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Le Nourry, Dissertatio de omnibus primi saeculi scriptoribus, Cap. I-X

Editors' preface

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DISSERTATIO

DISSERTATION

DE OMNIBUS GENERATIM PRIMI ECCLESIAE SAECULI SCRIPTORIBUS.

ON ALL THE WRITERS OF THE FIRST CENTURY OF THE CHURCH IN GENERAL.

(D. Le Nourry, Apparatus ad Bibliothecam maximam, Parisiis, 1703, in-folio, p. 1.)

(Dom Le Nourry, Apparatus ad Bibliothecam maximam, Paris, 1703, in folio, p. 1.)

CAPUT PRIMUM.

CHAPTER ONE.

Quam pauca supersint scriptorum primi Ecclesiae saeculi opera; cur Deus plura interire permiserit; et quid in hac dissertatione tractandum sit.

How few works of the writers of the first century of the Church survive; why God permitted more to perish; and what is to be treated in this dissertation.

Plurima quidem veterum primi Ecclesiae saeculi Patrum exstant opera, in Bibliotheca nostra Lugdunensi promiscue edita; sed nulla sunt, aut certe paucissima, quae veros genuinosque tantae antiquitatis characteres prae se ferre invictis argumentis demonstrentur. Septem quippe Ignatii, episcopi Antiocheni et martyris, epistolae, ab eo, uti ostendemus, dubio procul sunt profectae; at illae eaedem non ante octavum secundi saeculi annum in lucem prodierunt. Ad primum vero Ecclesiae saeculum pertinere nobis videntur cum Barnabae apostoli Epistola, tum etiam tres Pastoris, seu Hermae libri; veremur tamen ne eae quibus id assequimur, conjecturae, quantumvis firmae sint et solidae, iis non probentur, qui nec praeconceptas opiniones possunt unquam deponere; nec vinci volunt, nisi demonstrationibus invictissimis. Porro autem quamvis omnibus id esset persuasum, duae tantum nunc superessent scriptorum primi hujus saeculi lucubrationes. His autem quod adjungatur, nihil fere aliud restat, nisi prima ac forsan secunda Clementis Romani Epistola, quae cum in Bibliotheca nostra Lugdunensi non sint excusae, nullus de iis erit nobis hoc in opere dicendi locus.

Very many works of the ancient Fathers of the first century of the Church are indeed extant, published indiscriminately in our Lyons Bibliotheca; but there are none, or certainly very few, which are shown by invincible arguments to bear the true and genuine marks of so great an antiquity. For the seven letters of Ignatius, bishop of Antioch and martyr, did, as we shall show, beyond doubt proceed from him; but those same letters did not come forth into the light before the eighth year of the second century. To the first century of the Church, however, there seem to us to belong both the Epistle of the apostle Barnabas and also the three books of the Shepherd, or Hermas; yet we fear that the conjectures by which we arrive at this, however firm and solid they may be, will not be approved by those who can never lay aside preconceived opinions, nor are willing to be overcome except by the most invincible demonstrations. Moreover, even if all were persuaded of this, only two productions of the writers of this first century would now survive. And to be joined to these almost nothing else remains except the first and perhaps the second Epistle of Clement of Rome; and since these have not been printed in our Lyons Bibliotheca, we shall have no occasion to speak of them in this work.

Mirum sane, ac forsitan incredibile nonnullis videbitur, quod tam pauca ad nos pervenerint primae Christianorum aetatis opera. Extra dubium namque est plures hujusce temporis scriptores varia edidisse opuscula, epistolas, tractatus vel alias hujuscemodi lucubrationes. Qua ergo Dei providentia, inquies, fieri potuit, ut tam pretiosa divinorum hominum monumenta, quae primi esse debebant traditionis nostrae canales, penitus interierint? Verum his querimoniis cito modum impones, si aliunde damnum illud, quantumvis lugendum, plene resarcitum intelligas. Etenim omnes novi foederis libri scripti sunt hoc saeculo; atque eo plurimum adulto, et pene labente, Joannes apostolus Evangelium, Apocalypsinque suam publicavit. Quid quod et eadem Dei providentia factum est, ut iis acerbius in nascentem Ecclesiam saevientium persecutionum temporibus, plures cum ex apostolis, tum ex iis,

It will seem truly astonishing, and perhaps incredible to some, that so few works of the first age of the Christians have come down to us. For it is beyond doubt that many writers of this time published various small works, letters, treatises or other productions of this kind. By what providence of God, then, you will say, could it come about that such precious monuments of godly men, which ought to have been the first channels of our tradition, have utterly perished? But you will quickly set a limit to these complaints, if you understand that this loss, however much to be lamented, has been fully made good from elsewhere. For all the books of the New Covenant were written in this century; and when it was far advanced, and almost at its close, the apostle John published his Gospel and Apocalypse. And what of the fact that by the same providence of God it came about that, in those times of persecutions raging so bitterly against the newborn Church, many both of the apostles and of those

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qui cum Christo, carne nostra induto, conversati sunt, longum in tempus vitam produxerint, eosque qui saeculo secundo floruerunt, habuerint discipulos. Hos ergo sacris doctrinae Christianae praeceptis et dogmatibus, quae illi a Christo ipso acceperant, potuerunt imbuere: nec aliis Ecclesia indiguit doctoribus, queis, tanquam canalibus, eadem dogmata voce et ore, sine scripto, de manu, ut aiunt, in manum ad nos transmitterentur. Denique hac tot tantique pretii scriptorum jactura docemur, non aliud divinae Providentiae fuisse consilium, nisi ut ii sanctissimi scriptores, qui omnes plerique sanguinem pro Christiana fide tuenda, et propaganda fuderunt, illam sanguineis effusi cruoris guttis altius, quam charta, calamo et atramento, animis hominum inscriberent, infigerentque.

who lived with Christ when He was clothed in our flesh prolonged their life for a long time, and had as disciples those who flourished in the second century. These, therefore, they were able to imbue with the sacred precepts and dogmas of Christian doctrine which they themselves had received from Christ Himself; nor did the Church need other teachers by whom, as by channels, the same dogmas might be transmitted to us by voice and mouth, without writing, from hand, as they say, to hand. Finally, by this loss of so many writings of such great worth we are taught that the design of divine Providence was none other than that those most holy writers, who all, for the most part, shed their blood for the defence and propagation of the Christian faith, should inscribe and fix it in the minds of men more deeply with the bloody drops of their outpoured gore than with paper, pen and ink.

Cum autem paucissima sint Patrum primi Ecclesiae saeculi opera, illa sane eo pluris aestimanda sunt, quo majorem iidem Patres et merito suo, et sua cum Christo ejusque apostolis consuetudine ac familiaritate sibi conciliaverunt auctoritatem. Quapropter ut germana eorum scripta a spuriis et supposititiis queant facile discerni, singula quaeque ad severiores criterii regulas, studiose diligenterque in sequentibus dissertationibus examinabimus. Sed prius de iis quae ad illos scriptores generatim ac universe pertinent, hac in dissertatione disputandum est. Ostendemus itaque quod eorum ingenium, quae studia, quae occupationes, quae occasiones eis ad scribendum fuerint, quos prostraverint Christiani nominis et doctrinae hostes, ac tandem quae fuerint scholae seu loci publici, in quibus ii Christianam didicerint fidem, vel alios ipsimet eam edocuerint.

Now since the works of the Fathers of the first century of the Church are very few, they are surely to be valued the more highly, the greater the authority which those same Fathers won for themselves both by their own merit and by their intercourse and familiarity with Christ and His apostles. Wherefore, that their genuine writings may easily be distinguished from the spurious and supposititious, we shall examine each one studiously and diligently by the stricter rules of criticism in the following dissertations. But first, in this dissertation, we must discuss those things which pertain to these writers generally and as a whole. We shall show, therefore, what their cast of mind was, what their studies, what their occupations, what occasions they had for writing, which enemies of the Christian name and doctrine they overthrew, and finally what were the schools or public places in which they learned the Christian faith, or themselves taught it to others.

CAPUT II.

CHAPTER II.

Quod fuerit scriptorum primi saeculi ingenium, quae studia, occupationes et occasiones ad scribendum.

What the cast of mind of the writers of the first century was, and what their studies, occupations and occasions for writing.

Extra controversiam est illos eo potissimum omnes ingenii sui nervos contendisse, omneque studium et operam consumpsisse, ut Evangelium Christi omnibus annuntiarent; ac demonstrata Christianae religionis veritate, iis persuaderent eam solam, caeteris omnibus repudiatis, esse amplexandam. Hinc Judaeos variis convincebant argumentis Christum esse illum tandiu, tantoque ardore ab eis exspectatum, Messiam, verumque Deum, et Patris

It is beyond controversy that they strained all the sinews of their mind, and spent all their zeal and labour, chiefly to this end: that they might announce the Gospel of Christ to all; and, the truth of the Christian religion having been demonstrated, might persuade them that it alone, all others being rejected, was to be embraced. Hence they convinced the Jews by various arguments that Christ was that Messiah so long and with such ardour awaited by them, and true God, and the Father's

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aeterni Filium; tunc vero completa, quae de illo a prophetis praenuntiata fuerant, oracula; ac Moysis legem, caeremonias, et sacrificia ab eo fuisse rescissa et abrogata.

eternal Son; and that then were fulfilled the oracles which had been foretold of Him by the prophets; and that the law of Moses, its ceremonies and sacrifices, had been rescinded and abrogated by Him.

Paganis autem et idolorum cultoribus ibant persuasum fieri non posse, ut plures sint dii, sed unum tantummodo esse Deum coeli et terrae, rerumque omnium creatorem; Christum vero unicum ejus esse Filium, ita a Patre genitum, ut unus idemque cum eo sit Deus. Hunc, ut homines redimeret, humanam assumpsisse carnem, ipsumque, quo magis falsorum numinum cultus infandis sceleribus obscenitatibusque abominandis erat conspurcatus, eo puriores sanctioresque et vitae instituendae et adorandae divinitatis leges hominibus constituisse. Porro autem etsi Christus ab impiis perduellibusque Judaeis morti fuerit traditus, scriptores tamen nostri luculentissime ostendebant illius divinitatem innumeris, quae ipse ediderat, quaeque ipso nascente, moriente, atque a mortuis resurgente contigerant, miraculis fuisse perquam invictissime demonstratam. His addebant nos post ipsum a mortuis aliquando esse suscitandos, ac secundum vitae nostrae opera aut suppliciis aeternis afficiendos, aut sempiterna donandos felicitate. Quam quidem doctrinam miraculis, a se quoque editis confirmatam, fuso sanguine plerumque consignabant.

The pagans and worshippers of idols, on the other hand, they set about persuading that it cannot be that there are many gods, but that there is only one God of heaven and earth, the creator of all things; and that Christ is His only Son, so begotten of the Father that He is one and the same God with Him. That He, in order to redeem men, took on human flesh, and that, the more the worship of false divinities had been defiled by unspeakable crimes and abominable obscenities, the purer and holier were the laws He established for men both for ordering life and for adoring the divinity. Moreover, although Christ was delivered to death by the impious and rebellious Jews, our writers nevertheless showed most clearly that His divinity had been most invincibly demonstrated by the innumerable miracles which He Himself had wrought, and which had occurred at His birth, at His death, and at His rising from the dead. To these things they added that we, after Him, are one day to be raised from the dead, and according to the works of our life either to be visited with eternal punishments or to be granted everlasting happiness. And this doctrine, confirmed by miracles wrought by themselves also, they for the most part sealed with the shedding of their blood.

Quos tandem ad Christianam fidem recens adduxerant, hos primis novae legis praeceptis erudiebant, informabantque qua ratione post abjectam Judaeorum paganorumve religionem uni Deo serviendum. Tum deinde eos docebant quid singulis quibusque esset praestandum, ut genitalibus baptismi undis Christo consepulti, et cum eo resurgentes, nova gratiae vita, peccatis amplius non morituri, renascerentur. Post susceptum divinae regenerationis sacramentum, secretiora fidei nostrae adyta eis reserabant clara et accurata eorum omnium, quae alios celabant, cum mysteriorum Trinitatis et Incarnationis, tum sacramentorum ac praesertim Eucharistiae expositione. In primis autem illos hortabantur, ut in tradita fide constantes permanerent, ac pro ea tuenda quaelibet perferrent genera tormentorum.

Those, finally, whom they had lately brought to the Christian faith they instructed in the first precepts of the new law, and taught them in what manner, after casting off the religion of the Jews or of the pagans, the one God was to be served. Then next they taught them what each one had to perform, so that, buried together with Christ in the generative waters of baptism and rising with Him, they might be reborn to the new life of grace, no more to die by sins. After the sacrament of divine regeneration had been received, they opened to them the more secret sanctuaries of our faith by a clear and accurate exposition of all those things which they concealed from others, both of the mysteries of the Trinity and the Incarnation and of the sacraments, and especially of the Eucharist. Above all, however, they exhorted them to remain constant in the faith delivered to them, and to endure any kinds of torments whatever in its defence.

Quibus sane tormentis si vita eis eriperetur, id nonnulli litteris mandabant. Scribebant vero alii aliorum virtute et merito praestantiorum historiam, itinera, pericula, labores, certamina, passiones, supplicia, et omnia eorum martyrii acta. Alii statuta et canones, ab apostolis eorumque successoribus ad doctrinae explicationem, informationemque morum sancita, scriptis tradebant; alii datis ad quosdam Christianos, aut episcopos, aut Ecclesias litteris, illos accendebant ad tyrannorum persecutiones patientissime tolerandas; vel graviora quorumdam

And if by these torments life was snatched from them, some committed this to writing. Others, indeed, wrote the history of others more eminent in virtue and merit: their journeys, perils, labours, contests, sufferings, punishments, and all the acts of their martyrdom. Others handed down in writing the statutes and canons enacted by the apostles and their successors for the explanation of doctrine and the forming of morals; others, by letters sent to certain Christians, or bishops, or Churches, kindled them to bear most patiently the persecutions of tyrants; or the graver

Editors' notes and page, col. 11

Footnotes

(1) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 11 or 12)

Praefat. lib. I Haeret. Fab.

Preface to book I of the Haereticae Fabulae [Theodoret, Compendium of Heretical Fables].

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peccata, vel nascentes, jamque irruentes abusus castigatione paterna coercebant, corrigebantque. Alii denique ne simpliciores quorumdam animi corrumperentur, in perversas doctrinas, erroresque nefarios, ac nascentes haereses stylum verterunt.

sins of certain persons, or abuses arising and already rushing in, they restrained and corrected with fatherly chastisement. Others, finally, lest the simpler minds of some should be corrupted, turned their pen against perverse doctrines and nefarious errors and the heresies then arising.

CAPUT III.

CHAPTER III.

De haeresum primi saeculi ortu, progressu, et interitu, earumque expugnatoribus; ac primum de haeresi Simonis Magi.

On the rise, progress and end of the heresies of the first century, and on their assailants; and first on the heresy of Simon Magus.

Verum enimvero adversus divinos Christianae fidei assertores ab ipso orientis Ecclesiae initio ex erebi faucibus emerserunt stupenda variarum haeresum monstra: atque ut prudenter monet Theodoretus: Cum diabolus hominum perniciem sitiret, non exspectavit, ut apostolorum praedicatio invalesceret; sed cum primum illi terram colere, et pietatis semina spargere coeperunt, hic interim seminavit zizania, id est schismata et haereses. Contra haec errantium hominum portenta, quae non minus, quam persecutores, crudele et exitiosum Ecclesiae bellum intulerunt, quandoque palam et aperte, quandoque tectius, et occultius decertarunt scriptores nostri. Quapropter ut eorum scripta, quibus haereses satis obscure verbis nonnunquam obscurioribus impugnantur, facilius possint intelligi, earumdem haereseῶν ortus, progressus et interitus breviter, sed clare et accurate explicandi sunt.

But indeed against the godly defenders of the Christian faith, from the very beginning of the rising Church, there emerged from the jaws of Erebus astounding monsters of various heresies; and, as Theodoret wisely observes: When the devil thirsted for the destruction of men, he did not wait for the preaching of the apostles to gain strength; but as soon as they began to till the ground and to scatter the seeds of piety, he meanwhile sowed tares, that is, schisms and heresies. Against these portents of erring men, who brought upon the Church a war no less cruel and deadly than the persecutors did, our writers contended sometimes publicly and openly, sometimes more covertly and secretly. Wherefore, that their writings, in which heresies are attacked obscurely enough, in words sometimes still more obscure, may be more easily understood, the rise, progress and end of these same heresies must be explained briefly, but clearly and accurately.

Simon Magus primam inter Christianos, ut Irenaeus, Eusebius, Epiphanius et Theodoretus memorant, haeresim excogitavit, disseminavitque: Ut magnis, inquit Eusebius, et admirabilibus Servatoris nostri apostolis par adversarius consisteret. Qua ergo ratione Clemens Alexandrinus hanc haeresim non ante adultum saeculum secundum, et Marcionis aetatem ortum habuisse dixerit, omnino non videmus. Sed de hac Clementis opinione alibi disputabitur.

Simon Magus, as Irenaeus, Eusebius, Epiphanius and Theodoret record, devised and disseminated the first heresy among Christians: That he might stand, says Eusebius, as an adversary equal to the great and admirable apostles of our Saviour. On what ground, therefore, Clement of Alexandria said that this heresy did not have its rise before the second century was well advanced, and the age of Marcion, we do not see at all. But this opinion of Clement will be discussed elsewhere.

