitatem divinae Scripturae, et auctoritatem Josephi Historici. Non juvat fabulatorum verba transcribere. Legat qui tempus et operam perdere volet, praeter Damascenum ex Africano, et auctorem Operis imperfecti, paucis ab hinc notis citatos, quaestiones seu traditiones Hebraicas in II Paralipomenon quae cum Hieronymo excuduntur, Anastasium Sinaitam homilia in psalmum vi, laudatoremque ac sectatorem illius Glycam in Annalibus suis, Georgium Syncellum in Chronographia, et Suidam in Lexico. Cernet figmenti vices, ac tantum non taurum Phalaridis. Enim vero post haec scripta venit in manus meas S. Gregorii Nazianzeni codex ms. optimae notae ac venerandae antiquitatis, qui ditissimam magni regis Bibliothecam ditiorem facit; estque octingentorum fere annorum; scriptus magna arte temporibus Leonis imperatoris, filii Basilii Macedonis et Eudociae Augustae, quorum icones principio exhibet, ut et Alexandri fratris Leonis. In quo codice circa finem, non sine voluptate vidi figuram Manassis regis in tauro aeneo positi. Cot.

"And a flame of fire came about him." As lies delight in inconstancy and marvels, Manasseh's deliverance is told in various and wonderful ways, against the simplicity of divine Scripture and the authority of Josephus the historian. I do not care to copy out the fablers' words. Whoever wishes to waste time and effort may read, besides Damascene (from Africanus) and the author of the Unfinished Work, cited a few notes back, the Hebrew Questions or Traditions on 2 Paralipomenon printed with Jerome, Anastasius of Sinai in his homily on Psalm 6, and Glycas, his admirer and follower, in his Annals, George Syncellus in his Chronography, and Suidas in his Lexicon. He will see the turns of the fiction, and all but the bull of Phalaris. Indeed, after I wrote this, there came into my hands a manuscript codex of St Gregory Nazianzen, of the best quality and venerable antiquity, which makes the very rich Library of the great king richer still; it is nearly eight hundred years old, written with great art in the time of the Emperor Leo, son of Basil the Macedonian and the Empress Eudocia, whose portraits it shows at the beginning, as also that of Alexander, Leo's brother. In this codex, near the end, I saw not without pleasure a picture of King Manasseh set in a bronze bull. Cotelier.

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(34) ‹anchor: ἃ ᾠκοδόμησεν ἐν οἴκῳ› · call in col 649 (Greek only)

Ἐν οἴκῳ. Alter Vind. ἐν ὄρει οἴκου, deletis quinque seqq. vocibus. Cler.

"In the house." The other Vienna manuscript has ἐν ὄρει οἴκου ("in the mount of the house"), with the five following words deleted. Clericus.

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(35) ‹anchor: ὁ Θεὸς εἰδώλοις› · call in col 649 (Greek only)

Εἰδώλοις. Ambo cod. τοῖς εἰδώλοις. Id.

"To idols." Both manuscripts: τοῖς εἰδώλοις ("to the idols"). The same [Clericus].

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(36) ‹anchor: ἐπέστρεψεν αὐτὸν περὶ› · call in col 649 (Greek only)

Περί. Melius cod. Vindob. ἐπί. Id.

"Around." Better, the Vienna manuscript: ἐπί ("to"). The same [Clericus].

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(37) ‹anchor: ἔστω παράδειγμα Ἀμών› · call in col 649 (Greek only)

Ἀμών. Additur in altero cod.: Καὶ ὅτι χείρων εἰδωλολατρείας οὐκ ἔστιν ἁμαρτία: nec ullum veccatum esse idololatria deterius. Id.

"Amon." In the other manuscript is added: "And that there is no sin worse than idolatry": [Latin as printed, "veccatum" for peccatum:] and that no sin is worse than idolatry. The same [Clericus].

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(ref 75) ‹anchor: Si qui vero instructa veluti acie (call at the start of the line, near the top of the column)› · call in col 651 (Latin) Eadem verba usurpat Cedrenus edit. Xylandri. p. 33 lin. 5, edit. Reg. t. I, p. 40, D.

Cedrenus uses the same words: Xylander's edition, p. 33, line 5; Royal edition, vol. 1, p. 40 D.

(printed under page 323) (ref 76) ‹anchor: regnavit (end of the quotation, before CAPUT XXIV)› · call in col 651 (Latin) II Paral. XXXIII, IV Reg. XXI.

2 Paralipomenon (2 Chronicles) 33; 4 Kings (2 Kings) 21.

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(38) ‹anchor: ἐὰν δέ τις ἐκ παρατάξεως ἁμαρτάνῃ (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 652 (Greek only)

Ἐὰν δέ τις ἐκ παρατάξεως ἁμαρτάνῃ. Quasi sua usurpavit Georgius Cedrenus in Compendio Historiarum, ubi de Pharaone, dicens: Εἰδέναι δὲ δεῖ, ὅτι ἐάν τις ἐκ παρατάξεως ἁμαρτάνει, πειράζων τὸν Θεὸν, ὡς μὴ ἐπεξιόντα τοῖς πονηροῖς, ὁ τοιοῦτος οὔτε μετανοίας ἀξιοῦται, οὔτε ἀφέσεως· ὥσπερ γε καὶ ἄλλοι πλείους, καὶ οὗτος ὁ Φαραώ. Κἂν λέγῃ τις παρ' ἑαυτῷ, Ὁσιά μοι γένοιτο, ὅτι πορεύσομαι ἐν τῇ ἀναστροφῇ τῆς καρδίας μου τῆς πονηρᾶς, καὶ ὀψέ ποτε μετανοήσω· ὥσπερ Ἀμὼς ὁ τοῦ Μανασσῆ· διὸ καὶ τὸ τάχος ἐξωλόθρευσεν αὐτὸν ὁ Θεός. Allegat autem Georgius Hamartolus, hoc pacto: Ὅπερ οὖν καὶ ἐν ταῖς ἀποστολικαῖς διατάξεσιν ὑπεμφαίνων ὁ θεῖος λόγος οὕτω φησίν· Ἐὰν δέ τις ἐκ παρατάξεως (alter ex codicibus Regiis παρατάσεως) ἁμαρτάνει, πειράζων τὸν Θεὸν, ὡς μὴ ἐπεξιόντα τοῖς πονηροῖς, ὁ τοιοῦτος ἄφεσιν οὐχ ἕξει, κἂν λέγει παρ' ἑαυτῷ, Ὁσιά μοι γένοιτο, ὅτι πορεύσομαι ἐν τῇ ἀναστροφῇ τῆς πονηρᾶς μου καρδίας, καὶ τότε μετανοήσω· τοιοῦτος γὰρ ἐγένετο καὶ ὁ Ἀμὼς, ὁ τοῦ Μανασσῆ υἱός. Φησὶ γὰρ ἡ Γραφή· Καὶ παρελογίσατο Ἀμὼς, ὁ τοῦ Μανασσῆ υἱὸς, λογισμὸν παραβάσεως πονηρὸν, καὶ εἶπεν· Ὁ πατήρ μου πολλὰ ἐκ νεότητος παρηνόμησεν, καὶ ἐν γήρει μετενόησεν· καὶ νῦν ἐγὼ πορεύσομαι καθὼς ἐπιθυμεῖ ἡ ψυχή μου, καὶ ὕστερον ἐπιστρέψω πρὸς Κύριον. Καὶ ποιήσας τὸ πονηρὸν ἐνώπιον Κυρίου, ἐξωλόθρευσεν αὐτὸν ἐν τάχει. Ostendunt ea loco, excidisse e nostris Constitutionibus verba, καὶ ὀψέ ποτε (vel καὶ τότε) μετανοήσω. Videtur autem παρατάσεως esse erratum scribarum, non sine dispendio sensus atque elegantiae. Praeclare enim dicitur ἐκ παρατάξεως ἁμαρτάνειν, qui Deum rebellis contemptorque peccando oppugnat, et dedita opera obstinatoque animo divinae gratiae reluctatur. Cot.

"But if anyone sins deliberately [literally, 'from battle array']." George Cedrenus took this over as if his own in his Compendium of Histories, where, on Pharaoh, he says: "One must know that if anyone sins deliberately, testing God as though he did not punish the wicked, such a one is counted worthy neither of repentance nor of forgiveness; as were many others, and this Pharaoh too. And if someone says within himself, 'May it be well with me, that I shall walk in the way of my evil heart, and repent some time late on', like Amon the son of Manasseh; therefore God destroyed him speedily." George Hamartolus quotes it in this way: "Which the divine word, hinting at it also in the Apostolic Ordinances, says thus: But if anyone sins deliberately (one of the Royal manuscripts: παρατάσεως, 'from persistence'), testing God as though he did not punish the wicked, such a one will have no forgiveness, even if he says within himself, 'May it be well with me, that I shall walk in the way of my evil heart, and then repent'; for such was Amon too, the son of Manasseh. For the Scripture says: And Amon, the son of Manasseh, reasoned an evil reasoning of transgression, and said: My father transgressed much from his youth, and in old age repented; and now I shall walk as my soul desires, and afterwards turn to the Lord. And having done evil before the Lord, he [God] destroyed him quickly." These passages show that the words "and repent some time late on" (or "and then") have fallen out of our Constitutions. Παρατάσεως seems to be a scribes' error, not without loss of sense and elegance. For one is splendidly said to sin "from battle array" who, as a rebel and despiser, fights against God by sinning, and with deliberate and obstinate mind resists divine grace. Cotelier.

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(39) ‹anchor: φησὶ γὰρ ἡ Γραφή (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 652 (Greek only)

Φησὶ γὰρ ἡ Γραφή. Idem feratur judicium de hybrida hoc textu, ac de illo capitis superioris. Praeter mox adductos Georgios, falsus Chrysostomus ad Matth. I, 10: Fuit Amos valde iniquus, ut exstant opera sua maligna, quibus imitatus fuerat Manassem, ut etiam Deum posse se fallere aestimaret, dicens: Pater meus multa ex juventute sua iniqua fecit, et in senectute sua poenituit: et ego nunc ambulabo, secundum quod desiderat anima mea, et postmodum convertar ad Dominum. Michael Glycas parte ii Annalium: Φησὶ γὰρ ἡ Γραφή· Καὶ παρελογίσατο Ἀμὼς λογισμὸν πονηρὸν, καὶ εἶπεν· Ὁ πατήρ μου πολλὰ ἐκ νεότητος παρηνόμησε, καὶ ἐν γήρει μετενόησε. Καὶ νῦν ἐγὼ πορεύσομαι καθὼς ἐπιθυμεῖ ἡ ψυχή μου, καὶ ὕστερον ἐπιστρέψω πρὸς Κύριον. Cyrillus Alexandrinus oratione De exitu animae et de secundo adventu: Οἱ λέγοντες, Ἐν νεότητι ἁμαρτήσωμεν, καὶ ἐν γήρᾳ μετανοήσωμεν, ὑπὸ δαιμόνων ἐμπαίζονται καὶ χλευάζονται, καὶ ὡς ἑκουσίως ἁμαρτάνοντες, τῆς μετανοίας οὐκ ἀξιοῦνται, ἀλλ' ἐν νεότητι ὑπὸ τῆς τοῦ θανάτου δρεπάνης θερίζονται· ὡς Ἀμὼν ὁ τοῦ Ἰσραὴλ βασιλεὺς, ὁ καὶ τὸν Θεὸν παροργίσας διὰ τοὺς πονηροὺς αὐτοῦ λογισμοὺς, καὶ τὰς βεβήλους αὐτοῦ ἐννοίας. Οἱ γὰρ λέγοντες, Σήμερον ἁμαρτήσωμεν, καὶ αὔριον μετανοήσωμεν, οἱ τοιοῦτοι ἐματαιώθησαν ἐν τοῖς διαλογισμοῖς αὐτῶν. Hoc est: Qui dicunt, Peccemus in juventute, et in senectute poenitentiam agemus, a daemonibus illuduntur, atque deridentur; quoniamque ultro peccant, eis poenitere non datur, sed in juventute mortis falce demetuntur: ut Amon Israelitarum rex, qui etiam Deum suis pravis deliberationibus, profanisque mentis conceptibus irritavit. Nam qui dicunt, Hodie peccemus, et cras poenitentia ducemur, ii evanuerunt in cogitationibus suis. Cot.

"For the Scripture says." Let the same judgement be passed on this hybrid text as on the one in the previous chapter. Besides the Georges just cited, the false Chrysostom on Matthew 1:10: "Amon was very wicked, as his evil works show, in which he had imitated Manasseh, so that he even thought he could deceive God, saying: My father did many wicked things from his youth, and in his old age repented; and I will now walk as my soul desires, and afterwards turn to the Lord." Michael Glycas, part 2 of the Annals: "For the Scripture says: And Amon reasoned an evil reasoning, and said: My father transgressed much from his youth, and in old age repented. And now I shall walk as my soul desires, and afterwards turn to the Lord." Cyril of Alexandria, in the oration On the Departure of the Soul and on the Second Coming: [Greek, then Latin:] "Those who say, Let us sin in youth and repent in old age, are mocked and derided by demons; and since they sin of their own will, repentance is not granted them, but in youth they are mown down by the sickle of death: like Amon, king of the Israelites, who provoked even God by his wicked deliberations and the profane conceptions of his mind. For those who say, Let us sin today and repent tomorrow, have become vain in their reasonings." Cotelier.

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(40) ‹anchor: πάντας (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 652 (Greek only)

Πάντας. Deest in altero cod. Vienn. Cl.

"All." It is missing in the other Vienna manuscript. Clericus.

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(41) ‹anchor: Χριστός (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 652 (Greek only)

Χριστός. Alter melius pro hac voce et duabus sequentibus: Κύριος Ἰησοῦς. Id.

"Christ." The other, better, has for this word and the two following: Κύριος Ἰησοῦς ("the Lord Jesus"). The same [Clericus].

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(42) ‹anchor: στηρίξῃ (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 652 (Greek only)

Στηρίξῃ. Unus στηρίσῃ. Id.

"May strengthen." One manuscript has στηρίσῃ. The same [Clericus].

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(43) ‹anchor: συντόμως (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 652 (Greek only)

Συντόμως. Alter σὺν τῷ Ἀμώς, quomodo hic vocatur Amon, in eo cod. Id.

"Swiftly." The other has σὺν τῷ Ἀμώς ("with Amos"), as Amon is called here in that manuscript. The same [Clericus].

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(44) ‹anchor: σκοπος συντηρείτω› · call in col 652 (Greek only)

Συντηρείτω. Διδασκέτω. Id.

"Let him keep." [One manuscript has] διδασκέτω ("let him teach"). The same [Clericus].

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(45) ‹anchor: σταυροῦ (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 653 (Greek only)

Σταυροῦ. Alter σταυρῷ, et similiter duo sequentia in dativo. Cler.

"Of the cross." The other has σταυρῷ, and likewise the two following words in the dative. Clericus.

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(46) ‹anchor: τὸν Θεὸν Λόγον (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 653 (Greek only)

Τὸν Θεὸν Λόγον. Ad hunc locum hoc ascriptum erat scholium: Ὅτι Θεὸς ἐγεννήθη, Θεοτόκος οὖν ἡ Μαρία· καὶ ὅτι ὁ κατὰ φύσιν ἀπαθὴς, σταυρῷ καὶ θανάτῳ καὶ ταφῇ ἔπαθε· μὴ νομίσῃς δὲ τὸν Θεὸν Λόγον ἀποθανόντα λέγειν τοὺς ἀποστόλους· προτάξαντες γὰρ τὸ ἐκ γυναικὸς αὐτὸν γεννηθῆναι, οὕτω τὰ ἑξῆς ἐπάγουσιν· ἵνα νοεῖν ἔχωμεν ὅτι τὰ οἰκεῖα σαρκὶ ἐμψυχωμένῃ τὸ πάθος καὶ τὸν θάνατον ἀνεδέξατο, καὶ οὐχὶ τῇ θεϊκῇ αὐτοῦ φύσει. Vera est Scholiastae sententia, de ipso dogmate; sed perabsurde loquuntur hic personati apostoli, cum aiunt παθεῖν τὸν τῇ φύσει ἀπαθῆ, cum debuissent dicere naturam humanam, conjunctam licet cum natura divina, quae mali nihil pati potest, passam tamen supplicium crucis, etc. Imprudentia ejusmodi loquendi genera, quae nusquam occurrunt in apostolicis scriptis, Eutychianismum pepererunt, et Theopaschitas fefellerunt. Id.

"God the Word." At this place the following scholion had been written: "That God was born; Mary, then, is Theotokos; and that he who by nature is impassible suffered cross and death and burial. But do not think that the apostles say that God the Word died; for having put first that he was born of a woman, they then add what follows, so that we may understand that he took on the passion and the death as proper to flesh endowed with a soul, and not to his divine nature." The Scholiast's view of the dogma itself is true; but these masked apostles speak most absurdly here when they say that "he who is impassible by nature suffered", when they ought to have said that the human nature, though joined with the divine nature, which can suffer no ill, yet suffered the punishment of the cross, etc. Imprudent manners of speech of this kind, which nowhere occur in the apostolic writings, gave birth to Eutychianism and misled the Theopaschites. The same [Clericus].

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(47) ‹anchor: τοῦτον (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 653 (Greek only)

Τοῦτον. Cod. τοίνυν, ergo. Id.

"Him." The manuscript has τοίνυν, "therefore". The same [Clericus].

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(48) ‹anchor: πρότερον (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 653 (Greek only)

Πρότερον. Idem codex τὸ πρότερον. Id.

"Before." The same manuscript has τὸ πρότερον. The same [Clericus].

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(49) ‹anchor: ἑτέραν δέ τινα ἡμαρτηκυῖαν› · call in col 653 (Greek only)

Ἑτέραν δέ τινα ἡμαρτηκυῖαν. Istum locum in mente habuit Graecus quidam cod. Reg. 2375, ubi post Evangelium Joannis, positis versibus illius Evangelii, ultimo capitis 7, et undecim sequentibus, subjungitur: Τὰ ὠβελισμένα ἔν τισιν ἀντιγράφοις οὐ κεῖνται, οὐδὲ Ἀπολλιναρίῳ· ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἀρχαίοις ὅλα κεῖνται. Μνημονεύουσι τῆς περικοπῆς ταύτης καὶ οἱ ἀπόστολοι πάντες ἐν αἷς ἐξέθεντο διατάξεσιν εἰς οἰκοδομὴν τῆς Ἐκκλησίας. Quae obelo notata sunt, in quibusdam exemplaribus non exstant, neque apud Apollinarium: in vetustis autem libris tota habentur. Meminere hujus sectionis etiam omnes apostoli in Constitutionibus, quas ad aedificationem Ecclesiae ediderunt. Gravi autem errore interpres Homiliarum S. Chrysostomi in Joannem, necnon Croius Observationum in Novum Testamentum cap. 17, de muliere hac adultera accipiunt verba Aurei doctoris homil. 60, seu 61, ad cap. x, vers. 24: Ὅτι γὰρ πανταχοῦ διὰ τοῦτο ἠρώτων, οὐχ ἵνα μάθωσιν, ἀλλ' ἵνα τοῖς λεγομένοις ἐπισκήψωσιν, οὐκ ἐντεῦθεν μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀλλαχόθεν πολλαχόθεν δῆλόν ἐστι. Καὶ γὰρ ὅτε προσῆλθον ἐρωτῶντες, εἰ ἔξεστι δοῦναι κῆνσον Καίσαρι, ἢ οὔ· καὶ ὅτε περὶ ἀφέσεως γυναικὸς διελέγοντο· καὶ ὅτε περὶ ἐκείνης ἐπυνθάνοντο, ἣν ἔφασαν ἑπτὰ ἄνδρας ἐσχηκέναι· ἑάλωσαν οὐκ ἀπὸ φιλομαθείας, ἀλλ' ἀπὸ γνώμης σκαιᾶς πεύσεις αὐτῷ προσάγοντες. Vidit erratum Savilius; sed dum castigare vult, in aliud ipse incidit. Existimat quippe locum intelligi debere de dimittenda uxore: cum haud dubium sit, quin prae oculis S. Patris exstiterit textus Luc. VII, 47, etc. Itaque vertendum: Quod enim ubique ideo interrogent, non ut discant, sed ut dicta culpent, non hic tantum, sed et alibi saepe perspicuum est. Etenim quando accesserunt rogantes, an liceret dare censum Caesari, necne (Matth. cap. xxii, vers. 17 et 25; Luc. VII, 47); et cum de remissione facta mulieri sermocinarentur; cumque percontati sunt de illa, quam aiebant septem viros habuisse; deprehensi sunt non discendi studio, sed prava voluntate interrogationes ad ipsum deferre. Sed et circa historiam Evangelii Joannis, ingeniosa est B. Augustini conjectura lib. ii De adulterinis conjugiis, cap. 7: eam e sacris codicibus ablatam fuisse a nonnullis, qui metuebant peccandi impunitatem dari mulieribus suis. Ad quam conjecturam pertinet spongia Armeniorum, qui totum capitulum, tanquam multis perniciosum, delebant; quemadmodum docemur per libellum de eorum Religione. Qui quidem non exigui momenti libellus S. Niconi solitus tribui, quia Latine tantum, nec semper feliciter conversus, exstat sub finem Balsamonis, utiliter, opinor, subjicietur e ms. 1818 gazae Regiae. (continues)

"And another woman who had sinned." A certain Greek manuscript, Royal 2375, had this passage in mind: there, after the Gospel of John, the verses of that Gospel, the last of chapter 7 and the eleven following, are set down, and then is added: "The passages marked with an obelus are not found in some copies, nor in Apollinarius; but in the ancient ones they are all found. All the apostles too mention this section in the Ordinances which they set out for the building up of the Church." [Latin repeats the same.] But the translator of St Chrysostom's Homilies on John, and also Croius in chapter 17 of his Observations on the New Testament, gravely err in taking as referring to this adulterous woman the words of the Golden Doctor in homily 60, or 61, on chapter 10, verse 24: "For that everywhere they asked for this reason, not to learn but to find fault with what was said, is clear not only from this place but from many others. For when they came asking whether it was lawful to give tribute to Caesar or not; and when they talked about the forgiveness of a woman; and when they inquired about the woman whom they said had had seven husbands, they were caught bringing him questions not from love of learning but from a perverse mind." Savile saw the error, but in trying to correct it fell into another himself: for he thinks the passage must be understood of putting away a wife, whereas there is no doubt that the holy Father had before his eyes the text of Luke 7:47, etc. So it should be translated: "For that everywhere they ask, not in order to learn but to find fault with what is said, is often plain not here only but elsewhere. For when they came asking whether it was lawful to give tribute to Caesar or not (Matt. 22:17 and 25; Luke 7:47); and when they talked about the forgiveness granted to the woman; and when they inquired about her whom they said had had seven husbands, they were caught bringing questions to him not from desire to learn but from a perverse will." On the story in John's Gospel, moreover, St Augustine's conjecture (On Adulterous Marriages, book 2, chapter 7) is ingenious: that it was removed from the sacred books by some who feared that impunity for sin was being granted to their wives. To this conjecture belongs the sponge of the Armenians, who struck out the whole chapter as harmful to many, as we are taught by the booklet on their religion. That booklet, of no small weight, usually ascribed to St Nicon, which survives at the end of Balsamon only in Latin, and not always happily translated, will usefully, I think, be subjoined from manuscript 1818 of the Royal treasury. (continues)

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(ref 77) ‹anchor: magni consilii divini Angelus› · call in col 654 Is. IX, 6.

Isaiah 9:6.

(printed under page 324) (ref 78) ‹anchor: quoniam dilexisti multum› · call in col 654 Luc. VII, 47.

Luke 7:47.

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[The foot of this page is wholly note matter: the libellus on the Armenians subjoined to note (49), set in four narrow columns, Greek and Latin facing in each half (left half: Greek, then its Latin; right half: Latin, then its Greek). Only the lower part of each sub-column is in the foot images; the opening of each is above them and is not set here.] (printed under page 325)

Περὶ τῆς δυσσεβοῦς θρησκείας τῶν κακίστων Ἀρμενίων.

On the impious religion of the most wicked Armenians.

De impia (al. pessima κακίστης) pessimorum Armeniorum religione.

On the impious (otherwise, most wicked: κακίστης) religion of the most wicked Armenians.

Τὰ παρὰ τῶν Ἀρμενίων γινόμενα παραλόγως, καὶ δοξαζόμενα, ἐστὶ ταῦτα. Τὴν θείαν φύσιν φασὶ παθεῖν, καὶ τῇ τῶν Ἀφθαρτοδοκιτῶν αἱρέσει ὑπάγονται· φασὶ τὴν Τριάδα παθεῖν. Τοῦτο δὲ εἰ καὶ φανερῶς οὐ τολμῶσι λέγειν, ἀλλ' οὖν οἷς δρῶσι, τοῦτο ἐμφαίνουσι. Τρεῖς γὰρ σταυροὺς συζευγνύντες, καὶ ἑνὶ ξύλῳ ἀλλήλοις ὡσανεὶ ζυγῷ προσπηγνύντες, ὀνομάζουσι τοῦτο, ἡ ἁγία Τριάς· προσεπιτιθέασι δὲ καὶ τῷ ἁγίῳ ὕμνῳ τὸ, σταυρωθεὶς δι' ἡμᾶς, τῇ τοῦ Κναφέως Πέτρου ἑπόμενοι λύσσῃ· καὶ πρὸς μὲν ἡμᾶς διατείνονται, περὶ τοῦ Υἱοῦ τοῦτο προστιθέναι· αὐτοὶ δὲ σαφῶς νοσοῦσι [Interpr. νοοῦσι] τὴν θεοπρέπειαν (l. θεοπάθειαν). Οἴονται δὲ καὶ τὸ Πνεῦμα ἧττον εἶναι Πατρὸς καὶ Υἱοῦ· καθὸ τῶν μικρῷ πρόσθεν εἰρημένων τριῶν σταυρῶν, τὸν μέσον ἐλάττω ποιοῦσι· καὶ οἷς θαῤῥεῖν ἔχουσιν, εἰς τύπον τοῦ Πνεύματος τοῦτον εἶναι ἀνακαλύπτονται. Οἱ δὲ αὐτοὶ καὶ σύγχυσιν ἐπὶ τῆς ἑνώσεως τῶν δύο τοῦ Χριστοῦ φύσεων δογματίζουσι· χρῶνται δὲ καὶ ἀζύμοις ἐν τῷ μυστικῷ ἄρτῳ· καὶ ὕδωρ εἰς τὸ ἅγιον ποτήριον οὐ βάλλουσι. Καὶ τῇ μὲν πέμπτῃ τοῦ Ἰανουαρίου μηνὸς ἑσπέρας, ἑορτάζουσι τὴν ἑορτὴν τὴν τοῦ Εὐαγγελισμοῦ· τήν τε ἄλλην ἅπασαν ἀκολουθίαν τῆς τοιαύτης ἑορτῆς ποιούμενοι, καὶ δὴ καὶ τὸ πρόσφορον αὐτῇ Εὐαγγέλιον ἀναγινώσκοντες· ἐν δὲ τῷ ὄρθρῳ ἑορτάζουσι τὴν Χριστοῦ γέννησιν· καὶ ἐν τῇ λειτουργίᾳ, τὰ ἅγια θεοφάνια. Εἴτε δὲ οἰόμενοι μεθ' ἡμέραν τοῦ Εὐαγγελισμοῦ τὴν σεβασμιωτάτην τοῦ Σωτῆρος γέννησιν γενέσθαι, οὕτως ἑορτάζουσι· (ex Balsam.) ποῦ γὰρ δυνατὸν, ἐν ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ βρέφος τελεσφορηθῆναι; Καὶ εἰς μυρίας ἀτοπίας ἐντεῦθεν ἐξάγονται. Εἰ δὲ

The things done and believed by the Armenians against reason are these. They say that the divine nature suffered, and they are brought under the heresy of the Aphthartodocetae; they say that the Trinity suffered. And though they do not dare to say this openly, yet by what they do they show it. For yoking three crosses together, and fixing them to one another on a single beam as if on a yoke, they name this 'the holy Trinity'; and they add to the holy hymn the words 'crucified for us', following the madness of Peter the Fuller; and to us they insist that they add this concerning the Son, but they themselves plainly are sick with [Interpr.: understand] the 'theoprepeia' (read 'theopatheia', the suffering of God). They also think the Spirit to be less than the Father and the Son, in that of the three crosses mentioned a little before they make the middle one smaller; and by what they make bold to do they reveal that this one stands as a figure of the Spirit. The same men also teach a confusion in the union of the two natures of Christ; and they use unleavened bread in the mystical bread, and do not put water into the holy cup. And on the fifth of the month of January, in the evening, they keep the feast of the Annunciation, performing the whole of the rest of the office of that feast and also reading the Gospel proper to it; but at dawn they keep the Nativity of Christ, and in the liturgy the holy Theophany. Whether it is because they think that the most venerable birth of the Saviour took place a day after the Annunciation that they keep the feast thus (from Balsamon) — for how is it possible for an infant to be brought to term in a single day? And from this they are led into countless absurdities. But if

Quae ab Armeniis praeter rationem fiunt et creduntur, haec sunt. Dicunt divinam naturam pati, et in Aphthartodocitarum haeresim inducuntur, aiuntque pati Trinitatem. Hoc autem etsi non audeant aperte dicere; iis tamen quae faciunt, hoc declarant. Conjungentes enim tres cruces, et cum ligno inter se, tanquam jugo, affigentes, nominant hoc, sancta Trinitas. Adjiciunt quoque sancto hymno illud, « Qui crucifixus es pro nobis, » Petri Fullonis rabiem sequentes: et nobis quidem asseverant, se de Filio hoc adjicere; ipsi vero errore Deum faciente patibilem, aperte infecti sunt. Existimant etiam Spiritum minorem esse Patre et Filio: in quantum trium paulo ante dictarum crucium mediam, minorem faciunt; et per ea quae audent, hanc esse in Spiritus typum detegunt. Iidem et confusionem in duarum Christi naturarum unione decernunt. In pane quoque mystico utuntur azymis; et in sanctum calicem aquam non immittunt. Sed et quinto mensis Januarii vespere festum Annuntiationis celebrant: tum aliud omne officium hujus festi facientes; tum etiam conveniens ei Evangelium legentes: mane autem Christi Natalem celebrant: et in missa sancta Theophania. An autem post eum Annuntiationis diem, venerabilissimum Salvatoris Natalem fuisse existimantes, ita festum celebrent, [incertum: manifestum autem est, quod non sicut nos, carnem Domini in Dei Matris utero formatam esse existimant.] Quo modo enim fieri posset, ut infans uno die ad nativitatis perfectionem perduceretur? Et in innumeras absurditates ex eo deducuntur. Sin autem exi-

The things that are done and believed by the Armenians beyond reason are these. They say that the divine nature suffers, and they are led into the heresy of the Aphthartodocetae, and they say that the Trinity suffers. And though they do not dare to say this openly, yet by the things they do they declare it. For joining three crosses, and fastening them to one another with a beam, as with a yoke, they name this 'the holy Trinity'. They also add to the holy hymn the words 'Who wast crucified for us', following the frenzy of Peter the Fuller; and to us indeed they assert that they add this concerning the Son, but they themselves are plainly infected with the error that makes God passible. They also judge the Spirit to be less than the Father and the Son, in so far as of the three crosses spoken of a little before they make the middle one smaller; and by what they dare to do they disclose that this one is a figure of the Spirit. The same men also decree a confusion in the union of the two natures of Christ. In the mystical bread, too, they use unleavened loaves; and into the holy chalice they put no water. Moreover, on the evening of the fifth of the month of January they celebrate the feast of the Annunciation, both performing all the rest of the office of this feast and also reading the Gospel suited to it; but in the morning they celebrate the Nativity of Christ, and in the mass the holy Theophany. Whether, then, it is because they think the most venerable Nativity of the Saviour took place after that day of the Annunciation that they celebrate the feast thus [is uncertain; but it is manifest that they do not, as we do, believe the flesh of the Lord to have been formed in the womb of the Mother of God]. For how could it come about that an infant should be brought to the completion of birth in one day? And from this they are led into innumerable absurdities. But if they think

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stimant, post duodecim menses, anno in eumdem diem reverso, editum esse partum; [non tam humanam nativitatem introducunt,] quam equis et asinis similem. Haec enim animalia post annum pariunt. In festo autem sanctorum Theophaniorum, non oratione, non Evangelio, non hymno, non aliarum Scripturarum lectione utuntur; sed crucem tantum in aquam immergentes, hoc sibi sufficere arbitrantur. Circumcisionem autem Servatoris octo diebus post Theophania celebrantes, falluntur: nescientes quod prius circumcisus, deindeque baptizatus est. Praeterea cum magnus Gregorius, qui fuit magnae Armeniae episcopus, cavisset ut nequaquam ab alio ordinaretur Armeniae antistes, nisi ab eo qui per tempora esset archiepiscopus Caesareae Cappadociae, ubi ipse quoque ordinatus est; et horrendae exsecrationes cum anathemate ab eodem Gregorio sint impositae in eos qui aliter fecerint: haec quidem illi transgrediuntur; a Syriae autem Amerano Catholicus eorum ordinatur. Sin autem negant, magnum Gregorium haec constituisse; ostendant nobis ejus ad filios constitutiones; et inde os eis obturabitur. Quod si adhuc contenderint; dicant, si possint; anathema sit nobis, si quid tale exstitisse novimus. Sin vero chrismate inde non suscepto utantur; nec eorum sacerdotes digni sunt honore sacerdotii. Quando enim ipsorum Catholicus non ordinatur secundum Canones; quo modo qui ab eo promoventur, auctoritatem habebunt? Ad haec, abstulerunt a sacris Evangeliis vocem, quae dicit: « Et factus est sudor ejus, sicut guttae sanguinis decurrentes in terram (Luc. XXII, 24); » hoc pro imbecillitate accipientes in Domini majestate. Sed et Historiam, quae nos docet, quod mulier adultera ad

[But if they think] that after twelve months, the year having returned to the same day, the birth was brought forth, [they introduce a nativity not so much human] as like that of horses and asses. For these animals bring forth after a year. At the feast of the holy Theophany they use neither prayer, nor Gospel, nor hymn, nor reading of other Scriptures; but, only plunging a cross into the water, they judge that this suffices them. And celebrating the Circumcision of the Saviour eight days after the Theophany, they are deceived, not knowing that He was first circumcised and afterwards baptized. Moreover, although the great Gregory, who was bishop of Great Armenia, had provided that the prelate of Armenia should by no means be ordained by any other than by him who was for the time being archbishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, where he himself also was ordained; and although dreadful execrations with anathema were laid by the same Gregory upon those who should do otherwise: these things indeed they transgress, and their Catholicos is ordained by the Emir of Syria. But if they deny that the great Gregory established these things, let them show us his constitutions to his sons, and thereby their mouth will be stopped. And if they still contend, let them say, if they can: Anathema be to us, if we know that any such thing existed. But if they use chrism not received from there, neither are their priests worthy of the honour of the priesthood. For since their Catholicos is not ordained according to the Canons, how shall those who are promoted by him have authority? Besides this, they have taken away from the holy Gospels the saying which states: 'And His sweat became as drops of blood running down upon the ground (Luke 22:24 [as printed; the verse is 22:44])'; taking this for weakness in the majesty of the Lord. And also the narrative which teaches us that the woman taken in adultery [was brought] to

ὑπολαμβάνουσι μετὰ δώδεκα μῆνας εἰς τὴν αὐτὴν πάλιν ἡμέραν τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ περιεληλυθότος, γενέσθαι τὴν κύησιν· (ex Balsam.) ὅσον ἵπποις ἢ ὄνοις παρεμφερῆ. Ταῦτα γὰρ τὰ ζῶα μετ' ἐνιαυτὸν τίκτουσιν. Ἐν δὲ τῇ ἑορτῇ τῶν ἁγίων θεοφανίων, οὐκ εὐχῇ, οὐκ Εὐαγγελίῳ, οὐχ ὕμνῳ, οὐκ ἀναγνώσει ἑτέρων Γραφῶν κέχρηνται· ἀλλὰ μόνον τὸν σταυρὸν εἰς τὸ ὕδωρ καταδύοντες, τοῦτο αὐτοῖς ἀρκεῖν νομίζουσιν. Ἑορτάζοντες δὲ τὴν περιτομὴν τοῦ Σωτῆρος μεθ' ἡμέρας ὀκτὼ τῶν θεοφανίων, παραπαίουσι μὴ συνιόντες ὅτι πρότερον περιτέτμηται, εἶθ' οὕτως βεβάπτισται. Ὅτι (f. Ἔτι) ἀσφαλείας γενομένης παρὰ τοῦ μεγάλου Γρηγορίου τοῦ γενομένου ἐπισκόπου τῆς μεγάλης Ἀρμενίας, μηδαμῶς παρ' ἑτέρου χειροτονεῖσθαι τὸν Ἀρμενίας, ὅτι μὴ παρὰ τοῦ κατὰ καιροὺς ἀρχιεπισκόπου Καισαρείας Καππαδοκίας, ἔνθα καὶ αὐτὸς ἐχειροτονήθη καὶ φρικωδεστάτων ἀρῶν ἐπιτεθεισῶν καὶ ἀναθέματος παρὰ τοῦ αὐτοῦ Γρηγορίου, τοῖς μὴ οὕτω ποιοῦσι· ταῦτα μὲν παραβαίνονται παρ' αὐτῶν, παρὰ δὲ τοῦ Ἀμηρᾶ Συρίας ὁ καθολικὸς αὐτῶν χειροτονεῖται. Εἰ δὲ ἀρνοῦνται, ταῦτα τὸν μέγαν Γρηγόριον διατάξασθαι, ἐπιδειξάτωσαν ἡμῖν τὰς πρὸς τοὺς υἱοὺς αὐτοῦ διατάξεις· κἀντεῦθεν ἐπιστομισθήσονται· εἰ δὲ καὶ ἔτι ἀμφισβητοῖεν, εἰπάτωσαν, εἴγε οἷοί τε εἶεν, ὅτι ἀνάθεμα ἡμῖν, εἰ τούτων τι γεγονὸς οἴδαμεν. [Εἰ δὲ] ἐντεῦθεν οὐδὲ μύρου κέχρηνται· οὐδὲ παρ' αὐτῶν ἱερεῖς ἄξιοι τοῦ τῆς ἱερωσύνης ἀξιώματος. Ὁπότε γὰρ ὁ καθολικὸς αὐτῶν οὐ κατὰ κανόνας χειροτονεῖται, πῶς οἱ παρ' αὐτοῦ προβαλλόμενοι, τὸ ἀξιόπιστον ἕξουσι; Περιεῖλον δὲ καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν ἱερῶν Εὐαγγελίων τὴν λέγουσαν φωνὴν, ὅτι καὶ ἐγένετο ὁ ἱδρὼς αὐτοῦ, ὡσεὶ θρόμβοι αἵματος καταβαίνοντες ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν· ἀσθένειαν τοῦτο

they suppose that the bearing took place after twelve months, the year having come round again to the same day (from Balsamon), [it is a bearing] such as resembles that of horses or asses. For these animals bring forth after a year. At the feast of the holy Theophany they use neither prayer, nor Gospel, nor hymn, nor reading of other Scriptures; but, only plunging the cross into the water, they think that this suffices them. And keeping the Circumcision of the Saviour eight days after the Theophany, they go astray, not understanding that He was first circumcised and only then baptized. That (perhaps read 'Further'), although a safeguard was laid down by the great Gregory, who was bishop of Great Armenia, that the [bishop] of Armenia should by no means be ordained by another, but only by him who was at the time archbishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, where he himself also was ordained, and although most dreadful curses and an anathema were laid by the same Gregory upon those who do not act thus, these things are transgressed by them, and their Catholicos is ordained by the Emir of Syria. But if they deny that the great Gregory ordained these things, let them show us his ordinances to his sons, and by that they will be put to silence; and if they should still dispute, let them say, if they are able, 'Anathema to us, if we know that any of these things was done.' [But if] they have not even chrism from there, neither are the priests among them worthy of the dignity of the priesthood. For when their Catholicos is not ordained according to the canons, how shall those put forward by him have what is worthy of trust? They have also removed from the holy Gospels the saying that states, 'And His sweat became as clots of blood falling down upon the ground', [supposing] this a weakness

<!-- note: Q20: the right half of the Armenian tract (note (49) cont.), not set here before, is now set from the column images, in the order printed: the Latin (third sub-column), running on from "exi-" at the foot of col. 655, then the Greek (fourth sub-column), running on from "Εἰ δὲ". Both continue on p. 326 (col. 657): the Greek at "ὑπολαμβάνοντες", the Latin at "Jesum adducta est". The English of the opening Latin fragment repeats in brackets the words already given in n655. In the Latin scripture reference the verse numeral is read as 24 (the first digit is faint in the image; the verse is 44). ῤῥ and the editors' bracketed readings are kept as printed. οὐκ/οὐχ are set by the breathing that follows: the image does not separate κ from χ. Ligatures æ set as ae. -->

[As on p. 325, the foot of this page is wholly note matter: the end of the libellus on the Armenians subjoined to note (49), in four narrow columns (left half: Greek, then its Latin; right half: Latin, then its Greek), closing with a line set across the full width; below it, a sub-note (a) to the libellus. Only the lower part of each sub-column is in the foot images.] (printed under page 326)

(a) ‹anchor: τὰς τοιαύτας θυσίας, Ματάλια› · call in the libellus of note (49), right-half Greek

Ματάλια. Al. Νατάλια, melius. Didici enim a docto Armeno Galliam peragrante, Matagh Armenice esse sacrificium, Des. seq. in Balsam. 38, p. 622. B, 39, p. 632, A.

"Matalia." Another reading has "Natalia", better [as printed; the sense requires "Matalia" to be preferred]. For I learned from a learned Armenian travelling through France that "matagh" in Armenian means sacrifice. What follows is missing in Balsamon 38, p. 622 B; 39, p. 632 A. [The second line, "Des. seq. …", stands alone at the left; whether it belongs to (a) or is a separate unlettered note cannot be told from the image.]

