Constitutiones apostolicae, Books III-V

(ref. 88 ff.) ‹scripture-reference note under the Greek column; the superscript numerals are faint; from Prov. XIX the line runs into the right half of the page and its tail is read with col. 758› · call in col 757 Ibid. 9 et seq. Prov. XII, 11. Eccle. IV, 5. Prov. XIX, 24. Eccle. X, 18. II Thess. III, 10.

Ibid., vv. 9 ff. Proverbs 12:11. Ecclesiastes 4:5. Proverbs 19:24. Ecclesiastes 10:18. 2 Thessalonians 3:10.

(printed under page 376)

(15) ‹τὴν σοφίαν τιμήσασα προήχθη› · call in col 757

Τὴν σοφίαν τιμήσασα προήχθη. Omissa haec in altero ms. Vindobonensi. Cler.

"Having honoured wisdom, she was advanced." These words are omitted in the other Vienna manuscript. Cler[icus].

(printed under page 376)

(64) ‹non minores annis sexaginta› · call in col 759

I Tim. V, 9.

1 Tim. 5:9.

(printed under page 377)

(65) ‹luxuriata adversus Christum› · call in col 759

Ib. 11.

Ibid., 11.

(printed under page 377)

(66) ‹non vovere, quam vovere et non reddere› · call in col 759

Eccle. V, 4.

Eccles. 5:4.

(printed under page 377)

(16) ‹Περὶ χηρῶν› · call in col 760

Περὶ χηρῶν. In altero cod. legere est: ἐν ᾧ περὶ χηρῶν καὶ ὁποῖαί εἰσιν ἀληθῶς καὶ ὄντως χῆραι. Cler.

"Concerning widows." In the other manuscript one reads: "in which, concerning widows, and what kind are truly and really widows." Clericus.

(printed under page 377)

(17) ‹Χήρας δὲ καθιστᾶτε› · call in col 760

Χήρας δὲ καθιστᾶτε. Late patet viduarum nomen. Significat cunctas marito superstites. Significat pauperculas, post viri obitum eleemosynis Ecclesiae indigentes. Significat Deo sacratas, perpetuam professas viduitatem. Significat demum in ministerio ecclesiastico constitutas, sive diaconissas. Ultimarum gradum et dignitatem Constitutio hic τὸ χηρικόν videtur appellare: vocabulo quo utitur Oecumenius ad I Tim. V, 9: Φασὶ, inquit, τὰς εἰς τὸ χηρικὸν τεταγμένας λέγειν. In Clementinis homil. 11, cap. ult.: καὶ χηρικὰ συστησάμενος. Hoc est, interprete Rufino, Recognit. lib. VI, cap. ult.: Instituit etiam ordinem viduarum. Latini viduatum dixere. Tertullianus De velandis virginibus cap. 9: Plane scio alicubi virginem in viduatu ab annis nondum viginti collocatam. Hae viduae salutari jubentur ab Ignatio in Epistola ad Smyrnaeos. A Clemente Alexandrino Paedagogi III, cap. 12, pag. 264, inter personas electas collocantur una cum presbyteris, episcopis et diaconis. A Tertulliano I Ad uxorem 7, De praescriptione haereticorum 3, De monogamia 11, iisdem ecclesiasticis hominibus junguntur. Ab Origene homil. 6 in Isaiam dicuntur in ecclesiastico honore constitutae: homil. 17 in Lucam: in ecclesiastica dignitate, ut episcopi, presbyteri, diaconi, tom. XXXII in Joannem, p. 390: εἰς ἐκκλησιαστικὴν τιμήν. Ab aliis simili modo agnoscuntur; pseudo-Hieronymo ad I Tim. III, 11, et V, 9, 11; Patribus concilii Epaonensis in can. 21, et fabricatore canonis 74 eorum qui concilio Nicaeno tribuuntur, ac ex Arabico versi sunt. Ut taceam leges 27 et 28 cod. Theod. tit. De episcopis et clericis. Itaque vult constitutor noster, secutus Apostolum I Tim. V, 9, ut viduae annum sexagesimum attigerint, ut unicum habuerint conjugem, utque renuntiarint secundis nuptiis. Sed eam ordinationem aetas posterior abrogavit; sexagenarias nondum, atque etiam virgines, aut in primo matrimonio continenter viventes, ad diaconissarum numerum referendo, tandemque tollendo totum id muneris et honoris. Falluntur Zonaras, Balsamon, et Blastares, qui ut concilient cum Pauli apostoli decreto canones Chalcedonensem 15, et Trullanos 14, 40, affirmant praescribi viduis diaconissis annos aetatis sexaginta, virginibus autem diaconissis quadraginta. Cum canones memorati generales sint, aperteque postremo citatus immutationem disciplinae doceat: quae constat etiam aliunde; ex Sozomeno lib. VIII, cap. 9, atque ex Novellis Justiniani. Cot.

"Appoint widows." The name of widows extends widely. It means all women who have outlived their husbands. It means the poor women who after their husband's death need the Church's alms. It means women consecrated to God who have professed perpetual widowhood. It means, finally, those set in the Church's ministry, or deaconesses. The rank and dignity of the last the Constitution seems here to call τὸ χηρικόν ("the order of widows"), a word Oecumenius uses on 1 Tim. 5:9: "They say," he says, "that he means those enrolled in the order of widows." In the Clementine Homilies, hom. 11, last chapter: "and having set up orders of widows." That is, in Rufinus's rendering, Recognitions book 6, last chapter: "He also instituted the order of widows." The Latins called it viduatus. Tertullian, On the Veiling of Virgins, ch. 9: "I know plainly that somewhere a virgin not yet twenty years old was placed in the order of widows." Ignatius bids these widows be greeted in his Epistle to the Smyrnaeans. By Clement of Alexandria, Paedagogus 3, ch. 12, p. 264, they are placed among the chosen persons together with presbyters, bishops and deacons. By Tertullian, To His Wife 1.7, On the Prescription of Heretics 3, On Monogamy 11, they are joined to these same men of the Church. By Origen, Homily 6 on Isaiah, they are said to be set in ecclesiastical honour; Homily 17 on Luke, "in ecclesiastical dignity, as bishops, presbyters, deacons"; Commentary on John, tome 32, p. 390: "into ecclesiastical honour." Others recognize them in like manner: pseudo-Jerome on 1 Tim. 3:11 and 5:9, 11; the Fathers of the Council of Epaon in canon 21; and the fabricator of canon 74 of those attributed to the Council of Nicaea and translated from the Arabic. Not to mention laws 27 and 28 of the Theodosian Code, title On Bishops and Clerics. So our constitutor, following the Apostle in 1 Tim. 5:9, wants widows to have reached their sixtieth year, to have had one husband only, and to renounce second marriages. But a later age abrogated that ordinance, counting among the deaconesses women not yet sixty, and even virgins, or women living continently in a first marriage, and at last abolishing the whole office and honour. Zonaras, Balsamon and Blastares are mistaken when, to reconcile with the decree of the apostle Paul canon 15 of Chalcedon and canons 14 and 40 of Trullo, they assert that sixty years of age are prescribed for widow deaconesses but forty for virgin deaconesses. For the canons cited are general, and the last cited openly shows a change of discipline, which is established from other sources too: from Sozomen, book 8, ch. 9, and from the Novels of Justinian. Cotelier.

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(18) ‹διὰ τῆς ἡλικίας› · call in col 760

Ἡλικίας. Addit idem cod. αὐτῶν. Cler.

"Age." The same manuscript adds αὐτῶν ("their"). Clericus.

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(19) ‹τοῦ Χριστοῦ· διότι› · call in col 760

Διότι, etc. Haec vox et undecim sequentes desunt in antiquiore cod. Vind. Id.

"Because," etc. This word and the eleven following are missing in the older Vienna manuscript. The same.

(printed under page 377)

(20) ‹μὴ προπετῶς ποιεῖσθαι› · call in col 760

Ποιεῖσθαι. Alter πληροῦν. Id.

"To make." The other has πληροῦν ("to fulfil"). The same.

(printed under page 377)

(21) ‹δι' ἀφορμῆς τινος ἑτέρας› · call in col 760

Ἢ δι' ἀφορμῆς τινος ἑτέρας. Notavi ad Hermae Pastorem, in mandati 4 cap. 1. Cot.

"Or through some other occasion." I have commented on this at Hermas's Shepherd, Mandate 4, ch. 1. Cotelier.

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(22) ‹ἐν Σαρεφθοῖς› · call in col 760

Ἐν Σαρεφθοῖς. Varie scriptum invenies: Sarapta: Saraphtha, Sarephla, Sarephtha, Sarepta, Seraphtha: Σάραφθα, Σαρεφθά, Σάραπτα, Σαράφθα, Σαραφθά, Σάρεπτα, Σαρέπτα, Σαρεπτά, Σερεφθά· atque ejus civitatis mulier a Graecis appellatur Σαραπτία, Σαραφθίνη et Σαραφθία. Pro quo ultimo media syllaba perperam omissa legitur in Athanasianis Operibus tom. II, edit. Paris., pag. 434, C, Σαφθία. Id.

"In Sarepta." You will find it written variously: Sarapta, Saraphtha, Sarephla, Sarephtha, Sarepta, Seraphtha; Σάραφθα, Σαρεφθά, Σάραπτα, Σαράφθα, Σαραφθά, Σάρεπτα, Σαρέπτα, Σαρεπτά, Σερεφθά; and a woman of that city is called by the Greeks Σαραπτία, Σαραφθίνη and Σαραφθία. For the last of these, with the middle syllable wrongly omitted, one reads Σαφθία in the Works of Athanasius, vol. 2, Paris edition, p. 434 C. The same.

(printed under page 377)

(67) ‹Elias divertit› · call in col 762

III Reg. XVII, 9.

1 Kgs. 17:9.

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(68) ‹redemptionem in Israele› · call in col 762

Luc. II, 36.

Luke 2:36.

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(23) ‹ὁ ἅγιος τοῦ Θεοῦ προφήτης› · call in col 761

Τοῦ Θεοῦ προφήτης. Alter non habet τοῦ Θεοῦ. Cler.

"The prophet of God." The other manuscript does not have "of God." Clericus.

(printed under page 378)

(24) ‹ἐτῶν ὀγδοήκοντα τεσσάρων› · call in col 761

Τεσσάρων. Omittitur in antiquiore. Id.

"Four." It is omitted in the older manuscript. The same.

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(25) ‹αὐτῆς ἔτη ἑπτὰ› · call in col 761

Ἑπτά. Additur αὕτη, in altero, sine necessitate. Id.

"Seven." In the other manuscript αὕτη ("she") is added, without need. The same.

(printed under page 378)

(26) ‹πᾶσι τοῖς προσδοκῶσι› · call in col 761

Προσδοκῶσι. Alter προσδεχομένοις, eodem sensu. Id.

"Who were waiting." The other has προσδεχομένοις, with the same meaning. The same.

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(27) ‹διὰ τὸ ὕποπτον› · call in col 761

Ὕποπτον. Minus recte in altero cod. ὕπτιον. Cler.

"Suspicion." Less correctly, the other manuscript has ὕπτιον ("supine"). Clericus.

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(28) ‹ἐν πράγματι› · call in col 761

Πράγματι. Additur in altero cod. οὐ καλῷ. Id.

"In a matter." The other manuscript adds οὐ καλῷ ("not good"). The same.

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(29) ‹καὶ τοῦτο γὰρ εἰδέναι ὀφείλετε› · call in col 761

Καὶ τοῦτο γὰρ εἰδέναι ὀφείλετε. Matrimonium primum laudat, cum omnibus Catholicis. Cum iisdem vitio vertit secundum, si post promissam continentiam contrahatur. Alioqui, tacite non improbat, aperteque concedit feminis integra adhuc aetate: imitatus Apostolum, qui, ex observatione Photii in Auctarii epistola 1 indulgentiam dedit mulieribus, de viris autem nihil locutus est: quo factum, ut nonnulli in Zonara ad canonem primum Laodicenae synodi, existimarint permissionem ad solum minorem infirmioremque sexum pertinere. Ac de bigamia diximus in Hermae lib. II, mand. 4, cap. 4. Nunc vero addimus correctiones tres. Josephi primam in lib. IV Ἀρχαιολογίας cap. ult., alteram Amphilochii in Oratione fidei εἰς τὴν ὑπαπαντήν, etc., tertiam Epiphanii in Expositione fidei catholicae cap. 21. Ita loquitur Judaeus vulgatus: Γαμείτωσαν δὲ ἐν ὥρᾳ γάμου γενόμενοι παρθένους ἐλευθέρας γονέων ἀγαθῶν. Ὁ δὲ μὴ μέλλων ἄγεσθαι παρθένον, μὴ ζευγνύσθω συνοικοῦσαν ἄλλῳ, μηδὲ λυπῶν τὸν πρότερον αὐτῆς ἄνδρα. Nullo bono sensu. Conjiciebat vir doctus Samuel Petitus Variarum lectionum lib. II, cap. 9: μηδὲ λιπόντος πρότερον αὐτῆς ἀνδρός, omnino infeliciter, ut pleraque illius sunt. Veram integramque scripturam ex mss. Regiis didici, hanc: Μὴ ζευγνύσθω συνοικοῦσαν ἄλλῳ, νοθεύσας, μηδὲ λυπῶν τὸν πρότερον αὐτῆς ἄνδρα. Ubi aetas maturuerit, uxores ducant virgines ingenuas, ex honestis parentibus prognatas. Qui autem non ducet virginem, ne sibi conjungat alteri maritatam, quam corruperit; neve priorem ejus virum contristet. Cujus lectionis vestigia in versione Rufini cernuntur. Uxores autem ducant nubili [al. nubiles] jam tempore constituti (hoc vocis exhibent libri regii) virgines liberas, bonis parentibus procreatas. Qui vero virginem ducturus non est, ei non jungatur quam discedere suasit ab alio, neque contristet priorem maritum ejus. Hactenus de loco Josephi. Amphilochii autem verba in editione Combefisiana sunt: Ὅταν δὲ πρόσεστι τῇ ὁρμησάσῃ χήρᾳ πρὸς γάμον τέκνα, περιττὸς λοιπὸν ὁ τοιοῦτος σπόρος, τῶν λογικῶν ἀσταχύων ἀντεριζόντων. Cum autem prosilienti ad secundas nuptias viduae filii sunt, supervacanea deinceps ejusmodi sementis est, rationalibus spicis ex adverso pugnantibus. In Bibliotheca Patrum, ἑτεριζόντων, naturam atque conditionem sortientibus diversam. Et pro ἀντεριζόντων quidem stat Regiae Bibliothecae cod. 205, pro ἑτεριζόντων vero codex 1045; sed longe rectius ambobus, meo quidem judicio, codices 106 et 143, habent ἑταιριζόντων, hoc est adulterinarum spicarum rationalium. Denique in Epiphanio legendum videtur: Εἰ δέ τις τελευτησάσης τῆς αὐτοῦ γυναικὸς, ἢ ἀνδρὸς τελευτήσαντος τῆς τινος γυναικὸς, ἐφίεται, ἐφεῖται δευτέρᾳ συναφθῆναι, ἢ δευτέρῳ, μετὰ θάνατον τοῦ πρώτου, ἢ τῆς πρώτης. Quod si quis mortua uxore, aut aliqua mulier mortuo viro, cupit, licet cum secunda, vel cum secundo matrimonium contrahere, post mortem primae aut primi. Scilicet affinitas verborum ἐφίεται et ἐφεῖται effecit ut librarii posterius tanquam inutile expungerent. Redeo ad apostolicum constitutorem. Pergit, ac tertiis nuptiis incontinentiae signum attribuit. Quo in sensu S. Basilius can. 4 eas vocat πορνείαν κεκολασμένην, indignasque censet quae mariti et uxoris nomina donent. Et can. 50 scribit: Τριγαμίας νόμος οὐκ ἔστιν, ὥστε νόμῳ γάμος τρίτος οὐκ ἄγεται. Τὰ μέντοι τοιαῦτα, ὡς ῥυπάσματα τῆς Ἐκκλησίας ὁρῶμεν· δημοσίαις δὲ καταδίκαις οὐχ ὑποβάλλομεν, ὡς τῆς ἀνειμένης πορνείας αἱρετώτερα. S. autem Gregorio Nazianzeno (continues)

"For this too you ought to know." He praises a first marriage, with all Catholics. With them he counts a second a fault if it is contracted after continence has been promised. Otherwise he tacitly does not disapprove of it, and openly allows it to women still in the full of their age, imitating the Apostle, who, as Photius observes in the first letter of the Auctarium, granted the indulgence to women but said nothing about men; whence some, in Zonaras on the first canon of the Synod of Laodicea, thought the permission belonged only to the lesser and weaker sex. We have spoken of bigamy on Hermas, book 2, Mandate 4, ch. 4. But now we add three corrections: the first in Josephus, Antiquities book 4, last chapter; the second in Amphilochius, in the Oration of faith "On the Presentation," etc.; the third in Epiphanius, Exposition of the Catholic Faith, ch. 21. The printed Jew speaks thus: "When they reach the age of marriage, let them marry free virgins of good parents. But he who is not going to take a virgin, let him not be yoked to a woman living with another, nor grieve her former husband." No good sense. That learned man Samuel Petit conjectured, Variae lectiones book 2, ch. 9, "nor when her former husband has left," quite unhappily, as most of his conjectures are. I learned the true and complete reading from the Royal manuscripts, this: "Let him not be yoked to a woman living with another, having corrupted her, nor grieve her former husband." When their age has ripened, let them take as wives freeborn virgins sprung of honourable parents. But he who will not take a virgin, let him not join to himself a woman married to another whom he has corrupted, nor grieve her former husband. Traces of this reading are seen in Rufinus's version: "Let those already set at the marriageable [variant: marriageable, fem.] time (so the royal books give the word) take as wives free virgins born of good parents. But he who is not going to marry a virgin, let not a woman whom he persuaded to leave another be joined to him, nor let him grieve her former husband." So much for the passage of Josephus. The words of Amphilochius in Combefis's edition are: "But when the widow who has rushed to marriage has children, such sowing is thereafter superfluous, the rational ears of corn contending against it." [Latin rendering:] "But when the widow springing to a second marriage has sons, sowing of this kind is thereafter superfluous, the rational ears fighting from the opposite side." In the Bibliotheca Patrum, ἑτεριζόντων, "allotted a different nature and condition." For ἀντεριζόντων stands codex 205 of the Royal Library, for ἑτεριζόντων codex 1045; but far more correctly than both, in my judgement at least, codices 106 and 143 have ἑταιριζόντων, that is, "of adulterous rational ears." Finally, in Epiphanius it seems one should read: "But if anyone, his wife having died, or a woman, her husband having died, desires it, it is permitted to be joined to a second wife, or a second husband, after the death of the first husband or the first wife." [Latin rendering:] "But if anyone whose wife has died, or any woman whose husband has died, desires it, it is lawful to contract marriage with a second wife, or with a second husband, after the death of the first wife or the first husband." That is, the likeness of the words ἐφίεται and ἐφεῖται caused the copyists to strike out the latter as useless. I return to the apostolic constitutor. He goes on, and assigns to third marriages the mark of incontinence. In which sense St Basil, canon 4, calls them "fornication restrained," and judges them unworthy to bestow the names of husband and wife. And in canon 50 he writes: "There is no law for trigamy, so that a third marriage is not contracted by law. Such things, however, we regard as defilements of the Church; but we do not subject them to public condemnations, as being preferable to unbridled fornication." But to St Gregory Nazianzen (continues)

(printed under page 378)

(69) ‹Erunt enim duo in carne una› · call in col 763

Gen. II, 24.

Gen. 2:24.

(printed under page 379)

(70) ‹in judicium diaboli incidant› · call in col 763

I Tim. III.

1 Tim. 3 [as printed; the words that follow are from 1 Tim. 6:9].

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(29) ‹› · call in col 761

(continued) orat. 31 trigamia est παρανομία, B. Hieronymo ad Jeremiae XVI, 1, miseriarum solatium, et extrema tabula naufragorum; Herardo Turonensi capitulo 111, adulterium; concilio Toletano 1, can. 4, in subdiacono, res nec dicenda, nec audienda. Apposite ad Constitutionem Valerius Maximus lib. II, cap. 1: Multorum matrimoniorum experientiam, quasi legitimae cujusdam intemperantiae signum esse credentes. Profecto Graeci trinubos nequaquam, aut vix tolerandos censuerunt, praesertim cum ex prioribus conjugiis liberos susceperant, aut erant aetate provectiores. Ut etiam videre est praecipue in tomo Unionis, tempore Constantini Porphyrogenetae, in lege Basilii Macedonis, in Novella 90 Leonis Sapientis, in Balsamone ad canones Basilii 4, 50, 69 et 80, atque in Jure Graeco-Romano tum lib. III, ubi De Manuele pag. 239, tum lib. V, responso 41, eorum quae sunt Balsamonis ad quaestiones Marci Alexandrini. Mitior tamen fuit sententia B. Epiphanii haeresi 59, cap. 6, quemadmodum et Latinorum, si paucos excipias. Nam praeter citatos hic et ad Pastorem, decernitur in Capitularibus lib. VII, cap. 321: Ne quisquam amplius quam duas accipiat uxores; quia tertia superflua est. Et Gregorius papa tertius epist. 1 ad Bonifacium archiepiscopum, admonet illum ut, si valuerit, devitandum doceat, ne cui uxor obierit, amplius quam duabus debeat copulari. In Poenitentiali autem Romano, apud Hugonem Menardum ad librum Sacramentorum S. Gregorii pag. 248 legitur: Si cujuslibet hominis mortua fuerit uxor, habet potestatem accipere alteram: similiter et mulier. Si tertium acceperit, jejunet hebdomadas tres: si quartum aut quintum acceperit, jejunet hebdomadas 21. Apud Fulgentium denique Lib. de fide ad Petrum diaconum cap. 3 et 42 ultra tertias nuptias non proceditur. Praeclare, ut omnia, S. Augustinus capite 12 libri De bono viduitatis: Nec ullas nuptias audeo damnare, nec eis verecundiam numerositatis auferre. Tandem a Constitutore nostro nuptiae post tertias, quartae et sequentes, notantur censura manifestae scortationis ac indubiae salacitatis. Id vero cur adeo mirum videatur nonnullis, nullus video. An eos clam sunt, quae circa secundum tertiumque connubium disseruimus? Nonne legerunt canonem Basilianum 80: Τὴν πολυγαμίαν οἱ πατέρες ἀπεσιώπησαν, ὡς κτηνώδη, καὶ παντελῶς ἀλλοτρίαν τοῦ γένους τῶν ἀνθρώπων. Ἡμῖν δὲ παρίσταται πλέον τι πορνείας εἶναι ἁμάρτημα, cum interpretatione Balsamonis. Item Elogium Gregorianum in loco citato: Τὸ δὲ ὑπὲρ τοῦτο, χοιρώδης βίος, οἷος οὐδὲ πολλὰ ἔχων τῆς κακίας τὰ παραδείγματα. (Ita scribas velim ex optimo antiquissimoque codice 155 Gazae Regiae, et ex Matthaeo Blastare littera γ, cap. 4, seu in Jure Graeco-Romano lib. VIII, pag. 496.) Illudque Basilii Macedonis; τέταρτον γάμον, τὸν οὐ γάμον. Et hoc Pionii in Vita S. Polycarpi cap. 3, n. 14: Polygamiam nomen quidem γάμου, id est matrimonii, habere, esse vero honesta larva ornatum adulterium. Ac Epithetum Photianum epist. 1, sect. 95: Ὑπέραισχρον καὶ μιαρὸν, καὶ τῆς τῶν ἀλόγων ἀκολασίας καὶ ἀκαθαρσίας. Quid quod lex Basilii Macedonis laudata, quae exstat Juris Graeco-Romani pag. 86, 498, et tomus Unionis, prohibent, condemnant, pro nullo haberi volunt quartum conjugium, τετραγάμους separari jubent, liberos ex τετραγαμίᾳ susceptos pro legitimis nolunt agnosci: consentientibus Graecis, tam hujus temporis, quam superioris, Theophylacto epist. 41, Balsamone ad Photii tit. 13, cap. 2, aliis. Sciti sunt Mimi Publiani: Habent locum maledicti, crebrae nuptiae. Mulier quae nubit multis, multis non placet. Caeterum in mss. Regiis 507, 2392, tomum Unionis post voces εὐλάβειαν ἀνάθεμα in Jure Graeco-Romano pag. 109, hoc inedito corollario conclusum reperi: Τούτων οὕτω διωρισμένων πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν τῆς ἁγίας Ἐκκλησίας, καὶ τοῦ ἀμέτοχον εἶναι τὸ εὐσεβὲς τῶν Χριστιανῶν πλήρωμα· τῶν ἐξ ἀθεμίτων γάμων ῥύπων [al. τὸν et ῥύπον], δεόμεθα τῆς σῆς ἀγαθότητος, Χριστὲ ὁ Θεὸς ἡμῶν, καὶ ἔτι καὶ διαπαντὸς πᾶν σκάνδαλον, πᾶσαν διορισμοῦ [al. διαμερισμοῦ] αἰτίαν, τῆς σῆς ἐξελαύνειν ἐκκλησίας, καὶ συντηρεῖν αὐτῇ τὴν εἰρηναίαν κατάστασιν· πρεσβείαις τῆς δεσποίνης ἡμῶν καὶ ἀχράντου Μητρός σου, τῶν πανιερῶν μαθητῶν σου καὶ ἀποστόλων, δι' ὧν ἐν πάσῃ τῇ οἰκουμένῃ τὴν σὴν κατεφύτευσας εἰρήνην, καὶ πάντων οἷς ἐξ αἰῶνος εὐαρεστούμενος ὤφθης ἁγίων. Ἀμήν. Id est: His ita definitis ad sanctae Ecclesiae securitatem, utque religiosus Christianorum coetus expers sit sordium, quae ex illicitis nuptiis proveniunt; rogamus bonitatem tuam, Christe Deus noster, adhuc ac semper omne scandalum omnemque dissidii causam a tua propellas Ecclesia, illique serves pacificum statum; intercessionibus Dominae nostrae et immaculatae Matris tuae, sacratissimorum discipulorum tuorum ac apostolorum, per quos in toto orbe terrarum pacem tuam plantasti, omniumque sanctorum quibus a saeculo apparere dignatus es. Amen. Cot.

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(none) <!-- note: Page 763–764. The reference notes 69 and 70 are called in col. 763's Latin, and the Variorum note (29), continued from page 378 and ending on this page with "Cot.", runs across the foot of both columns (the left half, to "Τὸ δὲ ὑπὲρ τοῦ-", under col. 763, the rest under col. 764). Col. 764's Greek has no calls. Q8b: the copy of these foot notes that stood here under Editors' prose duplicated notes/n763.md and was removed; the page foot is set once, whole, in n763 (the page's Latin column), with the readings of the copy that stood here ("[al. τὸν et ῥύπον]", "πανιερῶν") carried into it after a re-read of the page. Q4b: italic markup removed (unit rule: no italic markup). -->

(71) ‹Omni petenti te, tribue› · call in col 766

Luc. VI, 30.

Luke 6:30.

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(30) ‹› · call in col 765

Χήρας. Alter τὰς ὄντως χήρας. Cl.

"Widows." The other manuscript has "those who are widows indeed." Clericus.

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(31) ‹ὀρφανοῖς καὶ ἀπεριστάτοις› · call in col 765

Καί. Haec vocula et duae seqq. desunt in altero. Id.

"And." This little word and the two following are missing in the other manuscript. The same.

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(32) ‹ἢ χῆροι› · call in col 765

Ἢ χῆροι. Desunt in antiquiore cod. Id.

"Or widowers." Missing in the older manuscript. The same.

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(33) ‹Λέγε δὲ αὐτοῖς› · call in col 765

Λέγε δὲ αὐτοῖς, καὶ τίς ὁ δεδωκώς, κ.τ.λ. Interdum eorum qui pauperibus bene faciebant, aut aliquid offerebant Ecclesiae, nomina celabantur, ex Domini praecepto Matth. VI, 2: Cum facis eleemosynam, noli tuba canere, etc. Qua de re constitutor infra cap. 14. Interdum palam fiebant, et alio Dominico mandato Matth. V, 16: Luceat lux vestra coram hominibus, etc. Ut cernere est hic, et cap. 29, lib. VIII, utque per testimonia plurima a viris doctis probatur. Insigniter et huic loco convenientissime Cyprianus epist. 60: Ut autem fratres nostros ac sorores, qui ad hoc opus tam necessarium prompte ac libenter operati sunt, ut semper operentur, in mentem habeatis in orationibus vestris, et eis vicem boni operis in sacrificiis et precibus repraesentetis, subdidi nomina singulorum; sed et collegarum quoque et consacerdotum nostrorum, qui et ipsi cum praesentes essent, et suo, et plebis suae nomine quaedam pro viribus contulerunt, nomina addidi; et praeter quantitatem propriam nostram, eorum quoque summulas significavi, et misi; quorum omnium secundum quod fides et charitas exigunt, in orationibus et precibus vestris meminisse debetis. In Gestis purgationis Caeciliani et Felicis: Utique vel audisti vel vidisti si dictum est pauperibus, Dat et vobis de re sua Lucilla. Hieronymus sub finem libri II Commentarii in Jeremiam: At nunc publice recitantur offerentium nomina, et redemptio peccatorum mutatur in laudem. Et ad Ezechielis XVIII, 16: Publice diaconus in ecclesia recitat offerentium nomina: Tantum offert illa: Tantum ille pollicitus est: placentque sibi ad plausum populi, etc. Scilicet in hujusmodi factis usus esse potest, et abusus. Hincque variatio disciplinae pro prudentia Christiana. Cot.

"And tell them who the giver is," etc. Sometimes the names of those who did good to the poor, or offered something to the Church, were concealed, by the Lord's precept in Matt. 6:2: "When you give alms, do not sound a trumpet," etc. On which the constitutor below, ch. 14. Sometimes they were made public, by another command of the Lord, Matt. 5:16: "Let your light shine before men," etc. As may be seen here, and in book 8, ch. 29, and as learned men prove by very many testimonies. Cyprian, notably and most fittingly for this place, letter 60: "But that you may keep in mind in your prayers our brothers and sisters who have laboured promptly and willingly at this so necessary work, that they may always labour, and may repay them for their good work in the sacrifices and prayers, I have subjoined the names of each; and I have added also the names of our colleagues and fellow priests who themselves also, being present, contributed something, as they were able, in their own name and their people's; and besides our own amount I have noted and sent their little sums too; all of whom, as faith and charity require, you ought to remember in your prayers and supplications." In the Acts of the Purgation of Caecilian and Felix: "Surely you either heard or saw whether it was said to the poor, 'Lucilla gives to you too of her property.'" Jerome, near the end of book 2 of the Commentary on Jeremiah: "But now the names of those who offer are read out publicly, and the redemption of sins is turned into praise." And on Ezekiel 18:16: "The deacon reads out publicly in church the names of those who offer: 'She offers so much; he has promised so much'; and they are pleased with themselves at the people's applause," etc. That is, in deeds of this kind there can be use, and abuse. And hence a variation of discipline according to Christian prudence. Cotelier.

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(34) ‹καὶ τίς› · call in col 765

Τίς. Addit alter ἐστι. Cler.

"Who." The other manuscript adds ἐστι ("is"). Clericus.

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(72) ‹ne despexeris› · call in col 767

Is. LVIII, 7.

Isa. 58:7.

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(73) ‹miserationibus pauperum› · call in col 767

Dan. IV, 24.

Dan. 4:24.

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(74) ‹fide purgantur peccata› · call in col 767

Prov. XV, 27.

Prov. 15:27.

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(75) ‹liberabit eum Dominus› · call in col 767

Psal. XL, 2.

Ps. 40(41):2.

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(76) ‹manet in saeculum› · call in col 767

Psal. CXI, 9.

Ps. 111(112):9.

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(77) ‹retribuetur ei› · call in col 767

Prov. XIX, 17.

Prov. 19:17.

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(78) ‹non erit qui exaudiat eum› · call in col 767

Prov. XXI, 13.

Prov. 21:13.

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(79) ‹grano sinapis› · call in col 767

Matth. XIII, 31.

Matt. 13:31.

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(80) ‹dirumpant vos› · call in col 767

Matth. VII, 6.

Matt. 7:6.

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(81) ‹blasphematur in gentibus› · call in col 767

Isa. LII, 5.

Isa. 52:5.

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(35) ‹ἐπιμελητέον τὴν χήραν› · call in col 768

Τὴν χήραν. Τῶν χηρῶν, alter. Cler.

"The widow." The other manuscript has "of the widows." Clericus.

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(36) ‹ἔστω› · call in col 768

Ἔστω. Haec vox et tres seqq. perperam in altero omittuntur. Id.

"Let her be." This word and the three following are wrongly omitted in the other manuscript. The same.

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(37) ‹ἀλλ' ἐνδεῶς› · call in col 768

Ἀλλ' ἐνδεῶς. Desunt in altero cod. Id.

"But inadequately." Missing in the other manuscript. The same.

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(38) ‹Καὶ ἔνοχος› · call in col 768

Ἔνοχος. Alter addit λοιπὸν atque omittit τῆς προπετείας. Id.

"Liable." The other manuscript adds λοιπόν ("henceforth") and omits "of the rashness." The same.

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(39) Αἱ ἀδελφαὶ αὐτοῦ. Sorores Domini, hoc est cognatae illius, aut Josephi filiae ex priore conjugio, Hieronymo impugnanti Helvidium, cap. 6, sunt innumerae: quia (opinor) in Novo Testamento nec numerantur, nec nominantur, Matth. XIII, 56; Marc. VI, 3. Filias Josephi Epiphanius haeresi 78, cap. 8 et 9, duas facit, appellatque Mariam et Salomen; ut et refertur in Anastasii Antiocheni quaestione 153. Quanquam ms. liber Bibliothecae Regiae 750, in Anastasiano loco, qui illic subnectitur interpretationi Chrysostomi ad Joannem, exhibet, Μάρθα καὶ Μαρία, non ἡ Μαρία καὶ ἡ Σαλώμη. Quod adnotavi: cum propter Hippolyti Thebani Chronicum, Josepho tribuens filias, τήν τε Ἐσθὴρ καὶ τὴν Μάρθαν, saltem in libris impressis, tom. III Antiquae lectionis Henrici Canisii, et in Bibliothecae Regiae mss. 1026, 2442, nam in ejusdem Bibliothecae codicibus 750, 2374, 2004, necnon in illo Thuanae cujus memini ad Pastoris lib. III, Sim. 9, cap. 16, itemque in Vindobonensi ex Lambecio, lib. III, c. 46, pro Μάρθαν legitur Θάμαρ, quemadmodum in pseudo-Hippolyto Portuensi apud Nicephorum Hist. Eccl., lib. II, cap. 3 (lege infra hic fragmentum Chrysostomo ascriptum): tum propter Infidelium objectionem, relatam ab eodem Anastasio, Ὁδηγοῦ cap. 22: Τοῦ Ἰωάννου λέγοντος Μάρθαν ἀδελφὴν Μαρίας τῆς Μητρὸς τοῦ Κυρίου ἡμῶν [l. ὑμῶν], πῶς ὑμεῖς τοῦτο οὐ λέγετε; Cum Joannes dicat, Martham esse sororem Mariae Matris Domini vestri; qui fit, ut vos idem non dicatis? objectionem, inquam, ortam fortassis etiam ex fama Marthae istius, confusae cum Martha sorore et Lazari et Mariae unctricis. Sed Ancorati cap. 60, idem Epiphanius, retenta Salome, Annam loco Mariae substituit: nisi si erratum est librariorum, qui Mariam in Annam mutaverint; quemadmodum Josem fratrem Christi eodem loci transformarunt in Joannem. Obstant tamen conjecturae, quae subjunxi ac Latina feci, cum reperissem in dicto codice regio 750, post Evangelium Matthaei, et in alio similiter 2375, ejusdem Bibliothecae; quibus confirmatur vulgata lectio Ancorati, et Annae nomen.

(39) His sisters. The sisters of the Lord, that is, His kinswomen, or the daughters of Joseph by a former marriage, are innumerable for Jerome when he attacks Helvidius, ch. 6: because (I suppose) in the New Testament they are neither numbered nor named, Matt. 13:56; Mark 6:3. Epiphanius, Heresy 78, chs 8 and 9, makes the daughters of Joseph two, and calls them Mary and Salome; as is also reported in Anastasius of Antioch, Question 153. Although the manuscript book 750 of the Royal Library, in the passage of Anastasius which is there appended to Chrysostom's exposition of John, gives "Martha and Mary", not "Mary and Salome". This I have noted: on the one hand because of the Chronicle of Hippolytus of Thebes, which assigns to Joseph as daughters "both Esther and Martha", at least in the printed books, vol. III of Henricus Canisius's Antiqua lectio, and in the Royal Library's manuscripts 1026 and 2442 — for in the same Library's codices 750, 2374 and 2004, and also in that of the Thuanus library which I mentioned on the Shepherd, Book III, Similitude 9, ch. 16, and likewise in the Vienna one according to Lambecius, Book III, ch. 46, "Thamar" is read for "Martha", just as in the pseudo-Hippolytus of Portus in Nicephorus, Ecclesiastical History, Book II, ch. 3 (read below here the fragment ascribed to Chrysostom); on the other hand because of the objection of the unbelievers, reported by the same Anastasius, Hodegos ch. 22: "Since John says that Martha is the sister of Mary the Mother of our [read: your] Lord, how is it that you do not say this?" — in the editor's Latin: "Since John says that Martha is the sister of Mary the Mother of your Lord, how comes it that you do not say the same?" — an objection, I say, which perhaps arose also from the report of this Martha, confused with Martha the sister both of Lazarus and of Mary who anointed. But in the Ancoratus, ch. 60, the same Epiphanius, keeping Salome, puts Anna in the place of Mary: unless it is an error of the copyists, who changed Mary into Anna; just as in the same place they transformed Joses, the brother of Christ, into John. Against this conjecture, however, stand the passages which I have subjoined and turned into Latin, having found them in the said Royal codex 750, after the Gospel of Matthew, and likewise in another, 2375, of the same Library; by which the common reading of the Ancoratus, and the name of Anna, are confirmed.

Σωφρονίου τοῦ ἁγιωτάτου ἀρχιεπισκόπου Ἱεροσολύμων ἐκ τοῦ ἐγκωμίου τοῦ εἰς τὸν ἅγιον Ἰωάννην τὸν θεολόγον καὶ εὐαγγελιστὴν, οὗ ἡ ἀρχή· Ἰωάννης ὁ τῆς βροντῆς υἱὸς, τὸ « Ἐν ἀρχῇ ἦν ὁ Λόγος, » βροντᾷ.

Of Sophronius, the most holy Archbishop of Jerusalem, from the encomium on Saint John the Theologian and Evangelist, whose beginning is: "John, the son of thunder, thunders 'In the beginning was the Word.'"

Καὶ μεθ' ἕτερα·

And after other things:

Ζεβεδαίου Ἰωάννης παῖς καὶ Σαλώμης προέλαμψεν. Αὕτη γὰρ καὶ τῆς μητρὸς ἡ προσηγορία ἐπεφώρατο· καθάπερ καὶ ταύτην οἱ Πνεύματι Θεοῦ λαλοῦντες Πατέρες ἐφώρασαν ἅγιοι. Ὅθεν καὶ εὐκληρίαν ἄλλην „κλήρῳ πάσης εὐκληρίας πολλῷ κρείττονά τε καὶ μείζονα. Αὕτη δὲ ἦν ἡ τῆς τεκούσης Μητρὸς ἀδελφόθεος εὔκλεια. Σαλώμη γὰρ ἡ τὸν μέγαν Ἰωάννην κυήσασα, τοῦ μὲν Ἰωσὴφ θυγάτηρ ἐγένετο, ὃς τοῦ πάντων ἡμῶν Σωτῆρος Χριστοῦ πατὴρ ἐνομίζετο, ὡς ὁ πάνσοφος Λουκᾶς ἀπεγράψατο (Luc. III, 23). Οὐ γὰρ ἦν πατὴρ ἔργῳ καὶ πράγματι· ἐπεὶ οὐδὲ τὴν ἀληθῶς θεοτόκον καὶ ἀειπάρθενον Μητέρα τοῦ Κυρίου τὸ σύνολον ἔγνωκεν, ἢ τῆς ἀχράντου καὶ παρθενικῆς αὐτὴν ἀπεγύμνωσε χάριτος. Ἰακώβου δὲ καὶ Ἰωσῆ καὶ Ἰούδα καὶ Συμεῶνος, καὶ μὴν καὶ Μαρίας καὶ Ἄννης ἦν ἀδελφὴ γνησία καὶ σύγκληρος, οὓς καὶ Πατέρες οἱ ἔνθεοι ἀδελφοθέους καλῶς ὀνομάζουσι, μέχρις ὀνόματος καὶ μόνου τῷ τοιούτῳ κατακοσμοῦντες αὐτοὺς ἀξιώματι· ἐπειδὴ ὅλως ἐκ τοῦ παρὰ ἀνθρώποις νομισθέντος εἶναι τοῦ Χριστοῦ καὶ κληθέντος ἐν τοῖς Εὐαγγελίοις πατρὸς ἀπετέχθησαν· καθὰ τὸν Ἰωσὴφ καὶ ἡ πάναγνος αὕτη καὶ πανάχραντος παρθένος Θεομήτωρ προσαγορεύουσα φαίνεται, ἡ μηδαμῶς ἄνδρα τὸ παράπαν γινώσκουσα· Τέκνον γὰρ, φησὶν, καὶ ἐγὼ καὶ ὁ πατήρ σου ὀδυνώμενοι ἐζητοῦμέν σε.

John, the child of Zebedee and Salome, shone forth. For this name of his mother too was discovered, just as the holy Fathers who spoke by the Spirit of God discovered it. Whence also another good fortune, by lot far better and greater than every good fortune. And this was the glory of the Mother who bore him, of having God for a brother. For Salome, who conceived the great John, was the daughter of Joseph, who was supposed the father of Christ, the Saviour of us all, as the all-wise Luke recorded (Luke 3:23). For he was not father in deed and fact; since he neither knew at all the truly God-bearing and ever-virgin Mother of the Lord, nor stripped her of her spotless and virginal grace. And she was the true sister and co-heir of James and Joses and Judas and Simeon, and indeed of Mary and Anna, whom the inspired Fathers also rightly name "brothers of God", adorning them with such a dignity only so far as the name; since they were wholly born of him who was supposed among men to be the father of Christ, and was called so in the Gospels; as the all-pure and all-spotless Virgin Mother of God herself is seen to address Joseph, she who in no way at all knew a man: "For, Child," she says, "both I and your father have sought you sorrowing."

Sophronii sanctissimi archiepiscopi Hierosolymitani, ex encomio sancti Joannis theologi et evangelistae, quod incipit ab his verbis: Joannes tonitrui filius ista tonat, « In principio erat Verbum. »

Of Sophronius, the most holy Archbishop of Jerusalem, from the encomium of Saint John the Theologian and Evangelist, which begins with these words: "John, the son of thunder, thunders these things: 'In the beginning was the Word.'"

Et post alia:

And after other things:

Illuxit Joannes filius Zebedaei et Salomes. Hoc quippe nomen matris compertum est: quemadmodum etiam qui Spiritu Dei locuti sunt sancti Patres agnoverunt. Ideoque et aliam bonam sortem sorte omni prosperae sortis multo meliorem ac majorem. Haec autem erat Matris quae peperit, ut sororis Dei gloria. Etenim Salome quae magnum Joannem genuit, erat filia Josephi, qui omnium nostrum Salvatoris Christi pater existimabatur: sicuti sapientissimus Lucas retulit (Luc. III, 23). Neque enim pater re vera erat: quandoquidem nec vere Dei Genitricem ac semper virginem Matrem Domini ullatenus cognovit, aut eam immaculata virginalique gratia privavit. Fuit etiam Salome Jacobi, Josae, Judae, et Simeonis, necnon Mariae ac Annae soror atque consors: quos Numine afflati Patres ἀδελφοθέους, hoc est, fratrem habentes Deum, praeclare appellant, et nomine tenus nec ultra illos ea dignitate ornant: quia plane procreati sunt ab eo qui pater Christi putabatur esse ab hominibus, quique ita in Evangeliis vocatur: sicut et Josephum nuncupare cernitur ipsa purissima et prorsus immaculata virgo mater Dei, quae nunquam omnino virum cognovit. « Fili enim, inquit, et ego, et pater tuus dolentes quaerebamus te (Luc. II, 48). »

There shone forth John, the son of Zebedee and Salome. For this name of his mother has been ascertained, as the holy Fathers too who spoke by the Spirit of God recognised. And therefore also another good lot, far better and greater than every lot of prosperous fortune. And this was the glory of the Mother who bore him, as being the sister of God. For Salome, who bore the great John, was the daughter of Joseph, who was reckoned the father of Christ, the Saviour of us all, as the most wise Luke related (Luke 3:23). For he was not father in very truth, since he in no way knew the truly God-bearing and ever-virgin Mother of the Lord, nor deprived her of her immaculate and virginal grace. Salome was also the sister and co-heir of James, Joses, Judas and Simeon, and also of Mary and Anna: whom the Fathers, inspired by the Godhead, splendidly call adelphotheoi, that is, having God for a brother, and adorn them with that dignity in name only and no further: because they were plainly begotten of him who was thought by men to be the father of Christ, and who is so called in the Gospels; as the most pure and wholly immaculate Virgin Mother of God herself is seen to call Joseph, she who never at all knew a man. "For, Son," she says, "both I and your father have sought you sorrowing" (Luke 2:48).

Et post pauca: Ut Salomen novam Saram Zebedaeus in medium vocavit, quo tanquam soror Christo supplicaret.

And after a little: When Zebedee called Salome, a new Sarah, into the midst, so that she might entreat Christ as a sister.

Καὶ μετὰ βραχέα· Ὡς Σαλώμην τὴν νέαν Σάῤῥαν ὁ Ζεβεδαῖος εἰς μέσον ἐκάλεσεν, ἵνα ὡς ἀδελφὴ τὸν Χριστὸν ἱκετεύσειεν.

And after a little: When Zebedee called Salome, the new Sarah, into the midst, that as a sister she might entreat Christ.

Jam de Salome uxore Zebedaei, matre Jacobi (continues in n771)

Now, concerning Salome the wife of Zebedee, the mother of James (continues in n771)

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(82) ‹doctores audiant› · call in col 770

I Cor. XIV, 34.

1 Cor. 14:34.

(printed under page 382)

(39) ‹αἱ ἀδελφαὶ αὐτοῦ› · call in col 769

(continued from n769) et Joannis (neque enim adhaerendum opinioni Nicephori qui lib. I, cap. 33, Joannam statuit matrem filiorum Zebedaei; dicendumque potius cum Beda, Joannam memoratam Luc. XXIV, 10, esse Joannam uxorem Chuzae procuratoris Herodis, de qua ejusdem Evangelii cap. 8, vers. 3), quod fuerit Christi soror, consentiunt vulgo: ridicule enim Haymo Hist. eccl., lib. II, cap. 3, Salomen virum putat, tertium maritum Annae, patrem tertiae Mariae, uxoris Zebedaei. Maria autem apud Theophylactum ad Matth. XIII, 56; Joan. XIX, 25, et Galat. I, 19, est Maria Cleophae, filia Josephi ex uxore dicti Cleophae, fratris sui, absque liberis mortui. Eademque in sententia versari videbitur Nicephorus lib. I, cap. 33, si verba illius ita legantur: Μαρίᾳ θυγατρὶ μὲν τοῦ μνήστορος Ἰωσήφ, ἐκ τῆς Κλωπᾶ δὲ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ γυναικὸς, ἄπαιδος τεθνηκότος αὐτῷ γεννηθείσῃ, vel sic: Ἐκ Κλωπᾶ δὲ τῆς τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ τῆς γυναικός. Vulgo, ἐκ Κλωπᾶ δὲ τῆς τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ γυναικός; quasi Cleopha femina fuerit, uxor fratris Josephi: cum a Nicephoro lib. III, cap. 9 et 16, diserte Cleophas vir agnoscatur, et Josephi frater. Variat tamen in narratione Nicephorus. Nam lib. III, cap. 16, post Anastasium Antiochenum et Georgium Cedrenum, necnon Simeonem Metaphrastem in Chronico ms. de Maria Cleophae loquitur, ut uxore Cleophae, et filia Josephi. Eadem Maria Cleophae, ἡ τοῦ Κλωπᾶ, soror matris Jesu, Euthymio putatur uxor Cleophae, fratris Josephi; auctori libri De infantia Salvatoris cod. Reg. 1697, secunda filia Joachimi et Annae parentum Deiparae. Aliis uxor Cleophae seu Alphaei. Aliis Cleophae filia uxor Alphaei, mater Domini fratrum Jacobi Justi seu Minoris, Josephi sive Josetis, Simonis et Judae, necnon sororum. Nonnullis filia naturalis Joachimi, legalis Cleophae. Ita praeter interpretem Joannis mox citandum, Hippolytus Thebanus in Chronico opere, lib. Reg. 1296: Μαρία δὲ ἡ τοῦ Κλωπᾶ, ἡ ἀδελφὴ τῆς Μητρὸς τοῦ Κυρίου προσαγορευομένη. Εὑρίσκεται ἐν τοῖς ἀντιγράφοις τῶν ἑρμηνευσάντων μακαρίων καὶ ὀρθοδόξων ἁγίων Πατέρων καὶ διδασκάλων οὕτως· ὅτι ὁ Κλωπᾶς καὶ ὁ δίκαιος Ἰωακεὶμ ἀδελφοὶ ὑπῆρχον γνήσιοι. Τοῦ Κλωπᾶ οὖν γεγαμηκότος, καὶ ἀτέκνου τελευτήσαντος, ὁ Ἰωακεὶμ κατὰ τῶν Ἑβραίων ἔθος, συνουσιάσας μετὰ τῆς τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ γυναικὸς, ἐγέννησε τὴν Μαρίαν. Ἔκτοτε οὖν καταλιπὼν αὐτὴν, ἐμνηστεύσατο Ἄνναν τὴν θυγατέρα Ματθὰν τοῦ ἱερέως, ἐξ ἧς ἐγέννησε τὴν παναγίαν θεοτόκον. Καλεῖται οὖν ἡ Μαρία τοῦ Κλωπᾶ ἀδελφὴ τῆς Μητρὸς τοῦ Κυρίου, ὡς κατὰ φύσιν μὲν ἐξ Ἰωακεὶμ γεννηθεῖσα, κατὰ χάριν δὲ τοῦ Κλωπᾶ θυγάτηρ ἀκούουσα. Maria autem Cleophae, soror Matris Domini appellata. Sic invenitur in exemplaribus beatorum, orthodoxorumque sanctorum Patrum et doctorum, qui sacras Scripturas interpretati sunt; quod Cleophas, et justus Joakim germani fratres fuerint. Cum autem Cleophas uxorem duxisset, ac sine prole mortuus esset, Joakim Hebraeo more cum uxore fratris sui congressus, genuit Mariam. Ex quo tempore illa relicta, in sponsam accepit Annam filiam Matthanis sacerdotis, de qua suscepit sanctissimam Deiparam. Vocatur itaque Maria Cleophae, soror Matris Domini; utpote secundum naturam quidem prognata Joakimo, secundum vero legis gratiam audiens filia Cleophae. Minus commode, tum qui Mariam Cleophae cum Salome confundunt; tum qui unam Mariam in duas aut tres partiuntur: duas, Mariam Cleophae materteram Domini, et Mariam Jacobi ac Josetis matrem; tres, Mariam Cleophae, Mariam Jacobi, et (continues in n772)

(continued from n769) and of John (for one must not follow the opinion of Nicephorus, who in book 1, ch. 33, makes Joanna the mother of the sons of Zebedee; one should rather say with Bede that the Joanna mentioned in Luke 24:10 is Joanna the wife of Chuza, Herod's steward, of whom ch. 8, verse 3 of the same Gospel speaks), it is commonly agreed that she was the sister of Christ: for Haymo, Church History, book 2, ch. 3, absurdly takes Salome for a man, the third husband of Anna and father of the third Mary, the wife of Zebedee. Mary, however, in Theophylact on Matt. 13:56, John 19:25 and Gal. 1:19, is Mary of Cleophas, the daughter of Joseph by the wife of the said Cleophas, his brother, who died without children. Nicephorus, book 1, ch. 33, will be seen to hold the same view, if his words are read thus: "to Mary, daughter of Joseph the betrothed, born to him of the wife of Clopas his brother, who had died childless," or thus: "of the wife of Clopas, the brother." Commonly: "of Clopas, the wife of his brother," as though Cleopha were a woman, the wife of Joseph's brother; whereas Nicephorus, book 3, chs. 9 and 16, expressly recognizes Cleophas as a man and the brother of Joseph. Nicephorus, however, varies in his account. For in book 3, ch. 16, following Anastasius of Antioch and George Cedrenus, and also Simeon Metaphrastes in his manuscript Chronicle, he speaks of Mary of Cleophas as the wife of Cleophas and the daughter of Joseph. The same Mary of Cleophas, "the one of Clopas," the sister of Jesus' mother, is thought by Euthymius to be the wife of Cleophas, Joseph's brother; by the author of the book On the Infancy of the Saviour, Royal codex 1697, the second daughter of Joachim and Anna, the parents of the Mother of God. By others, the wife of Cleophas or Alphaeus. By others, the daughter of Cleophas and wife of Alphaeus, mother of the Lord's brothers James the Just or the Less, Joseph or Joses, Simon and Jude, and of sisters. By some, the natural daughter of Joachim and the legal daughter of Cleophas. So, besides the interpreter of John to be cited shortly, Hippolytus of Thebes in his Chronicle, Royal book 1296: "Mary of Clopas, who is called the sister of the Mother of the Lord. It is found thus in the copies of the blessed and orthodox holy Fathers and teachers who have interpreted: that Clopas and the righteous Joachim were full brothers. Clopas, then, having married and died childless, Joachim, according to the custom of the Hebrews, went in to his brother's wife and begot Mary. Then, leaving her, he betrothed Anna, the daughter of Matthan the priest, of whom he begot the all-holy Mother of God. So Mary of Clopas is called the sister of the Mother of the Lord, as being by nature born of Joachim, but by grace called the daughter of Clopas." [The Latin version renders the same:] "Mary of Cleophas, called the sister of the Mother of the Lord. So it is found in the copies of the blessed and orthodox holy Fathers and doctors who interpreted the sacred Scriptures: that Cleophas and the just Joakim were full brothers. When Cleophas had married and died without offspring, Joakim, in the Hebrew manner, went in to his brother's wife and begot Mary. From that time, leaving her, he took as his betrothed Anna, daughter of Matthan the priest, of whom he had the most holy Mother of God. So Mary is called of Cleophas, the sister of the Mother of the Lord, as being by nature born of Joakim, but by the grace of the law called the daughter of Cleophas." Less suitably, both those who confuse Mary of Cleophas with Salome, and those who divide one Mary into two or three: two, Mary of Cleophas the Lord's aunt, and Mary the mother of James and Joses; three, Mary of Cleophas, Mary of James, and (continues in n772)

(printed under page 383)

Mariam Jacobi Minoris ac Josephi seu Josae; sive Mariam Cleophae, Mariam Jacobi Minoris, et Mariam Josae. Vide Epiphanium, haeres. 78, cap. 13; Hieronymum, cap. 7 libri contra Helvidium, epistola 150, quaest. 4, et ad Matthaei XII, ac XXVII; interpretes in Galat. I, 19; Bedam ad Lucae XXIV: Euthymium ad Matth. XXVII, 56, et Joannem Thessalonicensem Homilia de Christi resurrectione, circa finem, tom. I Auctarii novi Graeco-Latinae Patrum Bibliothecae. Symeon Magister et Logotheta in Chronico Reg. ms. 2363 :

Mary the mother of James the Less and of Joseph or Joses; or else Mary of Cleophas, Mary the mother of James the Less, and Mary the mother of Joses. See Epiphanius, Heresy 78, ch. 13; Jerome, ch. 7 of the book Against Helvidius, Letter 150, question 4, and on Matthew 12 and 27; the commentators on Galatians 1:19; Bede on Luke 24; Euthymius on Matthew 27:56; and John of Thessalonica, Homily on the Resurrection of Christ, towards the end, vol. I of the Auctarium novum of the Graeco-Latin Bibliotheca Patrum. Symeon the Master and Logothete, in the Chronicle, Royal ms. 2363:

Unguentiferae mulieres septem fuerunt. Maria Magdalene, de qua ejecit Christus septem daemonia. Et Salome obstetrix. Et mater filiorum Zebedaei. Et Maria, mater quidem Jacobi Minoris, uxor autem Judae fratris Domini. Et mater Josae: ea vero filia erat Salomes consobrinae Deiparae; quae cum Josem enutrivisset, mater illius dicebatur. Et Joanna: ipsa autem erat uxor Petri. Et soror Matris Domini Maria Cleophae, quae est filia Josephi, atque uxor fratris illius Cleophae.

The ointment-bearing women were seven. Mary Magdalene, out of whom Christ cast seven devils. And Salome the midwife. And the mother of the sons of Zebedee. And Mary, mother indeed of James the Less, but wife of Jude the brother of the Lord. And the mother of Joses: she was the daughter of Salome, cousin of the Mother of God; and because she had brought up Joses, she was called his mother. And Joanna: she was the wife of Peter. And the sister of the Mother of the Lord, Mary of Cleophas, who is the daughter of Joseph and the wife of his brother Cleophas.

Μυροφόροι δὲ ἦσαν ἑπτά· ἡ Μαγδαληνὴ Μαρία, ἀφ' ἧς ἐξέβαλεν ὁ Χριστὸς τὰ ἑπτὰ δαιμόνια. Καὶ Σαλώμη ἡ μαῖα· καὶ ἡ μήτηρ τῶν υἱῶν Ζεβεδαίου. Καὶ Μαρία, ἡ μήτηρ μὲν Ἰακώβου τοῦ Μικροῦ, γυνὴ δὲ Ἰούδα τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ τοῦ Κυρίου. Καὶ ἡ μήτηρ Ἰωσῆ· αὐτὴ δὲ θυγάτηρ ἦν Σαλώμης τῆς ἐξαδέλφης τῆς Θεοτόκου, ἥτις ἀναθρέψασα τὸν Ἰωσῆ, μήτηρ αὐτοῦ ἐλέγετο. Καὶ Ἰωάννα· αὐτὴ δὲ ἦν ἡ γυνὴ Πέτρου. Καὶ ἡ ἀδελφὴ τῆς Μητρὸς τοῦ Κυρίου Μαρία ἡ τοῦ Κλωπᾶ, ἡ ἐστι θυγάτηρ Ἰωσήφ, καὶ ἡ γυνὴ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ Κλωπᾶ.

Now the ointment-bearers were seven: Mary Magdalene, out of whom Christ cast the seven devils. And Salome the midwife; and the mother of the sons of Zebedee. And Mary, mother of James the Less, but wife of Jude the brother of the Lord. And the mother of Joses: she was the daughter of Salome, the cousin of the Mother of God, and having brought up Joses she was called his mother. And Joanna: she was the wife of Peter. And the sister of the Mother of the Lord, Mary of Clopas, who is the daughter of Joseph and the wife of his brother Clopas.

Praeterea quae dicuntur duae filiae Josephi, nomina habent, Esther, et Thamar vel Martha: etiam in isto fragmento, quod legitur in membranis Regiis cod. 1508 et 1789 :

Moreover, the two said to be daughters of Joseph have names, Esther and Thamar or Martha; so also in this fragment, which is read in the Royal parchments, codd. 1508 and 1789:

Joannis Chysostomi, ex interpretatione Evangelii Joannis, quae dicit :

Of John Chrysostom, from the interpretation of the Gospel of John, which says:

« Stabant juxta crucem Jesu, mater ejus, et soror matris ejus, Maria Cleophae, et Maria Magdalene. »

"There stood by the cross of Jesus His mother, and His mother's sister, Mary of Cleophas, and Mary Magdalene."

Ἰωάννου τοῦ Χρυσοστόμου, ἐκ τῆς ἑρμηνείας τοῦ κατὰ Ἰωάννην Εὐαγγελίου τῆς λεγούσης·

Of John Chrysostom, from the interpretation of the Gospel according to John, which says:

Ἑστήκεισαν παρὰ τῷ σταυρῷ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ ἡ μήτηρ αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἡ ἀδελφὴ τῆς μητρὸς αὐτοῦ Μαρία ἡ τοῦ Κλωπᾶ, καὶ Μαρία ἡ Μαγδαληνή.

"There stood by the cross of Jesus His mother, and His mother's sister, Mary of Clopas, and Mary Magdalene."

Necesse est hac de re inquirere. Iste enim Cleophas frater erat Joakimi, patris Deiparae Mariae. Is uxorem duxit nomine Annam, et mortuus est absque liberis. Volens autem Joakimus suscitare semen fratri suo, accepit Annam uxorem fratris sui, et genuit ei filiam nomine Mariam, quam Evangelista commemorat Mariam Cleophae. Postea Joakimus viduus factus secundam uxorem duxit sanctam Annam, et procreavit Dei Genitricem Mariam: adeo ut Maria Cleophae et Maria Deipara sint sorores e duabus matribus, ex uno autem patre. Habuit porro Josephus ex priore sua conjuge duas filias, Estheram

It is necessary to inquire into this matter. For this Cleophas was the brother of Joachim, the father of Mary the Mother of God. He took a wife named Anna, and died without children. Joachim, wishing to raise up seed to his brother, took Anna, his brother's wife, and begot of her for him a daughter named Mary, whom the Evangelist records as Mary of Cleophas. Afterwards Joachim, being made a widower, took as his second wife Saint Anna, and begot Mary the Mother of God; so that Mary of Cleophas and Mary the Mother of God are sisters of two mothers but of one father. Further, Joseph had by his former wife two daughters, Esther …

Ἀναγκαῖον ζητῆσαι περὶ τούτου. Οὗτος γὰρ ὁ Κλωπᾶς ἀδελφὸς ἦν Ἰωακεὶμ τοῦ πατρὸς τῆς Θεοτόκου Μαρίας· ἔγημεν δὲ γυναῖκα ὀνόματι Ἄνναν, καὶ ἐτελεύτησεν ἄπαις. Θέλων δὲ Ἰωακεὶμ ἀναστῆσαι σπέρμα τῷ ἀδελφῷ αὐτοῦ, ἔγημεν Ἄνναν τὴν γυναῖκα τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἔτεκεν αὐτῷ θυγατέρα ὀνόματι Μαρίαν, ἣν ὁ Εὐαγγελιστὴς μνημονεύει Μαρίαν τοῦ Κλωπᾶ. Εἶτα χηρεύσαντος τοῦ Ἰωακεὶμ, ἔγημεν ἐκ δευτέρου τὴν ἁγίαν [al. παρθένον τὴν] Ἄνναν, καὶ ἔτεκεν τὴν Θεοτόκον Μαρίαν· ὡς εἶναι τήν τε Μαρίαν τοῦ Κλωπᾶ καὶ Μαρίαν τὴν Θεοτόκον, ἀδελφὰς ἐκ δύο μητέροιν,

It is necessary to inquire about this. For this Clopas was the brother of Joachim, the father of Mary the Mother of God; he married a wife named Anna, and died childless. And Joachim, wishing to raise up seed to his brother, married Anna his brother's wife, and she bore him a daughter named Mary, whom the Evangelist records as Mary of Clopas. Then, Joachim being widowed, he married a second time the holy [another reading: the virgin] Anna, and she bore Mary the Mother of God; so that Mary of Clopas and Mary the Mother of God are sisters from two mothers, …

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VARIORUM NOTAE.

NOTES OF VARIOUS EDITORS.

ἑνὸς δὲ πατρός. Ἔσχεν δὲ ἐκ τῆς πρώην γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ δύο θυγατέρας, τήν τε Ἐσθὴρ, καὶ τὴν Θάμαρ [al. Μάρθαν], ἐκ τῆς γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ Σαλώμης.

but of one father. And he had by his former wife two daughters, Esther and Thamar [another reading: Martha], by his wife Salome.

et Thamaram; nimirum ex Salome uxore sua.

[…] and Thamar; that is, by Salome his wife.

At in alio ms. pariter Regio, num. 2216, et in Metaphrastis Chronico inedito ejusdem Bibliothecae cod. 2363, Esther et Thamar una sorore augentur, videlicet Salome: Εὕρομεν ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασι τοῦ Ἁγίου Σωφρονίου, etc., καὶ προστίθησιν, ὅτι ἀνεψιὸς ἦν ὁ Θεολόγος Ἰωάννης τοῦ Σωτῆρος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ τὸ κατὰ σάρκα. Ὁ γὰρ Ἰωσὴφ ὁ μνήστωρ τῆς παρθένου τέσσαρας υἱοὺς ἔσχεν ἐκ τῆς βιωτικῆς αὐτοῦ γυναικὸς, Ἰάκωβον, Σίμωνα [ms. 2374, Συμεῶνα], Ἰούδαν, καὶ Ἰωσῆ, καὶ τρεῖς θυγατέρας, τήν τε Ἐσθὴρ, καὶ τὴν Θάμαρ [id. cod. Μάρθαν, ut Theophylactus Prologo in Joannem], καὶ τρίτην, τὴν Σαλώμην, ὁμώνυμον τῇ μητρὶ, ἣν δὴ καὶ ἐξέδοτο ὁ πατὴρ Ἰωσὴφ πρὸς γάμον τῷ Ζεβεδαίῳ· μεθ' ἧς ἔτεκεν ὁ Ζεβεδαῖος Ἰάκωβον, καὶ τὸν Εὐαγγελιστὴν Ἰωάννην. Hoc est: Invenimus in libris B. Sophronii, etc. Et addit, quod Joannes Theologus erat secundum carnem consobrinus Servatoris nostri Jesu Christi. Nam Josephus sponsus Virginis quatuor filios suscepit ex uxore sua communis vitae socia, Jacobum, Simonem, Judam, et Josem, tresque filias, Estheram, Thamaram, et tertiam Salomen, matri cognominem: hancque Josephus pater in matrimonium tradidit Zebedaeo, qui cum illa genuit Jacobum et Joannem Evangelistam. Vid. Lambecium Biblioth. Caesareae lib. III, c. 53. Atque in numero ternario, praeter Sophronium Hierosolymitanum supra citatum, ac Theophylactum, concordat etiam Cosmas Vestiarius, cujus locum desumpsi e mss. codicib. 750, 2375, jam memoratis, ac in gratiam quorumdam lectorum interpretatus sum.

But in another manuscript, likewise of the King's library, no. 2216, and in the unpublished Chronicle of Metaphrastes, codex 2363 of the same library, Esther and Thamar are increased by one sister, namely Salome: "We have found in the memoirs of Saint Sophronius," etc., "and he adds that John the Theologian was cousin of our Saviour Jesus Christ according to the flesh. For Joseph, the betrothed of the Virgin, had four sons by his wife of ordinary life, James, Simon [ms. 2374: Symeon], Judas and Joses, and three daughters, Esther and Thamar [the same codex: Martha, as Theophylact in his Prologue to John], and a third, Salome, of the same name as her mother, whom indeed her father Joseph gave in marriage to Zebedee; and by her Zebedee begot James and John the Evangelist." That is: We have found in the books of blessed Sophronius, etc. And he adds that John the Theologian was according to the flesh cousin of our Saviour Jesus Christ. For Joseph, the betrothed of the Virgin, received four sons by his wife, the partner of his common life, James, Simon, Judas and Joses, and three daughters, Esther, Thamar, and a third, Salome, of the same name as her mother; and Joseph her father gave her in marriage to Zebedee, who with her begot James and John the Evangelist. See Lambeck, Library of the Emperor, book III, ch. 53. And in the number three, besides Sophronius of Jerusalem cited above, and Theophylact, Cosmas Vestiarius also agrees, whose passage I have taken from the manuscript codices 750 and 2375 already mentioned, and have translated for the convenience of certain readers.

Τοῦ μακαρίου Κοσμᾶ τοῦ Βεστίτωρος ἐκ τοῦ ἐγκωμίου τοῦ εἰς τοὺς δικαίους Ἰωακεὶμ καὶ Ἄνναν· οὗ ἡ ἀρχή· «Ἡ χθὲς τῆς Θεοτόκου γενέθλια καὶ πανήγυρις.» Μετ' ὀλίγα· «Ἀληθῶς γὰρ ὡς ἄξιοι προωρίσθησαν οἱ δίκαιοι τῆς Θεοτόκου γεννήτορες συγγενειάσαι Χριστῷ κατὰ σάρκα· καὶ ὡς ἐκ γένους ἐπισήμου, καὶ βασιλικοῦ λέγω καὶ ἱερατικοῦ, τιμηθῆναι. Ἐξ ἄμφω γὰρ ἡ Θεοτόκος σεμνολογεῖται, ἐπιμίκτων τῶν δύο φυλῶν ἀπ' ἀρχῆς κατὰ διαφόρους τρόπους γενομένων· ἔνθεν λοιπὸν καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν τῆς Θεοτόκου γονέων οὕτως. Ζαχαρίας ὁ πατὴρ Ἰωάννου ἀδελφὸν ἔσχε συνιερέα καλούμενον Ἀγγαῖον πρὸ αὐτοῦ τετελευτηκότα. Τούτου τοῦ Ἀγγαίου θυγατέρα πρὸς γάμον ἠγάγετο Ἰωσὴφ ὁ τέκτων, ἐξ ἧς ἐγέννησεν τέσσαρας υἱοὺς καὶ τρεῖς θυγατέρας· ὧν εἷς ἦν Ἰάκωβος ὁ ἐπικληθεὶς ἀδελφὸς τοῦ Κυρίου, καὶ πρῶτος ἐπίσκοπος Ἱεροσολύμων· καὶ τὸ ὄνομα τῆς γυναικὸς τούτου Σαλώμη, οὐχ ἡ μαῖα, ἀλλ' ἑτέρα. Μετὰ δὲ θάνατον αὐτῆς μνηστεύεται Ἰωσὴφ τὴν Θεοτόκον Μαρίαν, κατὰ τὸ μητρικὸν γένος καταγομένην ἀπὸ Ματθὰν τοῦ ἱερέως, καὶ αὐτοῦ ἀπὸ Σολομῶντος τοῦ υἱοῦ Δαβὶδ καταγομένου, ὥς φησι τὸ κατὰ Λουκᾶν Εὐαγγέλιον γενεαλογοῦν. Οὗτος γὰρ ὁ Ματθὰν τρεῖς ἔσχε γυναῖκας (deest in 2375) θυγατέρας ἐκ Μαρίας τῆς γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ, ὧν τὰ ὀνόματα Μαρία, Σοββὶ, Ἄννα. Ἡ οὖν Μαρία γεννᾷ Σαλώμην τὴν μαῖαν, ἡ δὲ Σοββὶ γεννᾷ τὴν Ἐλισάβετ τὴν μητέρα Ἰωάννου τοῦ Βαπτιστοῦ· ἡ δὲ Ἄννα γεννᾷ τὴν παναγίαν Θεοτόκον Μαρίαν ἐν Βηθλεὲμ, τῆς κατὰ τὸ ὄνομα τῆς μάμμης καὶ θείας ἐπικληθείσης Μαρίας· ὡς εἶναι τὴν Ἐλισάβετ ἀνεψιὰν μὲν τῆς Ἄννης, ἐξαδέλφην δὲ τῆς Θεοτόκου. Κυροῦντος τὰ ἑκάτερα τοῦ Εὐαγγελίου· διὰ τὸ μὲν πατρῷον γένος καὶ σαρκικὸν τοῦ Χριστοῦ, Ἦν, φησὶν, ὁ Ἰησοῦς ἀρχόμενος ὡς ἐτῶν τριάκοντα, υἱὸς δὲ ἐνομίζετο τοῦ Ἰωσὴφ, τοῦ Ἡλὶ, τοῦ Ματθάν. Διὰ δὲ τὸ μητρῷον· Ἰδοὺ, φησὶ, καὶ Ἐλισάβετ ἡ συγγενής σου. Ὧν ἕνεκεν δόξα τῇ συγκαταβάσει Χριστοῦ τοῦ Θεοῦ ἡμῶν, εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας. Ἀμήν.

Of blessed Cosmas the Vestitor, from the encomium on the righteous Joachim and Anna, which begins: "Yesterday was the birthday and festival of the Mother of God." A little after: "For truly the righteous parents of the Mother of God were foreordained as worthy to become kin to Christ according to the flesh, and to be honoured as of a distinguished race, royal, I mean, and priestly. For the Mother of God is extolled from both, the two tribes having been intermingled from the beginning in various ways; and hence it was so also in the case of the parents of the Mother of God. Zacharias, the father of John, had a brother, a fellow priest, called Aggaeus, who had died before him. The daughter of this Aggaeus Joseph the carpenter took in marriage, and by her he begot four sons and three daughters, of whom one was James, called the brother of the Lord and first bishop of Jerusalem; and the name of this man's wife was Salome, not the midwife, but another. After her death Joseph is betrothed to Mary the Mother of God, who on her mother's side descended from Matthan the priest, he himself descending from Solomon the son of David, as the Gospel according to Luke says in its genealogy. For this Matthan had three wives (wanting in 2375), daughters by Mary his wife, whose names were Mary, Sobbi and Anna. Mary, then, bears Salome the midwife; Sobbi bears Elisabeth the mother of John the Baptist; and Anna bears the all-holy Mother of God Mary in Bethlehem, who was named Mary after the name of her grandmother and aunt; so that Elisabeth is the niece of Anna and the cousin of the Mother of God. The Gospel confirms both: on account of Christ's paternal and fleshly descent it says, Jesus was beginning to be about thirty years old, being supposed the son of Joseph, the son of Heli, the son of Matthan; and on account of the maternal it says, Behold, Elisabeth too your kinswoman. For which things glory be to the condescension of Christ our God, unto the ages. Amen."

B. Cosmae Vestitoris, ex Encomio in justos Joakimum et Annam; cujus principium: «Hesterna dies, Deiparae Natale ac Festum.» Post pauca: «Vere enim tanquam digni praefiniti sunt justi Deiparae parentes, ut Christo secundum carnem cognatione jungerentur, utque genere illustri, regio, inquam, ac sacerdotali, honorarentur. Utroque siquidem se jactat Dei Genitrix: cum ab initio duae tribus variis modis inter se misceri solerent: unde et postea in Dei genitricis parentibus permistae sunt, hunc in modum: (a) Zacharias Joannis pater fratrem habuit juxta secum sacerdotem, nomine Aggaeum, qui ante eum e vita discessit. Hujus Aggaei filiam matrimonio sibi copulavit Josephus faber; atque de ea suscepit quatuor filios, tresque filias: quo ex numero unus fuit Jacobus, qui cognominatus est frater Domini, primus Hierosolymorum episcopus. Nomen autem mulieris Josephi, Salome, non quidem illa obstetrix, sed alia. Post hujus mortem Josephus fit sponsus Deiparae Mariae, quae ex materno genere originem ducebat a Matthane sacerdote; sicut Josephus a Salomone filio Davidis descendebat, quemadmodum ait Evangelium secundum Lucam (cap. III) in Genealogia Domini. Nam iste Matthan ex uxore sua Maria tres filias protulit; quarum nomina sunt, Maria, Sobbi (b), Anna. Maria ergo gignit Salomen obstetricem: Sobbi vero parit Elisabetham matrem Joannis Baptistae: Anna autem enititur sanctissimam Dei Genitricem Mariam in Bethlehem; Maria videlicet appellata de nomine aviae et materterae. Ita ut Elisabetha sit Annae ex sorore neptis, Deiparae vero consobrina. Firmat porro utraque Evangelium. Nam propter paternum et carnale Christi genus, dicit: «Erat Jesus incipiens quasi annorum triginta; filius autem putabatur Josephi, qui fuit Helis, qui fuit Matthanis, Luc. III, 23.» Propter maternum vero ait: «Ecce et Elisabeth cognata tua, Luc. I, 36.» Quorum gratia gloria sit demissioni et condescensui Christi Dei nostri, in saecula. Amen.

Of blessed Cosmas the Vestitor, from the Encomium on the righteous Joachim and Anna, whose beginning is: "Yesterday was the Birthday and Feast of the Mother of God." After a little: "For truly the righteous parents of the Mother of God were foreordained as worthy, that they might be joined by kinship to Christ according to the flesh, and be honoured with an illustrious race, royal, I say, and priestly. For the Mother of God boasts herself of both, since from the beginning the two tribes were wont to be mingled with one another in various ways; whence afterwards too they were mingled in the parents of the Mother of God, in this manner: (a) Zacharias, the father of John, had beside him a brother, a priest, named Aggaeus, who departed this life before him. The daughter of this Aggaeus Joseph the carpenter joined to himself in marriage, and of her received four sons and three daughters, of which number one was James, who was surnamed the brother of the Lord, the first bishop of Jerusalem. And the name of Joseph's wife was Salome, not indeed the midwife, but another. After her death Joseph becomes the betrothed of Mary the Mother of God, who on her mother's side drew her origin from Matthan the priest, as Joseph descended from Solomon the son of David, as the Gospel according to Luke says (ch. 3) in the Genealogy of the Lord. For this Matthan by his wife Mary brought forth three daughters, whose names are Mary, Sobbi (b) and Anna. Mary then begets Salome the midwife; Sobbi bears Elisabeth the mother of John the Baptist; and Anna brings forth the most holy Mother of God, Mary, in Bethlehem, called Mary, that is, from the name of her grandmother and her mother's sister. So that Elisabeth is Anna's niece through her sister, and the cousin of the Mother of God. The Gospel, moreover, confirms both. For on account of Christ's paternal and fleshly descent it says: 'Jesus was beginning to be about thirty years of age, being supposed the son of Joseph, who was of Heli, who was of Matthan,' Luke 3:23. And on account of the maternal it says: 'Behold, Elisabeth too your kinswoman,' Luke 1:36. For whose sake glory be to the lowliness and condescension of Christ our God, for ever. Amen."

Haec quoque ex Chronico opere Hippolyti Thebani excerpuntur ms. Regio 1296:

This too is excerpted from the Chronicle of Hippolytus of Thebes, Royal manuscript 1296:

Ἐγκωμιάζων δὲ τὸν Εὐαγγελιστὴν Ἰωάννην ὁ ἁγιώτατος πατριάρχης Ἱεροσολύμων, ὁ μέγας Σωφρόνιος, διδάσκει τὴν τοῦ Θεοῦ Ἐκκλησίαν, ὅτι πατὴρ τοῦ Θεολόγου ὁ Ζεβεδαῖος ἦν, Σαλώμη δὲ ἡ μήτηρ αὐτοῦ, θυγάτηρ οὖσα αὐτὴ τοῦ Ἰωσήφ· [ὃς] τέσσαρας υἱοὺς εἶχε, καὶ θυγατέρας τρεῖς· υἱοὺς μὲν Ἰάκωβον, Σίμωνα, Ἰούδαν, καὶ Ἰωσήφ· θυγατέρας δὲ τὴν Ἐσθὴρ, τὴν Μάρθαν, καὶ τὴν Σαλώμην, ἥτις ἦν γυνὴ μὲν Ζεβεδαίου, μήτηρ δὲ Ἰωάννου. Ἐντεῦθεν ὁ Σωτὴρ θεῖος ἦν Ἰωάννου, ὡς ἀδελφὸς τῆς Σαλώμης τῆς θυγατρὸς Ἰωσήφ. Cot.

In praising John the Evangelist, the most holy patriarch of Jerusalem, the great Sophronius, teaches the Church of God that the father of the Theologian was Zebedee, and Salome his mother, she being the daughter of Joseph, [who] had four sons and three daughters: sons, James, Simon, Judas and Joseph; daughters, Esther, Martha, and Salome, who was the wife of Zebedee and the mother of John. Hence the Saviour was John's uncle, as brother of Salome the daughter of Joseph. Cotelier.

Sanctissimus autem patriarcha Hierosolymorum magnus Sophronius encomio celebrans Joannem Evangelistam, docet Ecclesiam Dei, quod pater Theologi exstitit Zebedaeus, mater vero illius Salome, ipsa filia Josephi: qui Josephus quatuor habuit filios et filias tres; filios quidem, Jacobum, Simonem, Judam et Josephum; filias vero, Esther, Martham, et Salomen, quae fuit uxor Zebedaei, mater autem Joannis. Hinc Salvator erat Joannis avunculus, utpote frater Salomes filiae Josephi.

And the most holy patriarch of Jerusalem, the great Sophronius, celebrating John the Evangelist in an encomium, teaches the Church of God that the father of the Theologian was Zebedee, and his mother Salome, herself the daughter of Joseph; which Joseph had four sons and three daughters: the sons, James, Simon, Judas and Joseph; the daughters, Esther, Martha, and Salome, who was the wife of Zebedee and the mother of John. Hence the Saviour was John's uncle, being the brother of Salome the daughter of Joseph.

(40) Μάρθα καὶ Μαρία. Distinguunt quoque Ma-

(40) Martha and Mary. They also distinguish Ma[ry] …

(a) Vide Hippolytum Thebanum in Chronico, et confer. Nicephorum, Hist. Eccl. lib. II, cap. 3.

(a) See Hippolytus of Thebes in his Chronicle, and compare Nicephorus, Ecclesiastical History, book II, ch. 3.

(b) Apud Nicephorum Σοβή. In Andrea Cretensi minus bene Σίβη. Hippolytus Thebanus in Mss. Σοβί, Σωβί, Σοββί.

(b) In Nicephorus, Sobe. In Andrew of Crete, less well, Sibe. Hippolytus of Thebes in the manuscripts: Sobi, Sōbi, Sobbi.

<!-- note: The page spans cols 773–774; the Variorum notae occupy its lower part, below the author's text line (Μαρία (40) … / Sane si conveniens …), and are set here whole across both columns, read in column order (773 left, then 774 right). The notes begin mid-note: the opening Greek/Latin pair (ἑνὸς δὲ πατρός… / …et Thamaram…) continues a note (on Salome, call (39) or earlier) from the previous page; only what stands on this page is set, and the Latin's first printed letters "ram," (the tail of Estheram, hyphenated across the page break and set whole in n772) are not restored here. The Cosmas Vestitor Greek and Latin run on from the foot of col 773 into the top of col 774 and are joined here. Note (40) begins at the foot of col 774 and runs on to the next page; only its first words stand here. The two page-foot footnotes (a), (b) are the editors' notes to the Cosmas Latin and are set last. Uncertain readings: in the Cosmas Greek, "πατρῷον" (letters blurred; supplied by the facing Latin "paternum"); the second "Σοββὶ" is blurred (the first is clear as Σοββ-, agreeing with the Latin "Sobbi"; the accent before the comma is not legible at this resolution); and the Greek name forms in footnote (b) are small and blurred, so read with low confidence. "ἀλλ' ἑτέρα" and "ἐνομίζετο" are clear. The same page notes are also set, in another form, in n774's Footnotes. Q9b: the last word of note (40) here, "Ma-", is hyphenated across the page break; its tail stands on the next page (not among this verifier's columns), so it could not be set whole and is left as printed. The top of col 774 (the Cosmas Greek from "ὄνομα τῆς γυναικὸς" to "γενεαλογοῦν" and the Latin from "Nomen autem" to "secundum") was not in Q9b's images and was not re-read. -->

(39) ‹› · call in col 774

(continued) ἑνὸς δὲ πατρός. Ἔσχεν δὲ ἐκ τῆς πρώην γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ δύο θυγατέρας, τήν τε Ἐσθὴρ, καὶ τὴν Θάμαρ [al. Μάρθαν], ἐκ τῆς γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ Σαλώμης. … ram, et Thamaram; nimirum ex Salome uxore sua. At in alio ms. pariter Regio, num. 2216, et in Metaphrastis Chronico inedito ejusdem Bibliothecae cod. 2363, Esther et Thamar una sorore augentur, videlicet Salome: Εὕρομεν ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασι τοῦ Ἁγίου Σωφρονίου, etc., καὶ προστίθησιν, ὅτι ἀνεψιὸς ἦν ὁ Θεολόγος Ἰωάννης τοῦ Σωτῆρος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ τὸ κατὰ σάρκα. Ὁ γὰρ Ἰωσὴφ ὁ μνήστωρ τῆς παρθένου τέσσαρας υἱοὺς ἔσχεν ἐκ τῆς βιωτικῆς αὐτοῦ γυναικὸς, Ἰάκωβον, Σίμωνα [ms. 2374, Συμεῶνα], Ἰούδαν, καὶ Ἰωσῆ, καὶ τρεῖς θυγατέρας, τήν τε Ἐσθὴρ, καὶ τὴν Θάμαρ [id. cod. Μάρθαν, ut Theophylactus Prologo in Joannem], καὶ τρίτην, τὴν Σαλώμην, ὁμώνυμον τῇ μητρὶ, ἣν δὴ καὶ ἐξέδοτο ὁ πατὴρ Ἰωσὴφ πρὸς γάμον τῷ Ζεβεδαίῳ· μεθ' ἧς ἔτεκεν ὁ Ζεβεδαῖος Ἰάκωβον, καὶ τὸν Εὐαγγελιστὴν Ἰωάννην. Hoc est: Invenimus in libris B. Sophronii, etc. Et addit, quod Joannes Theologus erat secundum carnem consobrinus Servatoris nostri Jesu Christi. Nam Josephus sponsus Virginis quatuor filios suscepit ex uxore sua communis vitae socia, Jacobum, Simonem, Judam, et Josem, tresque filias, Estheram, Thamaram, et tertiam Salomen, matri cognominem: hancque Josephus pater in matrimonium tradidit Zebedaeo, qui cum illa genuit Jacobum et Joannem Evangelistam. Vid. Lambecium Biblioth. Caesareae lib. III, c. 53. Atque in numero ternario, praeter Sophronium Hierosolymitanum supra citatum, ac Theophylactum, concordat etiam Cosmas Vestiarius, cujus locum desumpsi e mss. codicib. 750, 2375, jam memoratis, ac in gratiam quorumdam lectorum interpretatus sum. Τοῦ μακαρίου Κοσμᾶ τοῦ Βεστίτωρος ἐκ τοῦ ἐγκωμίου τοῦ εἰς τοὺς δικαίους Ἰωακεὶμ καὶ Ἄνναν· οὗ ἡ ἀρχή· «Ἡ χθὲς τῆς Θεοτόκου γενέθλια καὶ πανήγυρις.» Μετ' ὀλίγα· «Ἀληθῶς γὰρ ὡς ἄξιοι προωρίσθησαν οἱ δίκαιοι τῆς Θεοτόκου γεννήτορες συγγενειάσαι Χριστῷ κατὰ σάρκα· καὶ ὡς ἐκ γένους ἐπισήμου, καὶ βασιλικοῦ λέγω καὶ ἱερατικοῦ, τιμηθῆναι. Ἐξ ἄμφω γὰρ ἡ Θεοτόκος σεμνολογεῖται, ἐπιμίκτων τῶν δύο φυλῶν ἀπ' ἀρχῆς κατὰ διαφόρους τρόπους γενομένων· ἔνθεν λοιπὸν καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν τῆς Θεοτόκου γονέων οὕτως. Ζαχαρίας ὁ πατὴρ Ἰωάννου ἀδελφὸν ἔσχε συνιερέα καλούμενον Ἀγγαῖον πρὸ αὐτοῦ τετελευτηκότα. Τούτου τοῦ Ἀγγαίου θυγατέρα πρὸς γάμον ἠγάγετο Ἰωσὴφ ὁ τέκτων, ἐξ ἧς ἐγέννησεν τέσσαρας υἱοὺς καὶ τρεῖς θυγατέρας· ὧν εἷς ἦν Ἰάκωβος ὁ ἐπικληθεὶς ἀδελφὸς τοῦ Κυρίου, καὶ πρῶτος ἐπίσκοπος Ἱεροσολύμων· καὶ τὸ ὄνομα τῆς γυναικὸς τούτου Σαλώμη, οὐχ ἡ μαῖα, ἀλλ' ἑτέρα. Μετὰ δὲ θάνατον αὐτῆς μνηστεύεται Ἰωσὴφ τὴν Θεοτόκον Μαρίαν, κατὰ τὸ μητρικὸν γένος καταγομένην ἀπὸ Ματθὰν τοῦ ἱερέως, καὶ αὐτοῦ ἀπὸ Σολομῶντος τοῦ υἱοῦ Δαβὶδ καταγομένου, ὥς φησι τὸ κατὰ Λουκᾶν Εὐαγγέλιον γενεαλογοῦν. … B. Cosmae Vestitoris, ex Encomio in justos Joakimum et Annam; cujus principium: «Hesterna dies, Deiparae Natale ac Festum.» Post pauca: «Vere enim tanquam digni praefiniti sunt justi Deiparae parentes, ut Christo secundum carnem cognatione jungerentur, utque genere illustri, regio, inquam, ac sacerdotali, honorarentur. Utroque siquidem se jactat Dei Genitrix: cum ab initio duae tribus variis modis inter se misceri solerent: unde et postea in Dei genitricis parentibus permistae sunt, hunc in modum: (a) Zacharias Joannis pater fratrem habuit juxta secum sacerdotem, nomine Aggaeum, qui ante eum e vita discessit. Hujus Aggaei filiam matrimonio sibi copulavit Josephus faber; atque de ea suscepit quatuor filios, tresque filias: quo ex numero unus fuit Jacobus, qui cognominatus est frater Domini, primus Hierosolymorum episcopus. Nomen autem mulieris Josephi, Salome, non quidem illa obstetrix, sed alia. Post hujus mortem Josephus fit sponsus Deiparae Mariae, quae ex materno genere originem ducebat a Matthane sacerdote; sicut Josephus a Salomone filio Davidis descendebat, quemadmodum ait Evangelium secundum Lucam (cap. III) in Genealogia Domini. Nam iste Matthan ex uxore sua Maria tres filias protulit; quarum nomina sunt, Maria, Sobbi (b), Anna. Maria ergo gignit Salomen obstetricem: Sobbi vero parit Elisabetham matrem Joannis Baptistae: Anna autem enititur sanctissimam Dei Genitricem Mariam in Bethlehem; Maria videlicet appellata de nomine aviae et materterae. Ita ut Elisabetha sit Annae ex sorore neptis, Deiparae vero consobrina. Firmat porro utraque Evangelium. Nam propter paternum et carnale Christi genus, dicit: «Erat Jesus incipiens quasi annorum triginta; filius autem putabatur Josephi, qui fuit Helis, qui fuit Matthanis, Luc. III, 23.» Propter maternum vero ait: «Ecce et Elisabeth cognata tua, Luc. I, 36.» Quorum gratia gloria sit demissioni et condescensui Christi Dei nostri, in saecula. Amen. … Οὗτος γὰρ ὁ Ματθὰν τρεῖς ἔσχε γυναῖκας (deest in 2375) θυγατέρας ἐκ Μαρίας τῆς γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ, ὧν τὰ ὀνόματα Μαρία, Σοββὶ, Ἄννα. Ἡ οὖν Μαρία γεννᾷ Σαλώμην τὴν μαῖαν, ἡ δὲ Σοββὶ γεννᾷ τὴν Ἐλισάβετ τὴν μητέρα Ἰωάννου τοῦ Βαπτιστοῦ· ἡ δὲ Ἄννα γεννᾷ τὴν παναγίαν Θεοτόκον Μαρίαν ἐν Βηθλεὲμ, τῆς κατὰ τὸ ὄνομα τῆς μάμμης καὶ θείας ἐπικληθείσης Μαρίας· ὡς εἶναι τὴν Ἐλισάβετ ἀνεψιὰν μὲν τῆς Ἄννης, ἐξαδέλφην δὲ τῆς Θεοτόκου. Κυροῦντος τὰ ἑκάτερα τοῦ Εὐαγγελίου· διὰ τὸ μὲν πατρῷον γένος καὶ σαρκικὸν τοῦ Χριστοῦ, Ἦν, φησὶν, ὁ Ἰησοῦς ἀρχόμενος ὡς ἐτῶν τριάκοντα, υἱὸς δὲ ἐνομίζετο τοῦ Ἰωσὴφ, τοῦ Ἠλὶ, τοῦ Ματθάν. Διὰ δὲ τὸ μητρῷον· Ἰδοὺ, φησὶ, καὶ Ἐλισάβετ ἡ συγγενής σου. Ὧν ἕνεκεν δόξα τῇ συγκαταβάσει Χριστοῦ τοῦ Θεοῦ ἡμῶν, εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας. Ἀμήν. Haec quoque ex Chronico opere Hippolyti Thebani excerpuntur ms. Regio 1296: Sanctissimus autem patriarcha Hierosolymorum magnus Sophronius encomio celebrans Joannem Evangelistam, docet Ecclesiam Dei, quod pater Theologi exstitit Zebedaeus, mater vero illius Salome, ipsa filia Josephi: qui Josephus quatuor habuit filios et filias tres; filios quidem, Jacobum, Simonem, Judam et Josephum; filias vero, Esther, Martham, et Salomen, quae fuit uxor Zebedaei, mater autem Joannis. Hinc Salvator erat Joannis avunculus, utpote frater Salomes filiae Josephi. Ἐγκωμιάζων δὲ τὸν Εὐαγγελιστὴν Ἰωάννην ὁ ἁγιώτατος πατριάρχης Ἱεροσολύμων, ὁ μέγας Σωφρόνιος, διδάσκει τὴν τοῦ Θεοῦ Ἐκκλησίαν, ὅτι πατὴρ τοῦ Θεολόγου ὁ Ζεβεδαῖος ἦν, Σαλώμη δὲ ἡ μήτηρ αὐτοῦ, θυγάτηρ οὖσα αὐτὴ τοῦ Ἰωσήφ· [ὃς] τέσσαρας υἱοὺς εἶχε, καὶ θυγατέρας τρεῖς· υἱοὺς μὲν Ἰάκωβον, Σίμωνα, Ἰούδαν, καὶ Ἰωσήφ· θυγατέρας δὲ τὴν Ἐσθὴρ, τὴν Μάρθαν, καὶ τὴν Σαλώμην, ἥτις ἦν γυνὴ μὲν Ζεβεδαίου, μήτηρ δὲ Ἰωάννου. Ἐντεῦθεν ὁ Σωτὴρ θεῖος ἦν Ἰωάννου, ὡς ἀδελφὸς τῆς Σαλώμης τῆς θυγατρὸς Ἰωσήφ. Cot.