Is porro Simon Gythis vico Samariae oriundus, plura quae miraculis et prodigiis omnino similia videbantur, magicis artibus patrabat. Sed post exstinctum martyrio Stephanum, Philippus Samariam evangelii praedicandi gratia se contulit, ibique non falsa, ut Simon, sed vera edidit miracula. Quibus ab eodem Simone Mago cognitis, Christianam religionem ille professus est, vel, ut ait Eusebius, simulavit se profiteri. Cum vero in baptizatos sacra Petri et Joannis manuum impositione Spiritum sanctum, omnibus plane aspectabilem, descendere conspexisset, pecuniam iisdem apostolis obtulit, ut eumdem Spiritum sanctum in alios transfundendi sibi facerent potestatem. Verum hac impia oblatione ab apostolis acri magnoque, uti par erat, animo confestim rejecta, Simon in eos debacchatus, rursum magicis artibus, erroribusque suis spargendis eo perniciosiorem dedit operam, quo ea

Now this Simon, a native of Gitta, a village of Samaria, used to perform by magic arts many things which seemed altogether like miracles and prodigies. But after Stephen had been put to death by martyrdom, Philip betook himself to Samaria to preach the gospel, and there wrought not false miracles, as Simon did, but true ones. When these became known to the same Simon Magus, he professed the Christian religion, or, as Eusebius says, pretended to profess it. But when he had seen the Holy Spirit, plainly visible to all, descend upon the baptized through the sacred imposition of the hands of Peter and John, he offered money to those same apostles, that they might give him the power of pouring the same Holy Spirit into others. But when this impious offer had been at once rejected by the apostles with a keen and lofty spirit, as was fitting, Simon, raging against them, again gave himself to magic arts and to the spreading of his errors with an effort the more pernicious, as

Editors' notes and page, col. 12

Footnotes

(2) ‹anchor: ut Irenaeus› · call in col 12

Lib. I advers. Haeres. cap. 20.

Book I Against Heresies, ch. 20.

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(3) ‹anchor: Eusebius› · call in col 12

Hist. lib. II cap. 13.

History, book II, ch. 13.

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(4) ‹anchor: Epiphanius› · call in col 12

Haeres. 21

Heresy 21.

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(5) ‹anchor: et Theodoretus› · call in col 12

Haeret. Fab. lib. I, cap. 1.

Haereticae Fabulae, book I, ch. 1.

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(6) ‹anchor: inquit Eusebius› · call in col 12

Lib. II Hist. cap. 14.

Book II of the History, ch. 14.

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(7) ‹anchor: Clemens Alexandrinus› · call in col 12

Lib. VII Stromat.

Book VII of the Stromata.

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(8) ‹anchor: ut Simon› · call in col 12

Act. VIII, IX et seq.

Acts 8:9 and following.

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(9) ‹anchor: ut ait Eusebius› · call in col 12

Locis citat.

In the places cited.

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omnia ficta Christiani nominis specie audacius venditabat.

he more boldly peddled all those fictions under the guise of the Christian name.

Qui autem fuerint Simonis errores ab antiquissimis Patribus disces. Primum enim ex Theodoreti post Irenaeum testimonio: Docuit semetipsum esse, qui inter Judaeos quidem, quasi Filius apparuerit; in Samaria autem, quasi Pater descenderit, et in reliquis vero gentibus, quasi Spiritus sanctus, adventarit. Neque his repugnat in nova editione emendata Augustini narratio.

What Simon's errors were, however, you will learn from the most ancient Fathers. For first, by the testimony of Theodoret after Irenaeus: He taught that he himself was the one who had appeared among the Jews as the Son; but in Samaria had descended as the Father, and among the remaining nations had come as the Holy Spirit. Nor does the account of Augustine, as emended in the new edition, conflict with this.

Secundo iidem Patres, nec non Philastrius, tradunt Simonem sibi copulasse Helenam seu Silenem: Quae initio quidem, verba sunt Eusebii, apud Tyrum urbem Phoenices publice in lupanari prostiterat. Idem Simon, teste Irenaeo, dicebat: Hanc esse primam mentis ejus conceptionem, matrem omnium, per quam initio concepit angelos facere et archangelos..... a quibus et mundum factum esse dixit. Addit Epiphanius: Se summam esse Dei vim, scortum vero suum Spiritum esse sanctum affirmare ausus est; atque eam ipsam esse propter quam, ut loquitur Irenaeus, Trojanum contractum est bellum. Hinc ridiculas anilesque fabulas commentus, asseverabat eos: Qui in eum et in Helenam spem habebant... secundum ipsius gratiam salvari et non secundum operas justas. Quod certe sectatoribus suis sic ille tandem persuaserat, ut imaginem ejus ad figuram Jovis, Helenae vero ad figuram Minervae proni venerarentur, easdem suffimentis, sacrificiis ac libationibus colere non verentes.

Secondly, the same Fathers, and Philastrius as well, relate that Simon joined to himself Helena or Selene: Who at first, the words are Eusebius's, had prostituted herself publicly in a brothel at Tyre, a city of Phoenicia. The same Simon, as Irenaeus testifies, used to say: That she was the first conception of his mind, the mother of all, through whom in the beginning he conceived the making of angels and archangels..... by whom also he said the world was made. Epiphanius adds: He dared to affirm that he himself was the supreme power of God, and that his harlot was the Holy Spirit; and that she was the very one on whose account, as Irenaeus puts it, the Trojan war was brought about. Hence, having invented ridiculous and old-womanish fables, he asserted that those: Who had hope in him and in Helena... were saved according to his grace and not according to just works. Of which he had indeed at length so persuaded his followers that they venerated, prostrate, his image in the figure of Jupiter and Helena's in the figure of Minerva, not fearing to worship the same with incense, sacrifices and libations.

Simon praeterea, auctore Epiphanio: Nomina quaedam principatuum et potestatum commentus est coelestesque globos varios.... nostrum porro hoc saeculum ab nequitiae principatibus et potestatibus cum defectu conditum. Se vero, ut subnectit Irenaeus, cum hominibus conversatum aiebat, cum non esset homo; et passum, cum non esset passus.

Simon moreover, on the authority of Epiphanius: Invented certain names of principalities and powers, and various heavenly spheres.... and that this age of ours, moreover, was founded with defect by the principalities and powers of wickedness. And he said, as Irenaeus adds, that he himself had lived among men though he was not a man; and had suffered though he had not suffered.

Docebat insuper: Legem Moysis non a Deo, utimur Epiphanii verbis, sed a sinistra quadam intelligentia profectam; uti neque prophetas a bono Deo, sed ab alia atque alia intelligentia comparatos fuisse... denique quisquis Veteri Testamento fidem adhibet, incurrere mortem asseverat. Resurrectionem vero mortuorum, uti refertur apud Augustinum, pernegabat, sinebatque indifferenter uti feminis. His alias ipse, et discipuli ejus adjungebant obscenitates, turpitudinesque aeterno damnandas silentio. Illas tamen Eusebius his paucis, nec inhonestis, verbis comprehendit: Nihil tam impurum aut esse aut excogitari potest, quod flagitiosissima illorum, Simonis discipulorum, secta longo intervallo non superet, dum miseris atque omni scelere coopertis mulieribus illudunt.

He taught besides: That the law of Moses proceeded not from God, we use the words of Epiphanius, but from a certain sinister intelligence; as neither were the prophets furnished by the good God, but by one intelligence and another... finally he asserts that whoever puts faith in the Old Testament incurs death. The resurrection of the dead, indeed, as is reported in Augustine, he utterly denied, and he allowed the indiscriminate use of women. To these he himself and his disciples added other obscenities and foul deeds, to be condemned to eternal silence. Eusebius nevertheless comprised them in these few and not indecent words: Nothing so impure can either exist or be imagined which the most infamous sect of those men, Simon's disciples, does not surpass by a long interval, while they make sport of wretched women covered with every crime.

Origeni si credideris, Simon: Quo plures sibi pararet discipulos, sustulit de sua doctrina mortis

If you believe Origen, Simon: In order to procure more disciples for himself, removed from his doctrine the

Editors' notes and page, col. 13

Footnotes

(10) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 13)

Loc. cit.

In the place cited.

(printed under page 6)

(11) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 13)

Lib. de haer. cap. 1.

Book On Heresies, ch. 1.

(printed under page 6)

(12) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 13)

Lib. II Hist. cap. 13.

Book II of the History, ch. 13.

(printed under page 6)

(13) ‹anchor: Illas tamen Eusebius› · call in col 13

Lib. II Hist. cap. 13.

Book II of the History, ch. 13.

(printed under page 6)

(14) ‹anchor: Origeni› · call in col 13

Lib. VI cont. Cels.

Book VI Against Celsus.

(printed under page 6)

(15) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 13 or 14)

Lib. de praescript. cap. 33.

Book On Prescription, ch. 33.

(printed under page 6)

Page

running head: 13 PRIMI ECCLESIAE SAECULI S (cut at the crop edge; continues over column 14)
marginal letters: A omnia ficta Christiani nominis; B bat : Hanc esse primam mentis; C sacrificiis ac libationibus; D num, pernegabat, sinebatque
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the rows of points (....., ..., ....) inside the quotations are printed in the column and kept. Quotations are in italic. Superscript foot-note calls 10 to 14 left out; the foot notes (10 to 17) run full width across both columns at the page foot and are cut by the column crop (full_width at the foot), not set here. Column begins and ends mid-sentence; the English of the last line stops before the noun governed by the genitive that the next column supplies. Editors' prose (Le Nourry), set as this unit's text.

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periculum, quod Christiani docebantur contemnere, dicens indifferentem rem esse idololatriam. Imo nec ulla persecutio contra Simonianos unquam exorta est. Tertullianus denique testatum facit Simonis sectatores quemdam angelis cultum, superstitione et idololatria infectum exhibuisse: Simonianae autem magiae disciplina, inquit, angelis serviens, utique et ipsa inter idololatrias deputabatur, et a Petro apostolo in ipso Simone damnabatur. Illud tamen Tertulliano, si haec vera, uti refertur, fuerit ejus mens et sententia, adversari videtur, quod Simon ipse jactitabat se angelos creasse: seque e coelo delapsum: Ut angelos, cum male moderarentur mundum, corriperet. Sed nulli mirum esse debet, si homines a veritatis via perquam longissime aberrantes, secum ipsi aliquando pugnent, et inepte contra se dicant. Et re quidem vera Epiphanius Simonem ideo castigat, quod de angelis quaedam secum pugnantia tradiderit: Quemadmodum vero nugarum suarum oblitus impostor, velut eorum quae antea tradiderat, ignarus, se ipsum refellit. Nam cum dixisset angelos a se per intelligentiam suam procreatos esse, subjecit postea, ut eosdem illos latere descendendo posset, figuram in unoquoque coelo mutasse. Igitur latebat ideo, quod eos metueret. Atqui quid eos, quos ipse condiderat, angelos impostor ille metuebat?

peril of death, which Christians were taught to despise, saying that idolatry is an indifferent thing. Indeed no persecution ever arose against the Simonians. Tertullian, finally, bears witness that Simon's followers rendered to the angels a certain worship tainted with superstition and idolatry: But the discipline of Simonian magic, he says, serving the angels, was assuredly itself also reckoned among the idolatries, and was condemned by the apostle Peter in Simon himself. Yet this seems to stand against Tertullian, if this, as it is reported, was truly his mind and judgement: that Simon himself used to boast that he had created the angels, and that he had come down from heaven: That he might reprove the angels, since they were governing the world badly. But it ought to be a wonder to no one if men straying very far indeed from the way of truth sometimes fight with themselves and foolishly speak against themselves. And in very truth Epiphanius chastises Simon for this reason, that he handed down certain self-contradictory things about the angels: But how the impostor, forgetful of his own trifles, as though ignorant of what he had previously taught, refutes himself. For when he had said that the angels were begotten by him through his intelligence, he afterwards added that, in order to be able to escape the notice of those same angels in descending, he had changed his form in each heaven. Therefore he hid for this reason, that he feared them. And yet why did that impostor fear the angels whom he himself had made?

Simon errores suos publicavit primum Samariae ac in Judaea, deinde aliis in locis, oppidis et civitatibus, ac tandem Romae; qua in urbe animos hominum ita sibi devinxit, ut ipsi tanquam supremo Deo summi adorationis honores fuerint decreti, et Claudio imperante, statua eidem erecta in insula Tiberina inter duos pontes, cum hac inscriptione: Simoni Deo Sancto. Narrant tamen recentiores quidam scriptores pontificatu Gregorii decimi tertii inventam hujusce statuae basim lapideam, cui haec inscriptio incisa erat: Semoni Sanco Deo Fidio sacrum, id est ut ipsi aiunt: Herculi, non Simoni. Inde autem concludunt Justinum, primigenium erroris illius fontem, ob Latinae linguae imperitiam a Simonianis deceptum, tradidisse hanc fuisse Simonis Magi statuam. Sed scriptoribus illis omnino probandum erat basim illam, quae his temporibus ultimis inventa est, eamdem ipsam fuisse, ipsique superpositam statuam illam, de qua Justinus aliique Patres antiquissimi mentionem olim fecerunt.

Simon published his errors first in Samaria and in Judaea, then in other places, towns and cities, and at last at Rome; in which city he so bound the minds of men to himself that the highest honours of adoration were decreed to him as to the supreme God, and, in the reign of Claudius, a statue was erected to him on the Tiber island between the two bridges, with this inscription: To Simon the Holy God. Certain more recent writers relate, however, that in the pontificate of Gregory the thirteenth the stone base of this statue was found, on which this inscription had been cut: Sacred to Semo Sancus Deus Fidius, that is, as they themselves say: to Hercules, not to Simon. And from this they conclude that Justin, the original source of that error, deceived by the Simonians on account of his unskilfulness in the Latin tongue, handed down that this was the statue of Simon Magus. But those writers had by all means to prove that the base which was found in these latest times was the very same one, and that upon it was set that statue of which Justin and other most ancient Fathers formerly made mention.

Utut sit, primus ille haeresiarcharum parens Simon Magus, a primo apostolorum principe, Simone Petro, perculsus, victus prostratusque est: In Judaea, inquit Eusebius, a Petro apostolo convictus est, omniaque ejus maleficia patefacta, longissime trans mare fugam arripuit. Hunc autem Romam fugientem apostolus insecutus, ibidem illum

However that may be, that first parent of the heresiarchs, Simon Magus, was struck down, conquered and laid low by the first prince of the apostles, Simon Peter: In Judaea, says Eusebius, he was convicted by the apostle Peter, and, all his evil deeds having been laid bare, he took flight very far across the sea. But the apostle, having pursued him as he fled to Rome, there

Editors' notes and page, col. 14

Footnotes

(15) ‹anchor: Tertullianus› · call in col 14

Lib. de praescript. cap. 33.

Book On Prescription, ch. 33.

(printed under page 6)

(16) ‹anchor: quidam scriptores› · call in col 14

Justin. Apol. 1, n. 26, et Euseb. lib. II Hist cap. 13.

Justin, Apology 1, no. 26, and Eusebius, book II of the History, ch. 13. [The numeral after "n." is blurred in the scan; it may be printed "96".]

(printed under page 6)

(17) ‹anchor: inquit Eusebius› · call in col 14

Lib. II Hist. cap. 14.

Book II of the History, ch. 14.

(printed under page 6)

Page

running head: ESIAE SAECULI SCRIPTORIBUS. 14 (left part cut at the crop edge; begins over column 13)
marginal letters: A periculum, quod Christiani; B errantes, secum ipsi aliquando; C tibus, ac tandem Romae; D poribus ultimis inventa est
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column opens on the noun that completes the last words of column 13 (the English supplies "of death" from that genitive). "deputabatur" has a battered t. Quotations and the two inscriptions are in italic. Superscript foot-note calls 15 to 17 left out of the text; the foot notes run full width across both columns at the page foot and are cut by the column crop (full_width at the foot). Notes 15 to 17 are called in this column and are set above; note 15 (call after "Tertullianus", first lines of the column) was added in the Q1 re-read, and the copy in n13, whose call was not located there, is now a duplicate to be dropped. Column ends mid-sentence. Editors' prose (Le Nourry), set as this unit's text.