(printed under page 326)

ὑπολαμβάνοντες τῆς τοῦ Κυρίου μεγαλειότητος. Ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν ἱστορίαν τὴν διδάσκουσαν ἡμᾶς, ὡς προσηνέχθη τῷ Ἰησοῦ γυνὴ ἡ μοιχευθεῖσα, τοῦ δὲ εἰπόντος, ὅστις οὐχ ἥμαρτε βαλέτω λίθον ἐπ' αὐτὴν, ἀνεχώρησαν ἅπαντες, καὶ οὐδὲ παρὰ τοῦ Χριστοῦ κατακέκριται, ἐκβάλλουσι, βλαβερὰν εἶναι λέγοντες τοῖς πολλοῖς τὴν τοιαύτην ἀκρόασιν. Ἐσθίουσι δὲ καὶ ἐν τοῖς Σάββασι, καὶ ἐν ταῖς Κυριακαῖς τῆς ἁγίας Τεσσαρακοστῆς, ὠὸν, καὶ τυρὸν, καὶ βούτυρον, καὶ πρὸ πάντων αὐτὸς ὁ καθολικός· καὶ κανών ἐστι παρ' αὐτοῖς ὁ λέγων· Εἴ τις οὐχ ἴσον οἴεται τὸ βούτυρον, καὶ τὸν τυρὸν, καὶ τὸ ὠὸν καὶ [f. del.] τῷ οἴνῳ, καὶ τῷ ἐλαίῳ, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω. Ἐσθίουσι δὲ καὶ ἑβδομάδι τῆς τυροφάγου, τὸ κρέας, νηστεύοντες τῇ πρὸ τῆς ἀποκρέου ἑβδομάδι νηστείαν ἐπιτεταμένην, ἐκτὸς ἄρτου καὶ ὕδατος, μηδενὸς γευόμενοι. Καλοῦσι δὲ τὴν τοιαύτην ἑβδομάδα, Ἀρτζιβούρτζια· οὐχ οἴδασι μέν τοι τί βούλεται ἡ τοῦ ὀνόματος τούτου δύναμις· ἀλλά τινες μέν φασιν Ἀργίου[al. Σεργίου]τινὸς εἶναι τὴν νηστείαν· τινὲς δὲ τῶν Νινευϊτῶν, τινὲς δὲ τοῦ Ἀδὰμ, ὅτε τοῦ παραδείσου τῆς τρυφῆς ἀποβέβληται· κἀντεῦθεν ἁλίσκονται ἀλόγως νηστεύοντες· ὡς δέ τινες διηγοῦνται, καὶ ἔοικεν ὁ λόγος αὐτῶν ἀληθὴς εἶναι, τῶν παρ' αὐτοῖς τις ἐπισκόπων κυνιδίῳ ἐκέχρητο, ᾧ τὸ ἐπώνυμον Ἀρτζιβούρτζης· τοῦτο δὲ προηγήτωρ εἴτουν πρόδρομος ἐξελληνιζόμενον λέγεται· προηγεῖτο γὰρ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου, μέλλοντος εἰσιέναι εἴς τινα κώμην ἢ πόλιν. Οὗ θανόντος, νηστεία ἑπταήμερος παρὰ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου νενομοθέτηται, εἰς μνήμην τοῦ ἐπὶ κυνὶ πένθους. Λειτουργοῦντες δὲ, οὐ μόνον τὸ κάλυμμα τῆς κεφαλῆς οὐ καθαιροῦσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ κουκούλιον τῷ καλύμματι ἐπιτιθέασι· καί τοι τοῦ μεγάλου ἀποστόλου Παύλου διαῤῥήδην βοῶντος,

supposing [this a weakness] of the Lord's majesty. They also cast out the narrative which teaches us how the woman taken in adultery was brought to Jesus, and when He said, "Let him who has not sinned cast a stone at her," all withdrew, and she was not condemned even by Christ; saying that such a hearing is harmful to the many. They eat, too, on the Saturdays and on the Sundays of holy Lent, egg, and cheese, and butter, and before all the Catholicos himself; and there is a canon among them which says: If anyone does not think butter, and cheese, and egg equal [perhaps delete "and"] to wine and oil, let him be anathema. They eat meat, too, in the cheese-eating week, fasting in the week before the meat-fast a strict fast, tasting nothing apart from bread and water. They call this week Artziburtzia; yet they do not know what the force of this name means; but some say that the fast is that of a certain Argius [alias Sergius]; some, that of the Ninevites; some, that of Adam, when he was cast out of the paradise of delight; and hence they are convicted of fasting without reason. But as some relate, and their account seems to be true, one of the bishops among them kept a little dog, whose name was Artziburtzes; and this, put into Greek, is said to be "forerunner" or "precursor"; for it went before the bishop when he was about to enter some village or city. When it died, a seven-day fast was decreed by the bishop, in memory of the mourning over the dog. And when they celebrate the liturgy, not only do they not take off the covering of the head, but they also put the cowl over the covering; although the great apostle Paul cries out expressly,

Jesum adducta est, cum is autem dixisset, « Qui non peccavit, lapidem in illam mittat (Johan. VIII), » recesserunt omnes, et nec a Christo condemnata est, ejiciunt; hanc recitationem multis esse noxiam dicentes: Comedunt autem et in Sabbatis, et in Dominicis sanctae Quadragesimae, ovum, et caseum, et butyrum; et ante omnes ipse Catholicus: et est apud eos Canon qui dicit: Si quis butyrum, et caseum, et ovum non aequivalere existimet vino et oleo, anathema sit. Hebdomada quoque Lacticiniorum, carne vescuntur; jejunantes septimana quae est ante Carnisprivium, intenso jejunio; praeter panem et aquam nihil gustantes. Vocant autem hanc septimanam, Artziburtzia: nesciunt tamen quid sibi velit vis hujus nominis; sed nonnulli quidem dicunt Sergii cujusdam esse jejunium, vel Argii: nonnulli vero Ninivitarum: aliqui vero Adami, quando ex paradiso deliciarum ejectus est. Et hinc sine ratione jejunare convincuntur. Et vero quidam referunt; videturque eorum sermo verus esse; Aliquis apud eos episcopus utebatur catello, cui erat cognomen Artziburtzes: id autem translatum dicitur, Praecessor, seu praecursor. Praecedebat enim episcopum ingressurum in villam quamdam vel urbem. Quo mortuo, septem dierum jejunium ab episcopo sancitum est, in memoriam luctus propter canem. Sacrum autem celebrantes, non modo capitis tegmen non detrahunt, sed etiam cucullam tegmini imponunt: licet magnus Apostolus Paulus expresse clamet (I Cor. XI), detectos esse nos debere in tempore orationis. Non venerantur imagines sacras; quinimo ipsorum Catholicus et episcopi, veneratores earum anathematizant. Nec etiam crucem adorant, nisi clavum in illius medium immise-

[the woman taken in adultery was brought to] Jesus, and when He had said, "He who has not sinned, let him cast a stone at her (John 8)," all withdrew, and she was not condemned even by Christ, they cast out, saying that this reading is harmful to many. They eat, moreover, on the Saturdays and on the Sundays of holy Lent, egg, and cheese, and butter; and before all the Catholicos himself; and there is a canon among them which says: If anyone does not think that butter, and cheese, and egg are equivalent to wine and oil, let him be anathema. In the Week of Milk-foods also they eat meat, fasting in the week which is before Carnisprivium with an intense fast, tasting nothing but bread and water. They call this week Artziburtzia; yet they do not know what the force of this name means; but some indeed say that it is the fast of a certain Sergius, or Argius; some, of the Ninevites; others, of Adam, when he was cast out of the paradise of delights. And hence they are convicted of fasting without reason. And indeed some relate, and their account seems to be true: a certain bishop among them kept a little dog, whose name was Artziburtzes; and this, translated, is said to mean Forerunner, or precursor. For it went before the bishop when he was about to enter some village or city. When it died, a fast of seven days was decreed by the bishop, in memory of the mourning for the dog. And when they celebrate the sacred rite, not only do they not remove the covering of the head, but they even put a cowl over the covering; although the great Apostle Paul cries out expressly (1 Cor. 11) that we ought to be uncovered at the time of prayer. They do not venerate the sacred images; nay rather, their Catholicos and bishops anathematize those who venerate them. Nor do they even adore the cross, unless they have driven a nail into the middle of it [continues in col. 658: immise-runt]

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(79) ‹anchor: neque ego te condemno› · called in the Latin version ("demno 79") and in the Greek of col. 657 (οὐδὲ ἐγώ σε κατακρίνω); printed under the Greek column, set once here

Joan. VIII, 11.

John 8:11.

(printed under page 326)

runt, insuperque eam baptizaverint. Postquam autem clavo fixa crux et baptizata fuit, si contigerit, ut alterum duorum lignorum separetur, et aliud remaneat; rectum videlicet, aut transversum; adorant illud quod solum relictum est. Sed et legalia fere omnia, quae quidem abolita sunt, adhuc peragunt. Agnum enim magna Dominica sacrificant, et limina inungunt; atque ossa illius comburentes, servant cinerem cum sanguine in signum expiationis. Et velum ante altare statuunt, ac tintinnabula ipsi, altarique appendunt. Quin etiam pro mortuis sacrificia ovium et boum faciunt: nec aliter defunctum existimant salvandum, nisi in ejus Tertiis, Nonis et Quadragesimis sacrificia ejusmodi peracta fuerint. Antequam autem hujusmodi hostias immolent, salem benedicentes, illis dant in nutrimentum; atque etiam super earum capita quasdam orationes dicunt, sicque mactant. Nominant porro haec sacrificia, Matalia. (In Bals. Natalitia.) Si qui autem ex illis, horum aliquid negent; anathemate feriant eum qui illud fecerit. Praeterea iidem sunt Monothelitae. Adversus autem eos qui dicunt, quod Christus ea die qua natus est, etiam fuit baptizatus, sufficit Gregorius Theologus, qui haec Festa tempore inter se distinguit: atque in oratione quidem quae incipit, Christus gignitur, ait: « Ac quidem paulo post videbis et Jesum in Jordane purgari; » in Oratione vero, cujus principium, « Rursum Jesus, » ita loquitur: « Christi quidem nativitatem apta solemnitate celebrastis jam; nunc vero alia Christi actio, aliudque mysterium. »

[unless they have driven a nail into the middle of it,] and moreover have baptized it. And after the cross has been fixed with the nail and baptized, if it should happen that one of the two beams is separated and the other remains, namely the upright or the transverse, they adore that which alone is left. Moreover, they still perform almost all the legal observances, which have in fact been abolished. For they sacrifice a lamb on the great Sunday, and anoint the thresholds; and, burning its bones, they keep the ash with the blood as a sign of expiation. And they set a veil before the altar, and hang little bells on it and on the altar. Indeed they also make sacrifices of sheep and oxen for the dead; nor do they think that the deceased can be saved otherwise than if sacrifices of this kind have been performed on his Third, Ninth and Fortieth days. And before they immolate victims of this kind, they bless salt and give it to them as food; and they also say certain prayers over their heads, and so slaughter them. And they name these sacrifices Matalia. (In Balsamon, Natalitia.) But if any of them deny any of these things, let them strike with anathema him who has done it. Furthermore, the same men are Monothelites. And against those who say that Christ was also baptized on the day on which He was born, Gregory the Theologian suffices, who distinguishes these feasts from one another in time; and in the oration which begins "Christ is born" he says: "And indeed a little later you will see Jesus also being cleansed in the Jordan"; while in the Oration whose beginning is "Again Jesus" he speaks thus: "The Nativity of Christ you have already celebrated with fitting solemnity; but now there is another action of Christ, and another mystery."

ἀνακεκαλύφθαι ἡμᾶς ἐν τῷ τῆς προσευχῆς καιρῷ. Σεπταῖς εἰκόσιν οὐ προσκυνοῦσιν, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον καὶ ὁ Καθολικὸς αὐτῶν καὶ οἱ τούτων ἐπίσκοποι ἀναθεματίζουσι τοὺς προσκυνοῦντας. Οὔτε δὲ τὸν σταυρὸν προσκυνοῦσιν, εἰ μὴ ἧλον ἐν τῷ μέσῳ τούτου ἐμβάλλουσι, καὶ μέν τοι καὶ βαπτίζουσιν αὐτόν. Μετὰ δὲ τὸ καθηλωθῆναι καὶ βαπτισθῆναι τὸν σταυρὸν, εἰ καὶ τύχῃ τὸ ἕτερον τῶν δύο ξύλων διαιρεθῆναι, καὶ καταλειφθῆναι τὸ ἕτερον, τὸ ὄρθιον δηλαδὴ, ἢ τὸ ἐγκάρσιον, προσκυνοῦσι τῷ καταλειφθέντι μόνῳ. Ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ νομικὰ σχεδὸν πάντα, ἃ κατηργήθησαν, εἰσέτι τελοῦσι. Θύουσι γὰρ τὸν ἀμνὸν τῇ μεγάλῃ Κυριακῇ, καὶ τὰς φλιὰς χρίουσι, καὶ τὰ ὀστᾶ τούτων καίοντες, τηροῦσι τὸν χοῦν μετὰ τοῦ αἵματος εἰς τύπον καθαρσίου. Καὶ καταπέτασμα πρὸ τοῦ θυσιαστηρίου προβάλλονται, καὶ κώδωνας αὐτοῦ τε καὶ τοῦ θυσιαστηρίου ἐξαρτῶσι. Καὶ μέντοι καὶ ὑπὲρ τῶν νεκρῶν θυσίας προβάτων καὶ βοῶν ποιοῦσι· καὶ οὐκ ἄλλως ἡγοῦνται σωθήσεσθαι τὸν τεθνεῶτα εἰ μὴ ἐν τοῖς τρίτοις αὐτοῦ, καὶ τοῖς ἐννάτοις, καὶ τεσσαρακοστοῖς αἱ τοιαῦται θυσίαι ἐπιτελεσθῶσι. Πρὸ δὲ τοῦ τυθῆναι τὰ τοιαῦτα θύματα, ἅλας ἐπευλογοῦντες, εἰς τροφὴν αὐτοῖς διδόασι· καὶ μέντοι καὶ ἐπὶ ταῖς κεφαλαῖς αὐτῶν, εὐχάς τινας ἐπιλέγουσι, καὶ οὕτω σφάζουσιν· ὀνοματίζουσι δὲ τὰς τοιαύτας θυσίας, Ματάλια (a). Εἰ δέ τινες αὐτῶν ἀρνοῖντο περί τινος τούτων, ἀναθεματιζέτωσαν τὸν ποιοῦντα. Εἰσὶ δὲ οἱ αὐτοὶ καὶ Μονοθελῆται. Πρὸς δὲ τοὺς λέγοντας, ὅτι καθ' ἣν ἡμέραν γεγένηται ὁ Χριστὸς, καὶ βεβάπτισται, αὐτάρκης ὁ Θεολόγος Γρηγόριος, διαστέλλων τὰς τοιαύτας ἑορτὰς χρονικῶς ἀπ' ἀλλήλων· καὶ ἐν μὲν τῷ, Χριστὸς γεννᾶται, λέγων ὅτι· Μικρὸν μὲν ὕστερον ὄψει καὶ καθαιρόμενον Ἰησοῦν ἐν τῷ Ἰορδάνῃ· ἐν δὲ τῷ, Πάλιν Ἰησοῦς, ὅτι· Τῇ μὲν γεννήσει, τὰ εἰκότα προεορτάσατε· νυνὶ δὲ πρᾶξις ἄλλη Χριστοῦ, καὶ ἄλλο μυστήριον. COT.

that we are to be uncovered at the time of prayer. They do not venerate the august images; rather, both their Catholicos and their bishops anathematize those who venerate them. Nor do they venerate the cross, unless they drive a nail into the middle of it, and indeed baptize it as well. And after the cross has been nailed and baptized, if it should happen that one of the two beams is parted and the other left, the upright, that is, or the crosspiece, they venerate the one that is left alone. They also still perform nearly all the legal observances, which have been abolished. For they sacrifice the lamb on the great Sunday, and anoint the doorposts, and, burning the bones of these, keep the ash with the blood as a figure of purification. And they hang a veil before the altar, and attach bells both to it and to the altar. Moreover they also make sacrifices of sheep and oxen for the dead; and they hold that the dead man will not be saved otherwise than if such sacrifices are performed on his third day, and ninth, and fortieth. And before such victims are sacrificed, they bless salt and give it to them for food; and moreover they say certain prayers over their heads, and so they slaughter them; and they name such sacrifices Matalia (a). And if any of them should deny any of these things, let them anathematize him who does it. The same men are also Monothelites. And against those who say that on the day on which Christ was born He was also baptized, Gregory the Theologian is sufficient, who distinguishes these feasts from one another in time, saying in the [oration] "Christ is born": "A little later you will see Jesus also being purified in the Jordan"; and in the [oration] "Again Jesus": "For the Nativity you have already kept festival as was fitting; but now there is another deed of Christ, and another mystery." Cotelier.

<!-- note: Q20: the right half of the Armenian tract (note (49) cont.), not set here before, is now set from the column images, in the order printed: the Latin (third sub-column), running on from "immise-" at the foot of col. 657, then the Greek (fourth sub-column), running on from "διαῤῥήδην βοῶντος,". The last six lines of the Greek are printed across the width of both right-half sub-columns, under the end of the Latin; they are set once, at the end of the Greek. The tract ends here with the signature COT. (Cotelier). The call (a) at Ματάλια answers sub-note (a), printed full width at the page foot and set in n657. The English of the opening Latin fragment repeats in brackets the words already given in n657. τούτων after ὀστᾶ is set as read (the Latin has the singular); the last letter is blurred in the image. οὐκ before ἄλλως is set by the breathing: the image does not separate κ from χ. Ligatures æ set as ae. Scripture footnote 79, flagged in n657 as still to add, is set above. -->

(ref 80) ‹anchor: not visible in foot image› · call in col 659 Luc. X, 7.

Luke 10:7.

(ref 81) ‹anchor: et lanis operimini› · call in col 659 Ezech. XXXIV, 3.

Ezekiel 34:3.

(ref 82) ‹anchor: soli in terra› · call in col 659 Is. V, 8.

Isaiah 5:8.

(ref 83) ‹anchor: sicut teipsum› · call in col 659 Lev. XIX, 18.

Leviticus 19:18.

(ref 84) ‹anchor: bovi trituranti› · call in col 659 Deut. XXV, 4.

Deuteronomy 25:4.

(printed under page 327)

(50) ‹anchor: not visible (call above foot image)› · call in col 660 (Greek only)

Alter cod. habet: Ὑμᾶς ἔχειν δεῖν τούτου καταμέρησιν, non male. Cler.

The other manuscript has: "that you must have the distribution of this", not badly. Clericus.

(printed under page 327)

(51) ‹anchor: εἶναι (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 660 (Greek only)

Εἶναι. In eodem sequitur εἶναι πραεῖς χρή. Id.

"To be." In the same there follows: εἶναι πραεῖς χρή ("one must be gentle"). The same [Clericus].

(printed under page 327)

(52) ‹anchor: σπάταλος (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 660 (Greek only)

Σπάταλος. Idem codex: πολυανάλωτος, quod videtur esse τοῦ σπατάλου glossema. Id.

"Wanton." The same manuscript: πολυανάλωτος ("lavish"), which seems to be a gloss on σπάταλος. The same [Clericus].

(printed under page 327)

(53) ‹anchor: μόνων (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 660 (Greek only)

Μόνων, etc. Idem: μόνοις τοῖς π. σ. ἀρκούμενος. Id.

"Only," etc. The same: μόνοις τοῖς π. σ. ἀρκούμενος ("content with the … alone"). The same [Clericus].

(printed under page 327)

(54) ‹anchor: πᾶσι δὲ› · call in col 660 (Greek only)

Δέ. In eodem τοίνυν. Id.

"And." In the same, τοίνυν ("therefore"). The same [Clericus].

(printed under page 327)

(55) ‹anchor: μετὰ δικαιοσύνης ἐπιμερίζοντες› · call in col 660 (Greek only)

Ἐπιμερίζοντες. Ibid. διανέμοντες eodem sensu. Id.

"Distributing." In the same place, διανέμοντες, with the same sense. The same [Clericus].

(printed under page 327)

(56) ‹anchor: προστέτακται ὑμῖν› · call in col 660 (Greek only)

Ὑμῖν. Omittitur in altero codice, nec male, nam mutuus amor est omnibus praeceptus. Id.

"To you." It is omitted in the other manuscript, and not badly, for mutual love is commanded to all. The same [Clericus].

(printed under page 327)

(57) ‹anchor: καὶ ταῦτα› · call in col 660 (Greek only)

Ταῦτα. Ibid. τοῦτο. Id.

"These things." In the same place, τοῦτο ("this"). The same [Clericus].

(printed under page 327)

(58) ‹anchor: ὃν τρόπον οὖν› · call in col 660 (Greek only)

Οὖν. Ibid. γάρ. Id.

"Then." In the same place, γάρ ("for"). The same [Clericus].

(printed under page 327)

(59) ‹anchor: ἐν τῇ ἅλῳ ἀκήμωτος› · call in col 660 (Greek only)

Ἀκήμωτος. Ibid. ἀφίμωτος, quod est perinde. Id.

"Unmuzzled." In the same place, ἀφίμωτος, which comes to the same. The same [Clericus].

(printed under page 327)

(60) ‹anchor: ἐκ τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἐσθίετε› · call in col 660 (Greek only)

Ἐσθίετε. Ἐσθίειν ὀφείλετε, codex alter. Id.

"You eat." The other manuscript: ἐσθίειν ὀφείλετε ("you ought to eat"). The same [Clericus].

(printed under page 327)

(61) ‹anchor: προσέτι δὲ καί (lemma; call on p. 327 or above foot image)› · call in Greek col (Greek only)

Προσέτι δὲ καί. Desunt haec in altero cod. in quo legimus: Δῆλον γὰρ καὶ ἐκ τοῦ καλεῖσθαι αὐτὴν μαρτυρίου σκηνὴν, ὅτι ἐκ τοῦ, etc. Cler.

"And moreover." These words are missing in the other manuscript, in which we read: "For it is clear also from its being called the tabernacle of witness, that from the," etc. Clericus.

(printed under page 328)

(62) ‹anchor: τὴν προσφοράν (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 661 (Greek only)

Τὴν προσφοράν. Τὴν τιμήν. Id.

"The offering." [The other has] τὴν τιμήν ("the honour"). The same [Clericus].

(printed under page 328)

(63) ‹anchor: αὐτοὶ καί (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 661 (Greek only)

Αὐτοὶ καί. Οὐ μόνον αὐτοὶ, ἀλλὰ καί. Id.

"They also." [The other has] "not only they, but also". The same [Clericus].

(printed under page 328)

(64) ‹anchor: ἐπειδὴ δέ (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 661 (Greek only)

Ἐπειδὴ δέ. Pro δέ legit alter codex γάρ. Id.

"But since." For δέ the other manuscript reads γάρ ("for"). The same [Clericus].

(printed under page 328)

(65) ‹anchor: ὑμεῖς (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 661 (Greek only)

Ὑμεῖς. Καὶ ὑμεῖς. Id.

"You." [The other has] καὶ ὑμεῖς ("you also"). The same [Clericus].

(printed under page 328)

(66) ‹anchor: τοῦ (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 661 (Greek only)

Τοῦ. Χριστοῦ τοῦ. Id.

"Of the." [The other has] Χριστοῦ τοῦ ("of Christ the"). The same [Clericus].

(printed under page 328)

(67) ‹anchor: οἱ μεσῖται Θεοῦ καὶ τῶν πιστῶν αὐτοῦ (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 661 (Greek only)

Οἱ μεσῖται Θεοῦ καὶ τῶν πιστῶν αὐτοῦ. Ita saepe sancti Patres. Notavi in adversariis, Origenem homilia 2 in Leviticum, Basilium Constitutionum monasticarum cap. 22, Chrysostomum in Vidi Dominum homil. 5, Hieronymum epistola 128, et ad Malachiae caput ii; Isidorum Pelusiotam lib. iii, epist. 20; Andream Caesariensem in Apocalypsim serm. vii, cap. 21; Anastasium Sinaitam Oratione de sacra Synaxi; Historicos ecclesiasticos Evagrium et Nicephorum, illum lib. ii, cap. 8, hunc lib. xv, cap. 17, sive Preces episcoporum Aegyptiorum et clericorum Alexandrinorum oblatas Leoni Augusto, Concilii Chalcedonensis parte iii, num. 22; Maximum ad caput 4 libri De ecclesiastica hierarchia; Alcuinum De divinis officiis libro, capitibus 13, 40; Leonem IV, in Concilio Romano, canone 17, apud eum scriptorem De Vitis Romanorum Pontificum, qui Luitprandus esse creditur; Arnulfum sermone habito in concilio Turonensi; Zonaram ad canonem 3 Carthaginensem; Matthaeum Blastarem Juris Graeco-Romani lib. viii, pag. 517, seu elemento Γ, cap. 18, et Gregentii disputationem in fine. Imo ante Patres a Philone Judaeo libro ii De monarchia literis mandatum est: Βούλεται τὸν ἀρχιερέα ὁ νόμος μείζονος μεμοιρᾶσθαι φύσεως, ἢ κατὰ ἄνθρωπον, ἐγγυτέρως προσιόντα τῆς θείας, μεθόριον, εἰ δεῖ τἀληθὲς λέγειν, ἀμφοῖν, ἵνα διὰ μέσου τινὸς ἄνθρωποι μὲν ἱλάσκωνται Θεὸν, Θεὸς δὲ τὰς χάριτας ἀνθρώποις ὑποδιακόνῳ τινὶ χρώμενος ὀρέγῃ καὶ χορηγῇ. Postulat Lex in pontifice naturam humana majorem, ut qui ad divinam propius accedat, situs (si verum fateri licet) in utriusque confinio; ut per mediatorem aliquem homines quidem Deum propitient; Deus vero gratias hominibus, aliquo usus ministro, porrigat atque largiatur. Attamen S. Gregorius Nazianzenus (quidquid explicetur per Eliam Cretensem) videtur dubitare oratione i, an sacerdos mediator Dei et hominum debeat appellari. Μεσιτείαν, inquit, Θεοῦ καὶ ἀνθρώπων· τοῦτο γὰρ ἴσως ὁ ἱερεύς. Quae ita vertuntur a Rufino ac si legisset ἰδίως: Mediatorem effici populi apud Deum; quod est speciale officium sacerdotis. Quanquam epist. 38 Basilium appellat τοῦ Θεοῦ καὶ ἀνθρώπων μεσίτην. In Chrysostomo, Περὶ ἀκαταλήπτου or. 2 de Zacharia Luc. I: Καθάπερ μεσίτης τις ὢν Θεοῦ καὶ ἀνθρώπων. B. vero Augustinus lib. ii, contra Parmenianum, cap. 8, ex I Timoth. ii, 5, arguit eum Donatistam, quod quodam loco mediatorem posuisset episcopum inter populum et Deum. Sed facilis conciliatio. Solus Christus, aiunt theologi, mediator est naturae ac redemptionis; Sacerdotes autem mediatores sunt ministerii et intercessionis. Lege Reginonem lib. i De ecclesiast. disciplinis et rel. Christ., cap. 299, synodos Romanas, sub Eugenio II et Leone IV, cap. 17. Cot.

"The mediators between God and his faithful." So the holy Fathers often say. I have noted in my collections: Origen, homily 2 on Leviticus; Basil, Monastic Constitutions chapter 22; Chrysostom, on "I saw the Lord", homily 5; Jerome, letter 128, and on Malachi chapter 2; Isidore of Pelusium, book 3, letter 20; Andrew of Caesarea on the Apocalypse, sermon 7, chapter 21; Anastasius of Sinai, Oration on the Holy Synaxis; the church historians Evagrius and Nicephorus, the former book 2, chapter 8, the latter book 15, chapter 17, or the Petitions of the Egyptian bishops and Alexandrian clergy presented to the Emperor Leo, Council of Chalcedon, part 3, number 22; Maximus on chapter 4 of the book On the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy; Alcuin, book On the Divine Offices, chapters 13 and 40; Leo IV at the Roman Council, canon 17, in the writer On the Lives of the Roman Pontiffs who is believed to be Liutprand; Arnulf, in the sermon delivered at the Council of Tours; Zonaras on the third canon of Carthage; Matthew Blastares, Graeco-Roman Law, book 8, page 517, or letter Γ, chapter 18; and the end of Gregentius's disputation. Indeed, before the Fathers, Philo the Jew put in writing in book 2 On Monarchy: [Greek, then Latin:] "The Law requires that the high priest have a share of a nature greater than the human, approaching more nearly to the divine, set (if one may speak the truth) on the border of both, so that through a mediator men may propitiate God, and God, using a minister, may hold out and bestow graces on men." Yet St Gregory Nazianzen (whatever explanation Elias of Crete gives) seems to doubt, in oration 1, whether the priest ought to be called mediator of God and men. "Mediation," he says, "between God and men; for this perhaps the priest is." Which Rufinus translates as if he had read ἰδίως ("properly") instead of ἴσως ("perhaps"): "To be made mediator of the people with God, which is the special office of the priest." Although in letter 38 he calls Basil "mediator of God and men". In Chrysostom, On the Incomprehensible, oration 2, of Zechariah in Luke 1: "As being a kind of mediator between God and men." St Augustine, however, in book 2 Against Parmenian, chapter 8, from 1 Timothy 2:5, charges that Donatist with having in one place set the bishop as mediator between the people and God. But the reconciliation is easy. Christ alone, the theologians say, is mediator of nature and of redemption; priests are mediators of ministry and intercession. Read Regino, book 1, On Church Discipline and the Christian Religion, chapter 299, and the Roman synods under Eugene II and Leo IV, chapter 17. Cotelier.

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(68) ‹anchor: φθόγγοι (lemma; call in col 661, not in foot image)› · call in col 661 (Greek only)

Φθόγγοι. Alter codex Κήρυκες, quae est interpretatio vocis φθόγγοι, desumptae e psalte. Id.

"Voices." The other manuscript has κήρυκες ("heralds"), which is an interpretation of the word φθόγγοι, taken from the Psalmist. The same [Clericus].

(printed under page 328)

(ref 85) ‹anchor: not visible in foot image› · call col not visible in foot image (a Greek variant, so presumably col 661) F. μαρτυρίου.

Perhaps μαρτυρίου ("of witness").

(ref 86) ‹anchor: not visible in foot image› · call col not visible in foot image Ignat. interpol. ad Trall. 7.

Interpolated Ignatius, To the Trallians 7.

(ref 87) ‹anchor: clavem scientiae› · call in col 662 Luc. XI, 52.

Luke 11:52.

(ref 88) ‹anchor: necessaria colligitis› · call in col 662 Ignat. interpol. ad Polyc. 1.

Interpolated Ignatius, To Polycarp 1.

(printed under page 328)

(ref 89) ‹anchor: not visible in foot image› · call col not visible in foot image (a Greek variant, so presumably col 664) L. Ὡς αὐτάς.

Read ὡς αὐτάς ("as them").

(ref 90) ‹anchor: not visible in foot image› · call in col 663 Is. LIII, 4, 12.

Isaiah 53:4, 12.

(ref 91) ‹anchor: comedetis illa› · call in col 663 Num. XVIII, 1, 8.

Numbers 18:1, 8.

(ref 92) ‹anchor: eorum comites› · call in col 663 Ibid. 12.

Same book and chapter, verse 12 [Numbers 18:12].

(ref 93) ‹anchor: gens sancta› · call in col 663 Exod. XIX, 5, 6.

Exodus 19:5–6.

(ref 94) ‹anchor: populus acquisitionis› · call in col 663 Hebr. XII, 23; I Pet. ii, 9.

Hebrews 12:23; 1 Peter 2:9.

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(69) ‹anchor: ὡσαύτως (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 664 (Greek only)

Ὡσαύτως. Bene conjecit Cotelerius ὡς αὐτός. Sic enim legitur in altero cod. Vind. Cot.

"Likewise." Cotelier rightly conjectured ὡς αὐτός ("as he himself"); for so it is read in the other Vienna manuscript. Cot. [signature as printed; the note speaks of Cotelier in the third person.]

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(70) ‹anchor: μὴ γὰρ νόμιζε (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 664 (Greek only)

Μὴ γὰρ νόμιζε. Idem μὴ νομίζετε, non male. Idem.

"For do not think." The same [manuscript] has μὴ νομίζετε (plural), not badly. The same.

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(71) ‹anchor: ἀπὸ πάντων› · call in col 664 (Greek only)

Πάντων. Deest in altero ms. Vind. Id.

"All." It is missing in the other Vienna manuscript. The same.

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(72) ‹anchor: ἐν τῷ ἁγίῳ φάγεσθε› · call in col 664 (Greek only)

Φάγεσθε. Idem habet φάγεσθαι, hoc est, ut comedantur a vobis. Id.

"You shall eat." The same has φάγεσθαι, that is, "that they be eaten by you". The same.

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(73) ‹anchor: καὶ θυσίας› · call in col 664 (Greek only)

Καὶ θυσίας. Non sine causa Photio criticorum maximo displicuit Constitutionum phrasis, ἀνακολούθοις aliisque vitiis sermonis abundans. Quamobrem hic coactus sum non tam ad verba attendere, quam ad sensum, et ad textum Numerorum, qui carptim citatur. Atque simili modo faciendum saepe fuit interpretibus hujusce operis. Cot.

"And of sacrifice." Not without cause did the style of the Constitutions displease Photius, the greatest of critics, abounding as it does in anacolutha and other faults of language. For this reason I have been forced here to attend not so much to the words as to the sense, and to the text of Numbers, which is quoted piecemeal. And the translators of this work have often had to do the same. Cotelier.

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(74) ‹anchor: ἀρχὴ ὀνόματος Ἰησοῦ› · call in col 664 (Greek only)

Ἀρχὴ ὀνόματος Ἰησοῦ. Forsitan iste locus occasionem praebuerit S. Epiphanio ita scribendi haeresi 8, sectione 6: Καὶ ἦν ἐκεῖ ἀποδεκάτωσις (continues)

"The beginning of the name of Jesus." Perhaps this passage gave St Epiphanius occasion to write thus in heresy 8, section 6: "And there was there the tithing (continues)

(printed under page 329)

(cont.) ‹continuation of a Cotelier note begun under page 329 (cols 663–664); its number and lemma are on that page› · head of the Variorum notae, printed under page 330 […] ἀσφαλιζομένη, ἵνα μὴ λάθῃ ἡμᾶς τὸ Ἰῶτα, ἡ δεκὰς, τὸ πρῶτον στοιχεῖον τοῦ Ἰησοῦ ὀνόματος. Et erat ibi apud Judaeos decimatio stabilita; ut non lateret nos littera Iota, quae est signum numeri denarii, et primum elementum nominis Jesu. Alii ad litteram I primam in nomine Ἰησοῦς accommodant Decalogum: ut Clemens Alexandrinus, Strom. vi, p. 687, auctor Operis imperfecti in Matthaeum ad vers. 19, cap. xxiv, et Maximus in Catena ad eumdem evangelistam cap. x, vers. 29. Quibus addere potes Interpretes ad Matthaei v, 18, cum loco Euthymii Panopliae parte ii, tit. 23, num. 36. Alia vero circa decussim, primamque litteram nominis Jesu commentantur Origenes in Matthaei xxv, 57; Epiphanius haeres. 50, cap. 3, et haer. 70, cap. 12; Hieronymus ad Zachariae viii, ult., atque jam citatus pseudo-Chrysostomus ad Matth. I, 4 et 17. In fragmentis B. Irenaei e Catena in Judices ad cap. vi, vers. 27: Εἰρηναίου· Καὶ τοῦτο οὐκ ἀργῶς, ἀλλ' ἵνα διὰ τοῦ ἀριθμοῦ τῶν δέκα ἀνδρῶν, Ἰησοῦν μεθ' ἑαυτοῦ ἔχων φανῇ βοηθόν. Denique ab Alexandrino Clemente Paedag. i, 9, iota nominis Jesu refertur ad rectitudinem et unitatem; juxta illud Corippi lib. ii De laudibus imperatoris, Ut sua rectus / Littera, quae signo stabili non flectitur unquam, juxta Methodium in Convivio virginum, oratione 6, pag. 75, 76, et juxta omnes eos qui testimonium Matth. V, 18: Iota unum, aut unus apex, non praeteribit, de cruce interpretati sunt. Videsis Catenam Graecorum Patrum in Lucam, ad cap. xvi, vers. 17, atque inde et ex sensu corrige locum Clementis Paedag. i, 9, p. 126, scribendo, τὰς ἐπιπλέξεις (male vulgo ἐπιπλήξεις) τῶν ἁμαρτωλῶν πλαγίας αἰνιττόμενος ὁδούς. Hoc est ad verbum, implicationes peccantium, obliquas significans vias. Cot.

[...] "established, so that the iota, the decad, the first letter of the name of Jesus, should not escape us." And there the tithe was established among the Jews, so that the letter iota should not escape us, which is the sign of the number ten and the first element of the name of Jesus. Others fit the Decalogue to the letter I, the first in the name Ἰησοῦς: so Clement of Alexandria, Stromata 6, p. 687; the author of the Unfinished Work on Matthew, on verse 19 of chapter 24; and Maximus in the Catena on the same evangelist, chapter 10, verse 29. To these you may add the commentators on Matthew 5:18, with the passage of Euthymius, Panoplia, part 2, title 23, number 36. Other things about the decussis [the figure X] and the first letter of the name of Jesus are set out by Origen on Matthew 25:57; Epiphanius, Heresy 50, chapter 3, and Heresy 70, chapter 12; Jerome on the last verse of Zechariah 8; and the pseudo-Chrysostom already cited, on Matthew 1:4 and 17. In the fragments of St Irenaeus from the Catena on Judges, on chapter 6, verse 27: "Of Irenaeus: And this not idly, but so that, through the number of the ten men, he might appear as having Jesus with him as his helper." Finally, Clement of Alexandria (Paedagogus 1.9) refers the iota of the name of Jesus to uprightness and unity; as in that line of Corippus, In Praise of the Emperor, book 2: "as its letter, upright, which with steadfast sign is never bent"; and as with Methodius in the Banquet of the Virgins, discourse 6, pp. 75, 76, and with all those who have interpreted of the cross the testimony of Matthew 5:18: "One iota, or one stroke, shall not pass away." See the Catena of the Greek Fathers on Luke, on chapter 16, verse 17, and from it and from the sense correct the passage of Clement, Paedagogus 1.9, p. 126, by writing τὰς ἐπιπλέξεις (wrongly, in the common text, ἐπιπλήξεις) τῶν ἁμαρτωλῶν πλαγίας αἰνιττόμενος ὁδούς: that is, word for word, "hinting at the entanglements of those who sin, their crooked ways." Cotelier.

(printed under page 330) (ref ?) ‹anchor: the call appears to stand at the opening of the Latin chapter XXVI text (col 666); its numeral is not legible at this resolution (UNSURE)› · printed under the Greek column, fully visible in column image c665_2 Lege Ignat. interpol. ad Trall. 7.

Read interpolated Ignatius, To the Trallians 7.

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(75) ‹anchor: μεμαθηκυῖα (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 665 (Greek only)

Μεμαθηκυῖα. Sequitur in utroque Vindob. codice: Καὶ τὴν πίστιν κεκρατηκυῖα, quae fidem retinuit. Cler.

"Having learned." There follows in both Vienna manuscripts: "and having held fast the faith" [Latin repeats]. Clericus.

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(76) ‹anchor: πεπιστευκυῖα (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 665 (Greek only)

Πεπιστευκυῖα. Proxime in iisdem sequitur: Καὶ τὴν δεκάδα ἐγνωκυῖα καὶ ἐπὶ τὸ ἰῶτα, ὅπερ ἐστὶν ἀρχὴ ὀνόματος Ἰησοῦ, πεπιστευκυῖα. Qua de re, vide Cotelerii notas. In altero ms. hoc scholium legitur: Ὅτι αἱ προσφοραὶ αἱ λεγόμεναι δεκάται σωτηρίου, ἀρχὴ τοῦ ὀνόματος Ἰησοῦ· τὸ γὰρ Ἰησοῦς ὄνομα σωτὴρ ἑρμηνεύεται, ὡς καὶ ἐν Εὐαγγελίῳ λέγει· Αὐτὸς γὰρ σώσει τὸν λαὸν αὐτοῦ ἀπὸ τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν αὐτῶν. Τὸ δὲ αὖ στοιχεῖον τοῦ Ἰησοῦ ὀνόματος τὸ ἰῶτά ἐστιν, ὅπερ τὴν δεκάτην σημαίνει. Id.

"Having believed." Next in the same follows: "and having known the decad, and having believed in the iota, which is the beginning of the name of Jesus." On this, see Cotelier's notes. In the other manuscript this scholion is read: "That the offerings called tithes of salvation are the beginning of the name of Jesus; for the name Jesus is interpreted 'saviour', as it says in the Gospel too: For He will save His people from their sins (Matt. 1:21). And again the letter of the name of Jesus is the iota, which signifies the tenth." The same [Clericus].

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(77) ‹anchor: λάμπουσα (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 665 (Greek only)

Λάμπουσα. Deest in utroque. Id.

"Shining." It is missing in both. The same [Clericus].

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(78) ‹anchor: οἱ ἀναγινώσκοντες (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 665 (Greek only)

Οἱ ἀναγινώσκοντες. Quo post apostolos tempore minores ordines, diaconatu inferiores, coeperint in Ecclesia institui, adeo obscuritate involvitur, ut nulla possit certa conjectura deprehendi atque explicari. Aperte quidem S. Ignatius, qui initio secundi saeculi scripsit, agnoscit solummodo tres majores gradus, episcopatum, presbyteratum, diaconatum. Primus vero, quod sciam, lectores nominat Tertullianus libro De praescriptione haereticorum cap. 41. Hypodiaconi autem, exorcistae, et acoluthi non comparent ante Cyprianicas epistolas 24, 28, 78, 79, 80, 16, 55, et Epistolam Cornelii papae ad Fabium Antiochenum in Eusebio lib. vi, cap. 43, quae etiam ostiarios adjungit. Sed e media aetate nihil clari affertur. Augetque difficultatem, tum quod credi debeat quasdam Ecclesias hac in disciplina praeivisse aliis, exemplo suo: tum quod in diaconis soleant clerici minoris loci comprehendi; unde Optatus multo post introductionem clericorum diaconis suppositorum, postquam posuisset lib. i, p. 39; lib. ii, p. 53, Ecclesiae membra, episcopos, presbyteros, diaconos, ministros, et laicos seu turbam fidelium, eodem lib. ii, p. 59, subjungit: Cum sint (sicut supra dixi) quatuor genera capitum in Ecclesia: episcoporum, presbyterorum, diaconorum, et fidelium; pro quibus enumerantur quinque ordines Ecclesiae apud Hieronym. in Isaiae cap. xix, episcopi, presbyteri, diaconi, fideles, et catechumeni. Itaque dubium remanet, an hic et similes Constitutionum loci, a primo earum editore, vel ab earumdem interpolatore profecti sint. Omisi parvae auctoritatis librum De Romanis pontificibus. Is in Hygino habet, Hic clerum composuit, et distribuit gradus. Et in Victore, Hic fecit sequentes cleros. Cot.

"The readers." At what time after the apostles the minor orders, below the diaconate, began to be instituted in the Church is wrapped in such obscurity that no certain conjecture can be grasped or set out. St Ignatius, who wrote at the beginning of the second century, plainly acknowledges only the three major grades: episcopate, presbyterate, diaconate. The first, so far as I know, to name readers is Tertullian, in the book On the Prescription of Heretics, chapter 41. Subdeacons, exorcists and acolytes do not appear before the letters of Cyprian 24, 28, 78, 79, 80, 16, 55, and the Letter of Pope Cornelius to Fabius of Antioch in Eusebius, book 6, chapter 43, which also adds doorkeepers. But from the middle period nothing clear is brought forward. The difficulty is increased both because one must believe that some Churches led the way for others in this discipline by their example, and because clerics of lower rank are usually included among the deacons; hence Optatus, long after clerics subordinate to the deacons had been introduced, having set down (book 1, p. 39; book 2, p. 53) as members of the Church bishops, presbyters, deacons, ministers, and laity or the crowd of the faithful, adds in the same book 2, p. 59: "Since there are (as I said above) four kinds of heads in the Church: of bishops, of presbyters, of deacons, and of the faithful"; in place of which five orders of the Church are enumerated in Jerome on Isaiah chapter 19: bishops, presbyters, deacons, faithful, and catechumens. So it remains doubtful whether this and similar passages of the Constitutions come from their first author or from their interpolator. I have left aside the book On the Roman Pontiffs, of small authority. Under Hyginus it says: "He organized the clergy and distributed the grades"; and under Victor: "He made the following clergy." Cotelier.

(printed under page 330)

(79) ‹anchor: ἀξίαν (lemma; call in col 665, not in foot image)› · call in col 665 (Greek only)

Ἀξίαν. Ἀσφάλειαν, alter codex. Cler.

"Dignity." The other manuscript has ἀσφάλειαν ("security"). Clericus.

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(80) ‹anchor: γνώσεως (lemma; call in col 665, not in foot image)› · call in col 665 (Greek only)

Γνώσεως. Idem, λόγου. Id.

"Of knowledge." The same [manuscript] has λόγου ("of the word"). The same [Clericus].

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(ref 96) ‹anchor: not visible in foot image› · call in col 667 Psal. LXXXI, 6.

Psalm 81 (Vulgate numbering):6.

(ref 97) ‹anchor: not visible in foot image› · call in col 667 Exod. XXII, 28.

Exodus 22:28.

(ref 98) ‹anchor: not visible in foot image› · call in col 667 Ignatius ad Magnes. 7.

Ignatius, To the Magnesians 7.

(ref 99) ‹anchor: not visible in foot image› · call in col 667 Infra, c. 28.

Below, chapter 28.

(ref 100) ‹anchor: mandavi vobis› · call in col 667 Matth. XXVIII, 19.

Matthew 28:19.

