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Recognitiones (Pseudo-Clement, in the Latin of Rufinus), Preface and Books I-IV

Editors' preface

RUFINI AQUILEIENSIS PRESBYTERI IN S. CLEMENTIS RECOGNITIONUM LIBROS PRAEFATIO

PREFACE OF RUFINUS, PRESBYTER OF AQUILEIA, TO THE BOOKS OF THE RECOGNITIONS OF SAINT CLEMENT

AD GAUDENTIUM EPISCOPUM.

TO GAUDENTIUS THE BISHOP.

Tibi quidem, Gaudenti, nostrorum decus insigne doctorum, tantus ingenii vigor, imo tanta spiritus gratia est, ut si quid a te etiam quotidiani eloquii more dicitur, si quid in ecclesia declamatur, id in libris haberi et ad instructionem tradi posteris debeat. Nos tamen, quos et ingenii tenuitas minus promptos, et senecta jam tardos reddit ac segnes, opus quod olim venerandae memoriae virgo Silvia injunxerat, ut Clementem nostrae linguae redderemus, et tu deinceps jure haereditario poscebas, licet multas post moras, tamen aliquando restituimus, praedamque, ut opinor, non parvam, Graecorum bibliothecis ereptam, nostrorum usibus et utilitatibus convectamus, ut quos propriis non possumus, peregrinis nutriamus alimoniis. Nam et solent suaviora videri peregrina, interdum vero et utiliora. Denique peregrinum est pene omne quod medelam corporibus confert, quod morbis occurrit, quod venena depellit. Judaea balsami lacrymam, Creta comam dictamni mittit, Arabia aromatum flores, et spicarum nardi India segetem metit, quae apud nos, etiamsi aliquantulo quam proprius ager attulit, fractiora perveniunt, odoris tamen gratiam vimque medendi integram servant. Suscipe igitur, anime mi, redeuntem ad te Clementem nostrum, suscipe jam Romanum. Nec mireris, si forte tibi in eo minus solito floridus eloquentiae vultus appareat. Nihil interest, dummodo sensus idem sapiat. Peregrinas ergo merces multo in patriam sudore transvehimus. Et nescio quam gratus me civium vultus accipit, magna sibi Graeciae spolia deferentem, et occultos sapientiae thesauros nostrae linguae clave reserantem. Sed votis tuis faveat Deus, ut nullus nobis sinister oculus, nec cujusquam lividus occurrat aspectus, ne extremo prodigii genere, cum nihil invideant illi quibus aufertur, livescant tamen isti quibus confertur. Aequum est sane, tibi qui haec etiam Graece legeris (ne forte in aliquibus minus a nobis servatum translationis ordinem putes), interpretationis nostrae indicare consilium. Puto quod non te lateat, Clementis hujus in Graeco ejusdem operis Ἀναγνώσεων, hoc est Recognitionum, duas editiones haberi, et duo corpora esse librorum, in aliquantis quidem diversa, in multis tamen ejusdem narrationis. Denique pars ultima hujus operis, in qua de transformatione Simonis refertur, in uno corpore habetur, in alio penitus non habetur. Sunt autem et quaedam in utroque corpore de ingenito Deo genitoque disserta, et de aliis nonnullis, quae, ut nihil amplius dicam, excesserunt intelligentiam nostram. Haec ergo ego, tanquam quae supra vires meas essent, aliis reservare malui, quam minus plena proferre. In caeteris autem, quantum potuimus, operam dedimus,

To you indeed, Gaudentius, distinguished ornament of our teachers, there belongs so great a vigour of mind, nay rather so great a grace of the Spirit, that if anything is said by you even in the manner of daily speech, if anything is declaimed in the church, it ought to be kept in books and handed down to posterity for their instruction. We, however, whom slenderness of talent makes less ready, and old age now makes slow and sluggish, have at last, though after many delays, rendered the work which the virgin Silvia of venerable memory once enjoined, that we should give Clement to our own tongue, and which you thereafter demanded by hereditary right; and we carry home a booty, no small one as I think, snatched from the libraries of the Greeks, for the use and profit of our own people, so that those whom we cannot feed with our own nourishment we may feed with foreign. For foreign things are wont to seem sweeter, and sometimes indeed more useful also. In short, almost everything is foreign that brings healing to bodies, that meets diseases, that drives out poisons. Judaea sends the tear of balsam, Crete the leaf of dittany, Arabia the flowers of spices, and India reaps the harvest of spikenard; which things, even if they reach us somewhat more broken than their own field bore them, yet keep whole the grace of their fragrance and their power of healing. Receive therefore, my soul, our Clement returning to you; receive him now a Roman. And do not wonder if perchance the countenance of eloquence appears to you in him less flowery than usual. It makes no difference, provided the sense has the same savour. Foreign wares, then, we carry across into our fatherland with much sweat. And I know not how welcome a countenance of my fellow citizens receives me, bringing them great spoils of Greece, and unlocking hidden treasures of wisdom with the key of our tongue. But may God favour your prayers, that no sinister eye and no man's envious look may meet us, lest, by the uttermost kind of prodigy, while those from whom it is taken envy nothing, those on whom it is bestowed should nevertheless grow livid. It is surely fair to point out to you, who have read these things in Greek also (lest perchance in some places you think the order of translation less well kept by us), the plan of our rendering. I suppose it does not escape you that of this Clement, of the same work Ἀναγνώσεων, that is, of the Recognitions, there are held to be two editions in Greek, and that there are two bodies of books, differing indeed in some things, yet in many of the same narrative. Thus the last part of this work, in which the transformation of Simon is related, is contained in one body and in the other is not contained at all. There are, moreover, certain things in both bodies discussed concerning the unbegotten God and the begotten, and concerning some other matters, which, to say nothing more, have exceeded our understanding. These, therefore, as being above my powers, I have preferred to reserve for others rather than to bring them forth less than complete. But in the rest, so far as we were able, we have taken pains

Editors' notes and page, col. 1205

Footnotes

(98) ‹anchor: Gaudenti› · call in col 1205

Gaudenti. Omnes codices manu exarati, quos videre mihi contigit; sex, scilicet, habent, papa Gaudenti. Intellige Gaudentium Novariensem, seu potius Brixiensem.

Gaudenti. All the manuscript codices that it has fallen to me to see, six, namely, have papa Gaudenti. Understand Gaudentius of Novara, or rather of Brescia.

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(99) ‹anchor: Virgo Sylvia› · call in col 1205

Virgo Sylvia. Etiam mss. Candeler. et Carmelit. Virgo nomine Silvia. Apud Palladium, Historiae Lausiacae cap. 141. Σαλβία, minus bene, recte Silvia in Heraclidis Paradiso, cap. 42, et epistola 11 S. Paulini. Alia a Silvana vidua, de qua scriptores Vitae S. Chrysostomi.

Virgo Sylvia. Also the Candeler. and Carmelit. manuscripts: Virgo nomine Silvia ("a virgin named Silvia"). In Palladius, Lausiac History ch. 141, Σαλβία, less well; rightly Silvia in the Paradise of Heraclides, ch. 42, and in letter 11 of St. Paulinus. She is other than the widow Silvana, of whom the writers of the Life of St. Chrysostom speak.

(printed under page 600)

(100) ‹anchor: linguae redderemus› · call in col 1205

Ut Clementem nostrae linguae redderemus. Romanum linguae Romanorum. Inferius : Suscipe igitur, anime mi (ms. Candel. magnanime, Carmel. mi Domine, Pet. mi amice), redeuntem ad te Clementem nostrum : suscipe jam Romanum. Gravi siquidem errore Anastasius Bibliothecarius, Epistola ad Joannem diaconum Romanum, nec intellecto Rufino, scribit : Quinimo sicut et ipsum quoque Clementem quem Rufinus nostrae linguae redditum, restitutum, et redeuntem ad Gaudentium scribens innuit ; et quod Latine scriptus fuerit, et amissus, rursusque receptus, signanter ostendit : cum Rufinus contra non obscure significet id quod res est, Recognitiones primitus Graece scriptas fuisse. Postea Carmel., magna sibi gratiae spolia deferentem.

Ut Clementem nostrae linguae redderemus ("that we might render Clement into our tongue"). A Roman into the tongue of the Romans. Below: Suscipe igitur, anime mi (the Candel. manuscript magnanime, the Carmel. mi Domine, the Pet. mi amice), redeuntem ad te Clementem nostrum : suscipe jam Romanum ("Receive therefore, my soul, our Clement returning to you: receive him now a Roman"). For by a grave error Anastasius the Librarian, in the Letter to John, deacon of Rome, not having understood Rufinus, writes: "Nay rather, just as also Clement himself, whom Rufinus, writing to Gaudentius, intimates to have been rendered, restored and returning to our tongue; and he pointedly shows that he was written in Latin, and lost, and recovered again": whereas Rufinus on the contrary signifies not obscurely what is the fact, that the Recognitions were originally written in Greek. Afterwards the Carmel. has magna sibi gratiae spolia deferentem ("bringing to himself great spoils of grace").

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(1) ‹anchor: etiam› · call in col 1205-1206 (full-width text)

Ms. Pet. jam.

The Pet. manuscript: jam.

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(2) ‹anchor: quidem diversa› · call in col 1205-1206 (full-width text)

Ms. Cand. et P. diversae.

The Cand. manuscript and P.: diversae.

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(3) ‹anchor: Deo genitoque› · call in col 1205-1206 (full-width text)

De ingenito Deo, genitoque, etc. In sublimissima hac quaestione, quemadmodum appellatur a Claudiano Mamerto; et in aliis quibusdam depravatas fuisse Clementinas Recognitiones per haereticos, Ebionitas, Arianos, et Eunomianos, discimus ab Epiphanio, Rufino, Photio. Vide infra, lib. III cap. 2, etc.

De ingenito Deo, genitoque ("On the unbegotten God and the begotten"), etc. That in this most sublime question, as it is called by Claudianus Mamertus, and in certain others, the Clementine Recognitions were corrupted by heretics, Ebionites, Arians and Eunomians, we learn from Epiphanius, Rufinus, Photius. See below, book III ch. 2, etc.

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Page

running head: RECOGNITIONES. PROOEMIA.
marginal letters: (none)
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other: No separate text in this column. The page (cols 1205-1206) prints Rufinus's preface FULL WIDTH across both columns; it is set once, whole, under PG 1:1205 (c1205_a.md). The foot of the page holds Cotelier's notes (COTELERII NOTAE), not set.

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non solum a sententiis, sed ne a sermonibus quidem satis elocutionibusque discedere. Quae res quamvis minus ornatum, magis tamen fidele narrationis reddit eloquium. Epistolam sane, in qua idem Clemens ad Jacobum fratrem Domini scribens de obitu nuntiat Petri, et quod se reliquerit successorem cathedrae et doctrinae suae, in qua etiam de omni ordine ecclesiastico continetur, ideo nunc huic operi non praemisi, quia et tempore posterior est, et olim a me interpretata et edita. Sed quod in ea nonnullis fortasse videbitur inconsequens, si hic explanetur, non puto absurdum videri. Quidam enim requirunt, quomodo cum Linus et Cletus in urbe Roma ante Clementem hunc fuerint episcopi, ipse Clemens ad Jacobum scribens, sibi dicat a Petro docendi cathedram traditam. Cujus rei hanc accepimus esse rationem, quod Linus et Cletus fuerunt quidem ante Clementem episcopi in urbe Roma, sed superstite Petro, videlicet ut illi episcopatus curam gererent, ipse vero apostolatus impleret officium, sicut invenitur etiam apud Caesaream fecisse, ubi cum ipse esset praesens, Zacchaeum tamen a se ordinatum habebat episcopum. Et hoc modo utrumque verum videbitur, ut et illi ante Clementem numerentur episcopi, et Clemens tamen post obitum Petri docendi susceperit sedem. Sed jam videamus, scribens Jacobo fratri Domini, operis sui Clemens ipse quod sumat narrationis initium.

not to depart, I do not say from the thoughts only, but not much even from the words and the turns of expression. Which thing renders the style of the narrative, although less adorned, yet more faithful. The letter, to be sure, in which the same Clement, writing to James the brother of the Lord, tells of the death of Peter, and that he left him as successor of his chair and of his teaching, in which there is also contained matter concerning the whole ecclesiastical order, I have not now prefixed to this work for this reason, that it is both later in time and was long ago translated and published by me. But as to what in it will perhaps seem to some inconsistent, I do not think it will seem out of place if it is explained here. For some ask how, since Linus and Cletus were bishops in the city of Rome before this Clement, Clement himself, writing to James, says that the chair of teaching was handed over to him by Peter. Of which matter we have received this to be the explanation: that Linus and Cletus were indeed bishops in the city of Rome before Clement, but while Peter was still living, namely so that they might bear the care of the episcopate, while he himself fulfilled the office of the apostolate; just as he is found to have done at Caesarea also, where, although he was himself present, he nevertheless had Zacchaeus, ordained by himself, as bishop. And in this way both will be seen to be true, that they are both reckoned as bishops before Clement, and that Clement nevertheless received the seat of teaching after the death of Peter. But now let us see what beginning of the narrative of his work Clement himself takes up, writing to James the brother of the Lord.

RECOGNITIONUM LIBER PRIMUS.

THE FIRST BOOK OF THE RECOGNITIONS.

I. Ego Clemens in urbe Roma natus, ex prima aetate pudicitiae studium gessi, dum me animi intentio velut vinculis quibusdam sollicitudinis et moeroris a puero innexum teneret. Inerat enim mihi cogitatio (incertum sane unde initium sumpserit), crebro ad memoriam meam conditionem mortalitatis adducens, simulque discutiens: utrumne sit mihi aliqua vita post mortem, an nihil omnino postea sim futurus, si non fuerim antequam nascerer, vel si nulla prorsus vitae hujus erit post obitum recordatio, et ita immensitas temporis cuncta oblivioni ac silentio dabit, ut non solum non simus, sed neque quod fuerimus, habeatur in memoria. Sed et illud versabatur in pectore, quando factus sit mundus, vel antequam fieret, quid erat, aut vero semper fuerit. Nam certum videbatur, quod si esset factus, esset et profecto solvendus, et si solvatur, quid iterum erit? Nisi forte oblivio cuncta et silentium teget, aut forte aliquid erit, quod nunc sentire mortalium non potest mens.

I. I, Clement, born in the city of Rome, pursued from my earliest age the study of chastity, while the bent of my mind held me bound from boyhood as with certain chains of anxiety and sorrow. For there was in me a thought (whence indeed it took its beginning is uncertain) frequently bringing to my memory the condition of mortality, and at the same time examining: whether there is for me any life after death, or whether I shall afterwards be nothing at all, if I was not before I was born; or whether there will be no remembrance whatever of this life after death, and so the immensity of time will give all things over to oblivion and silence, so that not only shall we not be, but it will not even be held in memory that we have been. But this too was turning in my breast: when the world was made, or what there was before it came to be, or whether indeed it has always been. For it seemed certain that if it had been made, it must surely also be dissolved; and if it is dissolved, what will there be again? Unless perhaps oblivion and silence will cover all things, or perhaps there will be something which the mind of mortals cannot now perceive.

II. Haec et his similia, nescio unde, indesinenter animo revolvens, nimietate moeroris incredibiliter tabescebam, et quod est gravius, si quando respuere a me hujuscemodi curas velut minus utiles cogitabam, validiores in me fluctus sollicitudinum consurgebant. Inerat enim mihi comes optima, quae me quiescere non sineret, immortalitatis cupido. Ut enim post rerum exitus docuit, et gratia Dei omnipotentis ostendit, haec me animi intentio ad inquisitionem veritatis, et agnitionem verae lucis adduxit.

II. Turning over these things and things like them unceasingly in my mind, I know not whence, I was wasting away incredibly through excess of sorrow; and, what is graver, if ever I thought to spit out from me cares of this kind as being of little use, stronger waves of anxieties rose up in me. For there was in me a most excellent companion, which would not allow me to rest: the desire of immortality. For, as the outcome of things afterwards taught, and the grace of almighty God showed, this bent of mind led me to the search for truth and to the acknowledgement of the true light.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1207

Footnotes

(4) ‹anchor: obitu nuntiat Petri› · call in col 1207 (call not visible in the foot image)

De obitu nuntiat Petri. Ita omnes codices. Epistolam Clementis ad Jacobum praeponi solitam libris Recognitionum, aperte dicit Photius. Atque eadem in codice Carmeliticae Bibliothecae inseritur, inter Rufini Praefationem ac ipsas Recognitiones.

De obitu nuntiat Petri ("he announces concerning the death of Peter"). So all the codices. That the Letter of Clement to James was customarily prefixed to the books of the Recognitions, Photius says plainly. And the same is inserted in the codex of the Carmelite Library, between Rufinus's Preface and the Recognitions themselves.

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(5) ‹anchor: Linus et Cletus› · call in col 1207 (call not visible in the foot image)

Linus et Cletus, seu potius Anacletus, ut habent quoque Cand., Carm. et Pet. Fuisse hos duos, urbis Romae episcopos, sub Petro apostolo, existimant cum Rufino Beda, Rabanus, Haymo, qui de vitis Romanorum pontificum scripserunt, auctor Chronici episcoporum Metensium, aliique. Lege Epiphanium haeresi 27, 6, et quae notavimus ad caput 46 libri VII Constit. apost., item Marianum Scotum, ac epistolam Joanni III tributam.

Linus et Cletus, or rather Anacletus, as Cand., Carm. and Pet. also have. That these two were bishops of the city of Rome under the apostle Peter is the opinion, along with Rufinus, of Bede, Rabanus, Haymo, those who have written on the lives of the Roman pontiffs, the author of the Chronicle of the bishops of Metz, and others. Read Epiphanius, heresy 27, 6, and what we have noted on chapter 46 of book VII of the Apostolic Constitutions, likewise Marianus Scotus, and the letter attributed to John III.

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(6) ‹anchor: Pudicitiae studium gessi› · call in col 1207 (call not visible in the foot image)

Pudicitiae studium gessi. Et Ignatii interpolator Epist. ad Philadelphinos, n° 4, Clementem cum virginibus collocat. Quod tum prosa, tum carmine Aldhelmus celebravit.

Pudicitiae studium gessi ("I practised the pursuit of chastity"). The interpolator of Ignatius too, Letter to the Philadelphians, no. 4, places Clement among the virgins. Which Aldhelm celebrated both in prose and in verse.

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Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA.
marginal letters: A I. Ego Clemens in urbe Roma natus, ex prima; B ro semper fuerit. Nam certum videbatur, quod si; C tionem veritatis, et agnitionem verae lucis adduxit.
old-edition numerals: (none)

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Ex quo factum est, ut lugerem postmodum eos, quos prius ignorans beatos credebam.

Whence it came about that I afterwards mourned for those whom formerly, in my ignorance, I believed to be blessed.

III. Igitur cum a prima aetate in hujuscemodi animorum intentione versarer, cupiens aliquid discere, philosophorum frequentabam scholas, ubi nihil aliud, quam dogmatum assertiones et impugnationes videbam agi sine fine, certamina, artes syllogismorum conclusionumque agitari versutias. Et si quando quidem obtinebat hic sermo, quod immortalis esset anima, gratulabar; si quando vero arguebatur quasi mortalis, cum tristitia discedebam. Neutrum tamen in corde m⟨e⟩o firmitudinem veritatis tenebat, sed hoc tantum intelligebam, quod sententiae ac definitiones rerum, non pro natura sui ac veritate causarum, sed pro ingeniis defendentium, falsae imaginarentur, aut verae, eoque magis in profundo pectoris cruciabar, quod neque aliquid ex his, quae dicebantur, tanquam firmum tenere poteram, neque abjicere desiderium requirendi; sed quanto magis negligere conabar ac spernere, tanto ardentius, ut supra dixi, velut cum quadam voluptate latenter irrepens hujuscemodi cogitatio, mentem atque animum possidebat.

III. Therefore, since from my earliest age I was occupied in a bent of mind of this kind, desiring to learn something, I used to frequent the schools of the philosophers, where I saw nothing else being carried on than assertions and refutations of doctrines without end, contests, the arts of syllogisms and the subtleties of conclusions being plied. And if ever this argument prevailed, that the soul was immortal, I rejoiced; but if ever it was argued to be, as it were, mortal, I went away with sadness. Yet neither held in my heart the firmness of truth; but this only I understood, that opinions and definitions of things were imagined false or true not according to their own nature and the truth of the causes, but according to the talents of those defending them; and I was the more tormented in the depth of my breast because I could neither hold any of the things that were said as firm, nor cast away the desire of inquiring; but the more I tried to neglect and despise it, the more ardently, as I said above, a thought of this kind, creeping in secretly as with a certain pleasure, took possession of my mind and soul.

IV. Coangustatus igitur inventione rerum, aiebam apud memetipsum: Quid inaniter laboramus, cum manifestus sit terminus rerum? Si enim post mortem non ero, nunc superfluo crucior; si vero erit mihi vita post obitum, servemus illi vitae sui temporis motus, ne forte his, quae nunc patior, aliqua me ibi tristiora excipiant, nisi pie ac sobrie

IV. Being therefore straitened in the finding out of things, I said within myself: Why do we labour in vain, when the end of things is manifest? For if after death I shall not be, I am now tormented to no purpose; but if there will be life for me after death, let us keep for that life the stirrings proper to its own time, lest perhaps things sadder than these which I now suffer should await me there, unless piously and soberly

Editors' notes and page, col. 1208

Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA.
marginal letters: A Ex quo factum est, ut lugerem postmodum eos,; B tium, falsae imaginarentur, aut verae, eoque magis; C qua me ibi tristiora excipiant, nisi pie ac sobrie
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: The 14 full-width lines at the head of the page (end of Rufinus's preface) and the book title are set once under PG 1:1207. This column's own text begins with the last sentence of chapter II. In "m⟨e⟩o" the e is broken type. Cotelier's notes at the foot not set.

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vixero, et secundum nonnullorum sententias philosophorum, Pyriphlegethonti fluvio vel Tartaro, ut Sisyphus et Tityus, et ut Ixion ac Tantalus aeternis in inferno suppliciis tradar. Et rursus mihi ipsi respondebam: Sed haec fabulae sunt, aut si ita est, in rebus dubiis praestat pie vivere. Sed iterum reputabam mecum, quomodo possem sub incerto justitiae praemio, a peccati me libidine continere? Maxime cum etiam, quae sit ipsa justitia, quae Deo placeat, apud me habeatur incertum, et neque si immortalis sit anima, ac sit, quae aliquid sperare possit, agnoscam, neque quid certi futurum sit noverim. Nec tamen quiescere ab hujuscemodi cogitationibus possum.

I shall have lived, and, according to the opinions of some philosophers, I be handed over to the river Pyriphlegethon or to Tartarus, like Sisyphus and Tityus, and like Ixion and Tantalus, to eternal punishments in the underworld. And again I answered myself: But these things are fables; or, if it is so, in doubtful matters it is better to live piously. But again I considered with myself how I could, under an uncertain reward of righteousness, restrain myself from the lust of sin; especially since it is also held uncertain with me what righteousness itself is, which is pleasing to God, and I neither recognize whether the soul is immortal and is such as can hope for anything, nor know what certain thing is to come. And yet I cannot rest from thoughts of this kind.

V. Quid igitur faciam? Aegyptum petam, atque ibi hierophantis vel prophetis qui adytis praesunt, amicus efficiar, et pecunia ab eis invitatum magum precabor, ut educat mihi animam de infernis, per eam quam necromantiam vocant, tanquam de aliquo negotio consulere cupienti. Mihi vero haec erit consultatio: si immortalis est anima. Probatio autem animae, quod immortalis sit, non ex eo quod loquitur, erit mihi certa, vel ex eo quod audio, sed ex eo quod video; ut oculis meis cernens eam, certissimam de reliquo immortalitatis ejus sententiam teneam. Neque enim ultra poterit veritatem visus, verborum fallacia et auditio incerta turbare. Verumtamen hanc ipsam deliberationem meam retuli ad quemdam familiarem meum philosophum, qui mihi consilium dedit, ne hoc facere auderem. Sive enim, inquit, evocanti mago non obediat anima, tu post haec tanquam nihil esse putans post mortem, desperabilius vives, quippe qui et illicita tentaveris. Si vero et aliquid ibi videre tibi visus fueris, quae tibi religio, aut quae pietas ex illicitis tradetur et impiis? Exosum namque Divinitati hujuscemodi negotium ferunt, et adversari Deum his qui animas post absolutionem corporum vexant. Ego vero, his auditis, pigrior quidem sum redditus ad hoc quod parabam, nec tamen usquequaque aut desiderium ponere poteram, aut molestiam cogitationis abjicere.

V. What then shall I do? I will make for Egypt, and there I will become the friend of the hierophants or prophets who preside over the shrines, and with money I will beg a magician, induced by them, to bring up for me a soul from the underworld, by that which they call necromancy, as though I desired to consult about some matter of business. But my consultation will be this: whether the soul is immortal. And the proof of the soul, that it is immortal, will be certain for me not from the fact that it speaks, or from what I hear, but from what I see; so that, beholding it with my own eyes, I may hold henceforth a most certain judgement of its immortality. For the deceit of words and uncertain hearing will no longer be able to disturb the truth of sight. Nevertheless I referred this very deliberation of mine to a certain philosopher, a friend of mine, who gave me the advice not to dare to do this. For, he said, if the soul should not obey the magician calling it forth, you will after this live the more despairingly, as supposing that there is nothing after death, seeing that you will also have attempted unlawful things. But if you shall seem to yourself to see something there, what religion or what piety will be delivered to you from unlawful and impious things? For they say that business of this kind is hateful to the Divinity, and that God is opposed to those who trouble souls after their release from bodies. Now I, having heard these things, was indeed made more sluggish towards that which I was preparing; yet I could not altogether either lay aside the desire or cast off the vexation of the thought.

VI. Et ne longa utar narratione, cum his ego cogitationis meae aestibus agitarer, fama quaedam sensim

VI. And, not to use a long narration, while I was being tossed by these tides of my thought, a certain report, gradually,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1209

Footnotes

(7) ‹anchor: Tegi› · call in col 1209 (call not visible in the foot image)

Tegi. In Freculfo, tegere, quod respondet Graeco στέγειν.

Tegi. In Freculfus, tegere, which answers to the Greek στέγειν.

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running head: RECOGNITIONUM LIB. I.
marginal letters: A vixero, et secundum nonnullorum sententias philo-; B ibi hierophantis vel prophetis qui adytis praesunt,; C enim, inquit, evocanti mago non obediat anima, tu
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in imperio Tiberii Caesaris, initio ex Orientis partibus sumpto, pervenit ad nos, et per singula convalescens, velut a Deo bonus quidam nuntius missus, universum replebat orbem, nec patiebatur divinam voluntatem silentio tegi. Diffundebatur ergo per singula loca, annuntians, quod esset quidam in Judaea, qui sumpto a tempore veris exordio, regnum Dei evangelizaret Judaeis, idque percepturos diceret eos, qui mandatorum suorum et doctrinae instituta servassent. Ut autem sermo ejus fide dignus, ac divinitatis plenus esse crederetur, virtutes multas, et signa ac prodigia mira efficere jussione sola dicebatur, ita ut, tanquam a Deo potestatem habens, surdos faceret audire et caecos videre, claudos erigeret, atque omnem infirmitatem cunctosque daemones ex hominibus effugaret, sed et oblatos sibi mortuos suscitaret, leprosos quoque eminus videns curaret, et nihil omnino esset, quod ei impossibile videretur. Haec et horum similia processu temporis, crebris jam non rumoribus, sed manifestis quodammodo adventantium ex illis partibus nuntiis firmabantur, et ipsa jam per dies singulos rei veritas patescebat.

in the reign of Tiberius Caesar, having taken its beginning from the regions of the East, reached us, and, gaining strength at every point, like some good messenger sent from God, was filling the whole world, and did not suffer the divine will to be covered in silence. It was spread, therefore, through every place, announcing that there was a certain man in Judaea who, having taken his beginning from the season of spring, was preaching the kingdom of God to the Jews, and said that those would receive it who had kept the ordinances of his commandments and teaching. And that his word might be believed to be worthy of faith and full of divinity, he was said to perform many mighty works, and wonderful signs and prodigies, by his command alone; so that, as one having power from God, he made the deaf to hear and the blind to see, raised up the lame, and put to flight every infirmity and all demons from men; and moreover raised the dead who were brought to him, and also healed lepers, seeing them from afar; and that there was nothing at all which seemed impossible to him. These things and things like them were, in process of time, confirmed no longer by frequent rumours, but by the manifest reports, as it were, of those arriving from those parts; and now day by day the very truth of the matter was becoming plain.

VII. Denique in urbe per loca conventus fieri et de hoc sermone tractari, atque in admiratione res haberi coepit, quisnam is esset, qui apparuerit, vel quid nuntii a Deo hominibus detulisset; donec sub eodem anno vir quidam astans in urbis loco celeberrimo, proclamaret ad populum, dicens: Audite me, o cives Romani; Filius Dei adest in partibus Judaeae, promittens omnibus volentibus audire se, vitam aeternam, si quis tamen secundum voluntatem ejus, a quo missus est Dei Patris, actus suos direxerit. Propter quod convertimini a malis ad bona, a temporalibus ad aeterna. Agnoscite unum esse Deum coeli terraeque rectorem, in cujus justis aspectibus vos injusti mundum ejus habitatis. Sed si convertimini et secundum voluntatem ejus agitis, ad futurum saeculum venientes et aeterni effecti, ineffabilibus ejus bonis ac praemiis perfruemini. Erat autem vir iste, qui haec loquebatur ad populum, ex Orientis partibus, natione Hebraeus, nomine Barnabas, qui se etiam unum ex ejus discipulis esse dicebat, missumque ob hoc, ut haec volentibus

VII. At length gatherings began to be held in various places in the city, and this report to be discussed, and the matter to be held in wonder: who this might be who had appeared, or what message he had brought from God to men; until, in the same year, a certain man, standing in the most frequented place of the city, made proclamation to the people, saying: Hear me, O citizens of Rome; the Son of God is present in the regions of Judaea, promising eternal life to all who are willing to hear Him, provided that a man direct his actions according to the will of Him by Whom He was sent, God the Father. Wherefore turn from evil things to good, from temporal things to eternal. Acknowledge that there is one God, the ruler of heaven and earth, in Whose just sight you, the unjust, inhabit His world. But if you turn and act according to His will, then, coming to the age to come and being made eternal, you will enjoy His unspeakable good things and rewards. Now this man who was speaking these things to the people was from the regions of the East, a Hebrew by nation, Barnabas by name, who said that he himself also was one of His disciples, and had been sent for this purpose, that to those who were willing

Editors' notes and page, col. 1210

Footnotes

(8) ‹anchor: Sumpto a tempore veris exordio› · call in col 1210 (call not visible in the foot image; column uncertain)

Sumpto a tempore veris exordio. Martyrologium Hieronymi dictum : Kalend. Maii. Initium praedicationis Domini nostri Jesu Christi. Wandalbertus : Maias prima sacrat Christi doctrina Kalendas.

Sumpto a tempore veris exordio ("taking its beginning from the season of spring"). The Martyrology called Jerome's: "Kalends of May. The beginning of the preaching of our Lord Jesus Christ." Wandalbert: "The first teaching of Christ hallows the Kalends of May."

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(9) ‹anchor: si quis tamen› · call in col 1210

Si quis tamen, etc. Freculfus : Si qui tamen, et direxerint, quemadmodum in Graeco. Simili modo postea ac praemiis abest a Freculfo et a Graecis. Notanda quoque varia lectio docendi pro dicendi : et utraque conferenda cum Graecis Epitomes ac Clementinorum.

Si quis tamen, etc. Freculfus: Si qui tamen, and direxerint, as in the Greek. In like manner, further on, ac praemiis is absent from Freculfus and from the Greek. The variant reading docendi for dicendi is also to be noted: and both are to be compared with the Greek of the Epitome and of the Clementines.

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(10) ‹anchor: natione Hebraeus› · call in col 1210

Natione Hebraeus. Barnabam Cyprium faciunt Interpretes ad Act. IV, 36, necnon Epiphanius haeresi 30, c. 25, Hieronymus in Catalogo, et Alexander monachus in Encomio S. Barnabae.

Natione Hebraeus ("a Hebrew by nation"). The commentators on Acts IV, 36 make Barnabas a Cypriot, as do Epiphanius, heresy 30, ch. 25, Jerome in the Catalogue, and Alexander the monk in the Encomium of St. Barnabas.

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(11) ‹anchor: ex ejus discipulis› · call in col 1210

Unum ex ejus discipulis. Ita apud Clementem Alexandrinum, Eusebium et Epiphanium. Sic quoque in Chronico vocato Alexandrino, Dorothei Synopsi, et Laudatione Alexandri. Sed Beda negat, infirmo nixus fundamento. Mirum, inquit, Retractatione in Acta apostolorum, ad cap. 4, quomodo hunc Barnabam, qui postea cum Paulo gentium est ordinatus apostolus, ac post longum ejus contubernium Cyprum unde ortus fuerat, praedicaturus rediit, Eusebius in Historia ecclesiastica, de numero esse LXX discipulorum Domini Salvatoris arbitratur, cum manifeste scribat B. Lucas eum post ascensionem Domini ad discipulatum apostolorum venisse : nisi forte putandum est, eum prius ita discipulatum Christi secutum, ut necdum renuntiaverit omnibus quae possidebat, quod utrum evangelicae doctrinae convenerit, cuivis facillime patet.

Unum ex ejus discipulis ("one of his disciples"). So in Clement of Alexandria, Eusebius and Epiphanius. So too in the Chronicle called Alexandrian, the Synopsis of Dorotheus, and Alexander's Laudation. But Bede denies it, resting on a weak foundation. "It is strange," he says, in the Retractation on the Acts of the Apostles, at ch. 4, "how Eusebius in the Ecclesiastical History thinks that this Barnabas, who afterwards was ordained with Paul apostle of the Gentiles, and after long companionship with him returned to preach in Cyprus, whence he had sprung, was of the number of the seventy disciples of the Lord and Saviour, when blessed Luke plainly writes that he came to the discipleship of the apostles after the Lord's ascension: unless perhaps it is to be supposed that he had earlier followed the discipleship of Christ in such a way that he had not yet renounced all that he possessed; and whether that would have agreed with the Gospel teaching is very easily plain to anyone."

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running head: RECOGNITIONUM LIB. I.
marginal letters: A sim in imperio Tiberii Caesaris, initio ex Orientis; B cunctosque daemones ex hominibus effugaret, sed; C Judaeae, promittens omnibus volentibus audire se,
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indicaret. Quibus ego auditis, cum reliqua multitudine sequi eum coepi et audire, quae diceret. Intelligebam sane quod nihil dialecticae artis esset in homine, sed simpliciter et absque ullo dicendi fuco, quae audisset a Filio Dei vel vidisset, exponeret. Assertiones enim suas non argumentorum virtute muniebat, sed verborum et mirabilium, quae annuntiabat, testes multos, ex ipso etiam circumstante populo, producebat.

he might declare these things. Having heard which, I began with the rest of the multitude to follow him and to hear what he said. I understood, indeed, that there was nothing of the dialectic art in the man, but that he was setting forth simply, and without any colouring of speech, the things which he had heard from the Son of God or had seen. For he did not fortify his assertions by the force of arguments, but brought forward many witnesses, even from the very people standing around, of the words and wonders which he announced.

VIII. Verum quoniam ad ea, quae sincere dicebantur, libenter annuere populus et amplecti sermonem simplicem coepit, hi qui sibi eruditi videbantur vel philosophi, ridere hominem ac spernere coepere, et syllogismorum in eum tendiculas velut validissima arma proferre. At ille interritus et velut deliramenta argutias eorum ducens, ne responsione quidem dignos judicabat, sed ea quae proposuerat, exsequebatur intrepidus. Denique cum loquenti ei quidam proposuisset, cur ita factus esset culex, ut cum sit animal exiguum, et sex habeat pedes, insuper additae sint ei et alae, elephantus vero cum sit immane animal neque alas habeat, quatuor tantum pedes habeat: ad haec ille ne respiciens quidem, sermonem suum, quem importuna propositio interruperat, continuata intentione peragebat, hac sola admonitione per singulas quasque interruptiones addita: Nos ejus qui misit nos verba factaque mirabilia annuntiare vobis in mandatis habemus, fidemque eorum quae dicimus, non ex argumentis arte quaesitis, sed ex vobis ipsis productis testibus confirmare. Agnosco enim plurimos astare in medio vestrum ex his, quos una nobiscum memini audisse quae audivimus, et vidisse quae vidimus. Sit autem in vestra potestate, vel recipere quae annuntiamus, vel spernere. Nos enim quod expedire vobis novimus, tacere non possumus, quia nobis, si taceamus, damnum est, vobis vero, quae dicimus, si non recipiatis, pernicies. Sed et stultis propositionibus vestris respondere perfacile possim, si veritatis discendae causa quaereretis, de culicis dico atque elephantis differentia; sed nunc de creaturis dicere vobis aliquid absurdum est, cum a vobis ipse omnium Creator et Conditor ignoretur.

VIII. But because the people began willingly to assent to the things that were being sincerely said and to embrace the simple discourse, those who seemed to themselves learned, or philosophers, began to laugh at the man and to despise him, and to bring forward against him the snares of syllogisms as though the strongest weapons. But he, unterrified and counting their subtleties as ravings, did not judge them worthy even of an answer, but fearlessly followed out the things which he had set before him. At length, when someone had put the question to him as he was speaking, why the gnat was so made that, though it is a tiny creature and has six feet, wings also have been added to it besides, whereas the elephant, though it is a huge creature and has no wings, has only four feet: he, not so much as looking back at this, carried through with unbroken purpose his discourse which the unseasonable question had interrupted, adding at each several interruption this admonition only: We have it in charge to announce to you the words and wonderful deeds of Him Who sent us, and to confirm the trustworthiness of the things we say not from arguments sought out by art, but from witnesses produced from among yourselves. For I recognize very many standing in your midst of those whom I remember to have heard together with us the things that we heard, and to have seen the things that we saw. But let it be in your power either to receive the things that we announce, or to spurn them. For we cannot keep silent about what we know to be expedient for you, because to us, if we keep silent, it is loss, but to you, if you do not receive the things that we say, it is destruction. Moreover I could very easily answer your foolish questions, if you were asking for the sake of learning the truth; I mean about the difference of the gnat and the elephant; but now it is absurd to say anything to you about creatures, when the very Creator and Founder of all things is unknown by you.