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(a) ‹in note 39: hunc in modum› · call in col 774

Vide Hippolytum Thebanum in Chronico, et confer. Nicephorum, Hist. Eccl. lib. II, cap. 3.

See Hippolytus of Thebes in his Chronicle, and compare Nicephorus, Church History, book 2, ch. 3.

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(b) ‹in note 39: Sobbi› · call in col 774

Apud Nicephorum Σοβή. In Andrea Cretensi minus bene Σίβη. Hippolytus Thebanus in Mss. Σοβί, Σωβί, Σοββί.

In Nicephorus, Sobe. In Andrew of Crete, less well, Sibe. Hippolytus of Thebes in the manuscripts: Sobi, Sobi, Sobbi. [The Greek forms in this note are faint at this resolution; read with caution.]

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(40) ‹Μάρθα καὶ Μαρία› · call in col 774

Μάρθα καὶ Μαρία. Distinguunt quoque Ma- (continues)

"Martha and Mary." They also distinguish Ma- (continues)

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(83) ‹› · call in col 775

I Cor. XI, 3.

1 Cor. 11:3.

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(84) ‹› · call in col 775

I. Polycarpum, cap. 4; Pseudo-Ignat. ad Tars. 9; I. Ignat. interpol. ad Philad. 4.

Ign. to Polycarp, ch. 4; pseudo-Ignatius to the Tarsians 9; interpolated Ignatius to the Philadelphians 4.

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(85) ‹› · call in col 775

Prov. VII, 11.

Prov. 7:11.

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(40) ‹› · call in col 775

(continued) riam sororem Marthae et Lazari a Maria Magdalena, ex qua Dominus septem daemonia ejecit, Joannes Thessalonicensis sub finem orationis de Dominica resurrectione, et Theophylactus ad Joan. XIX, 25, necnon Nicephorus in his versibus: Αἱ μυροφόροι καὶ μαθήτριαι Λόγου. / Πρώτη μέν ἐστι Μαγδαληνὴ Μαρία, / ἡ δ' Ἰωάννα δευτέρα, καὶ Σαλώμη, / μήτηρ Ἰωσῆ καὶ Ἰακώβου τρίτη [l. τετάρτη], / Μάρθα, Μαρία σύγγονοι τοῦ Λαζάρου, / καὶ Σωσάννα δ' ἔνεστιν ἑβδόμη πάλιν, / ἄλλαι τε πολλαὶ μὴ γραφαῖς γεγραμμέναι. Unicam mulierem arbitrantur Apollinarius in Catena in Joannem, ad cap. XII, vers. 3; Gregorius papa homilia 33 in Evangelia, Beda multis in locis, et auctor homiliae De Maria Magdalena, Origeni sine causa ascriptae. Utrique probabiliter. Sed quinam vere, nunc ἐπέχω. Quae enim ab evangelistis referuntur, duas insinuant. Possunt tamen de una explicari: ex qua duae factae fuerint: sicut ex una Magdalena duas fecerunt, et ex una muliere quae Dominum unxit, multas. Quo de ultimo apponam e ms. codice non ita pridem Mazarinianae, nunc Regiae Bibliothecae, testimonium insigne Severi; quia Latine tantum ac imperfecte, atque sub ementito nomine Servii exstat in Catena Lucae, ad c. VII: Σεβήρου. Ἐπεὶ οἱ τέσσαρες Εὐαγγελισταὶ μύρῳ ὑπὸ γυναικὸς ἠλεῖφθαι τὸν Κύριον ἔγραψαν, ζητητέον, μία τις ἦν, ἢ δύο. Ἐνατενίζων τοίνυν ἐγὼ τῷ ἀκριβεῖ τῶν εὐαγγελικῶν Γραμμάτων, τρεῖς εἶναι τὰς γυναῖκας λογίζομαι, ἐκ τῆς τῶν προσώπων ποιότητος, ἐξ αὐτοῦ τοῦ τρόπου τῆς πράξεως, ἐκ τῆς διαφορᾶς τῶν καιρῶν. Ὁ μὲν γὰρ Ἰωάννης, περὶ Μαρίας τῆς τοῦ Λαζάρου ἀδελφῆς ἱστορεῖ, ὅτι πρὸ ἓξ ἡμερῶν τοῦ Πάσχα κατὰ τὴν οἰκίαν αὐτῆς ἤλειψε τοὺς πόδας τοῦ Ἰησοῦ. Ὁ δέ γε Ματθαῖος μετὰ τὸ εἰπεῖν τὸν Κύριον, Οἴδατε ὅτι μετὰ δύο ἡμέρας τὸ Πάσχα γίνεται, ἐπάγει ὅτι ἐν οἰκίᾳ Σίμωνος τοῦ λεπροῦ, γυνὴ τῆς κεφαλῆς τοῦ Κυρίου μύρον κατέχεεν, οὐ τοὺς πόδας ἤλειψεν ὡς ἡ Μαρία. Καὶ Μάρκος δὲ σύμφωνος ἅπαντα τῷ Ματθαίῳ γεγενῆσθαί φησι. Λουκᾶς γε μὴν, οὐ περὶ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦ πάθους, ἀλλὰ περὶ τὰ μέσα που τοῦ Εὐαγγελίου, ἢ καὶ ἔτι πρὸ τούτου, τινὰ τῶν Φαρισαίων εἰς ἑστίασιν κεκληκέναι λέγει τὸν Κύριον, ὃς καὶ τῆς δολερᾶς ὑποκρίσεως καὶ ἀπιστίας οὐκ ἀπήλλακτο. Ἡμεῖς μὲν οὖν, τρία εἶναι τὰ γύναια νομίζομεν. Ὁ δὲ χρυσοῦς τὴν γλῶτταν καὶ πανεύφημος πατὴρ, ὁ τῆς οἰκουμένης μέγας φωστὴρ καὶ ἑρμηνεὺς τῶν ἀπόρων (S. Chrysostomus), δύο ταύτας τὰς γυναῖκας εἶναί φησι, μίαν μὲν τὴν παρὰ τῷ Ἰωάννῃ, ἑτέραν δὲ τὴν παρὰ τοῖς τρισίν· ᾧ καὶ μᾶλλον πειστέον, etc. Severi. Cum quatuor Evangelistae a muliere Dominum unguento perunctum fuisse scripserint, quaerendum utrum una fuerit an duae. Ego quidem intente respiciens ad exactum evangelicarum Scripturarum, tres colligo fuisse mulieres, ex personarum qualitate, ex ipso modo agendi, ex differentia temporum. Joannes (cap. XII, 3) siquidem de Maria sorore Lazari narrat, quod sex diebus ante Pascha in domo propria Jesu pedes unxerit. At Matthaeus (cap. XXVI, 2), postquam Dominus dixit, «Scitis quia post biduum Pascha fiet,» subdit quod in Bethania in domo Simonis leprosi, mulier fuderit unguentum super caput Domini, non autem pedes unxerit, ut Maria. Marcus (cap. XIV, 3) autem consonans cum Matthaeo eodem modo omnia contigisse dicit. Lucas vero (cap. VII, 37), non circa tempus passionis, sed circa media tempora Evangelii, vel etiam ante, refert; a Pharisaeo quodam fuisse invitatum Dominum ad convivium; eoque qui ab hypocrisi fraudulenta, et ab incredulitate liber non erat. Nos igitur tres mulieres esse censemus. Ille vero aureae linguae et maxime praedicandus Pater, orbis magnus splendor, ac explanator difficultatum, binas asserit has mulieres fuisse: unam quidem cujus a Joanne, alteram vero cujus mentio fit a tribus: cui et magis credendum. Cot.

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(41) Καὶ ἕτεραί τινες. Inter quas Maria mater Rufi; si audimus S. Epiphanium Panarii haeresi 78, cap. 13, et haeresi 79, cap. 7, ex lapsu memoriae, ex apocrypho, aut aliunde loquentem. Id.

(41) "And certain others." Among whom is Mary the mother of Rufus, if we listen to St Epiphanius, Panarion, heresy 78, ch. 13, and heresy 79, ch. 7, speaking from a slip of memory, from an apocryphal work, or from some other source. The same (Cotelier).

(42) Γνωριζέτω. In cod. antiquiore hic incipit cap. 7, cum hac inscriptione : Ὅτι αἱ χῆραι μεμετρημένας ὀφείλουσιν ἔχειν τὰς προόδους. Cler.

(42) "Let [the widow] know." In the older codex chapter 7 begins here, with this heading: "That widows ought to keep their goings-out within measure." Le Clerc.

(43) Ῥεμβοὶ καί. Haec desunt in altero cod. et quidem merito. Idem habet in seqq. καὶ αἱ τοιαῦται ἀναιδεῖς. Id.

(43) "Gadabouts and." These words are wanting in the other codex, and rightly so. The same codex has, in what follows, καὶ αἱ τοιαῦται ἀναιδεῖς ("and such are shameless"). The same (Le Clerc).

(44) Ἐν τῇ Κυριακῇ. Absunt haec in altero codice, nec sane necessaria sunt. Id.

(44) "On the Lord's day." These words are absent in the other codex, and they are certainly not necessary. The same (Le Clerc).

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(87) ‹διὰ τῶν φλυαριῶν› · call in col 777

al. φλοιαριῶν.

Variant: φλοιαριῶν.

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(88) ‹τοὺς τῶν πλησίων› · call in col 777

f. πλουσίων, divitum.

Perhaps πλουσίων, "of the rich."

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(45) Ἢ μαστροπεύουσιν. Desunt in eodem. Cler.

(45) "Or they act as procuresses." Missing in the same manuscript. Le Clerc.

(46) Τούτου. Alter cod. addit καὶ τοῖς ὠσὶν βαρέως ἤκουσαν, quod sequentia etiam postulant. Id.

(46) "Of this." The other manuscript adds "and they heard heavily with their ears," which what follows also requires. The same (Le Clerc).

(47) Ἐμπεριτρέχουσαι. In codd. ἐπιτρέχουσαι, vel εὐτρέχουσαι. Id.

(47) "Running about in." In the manuscripts ἐπιτρέχουσαι ("running upon") or εὐτρέχουσαι ("running well"). The same (Le Clerc).

(48) Ἐπισωρεύουσαι. Alter codicum ἐπισωρεύουσι, melius. Id.

(48) "Heaping up." The other of the manuscripts has ἐπισωρεύουσι ("they heap up"), better. The same (Le Clerc).

(49) Ἔχουσα. Alter cod. ἔχει, rectius. Id.

(49) "Having." The other manuscript has ἔχει ("she has"), more correctly. The same (Le Clerc).

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(86) ‹hujus› · call in col 778

Isa. VI, 9.

Isa. 6:9.

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(89) ‹cras enim moriemur› · call in col 778

Isa. XXII, 13.

Isa. 22:13.

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(90) ‹et cor illius› · call in col 778

Matth. VI, 21.

Matt. 6:21.

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(91) ‹sapientissima Juditha› · call in col 778

Judith IX, et XII. I. Ignat. interpol. ad Philad. 4.

Judith 9 and 12. Interpolated Ignatius to the Philadelphians 4.

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(92) ‹Ecce adsum› · call in col 779

Isa. LVIII, 9.

Isa. 58:9.

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(93) ‹Eadem igitur› · call in col 779

I. Ignat. interpol. ad Philad. 4.

Interpolated Ignatius to the Philadelphians 4.

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(94) ‹victum suum quem habuit› · call in col 779

Marc. XII, 43; Luc. XXI, 3.

Mark 12:43; Luke 21:3.

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(50) Ἥσυχοι. Alter cod. ἴσοι, quales sunt qui non nunc citato gradu, nunc tardo, incedunt; sed gravi et pari. Cler.

(50) "Quiet." The other manuscript has ἴσοι ("even"), such as those who walk not now with a hurried step, now with a slow one, but with a grave and even one. Le Clerc.

(51) Ἀπελθούσας. Alter cod. ἀπελθεῖν, quod melius videtur. Id.

(51) "Having gone away." The other manuscript has ἀπελθεῖν ("to go away"), which seems better. The same (Le Clerc).

(52) Τούτων. Habet idem τῶν εἰρημένων, quod glossema redolet. Id.

(52) "Of these." The same manuscript has "of the things mentioned," which smells of a gloss. The same (Le Clerc).

(53) Ἢ τὸν ἐπίσκοπον. Haec et sequentia inscriptionis verba recte absunt in altero cod. Vindob. Id.

(53) "Or the bishop." These and the following words of the title are rightly absent in the other, Vienna, manuscript. The same (Le Clerc).

(54) Παραβάλλει. Alter χορηγεῖ, quod nescio an non sit glossa. Certe παραβάλλειν rarius hoc sensu occurrit. Id.

(54) "Sets before." The other has χορηγεῖ ("supplies"), which may perhaps be a gloss. Certainly παραβάλλειν occurs rather rarely in this sense. The same (Le Clerc).

(55) Οὐκ ἐπισταμένη. Alter ἀγνοεῖ τοίνυν. Id.

(55) "Not knowing." The other has "she is ignorant, then." The same (Le Clerc).

(56) Τὰ τοῦ. Alter τὰ τῶν τοῦ, eodem sensu. Id.

(56) "The things of." The other has τὰ τῶν τοῦ, with the same meaning. The same (Le Clerc).

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(57) Οὐ δεῖ οὖν δέχεσθαι παρὰ τῶν τοιούτων, etc. Pluribus testimoniis, quae apud alios congesta reperies, aut tute congeres facile, unum adjicio nondum visum, ex illis mss. quorum memini antea. Est autem canon 34 Nicephori Constantinopolitani, confessoris dicti, et Patrum cum illo congregatorum: Εἴ τις παλλακὴν κεκτημένος, οὐ βούλεται ἢ καταλιπεῖν αὐτὴν, ἢ εὐλογηθῆναι, καὶ μετὰ ἱερολογίας ἔχειν, οὐ χρὴ δέχεσθαι τὰ παρ' αὐτοῦ προσφερόμενα τῇ Ἐκκλησίᾳ, ἧς τοὺς θείους θεσμοὺς διὰ τῶν ἔργων καταφρονῶν ἐνυβρίζει. Hoc est: Si quis concubinam habens, non vult aut illam relinquere, aut retinendo accipere benedictionem sacramentalem; non oportet recipere quae ab illo ecclesiae offeruntur, cujus divinas leges factis suis contemnit et contumelia afficit. Cot. Haec verba οὐ δεῖ οὖν δέχεσθαι παρὰ τῶν τοιούτων, scripta sunt recentiori manu, in cod. Vindobonensi.

(57) "One must not, then, receive from such people," etc. To the many testimonies, which you will find gathered in others or will easily gather yourself, I add one not yet seen, from those manuscripts I mentioned before. It is canon 34 of Nicephorus of Constantinople, called the Confessor, and of the Fathers assembled with him: "If anyone who keeps a concubine will neither leave her nor be blessed and have her with the sacred rite, one must not receive what he offers to the Church, whose divine ordinances he outrages, despising them by his deeds." That is [the Latin rendering]: "If anyone having a concubine will not either leave her or, keeping her, receive the sacramental blessing, one ought not to accept what he offers to the church, whose divine laws he despises by his deeds and treats with insult." Cotelier. These words, "one must not, then, receive from such people," are written in a later hand in the Vienna manuscript.

(58) Αὐτός, κ.τ.λ. In altero cod. legitur αὐτός σου, φησὶν, ἔσται κεφαλὴ καί, etc. Cler.

(58) "He," etc. In the other manuscript one reads "he, it says, shall be your head and," etc. Le Clerc.

(59) Ἱερατεῦσαι. Baptizare sacerdotale esse officium dicitur etiam infra capite 15, lib. VI, et canone apostolico 47 constatque multis auctoritatibus, praecipue Tertulliani De baptismo, cap. 17; Cypriani epist. 69, 70; concilii Carthaginensis Cyprianici num. 17, 18, 19; Athanasii Epistola ad Dracontium, p. 955; Hilarii in psalm. LXVII, 32; Basilii canone 1; Epiphanii haeres. 7, cap. 3, 4, haeres. 79, cap. 3, 7 (cujus et legenda Vita cap. 6 et 11); Joannis Moschi cap. 176, et Augustini lib. II adversus Epistolam Parmeniani cap. 13. Hanc ob rem diaconis, utpote non sacerdotibus, sed sacerdotum ministris, ne baptismum conferant interdicunt aperte Constitutiones, hujus libri cap. ult. et lib. VIII, cap. 28 et 46. Eaque interdictio comprobatur a Maximo ad cap. 5 Coelestis hierarchiae, et a Balsamone ad 49 canonem apostolorum; nec non confirmatur canone 7 eorum qui dicuntur, synodi Romanorum ad Gallos episcopos; de quibus canonibus conjectura clarissimi Sirmondi, videri Innocentii papae, corruet, si conferantur primus et secundus cum cap. 12 et 13 Epistolae secundae illius pontificis. Integrum illum canonem 7 apponam, quemadmodum meo judicio debet constitui: Quod diaconi extra Paschae tempus non baptizent. Non ergo nunc de baptismi ratione, sed de tradentium persona rescribo. Paschae tempore presbyter et diaconus per parochias dare remissionem peccatorum, et ministerium implere consueverunt, etiam praesente episcopo: in fontem quoque ipsi descendunt, illi in officio sunt; sed illius [al. episcopi] nomini facti summa conceditur. Reliquis vero temporibus, ubi aegritudinis necessitas consequi unumquemque compellit, specialiter presbytero licentia est, per salutaris aquae gratiam dare indulgentiam peccatorum, quoniam et munus ipsi licet causa mundationis offerre: diaconis vero nulla licentia invenitur esse concessa; sed quod semel forte contigit usurpare, per necessitatem dicuntur excusati, nec postea in securitate commissum. Non ita commode cum canone praecedente junguntur ista: Non ergo nunc de baptismi ratione, sed de tradentium persona rescribo. Alii tamen diaconis (continues)

(59) "To act as priest." That baptizing is a priestly office is also said below, book 6, ch. 15, and in Apostolic Canon 47, and is established by many authorities, above all Tertullian, On Baptism, ch. 17; Cyprian, letters 69, 70; the Council of Carthage under Cyprian, nos. 17, 18, 19; Athanasius, Letter to Dracontius, p. 955; Hilary on Psalm 67:32; Basil, canon 1; Epiphanius, Heresy 7, chs. 3, 4, Heresy 79, chs. 3, 7 (whose Life should also be read, chs. 6 and 11); John Moschus, ch. 176; and Augustine, book 2 Against the Letter of Parmenian, ch. 13. For this reason the Constitutions openly forbid deacons, as being not priests but ministers of priests, to confer baptism: the last chapter of this book, and book 8, chs. 28 and 46. And that prohibition is approved by Maximus on ch. 5 of the Celestial Hierarchy, and by Balsamon on the 49th canon of the apostles; and it is also confirmed by canon 7 of those called "of the synod of the Romans to the Gallic bishops"; concerning which canons the most distinguished Sirmond's conjecture, that they seem to be Pope Innocent's, will collapse if the first and second are compared with chs. 12 and 13 of that pontiff's second Letter. I shall set out that canon 7 entire, as in my judgement it ought to be established: "That deacons do not baptize outside the Paschal season. So I am writing back now not about the nature of baptism but about the person of those who give it. At the Paschal season the presbyter and the deacon have been accustomed to give remission of sins through the parishes and to fulfil the ministry, even with the bishop present: they too go down into the font, they are in the office; but the sum of the act is granted to his [variant: the bishop's] name. At other times, however, when the necessity of sickness compels each person to obtain it, permission belongs specially to the presbyter to give the forgiveness of sins through the grace of the saving water, since he may also offer the gift for the sake of cleansing; but no permission is found to have been granted to deacons; and what they may perhaps once have happened to usurp, they are said to be excused by necessity, and not afterwards to have committed it in security." These words do not join so suitably with the preceding canon: "So I am writing back now not about the nature of baptism but about the person of those who give it." Others, however, to deacons (continues)

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(95) ‹› · call in col 782

Exod. XX, 17.

Exod. 20:17.

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(96) ‹› · call in col 782

Deut. XXIII, 18.

Deut. 23:18.

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(97) ‹› · call in col 782

Laudat. Anastasius, quaest. xii.

Cited by Anastasius, question 12.

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(98) ‹caput mulieris› · call in col 782

I Cor. XI, 3.

1 Cor. 11:3.

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(99) ‹tui dominabitur› · call in col 782

Gen. III, 16.

Gen. 3:16.

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(100) ‹in praecedentibus› · call in col 782

Cap. vi.

Ch. 6.

(printed under page 388)

(59) (continued from page 388; call in the Greek of col 781) baptizandi jus concedunt, aut absolute, aut in necessitate solummodo, ac extra ordinem. Absolute, Tertullianus in loco citato, Cyrillus Hierosolymitanus circa finem Catecheseos 17; Hieronymus Contra Luciferianos cap. 4, et Patres synodi Illiberitanae, can. 77, idque colligitur etiam ex canone 12 concilii Aurelianensis 1. In necessitate, ac extra ordinem, Gelasius epist. 9: concilium Eboracense anni 1194, cap. 4; concilium Londoniense anni 1200, cap. 3; Nicephorus Confessor, Juris Graeco-Romani p. 196, et Theodoritus ac Procopius ad II Paral. XXIX. Quibus addere potes Hilarium supra citatum, et locum Constitutoris in fine cap. 46, lib. ult. Sequuntur diaconos, inferiores clerici. De illis noster cap. 11, item pseudo-Ambrosius. Sed notabilia sunt prae caeteris verba scriptoris anonymi de non denuo baptizandis qui semel in nomine Christi tincti fuerint, in Observationibus Nicolai Rigaltii ad S. Cyprianum pag. 134: Et ideo cum salus nostra in baptismate spiritus, quod plerumque cum baptismate aquae conjunctum est, sit constituta, si quidem per nos baptisma tradetur, integre et solemniter et per omnia quae scripta sunt assignetur, atque sine ulla ullius rei separatione tradatur: aut si a minore clero per necessitatem traditum fuerit, eventum exspectemus, ut aut suppleatur a nobis, aut a Domino supplendum reservetur. Jam vero circa laicos eamdem diversitatem reperire est. Baptizabant initio cuncti Christiani, si fides falso Ambrosio. In necessitate, atque extra ordinem, licite hoc fieri a laicis, opinio communis est veterum ac recentiorum (l. Harmenop. epit. sect. 5, tit. i). Consule finem cap. 46, lib. viii praesentis operis: Χρὴ τὰ ἀβάπτιστα νήπια, ἐὰν εὑρεθῇ τις εἰς τόπον, μὴ ὄντος ἱερέως, βαπτισθῆναι. Εἰ βαπτίσει δὲ καὶ ὁ ἴδιος πατὴρ, ἢ οἱοσδήποτε ἄνθρωπος, μόνον ἵνα ἐστὶ Χριστιανὸς, οὐκ ἔστιν ἁμαρτία. Infantes non baptizatos, oportet, si quo loco reperiatur quis, ubi non sit sacerdos, baptizari. Quod si vel pater, aut quilibet alius, modo sit Christianus, baptizet, peccatum non committit. Canon est Nicephori Confessoris 16, in Jure Graeco-Romano, at 51 apud Glycam Annalium parte iii, p. 324: Ἀλλὰ, inquit, καὶ ὁ πεντηκοστὸς πρῶτος κανὼν τοῦ ἐν πατριάρχαις Κωνσταντινουπόλεως ἁγιωτάτου Νικηφόρου, καὶ τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ ἁγίων Πατέρων, τάδε διορίζεται· Τὰ ἀβάπτιστα νήπια, μὴ ὄντος ἱερέως, καὶ πατὴρ αὐτὰ βαπτίσει, καὶ οἷος ἕτερος τύχῃ, μόνον ἔσται [al. ἔστω] ὀρθόδοξος. Canon autem quinquagesimus primus sanctissimi patriarchae Constantinopolitani Nicephori, et aliorum sanctorum Patrum, qui praesentes ipsi adfuerunt, haec decernit: Infantes nondum baptizatos, si sacerdos nullus adsit, et pater baptizare potest, et quivis alius, modo sit orthodoxus. Scilicet, istius concilii non pauca decreta perierunt, praeter 17 edita, et 28 inedita quae leguntur post Matthaeum Blastarem in mss. Regiis; atque in Joliano; corruptusque jacet numerus in Protheoria Harmenopuli ad Epit. canon. ubi Nicephoro tribuuntur tantum canones decem. Nam Epitomes ejusdem sect. iv, tit. 2, laudatur canon 14, qui apud Blastarem est 15, eique subjunguntur 13 et 16 hic noster. Baptisma vero per laicos ordinarie datum, illicitum autumant omnes; invalidum nonnulli, manifesto errore; sic Mathaeus ille Blastares, canonum collector, nondum typis mandatus, littera β, cap. 3, et Synodus ab eo inibi memorata; sic etiam Theodorus Scutariota in Scholio ad Haeresim 22, lib. iv Thesauri Nicetae Choniatae. Accipe verba Graeca Matthaei monachi cum Latina interpretatione: Ἔτι καὶ περὶ τῶν βαπτιζομένων παρὰ ἀνιέρων. Adhuc de iis qui baptizati sunt a non sacerdotibus. Hoc quoque quaesitum fuit, interrogante Manuele Heracleensi, an recipere oporteat tanquam fidelem, eum quem qui sacerdos non est, et sacerdotem se esse simulat, baptizavit: id enim tunc temporis in illius dioecesi accidit. Et decrevit synodus, hos etiam rebaptizari debere. Quia scilicet, inquit, juxta sacros apostolorum canones quadragesimum sextum et quadragesimum septimum solis episcopis ac sacerdotibus licet sancto baptismate initiare. Ostenditur autem idem, etiam per canones vigesimum sextum et quadragesimum sextum Laodicenae synodi: quorum ille quidem praecipit, ut non exorcizent qui ab episcopis non fuerunt promoti et ordinati: hic vero vult, ut qui baptizandi sunt fidem episcopis aut presbyteris recitent. Quin etiam praedicti sextae synodi et concilii Carthaginensis canones, eos qui ob negligentiam suam ambigunt utrum baptizati fuerint, baptismum recipere jubent. Equidem aequum non est, nec tutum, divino fidelium coetui annumerare eum qui baptizatus fuerit ab homine qui non accepit baptizandi, ac per baptismum remissionem peccatorum dandi potestatem; nam baptismus sordes peccatorum eluit. Etenim non parvum periculum est, ne forte per hujusmodi dubitationem, ipse quidem expiatione sancti baptismatis privatus sit, nos vero cum haud baptizato communicemus latenter. Quod si quis instet ac dicat, propter preces a laico factas, atque unctionem sacri olei, verum existimari debere baptisma collatum ab homine experte sacerdotii; ille etiam dixerit ordinatos a non consecrato, episcopum se esse mentiente, pro clericis reputari debere, cum fraus innotuerit: id porro absurdum est, et contrarium quarto canoni secundae synodi, qui de Maximo Cynico constituit, ipsum nec fuisse, nec esse episcopum, ab illo autem ordinatos, nihil magis inde fuisse consecutos, abrogatis, videlicet, omnibus quae contra leges ille fecerat. Pugnat pariter cum 18 canone … Ἐζητήθη καὶ τοῦτο, τοῦ Ἡρακλείας ἐρομένου Μανουὴλ, εἰ χρὴ δέχεσθαι ὡς πιστὸν, ὃν ἀνίερος ἐβάπτισεν, τὸ ἱερᾶσθαι πλασάμενος· τοῦτο γὰρ ἐπὶ τῆς ἐνορίας αὐτοῦ τηνικαῦτα συνέβη. Καὶ ἐψηφίσατο ἡ σύνοδος, καὶ τούτους ἀναβαπτίζεσθαι· ἐπεὶ γὰρ, φησὶ, κατὰ τοὺς ἱεροὺς τῶν ἀποστόλων κανόνας, τὸν τεσσαρακοστὸν ἕκτον καὶ τὸν τεσσαρακοστὸν ἕβδομον, μόνοις ἐπισκόποις ἐδόθη καὶ ἱερεῦσιν, ἡ τοῦ ἁγίου βαπτίσματος τελετή. Δείκνυται δὲ τοῦτο καὶ ἐκ τοῦ εἰκοστοῦ ἕκτου καὶ τεσσαρακοστοῦ ἕκτου τῆς ἐν Λαοδικείᾳ συνόδου· τοῦ μὲν, μὴ ἐξορκίζειν τοὺς μὴ προαχθέντας ὑπὸ ἐπισκόπων, κελεύοντος· τοῦ δὲ, τοὺς φωτιζομένους τὴν πίστιν ἀπαγγέλλειν τοῖς ἐπισκόποις ἢ πρεσβυτέροις. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ οἱ ῥηθέντες τῆς ἕκτης συνόδου καὶ τῆς ἐν Καρθαγένῃ, τοὺς ἀμφιβόλως ἔχοντας εἰ ἐβαπτίσθησαν ἀμελητὶ, βαπτίζειν προστάττουσιν. Οὐμενοῦν ὅσιον οὐδὲ ἀσφαλὲς, τὸν βαπτισθέντα παρὰ τοῦ μὴ λαβόντος ἐξουσίαν βαπτίζειν, καὶ διὰ τοῦ βαπτίσματος ἄφεσιν διδόναι ἁμαρτημάτων, ῥυπτικὸν γὰρ τούτων τὸ βάπτισμα, τῷ θείῳ τῶν πιστῶν καταλέγειν χορῷ· οὐ μικρὸς γὰρ ὁ κίνδυνος, μήποτε παρὰ τὸν τοιοῦτον δισταγμὸν, αὐτὸς μὲν τῆς τοῦ ἁγίου βαπτίσματος καθάρσεως στερηθῇ, ἡμεῖς δὲ ἀβαπτίστῳ λάθωμεν κοινωνοῦντες. Εἰ δέ τις ἐνίσταιτο λέγων, διὰ τὰς γινομένας παρὰ τοῦ λαϊκοῦ εὐχὰς, καὶ τὴν χρίσιν τοῦ ἁγίου μύρου, ἀληθὲς χρῆναι τὸ πρὸς τοῦ ἀνιέρου διδόμενον λογίζεσθαι βάπτισμα, οὗτος ἂν φήσαι καὶ τοὺς χειροτονηθέντας πρός τινος ἀνιέρου καὶ τὸν ἐπίσκοπον ὑποκρινομένου, δεῖν εἶναι κληρικοὺς καὶ μετὰ τὸ φωραθῆναι, ὅπερ ἄτοπον, καὶ ὑπεναντίον τῷ τετάρτῳ κανόνι τῆς δευτέρας συνόδου, τῷ περὶ Μαξίμου τοῦ κυνικοῦ διαταττομένῳ, μήτε αὐτὸν γενέσθαι, ἢ εἶναι ἐπίσκοπον, καὶ τοὺς ὑπ' αὐτοῦ χειροτονηθέντας, μηδὲν πλέον ἐντεῦθεν ἀπόνασθαι, πάντων ἀκυρωθέντων ὧν ἀθέσμως ἐκεῖνος ἔπραξεν. Ἔτι γε μὴν καὶ τῷ ιη' τῆς ἐν Σαρδικῇ, τοὺς παρὰ (continues)

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baptizandi jus concedunt, aut absolute, aut in necessitate solummodo, ac extra ordinem. Absolute, Tertullianus in loco citato, Cyrillus Hierosolymitanus circa finem Catecheseos 17; Hieronymus Contra Luciferianos cap. 4, et Patres synodi Illiberitanae, can. 77, idque colligitur etiam ex canone 12 concilii Aurelianensis 1. In necessitate, ac extra ordinem, Gelasius epist. 9: concilium Eboracense anni 1194, cap. 4; concilium Londoniense anni 1200, cap. 3; Nicephorus Confessor, Juris Graeco-Romani p. 196, et Theodoritus ac Procopius ad II Paral. XXIX. Quibus addere potes Hilarium supra citatum, et locum Constitutoris in fine cap. 46, lib. ult. Sequuntur diaconos, inferiores clerici. De illis noster cap. 11, item pseudo-Ambrosius. Sed notabilia sunt prae caeteris verba scriptoris anonymi de non denuo baptizandis qui semel in nomine Christi tincti fuerint, in Observationibus Nicolai Rigaltii ad S. Cyprianum pag. 134: Et ideo cum salus nostra in baptismate spiritus, quod plerumque cum baptismate aquae conjunctum est, sit constituta, si quidem per nos baptisma tradetur, integre et solemniter et per omnia quae scripta sunt assignetur, atque sine ulla ullius rei separatione tradatur: aut si a minore clero per necessitatem traditum fuerit, eventum exspectemus, ut aut suppleatur a nobis, aut a Domino supplendum reservetur. Jam vero circa laicos eamdem diversitatem reperire est. Baptizabant initio cuncti Christiani, si fides falso Ambrosio. In necessitate, atque extra ordinem, licite hoc fieri a laicis, opinio communis est veterum ac recentiorum (l. Harmenop. epit. sect. 5, tit. i). Consule finem cap. 46, lib. viii praesentis operis: Χρὴ τὰ ἀβάπτιστα νήπια, ἐὰν εὑρεθῇ τις εἰς τόπον, μὴ ὄντος ἱερέως, βαπτισθῆναι. Εἰ βαπτίσει δὲ καὶ ὁ ἴδιος πατὴρ, ἢ οἱοσδήποτε ἄνθρωπος, μόνον ἵνα ἐστὶ Χριστιανὸς, οὐκ ἔστιν ἁμαρτία. Infantes non baptizatos, oportet, si quo loco reperiatur quis, ubi non sit sacerdos, baptizari. Quod si vel pater, aut quilibet alius, modo sit Christianus, baptizet, peccatum non committit. Canon est Nicephori Confessoris 16, in Jure Graeco-Romano, at 51 apud Glycam Annalium parte iii, p. 324: Ἀλλὰ, inquit, καὶ ὁ πεντηκοστὸς πρῶτος κανὼν τοῦ ἐν πατριάρχαις Κωνσταντινουπόλεως ἁγιωτάτου Νικηφόρου, καὶ τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ ἁγίων Πατέρων, τάδε διορίζεται· Τὰ ἀβάπτιστα νήπια, μὴ ὄντος ἱερέως, καὶ πατὴρ αὐτὰ βαπτίσει, καὶ οἷος ἕτερος τύχῃ, μόνον ἔσται [al. ἔστω] ὀρθόδοξος. Canon autem quinquagesimus primus sanctissimi patriarchae Constantinopolitani Nicephori, et aliorum sanctorum Patrum, qui praesentes ipsi adfuerunt, haec decernit: Infantes nondum baptizatos, si sacerdos nullus adsit, et pater baptizare potest, et quivis alius, modo sit orthodoxus. Scilicet, istius concilii non pauca decreta perierunt, praeter 17 edita, et 28 inedita quae leguntur post Matthaeum Blastarem in mss. Regiis; atque in Joliano; corruptusque jacet numerus in Protheoria Harmenopuli ad Epit. canon. ubi Nicephoro tribuuntur tantum canones decem. Nam Epitomes ejusdem sect. iv, tit. 2, laudatur canon 14, qui apud Blastarem est 15, eique subjunguntur 13 et 16 hic noster. Baptisma vero per laicos ordinarie datum, illicitum autumant omnes; invalidum nonnulli, manifesto errore; sic Mathaeus ille Blastares, canonum collector, nondum typis mandatus, littera β, cap. 3, et Synodus ab eo inibi memorata; sic etiam Theodorus Scutariota in Scholio ad Haeresim 22, lib. iv Thesauri Nicetae Choniatae. Accipe verba Graeca Matthaei monachi cum Latina interpretatione:

…grant the right of baptizing, either absolutely, or only in necessity and out of the ordinary course. Absolutely: Tertullian in the place cited, Cyril of Jerusalem near the end of Catechesis 17, Jerome Against the Luciferians ch. 4, and the Fathers of the synod of Elvira, can. 77; and the same is gathered also from canon 12 of the first council of Orléans. In necessity and out of the ordinary course: Gelasius, epist. 9; the council of York of the year 1194, ch. 4; the council of London of the year 1200, ch. 3; Nicephorus the Confessor, Jus Graeco-Romanum p. 196; and Theodoret and Procopius on 2 Chron. 29. To these you may add Hilary, cited above, and the place of the Constitutor at the end of ch. 46 of the last book. After the deacons follow the inferior clerics. Of them our author speaks in ch. 11, and so does pseudo-Ambrose. But remarkable above the rest are the words of the anonymous writer On not baptizing again those who have once been dipped in the name of Christ, in the Observations of Nicolas Rigault on St Cyprian, p. 134: "And therefore, since our salvation is founded in the baptism of the Spirit, which is for the most part joined with the baptism of water, if baptism is given by us, let it be bestowed entire and solemnly and with all the things that are written, and let it be given without any separation of anything whatever; or if it has been given by a lesser cleric through necessity, let us await the outcome, that it may either be supplied by us or be reserved to be supplied by the Lord." Now as regards laymen the same diversity is to be found. In the beginning all Christians baptized, if credit be given to the false Ambrose. That in necessity and out of the ordinary course this is lawfully done by laymen is the common opinion of ancients and moderns (see Harmenop. Epit. sect. 5, tit. 1). Consult the end of ch. 46 of Book VIII of the present work: "Unbaptized infants, if anyone is found in a place where there is no priest, must be baptized. And if their own father, or any man whatever, baptizes them, provided only that he is a Christian, it is no sin." [Latin of the same:] "Infants not baptized must be baptized, if anyone is found in a place where there is no priest. And if either the father or anyone else, provided he be a Christian, baptizes, he commits no sin." It is the 16th canon of Nicephorus the Confessor in the Jus Graeco-Romanum, but the 51st in Glycas, Annals part III, p. 324: "But," he says, "the fifty-first canon also of the most holy Nicephorus, among the patriarchs of Constantinople, and of the holy Fathers with him, lays down this: Unbaptized infants, when there is no priest, the father too shall baptize, and whoever else it may be, provided only he shall be [al. let him be] orthodox." [Latin of the same:] "Now the fifty-first canon of the most holy patriarch of Constantinople Nicephorus, and of the other holy Fathers who were themselves present, decrees this: Infants not yet baptized, if no priest be present, both the father may baptize and anyone else, provided he be orthodox." That is to say, not a few decrees of that council have perished, besides the 17 published and the 28 unpublished which are read after Matthew Blastares in the Royal manuscripts and in the Joly manuscript; and the number lies corrupted in the Protheoria of Harmenopulus to the Epitome of the canons, where only ten canons are attributed to Nicephorus. For in section IV, title 2 of his Epitome canon 14 is cited, which in Blastares is 15, and to it are subjoined 13 and this our 16. But baptism ordinarily given by laymen all judge unlawful; some, by a manifest error, invalid: so the well-known Matthew Blastares, the collector of the canons, not yet put into print, under the letter β, ch. 3, and the Synod mentioned by him in that place; so also Theodore Scutariota in his Scholion on Heresy 22, Book IV of the Thesaurus of Nicetas Choniates. Take the Greek words of Matthew the monk with the Latin rendering:

Ἔτι καὶ περὶ τῶν βαπτιζομένων παρὰ ἀνιέρων.

Further, concerning those baptized by men who are not priests.

Adhuc de iis qui baptizati sunt a non sacerdotibus.

Further, concerning those who have been baptized by non-priests.

Ἐζητήθη καὶ τοῦτο, τοῦ Ἡρακλείας ἐρομένου Μανουὴλ, εἰ χρὴ δέχεσθαι ὡς πιστὸν, ὃν ἀνίερος ἐβάπτισεν, τὸ ἱερᾶσθαι πλασάμενος· τοῦτο γὰρ ἐπὶ τῆς ἐνορίας αὐτοῦ τηνικαῦτα συνέβη. Καὶ ἐψηφίσατο ἡ σύνοδος, καὶ τούτους ἀναβαπτίζεσθαι· ἐπεὶ γὰρ, φησὶ, κατὰ τοὺς ἱεροὺς τῶν ἀποστόλων κανόνας, τὸν τεσσαρακοστὸν ἕκτον καὶ τὸν τεσσαρακοστὸν ἕβδομον, μόνοις ἐπισκόποις ἐδόθη καὶ ἱερεῦσιν, ἡ τοῦ ἁγίου βαπτίσματος τελετή. Δείκνυται δὲ τοῦτο καὶ ἐκ τοῦ εἰκοστοῦ ἕκτου καὶ τεσσαρακοστοῦ ἕκτου τῆς ἐν Λαοδικείᾳ συνόδου· τοῦ μὲν, μὴ ἐξορκίζειν τοὺς μὴ προαχθέντας ὑπὸ ἐπισκόπων, κελεύοντος· τοῦ δὲ, τοὺς φωτιζομένους τὴν πίστιν ἀπαγγέλλειν τοῖς ἐπισκόποις ἢ πρεσβυτέροις. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ οἱ ῥηθέντες τῆς ἕκτης συνόδου καὶ τῆς ἐν Καρθαγένῃ, τοὺς ἀμφιβόλως ἔχοντας εἰ ἐβαπτίσθησαν ἀμελητὶ, βαπτίζειν προστάττουσιν. Οὐμενοῦν ὅσιον οὐδὲ ἀσφαλὲς, τὸν βαπτισθέντα παρὰ τοῦ μὴ λαβόντος ἐξουσίαν βαπτίζειν, καὶ διὰ τοῦ βαπτίσματος ἄφεσιν διδόναι ἁμαρτημάτων, ῥυπτικὸν γὰρ τούτων τὸ βάπτισμα, τῷ θείῳ τῶν πιστῶν καταλέγειν χορῷ· οὐ μικρὸς γὰρ ὁ κίνδυνος, μήποτε παρὰ τὸν τοιοῦτον δισταγμὸν, αὐτὸς μὲν τῆς τοῦ ἁγίου βαπτίσματος καθάρσεως στερηθῇ, ἡμεῖς δὲ ἀβαπτίστῳ λάθωμεν κοινωνοῦντες. Εἰ δέ τις ἐνίσταιτο λέγων, διὰ τὰς γινομένας παρὰ τοῦ λαϊκοῦ εὐχὰς, καὶ τὴν χρίσιν τοῦ ἁγίου μύρου, ἀληθὲς χρῆναι τὸ πρὸς τοῦ ἀνιέρου διδόμενον λογίζεσθαι βάπτισμα, οὗτος ἂν φήσαι καὶ τοὺς χειροτονηθέντας πρός τινος ἀνιέρου καὶ τὸν ἐπίσκοπον ὑποκρινομένου, δεῖν εἶναι κληρικοὺς καὶ μετὰ τὸ φωραθῆναι, ὅπερ ἄτοπον, καὶ ὑπεναντίον τῷ τετάρτῳ κανόνι τῆς δευτέρας συνόδου, τῷ περὶ Μαξίμου τοῦ κυνικοῦ διαταττομένῳ, μήτε αὐτὸν γενέσθαι, ἢ εἶναι ἐπίσκοπον, καὶ τοὺς ὑπ' αὐτοῦ χειροτονηθέντας, μηδὲν πλέον ἐντεῦθεν ἀπόνασθαι, πάντων ἀκυρωθέντων ὧν ἀθέσμως ἐκεῖνος ἔπραξεν. Ἔτι γε μὴν καὶ τῷ ιη' τῆς ἐν Σαρδικῇ, τοὺς παρὰ

This too was inquired into, when Manuel of Heraclea asked whether one ought to receive as a believer him whom a man not a priest, who had feigned the priesthood, had baptized; for this had then happened in his diocese. And the synod decreed that these too be baptized again. For, it says, according to the holy canons of the apostles, the forty-sixth and the forty-seventh, the rite of holy baptism has been given to bishops and priests alone. And this is shown also from the twenty-sixth and forty-sixth of the synod at Laodicea: the one commanding that those not advanced by bishops are not to exorcize; the other, that those being enlightened are to recite the faith to the bishops or presbyters. Moreover the canons cited of the sixth synod and of that at Carthage also order that those who, through carelessness, are in doubt whether they were baptized be baptized. It is therefore neither holy nor safe to enrol in the divine choir of the faithful one baptized by him who has not received authority to baptize and through baptism to give remission of sins, for baptism is cleansing of these; for the danger is not small lest, through such a hesitation, he himself be deprived of the cleansing of holy baptism, and we unawares be in communion with one unbaptized. And if anyone should object, saying that because of the prayers made by the layman and the anointing with the holy chrism the baptism given by the non-priest must be reckoned true, such a one would say also that those ordained by some non-priest who feigned to be a bishop must be clerics even after the fraud is detected; which is absurd, and contrary to the fourth canon of the second synod, which lays down concerning Maximus the Cynic that he neither became nor is a bishop, and that those ordained by him have gained nothing further from it, all that he unlawfully did being made void. Moreover, also to the 18th canon of the synod at Sardica, those by …

Hoc quoque quaesitum fuit, interrogante Manuele Heracleensi, an recipere oporteat tanquam fidelem, eum quem qui sacerdos non est, et sacerdotem se esse simulat, baptizavit: id enim tunc temporis in illius dioecesi accidit. Et decrevit synodus, hos etiam rebaptizari debere. Quia scilicet, inquit, juxta sacros apostolorum canones quadragesimum sextum et quadragesimum septimum solis episcopis ac sacerdotibus licet sancto baptismate initiare. Ostenditur autem idem, etiam per canones vigesimum sextum et quadragesimum sextum Laodicenae synodi: quorum ille quidem praecipit, ut non exorcizent qui ab episcopis non fuerunt promoti et ordinati: hic vero vult, ut qui baptizandi sunt fidem episcopis aut presbyteris recitent. Quin etiam praedicti sextae synodi et concilii Carthaginensis canones, eos qui ob negligentiam suam ambigunt utrum baptizati fuerint, baptismum recipere jubent. Equidem aequum non est, nec tutum, divino fidelium coetui annumerare eum qui baptizatus fuerit ab homine qui non accepit baptizandi, ac per baptismum remissionem peccatorum dandi potestatem; nam baptismus sordes peccatorum eluit. Etenim non parvum periculum est, ne forte per hujusmodi dubitationem, ipse quidem expiatione sancti baptismatis privatus sit, nos vero cum haud baptizato communicemus latenter. Quod si quis instet ac dicat, propter preces a laico factas, atque unctionem sacri olei, verum existimari debere baptisma collatum ab homine experte sacerdotii; ille etiam dixerit ordinatos a non consecrato, episcopum se esse mentiente, pro clericis reputari debere, cum fraus innotuerit: id porro absurdum est, et contrarium quarto canoni secundae synodi, qui de Maximo Cynico constituit, ipsum nec fuisse, nec esse episcopum, ab illo autem ordinatos, nihil magis inde fuisse consecutos, abrogatis, videlicet, omnibus quae contra leges ille fecerat. Pugnat pariter cum 18 canone

This also was asked, Manuel of Heraclea inquiring, whether one ought to receive as a believer him whom one who is not a priest, and pretends that he is a priest, has baptized: for this had happened at that time in his diocese. And the synod decreed that these also ought to be rebaptized. Because, namely, it says, according to the sacred canons of the apostles, the forty-sixth and forty-seventh, it is lawful for bishops and priests alone to initiate with holy baptism. And the same is shown also by the twenty-sixth and forty-sixth canons of the synod of Laodicea: of which the former prescribes that those who have not been promoted and ordained by bishops are not to exorcize; the latter requires that those who are to be baptized recite the faith to the bishops or presbyters. Moreover the canons of the aforesaid sixth synod and of the council of Carthage order those who through their own negligence are in doubt whether they have been baptized to receive baptism. Indeed it is neither right nor safe to number in the divine company of the faithful one who has been baptized by a man who has not received the power of baptizing and of giving remission of sins through baptism; for baptism washes away the stains of sins. For the danger is not small lest perhaps, through doubt of this kind, he himself be deprived of the expiation of holy baptism, and we unawares communicate with one not baptized. But if anyone should insist and say that, because of the prayers made by a layman and the anointing with the sacred oil, baptism conferred by a man without part in the priesthood ought to be considered true; he would say also that those ordained by one unconsecrated, who falsely claims to be a bishop, ought to be reckoned clerics when the fraud has become known: which, moreover, is absurd, and contrary to the fourth canon of the second synod, which determined concerning Maximus the Cynic that he neither had been nor was a bishop, and that those ordained by him had obtained nothing more thereby, all the things, namely, that he had done against the laws being annulled. It conflicts likewise with the 18th canon

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Μουσαίου καὶ Εὐτυχιανοῦ ἀνιέρων ὄντων χειροτονηθέντας, τοῦ κλήρου τελέως ἐκβάλλοντι, καὶ εἰς τὴν τῶν λαϊκῶν κατάγοντι χώραν. Ὥσπερ οὖν ἐκεῖνοι ἀχειροτόνητοι, οὕτω καὶ οὗτοι ἀβάπτιστοι λογισθήσονται. Καὶ ὥσπερ οἱ τῶν Ἀγαρηνῶν βαπτιζόμενοι παῖδες, τῷ μὴ δυσωδίας ἀπόζειν, Χριστιανοὶ οὐ λογίζονται· οὕτως οὐδὲ οἱ μύρῳ χριόμενοι πρὸς τῶν ἀνιέρων, ὅτι μηδὲ δέδοται τοῖς τοιούτοις, ἁγιασμοῦ τινος ὅλως μεταδιδόναι. Εἰ δέ τις ἀνθυποφέρει τὸ παρὰ τοῦ μεγάλου Ἀθανασίου ἔτι παιδὸς ὄντος γεγονὸς, ἐνθυμηθήτω τὸν θεσπίζοντα πολιτικὸν νόμον, ὅτι τὸ παρὰ κανόνας, οὐχ ἕλκεται εἰς ὑπόδειγμα· καὶ οὐ νόμος Ἐκκλησίας, τὸ σπάνιον.

[...] (canon of Sardica,) which casts wholly out of the clergy, and brings down to the rank of the laity, those ordained by Musaeus and Eutychianus, who were not priests. As therefore those are unordained, so these too shall be reckoned unbaptized. And as the children of the Agarenes who are baptized, so as not to smell of a foul odour, are not reckoned Christians, so neither are those anointed with chrism by men who are not priests, since it is not granted to such to impart any sanctification at all. And if anyone objects what happened with the great Athanasius while he was still a boy, let him bear in mind the civil law which decrees that what is against the canons is not drawn into a precedent; and what is rare is not the law of the Church.

Sardicensi, qui a Musaeo et Eutychiano non sacerdotibus ordinatos, e clero penitus ejecit, ac in laicorum ordinem redegit. Quemadmodum igitur illi ordinatione carent, ita et isti pro baptismi expertibus habebuntur. Et sicut Agarenorum filii, qui ne fetorem redoleant, tinguntur ac baptizantur, Christiani non censentur; ita nec qui oleo unguntur a non sacratis; quoniam talibus concessum non est quidquam prorsus sanctificationis impertire. Si quis autem praeterea objiciat quod contigit magno Athanasio adhuc puero, consideret legem civilem in cujus statuto dicitur, illud quod contra canones est, non trahi in exemplum: consideret etiam hoc effatum; non est lex Ecclesiae, quod raro evenit.

[...] (canon) of Sardica, which cast wholly out of the clergy, and reduced to the order of the laity, those ordained by Musaeus and Eutychianus, who were not priests. As therefore those lack ordination, so these too shall be held as having no part in baptism. And as the sons of the Agarenes, who are dipped and baptized that they may not smell of a foul odour, are not accounted Christians, so neither are those anointed with oil by men not consecrated; since it has not been granted to such to impart anything whatever of sanctification. But if anyone further object what befell the great Athanasius while yet a boy, let him consider the civil law, in whose statute it is said that what is against the canons is not drawn into a precedent; let him consider also this saying: what happens rarely is not the law of the Church.

In Annalibus Michaelis Glycae pag. 243, 244 (locum Nicephori lib. III, cap. 37, ut obscuriorem praetermitto) pro falsa ea opinione profertur primo factum Dionysii praesulis, qui baptizatum a laico baptizavit iterum. Narratio incerta, nec ad rem pertinens, quia baptismus arena non aqua peractus dicitur. Referunt Joannes Moschus λειμωναρίου cap. 176; Cedrenus edit. Basil. pag. 206 et Nicephorus ubi mox. Profertur secundo auctoritas canonum apostolicorum, laicis prohibentium sacerdotalia munia, etiam si necessitas ingruat. Cum in toto hoc opere ne verbum quidem de necessitate; solummodo a sacris functionibus arcetur plebs lib. II, cap. 27, lib. III, cap. 10, et lib. ult., cap. 46. Additur in Glyca ex Vita S. Athanasii, pueros per Athanasium puerum baptizatos, ab Alexandro Alexandrino rebaptizatos fuisse. Verum biographus iste, cujus locum reperies in fine tom. II S. Athanasii pag. 27 videtur non intellexisse haec verba antiquioris biographi apud Photium cod. 258: Τούτους ἐπιχρίσας, διὰ τῆς ἐν Χριστῷ σφραγῖδος ἐτελείωσεν: quae exponi debent de consignatione et confirmatione, non autem de baptismo: sicut liquet per historicos ecclesiasticos Rufinum lib. I, cap. 14, et Sozomenum lib. II, cap. 17, qui αὐτολεξεὶ narrant baptismum non fuisse iteratum. Haec quoque reperi in Gregorio Hamartolo chonographo nondum edito, ubi de baptismo arenaceo retulit:

In the Annals of Michael Glycas, pp. 243, 244 (I pass over the passage of Nicephorus, bk. III, ch. 37, as more obscure), there is brought forward in favour of that false opinion, first, the deed of the bishop Dionysius, who baptized again one baptized by a layman. The story is uncertain, and not to the point, since the baptism is said to have been performed with sand, not water. It is related by John Moschus, Leimonarion ch. 176; Cedrenus, Basle edition, p. 206; and Nicephorus at the place just cited. There is brought forward secondly the authority of the Apostolic Canons, forbidding priestly offices to laymen even if necessity press. Whereas in this whole work there is not even a word about necessity; the people are merely kept from the sacred functions, bk. II, ch. 27, bk. III, ch. 10, and the last book, ch. 46. There is added in Glycas, from the Life of St Athanasius, that boys baptized by the boy Athanasius were rebaptized by Alexander of Alexandria. But that biographer, whose passage you will find at the end of vol. II of St Athanasius, p. 27, seems not to have understood these words of an older biographer in Photius, cod. 258: 'Having anointed these, he perfected them through the seal in Christ': which ought to be explained of consignation and confirmation, and not of baptism, as is plain from the ecclesiastical historians Rufinus, bk. I, ch. 14, and Sozomen, bk. II, ch. 17, who relate in so many words that the baptism was not repeated. I have found this also in Gregory Hamartolus, a chronographer not yet edited, where he spoke of the baptism with sand:

Ποῦ νῦν εἰσιν οἱ κοσμικούς τινας καὶ γυναῖκας λέγοντες βαπτίσαι ποτὲ κατὰ περίστασιν μὴ παρόντος ἱερέως, καὶ εἰς βάπτισμα θεῖον καὶ τέλειον αὐτοῖς λογισθῆναι φιλονεικοῦντες, μᾶλλον δὲ τερατολογοῦντες καὶ βλασφημοῦντες ἐκ πολλῆς ἀγνωσίας καὶ αὐθαδείας, μὴ δὲ τῆς ἱερᾶς τῶν ἀποστόλων διδασκαλίας δὲ παραγγελίας ἀκούοντες τῆς λεγούσης (a)· Οὐκ ἐπιτρέπομεν λαϊκὸν ποιεῖν τι τῶν ἱερατικῶν, οἷον θυσίαν ἢ βάπτισμα, ἢ χειροθεσίαν, ἢ εὐλογίαν μικρὰν ἢ μεγάλην. Οὐχ ἑαυτῷ γάρ τις λαμβάνει τὴν τιμὴν, ἀλλ' ὁ καλούμενος ὑπὸ τοῦ Θεοῦ. Διὰ γὰρ τῆς ἐπιθέσεως τῶν χειρῶν τοῦ ἐπισκόπου δίδοται ἡ τοιαύτη δόξα [al. ἐξουσία]· ὁ δὲ μὴ ἐγχειρισθεὶς ταύτην, ἀλλ' ἁρπάσας καὶ τυραννήσας αὐτὴν ἑαυτῷ, τὴν ἁμαρτίαν καὶ τὴν τιμωρίαν τοῦ Σαοὺλ καὶ Ὀζία [al. Ὀζίου] ὑποστήσεται. Οὐ μὴν δὲ ἀλλ' οὐδὲ τοῖς λοιποῖς κληρικοῖς ἐπιτρέπομεν βαπτίζειν, οἷον διακόνοις, ἢ ἀναγνώσταις, ἢ ψάλταις, ἢ ὑπηρέταις, ἢ [al. ἀλλ' ἢ] μὴ μόνοις ἐπισκόποις καὶ πρεσβυτέροις ἐξυπηρετουμένων αὐτοῖς τῶν διακόνων· οἱ δὲ τολμῶντες τοῦτο, τῶν Κοριτῶν

Where now are those who say that certain lay people and women once baptized, in an emergency when no priest was present, and who contend that it was reckoned to them as a divine and perfect baptism, or rather who tell marvels and blaspheme out of great ignorance and self-will, not hearing the sacred teaching and precept of the apostles which says (a): 'We do not permit a layman to perform any of the priestly offices, as the sacrifice or baptism, or the laying on of hands, or the blessing, small or great. For no one takes the honour to himself, but he who is called by God. For through the laying on of the hands of the bishop such glory [al. authority] is given; but he who has not been entrusted with it, but has seized it and usurped it for himself, shall undergo the sin and the punishment of Saul and Ozias [al. Ozias]. Nor indeed do we permit the rest of the clergy to baptize, as deacons, or readers, or singers, or servants, but [al. but] only bishops and presbyters, the deacons ministering to them; and those who dare this, (the punishment) of the Korahites

Ubi nunc sunt, qui aiunt, ut laici et mulieres baptizent aliquando, in necessitate, absente sacerdote, quique contendunt, imo potius ex multa ignorantia et pervicacia prodigiose ac impie affirmant, hoc in baptismum divinum perfectumque hominibus imputari: nec audiunt sacram apostolorum doctrinam atque praeceptionem, quae dicit: Non permittimus, ut laicus faciat aliquid rerum sacerdotalium, verbi gratia sacrificium vel baptisma, vel impositionem manus, vel benedictionem tum parvam tum magnam. Nec enim quisquam sibi sumit honorem, sed qui vocatur a Deo. Nam per impositionem manuum episcopi, datur haec dignitas [auctoritas]: qui autem eam non habet sibi commissam, sed illam sibi rapuit ac per tyrannidem occupavit, peccatum suppliciumque Saulis et Oziae sustinebit. Non solum hoc, sed nec reliquos clericos baptismum conferre volumus; veluti diaconos, aut lectores, aut psaltas, aut ministros; nisi solos episcopos et presbyteros, ministrantibus diaconis. Qui autem id praesumpserint, Coritarum poenas ferent.

Where now are those who say that laymen and women may sometimes baptize, in necessity, when the priest is absent, and who contend, or rather out of great ignorance and obstinacy monstrously and impiously affirm, that this is imputed to men as divine and perfect baptism; and they do not hear the sacred teaching and precept of the apostles, which says: 'We do not permit a layman to do any of the priestly things, for example the sacrifice or baptism, or the laying on of the hand, or the blessing, whether small or great. For no one takes the honour to himself, but he who is called by God. For through the laying on of the hands of the bishop this dignity [authority] is given; but he who does not have it committed to him, but has seized it for himself and occupied it by usurpation, shall undergo the sin and punishment of Saul and of Ozias. Not only this, but neither do we wish the rest of the clergy to confer baptism, as deacons, or readers, or singers, or ministers, but only bishops and presbyters, the deacons ministering. And those who presume to do it shall bear the penalty of the Korahites.'

(a) Τοῦτο εἴρηται ἐν τῷ γ' βιβλίῳ τῶν ἀποστολικῶν Διατάξεων. Hoc dictum est in III libro apostolicarum Constitutionum, cap. 10, 11.

(a) This is said in the third book of the Apostolic Constitutions. This is said in book III of the Apostolic Constitutions, chs. 10, 11.

(60) Ἱερείας. Negat quoque S. Epiphanius in Christiana religione esse debere ἱερείας et ἱερίσσας, ridetque clerum Pepuzianorum Cataphrygum, episcopos et presbyteros mulieres; item sacerdotissas Antidicomarianitarum et Collyridianorum. Addit in hac postrema haeresi num. 3, diaconissas sacerdotio non fungi. Unde patet error ac erroris origo, tum pseudo-Ambrosii ad I Tim. III, 11, scribentis: Sed Cataphrygae erroris occasionem captantes, propter quod post diaconos mulieres alloquitur, etiam ipsas diaconas ordinari debere vana praesumptione defendunt, cum sciant apostolos septem diaconos elegisse. Nunquid nulla mulier tunc idonea inventa est, cum inter undecim apostolos sanctas mulieres fuisse legamus? Sed ut haeretici animum suum verbis, non sensu legis astruere videantur, apostoli verbis contra sensum innituntur apostoli, ut cum ille mulierem in ecclesia in silentio esse debere praecipiat, illi econtra etiam auctoritatem in Ecclesia vindicent ministerii, tum Mariani Scoti, et Sigeberti, qui adnotant ann. Domini 525, 526, Acephalos haereticos dicere, Paulum apostolum in Epistolis praecepisse feminas diaconas debere fieri, quia eas commemorat post diaconos. Nimirum ignorarunt ordinem et functiones diaconissarum, quas dubio procul in ecclesiis suis nullas videbant. Et Ambrosiaster quidem sacerdotissas mutavit in diaconissas: Marianus autem ex Cataphrygibus fecit acephalos, lapsu, ut videtur, memoriae: at Sigebertus Marianum exscripsit. Doctius et melius ementito Ambrosio supposititius Hieronymus in eumdem Scripturae textum: Similiter eas ut diaconos eligi jubet. Unde intelligitur quod de his dicat, quas adhuc hodie in Oriente diaconissas appellant. Et ad Roman. XVI, 1: Sicut etiam nunc in Orientalibus diaconissae mulieres, in suo sexu ministrare videntur in baptismo, sive in ministerio verbi, quia privatim docuisse feminas invenimus, sicut Priscillam, cujus vir Aquila vocabatur. ID.

(60) Priestesses. St Epiphanius too denies that there ought to be priestesses (hiereiai and hierissai) in the Christian religion, and he mocks the clergy of the Pepuzian Cataphrygians, women bishops and presbyters; likewise the priestesses of the Antidicomarianites and the Collyridians. He adds, in this last heresy, no. 3, that deaconesses do not exercise the priesthood. Hence is plain the error and the origin of the error, first of pseudo-Ambrose on 1 Tim. 3:11, who writes: 'But the Cataphrygians, seizing an occasion of error, because after the deacons he addresses women, maintain with vain presumption that they too ought to be ordained deacons, though they know that the apostles chose seven deacons. Was no woman found fit then, when we read that there were holy women among the eleven apostles? But that the heretics may seem to build up their mind by the words, not by the sense, of the law, they lean on the apostle's words against the apostle's sense, so that, whereas he commands that a woman ought to be silent in church, they on the contrary claim for her even the authority of ministry in the Church'; and then of Marianus Scotus and Sigebert, who note under the years of the Lord 525, 526 that the Acephalous heretics say that the apostle Paul commanded in his Epistles that women ought to be made deacons, because he mentions them after the deacons. Doubtless they did not know the order and functions of deaconesses, of whom without doubt they saw none in their own churches. And Ambrosiaster indeed changed priestesses into deaconesses; Marianus, however, made the Cataphrygians into Acephali, by a slip of memory, as it seems; and Sigebert copied Marianus. More learnedly and better than the counterfeit Ambrose, the supposititious Jerome on the same text of Scripture: 'In like manner he bids that they be chosen as deacons. Whence it is understood that he speaks of those whom even today in the East they call deaconesses.' And on Rom. 16:1: 'As even now in the Eastern parts women deaconesses are seen to minister to their own sex in baptism, or in the ministry of the word, since we find that women taught privately, as Priscilla, whose husband was called Aquila.' Id.

<!-- note: Variorum notae at the foot of the page (cols 785–786). Opens with the run-over of note 59 from col. 784: the Greek sub-column begins on the page with "ρὰ", the tail of "πα-|ρὰ" broken across the pages; that word is set whole at the end of the earlier page (n783/n784) and its tail is not repeated here (QA Q11a), so the Greek opens at "Μουσαίου…", with facing Latin "Sardicensi…", the Latin's last line "hoc effatum… evenit" set full width. Then "In Annalibus…", then the Gregory Hamartolus Greek/Latin, which carries on in the top of the right-hand note column; the Greek breaks off at "τῶν Κοριτῶν" (it continues beyond this page), the Latin ends complete. Then note 60 entire (call ἱερείας (60) in col. 785, line 1). Footnote (a), at the very foot, belongs to the Hamartolus quotation. Read as printed: "chonographo" (misprint for chronographo) and "μὴ δὲ" kept; "apostolicc rum", "rocatur" and "fuis e" are damaged type, set as apostolicorum, vocatur, fuisse. Note 60 closes with the small-capital signature ID. (the same annotator), formerly read as "Ib." (QA Q11a). Œ/æ given as oe/ae. The English renders Greek and Latin separately as printed. -->

(1) ‹› · call in col 787

Matth. III, 13.

Matt. 3:13.

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(2) ‹› · call in col 787

Matth. XXVIII, 19.

Matt. 28:19.

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(3) ‹qui vocatur a Deo› · call in col 787

Heb. V, 4.

Heb. 5:4.

(printed under page 391)

(4) ‹Oziae supplicium› · call in col 787

II Paral. XXVI.

2 Chron. 26.

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(5) ‹Coritarum poenas ferent› · call in col 787

Num. XVI.

Num. 16.

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(59) ‹› · call in col 787

(continued) ὑποίσουσι τὴν δίκην. Καὶ μέν τοι οὐδὲ πρεσβυτέροις χειροτονεῖν διακόνους, ἢ διακονίσσας, ἢ ἀναγνώστας, ἢ ὑπηρέτας, ἢ πυλωροὺς, ἀλλ' ἢ μόνοις τοῖς ἐπισκόποις. Αὕτη γάρ ἐστι τάξις ἔννομος, ἐκκλησιαστικὴ, καὶ θεάρεστος ἁρμονία, καὶ κατάστασις. Μάτην οὖν ἐρεσχελοῦσιν, ἢ τό γε ἀληθέστερον εἰπεῖν, θεομαχοῦσιν, οἱ τὰ τῆς ἱερωσύνης χαρίσματα καὶ ἐνεργήματα, κοσμικοῖς τε καὶ γυναιξὶν [al. κοσμικοῖς ἀνδράσι καὶ γυναιξὶν] ἀπονέμοντες ἐπὶ καταστροφῇ τῶν ἀκουόντων, καὶ πειθομένων τῇ ματαιολογίᾳ καὶ φλοιαρίᾳ [al. φλυαρίᾳ] τῶν μηδὲ ὅ τί ποτέ ἐστιν ἱερωσύνη καὶ διαφορὰ κοσμικοῦ τε καὶ ἱερέως πάμπαν εἰδότων. Rursus non permittimus presbyteris ordinare diaconos, vel diaconissas, vel lectores, vel ministros, vel janitores, sed solis episcopis. Hic enim est ordo legitimus, ecclesiasticus, et Deo placens concentus, atque status. Frustra itaque cavillantur, aut ut verius loquar, cum Deo pugnant, qui sacerdotii charismata seu dona, et functiones saecularibus [viris] itemque mulieribus tribuunt, ad interitum audientium, et fidem habentium vaniloquentiae ac nugis hominum, qui nullo penitus modo sciunt quidnam tandem sit sacerdotium, quidve differat laicus a sacerdote. Vide praeter allata canonem Illiberitanum XXXVIII et confer cum Auxilio lib. II, cap. 10, apud Morinum De sacris ordinationibus, parte II, pag. 365. Restat de mulieribus baptizantibus. Illarum porro eadem ratio est ac laicorum. Prohibitionem, etiam contra haereticarum mulierum procacitatem, habes in Tertulliano De virginibus velandis, cap. 9, De praescriptione haereticorum cap. 41, De baptismo cap. 17; Epiphanio haeresi 42, cap. 4; haeresi 79, cap. 3 et 7; Chrysostomo Homilia de Bernice, Prosdoce et Domnina, tom. I, et in consilio Carthaginensi 4, can. 100. Potestatem vero in necessitate, confirmavit Urbanus papa II. Nec silentio obtegi debet magnus error Attonis episcopi Vercellensis, Epistola ad Ambrosium sacerdotem Mediolanensem tom. VIII Spicilegii Acheriani p. 124, ortus ex non intellecto canone 12, concilii Carthaginensis 4, quasi diaconae feminas baptizaverint; cum duntaxat ministerium eas baptizantibus praebuerint, ut videbitur infra ad cap. 15. Cot.

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(61) ‹εὐλογίαν μικρὰν ἢ μεγάλην› · call in col 788

Εὐλογίαν μικρὰν ἢ μεγάλην. Benedictionem parvam interpretantur viri docti, quae a presbyteris datur; magnam, quae ab episcopis. Potuissent ex canon. Basilii 27, Regensi 5, Agathensi 44, Herardi 78. et aliis, magnam de publica, parvam de privata accipere. Porro hujus capitis et sequentis varias lectiones ex Georgio Hamartolo habes paulo supra: easdemque exhibet codex Regius 1326. Id.

"A small or a great blessing." Learned men interpret the small blessing as that given by presbyters, the great as that given by bishops. From Basil's canon 27, canon 5 of Riez, canon 44 of Agde, Herard 78, and others, they could have taken the great as the public blessing and the small as the private. The variant readings of this chapter and the next you have a little above, from George Hamartolos; and the Royal codex 1326 shows the same. The same.

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(62) ‹ἢ μόνοις› · call in col 788

Ἢ μόνοις. Hinc excidit ἀλλά, nam ἢ nunquam significat nisi, sed ἀλλ' ἢ id significare nemo nescit. Repetitio voculae ἢ festinantem librarium fefellit. Miror hoc fugisse diligentiam Cotelerii. His dudum editis, ex collatione codd. Vindobonensium vidi unum esse in quo legitur ἀλλ' ἢ. Cler.

"Or only." Here ἀλλά has fallen out, for ἢ never means "except," but no one is unaware that ἀλλ' ἢ means that. The repetition of the little word ἢ deceived a hasty copyist. I am surprised this escaped Cotelier's diligence. Long after this was published, I saw from a collation of the Vienna manuscripts that there is one in which ἀλλ' ἢ is read. Clericus.

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(63) ‹Χριστιανοῦ› · call in col 789

Χριστιανοῦ. Codex alter Χριστιανοῖς. Cler.

"Of a Christian." The other manuscript has "to Christians." Clericus.

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(64) ‹τὰ ὅσια ἔργα› · call in col 789

Ὅσια. Idem habet θεῖα. Id.

"Holy." The same manuscript has θεῖα ("divine"). The same.

(printed under page 392)

(65) ‹λαβούσης ἀργύρια› · call in col 789

Ἀργύρια. Alter cod. ἀργύριον. Id.

"Silver pieces." The other manuscript has ἀργύριον ("money"). The same.

(printed under page 392)

(66) ‹Εὐλογητὸς εἶ› · call in col 789

Εἶ. Abest a cod. altero Vind. Id.

"Thou art." It is absent from the other, Vienna, manuscript. The same.

(printed under page 392)

(67) ‹καὶ μνησθήσῃ› · call in col 789

Καὶ μνησθήσῃ. Alter cod. μνήσθητι sine καί. Id.

"And Thou wilt remember." The other manuscript has μνήσθητι ("remember") without "and." The same.

(printed under page 392)

(68) ‹ἐπισκοπῆς αὐτοῦ› · call in col 789

Αὐτοῦ. Idem σοῦ non mutata sententia; visit enim Deus, homines visuntur. Id.

"His." The same manuscript has "Thy," without change of meaning; for God visits, men are visited. The same.

(printed under page 392)

(69) ‹σοι λειτουργήσαντα› · call in col 789

Σοὶ λειτουργήσαντα. Absunt ab altero codice, ut et δόξαν καὶ δώσῃς αὐτῷ. Quae omnia sine sensus jactura tolli revera possunt. Id.

"Who ministered to Thee." These words are absent from the other manuscript, as also "glory, and mayest Thou give him." All of which can in fact be removed without loss of sense. The same.

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(70) ‹τὴν διακονίαν› · call in col 789

Τὴν διακονίαν. Locutio Scripturae et Patrum in significanda eleemosyna. Nihil enim frequentius, quam διακονία et διακονεῖν, ministerium et ministrare, hoc sensu. Unum sufficiet, sed prae caeteris illustre testimonium, quod Joannes Damascenus ex Doctrina Petri excerpsit, ac in Paralellorum suorum lib. II, cap. 16, retulit: Dives est ille, qui multis misericordiam tribuit, et qui ad Dei imitationem, ea quae habet impertit. Deus enim res a se conditas omnino nobis tribuit. Quocirca hoc scitote, qui divitiis polletis, vos ministrare debere, cum plura quam vobis opus sint acceperitis. Intelligite deesse ea aliis, quae vobis supersunt. Erubescite qui aliena retinetis, atque aequitatem Dei vobis imitandam proponite, et nemo pauper erit. Graece ex Bibliotheca Claromontana hujus urbis: Ἐκ τοῦ ἁγίου Πέτρου· Πλούσιος ἐκεῖνός ἐστιν ὁ πολλοὺς ἐλεῶν, ὁ δὲ κατὰ Θεοῦ μίμησιν ἐπιδιδοὺς ἐξ ὧν ἔχει. Θεὸς γὰρ πάντα πᾶσιν ἔδωκεν ἐκ τῶν αὐτοῦ κτισμάτων. Σύνετε δὴ, πλούσιοι, ὅτι διακονεῖν ὀφείλετε, λαβόντες πλείονα, ὧν αὐτοὶ χρῄζετε. Μάθετε ὅτι ἑτέροις λείπει τὰ ὑμῖν περισσεύοντα· αἰσχύνθητε κατέχοντες ἀλλότρια. Μιμήσασθε ἰσότητα Θεοῦ, καὶ οὐδεὶς ἔσται πένης. Cujus loci postrema citata reperies in Gregorio Nazianzeno orat. 16, p. 254, sic: Μὴ γενώμεθα κακοὶ τῶν δοθέντων ἡμῖν οἰκονόμοι, ἵνα μὴ ἀκούσωμεν Πέτρου λέγοντος· Αἰσχύν- (continues)

"The service." An expression of Scripture and the Fathers for signifying almsgiving. For nothing is more frequent than διακονία and διακονεῖν, ministry and to minister, in this sense. One testimony will suffice, but one illustrious above the rest, which John Damascene excerpted from the Teaching of Peter and recorded in his Parallels, book 2, ch. 16: "He is rich who shows mercy to many, and who in imitation of God imparts of what he has. For God has given all things to all from His own creatures. Understand, then, you rich, that you ought to minister, having received more than you yourselves need. Learn that others lack what you have in excess. Be ashamed, you who hold back what is another's. Imitate the equity of God, and no one will be poor." [So the Greek, given from the Clermont Library of this city under the heading "From Saint Peter"; the Latin printed before it says the same.] The last words of this passage cited you will find in Gregory Nazianzen, Oration 16, p. 254, thus: "Let us not be bad stewards of what has been given us, that we may not hear Peter saying: Be asha[med]" (continues)

(printed under page 392)

(6) ‹› · call in col 791

Matth. VI, 2.

Matt. 6:2.

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(7) ‹› · call in col 791

I. Polycarp., cap. 4; pseud-Ignat. ad Tars. 9.

I. Polycarp, ch. 4; pseudo-Ignatius to the Tarsians 9.

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(8) ‹in aperto reddet› · call in col 791

Matth. VI, 6.

Matt. 6:6.

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(9) ‹maledictus est› · call in col 791

Gen. XXVII, 29.

Gen. 27:29.

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(70) ‹› · call in col 791

(continued) θητε οἱ κατέχοντες τὰ ἀλλότρια, καὶ μιμήσασθε ἰσότητα Θεοῦ, καὶ οὐδεὶς ἔσται πένης. Sed fallitur Nicetas interpres Graecus, dum adnotat: Ἔστι δὲ ἡ χρῆσις ἐκ τῆς ὀκταβίβλου τῶν ἀποστολικῶν διατάξεων (in uno ms. διδαγμάτων), ἣν ὕστερον ἡ ἕκτη σύνοδος ἀπεδοκίμασεν ὡς ἐπιβουλευθεῖσαν καὶ νοθευθεῖσαν παρὰ τῶν αἱρετικῶν. Est autem hic locus ex illo apostolicarum Constitutionum opera octo libros complectente, quod postea sexta synodus improbavit, tanquam ab haereticis depravatum et adulteratum. Sed et Latini scriptores nomen diaconiae ita usurparunt. Cassianus collatione 18, cap. 7: Cum diaconiam nostris fratribus deferremus. Similiterque collat. 21, cap. 1, 8, 9. Et Gregorius papa, lib. VIII, epist. 20; lib. IX, epist. 24. Quem ultimum locum operae pretium fuerit conferre cum loco Joannis Diaconi lib. II De Vita S. Gregorii cap. 51, ut alter per alterum corrigatur. Melius enim in Gregorio, mensis pauperum, et exhibendae diaconiae. Ac vice versa rectius in Joanne, ad mensas pauperum, vel diaconis exhibitionem. Hinc diaconiae (quarum mentio passim) appellatae sunt aedes erogandis eleemosynis consecratae. Cot.

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(71) ‹ἡ δεξιά σου› · call in col 792

Μὴ γνώτω ἡ ἀριστερά σου, τί ποιεῖ ἡ δεξιά σου. Matth. VI, 3. Citavimus in Testimoniis veterum ista ex Commentariis Incerti ad Matthaeum: Aliter certo, sicut apostoli interpretantur in libro Canonum qui est de episcopis, dextra est populus Christianus qui est ad dextram Christi, sinistra autem omnis populus qui est ad sinistram. Hoc vero dicit, ne Christianum facientem eleemosynam, qui est dextra, infidelis aspiciat, qui est sinistra. Christianus autem si Christianum viderit eleemosynas facientem, non est contra Christi praeceptum, quoniam ambo dextra sunt. Ea vero cum nec in hoc loco, ubi textus evangelicus profertur, nec in toto libro II, qui peculiariter de episcopis est, nec alibi Constitutionum reperiantur, procul dubio per posteriores sublata fuerunt, quemadmodum diximus initio notarum; quia, scilicet, displicebant. Certe allatam interpretationem, probatam licet pseudo-Theophilo Antiochensi, Joannes Chrysostomus arguit. Id.

"Let not your left hand know what your right hand does." Matt. 6:3. Among the Testimonies of the ancients we have cited these words from the Commentaries of the Unknown Author on Matthew: "Certainly otherwise, as the apostles interpret it in the book of Canons which concerns bishops: the right hand is the Christian people, which is at Christ's right hand, and the left all the people who are at the left. He says this so that the unbeliever, who is the left, may not see the Christian, who is the right, giving alms. But if a Christian sees a Christian giving alms, it is not against Christ's precept, since both are the right hand." Since these words are found neither in this place, where the Gospel text is quoted, nor in the whole of book 2, which specially concerns bishops, nor anywhere else in the Constitutions, they were without doubt removed by later hands, as we said at the beginning of the notes; because, that is, they gave offence. Certainly John Chrysostom censures the interpretation cited, though pseudo-Theophilus of Antioch approved it. The same.

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(72) ‹θυσιαστήριον Χριστοῦ› · call in col 792

Χριστοῦ. Alter Vindobon. cod. Θεοῦ. Passim miscentur Θεός, Κύριος et Χριστός, etiam in Novi Testamenti codicibus. Cler.

"Of Christ." The other, Vienna, manuscript has "of God." God, Lord and Christ are interchanged everywhere, even in manuscripts of the New Testament. Clericus.

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(73) ‹μᾶλλον παρ'› · call in col 792

Παρ'. Sequuntur in altero cod.: Ἐγγυτέρα παρ' ἐκείνην ὑπῆρχον καὶ μᾶλλον. Id.

"Than." In the other manuscript there follow: "I was nearer than she, and more." The same.

(printed under page 393)

(74) ‹αὐτῆς τὸ ὄνομα› · call in col 792

Αὐτῆς. Alter cod. ἑαυτῆς. Id.

"Her." The other manuscript has ἑαυτῆς ("her own"). The same.

(printed under page 393)

(75) ‹εἰς οἶκον› · call in col 792

Οἶκον. Addit cod. alter τινός. Id.

"A house." The other manuscript adds τινός ("someone's"). The same.

(printed under page 393)

(10) ‹› · call in col 794

Luc. X, 5; Matth. X, 13.

Luke 10:5; Matt. 10:13.

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(11) ‹non in nullum veniet› · call in col 794

Prov. XXVI, 2.

Prov. 26:2.

(printed under page 394)

(12) ‹insipientissimi sunt› · call in col 794

Prov. X, 18.

Prov. 10:18.

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(13) ‹in foveam quam fecit› · call in col 794

Psal. VII, 16.

Ps. 7:16.

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(14) ‹incidet in eam› · call in col 794

Prov. XXVI, 27.

Prov. 26:27.

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(76) ‹› · call in col 794

Ἀλλότριον γάρ. Alter codex καὶ ἀλλότριον, nec loco convenit αἰτιολογικὴ particula. Cler.

"For foreign." The other manuscript has "and foreign," and the causal particle does not suit the place. Clericus.

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(77) ‹› · call in col 794

Ἐπὶ τούς ad ἐκείνους. Absunt in altero cod. et postea sequitur προσηκαμένους utrumque perperam. Cler.

From "upon those" to "those." They are absent in the other manuscript, and afterwards προσηκαμένους follows; both wrongly. Clericus.

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(78) ‹› · call in col 794

Αὐτῆς. Legit idem ἑαυτῆς, recte. Id.

"Of it." The same manuscript reads ἑαυτῆς ("of itself"), rightly. The same.

(printed under page 394)

(79) ‹ἑαυτὸν ἀρᾶται› · call in col 794

Πᾶς γὰρ ὁ μάτην λοιδορῶν, ἑαυτὸν ἀρᾶται. Juxta illud Ecclesiastici xxi, 30: Dum maledicit impius diabolum, maledicit ipse animam suam: Ἐν τῷ καταρᾶσθαι ἀσεβῆ τὸν Σατανᾶν, αὐτὸς καταρᾶται τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ψυχήν. Cot.

"For everyone who reviles in vain curses himself." According to that saying of Ecclesiasticus 21:30: "When the ungodly man curses the devil, he curses his own soul." [The Greek says the same.] Cotelier.

(printed under page 394)

(80) ‹Ὥσπερ δὲ› · call in col 794

Δέ. Idem cod. Vind. οὖν, quod melius. Cler.

"And." The same Vienna manuscript has οὖν ("then"), which is better. Clericus.

(printed under page 394)

(81) ‹καὶ γίνεται στεῖρα› · call in col 794

Καὶ γίνεται στεῖρα. Tribus modis accipi potest: 1° simpliciter, ut sensus sit: apem, cum pupugerit, sterilem evadere, nec amplius gignere. Id vero nullibi me legere memini. 2° Subintelligendo κέντρου. Hoc est, privatur aculeo. Quod traditur a multis. Unde proverbialis locutio in Platonis Phaedone, ὥσπερ μέλιττα τὸ κέντρον ἐγκαταλιπὼν οἰχήσομαι. Velut apis aculeo relicto discedam. 3° Improprie, et ratione mellis nequaquam conficiendi postea. Plinius lib. xi, cap. 18: Aculeum apibus natura dedit, ventri consertum. Ad unum ictum hoc infixo, quidam eas statim emori putant. Aliqui, nonnisi in tantum adacto, ut intestini quidpiam sequatur: sed fucos postea esse, nec mella facere, velut castratis viribus, pariterque et nocere et prodesse desinere. Cot.

"And becomes barren." It can be taken in three ways. First, simply, the sense being that the bee, having stung, becomes sterile and no longer breeds. But I do not remember reading this anywhere. Second, by understanding "of its sting," that is, it is deprived of its sting. This is reported by many. Hence the proverbial expression in Plato's Phaedo: "like a bee, I shall depart leaving my sting behind," [Latin:] "Let me go away like a bee with its sting left behind." Third, improperly, in the sense that it makes no honey afterwards. Pliny, book 11, ch. 18: "Nature gave bees a sting joined to the belly. Some think that when this has been planted in a single stroke they die at once; others, only if it is driven in so far that some of the gut follows; but that they become drones afterwards and make no honey, as if their strength were gelded, and cease alike to harm and to help." Cotelier.

(printed under page 394)

(82) ‹τοῦτο εἰς ἑαυτοὺς› · call in col 794

Εἰς. Idem ἐπ', quod est perinde. Cler.

"Upon (εἰς)." The same manuscript has ἐπ', which comes to the same. Clericus.

(printed under page 394)

(83) ‹Καὶ πάλιν› · call in col 794

Πάλιν. In altero ὁ Σολομών, rectius, nam proxime superior locus est Davidis. Id.

"Again." In the other manuscript "Solomon," more correctly, for the passage just above is David's. The same.

(printed under page 394)

(84) ‹τῷ πλησίον αὐτοῦ› · call in col 794

Τῷ πλησίον αὐτοῦ. Absunt haec, et facile supplentur. Id.

"For his neighbour." These words are absent, and are easily supplied. The same.

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(15) ‹› · call in col 795

f. δύνασαι. Sic cod. Vindob.

Perhaps δύνασαι ("you can"). So the Vienna manuscript.

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Διάκονον. Alter cod. διακόνισσαν, ut et paulo post. Id.

"A deacon." The other manuscript has διακόνισσαν ("a deaconess"), as also a little after. The same.