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(81) ‹anchor: ἐπίγειος Θεός (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 668 (Greek only)

Ἐπίγειος Θεός. Sic Petrum apostolum Θεὸν ἐπίγειον appellatum invenies in Epistola 1 Gregorii II ad Leonem Isaurum, quae praeponitur concilio 7 generali. Sic sacerdotem Χριστὸν ἐπιχθόνιον in Gregorio Nazianzeno carm. 3, p. 61. Et Dei nomen sacerdoti, deorum nomen sacerdotibus in sacris eloquiis dari, docent cum aliis Joannes Chrysostomus Expositione in psalmum cxxxvii, et Gregorius papa lib. iv, epistola 31. Apud Jornandem De rebus Geticis cap. 28. Atanaricus rex, intuitus admirabilem urbem Constantinopolim, Theodosiique majoris militem recte ordinatum, haec edit verba: Deus sine dubio terrenus est imperator. Cot.

"An earthly God." So you will find the apostle Peter called "an earthly God" in the first Letter of Gregory II to Leo the Isaurian, which is placed before the seventh general council. So the priest is called "an earthly Christ" in Gregory Nazianzen, poem 3, p. 61. And that the name of God is given to the priest, and the name of gods to priests, in the sacred oracles, John Chrysostom teaches with others in his Exposition of Psalm 137, and Pope Gregory, book 4, letter 31. In Jordanes, On the Affairs of the Goths, chapter 28, King Athanaric, beholding the wonderful city of Constantinople and the well-ordered soldiery of Theodosius the Elder, utters these words: "Without doubt the emperor is an earthly God." Cotelier.

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(82) ‹anchor: καί (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 668 (Greek only)

Καί. Additur in altero cod. ἀλλαχοῦ. Cler.

"And." In the other manuscript ἀλλαχοῦ ("elsewhere") is added. Clericus.

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(83) ‹anchor: ὡς ὁ Χριστὸς τῷ Πατρί (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 668 (Greek only)

Ὡς ὁ Χριστὸς τῷ Πατρί. Καθάπερ αἱ δυνάμεις τῷ Θεῷ. Uterque cod. Id.

"As Christ to the Father." Both manuscripts: "as the powers to God". The same [Clericus].

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(84) ‹anchor: ἡ δὲ διάκονος (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 668 (Greek only)

Ἡ δὲ διάκονος. Multa Constitutionum, fetorem Arianum et Macedonianum redolent, magisque redolerent, si constaret scripta fuisse post earum haereseon exortum. Praesentem vero locum confodiunt praecipue ista S. Gregorii Nazianzeni oratione 44, pag. 709 De Spiritu sancto: Πάντως δὲ παρέσται δεσποτικῶς, ἀλλ' οὐ δουλικῶς, οὐδὲ ἀναμένων ἐπίταγμα, ὡς τινες οἴονται. Ac profecto aderit heriliter, non serviliter, nec jussum atque imperium, ut quibusdam videtur, exspectans. Nihilominus, quo juxta Photii judicium error circa Trinitatem utcunque a Diataxibus amoveatur, dici potest cum B. Hieronymo lib. ii Apologiae adversus Rufinum, cap. 4, scriptores ecclesiasticos, antequam Arius nasceretur, innocenter quaedam et minus caute locutos esse. Praeterea ostendimus ad Hermam, ministri nomen a quibusdam e sanctis Patribus Filio sanctoque Spiritui fuisse attributum. Comparatio autem Trinitatis atque Hierarchiae producitur quidem ab Anomoeo in fine dialogi primi De sancta Trinitate, tom. II Operum S. Athanasii, sed pie reducitur ad catholicam fidem per orthodoxum, qui consubstantialitatem Patris, Filii, et sancti Spiritus infert ex consubstantialitate episcopi, presbyteri et diaconi. Accedit huc, quod ab antiquis passim sacerdotes cum Deo et Christo componuntur, quodque B. Ignatius ad Trallianos cap. 3 et B. Polycarpus Epistolae suae cap. 5 aiunt diaconos esse instar Christi; quos tamen Gabriel Philadelphiensis cap. 5, lib. De sacerdotio, ut sequentes clericos, locum angelorum tenere vult, ut episcopum Dei et presbyterum Christi. Τί δὲ διάκονοι, inquit Ignatianae ad Trallianos epistolae corruptor cap. 7, ἀλλ' ἢ μιμηταὶ τῶν ἀγγελικῶν δυνάμεων; vide pseudo-Hieronymi epistolam De 7 ordinibus Ecclesiae, et Acta concilii Nicaeni cap. 31, De diatyposibus ecclesiasticis, n. 2. Verus Ignatius ad Smyrnaeos 8: Πάντες τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ ἀκολουθεῖτε, ὡς Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς τῷ Πατρὶ, καὶ τῷ πρεσβυτερίῳ, ὡς τοῖς ἀποστόλοις· τοὺς δὲ διακόνους ἐντρέπετε, ὡς Θεοῦ ἐντολήν. Cot.

"And the deaconess." Much in the Constitutions smells of the stench of Arius and Macedonius, and would smell of it more if it were certain that they were written after those heresies arose. The present passage is pierced especially by these words of St Gregory Nazianzen, oration 44, p. 709, On the Holy Spirit: [Greek, then Latin:] "And surely he will be present as a master, not as a servant, nor waiting for a command and order, as some think." Nevertheless, so that, as Photius judged, the error about the Trinity may somehow be removed from the Diataxeis, one may say with St Jerome (book 2 of the Apology against Rufinus, chapter 4) that church writers before Arius was born said some things innocently and less cautiously. Besides, we have shown in the notes on Hermas that the name of minister was given to the Son and the Holy Spirit by some of the holy Fathers. The comparison of the Trinity and the Hierarchy is indeed brought forward by the Anomoean at the end of the first dialogue On the Holy Trinity (vol. 2 of the works of St Athanasius), but it is piously brought back to the Catholic faith by the orthodox speaker, who infers the consubstantiality of the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit from the consubstantiality of bishop, presbyter and deacon. Add that the ancients often set priests alongside God and Christ, and that St Ignatius (To the Trallians 3) and St Polycarp (his Letter, chapter 5) say that deacons are in the likeness of Christ; yet Gabriel of Philadelphia (On the Priesthood, chapter 5) would have them, like the clerics who follow them, hold the place of the angels, as the bishop holds that of God and the presbyter that of Christ. "And what are deacons," says the corrupter of Ignatius's letter to the Trallians, chapter 7, "but imitators of the angelic powers?" See the letter of pseudo-Jerome On the Seven Orders of the Church, and the Acts of the Council of Nicaea, chapter 31, On Ecclesiastical Arrangements, no. 2. The true Ignatius, To the Smyrnaeans 8: "All of you follow the bishop as Jesus Christ follows the Father, and the presbytery as the apostles; and respect the deacons as the commandment of God." Cotelier.

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(85) ‹anchor: χῆραι καὶ ὀρφανοί› · call in col 668 (Greek only)

Ὀρφανοί. Addit ὑμῶν alter codex. Cler.

"Orphans." The other manuscript adds ὑμῶν ("your"). Clericus.

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(86) ‹anchor: εἰς τύπον τοῦ θυσιαστηρίου (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 669 (Greek only)

Εἰς τύπον τοῦ θυσιαστηρίου. Mutuavit ex S. Polycarpo. Epistolae vero De septem ordinibus Ecclesiae auctor, tom. IX librorum B. Hieronymi, ait de diaconis: Altare Christi sunt, in quo conficiuntur sacramenta, in quo offertur oblatio. Quid ergo in templo Dei, ut ipse nosti, venerabilius altari esse potest? Quis non se ad mensam Domini accessurus humiliet? Cot.

"In the likeness of the altar." He borrowed this from St Polycarp. The author of the Letter On the Seven Orders of the Church, in volume 9 of the books of St Jerome, says of deacons: "They are the altar of Christ, on which the sacraments are made, on which the oblation is offered. What, then, in the temple of God, as you yourself know, can be more venerable than the altar? Who, about to approach the table of the Lord, would not humble himself?" Cotelier.

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(87) ‹anchor: θυσιαστηρίου (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 669 (Greek only)

Θυσιαστηρίου. Haec vocula et tres sqq. desunt in altero codice. Id.

"Of the altar." This little word and the three following are missing in the other manuscript. The same [Cotelier, as printed; the note is a collation].

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(88) ‹anchor: ἄνευ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου μηδὲν ποιεῖτε (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 669 (Greek only)

Ἄνευ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου μηδὲν ποιεῖτε. Cf. B. Ignatium, epist. ad Magnes. 4, ad Trall. 2, ad Philad. 7, ad Smyrn. 8, ad Polyc. 4. Lectu dignissimum est initium epistolae 27 S. Cypriani: Dominus noster, inquit, cujus praecepta metuere et observare debemus, episcopi honorem, et Ecclesiae suae rationem disponens in Evangelio loquitur, et dicit Petro: « Ego tibi dico, quia tu es Petrus, et super istam petram aedificabo Ecclesiam meam, et portae inferorum non vincent eam; et tibi dabo claves regni caelorum, et quae ligaveris super terram, erunt ligata et in caelis, et quaecunque solveris super terram, erunt soluta et in caelis (Matth. XXVI, 18) » Inde per temporum et successionum vices, episcoporum ordinatio, et Ecclesiae ratio decurrit, ut Ecclesia super episcopos constituatur, et omnis actus Ecclesiae per eosdem praepositos gubernetur. Lege etiam canonem ult. concilii Toletani 1. Id.

"Do nothing without the bishop." Compare St Ignatius, To the Magnesians 4, To the Trallians 2, To the Philadelphians 7, To the Smyrnaeans 8, To Polycarp 4. Most worth reading is the opening of St Cyprian's letter 27: "Our Lord," he says, "whose precepts we must fear and observe, ordering the honour of the bishop and the constitution of his Church, speaks in the Gospel and says to Peter: 'I say to you, that you are Peter, and upon this rock I will build my Church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it; and I will give you the keys of the kingdom of heaven, and whatever you bind on earth shall be bound also in heaven, and whatever you loose on earth shall be loosed also in heaven' (Matt. 26:18 [as printed; the passage is Matt. 16:18–19]). From there, through the changes of times and successions, the ordination of bishops and the constitution of the Church run down, so that the Church is set upon the bishops, and every act of the Church is governed through these same rulers." Read also the last canon of the first Council of Toledo. The same [Cotelier].

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(89) ‹anchor: ἐπισκόπου (lemma; call above foot image)› · call in col 669 (Greek only)

Ἐπισκόπου. Legitur in altero cod. Vindob. ἱερέως, ut paulo superius. Cler.

"Of the bishop." In the other Vienna manuscript ἱερέως ("of the priest") is read, as a little above. Clericus.

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(90) ‹anchor: ἑαυτὸν εἰς ἱερωσύνην ἐπιῤῥίπτειν› · call in col 669 (Greek only)

Ἑαυτὸν εἰς ἱερωσύνην ἐπιῤῥίπτειν. Arguuntur a Tertulliano haeretici, libro de illorum praescriptione cap. 41, quod laicis sacerdotalia munera injungerent. Idem ex orthodoxo factus Montanista, duriuscule loquitur: Vani erimus, si putaverimus quod sacerdotibus non liceat, laicis licere. Nonne et laici sacerdotes sumus? Scriptum est, Regnum quoque nos et sacerdotes Deo et Patri suo fecit. Differentiam inter ordinem et plebem constituit Ecclesiae auctoritas, et honor per ordinis consessum sanctificatus. Adeo ubi ecclesiastici ordinis non est consessus, et offers, et tinguis, et sacerdos es tibi solus. Sed ubi tres, Ecclesia est, licet laici. Unusquisque enim sua fide vivit: nec est personarum acceptio apud Deum; quoniam non auditores legi justificantur a Deo, sed factores, secundum quod et Apostolus dicit. Igitur si habes jus sacerdotis in temetipso, ubi necesse est; habeas etiam oportet disciplinam sacerdotis, ubi necesse sit habere jus sacerdotis. Digamus tinguis? Digamus offers? Quanto magis laico digamo capitale est agere pro sacerdote, cum ipsi sacerdoti digamo facto auferatur agere sacerdotem? De exhortatione castitatis cap. 7. Lege libro De monogamia cap. 12. Necnon (si vis) Epiphanium in Expositione fidei cap. 13, et in Anacephalaeosi cap. 5. Id.

"To thrust himself into the priesthood." Heretics are reproached by Tertullian, in the book on the prescription against them, chapter 41, for laying priestly functions on laymen. The same man, having turned from orthodox to Montanist, speaks rather harshly: "We shall be foolish if we think that what is not lawful for priests is lawful for laymen. Are not we laymen also priests? It is written: He has made us also a kingdom and priests to God and his Father. It is the authority of the Church that has established the difference between the order and the people, and the honour made holy by the bench of the order. So where there is no bench of the ecclesiastical order, you both offer and baptize, and are a priest, alone, for yourself. But where there are three, there is a Church, even though they are laymen. For each lives by his own faith, and there is no respect of persons with God, since not the hearers of the law are justified by God but the doers, as the Apostle too says. So if you have the right of a priest in yourself where necessity requires, you must also have the discipline of a priest where it may be necessary to have the right of a priest. Do you, twice married, baptize? Do you, twice married, offer? How much more is it a capital offence for a twice-married layman to act as priest, when the priest himself, on becoming twice married, is deprived of acting as priest?" On the Exhortation to Chastity, chapter 7. Read the book On Monogamy, chapter 12; and also (if you will) Epiphanius in the Exposition of the Faith, chapter 13, and in the Anacephalaeosis, chapter 5. The same [Cotelier].

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(91) ‹anchor: οἱ Κορεῖται› · call in col 669 (Greek only)

Οἱ Κορεῖται, etc. Additur lib. vi, cap. 1 et 3. Corem et Coritas, seu ducentos illos quinquaginta, qui cum Core adversus Aaronem conjuraverant, flammis ultricibus periisse; Rubenitas vero Dathanis et Abiromi socios in Moysem rebelles, dehiscente terra fuisse absorptos. Et quidem quod spectat ad Dathanem atque Abiromum filios Eliabi, et Onem Phelethi sive Phallu filium, caeterosque Rubenitas, certa res est ex ipsius Veritatis relatione. Qua constat minus commode ita scripsisse auctorem homiliae in secundum Domini adventum, quae exstat tomo VI B. Chrysostomi: Τίς τὴν συναγωγὴν Ἀβειρὰμ κατέφλεξε; τίς τοὺς περὶ Κορὲ καὶ Δαθὰν ἀνοῖξαι τῇ γῇ τὸ στόμα καὶ καταπιεῖν ἐκέ- (continues)

"The Korahites," etc. It is added in book 6, chapters 1 and 3, that Korah and the Korahites, that is, those two hundred and fifty who had conspired with Korah against Aaron, perished by avenging flames; while the Reubenites, the companions of Dathan and Abiram in rebellion against Moses, were swallowed up when the earth opened. And indeed, as regards Dathan and Abiram, sons of Eliab, and On, son of Peleth or Pallu, and the other Reubenites, the matter is certain from the account of the Truth itself. From which it is plain that the author of the homily on the second coming of the Lord, found in volume 6 of St Chrysostom, wrote less fittingly thus: "Who burned up the congregation of Abiram? Who commanded the earth to open its mouth and swallow those with Korah and Dathan (continues)

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(ref 1) ‹anchor: not visible in foot image› · call col not visible in foot image L. Polyc. epist. c. 4.—Pseudo-Ignat. ad Tars. 9.

Read Polycarp's Letter, chapter 4. — Pseudo-Ignatius, To the Tarsians 9.

(ref 2) ‹anchor: not visible in foot image› · call in col 670 Ignat. ad Trall. c. 2; ad Philad. c. 7.

Ignatius, To the Trallians, chapter 2; To the Philadelphians, chapter 7.

(ref 3) ‹anchor: not visible in foot image› · call in col 670 I Reg. XIII, 13.

1 Kings (1 Samuel) 13:13.

(ref 4) ‹anchor: not visible in foot image› · call in col 670 II Paral. XXVI.

2 Paralipomenon (2 Chronicles) 26.

(ref 5) ‹anchor: not visible in foot image› · call in col 670 Hebr. V, 5.

Hebrews 5:5.

(ref 6) ‹anchor: secundum ordinem Melchisedec› · call in col 670 Ps. CIX, 4.

Psalm 109 (Vulgate numbering):4.

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(92) ‹anchor: γάρ (lemma; call in Greek col, not in foot image)› · call in Greek col (presumably 672; not in foot image)

Γάρ. Addit σαφῶς alter cod. Cler.

"For." The other manuscript adds σαφῶς ("clearly"). Clericus.

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(93) ‹anchor: ἕτερος (lemma; call in Greek col, not in foot image)› · call in Greek col (presumably 672; not in foot image)

Ἕτερος. Εἷς ἕτερος, alter cod. Id.

"Another." The other manuscript: εἷς ἕτερος ("one another"). The same [Clericus].

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(94) ‹anchor: νομιζομένοις (lemma; call in Greek col, not in foot image)› · call in Greek col (presumably 672; not in foot image)

Νομιζομένοις. Alter ἐπιφημιζομένοις. Id.

"Considered." The other has ἐπιφημιζομένοις ("so named"). The same [Clericus].

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(95) ‹anchor: εἰς ἀγάπην, ἤτοι δοχήν (lemma; call in Greek col, not in foot image)› · call in Greek col (presumably 672; not in foot image)

Εἰς ἀγάπην, ἤτοι δοχήν. Julianus Apostata in fine Fragmenti, διὰ τῆς λεγομένης παρ' αὐτοῖς ἀγάπης, καὶ ὑποδοχῆς, καὶ διακονίας τραπεζῶν. Videantur Clemens Alexandrinus Paedag. ii, 1, p. 141, Interpretes ad Lucae xiv, 13; lexicographi, et Epistola Ignatii ad Smyrnaeos num. 8, cum interpolatione. Enimvero Agapas, publica convivia, optimo jure induxit Christianae religionis prima antiquitas, cum propter communionem et amicitiam, cujus ergo Lacedaemones συσσίτια sua appellabant φιδίτια, quasi φιλίτια teste Porphyrio, iv De abstinentia: tum propter alimoniam clericorum et pauperum; unde Agapes nomen eleemosynae donatum saepe reperitur. Sed paulatim postea abrogata est consuetudo, quia irrepserant in eam ambitio, ebrietas, rixae, necnon judaismus atque paganismus. Nam refertur a Philone, libro De plantatione Noe, veteres in templis post sacrificia sacras epulas celebrasse, hincque credi verbum μεθύειν trahere originem, eo quod sacrificio peracto, μετὰ τὸ θύειν, vino indulgeretur. Cui originationi consimilem habes in Etymologico magno. Ἐτυμολογεῖται δὲ καὶ παρὰ τὸ ἐνέθειν (Sylburgius θύειν, ego ἐνθύειν) ἤγουν σφαγιάζειν. Neminem porro latent ethnicorum solemnes et sacrae coenae in delubris largiter sumi solitae. De Judaeis autem, praeter Isaiae lxii, 9; Malachiae iii, 10, loca Deuteronomii, et Theodoritum quaest. 10, in eum librum, Cornutus ad Persii satyram quintam: Thynnus genus piscis est, quod ad templum diebus festis portare solebant, ut ibi pro die festo epulis vescerentur. Memini etiam me alicubi legere hodiernum Arabum morem, certis diebus dapes apponendi egenis. Cot.

"For an agape, that is, a reception." Julian the Apostate, at the end of the Fragment: "through what they call agape, and reception, and the serving of tables." See Clement of Alexandria, Paedagogus 2.1, p. 141; the commentators on Luke 14:13; the lexicographers; and Ignatius's Letter to the Smyrnaeans, no. 8, with the interpolation. Indeed the earliest age of the Christian religion introduced Agapes, public banquets, with the best of right: both for communion and friendship (on account of which the Lacedaemonians called their common meals phiditia, as if philitia, "friendship-meals", as Porphyry witnesses, On Abstinence 4), and for the maintenance of the clergy and the poor; whence the name Agape is often found given to alms. But later the custom was gradually abolished, because ambition, drunkenness and quarrels had crept into it, and also Judaism and paganism. For Philo relates, in the book On Noah's Planting, that the ancients held sacred banquets in the temples after the sacrifices, and that the word μεθύειν ("to be drunk") is believed to take its origin from this, since after the sacrifice was done, μετὰ τὸ θύειν, they indulged in wine. You have a derivation very like it in the Etymologicum Magnum: "It is also derived from ἐνέθειν (Sylburg: θύειν; I: ἐνθύειν), that is, to sacrifice." No one, moreover, is unaware of the solemn sacred dinners of the heathen, usually taken lavishly in their shrines. Of the Jews, besides Isaiah 62:9, Malachi 3:10, passages of Deuteronomy, and Theodoret's question 10 on that book, Cornutus on Persius's fifth satire: "The tunny is a kind of fish which they used to bring to the temple on feast days, so as to feast on it there for the festival." I remember too reading somewhere of the present-day custom of the Arabs of setting meals before the needy on certain days. Cotelier.

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(96) ‹anchor: πρεσβυτέρας, καὶ πρεσβυτίδων (lemma; call in Greek col, not in foot image)› · call in Greek col (presumably 673; not in foot image)

Πρεσβυτέρας, et πρεσβυτίδων. Quemadmodum πρεσβύτιδας Pauli Tit. II, 3, interpretati sunt alii anus, alii diaconissas; ita hoc loco πρεσβύτεραι et πρεσβύτιδες vel sunt anus illae, quas (ut verba Hieronymi usurpem epist. 2 et 49) nutriebat suisque opibus sustentabat Ecclesia. Aniculae appellantur in Gestis purgationis Caeciliani et Felicis. Infra lib. iii, cap. 13, συγγήρῳ. Vel sunt diaconissae, seu viduae, aetate senili jussae ordinari. Quo secundo modo τὰς λεγομένας πρεσβύτιδας, quae dicuntur presbyterae, in canone Laodiceno 11, quidam intelligunt. Nec verum est, quod ex S. Epiphanio haeresi 79, cap. 4, et contra canonis Laodiceni Latinos Interpretes contendit multijugae eruditionis homo Joannes Morinus, De sacris ordinationibus, exercitatione 10, presbyterarum nomen Graecis esse ignotum. Nam Epiphanio sermo habetur duntaxat de Novo Testamento, in quo ait πρεσβύτιδας nominari, non πρεσβυτερίδας. Sed et Morinum memoria destituit. Paucis enim annis antequam ista scriberet, ediderat Poenitentialia opera Joannis Jejunatoris, et Joannis monachi, ubi πρεσβυτέρισσαι presbyterae, uxores presbyterorum non semel comparent. Adde quod a S. Basilio in Regulis brevioribus, quaest. 110, 111, πρεσβυτέρας (antistitam vertunt. Rufinus Matrem monasterii, seniorem matrem) mentio fit. Denique rem conficit, et dissentientes jugulat Photius; cui in Nomocanone, titulo 1, cap. penult. πρεσβυτέρα est, quae Patribus Laodicenis πρεσβῦτις. Praetermisi locum Origenis ad Joannis xiii, 12, etc., quia dum viveret Morinus, nondum Graece in locum prodierant illa Commentaria. Eum vide p. 390, E, Huetianae editionis. Vide etiam de presbytidibus Palladium Praefatione Historiae Lausiacae, et Antiochum homil. 21. Id.

"Elder women, and aged women." Just as some have interpreted Paul's πρεσβύτιδας (Titus 2:3) as old women and others as deaconesses, so in this place the πρεσβύτεραι and πρεσβύτιδες are either those old women whom (to use Jerome's words, letters 2 and 49) the Church fed and supported from its means — they are called "little old women" in the Acts of the Purgation of Caecilian and Felix; below, book 3, chapter 13, "fellow-aged" — or they are deaconesses, or widows, ordered to be ordained at an advanced age. In this second sense some understand "those called presbytides", which is rendered "presbyterae", in canon 11 of Laodicea. Nor is it true, as John Morin, a man of manifold learning, contends (On Sacred Ordinations, exercise 10) from St Epiphanius (heresy 79, chapter 4) and against the Latin translators of the Laodicean canon, that the name presbyterae was unknown to the Greeks. For Epiphanius speaks only of the New Testament, in which he says πρεσβύτιδες are named, not πρεσβυτερίδες. And Morin's memory also failed him. For a few years before he wrote this, he had published the Penitential works of John the Faster and John the Monk, where πρεσβυτέρισσαι, "presbyterae", wives of presbyters, appear more than once. Add that St Basil in the Shorter Rules, questions 110 and 111, mentions the πρεσβυτέρα (they translate "prelate"; Rufinus "Mother of the monastery", "senior mother"). Finally Photius settles the matter and cuts the throats of those who disagree: in his Nomocanon, title 1, last chapter but one, the πρεσβυτέρα is what for the Fathers of Laodicea is the πρεσβῦτις. I have passed over the passage of Origen on John 13:12, etc., because while Morin lived those Commentaries had not yet come out in Greek. See it at p. 390 E of Huet's edition. See also on presbytides Palladius in the Preface to the Lausiac History, and Antiochus, homily 21. The same [Cotelier].

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(97) ‹anchor: ἔθιμον (lemma; call in Greek col, not in foot image)› · call in Greek col (presumably 673; not in foot image)

Ἐθίμιον. Alter cod. ἔθιμον. Cl.

"Customary." The other manuscript has ἔθιμον. Clericus.

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(98) ‹anchor: διπλοῦν διδόσθω τοῖς διακόνοις εἰς γέρας Χριστοῦ (lemma; call in Greek col, not in foot image)› · call in Greek col (presumably 673; not in foot image)

Διπλοῦν διδόσθω τοῖς διακόνοις εἰς γέρας Χριστοῦ. Antiquus ille Turriani adnotator, cum putavit minorem Filio fieri Spiritum sanctum per unam portionem diaconissae, duplicem diaconi, quia cap. 26 diaconissa dicitur figura Spiritus sancti, diaconus vero Filii; non consideraverat, hac praeclara sua ratiocinatione conclusum iri, quod a constitutore Apostoli praeferantur Spiritui sancto, Christoque aequiparentur. Presbyteris quippe assignat quoque duplam partem, in gratiam apostolorum, quorum locum tenent. Verum quis hoc credat: imo quis adeo obtusi sensus, ut non intelligat ejuscemodi comparationibus certos terminos esse praefigendos? Caeterum praeter Diataxes et Ignatianas Epistolas, in presbyteris apostolos cogitat apud Hieronymum scriptor Epistolae ad Rusticum, De septem gradibus Ecclesiae, qui etiam cum nostro lectores ad prophetas accommodat. De duplici parte lgito I Tim. V, 17, ibique Chrysostomum, Oecumenium, Theophylactum. Clara quoque sunt verba Tertulliani adversus Ecclesiam debacchantis: Ad elogium gulae tuae pertinet, quod duplex apud te praesidentibus honor binis partibus deputatur; cum Apostolus duplicem honorem dederit, ut et fratribus et praepositis. De jejuniis cap. ult. Apage ergo male ingeniosam Rigaltii interpretationem. Videndum libri viii caput 31. Cot.

"Let a double portion be given to the deacons, in honour of Christ." That old annotator of Turrianus, when he thought that the Holy Spirit is made less than the Son by the single portion of the deaconess and the double one of the deacon (because in chapter 26 the deaconess is called the figure of the Holy Spirit and the deacon that of the Son), had not considered that by this splendid reasoning of his it would follow that the Apostles are preferred by the constitutor to the Holy Spirit and made equal to Christ. For he assigns a double share to the presbyters too, in honour of the apostles whose place they hold. But who would believe this? Indeed, who is so dull of sense as not to understand that fixed limits must be set to comparisons of this kind? Besides the Diataxeis and the Ignatian Letters, the writer of the Letter to Rusticus On the Seven Grades of the Church, in Jerome, thinks of the apostles in the presbyters, and he too, with our author, likens the readers to the prophets. On the double portion read [printed "lgito"] 1 Timothy 5:17, and Chrysostom, Oecumenius and Theophylact there. Clear too are the words of Tertullian raging against the Church: "It belongs to the praise of your gluttony that with you a double honour is assigned to the presidents in two portions, whereas the Apostle gave double honour as to brothers and to rulers." On Fasting, last chapter. Away, then, with Rigault's wrongly clever interpretation. See chapter 31 of book 8. Cotelier.

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(99) ‹anchor: διηνεκῶς (lemma; call in Greek col, not in foot image)› · call in Greek col (presumably 673; not in foot image)

Διηνεκῶς. Omittitur in altero. Cler.

"Continually." It is omitted in the other [manuscript]. Clericus.

(printed under page 334)

(100) ‹anchor: ὃν καὶ τόπον (lemma; call in Greek col, not in foot image)› · call in Greek col (presumably 673; not in foot image)

Ὃν καὶ τόπον. Alter οἳ καὶ τόπον αὐτῶν. Id.

"Whose place also." The other has οἳ καὶ τόπον αὐτῶν ("who also [hold] their place"). The same [Clericus].

(printed under page 334)

(1) ‹anchor: διὰ τῶν ὑπηρετῶν, τουτέστι διὰ τῶν διακόνων (lemma; call in Greek col, not in foot image)› · call in Greek col (presumably 673; not in foot image)

Διὰ τῶν ὑπηρετῶν, τουτέστι διὰ τῶν διακόνων. Lib. iii, cap. 11; lib. vi, cap. 17; lib. viii, cap. 28, per ὑπηρέτας subdiaconos intelligit, et cap. 10, lib. viii, ὑπηρεσίαν eodem in sensu (opinor) accipit, quam tamen ejusdem libri cap. 13, videtur usurpare pro coetu omnium clericorum diaconis subjectorum. Scilicet ὑπηρέται, Latine ministri, dicuntur aliquando diaconi, aliquando subdiaconi, aliquando clerici non sacerdotes a diaconis ad infimos, aliquando demum subdiaconi cum sequentibus. Exempla sunt obvia. De multis pauca indicabimus. Primam acceptionem invenies in canone Sardicensi 8, in Victorino, Commentario in Apocalypsim, ubi Nicolaum diaconum appellat ministrum, et in Ambrosio ad Lucae ix, 60. Alcuinus, vel alius, De divinis officiis, cap. 36: Subdiaconus, subminister, eo quod sub diacono sit, id est sub ministro. Lege Sirmondum ad Ennodii epist. 9, lib. vi. Secunda significatio cernitur in pluribus canonibus synodi Laodicenae, necnon in 69 S. Basilii ex interpretatione Balsamonis, et in ejusdem Patris epist. 181, ex Joanne Zonara et Matthaeo Blastare ineditis. Juxta tertiam S. Hilarius in psalmum cxxxiv, ad finem, totam hierarchiam bifariam distribuit, in sacerdotes et ministros. De- (continues)

"Through the attendants, that is, through the deacons." In book 3, chapter 11; book 6, chapter 17; book 8, chapter 28, he means subdeacons by ὑπηρέται; and in book 8, chapter 10, he takes ὑπηρεσία in the same sense (I think), though in chapter 13 of the same book he seems to use it for the body of all clerics subordinate to the deacons. That is, ὑπηρέται, in Latin ministri, are sometimes deacons, sometimes subdeacons, sometimes the non-priestly clergy from the deacons down to the lowest, and sometimes, finally, the subdeacons with those below them. Examples are ready to hand; out of many we shall point out a few. The first meaning you will find in canon 8 of Sardica; in Victorinus's Commentary on the Apocalypse, where he calls Nicolas the deacon a "minister"; and in Ambrose on Luke 9:60. Alcuin, or another, On the Divine Offices, chapter 36: "Subdeacon, sub-minister, because he is under the deacon, that is, under the minister." Read Sirmond on Ennodius, letter 9, book 6. The second meaning is seen in several canons of the synod of Laodicea, and in canon 69 of St Basil as interpreted by Balsamon, and in letter 181 of the same Father, from the unpublished John Zonaras and Matthew Blastares. In the third sense St Hilary, on Psalm 134, near the end, divides the whole hierarchy in two, into priests and ministers. (continues)

(printed under page 334)

(ref 13) ‹anchor: not visible in foot image› · call in col 675 Mal. II, 7.

Malachi 2:7.

(printed under page 335)

(1) ‹anchor: διὰ τῶν ὑπηρετῶν (call on p. 334)› · call in Greek col of p. 334

(continued) nique ultimo loquendi modo utitur Optatus lib. i, pag. 39; et lib. ii, pag. 53, atque ex eo Theodorus Balsamon exponit canonem 10, Neocaesariensem. Observarunt etiam viri docti, in canone Eliberitano 33, presbyteros ministros appellari. Cot.

(printed under page 335)

(2) ‹anchor: τοῦ μιερέως (lemma; call on p. 334 or above foot image)› · call in Greek col (not in foot image)

Τοῦ μιερέως. Dixi ad Barnabae cap. 9. Addo nunc, forsan ab Epiphanio Epimenidem appellatum fuisse μιερέα τοῦ παρὰ Κρησὶν εἰδωλίου, non μίθρα, quod sensu nullo aut falso ediderunt, haeresi 42, p. 362. Id.

"Of the defiled priest." I spoke of this on chapter 9 of Barnabas. I now add that perhaps Epimenides was called by Epiphanius "the defiled priest of the idol-shrine among the Cretans", not μίθρα, which they have printed with no sense or a false one, heresy 42, p. 362. The same [Cotelier].

(printed under page 335)

(3) ‹anchor: διεψευσμένα (lemma; call on p. 334 or above foot image)› · call in Greek col (not in foot image)

Διεψευσμένα. Ἐψευσμένα, cod. Vind. alt. Cl.

"Utterly false." The other Vienna manuscript has ἐψευσμένα ("false"). Clericus.

(printed under page 335)

(4) ‹anchor: καὶ ἔνδοξον› · call in col 676 (Greek only)

Καὶ ἔνδοξον. Hae duae voces, totidemque seqq. absunt ab altero codice. Id.

"And glorious." These two words, and as many following, are absent from the other manuscript. The same [Clericus].

(printed under page 335)

(5) ‹anchor: εἰ γὰρ Ἀαρών› · call in col 676 (Greek only)

Εἰ γὰρ Ἀαρών. Sacra duo Mosis et Aaronis Epitheta dilucidaverat Theodoritus quaestione 17, in Exodum; sed illius declaratio hodie manca est, intricata, et tenebris plus quam Cimmeriis obvoluta: Πῶς ἐγένετο τοῦ Ἀαρὼν (melius codices Regii Φαραὼ) θεὸς ὁ Μωσῆς; . . . Ὥσπερ ὁ Θεὸς προσέταττε τῷ Μωσῇ, οὕτως ὁ Μωσῆς τῷ Ἀαρών. Διὸ δὴ καὶ προφήτης ὁ Ἀαρὼν προσηγορεύθη τοῦ Μωσέως. Quo modo Moses fuit deus Aaronis? (imo Pharaonis). Quemadmodum Deus imperabat Mosi, ita Moses Aaroni. Quamobrem etiam Aaron vocatus est propheta Mosis. Quis haec percipiat ac explicet? Nemo, Hercule, nemo. Nisi loco facis admoveat Catenam Graecorum Patrum in Pentateuchum, editam solummodo Latine, Francisco Zephyro interprete; in qua ad Exodi caput vii legitur ex Theodorito: Ecce constitui te deum Pharaonis: et Aaron frater tuus erit propheta tuus. . . . Id vero quo pacto? . . . . Perinde ac Deus praecipiebat instruebatque Mosem, Moses Aaron ipsum instituebat: quocirca propheta dictus est Aaron fratris sui, id est, interpres; Moses vero deus Pharaonis, quasi judex et magister. Quo fit ut scriptum videatur a magno interprete, hoc fere modo: Πῶς ἐγένετο τοῦ Φαραὼ θεὸς ὁ Μωσῆς, καὶ τοῦ Μωσέως προφήτης Ἀαρὼν ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ; . . . . Ὥσπερ ὁ Θεὸς προσέταττε τῷ Μωσῇ, οὕτως ὁ Μωσῆς τῷ Ἀαρών. Διὸ δὴ καὶ προφήτης ὁ Ἀαρὼν προσηγορεύθη τοῦ Μωσέως, τουτέστιν ἑρμηνεύς· καὶ ὁ Μωσῆς θεὸς τοῦ Φαραὼ, ὡς κριτὴς καὶ διδάσκαλος. Hoc est: Quomodo Moses fuit deus Pharaonis, et Mosis propheta Aaron frater ejus? Quemadmodum Deus mandata dabat Mosi, ita Moses Aaroni. Quare et Aaron vocatus est propheta Mosis, hoc est, interpres; et Moses deus Pharaonis, ut judex et magister. Praeclare in Catena manu scripta Acacius: Ὃν τρόπον ὁ Θεὸς διὰ προφητῶν λαλεῖ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις, οὕτω καὶ ὁ Μωσῆς διὰ Ἀαρὼν τῷ Φαραώ. Διὸ ἑρμηνεύων τὸν νοῦν τοῦ λόγου φησί· Καὶ Ἀαρὼν ὁ ἀδελφός σου ἔσται σου προφήτης. Quemadmodum Deus per prophetas hominibus loquitur, ita et Moses per Aaronem Pharaoni. Unde Scriptura exponens sensum dicti ait: « Et Aaron frater tuus erit tuus propheta. » Legatur Exod. IV, 16. Cot. In altero cod. abest ὡς et postea legitur τί πείσηται ἄν. Cler.

"For if Aaron." Theodoret had explained the two sacred titles of Moses and Aaron in question 17 on Exodus; but his explanation today is defective, tangled, and wrapped in more than Cimmerian darkness: [Greek, then Latin:] "How did Moses become god of Aaron (better, the Royal manuscripts: of Pharaoh)? … As God commanded Moses, so Moses commanded Aaron. Therefore Aaron too was called the prophet of Moses." "How was Moses god of Aaron (rather, of Pharaoh)? As God commanded Moses, so Moses commanded Aaron. Therefore Aaron too was called the prophet of Moses." Who could grasp and explain this? No one, by Hercules, no one; unless he brings to the passage as a torch the Catena of the Greek Fathers on the Pentateuch, published only in Latin, translated by Francis Zephyrus, in which on Exodus chapter 7 one reads from Theodoret: "Behold, I have made you the god of Pharaoh, and Aaron your brother shall be your prophet. … But how so? … Just as God instructed and taught Moses, so Moses instructed Aaron; therefore Aaron was called the prophet of his brother, that is, his interpreter; and Moses the god of Pharaoh, as it were his judge and master." So it appears that the great commentator wrote roughly thus: [Greek, then Latin:] "How did Moses become god of Pharaoh, and Aaron his brother the prophet of Moses? … As God commanded Moses, so Moses commanded Aaron. Therefore Aaron too was called the prophet of Moses, that is, interpreter; and Moses the god of Pharaoh, as judge and teacher." Acacius, in the manuscript Catena, puts it excellently: [Greek, then Latin:] "As God speaks to men through the prophets, so Moses too spoke to Pharaoh through Aaron. Hence, interpreting the sense of the saying, it says: And Aaron your brother shall be your prophet." Read Exodus 4:16. Cotelier. — In the other manuscript ὡς is absent, and afterwards τί πείσηται ἄν ("what would he suffer?") is read. Clericus.

(printed under page 335) [Variorum notae (2) and (3) are called in this column's Greek (at μηρέως, after ἄνευ τοῦ, and at διεψευσμένα) and are set under col 675 (notes/n675.md), whose anchor lines place the calls on p. 334. Foot note 13 (Mal. II, 7) is called in the Latin and set under col 675.] (printed under page 335)

(6) ‹anchor: ὑμῖν μέν› · call in col 677 (Greek only) · also set, misfiled, in n678 (to be removed there)

Ὑμῖν μέν. Desunt in altero cod. Vindob. nec necessariae sunt. Cler.

"To you indeed." These words are missing in the other Vienna codex, and they are not necessary. Clericus.

(printed under page 336)

(7) ‹anchor: ὑπὸ Κυρίου θεός› · call in col 677 (Greek only) · also set, misfiled, in n678 (to be removed there)

Θεός. Addit codex alter: Καὶ ὁ Ἀαρὼν προφήτης, quae excidisse videntur. Id.

"God." The other codex adds "and Aaron a prophet", words which seem to have fallen out. The same [Clericus].

(printed under page 336)

(8) ‹anchor: οὐκ ἔστιν› · call in col 677 (Greek only) · also set, misfiled, in n678 (to be removed there)

Οὐκ ἔστιν. Scholium in margine hoc legitur: Ταὐτὸν καὶ τοῦτό ἐστι τῷ φάσκοντι λόγῳ, μεγάλης βουλῆς τοῦ Πατρὸς ἄγγελον, δηλονότι τὸν Υἱόν, εἶναι, καί· Προφήτην ὑμῖν ἀναστήσει Κύριος ὁ Θεός, ὡς ἐμέ, αὐτοῦ ἀκούσεσθε. Cler.

"Is not." This scholion is read in the margin: "This too is the same as the saying that the Son, plainly, is the angel of the Father's great counsel, and: The Lord God will raise up for you a prophet like me; Him you shall hear." Clericus.

(printed under page 336)

(9) ‹anchor: ὑπόχρεως Υἱός› · call in col 677 (Greek only) · also set, misfiled, in n678 (to be removed there)

Υἱός. Addit codex alter ἐστίν. Id.

"Son." The other codex adds "is". The same [Clericus].

(printed under page 336)

(10) ‹anchor: ἄγγελος καὶ προφήτης ἐστὶ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου› · call in col 677 (Greek only) · also set, misfiled, in n678 (to be removed there)

Διάκονος ἄγγελος καὶ προφήτης ἐστὶ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου. Circa primum pseudo-Hieronymus epistola De septem ordinibus Ecclesiae, ait ubi de diaconis: Hi sunt, quos in Apocalypsi legimus, septem Angeli Ecclesiarum. Circa posterius in Alcuino cap. 39, lib. De divinis officiis: Procedens pontifex in persona Christi, ducit secum prophetas, id est diaconos. Cot.

"The deacon is the bishop's angel and prophet." On the first point, the pseudo-Jerome letter On the Seven Orders of the Church says, where it treats of deacons: "These are they whom we read of in the Apocalypse, the seven Angels of the Churches." On the second, in Alcuin, On the Divine Offices, chapter 39: "The pontiff, going forth in the person of Christ, leads prophets with him, that is, deacons." Cotelier.

(printed under page 336, under the Latin column)

(11) ‹anchor: καὶ δι' αὐτοῦ τελειούσθω› · call in col 677 (Greek only) · also set, misfiled, in n678 (to be removed there)

Καί, etc. Desunt in altero cod. Cler.

"And", etc. Missing in the other codex. Clericus.

(printed under page 336, under the Latin column)

(12) ‹anchor: βδελυκτῶν ὄντων› · call in col 677 (Greek only) · also set, misfiled, in n678 (to be removed there)

Ὄντων. Deest in altero cod. Id.

"Being." Missing in the other codex. The same [Clericus].

(printed under page 336, under the Latin column)

(¹⁴) ‹anchor: et Aaron frater tuus erit tuus propheta› · call in col 678 Exod. VII, 1.

Exodus 7:1.

(printed under page 336) (¹⁵) ‹anchor: et diaconus ut propheta ejus› · call in col 678 Ignat. ad Magnes. 7.

Ignatius, To the Magnesians 7.

(printed under page 336) (¹⁶) ‹anchor: Filius Patris angelus ac propheta est› · call in col 678 Is. IX, 6; Deut. XVIII, 15.

Isaiah 9:6; Deuteronomy 18:15.

(printed under page 336) (¹⁷) ‹anchor: ne maledicito› · call in col 678 Exod. XXII, 28.

Exodus 22:28.

(printed under page 336) (¹⁸) ‹anchor: et filii Altissimi› · call in col 678 Psal. LXXXI, 3.

Psalm 81 (82):6.

(printed under page 336)

(¹⁹) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 679 Num. XII, 8.

Numbers 12:8.

(printed under page 337) (²⁰) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 679 Exod. XVI, 8.

Exodus 16:8.

(printed under page 337) (²¹) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 679 Matth. V, 22.