IX. Haec autem cum dixisset, velut ex uno consensu, indisciplinato ore omnes simul risum dedere, incutere ei verecundiam ac silentium imponere cupientes, barbarumque et minus sanae mentis eum acclamantes. Ego vero cum haec ita fieri cernerem, zelo quodam nescio unde repletus, ac religioso furore succensus, silere non potui, sed cum omni libertate proclamans: Rectissime Deus, inquam,

IX. But when he had said these things, as if by one consent, they all together raised a laugh with undisciplined mouth, desiring to strike shame into him and to impose silence, and crying out that he was a barbarian and of less than sound mind. But I, when I saw these things being so done, filled with a certain zeal, I know not whence, and kindled with a religious fury, could not be silent, but, proclaiming with all freedom, I said: Most rightly has God

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Footnotes

(12) ‹anchor: factus esset culex› · call in col 1211 (call not visible in the foot image)

Cur ita factus esset culex. Hieronymus, l. I adversus Pelagianos, 7 : Elephanti tantae molis, et gryphes in sua gravitate causentur, cur quaternis pedibus incedant, cum muscae culicesque, et caetera hujusmodi animantia sub pennulis senos pedes habeant ; et aliqui vermiculi sint, qui tantis pedibus scateant, ut innumerabiles simul motus nulla acies comprehendat. Et III, contra Rufinum, 8 : Ergo nisi tibi rationem reddidero, quare formica, parvum animal et punctum, ut ita dicam, corporis, sex pedes habeat ; cum elephantus, tanta moles, quatuor pedibus incedat.

Cur ita factus esset culex ("why the gnat was made so"). Jerome, book I Against the Pelagians, 7: "Let elephants of such great bulk, and griffins in their heaviness, complain that they walk on four feet, when flies and gnats and other living things of this kind have six feet under their little wings; and there are some little worms that swarm with so many feet that no keenness of sight can take in their countless movements at once." And book III, Against Rufinus, 8: "So unless I give you the reason why the ant, a small creature and, so to speak, a mere point of a body, has six feet, while the elephant, so great a bulk, walks on four feet."

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running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA.
marginal letters: A indicaret. Quibus ego auditis, cum reliqua multitu-; B ut deliramenta argutias eorum ducens, ne respon-; C ductis testibus confirmare. Agnosco enim plurimos; D sensu, indisciplinato ore omnes simul risum dede-
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omnipotens abscondit a vobis voluntatem suam, quos agnitione sui praevidit indignos, sicut ex his quae nunc agitis, sanum sapientibus palam est. Nam cum videatis praedicatores voluntatis Dei advenisse, quia nullam sermo eorum grammaticae artis scientiam profitetur, sed simplicibus et impolitis sermonibus perferunt ad vos divina mandata, ita ut omnes qui audiunt, sequi possint et intelligere quae dicuntur; ridetis salutis vestrae ministros et nuntios, ignorantes quia vestra, qui vobis periti et eloquentes videmini, condemnatio est, quod apud agrestes et barbaros habetur veritatis agnitio. Quae cum ad vos advenerit, nec quasi hospita suscipitur, quae nisi intemperantia vestra et libido obsisteret, civis esse et vernacula debuisset; ut ex his arguamini, quod non veritatis amici et philosophi, sed jactantiae sectatores, et vaniloqui estis, qui veritatem non in simplicibus verbis, sed in versutis et callidis creditis habitare, et innumerabilia verborum profertis, unius verbi nequaquam pretio pensitanda. Quid ergo putatis futurum de vobis, vos o omnis turba Graecorum, si erit judicium Dei, sicut iste dicit? Sed nunc, omittentes ridere in perniciem vestri virum hunc, respondeat mihi qui vult ex vobis, quoniam quidem solo latratu vestro obturbatis etiam eorum aures, qui salvi esse volunt, et mentes quae ad fidem paratae sunt, ad infidelitatis lapsum vestris obturbationibus declinatis: quae vobis erit unquam venia, qui Divinitatis nuntium, promittentem vobis agnitionem Dei, ridetis et injuriis afficitis? quem utique etiamsi nihil veritatis afferret, pro ipso tamen benignitatis erga vos proposito, gratum acceptumque habere deberetis.

almighty hidden His will from you, whom He foresaw to be unworthy of the knowledge of Himself, as is plain to those of sound understanding from the things you are now doing. For when you see that preachers of the will of God have arrived, because their speech professes no knowledge of the grammatical art, but in simple and unpolished words they bring to you the divine commandments, so that all who hear can follow and understand the things that are said, you laugh at the ministers and messengers of your salvation, not knowing that it is the condemnation of you, who seem to yourselves skilled and eloquent, that the knowledge of the truth is held among rustics and barbarians. And when it has come to you, it is not received even as a guest, though, if your intemperance and lust did not stand in the way, it ought to have been a citizen and native-born; so that from these things you are convicted of being not friends of truth and philosophers, but followers of boasting, and vain talkers, who believe that truth dwells not in simple words but in crafty and cunning ones, and bring forth countless things of words that are by no means to be weighed at the price of one word. What then do you think will become of you, O you whole crowd of Greeks, if there shall be a judgement of God, as this man says? But now, ceasing to laugh at this man to your own destruction, let whoever of you will answer me, since indeed by your mere barking you disturb even the ears of those who wish to be saved, and by your disturbances you turn aside to the fall of unbelief minds that are prepared for faith: what pardon will there ever be for you, who laugh at and load with insults the messenger of the Divinity, who promises you the knowledge of God? Whom assuredly, even if he brought nothing of truth, you ought nevertheless, for the very purpose of his kindness towards you, to hold welcome and acceptable.

X. Haec et his similia cum prosequerer, plurimus astantis populi fremitus concitabatur, dum alii velut erga hospitem miseratione moverentur, meumque sermonem ut consequenter habitum probarent, alii petulantes et stolidi, in me quoque pariter, ut in Barnabam, effrenati animi iracundiam concitarent. Sed cum ad vesperam jam declinaret dies, apprehensa Barnabae dextera, obluctantem licet eum, ad meam tamen adduxi domum, atque ibi manere feci, ne quis forte ex indocili vulgo injiceret ei manus. Aliquantulis igitur diebus una positi, disserente eo [paucis], sermonem veritatis libenter audiebam; urgebat tamen profectionem, dicens se diem festum religionis suae, qui immineret, omnimodis apud Judaeam celebraturum, ibique de reliquo cum suis civibus ac fratribus permansurum, evidenter indicans injuriae se horrore perculsum.

X. As I was following out these things and things like them, a very great murmur of the people standing by was stirred up, while some were moved with compassion as towards a stranger, and approved my speech as fittingly delivered, and others, wanton and dull, were rousing the wrath of an unbridled mind against me also equally, as against Barnabas. But when the day was now declining towards evening, taking Barnabas by the right hand, I led him, though he resisted, nevertheless to my house, and made him stay there, lest perhaps someone of the unteachable mob should lay hands on him. Being therefore together for some few days, as he discoursed [in few words], I gladly heard the word of truth; yet he was pressing for his departure, saying that he would by all means celebrate in Judaea the feast day of his religion which was at hand, and would there remain henceforth with his own fellow citizens and brethren, plainly showing that he had been struck with horror at the outrage.

XI. Denique cum ego dicerem: Tu mihi tantum

XI. At length, when I said: Do you only, to me,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1212

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running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA.
marginal letters: A omnipotens abscondit a vobis voluntatem suam, quos; B veritatis amici et philosophi, sed jactantiae secta-; C etiamsi nihil veritatis afferret, pro ipso tamen be-; D te eo [paucis], sermonem veritatis libenter audie-
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: "[paucis]" stands in square brackets in the print and is kept. In "suscipitur" and "veritatem" (line under marginal B) single letters are broken type but legible. The column opens mid-sentence (subject "Deus" at the end of col 1211) and ends mid-sentence at "tantum". Cotelier's note at the foot not set.

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ejus viri, quem apparuisse dicis, expone doctrinam, et ego meis sermonibus tua dicta componens, omnipotentis Dei regnum justitiamque praedicabo, et post haec si volueris, etiam navigabo tecum, valde enim videre cupio Judaeam, vobiscum fortassis perpetuo permansurus. Ad haec ille: Tu, inquit, si quidem videre vis patriam nostram, et discere quae desideras, jam nunc mecum pariter naviga; si vero te aliquid tenet, signa tibi habitationis nostrae derelinquam, ut cum venire volueris, invenire nos facile possis; ego enim crastino iter aggrediar. Quem ubi immobilem vidi, descendi cum ipso usque ad portum, ac diligenter ab eo signa, quae dixerat, habitationis accepi, dicens ei: quia nisi aliquantulum pecuniae necessario mihi esset a debitoribus reposcendum, nihil omnino differrem, velociter tamen insequar iter tuum. Cum haec dixissem, commendato eo attentius his, qui navi praeerant, regressus sum tristis. Habebat enim me recordatio consuetudinis boni hospitis et optimi amici.

set forth the teaching of that man who, you say, has appeared, and I, arranging your sayings in my own words, will preach the kingdom and righteousness of almighty God; and after this, if you wish, I will even sail with you, for I greatly desire to see Judaea, perhaps to remain with you for ever. To this he said: If indeed you wish to see our country and to learn the things you desire, sail with me now at once; but if anything holds you, I will leave you the marks of our dwelling, so that when you wish to come you may easily be able to find us; for I shall set out on my journey tomorrow. When I saw him immovable, I went down with him as far as the harbour, and carefully received from him the marks of the dwelling of which he had spoken, saying to him that, if it were not that some little money had of necessity to be reclaimed by me from debtors, I would not delay at all; yet I shall speedily follow your journey. When I had said these things, having commended him very earnestly to those who were in charge of the ship, I returned sad. For the remembrance of the companionship of a good guest and an excellent friend held me.

XII. Diebus autem paucis remoratus, et his quae debebantur ex parte aliqua profligatis (plurima enim festinandi studio neglexi, ne a proposito impedirer), enavigavi continuo in Judaeam, et post dies quindecim Caesaream Stratonis, quae est Palaestinae urbs maxima, appulsus sum. Cumque navi egressus, hospitium quaererem, rumore populi comperi quod Petrus quidam, illius qui in Judaea apparuit, et signa multa ac prodigia divinitus gesta inter homines ostendit, discipulus probatissimus, crastino cum Simone quodam Samaritano ex castello Gethonum, habiturus esset verborum quaestionumque certamen. Quibus ego auditis, rogabam demonstrari mihi ejus hospitium; quod cum reperissem, atque ante fores constitissem, ingerebam janitori, quisnam essem atque unde adventarem; et ecce Barnabas procedens, statim ut me vidit, in complexus meos cucurrit, gaudio lacrymans, atque apprehensum me manu introducebat ad Petrum. Quem cum mihi eminus ostendisset: Hic est, inquit, Petrus, quem tibi maximum esse in Dei sapientia dicebam, cuique de te rursus sine cessatione locutus sum. Ingredere igitur tanquam bene ei cognitus. Omnia enim quae in te sunt bona, verissime comperit, et religiosum propositum tuum diligenter agnovit, ex quo et summo desiderio agitur videndi te. Unde magnum ei hodie munus meis te manibus offero; simulque oblato me, ait: Hic est Clemens, Petre,

XII. Having delayed, then, a few days, and the debts owed to me having been in some part settled (for I neglected very many in my eagerness to hasten, lest I should be hindered from my purpose), I sailed off at once to Judaea, and after fifteen days was brought to land at Caesarea of Strato, which is the greatest city of Palestine. And when, having left the ship, I was seeking a lodging, I learned from the talk of the people that a certain Peter, a most approved disciple of Him Who appeared in Judaea and showed many signs and prodigies divinely wrought among men, was on the morrow to hold a contest of words and questions with a certain Simon, a Samaritan of the village of the Gethones. Having heard which, I asked that his lodging be pointed out to me; and when I had found it, and had taken my stand before the doors, I was pressing upon the doorkeeper who I was and whence I came; and behold Barnabas, coming forth, as soon as he saw me ran into my embrace, weeping for joy, and, taking me by the hand, was leading me in to Peter. And when he had pointed him out to me from a distance, he said: This is Peter, whom I used to tell you was the greatest in the wisdom of God, and to whom in turn I have spoken of you without ceasing. Enter, therefore, as one well known to him. For he has most truly ascertained all the good things that are in you, and has carefully learned your religious purpose, whence he is also moved by the greatest desire of seeing you. Wherefore I offer you today with my own hands as a great gift to him; and at the same time, presenting me, he said: This is Clement, Peter,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1213

Footnotes

(13) ‹anchor: castello Gethonum› · call in col 1213

Ex castello Gethonum. De nomine hujus vici Graeco diximus ad Constitutiones. Latinae autem expressionis varietates videbis hic, et infra capite 7, libri II. Quibus adde aliam Freculfi tom. II, lib. I, cap. 20. De vico, inquit, qui dicitur Gittho. Corrupte apud Philastrium, in Simone : De villa quae est Citheus vocitata. Porro scribere praestat per i vel e, quam per y; et per t [the letter is unclear in the scan: t or r] quam per n.

Ex castello Gethonum ("from the village of the Gethones"). Of the Greek name of this village we have spoken on the Constitutions. The varieties of its Latin rendering you will see here, and below in chapter 7 of book II. To these add another from Freculfus, vol. II, book I, ch. 20: "From the village," he says, "which is called Gittho." Corruptly in Philastrius, under Simon: "From the estate which is called Citheus." Moreover it is better to write it with i or e than with y; and with t [letter unclear in the scan] than with n.

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running head: RECCGNITIONUM LIB. I.
marginal letters: A ejus viri, quem apparuisse dicis, expone doctrinam,; B scendum, nihil omnino differrem, velociter tamen; C crastino cum Simone quodam Samaritano ex ca-; D genter agnovit, ex quo et summo desiderio agitur
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XIII. At benignissimus Petrus, audito nomine, accurrens protinus inhaesit osculis meis, et post haec cum sedere me fecisset, ait: Bene fecisti praedicatorem veritatis hospitio recipere Barnabam, nihil veritus populi insanientis furorem; beatus eris. Sicut enim tu legatum veritatis omni honore dignum duxisti, ita te quoque peregrinantem et hospitem veritas ipsa suscipiet, et civem propriae urbis ascribet, et tunc tibi erit gaudium magnum, quod exiguam nunc impartiens gratiam, aeternorum bonorum haeres scriberis. Nunc ergo ne labores exponere mihi animum tuum; cuncta enim de te et de moribus tuis Barnabas fideli sermone edocuit, quotidie pene et indesinenter bonorum tuorum memoriam repetens. Et ut tibi breviter, tanquam unanimi jam amico, quod in re est definiam, si nihil est quod te impediat, iter age nobiscum, et audi sermonem veritatis, quem habituri sumus per loca singula, usquequo ad ipsam nobis perveniendum sit urbem Romam; et nunc tu si quid desideras, dicito.

XIII. But the most kindly Peter, on hearing the name, running up at once clung to me with kisses, and after this, when he had made me sit down, said: You did well to receive Barnabas, the preacher of the truth, into your hospitality, fearing nothing of the fury of the raving people; you will be blessed. For as you counted the envoy of the truth worthy of all honour, so the truth itself will receive you also, a sojourner and a stranger, and will enrol you as a citizen of its own city; and then you will have great joy, because, imparting now a small favour, you will be written down as heir of eternal good things. Now, therefore, do not trouble to set forth your mind to me; for Barnabas has in faithful speech informed me of all things concerning you and your character, almost daily and unceasingly recalling the memory of your good qualities. And, that I may briefly define for you, as for a friend already of one mind, what the matter is: if there is nothing to hinder you, make the journey with us, and hear the word of truth which we are going to deliver in every place, until we must come to the city of Rome itself; and now, if you desire anything, say it.

XIV. Cumque ei exposuissem, quid ab initio propositi gesserim, et quomodo per inanes effusus sim quaestiones [et illa omnia, quae tibi, domine mi Jacobe, in principiis indicavi, uti ne eadem repetam], libenter promisi, cum ipso me iter acturum; hoc est enim, aio, quod cupidissime exspectabam. Verumtamen prius mihi cupio rationem veritatis exponi, ut sciam, si mortalis, an immortalis sit anima, et si immortalis, utrum pro his quae hic agit, ducatur ad judicium. Sed et quae sit justitia, quae Deo placeat, scire desidero. Tum praeterea, si factus est mundus, vel quare factus, aut si solvendus est, an in melius renovandus, aut si omnino post haec non erit mundus, et ne per singula progrediar, haec atque horum similia ut se habeant, discere me velle respondi. Ad haec Petrus: Breviter, inquit, tibi, o Clemens, rerum scientiam tradam, et ausculta jam nunc.

XIV. And when I had set forth to him what purpose I had borne from the beginning, and how I had been poured out upon empty questions [and all those things which I indicated to you, my lord James, at the outset, so that I need not repeat the same], I gladly promised that I would make the journey with him; for this, I said, is what I was most eagerly awaiting. Nevertheless I desire first that the account of the truth be set forth to me, that I may know whether the soul is mortal or immortal, and, if immortal, whether it is brought to judgement for the things which it does here. Moreover I desire to know what the righteousness is that is pleasing to God. Then, besides, whether the world was made, or why it was made, or whether it is to be dissolved, or to be renewed for the better, or whether after these things there will be no world at all; and, not to go through each point, I answered that I wished to learn how these things and things like them stand. To this Peter said: Briefly, O Clement, I will hand over to you the knowledge of things; and listen now at once.

XV. Voluntas Dei et consilium latuit homines multis ex causis. Primo quidem pro institutione mala, pro sodalitatibus pessimis, pro consuetudine nequam, pro colloquiis non bonis, pro praesumptionibus minus rectis, pro his, inquam, omnibus, primum error, deinde contemptus, tum infidelitas et malitia, avaritia quoque et vana jactantia, aliaque his similia mala, velut fumus quidam immensus, universam domum hujus mundi replevit, et habitantibus intrinsecus intuendi Conditorem suum, aspectum liberum non dedit, neque quae

XV. The will and counsel of God has lain hidden from men for many causes. First indeed on account of bad upbringing, on account of the worst companionships, on account of worthless habit, on account of conversations not good, on account of presumptions less than right; on account of all these, I say, first error, then contempt, then unbelief and malice, avarice also and vain boasting, and other evils like these, like some immense smoke, have filled the whole house of this world, and have not given to those dwelling within a free view for beholding their Founder, nor [to discern] what things

Editors' notes and page, col. 1214

Footnotes

(64) ‹anchor: ne eadem repetam› · call in col 1214

Quae uncis inclusimus, desunt in utroque codd. Lipss. et in quibusdam aliis.

What we have enclosed in brackets is wanting in both of the Leipzig codices and in certain others.

(printed under page 604)

(65) ‹anchor: praesumptionibus minus rectis› · call in col 1214

Codd. Lipss. his pergunt cap. seq. vocabulis : Impossibile ergo de rebus divinis, etc.; reliqua desunt.

The Leipzig codices go on with these words of the following chapter: Impossibile ergo de rebus divinis ("It is impossible therefore concerning divine things"), etc.; the rest is wanting.

(printed under page 604)

(14) ‹anchor: infidelitas et malitia› · call in col 1214

Tum infidelitas et malitia. Rufinus legebat, πονηρία, non πορνεία.

Tum infidelitas et malitia ("then unbelief and malice"). Rufinus read πονηρία ("wickedness"), not πορνεία ("fornication").

(printed under page 604)

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running head: RECCGNITIONUM LIB. I.
marginal letters: A XIII. At benignissimus Petrus, audito nomine,; B jam amico, quod in re est definiam, si nihil est quod; C Deo placeat, scire desidero. Tum praeterea, si factus; D litas et malitia, avaritia quoque et vana jactan-
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ei essent placita pervidendi. Quid igitur his qui sunt intrinsecus convenit?] nisi ut ex intimis praecordiis clamore prolato, auxilium invocent ejus, quem solum domus fumo repleta non claudit, ut accedens aperiat januam domus, quo possit fumus quidem qui intrinsecus habetur, excludi, lux vero solis quae extrinsecus resplendet, induci.

were pleasing to him for seeing clearly. What then befits those who are within?] except that, sending forth a cry from their inmost heart, they call upon the help of him whom alone the house filled with smoke does not shut in, that he may draw near and open the door of the house, whereby the smoke which is held within may be driven out, and the light of the sun which shines without may be brought in.

XVI. Hunc ergo qui ad auxilium domus, caligine ignorantiae, et vitiorum fumo repletae, perquiritur, illum esse dicimus, qui appellatur verus propheta, qui solus illuminare animas hominum potest, ita ut oculis suis viam salutis evidenter inspiciant. Aliter enim impossibile est, de rebus divinis aeternisque cognoscere, nisi qui ab isto vero propheta didicerit; quia sicut ipse paulo ante memorabas, fides rerum causarumque sententiae, pro ingeniis magis defendentium ponderantur. Unde et eadem causa nunc justa, nunc putatur injusta, et quod modo verum videbatur, alterius assertione falsum videtur. Ista de causa religionis ac pietatis fides veri prophetae praesentiam postulavit, ut ipse nobis diceret de singulis, prout se ipsa veritas habet, et doceret quomodo oporteat de singulis credi. Et ideo ante omnia fidem prophetae, omni cum examinatione oportet probari; quem cum cognoveris vere esse prophetam, de reliquo cuncta ei credas oportet, nec ultra discutere eum per singula quae docuerit, sed habere firma et sancta quae dicit, quaeque quamvis fide suscipi videantur, antehabita tamen probatione creduntur. Cum enim semel ex initio prophetae veritas examinata constiterit, reliqua demum fide audienda sunt et tenenda, qua eum doctorem veritatis esse jam constat. Et sicut certum est, cuncta secundum veritatis regulam teneri oportere, quae ad divinam scientiam spectant, ita indubitatum est, a nullo alio nisi ab ipso solo sciri posse, quod verum est.

XVI. Him, therefore, who is sought out for the help of the house filled with the darkness of ignorance and the smoke of vices, we say to be he who is called the true prophet, who alone can enlighten the souls of men, so that with their own eyes they may plainly look upon the way of salvation. For otherwise it is impossible to come to knowledge of divine and eternal things, unless one has learned from that true prophet; because, as you yourself were mentioning a little while ago, the credibility of things and the judgements of causes are weighed rather according to the abilities of those who defend them. Whence also the same cause is thought now just, now unjust, and what just now seemed true seems false at another's assertion. For this reason the faith of religion and piety has required the presence of the true prophet, that he himself might tell us concerning each thing how the truth itself stands, and might teach how one ought to believe concerning each. And therefore before all things the trustworthiness of the prophet must be proved with every examination; and when you have come to know that he is truly a prophet, for the rest you must believe him in all things, and no further sift him through each of the things he has taught, but hold as firm and holy the things which he says; which, although they seem to be received by faith, are yet believed upon a proof already had. For when once, from the beginning, the truth of the prophet has been examined and established, the rest are then to be heard and held by that faith by which it is now established that he is the teacher of truth. And just as it is certain that all things which pertain to divine knowledge ought to be held according to the rule of truth, so it is beyond doubt that what is true can be known from no other but from him alone.

XVII. Et his dictis, tam mihi aperte et tam dilucide, quis iste esset propheta, et quomodo inveniretur, exposuit, ut ego mihi ante oculos habere, et manu contrectare viderer probationes, quas de prophetica veritate protulerat, ingentique stupore defigerer, quomodo ea quae omnes quaerunt, ante oculos posita nullus videt. Unde jubente eo, ea

XVII. And having said these things, he set forth to me so openly and so lucidly who that prophet was, and how he might be found, that I seemed to have before my eyes and to handle with my hand the proofs which he had brought forward concerning the prophetic truth, and was fixed in immense astonishment at how no one sees those things which all seek, though they are set before their eyes. Whence, at his bidding, the things

Editors' notes and page, col. 1215

Footnotes

(66) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1215 (call not visible in the foot image)

Quae sequuntur usque ad finem hujus cap., desunt in utroque codd. Lipss.

What follows, down to the end of this chapter, is wanting in both of the Leipzig codices.

(printed under page 605)

(67) ‹anchor: nullus videt› · call in col 1215 (call not visible in the foot image; placed by the lemma)

Vocabula : Unde jubente eo — transmitteret non leguntur in codd. Lipss.

The words Unde jubente eo — transmitteret ("Whence at his bidding … might send over") are not read in the Leipzig codices.

(printed under page 605)

(15) ‹anchor: appellatur verus propheta› · call in col 1215 (call not visible in the foot image)

Qui appellatur verus propheta. Locutio usurpata quidem ab Ambrosio in psalm. CXVIII, 63, et ab auctore Commentariorum in Lamentationes Jeremiae apud Hieronymum ad II, 9, merito. Verum suspecta in his libris, in epistola ad Jacobum, in Clementinis, ut et Propheta, atque Propheta veritatis; quia teste Epiphanio, haeresi 30, Ebionaei Periodorum Petri Clementinarum interpolatores, Christum prophetam, et prophetam veritatis appellare solebant; quasi merum hominem; juxta argumentationem Theodoti, in eodem Epiphanio haeresi 54, num. 3, Hebraeique in Nilo, lib. I, epist. 127, et opinionem Essenorum apud Philastrium. Unde auctor Graecae Epitomes ista omisit, Catholica vero substituit. Atque ex istis castigabis errorem, seu potius ignorantiam hac in parte, Davidis Blondelli, viri alias doctissimi, in Prolegomenis ad pseudo-Isidorum, cap. 11, p. 56. Denique huc facere videtur locus corruptus Isidori lib. VIII Originum, cap. 5 : Ebionitae Christum per prophetam solum, verum, justum putant effectum, nisi doceret Historia ecclesiastica a Rufino versa, legi debere, Christum per profectum solum, virum justum putant effectum, quo modo etiam quidam veteres libri mss. apocrypha Epistola Lentuli; in Orthodoxographis : qui dicitur a gentibus propheta veritatis.

Qui appellatur verus propheta ("who is called the true prophet"). An expression used indeed by Ambrose on Psalm CXVIII, 63, and by the author of the Commentaries on the Lamentations of Jeremiah among Jerome's works, at II, 9, and rightly. But it is suspect in these books, in the letter to James, in the Clementines, as are also "the Prophet" and "the Prophet of truth"; because, as Epiphanius attests, heresy 30, the Ebionites, interpolators of the Clementine Circuits of Peter, were accustomed to call Christ a prophet, and the prophet of truth, as though a mere man; in accordance with the argumentation of Theodotus, in the same Epiphanius, heresy 54, no. 3, and of the Hebrew in Nilus, book I, letter 127, and the opinion of the Essenes in Philastrius. Hence the author of the Greek Epitome omitted these things and substituted Catholic ones. And from these you will correct the error, or rather the ignorance in this matter, of David Blondel, a man otherwise most learned, in the Prolegomena to pseudo-Isidore, ch. 11, p. 56. Finally, a corrupt passage of Isidore, book VIII of the Origines, ch. 5, seems to bear on this: "The Ebionites think that Christ was made through a prophet alone, true, just", did not the Ecclesiastical History translated by Rufinus teach that it ought to be read, "they think that Christ was made a just man through progress alone"; in which way also certain old manuscript books [read] in the apocryphal Letter of Lentulus; in the Orthodoxographa: "who is called by the Gentiles the prophet of truth."

(printed under page 605)

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running head: 1215 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. (the rest of the head lies over the facing column, outside these images)
marginal letters: A ‹ei essent placita pervidendi. Quid igitur his qui sunt›; B ‹rabas, fides rerum causarumque sententiae, pro in-›; C ‹initio prophetae veritas examinata constiterit, reli-›; D ‹(15) Qui appellatur verus propheta. Locutio usur-› (in the notes at the foot)
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quae ad me locutus est, in ordinem redigens, librum de vero propheta conscripsi, eumque de Caesarea, ad te, ipso jubente, transmisi. Dicebat enim mandatum se accepisse abs te, ut per singulos annos, si qua essent a se dicta gestaque, ad te descripta transmitteret. Interea initio sermonis sui, quem prima die habuit ad me de vero propheta et de aliis plurimis, cum me instruxisset plenissime, addidit etiam haec: Vide, inquit, de reliquo, et interesto tractatibus meis; quos, si quando necessitas attulerit, habebo cum his qui contradicunt; adversus quos disputans, etiam si forte inferior visus fuero, non verebor, ne forte tu de his, quae tibi a me sunt tradita, in dubium venias, quia etiamsi ego visus fuero superari, non tamen idcirco et ea, quae nobis verus propheta tradidit, infirma videbuntur. Spero tamen quod nec in disputationibus superemur, si modo rationabiles sint auditores et amici veritatis, qui discernere valeant vim speciemque verborum, et agnoscere qui sermo ex arte sophistica veniat, non veritatem continens, sed imaginem veritatis, et qui sit qui simpliciter ac sine fuco prolatus, omnem vim non in specie et ornatu, sed in veritate et ratione possideat.

which he spoke to me, reducing them to order, I composed a book concerning the true prophet, and sent it from Caesarea to you, at his own bidding. For he said that he had received a charge from you, that every year he should send to you, written out, whatever things had been said and done by him. Meanwhile, at the beginning of his discourse, which he held with me on the first day concerning the true prophet and concerning very many other things, when he had instructed me most fully, he added this also: See to it, he says, for the future, and be present at my discussions, which, if ever necessity brings it about, I shall hold with those who contradict; and in disputing against them, even if perchance I should seem to be worsted, I shall not fear lest you perchance come into doubt concerning those things which have been handed on to you by me, because even if I should seem to be overcome, yet those things which the true prophet has handed on to us will not on that account seem weak. I hope, however, that we shall not be overcome in disputations either, provided only that the hearers be reasonable and friends of truth, who are able to discern the force and the appearance of words, and to recognize what speech comes from sophistic art, containing not truth but an image of truth, and what that is which, brought forth simply and without paint, possesses all its force not in appearance and ornament but in truth and reason.

XVIII. Ad haec ego: Omnipotenti, inquam, Deo gratias ago, quia ut desideravi, instructus sum. Verumtamen de me in tantum esse debes securus, quod de his quae didici abs te, in dubium venire non possim, ut si tu ipse velis aliquando fidem meam a vero propheta transferre, omnino non possis; ita pleno spiritu hausi, quae tradidisti. Et ne putes magnum tibi me aliquid polliceri, quod ab hac fide negem me posse transferri, certum est apud me, quia quicunque hominum hanc de vero propheta acceperit rationem, dubitare ultra de veritate nullatenus poterit. Et ideo confido de hoc divino dogmate coelitus definito, in quo omnis ars malitiae superatur. Adversus prophetiam etenim neque ars ulla stare sufficiet, neque sophismatum syllogismorumque versutiae. Sed omnis qui audierit de vero propheta, necesse est ut statim desiderium capiat ipsius veritatis, nec ultra sub occasione veri quaerendi, diversos patietur errores. Propter quod, domine mi, o Petre, nolo sis ultra sollicitus, tanquam de eo

XVIII. To this I: I give thanks, I say, to almighty God, because I have been instructed as I desired. Nevertheless you ought to be so far secure concerning me, that I cannot come into doubt concerning those things which I have learned from you, that even if you yourself should at some time wish to turn my faith away from the true prophet, you would be altogether unable; with so full a spirit have I drunk in the things which you have handed on. And lest you think that I am promising you some great thing, in that I deny that I can be turned away from this faith, it is certain with me that whoever among men has received this account concerning the true prophet will in no way be able to doubt any further concerning the truth. And therefore I have confidence concerning this divine teaching defined from heaven, in which every art of malice is overcome. For against prophecy neither will any art suffice to stand, nor the subtleties of sophisms and syllogisms. But everyone who has heard concerning the true prophet must needs at once conceive a desire for the truth itself, nor will he any longer, under the pretext of seeking the true, suffer divers errors. Wherefore, my lord, O Peter, I would not have you be anxious any longer, as though concerning one

Editors' notes and page, col. 1216

Footnotes

(68) ‹anchor: Et ne putes› · call in col 1216

Et ne putes — perveniat desunt in utroque codd. Lipss.

Et ne putes — perveniat ("And lest you think … may reach") are wanting in both of the Leipzig codices.

(printed under page 605)

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running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1216
marginal letters: A ‹quae ad me locutus est, in ordinem redigens, librum›; B ‹verus propheta tradidit, infirma videbuntur. Spero›; C ‹pleno spiritu hausi, quae tradidisti. Et ne putes›; D ‹Graecae Epitomes ista omisit, Catholica vero substi-› (in the notes at the foot)
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qui nesciat quid acceperit, et quantum sibi commissum sit muneris; certus esto, quod scienti et intelligenti gratiam contulisti, nec facile possum decipi, pro eo quod, quae diu desiderabam, cito videor adeptus. Potest enim fieri ut alius desiderans cito adipiscatur, alius nec tarde ad desiderata perveniat.

who does not know what he has received, and how great a gift has been entrusted to him; be assured that you have conferred the favour on one who knows and understands, nor can I easily be deceived on the ground that I seem to have obtained quickly the things which I long desired. For it can happen that one man, desiring, obtains quickly, while another does not arrive at the things desired even late.

XIX. Et Petrus, his a me auditis: Gratias ago, inquit, Deo meo, et pro salute tua, et pro requie mea; valde enim delector, quia intellexisse te video, quanta sit virtutis propheticae magnitudo, et quia, ut ais, nec si ego ipse cupiam, quod absit! potero te transvertere in aliam fidem. Ex hoc jam incipe esse nobiscum, et crastina die interesto disputationibus nostris; erit enim mihi certamen cum Simone Mago. Cumque haec dixisset, secessit, ut cibum caperet cum suis, me autem seorsum vesci jussit. Et post cibum cum laudem dedisset Deo et gratias egisset, etiam hujus ipsius facti mihi reddidit rationem, et addidit, dicens: Det tibi Dominus exaequari nobis in omnibus, ut percepto baptismate possis ad eamdem nobiscum convenire mensam. Et his dictis, quiescere me jussit; jam enim ad somnum et natura corporis, et ratio temporis invitabat.

XIX. And Peter, having heard these things from me: I give thanks, he says, to my God, both for your salvation and for my own rest; for I am greatly delighted, because I see that you have understood how great is the magnitude of the prophetic power, and because, as you say, not even if I myself should desire it, which God forbid! shall I be able to turn you aside to another faith. From this time now begin to be with us, and tomorrow be present at our disputations; for I shall have a contest with Simon Magus. And when he had said these things, he withdrew to take food with his own, but bade me eat apart. And after the meal, when he had given praise to God and returned thanks, he rendered to me an account of this very act also, and added, saying: May the Lord grant you to be made equal to us in all things, that, having received baptism, you may be able to come together with us to the same table. And having said these things, he bade me rest; for already both the nature of the body and the consideration of the hour were inviting to sleep.

XX. Postera vero die matutinus ad nos ingrediebatur Zacchaeus, et cum salutasset, ait ad Petrum: Differt Simon certaminis diem in undecimam mensis praesentis, quae est post septem dies. Tunc enim magis vacuum sibi disceptandi tempus affirmat. Sed et mihi videtur comperendinatio ejus etiam nobis esse necessaria, ut plures conveniant, qui disputationis nostrae vel auditores vel judices fiant. Verumtamen si probabile tibi videtur, inter moras ea, quae in controversiam venire posse opinamur, inter nosmetipsos prius discutiamus, et unusquisque nostrum, cum quae proponenda sint et quae respondenda, cognoverit, apud semetipsum pertractet, si recte se habeant, aut si invenire poterit aliquid adversarius quod objiciat, aut quo objecta frustretur. Si vero ex omni latere, quae a nobis dicenda sunt, claruerit esse munita, ita demum confidenter quaestionis ineatur exordium. Et quidem mea haec est sententia, quod ante omnia requiri oporteat, quid sit omnium primum, quidve immediatum, quod etiam causam esse omnium quae sunt, docendum est; deinde cuncta quae sunt, si facta sunt,

XX. But on the following day, early in the morning, Zacchaeus came in to us, and when he had greeted us, he says to Peter: Simon puts off the day of the contest to the eleventh of the present month, which is seven days hence. For he affirms that he will then have a time more free for debating. But to me also his adjournment seems to be necessary for us as well, that more may come together, who may become either hearers or judges of our disputation. Nevertheless, if it seems commendable to you, during the delay let us first discuss among ourselves those things which we suppose may come into controversy, and let each one of us, when he has come to know what things are to be proposed and what are to be answered, consider thoroughly with himself whether they stand rightly, or whether the adversary will be able to find something to object, or something by which the objections may be frustrated. But if it shall have become clear that the things which are to be said by us are fortified on every side, then at last let the beginning of the inquiry be entered upon with confidence. And indeed this is my opinion, that before all things it ought to be inquired what is the first of all things, or what is immediate, which must also be shown to be the cause of all things that are; then, all things that are, whether they were made,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1217

Footnotes

(69) ‹anchor: Et quidem› · call in col 1217

Et quidem — reperietur agnitio non leguntur in utroque codd. Lipss.

Et quidem — reperietur agnitio ("And indeed … knowledge will be found") are not read in either of the Leipzig codices.

(printed under page 606)

(16) ‹anchor: Secessit, ut cibum caperet› · call in col 1217 (call not visible in the foot image)

Secessit, ut cibum caperet cum suis, etc. Passim hic. Apud Athanasium Lib. de virginitate, p. 1052 : Ἐὰν δὲ εὑρεθῇ κατηχουμένη ἐν τραπέζῃ, μὴ συνευχέσθω μετὰ τῶν πιστῶν, οὐδὲ μὴ καθίσεις φαγεῖν τὸν ψωμόν σου μετ' αὐτῆς. Capitularium lib. VI, cap. 92 : Non liceat baptizatis cum catechumenis manducare, nec osculum eis dare, vel ave illis dicere : quanto magis cum excommunicatis ab episcopo, aut cum gentilibus ? Episcopos tamen cum Constantino imperatore nondum baptizato epulatos fuisse testis est fide dignus Eusebius, quamvis ei nolit credere Nicephorus Callistus. Sed et Christiani multi non adeo a paganis refugiebant. Unde Nonnam matrem suam laudat Gregorius Nazianzenus, quod cibum cum idolorum cultoribus communem nunquam habuerit, nec gentilis feminae manibus dextram injecerit, aut labra labris miscuerit.

Secessit, ut cibum caperet cum suis ("He withdrew to take food with his own"), etc. Everywhere in this work. In Athanasius, Book on Virginity, p. 1052: "And if a woman catechumen be found at table, let her not pray together with the faithful, nor shall you sit down to eat your bread with her." Capitularies, book VI, ch. 92: "Let it not be lawful for the baptized to eat with catechumens, nor to give them the kiss, nor to say 'hail' to them: how much more with those excommunicated by the bishop, or with Gentiles?" Yet that bishops feasted with the emperor Constantine when he was not yet baptized, Eusebius is a trustworthy witness, although Nicephorus Callistus refuses to believe him. But many Christians, too, did not so greatly shun pagans. Hence Gregory Nazianzen praises his mother Nonna because she never shared food with worshippers of idols, nor laid her right hand in the hands of a Gentile woman, nor joined lips to lips.