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omnemque ejus potentiam delevit et exstinxit: Cum Dei doctrina, prosequitur Eusebius, Romanos adventu suo illustrasset, Simonis quidem vis et potentia cum ipso simul auctore brevi exstincta atque deleta est. Atque ut Augustini verbis utamur: In qua urbe apostolus Petrus eum vera virtute Dei omnipotentis exstinxit. Quamvis autem ille sic fuisset ab Apostolo obtritus atque oppressus, plures tamen reliquit errorum scelerumque suorum successores. Nam ex hac amarissima radice, si Theodoretum audias, orti sunt Cleodani, Dositheani, Gortheni, Musbothei, Adrianistae, Eutychetae, vel ut apud Clementem Alexandrinum; Eutychitae, Cainistae. Verum hi omnes, cum impiae haeresis pravas quasdam mutationes excogitassent, non diu durarunt, sed perpetuae oblivioni traditi sunt. At si Hegesippo fidem habere velis, quatuor priores originem duxerunt: E septem sectis in Judaico populo proseminatis. Ex quo Valesius hanc elicuit conclusionem: Rectius dixisset Theodoretus, eas omnes ex Judaicis sectis fuisse propagatas, maxime vero cum quaedam illarum haereseῶν Simoniana vetustiores esse videantur, verbi gratia, Gorthena et Dositheana. Sed vereor ut haec Valesiana conclusio, qua ex duabus sectis Simoniana vetustioribus, alias quoque ipsa antiquiores esse infert, omnibus omnino probetur. Porro autem Epiphanius ex Simone Gnosticos ortos esse affirmat: Atque hinc eorum quos Gnosticos appellamus, origo profluxit.

both him and all his power he destroyed and extinguished: When the doctrine of God, Eusebius continues, had enlightened the Romans by its coming, the force and power of Simon were in a short time extinguished and destroyed together with their author himself. And, to use the words of Augustine: In which city the apostle Peter extinguished him by the true power of almighty God. But although he had thus been crushed and overwhelmed by the Apostle, he nevertheless left many successors to his errors and crimes. For from this most bitter root, if you listen to Theodoret, there sprang the Cleodani, Dositheans, Gortheni, Masbotheans, Adrianists, Eutychetae, or, as in Clement of Alexandria, Eutychitae, Cainists. But all these, after they had devised certain depraved alterations of the impious heresy, did not last long, but were consigned to perpetual oblivion. Yet if you are willing to give credit to Hegesippus, the first four drew their origin: From the seven sects sown among the Jewish people. From which Valesius drew this conclusion: Theodoret would have said more correctly that all of them were propagated from the Jewish sects, especially since some of those heresies seem to be older than the Simonian, for example the Gorthenian and the Dosithean. But I fear that this conclusion of Valesius, by which, from two sects being older than the Simonian, he infers that the others too are more ancient than it, may not be approved by everyone at all. Moreover, Epiphanius affirms that the Gnostics arose from Simon: And from here flowed forth the origin of those whom we call Gnostics.

Testatur Origenes a suo jam tempore exstirpatam Simonianorum haeresim: Nunc nusquam gentium exstant Simoniani. De Dositheanis autem a nobis paulo ante memoratis, haec subjungit: Caeterum Dositheani nec unquam floruerunt, et nunc omnino exstincti sunt, ut nomine tantum manente, inter triginta censeantur. Sed falsa quadam narratione deceptus est Origenes, aut ex iis, quas ipse peragraverat, regionibus idem et in omnibus mundi partibus accidisse arbitrabatur. Scribit enim Eusebius quosdam adhuc, dum viveret, extitisse Simonianae haereseos sectatores: Simon, inquit ille, fidem in Christum simulavit, ut baptismum susciperet. Quod quidem etiamnum fieri ab his qui teterrimam ejus sectam profitentur, non sine admiratione cernimus: qui more parentis sui in Ecclesiam, tanquam pestis aut lepra quaedam irrepentes, gravissimum damnum inferunt iis, quibus pessimum illud et immedicabile venenum, quod mentibus occultant, instillare potuerint. Ac plerique jam eorum ab Ecclesia ejecti sunt, cum fraus ipsorum esset detecta. Et infra: Unde ad nostram usque aetatem quicunque ejus sectam profitentur, cum se Christianam religionem, plenam molestiae et sanctitatis, amplecti simulaverint, tamen et ad superstitiosum daemonum

Origen testifies that the heresy of the Simonians had been rooted out already by his own time: Now nowhere in the world do Simonians exist. And concerning the Dositheans, mentioned by us a little above, he adds this: But the Dositheans neither ever flourished, and now are altogether extinct, so that, the name alone remaining, they are reckoned within thirty. But Origen was deceived by some false report, or else, from those regions which he himself had travelled through, he supposed that the same had happened in all parts of the world also. For Eusebius writes that some followers of the Simonian heresy still existed while he was alive: Simon, he says, feigned faith in Christ in order to receive baptism. Which indeed we see, not without astonishment, is done even now by those who profess his most foul sect: who, creeping into the Church after the manner of their parent like some plague or leprosy, inflict the gravest harm on those into whom they have been able to instil that most evil and incurable poison which they hide in their minds. And most of them have already been cast out of the Church, when their fraud had been detected. And below: Whence, down to our own age, whoever profess his sect, although they have pretended to embrace the Christian religion, full of modesty and holiness, nevertheless to the superstitious

Editors' notes and page, col. 15

Footnotes

(18) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 15)

Lib. de haeres. cap. 1.

Book On Heresies, ch. 1.

(printed under page 7)

(19) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 15)

Lib. I Haeret. Fab. cap. 1.

Book I of the Haereticae Fabulae, ch. 1.

(printed under page 7)

(20) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 15)

Lib. VII Strom., p. 765.

Book VII of the Stromata, p. 765.

(printed under page 7)

(21) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 15)

Apud Euseb. lib. IV Hist., cap. 2.

In Eusebius, book IV of the History, ch. 2.

(printed under page 7)

(22) ‹anchor: esse affirmat› · call in col 15

Haeres. 21, 4.

Heresy 21, 4.

(printed under page 7)

(23) ‹anchor: Testatur Origenes› · call in col 15

Lib. VI cont. Cels.

Book VI Against Celsus.

(printed under page 7)

(24) ‹anchor: enim Eusebius› · call in col 15

Lib. II Hist. cap. 2.

Book II of the History, ch. 2.

(printed under page 7)

(25) ‹anchor: Et infra› · call in col 15

Ibid. cap. 13.

The same, ch. 13.

(printed under page 7)

(26) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 16)

Theodoret. lib. I Haeret. Fabul. cap. 5.

Theodoret, book I of the Haereticae Fabulae, ch. 5.

(printed under page 7)

(27) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 16)

Epiphan. Haeres. 22.

Epiphanius, Heresy 22.

(printed under page 7)

(28) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 16)

Iren. adv. Haeres. cap. 21.

Irenaeus, Against Heresies, ch. 21.

(printed under page 7)

Page

running head: 15 DE OMNIBUS GENER (cut at the crop edge; continues over column 16)
marginal letters: A omnemque ejus potentiam; B oblivioni traditi sunt. At si; C Testatur Origenes a suo jam; D miratione cernimus : qui more
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: "Musbothei": split at a line end (Musbo-thei); the second letter was UNSURE (a or u) in the italic, the Q3 re-read takes it as u, and the source is set so, as printed; the English gives the usual form of the name (Masbotheans). "molestiae": was UNSURE against "modestiae"; the Q3 re-read takes the page as "molestiae", and the source is set so, as printed; the sense wants "modestiae", which the English follows. "haereseῶν" again has the Greek ending on the Latin stem, as printed. Quotations are in italic. Superscript foot-note calls 18 to 25 left out; the foot notes run full width across both columns at the page foot and are cut by the column crop (full_width at the foot), not set here. Column begins and ends mid-sentence. Editors' prose (Le Nourry), set as this unit's text.

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cultum, quem abjicere visi fuerant, deinceps nihilominus relabuntur. Exstabant ergo Eusebii tempore quidam haeresis Simonianae fautores. At cum plerosque, retectis eorum fraudibus, ex Ecclesia ejectos esse idem Eusebius testificetur, id certe indicio est nec dubio nec obscuro, eos tum paucos admodum fuisse, et quidem sub falso Christianorum nomine sese occultantes. Unde concludas necesse est, haeresim illam non diu postea perseverasse, et cito fuisse exstinctam.

worship of demons, which they had seemed to cast off, they none the less afterwards fall back. There existed, therefore, in the time of Eusebius certain supporters of the Simonian heresy. But since the same Eusebius testifies that most of them, their frauds having been uncovered, were cast out of the Church, this is surely a sign neither doubtful nor obscure that they were then very few, and indeed hiding themselves under the false name of Christians. Whence you must conclude that this heresy did not continue long afterwards, and was quickly extinguished.

CAPUT IV.

CHAPTER IV.

De haeresi Menandri.

On the heresy of Menander.

Menander Samaritanus genere e vico Caparateia, Καπαρατείας seu Χάβραι, oriundus, Simonis discipulus, majorem se antecessore ac praeceptore suo jactabat. Quapropter nonnullis quibusdam erroribus impiae magistri sui doctrinae additis vel immutatis, novam condidit sectam, et haeresiarchae titulum ac nomen promeruit. Is itaque cum Simon dixisset summam se esse Dei virtutem, docuit: Primam quidem virtutem incognitam omnibus, se autem eum esse, qui missus sit ab invisibilibus, salvatorem pro salute omnium. His adjecit: Resurrectionem per id quod est in eum baptisma, accipere ejus discipulos, et ultra non posse mori, sed perseverare non senescentes et immortales. Caetera, eosdem ac praeceptor suus errores et magicas artes consectabatur.

Menander, a Samaritan by race, a native of the village Caparateia, Καπαρατείας or Χάβραι, a disciple of Simon, boasted that he was greater than his predecessor and teacher. Wherefore, having added certain errors to the impious doctrine of his master, or altered some, he founded a new sect, and earned the title and name of heresiarch. He therefore, whereas Simon had said that he was the supreme power of God, taught: That the first power indeed is unknown to all, but that he himself is the one who was sent by the invisible ones as a saviour for the salvation of all. To these things he added: That his disciples receive resurrection through the baptism which is into him, and can no longer die, but continue unageing and immortal. For the rest, he pursued the same errors and magic arts as his teacher.

Nonnullis autem explicatu difficile videtur, quo sensu Irenaeus primum Menandri errorem esse dixerit, quod se praeceptore suo Simone majorem jactaret, cum Simon summa Dei vis ab aliis voluerit audire, nequaquam vero Menander. Attamen si Irenaei verba attente perpendantur, haud aegre solvetur difficultatis illius nodus. Non alia quippe viri sancti mens esse videtur, nisi Menandrum se magistro suo, non virtute quidem et potentia, sed scientia et missione praedicasse majorem.

To some, however, it seems hard to explain in what sense Irenaeus said that Menander's first error was that he boasted himself greater than his teacher Simon, since Simon wished to be called by others the supreme power of God, but Menander by no means did. Yet if the words of Irenaeus are attentively weighed, the knot of that difficulty will be loosed without trouble. For the holy man's meaning seems to be none other than that Menander proclaimed himself greater than his master not indeed in strength and power, but in knowledge and mission.

Quos Menandriana haeresis adversarios habuerit, accipies a Theodoreto, qui eam a Justino martyre, Irenaeo, ac Origene scriptis expugnatam esse testatur. Neque ullus certe ibit unquam inficias nonnihil adversus illam a Justino et Irenaeo memoriae fuisse proditum. Verumtamen quem Theodoretus scribit in modum, ipsemet procul dubio quaedam alia eorum scripta, quibus haeresim illam planius fusiusque confutabant, ibi indicasse videtur. Porro autem quae Menander de baptismo suo, quo homines immortales fieri garriebat, adeo temere venditavit, ea Tertullianus egregie refellit, et ridicula esse demonstrat. Neque tamen illud censemus adjiciendum, quod nonnulli Tertullianum rursus de eadem haeresi aliquid in Libro de praescriptionibus litteris mandasse opinantur. Nihil

What adversaries the Menandrian heresy had you will learn from Theodoret, who testifies that it was assailed in writings by Justin Martyr, Irenaeus and Origen. Nor indeed will anyone ever deny that something against it was put on record by Justin and Irenaeus. Nevertheless, from the manner in which Theodoret writes, he himself seems beyond doubt to have pointed there to certain other writings of theirs, in which they refuted that heresy more plainly and at greater length. Moreover, those things which Menander so rashly vaunted about his baptism, by which he prated that men become immortal, Tertullian admirably refutes, and shows to be ridiculous. Nor yet do we think it should be added that some suppose Tertullian again to have committed something to writing about the same heresy in the Book on Prescriptions. Nothing

Editors' notes and page, col. 16

Footnotes

(29) ‹anchor: a Theodoreto› · call in col 16

Lib I Haeret. Fabul. cap. 2.

Book I of the Haereticae Fabulae, ch. 2.

(printed under page 7)

(30) ‹anchor: esse demonstrat› · call in col 16

Lib. de anima, cap. 50.

Book On the Soul, ch. 50.

(printed under page 7)

Page

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marginal letters: A cultum, quem abjicere visi; B jactabat. Quapropter nonnullis; C dixerit, quod se praeceptore; D doretus scribit in modum
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the two Greek words (Καπαρατείας, Χάβραι; the beta is the curled medial form) are small in the scan and their accents are UNSURE. The English of the first line supplies "of demons" from the genitive that closes column 15. Quotations are in italic. Superscript foot-note calls 26 to 30 left out; the foot notes run full width across both columns at the page foot and are cut by the column crop (full_width at the foot), not set here. Column begins and ends mid-sentence. Editors' prose (Le Nourry), set as this unit's text.

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enim ibi de ea reperias, nisi in libri illius capite 45, quod ab impostoribus ibi assutum esse critici peritiores observant.

indeed would you find there about it, except in chapter 45 of that book, which the more skilled critics observe to have been stitched on there by impostors.

Non diu stetit illa Menandri haeresis. Justinus siquidem quamvis plures initio a Menandro deceptos esse agnoscat; paucos tamen suo tempore superstites extitisse non obscure declarat: Menandrum Antiochiae multos arte magica decepisse scimus... suntque adeo nunc quoque ab eo reliqui nonnulli, qui hoc sic profitentur. Inde ergo Menandrianam haeresim ante Simonianam excidisse non absurde colliges; nisi eam in Saturnili et Basilidis sectas influxisse dixeris.

That heresy of Menander did not stand long. For Justin, although he acknowledges that many were at first deceived by Menander, yet declares not obscurely that few survivors existed in his own time: We know that Menander deceived many at Antioch by magic art... and indeed there are even now some left from him who profess this in this way. Hence, therefore, you will not unreasonably gather that the Menandrian heresy fell away before the Simonian; unless you should say that it flowed into the sects of Saturnilus and Basilides.

CAPUT V.

CHAPTER V.

De haeresi Cerinthi.

On the heresy of Cerinthus.

Cerinthus ab ipso apostolorum tempore novae haereseos parens, in Aegypto, inquit Theodoretus, plurimo tempore versatus, et in philosophicis scientiis eruditus, venit postea in Asiam, et discipulos suos de nomine suo appellavit. Cui concinit quidem Epiphanius, sed addit eos dictos fuisse Merinthianos: Utrum vero, ait ille, Cerinthus ipse Merinthus alio nomine sit dictus, nescire me fateor, an praeter hunc alter eo nomine appellatus exstiterit, adjutor illius et socius, id quidem soli Deo compertum est.

Cerinthus, the parent of a new heresy from the very time of the apostles, having spent, says Theodoret, a very long time in Egypt, and having been educated in the philosophical sciences, afterwards came into Asia, and called his disciples by his own name. With him Epiphanius indeed agrees, but adds that they were called Merinthians: But whether, he says, Cerinthus himself was called by another name Merinthus, I confess I do not know, or whether besides him there existed another called by that name, his helper and associate; that indeed is known to God alone.

Primum autem, teste Irenaeo, Cerinthus: Non a primo Deo factum esse mundum docuit, sed a virtute quadam separata, et distante ab ea principalitate, quae est super universa, et ignorante eo qui est super omnia Deo. Christum autem, auctore Theodoreto, duas in partes, seu personas a se invicem distinctas, dividebat; tradebatque Jesum secundum naturam ortum ex Joseph et Maria, temperantia autem, et justitia, et aliis virtutibus excelluisse. Vel ut ait Irenaeus: Plus potuisse ab omnibus, et post baptismum descendisse in eum Christum ab ea principalitate, quae est super omnia, figura columbae, et tunc annuntiasse incognitum Patrem, et virtutes perfecisse; in fine autem revolasse iterum Christum de Jesu, et Jesum passum esse et resurrexisse, Christum autem impassibilem perseverasse, existentem spiritalem. Contra tamen Epiphanius, ac post eum Augustinus: Dicere, inquit, nihil est veritus passum quidem et crucifixum esse Christum, nondum tamen a mortuis excitatum, ac tum demum cum mortui resurgent omnes, excitandum. Unde merito quidem jure Cerinthianos secum invicem aperte pugnasse concludit.

First, then, as Irenaeus testifies, Cerinthus: Taught that the world was not made by the first God, but by a certain power separate and distant from that principality which is over the universe, and ignorant of Him Who is God over all. Christ, moreover, on the authority of Theodoret, he divided into two parts, or persons distinct from one another; and he taught that Jesus was born according to nature of Joseph and Mary, but excelled in temperance and justice and the other virtues. Or, as Irenaeus says: That he had more power than all, and that after his baptism the Christ descended upon him from that principality which is over all, in the figure of a dove, and then announced the unknown Father, and performed mighty works; but at the end the Christ flew back again from Jesus, and Jesus suffered and rose again, but the Christ remained impassible, being spiritual. On the contrary, however, Epiphanius, and after him Augustine: He did not at all fear, he says, to say that Christ indeed suffered and was crucified, but has not yet been raised from the dead, and is to be raised only then when all the dead shall rise. Whence he concludes, with good right indeed, that the Cerinthians openly contradicted one another.