Matthew 5:22.

(printed under page 337) (²²) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 679 Psal. II, 7.

Psalm 2:7.

(printed under page 337) (²³) ‹anchor: ut bene tibi sit› · call in col 679 Exod. XX, 12.

Exodus 20:12.

(printed under page 337) (²⁴) ‹anchor: morte intereat› · call in col 679 Exod. XXI, 17.

Exodus 21:17.

VARIORUM NOTAE. (printed under page 337)

(13) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 679

Ὡς ὑβρίσας τὸ τοῦ Χριστοῦ ὄνομα. Is qui fragmenta quaedam Constitutionum inventa interpretatus est, Carolus Capellius Venetus, quae Petrus Crabbe in editione Conciliorum ann. 1551 collocavit, legebat τὸν τοῦ Χριστοῦ νόμον. Vertit enim Christi legem. Nec spernenda ea lectio. Cot.

"As having insulted the name of Christ." The man who translated certain fragments of the Constitutions that had been found, Carolus Capellius of Venice (fragments which Petrus Crabbe placed in his edition of the Councils, in the year 1551), read "the law of Christ"; for he translated "Christ's law". Nor is that reading to be despised. Cotelier.

(printed under page 337)

(14) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 679

Ἐν ὑμῖν. Abest rectius in cod. altero. Cler.

"Among you." It is absent, more correctly, in the other codex. Clericus.

(printed under page 337)

(15) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 679

Τὴν ἱερὰν ἐξέτεινε φωνήν. In Anselmo ad Matth. III, ult.: Dicitur ergo: « Hic est filius meus; » quia fideles in baptismate filii Dei efficiuntur. Unicuique enim dicitur: Hic qui prius erat filius diaboli, modo est filius meus, etc. Crediderim nostrum ex eorum numero exstitisse, qui in exemplaribus Biblicis repererant: Υἱός μου εἶ σύ, ἐγὼ σήμερον γεγέννηκά σε. Filius meus es tu; ego hodie genui te: S. Augustino dicente in lib. II De consensu evangelistarum, cap. 14: Illud vero quod nonnulli codices habent secundum Lucam, hoc illa voce sonuisse quod in Psalmo scriptum est, « Filius meus es tu; ego hodie genui te; » quanquam in antiquioribus codicibus Graecis non inveniri perhibeatur, tamen si aliquibus fide dignis exemplaribus confirmari possit, quid aliud quam utrumque intelligendum est quolibet verborum ordine de coelo sonuisse? et in Enchiridio ad Laurentium cap. 49: Vox illa Patris, quae super baptizatum Christum facta est: « Ego hodie genui te; » eamque lectionem, Υἱός μου εἶ σύ, ἐγὼ σήμερον γεγέννηκά σε, repraesentante S. Methodio in Convivio Virginum, orat. 8, p. 107, sicut et Latinam: Filius meus es tu: ego hodie genui te, auctore Quaestionum Veteris et Novi Testamenti, quaestione 54, et postea quaestione 45, Marcello in Apocrypho libello De conflictu Petri apostoli et Simonis Magi, quem edidit ad finem Bibliothecae Pontificiae Ludovicus Jacob; necnon B. Hilario De Trinitate lib. VIII, paulo ante medium, lib. XI, etiam ante medium, et canone 2, in Matthaeum: quo ultimo in loco, esse Matthaei agnoscit. Qui tamen Hilarius in psalm. CXXXVIII, 1, vulgari utitur scriptura Matth. III, 17, et libro IX De Trinit. multo post initium illam cum alia ejusdem Evangelii textu cap. XVII, vers. 5, permiscet ac confundit, pari memoriae errato atque Optatus lib. IV circa finem, Epiphanius haer. 51, n. 20, et haer. 76, p. 969, ac is qui putatur esse Gregorius Thaumaturgus orat. Εἰς τὰ ἅγια Θεοφάνια. Denique, tradente S. Epiphanio haereseos 30 sectione 13, referri in Ebionaeorum Evangelio secundum Matthaeum, tres voces coelitus lapsas in Domini baptismo: Tu es filius meus dilectus, in te mihi complacui. Et: Ego hodie genui te. Et: Hic est filius meus dilectus, in quo mihi complacui. Unde verisimile fit, in verum Matthaeum atque in Lucam praedicta verba irrepsisse. Cot.

"He put forth the holy voice." In Anselm on Matthew 3, at the end: "It is said therefore, 'This is my son,' because the faithful are made sons of God in baptism. For it is said to each one: This man, who was before a son of the devil, is now my son," etc. I should think our author was one of those who had found in their copies of the Bible: "You are my Son; today I have begotten you" — as St Augustine says in On the Agreement of the Evangelists, book 2, chapter 14: "As for what some codices have according to Luke, that the voice sounded what is written in the Psalm, 'You are my Son; today I have begotten you': although it is said not to be found in the older Greek codices, yet if it can be confirmed by some copies worthy of trust, what else is to be understood than that both sounded from heaven, in whichever order of words?"; and in the Enchiridion to Laurentius, chapter 49: "That voice of the Father which came over Christ when He was baptized: 'Today I have begotten you.'" That reading, "You are my Son; today I have begotten you", is given by St Methodius in the Banquet of the Virgins, discourse 8, p. 107; and the Latin likewise, "You are my Son: today I have begotten you", by the author of the Questions on the Old and New Testament, question 54 and later question 45; by Marcellus in the apocryphal booklet On the Contest of Peter the Apostle and Simon Magus, which Louis Jacob published at the end of his Bibliotheca Pontificia; and also by blessed Hilary, On the Trinity, book 8, a little before the middle, and book 11, also before the middle, and in canon 2 on Matthew — in which last place he recognizes that it is Matthew's. Yet this same Hilary, on Psalm 138, 1, uses the common text of Matthew 3:17, and in book 9 On the Trinity, long after the beginning, mixes and confuses it with another text of the same Gospel, chapter 17, verse 5 — the same slip of memory as Optatus, book 4 near the end, Epiphanius, Heresy 51, n. 20, and Heresy 76, p. 969, and the man thought to be Gregory Thaumaturgus, in the oration On the Holy Theophany. Finally, as St Epiphanius relates in Heresy 30, section 13, the Ebionites' Gospel according to Matthew reports three voices come down from heaven at the Lord's baptism: "You are my beloved Son, in you I am well pleased." And: "Today I have begotten you." And: "This is my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased." Whence it becomes likely that the aforesaid words crept into the true Matthew and into Luke. Cotelier.

(printed under page 337)

(16) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 679

Τοῦτον. Abest ex altero codice et quidem melius. Cler.

"This one." It is absent from the other codex, and indeed better so. Clericus.

(printed under page 337)

(17) ‹anchor: τὸ θεῖον› · call in col 679

Θεῖον. Ὅσιον, cod. Vind. Id.

"Divine." "Holy", Vienna codex. The same.

(printed under page 337)

(²⁵) ‹anchor: primo libro› · call in col 682 Cap. VIII.

Chapter 8 [of 1 Kings (1 Samuel)].

VARIORUM NOTAE. (printed under page 338)

(18) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 682

Ὑμᾶς. Deest in altero cod. nec est necessarium. Cler.

"You." Missing in the other codex, and it is not necessary. Clericus.

(printed under page 338)

(19) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 682

Καὶ βασιλεῖς. In altero cod.: ἡγεῖσθε καὶ βασιλεῖς, καὶ νομίζετε. Rectius, ut conjecerat Cotelerius, ἡγεῖσθε, sed glossema non crediderim esse καὶ νομίζετε, sed concionatoris hujusce personati βαττολογίας, quales sunt hic multae. Qui talia credunt esse apostolorum, regiam sibi dignitatem clam tribuentium, gravi injuria sanctissimos viros afficiunt, quorum humilitas esset simulata, si haec eorum essent. Non secernunt aera lupinis, qui talia confundunt. Id.

"And kings." In the other codex: "consider them also kings, and regard them so." "Consider" is more correct, as Cotelier had conjectured; but I should not think "and regard them so" a gloss — rather it is the babbling of this masked preacher, of which there is much here. Those who believe such things to be the apostles', as if they were quietly assigning royal dignity to themselves, do grave injury to most holy men, whose humility would have been feigned if these words were theirs. Those who confuse such things cannot tell coins from lupines. The same.

(printed under page 338)

(20) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 682

Ἡγεῖσθαι νομίζετε. An scripserat solummodo ἡγεῖσθε: et νομίζετε glossa est? Favent interpretes. Cot.

"Regard them as … to be considered." Had he written only "consider", and is "regard" a gloss? The translators favour this. Cotelier.

(printed under page 338)

(21) ‹anchor: ἐν τῷ Λευϊτικῷ› · call in col 682

Ἐν τῷ Λευϊτικῷ. Desunt in altero cod. Vindobon. Cler.

"In Leviticus." Missing in the other Vienna codex. Clericus.

(printed under page 338)

(22) ‹anchor: σώματος κρείττων› · call in col 682

Ὅσῳ τοίνυν ψυχὴ σώματος κρείττων. Eamdem rationem cur sacerdotalis dignitas regiae praeferri debeat, adducit quoque inter alias B. Chrysostomus tum alibi, tum praecipue homil. 4 De verbis Isaiae, lib. III De sacerdotio, cap. 1, et homil. 15 in II ad Corinthios. Cum quo tam in re, quam in causis rei consentiunt vulgo sancti Patres. Quinimo apud Philonem Judaeum, libro De legatione ad Caium, pontificatus tanto supra regnum extollitur, quanto Deus et divina hominibus et humanis excellunt. Unde injusta fertur a Theodoro Balsamone ad canonem 7 Trullanum censura in eos, qui ecclesiasticas dignitates imperatoriis anteponunt. Sozomenus libro II extremo, narrans de imperatorum et pontificum sepultura in eadem apostolorum Ecclesia: Ὡς καὶ τῆς ἱερωσύνης ὁμοτίμου τῇ βασιλείᾳ οὔσης, μᾶλλον μὲν οὖν ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς τόποις καὶ τὰ πρῶτα ἐχούσης. Cot.

"As much, then, as the soul is better than the body." The same reason why the priestly dignity must be preferred to the royal is brought forward, among others, by blessed Chrysostom, both elsewhere and especially in Homily 4 On the Words of Isaiah, On the Priesthood book 3, chapter 1, and Homily 15 on 2 Corinthians. With him the holy Fathers commonly agree, both in the matter and in its reasons. Indeed in Philo the Jew, in the book On the Embassy to Gaius, the high priesthood is raised as far above kingship as God and divine things excel men and human things. Hence the censure that Theodore Balsamon passes, on canon 7 of the Trullan council, on those who set ecclesiastical dignities above imperial ones is reckoned unjust. Sozomen, at the end of book 2, telling of the burial of emperors and pontiffs in the same church of the Apostles: "since the priesthood is of equal honour with the kingship, or rather, in sacred places, even holds the first rank." Cotelier.

(printed under page 338)

(²⁶) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 683 Prov. XI, 26.

Proverbs 11:26.

(printed under page 339) (²⁷) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 683 Matth. V, 28.

Matthew 5:28.

(printed under page 339) (²⁸) ‹anchor: manet in saecula› · call in col 683 Psal. CXI, 9.

Psalm 111 (112):9.

(printed under page 339) (²⁹) ‹anchor: purgantur peccata› · call in col 683 Prov. XV, 27.

Proverbs 15:27.

(printed under page 339) (³⁰) ‹anchor: tota recta est› · call in col 683 Prov. XI, 25.

Proverbs 11:25.

VARIORUM NOTAE. (printed under page 339)

(23) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 683

Ἐρέας. Ille Capellius, de quo paulo supra, vertendo sobolis, ostendit a se lectum γενέας. Vide lib. VII, cap. 29. Id. — Alter codicum Vindobon. ἐλαίας, oleae, cujus decimae solvebantur, cum sale conderetur, seorsum a decimis olei, quod e maturioribus oleis exprimitur. Cler.

"Of wool." That Capellius, of whom a little above, by translating "of offspring" shows that he read "of generation". See book 7, chapter 29. The same. — The other of the Vienna codices has "of the olive": its tithes were paid when it was preserved in salt, separately from the tithes of oil, which is pressed from riper olives. Clericus.

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Οὐ δήπου καὶ τῶν εἰσφορῶν ὑμᾶς ἠλευθέρωσεν. Veteris legis decimae, δεκάδαι, δευτεροδεκάδαι, πτωχοδεκάδαι (ut cum Hieronymo loquar circa initium libri XIV in Ezechielem), primitiae, portiones, voluntaria dona, ministeria, victimae, fructus, vota, primitiva, primogenita, omnesque oblationes ac pensiones sacrae duo complectebantur; nimirum, naturale aliquid, et aliquid quod vocant positivum. Ad naturam, sive ad rectam rationem moresque bonos pertinebat sacris operantium et paupertate afflictorum sustentatio per ejusmodi collationes; positivum vero et certis regulis a Deo determinatum erat reliquum. Atque posteriori quidem per Novum Testamentum abrogato, prius obligat etiam Christianos, qui tenentur, sive dando decimas et primitias, sive alio quo Ecclesiae visum fuerit modo, clericorum et inopum necessitatibus subvenire. Hinc interdum Patres de decimis tanquam abolitis disserunt, ut Epiphanius haeresi 8, cap. 6, et Chrysostomus homil. 74 in Matthaeum: interdum non sublatas fuisse aiunt, ut fuse Origenes hom. 11 in Numeros, ubi consimiliter Διαταγεῖ adhibet testimonium Matth. V, 21, et obiter Chrysostomus oratione 5 adversus Judaeos, atque pseudo-Chrysostomus ad Matth. XXIII, 23. Praeterea ad decimas Deo Ecclesiisque persolvendas habemus exhortationes SS. Ambrosii, Augustini, aliorum. Domos tunc, inquit martyr Cyprianus in fine tractatus De unitate Ecclesiae, et fundos venumdabant, et thesauros sibi in coelo reponentes, distribuenda in usus indigentium pretia apostolis offerebant. At nunc de patrimonio nec decimas damus; et cum vendere jubeat Dominus, emimus potius et augemus. Et B. Hieronymus ad Malachiae caput III: Quod de decimis primitiisque diximus, quae olim dabantur a populo sacerdotibus ac levitis, in Ecclesiae quoque populis intelligite, quibus praeceptum est, non solum decimas dare et primitias, sed et vendere omnia quae habent, et dare pauperibus, et sequi Dominum Salvatorem. Quod si facere nolumus, saltem Judaeorum imitemur exordia, ut pauperibus partem demus ex toto, et sacerdotibus ac levitis honorem debitum deferamus. Cot.

"He has surely not freed you from the contributions too." The tithes of the old law — tithes, second tithes, tithes for the poor (to speak with Jerome near the beginning of book 14 on Ezekiel) — first-fruits, portions, freewill gifts, services, victims, fruits, vows, firstlings, first-born, and all the sacred offerings and payments, comprised two things: something natural, namely, and something they call positive. To nature, or to right reason and good morals, belonged the support, through contributions of this kind, of those who serve the sacred rites and of those afflicted by poverty; the rest was positive, determined by God by fixed rules. And while the latter was abrogated by the New Testament, the former binds Christians as well: they are obliged to relieve the needs of the clergy and the poor, whether by giving tithes and first-fruits, or in whatever other way the Church sees fit. Hence the Fathers sometimes treat tithes as abolished, as Epiphanius, Heresy 8, chapter 6, and Chrysostom, Homily 74 on Matthew; sometimes they say they have not been taken away, as Origen at length in Homily 11 on Numbers, where, like the Constitutions, he brings in the testimony of Matthew 5:21, and Chrysostom in passing in his 5th oration against the Jews, and pseudo-Chrysostom on Matthew 23:23. Besides, we have exhortations of Saints Ambrose, Augustine and others to pay tithes to God and the Churches. "Then," says the martyr Cyprian at the end of the treatise On the Unity of the Church, "they sold houses and estates, and, laying up treasures for themselves in heaven, offered the prices to the apostles to be distributed for the use of the needy. But now we do not even give tithes from our patrimony; and when the Lord bids us sell, we rather buy and increase." And blessed Jerome on Malachi chapter 3: "What we have said of the tithes and first-fruits, which were once given by the people to the priests and Levites, understand also of the peoples of the Church, who are commanded not only to give tithes and first-fruits, but also to sell all they have and give to the poor, and follow the Lord the Saviour. And if we will not do this, let us at least imitate the beginnings of the Jews, giving the poor a part of the whole, and paying the priests and Levites the honour due." Cotelier.

(printed under page 339)

(25) ‹anchor: πάντων δεομένων› · call in col 683

Καὶ πάντων δεομένων. Haec verba in utroque Vindobon. codice absunt. Cler.

"And of all in need." These words are absent in both Vienna codices. Clericus.

(printed under page 339)

(26) ‹anchor: πᾶσα ἁπλῆ› · call in col 683

Ψυχὴ εὐλογημένη, πᾶσα ἁπλῆ. Vulgata ex Hebraeo Proverb. XI, 25: Anima quae benedicit, impinguabitur; LXX vero: Ψυχὴ εὐλογημένη, aut εὐλογουμένη, πᾶσα ἁπλῆ. Ubi Graecus explanator cum SS. Chrysostomo homil. 16 in Joannem, Ambrosio libro De Isaac et anima, cap. 2, Hieronymo lib. III adversus Rufinum, cap. ult. (quo loci interpunctio mutari debet) verbum εὐλογοῦμαι in sensu passivo accipit; minus apte, si non ad mentem Senum, (continues)

"Every blessed soul is simple." The Vulgate, from the Hebrew, Proverbs 11:25: "The soul which blesses shall be made fat"; but the Seventy: "every blessed (or 'being blessed') soul is simple." There the Greek commentator, with Saints Chrysostom, Homily 16 on John, Ambrose, On Isaac and the Soul, chapter 2, and Jerome, Against Rufinus book 3, last chapter (where the punctuation ought to be changed), takes the verb "to be blessed" in a passive sense; less aptly, if not according to the mind of the Elders, (continues)

(printed under page 339)

(³¹) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 686 1. Ignat. interpol. ad Magnes. 9.

Interpolated Ignatius, To the Magnesians 9.

(printed under page 340) (³²) ‹anchor: ut teipsum› · call in col 686 Matth. V, 43.

Matthew 5:43.

(printed under page 340) (³³) ‹anchor: εἰς τὸν Κορβανᾶν› · call in col 686 al. εἰς τὸν κορβανᾶν ὃ δύνασαι βάλλων, κοινώνει. Sic uterque Vindobon. Codex.

Otherwise: "putting into the corban what you can, share." So both Vienna codices.

VARIORUM NOTAE. (printed under page 340)

(26) (continued) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 686

saltem ad veritatem Hebraicam. Caeterum benedicere, idiotismo linguae sanctae, est benefacere: recteque hic inter testimonia De eleemosynis et munificentia textus iste proverbialis collocatur. Cot.

at least according to the Hebrew truth. For the rest, "to bless", in an idiom of the holy tongue, is "to do good"; and this proverbial text is rightly placed here among the testimonies On Almsgiving and Munificence. Cotelier.

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(27) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 686

Οὐ μέντοι λογιστεύσεις σου τὸν ἐπίσκοπον. Huc facit dictum S. Cyrilli Alexandrini in Epistola canonica: Λυπεῖ σφόδρα, καὶ εἰς ἐσχάτην ἀκηδίαν καταφέρει τοὺς ἁπανταχόσε γῆς ὄντας θεοσεβεστάτους ἐπισκόπους, τὸ ἀπαιτεῖσθαι λόγους τῆς οἰκονομίας τῶν παραπιπτόντων αὐτοῖς ἀναλωμάτων, εἴτε ἐκ προσόδων ἐκκλησιαστικῶν, εἴτ' οὖν καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς τινῶν καρποφορίας· ἕκαστος γὰρ ἡμῶν τῶν ἰδίων καιρῶν δώσει λόγον τῷ πάντων κριτῇ. Κειμήλια μὲν γὰρ καὶ κτήσεις ἀκινήτους, ἀνεκποιήτους ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις σώζεσθαι χρή· θαρσεῖσθαι δὲ τοῖς (vel τοὺς) κατὰ καιρὸν τὴν θείαν διέπουσιν (vel διέποντας) ἱερωσύνην, τῶν παραπιπτόντων ἀναλωμάτων τὴν οἰκονομίαν. Ita scribendum ex mss. Regiis. E quibus etiam complere oportet epistolae titulum, hoc pacto: Τοῦ ἐν ἁγίοις Πατρὸς ἡμῶν Κυρίλλου ἀρχιεπισκόπου Ἀλεξανδρείας ἐπιστολὴ κανονικὴ πρὸς Δόμνον....... Κύριλλος Δόμνῳ....... Inepte editores Theodori Balsamonis in eo titulo, initio paginae 1076 tres ultimas voces paginae praecedentis 1075 posuerunt, ἐν τοῖς ὕμνοις. Id.

"You shall not, however, call your bishop to account." To this point is the saying of St Cyril of Alexandria in his Canonical Letter: "It grieves exceedingly, and brings to the utmost dejection, the most God-fearing bishops in every part of the earth, to be required to render accounts of their management of the expenses that fall to them, whether from the Church's revenues or from the offerings of some; for each of us will give account of his own times to the Judge of all. Treasures and immovable possessions must be kept for the churches inalienable; but the management of the expenses that fall due is to be entrusted to those who, in their time, administer the divine priesthood." So it is to be written from the Royal manuscripts. From them too one must complete the title of the letter, thus: "Of our Father among the saints, Cyril, archbishop of Alexandria, canonical letter to Domnus……. Cyril to Domnus……." The editors of Theodore Balsamon foolishly put into that title, at the beginning of page 1076, the last three words of the preceding page 1075, "in the hymns". The same.

(printed under page 340)

(28) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 686

Ἰσχύος. Alter codex addit σου. Cler.

"Of strength." The other codex adds "your". Clericus.

(printed under page 340)

(29) ‹anchor: παρὰ τοῖς ἱερεῦσι κενός› · call in col 686

Μὴ ὀφθῇς παρὰ τοῖς ἱερεῦσι κενός. Modicum detorquet loca Scripturae Exodi XXIII, 15; Deuteron. XVI, 16, et Ecclesiast. XXXV, 6. Cot.

"Do not appear before the priests empty." He slightly bends the passages of Scripture, Exodus 23:15, Deuteronomy 16:16, and Ecclesiasticus 35:6. Cotelier.

(printed under page 340)

(30) ‹anchor: εἰς τὸν Κορβανᾶν› · call in col 686

Εἰ εἰς τὸν Κορβανᾶν. Omnino praeferri debet lectio marginis. Κορβανᾶς, Κορβωνᾶς, Κορβονᾶς, est Josepho sacer thesaurus; Hieronymo Gazophylacium, et dona Dei. Deducitur a Corban, quod proprie significat munus Deo oblatum, seu, quemadmodum in libro De nominibus Hebraicis apud Hieronymum vertitur, oblationem. S. Hilarius ad Matthaei XXVII, 6: Neque in Corbonam, id est in oblationem pecunia admisceri liceret. Unde immerito arguitur S. Chrysostomus (cujus verba in Lexicum suum transtulit Favorinus), quia scribit ad Matthaei caput XV: Κορβᾶν οὐκ ἔστι δωρεὰ καὶ προῖξ, ἀλλὰ προσφορὰ κυρίως λέγεται. Scio LXX, Marcum (continues)

"If into the Corban." The marginal reading should by all means be preferred. Korbanas, Korbonas, Korbonas is, for Josephus, the sacred treasury; for Jerome, the treasury and the gifts of God. It is derived from Corban, which properly means a gift offered to God, or, as it is translated in the book On Hebrew Names in Jerome, an oblation. St Hilary on Matthew 27:6: "Nor was it lawful for the money to be mixed into the Corbona, that is, into the offering." Hence St Chrysostom (whose words Favorinus carried over into his Lexicon) is wrongly faulted for writing on Matthew chapter 15: "Korban is not a gift and a dowry, but is properly called an offering." I know that the Seventy, Mark (continues)

(printed under page 340)

34 ‹anchor: Honora Dominum de justis tuis laboribus› · call in col 687 (Latin) Prov. III, 9.

Proverbs 3:9.

(printed under page 341) 35 ‹anchor: vel quinque aera minuta tribue› · call in col 687 (Latin) Marc. XII, 41.

Mark 12:41.

(printed under page 341) 36 ‹anchor: neque fures devastare queant› · call in col 687 (Latin) Matth. VI, 20.

Matthew 6:20.

(printed under page 341) (?) (continued, fragment) ‹anchor: not in this column› · call not in col 687; the note's opening is on an earlier page […] evangelistam, et Josephum explicare per δῶρον. Sed ab illis δῶρον sumitur duntaxat de dono pietatis. Δῶρον τῷ Κυρίῳ reddunt LXX, Levit. I, 10, et II, 4, et III, 1. Δῶρον τῷ Θεῷ apud Epiphanium haeresi 33, cap. 4; et δῶρον Θεοῦ in Josepho lib. I contra Apionem statim a medio. Neque enim sollicitare oportet Josephi lectionem, cum δῶρον Θεοῦ eodem modo dicat, quo alibi χρήματα Θεοῦ, et Θεοῦ θησαυρόν: quove Lucas c. XXI, v. 4, posuit τὰ δῶρα τοῦ Θεοῦ, munera Dei. Cot.

[…] that the evangelist and Josephus explain it by δῶρον. But by them δῶρον is taken only of a gift of piety. The Septuagint renders "a gift to the Lord", Leviticus 1:10, 2:4 and 3:1; "a gift to God" is in Epiphanius, Heresy 33, ch. 4; and "a gift of God" in Josephus, Against Apion book I, just after the middle. Nor should the reading of Josephus be tampered with, since he says "gift of God" in the same way as elsewhere "the moneys of God" and "the treasury of God", or as Luke, ch. 21, v. 4, put τὰ δῶρα τοῦ Θεοῦ, "the gifts of God". Cot[elier].

(printed under page 341, in the Variorum notae below col 687)

(31) ‹anchor: Γίνεσθε τραπεζῖται δόκιμοι› · call in the Greek, col 688

Γίνεσθε τραπεζῖται δόκιμοι. Mandatum hoc, licet nullibi Scripturarum exstet, laudatur tamen tanquam Scripturae etiam a Clemente Alexandrino, sub finem Stromatei I; Origene ad Matth. XXII, 23, […]

"Be approved money-changers." This command, though it stands nowhere in the Scriptures, is nevertheless cited as Scripture also by Clement of Alexandria, near the end of Stromata book I; by Origen on Matthew 22:23, […] [continues at the page foot, "24; XXIV, 4, 5; …", set as a fragment in n688]

(printed under page 341, in the Variorum notae below col 687)

(none) <!-- note: Q6a: the three scripture footnotes under this Latin column and the column's own stretch of the Variorum notae (the end of the note before (31), and the opening of (31) as far as the page-foot fragment already set in n688) were not set anywhere; added here. n688's fragment begins at "24; XXIV, 4, 5", the words that follow "Origene ad Matth. XXII, 23," here. Q21: in the English of the opening fragment the evangelist and Josephus are taken as the subjects of explicare (the next sentence's "ab illis" refers to them); the fragment's opening is on an earlier page and was not seen. -->

(31) (continued, fragment) ‹anchor: Γίνεσθε τραπεζῖται δόκιμοι› · call in col 688; the note's opening is set in n687

[…] 24; XXIV, 4, 5; Pamphylo, initio Apologetici pro Origene; Palladio, De vita Chrysostomi c. 4 et Nicephoro, Historiae ecclesiasticae lib. X, c. 26. Evangelicum autem esse tradunt cum Apelle haeretico, apud Epiphanium haeresi 44, c. 2, Cassianus, collatione I, cap. 20, et II, c. 9, atque auctor Quaestionum Caesario, Gregorii Nazianzeni fratri, ascriptarum, responsione ad interrogationem 140. Qui tamen locus effictus est ex illo citato Palladii, scriptoris Caesario recentioris. Christo tribuunt praeter postremos tres, Clementinorum pater homil. 2, n. 51, homil. 3, n. 50, et homil. 18, n. 20; Origenes tom. XIX in Joannem ad cap. VIII, vers. 20; Hieronymus sub finem epistolae 152; Chrysostomus, sermone Cur in Pentecoste Acta apostolorum legantur, paulo post initium, et Socrates lib. III Historiae cap. 16. Contra, apostolicam vocem appellat Dionysius Alexandrinus in Epistola ad Philemonem Romanorum presbyterum, cujus verba referuntur ab Eusebio Hist. eccl., lib. VII, c. 7. Et Pauli esse ait Cyrillus Alexandrinus, ad Isaiae III, 3. Usurpant vero idem effatum, aut ob oculos habent e Patribus plurimi. Vide praecipue, si lubet, Clementem Stromateum lib. VI, p. 655; lib. VII, p. 754; Origenem homilia 3 in Leviticum, homil. 12 (Hieronymo 9) in Jeremiam paulo post medium, homil. 19 in eumdem prophetam sub finem, homilia 2 in Ezechielem paulo post initium, tom. XII in Matthaeum non longe a principio, et ad Matthaei XXIII, 37; item homil. 1 in Lucam, quem locum imitatur Ambrosius initio Commentariorum in illud Evangelium; praeterea in Joannem tom. XXV, ad capitis VIII versiculum 46, et tom. XXXII, ad cap. XIII, vers. 20; Athanasium Epistola ad Solitarios circa principium, Cyrillum Hierosolymitanum catechesi VI, in fine; Basilium homilia in principium Proverbiorum ante medium et ad Isaiae I, 22; III, 2; V, 20; Gregorium Nazianzenum carmine iambico 18, p. 218; Ambrosium in Lucae XIX, 45; Hieronymum lib. I Apologiae adversus Rufinum cap. 4, lib. III Commentariorum in Epistolam ad Ephes., in finem capitis IV, et ad vers. 10 cap. V, et libro in Epistolam ad Philemonem ad vers. 5; Procopium Gazaeum super Leviticum pag. 33; Gregorium Papam lib. XXXIII Moralium cap. 26; Damascenum Orthodoxae fidei lib. IV, cap. 18, et Epiphanium diaconum, sermone panegyrico ad Synodum generalem septimam. Quaeritur nunc, quid de celeberrimo loco sentiendum sit. Equidem doctorum virorum sententiae studiosos doctrinarum non fugiunt. Meam ego paucis verbis lectori examinandam ita propono. Ex traditione, sive non scripta, sive in quodam melioris notae apocrypho relata ferebatur, divino Novi Testamenti oraculo pronuntiari: Estote probi trapezitae. Id aliquis compertum apposuit ad oram codicis sui, Matth. XXV, 27, et Luc. XIX, 23, ubi τραπεζιτῶν mentionem factam videbat. Alius adnotandum putavit ad locum consimilem Apostoli I Thessal. V, 21. Tertius forsan, tribus in praedictis locis collocavit. Ac nescio an non etiam scriptum fuerit in margine Epistolae primae Joannis cap. IV, vers. 1. Inde postea in sacrum contextum verba spuria irrepserunt. Quo factum, ut velut Scripturae, velut evangelica, velut Christi, velut apostolica, velut Pauli, velut Christi simul et Pauli (quod videtur putasse Socrates) citarentur. Certe cum textibus memoratis solent conjungi. Itemque declarat Cyrillus Alexandrinus, cum dicit: Τοιοῦτόν τι καὶ ὁ μακάριος Παῦλός φησι· Γίνεσθε φρόνιμοι τραπεζῖται, πάντα δοκιμάζετε, τὸ καλὸν κατέχετε, ἀπὸ παντὸς εἴδους πονηροῦ ἀπέχεσθε. Quae posteriora leguntur in dicta Epistola ad Thessalonicenses. Itaque notari meretur ingens Rufini confidentia: qui eo quod nostrum testimonium non reperiret in apostolicis exemplaribus quibus utebatur, vertendo locum Dionysii in Eusebii Historia, γίνεσθε δόκιμοι τραπεζῖται, non est interpretatus, sed pro eo substituit, Omnia legite, quae bona sunt tenete; quo modo dictum Apostolicum I Thessalon. V, 21, adducit S. Augustinus libro De natura et gratia cap. 39. Minoris errati reus arguitur Nicephorus lib. X, cap. 26, ubi Socratem Historicum pro more compilans, quod ille Christo et Apostolo ascribit, generali voce θείου λόγου proponit: quo (si mea valet suspicio) Constitutionum praesentem locum involvat, de quibus dici θεῖον λόγον ex Epiphanio et Cedreno observavimus initio notarum. Sicut autem hic habetur τραπεζῖται δόκιμοι, et capite sequenti ἀργυρονόμοι ἐπιστήμονες: ita in Philone Judaeo, libro De judice, ad finem, ἀργυραμοιβὸς ἀγαθός; in Gregorio Nazianzeno, carmine supra citato, εὐφυὴς ἀργυρογνώμων· in Cyrillo Alexandrino, φρόνιμοι τραπεζῖται· in Origene, tractatu 27 in Matthaeum, prudentes nummularii; homil. 1 in Lucam, ab exercitatissimis trapezitis; ad Joannis XIII, 20, καλοὶ τραπεζῖται· in Theodoro Studita, serm. Catechet. 125, τῶν καλῶν τραπεζιτῶν; in Hieronymo, 1 adversus Rufinum, probus trapezita, in caput V Epistolae ad Ephesios prudentissimi trapezitae, in Epistolam ad Philemonem callidus trapezita, in Ambrosio ad c. I et XIX Lucae, bonus nummularius, boni nummularii; in Epiphanio diacono, a divinis trapezitis, et in Joanne Climaco Scalae gradu 4, paulo ante finem, ἄριστος τραπεζίτης. Denique cum verbis capitis subsequentis merito conferentur ista Chrysostomi in sermone jam laudato: Καθάπερ γὰρ οἱ τραπεζῖται τὸ μὲν κίβδηλον καὶ παράσημον ἐκβάλλουσι νόμισμα, τὸ δὲ δόκιμον καὶ ὑγιὲς δέχονται; necnon ista Damasceni pariter citati: Γενώμεθα δόκιμοι τραπεζῖται, τὸ μὲν γνήσιον καὶ καθαρὸν χρυσίον σωρεύοντες, τὸ δὲ κίβδηλον παραιτού- (continues)

[…] 24; 24:4, 5; Pamphilus, at the beginning of the Apology for Origen; Palladius, Life of Chrysostom, ch. 4; and Nicephorus, Ecclesiastical History book 10, ch. 26. That it is from the Gospel is held, with the heretic Apelles in Epiphanius, Heresy 44, ch. 2, by Cassian, Conference 1, ch. 20, and 2, ch. 9, and by the author of the Questions ascribed to Caesarius, brother of Gregory Nazianzen, in the answer to question 140 — a passage, however, fashioned from that cited place of Palladius, a writer more recent than Caesarius. Besides the last three, it is ascribed to Christ by the father of the Clementines, Homily 2, n. 51, Homily 3, n. 50, and Homily 18, n. 20; by Origen, tome 19 on John, at chapter 8, verse 20; by Jerome near the end of letter 152; by Chrysostom in the sermon Why the Acts of the Apostles Are Read at Pentecost, a little after the beginning; and by Socrates, History book 3, ch. 16. On the other hand, Dionysius of Alexandria, in his Letter to Philemon, presbyter of the Romans, whose words Eusebius reports in the Ecclesiastical History book 7, ch. 7, calls it an apostolic saying; and Cyril of Alexandria, on Isaiah 3:3, says it is Paul's. Very many of the Fathers use the same saying or have it before their eyes. See especially, if you please, Clement the Stromatist, book 6, p. 655, book 7, p. 754; Origen, Homily 3 on Leviticus, Homily 12 (9 in Jerome) on Jeremiah a little after the middle, Homily 19 on the same prophet near the end, Homily 2 on Ezekiel a little after the beginning, tome 12 on Matthew not far from the beginning, and on Matthew 23:37; likewise Homily 1 on Luke, a passage Ambrose imitates at the beginning of his Commentary on that Gospel; also on John tome 25, at chapter 8, verse 46, and tome 32, at chapter 13, verse 20; Athanasius, Letter to the Monks, near the beginning; Cyril of Jerusalem, Catechesis 6, at the end; Basil, homily on the beginning of Proverbs before the middle, and on Isaiah 1:22, 3:2, 5:20; Gregory Nazianzen, iambic poem 18, p. 218; Ambrose on Luke 19:45; Jerome, Apology against Rufinus book 1, ch. 4, Commentary on Ephesians book 3, at the end of chapter 4 and on chapter 5, verse 10, and in the book on the Letter to Philemon at verse 5; Procopius of Gaza on Leviticus, p. 33; Pope Gregory, Moralia book 33, ch. 26; Damascene, On the Orthodox Faith book 4, ch. 18; and Epiphanius the deacon, in his panegyric sermon to the seventh general Synod. It is now asked what is to be thought of this most celebrated passage. The opinions of learned men, to be sure, are not unknown to students of learning. My own I set before the reader in a few words, to be examined, as follows. It was reported from tradition, whether unwritten or recorded in some apocryphal book of the better sort, that a divine oracle of the New Testament pronounced: "Be honest bankers." Someone, having learnt this, set it in the margin of his codex at Matthew 25:27 and Luke 19:23, where he saw mention made of bankers. Another thought it should be noted at the similar passage of the Apostle, 1 Thessalonians 5:21. A third, perhaps, placed it at the three aforesaid passages. And I am inclined to think it was also written in the margin of the First Letter of John, chapter 4, verse 1. From there the spurious words afterwards crept into the sacred text. Hence it came about that they were cited as Scripture, as from the Gospel, as Christ's, as apostolic, as Paul's, as at once Christ's and Paul's (which Socrates seems to have thought). Certainly they are usually joined with the texts mentioned. And Cyril of Alexandria makes this plain when he says: "The blessed Paul says something of this kind: Be prudent money-changers; test all things, hold fast what is good, abstain from every form of evil." These latter words are read in the said Letter to the Thessalonians. So Rufinus's enormous boldness deserves to be marked: because he did not find our saying in the apostolic copies he used, in translating the passage of Dionysius in Eusebius's History he did not render "be approved money-changers", but substituted for it "Read all things; hold fast what is good" — the way St Augustine cites the Apostle's saying, 1 Thessalonians 5:21, in On Nature and Grace, ch. 39. Nicephorus is charged with a lesser error, book 10, ch. 26, where, compiling the historian Socrates as is his habit, he presents what Socrates ascribes to Christ and the Apostle under the general term "the divine word" — by which (if my suspicion holds) he takes in the present passage of the Constitutions, of which, as we observed at the beginning of the notes from Epiphanius and Cedrenus, the term "divine word" is used. And as here we have "approved money-changers", and in the next chapter "skilled assayers of silver", so in Philo the Jew, On the Judge, at the end, "a good money-changer"; in Gregory Nazianzen, in the poem cited above, "a gifted assayer of silver"; in Cyril of Alexandria, "prudent money-changers"; in Origen, tractate 27 on Matthew, "prudent money-changers", Homily 1 on Luke, "by the most practised bankers", on John 13:20, "good money-changers"; in Theodore the Studite, Catechetical sermon 125, "of the good money-changers"; in Jerome, Against Rufinus 1, "an honest banker", on chapter 5 of the Letter to the Ephesians "most prudent bankers", on the Letter to Philemon "a shrewd banker"; in Ambrose on Luke chapters 1 and 19, "a good money-changer, good money-changers"; in Epiphanius the deacon, "by the divine bankers"; and in John Climacus, Ladder step 4, a little before the end, "the best money-changer". Finally, these words of Chrysostom in the sermon already cited will rightly be compared with the words of the following chapter: "For as money-changers throw out the counterfeit and false-stamped coin, but accept the approved and sound"; and likewise these of Damascene, also cited: "Let us become approved money-changers, heaping up the genuine and pure gold, but refusing the counterfeit (continues)

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(³⁷) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 690 Deut. I, 16, et XVI, 18; Zach. VII, 9.

Deuteronomy 1:16 and 16:18; Zechariah 7:9.

(³⁸⁻³⁹) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 690 Luc VI, 37.

Luke 6:37.

(printed under page 342) (⁴⁰) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 690 Jo. VII, 24.

John 7:24.

(printed under page 342) (⁴¹) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 690 Luc XII, 57.

Luke 12:57.

(printed under page 342) (⁴²) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 690 Laudatur a Cedreno. Vide Vet. Testim.

Cited by Cedrenus. See the Ancient Testimonies.

(printed under page 342) (⁴³) ‹anchor: adversus Susannam› · call in col 690 Dan. XIII.

Daniel 13.

(printed under page 342) (⁴⁴) ‹anchor: contra Josephum› · call in col 690 Gen. XXXIX.

Genesis 39.

(printed under page 342) (⁴⁵) ‹anchor: deliquerit ostende› · call in col 690 Matth. XVIII, 15.

Matthew 18:15.

(printed under page 342) (⁴⁶) ‹anchor: non dignoscitur› · call in col 690 Prov. XIV, 33.

Proverbs 14:33.

VARIORUM NOTAE. (?) (continued from p. 341; number and lemma not visible) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 690 μενοι. Omiseram notare assertionem Constitutoris, de praecepto, Estote probi trapezitae, sacerdotibus dato, congruere cum oratione Dionysii Alexandrini de eodem dicto πρὸς τοὺς δυνατωτέρους emisso: alios tamen id vocis pro generali monito habuisse. Cot.

-ing. I had omitted to note that the Constitutor's assertion, that the precept "Be honest bankers" was given to priests, agrees with Dionysius of Alexandria's words about the same saying, that it was uttered "to the more capable"; others, however, took the saying as a general admonition. Cotelier.

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Ἢ διδασκαλικοῦ. Deest in codice altero Vindobonensi, et abesse debet; sermo enim est de judice, non de doctore. Cler.

"Or of a teacher." Missing in the other Vienna codex, and it ought to be missing; for the discourse is about a judge, not a teacher. Clericus.

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Ὅπως. Legit ὅτι alter cod. Vind. Id.

"So that." The other Vienna codex reads "that". The same.

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(34) ‹anchor: χαιρεσικάκους› · call in col 690

Χαιρεσικάκους. Vind. codices, ἐπιχαιρεσικάκους, a quibus abest ζηλωτάς. Id.

"Rejoicing in evil." The Vienna codices have "gloating over evil", and lack "jealous". The same.

(printed under page 342)

(⁴⁷) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 691 Matth. XVIII, 15.

Matthew 18:15.

(printed under page 343) (⁴⁸) ‹anchor: est vobis, facite› · call in col 691 Luc. III, 13.

Luke 3:13.

VARIORUM NOTAE. (printed under page 343)

(35) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 691

Ὅτι χρή, κ.τ.λ. Titulus iste ad praecedentia quoque spectat. Sed observatum fuit ab episcopo Ostunensi Bovio, lemmatum horum auctorem defunctorie rem egisse. Cot.

"That one must", etc. This title refers to what precedes as well. But it was observed by Bovio, bishop of Ostuni, that the author of these headings did his work perfunctorily. Cotelier.

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Παραδέχηται. Ita habet cod. Vind. omissis vocibus ἡ Ἐκκλησία. Cler.

"Receives." So the Vienna codex has it, omitting the words "the Church". Clericus.

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Χριστός. Addit cod. Vind. Υἱός, Filius. Id.

"Christ." The Vienna codex adds "Son". The same.

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(38) ‹anchor: ἐκ τῆς πλάνης› · call in col 691

Καὶ ἐπιστρέφῃ ἐκ τῆς πλάνης. Desunt hic in altero codice Vind. Sed sunt post μετανοεῖν, minus commode. Id.

"And turns back from his error." These words are missing here in the other Vienna codex; but they stand after "to repent", less suitably. The same.