(printed under page 606)

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running head: 1217 RECOGNITIONUM (the rest of the head lies over the facing column, outside these images)
marginal letters: A ‹qui nesciat quid acceperit, et quantum sibi com-›; B ‹disputationibus nostris; erit enim mihi certamen›; C ‹enim magis vacuum sibi disceptandi tempus affir-›; D ‹quid sit omnium primum, quidve immediatum,›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1218

et a quo, et per quem vel propter quem; utrum ab uno, an a duobus, an a multis accepere substantiam; et utrum ex nullis substantibus, an ex aliquibus sumpta sint, et adornata; tum si aliqua virtus est in altissimis, aut in infernis; si est aliquid melius omnibus, aut cunctis inferius; si sunt aliqui motus, aut nulli; si haec quae videntur, erant semper, et erunt; si exstitere nullo operante, et nullo solvente dilabentur. Si, inquam, ex his initium acceperit disputatio, puto quod ea quae quaerentur, diligenti examinatione discussa facile clarescant. Cum autem haec claruerint, eorum quae sequuntur, in promptu reperietur agnitio. Ego quid senserim protuli; quid etiam tibi videatur, indicare ne pigeat.

and by whom, and through whom or on account of whom; whether they received their substance from one, or from two, or from many; and whether they were taken and adorned out of no existing things, or out of some; then whether there is any power in the highest places, or in the lower; whether there is anything better than all, or lower than all; whether there are any motions, or none; whether these things which are seen were always, and will be; whether they came into existence with no one working, and will fall away with no one dissolving them. If, I say, the disputation takes its beginning from these, I think that the things which will be inquired into, sifted by diligent examination, may easily become clear. And when these have become clear, the recognition of those which follow will be found ready at hand. I have brought forward what I thought; let it not be irksome to you to indicate what seems good to you also.

XXI. Ad haec Petrus: Dic, inquit, interim Simoni, faciat ut libet, certus quod, divina Providentia largiente, semper nos inveniet paratos. Et Zacchaeus quidem quae audierat, egressus est Simoni nuntiare. Petrus vero respiciens ad nos, et intelligens contristatum me esse pro dilatione certaminis, ait: Qui credit summi Dei providentia dispensari mundum, non debet, o amice Clemens, de singulis quae quoquo modo accidunt, aspernanter accipere, certus quod justitia Dei, etiam ea, quae superflua videntur aut contraria, in unoquoque negotio opportuno exitu competentique dispensat, praecipue tamen erga eos qui eum familiarius colunt; et ideo qui de his, ut dixi, certus est, si quid eveniat contra sententiam, novit pro eo moerorem de animis expellere, meliori sententia manifestum habens, quod dispensatione boni Dei, etiam quod contrarium putatur, vertatur in melius. Propter quod, o Clemens, etiamnunc non te contristet Magi Simonis ista dilatio. Credo enim quod per Dei providentiam gestum sit ad utilitatem tuam, ut possim tibi rationem fidei nostrae, in hac septem dierum comperendinatione, absque aliquo strepitu per ordinem consequenter exponere secundum traditionem veri prophetae, qui solus scit, quae facta sunt, ut facta sint, et quae fiunt, ut fiant, quaeque erunt, ut erunt; quae tamen manifeste quidem dicta, non tamen manifeste scripta sunt, in tantum, ut cum leguntur, intelligi sine expositore non possint propter peccatum quod coadolevit hominibus, sicut superius diximus. Idcirco igitur explanabuntur tibi per me omnia, ut in his quae scripta sunt,

XXI. To this Peter: Tell Simon in the meantime, he says, to do as he pleases, assured that, divine Providence granting it, he will always find us ready. And Zacchaeus indeed went out to report to Simon what he had heard. But Peter, looking towards us, and perceiving that I was saddened on account of the putting off of the contest, says: He who believes that the world is governed by the providence of the most high God ought not, O friend Clement, to take disdainfully any of the things which happen in whatever way, being assured that the justice of God governs even those things which seem superfluous or contrary, in each affair, with an opportune and fitting outcome, and especially towards those who worship Him more intimately; and therefore he who is assured of these things, as I said, if anything turns out contrary to his mind, knows how to drive out grief from his soul on that account, holding it manifest by a better judgement that, by the dispensation of the good God, even what is thought contrary is turned to the better. Wherefore, O Clement, even now let not this delay of Simon the Magus sadden you. For I believe that it has been brought about through God's providence for your benefit, that I may be able, in this adjournment of seven days, without any noise, to set forth to you in order and consecutively the account of our faith according to the tradition of the true prophet, who alone knows the things which have been done, as they were done, and the things which are being done, as they are done, and the things which will be, as they will be; which things, however, though indeed plainly spoken, have yet not been plainly written, so much so that when they are read they cannot be understood without an expositor, on account of the sin which has grown up together with men, as we said above. Therefore, then, all things will be explained to you by me, that in those things which are written

Editors' notes and page, col. 1218

Footnotes

(70) ‹anchor: et ideo› · call in col 1218

Et ideo — in melius desunt in codd. Lipss.

Et ideo — in melius ("And therefore … for the better") are wanting in the Leipzig codices.

(printed under page 606)

(71) ‹anchor: secundum traditionem› · call in col 1218

Secundum traditionem — agnoscas desunt in codd. Lipss.

Secundum traditionem — agnoscas ("According to the tradition … you may recognize") are wanting in the Leipzig codices.

(printed under page 606)

Page

running head: RECOGNITIONUM LIB. I. 1218
marginal letters: A ‹et a quo, et per quem vel propter quem; utrum ab›; B ‹ne pigeat.› (set between that line and the opening of XXI.); C ‹quid eveniat contra sententiam, novit pro eo moe-›; D ‹sint propter peccatum quod coadolevit hominibus,›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1219

dilucide quae sit sententia legislatoris agnoscas.

you may clearly recognize what the mind of the lawgiver is.

XXII. Cumque haec dixisset, exponere mihi singula de his, quae in quaestione esse videbantur legis capitulis coepit, ab initio creaturae usque ad id temporis, quo ad eum Caesaream devolutus sum. Haec mihi dicens, dilatio Simonis contulit, ut per ordinem cuncta cognoscerem. Alias, inquit, secundum ea quae opportunitas sermonis attulerit, de singulis quibusque, quae nunc compendiosius diximus, latius disseremus, ut secundum ea quae pollicitus sum tibi, plenius de omnibus perfectiusque cognoscas. Quia ergo hodierna adhuc nobis superest dies, ex his quae dilata sunt, volo tibi rursus ea quae dicta sunt breviter iterare, ut magis tibi ad memoriam revocentur. Et exin coepit hoc modo mentibus meis innovare quae dixerat: Meministi, o amice Clemens, quae mihi fuerit de aeterno saeculo, ac finem nesciente, narratio? Tum ego: Nihil, inquam, o Petre, aliquando retinebo, si hoc omittere aut oblivisci potuero.

XXII. And when he had said these things, he began to set forth to me, one by one, concerning those chapters of the law which seemed to be in question, from the beginning of the creation down to that time at which I came down to him at Caesarea. Saying to me: This the delay of Simon has conferred, that I should come to know all things in order. At another time, he says, according as the occasion of discourse shall bring it, we shall discuss more broadly each of the several things which we have now spoken more summarily, so that, according to what I promised you, you may know more fully and more perfectly concerning all. Since, therefore, today still remains to us out of the days that have been put off, I wish to repeat briefly to you again the things which have been said, that they may the more be recalled to your memory. And thereupon he began in this manner to renew in my mind the things which he had said: Do you remember, O friend Clement, what my account was concerning the eternal age that knows no end? Then I: I shall never retain anything, I say, O Peter, if I shall have been able to let this go or to forget it.

XXIII. Et Petrus libenter hac mea responsione suscepta: Gratulor tibi, inquit, quod ita responderis, et non quod haec ipsa facile dicas, sed te meminisse protuleris; quae enim summa sunt, silentio honorari volunt. Ad fidem tamen eorum, quae de ineffabilibus meministi, dic quae retines ex his, quae in loco secundo a nobis dicta sunt, quae proferri facile queunt, ut pervidens tenacitatem memoriae tuae, de quibus volo, promptius tibi indicem, et libenter aperiam. Tum ego, ubi adverti eum auditorum memoria gaudere, Non solum, inquam, definitionis tuae memor sum, sed et praefinitionis illius, quae ante definitionem posita est, et omnium pene quae exposuisti, sensum integrum servo, etiamsi verba

XXIII. And Peter, having gladly received this answer of mine: I congratulate you, he says, that you have answered thus, and not because you readily speak these very things, but because you have declared that you remember them; for the things which are highest wish to be honoured by silence. Yet, for the credit of those things which you remember concerning the ineffable, say what you retain of those which were spoken by us in the second place, which can easily be uttered, so that, seeing clearly the tenacity of your memory, I may the more readily point out to you, and gladly open, the things I wish. Then I, when I observed that he rejoiced in the memory of his hearers: Not only, I say, am I mindful of your definition, but also of that preliminary definition which was set before the definition, and of almost all the things which you have set forth I keep the sense entire, even if the words

Editors' notes and page, col. 1219

Footnotes

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Ut secundum—cognoscas desunt in codd. Lipss.

Ut secundum — cognoscas ("That according to … you may know") are wanting in the Leipzig codices.

(printed under page 607)

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et non quod — libenter aperiam desunt in codd. Lipss.

et non quod — libenter aperiam ("and not that … I will gladly open") are wanting in the Leipzig codices.

(printed under page 607)

(17) ‹anchor: ex prima voluntate iterum voluntas› · call in col 1219 (call not visible in the foot image)

Et ex prima voluntate iterum voluntas. De Filio Clemens Alexandrinus Paedag. III, cap. ult. : ἀγαθοῦ Πατρὸς ἀγαθὸν βούλημα· Strom. V, p. 547 : θέλημα παντοκρατορικόν· Tertullianus, De oratione, cap. 4 : Ipse erat voluntas et potestas Patris. In Origene, De principiis, et alibi : Natus ex Patre, velut voluntas ex mente procedens. Apud Athanasium, orat. 3 et 4, contra Arianos, p. 402, 514 : βουλὴ καὶ θέλημα τοῦ Πατρός. Similiaque legas Victorini Afri lib. I, adversus Arium, Faustini diaconi ad Flaccillam, Cyrilli Alexandrini contra Anthropomorphitas, cap. 14, et aliorum, de quibus Hieronymus initio Commentariorum in Epistolam ad Ephesios, et Augustinus XV, De Trinitate, 20, necnon duarum synodorum Toletanarum, decimae quintae ac decimae sextae. Prioris locus in binis levibus mendis cubat : Diximus : Voluntas genuit voluntatem, sicut et sapientia sapientiam. Quod vir ille incuriosa lectionis transcursione praeteriens, existimavit haec ipsa nomina, id est (lege in aut potius juxta, errandi occasio fuit brevians Scriptura) relativum, aut secundum comparationem humanae mentis nos posuisse, etc. Nos autem non secundum hanc comparationem humanae mentis, nec secundum relativum, sed secundum essentiam diximus : Voluntas ex voluntate, sicut et sapientia ex sapientia. Hoc enim ex (dubio procul est) Deo esse quod velle; hoc velle, quod sapere, et reliqua. Quod ad Spiritum sanctum spectat, commodum in Bibliotheca Regia cod. ms. 1026, istud fragmentum nostro ascriptum inveni. Illud rejecimus infra in subjectam Recognitionibus Appendicem Monumentorum, num. 1.

Et ex prima voluntate iterum voluntas ("And from the first will, again a will"). Of the Son, Clement of Alexandria, Paedagogus III, last chapter: "the good will of the good Father"; Stromata V, p. 547: "the almighty will"; Tertullian, On Prayer, ch. 4: "He himself was the will and power of the Father." In Origen, On First Principles, and elsewhere: "Born of the Father, as will proceeding from mind." In Athanasius, orations 3 and 4 Against the Arians, pp. 402, 514: "the counsel and will of the Father." And you may read the like in Victorinus Afer, book I Against Arius, in Faustinus the deacon to Flaccilla, in Cyril of Alexandria Against the Anthropomorphites, ch. 14, and in others, of whom Jerome speaks at the beginning of the Commentaries on the Epistle to the Ephesians, and Augustine, On the Trinity XV, 20, as well as in two synods of Toledo, the fifteenth and the sixteenth. The passage of the former lies under two slight faults: "We said: Will begot will, as also wisdom wisdom. Which that man, passing over in a careless skimming of his reading, supposed that we had set down these very names, id est (read in, or rather juxta; the abbreviating script was the occasion of the error) relatively, or according to the comparison of the human mind, etc. But we said not according to this comparison of the human mind, nor relatively, but according to essence: Will from will, as also wisdom from wisdom. For this ex (beyond doubt est) for God to be is what it is to will; this to will, what it is to be wise," and the rest. As regards the Holy Spirit, I have opportunely found in the Royal Library, manuscript codex 1026, that fragment ascribed to our author. We have put it below in the Appendix of Monuments subjoined to the Recognitions, no. 1.

(printed under page 607)

Page

running head: 1219 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. (the rest of the head lies over the facing column, outside these images)
marginal letters: A ‹dilucide quae sit sententia legislatoris agnoscas.›; B ‹mentibus meis innovare quae dixerat: Meministi,›; C ‹memoria gaudere, Non solum, inquam, definitionis› (set between that line and the one above); D ‹orat. 3 et 4, contra Arianos, p. 402, 514› (in the notes at the foot)
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1220

non omnia, quia tanquam vernacula animae meae et ingenita effecta sunt, quae dixisti. Nimium enim sitienti mihi dulcissimum poculum porrexisti. Et ne putes, quod rerum immemor, verbis te occupem, jam nunc quae dicta sunt in memoriam revocabo; in quo me plurimum juvat ordo disputationis tuae. Etenim quia consequenter directa sunt et librate ordinata, quae dicis, idcirco et facile ad memoriam ordinis sui lineis revocantur. Multum namque ad recordandum prodest ordo dictorum; cum enim recolere singula per consequentiam coeperis, ubi aliquid deest, statim sensus inquirit, et cum invenerit, servat, aut certe, si investigare nequierit, a magistro requirere non pigebit. Sed ne moram faciam in reddendo ea quae poscis a me, retexam breviter quae de veritatis definitione tradidisti.

not all, because the things which you have said have become as it were native to my soul and inborn. For to me, thirsting exceedingly, you have held out a most sweet cup. And lest you think that, unmindful of the matters, I am occupying you with words, I shall now at once recall to memory the things which have been said; in which the order of your disputation helps me very greatly. For because the things which you say are consecutively directed and arranged with balance, they are therefore also easily recalled to memory by the lines of their own order. For the order of things said is of much profit for remembering; for when you have begun to go over each thing in sequence, where anything is wanting, the mind at once inquires after it, and when it has found it, keeps it, or at least, if it has been unable to track it out, it will not be irksome to ask it of the master. But lest I make delay in rendering what you ask of me, I shall briefly go over again what you have handed on concerning the definition of truth.

XXIV. Erat semper, et est, et erit illud a quo prima voluntas genita sempiternitate constat, et ex prima voluntate iterum voluntas. Post haec mundus, ex mundo tempus, ex hoc hominum multitudo, ex multitudine electio amicorum, ex quorum unanimitate pacificum construitur Dei regnum. Reliqua vero, quae haec consequi deberent, alias te mihi dicturum esse promiseras. Post haec, cum de creatura mundi exposuisses, definitionem Dei, quam in conspectu omnium primorum angelorum de sua voluntate promisit, quamque aeternam legem cunctis statuit, intimasti, et quod duo regna posuit, praesentis dico temporis et futuri, et tempora utrique constituit, statuitque exspectari judicii diem, quam ipse definivit, in qua habenda sit rerum, animarumque discretio, ut impii quidem pro peccatis suis igni tradantur aeterno, hi vero qui secundum voluntatem conditoris Dei vixerint, pro bonis operibus

XXIV. There always was, and is, and will be that from which the first will, begotten, consists in everlastingness, and from the first will, again, a will. After these the world, from the world time, from this the multitude of men, from the multitude the election of friends, out of whose unanimity the peaceful kingdom of God is built up. But the rest, which ought to follow these, you had promised that you would tell me at another time. After these things, when you had set forth concerning the creation of the world, you made known the decree of God, which He promised of His own will in the sight of all the first angels, and which He established as an eternal law for all, and that He set up two kingdoms, I mean of the present time and of the future, and appointed times for each, and established that a day of judgement is to be awaited, which He Himself has determined, on which a separation of things and of souls is to be made, so that the impious indeed may be delivered to eternal fire for their sins, while those who have lived according to the will of God the creator, for their good works

Editors' notes and page, col. 1220

Footnotes

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Quae sequuntur usque ad illa cap. 53 vocabula : Erat ergo, non leguntur in utroque codd. Lipss. Vide praefat.

What follows, down to those words of ch. 53, Erat ergo ("There was therefore"), is not read in either of the Leipzig codices. See the preface.

(printed under page 607)

(18) ‹anchor: duo regna› · call in col 1220

Duo regna. Quod haec similiaque complura in istis apocryphis Ebionismum redoleant, auctorem damus Epiphanium haereseos illius capite 16 : Δύο δέ τινας, ὡς ἔφην, συνιστῶσιν ἐκ Θεοῦ τεταγμένους· ἕνα μὲν τὸν Χριστὸν, ἕνα δὲ τὸν διάβολον. Καὶ τὸν μὲν Χριστὸν λέγουσι τοῦ μέλλοντος αἰῶνος εἰληφέναι τὸν κλῆρον· τὸν δὲ διάβολον, τοῦτον πεπιστεῦσθαι τὸν αἰῶνα· ἐκ προσταγῆς δῆθεν τοῦ παντοκράτορος, κατὰ αἴτησιν ἑκατέρων αὐτῶν. Duos, ut jam dixi, a Deo constitutos asserunt; Christum et diabolum. Quorum illi futuri, huic praesentis saeculi potestas est commissa : idque adeo omnipotentis illius mandato, ad utriusque postulationem esse factum. Quo ex loco lux oritur alteri capitis 3, quem interpres indiligenter in Latinum convertit : Πάντων τε κυριεύοντα, καὶ Χριστὸν λέγεσθαι, τὸν ἐκεῖσε δὲ αἰῶνα κεκληρῶσθαι. Hoc est : Atque omnium rerum dominatum tenere, et appellari Christum : in sortem vero accepisse saeculum quod illic erit.

Duo regna ("two kingdoms"). That these and many like things in these apocrypha smack of Ebionism, we give as authority Epiphanius, ch. 16 of that heresy: "They maintain, as I said, that two have been appointed by God: one, Christ, and one, the devil. And they say that Christ has received the lot of the age to come, but that the devil has been entrusted with this age; by the command, forsooth, of the Almighty, at the request of each of them." [Latin version:] "They assert, as I have already said, that two have been appointed by God, Christ and the devil; to the former of whom the power of the future age, to the latter that of the present age, has been committed: and that this was done by the command of the Almighty, at the request of each." From which passage light arises for another, in ch. 3, which the translator rendered carelessly into Latin: "and that he is lord of all, and is called Christ, and has been allotted the age yonder." That is: "And that he holds dominion over all things, and is called Christ: but that he has received as his lot the age that will be there."

(printed under page 607)

Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1220
marginal letters: A ‹non omnia, quia tanquam vernacula animae meae et›; B ‹viter quae de veritatis definitione tradidisti.›; C ‹que constituit, statuitque exspectari judicii diem,› (set between that line and the next); D ‹in istis apocryphis Ebionismum redolent, auctorem› (in the notes at the foot)
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1221

benedictione suscepta, clarissima luce fulgentes, introducti ad aeternam sedem, et in incorruptione durantes, ineffabilium bonorum munera aeterna percipiant.

having received a blessing, shining with most brilliant light, brought into the eternal abode, and enduring in incorruption, may receive the eternal gifts of ineffable good things.

XXV. Haec me prosequente, gaudio perfusus Petrus et tanquam super filio tripudians, ne forte in reliquorum memoria titubans, erubescerem propter eos qui aderant: Sufficit, inquit, o Clemens; evidentius enim haec quam a me ipso exposita fuerant, edidisti. Et ego aio: Narrandi ordinem, et lucidius ea quae res expetit proferendi, eruditio nobis contulit liberalis, qua si utamur in antiquitatis erroribus, in perniciem vitae verborum decore ac suavitate decidimus; si vero ad asserendam veritatem eruditionem sermonis et gratiam conferamus, puto ex hoc non parum utilitatis acquiri. Verumtamen, mi domine Petre, quanta me arbitraris gratulatione sublatum, cum in caeteris omnibus, tum praecipue in illius doctrinae sententia, qua ais: Unus est Deus, cujus opus mundus est, quique, quia justus est omnimodis, unicuique pro actibus suis reddet. Et post haec addidisti, dicens: Pro cujus dogmatis assertione innumera verborum millia movebuntur; sed in his, quibus veri prophetae concessa est scientia, omnis ista verborum silva succisa est. Et propter hoc cum mihi tradideris de vero propheta sermonem, omni me assertionum firmitate roborasti. Inde denique ego cum advertissem in hoc snmmam totius religionis pietatisque consistere, illico respondi: Optime prosecutus es, Petre, propter quod de reliquo jam tanquam scienti, quae sint fundamenta fidei et pietatis, veri prophetae traditiones incunctanter expone, cui soli credendum esse evidenter probatum est. Illam vero expositionem, quae assertionibus et argumentis indigeat, infidelibus serva, quibus nondum committere propheticae gratiae indubitabilem judicaveris fidem. Et cum haec dixissem, tu utrumque, inquam, pollicitus es, et hanc te mihi simplicem expositionem ac totius erroris expertem, et illam quae per singulas quasque quaestiones explicatur, quae movebuntur, in tempore traditurum. Et post haec exposuisti per ordinem, a principio mundi usque ad praesens tempus consequentiam rerum; et si placet, possum memoriter universa retexere.

XXV. As I was pursuing these things, Peter, suffused with joy and as it were exulting over a son, lest perchance, faltering in the recollection of the rest, I should blush on account of those who were present: It is enough, he says, O Clement; for you have delivered these things more plainly than they had been set forth by me myself. And I say: Liberal learning has conferred on us the order of narrating, and of bringing forth more lucidly the things which the matter requires; and if we use it in the errors of antiquity, we fall, by the grace and sweetness of words, into the ruin of life; but if we apply the learning and charm of speech to the asserting of truth, I think that no small usefulness is gained from this. Nevertheless, my lord Peter, with how great rejoicing do you judge me to have been lifted up, both in all the rest, and especially in the statement of that doctrine in which you say: There is one God, whose work the world is, and who, because He is in every way just, will render to each according to his deeds. And after this you added, saying: For the assertion of which teaching innumerable thousands of words will be set in motion; but in those to whom the knowledge of the true prophet has been granted, all that forest of words has been cut down. And on this account, when you handed on to me the discourse concerning the true prophet, you strengthened me with every firmness of assertions. Then finally I, when I had perceived that the sum of all religion and piety consists in this, at once answered: You have proceeded excellently, Peter; wherefore for the rest now, as to one who knows what the foundations of faith and piety are, set forth without hesitation the traditions of the true prophet, whom alone it has been plainly proved that one must believe. But that exposition which needs assertions and arguments, keep for the unbelieving, to whom you have not yet judged fit to commit the undoubting faith of prophetic grace. And when I had said these things, you, I say, promised both: that you would hand on to me both this simple exposition, free from all error, and that which is unfolded through each of the several questions that will be raised, in due time. And after this you set forth in order, from the beginning of the world down to the present time, the sequence of things; and if it pleases you, I can go over the whole again from memory.

XXVI. Ad haec Petrus: Magnifice, inquit, delector, o Clemens, quod tam tuto cordi verba committam; memorem namque esse eorum quae dicuntur, indicium est in promptu habere operum fidem: cui vero malus daemon salutis verba furatur

XXVI. To this Peter: I am greatly delighted, he says, O Clement, that I commit words to so safe a heart; for to be mindful of the things which are said is a sign of having the faith of works ready at hand; but he from whom the evil demon steals the words of salvation

Editors' notes and page, col. 1221

Footnotes

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Gen. I.

Genesis I.

(printed under page 608)

(19) ‹anchor: ex umbra corporum factae fuerant› · call in col 1221 (call not visible in the foot image; column uncertain)

Tenebrae illae, quae ex umbra corporum factae fuerant. Consulendi veteres Hexaemeri interpretes, cum Caesario quaest. 61 et 114, Cedreno aliisque. Cedreni verba corrupta videntur : Τὸ γὰρ σκότος ἐκ τῆς τοῦ οὐρανοῦ ἐφαπλώσεως, καὶ τὰ ὑπὸ τούτου σκεπόμενα γέγονεν. Quid si legamus, κατά loco καί, hoc sensu : Tenebrae enim, coeli extensione super ea quae ab illo tegebantur exstiterunt ?

Tenebrae illae, quae ex umbra corporum factae fuerant ("That darkness, which had been made from the shadow of bodies"). The old interpreters of the Hexaemeron should be consulted, with Caesarius, questions 61 and 114, Cedrenus and others. The words of Cedrenus seem corrupt: "For the darkness came to be from the spreading out of the heaven, and the things covered by it." What if we read κατά in place of καί, in this sense: "For the darkness arose from the spreading of the heaven over the things that were covered by it"?

(printed under page 608)

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running head: 1221 RECOGNITIONUM L (the rest of the head lies over the facing column, outside these images)
marginal letters: A ‹ribus benedictione suscepta, clarissima luce ful-›; B ‹ex hoc non parum utilitatis acquiri. Verumtamen,› (set between that line and the next); C ‹illico respondi: Optime prosecutus es, Petre, pro-›; D ‹universa retexere.›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1222

et de memoria rapit, etiam si velit salvari non poterit; perdit enim viam, qua pervenitur ad vitam. Propter quod eo magis repetamus quae dicta sunt, et confirmemus ea in corde tuo; id est, quomodo vel a quo factus sit mundus, ut tendamus ad amicitiam Conditoris. Amicitia autem efficitur bene vivendo et voluntati ejus obediendo, quae voluntas omnium viventium lex est. Breviter ergo tibi haec eadem firmioris causa memoriae retexemus.

and snatches them from his memory, even if he wishes to be saved will not be able; for he loses the way by which one arrives at life. Wherefore let us all the more repeat the things which have been said, and confirm them in your heart; that is, how or by whom the world was made, that we may strive towards the friendship of the Creator. Now friendship is brought about by living well and by obeying His will, which will is the law of all the living. Briefly, therefore, we shall go over these same things again for you, for the sake of a firmer memory.

XXVII. In principio cum fecisset Deus coelum et terram, tanquam domum unam, ipsa quae ex corporibus mundi reddita est umbra, his quae intrinsecus clausa fuerant, tenebras ex se dedit. Sed cum voluntas Dei introduxisset lucem, tenebrae illae quae ex umbra corporum factae fuerant, continuo devoratae sunt; tunc deinde lux in diem, tenebrae deputantur in noctem. Jam vero aqua, quae erat intra mundum, in medio primi illius coeli terraeque spatio, quasi gelu concreta et crystallo solidata distenditur, et hujusmodi firmamento velut intercluduntur media coeli ac terrae spatia; idque firmamentum coelum Conditor appellavit, antiquioris illius vocabulo nuncupatum. Et ita totius mundi machinam, cum una domus esset, in duas dividit regiones. Divisionis autem haec fuit causa, ut superna regio angelis habitaculum, inferior vero praeberet hominibus. Post haec quod reliquum fuit in inferioribus aquarum, jussu voluntatis aeternae, locus maris et chaos effectum recepit, eisque ad demersa et concava defluentibus, arida quidem apparuit terra. Congregationes autem aquarum, effecta sunt maria. Et post haec terra, quae apparuerat, herbarum et virgultorum diversa genera produxit, fontes quoque et fluvios non solum in planis, sed et in montibus protulit; et sic cuncta praeparata sunt, ut hominibus qui habitarent in ea, esset facultas his omnibus pro arbitrio uti, id est sive ad bona velint, sive etiam ad mala.

XXVII. In the beginning, when God had made heaven and earth, as one house, the very shadow which was cast from the bodies of the world gave forth darkness from itself upon those things which had been shut up within. But when the will of God had brought in light, that darkness which had been made from the shadow of the bodies was straightway swallowed up; then thereafter the light is assigned to day, the darkness to night. And now the water which was within the world, in the middle space of that first heaven and earth, is stretched out as though congealed by frost and made solid as crystal, and by a firmament of this kind the middle spaces of heaven and earth are as it were shut off; and that firmament the Creator called heaven, named by the name of that older one. And thus He divides the fabric of the whole world, although it was one house, into two regions. Now the cause of the division was this, that the upper region might furnish a dwelling for angels, and the lower for men. After these things, what remained of the waters in the lower parts, at the command of the eternal will, the place of the sea and the chasm, when made, received; and as these flowed down to the sunken and hollow places, the dry land appeared. And the gatherings of the waters were made seas. And after these things the earth, which had appeared, brought forth divers kinds of herbs and shrubs, and produced also springs and rivers not only in the plains but also in the mountains; and so all things were prepared, that the men who should dwell in it might have the power to use all these according to their choice, that is, whether they should will them for good or also for evil.

XXVIII. Post haec stellis adornat coelum istud visibile. Solem quoque et lunam ponit in eo, ut alterius lumine dies, et nox uteretur alterius, simulque ut essent indicio rerum praeteritarum, praesentium et futurarum. Pro signis enim temporum facta sunt ac dierum, quae videntur quidem ab omnibus, intelliguntur autem ab eruditis et intelligentibus solis. Cumque post haec de terra et aquis produci jussisset animantia, paradisum fecit, quem et deliciarum locum nominavit. Post haec autem omnia hominem fecit, propter quem cuncta praeparaverat, cujus interna species est antiquior,

XXVIII. After these things He adorns this visible heaven with stars. He places in it also the sun and the moon, that the day might use the light of the one, and the night that of the other, and at the same time that they might serve as an indication of things past, present and to come. For they were made for signs of seasons and of days, which are indeed seen by all, but are understood by the learned and intelligent alone. And when after these things He had commanded living creatures to be brought forth from the earth and the waters, He made a paradise, which He also named a place of delights. But after all these things He made man, on whose account He had prepared all things, whose inner form is the more ancient,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1222

Footnotes

(20) ‹anchor: species est antiquior› · call in col 1222

Cujus interna species est antiquior. Codex Carmel. qui notis marginalibus in textum relatis (continues)

Cujus interna species est antiquior ("whose inner form is the more ancient"). The Carmel. codex, which, with marginal notes brought into the text, (continues)

(printed under page 608)

Page

running head: RECOGNITIONUM LIB. I. 1222
marginal letters: A ‹et de memoria rapit, etiam si velit salvari non po-›; B ‹nuo devoratae sunt; tunc deinde lux in diem, tene-› (set between that line and the one above); C ‹demersa et concava defluentibus, arida quidem ap-›; D ‹nibus, intelliguntur autem ab eruditis et intelligen-› (set between that line and the one above)
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1223

et ob cujus causam omnia quae sunt, facta sunt ministerio ejus concessa, et habitationis ejus usibus data.

and for whose sake all things that are were made, granted to his service and given to the uses of his habitation.

XXIX. Igitur consummatis omnibus quae in coelo et in terris sunt, atque in aquis, multiplicato etiam hominum genere, octava generatione homines justi qui angelorum vixerant vitam, illecti pulchritudine mulierum, ad promiscuos et illicitos concubitus declinaverunt, et inde jam indiscrete et contra ordinem cuncta agentes, statum rerum humanarum et divinitus traditum vitae ordinem permutarunt, ita ut omnes homines, vel persuasione, vel vi peccare in Creatorem suum cogerent Deum. Exin nona generatione nascuntur gigantes, illi qui a saeculo nominantur, non δρακοντόποδες, ut Graecorum fabulae ferunt, sed immensis corporibus editi, quorum adhuc ad indicium in nonnullis locis ossa immensae magnitudinis ostenduntur. Sed adversum hos justa Dei providentia diluvium mundo introduxit, ut orbis quidem terrarum ab eorum contagione dilueretur, omnis vero locus ab impiorum nece verteretur in pelagus. Unus tamen tunc inventus est justus, nomine Noe, qui in arca cum tribus filiis eorumque uxoribus liberatus, post aquarum

XXIX. All things therefore being completed which are in heaven and on earth and in the waters, and the race of men also being multiplied, in the eighth generation righteous men, who had lived the life of angels, being enticed by the beauty of women, turned aside to promiscuous and unlawful unions, and from then on, doing all things without distinction and against order, they changed the state of human affairs and the order of life divinely handed down, so that they compelled all men, either by persuasion or by force, to sin against God their Creator. Thereafter in the ninth generation the giants are born, those who are named from of old, not serpent-footed, as the fables of the Greeks relate, but brought forth with immense bodies, of whom bones of immense size are still shown in some places as evidence. But against these the just providence of God brought a flood upon the world, that the whole earth indeed might be washed clean of their contagion, and every place be turned into sea by the destruction of the impious. Yet one righteous man was then found, Noah by name, who, being delivered in the ark with his three sons and their wives, after the waters'

Editors' notes and page, col. 1223

Footnotes

(76) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1223 (call not visible in the foot image; column uncertain)

Gen. VI, 2.

Genesis VI, 2.

(printed under page 609)

(77) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1223 (call not visible in the foot image; column uncertain)

Gen. IX.

Genesis IX.

(printed under page 609)

(21) ‹anchor: angelorum vixerant vitam› · call in col 1223 (call not visible in the foot image; column uncertain)

Homines justi qui angelorum vixerant vitam. Διὸ καὶ ἄγγελοι Θεοῦ καὶ υἱοὶ Θεοῦ οἱ αὐτοὶ, ὡς ἀγγελοπρεπῆ εἴτε θεοπρεπῆ βίον βιοῦντες, ἐκαλοῦντο, ait Nicephorus philosophus, cap. 1 de hac quaestione, pagina ultima regii ms. 698. Contra in Testamentis duodecim filiorum Jacob, Latine exstantibus, sed Graece ineditis, testam. 1 : Οὕτως γὰρ ἔθελξαν (γυναῖκες) τοὺς ἐγρηγόρους πρὸ τοῦ κατακλυσμοῦ· κἀκεῖνοι συνεχῶς ὁρῶντες αὐτὰς, ἐγένοντο ἐν ἐπιθυμίᾳ ἀλλήλων, καὶ συνέλαβον τῇ διανοίᾳ τὴν πρᾶξιν, καὶ μετεσχηματίζοντο εἰς ἀνθρώπους· καὶ ἐν τῇ συνουσίᾳ τῶν ἀνδρῶν αὐτῶν, συνεφαίνοντο αὐταῖς· κἀκεῖναι ἐπιθυμοῦσαι τῇ διανοίᾳ τῆς φαντασίας αὐτῶν, ἔτεκον γίγαντας· ἐφαίνοντο γὰρ αὐτοῖς [f. αὐταῖς] οἱ ἐγρήγοροι ἕως τοῦ οὐρανοῦ φθάνοντες. Reliqua celebris controversiae, eaque plurima, dabunt Interpretes ad Genes. VI, 1, etc., qui locus ita conversus legitur, in Excerptis chronologicis ex Eusebio, Africano et aliis : Et factum est, cum homines multiplicarentur super terram, et filias procreassent; videntes autem angeli Dei filias hominum, quod essent pulchrae, acceperunt sibi uxores ex omnibus quas elegerunt. Et dixit Dominus Deus : Non permanebit spiritus meus in hominibus istis in aeternum, quia caro sunt : eruntque dies eorum annorum centum viginti. Gigantes autem erant super terram in diebus illis, et ultra. Cumque introissent angeli Dei ad filias hominum, illae quae genuerunt, illae fuerunt gigantes, a saeculo homines nominati. Sed rescribendum est illaeque genuerunt. Illi fuerunt gigantes.

Homines justi qui angelorum vixerant vitam ("Righteous men who had lived the life of angels"). "Wherefore the same were called both angels of God and sons of God, as living a life befitting angels or befitting God," says Nicephorus the philosopher, ch. 1 on this question, last page of the royal manuscript 698. On the other side, in the Testaments of the Twelve Sons of Jacob, extant in Latin but unpublished in Greek, testament 1: "For thus they (women) bewitched the Watchers before the flood; and those, continually seeing them, came to desire one another, and conceived the deed in their mind, and changed their shape into men; and in the intercourse of their husbands they appeared together with them; and the women, desiring in mind their appearances, bore giants; for the Watchers appeared to them [perhaps: to the women] as reaching up to heaven." The rest of the celebrated controversy, and it is very much, the commentators on Genesis VI, 1, etc., will supply; which passage is read thus translated in the Chronological Excerpts from Eusebius, Africanus and others: "And it came to pass, when men were multiplied upon the earth and had begotten daughters; and the angels of God, seeing the daughters of men, that they were fair, took to themselves wives of all whom they chose. And the Lord God said: My spirit shall not abide in these men for ever, because they are flesh: and their days shall be a hundred and twenty years. Now there were giants upon the earth in those days, and afterwards. And when the angels of God had gone in to the daughters of men, those women who bore, those were the giants, men named from of old." But it should be rewritten: illaeque genuerunt. Illi fuerunt gigantes ("and they bore. Those were the giants").

(printed under page 609)

(22) ‹anchor: Non δρακοντόποδες› · call in col 1223 (call not visible in the foot image; column uncertain)

Non δρακοντόποδες. Candel. Non dracontopedae. Latine anguipedes. Rectius noster, quam In Historia gigantum sacra profanis miscente : Οὓς καὶ δρακοντόποδάς τινες προσηγόρευσαν· ἢ ὡς τεθηριωμένους ταῖς γνώμαις, καὶ μηδὲν ἀγαθὸν λογιζομένους, ἢ ὥς τινες ἱστοροῦσιν, ὅτι πόλεμον ἔχοντες μετά τινων οἰκούντων ἐν ὑψηλοῖς, εἶτα χερσὶ καὶ ποσὶ καὶ κοιλίαις ὡς δράκοντες κατ' αὐτῶν, ὑφ' ὧν καὶ πολλοὶ πολλάκις ἄνωθεν ἀνῃροῦντο, βαλλόμενοι, δρακοντόποδες ἐκέκληντο. Verba sunt Georgii Cedreni : componenda cum his Macrobii Saturnaliorum lib. I, cap. 20 : Horum pedes in draconum volumina desinebant, quod significat nihil eos rectum, nihil superum cogitasse, totius vitae eorum gressu atque processu in inferna mergente; et cum istis Servii ad Aeneid. III : Varro dicit, in diluvio aliquos ad montes confugisse cum utensilibus : qui lacessiti postea bello ab his qui de aliis veniebant montibus, facile ex locis superioribus vicerunt. Unde fictum est, ut dii superiores dicerentur : inferiores vero terrigenae. Et quia de humilibus ad summa reptabant, dicti sunt pro pedibus habuisse serpentes.