Nec minus haeresis illa sibi ipsi in eo adversabatur, quod: Carne circumcidi oportere, verba sunt Augustini, atque alia hujusmodi legis, nimirum Mosaicae, praecepta servari juberet. Nam eum a quo lex tradita sit, bonum negat esse, ait Epiphanius,

No less did that heresy oppose itself in this, that it commanded, the words are Augustine's: That one must be circumcised in the flesh, and that other such precepts of the law, namely the Mosaic, be kept. For he denies that the one by whom the law was delivered is good, says Epiphanius,

Editors' notes and page, col. 17

Footnotes

(31) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 17)

Apolog. 2.

Apology 2.

(printed under page 8)

(32) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 17)

Lib. II Haeret. Fabul. cap. 3.

Book II of the Haereticae Fabulae, ch. 3.

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(33) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 17)

Haeres. 28.

Heresy 28.

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(34) ‹anchor: teste Irenaeo› · call in col 17

Lib. I Adv. haeres. cap. 25.

Book I Against Heresies, ch. 25.

(printed under page 8)

(35) ‹anchor: auctore Theodoreto› · call in col 17

Loc. cit

In the place cited.

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(36) ‹anchor: ait Irenaeus› · call in col 17

Loc. cit.

In the place cited.

(printed under page 8)

(37) ‹anchor: tamen Epiphanius› · call in col 17

De haeres. § 8.

On Heresies, § 8.

(printed under page 8)

(38) ‹anchor: eum Augustinus› · call in col 17

Loc. cit. § 6.

In the place cited, § 6.

(printed under page 8)

(39) ‹anchor: verba sunt Augustini› · call in col 17

De haeres. cap. 8.

On Heresies, ch. 8.

(printed under page 8)

(40) ‹anchor: ait Epiphanius› · call in col 17

Loc. cit.

In the place cited.

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(41) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 18)

Lib. de haeres.

Book On Heresies.

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(42) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 18)

Loc. cit., § 5.

In the place cited, § 5.

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(43) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 18)

Lib. III Hist., cap. 28. Vid. Theodor. loc. cit. et eumdem Euseb. lib. VII Hist., cap. 25.

Book III of the History, ch. 28. See Theodoret in the place cited, and the same Eusebius, book VII of the History, ch. 25.

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running head: 17 PRIMI ECCLESIAE SAECULI S (cut at the crop edge; continues over column 18)
marginal letters: A enim ibi de ea reperias; B Cerinthus ab ipso apostolorum; C duas in partes, seu personas; D gent omnes, excitandum
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: "45" in the first sentence is a chapter number belonging to the text (kept), not an old-edition numeral. An ink blot covers the first letters of "haeresis" and "Menandro" in the second paragraph; both read with confidence from the remaining letters. The points after "scimus" are printed. Quotations are in italic. Superscript foot-note calls 31 to 40 left out; the foot notes run full width across both columns at the page foot and are cut by the column crop (full_width at the foot), not set here. Column begins and ends mid-sentence. Editors' prose (Le Nourry), set as this unit's text.

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cujus tamen legi, tanquam bonae obtemperare videtur. Hinc etiam Cerinthiani, ut idem Epiphanius subdit: Paulum penitus explodunt, propterea quod circumcisionem abdicavit. Philastrius vero arguit Cerinthum, quod et alios plures novi foederis libros repudiaverit: Apostolum Paulum non accipit, Judam proditorem honorat, Evangelium secundum Matthaeum solum accipit, tria Evangelia spernit, beatos martyres blasphemat. Neque tamen ab eo integrum Matthaei Evangelium acceptum fuisse auctor est Epiphanius: Matthaei Evangelio non integro, sed ex parte duntaxat utuntur, nimirum propter genealogiam, quae ejus est carnis propria. Nec mirum; quando quidem ea Christi genealogia omnes errores funditus evertebantur.

whose law nevertheless he seems to obey as though it were good. Hence also the Cerinthians, as the same Epiphanius adds: Utterly reject Paul, because he renounced circumcision. Philastrius, moreover, charges Cerinthus with having repudiated many other books of the New Covenant as well: He does not accept the apostle Paul, he honours Judas the traitor, he accepts only the Gospel according to Matthew, he spurns three Gospels, he blasphemes the blessed martyrs. Yet that not even Matthew's Gospel was accepted by him entire, Epiphanius is the authority: They use the Gospel of Matthew not entire, but only in part, namely on account of the genealogy, which belongs to His flesh. Nor is it any wonder; since by that genealogy of Christ all their errors were utterly overthrown.

Caius autem apud Eusebium Cerintho errorem Chiliastarum tribuit: Per revelationes a se, tanquam a magno Apostolo conscriptas, portenta quaedam, quasi ab angelis sibi ostensa commentus, nobis introducit, affirmans post resurrectionem regnum Christi in terris futurum, ac rursus homines Hierosolymis degentes, cupiditatibus et voluptati corporis obnoxios fore; additque mille annorum spatium in nuptialibus festis transactum iri. Unde etiam Chiliastae, inquit Augustinus, sunt appellati. Id confirmat Eusebius hac Dionysii Alexandrini auctoritate: Aiunt eum, Cerinthum, librum composuisse, indito Joannis nomine, dum auctoritatem figmentis suis ex Joannis nomine mutuari vellet. Sed de hoc ridiculo Cerinthi commento alibi dabitur fusius disputandi locus.

Caius, however, in Eusebius, attributes to Cerinthus the error of the Chiliasts: Through revelations written by himself as though by a great Apostle, having invented certain portents as if shown to him by angels, he brings them in upon us, affirming that after the resurrection the kingdom of Christ will be on earth, and that men dwelling at Jerusalem will again be subject to desires and to the pleasure of the body; and he adds that the space of a thousand years will be passed in nuptial feasts. Whence also, says Augustine, they were called Chiliasts. Eusebius confirms this by the following authority of Dionysius of Alexandria: They say that he, Cerinthus, composed a book, with the name of John put upon it, since he wished to borrow authority for his fictions from the name of John. But of this ridiculous invention of Cerinthus there will be occasion to treat more fully elsewhere.

Visum est nonnullis eos, qui viventes baptismo non fuerunt abluti, post mortem ab iis haereticis sacramento illo fuisse initiatos. Verum cum ii solo Epiphanii, quem de aliis potius haereticis ibidem loqui plures existimant, testimonio innitantur, id isti vel negant omnino, vel penitus incertum esse contendunt.

It has seemed to some that those who had not been washed by baptism while living were initiated in that sacrament after death by these heretics. But since they rest on the testimony of Epiphanius alone, whom many judge to be speaking rather of other heretics in that place, these latter either deny it altogether or contend that it is wholly uncertain.

Quanto horrori Cerinthus Joanni evangelistae fuerit, discimus ex Irenaeo, qui ab aliis se accepisse testatur, Joannem, cum lavandi causa balneum Ephesi esset ingressus, viso intus Cerintho, mox illotum ex balneo profugisse, atque in haec prorupisse verba: Fugiamus hinc, ne forte balneum corruat, in quo est Cerinthus veritatis inimicus. Epiphanius igitur, qui haec Ebioni tribuit, memoria procul dubio lapsus est. Neque tamen ad expugnandam Cerinthi haeresim ibi stetit divinus plane Joannis ardor et studium. Ille enim, ut tradit Hieronymus: Scripsit evangelium, rogatus ab Asiae episcopis, adversus Cerinthum, aliosque haereticos. Epiphanius autem arbitratur Jacobum aliosque apostolos adversus eumdem haeresiarcham litteras in haec verba Antiochiam

How great a horror Cerinthus was to John the evangelist we learn from Irenaeus, who testifies that he received from others that John, when he had entered the bath at Ephesus in order to wash, on seeing Cerinthus within, at once fled unwashed from the bath, and broke out into these words: Let us flee hence, lest perhaps the bath fall in, in which is Cerinthus, the enemy of the truth. Epiphanius therefore, who attributes these things to Ebion, has beyond doubt suffered a lapse of memory. Nor yet did John's plainly divine ardour and zeal for overthrowing the heresy of Cerinthus stop there. For he, as Jerome hands down: Wrote a gospel, asked by the bishops of Asia, against Cerinthus and other heretics. Epiphanius, moreover, thinks that James and the other apostles, against the same heresiarch, [sent] a letter in these words to Antioch

Editors' notes and page, col. 18

Footnotes

(44) ‹anchor: inquit Augustinus› · call in col 18

Loco cit.

In the place cited.

(printed under page 8)

(45) ‹anchor: ex Irenaeo› · call in col 18

Euseb. lib. III Histor. cap. 28, et lib. IV, cap. 14, et ipse Irenaeus lib. 3, adv. Haeres. cap. 3 et Theod. lib. II.

Eusebius, book III of the History, ch. 28, and book IV, ch. 14, and Irenaeus himself, book 3 Against Heresies, ch. 3, and Theodoret, book II.

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(46) ‹anchor: tradit Hieronymus› · call in col 18

De script. eccles., in Joan.

On Ecclesiastical Writers, under John.

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(47) ‹anchor: Epiphanius› · call in col 18

Haeres. 28, § 2.

Heresy 28, § 2.

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running head: ESIAE SAECULI SCRIPTORIBUS. 18 (left part cut at the crop edge; begins over column 17)
marginal letters: A cujus tamen legi, tanquam; B Caius autem apud Eusebium; C disputandi locus.; D quo est Cerinthus veritatis
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column's last word is split at the break: "Antio-" is printed here and the tail "chiam" at the top of column 19 (confirmed on the page of column 19), so the word is set whole here, "Antiochiam", and is not restored in column 19; the governing verb stands in column 19 and the English supplies it in square brackets. "Christi" in the first paragraph has a battered final letter. Quotations are in italic. Superscript foot-note calls 41 to 47 left out of the text; the foot notes run full width across both columns at the page foot: notes 41 to 43 (called in this column) are set in n17, notes 44 to 47 above. Column begins mid-sentence. Editors' prose (Le Nourry), set as this unit's text.

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direxisse : Quoniam cognovimus quosdam a nobis ad vos esse profectos, etc. Nullus quoque dubitat Petrum et Paulum, eodem penitus evertendi erroris amore succensos, contra ipsum inito certamine, haeresim ejus confutasse et profligasse. His Theodoretus adjungit Caium, Dionysium Alexandrinum, Justinum martyrem, Irenaeum atque Origenem. Porro autem cum non alios qui contra Cerinthum pugnaverint, commemoret vir ille doctissimus, hinc non leve ducitur argumentum haeresim illam, circa Origenis tempora exstinctam, nullos amplius habuisse fautores. Certum tamen est praecipuos Cerinthi errores ab aliis postea adoptatos fuisse haereticis, qui nova sectis suis, ut dicemus, nomina imposuerunt.

sent: Since we have learned that certain men have gone out from us to you, etc. Nor does anyone doubt that Peter and Paul, kindled with altogether the same love of overthrowing error, entered into combat against him and refuted and routed his heresy. To these Theodoret adds Caius, Dionysius of Alexandria, Justin the martyr, Irenaeus and Origen. Moreover, since that most learned man mentions no others who fought against Cerinthus, no slight argument is drawn from this that that heresy, extinguished about the times of Origen, had no supporters any longer. It is nevertheless certain that the chief errors of Cerinthus were afterwards adopted by other heretics, who, as we shall say, imposed new names upon their sects.

CAPUT VI.

CHAPTER VI.

De haeresi Ebionis.

On the heresy of Ebion.

Ebion cujus nomen apud Patres doctissimos, idem ac mendicus sonat, a Mario Mercatore vocatur philosophus et stoicus philosophus. Eruditus autem scriptor quidam nomen mendici ipsi inditum putat, quod spretis divitiis, voluntariam paupertatem profiteretur. Verum Epiphanio Ebionitae se mendicos praedicant, quod apostolorum tempore mos esset bona sua distrahere, et ad illorum pedes abjicere.

Ebion, whose name among the most learned Fathers means the same as beggar, is called by Marius Mercator a philosopher and a Stoic philosopher. A certain learned writer, however, thinks that the name of beggar was given to him because, despising riches, he professed voluntary poverty. But according to Epiphanius the Ebionites proclaim themselves beggars, because in the time of the apostles it was the custom to sell off one's goods and to cast them at their feet.

Quo autem loco et tempore orta sit Ebionis haeresis idem Epiphanius his verbis declarat : Hujus factionis exordium post Hierosolymitanae urbis excidium coepit. Quo tempore Christiani omnes cum in Peraea degerent, atque in urbe Pella potissimum, quae in Decapolitana provincia est... prope Batanaeam ac Basanitidem; cum illic, inquam, domicilium collocassent, hinc Ebioni data est propagandi erroris occasio. Qui in pago quodam Cocabe, in regione Carnaimorum, Arnemi, et Astarotharum, et Basanitidis tractu habitare coepit, quemadmodum vetus ad nos usque fama pertulit. Postea vero adjicit : In Asia ac Romae errorem suum disseminavit. Cum itaque urbs Hierosolymitana juxta peritiorum chronologiam anno Christi 70 capta fuerit ac diruta, per id ferme tempus Ebion in locis, ab Epiphanio commemoratis, errores suos disseminare coepit. Nec longe abest ab hac sententia Hieronymus, qui Joannem, consurgente Ebionis haeresi, Evangelium suum scripsisse affirmat : Scripsit Evangelium adversus Cerinthum..... et maxime nunc Ebionitarum dogma consurgens.

In what place and at what time the heresy of Ebion arose the same Epiphanius declares in these words: The beginning of this faction started after the destruction of the city of Jerusalem. At which time, when all the Christians were living in Peraea, and chiefly in the city of Pella, which is in the province of the Decapolis... near Batanaea and Basanitis; when, I say, they had settled their dwelling there, from this an occasion of propagating his error was given to Ebion. He began to dwell in a certain village, Cocabe, in the region of Carnaim, Arnem and Astaroth, and in the district of Basanitis, as an old report has carried down even to us. And afterwards he adds: He disseminated his error in Asia and at Rome. Since therefore the city of Jerusalem, according to the chronology of the more expert, was taken and demolished in the year of Christ 70, about that time Ebion began to disseminate his errors in the places mentioned by Epiphanius. Nor is Jerome far from this opinion, who affirms that John wrote his Gospel when the heresy of Ebion was rising up: He wrote a Gospel against Cerinthus..... and especially the dogma of the Ebionites then rising up.

Errores vero Ebionis iidem propemodum erant, ac Cerinthi; ita ut ille a quibusdam, quod tamen indubitatum omnino non est, ejusdem Cerinthi discipulus fuisse asseratur. Docebat autem Christum merum esse hominem, ex Maria et Joseph humano

The errors of Ebion, indeed, were almost the same as those of Cerinthus; so that he is asserted by some, though this is not altogether beyond doubt, to have been a disciple of the same Cerinthus. Now he taught that Christ was a mere man, from Mary and Joseph in the human

Editors' notes and page, col. 19

Footnotes

(48) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 19)

Origen. lib. II cont. Cels. et lib. IV Periarch.; Euseb. lib. III Hist. cap. 37; Epiphan., haeres. 30; Theodor. Haer. Fabul. cap. II.

Origen, book II Against Celsus and book IV of the Peri Archon; Eusebius, book III of the History, ch. 37; Epiphanius, Heresy 30; Theodoret, Haereticae Fabulae, ch. 2.

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Mercat. Anathem. Nestor., 12.

[Marius] Mercator, Anathemas of Nestorius, 12.

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(50) ‹anchor: verbis declarat› · call in col 19

Haeres. 30, § 1.

Heresy 30, § 1.

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(51) ‹anchor: vero adjicit› · call in col 19

Ibid. § 18.

The same, § 18.

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(52) ‹anchor: scripsisse affirmat› · call in col 19

De script. eccles., in Joan.; Tertul. Lib. de carne Christi, cap. 18. Origen. homil. 17 in Luc.; Hieronym. De script. eccles.

On Ecclesiastical Writers, under John; Tertullian, book On the Flesh of Christ, ch. 18. Origen, homily 17 on Luke; Jerome, On Ecclesiastical Writers.

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(53) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 20)

Haeres. 30, § 18, et Euseb. lib. III Histor. cap. 27.

Heresy 30, § 18, and Eusebius, book III of the History, ch. 27.

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(54) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 20)

Loc. cit.

In the place cited.

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(55) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 20)

Haeres. 30, § 3.

Heresy 30, § 3.

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running head: 19 DE OMNIBUS GENER (rest of the head cut by the column crop)
marginal letters: A ‹chiam direxisse›; B ‹De haeresi Ebionis›; C ‹in Peraea degerent›; D ‹Joannem, consurgente›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column's first printed letters are "chiam", the tail of "Antiochiam" split at the break; the word is set whole at the end of col. 18 and not repeated here. The calls in column 19 are 48 to 52 only (Q3 re-read of the whole column), so 53 and 54 are called in col. 20. "ac Cerinthi": the first letter of "ac" is damaged type (looks like "ne"), read as "ac". "nunc Ebionitarum": "nunc" is the word printed and is set so; Jerome's text has "tunc", which the English follows ("then"). Foot notes 48-60 run full width across the page foot and are cut by the crop; not set here. The dots after "est" and "Cerinthum" are printed.