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(39) ‹anchor: ὡς καὶ τοὺς ἐθνικούς› · call in col 691

Ὡς καὶ τοὺς ἐθνικούς. Quod ethnici, qui Christianam religionem amplecti gestiebant, admissi quondam fuerint in Ecclesiam, ad audiendum verbum Dei, res est certissima pariter ac notissima: ob quam Origenes in Homiliis saepe alloquitur compellatque catechumenos et catechumenas. Quod vero spectat ad poenitentes, docemur a viris eruditis: principio, antequam excogitarentur celebres illae stationes, quae enarrantur canone ultimo Gregorii Thaumaturgi, quarumque in prima (Fletus dicebatur) qui versabantur, extra ecclesiae ostium consistebant; tunc, inquam, peccatoribus poenitentiam agentibus licuisse introire in sacram aedem, atque lectionibus concionibusque interesse. Quinimo apud Latinos per canonem 4 Ilerdensem non excluduntur ab ejusmodi beneficio, refractarii ac in malo obdurati. Generaliterque dicitur ab Hispanis, concilii Valentini can. 1: Sacrosancta Evangelia ante munerum illationem, vel missam Catechumenorum, in ordine lectionum, post Apostolum legantur: quatenus salutaria praecepta Domini nostri Jesu Christi, vel sermonem sacerdotis, non solum fideles, sed etiam catechumeni, ac poenitentes, et omnes qui ex diverso sunt, audire licitum habeant. Sic enim pontificum praedicatione audita nonnullos ad fidem attractos evidenter scimus. Et antea sanxerant Afri, concilii Carthaginensis 4, cap. 84: Ut episcopus nullum prohibeat ingredi Ecclesiam, et audire verbum Dei, sive gentilem, sive haereticum, sive Judaeum, usque ad missam catechumenorum. Quod capitulum Burchardus, lib. III, cap 28, attribuit concilio apud Valentias habito cap. 16, forsan per σφάλμα μνημονικόν. Afros tamen tempore Tertulliani non ita sensisse, conjici datur per illud libri De praescriptione haereticorum, cap. 41: In primis quis catechumenus, quis fidelis, incertum est: pariter adeunt, pariter audiunt, pariter orant: etiam ethnici si supervenerint, sanctum canibus, et porcis margaritas, licet non veras, jactabunt. Videsis de Judaeis, in praesentia omnium interpretantibus legem, clarissimum Valesium ad Eusebii Hist. lib. II, cap. 6. Cot.

"As also the heathen." That heathen who were eager to embrace the Christian religion were once admitted into the Church to hear the word of God is a thing as certain as it is well known; on that account Origen in his Homilies often addresses and calls upon catechumens, men and women. As for penitents, we are taught by learned men that at the beginning, before those celebrated stations were devised which are described in the last canon of Gregory Thaumaturgus — those in the first of which (it was called the Weeping) stood outside the church door — at that time, I say, sinners doing penance were allowed to enter the sacred building and to be present at the readings and sermons. Indeed among the Latins, by canon 4 of Lérida, even the refractory and those hardened in evil are not shut out from this benefit. And it is said in general terms by the Spaniards, in canon 1 of the council of Valencia: "Let the sacrosanct Gospels be read before the bringing of the gifts, or the dismissal of the catechumens, in the order of the readings, after the Apostle; so that not only the faithful but also catechumens and penitents and all who are of another persuasion may be permitted to hear the saving precepts of our Lord Jesus Christ, or the sermon of the priest. For we know plainly that some have been drawn to the faith by hearing the bishops' preaching." And earlier the Africans had decreed, in the 4th council of Carthage, ch. 84: "That the bishop forbid no one, whether gentile, heretic or Jew, to enter the Church and hear the word of God, up to the dismissal of the catechumens." Burchard, book 3, ch. 28, attributes this chapter to the council held at Valencia, ch. 16, perhaps by a slip of memory. Yet that the Africans did not think so in Tertullian's time may be inferred from that passage of the book On the Prescription of Heretics, ch. 41: "To begin with, who is a catechumen and who one of the faithful is uncertain: they come in alike, they hear alike, they pray alike; even if heathen arrive, they will throw what is holy to dogs and pearls — though not true ones — to swine." On the Jews interpreting the law in the presence of all, see the most distinguished Valesius on Eusebius's History book 2, ch. 6. Cotelier.

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(⁴⁹) ‹anchor: qui male habent› · call in col 694 Matth. IX, 12.

Matthew 9:12.

(printed under page 344) (⁵⁰) ‹anchor: et genua soluta› · call in col 694 Isa. XXXV, 3.

Isaiah 35:3.

(printed under page 344) (⁵¹) ‹anchor: valde insipiens est› · call in col 694 Prov. XIV, 29, in LXX.

Proverbs 14:29, in the Septuagint.

VARIORUM NOTAE. (printed under page 344)

(40) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 694

Μέχρις οὗ τὴν σφραγῖδα λαβόντες τελειωθῶσιν. Utrumque, tam nomen, quam verbum baptismum indicat. Dicunt enim Graeci Patres de lavacro regenerationis σφραγὶς, σφραγὶς τοῦ κηρύγματος, σφραγὶς δεσποτικὴ, vel Κυρίου, vel ἐν Κυρίῳ, ἐν Χριστῷ, σφραγὶς τῆς πίστεως, τῆς ἀληθείας σφράγισμα, δευτέρου βίου σφραγὶς, σφραγὶς ὀνομάτων Πατρὸς καὶ Υἱοῦ καὶ ἁγίου Πνεύματος, σωτήριον σφράγισμα, σφραγὶς θεία, ἁγία, μυστικὴ, πνευματικὴ, ἐπουράνιος, βασιλικὴ, ἀθανατοποιὸς, ἄθραυστος, ἀκατάλυτος, ἀνεπιχείρητος, etc., σφραγίζειν, σφραγίζειν τῷ βαπτίσματι. De baptizato, ἐσφραγισμένος, de non baptizato, ἀσφράγιστος. Latini, signum, signum fidei, signum Christi, sigillum, signaculum, signaculum fidei, obsignatio fidei, vel baptismi. Signare, obsignare, baptismo consignare. Pari modo, eodemque in sensu, τελειοῦν, τελειοῦσθαι, τελείωσις, τέλειον, perficere, perfectus, consummatio, invenias non raro, apud utriusque Ecclesiae doctores. Atque ex his Epiphanio lux affulget, qui scribit in haeresi 74, Pneumatomachorum, cap. 11, si libros editos consulimus, ἐπισφραγὶς τῆς χάριτος, οὐ σύνδεσμος τῆς Τριάδος. Hoc est, ex mente virorum doctissimorum, qui expungunt, οὐ, idem ille Spiritus sanctus gratiae sigillum est, ac Trinitatis vinculum. Cum ex his verbis Ancorati cap. 7: ἐπεὶ σφραγὶς τῆς χάριτος σύνδεσμος τῆς Τριάδος, (editio mere Graeca mediam non habet virgulam,) verisimilior lectio conficiatur, ἐπεὶ σφραγὶς τῆς χάριτος ὁ σύνδεσμος τῆς Τριάδος; emergatque iste sensus utrobique, quandoquidem sigillum gratiae est conjunctio Trinitatis, in baptismate videlicet, de quo agitur. Id. — Μέχρις. Vind. cod. ἄχρι. Cler.

"Until, having received the seal, they are perfected." Both the noun and the verb signify baptism. For the Greek Fathers call the laver of regeneration the seal, the seal of the preaching, the Master's seal, or the Lord's, or in the Lord, in Christ, the seal of faith, the sealing of truth, the seal of a second life, the seal of the names of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit, the saving sealing, the seal divine, holy, mystical, spiritual, heavenly, royal, immortalizing, unbreakable, indissoluble, inviolable, etc.; and "to seal", "to seal with baptism". Of one baptized, "sealed"; of one not baptized, "unsealed". The Latins say sign, sign of faith, sign of Christ, seal, signet, signet of faith, sealing of faith or of baptism; to sign, to seal, to seal with baptism. In the same way and the same sense you will not rarely find, among the doctors of both Churches, "to perfect", "to be perfected", "perfecting", "perfect" — perficere, perfectus, consummatio. And from these light dawns on Epiphanius, who writes in Heresy 74, of the Pneumatomachi, ch. 11, if we consult the printed books, "the seal of grace, not the bond of the Trinity". That is, according to the mind of very learned men, who strike out "not": that same Holy Spirit is the seal of grace and the bond of the Trinity. Whereas from these words of the Ancoratus, ch. 7, "since the seal of grace the bond of the Trinity" (the purely Greek edition has no comma in the middle), a more probable reading may be made up: "since the seal of grace is the bond of the Trinity"; and this sense emerges in both places: that the seal of grace is the conjunction of the Trinity — in baptism, that is, which is the subject here. The same. — "Until." The Vienna codex has "until" (ἄχρι). Clericus.

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(41) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 694

Μὴ κοινωνείτωσαν δὲ ἐν τῇ προσευχῇ, etc. Notum id. Sed notabilis in primis locus Joannis Jejunatoris, sub finem Theodori Balsamonis pag. 1102: In rei autem sacrae celebratione omnes qui poenitentiam agunt, et non communicant, diximus catechumenorum edicto debere ex templo egredi, et stare in ferula; in matutino autem, vesperis, et reliquis, templi aditum non eis esse prohibitum, quominus possint ingredi, et in eo stare, si velint. Memoratus Balsamon ad canonem Laodicenum 19, in quo sancitur de hoc ritu, prava laborat interpunctione: Ἐν μετανοίᾳ δέ εἰσιν, inquit, οἱ διά τινα ἁμαρτήματα ἐπιτιμηθέντες πιστοὶ, οἱ ἀξιούμενοι καὶ τῆς ἁγίας μεταλήψεως. Pone cum cod. Reg. 2431, punctum post ἐπιτιμηθέντες. Cot.

"But let them not share in the prayer", etc. That is well known. But especially notable is a passage of John the Faster, near the end of Theodore Balsamon, p. 1102: "In the celebration of the sacred rite, we have said that all who do penance and do not communicate must go out of the church at the proclamation for the catechumens, and stand in the narthex; but at matins, vespers and the rest, entrance to the church is not forbidden them, so that they may go in and stand there if they wish." The said Balsamon, on canon 19 of Laodicea, which lays down this rite, suffers from bad punctuation: "Those in penance," he says, "are the faithful censured for certain sins, those deemed worthy also of holy communion." With the Royal codex 2431, put a full stop after "censured". Cotelier.

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(42) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 694

Βελτιωθῶσι. Vind. cod. ἐπιβελτιωθῶσι. Cler.

"Are bettered." The Vienna codex has "are further bettered". Clericus.

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(43) ‹anchor: καὶ (43) ὑπὸ τῶν Φαρισαίων› · call in col 694

Καί. Vind. cod. ὃς καί. Id.

"And." The Vienna codex has "who also". The same.

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(44) ‹anchor: συναυλίζεσθε› · call in col 694

Συναναστρέφεσθε καὶ συναυλίζεσθε. Orationis series postulat συναλίζεσθε quod verbi interpretatur Turrianus. Rem autem ipsam videbis apud Dionysium Alexandrinum in Historia ecclesiastica Eusebii, lib. VI, cap. 42. Cot.

"Associate and dwell together." The sequence of the sentence calls for "eat together", which is how Turrianus translates the word. The thing itself you will see in Dionysius of Alexandria in Eusebius's Ecclesiastical History, book 6, ch. 42. Cotelier.

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(⁵²) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 695 Luc. XV, 18, 19.

Luke 15:18–19.

(printed under page 345) (⁵³) ‹anchor: et inventus est› · call in col 695 Ibid. 31, 32.

The same [Luke 15], 31–32.

VARIORUM NOTAE. (printed under page 345)

(45) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 695

Ἀλλ'. Καί alter cod. Vind. Cler.

"But." The other Vienna codex has "and". Clericus.

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(46) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 695

Χειροθετήσας. Haec est impositio manuum reconciliatoria; de qua etiam cap. 18 et 43, quamque saepe Patres, saepe concilia commemorant. Insigniter S. Cyprianus epist. 9: Nam cum in minoribus peccatis agant peccatores poenitentiam justo tempore, et secundum disciplinae ordinem ad Exomologesin veniant, et per manus impositionem episcopi et cleri jus communicationis accipiant; nunc crudo tempore, persecutione adhuc perseverante, nondum restituta Ecclesiae ipsius pace, ad communicationem admittuntur, et offertur nomen eorum, et nondum poenitentia acta, nondum exomologesi facta, nondum manu eis ab episcopo et clero imposita, Eucharistia illis datur. Optatus post medium libri II: Dum manum imponitis et delicta donatis. Concilium Carthaginense 4, canone 76: Is qui poenitentiam in infirmitate petit, si casu, dum ad eum sacerdos invitatus venit, oppressus infirmitate obmutuerit, vel in phrenesim versus fuerit, dent testimonium qui eum audierunt, et accipiat poenitentiam. Et si continuo creditur moriturus, reconcilietur per manus impositionem, et infundatur ori ejus Eucharistia. Si supervixerit, admoneatur a supra dictis testibus, petitioni suae satisfactum, et subdatur statutis poenitentiae legibus, quandiu sacerdos, qui poenitentiam dedit, probaverit. Et canon 3 concilii Arausicani 1: Qui recedunt de corpore poenitentia accepta, placuit sine reconciliatoria manus impositione eis communicari: quod morientis sufficit consolationi, secundum definitiones Patrum, qui hujusmodi communionem congruenter viaticum nominarunt. Quod si supervixerint, stent in ordine poenitentium, et ostensis necessariis poenitentiae fructibus, legitimam communionem cum reconciliatoria manus impositione percipiant. Cot.

"Having laid hands on." This is the reconciling imposition of hands, of which also chapters 18 and 43, and which the Fathers and the councils often mention. Notably St Cyprian, letter 9: "For whereas in lesser sins sinners do penance for a due time, and come to confession according to the order of discipline, and through the imposition of the hand of the bishop and clergy receive the right of communion; now, at an unripe time, while persecution still continues, before the peace of the Church herself is restored, they are admitted to communion, and their name is offered, and with penance not yet done, confession not yet made, the hand not yet laid on them by the bishop and clergy, the Eucharist is given them." Optatus, after the middle of book 2: "while you lay on hands and forgive sins." The 4th council of Carthage, canon 76: "If one who asks for penance in sickness should happen, while the priest is coming at his invitation, to be struck dumb by the illness or fall into delirium, let those who heard him bear witness, and let him receive penance. And if he is thought to be about to die at once, let him be reconciled by the imposition of hands, and let the Eucharist be poured into his mouth. If he survives, let him be told by the aforesaid witnesses that his request has been met, and let him be subjected to the established laws of penance for as long as the priest who gave the penance shall approve." And canon 3 of the 1st council of Orange: "Those who depart from the body having received penance, it is agreed, are to be given communion without the reconciling imposition of the hand; which suffices for the consolation of the dying, according to the definitions of the Fathers, who fittingly named such communion viaticum. But if they survive, let them stand in the order of penitents, and, having shown the necessary fruits of penance, let them receive lawful communion with the reconciling imposition of the hand." Cotelier.

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(47) ‹anchor: ἀξίαν ἀποκαθίστησιν› · call in col 695

Εἰς τὴν προτέραν ἀξίαν ἀποκαθίστησιν. Et lib. VIII, cap. 9. Cum Cypriano, epist. 19, Eusebio, apud Damascenum lib. II Parallelorum cap. 86, et iis qui poenitentiam secundum baptismum, baptismum lacrymarum, baptismum poenitentiae appellant. Quin etiam Chrysostomus Paraenesi 1, ad Theodorum lapsum, Palladius Historiae Lausiacae cap. 140, et Joannes Climacus Scalae gradu 5, p. 127, afferunt quosdam poenitentia acta sanctiores exstitisse, quam fuerant antequam deliquissent, atque felicitate ac pietate superasse eos qui in justitia baptismali perseveraverant. Scribitque Lactantius lib. V, cap. 13: Cum et Deo satisfacere liceat; et nullus sit tam malus Dei cultor, qui data facultate, ad placandum Deum non revertatur, et quidem devotione majori. Peccati enim conscientia, et metus poenae religiosiorem facit; et semper multo firmior est fides, quam reponit poenitentia. Sed alia videtur fuisse Ecclesiae mens, cum laicos lapsos ab ordinibus sacris exclusit, clericos vero poenitentes pristinis gradibus non restituit; item concilii Eliberitani, quod canone 38, jus baptizandi in necessitate tribuit solummodo fidelibus qui lavacrum suum integrum habent. Subscribit quoque Athanasius in illud, Quicumque dixerit, etc. Edit. Paris., (continues)

"Restores to the former dignity." So also book 8, ch. 9. With Cyprian, letter 19; with Eusebius in Damascene, Parallels book 2, ch. 86; and with those who call penance after baptism a baptism of tears, a baptism of penance. Indeed Chrysostom, in the first Exhortation to Theodore after his fall, Palladius, Lausiac History ch. 140, and John Climacus, Ladder step 5, p. 127, adduce some who after doing penance became holier than they had been before they sinned, and surpassed in happiness and piety those who had persevered in baptismal righteousness. And Lactantius writes, book 5, ch. 13: "Since it is possible also to make satisfaction to God; and no worshipper of God is so bad that, given the opportunity, he does not return to appease God, and indeed with greater devotion. For the consciousness of sin and the fear of punishment make one more religious; and the faith that penance restores is always much firmer." But the mind of the Church seems to have been otherwise, when she excluded lapsed laymen from holy orders and did not restore penitent clerics to their former ranks; likewise that of the council of Elvira, which in canon 38 grants the right to baptize in necessity only to those of the faithful whose baptism is intact. Athanasius too subscribes, on the text "Whoever shall say", etc. Paris edition, (continues)

(printed under page 345)

(⁵⁴) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 698 Psal. L, 14.

Psalm 50 (51):14.

(printed under page 346) (⁵⁵) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 698 Ibid. 11.

The same [Psalm], 11.

(printed under page 346) (⁵⁶) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 698 I. Ignat. ad Polyc. 2.

Ignatius, To Polycarp 2.

(printed under page 346) (⁵⁷) ‹anchor: malagma imponere› · call in col 698 Isa. I, 6.

Isaiah 1:6.

VARIORUM NOTAE. (printed under page 346)

(47) (continued) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 698

tom. I, p. 974, cum Hilario ad psalm. CXXXVII, vers. 2, Epiphanio haeres. 59, capp. 1, 2, 5, 9, 10, et Hieronymo lib. II, adversus Jovinianum cap. ult. Haec licet contraria appareant, vera nihilominus omnia sunt. Etenim lapsus, post peractam poenitentiam, justus iterum efficitur ac Dei filius quemadmodum erat; cautior in posterum evadit ad vitandum peccatum, et aliquando seipso multisque stantibus religiosior redditur. Veruntamen ratione status, gradum innocentiae amittit, qui absque dubio gradu restitutionis sublimior est ac perfectior. Eodem plane modo, quod vidua, per continentiam iterum virgo audit, interdumque seipsa adhuc virgine et multis virginibus praestat; cum vidualis status virginali omnino postponatur. Vide praeter allegatos, etiam Philastrium, parte II, haeresi 42, et Isidorum Pelusiotam lib. III, epist 157. Cot.

vol. 1, p. 974; with Hilary on Psalm 137, verse 2, Epiphanius, Heresy 59, chapters 1, 2, 5, 9, 10, and Jerome, Against Jovinian book 2, last chapter. Though these appear contrary, they are nonetheless all true. For the lapsed man, once his penance is completed, becomes righteous again and a son of God as he was; he becomes more careful thereafter to avoid sin, and sometimes is made more devout than he himself was and than many who stood firm. Yet by reason of state he loses the rank of innocence, which is without doubt higher and more perfect than the rank of restoration. In just the same way a widow, through continence, is called a virgin again, and sometimes excels herself as she was when still a virgin, and many virgins; while the state of widowhood is altogether ranked below that of virginity. See, besides those cited, Philastrius, part 2, Heresy 42, and Isidore of Pelusium, book 3, letter 157. Cotelier.

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Τέμνων, ἢ καίων, ἢ ξήρια προσφέρων. Tertullianus De poenitentia cap. 10: Miserum est secari, et cauterio exuri, et pulveris alicujus mordacitate cruciari. Libri II adversus Marcionem cap. 16: Quid enim, si medicum quidem dicas esse debere, ferramenta vero ejus accuses, quod secent, et inurant, et amputent, et constrictent? quando sine instrumento artis, medicus esse non posset. Sed accusa male secantem, importune amputantem, temere inurentem; atque ita ferramenta quoque ejus, ut mala ministeria, reprehende. De Scorpiaco cap. 5: Et est plane quasi saevitia medicinae, de scalpello, deque cauterio, de sinapis incendio: non tamen secari, et inuri, et extendi (editiones Rigaltiana priores addunt mordérique) idcirco malum, quia dolores utiles affert. Et imitator Tertulliani Lucifer in tractatu Quod moriendum sit pro Filio Dei, paulo ante finem: Prospicimus enim, quod licet ferro medicus secet, cauterio urat, sinapis incendio ad omnem dolorem aegrum deducat, tamen nec secari, inuri, exedi, morderique esse inimicum: quippe quod idcirco bonum sit, quia dolores inutiles auferat per adhibitos salutis causa dolores. Quo ex ultimo loco, me etiam tacente, intelliges, lector, scribendum in Tertulliano, exedi (pro extendi) morderique. Adi, sodes, Joannem Climacum cap. 2 Epist. ad Pastorem. Id.

"Cutting, or burning, or applying dry powders." Tertullian, On Penance ch. 10: "It is wretched to be cut, and burned with the cautery, and tormented by the sting of some powder." Against Marcion book 2, ch. 16: "For what if you say there must indeed be a physician, but blame his instruments because they cut and burn and amputate and constrict? — when without the tools of his art he could not be a physician. But blame the one who cuts badly, amputates unseasonably, burns rashly; and so find fault with his instruments too, as bad servants." On the Scorpion's Sting ch. 5: "And there is plainly a kind of cruelty in medicine — the scalpel, the cautery, the burning of mustard; yet to be cut and burned and stretched" (the editions before Rigault's add "and stung") "is not therefore an evil, since it brings useful pains." And Tertullian's imitator Lucifer, in the treatise That One Must Die for the Son of God, a little before the end: "For we see that although the physician cuts with the knife, burns with the cautery, and brings the sick man to every pain with the burning of mustard, yet to be cut, burned, eaten away and stung is not hostile — since it is good for this very reason, that it removes useless pains by pains applied for the sake of health." From this last passage, reader, you will see even without my saying it that in Tertullian one should write "eaten away" (for "stretched") "and stung". Consult, pray, John Climacus, ch. 2 of the Letter to the Shepherd. The same.

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(49) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 698

Ἐπουλωτικά. Alter Vindob. ἀπουλωτικά. Cler.

"Healing (salves)." The other Vienna codex has "scarring-over (salves)". Clericus.

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(50) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 698

Αὐτό, etc. Idem αὐτὸ δι' ἐμπλάστρου. Id.

"It", etc. The same codex: "it by a plaster". The same.

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(51) ‹anchor: τὸ πᾶν διαφθαρῇ› · call in col 698

Διαφθαρῇ. Φθαρῇ cod. Vindob. Id.

"Be wholly corrupted." "Be corrupted", Vienna codex. The same.

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(52) ‹anchor: μυριόδοντα πρίονα› · call in col 698

Μυριόδοντα πρίονα. Nonnus Paraphrastes de crurifragio duorum latronum cum Christo crucifixorum, πολυόδοντι πόδες τέμνοιντο σιδήρῳ. Cot.

"The saw of countless teeth." Nonnus the Paraphrast, on the breaking of the legs of the two thieves crucified with Christ: "their feet were cut with many-toothed iron." Cotelier.

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(53) ‹anchor: τὸ τὸν πόνον› · call in col 698

Τὸ τὸν πόνον. Uterque Vindob. τῶν πόνων. Quod si admittatur, delendum ποιοῦν. Cler.

"That which (causes) the pain." Both Vienna codices have "of the pains". If that is admitted, "causing" must be deleted. Clericus.

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(⁵⁷*) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 699 Has voces supplevimus ex versione Latina, quanquam in textu Graeco subintelligi possint. Ed. Patrol.

We have supplied these words from the Latin translation, although they can be understood in the Greek text. Editor of the Patrologia.

(printed under page 347) (⁵⁸) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 699 Deut. XVII, 7.

Deuteronomy 17:7.

(printed under page 347) (⁵⁹) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 699 Lev. XV, 31.

Leviticus 15:31.

(printed under page 347) (⁶⁰) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 699 Exod. XXIII, 3; Levit. XIX, 15; Deut. I, 17.

Exodus 23:3; Leviticus 19:15; Deuteronomy 1:17.

(printed under page 347) (⁶¹) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 699 Exod. XXIII, 7, 8; Deut. XXVII, 25 et XVI, 19. Cedrenus. Vide Vet. Testim.

Exodus 23:7–8; Deuteronomy 27:25 and 16:19. Cedrenus. See the Ancient Testimonies.

(printed under page 347) (⁶²) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 699 Isa. V, 23.

Isaiah 5:23.

(printed under page 347) (⁶³) ‹anchor: tenebras lumen› · call in col 699 Ibid. 20.

The same [Isaiah 5], 20.

(printed under page 347) (⁶⁴) ‹anchor: condemnabimini› · call in col 699 Matth. VII, 2; Luc. VI, 37.

Matthew 7:2; Luke 6:37.

(printed under page 347) (⁶⁵) ‹anchor: Ergo si absque› · call in col 699 Laudat Cedrenus, ibidem.

Cedrenus cites it, in the same place.

(printed under page 347) (⁶⁶) ‹anchor: labia sua› · call in col 699 Cedrenus, ibidem.

Cedrenus, in the same place.

(printed under page 347) (⁶⁷) ‹anchor: facere destinabat› · call in col 699 Deut. XIX, 19.

Deuteronomy 19:19.

(printed under page 347) (⁶⁸) ‹anchor: ὅσον γὰρ ἐλάλησεν› · call in col 699 Al. τὸ ἐλάλησεν. Deest in utroque Vind. [the verb is cut at the join of the two images and blurred; read as ἐλάλησεν from the text it glosses]

Otherwise "the 'he spoke'". It is missing in both Vienna codices.

(printed under page 347) (⁶⁹) ‹anchor: ejus effundetur› · call in col 699 Gen. IX, 6.

Genesis 9:6.

(printed under page 347) (⁷⁰) ‹anchor: sine causa› · call in col 699 Deut. XIX, 13.

Deuteronomy 19:13.

VARIORUM NOTAE. (printed under page 347)

(54) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 699

Ὅτι χρή. Alia est inscriptio capitis in altero cod. Vindobonensi, sed quae nihil ad rem: Ὅτι χρὴ τοὺς ἁμαρτάνοντας ἰδιαζόντως ἐλέγχειν, καὶ τοὺς μετανοοῦντας προσδέχεσθαι κατὰ τὴν τοῦ Κυρίου διάταξιν. Forte id caput hinc excidit. Id.

"That one must." The other Vienna codex has another heading for the chapter, but one that has nothing to do with the matter: "That sinners must be rebuked privately, and the penitent received, according to the Lord's ordinance." Perhaps that chapter has fallen out here. The same.

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Ὑμεῖς οἱ ποιμένες σὺν τοῖς διακόνοις. Judicii ecclesiastici erga peccatorum reos frequens mentio in libro hoc, ut et apud Veteres. Eo in judicio sacerdotibus diaconos jungit etiam B. Hieronymus ad illud Michaeae: Audite hoc principes domus Jacob, et judices domus Israel, cap. III, v. 9; habitumque in conventu clericorum dicunt Eliberitani episcopi canone 74. Cot.

"You shepherds, with the deacons." Frequent mention is made in this book, as among the Ancients, of the Church's tribunal for those guilty of sins. In that tribunal blessed Jerome too joins deacons to priests, on the text of Micah, "Hear this, you princes of the house of Jacob and judges of the house of Israel", chapter 3, verse 9; and the bishops of Elvira, in canon 74, say it was held in an assembly of the clergy. Cotelier.

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Προσέχετε, etc. Haec vox et decem sequentes desunt in altero, cod. Vindob. Cler.

"Take heed", etc. This word and the ten following are missing in the other Vienna codex. Clericus.

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(57) ‹anchor: Ἐὰν γὰρ ἑτέρους› · call in col 699

Ἐάν, κ. τ. λ. Ante has voces leguntur in cod. Vindob. προσέχετε, etc., quae in superioribus aberant. Id.

"If", etc. Before these words the Vienna codex reads "take heed", etc., which were missing above. The same.

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(58) ‹anchor: μαρτυρήσαντα ψευδῆ› · call in col 699

Μαρτυρήσαντα. Cod. Vind. μαρτυρίαν.

"Having borne (false) witness." The Vienna codex has "testimony".

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(59) ‹anchor: αἷμα αὐτοῦ ἐκχυθήσεται› · call in col 699

Ἀντὶ τοῦ αἵματος, αὐτοῦ ἐκχυθήσεται (continues)

"For the blood, his (blood) shall be shed" (continues)

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VARIORUM NOTAE. (printed under page 348)

(59) (continued) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 702

Gen. IX, 6. Pono virgulam in medio, et post eam subintelligo vel τὸ αἷμα, quod agnoscitur a Cedreno edit. Basil., p. 238, lin. 24; nec non ab Irenaeo lib. V, cap. 14; et Hieronymo ad Sophoniae I, 17, vel τό duntaxat, quemadmodum habetur in editione Complutensi, et in Chrysostomo hom. 27, in Genesim. Textus Hebraeus: Qui effuderit sanguinem hominis, in homine, aut per hominem, sanguis ejus effundetur. LXX, vulgo quidem, ut in hoc Constitutionum loco; at apud Complutenses: Ἀντὶ τοῦ αἵματος ἀνθρώπου, τὸ αὐτοῦ ἐκχυθήσεται. Hoc est ex Ambrosiana versione, pro sanguine hominis, ejus effundetur. Quae tamen verba Ambrosius cap. 26 libri De Noe et arca, minus commode distinxit et explicavit, collocata distinctione post pronomen ejus (ita quippe expositio illius postulat), acceptoque textu de effusione non sanguinis, sed hominis. In Cedreno autem: Ἀντὶ τοῦ αἵματος ἐκείνου ἐκχυθήσεται τὸ αἷμα αὐτοῦ· quod Hieronymus interpretatur, pro sanguine ejus effundetur sanguis illius; et Irenaei interpres verterat (nisi me mea fallit critica): sanguis illius pro sanguine ejus effundetur. Denique in Chrysostomo ἀντὶ τοῦ αἵματος αὐτοῦ τὸ αὐτοῦ ἐκχυθήσεται, atque ita in Vita Nili junioris a Cariophylo edita p. 137. Unde colligitur legisse Senes, בדם aut באדם דם [Hebrew in very small type; letters uncertain]. Caeterum observabis, si id quoque dignum observatu videbitur, a Patribus concilii Trosleiani c. 13, usurpari verba enarrationemque Hieronymi in loco citato. Omittebam imprudens locum exstantem in synodo S. Patricii canone 6. qui tamen animadversione dignus est. Audi item Dominum dicentem: « Qui effuderit sanguinem innocentem, sanguis ipsius effundetur. » Forte enim qui illum textum suggessit, legebat in Graeco, αἷμα ἀθῷον, pro αἷμα ἀνθρώπου, non bene percipiens Scripturam in compendium deductam. Cot.

Genesis 9:6. I put a comma in the middle, and after it understand either "the blood", which is recognized by Cedrenus, Basel edition, p. 238, line 24, and also by Irenaeus, book 5, ch. 14, and Jerome on Zephaniah 1:17; or simply "that (of his)", as is found in the Complutensian edition and in Chrysostom, Homily 27 on Genesis. The Hebrew text: "Whoever sheds the blood of man, in man (or by man) shall his blood be shed." The Seventy, in the common text, as in this passage of the Constitutions; but in the Complutensian: "For the blood of a man, his shall be shed" — that is, in Ambrose's version, "for the blood of a man, his shall be shed". Ambrose, however, in ch. 26 of On Noah and the Ark, punctuated and explained these words less suitably, putting the break after the pronoun "his" (for his exposition requires this) and taking the text of the shedding not of blood but of the man. In Cedrenus, though: "For that man's blood his blood shall be shed" — which Jerome renders "for his blood that man's blood shall be shed"; and Irenaeus's translator had rendered (unless my criticism deceives me) "that man's blood shall be shed for his blood". Finally in Chrysostom, "for his blood his own shall be shed", and so in the Life of Nilus the Younger published by Cariophylus, p. 137. From this it is gathered that the Elders read [Hebrew: "for blood"] or [Hebrew: "by man, blood"]. For the rest, you will observe, if this too seems worth observing, that the Fathers of the council of Trosly, ch. 13, use the words and the exposition of Jerome in the place cited. I had unwittingly omitted a passage in the synod of St Patrick, canon 6, which nevertheless deserves notice: "Hear also the Lord saying: 'Whoever sheds innocent blood, his own blood shall be shed.'" For perhaps the one who supplied that text read in the Greek "innocent blood" for "the blood of a man", not well understanding the Scripture as abridged. Cotelier.

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(60) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 702

Πάλιν. Deest in cod. Vind. Cler.

"Again." Missing in the Vienna codex. Clericus.

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(61) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 702

Μώμους. In altero Vind. μωμοῦν, quod est melius. Verte: studio contendendi irridere eum aggressus. Id.

"Faults." In the other Vienna codex, "to find fault", which is better. Translate: "having set about mocking him in his zeal for strife". The same.

(printed under page 348)

(62) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 702

Πόλεσι. Codex Vind. πόλει. Idem.

"In cities." The Vienna codex has "in the city". The same.

(printed under page 348)

(63) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 702

Τὸ ἐπ' αὐτῷ. Cod. Vind. καὶ ἐπ' αὐτῷ, πᾶν. Id.

"That which is upon it." The Vienna codex: "and upon it, all". The same.

(printed under page 348)

(64) ‹anchor: ἐπὶ Θεὸν πιστευόντων› · call in col 702

Ἐπί. Τῶν ἐπί, ms. Vind. Id.

"In." "Of those in", Vienna manuscript. The same.

(printed under page 348)

(65) ‹anchor: παρέχον αὐτῷ φόβους› · call in col 702

Φόβους. Alter ms. φόβον, non male. Id.

"Fears." The other manuscript has "fear", not badly. The same.

(printed under page 348)

(66) ‹anchor: Οὗτος οὖν δεύτερον› · call in col 702

Οὗτος. Ante hanc vocem habet alter codd. Vind. Εἰ ἐξώσητε τὸν τοιοῦτον ἑαυτῶν καὶ περικόψητε, si expuleritis talem a vobis et abscideritis. Quae tamen necessaria non videntur. Id.

"This man." Before this word the other of the Vienna codices has "if you thrust such a man out from among you and cut him off". These words, however, do not seem necessary. The same.

(printed under page 348)

(⁷¹) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 703 Lev. XXVI, 23, 24.

Leviticus 26:23–24.

(printed under page 349) (⁷²) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 703 Psal. XVII, 26.

Psalm 17 (18):26.

(printed under page 349) (⁷³) ‹anchor: in vobis schismata› · call in col 703 I Cor. I, 10.

1 Corinthians 1:10.

(printed under page 349) (⁷⁴) ‹anchor: eadem sententia› · call in col 703 Eph. IV, 4.

Ephesians 4:4.

(printed under page 349) (⁷⁵) ‹anchor: Dominicam sanctionem› · call in col 703 L. Clem. Epist. ad Jacob., c. 12.

Clement, Letter to James, ch. 12.

VARIORUM NOTAE. (printed under page 349)

(67) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 703

Καταξιωθῆτε. Resecatur praepositio in ms. Vindob. qui habet ἀξιωθῆτε, eodem significatu. Cler.

"You be deemed worthy." The preposition is cut off in the Vienna manuscript, which has the simple verb, with the same meaning. Clericus.

(printed under page 349)

(68) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 703

Κουφότερα. Vind. cod. ἐλαφρότερα, quod idem est, more librariorum synonyma miscentium. Id.

"Lighter." The Vienna codex has a synonym for "lighter", which is the same thing — the habit of copyists mixing synonyms. The same.

(printed under page 349)

(69) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 703

Φιλάδελφοι. In cod. Vind. sequitur γίνεσθε, et mox ποιμαίνοντες. Id.

"Loving the brethren." In the Vienna codex "become" follows, and soon after "shepherding". The same.

(printed under page 349)

(70) ‹anchor: τὴν Κυριακὴν θέσιν› · call in col 703

Θέσιν. Ms. Vind. διδασκαλίαν, quod glossema esse videtur. Id.

"Ordinance." The Vienna manuscript has "teaching", which seems to be a gloss. The same.

(printed under page 349)

(71) ‹anchor: ὅσα δὲ δύναται› · call in col 703

Δέ. Deest in altero codice, nec intercedo quin deleatur. Id.

"But." Missing in the other codex, and I do not object to its deletion. The same.

(printed under page 349)

(72) ‹anchor: τὸ δημιουργεῖν› · call in col 703

Τὸ δημιουργεῖν. Hoc omittitur in altero codice Vindob. Id.

"To create." This is omitted in the other Vienna codex. The same.

(printed under page 349)

(73) ‹anchor: τὰ δ' ὑπέρογκα› · call in col 703

Ὑπέρογκα. In altero codice μείζονα, quod glossema redolet. Id.

"Weightier (matters)." In the other codex, "greater", which smells of a gloss. The same.

(printed under page 349)

(74) ‹anchor: καρδία τε καὶ ψυχή› · call in col 703

Ἔστω ὁ διάκονος, κ. τ. λ. Et lib. III, cap. penult. καὶ αἴσθησις. Diaconos, episcopi oculos, praesertimque archidiaconum, episcopalem oculum, passim appellant antiqui. Inter caeteros auctor Epistolae ad Jacobum, cap. 12 infra; Isidorus Pelusiota Epistola ad Lucium archidiaconum Pelusii, quae bis edita legitur, lib. I, num. 29, et lib. IV, num. 188, ubi dicit quod archidiaconus esse debeat totus oculus, cum diaconi sint oculi episcopi: item Fulbertus epist. 34, et Arnulfus contra Girardum, cap. 1, t. II Spicilegii p. 341. Cujus locum ita restituo: Engolismensem abbatissam quidam tuus archidiaconus gravidam pravo fecit accessu. Porro facinus ingravescentis uteri tumor excedens, et naturalis effectus aperuit. Quod dum propter insolentiam criminis, divinitatisque contemptum civibus incredibile videtur, parturientis abbatissae gemitus, et novi partus crepundia fidem fecerunt. Universa igitur civitas admiratione perculsa est: qua cogitatum impatientia, qua temeritate conceptum, qua denique impudentia posset esse completum; quod homo animarum custos, episcopalis oculus, Ecclesiae columna, sponsam Domini, Virginum ejus matrem atque custodem, non compellasset verbo tantum, sed opere polluisset. Sic ministri spiritales, angeli, possunt teste Hilario in psal. CXXIX, 2, haberi pro Dei oculis, vel auribus, vel manibus, vel pedibus. Atqui ex Origene ad Matth. XVIII, 8, 9, sacerdotes, Ecclesiae oculus recte nominantur; diaconi vero caeterique ministri, manus. In quorum primo Adamantium sequitur Hilarius ad psal. CXXXVIII, 16, ut in posteriori Zonaras interpretans canonem apostolicum 56. Symeoni autem Thessalonicensi De sacris ordinationibus cap. 13, chartophylax ὅλος ἐστὶ τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ δεξιά, pontificis dextera. Ratio porro, propter quam tot praeclaris nominibus decorati inveniuntur diaconi, tangitur ab Epiphanio haeresi 78, cap. 5, his verbis: Ἄνευ διακόνου, ἐπίσκοπον ἀδύνατον εἶναι, Sine diacono episcopus esse non potest, et a scriptore Epistolae De gradibus Ecclesiae, tom. IX Operum S. Hieronymi, istis: Sine diacono sacerdos nomen non habet, or- (continues)

"Let the deacon be", etc. So also book 3, the second-to-last chapter, "and perception". The ancients everywhere call the deacons the bishop's eyes, and the archdeacon especially the bishop's eye. Among others, the author of the Letter to James, ch. 12 below; Isidore of Pelusium in the Letter to Lucius, archdeacon of Pelusium, which is found printed twice, book 1, no. 29, and book 4, no. 188, where he says that the archdeacon should be all eye, since the deacons are the bishop's eyes; likewise Fulbert, letter 34, and Arnulf against Girard, ch. 1, Spicilegium vol. 2, p. 341. I restore that passage thus: "A certain archdeacon of yours, by wicked approach, made the abbess of Angoulême pregnant. Then the swelling of the growing womb, overflowing, and the course of nature revealed the crime. While, because of the enormity of the crime and its contempt of the divine, this seemed incredible to the citizens, the groans of the abbess in labour and the rattles of the new-born child made it believed. The whole city was therefore struck with astonishment: with what lack of restraint it had been thought of, with what rashness conceived, with what shamelessness, finally, it could have been carried through — that a man who was a guardian of souls, the bishop's eye, a pillar of the Church, should not only have accosted with a word, but defiled in deed, the Lord's bride, the mother and guardian of his virgins." So spiritual ministers, the angels, can, as Hilary witnesses on Psalm 129:2, be taken for God's eyes, or ears, or hands, or feet. Yet according to Origen on Matthew 18:8–9, the priests are rightly called the eye of the Church, and the deacons and other ministers its hands. In the first of these Hilary follows Adamantius, on Psalm 138:16, as Zonaras does in the second, interpreting apostolic canon 56. For Symeon of Thessalonica, On Sacred Ordinations ch. 13, the chartophylax "is wholly the high priest's right hand", the pontiff's right hand. Moreover, the reason why deacons are found adorned with so many splendid names is touched on by Epiphanius, Heresy 78, ch. 5, in these words: "Without a deacon it is impossible to be a bishop" — "without a deacon there can be no bishop"; and by the writer of the Letter On the Grades of the Church, in volume 9 of the works of St Jerome, in these: "Without a deacon the priest has no name, no (continues)

(printed under page 349)

(75) ‹anchor: ὁ Ἰωθὼρ› · call in col 705 (Greek only) · also set, misfiled, in n706 (to be removed there)

Ἰωθώρ. Apud LXX Ἰοθόρ. Corrupte in Coena quae indigne ascribitur S. Cypriano, Lothor. Vale fecit Lothor, pro Jothor. Exod. IV, 18. Id.

"Jethor." In the Seventy, "Iothor". Corruptly, in the Supper that is unworthily ascribed to St Cyprian, "Lothor": "Lothor said farewell", for "Jothor". Exodus 4:18. The same.

(printed under page 350)

(76) ‹anchor: μὴ προσῆκον› · call in col 705 (Greek only) · also set, misfiled, in n706 (to be removed there)

Προσῆκον. Alter codex προσήκουσι. Cler.

"Fitting." The other codex has "befit". Clericus.

(printed under page 350)

(77) ‹anchor: ἐπὶ κριτήριον ἐθνικόν› · call in col 705 (Greek only) · also set, misfiled, in n706 (to be removed there)

Μὴ ἐρχέσθω ἐπὶ κριτήριον ἐθνικόν. Correctum velim Alexandrinum Clementem multo ante finem Stromatei penultimi pagina 750, quo loci enarrans textum Apostoli I Cor. VI, 1, etc., de causis et litibus Christianorum, atque inter se comparans eos qui judicio contendunt apud iniquos, eos qui apud sanctos, et eos qui nullatenus, dicit secundos primis esse meliores, sed tertios perfectionem attigisse: Καὶ εἶναι μὲν τῶν προτέρων τοὺς δευτέρους ἀμείνους, οὐδέπω δὲ ἀπαθεῖς (male edunt ἀπειθεῖς, male emendant εὐπειθεῖς, ut antecedentia et consequentia ostendunt), ἣν μὴ ἀμνησίκακοι τέλεον γενόμενοι, κατὰ τὴν τοῦ Κυρίου διδασκαλίαν προσεύξωνται καὶ ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐχθρῶν. Cot.

"Let him not come before a heathen tribunal." I should like Clement of Alexandria corrected, well before the end of the next-to-last Stromateus, p. 750, where, expounding the Apostle's text 1 Corinthians 6:1 etc. on the suits and lawsuits of Christians, and comparing those who go to law before the unjust, those who go before the saints, and those who go to law not at all, he says that the second are better than the first, but that the third have attained perfection: "and the second are better than the first, but not yet free of passion" (they wrongly print "disobedient", and wrongly emend to "obedient", as what precedes and follows shows), "unless, having become wholly without grudge, they pray, according to the Lord's teaching, even for their enemies." Cotelier.