Non δρακοντόποδες ("not dragon-footed"). Candel.: Non dracontopedae. In Latin, anguipedes ("snake-footed"). Our author is more correct than [Cedrenus], who in the History of the giants mixes sacred things with profane: "Whom some also named dragon-footed; either as men made bestial in their minds and reckoning nothing good, or, as some relate, because, being at war with certain men who dwelt on the heights, and then [going] against them on hands and feet and bellies like dragons, by whom also many were often slain from above, being struck, they had been called dragon-footed." The words are George Cedrenus's: to be set beside these of Macrobius, Saturnalia, book I, ch. 20: "Their feet ended in the coils of dragons, which signifies that they thought nothing upright, nothing lofty, the step and course of their whole life sinking towards the lower regions"; and with those of Servius on Aeneid III: "Varro says that in the flood some fled to the mountains with their implements; who, afterwards provoked to war by those who came from other mountains, easily conquered from their higher positions. Whence it was feigned that the higher ones were called gods, but the lower ones earth-born. And because they crept from the low places to the heights, they were said to have had serpents for feet."

(printed under page 609)

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running head: 1223 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. (the rest of the head lies over the facing column, outside these images)
marginal letters: A ‹et ob cujus causam omnia quae sunt, facta sunt›; B ‹Graecorum fabulae ferunt, sed immensis corporibus›; C ‹abundat, post est ostendit de anima, quoniam hic› (in the notes at the foot); D ‹stamentis duodecim filiorum Jacob, Latine exstan-› (in the notes at the foot)
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1224

decursus cum his animalibus quae secum clauserat, et seminibus, mundi habitator effectus est.

running off, together with those animals which he had shut in with himself, and with the seeds, became the inhabitant of the world.

XXX. Duodecima generatione, cum Deus benedixisset homines et multiplicari coepissent, acceperunt praeceptum, ne sanguinem degustarent; propter hoc enim etiam diluvium factum est. Tertia decima generatione cum ex tribus filiis Noe, unus qui erat medius, patri fecisset injuriam, posteritati suae ex maledicto conditionem servitutis induxit. Cujus interim senior frater habitationis sortem eam, quae est in medio terrae, suscepit, in qua est regio Judaeae; junior vero orientis plagam sortitus est, ipse autem occidentis accepit. Quarta decima vero generatione ex maledicta progenie quidam, propter artem magicam, primus aram statuit daemonibus, honorem sanguinis litans. Quinta decima generatione, primo omnium homines idolum statuentes adoraverunt, et usque ad illud tempus divinitus humano generi data Hebraeorum lingua tenuit monarchiam. Sexta decima generatione moverunt se ab oriente filii hominum, et venientes ad terras patrum suorum, unusquisque sortis suae locum, proprii vocabuli appellatione signavit. Septima decima generatione apud Babyloniam

XXX. In the twelfth generation, when God had blessed men and they had begun to be multiplied, they received a commandment that they should not taste blood; for on account of this also the flood was brought about. In the thirteenth generation, when of the three sons of Noah one, who was the middle one, had done a wrong to his father, he brought upon his posterity, from the curse, the condition of servitude. Meanwhile his elder brother received that lot of habitation which is in the middle of the earth, in which is the region of Judaea; the younger, however, obtained by lot the quarter of the east, while he himself received that of the west. But in the fourteenth generation a certain man of the accursed progeny, on account of the magic art, was the first to set up an altar to demons, offering the honour of blood. In the fifteenth generation, first of all, men set up an idol and adored it, and up to that time the language of the Hebrews, divinely given to the human race, held sole rule. In the sixteenth generation the sons of men moved from the east, and, coming to the lands of their fathers, each one marked the place of his own lot by the appellation of his own name. In the seventeenth generation at Babylonia

Editors' notes and page, col. 1224

Footnotes

(77) ‹anchor: multiplicari coepissent› · call in col 1224

Gen. IX.

Gen. 9.

(printed under page 609)

(23) ‹anchor: ne sanguinem degustarent› · call in col 1224

Ne sanguinem degustarent : propter hoc enim etiam diluvium factum est. Alcimus Avitus Poematum libro IV De diluvio mundi, vers. 23 : Sanguine potus erat, caesorum viscera passim / Indomitis laceras praebebant faucibus escas. / Insuper et quadrupes, propria qui morte necatur, / Saevior aut certe quem vincens bestia cepit, / Pastus erat, quem nulla fides, lex nulla vetabat.

Ne sanguinem degustarent : propter hoc enim etiam diluvium factum est ("That they should not taste blood: for on account of this also the flood was made"). Alcimus Avitus, Poems, book IV, On the Flood of the World, line 23: "Blood was their drink; the entrails of the slain everywhere / furnished torn food to their untamed jaws. / Moreover the four-footed beast that is killed by its own death, / or indeed that which a fiercer beast overcame and seized, / was their fare, which no faith, no law forbade."

(printed under page 609)

(24) ‹anchor: senior frater› · call in col 1224

Senior frater, etc. Contra Severus : Sed filiis Noe ita divisus orbis fuit, ut Sem intra Orientem, Japheth Occidentem, Cham mediis contineretur; astipulante Philastrio huic sententiae.

Senior frater ("the elder brother"), etc. Severus, on the contrary: "But the world was so divided among the sons of Noah that Shem was contained within the East, Japheth the West, Ham the middle parts"; Philastrius supporting this opinion.

(printed under page 609)

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running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1224
marginal letters: A ‹decursus cum his animalibus quae secum clauserat,›; B ‹tuit daemonibus, honorem sanguinis litans. Quinta›; C ‹caro sunt: eruntque dies eorum annorum centum vi-› (in the notes at the foot); D ‹cum utensilibus: qui lacessiti postea bello ab his qui› (in the notes at the foot)
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1225

Nemrod primus regnavit, urbemque construxit, et inde migravit ad Persas, eosque ignem colere docuit.

Nimrod was the first to reign, and he built a city, and from there he migrated to the Persians, and taught them to worship fire.

XXXI. Octava decima generatione muratae urbes factae sunt, et exercitus instituti armaque, et judices legesque sancitae, templa constructa, et principes gentium tanquam dii adorati sunt. Nona decima generatione posteri illius, qui post diluvium maledictus est, proprios terminos excedentes, quos in occidentalibus partibus sorte susceperant, eos qui medium terrae fuerant sortiti locum, in terras orientales expellunt et usque ad Persidem fugant, ipsique in expulsorum locis iniqua sorte succedunt. Vicesima generatione ob incesti crimen, primus morte propria filius ante patrem defunctus est.

XXXI. In the eighteenth generation walled cities were made, and armies and arms were instituted, and judges and laws were established, temples were built, and the princes of the nations were adored as gods. In the nineteenth generation the descendants of him who was cursed after the flood, going beyond their own boundaries, which they had received by lot in the western parts, drive out into the eastern lands those who had obtained by lot the middle place of the earth, and put them to flight as far as Persia, and themselves succeed by an unjust lot to the places of those driven out. In the twentieth generation, on account of the crime of incest, a son for the first time died by his own death before his father.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1225

Footnotes

(78) ‹anchor: ante patrem defunctus est› · call in col 1225

Gen. XI.

Gen. 11.

(printed under page 610)

(25) ‹anchor: urbemque construxit› · call in col 1225

Urbemque construxit. Puta Babylonem : cujus conditorem Nemrodum faciunt multi apud Orosium lib. II, cap. 6 ; item Severus, Sacrae historiae lib. I ; Augustinus, XVI De civitate Dei, 4 ; auctor Chronici Alexandrini, p. 84 ; Gregorius Turonensis, Isidorus Hispalensis, Cedrenus, alii. Atque ea de re accipio locum difficilem ac forte corruptum, supra in Testimoniis veterum ad Recognitiones relatum ex Chronico laudato : Οὗτος ὁ Νεβρὼδ μετοικήσας ἀπὸ Αἰγύπτου εἰς Ἀσσυρίους, καὶ οἰκήσας εἰς Νίνον πόλιν, ἣν ἔκτισεν Ἀσσοὺρ, καὶ κτίσας τὴν πόλιν, ἥτις ἦν Βαβυλῶνος, πρὸς τὸ ὄνομα τῆς πόλεως ἐκάλεσεν. Hoc est, nisi etiam nunc male interpretor : Hic Nebrodus, cum ex Aegypto ad Assyrios demigrasset, et in urbe Nino quam Assur condiderat habitavisset, atque civitatem aedificasset quae erat Babylonis, ad hoc civitati nomen dedit : πρὸς τό loco πρὸς τοῦτο. Ex nomine Babylonis regionis, fecit nomen Babylonis urbis. Propter τὸν Νεβρὼδ, opinor, quia in LXX γίγας dicitur, hyle seu materia a Manichaeis vocabatur ἡ Νεβρώδ. In Anathematismis Manichaicis infra edendis : Ἀναθεματίζω τὸν ληρώδη Μάνεντος μῦθον, ἐν ᾧ φησι μὴ ὅμοιον ἡμῖν διαπεπλάσθαι ὑπὸ τοῦ Θεοῦ τὸν πρῶτον ἄνθρωπον, τουτέστι τὸν Ἀδὰμ, ἀλλὰ ὑπὸ τοῦ Σακλᾶ τοῦ τῆς πορνείας ἄρχοντος, καὶ τῆς Νεβρὼδ, ἣν εἶναι τὴν ὕλην φησὶ, γενέσθαι τὸν Ἀδὰμ καὶ τὴν Εὔαν· καὶ τὸν μὲν θηριόμορφον κτισθῆναι, τὴν δὲ ἄψυχον, καὶ τὴν μὲν Εὔαν ὑπὸ τῆς ἀῤῥενικῆς λεγομένης παρθένου μεταλαβεῖν ζωῆς, τὸν Ἀδὰμ δὲ ὑπὸ τῆς Εὔας ἀπαλλαγῆναι τῆς θηριωδίας. Quo ex loco, quemadmodum et per Theodoritum Haeret. fabul. lib. I, cap. ult., mecum velim corrigas anathema Euchologii Goariani, pag. 886 : Ἀναθεματίζω καὶ ὅσαπερ Ἰτεύλης, καὶ Σκότος, καὶ ὁ καλούμενος Σακλακαΐτης Νεβρὼδ περὶ διαφόρων οὐρανῶν κατ' ἰδίαν μυθολογοῦσιν. Lego siquidem : Ὅσα περί τε ὕλης καὶ σκότους καὶ τοῦ καλουμένου Σακλᾶ καὶ τῆς Νεβρὼδ, περὶ διαφόρων, etc. Sed et τοῦ Νεβρὼδ Theodoriti mutandum videtur in τῆς Νεβρώδ. Totus Euchologii tractatulus, p. 885, 886, hunc ad modum a βιβλιογράφοις codicum Regiorum 1026, 1027, concinnatus fuit. Ἀνάθεμα Μάνεντι ἤτοι Μανιχαίῳ, τῷ καὶ Κουβρίκῳ, καὶ τοῖς δόγμασι, etc., προεῖπον παρ' αὐτοῦ, etc., βιβλίοις, ἃ καὶ ἐκάλεσεν οὕτως· etc., καὶ τὴν τῶν ἐπιστολῶν ὁμάδα, etc., τῶν γιγάντων πραγματείαν, etc. Ζαράδην καὶ Βοδδᾶν, et Βουδδᾶν, etc. Ἀδδᾶν τὸν καὶ Ἀδείμαντον, etc., ἀνοσίου καὶ βεβήλου, etc. Ζαρουᾶν, etc. Οὐαλεντῖνον, etc., ἢ φύσει τὰ κακά, etc., ὅσα περί τε ὕλης καὶ σκότους, καὶ τοῦ καλουμένου Σάκλα, καὶ τῆς Νεβρὼδ, καὶ περὶ διαφόρων οὐρανῶν, καὶ αἰώνων μυθολογοῦσιν, etc.

Urbemque construxit ("And built a city"). Namely Babylon: whose founder many make Nimrod, in Orosius, book II, ch. 6; likewise Severus, Sacred History, book I; Augustine, City of God XVI, 4; the author of the Alexandrian Chronicle, p. 84; Gregory of Tours, Isidore of Seville, Cedrenus, and others. And it is of this matter that I understand a difficult and perhaps corrupt passage, reported above in the Testimonies of the ancients on the Recognitions from the Chronicle just cited: "This Nebrod, having migrated from Egypt to the Assyrians, and having dwelt in the city Ninus, which Assur founded, and having founded the city which was of Babylon, named it after the name of the city." That is, unless I am even now interpreting badly: This Nebrod, when he had migrated from Egypt to the Assyrians, and had dwelt in the city Ninus which Assur had founded, and had built the city which belonged to Babylon, gave the city a name accordingly: πρὸς τό in place of πρὸς τοῦτο. From the name of the region of Babylon he made the name of the city of Babylon. On account of Nebrod (masculine), I suppose, because in the Septuagint he is called a giant, hyle or matter was called by the Manichaeans "the Nebrod" (feminine). In the Manichaean Anathemas to be published below: "I anathematize the silly fable of Manes, in which he says that the first man, that is Adam, was not fashioned by God like unto us, but that Adam and Eve came to be from Saklas, the ruler of fornication, and from Nebrod (feminine), whom he says to be matter; and that the one was created in the form of a beast, and the other without soul, and that Eve received a share of life from the so-called male virgin, while Adam was freed from his bestial nature by Eve." From which passage, as also by means of Theodoret, Compendium of Heretical Fables, book I, last chapter, I would have you correct with me the anathema of Goar's Euchologion, p. 886: "I anathematize also whatsoever Iteules, and Skotos, and the so-called Saklakaites Nebrod fable privately concerning the various heavens." For I read: "Whatsoever concerning both matter and darkness and the so-called Saklas and Nebrod (feminine), concerning the various," etc. But also the τοῦ Νεβρώδ of Theodoret seems to need changing into τῆς Νεβρώδ. The whole little treatise of the Euchologion, pp. 885, 886, was put together in this fashion by the copyists of the Royal manuscripts 1026, 1027. "Anathema to Manes, or Manichaeus, who is also Cubricus, and to the doctrines," etc., "I have said before, by him," etc., "books, which he also called thus:" etc., "and the collection of the epistles," etc., "the treatise of the giants," etc. "Zarades and Boddas," and "Bouddas," etc. "Addas, who is also Adeimantus," etc., "of the unholy and profane," etc. "Zarouas," etc. "Valentinus," etc., "or that evils are by nature," etc., "whatsoever they fable concerning both matter and darkness, and the so-called Saklas, and Nebrod (feminine), and concerning the various heavens and aeons," etc.

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(26) ‹anchor: ignem colere docuit› · call in col 1225

Et inde migravit ad Persas, eosque ignem colere docuit. Victor Massiliensis III in Genesim : Inque nefanda prior descendit crimina Nimroth, / Impietatis apex, Cham servo e semine natus, / Mole et mente gigas, Babylonia regna gubernans, / Persarum hic animos capiens, venator iniquus, / A veris Domini sacris traduxit ad ignem. Rufinum exscribit Isidorus in Chronico et in Originibus : item Ado ac monachus Altissiodorensis in Chronicis suis. Πυρολατρεία Persarum, et pueris notissima est.

Et inde migravit ad Persas, eosque ignem colere docuit ("And from there he migrated to the Persians, and taught them to worship fire"). Victor of Marseilles, book III on Genesis: "And Nimroth first descended into unspeakable crimes, / the summit of impiety, born of the seed of Ham the slave, / a giant in bulk and in mind, governing the Babylonian realms; / he, capturing the minds of the Persians, an unrighteous hunter, / led them over from the true rites of the Lord to fire." Isidore copies Rufinus in his Chronicle and in the Origins; likewise Ado and the monk of Auxerre in their Chronicles. The fire-worship of the Persians is very well known even to boys.

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Editors' prose

(none)

Page

running head: 1225 RECOGNITIONUM LI⟨ ⟩ (right part of the head lies beyond this column's image)
marginal letters: A ‹loniam Nemrod primus›; B ‹trem defunctus est›; C (in the notes at the foot); D (in the notes at the foot)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column opens with "loniam", the tail of a word split at the column break (Babyloniam); the word is set whole at the end of col. 1224 and the tail is not restored here, so this column begins at "Nemrod". Text occupies only the top of the column; the rest is Cotelier's notes: (25) and (26) are set above; (27)-(30), also called in this column, are set in n1226; (31) belongs to col. 1226. Foot reference 78 (Gen. XI) is set above; 79 is called in col. 1226. Signature "PATROL. GR. I." not set.

PG 1:1226

XXXII. Vicesima prima generatione exstitit vir quidam sapiens, ex genere eorum qui fuerunt expulsi, ex semine primogeniti filiorum Noe, nomine Abraham, a quo nostrum Hebraeorum ducitur genus. Hic cum universus iterum mundus diversis erroribus esset oppressus, et pro immanitate scelerum maturum ei pararetur excidium non jam per aquam, sed per ignem, cumque jam plaga initio a Sodomis sumpto immineret et universo orbi terrarum; pro amicitiis, quibus erat ei familiaritas cum Deo cui bene placuerat, universum mundum ne pariter periret eripuit. Ab initio tamen caeteris omnibus errantibus, ipse cum arte esset astrologus, ex ratione et ordine stellarum agnoscere potuit Conditorem, ejusque providentia intellexit cuncta moderari. Unde et angelus assistens ei per visionem,

XXXII. In the twenty-first generation there arose a certain wise man, of the race of those who had been driven out, of the seed of the firstborn of the sons of Noah, Abraham by name, from whom our race of the Hebrews is derived. When the whole world was again weighed down by various errors, and for the enormity of its crimes a speedy destruction was being prepared for it, no longer by water but by fire, and when the stroke, having taken its beginning from Sodom, was already hanging over the whole circle of the earth as well, he, by reason of the friendship through which he had intimacy with God, Whom he had well pleased, rescued the whole world from perishing together. Yet from the beginning, while all the rest were in error, he himself, being by his art an astrologer, was able from the reckoning and order of the stars to recognize the Creator, and understood that all things are governed by His providence. Whence also an angel, standing by him in a vision,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1226

Footnotes

(27) ‹anchor: Exercitus instituti, armaque› · call in col 1226 (call not visible in the foot image; column uncertain)

Exercitus instituti, armaque. Videantur Severus, lib. I, p. 27, edit. Lugduno-Batavae; Orosius, lib. I, cap. 4; Augustinus, IV De civit. Dei, 6; Isidorus Hispalensis in Chronico; Georgius Cedrenus, edit. Basil., p. 21, cum aliis. Qui omnes non multum dissident sententiis.

Exercitus instituti, armaque ("Armies were instituted, and arms"). See Severus, book I, p. 27 of the Leiden edition; Orosius, book I, ch. 4; Augustine, City of God IV, 6; Isidore of Seville in the Chronicle; George Cedrenus, Basel edition, p. 21, with others. All of whom do not differ much in their opinions.

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(28) ‹anchor: tanquam dii adorati sunt› · call in col 1226 (call not visible in the foot image; column uncertain)

Templa constructa, et principes gentium tanquam dii adorati sunt. Rufini verba in Chronica sua retulerunt Beda et Isidorus. In re autem ipsa, non magna est inter auctores controversia.

Templa constructa, et principes gentium tanquam dii adorati sunt ("Temples were built, and the princes of the nations were adored as gods"). Bede and Isidore carried Rufinus's words into their Chronicles. On the matter itself, however, there is no great controversy among the authors.

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(29) ‹anchor: post diluvium maledictus est› · call in col 1226 (call not visible in the foot image; column uncertain)

Posteri illius qui post diluvium maledictus est. Hanc veterem traditionem firmant Eusebius, Epiphanius, Augustinus, Cassianus.

Posteri illius qui post diluvium maledictus est ("The descendants of him who was cursed after the flood"). Eusebius, Epiphanius, Augustine, Cassian confirm this old tradition.

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(30) ‹anchor: defunctus est› · call in col 1226 (call not visible in the foot image; column uncertain)

Vicesima generatione... defunctus est. Vicesima generatione Aran ante patrem, primus, vel secundus a Lamecho, vel tertius post Lamechum et Phalegum, aut Lamechum et Arphaxadum, vel quintus si illis annumerentur Abel ex Scriptura, et filius Nemrodi ex Victore seu Victorino Massiliensi lib. III in Genesim, mortem aut naturalem oppetiit ob patris idololatriam, aut violentam, combustus vel a Chaldaeis, pietatis ergo, quod ignem nollet adorare, vel ab Abrahamo fratre nolente, propter impietatem, cum idola patris ex igne quem Abrahamus accenderat vellet eripere. Genes. XI, 29. Hebraei, Epiphanius, lib. I, tom. I, p. 8, Hieronymus in Traditionibus Hebraicis et in Locis Hebraicis, Eustathius in Hexaemeron, Procopius Gazaeus ad Gen. cap. 11, Nicephorus CP. in Chronographia, Georgius Syncellus, Georgius Cedrenus, cum aliis; necnon auctor orationis, Τίνι ὁμοιοῦται ὁ ἀνθρώπινος βίος, quam Fredericus Morellus e codice Reg. 1010, typis mandavit tanquam Theophili Alexandrini, cum sit Christophori Alexandrini, quemadmodum edoctus sum ex Leonis Allatii notis ad Eustathium. De incesto, nihil memini me legere.

Vicesima generatione... defunctus est ("In the twentieth generation … died"). In the twentieth generation Aran, before his father, the first, or the second from Lamech, or the third after Lamech and Phaleg, or Lamech and Arphaxad, or the fifth if there be counted with them Abel from Scripture and the son of Nemrod from Victor or Victorinus of Marseilles, book III on Genesis, met a death either natural, on account of his father's idolatry, or violent, being burned either by the Chaldeans, for piety's sake, because he would not adore fire, or by his brother Abraham, unintentionally, on account of impiety, when he wished to snatch his father's idols from the fire that Abraham had kindled. Genesis XI, 29. The Hebrews, Epiphanius, book I, vol. I, p. 8, Jerome in the Hebrew Traditions and in the Hebrew Places, Eustathius on the Hexaemeron, Procopius of Gaza on Genesis ch. 11, Nicephorus of Constantinople in the Chronography, George Syncellus, George Cedrenus, with others; and also the author of the oration "To what is human life likened," which Frédéric Morel, from the Royal codex 1010, put into print as Theophilus of Alexandria's, whereas it is Christopher of Alexandria's, as I have learned from Leo Allatius's notes on Eustathius. Of the incest, I do not remember having read anything.

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(31) ‹anchor: arte esset astrologus› · call in col 1226 (call not visible in the foot image; column uncertain)

Cum arte esset astrologus. Consentanea Berosus, Eupolemus, Artapanus, Philo, Josephus, Eusebius, Eustathius, Caesarius, Ambrosius et alii plerique.

Cum arte esset astrologus ("Since he was by art an astrologer"). Berosus, Eupolemus, Artapanus, Philo, Josephus, Eusebius, Eustathius, Caesarius, Ambrose and most others say things in agreement.

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Page

running head: RECOGNITIONUM LIB. I. 1226
marginal letters: A ‹XXXII. Vicesima prima generatione›; B ‹derari. Unde et angelus›; C (in the notes at the foot); D (in the notes at the foot)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column ends mid-sentence at "per visionem,". Text occupies only the top of the column; the rest is Cotelier's notes (26)-(31) under the full-width heading COTELERII NOTAE, not set; foot-reference call 79 after "angelus" not set; signature numeral 39 not set.

PG 1:1227

plenius eum de his quae sentire coepit, edocuit. Sed et quid generi ejus ac posteritati deberetur, ostendit, et non tam eis danda haec loca, quam reddenda promisit.

instructed him more fully concerning those things which he had begun to perceive. And he also showed what was owed to his race and posterity, and promised that these places were not so much to be given to them as to be given back.

XXXIII. Igitur Abraham cum rerum causas desideraret agnoscere, idque secum intenta mente pervolveret, apparuit ei verus Propheta, qui solus hominum corda et propositum novit, et omnia ei quae desiderabat aperuit, Divinitatis scientiam docuit, mundi originem finemque pariter indicavit, animae immortalitatem ac vivendi instituta quibus Deo placeretur, ostendit, resurrecturos quoque mortuos, ac judicium futurum, bonorum remunerationem, malorum poenas, justo cuncta moderando judicio declaravit, omnibusque rite ac sufficienter edoctis ad sedes rursus invisibiles secessit. Verum cum adhuc Abraham in ignorantia versaretur, sicut tibi et antea jam diximus, nati sunt ei filii duo, quorum unus Ismael, alius Heliesdros appellati sunt. Ex alio barbarae gentes, ex alio Persarum populi descendunt. E quibus nonnulli Brachmanorum vitam et vicina instituta sectati sunt, alii apud Arabiam consederunt, ex quorum posteris nonnulli etiam in Aegyptum dispersi sunt. Inde denique et Indorum quidam et Aegyptiorum circumcidi didicere ac purioris observantiae esse quam caeteri, licet processu temporis quamplurimi eorum ad impietatem verterent argumentum et indicium castitatis.

XXXIII. Therefore, when Abraham was desiring to know the causes of things, and was turning this over with himself with intent mind, the true Prophet appeared to him, Who alone knows the hearts and purpose of men, and opened to him all the things that he desired; He taught him the knowledge of the Divinity, indicated alike the origin and the end of the world, showed him the immortality of the soul and the rules of living by which God might be pleased, declared also that the dead would rise again, and the judgement to come, the recompense of the good, the punishments of the wicked, all things being regulated by a just judgement; and when He had duly and sufficiently taught him all things, He withdrew again to the invisible abodes. But while Abraham was still living in ignorance, as we have already told you before, two sons were born to him, of whom one was called Ishmael, the other Heliesdros. From the one the barbarian nations descend, from the other the peoples of the Persians. Some of these followed the life of the Brahmans and the neighbouring customs, others settled in Arabia, and of their descendants some were also scattered into Egypt. Hence, finally, certain of the Indians and of the Egyptians also learned to be circumcised and to be of a purer observance than the rest, although in the course of time very many of them turned the proof and token of chastity to impiety.

XXX.V. Verumtamen cum hos duos filios tempore, quo adhuc in ignorantia rerum vixerat, suscepisset, Dei agnitione percepta petit ab eo, quia erat justus, ut ex Sara quae ei erat conjux legitima, cum esset sterilis, habere progeniem mereretur; et accepit, quem et Isaac nominavit, ex quo natus est Jacob, de Jacob autem duodecim patriarchae, et ex ipsis duodecim septuaginta duo. Hi fame exorta in Aegyptum veniunt cum omni domo sua, et intra annos quadringentos benedictione et promissione Dei multiplicati, affligebantur ab Aegyptiis. Cumque affligerentur, apparuit verus Propheta Moysi, et Aegyptios quidem resistentes, ne Hebraeorum populus exiret ab eis et rediret ad

XXXIV. Nevertheless, although he had received these two sons at the time when he was still living in ignorance of things, having attained the knowledge of God he asks of Him, because he was just, that he might be found worthy to have offspring from Sarah, who was his lawful wife, though she was barren; and he received one, whom he also named Isaac, from whom Jacob was born, and from Jacob the twelve patriarchs, and from those twelve, seventy-two. These, when famine arose, come into Egypt with all their household, and within four hundred years, being multiplied by the blessing and promise of God, they were afflicted by the Egyptians. And when they were being afflicted, the true Prophet appeared to Moses, and the Egyptians indeed, who resisted lest the people of the Hebrews should go out from them and return to

Editors' notes and page, col. 1227

Footnotes

(80) ‹anchor: Propheta Moysi› · call in col 1227

Exod. III.

Exodus III.

(printed under page 611)

(32) ‹anchor: Heliesdros› · call in col 1227 (call not visible in the foot image)

Heliesdros. Exemplar Candelerianum, Eliesdros. Carmeliticum, Helimesdros. Petiti, Helihesdrus. Puto esse idem nomen ac Ἐλιέζερος, Eliezerus, Damascus Eliezer, Genes. XV, 2, per quem locum evertitur fabula haec, a pseudo-Clemente ex apocrypho vetustiori, ut videtur, desumpta. Lege lib. II, cap. 1; Clementina homil. 2, n. 1, et Epitomes cap. 20.

Heliesdros. The Candeler. copy, Eliesdros. The Carmelite, Helimesdros. Petit's, Helihesdrus. I think it is the same name as Ἐλιέζερος, Eliezer, "Eliezer of Damascus", Genesis XV, 2, by which passage this fable is overthrown, taken by pseudo-Clement, as it seems, from an older apocryphon. Read book II, ch. 1; Clementine homily 2, no. 1, and ch. 20 of the Epitome.

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(33) ‹anchor: septuaginta duo› · call in col 1227

Septuaginta duo. Numerus iste non constat. Constaret 62, quia 62, cum duodecim patriarchis et Jacobo, faciunt 75, quot ponuntur a LXX. Genes. XLVI, 27, et Exod. I, 5, indeque Act. VII, 14.

Septuaginta duo ("seventy-two"). This number does not hold. 62 would hold, because 62, with the twelve patriarchs and Jacob, make 75, as many as are set down by the Septuagint, Genesis XLVI, 27, and Exodus I, 5, and thence Acts VII, 14.

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(34) ‹anchor: annos quadringentos› · call in col 1227

Intra annos quadringentos. Geneseos XV, 13, ubi consulendi interpretes.

Intra annos quadringentos ("within four hundred years"). Genesis XV, 13, where the commentators should be consulted.

(printed under page 611)

Page

running head: 1227 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. (right part of the head lies beyond this column's image)
marginal letters: A ‹plenius eum de his quae›; B ‹edoctis ad sedes rursus›; C ‹XXX.V. Verumtamen cum hos›; D (in the notes at the foot)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column opens and ends mid-sentence ("plenius eum" ... "et rediret ad"). The name is printed "Heliesdros" in the text (Cotelier's note 32 lemma reads "Heliesaros"/"Heliesdros", not set). Foot-reference call 80 after "Moysi" not set; foot references 80, 81 (Exod., I Cor.) not set; Cotelier's notes (32)-(35) at the foot not set.

PG 1:1228

patriam terram, decem plagis coelestibus affecit, populum vero Dei eduxit ex Aegypto. Sed qui superfuerant ex Aegyptiis, conspirati cum animositate regis sui, insecuti sunt Hebraeos; quos cum reperissent super littus maris, et interimere omnes ac delere cogitarent, Moyses oratione ad Deum fusa mare in duas partes divisit, ita ut aqua dextera laevaque quasi gelu concreta teneretur, et populus quidem Dei transiret velut iter aridum, insequentes vero eos Aegyptii temere ingressi necarentur. Ubi enim ultimus ex Hebraeorum populo ascendit, Aegyptiorum quoque ultimus descendit in mare, et continuo aquae maris quae ut gelu constrictae tenebantur, praecepto ejus qui constrinxerat relaxatae, poenas de impiorum populo recepta naturae suae libertate sumpserunt.

their native land, He struck with ten heavenly plagues, but the people of God He led out of Egypt. But those of the Egyptians who had survived, conspiring with the fury of their king, pursued the Hebrews; and when they had found them on the shore of the sea, and were intending to slay and destroy them all, Moses, having poured out prayer to God, divided the sea into two parts, so that the water on the right hand and on the left was held as though congealed by frost, and the people of God passed over as by a dry road, while the Egyptians pursuing them, having rashly entered, were slain. For when the last of the people of the Hebrews went up, the last also of the Egyptians went down into the sea, and immediately the waters of the sea, which were being held bound as by frost, being loosed at the command of Him Who had bound them, and having recovered the freedom of their own nature, exacted punishment from the people of the impious.

XXXV. Post haec Moyses, Dei omnia providentis praecepto Hebraeorum populum eduxit in desertum, et iter brevissimum, quod fert de Aegypto ad Judaeam, relinquens, per longos eremi plebem duxit anfractus, ut quadraginta annorum exercitiis mala quae eis ex Aegyptiorum moribus usu longi temporis inoleverant, innovatione mutatae consuetudinis aboleret. Interea venitur ad montem Sina, et inde lex eis, vocibus et visionibus coelestibus traditur decem conscripta praeceptis; quorum primum et maximum fuit, ut ipsum solum colerent Deum, nec ullam sibi aliam speciem vel formam statuerent ad colendum. Sed cum Moyses ascendisset ad montem, ibique diebus quadraginta moraretur, populus qui decem plagis percussam viderat Aegyptum, et disruptum mare ac pedibus digressum, manna quoque sibi pro pane coelitus datum et ex sequenti petra poculum ministratum (quae species cibi per virtutem Dei, in quem quisque desiderasset, verteretur saporem), cumque sub plaga coeli ardentiore positi essent, ne aestibus coquerentur, nube obumbrabantur in die, nocte vero columna ignis illuminabantur, ne ad eremi vastitatem horror quoque accederet tenebrarum: cum, inquam, moraretur Moyses, ipsi secundum speciem Apidis, quem coli in Aegypto viderant, aureum caput vituli facientes adoraverunt, et

XXXV. After these things Moses, by the command of God Who provides for all things, led the people of the Hebrews out into the desert, and, leaving the shortest road, which leads from Egypt to Judaea, he led the people through the long windings of the wilderness, so that by the discipline of forty years he might abolish, through the renewal of a changed habit, the evils which had grown into them from the customs of the Egyptians by the usage of a long time. Meanwhile they come to Mount Sinai, and from there the law is delivered to them with heavenly voices and visions, written in ten commandments; of which the first and greatest was that they should worship God Himself alone, and should not set up for themselves any other likeness or form to worship. But when Moses had gone up the mountain and was staying there forty days, the people, who had seen Egypt struck with ten plagues, and the sea broken apart and crossed on foot, manna also given to them from heaven for bread and drink supplied from the rock that followed them (which kind of food, by the power of God, was turned into whatever flavour each one had desired), and, since they were placed under a more burning region of the sky, lest they should be scorched by the heats, were overshadowed by a cloud in the day, and by night were illumined by a pillar of fire, lest the horror of darkness also should be added to the desolation of the wilderness: when, I say, Moses was staying, they themselves, making a golden head of a calf after the likeness of Apis, whom they had seen worshipped in Egypt, adored it, and

Editors' notes and page, col. 1228

Footnotes

(81) ‹anchor: poculum ministratum› · call in col 1228

I Cor. X.

1 Corinthians X.

(printed under page 611)

(35) ‹anchor: Per longos eremi› · call in col 1228 (call not visible in the foot image; column uncertain)

Per longos eremi, etc. Ita lego in sermone S. Galli confessoris, cap. 5 : Omnes igitur sequentes vestigia commeantium, extremo suorum barathrum ingresso (non ingressi), novissimoque plebis Dei ad naturale littus transgresso, ita sunt montibus aquarum involuti, ut nullus remaneret qui factum domi residentibus referre potuisset. Et cap. 6 : Sic eos per desertum quadraginta annos ad terram promissionis circumduxit, donec desuescerent idololatriam de qua erant educti, et quam ubicunque venirent erant inventuri.

Per longos eremi ("through the long [windings] of the desert"), etc. So I read in the sermon of St. Gall the confessor, ch. 5: "All of them, therefore, following the tracks of those passing through, when the last of their own had entered the gulf (ingresso, not ingressi), and the hindmost of God's people had crossed to the natural shore, were so enwrapped in mountains of waters that none remained who could have reported the event to those staying at home." And ch. 6: "Thus he led them about through the desert forty years towards the land of promise, until they should unlearn the idolatry out of which they had been led, and which they were going to find wherever they came."

(printed under page 611)

(36) ‹anchor: species cibi› · call in col 1228

Quae species cibi, etc. Respicit ad locum libri Sapientiae, cap. XVI, vers. 20, 21.

Quae species cibi ("which kind of food"), etc. He has in view the passage of the book of Wisdom, ch. XVI, verses 20, 21.

(printed under page 611)

(37) ‹anchor: facientes adoraverunt› · call in col 1228

Ipsi secundum speciem Apidis... adoraverunt. Scribit tamen hunc in modum Joannes Damascenus, III, contra Iconomachos : Οὐ γὰρ ἐποίησαν Διὸς εἴδωλον, ἢ τοῦδε, ἢ τοῦδε, ἀλλ' ὡς ἔτυχεν ἔδωκαν τὸν χρυσὸν ἐπὶ τὸ ποιῆσαι εἴδωλον ὅπερ ἂν τύχῃ, καὶ (continues)

Ipsi secundum speciem Apidis... adoraverunt ("They themselves, after the likeness of Apis … adored"). Yet John of Damascus writes in this manner, book III Against the Iconoclasts: "For they did not make an idol of Zeus, or of this one or that one, but gave the gold at random to make whatever idol it might chance to be, and (continues)

(printed under page 611)

Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1228
marginal letters: A ‹patriam terram, decem plagis›; B ‹turae suae libertate sumpserunt›; C ‹ascendisset ad montem, ibique›; D (in the notes at the foot)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column opens and ends mid-sentence ("patriam terram" ... "adoraverunt, et"). "inquam" is printed with a damaged final letter. Foot-reference call 81 after "ministratum" not set; Cotelier's notes (35 continued)-(37) at the foot, with Greek, not set.

PG 1:1229

post tot ac tanta quae viderant mirabilia, veteris consuetudinis sordes elimare a se atque abstergere nequiverunt. Et ob hoc brevis spatii iter quod ex Aegypto ducit ad Judaeam relinquens, immenso eremi ambitu egit eos Moyses, si forte possit, ut superius memoravimus, vetustae consuetudinis mala novellae institutionis permutatione discutere.

after so many and such great wonders as they had seen, they were unable to scour off from themselves and wipe away the filth of their old habit. And on this account, leaving the road of short distance which leads from Egypt to Judaea, Moses drove them by an immense circuit of the wilderness, if perhaps he might be able, as we have mentioned above, to shake off the evils of the old habit by the exchange of a new institution.

XXXVI. Cum interim fidelis et prudens dispensator Moyses pervidens, populo ex Aegyptiorum consortio altius inolevisse vitium idolis immolandi, nec posse de eis radicem mali hujus excidi, immolare quidem eis concessit, sed Deo soli hoc fieri permisit, ut mediam quodammodo partem vitii altius inoliti resecaret; aliam vero mediam, per alium et ad aliud tempus reservaret emendandam, per illum scilicet, de quo ipse dixit: Prophetam vobis suscitabit Dominus Deus vester sicut me, ipsum audite secundum omnia quae dixerit vobis. Quicunque enim non audierit prophetam illum, exterminabitur anima ejus de populo suo.