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Εἰς πολλὰς χρείας, γυναικὸς χρῄζομεν διακόνου. Officia diaconissarum, praeter ea de quibus antea diximus, alia multa fuerunt. Diaconissa in Constitutionibus, lib. ii, cap. 26, introducit mulieres ad diaconum et ad episcopum; lib. iii, cap. 7, praeest viduis; hoc capite, et 19, feminarum curam gerit, ad quas mittitur honestatis causa, ubi ministerio illius opus est. Atque ita Epiphanius, cap. 3, haeres. 79, et cap. 21 Expositionis fidei. In suo sexu ministrat, in ministerio verbi, et privatim docendo; dicitur in Commentariis ad Rom. XVI, 1, tom. VIII Hieronymi. Hoc etiam loco ad baptizandas feminas adhibentur diaconissae, ut eas inungant, neve a viris aspiciantur nudae. Et quidem quod spectat ad unctionem, illustre habemus in Joannis Moschi Prato spirituali, cap. 3, exemplum, de Conone presbytero, cui in coenobio ibi memorato baptismum accedentibus conferre demandatum fuerat: Αὐτὸς δὲ ἔχριεν καὶ ἐβάπτισεν τοὺς ἐπὶ τοῦτο παραγενομένους. Καθ' ὅτι οὖν ἔχριεν γυναῖκα, ἐσκανδαλίζετο. Ipse autem ungebat et baptizabat eos qui ad hoc veniebant. Quoties ergo mulierem inungeret, scandalizabatur. Ἐν μιᾷ οὖν ἦλθεν κόρη Περσίς, ἐπὶ τὸ βαπτισθῆναι· ἦν δὲ εὐειδὴς πάνυ ὡραία, ὥστε μὴ δυνηθῆναι τὸν πρεσβύτερον αὐτὴν χρῖσαι τῷ ἁγίῳ ἐλαίῳ. Καὶ ποιησάσης αὐτῆς δύο ἡμέρας, ἤκουσεν ἀρχιεπίσκοπος Πέτρος, ἐξεπλάγη ἐπὶ τῷ γεγονότι, καὶ ἠθέλησεν ἀφορίσαι διάκονον γυναῖκα ἐπὶ τῷ αὐτῷ. Ἀλλὰ τοῦτο οὐκ ἐποίησεν, διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐπιδέχεσθαι τὸν τόπον. Quadam vero die venit puella orta ex Perside, ut baptizaretur; quae ita speciosa erat, ac tantae pulchritudinis, ut non posset presbyter eam sancto oleo inungere. Cum sic vero illic puella mansisset duos dies, audiens archiepiscopus Petrus, obstupuit ea de re vehementer, voluitque ad hoc opus delegare diaconissam mulierem; sed non fecit, quod locus, coenobium videlicet, id non pateretur. Ambrosius Camaldulensis vertit, ne contra canones fecisse videretur, quia male legebat τύπον, quemadmodum pro γεγονότι, γέροντι. Quod pertinet autem ad revelandas velandasque feminas, et ad reliqua diaconarum munia in baptismo mulierum, consuli possunt Epiphanius et pseudo-Hieronymus citati, Atto Vercellensis Epistola ad Ambrosium, Justinianus Novella 6. Noster cum lib. ult., cap. 28, tum hocce lib. iii, cap. 16, ubi diaconissae fiunt susceptrices feminarum, ut et in canone 74 Nicaeno Arabico, et in Vita S. Pelagiae, cap. 8, lib. i, De Vitis Patrum, Rosweydi. Et unam de diaconissis, inquit Jacobus diaconus, Vitae illius scriptor, juberet ejus beatitudo transmittere mecum. Et mox: Statim transmisit mecum dominam Romanam primam diaconissarum. Posteaque: Sanctus Nonnus episcopus exorcizavit eam, Pelagiam, et baptizavit, et imposuit ei signum Domini, tradiditque illi corpus Christi: fuitque illi mater spiritalis sancta domina Romana prima diaconissarum. In Matthaeo Blastare elemento γ, cap. 13: Αἱ μέντοι διάκονοι γυναῖκες τίνα τὴν ὑπηρεσίαν τῷ τότε ἐν τῷ κλήρῳ ἐπλήρουν, τοῖς πᾶσι σχεδὸν ἠγνόηται νῦν· πλὴν εἰσιν οἳ λέγουσιν, ὅτι ταῖς βαπτιζομέναις τῶν γυναικῶν ὑπηρέτουν, ἀνδρῶν ὀφθαλμοῖς οὐ θεμιτὸν ὄν, γυμνουμένας ταύτας ὁρᾶσθαι, ὑπεράκμους ἤδη βαπτιζομένας. Hoc est: Porro diaconissae quidnam ministerii per illud tempus in clero adimplerent, ab omnibus fere nunc ignoratur. Sunt tamen qui dicant, quod in baptismo mulierum ministrarent; cum nefas sit feminas in aetatis flore baptizandas, oculis virorum nudas objici. Videre etiam potes in canone 12 synodi Carthagin. iv, quomodo eas quae baptismo initiabantur docerent tam respondenda baptizatori, quam vitae post lavacrum transmittendae rationem. Denique ad diaconas pertinuisse puto visitationem carcere detentorum, necnon collectionem pecuniae ad liberandos eos. Id sane innuunt Lucianus et Libanius. Ille hisce verbis de Peregrino: Καὶ ἕωθεν μὲν εὐθὺς ἦν ὁρᾷν παρὰ τῷ δεσμωτηρίῳ περιμένοντα γραΐδια, χήρας τινὰς, καὶ παιδία ὀρφανά· οἱ δὲ ἐν τέλει αὐτῶν καὶ συνεκάθευδον ἔνδον μετ' αὐτοῦ, διαφθείροντες τοὺς δεσμοφύλακας. Ac mane quidem illico videre erat juxta carcerem praestolantes anus, viduas aliquas, et pueros orbos: qui autem apud ipsos in dignitate erant, cum ipso intus dormiebant, corruptis custodibus: Οἱ ἐν τέλει mihi sunt diaconi ecclesiastica dignitate suffulti; quorum fuisse in carcerem commeare, discimus ex epistola 10 S. Cypriani. Libanius vero orat. 16, in Tisamenum, edit. Morell., p. 452, sic loquitur: Μητέρα δὲ γραῶν, εἴπερ εἴη τῷ δεδεμένῳ, πλανωμένην ἀγείρειν ὅσον προσαιτοῦσα δύνηται. Matrem vero vetularum, si vincto contigerit, vagantem colligere quidquid mendicando possit. Paucisque interjectis: ἢ τοῖς ὑπηρέταις ἦν ἀναμιμνήσκων, πρὸς πολλῶν γόνατα προσπεσεῖν, id est: aut ministros (diaconos mea quidem sententia) commonefaceret ad multorum genua procidere. Ac Oratione de vinctis, quam Jacobo Gothofredo debemus: Ταῦτα εἰπὼν ἀκούει· Διατί οὐ καλεῖς διὰ τῶνδε τῶν (malim ita, quam ut editum est, διὰ τῶν δετῶν per vinctos) ἐξιόντων γυναῖκα δεῦρο, τῶν ἐπὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ φιλοτιμουμένων, εἶτ' αὐτῆς πρὸς τὰ γόνατα προσπεσών, πείθεις προσαιτοῦσαν ἄγειν τί σοι; Posteaquam haec dixit, audit: Cur non vocas per hosce qui egrediuntur, mulierem huc aliquam ex iis quae pro humanitate sua clarae habentur; indeque ad genua illius procidens, persuades ut mendicando aliquid tibi afferat? Cot.

"For many needs we require a woman deacon." The duties of deaconesses, besides those we spoke of before, were many others. The deaconess in the Constitutions, book 2, ch. 26, brings women in to the deacon and the bishop; book 3, ch. 7, she presides over the widows; in this chapter and ch. 19 she has the care of women, to whom she is sent for decency's sake where her ministry is needed. And so Epiphanius, Heresy 79, ch. 3, and Exposition of the Faith, ch. 21. She ministers to her own sex, in the ministry of the word and by teaching privately, it is said in the Commentaries on Rom. 16:1 in vol. 8 of Jerome. In this place too deaconesses are employed for baptizing women, to anoint them, and so that they may not be seen naked by men. As regards the anointing, we have a famous example in John Moschus's Spiritual Meadow, ch. 3, of Conon the presbyter, who had been charged with conferring baptism on those who came to the monastery mentioned there: "He anointed and baptized those who came for this. So whenever he anointed a woman, he was scandalized." [The Latin rendering says the same.] "One day there came a Persian girl to be baptized; she was so comely and beautiful that the presbyter could not anoint her with the holy oil. When she had spent two days, the archbishop Peter heard of it, was astonished at what had happened, and wished to appoint a woman deacon for it. But he did not do so, because the place did not allow it." [Latin rendering:] "One day there came a girl born in Persia to be baptized, who was so lovely and of such beauty that the presbyter could not anoint her with the holy oil. When the girl had stayed there two days, the archbishop Peter, hearing of it, was greatly amazed at the matter, and wished to delegate a deaconess for this work; but he did not, because the place, that is, the monastery, did not permit it." Ambrose of Camaldoli translates "lest he should seem to have acted against the canons," because he wrongly read τύπον ("rule") for τόπον, just as γέροντι ("the old man") for γεγονότι ("what had happened"). As for uncovering and covering women, and the other duties of deaconesses in the baptism of women, one may consult Epiphanius and pseudo-Jerome cited above, Atto of Vercelli's Letter to Ambrose, and Justinian's Novel 6. Our author, both in the last book, ch. 28, and in this book 3, ch. 16, where deaconesses become sponsors of women, as also in canon 74 of the Arabic Nicene canons, and in the Life of St Pelagia, ch. 8, Rosweyde's Lives of the Fathers, book 1. "And his beatitude," says James the deacon, the writer of her Life, "should order one of the deaconesses to be sent with me." And soon after: "At once he sent with me the lady Romana, the first of the deaconesses." And after: "The holy bishop Nonnus exorcized her," Pelagia, "and baptized her, and set on her the sign of the Lord, and gave her the body of Christ; and her spiritual mother was the holy lady Romana, the first of the deaconesses." In Matthew Blastares, letter γ, ch. 13: "What service the women deacons then performed in the clergy is now unknown to almost everyone; but there are those who say that they ministered to women being baptized, since it was not right for these to be seen naked by men's eyes when baptized already past their youth." That is [the Latin rendering]: "What ministry the deaconesses fulfilled in the clergy at that time is now unknown to almost all. Yet there are some who say that they ministered at the baptism of women, since it is wrong for women in the flower of their age who are to be baptized to be exposed naked to the eyes of men." You can also see in canon 12 of the fourth synod of Carthage how they taught those being initiated by baptism both what to answer the baptizer and how to lead their life after the washing. Finally, I think the visiting of those held in prison belonged to the deaconesses, as also the collecting of money to free them. Lucian and Libanius certainly hint at this. The former, in these words about Peregrinus: "And at dawn one could see waiting by the prison old women, some widows, and orphan children; and those in authority among them even slept inside with him, having bribed the jailers." [The Latin rendering says the same.] "Those in authority" are to me deacons, endowed with ecclesiastical dignity, whose task it was to go into the prison, as we learn from letter 10 of St Cyprian. And Libanius, Oration 16, Against Tisamenus, Morel's edition, p. 452, speaks thus: "A mother of old women, if the prisoner has one, wandering about collects whatever she can by begging." [Latin: "the mother of old women, if the prisoner happens to have one."] And a few words later: "or reminding his servants to fall at the knees of many," that is, "or to admonish the ministers (in my view, deacons) to fall at the knees of many." And in the Oration on Prisoners, which we owe to Jacques Godefroy: "Having said this, he hears: Why do you not call here, through these (I would rather read so than, as printed, 'through the prisoners') who go out, some woman, of those who pride themselves on their kindness, and then, falling at her knees, persuade her to bring you something by begging?" [The Latin rendering says the same.] Cotelier.

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Ὁ διάκονος χρίσει, etc. Unctio ante baptismum facta oleo sancto, benedicto, et exorcizato, mera caeremonia est; quae ideo a diacono, vel presbytero, seu episcopo, semel aut bis, hoc vel illo modo, in his aut illis, aut in omnibus corporis membris peracta invenitur, juxta variam ecclesiarum ac gentium consuetudinem. Innumera hujusce rei possent proferri documenta, desumpta ex Ritualibus Aethiopum, Syrorum, Graecorum, Latinorum, ex conciliis, et ex Patribus. Sed peculiarem merentur animadversionem, praeter textus Constitutionum hic, et lib. vii, cap. 22; Recognitionum lib. iii, cap. 67; Joannis Moschi, qui citatus fuit in nota superiore, ac Ritualium librorum, loca se- (continues)

"The deacon shall anoint," etc. The anointing done before baptism with holy oil, blessed and exorcized, is a mere ceremony; which is therefore found performed by a deacon, or presbyter, or bishop, once or twice, in this way or that, on these or those or all the members of the body, according to the varying custom of churches and nations. Countless documents on this matter could be brought forward, taken from the Rituals of the Ethiopians, Syrians, Greeks and Latins, from councils and from the Fathers. But deserving particular notice, besides the texts of the Constitutions here and in book 7, ch. 22, of the Recognitions, book 3, ch. 67, of John Moschus, who was cited in the preceding note, and of the ritual books, are the fol[lowing] passages (continues)

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I Pet. II, 9.

1 Pet. 2:9.

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I Tim. III, 15.

1 Tim. 3:15.

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al. νῦν φωτός.

Variant: νῦν φωτός ("now of light").

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Isa. LXII, 2.

Isa. 62:2.

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(continued) quentia: Cyrilli Hierosolymitani Catechesi mystagogica 2; Chrysostomi sub finem orationis 6, in Epistolam ad Coloss.; Dionysii cap. 2 Coelestis hierarchiae; auctoris Responsionum ad Orthodoxos, in operibus Justini Martyris, quaest. 137; Ambrosii, I De sacramentis, 2; Augustini Sermone de illitu neophytorum, et Serm. de mysterio baptismatis; Theodulfi De ordine baptismi, cap. 10; concilii Matisconensis II, can. 3; et Capitularium lib. I, cap. 162; seu concilii Meldensis, cap. 1; apud Ivonem, parte I Decreti, cap. 269. Infeliciter porro lacunam in Responsione supposititii Justini supplere tentarunt interpretes: Ἐπειδὴ ἃ ποιεῖ… τὸν ἐνταφιασμὸν μετὰ τὸν θάνατον αὐτοῦ ποιεῖ τοῦ ἐνταφιαζομένου, reponendo, sive ἡ Μαρία, πρός, sive ἡ μυρίζουσα τὸν Κύριον, πρός, contra contextus sensum, qui sane haec aut similia postulat: ἡ Ἐκκλησία, πρός, quemadmodum legenti clarum fiet. Nec felicius paulo post expungunt vocem παλαιῷ, ex isto commate, χριόμεθα δὲ παλαιῷ ἐλαίῳ, ἵνα γινώμεθα χριστοί· substituuntque ἁπλῷ: non considerantes solemnem apud Patres allusionem ad Veteris Testamenti oleum, quo reges ac sacerdotes ungebantur, ideoque appellabantur christi. Codex Regius 2392: Ἐκ τῶν Διατάξεων· Ὅτι γυναῖκα βαπτιζομένην, ὁ ἐπίσκοπος μόνην τὴν κεφαλὴν χρίει· ὁ δὲ διάκονος, τὸ στόμα καὶ τὸ στῆθος, ἡ δὲ διακόνισσα, ὅλον τὸ σῶμα. Cot. — Ὁ. Melius ὁ γάρ, ut habet alter cod. Vind. omisso μέν quod sequitur. Cler.

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Ἐν τῇ χειροθεσίᾳ. Haec impositio manuum super baptizandos, tempore baptismi, nota est ex Ritualibus, ex Dionysio, ex aliis. Cot.

"In the laying on of hands." This laying on of hands over those to be baptized, at the time of baptism, is known from the Rituals, from Dionysius, and from others. Cotelier.

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Χριστιανοί. Subjicitur in altero cod. καλοῦνται, nec male. Cler.

"Christians." In the other manuscript καλοῦνται ("are called") is added, and not badly. Clericus.

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Ἠγαπημένοι. In singulari ἠγαπημένος καὶ ἐκλεκτός, in eodem. Id.

"Beloved." In the singular, "beloved and chosen," in the same manuscript. The same.

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Οἷς ἐπεκλήθη, etc. Ad finem capitis desunt in altero cod. Id.

"On whom was called," etc. To the end of the chapter, these words are missing in the other manuscript. The same.

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Εἰς τύπον τοῦ πνευματικοῦ βαπτίσματος. Et cap. seq. τὸ ἔλαιον, ἀντὶ Πνεύματος ἁγίου. Libro autem VII, cap. 22: Ἵνα τὸ μὲν χρίσμα μετοχὴ ᾖ τοῦ ἁγίου Πνεύματος. Quia, scilicet, teste Theodulfo, lib. De ordine Baptismi cap. 10: In olei nomine intelligitur unctio sancti Spiritus. Origenes in fine homiliae 8 in Leviticum: Donum autem gratiae Spiritus, per olei imaginem designatur. Cot.

"As a type of the spiritual baptism." And in the next chapter: "the oil, in place of the Holy Spirit." And in book 7, ch. 22: "that the anointing may be a participation of the Holy Spirit." Because, that is, as Theodulf testifies, On the Order of Baptism, ch. 10: "By the name of oil the anointing of the Holy Spirit is understood." Origen at the end of Homily 8 on Leviticus: "The gift of the grace of the Spirit is signified by the image of oil." Cotelier.

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Καὶ τὸν μὲν ἄνδρα ὑποδεχέσθω ὁ διάκονος. Masculi masculos, feminae feminas de baptismo suscipiebant, juxta canonem 22 aut 24 Nicaenum Arabicum, et Aethiopicum. In Actis S. Sebastiani: Omnes isti sexaginta octo, a S. Polycarpo presbytero baptizati, et a S. Sebastiano suscepti sunt: feminarum autem matres factae sunt Beatrix et Lucina. Vita S. Epiphanii, sect. 8: Ὃς καὶ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ (ita lego cum interprete) ἐγενήθη ἐπὶ τοῦ ἁγίου φωτίσματος. Qui Lucianus etiam fuit pater ejus Epiphanii in sancto baptismate. Paucisque interpositis: Βερνίκην τὴν ἁγίαν παρθένον, ἥτις ἐγένετο μήτηρ τῆς ἀδελφῆς Ἐπιφανίου. Quae sic vertenda: Bernicem sanctam virginem, quae mater, spiritualis, intellige, fuerat sororis Epiphanii. Perperam enim interpres, cum non posset concoquere in virgine nomen matris, transformavit matrem sororis in sororem matris. Id.

"And let the deacon receive the man." Men received men, and women women, from baptism, according to canon 22 or 24 of the Arabic and the Ethiopic Nicene canons. In the Acts of St Sebastian: "All these sixty-eight were baptized by St Polycarp the presbyter and received by St Sebastian; and Beatrix and Lucina became the mothers of the women." Life of St Epiphanius, sect. 8: "Who also became his father (so I read, with the translator) at the holy illumination." [Latin:] "Which Lucian was also the father of this Epiphanius in holy baptism." And a few words later: "Bernice the holy virgin, who became the mother of Epiphanius's sister." Which is to be translated thus: "Bernice the holy virgin, who had been the mother (spiritual, understand) of Epiphanius's sister." For the translator, unable to digest the name of mother in a virgin, wrongly turned the mother of the sister into the sister of the mother. The same.

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(94) ‹ἡ διάκονος› · call in col 798

Διάκονος. Hic et infra διακόνισσα habet alter cod. Vind. Cler.

"Deacon." Here and below the other, Vienna, manuscript has διακόνισσα ("deaconess"). Clericus.

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Καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο ὁ ἐπίσκοπος, etc. Seu illos sacramento confirmationis donet. Unde cap. seq. μύρον dicitur βεβαίωσις τῆς ὁμολογίας, confirmatio confessionis. In Rituali Graecorum, pag. 368: Τὸ χρῖσμα τοῦ μύρου βεβαιοῖ τὴν πίστιν. Unguenti chrisma fidem confirmat. Ambrosiaster in caput VI Epistolae ad Hebraeos: Impositionis manuum, per quam Spiritus sanctus accipi posse (Primasius et Haymo videntur legisse plenissime) creditur: quod post baptismum ad confirmationem unitatis in Ecclesia Christi a pontificibus fieri solet. Lege infra cap. 44, lib. VII. Cot.

"And after this the bishop," etc. That is, let him endow them with the sacrament of confirmation. Hence in the next chapter the myron is called "the confirmation of the confession." In the Greek Ritual, p. 368: "The chrism of the myron confirms the faith." [Latin rendering: "The chrism of ointment confirms faith."] Ambrosiaster on ch. 6 of the Epistle to the Hebrews: "Of the laying on of hands, through which it is believed that the Holy Spirit can be received (Primasius and Haymo seem to have read 'most fully'), which is customarily done by the bishops after baptism for the confirmation of unity in the Church of Christ." Read below, book 7, ch. 44. Cotelier.

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Rom. VI, 3.

Rom. 6:3.

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Citatur a Maximo, ad caput 2, Dion. de Eccl. hier.

Cited by Maximus, on chapter 2 of Dionysius' On the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy.

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(22) ‹anchor: Caeterum qui baptizatur› · call in col 799

Citat. Anastasius, quaest. 1.

Cited by Anastasius, Question 1.

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Matth. VI, 9.

Matt. 6:9.

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Καί. Dele cum altero cod. Vindob. Cler.

"And": delete it, with the other Vienna codex. Clericus (Le Clerc).

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(97) ‹anchor: ὡς μάρτυρος› · call in col 800

Τοῦ Πνεύματος ἡ συμπαράληψις, ὡς μάρτυρος. Ita alibi. Quia, opinor, Spiritus sanctus in Christi baptismo testis exstitit: sicuti docent S. Gregorius Nazianzenus, orat. 37, p. 610; orat. 39, p. 634; et S. Epiphanius in Expositione fidei catholicae, num. 16. Accedunt huc duo Scripturae testimonia, Roman. VIII, 16: Ipse enim Spiritus testimonium reddit spiritui nostro, quod sumus filii Dei. I Joan. V, 8: Tres sunt qui testimonium dant in terra: Spiritus, aqua et sanguis. Qui 2 locus a B. Ambrosio, lib. I De Spiritu sancto, cap. 6, et Libro de initiandis cap. 4, exponitur de baptismo. Cot.

"The joining-in of the Spirit, as witness." So elsewhere. Because, I think, the Holy Spirit stood as witness at Christ's baptism, as St Gregory Nazianzen teaches (Oration 37, p. 610; Oration 39, p. 634) and St Epiphanius in the Exposition of the Catholic Faith, no. 16. Two testimonies of Scripture bear on this: Rom. 8:16, "For the Spirit Himself bears witness to our spirit that we are sons of God," and 1 John 5:8, "There are three that bear witness on earth: the Spirit, the water and the blood." This second passage is expounded of baptism by blessed Ambrose, On the Holy Spirit I, ch. 6, and in the book On Those Being Initiated, ch. 4. Cotelier.

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(98) ‹anchor: ἡ κατάδυσις, τὸ› · call in col 800

Τό. Hic et paulo post τοῦ, subaudiendo μάρτυρος, e superioribus verbis. Cler.

"The": here and a little later read "of the", understanding "witness" from the words above. Clericus.

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(99) ‹anchor: ὑπ' ἐκείνου διδασκόμενον› · call in col 800

Καὶ ὑπ' ἐκείνου διδασκόμενον. Joannis cap. XVI, vers. 13, 14: Cum autem venerit ille Spiritus veritatis, docebit vos omnem veritatem: non enim loquetur a semetipso; sed quaecunque audiet loquetur, et quae ventura sunt annuntiabit vobis. Ille me clarificabit; quia de meo accipiet, et annuntiabit vobis. Dogma quidem catholicum proponunt Ecclesiae magistri Didymus, Chrysostomus, Ambrosius, Augustinus et Theophylactus, Spiritum sanctum audire ea quae non ignorat; unam esse Patris, Filii, et sancti Spiritus scientiam, ut et substantiam; audire Spiritum sanctum per unitatem substantiae, et per proprietatem scientiae; auditionem in illo esse scientiam, scientiam vero essentiam; nec indigere Spiritum sanctum doctrina, utpote αὐτοδίδακτον. Attamen, quia scientiam caeteraque omnia habet Spiritus a Filio, tanquam a processionis principio, utcunque ratione originis dici potest ab eo edoctus: quemadmodum eadem de causa per B. Athanasium oratione 2 contra Arianos, p. 357, minor illo praedicatur. Periculosissime vero Origenes tomo III in Joannem, vocari vult in quaestionem, an Spiritus sanctus, quem doceri a Filio ex Joannis XIV, 14, colligit, omnia capiat quae Filius cognoscit; quamvis sanctus Spiritus εὐλάβειαν, reverentiam, inibi profiteatur. Cot.

"And taught by Him." John 16:13–14: "But when that Spirit of truth comes, He will teach you all truth; for He will not speak of Himself, but whatever He hears He will speak, and He will announce to you what is to come. He will glorify me, because He will receive of mine and announce it to you." The Catholic doctrine is set out by the Church's teachers Didymus, Chrysostom, Ambrose, Augustine and Theophylact: the Holy Spirit hears what He is not ignorant of; the knowledge of Father, Son and Holy Spirit is one, as is their substance; the Holy Spirit hears through unity of substance and through the property of knowledge; in Him hearing is knowledge, and knowledge is essence; and the Holy Spirit needs no teaching, being self-taught. Yet because the Spirit has knowledge and all else from the Son, as from the principle of His procession, He can in some sense be said, by reason of origin, to be taught by Him: just as, for the same cause, blessed Athanasius (Oration 2 against the Arians, p. 357) calls Him less than the Son. Most dangerously, however, Origen (tome 3 on John) would have it questioned whether the Holy Spirit, whom he infers from John 14:14 to be taught by the Son, grasps all that the Son knows; though in the same place he professes reverence towards the Holy Spirit. Cotelier.

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(100) ‹anchor: ταῖς ἀπάταις αὐτοῦ› · call in col 800

Ἀποτεταγμένος τῷ Σατανᾷ, etc. Ita apud Anastasium codices Regii: ubi in libris impressis inseritur, καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς ἔργοις αὐτοῦ, et ubi Gentianus Hervetus legisse videtur, τοῖς δαίμοσι, καὶ ταῖς ἀπάταις αὐτῶν· vertit enim daemonibus, et eorum fraudibus. Vide infra cap. 41, lib. VII. Id.

"Having renounced Satan," etc. So the Royal codices in Anastasius; where the printed books insert "and all his works," and where Gentian Hervet seems to have read "the demons and their deceits," for he translates "the demons and their frauds." See below, Book VII, ch. 41. The same (Cotelier).

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(1) ‹anchor: ἡ βασιλεία› · call in col 800

Ὅτι σοῦ ἐστιν ἡ βασιλεία, etc. Clausula orationis Dominicae Matth. VI, 13, in Graeco duntaxat. Quam tamen majori ex parte agnoscit auctor Operis imperfecti in illud Evangelium, Latinus ut videtur. Eam viri docti plures censent ex Constitutionibus apostolicis et ex Liturgiis in sacrum textum irrepsisse, probabili sane judicio, maxime quia varie effertur tam in Liturgiis et Euchologio, quam in aliis libris. Legesis Chrysostomum tomo V, (continues)

"For Thine is the kingdom," etc. The closing clause of the Lord's Prayer at Matt. 6:13, in the Greek only. Yet the author of the Unfinished Work on that Gospel, a Latin as it seems, acknowledges most of it. Many learned men judge that it crept into the sacred text from the Apostolic Constitutions and from the liturgies, a judgement certainly probable, above all because it is worded differently in the liturgies and the Euchologion and in other books. Read Chrysostom, tome V, (continues)

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<!-- Scripture series (full-width band). Note 24 is called above the cropped area. --> (printed under page 398)

(24) ‹anchor: bene servientem multis› · call in col 802

Isa. LIII, 11, in LXX.

Isa. 53:11, in the Septuagint.

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(25) ‹anchor: redemptionem pro multis› · call in col 802

Matth. XX, 28.

Matt. 20:28.

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(26) ‹anchor: animam suam ponere› · call in col 802

Joan. X, 15; et XV, 13.

John 10:15; and 15:13.

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(27) ‹anchor: sit vester servus› · call in col 802

Matth. XX, 26.

Matt. 20:26.

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(28) ‹anchor: Bene servire multis› · call in col 802

Isa. LIII, 11.

Isa. 53:11.

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(29) ‹anchor: ac linteo extersit› · call in col 802

Joan. XIII, 4.

John 13:4.

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(1) ‹anchor: ἡ βασιλεία› · call in col 800

(continued) sermone 10, et ad locum Matthaei; Isidorum Pelusiotam lib. IV, epist. 24; Caesarium dialogo 1, Respons. ad interrog. 29; et Ambrosium ult. De sacramentis ult. Porro apud Lucianum in Dialogo cui titulus Philopatris, initium ac finis iste orationis indicantur: Τὴν εὐχὴν, ait nescio quis ille, ἀπὸ Πατρὸς ἀρξάμενος, τὴν δὲ πολυώνυμον ᾠδὴν εἰς τέλος ἐπιθεὶς, orationem a Patre incipiens, et celebre canticum ad finem apponens. Adde ex Lambecio Scholium libri Caesarei Theol. Graec. 29: Τὸ δὲ ὅτι σοῦ ἐστιν ἡ βασιλεία καὶ ἡ δύναμις καὶ ἡ δόξα, ἐν τισὶν οὐ κεῖται μέχρι τοῦ Ἀμήν. Id.

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(2) ‹anchor: τοῖς (the call stands before ἀδυνάτοις)› · call in col 801

Τοῖς. Alter codex ἐν τοῖς, minus bene, cum sermo sit de officiis a diaconis praestandis hominibus, qui sibi necessaria prospicere nequeunt, quales ἀδύνατοι dicuntur. Cler.

"To the": the other codex has "among the", less well, since the passage concerns services the deacons are to render to people who cannot provide their own necessities, such as are called "the helpless". Clericus.

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(3) ‹anchor: ὑπηρετεῖσθαι (from the lemma; the call is outside the images read)› · call in col 801

Ὑπηρετεῖσθαι. Alter cod. ὑπηρετεῖν, rectius; solet enim verbum hoc in activa conjugatione, non in media, adhiberi. Vide infra et Act. XX, 34; XXIV, 23, sic passim apud Xenophontem aliosque Graecos scriptores. Id.

"To serve" (middle): the other codex has the active form, more correctly, for this verb is normally used in the active conjugation, not the middle. See below, and Acts 20:34; 24:23; so throughout Xenophon and other Greek writers. The same.

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(4) ‹anchor: πρὸς ἀγγελίαν› · call in col 801

Ἀμφότεροι δὲ τὰ πρὸς ἀγγελίαν, etc. De diaconissis egimus supra. Diaconorum vero officia et ministeria quis cuncta queat numerare? Notatu dignum illud, in Vita S. Epiphanii, num. 56, quod pertinebat ad postremum diaconum, ἐπικοσμεῖν τὸν θρόνον τοῦ ἐπισκόπου, exornare thronum seu cathedram episcopalem. Cot.

"And both for the carrying of messages," etc. We dealt with deaconesses above. But who could count all the offices and ministries of deacons? Worth noting is the one in the Life of St Epiphanius, no. 56, which belonged to the last deacon: to adorn the bishop's throne, that is, the episcopal chair. Cotelier.

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(5) ‹anchor: Κἂν δέη› · call in col 801

Δέη. Alter cod. addit τὴν ἑαυτῶν, suam ipsorum animam. Cler.

"If need be": the other codex adds "their own", their own life. Clericus.

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(6) ‹anchor: ψυχὴν ὑπὲρ› · call in col 801

Ὑπέρ. Alter cod. ἀντί, et paulo post διστάσαι, eodem sensu. Id.

"For": the other codex has "in place of", and a little after "to hesitate" (aorist), with the same sense. The same.

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(7) ‹anchor: ψυχὴν αὐτοῦ θεῖναι› · call in col 801

Θεῖναι. Alter θείς, non male. Id.

"To lay down": the other has "laying down", not badly. The same.

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(8) ‹anchor: δουλείαν, καὶ ἔνδειαν› · call in col 801

Ἔνδειαν. Ὄνειδος, alter cod. non absurde. Id.

"Want": the other codex has "reproach", not absurdly. The same.

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(9) ‹anchor: εἶτα βάλλει› · call in col 801

Βάλλει. Alter βαλών, quod est narrationi convenientius. Id.

"He puts": the other has "having put", which suits the narrative better. The same.

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<!-- Scripture series --> (30–31) ‹anchor: firmius est et indubium› · call in col 803 Joan. VIII, 17; Matth. XVIII, 16.

John 8:17; Matt. 18:16.

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(10) ‹anchor: εὔσκυλτοι καὶ εὐήκοοι› · call in col 804

Εὐήκοοι. Haec vox cum tribus seqq. et mox voculae τῷ πατρί, desunt in altero cod. Vindob. Cler.

"Obedient": this word with the three following, and soon after the little words "to the father", are missing in the other Vienna codex. Clericus.

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(11) ‹anchor: ὑπὸ τριῶν ἐπισκόπων› · call in col 804

Ἐπίσκοπον δὲ προστάσσομεν, etc. Episcoporum numerus episcopum ordinantium, res est ecclesiastici juris, quae eapropter varietatem disciplinae admittit. Et primo quidem canonem Nicaenum quartum ita acceperunt Patres Constantinopoli congregati, apud Theodoritum Hist. eccl. lib. V, cap. 9, ut liceret provinciae episcopis collegas finitimos ad ordinationem convocare. Qui et addunt a se ordinatum fuisse Nectarium. Patres vero Sardicenses can. 6, quemadmodum et Nicaeni, canone citato, et Antiocheni can. 19, optant omnes provinciae antistites ordinationi comprovincialis sui interesse. In concilio autem Carthaginensi 3, can. 39, legimus sententiam quorumdam de non celebrandis ordinationibus, nisi a duodecim. Sed et octo ordinatores, cum fieri potest, exigit concilium Arelatense I, can. 20. Ad haec circa quatuor, testantur ordinationes Graecorum impressae, et duae Gregorii papae I, respondens ad interrogata Augustini, n. 8 in Beda, Hist. eccles., I, 27, et 3, epistola 1 ad Bonifacium. Jam trium esse officium coepiscopum consecrare, innumera decreta ac testimonia loquuntur; quorum in plurimis tanquam minime sufficiens rejicitur minor numerus, praesertim singularis. Unde Novatianus tres episcopos coegit, ut sibi manum imponerent; Julianitae vero, cum tres tantum essent episcopi, mortuo Juliano uno ex illis, quo alium substituerent, defuncti manum, suasque capiti hominis a se ordinandi imposuerunt; sicuti refertur in narratione De rebus Armeniae, tom. II, auctarii Bibliothecae Patrum Combefisiani. Atque hoc loco celatum nolim lectorem errorem geminum, qui apparet in Breviatione canonum Fulgentii Ferrandi, cap. 6: Ut unus episcopus episcopum non ordinet: excepta Ecclesia Romana. Concilio Zellensi, ex epistola papae Siricii. Etenim duo prima decreta epistolae 4 Siricii perperam commiscentur: et Sedes apostolica primatis seu metropolitana mutatur in sedem apostolicam Romanam; non culpa (suspicor) Ferrandi, sed ignorantia vel fraude cujusdam recentioris. En pontificis verba: I. Ut extra conscientiam sedis apostolicae, hoc est primatis, nemo audeat ordinare. Integrum enim judicium est, quod plurimorum sententia consequitur. II. Ne unus episcopus episcopum ordinare praesumat propter arrogantiam, ne furtivum beneficium praestitum videatur. Hoc enim in synodo Nicaena constat esse definitum. Quae hunc ad modum secutus est Innocentius, epist. 2, cap. 1: Ut extra conscientiam metropolitani episcopi nullus audeat ordinare episcopum. Integrum enim est judicium, quod plurimorum sententiis confirmatur. Nec unus episcopus ordinare praesumat episcopum, ne furtivum praestitum beneficium videatur. Hoc enim et a synodo Nicaena constitutum est atque definitum. Verum, ut ad institutum sermonem revertar, narrant Pelagium papam coactum fuisse pontificiam dignitatem accipere a duobus episcopis et uno presbytero. Refertur quoque de aliis permissis in necessitate ordinari ab uno episcopo et duobus aut pluribus abbatibus. Denique, a quo ordiendum fuit, temporibus apostolicis satis constat episcopos fuisse constitutos interdum ab uno apostolo, seu apostolico; interdum a pluribus, juxta illud I Tim. IV, 14: Noli negligere gratiam quae in te est; quae data est tibi per prophetiam, cum impositione manuum presbyteri; hoc est, ex interpretatione S. Chrysostomi, episcoporum qui eum ordinaverant. Vide infra, lib. VII, cap. 46; lib. VIII, cap. 4, 27, et can. apost. 1. Cot.

"We command that a bishop," etc. The number of bishops ordaining a bishop is a matter of ecclesiastical law, and so admits variety of discipline. First, the Fathers assembled at Constantinople understood the fourth canon of Nicaea (in Theodoret, Church History V, 9) to permit the bishops of a province to call neighbouring colleagues to an ordination; they add that Nectarius was ordained by them. The Fathers of Sardica (can. 6), like those of Nicaea in the canon cited and those of Antioch (can. 19), wish all the prelates of the province to be present at the ordination of their fellow-provincial. In the Third Council of Carthage, can. 39, we read the opinion of some that ordinations should not be held except by twelve. The First Council of Arles, can. 20, requires even eight ordainers when possible. Besides this, the printed Greek ordinals attest about four, as do the two Popes Gregory: the First, answering Augustine's questions (no. 8, in Bede, Church History I, 27), and the Third, in Letter 1 to Boniface. That it is the office of three to consecrate a fellow-bishop, countless decrees and testimonies declare; in most of them a smaller number, above all a single one, is rejected as quite insufficient. Hence Novatian compelled three bishops to lay hands on him; and the Julianists, when they had only three bishops and Julian, one of them, died, laid the dead man's hand together with their own on the head of the man they were ordaining, so as to put another in his place, as is told in the narrative On the Affairs of Armenia, tome II of Combefis's Supplement to the Library of the Fathers. And here I would not hide from the reader a twin error in the Breviatio canonum of Fulgentius Ferrandus, ch. 6: "That one bishop shall not ordain a bishop: the Roman Church excepted. Council of Zella, from the letter of Pope Siricius." For the first two decrees of Siricius's fourth letter are wrongly run together, and "the apostolic see of the primate," that is, the metropolitan see, is turned into the Roman apostolic see; not by Ferrandus's fault, I suspect, but by the ignorance or fraud of some later hand. Here are the pontiff's words: "I. That no one dare ordain without the knowledge of the apostolic see, that is, of the primate; for that judgement is sound which follows the opinion of the many. II. That one bishop shall not presume to ordain a bishop, through arrogance, lest the favour seem to have been bestowed by stealth; for this is known to have been defined at the synod of Nicaea." Innocent followed them in this way, letter 2, ch. 1: "That no one dare ordain a bishop without the knowledge of the metropolitan bishop; for that judgement is sound which is confirmed by the opinions of the many. Nor shall one bishop presume to ordain a bishop, lest the favour seem bestowed by stealth; for this too was established and defined by the synod of Nicaea." But to return to my subject: they relate that Pope Pelagius was forced to receive the pontifical dignity from two bishops and one presbyter. Others too are reported to have been permitted, in necessity, to be ordained by one bishop and two or more abbots. Finally, to go back to where we should have begun: it is clear enough that in apostolic times bishops were appointed sometimes by one apostle or apostolic man, sometimes by several, according to 1 Tim. 4:14: "Do not neglect the grace that is in you, which was given you through prophecy, with the laying on of hands of the presbytery," that is, as St Chrysostom interprets it, of the bishops who had ordained him. See below, Book VII, ch. 46; Book VIII, chs. 4 and 27; and Apostolic Canon 1. Cotelier.

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(12) ‹anchor: καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν κληρικῶν› · call in col 804

Καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν κληρικῶν. Omnino ex sensu, et ex canone apostolico 1, rescribendum, καὶ τοὺς λοιποὺς κληρικούς. Quod vertit Turrianus. At a Bovio lectum videtur, καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν κλῆρον. Id. Ὡσαύτως καὶ τὸν λοιπὸν κλῆρον, alter cod. Vindobonensis. Cler.

"And of the other clerics": from the sense, and from Apostolic Canon 1, we must certainly rewrite "and the other clerics" (accusative). So Torres translates. But Bovius seems to have read "and the clergy of the others". The same (Cotelier). "Likewise also the rest of the clergy," the other Vienna codex. Clericus.

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(13) ‹anchor: ἐκ λαϊκῶν κληρικούς› · call in col 804

Μήτε δὲ καὶ πρεσβύτερον, etc. Sequentia saecula in collatione minoris cleri variaverunt. Canon ἀνέκδοτος Nicephori confessoris: Ὁ ἔχων εὐχὴν ἡγουμένου, πρεσβύτερος ὤν, χειροτονεῖ ἀναγνώστην καὶ ὑποδιάκονον ἐν τῇ ἰδίᾳ μονῇ. Qui habet consecrationem, hegumeni seu abbatis, estque presbyter, ordinare potest lectorem et subdiaconum in suo monasterio. Id.

"Neither a presbyter," etc. Later centuries varied in conferring the minor orders. An unpublished canon of Nicephorus the Confessor: "He who has the blessing of a hegumen, being a presbyter, ordains a reader and subdeacon in his own monastery." That is, one who has the consecration of a hegumen or abbot, and is a presbyter, can ordain a reader and a subdeacon in his own monastery. The same.

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(14) ‹anchor: εὐλογεῖν τὸν λαόν› · call in col 804

Εὐλογεῖν τὸν λαόν. In Responsionibus synodi Constantinopolitanae sub patriarcha Nicolao (continues)

"To bless the people." In the Answers of the synod of Constantinople under the patriarch Nicholas (continues)

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(15) ‹anchor: διενεργεῖν› · call in col 805

Ad calcem additum est, in altero codice Vindobon.: Περὶ χηρῶν ἐπληρώθη βιβλίον γ΄.

At the end there is added, in the other Vienna codex: "Book 3, on widows, is completed."

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(16) ‹anchor: ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΑ ΤΟΥ ΤΕΤΑΡΤΟΥ ΒΙΒΛΙΟΥ› · call in col 805

In altero cod. est: Βιβλίον δ΄, ἐν ᾧ περὶ ὀρφανῶν καὶ ὅπως χρὴ τὸν ἐπίσκοπον προνοεῖν τῶν τοιούτων.

In the other codex it reads: "Book 4, in which is treated of orphans and how the bishop ought to provide for such."

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ad interrogationes quorumdam monachorum, apud Balsamonem, pag. 232.

to the questions of certain monks, in Balsamon, page 232.

Quaestio IX.

Question IX.

Quod dicit S. Basilius in parvis poenis: Sit a bedictione alienus pro lapsus proportione; quid est?

What St Basil says in the lesser penances, "Let him be estranged from the blessing in proportion to his lapse": what is it?

Responsio.

Answer.

Privari aliquem benedictione, quae datur in ecclesia.

That someone be deprived of the blessing which is given in the church.

Scholium Balsamonis.

Scholium of Balsamon.

Benedictiones ecclesiasticae sunt omnia quae fiunt, vel dantur ab episcopis vel sacerdotibus in ecclesiis, ad preces et stabilimentum fidelis populi. Unusquisque ergo pro sui lapsus proportione, ecclesiastica benedictione privetur. Graeca represento ex mss. pluribus Christianissimi regis, et uno viri clarissimi Claudii Jolii.

Ecclesiastical blessings are all the things that are done or given by bishops or priests in the churches, for the prayers and the strengthening of the faithful people. Let each man, therefore, in proportion to his own lapse, be deprived of the ecclesiastical blessing. I give the Greek from several manuscripts of the Most Christian King, and from one of the most distinguished Claude Joly.

Ἐρώτησις.

Question.

Ὅπερ λέγει ὁ ἅγιος Βασίλειος ἐν τοῖς μικροῖς ἐπιτιμίοις [al. εἰς τοὺς μικροὺς κανόνας]· Ἔστω ἀπὸ εὐλογίας κατὰ τὴν ἀναλογίαν τοῦ σφάλματος, τί ἐστιν;

What St Basil says in the lesser penances [another reading: "in the lesser canons"], "Let him be away from the blessing according to the proportion of his fault": what is it?

Ἀπόκρισις.

Answer.

Τὸ ἀποστερηθῆναί τινα τῆς διδομένης εὐλογίας [al. προσφορᾶς] ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ.

That someone be deprived of the blessing [another reading: "offering"] that is given in the church.

Ἑρμηνεία.

Interpretation.

Ἐκκλησιαστικαὶ εὐλογίαι εἰσὶ, τὰ παρὰ τῶν ἐπισκόπων καὶ τῶν ἱερέων ἐπ' ἐκκλησίας γινόμενα, ἢ διδόμενα πάντα εἰς εὐχὴν καὶ στηριγμὸν τοῦ κοινοῦ [al. πιστοῦ] λαοῦ. Ἕκαστος γοῦν κατ' ἀναλογίαν τοῦ οἰκείου σφάλματος, στερηθῇ τῆς ἐκκλησιαστικῆς εὐλογίας. Cot.

Ecclesiastical blessings are all the things done in church by the bishops and the priests, or given, for the prayer and strengthening of the common [another reading: "faithful"] people. Let each man, then, in proportion to his own fault, be deprived of the ecclesiastical blessing. Cotelier.

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<!-- Scripture/testimonia series (full-width band); numbering restarts with Book IV. Note 19 is called in the Greek column only. --> (16–17) ‹anchor: judex viduarum› · call in col 807 Psal. LXVII, 6.

Ps. 67(68):6.

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(18) ‹anchor: alieni devorant eam› · call in col 807

Isa. I, 7.

Isa. 1:7.

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(20) ‹anchor: Vere enim beatus› · call in col 807

Citatur ab Anastasio, quaest. 14.

Cited by Anastasius, Question 14.

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(21) ‹anchor: Quandoquidem et Dominus› · call in col 807

Anastasius ibid.

Anastasius, in the same place.

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(19) ‹anchor: βαρύνῃ τινὰ› · call in col 808

al. τήν, sic et cod. Vind.

Another reading: "the" (feminine article); so also the Vienna codex.

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(17) ‹anchor: γενήσεται ἐπ'› · call in col 808

Ἐπ'. Deest haec vocula in altero cod. Cler.

"Upon": this little word is missing in the other codex. Clericus.

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(18) ‹anchor: αὐτῷ τὸ εἰρημένον› · call in col 808

Τὸ εἰρημένον· ἃ οὐκ ἔφαγον ἅγιοι, etc. Proverbiale dictum, ex Scripturarum sensu. Jeremiae L, 17: Grex dispersus Israel; leones ejecerunt eum: primus comedit eum rex Assur.

"The saying: What the saints did not eat," etc. A proverbial saying, drawn from the sense of the Scriptures. Jer. 50:17: "Israel is a scattered flock; the lions have driven him out; first the king of Assyria devoured him."

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(19) ‹anchor: τοῖς μὲν ὀρφανοῖς› · call in col 808

Τοῖς μὲν ὀρφανοῖς, etc. Videto hic cap. 3 Epistolae ad Jacobum. Sequitur notanda lectionis varietas. Etenim Bovius vertendo medicinam, significat se loco θέαν legisse θεραπείαν. Id.

"To the orphans," etc. See here ch. 3 of the Letter to James. A variant reading worth noting follows: Bovius, by translating "medicine", shows that he read "healing" in place of "visit". The same.

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(20) ‹anchor: φυλακίταις βοήθειαν› · call in col 808

Φυλακίταις. Alter cod. τοῖς ἐν φυλακῇ ἐπίσκεψιν. Cler.

"To prisoners": the other codex has "a visit to those in prison". Clericus.

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(21) ‹anchor: ἐργαλεῖα ἑαυτῷ πρίασθαι› · call in col 808

Πρίασθαι. Παρέχεσθαι alter codex. Minus commode. Id.

"To buy": the other codex has "to provide", less suitably. The same.

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(22) ‹anchor: Ἐπεὶ καὶ ὁ Κύριος› · call in col 808

Ὁ Κύριος μακάριον, etc. In Anastasianis Quaestionibus, ὑπὲρ τὸν λαμβάνοντα. Act. XX, 35: Μνημονεύειν τε τῶν λόγων (aut τὸν λόγον) τοῦ Κυρίου Ἰησοῦ, ὅτι αὐτὸς εἶπε· Μακάριόν ἐστι διδόναι μᾶλλον ἢ λαμβάνειν. Ac meminisse verbi Domini Jesu, quoniam ipse dixit: « Beatius est magis dare quam accipere. » Quae enarrans Joannes Chrysostomus, recurrendum arbitratur vel ad ea quae apostoli ἀγράφως tradiderunt, vel ad sensum similiaque dicta. At aliis visum est annotare locum Constitutionum; eodem errore quo eas pro vere apostolicis habebant. Ita Euthalius citatus a Turriano in Prolegomenis Graecis, et ad lib. II, cap. 36. Unde in duobus mss. Regiis, 608 et 705, ad marginem memorati textus posuerunt, ἐκ τῶν Διατάξεων. Caeterum in Anastasii (continues)

"The Lord ... blessed," etc. In the Questions of Anastasius: "than the one who receives." Acts 20:35: "And to remember the words (or: the word) of the Lord Jesus, how He Himself said: It is more blessed to give than to receive"; in Latin, "and to remember the word of the Lord Jesus, since He Himself said: 'It is more blessed to give than to receive.'" John Chrysostom, expounding this, thinks we must have recourse either to what the apostles handed down unwritten, or to the sense and to similar sayings. Others, however, have chosen to note the passage of the Constitutions, by the same error by which they took them for truly apostolic. So Euthalius, cited by Torres in the Greek Prolegomena and on Book II, ch. 36. Hence in two Royal manuscripts, 608 and 705, they put in the margin of that text "from the Constitutions". But in Anastasius's (continues)

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(22) ‹anchor: πάλιν ὑπ' αὐτοῦ› · call in col 809

Anast. οὐαὶ γὰρ τοῖς, etc.

Anastasius: "for woe to those," etc.

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(24) ‹anchor: δι' ἡλικίαν› · call in col 809

Anast. ἡλικίας.

Anastasius: "of age" (genitive).

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(25) ‹anchor: ἢ γήρως› · call in col 809

Anast. ἢ ἀδυναμίας.

Anastasius: "or of infirmity" (genitive).

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(26) ‹anchor: μακαρισθήσεται› · call in col 809

Anast. ὡς εἴρηται.

Anastasius adds: "as has been said".

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(27) ‹anchor: ἐν ὑποκρίσει› · call in col 809

Anast. δι' ὑπόκρισιν.

Anastasius: "through hypocrisy".

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(28) ‹anchor: ὅτι πενήτων› · call in col 809

al. Anast.

Another reading, Anastasius.

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(22) ‹anchor: continued from col 808 (Ἐπεὶ καὶ ὁ Κύριος)› · call in col 808

(continued) Quaestionibus mss. ejusdem librariae, scriptum inveni: Δι' ἡλικίαν ὀρφανίας, ἢ γήρως, ἢ ἀδυναμίαν, ἢ νόσου πρόσπτωσιν. Pro quibus interpres legisse videtur: Δι' ἡλικίαν, ἢ ὀρφανίαν, ἢ γῆρας, ἢ ἀδυναμίαν, etc. Nicon collector ineditus, cap. 36, citat: ἢ γήρους, ἀδυναμίαν, al. ἢ γήρους, ἢ ἀδυναμίαν. Cot.

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(23) ‹anchor: Οὐαὶ τοῖς ἔχουσιν› · call in col 809

Οὐαὶ τοῖς ἔχουσιν, etc., ad βουλομένοις. Exstant in membranis regiis codicis 2241 Eclogae sacrae ineditae. Illic sententia haec Κλήμεντος nomine se offert, λόγῳ ια' qui inscribitur: Ὅτι οὐ μόνον ἐργάζεσθαι ὀφείλομεν πρὸς τὸ ἐπαρκεῖν ἑαυτοῖς, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τὴν τῶν δεομένων διατροφήν. Cot.

"Woe to those who have," etc., down to "who wish". Unpublished sacred Eclogae survive in the Royal parchments of codex 2241. There this sentence appears under the name of Clement, in discourse 11, which is entitled: "That we ought to work not only to suffice for ourselves, but also for the feeding of those in need." Cotelier.

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(24) ‹anchor: ἀλλὰ τῆς δόσεως› · call in col 809

Τῆς. Alter codex ὑπὲρ τῆς. Cler.

"Of the": the other codex has "for the". Clericus.

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(25) ‹anchor: θησαυροῖς καθεύδειν› · call in col 809

Ὃν φασιν ἐν τοῖς θησαυροῖς καθεύδειν. S. Basilius de utiliter legendis gentilium libris: Πλὴν εἰ μὴ, κατὰ τοὺς ἐν τοῖς μύθοις δράκοντας, ἡδονήν τινα φέροι θησαυροῖς κατωρυγμένοις ἐπαγρυπνεῖν. Scilicet, docente cum aliis Macrobio Saturnal. lib. I, cap. 20, thesaurorum custodia draconibus assignatur. Vide, si vacat et lubet, elegantem fabulam Phaedri, 19, lib. IV. Cot.

"Which they say sleeps on treasures." St Basil, On the Profitable Reading of the Books of the Gentiles: "Unless, like the dragons in the fables, it should give some pleasure to keep watch over buried treasures." That is, as Macrobius among others teaches (Saturnalia I, 20), the guarding of treasures is assigned to dragons. See, if you have time and inclination, the elegant fable of Phaedrus, Book IV, 19. Cotelier.

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(26) ‹anchor: καὶ ἐπ' αὐτῷ ἀληθὴς› · call in col 809

Καί. Deest in altero codice et quidem melius. Cler.

"And": missing in the other codex, and indeed better so. Clericus.

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(27) ‹anchor: μεμψίμοιρος, ἐπώδυνος› · call in col 809

Ἐπώδυνος. Deest in altero cod., quia idem seqq. verbis exprimitur. Id.

"Full of pain": missing in the other codex, because the same is expressed by the following words. The same.

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<!-- Scripture/testimonia series (full-width band). The first numeral is printed "21*" (21 was used on the previous page). Notes 21*–25 are called above the cropped area; the "Anast." notes (22, 24–28) record readings of the Greek and are called in the Greek column. --> (21*) ‹anchor: quam qui accipit› · call in col 810 Act. XX, 35.

Acts 20:35.

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(23) ‹anchor: in hypocrisi accipiunt› · call in col 810

Matth. XXIII, 14.

Matt. 23:14.

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(29) ‹anchor: ex quibus non gustabit› · call in col 810

Eccle. V, 9.

Eccles. 5:9.

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(30) ‹anchor: opes in die irae› · call in col 810

Prov. XI, 4, ap. LXX.

Prov. 11:4, in the Septuagint.

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(31) ‹anchor: extraneus comedet ea› · call in col 810

Eccle. VI, 2.

Eccles. 6:2.

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(32) ‹anchor: congregatae evomentur› · call in col 810

Job XX, 15, apud LXX.

Job 20:15, in the Septuagint.

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(33) ‹anchor: escam danti esurientibus› · call in col 810

Psal. CXLV, 7.

Ps. 145(146):7.

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(34) ‹anchor: aut quis bibet sine ipso› · call in col 810

Eccle. II, 25, in LXX.

Eccles. 2:25, in the Septuagint.

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(35) ‹anchor: omne animal beneplacito› · call in col 811

Psal. CXLIV, 16.

Ps. 144(145):16.

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(36) ‹anchor: ad viventium hilaritatem› · call in col 811

Zach. IX, 17, in LXX.

Zech. 9:17, in the Septuagint.

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(37) ‹anchor: servituti hominum› · call in col 811

Psal. CIII, 14.

Ps. 103(104):14.

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(38) ‹anchor: his omnibus indigetis› · call in col 811

Matth. VI, 26.

Matt. 6:26.

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(39) ‹anchor: susceptorem, conferre laudes› · call in col 811

Psal. CXLV, 9.

Ps. 145(146):9.

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(40) ‹anchor: CAPUT VI› · call in col 811

Hoc caput affert Anastasius, quaest. 12.

Anastasius quotes this chapter, Question 12.

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(42) ‹anchor: caupo de peccato› · call in col 811

Eccli. XXVI, 28.

Ecclus. 26:28.

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(43) ‹anchor: miscent vinum aqua› · call in col 811

Is. I, 22.

Isa. 1:22.

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(44) ‹anchor: mercedem scorti› · call in col 811

Deut. XXIII, 18.

Deut. 23:18.

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(41) ‹anchor: κάπηλος περὶ ἁμαρτίας› · call in col 812

Anast. ἀπό; sic etiam alter cod. Vindob.

Anastasius: "from"; so also the other Vienna codex.

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(28) ‹anchor: καὶ ὁ Κύριος› · call in col 812

Διό φησι καὶ ὁ Κύριος. Οὕτω καὶ Κύριος παρῄνει τοῖς μαθηταῖς αὐτοῦ, λέγων, in altero cod. nimis licenter. Sic et paulo post resecta sunt τοῦ οὐρανοῦ et οὐδὲ θερίζουσιν. Cler.

"Wherefore the Lord too says." The other codex has "So too the Lord exhorted His disciples, saying," too freely. So also a little after, "of heaven" and "nor do they reap" have been cut out. Clericus.

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(29) ‹anchor: δι' οὗ ἡ δόξα› · call in col 812

Δι' οὗ, etc. Haec visa est ἀρειανικὴ δοξολογία ei qui exscripsit alterum cod. Vindobon., nisi alium secutus sit; cujus loco substituit: Μεθ' οὗ αὐτῷ ἡ δόξα σὺν τῷ Πνεύματι, quibus verbis par gloria tribus Ὑποστάσεσι tribuitur. Cler.

"Through Whom," etc. This seemed an Arian doxology to the man who copied the other Vienna codex, unless he followed another copy; in its place he put "With Whom be glory to Him, with the Spirit," words by which equal glory is given to the three Hypostases. Clericus.

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(30) ‹anchor: δόσιν κάπηλοι› · call in col 812

Κάπηλοι. Cauponariam οἱ ἔξω sapientes parum honestam esse censuerunt, ut Plato, xi De legibus. Quid ergo mirum, si tam multa adversus caupones, mercatores, negotiatores, artesque institorias dicta legantur apud philosophos Christianos? apud Tertullianum, De idololatria, ii; Lactantium lib. v, cap. 17. Hilarium in psalm. cxviii, 125, 139; cxxiv, 5; Pacianum Paraenetico ad Poenitentiam; Gregorium Nazianzenum, epist. 6; Epiphanium Expositione fidei num. 24; auctorem Operis imperfecti ad Matthaei xxi, 12; xx, 5; et Valerianum hom. 20. Proferre loca supersedeo, ne et meo tempore et lectoris patientia abutar. Videndus etiam S. Leo epist. 92, cap. 9; atque cum S. Gregorio paulo post citando conferendus. Cot.

"Tavern-keepers." The wise men outside the faith judged tavern-keeping hardly honourable, as Plato in Laws XI. What wonder, then, that so many things are read against tavern-keepers, merchants, traders and the hawking trades in the Christian philosophers? In Tertullian, On Idolatry II; Lactantius V, 17; Hilary on Psalms 118(119):125, 139 and 124(125):5; Pacian's Exhortation to Penance; Gregory Nazianzen, letter 6; Epiphanius, Exposition of the Faith no. 24; the author of the Unfinished Work on Matt. 21:12 and 20:5; and Valerian, homily 20. I forbear to quote the passages, lest I abuse both my own time and the reader's patience. St Leo too should be seen, letter 92, ch. 9, and compared with St Gregory, to be cited a little below. Cotelier.

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(31) ‹anchor: καὶ εἰδωλοποιοὺς› · call in col 812

Εἰδωλοποιούς. Legito, si grave non est, Tertulliani librum De idololatria. Id.

"Image-makers." Read, if it is not a burden, Tertullian's book On Idolatry. The same.

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(32) ‹anchor: τελώνας ἀδίκους› · call in col 812

Τελώνας ἀδίκους. Epithetum perpetuum, ut patet ex cap. 38, lib. ii. Scilicet publicanus vir justus, rara avis in terris. Quocirca in Evangeliis junguntur ii homines cum ethnicis, peccatoribus ac meretricibus: et graves adversus totum genus invectivae occurrunt saepe in scriptis sanctorum Patrum, praesertim Chrysostomi. Tertullianus certe De pudicitia 9, publicanos appellat ex officio peccatores; Epistola inter Zosimianas 13, telonarios, daemonarios; Asterius apud Photium cod. 271: τελώνην, τὸ κακὸν ἀνυπέρβλητον, et Cerameus Theophanes homilia 15: τὸ πάντων ἁμαρτημάτων ἀκρότατον. Audi verba insignia, judicio ac veritate condita, Gregorii Magni, in Evangelia hom. 24, quae proinde repetiit Nicolaus papa respondens ad consulta (continues)

"Unjust tax-collectors." A standing epithet, as is plain from Book II, ch. 38. A just publican, that is, is a rare bird on earth. That is why in the Gospels these men are coupled with heathens, sinners and harlots; and heavy invectives against the whole class occur often in the writings of the holy Fathers, especially Chrysostom. Tertullian, at any rate (On Modesty 9), calls publicans "sinners by office"; the thirteenth letter among those of Zosimus, "toll-men, demon-men"; Asterius in Photius, codex 271, "the tax-collector, the unsurpassable evil"; and Theophanes Cerameus, homily 15, "the very summit of all sins." Hear the remarkable words, seasoned with judgement and truth, of Gregory the Great, homily 24 on the Gospels, which Pope Nicholas accordingly repeated in answering the questions (continues)

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(46) ‹anchor: ἀνθρώπων› · call in col 813

Anast. ἄνθρωπον.

Anastasius: "man" (accusative).

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(47) ‹anchor: μιαρῶν› · call in col 813

Anast. μιαρόν.

Anastasius: "foul".

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(33) ‹anchor: φονέα τε καὶ δήμιον› · call in col 813

Δήμιον. Theodoritus, serm. 6, De providentia Dei, ubi componit tyrannos carnificibus: Αἱ πόλεις τρέφουσι τοὺς δημίους, ὥστε τοὺς ἀνδροφόνους, καὶ τοιχωρύχους, καὶ τοὺς ἄλλα ἄττα παρανομοῦντας, διὰ τούτων κολάζειν· οὐκ ἐπαινοῦσαι μὲν αὐτῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ λίαν μισοῦσαι τὴν τοῦ βίου προαίρεσιν· ἀναδεχόμεναι δὲ τὰς τούτων ὑπηρεσίας, διὰ τὴν χρείαν. Quae eo etiam attuli, ut indicarem desumptam esse tantum non ad verbum comparationem ex opere Philonis De providentia, edit. Paris. Graeco-Lat., p. 1198; et apud Eusebium, Praep. evang., lib. viii, cap. ult., p. 393. Id.

"Executioner." Theodoret, discourse 6, On the Providence of God, where he compares tyrants with executioners: "Cities maintain executioners so as to punish through them murderers, burglars and those who commit other crimes; not praising their way of life, but indeed hating it intensely, yet accepting their services because of the need." I have brought this in also to show that the comparison is taken almost word for word from Philo's work On Providence (Paris Greek–Latin edition, p. 1198), and in Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel, Book VIII, last chapter, p. 393. The same.

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(34) ‹anchor: Ὥσπερ καὶ Ἀδωνίας› · call in col 813

Ἀδωνίας. Prophetae ad Jeroboamum in Bethel missi, ac dum redit, a leone, ob violatum Dei mandatum, interempti, historiam refert sacra Scriptura, III Regum cap. xiii, sed nomen reticet. Quo factum, ut variae ferantur sententiae. Juxta primam sententiam nomen illi fuit Adonias, in hoc loco; seu Ἰάδων, Jadon, in Josepho lib. viii, cap. 3. Ἰαδώμ habet Chronicum ineditum Metaphrastis, non ita bene, seu Jaddun, in Freculfi Chronicis; sed Addo apud Hieronymum initio Commentariorum in Zachariam, et Isidorum libro De vita et morte sanctorum, cap. 54; seu Iddo, in Chronologia monachi Altissiodorensis; seu denique Jaddo de quo II Paralip. ix, 22, qui et Addo appellatur ejusdem libri cap. xii, vers. 15; et Odeth aut potius Oded pater Azariae cap. xv, vers. 1, in Traditionibus Hebraicis ad libros Paralipomenon, inter opera Hieronymi. Unde τῶν Ο' unum exemplar II Paralip. xv, 8, pro Ἀδάδ, sive Ὠδήδ, exhibet Ἀδδώ: eoque modo lectum videtur Eusebio, quandoquidem lib. i Chronicorum ait: Ἀζαρίας, ὁ καὶ Ἀδδώ, et lib. ii: Ἐζαρεὶ, ὃς Ἀδδώ. Sic in Chronico dicto Alexandrino p. 218, ubi de nostro propheta, ad marginem a Graeco quodam adnotatum cernitur, Ὀδὴθ, Hodeth, esse nomen quod in textu expressum non fuit; pag. vero 220 scribitur: Προεφήτευσεν ὁ ἐν Βεθὴλ seu Βαιθὴλ οἰκῶν, καὶ ὁ ἐπὶ θυσιαστηρίου. Ἠξίου τὸν προφητεύσαντα τῷ Ἱεροβοὰμ δούλῳ Σολομῶντος, φαγεῖν ἄρτον, καὶ μόλις ἔφαγεν. Φασὶν τὸν Ἰώσηπον λέγειν, ἀπὸ παραδόσεως αἶνον εἶναι τὸν ἐν Βεθήλ· Καὶ ὁ Σὴθ [lego Ὀδὴθ] ἐπὶ τοῦ θυσιαστηρίου; Hoc est: Prophetavit qui Bethele habitabat: item qui fuit ad altare. Rogavit ille hunc qui prophetaverat Jeroboamo servo Salomonis, ut manducaret panem, et vix manducavit. Aiunt Josephum dicere, ex traditione proverbiale dictum ferri Bethele: Etiam Hodeth ad altare? Ad haec, dum pervolverem ms. Regium 1789, venerunt ob oculos meos, quae subjunxi ac interpretatus sum: [two facing columns follow; Latin:] Epiphanii, de LXXII prophetis, et de prophetissis. 1. Adam. 2. Enoch. 3. Noe. 4. Abraham. 5. Isaac. 6. Jacob. 7. Moyses. 8. Aaron. 9. Jesus. 10. Eldan. 11. Modam. 12. Job. 13. Samuel. 14. Natham. 15. David. 16. Gad. 17. Idithum. 18. Asaph. 19. Aeman 20. Aetham. 21. Salomon. 22. Achias. 23. Sameas. 24. Homo Dei Hodeth. 25. Heli qui e Silon. 26. Joad. 27. Addo. 28. Azarias. 29. Anani, qui et Ananias. 30. Jeu. 31. Michaeas. 32. Elias. 33. Oziel. 34. Eliad. 35. Jesus filius Ananiae. 36. Elisaeus. 37. Jonadam. 38. Zacharias, qui et Azarias. 39. Alius Zacharias. 40. Osee. 41. Joel. 42. Amos. 43. Abdias. 44. Jonas. 45. Isaias. 46. Michaeas. 47. Nahum. 48. Ambacum. 49. Obed. 50. Abdadon. 51. Jeremias. 52. Baruch. 53. Sophonias. 54. Urias. 55. Ezechiel. 56. Daniel. 57. Esdras. 58. Aggaeus. 59. Zacharias. 60. Malachias. 61. Zacharias pater Joannis. 62. Simeon. 63. Joannes Baptista. Sed et alios inventum iri novimus, qui partem minimam prophetiae habuerunt, vel et specie prophetica; item alios qui aliquid majoris momenti vaticinati sunt: quorum quidam paulo post Adamum, quidam sequentibus temporibus vixerunt: quos omnes non praetermittendos censui hic post numerum, 63. sed magis adjungendos serie enumerationis. Sunt autem hi. 64. Enos. 65. Mathusala. 66. Lamech. 67. Balaam. 68. Saul. 69. Abi- [Greek:] Περὶ τῶν οβ' προφητῶν, καὶ προφητίδων, Ἐπιφανίου. α'. Ἀδάμ. β'. Ἐνώχ. γ'. Νῶε. δ'. Ἀβραάμ. ε'. Ἰσαάκ. ϛ'. Ἰακώβ. ζ'. Μωϋσῆς. η'. Ἀαρών. θ'. Ἰησοῦς. ι'. Ἐλδάμ. ια'. Μωδάμ (ms. 1067: Ἐλδάδ. Μωδάδ. Vide supra ad Hermae lib. i, vis. 2, c. 3). ιβ'. Ἰώβ. ιγ'. Σαμουήλ. ιδ'. Ναθάν. ιε'. Δαυίδ. ιϛ'. Γάδ. ιζ'. Ἰδιθούμ. ιη'. Ἀσάφ. ιθ'. Αἰμάν. κ'. Αἰθάμ. κα'. Σολομών. κβ'. Ἀχίας. κγ'. Σαμέας (al. Σαμαίας). κδ'. Ὁ ἄνθρωπος τοῦ Θεοῦ Ὀσήθ (desideratur iste in cod. 1067). κε'. Ἠλὶ ὁ καὶ (f. ἐκ) Σιλώμ (al. Σιλών). κϛ'. Ἰωάδ (al. Ἰωδάδ). κζ'. Ἀδδῶ. κη'. Ἀζαρίας. κθ'. Ἀνανὶ, ὁ καὶ Ἀνανίας. λ'. Ἰηοῦ (al. Ἰοῦ). λα'. Μιχαίας. λβ'. Ἠλίας. λγ'. Ὀζιήλ. λδ'. Ἐλιάδ. λε'. Ἰησοῦς (f. Ἰηοῦ) υἱὸς Ἀνανίου. λϛ'. Ἐλισσαῖος. λζ'. Ἰωναδάμ (an Ἰωναδάβ). λη'. Ζαχαρίας, ὁ καὶ Ἀζαρίας (al. Ἀνανίας). λθ'. Ζαχαρίας ἄλλος. μ'. Ὠσηέ. μα'. Ἰωήλ. μβ'. Ἀμώς. μγ'. Ἀβδιού. μδ'. Ἰωνᾶς. με'. Ἡσαΐας. μϛ'. Μιχαίας. μζ'. Ναούμ. μη'. Ἀμβακούμ. μθ'. Ὠβήδ. ν'. Ἀβδαδών. να'. Ἱερεμίας. νβ'. Βαρούχ. νγ'. Σοφονίας. νδ'. Οὐρίας. νε'. Ἰεζεκιήλ. νϛ'. Δανιήλ. νζ'. Ἔσδρας. νη'. Ἀγγαῖος. νθ'. Ζαχαρίας. ξ'. Μαλαχίας. ξα'. Ζαχαρίας ὁ πατὴρ Ἰωάννου. ξβ'. Συμεών. ξγ'. Ἰωάννης ὁ Βαπτιστής. Ἔτι δὲ καὶ ἄλλους εὑρεθέντας ἔγνωμεν, μέρος ἐλάχιστον προφητείας ἔχοντας, ἢ καὶ προφάσει προφητικῇ· τοὺς δὲ καὶ περισσότερόν τι προφητεύσαντας· τοὺς μὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἀδάμ, τοὺς (continues)

"Adonias." Holy Scripture (3 Kgs. 13) tells the story of the prophet sent to Jeroboam at Bethel who, on his way back, was killed by a lion for breaking God's command, but it does not give his name. Hence opinions vary. By the first, his name was Adonias, as in this place; or Iadon, Jadon, in Josephus VIII, 3. The unpublished Chronicle of Metaphrastes has Iadom, not so well; Jaddun in the Chronicles of Freculf; but Addo in Jerome, at the beginning of his Commentaries on Zechariah, and in Isidore's book On the Life and Death of the Saints, ch. 54; or Iddo in the Chronology of the monk of Auxerre; or finally Jaddo, of whom 2 Paralip. 9:22, who in ch. 12, v. 15 of the same book is also called Addo; and Odeth, or rather Oded, father of Azariah, ch. 15, v. 1, in the Hebrew Traditions on the books of Paralipomenon among the works of Jerome. Hence one copy of the Seventy at 2 Paralip. 15:8 has Addo in place of Adad or Oded; and so it seems to have been read by Eusebius, since in Chronicle I he says "Azarias, who is also Addo," and in Book II "Ezarei, who is Addo." So in the Chronicle called Alexandrian, p. 218, where it treats of our prophet, one sees noted in the margin by some Greek that "Odeth", Hodeth, is the name not expressed in the text; and on p. 220 is written: "He prophesied who dwelt in Bethel (or Baithel), and he who was at the altar. He asked the one who had prophesied to Jeroboam, servant of Solomon, to eat bread, and he barely ate. They say Josephus says that by tradition there is a byword at Bethel: And Seth [I read Odeth] at the altar?" That is: "He prophesied who lived at Bethel; likewise he who was at the altar. That man asked the one who had prophesied to Jeroboam, servant of Solomon, to eat bread, and he barely ate. They say Josephus says that by tradition a proverbial saying is current at Bethel: Hodeth too at the altar?" Besides this, while turning over the Royal manuscript 1789, I came upon what I have added and translated: [Latin column:] "Epiphanius, On the seventy-two prophets and on the prophetesses. 1 Adam, 2 Enoch, 3 Noah, 4 Abraham, 5 Isaac, 6 Jacob, 7 Moses, 8 Aaron, 9 Joshua, 10 Eldan, 11 Modam, 12 Job, 13 Samuel, 14 Nathan, 15 David, 16 Gad, 17 Jeduthun, 18 Asaph, 19 Heman, 20 Ethan, 21 Solomon, 22 Ahijah, 23 Shemaiah, 24 the man of God Hodeth, 25 Eli of Shiloh, 26 Joad, 27 Addo, 28 Azariah, 29 Hanani, also called Hananiah, 30 Jehu, 31 Micaiah, 32 Elijah, 33 Oziel, 34 Eliad, 35 Jesus son of Hananiah, 36 Elisha, 37 Jonadam, 38 Zechariah, also called Azariah, 39 another Zechariah, 40 Hosea, 41 Joel, 42 Amos, 43 Obadiah, 44 Jonah, 45 Isaiah, 46 Micah, 47 Nahum, 48 Habakkuk, 49 Obed, 50 Abdadon, 51 Jeremiah, 52 Baruch, 53 Zephaniah, 54 Uriah, 55 Ezekiel, 56 Daniel, 57 Ezra, 58 Haggai, 59 Zechariah, 60 Malachi, 61 Zechariah father of John, 62 Simeon, 63 John the Baptist. But we know that others too will be found who had a very small share of prophecy, or a prophetic appearance; and others who foretold something of greater weight; some of whom lived soon after Adam, some in later times. All these I judged must not be passed over here after the number 63, but rather added to the series of the enumeration. They are these: 64 Enos, 65 Methuselah, 66 Lamech, 67 Balaam, 68 Saul, 69 Abi-" [Greek column:] "On the seventy-two prophets and prophetesses, by Epiphanius." The same list in Greek numerals, with Cotelier's variants: at 11, "ms. 1067: Eldad, Modad; see above on Hermas I, Vision 2, ch. 3"; at 23, "another reading Samaias"; at 24, "the man of God Oseth (this one is missing in codex 1067)"; at 25, "Eli who is also (perhaps: from) Silom (another reading Silon)"; at 26, "Ioad (another reading Iodad)"; at 30, "Ieu (another reading Iu)"; at 35, "Jesus (perhaps Jehu) son of Ananias"; at 37, "Ionadam (or Ionadab?)"; at 38, "Zechariah, also called Azariah (another reading Ananias)". It ends: "And we have learned that others too were found who had a very small share of prophecy, or else a prophetic pretext; and others who prophesied something more; some from Adam, some (continues)

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Bulgarorum, cap. 49: Post conversionem suam ad piscationem Petrus rediit, Matthaeus vero ad telonei negotium non resedit; quia aliud est victum per piscationem quaerere, aliud autem telonei lucris pecunias augere. Sunt enim pleraque negotia, quae sine peccatis exhiberi aut vix, aut nullatenus possunt. Quae ergo ad peccatum implicant, ad haec necesse est ut post conversionem animus non recurrat. Porro Nicon in Pandecte ms., serm. 36, hic legit τελώνας καὶ ἀδίκους. Cot.

of the Bulgarians, ch. 49: "After his conversion Peter went back to fishing, but Matthew did not sit down again to the business of the toll-house; for it is one thing to seek a living by fishing, and another to increase one's money by the gains of the toll-house. For there are very many kinds of business which can be carried on without sins either scarcely or not at all. To those, therefore, that entangle in sin, the mind must not return after conversion." Further, Nicon, in his manuscript Pandect, sermon 36, reads here "tax-collectors and unjust men". Cot[elier].

(33) Δήμιον. Theodoritus, serm. 6, De providentia Dei, ubi componit tyrannos carnificibus: Αἱ πόλεις τρέφουσι τοὺς δημίους, ὥστε τοὺς ἀνδροφόνους, καὶ τοιχωρύχους, καὶ τοὺς ἄλλα ἄττα παρανομοῦντας, διὰ τούτων κολάζειν· οὐκ ἐπαινοῦσαι μὲν αὐτῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ λίαν μισοῦσαι τὴν τοῦ βίου προαίρεσιν· ἀναδεχόμεναι δὲ τὰς τούτων ὑπηρεσίας, διὰ τὴν χρείαν. Quae eo etiam attuli, ut indicarem desumptam esse tantum non ad verbum comparationem ex opere Philonis De providentia, edit. Paris. Graeco-Lat., p. 1198; et apud Eusebium, Praep. evang., lib. VIII, cap. ult., p. 393. Id.

(33) "Executioner." Theodoret, sermon 6, On the Providence of God, where he compares tyrants to executioners: "Cities maintain executioners, so as to punish by them murderers and housebreakers and those who commit other unlawful acts of whatever kind; not that they approve their way of life — indeed they greatly hate it — but they accept their services for the need of them." These words I have also adduced in order to show that the comparison is taken all but word for word from Philo's work On Providence, Paris Greek–Latin edition, p. 1198; and in Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel, book VIII, last chapter, p. 393. The same [Cotelier].

(34) Ἀδωνίας. Prophetae ad Jeroboamum in Bethel missi, ac dum redit, a leone, ob violatum Dei mandatum, interempti, historiam refert sacra Scriptura, III Regum cap. XIII, sed nomen reticet. Quo factum, ut variae ferantur sententiae. Juxta primam sententiam nomen illi fuit Adonias, in hoc loco; seu Ἰάδων, Jadon, in Josepho lib. VIII, cap. 3. Ἰαδὼμ habet Chronicum ineditum Metaphrastis, non ita bene, seu Jaddun, in Freculfi Chronicis; sed Addo apud Hieronymum initio Commentariorum in Zachariam, et Isidorum libro De vita et morte sanctorum, cap. 54; seu Iddo, in Chronologia monachi Altissiodorensis; seu denique Jaddo de quo II Paralip. IX, 22, qui et Addo appellatur ejusdem libri cap. XII, vers. 15; et Odeth aut potius Oded pater Azariae cap. XV, vers. 1, in Traditionibus Hebraicis ad libros Paralipomenon, inter opera Hieronymi. Unde τῶν Ο' unum exemplar II Paralip. XV, 8, pro Ἀδὰδ, sive Ὠδὴδ, exhibet Ἀδδώ: eoque modo lectum videtur Eusebio, quandoquidem lib. I Chronicorum ait: Ἀζαρίας, ὁ καὶ Ἀδδώ, et lib. II: Ἐζαρεὶ, ὃς Ἀδδώ. Sic in Chronico dicto Alexandrino p. 218, ubi de nostro propheta, ad marginem a Graeco quodam adnotatum cernitur, Ὀδὴθ, Hodeth, esse nomen quod in textu expressum non fuit; pag. vero 220 scribitur: Προεφήτευσεν ὁ ἐν Βεθὴλ seu Βαιθὴλ οἰκῶν, καὶ ὁ ἐπὶ θυσιαστηρίου. Ἠξίου τὸν προφητεύσαντα τῷ Ἱεροβοὰμ δούλῳ Σολομῶντος, φαγεῖν ἄρτον, καὶ μόλις ἔφαγεν. Φασὶν τὸν Ἰώσηπον λέγειν, ἀπὸ παραδόσεως αἶνον εἶναι τὸν ἐν Βεθήλ· Καὶ ὁ Σὴθ [lego Ὀδὴθ] ἐπὶ τοῦ θυσιαστηρίου; Hoc est: Prophetavit qui Bethele habitabat: item qui fuit ad altare. Rogavit ille hunc qui prophetaverat Jeroboamo servo Salomonis, ut manducaret panem, et vix manducavit. Aiunt Josephum dicere, ex traditione proverbiale dictum ferri Bethele: Etiam Hodeth ad altare? Ad haec, dum pervolverem ms. Regium 1789, venerunt ob oculos meos, quae subjunxi ac interpretatus sum:

(34) "Adonias." Holy Scripture, 3 Kings ch. 13, relates the story of the prophet who was sent to Jeroboam at Bethel and, while returning, was killed by a lion for having broken God's command; but it keeps silent about his name. Hence it has come about that various opinions are put forward. According to the first opinion his name was Adonias, in this place; or Ἰάδων, Jadon, in Josephus, book 8, ch. 3. The unpublished Chronicle of Metaphrastes has Ἰαδώμ, not so well; or Jaddun, in the Chronicles of Freculf; but Addo in Jerome at the beginning of the Commentaries on Zechariah, and in Isidore, book On the Life and Death of the Saints, ch. 54; or Iddo, in the Chronology of the monk of Auxerre; or, finally, Jaddo, of whom 2 Paralipomenon 9:22, who in chapter 12, verse 15 of the same book is also called Addo; and Odeth, or rather Oded, father of Azarias, ch. 15, verse 1, in the Hebrew Traditions on the books of Paralipomenon, among the works of Jerome. Hence one copy of the Seventy at 2 Paralipomenon 15:8 gives Ἀδδώ for Ἀδάδ or Ὠδήδ; and it seems to have been read in that way by Eusebius, since in book 1 of the Chronicles he says: "Azarias, who is also Addo", and in book 2: "Ezarei, who is Addo". So in the Chronicle called the Alexandrian, p. 218, where, concerning our prophet, it is seen noted in the margin by some Greek that Ὀδήθ, Hodeth, is the name which was not expressed in the text; while on p. 220 is written: "He prophesied who dwelt in Bethel (or Baithel), and he who was at the altar. He asked the one who had prophesied to Jeroboam, servant of Solomon, to eat bread, and with difficulty he ate. They say that Josephus says that from tradition there is a saying about the man in Bethel: 'And Seth [I read Odeth] at the altar?'" That is: "He prophesied who dwelt at Bethel; also he who was at the altar. That man asked him who had prophesied to Jeroboam, servant of Solomon, to eat bread, and he scarcely ate. They say that Josephus says that, from tradition, a proverbial saying is current at Bethel: 'Is Hodeth too at the altar?'" Besides this, while I was turning over the Royal manuscript 1789, there came before my eyes the following, which I have subjoined and translated:

Epiphanii, de LXXII prophetis, et de prophetissis.

Of Epiphanius, on the seventy-two prophets, and on the prophetesses.

1. Adam. 2. Enoch. 3. Noe. 4. Abraham. 5. Isaac. 6. Jacob. 7. Moyses. 8. Aaron. 9. Jesus. 10. Eldan. 11. Modam. 12. Job. 13. Samuel. 14. Natham. 15. David. 16. Gad. 17. Idithum. 18. Asaph. 19. Aeman 20. Aetham. 21. Salomon. 22. Achias. 23. Sameas. 24. Homo Dei Hodeth. 25. Heli qui e Silon. 26. Joad. 27. Addo. 28. Azarias. 29. Anani, qui et Ananias. 30. Jeu. 31. Michaeas. 32. Elias. 33. Oziel. 34. Eliad. 35. Jesus filius Ananiae. 36. Elisaeus. 37. Jonadam. 38. Zacharias, qui et Azarias. 39. Alius Zacharias. 40. Osee. 41. Joel. 42. Amos. 43. Abdias. 44. Jonas. 45. Isaias. 46. Michaeas. 47. Nahum. 48. Ambacum. 49. Obed. 50. Abdadon. 51. Jeremias. 52. Baruch. 53. Sophonias. 54. Urias. 55. Ezechiel. 56. Daniel. 57. Esdras. 58. Aggaeus. 59. Zacharias. 60. Malachias. 61. Zacharias pater Joannis. 62. Simeon. 63. Joannes Baptista. Sed et alios inventum iri novimus, qui partem minimam prophetiae habuerunt, vel et specie prophetica; item alios qui aliquid majoris momenti vaticinati sunt: quorum quidam paulo post Adamum, quidam sequentibus temporibus vixerunt: quos omnes non praetermittendos censui hic post numerum, 63. sed magis adjungendos serie enumerationis. Sunt autem hi. 64. Enos. 65. Mathusala. 66. Lamech. 67. Balaam. 68. Saul. 69. Abi-

1. Adam. 2. Enoch. 3. Noah. 4. Abraham. 5. Isaac. 6. Jacob. 7. Moses. 8. Aaron. 9. Jesus [Joshua]. 10. Eldan. 11. Modam. 12. Job. 13. Samuel. 14. Nathan. 15. David. 16. Gad. 17. Idithun. 18. Asaph. 19. Heman. 20. Ethan. 21. Solomon. 22. Achias. 23. Sameas. 24. The man of God Hodeth. 25. Heli, who was of Silo. 26. Joad. 27. Addo. 28. Azarias. 29. Anani, who is also Ananias. 30. Jehu. 31. Michaeas. 32. Elias. 33. Oziel. 34. Eliad. 35. Jesus son of Ananias. 36. Eliseus. 37. Jonadam. 38. Zacharias, who is also Azarias. 39. Another Zacharias. 40. Osee. 41. Joel. 42. Amos. 43. Abdias. 44. Jonas. 45. Isaias. 46. Michaeas. 47. Nahum. 48. Habacuc. 49. Obed. 50. Abdadon. 51. Jeremias. 52. Baruch. 53. Sophonias. 54. Urias. 55. Ezechiel. 56. Daniel. 57. Esdras. 58. Aggaeus. 59. Zacharias. 60. Malachias. 61. Zacharias, father of John. 62. Simeon. 63. John the Baptist. But we know that others too are to be found, who had a very small share of prophecy, or else a prophetic appearance; likewise others who foretold something of greater moment: of whom some lived a little after Adam, some in following times: all of whom I thought should not be passed over here after the number 63, but rather added to the series of the enumeration. And they are these: 64. Enos. 65. Mathusala. 66. Lamech. 67. Balaam. 68. Saul. 69. Abi-

Περὶ τῶν οβʹ προφητῶν, καὶ προφητίδων, Ἐπιφανίου.

On the seventy-two prophets, and prophetesses, of Epiphanius.

αʹ. Ἀδάμ. βʹ. Ἐνώχ. γʹ. Νῶε. δʹ. Ἀβραάμ. εʹ. Ἰσαάκ. ϛʹ. Ἰακώβ. ζʹ. Μωϋσῆς. ηʹ. Ἀαρών. θʹ. Ἰησοῦς. ιʹ. Ἐλδάμ. ιαʹ. Μωδάμ (ms. 1067: Ἐλδάδ. Μωδάδ. Vide supra ad Hermae lib. I, vis. 2, c. 3). ιβʹ. Ἰώβ. ιγʹ. Σαμουήλ. ιδʹ. Ναθάν. ιεʹ. Δαυίδ. ιϛʹ. Γάδ. ιζʹ. Ἰδιθούμ. ιηʹ. Ἀσάφ. ιθʹ. Αἰμάν. κʹ. Αἰθάμ. καʹ. Σολομών. κβʹ. Ἀχίας. κγʹ. Σαμέας (al. Σαμαίας). κδʹ. Ὁ ἄνθρωπος τοῦ Θεοῦ Ὀσήθ (desideratur iste in cod. 1067). κεʹ. Ἠλὶ ὁ καὶ (f. ἐκ) Σιλώμ (al. Σιλών). κϛʹ. Ἰωάδ (al. Ἰωδάδ). κζʹ. Ἀδδῶ. κηʹ. Ἀζαρίας. κθʹ. Ἀνανὶ, ὁ καὶ Ἀνανίας. λʹ. Ἰηοῦ (al. Ἰοῦ). λαʹ. Μιχαίας. λβʹ. Ἠλίας. λγʹ. Ὀζιήλ. λδʹ. Ἐλιάδ. λεʹ. Ἰησοῦς (f. Ἰηοῦ) υἱὸς Ἀνανίου. λϛʹ. Ἐλισσαῖος. λζʹ. Ἰωναδάμ (an Ἰωναδάβ). ληʹ. Ζαχαρίας, ὁ καὶ Ἀζαρίας (al. Ἀνανίας). λθʹ. Ζαχαρίας ἄλλος. μʹ. Ὠσηέ. μαʹ. Ἰωήλ. μβʹ. Ἀμώς. μγʹ. Ἀβδιού. μδʹ. Ἰωνᾶς. μεʹ. Ἡσαΐας. μϛʹ. Μιχαίας. μζʹ. Ναούμ. μηʹ. Ἀμβακούμ. μθʹ. Ὠβήδ. νʹ. Ἀβδαδών. ναʹ. Ἱερεμίας. νβʹ. Βαρούχ. νγʹ. Σοφονίας. νδʹ. Οὐρίας. νεʹ. Ἰεζεκιήλ. νϛʹ. Δανιήλ. νζʹ. Ἔσδρας. νηʹ. Ἀγγαῖος. νθʹ. Ζαχαρίας. ξʹ. Μαλαχίας. ξαʹ. Ζαχαρίας ὁ πατὴρ Ἰωάννου. ξβʹ. Συμεών. ξγʹ. Ἰωάννης ὁ Βαπτιστής. Ἔτι δὲ καὶ ἄλλους εὑρεθέντας ἔγνωμεν, μέρος ἐλάχιστον προφητείας ἔχοντας, ἢ καὶ προφάσει προφητικῇ· τοὺς δὲ καὶ περισσότερόν τι προφητεύσαντας· τοὺς μὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἀδάμ, τοὺς

1. Adam. 2. Enoch. 3. Noah. 4. Abraham. 5. Isaac. 6. Jacob. 7. Moses. 8. Aaron. 9. Jesus [Joshua]. 10. Eldam. 11. Modam (MS 1067: Eldad. Modad. See above on Hermas, book 1, vision 2, ch. 3). 12. Job. 13. Samuel. 14. Nathan. 15. David. 16. Gad. 17. Idithum. 18. Asaph. 19. Aeman. 20. Aetham. 21. Solomon. 22. Achias. 23. Sameas (otherwise Samaias). 24. The man of God Oseth (this one is lacking in cod. 1067). 25. Eli who is also (perhaps "from") Silom (otherwise Silon). 26. Ioad (otherwise Iodad). 27. Addo. 28. Azarias. 29. Anani, who is also Ananias. 30. Ieou (otherwise Iou). 31. Michaias. 32. Elias. 33. Oziel. 34. Eliad. 35. Jesus (perhaps Ieou) son of Ananias. 36. Elissaeus. 37. Ionadam (or Ionadab). 38. Zacharias, who is also Azarias (otherwise Ananias). 39. Another Zacharias. 40. Osee. 41. Joel. 42. Amos. 43. Abdiou. 44. Jonas. 45. Esaias. 46. Michaias. 47. Naoum. 48. Ambakoum. 49. Obed. 50. Abdadon. 51. Jeremias. 52. Baruch. 53. Sophonias. 54. Ourias. 55. Iezekiel. 56. Daniel. 57. Esdras. 58. Aggaeus. 59. Zacharias. 60. Malachias. 61. Zacharias, the father of John. 62. Symeon. 63. John the Baptist. And we know that still others have been found, having a very small share of prophecy, or else by a prophetic occasion; and others who prophesied something more: some from Adam on, others

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Luc. III, 14.

Luke 3:14.

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III Reg. XIII.

3 Kings (1 Kings) 13.

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Psal. XXXVI, 16.

Ps. 36(37):16.

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Ὑπό. Alter codex καὶ ὑπό. Cler.

"By": the other codex has "and by". Clericus.

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Καὶ ὀρφανοῖς. Praetermissa haec sunt in altero cod. Id.

"And to orphans": these words are left out in the other codex. The same.

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Ἐξησκημένος. In altero cod. ἁδρός. Id.

"Finely prepared": in the other codex, "abundant". The same.

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δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν καθεξῆς χρόνων· οὓς δεῖν ᾠήθην μὴ παραλεῖψαι αὖθις μετὰ τὸν ξγʹ ἀριθμὸν, ἀλλὰ συνάψαι τῇ τῆς ἀνακεφαλαιώσεως ἀκολουθίᾳ. Οἷον καί εἰσιν οἵδε· ξδʹ Ἐνώς. ξεʹ. Μαθουσάλα. ξϛʹ. Λάμεχ. ξζʹ. Βαλαάμ. ξηʹ. Ζαούλ. ξθʹ. Ἀβιμέλεχ, ὁ καὶ Ἀχιμέλεχ. οʹ. Ἀμασέ (in LXX, Ἀμασαΐ, I Paral. XII, 18). οαʹ. Σαδώκ. οβʹ. Ὁ γέρων ὁ ἐν Βεθὴλ, Ἄγαβος ὁ ἐν ταῖς Πράξεσιν.

… and from the times following; these I thought it right not to omit, again after the number 63, but to join to the sequence of the recapitulation. And they are these: 64. Enos. 65. Methuselah. 66. Lamech. 67. Balaam. 68. Zaul. 69. Abimelech, who is also Achimelech. 70. Amase (in the LXX, Amasai, 1 Chron. 12:18). 71. Zadok. 72. The old man in Bethel; Agabus, who is in the Acts.

melech, qui et Achimelech. 70. Amase. 71. Sadoc. 72. Senex qui Bethele. Agabus de quo in Actis apostolorum.

… melech, who is also Achimelech. 70. Amase. 71. Sadoc. 72. The old man who was at Bethel. Agabus, of whom in the Acts of the Apostles.

Καὶ ὅσαι προφήτιδες.

And all the prophetesses.

αʹ. Σάῤῥα. βʹ. Ῥεβέκκα. γʹ. Μαρία ἡ τοῦ Μωσέως ἀδελφή. δʹ. Δεβόῤῥα. εʹ. Ὀλδᾶ. ϛʹ. Ἄννα ἡ μήτηρ Σαμουήλ. ζʹ. Ἰουδίθ. ηʹ. Ἐλισάβετ ἡ μήτηρ Ἰωάννου. θʹ. Ἄννα ἡ θυγάτηρ Φανουήλ. ιʹ. Μαρία ἡ Θεοτόκος.