(printed under page 350)

(78) ‹anchor: ὁ διάβολος ἐπιτηδεύει› · call in col 705 (Greek only) · also set, misfiled, in n706 (to be removed there)

Ἐπιτηδεύει. Alter cod. Vindob. ἐφεδρεύει rectius, ut videtur. Cler.

"Practises." The other Vienna codex has "lies in wait", more correctly, as it seems. Clericus.

(printed under page 350)

(79) ‹anchor: ὄνειδος ἐπεγείρει› · call in col 705 (Greek only) · also set, misfiled, in n706 (to be removed there)

Ἐπεγείρει. Idem habet ἐπιφέρει sententia commoda: insidiatur servis Dei, probrumque infert. Id.

"Stirs up." The same codex has "brings on", a fitting sense: "he lies in wait for God's servants and brings reproach on them". The same.

(printed under page 350)

(80) ‹anchor: καθ' ἑαυτῶν εἰς μαρτυρίαν› · call in col 705 (Greek only) · also set, misfiled, in n706 (to be removed there)

Εἰς. Deest in antiquiore cod. Vindob. et quidem recte. Cl.

"Into/for." Missing in the older Vienna codex, and rightly. Clericus.

(printed under page 350)

(81) ‹anchor: ἢ φόβον› · call in col 705 (Greek only) · also set, misfiled, in n706 (to be removed there)

Φόβον. Φόρον, hoc est vectigal. Tributa et vectigalia solvi jubent larvati hi apostoli, ex decoro; quod tamen alibi non satis servatur. Id.

"Fear." Read "tribute", that is, tax. These masked apostles order tributes and taxes to be paid, out of propriety; which, however, is not well kept elsewhere. The same.

(printed under page 350)

(82) ‹anchor: κατ' ἐντολὴν Χριστοῦ› · call in col 705 (Greek only) · also set, misfiled, in n706 (to be removed there)

Χριστοῦ. Θεοῦ ms. Vind. Id.

"Of Christ." "Of God", Vienna manuscript. The same.

(printed under page 350)

(83) ‹anchor: ἀδελφῶν ἐν Κυρίῳ› · call in col 705 (Greek only) · also set, misfiled, in n706 (to be removed there)

Ἐν Κυρίῳ. Desunt in altero codice, forte melius. Id.

"In the Lord." Missing in the other codex, perhaps better. The same.

(printed under page 350)

(⁷⁶) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 706 Exod. XVIII.

Exodus 18.

(printed under page 350) (⁷⁷) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 706 I Cor. VI, 1.

1 Corinthians 6:1.

(printed under page 350) (⁷⁸) ‹anchor: Dei, Deo› · call in col 706 Matth. XXII, 21.

Matthew 22:21.

(printed under page 350) (⁷⁹) ‹anchor: tributo statere› · call in col 706 Matth. XVII.

Matthew 17.

VARIORUM NOTAE. (printed under page 350)

(74) (continued) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 706

tum non habet, officium non habet. Mitto τοὺς βασιλέως (seu βασιλέων aut βασιλείους) ὀφθαλμούς, καὶ τὰ βασιλέως ὦτα, apud Xenophontem et alios: praetereaque πρωρέα τῆς νηὸς τὸν ὀφθαλμόν, epistola 127 Gregorii Nazianzeni, et multa id genus obvia. Videto Notam ad caput 30. Cot.

rank, no office." I pass over "the king's eyes" (or "the kings'", or "royal eyes") and "the king's ears" in Xenophon and others; and besides, "the eye — the prow-man of the ship" in letter 127 of Gregory Nazianzen, and many things of the kind that are ready to hand. See the Note on chapter 30. Cotelier.

(printed under page 350)

(75) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 706

Ἰωθώρ. Apud LXX Ἰοθόρ. Corrupte in Coena quae indigne ascribitur S. Cypriano, Lothor. Vale fecit Lothor, pro Jothor. Exod. IV, 18. Id.

"Jethor." In the Seventy, "Iothor". Corruptly, in the Supper that is unworthily ascribed to St Cyprian, "Lothor": "Lothor said farewell", for "Jothor". Exodus 4:18. The same.

(printed under page 350)

(76) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 706

Προσῆκον. Alter codex προσήκουσι. Cler.

"Fitting." The other codex has "befit". Clericus.

(printed under page 350)

(77) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 706

Μὴ ἐρχέσθω ἐπὶ κριτήριον ἐθνικόν. Correctum velim Alexandrinum Clementem multo ante finem Stromatei penultimi pagina 750, quo loci enarrans textum Apostoli I Cor. VI, 1, etc., de causis et litibus Christianorum, atque inter se comparans eos qui judicio contendunt apud iniquos, eos qui apud sanctos, et eos qui nullatenus, dicit secundos primis esse meliores, sed tertios perfectionem attigisse: Καὶ εἶναι μὲν τῶν προτέρων τοὺς δευτέρους ἀμείνους, οὐδέπω δὲ ἀπαθεῖς (male edunt ἀπειθεῖς, male emendant εὐπειθεῖς, ut antecedentia et consequentia ostendunt), ἣν μὴ ἀμνησίκακοι τέλεον γενόμενοι, κατὰ τὴν τοῦ Κυρίου διδασκαλίαν προσεύξωνται καὶ ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐχθρῶν. Cot.

"Let him not come before a heathen tribunal." I should like Clement of Alexandria corrected, well before the end of the next-to-last Stromateus, p. 750, where, expounding the Apostle's text 1 Corinthians 6:1 etc. on the suits and lawsuits of Christians, and comparing those who go to law before the unjust, those who go before the saints, and those who go to law not at all, he says that the second are better than the first, but that the third have attained perfection: "and the second are better than the first, but not yet free of passion" (they wrongly print "disobedient", and wrongly emend to "obedient", as what precedes and follows shows), "unless, having become wholly without grudge, they pray, according to the Lord's teaching, even for their enemies." Cotelier.

(printed under page 350)

(78) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 706

Ἐπιτηδεύει. Alter cod. Vindob. ἐφεδρεύει rectius, ut videtur. Cler.

"Practises." The other Vienna codex has "lies in wait", more correctly, as it seems. Clericus.

(printed under page 350)

(79) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 706

Ἐπεγείρει. Idem habet ἐπιφέρει sententia commoda: insidiatur servis Dei, probrumque infert. Id.

"Stirs up." The same codex has "brings on", a fitting sense: "he lies in wait for God's servants and brings reproach on them". The same.

(printed under page 350)

(80) ‹anchor: καθ' ἑαυτῶν εἰς μαρτυρίαν› · call in col 706

Εἰς. Deest in antiquiore cod. Vindob. et quidem recte. Cl.

"Into/for." Missing in the older Vienna codex, and rightly. Clericus.

(printed under page 350)

(81) ‹anchor: ἢ φόβον› · call in col 706

Φόβον. Φόρον, hoc est vectigal. Tributa et vectigalia solvi jubent larvati hi apostoli, ex decoro; quod tamen alibi non satis servatur. Id.

"Fear." Read "tribute", that is, tax. These masked apostles order tributes and taxes to be paid, out of propriety; which, however, is not well kept elsewhere. The same.

(printed under page 350)

(82) ‹anchor: κατ' ἐντολὴν Χριστοῦ› · call in col 706

Χριστοῦ. Θεοῦ ms. Vind. Id.

"Of Christ." "Of God", Vienna manuscript. The same.

(printed under page 350)

(83) ‹anchor: ἀδελφῶν ἐν Κυρίῳ› · call in col 706

Ἐν Κυρίῳ. Desunt in altero codice, forte melius. Id.

"In the Lord." Missing in the other codex, perhaps better. The same.

(printed under page 350)

(⁸⁰) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 707 Matth. XVIII, 21.

Matthew 18:21.

(printed under page 351) (⁸¹) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 707 Matth. V, 9.

Matthew 5:9.

(printed under page 351) (⁸²) ‹anchor: sicut et dicit lex› · call in col 707 Deut. XIX, 17.

Deuteronomy 19:17.

(printed under page 351) (⁸³) ‹anchor: quod justum est› · call in col 707 Deut. XVI, 20.

Deuteronomy 16:20.

(printed under page 351) VARIORUM NOTAE (84), (85), (86): printed under page 351 but called only in the Greek, col. 708; set in n708, not here.

(84) ‹anchor: δευτέρᾳ Σαββάτων (call after Σαββάτων in the chapter's first sentence)› · call in col 708 (Greek only) · also set, misfiled, in n707 (to be removed there)

Δευτέρᾳ Σαββάτων. Hoc est, secundo die hebdomadis, nam Σάββατα hic hebdomadem significat, non Sabbatum. Sic dies solis, sive Dominicus dicitur μία Σαββάτων Matth. XXVIII, 1, ad quem locum vide interpretes, et praesertim H. Grotium. Cler.

"On the second (day) of the Sabbaths." That is, on the second day of the week; for "Sabbaths" here means the week, not the Sabbath. So the day of the sun, or the Lord's day, is called "the first of the Sabbaths" in Matthew 28:1; on that passage see the commentators, and especially H. Grotius. Clericus.

(printed under page 351, under the Latin column)

(85) ‹anchor: καὶ οἱ πρεσβύτεροι› · call in col 708 (Greek only) · also set, misfiled, in n707 (to be removed there)

Συμπαρέστωσαν δέ, κ. τ. λ. Interdum jus dicebant episcopi soli; interdum advocatis in consilium clericis suis. Aliquando liberabant se ea molestia; inferioribusque ordinibus litium diremptionem relinquebant. Coacti etiam nonnunquam fuerunt laicos hac in re clericis praeponere. Cujus ultimi exemplum habes apud Socratem. Hist. eccl., lib. VII, cap. 37, in Silvano Trojae episcopo. Cot.

"And let there be present with them", etc. Sometimes the bishops gave judgement alone; sometimes with their clergy called into council. At times they freed themselves from that burden and left the settling of suits to the lower orders. Sometimes they were even forced to put laymen above the clergy in this matter — an example of which last you have in Socrates, Ecclesiastical History book 7, ch. 37, in Silvanus, bishop of Troas. Cotelier.

(printed under page 351; begins under the Latin column, ends under the Greek)

(86) ‹anchor: ταύτην ἐπάγειν τιμωρίαν (chapter XLVIII title)› · call in col 708 (Greek only) · also set, misfiled, in n707 (to be removed there)

Ταύτην. Lege ex cod. Vindobon. et re ipsa τὴν αὐτήν. Cler.

"This." Read, from the Vienna codex and the sense itself, "the same". Clericus.

(printed under page 351)

(⁸⁵) ‹anchor: ἢ φιλονεικία› · call in col 709 (Greek only) · also set, misfiled, in n710 (to be removed there) Ἢ φιλονεικίας, vel ἢ φιλονεικία.

"Or of contentiousness", or "or contentiousness".

(printed under page 352)

(87) ‹anchor: καὶ ἄλλως› · call in col 709 (Greek only) · also set, misfiled, in n710 (to be removed there)

Καὶ ἄλλως. Abest καί in Vindob. cod. nec necessarium est. Cler.

"And otherwise." "And" is absent in the Vienna codex, and it is not necessary. Clericus.

(printed under page 352)

(88) ‹anchor: καὶ προθέσεως› · call in col 709 (Greek only) · also set, misfiled, in n710 (to be removed there)

Καὶ προθέσεως. Dele καί ex eodem codice, et sic distingue ἑτέρως· προθέσεως, etc. Id.

"And of purpose." Delete "and", from the same codex, and punctuate thus: "otherwise; of purpose", etc. The same [Clericus].

(printed under page 352)

(89) ‹anchor: εἰ πρώτου τούτου κατηγορεῖ› · call in col 709 (Greek only) · also set, misfiled, in n710 (to be removed there)

Εἰ πρώτου. Cod. Vind. Εἰ πρὸ τούτου οὗ κατηγορεῖ καὶ ἑτέροις: an ante hunc quem accusat, etiam aliis accusationes impegerit. Eodem sensu. Cler.

"Whether first." The Vienna codex: "whether, before this man whom he accuses, he has also brought charges against others." The same sense. Clericus.

(printed under page 352; begins under the Greek column, ends under the Latin)

(90) ‹anchor: ὁποῖος τυγχάνει› · call in col 709 (Greek only) · also set, misfiled, in n710 (to be removed there)

Ὁποῖος. Vind. cod. ὁποῖός τις. Id.

"Of what sort." The Vienna codex: "of what sort (someone)". The same [Clericus].

(printed under page 352, under the Latin column)

(⁸⁴) ‹anchor: judicabimini› · call in col 710 Matth. VII, 2.

Matthew 7:2.

(printed under page 352) (⁸⁶) ‹anchor: fides non habeatur› · call in col 710 Laudatur a Cedreno. Vide Test. Veterum.

Cited by Cedrenus. See the Ancient Testimonies.

(printed under page 352) (⁸⁷) ‹anchor: stabit omne verbum› · call in col 710 Deut. XIX, 15.

Deuteronomy 19:15.

(printed under page 352) (⁸⁸) ‹anchor: contra Susannam› · call in col 710 Dan. XIII.

Daniel 13.

(printed under page 352) (⁸⁹) ‹anchor: contra Nabuthaeum› · call in col 710 III Reg. XXI.

3 Kings (1 Kings) 21.

(printed under page 352) (⁹⁰) ‹anchor: adversus Dominum› · call in col 710 Matth. XXVI.

Matthew 26.

(printed under page 352) (⁹¹) ‹anchor: martyrem Stephanum› · call in col 710 Act. VI et VII.

Acts 6 and 7.

(printed under page 352)

(⁹²) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 711 Exod. XXIII, 1, 2.

Exodus 23:1–2.

(printed under page 353) (⁹³) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 711 Ignat. interpol. ad Magnes. 9.

Interpolated Ignatius, To the Magnesians 9.

(printed under page 353) (⁹⁴) ‹anchor: impunitus erit› · call in col 711 Prov. XIX, 5, 9.

Proverbs 19:5, 9.

(printed under page 353) (⁹⁵) ‹anchor: alieno judicio› · call in col 711 Prov. XXVI, 17.

Proverbs 26:17.

VARIORUM NOTAE. (printed under page 353)

(91) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 711

Τὴν μαρτυρίαν. Τὰς μαρτυρίας. Ms. Vind.

"The testimony." "The testimonies", Vienna manuscript.

(printed under page 353)

(92) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 711

Φιλόχηρος. Deest in cod. Vindob. ut et μὴ βρώτης καὶ χρηματολαίλαψ, pro quibus habet πολυανάλωτος.

"Fond of widows." Missing in the Vienna codex, as are "not a glutton and a whirlwind for money", in place of which it has "very lavish".

(printed under page 353)

(93) ‹anchor: ἢ ἕτερόν τινα› · call in col 711

Τινά. Deest in altero cod. Vind.

"Someone." Missing in the other Vienna codex.

(printed under page 353)

(94) ‹anchor: ὅπως μὴ ἕτερος› · call in col 711

Ἕτερος. Καὶ ἕτερος cod. Vind.

"Another." "Also another", Vienna codex.

(printed under page 353)

(95) ‹anchor: δίκης ἐκτός› · call in col 711

Οὐδ' ὁ πλημμελῶν δίκης ἐκτός. Vide in LXX, Proverb. XXVIII, 20; Sap. I, 8; XIV, 31, Sir. XII, 7, XXIII, 13. Cot.

"Nor shall the offender be beyond justice." See in the Septuagint Proverbs 28:20; Wisdom 1:8, 14:31; Sirach 12:7, 23:13. Cotelier.

(printed under page 353)

(96) ‹anchor: προπετῶς ἐξενέγκητε› · call in col 711

Προπετῶς. Καὶ προπετῶς rectius, in Vind. Cler.

"Rashly." "And rashly", more correctly, in the Vienna codex. Clericus.

(printed under page 353)

(91) ‹anchor: τὴν μαρτυρίαν› · call in col 712 (Greek only)

Τὴν μαρτυρίαν. Τὰς μαρτυρίας. Ms. Vind.

"The testimony." "The testimonies", Vienna manuscript.

(printed under page 353)

(92) ‹anchor: εἰ φιλόχηρος› · call in col 712 (Greek only)

Φιλόχηρος. Deest in cod. Vindob. ut et μὴ βρώτης καὶ χρηματολαίλαψ, pro quibus habet πολυανάλωτος.

"Fond of widows." Missing in the Vienna codex, as are "not a glutton and a whirlwind for money", in place of which it has "very lavish".

(printed under page 353)

(93) ‹anchor: ἢ ἕτερόν τινα› · call in col 712 (Greek only)

Τινά. Deest in altero cod. Vind.

"Someone." Missing in the other Vienna codex.

(printed under page 353)

(94) ‹anchor: ὅπως μὴ ἕτερος› · call in col 712 (Greek only)

Ἕτερος. Καὶ ἕτερος cod. Vind.

"Another." "Also another", Vienna codex.

(printed under page 353)

(95) ‹anchor: δίκης ἐκτός› · call in col 712 (Greek only)

Οὐθ' ὁ πλημμελῶν δίκης ἐκτός. Vide in LXX, Proverb. XXVIII, 20; Sap. I, 8; XIV, 31, Sir. XII, 7, XXIII, 13. Cot.

"Nor is the offender beyond justice." See in the Septuagint Proverbs 28:20; Wisdom 1:8, 14:31; Sirach 12:7, 23:13. Cotelier.

(printed under page 353)

(96) ‹anchor: προπετῶς ἐξενέγκητε› · call in col 712 (Greek only)

Προπετῶς. Καὶ προπετῶς rectius, in Vind. Cler.

"Rashly." "And rashly", more correctly, in the Vienna codex. Clericus.

(printed under page 353)

(97) ‹anchor: ἐν πυρὶ κατεδίκασεν› · call in col 713 (Greek only)

Ἐν πυρὶ κατεδίκασεν. Juxta Hebraeorum traditionem apud Origenem Epistola ἀμοιβαίᾳ ad Africanum, et apud Hieronymum tum epist. 10, tum in Commentariis ad Jeremiae XXIX, 21, 22, 23, et ad Danielis XIII, 5, 62, quod Achabus et Sedecias pseudoprophetae, quos frixit rex Babylonis in igne, atque duo senes judices Susannae calumniatores, iidem exstiterint. De quo consulendi interpretes. Cot. Pro ἐν πυρί, in altero Vindob. cod. est tantum πυρί. Cler.

"Condemned (them) in fire." According to the tradition of the Hebrews, in Origen's Letter in reply to Africanus, and in Jerome both in letter 10 and in the Commentaries on Jeremiah 29:21, 22, 23 and on Daniel 13:5, 62, Ahab and Zedekiah, the false prophets whom the king of Babylon roasted in the fire, and the two elders, the judges who slandered Susanna, were the same men. On this the commentators should be consulted. Cotelier. For "in fire" the other Vienna codex has only "by fire". Clericus.

(printed under page 354)

(98) ‹anchor: τὰς ἀνακρίσεις› · call in col 713 (Greek only)

Ἀνακρίσεις. Quid in judiciis sit ἀνάκρισις docent lexicographi. Totam autem judicialem scenam graphice descriptam habes in Opere imperfecto, ad Matth. XXV, 31, hoc pacto: Criminosas personas judex auditurus in publico, tribunal suum collocat in excelso, circa se constituit vexilla regalia, ante conspectum suum ponit super mensam calliculam (f. caliculum), unde tribus digitis mortem hominum scribat aut vitam: hinc inde officiales ordinate consistunt; in medio secretario ponuntur genera horrenda poenarum quae non solum pati, sed et videre, tormentum: stant juxta parati tortores, crudeliores aspectu quam manibus. Tota judicii facies cujusdam schematis terrore vestitur. Et cum ad medium productae fuerint criminosae personae, ante interrogationem judicis ipsius, judicii terribili discutiuntur aspectu. Et ad ejusdem capitis versiculum 33: Quando aliquis ante conspectum regis aut judicis introducitur, ex ipso loco ubi stare jubetur, intelligit si propter bonum introductus est, aut propter malum. Si enim propter bonum, statim vocatur in proximo; si propter malum, longe stare jubetur. Genuinus Chrysostomus homil. 17 in Genesim, interpretans Dei interrogationem, Adam, ubi es? ait: Ἴστε γὰρ ὅτι ἐπειδὰν ἐφ' ὑψηλοῦ τοῦ βήματος καθήμενοι δίκην εἰσπράττονται τοὺς τὰ φαῦλα ἐργασαμένους, οὐκ ἀξιοῦσιν αὐτοὺς τῆς οἰκείας ἀποκρίσεως, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο δεικνύντες αὐτοῖς, ὅσῃ ἀτιμίᾳ ἑαυτοὺς περιέβαλον διὰ τῆς τῶν πονηρῶν πραγμάτων ἐργασίας· ἀλλ' ὁ μὲν δικαστὴς ἀποκρίνεται, ἕτερος δέ τις ἑστὼς διαβιβάζει τὰ παρὰ τοῦ δικαστοῦ τῷ ὑπευθύνῳ, καὶ τὰ παρ' ἐκείνου πάλιν διαπορθμεύει τῷ δικαστῇ· καὶ τοιοῦτον ἄν ἴδοι τις τῶν δικαζόντων πανταχοῦ τὸ ἔθος. Et concione 2 De Lazaro: Οἱ τὸ δεσμωτήριον οἰκοῦντες, ἀεὶ μὲν ἐν κατηφείᾳ καὶ ὀδύναις εἰσί, μάλιστα δὲ κατὰ τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκείνην, καθ' ἣν ἂν μέλλωσιν ἐξάγεσθαι, καὶ παρ' αὐτὰς τὰς τοῦ δικάζοντος ἄγεσθαι θύρας· καὶ πρὸ τῶν κιγκλίδων ἑστῶτες, καὶ τῆς τοῦ κρίνοντος φωνῆς ἔνδοθεν ἀκούοντες, ἀποπήγνυνται τῷ φόβῳ, καὶ τῶν νεκρῶν οὐδὲν ἄμεινον διάκεινται. Concione 4: Ἐπὶ τῶν ἔξωθεν δικαστηρίων τούτων, ὅταν ὡσί τινες ὑπεύθυνοι λῃσταὶ καὶ ἀνδροφόνοι, πόρρω τῆς ὄψεως τοῦ δικάζοντος ἀποστήσαντες τούτους οἱ νόμοι, τῆς τοῦ κρίνοντος οὐκ ἐπιτρέπουσιν ἀκοῦσαι φωνῆς, κἂν τούτῳ μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων αὐτοὺς ἀτιμάζοντες, ἀλλὰ μέσος τις διακονεῖ ταῖς ἐρωτήσεσι τοῦ δικάζοντος, καὶ ταῖς ἀποκρίσεσι τῶν δικαζομένων. Noti sunt Prudentii versus Hamartigeniae 440, etc.: Qui summum solidumque bonum putat, ambitionis / Crescere successu; praeconum voce trementes / Examinare reos. Id.

"Examinations." What "examination" means in trials, the lexicographers teach. You have the whole scene of a trial vividly described in the Opus imperfectum, on Matthew 25:31, thus: "When the judge is about to hear criminals in public, he sets his tribunal on high, places the royal standards around him, puts before his eyes on a table a small inkpot (perhaps 'little cup'), from which with three fingers he may write men's death or life; officials stand in order on either side; in the middle of the chamber are set the horrible kinds of punishment, which are a torment not only to suffer but even to see; beside them stand the torturers ready, crueller in their look than in their hands. The whole face of the trial is clothed in the terror of a kind of spectacle. And when the criminals have been brought into the middle, before the judge's own questioning, they are examined by the terrible look of the tribunal." And on verse 33 of the same chapter: "When someone is brought before the face of a king or judge, he understands from the very place where he is ordered to stand whether he has been brought in for good or for ill. For if for good, he is at once called near; if for ill, he is ordered to stand far off." The genuine Chrysostom, Homily 17 on Genesis, interpreting God's question "Adam, where are you?", says: "For you know that when they sit on the high tribunal and exact justice from those who have done evil, they do not deem them worthy of a reply of their own, and so show them with how much dishonour they have covered themselves by doing wicked deeds; but the judge answers, and someone else standing by carries the judge's words across to the accused, and ferries his words back again to the judge. And one may see this custom of judges everywhere." And in the 2nd sermon On Lazarus: "Those who dwell in prison are always in dejection and pains, but most of all on that day on which they are to be led out and brought to the very doors of the judge; and standing before the railings and hearing the judge's voice from within, they freeze with fear and are in no better state than the dead." In the 4th sermon: "In these outward courts, when there are some accused robbers and murderers, the laws set them far from the judge's sight and do not allow them to hear the judge's voice, dishonouring them in this too, along with the rest; but someone in between serves the judge's questions and the answers of those on trial." Well known are the lines of Prudentius, Hamartigenia 440 etc.: "He who thinks it the highest and most solid good to grow by ambition's success, to examine the accused trembling at the heralds' voice." The same.

(printed under page 354)

(99) ‹anchor: παραπετάσματος μέσου› · call in col 713 (Greek only)

Παραπετάσματος μέσου. Suidae Lexicon, παραπέτασμα· παρακάλυμμα, παράπλωμα, τὸ λεγόμενον βῆλον. Basilius epist. 79, circa finem: Οἱ τοῦ κόσμου τούτου ἄρχοντες, ὅταν τινὰ τῶν κακούργων θανάτῳ καταδικάζειν μέλλωσιν, ἐφέλκονται τὰ παραπετάσματα, καλοῦσι δὲ τοὺς ἐμπειροτάτους πρὸς τὴν ὑπὲρ τῶν προκειμένων σκέψιν, καὶ πολὺν ἐνσχολάζουσι χρόνον, etc. Ad quod ultimum pertinet etiam versus Juvenalis, sat. 6: Nulla unquam de morte hominis cunctatio longa est. Ubi (ut id obiter indicem) supplendus est vetus Scholiastes, sic: De nece ingenui nulla est longa dubitatio. Caeterum non habeo quod addi mereatur observationibus virorum doctorum de velis judicum, principum, magnorum, basilicarum, et de judiciis interjecto aut levato velo. Cot.

"A curtain between." Suidas's Lexicon: "parapetasma: a covering, a hanging, what is called a velum." Basil, letter 79, near the end: "The rulers of this world, when they are about to condemn one of the evildoers to death, draw the curtains, call the most experienced to the consideration of the matters before them, and spend much time over it," etc. To this last point belongs also Juvenal's line, Satire 6: "No delay is ever long where a man's death is concerned." Where (to note it in passing) the old Scholiast is to be supplemented thus: "Over the killing of a freeborn man no hesitation is long." For the rest, I have nothing worth adding to the observations of learned men on the curtains of judges, princes, the great and basilicas, and on trials held with a curtain drawn between or raised. Cotelier.

(printed under page 354)

(100) ‹anchor: Τελευταῖον ὅρον› · call in col 713 (Greek only)

Τελευταῖον. Ms. Vind. Εἶτα τελευταῖον. Cler.

"Finally." The Vienna manuscript has "then finally". Clericus.

(printed under page 354)

(⁹⁶) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 714 Dan. XIII, 48.

Daniel 13:48.

VARIORUM NOTAE. (printed under page 354)

(97) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 714

Ἐν πυρὶ κατεδίκασεν. Juxta Hebraeorum traditionem apud Origenem Epistola ἀμοιβαίᾳ ad Africanum, et apud Hieronymum tum epist. 10, tum in Commentariis ad Jeremiae XXIX, 21, 22, 23, et ad Danielis XIII, 5, 62, quod Achabus et Sedecias pseudoprophetae, quos frixit rex Babylonis in igne, atque duo senes judices Susannae calumniatores, iidem exstiterint. De quo consulendi interpretes. Cot. Pro ἐν πυρί, in altero Vindob. cod. est tantum πυρί. Cler.

"Condemned (them) in fire." According to the tradition of the Hebrews, in Origen's Letter in reply to Africanus, and in Jerome both in letter 10 and in the Commentaries on Jeremiah 29:21, 22, 23 and on Daniel 13:5, 62, Ahab and Zedekiah, the false prophets whom the king of Babylon roasted in the fire, and the two elders, the judges who slandered Susanna, were the same men. On this the commentators should be consulted. Cotelier. For "in fire" the other Vienna codex has only "by fire". Clericus.

(printed under page 354)

(98) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 714

Ἀνακρίσεις. Quid in judiciis sit ἀνάκρισις docent lexicographi. Totam autem judicialem scenam graphice descriptam habes in Opere imperfecto, ad Matth. XXV, 31, hoc pacto: Criminosas personas judex auditurus in publico, tribunal suum collocat in excelso, circa se constituit vexilla regalia, ante conspectum suum ponit super mensam calliculam (f. caliculum), unde tribus digitis mortem hominum scribat aut vitam: hinc inde officiales ordinate consistunt; in medio secretario ponuntur genera horrenda poenarum quae non solum pati, sed et videre, tormentum: stant juxta parati tortores, crudeliores aspectu quam manibus. Tota judicii facies cujusdam schematis terrore vestitur. Et cum ad medium productae fuerint criminosae personae, ante interrogationem judicis ipsius, judicii terribili discutiuntur aspectu. Et ad ejusdem capitis versiculum 33: Quando aliquis ante conspectum regis aut judicis introducitur, ex ipso loco ubi stare jubetur, intelligit si propter bonum introductus est, aut propter malum. Si enim propter bonum, statim vocatur in proximo; si propter malum, longe stare jubetur. Genuinus Chrysostomus homil. 17 in Genesim, interpretans Dei interrogationem, Adam, ubi es? ait: Ἴστε γὰρ ὅτι ἐπειδὰν ἐφ' ὑψηλοῦ τοῦ βήματος καθήμενοι δίκην εἰσπράττονται τοὺς τὰ φαῦλα ἐργασαμένους, οὐκ ἀξιοῦσιν αὐτοὺς τῆς οἰκείας ἀποκρίσεως, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο δεικνύντες αὐτοῖς, ὅσῃ ἀτιμίᾳ ἑαυτοὺς περιέβαλον διὰ τῆς τῶν πονηρῶν πραγμάτων ἐργασίας· ἀλλ' ὁ μὲν δικαστὴς ἀποκρίνεται, ἕτερος δέ τις ἑστὼς διαβιβάζει τὰ παρὰ τοῦ δικαστοῦ τῷ ὑπευθύνῳ, καὶ τὰ παρ' ἐκείνου πάλιν διαπορθμεύει τῷ δικαστῇ· καὶ τοιοῦτον ἄν ἴδοι τις τῶν δικαζόντων πανταχοῦ τὸ ἔθος. Et concione 2 De Lazaro: Οἱ τὸ δεσμωτήριον οἰκοῦντες, ἀεὶ μὲν ἐν κατηφείᾳ καὶ ὀδύναις εἰσί, μάλιστα δὲ κατὰ τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκείνην, καθ' ἣν ἂν μέλλωσιν ἐξάγεσθαι, καὶ παρ' αὐτὰς τὰς τοῦ δικάζοντος ἄγεσθαι θύρας· καὶ πρὸ τῶν κιγκλίδων ἑστῶτες, καὶ τῆς τοῦ κρίνοντος φωνῆς ἔνδοθεν ἀκούοντες, ἀποπήγνυνται τῷ φόβῳ, καὶ τῶν νεκρῶν οὐδὲν ἄμεινον διάκεινται. Concione 4: Ἐπὶ τῶν ἔξωθεν δικαστηρίων τούτων, ὅταν ὡσί τινες ὑπεύθυνοι λῃσταὶ καὶ ἀνδροφόνοι, πόρρω τῆς ὄψεως τοῦ δικάζοντος ἀποστήσαντες τούτους οἱ νόμοι, τῆς τοῦ κρίνοντος οὐκ ἐπιτρέπουσιν ἀκοῦσαι φωνῆς, κἂν τούτῳ μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων αὐτοὺς ἀτιμάζοντες, ἀλλὰ μέσος τις διακονεῖ ταῖς ἐρωτήσεσι τοῦ δικάζοντος, καὶ ταῖς ἀποκρίσεσι τῶν δικαζομένων. Noti sunt Prudentii versus Hamartigeniae 440, etc.: Qui summum solidumque bonum putat, ambitionis / Crescere successu; praeconum voce trementes / Examinare reos. Id.

"Examinations." What "examination" means in trials, the lexicographers teach. You have the whole scene of a trial vividly described in the Opus imperfectum, on Matthew 25:31, thus: "When the judge is about to hear criminals in public, he sets his tribunal on high, places the royal standards around him, puts before his eyes on a table a small inkpot (perhaps 'little cup'), from which with three fingers he may write men's death or life; officials stand in order on either side; in the middle of the chamber are set the horrible kinds of punishment, which are a torment not only to suffer but even to see; beside them stand the torturers ready, crueller in their look than in their hands. The whole face of the trial is clothed in the terror of a kind of spectacle. And when the criminals have been brought into the middle, before the judge's own questioning, they are examined by the terrible look of the tribunal." And on verse 33 of the same chapter: "When someone is brought before the face of a king or judge, he understands from the very place where he is ordered to stand whether he has been brought in for good or for ill. For if for good, he is at once called near; if for ill, he is ordered to stand far off." The genuine Chrysostom, Homily 17 on Genesis, interpreting God's question "Adam, where are you?", says: "For you know that when they sit on the high tribunal and exact justice from those who have done evil, they do not deem them worthy of a reply of their own, and so show them with how much dishonour they have covered themselves by doing wicked deeds; but the judge answers, and someone else standing by carries the judge's words across to the accused, and ferries his words back again to the judge. And one may see this custom of judges everywhere." And in the 2nd sermon On Lazarus: "Those who dwell in prison are always in dejection and pains, but most of all on that day on which they are to be led out and brought to the very doors of the judge; and standing before the railings and hearing the judge's voice from within, they freeze with fear and are in no better state than the dead." In the 4th sermon: "In these outward courts, when there are some accused robbers and murderers, the laws set them far from the judge's sight and do not allow them to hear the judge's voice, dishonouring them in this too, along with the rest; but someone in between serves the judge's questions and the answers of those on trial." Well known are the lines of Prudentius, Hamartigenia 440 etc.: "He who thinks it the highest and most solid good to grow by ambition's success, to examine the accused trembling at the heralds' voice." The same.

(printed under page 354)

(99) ‹anchor: παραπετάσματος μέσου› · call in col 714

Παραπετάσματος μέσου. Suidae Lexicon, παραπέτασμα· παρακάλυμμα, παράπλωμα, τὸ λεγόμενον βῆλον. Basilius epist. 79, circa finem: Οἱ τοῦ κόσμου τούτου ἄρχοντες, ὅταν τινὰ τῶν κακούργων θανάτῳ καταδικάζειν μέλλωσιν, ἐφέλκονται τὰ παραπετάσματα, καλοῦσι δὲ τοὺς ἐμπειροτάτους πρὸς τὴν ὑπὲρ τῶν προκειμένων σκέψιν, καὶ πολὺν ἐνσχολάζουσι χρόνον, etc. Ad quod ultimum pertinet etiam versus Juvenalis, sat. 6: Nulla unquam de morte hominis cunctatio longa est. Ubi (ut id obiter indicem) supplendus est vetus Scholiastes, sic: De nece ingenui nulla est longa dubitatio. Caeterum non habeo quod addi mereatur observationibus virorum doctorum de velis judicum, principum, magnorum, basilicarum, et de judiciis interjecto aut levato velo. Cot.

"A curtain between." Suidas's Lexicon: "parapetasma: a covering, a hanging, what is called a velum." Basil, letter 79, near the end: "The rulers of this world, when they are about to condemn one of the evildoers to death, draw the curtains, call the most experienced to the consideration of the matters before them, and spend much time over it," etc. To this last point belongs also Juvenal's line, Satire 6: "No delay is ever long where a man's death is concerned." Where (to note it in passing) the old Scholiast is to be supplemented thus: "Over the killing of a freeborn man no hesitation is long." For the rest, I have nothing worth adding to the observations of learned men on the curtains of judges, princes, the great and basilicas, and on trials held with a curtain drawn between or raised. Cotelier.

(printed under page 354)

(100) ‹anchor: Τελευταῖον ὅρον› · call in col 714

Τελευταῖον. Ms. Vind. Εἶτα τελευταῖον. Cler.

"Finally." The Vienna manuscript has "then finally". Clericus.

(printed under page 354)

(⁹⁷) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 715 Matth. V, 22.

Matthew 5:22.

(printed under page 355) (⁹⁸) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 715 Ephes. IV, 26.

Ephesians 4:26.

(printed under page 355) (⁹⁹) ‹anchor: nolite peccare› · call in col 715 Psal. IV, 5.

Psalm 4:5.

(printed under page 355) (¹⁰⁰) ‹anchor: in mortem› · call in col 715 Prov. XII, 28, apud LXX.

Proverbs 12:28, in the Septuagint.

VARIORUM NOTAE. (printed under page 355)

(1) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 715

Πρὸς τὸν ἥλιον ἐπάρας τὰς χεῖρας. Oratorie dictum puto. Quia scilicet solebant judices tristitiam ac innocentiam suam aliqua exteriori actione, certisque quibusdam verbis attestari, quando reos extremo supplicio adjudicabant. Hinc famosum factum dictumque Pilati (Matth. XXVII, 24), qui in Historia ecclesiastica Theodoriti lib. IV, cap 7, et in Nicephoro lib. XI, cap. 30, per Theodoritum corrigendo ac intelligendo, dicitur etiam convertisse se ad Orientis partes. Cum quo iniquo judice scite B. Hieronymus comparat nautas Jonae (Jon. I, 14), quique Hieronymum transcripsit pseudo-Eusebius Emisenus homil. 2 De paschate. Hinc etiam magistratuum perversa vestis, funesta et impura, maculam habens Θ. K. θανάτου et καταχρίσεως, nota ex Seneca lib I De ira, cap. 16; Valerio Maximo lib. IX, cap 12, et Servio ad Aeneid. XII, 169. Πολλὰ στενάξαντες, inquit de judicibus S. Basilius in epistola proxime citata, καὶ τὴν ἀνάγκην ἀπολοφυρόμενοι, δῆλοι πᾶσι γίνονται, πρὸς ἀνάγκην ὑπηρετοῦντες τῷ νόμῳ, οὐ κατ' οἰκείαν ἡδονὴν ἐπάγοντες τὴν κατάκρισιν. Sed et ad locum Constitutionum illustrandum facit notabilis ille Aurelii Victoris in Diocletiano: Igitur Valerius prima ad exercitum concione, cum educto gladio, solem intuens, obtestaretur, ignarum cladis Numeriani, neque imperii cupientem se fuisse, Aprum proxime astantem ictu transegit; cujus dolo, uti supra docuimus, adolescens bonus facundusque et gener occiderat. Insuperque iste personati Ambrosii libro De moribus Brachmanorum: Nam et hoc interdum modo a regula veritatis abstrahimur; hoc est, tunc cum necessarium potum nostro corpori damus: ob quod postea oculos et manus nostras veluti sacrificium aliquod, ad radios solis agentes extollimus. Cot.

"Lifting up his hands to the sun." I take it as said for rhetorical effect: because judges were accustomed to attest their sorrow and innocence by some outward action and certain fixed words when they sentenced the accused to the extreme penalty. Hence the famous deed and saying of Pilate (Matt. 27:24), who in Theodoret's Ecclesiastical History, book 4, ch. 7, and in Nicephorus, book 11, ch. 30 (to be corrected and understood by Theodoret), is said also to have turned towards the regions of the East. With that unjust judge blessed Jerome aptly compares the sailors of Jonah (Jonah 1:14), and so does pseudo-Eusebius of Emesa, who copied Jerome, in Homily 2 On the Pasch. Hence too the perverse dress of magistrates, mournful and unclean, bearing the mark Θ. K. — of "death" and "condemnation" — known from Seneca, On Anger book 1, ch. 16; Valerius Maximus, book 9, ch. 12; and Servius on Aeneid 12, 169. "Groaning much," says St Basil of judges in the letter just cited, "and lamenting the necessity, they make it plain to all that they serve the law under compulsion, not inflicting the condemnation for their own pleasure." But that notable passage of Aurelius Victor on Diocletian also helps to illustrate the passage of the Constitutions: "So Valerius, at his first address to the army, when with drawn sword and gazing at the sun he called to witness that he had known nothing of Numerian's death and had not desired the empire, ran through Aper, who stood next to him, with a blow; by whose treachery, as we showed above, the good and eloquent young man, his son-in-law, had perished." And further this from the masked Ambrose, in the book On the Customs of the Brahmans: "For sometimes we are drawn away from the rule of truth in this way too — that is, when we give our body the drink it needs; on which account afterwards we raise our eyes and our hands to the rays of the sun, as if offering a sacrifice." Cotelier.

(printed under page 355)

(2) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 715

Ἀποφεύγουσιν. Ms. Vindob. τοῦτο ποιοῦσιν.

"They escape." The Vienna manuscript has "they do this".

(printed under page 355)

(3) ‹anchor: not on this foot› · call in col 715

Τῇ ὀργῇ. Cod. Vindob. τῷ παροργισμῷ, quod si vertas: ira temere concepta; ἐμφατικώτερον erit. Cler.

"With anger." The Vienna codex has "with provocation"; if you translate it "with anger rashly conceived", it will be more emphatic. Clericus.

(printed under page 355)

(4) ‹anchor: μνησικάκων εἰς θάνατον› · call in col 715

Ψυχαὶ γὰρ μνησικάκων εἰς θάνατον. Lib. VII, cap. 4: Ὁδοὶ γὰρ μνησικάκων εἰς θάνατον. Ut in LXX Proverb. XII, 28, quodque vertitur apud Caesarium Arelatensem homilia 9, quatuordecim illarum quas vir doctissimus ac de litteris nostris optime meritus, magis magisque in dies meriturus, Stephanus Baluzius, anno superiore in publico esse effecit: (Itinera eorum qui memoriam (sic malim quam injuriam) retinent malefacti in morte. Tamen pro voce injuriam militat ipse Caesarius homil. 11, De diligendis inimicis, in Bibliotheca Patrum, hoc modo citans: Itinera eorum qui injuriam retinent malefacti, in mortem; nec non auctor sermonis De martyribus, apud Augustinum serm. 47 De sanctis; apud Leonem, sermone qui praecedit ante penultimum; et in Miscellaneis Patrum a Vossio collectis ac una cum Gregorio Thaumaturgo Moguntiae excusis: Itinera eorum qui injuriam retinent, Dominus labefecit in mortem; vel ut in S. Augustino: Itinera impiorum, qui injuriam retinent malefacti, in mortem. Contra Cassianus Instit. lib. VIII, cap. 14: Itinera eorum qui memoriam retinent malefacti, in mortem. Cot.

"For the souls of those who bear grudges (go) to death." Book 7, ch. 4: "For the ways of those who bear grudges (lead) to death." As in the Septuagint, Proverbs 12:28, which is translated in Caesarius of Arles, homily 9 of the fourteen that Stephen Baluze — a most learned man, who has deserved supremely well of our letters and will deserve more and more every day — published last year: "The ways of those who keep the memory" (so I should prefer, rather than "injury") "of a wrong (lead) to death." Yet for the word "injury" Caesarius himself argues, homily 11, On Loving Enemies, in the Bibliotheca Patrum, quoting thus: "The ways of those who keep the injury of a wrong, to death"; so too the author of the sermon On the Martyrs, in Augustine, sermon 47 On the Saints; in Leo, in the sermon that comes before the next-to-last; and in the Miscellanies of the Fathers collected by Vossius and printed at Mainz together with Gregory Thaumaturgus: "The ways of those who keep an injury, the Lord has overthrown into death"; or as in St Augustine: "The ways of the ungodly, who keep the injury of a wrong, to death." On the other side, Cassian, Institutes book 8, ch. 14: "The ways of those who keep the memory of a wrong, to death." Cotelier.

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(5) ‹anchor: Λέγει δὲ ὁ Κύριος› · call in col 715

Ὁ. Ms. Vindob. καὶ ὁ.