XXXVI. Meanwhile Moses, a faithful and prudent steward, seeing clearly that the vice of sacrificing to idols had grown deep into the people from their association with the Egyptians, and that the root of this evil could not be cut out of them, did indeed allow them to sacrifice, but permitted this to be done to God alone, so that he might cut away, as it were, one half of the deeply ingrown vice; but the other half he would reserve to be corrected by another and at another time, namely by Him of whom he himself said: The Lord your God will raise up for you a Prophet like me; hear Him according to all things that He shall say to you. For whoever shall not hear that prophet, his soul shall be cut off from his people.

XXXVII. Ad haec autem etiam locum statuit, in quo solo liceret eis immolare Deo. Hoc autem totum eo prospectu gerebatur, ut cum tempus opportunum venisset et didicissent per prophetam, quia Deus misericordiam vult et non sacrificium, viderent eum qui eos doceret locum Dei electum esse sapientiam ejus, in quo conveniret offerri hostias Deo, hunc autem locum, qui ad tempus videbatur electus, incursionibus hostium et excidiis saepe vexatum, et ad ultimum quoque audirent penitus excidendum. In cujus rei fidem etiam ante adventum veri prophetae, qui esset hostias cum loco pariter repudiaturus, saepe ab hostibus populatus est et igne incensus; atque in captivitatem populus abductus in exteras nationes, et exinde cum ad misericordiam Dei confugeret revocatus est, ut per haec doceretur, quia sacrificia offerens expellitur et in manus hostium traditur, misericordiam vero faciens et justitiam, sine sacrificiis de captivitate liberatur et in terram patriam restituitur. Sed hoc intelligere paucos admodum accidit. Plures enim etiamsi sentire haec et advertere poterant, vulgi tamen irrationali opinione tenebantur. Paucorum namque est recta cum libertate sententia.

XXXVII. In addition to these things, moreover, he also appointed a place in which alone it should be lawful for them to sacrifice to God. Now all this was being done with this prospect, that when the fitting time had come and they had learned through the prophet that God desires mercy and not sacrifice, they might see Him Who would teach them that the chosen place of God, in which it was fitting that victims be offered to God, is His wisdom; and that they might hear that this place, on the other hand, which seemed for a time to be chosen, often harassed by the incursions of enemies and by destructions, was at the last also to be utterly destroyed. In confirmation of which thing, even before the coming of the true prophet, who was to reject the sacrifices together with the place, it was often laid waste by enemies and burned with fire; and the people were carried off into captivity among foreign nations, and were called back from there when they fled for refuge to the mercy of God, so that by these things they might be taught that one who offers sacrifices is driven out and delivered into the hands of enemies, but one who does mercy and justice is, without sacrifices, freed from captivity and restored to his native land. But it befell very few to understand this. For the majority, even if they were able to perceive and notice these things, were nevertheless held by the irrational opinion of the crowd. For a right judgement with freedom belongs to few.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1229

Footnotes

(82) ‹anchor: de populo suo› · call in col 1229

Deut. XVIII, 15; Act. III, 22, 23.

Deuteronomy 18:15; Acts 3:22, 23.

(printed under page 612)

(83) ‹anchor: immolare Deo› · call in col 1229

Deut. XII, 11; II Paral. VII, 12.

Deuteronomy 12:11; 2 Chronicles (2 Paralipomenon) 7:12.

(printed under page 612)

(84) ‹anchor: et non sacrificium› · call in col 1229

Matth. IX, 13; XII, 7.

Matthew 9:13; 12:7.

(printed under page 612)

(85) ‹anchor: penitus excidendum› · call in col 1229

Matth. XXIV, 2; Luc. XIX, 44.

Matthew 24:2; Luke 19:44.

(printed under page 612)

(38) ‹anchor: Prophetam vobis suscitabit› · call in col 1229 (call not visible in the foot image)

Prophetam vobis suscitabit, etc. Recte membranae Regiae et P. Petiti, quas prae oculis habeo : Deus vester sicut me : ipsum audite secundum omnia, etc. In Chronico Raderiano seu Alexandrino, p. 180 : Προφήτην ὑμῖν ἀναστήσει Κύριος ὁ Θεὸς ἐκ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ὡς ἐμέ. Αὐτοῦ ἀκούσεσθε κατὰ πάντα, ὅσα ἂν εἴπῃ πρὸς ὑμᾶς. Ἔσται δὲ, πᾶσα ψυχὴ, ἥτις οὐκ ἀκούει τοῦ προφήτου ἐκείνου, ἐξολοθρευθήσεται ἐκ τοῦ λαοῦ αὐτῆς. Versiones etiam Syriaca et Arabica agnoscunt, de populo suo.

Prophetam vobis suscitabit ("He will raise up for you a prophet"), etc. Rightly the Royal parchments and those of P. Petit, which I have before my eyes: Deus vester sicut me : ipsum audite secundum omnia ("your God, like me: hear Him in all things"), etc. In Rader's or the Alexandrian Chronicle, p. 180: "The Lord God will raise up for you a prophet from among the brethren, like me. Him you shall hear in all things, whatsoever He shall say to you. And it shall be that every soul that does not hear that prophet shall be utterly destroyed from its people." The Syriac and Arabic versions also recognize de populo suo ("from its people").

(printed under page 612)

Page

running head: 1229 RECOGNITIONUM LI⟨ ⟩ (right part of the head lies beyond this column's image)
marginal letters: A ‹post tot ac tanta quae›; B ‹et ad aliud tempus reservaret›; C ‹batur electus, incursionibus hostium›; D ‹bantur. Paucorum namque est›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column opens mid-sentence ("post tot ac tanta"). The scripture quotation in XXXVI is printed in italics. The foot references 82–85 and Cotelier's note (38), with its Greek, are set above; their calls in the text (after "populo suo", "immolare Deo", "sacrificium", "excidendum", and "(38)" after "suscitabit") are not set in the source line, and the references are not added to the English. The first lines of the notes at the foot continue Cotelier's note (37) from the preceding column (pointer only, not set here). Foot references 86–88 and Cotelier's note (39) on this page are called in col 1230.

PG 1:1230

XXXVIII. Igitur Moyses, his administratis, Ausen quemdam nomine praeponens populo, qui eos revocaret ad patriam terram, ipse ad montem quemdam praecepto Dei viventis ascendens, illic defunctus est; cujus tamen talis fuit mors, ut usque in hodiernum diem sepulturam ejus nullus invenerit. Ut ergo populus patrium contigit solum, per providentiam Dei primo statim ingressu iniquarum gentium habitatores fugantur, et ipsi haereditatem paternam judice sorte suscipiunt. Tum deinde per aliquantum temporis judicibus, non regibus gubernati, statu tranquilliore durarunt. Ubi vero tyrannos sibi magis quaesivere quam reges, tunc etiam in loco, qui eis orationis causa fuerat praedestinatus, templum pro ambitione regia construxere, et sic per ordinem regibus impiis sibi invicem succedentibus, ad majores impietates etiam populus declinavit.

XXXVIII. Therefore Moses, when these things had been administered, setting over the people a certain man named Auses, who should bring them back to their native land, himself went up a certain mountain at the command of the living God and died there; yet his death was such that to this very day no one has found his burial place. When, therefore, the people reached their fathers' soil, by the providence of God at the very first entrance the inhabitants, of wicked nations, are put to flight, and they themselves receive their paternal inheritance with the lot as judge. Then afterwards for some length of time, governed by judges, not by kings, they continued in a more tranquil condition. But when they sought for themselves tyrants rather than kings, then also in the place which had been predestined for them for the sake of prayer they built a temple out of royal ambition, and so, as impious kings succeeded one another in order, the people also declined to greater impieties.

XXXIX. Ut autem tempus adesse coepit, quo id quod deesse Moysis institutis diximus impleretur, et propheta quem praecinuerat appareret, qui eos primo per misericordiam Dei moneret cessare a sacrificiis, et ne forte putarent cessantibus hostiis remissionem sibi non fieri peccatorum, baptisma eis per aquam statuit, in quo ab omnibus peccatis invocato ejus nomine solverentur, et de reliquo perfectam vitam sequentes in immortalitate durarent, non pecudum sanguine sed sapientiae Dei purificatione purgati. Denique etiam hoc ponitur evidens magni mysterii hujus indicium, ut omnis qui credens prophetae huic, qui a Moyse praedictus est, baptizatur in nomine ipsius, ab excidio belli quod incredulae genti imminet ac loco ipsi, servetur illaesus, non credentes vero extorres loco et regno fiant, ut vel inviti intelligant et obediant voluntati Dei.

XXXIX. But when the time began to be at hand in which that which we have said was lacking in the institutions of Moses should be fulfilled, and the prophet whom he had foretold should appear, who would first admonish them by the mercy of God to cease from sacrifices, then, lest perhaps they should think that with the victims ceasing there was no remission of sins for them, He instituted for them baptism by water, in which they might be loosed from all sins by the invocation of His name, and for the future, following a perfect life, might endure in immortality, cleansed not by the blood of beasts but by the purification of the wisdom of God. Finally, this too is set down as an evident token of this great mystery, that everyone who, believing this prophet who was foretold by Moses, is baptized in His name, is preserved unharmed from the destruction of the war which hangs over the unbelieving nation and over the place itself, while those who do not believe become exiles from the place and the kingdom, so that even against their will they may understand and obey the will of God.

XL. His igitur ita praeordinatis, adest qui exspectabatur, indicia sui quibus fieret manifestus, signa et prodigia deferens. Sed ne sic quidem populus credidit, qui ad haec credenda tot saeculis eruditus est; et non solum non credidit, sed addidit infidelitati blasphemiam, voracem hominem et ventri servientem, ac daemone agi eum, qui ob salutem suam venerat, dicens. In tantum nequitia malorum ministeriis valet, quod nisi Sapientia Dei adfuisset his qui diligunt veritatem,

XL. These things, therefore, having been thus foreordained, He Who was awaited is present, bringing the tokens of Himself by which He might be made manifest, signs and wonders. But not even so did the people believe, who had been schooled through so many ages to believe these things; and not only did they not believe, but they added blasphemy to unbelief, saying that He Who had come for their salvation was a gluttonous man and a slave to the belly, and was driven by a demon. So far does wickedness prevail through the ministries of the wicked that, unless the Wisdom of God had been present to those who love the truth,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1230

Footnotes

(86) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1230 (call not visible in the foot image; column uncertain)

Deut. XXXI, XXXII, XXXIV.

Deuteronomy XXXI, XXXII, XXXIV.

(printed under page 612)

(87) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1230 (call not visible in the foot image; column uncertain)

I Reg. VIII.

1 Kings (1 Samuel) VIII.

(printed under page 612)

(88) ‹anchor: ventri servientem› · call in col 1230

Matth. IX; Joan. VII.

Matthew IX; John VII.

(printed under page 612)

(39) ‹anchor: mysterii hujus indicium› · call in col 1230

Hoc ponitur evidens magni mysterii hujus indicium, etc. Si cui ista sunt obscura, legat Eusebium, Hist. lib. III, cap. 5; Epiphanium, haeresi 29, num. 7; haer. 30, num. 2; Lib. de mens. et pond., cap. 15; Theodoritum ad Zachariae XIV, 2; Nicephorum, Cedrenum, Freculfum, etc. Ab iis lucem petat.

Hoc ponitur evidens magni mysterii hujus indicium ("This is set as a clear token of this great mystery"), etc. If these things are obscure to anyone, let him read Eusebius, History, book III, ch. 5; Epiphanius, heresy 29, no. 7; heresy 30, no. 2; the Book on Measures and Weights, ch. 15; Theodoret on Zechariah XIV, 2; Nicephorus, Cedrenus, Freculfus, etc. Let him seek light from them.

(printed under page 612)

Page

running head: RECOGNITIONUM LIB. I. 1230
marginal letters: A ‹XXXVIII. Igitur Moyses, his administratis›; B ‹gia construxere, et sic per ordinem›; C ‹evidens magni mysterii hujus›; D ‹quitia malorum ministeriis valet›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column ends mid-sentence at "veritatem,". "impiis" (regibus impiis) is printed with damaged type; "ventri servientem" is printed with what looks like a hyphen or a stray mark between the two words. Scripture references are numbered foot references only (II Paral. VII, 12; Matth. IX, 13; XII, 7; I Reg. VIII; Matth. IX; Joan. VII), not set and not added to the English; their calls after "Moyses", "durarunt", "servientem" not set. Cotelier's notes (38 continued, with Greek), (39) at the foot not set.

PG 1:1231

omnes pene simul impius error involveret. Nos ergo primos elegit duodecim sibi credentes, quos apostolos nominavit, postmodum alios septuaginta duos probatissimos discipulos, ut vel hoc modo recognita imagine Moysis crederet multitudo, quia hic est, quem praedixit Moyses venturum prophetam.

impious error would have enveloped almost all together. Us, therefore, twelve, the first who believed in Him, He chose, whom He named apostles, and afterwards another seventy-two most approved disciples, so that at least in this way, the image of Moses being recognized, the multitude might believe that this is He Whom Moses foretold as the prophet to come.

XLI. Sed fortassis dicat aliquis, quia imitari numerum cuicunque possibile est; et quid de signis et virtutibus dicet, quae iste faciebat? Etenim Moyses virtutes et sanitates fecerat in Aegypto. Is quoque, quem ipse praedixit sicut se ipsum surrecturum prophetam, cum omnem languorem et omnem infirmitatem curaret in plebe, virtutes faceret innumeras, vitam evangelizaret aeternam, ab impiis actus est in crucem; quod tamen factum virtute ejus conversum est in bonum. Denique cum pateretur, omnis ei compassus est mundus; nam et sol obscuratus est, montesque disrupti, et sepulcra patefacta sunt, velum templi scissum est, velut lamentans excidium loco imminens. Et tamen cum omnis mundus commotus sit, ipsi etiamnunc ad inquisitionem tantarum rerum nullatenus commoventur.

XLI. But perhaps someone may say that it is possible for anyone to imitate a number; and what will he say of the signs and mighty works which this man was doing? For Moses had done mighty works and healings in Egypt. He also, Whom Moses himself foretold as the prophet who would rise up like himself, although He was healing every sickness and every infirmity among the people, was doing innumerable mighty works, and was preaching the good news of eternal life, was driven by the impious to the cross; which deed, however, was by His power turned to good. Finally, when He was suffering, the whole world suffered with Him; for the sun was darkened, and the mountains were broken apart, and the tombs were opened, the veil of the temple was rent, as though lamenting the destruction hanging over the place. And yet, although the whole world was moved, they themselves even now are in no way moved to the investigation of such great things.

XLII. Verum quoniam necessarium erat ut in locum eorum qui increduli permanebant, vocarentur gentes, ut repleretur ille numerus qui demonstratus fuerat Abrahae, mittitur in universum mundum salutaris regni Dei praedicatio. Perturbantur ob hoc mundani spiritus, qui libertatem quaerentibus semper obsistunt, et ad destruendam Dei aedificationem errorum machinas quaerunt, quibus hi, qui ad salutis et libertatis gloriam tendunt, obsistentes et agones adversum eos non minimos desudantes, fortiores effecti, ad salutis coronam veniant non sine palma victoriae. Interim cum passus esset, et ab hora sexta usque ad nonam mundum tenebrae pressissent, sole reddito ac rebus in ordinem restitutis, etiam homines nequam ad se atque ad mores suos metu cessante regressi sunt. Nam quidam eorum cum omni custodia servantes

XLII. But since it was necessary that in the place of those who remained unbelieving the nations should be called, so that that number might be filled up which had been shown to Abraham, the saving preaching of the kingdom of God is sent into the whole world. On this account the spirits of the world are thrown into confusion, who always stand in the way of those seeking freedom, and seek engines of errors for destroying the building of God; resisting these, and sweating out against them contests that are not the least, those who strive towards the glory of salvation and freedom, having been made stronger, may come to the crown of salvation not without the palm of victory. Meanwhile, when He had suffered, and darkness had oppressed the world from the sixth hour to the ninth, when the sun was given back and things were restored to order, even wicked men, their fear ceasing, returned to themselves and to their own ways. For some of them, guarding with all watchfulness

Editors' notes and page, col. 1231

Footnotes

(89) ‹anchor: apostolos nominavit› · call in col 1231

Matth. X.

Matthew 10.

(printed under page 613)

(90) ‹anchor: probatissimos discipulos› · call in col 1231

Luc. X.

Luke 10.

(printed under page 613)

(91) ‹anchor: crederet multitudo› · call in col 1231

Num. XI, 16.

Numbers 11:16.

(printed under page 613)

(92) ‹anchor: venturum prophetam› · call in col 1231

Deut. XVIII, 15.

Deuteronomy 18:15.

(printed under page 613)

(93) ‹anchor: velum templi scissum est› · call in col 1231

Matth. XXVII, 45, 51, 52.

Matthew 27:45, 51, 52.

(printed under page 613)

(94) ‹anchor: demonstratus fuerat Abrahae› · call in col 1231

Gen. XV; Act. XIII.

Genesis 15; Acts 13.

(printed under page 613)

(95) ‹anchor: tenebrae pressissent› · call in col 1231

Matth. XXVII, 45.

Matthew 27:45.

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(40) ‹anchor: Septuag. duos› · call in col 1231 (call not visible in the foot image)

Septuag. duos. Varia lectio Luc. X, 1, 17, apud Graecos et Latinos, ἑβδομήκοντα et ἑβδομήκοντα δύο, LXX et LXXII. Verum quoniam, inquit Origenes hom. 27, in Numeros, non solum illos duodecim elegit Dominus et Salvator noster, sed et alios septuaginta duos; idcirco non solum duodecim fontes, sed et septuaginta duae arbores scribuntur esse palmarum. Et homil. 7 in Exodum : Ibi etiam arbores reperientur LXX palmarum. Non enim soli XII apostoli fidem Christi praedicaverunt, sed et alii LXX missi ad praedicandum verbum Dei referuntur, per quos palmas victoriae Christi mundus agnosceret. Sic apud S. Augustinum, tom. III. Auctor Operis de mirabilibus sacrae Scripturae, lib. I, cap. 9. confert cum LXXII discipulis linguas LXXII ortas a LXXII viris ad aedificationem turris Babylonicae congregatis, et LXXII seniores per Moysem electos : cum a Tertulliano, IV adversus Marcionem, 24; Eusebio, Demonstr. evangel., lib. III, cap. 2; Eusebio ac Theophane in Catena Graecorum Patrum ad Lucam; Gregorio Nysseno, De Vita Mosis, p. 213; Hieronymo, epist. 127, num. 6, aliisque recentioribus, in figuram LXX discipulorum ponantur LXX seniores Israelitici, LXX palmae ad Elim, et LXX nationes a LXX posteris Noe ducentes originem. Porro numerus LXXII per numerum LXX exprimi potest, ut dictum fuit ad Hermae I, 3, non autem LXX per LXXII.

Septuag. duos ("seventy-two"). There is a variant reading at Luke 10:1, 17, among Greeks and Latins, "seventy" and "seventy-two", LXX and LXXII. "But since," says Origen, homily 27 on Numbers, "our Lord and Saviour chose not only those twelve, but also another seventy-two; therefore not only twelve springs, but also seventy-two palm trees are written to have been there." And homily 7 on Exodus: "There also will be found seventy palm trees. For not the twelve apostles alone preached the faith of Christ, but another seventy too are reported to have been sent to preach the word of God, through whom the world might come to know the palms of Christ's victory." So in St. Augustine, vol. III. The author of the work On the Wonders of Holy Scripture, book I, ch. 9, compares with the 72 disciples the 72 tongues that arose from the 72 men gathered for the building of the tower of Babylon, and the 72 elders chosen through Moses: whereas by Tertullian, Against Marcion IV, 24; Eusebius, Demonstration of the Gospel, book III, ch. 2; Eusebius and Theophanes in the Catena of the Greek Fathers on Luke; Gregory of Nyssa, On the Life of Moses, p. 213; Jerome, letter 127, no. 6, and other more recent writers, the 70 Israelite elders, the 70 palms at Elim, and the 70 nations drawing their origin from the 70 descendants of Noah are set as a figure of the 70 disciples. Moreover the number 72 can be expressed by the number 70, as was said on Hermas I, 3, but not 70 by 72.

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running head: 1231 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PO⟨ ⟩ (right part of the head lies beyond this column's image)
marginal letters: A ‹omnes pene simul impius›; B ‹piis actus est in crucem›; C ‹rentibus semper obsistunt›; D (in the notes at the foot)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column opens and ends mid-sentence ("omnes pene simul" ... "custodia servantes"). The final o of "multitudo" and the i of "possibile" are printed with damaged type. The foot references 89–95 and Cotelier's note (40), with its Greek, are set above; their calls in the text (after "nominavit", "discipulos", "multitudo", "prophetam", "scissum est", "Abrahae", "pressissent", and "(40)" after "septuaginta duos") are not set in the source line, and the references are not added to the English. Foot references 96–97 and Cotelier's note (41) on this page are called in col 1232.

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locum, quem non potuere resurgentem tenere, magum dicebant; alii finxerunt furatum.

the place, called Him, Whom they could not hold back from rising, a magician; others pretended that He had been stolen away.

XLIII. Verumtamen veritas ubique vincebat. Ad indicium enim, quod haec divina virtute agerentur, nos qui fueramus paucissimi, processu dierum, astipulante Deo, multo plures quam illi efficiebamur, ita ut aliquando pertimescerent sacerdotes, ne forte per Dei providentiam ad confusionem ipsorum, in fidem nostram universus populus conveniret; frequenter mittentes ad nos rogabant, ut eis de Jesu dissereremus, si ipse esset propheta quem Moyses praedixit, qui est Christus aeternus. De hoc enim solo nobis qui credidimus in Jesum, adversum non credentes Judaeos videtur esse differentia. Verum cum frequenter super hoc rogarent, nos autem opportunum tempus requireremus, septimana jam una ex passione Domini complebatur annorum, ecclesia Domini in Hierusalem constituta copiosissime multiplicata crescebat per Jacobum, qui a Domino ordinatus est in ea episcopus, rectissimis dispensationibus gubernata.

XLIII. Nevertheless the truth was everywhere prevailing. For, as a token that these things were being done by divine power, we who had been very few were, in the course of days, with God assenting, becoming far more numerous than they, so that at length the priests were greatly afraid lest perhaps, by the providence of God, to their own confusion, the whole people should come over to our faith; sending to us frequently, they asked that we would discourse to them concerning Jesus, whether He were the prophet whom Moses foretold, Who is the eternal Christ. For on this point alone does there seem to be a difference between us who have believed in Jesus and the Jews who do not believe. But while they were frequently asking about this, and we were looking for a fitting time, one week of years was now being completed from the passion of the Lord, and the Church of the Lord established in Jerusalem was growing, most abundantly multiplied, governed with most upright administrations by James, who was ordained bishop in it by the Lord.

XLIV. Cum autem nos duodecim apostoli ad diem Paschae cum ingenti multitudine convenissemus, ingressi ecclesiam fratrum unusquisque nostrum, Jacobo interrogante quae a nobis per loca singula gesta sint, audiente populo breviter exponimus. In quibus Caiphas pontifex, missis ad nos sacerdotibus, rogat venire ad se, ut aut ratione doceamus eum, quia Jesus aeternus est Christus, aut ipse nos doceat, quia non est, quo in utramlibet fidem universus populus conveniret; et hoc facere nos frequenter exorat. Nos vero saepe distulimus, tempus semper opportunius requirentes. Et ego Clemens respondi ad hoc: Puto quod et hoc ipsum quod quaeritur, utrum ipse sit Christus, multum prosit ad fidei rationem, alioqui nunquam pontifex pro hoc tam frequenter rogaret, ut de Christo vel disceret vel doceret. Et Petrus: Recte respondisti, o Clemens. Sicut enim sine oculis cernere nemo potest, nec sine auribus capere auditum, vel absque naribus odoratum, neque sine

XLIV. But when we twelve apostles had come together for the day of the Pasch with a huge multitude, having entered the church of the brethren, each one of us, as James asked what things had been done by us in the several places, briefly sets them forth in the hearing of the people. In the midst of which Caiaphas the high priest, having sent priests to us, asks us to come to him, so that either we may teach him by reason that Jesus is the eternal Christ, or he himself may teach us that He is not, in order that the whole people might come together to one faith or the other; and he frequently entreats us to do this. But we often put it off, always looking for a more fitting time. And I, Clement, answered to this: I think that this very thing which is being asked, whether He is the Christ, is of great profit to the account of the faith; otherwise the high priest would never ask so frequently about this, that he might either learn or teach concerning the Christ. And Peter: You have answered rightly, O Clement. For just as without eyes no one can see, nor without ears take in hearing, or without nostrils smell, nor without

Editors' notes and page, col. 1232

Footnotes

(96) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1232 (call not visible in the foot image; column uncertain)

Matth. XXVIII, 13.

Matthew XXVIII, 13.

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(97) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1232 (call not visible in the foot image; column uncertain)

Joan. XII, 34.

John XII, 34.

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(41) ‹anchor: ad fidei rationem› · call in col 1232

Fidei rationem. Codicum Sorbonici, Thuani et Candeleriani, est πιστοποίησιν, a verbo πιστοποιεῖν et πιστοποιεῖσθαι, quo utuntur Ignatii interpolator Epist. ad Ephesios, n. 18, Auctor Constitutionum apostol., lib. V, cap. 6, et Cyrillus Hierosolymitanus, tum in fine praefationis ad Catecheses, tum in principio catechesis 14.

Fidei rationem ("the account of the faith"). [The reading] of the Sorbonne, de Thou and Candeler. codices is πιστοποίησιν ("confirmation of faith"), from the verb πιστοποιεῖν and πιστοποιεῖσθαι, which is used by the interpolator of Ignatius, Letter to the Ephesians, no. 18, the author of the Apostolic Constitutions, book V, ch. 6, and Cyril of Jerusalem, both at the end of the preface to the Catecheses and at the beginning of catechesis 14.

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running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1232
marginal letters: A ‹locum, quem non potuere›; B ‹rent, nos autem opportunum tempus›; C ‹libet fidem universus populus›; D (in the notes at the foot)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column opens and ends mid-sentence ("locum, quem" ... "neque sine"). "adversum" and "credentes" are printed with damaged type. Scripture references are numbered foot references only (Deut. XVIII, 15; Matth. XXVII, 45, 51, 52; Gen. ...; Matth. XXVIII, 13; Joan. XII, 34), not set and not added to the English; their calls after "furatum" and "aeternus" not set. Cotelier's notes (40 continued), (41, with Greek) at the foot not set.

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lingua gustum sumere, aut absque manibus aliquid contrectare: ita impossibile est, absque vero Propheta quae Deo placeant noscere. Et ego respondi: Quod ipse sit verus propheta Christus, te docente, jam didici; sed quid sit hoc ipsum, Christus, aut cur ita appelletur, velim discere, uti ne vaga mihi sit et incerta rei tantae notitia.

a tongue take taste, or without hands handle anything: so it is impossible, without the true Prophet, to know what things are pleasing to God. And I answered: That the Christ is Himself the true prophet I have already learned, with you teaching me; but what this very thing is, the Christ, or why He is so called, I should wish to learn, so that my knowledge of so great a matter may not be vague and uncertain.

XLV. Tunc Petrus docere me hoc modo coepit: Deus cum fecisset mundum, tanquam universitatis Dominus singulis quibusque creaturis principes statuit, ipsis quoque arboribus, montibusque ac fontibus, et fluminibus, et universis, ut diximus, quae fecerat. Multum enim est ire per singula. Statuit ergo angelis angelum principem, et spiritibus spiritum, sideribus sidus, daemonibus daemonem, avibus avem, bestiis bestiam, serpentem serpentibus, piscem piscibus, hominibus hominem, qui est Christus Jesus. Christus autem dicitur eximio quodam religionis ritu; nam sicut regum sunt quaedam communia nomina, ita ut apud Persas Arsaces, apud Romanos Caesar, apud Aegyptios Pharao, ita apud Judaeos Christus communi nomine rex appellatur. Causa autem hujus appellationis haec est: quoniam quidem cum esset Filius Dei et initium omnium, homo factus est, hunc primum Pater oleo perunxit, quod ex ligno vitae fuerat sumptum. Ex illo ergo unguento Christus appellatur. Inde denique etiam ipse secundum praedestinationem Patris, pios quosque, cum ad regnum ejus pervenerint, velut qui asperam superaverint viam, pro laborum refectione simili oleo perunget, ut et ipsorum lux luceat, et

XLV. Then Peter began to teach me in this manner: When God had made the world, as Lord of the universe He appointed princes over each and every creature, even over the trees themselves, and the mountains and springs, and the rivers, and all things, as we have said, which He had made. For it is a long task to go through them one by one. He appointed, therefore, an angel as prince over the angels, and a spirit over the spirits, a star over the stars, a demon over the demons, a bird over the birds, a beast over the beasts, a serpent over the serpents, a fish over the fishes, and over men a man, who is Christ Jesus. Now He is called Christ by a certain surpassing rite of religion; for just as there are certain names common to kings, as among the Persians Arsaces, among the Romans Caesar, among the Egyptians Pharaoh, so among the Jews the king is called by the common name Christ. And the reason of this appellation is this: since indeed, although He was the Son of God and the beginning of all things, He was made man, Him first the Father anointed with oil which had been taken from the tree of life. From that ointment, therefore, He is called Christ. Hence, finally, He Himself also, according to the predestination of the Father, will anoint with like oil all the pious, when they have come to His kingdom, as those who have overcome a rough road, for the refreshment of their labours, so that their light also may shine, and

Editors' notes and page, col. 1233

Footnotes

(98) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1233 (call not visible in the foot image; column uncertain)

Exod. XXIX; Lev. VIII

Exodus XXIX; Leviticus VIII.

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(42) ‹anchor: creaturis principes statuit› · call in col 1233 (call not visible in the foot image)

Singulis quibusque creaturis principes statuit, etc. Fabulae, λόγοι. Cave gerras Ebioniticas.

Singulis quibusque creaturis principes statuit ("He appointed princes over each several kind of creature"), etc. Fables, mere talk. Beware of Ebionite trifles.

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(43) ‹anchor: vitae fuerat sumptum› · call in col 1233

Oleo perunxit, quod ex ligno vitae fuerat sumptum, etc. Huc valde pertinent duo loci insignes in nugis. Alter Origenis tomo VI, contra Celsum, p. 302, ex Celso : Ἑξῆς δὲ τοῖς περὶ τοῦ διαγράμματος, μηδ' ἐκ παρακουσμάτων περὶ τῆς καλουμένης παρὰ τοῖς ἐκκλησιαστικοῖς σφραγῖδος, ἑαυτῷ τινα ἐκτίθεται ἀλλόκοτα καὶ ἀμοιβαίας φωνὰς, ὡς τοῦ μὲν τὴν σφραγῖδα περιτιθέντος καλουμένου πατρὸς, τοῦ δὲ σφραγιζομένου λεγομένου νέου καὶ υἱοῦ, καὶ ἀποκρινομένου, « Κέχρισμαι χρίσματι λευκῷ ἐκ ξύλου ζωῆς. » Ὅπερ οὐδ' ἐν τοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν αἱρέσεων ἠκούσαμεν γίγνεσθαι, etc. Alter apocryphi libri qui Nicodemi nomen gerit : Cum autem haec audisset protoplastus Adam pater, quia in Jordane baptizatus est Jesus, exclamavit ad filium suum Seth : Enarra filiis tuis patriarchis et prophetis omnia quaecunque audisti a Michaele archangelo, quando te transmisi ad portas paradisi, ut deprecareris Deum, et ungeres caput meum cum essem infirmus. Tunc Seth appropinquans sanctis patriarchis et prophetis, dixit : Ego Seth cum essem orans Dominum ad portas paradisi, ecce angelus Domini Michael apparuit mihi dicens : Ego missus sum ad te a Domino, ego sum constitutus super corpus humanum. Tibi dico, Seth, noli in lacrymis Deum orare et deprecari propter oleum misericordiae ligni, ut perungas patrem tuum Adam pro dolore capitis ejus, quia nullo modo poteris ex eo accipere, nisi in novissimis diebus et temporibus, nisi quando completi fuerint quinque millia et quingenti anni : tunc veniet super terram amantissimus Dei Filius Christus resuscitare corpus humanum Adae, et conresuscitare corpora mortuorum : et ipse veniens in Jordanis aqua baptizabitur. Et cum egressus fuerit de aqua Jordanis, tunc de oleo misericordiae suae unget ex eo omnes credentes in se, et erit oleum misericordiae suae in generationem eorum qui nascituri sunt ex aqua et Spiritu sancto in vitam aeternam. Tunc descendens in terras amantissimus Dei Filius Christus Jesus, introducet patrem nostrum Adam in paradisum ad arborem misericordiae. Catholice Theodorus Abucara, opusculo 33 : A. Διατί λέγεται Χριστὸς ὁ Χριστός; B. Ὅτι ἔχρισεν αὐτὸν ὁ Θεὸς Πνεύματι ἁγίῳ. A. Τίς οὖν ὁ χρισθείς; ὁ Θεὸς Λόγος, ἢ ὁ ἄνθρωπος; B. Μὴ γένοιτο λέγειν ἡμᾶς, ὅτι Θεὸς Λόγος ἐχρίσθη, ἀλλ' ὁ ἄνθρωπος. A. Ἄνθρωπος οὖν ἐστιν ὁ Χριστός. Εἰ γὰρ ὁ χρισθεὶς αὐτός ἐστιν ὁ Χριστὸς, ἄνθρωπος δὲ ὁ χρισθεὶς, καὶ ἕτερος δέ ἐστιν ὁ Θεὸς Λόγος παρὰ τὸν ἄνθρωπον καθ' ὑμᾶς· ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἄρα ἐστὶν ἀναμέρος ὁ Χριστός. Τί οὖν ἑαυτοὺς καὶ ἄλλους ἀπατῶντες λέγετε, ὅτι ὁ Χριστὸς Θεός ἐστι καὶ ἄνθρωπος; Atque haec desiderantur in Graecis editionis Gretserianae, addique debent e chartis codicum Regiorum 2180, 572, in quibus (id quoque dicere liceat) paulo ante laudata verba scriptum habetur, εἰπέ μοι οὖν, ὁ Χριστός, etc. non ut in lib. impr. εἰπέ μοι, ὁ οὖν Χριστός.

Oleo perunxit, quod ex ligno vitae fuerat sumptum ("He anointed with oil that had been taken from the tree of life"), etc. Two passages notable among trifles bear closely on this. One is Origen's, book VI Against Celsus, p. 302, from Celsus: "Next after what concerns the diagram, not even from things misheard about what is called among churchmen the seal, he sets out for himself certain strange things and alternating utterances, as of him who puts on the seal being called father, and him who is sealed being named young and son, and answering: 'I have been anointed with white chrism from the tree of life.' Which we have not heard of as being done even among those of the heresies," etc. The other is from the apocryphal book that bears the name of Nicodemus: "Now when the first-formed father Adam had heard these things, that Jesus was baptized in the Jordan, he cried out to his son Seth: Tell your sons, the patriarchs and prophets, all that you heard from Michael the archangel, when I sent you to the gates of paradise to entreat God and to anoint my head when I was sick. Then Seth, drawing near to the holy patriarchs and prophets, said: When I, Seth, was praying to the Lord at the gates of paradise, behold, Michael, the angel of the Lord, appeared to me, saying: I have been sent to you by the Lord; I am set over the human body. I say to you, Seth, do not pray to God in tears and entreat him for the oil of the tree of mercy, to anoint your father Adam for the pain of his head, because in no way will you be able to receive of it, except in the last days and times, except when five thousand five hundred years have been completed: then the most loving Son of God, Christ, will come upon the earth to raise up the human body of Adam, and to raise up together the bodies of the dead; and he, coming, will be baptized in the water of the Jordan. And when he has come out of the water of the Jordan, then with the oil of his mercy he will anoint from it all who believe in him, and the oil of his mercy will be for the generation of those who are to be born of water and the Holy Spirit unto eternal life. Then, descending to the earth, the most loving Son of God, Christ Jesus, will bring our father Adam into paradise to the tree of mercy." In Catholic fashion Theodore Abucara, opusculum 33: "A. Why is the Christ called Christ? B. Because God anointed him with the Holy Spirit. A. Who then is the one anointed: God the Word, or the man? B. Far be it from us to say that God the Word was anointed, but the man. A. Then the Christ is a man. For if the one anointed is himself the Christ, and the one anointed is a man, and God the Word is, according to you, other than the man; then the man, taken apart, is the Christ. Why then, deceiving yourselves and others, do you say that the Christ is God and man?" And these words are wanting in the Greek of Gretser's edition, and ought to be added from the leaves of the Royal codices 2180, 572, in which (let it be permitted to say this too), a little before the words cited, there is written εἰπέ μοι οὖν, ὁ Χριστός, etc., not, as in the printed book, εἰπέ μοι, ὁ οὖν Χριστός.

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running head: 1233 RECOGNITIONUM LIB⟨ ⟩ (right part of the head lies beyond this column's image)
marginal letters: A ‹lingua gustum sumere, aut absque›; B ‹daemonem, avibus avem, bestiis›; C ‹ram superaverint viam, pro laborum›; D (in the notes at the foot)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column opens and ends mid-sentence ("lingua gustum" ... "luceat, et"). "communi" (communi nomine) is printed with damaged type. Foot reference 98 (Exod. XXIX; Lev. VIII) stands under this column but its call is not in this column; not set. Cotelier's notes (42), (43, with Greek) at the foot not set.

PG 1:1234

Spiritu sancto repleti immortalitate donentur. Virgulti vero hujus, ex quo sumptum est istud unguentum, universam naturam tibi sufficienter exposuisse me memini.

being filled with the Holy Spirit, they may be endowed with immortality. But I remember that I have sufficiently set forth to you the whole nature of this plant, from which that ointment was taken.

XLVI. Sed et nunc per brevissimam speciem de omnibus te in memoriam revocabo. In praesenti vita primus pontifex Aaron chrismatis compositione perunctus, quod ad imaginem illius de quo supra diximus spiritalis unguenti factum est, princeps populi fuit, et tanquam rex primitias et tributum per capita accepit a populo, et judicandi plebem sorte suscepta de mundis immundisque judicabat. Sed et si quis alius ex ipso unguento perunctus est, tanquam virtute inde concepta, jam ipse rex, aut propheta fiebat, aut pontifex. Quod si temporalis haec gratia ab hominibus composita tantum potuit, intellige jam tu, quantum sit illud unguentum, quod a Deo de virgulto vitae prolatum est, cum hoc quod ab hominibus factum est, tam eximias inter homines conferat dignitates. Quid enim in praesenti saeculo propheta gloriosius, pontifice clarius, rege sublimius?