1. Sarah. 2. Rebecca. 3. Mary the sister of Moses. 4. Deborah. 5. Huldah. 6. Anna the mother of Samuel. 7. Judith. 8. Elizabeth the mother of John. 9. Anna the daughter of Phanuel. 10. Mary the Theotokos.

Et quae prophetides.

And the prophetesses.

1. Sara. 2. Rebecca. 3. Maria, Mosis soror. 4. Debbora. 5. Olda. 6. Anna mater Samuelis. 7. Judith. 8. Elisabeth mater Joannis. 9. Anna, filia Phanuelis. 10. Maria Dei genitrix.

1. Sarah. 2. Rebecca. 3. Mary, the sister of Moses. 4. Deborah. 5. Huldah. 6. Anna, the mother of Samuel. 7. Judith. 8. Elizabeth, the mother of John. 9. Anna, the daughter of Phanuel. 10. Mary, Mother of God.

Vides tum eamdem mendam in nomine Obedi, ac supra; tum elogium viri Dei, desumptum ex praesenti historia III Reg. XIII. Quod si vera putetur haec prima opinio, distinguere oportebit Adoniam istum seu Adonem, qui tempore Roboami interiit, ab Addone propheta, quem de Abia rege, filio Roboami, scripsisse dicit liber II Paralipom. cap. xiii, vers. 22. In secunda sententia noster propheta vocatur Sameas, Samaeas, Sameias, Semei. Nam primum nomen datur ei a Tertulliano, libro De jejuniis, cap. 16; secundum, in Chronico Alexandrino ad regnum Josiae, pag. 278; tertium a concilio Meldensi, can. ii; ex synodo ad Theodonis villam cap. 4; qua in synodo et in Capitularibus Caroli Calvi tit. ii, cap. 4, corrupte editum est Samuel, pro Semeias vel Semeas. Qui autem his in locis adnotarunt ad marginem textum III Reg. XI, 30 de Ahia, immemores erant consimilis alterius de Samaea ejusdem libri, cap. 12, in Graeca editione, quem etiam Theodoritus ac Procopius explicant. Ultimum nomen exhibet Epistola Varadati monachi ad Leonem imperatorem, in fine concilii Chalcedonensis: Dixit Deus omnipotens Semei prophetae, etc. Videnda synopsis Athanasiana ad calcem. His ego scriptoribus credere nequaquam possum: quia docet sacra Historia Semeiam diutius vixisse vate, de quo est quaestio. Ex tertia sententia inducitur Sofonias aut Sophonias. Ita cap. 258 tertiae cognitionis Collationis Carthaginensis: quanquam suspicio non levis datur depravatae lectionis, ne locum Adoniae, aut Semeiae, Sofonias occupet. Aliam sententiam disces ex Theodorito et Procopio ad II Paralipom., ex his Michaelis Glycae in Annalibus, p. 2, p. 187: Ὁ μὲν Ἰώσηπος Ἰαδὼν αὐτὸν ὀνομάζει· ἡ δὲ βίβλος τῶν Παραλειπομένων Ἰωὴλ αὐτὸν ἡμᾶς καλεῖσθαι ἐδίδαξεν. Josephus quidem eum appellat Jadonem: at liber Paralipomenon (II, cap. ix, vers. 29 apud LXX, citato jam per me loco, ubi Hebraeum habet Jeddo, vulgata Addo) Joelem eum vocatum fuisse nos docet. Pseudo-Epiphanius, libro De vitis prophetarum: Ἰωὰμ ὁ προφήτης ἐγένετο ἐν Σαμαρείᾳ. Οὗτός ἐστιν ὃν ἐπάταξεν ὁ λέων ἐν τῇ ὁδῷ, καὶ ἀπέθανεν, etc. Joam propheta in Samaria exstitit. Hic est ille, qui a leone in via percussus obiit. Dorothei Synopsis: Joath. Hic erat ex terra Samariae. Percussit eum leo, et mortuus est, ac sepultus in Bethel, juxta pseudoprophetam a quo fuerat seductus. Graece in mss. habetur περὶ τοῦ Ἰωάθ· Οὗτος ἦν ἐκ γῆς Σαμαρείας, ἐπάταξε δὲ αὐτὸν ὁ λέων, καὶ ἀπέθανε, καὶ ἐτάφη ἐν Βαιθὴλ, ἐγγὺς τοῦ ψευδοπροφήτου τοῦ πλανήσαντος αὐτόν. De diversa denique et postrema sententia paulo post agam. Nunc vero antequam relinquo hanc notam, lectorem de nonnullis scitu non indignis, etsi levibus, admonebo, quae componendo eam observavi. Et primo quidem velim ut tollat vitium lectionis e Chronologicis excerptis, quae cum Eusebii Chronicis publica fecit Josephus Scaliger, et ubi inveniet Abdaeus, rescribat Addaeus, qui est Addo. Corrigat quoque Latina Eusebii, ex mss. Graecis, necnon ex Adone ac Freculfo, legatque Joel, non Joed, quod antiquariorum erratum etiam in Mariano Scoto comparet. Notabilis praeterea est incogitantia Eusebii, quando prophetam qui apud altare Samariae fuerat, quique occisus est vivente Roboamo, commemorat sub Asa Roboami nepote. Sed et insigniter lapsi sunt interpretes Clementis Alexandrini et Georgii Cedreni: ille cum locum p. 326. A. edit. Paris.: Καὶ ὁ ἐξ Ἰούδα ἀπελθὼν ἐπὶ Ῥοβοὰμ, καὶ προφητεύσας ἐπὶ τοῦ θυσιαστηρίου, Latine sic vertit: Qui etiam ex Juda abiit ad Roboam, et prophetavit super altare; hic, dum verba p. 87, lib. i, ed. Basil.: Ἀχίας ὁ Σιλωνίτης, Σαμέας ὁ Ἀδών, transfert: Achias Silonites, Samaeas Adonius. Nam debuit a priori reddi; et qui ex Juda abiit sub Roboamo, atque ad altare prophetavit; ab alio autem: Achias Silonites, Sameas, Adon. Cot.

You see here both the same error in the name of Obed as above, and the eulogy of the man of God, taken from the present history, 1 Kings 13. But if this first opinion be thought true, it will be necessary to distinguish this Adonias or Ado, who perished in the time of Rehoboam, from the prophet Addo (Iddo), whom the second book of Chronicles, ch. 13, v. 22, says wrote about King Abijah, the son of Rehoboam. In the second opinion our prophet is called Sameas, Samaeas, Sameias, Semei. For the first name is given him by Tertullian, in the book On Fasting, ch. 16; the second in the Alexandrian Chronicle at the reign of Josiah, p. 278; the third by the council of Meaux, canon 2, from the synod of Thionville, ch. 4; in which synod, and in the Capitularies of Charles the Bald, title 2, ch. 4, Samuel has been printed corruptly for Semeias or Semeas. But those who in these places noted in the margin the text 1 Kings 11:30 about Ahijah were unmindful of another, quite similar, about Samaeas in ch. 12 of the same book in the Greek edition, which Theodoret and Procopius also expound. The last name is given by the Letter of the monk Varadatus to the emperor Leo, at the end of the council of Chalcedon: 'God almighty said to Semei the prophet', etc. See the Athanasian Synopsis at the end. I can by no means believe these writers, because the sacred History teaches that Semeias lived a good while longer than the seer in question. From the third opinion Sofonias or Sophonias is brought in. So ch. 258 of the third session of the Conference of Carthage; although there is no slight suspicion of a corrupted reading, lest Sofonias should take the place of Adonias or Semeias. Another opinion you will learn from Theodoret and Procopius on 2 Chronicles, and from these words of Michael Glycas in his Annals, part 2, p. 187: 'Josephus names him Iadon; but the book of Chronicles has taught us that he was called Joel.' Josephus indeed calls him Jadon; but the book of Chronicles (2 Chron. 9:29 in the LXX, the place already cited by me, where the Hebrew has Jeddo and the Vulgate Addo) teaches us that he was called Joel. Pseudo-Epiphanius, in the book On the Lives of the Prophets: 'Joam the prophet arose in Samaria. This is he whom the lion struck in the way, and he died', etc. Joam the prophet arose in Samaria. This is he who was struck by a lion in the way and died. The Synopsis of Dorotheus: 'Joath. He was from the land of Samaria. A lion struck him, and he died, and was buried in Bethel, near the false prophet by whom he had been led astray.' In Greek in the manuscripts there stands, concerning Joath: 'He was from the land of Samaria, and the lion struck him, and he died, and was buried in Bethel, near the false prophet who had led him astray.' Of the different and last opinion, finally, I shall treat a little later. But now, before I leave this note, I shall advise the reader of some things not unworthy to be known, though slight, which I observed in composing it. And first I should wish him to remove a fault of reading from the Chronological excerpts which Joseph Scaliger published with the Chronicles of Eusebius, and where he finds Abdaeus, to write instead Addaeus, who is Addo. Let him also correct the Latin of Eusebius from the Greek manuscripts, and from Ado and Freculf as well, and read Joel, not Joed, an error of the copyists which appears also in Marianus Scotus. Remarkable besides is the heedlessness of Eusebius, when he records under Asa, the grandson of Rehoboam, the prophet who had been at the altar of Samaria and who was slain while Rehoboam was living. But the translators of Clement of Alexandria and of George Cedrenus have also notably slipped: the former, when he renders the place at p. 326 A of the Paris edition, 'And he who went from Judah to Rehoboam and prophesied at the altar', thus in Latin: 'Who also went from Judah to Rehoboam, and prophesied over the altar'; the latter, when he translates the words at p. 87, book 1, of the Basel edition, 'Ahijah the Shilonite, Samaeas the Adon', as 'Ahijah the Shilonite, Samaeas the Adonian'. For the first ought to have rendered: 'and he who went from Judah under Rehoboam, and prophesied at the altar'; and the other: 'Ahijah the Shilonite, Sameas, Adon'. Cotelier.

(35) Ὑπό. Alter codex καὶ ὑπό. Cler.

(35) 'By'. The other codex has 'and by'. Le Clerc.

(36) Καὶ ὀρφανοῖς. Praetermissa haec sunt in altero cod. Id.

(36) 'And to orphans'. These words are omitted in the other codex. The same.

(37) Ἐξησκημένος. In altero cod. ἀδρός. Id.

(37) 'Elaborately prepared'. In the other codex, 'abundant'. The same.

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Οἱ ἐν ἁμαρτίαις, etc., usque ad μοχθηρίας. Legebat ista Gentianus Hervetus, quaestione 1 Anastasianarum. Non legebat Jacobus Gretserus. Cum primo faciunt libri Regii, in quorum uno post μοχθηρίας positum est τὴν τιμωρίαν. Cot.

"Those in sins," etc., down to "wickedness". Gentian Hervet read these words in Question 1 of Anastasius; Jacob Gretser did not. The Royal books agree with the first; in one of them "the punishment" is placed after "wickedness". Cotelier.

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(39) ‹anchor: Οὔτε γὰρ Ἐλισσαῖος› · call in col 817

Ἀπηγόρευται. Οὔτε. Haec inter, in membranis Regiis melioris notae cod. 1789 Anastasii Quaestionum, inserta sunt Graeca quae sequuntur: [two facing columns; Greek:] Ἀπεστάλη Ἀζαὴλ παρὰ Ἄδερ βασιλέως Συρίας πρὸς Ἐλισσαιὲ, καὶ ἔλαβεν μάννα ἐν τῇ χειρὶ αὐτοῦ, καὶ πάντα ἀγαθὰ Δαμασκοῦ, ἄρσιν τεσσαράκοντα καμήλων, δῶρα, καὶ ἦλθεν, καὶ ἔστη ἐνώπιον Ἐλισσαιὲ, καὶ εἶπεν· Ὁ υἱός σου υἱὸς Ἄδερ βασιλεὺς Συρίας μαλακισθεὶς, ἀπέστειλέν με πρὸς σὲ, λέγων· Εἰ ζήσομαι; Καὶ ἔστη Ἀζαὴλ κατὰ πρόσωπον αὐτοῦ, καὶ παρέθηκεν ἐνώπιον αὐτοῦ τὰ δῶρα, ἕως ᾐσχύνετο. Καὶ Ἐλισσαιὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν εἶπε· Πορεύου, καὶ εἰπὲ αὐτῷ· ζωῇ ζήσῃ σύ· καὶ αὐτὸς ἀποθάνηται. Καὶ ἐπορεύθη. Φοβηθεὶς ὁ Ἱεροβοὰμ, ὅπως μὴ ἀποστῇ ὁ λαὸς ἀπ' αὐτοῦ, καὶ προσκολληθῇ τῷ Ῥοβοὰμ, ἐποίησε δαμάλεις δύο, καὶ ἔθετο τὴν μὲν μίαν ἐν Βεθὴλ, τὴν δὲ ἑτέραν ἐν Δὰν, καὶ σὺν τῷ ὑπ' αὐτοῦ λαῷ ἐλθὼν, ἀνέβη αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τὸ θυσιαστήριον τὸ ἐν Βεθὴλ θῦσαι. Καὶ ἰδοὺ Ἀχίας ὁ Σιλωνίτης, ὃς ἦν προφήτης τοῦ Θεοῦ, παρεγένετο ἐξ Ἰούδα εἰς Βεθὴλ, καὶ εἶπε· Θυσιαστήριον, θυσιαστήριον, ἰδοὺ υἱὸς τίκτεται τῷ οἴκῳ Δαυῒδ, Ἰωσίας ὄνομα αὐτοῦ, καὶ θύσει τοὺς ἱερεῖς, καὶ ὀστᾶ ἀνθρώπων κατακαύσει ἐπὶ σέ. Καὶ ἐξέτεινε τὴν χεῖρα αὐτοῦ ὁ βασιλεὺς, λέγων· Συλλάβετε αὐτόν· καὶ ἐξηράνθη ἡ χεὶρ αὐτοῦ· καὶ ὑπ' αὐτοῦ παρακληθεὶς ὁ ἄνθρωπος τοῦ Θεοῦ, ἰάσατο αὐτόν. Καὶ λέγει ὁ βασιλεὺς πρὸς αὐτόν· Εἴσελθε μετ' ἐμοῦ εἰς τὸν οἶκόν μου, καὶ ἀρίστησον, καὶ δώσω σοι δόμα. Καὶ εἶπεν ὁ ἄνθρωπος τοῦ Θεοῦ· Ἐὰν δῷς μοι τὸ ἥμισυ τοῦ οἴκου σου, οὐκ εἰσελεύσομαι μετὰ σοῦ, οὐδὲ μὴ φάγω ἄρτον. Οὗτος ἦν ὁ προφήτης ὁ ὑπὸ ψευδοπροφήτου ἀναπατηθεὶς, καὶ τὴν ἐντολὴν παραβὰς τοῦ Θεοῦ, καὶ ὑπὸ λέοντος θανατωθεὶς, καὶ ξενόταφος γενόμενος [in marg. γεγονώς.) [Latin:] Missus est Azael ab Adere rege Syriae ad Elisaeum; et sumpsit manna in manu sua; et omnia bona Damasci, onus quadraginta camelorum, dona; et venit, ac stetit coram Elisaeo, et dixit: Filius tuus filius Ader rex Syriae aegrotans misit me ad te, dicens: An vivam? Et stetit Azael ad faciem ejus, et apposuit coram eo dona, donec confusus est. Elisaeus autem dixit ad eum: Vade, dic illi: Tu vita vives: ipse tamen morietur. Et abiit. Veritus Jeroboam ne populus ab eo abscederet, ac Roboamo adjungeretur, fecit duas vitulas, posuitque unam quidem Bethele, alteram vero Dane; veniensque cum populo sibi subdito, ascendit ipse ad altare quod Bethele, ut sacrificaret. Et ecce Achias Silonites, qui erat Dei propheta, advenit e Juda Bethelem, dixitque: Altare, altare! ecce filius nascitur domui Davidis, Josias nomen ejus; et immolabit sacerdotes, et ossa hominum comburet super te. Et extendit manum suam rex, dicens: Comprehendite eum: et exaruit manus ejus. Atque ab illo rogatus homo Dei, sanavit eum. Et ait rex ad ipsum: Intra mecum in domum meam, et prande, et dabo tibi donum. Et dixit homo Dei: Si dederis mihi dimidium domus tuae, non ingrediar tecum, neque manducabo panem. Hic est propheta ille, qui a pseudopropheta deceptus, et transgressus mandatum Dei, a leone interemptus fuit, ac extera sepultura multatus est. [Full measure:] En duo scholia ad duas historias a Constitutore allatas, accepta ex litteris sacris, IV Regum VIII, 8, etc., et III Reg. XII, 26, etc., et XIII, 1, etc. Observabilis in primo, tum vox δῶρα ad explicandam vocem μνανά, quam loco μαννά poni solere dixi ad interpretationem Chrysostomi in Danielem; tum lectio editionis Complutensis, IV Reg. VIII, 11: Καὶ ἔστη Ἀζαὴλ κατὰ πρόσωπον αὐτοῦ, καὶ παρέθηκεν ἐνώπιον αὐτοῦ τὰ δῶρα, ἕως ᾐσχύνετο. In 2 scholio falsa est Graeculi sententia illa, quam praetermisimus in penultima adnotatione. Quis credat ei, prophetam illum esse Achiam Silonitem, contempta auctoritate sacrae Scripturae, quae III Reg. cap. XIII et XIV, non obscure ambos distinguit, huncque illi supervixisse significat? Neque vero hoc dicitur in Constitutionibus, sed a scholiaste confusi fuerunt Adonias et Achias; quemadmodum a pseudo-Dorotheo pro uno homine binomini sumuntur. Graeca Dorothei illius sunt. . . . . . Περὶ τοῦ Ἀχιᾶ. . . . . . Οὗτος ἦν ἐκ Σιλὼμ, ὅπου ἦν ἡ σκηνὴ ἡ πάλαι, ἐκ τῆς πόλεως Ἠλί. Καὶ ἀπέθανε. Καὶ ἐτάφη ἐγγὺς τῆς δρυὸς Σιλώμ· οὗτος δὲ καὶ Ἀδωνίας καλεῖται. Latina Vulgata. . . . . . . Achias. . . . . . Iste erat ex Silon, ubi olim erat tabernaculum, e civitate Eli. Mortuus est, ac sepultus prope quercum Silon. Idem etiam Adonias vocatur. . . . . . . Emenda in nomine Ahiae S. Gregorium homil. 1 in Ezechielem. Sic Ahiae prophetae animum, prophetiae spiritus, et ex praesenti, atque ex futuro tetigerat, cum caligantibus oculis, eam quae se esse aliam simulabat, et uxorem Jeroboam esse cognovit, et quidquid ei futurum esset aperuit. Male vulgo Abiae. Corruptus quoque multipliciter est Lucifer Calaritanus libro De regibus apostaticis, pag. 167 168, in textu III Reg., cap. XII (continues)

"Is forbidden. Nor." Between these words, in the Royal parchments, codex 1789 (of the better sort) of Anastasius's Questions, the following Greek is inserted: [Greek and Latin facing, the same text:] "Hazael was sent by Ader (Ben-hadad), king of Syria, to Elisha; and he took manna (gifts) in his hand, and all the good things of Damascus, a load of forty camels, as presents; and he came and stood before Elisha and said: Your son, the son of Ader, king of Syria, being sick, has sent me to you, saying: Shall I live? And Hazael stood before his face and set the gifts before him, until he was ashamed. And Elisha said to him: Go, and tell him: You shall surely live; yet he will die. And he went. Jeroboam, fearing lest the people should fall away from him and attach themselves to Rehoboam, made two heifers, and set one in Bethel and the other in Dan; and coming with the people under him, he went up himself to the altar in Bethel to sacrifice. And behold, Ahijah the Shilonite, who was a prophet of God, came from Judah to Bethel and said: Altar, altar, behold a son is born to the house of David, Josiah is his name; and he will sacrifice the priests, and burn men's bones upon you. And the king stretched out his hand, saying: Seize him; and his hand withered; and the man of God, entreated by him, healed him. And the king said to him: Come into my house with me and dine, and I will give you a gift. And the man of God said: If you give me half your house, I will not go in with you, nor eat bread. This was the prophet who was deceived by a false prophet, transgressed God's command, was killed by a lion, and was buried in a stranger's tomb [in the margin: 'became']." [The Latin column gives the same, ending "and was punished with burial among strangers."] Here are two scholia on two stories the Constitutor has brought in, taken from sacred Scripture, 4 Kings 8:8 ff. and 3 Kings 12:26 ff. and 13:1 ff. Notable in the first are both the word "gifts", explaining the word "mnana", which I said, at the interpretation of Chrysostom on Daniel, is commonly put in place of "manna"; and the reading of the Complutensian edition at 4 Kings 8:11: "And Hazael stood before his face and set the gifts before him, until he was ashamed." In the second scholion that little Greek's opinion, which we passed over in the last note but one, is false. Who would believe him that this prophet was Ahijah the Shilonite, setting aside the authority of sacred Scripture, which in 3 Kings 13 and 14 plainly distinguishes the two and indicates that the latter outlived the former? Nor is this said in the Constitutions; it is the scholiast who confused Adonias and Ahijah, just as pseudo-Dorotheus takes them for one man with two names. The Greek of that Dorotheus is: "... Of Ahijah ... He was from Silom, where the tabernacle was of old, from the city of Eli. And he died, and was buried near the oak of Silom. He is also called Adonias." The Latin of the Vulgate: "... Ahijah ... He was from Silon, where the tabernacle once was, from the city of Eli. He died and was buried near the oak of Silon. He is also called Adonias." In the name Ahijah correct St Gregory, Homily 1 on Ezekiel: "So the spirit of prophecy had touched the mind of the prophet Ahijah, both from the present and from the future, when with dim eyes he recognized the woman who pretended to be another as the wife of Jeroboam, and disclosed whatever was to befall her." Commonly, and wrongly, "Abijah". Lucifer of Cagliari, too, in the book On Apostate Kings, pp. 167–168, is corrupted in many ways in the text of 3 Kings 12 (continues)

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(38) Οἱ ἐν ἁμαρτίαις, etc., usque ad μοχθηρίας. Legebat ista Gentianus Hervetus, quaestione 1 Anastasianarum. Non legebat Jacobus Gretserus. Cum primo faciunt libri Regii, in quorum uno post μοχθηρίας positum est τὴν τιμωρίαν. Cot.

(38) "Those in sins", etc., as far as "wickedness". Gentian Hervet read these words in the first of the Anastasian Questions. Jacob Gretser did not read them. The Royal books agree with the former, and in one of them τὴν τιμωρίαν ('the punishment') is placed after μοχθηρίας. Cotelier.

(39) Ἀπηγόρευται. Οὔτε. Haec inter, in membranis Regiis melioris notae cod. 1789 Anastasii Quaestionum, inserta sunt Graeca quae sequuntur:

(39) "Are forbidden. Nor." Between these words, in the Royal parchments, in codex 1789 of Anastasius's Questions, a manuscript of the better sort, the following Greek is inserted:

Ἀπεστάλη Ἀζαὴλ παρὰ Ἄδερ βασιλέως Συρίας πρὸς Ἐλισσαιὲ, καὶ ἔλαβεν μάννα ἐν τῇ χειρὶ αὐτοῦ, καὶ πάντα ἀγαθὰ Δαμασκοῦ, ἄρσιν τεσσαράκοντα καμήλων, δῶρα, καὶ ἦλθεν, καὶ ἔστη ἐνώπιον Ἐλισσαιὲ, καὶ εἶπεν· Ὁ υἱός σου υἱὸς Ἄδερ βασιλεὺς Συρίας μαλακισθεὶς, ἀπέστειλέν με πρὸς σὲ, λέγων· Εἰ ζήσομαι; Καὶ ἔστη Ἀζαὴλ κατὰ πρόσωπον αὐτοῦ, καὶ παρέθηκεν ἐνώπιον αὐτοῦ τὰ δῶρα, ἕως ᾐσχύνετο. Καὶ Ἐλισσαιὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν εἶπε· Πορεύου, καὶ εἰπὲ αὐτῷ· ζωῇ ζήσῃ σύ· καὶ αὐτὸς ἀποθάνηται. Καὶ ἐπορεύθη. Φοβηθεὶς ὁ Ἱεροβοὰμ, ὅπως μὴ ἀποστῇ ὁ λαὸς ἀπ' αὐτοῦ, καὶ προσκολληθῇ τῷ Ῥοβοὰμ, ἐποίησε δαμάλεις δύο, καὶ ἔθετο τὴν μὲν μίαν ἐν Βεθὴλ, τὴν δὲ ἑτέραν ἐν Δὰν, καὶ σὺν τῷ ὑπ' αὐτοῦ λαῷ ἐλθὼν, ἀνέβη αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τὸ θυσιαστήριον τὸ ἐν Βεθὴλ θῦσαι. Καὶ ἰδοὺ Ἀχίας ὁ Σιλωνίτης, ὃς ἦν προφήτης τοῦ Θεοῦ, παρεγένετο ἐξ Ἰούδα εἰς Βεθὴλ, καὶ εἶπε· Θυσιαστήριον, θυσιαστήριον, ἰδοὺ υἱὸς τίκτεται τῷ οἴκῳ Δαυῒδ, Ἰωσίας ὄνομα αὐτοῦ, καὶ θύσει τοὺς ἱερεῖς, καὶ ὀστᾶ ἀνθρώπων κατακαύσει ἐπὶ σέ. Καὶ ἐξέτεινε τὴν χεῖρα αὐτοῦ ὁ βασιλεὺς, λέγων· Συλλάβετε αὐτόν· καὶ ἐξηράνθη ἡ χεὶρ αὐτοῦ· καὶ ὑπ' αὐτοῦ παρακληθεὶς ὁ ἄνθρωπος τοῦ Θεοῦ, ἰάσατο αὐτόν. Καὶ λέγει ὁ βασιλεὺς πρὸς αὐτόν· Εἴσελθε μετ' ἐμοῦ εἰς τὸν οἶκόν μου, καὶ ἀρίστησον, καὶ δώσω σοι δόμα. Καὶ εἶπεν ὁ ἄνθρωπος τοῦ Θεοῦ· Ἐὰν δῷς μοι τὸ ἥμισυ τοῦ οἴκου σου, οὐκ εἰσελεύσομαι μετὰ σοῦ, οὐδὲ μὴ φάγω ἄρτον. Οὗτος ἦν ὁ προφήτης ὁ ὑπὸ ψευδοπροφήτου ἀναπατηθεὶς, καὶ τὴν ἐντολὴν παραβὰς τοῦ Θεοῦ, καὶ ὑπὸ λέοντος θανατωθεὶς, καὶ ξενόταφος γενόμενος [in marg. γεγονώς.)

Hazael was sent from Ader, king of Syria, to Elisha, and he took manna in his hand, and all the good things of Damascus, a load of forty camels, as gifts; and he came, and stood before Elisha, and said: Your son, Ader's son, the king of Syria, being sick, has sent me to you, saying: Shall I live? And Hazael stood before his face, and set the gifts before him, until he was ashamed. And Elisha said to him: Go, and say to him: You shall surely live; and he shall die. And he went. Jeroboam, fearing lest the people should fall away from him and cleave to Rehoboam, made two heifers, and set the one in Bethel and the other in Dan; and coming with the people under him, he went up himself to the altar that was in Bethel to sacrifice. And behold, Ahijah the Shilonite, who was a prophet of God, came from Judah to Bethel, and said: Altar, altar, behold, a son is born to the house of David, Josiah is his name, and he shall sacrifice the priests, and shall burn men's bones upon you. And the king stretched out his hand, saying: Seize him; and his hand was withered; and the man of God, being entreated by him, healed him. And the king says to him: Come in with me to my house, and dine, and I will give you a gift. And the man of God said: If you give me the half of your house, I will not go in with you, nor will I eat bread. This was the prophet who was deceived by a false prophet, and transgressed the commandment of God, and was put to death by a lion, and was buried in a foreign tomb [in the margin: γεγονώς ('having been').)

Missus est Azael ab Adere rege Syriae ad Elisaeum; et sumpsit manna in manu sua; et omnia bona Damasci, onus quadraginta camelorum, dona; et venit, ac stetit coram Elisaeo, et dixit: Filius tuus filius Ader rex Syriae aegrotans misit me ad te, dicens: An vivam? Et stetit Azael ad faciem ejus, et apposuit coram eo dona, donec confusus est. Elisaeus autem dixit ad eum: Vade, dic illi: Tu vita vives: ipse tamen morietur. Et abiit. Veritus Jeroboam ne populus ab eo abscederet, ac Roboamo adjungeretur, fecit duas vitulas, posuitque unam quidem Bethele, alteram vero Dane; veniensque cum populo sibi subdito, ascendit ipse ad altare quod Bethele, ut sacrificaret. Et ecce Achias Silonites, qui erat Dei propheta, advenit e Juda Bethelem, dixitque: Altare, altare! ecce filius nascitur domui Davidis, Josias nomen ejus; et immolabit sacerdotes, et ossa hominum comburet super te. Et extendit manum suam rex, dicens: Comprehendite eum: et exaruit manus ejus. Atque ab illo rogatus homo Dei, sanavit eum. Et ait rex ad ipsum: Intra mecum in domum meam, et prande, et dabo tibi donum. Et dixit homo Dei: Si dederis mihi dimidium domus tuae, non ingrediar tecum, neque manducabo panem. Hic est propheta ille, qui a pseudopropheta deceptus, et transgressus mandatum Dei, a leone interemptus fuit, ac extera sepultura multatus est.

Hazael was sent by Ader, king of Syria, to Elisha; and he took manna in his hand, and all the good things of Damascus, a load of forty camels, as gifts; and he came, and stood before Elisha, and said: Your son, Ader's son, the king of Syria, being sick, has sent me to you, saying: Shall I live? And Hazael stood before his face, and set the gifts before him, until he was put to confusion. And Elisha said to him: Go, say to him: You shall live with life; yet he shall die. And he went away. Jeroboam, fearing lest the people should depart from him and join themselves to Rehoboam, made two heifers, and placed the one at Bethel and the other at Dan; and coming with the people subject to him, he himself went up to the altar that was at Bethel to sacrifice. And behold, Ahijah the Shilonite, who was a prophet of God, came from Judah to Bethel, and said: Altar, altar! behold, a son is born to the house of David, Josiah is his name; and he shall slay the priests, and shall burn men's bones upon you. And the king stretched out his hand, saying: Seize him; and his hand withered. And the man of God, being entreated by him, healed him. And the king said to him: Come in with me into my house, and dine, and I will give you a gift. And the man of God said: If you give me half of your house, I will not go in with you, nor will I eat bread. This is that prophet who, deceived by a false prophet and having transgressed the commandment of God, was slain by a lion and punished with burial in a stranger's grave.

En duo scholia ad duas historias a Constitutore allatas, accepta ex litteris sacris, IV Regum VIII, 8, etc., et III Reg. XII, 26, etc., et XIII, 1, etc. Observabilis in primo, tum vox δῶρα ad explicandam vocem μνανά, quam loco μαννά poni solere dixi ad interpretationem Chrysostomi in Danielem; tum lectio editionis Complutensis, IV Reg. VIII, 11: Καὶ ἔστη Ἀζαὴλ κατὰ πρόσωπον αὐτοῦ, καὶ παρέθηκεν ἐνώπιον αὐτοῦ τὰ δῶρα, ἕως ᾐσχύνετο. In 2 scholio falsa est Graeculi sententia illa, quam praetermisimus in penultima adnotatione. Quis credat ei, prophetam illum esse Achiam Silonitem, contempta auctoritate sacrae Scripturae, quae III Reg. cap. XIII et XIV, non obscure ambos distinguit, huncque illi supervixisse significat? Neque vero hoc dicitur in Constitutionibus, sed a scholiaste confusi fuerunt Adonias et Achias; quemadmodum a pseudo-Dorotheo pro uno homine binomini sumuntur. Graeca Dorothei illius sunt. . . . . . . Περὶ τοῦ Ἀχιᾶ. . . . . . Οὗτος ἦν ἐκ Σιλὼμ, ὅπου ἦν ἡ σκηνὴ ἡ πάλαι, ἐκ τῆς πόλεως Ἠλί. Καὶ ἀπέθανε. Καὶ ἐτάφη ἐγγὺς τῆς δρυὸς Σιλώμ· οὗτος δὲ καὶ Ἀδωνίας καλεῖται. Latina Vulgata. . . . . . . . Achias. . . . . . . Iste erat ex Silon, ubi olim erat tabernaculum, e civitate Eli. Mortuus est, ac sepultus prope quercum Silon. Idem etiam Adonias vocatur. . . . . . Emenda in nomine Ahiae S. Gregorium homil. 1 in Ezechielem. Sic Ahiae prophetae animum, prophetiae spiritus, et ex praesenti, atque ex futuro tetigerat, cum caligantibus oculis, eam quae se esse aliam simulabat, et uxorem Jeroboam esse cognovit, et quidquid ei futurum esset aperuit. Male vulgo Abiae. Corruptus quoque multipliciter est Lucifer Calaritanus libro De regibus apostaticis, pag. 167 168, in textu III Reg., cap. XII

Here are two scholia on two histories adduced by the Constitutor, taken from the sacred writings, 4 Kings 8:8 etc., and 3 Kings 12:26 etc., and 13:1 etc. Noteworthy in the first are, first, the word δῶρα ('gifts') used to explain the word μνανά, which, as I said on Chrysostom's interpretation of Daniel, is commonly put in place of μαννά; and second, the reading of the Complutensian edition at 4 Kings 8:11: "And Hazael stood before his face, and set the gifts before him, until he was ashamed." In the second scholion the little Greek's opinion, which we passed over in the penultimate annotation, is false. Who would believe him that that prophet was Ahijah the Shilonite, in contempt of the authority of sacred Scripture, which in 3 Kings chapters 13 and 14 plainly distinguishes the two, and indicates that the latter outlived the former? Nor indeed is this said in the Constitutions; rather, Adonias and Ahijah were confused by the scholiast, just as they are taken by pseudo-Dorotheus for one man with two names. The Greek of that Dorotheus is: . . . "On Ahijah." . . . "He was from Shiloh, where the tabernacle was of old, from the city of Eli. And he died. And he was buried near the oak of Shiloh; and he is also called Adonias." The Latin of the Vulgate: . . . "Ahijah" . . . "He was from Shiloh, where the tabernacle once was, from the city of Eli. He died, and was buried near the oak of Shiloh. The same is also called Adonias." . . . Correct St Gregory, Homily 1 on Ezekiel, in the name of Ahijah: "Thus the spirit of prophecy had touched the mind of the prophet Ahijah both from the present and from the future, when with darkened eyes he recognized her who pretended to be another woman as the wife of Jeroboam, and disclosed to her whatever was to befall her." The common reading "Abiae" is wrong. Lucifer of Cagliari, too, in the book On Apostate Kings, pp. 167–168, is corrupt in many places in the text of 3 Kings chapter 12

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(50) ‹anchor: non exaudiam eos› · call in col 818

Jer. XV, 1.

Jer. 15:1.

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(51) ‹anchor: non exaudiam te› · call in col 818

Jer. VII, 16.

Jer. 7:16.

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(52) ‹anchor: Quin etiam in peccatis› · call in col 818

Etiam hoc caput subjungit Anastasius.

Anastasius appends this chapter too.

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(53) ‹anchor: legibus prohibentur› · call in col 818

Deut. XXVIII, 18.

Deut. 28:18 [as printed; the text alludes to Deut. 23:18].

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(54) ‹anchor: Azaele munera accepit› · call in col 819

IV Reg. VIII.

4 Kings (2 Kings) 8.

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(55) ‹anchor: nec Achias a Jeroboamo› · call in col 819

III Reg. XIV.

3 Kings (1 Kings) 14.

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(57) ‹anchor: pecuniam offerens› · call in col 819

Act. VIII.

Acts 8.

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(58) ‹anchor: non appropinquabit tibi› · call in col 819

Isa. LIV, 14.

Isa. 54:14.

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(59) ‹anchor: non impinguet caput meum› · call in col 819

Psal. CXL, 5.

Ps. 140(141):5.

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(60) ‹anchor: CAPUT IX› · call in col 819

Hoc caput adducit Anastasius, quaest. 12.

Anastasius adduces this chapter, Question 12.

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(56) ‹anchor: ξένια, δίκαιον› · call in col 820

Anast. δῖον.

Anastasius: "dion" [as printed].

(printed under page 407)

(39) ‹anchor: Οὔτε γὰρ Ἐλισσαῖος; continued from page 406› · call in col 817

(continued) Graecae editionis, cap. XIV Hebraicae et Latinae; ita tamen ut facile, sequendo vestigia Graecorum vocabulorum, corrigi queat, hunc fere in modum: Et homo, inquit, erat ex Silis, aut potius ex Silon, et nomen ei Achiab; vel quod malim Achiah, et hic erat sexaginta annorum, et verbum Domini erat cum illo. Et dixit Jeroboam ad uxorem suam: Surge et accipe in manu tua homini Dei panes, et collyrides filiis ejus, et uvas, et vas mellis. Et surrexit mulier, et fecit sicut dixit ei vir ejus. Et Achiah homo senex erat valde, et oculi ejus caliginabantur videre. Et surrexit mulier ex Sarira, et abiit. Et factum est, cum intrasset ipsa in civitate ad Achiah Silonitem, et dixit Achiah puero suo: Exi nunc in obviam Annae uxori Jeroboam, et dices ei: Intra, et noli stare, quoniam haec dicit Dominus: Dura ego mitto in te. Et intravit Anna ad hominem Dei; et dixit ei Achiah: Utquid mihi attulisti panes, et uvam, et collyrides, et vas mellis? Haec dicit Dominus: Ecce tu ibis a me; et ecce cum intraveris portam civitatis Sarira, et puellae tuae exient in obviam, et dicent tibi: Puer mortuus est. Quoniam haec dicit Dominus: Ecce ego disperdo hujus Jeroboam mingentem ad parietem; et erunt mortui ejus Jeroboam in civitate, et comedent eos canes, et mortui erunt ei in agro, et comedent eos volucres coeli. Porro de munerum rejectione, praeter LXX, vide Hieronymum ad Michaeae caput III, et Procopium in I Reg. IX. Cot.

(printed under page 407)

(40) ‹anchor: ἐνόμισε κτᾶσθαι› · call in col 820

Ἐναλλαγῇ ἐνόμισε κτᾶσθαι. In altero cod. μεταβολῇ κτήσασθαι, quod vertendum mutatione se comparaturum; obtulit enim Simon pecuniam, ea lege, ut sibi donum Spiritus sancti aliis conferendi venderet Petrus. Cler.

"He thought to acquire by exchange." The other codex has "to acquire by barter", which should be rendered "that he would obtain it by exchange"; for Simon offered money on condition that Peter should sell him the gift of conferring the Holy Spirit on others. Clericus.

(printed under page 407)

(41) ‹anchor: Ἀλλ' ἐὰν λέγοιτε› · call in col 820

Ἀλλ' ἐάν. Alter ἐὰν δέ. Cl.

"But if": the other has "and if". Clericus.

(printed under page 407)

(42) ‹anchor: ὑπηρετηθήσονται παρ' ἡμῶν› · call in col 820

Παρ' ἡμῶν. Deest in altero cod. Id.

"By us": missing in the other codex. The same.

(printed under page 407)

(43) ‹anchor: τοῦ λαοῦ διατραφῶσιν› · call in col 820

Διατραφῶσιν. Deest in eodem. Id.

"Be fed": missing in the same. The same.

(printed under page 407)

(44) ‹anchor: καὶ μὴ ἐν ἀπορίᾳ› · call in col 820

Ἐν. Deest in eodem. Id.

"In": missing in the same. The same.

(printed under page 407)

(45) ‹anchor: λυσιτελεῖ διαφθαρῆναι› · call in col 820

Λυσιτελεῖ διαφθαρῆναι. Severe pro more (continues)

"It is better to perish." Severely, as is the custom (continues)

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<!-- Scripture/testimonia series (full-width band). Note 61 is called above this column; 62 (at τῶν ἁγίων) and 64 record Greek readings and are called in the Greek only. --> (printed under page 408)

(62) ‹anchor: τῶν ἁγίων› · call in col 821

Anast. πενήτων.

Anastasius: "of the poor".

(printed under page 408)

(64) ‹anchor: ἀνοσίου ἄκοντες› · call in col 821

Anast. ἄκοντας.

Anastasius: "unwilling" (accusative).

(printed under page 408)

(46) ‹anchor: ἐξ αὐτῷ τι› · call in col 821

Ἐξ αὐτῷ. Lege ἐξ αὐτοῦ, aut cum Anastasio et Nicone ἐξ αὐτῶν. Cot.

"From it" (dative, faulty): read the genitive singular, or, with Anastasius and Nicon, "from them". Cotelier.

(printed under page 408)

(47) ‹anchor: τῶν προσκομιζόντων› · call in col 821

Προσκομιζόντων. Alter habet. Cler.

"Of those who bring": the other codex has it. Clericus.

(printed under page 408)

(48) ‹anchor: τὴν πρὸς τοὺς εὐσεβεῖς› · call in col 821

Πρὸς τοὺς εὐσεβεῖς. Idem παρὰ τῶν εὐσεβῶν, melius. Id.

"With the godly": the same codex has "from the godly", better. The same.

(printed under page 408)

(61) ‹anchor: torcularia tua redundent› · call in col 822

Prov. III, 9.

Prov. 3:9.

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(63) ‹anchor: ne parcas› · call in col 822

Prov. XXIV, 11.

Prov. 24:11.

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(65) ‹anchor: cum severitate castigare› · call in col 822

Prov. XXIII, 13.

Prov. 23:13.

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(66) ‹anchor: e morte erues› · call in col 823

Prov. XXIX, 17. et XIX, 18; et XXIII, 14.

Prov. 29:17, and 19:18, and 23:14.

(printed under page 409)

(67) ‹anchor: odit filium suum› · call in col 823

Prov. XIII, 24.

Prov. 13:24.

(printed under page 409)

(68) ‹anchor: non credat tibi› · call in col 823

Eccli. XXX, 12.

Ecclus. 30:12.

(printed under page 409)

(69) ‹anchor: convivandum cum aequalibus› · call in col 823

Prov. XXIII, 20.

Prov. 23:20.

(printed under page 409)

(70) ‹anchor: condemnabuntur. Quocirca› · call in col 823

Cl., epist. ad Jacob. c. 7.

Clement, Letter to James, ch. 7.

(printed under page 409)

(71) ‹anchor: cum timore Dei› · call in col 823

Ephes. VI, 5; I Pet. II, 18.

Eph. 6:5; 1 Pet. 2:18.

(printed under page 409)

(72) ‹anchor: et ut patrem› · call in col 823

Col. IV, 1; I Tim. VI, 2.

Col. 4:1; 1 Tim. 6:2.

(printed under page 409)

(73) ‹anchor: ad oculum serviens› · call in col 823

Ephes. VI. 6. Col. III, 22

Eph. 6:6; Col. 3:22.

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(49) ‹anchor: ὁ αὐτὸς οὕτως› · call in col 824

Οὕτως. Deest in altero, nec sane eo opus est. Cler.

"Thus": missing in the other codex, and it is certainly not needed. Clericus.

(printed under page 409)

(50) ‹anchor: Καὶ ἑξῆς› · call in col 824

Ἑξῆς. Alias: Πάλιν σοφός τις ἕτερος, recte; nam Ecclesiastici auctor hic laudatur, non Salomon. Id.

"Next": elsewhere, "Again another wise man," rightly; for here the author of Ecclesiasticus is quoted, not Solomon. The same.

(printed under page 409)

(51) ‹anchor: καὶ δαρμοῖς› · call in col 824

Δαρμοῖς. Al.: πληγαῖς καὶ δαρμοῖς. Hesychius: Σπαράγμασι· ξεσμοῖς, ταραχαῖς, ἀποβολαῖς, δαρμοῖς. S. Maximus, Centuria 4, De charitate, cap. 81: Τὰ τὴν ἀγάπην λύοντα, εἰσὶ ταῦτα· οἷον, ἀτιμία, ζημία, συκοφαντία, ἢ εἰς πίστιν, ἢ εἰς βίον, δαρμοὶ, πληγαὶ, καὶ τὰ ἑξῆς. Cot.

"Beatings": another reading, "blows and beatings". Hesychius: "Tearings: scrapings, disturbances, castings-off, beatings." St Maximus, Centuries on Charity IV, 81: "The things that dissolve love are these: dishonour, loss, slander, whether touching faith or life, beatings, blows, and so on." Cotelier.

(printed under page 409)

(52) ‹anchor: ὑμέτερά τε καὶ θεῖα› · call in col 824

Ὑμέτερα. Alter legit melius ἡμετέρας. Cler.

"Your": the other codex reads, better, "our". Clericus.

(printed under page 409)

(53) ‹anchor: Γραφὴν θείαν παραδιδόντες› · call in col 824

Παραδιδόντες. Idem addit: θεόπνευστον· ἄνεσιν αὐτοῖς μὴ διδόντες. Id.

"Handing on": the same codex adds "inspired by God; not giving them licence". The same.

(printed under page 409)

(54) ‹anchor: τῶν γειναμένων ῥᾳθυμίᾳ› · call in col 824

Γειναμένων. Idem habet γονέων. Id.

"Of those who begot them": the same has "of the parents". The same.

(printed under page 409)

(55) ‹anchor: ἔθη πορνοκόπα ἀποβῇ› · call in col 824

Πορνοκόπα. Rara vox, quae tamen apud Hesychium exstat. Pro ζεούσης habet alter cod. νεαζούσης, quod glossema redolet; et pro ἔθη haec verba ἔθνη αὐτὰ μέν, minus recte. Id.

"Whorish": a rare word, yet it is found in Hesychius. For "seething" the other codex has "youthful", which smells of a gloss; and for "habits" these words, "the nations themselves", less correctly. The same.

(printed under page 409)

(56) ‹anchor: πρὸς τὸν δεσπότην› · call in col 824

Πρός. Εἰς in altero ms. Id.

"Towards": "into" in the other manuscript. The same.

(printed under page 409)

(57) ‹anchor: ἢ καθὸ ἄνθρωπος› · call in col 824

Ἢ καθό. Ms. alter ᾗ, deleto καθό. Alterutrum sufficit. Id.

"Or inasmuch as": the other manuscript has "in which respect", with "inasmuch as" deleted. Either one suffices. The same.

(printed under page 409)

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(58) ‹anchor: ὑποτάγητε ἐν οἷς› · call in col 825

Ἐν οἷς. Alter cod. καθώς. Cler.

"In which": the other codex has "as". Clericus.

(printed under page 410)

(59) ‹anchor: τῆς φιλίας σύμβολον› · call in col 825

Σύμβολον. Deest in altero codice, nec satis in hunc locum quadrat amicitiae tessera. Τὸ τῆς φιλίας recte dici queat si subaudias χρέος, debitum, ex antecedentibus. Id.

"Token": missing in the other codex, and "a token of friendship" does not fit this place well. "That of friendship" could rightly be said if you understand "debt" from what precedes. The same.

(printed under page 410)

(60) ‹anchor: ἐκεῖνο μὲν οὖν› · call in col 825

Μὲν οὖν. Antiquior cod. μόνον, rectius, ut videtur: id tantum iis suadentes. Id.

"Indeed then": the older codex has "only", more correctly as it seems: "urging them only this". The same.

(printed under page 410)

(61) ‹anchor: Πνεύματος ἁγίου καταγώγιον› · call in col 825

Ἁγίου. Abest in antiquiore cod. Id.

"Holy": absent in the older codex. The same.

(printed under page 410)

(62) ‹anchor: μὴ ῥεμβὰς› · call in col 825

Ῥεμβάς. Alter codex φιλόκοσμος, quae voces, cum neque sono, neque significatu consentiant, forte sunt una admittendae, hoc modo: Μὴ ῥεμβὰς, φιλόκοσμος. Id.

"Gadabout": the other codex has "fond of finery". Since these words agree neither in sound nor in meaning, perhaps both should be admitted together, thus: "not a gadabout, fond of finery". The same.

(printed under page 410)

(63) ‹anchor: τῶν ἀσέμνων› · call in col 825

Ad calcem libri additum est in altero cod., περὶ ὀρφανῶν ἐπληρώθη βιβλίον δ΄. Id.

At the end of the book there is added in the other codex: "Book 4, on orphans, is completed." The same.

(printed under page 410)

(74) ‹anchor: punitoribus impiorum› · call in col 826

I Petr. II, 13; Tit. III, 1; Rom. XIII, 1.

1 Pet. 2:13; Titus 3:1; Rom. 13:1.

(printed under page 410)

(75) ‹anchor: mandatum non accepimus› · call in col 826

I Cor. VII, 25.

1 Cor. 7:25.

(75*) ‹anchor: vovere et non reddere› · call in col 826 Eccle. V, 4.

Eccles. 5:4.

(printed under page 410)

(76) ‹anchor: ut Spiritus sancti mansio› · call in col 826

I Cor. VII, 34.

1 Cor. 7:34.

(printed under page 410)

(77) ‹anchor: Sit etiam non vaga› · call in col 826

Ignat. interpol. ad Philad. 4.

Interpolated Ignatius, To the Philadelphians 4.

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<!-- Scripture/variant series (one note, printed under the Latin column; call in the Greek). --> (printed under page 411)

(78) ‹anchor: δίκαιον τοῖς πιστοῖς› · call in col 828

f. τοὺς πιστούς.

Perhaps "the faithful" (accusative).

<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE. Calls are printed in the Greek column only. --> (printed under page 411)

(64) ‹anchor: ΠΕΡΙ ΜΑΡΤΥΡΩΝ› · call in col 828

Περὶ μαρτύρων. Titulum hunc agnoscit Nicetas Pectoratus in loco, quem inter Veterum testimonia collocavi. Cot. Habet vero alter codex Vindobon.: Ἐν ᾧ περὶ μαρτύρων τῶν διὰ τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ Χριστοῦ διωκομένων, ὅτι δεῖ αὐτῶν ποιεῖσθαι πρόνοιαν. Cler.

"On the martyrs." Nicetas Pectoratus acknowledges this title, in the passage I placed among the testimonies of the ancients. Cotelier. The other Vienna codex has: "In which it is treated of the martyrs persecuted for the name of Christ, that provision must be made for them." Clericus.

(printed under page 411)

(65) ‹anchor: εἰς λοῦδον› · call in col 828

Λοῦδον. Ludum, nempe, gladiatorium. Quod cum non intelligeret librarius, aut criticus Graecus, mutavit in δοῦλον, in altero cod. perperam. Id.

"Ludus": that is, the gladiatorial school. Since the scribe, or a Greek critic, did not understand this, he changed it to "slave" in the other codex, wrongly. The same.

(printed under page 411)

(66) ‹anchor: ἱδρῶτος ὑμῶν› · call in col 828

Ἱδρῶτος. Alter ἱδρῶτος ὑπαρχόντων, quomodo legendum videtur, deleto ὑμῶν, aut mutato in ὑμῖν, ex eo, nempe, quod sudore vestro vobis comparastis. Id.

"Sweat": the other codex has "sweat of possessions", which seems the right reading, with "your" deleted or changed to "to you": that is, from what you have gained for yourselves by your sweat. The same.

(printed under page 411)

<!-- Scripture/testimonia series (full-width band). Notes 79–82 are called above the cropped area. --> (printed under page 412)

(67) ‹anchor: εἰς μισθαποδοσίαν› · call in col 829

Μισθαποδοσίαν. Alter cod. θεραπείαν, quod melius; stipendia enim milites a Caesare accipiebant, sed nihil vetabat quin a Christianis munera observantiae causa, acciperent. Cler.

"Payment": the other codex has "attention", which is better; for soldiers received their pay from Caesar, but nothing prevented them from accepting gifts from Christians as a mark of regard. Clericus.

(printed under page 412)

(68) ‹anchor: τοῦ ἀφθάρτου› · call in col 829

Ἀφθάρτου. Deest in altero codice. Id.

"Incorruptible": missing in the other codex. The same.

(printed under page 412)

(69) ‹anchor: περὶ τῶν θείων γνῶσιν› · call in col 829

Μετὰ τὴν περὶ τῶν θείων γνῶσιν. In altero cod. κατὰ τὴν τοῦ Κυρίου διάταξιν. Id.

"After the knowledge of divine things": in the other codex, "according to the Lord's ordinance". The same.

(printed under page 412)

(70) ‹anchor: τοῦ Πατρός μου› · call in col 829

Πατρός μου. Addit alter codex τοῦ ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς, et paulo post ὥστε pro ὡς. Id.

"My Father": the other codex adds "who is in heaven", and a little later "so that" for "as". The same.

(printed under page 412)

(71) ‹anchor: ὑμῖν δὲ ἑτέρως› · call in col 829

Ἑτέρως. Antiquior cod. θείως. Id.

"Otherwise": the older codex has "divinely". The same.

(printed under page 412)

(79) ‹anchor: acceperunt singuli fideles› · call in col 830

II Cor. IV, 4.

2 Cor. 4:4.

(printed under page 412)

(80) ‹anchor: incorrupta corona› · call in col 830

I Cor. IX, 25.

1 Cor. 9:25.

(printed under page 412)

(81) ‹anchor: passionum Christi› · call in col 830

Philip. III, 10.

Phil. 3:10.

(printed under page 412)

(82) ‹anchor: in adoptionem› · call in col 830

Ephes. I, 5.

Eph. 1:5.

(printed under page 412)

(83) ‹anchor: perfectus sit› · call in col 830

Matth. XIX, 21.

Matt. 19:21.

(printed under page 412)

(84) ‹anchor: filios confessi sunt› · call in col 830

Act. IX, 15.

Acts 9:15.

(printed under page 412)

(85) ‹anchor: coram Patre meo› · call in col 830

Matth. X, 32.

Matt. 10:32.

(printed under page 412)

(86) ‹anchor: Hoc enim cum feceritis› · call in col 830

Ignat. interpol. ad Smyrn. 9.

Interpolated Ignatius, To the Smyrnaeans 9.

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<!-- Scripture series (full-width band). 92* is printed with an asterisk. --> (printed under page 413)

(87) ‹anchor: in supplicium aeternum› · call in col 831

Matth. XXV, 34 et seq.

Matt. 25:34 ff.

(printed under page 413)

(88) ‹anchor: propter Salvatorem nostrum pati› · call in col 831

Act. IV, 6; V, 40, 41.

Acts 4:6; 5:40–41.

(printed under page 413)

(89) ‹anchor: beati eritis in illa die› · call in col 831

Luc. VI, 22, 23.

Luke 6:22–23.

(printed under page 413)

(90) ‹anchor: a civitate in civitatem› · call in col 831

Matth. X, 23.

Matt. 10:23.

(printed under page 413)

(91) ‹anchor: qui fuerunt ante vos› · call in col 831

Matth. V, 11.

Matt. 5:11.

(printed under page 413)

(92) ‹anchor: et vos persequentur› · call in col 831

Joan. XV, 20.

John 15:20.

(92*) ‹anchor: fugite in aliam› · call in col 831 Matth. X, 23.

Matt. 10:23.

<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE. Calls are printed in the Greek column only. --> (printed under page 413)

(72) ‹anchor: ἐπιμένωσι τῇ φαυλότητι› · call in col 832

Φαυλότητι. Antiquior cod. κακίᾳ. Cler.

"Worthlessness": the older codex has "wickedness". Clericus.

(printed under page 413)

(73) ‹anchor: ἵνα ἦτε ἄσυλοι› · call in col 832

Ἄσυλοι. In altero codice est, ἄμωμοι. Id.

"Inviolate": in the other codex, "blameless". The same.

(printed under page 413)

(74) ‹anchor: συγκείμενος συλληφθῇ› · call in col 832

Συλληφθῇ. Alter cod. κρατηθῇ. In eo finis capitis deest. Id.

"Be arrested": the other codex has "be seized". In it the end of the chapter is missing. The same.

(printed under page 413)

<!-- Scripture series (full-width band). Note 93 is called above the cropped area. --> (printed under page 414)

(75) ‹anchor: εἰς τὴν ἄλλην› · call in col 833

Ἄλλην. Alter ἑτέραν, quae voces confunduntur. Cler.

"Another": the other codex has "a different", words that are interchanged. Clericus.

(printed under page 414)

(76) ‹anchor: ἐλεεινὸς, ἄθλιος› · call in col 833

Ἄθλιος. Alter cod. addit huic voci φευκτός. Id.

"Wretched": the other codex adds to this word "to be shunned". The same.

(printed under page 414)

(77) ‹anchor: ἀντὶ βασιλείας› · call in col 833

Ἀντί. Alter cod. praefigit καί. Id.

"Instead of": the other codex puts "and" before it. The same.

(printed under page 414)

(78) ‹anchor: καὶ ἐπαισχυνθῇ τὸ ὄνομά μου› · call in col 833

Καὶ ἐπαισχυνθῇ. Haec et duo seqq. vocabula desunt in altero cod., ut et seqq. ἐπαισχυνθήσομαι. Id.

"And is ashamed of": this and the two following words are missing in the other codex, as is the following "I will be ashamed". The same.

(printed under page 414)

(79) ‹anchor: καὶ ἐπαισχυνθήσομαι› · call in col 833

Ἐπαισχυνθήσομαι. Eleganter, ut omnia, ὁ θεοῤῥήμων Gregorius Naz., or. 40, p. 657, A: Μὴ ἀπαξιώσῃς ἐξαγορεῦσαί σου τὴν ἁμαρτίαν εἰδὼς ὅπως Ἰωάννης ἐβάπτισεν, ἵνα τὴν ἐκεῖθεν αἰσχύνην τῇ ἐνταῦθα φύγῃς. Quae verba in Anastasii Quaest. c. 6, p. 62, dicuntur esse ex oratione in lumina, perperam; cum sint orationis in sanctum baptisma. Cot.

"I will be ashamed." Elegantly, as in everything, the divinely-speaking Gregory Nazianzen, Oration 40, p. 657 A: "Do not disdain to confess your sin, knowing how John baptized, so that by the shame here you may escape the shame there." In Anastasius's Questions, ch. 6, p. 62, these words are said to come from the oration on the Lights, wrongly, since they belong to the oration on holy Baptism. Cotelier.

(printed under page 414)

(80) ‹anchor: ὃς οὐ λαμβάνει› · call in col 833

Ὃς οὐ λαμβάνει. Haec et seqq. ad ἄξιος desunt in altero cod. Cler.

"Who does not take": this and what follows down to "worthy" are missing in the other codex. Clericus.

(printed under page 414)

(81) ‹anchor: καὶ ἐμπειρίας› · call in col 833

Καὶ ἐμπειρίας. Desunt in altero cod. Id.

"And experience": missing in the other codex. The same.

(printed under page 414)

(82) ‹anchor: αὐτὸς ζηλοῖ› · call in col 833

Ζηλοῖ. Alter cod. σπουδάζει. Id.

"Strives": the other codex has "is eager". The same.

(printed under page 414)

(83) ‹anchor: ὅμοιον αὐτῷ› · call in col 833

Αὐτῷ. Deest in altero. Id.

"To him": missing in the other. The same.

(printed under page 414)

(93) ‹anchor: hic salvus erit› · call in col 834

Joan. XVI, 33; Matth. X, 17, 22.

John 16:33; Matt. 10:17, 22.

(printed under page 414)

(94) ‹anchor: animam suam quam Dominum› · call in col 834

Joan. XII, 25.

John 12:25.

(printed under page 414)

(95) ‹anchor: residet flatus ejus› · call in col 834

Dan. V, 23.

Dan. 5:23.

(printed under page 414)

(96) ‹anchor: et angelis ejus paratum› · call in col 834

Matth. XXV.

Matt. 25.

(printed under page 414)

(97) ‹anchor: qui in coelis est› · call in col 834

Luc. IX, 26.

Luke 9:26.

(printed under page 414)

(98) ‹anchor: propter me, inveniet eam› · call in col 834

Matth. X, 37-39.

Matt. 10:37–39.

(printed under page 414)

(99) ‹anchor: commutationem pro anima sua› · call in col 834

Matth. XVI, 26.

Matt. 16:26.

(printed under page 414)

(100) ‹anchor: corpus perdere in gehennam› · call in col 834

Matth. X, 28.

Matt. 10:28.

<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE. Calls are printed in the Greek column only. --> (printed under page 414)

<!-- Scripture/editorial series (full-width band); numbering restarts. Note 1* is the Patrologia editors' own and is called in the Greek column. --> (printed under page 415)

(1) ‹anchor: Quemadmodum ait Scriptura› · call in col 835

Job XXXV, 7.

Job 35:7.

(1*) ‹anchor: [τέκνοις]› · call in col 836 Hoc verbum supplevimus, quod, vel aliud simile, inconsulte omissum videtur: siquidem ab interprete Latine versum est. Edit. Patrol.

We have supplied this word, which, or something like it, seems to have been carelessly omitted, since the translator rendered it in Latin. The editors of the Patrologia.

(printed under page 415)

(2) ‹anchor: quam gloriam Dei› · call in col 835

Joan. XII, 43.

John 12:43.

<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE. Calls are printed in the Greek column only. --> (printed under page 415)

(Latin chapter title, col 835) CAPUT VI. Quod oportet fidelem neque temerarium esse propter securitatem, neque meticulosum propter ignaviam: sed fugere propter cautionem; et cum in periculum inciderit, decertare ob repositam coronam.

CHAPTER VI. That the believer ought neither to be rash on account of security, nor fearful through cowardice; but to flee out of caution, and, when he has fallen into danger, to contend for the crown laid up.

(1*) ‹anchor: γυναιξὶ, [τέκνοις]› · call in col 836 Hoc verbum supplevimus, quod, vel aliud simile, inconsulte omissum videtur: siquidem ab interprete Latine versum est. Edit. Patrol.

We have supplied this word, which, or something like it, seems to have been carelessly omitted, since it is rendered in Latin by the translator. The editors of the Patrologia.

(printed under page 415)

(84) ‹anchor: πρὸς τὸν Πατέρα εὐσέβειαν› · call in col 836

Εὐσέβειαν. Ὑπακοήν, in altero. Cler.

"Piety": "obedience" in the other codex. Clericus.

(printed under page 415)

(85) ‹anchor: διωγμὸν καὶ μάστιγας› · call in col 836

Διωγμὸν καί. Desunt in altero. Id.

"Persecution and": missing in the other. The same.

(printed under page 415)

(86) ‹anchor: τὸ ξύλον πρόσπηξιν› · call in col 836

Ξύλον πρόσπηξιν. In altero est σταυρὸν ἀνάρτησιν. Id.

"Fastening to the wood": in the other it is "hanging on the cross". The same.

(printed under page 415)

(87) ‹anchor: τίνος ἕνεκεν ἡμεῖς› · call in col 836

Ἡμεῖς. Deest in altero. Id.

"We": missing in the other. The same.

(printed under page 415)

(88) ‹anchor: δι' ἡμᾶς› · call in col 836

Ἡμᾶς. Addit alter codex ἀπετάξατο. Id.

"Us": the other codex adds "renounced". The same.

(printed under page 415)

(89) ‹anchor: τοῦ ἐλέους αὐτοῦ› · call in col 836

Αὐτοῦ. Addit alter δεόμεθα. Id.

"His": the other adds "we need". The same.

(printed under page 415)

(90) ‹anchor: γνήσιον ἐπιζητεῖ καὶ αὐθαίρετον› · call in col 836

Αὐθαίρετον. In altero εἰλικρινές, recte. Id.

"Voluntary": in the other, "sincere", rightly. The same.

(printed under page 415)

(91) ‹anchor: ἡ ἀσέβειά σου› · call in col 836

Ἀσέβεια. Alter εὐσέβεια, melius, si seorsim legatur sententia; sed lectionem vulgarem tuetur lectio Hebraici codicis et vett. Intt. Id.

"Impiety": the other has "piety", better if the sentence is read on its own; but the common reading is supported by the reading of the Hebrew text and of the ancient translators. The same.

(printed under page 415)

(92) ‹anchor: ἐνστάσεως ὁμολογεῖν› · call in col 836

Ὁμολογεῖν. Alter cod. ὁμολογήσωμεν, ut postea χαίρωμεν. Id.

"To confess": the other codex has "let us confess", as later "let us rejoice". The same.

(printed under page 415)

(93) ‹anchor: ἀθανασίαν σπεύδοντες› · call in col 836

Σπεύδοντες. Καλούμενοι, in altero cod. Id.

"Hastening": "being called" in the other codex. The same.

(printed under page 415)

(94) ‹anchor: Μὴ ἀγαπήσωμεν› · call in col 836

Μή. Μηδέ in eodem, recte. Id.

"Not": "nor" in the same codex, rightly. The same.

(printed under page 415)

(95) ‹anchor: δόξαν καὶ τιμήν› · call in col 836

Δόξαν καί. Desunt in altero. Id.

"Glory and": missing in the other. The same.

(printed under page 415)

<!-- Scripture series (full-width band), notes 3–7: called in both columns, set once under the Latin column 838. --> (printed under page 416)

(96) ‹anchor: ὑποίσομεν τὴν τίσιν› · call in col 837

Διπλοτέραν τίσιν. In altero διπλασίονα τὴν δίκην, mistura synonymorum, in his libris frequentissima. Cler.

"Double penalty": in the other codex, "twofold the punishment", a mixing of synonyms very frequent in these books. Clericus.

(printed under page 416)

(97) ‹anchor: ὑποψίαν δόσαντες› · call in col 837

Δόσαντες. In altero δόντες melius. Id.

"Having given" [form as printed]: in the other codex "having given" (δόντες), better. The same.

(printed under page 416)

(98) ‹anchor: μὴ ἐμπεσεῖν› · call in col 837

Ἐμπεσεῖν. Idem εἰσελθεῖν. Id.

"To fall into": the same codex has "to enter". The same.

(printed under page 416)

(99) ‹anchor: ὁ δὲ ἀξιωθεὶς μαρτυρίου› · call in col 837

Ὁ δὲ, etc. Novum caput inchoatur, addito hoc titulo: Περὶ ἀναστάσεως ἀποδείξεις διάφοροι. Id.

"But he," etc. A new chapter begins here, with this title added: "Various proofs concerning the resurrection." The same.

(printed under page 416)

(100) ‹anchor: αὐτοῦ καὶ ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦς› · call in col 837

Αὐτοῦ καί. Desunt in altero cod. Id.

"His and": missing in the other codex. The same.

(printed under page 416)

(1) ‹anchor: βλασφημίας ὑπέμεινε› · call in col 837

Ἐπλήγη βλασφημίας. Haec quoque absunt. Id.

"Was struck; blasphemies": these too are missing. The same.

(printed under page 416)

(2) ‹anchor: τελειώσας πάντα› · call in col 837

Τελειώσας. Praefigitur in eodem καί, melius. Id.

"Having fulfilled": in the same codex "and" is put before it, better. The same.

(printed under page 416)

(3) ‹anchor: ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟΝ Ζ'› · call in col 837

ΚΕΦ. Deest hoc et cap. inscriptio in utroque cod. Vindob. Id.

"Chapter": this and the chapter's heading are missing in both Vienna codices. The same.

(printed under page 416)

(4) ‹anchor: οἱ Στωϊκοὶ περὶ τοῦ φοίνικος› · call in col 837

Οἱ Στωϊκοί. Bovius invenerat solum in hoc titulo: Περὶ ἀναστάσεως. Caetera addita sunt, ni (continues)

"The Stoics": Bovius had found in this title only "On the resurrection". The rest has been added, unless (continues)

(printed under page 416)

(3) ‹anchor: caro autem infirma› · call in col 838

Matth. XXVI, 41.

Matt. 26:41.

(printed under page 416)

(4) ‹anchor: fletus et stridor dentium› · call in col 838

Matth. VIII, 12.

Matt. 8:12.

(printed under page 416)

(5) ‹anchor: sicut Magister ejus› · call in col 838

Luc. VI, 40.

Luke 6:40.

(printed under page 416)

(6) ‹anchor: commendo spiritum meum› · call in col 838

Luc. XXIII, 46.

Luke 23:46.

(printed under page 416)

(7) ‹anchor: sicut illi tres pueri› · call in col 838

Dan. III, 24

Dan. 3:24.

<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE. Calls are printed in the Greek column only. --> (printed under page 416)

(Latin chapter title, col 838) CAPUT VII. De resurrectione variae demonstrationes; de Sibylla; et quid Stoici de phoenice ave.

CHAPTER VII. Various proofs of the resurrection; of the Sibyl; and what the Stoics [say] of the bird the phoenix.

Scripture references (calls in the Latin, col 839) (printed under page 417)

(8) ‹non peribit› · call in col 839

Luc. XXI, 18.

Luke 21:18.

(printed under page 417)

(9) ‹animas vestras› · call in col 839

Ibid., 19.

Luke 21:19.

(printed under page 417)

(10) (11) ‹firmamentum ac stellae› · call in col 839

Dan. XII, 2; Matth. XIII, 43.

Daniel 12:2; Matthew 13:43.

(printed under page 417)

(12) ‹sive malum sit› · call in col 839

Eccle. XII, 14.

Ecclesiastes 12:14.

(printed under page 417)

(13) ‹defecimus› · call in col 839

Ezech. XXXVII, 4.

Ezekiel 37:4.

(printed under page 417)

(14) ‹et faciam› · call in col 839

Ibid., 13, 14.

Ezekiel 37:13–14.

(printed under page 417)

(15) ‹sanatio illis est› · call in col 839

Isa. XXVI, 19.

Isaiah 26:19.

VARIORUM NOTAE (calls printed in the Greek, col 840; the Latin col 839 carries no call for them)

(continued) ‹call on previous page› · call in col 840

fallor, a Turriano, ob versus sibyllae, fabulam phoenicis, et scholium Graecum de quo antea. Ubi cum nonnemo ad voces ἀνάστασιν et παλιγγενεσίαν apposuisset nomen Stoicorum, quorum celebris exstitit opinio de mundi innovatione, rerum ἀνακυκλήσει et ἀποκαταστάσει, hominum caeterorumque reditu, putavit Turrianus hoc scholii narrationi de phoenice debere aptari. Cot.

…I am mistaken, by Turrianus, on account of the Sibyl's verses, the fable of the phoenix, and the Greek scholium spoken of above. When someone had set the name of the Stoics beside the words ἀνάστασιν ("resurrection") and παλιγγενεσίαν ("regeneration") — the Stoics, whose opinion on the renewal of the world, the revolving-round (ἀνακύκλησις) and restoration (ἀποκατάστασις) of things, and the return of men and all else, became famous — Turrianus thought that this scholium ought to be fitted to the account of the phoenix. Cotelier.

(printed under page 417)

(5) ‹ἢ τὴν φθοράν› · call in col 840

Ἢ τὴν φθοράν. Uterque Vind. cod. ἀπὸ τῆς φθορᾶς. Sensus est: Nihil quod deficiat habentes a corruptione; hujus, nimirum, vitae. Quod melius censuerim. Cler.

Ἢ τὴν φθοράν ("than corruption"). Both Vienna manuscripts read ἀπὸ τῆς φθορᾶς ("from corruption"). The sense is: "having nothing lacking from corruption" — that is, the corruption of this life. Which I would judge the better reading. Le Clerc.

(printed under page 417)

(6) ‹λέγει Γαβριὴλ› · call in col 840

Γαβριήλ. Non exprimitur in sacro contextu nomen angeli. Verisimile tamen admodum fit, Gabrielem esse, de quo cap. VIII et IX prophetiae; juxta sententiam Cassiani quoque collat. 8, c. 13, et Agobardi lib. De quorumdam illusione signorum, utque colligi potest ex verbis Hieronymi ad Dan. VIII, 16. Sic angelum, Isaiae XXXIII, 3, memoratum, Hebraei Gabrielem autumant, referente eodem Hieronymo. Cot.

Γαβριήλ ("Gabriel"). The angel's name is not expressed in the sacred text. Yet it is made highly likely that it is Gabriel, of whom chapters 8 and 9 of the prophecy speak; so also the opinion of Cassian, Conference 8, ch. 13, and of Agobard's book On the Illusion of Certain Signs, and as can be gathered from the words of Jerome on Daniel 8:16. So too the Hebrews take the angel mentioned in Isaiah 33:3 to be Gabriel, as the same Jerome reports. Cotelier.

(printed under page 417)

(7) ‹ὡς τὸ στερέωμα› · call in col 840

Τὸ στερέωμα. Alter cod λαμπρότης τοῦ στερεώματος. Cler.

Τὸ στερέωμα ("the firmament"). The other manuscript reads λαμπρότης τοῦ στερεώματος ("the brightness of the firmament"). Le Clerc.

(printed under page 417)

(8) ‹τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἐμαρτύρησε› · call in col 840

Ἐμαρτύρησε. In altero cod est ὁμολογῆσαι ἐμαρτύρησε. Quod melius, hoc sensu: eos enim scivisse veritatem atque esse confessos. Id.

Ἐμαρτύρησε ("he bore witness"). In the other manuscript it is ὁμολογῆσαι ἐμαρτύρησε ("he bore witness that they confessed"). Which is better, in this sense: for they both knew the truth and confessed it. The same (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 417)

(9) ‹τὸ ἱερὸν αὐτοῦ ὄνομα› · call in col 840

Τὸ ἱερὸν αὐτοῦ ὄνομα. Dei nomen intelligit Turrianus, praeter verba Gabrielis, atque orationis contextum. Malim de ipso Gabriele accipere. Non insolens enim est locutio, ὄνομα, nomen, pro persona et re. Act. I, 15; Apocal. III, 4; XI, 13. Θηβαίων ὄνομα, de Thebanis. Romanum nomen, hoc est, Romani. Felix nomen agelli, pro agello: Nomen virginis, aliaque per criticos acervata. Cot.

Τὸ ἱερὸν αὐτοῦ ὄνομα ("his holy name"). Turrianus understands the name of God, against the words of Gabriel and the context of the passage. I would rather take it of Gabriel himself. For the expression is not unusual — ὄνομα, "name", for the person and the thing: Acts 1:15; Revelation 3:4; 11:13. Θηβαίων ὄνομα ("the name of the Thebans") for the Thebans; "the Roman name", that is, the Romans; "the happy name of the little field" for the little field; "the name of the virgin"; and other instances heaped up by the critics. Cotelier.

(printed under page 417)

(10) ‹πρὸς ἀξίαν τίσῃ› · call in col 840

Τίσῃ. Alter cod. λάβῃ, eodem sensu. Cler.

Τίσῃ ("may pay"). The other manuscript reads λάβῃ ("may receive"), with the same sense. Le Clerc.

(printed under page 417)

(11) ‹διαπεφωνήκαμεν› · call in col 840

Διαπεφωνήκαμεν. Hesychio διαπεφωνήκαμεν est ἀπωλόμεθα: Suidae διαπεφώνηκεν· ἐσχάτην καὶ τελευταίαν φωνὴν ἀφῆκε, τουτέστιν ἀπέθανεν. Unde hic Ezechielis III, 11, in Ambrosio vertitur interivimus, in Cypriano exspiravimus. Verum aliter apud LXX videtur legisse Tertullianus. Habet enim, cap. 29 libri De resurrectione carnis: avulsi sumus in eis, quod est, opinor, διαπεφορήκαμεν ἐν αὐτοῖς. Sed illud ἐν αὐτοῖς jam olim excidit: reddi autem debet ex Hebraeo, in nobis. Cot.

Διαπεφωνήκαμεν ("we have perished"). In Hesychius διαπεφωνήκαμεν is ἀπωλόμεθα ("we are lost"); in Suidas διαπεφώνηκεν means "he has uttered his last and final voice", that is, "he has died". Hence this passage of Ezekiel 3:11 [as printed; the passage is 37:11] is rendered in Ambrose "we have perished", in Cyprian "we have breathed our last". But Tertullian seems to have read otherwise in the Septuagint. For he has, in chapter 29 of On the Resurrection of the Flesh: "we are torn away in them", which is, I think, διαπεφορήκαμεν ἐν αὐτοῖς. But that ἐν αὐτοῖς dropped out long ago; it should, however, be restored from the Hebrew as "in us". Cotelier.

(printed under page 417)

(12) ‹οἱ ἡσυχάζοντες› · call in col 840

Ἡσυχάζοντες. Deest in altero cod. Vind. Cler.

Ἡσυχάζοντες ("those who rest"). It is missing in the other Vienna manuscript. Le Clerc.

(printed under page 417)

Scripture references (calls in the Latin, col 842; the calls stand above the visible foot) (printed under page 418)

(13) ‹τοῦτο δῆλον ἐποίησε› · call in col 841

Τοῦτο δῆλον. Deest hoc in altero codice, et pro ἐποίησε est ἔπεισε, hoc est, persuasit ἀντὶ τοῦ manifestum fecit, quod suspicor esse glossema. Cler.

Τοῦτο δῆλον ("this plain"). This is missing in the other manuscript, and for ἐποίησε ("he made") it has ἔπεισε, that is, "he persuaded" instead of "he made plain", which I suspect is a gloss. Le Clerc.

(printed under page 418)

(14) ‹τὸν θάνατον› · call in col 841

Μὴ μισθὸν τιμωρίας εἶναι τὸν θάνατον. Rejicit, lib. viii, cap. 12, Pelagianorum dogma; Adamum, sive peccasset, sive non peccasset, e vita migraturum. Hoc autem loco, obitum negat esse mercedem supplicii, seu supplicium ac poenam. Quod eatenus verum est, ut mors non sit supplicium peccatorum propriorum; nec sit solummodo poena, sed etiam occasio meriti, et gratia. Γίνεται φιλανθρωπία ἡ τιμωρία, inquit Gregorius Theologus, orat. 38 et 42. Siquidem homines, moriendo, peccati originalis poenas pendunt; bene moriendo, gloriam immortalitatis adipiscuntur. Et Deus, cum humanum genus ad mortem damnavit, suam quoque misericordiam patefecit: utpote qui ita malum compresserit, finem imposuerit peccato, viam fecerit revocationi ad meliorem resurrectionis statum, aliaque nobis asportarit commoda, quae fuse a sanctis Patribus explicantur, potissimum a Gregorio Nysseno, cap. 8 catecheticae magnae orationis, Chrysostomo, Lib. ad eos qui scandalizati sunt, cap. 7, et Ambrosio, opere De bono mortis. Lepide Theodoritus, quaest. 40, in Genesim: Ἰατρεία τοίνυν ὁ θάνατος, οὐ τιμωρία ἐστίν: Medicina igitur mors est, non poena. Caveri tamen debet error eorum, qui nimiis laudibus mortem efferunt, noluntque agnoscere ortum illius a peccato. Qualis Theodorus Mopsuestenus, in Constituto Vigilii papae, in collatione 4 concilii generalis v, et apud Photium cod. 177. Qualis cum Theodoro Nestorius, tradente Mose Bar-Cepha Syro in parte iii Commentariorum de paradiso, cap. 8, tom. I Bibliothecae Patrum. Et quales Pelagiani, notissimi eo nomine. Deus igitur consulens hominibus, cum sciret eos ad malitiam pronos, et voluptatum ac desideriorum carnis amatores, et vellet ad honestam potius revocare virtutem, sivit usque ad tempus aliquod dominationi mortis addici. Quippe cum nihil aliud nosset tam facile homines coercere posse quam mortem. Ac paulo post: Non igitur hominibus mortem datam pro malorum vice dicimus, sicut ratiocinantur indocti, sed ad delendam penitus pravitatem. Nam si victuri perpetuo homines essent, nunquam profecto eorum malitia finiretur. Rursus etiam cur pro malorum vicissitudine mortem datam esse credam, cum si quis centum homines fere vel amplius occiderit, tot et tantis homicidiis exaequare nullam valeat ultionem? Non igitur malignis tantum hominibus, ad delendam eorum pravitatem, bona mors esse dicitur, sed etiam justis utilis. Aliisque pluribus in eamdem sententiam interpositis: Multis igitur testibus edocti quod mors ista communis mala non sit, jam longe valere dicamus qui mortem malam appellant. Hactenus verba Rufini Palaestinae provinciae presbyteri, libro De fide, auctoris quem Jacobo Sirmondo debemus, quique cum catholicis affirmat, primos homines Adamum et Evam, si mandatum Dei servassent, mortem non fuisse gustaturos, cum haereticis vero peccati traducem inficiatur, impugnat eos qui propter peccatum Adae mori infantes asserunt, atque Henochum et Eliam ab Adami praevaricatione prohibitos non esse, permanere immortales. Cot.

"That death is not the wage of punishment." In Book 8, ch. 12, he rejects the Pelagians' dogma that Adam, whether he had sinned or not, would have passed out of life. In this place, however, he denies that death is the wage of punishment, or a punishment and penalty. That is true to this extent: death is not the punishment of one's own sins; nor is it only a penalty, but also an occasion of merit, and a grace. "The punishment becomes loving-kindness", says Gregory the Theologian, Orations 38 and 42. For men, by dying, pay the penalty of original sin; by dying well, they gain the glory of immortality. And God, when he condemned the human race to death, also showed his mercy: for in this way he held evil in check, set an end to sin, made a road for the return to the better state of the resurrection, and brought us other benefits, which the holy Fathers set out at length — above all Gregory of Nyssa, ch. 8 of the Great Catechetical Oration, Chrysostom, in the book To Those Who Have Been Scandalized, ch. 7, and Ambrose in the work On the Good of Death. Theodoret puts it neatly, Question 40 on Genesis: "Death, then, is a cure, not a punishment." Yet we must beware the error of those who extol death with excessive praise and will not acknowledge that it arose from sin. Such was Theodore of Mopsuestia, in the Constitutum of Pope Vigilius, in the fourth session of the Fifth General Council, and in Photius, codex 177. Such, with Theodore, was Nestorius, as Moses Bar-Cepha the Syrian reports in part 3 of his Commentaries on Paradise, ch. 8, vol. 1 of the Bibliotheca Patrum. And such were the Pelagians, best known of all on this account. "God therefore, taking thought for men, since he knew them to be prone to wickedness and lovers of the pleasures and desires of the flesh, and wished rather to call them back to honest virtue, allowed them to be given over for a time to the dominion of death; for he knew nothing else that could so easily restrain men as death." And a little later: "We do not say, then, that death was given to men in requital for their evils, as the unlearned reason, but to destroy wickedness utterly. For if men were to live for ever, their wickedness would surely never end. And again, why should I believe that death was given in requital for evils, when, if someone has killed a hundred men or more, no vengeance can match so many and such great murders? It is not, then, only for wicked men, to destroy their wickedness, that death is called good; it is useful to the just as well." And after many other things to the same effect: "Taught therefore by many witnesses that this common death is not an evil, let us now bid a long farewell to those who call death evil." Thus far the words of Rufinus, presbyter of the province of Palestine, in the book On Faith — an author we owe to Jacques Sirmond — who affirms with the Catholics that the first human beings, Adam and Eve, would not have tasted death had they kept God's command, but with the heretics denies the transmission of sin, attacks those who assert that infants die because of Adam's sin, and holds that Enoch and Elijah were not prevented by Adam's transgression from remaining immortal. Cotelier.

(printed under page 418)

(15) ‹τέως ὡς ἂν› · call in col 841

Ἂν. Deest in altero cod. Cler.

Ἂν. It is missing in the other manuscript. Le Clerc.

(printed under page 418)

(16) ‹ἐν μεγαλοπόλει› · call in col 841

Ἐν μεγαλοπόλει. Lux huic loco ex Zonara ad canonem Trullanum 51: Ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι δὲ ταῖς μεγίσταις θηρία ἐτρέφοντο λέοντες καὶ ἄρκτοι, καὶ κατά τινας καιροὺς ἐξήγοντο εἰς τὰ θέατρα, καὶ ποτὲ μὲν ταύροις ἐμάχοντο, ποτὲ δὲ καὶ ἀνθρώποις, αἰχμαλώτοις τυχόν, ἢ κατακρίτοις. Verum in maximis urbibus ferae bestiae, leones, nimirum, ursique alebantur; et statis temporibus producebantur in theatra, atque nonnunquam cum tauris, nonnunquam cum hominibus, puta captivis, aut damnatis committebantur. Cot.

Ἐν μεγαλοπόλει ("in a great city"). Light is thrown on this place by Zonaras on canon 51 of the Council in Trullo: "In the greatest cities wild beasts were kept, lions and bears, and at certain times they were led out into the theatres, and fought sometimes with bulls, sometimes with men too — captives, perhaps, or the condemned." That is: in the greatest cities wild beasts, namely lions and bears, were kept; and at fixed times they were brought into the theatres, and were matched sometimes with bulls, sometimes with men, say captives or the condemned. Cotelier.

(printed under page 418)

(17) ‹ἀποκηρύξῃ› · call in col 841

Ἀποκηρύξῃ. Praefigitur in altero ἤ, aut reprobet, ut in versione. Cler.

Ἀποκηρύξῃ ("may reject"). In the other manuscript ἤ is prefixed, "or reject", as in the translation. Le Clerc.

(printed under page 418)

(18) ‹ἐκ γῆς ποιήσας› · call in col 841

Ποιήσας. Alter καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν κατασκευάσας αὐτός. Id.

Ποιήσας ("having made"). The other reads καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν κατασκευάσας αὐτός ("and having himself fashioned those of the rest"). The same (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 418)

(19) ‹πρὸς τὸ χρεωστεῖσθαι› · call in col 841

Πρὸς τὸ χρεωστεῖσθαι. Desunt in altero haec verba et seqq. usque ad ἀνάστασιν. Id.

Πρὸς τὸ χρεωστεῖσθαι ("so that it is owed"). These words and those following, as far as ἀνάστασιν, are missing in the other. The same (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 418)

(16) · call in col 842

Isa. LXVI, 24.

Isaiah 66:24.

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(17) · call in col 842

Hebr. XI, 5; Matth. XVII, 11.

Hebrews 11:5; Matthew 17:11.

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(18) · call in col 842

II Reg. XVII, 22.

2 Kings 17:22 [as printed; the raising of the widow's son is 3 Kings (1 Kings) 17:22].

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(19) · call in col 842

IV Reg. IV, 35.

4 Kings (Vulgate numbering; 2 Kings) 4:35.

VARIORUM NOTAE (calls printed in the Greek, col 841; the Latin col 842 carries no call for them) (printed under page 418)

Scripture references (calls in the Latin, col 843) (printed under page 419)

(20) · call in col 843

Gen. II, 7.

Genesis 2:7.

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(21) · call in col 843

Gen. III, 19.

Genesis 3:19.

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(22) · call in col 843

Joan. V, 28, 25.

John 5:28, 25.

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(23) · call in col 843

Joan. XI, 39.

John 11:39.

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(24) · call in col 843

Marc. V, 41.

Mark 5:41.

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(25) · call in col 843

Luc. VII, 14.

Luke 7:14.

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(26) ‹resurrectio et vita› · call in col 843

Joan. XI, 25.

John 11:25.

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(27) ‹ventre ceti› · call in col 843

Jon. II, 11.

Jonah 2:11.

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(28) ‹fornace Babyloniae› · call in col 843

Dan. III, 50.

Daniel 3:50.

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(29) ‹ore leonis› · call in col 843

Dan. VI, 22.

Daniel 6:22.

VARIORUM NOTAE (calls printed in the Greek, col 844; the Latin col 843 carries no call for them) (printed under page 419)

(20) ‹Ἐγὼ γάρ› · call in col 844

Ἐγώ, etc. Totus hic locus deest in altero cod. Cler.

Ἐγώ ("I"), etc. This whole passage is missing in the other manuscript. Le Clerc.

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(21) ‹προφῆτις Ἀβύλλα› · call in col 844

Ἡ αὐτῶν προφῆτις Ἀβύλλα. Si librariorum mendum non est, Sibylla nomen Abyllae tulerit per irrisionem; ut quae non fuerit juxta notationem nominis Σιοβούλη seu Θεοβούλη, Dei consilium et mens, sed Ἀβούλη, absque mente et consilio. Sic supra vidimus μητιερέα. Passimque similia in scriptoribus ecclesiasticis occurrunt. Anoetus, Atactus, Asebius, Adoxius, Atyches, Amacarius, pro Noeto, Eutacto, Eusebio, Eudoxio, Eutyche, Macario; Dormitantius de Vigilantio; Scotinus de Photino, et Photio. Quin etiam in codice ms. viri eruditissimi ac humanissimi Claudii Jolii epistola S. Basilii 293, ubi Sebasteni nominantur, Asebasteni scribitur. Cot.

"Their prophetess Abylla." If it is not a copyists' error, the Sibyl will have borne the name Abylla in mockery: as one who was not, by the etymology of the name, Σιοβούλη or Θεοβούλη, "the counsel and mind of God", but Ἀβούλη, "without mind and counsel". So we saw μητιερέα above. And such things occur everywhere in the church writers: Anoetus, Atactus, Asebius, Adoxius, Atyches, Amacarius, for Noetus, Eutactus, Eusebius, Eudoxius, Eutyches, Macarius; Dormitantius ("the Sleeper") for Vigilantius ("the Wakeful"); Scotinus ("the Dark") for Photinus, and for Photius. Indeed, in a manuscript belonging to the most learned and kindly Claude Joly, in St Basil's Letter 293, where the Sebasteni are named, "Asebasteni" is written. Cotelier.

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(22) ‹ἄρα μορφώσῃ› · call in col 844

Ἔμπαλιν αὐτοῖς Ἀνδ' ἄρα μορφώσῃ. Reponendum ex metri legibus, atque ex codice sibyllino; ἔμπαλιν ἄνδρα Μορφώσῃ. Importuna vox αὐτοῖς abest etiam ab editione Graeca Veneta. Id.

Ἔμπαλιν αὐτοῖς Ἀνδ' ἄρα μορφώσῃ. By the laws of the metre, and from the Sibylline manuscript, read: ἔμπαλιν ἄνδρα Μορφώσῃ ("shapes man again"). The intrusive word αὐτοῖς is also absent from the Venetian Greek edition. The same (Cotelier).

(printed under page 419)

(23) ‹ἐκ τῶν› · call in col 844

Ἐκ τῶν. Alter cod. Vind. ἀπὸ τῶν. Cler.

Ἐκ τῶν ("from the"). The other Vienna manuscript reads ἀπὸ τῶν. Le Clerc.

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(24) ‹ἀπιστοῦσι› · call in col 844

Ἀπιστοῦσι. Addit alter λόγοις, verbis. Recte. Cler.

Ἀπιστοῦσι ("they disbelieve"). The other adds λόγοις, "words". Rightly. Le Clerc.

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(25) ‹Καίτοι φασὶ› · call in col 844

Καίτοι φασί. Saepe repetit. Ut omnino extra culpam sit, dum fabula phoenicis ab ethnicis relata utitur ad probandum contra eos mysterium resurrectionis. Cot.

Καίτοι φασί ("and yet they say"). He repeats it often — so as to be wholly free of blame when he uses the fable of the phoenix, told by the heathen, to prove against them the mystery of the resurrection. Cotelier.

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(26) ‹εἰδικὴν› · call in col 844

Εἰδικήν. Unus ἰδικὴν ἄλλοθεν ἔξειν αὐτοὶ δεικνύειν. Mendose. Alter εἰκῆ δείκνυσιν. In margine στωι, hoc est Stoici; deinde καὶ περὶ τοῦ φοίνικος. Verba: καίτοι φασί usque ad ἀνάστασιν abundare videntur. Cler.

Εἰδικήν ("a particular [resurrection]"). One manuscript reads ἰδικὴν ἄλλοθεν ἔξειν αὐτοὶ δεικνύειν — faultily. The other reads εἰκῆ ("at random") δείκνυσιν. In the margin στωι, that is, "Stoics"; then καὶ περὶ τοῦ φοίνικος ("and about the phoenix"). The words from καίτοι φασί to ἀνάστασιν seem superfluous. Le Clerc.