"The (Lord)." The Vienna manuscript has "and the (Lord)".

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(⁶*) ‹anchor: τετρακοσίας› · call in col 717 (Greek only) Τετρακόσια, ut infra?

Tetrakosia [should it read], as below?

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(6) ‹anchor: ἵνα μὴ› · call in col 717 (Greek only)

Ἵνα μὴ, etc. Ms. Vindob. ὅτι οὐ θέλεις.

Hina mē, etc.: the Vienna manuscript has hoti ou theleis ("because you do not wish").

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(7) ‹anchor: καὶ συντηρεῖς› · call in col 717 (Greek only)

Συντηρεῖς. Ms. unus συζητεῖς, alter φυλάττεις, scribentibus librariis non verba dictantis, sed sententiam verborum qualem putabant. Cler.

Syntēreis ("you keep"): one manuscript has syzēteis, the other phylatteis, the copyists writing down not the words of the one dictating but the sense of the words as they took it. Clericus.

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(8) ‹anchor: μῆνιν ὑφορᾷς› · call in col 717 (Greek only)

Ὑφορᾷς Ms. Vindob. ὑφορᾶσαι, διὰ τοῦτο.

Hyphoras: the Vienna manuscript has hyphorasai, dia touto ("on that account").

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(9) ‹anchor: ἐνενήκοντα ἀφεὶς› · call in col 717 (Greek only)

Ἀφείς. Praemittitur in cod. Vindob. συνεχώρησας, accumulasti. Id.

Apheis ("having forgiven"): the Vienna codex puts synechōrēsas before it, "you have heaped up". The same [Clericus].

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(10) ‹anchor: μήτις ἐν ὑποκρίσει› · call in col 717 (Greek only)

Μήτις κατά τινος· μήτις ἐν ὑποκρίσει. Diaconorum has aliasque proclamationes plurimas continent praecipue Liturgiae, etiam nostri: Μήτις τῶν κατηχουμένων· μή τις τῶν ἀκροωμένων· μή τις τῶν ἀπίστων· μή τις τῶν ἑτεροδόξων. Προέλθετε οἱ κατηχούμενοι ἐν εἰρήνῃ. Προέλθετε οἱ ἐνεργούμενοι. Προέλθετε οἱ φωτιζόμενοι. Ἀπολύεσθε οἱ ἐν μετανοίᾳ. Μή τις τῶν ἀμυήτων, μή τις τῶν μὴ δυναμένων ἡμῖν συνδεηθῆναι· ἀλλήλους ἐπίγνωτε. Τὰς θύρας, τὰς θύρας. Βλέπετε μή τις τῶν κατηχουμένων. Ὅσοι κατηχούμενοι προέλθετε, etc. Timotheus Alexan- (continues)

"Let no one be against anyone; let no one be in hypocrisy." The Liturgies especially, our own [book] too, contain these and very many other proclamations of the deacons: "Let none of the catechumens [remain]; none of the hearers; none of the unbelievers; none of the heterodox. Go forth, you catechumens, in peace. Go forth, you energumens. Go forth, you who are being enlightened. Be dismissed, you who are in penance. Let none of the uninitiated, none of those who cannot pray with us [remain]; recognize one another. The doors, the doors! See that none of the catechumens [remain]. All catechumens, go forth," etc. Timothy of Alexan- (continues)

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Matth. V, 23

Matthew 5:23

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Lev. XIX, 17.

Leviticus 19:17.

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Deut. XXIII, 7.

Deuteronomy 23:7.

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Psal. VII, 5.

Psalm 7:5.

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(5) ‹anchor: colligationem impietatis› · call in col 718

Is. LVIII, 6.

Isaiah 58:6.

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(6) ‹anchor: quadringenta nonaginta› · call in col 718

Matth. XVIII, 22.

Matthew 18:22.

(6*) ‹anchor: ἑπτά· τουτέστι, τετρακοσίας› · call in col 717 (Greek only) Τετρακόσια, ut infra?

Tetrakosia ("four hundred", neuter), as below?

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(7) ‹anchor: cordibus vestris› · call in col 718

Zach. VIII, 17.

Zechariah 8:17.

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(8) ‹anchor: remiseris fratri tuo› · call in col 718

Matth. V, 24.

Matthew 5:24.

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(9) ‹anchor: tanquam Dei amicus› · call in col 718

Ibid. v, 45.

The same, 5:45.

VARIORUM NOTAE (printed under page 356)

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Matth. X, 12.

Matthew 10:12.

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Isa. lvii, 19; Eph. II, 17.

Isaiah 57:19; Ephesians 2:17.

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II Tim. II, 19.

2 Timothy 2:19.

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(10) (continued) · call on the previous page

drinus: Οἱ ἀκοινώνητοι περιπατήσατε. In S. Chrysostomo tom. I, orat. I adversus Judaeos p. 440: Ἐπιγινώσκετε ἀλλήλους· et tom. VI, hom. in Parabolam de filio prodigo, post medium: Μή τις τῶν κατηχουμένων, μή τις τῶν μὴ ἐσθιόντων, μή τις τῶν κατασκόπων, μή τις τῶν μὴ δυναμένων θεάσασθαι τὸν μόσχον ἐσθιόμενον, μή τις τῶν μὴ δυναμένων θεάσασθαι τὸ οὐράνιον αἷμα τὸ ἐκχυνόμενον εἰς ἄφεσιν ἁμαρτιῶν, μή τις ἀνάξιος τῆς ζωῆς θυσίας, μή τις ἀμύητος, μή τις μὴ δυνάμενος ἀκαθάρτοις χείλεσι προσψαύσασθαι τῶν φρικτῶν μυστηρίων. Apud Latinos vero Isidorus lib. vi Originum, cap. 19, scribit: Missa tempore sacrificii est, quando catechumeni foras mittuntur, clamante levita: Si quis catechumenus remansit, exeat foras. Et inde missa quia sacramentis altaris interesse non possunt, qui nondum regenerati noscuntur. Auctor Vitae S. Martialis: Postquam a diacono ex more clamatum fuisset, ut si quis non posset communicare, ab ecclesia exiret. Gregorius PP. dialog. ii, 23 .... atque ex more diaconus clamaret: Si quis non communicat, det locum. Cot.

-drinus: "You who are excommunicate, walk out." In St Chrysostom, vol. I, the first oration Against the Jews, p. 440: "Recognize one another"; and vol. VI, the homily on the parable of the prodigal son, after the middle: "Let none of the catechumens [remain], none of those who do not eat, none of the spies, none of those who cannot behold the calf being eaten, none of those who cannot behold the heavenly blood poured out for the remission of sins, none unworthy of the living sacrifice, none uninitiated, none who cannot touch the awesome mysteries with unclean lips." Among the Latins, Isidore, Origines book 6, chapter 19, writes: "It is the 'missa' at the time of the sacrifice, when the catechumens are sent out, the levite crying: If any catechumen has remained, let him go out. And hence 'missa', because those who are known not yet to be regenerated cannot be present at the sacraments of the altar." The author of the Life of St Martial: "After the deacon had cried out, as the custom was, that if anyone could not communicate he should go out of the church." Pope Gregory, Dialogues 2, 23: ".... and, as the custom was, the deacon cried: If anyone does not communicate, let him give place." Cotelier.

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Τοῖς ἐγγύς. Hisce praefiguntur haec verba: ἐλθὼν εὐαγγελίσατο εἰρήνην ὑμῖν, in altero cod. Vindob. Cler.

Tois engys ("to those near"): in the second Vienna codex these words are set before it: elthōn euangelisato eirēnēn hymin ("coming, he preached peace to you"). Clericus.

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Πολύ. Vindobon. cod. πολλῷ. Id.

Poly ("much"): the Vienna codex has pollō. The same.

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Ἐπεύχεσθαι, etc. Alter cod. Vindob. προσεύχεσθαι τῷ Θεῷ τὴν τοῦ λαοῦ εἰρήνην. Quorum verborum eamdem esse crediderim sententiam, quae est Vulgatae lectionis: ita ut orare Deo populi pacem, perinde sit ac orare pacem Dei, sed posterius loquendi genus usitatius est et dilucidius. Id.

Epeuchesthai, etc.: the other Vienna codex has proseuchesthai tō Theō tēn tou laou eirēnēn ("to pray to God for the people's peace"). I should think these words have the same sense as the common reading: so that "to pray to God for the peace of the people" amounts to "to pray for the peace of God"; but the latter way of speaking is more usual and clearer. The same.

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Πολύ. Alter codex πολλῷ. Id.

Poly: the other codex has pollō. The same.

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(15) ‹anchor: τῆς ἐκ Παρθένου› · call in col 720 (Greek only)

Ἐκ Παρθένου. In altero codice Vindobon. praemittitur: ἐκ Πνεύματος ἁγίου καί, nec male, nam potissima ἐνανθρωπήσεως causa fuit Spiritus sanctus. Id.

Ek Parthenou ("of the Virgin"): in the other Vienna codex there is set before it ek Pneumatos hagiou kai ("of the Holy Spirit and"), and not badly, for the chief cause of the Incarnation was the Holy Spirit. The same.

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Λέγων. Alter mss. λέγοντος, quia refertur ad αὐτοῦ, aut, si mavis ἑαυτοῦ. Cler.

Legōn ("saying"): the other manuscript has legontos, because it refers to autou, or, if you prefer, heautou. Clericus.

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Σὺν Ἰακώβῳ τῷ τοῦ Κυρίου ἀδελφῷ. Ita solet Jacobum fratrem Domini, episcopum primum Jerosolymorum, ex albo apostolorum expungere; ac tres Jacobos enumerare, duos apostolos, Zebedaei filium et filium Alphaei, praetereaque hunc Jerosolymitanum. Quam sententiam Aethiopes, a quibus Constitutionum codex pro sacro habetur, in missa sua amplectuntur: consentientibus tum Syris, tum a tempore multo Graecis. Contra Latini duos in officio ecclesiastico agnoscunt duntaxat Jacobos, utrumque apostolum, nempe Zebedaei illum, fratrem Joannis, et hunc Alphaeo prognatum, qui sit etiam frater Domini, ac episcopus sanctae civitatis. Par dissidium apud antiquos; nec adhuc lis conquievit. Vero similius divinisque eloquiis congruentius opinantur, qui ad posteriores accedunt. Quidquid sit, castigatione non mediocri dignus est magnus error, quo Jacobus frater Domini confunditur cum Jacobo fratre Joannis: secundum notam B. Hieronymi ad Galat. i, 19: Vehementer erravit qui arbitratus est Jacobum hunc fratrem Domini de Evangelio esse apostolum fratrem Joannis, quem constat post Stephanum, juxta fidem Actuum apostolorum, sanguinem fudisse pro Christo. Quibus similia libro adversus Helvidium, cap. 7. Errasse eum errorem videtur auctor incertus Quaestionum in sacram Scripturam (male vulgo inscriptarum, Dicta et interpretationes parabolarum sancti Evangelii: omisso videlicet titulo generali, ac in illius locum assumpta subdivisione prima) tom. II Operum S. Athanasii, quaest. 131, ubi vocem Apostoli, Hebraeorum xi, 35: ἄλλοι δὲ ἐτυμπανίσθησαν, de decollato Jacobo fratre Domini explicat, male accipiens (uti apparet) verba Interpretationis S. Chrysostomi: Ἰάκωβον, inquit, λέγει τὸν ἀδελφὸν τοῦ Κυρίου, καὶ τοὺς λοιποὺς ὅσοι ἀπεκεφαλίσθησαν, τυμπανισμὸς γὰρ ὁ ἀποκεφαλισμὸς λέγεται. Namque constat ex Actorum xii, 2, Jacobum qui capite truncatus fuit, fratrem Joannis exstitisse. Hoc si quis sequi nolit, habet viri doctissimi ac hisce de litteris bene meriti Francisci Combefisii, tom. II Auctarii Bibliothecae Patrum, pag. 848, emendationem sane probabilem: τὸν ἀδελφὸν τοῦ Ἰωάννου, pro τὸν ἀδελφὸν τοῦ Κυρίου. Cot.

Syn Iakōbō tō tou Kyriou adelphō ("with James the brother of the Lord"): this is how [the author] usually strikes James the brother of the Lord, first bishop of Jerusalem, off the roll of the apostles, and counts three Jameses: two apostles, the son of Zebedee and the son of Alphaeus, and besides them this James of Jerusalem. This opinion the Ethiopians, who hold the codex of the Constitutions as sacred, embrace in their Mass; the Syrians agree, and the Greeks too for a long time past. The Latins, on the contrary, recognize in the Church's office only two Jameses, both apostles: the son of Zebedee, brother of John, and the son of Alphaeus, who is also the brother of the Lord and bishop of the holy city. There was the same disagreement among the ancients, and the dispute has not yet died down. Those who side with the latter hold the opinion more probable and more in keeping with the divine oracles. Be that as it may, it is a great error, and deserves no small reproof, to confuse James the brother of the Lord with James the brother of John; according to St Jerome's note on Galatians 1:19: "He erred badly who thought that this James, the brother of the Lord, was the apostle of the Gospel, the brother of John, who, on the evidence of the Acts of the Apostles, is known to have shed his blood for Christ after Stephen." Similar words are in the book Against Helvidius, chapter 7. The uncertain author of the Questions on Holy Scripture seems to have fallen into this error (they are wrongly entitled in the common editions "Sayings and interpretations of the parables of the holy Gospel", the general title being left out and its first subdivision taken in its place), vol. II of the Works of St Athanasius, question 131, where he explains the Apostle's word in Hebrews 11:35, "and others were tortured [etympanisthēsan]", of the beheading of James the brother of the Lord, misunderstanding (as it seems) the words of St Chrysostom's commentary: "He means," he says, "James the brother of the Lord, and the rest who were beheaded; for beheading is called tympanismos." For it is clear from Acts 12:2 that the James who was beheaded was the brother of John. If anyone will not follow this, he has a very probable emendation from Francis Combefis, a most learned man and one who has deserved well of these studies, vol. II of the Auctarium of the Bibliotheca Patrum, p. 848: ton adelphon tou Iōannou ("the brother of John") for ton adelphon tou Kyriou ("the brother of the Lord"). Cotelier.

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Ἐκ. Alter Vindobon. addit ἃ ante praepositionem, atque in proxime sequentibus verbis delet καί: quae ex ore D. N. J. C. audivimus accurate cognita dicimus. Cler.

Ek ("from"): the other Vienna codex adds ha ("which") before the preposition, and in the words immediately following deletes kai: "what we heard from the mouth of our Lord Jesus Christ, accurately known, we speak." Clericus.

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Ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς. Addit idem codex τουτέστι, hoc est ut sicut coelestes naturae, etc. Id.

Epi tēs gēs ("on earth"): the same codex adds toutesti, that is, "so that as the heavenly natures," etc. The same.

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Αἱ ἐπουράνιοι φύσεις τῶν ἀσωμάτων δυνάμεων πᾶσαι. Melius et simplicius habet cod. Vindobon. αἱ ἀσώματοι δυνάμεις πᾶσαι ἐν οὐρανῷ. Id.

Hai epouranioi physeis tōn asōmatōn dynameōn pasai ("all the heavenly natures of the bodiless powers"): the Vienna codex reads better and more simply hai asōmatoi dynameis pasai en ouranō ("all the bodiless powers in heaven"). The same.

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(21) ‹anchor: προσκυνεῖν αὐτὸν συμφώνως› · call in col 721 (Greek only)

Καὶ προσκυνεῖν αὐτὸν συμφώνως. Desunt in altero cod. Vind. Id.

Kai proskynein auton symphōnōs ("and to worship him with one voice"): these words are wanting in the other Vienna codex. The same.

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(22) ‹anchor: μηδὲ ἐλαττονεῖν› · call in col 721 (Greek only)

Ἐλαττονεῖν. In altero est ἐλλαττοῦν, forte melius. Id.

Elattonein ("to diminish"): the other has ellattoun, perhaps better. The same.

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Marc. I, 15.

Mark 1:15.

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Rom. II, 2.

Romans 2:2.

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Matth. VI, 10.

Matthew 6:10.

VARIORUM NOTAE (printed under page 358)

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Matth. XII, 30.

Matthew 12:30.

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II Cor. XI.

2 Corinthians 11.

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Jer. XV, 19.

Jeremiah 15:19.

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(20) ‹anchor: tanquam homo Dei› · call in col 723

S. Clem., Epist. ad Jacob., c. 14.

St Clement, Letter to James, ch. 14.

VARIORUM NOTAE (printed under page 359)

(19) ‹anchor: διδακτικὸς› · call in col 724 (Greek only)

al. διατακτικός.

Another reading: diataktikos ("apt at ordering").

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(23) ‹anchor: τῶν ἀρνίων φθορεὺς› · call in col 724 (Greek only)

Φθορεύς. Addit idem ἐστιν, melius. Cler.

Phthoreus ("corrupter"): the same [codex] adds estin, better. Clericus.

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(24) ‹anchor: Καὶ ἡμεῖς› · call in col 724 (Greek only)

Καὶ ὑμεῖς, etc. Alter cod.: ὑμεῖς οὖν συνάγειν ὀφείλοντες τοὺς ἐκ, etc.

Kai hymeis ("and you"), etc.: the other codex has hymeis oun synagein opheilontes tous ek ("you then, who ought to gather those from"), etc.

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(25) ‹anchor: τὸν τρίκλινον› · call in col 724 (Greek only)

Τὸν τρίκλινον. Τὸν οἶκον. Alter cod. Vind. In eodem desunt superiora verba: τὸ θέλημα τοῦ Θεοῦ ποιήσαντες. Id.

Ton triklinon ("the banqueting hall"): ton oikon ("the house") in the other Vienna codex. In the same the words above are wanting: to thelēma tou Theou poiēsantes ("having done the will of God"). The same.

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(26) ‹anchor: Καὶ τοῦτό› · call in col 724 (Greek only)

Καὶ τοῦτο. Οὗτος γάρ. Cod. Vind. Id.

Kai touto ("and this"): houtos gar ("for this one") in the Vienna codex. The same.

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(27) ‹anchor: μισθὸς παρὰ Θεοῦ› · call in col 724 (Greek only)

Θεοῦ. Idem addit τοῦ λέγοντος. Id.

Theou ("of God"): the same adds tou legontos ("who says"). The same.

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(28) ‹anchor: ἄξιον καὶ› · call in col 724 (Greek only)

Ἄξιον καί. Desunt in eodem. Id.

Axion kai ("worthy and"): wanting in the same. The same.

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(29) ‹anchor: ἠπιόθυμος› · call in col 724 (Greek only)

Ἠπιόθυμος. Deest in altero cod. Id.

Ēpiothymos ("gentle-minded"): wanting in the other codex. The same.

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(30) ‹anchor: καθάπερ ἐπιβάταις› · call in col 724 (Greek only)

Ἐπιβάταις. In Epistola ad Jacobum, Rufino interprete, epibatis. Valentinianus sociique monachi epistola ad S. Augustinum: Ora, domine et dulcissime Pater, ut fugiat de congregatione nostra (deest contentio, aut quid simile), et amota omni alienarum quaestionum procella navis propositi nostri epibatis quietis onusta, intra stationem tutissimi portus secure consistat, dum navigat per hoc mare magnum et immensum; et in illo portu, intra quem jam non erit metuendum vitae navigium (lego navagium), mercium indiscrepans accipiat pretium placitarum. Cot.

Epibatais ("passengers"): in the Letter to James, in Rufinus's translation, epibatis. Valentinian and his fellow monks, in a letter to St Augustine: "Pray, lord and most sweet Father, that there may flee from our community (contention, or something like it, is missing), and that, every storm of foreign questions removed, the ship of our purpose, laden with passengers of quiet, may rest secure within the haven of a most safe port while it sails through this great and boundless sea; and in that port, within which there will no longer be the ship of life (I read navagium) to fear, may receive without dispute the price of the wares agreed." Cotelier.

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Ἐπιμήκης. Haec una e formis templorum: ad quam constructa erat ecclesia Sanctae Sophiae, τέμενος ἐπίμηκες, et δρομικὸν, uti loquuntur. Id.

Epimēkēs ("oblong"): this is one of the shapes of churches; the church of Saint Sophia was built to it, a temenos epimēkes, and dromikon, as they say. The same.

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(32) ‹anchor: κατ' ἀνατολὰς τετραμμένος› · call in col 724 (Greek only)

Κατὰ ἀνατολὰς τετραμμένος. Juxta usitatiorem morem, quo basilicarum prospectus ad orientem spectabat, inquit S. Paulinus epist. 12 ad Severum, ac multo post eum Stephanus Tornacensis epist. 104; itemque Walafridus Strabo De rebus ecclesiasticis, cap. 4; atque eam ob rationem, ut in amissam exoptatam patriam, paradisum, quem Deus plantavit ad orientem, precantes intuerentur: docet scriptor Quaestionum ad Antiochum, resp. ad quaest. 37, tom. II S. Athanasii. Vide Vitruvium, lib. IV, cap. 5 et 8; Plutarchum in Numa, Lucianum libro De domo, Apionem in Josephi libro II adversus illum, mox ab initio; item Sidonium lib. II, epist. 10, ibique doctos interpretes. Id.

Kata anatolas tetrammenos ("turned towards the east"): according to the more usual custom, by which the front of basilicas looked to the east, says St Paulinus, letter 12 to Severus, and long after him Stephen of Tournai, letter 104; and likewise Walafrid Strabo, On Ecclesiastical Matters, ch. 4; and for this reason, that those praying might look towards the lost and longed-for fatherland, paradise, which God planted in the east: so teaches the writer of the Questions to Antiochus, answer to question 37, vol. II of St Athanasius. See Vitruvius, book 4, chs. 5 and 8; Plutarch in the Numa; Lucian in the book On the House; Apion in Josephus's book 2 against him, just after the beginning; also Sidonius, book 2, letter 10, and the learned commentators there. The same.

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(33) ‹anchor: τὰ παστοφόρια› · call in col 724 (Greek only)

Τὰ παστοφόρια. In templis quid sint pastophoria, satis superque docent cum antiqui, tum (continues)

Ta pastophoria: what the pastophoria in churches are is taught amply enough both by the ancients and by (continues)

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(33) (continued) · call on the previous page

recentiores. Superest itaque ut adnotem, videri vocem pastophorium amissa syllaba transiisse in pastorium apud Luciferum libro De non parcendo in Deum delinquentibus, pag. 240, in interpretatione vers. 11, cap. XXIII, lib. IV Regum, loco miseris modis accepto; mutilatione, corruptione, transpositione afflicto, nec absque mss. codicibus sanabili. Posuerant reges Juda soli ab introitu domus Domini ad pastorium, quos posuit tres equos, qui in Faradim. Et fontem solis combussit in igne. Quis haec intelligat, nisi conferantur cum Graecis? Unde hunc fere in modum possunt concinnari: Et deposuit equos quos posuerant reges Juda Soli ab introitu domus Domini ad pastophorium Nathan regis eunuchi, qui in Pharurim [vel Farvadim]. Et fontem Solis combussit in igne. Aut in istum: Et combussit equos, quos posuerant reges Juda Soli ab introitu domus Domini ad pastophorium, quod posuit regis eunuchus, qui in Pharurim, etc. (Nathan enim nomen proprium, significat posuit.) Hoc est Graece: Καὶ κατέκαυσε (seu κατέπαυσε, quemadmodum optime emendat Bochartus in Hierozoico) ἵππους οὓς ἀνέθηκαν βασιλεῖς Ἰούδα τῷ ἡλίῳ ἐν τῇ εἰσόδῳ οἴκου Κυρίου εἰς τὸ γαζοφυλάκιον (vel παστοφόριον) Ναθὰν, βασιλέως τοῦ εὐνούχου, (sive ὃ ἀνέθηκε βασιλέως εὐνοῦχος), ὃς ἐν Φαρουρὶμ [aut Φαρουαδίμ·] καὶ τὸ νᾶμα τοῦ ἡλίου κατέκαυσεν ἐν πυρί. Cum hodie legatur: Καὶ κατέκαυσε τοὺς ἵππους οὓς ἔδωκαν (editio Complutensis ἀνέθηκαν) βασιλεῖς Ἰούδα τῷ ἡλίῳ ἐν τῇ εἰσόδῳ οἴκου Κυρίου εἰς τὸ γαζοφυλάκιον Ναθὰν βασιλέως τοῦ εὐνούχου ἐν Φαρουρὶμ, καὶ τὸ ἅρμα τοῦ ἡλίου κατέκαυσεν πυρί (al. ἐν πυρί). Certe potuisse γαζοφυλάκιον mutari in παστοφόριον, aut verti pastophorium, clarius est quam ut documento indigeat. Quare vice versa vetus Scholiastes ad παστοφόρια, Ez. XL, 17, adnotat: γαζοφυλάκια. Aitque in eumdem textum S. Hieronymus: Pro thalamis XXX, quos vertere LXX, sive gazophylaciis atque cellariis, ut interpretatus est Aquila, Symmachus posuit ἐξέδρας, etc. Intuitus est triginta thalamos, vel gazophylacia, sive (ut Symmachus interpretatus est) Exedras, quae habitationi levitarum atque sacerdotum fuerant praeparatae. Et inferius, post exposita gazophylacia: Vel certe thalami qui, Graece dicuntur παστοφόρια, ostendunt sponsi adventui cubicula praeparata. Et ad ejusdem prophetae cap. XLII, initio: Eductus est in gazophylacium, sive ut Symmachus et LXX transtulerunt, exedram; vel ut Theodotio, παστοφόριον, quod in thalamum vertitur. Caeterum hic, ubi locum Luciferi illustrare conatus sum, auctoris omnium (quod nemo nescit) depravatissimi, utilissimi tamen ad cognitionem Scripturarum, admonitum te velim, Lector candide, me in purgando eo Augiae stabulo plurimum laboris impendisse, paratumque esse ad procurandam editionem, si librum aliquem ms. nactus fuero. Ut si forte in manus tuas, aut notitiam venerit, mecum communicare non dedigneris, hominem non ingratum singulari beneficio tibi devincturus. Cot.—Alter cod. Vind. habet hic ἔχων παστοφόρια δέ. Cler.

…more recent. It remains, then, for me to note that the word pastophorium appears, with the loss of a syllable, to have passed into pastorium in Lucifer, in the book On not sparing those who sin against God, p. 240, in his rendering of 2 Kings 23:11, a passage wretchedly handled, afflicted with mutilation, corruption and transposition, and not curable without manuscript codices: "The kings of Juda had placed for the sun at the entrance of the house of the Lord to the pastorium, whom placed three horses, who in Faradim. And the fountain of the sun he burned in fire." Who could understand this unless it were compared with the Greek? Whence it may be put together roughly in this manner: "And he took away the horses which the kings of Juda had set up to the Sun at the entrance of the house of the Lord, at the pastophorium of Nathan the king's eunuch, which was in Pharurim [or Farvadim]. And the fountain of the Sun he burned in fire." Or in this: "And he burned the horses which the kings of Juda had set up to the Sun at the entrance of the house of the Lord, at the pastophorium which the king's eunuch set up, who was in Pharurim," etc. (For Nathan, a proper name, means "he set up".) That is, in Greek: "And he burned (or katepause, 'he put a stop to', as Bochart most excellently emends in his Hierozoicon) the horses which the kings of Juda had dedicated to the sun at the entrance of the house of the Lord, into the treasury (or pastophorion) of Nathan the king's eunuch (or 'which the king's eunuch dedicated'), who was in Pharurim [or Pharouadim]; and the stream of the sun he burned in fire." Whereas today it reads: "And he burned the horses which the kings of Juda gave (the Complutensian edition: dedicated) to the sun at the entrance of the house of the Lord, into the treasury of Nathan the king's eunuch in Pharurim, and the chariot of the sun he burned with fire (another reading: in fire)." That gazophylakion could certainly have been changed into pastophorion, or rendered pastophorium, is too plain to need proof. So, conversely, the old Scholiast on pastophoria at Ezekiel 40:17 notes: gazophylakia ("treasuries"). And St Jerome says on the same text: "For the thirty chambers, as the Seventy rendered, or treasuries and storerooms, as Aquila translated, Symmachus put exedras," etc. "He beheld thirty chambers, or treasuries, or (as Symmachus translated) exedrae, which had been prepared for the dwelling of the Levites and priests." And lower down, after explaining the treasuries: "Or surely the chambers which in Greek are called pastophoria show bedchambers prepared for the coming of the bridegroom." And on Ezekiel 42, at the beginning: "He was brought out into the treasury, or, as Symmachus and the Seventy translated, the exedra; or, as Theodotion, the pastophorion, which is rendered 'bridal chamber'." For the rest, here, where I have tried to throw light on a passage of Lucifer, of all authors (as no one does not know) the most corrupted, yet most useful for the knowledge of the Scriptures, I would have you advised, candid reader, that I have spent a great deal of labour in cleansing that Augean stable, and am ready to undertake an edition if I should come upon some manuscript of the book. So that if one should chance to come into your hands, or to your notice, you will not disdain to share it with me, and so bind to yourself by a singular kindness a man not ungrateful. Cotelier. — The other Vienna codex has here echōn pastophoria de ("and having pastophoria"). Clericus.

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(34) ‹anchor: ὁ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου θρόνος› · call in col 725 (Greek only)

Κείσθω δὲ μέσος ὁ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου θρόνος. In Historia ecclesiastica Theodoriti lib. V, cap. 3, Meletius Paulino dicit: Εἰ δὲ ὁ μέσος θῶκος τὴν ἔριν γεννᾷ, ἐγὼ καὶ ταύτην ἐξελάσαι πειράσομαι. Ἐν γὰρ τούτῳ τὸ θεῖον προτεθεικὼς Εὐαγγέλιον, ἑκατέρωθεν ἡμᾶς καθῆσθαι παρεγγυῶ. Cot.

Keisthō de mesos ho tou episkopou thronos ("let the bishop's throne be placed in the middle"): in Theodoret's Ecclesiastical History, book V, ch. 3, Meletius says to Paulinus: "If the middle seat breeds the strife, I will try to drive this out too. For I will set the divine Gospel on it, and urge that we sit on either side." Cotelier.

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(35) ‹anchor: καθεζέσθω τὸ πρεσβυτέριον› · call in col 725 (Greek only)

Παρ' ἑκάτερα δὲ αὐτοῦ καθεζέσθω τὸ πρεσβυτέριον. De sacerdotum primi et secundi ordinis συνθρόνῳ multi multa. Addimus nos correctionem Harmenopuli in Epitome canonum sect. 1, tit. 3, scholio ad canonem 16 Antiochenum, lib. I Juris Graeco-Romani, hoc pacto: Ἡ συνοδικὴ τοῦ πατριάρχου Μανουὴλ διάγνωσις συγχωρεῖ καὶ μεταθέσεις ἐπισκόπων γίνεσθαι, γνώμῃ τοῦ πρωτεύοντος αὐτῶν, χρείας κατεπειγούσης πρὸς τὸ λυσιτελέστερον· καὶ κατ' ἐπίδοσιν ἐπισκόπῳ καὶ ἑτέραν ἐπισκοπὴν δίδοσθαι παρὰ τοῦ πρωτεύοντος ἐν τῇ ἐνορίᾳ αὐτοῦ, ἐν ᾗ καὶ πάσῃ τῇ ἐνορίᾳ αὐτῆς τὴν διεξαγωγὴν τῶν ἀρχιερατικῶν ἁπάντων δικαίων ποιήσεται, ὅσα καὶ γνήσιος ἀρχιερεὺς αὐτῶν, παρὲξ τοῦ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ συνθρόνῳ ἐγκαθιδρύεσθαι. Male vulgo, Μιχαὴλ et σὺν θρόνῳ. Exstat quippe ejusdem Juris Graeco-Romani lib. III, pag. 240, integra synodalis sententia Manuelis Constantinopolitani: atque in ea habetur συνθρόνῳ, sicut in Regiis Harmenopuli codicibus. Id.

"And on either side of him let the presbytery sit." On the synthronon of the priests of the first and second order many have said much. We add a correction of Harmenopulus, in the Epitome of the Canons, section 1, title 3, in the scholion on the 16th canon of Antioch, book I of the Jus Graeco-Romanum, in this manner: "The synodal decision of the patriarch Manuel permits both translations of bishops to take place, by the judgement of their primate, when need presses, for the greater benefit; and that by way of grant another bishopric also be given to a bishop by the primate within his own province, in which, and in all its district, he shall carry out the administration of all the rights of a high priest, as much as their own proper high priest, except being enthroned in the sacred synthronon." Wrongly the common text has "Michael" and "with the throne". For in book III of the same Jus Graeco-Romanum, p. 240, the whole synodal sentence of Manuel of Constantinople is extant, and in it is read synthronō, as in the Royal codices of Harmenopulus. The same.

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(36) ‹anchor: οἱ διάκονοι παριστάσθωσαν› · call in col 725 (Greek only)

Οἱ διάκονοι παριστάσθωσαν. Quandoquidem liquido constat, diaconos in ecclesia non sedisse cum episcopo et presbyteris; mutari debet prava interpunctio in missa S. Basilii, Euchologii seu ritualis Graecorum pagina 181: Καὶ καθέζεται ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς μετὰ τῶν ἱερέων, τῶν διακόνων, καὶ ὑπηρετῶν· τοῦ κλήρου, καὶ τοῦ λαοῦ ἱσταμένων, distinguendo sic: καὶ καθέζεται ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς μετὰ τῶν ἱερέων· τῶν διακόνων, καὶ ὑπηρετῶν, τοῦ κλήρου, καὶ τοῦ λαοῦ ἱσταμένων. Recte editio Latina t. VI Bibliothecae Patrum: Et sedet Pontifex cum sacerdotibus, stantibus diaconis, ac subdiaconis, et clero et populo. Id.

Hoi diakonoi paristasthōsan ("let the deacons stand by"): since it is perfectly clear that deacons did not sit in church with the bishop and presbyters, the faulty punctuation in the Mass of St Basil, page 181 of the Euchologion or ritual of the Greeks, must be changed. It reads: "And the high priest sits with the priests, the deacons and servers; the clergy and the people standing." It should be divided thus: "And the high priest sits with the priests; the deacons and servers, the clergy and the people standing." The Latin edition in vol. VI of the Bibliotheca Patrum has it rightly: "And the Pontiff sits with the priests, the deacons and subdeacons, the clergy and the people standing." The same.

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(37) ‹anchor: εὐσταλεῖς› · call in col 725 (Greek only)

Εὐσταλεῖς τῆς πλείονος ἐσθῆτος. In Chrysostomo tom. VI, Homil. in Parabolam de filio prodigo, post medium: Τῶν λειτουργῶν τῆς θείας ἱερουργίας, τῶν μιμουμένων τὰς τῶν ἀγγέλων πτέρυγας ταῖς λεπταῖς ὀθόναις ταῖς ἐπὶ τῶν ἀριστερῶν ὤμων κειμέναις, καὶ ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ περιτρεχόντων, etc. Alcuinus De divinis officiis, cap. 39: Diaconus qui non est indutus dalmatica, casula circumcinctus legit [forte degit], ut expedite possit ministrare, vel quia ipsius est ire ad comitatum propter instantes necessitates. Id.

Eustaleis tēs pleionos esthētos ("girt up from their fuller clothing"): in Chrysostom, vol. VI, the homily on the parable of the prodigal son, after the middle: "of the ministers of the divine service, who imitate the wings of the angels with the fine linen cloths lying on their left shoulders, and run about in the church," etc. Alcuin, On the Divine Offices, ch. 39: "The deacon who is not vested in the dalmatic reads [perhaps 'goes about'] girt with the chasuble, so that he can minister readily, or because it is his part to go to the court on pressing business." The same.

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(38) ‹anchor: τῆς πλείονος ἐσθῆτος› · call in col 725 (Greek only)

Τῆς πλείονος. Alter cod. Vind. μετὰ σεμνῆς. Cler.

Tēs pleionos ("the fuller"): the other Vienna codex has meta semnēs ("with seemly"). Clericus.

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(39) ‹anchor: αἱ γυναῖκες κεχωρισμένως› · call in col 725 (Greek only)

Αἱ γυναῖκες κεχωρισμένως. Morem Judaicum pariter et Christianum declaratum invenies in Philone Judaeo libro De vita contemplativa, Josepho lib. VI De bello Judaico, Rabbinis, Inscriptionibus veteribus, ecclesiarum descriptionibus, Expositionibus rituum sacrorum, Libro pontificali et sanctis Patribus. Sed prae caeteris notatu dignus est locus S. Chrysostomi homil. 74 in Matthaeum: Ἐχρῆν μὲν οὖν ἔνδον ἔχειν τὸ τεῖχος τὸ διεῖργον ὑμᾶς τῶν γυναικῶν· ἐπειδὴ δὲ οὐ βούλεσθε, ἀναγκαῖον ἐνόμισαν εἶναι οἱ πατέρες κἂν ταῖς σανίσιν ὑμᾶς ταύταις διατειχίσαι. Ὡς ἔγωγε ἀκούω τῶν πρεσβυτέρων, ὅτι τὸ παλαιὸν οὐδὲ ταῦτα ἦν τὰ τειχία. Ἐν γὰρ Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ οὐκ ἔστι ἄρσεν ἢ θῆλυ. Καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν ἀποστόλων δὲ ὁμοῦ καὶ ἄνδρες καὶ γυναῖκες ἦσαν, etc. Οὐκ ἠκούσατε, ὅτι ἦσαν συνηγμένοι ἄνδρες καὶ γυναῖκες ἐν τῷ ὑπερῴῳ; Oportebat quidem interiore pariete a mulieribus disseparari. Verum quoniam non vultis, necessarium esse patres nostri putaverunt, saltem his ligneis parietibus vos disseparare. Audivi autem ego a senioribus, non fuisse hos parietes ab initio. In (continues)

Hai gynaikes kechōrismenōs ("the women separately"): you will find the custom, Jewish and Christian alike, set out in Philo the Jew, On the Contemplative Life; Josephus, Jewish War book VI; the Rabbis; ancient inscriptions; descriptions of churches; expositions of the sacred rites; the Liber pontificalis; and the holy Fathers. But above the rest the passage of St Chrysostom, homily 74 on Matthew, deserves notice: "There ought to be a wall within you separating you from the women; but since you will not have it, the fathers thought it necessary at least to wall you off with these boards. For I hear from the elders that of old there were not even these partitions. For in Christ Jesus there is neither male nor female. And in the apostles' time men and women were together," etc. "Have you not heard that men and women were gathered together in the upper room?" [Latin:] "You ought indeed to be separated from the women by an inner wall. But since you will not, our fathers thought it necessary at least to separate you with these wooden partitions. And I have heard from the elders that these partitions were not there from the beginning. In (continues)

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NOTE: the page-foot images begin partway down note (40); the notes above them (the end of Cotelier's note continued from the previous page, and the opening of note (40)) were checked against the column images. The top lines of the notes' right-hand column (inside note 41, from "Corinthios, sub finem" to "multitudo deinde respondebat cum concentu") lie above the right foot image and outside the col. 727 images; they were not checked against an image in Q6a, and were checked against the col. 728 images (c728_1–2) in Q22. The rest is set from the images. VARIORUM NOTAE (printed under page 361)

Christo enim Jesu non est mas, neque femina. Apostolorum etiam tempore una viri et mulieres orabant, etc. (Gal. III, 28). Num audistis viros ac mulieres in coenaculo congregatos fuisse? (Act. I, 13.) Neque vero ad hunc ritum pertinet Licinii lex, relata ab Eusebio lib. I De vita Constantini, cap. 53, qua vetabat, viros simul cum mulieribus ad precandum Deum convenire. Omnem enim volebat tollere precum communionem viros inter ac feminas, stulte non minus quam impie. COT.

For in Christ Jesus there is neither male nor female. In the time of the apostles also men and women prayed together, etc. (Gal. 3:28). Have you not heard that men and women were gathered in the upper room? (Acts 1:13.) Nor indeed does the law of Licinius bear on this rite, the one reported by Eusebius in Book I of the Life of Constantine, ch. 53, by which he forbade men to come together with women to pray to God. For he wished to take away all communion of prayer between men and women, no less foolishly than impiously. COTELIER.

(40) Ἀναγινωσκέτω τὰ Μωσέως, κ. τ. λ. Infra cap. 59, et lib. V, cap. 19; lib. VIII, cap. 5. Apud S. Basilium initio homiliae 21, quae habita est in Lacizis, mentio fit lectionum psalmicarum, proverbialium, historicarum, apostolicarum et evangelicarum. In exhortatione vero ad sanctum baptisma homilia 13, paulo post initium, recitata fuisse eo die dicuntur loca prophetica, Davidica, apostolica actorum et evangelica. Quae omnia S. Maximus ad caput 3, Ecclesiasticae hierarchiae comprehendit per Vetus ac Novum Testamentum: Pachymeres autem, per prophetias, Apostolum ac Evangelium. Ad haec in Gregorio Turonensi, lib. I De miraculis S. Martini, invenies propheticam lectionem apostolicae seu Paulinae esse praemissam. Denique generaliter loquuntur Patres Laodicenae synodi can. 16: Περὶ τοῦ ἐν σαββάτῳ Εὐαγγέλια μεθ' ἑτέρων Γραφῶν ἀναγινώσκεσθαι. Ut in sabbato Evangelia cum aliis Scripturis legantur. Ad quem canonem quod ait Zonaras, circa illa tempora in conventibus fidelium Scripturas sacras lectitatas non fuisse, nisi restringatur ad diem sabbati, quemadmodum fit a Balsamone, cum veritate pugnabit. Nam patet ex Apologetico Justini martyris, multo ante concilium Laodicenum partem officii ecclesiastici Dominicarum exstitisse lectiones divinas. ID.

(40) Let him read the books of Moses, etc. See below, ch. 59, and Book V, ch. 19; Book VIII, ch. 5. In St Basil, at the beginning of Homily 21, which was delivered at Lacizi, mention is made of readings from the Psalms, the Proverbs, the histories, the apostles and the Gospels. And in the exhortation to holy baptism, Homily 13, a little after the beginning, passages from the prophets, from David, from the apostles' Acts and from the Gospel are said to have been recited on that day. All of which St Maximus, on ch. 3 of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, comprehends under the Old and New Testaments; Pachymeres, however, under the prophecies, the Apostle and the Gospel. Moreover, in Gregory of Tours, Book I On the Miracles of St Martin, you will find that the prophetic reading was placed before the apostolic or Pauline. Lastly, the Fathers of the synod of Laodicea speak in general terms, canon 16: That on the Sabbath the Gospels be read with the other Scriptures. What Zonaras says on this canon, that about those times the sacred Scriptures were not read in the assemblies of the faithful, will be at odds with the truth unless it is restricted to the Sabbath day, as Balsamon restricts it. For it is plain from the Apology of Justin Martyr that, long before the council of Laodicea, the divine readings were a part of the Church's office on the Lord's days. THE SAME.