XLVI. But now also, by a very brief outline, I shall recall you to the memory of all these things. In the present life Aaron, the first high priest, anointed with a compound of chrism which was made after the image of that spiritual ointment of which we have spoken above, was prince of the people, and as a king received first-fruits and tribute by heads from the people, and, having received the office of judging the people, he judged concerning things clean and unclean. But also if anyone else was anointed with that same ointment, as though having conceived power from it, he straightway became a king, or a prophet, or a high priest. And if this temporal grace, compounded by men, had so much power, understand now how great is that ointment which was brought forth by God from the plant of life, when this which was made by men confers such surpassing dignities among men. For what in the present age is more glorious than a prophet, more illustrious than a high priest, more exalted than a king?

XLVII. Et ego ad haec respondi: Memini, Petre, dixisse te de primo homine, quia propheta fuit; quod autem unctus fuerit, non dixisti. Si ergo sine unguento propheta nullus est, quo modo primus homo, cum non esset unctus, fuit propheta? Tum subridens Petrus: Si primus, inquit, homo prophetavit, certum est quod et unctus sit. Licet enim unctionem illius siluerit ille, qui legem in paginis condidit, nobis tamen intelligenda haec evidenter reliquit. Sicut enim, si unctum

XLVII. And I answered to these things: I remember, Peter, that you said of the first man that he was a prophet; but that he was anointed you did not say. If, therefore, there is no prophet without ointment, how was the first man a prophet, when he had not been anointed? Then Peter, smiling, said: If the first man prophesied, it is certain that he was also anointed. For although he who set down the law in its pages was silent about his anointing, yet he has evidently left these things to us to be understood. For just as, if anointed

Editors' notes and page, col. 1234

Page

running head: RECOGNITIONUM LIB. I. 1234
marginal letters: A ‹Spiritu sancto repleti immortalitate›; B ‹si temporalis haec gratia ab hominibus›; C ‹gem in paginis condidit, nobis›; D (in the notes at the foot)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column opens and ends mid-sentence ("Spiritu sancto" ... "si unctum"). "donentur" is printed with smudged type; the last letters of "sit." (unctus sit) and of the final word "unctum" are printed with damaged type. Foot-reference call 98 after "perunctus" (Exod. XXIX; Lev. VIII, printed under col. 1233) not set and not added to the English. Cotelier's note (43 continued, with Greek) at the foot not set.

PG 1:1235

eum dixisset, non dubitaretur et prophetam eum fuisse, etiamsi scriptum non esset in lege: ita cum certum sit eum prophetam fuisse, similiter certum est et quod unctus sit, quia sine unguent⟨o⟩ prophetare non poterat. Verum hoc magis dicere te oportuit, si chrisma arte myropolica compositum est ab Aaron, quomodo primus homo perungi potuit unguento ante, compositionis artibus nondum repertis? Et ego respondi: Non me traducas, Petre; non enim de unguento composito et temporali oleo loquor, sed de illo simplici et aeterno, quod a Deo factum esse docuisti, ad cujus similitudinem istud compositum esse ab hominibus dicis.

had said so, there would be no doubt that he was also a prophet, even if it were not written in the law: so, since it is certain that he was a prophet, it is likewise certain also that he was anointed, because without the ointment he could not prophesy. But this is what you ought rather to have said: if the chrism was compounded by Aaron with the perfumer's art, how could the first man have been anointed with ointment before that, when the arts of compounding had not yet been discovered? And I answered: Do not expose me, Peter; for I am not speaking of the compounded ointment and the temporal oil, but of that simple and eternal one which you have taught was made by God, after the likeness of which you say this one was compounded by men.

XLVIII. Et Petrus ad haec, ut videbatur, indignans: Quid putas, Clemens, quia omnes omnia ante tempus scire possumus? Sed nunc uti ne a proposito sermone recedamus, alias tibi cum profectus tuus manifestus fuerit, de his apertius exponemus. Tunc autem unguento composito perunctus pontifex vel propheta, Dei altare succendens in omni mundo clarus habebatur. Sed post Aaron qui pontifex fuit, alius ex aquis assumitur, non Moysen dico, sed illum qui in aquis baptismi Filius a Deo appellatus est. Jesus namque est, qui ignem illum quem accendebat pontifex pro peccatis, restinxit per baptismi gratiam; ex quo enim hic apparuit, cessavit chrisma, per quod pontificatus praebebatur, vel prophetia, vel regnum.

XLVIII. And Peter, indignant at this, as it seemed: What do you think, Clement, that we can all know all things before the time? But now, that we may not withdraw from the discourse proposed, we shall set these things out for you more openly at another time, when your progress has become manifest. At that time, however, a high priest or a prophet, anointed with the compounded ointment and kindling the altar of God, was held illustrious in all the world. But after Aaron, who was high priest, another is taken up out of the waters; I do not mean Moses, but Him Who in the waters of baptism was called Son by God. For it is Jesus Who, by the grace of baptism, quenched that fire which the high priest used to kindle for sins; for from the time when He appeared, the chrism ceased, through which the high priesthood was conferred, or prophecy, or kingship.

XLIX. Hunc igitur adfuturum praedixit Moyses, qui legem Dei hominibus tradidit; sed et alius ante ipsum, sicut tibi et ante jam tradidi. Ipse ergo indicavit eum venturum primo quidem adventu humilem, secundo vero gloriosum. Et primus quidem jam impletus est, cum venit et docuit, et judex omnium judicatus est, ac peremptus. Secundo vero adventu judicaturus adveniet, et impios quidem condemnabit, pios vero in consortium regni societatemque suscipiet. Fides vero secundi adventus constat ex primo. Prophetae enim de primo locuti sunt, et praecipue Jacob et Moyses, nonnulli tamen etiam de secundo. Sed magnificentia prophetiae in hoc maxime comprobatur, quod nihil secundum consequentiam rerum de futuris dixerunt; alioqui aestimasse potius sapientes viri, quod rerum consequentia dictaverat, viderentur.

XLIX. That He, therefore, would come Moses foretold, who delivered the law of God to men; but so also did another before him, as I have already delivered to you before. He therefore indicated that He would come, in the first coming indeed humble, but in the second glorious. And the first has indeed already been fulfilled, since He came and taught, and the Judge of all was judged and put to death. But at the second coming He will come to judge, and will indeed condemn the impious, but will receive the pious into a share and fellowship of the kingdom. Now the credibility of the second coming rests on the first. For the prophets spoke of the first, and especially Jacob and Moses, yet some also of the second. But the magnificence of prophecy is proved most of all in this, that they said nothing about future things according to the natural sequence of events; otherwise they would seem rather, as wise men, to have conjectured what the sequence of events had dictated.

L. Quod autem dico, tale est: Christum suscipi a Judaeis ad quos venerat, et credi ei, qui exspectabatur ad salutem populi secundum traditiones patrum, consequens erat, gentes vero alienas ab eo fore, quibus neque promissum quidquam de eo neque annuntiatum fuerat, imo quibus ne nomine quidem ipso aliquando innotuerat. Et tamen prophetae, contra ordinem et consequentiam rerum dixere eum exspectationem gentium, et non Judaeorum futurum. Ita denique et gestum est. Cum enim venisset, ab his qui eum exspectare videbantur ex traditione majorum, omnino agnitus non est;

L. Now what I am saying is this: that Christ should be received by the Jews to whom He had come, and that He should be believed, Who was expected for the salvation of the people according to the traditions of the fathers, was what would naturally follow, while the Gentiles would be strangers to Him, to whom nothing concerning Him had been either promised or announced, indeed to whom He had never become known even by the name itself. And yet the prophets, against the order and sequence of events, said that He would be the expectation of the Gentiles, and not of the Jews. So, in fact, it also came to pass. For when He had come, He was not recognized at all by those who seemed to be expecting Him from the tradition of their ancestors;

Editors' notes and page, col. 1235

Footnotes

(99) ‹anchor: appellatus est› · call in col 1235

Matth. III, 17.

Matthew III, 17.

(printed under page 615)

(100) ‹anchor: exspectationem gentium› · call in col 1235

Gen. XLIX, 10.

Genesis XLIX, 10.

(printed under page 615)

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running head: 1235 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. (remainder of the head lies over the facing column, not in these images)
marginal letters: A ‹eum dixisset, non dubitaretur›; B ‹gnans : Quid putas, Clemens›; C ‹qui legem Dei hominibus›; D ‹alioqui aestimasse potius›
old-edition numerals: (none)

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hi vero qui nihil de ipso penitus audierant, et venisse credunt, et venturum sperant. Et ita in omnibus prophetia fidelis apparuit, quae dixit ipsum esse exspectationem gentium. Erraverunt ergo Judaei de primo Domini adventu; et inter nos atque ipsos de hoc est solo dissidium. Nam quod venturus sit Christus, norunt etiam ipsi et exspectant; quod autem jam venerit in humilitate hic qui dicitur Jesus, ignorant. Et in hoc maxime ejus confirmatur adventus, quod ei non omnes credunt.

while those who had heard nothing at all about Him both believe that He has come and hope that He will come. And thus in all things the prophecy has appeared faithful, which said that He is the expectation of the Gentiles. The Jews, therefore, have erred concerning the first coming of the Lord; and between us and them the disagreement is about this alone. For that Christ is to come they too know and expect; but that He has already come in humility, this one Who is called Jesus, they do not know. And in this most of all His coming is confirmed, that not all believe Him.

LI. Hunc ergo Deus destinavit in fine mundi, quia impossibile erat mortalium mala purgari per alium, integra duntaxat permanente humani generis creatura, hoc est salva arbitrii libertate. Hoc igitur statu incolumi reservato, invitare venit ad regnum justos quosque et eos qui placere studuerunt ei, quibus bona ineffabilia praeparavit et Hierusalem civitatem coelestem, quae super splendorem solis fulgebit in habitatione sanctorum. Injustos vero et impios, et qui pro nihilo habuerunt Deum, commissamque sibi vitam diversa ad flagitia contulerunt, ac tempus operis justi, exercitium fecere malitiae, competentibus ipsisque dignis ultionibus tradet. Caetera vero quae ibi gerentur proferri et eloqui, neque angelis neque hominibus fas est; sed hoc tantum scire nos sufficit, quod bonis aeternam bonorum possessionem conferet Deus.

LI. Him, therefore, God appointed at the end of the world, because it was impossible for the evils of mortals to be purged by another, at least while the creation of the human race remained whole, that is, with the freedom of the will preserved. This condition, therefore, being kept unimpaired, He came to invite to the kingdom all the just and those who have striven to please Him, for whom He has prepared ineffable good things and Jerusalem the heavenly city, which will shine above the brightness of the sun in the dwelling of the saints. But the unjust and the impious, and those who have held God as nothing, and have turned the life entrusted to them to various shameful deeds, and have made the time for just work an exercise of wickedness, He will hand over to fitting punishments worthy of them. But the other things that will be done there it is right neither for angels nor for men to bring forth and utter; this alone, however, it is enough for us to know, that God will bestow on the good an eternal possession of good things.

LII. His ab eo dictis ego respondi: Si Christi regno fruentur hi, quos justos invenerit ejus adventus, ergo qui ante adventum ejus defuncti sunt, regno penitus carebunt? Tum Petrus: Cogis me, inquit, o Clemens, aliqua de ineffabilibus publicare. Verumtamen quoadusque proferri licet, facere non pigebit. Christus, qui ab initio et semper erat, per singulas quasque generationes piis, latenter licet, semper tamen aderat, his praecipue, a quibus exspectabatur, quibusque frequenter apparuit. Sed non erat tempus, ut tunc resolutis corporibus fieret resurrectio; sed haec magis remuneratio videbatur a Deo, ut qui inveniretur justus, diutius permaneret in corpore, aut certe, sicut de quodam justo evidenter refertur in litteris legis, quod transtulerit eum Deus. Simili exemplo etiam cum caeteris gestum est qui ejus voluntati placuerunt, ut ad paradisum translati serventur ad regnum, eorum vero qui non ad integrum potuere explere normam justitiae, sed aliquas in sua carne malitiae reliquias habuere, corpora quidem resolverentur, animae vero servarentur in bonis laetisque regionibus, ut in resurrectione mortuorum, cum sua receperint, ipsa jam resolutione purgati, pro his quae bene gesserant, aeterna haereditate potiantur. Et ideo beati sunt omnes qui regnum Christi fuerint adepti, quia non solum inferni poenas effugient, sed et incorruptibiles permanebunt, et primi Deum Patrem videbunt, atque inter primos apud Deum honoris ordinem consequentur.

LII. When he had said these things, I answered: If those will enjoy the kingdom of Christ whom His coming finds just, will those then who died before His coming be wholly without the kingdom? Then Peter said: You compel me, O Clement, to make public some of the ineffable things. Nevertheless, so far as it is permitted to bring them forth, I shall not be reluctant to do so. Christ, Who was from the beginning and always, was through each and every generation always present to the pious, though hiddenly, and especially to those by whom He was expected and to whom He frequently appeared. But it was not the time for the resurrection of the bodies then dissolved to take place; rather, this seemed to be the reward from God, that whoever was found just should remain longer in the body, or at any rate, as is plainly reported of a certain just man in the writings of the law, that God translated him. In like manner it was done also with the others who pleased His will, so that, translated to paradise, they are kept for the kingdom, while of those who were not able to fulfil the rule of justice completely, but had some remnants of wickedness in their flesh, the bodies indeed were dissolved, but the souls were kept in good and joyful regions, so that at the resurrection of the dead, when they have received back their own, being now purged by the dissolution itself, they may gain possession of an eternal inheritance in return for the things they had done well. And therefore blessed are all who have attained the kingdom of Christ, because they will not only escape the punishments of hell, but will also remain incorruptible, and will be the first to see God the Father, and will obtain a rank of honour among the first in the presence of God.

LIII. Propter quod non minima de Christo quaestio

LIII. For which reason no small question concerning Christ

Editors' notes and page, col. 1236

Footnotes

(1) ‹anchor: litteris legis› · call in col 1236

Gen. V, 24.

Genesis V, 24.

(printed under page 615)

Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1236
marginal letters: A ‹hi vero qui nihil de ipso›; B ‹regnum justos quosque›; C ‹regno penitus carebunt›; D ‹ut ad paradisum translati›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1237

habetur, et infideles quique ex Judaeis immensa adversum nos insania commoventur, verentes ne forte ipse sit, in quem peccaverunt; et eo magis metus increscit, quod sciunt, statim ut eum cruci affixere, universum ei compassum esse mundum, corpusque ejus diligenti a se custodia conservatum nusquam comparuisse, atque ad fidem nominis ejus innumeras multitudines convenire. Unde et compulsi sunt una cum pontifice Caipha, saepius mittere ad nos, ut de nominis ejus veritate quaereretur. Cumque crebro deposcerent ut de Jesu aut discerent aut docerent, si ipse esset Christus, visum nobis est ascendere ad templum, et coram omni populo protestari de eo, simul et arguere Judaeos de multis, quae ab eis absurde gerebantur. In multas etenim jam partes populus scindebatur, initio sumpto a Joanne Baptista.

is being held, and all the unbelievers among the Jews are stirred with immense madness against us, fearing lest perhaps He be the one against Whom they sinned; and their fear grows all the more because they know that, as soon as they fastened Him to the cross, the whole world suffered with Him, and that His body, though kept by them under careful guard, was nowhere to be found, and that countless multitudes are coming together to the faith of His name. Hence they were also compelled, together with Caiaphas the high priest, to send to us repeatedly, that inquiry might be made concerning the truth of His name. And since they frequently demanded that they should either learn or teach concerning Jesus, whether He were the Christ, it seemed good to us to go up to the temple, and to bear witness concerning Him before all the people, and at the same time to reprove the Jews for many things that were being done absurdly by them. For the people was already being split into many parties, a beginning having been made from John the Baptist.

LIV. Cum enim jam immineret ortus Christi ad sacrificia quidem reprimenda, baptismi vero gratiam largiendam, inimicus ex his quae praedicta fuerant adesse tempus intelligens, diversa schismata operabatur in populo, ut si forte prius peccatum potuisset aboleri, secunda corrigi culpa non posset. Erat ergo primum schisma eorum qui dicebantur Sadducaei, initio Joannis jam pene temporibus sumpto. Hique ut caeteris justiores, segregare se coepere a populi coetu, et mortuorum resurrectionem negare idque argumento infidelitatis asserere, dicentes non esse dignum ut quasi sub mercede proposita colatur Deus. Auctor vero sententiae hujus primus Dositheus, secundus Simon fuit. Aliud Samaraeum schisma est; ipsi enim resurrectionem mortuorum negantes asserunt, non in Hierosolymis, sed in monte Garizin adorandum esse Deum. Qui tamen unum verum prophetam ex Moysis vaticinationibus recte exspectantes, pravitate Dosithei impediti sunt, ne hunc quem exspectabant, crederent esse Jesum. Scribae quoque et Pharisaei in aliud schisma deducuntur. Sed hi baptizati a Joanne, et velut clavem regni coelorum verbum veritatis tenentes ex Moysis traditione susceptum, occultarunt auribus populi. Sed et ex discipulis

LIV. For when the rising of Christ was now at hand, to suppress the sacrifices indeed, but to bestow the grace of baptism, the enemy, understanding from the things that had been foretold that the time was present, was working various schisms among the people, so that, if perhaps the former sin could be abolished, the second fault could not be corrected. The first schism, then, was that of those who were called Sadducees, which took its beginning almost in the times of John. And these, as being more just than the rest, began to separate themselves from the assembly of the people, and to deny the resurrection of the dead, and to assert this by an argument of unbelief, saying that it is not worthy that God should be worshipped as it were under a proposed reward. Now the first author of this opinion was Dositheus, the second Simon. Another is the schism of the Samaritans; for they, denying the resurrection of the dead, assert that God is to be adored not in Jerusalem but on Mount Gerizim. Yet though they rightly expect the one true Prophet from the predictions of Moses, they have been hindered by the perversity of Dositheus from believing that He Whom they were expecting is Jesus. The scribes also and the Pharisees are led off into another schism. But these, having been baptized by John, and holding the word of truth received from the tradition of Moses as the key of the kingdom of heaven, hid it from the ears of the people. But also from among the disciples

Editors' notes and page, col. 1237

Footnotes

(2) ‹anchor: resurrectionem negare› · call in col 1237

Matth. XXII, 23.

Matthew XXII, 23.

(printed under page 616)

(3) ‹anchor: auribus populi› · call in col 1237

Luc. XI, 52.

Luke XI, 52.

(printed under page 616)

(44) ‹anchor: operabatur in populo› · call in col 1237

Diversa schismata operabatur in populo. Profero in re vulgata aliquid non omni ex parte vulgatum : formulam Graecam renuntiandi Judaicae religioni, Hebraeorumque ritibus et sectis; ampliorem illa quae habetur Euchologii p. 344. Eam complectitur codex Regius 1818. — Exstat vero infra in Append. Monum. his Recognit. libris subjecta, num. 2.

Diversa schismata operabatur in populo ("He was working divers schisms among the people"). On a commonly known matter I bring forward something not in every respect commonly known: a Greek formula for renouncing the Jewish religion and the rites and sects of the Hebrews, fuller than the one found in the Euchologion, p. 344. The Royal codex 1818 contains it. — It is given below in the Appendix of Monuments subjoined to these books of the Recognitions, no. 2.

(printed under page 616)

(45) ‹anchor: ut caeteris justiores› · call in col 1237

Ut caeteris justiores. Allusio ad nomen Hieronymus, sub finem libri III Commentariorum in Matthaeum : Sadducaei autem qui interpretantur justi, et ipsi vindicabant sibi quod non erant. Theophylactus ad Matth. III, 7, De Sadducaeis : Ἑρμηνεύονται δὲ, δίκαιοι. Σεδὲκ γὰρ ἡ δικαιοσύνη. Δικαίους γὰρ ἑαυτοὺς ὠνόμαζον. Ἢ ἀπὸ αἱρεσιάρχου Σαδὼκ ὀνομάζονται. Unde, ac ex similibus Epiphanii, corrigere debemus Suidam : Σαδδουκαῖος ἀπὸ τόπου. Scripserat, ἀπὸ τρόπου, a moribus. Remotior est emendatio Drusii, III De sectis Judaeorum 4, ἀπὸ Δοσιθέου.

Ut caeteris justiores ("as more righteous than the rest"). An allusion to the name. Jerome, towards the end of book III of the Commentaries on Matthew: "But the Sadducees, whose name is interpreted 'the righteous', themselves too claimed for themselves what they were not." Theophylact on Matthew III, 7, of the Sadducees: "They are interpreted 'righteous'. For sedek is righteousness. For they named themselves righteous. Or they are named from the heresiarch Sadok." Whence, and from the like words of Epiphanius, we ought to correct Suidas: "Sadducee, from a place." He had written ἀπὸ τρόπου, "from their manners". The emendation of Drusius, On the Sects of the Jews III, 4, ἀπὸ Δοσιθέου ("from Dositheus"), is more far-fetched.

(printed under page 616)

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running head: 1237 RECOGNITIONUM LI (remainder of the head lies over the facing column, not in these images)
marginal letters: A ‹habetur, et infideles quique› (line 1, printed 'stio habetur'); B ‹In multas etenim jam partes›; C ‹vero sententiae hujus primus›; D ‹(44) Diversa schismata›, in the notes at the foot
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1238

Joannis, qui videbantur esse magni, segregarunt se a populo et magistrum suum veluti Christum praedicarunt. Haec autem omnia praeparata sunt schismata, ut et fides Christi per haec impediretur, et baptisma.

of John, those who seemed to be great separated themselves from the people and proclaimed their own master as the Christ. Now all these schisms were prepared so that through them both the faith of Christ and baptism might be hindered.

LV. Verumtamen, ut dicere coeperamus, cum frequenter nos pontifex per sacerdotes rogasset, ut de Jesu sermo nobis haberetur ad alterutrum, ubi opportunum visum est et omni Ecclesiae placuit, ascendimus ad templum, et stantes in gradibus una cum fidelibus fratribus nostris, facto populi summo silentio, prior pontifex coepit adhortari populum, ut patienter et cum quiete audiant, simulque eorum quae dicenda sunt testes et judices fiant. Tum deinde multis laudibus efferens sacrificiorum ritum, qui ad remissionem peccatorum humano generi divinitus esset indultus, causabatur Jesu nostri baptisma velut contra haec nuper inductum. Sed propositionibus ejus occurrens Matthaeus, evidenter ostendit quod si quis Jesu baptisma non fuerit consecutus, is non solum coelorum regno fraudabitur, verum et in resurrectione mortuorum non absque periculo erit, etiamsi bonae vitae et rectae mentis praerogativa muniatur. Haec et his similia prosecutus siluit Matthaeus.

LV. Nevertheless, as we had begun to say, when the high priest had often asked us through the priests that a discussion concerning Jesus might be held between us, one with another, when it seemed opportune and pleased the whole Church, we went up to the temple, and, as we stood on the steps together with our faithful brethren, the deepest silence of the people having been made, the high priest first began to exhort the people to listen patiently and with quiet, and at the same time to become witnesses and judges of the things that were to be said. Then next, extolling with many praises the rite of sacrifices, as having been divinely granted to the human race for the remission of sins, he raised a complaint against the baptism of our Jesus as something lately brought in against these. But Matthew, meeting his propositions, showed plainly that if anyone has not obtained the baptism of Jesus, he will not only be deprived of the kingdom of heaven, but will also not be without danger at the resurrection of the dead, even though he be fortified by the prerogative of a good life and an upright mind. Having pursued these things and things like them, Matthew fell silent.

LVI. Sed Sadducaeorum pars, quae negat esse resurrectionem mortuorum, indignata est, ita ut quidam ex ipsis de medio populi exclamaret, dicens multum errare eos qui putent mortuos aliquando resurgere. Contra hunc Andreas meus frater respondens, docuit errorem non esse, sed certissimam fidem, quod mortui resurgant, secundum ea quae docuit is, quem Moyses praedixit venturum prophetam; aut si non videretur eis ipse esse quem praedixit Moyses, de hoc, inquit, primo requiratur, ut cum evidenter ipse fuerit probatus, nihil de reliquo super his quae docuit ambigatur. Haec autem et his similia plura protestatus siluit Andreas.

LVI. But the party of the Sadducees, which denies that there is a resurrection of the dead, was indignant, so that one of them cried out from the midst of the people, saying that those greatly err who think that the dead ever rise again. Answering against him, Andrew my brother taught that it is not an error but a most certain faith that the dead rise, according to what He taught Whom Moses foretold as the Prophet to come; or, if it did not seem to them that He is the one Whom Moses foretold, let this, he said, first be inquired into, so that, when He has been plainly proved to be the one, there may be no further doubt about the things that He taught. And having borne witness to these and many things like them, Andrew fell silent.

LVII. Samaraeus vero quidam, contraria populo et Deo loquens, et neque mortuos asserens resurrecturos, neque eum qui est in Hierusalem cultum Dei tenendum, sed montem Garizin venerandum,

LVII. But a certain Samaritan, speaking things contrary to the people and to God, and asserting neither that the dead will rise, nor that the worship of God which is in Jerusalem is to be held to, but that Mount Gerizim is to be venerated,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1238

Footnotes

(46) ‹anchor: ex discipulis Joannis› · call in col 1238 (call not visible in the foot image; column uncertain)

Ex discipulis Joannis, etc. Vigilius Tapsensis lib. I contra Arium, Sabellium et Photinum cap. 20 : Et quia multi dogmatum novorum auctores exstiterant, doctrinae obviantes apostolicae, omnesque sectatores suos discipulos nominabant, nec erat ulla nominis discretio inter veros falsosque discipulos, sive qui Christi, sive qui Dosithei, sive Theodae, sive Judae cujusdam, sive etiam Joannis sectatores, qui se quasi Christo (ita membranae Regiae n. 358, et editio Cassandri) credere fatebantur; noluerunt ut uno discipulorum nomine censerentur.

Ex discipulis Joannis ("of the disciples of John"), etc. Vigilius of Thapsus, book I Against Arius, Sabellius and Photinus, ch. 20: "And because many authors of new doctrines had arisen, opposing the apostolic teaching, and they all called their followers disciples, and there was no distinction of name between true and false disciples, whether those of Christ, or of Dositheus, or of Theudas, or of a certain Judas, or even the followers of John, who professed to believe in him as though in Christ (so the Royal parchments no. 358, and Cassander's edition); they were unwilling to be reckoned under the one name of disciples."

(printed under page 616)

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running head: RECOGNITIONUM LIB. I. 1238
marginal letters: A ‹Joannis, qui videbantur› (line 1, printed 'cipulis Joannis'); B ‹ritum, qui ad remissionem›; C ‹ter respondens, docuit errorem›; D ‹nii, corrigere debemus Suidam›, in the notes at the foot
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column opens with 'cipulis', the tail of 'discipulis', set whole under col. 1237 and not repeated here. Note call (46) after 'Joannis' left out. Editors' matter at the page foot: COTELERII NOTAE (45 continued)-(46), not set. Column begins and ends mid-sentence.

PG 1:1239

addidit contra nos etiam haec, quod Jesus noster non esset ipse, quem Moyses prophetam venturum esse praedixerit. Adversum hunc et alium qui cum ipso haec eadem prosequebatur Zebedaei filii Jacobus et Joannes vehementer obnisi sunt, et quamvis haberent mandatum, ne ingrederentur civitates eorum neque verbum eis praedicationis inferrent, tamen ne sermo eorum, si confutatus non esset, aliorum laederet fidem, ita prudenter et fortiter responderunt, ut perpetuum eis silentium darent. Nam Jacobus de resurrectione mortuorum cum totius populi favore peroravit, Joannes vero ostendit, quia si cessarent ab errore montis Garizin, consequenter agnoscerent ipsum esse Jesum, qui secundum prophetiam Moysis exspectabatur esse venturus, quoniam quidem signa et prodigia, ut fecit Moyses, ita fecit etiam Jesus, et dubium non est quin similitudo signorum ipsum esse testetur, quem sicut se dixit esse venturum. Haec et alia plura his similia protestati siluere.

added against us this also, that our Jesus was not the one Whom Moses foretold would come as a prophet. Against this man, and another who was pursuing these same points with him, James and John, the sons of Zebedee, strove vehemently, and although they had a command not to enter their cities nor to bring the word of preaching to them, yet, lest their speech, if it were not refuted, should injure the faith of others, they answered so prudently and so strongly that they put them to perpetual silence. For James argued concerning the resurrection of the dead with the favour of the whole people, while John showed that, if they would cease from the error of Mount Gerizim, they would consequently acknowledge that Jesus is the very one Who, according to the prophecy of Moses, was expected to come, since indeed, as Moses did signs and wonders, so also did Jesus, and there is no doubt that the likeness of the signs testifies that He is the one whom he said would come like himself. Having borne witness to these and many other things like them, they fell silent.

LVIII. Et ecce quidam de Scribis de medio populi exclamans ait: Jesus vester signa et prodigia quae fecit, ut magus non ut propheta fecit. Huic Philippus vehementer occurrit ostendens, quia hac ratione accusaret etiam Moysen. Cum enim Moyses signa et prodigia fecerit in Aegypto, similiter autem et Jesus in Judaea, dubitari non possit, quin quod de Jesu diceretur, hoc etiam de Moyse dici videretur. Haec et his similia plura protestatus siluit Philippus.

LVIII. And behold, one of the scribes, crying out from the midst of the people, said: Your Jesus did the signs and wonders that he did as a magician, not as a prophet. Philip vehemently opposed him, showing that by this reasoning he would be accusing Moses also. For since Moses did signs and wonders in Egypt, and Jesus likewise in Judaea, it could not be doubted that what was said of Jesus would seem to be said of Moses also. Having borne witness to these and many things like them, Philip fell silent.

LIX. Pharisaeus autem quidam audiens haec, insimulabat Philippum, quod Moysen aequalem diceret Jesu. Cui Bartholomaeus respondens, constanter edocuit, quia non dicimus Jesum solum aequalem Moysi, sed majorem; quia Moyses quidem propheta fuit, quod fuit et Jesus, quod autem fuit Jesus, Moyses non fuit, hoc est Christus, et ideo

LIX. But a certain Pharisee, hearing these things, accused Philip of saying that Moses was equal to Jesus. Answering him, Bartholomew steadfastly taught that we do not say that Jesus is merely equal to Moses, but greater; because Moses indeed was a prophet, which Jesus also was, but what Jesus was, Moses was not, that is, the Christ, and therefore

Editors' notes and page, col. 1239

Footnotes

(4) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1239 (call not visible in the foot image)

Matth. X, 5.

Matthew X, 5.

(printed under page 617)

(5) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1239 (call not visible in the foot image)

Ibid., 3, in Graeco.

The same place, 3, in the Greek.

(printed under page 617)

Page

running head: 1239 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. (remainder of the head lies over the facing column, not in these images)
marginal letters: A ‹addidit contra nos etiam haec›; B ‹batur esse venturus, quoniam›; C ‹LIX. Pharisaeus autem quidam›; D ‹(48) Barnabas, qui et Matthias›, in the notes at the foot
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1240

major ille sine dubio, qui et propheta et Christus est, quam ille qui solum propheta est. Haec et his similia plura prosecutus siluit. Post hunc Jacobus Alphaei sermonem fecit ad populum, quo ostenderet, non ideo credendum esse Jesu, quia de eo prophetae praedixerint, sed ideo magis credendum esse prophetis, quod vere prophetae sint, quia eis testimonium Christus reddat. Nam praesentia et adventus Christi illos vere prophetas fuisse designat. Dicebat enim non ab inferioribus majori, sed a majore inferioribus fidei testimonium dari. Haec et multa his similia prosecutus, etiam Jacobus siluit. Post hunc Lebbaeus populum coepit vehementer arguere, quod non crederent Jesu, qui eis tantum profuerit, docendo quae Dei sunt, solando afflictos, medendo infirmis, pauperes consolando, sed pro his omnibus bonis odia mortemque reddiderint. Haec et his similia plura cum esset populo protestatus, siluit.

without doubt He Who is both Prophet and Christ is greater than he who is only a prophet. Having pursued these and many things like them, he fell silent. After him James the son of Alphaeus made a speech to the people, to show that Jesus is not to be believed for the reason that the prophets foretold concerning Him, but rather that the prophets are to be believed to be truly prophets for the reason that Christ renders testimony to them. For the presence and coming of Christ marks them out as having truly been prophets. For he said that the testimony of faith is given not by the lesser to the greater, but by the greater to the lesser. Having pursued these and many things like them, James also fell silent. After him Lebbaeus began vehemently to reprove the people because they did not believe Jesus, Who had benefited them so greatly by teaching the things that are of God, comforting the afflicted, healing the sick, consoling the poor, but in return for all these good things they had rendered hatred and death. When he had borne witness to the people of these and many things like them, he fell silent.

LX. Et ecce unus ex discipulis Joannis affirmabat, Christum Joannem fuisse, et non Jesum; in tantum, inquit, ut et ipse Jesus omnibus hominibus et prophetis majorem esse pronuntiaverit Joannem. Si ergo, inquit, major est omnibus, sine dubio et Moyse et ipso Jesu major habendus est. Quod si omnium major est, ipse est Christus. Ad haec Cananaeus Simon respondens, asseruit Joannem majorem quidem fuisse omnibus prophetis, et omnibus qui sunt filii mulierum, non tamen majorem esse Filio hominis. Et ideo Jesus quidem et Christus est, Joannes vero solum propheta, et tantum interest inter ipsum et Jesum, quantum inter praecursorem et eum cui praecurritur, et quantum inter eum qui legem dat et eum qui legem servat. Haec et his similia prosecutus siluit etiam Cananaeus. Post quem Barnabas qui et Matthias, qui in locum Judae subrogatus est apostolus

LX. And behold, one of the disciples of John was affirming that John was the Christ, and not Jesus; so much so, he said, that even Jesus Himself pronounced John to be greater than all men and prophets. If therefore, he said, he is greater than all, without doubt he is to be held greater both than Moses and than Jesus Himself. But if he is greater than all, he himself is the Christ. Answering this, Simon the Cananaean asserted that John was indeed greater than all the prophets, and than all who are sons of women, yet is not greater than the Son of Man. And therefore Jesus indeed is also the Christ, while John is only a prophet, and there is as great a difference between him and Jesus as between the forerunner and Him before Whom he runs, and as between him who gives the law and him who keeps the law. Having pursued these and things like them, the Cananaean also fell silent. After him Barnabas, who is also Matthias, who was substituted as apostle in the place of Judas

Editors' notes and page, col. 1240

Footnotes

(6) ‹anchor: pronuntiaverit Joannem› · call in col 1240

Matth. XI, 9, 11.

Matthew XI, 9, 11.

(printed under page 617)

(47) ‹anchor: inter ipsum et Jesum› · call in col 1240

Tantum interest inter ipsum et Jesum. Refert Christophorus Sandius in tractatu De veteribus scriptoribus ecclesiasticis, subjungi in ms. Bodleiano, quantum inter stellas et solem. Quae absunt a libris editis et a nostris codicibus : recte.

Tantum interest inter ipsum et Jesum ("there is as much difference between him and Jesus"). Christopher Sandius reports, in the treatise On the Ancient Ecclesiastical Writers, that in the Bodleian manuscript there is added quantum inter stellas et solem ("as between the stars and the sun"). These words are absent from the printed books and from our codices: rightly.

(printed under page 617)

(48) ‹anchor: Barnabas qui et Matthias› · call in col 1240

Barnabas, qui et Matthias. Cod. R. et P. Barsabas, in Carm. Barsabbas, in Sorb. autem, Barnabas cum sa supra na. Certe vicinitas nominum Barnabae et Barsabae, fraudi saepe fuit indiligentioribus librorum exscriptoribus. Imo arbitrantur apud Bedam nonnulli, Pauli collegam de quo Act. IV, 36, esse eum qui cum Matthia ad apostolatus sortem est statutus, Act. I, 23, confundentes Barnabam cum Barsaba; eo magis, opinor, quod uterque diceretur Joses seu Joseph : illamque sententiam rejicit quoque S. Chrysostomus. At Matthiae datum fuisse nomen Barnabae aut Barsabae, hoc duntaxat in loco, si bene memini, refertur : quemadmodum de Thoma dicto etiam Juda, unicum forte exstat impressum testimonium, apud Eusebium, Hist. eccl., lib. I, cap. ult. Cui addo haec ex apostoli Thomae Periodis Ἀνεκδότοις. Cod. Reg. 2394 : Ἔλαχεν Ἰνδία Ἰούδᾳ Θωμᾷ τῷ καὶ Διδύμῳ, et paulo post, Ἰούδαν ὀνόματι; moxque, Ἰούδαν τὸν καὶ Θωμᾶν. De Jacobo autem et Thaddaeo complectitur haec velut S. Epiphanii codex Regius 1026 : Ἰάκωβος ὁ ἐπικληθεὶς Θαδδαῖος, ἀδελφὸς τοῦ Κυρίου γενόμενος τὸ κατὰ σάρκα. Ὃς καὶ πρῶτος ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις κατεστάθη ἐπίσκοπος ὑπὸ τῶν ἀποστόλων. Προφάσεως δὲ γενομένης ζητημάτων τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις, λίθοις ὑπ' αὐτῶν βληθεὶς ἐκοιμήθη ἐν Ἱερουσαλὴμ, καὶ ἐκεῖ ἐτάφη πλησίον τοῦ τάφου τῶν ἱερέων ἐνδόξως....... Θαδδαῖος δὲ, ὁ καὶ Λεββαῖος, ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ, ὁ ἐπικληθεὶς Ἰούδας Ἰακώβου, etc. Et de Juda Jacobo in Manuelis Comneni Novella de feriis, quam edidit integram Carolus Labbaeus, quaeque ex parte legitur in Jure Orientali, in Jure Graeco-Romano, post Synopsim Basilicorum, ac in Balsamonis Scholiis ad Photiani Nomocanonis titulum 7 : Διὰ τὸν ἀπόστολον Ἰούδαν τὸν καὶ Θαδδαῖον, καὶ Λεβαῖον aut Λεββαῖον, καὶ Ἰάκωβον, quanquam Ἰακώβου forsan scribi debeat, Judam Jacobi. Denique de Thaddaeo Barsaba, Chronici Alexandr. p. 504 : Θαδδαῖος ὁ καὶ Λεβαῖος ὁ ἐπικληθεὶς Βαρσαβᾶς. Quid si scriptum a subdititio Clemente, ὁ Βαρσαβᾶ, ille Barsabae; eodem sensu quo de Justo Act. I, 23, in Chrysostomo, ὁ μετὰ Ματθίου, qui cum Matthia : Rufinus vero legerit aut legendum putaverit ὁ Βαρσαβᾶς, Barsabas ?