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(27) ‹μονογενὲς› · call in col 844

Ὄρνεόν τι μονογενές. Ultro fatemur, diversas narrationes de ave phoenice, hanc, et illam in epistola Clementis ad Corinthios positam, non ejusdem esse auctoris. Quanquam nihil repugnat, ut idem scriptor duobus in operibus unam fabulam aliter atque aliter referat, alios atque alios secutus fabulatores. Cot.

Ὄρνεόν τι μονογενές ("a certain only-begotten bird"). We freely admit that the differing accounts of the phoenix bird — this one, and that set in Clement's letter to the Corinthians — are not by the same author. Though nothing forbids the same writer telling one fable in two works now one way, now another, following different storytellers. Cotelier.

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Scripture references (calls in the Latin, col 846) (printed under page 420)

(28) ‹οἱ καὶ ἱστοροῦσι› · call in col 845

Οἱ. Alter cod. ὅ, ut referatur ad ὄρνεον. Rectius. Cler.

Οἱ ("who", plural). The other manuscript reads ὅ, so that it refers to ὄρνεον ("bird"). More correctly. Le Clerc.

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(29) ‹Ἡλίου Βωμὸν› · call in col 845

Ἐπὶ τὸν λεγόμενον Ἡλίου Βωμόν. Herodotus: εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ Ἡλίου. Tacitus: Inque Solis aram. Origenes contra Celsum: ὅπου τὸ τοῦ Ἡλίου τέμενος. Qui putatus est Lactantius: Contendit solis ad ortus, / Inque ara residens, ponit in aede sacra. Non debuerunt igitur ineptiae Constitutorem arguere. Cot.

"To the so-called Altar of the Sun." Herodotus: "into the temple of the Sun." Tacitus: "and onto the altar of the Sun." Origen, Against Celsus: "where the precinct of the Sun is." The writer taken to be Lactantius: "It makes for the sun's rising, / and resting on the altar, sets it down in the sacred shrine." They ought not, then, to have charged the Compiler with foolishness. Cotelier.

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(30) ‹τῷ ἡλίῳ προσευξάμενον› · call in col 845

Ὡς αὐτοί φασι, τῷ ἡλίῳ προσευξάμενον. Hic sedet, et blando solem clangore salutat / Debilior, miscetque preces, ac supplice cantu / Praestatura novas vires incendia poscit. Agnoscis versus Claudiani. Id.

"Having prayed, as they say, to the sun." "Here it sits, and, grown weaker, greets the sun with soft cry, and mingles prayers, and in suppliant song begs for the fires that will lend it new strength." You recognize the verses of Claudian. The same (Cotelier).

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(31) ‹Αἰγυπτιακοῦ νομοῦ› · call in col 845

Ἀραβίαν, ἤπερ ἐστὶ περαιτέρω τοῦ Αἰγυπτιακοῦ νομοῦ vel βωμοῦ. Cur haec locutio in reprehensionem inciderit, nullus video. Quis enim ignorat nomina generalia pro specialibus poni solere? In hac ipsa phoenicis historia, verba Cyrilli Hierosolymitani sunt: Κατὰ τὴν Αἰγυπτίων χώραν, ἐν περιόδοις πεντακοσίων ἐτῶν ἐρχόμενον. Tzetzis vero: παραγενόμενος ἐν τόποις τοῖς Αἰγύπτου. Id.

"Arabia, which lies beyond the Egyptian nome" (or "altar"). Why this expression has met with censure I do not at all see. For who does not know that general names are commonly put for particular ones? In this very story of the phoenix, the words of Cyril of Jerusalem are: "coming into the land of the Egyptians at periods of five hundred years"; and those of Tzetzes: "arriving in the places of Egypt". The same (Cotelier).

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(32) ‹ἃ προσετάγη› · call in col 845

Προσετάγη. Alter ἐθέλησε, ut in versione. In margine ascripta haec fuit notula: Ὅτι οὐχ ἀπὸ ὕλης ὁ Θεὸς τὸν κόσμον ἐποίησε, καὶ ὅτι ὁ Υἱὸς ἀπὸ τῆς κοσμοποιίας, ἢ καὶ πρὸ αὐτῆς Χριστὸς λέγεται, ὡς καὶ μετὰ μίαν σελίδα φησί. Cler.

Προσετάγη ("was commanded"). The other reads ἐθέλησε ("willed"), as in the translation. In the margin this little note was written: "That God did not make the world out of matter; and that the Son is called Christ from the making of the world, or even before it, as he says a page later." Le Clerc.

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(33) ‹προσετάγη Χριστὸς› · call in col 845

Ἃ προσετάγη Χριστός. Vide lib. vii, cap. 34. Durum dictum, ac periculosum: jugulatum eapropter ab orthodoxo Graeco hac marginali nota: Βλάσφημον· γυμνὸς γὰρ σαρκὸς οὐ προσετάγη ὁ Υἱός. Blasphemum. Nam Filius, antequam carnem induisset, jussus non est. Similia tamen apud auctores non suspectos reperiuntur; explicanturque ab iisdem de mandato paternae auctoritatis, quod opponitur herilis dominationis imperio. Super qua re scripsit Theodorus Abucara. Sed in libris editis opusculum illud, num. 25, Latine solummodo exstat. Graeca ergo ex volumine Regio descripsi, quo hic cum interpretatione subjungerem: [Latin column] Demonstratio, quod Deus habeat Filium consubstantialem, ut ipse carentem principio, et coaeternum. Agarenorum cogitatio, et omne studium eorum eo spectat, ut divinitatem Verbi Dei negent; et undique contra illud aciem instruunt, ut probent non esse Deum, neque Filium Dei. Eorum enim pseudopropheta, utpote Ariani erroris auditor, hoc ipsis impium irreligiosumque dogma tradidit. Unde quidam apud eos ob eloquentiam tumidus in conventu populari sedens, episcopum percunctatus est his verbis: Quid Christum dicis, Theodore? Episcopus. Deum, et Dei Filium. Saracenus. Et potest Deo esse Filius? Theodorus. Non potest non esse Deo Filius. Sar. Quo modo et qua ratione? Theod. Potest Deus principatum non habere? Sar. Minime. Th. Et quorumnam princeps est Deus? Sar. Suarum creaturarum. Th. Accidens igitur ei fuit, ut princeps esset, non autem naturale; et dicetur habere principatum adventitium et acquisitum, recentem, et non, ut ipse, principio carentem. Ante [Greek column] Ἀπόδειξις ὅτι ἔχει ὁ Θεὸς Υἱὸν ὁμοούσιον, συνάναρχόν τε καὶ συναΐδιον. Τῶν Ἀγαρηνῶν τὸ φρόνημα καὶ πᾶσα αὐτῶν ἡ σπουδὴ πρὸς τὸ ἀθετεῖν τὴν τοῦ Θεοῦ Λόγου θεότητα βλέπει, καὶ πανταχόθεν ἐπ' αὐτῷ παρατάσσεται, δεικνύναι αὐτὸν σπουδάζοντες μὴ εἶναι Θεόν, μηδὲ Θεοῦ Υἱόν. Ὁ γάρ τοι ψευδοπροφήτης αὐτῶν Ἀρειανοῦ ἀκροατὴς ἅτε γεγονώς, τοῦτο αὐτοῖς τὸ ἄθεον καὶ δυσσεβὲς παρέδωκε δόγμα, ὅθεν τις τῶν παρ' αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ λόγοις σεμνότητος κομψός, ἐν πανδήμῳ καθήμενος συλλόγῳ, τὸν ἐπίσκοπον ἠρώτησε φήσας· Τί λέγεις τὸν Χριστόν, ὦ Θεόδωρε; Ὁ ἐπίσκοπος· Θεόν, καὶ Θεοῦ Υἱόν. Ὁ Σαρακηνός· Καὶ ἐνδέχεται εἶναι τῷ Θεῷ Υἱόν; Θεόδωρος· Οὐκ ἐνδέχεται μὴ εἶναι τῷ Θεῷ Υἱόν. Ὁ Σαρ. Πῶς καὶ τίνι τρόπῳ; Θεόδ. Ἐνδέχεται τῷ Θεῷ μὴ ἄρχειν; Ὁ Σαρ. Οὐ δῆτα. Θ. Καὶ τίνων ἄρχει ὁ Θεός; Ὁ Σ. Τῶν ἑαυτοῦ κτισμάτων. Θ. Οὐκοῦν συμβεβηκὸς γέγονεν αὐτῷ τὸ ἄρχειν, καὶ οὐ φυσικόν· καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν λεχθείη ἂν ἔχειν ἐπείσακτον καὶ ἐπίκτητον, πρόσφατον, καὶ (continues)

"The things Christ was commanded." See Book 7, ch. 34. A hard saying, and a dangerous one; and for that reason it was cut down by an orthodox Greek with this marginal note: "Blasphemous: for the Son, bare of flesh, was not commanded" — that is, blasphemous, since the Son was not given orders before he had put on flesh. Yet similar language is found in authors above suspicion, and they explain it of the bidding of a father's authority, as opposed to the command of a master's lordship. On this matter Theodore Abu Qurra wrote. But in the printed books that little work, no. 25, exists only in Latin. I have therefore copied the Greek from the Royal manuscript, to append it here with a translation:

(printed under page 420)

(30) ‹coelum et terram› · call in col 846

Gen. I, 1.

Genesis 1:1.

VARIORUM NOTAE (calls printed in the Greek, col 845; the Latin col 846 carries no call for them) (printed under page 420)

(34) ‹φῶς› · call in col 848

Φῶς. Haec vocula et duae seqq. absunt in altero codice. Cler.

Φῶς ("light"). This little word and the two following are absent in the other manuscript. Le Clerc.

(printed under page 421)

οὐ συνάναρχον. Πρὸ γὰρ τῶν κτισμάτων, ὡς σὺ φῂς, οὐκ ἦρχε· γεγόνασι δὲ αὐτῷ τὰ κτίσματα αἰτία τῆς ἀρχῆς, κεχειροτονηκότα αὐτὸν ἐφ' ἑαυτὰ, δηλονότι ἄρχοντα, τὸ πρὶν μὴ πεφυκότα· καὶ χάριν αὐτοῖς ἂν σχοίη, ὡς τῆς ἀρχοντικῆς τιμῆς δι' αὐτῶν ἠξιωμένος· καὶ εἰ δόξει αὐτῷ εἰς τὸ μὴ εἶναι αὐτὰ παλινδρομεῖν, ἀνήκοα ἔσται, καὶ λοιπὸν τῆς ἀρχῆς τῶν ἀρχομένων, κατὰ σὲ γυμνωθήσεται ἄν. Καὶ πρὸς τοσούτοις ἀτοπήμασιν, ἕτερον ἐξ ἀνάγκης παρέψοιτο ἂν ἀτοπώτερον. Ὁ Σ. Ποῖον δὴ τοῦτο; Θ. Ὅτι ἡ ἀρχὴ τοῦ ἐπιγείου βασιλέως, τῆς τοῦ Θεοῦ ἀρχῆς ἀσύγκριτος [f. ἀσυγκρίτως] νοηθείη ἂν, καὶ κατὰ πολὺ βελτίω καὶ τιμιωτέρα. Ὁ Σ. Πῶς, καὶ διατί; Θ. Ὅτι ὁ μὲν ἐπίγειος βασιλεὺς, ὁμοουσίων καὶ ὁμοχρόνων ἄρχει· ὁ δὲ Θεὸς, ἑτεροουσίων καὶ κατὰ πολὺ ἡττόνων καὶ ὑστερογενῶν. Ὁ Σ. Ὅπερ ἔφης οὐ συνίημι. Θ. Εἰ προσιών τις προσαγορεύσοι τὸν βασιλέα, λέγων· « Χαῖρε ὁ βασιλεῦ τῶν ὄνων, » τί δεῖν αὐτὸν λέγεις παθεῖν; Ὁ Σ. Τὴν ἐσχάτην τιμωρίαν. Θ. Καὶ πότερα θατέρῳ συγγενέστερα, τῷ Θεῷ τὰ κτίσματα, ἢ τῷ ἐπιγείῳ βασιλεῖ οἱ ὄνοι; Ὁ Σ. Τῷ βασιλεῖ οἱ ὄνοι· κτίσματα γὰρ ἄμφω, ὁμογενῆ τε καὶ σύνδουλα. Ἀλλ' οὖν πείθοντί μοι, ἄγε δὴ, λέγε· τίνων ὁ Θεὸς ἄρχει, ἐπειδὴ κτισμάτων, ὡς σὺ φῂς, οὐκ ἄρχει; Θ. Οἱ ἀρχόμενοι τρισσοί· ἢ μείζονες ὄντες τοῦ ἄρχοντος, ἢ ἥττονες, ἢ ἴσοι· μειζόνων δὲ ἐπειπεῖν τὸν Θεὸν ἄρχειν, βλάσφημον, Θεοῦ γὰρ μεῖζον οὐδέν. Ἡττόνων δὲ, ἄτιμον, κατὰ τὰ προειρημένα ἄτοπα· λείπεται δὲ εἰπεῖν ἴσων καὶ συνανάρχων. Ὁ Σ. Καὶ τίς ἐστιν ὁ τῷ Θεῷ ἴσος καὶ συνάναρχος, ὃς καὶ ὑπ' αὐτοῦ ἄρχοιτο; Θ. Οἱ ἀρχόμενοι τριττοί· ὁ μὲν γὰρ βουλόμενος ἀρχθήσεται· ὁ δὲ, τυραννούμενος· ὁ δὲ μήτε βουλόμενος, μήτε τυραννούμενος· ἀλλ' ὁ Θεὸς, βουληθέντων οὐκ ἄρχει, ἵνα μὴ πάλιν βουληθέντες διαδέξωνται αὐτὸν, καὶ πρὸς τοῦτο οὐ συνάναρχον, οὐδὲ φυσικὴν σχοίη τὴν ἀρχὴν, μετὰ βούλησιν γὰρ, καὶ πρόσφατον καὶ ἄτιμον, καθὰ εἴρηται· ἀλλ' οὐδὲ τυραννουμένων ἄρχει· ἀπρεπὲς γὰρ, σὺν τοῖς λοιποῖς ἀτοπήμασιν. Ὑπολέλειπται οὖν εἰπεῖν ὅτι ὁ Θεὸς ἄρχει οὐ βουλομένου, οὐδὲ τυραννουμένου, ἀλλὰ φυσικῇ ἀρχῇ ἀρχομένου. Ὁ Σ. Καὶ τίς ἐστιν ὁ ὑπὸ τοῦ Θεοῦ φυσικῶς ἀρχόμενος; Θ. Οἱ ἄρχοντες τρισσοί· ὁ μὲν γὰρ, ψήφῳ τῶν ἀρχομένων ἄρχει· ὁ δὲ, τυραννίδι· ὁ δὲ, φύσει· ἀλλ' ὁ μὲν Θεὸς ψήφῳ ἀρχομένων οὐκ ἄρχει, διὰ τὰ προειρημένα ἀνάρμοστα ἐπὶ Θεοῦ λεχθῆναι συμβεβηκότα· ἀλλὰ οὐδὲ τυραννίδι, τοῦ Θεοῦ γὰρ ἡ τυραννὶς μακρὰν ἀποῤῥαπίζεται· ὑπολέλειπται δὲ ἄρα ὁ τρίτος τρόπος, καθ' ὃν λέγεται ὁ Θεὸς ἄρχων πάσης ψήφου ἀνώτερος, καὶ πάσης τυραννίδος ἐλεύθερος, ὅ ἐστι, φύσει. Ὁ Σ. Καὶ τίς ἐστιν ὁ ὑπὸ τοῦ Θεοῦ φυσικῶς ἀρχόμενος; Θ. Ὁ Υἱὸς αὐτοῦ, δι' οὗ ἄρχων καὶ Πατὴρ οὐκ ἠργμένος ὁ Θεὸς γνωρίζεται· διότι φυσικὸν πρᾶγμα πᾶν, τῆς κατὰ προαίρεσιν θελήσεως προτέθειται. Ὁ Σ. Οἷόν τι φῄς; Θ. Πρὸ γὰρ τοῦ θέλειν ἀναπνεῖν, ἀναπνέομεν· καὶ πρὸ τοῦ θέλειν ἀκούειν, ἀκούομεν· καὶ πρὸ τοῦ θέλειν ὁρᾶν, βλέπομεν. Ἰδοὺ γὰρ, σὺ, ὦ ἀρνητὰ τῆς τοῦ Θεοῦ Λόγου θεότητος, ἀποδέδεικται, ὅτι ἐστὶ τῷ Θεῷ Υἱὸς ὁμοούσιος, συνάναρχός τε καὶ συναΐδιος, ταῖς τῆς θεότητος ὑπεροχαῖς τῷ γεννήτορι συνεδρεύων, ὑπὸ πάσης ἀοράτου καὶ ὁρατῆς κτίσεως δημιουργὸς καὶ δεσπότης σὺν αὐτῷ λατρευόμενός τε καὶ προσκυνούμενος, τὸν οὐρανὸν ἔχων θρόνον, καὶ τὴν γῆν ὑποπόδιον· ἔτι δὲ καὶ προφητικῶς εἰπεῖν, σπιθαμῇ τὸν οὐρανὸν μετρῶν, καὶ τὴν γῆν δρακὶ, οὗ πάντα τὰ ἔθνη ἐνώπιον, ὡς ῥοπὴ ζυγοῦ, καὶ ὡς σταγὼν ἀπὸ κάδου. Cot.

…not without beginning together with Him. For before the creatures, as you say, He did not rule; and the creatures have become for Him the cause of His rule, having elected Him over themselves, that is, as ruler, who was not such by nature before; and He would owe them thanks, as one deemed worthy of the honour of rule through them; and if it should seem good to Him that they run back into non-being, they will be disobedient, and thereafter, according to you, He would be stripped of rule over those who are ruled. And besides so many absurdities, another more absurd would necessarily follow. S. What is this, then? Th. That the rule of the earthly king would be thought incomparable [perhaps: incomparably] to the rule of God, and far better and more honourable. S. How, and why? Th. Because the earthly king rules over those of the same substance and the same time; but God over those of another substance and far inferior and later-born. S. What you have said I do not understand. Th. If someone should approach and address the king, saying, "Hail, O king of the asses," what do you say he ought to suffer? S. The utmost punishment. Th. And which are more akin to the other: the creatures to God, or the asses to the earthly king? S. The asses to the king; for both are creatures, of the same kind and fellow-servants. But come now, tell me, as I urge you: over whom does God rule, since, as you say, He does not rule over creatures? Th. Those who are ruled are of three kinds: either they are greater than the ruler, or lesser, or equal. To say that God rules over the greater is blasphemous, for nothing is greater than God. Over the lesser is dishonourable, according to the absurdities stated before. It remains to say: over equals, and those who are likewise without beginning. S. And who is it that is equal to God and likewise without beginning, and who would also be ruled by Him? Th. Those who are ruled are of three kinds: one will be ruled willingly; another under tyranny; another neither willingly nor under tyranny. But God does not rule those who have willed it, lest, willing again, they should succeed Him, and besides He would not have a rule without beginning, nor a natural one, for it would come after their will, and be recent and without honour, as has been said; nor does He rule those under tyranny, for it is unbecoming, along with the other absurdities. It remains, then, to say that God rules one who is ruled not willingly, nor under tyranny, but by natural rule. S. And who is it that is naturally ruled by God? Th. Rulers are of three kinds: one rules by the vote of those who are ruled; another by tyranny; another by nature. But God does not rule by the vote of the ruled, because of the unfitting consequences stated before that would follow if this were said of God; nor yet by tyranny, for tyranny is driven far from God; there remains, then, the third manner, in which God is called ruler above every vote and free of all tyranny, that is, by nature. S. And who is it that is naturally ruled by God? Th. His Son, through whom God is known as ruler and as Father without beginning; because everything natural is set before the willing that is by choice. S. What do you mean, for instance? Th. Before willing to breathe, we breathe; and before willing to hear, we hear; and before willing to see, we see. Behold, then, you denier of the divinity of the Word of God: it has been shown that God has a Son consubstantial, without beginning together with Him and co-eternal, sitting with the Begetter in the pre-eminences of the Godhead, served and worshipped with Him by all creation invisible and visible as its maker and master, having heaven for His throne and the earth for His footstool; and further, to speak prophetically, measuring the heaven with a span, and the earth with a handful, before whom all the nations are as the turn of a balance and as a drop from a bucket. Cot[elier].

enim quam creaturae essent, ut tu ais, non habebat principatum: fuerunt autem ei creaturae causa principatus, ipsumque sibi praefecerunt, principem videlicet, quod prius non erat natura; et habere illis gratiam debet, quia per eas habitus est honore principali dignus: et si videatur ipsi, ut eae rursus in nihilum redeant, non obedient; praetereaque principatu erga ea quibus praeest, ex tua sententia, nudabitur: et praeter tanta absurda aliud absurdius sequetur necessario. S. Quod illud? Th. Quod principatus terreni regis multo melior et nobilior, et supra quam dici possit excellentior, quam principatus Dei intelligetur esse. S. Quo modo, et quare? Th. Quia terrenus quidem rex princeps est eorum qui sunt ejusdem naturae et ejusdem temporis: Deus autem, eorum qui sunt diversae naturae, et multo inferiores ac posteriores. S. Non intelligo quod dixisti. Th. Si quis adiret regem, et diceret: Salve, rex asinorum; quod supplicium ei subeundum esse diceres? S. Summum. Th. Et utra sunt alteri cognatiora; creaturae Deo, an asini regi terreno? S. Asini regi: ambo enim sunt creaturae, ejusdem generis, et conserva. Sed age, responde mihi percunctanti: In quos habet principatum Deus, si quidem in creaturas, ut tu ais, non habet? Th. Triplices sunt quorum aliquis princeps est: vel sunt majores principe, vel minores, vel aequales. At Deum dicere principem esse majorum, blasphemum est. Nihil enim Deo majus. Minorum vero, inhonoratum est, convenienter absurdis illis quae dicta sunt supra. Relinquitur ut dicamus, aequalium, et pariter principio carentium. S. Ecquis est Deo par, et instar illius carens principio, qui illum habeat principem? Th. In quos est principatus, sunt triplices. Unus quidem volens, habebit principem: alius, per vim et tyrannice: alius vero neque volens, neque vi adactus. At Deus non est princeps, quia volunt ii quorum est princeps: ne rursus, si velint, ei succedant; ac praeterea non habeat principatum naturalem, ac simul absque principio; utpote post voluntatem, et nuperum ac inhonoratum, sicut dictum est. Sed nec vim ac tyrannidem passorum princeps est: neque enim decet; praeter reliqua absurda. Restat igitur ut dicatur Deus esse princeps, non ut volentis, neque tyrannidem subeuntis, sed naturali principatu principem habentis. S. Ecquis est qui natura Deum habet principem? Th. Triplices sunt principes. Alius enim suffragio eorum quibus praeest, princeps est: alius per tyrannidem, alius natura. Verum Deus eorum quibus praeest suffragio non est princeps; ob praedicta incongrua quae de Deo dicenda essent: sed neque per tyrannidem; tyrannis enim procul a Deo profligatur: superest itaque tertius modus, quo Deus dicitur princeps omni suffragio superior, et ab omni tyrannide liber, qui est modus naturalis. S. Et quis est qui Deum naturaliter principem habet? Th. Filius ejus; per quem Deus, princeps et Pater non coeptus seu absque principio agnoscitur. Quia omnis res naturalis voluntatem electionis praecellit. S. Quid verbi gratia ais? Th. Ante enim quam velimus respirare, respiramus; et antequam velimus audire, audimus; et antequam velimus videre, videmus. En igitur, o tu negator divinitatis Verbi Dei, demonstratum est quod Deo est Filius consubstantialis, carens ut ille principio, et coaeternus, excellentiis divinitatis cum genitore praesidens, ab omni creatura inaspectabili et aspectabili tanquam Creator et dominus cum ipso cultus et adoratus.

…[before] the creatures existed, as you say, He did not have rule; but the creatures were for Him the cause of His rule, and set Him over themselves, namely as prince, which He was not before by nature; and He ought to be grateful to them, because through them He was held worthy of princely honour; and if it should seem good to Him that they return again into nothing, they will not obey; and besides, on your view, He will be stripped of His rule over the things over which He presides; and beyond such great absurdities another more absurd will necessarily follow. S. What is that? Th. That the rule of an earthly king will be understood to be much better and nobler, and more excellent than can be told, than the rule of God. S. How, and why? Th. Because the earthly king is prince of those who are of the same nature and of the same time; but God, of those who are of a different nature, and much inferior and later. S. I do not understand what you have said. Th. If someone were to approach the king and say, "Hail, king of the asses," what punishment would you say he must undergo? S. The utmost. Th. And which are more akin to the other: the creatures to God, or the asses to an earthly king? S. The asses to the king; for both are creatures, of the same kind, and fellow-servants. But come, answer me as I ask: over whom does God have rule, if indeed, as you say, He has none over creatures? Th. Those of whom anyone is prince are of three kinds: either they are greater than the prince, or lesser, or equal. But to say that God is prince of the greater is blasphemous; for nothing is greater than God. Of the lesser, however, is dishonourable, in keeping with those absurdities that were spoken of above. It remains that we say: of equals, and of those likewise lacking beginning. S. Is there anyone equal to God, and like Him lacking beginning, who has Him as prince? Th. Those over whom there is rule are of three kinds. One, being willing, will have a prince; another, by force and tyrannically; another neither willing nor driven by force. But God is not prince because those of whom He is prince so will it: lest in turn, if they willed, they should succeed Him; and besides, He would not have a natural rule, and at the same time one without beginning, inasmuch as it would come after their will, and be recent and without honour, as has been said. Nor is He prince of those who have suffered force and tyranny: for neither is it fitting, besides the other absurdities. It remains, therefore, that God be said to be prince, not as of one willing, nor of one undergoing tyranny, but of one who has Him as prince by natural rule. S. Is there anyone who by nature has God as prince? Th. Princes are of three kinds. For one is prince by the vote of those over whom he presides; another through tyranny; another by nature. But God is not prince by the vote of those over whom He presides, because of the aforesaid incongruities that would have to be said of God; nor yet through tyranny, for tyranny is driven far from God: there remains, therefore, the third manner, in which God is called prince superior to every vote and free of all tyranny, which is the natural manner. S. And who is it that has God naturally as prince? Th. His Son; through whom God is acknowledged as prince and as Father not begun, or without beginning. Because every natural thing surpasses the will of choice. S. What do you mean, for example? Th. For before we will to breathe, we breathe; and before we will to hear, we hear; and before we will to see, we see. Behold, then, O you denier of the divinity of the Word of God, it has been shown that God has a Son consubstantial, lacking beginning as He does, and co-eternal, presiding with the Begetter in the excellences of the Godhead, worshipped and adored with Him by every creature invisible and visible as Creator and Lord.

<!-- note: Col. 848 carries only two lines of text (end of the Greek, ending at call 34), then "VARIORUM NOTAE" across the page. Under the heading, in four sub-columns (Greek | Latin | Latin | Greek), stands the continuation and close of the Theodore Abucara dialogue quoted in Cotelier's note (begun on earlier columns; it opens here mid-sentence, "οὐ συνάναρχον" / "enim quam creaturae essent", so only what stands on this page is set); the Greek reads down the first sub-column then the fourth, the Latin down the two middle ones; it ends with "Cot." and the Latin's closing words, "[tus." run under the third and fourth sub-columns. The Greek repeats the question "Καὶ τίς ἐστιν ὁ ὑπὸ τοῦ Θεοῦ φυσικῶς ἀρχόμενος;" twice, as printed. The bracketed "[f. ἀσυγκρίτως]" is printed. Note 34 (Clericus) follows at the foot; it is set once, under Footnotes above. Note 33 is not on this page; it belongs to an earlier column. -->

Scripture references (calls in the Latin, col 850) (printed under page 422)

(35) ‹μὴ ὄντα› · call in col 849

Μὴ ὄντα, etc. In margine notatum a nescio quo Σημ. κατὰ Ὠριγενιαστῶν, quasi his verbis oppugnaretur προΰπαρξις τῶν ψυχῶν. Cler.

Μὴ ὄντα ("not being"), etc. In the margin someone or other noted: "Note: against the Origenists", as though these words attacked the pre-existence of souls. Le Clerc.

(printed under page 422)

(36) ‹ἐποίησεν ἄνθρωπον› · call in col 849

Ἄνθρωπον. Vocula haec ab altero codice abest. Id.

Ἄνθρωπον ("man"). This little word is absent from the other manuscript. The same (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 422)

(37) ‹διάφορα δημιουργήσας› · call in col 849

Δημιουργήσας εἴδη. Sic legit, altera voce auctior, unus Vind. cod., nec male. Id.

Δημιουργήσας εἴδη ("having fashioned forms"). So reads one Vienna manuscript, longer by one word — and not badly. The same (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 422)

(38) ‹ἐνδημιουργῶν καὶ ὡς› · call in col 849

Καὶ ὡς. Καθὼς in utroque cod. ut hic habet versio, melius. Id.

Καὶ ὡς ("and as"). Both manuscripts read καθώς ("just as"), as the translation here has it — better. The same (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 422)

(39) ‹ὁ Κύριος ἀνίστησιν› · call in col 849

Αὐτὸν ἀναστήσεσθαι μεθ' ὧν ὁ Κύριος ἀνίστησιν: Ipsum resurrecturum cum illis, cum quibus resurgit Dominus, vel, cum illis quos resuscitat Dominus. Aliud ms. exemplar, teste Turriano, inter αὐτὸν et ἀναστήσεσθαι insertum habebat πάλιν, ut vulgo legunt. Eam tamen particulam non videtur agnoscere Theophanes Cerameus, homil. 27, p. 211. Cot. Sic et in altero cod. Vindob. πάλιν αὐτὸν δέ. Cler.

"That he will rise with those whom the Lord raises": "that he will rise with those with whom the Lord rises", or "with those whom the Lord raises up". Another manuscript copy, on Turrianus's testimony, had πάλιν ("again") inserted between αὐτὸν and ἀναστήσεσθαι, as it is commonly read. Theophanes Cerameus, however, Homily 27, p. 211, does not seem to know that particle. Cotelier. So too the other Vienna manuscript: πάλιν αὐτὸν δέ. Le Clerc.

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(40) ‹ἔπηξας› · call in col 849

Ἔπηξας. Alter codd. Vindobonensium, ἐτύρωσας, forte rectius. Id.

Ἔπηξας ("you curdled"). The other of the Vienna manuscripts reads ἐτύρωσας ("you made into cheese"), perhaps more correctly. The same (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 422)

(41) ‹Διό φησι› · call in col 849

Διό φησιν. Haec et seqq. ad τῷ Θεῷ omissa sunt in altero cod. nec sane quidquam ad rem faciunt; neque enim sermo est de omnipotentia divina, sed de creatione. In margine alterius ad haec verba: Οὐδὲ ταῦτα ἐν τοῖς ἄλλοις εὗρον. Id.

Διό φησιν ("Therefore says"). These words and the following, as far as τῷ Θεῷ, are omitted in the other manuscript; and indeed they contribute nothing to the matter, for the discussion is not of God's omnipotence but of creation. In the margin of the other, at these words: "I did not find these in the other copies either." The same (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 422)

(42) ‹Δαβίδ› · call in col 849

Δαβίδ. Addit idem codex τῷ Θεῷ, quod et habetur in versione; et re ipsa David Deum alloquitur. Id.

Δαβίδ ("David"). The same manuscript adds τῷ Θεῷ ("to God"), which is also found in the translation; and in fact David is addressing God. The same (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 422)

(31) ‹novi te› · call in col 850

Jer. I, 5.

Jeremiah 1:5.

(printed under page 422)

(32) (33) ‹hominis in eo› · call in col 850

Zach. XII, 1.

Zechariah 12:1.

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(34) ‹feminam fecit eos› · call in col 850

Gen. I, 26.

Genesis 1:26.

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(35) ‹resurrecturum› · call in col 850

in fine Job apud LXX.

At the end of Job in the Septuagint.

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(36) ‹tibi est impossibile› · call in col 850

Job X, 10.

Job 10:10.

(printed under page 422)

(37) ‹possibile est apud Deum› · call in col 850

Luc. XVIII, 27.

Luke 18:27.

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(38) ‹plasmaverunt me› · call in col 850

Psal. CXVIII, 73.

Psalm 118 (Vulgate numbering):73.

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(39) ‹non potero ad eam› · call in col 850

Psal. CII, 13.

Psalm 102 (Vulgate numbering):13.

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(40) ‹omnes scribentur› · call in col 850

Psal. CXXXVIII, 5.

Psalm 138 (Vulgate numbering):5.

(printed under page 422)

(41) ‹fictor noster› · call in col 850

Isa. LXIV, 8.

Isaiah 64:8.

(printed under page 422) VARIORUM NOTAE (calls printed in the Greek, col 849; the Latin col 850 carries no call for them) (33, continued) ‹call on page 420› · call in col 845 tus, qui coelum pro throno habet, ac terram pro scabello; insuperque, ut prophetice dicatur, qui palmo coelum metitur, et terram pugno; ante cujus conspectum omnes gentes sunt quasi momentum staterae, et quasi stilla de situla. (Isai. XL, 12, 15.)

(End of the Latin version of Abu Qurra's opusculum, from "adora-" on page 421:) "…adored, who has heaven for His throne and the earth for His footstool; and further, to speak with the prophet, who measures heaven with His palm and the earth with His fist; before whose face all the nations are as a moment of the balance and as a drop from a bucket" (Isa. 40:12, 15).

(printed under page 422)

Scripture references (calls in the Latin, col 851) (printed under page 423)

(42) ‹prolocutus est Gabriel› · call in col 851

Dan. XII, 3.

Daniel 12:3.

(printed under page 423)

(43) ‹in omnibus operibus suis› · call in col 851

Psal. CXLIV, 13.

Psalm 144 (Vulgate numbering):13.

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(44) ‹germen jussit prorumpere› · call in col 851

Num. XVII, 8.

Numbers 17:8.

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(45) ‹in pedes statuit› · call in col 851

Matth. IX, 5.

Matthew 9:5.

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(46) ‹laborantem curavit› · call in col 851

Marc. III, 5.

Mark 3:5.

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(47) ‹salivam reddidit› · call in col 851

Joan. IX, 7.

John 9:7.

(printed under page 423)

(48) ‹cophini superessent› · call in col 851

Matth. XIV, 20.

Matthew 14:20.

(printed under page 423)

(49) ‹vinum confecit› · call in col 851

Joan. II, 3.

John 2:3.

(printed under page 423)

(50) ‹census exactoribus› · call in col 851

Matth. XVII, 26.

Matthew 17:26.

(printed under page 423)

(51) ‹rediit ad vitam› · call in col 851

Act. I, 3.

Acts 1:3.

(printed under page 423)

(52) ‹in mortem ejus› · call in col 851

Matth. XXVIII, 18.

Matthew 28:18.

(printed under page 423)

(53) ‹assumptus est in coelum› · call in col 851

Act. I, 9.

Acts 1:9.

VARIORUM NOTAE (calls printed in the Greek, col 852; the Latin col 851 carries no call for them) (printed under page 423)

(43) ‹ἀκατέργαστον› · call in col 852

Τὸ ἀκατέργαστον. Praefigitur in altero καὶ αὖθις, ut in versione, nec male. Cler.

Τὸ ἀκατέργαστον ("the unfinished"). In the other manuscript καὶ αὖθις ("and again") is prefixed, as in the translation — not badly. Le Clerc.

(printed under page 423)

(44) ‹πλάστης ἡμῶν› · call in col 852

Καὶ σὺ ὁ πλάστης ἡμῶν. Non abhorret a vero, esse etiam τῶν Ο', licet apud eos jampridem non compareant, et sub asterisco quasi Aquilae et Theodotionis, ponantur in editione Procopii ex ms. Renati Marchali. Ac forte continebantur in codice quo usus fuit Theodoritus. Cot.

Καὶ σὺ ὁ πλάστης ἡμῶν ("and Thou our Fashioner"). It is not unlikely that these words belong to the Seventy as well, though they have long been absent from their text, and in the edition of Procopius from the manuscript of René Marchal they are set under an asterisk, as belonging to Aquila and Theodotion. And perhaps they stood in the manuscript Theodoret used. Cotelier.

(printed under page 423)

(45) ‹ἢ στεφθῆναι› · call in col 852

Στεφθῆναι. Alter cod. Vind. στεφανωθῆναι, eadem sententia, sed voce paulo frequentiore. Cler.

Στεφθῆναι ("to be crowned"). The other Vienna manuscript reads στεφανωθῆναι, with the same meaning but in a somewhat more common word. Le Clerc.

(printed under page 423)

(46) ‹καὶ ὅσιος› · call in col 852

Καὶ ὅσιος usque ad αὐτοῦ. Desunt in antiquiore sed deteriore cod. Id.

From Καὶ ὅσιος ("and holy") to αὐτοῦ. These are missing in the older but inferior manuscript. The same (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 423)

(47) ‹δημιουργός ἐστι· καὶ› · call in col 852

Καί. Lege ex altero cod. Καὶ ὁ. Id.

Καί ("and"). Read, from the other manuscript, Καὶ ὁ ("and he who"). The same (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 423)

(48) ‹ῥάβδον ξηράνασαν› · call in col 852

Ξηράνασαν. Alter ξηραίνουσαν ἐκφυσήσας. Id.

Ξηράνασαν ("dried up"). The other reads ξηραίνουσαν ἐκφυσήσας ("making the withering [rod] sprout"). The same (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 423)

Scripture references (calls in the Latin, col 854) (printed under page 424)

(49) ‹ἄτρεπτοι› · call in col 853

Ἄτρεπτοι. In altero ἀνένδοτοι, eodem sensu. Cler.

Ἄτρεπτοι ("unswerving"). In the other, ἀνένδοτοι ("unyielding"), with the same sense. Le Clerc.

(printed under page 424)

(50) ‹Μάρτυς γὰρ πιστὸς› · call in col 853

Μάρτυς. Alter cod. Καὶ πάλιν μάρτυς πιστός. Id.

Μάρτυς ("witness"). The other manuscript reads Καὶ πάλιν μάρτυς πιστός ("and again: a faithful witness"). The same (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 424)

(51) ‹Ἠθικὴ παραίνεσις› · call in col 853

Ἠθικὴ παραίνεσις. Desunt in altero cod. Vindob. quorum uterque post θρύψιν habent: ὀργὴν ἄμετρον, μωρολογίαν, ᾠδὴν ἐθνικὴν, ὀνομασίαν εἰδώλων, ἢ δαιμόνων. Id.

Ἠθικὴ παραίνεσις ("moral exhortation"). These words are missing in the other Vienna manuscript; both of them have, after θρύψιν ("luxury"): ὀργὴν ἄμετρον, μωρολογίαν, ᾠδὴν ἐθνικὴν, ὀνομασίαν εἰδώλων, ἢ δαιμόνων ("immoderate anger, foolish talk, heathen song, the naming of idols or demons"). The same (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 424)

(52) ‹τὰς αἰσχρολογίας› · call in col 853

Καὶ τὰς αἰσχρολογίας. Desunt in altero cod. Id.

Καὶ τὰς αἰσχρολογίας ("and foul talk"). Missing in the other manuscript. The same (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 424)

(54) ‹mors sanctorum ejus› · call in col 854

Psal. CXV, 15.

Psalm 115 (Vulgate numbering):15.

(printed under page 424)

(55) ‹justi cum laude› · call in col 854

Prov. X, 7.

Proverbs 10:7.

(printed under page 424)

(56) ‹Viri justi tolluntur› · call in col 854

Isa. LVII, 1, in LXX.

Isaiah 57:1, in the Septuagint.

(printed under page 424)

(57) ‹impiorum exstinguitur› · call in col 854

Prov. X, 7.

Proverbs 10:7.

(printed under page 424)

(58) ‹testis iniquus› · call in col 854

Prov. XIV, 5.

Proverbs 14:5.

(printed under page 424)

(59) ‹exsultate ei in tremore› · call in col 854

Psal. II, 11.

Psalm 2:11.

VARIORUM NOTAE (calls printed in the Greek, col 853; the Latin col 854 carries no call for them) (printed under page 424)

Scripture references (calls in the Latin, col 855) (printed under page 425)

(60) · call in col 855

Jer. V, 7.

Jeremiah 5:7.

(printed under page 425)

(61) · call in col 855

Zach. XIII, 2.

Zechariah 13:2.

(printed under page 425)

(62) · call in col 855

Deut. XXXII, 21.

Deuteronomy 32:21.

(62*) · call in col 855 Haec ad cap. XI spectant.

This belongs to chapter 11.

(printed under page 425)

(63) ‹errore deceptus adores ea› · call in col 855

Deut. IV, 19.

Deuteronomy 4:19.

(printed under page 425)

(64) ‹signis coeli nolite metuere› · call in col 855

Jer. X, 2.

Jeremiah 10:2.

(64*) ‹non autem ut colantur› · call in col 855 Laudat Cedrenus. Vide Testim. vet.

Cedrenus cites this. See the Testimonies of the Ancients.

(printed under page 425)

(65) ‹ut in deserto› · call in col 855

Exod. XXXII, 4.

Exodus 32:4.

(printed under page 425)

(66) ‹adorantes Beelphegorem› · call in col 855

Num. XXV, 3.

Numbers 25:3.

(printed under page 425)

(67) ‹alias autem Baalem› · call in col 855

Judic. II, 13.

Judges 2:13.

(printed under page 425)

(68) ‹Sidoniam Astarten› · call in col 855

III Reg. XI, 5.

3 Kings (Vulgate numbering; 1 Kings) 11:5.

(printed under page 425)

(69) ‹Ezechielem scriptum est› · call in col 855

Ezech. VIII, 14.

Ezekiel 8:14.

(printed under page 425)

(70) ‹non exaudiam eos› · call in col 855

Ezech. VIII, 17.

Ezekiel 8:17.

VARIORUM NOTAE (calls printed in the Greek, col 856; the Latin col 855 carries no call for them) (printed under page 425)

(53) ‹Καὶ ἑξῆς› · call in col 856

Καὶ ἑξῆς. Ambo codd. Vindob. καὶ πάλιν, ut habet et Latina versio, rectius quam ἑξῆς, quo significatur et caetera, cum etiam alter locus proferatur. Cler.

Καὶ ἑξῆς ("and so on"). Both Vienna manuscripts read καὶ πάλιν ("and again"), as the Latin translation also has — more correctly than ἑξῆς, which means "et cetera", since a second passage is in fact brought forward. Le Clerc.

(printed under page 425)

(54) ‹ἢ πορνικὴν› · call in col 856

Ἢ πορνικήν. Deest in altero Vind. Id.

Ἢ πορνικήν ("or lewd"). Missing in the other Vienna manuscript. The same (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 425)

(55) ‹ἐπόμνυσθαι εἴδωλον› · call in col 856

Εἴδωλον. Post hanc vocem alter codex addit: οὔτε οἰωνοῖς, ἢ κληδόσιν, ἢ παλμοῖς, ἢ παρατηρήσεσιν Ἰουδαϊκαῖς προσανέχειν. Sed trium priorum nulla hic mentio. Id.

Εἴδωλον ("idol"). After this word the other manuscript adds: "nor to pay heed to omens from birds, or chance utterances, or twitchings, or Jewish observances." But there is no mention here of the first three. The same (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 425)

(56) ‹μὴ μανθάνετε› · call in col 856

Μανθάνετε. Uterque cod. addit, πορεύεσθαι, discite incedere, quod et vere deerat. Id.

Μανθάνετε ("learn"). Both manuscripts add πορεύεσθαι — "learn to walk" — which was indeed missing. The same (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 425)

(57) ‹Ἰεζεκιὴλ γέγραπται› · call in col 856

Γέγραπται. In utroque ἐμφέρεται. Id.

Γέγραπται ("it is written"). Both read ἐμφέρεται ("it is set down"). The same (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 425)

(58) ‹ἥλιον ὀμνύναι› · call in col 856

Μήτε ἥλιον ὀμνύναι, etc. Per coelum, coelestia, terram, caeteras creaturas, perque caput suum aut charorum jurare soliti Judaei, ethnici, Christiani. Quae juramenta utramque librorum paginam implent. Philonis Judaei elegantem locum initio operis de specialibus legibus non assecutus est interpres. Ἀναγέγραπταί τις (inquit alter Plato) ἐν τοῖς νόμοις τῶν ἀρχιγενῶν καὶ ἐπὶ σοφίᾳ μάλιστα θαυμασθέντων, ὀμνὺς κατὰ τοῦ φόβου τοῦ πατρὸς, ὑπὲρ ὠφελείας οἶμαι τῶν ἔπειτα, καὶ διδαχῆς ἀναγκαίας, ἵνα τοὺς γονεῖς ὃν χρὴ τρόπον τιμῶσι, στέργοντες ὡς εὐεργέτας, καὶ εὐλαβούμενοι ὡς ὑπὸ φύσεως κατασταθέντας ἄρχοντας, καὶ μὴ ῥᾳδίως ἐπιχειρῶσιν ὀνομάζειν Θεόν, et caetera: in quibus permittit jurare per terram, solem, astra, coelum et mundum. Verti debuit: In legibus (Geneseos XXXI, 53), quidam ex priscis illis, quorumque sapientia maximam admirationem fecit, perscribitur jurare per timorem patris sui: pro utilitate (opinor) posterorum, et propter necessarium documentum, ut homines honorent parentes suos eo quo decet modo, ament eos tanquam beneficos, ac revereantur velut a natura constitutos (continues)

"Neither to swear by the sun", etc. Jews, heathen and Christians were accustomed to swear by heaven, by the heavenly bodies, by the earth, by the other creatures, and by their own head or the heads of those dear to them. Such oaths fill page after page of the books. The translator did not catch the elegant passage of Philo the Jew at the beginning of his work On the Special Laws: "It is recorded," says that second Plato, "in the laws, of one of the first ancestors, most admired for wisdom, that he swore by the Fear of his father — for the benefit, I think, of those to come after, and as a needful lesson, that they should honour their parents in the way they ought, loving them as benefactors and revering them as rulers set over them by nature, and should not lightly venture to name God", and so on; in which he permits swearing by the earth, the sun, the stars, heaven and the world. It should have been translated: "In the laws (Gen. 31:53) it is written of one of those men of old, whose wisdom won the greatest admiration, that he swore by the fear of his father: for the benefit (I think) of those after him, and as a needful lesson, that men should honour their parents in the fitting way, love them as benefactors, and revere them as [rulers] set by nature (continues)

(printed under page 425)

Scripture references and textual notes (numbered series) (printed under page 426)

(73) ‹τῶν ἑορτῶν› · call in col 857 (Greek only)

In Anast. τῶν τοῦ Κυρίου.

In Anastasius: τῶν τοῦ Κυρίου ("of the Lord's [feasts]").

(printed under page 426)

(75) ‹ἥτις ὑμῶν› · call in col 857 (Greek only)

f. ὑμῖν.

Perhaps read ὑμῖν ("for you").

VARIORUM NOTAE (calls printed in the Greek, col 857; the Latin col 858 carries no call for them) (58, continued) ‹call on page 425› · call in col 856 principes; neve temere Deum nominare audeant. In Poenitentialibus Judaicis: Postea admonebitur ne juret etiam pro veritate, neque per legem, neque per animam patrum suorum. Verum vovebit per vitam capitis sui. Apud Athenaeum vero lib. II, consuetudo jurandi per caput refertur ad opinionem veterem de capite inter res sacras numerato. Notum illud Sophoclis [imo Euripidis] in Menalippa: Ὄμνυμι δ' ἱερὸν αἰθέρ' οἴκησιν Διός. Item Euripidis in Medea: Ὄμνυμι γαῖαν, λαμπρὸν ἡλίου τε φῶς. De Christianis denique lege sis canonem 61 concilii Carthaginensis IV, Epiphanium in haeresi Ossenorum, num. 1; synodum Trosleianam, cap. 11 et Nicolaum papam, cap. 67 responsorum ad Bulgarorum consulta, atque ad hunc postremum nota de juramento per templum; quemadmodum et in libello poenitentiali Graeco qui per Joannem Morinum vulgatus fuit, p. 120 B. Cot.

…rulers; and that they should not dare to name God rashly." In the Jewish penitential books: "Afterwards he shall be warned not to swear even to the truth, neither by the Law nor by the soul of his fathers; but he shall vow by the life of his head." In Athenaeus, Book 2, the custom of swearing by the head is traced to an old belief that counted the head among sacred things. Well known is the line of Sophocles [rather, of Euripides] in the Melanippe: "I swear by the holy aether, the dwelling of Zeus." So too Euripides in the Medea: "I swear by the earth and the bright light of the sun." As for Christians, finally, read, if you please, canon 61 of the Fourth Council of Carthage; Epiphanius on the heresy of the Osseni, no. 1; the Synod of Trosly, ch. 11; and Pope Nicholas, ch. 67 of the Responses to the Questions of the Bulgarians, with the note on this last concerning swearing by the temple; and likewise the Greek penitential booklet published by Jean Morin, p. 120 B. Cotelier.

(printed under page 426)

(59) ‹εἶναι› · call in col 857

Εἶναι. In duobus codd. Vindob. κατορθοῦν, hoc est, ut videtur, bene esse. Cler.

Εἶναι ("to be"). In the two Vienna manuscripts κατορθοῦν, that is, it seems, "to fare well". Le Clerc.

(printed under page 426)

(60) ‹Κατάλογος τῶν τοῦ Κυρίου ἑορτῶν› · call in col 857

Κατάλογος τῶν τοῦ Κυρίου ἑορτῶν. Alter cod. περὶ ἑορτῶν. Id.

"Catalogue of the Lord's feasts." The other manuscript reads περὶ ἑορτῶν ("On feasts"). The same (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 426)

(61) ‹τοῦ ἐννάτου μηνὸς› · call in col 857

Εἰκάδι πέμπτῃ τοῦ ἐννάτου μηνός. Vigesima quinta noni mensis. Hoc est Decembris, ut patet ex cap. sequenti et 17, ac ex illo loco Constitutionibus attributo, quem in nota praeliminari ad hos libros posui. Ab aequinoctio vernali, ait auctor Operis imperfecti, ad Matth. XXIV, 22, duodecimi mensis incipiunt paulatim tepescere aeres per singulos dies, usque ad mensem tertium, et dies fieri noctibus longiores. Item ab aequinoctio autumnali mensis septimi incipiunt paulatim iterum frigescere aeres per singulos dies, et noctes fieri longiores diebus, usque ad mensem nonum, quando celebratur Christi Natalis. Ea consuetudo, ea sententia, quae nunc obtinet, statuendi festum et diem Natalis Dominici 25 Decembris, seu VIII Kalendas Januarias, a multis fuse explicata fuit, nec lucem a me exspectat. De contrariis vero legere licet praesertim Clementem Alexandrinum Strom. I, p. 340; Epiphanium, haeresi 50, n. 24, 27, 29; Photium, codice 232; Euthymii Panopliam, p. II, tit. 20; et Joannem Nicaenum, epistola de Christi nativitate; tom. II Auctarii Combefisiani. Quare superest ut pro more quae in mss. codicibus inedita reperi, in gratiam lectorum adjiciam. Sunt autem duae chronologicae observationes de Christo. Prima in libro Regio 1474. [Lege supra et infra ad cap. 14.] [Latin column] Sciri debet quod Annuntiatio facta est anno 5505, die Dominica, Martii 25. Nativitas vero Domini nostri Jesu Christi contigit anno 5506, Decembris 25. At ejusdem Domini crucifixio evenit anno 5539, circulo lunae decimo, solis autem circulo vigesimo tertio. Erat porro Pascha Judaeorum Martii 24, die Sabbati. [Greek column] Ἰστέον ὅτι ὁ εὐαγγελισμὸς γέγονεν ἐν ἔτει ͵εφεʹ, ἡμέρᾳ Κυριακῇ, Μαρτίῳ κεʹ. Ἡ δὲ γέννησις τοῦ Κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ γέγονεν ἐν ἔτει ͵εφςʹ, Δεκεμβρίῳ κεʹ. Ἡ δὲ σταύρωσις τοῦ Κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ γέγονεν ἐν ἔτει ͵εφλθʹ, κύκλῳ σελήνης δεκάτῳ, ἡλίου δὲ κύκλῳ κγʹ. Ἦν δὲ τὸ πάσχα τῶν Ἰουδαίων, Μαρτίῳ κδʹ, ἡμέρᾳ Σαββάτου. Altera in alio libro ejusdem Bibliothecae, n. 1819. [Latin column] Id vero ab omnibus sciendum est, quod 25 mensis Decembris, anno a creatione mundi 5506, acciderit Incarnatio Domini nostri Jesu Christi. Natus autem est die 2, hora 10 noctis, illuscescente die 3. Et cum esset annorum triginta baptizatus est a Joanne 6 Januarii mensis, hora 7 diei. Ac post baptisma jejunavit dies 40, atque sustinuit tentari a diabolo, 14 Februarii mensis. Obtigit autem salutaris passio Domini [Greek column] Ἰστέον δὲ τοῦτο πᾶσιν, ὅτι τῇ κεʹ τοῦ Δεκεμβρίου μηνὸς ἐν ἔτει ἀπὸ κτίσεως κόσμου ͵εφςʹ, ἡ ἔνσαρκος γέγονεν οἰκονομία τοῦ Κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ. Ἐτέχθη δὲ ἐν ἡμέρᾳ βʹ, ὥρᾳ ζʹ τῆς νυκτός, καὶ ἐβαπτίσθη ἐν τῇ ςʹ τοῦ Ἰαννουαρίου μηνὸς, τριακονταετὴς ὢν, ὑπὸ Ἰωάννου ὥρᾳ δεκάτῃ τῆς νυκτός, διαφωσκούσης ἡμέρας γʹ. Καὶ μετὰ τὸ βάπτισμα ἐνήστευσεν ἡμέρας μʹ. Καὶ κατεδέξατο πειρασθῆναι ὑπὸ τοῦ δια- (continues)

"On the twenty-fifth of the ninth month." That is, of December, as is plain from the next chapter and chapter 17, and from the passage attributed to the Constitutions which I set out in the preliminary note to these books. "From the spring equinox," says the author of the Opus imperfectum on Matthew 24:22, "in the twelfth month the air begins little by little to grow warmer day by day, until the third month, and the days to become longer than the nights. Likewise from the autumn equinox in the seventh month the air begins little by little to grow colder again day by day, and the nights to become longer than the days, until the ninth month, when the Nativity of Christ is celebrated." The custom and the view that now prevail, of fixing the feast and day of the Lord's Nativity on 25 December, or the eighth day before the Kalends of January, have been explained at length by many, and need no light from me. On the contrary views one may read especially Clement of Alexandria, Stromata 1, p. 340; Epiphanius, Heresy 50, nos. 24, 27, 29; Photius, codex 232; Euthymius's Panoplia, part 2, title 20; and John of Nicaea, letter on the Nativity of Christ, in vol. 2 of Combefis's Auctarium. It remains, then, as my custom is, to add for the readers' benefit what I have found unpublished in manuscripts. There are two chronological notes on Christ. The first is in the Royal manuscript 1474. [Read above and below at ch. 14.]

(printed under page 426)

(71) · call in col 858

Matth. V, 34; XXIII, 16.

Matthew 5:34; 23:16.

(printed under page 426)

(72) ‹quae non oportet› · call in col 858

Rom. I, 28.

Romans 1:28.

(printed under page 426)

(74) ‹Dies festos› · call in col 858

Citat Anastasius quaest. 64.

Anastasius quotes this, Question 64.

(printed under page 426)

(a) ‹a Resurrectione sua› · note on Cotelier's Latin in (61), col 859

Locus videtur corruptus et transpositus. Lege versionem, et Chron. Alex. p 532.

The passage seems corrupt and transposed. Read the translation, and the Alexandrian Chronicle, p. 532.

(printed under page 427)

βόλου, τῇ ιδʹ τοῦ Φεβρουαρίου μηνός. Ἐγένετο δὲ τὸ σωτήριον πάθος τοῦ Κυρίου, ἐν ἔτει ͵εφλθʹ. Τὰ δὲ πάντα ἔτη αὐτοῦ τῆς ἐνσάρκου ζωῆς λγʹ. Ἐν τῇ κγʹ τοῦ Μαρτίου μηνὸς ἐσταυρώθη ἐν τῇ ιδʹ τῆς σελήνης ἡμέρᾳ, παρασκευῇ, τῇ ἑορτῇ τῶν Ἰουδαίων, ἐν ὥρᾳ ϛʹ. Καὶ ἀνέστη τῇ κεʹ τοῦ αὐτοῦ μηνὸς, ἐν ὥρᾳ ϛʹ τῆς νυκτὸς καὶ ἀνελήφθη εἰς τοὺς οὐρανοὺς τῇ γʹ τοῦ Μαΐου μηνὸς, ὥρᾳ θʹ τῆς ἡμέρας μετὰ μʹ ἡμέρας τῆς αὐτοῦ ἀναστάσεως. Cot.

[...]-bolus, on the 14th of the month of February. And the saving passion of the Lord took place in the year 5539. And all the years of His life in the flesh were 33. On the 23rd of the month of March He was crucified, on the 14th day of the moon, on the Preparation, at the feast of the Jews, at the sixth hour. And He rose on the 25th of the same month, at the sixth hour of the night; and He was taken up into the heavens on the 3rd of the month of May, at the ninth hour of the day, forty days after His resurrection. Cot[elier].

anno 5539. Caeterum cuncti anni vitae Christi in carne 33. Die Martii 23, cruci affixus est, 14 lunae die, in Parasceve et Judaeorum festo, hora 6. Resurrexitque 25 ejusdem mensis, hora 6 noctis. Et assumptus est in coelos 3 Maii, hora nona diei, post quadraginta dies a Resurrectione sua (a).

in the year 5539. Moreover, all the years of Christ's life in the flesh were 33. On the 23rd day of March He was fastened to the cross, on the 14th day of the moon, on the Parasceve and the feast of the Jews, at the sixth hour. And He rose again on the 25th of the same month, at the sixth hour of the night. And He was taken up into heaven on the 3rd of May, at the ninth hour of the day, forty days after His Resurrection (a).

(62) Ἡ ἐπιφάνιος. Niconis Pandectes ineditus λόγῳ νζʹ: τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν. Anastasii quaestiones excusae, τὴν ἐπιφανειῶν: at manu scriptae in bibliotheca Regis, τὴν ἐπιφάνιον, cod. 1326, 1789, τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν, cod. 200, ut in typico fol. 135 et τὴν ἐπιφάνειον, cod. 1110, 2347. Vide infra lib. VIII, cap. 33. Epiphaniorum et Epiphaniae, Theophaniorum et Theophaniae nomina ambigua sunt apud auctores. Interdum enim pro uno eodemque festo sumuntur: ut in Codino, in libro Sacramentorum S. Gregorii, in libro De divinis officiis, qui Alcuino tribuitur, et in Ordine Romano. Unde codex viri clarissimi Claudii Jolii loco tituli orationis 39, Gregorii Nazianzeni, εἰς τὰ ἅγια φῶτα τῶν ἐπιφανίων, ostendit, εἰς τὰ ἅγια θεοφάνια, et ejusdem Patris oratio 38, εἰς τὰ θεοφάνια, inscribitur a Rufino interprete, De Epiphaniis, citaturque a Leone papa, epist. 97, cap. 9, De Epiphania. In catologo autem Gennadii, cap. 21, 40, 58, editiones variant de nomine Theophaniae seu Epiphaniae. Interdum vero dicta nomina duos festos dies significant. Quare Theodorus Studita catechesim Post lumina, quae inter Latine cusas trigesima septima ita est, orditur in codice Regio 2340, αἱ ἑορταὶ ἤδη παρῆλθον, τά τε θεοφάνια, καὶ ἐπιφάνια (ms. 2376 τάτε θεοφάνεια καὶ ἐπιφάνεια). Hoc est, interprete Livineio: Jam feriae transiere cum Natalis, tum Epiphania. Aliquando sunt Natale Domini; aliquando dies baptismi Christi, et adorationis magorum. Sic invenias pro γενεθλίοις, τὰ θεοφάνια et θεοφάνεια apud Basilium, homil. 25; Nazianzenum, orat. 39; Epiphanium, haeres. 51, n. 29; Isidorum Pelusiotam lib. III, epist. 110, et τὰ ἐπιφάνια apud Epiphanium ibidem n. 16, 27, ac in Expositione fidei, n. 22; Chrysostomum, serm. 36, De diversis, et Suidam. Contra vero pro altero festo τὰ θεοφάνια leges in Chrysostomo, homil. de B. Philogonio; in eo qui putatur Gregorius Thaumaturgus serm. 4; in Epiphaniana oratione de Christi Assumptione; S. Proclo orat. 7; in Georgio Alexandrino De vita Chrysostomi, n. 30; in Kalendario Graecorum, et alibi; Theophaniam autem in S. Gregorio, homil. 38 in Evangelia; Amalario, lib. IV, cap. 33; Martyrologio Wandalberti, et Capitulis Ahytonis. Denique Epiphaniae et Epiphaniorum nomine hoc secundo sensu nihil usitatius. Imo juxta S. Chrysostomum, homilia de baptismo Christi, dies Nativitatis Dominicae non appellatur ἐπιφάνεια. Et S. Hieronymus, initio Commentariorum in Ezechielem, hanc acceptionem Epiphaniorum videtur improbare; quia in Natali Christus absconditus est, et non apparuit. Latini apparitionem, ostensionem et manifestationem Domini nuncuparunt. Atque propter ea quae diximus, Epiphania divisa fuit in primam et secundam: Duae sunt autem Epiphaniae, ait Isidorus, Originum VI, 18: prima, in qua natus Christus pastoribus Hebraeorum angelo nuntiante apparuit; secunda, in qua ex gentium populis stella indice praesepis cunabula magos adoraturos exhibuit. Cui partitioni suffragatur Rufinus, dum Gregorii Nazianzeni orationi 39 titulum facit, De secundis Epiphaniis, in codice Divionensi, quem ad Virgilium Tapsensem laudat Chiffletius, cujusque lectionem confirmat Adrianus papa scribens ad Carolum Magnum pro synodo Nicaena II, per citationem hujusmodi: Item S. Gregorii theologi de secundis Epiphaniis. Pari vero ratione Natale Dominicum dividi potest in prius ac posterius, ex loco proxima nota laudando, et ex sermone Ambrosiano 17, quem consulat studiosus lector. Id.

(62) Hē epiphanios ("the [day] of manifestation"). The unpublished Pandects of Nicon, discourse 57: tēn epiphaneian. The printed Questions of Anastasius: tēn epiphaneiōn; but the manuscript ones in the King's library: tēn epiphanion, codd. 1326, 1789; tēn epiphaneian, cod. 200, as in the typicon, fol. 135; and tēn epiphaneion, codd. 1110, 2347. See below, book VIII, chapter 33. The names Epiphania (plural) and Epiphania (singular), Theophania (plural) and Theophania (singular) are ambiguous among the authors. For sometimes they are taken for one and the same feast: as in Codinus, in the Book of the Sacraments of St Gregory, in the book On the Divine Offices which is ascribed to Alcuin, and in the Ordo Romanus. Hence the codex of the most distinguished Claude Joly shows, in place of the title of oration 39 of Gregory Nazianzen, "On the holy lights of the Epiphanies", "On the holy Theophanies"; and oration 38 of the same Father, "On the Theophanies", is entitled by the translator Rufinus "On the Epiphanies", and is cited by Pope Leo, epistle 97, chapter 9, as "On the Epiphany". And in the catalogue of Gennadius, chapters 21, 40, 58, the editions vary over the name Theophania or Epiphania. But sometimes the said names signify two feast days. Thus Theodore the Studite begins the catechesis Post lumina, which is the thirty-seventh among those printed in Latin, in this way in the Royal codex 2340: "The feasts have now gone by, both the Theophania and the Epiphania" (ms. 2376: "both the Theophaneia and the Epiphaneia"). That is, in Livineius's translation: "Now the holy days have passed, both of the Nativity and of the Epiphany." Sometimes they are the Lord's Nativity; sometimes the day of Christ's baptism and of the adoration of the Magi. Thus you may find ta theophania and theophaneia used for the birthday feast in Basil, homily 25; in Nazianzen, oration 39; in Epiphanius, Heresy 51, n. 29; in Isidore of Pelusium, book III, epistle 110; and ta epiphania in Epiphanius in the same place, nn. 16, 27, and in the Exposition of the Faith, n. 22; in Chrysostom, sermon 36, On Various Subjects; and in Suidas. But on the other hand you will read ta theophania for the other feast in Chrysostom, the homily on Blessed Philogonius; in him who is thought to be Gregory Thaumaturgus, sermon 4; in the Epiphanian oration on Christ's Assumption; in St Proclus, oration 7; in George of Alexandria, On the Life of Chrysostom, n. 30; in the Calendar of the Greeks, and elsewhere; and Theophania in St Gregory, homily 38 on the Gospels; in Amalarius, book IV, chapter 33; in the Martyrology of Wandalbert, and in the Capitula of Ahyto. Finally, nothing is more usual than the name Epiphania, singular and plural, in this second sense. Indeed, according to St Chrysostom, in the homily on the baptism of Christ, the day of the Lord's Nativity is not called epiphaneia. And St Jerome, at the beginning of his Commentaries on Ezekiel, seems to disapprove of this acceptation of Epiphania, because at the Nativity Christ was hidden and did not appear. The Latins called it the Apparition, Showing and Manifestation of the Lord. And on account of what we have said, the Epiphany was divided into a first and a second: "Now there are two Epiphanies," says Isidore, Etymologies VI, 18: "the first, in which Christ, being born, appeared to the shepherds of the Hebrews at an angel's announcing; the second, in which, with a star as guide, He brought forward Magi from the peoples of the Gentiles to adore the cradle of the manger." This division is supported by Rufinus, when he gives oration 39 of Gregory Nazianzen the title "On the Second Epiphanies" in the Dijon codex, which Chifflet cites on Vigilius of Thapsus, and whose reading Pope Adrian confirms, writing to Charlemagne on behalf of the Second Synod of Nicaea, with a citation of this kind: "Likewise of St Gregory the Theologian, On the Second Epiphanies." And on a like principle the Lord's Nativity can be divided into a former and a latter, from the passage to be cited in the next note, and from Ambrosian sermon 17, which the studious reader may consult. The same [Cotelier].

(63) Ἔστω τιμιωτάτη. Hinc forte Aethiopes in confessione fidei suae adeo extollunt hoc festum Epiphaniorum Domini. Nec praetereundum est, apposite dicitur in Ordine Romano, et in libro De officiis divinis, quod haec secunda Nativitas Christi, tot illustrata mysteriis, honoratior sit quam prima. Quibus haud absimilia Proclus oratione in sancta Theophania, qui dicitur Epiphanius oratione in Domini Assumptionem, et Ambrosius in sermone 18. Vide clarissimum Allatium De Dominicis et hebdomadibus Graecorum, p. 1471. Id.

(63) Estō timiōtatē ("let it be most honoured"). Hence perhaps the Ethiopians, in the confession of their faith, so greatly extol this feast of the Lord's Epiphany. "Nor must it be passed over," it is aptly said in the Ordo Romanus, and in the book On the Divine Offices, "that this second Nativity of Christ, made illustrious by so many mysteries, is more honoured than the first." Not unlike these are Proclus in the oration on the holy Theophania, he who is called Epiphanius in the oration on the Lord's Assumption, and Ambrose in sermon 18. See the most distinguished Allatius, On the Sundays and Weeks of the Greeks, p. 1471. The same.

(64) Ἕκτη τοῦ δεκάτου μηνός. Ita semper Latini et fere omnes alii. Exceptis Basilidianis, apud Alexandrinum Clementem Strom. I, p. 340 memoratis, qui 15 mensis Tybi hoc festum celebrabant, id est 10 Januarii; cum quidam in Tybi 11, Januarii 6, recte baptismum Christi collocarent. Excepto praeterea S. Epiphanio, cujus peculiaris sententia, de Christo baptizato die 8 Novembris, exstat in Panario, haer. 51, n. 16, 24 et 28. Item Asianis circa quorum ritum Theophania peragendi Januar. 5 operae pretium fuerit legere praeclaram observationem Jac. Usserii, de anno solari Macedonum et Asianorum lib. II. Caeterum praesens locus exigit, ut saltem paucis agatur de celebri illa confusione solemnitatum Natalis et Epiphaniae, apud Hierosolymitanos, Orientales, Aegyptios et Armenios: cujus perturbationis in genere mentionem facit auctor homiliae De Epiphania Domini, parte II, operum Origenis. Quo et referendus forsan Ammiani Marcellini lib. XXI, de Juliano Apostata locus: Feriarum die, quem celebrantes mense Januario Christiani Epiphania dictitant, progressus in eorum ecclesiam solemniter numine orato discessit, collatus cum verbis Zonarae tom. III Annalium: Αὐτὸς δὲ τῆς γενεθλίου τοῦ Σωτῆρος ἡμέρας ἐφεστηκυίας εἰσῆλθεν εἰς τὸν ναὸν, καὶ προσκυνήσας ἵνα ὁμόδοξος τοῖς στρατιώταις δοκῇ ἀπῆλθε. Ipse vero Julianus natali Salvatoris die, ecclesiam ingressus, cum adorasset, quo ejusdem cum militibus religionis esse videretur, discessit, ut idem dies Marcellino sit Epiphania, Zonarae Natalis. Quanquam quid vetat, ut a Juliano ecclesia bis adita fuerit, et in utroque festo? cum in Galliis tunc versaretur, ubi more occidentali dies illi separate observabantur. Itaque quod attinet ad Hierosolymitanos, quantum colligi datur ex opere fabuloso Joannis archiepiscopi Nicaeni, videntur illi, quando 6 Januar.

(64) Hektē tou dekatou mēnos ("the sixth of the tenth month"). So the Latins always, and almost all others. Except the Basilidians, mentioned by Clement of Alexandria, Stromata I, p. 340, who celebrated this feast on the 15th of the month Tybi, that is, the 10th of January; whereas certain others rightly placed Christ's baptism on the 11th of Tybi, the 6th of January. Except, moreover, St Epiphanius, whose peculiar opinion, that Christ was baptized on the 8th day of November, stands in the Panarion, Heresy 51, nn. 16, 24 and 28. Likewise the Asians, concerning whose rite of keeping the Theophania on the 5th of January it will be worth while to read the excellent observation of James Ussher, On the Solar Year of the Macedonians and Asians, book II. But the present passage requires that something be said, at least briefly, about that celebrated confusion of the solemnities of the Nativity and the Epiphany among the people of Jerusalem, the Orientals, the Egyptians and the Armenians; a disorder of which, in general terms, the author of the homily On the Epiphany of the Lord, in part II of the works of Origen, makes mention. To which perhaps should also be referred the passage of Ammianus Marcellinus, book XXI, on Julian the Apostate: "On the day of the festival which the Christians, keeping it in the month of January, call the Epiphany, he went into their church, and, having solemnly prayed to the deity, departed"; compared with the words of Zonaras, volume III of the Annals: "And he himself, when the day of the Saviour's birth had come, entered the church, and having worshipped so that he might seem to be of one belief with the soldiers, went away"; that is, Julian himself, on the Saviour's birthday, entered the church, and when he had worshipped, so that he might seem to be of the same religion as the soldiers, departed; so that the same day would be the Epiphany for Marcellinus and the Nativity for Zonaras. And yet what prevents Julian's having visited the church twice, and at both feasts? since he was then living in Gaul, where by Western custom those days were kept separately. Therefore, as regards the people of Jerusalem, so far as can be gathered from the fabulous work of John, archbishop of Nicaea, they seem, when on the 6th of January

(65) Ἅς. Alter cod. ἣν omisso ὑμῖν. Cler.

(65) Has ("which", plural). The other codex has hēn ("which", singular), hymin ("for you") being omitted. Cler[icus].

76 ἐπιφανειῶν.

(76) epiphaneiōn [is printed in another text].

77 f. ἡμῖν.

(77) Perhaps hēmin ("for us").

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(a) ‹Necessaria narratio› · note on Cotelier's Latin in (64), col 861

Hinc supple in Joanne Nicaeno.

Supply from here in John of Nicaea.

(printed under page 428)

(b) ‹orationem hanc composuit› · note on Cotelier's Latin in (64), col 862

Initium orat. 39, ex sensu.

The beginning of Oration 39, given by its sense.

(printed under page 428)

6 Januarii festum ipsis erat tam Natale quam baptisma Domini, commenti fuisse constitutionem apostolicam Jacobi primi Hierosolymorum episcopi super ea re: cum vero mutaverunt errorem veritate, aliam excogitasse fabellam, nimirum, epistolam Hierosolymitani episcopi ad Julium Romanum pontificem, quae causa exstiterit mutationis in melius. Is episcopus a Nicaeno Cyrillus appellatur. At in codice Regio 696, e quo doctissimus Combefisius Joannis illius Nicaeni opusculum publicavit, habetur ejusdem rei altera narratiuncula non paulum diversa, ubi episcopus ille dicitur Juvenalis: immani quidem metachronismo, si tempora Julii spectes; sed in quo tamen nonnihil eluceat veritatis. Siquidem ex Basilio Seleuciensi laudatione S. Stephani, quae etiam Combefisii opera et diligentia lucem aspexit, constat a Juvenali Natale Dominicum celebrari coeptum, separatim (ut interpretatur) a die Epiphaniorum. Quocirca (id quoque obiter monebo) necesse est ut ante hoc Basilii encomium habita fuerit Latini auctoris homilia de Nativitate Domini ad Luc. II, quam in Latinis Chrysostomi editionibus reperies: nam secundum illam tunc temporis adhuc et sola Hierosolymitana provincia in Epiphaniis Christum natum arbitrabatur. Quia autem fabellae ineditae memini, ex ea vero lucem accipiet tam Joannis Nicaeni epistola, quam Theoriani legatio ad Armenios, non pigebit illam subdere.

[...] the 6th of January was for them the feast both of the Lord's Nativity and of His baptism, [they] had devised an apostolic constitution of James, first bishop of Jerusalem, on that matter; but when they exchanged their error for the truth, [they] had thought up another little tale, namely a letter of the bishop of Jerusalem to Julius, pontiff of Rome, which was the cause of the change for the better. That bishop is called Cyril by the Nicene [John]. But in the Royal codex 696, from which the most learned Combefis published the little work of that John of Nicaea, there is found another short narrative of the same matter, not a little different, in which that bishop is called Juvenal: with a monstrous anachronism indeed, if you look at the times of Julius; but one in which nevertheless something of the truth shines out. For from Basil of Seleucia's encomium of St Stephen, which also saw the light through the labour and diligence of Combefis, it is established that the Lord's Nativity began to be celebrated by Juvenal separately (as he interprets it) from the day of the Epiphany. Wherefore (this too I shall note in passing) the homily of a Latin author on the Nativity of the Lord, on Luke 2, which you will find in the Latin editions of Chrysostom, must have been delivered before this encomium of Basil: for according to it, at that time the province of Jerusalem alone still held that Christ was born at the Epiphany. And since I have mentioned an unpublished little tale, and from it both the letter of John of Nicaea and Theorianus's embassy to the Armenians will receive light, I shall not be loath to subjoin it.

Ἀναγκαία διήγησις.

A necessary narrative.

Τῷ πρὸ τούτου καιρῷ, ἐν μιᾷ ἡμέρᾳ ἑώρταζον οἱ Χριστιανοὶ Χριστοῦ γένναν καὶ φῶτα. Ἔγραψε δὲ ὁ πατριάρχης Ἱεροσολύμων Ἰουβενάλιος τῷ πάπᾳ Ῥώμης Ἰουλίῳ περὶ τούτου, ὅτι· «Οὐ δύναμαι ἐν μιᾷ ἡμέρᾳ ἀπαντῆσαι εἰς Βηθλεὲμ καὶ εἰς Ἰορδάνην, καὶ γὰρ Ἰορδάνης ἀπέχει τῆς πόλεως Ἱερουσαλὴμ, κατὰ ἀνατολὰς, μίλια κεʹ. Ἡ δὲ ἁγία Βηθλεὲμ κατὰ νότον τῆς πόλεως μίλια ἕξ· καὶ οὐ δύναμαι ἐν μιᾷ ἡμέρᾳ τὰς δύο ἑορτὰς ἀποτελεῖν· παρακαλῶ οὖν τὴν σὴν ὁσιότητα, Πάτερ, ἵνα ἐρευνήσῃς τὰ ὑπομνήματα, καὶ δώσῃς ἡμῖν ἐν ἀκριβεῖ ἐρεύνᾳ διὰ γραφῆς σου, τίμιε, τὴν περὶ τούτου εἴδησιν, ἐν ποίᾳ ἡμέρᾳ ἐτέχθη Χριστὸς ὁ Κύριος, καὶ ἐν ποίᾳ ἡμέρᾳ ἐβαπτίσθη. Ὡς γὰρ ἀκριβῶς ἔγνωμεν, ὅτι τὰ ἐξαρχῆς ὑπομνήματα ἐξ Ἱεροσολύμων ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ ἠνέχθησαν ὑπὸ Τίτου καὶ Οὐεσπασιανοῦ.» Ταύτην τὴν γραφὴν δεξάμενος Ἰούλιος ὁ πάπας Ῥώμης, ἐρευνήσας τὰ ὑπομνήματα, εὗρεν ὅτι τῇ εἰκοστῇ πέμπτῃ τοῦ Δεκεμβρίου ἐγεννήθη ὁ Κύριος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς, καὶ μετὰ τριάκοντα χρόνους τῆς αὐτοῦ γεννήσεως ἐβαπτίσθη ὑπὸ Ἰωάννου ἐν τῷ Ἰορδάνῃ ποταμῷ, τῇ ϛʹ τοῦ Ἰαννουαρίου μηνός. Κατὰ τὴν ἔρευναν οὖν ταύτην γνωρίσαντες οἱ πατέρες τὴν ἑορτὴν, γογγυσμὸς ἦν τοῖς πολλοῖς. Ἦν δὲ τῷ τότε καιρῷ καὶ Γρηγόριος ὁ Θεολόγος ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντινουπόλει, καὶ ἦν τοῖς πολίταις γογγυσμὸς οὐκ ὀλίγος, ὡς τεμόντος τὴν ἑορτήν· λέγοντες ὅτι· «Ἔτεμες τὴν ἑορτὴν, καὶ εἰς πολυθεΐαν ἡμᾶς ἐνέβαλες.» Διὰ τοῦτο αὐτὸς τὸν λόγον τοῦτον τέθεικεν, ὅτι· «Πάλιν τὸν Χριστὸν ἑορτάζων κηρύσσω, οὐ τὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων, μάταια γάρ εἰσι καὶ ψευδόπλαστα, καὶ μύθους καλῶ ταῦτα, καὶ πᾶς ἐχέφρων.» Καὶ ἕνεκεν τῆς αἰτίας ταύτης ἐστηλίτευσε ταῦτα ὁ Θεολόγος Γρηγόριος, τὴν αὐτῶν [f. αὐτοῦ] ἀνδράνοιαν δηλοποιῶν, καὶ τὴν ἀγνωσίαν τῶν ἀνθρώπων, ὅτι μύθοις καὶ φάσμασι προσεῖχον, καὶ σκιᾷ ἐπλανῶντο, καὶ τὴν πλάνην αὐτῶν καύχημα τῆς ἀπωλείας εἶχον. Ἡμεῖς δὲ Χριστὸν τὸν Θεὸν ἡμῶν ἐν τρισὶν ὑποστάσεσιν ἀδιαιρέτως προσκυνοῦντες, Θεὸν καὶ ἄνθρωπον αὐτὸν δογματίζοντες, δοξάζωμεν, σὺν τῷ ἀνάρχῳ αὐτοῦ Πατρὶ, σὺν τῷ παναγίῳ καὶ ἀγαθῷ καὶ ζωοποιῷ Πνεύματι, νῦν κ.τ.λ.

In the time before this, the Christians kept the feast of Christ's birth and of the Lights on one day. But Juvenal, patriarch of Jerusalem, wrote to Julius, pope of Rome, about this, [saying]: 'I cannot in one day go to Bethlehem and to the Jordan; for the Jordan is distant from the city of Jerusalem, towards the east, twenty-five miles, and holy Bethlehem is six miles to the south of the city; and I cannot accomplish the two feasts in one day. I beseech your holiness therefore, Father, to search the records, and to give us, after exact inquiry, by your letter, honoured one, knowledge about this: on what day Christ the Lord was born, and on what day He was baptized. For we know exactly that the original records were brought from Jerusalem to Rome by Titus and Vespasian.' Julius, pope of Rome, having received this letter and searched the records, found that our Lord Jesus Christ was born on the twenty-fifth of December, and thirty years after His birth was baptized by John in the river Jordan on the 6th of the month of January. When therefore the fathers, in accordance with this inquiry, made the feast known, there was murmuring among the many. And at that time Gregory the Theologian also was in Constantinople, and there was no small murmuring among the citizens, as though he had cut the feast in two, saying: 'You have cut the feast, and thrown us into polytheism.' For this reason he himself set down this discourse: 'Again, keeping the feast of Christ, I proclaim it; not the things of the Greeks, for they are vain and falsely fashioned, and I call them fables, and so does every sensible man.' And for this cause Gregory the Theologian pilloried these things, making plain their [perhaps: his] manliness of mind and the ignorance of men, that they gave heed to fables and phantasms, and were led astray by a shadow, and held their error as a boast of perdition. But let us, worshipping Christ our God undividedly in three hypostases, and teaching that He is God and man, glorify [Him] with His Father who is without beginning, with the all-holy and good and life-giving Spirit, now, etc.

Necessaria narratio.

A necessary narrative.

(a) Priori tempore Christiani uno eodemque die celebrabant Christi Nativitatem, et Lumina. Scripsit autem patriarcha Hierosolymitanus Juvenalis ad Julium papam Romanum ea de re: «Non possum una die conferre me ad Bethlehem et ad Jordanem. Etenim Jordanis distat ab urbe Hierusalem ad orientem, milliaribus 25; sancta vero Bethlehem ad austrum civitatis milliaribus sex: nec possum eadem die duo festa peragere. Rogo itaque sanctitatem tuam, Pater, ut scruteris commentaria, et des nobis in accurata disquisitione per scriptum tuum (venerande) ejus rei notitiam, quo die natus sit Christus Dominus, et quo die baptizatus. Probe enim scimus commentarios ab initio libros e Hierosolymis Romam delatos fuisse per Titum et Vespasianum.» His litteris acceptis, Julius papa Romae investigavit commentarios, invenitque quod 25 Decembris natus est Dominus noster Jesus Christus, et post annos 30 a nativitate sua baptizatus est a Joanne in Jordane fluvio, 6 mensis Januarii. Juxta hanc ergo investigationem cum Patres festum divisissent, inter multos ortum est murmur. Erat autem tunc temporis Constantinopoli Gregorius Theologus; nec parum murmurabant cives quasi in eum qui festum divisisset; dicebantque: «Festum divisisti, et ad deorum multitudinem nos conjecisti.» Ideo Gregorius orationem hanc composuit (b): «Rursus Christum festo celebrans praedico, non gentilium mysteria; vana quippe sunt et falso conficta; eaque fabulas appello, appellabitque omnis vir prudens.» Atque hac de causa Gregorius Theologus ista traduxit, manifestam faciens tum suam solertiam, tum ignorantiam hominum, quod fabulis et portentis attenderent, et umbra deciperentur, erroremque suum in gloriam perditionis haberent. Nos porro Christum Deum nostrum inter tres personas indivise adorantes, Deum ac hominem eum esse docentes, glorificemus, cum principio carente Patre illius, cum sanctissimo, optimo, et vivifico Spiritu, nunc, etc.

(a) In earlier times the Christians celebrated the Nativity of Christ and the Lights on one and the same day. But Juvenal, patriarch of Jerusalem, wrote to Julius, pope of Rome, on that matter: 'I cannot in one day betake myself to Bethlehem and to the Jordan. For the Jordan is distant from the city of Jerusalem towards the east by 25 miles, and holy Bethlehem to the south of the city by six miles; nor can I perform two feasts on the same day. I ask your holiness therefore, Father, to search the records, and to give us, after accurate inquiry, by your letter (venerable one), knowledge of the matter: on what day Christ the Lord was born, and on what day baptized. For we know well that the records, the books from the beginning, were carried from Jerusalem to Rome by Titus and Vespasian.' Having received this letter, Julius, pope of Rome, searched the records, and found that our Lord Jesus Christ was born on the 25th of December, and thirty years after His nativity was baptized by John in the river Jordan, on the 6th of the month of January. When therefore the Fathers had divided the feast in accordance with this inquiry, a murmur arose among many. And at that time Gregory the Theologian was in Constantinople; and the citizens murmured not a little against him, as the one who had divided the feast, and they said: 'You have divided the feast, and cast us into a multitude of gods.' Therefore Gregory composed this oration (b): 'Again, celebrating Christ with a feast, I proclaim [Him], not the mysteries of the heathen; for they are vain and falsely fashioned; and I call them fables, and so will every prudent man call them.' And for this reason Gregory the Theologian held these things up to censure, making manifest both his own shrewdness and the ignorance of men, that they gave heed to fables and portents, and were deceived by a shadow, and held their error as a glory of perdition. But let us, adoring Christ our God undividedly among three persons, and teaching that He is God and man, glorify [Him] with His Father who is without beginning, with the most holy, best and life-giving Spirit, now, etc.

Ab Hierosolymitanis venio ad Aegyptios, transsultis Orientalibus, de quibus habeo nihil, praeter vulgare

From the people of Jerusalem I come to the Egyptians, leaping over the Orientals, about whom I have nothing except the common [...]

(66) Ἡ νηστεία τῆς Τεσσαρακοστῆς. De Quadragesima praestat nihil, quam pauca dicere; multa vero profari, brevitas in notis requisita non sinit. Attamen, quod vitio non vertitur, antiquos scriptores qualibet data occasione corrigere, quaestiones Anastasii Graecas levi mendo absolvam, idque ex mss., quae certior est via. Quaestione 64, p. 430: Κἀντεῦθεν, ὡς ἔοικε, καὶ παρ' ἡμῖν εἰκότως φυλάττονται αἱ τρεῖς τεσσαρακοσταὶ, ἃς προετύπουν αἱ ἑορταὶ ἐκεῖναι, καὶ προσθήκην τοῦ τριακοστοῦ ἀριθμοῦ, μηδαμῶς ἐπιδεχόμεναι. Leg. τριαδικοῦ ἀριθμοῦ. Hinc merito, ut videtur, etiam apud nos observantur tres quadragesimae, quas praesignabant illa festa Hebraeorum, quae additamentum ternarii numeri nullo modo admittunt. Corrupta quoque sunt, insuperque transpositione laborant ista Valeriani Cemeliensis, homilia 19, de Quadragesima: Qui dum ad sanctae Paschae dies desiderio instigante festinant, accusando vigiliarum studia, continentiae bona, Paschae convivia, et jejunia copiosa. Nec dubito quin reponi debeat: Qui dum ad sanctae Paschae dies, Paschae convivia, desiderio instigante festinant, accusant vigiliarum studia, continentiae bona, et jejunia copiosa. Cot.

(66) The fast of the Forty Days. On Lent it is better to say nothing than a little; and to speak at length the brevity required in notes does not permit. Nevertheless, since it is not counted a fault to correct ancient writers whenever occasion is given, I shall free the Greek Questions of Anastasius from a slight error, and that from manuscripts, which is the surer way. Question 64, p. 430: 'And hence, as it seems, with us too the three Lents are fittingly kept, which those feasts prefigured, in no way admitting the addition of the thirtieth number.' Read: 'of the triadic number.' 'Hence rightly, as it seems, among us too are observed the three Lents which those feasts of the Hebrews foreshadowed, which in no way admit an addition of the number three.' Corrupt also, and suffering besides from a transposition, are these words of Valerian of Cemele, Homily 19, on Lent: 'Who, while they hasten, desire urging them on, to the days of holy Easter, by accusing the zeal of vigils, the goods of continence, the banquets of Easter, and the abundant fasts.' Nor do I doubt that it should be restored: 'Who, while, desire urging them on, they hasten to the days of holy Easter, the banquets of Easter, accuse the zeal of vigils, the goods of continence, and the abundant fasts.' Cotelier.

(a) Hinc supple in Joanne Nicaeno.

(a) From this supply [what is lacking] in John of Nicaea.

(b) Initium orat. 39, ex sensu.

(b) The beginning of Oration 39, according to the sense.

<!-- note: The page's Variorum notae lie under one line of the author's text (Greek ending "Τεσσαρακοστῆς (66), μνήμην περιέχουσα τῆς τοῦ Κυ-", with its Latin "tinens recordationem conversationis Dominicae, et"), which is not set here. The first paragraph continues note 64, which begins on the previous page (its opening words are not on this page). It is followed by the Greek "Ἀναγκαία διήγησις" and its Latin "Necessaria narratio", set side by side; the Greek runs into the right-hand column and ends in a full-width line ("δοξάζωμεν … νῦν κ.τ.λ."). Note 64 then goes on with "Ab Hierosolymitanis venio … praeter vulgare", which runs over into the next column/page. Note 66 is complete on this page and ends "Cot.". The two small editor's footnotes (a), (b) at the foot of the notes belong to the narrative's Latin and are set last. Note 65 (previous page) does not appear on this page. Greek "γένναν" and "ἀνδράνοιαν" are set as printed; the scan is low-resolution, so the Greek accents were read with care but are not certain. QA Q19b: the head of col. 862 (narrative Greek from "τῆς αὐτοῦ γεννήσεως" to "ἐν" before "τῇ Κωνσταντινουπόλει", and its Latin from "Januarii. Juxta" to "ad deorum") lay outside the images of this check and was not re-read. -->

78 ‹legis latae› · note on the Latin version, col 863 I. Pseudo-Ignat. ad Philipp. 13.

I. Pseudo-Ignatius, To the Philippians 13.

(printed under the Latin line of col 863, page 429)

(c) ‹Καταλύομεν› · note on the Greek quoted in (64), col 863

Vide in Typico, f. 136, 137.

See the Typikon, fols. 136–137.

(printed under page 429)

(d) ‹τὴν πρὸ› · note on the Greek quoted in (64), col 864

Ita leg. in Jure Graeco-Rom., p. 388, l. 7.

So read in the Jus Graeco-Romanum, p. 388, line 7.

(printed under page 429)

VARIORUM NOTAE.