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more procreatum; ipsumque Filium Dei progressione quadam virtutis, verba sunt Epiphanii, et conjunctione cum Deo factum : proindeque adoptivum duntaxat esse Dei Filium, ut eidem Ebioni exprobrat Mercator. Sectatores tamen Ebionis non uno eodemque modo hunc magistri sui errorem secuti sunt : Alii enimvero ab his eodem nomine nuncupati, inquit Eusebius, absurdam eorum sententiam rejicientes, Christum quidem ex Virgine et Spiritu sancto genitum esse non negant : sed iidem nihilominus cum Christum, utpote Deum, Verbum, ac sapientiam Patris, ante omnia substitisse minime fateantur, in eamdem cum prioribus sententiam delapsi sunt. Unde etiam Epiphanius : Alii aliter de Christo pronuntiant.... Nonnulli enim ex eis Adamum fuisse Christum praedicant... Alii e coelo Christum esse confitentur, sed ante omnia creatum, ac spiritum quemdam esse, angelisque praestare, atque omnium rerum dominatum tenere. Qui cum perpetuam illic habitationem sortitus sit, quoties libuerit, in haec infima delabitur, quemadmodum in Adamo descendit, et patriarchis corpore circumfusus apparuit, velut cum ad Abrahamum, Isaacum et Jacobum adiit. Idem denique postremis temporibus venit, Adami corpore contectus, et homo visus est, et in crucem sublatus surrexit, et ascendit in coelum. Rursus ubi libuerit, ita se rem habere negant, in eumque duntaxat sese sanctum infudisse Spiritum, qui est Christus, eumque qui Jesus vocatus est, induisse. Et infra : Duos a Deo constitutos esse asserunt, Christum et diabolum, quorum illi futuri, huic praesentis saeculi potestas est commissa : idque adeo omnipotentis illius mandato ad cujusque postulationem esse factum, etc.

manner begotten; and that He was made Son of God by a certain advance in virtue — the words are Epiphanius's — and by conjunction with God: and accordingly that He is only an adoptive Son of God, as Mercator reproaches the same Ebion. Yet the followers of Ebion did not follow this error of their master in one and the same way: For others, called by the same name as these, says Eusebius, rejecting their absurd opinion, do not indeed deny that Christ was born of the Virgin and the Holy Spirit: but the same men nevertheless, since they by no means confess that Christ, as being God, the Word and the wisdom of the Father, subsisted before all things, have fallen into the same opinion as the former. Whence also Epiphanius: Different ones pronounce differently about Christ.... For some of them proclaim that Adam was Christ... Others confess that Christ is from heaven, but created before all things, and that He is a certain spirit, and surpasses the angels, and holds dominion over all things. He, although He has obtained a perpetual dwelling there, glides down into these lowest regions as often as He pleases, just as He descended in Adam, and appeared to the patriarchs clothed about with a body, as when He came to Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. The same, finally, came in the last times, covered with the body of Adam, and was seen as a man, and having been lifted up on the cross rose again, and ascended into heaven. Again, when it pleases them, they deny that the matter stands thus, and say that the Holy Spirit, who is Christ, merely poured Himself into him, and put on him who was called Jesus. And below: They assert that two were appointed by God, Christ and the devil, of whom to the former the power of the age to come, to the latter that of the present age, was committed: and that this was done by the command of that Almighty One at the request of each, etc.

Hanc porro opinionum divisionem et differentiam Elxaeo pseudoprophetae tribuendam esse suspicatur. Quidam vero hunc Elxaeum, seu Elceai peculiaris cujusdam haeresis, quae ab illius nomine Helcesaitarum dicta est, tradunt fuisse auctorem. Illius porro errores ab Eusebio et Theodoreto notantur; sed eam simul natam, simul exstinctam idem Eusebius in ecclesiastica sua Historia testatus est. Citatum a nobis illius locum si adire volueris, lege etiam in eum Valesii notas et animadversiones.

He suspects, moreover, that this division and difference of opinions is to be attributed to the false prophet Elxai. Some, indeed, hand down that this Elxai, or Elceai, was the author of a certain particular heresy, which from his name was called that of the Helcesaites. Its errors, moreover, are noted by Eusebius and Theodoret; but the same Eusebius has testified in his ecclesiastical History that it was extinguished at the same moment it was born. If you wish to consult the passage of his cited by us, read also the notes and observations of Valesius upon it.

Ebionitae autem praeterea docebant omnes lege Mosaica teneri, servandamque Sabbati celebrationem, quamvis Dominicam quoque diem in Resurrectionis Christi memoriam ipsimet observaverint. Quapropter ii juxta Irenaeum : Paulum recusant, apostatam eum legis dicentes..... solo autem eo quod est secundum Matthaeum Evangelio utuntur. His quae de Evangelio Matthaei dicuntur, concinit Theodoretus;

The Ebionites, moreover, further taught that all are bound by the Mosaic law, and that the celebration of the Sabbath is to be kept, although they themselves also observed the Lord's day in memory of Christ's Resurrection. Wherefore, according to Irenaeus, they reject Paul, calling him an apostate from the law..... and they use only the Gospel which is according to Matthew. With what is said of the Gospel of Matthew Theodoret agrees;

Editors' notes and page, col. 20

Footnotes

(56) ‹anchor: Et infra› · call in col 20

Ibid. § 16.

The same, § 16.

(printed under page 9)

(57) ‹anchor: call stands at the head of the paragraph, before "Hanc porro"› · call in col 20

Ibid. § 3.

The same, § 3.

(printed under page 9)

(58) ‹anchor: ab Eusebio› · call in col 20

Euseb. lib. VI Hist. cap. 30.

Eusebius, book VI of the History, ch. 30. [The book numeral is faint in the scan; read as VI.]

(printed under page 9)

(59) ‹anchor: et Theodoreto› · call in col 20

Theod. lib. II Haeret. Fab , cap. 7.

Theodoret, book II of the Haereticae Fabulae, ch. 7.

(printed under page 9)

(60) ‹anchor: juxta Irenaeum› · call in col 20

Loc. cit.

In the place cited.

(printed under page 9)

Page

running head: DE OMNIBUS GENERATIM 20
marginal letters: A ‹more procreatum›; B ‹mum fuisse Christum›; C ‹diabolum, quorum illi›; D ‹versiones.›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: last word split at the column break ("Theodo-" / "retus;"), set whole here from the first line of col. 21. Damaged type read from context: "ac sapientiam" (c faint), "apparuit", "Et infra" (looks like "El inlra"), "suspicatur", "duntaxat", "atque". Foot notes 48-60 run full width across the page foot (cut by the crop); not set here. The dots within the quotations are printed.

PG 1:21

addit tamen Epiphanius: Quanquam ne integrum quidem habent, sed adulteratum et mutilum; atque iis omnibus, quae ad genealogiam Christi spectant, inde abrasis, idipsum Hebraicum vocant. Quid ergo, inquies, Mercatori faciemus, qui de Ebione haec scribit: Christum in Dei filium adoptatum ausus est praedicare, asserens se Matthaei, Marci et Lucae evangelistarum auctoritatem secutum? Aiebant nonnulli Mercatorem de Ebione, alios vero Patres de ejus loqui discipulis. At id quod vero videtur similius, ii subjungunt, tres illos evangelistas ab Ebione, ut ait Mercator, citatos, non ideo quidem quod admittenda putaret illorum Evangelia, sed ut eorum auctoritatem contra Catholicos, qui eam divinam esse credebant, argumento, ut loquuntur, ad hominem urgeret. Caeterum si quid aliud senserit Mercator, certe opinio illius aliorum Patrum sententiae praeferenda non est.

yet Epiphanius adds: Although they do not have it even entire, but adulterated and mutilated; and, all those things which pertain to the genealogy of Christ having been scraped away from it, they call this same thing the Hebrew [Gospel]. What then, you will say, shall we do with Mercator, who writes this of Ebion: He dared to preach that Christ was adopted as Son of God, asserting that he followed the authority of the evangelists Matthew, Mark and Luke? Some used to say that Mercator is speaking of Ebion, but the other Fathers of his disciples. But — what seems more like the truth — they subjoin that those three evangelists were cited by Ebion, as Mercator says, not indeed because he thought their Gospels ought to be admitted, but in order to press their authority against the Catholics, who believed it to be divine, by an argument, as they say, ad hominem. For the rest, if Mercator thought anything else, certainly his opinion is not to be preferred to the judgement of the other Fathers.

Praedicabant insuper Ebionitae Christum veritatis esse prophetam... Prophetas vero, non veritatis, sed intelligentiae esse prophetas, proindeque Jesum solum esse prophetam. Et paulo superius: Abrahamum, et Isaacum, ac Jacobum, et Moysem, atque Aaronem admittunt, una cum Jesu, qui Moysis duntaxat successor, neque quidquam amplius fuerit. Secundum hos nullum alium ex prophetis asciscunt, sed cum exsecratione proscribunt ac derident, puta, Davidem, et Salomonem, atque Isaiam, Jeremiam, Danielem, Ezechielem, quibuscum Eliam atque Eliseum repudiant. Si quis autem interrogasset: Unde igitur tenes quae ad Moysem Abrahamumque pertinent? respondebant illico id sibi a Christo patefactum.

The Ebionites proclaimed besides that Christ is the prophet of truth... but that the prophets are prophets not of truth but of understanding, and that accordingly Jesus alone is a prophet. And a little above: They admit Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, and Moses, and Aaron, together with Jesus [Joshua], who was merely the successor of Moses and nothing more. After these they receive no other of the prophets, but proscribe and deride them with execration, for instance David, and Solomon, and Isaiah, Jeremiah, Daniel, Ezekiel, along with whom they repudiate Elijah and Elisha. But if anyone had asked: Whence then do you hold the things that pertain to Moses and Abraham? they would answer at once that this had been disclosed to them by Christ.

Alios eorum errores enumerando idem Epiphanius dixerat: Est hoc illis insuper in more positum, ut adolescentulos citra maturam aetatem ad nuptias compellant... neque vero unis duntaxat nuptiis affinitates inter se conjungunt; sed si cui divortium facere libuerit, ac novum inire matrimonium, ad tertias et septimas usque nuptias permittunt. Superius vero: Hodie, inquiebat, virginitas apud illos et castitas omnino prohibetur... Nam olim de virginitate gloriari solebant, nimirum ob Jacobum fratrem Domini, adeoque libros suos ad seniores et virgines inscribunt.

In enumerating their other errors the same Epiphanius had said: This moreover is established in their custom, that they compel young lads to marriage before a mature age... nor indeed do they join alliances among themselves by one marriage only; but if anyone pleases to make a divorce and to enter a new marriage, they permit it even up to a third and a seventh marriage. And above: Today, he said, virginity and chastity are altogether forbidden among them... For formerly they used to glory in virginity, namely on account of James the brother of the Lord, and so they inscribe their books to elders and virgins.

Tradit etiam Ebionem discipulosque ejus ab alimentis omnibus reliquoque, quod carne constet, abstinuisse; quod illa e corporum coitu concubituque gignantur. Nec pigebit ex eodem Epiphanio observare Ebionitas quotidie lavasse, et quotiescunque aliquid impuri se tetigisse arbitrabantur. Quam consuetudinem ut Petri auctoritate firmarent et exemplo: Petrus, inquiebant, lavabat quotidie, priusquam cibum sumeret. Pergit idem Epiphanius: Baptismo quoque praeter quotidianum illum initiantur, et ex Christianorum Ecclesiaeque imitatione

He also hands down that Ebion and his disciples abstained from all foods, and whatever else consists of flesh; because those things are begotten from the coupling and intercourse of bodies. Nor will it be irksome to observe from the same Epiphanius that the Ebionites washed daily, and as often as they judged that they had touched anything unclean. And in order to confirm this custom by the authority and example of Peter: Peter, they used to say, washed daily, before he took food. The same Epiphanius continues: They are also initiated by a baptism besides that daily one, and in imitation of the Christians and of the Church

Editors' notes and page, col. 21

Footnotes

(61) ‹anchor: addit tamen Epiphanius› · call in col 21

Epiphan. loc. cit., § 13.

Epiphanius, in the place cited, § 13.

(printed under page 10)

(62) ‹anchor: Praedicabant insuper› · call in col 21 (the numeral stands before the paragraph's first word)

Epiphan. loc. cit. § 18.

Epiphanius, in the place cited, § 18.

(printed under page 10)

(63) ‹anchor: enumerando idem Epiphanius› · call in col 21

Ibid.

The same.

(printed under page 10)

(64) ‹anchor: Superius vero› · call in col 21

Ibid. § 2.

The same, § 2.

(printed under page 10)

(65) ‹anchor: Tradit etiam› · call in col 21

Ibid § 15.

The same, § 15.

(printed under page 10)

(66) ‹anchor: eodem Epiphanio› · call in col 21

Ibid. § 2, 15 et 22

The same, §§ 2, 15 and 22.

(printed under page 10)

(67) ‹anchor: Pergit idem Epiphanius› · call in col 21

Ibid. § 16.

The same, § 16.

(printed under page 10)

(68) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 22)

Ibid.

The same.

(printed under page 10)

(69) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 22)

Ibid. § 23.

The same, § 23.

(printed under page 10)

Page

running head: 21 PRIMI ECCLESIAE SAECULI SC (rest of the head cut by the column crop)
marginal letters: A ‹retus; addit tamen›; B ‹tur, ad hominem urgeret›; C ‹tur tenes quae ad Moysem›; D ‹Tradit etiam›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column's first printed letters are "retus;", the tail of "Theodoretus" split at the break; the word is set whole at the end of col. 20 and not repeated here. "Aiebant nonnulli", "At id quod vero videtur similius" and "ab alimentis omnibus" were marked UNSURE at first setting and are confirmed as printed in the Q1 re-read. "una cum Jesu" is Joshua, supplied in brackets in the English. Quotations are in italic on the page; no italic markup is set (unit rule). Superscript foot-note calls 61 to 67 left out of the text; the foot notes of the page (61-70) run full width across the page foot and are cut by the column crop (full_width at the foot). Notes 61 to 67 are called in this column and set above; 68 and 69 are called in col 22 and are kept here only because n22 sets note 70 alone (to be moved there). The dots within the quotations are printed.

PG 1:22

mysteria quaedam quotannis celebrant, in quibus panes azymos, et ad alteram mysterii partem meram aquam adhibent.

they celebrate certain mysteries every year, in which they use unleavened loaves, and for the other part of the mystery mere water.

Idem adhuc Epiphanius memorat eosdem haereticos, ut magnum erroribus suis auctoritatis pondus tribuerent, sacra apostolorum nomina quibusdam libris, a se confictis, praefixisse : Apostolorum alios Actus circumferunt, in quibus plurima sunt impietatis illorum vestigia, ejusque potissimum auctoritate libri ad oppugnandam veritatem armantur. Et infra : Apostolorum nomina, quo facilius sectatores suos pelliciant, per simulationem admittunt, quibus etiam confictos quosdam a se libros inscribunt, velut a Jacobo, Matthaeo, ac reliquis discipulis editos, inter quae Joannis etiam apostoli nomen admiscent. Testatum denique facit, librum qui Circuitus Petri, et a Clemente conscriptus esse ferebatur, iisdem haereticis usui fuisse.

The same Epiphanius further records that the same heretics, in order to lend a great weight of authority to their errors, prefixed the sacred names of the apostles to certain books forged by themselves: They carry about other Acts of the Apostles, in which there are very many traces of their impiety, and it is chiefly by the authority of that book that they are armed for assailing the truth. And below: They admit the names of the apostles by pretence, the more easily to entice their followers, and with them they also inscribe certain books forged by themselves, as though published by James, Matthew and the rest of the disciples, among which they also mingle the name of the apostle John. Finally he attests that the book which was called the Circuits of Peter, and was said to have been written by Clement, was in use among the same heretics.

Qua cura Epiphanius errores Ebionitarum recenset, eadem plane diligentia eos, a quibus rejecti et destructi sunt, luculenter ostendit : Porro, inquit ille, non Joannes modo, sed et omnes prorsus apostoli Ebionis fidem repudiant, et a suis dogmatibus, atque apostolico illo charactere alienam judicant; id quod unicuique perspicuum est. Vidimus supra ex Hieronymo Joannem in primis adversus consurgens Ebionis dogma, suum edidisse Evangelium. Nullus porro dubitandi locus est, quin divini illi pugiles plenam perfectamque adversus hos fidei et catholicae veritatis hostes victoriam reportaverint. Et certe jam monuimus illos a suis primordiis varias in partes scissos fuisse, et inter se divisos. Quid autem aliud ex hac dissensione sequi potuit, quam integra hujus sectae ruina, excidiumque certum et celerrimum. Non ibimus tamen inficias plures Ebionis errores ab aliis postmodum haereticis renovatos, sed ii profligatum ab apostolis Ebionitarum nomen, sibi deinceps arrogare non ausi sunt.

With the same care with which Epiphanius reviews the errors of the Ebionites, with just the same diligence he clearly shows those by whom they were rejected and destroyed: Moreover, he says, not John only, but absolutely all the apostles repudiate the faith of Ebion, and judge it alien from their own dogmas and from that apostolic character; which is plain to everyone. We saw above from Jerome that John in particular published his Gospel against the rising dogma of Ebion. Nor, further, is there any room for doubting that those divine champions carried off a full and perfect victory against these enemies of the faith and of Catholic truth. And certainly we have already pointed out that from their very beginnings they were split into various parties and divided among themselves. And what else could follow from this dissension but the entire ruin of this sect, and a certain and most swift destruction. We shall not, however, deny that several errors of Ebion were afterwards renewed by other heretics, but these did not dare thereafter to claim for themselves the name of Ebionites, routed by the apostles.