Barnabas, qui et Matthias ("Barnabas, who is also Matthias"). Codices R. and P., Barsabas; in the Carm., Barsabbas; but in the Sorb., Barnabas with sa above na. Certainly the nearness of the names Barnabas and Barsabas has often misled the more careless copyists of books. Indeed some, in Bede, think that Paul's colleague, of whom Acts IV, 36 speaks, is the one who was put forward with Matthias for the lot of the apostleship, Acts I, 23, confusing Barnabas with Barsabas; the more so, I think, because each was called Joses or Joseph: and St. Chrysostom also rejects that opinion. But that the name of Barnabas or Barsabas was given to Matthias is reported, if I remember well, in this place only: just as of Thomas being called also Judas there is perhaps a single printed testimony extant, in Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, book I, last chapter. To which I add these words from the unpublished Circuits of the apostle Thomas, Royal codex 2394: "India fell by lot to Judas Thomas, also called Didymus," and a little after, "Judas by name"; and presently, "Judas, also called Thomas." Of James and Thaddaeus the Royal codex 1026, as if of St. Epiphanius, contains these words: "James, surnamed Thaddaeus, who was the brother of the Lord according to the flesh. He was also the first appointed bishop in Jerusalem by the apostles. And when a pretext arose from disputes with the Jews, being stoned by them he fell asleep in Jerusalem, and was buried there gloriously near the tomb of the priests....... And Thaddaeus, also called Lebbaeus, his brother, surnamed Judas of James," etc. And of Judas [of] James, in the Novel of Manuel Comnenus on feast days, which Charles Labbé published entire, and which is read in part in the Jus Orientale, in the Jus Graeco-Romanum, after the Synopsis of the Basilica, and in Balsamon's Scholia on title 7 of Photius's Nomocanon: "On account of the apostle Judas, also called Thaddaeus and Lebaeus" or "Lebbaeus", "and James," although perhaps Ἰακώβου should be written, "Judas of James". Finally, of Thaddaeus Barsabas, the Alexandrian Chronicle, p. 504: "Thaddaeus, also called Lebaeus, surnamed Barsabas." What if there was written by the spurious Clement ὁ Βαρσαβᾶ, "he of Barsabas", in the same sense in which, of Justus in Acts I, 23, there is in Chrysostom ὁ μετὰ Ματθίου, "he who was with Matthias": while Rufinus read, or thought it should be read, ὁ Βαρσαβᾶς, "Barsabas"?

(printed under page 617)

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running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1240
marginal letters: A ‹major ille sine dubio›; B ‹lando afflictos, medendo›; C ‹et Christus est, Joannes vero›; D ‹λίθοις ὑπ' αὐτῶν›, in the notes at the foot
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1241

, monere populum coepit, ne odio haberent Jesum neque blasphemarent eum. Multo enim esse rectius, etiam ignoranti vel dubitanti de Jesu, amare eum quam odisse. Charitati enim Deus praemium posuit, odiis poenam. Hoc ipsum enim, inquit, quod Judaicum corpus assumpsit et inter Judaeos natus est, quo modo non omnibus vobis incentiva sui amoris incussit? Haec et his similia cum perorasset, dicendi finem fecit.

, began to admonish the people not to hold Jesus in hatred nor to blaspheme Him. For it was much more right, even for one ignorant or doubtful concerning Jesus, to love Him than to hate Him. For God has set a reward for charity, a punishment for hatreds. For this very fact, he said, that He assumed a Jewish body and was born among the Jews, how has it not struck into all of you incentives to love of Him? When he had finished speaking these and things like them, he made an end of speaking.

LXI. Tunc Caiphas doctrinam Jesu culpare tentabat, dicens eum res vanas locutum: beatos enim pauperes dixit, et terrenas fore remunerationes promisit, ac summam muneris in terrena haereditate constituit, cibisque ac potu eos qui justitiam servarint, promisit esse saturandos; et his similia multa docuisse deprehenditur. Cui Thomas respondens arguit eum frustra causantem, ostendens, quia prophetae magis, quibus etiam ipse credit, ita docuerint, nec tamen quomodo erunt haec aut quomodo percipientur, ostenderint, Jesus vero qualiter accipi haec debeant, demonstraverit. Et cum haec atque his similia plura dixisset, siluit etiam Thomas.

LXI. Then Caiaphas attempted to find fault with the teaching of Jesus, saying that He had spoken vain things: for He called the poor blessed, and promised that there would be earthly rewards, and placed the sum of the gift in an earthly inheritance, and promised that those who had kept justice would be filled with food and drink; and He is found to have taught many things like these. Answering him, Thomas convicted him of complaining to no purpose, showing that it was rather the prophets, whom he himself also believes, who taught thus, and yet did not show how these things will be or how they will be received, whereas Jesus demonstrated in what manner these things ought to be taken. And when he had said these and many things like them, Thomas also fell silent.

LXII. Post haec rursum Caiphas me intuens, et nunc ut monens, nunc vero ut culpans, dicebat, cessare me debere de reliquo a praedicatione Christi Jesu, ne in perniciem mei hoc agerem, neve ipse errore deceptus alios quoque meo errore deciperem. Tum praeterea arguebat me temeritatis, quod cum essem ipse imperitus, piscator et rusticus, officium subire doctoris auderem. Haec et alia plura his similia dicenti, ego quoque in haec verba respondi: Mihi quidem minus esse periculi, si, ut ipse ait, iste non sit Christus, quia doctorem legis receperim; ipsi vero ingens esse discrimen, si hic ipse sit Christus, sicut et certe est. Ego enim credo huic qui apparuit; ipse autem cui alii fidem servare se credit, qui nullus apparuit? Si vero et idiota, ut ais, et imperitus ac piscator et rusticus, super presbyteros sapientes intelligam, hoc tibi, inquam, magis metum debet incutere. Nam si ex eruditione aliqua disputans obtinerem vos sapientes et eruditos, videretur utique doctrina hoc mihi longi temporis et non divinae virtutis gratia contulisse, nunc autem cum, ut dixi, nos imperiti vos sapientes convincimus et superamus, cui sensum habenti non palam est, quia hoc non humanae argutiae opus est, sed divinae voluntatis et muneris?

LXII. After this Caiaphas again, looking at me, and now as if admonishing, now as if blaming, said that I ought for the future to cease from the preaching of Christ Jesus, lest I should be doing this to my own destruction, and lest, being myself deceived by error, I should deceive others also by my error. Then besides he charged me with rashness, because, although I was myself unlearned, a fisherman and a rustic, I dared to take up the office of a teacher. As he said these and many other things like them, I too answered in these words: That for me indeed there was less danger if, as he himself says, this man is not the Christ, because I have received a teacher of the law; but that for him there was immense peril if this very man is the Christ, as He also certainly is. For I believe this one Who has appeared; but he, for what other does he believe that he is keeping his faith, when none has appeared? But if I, an untrained man, as you say, and unlearned and a fisherman and a rustic, understand more than the wise elders, this, I said, ought rather to strike fear into you. For if I were prevailing over you, the wise and learned, by disputing from some learning, it would surely seem that the instruction of a long time had bestowed this on me, and not the grace of divine power; but now, since, as I said, we the unlearned convict and overcome you the wise, to whom that has sense is it not plain that this is the work not of human cleverness, but of the divine will and gift?

LXIII. Haec igitur et alia hujusmodi prosequentes, consequenter protestati sumus ac docuimus nos imperiti et piscatores, sacerdotes quidem de uno solo Deo coeli, Sadducaeos de resurrectione

LXIII. Pursuing, therefore, these things and others of this kind, we, unlearned men and fishermen, accordingly bore witness and taught the priests indeed concerning the one only God of heaven, the Sadducees concerning the resurrection

Editors' notes and page, col. 1241

Footnotes

(7) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1241 (call not visible in the foot image)

Matth. V; Luc. X.

Matthew V; Luke X.

(printed under page 618)

(8) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1241 (call not visible in the foot image; column uncertain)

Et euchar.—sumerent desunt in codd. Lips. 1.

Et euchar. — sumerent ("And the euchar[ist] … they might receive") are wanting in the Leipzig codices, 1.

(printed under page 618)

Page

running head: 1241 RECOGNITIONUM L (remainder of the head lies over the facing column, not in these images)
marginal letters: A ‹, monere populum coepit› (line 1, printed 'stolus, monere'); B ‹docuisse deprehenditur. Cui Thomas›; C ‹doctoris auderem. Haec et alia›; D ‹cimus et superamus, cui sensum›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1242

mortuorum, Samaritas de consecratione Hierusalem, non tamen ingressi civitatem ipsorum, sed publice disputantes, Scribas vero et Pharisaeos de regno coelorum, discipulos Joannis, ne scandalum paterentur in Joanne, omnem vero populum, quia Jesus est Christus aeternus. Ad ultimum autem monui eos, ut priusquam progrederemur ad gentes praedicare eis agnitionem Dei Patris, ipsi reconciliarentur Deo suscipientes Filium ejus. Aliter enim nullo modo eos ostendi posse salvari, nisi per sancti Spiritus gratiam trinae invocationis dilui baptismate properarent, et Eucharistiam Christi Domini sumerent, cui soli, de his quae docuit credere deberent, ut sic aeternam salutem consequi mererentur, aliter vero impossibile prorsus esse reconciliari eos Deo, etiam si mille ei aras et altaria mille succendant.

of the dead, the Samaritans concerning the consecration of Jerusalem, not however entering their city, but disputing publicly, the scribes and Pharisees concerning the kingdom of heaven, the disciples of John, that they should not suffer scandal in John, and all the people, that Jesus is the eternal Christ. And last of all I admonished them that, before we went forth to the Gentiles to preach to them the knowledge of God the Father, they themselves should be reconciled to God by receiving His Son. For I showed that otherwise they could in no way be saved, unless through the grace of the Holy Spirit they hastened to be washed with the baptism of the threefold invocation, and received the Eucharist of Christ the Lord, Whom alone they ought to believe concerning the things that He taught, that so they might merit to obtain eternal salvation, but that otherwise it was utterly impossible for them to be reconciled to God, even if they should kindle a thousand shrines and a thousand altars to Him.

LXIV. Nos enim, inquam, pro certo comperimus, quod super sacrificiis quae offertis, multo magis exasperatur Deus, sacrificiorum tempore duntaxat expleto. Et quia vos non vultis agnoscere, emensum esse jam tempus hostias offerendi, ob hoc destruetur et templum, et abominatio desolationis statuetur in loco sancto, et tunc gentibus Evangelium praedicabitur ad testimonium vestri, ut ex illorum fide vestra infidelitas judicetur. Omnis etenim mundus diversis temporibus diversas malitiae aegritudines patitur, vel per omnes generaliter, vel per singulos quosque specialiter, et ideo indiget medico, qui eum visitet ad salutem. Nos ergo protestamur vobis, et quod unumquemque vestrum latuit nuntiamus. Vestrum est deliberare, quid expediat vobis.

LXIV. For we, I said, have ascertained for certain that God is much more provoked over the sacrifices which you offer, the time of sacrifices at least having been completed. And because you are not willing to acknowledge that the time for offering victims has now run its course, for this reason the temple also will be destroyed, and the abomination of desolation will be set up in the holy place, and then the Gospel will be preached to the Gentiles for a testimony against you, that by their faith your unbelief may be judged. For the whole world at different times suffers different sicknesses of wickedness, either through all generally, or through each one specially, and therefore it needs a physician to visit it for its health. We therefore bear witness to you, and announce what has been hidden from each one of you. It is yours to consider what is expedient for you.

LXV. His a me dictis, ingemuit omnis multitudo sacerdotum, quod eis de templi subversione praedixerim. Quod cum vidisset Gamaliel princeps populi (qui latenter frater noster erat in fide, sed consilio nostro inter eos erat), quia valde fremerent et ingenti adversum nos furore moverentur, assurgens ait: Quiescite paulisper, o viri Israelitae, non enim advertitis tentationem quae imminet vobis, propter quod desinite ab hominibus istis, et si quidem humani consilii est quod agunt, cito cessabit, si autem a Deo est, cur sine causa peccatis nec proficitis quidquam? Dei enim voluntatem quis potest superare? Nunc ergo, quoniam quidem in vesperam vergitur dies, crastino hoc ipso in loco audientibus vobis, ego ipse cum istis disputabo, ut omnem errorem palam arguam, dilucideque confutem. Et his dictis repressus est eorum aliquatenus furor, ea praecipue spe, quod die crastina erroris

LXV. When these things had been said by me, the whole multitude of the priests groaned, because I had foretold to them the overthrow of the temple. When Gamaliel, a chief of the people (who was secretly our brother in the faith, but by our counsel was among them), saw this, that they were raging greatly and were being moved with immense fury against us, he rose and said: Be quiet for a little while, O men of Israel, for you do not perceive the trial that hangs over you; wherefore refrain from these men, and if indeed what they do is of human counsel, it will quickly cease, but if it is from God, why do you sin without cause and gain nothing? For who can overcome the will of God? Now therefore, since indeed the day is declining towards evening, tomorrow in this very place, in your hearing, I myself will dispute with these men, that I may openly convict and clearly refute every error. And at these words their fury was to some degree restrained, especially by the hope that on the morrow

Editors' notes and page, col. 1242

Footnotes

(9) ‹anchor: in loco sancto› · call in col 1242

Deut. IX, 27; Matth. XXIV, 15.

Deuteronomy IX, 27 [so the page appears to print; Daniel IX, 27 is the passage meant]; Matthew XXIV, 15.

(printed under page 618)

(10) ‹anchor: assurgens ait› · call in col 1242

Act. V, 35-59.

Acts V, 35-59 [so printed].

(printed under page 618)

(49) ‹anchor: destruetur et templum› · call in col 1242

Destruetur et templum. Similes praedictiones complectebatur alius liber apocryphus, scriptus de praedicatione Petri et Pauli in urbe Roma. Auctor Lactantius lib. IV, cap. 21.

Destruetur et templum ("the temple too shall be destroyed"). Similar predictions were contained in another apocryphal book, written on the preaching of Peter and Paul in the city of Rome. The authority is Lactantius, book IV, ch. 21.

(printed under page 618)

(50) ‹anchor: inter eos erat› · call in col 1242

Sed consilio nostro inter eos erat. Vulpinum hoc consilium, apostolis indignum est. Decepit tamen Bedam pseudo-Clemens Rufini. At non ego credulus illis.

Sed consilio nostro inter eos erat ("but by our counsel he was among them"). This foxlike counsel is unworthy of the apostles. Yet Rufinus's pseudo-Clement deceived Bede. "But I am not one to believe them."

(printed under page 618)

Page

running head: RECOGNITIONUM LIB. I. 1242
marginal letters: A ‹mortuorum, Samaritas de consecratione›; B ‹liari eos Deo, etiam si mille›; C ‹ideo indiget medico›; D ‹tis nec proficitis quidquam›
old-edition numerals: (none)

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nos publice arguendos sperarent. Et sic cum pace populum dimisit.

they hoped that we would be publicly convicted of error. And so he dismissed the people in peace.

LXVI. Nos vero cum venissemus ad Jacobum nostrum, omnia quae dicta gestaque fuerant exponentes, apud eum cibo sumpto mansimus, omnipotenti Deo per totam noctem supplicantes, ut futurae disputationis sermo indubitatam fidei nostrae ostenderet veritatem. Igitur postera die Jacobus episcopus nobiscum simul et cum omni ecclesia ascendit ad templum, ubi ingentem reperimus multitudinem, a medio noctis exspectantem nos. Stetimus ergo in locis, quibus et prius, ut eminentius stantes ab universo populo cerneremur. Cumque esset summum silentium factum, Gamaliel, qui, ut supra diximus, nostrae fidei erat, dispensatione vero manebat inter ipsos, ut si quando iniquum aliquid adversum nos aut impium molirentur, vel ipsos consilio reprimeret prudenter aptato, vel nos commoneret ut aut curare aut declinare possemus; is ergo tanquam adversum nos agens, prior omnium episcopum Jacobum intuens hoc modo allocutus est:

LXVI. But we, when we had come to our James, setting forth all that had been said and done, took food and stayed with him, beseeching almighty God through the whole night that the discourse of the coming disputation might show the undoubted truth of our faith. On the following day, therefore, James the bishop went up to the temple together with us and with the whole church, where we found an immense multitude, which had been waiting for us from the middle of the night. We therefore stood in the same places as before, so that, standing higher up, we might be seen by the whole people. And when the deepest silence had been made, Gamaliel, who, as we said above, was of our faith, but by a dispensation remained among them, so that, if at any time they should contrive anything unjust or impious against us, he might either restrain them by counsel prudently fitted, or might warn us so that we could either see to it or avoid it; he, therefore, as though acting against us, first of all, looking at James the bishop, addressed him in this manner:

LXVII. Si ego Gamaliel neque eruditionis meae, neque senectutis opprobrium duco, discere aliquid a parvulis et ab imperitis, si quid forte est utilitatis aut salutis acquirere (qui enim rationabiliter vivit, scit quia nihil est anima pretiosius), quomodo non omnibus amabile est, cunctisque exoptatum, ut quae ignorat discat, quae didicerit doceat? Certissimum namque est, quoque neque amicitia, neque propinquitas generis, neque regni sublimitas homini debet esse pretiosior veritate. Et vos ergo fratres, si quid amplius nostis, populo Dei qui adest, itemque fratribus vestris proferre non pigeat, omni populo libenter et tota conquiete quae dicitis audiente. Quomodo enim non hoc faciat populus, cum meipsum videat secum pariter velle a vobis discere, si quid forte amplius vobis revelavit Deus? Si vero vos in aliquo indigetis, similiter etiam vos a nobis non pigeat doceri, ut erga utramque partem, si quid deest, adimpleat Deus. Quod si aliquis forte vos nunc sollicitat metus, propter nonnullos nostrorum qui praejudicatis adversum vos animis utuntur, et insidias eorum verentes, non audetis

LXVII. If I, Gamaliel, count it a reproach neither to my learning nor to my old age to learn something from little ones and from the unlearned, if there is perhaps something of usefulness or of salvation to be gained (for he who lives reasonably knows that nothing is more precious than the soul), how is it not lovable to all, and desired by everyone, that a man should learn what he does not know and teach what he has learned? For it is most certain that neither friendship, nor nearness of kindred, nor the loftiness of kingship ought to be more precious to a man than truth. You also, therefore, brethren, if you know anything more, let it not irk you to bring it forth to the people of God who are present, and likewise to your brethren, while the whole people listens willingly and in entire quiet to what you say. For how should the people not do this, when it sees even me wishing equally with it to learn from you, if perhaps God has revealed something more to you? But if you are lacking in anything, let it likewise not irk you also to be taught by us, that God may fill up on either side whatever is wanting. But if perhaps some fear now troubles you, on account of some of our people who hold minds prejudiced against you, and, fearing their plots, you do not dare

Editors' notes and page, col. 1243

Footnotes

(51) ‹anchor: Jacobum episcoporum principem› · call in col 1243 (call not visible in the foot image)

Jacobum episcoporum principem. Candelerianus etiam codex, Jacobum episcopum; Petri Petiti, Jacobum nostrum principem; infra cap. penult, Jacobus archiepiscopus. In concilio Ephesino parte I, c. 30 : Ἰακώβου ἀποστόλου καὶ ἀρχιεπισκόπου. Apud Photium Biblioth. cod. 275. Hesychius presbyter Hierosolymitanus, τὸν τῶν ἱερέων ἡγεμόνα, τῶν ἀποστόλων τὸν ἔξαρχον, τὴν ἐν κεφαλαῖς κορυφήν. In scholio Regii codicis 705, quod posui initio notarum in Barnabam, πρῶτος ἐπίσκοπος. Unde a Nicephoro CP. catalogus Patriarcharum Hierosolymitanorum texitur ante catalogos reliquorum patriarcharum. Rufinus Historiae ecclesiasticae Eusebii a se versae l. II, c. 1 : Apostolorum episcopum. Denique Nicolaus Methonensis, de Eucharistia : Ὁ θεῖος Ἰάκωβος ὁ τοῦ πρώτου καὶ μεγάλου ἀρχιερέως ἀδελφὸς καὶ διάδοχος. Haec in laudem Jacobi. Sedis vero Hierosolymiticae illustre praeconium suppeditat Epistola Justini imperatoris ad Hormisdam papam, quae subsequitur ejusdem pontificis septuagesimam quartam, hisce verbis : Ad colligendas et adunandas ubique venerabiles Ecclesias, et Hierosolymitanam praecipue; cui tamen [l. tantum ex vet. edit.] omnes favorem impendunt, quasi matri Christiani nominis, ut nemo audeat ab ea sese discernere. Videsis principium Epistolae Clementis ad Jacobum, et Epitomes.

Jacobum episcoporum principem ("James, the chief of the bishops"). The Candeler. codex also has Jacobum episcopum ("James the bishop"); Pierre Petit's, Jacobum nostrum principem ("James our chief"); below, in the last chapter but one, Jacobus archiepiscopus ("James the archbishop"). In the Council of Ephesus, part I, ch. 30: "of James, apostle and archbishop." In Photius, Bibliotheca, codex 275, Hesychius, presbyter of Jerusalem: "the leader of the priests, the exarch of the apostles, the summit among the heads." In the scholion of the Royal codex 705, which I placed at the beginning of the notes on Barnabas, "first bishop". Hence by Nicephorus of Constantinople the catalogue of the Patriarchs of Jerusalem is woven before the catalogues of the other patriarchs. Rufinus, in Eusebius's Ecclesiastical History translated by himself, book II, ch. 1: "bishop of the apostles". Finally Nicholas of Methone, On the Eucharist: "The divine James, the brother and successor of the first and great high priest." These things in praise of James. But a notable commendation of the see of Jerusalem is furnished by the Letter of the emperor Justin to Pope Hormisdas, which follows that pontiff's seventy-fourth, in these words: "For gathering together and uniting the venerable Churches everywhere, and especially that of Jerusalem; to which nevertheless [read tantum, 'so greatly', from the old edition] all devote their favour, as to the mother of the Christian name, so that no one dares to separate himself from it." See, if you will, the beginning of the Letter of Clement to James, and of the Epitome.

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running head: 1243 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. (remainder of the head lies over the facing column, not in these images)
marginal letters: A ‹nos publice arguendos sperarent›; B ‹manebat inter ipsos, ut si quando›; C ‹propinquitas generis, neque regni›; D ‹(51) Jacobum episcoporum principem›, in the notes at the foot
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: both misprints UNSURE: 'quoque neque amicitia' and 'tota conquiete' are set as the type appears to read; the sense requires 'quod' and 'cum quiete', and the English follows the sense. 'curare' (LXVI, 'aut curare aut declinare') read as printed, UNSURE against a possible 'cavere'. Editors' matter at the page foot: critical note (11) and COTELERII NOTAE (51), not set. Column begins and ends mid-sentence.

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dicere quod sentitis apertius, ego ut vos etiam hujus occasione timoris absolvam, juro vobis per omnipotentem Deum et viventem in saecula, quia nullum permittam injicere vobis manus. Habentes ergo hujus juramenti mei omnem hunc populum testem, et idoneum pignus sacramenti nostri foedus tenentes, absque ulla cunctatione unusquisque vestrum quod didicit proferat, et nos fratres intente et cum silentio audiamus.

to say more openly what you think, I, that I may release you also from the occasion of this fear, swear to you by the almighty God Who lives for ever that I will permit no one to lay hands on you. Having therefore all this people as witness of this my oath, and holding the covenant of our sworn pledge as a fitting security, let each one of you without any hesitation bring forth what he has learned, and let us, brethren, listen attentively and in silence.

LXVIII. Haec dicens Gamaliel non valde placebat Caiphae, et, ut videbatur, suspectum habens eum, ipse magis inserere se subtiliter disputationibus coepit; subridens enim ad ea quae Gamaliel dixerat, Jacobum episcoporum principem sacerdotum princeps orabat, ut de Christo non aliunde sermo quam de scripturis fieret, ut sciamus, inquit, utrum Jesus ipse sit Christus, an non. Tum Jacobus, primo, inquit, requiramus, ex quibus scripturis potissimum disputationem haberi oporteat. At ille vix aliquando ratione ipsa superatus respondit, ex lege habendam, et post hoc etiam prophetarum addidit mentionem.

LXVIII. In saying these things Gamaliel did not greatly please Caiaphas, and he, holding him in suspicion, as it seemed, began rather to insert himself subtly into the disputations; for, smiling at what Gamaliel had said, the chief of the priests begged James, the chief of the bishops, that the discourse concerning Christ should be drawn from no other source than the Scriptures, that we may know, he said, whether Jesus is Himself the Christ or not. Then James said: Let us first inquire from which Scriptures above all the disputation ought to be held. But he, at length and with difficulty overcome by reason itself, answered that it must be held from the law, and after this he added mention of the prophets also.

LXIX. Cui Jacobus noster coepit ostendere, quia et prophetae quae dicunt, ex lege sumpserint et legi consona sint locuti. Sed et de libris Regnorum disseruit aliqua, quomodo, et quando, et a quo scripti sint, et quomodo eis uti oporteat. Cumque et de lege plenissime disputasset, ac singula quae de Christo sunt, purissima expositione protulisset in lucem, ostendit abundantissimis probationibus, quia Jesus est Christus, et in ipso universa quae de humili ejus adventu fuerant praedicta, complentur. Duos enim ejus praedictos esse docuit adventus, unum humilitatis quem adimplevit, alium gloriae qui speratur implendus, cum veniet dare regnum credentibus in se et servantibus omnia quae praecepit. Cumque de his evidenter populum docuisset, addebat etiam hoc; quia nisi quis baptizatus fuisset in aqua sub appellatione trinae beatitudinis, sicut docuit verus propheta, neque remissionem acciperet peccatorum, neque introiret in regna coelorum: et hanc esse Dei [ingeniti] praefinitionem confirmavit. Quibus etiam haec addidit: Nolite putare nos duos ingenitos dicere deos, aut unum divisum

LXIX. To him our James began to show that the prophets too took what they say from the law, and spoke things consonant with the law. But he also discoursed somewhat concerning the books of Kings, how, and when, and by whom they were written, and how one ought to use them. And when he had also disputed most fully concerning the law, and had brought forth into the light by the clearest exposition each of the things that concern Christ, he showed by most abundant proofs that Jesus is the Christ, and that in Him are fulfilled all the things that had been foretold concerning His humble coming. For he taught that two comings of His were foretold, one of humility, which He has fulfilled, the other of glory, which is hoped for as yet to be fulfilled, when He will come to give the kingdom to those who believe in Him and keep all that He commanded. And when he had plainly taught the people concerning these things, he added this also: that unless a man were baptized in water under the invocation of the threefold blessedness, as the true Prophet taught, he would neither receive remission of sins nor enter into the kingdoms of heaven; and he affirmed that this is the predetermination of the [unbegotten] God. To which he also added this: Do not think that we speak of two unbegotten gods, or of one divided

Editors' notes and page, col. 1244

Footnotes

(11) ‹anchor: Quibus etiam› · call in col 1244

Vocabula Quibus etiam — de Paracleto dicimus non leguntur in codd. Lipss., qui etiam voc. ingeniti, quod uncis includimus, non agnoscunt.

The words Quibus etiam — de Paracleto dicimus ("To which also … we say of the Paraclete") are not read in the Leipzig codices, which also do not recognize the word ingeniti ("unbegotten"), which we enclose in brackets.

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running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1244
marginal letters: A ‹dicere quod sentitis apertius›; B ‹de sermo quam de scripturis›; C ‹est Christus, et in ipso universa›; D ‹l. II, c. 1 : Apostolorum episcopum›, in the notes at the foot
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esse in duos, vel sicut impii dicunt, eumdem masculum et feminam sui effectum; sed Filium Dei unigenitum dicimus, non ex alio initio, sed ex ipso ineffabiliter natum. Similiter etiam de Paracleto dicimus. Sed et de baptismate cum aliquanta dixisset, per septem continuos dies persuasit omni populo et pontifici, ut confestim ad percipiendum baptismum festinarent.

to be [divided] into two, or, as the impious say, that the same one was made male and female of himself; but we say that the Son of God is only-begotten, not from another beginning, but ineffably born from Himself. In like manner we speak also of the Paraclete. But when he had also said a good many things about baptism, through seven successive days he persuaded all the people and the high priest to hasten at once to receive baptism.

LXX. Cumque in eo jam res esset, ut venirent et baptizarentur, homo quidam inimicus, tunc cum paucis admodum ingrediens templum, clamare coepit et dicere: Quid facitis, o viri Israelitae? cur vobis tam facile subripitur? cur praecipites ducimini ab hominibus infelicissimis, et a [Simone] Mago deceptis? Cumque haec diceret et ad haec adderet ac superaretur ab episcopo Jacobo, conturbare populum et seditiones suscitare coepit, uti ne ea quae dicebantur plebs posset audire. Igitur exagitare cuncta clamoribus, et quae fuerant multo labore ordinata convellere, simulque incusare sacerdotes, et opprobriis atque increpationibus coepit accendere, et velut furibundus singulos quosque ad caedem concitare, dicens: Quid agitis? quid cessatis? O segnes et desides, cur non manibus nostris invadimus et discerpimus omnes hos? Et cum haec dixisset, primus rapto ex ara torre robusto caedis fecit exordium. Tum deinde et caeteri videntes eum, simili efferebantur insania; fit omnium clamor, caedentium pariter et caesorum, sanguis plurimus funditur, fuga permista habetur, cum interim ille inimicus homo Jacobum aggressus, de summis gradibus praecipitem dedit, quem cum

LXX. And when the matter had now come to this, that they should come and be baptized, a certain hostile man, entering the temple at that moment with a very few others, began to cry out and say: What are you doing, O men of Israel? Why are you so easily led astray? Why are you dragged headlong by most wretched men, men deceived by [Simon] the Magician? And when he was saying these things and adding to them, and was being overcome by the bishop James, he began to throw the people into confusion and to stir up seditions, so that the people might not be able to hear the things that were being said. And so he began to disturb everything with shouts, and to tear down what had been set in order with much labour, and at the same time to accuse the priests, and to inflame them with reproaches and rebukes, and like a madman to rouse each and every one to slaughter, saying: What are you doing? Why do you delay? O sluggish and idle men, why do we not fall upon all these with our hands and tear them to pieces? And when he had said this, he first, snatching a stout firebrand from the altar, made the beginning of the slaughter. Then the rest also, seeing him, were carried away by a like madness; there arises a clamour of all, of those striking and of those struck alike, very much blood is shed, there is a confused flight, while meanwhile that hostile man, having attacked James, threw him headlong from the top of the steps, and when

Editors' notes and page, col. 1245

Footnotes

(12) ‹anchor: crederet Petrum› · call in col 1246

Act. XXII, 5.

Acts 22:5.

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(52) ‹anchor: Aut unum divisum esse in duos; call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1245

Aut unum divisum esse in duos. Gregorius Nazianzenus orat. 25, p. 441 : Φεύξονται Οὐαλεντίνου τὴν τοῦ ἑνὸς εἰς δύο κατατομὴν, οὐκ ἄλλον τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ τὸν δημιουργὸν πιστεύοντες· quem locum perturbate excuderunt; ἄλλον correctionem et ἄλλου vitium scripturae, simul in textum admittentes.

"Or that the one is divided into two." Gregory of Nazianzus, oration 25, p. 441: "They will flee Valentinus's cutting of the one into two, believing the creator to be none other than the good [God]"; a passage which they have printed in confusion, admitting into the text together both ἄλλον, the correction, and ἄλλου, the fault of the writing.

(printed under page 620)

(53) ‹anchor: Vel sicut impii dicunt; call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1245

Vel sicut impii dicunt, etc. Adversus Gnosticae haeresis consectaneos, hac etiam in parte sequaces philosophorum fabularumque ethnicarum.

"Or as the impious say", etc. Against the adherents of the Gnostic heresy, who in this point too follow the philosophers and the fables of the heathen.

(printed under page 620)

(54) ‹anchor: Similiter etiam de Paracleto dicimus; call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1245

Similiter etiam de Paracleto dicimus. Si Paracletum natum vult dicere, ἀρχαϊκῶς et improprie loquitur. Tum deinde honore ac dignitate Patri ac Filio sociatum tradiderunt Spiritum sanctum. In hoc non jam manifeste discernitur, utrum natus sit an innatus. Verba sunt Origenis, in prooemio librorum De principiis. Dionysius De divinis nominibus cap. 2 : Πάλιν, ὅτι μὲν ἔστι πηγαία θεότης ὁ Πατὴρ, ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς καὶ τὸ Πνεῦμα τῆς θεογόνου θεότητος, εἰ οὕτω χρὴ φάναι, βλαστοὶ θεόφυτοι. Sic Nonnus Paraphrasi in Joannem cap. XIV, vers. 63 : Παράκλητον, Χριστῷ σύγγονον appellat, et quemadmodum cap. II, vers. 64, scripserat, αὐτογόνῳ υἱέϊ, ita cap. III, vers. 35, canit, Πνεύματος αὐτογόνοιο. In Methodii Symposio orat. 10, sub finem, τὰς δύο ἀρχεγόνους δυνάμεις.

"In like manner we speak also of the Paraclete." If he means to say that the Paraclete is begotten, he speaks in an archaic and improper way. "Then next they handed down that the Holy Spirit is associated in honour and dignity with the Father and the Son. In this it is not yet clearly distinguished whether He is begotten or unbegotten." The words are Origen's, in the preface to the books On First Principles. Dionysius, On the Divine Names, ch. 2: "Again, that the Father is the fontal godhead, while Jesus and the Spirit are, if one may so speak, divinely planted shoots of the God-bearing godhead." So Nonnus in his Paraphrase of John, ch. 14, line 63, calls the Paraclete "kindred with Christ", and just as in ch. 2, line 64, he had written "to the self-begotten Son", so in ch. 3, line 35, he sings "of the self-begotten Spirit". In Methodius's Symposium, oration 10, near the end, "the two first-born powers".

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(55) ‹anchor: Cumque in eo jam res esset; call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1245

Cumque in eo jam res esset. Ms. Carmel. esset Saulus; ubi Saulus nota est marginalis, sumpta aut e re ipsa, aut ex Abdia supposititio. Conferri autem debet totus locus cum his verbis cap. 43 : Septimana jam una ex passione Domini complebatur annorum : ut ex comparatione intelligatur opinio nostri, quae etiam aliorum quorumdam exstitit, de conversione Pauli facta post annum a Christi morte septimum.

"And when the matter had now come to this." The Carmelite manuscript has "esset Saulus"; where "Saulus" is a marginal note, taken either from the matter itself or from the spurious Abdias. The whole passage, moreover, ought to be compared with these words of ch. 43: "One week of years was now being completed from the Lord's passion": so that from the comparison one may understand our author's opinion, which was also that of certain others, that Paul's conversion took place after the seventh year from Christ's death.

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running head: 1245 RECOGNITIONUM LI⟨ ⟩ (only the left part of the running head is visible in the column images)
marginal letters: A esse in duos; B deret ac superaretur; C mus funditur, fuga permista (D falls beside the footnotes)
old-edition numerals: (none)

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mortuum credidisset, ultra mulctare neglexit.

he had believed him dead, he did not trouble to punish him further.

LXXI. Nostri vero sublatum eum collegerunt; erant enim et numero plures quam illi et virtute majores, sed propter reverentiam Dei ipsi magis interimi se a paucioribus, quam interimere alios patiebantur. Cum autem vespera adfuisset, templum quidem sacerdotes claudunt; nos vero ad domum Jacobi regressi et pernoctantes ibi in oratione, ante lucem descendimus Hiericho ad quinque millia viri. Post triduum autem venit ad eos ex fratribus quidam a Gamaliele, de quo supra diximus, occultos nobis nuntios deferens, quod inimicus ille homo legationem suscepisset a Caipha pontifice, ut omnes qui crederent in Jesum, persequeretur et Damascum pergeret cum epistolis ejus, ut etiam inibi auxilio usus infidelium, fidelibus inferret exitium; idcirco autem praecipue Damascum festinaret, quod illuc confugisse crederet Petrum. Et post dies fere triginta digressus est per Hiericho Damascum tendens, cum per idem temporis progressi essemus nos ad sepulcra duorum fratrum quorumdam, quae sponte sua per annos singulos dealbabantur; quo miraculo multorum adversum nos repressus est furor, videntium haberi nostros in memoria apud Deum.

LXXI. But our people lifted him up and gathered him in; for they were both more in number than those others and greater in strength, but out of reverence for God they suffered themselves rather to be killed by the fewer than to kill others. And when evening had come, the priests indeed shut the temple; but we, having returned to the house of James and passing the night there in prayer, went down before daylight to Jericho, about five thousand men. And after three days there came to them one of the brethren from Gamaliel, of whom we spoke above, bringing us secret tidings, that that hostile man had received a commission from Caiaphas the high priest to persecute all who believed in Jesus, and to go on to Damascus with his letters, so that there also, using the help of the unbelievers, he might bring destruction upon the faithful; and that he was hastening to Damascus chiefly for this reason, that he believed Peter had fled thither. And after about thirty days he passed through Jericho on his way to Damascus, when at that same time we had gone out to the tombs of two certain brethren, which of their own accord were whitened every year; by which miracle the fury of many against us was checked, as they saw that our people were held in remembrance before God.

LXXII. Positis itaque nobis in Hiericho, ibique orationibus et jejuniis operam dantibus, Jacobus episcopus accersitum me inde huc Caesaream mittit, dicens: quia Zacchaeus de Caesarea scripserit sibi, Simonem quemdam Samaraeum magum plurimos nostrorum subvertere, asserentem se esse quemdam Stantem, hoc est alio nomine, Christum,

LXXII. While we, then, were settled in Jericho and were there giving ourselves to prayers and fastings, James the bishop sent for me and dispatched me from there hither to Caesarea, saying that Zacchaeus had written to him from Caesarea that a certain Simon, a Samaritan magician, was subverting very many of our people, asserting that he was a certain Standing One, that is, by another name, the Christ,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1246

Footnotes

(56) ‹anchor: singulos dealbabantur› · call in col 1246

Dealbabantur. Matth. XXIII, 27 : Similes estis sepulcris dealbatis. Optatus Milevitanus lib. III : In loco Octavensi occisi sunt plurimi, detruncati sunt multi; quorum corpora usque in hodiernum, per dealbatas aras aut mensas poterunt numerari.