NOTES OF VARIOUS SCHOLARS.

testimonium B. Chrysostomi, homilia in Natalem Domini, tom. V. Aegyptii, referente Cassiano, collatione 10, cap. 2, cujus locus citatur ab Isidoro lib I De offic. ecclesiast., cap. 26, diem Epiphaniorum definiebant diem baptismi Dominici et Dominicae Nativitatis. Unde forsan Timotheus ille episcopus, qui a Gennadio dicitur composuisse librum De Nativitate Domini, quam credebat in Epiphania factam, est Timotheus Alexandrinus. Ac nescio an non ad eumdem errorem pertineat illud quod ex Aegyptiacis constitutionibus citat Abrahamus Ecchellensis in notis ad praefationem Arabicam concilii Nicaeni: In die autem Nativitatis et Epiphaniae, eo tempore quo concilium Nicaenum coactum est, praeceperunt ejus Patres, ut noctu celebretur missa. Sed quod Aegyptii, vivente adhuc Cassiano, rectam sententiam amplexi sint, et Natale Domini celebrare coeperint 25 Decembris, seu, ut ipsi computabant, 29 mensis Choeac, discimus ex titulo homiliae Pauli Emiseni, habitae in civitate Alexandrina coram S. Cyrillo, concilii Ephesini parte III, c. 31. Denique in Armeniorum errore, corrigas velim ex Euthymio et aliis Nicephorum Hist. eccles. lib. XVIII, cap. 53. Ἀθετοῦντες δὲ καὶ τὴν κατὰ σάρκα γέννησιν τοῦ Χριστοῦ, καὶ ὡς φαντασιωδῶς γεγενῆσθαι λέγοντες· οὐχ ὡς ἡμεῖς ἀνὰ μέρος, ἀλλὰ κατὰ τὴν ιεʹ (imo εʹ) τοῦ Ἰαννουαρίου μηνὸς παρατείνοντες τὴν νηστείαν, τὸν εὐαγγελισμὸν ὁμοῦ καὶ τὴν γέννησιν καὶ τὸ βάπτισμα ἑορτάζουσι. Atque fidem etiam nativitati Christi secundum carnem denegantes, et eam velut in speciem tantum, phantasmatis instar factam esse dicentes; non sicut nos per intervalla particulatim, sed ad quintam Januarii mensis diem jejunium extendentes, Annuntiationem simul et Nativitatem et baptisma celebrant. En Graeca Euthymianae Panopliae: Ἀθετοῦντες οὗτοι τὴν κατὰ σάρκα γέννησιν τοῦ Χριστοῦ, καὶ τὸ τῆς ἀληθοῦς ἐνανθρωπήσεως μυστήριον, καὶ φαντασιῶδες γεγονέναι τοῦτο λέγοντες, οὐχ ὅτε ἡμεῖς τὸν εὐαγγελισμὸν τῆς θεομήτορος ἑορτάζομεν, ἑορτάζουσιν, ἤτοι κατὰ τὴν εἰκοστὴν πέμπτην τοῦ Μαρτίου μηνός· ὡς οἱ θεοφόροι Πατέρες παραδεδώκασιν, ὁ μέγας Ἀθανάσιος, καὶ Ἰωάννης ὁ Χρυσόστομος, καὶ οἱ κατ' ἐκείνους καὶ μετ' ἐκείνους· ἀλλὰ ἐν τῇ πέμπτῃ τοῦ Ἰαννουαρίου μηνὸς, ἐν βραχεῖ πάνυ καιρῷ φαντασιωδῶς τε καὶ ἀμυδρῶς τὸν εὐαγγελισμὸν καὶ τὴν Χριστοῦ γέννησιν καὶ τὴν βάπτισιν ἑορτάζειν ὑποκρίνονται. Isti qui Christi ortum in carne, veraeque humanitatis assumptae mysterium rejiciunt, commentitiumque ac simulatum fuisse dicunt, non eodem quo nos die celebramus Dei Genitricis Annuntiationem celebrant, nimirum 25 mensis Martii; ut tradiderunt divini Patres, magnus Athanasius, et Joannes Chrysostomus, et qui eodem tempore, quique post eos fuerunt: sed quinta Januarii mensis, in brevi omnino tempore imaginarie ac obscure tum Annuntiationem, tum Christi Nativitatem et baptismum celebrare se fingunt. Quo loco in S. Athanasio utpote Aegyptio, errare arbitror Euthymium; deceptum videlicet opere pseudepigrapho Quaestionum ad Antiochum ἄρχοντα, vel ut habent codices Regii 1026, 1316 δοῦκα, quaestione 54 De Conceptione 25 Martii. Joannes episcopus Citri in responsis ad episcopum Dyrrachii Cabasilam, quae leguntur post Matthaei monachi Nomocanonem, codd. regiis 912, 2381, 2419 et codice Joliano:

testimony of Blessed Chrysostom, in the homily on the Nativity of the Lord, vol. V. The Egyptians, as Cassian reports, Conference 10, ch. 2 (a passage cited by Isidore, book I On Ecclesiastical Offices, ch. 26), took the day of the Epiphany to be the day of the Lord's baptism and of the Lord's Nativity. Hence perhaps that bishop Timothy, who is said by Gennadius to have composed a book On the Nativity of the Lord, which he believed to have taken place at the Epiphany, is Timothy of Alexandria. And I do not know whether there does not belong to the same error that which Abraham Ecchellensis cites from the Egyptian constitutions in his notes on the Arabic preface of the Council of Nicaea: "But on the day of the Nativity and of the Epiphany, at the time when the Council of Nicaea was assembled, its Fathers ordered that Mass be celebrated by night." But that the Egyptians, while Cassian was still living, embraced the right opinion and began to celebrate the Lord's Nativity on 25 December, or, as they themselves reckoned, on the 29th of the month Choeac, we learn from the title of the homily of Paul of Emesa, delivered in the city of Alexandria in the presence of St Cyril, Council of Ephesus, part III, ch. 31. Lastly, on the error of the Armenians, I would have you correct Nicephorus, Ecclesiastical History, book XVIII, ch. 53, from Euthymius and others: "And rejecting also the birth of Christ according to the flesh, and saying that He was born in appearance only; not as we do, in separate parts, but extending the fast to the 15th (rather, the 5th) of the month of January, they keep the feast of the Annunciation together with the birth and the baptism." [Then the Latin rendering of the same:] "And denying faith also to the nativity of Christ according to the flesh, and saying that it was made as it were in appearance only, after the manner of a phantasm; not as we do, piecemeal at intervals, but extending the fast to the fifth day of the month of January, they celebrate the Annunciation together with the Nativity and the baptism." Here is the Greek of Euthymius's Panoplia: "These, rejecting the birth of Christ according to the flesh and the mystery of the true incarnation, and saying that this came about in appearance, keep the feast of the Annunciation of the Mother of God not when we keep it, that is, on the twenty-fifth of the month of March, as the God-bearing Fathers have handed down, the great Athanasius and John Chrysostom and those of their time and after them; but on the fifth of the month of January, in a very short space of time, they make a show of keeping, in appearance and dimly, the Annunciation and the birth of Christ and the baptism." [In the Latin:] "These, who reject the birth of Christ in the flesh and the mystery of the true humanity assumed, and say that it was fictitious and feigned, do not celebrate the Annunciation of the Mother of God on the same day on which we celebrate it, namely the 25th of the month of March, as the divine Fathers handed down, the great Athanasius, and John Chrysostom, and those who were at the same time and who came after them; but on the fifth of the month of January, within a very short time, they pretend to celebrate, imaginarily and obscurely, both the Annunciation and the Nativity and baptism of Christ." In this passage I judge that Euthymius errs in the case of St Athanasius, inasmuch as he was an Egyptian; deceived, that is, by the pseudepigraphal work of Questions to Antiochus the ἄρχων ("ruler"), or, as the Royal codices 1026 and 1316 have it, δοῦξ ("duke"), question 54, On the Conception on 25 March. John, bishop of Citrus, in his answers to Cabasilas, bishop of Dyrrachium, which are read after the Nomocanon of Matthew the monk, in Royal codices 912, 2381, 2419 and in the Joly codex:

Καταλύομεν (c) καὶ τὸ δωδεκαήμερον, εἰς ἀναίρεσιν τῆς τῶν Ἀρμενίων νηστείας. Οὗτοι γὰρ τὸ πρὸ τῶν φώτων δωδεκαήμερον τοῦτο νηστεύοντες, οὕτω τὰς τρεῖς ἑορτὰς τῇ πέμπτῃ τοῦ Ἰαννουαρίου μηνὸς συνημμένως ἐπιτελοῦσι· τὸν εὐαγγελισμόν φημι, τὴν τοῦ Χριστοῦ γέννησιν, καὶ τὴν βάπτισιν. Μᾶλλόν γε μὴν ἀμυδρῶς πως καὶ σκιωδῶς τῇ ὀλεθρίῳ καὶ μιαρᾷ δόξῃ τοῦ σφῶν αἱρεσιάρχου, Ἰχάνιος αὐτῷ ὄνομα, ἐντεῦθεν τιθέμενοι, φαντασίᾳ καὶ οὐχ ἀληθείᾳ τὴν τοῦ Θεοῦ λόγου οἰκονομίαν λέγοντος γεγενῆσθαι.

We break the fast (c) also during the twelve days, for the overthrow of the fast of the Armenians. For these, fasting during these twelve days before the Lights, thus keep the three feasts jointly on the fifth of the month of January: I mean the Annunciation, the birth of Christ, and the baptism. Or rather, they set this down dimly somehow and in shadow, following the pernicious and foul opinion of their heresiarch, whose name is Ichanius, who says that the economy of God the Word came about in appearance and not in truth.

Non jejunamus in dodecahemero, ad subversionem jejunii Armeniorum. Ii enim his XII diebus ante festum Luminum jejunant, sicque tria festa 5 Januarii mensis conjuncte celebrant: Annuntiationem, inquam, Christi Natale, et baptismum. Quin potius obscure et adumbrate ita ponunt, ex impura opinione haeresiarchae sui, nomine Ichanii, qui Verbi Dei Incarnationem phantasia, non autem veritate factam esse dicit.

We do not fast in the twelve days, for the overthrow of the fast of the Armenians. For they fast on these twelve days before the feast of the Lights, and so celebrate three feasts jointly on the 5th of the month of January: the Annunciation, I say, the Nativity of Christ, and the baptism. Or rather, they set it down thus obscurely and in shadow, from the impure opinion of their heresiarch, Ichanius by name, who says that the Incarnation of the Word of God came about in phantasm and not in truth.

Quibus ista addit, non quidem huc facientia, sed spectantia pariter ad Armenios, nec relatu indigna:

To which he adds these things, not indeed bearing on the present point, but relating likewise to the Armenians, and not unworthy of report:

Non jejunamus quoque totam hebdomadem quae carnisprivium praecedit; eo pacto aliam pravam eorumdem Armeniorum consuetudinem abrogantes. Hi namque etiam eam jejunant, ob interitum canis, cui nomen erat Artziburtzius, eo quod praecederet, ac adventum doctoris eorum Sergii in urbibus et vicis indicaret: Artziburtzius enim Armeniorum lingua mandator exponitur: quem canem Sergius cum a feris devoratum lugeret, injunxit cunctis Armeniis, ut illis in diebus pro canis obitu jejunarent, singulisque annis moererent et contristarentur. Quanquam nituntur rei turpitudinem velare, contenduntque se in memoriam jejunii Ninivitarum istud observare jejunium.

We also do not fast the whole week that precedes the putting away of meat; by this means abolishing another depraved custom of the same Armenians. For they fast that week too, on account of the death of a dog whose name was Artziburtzius, because it used to go ahead and announce the arrival of their teacher Sergius in the towns and villages: for Artziburtzius is interpreted in the Armenian tongue as "herald". When Sergius was mourning this dog, devoured by wild beasts, he enjoined on all the Armenians that on those days they should fast for the dog's death, and every year grieve and be sorrowful. Although they strive to veil the shamefulness of the matter, and maintain that they observe this fast in memory of the fast of the Ninevites.

Καταλύομεν καὶ τὴν πρὸ (d) τῆς ἀπόκρεω ἅπασαν ἑβδομάδα. Ἕτερον πονηρὸν ἔθος τῶν αὐτῶν Ἀρμενίων ἀνάστατον ἐντεῦθεν τιθέμενοι· νηστεύουσι γὰρ οὗτοι καὶ ταύτην, διὰ τὴν ἀπώλειαν τοῦ κυνὸς, ᾧ ἐπώνυμον ἦν Ἀρτζιβούρτζιος, διὰ τὸ προϊέναι καὶ μηνύειν τὴν ἐν πόλεσιν ἢ κώμαις ἐπιδημίαν τοῦ διδασκάλου αὐτῶν Σεργίου. Τὸ γὰρ Ἀρτζιβούρτζιος τῇ τῶν Ἀρμενίων διαλέκτῳ μανδάτωρ ἑρμηνεύεται. Ὃν πενθήσας ὁ Σέργιος ὑπὸ θηρίων βρωθέντα, ἐπέσκηψε πᾶσι τοῖς Ἀρμενίοις νηστεύειν ἐν ταύταις ταῖς ἡμέραις ὑπὲρ τῆς τοῦ κυνὸς τελευτῆς, καὶ κατηφιᾷν ἐτησίως καὶ σκυθρωπάζειν· εἰ καὶ συγκαλύπτειν τὸ αἰσχρὸν μηχανώμενοι, εἰς ἀνάμνησιν τῆς τῶν Νινευιτῶν νηστείας ἰσχυρίζονται ταύτην ἐπιτελεῖν.

We break the fast also during the whole week before (d) the putting away of meat, thereby overturning another wicked custom of the same Armenians: for these fast this week too, on account of the loss of the dog that was named Artziburtzius, because it went ahead and announced the visit of their teacher Sergius in towns or villages. For Artziburtzius in the language of the Armenians is interpreted "mandator" (herald). Sergius, mourning it when it was devoured by wild beasts, charged all the Armenians to fast on these days for the dog's death, and every year to be downcast and of sad countenance; although, contriving to cover up the shameful thing, they insist that they keep this fast in remembrance of the fast of the Ninevites.

Atque haec sufficiebant: si temperare mihi valuissem ab adjungendis iis, quae de tota religione Armeniorum nactus sum in ms. Regio 1818, uti componantur praecipue cum alio ejusdem codicis tractatu, quem supra ad caput 24 libri II collocavi, et cum invectivis Isaaci catholici adversus Armenios, tomo II Auctarii noni Graeco-latinae Patrum Bibliothecae. Quod si cui nimium longa videbuntur; poterit ille nullo negotio ea praetergredi, et ad sequentem notam properare.

And this would have sufficed, had I been able to restrain myself from adding what I found concerning the whole religion of the Armenians in Royal manuscript 1818, so that it may be compared chiefly with another treatise of the same codex, which I placed above at chapter 24 of book II, and with the invectives of Isaac the Catholicos against the Armenians, in volume II of the new Auctarium of the Graeco-Latin Library of the Fathers. But if it seems too long to anyone, he can pass over it without trouble and hasten on to the following note.

Ἀπόταξις τῶν αἱρετικῶν Ἀρμενίων. Τὸ πῶς ὀφείλουσιν ἀναθεματίζειν ἐπιστρέφοντες πρὸς τὴν πίστιν τῶν ὀρθοδόξων Ῥωμαίων· οἳ οὐ βαπτίζονται, ἀλλὰ μυροῦνται.

Renunciation of the heretical Armenians. How they ought to pronounce anathema when they turn to the faith of the orthodox Romans: they are not baptized, but anointed with chrism.

Renuntiatio haereticorum Armeniorum. Quo modo debeant anathematizare, cum ad fidem orthodoxorum Romanorum redeunt. Non baptizantur autem, sed unguntur.

Renunciation of the heretical Armenians. In what manner they ought to anathematize when they return to the faith of the orthodox Romans. They are not, however, baptized, but anointed.

Ἐγὼ ὁ δεῖνα, ἢ ἡμεῖς ὁ δεῖνα καὶ ὁ δεῖνα, προσέρχομαι

I, N., or we, N. and N., come over

Ego Ille, vel nos Ille et Ille, accedo ad orthodoxam

I, N., or we, N. and N., come to the orthodox

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VARIORUM NOTAE.

NOTES OF VARIOUS EDITORS.

τῇ ὀρθοδόξῳ ἀποστολικῇ καὶ καθολικῇ Ἐκκλησίᾳ καὶ ἀποτάσσομαι, καὶ ἀναθεματίζω τὴν αἵρεσιν τῶν Ἀρμενίων, καὶ τῶν Χατζιζαρίων [f. Χατζιτζαρίων], καὶ τῶν Ἰακωβιτῶν, καὶ τὰ ἔθη, καὶ τὰ ἐπιτηδεύματα, καὶ τὰς ἑορτὰς, καὶ εὐχὰς, καὶ νηστείας αὐτῶν, καὶ τὰς συναγωγὰς, καὶ βρώματα, καὶ πώματα, εἴτ' οὖν Μαυτάλια [l. Ματάλια. s. p. 156]· καὶ ἁπλῶς ἀποτάσσομαι τῇ αἱρέσει αὐτῶν· καὶ ὁλοψύχῳ προθέσει προσέρχομαι τῇ καθολικῇ Ἐκκλησίᾳ τῶν ὀρθοδόξων· καὶ πιστεύω εἰς ἕνα Θεὸν Πατέρα παντοκράτορα ποιητὴν οὐρανοῦ καὶ γῆς. Καὶ λεγέτω μέχρι τέλους. Καὶ μίαν μὲν φύσιν ἐπὶ τῆς ἁγίας Τριάδος ὁμολογῶ· ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς ἐνσάρκου οἰκονομίας τοῦ Κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, δύο φύσεις ὁμολογῶ, θεότητος καὶ ἀνθρωπότητος· καὶ τὸ σωτήριον πάθος τῇ σαρκὶ λέγω πεπονθέναι, οὐ τῇ θεότητι· ἡ γὰρ θεότης ἀπαθής ἐστιν. Ἀποδέχομαι καὶ τὰς ἁγίας καὶ οἰκουμενικὰς ἑπτὰ συνόδους· τὴν ἐν Νικαίᾳ τῶν τιηʹ ἁγίων θεοφόρων Πατέρων κατὰ Ἀρείου συνελθοῦσαν πρώτην· τὴν ἐν Κωνσταντινουπόλει δευτέραν τῶν ρνʹ ἁγίων Πατέρων, τὴν κατὰ Μακεδονίου τοῦ πνευματομάχου· τὴν ἐν Ἐφέσῳ τρίτην κατὰ Νεστορίου τοῦ δυσσεβοῦς· τὴν ἐν Χαλκηδόνι τετάρτην τῶν χλʹ ἁγίων Πατέρων κατὰ Διοσκόρου καὶ Εὐτυχοῦς, καὶ Πέτρου τῶν ἀσεβῶν· τὴν ἐν Κωνσταντινουπόλει αὖθις πέμπτην τὴν κροτηθεῖσαν κατὰ τῶν συγγραμμάτων Ὠριγένους τοῦ παράφρονος, Εὐαγρίου τε καὶ Διδύμου, καὶ Σεβήρου τοῦ ἀκεφάλου, ἔτι δὲ καὶ Θεοδώρου τοῦ ἐπισκόπου Μοψουεστίας, σὺν τούτοις δὲ ἀναθεματίσασαν καὶ Ἄνθιμον, καὶ Πέτρον καὶ Σωώραν· εἶτα πάλιν τὴν ἐν Κωνσταντινουπόλει ἕκτην τὴν κατὰ Θεοδώρου τοῦ τῆς Φαρᾶν ἐπισκόπου καὶ νεαθοῦσαν [f. συνελθοῦσαν], καὶ Ὀνωρίου Ῥώμης, καὶ Κύρου Ἀλεξανδρείας, Παύλου καὶ Πέτρου, Σεργίου τε καὶ Πύῤῥου Κωνσταντινουπόλεως γεγονότων προέδρων, καὶ Μακαρίου τοῦ Ἀντιοχείας γενομένου προέδρου, Στεφάνου τε τοῦ τούτου μαθητοῦ, καὶ τῶν ἐκείνοις συμμαχεῖν οἰομένων· καὶ τὴν ἑβδόμην, τὴν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἁγίων καὶ σεβασμίων εἰκόνων ἀθροισθεῖσαν· καὶ δέχομαι οὓς ἐδέξαντο, καὶ ἀναθεματίζω οὓς ἀνεθεμάτισαν. Ἀναθεματίζω δὲ καὶ Σίμωνα τὸν πρῶτον αἱρετικὸν, καὶ Μονᾶν, τὸν καὶ Μάνεντα [f. Μανιχαῖον. f. Μανᾶν pro Μάνην], Σαρκίωνά [l. Μαρκίωνά] τε καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ Ἄρειόν τε καὶ Εὐνόμιον, Μακεδόνιον καὶ Ἀπολλινάριον, Παῦλον τὸν Σαμοσατέα, Σαβέλλιον, Θεόδωρον, Νεστόριον, Εὐτύχιον, Διόσκορον, Θεοδόσιον, Τιμόθεον, Ἰουλιανὸν, Πέτρον τὸν Μογγὸν, καὶ Πέτρον τὸν Κναφέα, τὸν πάθη τῇ θεότητι προσαρμόζοντα, Σεβῆρον τὸν Ἀκέφαλον, καὶ Φιλόξενον, καὶ τὸν τούτου μαθητὴν, Ἰάκωβον τὸν Τζαντζάλην, ὅθεν Ἰακωβῖται ἐκλήθησαν, Κῦρόν τε καὶ Μακάριον, Σέργιον καὶ Πύῤῥον, καὶ Πολυχρόνιον τὸν νηπιόφρονα

to the orthodox, apostolic and catholic Church, and I renounce and anathematize the heresy of the Armenians, and of the Chatzizarii [perhaps Chatzitzarii], and of the Jacobites, and their customs and practices and their feasts and prayers and fasts, and their assemblies, and foods and drinks, or Mautalia [read Matalia; see p. 156]; and I renounce their heresy outright; and with whole-souled purpose I come over to the catholic Church of the orthodox; and I believe in one God, the Father almighty, maker of heaven and earth. And let him say it to the end. And I confess one nature in the holy Trinity; but in the incarnate economy of our Lord Jesus Christ I confess two natures, of Godhead and of manhood; and I say that the saving passion was suffered in the flesh, not in the Godhead, for the Godhead is impassible. I receive also the seven holy and ecumenical synods: the first, at Nicaea, of the 318 holy God-bearing Fathers, assembled against Arius; the second, at Constantinople, of the 150 holy Fathers, that against Macedonius the fighter against the Spirit; the third, at Ephesus, against the impious Nestorius; the fourth, at Chalcedon, of the 630 holy Fathers, against Dioscorus and Eutyches and Peter, the ungodly; the fifth, again at Constantinople, convened against the writings of Origen the madman, and of Evagrius and Didymus, and of Severus the Acephalite, and further of Theodore bishop of Mopsuestia, which together with these anathematized also Anthimus, and Peter and Zooras; then again the sixth, at Constantinople, which met [perhaps 'assembled'] against Theodore bishop of Pharan, and Honorius of Rome, and Cyrus of Alexandria, Paul and Peter, Sergius and Pyrrhus, who had been presidents of Constantinople, and Macarius, who had been president of Antioch, and Stephen his disciple, and those who thought to fight on their side; and the seventh, gathered on behalf of the holy and venerable images; and I receive those whom they received, and anathematize those whom they anathematized. I anathematize also Simon the first heretic, and Monas, who is also Manes [perhaps 'Manichaeus'; perhaps 'Manas' for 'Manes'], and Sarcion [read 'Marcion'], and with him Arius and Eunomius, Macedonius and Apollinarius, Paul of Samosata, Sabellius, Theodore, Nestorius, Eutychius, Dioscorus, Theodosius, Timothy, Julian, Peter the Stammerer, and Peter the Fuller, who attributed sufferings to the Godhead, Severus the Acephalite, and Philoxenus, and his disciple Jacob Tzantzales, from whom the Jacobites were named, Cyrus and Macarius, Sergius and Pyrrhus, and Polychronius the childish-minded

apostolicam et catholicam Ecclesiam; atque relinquo, ac anathemate percutio haeresim Armeniorum, Chatzitzariorum, et Jacobitarum, eorumque mores, instituta, festa, preces, jejunia, conventus, cibos et potus seu matalia: et absolute renuntio haeresi eorum; toto autem animi proposito venio ad Ecclesiam catholicam recte sentientium. Credo in unum Deum Patrem omnipotentem factorem coeli et terrae. Dicatque ad finem usque. Unam vero naturam in sancta Trinitate confiteor: at in Domini nostri Jesu Christi Incarnatione duas naturas profiteor, divinitatis et humanitatis: eumque aio salutarem passionem carne pertulisse, non divinitate: nam divinitas nihil pati potest. Suscipio quoque sanctas et oecumenicas septem synodos: primam Nicaenam sanctorum divinorumque Patrum 318, adversus Arium congregatam; secundam Constantinopolitanam sanctorum Patrum 150, in Macedonium Pneumatomachum, hoc est, sancti Spiritus impugnatorem; tertiam Ephesinam contra impium Nestorium; quartam Chalcedonensem sanctorum Patrum 630, adversus impios Dioscorum, Eutychem et Petrum; quintam rursus Constantinopolitanam, actam in scripta dementis Origenis, Evagrii et Didymi, item Severi Acephali, adhucque Theodori episcopi Mopsuestiae, quaeque cum iis anathemati subjecit Anthimum, Petrum, ac Zooram; sextam deinde iterum Constantinopolitanam, habitam adversus Theodorum episcopum Pharanitanum, Honorium Romanum, Cyrum Alexandrinum, Paulum, Petrum, Sergium et Pyrrhum Constantinopolitanos olim antistites, nec non Macarium qui fuit Antiochiae praesul, ipsiusque discipulum Stephanum, et eos qui partes illorum sibi defendendas putaverunt: septimam denique pro sanctis venerandisque imaginibus congregatam. Et recipio quos receperunt, anathematizo quos anathematizarunt. Sed et anathema pronuntio in Simonem primum haereticum, Manichaeum sive Manem; cumque illo in Marcionem, et Arium ac Eunomium, Macedonium, Apollinarem, Paulum Samosatensem, Sabellium, Theodorum, Nestorium, Eutychem, Dioscorum, Theodosium, Timotheum, Julianum, Petrum Mongum, et Petrum Cnapheum, qui passiones divinitati adaptabat, Severum Acephalum, et Philoxenum, ejusque discipulum Jacobum Tzantzalem, a quo Jacobitae nomen sumpserunt, Cyrum, Macarium, Sergium, Pyrrhum, et senem pueriliter desipientem Polychronium. Hos omnes anathemate proscripserunt sanctae et oecumenicae septem synodi, cunctosque qui cum illis sentiunt. Quos diebus singulis sancta et catholica Ecclesia anathematizat, ego quoque anathematizo; atque ita dico: Si quis non confitetur sanctam

apostolic and catholic Church; and I abandon and strike with anathema the heresy of the Armenians, the Chatzitzarii and the Jacobites, and their customs, institutions, feasts, prayers, fasts, assemblies, foods and drinks, or matalia: and I renounce their heresy absolutely; and with the whole purpose of my mind I come to the catholic Church of those who think rightly. I believe in one God, the Father almighty, maker of heaven and earth. And let him say it to the end. One nature I confess in the holy Trinity; but in the Incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ I profess two natures, of divinity and of humanity; and I say that He bore the saving passion in the flesh, not in the divinity, for the divinity can suffer nothing. I receive also the seven holy and ecumenical synods: the first, of Nicaea, of the 318 holy and divine Fathers, gathered against Arius; the second, of Constantinople, of the 150 holy Fathers, against Macedonius the Pneumatomachus, that is, the assailant of the Holy Spirit; the third, of Ephesus, against the impious Nestorius; the fourth, of Chalcedon, of the 630 holy Fathers, against the impious Dioscorus, Eutyches and Peter; the fifth, again of Constantinople, held against the writings of the madman Origen, of Evagrius and Didymus, likewise of Severus the Acephalite, and further of Theodore bishop of Mopsuestia, which together with these subjected to anathema Anthimus, Peter and Zooras; the sixth, then, again of Constantinople, held against Theodore bishop of Pharan, Honorius of Rome, Cyrus of Alexandria, Paul, Peter, Sergius and Pyrrhus, once prelates of Constantinople, and also Macarius, who was prelate of Antioch, and his disciple Stephen, and those who thought it their part to defend them; and lastly the seventh, gathered on behalf of the holy and venerable images. And I receive those whom they received; I anathematize those whom they anathematized. Moreover I pronounce anathema upon Simon the first heretic, upon Manichaeus or Manes; and with him upon Marcion, and Arius and Eunomius, Macedonius, Apollinaris, Paul of Samosata, Sabellius, Theodore, Nestorius, Eutyches, Dioscorus, Theodosius, Timothy, Julian, Peter Mongus, and Peter the Fuller, who ascribed sufferings to the divinity, Severus the Acephalite, and Philoxenus, and his disciple Jacob Tzantzales, from whom the Jacobites took their name, Cyrus, Macarius, Sergius, Pyrrhus, and the old man of childish folly, Polychronius. All these the seven holy and ecumenical synods proscribed with anathema, and all who think with them. Those whom the holy and catholic Church anathematizes day by day, I too anathematize; and thus I say: If anyone does not confess the holy

(67) Νηστείας τοῦ Πάσχα. Quadragesimae jejunium multi aperte a jejunio Paschae, seu hebdomadis sanctae et majoris separant. Quid clarius his Anastasii Antiocheni, mox citati, p. 424: Τεσσαρακοστὴ πληροῦται εἰς τὴν ἑορτὴν τῶν Βαΐων· τὴν γὰρ μεγάλην ἑβδομάδα, χάριν τοῦ πάθους τοῦ Κυρίου, καὶ τοῦ Πάσχα νηστεύομεν, καὶ οὐχ ἕνεκεν τεσσαρακοστῆς. Quadragesima finitur ad festum Palmarum Magnam enim hebdomadem jejunamus propter Domini passionem, et Pascha, non propter Quadragesimam. Nec minus expresse Matthaeus monachus Nomocanonis, cito (ut audio) edendi, auctor, ubi de Quadragesima: Ἡμέρας τὸ σύμπαν εἰπεῖν Τεσσαράκοντα καὶ ὀκτὼ νηστείαν ἄγειν ἐν τούτῳ τῷ καιρῷ προστετάγμεθα· τὰς μὲν τεσσαράκοντα, καθ' ἱστορίαν τῆς τοῦ Κυρίου νηστείας, ᾗ φραξάμενος κατὰ τὸ ἀνθρώπινον, τὸν ἡμέτερον εἷλε πολέμιον· τὰς δὲ ἑπομένας ταύταις ὀκτὼ, κατ' εὐλάβειαν τῶν σωτηρίων αὐτοῦ παθημάτων. Id est: Dies omnino quadraginta et octo jejunare hocce in tempore jussi sumus: quadraginta quidem, ex historia jejunii Domini, quo secundum humanam naturam hostem nostrum obsepsit, ac cepit: octo autem sequentes, in honorem salutiferorum illius perpessionum. Reliquos Graecos praetermitto. Ex Latinis Isidorus, Etymologiarum lib. VI, cap. ult.: Sicut in Evangelio dies illi, in quibus ablatus est sponsus, vel sicut observatio Quadragesimae, quae in universo orbe institutione apostolica observatur circa confinium Dominicae passionis. Contra ab aliis in Quadragesima involvitur hebdomas passionis, velut illius clausula. Sic canone Laodiceno 50, et passim Cler.

(67) The fast of the Pascha. Many plainly distinguish the fast of Lent from the fast of the Pascha, that is, of the holy and great week. What is clearer than these words of Anastasius of Antioch, cited just now, p. 424: "Lent is completed at the feast of Palms; for the great week we fast on account of the Lord's passion and the Pascha, and not for the sake of Lent." [In the Latin:] "Lent ends at the feast of Palms. For we fast the great week on account of the Lord's passion and the Pascha, not on account of Lent." No less expressly Matthew the monk, author of the Nomocanon soon (as I hear) to be published, where he treats of Lent: "We have been commanded to keep a fast at this season of forty-eight days in all: the forty after the record of the Lord's fast, by which, fencing Himself in according to His humanity, He overcame our enemy; and the eight that follow these out of reverence for His saving sufferings." That is: "We have been commanded to fast at this season forty-eight days in all: forty, from the record of the Lord's fast, by which according to His human nature He hemmed in our enemy and took him; and the eight that follow, in honour of His saving sufferings." I pass over the other Greeks. Of the Latins, Isidore, Etymologies book VI, last chapter: "As in the Gospel those days in which the bridegroom was taken away, or as the observance of Lent, which is kept throughout the whole world by apostolic institution about the borders of the Lord's passion." Others, on the contrary, include the week of the passion within Lent, as its close. So canon 50 of Laodicea, and passim. Cler[icus].

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(79) ‹anchor: pro pereuntibus› · call in col 867 (Latin)

l. Pseudo-Ignat. ibid. lege infra, cap. 15, 18, 19; Epiph. haer. 70, n. 12; haer. 75, n. 6.

l. Pseudo-Ignatius, ibid.; read below, chs 15, 18, 19; Epiphanius, Heresy 70, n. 12; Heresy 75, n. 6.

(printed under the text at the head of page 431, running across both columns; "l." set as printed and left unexpanded)

(80) ‹anchor: περὶ τῶν ἀπολλυμένων› · call in col 868

al. Ἰουδαίων.

Another reading: "the Jews".

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(a) ‹εὐχὴν λέγων οὕτως› · note on the Greek quoted in (64), call in col 868

Deesse puto καί, Euchologii p 884.

I think καί ("and") is missing; Euchologion, p. 884.

(printed under page 431)

VARIORUM NOTAE.

NOTES OF VARIOUS EDITORS.

γέροντα. Τούτους πάντας ἀνεθεμάτισαν αἱ ἅγιαι καὶ οἰκουμενικαὶ ἑπτὰ σύνοδοι, καὶ τοὺς ὁμόφρονας αὐτῶν ἅπαντας. Οὓς καθ' ἑκάστην ἡμέραν ἡ ἁγία καὶ καθολικὴ Ἐκκλησία ἀναθεματίζει, ἀναθεματίζω κἀγὼ, καὶ λέγω οὕτως· εἴ τις οὐχ ὁμολογεῖ τὴν ἁγίαν Τριάδα, Πατέρα καὶ Υἱὸν καὶ ἅγιον Πνεῦμα, ἀνάθεμα. Εἴ τις οὐ λέγει ἄναρχον τὸν Πατέρα, ὁμοίως καὶ συνάναρχον τὸν Υἱὸν, καὶ τὸ ἅγιον Πνεῦμα, ἀνάθεμα. Εἴ τις λέγει ἔχειν τὸν Χριστὸν δύο ὑποστάσεις, ἀνάθεμα. Εἴ τις προστίθησιν εἰς τὸ, Ἅγιος ὁ Θεὸς, ἅγιος ἰσχυρὸς, ἅγιος ἀθάνατος, τὸ, Ὁ σταυρωθεὶς δι' ἡμᾶς, ἀνάθεμα. Εἴ τις οὐ προσκυνεῖ τὰς ἁγίας εἰκόνας, ἀλλὰ λέγει ὅτι εἴδωλά εἰσιν, ἀνάθεμα. Εἴ τις λέγει, ἁμαρτίαν ἔχει ὁ μὴ νηστεύων τὴν ἑβδομάδα τῆς προφωνησίμου τὸν Ἀρτζιβούρτζην, ἐσθίει δὲ καὶ τὴν ἑβδομάδα τῆς τυροφάγου κρέα, ἀνάθεμα. Εἴ τις λέγει ὅτι ἡ λειτουργία καὶ ἡ κοινωνία τῇ ἁγίᾳ τεσσαρακοστῇ ἐν καθημερινῇ ἁμαρτία ἐστὶν, καὶ ἐν Σαββάτῳ καὶ Κυριακῇ ἐσθίει γάλα καὶ ὠὸν, ἀνάθεμα. Εἴ τις οὐ βάλλει εἰς τὴν προσφορὰν ζύμην καὶ ἅλας, οὐδὲ [f. deest. ὕδωρ εἰς] ἅγιον ποτήριον μετὰ τοῦ οἴνου, ἀνάθεμα. Εἴ τις οὐ ποιεῖ εἰς τὰς κε' Μαρτίου τὸν εὐαγγελισμὸν, καὶ εἰς τὰς κε' Δεκεμβρίου μηνὸς τὴν τοῦ Χριστοῦ γέννησιν, ἀνάθεμα. Εἰ δὲ μεθ' ὑποκρίσεως ταῦτά φημι, καὶ οὐκ ἐκ πίστεως ὁλοψύχου καὶ καρδίας, καὶ ἄρτι μὲν σχηματίζομαι γενέσθαι ὀρθόδοξος, ὕστερον δὲ θελήσω ἀρνήσασθαι καὶ ὑποστρέψαι πρὸς τὴν προτέραν μου αἵρεσιν, καὶ εὑρεθῶ συνεορτάζων ἢ συνεσθίων τοῖς Ἀρμενίοις, ἢ συνομιλῶν τοῖς Ἰακωβίταις, λάθρα ἢ φανερῶς, καὶ οὐχὶ μᾶλλον ἐλέγχω τούτους καὶ τὴν τούτων αἵρεσιν, νῦν μὲν ἔλθοι ἐπ' ἐμὲ πᾶσα ἡ κατάρα, καὶ ὁ τρόμος τοῦ Κάϊν, καὶ ἡ λέπρα τοῦ Γιεζῆ, πρὸς τὸ καὶ ταῖς ποιναῖς τῶν πολιτικῶν νόμων εἶναί με ὑπεύθυνον ἀπαραιτήτως· κατὰ δὲ τὸν μέλλοντα αἰῶνα, εἴη μοι ἀνάθεμα καὶ κατάθεμα, καὶ ἡ ψυχή μου ταχθείη μετὰ τοῦ Σατανᾶ καὶ τῶν δαιμόνων. Πᾶσι τοῖς αἱρετικοῖς ἀνάθεμα. Καὶ ἐπικλίνοντος τοῦ μετερχομένου τὴν κεφαλὴν, ὁ ἀρχιεπίσκοπος εὐχὴν λέγων οὕτως (a)·

…old man. All these the seven holy and ecumenical synods anathematized, together with all who think as they do. Those whom the holy and catholic Church anathematizes every day, I too anathematize, and I say thus: If anyone does not confess the holy Trinity, Father and Son and Holy Spirit, anathema. If anyone does not say that the Father is without beginning, and likewise that the Son is co-unoriginate, and the Holy Spirit, anathema. If anyone says that Christ has two hypostases, anathema. If anyone adds to the words "Holy God, holy Strong, holy Immortal" the words "Who wast crucified for us", anathema. If anyone does not venerate the holy icons, but says that they are idols, anathema. If anyone says that he sins who does not fast the week of the Prophonesimos, the Artziburtzes, yet eats meat also in the cheese-eating week, anathema. If anyone says that the liturgy and communion on a weekday in holy Lent is a sin, and on Saturday and Sunday eats milk and egg, anathema. If anyone does not put leaven and salt into the offering, nor [perhaps there is missing: water into the] holy cup with the wine, anathema. If anyone does not keep the Annunciation on the 25th of March, and the birth of Christ on the 25th of the month of December, anathema. But if I say these things with hypocrisy, and not from faith of my whole soul and heart, and now feign to become orthodox, but later wish to deny it and return to my former heresy, and am found keeping festival or eating with the Armenians, or consorting with the Jacobites, secretly or openly, and do not rather refute these men and their heresy, then in this present time may every curse come upon me, and the trembling of Cain, and the leprosy of Gehazi, so that I be also liable inexorably to the penalties of the civil laws; and in the age to come may I be anathema and accursed, and may my soul be ranked with Satan and the demons. To all heretics, anathema. And as the one who comes over bows his head, the archbishop says a prayer thus (a):

ctam Trinitatem, Patrem, Filium et Spiritum sanctum, anathema sit. Si quis non asserit Patrem esse sine principio, itemque Filium esse etiam initii expertem, ac Spiritum sanctum, anathema sit. Si quis dixerit in Christo duas esse hypostases, anathema sit. Si quis ad illud: Sanctus Deus, sanctus fortis, sanctus immortalis, addit hoc: Qui crucifixus es pro nobis, anathema sit. Si quis non veneratur sacras imagines, sed eas idola vocat, anathema sit. Si quis dicit peccare eum qui non jejunaverit hebdomadem Prophonesimi, seu Artziburtzem, comedit autem carnem hebdomade lacticiniorum, anathema sit. Si quis dicit missam et communionem singulis diebus Quadragesimae peccatum esse, Sabbato autem et Dominica vescitur lacte et ovis, anathema sit. Si quis in panem oblationis non immittit fermentum et sal, nec aquam cum vino in sanctum calicem, anathema sit. Si quis non celebrat Annuntiationem 25 Martii, et 25 mensis Decembris Christi Natale, anathema sit. Quod si cum hypocrisi haec pronuntio, non vero fideliter, totoque animo et corde: atque nunc quidem simulo fieri orthodoxus, postea vero voluero abnegare ac reverti ad priorem meam haeresim, inventusque fuero una cum Armeniis festa celebrans, aut cibum sumens, vel consuescens cum Jacobitis, sive clam, sive publice; non autem potius redarguero illos illorumque haeresim; in hac quidem vita veniant super me omnes dirae, tremor Caini et lepra Giezis, praeter poenas legum civilium, quibus subjiciar, nec possim assequi impunitatem: in futuro autem saeculo sit mihi anathema et catathema, meaque anima collocetur cum Satana et daemonibus. Cunctis haereticis anathema. Et caput inclinante eo qui convertitur, archiepiscopus orationem facit his verbis:

…[Ho]ly Trinity, Father, Son and Holy Spirit, let him be anathema. If anyone does not assert that the Father is without beginning, and likewise that the Son also is without beginning, and the Holy Spirit, let him be anathema. If anyone says that there are two hypostases in Christ, let him be anathema. If anyone to the words "Holy God, holy Strong, holy Immortal" adds this: "Who wast crucified for us", let him be anathema. If anyone does not venerate the sacred images, but calls them idols, let him be anathema. If anyone says that he sins who has not fasted the week of the Prophonesimos, or Artziburtzes, yet eats meat in the week of milk-foods, let him be anathema. If anyone says that Mass and communion on the several days of Lent is a sin, and on Saturday and Sunday eats milk and eggs, let him be anathema. If anyone does not put leaven and salt into the bread of the oblation, nor water with the wine into the holy chalice, let him be anathema. If anyone does not celebrate the Annunciation on the 25th of March, and the Nativity of Christ on the 25th of the month of December, let him be anathema. But if I pronounce these things with hypocrisy, and not faithfully and with my whole mind and heart; and if I now feign to become orthodox, but later wish to deny it and return to my former heresy, and am found keeping festivals or taking food together with the Armenians, or keeping company with the Jacobites, whether secretly or publicly, and do not rather refute them and their heresy: then in this life may all curses come upon me, the trembling of Cain and the leprosy of Gehazi, besides the penalties of the civil laws, to which I would be subject, and may I be unable to obtain impunity; and in the age to come may I be anathema and catathema, and may my soul be placed with Satan and the demons. To all heretics, anathema. And as he who is being converted bows his head, the archbishop makes a prayer in these words:

Ὁ Θεὸς ὁ Σωτὴρ ἡμῶν ὁ βουλόμενος πάντας ἀνθρώπους σωθῆναι καὶ εἰς ἐπίγνωσιν ἀληθείας ἐλθεῖν, πρόσδεξαι τὸν δοῦλόν σου τόνδε μόλις ἀνανήψαντα ἐκ τῆς πλάνης, καὶ ἐπιποθήσαντα εἰς τὴν ἐπίγνωσιν ἐλθεῖν τῆς ἀληθείας. Σὺ γὰρ εἶπας, Κύριε· «Καὶ ἄλλα πρόβατα ἔχω, ἃ οὐκ ἔστιν ἐκ τῆς αὐλῆς ταύτης· κἀκεῖνά με δεῖ ἀγαγεῖν, καὶ τῆς φωνῆς μου ἀκούσουσι, καὶ γενήσεται μία ποίμνη, εἷς ποιμήν·» Ποίμανον τοίνυν αὐτὸν ἐν τῇ δόξῃ σου εἰς ἐπίγνωσιν τῆς σῆς ἀληθείας, κατὰ τὴν ἔκθεσιν τῶν ἁγίων σου καὶ ἐνδόξων ἀποστόλων· καὶ καταξίωσον αὐτὸν τῆς σφραγῖδος τοῦ θείου μύρου καὶ τῆς μεταλήψεως τοῦ τιμίου σώματος καὶ αἵματος, καὶ ἀνάδειξον αὐτὸν τέλειον δοῦλόν σου· ἵνα τῇ ποίμνῃ σου συγκαταριθμηθῇ καὶ αὐτὸς, εἰς δόξαν καὶ ἔπαινον τῆς μεγαλωσύνης σου· ὅτι σοῦ ἐστιν ἡ βασιλεία καὶ ἡ δύναμις, ἐκφών.

O God our Saviour, who willest all men to be saved and to come to the knowledge of the truth, receive this Thy servant, who has at length come to his senses out of error, and has longed to come to the knowledge of the truth. For Thou hast said, Lord: "And other sheep I have, which are not of this fold; them also I must bring, and they shall hear My voice, and there shall be one flock, one shepherd." Shepherd him therefore in Thy glory unto the knowledge of Thy truth, according to the exposition of Thy holy and glorious apostles; and vouchsafe him the seal of the divine chrism and the partaking of the precious Body and Blood, and show him forth a perfect servant of Thine; that he too may be numbered with Thy flock, unto the glory and praise of Thy majesty. Exclamation: For Thine is the kingdom and the power.

Deus Salvator noster, qui cunctos homines salvari vis, et ad agnitionem veritatis venire; suscipe servum tuum hunc, qui vix tandem ex errore resipiscit, quique desiderat ad agnitionem veritatis accedere. Tu enim dixisti, Domine: «Et alias oves habeo, quae non sunt ex hoc ovili; et illas oportet me adducere; et vocem meam audient, et fiet unum ovile, unus pastor (Joan. X, 16).» Pasce itaque illum in doctrina tua, in agnitionem veritatis tuae, juxta sanctorum gloriosorumque tuorum apostolorum expositionem: et largire illi signaculum divini unguenti; ac sumptionem pretiosi corporis et sanguinis: et fac illum perfectum servum tuum; ut et ipse ovili tuo connumeretur, in gloriam et laudem majestatis tuae. Exclam.: Quia tuum est regnum et virtus.

O God our Saviour, who willest all men to be saved and to come to the knowledge of the truth, receive this Thy servant, who at long last recovers his senses out of error, and who desires to come to the knowledge of the truth. For Thou hast said, Lord: "And other sheep I have, which are not of this fold; them also I must bring, and they shall hear My voice, and there shall be one fold, one shepherd" (John 10:16). Feed him therefore in Thy doctrine, unto the knowledge of Thy truth, according to the exposition of Thy holy and glorious apostles; and grant him the seal of the divine ointment, and the receiving of the precious Body and Blood; and make him Thy perfect servant, that he too may be numbered with Thy fold, unto the glory and praise of Thy majesty. Exclamation: For Thine is the kingdom and the power.

Καὶ χρίει αὐτὸν τῷ μύρῳ, καθὰ καὶ τοὺς νεοφωτίστους, τὴν αὐτὴν ἐντήρησιν [ἐπίῤῥησιν Eucholog.] ποιούμενος· καὶ πάλιν ἐπεύχεται οὕτως· Κύριε ὁ Θεὸς ἡμῶν, ὁ καταξιώσας τέλειον ἀναδεῖξαι τὸν δοῦλόν σου τόνδε, διὰ τῆς εἰς σὲ ὀρθοδόξου πίστεως, καὶ τῆς σφραγῖδος τοῦ μύρου τοῦ ἁγίου σου, Δέσποτα τῶν ἁπάντων, τὴν εἰς σὲ ἀληθῆ πίστιν ἐν αὐτῷ διατήρησον· αὔξων αὐτὸν ἐν δικαιοσύνῃ, καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς παρὰ σοῦ χαρίσμασι κατακοσμῶν. Εἶθ' οὕτως

And he anoints him with the chrism, as also the newly illumined, performing the same observance [the Euchologion has: utterance]; and again he prays thus: Lord our God, who hast vouchsafed to show forth this Thy servant perfect, through orthodox faith in Thee and the seal of Thy holy chrism, Master of all, preserve in him the true faith in Thee, increasing him in righteousness and adorning him with all the gifts that come from Thee. Then thus…

Et ungit eum chrismate seu unguento, sicut et recens illuminatos, eamdem caeremoniam faciens. Ac iterum precatur sic: Domine Deus noster, qui perfectum renuntiare servum tuum huncce per orthodoxam in te fidem et sancti tui unguenti signaculum dignatus es: Domine omnium, veram erga te fidem in illo custodi; promovens eum in justitia, et omnibus quae a te oriuntur charismatibus donisque exorna. Sic postea communicat. Et qui sancto unguento consignatus fuit, accipit mandatum ut septem illis diebus carnes

And he anoints him with chrism or ointment, as also the newly illumined, performing the same ceremony. And again he prays thus: Lord our God, who hast deigned to declare this Thy servant perfect through orthodox faith in Thee and the seal of Thy holy ointment: Lord of all, guard in him the true faith towards Thee, advancing him in righteousness, and adorn him with all the graces and gifts that spring from Thee. Thus afterwards he communicates. And he who has been sealed with the holy ointment receives the command that for those seven days meat…

<!-- note: Col. 868 is the right half of a page that also holds col. 867. Reference note 79 (called in the Latin of col. 867) stands under the text at the head of the page and is set once, in n867; note 80 ("al. Ἰουδαίων") on the same line is set under Footnotes above. Foot note (a) is set once, under Footnotes above (Q20b). The VARIORUM NOTAE heading spans the page. Below it the Armenian Renuntiatio runs on from the previous column and breaks off mid-word at both ends ("γέροντα" / "ctam Trinitatem" at the top; "Εἶθ' οὕτως" / "carnes" at the foot), so it continues into col. 869. Greek order: col. a, then the right-hand Greek sub-column ("ἐπ' ἐμὲ … μέλ-"), then the full-width line ("λοντα αἰῶνα … οὕτως (a)"), then the parallel prayers. Line-end hyphens are joined; the broken "ε.-ναί" is set as εἶναι, "accip:t" as accipit and "se-vtem" as septem; the blurred "Decsse" in note (a) is set as Deesse. Greek "ἐν τῇ δόξῃ σου" is set as printed, though the Latin has "in doctrina tua". -->

(68) ‹anchor: καὶ περὶ τοῦ› · call in col 869 (Greek chapter title)

Καὶ περὶ τοῦ, etc. Haec et reliqua ad finem inscriptionis in utroque cod. desunt. Cler.

"And concerning", etc. These words and the rest to the end of the heading are wanting in both codices. Clericus.

(printed under page 432, beneath the right-hand columns)

(a) ‹τῶν Χαντζιτζαρίων› · note on the Greek quoted in (64), call in col 869

Videtur aliquid deesse.

Something seems to be missing.

(printed under page 432)

VARIORUM NOTAE. [κοινωνεῖ ex Euchologio] κατακοσμεῖται. Καὶ λαμβάνει ὁ τῷ ἁγίῳ μύρῳ σφραγισθεὶς παραγγελίαν ταῖς ἑπτὰ ἡμέραις ἐκείναις κρέα μὴ φαγεῖν, μηδὲ νίψασθαι τὴν ὄψιν, ἀλλὰ καθὼς οἱ βαπτιζόμενοι, οὕτω διατελεῖν· καὶ τῇ ὀγδόῃ ἡμέρᾳ ἀπολούεται. non comedat, neque vultum lavet, sed sicut baptizati, ita permaneat: atque octavo die abluitur. Ἀπὸ τῆς ἁγίας καὶ οἰκουμενικῆς συνόδου τῶν τιη' ἁγίων Πατέρων τῶν ἐν Νικαίᾳ καὶ μέχρι τῆς ἁγίας καὶ οἰκουμενικῆς συνόδου τῶν ἐν Χαλκηδόνι χλ', αἱ προλαβοῦσαι αἱ ἅγιαι καὶ οἰκουμενικαὶ σύνοδοι ὁμοφρονήσασαι, πᾶσαν ἐναντίαν καὶ πονηρὰν αἵρεσιν ἀπεδίωξαν, καὶ τῷ αἰωνίῳ ἀναθέματι παρεδώκασιν. Ἐν οἷς καὶ ὁ ἅγιος καὶ θεοφόρος Πατὴρ ἡμῶν Γρηγόριος ὁ τῆς μεγάλης Ἀρμενίας χειροτονηθεὶς τῇ ἁγιωτάτῃ μητροπόλει Καισαρείας, ὅρους καὶ κανόνας ἔθετο τοῦ μὴ ἔχειν ἐξουσίαν ἀλλαχοῦ χειροτονηθῆναι τὸν τῆς μεγάλης Ἀρμενίας ἀρχιερέα, εἰ μὴ ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ τῶν Καισαρέων· καὶ ἀπ' αὐτοῦ τοῦ θεοφόρου Πατρὸς ἡμῶν Γρηγορίου, ἕτεροι ἀρχιερεῖς ἐχειροτονήθησαν καθεξῆς ὀκτώ. Ὅτε δὲ ὡς προείρηται ἡ ἁγία σύνοδος ἐν Πνεύματι ἁγίῳ συνηθροίσθη ἐν Χαλκηδόνι, ἀπέσχισαν καὶ εἰς ἰδίας αἱρέσεις ἐχώρησαν, ὁ Ἐχάνης ἐκεῖνος ὁ καὶ Μαντακουνῆς ἅμα τῶν λοιπῶν ἀνιέρων τῆς ὅλης Ἀρμενίας. Εὑρὼν δὲ ὁ ἀρχέκακος ὄφις ὄργανα τῆς αὐτοῦ σκαιωρίας, Διόσκορον τὸν Ἀλεξανδρείας, καὶ Πέτρον τὸν Ἀντιοχείας, καὶ τὸν Μονοθελήτην Εὐτυχέα, ἀπελαθέντας καὶ ἀναθεματισθέντας παρὰ τῶν ἁγίων καὶ οἰκουμενικῶν συνόδων· καὶ ἀμφότεροι συναχθέντες ἐν τῇ πόλει τῇ λεγομένῃ Τβὴ [aliis Τιβὴ] τῆς Ἀρμενίας, καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ σύνοδον ὡς ἐκεῖνοι ἐνόμισαν συγκροτήσαντες, καὶ τὰ ἄθεα καὶ βλάσφημα συνεγράψαντο δόγματα· ἐκεῖθεν καὶ τὴν τῶν Χαντζιτζαρίων· οὕτως ἐκείνοις λογίζεται· πάθος γὰρ ἐπιφέρουσι τῷ πάθει τῷ κατ' αὐτὸ ἀπαθεῖ τῆς θεότητος, καὶ φυρμὸν καὶ κρᾶσιν εἰσάγουσι· καὶ μίαν εἶναι φύσιν τὴν τοῦ Κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ ἀσεβῶς δογματίζουσιν, οἷα καὶ ὁ Εὐτυχὴς καὶ Διόσκορος καὶ ὁ δείλαιος Πέτρος φρονοῦσι σὺν αὐτοῖς· καὶ ἡ τοῦ ἀθέου Σεβήρου αἵρεσις συντρέχει, καὶ ἐξ αὐτῶν μετέχουσιν οἱ Ἀκέφαλοι, Σεβηριανοὶ, οἱ Ἰακωβῖται. Ἔτι δὲ ὁ αὐτὸς ἄθεος Εὐτυχὴς, καὶ Διόσκορος, καὶ Πέτρος, καὶ ὁ ἀρχηγὸς τῶν Ἀρμενίων Μαντακουνῆς λέγουσιν ὅτι πρὸ τοῦ γεννηθῆναι ἐκ τῆς ἀειπαρθένου Μαρίας τὸν Σωτῆρα καὶ Θεὸν ἡμῶν, ἐξ οὐρανοῦ ἔσχε τὴν σάρκα. Τὴν γὰρ ὁμοιότητα καὶ μόνην κατὰ φαντασίαν καὶ οὐ κατ' ἀλήθειαν ἔλαβεν ἐκ τῆς παρθένου. Λέγουσι δὲ ὡς οὔτε ψυχὴν οὔτε σῶμα ἔλαβεν ἐκ τῆς παρθένου, οὔτε Θεὸς μείνας ἐν τῇ γαστρὶ αὐτῆς ὑπέμεινεν, ἀλλ' ὥσπερ διὰ σωλῆνος διῆλθεν, ἐκ δύο φύσεων, καὶ εἰς μίαν ἐφυράθη φύσιν, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο οἱ Ἀρμένιοι τὸν εὐαγγελισμὸν οὐχ ἑορτάζουσιν εἰς τὸν ἴδιον καιρόν· ἀλλὰ πρὸ ὀκτὼ ἡμερῶν τῶν ἁγίων φώτων ἑορτάζουσι τῇ ἑσπέρᾳ τὴν ἑορτὴν τοῦ Εὐαγγελισμοῦ, καὶ διὰ τῆς νυκτὸς ἑορτάζουσι τὰ Χριστοῦ Γέννα, καὶ περιτρέχουσιν ἑπτὰ ἡμέρας, καὶ εἶθ' οὕτως ἑορτάζουσι τὰ φῶτα, μηδόλως ποιοῦντες μνείαν τῆς περιτομῆς. Καὶ κατὰ τοὺς ἰδίους [f. deest τρόπους] ἰουδαΐζουσιν οἱ Ἀρμένιοι· καὶ ἐναυτῷ τῷ καιρῷ τοῦ Πάσχα, θύουσι τὸν ἀμνὸν, καὶ ἐκ τοῦ αἵματος αὐτοῦ τὰς φλιὰς τῶν θυρῶν χρίουσιν, ὀπτὰ πυρὶ ποιοῦσι καὶ ἐσθίουσι. Καὶ τὴν προσφορὰν αὐτῶν ἄζυμον ποιοῦσι· καὶ ἕνωσιν τοῦ αἵματος καὶ τοῦ ὕδατος οὐ ποιοῦσιν, ἀλλ' οἶνον καὶ μόνον κατὰ τὸ ἔθιμον τῶν A sancto et universali concilio sanctorum 318 Patrum Nicaeae, usque ad sanctum et universale concilium 630 Chalcedone congregatorum, quae exstiterunt sanctae ac oecumenicae synodi, idem sentientes, omnem contrariam pravamque haeresim expulerunt, ac aeterno anathemati tradiderunt. In quibus et sanctus numineque afflatus Pater noster Gregorius magnae Armeniae, ordinatus in sanctissima metropoli Caesareae, decreta et canones posuit, ne magnae Armeniae episcopo liceat alibi ordinari, quam apud Caesariensium Ecclesiam: et ita post divinum Patrem nostrum Gregorium, alii episcopi octo deinceps ordinati sunt. Quando autem, ut praedictum est, sancta synodus in Spiritu sancto congregata est Chalcedone, schisma fecerunt et ad suas haereses contulerunt se, Echanes ille qui et Mantacunes ac reliqui totius Armeniae profani sacerdotes. Caeterum princeps malitiae serpens inventis pravitatis suae instrumentis Dioscoro Alexandrino, Petro Antiocheno, et monothelita Eutyche, qui expulsi et anathemate percussi fuerant per sanctas oecumenicasque synodos: is, inquam, serpens et Armenii in civitate Armeniae dicta Tbe collecti, ibique synodo, ut ipsi putabant, congregata, impia et blasphema conscripserunt dogmata; indeque errorem Chantzitzariorum. Sic ab illis existimatur. Passionem ad passionem imponunt ei quod per se ratione divinitatis nihil pati potest: inducunt confusionem et mistionem; unamque esse Domini nostri Jesu Christi naturam impie docent; qualia Eutyches, Dioscorus et infelix Petrus cum illis sentiunt: concurritque impii Severi haeresis; ac ex illis habent Acephali, Severiani, Jacobitae. Praeterea idem impius Eutyches, et Dioscorus, et Petrus, et Armeniorum ductor Mantacunes dicunt servatorem Deumque nostrum, antequam ex Maria semper Virgine nasceretur, de coelo carnem habuisse, similitudinem enim et solum secundum speciem ac opinionem, non vero secundum veritatem sumpsisse de Virgine. Aiunt autem quod nec animam nec corpus ex Virgine acceperit, nec Deus manere in illius utero sustinuerit, sed tanquam per tubum pertransierit; atque ex duabus naturis in unam commistus fuerit. Ideoque Armenii Annuntiationem suo tempore non celebrant: verum octo diebus ante sancta Lumina vespere celebrant Annuntiationis festum, et per noctem Natale Christi festum habent, transcursisque septem diebus, ita postea Lumina concelebrant, nullo modo circumcisionis memoriam facientes. Ad haec suo modo Judaeos imitantur Armenii: atque in ipso Paschatis tempore agnum sacrificant, ex cujus sanguine limina portarum inungunt; assa igni faciunt et manducant. Suam oblationem absque fermento conficiunt: unionem sanguinis et aquae non peragunt, sed solo vino utuntur, juxta Judaeorum consuetudinem traditionemque cultus legalis; non intelligentes divina Evangelia, nec quod ab Apostolo dicitur: « Vetera transierunt, ecce facta sunt omnia nova (II Cor. V, 17). » Signum autem venerandae <!-- note: Block begins under the full-width heading VARIORUM NOTAE after the opening lines of Caput XIV (Greek and Latin) at the top of the page, and runs to the foot of the page; four sub-columns (Greek col. 869a, Latin 869b, Latin 870a, Greek 870b); the Greek document and its Latin version both begin mid-sentence (continued from the previous page) and both run on past this page (Greek ends "κατὰ τὸ ἔθιμον τῶν", Latin "Signum autem venerandae"). Note 68 sits beneath the right-hand columns; it is called in the Greek chapter title of col. 869 and is set once, under Footnotes above (Q20b). Left out: footnote call (a) after Χαντζιτζαρίων and its footnote "(a) Videtur aliquid deesse.", marginal letters A–D. UNSURE: Latin "s.cut" printed with a broken letter, set "sicut"; Greek "ἐναυτῷ" printed run together, kept as printed; Τβὴ / Τιβὴ accentuation faint. Q20b: this block is the editors' Variorum notae, not an ancient version; it stands under this heading without English, unlike the same matter in n868 (left as found, reported). -->

(a) ‹διὰ τοῦ ἁγίου› · note on the Greek quoted in (64), col 871

Ita legi vocem contractam.

So I have read the abbreviated word.

(printed under page 433)

(b) ‹qui ait› · note on Cotelier's Latin in (64), col 871

De Spiritu s. cap. 18.

On the Holy Spirit, ch. 18.

(printed under page 433)

(c) ‹Nestorianos et Eutychianistas› · note on Cotelier's Latin in (64), col 872

Euchologii p. 884.

Euchologion, p. 884.

(printed under page 433)

(69) ‹Ξανθικός› · call in col 872

Μηνὶ πρώτῳ, ὅς ἐστι Ξανθικός. Consilium (ait Constitutio) et insidiae Judaeorum, proditio et comprehensio Christi, ac reliqua quae consecuta sunt, contigerunt mense Aprili. Atqui ex fragmento Constitutionibus attributo, quod protulimus nota prima et generali ad hos libros, quodque legitur etiam in Adnotationibus collectaneis ad Clementem Alexandrinum, pag. 49, cruci affixus est Dominus Phamenot 29, hoc est Martii 25: resurrexit vero Pharmuthi 1, seu Martii 27. Non ergo idem est Constitutionis nostrae, et fragmenti illius parens. Constitutioni favetur a nonnullis apud Clementem Alexandrinum Strom. I, p. 340. Statur a fragmento in Chronico Alexandrino, in Nicephori Chronographia, et alibi. At observatores superiori capite adducti (ut caeterorum mittam opiniones) referunt cum pluribus crucifixionem ad Martii 23, id est Phamenoth 27, resurrectionem ad ejusdem Martii 25, Phamenoth 29, ascensionem ad 3 Maii, Pachon 8. Atque ita arbitrabantur qui ad Chronicum Alexandrinum et ad fragmentum notas marginales apposuerunt, Μαρτίου vel Μαρτίῳ κγʹ, Μαρτίου κεʹ, Μαΐου vel Μαΐῳ γʹ. Illae enim Aegyptiacis computationibus nequaquam respondent. Id.

"In the first month, which is Xanthicus." The plotting (says the Constitution) and the ambush of the Jews, the betrayal and arrest of Christ, and the rest that followed, took place in the month of April. Yet according to the fragment attributed to the Constitutions, which we produced in the first, general note to these books, and which is also read in the Collected Annotations on Clement of Alexandria, p. 49, the Lord was fixed to the cross on Phamenoth 29, that is, 25 March, and rose on Pharmuthi 1, or 27 March. So the parent of our Constitution and of that fragment is not the same. Some in Clement of Alexandria, Stromata I, p. 340, side with the Constitution. The Alexandrian Chronicle, Nicephorus's Chronography and others stand with the fragment. But the observers cited in the previous chapter (to leave aside the opinions of the rest) put, with many others, the crucifixion on 23 March, that is, Phamenoth 27; the resurrection on 25 March, Phamenoth 29; and the ascension on 3 May, Pachon 8. And so thought those who added marginal notes to the Alexandrian Chronicle and to the fragment: "23 March, 25 March, 3 May". For those dates do not at all correspond to the Egyptian reckonings. The same (Cotelier).

(printed under page 433)

(70) ‹ὥρισαν τῷ› · call in col 872

Ὥρισαν τῷ. Ambo cod. Vind. ὡρίσαντο Cl.

Ὥρισαν τῷ ("they appointed for the"). Both Vienna manuscripts read ὡρίσαντο. Le Clerc.

(printed under page 433)

(71) ‹ποτε μὲν› · call in col 872

Μέν. Omittitur haec particula in altero cod. Id.

Μέν. This particle is omitted in the other manuscript. The same (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 433)

⁸¹ l. lib. VII, cap. 23.

⁸¹ [See] Book VII, chapter 23.

⁸² Joan. XII, 6.

⁸² John 12:6.

⁸²* al. ἐστιωμένων.

⁸²* Another reading: ἐστιωμένων.

VARIORUM NOTAE.

NOTES OF VARIOUS EDITORS.

Ἰουδαίων καὶ τὴν παράδοσιν τῆς νομικῆς λατρείας, μὴ συνιέντες τῶν θείων Εὐαγγελίων, καὶ τοῦ Ἀποστόλου λέγοντος· «Ὅτι τὰ ἀρχαῖα παρῆλθεν, ἰδοὺ γέγονε τὰ πάντα καινά.» Τὸ δὲ σημεῖον τοῦ τιμίου σταυροῦ οὔτε προσκυνοῦσιν οὔτε σέβονται, οὔτε θείαν δύναμιν λέγουσιν ἔχειν, εἰ μὴ πρότερον βαπτίσωσιν αὐτὸν ὡς ἄνθρωπον, καὶ πήξωσιν ἧλον ἐν μέσῳ αὐτοῦ. Πρὸ γὰρ τοῦ βαπτίσαι αὐτὸν, καὶ καταπατοῦσι καὶ ἀντ' οὐδενὸς ἡγοῦνται. Περὶ δὲ τῶν ἁγίων καὶ σεπτῶν εἰκόνων τοιαύτην ἔχουσι διάθεσιν, ὅτι [f. inser. ὡς] τὰ εἴδωλα τῶν ἐθνῶν «στόμα ἔχουσι καὶ οὐ λαλήσουσι, ὦτα ἔχουσι καὶ οὐκ ἀκούσονται,» καὶ τὰ ἑξῆς· μὴ συνιέντες τῆς θείας Γραφῆς· ἀθετοῦντες ἐκεῖνον αὐτὸν τὸν Σωτῆρα καὶ ἀληθινὸν Θεὸν ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν καὶ δημιουργὸν τῶν ἁπάντων, ὅστις διὰ τοῦ ἁγίου (a) μανδυλίου τὴν ἰδίαν εἰκόνα τῷ Ἀβγάρῳ ἀπέστειλε, καὶ τὸ νόσημα αὐτοῦ ἰάσατο. Ἀθετοῦσι δὲ καὶ τὸν θεοφόρον Πατέρα ἡμῶν Βασίλειον, ὅστις λέγει ὅτι· «Ἡ τιμὴ τῆς εἰκόνος ἐπὶ τὸ πρωτότυπον διαβαίνει.» Ἀλλὰ καὶ τρεῖς σταυροὺς ποιοῦσι, καὶ τὴν ἁγίαν Τριάδα ὀνομάζουσιν· ὅτι εἷς τῆς Τριάδος ἐσταυρώθη, καὶ συνεσταύρωται ἅμα καὶ ἡ ἁγία Τριάς· μὴ συνιέντες τὴν διαφορὰν τῶν ὑποστάσεων, μηδὲ τὴν θείαν καὶ ἀκατάληπτον φύσιν τῆς θεότητος ἀπαθῆ διατηροῦντες· ἀλλ' εἰς βυθὸν ἀπωλείας ἑαυτοὺς ὠθοῦντες διὰ τῆς ἀγνωσίας. Ἀναγινώσκουσι δὲ καὶ καθ' ἑκάστην ἡμέραν τοῦ ἁγίου καὶ θεοφόρου Πατρὸς ἡμῶν τὰς βίβλους, τὸ πῶς λεπτομερῶς σαφηνίζει τὰς αἱρέσεις, καὶ μίαν ἑκάστην ἰδίᾳ καὶ χωρὶς ἀναθεματίζει· καὶ αὐτὰς μὲν τὰς αἱρέσεις ἀναθεματίζουσι, τὰς δὲ παραδόσεις αὐτῶν καὶ τὰς αἱρέσεις κατέχουσι καὶ σέβονται καὶ πράττουσι.

… of the Jews and the tradition of the worship under the Law, not understanding the divine Gospels, nor the Apostle when he says: "The old things are passed away; behold, all things are become new." The sign of the precious cross they neither venerate nor honour, nor do they say it has divine power, unless they have first baptized it as a man, and fixed a nail in the middle of it. For before they baptize it, they both trample on it and count it as nothing. Concerning the holy and venerable images they hold this disposition: that [perhaps insert "like"] the idols of the nations "they have a mouth and shall not speak, they have ears and shall not hear", and so on; not understanding the divine Scripture; setting at nought that very Saviour and our true God Jesus Christ, the maker of all things, who by means of the holy (a) mandylion sent His own image to Abgar and healed his sickness. They set at nought also our God-bearing Father Basil, who says: "The honour of the image passes over to the prototype." Moreover they make three crosses, and name them the holy Trinity; because One of the Trinity was crucified, and the holy Trinity has been crucified together at the same time; not understanding the difference of the hypostases, nor keeping the divine and incomprehensible nature of the Godhead impassible, but thrusting themselves through their ignorance into the abyss of perdition. They read, too, every day the books of our holy and God-bearing Father, how minutely he makes the heresies plain, and anathematizes each one separately and apart; and the heresies themselves they anathematize, but their own traditions and heresies they hold fast, honour and practise.

venerandae crucis nec adorant nec colunt, nec quidquam divinae virtutis habere profitentur, nisi prius tanquam hominem baptizaverint, in medioque illius fixerint clavum. Ante enim quam crucem baptizaverint, conculcant eam et pro nihilo ducunt. De sacris vero et venerabilibus imaginibus hanc habent rationem et sententiam, quod sicut gentium simulacra, «Os habent et non loquentur, aures habent et non audient (Psal. CXIII);» et quae sequuntur: non intelligentes sacram Scripturam: rejicientes ipsum quoque Salvatorem verumque Deum nostrum Jesum Christum, cunctorum opificem, qui in sacro mantili imaginem suam ad Abgarum misit, ejusque morbum sanavit. Aspernantur etiam Deo plenum Patrem nostrum Basilium, qui ait (b): «Honor imaginis ad primum exemplar transit.» Sed et tres cruces faciunt, et sanctam Trinitatem appellant; quod unus Trinitatis crucifixus sit, unaque simul crucifixa fuerit sancta Trinitas: ignorantes personarum differentiam, nec divinam incomprehensibilemque deitatis naturam servantes illaesam; sed ipsos se per ignorantiam in profundum perditionis impellentes. Denique legunt quotidie sancti Deiferique Patris nostri libros, quo modo minutatim haereses manifestet, necnon unamquamque peculiariter et seorsum subdat anathemati: et ipsas quidem haereses anathematizant, suas autem traditiones ac haereses retinent, colunt, agunt.

… of the venerable cross they neither adore nor honour, nor do they profess that it has any divine power, unless they have first baptized it like a man and fixed a nail in the middle of it. For before they have baptized the cross, they trample on it and hold it for nothing. Of the sacred and venerable images they hold this account and opinion: that, like the idols of the nations, "They have a mouth and shall not speak, they have ears and shall not hear" (Ps. 113 [115:5–6]), and what follows; not understanding the sacred Scripture; rejecting even the Saviour Himself and our true God Jesus Christ, the maker of all, who sent His image to Abgar on the sacred cloth and healed his disease. They spurn also our Father Basil, full of God, who says (b): "The honour of the image passes to the first exemplar." And they also make three crosses and call them the holy Trinity; because One of the Trinity was crucified, and the holy Trinity was crucified all together; not knowing the difference of the Persons, nor keeping unharmed the divine and incomprehensible nature of the Godhead, but driving themselves through ignorance into the depth of perdition. Finally, they read daily the books of our holy and God-bearing Father, how he exposes the heresies in detail, and subjects each one individually and separately to anathema; and the heresies themselves they anathematize, but their own traditions and heresies they retain, honour and practise.

(c) Nestorianos et Eutychianistas oportet facere libellos, et suam haeresim anathematizare cum Nestorio, Eutyche, Dioscoro, eademque sentientibus, et cum omnibus allatis haeresibus; atque sanctae communionis fieri participes. Eunomianos quidem, qui per unam immersionem baptismum suscipiunt, et Montanistas Phrygas dictos, et Manichaeos, ac Sabellianos; nam Patris et Filii personam docentes, et alia quaedam perniciosa facientes, cunctasque hujusmodi haereses; videlicet eos, qui ab illis volunt se adjungere veritati, velut gentiles recipimus, illosque baptizamus. COT.

(c) Nestorians and Eutychianists must make written professions, and anathematize their heresy together with Nestorius, Eutyches, Dioscorus and those who think the same, and with all the heresies brought forward; and so become partakers of the holy communion. The Eunomians, however, who receive baptism by a single immersion, and the Montanists called Phrygians, and the Manichaeans, and the Sabellians — for they teach one person of Father and Son, and do certain other pernicious things — and all heresies of this kind; that is, those of them who wish to join themselves to the truth, we receive as heathen, and we baptize them. COTELIER.

Νεστοριανοὺς καὶ Εὐτυχιανιστὰς χρὴ ποιεῖν λιβέλλους, καὶ ἀναθεματίζειν τὴν αὐτῶν αἵρεσιν, καὶ Νεστόριον, καὶ Εὐτυχέα, καὶ Διόσκορον, καὶ τοὺς φρονοῦντας τὰ αὐτὰ, καὶ πάσας τὰς προσαναφερομένας αἱρέσεις, καὶ μεταλαμβάνειν τῆς ἁγίας κοινωνίας. Εὐνομιανοὺς μὲν τοὺς εἰς μίαν κατάδυσιν βαπτιζομένους, καὶ Μοντανιστὰς τοὺς λεγομένους Φρύγας, καὶ Μανιχαίους, καὶ Σαβελλιανοὺς τοὺς Υἱοπατορίαν διδάσκοντας, καὶ ἕτερά τινα χαλεπὰ ποιοῦντας, καὶ πάσας τὰς τοιαύτας αἱρέσεις, ἤγουν τοὺς ὑπ' αὐτῶν ἐθέλοντας προστίθεσθαι τῇ ἀληθείᾳ, ὡς Ἕλληνας δεχόμεθα καὶ βαπτίζομεν αὐτούς.

Nestorians and Eutychianists must make written professions, and anathematize their heresy, and Nestorius, and Eutyches, and Dioscorus, and those who think the same, and all the heresies further brought forward, and so partake of the holy communion. The Eunomians, who are baptized with a single immersion, and the Montanists who are called Phrygians, and the Manichaeans, and the Sabellians who teach the Son-Fatherhood and do certain other grievous things, and all such heresies — that is, those of them who wish to be added to the truth — we receive as Greeks [heathen] and baptize them.

(69) Μηνὶ πρώτῳ, ὅς ἐστι Ξανθικός. Consilium (ait Constitutio) et insidiae Judaeorum, proditio et comprehensio Christi, ac reliqua quae consecuta sunt, contigerunt mense Aprili. Atqui ex fragmento Constitutionibus attributo, quod protulimus nota prima et generali ad hos libros, quodque legitur etiam in Adnotationibus collectaneis ad Clementem Alexandrinum, pag. 49, cruci affixus est Dominus Phamenot 29, hoc est Martii 25: resurrexit vero Pharmuthi 1, seu Martii 27. Non ergo idem est Constitutionis nostrae, et fragmenti illius parens. Constitutioni favetur a nonnullis apud Clementem Alexandrinum Strom. I, p. 340. Statur a fragmento in Chronico Alexandrino, in Nicephori Chronographia, et alibi. At observatores superiori capite adducti (ut caeterorum mittam opiniones) referunt cum pluribus crucifixionem ad Martii 23, id est Phamenoth 27, resurrectionem ad ejusdem Martii 25, Phamenoth 29, ascensionem ad 3 Maii, Pachon 8. Atque ita arbitrabantur qui ad Chronicum Alexandrinum et ad fragmentum notas marginales apposuerunt, Μαρτίου vel Μαρτίῳ κγʹ, Μαρτίου κεʹ, Μαΐου vel Μαΐῳ γʹ. Illae enim Aegyptiacis computationibus nequaquam respondent. ID.

(69) "In the first month, which is Xanthicus." The counsel and plots of the Jews (says the Constitution), the betrayal and arrest of Christ, and the rest that followed, took place in the month of April. Yet according to the fragment attributed to the Constitutions, which we brought forward in the first and general note to these books, and which is read also in the Collected Annotations on Clement of Alexandria, p. 49, the Lord was fixed to the cross on Phamenoth 29, that is, 25 March, and rose again on Pharmuthi 1, or 27 March. The author of our Constitution and of that fragment, therefore, is not the same. The Constitution is supported by some in Clement of Alexandria, Stromata I, p. 340. The fragment is followed in the Alexandrian Chronicle, in Nicephorus's Chronography, and elsewhere. But the observers cited in the preceding chapter (to pass over the opinions of the rest) refer, with a good many others, the crucifixion to 23 March, that is Phamenoth 27, the resurrection to the 25th of the same March, Phamenoth 29, and the ascension to 3 May, Pachon 8. And so thought those who added marginal notes to the Alexandrian Chronicle and to the fragment: "of March" or "on March 23", "of March 25", "of May" or "on May 3". For these in no way correspond to the Egyptian reckonings. THE SAME.

(70) Ὥρισαν τῷ. Ambo cod. Vind. ὡρίσαντο CL.

(70) "They determined to [the cross]". Both Vienna manuscripts: ὡρίσαντο. CLERICUS.

(71) Μέν. Omittitur haec particula in altero cod. ID.

(71) Μέν. This particle is omitted in the other manuscript. THE SAME.

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Scripture references (calls in the Latin, col 874) (printed under page 434)

(72) ‹ἡμᾶς παιδεῦσαι› · call in col 873

Ἡμᾶς παιδεῦσαι. Uterque ἡμῖν δεῖξαι. Cler.

Ἡμᾶς παιδεῦσαι ("to teach us"). Both read ἡμῖν δεῖξαι ("to show us"). Le Clerc.

(printed under page 434)

(73) ‹ἐνστερνισάμενος, αὐτὸν› · call in col 873

Ἐνστερνισάμενος αὐτόν. Uterque: Ἐπιπεσὼν τῷ στήθει αὐτοῦ. Quod videtur esse glossema. Id.

Ἐνστερνισάμενος αὐτόν ("leaning on his breast"). Both read Ἐπιπεσὼν τῷ στήθει αὐτοῦ ("falling on his breast"), which seems to be a gloss. The same (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 434)

(74) ‹οὐκ εἶπεν ὁ Κύριος› · call in col 873

Οὐκ εἶπεν ὁ Κύριος. Hoc est quod eleganter dicit Tertullianus in laudem patientiae Domini: Etiam proditorem suum secum habuit, nec constanter denotavit. Cot.

"The Lord did not say." This is what Tertullian says so finely in praise of the Lord's patience: "He kept even his betrayer with him, and did not resolutely point him out." Cotelier.

(printed under page 434)

(75) ‹ταῦτα ἀκούσας› · call in col 873

Καὶ ταῦτα ἀκούσας. Imo antequam dixisset Dominus: Vae homini illi, per quem Filius hominis tradetur, cum Judaeis pactus fuerat Judas. Id.

"And having heard these things." Rather, before the Lord had said, "Woe to that man by whom the Son of Man shall be betrayed", Judas had made his bargain with the Jews. The same (Cotelier).

(printed under page 434)

(76) ‹Καὶ ἔλαβον› · call in col 873

Καὶ ἔλαβον, etc. Haec omnia, usque ad κεραμέως, desunt in altero codice. Cler.

Καὶ ἔλαβον ("and they took"), etc. All this, as far as κεραμέως ("of the potter"), is missing in the other manuscript. Le Clerc.

(printed under page 434)

(77) ‹εἰς τὸν οἶκον› · call in col 873

Τὸν οἶκον. Melius in utroque cod. τὸν ἀγρόν. Id.

Τὸν οἶκον ("the house"). Better, in both manuscripts, τὸν ἀγρόν ("the field"). The same (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 434)

(78) ‹σώματος αὐτοῦ καὶ αἵματος› · call in col 873

Ἀντίτυπα μυστήρια τοῦ τιμίου σώματος αὐτοῦ καὶ αἵματος. Sacramenta corporis et sanguinis Domini. In Andreae Cretensis oratione De ramis palmarum: Ἐν ἀντιτύποις συμβόλοις. Et tomo II Operum S. Epiphanii, orat. In Christi resurrectionem: Τὰ μὴ παλαιούμενα τοῦ νέου Πάσχα ἀντὶ παλαιοῦ μυστήρια ἀντίτυπα. Minus ergo recte a Salmasio, libro De transsubstantiatione, p. 41, ἀντίτυπα μυστήρια indictum esse putatur et ineptum, atque hoc loco ex glossa vel ex interpolatione profectum. Cot. Ἀντίτυπα μυστήρια. Sic dicuntur panis et vinum, quae, mystica ratione, corpus ejus et sanguinem referebant. Cler.

"The antitype mysteries of his precious body and blood": the sacraments of the Lord's body and blood. In Andrew of Crete's oration On the Palm Branches: "in antitype symbols". And in vol. 2 of the works of St Epiphanius, the oration On Christ's Resurrection: "the mysteries of the new Pasch that do not grow old, antitypes in place of the old". Salmasius, then, in his book On Transubstantiation, p. 41, is wrong to think ἀντίτυπα μυστήρια ("antitype mysteries") an unheard-of and inept phrase, and here the product of a gloss or an interpolation. Cotelier. Ἀντίτυπα μυστήρια: so the bread and wine are called, which in a mystical way represented his body and blood. Le Clerc.

(printed under page 434)

(79) ‹μὴ συμπαρόντος ἡμῖν› · call in col 873

Ἰούδα μὴ συμπαρόντος ἡμῖν. Non est hujus loci expendere duas celebres contrariasque sententias, cum veterum, tum recentiorum, circa quaestionem, adfueritne Judas, vel abfuerit, quando eucharistia instituta fuit. Videantur sacrorum eloquiorum interpretes. Cot.

"Judas not being present with us." This is not the place to weigh the two well-known and opposed opinions, of ancients and moderns alike, on the question whether Judas was present or absent when the Eucharist was instituted. Let the interpreters of the sacred oracles be consulted. Cotelier.

(printed under page 434)

(80) ‹πολὺ› · call in col 873

Πολύ. Uterque codex οὐ πολύ, hoc est non diu. Cler.

Πολύ ("much"). Both manuscripts read οὐ πολύ, that is, "not for long". Le Clerc.

(printed under page 434)

(81) ‹μὴ ἐμὸν› · call in col 873

Ἐμόν. In altero τὸ ἐμόν, quod melius convenit cum τὸ σόν quod sequitur. Id.

Ἐμόν ("my"). In the other, τὸ ἐμόν, which agrees better with the τὸ σόν that follows. The same (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 434)

(83) ‹eum tradam› · call in col 874

Matth. XXVI, 15.

Matthew 26:15.

(printed under page 434)

(84) ‹in domum figuli› · call in col 874

Matth. XXVII, 9.

Matthew 27:9.

(printed under page 434)

(85) ‹solum relinquatis› · call in col 874

Joan. XVI, 32; Matth. XXVI, 31.

John 16:32; Matthew 26:31.

(printed under page 434)

(86) ‹tibi notum esse› · call in col 874

Luc. XXII, 34.

Luke 22:34.

(printed under page 434)

(87) ‹erat hortus› · call in col 874

Joan. XVIII, 1.

John 18:1.

(printed under page 434)

(88) ‹hymnum diximus› · call in col 874

Matth. XXVI, 30.

Matthew 26:30.

(printed under page 434)

(89) ‹sed tua› · call in col 874

Luc. XXII, 42.

Luke 22:42.

(printed under page 434)

(90) ‹in somnum decidissemus› · call in col 874

Matth. XXVI, 43, 44; Luc. XXII, 45.

Matthew 26:43–44; Luke 22:45.

(printed under page 434) VARIORUM NOTAE (calls printed in the Greek, col 873; the Latin col 874 carries no call for them) (printed under page 434)

Scripture references (calls in the Latin, col 875) (printed under page 435)

(91) ‹in manus peccatorum› · call in col 875

Matth. XXVI, 45.

Matthew 26:45.

(printed under page 435)

(92) ‹tauri illi et canes› · call in col 875

Psal. XXI, 13, 17.

Psalm 21 (Vulgate numbering):13, 17.

(printed under page 435)

(93) (94) ‹adversus eum invenio› · call in col 875

Luc. XXIII, 14; Joan. XVIII, 38.

Luke 23:14; John 18:38.

(printed under page 435)

(95) ‹Caesari dare prohibet› · call in col 875

Luc. XXIII, 2.

Luke 23:2.

(printed under page 435)

(96) ‹crucifige eum› · call in col 875

Ibid., 21.

Ibid., 21.

(printed under page 435)

(97) ‹iniquitas sibi› · call in col 875

Psal. XXVI, 12.

Psalm 26 (Vulgate numbering):12.

(printed under page 435) VARIORUM NOTAE (calls printed in the Greek, col 876; the Latin col 875 carries no call for them) (printed under page 435)

(82) ‹ὄχλος› · call in col 876

Ὄχλος. Alter addit πολύς multa turba. Cler.

Ὄχλος ("a crowd"). The other adds πολύς: "a great crowd". Le Clerc.

(printed under page 435)

(83) ‹δείκνυσι› · call in col 876

Δείκνυσι. Δοὺς τό, uterque codex, quod melius videtur: Signum proditionis dans osculum dolosum; hoc est, signum hoc dedit capiendi Christi, osculum quod ei libavit; quo conspecto comprehendendus erat. Id.

Δείκνυσι ("shows"). Both manuscripts read Δοὺς τό ("giving the"), which seems better: "giving the treacherous kiss as the sign of betrayal"; that is, he gave this sign for seizing Christ, the kiss he pressed on Him, at the sight of which He was to be arrested. The same (Le Clerc). [The word read "dolosum" looks like "aolosum" in the image; probably a damaged d.]

(printed under page 435)

(84) ‹δέσμιον ποιησάμενοι› · call in col 876

Ποιησάμενοι. Ambo codd. λαβόντες. Id.

Ποιησάμενοι ("having made"). Both manuscripts read λαβόντες ("having taken"). The same (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 435)

(85) ‹πολλὰ ποιησάμενοι› · call in col 876

Ποιησάμενοι. Uterque cod. τολμήσαντες. Id.

Ποιησάμενοι ("having made"). Both manuscripts read τολμήσαντες ("having dared"). The same (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 435)

(86) ‹ῥαπίζοντες› · call in col 876

Ῥαπίζοντες. Deest in altero cod. Pro sequente voce habet uterque λοιδορούμενοι, transitiva potestate. Id.

Ῥαπίζοντες ("striking with the palm"). Missing in the other manuscript. For the following word both have λοιδορούμενοι ("reviling"), with transitive force. The same (Le Clerc).

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(87) ‹πρὸς Ἄνναν› · call in col 876

Πρὸς Ἄνναν. A Joanne evangelista traditur, Christum primo ductum fuisse ad Annam, deinde ad Caipham. Male itaque hic ordo invertitur. Male in Chronico Alexandrino, p. 518, Pilatus mittit Dominum ad Herodem, Herodes ad Pilatum, Pilatus ad Annam, Annas ad Caipham. Cot.

Πρὸς Ἄνναν ("to Annas"). John the Evangelist reports that Christ was led first to Annas, then to Caiaphas. So the order is wrongly reversed here. Wrongly too, in the Alexandrian Chronicle, p. 518, Pilate sends the Lord to Herod, Herod to Pilate, Pilate to Annas, Annas to Caiaphas. Cotelier.

(printed under page 435)

(88) ‹καὶ βαρέα› · call in col 876

Καὶ βαρέα. Deest in altero cod. Cler.

Καὶ βαρέα ("and grave"). Missing in the other manuscript. Le Clerc.

(printed under page 435)

(89) ‹ἀπελέγξαι› · call in col 876

Ἀπελέγξαι. Cod. Vind. ἀποδεῖξαι. Id.

Ἀπελέγξαι ("to prove against him"). The Vienna manuscript reads ἀποδεῖξαι ("to demonstrate"). The same (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 435)

(90) ‹μάρτυρας δύο› · call in col 876

Μάρτυρας δύο. Hoc pertinet ad judicium Caiphae. Sed qui memoriter historias referunt, in circumstantiis saepenumero inveniuntur aberrare. Idque patribus non raro evenisse sciunt, qui evolverunt illorum scripta. Cot.

Μάρτυρας δύο ("two witnesses"). This belongs to the trial before Caiaphas. But those who tell stories from memory are often found to stray in the circumstances; and those who have read the Fathers' writings know that this happened to them not seldom. Cotelier.

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(91) ‹ψευδεῖς ἀγαγόντες› · call in col 876

Ἀγαγόντες. Duo cod. Vind. ἐγγύοντες.

Ἀγαγόντες ("having brought"). The two Vienna manuscripts read ἐγγύοντες ("pledging"). [No siglum printed.]

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(92) ‹εἰς καθοσίωσιν› · call in col 876

Καθοσίωσιν. Significationes nominis καθοσίωσις, verbi καθοσιόω, et derivatorum, plurimi hodie sciunt: suntque hac in parte doctiores Zonara et Balsamone. Nam in Codice canonum Ecclesiae Africanae, can. 45, concilii Carthaginensis iii, vocem ἀκαθοσίωτος, Latine indevotus, hoc est non addictus, Balsamon nequaquam intellexit, Zonaras vero non satis accurate interpretatus est per ἀπειθὴς καὶ ἀνένδοτος. Locus Zonarae p. 445 e duobus ms. Bibliothecae Regiae hoc modo supplendus est: ἐκεῖνος δὲ ἀκαθοσίωτος εὑρεθῇ· ἀντὶ τοῦ ἀπειθὴς καὶ ἀνένδοτος. Τί δεῖ ποιῆσαι; καὶ οὐχ οἰκεῖα μὲν ταῦτα τῇ σημασίᾳ τῆς λέξεως· ὁ δὲ νοῦς τῆς ἀκολουθίας τοῦ λόγου, τοιαύτην ἔννοιαν ἀπαιτεῖ· καὶ οὐχ ἀπροσφόρως ἐχρήσαντο τῇ λέξει, Λατῖνοι ὄντες οἱ ἐπίσκοποι ἐκεῖνοι, καὶ μὴ τὴν γλῶτταν ἔχοντες ἀκριβῶς ἑλληνίζουσαν. Is vero ἀκαθοσίωτος inventus fuerit, id est, difficilis, contumax, inexorabilis; quid est faciendum? Et haec quidem cum significatione dictionis non conveniunt: sed sententia seriesque orationis ejusmodi dictionem postulat: nec incommode usi sunt ea voce, cum Latini essent illi episcopi, in lingua Graeca minus exercitati. Cot.