CAPUT VII.

CHAPTER VII.

De haeresi Nazaraeorum.

On the heresy of the Nazarenes.

Quamvis Nazaraei a quibusdam Christiani haeretici, a nonnullis nec Christiani, nec Judaei, ab aliis denique iisdem ac Ebionaei erroribus implicati dicantur, illi tamen, si Epiphanio fides, meri erant Judaei : Neque Jessaeos se ipsos vocant, neque Judaeorum vocabulum retinent, neque se Christianos, sed Nazaraeos de illa loci appellatione nuncupant, cum interim meri sint Judaei, neque aliud praeterea. Et sectione nona : Judaei potius quam cujusvis alterius generis sunt, tametsi Judaeis sint inimicissimi; neque enim Judaeorum posteri solum capitali illos odio prosequuntur, sed et mane ac meridie et ad vesperam, ter de die, cum in synagogis suis ad orandum conveniunt, diris illos devovent, ac solemni imprecatione proscribunt. Idem tamen paulo aliter, et planius illud

Although the Nazarenes are said by some to be Christian heretics, by several to be neither Christians nor Jews, and by others finally to be entangled in the same errors as the Ebionites, yet they, if Epiphanius is to be trusted, were mere Jews: They neither call themselves Jessaeans, nor retain the name of Jews, nor name themselves Christians, but Nazarenes, from that appellation of the place, while meanwhile they are mere Jews, and nothing else besides. And in the ninth section: They are Jews rather than of any other kind, although they are most hostile to the Jews; for not only do the descendants of the Jews pursue them with deadly hatred, but also in the morning and at midday and towards evening, three times a day, when they gather in their synagogues to pray, they devote them with curses, and proscribe them with a solemn imprecation. Yet the same man somewhat differently, and more plainly, [seems to define] this

Editors' notes and page, col. 22

Footnotes

(70) ‹anchor: si Epiphanio› · call in col 22

Haeres. 29 § 7.

Heresy 29, § 7.

(printed under page 10)

Page

running head: PRIMI ECCLESIAE SAECULI SCRIPTORIBUS. 22
marginal letters: A ‹mysteria quaedam quotannis›; B ‹tatum denique facit›; C ‹mus illos a suis primordiis›; D ‹Judaei : Neque Jessaeos›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: last word split at the column break ("il-" / "lud"), set whole here from the first line of col. 23; the English supplies the verb of col. 23 in brackets. Damaged type read from context: "vesperam" (looks like "resperam"), "aliud" (looks like "alind"), "Judaei" (second occurrence in the chapter's first sentence), "recenset". "celerrimum." ends with a full stop as printed, though the sentence is a question. Foot notes 61-70 run full width across the page foot (cut by the crop); not set here.

PG 1:23

definire videtur his verbis : Hoc igitur uno tam a Judaeis, quam a Christianis differunt : ab illis quidem quod in Christum credant; a Christianis vero quod Judaicis ritibus implicantur.

seems to define in these words: In this one thing, therefore, they differ both from the Jews and from the Christians: from the former in that they believe in Christ; from the Christians in that they are entangled in Jewish rites.

Hos autem iisdem propemodum ac Ebionaei erroribus imbutos docet idem Epiphanius : Ambo collatis inter se capitibus, suam alter cum altero improbitatem ac nequitiam communicavit. Atque etsi quadamtenus a se mutuo dissideant, in excogitando tamen pravissimo dogmate sese invicem expresserunt. Utrum vero ipsis et cum Cerinthianis eodem modo convenerit, anceps ille est : De Christo vero, inquiebat, certo affirmare nequeo, utrum Cerinthi, vel Merinthi impietate illa decepti, simplicem illum hominem asseverent, ac uti sese res habet, per Spiritum sanctum de Maria Virgine genitum esse fateantur. Theodoretus vero brevius planiusque edisserit, qui fuerint Nazaraei, et quae eorum haeresis, quo tempore exorta, et a quibus tandem expugnata : Nazaraei Judaei sunt, Christum honorantes, tanquam hominem justum, et Evangelio utuntur, quod secundum Petrum dicitur. Has haereses, imperante Domitiano, conflatas auctor est Eusebius. Contra quas scripsit Justinus philosophus et martyr, et Irenaeus successor apostolorum, et Origenes.

That these, moreover, were imbued with almost the same errors as the Ebionites the same Epiphanius teaches: Both, putting their heads together, shared each with the other his own wickedness and worthlessness. And although to some extent they disagree with one another, yet in devising a most perverse dogma they have copied each other. But whether they agreed in the same way with the Cerinthians also, he is uncertain: Concerning Christ, however, he said, I cannot affirm for certain whether, deceived by that impiety of Cerinthus or Merinthus, they assert Him to be a simple man, or, as the fact is, confess that He was born through the Holy Spirit of the Virgin Mary. Theodoret, indeed, sets forth more briefly and more plainly who the Nazarenes were, and what their heresy was, at what time it arose, and by whom at length it was overcome: The Nazarenes are Jews, honouring Christ as a just man, and they use the Gospel which is called according to Peter. Eusebius is the authority that these heresies were kindled in the reign of Domitian. Against them wrote Justin the philosopher and martyr, and Irenaeus the successor of the apostles, and Origen.

Hic autem obiter observa illud difficultate omni non carere, quod ait eos usos Evangelio κατὰ Πέτρον, quandoquidem affirmat Epiphanius illud secundum Matthaeum, et Hebraice scriptum fuisse : Est vero, infit, penes illos Evangelium secundum Matthaeum Hebraice scriptum, et quidem absolutissimum. Hoc enim certissime, prout Hebraicis litteris initio scriptum est, in hodiernum tempus usque conservant. Haec sane assertio tam certa et perspicua scrupulum sane et quamdam dubitationem injicit, num aliquod in textum Theodoreti mendum irrepserit, vel ipse falsus sit, aut memoria lapsus; ac pro κατὰ Πέτρον apud ipsum legi debeat, κατὰ Ματθαῖον. Et certe huic conjecturae favet Hieronymus, ubi dixit : In Evangelio quo utuntur Nazaraei, et Ebionitae, quod nuper in Graecum de Hebraeo transtulimus, et quod vocatur a plerisque Matthaei authenticum. Idem alibi repetit, ac tandem docet Evangelium non Matthaei sed Marci Petro fuisse attributum : Sed et Evangelium secundum Marcum, qui auditor ejus et interpres fuit, hujus, Petri, esse dicitur.

Here, however, observe in passing that it is not free from all difficulty that he says they used the Gospel according to Peter, seeing that Epiphanius affirms that it was that according to Matthew, and written in Hebrew: There is indeed, he says, in their possession the Gospel according to Matthew written in Hebrew, and indeed most complete. For this they most certainly preserve down to the present time, just as it was written at the beginning in Hebrew letters. This assertion, so certain and plain, surely raises a scruple and a certain doubt whether some fault has crept into the text of Theodoret, or whether he himself was mistaken, or slipped in memory; and whether in place of according to Peter there ought to be read in him according to Matthew. And certainly Jerome favours this conjecture, where he said: In the Gospel which the Nazarenes and the Ebionites use, which we lately translated into Greek from the Hebrew, and which is called by most the authentic [Gospel] of Matthew. The same he repeats elsewhere, and at length teaches that it was the Gospel not of Matthew but of Mark that was attributed to Peter: But the Gospel according to Mark also, who was his hearer and interpreter, is said to be this man's, Peter's.

CAPUT VIII.

CHAPTER VIII.

De haeresi Nicolaitarum.

On the heresy of the Nicolaitans.

Nicolaitae novam quoque primo saeculo sectam commenti sunt. Errores eorum paucis verbis exponit Irenaeus : Indiscrete vivunt, nullam differentiam esse dicentes in moechando, et idolothytum edere. Augustinus autem paulo dilucidius : Placet

The Nicolaitans also contrived a new sect in the first century. Irenaeus sets forth their errors in few words: They live without discrimination, saying that there is no difference in committing adultery and in eating what is sacrificed to idols. Augustine, however, somewhat more clearly: It pleases

Editors' notes and page, col. 23

Footnotes

(71) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 23)

Haeres. 30, § 2.

Heresy 30, § 2.

(printed under page 11)

(72) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 23)

Haeres. 29 § 7.

Heresy 29, § 7.

(printed under page 11)

(73) ‹anchor: scriptum fuisse› · call in col 23

Haeres. 29. § 9.

Heresy 29, § 9.

(printed under page 11)

(74) ‹anchor: ubi dixit› · call in col 23

Lib. II Comment. in Matth. ad cap. XII.

Book II of the Commentary on Matthew, on ch. 12.

(printed under page 11)

(75) ‹anchor: alibi repetit› · call in col 23

De scriptor. eccles., in Matth.

On Ecclesiastical Writers, under Matthew.

(printed under page 11)

(76) ‹anchor: fuisse attributum› · call in col 23

Ibid., in Petr.

The same, under Peter.

(printed under page 11)

(77) ‹anchor: exponit Irenaeus› · call in col 23

Lib. II Adv. haeres. cap. 27.

Book II Against Heresies, ch. 27. [The book numeral is small and blurred in the scan; read as II, possibly I.]

(printed under page 11)

(78) ‹anchor: paulo dilucidius› · call in col 23

Lib. de haeres., § 5.

Book On Heresies, § 5.

(printed under page 11)

(79) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 24)

Haeres. 25, § 2, 3 et 5.

Heresy 25, §§ 2, 3 and 5.

(printed under page 11)

Page

running head: 23 DE OMNIBUS GENER (rest of the head cut by the column crop)
marginal letters: A ‹lud definire videtur›; B ‹sanctum de Maria Virgine›; C ‹ro, infit, penes illos›; D ‹tum : Sed et Evangelium›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column's first printed letters are "lud", the tail of "illud" split at the break; the word is set whole at the end of col. 22 and not repeated here. Damaged type read from context: "convenerit", "genitum", "Haec sane", "Hoc enim", "Et certe", "exponit", "differentiam", "edere". Foot notes 71-85 run full width across the page foot (cut by the crop); not set here.

PG 1:24

usus indifferens feminarum. Hi nec ab iis, quae idolis immolantur, cibos suos separant, et alios ritus gentilium superstitionum non aversantur. Narrant alia quaedam fabulosa, de mundo, nescio quae barbara principum nomina miscentes disputationibus suis. Barbara illa nomina refert quidem Epiphanius, sed eos de iisdem inter se dissentire monet. Aliqui, inquit, Barbelonem nescio quam celebrant, cui in octavo coelo domicilium attribuunt. Hanc a Patre productam affirmant, matremque alii Jaldabaoth, alii Sabaoth faciunt.... alii Prunicam quamdam, alii Caulaucauch cuidam eamdem venerationem deferunt, quo nomine unum ex principibus appellant ... Alii dicunt initio tenebras, ac voraginem, et aquam fuisse, quae a se invicem spiritus secreverit. Verum tenebrae contra spiritum iracundia ac furore percitae, sursum excurrentes, cum eo congressae sunt. Inde matrix nescio quae, genita prodiit, quae ejusdem spiritus consuetudinem appetiit, ex eaque quatuor aeones producti sunt, ab iis quatuor decem alii procreati, item dextra sinistraque, nec non lumen et tenebrae. Secundum hos omnes turpem quemdam aeonem editum narrant, eumque cum ea, quam paulo ante diximus, matrice coiisse; et ab utroque deos, atque angelos, et daemones, ac septem spiritus ortum habuisse. Subjungit tandem : Certos libros Jaldabaoth nomine inscriptos, ac commentitios habent.

the indiscriminate use of women. These do not separate their foods even from those things which are sacrificed to idols, and they do not turn away from other rites of the superstitions of the gentiles. They relate certain other fabulous things about the world, mingling I know not what barbarous names of princes in their disputations. Those barbarous names Epiphanius does indeed report, but he points out that they disagree among themselves about them. Some, he says, celebrate I know not what Barbelo, to whom they assign a dwelling in the eighth heaven. They affirm that she was brought forth by the Father, and some make her the mother of Jaldabaoth, others of Sabaoth.... others pay the same veneration to a certain Prunicus, others to a certain Caulaucauch, by which name they call one of the princes ... Others say that in the beginning there were darkness, and an abyss, and water, which the spirit separated from one another. But the darkness, stirred with anger and fury against the spirit, running upwards, engaged with it. Thence I know not what womb, being born, came forth, which desired the intercourse of the same spirit, and from it four aeons were brought forth, from these fourteen others begotten, likewise a right and a left, and also light and darkness. After all these they relate that a certain base aeon was brought forth, and that he coupled with that womb which we mentioned a little before; and that from both gods, and angels, and demons, and seven spirits had their origin. Finally he subjoins: They have certain books inscribed with the name of Jaldabaoth, and fictitious.

Hos haereticos, si Irenaeum et Eusebium audias, Joannes his verbis in Apocalypsi notat : Sed hoc habes boni, quia odisti facta Nicolaitarum, quae et ego odi. A quibus autem sint oppugnati, accipies a Theodoreto : Contra hos, inquit, scripsit Clemens, et Irenaeus, et Origenes, et Hippolytus episcopus et martyr. Quam vero feliciter contra eos pugnaverint, colligas ex victoria ab eis perquam citissime reportata. Etenim haec haeresis, teste Eusebio, brevissimo temporis spatio permansit. Ex hoc tamen fonte corruptissimo fluxerunt Gnostici, aliique complures, de quibus Epiphanius : Ab hoc fonte, ait, derivati, ac pessime in mundum introducti sunt haeretici illi, qui eam sibi, quam falso nominant, cognitionem vindicant, cujusmodi sunt Gnostici, Phibionitae, et quibus ab Epiphane nomen est inditum. Tum etiam Militares, Levitici, aliique complures. Quorum quilibet haeresim propriam, ad animi sui affectiones accommodans, sexcentas nequitiae vias excogitavit. Atque inde procul dubio orta est, ea quam supra memoravimus, hos inter haereticos de barbaris principum nominibus dissensio.

These heretics, if you listen to Irenaeus and Eusebius, John marks in the Apocalypse in these words: But this good thing you have, that you hate the deeds of the Nicolaitans, which I also hate. By whom, moreover, they were assailed you will learn from Theodoret: Against these, he says, wrote Clement, and Irenaeus, and Origen, and Hippolytus, bishop and martyr. How successfully indeed they fought against them you may gather from the victory very swiftly carried off by them. For this heresy, as Eusebius testifies, lasted a very brief space of time. Yet from this most corrupt source flowed the Gnostics, and very many others, of whom Epiphanius says: From this source were derived, and most evilly brought into the world, those heretics who claim for themselves that knowledge which they falsely so name, such as are the Gnostics, the Phibionites, and those to whom the name has been given from Epiphanes. Then also the Military, the Levitical, and very many others. Each of whom, fitting his own heresy to the passions of his own mind, devised six hundred ways of wickedness. And thence without doubt arose that dissension, which we mentioned above, among these heretics about the barbarous names of the princes.

Quis autem hujusce haereseos auctor fuerit, non ita promptum est definire. Plurimi existimant non alium fuisse quam Nicolaum, unum ex septem illis Ecclesiae diaconibus, qui ab apostolis electi et inaugurati sunt. Et haec quidem fuit Irenaei, Epiphanii

Who, however, was the author of this heresy is not so easy to determine. Very many think that it was none other than Nicolaus, one of those seven deacons of the Church who were chosen and inaugurated by the apostles. And this indeed was [the opinion] of Irenaeus, Epiphanius

Editors' notes and page, col. 24

Footnotes

(80) ‹anchor: si Irenaeum› · call in col 24

Loc. cit.

In the place cited.

(printed under page 11)

(81) ‹anchor: et Eusebium› · call in col 24

Lib. V Hist. cap. 29.

Book V of the History, ch. 29. [So read; the book numeral is faint.]

(printed under page 11)

(82) ‹anchor: in Apocalypsi notat› · call in col 24

Apoc. II, 6.

Revelation 2:6.

(printed under page 11)

(83) ‹anchor: a Theodoreto› · call in col 24

Lib. III Haeret. Fabul., cap. 1.

Book III of the Haereticae Fabulae, ch. 1.

(printed under page 11)

(84) ‹anchor: teste Eusebio› · call in col 24

Lib. III Histor., cap. 29.

Book III of the History, ch. 29.

(printed under page 11)

(85) ‹anchor: de quibus Epiphanius› · call in col 24

Haeres. 25, § 2.

Heresy 25, § 2.

(printed under page 11)

(86) ‹anchor: fuit Irenaei› · call in col 24

Locis citatis.

In the places cited.

(printed under page 11)

Page

running head: DE OMNIBUS GENERATIM 24
marginal letters: A ‹usus indifferens feminarum›; B ‹ritum iracundia ac furore›; C ‹hoc habes boni›; D ‹quilibet haeresim propriam›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: last word split at the column break ("Epipha-" / "nii"), set whole here from the first line of col. 25; "[the opinion]" in the English anticipates "opinio" in col. 25. Damaged type read from context: "inquit" (looks like "inquít"), "Sabaoth" (second letter faint), "illis" (in "septem illis"), "apostolis". The dots within the quotations are printed. Foot notes 71-85 run full width across the page foot (cut by the crop); not set here.