(41) Καὶ ὁ λαὸς τὰ ἀκροστίχια ὑποψαλλέτω. Qui ante me hosce libros in Latinam linguam converterunt, ἀκροστίχια initia versuum interpretati sunt, gravi sane errato, contrarioque sensu. Quamvis enim ἀκροστιχίς ab Epiphanio, haeresi Audianorum, cap. 12, dicatur prior littera vocis alicujus; quamvis notae sint in carminibus acrostichides; hoc tamen loco aperte non prima, sed postrema indicantur. Siquidem praecinebant cantores, populus vero succinebat. Qui Psaltae ideo in Socratis Historia ecclesiastica lib. V, cap. 22, appellantur ὑποβολεῖς, monitores, suggestores, Psalmi pronuntiatores ac praenuntiatores, quemadmodum docuit magnus interpres. Atque inde Graecorum κανονάρχαι, et Latinorum praecentores. Quid clarius verbis Basilii epist. 63 ad clericos Neocaesarienses? Καὶ νῦν μὲν διχῇ διανεμηθέντες, ἀντιψάλλουσιν ἀλλήλοις. Ἔπειτα πάλιν ἐπιτρέψαντες ἑνὶ κατάρχειν τοῦ μέλους, οἱ λοιποὶ ὑπηχοῦσι, etc. Et modo quidem in duos choros divisi, alternatim psallunt. Deinde vero uni committentes ordiri Psalmum, reliqui succinunt. Unde apud eumdem S. doctorem interrogatio 307 Regularum breviorum: Εἰ χρὴ ἐξ ἐφημερίας ἀπάρχεσθαι τῆς ψαλμῳδίας, ἢ τῆς προσευχῆς. An oporteat per vices inchoare psalmodiam, aut orationem. Nec minus liquido loquitur B. Chrysostomus homil. 36 in I ad Corinthios, sub finem: Καὶ ὁ ψάλλων, ψάλλει μόνος· κἂν πάντες ἀπηχῶσιν [vel ὑπηχῶσιν], ὡς ἐξ ἑνὸς στόματος ἡ φωνὴ φέρεται. Et is qui psallit, solus psallit: etiamsi omnes respondendo resonent, tanquam ex uno ore vox fertur. Id B. Ambrosio est respondere psalmum, ad Lucae caput XV circa finem; Cassiano De institutis coenobiorum lib. III, cap. 8, psalmos uno modulante respondere; Eucherio Sermo de oratione, respondere cum psalmus canitur. Sozomenus lib. V, cap. 19, extremo: Ἐξῆρχον δὲ τῶν ψαλμῶν τοῖς ἄλλοις, οἱ τούτους ἀκριβοῦντες, καὶ ξυνεπήχει τὸ πλῆθος ἐν συμφωνίᾳ. Praecinebant autem caeteris ii qui psalmos apprime callebant; multitudo deinde respondebat cum concentu. Pseudo-Areopagita caput 3, libri De hierarchia ecclesiastica: Ὁ ἱεράρχης ἀπάρχεται τῆς ἱερᾶς τῶν ψαλμῶν μελῳδίας, συνᾳδούσης αὐτῷ τὴν ψαλμικὴν ἱερολογίαν ἁπάσης τῆς ἐκκλησιαστικῆς διακοσμήσεως. Pontifex auspicatur sacrum psalmorum melos: omni ordine ecclesiastico sacram ipsi psalmodiam succinente. Legimus etiam in Veteri Testamento, Exod. XV, 21: Ἐξῆρχε δὲ αὐτῶν Μαριὰμ, λέγουσα· ᾌσωμεν, etc. Praecinebat autem mulieribus Maria, dicens: Cantemus, etc. Et Judith XV, ult.: Καὶ ἐξῆρχεν Ἰουδὶθ τὴν ἐξομολόγησιν ταύτην ἐν παντὶ Ἰσραὴλ, καὶ ὑπεφώνει πᾶς ὁ λαὸς τὴν αἴνεσιν ταύτην. Et inchoavit Judith confessionem hanc in omni Israel, et subcinebat omnis populus laudem hanc. Distingui porro debet haec subpsallendi ratio ab alia affini, apud Cassianum De coenobiorum institutis, lib. II, cap. 8, et ante apud Philonem Judaeum ubi de Essenis; ut unus psalmos canat, cuncti clausulas psalmis apponi solitas concinant. En verba Philonis, libro De vita contemplativa, non procul a fine, citati etiam ab Eusebio Hist. eccl. II, 17: Καὶ ἔπειτα ὁ μὲν (ita codd. Regii) ἀναστὰς, ὕμνον ᾄδει πεποιημένον εἰς τὸν Θεόν.... Μεθ' ὃν καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι κατὰ τάξεις ἐν κόσμῳ προσήκοντι, πάντων κατὰ πολλὴν ἡσυχίαν ἀκροωμένων, πλὴν ὁπότε τὰ ἀκροτελεύτια καὶ ἐφύμνια ᾄδειν δέοι. Τότε γὰρ ἐξηχοῦσι πάντες τε καὶ πᾶσαι. Hoc est: Tum ille (praeses) assurgens, hymnum in laudem Dei compositum canit.... Post quem et caeteri ordinatim decenti modo: omnibus magno cum silentio auscultantibus, praeterquam cum clausulas et hymnis finem imponentia canere oportet. Tunc enim universi et universae personant. Ac de ἀκροτελευτίοις, sive clausulis psalmorum, omitto quidem facile Sozomeni testimonia lib. VIII, cap. 8; et lib. V, cap. 19; sed non possum omittere insignem, qui a recentioribus intellectus non fuit, S. Athanasii locum in Apologia de fuga sua, paulo ante finem: Καθισθεὶς ἐπὶ τοῦ θρόνου, προέτρεπον τὸν μὲν διάκονον ἀναγινώσκειν ψαλμὸν, τοὺς δὲ λαοὺς ὑπακούειν, Ὅτι εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα τὸ ἔλεος αὐτοῦ. Id est, ex optima versione Epiphanii Scholastici, lib. V Historiae Tripartitae, cap. 2: Residens in sede, praecepi ut diaconus psalmum legeret; populi responderent: «Quoniam in saeculum misericordia ejus» (Psal. CV, 1). Male qui Athanasium, et Historiam ecclesiasticam Theodoriti (lib. II, c. 10) interpretati sunt, verbum ὑπακούειν putaverunt esse auscultare, audire; cum hic, et alibi saepe, significet respondere. ID.

(41) And let the people sing the endings of the verses in response. Those who before me turned these books into the Latin tongue rendered ἀκροστίχια as "the beginnings of the verses", a grave error indeed, and in the contrary sense. For although ἀκροστιχίς is said by Epiphanius (heresy of the Audians, ch. 12) to be the first letter of some word, and although acrostichs in poems are well known, yet in this place plainly not the first parts but the last are meant. For the cantors sang first, and the people sang in response. For this reason the Psalmists in Socrates' Ecclesiastical History, Book V, ch. 22, are called ὑποβολεῖς, prompters, suggesters, pronouncers and fore-announcers of the Psalm, as the great interpreter has taught. And hence the κανονάρχαι of the Greeks and the precentors of the Latins. What could be clearer than the words of Basil, Epistle 63, to the clergy of Neocaesarea? And now, divided into two choirs, they sing alternately. Then again, entrusting one man with beginning the Psalm, the rest sing in response. Hence in the same holy doctor, question 307 of the Shorter Rules: Whether one ought to begin the psalmody or the prayer by turns. No less clearly does blessed Chrysostom speak in Homily 36 on 1 Corinthians, towards the end: And he who sings the psalm sings alone; even if all resound in response [or "sing in response"], the voice is carried as from one mouth. This is, for blessed Ambrose, "to respond the psalm", on Luke ch. 15 near the end; for Cassian, On the Institutes of the Coenobia, Book III, ch. 8, "to respond to the psalms while one leads the melody"; for Eucherius, Sermon on Prayer, "to respond when the psalm is sung". Sozomen, Book V, ch. 19, at the end: Those who were thoroughly versed in the psalms led the others in them; and the multitude then responded in harmony. Pseudo-Areopagite, ch. 3 of the book On the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy: The pontiff begins the sacred melody of the psalms, the whole ecclesiastical order singing the sacred psalmody in response to him. We read also in the Old Testament, Exod. 15:21: And Miriam led the women, saying: Let us sing, etc. And Judith 15, last verse: And Judith began this confession in all Israel, and all the people sang this praise in response. This manner of singing in response must, however, be distinguished from another akin to it, found in Cassian, On the Institutes of the Coenobia, Book II, ch. 8, and earlier in Philo the Jew where he speaks of the Essenes: that one should sing the psalms and all together sing the closing phrases customarily added to psalms. Here are the words of Philo, in the book On the Contemplative Life, not far from the end, quoted also by Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History II, 17: Then he (so the Royal manuscripts) rising up sings a hymn composed in praise of God.... After him the others also in order, in fitting manner, all listening in great silence, except when they must sing the closing phrases and refrains of the hymns. For then all, men and women, resound together. And concerning the ἀκροτελεύτια, or closing phrases of the psalms, I readily pass over the testimonies of Sozomen, Book VIII, ch. 8, and Book V, ch. 19; but I cannot pass over a notable passage of St Athanasius, which has not been understood by more recent writers, in the Apology for his flight, a little before the end: that is, in the excellent version of Epiphanius Scholasticus, Book V of the Tripartite History, ch. 2: Seated on the throne, I bade the deacon read a psalm, and the people respond: "For His mercy endures for ever" (Ps. 105:1). Those who translated Athanasius, and the Ecclesiastical History of Theodoret (Book II, ch. 10), wrongly supposed the verb ὑπακούειν to mean to listen, to hear; whereas here, and often elsewhere, it means to respond. THE SAME.

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(40) ‹anchor: Μωσέως› · call in col 728 (Greek only)

Ἀναγινωσκέτω τὰ Μωσέως, κ. τ. λ. Infra cap. 59, et lib. v, cap. 19; lib. viii, cap. 5. Apud S. Basilium initio homiliae 21, quae habita est in Lacizis, mentio fit lectionum psalmicarum, proverbialium, historicarum, apostolicarum et evangelicarum. In exhortatione vero ad sanctum baptisma homilia 13, paulo post initium, recitata fuisse eo die dicuntur loca prophetica, Davidica, apostolica actorum et evangelica. Quae omnia S. Maximus ad caput 3, Ecclesiasticae hierarchiae comprehendit per Vetus ac Novum Testamentum: Pachymeres autem, per prophetias, Apostolum ac Evangelium. Ad haec in Gregorio Turonensi, lib. i De miraculis S. Martini, invenies propheticam lectionem apostolicae seu Paulinae esse praemissam. Denique generaliter loquuntur Patres Laodicenae synodi can. 16: Περὶ τοῦ ἐν σαββάτῳ Εὐαγγέλια μεθ' ἑτέρων Γραφῶν ἀναγινώσκεσθαι. Ut in sabbato Evangelia cum aliis Scripturis legantur. Ad quem canonem quod ait Zonaras, circa illa tempora in conventibus fidelium Scripturas sacras lectitatas non fuisse, nisi restringatur ad diem sabbati, quemadmodum fit a Balsamone, cum veritate pugnabit. Nam patet ex Apologetico Justini martyris, multo ante concilium Laodicenum partem officii ecclesiastici Dominicarum exstitisse lectiones divinas. Id.

Anaginōsketō ta Mōseōs ("let him read the books of Moses"), etc.: see below, ch. 59, and book 5, ch. 19; book 8, ch. 5. In St Basil, at the beginning of homily 21, which was delivered at Lacizi, mention is made of readings from the Psalms, the Proverbs, the histories, the Apostle and the Gospels. And in the exhortation to holy baptism, homily 13, a little after the beginning, passages from the prophets, from David, from the apostolic Acts and from the Gospels are said to have been read that day. All of which St Maximus, on chapter 3 of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, sums up as the Old and New Testament; Pachymeres as the prophecies, the Apostle and the Gospel. Besides, in Gregory of Tours, book 1 of the Miracles of St Martin, you will find the prophetic reading set before the apostolic or Pauline one. Finally the Fathers of the synod of Laodicea speak in general terms, canon 16: "That on the Sabbath the Gospels be read with other Scriptures." What Zonaras says on this canon, that around those times the sacred Scriptures were not read in the assemblies of the faithful, will be at odds with the truth unless it is restricted to the Sabbath day, as Balsamon restricts it. For it is plain from the Apology of Justin Martyr that divine readings were part of the Sunday office long before the council of Laodicea. The same.

(printed under page 361; the opening, as far as "Lacizis", read from the column image c727_2, above the crop of the left-hand foot image)

(41) ‹anchor: ὑποψαλλέτω› · call in col 728 (Greek only)

Καὶ ὁ λαὸς τὰ ἀκροστίχια ὑποψαλλέτω. Qui ante me hosce libros in Latinam linguam converterunt, ἀκροστίχια initia versuum interpretati sunt, gravi sane errato, contrarioque sensu. Quamvis enim ἀκροστιχὶς ab Epiphanio, haeresi Audianorum, cap. 12, dicatur prior littera vocis alicujus; quamvis notae sint in carminibus acrostichides; hoc tamen loco aperte non prima, sed postrema indicantur. Siquidem praecinebant cantores, populus vero succinebat. Qui Psaltae ideo in Socratis Historia ecclesiastica lib. v, cap. 22, appellantur ὑποβολεῖς, monitores, suggestores, Psalmi pronuntiatores ac praenuntiatores, quemadmodum docuit magnus interpres. Atque inde Graecorum κανονάρχαι, et Latinorum praecentores. Quid clarius verbis Basilii epist. 63 ad clericos Neocaesarienses? Καὶ νῦν μὲν διχῇ διανεμηθέντες, ἀντιψάλλουσιν ἀλλήλοις. Ἔπειτα πάλιν ἐπιτρέψαντες ἑνὶ κατάρχειν τοῦ μέλους, οἱ λοιποὶ ὑπηχοῦσι, etc. Et modo quidem in duos choros divisi, alternatim psallunt. Deinde vero uni committentes ordiri Psalmum, reliqui succinunt. Unde apud eumdem S. doctorem interrogatio 307 Regularum breviorum: Εἰ χρὴ ἐξ ἐφημερίας ἀπάρχεσθαι τῆς ψαλμῳδίας, ἢ τῆς προσευχῆς. An oporteat per vices inchoare psalmodiam, aut orationem. Nec minus liquido loquitur B. Chrysostomus homil. 36 in I ad Corinthios, sub finem: Καὶ ὁ ψάλλων, ψάλλει μόνος· κἂν πάντες ἀπηχῶσιν [vel ὑπηχῶσιν], ὡς ἐξ ἑνὸς στόματος ἡ φωνὴ φέρεται. Et is qui psallit, solus psallit: etiamsi omnes respondendo resonent, tanquam ex uno ore vox fertur. Id B. Ambrosio est respondere psalmum, ad Lucae caput xv circa finem; Cassiano De institutis coenobiorum lib. iii, cap. 8, psalmos uno modulante respondere; Eucherio Sermo de oratione, respondere cum psalmus canitur. Sozomenus lib. v, cap. 19, extremo: Ἐξῆρχον δὲ τῶν ψαλμῶν τοῖς ἄλλοις, οἱ τούτους ἀκριβοῦντες, καὶ ξυνεπήχει τὸ πλῆθος ἐν συμφωνίᾳ. Praecinebant autem caeteris ii qui psalmos apprime callebant; multitudo deinde respondebat cum concentu. Pseudo-Areopagita caput 3, libri De hierarchia ecclesiastica: Ὁ ἱεράρχης ἀπάρχεται τῆς ἱερᾶς τῶν ψαλμῶν μελῳδίας, συνᾳδούσης αὐτῷ τὴν ψαλμικὴν ἱερολογίαν ἁπάσης τῆς ἐκκλησιαστικῆς διακοσμήσεως. Pontifex auspicatur sacrum psalmorum melos: omni ordine ecclesiastico sacram ipsi psalmodiam succinente. Legimus etiam in Veteri Testamento, Exod. XV, 21: Ἐξῆρχε δὲ αὐτῶν Μαριὰμ, λέγουσα· ᾌσωμεν, etc. Praecinebat autem mulieribus Maria, dicens: Cantemus, etc. Et Judith xv, ult.: Καὶ ἐξῆρχεν Ἰουδὶθ τὴν ἐξομολόγησιν ταύτην ἐν παντὶ Ἰσραὴλ, καὶ ὑπεφώνει πᾶς ὁ λαὸς τὴν αἴνεσιν ταύτην. Et inchoavit Judith confessionem hanc in omni Israel, et subcinebat omnis populus laudem hanc. Distingui porro debet haec subpsallendi ratio ab alia affini, apud Cassianum De coenobiorum institutis, lib. ii, cap. 8, et ante apud Philonem Judaeum ubi de Essenis; ut unus psalmos canat, cuncti clausulas psalmis apponi solitas concinant. En verba Philonis, libro De vita contemplativa, non procul a fine, citati etiam ab Eusebio Hist. eccl. ii, 17: Καὶ ἔπειτα ὁ μὲν (ita codd. Regii) ἀναστὰς, ὕμνον ᾄδει πεποιημένον εἰς τὸν Θεόν.... Μεθ' ὃν καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι κατὰ τάξεις ἐν κόσμῳ προσήκοντι, πάντων κατὰ πολλὴν ἡσυχίαν ἀκροωμένων, πλὴν ὁπότε τὰ ἀκροτελεύτια καὶ ἐφύμνια ᾄδειν δέοι. Τότε γὰρ ἐξηχοῦσι πάντες τε καὶ πᾶσαι. Hoc est: Tum ille (praeses) assurgens, hymnum in laudem Dei compositum canit.... Post quem et caeteri ordinatim decenti modo: omnibus magno cum silentio auscultantibus, praeterquam cum clausulas et hymnis finem imponentia canere oportet. Tunc enim universi et universae personant. Ac de ἀκροτελευτίοις, sive clausulis psalmorum, omitto quidem facile Sozomeni testimonia lib. viii, cap. 8; et lib. v, cap. 19; sed non possum omittere insignem, qui a recentioribus intellectus non fuit, S. Athanasii locum in Apologia de fuga sua, paulo ante finem: Καθισθεὶς ἐπὶ τοῦ θρόνου, προέτρεπον τὸν μὲν διάκονον ἀναγινώσκειν ψαλμὸν, τοὺς δὲ λαοὺς ὑπακούειν, Ὅτι εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα τὸ ἔλεος αὐτοῦ. Id est, ex optima versione Epiphanii Scholastici, lib. v Historiae Tripartitae, cap. 2: Residens in sede, praecepi ut diaconus psalmum legeret; populi responderent: « Quoniam in saeculum misericordia ejus » (Psal. CV, 1). Male qui Athanasium, et Historiam ecclesiasticam Theodoriti (lib. ii, c. 10) interpretati sunt, verbum ὑπακούειν putaverunt esse auscultare, audire; cum hic, et alibi saepe, significet respondere. Id.

Kai ho laos ta akrostichia hypopsalletō ("and let the people sing the akrostichia in response"): those who before me turned these books into Latin rendered akrostichia as "the beginnings of the verses", a serious mistake indeed, and the opposite sense. For although Epiphanius, heresy of the Audians, ch. 12, calls the akrostichis the first letter of a word, and acrostics are known in poems, here plainly it is not the first but the last parts that are meant. For the cantors sang first and the people sang after them. That is why in Socrates' Ecclesiastical History, book 5, ch. 22, the psalmists are called hypoboleis: prompters, suggesters, those who pronounce and announce the Psalm beforehand, as the great translator taught. And hence the kanonarchai of the Greeks and the praecentores of the Latins. What could be clearer than the words of Basil, letter 63 to the clergy of Neocaesarea? "And now, divided in two, they sing antiphonally to one another. Then again, entrusting to one the leading of the melody, the rest respond." [Latin:] "And now, divided into two choirs, they sing the psalms by turns. Then, committing to one the beginning of the Psalm, the rest sing after him." Hence in the same holy doctor, question 307 of the Shorter Rules: "Whether one ought to begin the psalmody or the prayer by turns." [Latin to the same effect.] No less clearly does the blessed Chrysostom speak, homily 36 on 1 Corinthians, near the end: "And he who chants the psalm chants alone; even if all sound back in response [or: respond], the voice is carried as from one mouth." [Latin:] "And he who chants the psalm chants alone: even if all resound in responding, the voice is carried as from one mouth." For blessed Ambrose this is "to respond the psalm", on Luke chapter 15 near the end; for Cassian, On the Institutes of the Coenobia, book 3, ch. 8, "to respond to the psalms while one sings the melody"; for Eucherius, Sermon on Prayer, "to respond when the psalm is sung". Sozomen, book 5, ch. 19, at the end: "Those who were expert in them led the others in the psalms, and the multitude joined in the sound in harmony." [Latin:] "Those who were thoroughly versed in the psalms led the rest in song; the multitude then responded in harmony." The Pseudo-Areopagite, chapter 3 of On the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy: "The hierarch begins the sacred melody of the psalms, the whole ecclesiastical order singing the psalmic sacred chant with him." [Latin:] "The Pontiff begins the sacred song of the psalms, every ecclesiastical order singing the sacred psalmody after him." We read also in the Old Testament, Exodus 15:21: "And Miriam led them, saying: Let us sing," etc. [Latin:] "And Mary led the women in song, saying: Let us sing," etc. And Judith 15, the last verse: "And Judith began this thanksgiving in all Israel, and all the people sang this praise after her." [Latin to the same effect.] This way of singing in response must, moreover, be distinguished from another akin to it, found in Cassian, Institutes of the Coenobia, book 2, ch. 8, and before that in Philo the Jew where he speaks of the Essenes: that one sings the psalms, and all together sing the refrains usually added to psalms. Here are Philo's words, from On the Contemplative Life, not far from the end, quoted also by Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 2, 17: "And then he (so the Royal manuscripts) rises and sings a hymn composed to God.... After him the others too in order, in fitting arrangement, all listening in deep silence, except when they must sing the closing lines and refrains. For then all the men and all the women sing out together." That is: "Then he (the president) rises and sings a hymn composed in praise of God.... After him the rest too in order and in seemly manner, all listening in deep silence, except when they must sing the refrains and the endings of the hymns. For then all the men and all the women sound out together." And as to akroteleutia, or the refrains of the psalms, I readily pass over Sozomen's testimonies, book 8, ch. 8, and book 5, ch. 19; but I cannot pass over a notable passage of St Athanasius, not understood by more recent writers, in the Apology for his Flight, a little before the end: "Seated on the throne, I bade the deacon read a psalm, and the people respond, For His mercy endures for ever." That is, in the excellent version of Epiphanius Scholasticus, book 5 of the Historia Tripartita, ch. 2: "Sitting in my seat, I instructed the deacon to read a psalm, and the people to respond: 'For His mercy endures for ever'" (Ps. 105:1). Those who translated Athanasius, and Theodoret's Ecclesiastical History (book 2, ch. 10), were wrong to take the word hypakouein as "to listen, to hear", since here, and often elsewhere, it means "to respond". The same.

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NOTE: the page-foot images begin partway down the notes; the opening of note (41*) above them was set from the column images (Q6a). The top lines of the notes' right-hand column (inside note 42, from "et Barnabas" to "in Novo Testa-") lie above the crop of the foot image; they were set in Q22 from the col. 730 images (c730_1–2). Note (44) breaks off at "Nysseno" without its closing siglum and is taken to continue on the next page. VARIORUM NOTAE (41*) ‹anchor: ἀναγινωσκέτω τὰ Εὐαγγέλια› · call in col 729 (Greek only) Διάκονος ἢ πρεσβύτερος ἀναγινωσκέτω τὰ Εὐαγγέλια. Id muneris injunctum fuisse diaconis, ut sanctum Evangelium legerent, res est innumeris documentis certissima. De presbyteris autem disces ex Liturgia S. Petri, ex Euchologio, ex Micrologo, et ex Historicis Socrate lib. vii, c. 5, ac Sozomeno lib. vii, c. 19. Qui ultimus etiam lectionis per archidiaconum fieri consuetae (moris apud Syros Maronitas servati) meminit; et lectionis per episcopum certis diebus; quemadmodum Nicephorus lib. xii, cap. 34. Observarunt praeterea viri docti, recitasse Evangelia in quibusdam ecclesiis lectores; citantque eo de ritu S. Cyprianum epist. 33 et 34, canones 2 et 4 concilii Toletani i, Pachymerem ad caput 3 Hierarchiae ecclesiasticae, necnon Ordinem Romanum in officio feriae 5 in Coena Domini; ubi evangelii recitatio demandatur diacono aut lectori, sicut hic diacono aut presbytero. Cot.

Diakonos ē presbyteros anaginōsketō ta Euangelia ("let a deacon or a presbyter read the Gospels"): that this office was laid upon the deacons, that they should read the holy Gospel, is a thing made most certain by countless documents. About presbyters you will learn from the Liturgy of St Peter, from the Euchologion, from the Micrologus, and from the historians, Socrates, book 7, ch. 5, and Sozomen, book 7, ch. 19. The latter also mentions the reading customarily done by the archdeacon (a usage kept among the Syrian Maronites), and the reading by the bishop on certain days; as does Nicephorus, book 12, ch. 34. Learned men have observed besides that in some churches readers read the Gospels; and on that usage they cite St Cyprian, letters 33 and 34; canons 2 and 4 of the first council of Toledo; Pachymeres on chapter 3 of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy; and the Roman Ordo in the office of Thursday in the Lord's Supper, where the reading of the Gospel is assigned to the deacon or to a reader, as here to the deacon or a presbyter. Cotelier.

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(42) ‹anchor: Λουκᾶς καὶ Μάρκος› · call in col 729 (Greek only)

Καὶ ἃ οἱ συνεργοὶ Παύλου, etc. Apostolus Coloss. IV, 10, 11, inter adjutores suos Marcum consobrinum Barnabae nominat; Evangelistam, si credimus Dialogo primo De recta in Deum fide, non procul ab initio, apud Origenem; Victori Antiocheno, initio Commentariorum in Marcum; Oecumenio et Theophylacto ad Acta apostolorum; Euthymio in Prooemio Evangelii secundum Marcum; et Haymoni ad Coloss. IV, 11. Ab eodem Apostolo Philem. 24 scribitur: Μάρκος, Ἀρίσταρχος, Δημᾶς, Λουκᾶς, οἱ συνεργοί μου. Qui Marcus ex interpretatione Hieronymi, ac post eum Haymonis, Evangelii conditor est. Et vero de Luca consentiunt omnes, quod Pauli fuerit discipulus, comes, et adjutor; quodque Lucae Evangelium praecipue ad Paulum apostolum debeat referri. Adeo ut inversio videatur fecta in pseudo-Dorothei Synopsi, in qua legitur Lucam Evangelium scripsisse ex commissione Petri, Acta vero committente Paulo; praesertim cum contrarium habeat Synopsis Athanasiana, scilicet Evangelium pertinere ad Paulum, Actus ad Petrum. De Marco evangelista controvertitur. Plurimi namque discipulum et interpretem Petri nuncupant, contenduntque recte, mea quidem sententia, illius mentionem fieri in sola Epist. I Petri cap. v, vers. 13. Alii perperam Marcum a Petro memoratum confundunt cum Joanne Marco, et Marco consobrino Barnabae, uno, vel (quod existimo) duobus hominibus, Act. XII, 12, 25; xv, 37, 39; Coloss. IV, 10, 11; secundae Timothei iv, 11; et Philemonis 24. Nonnulli tres Marcos absque necessitate ponunt, Marcum evangelistam apud Petrum, Marcum consobrinum Barnabae apud Paulum, et Marcum seu Joannem, filium Mariae, in Actis. Quae est opinatio scriptorum ὑποβολιμαίων Hippolyti ac Dorothei. Itaque ab aliis Evangelium Marci tribuitur Marco consobrino Barnabae, Pauli adjutori; ab aliis Joanni Marco, filio Mariae, propter quem dissenserunt Paulus et Barnabas; a caeteris melius, Marco filio, auditori ac interpreti Petri, primo Alexandriae episcopo. Et verius loquuntur qui dicunt Marci Evangelium compositum fuisse ex sermonibus Petri, quam qui aiunt Marcum suggerente, dictante, ac instruente Paulo scripsisse. Ita enim intelligo verba Graeca jam citati dialogi, in mss. Regiis: Μάρκος καὶ Λουκᾶς ἐκ τῶν οβʹ ὄντες, Παύλῳ τῷ ἀποστόλῳ εὐηγγελίσαντο. Verum an unus, aut plures Marci in Novo Testamento commemorentur, et quis Evangelium nomine Marci inscriptum confecerit, celebris quaestio, apud theologos fuse agitata, hic inutiliter disceptaretur. Sufficiet supplevisse locum Chrysostomi mancum contrarioque in sensu excusum ac scriptus fuit, homilia 26 in Acta, ad cap. xii, vers. 12, ubi de Joanne qui cognominatus est Marcus, editur: Τίς ἐστιν οὗτος ὁ Ἰωάννης; ἴσως ἐκεῖνος ὁ ἀεὶ αὐτοῖς συνών. Διὰ γὰρ τοῦτο καὶ τὸ παράσημον αὐτοῦ ἔθηκεν. At ex Oecumenio et Theophylacto, necnon ex ipso contextu apparet addi debere particulam negantem οὐκ, ut dicat Chrysostomus: Quis est hic Joannes? Videtur non esse ille qui semper cum ipsis erat. Ideo enim indicium quo discerneretur apposuit. Cot.

Kai ha hoi synergoi Paulou ("and what the fellow-workers of Paul"), etc.: the Apostle, Colossians 4:10–11, names among his helpers Mark the cousin of Barnabas; the Evangelist, if we believe the first Dialogue On Right Faith in God, not far from the beginning, in Origen; Victor of Antioch, at the beginning of his Commentaries on Mark; Oecumenius and Theophylact on the Acts of the Apostles; Euthymius in the Preface to the Gospel according to Mark; and Haymo on Colossians 4:11. The same Apostle writes at Philemon 24: "Mark, Aristarchus, Demas, Luke, my fellow-workers." This Mark, in the interpretation of Jerome and after him of Haymo, is the author of the Gospel. And as to Luke all agree that he was Paul's disciple, companion and helper, and that Luke's Gospel is chiefly to be referred to the apostle Paul. So that an inversion seems to have been made in the pseudo-Dorotheus Synopsis, where we read that Luke wrote the Gospel at Peter's commission and the Acts at Paul's; especially since the Athanasian Synopsis has the opposite, namely that the Gospel belongs to Paul and the Acts to Peter. About Mark the evangelist there is controversy. Very many call him the disciple and interpreter of Peter, and maintain, rightly in my opinion, that he is mentioned only in 1 Peter 5:13. Others wrongly confuse the Mark mentioned by Peter with John Mark and with Mark the cousin of Barnabas, one man or (as I think) two, Acts 12:12, 25; 15:37, 39; Colossians 4:10–11; 2 Timothy 4:11; and Philemon 24. Some posit three Marks without need: Mark the evangelist with Peter, Mark the cousin of Barnabas with Paul, and Mark or John, son of Mary, in the Acts. This is the opinion of the spurious writings of Hippolytus and Dorotheus. So the Gospel of Mark is ascribed by some to Mark the cousin of Barnabas, Paul's helper; by others to John Mark, son of Mary, on whose account Paul and Barnabas fell out; by the rest, and better, to Mark the son, hearer and interpreter of Peter, first bishop of Alexandria. And those speak more truly who say that Mark's Gospel was composed from Peter's discourses than those who say that Mark wrote with Paul prompting, dictating and instructing. For so I understand the Greek words of the dialogue already cited, in the Royal manuscripts: "Mark and Luke, being of the seventy-two, proclaimed the Gospel for the apostle Paul." But whether one Mark or several are mentioned in the New Testament, and who composed the Gospel inscribed with Mark's name, a famous question argued at length among theologians, would be disputed here to no purpose. It will be enough to have supplied a passage of Chrysostom that is defective, and printed in the opposite sense to that in which it was written, homily 26 on Acts, on ch. 12, verse 12, where it is printed of John who was surnamed Mark: "Who is this John? Perhaps the one who was always with them. For that is why he added his distinguishing mark." But from Oecumenius and Theophylact, and from the context itself, it is plain that the negative particle ouk must be added, so that Chrysostom says: "Who is this John? It seems he is not the one who was always with them. For that is why he added a mark to distinguish him." Cotelier.

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(43) ‹anchor: στηκέτωσαν› · call in col 729 (Greek only)

Πάντες οἱ πρεσβύτεροι, etc. Morem standi dum legitur Evangelium, longe meliorem ac generaliorem more sedendi, docebunt te libri rituum, tam Graeci quam Latini, et Philostorgius lib. iii, cap. 5, etiam a Nicephoro lib. ix, c. 18, transcriptus; item Isidorus Pelusiota lib. i, epist. 136; Sozomenus lib. vii, cap. 19, et post hunc Nicephorus lib. xii, cap. 34; denique Liber pontificalis in Vita Anastasii, necnon ei papae afficta Epistola ad Germaniae ac Burgundiae episcopos. Loca inter se compones, si videbitur. Notabis autem praecipue illa, Isidori de episcopo ad lectionem evangelicam assurgente, et Sozomeni de contrario ritu solius Ecclesiae Alexandrinae, ubi tunc temporis non assurgebat episcopus. Nam in nostris Constitutionibus omittitur antistes, forte ex industria. Id.

Pantes hoi presbyteroi ("all the presbyters"), etc.: the custom of standing while the Gospel is read, far better and more general than the custom of sitting, you will learn from the books of rites, Greek as well as Latin; from Philostorgius, book 3, ch. 5, copied also by Nicephorus, book 9, ch. 18; likewise Isidore of Pelusium, book 1, letter 136; Sozomen, book 7, ch. 19, and after him Nicephorus, book 12, ch. 34; finally the Liber pontificalis in the Life of Anastasius, and the Letter to the bishops of Germany and Burgundy falsely ascribed to that pope. Compare the passages with one another, if you see fit. But note above all those of Isidore, about the bishop rising for the Gospel reading, and of Sozomen, about the contrary rite of the Church of Alexandria alone, where at that time the bishop did not rise. For in our Constitutions the bishop is left out, perhaps on purpose. The same.

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(44) ‹anchor: τὸν λαὸν› · call in col 729 (Greek only)

Παρακαλείτωσαν οἱ πρεσβύτεροι τὸν λαὸν, etc. Sic post Chrysostomum presbyterum concionabatur Flavianus episcopus: quod ostendunt homiliae multae ab Aureo doctore peroratae. Sic multi, unus post alium, in eadem collecta populum alloquebantur: testibus eodem Chrysostomo homilia 2, in psal. xlviii, 17, tom. III, hom. 36, in priorem ad Corinthios, Sermone in Eliam, tom. VI, et tractatu In timores, quem edidit Combefisius; Severiano Gabalensi tractatu In sanctam crucem, qui ad superiorem per virum doctum adjunctus fuit; Basilio Magno Hom. in Barlaamum martyrem; Gregorio Nysseno (continues)

Parakaleitōsan hoi presbyteroi ton laon ("let the presbyters exhort the people"), etc.: so Flavian the bishop preached after Chrysostom the presbyter, as many homilies delivered by the Golden doctor show. So many spoke to the people, one after another, in the same assembly: witness the same Chrysostom, homily 2 on Psalm 48:17, vol. III; homily 36 on First Corinthians; the Sermon on Elijah, vol. VI; and the treatise On Fears, which Combefis edited; Severian of Gabala, the treatise On the Holy Cross, which a learned man joined to the preceding; Basil the Great, Homily on the martyr Barlaam; Gregory of Nyssa (continues)

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(45) ‹anchor: μὴ ἅπαντες› · call in col 729 (Greek only)

Μὴ ἅπαντες. Ἅμα πάντες, alter cod. Vind., sed absurde. Cler.

Mē hapantes ("not all"): hama pantes ("all together") in the other Vienna codex, but absurdly. Clericus.

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(31) ‹anchor: et audies› · call in col 730 (Latin only)

Deut. V, 31.

Deut. 5:31.

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(32) ‹anchor: before At ostiarii› · call in col 730 (Latin only)

L. Pseudo-Ignat. ad Antioch. 12.

See Pseudo-Ignatius, To the Antiochenes 12.

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VARIORUM NOTAE (printed under page 363)

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Nysseno Oratione in suam ordinationem; Hieronymo epist. 61 in Joannem Hierosolymitanum cap. 4; pseudo-Chrysostomo hom. de Nativitate Domini ad Lucae ii, ac Theodorito cum apud Photium Bibliothecae cod. cclxxiii extremo, ubi interpres plane est talpa, tum ad I Corinth. xiv, 31. Verum Alexandriae, ex quo Arius haeresiarcha, illius Ecclesiae presbyter, in concionibus suis orthodoxam fidem evertere conatus est, solus episcopus sermonem habebat ad populum, inquiunt historici, Socrates lib. v, cap. 22, et Sozomenus lib. vii, cap. 19. Atque is mos videtur in Ecclesia Africana viguisse temporibus Cypriani et Optati. Ille enim scribit ep. 56: Nec quisquam, fratres dilectissimi, cum populum nostrum fugari conspexerit metu persecutionis et spargi, conturbetur, quod collectam fraternitatem non videat, nec tractantes episcopos audiat. Hic vero sub finem operis adversus Donatistas: Et locutum Macarium esse aliquid in populo constat, sed insinuandi alicujus rei causa, non tamen tractandi, quod est episcoporum. Statim autem post Optatum presbyteris jus verbi faciendi datum colligo ex canone 33 concilii Carthaginensis 4. Ita tamen principio ut id coram episcopis non fieret; quemadmodum significatur a Possidio in Vita S. Augustini c. 5, et ab ipso Augustino epist. 77. Quod postremum (usitatum adhuc in Hispania, septimo saeculo ineunte, concilii 2 Hispalensis tempore) valde displicuit B. Hieronymo ad Nepotianum scribenti, ac postea Alcuino ep. vi. Ut et episcopos irasci, si presbyteri interdum exhortarentur plebem, ac in ecclesiis praedicarent, grande nefas visum fuit auctori Epistolae de septem Ecclesiae ordinibus, quae tom. IX Hieronymi excusa est. Denique apud Gallos nostros anno 529 Patres concilii Vasensis 2, can. 2, presbyteris potestatem verbum faciendi seu praedicandi dederunt. Nam antea presbyteros vel omnino tacuisse, vel recitasse duntaxat homilias sanctorum Patrum, indicat Vita B. Caesarii Arelatensis a Cypriano illius discipulo conscripta, cap. 28. Cot.

Gregory of Nyssa, Oration on his own ordination; Jerome, letter 61 against John of Jerusalem, ch. 4; pseudo-Chrysostom, homily on the Nativity of the Lord, on Luke 2; and Theodoret, both in Photius's Bibliotheca, codex 273 at the very end, where the translator is plainly a mole, and on 1 Corinthians 14:31. But at Alexandria, from the time when the heresiarch Arius, a presbyter of that Church, tried to overturn the orthodox faith in his sermons, the bishop alone preached to the people, say the historians, Socrates, book 5, ch. 22, and Sozomen, book 7, ch. 19. And this custom seems to have been in force in the African Church in the times of Cyprian and Optatus. For the former writes, letter 56: "Nor, dearest brothers, let anyone be troubled when he sees our people put to flight and scattered by fear of persecution, that he does not see the brotherhood assembled, nor hear the bishops preaching." And the latter, towards the end of his work against the Donatists: "And it is agreed that Macarius said something among the people, but for the sake of making something known, not of preaching, which is the bishops' part." But I gather that soon after Optatus the right to preach was given to presbyters, from canon 33 of the fourth council of Carthage. Yet at first only on condition that it was not done in the bishops' presence, as Possidius indicates in the Life of St Augustine, ch. 5, and Augustine himself, letter 77. This last (still customary in Spain at the start of the seventh century, at the time of the second council of Seville) greatly displeased blessed Jerome, writing to Nepotian, and afterwards Alcuin, letter 6. That bishops should even be angry if presbyters sometimes exhorted the people and preached in the churches seemed a great wrong to the author of the Letter on the Seven Orders of the Church, which is printed in vol. IX of Jerome. Finally among our own Gauls, in the year 529, the Fathers of the second council of Vaison, canon 2, gave presbyters the power to preach. For that before then presbyters either kept wholly silent or only recited homilies of the holy Fathers is indicated by the Life of blessed Caesarius of Arles written by his disciple Cyprian, ch. 28. Cotelier.

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Στηκέτωσαν δέ, etc. Portarum custodia apud Graecos ordo non est, sed officium, quod legitur fuisse commissum diaconis, subdiaconis, aliisque clericis, atque etiam non clericis. Merito autem hic diaconissae stare jubentur ad mulierum introitus, et cap. sequenti mulieribus in ecclesiam advenientibus locum facere; quia quae ad minorem sexum pertinent pleraque, honestius per feminas administrantur. Vide lib. viii, cap. 20 et 28. Nota quoque apud Zonaram et Balsamonem ad canonem Laodicenum 11, mulieres πρεσβύτιδας et προκαθημένας, ἐξαρχούσας τῶν εἰσερχομένων εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν γυναικῶν, καὶ καθιστάσας αὐτὰς πρὸς εὐταξίαν, καὶ ὅπως καὶ ὅπου χρὴ ταύτας ἱστάναι παιδευούσας αὐτάς. Denique legito, si lubet, in Jure Graeco-Romano lib. v, pag. 381, seu Responsione Theodori Balsamonis ad interrogationem 35 Marci Alexandrini, de diaconissis Constantinopolitanis: Ἐκκλησιαζούσαις τὰ πολλὰ, καὶ τὴν γυναικωνῖτιν ἐκκλησιαστικῶς διορθουμέναις. Cot.

Stēketōsan de ("and let them stand"), etc.: among the Greeks the keeping of the doors is not an order but an office, which we read was entrusted to deacons, subdeacons and other clerics, and even to non-clerics. Deaconesses are rightly told here to stand at the women's entrances, and in the next chapter to make room for women coming into the church; for most things that concern the weaker sex are more becomingly managed through women. See book 8, chs. 20 and 28. Note also in Zonaras and Balsamon on canon 11 of Laodicea the women [called] presbytides and prokathēmenai, "who lead the women entering the church, and set them in good order, and teach them how and where they must stand." Finally read, if you like, in the Jus Graeco-Romanum, book 5, p. 381, or the Answer of Theodore Balsamon to question 35 of Mark of Alexandria, on the deaconesses of Constantinople: "taking part for the most part in the church's services, and setting the women's gallery in order according to church rule." Cotelier.

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Δίκην ναυστολόγων. Erant ναυστολόγοι seu ναυτολόγοι, qui in prora constituti, tum navem intrantes recipiebant, tum vero cum navigaturis de futuro itinere colloquebantur, de naulo paciscebantur. Hesychio enim, Grammaticorum facile principi, ναυσθλοῦν et ναυτολογεῖν, ναυσθλωσάμενος (ita legendum) et ναυστολογήσας, ναῦσθλον et ναῦλον, idem sunt. Quocirca nausiologos referunt partim janitores, ratione videlicet primi nautologorum officii; partim catechistae, ratione posterioris. Quam secundam comparationem videre est inferius Epistola dicta Clementis ad Jacobum, cap. 14 et 15. In ms. Regio 2392 haec nactus sum:... Ἐκ τῶν διατάξεων... Ὅτι ἔοικεν ἡ Ἐκκλησία νηΐ. Ὁ μὲν κυβερνήτης ἐστὶν ὁ Χριστός· ὁ δὲ πρωρεὺς, ὁ ἐπίσκοπος· οἱ ναῦται, οἱ πρεσβύτεροι· οἱ τοίχαρχοι, οἱ διάκονοι· οἱ ναυτολόγοι, τὸ τῶν ἀναγνωστῶν καὶ ὑπηρετῶν τάγμα. Id.

Dikēn naustologōn ("after the manner of the naustologoi"): the naustologoi or nautologoi were those who, stationed at the prow, both received those boarding the ship and talked with intending passengers about the voyage ahead and bargained over the fare. For in Hesychius, easily the prince of grammarians, nausthloun and nautologein, nausthlōsamenos (so it should be read) and naustologēsas, nausthlon and naulon, are the same. Hence the nausiologoi [as printed] are matched partly by the doorkeepers, on account of the first office of the nautologoi, partly by the catechists, on account of the second. This second comparison can be seen below in the Letter called Clement's to James, chs. 14 and 15. In Royal manuscript 2392 I found this: "... From the Constitutions... That the Church is like a ship. The helmsman is Christ; the look-out at the prow, the bishop; the sailors, the presbyters; the officers of the ship's sides, the deacons; the nautologoi, the order of readers and servers." The same.

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Καὶ γὰρ ἐν τῇ σκηνῇ τοῦ μαρτυρίου. Et lib. viii, cap. 20, de janitoribus in veteri populo, praeter sacras Scripturas, agunt Philo libro De sacerdotum honoribus, et Josephus, praecipue lib. ii contra Apionem. Id.

Kai gar en tē skēnē tou martyriou ("for in the tent of witness too"): [see] also book 8, ch. 20. Of the doorkeepers among the old people, besides the sacred Scriptures, Philo treats in the book On the Honours of Priests, and Josephus, especially in book 2 Against Apion. The same.

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