Καθοσίωσιν ("treason"). Most people today know the meanings of the noun καθοσίωσις, the verb καθοσιόω and their derivatives, and in this respect are more learned than Zonaras and Balsamon. For in the Code of Canons of the African Church, canon 45, of the Third Council of Carthage, Balsamon did not understand at all the word ἀκαθοσίωτος — in Latin indevotus, that is, "not devoted" — and Zonaras rendered it none too accurately by "disobedient and unyielding". The passage of Zonaras, p. 445, is to be completed thus from two manuscripts of the Royal Library: "'But if he be found ἀκαθοσίωτος' — that is, disobedient and unyielding — 'what must be done?' These meanings do not properly belong to the sense of the word; but the drift of the passage requires such a sense; and those bishops, being Latins and not having a tongue that spoke exact Greek, used the word not unfittingly." That is: "If he be found ἀκαθοσίωτος — difficult, stubborn, inexorable — what is to be done? These things do not agree with the meaning of the word, but the sense and sequence of the passage call for such a word; and they used it not unsuitably, since those bishops were Latins, less practised in the Greek tongue." Cotelier.

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(93) ‹ὅ, τι γέγραπται› · call in col 876

Ὅ, τι γέγραπται. Alter codex: τὸ γεγραμμένον. Cler.

Ὅ, τι γέγραπται ("what is written"). The other manuscript: τὸ γεγραμμένον ("the thing written"). Le Clerc.

(printed under page 435)

Scripture references (calls in the Latin, col 878) (printed under page 436)

(94) ‹κληρονομία μου› · call in col 877

Μοῦ. Deest in altero cod. estque revera supervacuum. Cler.

Μοῦ ("my"). Missing in the other manuscript, and it is in fact superfluous. Le Clerc.

(printed under page 436)

(95) ‹ἐξελέγχει κακίας› · call in col 877

Κακίας. Deest in altero cod. Id.

Κακίας ("of wickedness"). Missing in the other manuscript. The same (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 436)

(96) ‹νόμους τιθεμένων› · call in col 877

Τιθεμένων. In cod. Vindob. θεμένων in conjug. media, quae hic elegantior est. Vide Lud. Kusteri dissert. de verbo medio. Id.

Τιθεμένων ("setting"). The Vienna manuscript has θεμένων, in the middle voice, which is more elegant here. See Ludolf Küster's dissertation On the Middle Verb. The same (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 436)

(97) ‹τὴν περὶ αὐτοῦ› · call in col 877

Τρίτῃ δὲ ὥρᾳ τὴν ἀπόφασιν δεξάμενοι τὴν περὶ αὐτοῦ. Hallucinatur vir doctissimus Jacobus Usserius, dum cap. 11 dissertationis de scriptis S. Ignatii, etc., non dubitandum censet quin Constitutor legerit in Joannis Evangelio cap. xix, 14: Ὥρα ὡσεὶ τρίτη. Quid enim, si ex eorum numero fuit, qui, teste Theophylacto, cum legerent sicut nunc, Marc. XV, 25, ἦν δὲ ὥρα τρίτη, et Joan. XIX, 14, ὥρα δὲ ὡσεὶ ἕκτη, Marcum exponebant de hora latae adversus Christum sententiae, Joannem vero de crucifixionis tempore? Quae quidem explicatio probatur Theophani Cerameo homil. 27. Hesychius presbyter Hierosolymitanus a R. P. Francisco Combefisio editus tom. I Auctarii novi, p. 773: Τίνος ἕνεκεν, ὁ μὲν Μάρκος, τρίτην ὥραν λέγει τὸν Χριστὸν σταυρωθῆναι· ὁ δὲ Ἰωάννης, ἕκτην; Μάρκος μὲν τὴν ὥραν τῆς ἀποφάσεως τοῦ σταυροῦ, σαφῶς καὶ ἀναμφιβόλως ἐκτίθεται· ἐπεὶ οὖν σταυρῶσαι καὶ τιμωρήσασθαι ἔκτοτε οἱ δικασταὶ λέγονται, ἀφ' οὗ τὴν ἀπόφασιν ἐξενέγκωσιν, etc. Ita supplendum ex Theophylacto, atque ex codice Regio 255, ex quo quibusdam interjectis, post πλέξαντες στέφανον ἐξ ἀκανθῶν, scribere oportet ἐπέθηκαν αὐτοῦ τῇ κεφαλῇ, καὶ ἱμάτιον πορφυροῦν περιέβαλον αὐτῷ: et infra, ὅτε καὶ παρέδωκεν, quod etiam habet Theophylactus. Loca compone: intelliges praeterea in Theophylacto restitui debere Ἰωάννης δέ, et ἐνύττετο. Cot.

"And at the third hour, having received the sentence concerning him." The most learned James Ussher is mistaken when, in ch. 11 of his dissertation on the writings of St Ignatius, he holds it beyond doubt that the Compiler read in John's Gospel 19:14: "It was about the third hour." For what if he was one of those who, as Theophylact attests, reading as we now do in Mark 15:25, "It was the third hour", and in John 19:14, "It was about the sixth hour", explained Mark of the hour when sentence was passed against Christ, and John of the time of the crucifixion? This explanation is approved by Theophanes Cerameus, Homily 27. Hesychius, presbyter of Jerusalem, edited by the Rev. Fr François Combefis in vol. 1 of the Auctarium novum, p. 773: "Why does Mark say that Christ was crucified at the third hour, and John at the sixth? Mark plainly and unambiguously sets out the hour of the sentence of the cross; since judges are said to crucify and punish from the moment they pronounce the sentence", and so on. So it is to be completed from Theophylact, and from the Royal manuscript 255, from which, after some intervening words, following "having plaited a crown of thorns" one should write "they put it on his head, and threw a purple robe about him"; and further on, "when he also handed him over", which Theophylact also has. Compare the passages: you will see besides that in Theophylact Ἰωάννης δέ ("but John") and ἐνύττετο ("he was pierced") should be restored. Cotelier.

(printed under page 436)

(98) ‹κλήρῳ› · call in col 877

Κλήρῳ. Omissum in altero codice perperam. Cler.

Κλήρῳ ("by lot"). Wrongly omitted in the other manuscript. Le Clerc.

(printed under page 436)

(99) ‹οὐχ ἡμέρα› · call in col 877

Καὶ οὐχ ἡμέρα. Ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ οὐκ ἔσται φῶς· καὶ ψύχος καὶ πάγος ἔσται μίαν ἡμέραν. Sic habent ambo codd. Vindob. Id.

Καὶ οὐχ ἡμέρα ("and not day"). "On that day there will be no light, and there will be cold and frost for one day." So both Vienna manuscripts read. The same (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 436)

(100) ‹Ἅπερ ἅπαντα› · call in col 877

Ἅπερ ἅπαντα et seq. ad vocem ἀγαθῶν. Desunt in altero cod. Id.

From Ἅπερ ἅπαντα ("all of which") and what follows, as far as the word ἀγαθῶν. Missing in the other manuscript. The same (Le Clerc).

(printed under page 436)

(1) ‹μετ' ὀλίγον› · call in col 877

Καὶ μετ' ὀλίγον, etc. Frustra hic quoque labantem pseudo-Clementis memoriam fulcire conatus est Turrianus. Cot.

"And a little after", etc. Here too Turrianus tried in vain to prop up the faltering memory of pseudo-Clement. Cotelier.

(printed under page 436)

(2) ‹οἴδασι τί› · call in col 877

Τί. Est ὅ in altero cod. Vind. Cl.

Τί ("what"). The other Vienna manuscript has ὅ. Le Clerc.

(printed under page 436)

(98) ‹obsedit me› · call in col 878

Psal. XXI, 17.

Psalm 21 (Vulgate numbering):17.

(printed under page 436)

(99) ‹vocem suam› · call in col 878

Jer. XII, 8.

Jeremiah 12:8.

(printed under page 436)

(100) ‹prolatam accepissent› · call in col 878

l. Ignat. interpol. ad Trall. 9.

See the interpolated Ignatius, To the Trallians 9.

(printed under page 436)

(1) ‹potaverunt me aceto› · call in col 878

Psal. LXVIII, 22.

Psalm 68 (Vulgate numbering):22.

(printed under page 436)

(2) ‹miserunt sortem› · call in col 878

Psal. XXI, 19.

Psalm 21 (Vulgate numbering):19.

(printed under page 436)

(3) ‹reputatus sum› · call in col 878

Isa. LIII, 12.

Isaiah 53:12.

(printed under page 436)

(4) ‹erit lux› · call in col 878

Zach. XIV, 7.

Zechariah 14:7.

(printed under page 436)

(5) ‹dereliquisti me› · call in col 878

Matth. XXVII, 46.

Matthew 27:46.

(printed under page 436)

(6) ‹anchor: faciunt› · call in col 879

Luc. XXIII, 34.

Luke 23:34.

(printed under page 437) (6*) ‹anchor: spiritum meum› · call in col 879 Ibid., 46.

Ibid., verse 46.

(printed under page 437)

(7) ‹anchor: exspiravit. Ac sepelitur› · call in col 879

l. Ignat interpol. ad Trall. 9.

See the interpolated Ignatius, To the Trallians 9.

(printed under page 437)

(8) ‹anchor: tres noctes› · call in col 879

Matth. XII, 40.

Matthew 12:40.

(printed under page 437)

(9) ‹anchor: Mariae Jacobi› · call in col 879

Matth. XXVIII, 9.

Matthew 28:9.

(printed under page 437)

(10) ‹anchor: Cleophae in via› · call in col 879

Luc. XXIV, 18.

Luke 24:18.

(printed under page 437)

(11) ‹anchor: discipulis suis› · call in col 879

Marc. XVI, 14.

Mark 16:14.

(printed under page 437)

(12) ‹anchor: Christus ergo praecepit› · call in col 879

Citat. Anastasius, quaest. 64 l. s. c. 13; l. Epiph., haer. 70, n. 11.

Cited by Anastasius, Question 64 [of the book cited above, chapter 13]; see Epiphanius, Heresy 70, no. 11.

(printed under page 437)

(13) ‹anchor: tempus quo visitabantur› · call in col 879

Luc. XIX, 44.

Luke 19:44.

(printed under page 437)

(14) ‹anchor: In quarta vero› · call in col 879

Lege cap. 32, et lib. vii, cap. 23; Epiph., haer. 75, n. 6; Nicetam Pectoratum, in Latinos.

Read chapter 32, and Book VII, chapter 23; Epiphanius, Heresy 75, no. 6; Nicetas Pectoratus, Against the Latins.

(printed under page 437)

(3) ‹anchor: Τετράδα δὲ καὶ παρασκευὴν› · call in col 880

Τετράδα δὲ καὶ παρασκευήν. Et cap. ult. et lib. vii, cap. 23, et can. apost. 61, et in pseudo-Ign. ad Phil. 13. Jejunium quartae et sextae feriae, aut dierum Mercurii et Veneris, necnon rationem illius jejunii, crudele, videlicet, consilium decretumque Judaeorum cum traditione Judae, ac necem Christi, passim reperire est apud veteres, tam Graecos quam Latinos. Adversatur quippe ut veritati, ita etiam caeterorum sententiae Epiphanii opinio, qui refert jejunium τῆς τετράδος ad comprehensionem Domini, quae contigerit inter tertiam quartamque feriam, haeres. 51, n. 26, et Exposit. fid., n. 22. Alio respexit Clemens Alexandrinus Stromat. vii, p. 744, ad abstinentiam ab avaritia et libidine, rebus Mercurii et Veneris: ingeniose profecto. Haec clara. Obscuritatis nonnihil prima fronte habere videbitur locus Philostorgianus, lib. x, sect. 12: Ὅτι τὴν τετράδος καὶ παρασκευῆς τὴν νηστείαν, ὁ Φιλοστόργιός φησιν οὐκ ἐν μόνῃ τῶν κρεῶν ἀποχῇ περιορίζεσθαι, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ μηδὲ τροφῆς ὅλως ἅπτεσθαι μέχρις τῆς ἑσπέρας, κανονίζεσθαι. Λέγει γὰρ περί τινος Εὐδοξίου συναιρεσιώτου μὲν, πρεσβυτέρου δὲ τὴν τάξιν, ἐψιλωμένου δὲ τῶν διῶν ἡ διαδοχὴ (in marg. τῶν ἰδιῶν, τῇ διαδοχῇ) τοῦ γένους· τοιάδε· νηστατικός τε (f. νηστευτικός τε) οὗτος ἦν, ὡς καὶ παρ' ὅλον μὲν τὸν χρόνον, μὴ μόνον τὰς κατὰ διάταξιν τὴν μνήμην τοῦ Κυριακοῦ πάθους φερούσας... sic ab interprete conversus: Ait Philostorgius: Quartae feriae et Parasceves jejunium, non in sola carnium abstinentia consistere; verum canonibus definiri: Ne omnino alimenti quidquam ad vesperam usque sumatur. Narrat vero de Eudoxio quodam cohaeretico (qui gradu presbyter erat, macilentus vero maxime successione generis) adeo jejunatorem eum fuisse, ut toto tempore, non modo per dies juxta praeceptum memoriam Dominicae passionis praeferentes... Sed his e tenebris nullo negotio emerges, si διῶν diviseris in δι' ὧν, tunc enim nativus sensus elucescet; Eudoxium caruisse iis partibus, per quas constat generis successio; uno verbo, fuisse eunuchum. Cot.

"The fourth day and the Preparation." So also the last chapter, and Book VII, chapter 23, and Apostolic Canon 61, and in the pseudo-Ignatius To the Philippians 13. The fast of the fourth and sixth weekdays, or of the days of Mercury and Venus, and also the reason for that fast — namely the cruel plan and decree of the Jews, with the betrayal by Judas, and the death of Christ — is to be found everywhere among the ancients, Greeks and Latins alike. Against the truth, and also against the view of the rest, stands the opinion of Epiphanius, who refers the fast of the fourth day to the Lord's arrest, which happened between the third and fourth weekdays (Heresy 51, no. 26, and Exposition of the Faith, no. 22). Clement of Alexandria (Stromata VII, p. 744) looked elsewhere: to abstinence from avarice and lust, the affairs of Mercury and Venus — ingenious indeed. So much is clear. At first sight a passage of Philostorgius, Book X, section 12, will seem to have some obscurity: "Philostorgius says that the fast of the fourth day and the Preparation is not limited to abstaining from meat alone, but is also ruled to mean not touching food at all until evening. For he says of one Eudoxius, of the same heresy, a presbyter by rank, but stripped of [the parts] τῶν διῶν by which comes the succession (in the margin: τῶν ἰδιῶν, τῇ διαδοχῇ) of the race, something like this: he was so given to fasting (perhaps read νηστευτικός) that through the whole time, not only on the days that by ordinance bear the memory of the Lord's passion..." — rendered by the translator thus: "Philostorgius says that the fast of the fourth weekday and of the Preparation does not consist only in abstaining from meat, but is defined by the canons: that no food at all be taken until evening. He tells of one Eudoxius, of the same heresy (who was a presbyter by rank, but extremely lean by succession of race), that he was such a faster that through the whole time, not only on the days which by precept bear the memory of the Lord's passion..." But you will come out of this darkness with no trouble if you divide διῶν into δι' ὧν, for then the natural sense will shine out: that Eudoxius lacked those parts by which the succession of a race is secured; in a word, that he was a eunuch. Cot[elier].

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(4) ‹anchor: ἀλέκτορος φωνήσαντος› · call in col 880

Ἀλέκτορος φωνήσαντος. Solvebant alii jejunium paschale ad Sabbati sancti vesperam; alii circa mediam noctem consequentem; caeteri post, illucescente Dominica. Idque vel tardius, vel citius. Quemadmodum docemur per epistolam Dionysii Alexandrini ad Basilidem, et per Eusebium Pamphili in Catena Graecorum Patrum ad Joan. cap. xx, 1 (nam ibi quoque liber Regius 247 habet ἀπονηστίζεσθαι, non ἑορτάζειν), ac in tom. I Auctarii Bibl. PP. Combefisiani, p. 781. Sententia autem hoc in loco Clementino posita, multorum est: Romanae Ecclesiae apud laudatum Dionysium, Epiphanii haeres. 75, n. 6, et Expos. fid. n. 22; Cassiani collat. 21, cap. 25, atque Gregorii Nysseni sive Hesychii Hierosolymitani in Dominicam resurrectionem. Initium epistolae Alexandrini Dionysii proferam, quo modo in ms. non paucis jacet: Ἐπέστειλάς μοι, πιστότατε καὶ λογιώτατε υἱέ μου, πυνθανόμενος καθ' ἣν ὥραν ἀπονηστίζεσθαι δεῖ τῇ τοῦ πάσχα περιλύσει. Vulgo τὴν τοῦ πάσχα ἡμέραν. Est περίλυσις τοῦ πάσχα, solutio paschalis jejunii. Τὰς τῶν ἀσιτιῶν ἐπιλύσεις appellat Eusebius Hist. lib. v, cap. 23, frequentiaque in hunc sensum apud Graecos verba περιλύειν, ἀπολύειν, ἐπιλύειν, καταλύειν Nescio porro an omittere debuerim morem a Theodoro Balsamone in interpretatione canonis 89 Trullani memoratum, eorum qui toto Sabbato et usque ad horam sextam noctis permanebant in ecclesia; et hora sexta divinis sacramentis communicantes, gustabant panem et aquam, forsanque et modicum vini; septima vero hora matutinas psalmodias audientes, quando alta voce pronuntiatur, Christus resurrexit, domum revertebantur, ubi magni Dominici sacrum exspectarent. Vide Typicum, cap. 45. Id.

"When the cock has crowed." Some broke the paschal fast at the evening of Holy Saturday; others around the following midnight; the rest afterwards, as the Lord's day dawned — and that either later or sooner. So we are taught by the letter of Dionysius of Alexandria to Basilides, and by Eusebius Pamphili in the Catena of the Greek Fathers on John 20:1 (for there too the Royal manuscript 247 has ἀπονηστίζεσθαι, "to break the fast", not ἑορτάζειν, "to keep the feast"), and in volume I of Combefis's Auctarium of the Bibliotheca Patrum, p. 781. The view set down in this passage of Clement is that of many: of the Roman Church in the Dionysius just cited, of Epiphanius, Heresy 75, no. 6, and Exposition of the Faith, no. 22; of Cassian, Conference 21, chapter 25; and of Gregory of Nyssa or Hesychius of Jerusalem, On the Lord's Resurrection. I will give the opening of the letter of Dionysius of Alexandria as it lies in not a few manuscripts: "You wrote to me, most faithful and most learned son, asking at what hour one must break the fast at the release of the Pascha." The common text has "the day of the Pascha". The περίλυσις of the Pascha is the breaking of the paschal fast. Eusebius, History V, 23, calls them "the releases of the fasts", and the verbs περιλύειν, ἀπολύειν, ἐπιλύειν, καταλύειν are frequent among the Greeks in this sense. I do not know, further, whether I ought to omit the custom recorded by Theodore Balsamon in his interpretation of canon 89 of the Trullan council: of those who stayed in church the whole of Saturday until the sixth hour of the night, and at the sixth hour, after communicating in the divine sacraments, tasted bread and water and perhaps a little wine; then at the seventh hour, after hearing the morning psalmody, when "Christ is risen" is proclaimed aloud, went home, there to await the solemn liturgy of the great Lord's day. See the Typicon, chapter 45. The same [Cotelier].

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Ignat. interpol. ad Trall. 9, ad Magn. 9; Pseudo-Ignat. ad Philipp. 13. Infra cap. 18.

Interpolated Ignatius, To the Trallians 9, To the Magnesians 9; Pseudo-Ignatius, To the Philippians 13. Below, ch. 18.

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(5) ‹anchor: ἐκεῖνο μόνον χρὴ νηστεύειν› · call in col 881

Ἐκεῖνο μόνον χρὴ νηστεύειν. Nullum mihi tempus, nulla lectori patientia sufficeret, si quae ad jejunium Sabbati spectant pleraque omnia, hic appositum irem. Itaque pro more pauca duntaxat subjiciam, de quibusdam hac in re auctorum ecclesiasticorum locis depravatis, quo modo partim ope mss., partim ex conjectura vindicari queant a librariorum corruptelis, et ad primam veramque lectionem reduci. Primo, Anastasii verba, Quaestione 64, p. 424, sic se habent in ms. Regio quantivis pretii: Ὡς καί τινες πάλιν νηστεύουσι Τεσσαρακοστὴν ἐν Σαββάτῳ καὶ Κυριακῇ, κατὰ τὸ δόγμα τῶν λεγομένων Εὐσταθιανῶν, καὶ Μαρκιανιστῶν, καὶ Λαμπετιανῶν, καὶ Μασσαλιανῶν, τῶν ἐν Παφλαγονίᾳ ποτὲ ἀναφανέντων. Ediderunt Μαρκιωνιστῶν, Marcionistarum. Sed Μαρκιανιστῶν tuetur Maximus ad caput 6 libri De ecclesiastica hierarchia: Σημείωσαι, inquit, κατὰ Λαμπετιανῶν, ἤτοι Μεσσαλιανῶν, ἢ Ἀδελφιανῶν, ταὐτὸν δὲ εἰπεῖν Μαρκιανιστῶν. Item Timotheus presbyter CP. De iis qui ad fidem catholicam accedunt, variis verbis, prout ille tractatus diverse exstat. Nam tomo VI Bibliothecae Patrum, et apud Balsamonem legitur: Marcianistae qui a Marciano Trapezita, Messaliani, qui etiam Euchitae, et Enthusiastae, et Choreutae, Lampetiani, Adelphiani, et Eustathiani. Quae Graece continet Pandectes ms. Niconis monachi sermone seu capite 63, et ultimo: Μαρκιανισταὶ, οἱ ἀπὸ Μαρκιανοῦ τοῦ τραπεζίτου, καὶ Μεσσαλιανοὶ, καὶ Εὐτυχῖται (malim Εὐχῖται) καὶ Ἐνθουσιασταὶ, καὶ Χορευταὶ, καὶ Λαμπετιανοὶ, καὶ Ἀδελφιανοὶ, καὶ Εὐσταθιανοί. In Apparatu sacro Possevini: Marcianistae, et Messaliani, et Euchitae, et Enthusiastae, et Adelphiani, et Eustathiani, sic vocati sunt, quia haeresis eorum fuit multiplicis nominis: vocati autem sunt Marcianistae a Marciano trapezita, qui fuit tempore Justiniani, et Justini junioris. Scripsit contra haeresim hanc multi nominis Cyrillus Alex., Flavianus et Theodotus episcopi Ant., Letoius Melitenes episcopus. Exemplari autem Regio 2336: Μαρκιανισταὶ, καὶ Μεσσαλιανοὶ, καὶ Εὐτυχῖται, (melius Εὐχῖται), καὶ Ἐνθουσιασταὶ, καὶ Χορευταὶ, καὶ Λαμπετιανοὶ, καὶ Ἀδελφιανοὶ, καὶ Εὐσταθιανοί· οὕτως προσαγορευόμενοι, διὰ τὸ πολυώνυμον εἶναι τὴν αἵρεσιν. Ἐκλήθησαν δὲ Μαρκιανισταὶ, ὡς ἀπὸ Μαρκιανοῦ τοῦ τραπεζίτου, τοῦ ἐν χρόνοις γενομένου Ἰουστινιανοῦ, καὶ Ἰουστίνου τοῦ νέου. Ἠγωνίσατο δὲ ἐγγράφως κατὰ τῆς πολυωνύμου ταύτης αἱρέσεως, Κύριλλος ὁ τῆς Ἀλεξανδρείας ἀρχιεπίσκοπος, Φλαβιανὸς καὶ Θεόδοτος τῆς Ἀντιοχέων πρόεδροι, Λιτόϊος Μελιτηνῆς ἐπίσκοπος, Ἀμφιλόχιος Ἰκονίου ἐπίσκοπος· οἵτινες καὶ πεπραγμένα συνεστήσαντο κατὰ τῆς τοιαύτης πολυκεφάλου καὶ πολυωνύμου τῶν Μαρκιανιστῶν αἱρέσεως. Hoc est, Marcianistae, Messaliani, Euchitae, Enthusiastae, Choreutae, Lampetiani, Adelphiani, et Eustathiani; ita appellati, eo quod multa nomina habeat illa haeresis. Vocati autem fuerunt Marcianistae, a Marciano trapezita, qui vixit temporibus Justiniani, et Justini Junioris. Scriptis decertarunt adversus hanc multiplicis nominis haeresim Cyrillus Alexandriae archiepiscopus, Flavianus ac Theodotus Antiochenorum civitatis antistites, Letoius Melitenes et Amphilochius Iconii episcopi: qui et Acta confecerunt contra eam multicipitem atque multinominem Marcianistarum haeresim. Demum ex Nicephori patriarchae Antirrhetico primo haec profert vir doctissimus atque sedulus mss. codicum indagator Franciscus Combefisius tom. II Auctarii, p. 461: Ἐκ τῆς συγγραφῆς Τιμοθέου πρεσβυτέρου τῆς κατὰ Μαρκιανιστῶν (sic recte in Bibliotheca Regia, codex 781; At 134 et 195 Μαρκιωνιστῶν) ἤτοι Ἀκεφάλων, καθ' ὧν ἠγωνίσατο Κύριλλος Ἀλεξανδρείας, Φλαβιανὸς, καὶ Θεόδοτος Ἀντιοχείας, Λιτόϊος (Codex 195 Λητόϊος) Μελιτινῆς (mss. 195, 781. Μελιτηνῆς) καὶ Ἀμφιλόχιος Ἰκονίου· οἵτινες καὶ πεπραγμένα συνεστήσαντο κατὰ (lib. 195 τὰ κατὰ) τῆς τοιαύτης αἱρέσεως. Quae omnia eo etiam adduxi, quia postremis adducor, ut ejusdem tomi Combefisiani p. 305, in Joannis Nicaeni epistola, ubi cum Jacobitis, Julianitis, Gaianitis, ac Severianis conjunguntur Mariani, existimem Marcianos substituendos esse: et quia per praecedentia confirmatur scriptura codicum Regiorum in epistola synodica Sophronii Hierosolymitani ad Sergium Constantinopolitanum: Λαμπέτιος ὁ τῆς δυσωνύμου τῶν Μαρκιανιστῶν (non Μαρκιωνιστῶν) αἱρέσεως ἔξαρχος. Secundo, facile tolletur per quemlibet qui animum adverterit, leve mendum ex Humberti Sylvae Candidae (vel Friderici diaconi et cancellarii, si fides Wiberto in Vita Leonis IX, lib. II, cap. 9) Responsione ad Nicetam Pectoratum, cum disputatur pro jejunio Sabbatorum apud Latinos contra unius solummodo Sabbati jejunium Graecorum. Hinc videamus si non estis Sabbatiani, quos commemorant Patres sanctae quintae synodi. Nam quis nescit Sabbatianorum mentionem fieri in canone 7 synodi II, non autem in synodo V, notam vero numeri secundi duabus lineis certo modo distortis depictam, accedere proxime ad quinarii figuram? Scilicet Sabbatiani Latinis Graeci, et vicissim Graecis Latini: quemadmodum de ultimo fidem facit, praeter anonymum scriptorem libri Περὶ τῶν Φραγκῶν καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν Λατίνων ab eruditissimo Combefisio citatum jam memorati tomi, p. 429, Matthaeus Blastares in Nomocanone alphabetico litt. A, cap. 2: Σαββατιανοὶ δὲ, ὧν ἡγήσατο Σαββάτιός τις πρεσβύτερος, τῆς αἱρέσεως μὲν κἀκεῖνος ὢν τοῦ Ναυάτου, τῇ δὲ περὶ τὰ χείρω φιλοτιμίᾳ καὶ Ἰουδαϊκῶς σαββατίζειν ᾑρεῖτο, νηστείαν ἐν τούτῳ μετιὼν, καὶ τἄλλα παραπλησίως ἐκείνοις· καθὰ δὴ καὶ οἱ Λατῖνοι τανῦν. Sabbatiani autem. quibus praefuit Sabbatius quidam presbyter, ipse quoque ex haeresi Novati, quique libidine in deteriora, etiam Judaeorum modo sabbatizare voluit, ea die jejunare affectans, et alia instar eorum faciens: quemadmodum et nunc Latini. Tertio denique, σκάμμασι monstrum lectionis, in σάββασι mutari volo hocce in loco tractatus De haeresi Jacobitarum et Chatzitzariorum, tomi saepe dicti p. 268: Οἱ αὐτοὶ δὲ καὶ πρὸ τῆς ἀπόκρεω, ἐπί τινας ἡμέρας νηστεύοντες, ἐν τοῖς σκάμμασι καὶ ταῖς Κυριακαῖς τῆς ἁγίας Τεσσαρακοστῆς, γάλα καὶ τυρὸν καὶ ὠὸν ἐσθίουσιν. Res per se clara est. Atque ita liber Regis. Ecce tamen tibi locum geminum Nicephori Hist. eccl. lib. XVIII, cap. 53: Καὶ ἐν τοῖς Σάββασι καὶ ταῖς Κυριακαῖς τῆς ἁγίας μεγάλης Τεσσαρακοστῆς, γάλα καὶ τυρὸν καὶ ὠὰ ἐσθίουσι. Caeterum observasse mihi videor jocosam rem in Theodoro Balsamone ad canon. Trullanum 55. Homo Graecus rituum nostrorum imperitus, cum audiisset Latinos Sabbatis jejunare, διὰ τὴν εἰς τὸν ἅγιον τάφον τοῦ Κυρίου καὶ Σωτῆρος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ ἀπέλευσιν, hoc est, ex sensu dicentium, propterea quod eo die Dominus et Servator noster Jesus Christus in sepulcro fuerit; putavit jejunii rationem esse aditionem fidelium ad sanctum et Dominicum sepulcrum: notatque ideo, a se visos homines qui Hierosolymam non venerant, et tamen Sabbato jejunabant; item alios qui ad sepulcrum Domini accesserant, nec tamen observabant illud jejunium. Cot.

"That one alone one must fast." Neither would I have time enough, nor the reader patience enough, if I set out to place here nearly all that bears on the Sabbath fast. So, as is my custom, I shall add only a few things concerning certain passages of ecclesiastical authors on this matter that have been corrupted, showing how, partly by the help of manuscripts, partly by conjecture, they may be rescued from the copyists' corruptions and brought back to their first and true reading. First, the words of Anastasius, Question 64, p. 424, run thus in a Royal manuscript of the greatest value: "As some again fast the Forty Days on Saturday and Sunday, according to the doctrine of those called Eustathians, and Marcianists, and Lampetians, and Massalians, who once appeared in Paphlagonia." The editors printed Μαρκιωνιστῶν, "of the Marcionists". But Μαρκιανιστῶν is upheld by Maximus on chapter 6 of the book On the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy: "Note," he says, "against the Lampetians, that is, the Messalians, or Adelphians, which is the same as to say the Marcianists." Likewise Timothy, priest of Constantinople, On Those Who Come to the Catholic Faith, in varying words, according as that treatise variously survives. For in volume VI of the Bibliotheca Patrum, and in Balsamon, one reads: "Marcianists, who are from Marcian the money-changer; Messalians, who are also Euchites, and Enthusiasts, and Choreutae; Lampetians, Adelphians, and Eustathians." These the manuscript Pandects of the monk Nicon contain in Greek, in sermon or chapter 63, the last: "Marcianists, those from Marcian the money-changer, and Messalians, and Eutychites" (I should prefer "Euchites") "and Enthusiasts, and Choreutae, and Lampetians, and Adelphians, and Eustathians." In Possevino's Apparatus sacer: "Marcianists, and Messalians, and Euchites, and Enthusiasts, and Adelphians, and Eustathians were so called because their heresy was of many names; and they were called Marcianists from Marcian the money-changer, who lived in the time of Justinian and of Justin the Younger. Against this heresy of many names wrote Cyril of Alexandria, Flavian and Theodotus, bishops of Antioch, and Letoius, bishop of Melitene." But in the Royal copy 2336: "Marcianists, and Messalians, and Eutychites (better, Euchites), and Enthusiasts, and Choreutae, and Lampetians, and Adelphians, and Eustathians: so named because the heresy is many-named. They were called Marcianists as from Marcian the money-changer, who lived in the times of Justinian and of Justin the Younger. Against this many-named heresy there contended in writing Cyril, archbishop of Alexandria, Flavian and Theodotus, presidents of the Antiochenes, Letoius, bishop of Melitene, Amphilochius, bishop of Iconium; who also drew up acts against this many-headed and many-named heresy of the Marcianists." That is: "Marcianists, Messalians, Euchites, Enthusiasts, Choreutae, Lampetians, Adelphians, and Eustathians; so called because that heresy has many names. And they were called Marcianists from Marcian the money-changer, who lived in the times of Justinian and of Justin the Younger. Against this heresy of many names there contended in writings Cyril, archbishop of Alexandria, Flavian and Theodotus, prelates of the city of the Antiochenes, Letoius of Melitene and Amphilochius of Iconium, bishops; who also drew up Acts against that many-headed and many-named heresy of the Marcianists." Lastly, from the first Antirrheticus of the patriarch Nicephorus, that most learned man and diligent searcher of manuscript codices, François Combefis, brings forward the following in volume II of the Auctarium, p. 461: "From the treatise of Timothy the priest against the Marcianists" (so correctly in the Royal Library, codex 781; but 134 and 195 have "Marcionists") "or Acephali, against whom there contended Cyril of Alexandria, Flavian, and Theodotus of Antioch, Litoïus" (codex 195, Letoïus) "of Melitine" (mss. 195, 781, Melitene) "and Amphilochius of Iconium; who also drew up acts against" (book 195, "the acts against") "this heresy." All this I have adduced for this reason also, that by the last I am led to think that, on p. 305 of the same volume of Combefis, in the letter of John of Nicaea, where the Mariani are joined with the Jacobites, Julianists, Gaianites and Severians, Marciani should be substituted; and because by the foregoing is confirmed the reading of the Royal codices in the synodical letter of Sophronius of Jerusalem to Sergius of Constantinople: "Lampetius, leader of the ill-named heresy of the Marcianists" (not "Marcionists"). Secondly, anyone who pays attention will easily remove a slight error from the Reply to Nicetas Pectoratus of Humbert of Silva Candida (or of Frederick, deacon and chancellor, if Wibert is to be believed in the Life of Leo IX, book II, ch. 9), where the fast of the Sabbaths among the Latins is defended against the Greeks' fast of one Sabbath only: "Hence let us see whether you are not Sabbatians, whom the Fathers of the holy fifth synod mention." For who does not know that the Sabbatians are mentioned in canon 7 of the second synod, not in the fifth synod, and that the numeral sign for two, drawn with two strokes twisted in a certain way, comes very close to the figure for five? Of course the Greeks are Sabbatians to the Latins, and in turn the Latins to the Greeks: as to the latter, besides the anonymous writer of the book On the Franks and the Other Latins, cited by the most learned Combefis in the volume already mentioned, p. 429, Matthew Blastares bears witness in his alphabetical Nomocanon, letter A, ch. 2: "And the Sabbatians, whom a certain Sabbatius, a priest, led; he too was of the heresy of Novatus, but from ambition for worse things he chose to keep the sabbath in Jewish fashion, practising a fast on it, and other things likewise after their manner; just as the Latins do now." That is: "But the Sabbatians, over whom presided a certain Sabbatius, a priest, he too from the heresy of Novatus, who from lust for worse things wished even to sabbatize after the manner of the Jews, affecting to fast on that day and doing other things after their fashion: as the Latins also do now." Thirdly and lastly, σκάμμασι, a monster of a reading, I would have changed into σάββασι in this place of the treatise On the Heresy of the Jacobites and Chatzitzarii, in the oft-mentioned volume, p. 268: "And the same, even before Carnival Sunday, fasting for certain days, on the σκάμμασι and the Sundays of holy Lent eat milk and cheese and egg." The thing is clear in itself. And so reads the King's book. See, however, a twin passage of Nicephorus, Ecclesiastical History book XVIII, ch. 53: "And on the Saturdays and Sundays of the holy great Lent they eat milk and cheese and eggs." For the rest, I seem to have noticed an amusing thing in Theodore Balsamon on canon 55 of the Trullan synod. A Greek ignorant of our rites, having heard that the Latins fast on Saturdays "on account of the going away to the holy tomb of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ", that is, in the sense of those who said it, because on that day our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ was in the tomb, supposed that the reason for the fast was the going of the faithful to the holy tomb of the Lord; and so he remarks that he had seen men who had not come to Jerusalem and yet fasted on the Sabbath, and others again who had gone to the Lord's tomb and yet did not keep that fast. Cotelier.

(printed under page 438) <!-- note: Page foot of the spread 881/882. Reference note 15 (one line, full width, printed above the Variorum notae heading) has its call in col. 882 (before "Dominum"); set here because it stands on this page's foot. Variorum note (5) has its call in col. 881 (after χρὴ νηστεύειν) and runs the whole width of the page foot, both columns, complete here from "Ἐκεῖνο" to "Cot."; it does not continue onto the next page. The first lines of its right-hand half ("At 134 et 195 …" to "συνεστήσαντο κατὰ") are read from the column images of col. 882. Small capitals (lib. II, lib. XVIII) set as capitals; æ/œ rendered ae/oe. "Sabbatiani autem. quibus" with the full stop as printed. Q22a: an earlier incomplete copy of note (5), with a five-line gap, stood here beside the complete one; one complete text is kept. -->

(16) ‹anchor: non cognoverunt› · call in col 883

Psal. LXXIII, 4.

Psalm 73(74):4.

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(17) ‹anchor: gens sancta› · call in col 883

I Petr. II, 10.

1 Peter 2:10.

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(18) ‹anchor: eam adepti› · call in col 883

Rom. IX, 25.

Romans 9:25.

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(19) ‹anchor: nomen meum› · call in col 883

Isa. LXV, 1.

Isaiah 65:1.

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(20) ‹anchor: et mille millia› · call in col 883

Dan. VII, 10

Daniel 7:10.

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(21) ‹anchor: a dextris tuis› · call in col 883

Psal. XC, 7.

Psalm 90(91):7.

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(22) ‹anchor: millia laetantium› · call in col 883

Psal. LXVII, 18.

Psalm 67(68):18.

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(23) ‹anchor: in conspectu meo› · call in col 883

Isa. LXV, 2.

Isaiah 65:2.

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(6) ‹anchor: τὰ σημεῖα αὐτῶν› · call in col 884

Αὐτῶν et seqq. ad αὐτῶν. Desunt in cod. Vind. Cl.

"Αὐτῶν" and what follows up to "αὐτῶν": missing in the Vienna codex. Cl[ericus].

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(7) ‹anchor: ὁ Σωτήρ› · call in col 884

Σωτήρ. In altero cod. Vind. Κύριος. Id.

"Saviour": in the other Vienna codex, "Lord". The same.

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(8) ‹anchor: αὐτὸν τότε› · call in col 884

Τότε. Ποτέ, uterque codex. Conjungendum cum negatione quae antecessit, quasi esset μήποτε· cum nunquam quaesissetis eum, ab eo estis inventi. Id.

"Then": both codices have ποτέ. It is to be joined with the preceding negative, as though it were μήποτε: "since you had never sought Him, you were found by Him." The same.

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(9) ‹anchor: Καὶ ὑμεῖς› · call in col 884

Ὑμεῖς. Deest in cod. Vind. et quidem melius. Id.

"You": missing in the Vienna codex, and indeed better so. The same.

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(10) ‹anchor: τῷ παντοκράτορι› · call in col 884

Τῷ παντοκράτορι. Melius cod. Vind. Τοῦ παντοκράτορος Θεοῦ. Id.

"To the Almighty": better the Vienna codex, "of the Almighty God". The same.

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(11) ‹anchor: Πεσεῖται› · call in col 884

Πεσεῖται, etc., ad εὐθηνούντων. Desunt in utroque cod.

"Shall fall", etc., up to "of the thriving": missing in both codices.

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(12) ‹anchor: χιλιάδες εὐθηνούντων› · call in col 884

Εὐθηνούντων. Abundantium. Alii εὐθυμούντων. Caeteri εὐθυνούντων. Psal. LXVII, 18. Multo post haec typis mandata, cum legerem Theodoti Ancyrani Expositionem in symbolum Nicaenum, quam duobus ab hinc annis orbi Christiano largitus est eminentissimus cardinalis Franciscus Barberinus, litterarum fautor eximius, perveni ad locum istum, p. 86: Τὸ γὰρ πάντων τοὺς λόγους ἐρευνᾷν, καταλύειν ἐστὶ θαύματα· καὶ παροργίζειν Θεὸν ἐν ταῖς θαυματουργίαις αὐτοῦ παρ' ἡμῶν εὐθυμούμενον. Nam rationes omnium pervestigare, est miracula dissolvere, et Deum in suis erga nos miraculis sese oblectantem ad iram provocare. Qui quidem locus mihi visus est corruptus; corrigendus autem per mutationem participii εὐθυμούμενον in participium εὐθυνόμενον, ita ut sensus sit: et ad iram provocare Deum, a nobis in suis miraculis rationem postulatum, seu a quo in suis miraculis rationem exposcamus. Pag. 30, 31: Ἁπάσης περιέργου ζητήσεως παντελῶς ἀπεχόμενοι· οὐ γὰρ εὐθύνομεν τὰ ὑπὸ πατέρων πεπιστευμένα, hoc est: Ab omni curiosa disquisitione penitus abstinentes: neque enim in ea quae a Patribus credita fuerunt, inquirimus. Quod autem doctissimus homo Samuel Bochartus in Hierozoico, p. 1, l. II, c. 43, corrigere nititur Cy- (continues)

"Of the thriving": "of those abounding". Others read εὐθυμούντων ("of the cheerful"); the rest εὐθυνούντων ("of those directing"). Psalm 67(68):18. Long after this had been printed, reading Theodotus of Ancyra's Exposition of the Nicene Creed, which two years ago the most eminent Cardinal Francesco Barberini, an outstanding patron of letters, bestowed on the Christian world, I came to this passage, p. 86: "For to search out the reasons of all things is to undo miracles, and to provoke to anger God, who takes delight (εὐθυμούμενον) in His wonder-working by us" — in the Latin: "For to investigate the reasons of all things is to dissolve miracles, and to provoke to anger God, who delights Himself in His miracles towards us." That passage seemed to me corrupt, and to be corrected by changing the participle εὐθυμούμενον to the participle εὐθυνόμενον, so that the sense is: "and to provoke to anger God, called to account by us for His miracles", or "of whom we demand an account of His miracles". Pages 30–31: "Abstaining altogether from all curious inquiry; for we do not call to account (εὐθύνομεν) what has been believed by the fathers" — that is, "Abstaining wholly from all curious investigation: for we do not inquire into the things that were believed by the Fathers." But as for the correction that the most learned Samuel Bochart, in his Hierozoicon, part 1, Book II, chapter 43, attempts on Cy- (continues)

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(13) ‹anchor: τὸν πρὸ πάντων αἰώνων ἐξ αὐτοῦ γεννηθέντα› · call in col 885

(13) Αἰώνων ἐξ αὐτοῦ γεννηθέντα. In altero cod. Vindobon. deest tantum αἰώνων, in altero etiam sequentia verba: Ἐξ αὐτοῦ γεννηθέντα. Arianus scriptor, aut interpolator hujus libri, videtur tantum scripsisse: Πρὸ πάντων αἰώνων, neque enim negabant Ariani Filium a Patre, ante saecula, generatum. Sed rectius sentiens librarius, aut criticus addidisse videtur ἐξ αὐτοῦ, cum Ariani contenderent Filium esse ἐκ τῶν μὴ ὄντων genitum seu creatum. Cler.

(13) "Of ages, begotten of Him." In one Vienna codex only αἰώνων ("of ages") is missing; in the other the following words are missing as well: "begotten of Him." The Arian writer, or interpolator of this book, seems to have written only "before all ages", for the Arians did not deny that the Son was begotten of the Father before the ages. But a copyist or critic of sounder views seems to have added "of Him", since the Arians contended that the Son was begotten, or created, out of things that are not. Cler[icus].

(14) ‹anchor: ὃν οὐκ ἐπέγνωσαν› · call in col 885

(14) Ἐπέγνωσαν. Alter cod. ἔγνωσαν. Id.

(14) "They acknowledged." The other codex has ἔγνωσαν, "they knew". The same.

(15) ‹anchor: ὅτι παιδίον ἐγεννήθη ἡμῖν› · call in col 885

(15) Ἡμῖν. Deest in altero cod. Id.

(15) "To us." Missing in the other codex. The same.

(16) ‹anchor: Θεὸς, ἰσχυρὸς› · call in col 885

(16) Ἰσχυρός. Deest in altero. Id.

(16) "Mighty." Missing in the other. The same.

(17) ‹anchor: « Κύριος, τίς ἐπίστευσε› · call in col 885

(17) Κύριος. Alter Κύριε, melius. Id.

(17) "Lord" (nominative). The other has Κύριε (vocative), which is better. The same.

(18) ‹anchor: τῆς προτέρας ματαιοπόνου συνηθείας› · call in col 885

(18) Ματαιοπόνου. Alter cod. πατροπαραδότου. Id.

(18) "Of vain labour." The other codex has πατροπαραδότου, "handed down from your fathers". The same.

(19) ‹anchor: τῶν ἐν σκότει δαιμόνων› · call in col 885

(19) Ἐν σκότει. Deest in altero. Id.

(19) "In darkness." Missing in the other. The same.

(20) ‹anchor: Βαπτισθέντες γὰρ› · call in col 885

(20) Γάρ. Melius οὖν in cod. Vind. Id.

(20) "For." Better οὖν, "therefore", in the Vienna codex. The same.

(21) ‹anchor: δηλαδὴ, ὅτι ὑμῖν› · call in col 885

(21) Δηλαδὴ, ὅτι. Δῆλον ὅτι melius in utroque cod. Vind. Id.

(21) "That is, that." Δῆλον ὅτι is better, in both Vienna codices. The same.

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(24) ‹anchor: eis in inimicitiam› · call in col 886

Isa. LXIII, 10.

Isaiah 63:10.

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(25) ‹anchor: nomen ejus Emmanuel› · call in col 886

Isa. VII, 14; Matth. I, 23.

Isaiah 7:14; Matthew 1:23.

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(26) ‹anchor: pater futuri saeculi› · call in col 886

Isa. IX, 6.

Isaiah 9:6.

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(27) ‹anchor: cui revelatum est› · call in col 886

Isa. LIII, 1.

Isaiah 53:1.

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(28) ‹anchor: cor populi hujus› · call in col 886

Isa. VI, 9.

Isaiah 6:9.

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(29) ‹anchor: sperantium in ipsum› · call in col 886

Gal. IV, 9.

Galatians 4:9.

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(30) ‹anchor: verum Deum et Patrem› · call in col 886

Joan. I, 9; XVII, 3.

John 1:9; 17:3.

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(31) ‹anchor: in resurrectionem ejus› · call in col 886

Rom. VI, 3.

Romans 6:3.

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(32) ‹anchor: omne peccatum inefficaces› · call in col 886

I Petr. II, 2.

1 Peter 2:2.

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(33) ‹anchor: sanguine suo emit› · call in col 886

I Cor. VI, 19.

1 Corinthians 6:19.

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(34) ‹anchor: facienti fructus ejus› · call in col 886

Matth. XXI, 43.

Matthew 21:43.

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(35) ‹anchor: grati animi fructus› · call in col 886

Matth. XXI, 28.

Matthew 21:28.

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(36) ‹anchor: Domini vineae occiderunt› · call in col 887

Matth. XXI, 34.

Matthew 21:34.

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(37) ‹anchor: alium quidem secuerunt› · call in col 887

Hebr. XI, 37.

Hebrews 11:37.

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(38) ‹anchor: inter templum et altare› · call in col 887

Matth. XXIII. 35.

Matthew 23:35.

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(39) ‹anchor: ejectum necarunt› · call in col 887

Matth. XXI, 42.

Matthew 21:42.

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(40) ‹anchor: angularis est susceptus› · call in col 887

Ephes. II, 20.

Ephesians 2:20.

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(41) ‹anchor: obedivit mihi› · call in col 887

Psal. XVII 45.

Psalm 17(18):45.

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(22) ‹anchor: μὲν μεταμεληθέντες› · call in col 888

Μεταμεληθέντες. Ὅρα γάρ μοι σήμερον, πῶς μετανοήσας ἐθνικὸς, ὁ πρότερον τοῖς εἰδώλοις ἑορτάζων, μεταστρέφει τὴν ἑορτὴν εἰς πένθος, μετανοῶν ἐφ' οἷς κακῶς ἔπραττε, καὶ λέγει θρηνῶν, τὸ προφητικὸν ἐκεῖνο λόγιον· « Ἐπλανήθημεν ἐν τῇ αἰσχύνῃ ἡμῶν, καὶ ἐπεκάλυψεν ἡμᾶς τὰ ἁμαρτήματα ἡμῶν, ὅτι ἐπλήσθημεν ἀσεβείας ἡμῶν· ἔγνωμεν ἀδικίας πατέρων ἡμῶν. » Quem de poenitentia gentilium locum, sumptum ex fine homiliae in Exaltationem S. Crucis, apud Chrysostomum, tom. V, edit. Anglic. et apud Gretserum De Cruce, tom. II, eo apposui, ut rem a doctis hominibus ignoratam indicarem; respectum fuisse ad illud Jerem III, 25: Ἐκοιμήθημεν ἐν τῇ αἰσχύνῃ ἡμῶν, καὶ ἐπεκάλυψεν ἡμᾶς ἡ ἀτιμία ἡμῶν, διότι ἔναντι τοῦ Θεοῦ ἡμῶν ἡμάρτομεν ἡμεῖς, καὶ οἱ πατέρες ἡμῶν, ἀπὸ νεότητος ἡμῶν ἕως τῆς ἡμέρας ταύτης, καὶ οὐχ ὑπηκούσαμεν τῆς φωνῆς Κυρίου τοῦ Θεοῦ ἡμῶν. Cler.

"Having repented." "See with me today how the Gentile, once he has repented, who formerly kept feast to the idols, turns the feast into mourning, repenting of the things he did wickedly, and says, lamenting, that prophetic oracle: 'We went astray in our shame, and our sins covered us, for we were filled with our ungodliness; we have known the injustices of our fathers.'" This passage on the repentance of the Gentiles, taken from the end of the homily on the Exaltation of the Holy Cross in Chrysostom, vol. V of the English edition, and in Gretser, De Cruce, vol. II, I have set here to point out a thing unknown to learned men: that it looks back to Jeremiah 3:25: "We lay down in our shame, and our dishonour covered us, because we have sinned before our God, we and our fathers, from our youth to this day, and we did not obey the voice of the Lord our God." Cler[icus].

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(23) ‹anchor: καὶ παρ' αὐτοῖς› · call in col 888

Παρ' αὐτοῖς. Παρὰ μὲν ἐκείνοις, in altero cod. Vind. rectius. Id.

"With them": "with those, on the one hand", in the other Vienna codex, more correctly. The same.

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(24) ‹anchor: εἰς ἀκοὴν› · call in col 888

Εἰς ἀκοήν, etc. Desunt in altero cod. minus recte. Id.

"At the hearing", etc.: missing in the other codex, less correctly. The same.

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(25) ‹anchor: γίνεσθαι τὸ Πάσχα› · call in col 888

Τὸ Πάσχα. Addit uterque cod. Vind. καὶ πότε, καὶ ὅτι οὐ δεῖ μετὰ Ἰουδαίων αὐτὸ ἑορτάζειν. Id.

"The Pascha": both Vienna codices add "and when, and that it must not be kept with the Jews." The same.

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(26) ‹anchor: Δεῖ οὖν ὑμᾶς› · call in col 888

Δεῖ οὖν ὑμᾶς. Recte observarunt docti homines constitutionem hujus capitis diversam esse a constitutione de qua S. Epiphanius in haeresi Audianorum, sect. 10, 11, 14. Lege diligentissimum Usserium in prolegomenis ad S. Ignatii epistolas, cap. 9. Qui tamen in eo circa veterem illam ab episcopo Cyprio memoratam diataxim errare mihi videtur, quod ipsam exponat de calculo Judaico quartadecimanis et Catholicis communi. Sic namque sublata non fuisset ecclesiarum in celebrando Paschate dissensio, quo duntaxat collimasse constitutorem primum inculcat toties Epiphanius. Cot.

"You must therefore": learned men have rightly observed that the ordinance of this chapter differs from the ordinance which St Epiphanius discusses in the heresy of the Audians, sections 10, 11, 14. Read the most diligent Ussher in his prolegomena to St Ignatius's letters, chapter 9. He seems to me, however, to err about that old ordinance (diataxis) mentioned by the bishop of Cyprus, in explaining it of a Jewish reckoning common to the Quartodecimans and the Catholics. For so the disagreement of the churches in celebrating the Pascha would not have been removed — the one thing, as Epiphanius so often insists, at which the first framer of the ordinance aimed. Cot[elier].

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(27) ‹anchor: σελήνης, ὅπως μὴ› · call in col 888

Ὅπως μή usque ad σελήνης. Desunt in contextu alterius cod. Vind., sed eadem manu addita sunt in margine. Cler.

From "that not" up to "of the moon": missing in the text of the other Vienna codex, but added in the margin by the same hand. Cler[icus].

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(42) ‹anchor: not visible on this foot› · call in col 890

Deest in Anast.

Missing in Anastasius.

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(43) ‹anchor: ἀλεκτοροφωνίας› · call in col 890

Anast. ἀλεκτρυοφωνίας.

Anastasius reads ἀλεκτρυοφωνίας ("cock-crow", another spelling).

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(44) ‹anchor: τῶν ψευδωνύμων› · call in col 890

Anast. παρανόμων.

Anastasius reads "lawless" (for "falsely named").

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(45) ‹anchor: not visible on this foot› · call in col 890

Citat. Anastasius, quaest. 64. l. f. cap. 13, l. Pseudo-Ignat. ad Philipp. 13; Epiph., haer. 75, n. 6, supra, cap. 15, infra, cap. 19.

Cited by Anastasius, Question 64 [book and chapter as abbreviated: l. f. cap. 13]; see pseudo-Ignatius, To the Philippians 13; Epiphanius, Heresy 75, no. 6; above, chapter 15; below, chapter 19.

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(46) ‹anchor: jejunabunt in illis diebus› · call in col 890

Marc. II, 20.

Mark 2:20.

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(47) ‹anchor: cum sceleratis reputatus› · call in col 890

Isa. LIII, 12.

Isaiah 53:12.

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(28) ‹anchor: not visible on this foot› · call in col 890

Ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις οὖν τοῦ Πάσχα νηστεύετε. Pretium operae fuerit ad Epiphanium adire haeres. 70, n. 12; haeres. 75, n. 3, 6, et Expos. fid., n. 22; cujus posteriora duo loca citat Balsamon ad canonem Laodicenum 50, pag. 1127. Cot.

"In the days of the Pascha, then, fast." It will be worth the effort to consult Epiphanius, Heresy 70, no. 12; Heresy 75, nos. 3 and 6; and Exposition of the Faith, no. 22; the last two of these passages are cited by Balsamon on canon 50 of Laodicea, p. 1127. Cot[elier].

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(29) ‹anchor: not visible on this foot› · call in col 890

Ἓξ ἡμέρας. Deest in altero cod. Cl.

"Six days": missing in the other codex. Cl[ericus].

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(30) ‹anchor: not visible on this foot› · call in col 890

Τὴν μέν τοι παρασκευὴν καὶ τὸ Σάββατον, etc. Multos mores ad hunc locum observo. In primis celebrem illum transigendi unum aut plures dies, absque ullo penitus cibo. De uno die Methodius martyr, orat. 3 Convivii, p. 45: Ἀπηγόρευται γὰρ σήμερον διαίτης ἐπιμνησθῆναι τὸ σύνολον. De duobus et pluribus varie exprimunt, atque isto etiam modo, διὰ δύο, διὰ τριῶν, διὰ τεσσάρων, etc., μεταλαμβάνειν, ἐσθίειν, etc., in Vita S. Antonii apud Athanasium, in Theodoriti Historia religiosa, in Historia Lausiaca Palladii, in Antiochi homilia 7, et alibi. Sed prae caeteris insignia et elegantia sunt verba postremo citati loci, digna profecto quae feliciorem interpretem nanciscerentur. Νηστεία οὖν ἐστι οὐ μόνον τὸ βραδυφαγῆσαι, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ βραχυφαγῆσαι· καὶ οὐ διὰ δύο ἐσθίειν, τοῦτο ἄσκησίς ἐστιν, ἀλλὰ τὸ μὴ πολυφαγῆσαι (seu potius ut legit Tilmanus, utque in Typico fol. ρλζ΄ habetur, ποικιλοφαγῆσαι)· ἄσκησις γάρ ἐστιν ἐν μονοειδεῖ τροφῇ συνεσταλμένη τράπεζα. Vertendum fuit hoc aut simili modo: Jejunium ergo est, non solum tarde comedere, sed et parum comedere: nec secundo quoque die vesci, id ascesis, seu pietatis exercitium est, verum non vario cibo uti. Est enim ascesis, mensa in hujusmodi cibo coarctata et ad modicum redacta. Sic ex Alexandro Polyhistore refert Clemens Alexandrinus Strom. iii, Brachmanum nonnullos διὰ τριῶν ἡμερῶν cibum sumpsisse: et de Essaeis Philo, διὰ τριῶν ἡμερῶν· δι' ἓξ ἡμερῶν. Videsis grave hac in re judicium Theodori Studitae catechesi 55. Secundus mos quem observo, biduana est inedia, sanctae Parasceves et magni Sabbati. Irenaeus, apud Eusebium lib. v, cap. 24, agens de paschali jejunio: Οἱ μὲν γὰρ οἴονται μίαν ἡμέραν δεῖν αὐτοὺς νηστεύειν· οἱ δὲ δύο, οἱ δὲ καὶ πλείονας· οἱ δὲ τεσσαράκοντα ὥρας ἡμερινάς τε καὶ νυκτερινὰς συμμετροῦσι τὴν ἡμέραν αὐτῶν. Quidam enim existimant unico die sibi esse jejunandum; alii duobus, alii pluribus, nonnulli etiam quadraginta horis diurnis ac nocturnis computatis diem suum metiuntur. Dionysius Alexandrinus epistola ad Basilidem, de sex diebus hebdomadis magnae: Οἱ μὲν πάσας ὑπερτιθέασιν ἄσιτοι διατελοῦντες, οἱ δὲ δύο, οἱ δὲ τρεῖς, οἱ δὲ τέσσαρας. Alii quidem omnes eos dies superponunt, jejuni permanentes; alii duos, alii tres, alii quatuor. Et infra: Τελευταίας δύο ἡμέρας ὑπερτιθέντες, τήν τε παρασκευὴν καὶ τὸ Σάββατον, ultimos duos dies superponunt, Parasceven scilicet et Sabbatum. Epiphanius, Expos. fid. cathol., n. 22, de iisdem sex diebus Paschatis: Οἱ σπουδαῖοι διπλᾶς, καὶ τριπλᾶς, καὶ τετραπλᾶς ὑπερτίθενται, καὶ ὅλην τὴν ἑβδομάδα τινὲς ἄχρι ἀλεκτρυόνων κλαγγῆς, τῆς Κυριακῆς ἐπιφωσκούσης. Qui studiosi sunt, biduum, ac triduum, et quatriduum superponunt; et quidam totam hebdomadem usque ad galli cantum, illucescente Dominico. Unum diem 40 horarum, intellige Parasceven cum majore parte Sabbati; duos dies, id est integrum biduum; tres vero et quatuor quintam, vel quartam quintamque ferias cum Parasceve ac Sabbato. Consulatur Regula Magistri, c. 53. Consuetudinem autem hic a me observatam, diu viguisse tum in Occidente, tum Hierosolymis, certum est ex auctore libri De divinis officiis, testante de suis occidentalibus in cap. 17, et ex Zonara, qui de Hierosolymitanis aequalibus suis idem tradit, ad canonem Trullanum 89. Vide etiam de Palaestinis in Typico Hierosolymitico seu Sabae, ubi Apostolicae constitutiones laudantur. Tertius mos Graecos spectat: qui quia Sabbatum unum in toto anno jejunant, praeferunt jejunium Sabbati sancti jejunio sanctae Parasceves. Lege Balsamonem in can. Trull. 89. Contra Latini, Sabbatis abstinere a cibo soliti, sanctissimum habent Parasceves antepaschalis jejunium; uti etiam colligere licet ex Concordia Regularum cap. 56, p. 840: ubi contra monachos qui eo die vescebantur. Caeterum quo sensu hic dicitur δύο ἡμέρας συνάπτειν ὁμοῦ, eodem apud Tertullianum De patientia cap. 13, jejunia conjungere; apud Hieronymum epist. 15, hebdomadas conjungere; Sozomeno, lib. vi, cap. 34: ἑβδομάδας ἡμερῶν ἐν νηστείαις ἐπισυνάπτειν. In Typico, fol. 133: Μᾶλλον μὲν οὖν εἰ δύνασαι, τὰς δύο μοι συνάψας, / Παρασκευὴν καὶ Σάββατον, ἄσιτος διαμείνας. Vide Tertullianum De jejuniis, cap. 14, et Sozom. Histor., lib. i, cap. 11. Cot.

"But the Preparation and the Sabbath", etc. I note many customs bearing on this passage. First, that celebrated one of passing one or more days with no food at all. Of one day, Methodius the martyr, Banquet, discourse 3, p. 45: "For today it is forbidden even to mention food at all." Of two and more days they speak in various ways, and also in this way — "to partake", "to eat" every two, every three, every four days, etc. — in Athanasius's Life of St Antony, in Theodoret's Religious History, in Palladius's Lausiac History, in Antiochus's homily 7, and elsewhere. But above the rest the words of the passage last cited are striking and elegant, truly worthy of finding a happier translator: "Fasting, then, is not only eating late but eating little; and eating every second day is not ascesis, but not eating much (or rather, as Tilmann reads and as the Typicon has at fol. 137, not eating varied food); for ascesis is a table restrained to food of a single kind." It ought to have been rendered thus or similarly: "Fasting, then, is not only to eat late but also to eat little; nor is eating every second day ascesis, that is, the exercise of piety, but not using varied food. For ascesis is a table restricted to such food and reduced to a little." So Clement of Alexandria, Stromata III, reports from Alexander Polyhistor that some of the Brahmans took food every three days; and Philo says of the Essenes, every three days, every six days. See the weighty judgement on this matter of Theodore the Studite, Catechesis 55. The second custom I note is the two-day abstinence of holy Friday and the great Sabbath. Irenaeus, in Eusebius V, 24, treating of the paschal fast: "For some think they must fast one day, others two, others even more; others measure their day as forty hours of day and night together" — that is, "For some think they must fast a single day; others two, others more; some even measure their day by forty hours of day and night counted together." Dionysius of Alexandria, in his letter to Basilides, on the six days of the great week: "Some prolong all of them, continuing without food; others two, others three, others four" — "Some prolong all those days, remaining fasting; others two, others three, others four." And below: "prolonging the last two days, the Preparation and the Sabbath" — "they prolong the last two days, namely the Preparation and the Sabbath." Epiphanius, Exposition of the Catholic Faith, no. 22, on the same six days of the Pascha: "The zealous prolong double, triple and quadruple, and some the whole week, until the crowing of the cocks as the Lord's day dawns" — "Those who are zealous prolong two, three and four days, and some the whole week until cock-crow, as the Lord's day dawns." The one day of forty hours: understand the Preparation with the greater part of the Sabbath; the two days, that is, a full two days; the three and four, the fifth weekday, or the fourth and fifth, with the Preparation and the Sabbath. Consult the Rule of the Master, chapter 53. That the custom I have noted here long flourished both in the West and at Jerusalem is certain from the author of the book On the Divine Offices, who testifies of his own Westerners in chapter 17, and from Zonaras, who reports the same of the people of Jerusalem in his own day, on Trullan canon 89. See also, on the Palestinians, the Typicon of Jerusalem or of Sabas, where the Apostolic Constitutions are cited. The third custom concerns the Greeks, who, since they fast only one Saturday in the whole year, rank the fast of Holy Saturday above that of holy Friday. Read Balsamon on Trullan canon 89. The Latins, on the contrary, accustomed to abstain from food on Saturdays, hold the fast of the Friday before Easter most holy, as may also be gathered from the Concordia Regularum, chapter 56, p. 840, where it is directed against monks who ate on that day. For the rest, in the sense in which "to join two days together" is said here, Tertullian, On Patience 13, says "to join fasts"; Jerome, letter 15, "to join weeks"; Sozomen VI, 34, "to join weeks of days together in fasts". In the Typicon, fol. 133: "Better still, if you can, join for me the two, / the Preparation and the Sabbath, remaining without food." See Tertullian, On Fasting, chapter 14, and Sozomen, History, Book I, chapter 11. Cot[elier].

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Ὁμοῦ. Deest in altero cod. Cl.

"Together": missing in the other codex. Cl[ericus].

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Anast., ibid., l. f. Cap. 13. l. Pseudo-Ignat. ad Philipp. 13.

Anastasius, ibid. [as abbreviated: l. f.], chapter 13; see pseudo-Ignatius, To the Philippians 13.

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supra, cap. 15, 19. 25.

Above, chapters 15 and 19; [below,] 25.

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al. ληφθῆναι.

Another reading: ληφθῆναι ("to be taken").

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al. ἀπὸ δὲ ἑσπέρας πέμπτης μέχρις ἀλεκτοροφωνίας, ἀπονηστιζόμενοι ἐπιφωσκούσης, etc. In Anast. ἀπὸ τῆς δευτέρας, μέχρις ἀλεκτρυοφωνίας ἀπονηστιζόμενοι. ἐπιφωσκούσης δὲ μιᾶς, etc.

Another reading: "from the evening of the fifth day until cock-crow, breaking the fast as [the first day] dawns", etc. In Anastasius: "from the second [day] until cock-crow, breaking the fast; and as the first [day] dawns", etc.

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Anast. ἀλεκτρυοφωνίας.

Anastasius reads ἀλεκτρυοφωνίας ("cock-crow", another spelling).

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Ὡς καὶ ἡμεῖς ἐνηστεύσαμεν. Nam utique constat apostolos biduo isto in tristitia et in moerore fuisse, et propter metum Judaeorum se occuluisse. Quod utique non dubium est in tantum eos jejunasse biduo memorato, ut traditio Ecclesiae habeat, isto biduo sacramenta penitus non celebrari. Agnoscis verba Innocentii papae epist. ad Decentium, cap. 4. Vide librum De divinis officiis, cap. 17 et 18; nec non Rabanum De institutione clericorum, lib. ii, c. 26. Cot.

"As we too fasted." "For it is certain that the apostles were in sadness and grief through those two days, and hid themselves for fear of the Jews. There is no doubt that they fasted on those two days to such an extent that the tradition of the Church holds that the sacraments are not celebrated at all on those two days." You recognize the words of Pope Innocent's letter to Decentius, chapter 4. See the book On the Divine Offices, chapters 17 and 18; and also Rabanus, On the Instruction of Clerics, Book II, chapter 26. Cot[elier].

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Ἐννάτην ὥραν ἢ ἑσπέραν. Utroque tempore finem jejuniis quadragesimalibus imponebant olim. Vespere, res est longe testatissima. Hora nona, docent non pauci: Socrates, Hist. eccl. lib. v, cap. 22; Ambrosius vel alius, serm. 26 (qui est fere 62 De tempore apud Augustinum) et 34, Augustinus epist. 118 atque Ratherius Veronensis, tam in synodica sua quam sermone De Quadragesima, tom. II Acheriani Spicilegii p. 264. 285. Porro constitutionis locum sic interpolatum reperi in ms. Regio 1110: Ἐν δὲ ταῖς λοιπαῖς ταῖς πρὸ τῆς Παρασκευῆς, ἅπερ ἂν ἔχῃ ἕκαστος ἐσθιέτω, ἢ ὅπως αὐτὸς δύναται. In reliquis autem diebus ante Parasceven, unusquisque comedat quae habuerit, aut quo modo ipse poterit, contra sensum auctoris. Id.

"The ninth hour or evening." At either time the Lenten fasts were formerly ended. At evening: a thing very abundantly attested. At the ninth hour, as not a few teach: Socrates, Ecclesiastical History V, 22; Ambrose or another, sermon 26 (which is nearly 62 De tempore among Augustine's) and 34; Augustine, letter 118; and Ratherius of Verona, both in his synodical letter and in his sermon On Lent, vol. II of d'Achery's Spicilegium, pp. 264, 285. Further, I found the passage of the Constitution interpolated thus in the Royal manuscript 1110: "On the remaining days before the Preparation, let each eat whatever he has, or as he himself can" — contrary to the author's sense. The same.

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Ἢ ὅπως ἄν τις δύναιτο. Desunt haec in altero cod. Cler.

"Or as anyone may be able": these words are missing in the other codex. Cler[icus].

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Τῷ δὲ Σαββάτῳ, etc. Legebat Bovius interpres: Ἀπὸ δὲ ἑσπέρας πέμπτης μέχρις aut ἕως ἀλεκτοροφωνίας ἀγρυπνοῦντες, etc., quemadmodum citatur a Lindembrogio ad Ammianum Marcellinum. Turriani alter codex: Ἀπὸ δὲ ἑσπέρας πέμπτης μέχρις ἀλεκτοροφωνίας ἀπονηστιζόμενοι ἐπιφωσκούσης, etc. In Anastasii Quaestionibus et in Typico S. Sabae: Ἀπὸ τῆς δευτέρας, μέχρις ἀλεκτρυοφωνίας (al. ἀλεκτοροφωνίας) ἀπονηστιζόμενοι, ἐπιφωσκούσης, etc., ἕως ἀλεκτρυοφωνίας (vel ἀλεκτοροφωνίας) ἀγρυπνοῦντες, προσευχόμενοι, καὶ ἀναγινώσκοντες τὸν νόμον, καὶ τοὺς προφήτας, καὶ τοὺς ψαλμοὺς, μέχρις ἀλεκτρυόνων (ita etiam in Anastasii mss.) κραυγῆς. Salmasius contra Grotium p. 184, ex libris: Ἐν δὲ ταῖς λοιπαῖς ταῖς πρὸ τῆς Παρασκευῆς πρὸς ἑσπέραν ἕκαστος ἐσθιέτω, ἐν δὲ τῷ Σαββάτῳ ἕως τῆς ἀλεκτοροφωνίας ἀγρυπνοῦντες, καὶ προσευχόμενοι, καὶ ἀναγινώσκοντες, etc. In ms. Regio 1526: Ἐν δὲ τῷ Σαββάτῳ ἀπὸ ἑσπέρας ἕως ἀλεκτοροφωνίας ἀγρυπνοῦντες, etc., ut apud Anastasium. Ego vero Constitutorem hoc fere modo scripsisse suspicor: Ἀπὸ δὲ ἑσπέρας πέμπτης, ἢ τῷ Σαββάτῳ μέχρις ἀλεκτοροφωνίας παρατείνοντες, ἀπονηστίζεσθε ἐπιφωσκούσης μιᾶς Σαββάτων, ἥτις ἐστὶ Κυριακή, etc. Hoc est: A vespera vero diei quintae, aut saltem Sabbati, jejunium usque ad galli cantum producentes, solvite illud illuscescente una Sabbatorum, quae est dies Dominica. Id.

"But on the Sabbath", etc. Bovius the translator read: "From the evening of the fifth day until (or 'up to') cock-crow, keeping vigil", etc., as Lindenbrog cites it on Ammianus Marcellinus. Torres's other codex: "From the evening of the fifth day until cock-crow, breaking the fast as [the first day] dawns", etc. In Anastasius's Questions and in the Typicon of St Sabas: "From the second [day] until cock-crow (another spelling noted), breaking the fast as [the first day] dawns, etc., keeping vigil until cock-crow, praying and reading the law, the prophets and the psalms, until the crying of the cocks" (so also in Anastasius's manuscripts). Salmasius against Grotius, p. 184, from books: "On the remaining days before the Preparation let each eat towards evening; but on the Sabbath, keeping vigil until cock-crow, praying and reading", etc. In the Royal manuscript 1526: "But on the Sabbath, keeping vigil from evening until cock-crow", etc., as in Anastasius. For my part I suspect the framer of the Constitutions wrote roughly thus: "From the evening of the fifth day, or [at least] on the Sabbath, prolonging [the fast] until cock-crow, break your fast as the first day of the week dawns, which is the Lord's day", etc. That is: "From the evening of the fifth day, or at least of the Sabbath, prolonging the fast until cock-crow, break it as the first day of the week dawns, which is the Lord's day." The same.

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Ἀγρυπνοῦντες. Inter innumera loca de pervigilio Paschae, insigniter ad Constitutionem facientia, sunt ista Lactantii lib. vii, cap. 19, quae imitatur Isidorus Originum vi, 17: Haec est nox, quae nobis propter adventum Regis ac Dei nostri, pervigilio celebratur; cujus noctis duplex ratio est, quod in ea et vitam tum recepit, cum passus est; et postea orbis terrae regnum receptum est. Hieronym. ad Matth. XXV, 6: Traditio Judaeorum est Christum media nocte venturum, in similitudinem Aegyptii temporis, quando Pascha celebratum est, et exterminator venit, et Dominus super tabernacula transiit, et sanguine agni postes nostrarum frontium consecratae sunt. Unde reor et traditionem apostolicam permansisse, ut in die vigiliarum Paschae, ante noctis dimidium, populos dimittere non liceat, exspectantes adventum Christi: et postquam illud tempus transierit, securitate praesumpta, festum cunctos agere diem. Palladii in Vita Chrysostomi: Excubat enim populus in partibus nostris ad primum usque galli cantum. Lupi et Euphronii Epistola ad Tarasium, tom. I Conciliorum Galliae, p. 122: Paschalis vigilia a vespere raro in matutinum usque perducitur. Deinde in vigilia Paschae diversorum librorum lectiones sunt recensendae, quae totae habeant aliquid de praefiguratione aut vaticinio passionis. Paschasini episcopi epist. ad Leonem papam: Nocte sacrosancta Paschali, baptizandi hora, etc., consuetis lectionibus nocte sacra discussis, cum presbyter secundum morem baptizandi, horam requireret, usque ad lucem aqua non veniente, non consecrati, qui baptizandi fuerant, recesserunt. Ut ergo breviter narrem, illa nocte quae lucescebat in Dominicam, decimo die Kalendas Maii fons sacer hora competente repletus est. Denique Epiphanii in Expositione fidei, num. 22, ἀγρυπνίαις διατελοῦσι τὰς ἕξ, dies sex Paschatis in vigiliis transeunt. Ἔν τισι δὲ τόποις τὴν μετὰ τὴν πέμπτην ἀγρυπνοῦσιν, ἐπιφώσκουσαν εἰς τὸ Προσάββατον, καὶ τὴν Κυριακὴν μόνας. In quibusdam vero locis solummodo nocte ea quae sequitur diem quintum, illucescitque in Prosabbatum pervigilant, et nocte Dominica, hoc est, Paschali. Ita enim explico τὴν Κυριακὴν, ex Gregorio Nysseno, seu si mavelis, Hesychio Hierosolymitano, Oratione in Resurrectionem Dominicam, qui Κυριακὴν νύκτα appellat. Omittebam mentionem facere veteris ac deperditae constitutionis pseudoapostolicae in Epiphanio haer. 70, n. 10, qua praecipiebatur ut Christiani vigilias agerent μεσαζόντων τῶν ἀζύμων apud Judaeos. Eam ideo sublatam fuisse arbitror, quia, (continues)

"Keeping vigil." Among countless passages on the Easter vigil that bear notably on the Constitution are these of Lactantius, Book VII, chapter 19, which Isidore imitates in Etymologies VI, 17: "This is the night which is celebrated by us with a vigil because of the coming of our King and God; the reason for this night is twofold: that in it He then received life, when He had suffered, and afterwards the kingdom of the world was received." Jerome on Matthew 25:6: "It is a tradition of the Jews that Christ will come at midnight, after the likeness of the time in Egypt when the Pascha was celebrated, and the destroyer came, and the Lord passed over the dwellings, and the doorposts of our foreheads were consecrated with the blood of the lamb. Hence I think the apostolic tradition has also remained, that on the day of the Easter vigil it is not lawful to dismiss the people before midnight, as they await the coming of Christ; and once that time has passed, assured of safety, all keep the feast day." Palladius, in the Life of Chrysostom: "For in our parts the people keep watch until the first cock-crow." The letter of Lupus and Euphronius to Thalassius [as printed: Tarasium], vol. I of the Councils of Gaul, p. 122: "The Easter vigil is seldom carried on from evening until morning. Then, at the Easter vigil, readings from various books are to be gone through, all of which have something of a prefiguring or prophecy of the passion." Bishop Paschasinus's letter to Pope Leo: "On the most holy Paschal night, at the hour of baptizing, etc., when the customary readings had been gone through in the holy night and the presbyter, according to custom, sought the hour of baptizing, the water did not come until daylight, and those who were to be baptized went away unconsecrated. To tell it briefly, on that night which dawned into the Lord's day, the tenth day before the Kalends of May, the sacred font was filled at the proper hour." Lastly, Epiphanius, Exposition of the Faith, no. 22: "they spend the six [days] in vigils" — they pass the six days of the Pascha in vigils. "But in some places they keep vigil only on the [night] after the fifth day, dawning into the Pre-Sabbath, and on the Lord's [night]" — that is, in some places they keep vigil only on the night that follows the fifth day and dawns into the Pre-Sabbath, and on the Lord's night, that is, the Paschal night. For so I explain "the Lord's", from Gregory of Nyssa — or, if you prefer, Hesychius of Jerusalem — Oration on the Lord's Resurrection, who calls it "the Lord's night". I was omitting to mention the old and lost pseudo-apostolic ordinance in Epiphanius, Heresy 70, no. 10, which prescribed that Christians keep vigil "in the middle of the Unleavened Bread" among the Jews. I think it was therefore abolished because (continues)

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VARIORUM NOTAE.

NOTES OF VARIOUS SCHOLARS.

(32) Ὡς καὶ ἡμεῖς ἐνηστεύσαμεν. Nam utique constat apostolos biduo isto in tristitia et in moerore fuisse, et propter metum Judaeorum se occuluisse. Quod utique non dubium est in tantum eos jejunasse biduo memorato, ut traditio Ecclesiae habeat, isto biduo sacramenta penitus non celebrari. Agnoscis verba Innocentii papae epist. ad Decentium, cap. 4. Vide librum De divinis officiis, cap. 17 et 18; nec non Rabanum De institutione clericorum, lib. II, c. 26. COT.

(32) As we also fasted. For it is certainly agreed that the apostles were in sadness and grief during those two days, and hid themselves for fear of the Jews. It is certainly beyond doubt that they fasted on the said two days to such a degree that the tradition of the Church holds that on those two days the sacraments are not celebrated at all. You recognize the words of Pope Innocent, letter to Decentius, ch. 4. See the book On the Divine Offices, chs 17 and 18; and also Rabanus, On the Instruction of Clerics, bk II, ch. 26. COTELIER.

(33) Ἐννάτην ὥραν ἢ ἑσπέραν. Utroque tempore finem jejuniis quadragesimalibus imponebant olim. Vespere, res est longe testatissima. Hora nona, docent non pauci: Socrates, Hist. eccl. lib. V, cap. 22; Ambrosius vel alius, serm. 26 (qui est fere 62 De tempore apud Augustinum) et 34, Augustinus epist. 118 atque Ratherius Veronensis, tam in synodica sua quam sermone De Quadragesima, tom. II Acheriani Spicilegii p. 264, 283. Porro constitutionis locum sic interpolatum reperi in ms. Regio 1110: Ἐν δὲ ταῖς λοιπαῖς ταῖς πρὸ τῆς Παρασκευῆς, ἅπερ ἂν ἔχῃ ἕκαστος ἐσθιέτω, ἢ ὅπως αὐτὸς δύναται. In reliquis autem diebus ante Parasceven, unusquisque comedat quae habuerit, aut quo modo ipse poterit, contra sensum auctoris. ID.

(33) The ninth hour or evening. At both times they formerly put an end to the Lenten fasts. At evening, the matter is by far the best attested. At the ninth hour, not a few teach: Socrates, Ecclesiastical History bk V, ch. 22; Ambrose or another, sermon 26 (which is roughly 62 De tempore among Augustine's) and 34; Augustine, letter 118; and Ratherius of Verona, both in his synodical letter and in the sermon On Lent, vol. II of d'Achery's Spicilegium, pp. 264, 283. Further, I found the passage of the constitution interpolated thus in the Royal MS 1110: "But on the remaining days before the Preparation, let each eat whatever he has, or as he himself is able" — "But on the remaining days before the Preparation let each eat what he has, or in what manner he himself can" — against the author's sense. THE SAME.

(34) Ἢ ὅπως ἄν τις δύναιτο. Desunt haec in altero cod. CLER.

(34) Or as anyone may be able. These words are wanting in the other codex. LE CLERC.

(35) Τῷ δὲ Σαββάτῳ, etc. Legebat Bovius interpres: Ἀπὸ δὲ ἑσπέρας πέμπτης μέχρις aut ἕως ἀλεκτοροφωνίας ἀγρυπνοῦντες, etc., quemadmodum citatur a Lindembrogio ad Ammianum Marcellinum. Turriani alter codex: Ἀπὸ δὲ ἑσπέρας πέμπτης μέχρις ἀλεκτοροφωνίας ἀπονηστιζόμενοι ἐπιφωσκούσης, etc. In Anastasii Quaestionibus et in Typico S. Sabae: Ἀπὸ τῆς δευτέρας, μέχρις ἀλεκτρυοφωνίας (al. ἀλεκτοροφωνίας) ἀπονηστιζόμενοι, ἐπιφωσκούσης, etc., ἕως ἀλεκτρυοφωνίας (vel ἀλεκτοροφωνίας) ἀγρυπνοῦντες, προσευχόμενοι, καὶ ἀναγινώσκοντες τὸν νόμον, καὶ τοὺς προφήτας, καὶ τοὺς ψαλμοὺς, μέχρις ἀλεκτρυόνων (ita etiam in Anastasii mss.) κραυγῆς. Salmasius contra Grotium p. 184, ex libris: Ἐν δὲ ταῖς λοιπαῖς ταῖς πρὸ τῆς Παρασκευῆς πρὸς ἑσπέραν ἕκαστος ἐσθιέτω, ἐν δὲ τῷ Σαββάτῳ ἕως τῆς ἀλεκτοροφωνίας ἀγρυπνοῦντες, καὶ προσευχόμενοι, καὶ ἀναγινώσκοντες, etc. In ms. Regio 1526: Ἐν δὲ τῷ Σαββάτῳ ἀπὸ ἑσπέρας ἕως ἀλεκτοροφωνίας ἀγρυπνοῦντες, etc., ut apud Anastasium. Ego vero Constitutorem hoc fere modo scripsisse suspicor: Ἀπὸ δὲ ἑσπέρας πέμπτης, ἢ τῷ Σαββάτῳ μέχρις ἀλεκτοροφωνίας παρατείνοντες, ἀπονηστίζεσθε ἐπιφωσκούσης μιᾶς Σαββάτων, ἥτις ἐστὶ Κυριακή, etc. Hoc est: A vespera vero diei quintae, aut saltem Sabbati, jejunium usque ad galli cantum producentes, solvite illud illuscescente una Sabbatorum, quae est dies Dominica. ID.

(35) But on the Sabbath, etc. The translator Bovius read: "But from the evening of the fifth day until" or "up to cockcrow keeping vigil", etc., as it is cited by Lindenbrog on Ammianus Marcellinus. Turrianus's other codex: "But from the evening of the fifth day until cockcrow, breaking the fast as the dawn rises", etc. In the Questions of Anastasius and in the Typicon of St Sabas: "From the second day until cockcrow (another reading: cockcrow) breaking the fast, as the dawn rises", etc., "keeping vigil until cockcrow (or cockcrow), praying, and reading the law, and the prophets, and the psalms, until the crying of the cocks" (so also in the manuscripts of Anastasius). Salmasius against Grotius, p. 184, from the books: "But on the remaining days before the Preparation let each eat towards evening, and on the Sabbath, keeping vigil until cockcrow, and praying, and reading", etc. In the Royal MS 1526: "But on the Sabbath, keeping vigil from evening until cockcrow", etc., as in Anastasius. I for my part suspect that the Constitutor wrote roughly in this way: "But from the evening of the fifth day, or on the Sabbath, prolonging it until cockcrow, break your fast as the first day of the week dawns, which is the Lord's day", etc. That is: But from the evening of the fifth day, or at least of the Sabbath, prolonging the fast until cockcrow, break it as the first day of the week dawns, which is the Lord's day. THE SAME.

(36) Ἀγρυπνοῦντες. Inter innumera loca de pervigilio Paschae, insigniter ad Constitutionem facientia, sunt ista Lactantii lib. VII, cap. 19, quae imitatur Isidorus Originum VI, 17: Haec est nox, quae nobis propter adventum Regis ac Dei nostri, pervigilio celebratur; cujus noctis duplex ratio est, quod in ea et vitam tum recepit, cum passus est; et postea orbis terrae regnum receptum est. Hieronym. ad Matth. XXV, 6: Traditio Judaeorum est Christum media nocte venturum, in similitudinem Aegyptii temporis, quando Pascha celebratum est, et exterminator venit, et Dominus super tabernacula transiit, et sanguine agni postes nostrarum frontium consecratae sunt. Unde reor et traditionem apostolicam permansisse, ut in die vigiliarum Paschae, ante noctis dimidium, populos dimittere non liceat, exspectantes adventum Christi: et postquam illud tempus transierit, securitate praesumpta, festum cunctos agere diem. Palladii in Vita Chrysostomi: Excubat enim populus in partibus nostris ad primum usque galli cantum. Lupi et Euphronii Epistola ad Tarasium, tom. I Conciliorum Galliae, p. 122: Paschalis vigilia a vespere raro in matutinum usque perducitur. Deinde in vigilia Paschae diversorum librorum lectiones sunt recensendae, quae totae habeant aliquid de praefiguratione aut vaticinio passionis. Paschasini episcopi epist. ad Leonem papam: Nocte sacrosancta Paschali, baptizandi hora, etc., consuetis lectionibus nocte sacra discussis, cum presbyter secundum morem baptizandi, horam requireret, usque ad lucem aqua non veniente, non consecrati, qui baptizandi fuerant, recesserunt. Ut ergo breviter narrem, illa nocte quae lucescebat in Dominicam, decimo die Kalendas Maii fons sacer hora competente repletus est. Denique Epiphanii in Expositione fidei, num. 22, ἀγρυπνίαις διατελοῦσι τὰς ἕξ, dies sex Paschatis in vigiliis transeunt. Ἔν τισι δὲ τόποις τὴν μετὰ τὴν πέμπτην ἀγρυπνοῦσιν, ἐπιφώσκουσαν εἰς τὸ Προσάββατον, καὶ τὴν Κυριακὴν μόνας. In quibusdam vero locis solummodo nocte ea quae sequitur diem quintum, illucescitque in Prosabbatum pervigilant, et nocte Dominica, hoc est, Paschali. Ita enim explico τὴν Κυριακὴν, ex Gregorio Nysseno, seu si mavelis, Hesychio Hierosolymitano, Oratione in Resurrectionem Dominicam, qui Κυριακὴν νύκτα appellat. Omittebam mentionem facere veteris ac deperditae constitutionis pseudoapostolicae in Epiphanio haer. 70, n. 10, qua praecipiebatur ut Christiani vigilias agerent μεσαζόντων τῶν ἀζύμων apud Judaeos. Eam ideo sublatam fuisse arbitror, quia,

(36) Keeping vigil. Among the countless passages on the Paschal vigil that bear notably on the Constitution are these of Lactantius, bk VII, ch. 19, which Isidore imitates in Etymologies VI, 17: "This is the night which is celebrated by us with a vigil because of the coming of our King and God; of which night the reason is twofold: that in it He then received life, when He had suffered; and afterwards the kingdom of the world was received." Jerome on Matthew 25:6: "It is a tradition of the Jews that Christ will come at midnight, after the likeness of the time in Egypt, when the Passover was celebrated, and the destroyer came, and the Lord passed over the dwellings, and the doorposts of our foreheads were consecrated with the blood of the lamb. Whence I think that the apostolic tradition has also persisted, that on the day of the Paschal vigil it is not permitted to dismiss the people before the middle of the night, as they await the coming of Christ; and after that time has passed, assurance being taken, all keep the feast day." From Palladius in the Life of Chrysostom: "For in our parts the people keep watch up to the first cockcrow." The Letter of Lupus and Euphronius to Talasius, vol. I of the Councils of Gaul, p. 122: "The Paschal vigil is rarely carried on from evening into the morning. Then in the Paschal vigil readings from various books are to be gone through, which all have something of the prefiguring or prophecy of the Passion." The letter of Bishop Paschasinus to Pope Leo: "On the most holy Paschal night, at the hour of baptizing, etc., when the customary readings had been gone through on the sacred night, and the presbyter, according to the custom of baptizing, sought the hour, the water did not come until daylight, and those who were to be baptized went away unconsecrated. To tell it briefly, then: on that night which dawned into the Lord's day, the tenth day before the Kalends of May, the sacred font was filled at the fitting hour." Lastly, Epiphanius in the Exposition of the Faith, no. 22: "they continue the six in vigils", they pass the six days of the Pasch in vigils. "But in some places they keep vigil only on the night after the fifth day, dawning into the Day before the Sabbath, and on the Lord's night." But in certain places they keep vigil only on the night which follows the fifth day and dawns into the Day before the Sabbath, and on the Lord's night, that is, the Paschal night. For so I explain "the Lord's", from Gregory of Nyssa, or if you prefer, Hesychius of Jerusalem, in the Oration on the Lord's Resurrection, who calls it "the Lord's night". I was omitting to mention the old and lost pseudo-apostolic constitution in Epiphanius, Heresy 70, no. 10, by which it was enjoined that Christians should keep vigils "when the Unleavened Bread is half over" among the Jews. I judge that it was done away with for this reason, that,

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(53) ‹anchor: not visible on this foot› · call in col 893

Anast. ἀλεκτρυοφωνῶν.

Anastasius reads ἀλεκτρυοφωνῶν (another form of "cock-crow").

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al. τρόπον.

Another reading: τρόπον ("manner").

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(55) ‹anchor: vos videritis› · call in col 894

Matth. XXVII, 24,

Matthew 27:24.

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(56) ‹anchor: non es amicus Caesaris› · call in col 894

Joan. XIX, 15. 6. 12.

John 19:15, 6, 12.

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(57) (58) ‹anchor: Scriptura, quae dicit› · call in col 894

Act. IV, 25-27.

Acts 4:25–27.

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(59) ‹anchor: adversus Christum ejus› · call in col 894

Psal II, 1.

Psalm 2:1.

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(60) ‹anchor: quasi mortuum abominatum› · call in col 894

Isa. XIV, 19.

Isaiah 14:19.

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(61) ‹anchor: in omnibus gentibus› · call in col 894

Psal. LXXXI, 8.

Psalm 81(82):8.

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(62) ‹anchor: fiducialiter agam in eo› · call in col 894

Psal. XI, 6.

Psalm 11(12):6.

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(63) ‹anchor: et retribuam eis› · call in col 894

Psal. XL, 11.

Psalm 40(41):11.

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(64) ‹anchor: in meam commemorationem› · call in col 894

Luc. XXII, 19.

Luke 22:19.

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(65) ‹anchor: quoad venerit Dominus› · call in col 894

Exod. XII, 24; I Cor. XI, 26.

Exodus 12:24; 1 Corinthians 11:26.

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(36) ‹anchor: continued from page 443; call not on this page› · call in col 892

juxta ejusdem S. doctoris animadversionem, non semper poterat, servato ecclesiastico calculo, ipsa observari. Id. — Mss. Vind. ἀπὸ δευτέρας μ. α. καρτεροῦντες. Cl.

(continued) according to the same holy doctor's remark, it could not always itself be observed if the ecclesiastical reckoning was kept. The same. — The Vienna manuscripts: "persevering from the second [day] until cock-crow" (the two middle words abbreviated μ. α.). Cl[ericus].