PG 1:25

et Philastrii opinio, quibus astipulantur Hilarius, Hieronymus, Isidorus, aliique non pauci. In eorum tamen grege Tertullianus non annumerandus est. Nihil enim de Nicolao illo scripsit, nisi in capite 45 Libri de praescriptionibus : quod quidem caput eidem libro ab impostore quodam assutum fuisse jam observavimus.

and Philastrius's opinion, with whom agree Hilary, Jerome, Isidore, and not a few others. Yet Tertullian is not to be numbered in their company. For he wrote nothing about that Nicolaus except in chapter 45 of the Book on Prescriptions: which chapter, indeed, we have already observed to have been stitched on to that book by some impostor.

Refragantur autem huic tot tantorumque virorum sententiae scriptores nonnulli, aiuntque hos haereticos, ut celeberrimo alicujus auctoris nomine fucum aliis facerent, hunc Nicolaum sibi falso ascivisse sectae suae principem. Scimus quidem in Ignatiana quadam epistola illud aperte asseri : Fugite impuros Nicolaitas, falsum sibi nomen sumentes; sed cum haec verba interpolatoris sint, non vero Ignatii, ex iis profecto nihil certi concludi potest. Quapropter opinionis illius fautores et patroni ex Clementis Alexandrini auctoritate validius eruunt argumentum. Is enim Nicolaitas arguit, quod in haeresis suae confirmationem verba Nicolai pravos in sensus detorquerent : Tales sunt, inquiebat ille, qui dicunt se sequi Nicolaum, adducentes ejus viri aliquid litterarum monumentis mandatum, sed ab eis detectum, nempe : Oportere carne uti. Sed ille quidem vir praeclarus significabat oportere voluptates arcere et cupiditates, et hac exercitatione marcidas flaccidasque reddere carnis appetitiones et insultus. Qui autem instar hircorum sunt effusi in voluptatem..... decretum ipsius voluptatis, non autem viri apostolici sequuntur. At Clemens Nicolaum haud dubie virum praeclarum et apostolicum non appellasset, si tam pravae haereseos parens fuisset et auctor.

Some writers, however, oppose this judgement of so many and such great men, and say that these heretics, in order to deceive others by the most celebrated name of some author, falsely adopted this Nicolaus for themselves as the head of their sect. We know indeed that in a certain Ignatian epistle this is openly asserted: Flee the impure Nicolaitans, who take to themselves a false name; but since these words are the interpolator's, and not Ignatius's, certainly nothing sure can be concluded from them. Wherefore the supporters and patrons of that opinion draw a stronger argument from the authority of Clement of Alexandria. For he charges the Nicolaitans with twisting the words of Nicolaus into perverse senses for the confirmation of their heresy: Such are they, he said, who say that they follow Nicolaus, adducing something of that man's committed to written record, but twisted by them, namely: That one ought to use the flesh. But that excellent man meant that one ought to keep off pleasures and desires, and by this exercise to render the appetites and assaults of the flesh withered and limp. But those who, like he-goats, are poured out into pleasure..... follow the decree of pleasure itself, and not that of the apostolic man. But Clement would without doubt not have called Nicolaus an excellent and apostolic man, if he had been the parent and author of so perverse a heresy.

Quid plura? Idem Clemens omnem impuri criminis, ab iisdem haereticis Nicolao inusti, suspicionem egregie depellit : Cum autem de dicto Nicolao loqueremur, illud praetermisimus. Cum formosam, inquiunt, ha⟨be⟩ret uxorem, et post Servatoris assumptionem ei fuisset ab apostolis exprobata zelotypia, in medium adducta muliere, permisit cui vellet eam nubere. Aiunt enim hanc vocem illi voci consentaneam, quae dicit, quod carne uti oporteat, ejusque factum et dictum absolute, et inconsiderate sequentes, qui ejus haeresim persequuntur, impudenter effuseque fornicantur. Ego autem audio Nicolaum nullum unquam alia, quam ea quae ei nupserat, uxore usum esse, et ex illius liberis filias quidem consenuisse virgines, filium autem permansisse incorruptum. Quae cum ita se habeant, vitii erat depulsio atque expurgatio in medium apostolorum circumactio uxoris, cujus dicebatur laborare zelotypia; et continentia a voluptatibus quae magno studio parantur, docebat istud : uti carne, hoc est exercere carnem. Neque enim, ut existimo, volebant convenienter Domini praecepto duobus dominis servire, voluptati et Deo. Ita ille et verba Nicolai male interpretata, et errores illi falso imputatos esse demonstrat.

Why say more? The same Clement excellently drives away every suspicion of the impure crime branded upon Nicolaus by the same heretics: But when we were speaking of the saying of Nicolaus, we passed over this. When, they say, he had a beautiful wife, and after the Saviour's assumption jealousy had been cast up against him by the apostles, he brought the woman into the midst and permitted her to marry whom she would. For they say that this utterance is consonant with that utterance which says that one ought to use the flesh, and those who pursue his heresy, following his deed and saying absolutely and without consideration, commit fornication shamelessly and without restraint. But I hear that Nicolaus never had to do with any other woman than her who had married him, and that of his children the daughters grew old as virgins, and the son remained uncorrupted. Since these things are so, the bringing round of his wife, of jealousy over whom he was said to suffer, into the midst of the apostles was a driving off and a purging of the vice; and continence from the pleasures that are sought with great zeal taught this: to use the flesh, that is, to exercise the flesh. For they did not, as I think, wish, in accordance with the Lord's precept, to serve two masters, pleasure and God. Thus he demonstrates both that the words of Nicolaus were badly interpreted and that the errors were falsely imputed to him.

Editors' notes and page, col. 25

Footnotes

(87) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 25)

Cap. 25 in Matth.

Ch. 25 on Matthew.

(printed under page 12)

(88) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 25)

Epist. II ad Heliodor. post med., et epist. 48 ad Sabinian. cap. 3.

Letter 2, to Heliodorus, after the middle, and letter 48, to Sabinian, ch. 3.

(printed under page 12)

(89) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 25)

Lib. III Origin.

Book III of the Origines.

(printed under page 12)

(90) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 25)

Epist ad Trallens.

Letter to the Trallians.

(printed under page 12)

(91) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 25)

Lib. II Stromat., post med.

Book II of the Stromata, after the middle.

(printed under page 12)

(92) ‹anchor: egregie depellit› · call in col 25

Lib. III Stromat., longe post init.

Book III of the Stromata, long after the beginning. [The first letter of "longe" is cut off by the edge of the image.]

(printed under page 12)

(93) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 26)

Loc. cit.

In the place cited.

(printed under page 12)

(94) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 26)

Lib. III Histor., cap. 2.

Book III of the History, ch. 2. [So read; a second digit of the chapter number may have failed to print.]

(printed under page 12)

Page

running head: 25 PRIMI ECCLESIAE SAECULI S (rest of the head cut by the column crop)
marginal letters: A ‹nii et Philastrii opinio›; B ‹iis profecto nihil certi›; C ‹et apostolicum non appellasset›; D ‹alia, quam ea quae ei nupserat›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column's first printed letters are "nii", the tail of "Epiphanii" split at the break; the word is set whole at the end of col. 24 and not repeated here. Last word split at the column break ("de-" / "monstrat."), set whole here from the first line of col. 26. The calls in column 25 are 87 to 92 only (Q3 re-read of the whole column), so 93 and 94 are called in col. 26. †detectum: so read, and set as printed; the sense of Clement's Greek would want "detortum" (twisted), and the English follows that sense ("twisted"), not the word as printed. "exprobata" (for "exprobrata") and "nullum" (where the construction with "alia ... uxore" wants "nulla") are set as printed; the English follows the sense. "ha⟨be⟩ret": two letters under an ink blot. Other damaged type read from context: "haereticos", "sumentes", "viri". The dots after "voluptatem" are printed. Foot notes 87-94 run full width across the page foot (cut by the crop); not set here.

PG 1:26

Clementi astipulatur post Eusebium Theodoretus. Ex allato quippe Clementis testimonio sic ille concludit: Ex quibus liquido convincitur, falso sibi de hujus appellatione nomen arrogare Nicolaitas. Eusebius vero: Hi Nicolaum quemdam unum ex illis, qui ad curam inopum gerendam, una cum Stephano ab apostolis constituti fuerant ministri, sectae suae auctorem jactabant. Quid aliud hoc verbo jactabant, innuit Eusebius, quam Nicolaum hujus haereseos non esse auctorem?

After Eusebius, Theodoret agrees with Clement. For from the testimony of Clement that has been adduced he concludes thus: From which it is clearly proved that the Nicolaitans falsely claim for themselves a name from this man's appellation. And Eusebius: These boasted a certain Nicolaus, one of those who had been appointed by the apostles, together with Stephen, as ministers for carrying on the care of the needy, as the author of their sect. What else does Eusebius intimate by this word boasted than that Nicolaus is not the author of this heresy?

Porro autem quid de hac quaestione, quam tantorum Patrum auctoritas dubiam reddit, statuendum sit, ab aliis lubentius audiemus. Enim vero Irenaeus et Clemens, antiquiores et praecipui utriusque opinionis fautores, coaevi erant, et a Nicolai temporibus tam parum remoti, ut ab ejusdem Nicolai amicis aut discipulis potuerint facile discere, num ab illo vere profecta sit ea haeresis. Et Clemens quidem se id non indiligenter investigasse significat. Quid vero quod in ejus opinionis firmamentum adduci illud potest, quod haereticis in more positum sit magnum sibi quemdam haereseos suae advocare auctorem? Neque tamen eo repudianda est Irenaei sententia, quia ab uno ex septem primis Ecclesiae diaconis haeresim illam ortum suum duxisse improbabile videatur. Nam cum Christus ab uno e suis apostolis, ne doctrinam suam propagaret, ad necem sit venditus, potuit et unus ex septem illis diaconis alicujus haereseos inventor esse ac promulgator.

Moreover, what is to be settled concerning this question, which the authority of such great Fathers renders doubtful, we shall more gladly hear from others. For indeed Irenaeus and Clement, the more ancient and principal supporters of each opinion, were contemporaries, and so little removed from the times of Nicolaus that they could easily have learned from the friends or disciples of the same Nicolaus whether that heresy truly proceeded from him. And Clement indeed signifies that he investigated this not carelessly. And what of the fact that there can be adduced in support of his opinion this, that it is the established custom of heretics to call in some great man for themselves as author of their heresy? Nor yet is the judgement of Irenaeus to be rejected on the ground that it seems improbable that that heresy drew its origin from one of the seven first deacons of the Church. For since Christ was sold to death by one of His own apostles, that He might not propagate His doctrine, one of those seven deacons too could have been the inventor and promulgator of some heresy.

CAPUT IX.

CHAPTER IX.

Quae ex hac haereseon descriptione utilitas?

What usefulness is there from this description of the heresies?

Quorsum, inquies, illa tot haereseon descriptio ac historia? Nonne illi humanae mentis monstrosissimi partus perpetuo silentio sepeliendi erant? Quid vero ex hac odiosa molestaque commemoratione in Ecclesiam emolumenti, et in lectores utilitatis? Non minimum certe. Nam praeterquam quod haereseon cognitione nonnunquam, uti diximus, obscuriores Patrum loci facilius intelliguntur, inde etiam intolerabilis hominum, nova semper molientium, superbia retunditur, ac tandem funesto haereticorum casu Catholici fiunt cautiores. In primis autem ex hac errantium errorumque historia discunt omnes, quae fuerit ab Ecclesiae principio vera et catholica fides ac doctrina. Atque ne extra primum Ecclesiae saeculum excurrat oratio, ex his quae a nobis hactenus disputata sunt, liquido colligitur, quid de praecipuis fidei nostrae articulis, quos respuebant haeretici, iis temporibus sit assertum et definitum. Verum enim vero cum Ecclesiae Patres erroris haereseosque eos condemnant, qui Christum merum hominem, ex Maria et Joseph, non secus ac caeteros homines, genitum, nec Patri aeterno aequalem asserere ausi sunt, inde concludas oportet eosdem Patres fide certissima credidisse Christum esse Filium

To what purpose, you will say, is that description and history of so many heresies? Ought not those most monstrous offspring of the human mind to have been buried in perpetual silence? And what advantage to the Church, and what usefulness to readers, comes from this hateful and troublesome recital? Certainly not the least. For besides the fact that by a knowledge of the heresies the more obscure passages of the Fathers are sometimes, as we have said, more easily understood, thence also the intolerable pride of men who are always contriving novelties is blunted, and finally by the fatal fall of the heretics Catholics are made more cautious. But above all, from this history of the erring and of errors all learn what was, from the beginning of the Church, the true and Catholic faith and doctrine. And, that our discourse may not run out beyond the first century of the Church, from the things which have been discussed by us thus far it is clearly gathered what was asserted and defined in those times concerning the principal articles of our faith, which the heretics rejected. But in truth, when the Fathers of the Church condemn of error and heresy those who dared to assert that Christ was a mere man, begotten of Mary and Joseph no otherwise than other men, and not equal to the eternal Father, you must thence conclude that the same Fathers believed with most certain faith that Christ is the Son

Editors' notes and page, col. 26

Footnotes

(93) ‹anchor: sic ille concludit› · call in col 26

Loc. cit.

In the place cited.

(printed under page 12)

(94) ‹anchor: Eusebius vero› · call in col 26

Lib. III Histor., cap. 2.

Book III of the History, ch. 2. [So read; a second digit of the chapter number may have failed to print.]

(printed under page 12)

Page

running head: PRIMI ECCLESIAE SAECULI SCRIPTORIBUS. 26
marginal letters: A ‹monstrat. Clementi astipulatur›; B ‹bus tam parum remoti›; C ‹Quae ex hac haereseon descriptione›; D ‹ac doctrina. Atque ne›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column's first printed word is "monstrat.", the tail of "demonstrat." split at the break; the word is set whole at the end of col. 25 and not repeated here. Last word split at the column break ("Fi-" / "lium"), set whole here from the first line of col. 27. Damaged type read from context: "utriusque", "significat.", "adduci", "sit" (in "positum sit"), "sententia", "suum". Quotations and the chapter's sub-heading are in italic on the page; no italic markup is set (unit rule). Superscript foot-note calls 93 and 94 left out of the text; the foot notes of the page (87-94) run full width across the page foot and are cut by the column crop (full_width at the foot). Notes 93 and 94 are called in this column (both in its first lines) and were added above in the Q1 re-read; the copies in n25, whose calls were not located there, are now duplicates to be dropped.

PG 1:27

Dei, Patri suo aeterno aequalem, ex Maria Virgine, sola Spiritus sancti virtute editum. Hinc autem rursus colligas necesse est orthodoxam de Christi divinitate, unaque illius cum Patre substantia, seu consubstantialitate doctrinam a Patribus primi Ecclesiae saeculi, et longe ante Nicaenum concilium fuisse traditam, assertam et propugnatam. ⟨I⟩dem quilibet et de aliis quibusque erroribus, quos ab haereticis defensos, a Patribus rejectos esse diximus, judicium ferre debet.

of God, equal to His eternal Father, brought forth of the Virgin Mary by the power of the Holy Spirit alone. And hence again you must gather that the orthodox doctrine concerning the divinity of Christ, and His one substance with the Father, or consubstantiality, was handed down, asserted and defended by the Fathers of the first century of the Church, and long before the Nicene council. Anyone ought to pass the same judgement also concerning each of the other errors which, as we have said, were defended by the heretics and rejected by the Fathers.

Alia quoque ex iisdem haereticis inde nata est Ecclesiae utilitas, quod ii Ecclesiae Patribus suos adversus haereses libros et tractatus quos fortassis nunquam edidissent, scribendi dederint occasionem. His ergo haereticis, licet invitis et saepius reclamantibus, debemus pretiosa illa tantorum virorum monumenta, ex quibus sacrorum fidei dogmatum traditio ad nos usque deducta est. Neque aliud hac in re magis lugendum, quam quod omnia ejusmodi scripta ad nos non solum non pervenerint, sed nec ulla plurium exstet amplius memoria, nec ullum eorum ullibi nobis vestigium supersit.

Another usefulness also has arisen to the Church from the same heretics, in that they gave the Fathers of the Church occasion to write their books and treatises against heresies, which perhaps they would never have published. To these heretics, therefore, though unwilling and very often protesting, we owe those precious monuments of such great men, from which the tradition of the sacred dogmas of the faith has been brought down even to us. Nor is anything else in this matter more to be mourned than that not only have all writings of this kind not come down to us, but there is no longer extant any memory of most of them, nor does any trace of them survive to us anywhere.

CAPUT X.

CHAPTER X.

De scholarum Christianarum origine.

On the origin of the Christian schools.

Adversum haereticos non calamo duntaxat et scriptis, sed viva etiam voce, variisque sermonibus decertabant scriptores nostri, Christianosque cum morum praeceptis, tum fidei doctrina erudiebant. Illos autem ea docebant in locis privatis, ac quandoque publicis, quantum pacatiora persecutionum tempora id ferebant, vel eos summus martyrii ardor ad praedicandam fidem impellebat. Ac primum quidem extra controversiam est apostolos, atque eorum discipulos in vicorum urbiumque plateas et compita, in Judaeorum synagogas et scholas gentilium sese incredibili prorsus ardore idcirco contulisse, ut Evangelium Christi, et sacram ejus doctrinam annuntiarent, eamque persuaderent omnibus. Et sane Paulus cum Athenas venisset : Disputabat in Synagoga cum Judaeis et colentibus, et in foro per omnes dies ad eos, qui aderant. Quidam autem Epicurei et Stoici philosophi disserebant cum eo, etc. Cum autem Ephesi moraretur : Introgressus in Synagogam cum fiducia loquebatur per tres menses, disputans et suadens de regno Dei. Cum autem quidam indurarentur et non crederent, maledicentes viam Domini coram multitudine, discedens ab eis, segregavit discipulos, quotidie disputans in schola tyranni cujusdam. Hoc autem factum est per biennium, ita ut omnes qui habitabant in Asia, audirent verbum Domini Judaei atque gentiles. Nullus autem dubitandi locus est, quin Paulus, aliique apostoli, similes aliis in locis disputationes instituerint.

Against the heretics our writers contended not with pen and writings only, but also with the living voice and with various discourses, and they instructed Christians both in the precepts of morals and in the doctrine of the faith. These things, moreover, they taught them in private places, and sometimes in public ones, so far as the more peaceful times of the persecutions allowed it, or the highest ardour for martyrdom drove them to preach the faith. And first, indeed, it is beyond controversy that the apostles and their disciples betook themselves with an altogether incredible ardour into the streets and crossways of villages and cities, into the synagogues of the Jews and the schools of the gentiles, for this purpose, that they might announce the Gospel of Christ and His sacred doctrine, and persuade all of it. And indeed Paul, when he had come to Athens, disputed in the Synagogue with the Jews and the worshippers, and in the market-place every day with those who were present. And certain Epicurean and Stoic philosophers were discoursing with him, etc. And when he was staying at Ephesus: Having entered the Synagogue he spoke with confidence for three months, disputing and persuading concerning the kingdom of God. But when some were hardened and did not believe, speaking evil of the way of the Lord before the multitude, withdrawing from them he separated the disciples, disputing daily in the school of a certain Tyrannus. And this was done for two years, so that all who dwelt in Asia heard the word of the Lord, Jews and gentiles. Nor is there any room for doubting that Paul and the other apostles instituted similar disputations in other places.

In privatas vero domos saepius ii cogebantur, quo sacra mysteriorum nostrorum cognitione eos

Into private houses, indeed, they were more often gathered, in order that with the sacred knowledge of our mysteries [they might imbue] those

Editors' notes and page, col. 27

Footnotes

(95) ‹anchor: disserebant cum eo› · call in col 27

Act. XVII, 17.

Acts 17:17.

(printed under page 13)

(96) ‹anchor: atque gentiles› · call in col 27

Act. XIX, 8

Acts 19:8.

(printed under page 13)

(97) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 27 or 28)

Ephes. IV, 11.

Ephesians 4:11.

(printed under page 13)

(98) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 27 or 28)

I Cor. XII, 28.

1 Corinthians 12:28.

(printed under page 13)

(99) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 28)

I Tim. III, 2.

1 Timothy 3:2.

(printed under page 13)

(100) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot images› · call above the foot images (col 28)

Tit. I, 7, 9.

Titus 1:7, 9.

(printed under page 13)

Page

running head: 27 DE OMNIBUS GENER (rest of the head cut by the column crop)
marginal letters: A ‹lium Dei, Patri suo aeterno›; B ‹tibus, debemus pretiosa›; C ‹doque publicis, quantum pacatiora›; D ‹disputans et suadens de regno Dei›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column's first printed letters are "lium", the tail of "Filium" split at the break; the word is set whole at the end of col. 26 and not repeated here. "⟨I⟩dem quilibet": the initial letter is lost (blank at the line start). "tyranni" is printed with a small t; Englished as the proper name. The column ends mid-sentence at "eos"; "[they might imbue]" anticipates "imbuerent" at the top of col. 28. Damaged type read from context: "virtute", "diximus", "haereticis" (second paragraph), "Ecclesiae" (ink blot), "magis", "schola", "nostrorum". Scripture is referenced only in the foot notes (95-99, 1-3), which run full width across the page foot (cut by the crop); not set here.

PG 1:28

imbuerent, qui divinis eorum sermonibus ad fidem adducti, Christianam religionem, pristinis erroribus depositis, vel publica sinceraque professione erant amplexati, vel jam jam amplexaturos se esse, certo pollicebantur. His autem, ut plenius fidei Christianae praeceptis et dogmatibus informarentur, quosdam praeficiebant, quos Apostolus ipse doctores appellat, et a caeteris fere omnibus Ecclesiae ministris aperte discernit. De iis quippe hunc in modum ille ad Ephesios scribit : Et ipse dedit quosdam quidem apostolos, quosdam vero prophetas, alios autem pastores et doctores. Et ad Corinth. : Quosdam quidem posuit Deus in Ecclesia, primum apostolos, secundo prophetas, tertio doctores. Porro autem illud doctoris munus episcopis potissimum delatum esse idem non obscure docet prima ad Timotheum Epistola : Oportet ergo episcopum irreprehensibilem esse..... hospitalem, doctorem. Ad Titum vero : Oportet episcopum sine crimine esse..... amplectentem eum, qui secundum doctrinam est, fidelem sermonem; ut potens sit exhortari in doctrina sacra, et eos qui contradicunt arguere.

they might imbue, who, brought to the faith by their divine discourses, had either embraced the Christian religion, their former errors laid aside, by a public and sincere profession, or were assuredly promising that they would embrace it at any moment. Over these, moreover, that they might be more fully formed in the precepts and dogmas of the Christian faith, they set certain men, whom the Apostle himself calls teachers, and plainly distinguishes from almost all the other ministers of the Church. For concerning them he writes to the Ephesians in this manner: And He Himself gave some indeed as apostles, and some as prophets, and others as pastors and teachers. And to the Corinthians: Some indeed God has placed in the Church, first apostles, secondly prophets, thirdly teachers. Moreover, that this office of teacher was conferred chiefly upon bishops the same [Apostle] teaches not obscurely in the first Epistle to Timothy: A bishop therefore must be irreproachable..... hospitable, a teacher. And to Titus: A bishop must be without crime..... embracing that faithful word which is according to doctrine; that he may be able to exhort in sacred doctrine, and to refute those who contradict.

Idem tamen doctoris officium aliis, episcopo inferioribus, nonnunquam demandabatur. Rursum enim Paulus ad Timotheum : Qui bene, inquit, praesunt presbyteri, duplici honore digni habeantur, maxime qui laborant in verbo et doctrina. Quod si ea presbyteri voce episcopos ipsos designari pertinacius contendas, et tu ipse fatearis necesse est duplicis generis fuisse episcopos, quorum nonnulli, Paulo teste, in verbo et doctrina laborabant. Verumtamen et alios ab episcopis munia doctorum obiisse haud obscure demonstrant ea Actorum verba : Erant autem in Ecclesia Antiochiae prophetae et doctores, in quibus et Barnabas et Simon, qui vocabatur Niger, et Lucius Cyrenensis, et Manahen, qui erat Herodis Tetrarchae collactaneus, et Saulus. Hos enim omnes et singulos ad dignitatem episcopalem evectos fuisse quis audeat affirmare?

Yet the same office of teacher was sometimes entrusted to others, inferior to the bishop. For again Paul says to Timothy: Let the presbyters who rule well be held worthy of double honour, especially those who labour in the word and doctrine. But if you should contend more obstinately that by that word presbyters the bishops themselves are designated, you yourself too must confess that there were bishops of two kinds, some of whom, as Paul testifies, laboured in the word and doctrine. Nevertheless, that others besides bishops also discharged the duties of teachers these words of the Acts demonstrate not obscurely: Now there were in the Church of Antioch prophets and teachers, among whom were Barnabas, and Simon who was called Niger, and Lucius the Cyrenian, and Manahen, who was the foster-brother of Herod the Tetrarch, and Saul. For who would dare to affirm that these, all and each, were raised to the episcopal dignity?

Ad scholarum porro originem illud magis pertinere forsitan videbitur, quod Timotheo adhuc scribit Paulus : Quae audisti a me per multos testes, haec commenda fidelibus hominibus, qui idonei erunt et alios docere. Ex his quippe verbis duo, quae ad institutum nostrum maxime conducunt, non inepte sane colliguntur. Primo quidem Paulus Timotheum doctrina Christiana erudierat, per multos testes, id est, coram multis, qui eum et docentem audierant, et traditae Timotheo doctrinae locupletissimi testes erant. Atqui si Paulus Timotheum aliosque, qui eum audiendi causa in eumdem locum convenerant, sic doctrina fidei instituit, quis inficiabitur ipsum eodem docendi modo alios quoque discipulos suos iisdem imbuisse institutis? Secundo Paulus Timotheo praecipit alios docere, id est eadem quae ab ipso audierat, aliis eadem methodo tradere. Quod

To the origin of the schools, moreover, that will perhaps seem to pertain more which Paul further writes to Timothy: The things which you have heard from me through many witnesses, these commend to faithful men, who will be fit to teach others also. For from these words two things, which conduce most to our purpose, are gathered, surely not ineptly. First, indeed, Paul had instructed Timothy in Christian doctrine through many witnesses, that is, in the presence of many, who had both heard him teaching and were most trustworthy witnesses of the doctrine handed on to Timothy. Now if Paul so trained Timothy and the others, who had come together into the same place for the sake of hearing him, in the doctrine of the faith, who will deny that he imbued his other disciples also with the same instructions by the same manner of teaching? Secondly, Paul commands Timothy to teach others, that is, to hand on to others by the same method the same things which he had heard from him. Which

Editors' notes and page, col. 28

Footnotes

(1) ‹anchor: verbo et doctrina› · call in col 28

I Tim. V, 17.

1 Timothy 5:17.

(printed under page 13)

(2) ‹anchor: et Saulus› · call in col 28

Act. XIII, 1.

Acts 13:1.

(printed under page 13)

(3) ‹anchor: alios docere› · call in col 28

II Tim. II, 2

2 Timothy 2:2.

(printed under page 13)

Page

running head: DE OMNIBUS GENERATIM 28
marginal letters: A ‹imbuerent, qui divinis eorum›; B ‹esse idem non obscure docet›; C ‹est duplicis generis fuisse episcopos›; D ‹alios docere. Ex his quippe verbis›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column opens mid-sentence with "imbuerent" (its object "eos" closes col. 27) and ends on the whole word "Quod". Damaged type read from context: "sermonibus", "praeceptis", "sine crimine", "aliis, episcopo" and "demandabatur. Rursum" and "inquit" (pen strokes across the lines), "haec" (looks like "hoec"). A stray mark stands before "Ephesios". The dots after "esse" (twice) are printed. Scripture is referenced only in the foot notes (97-100, 1-3), which run full width across the page foot (cut by the crop); not set here.

PG 1:29

quidem et a successoribus ejus diligenter fuisse observatum, nullus, opinor, negaverit. At porro si iis locis, in quibus docentem Paulum tot tantique discipuli audierunt, nomen scholae deneges, tibi quidem non omnino repugnabimus; modo ad illos primam Christianarum scholarum originem reducendam esse concedas.

indeed, and was carefully observed by his successors, no one, I think, will deny. But further, if you refuse the name of school to those places in which so many and such great disciples heard Paul teaching, we shall not altogether oppose you, provided you grant that the first origin of the Christian schools is to be traced back to them.

Primo tamen Ecclesiae saeculo, nondum elapso, quasdam Christianorum scholas, proprie dictas, jam institutas fuisse, deducto ex Eusebii Historia non levi plane argumento, colligi posse putamus. Ibi enim de Pantaeno, Alexandrinae scholae praefecto, haec leguntur: Per idem tempus, Commodo nimirum imperante, fidelium scholae praeerat vir doctrinae causa celeberrimus, nomine Pantaenus; quippe jam inde a priscis temporibus sacrarum litterarum schola, in eadem civitate, Alexandrina, fuerat instituta, quae quidem nostra aetate adhuc perseverat. Atqui Commodus ab anno 180 ad annum 193 Romani imperii frena moderabatur. Per hoc ergo tempus Pantaenus scholae Alexandrinae praefuit. Cum itaque Eusebius eamdem scholam a priscis temporibus institutam fuisse asserat, inde profecto non improbabilem ducimus conjecturam, jam a primo Ecclesiae saeculo jacta fuisse scholae illius fundamenta, nec eam alium fortasse quam Marcum evangelistam, primum Alexandriae episcopum, habuisse auctorem.

Yet we think it can be gathered, by an argument of no slight weight drawn from the History of Eusebius, that before the first century of the Church had yet run out certain schools of Christians, properly so called, had already been established. For there these words are read concerning Pantaenus, the head of the Alexandrian school: "At the same time", namely in the reign of Commodus, "there presided over the school of the faithful a man most renowned for his learning, Pantaenus by name; for indeed from ancient times onward a school of sacred letters had been established in that same city, Alexandria, which continues even to our own day." Now Commodus held the reins of the Roman empire from the year 180 to the year 193. During this time, therefore, Pantaenus presided over the Alexandrian school. Since, then, Eusebius asserts that this same school was established "from ancient times", we certainly draw from this the not improbable conjecture that the foundations of that school were laid as early as the first century of the Church, and that it had perhaps no other founder than Mark the evangelist, the first bishop of Alexandria.

Editors' notes and page, col. 29

Page

running head: 29 PRIMI ECCLESIAE SAECULI S (the crop cuts the head here; the rest lies over column 30)
marginal letters: A ‹quidem et a successoribus›; B ‹inde a priscis temporibus›; C (none); D (none)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: page 14 is two short columns throughout, no full-width text band; the column ends at "auctorem." above an ornamental rule, the rest of the page blank (show-through only). A note call (4) stands after "leguntur" in col 29 (left out of the text), but NO foot-note text is printed anywhere on this page: nothing below the columns or at the page foot (for "other" in n29). Col 30 has no note call. Italics of the Eusebius quotation and of "a priscis temporibus" rendered by quotation marks in the English. The unit is the editors' matter (Le Nourry), set as this unit's text.

PG 1:30

Neque vero prima duntaxat hujus scholae initia indicat Eusebius, verum etiam quid in ea doce⟨ri⟩ tractarique soleret, luculenter tum aperit, cum eam sacrarum litterarum scholam appellat. His siquidem verbis ille nobis aperte declarat sacras litteras, id est, sacros Veteris et Novi Testamenti libros ibi a doctoribus et magistris fuisse explicatos. Nec obscurius paulo post tradit huic sacrarum Scripturarum explicationi adjectam divinorum dogmatum explanationem: Divinorum, inquit, dogmatum thesauros exposuit.

Nor indeed does Eusebius point out only the first beginnings of this school; he also plainly discloses what was accustomed to be taught and treated in it, when he calls it a school of sacred letters. For by these words he openly declares to us that the sacred letters, that is, the sacred books of the Old and New Testament, were expounded there by teachers and masters. And a little later he reports no less clearly that to this exposition of the sacred Scriptures there was added an explanation of the divine doctrines: "He set forth", he says, "the treasures of the divine doctrines."

Qua autem methodo id fieret, sic ipse ibidem docet: Partim viva voce, inquit, partim scriptis. In hac ergo Alexandrinae Ecclesiae schola et sacra Scriptura, et divina fidei Christianae dogmata, partim viva voce, partim scriptis explanabantur. At cum Eusebius illud idem a priscis temporibus factum esse asseveret, nullus procul dubio negaverit eamdem docendi methodum in antiquioribus ejusdem Ecclesiae scholis, quidni et in aliis pluribus, fuisse observatam. Porro autem ante et post scriptos atque publicatos novi foederis codices, apostoli eorumque discipuli Christianis eadem explicabant fidei dogmata, eaque prophetarum oraculis, aliisque Veteris Instrumenti testimoniis, ac tandem non solum divina Christi auctoritate, variisque miraculis, ejus nomine editis, confirmabant, sed saepissime fuso etiam sanguine consignabant.

By what method this was done, moreover, he himself teaches in the same place thus: "Partly by the living voice," he says, "partly by writings." In this school of the Alexandrian Church, therefore, both sacred Scripture and the divine doctrines of the Christian faith were explained partly by the living voice, partly by writings. And since Eusebius affirms that this same thing was done "from ancient times", no one will doubtless deny that the same method of teaching was observed in the older schools of that same Church, and why not in many others as well. Furthermore, both before and after the books of the new covenant were written and published, the apostles and their disciples expounded to Christians the same doctrines of the faith, and confirmed them by the oracles of the prophets and by other testimonies of the Old Testament, and finally not only by the divine authority of Christ and by various miracles wrought in His name, but very often also sealed them with the shedding of their blood.

Editors' notes and page, col. 30

Page

running head: PRIMI ECCLESIAE SAECULI SCRIPTORIBUS. 30 (the crop shows ‹ESIAE SAECULI SCRIPTORIBUS. 30›; the first part lies over column 29)
marginal letters: A ‹Neque vero prima duntaxat›; B ‹partim scriptis explanabantur›; C (none); D (none)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: "doce⟨ri⟩": the last letters are damaged at the line end (looks like "docen"); "doceri" supplied from sense. Column ends at "consignabant." (end of the dissertation's text on this page); ornamental rule below, rest of page blank; no foot notes printed. No note call in this column. Italics of the Eusebius quotations rendered by quotation marks in the English.