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Προσλαλήσαντες. Latine alloqui dicitur, et allocutio. Exstant hujusmodi sermones habiti in vigilia Paschae. Cot.

"Having addressed": in Latin, alloqui ("to address") and allocutio ("address"). Sermons of this kind delivered at the Easter vigil survive. Cot[elier].

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(38) ‹anchor: σταύρωσον, σταύρωσον› · call in col 893

Σταύρωσον. Addit alter cod. Vind. ante hanc vocem: καὶ πάλιν ἐπεβόησαν, perperam et ex Joanne liquet. Cl.

"Crucify": the other Vienna codex adds before this word "and again they cried out" — wrongly, as is clear from John. Cl[ericus].

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(39) ‹anchor: Ἡρώδης ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐκέλευσεν› · call in col 893

Ἐκέλευσεν. L. ἐκέλευσαν. Cot.

"He ordered": read "they ordered". Cot[elier].

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(40) ‹anchor: παῤῥησιάσομαι ἐν αὐτῷ› · call in col 893

Παῤῥησιάσομαι ἐν αὐτῷ. Desunt in utroque cod. Vind. Cl.

"I will speak boldly in him": missing in both Vienna codices. Cl[ericus].

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(41) ‹anchor: προσενέγκατε τὴν θυσίαν› · call in col 893

Προσενέγκατε τὴν θυσίαν. Epiphanius sub finem Panarii: Ἐν ἄλλοις δὲ τόποις οὐ γίνεται λατρεία τῆς οἰκονομίας, ἢ μόνον ἐπιφωσκούσης τῆς Κυριακῆς, ὅτε ἀπολύει περὶ τὴν τῶν ἀλεκτρυόνων κλαγγὴν, ἐν τῇ Ἀναστασίμῳ ἡμέρᾳ καὶ πανηγύρει, μεγάλῃ ἡμέρᾳ τοῦ Πάσχα. Aliis vero in locis, divini Mysterii cultus non celebratur, nisi solummodo illucescente Dominica, quando ad gallorum cantum jejunium solvitur, in Resurrectionis die, ac festo, magna die Paschatis. Id.

"Offer the sacrifice." Epiphanius, near the end of the Panarion: "In other places the service of the dispensation is not held except only as the Lord's day dawns, when [the fast] is broken at the crowing of the cocks, on the day and festival of the Resurrection, the great day of the Pascha" — that is, "In other places the worship of the divine Mystery is not celebrated except only as the Lord's day dawns, when the fast is broken at cock-crow, on the day and feast of the Resurrection, the great day of the Pascha." The same.

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(42) ‹anchor: τῆς ἀναστάσεως ὑμῶν› · call in col 893

Τῆς ἀναστάσεως ὑμῶν. Al. ἡμῶν, et rectius. Id.

"Of your resurrection": others read "of our", and more correctly. The same.

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(43) ‹anchor: ζωὴ καὶ› · call in col 893

Ζωὴ καί. Alter cod. καὶ ζωή. Cl.

"Life and": the other codex has "and life". Cl[ericus].

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(44) ‹anchor: μετὰ δὲ ὀκτὼ ἡμέρας› · call in col 893

Μετὰ δὲ ὀκτὼ ἡμέρας, etc. Simili modo a Cyrillo in Joannem, et ab aliis accipitur illud, (continues)

"And after eight days", etc. In a similar way Cyril on John, and others, take the saying (continues)

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(66) ‹anchor: lanceae vulnus in latere› · call in col 895

Joan. XX, 27.

John 20:27.

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(67) ‹anchor: numeratis quadraginta diebus› · call in col 895

Act. I, 3.

Acts 1:3.

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(68) ‹anchor: festum Assumptionis Domini› · call in col 895

Anast. ibid.

Anastasius, ibid.

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(69) ‹anchor: ad Deum ac Patrem› · call in col 895

Marc. XVI, 19.

Mark 16:19.

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(70) ‹anchor: emissorem suum› · call in col 895

l. Ignat. interpol. ad Magnes. 11, ad Sm. 3.

See the interpolated Ignatius, To the Magnesians 11; To the Smyrnaeans 3.

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(71) ‹anchor: a dextris virtutis› · call in col 895

Matth. XXVI, 64.

Matthew 26:64.

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(72) ‹anchor: inimici ejus sub ejus pedibus› · call in col 895

Heb. X, 13,

Hebrews 10:13.

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(73) ‹anchor: potestate ac gloria multa› · call in col 895

Marc. XIII, 26.

Mark 13:26.

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(74) ‹anchor: judicandum vivos et mortuos› · call in col 895

II Tim. IV, 1.

2 Timothy 4:1.

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(75) ‹anchor: secundum ea quae gesserint› · call in col 895

Rom. II, 6.

Romans 2:6.

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(76) ‹anchor: mulieres eorum separatim› · call in col 895

Zach. XII, 10; Joan. XIX, 37.

Zechariah 12:10; John 19:37.

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(77) ‹anchor: in corruptionibus eorum› · call in col 895

Thren. IV, 20.

Lamentations 4:20.

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(78) ‹anchor: cum hominibus conversatus est› · call in col 895

Bar. III, 36.

Baruch 3:36.

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(79) ‹anchor: festum Pentecostes› · call in col 895

Laudat. Anastasius, quaest. 64.

Cited by Anastasius, Question 64.

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(80) ‹anchor: Spiritus nobis suggerebat› · call in col 895

Act. II, 4.

Acts 2:4.

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(44) ‹anchor: continued from page 444; call not on this page› · call in col 893

post dies octo, de die octava, non autem nona. Unde Graeci hanc Dominicam octavarum Paschae nuncupant Κυριακὴν τοῦ Θωμᾶ. Quae ipsis etiam est καινὴ Κυριακὴ, et ἀντίπασχα. Nos Dominicam in Albis appellamus, et Pascha clausum. vel ut legitur in Regula Chrodogangi, cap. 36, Tom. I, Spicilegii, Clausum Paschae. Cot.

(continued) "after eight days", of the eighth day, and not of the ninth. Hence the Greeks call this Sunday of the Paschal octave the "Sunday of Thomas". For them it is also the "New Sunday", and "Antipascha". We call it the Sunday in Albis, and the Close of the Pasch (Pascha clausum), or, as is read in the Rule of Chrodegang, ch. 36, vol. I of the Spicilegium, Clausum Paschae. Cot[elier].

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(45) ‹anchor: καὶ αἱ γυναῖκες› · call in col 896

Καὶ αἱ γυναῖκες, etc. Haec in altero cod. omittuntur. Cl.

"And the women", etc.: these words are omitted in the other codex. Cl[ericus].

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(46) ‹anchor: Χριστοῦ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ› · call in col 896

Τοῦ Ἰησοῦ. Adduntur haec in codd. Vind.: ἣν Ἰουδαῖοι ἀναγινώσκουσι δεκάτῃ Σεπτεμβρίου, ἤτοι Γορπιαίου. Id.

"Jesus": the Vienna codices add "which the Jews read on the tenth of September, that is, of Gorpiaeus." The same.

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(47) ‹anchor: δεκάτῃ τοῦ μηνὸς Γορπιαίου› · call in col 896

Δεκάτῃ τοῦ μηνὸς Γορπιαίου. Decima Septembris, mensis septimi, die sancta et solemni Expiationum, qua Judaeis animas suas affligere seu jejunare praecipitur, Levit. XVI, 29; XXIII, 27; Numer. XXIX, 7. In ea poterant Judaei Hellenistae etiam Baruchum Graece legere, per synagogas suas. Cot.

"On the tenth of the month Gorpiaeus": the tenth of September, the seventh month, the holy and solemn day of Atonement, on which the Jews are commanded to afflict their souls, that is, to fast (Lev. 16:29; 23:27; Num. 29:7). On it the Hellenist Jews could also read Baruch in Greek in their synagogues. Cot[elier].

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(48) ‹anchor: καὶ ἔδειξεν› · call in col 896

Ἔδειξεν. Uterque cod. ἔδωκεν. Cl.

"He showed": both codices read "he gave". Cl[ericus].

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(49) ‹anchor: ἡμέρας τῆς Ἀναλήψεως› · call in col 896

Μετὰ δὲ δέκα ἡμέρας τῆς Ἀναλήψεως. Recuperabit quae amisit Anastasius, si quaest. 64, p. 428, l. 7, post Κυρίου posueris quemadmodum in libris Regiis, et in Typico fol. 135, καὶ μετὰ ἡμέρας δέκα τῆς Ἀναλήψεως. Constitutionum porro locum hunc aliosque multos continet Niconis monachi Pandectes; qui liber servatur in forulis Regiae Bibliothecae. Cot.

"But ten days after the Ascension": Anastasius will recover what he has lost if, in Question 64, p. 428, line 7, after "of the Lord" you put, as in the Royal books and in the Typicon, fol. 135, "and ten days after the Ascension". This passage of the Constitutions, and many others, are contained in the Pandects of the monk Nikon, a book kept in the cases of the Royal Library. Cot[elier].

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Act. X, 42.

Acts 10:42.

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(82) ‹anchor: not visible on this foot› · call in col 898

Gen. XIX, 24.

Genesis 19:24.

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(83) ‹anchor: not visible on this foot› · call in col 898

Gen. XXXII, 30.

Genesis 32:30.

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(84) ‹anchor: not visible on this foot› · call in col 898

Gen. XVIII, 25, 27.

Genesis 18:25, 27.

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(85) ‹anchor: not visible on this foot› · call in col 898

Exod. III, 2.

Exodus 3:2.

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(86) ‹anchor: de populo suo› · call in col 898

Deut. XVIII, 15.

Deuteronomy 18:15.

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(87) ‹anchor: ut servus dominum› · call in col 898

Jos. V, 15.

Joshua 5:15.

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(88) ‹anchor: respiciens Christum Dei› · call in col 898

I Reg. XII, 3.

1 Kings (1 Samuel) 12:3.

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(89) ‹anchor: Canticum pro dilecto› · call in col 898

Psal. XLIV, 1.

Psalm 44(45):1.

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(90) ‹anchor: prae participibus tuis› · call in col 898

Ibid., 4.

Ibid., verse 4.

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(91) ‹anchor: colles generat me› · call in col 898

Prov. VIII, 22.

Proverbs 8:22.

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(92) ‹anchor: aedificavit sibi domum› · call in col 898

Prov. IX, 1.

Proverbs 9:1.

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(93) ‹anchor: Isaias aiebat› · call in col 898

l. Ignat. interpol. ad Sm. 2.

See the interpolated Ignatius, To the Smyrnaeans 2.

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(94) ‹anchor: gentes sperabunt› · call in col 898

Isa. xi, 1, 10.

Isaiah 11:1, 10.

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(95) ‹anchor: pullum filium subjugalis› · call in col 898

Zach. IX, 9.

Zechariah 9:9.

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(50) ‹anchor: not visible on this foot› · call in col 898

Κριτήν. Additur εἶναι in altero codice, parum concinne, cum jam antecesserit. In margine adscriptum: περὶ τοῦ Κυρίου προφητεῖαι. Cl.

"Judge": the other codex adds "to be", rather awkwardly, since it has already come before. Written in the margin: "Prophecies concerning the Lord." Cl[ericus].

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(51) ‹anchor: ᾧ καὶ πεσὼν προσεκύνησεν› · call in col 898

ᾯ καὶ πεσὼν προσεκύνησεν. De nullo sanctorum refertur in sacra Scriptura, quod Deum cadens adoraverit; sed quicunque illicita adorat, cadens dicitur adorare. Observatio est S. Hieronymi ad caput iii Danielis. Quanquam in Matthaei Evangelio de Magis legimus, procidentes infantem Jesum adorasse. Cot.

"Whom he fell down and worshipped." Of none of the saints does sacred Scripture relate that he worshipped God falling down; but whoever worships things unlawful is said to worship falling down. This is St Jerome's observation on Daniel 3. Yet in Matthew's Gospel we read of the Magi that, falling down, they worshipped the infant Jesus. Cot[elier].

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(52) ‹anchor: ἠκονημένα, δυνατέ› · call in col 898

Ἠκονημένα, δυνατέ. Notanda in hoc Davidis textu varians lectio, δυνατά, tum apud Eusebium Demonstr. Evangel., lib. v, cap. 3, tum ex Metaphrasi Apollinaris, Arnobii Commentario, et Catena hic p. 826. Firmicus De errore profanarum religionum: Sagittae acutae potentissimae. Vide etiam Paschasium. Malo autem exemplo factum ab iis qui praefuerunt editionibus S. Augustini, quod non sustulerint evidens mendum ad hunc Psalmum: Sagittae tuae acutae, potentissime: et transfigentes et efficientes. Praesertim cum cernerent mox: O sagittam acutam potentissimam! Unde corrigere debuerant, acutae potentissimae. Id.

"Sharpened, O mighty one": note in this text of David the variant δυνατά ("mighty", agreeing with the arrows), both in Eusebius, Demonstration of the Gospel V, 3, and from Apollinaris's Metaphrase, Arnobius's Commentary, and the Catena here, p. 826. Firmicus, On the Error of Profane Religions: "most mighty sharp arrows". See also Paschasius. It was a bad precedent on the part of those who directed the editions of St Augustine that they did not remove an evident error on this Psalm: "Your arrows are sharp, O most mighty one: both piercing and effective" — especially when they saw just after: "O most mighty sharp arrow!" Hence they ought to have corrected it to "most mighty sharp [arrows]". The same.

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(53) ‹anchor: τοῦ βασιλέως› · call in col 898

Βασιλέως. Additur in cod. Vind. καὶ ἑξῆς. Cl.

"Of the king": the Vienna codex adds "and so on". Cl[ericus].

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(54) ‹anchor: πρὸ τοῦ ἐλθεῖν› · call in col 898

Ἐλθεῖν. Προελθεῖν in utroque cod. Id.

"To come": "to come forth" in both codices. The same.

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(55) ‹anchor: Ἰδοὺ› · call in col 898

Ἰδού. Praecedunt hanc voculam haec, in altero cod.: Χαῖρε σφόδρα, θύγατερ Σιών. Id.

"Behold": in the other codex this little word is preceded by "Rejoice greatly, daughter of Zion." The same.

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(56) ‹anchor: λέγει εἶναι› · call in col 898

Εἶναι. Deest in altero. Id.

"To be": missing in the other. The same.

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(96) ‹anchor: not visible on this foot› · call in col 899

Dan. VII, 13.

Daniel 7:13.

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(97) ‹anchor: not visible on this foot› · call in col 899

Dan. II 34.

Daniel 2:34.

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(98) ‹anchor: not visible on this foot› · call in col 899

Thren. IV, 20.

Lamentations 4:20.

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(99) ‹anchor: manet super eum› · call in col 899

Joan. III, 36.

John 3:36.

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(100) ‹anchor: celebraveritis Pentecosten› · call in col 899

Anast. ibid.

Anastasius, ibid.

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(57) ‹anchor: not visible on this foot› · call in col 899

Θεῶν. In altero codice eleganter: ἀθέων, cum πολυθεΐα θεῶν repetitionem auribus ingratam offerat. Est vero hic ὀξύμωρον. Prima enim fronte videtur repugnare, iis qui ne unum quidem Deum admittunt, objici deorum multitudinem; sed nihil est verius; deus enim, qui socios habet, non est deus, cujus hoc est summum attributum, non tantum superiorem nullum, sed ne parem quidem ullum habere. Cl.

"Of gods": the other codex elegantly reads ἀθέων ("of the godless"), since "polytheism of gods" offers a repetition unpleasant to the ear. Here there is an oxymoron. At first sight it seems contradictory to charge with a multitude of gods those who do not admit even one God; but nothing is truer, for a god who has partners is no god, since his supreme attribute is to have not only no superior but not even any equal. Cl[ericus].

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(58) ‹anchor: ὑπηρετούμενον τῷ Θεῷ› · call in col 899

Ὑπηρετούμενον. Adnotabatur hic in antiquo codice Turriani: Οὐ δέχομαι ὑπηρετῆσαι τῷ Θεῷ καὶ Πατρὶ τὸν Υἱὸν, ἀλλὰ σὺν αὐτῷ πάντα ποιῆσαι. Non admitto ministrasse Deo et Patri Filium; sed una cum ipso cuncta creavisse. Et ad consimile effatum lib. viii, cap. 12: Μετὰ τὴν σάρκωσιν εἴποι ἄν τις τὴν ὑπηρεσίαν δι' αὐτὸν, οὐ μὴν πρὸ τῆς σαρκώσεως. Post incarnationem, dixerit quis ministerium per illum (seu illum ministrasse), non vero ante incarnationem. Pie admodum, et congruenter doctrinae SS. Patrum. Nam haeretici hujusmodi vocibus abutebantur contra aequalitatem Filii cum Patre. Caeteroqui non desunt exempla similium locutionum, non modo in magistris qui Arium praecesserunt (Justinum martyrem dico, Theophilum Antiochenum, Irenaeum, Clementem Alexandrinum, Tertullianum, et Origenem); sed et in illis, qui post exortam Arianam haeresim scripsere. Verbi gratia, in Hilario lib. iii De Trinitate, Mario Victorino hymno 3, ac Epiphanio, circa quem leg. sup. ad Hermae locum. Philo Judaeus De nominum mutatione, p. 1058: Ὑπηρέτης τοῦ Θεοῦ λόγος. Vide, si lubet, epistolam episcoporum sex ad Paulum Samosatensem. Cot.—In margine utriusque cod. Vind.: Ὅτι τὸ λέγειν· « Ὑπηρετεῖ ὁ Υἱὸς τῷ Πατέρι καὶ Θεῷ, » οὐχ ὑπόβασιν τοῦ Υἱοῦ δείκνυσιν, οὐδὲ λειτουργικὴν δύναμιν ὡς κτίσματος, ἀλλὰ ὡς συνδημιουργοῦ. Verum haec non sunt scriptoris hujus libri, sed librarii, aut potius critici rectius sentientis. Non est hujus loci attingere quaestionem, quae moveri hinc queat, cur Patres antenicaeni instar Arianorum interdum locuti sint, interdum eos oppugnasse videantur. Cler.

"Ministering." In an old codex of Torres this was noted here: "I do not accept that the Son ministered to God and the Father, but that He made all things together with Him" — "I do not admit that the Son ministered to God and the Father, but that He created all things together with Him." And on a similar statement in Book VIII, chapter 12: "After the incarnation one might speak of ministry through Him, but not before the incarnation" — "After the incarnation one may speak of ministry through Him (or of His having ministered), but not before the incarnation." Very piously, and in keeping with the teaching of the holy Fathers; for the heretics abused such words against the Son's equality with the Father. Otherwise there is no lack of examples of similar expressions, not only in the teachers who preceded Arius (I mean Justin Martyr, Theophilus of Antioch, Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian and Origen), but also in those who wrote after the Arian heresy arose: for instance in Hilary, On the Trinity III, in Marius Victorinus, hymn 3, and in Epiphanius, on whom read above at the passage of Hermas. Philo the Jew, On the Change of Names, p. 1058: "the Word, minister of God". See, if you like, the letter of the six bishops to Paul of Samosata. Cot[elier]. — In the margin of both Vienna codices: "To say 'The Son ministers to the Father and God' does not show the Son's inferiority, nor a ministering power as of a creature, but as of a co-creator." But these words are not this book's author's but a copyist's, or rather a critic's of sounder mind. This is not the place to touch the question that could be raised from here: why the ante-Nicene Fathers sometimes spoke like the Arians and sometimes seem to have opposed them. Cler[icus].

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(59) ‹anchor: ἑορτάσατε μίαν ἑβδομάδα› · call in col 899

Ἑορτάσατε μίαν ἑβδομάδα. Ritum festam habendi hebdomadem quae Pentecosten consequitur, ex hisce libris ab Aethiopibus indicatum apud Damianum a Goes, non meminerant alicubi Ecclesiarum esse observatum, aut a se alibi lectum viri memoria excellenti, plurimaeque lectionis. Ego vero illis hac parte felicior, non pauca reperi testimonia, quibus constat ita multis in locis fuisse actitatum. Nonnulla proferam; et ad reliqua lectorem amandabo. Igitur in antiquis Poenitentialibus a doctissimo Morino evulgatis, p. 88, 89, inter dies festos quibus poenitentes omni jejunio absolvuntur, ponitur, cum hebdomade Paschatis, hebdomas quae Pentecosten excipit, quaeque S. Spiritus hebdomas vocatur: Τὴν ἑβδομάδα τοῦ Πάσχα, καὶ τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς Πεντηκοστῆς, ἣν τοῦ ἁγίου Πνεύματος καλοῦμεν ἑβδομάδα. Et p. 90, B; 115, E, vetatur genu flectere, ut in diebus solemnibus, a Paschate usque ad festum Omnium Sanctorum, hoc est, juxta Graecos, Dominicam post Pentecosten. Ad haec ita scribit Joannes Citrius in responsis ad Cabasilam, non quidem impressis illis Juris Graeco-Romani p. 323, etc., sed in compendium redactis, ac numero pluribus, Bibliothecae Regiae, et codicis Joliani, post Matthaei monachi Nomocanonem: Καταλύομεν δὲ καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν μετὰ τὴν Πεντηκοστὴν ἑβδομάδα, εἰς τιμὴν τοῦ ἁγίου Πνεύματος, ὥς γε δὴ καὶ τὴν διακαινήσιμον, εἰς τιμὴν τοῦ Σωτῆρος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, διὰ τὸ ὁμότιμον εἶναι τὸ Πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον, ὥσπερ ἄρα τῷ Πατρὶ, οὕτω δὴ καὶ τῷ Υἱῷ· δι' αὐτῶν γὰρ τῇ τοῦ Πατρὸς εὐδοκίᾳ τὸ τῆς ἡμῶν ἀναπλάσεως ᾠκονομήθη μυστήριον, καὶ ὁ τῆς θεογνωσίας ἡμῖν ἐπέλαμψεν φωτισμός. Id est, totam quoque a Pentecoste hebdomadem nequaquam jejunamus, in honorem S. Spiritus: quemadmodum, scilicet, hebdomadem post Pascha, in honorem Salvatoris nostri Jesu Christi: quod Spiritus sanctus paris sit dignitatis, ut cum Patre, ita et cum Filio: per Filium enim et sanctum Spiritum beneplacito Patris, nostrae reformationis mysterium dispensatum est, nobisque cognitionis Dei splendor illuxit. Jam vero adi ad Typicum fol. 134, ad concilium Moguntiacum can. 36, et Capitularia, lib. ii, cap. 35; ad synodum Salegunstadiensem, cap. 2, et ad eos qui De ecclesiasticis officiis scripserunt, Amalarium lib. i, cap. 39, lib. iv, cap. 29; Bernonem, cap. 3; Rupertum, lib. x, cap. (continues)

"Keep one week as a feast." The rite of keeping festal the week that follows Pentecost — pointed out by the Ethiopians from these books, in Damião de Góis — men of excellent memory and very wide reading did not recall having been observed anywhere in the Churches, or having read of it elsewhere. I, more fortunate than they in this respect, have found not a few testimonies that show it was so practised in many places. I will bring forward some and refer the reader to the rest. Thus in the ancient Penitentials published by the most learned Morin, pp. 88–89, among the feast days on which penitents are released from all fasting there is set, with Easter week, the week that follows Pentecost, which is called the week of the Holy Spirit: "The week of the Pascha, and that from Pentecost, which we call the week of the Holy Spirit." And at p. 90 B and 115 E, kneeling is forbidden, as on solemn days, from Easter until the feast of All Saints, that is, among the Greeks, the Sunday after Pentecost. Moreover, John of Kitros writes thus in his answers to Cabasilas — not those printed in the Jus Graeco-Romanum, p. 323 etc., but those reduced to a compendium and more numerous, in the Royal Library and in the Joly codex, after the Nomocanon of Matthew the monk: "We also break the fast through the whole week after Pentecost, in honour of the Holy Spirit, just as through Renewal week, in honour of our Saviour Jesus Christ, because the Holy Spirit is of equal honour, as with the Father so also with the Son; for through them, by the Father's good pleasure, the mystery of our refashioning was dispensed, and the illumination of the knowledge of God shone on us." That is: "We do not fast at all through the whole week from Pentecost, in honour of the Holy Spirit, just as through the week after Easter, in honour of our Saviour Jesus Christ; because the Holy Spirit is of equal dignity, as with the Father, so also with the Son: for through the Son and the Holy Spirit, by the Father's good pleasure, the mystery of our reformation was dispensed, and the splendour of the knowledge of God shone upon us." Now go to the Typicon, fol. 134; to the Council of Mainz, canon 36, and the Capitularies, Book II, chapter 35; to the synod of Seligenstadt, chapter 2; and to those who wrote On the Ecclesiastical Offices: Amalarius, Book I, chapter 39, Book IV, chapter 29; Berno, chapter 3; Rupert, Book X, chapter (continues)

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96 Dan. VII, 13. 97 Dan. II, 34. 98 Thren. IV, 20. 99 Joan. III, 36. 100 Anast. ibid.

96 Dan. 7:13. 97 Dan. 2:34. 98 Lam. 4:20. 99 John 3:36. 100 Anastasius, at the same place.

VARIORUM NOTAE.

NOTES OF VARIOUS SCHOLARS.

(57) Θεῶν. In altero codice eleganter: ἀθέων, cum πολυθεΐα θεῶν repetitionem auribus ingratam offerat. Est vero hic ὀξύμωρον. Prima enim fronte videtur repugnare, iis qui ne unum quidem Deum admittunt, objici deorum multitudinem; sed nihil est verius; deus enim, qui socios habet, non est deus, cujus hoc est summum attributum, non tantum superiorem nullum, sed ne parem quidem ullum habere. Cl.

(57) Θεῶν ("of gods"). In the other codex, elegantly, ἀθέων ("of the godless"), since πολυθεΐα θεῶν presents a repetition unpleasing to the ears. Here, however, there is an oxymoron. For at first sight it seems contradictory that a multitude of gods should be laid to the charge of those who do not admit even one God; but nothing is truer; for a god who has partners is not a god, whose supreme attribute is this: to have not only no superior, but not even any equal. Cl.

(58) Ὑπηρετούμενον. Adnotabatur hic in antiquo codice Turriani: Οὐ δέχομαι ὑπηρετῆσαι τῷ Θεῷ καὶ Πατρὶ τὸν Υἱὸν, ἀλλὰ σὺν αὐτῷ πάντα ποιῆσαι. Non admitto ministrasse Deo et Patri Filium; sed una cum ipso cuncta creavisse. Et ad consimile effatum lib. VIII, cap. 12: Μετὰ τὴν σάρκωσιν εἴποι ἄν τις τὴν ὑπηρεσίαν δι' αὐτὸν, οὐ μὴν πρὸ τῆς σαρκώσεως. Post incarnationem, dixerit quis ministerium per illum (seu illum ministrasse), non vero ante incarnationem. Pie admodum, et congruenter doctrinae SS. Patrum. Nam haeretici hujusmodi vocibus abutebantur contra aequalitatem Filii cum Patre. Caeteroqui non desunt exempla similium locutionum, non modo in magistris qui Arium praecesserunt (Justinum martyrem dico, Theophilum Antiochenum, Irenaeum, Clementem Alexandrinum, Tertullianum, et Origenem); sed et in illis, qui post exortam Arianam haeresim scripsere. Verbi gratia, in Hilario lib. III De Trinitate, Mario Victorino hymno 3, ac Epiphanio, circa quem leg. sup. ad Hermae locum. Philo Judaeus De nominum mutatione, p. 1058: Ὑπηρέτης τοῦ Θεοῦ λόγος. Vide, si lubet, epistolam episcoporum sex ad Paulum Samosatensem. Cot.—In margine utriusque cod. Vind.: Ὅτι τὸ λέγειν· «Ὑπηρετεῖ ὁ Υἱὸς τῷ Πατέρι καὶ Θεῷ,» οὐχ ὑπόβασιν τοῦ Υἱοῦ δείκνυσιν, οὐδὲ λειτουργικὴν δύναμιν ὡς κτίσματος, ἀλλὰ ὡς συνδημιουργοῦ. Verum haec non sunt scriptoris hujus libri, sed librarii, aut potius critici rectius sentientis. Non est hujus loci attingere quaestionem, quae moveri hinc queat, cur Patres antenicaeni instar Arianorum interdum locuti sint, interdum eos oppugnasse videantur. Cler.

(58) Ὑπηρετούμενον ("ministering"). In Turrianus's ancient codex this was noted here: "I do not admit that the Son ministered to God and the Father, but that together with Him He made all things": "Non admitto ministrasse Deo et Patri Filium; sed una cum ipso cuncta creavisse." And on a closely similar saying, book VIII, chapter 12: "After the incarnation one might speak of the ministry through Him, but not before the incarnation": "Post incarnationem, dixerit quis ministerium per illum (or, that He ministered), non vero ante incarnationem." Very piously, and in agreement with the doctrine of the holy Fathers. For the heretics abused expressions of this kind against the equality of the Son with the Father. For the rest, there is no lack of examples of similar expressions, not only in the teachers who preceded Arius (I mean Justin Martyr, Theophilus of Antioch, Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian and Origen), but also in those who wrote after the Arian heresy had arisen. For instance, in Hilary, book III On the Trinity, in Marius Victorinus, hymn 3, and in Epiphanius, concerning whom read above at the passage of Hermas. Philo the Jew, On the Change of Names, p. 1058: "The Word is the minister of God." See, if you please, the letter of the six bishops to Paul of Samosata. Cot.—In the margin of both Vienna codices: "That to say 'The Son ministers to the Father and God' shows not an inferiority of the Son, nor a ministerial power as of a creature, but as of a fellow-creator." But these words are not the writer's of this book, but a copyist's, or rather a critic's of sounder opinion. This is not the place to touch the question which may be raised from this, why the ante-Nicene Fathers sometimes spoke like the Arians, and at other times seem to have opposed them. Cler.

(59) Ἑορτάσατε μίαν ἑβδομάδα. Ritum festam habendi hebdomadem quae Pentecosten consequitur, ex hisce libris ab Aethiopibus indicatum apud Damianum a Goes, non meminerant alicubi Ecclesiarum esse observatum, aut a se alibi lectum viri memoria excellenti, plurimaeque lectionis. Ego vero illis hac parte felicior, non pauca reperi testimonia, quibus constat ita multis in locis fuisse actitatum. Nonnulla proferam; et ad reliqua lectorem amandabo. Igitur in antiquis Poenitentialibus a doctissimo Morino evulgatis, p. 88, 89, inter dies festos quibus poenitentes omni jejunio absolvuntur, ponitur, cum hebdomade Paschatis, hebdomas quae Pentecosten excipit, quaeque S. Spiritus hebdomas vocatur: Τὴν ἑβδομάδα τοῦ Πάσχα, καὶ τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς Πεντηκοστῆς, ἣν τοῦ ἁγίου Πνεύματος καλοῦμεν ἑβδομάδα. Et p. 90, B; 115, E, vetatur genu flectere, ut in diebus solemnibus, a Paschate usque ad festum Omnium Sanctorum, hoc est, juxta Graecos, Dominicam post Pentecosten. Ad haec ita scribit Joannes Citrius in responsis ad Cabasilam, non quidem impressis illis Juris Graeco-Romani p. 323, etc., sed in compendium redactis, ac numero pluribus, Bibliothecae Regiae, et codicis Joliani, post Matthaei monachi Nomocanonem: Καταλύομεν δὲ καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν μετὰ τὴν Πεντηκοστὴν ἑβδομάδα, εἰς τιμὴν τοῦ ἁγίου Πνεύματος, ὥς γε δὴ καὶ τὴν διακαινήσιμον, εἰς τιμὴν τοῦ Σωτῆρος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, διὰ τὸ ὁμότιμον εἶναι τὸ Πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον, ὥσπερ ἄρα τῷ Πατρὶ, οὕτω δὴ καὶ τῷ Υἱῷ· δι' αὐτῶν γὰρ τῇ τοῦ Πατρὸς εὐδοκίᾳ τὸ τῆς ἡμῶν ἀναπλάσεως ᾠκονομήθη μυστήριον, καὶ ὁ τῆς θεογνωσίας ἡμῖν ἐπέλαμψεν φωτισμός. Id est, totam quoque a Pentecoste hebdomadem nequaquam jejunamus, in honorem S. Spiritus: quemadmodum, scilicet, hebdomadem post Pascha, in honorem Salvatoris nostri Jesu Christi: quod Spiritus sanctus paris sit dignitatis, ut cum Patre, ita et cum Filio: per Filium enim et sanctum Spiritum beneplacito Patris, nostrae reformationis mysterium dispensatum est, nobisque cognitionis Dei splendor illuxit. Jam vero adi ad Typicum fol. 134, ad concilium Moguntiacum can. 36, et Capitularia, lib. II, cap. 35; ad synodum Salegunstadiensem, cap. 2, et ad eos qui De ecclesiasticis officiis scripserunt, Amalarium lib. I, cap. 39, lib. IV, cap. 29; Bernonem, cap. 3; Rupertum, lib. X, cap.

(59) Ἑορτάσατε μίαν ἑβδομάδα ("keep one week as a feast"). The rite of keeping festal the week that follows Pentecost, pointed out from these books by the Ethiopians in Damião de Góis, men of excellent memory and very wide reading did not remember to have been observed anywhere in the Churches, or to have been read by them elsewhere. But I, more fortunate than they in this respect, have found not a few testimonies by which it is established that it was so practised in many places. Some I shall bring forward; for the rest I shall send the reader elsewhere. Thus in the ancient Penitentials published by the most learned Morin, pp. 88, 89, among the feast days on which penitents are released from all fasting there is set, with the week of Easter, the week that follows Pentecost, which is also called the week of the Holy Spirit: "The week of Easter, and that from Pentecost, which we call the week of the Holy Spirit." And at p. 90 B and 115 E kneeling is forbidden, as on solemn days, from Easter until the feast of All Saints, that is, according to the Greeks, the Sunday after Pentecost. Moreover, John Citrius writes thus in his answers to Cabasilas (not indeed those printed in the Jus Graeco-Romanum, p. 323 etc., but those reduced to a compendium and more numerous, of the King's Library and of the Joly codex, after the Nomocanon of Matthew the monk): "We also break the fast during the whole week after Pentecost, in honour of the Holy Spirit, as indeed also during the week of renewal, in honour of our Saviour Jesus Christ, because the Holy Spirit is of equal honour, as with the Father, so also with the Son; for through them, by the good pleasure of the Father, the mystery of our refashioning was dispensed, and the illumination of the knowledge of God shone upon us." That is: "We also by no means fast the whole week from Pentecost, in honour of the Holy Spirit; just as, namely, the week after Easter, in honour of our Saviour Jesus Christ: because the Holy Spirit is of equal dignity, as with the Father, so also with the Son: for through the Son and the Holy Spirit, by the good pleasure of the Father, the mystery of our reformation was dispensed, and the splendour of the knowledge of God shone upon us." Now go to the Typicon, fol. 134; to the Council of Mainz, canon 36, and the Capitularies, book II, chapter 35; to the Synod of Seligenstadt, chapter 2; and to those who wrote On the Ecclesiastical Offices: Amalarius, book I, chapter 39, book IV, chapter 29; Berno, chapter 3; Rupert, book X, chapter

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NOTE: the author's text lies above the rendered foot, so no anchors are visible. Call column assumed to be the Latin column, 902 (on even pages of this run the Latin stands on the right). (printed under page 448)

¹ Deest in Anast. ² Exod. XXXIV, 28; III Reg. XIX, 8. ³ Dan. X, 2. ⁴ I Reg. I, 15.

¹ Wanting in Anastasius. ² Exod. 34:28; 1 Kgs 19:8. ³ Dan. 10:2. ⁴ 1 Sam. 1:15.

26, et Honorium lib. III, cap. 149. Postea Paschate servante hebdomadem suam, Pentecostae tres tantum dies attributi sunt, per sextum canonem concilii Engilenheimensis. Videnda Constantiensis synodus ann. 1094. Cot.

26, and Honorius, book III, chapter 149. Afterwards, Easter keeping its own week, only three days were assigned to Pentecost, by the sixth canon of the council of Ingelheim. The synod of Constance of the year 1094 should be consulted. Cot[elier].

(60) Καὶ μετ' ἐκείνην, νηστεύσατε μίαν. Abest μίαν ab Anastasio, et a tractatu acephalo De jejuniis cod. Reg. 2434; ubi iste locus citatur. Equidem cernimus in S. Athanasio, Apologia de fuga sua, paulo post initium, Alexandriae jejunatum fuisse in hebdomade quae subsequitur Pentecosten. Quemadmodum Patres concilii Turonensis II, can. 17, ex antiquis institutis praecipiunt monachis, ut post Quinquagesimam tota hebdomade ex asse jejunent. At nunc Graeci jejunium inchoant post octavam Pentecostes, et perducunt ad festum apostolorum Petri et Pauli. Videturque hoc jejunium successisse illi constitutionis pseudoapostolicae: conjunctis forsan in unum duobus jejuniis, Pentecostes et apostolorum: siquidem νηστείαν τῶν ἁγίων ἀποστόλων fuisse ἑπταήμερον testis est locuples Balsamon, in responsis ad Marci interrogationes, resp. 53; Juris Graeco-Romani, pag. 388 (quo in responso me suasore lacunam complebis, e mss. ac ex ejusdem Balsamonis canonum collectione, p. 227 et 228, repones, κυρίου Νικολάου) nec non in interpretatione responsionis synodi Constantinopolitanae sub Nicolao patriarcha ad Quaestionem 3 monachorum quorumdam. Cujus loci Latinam versionem ab Herveto habemus; Graeca autem in lucem profero, accepta ab iisdem libris:

(60) "And after it, fast one." "One" is wanting in Anastasius, and in the headless treatise On Fasts in Royal codex 2434, where this passage is quoted. We do indeed see in St Athanasius, in his Apology for his flight, a little after the beginning, that at Alexandria there was fasting in the week which follows Pentecost; just as the Fathers of the second council of Tours, canon 17, following ancient institutions, enjoin on monks that after Quinquagesima they fast the whole week entirely. But now the Greeks begin the fast after the octave of Pentecost and carry it on to the feast of the apostles Peter and Paul. And this fast seems to have succeeded that of the pseudo-apostolic constitution, the two fasts, of Pentecost and of the apostles, being perhaps joined into one: for that the fast of the holy apostles was of seven days, Balsamon is an ample witness, in his responses to the questions of Mark, response 53 (Jus Graeco-Romanum, p. 388; in which response, at my suggestion, you will fill a lacuna from the manuscripts and from the same Balsamon's collection of the canons, pp. 227 and 228, restoring κυρίου Νικολάου), and also in his interpretation of the response of the synod of Constantinople under the patriarch Nicholas to Question 3 of certain monks. Of this passage we have a Latin version by Hervet; the Greek I bring to light, taken from the same books:

Καὶ τότε μὲν ἐλαλήθησαν ταῦτα. Ἐγὼ δὲ μετὰ τοῦτο σκοπήσας, ὅθεν καὶ ὅπως παρεδόθησαν αἱ δύο αὗται νηστεῖαι, ἤγουν τῆς κοιμήσεως τῆς ἁγίας Θεοτόκου, καὶ τῆς Γεννήσεως τοῦ Χριστοῦ καὶ Θεοῦ ἡμῶν, ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ ἡ πρὸ τῆς ἑορτῆς τῶν Ἁγίων Ἀποστόλων τελουμένη νηστεία, καὶ ἡ πρὸ τῆς μεταμορφώσεως νηστεία, καὶ εἰ ἐξ ἀνάγκης ὀφείλομεν κατὰ ταύτας νηστεύειν, καὶ ἐπὶ πόσαις ἡμέραις, λέγω, τὴν μὲν νηστείαν τῶν τοιούτων τεσσάρων ἑορτῶν, ἀπαραίτητον εἶναι· τὴν δὲ ποσότητα τῶν ἡμερῶν ταύτης μὴ εἶναι εἰς πάντας ἰσάριθμον· ὅπερ εἰς τὴν μεγάλην ἐστὶ Τεσσαρακοστήν· ἀλλὰ πρὸ μὲν ἑπτὰ ἡμερῶν ἑκάστης τῶν τοιούτων ἑορτῶν, πάντες οἱ πιστοὶ, λαϊκοὶ δηλονότι καὶ μοναχοὶ, ἀναγκάζονται νηστεύειν κατὰ τὸ ἀπαραίτητον, καὶ οἱ μὴ οὕτω ποιοῦντες, ἐκ τῆς κοινωνίας τῶν ὀρθοδόξων Χριστιανῶν ἀλλοτριωθήσονται· οἱ ἀπὸ κτητορικῶν τυπικῶν συνωθούμενοι μοναχοὶ νηστεύειν ἐπιπλέον, ἤγουν ἀπὸ τῆς ἑορτῆς τῶν ἁγίων πάντων, καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς ιδ' τοῦ Νοεμβρίου μηνὸς, καὶ ἄκοντες ἀναγκασθήσονται τοῖς κτητορικοῖς αὐτῶν τυπικοῖς ἀκολουθεῖν, ὅτι τοῦτο κανονικὸν καὶ σωτηριῶδές ἐστιν, ὥσπερ καὶ οἱ λαϊκοὶ οὕτως ἑκοντὶ νηστεύοντες, εὐχαριστίας ἀξιωθήσονται. Ἐπὶ δὲ τὰς αἰτίας τούτων πάντων γραφικοῖς θείοις δόγμασι καὶ διδάγμασιν εὐδοκοῦντος τοῦ Θεοῦ κατησφαλισάμεθα, καὶ δι' ἐπιστολῆς παρεστησάμεθα γραφείσης πρὸς τὸν ἐν τῷ βουνῷ τοῦ ἁγίου Αὐξεντίου ἐγκλειόμενον, τὸν τιμιώτατον μοναχὸν κύριον Θεοδόσιον τὸν Σαρπειώτην, ἀνάγνωθι καὶ ταύτην. Ἐνταῦθα γὰρ ὡς πολύστιχος οὐ κατεστρώθη. Ἡ αὐτὴ δὲ ἐπιστολὴ ἐγράφη ἀπαραλλάκτως καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἐν τῷ θρόνῳ τῆς μεγάλης Ἀντιοχείας, κληρικοὺς καὶ λοιπούς.

And these things were said at that time. But I, having afterwards considered whence and how these two fasts were handed down, namely that of the Dormition of the holy Theotokos and that of the Nativity of Christ our God, and moreover the fast kept before the feast of the Holy Apostles and the fast before the Transfiguration, and whether we are bound of necessity to fast in them, and for how many days, say that the fast of these four feasts is indispensable, but that the number of its days is not equal for all, as it is for the great Forty Days; but for seven days before each of these feasts all the faithful, that is to say laity and monks, are bound to fast as an indispensable duty, and those who do not do so shall be estranged from the communion of orthodox Christians. The monks who are pressed by their founders' typika to fast further, that is, from the feast of All Saints and from the 14th of the month of November, shall be compelled even against their will to follow their founders' typika, because this is canonical and salutary; just as the laity too who fast in this way of their own accord shall be counted worthy of thanks. The reasons for all these things, God being well pleased, we have made secure by divine sentences and teachings of Scripture, and have set them out in a letter written to the most honourable monk, the lord Theodosius Sarpeiotes, who is enclosed on the hill of St Auxentius: read this too. For, being of many lines, it has not been set down here. The same letter was written without alteration also to those at the throne of great Antioch, the clergy and the rest.

Et haec quidem tunc dicta sunt. Ego autem cum postea considerassem, undenam et quo modo haec duo jejunia tradita sunt, scilicet, dormitionis sanctae Deiparae, et Nativitatis Jesu Christi ac Dei nostri; atque etiam jejunium quod peragitur ante festum Sanctorum Apostolorum, necnon jejunium ante Transfigurationem; et an necessario debemus haec jejunare, et quot diebus; dico, jejunium quidem horum quatuor festorum esse inexcusabile; ejus autem dierum quantitatem non esse numero apud omnes aequalem; quod in magna Quadragesima est: sed ante septem quidem dies uniuscujusque horum festorum omnes fideles, laici scilicet et monachi, coguntur jejunare inexcusabiliter, quique non ita faciunt, ab orthodoxorum Christianorum communione alienabuntur. Monachi autem, qui a typicis per loca receptis compelluntur amplius jejunare, videlicet, a festo Omnium Sanctorum, et a 14 mensis Novembris, vel inviti cogentur suos illos formularum libros sequi: quoniam hoc est canonicum et salutare; quemadmodum et laici qui sua sponte ita jejunant, laude et gratiarum actione digni habebuntur. Quia vero horum omnium causas divinis sententiis ac doctrinis scripto mandatis, Deo favente, confirmavimus, et in epistola exhibuimus, quam ad in primis venerabilem monachum dominum Theodosium Sarpeiotem, qui in valle sancti Auxentii inclusus degit, scripsimus, eam quoque lege. Hic enim non est posita, ut quae prolixa sit. Eadem autem epistola, nullo penitus mutato, scripta est etiam ad clericos et reliquos, qui sunt in sede magnae Antiochiae.

And these things indeed were said at that time. But when I had afterwards considered whence and in what manner these two fasts were handed down, namely that of the dormition of the holy Mother of God and that of the Nativity of Jesus Christ our God, and also the fast which is kept before the feast of the Holy Apostles, and the fast before the Transfiguration; and whether we must of necessity fast them, and for how many days: I say that the fast of these four feasts is indeed not to be excused, but that the quantity of its days is not equal in number among all, as it is in the great Forty Days; but for seven days before each of these feasts all the faithful, that is, laity and monks, are bound to fast without excuse, and those who do not so do shall be estranged from the communion of orthodox Christians. But monks who are compelled by the typika received in their several places to fast longer, that is, from the feast of All Saints and from the 14th of the month of November, shall be obliged even against their will to follow those books of rules of theirs, since this is canonical and salutary; just as laity too who fast thus of their own accord will be held worthy of praise and thanksgiving. And since we have, God favouring us, confirmed the reasons for all these things by divine sentences and teachings committed to writing, and set them out in the letter which we wrote to the most venerable monk the lord Theodosius Sarpeiotes, who lives enclosed in the valley of St Auxentius, read that also. For it is not placed here, being lengthy. And the same letter, with nothing whatever changed, was written also to the clergy and the rest who are in the see of great Antioch.

Ecclesias Latinas mitto: quia quantopere a se invicem dissenserint, nemo nescit. Cot.

I pass over the Latin churches, since no one is unaware how greatly they have differed from one another. Cot[elier].

(61) Τρεῖς ἡμέρας καὶ τρεῖς νύκτας. Triduum, quo transacto perituri fuerant, nisi poenitentiam egissent, juxta Graecos codices, quodque suffecisse ad placandum Deum observat saepe B. Chrysostomus.

(61) "Three days and three nights." The space of three days, at the end of which they were to have perished had they not done penance, according to the Greek manuscripts; and which, as blessed Chrysostom often observes, sufficed to appease God.

Sic Ninive monitis Jonae sub tempore cladis Credidit, et tribus in luctu jejuna diebus, Promeruit morum excidio, consistere regno.

So Nineveh, at the time of its overthrow, believed the warnings of Jonah, and, fasting three days in mourning, earned by the destruction of its ways that the kingdom should stand.

Sunt versus carminis De divina providentia, in Operibus S. Prosperi, eo etiam notabiles, quod poeta ille cum Josepho Ἀρχαιολογίας IX, 11, subversionem Ninives a Jona praedicatam, intellexit de amissione imperii. Id.

These are verses of the poem On Divine Providence, among the Works of St Prosper, notable also for this, that the poet, with Josephus, Antiquities IX, 11, understood the overthrow of Nineveh preached by Jonah as the loss of its empire. The same [Cotelier].

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Deest in Anast.

Missing in Anastasius.

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Exod. XXXIV, 28; III Reg. XIX, 8.

Exodus 34:28; 3 Kings (1 Kings) 19:8.

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Dan. X, 2.

Daniel 10:2.

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I Reg. I, 15.

1 Kings (1 Samuel) 1:15.

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Καὶ μετ' ἐκείνην, νηστεύσατε μίαν. Abest μίαν ab Anastasio, et a tractatu acephalo De jejuniis cod. Reg. 2434; ubi iste locus citatur. Equidem cernimus in S. Athanasio, Apologia de fuga sua, paulo post initium, Alexandriae jejunatum fuisse in hebdomade quae subsequitur Pentecosten. Quemadmodum Patres concilii Turonensis II, can. 17, ex antiquis institutis praecipiunt monachis, ut post Quinquagesimam tota hebdomade ex asse jejunent. At nunc Graeci jejunium inchoant post octavam Pentecostes, et perducunt ad festum apostolorum Petri et Pauli. Videturque hoc jejunium successisse illi constitutionis pseudoapostolicae: conjunctis forsan in unum duobus jejuniis, Pentecostes et apostolorum: siquidem νηστείαν τῶν ἁγίων ἀποστόλων fuisse ἑπταήμερον testis est locuples Balsamon, in responsis ad Marci interrogationes, resp. 53; Juris Graeco-Romani, pag. 388 (quo in responso me suasore lacunam complebis, e mss. ac ex ejusdem Balsamonis canonum collectione, p. 227 et 228, repones, κυρίου Νικολάου) nec non in interpretatione responsionis synodi Constantinopolitanae sub Nicolao patriarcha ad Quaestionem 3 monachorum quorumdam. Cujus loci Latinam versionem ab Herveto habemus; Graeca autem in lucem profero, accepta ab iisdem libris: [Greek column:] Καὶ τότε μὲν ἐλαλήθησαν ταῦτα. Ἐγὼ δὲ μετὰ τοῦτο σκοπήσας, ὅθεν καὶ ὅπως παρεδόθησαν αἱ δύο αὗται νηστεῖαι, ἤγουν τῆς κοιμήσεως τῆς ἁγίας Θεοτόκου, καὶ τῆς Γεννήσεως τοῦ Χριστοῦ καὶ Θεοῦ ἡμῶν, ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ ἡ πρὸ τῆς ἑορτῆς τῶν Ἁγίων Ἀποστόλων τελουμένη νηστεία, καὶ ἡ πρὸ τῆς μεταμορφώσεως νηστεία, καὶ εἰ ἐξ ἀνάγκης ὀφείλομεν κατὰ ταύτας νηστεύειν, καὶ ἐπὶ πόσαις ἡμέραις, λέγω, τὴν μὲν νηστείαν τῶν τοιούτων τεσσάρων ἑορτῶν, ἀπαραίτητον εἶναι· τὴν δὲ ποσότητα τῶν ἡμερῶν ταύτης μὴ εἶναι εἰς πάντας ἰσάριθμον· ὅπερ εἰς τὴν μεγάλην ἐστὶ Τεσσαρακοστήν· ἀλλὰ πρὸ μὲν ἑπτὰ ἡμερῶν ἑκάστης τῶν τοιούτων ἑορτῶν, πάντες οἱ πιστοὶ, λαϊκοὶ δηλονότι καὶ μοναχοὶ, ἀναγκάζονται νηστεύειν κατὰ τὸ ἀπαραίτητον, καὶ οἱ μὴ οὕτω ποιοῦντες, ἐκ τῆς κοινωνίας τῶν ὀρθοδόξων Χριστιανῶν ἀλλοτριωθήσονται· οἱ ἀπὸ κτητορικῶν τυπικῶν συνωθούμενοι μοναχοὶ νηστεύειν ἐπιπλέον, ἤγουν ἀπὸ τῆς ἑορτῆς τῶν ἁγίων πάντων, καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς ιδ' τοῦ Νοεμβρίου μηνὸς, καὶ ἄκοντες ἀναγκασθήσονται τοῖς κτητορικοῖς αὐτῶν τυπικοῖς ἀκολουθεῖν, ὅτι τοῦτο κανονικὸν καὶ σωτηριῶδές ἐστιν, ὥσπερ καὶ οἱ λαϊκοὶ οὕτως ἑκοντὶ νηστεύοντες, εὐχαριστίας ἀξιωθήσονται. Ἐπὶ δὲ τὰς αἰτίας τούτων πάντων γραφικοῖς θείοις δόγμασι καὶ διδάγμασιν εὐδοκοῦντος τοῦ Θεοῦ κατησφαλισάμεθα, καὶ δι' ἐπιστολῆς παρεστησάμεθα γραφείσης πρὸς τὸν ἐν τῷ βουνῷ τοῦ ἁγίου Αὐξεντίου ἐγκλειόμενον, τὸν τιμιώτατον μοναχὸν κύριον Θεοδόσιον τὸν Σαρπειώτην, ἀνάγνωθι καὶ ταύτην. Ἐνταῦθα γὰρ ὡς πολύστιχος οὐ κατεστρώθη. Ἡ αὐτὴ δὲ ἐπιστολὴ ἐγράφη ἀπαραλλάκτως καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἐν τῷ θρόνῳ τῆς μεγάλης Ἀντιοχείας, κληρικοὺς καὶ λοιπούς. [Latin column:] Et haec quidem tunc dicta sunt. Ego autem cum postea considerassem, undenam et quo modo haec duo jejunia tradita sunt, scilicet, dormitionis sanctae Deiparae, et Nativitatis Jesu Christi ac Dei nostri; atque etiam jejunium quod peragitur ante festum Sanctorum Apostolorum, necnon jejunium ante Transfigurationem; et an necessario debemus haec jejunare, et quot diebus; dico, jejunium quidem horum quatuor festorum esse inexcusabile; ejus autem dierum quantitatem non esse numero apud omnes aequalem; quod in magna Quadragesima est: sed ante septem quidem dies uniuscujusque horum festorum omnes fideles, laici scilicet et monachi, coguntur jejunare inexcusabiliter, quique non ita faciunt, ab orthodoxorum Christianorum communione alienabuntur. Monachi autem, qui a typicis per loca receptis compelluntur amplius jejunare, videlicet, a festo Omnium Sanctorum, et a 14 mensis Novembris, vel inviti cogentur suos illos formularum libros sequi: quoniam hoc est canonicum et salutare; quemadmodum et laici qui sua sponte ita jejunant, laude et gratiarum actione digni habebuntur. Quia vero horum omnium causas divinis sententiis ac doctrinis scripto mandatis, Deo favente, confirmavimus, et in epistola exhibuimus, quam ad in primis venerabilem monachum dominum Theodosium Sarpeiotem, qui in valle sancti Auxentii inclusus degit, scripsimus, eam quoque lege. Hic enim non est posita, ut quae prolixa sit. Eadem autem epistola, nullo penitus mutato, scripta est etiam ad clericos et reliquos, qui sunt in sede magnae Antiochiae. [Full width:] Ecclesias Latinas mitto: quia quantopere a se invicem dissenserint, nemo nescit. Cot.

"And after it, fast one [week]": "one" is missing in Anastasius and in the headless treatise On Fasts in the Royal codex 2434, where this passage is cited. Indeed we see in St Athanasius, Apology for his Flight, a little after the beginning, that at Alexandria there was fasting in the week following Pentecost; just as the Fathers of the second Council of Tours, canon 17, following the ancient institutions, direct monks to fast fully through the whole week after Pentecost. But now the Greeks begin the fast after the octave of Pentecost and carry it on to the feast of the apostles Peter and Paul. And this fast seems to have succeeded to that of the pseudo-apostolic ordinance, the two fasts of Pentecost and of the apostles perhaps being joined into one; for that the fast of the holy apostles lasted seven days is amply attested by Balsamon, in his answers to the questions of Mark, answer 53 (Jus Graeco-Romanum, p. 388 — in which answer, on my advice, you will fill the gap from manuscripts and from the same Balsamon's collection of canons, pp. 227–228, restoring "of the lord Nicholas"), and also in his interpretation of the reply of the synod of Constantinople under the patriarch Nicholas to the third question of certain monks. We have a Latin version of that passage by Hervet; the Greek I bring to light, taken from the same books: "And these things were said at that time. But having afterwards considered whence and how these two fasts were handed down — that of the Dormition of the holy Mother of God and that of the Nativity of Christ our God — and also the fast kept before the feast of the Holy Apostles, and the fast before the Transfiguration; and whether we are bound of necessity to fast in them, and for how many days: I say that the fast of these four feasts is not to be excused, but that the number of its days is not equal for all, as it is in the great Forty Days. For the seven days before each of these feasts all the faithful, lay people and monks alike, are bound to fast without excuse, and those who do not do so will be estranged from the communion of orthodox Christians. Monks who are pressed by their founders' typika to fast longer — that is, from the feast of All Saints, and from the 14th of the month of November — will be compelled, even unwillingly, to follow their founders' typika, because this is canonical and salutary; just as lay people who fast so of their own accord will be counted worthy of thanks. The reasons for all these things we have, God willing, made secure by divine teachings and doctrines of Scripture, and set out in a letter written to the most honoured monk the lord Theodosius Sarpeiotes, enclosed on the hill of St Auxentius: read that too, for it has not been set down here, being of many lines. The same letter was written, unchanged, also to the clergy and the rest at the see of great Antioch." [The Latin column renders the same, with "in the valley of St Auxentius" for "on the hill".] I pass over the Latin Churches, for everyone knows how greatly they disagreed among themselves. Cot[elier].

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Τρεῖς ἡμέρας καὶ τρεῖς νύκτας. Triduum, quo transacto perituri fuerant, nisi poenitentiam egissent, juxta Graecos codices, quodque suffecisse ad placandum Deum observat saepe B. Chrysostomus. / Sic Ninive monitis Jonae sub tempore cladis / Credidit, et tribus in luctu jejuna diebus, / Promeruit morum excidio, consistere regno. / Sunt versus carminis De divina providentia, in Operibus S. Prosperi, eo etiam notabiles, quod poeta ille cum Josepho Ἀρχαιολογίας IX, 11, subversionem Ninives a Jona praedicatam, intellexit de amissione imperii. Id.

"Three days and three nights": the three days at the end of which, according to the Greek codices, they would have perished had they not repented, and which, as Blessed Chrysostom often observes, sufficed to appease God. "So Nineveh, warned by Jonah at the time of its ruin, / believed, and fasting three days in mourning, / by the destruction of its vices earned that its kingdom should stand." These are lines of the poem On Divine Providence, among the works of St Prosper; notable also because that poet, with Josephus, Antiquities IX, 11, understood the overthrow of Nineveh preached by Jonah as the loss of its empire. The same.

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NOTE: on odd pages of this run the Latin stands on the left (col. 903) and the Greek on the right (col. 904). The calls (62) and (63) stand in the Greek column, 904; the scripture-reference line 5–9 printed under the text is set once, in the notes of col. 904. In note (63) the closing stretch reads ‹διακινησίμου (διακαινησίμου)› as printed: the first spelling is the printed misspelling, the second the correction in the parenthesis (QA Q24b, read from the column images). (printed under page 449)

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Ἑβδομάδα. Abest a cod. Vind. et merito, ut quidem videtur. Cl.

"Week": absent from the Vienna codex, and rightly, as it seems. Cl[ericus].

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Πᾶν μέν τοι Σάββατον, etc. Multa complectitur finis iste satis cognita. Primo, Sabbatorum omnium excepto uno, sancto videlicet, festum, cum jejunii vacuitate. Qua de re alibi Diataxes; et passim scriptores ecclesiastici, Latini etiam, quorum quidam Graecis non sunt iniqui. At S. Gregorius papa, lib. XI, epist. 3, dicit Antichristum celebrationem Sabbati inducturum. Secundo, Sabbati synaxim, ut lib. II, cap. 59. Non numeratur ista collecta inter apostolicas ab Epiphanio in compendiaria veraque doctrina de fide Ecclesiae catholicae et apostolicae: ubi dicitur usitata quibusdam in locis; cum Socrates, lib. V, cap. 22, et Sozomenus, lib. VII, cap. 19, solos excipiant Romanos et Alexandrinos. In eodem Sozomeno, lib. III, cap. 14, De regula S. Pacomii: Τῇ δὲ πρώτῃ καὶ τελευταίᾳ ἡμέρᾳ τῆς ἑβδομάδος, ἐπὶ κοινωνίᾳ τῶν θείων μυστηρίων τῷ θυσιαστηρίῳ προσιόντας, τὰς ζώνας λύειν, καὶ τὰς διφθέρας ἀποτίθεσθαι. Ut primo autem ac postremo hebdomadis die, ad altare accedentes ad sacrorum mysteriorum communionem, zonas solverent, pellesque deponerent. Id est, Sabbato et Dominica. Inconsiderate enim a Nicephoro, lib. IX, cap. 14: Τῇ δὲ πρώτῃ καὶ τελευταίᾳ ἡμέρᾳ τῆς ἑβδομάδος perversum est in τῇ δὲ πρώτῃ καὶ Κυριωνύμῳ τῶν ἡμερῶν, prima et Dominica die. Atque eumdem Nicephori errorem, lib. III, cap. 8, observavit eximii acuminis vir Henricus Valesius in Sozom. VIII, 8, observabitque posthac quilibet, lib. XI, cap. 38, ad Sozomeni lib. VI, cap. 31. Addo nunc ista relegens, quod nuper inveni in confessione fidei Claudii regis Aethiopum, apud Hottingerum Ἀρχαιολογίας orientalis parte II, p. 77: Nos autem ita celebramus Sabbatum, ut offeramus munera ad mensam, et faciamus in eo coenam, sicut praeceperant nobis Patres nostri apostoli in Διδασκαλίᾳ. Tertio, hic Constitutionum agitur de festo ac de celebri conventu diei Dominicae. Quarto, contra jejunium eo die susceptum: intellige stulta affectatione aut impia: quale haereticorum complurium, Manichaeorum, Tessareskaedecatitarum, Aetianorum, Eustathianorum, Priscillianistarum. Alioqui licet per Dominicam, non quidem solam, sed cum aliis diebus multis conjunctam jejunare. Utinam, pie exclamat Hieronymus, epist. 28, omni tempore jejunare possimus, quod in Actibus apostolorum, diebus Pentecostes et die Dominico apostolum Paulum, et cum eo credentes fecisse legimus. Idque magni doctoris votum sancti quidam impleverunt: ut insignis ille monachus, quem per annos 40 sol vescentem non viderat. Ad haec scribit ad Lucianum Celerinus in Cypriano: Pro cujus factis ego in laetitia Paschae flens die ac nocte, in cilicio et cinere lacrymabundus dies exegi. Quinto, adversus jejunium in Pentecoste, 50 diebus post Pascha. Remissionem Quinquagesimae et Quinquagesimae Paschalis nuncupant Gennadius De script. eccles., cap. 61, et Beda Hist. Angl., III, 6. Ubi ego circa ritum ac ritus desuetudinem, omittam quidem vulgaria atque edita; ponam vero ob oculos lectorum quae occulit Bibliotheca Regia, in tribus mss. ex interrogationibus et responsionibus synodicis sub patriarcha Nicolao, multum diversis ab illis Balsamonis, p. 227: [Latin column:] Interrogationes et responsiones synodicae sancti concilii, cui sanctissimus patriarcha D. Nicolaus a Deo promotus praeerat tunc, sub imperio D. Alexii Comneni; ad interrogationes quorumdam monachorum, extra urbem in vita religiosa se exercentium, ac quaerentium hoc modo: [Greek column:] Ἐρωτήσεις καὶ ἀποκρίσεις συνοδικαὶ τῆς ἁγίας συνόδου [al. ἐρωτήσεις κανονικαὶ καὶ ἀποκρίσεις τῆς ἁγίας συνόδου], ἧς προΐστατο τότε ὁ ἁγιώτατος πατριάρχης Κῦρις Νικόλαος [al. ἐρώτησις μοναχῶν Ἁγιορειτῶν πρὸς τὸν ἁγιώτατον πατριάρχην Κῦριν Νικόλαον] ὁ θεοπρόβλητος, ἐπὶ τῆς βασιλείας τοῦ βασιλέως κυροῦ * Ἀλεξίου τοῦ Κομνηνοῦ πρὸς ἐρωτήσεις τινῶν μοναχῶν ἔξω τῆς πόλεως ἀσκουμένων, καὶ ἐπαπορησάντων οὕτως. [Latin column:] Interrogatio. E nostro monasterio, in Deo venerabiles domini, frater quidam jam diu missus est a nobis indignis ad sanctitatem vestram, ut interrogaret scripto de quibusdam quaestionibus, quae apud nos necessariae sunt. Qui reversus, ostendit nobis, quod ad vestram sanctitatem feceramus (fecit) commonitorium, una cum solutione quam emisistis, a tergo posita, sicque habente: Quod non oporteat solvere jejunium, in Tetrade et Parasceve, ob commemorationem sancti vel apostoli cujuspiam, nisi duntaxat in festis Dominicis. Et quod oporteat jejunia tradita jejunare, etiam in ipsa Pentecoste, et in Dodecahemero (12 diebus a Natali ad Epiphaniam); praeter hebdomadem Renovationis (post Pascha). Ad haec dubii nos, aut monachum mentiri, aut nos falli existimavimus. Quocirca et nunc scripsimus ista ad sanctitatem vestram; quo de iisdem re- [Greek column:] Ἐρώτησις. Ἀπὸ τῆς καθ' ἡμᾶς μονῆς (al. λαύρας), θεοτίμητοι δεσπόται (al. θεοτίμητε δέσποτα), ἀδελφός τις πρὸ πολλοῦ ἀπεστάλη παρὰ τῆς ἡμῶν ἀναξιότητος πρὸς τὴν ἁγιωσύνην ὑμῶν (al. σου), ἐρωτῆσαί τινα ἐγγράφως ζητήματα ὄντα παρ' ἡμῖν ἀναγκαῖα. Ὃς καὶ ὑποστρέψας, ἔδειξεν ἡμῖν τὸ ὑπομνηστικὸν ὃ ἐποιήσαμεν (al. ἐποίησε) πρὸς τὴν ὑμῶν (al. σου) ἁγιότητα, καὶ τὴν ἐξελθοῦσαν λύσιν ὄπιθεν (al. ὄπισθεν), ἔχουσαν οὕτως· Ὡς οὐ δεῖ καταλύειν τὴν νηστείαν, ἐν τετράδι ἢ παρασκευῇ (al. ἐν τετραδοπαρασκευῇ), χάριν μνήμης ἁγίου ἢ ἀποστόλου τινὸς, εἰ μὴ μόνον ἐν ταῖς δεσποτικαῖς ἑορταῖς, etc. Καὶ ὅτι δεῖ νηστεύειν τὰς παραδεδομένας νηστείας, καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ Πεντηκοστῇ, καὶ τῷ δωδεκαημέρῳ, χωρὶς τῆς ἑβδομάδος τῆς διακινησίμου (διακαινησίμου). Et paulo post: Πρὸς ταῦτα δὲ ἀπορήσαντες (al. διαπορήσαντες) ἡμεῖς, ἢ τὸν μοναχὸν ψεύδεσθαι (al. (continues)

"Every Sabbath, however", etc. This closing passage takes in many well-known things. First, the feast of all the Sabbaths except one, namely Holy Saturday, with freedom from fasting. On this the Constitutions speak elsewhere, and so do ecclesiastical writers everywhere, Latins too, some of whom are not unfair to the Greeks. But St Gregory the pope, Book XI, letter 3, says that Antichrist will bring in the celebration of the Sabbath. Second, the Saturday synaxis, as in Book II, chapter 59. This assembly is not counted among the apostolic ones by Epiphanius in his concise and true teaching on the faith of the catholic and apostolic Church, where it is said to be in use in some places; while Socrates (V, 22) and Sozomen (VII, 19) except only the Romans and Alexandrians. In the same Sozomen, III, 14, on the rule of St Pachomius: "On the first and last day of the week, approaching the altar for communion in the divine mysteries, they were to loosen their girdles and lay aside their skins" — "that on the first and last day of the week, coming to the altar for communion in the sacred mysteries, they should loosen their girdles and put off their skins." That is, on Saturday and Sunday. For Nicephorus, IX, 14, thoughtlessly turned "on the first and last day of the week" into "on the first and Lord-named of the days", the first and the Lord's day. The same error of Nicephorus at III, 8 was observed by that man of outstanding acumen Henri de Valois on Sozomen VIII, 8, and anyone will hereafter observe it at XI, 38, against Sozomen VI, 31. Rereading this, I now add what I recently found in the confession of faith of Claudius, king of the Ethiopians, in Hottinger's Archaeologia orientalis, part II, p. 77: "We celebrate the Sabbath in such a way that we offer gifts at the table and hold a supper on it, as our Fathers the apostles commanded us in the Didascalia." Third, this passage of the Constitutions treats of the feast and solemn assembly of the Lord's day. Fourth, against fasting undertaken on that day: understand, from foolish affectation or impiety, such as that of many heretics — Manichees, Quartodecimans, Aetians, Eustathians, Priscillianists. Otherwise it is lawful to fast through Sunday, not by itself but joined with many other days. "Would that we could fast at all times," Jerome piously exclaims, letter 28, "which we read in the Acts of the Apostles that the apostle Paul, and the believers with him, did in the days of Pentecost and on the Lord's day." And certain saints fulfilled the great doctor's wish, like that famous monk whom the sun had not seen eating for forty years. To this Celerinus writes to Lucian, among Cyprian's letters: "For her deeds I, weeping day and night in the joy of Easter, spent days in tears in sackcloth and ashes." Fifth, against fasting at Pentecost, the fifty days after Easter. Gennadius, On Ecclesiastical Writers, chapter 61, and Bede, English History III, 6, call it the remission of Quinquagesima and of the Paschal Quinquagesima. Here, concerning the rite and the rite's disuse, I will leave aside what is common and published, and set before the reader's eyes what the Royal Library hides in three manuscripts, from the synodical questions and answers under the patriarch Nicholas, which differ greatly from those of Balsamon, p. 227: "Synodical questions and answers of the holy council over which the most holy patriarch, the lord Nicholas, promoted by God, then presided, under the reign of the lord Alexius Comnenus, on the questions of certain monks practising the religious life outside the city, who asked as follows:" [the Greek heading the same, with variants: "canonical questions and answers of the holy synod"; "question of the monks of the Holy Mountain to the most holy patriarch the lord Nicholas"]. "Question. From our monastery, lords venerable in God, a brother was sent long ago by us unworthy ones to your holiness, to ask in writing about certain questions that are necessary among us. On his return he showed us the memorandum we had made (variant: he had made) to your holiness, with the solution you sent out written on the back, which read thus: That the fast must not be broken on Wednesday or Friday for the commemoration of any saint or apostle, except only on the Lord's feasts. And that the fasts handed down must be fasted, even in Pentecost itself and in the Twelve Days (the twelve days from Christmas to Epiphany), apart from the week of Renewal (after Easter). At this we were in doubt, and thought either that the monk was lying or that we were deceived. Therefore we have now written this to your holiness, so that about the same [things] …" [the Greek in parallel, with variants: "lavra" for "monastery"; "God-honoured master" for "masters"; "your" singular; "he made"; "behind"; "on the Wednesday-Friday"]. And a little after: "We, being at a loss at this (variant: thoroughly at a loss), [thought] either that the monk was lying (variant (continues)

(printed under page 449)

5 Jon. III, 5.

5 Jonah 3:5.

6 Esth. IV, 16; Judith. VIII, 6.

6 Esther 4:16; Judith 8:6.

7 Psal. CVIII, 24.

7 Psalm 108 (Hebrew 109):24.

8 Anast. ibid., l. Pseudo-Ignat. ad Philipp. 13, l. supra cap. 15.

8 Anastasius, ibid., l. [as printed; read either as the numeral 1 or as "l(ege)"]; Pseudo-Ignatius, To the Philippians 13, l.; above, chapter 15.

9 Anast. νηστείαν ταύτην.

9 Anastasius reads νηστείαν ταύτην ("this fast").

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NOTE ON THE IMAGES: the whole page is given over to the continuation of note (63) (Cotelier's), set in parallel Greek and Latin with stretches across both columns. Both foot images begin part-way down the page; the stretch of the note between the end of page 449 and the top of these images is above the rendered area and is NOT set here. Call column of (63) is 903. There is also one sub-note, (a), keyed to a call inside the note. The signature line "Patrol. Gr. I." and the sheet number "29" are printer's marks, not set. (printed under page 450)

(a) ‹anchor: magnus Athanasius› · call in col 905 (inside note (63))

L. in Typico fol. 137.

See the Typicon, fol. 137.

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διαψεύδεσθαι) ἢ ὑμᾶς (al. ἡμᾶς) σφάλλεσθαι (al. ἐσφάλθαι) ὑπελάβομεν. Διὸ καὶ ἐγράψαμεν νῦν ταῦτα πρὸς τὴν ὑμῶν (al. σὴν) ἁγιότητα· ὡς ἂν μάθωμεν περὶ αὐτῶν ἀκριβέστερον. Τὸ γὰρ καταλύειν τὴν νηστείαν ἐν ταῖς τῶν ἁγίων καὶ μεγάλων ἀποστόλων (al. τῶν μεγάλων ἁγίων καὶ ἀποστόλων, al. τῶν ἁγίων μεγάλων ἀποστόλων) ἑορταῖς εὑρίσκομεν ἐν τοῖς Τυπικοῖς συναξαρίοις, τοῦ τε ὁσίου πατρὸς ἡμῶν Σάβα καὶ καθηγητοῦ τῆς ἐρήμου ἐπὶ τοῦ ἁγίου Εὐθυμίου τοῦ μεγάλου, καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου Θεοδώρου τοῦ Στουδίτου, καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου Ἀθανασίου τοῦ ἐν τῷ ἁγίῳ ὄρει, καὶ ἄλλων μεγάλων ἁγίων πολλῶν· ἅπερ οὐ διαλανθάνει τὴν ὑμῶν (al. σὴν) ἁγιότητα. Ὡσαύτως καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν Πεντηκοστὴν καὶ τὸ (al. ἅπαν τὸ) δωδεκαήμερον. Περὶ τούτων καὶ ὁ μέγας Ἀθανάσιος τοιάδε φησὶν ἔν τινι (al. τισὶ) τῶν συγγραμμάτων αὐτοῦ· ὅτι οὐ δεῖ παραβαίνειν νηστείαν (al. νηστείαν Κυρίου) τὸν μοναχὸν ἢ τὸν ἱερέα· τετράδα (al. τουτέστι τετράδα) καὶ παρασκευὴν, εἰ μή τι ἐπὶ νόσῳ βεβάρηται, χωρὶς τῆς Πεντηκοστῆς, καὶ τῶν Ἐπιφανίων.

… to be deceived) or that you (al. we) were mistaken (al. had been mistaken). Therefore we have now written these things to your (al. your, singular) holiness, so that we may learn about them more exactly. For we find the breaking of the fast on the feasts of the saints and great apostles (al. of the great saints and apostles, al. of the holy great apostles) in the Typika and synaxaria, both of our holy father Sabas, guide of the desert, in the time of the holy Euthymius the Great, and of Saint Theodore the Studite, and of Saint Athanasius of the Holy Mountain, and of many other great saints; which things do not escape your (al. your, singular) holiness. Likewise also the whole of Pentecost and the (al. the whole) twelve days. Concerning these the great Athanasius also says as follows in one (al. some) of his writings: that the monk or the priest ought not to transgress the fast (al. the Lord's fast), Wednesday (al. that is, Wednesday) and Friday, unless he be weighed down by some sickness, except for Pentecost and the Epiphany.

bus edoceamur accuratius. Nam jejunium diebus festis sanctorum, et magnorum apostolorum solvi debere invenimus in Typicis synaxariis, tum sancti Patris nostri Sabae et Eremi moderatoris, tum sancti et magni Euthymii, tum S. Theodori Studitae, necnon B. Athanasii qui in sancto monte, aliorumque plurium magnorum sanctorum; quae sanctitatem vestram non latent. Pari modo tota Pentecoste, et Dodecahemero: de quibus et magnus Athanasius (a) haec ait in quodam e suis libris: quod monachus aut sacerdos, Domini jejunium, quartam feriam et Parasceven omittere non debet, nisi si aliquo morbo prematur, excepta Pentecoste cum Epiphaniis.

… we may be taught more exactly. For we find in the Typika and synaxaria that the fast ought to be broken on the feast days of the saints and of the great apostles: those of our holy Father Sabas, ruler of the desert, of the holy and great Euthymius, of St Theodore the Studite, and also of Blessed Athanasius who was on the holy mountain, and of many other great saints; which things are not hidden from your holiness. In like manner through the whole of Pentecost and the Twelve Days: concerning which the great Athanasius (a) also says this in one of his books: that a monk or a priest ought not to omit the Lord's fast, the fourth day and the Parasceve, unless he be pressed by some sickness, Pentecost and the Epiphany excepted.

Ἀπόκρισις.

Answer.

Καὶ πάλιν τὰ αὐτὰ περὶ νηστείας ἐν τετράδι καὶ παρασκευῇ λέγομεν (al. γράφομεν). Οἱ γὰρ θεοκήρυκες ἀπόστολοι πᾶσαν ἁπλῶς τετράδα καὶ Παρασκευὴν δεῖν εἶπον τὸν πιστὸν νηστεύειν, εἰ μὴ δι' ἀσθένειαν κωλύει τι· ἀλλ' οὐχὶ τήνδε ἢ τήνδε. Ἐν δὲ ταῖς τῶν ἁγίων μνήμαις, οὐ καταλύειν τὴν νηστείαν, ἀλλ' ἐκ τῶν ἔργων σχολάζειν ἐπέτρεψαν (al. ἐπέταξαν).

And again we say (al. write) the same things concerning the fast on Wednesday and Friday. For the God-heralding apostles said that the believer ought to fast on every Wednesday and Friday without exception, unless something hinders on account of sickness; and not on this one or that one. But on the commemorations of the saints they permitted (al. commanded) not the breaking of the fast, but rest from work.

Responsio.

Answer.

Iterum quoque eadem de jejunio in 4 et 6 feria pronuntiamus. Divini enim praecones apostoli dixerunt, teneri fidelem jejunare omni absolute quarta die et Parasceve, si non prohibeatur aliquo modo ab infirmitate, non autem hac vel illa. In memoriis vero sanctorum, non solvere jejunium, sed ab operibus vacare praeceperunt.

Again also we declare the same things concerning the fast on the fourth and sixth day. For the divine heralds, the apostles, said that the believer is bound to fast on absolutely every fourth day and Parasceve, if he be not in some way hindered by infirmity, and not on this one or that. But on the memorials of the saints they enjoined, not that the fast be broken, but that men rest from works.

Sexto damnatur pari modo jejunium festorum. Atque potissimum legendi interpretes canonum, ad Laodicenum 51, et Trullanum 52. Item canon 17 synodi Turonensis II. Nec vero tacitus debeo praetermittere sententiam celebrem a Theophilo Alexandrino latam sub tempus jejunii Theophaniorum, apud Balsamonem pag. 1067, in Typico fol. 105, 130, et in Matthaeo Blastare litt. K, cap. 37; quia cum praeclara est, tum homines in re critica exercitos vexavit multum; qui male putaverunt loqui Theophilum de Theophaniis, etsi manifeste satis vigiliam Theophaniorum indicet. Sed proponam locum Joannis Citrii, ni fallor, ineditum, de illo Theophili. Scribit episcopus Citri, respondens episcopo Dyrrachii, cap. 16, in mss. Regis atque Joliano:

In the sixth place, fasting on feasts is condemned in like manner. And the interpreters of the canons are above all to be read, on canon 51 of Laodicea and canon 52 of the Trullan synod; likewise canon 17 of the second synod of Tours. Nor indeed ought I to pass over in silence the celebrated ruling given by Theophilus of Alexandria at the time of the fast of the Theophania, in Balsamon p. 1067, in the Typikon fol. 105, 130, and in Matthew Blastares, letter K, ch. 37; for it is both famous and has much vexed men practised in criticism, who wrongly supposed that Theophilus speaks of the Theophania itself, although he plainly enough indicates the vigil of the Theophania. But I shall set out a passage of John of Citrus, unpublished, if I am not mistaken, concerning that ruling of Theophilus. The bishop of Citrus writes, answering the bishop of Dyrrachium, ch. 16, in the King's and the Joly manuscripts:

(a) L. in Typico fol. 157.

(a) Read in the Typikon fol. 157.

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¹⁰ ‹anchor: unum› · call in col 906 l. Ignat. interpol. ad Magnes. 9. Pseudo-Ignat. ad Philipp. 13.

Read interpolated Ignatius, To the Magnesians 9; Pseudo-Ignatius, To the Philippians 13.

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Diebus jejunii, circa horam nonam post consuetas preces, sumptione panis duntaxat. aquae et olerum, aut caricarum, aut dactylorum, necessitatem corporis explemus; praeterquam si aliquo morbo illud afflictetur. Cum igitur et die ante sancta Theophania jubeamur jejunare, post vespertinum officium illique conjunctam divini mysterii celebrationem, ad cibum corpori convenientem solemus accedere; tunc sumere non oportet oleum, aut pisces. Nam si eo die, vigilia, inquam, sanctorum Theophaniorum, cum in diem Dominicum incurrisset, Theophilus Alexandriae episcopus caricas tantum aut palmulas comedere injungit, quatenus caveatur ne Dominica videamur jejunare; temere, eadem vigilia in alium diem incidente, cibum pinguiorem attigerimus. Quod si sanctorum Theophaniorum dies in Tetrade aut Parasceve (4 aut 6 feria) institerit, sufficiat nobis solvere quod juxta apostolorum canonem 69, hisce diebus institutum est jejunium; uti autem oleo et piscibus. At carnem vel caseum manducare, ingluviei prorsus commentum est, non apostolicae legislationis jussum. « Neque enim regnum Dei est esca et potus (Rom. XIV, 17); » et quae sequuntur.

On fast days, about the ninth hour, after the customary prayers, we satisfy the need of the body by taking bread only, water and vegetables, or dried figs, or dates; unless it be afflicted by some sickness. Since therefore we are bidden to fast on the day before the holy Theophania as well, and are accustomed, after the evening office and the celebration of the divine mystery joined to it, to come to the food suited to the body, oil or fish ought not then to be taken. For if, when that day, the vigil, I mean, of the holy Theophania, had fallen on the Lord's day, Theophilus, bishop of Alexandria, enjoins that only dried figs or dates be eaten, so far as to guard against our seeming to fast on the Lord's day, it would be rash of us to touch richer food when the same vigil falls on another day. But if the day of the holy Theophania should come on the Tetrad or the Parasceve (the fourth or sixth day of the week), let it suffice us to break the fast which, according to canon 69 of the apostles, is appointed on these days, and to use oil and fish. But to eat flesh or cheese is altogether a device of gluttony, not a command of the apostolic legislation. "For the kingdom of God is not food and drink" (Rom. 14:17), and what follows.

Ἐν ταῖς νηστίμοις τῶν ἡμερῶν, περὶ ἐννάτην ὥραν μετὰ τὰς συνήθεις εὐχὰς, ἐν ἄρτῳ μόνῳ καὶ ὕδατι καὶ λαχάνοις, ἢ (al. καὶ) ἰσχάσιν, ἢ φοίνιξιν τὴν χρείαν ἀποπληροῦμεν τοῦ σώματος, εἰ μή τις ἐνοχλοίη τούτῳ ἀσθένεια. Ἐπεὶ τοίνυν κἂν τῇ πρὸ τῶν ἁγίων Θεοφανίων ἡμέρᾳ προστεταγμένον νηστεύειν, μετὰ τὴν ἑσπερινὴν ὑμνῳδείαν καὶ τὴν συνημμένην ταύτῃ θείαν μυσταγωγίαν, ἐπὶ τὴν σωματικὴν εἰώθαμεν ἰέναι τροφὴν, οὐ μεταληπτέον ἐλαίου ἢ ἰχθύων. Εἰ γὰρ τῆς ἡμέρας ταύτης, τῆς παραμονῆς φημὶ τῶν ἁγίων Θεοφανίων, ἡμέρᾳ Κυριακῇ συνελθούσης, ὁ Θεόφιλος Ἀλεξανδρείας ἰσχάδων μόνον ἢ (al. καὶ) φοινίκων ἐπισκήπτει μεταλαμβάνειν, ὅσον φυλάξασθαι τὸ ἐν Κυριακῇ δειχθῆναι νηστεύειν· σχολῇ γ' ἂν (al. δ' ἂν) ἑτέρᾳ συμπεσούσης ἡμέρᾳ, λιπαρωτέρας τροφῆς ἁψαίμεθα. Εἰ δὲ καὶ ἡ τῶν ἁγίων Θεοφανίων ἡμέρα ἐν τετράδι ἢ Παρασκευῇ ἐπισταίη, ἀρκετὸν ἡμῖν λῦσαι τὴν ἐν ταῖς τοιαύταις ἡμέραις νενομισμένην νηστείαν κατὰ τὸν ξθʹ τῶν ἁγίων ἀποστόλων κανόνα, ἐλαίῳ τε χρήσασθαι καὶ ἰχθύσι. Τὸ δὲ κρέατος ἢ τυροῦ φαγεῖν, γαστριμαργίας ἀτεχνῶς εὕρημα, οὐκ ἀποστολικῆς νομοθεσίας ἐπίταγμα. « Οὐκ ἔστι γὰρ ἡ βασιλεία τοῦ Θεοῦ βρῶσις καὶ πόσις, » καὶ τὰ ἑξῆς.

On the fast days, about the ninth hour, after the customary prayers, we satisfy the need of the body with bread only and water and vegetables, or (al. and) dried figs, or dates, unless some sickness trouble it. Since, then, on the day before the holy Theophania also, fasting being enjoined, we are accustomed to go to our bodily food after the evening hymnody and the divine mystagogy joined to it, oil or fish is not to be taken. For if, when this day, I mean the vigil of the holy Theophania, coincided with the Lord's day, Theophilus of Alexandria charges that only dried figs or (al. and) dates be taken, enough to guard against being seen to fast on the Lord's day, we should hardly touch richer food when it falls on another day. But if the day of the holy Theophania itself should fall on a Wednesday or Friday, it is enough for us to break the fast customary on such days according to the sixty-ninth canon of the holy apostles, and to use oil and fish. But to eat meat or cheese is simply an invention of gluttony, not an ordinance of the apostolic legislation. "For the kingdom of God is not food and drink," and the rest.

Igitur allocutio et lex episcopi Alexandriae Theophili, talis habetur:

The address and law of Theophilus, bishop of Alexandria, then, runs thus:

Et mos et officii ratio a nobis postulat, ut omnem diem Dominicum honoremus, eumque festum habeamus; cum in eo Dominus noster Jesus Christus resurrectionem ex mortuis nobis procuraverit. Et ideo hic dies in sacris Scripturis et primus appellatus est, ut qui sit nobis vitae initium; et octavus, utpote qui Judaeorum Sabbatismum supergrediatur. Quia igitur

Both custom and the nature of our duty require of us that we honour every Lord's day and keep it as a feast, since on it our Lord Jesus Christ procured for us the resurrection from the dead. And therefore this day is called in the sacred Scriptures both the first, as being for us the beginning of life, and the eighth, as surpassing the Sabbath-keeping of the Jews. Since therefore …

Καὶ τὸ ἔθος καὶ τὸ πρέπον ἡμᾶς ἀπαιτεῖ πᾶσαν Κυριακὴν τιμᾷν, καὶ ἐν ταύτῃ πανηγυρίζειν, ἐπειδήπερ ἐν ταύτῃ ὁ Κύριος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς τὴν ἐκ νεκρῶν ἀνάστασιν ἐπρυτάνευσε. Διὸ καὶ ἐν ταῖς ἱεραῖς Γραφαῖς, καὶ πρώτη κέκληται, ὡς ἀρχὴ ζωῆς ἡμῖν ὑπάρχουσα, καὶ ὀγδόη, ἅτε δὴ ὑπεραναβεβηκυῖα τὸν τῶν Ἰουδαίων Σαββατισμόν. Ἐπεὶ οὖν συνέβη τὴν τῶν ἁγίων

Both custom and what is fitting require us to honour every Lord's day and to keep festival on it, since on it our Lord Jesus Christ bestowed the resurrection from the dead. Therefore in the sacred Scriptures it is called both the first, as being for us the beginning of life, and the eighth, as having passed beyond the Sabbath-keeping of the Jews. Since, then, it has happened that the … of the holy …

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NOTE ON THE IMAGES: the upper part of the page (above the rendered foot) carries the continuation of note (63) from page 450; that stretch is NOT set here. The images show only the note's last lines, its close, and then, below a rule, the chapter list of Book VI (Capita libri sexti / Κεφάλαια τοῦ ἕκτου βιβλίου), which belongs to the text and not to the footnotes, so it is not set. (printed under page 451) ¹¹ ‹anchor: lugere› · call in col 907 Can. Ap. 45, 56. Epiph. haer. 70, n. 11, haer. 75, n. 6. Nicetam Pectoratum, contra Latinos.

Apostolic Canons 45, 56. Epiphanius, Heresy 70, no. 11; Heresy 75, no. 6. Nicetas Pectoratus, Against the Latins.

(printed under page 451)

VARIORUM NOTAE.

NOTES OF VARIOUS SCHOLARS.

Θεοφανίων νήστιμον ἡμέραν εἶναι ταύτην (vel ut membranae Regiae ταύτην εἶναι), οἰκονομήσωμεν, καὶ πρὸς ἑκάτερον ἐπιστημόνως χωρήσωμεν, ἵνα μεταλαμβάνοντες ὀλίγον φοινίκων, ἐκκλίνωμεν ἅμα καὶ τὰς αἱρέσεις τὰς μὴ τιμώσας τὴν ἀναστάσιμον τοῦ Κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ ἡμέραν, καὶ τὸ ὀφειλόμενον τῇ νηστίμῳ ἡμέρᾳ ἀποδῶμεν, περιμένοντες τὴν ἑσπερινὴν σύναξιν, ἥτις ἐνταῦθα, Θεοῦ θέλοντος τελεῖται (aut συντελεῖται). Συναχθῶμεν τοίνυν ἀπὸ ὥρας ἐννάτης ἐνταῦθα

[… that] this is the fast-day of the Theophany (or, as the Royal parchments have it, "that this is"), let us make an accommodation, and proceed with understanding to each of the two, so that, partaking of a few dates, we may at once both turn aside from the heresies that do not honour the resurrection-day of our Lord Jesus Christ, and render what is owed to the fast-day, awaiting the evening assembly, which, God willing, is celebrated (or "is accomplished") here. Let us therefore assemble here from the ninth hour

contigit, diem jejunii, qui ad sancta Theophania pertinet, in illum Dominicum incidere; oeconomia utamur, et ad utrumque prudenter accedamus; ut sumentes paucas palmulas, simul et haereses vitemus, quae diem resurrectionis Domini nostri Jesu Christi non honorant, et quod debetur diei jejunii reddamus, exspectantes vespertinum conventum, qui hic, Deo volente, peragetur. Congregemur itaque hic ab hora nona.

[…] it has happened that the day of the fast which belongs to the holy Theophany falls upon that Lord's day; let us use an accommodation, and approach each of the two prudently; so that, taking a few dates, we may at the same time both avoid the heresies which do not honour the day of the resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ, and render what is owed to the day of the fast, awaiting the evening assembly, which, God willing, will be held here. Let us therefore gather here from the ninth hour.

Denique librum his verbis claudit Constitutor: Εὐφρανθῆναι γὰρ δεῖ ἐν αὐταῖς, ἀλλ' οὐ πενθῆσαι. Quibus ex adverso respondent ista Zonarae in canonem Trullanum 52: Ἐν ταῖς τῶν νηστειῶν ἡμέραις πενθεῖν, ἀλλ' οὐ χαίρειν χρεών. COT.

Finally, the author of the Constitutions closes the book with these words: "For on them one ought to rejoice, and not to mourn." To which, on the opposite side, there answer these words of Zonaras on Trullan canon 52: "On the days of the fasts one must mourn, and not rejoice." COTELIER.

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