Were whitened. Matt. 23:27: You are like whitened sepulchres. Optatus of Milevis, book 3: At the place Octava very many were killed, many were cut down; whose bodies can be counted to this very day by the whitened altars or tables.

(printed under page 620)

(57) ‹anchor: se esse quemdam Stantem› · call in col 1246

Se esse quemdam Stantem. Lib. II, cap. 7, 11; lib. III, cap. 47; Clement. hom. 2, cap. 22, 24; hom. 18, cap. 6, 7, 12, 14; Epitom., num. 25. Intelligitur hinc quare Dositheus et Simon Stantis nomen sibi assumerent. De primo Origenes tom. XIV in Joannem pag. 119, 120 : Οὕτως ἀπὸ Σαμαρέων Δοσίθεός τις ἀναστὰς ἔφασκεν ἑαυτὸν εἶναι τὸν προεφητευμένον Χριστόν· ἐφ' οὗ δεῦρο μέχρι εἰσὶν οἱ Δοσιθεινοὶ, φέροντες καὶ βίβλους τοῦ Δοσιθέου, καὶ μύθους τινὰς περὶ αὐτοῦ διηγούμενοι, ὡς μὴ γευσαμένου θανάτου, ἀλλ' ἐν τῷ βίῳ που τυγχάνοντος. Sic Dositheus quidam exstitit ex Samaritanis, qui se ipsum diceret Christum prophetatum : a quo usque nunc Dositheini sunt, libros Dosithei circumferentes, et fabulas quasdam enarrantes de eo, perinde quasi mortem non degustarit, sed alicubi in hac vita degat. De altero Clemens Alexandrinus Varii operis lib. II, p. 383 : Οἱ δὲ ἀμφὶ τὸν Σίμωνα, τῷ Ἑστῶτι, ὃν σέβουσιν, ἐξομοιοῦσθαι τρόπον βούλονται. Simonis autem sectatores, Stanti quem colunt, volunt assimilari moribus. Qui Stromatei locus difficultatem peperit (continues)

That he is a certain Standing One. Book 2, ch. 7, 11; book 3, ch. 47; Clementines, hom. 2, ch. 22, 24; hom. 18, ch. 6, 7, 12, 14; Epitome, no. 25. From this it is understood why Dositheus and Simon took to themselves the name of the Standing One. On the former, Origen, tome 14 on John, pp. 119, 120: "So from among the Samaritans a certain Dositheus arose and declared that he himself was the Christ who had been prophesied; from whom there are Dositheans down to the present, carrying about books of Dositheus and telling certain tales about him, as of one who did not taste death but is somewhere still in life." So a certain Dositheus arose from among the Samaritans, to say that he himself was the prophesied Christ: from whom there are Dositheans to this day, carrying about the books of Dositheus and relating certain fables about him, just as though he had not tasted death but were living somewhere in this life. On the latter, Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, book 2, p. 383: "But the followers of Simon wish to be made like in manner to the Standing One, whom they worship." But the followers of Simon wish to be made like in their ways to the Standing One whom they worship. This passage of the author of the Stromata has given difficulty (continues)

(printed under page 620)

Page

running head: ⟨RE⟩COGNITIONUM LIB. I. 1246
marginal letters: A mortuum credidisset; B ejus, ut etiam inibi; C sibi, Simonem quemdam; D (beside the footnotes)
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1247

et virtutem summam excelsi Dei, qui sit supra conditorem mundi, simulque mirabilia plurima ostendens alios dubitare, alios declinare fecerit ad se; cunctaque diligenter comperta ab his, qui prius vel socii ejus, vel discipuli fuerant, et post hoc ad Zacchaeum conversi sunt, indicavit. Multi sunt ergo, inquit Jacobus, o Petre, quorum salutis causa proficisci te oportet, et arguere magum, ac sermonem veritatis docere; sed nihil moreris, neque te contristet quod solus proficisceris, sciens comitem tibi et adjutorem Deum per Jesum, et cito per ejus gratiam multos tibi socios et unanimes fore. Dato sane operam, ut per singulos annos praecipua quaeque ex dictis gestisque tuis scripta mittas ad me, et maxime per septimanas annorum. Et his dictis dimissus ab eo, sex diebus perveni Caesaream.

and the highest power of the most high God, Who is above the maker of the world, and that at the same time, by displaying very many wonders, he had made some doubt and others turn aside to himself; and he made known all the things carefully ascertained from those who had earlier been either his companions or his disciples and afterwards were converted to Zacchaeus. There are many, then, said James, O Peter, for the sake of whose salvation you must set out, and refute the magician, and teach the word of truth; but do not delay at all, nor let it grieve you that you set out alone, knowing that God through Jesus will be your companion and helper, and that quickly through His grace you will have many associates of one mind with you. Take care, certainly, to send me in writing every year the chief of your sayings and doings, and especially at every week of years. And having been dismissed by him with these words, I arrived at Caesarea in six days.

LXXIII. Ingredienti autem mihi occurrit Zacchaeus dilectissimus frater noster, et inhaerens amplexibus meis perduxit ad hoc in quo ipse commanebat hospitium, requirens a me de singulis quibusque fratribus, praecipue tamen de honorabili fratre nostro Jacobo. Cumque audisset a me, quod uno adhuc claudicaret pede, percontanti continuo causam, omnia haec quae nunc tibi exposuimus, ei enarravi; quomodo evocati essemus a sacerdotibus et pontifice Caipha ad templum, et Jacobus archiepiscopus stans in summis gradibus, per septem continuos dies universo populo de Scripturis Dominicis assignaverit, quod Jesus esset Christus, quove modo omnibus jam acquiescentibus, ut ab

LXXIII. And as I was entering, Zacchaeus our most beloved brother met me, and clinging to me in embraces led me to this lodging in which he himself was staying, asking me about each and every one of the brethren, but especially about our honourable brother James. And when he had heard from me that he was still lame in one foot, I related to him, as he at once inquired the cause, all these things which we have now set forth to you: how we had been summoned by the priests and by Caiaphas the high priest to the temple, and James the archbishop, standing at the top of the steps, had through seven successive days shown to the whole people from the Scriptures of the Lord that Jesus was the Christ, and in what way, when all were already consenting to be by

eo baptizarentur in nomine Jesu, inimicus homo effecerit illa omnia, quae supra diximus, ut ne eadem iterum dicamus.

him baptized in the name of Jesus, the hostile man had brought about all those things which we have told above, not to say the same things again.

LXXIV. Quibus cognitis Zacchaeus rursus mihi quae a Simone agerentur exponit; et inter haec, nescio unde cognito adventu meo, ipse mandat ad me Simon: Audiente, inquit, populo die crastina disputemus. Cui ego: Fiat, inquam, ut libet. Et haec pollicitatio mea universae innotuit civitati, ita ut etiam tu qui ipsa die adveneras, disceres me die postera cum Simone habiturum esse certamen, et requisita mansione nostra secundum indicia quae a Barnaba acceperas, venires ad nos. Ego vero ingressu tuo ita gratulatus sum, ut nescio unde motus, festinaverit animus meus exponere tibi cuncta velociter, praecipue tamen quod est in fide maximum de vero propheta, quod unum ac totius doctrinae fundamentum sufficere posse non ambigo; tum etiam scriptae legis per singula quaeque capitula quorum ratio poscebat, secretiorem tibi intelligentiam patefeci, non occultans a te nec traditionum bona. Quae vero supersunt incipiens a die crastina, ex his quae in quaestionibus cum Simone movebuntur, per dies singulos audies, usquequo Deo favente perveniatur ad ipsam quo iter nostrum dirigendum credimus urbem Romam. Cumque ad haec ab eo dicta, omnem gratiam me ei debere profiterer, facturumque omnia me quae praeciperet promptissime pollicerer, cibo sumpto quiescere nos jussit sibique ipse quietem dedit.

LXXIV. When he had learned these things, Zacchaeus in turn set forth to me what was being done by Simon; and meanwhile, my arrival having become known I know not whence, Simon himself sent word to me: Let us dispute tomorrow, he said, in the hearing of the people. To which I said: Let it be done as you please. And this promise of mine became known to the whole city, so that even you, who had arrived on that very day, learned that I was to have a contest with Simon on the following day, and, having sought out our lodging according to the directions which you had received from Barnabas, came to us. And I so rejoiced at your coming in that, moved I know not whence, my mind hastened to set forth all things to you quickly, yet especially that which is greatest in the faith, concerning the true prophet, which alone, as the foundation of the whole doctrine, I do not doubt can suffice; then also I laid open to you the more hidden understanding of the written law, through each of the heads whose account called for it, not concealing from you the good things of the traditions either. But what remains, beginning from tomorrow, you will hear day by day from the things that will be raised in the questions with Simon, until, God favouring, we arrive at that very city of Rome to which we believe our journey is to be directed. And when, at these things said by him, I was professing that I owed him every thanks, and was promising most readily that I would do all that he should command, he bade us rest after taking food, and gave himself also to rest.

LIBER SECUNDUS.

BOOK II.

I. Cum autem dies, quae ad disceptandum cum Simone statuta fuerat, illucesceret, Petrus primis gallorum cantibus surgens excitavit etiam nos; eramus enim in eodem conclavi cubitantes simul omnes tredecim, in quibus primus post Petrum Zacchaeus, deinde Sophonias, Josephus, et Michaeas,

I. Now when the day which had been appointed for disputing with Simon was dawning, Peter, rising at the first cockcrows, roused us also; for we were all thirteen sleeping together in the same chamber, among whom the first after Peter was Zacchaeus, then Sophonias, Joseph, and Michaeas,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1247

Footnotes

(13) ‹anchor: enarravi; quomodo; numeral small in the scan, 13 or 18› · call in col 1247

Quomodo—dicamus desunt in utroque cod. Lips.

Quomodo—dicamus are wanting in both Leipzig codices.

(printed under page 621)

(58) ‹anchor: virtutem summam excelsi Dei› · call in col 1247

Virtutem summam excelsi Dei. Miseris modis deformati sunt versus Auctoris ψευδωνύμου et ἀνωνύμου, post Tertulliani Opera, lib. I, adversus Marcionem : Infandos omni magicae dementia plenos / Persuasit, sese virtutem dicere summam; / Fingere cum meretrice, nefas peragrare, volare. Sine dubio scribi debet : Infando Simoni magica dementia pleno / Persuasit, sese virtutem dicere summam : / Fingere, cum meretrice, nefas, peragrare, volare.

The highest power of the most high God. The verses of the pseudonymous and anonymous author printed after Tertullian's Works, book 1 Against Marcion, have been wretchedly disfigured: Infandos omni magicae dementia plenos / Persuasit, sese virtutem dicere summam; / Fingere cum meretrice, nefas peragrare, volare. Without doubt it should be written: He persuaded the unspeakable Simon, full of magical madness, to call himself the highest power: to feign, with a harlot, a crime, to roam about, to fly.

(printed under page 621)

Page

running head: 1247 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA.
marginal letters: A stum, et virtutem summam; B annorum. Et his dictis; C Dominicis assignaverit; D I. Cum autem dies (letters stand between the columns)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column begins mid-sentence; its first printed syllables "stum," complete "Christum," which is set whole at the end of col. 1246. READING ORDER: the end of Book I runs from the upper part of this column ("ut ab") into the upper part of col. 1248 ("eo baptizarentur ... quietem dedit."); below a rule the caption LIBER SECUNDUS. is printed across both columns (set once, here), and Book II ch. I then runs from the lower part of this column ("Michaeas,") into the lower part of col. 1248 ("Eliesdros"). Each band is followed by its own block of Cotelerii notae (editors' apparatus, not set). Damaged type read as intended: "quorum", "ac", "occurrit". Note call (58) and superscript call 13 after "quomodo" dropped. The call (58) stands in the column's first line, after "Dei" (Q3a). The first block of Cotelerii notae under this column opens with the tail of a note carried over from the previous page (its call is not in this column; not set here) (Q3a).

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Eliesdros et Phinees, Lazarus et Eliseus; post hos ego Clemens et Nicodemus, deinde Niceta et Aquila, qui fuerant prius discipuli Simonis, et docente Zacchaeo conversi sunt ad fidem Christi. Mulierum sane nulla prorsus aderat. Cumque adhuc vespertinum lumen duraret, omnes resedimus, et

Eliesdros and Phinees, Lazarus and Eliseus; after these I, Clement, and Nicodemus, then Niceta and Aquila, who had earlier been disciples of Simon and, Zacchaeus teaching them, were converted to the faith of Christ. Of women, indeed, there was none present at all. And while the evening light still lasted, we all sat down, and

Editors' notes and page, col. 1248

Footnotes

(14) ‹anchor: tum etiam; numeral small in the scan, 14 or 19› · call in col 1248

Tum etiam—traditionum bona pariter desunt in utroque cod. Lips.

Tum etiam—traditionum bona are likewise wanting in both Leipzig codices.

(printed under page 621)

(59) ‹anchor: vespertinum lumen duraret› · call in col 1248

Cumque adhuc vespertinum lumen duraret. Ms. Candeler. clareret. Ut Clementinorum homil. III, n. 1 : Εὕρομεν τὸν μὲν λύχνον ἔτι φαίνοντα. De more lucernam non exstinguendi, sed sinendi donec ultro consumeretur, videndus Plutarchus in Quaestionibus Romanis p. 281, F. Monachos etiam solitos ad lumen dormire, discimus ex eorum Regulis.

And while the evening light still lasted. The Candeler manuscript has clareret [was shining]. As in the Clementines, homily 3, no. 1: "We found the lamp still shining." On the custom of not putting out the lamp but letting it burn until it was spent of itself, see Plutarch in the Roman Questions, p. 281 F. That monks too were accustomed to sleep by a light we learn from their Rules.

(printed under page 621)

Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1248
marginal letters: A eo baptizarentur in nomine; B velociter, praecipue tamen; C jussit sibique ipse; D Eliesdros et Phinees
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: READING ORDER: the first two paragraphs (upper band) end Book I and follow the upper band of col. 1247; the caption LIBER SECUNDUS., printed across both columns below a rule, is set once in col. 1247; the last paragraph here (lower band, "Eliesdros ...") continues Book II ch. I from the lower band of col. 1247 and stands in the same sentence as its "Michaeas,". Column ends mid-sentence. Damaged type read as intended: "Cui" (i looks like l), "die". Superscript note call 14 after "tum etiam" and call (59) dropped. Two blocks of Cotelerii notae (editors' apparatus, not set).

PG 1:1249

Petrus videns vigilare nos ac sibi intendere, salutatis nobis continuo dat sermonis exordium. Mirari me equidem fateor, fratres, humanae naturae vim, quam ad omnia aptam habilemque esse video. Hoc autem dicere in memoriam venit ex his quae rebus ipsis expertus sum. Ut enim transierit medium noctis, ego sponte jam suscitor et ultra somnus nequaquam venit ad me; quod mihi accidit ex eo, quia in consuetudine habui verba Domini mei, quae ab ipso audieram, revocare ad memoriam, et pro ipsorum desiderio suscitari animis meis et cogitationibus imperavi, ut evigilans ad ea et singula quaeque recolens ac retexens possim memoriter retinere. Ex hoc ergo, dum omni cum dulcedine sermones Domini versare in meo corde desidero, consuetudo obtinuit vigilandi, etiam si nihil sit quod cogitare velim. Ita ergo ineffabili quadam ratione, introducta alia consuetudine, vetus consuetudo mutatur, et id revera si non supra modum cogas, sed quantum recipit mensura naturae. Neque enim penitus somno carere possibile est, alioqui nec facta nox fuisset ad quietem.

Peter, seeing that we were awake and attending to him, having greeted us, at once began his discourse. I confess indeed, brethren, that I wonder at the power of human nature, which I see to be fit and apt for all things. And it comes to my mind to say this from what I have experienced in the facts themselves. For as soon as the middle of the night has passed, I now wake of my own accord, and sleep no longer comes to me at all; and this happens to me because I have made it my custom to recall to memory the words of my Lord which I had heard from Him, and out of longing for them I commanded my mind and thoughts to be roused, so that, waking to them and recalling and unfolding each one, I may be able to hold them fast by memory. From this, then, while I desire to turn over the words of the Lord in my heart with all sweetness, the habit of waking has prevailed, even if there is nothing that I wish to think about. Thus, then, in a certain ineffable way, when another habit has been brought in, the old habit is changed, and this indeed if you do not force it beyond measure, but as far as the measure of nature admits. For it is not possible to be wholly without sleep; otherwise night would not have been made for rest.

II. Et ego cum audissem: Optime, inquam, dixisti, Petre, quia consuetudo consuetudine commutatur. Nam et ego cum navigarem primo turbabar et intra me mihi omnia vertebantur, ita ut suggillari viderer nec ferre possem brumam et molestiam maris, post paucos autem dies ubi consuetudo facta est, tolerabiliter ferre coepi, ita ut mane statim una cum nautis cibum sumere delectarer, cum prius ante horam septimam capiendi cibi consuetudo non esset. Nunc ergo ex ista sola consuetudine, circa illud tempus quo comedere cum nautis solebam, esuries admonet me, quod tamen rursus depellendum spero, cum alia fuerit consuetudo suscepta. Credo ergo etiam tibi vigiliarum consuetudinem, ut perhibes, institutam; et opportune hoc exponere voluisti, ut et nos aliquantulum somni a nobis abjicere atque effugare non pigeat, ut possimus doctrinae viventis instituta suscipere. Ubi enim decocti fuerint cibi et mens acceperit nocturna silentia, opportunissime quae docentur insident.

II. And when I had heard this, I said: You have spoken excellently, Peter, that habit is changed by habit. For I too, when I was sailing, was at first disturbed, and everything was turning within me, so that I seemed to be beaten black and blue and could not bear the wintry weather and the discomfort of the sea; but after a few days, when the habit had been formed, I began to bear it tolerably, so that I took pleasure in taking food with the sailors straight away in the morning, whereas before I had not been accustomed to take food before the seventh hour. Now, therefore, from that habit alone, about the time at which I used to eat with the sailors, hunger reminds me; which, however, I hope will be driven off again when another habit has been taken up. I believe, therefore, that in you also the habit of wakefulness has been established, as you declare; and you have chosen to set this forth opportunely, so that we too may not be reluctant to cast off and drive away from ourselves a little of our sleep, that we may be able to take up the teachings of the living doctrine. For when the food has been digested and the mind has received the silences of the night, the things that are taught settle in most opportunely.

III. Et Petrus libenter accipiens, quod intellexerim praefationis ejus causam ad utilitatem nostram prolatam, collaudans me adhortandi et incitandi sine dubio gratia, consequentem coepit expedire sermonem: Opportunum mihi nunc et necessarium videtur, de his quae imminent aliqua discutere, id est de Simone. Scire enim velim, quibus sit moribus et quibus actibus, quod mihi, si quis scit, indicare non cesset; refert enim ista praenoscere. Nam si in mandatis habemus, ut venientes ad civitatem discamus prius, quis in ea dignus sit ut apud eum cibum sumamus; quanto magis convenit

III. And Peter, gladly accepting that I had understood the reason for his preface as brought forward for our benefit, and praising me, doubtless for the sake of exhorting and stirring me on, began to unfold the discourse that followed: It seems to me now opportune and necessary to discuss something of the matters that are at hand, that is, of Simon. For I should like to know of what character and of what deeds he is; and if anyone knows, let him not delay to tell me, for it matters to know these things beforehand. For if we have it among our commands that, on coming to a city, we should first learn who in it is worthy, that we may take food with him, how much more is it fitting

Editors' notes and page, col. 1249

Footnotes

(15) ‹anchor: cibum sumamus› · call in col 1249

Matth. X; Luc. X.

Matt. 10; Luke 10.

(printed under page 622)

(60) ‹anchor: ferre possem brumam› · call in col 1249

Brumam. Candel., et Carmel. quoque, bromum, quod est, βρόμον, fremitum.

Brumam [the wintry cold]. The Candeler manuscript, and the Carmelite also, have bromum, that is, βρόμον, the roaring.

(printed under page 622)

Page

running head: 1249 RECOGNITIONUM LI⟨ ⟩ (right part of the running head lies outside the column images)
marginal letters: A Petrus videns vigilare; B obtinuit vigilandi; C tim una cum nautis; D prolatam, collaudans me
old-edition numerals: (none)

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noscere, quis, qualisve sit is cui immortalitatis verba credenda sunt? Solliciti enim et valde solliciti esse debemus, ne margaritas nostras mittamus ante porcos.

for us to know who and of what sort he is to whom the words of immortality are to be entrusted? For we ought to be careful, and very careful, not to cast our pearls before swine.

IV. Sed et alias ob causas utile est, viri hujus habere me notitiam. Si enim sciam, quia in his, de quibus non potest dubitari quod bona sint, emendatus est et inculpabilis, hoc est, si sobrius, si misericors, si justus, si mitis et humanus est, quae utique bona esse nullus ambigit, tunc consequens videbitur, ut ei qui obtinet bona virtutum, etiam quod deest fidei et scientiae conferatur, et in quibus maculari videtur ejus vita, quae est in reliquis probabilis, emendetur. Si vero in his quae palam sunt, peccatis involutus permanet et inquinatus, non me oportet ei aliquid de secretioribus et remotis divinae scientiae proloqui, sed magis protestari et convenire eum, ut peccare desinat et actus suos a vitiis emendet. Quod si ingesserit se et provocaverit nos dicere, quae eum minus recte agentem non oportet audire, prudenter eum debemus eludere; nam nihil omnino respondere auditorum causa utile non videtur, ne forte existiment nos responsionis penuria declinare certamen, et fides eorum laedatur, non intelligentium propositum nostrum.

IV. But for other reasons also it is useful that I should have knowledge of this man. For if I know that in those things about which it cannot be doubted that they are good he is corrected and blameless, that is, if he is sober, if merciful, if just, if gentle and humane, which no one doubts to be good things, then it will seem to follow that on him who possesses the goods of the virtues there should also be bestowed what is lacking of faith and knowledge, and that those things in which his life, which is in other respects commendable, appears to be stained should be amended. But if, in the things that are manifest, he remains wrapped in sins and defiled, I ought not to utter to him anything of the more secret and remote matters of divine knowledge, but rather to protest and to address him, that he may cease to sin and amend his deeds from vices. But if he thrusts himself forward and provokes us to say what he, while acting less than rightly, ought not to hear, we ought prudently to elude him; for to answer nothing at all does not seem useful, for the sake of the hearers, lest perhaps they suppose that we decline the contest for want of an answer, and their faith be harmed, as they do not understand our purpose.

V. Cumque haec Petrus dixisset ad nos, Niceta rogat permitti sibi dicere aliquid, atque indulgente Petro cum venia inquit: Obsecro te, domine mi Petre, audias me valde sollicitum tui et verentem, ne forte in certamine quod tibi est cum Simone, superari videaris. Solet enim frequenter accidere, ut qui veritatem defendit, non semper obtineat, dum aut in aliquo praeventi sunt auditores, aut non grandem curam melioris sententiae gerunt. Super haec autem omnia et ipse Simon vehementissimus est orator, in arte dialectica et syllogismorum tendiculis enutritus, quod autem est omnibus gravius, et in arte magica valde exercitatus; et ideo metuo, ne forte tam valide ex omni parte munitus, apud eos qui ignorant eum, falsa allegans putetur vera defendere. Neque enim vel nos ipsi eum potuissemus effugere et converti ad Dominum, nisi dum adjutores ejus et errorum socii fuimus, agnovissemus quod deceptor esset ac magus.

V. And when Peter had said these things to us, Niceta asked that he be allowed to say something, and, Peter granting it, he said with his leave: I beseech you, my lord Peter, hear me, who am very anxious for you and afraid lest perhaps, in the contest which you have with Simon, you should seem to be overcome. For it often happens that he who defends the truth does not always prevail, while the hearers are either prepossessed in some point or have no great care for the better opinion. And over and above all this, Simon himself is a most vehement orator, reared in the dialectical art and in the snares of syllogisms, and, what is graver than all, greatly practised also in the magical art; and therefore I fear lest perhaps, being so strongly fortified on every side, he be thought, among those who do not know him, to be defending what is true while he alleges what is false. For not even we ourselves could have escaped him and turned to the Lord, had we not, while we were his helpers and partners in his errors, come to know that he was a deceiver and a magician.

VI. Cum haec Niceta dixisset, Aquila quoque rogans sibi dicendi facultatem dari, hoc modo etiam ipse prosecutus est: Suscipe, quaeso, et mei erga te amoris curam, optime Petre; et ego enim valde sollicitus sum pro te. Nec reprehendas nos in hoc, quia curam gerere alicujus ex affectu venit, negligere autem non minus est quam odisse. Testem vero invoco Deum, quia non ut segniorem te in certamine sciens metuo pro te, quippe qui nec unquam

VI. When Niceta had said these things, Aquila also, asking that leave to speak be given him, himself went on in this manner: Accept, I pray, the concern of my love towards you too, most excellent Peter; for I also am very anxious for you. And do not blame us in this, for to care for someone comes of affection, while to neglect is no less than to hate. But I call God to witness that I fear for you not as knowing you to be the weaker in the contest, seeing that I have never

Editors' notes and page, col. 1250

Footnotes

(16) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1250

Matth. VII 6.

Matt. 7:6.

(printed under page 622)

Page

running head: ⟨REC⟩OGNITIONUM LIB. II. 1250
marginal letters: A noscere, quis, qualisve; B non me oportet ei aliquid; C Petre, audias me valde; D deceptor esset ac magus
old-edition numerals: (none)

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tibi praesto fuerim disputanti, sed qui illius impietates bene noverim, existimationem tuam cogito simul et animos auditorum, et ipsius ante omnia veritatis statum. Vehemens etenim est hic magus ad omnia quaecunque voluerit et supra modum scelestus; in omnibus enim eum diligenter agnovimus, utpote qui a puero malorum ejus auditores fuerimus et ministri, et nisi nos Dei amor abrupisset ab eo, in eisdem cum ipso etiam nunc versaremur malis; sed ingenitus quidam nobis erga Deum affectus, scelera quidem ejus exosa, cultum vero Dei amabilem fecit. Unde et arbitror opus fuisse divinae providentiae, ut nos primo familiares ejus effecti notitiam caperemus quomodo, vel quali arte prodigia, quae facere videtur efficiat. Quis enim est, qui non obstupescat super his, quae facit, mirabilibus, ut putet eum de coelis Deum ad salutem hominum descendisse? Ego de meipso fateor, nisi interius eum scissem, et interfuissem actibus ejus, subripi mihi facile potuisset; unde non fuit magnum nos ab ejus consortio separari, scientes eum magicis artibus et commentis scelerum niti. Quod si vis etiam ipse de eo cuncta cognoscere, quis ipse sit, qualisve, et unde, vel qualiter patrentur quae gerit, ausculta.

been present with you when you were disputing, but because I know that man's impieties well, I am thinking of your reputation and at the same time of the minds of the hearers, and above all of the standing of the truth itself. For this magician is vehement in all things whatsoever he wishes, and wicked beyond measure; for we have come to know him thoroughly in everything, inasmuch as from boyhood we were hearers and servants of his evil deeds, and unless the love of God had torn us away from him, we should even now be engaged with him in the same evils; but a certain inborn affection in us towards God made his crimes hateful, and the worship of God lovable. Whence also I judge it to have been a work of divine providence that we, having first been made his intimates, should gain knowledge of how, or by what kind of art, he brings about the prodigies which he seems to perform. For who is there who would not be astounded at the wonders that he does, so as to think that he is God come down from the heavens for the salvation of men? For my own part I confess that, had I not known him from within and been present at his doings, I could easily have been led astray; whence it was no great thing for us to be separated from his fellowship, knowing that he relies on magical arts and on contrivances of crimes. But if you yourself also wish to learn everything about him, who he is, and of what sort, and whence, or how the things that he does are accomplished, listen.

VII. Simon hic, patre Antonio, matre Rachel natus est, gente Samaraeus ex vico Gethonum, arte magus, Graecis tamen litteris liberalibus apprime eruditus, gloriae ac jactantiae supra omne genus hominum cupidus, ita ut excelsam virtutem quae supra creatorem Deum sit, credi se velit, et Christum putari, atque Stantem nominari. Hac autem appellatione utitur quasi qui neget posse se aliquando dissolvi, asserens carnem suam ita divinitatis suae virtute compactam, ut possit in aeternum durare. Hinc ergo Stans appellatur, tanquam qui non possit ulla corruptione decidere.

VII. This Simon was born of his father Antonius and his mother Rachel, by race a Samaritan, from the village of the Gethones, by art a magician, yet exceedingly well instructed in Greek liberal letters, desirous of glory and boasting beyond every kind of men, so that he wishes himself to be believed a lofty power which is above God the creator, and to be thought the Christ, and to be named the Standing One. And he uses this appellation as one who denies that he can ever be dissolved, asserting that his flesh is so compacted by the power of his divinity that it can endure for ever. Hence, therefore, he is called the Standing One, as one who cannot fall by any corruption.

VIII. Interfecto etenim, sicut scis et ipse, Baptista Joanne, cum Dositheus haereseos suae inisset exordium, cum aliis triginta principalibus discipulis et una muliere quae Luna vocitata est (unde et illi triginta quasi secundum lunae cursum

VIII. For when, as you yourself also know, John the Baptist had been killed, when Dositheus had made the beginning of his heresy, with thirty other chief disciples and one woman who was called Luna (whence also those thirty, as though according to the course of the moon,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1251

Footnotes

(61) ‹anchor: Baptista Joanne› · call in col 1251

Baptista Joanne. In Clementinis homil. II, n. 23; et Epitomes cap. 26, Ἰωάννης Ἡμεροβαπτιστής. Quemadmodum Justino martyri Dialogi pag. 307, Βαπτισταὶ dicuntur, qui caeteris Ἡμεροβαπτισταί.

John the Baptist. In the Clementines, homily 2, no. 23, and in the Epitome, ch. 26, "John the Hemerobaptist". Just as in Justin Martyr, Dialogue, p. 307, those are called "Baptists" who by others are called "Hemerobaptists".

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(62) ‹anchor: triginta principalibus discipulis› · call in col 1251

Cum aliis triginta principalibus discipulis. Ad id forte respiciebat Origenes, cum tom. VI in Celsum p. 291, scriberet : Οἱ δὲ Δοσιθεηνοὶ οὐδὲ πρότερον ἤκμασαν. Νῦν δὲ παντελῶς ἐπιλελοίπασιν, ὥστε τὸν ὅλον αὐτῶν ἱστορεῖσθαι ἀριθμὸν οὐκ εἶναι ἐν τοῖς τριάκοντα. Hoc est, me περὶ πόδα interpretante : Dositheani vero nec superiori tempore floruerunt : nunc vero omnino defecerunt, adeo ut totus illorum numerus referatur non esse in triginta. Et tom. I, p. 45 : Νυνὶ δὲ τοὺς πάντας ἐν τῇ οἰκουμένῃ οὐκ ἔστι Σιμωνιανοὺς εὑρεῖν τὸν ἀριθμὸν οἶμαι τριάκοντα. Nunc autem omnes Simonianos in orbe reperire non licet numero, opinor, triginta.

With thirty other chief disciples. Perhaps Origen had this in view when he wrote in book 6 Against Celsus, p. 291: "But the Dositheans did not flourish even formerly. And now they have altogether died out, so that their whole number is reported not to reach thirty." That is, in my word-for-word rendering: But the Dositheans did not flourish even in earlier time; and now they have utterly failed, so that their whole number is reported not to be in the thirties. And book 1, p. 45: "But now it is not possible to find Simonians in the whole world to the number, I think, of thirty." But now one cannot find in the world Simonians, all told, to the number, I think, of thirty.

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running head: 1251 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. ⟨OPERA DUBIA.⟩ (right part outside the column images)
marginal letters: A tibi praesto fuerim; B non obstupescat super his; C supra creatorem Deum sit; D (beside the footnotes)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column begins and ends mid-sentence (it breaks inside a parenthesis). Damaged type read as intended: "utpote", "suae" (twice), "ergo", "haereseos". Calls (61), (62) dropped. Foot of page: Cotelerii notae (editors' apparatus, not set).

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in numero dierum positi videbantur), Simon hic malae, ut diximus, gloriae cupidus accedit ad Dositheum et simulatis amicitiis exorat, ut si quando aliquis ex illis triginta obisset, in locum defuncti se continuo subrogaret; quia neque statutum numerum excedere apud eos fas erat, neque ignotum aliquem inserere aut nondum probatum; unde et caeteri studentes digni loco ac numero fieri, secundum sectae suae instituta placere per omnia gestiunt, quo possit unusquisque ex his qui illum numerum sequuntur, cum forte aliquis, ut diximus, decesserit, dignus videri, qui in locum defuncti substitui debeat. Igitur Dositheus plurimis ab hoc exoratus, ubi locus intra numerum factus est, introduxit Simonem.

seemed to be set in the number of the days), this Simon, desirous, as we have said, of evil glory, approached Dositheus and, feigning friendship, entreated him that, if ever any one of those thirty should die, he would at once put him in the place of the deceased; for it was not lawful among them either to exceed the fixed number or to insert anyone unknown or not yet approved; whence also the rest, striving to become worthy of the place and the number, are eager to please in all things according to the rules of their sect, so that each of those who follow after that number may, when perhaps someone, as we have said, has departed, seem worthy to be substituted in the place of the deceased. And so Dositheus, greatly entreated by this man, when a place was made within the number, brought Simon in.

IX. Sed hic non multo post incidit in amorem mulieris illius quam Lunam vocant, nobisque utpote familiaribus suis omnia concredebat, quod magus esset, et quod amaret Lunam, quodque gloriae cupidus nollet ea inglorius frui, sed exspectare patienter donec honeste ea uti liceret, si tamen etiam nos conspiraremus ei ad omnia quae velit. Sed et mercedem ministerii hujus daturum se nobis pollicebatur, summis ut honoribus affici, et dii esse ab hominibus crederemur, tantum ut mihi, inquit, Simoni deferatis primatus, qui possum magica arte multa signa et prodigia ostendere, per quae possit vel gloriae vel sectae nostrae ratio constare. Possum enim facere ut volentibus me comprehendere non appaream, et rursus volens videri palam sim, si fugere velim montes perforem et saxa quasi lutum pertranseam, si me de monte excelso praecipitem, tanquam subvectus ad terras illaesus deferar. Vinctus memetipsum solvam, eos vero qui vincula injecerint vinctos reddam, in carcere colligatus claustra sponte patefieri faciam, statuas animatas reddam, ita ut putentur ab his qui vident homines esse, novas arbores subito oriri faciam, et repentina virgulta producam, in ignem memetipsum injiciens non ardeam. Vultum meum commuto, ut non agnoscar, sed et duas facies habere me, possum hominibus ostendere. Ovis aut capra efficiar, pueris parvis

IX. But not long afterwards he fell in love with that woman whom they call Luna, and to us, as his intimates, he confided everything: that he was a magician, and that he loved Luna, and that, being desirous of glory, he was unwilling to enjoy her ingloriously, but was waiting patiently until it should be permitted to possess her honourably, provided, however, that we too would conspire with him in all that he wished. And he also promised that he would give us a reward for this service, that we should be loaded with the highest honours and be believed by men to be gods; only, he said, yield the first place to me, Simon, who am able by magical art to show many signs and prodigies, through which the account either of our glory or of our sect may be established. For I am able to bring it about that I do not appear to those who wish to seize me, and again, when I wish to be seen, that I am in plain view; that, if I wish to flee, I bore through mountains and pass through rocks as though through mud; that, if I throw myself headlong from a lofty mountain, I am borne down to the earth unhurt, as though carried. When bound I shall loose myself, and shall make bound those who cast the bonds upon me; shut up in prison I shall make the bars open of their own accord; I shall make statues living, so that they are thought by those who see them to be men; I shall make new trees spring up suddenly and bring forth sudden shrubs; throwing myself into the fire I shall not burn. I change my countenance, so as not to be recognized; and I am also able to show men that I have two faces. I shall become a sheep or a goat; on little boys

Editors' notes and page, col. 1252

Footnotes

(63) ‹anchor: Possum enim facere› · call in col 1252

Possum enim facere, etc. Legendus quem Abdiam vocant; notandaeque in illo variae lectiones, corrigendae falsae. Notabilem quoque varietatem exhibet liber Carmel. Aurum plumbum ostendam, ubi caeteri Aurum plurimum ostendam, οὐκ ἀληθῆ θαύματα ποιοῦσιν οἱ ἀπὸ τῶν ψήφων τὰς ἐπωνυμίας ἔχοντες. Δεικνύουσι γὰρ χρυσὸν οὐκ ἀληθῶς ὄντα χρυσόν. Cum quibus Theodoriti ad II Thessal. II, 9, adjunge ista gemina apud Athanasium in Quaestionibus ad Antiochum respons. 124 : Οἱ λεγόμενοι ψηφάδες, καὶ πάλιν αὐτὸς ὁ Ἀντίχριστος ἐρχόμενος, ἐν φαντασίᾳ πλανᾷ τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς τῶν ἀνθρώπων, χρυσίον αὐτοῖς πολλάκις ἢ ἄργυρον ὑποδεικνύς. In Opere imperfecto in Matthaeum ad cap. 7, vers. 16, seu ut dividunt, homil. 19 : Volare per aerem, sicut et Dominum diabolus hortabatur; statuas facere ambulare; aut commisceri flammae, et non comburi; et alia, qualia Simon fecit.

For I am able to bring it about, etc. The writer they call Abdias should be read; and in him the variant readings are to be noted and the false ones corrected. The Carmelite book also shows a notable variation, I will show lead as gold, where the others have I will show gold in abundance. "Those who take their name from the pebbles work wonders that are not true. For they show gold that is not truly gold." With these words of Theodoret on 2 Thess. 2:9 join these twin words in Athanasius, Questions to Antiochus, answer 124: "The so-called jugglers, and again the Antichrist himself when he comes, deceive men's eyes by illusion, often showing them gold or silver." In the Opus imperfectum on Matthew, on ch. 7, verse 16, or as they divide it, homily 19: To fly through the air, as the devil also urged the Lord to do; to make statues walk; or to be mingled with flame and not be burned; and other things such as Simon did.

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running head: ⟨S. CLEMENTI⟩S I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1252
marginal letters: A in numero dierum positi; B IX. Sed hic non multo post; C si fugere velim montes; D (beside the footnotes)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column begins mid-sentence (inside the parenthesis opened in col. 1251) and ends mid-sentence. Last word split at the break (par- | vis) completed from the first line of col. 1253 and set whole here. "summis ut honoribus affici" is as printed. Damaged type read as intended: "aliquem", "suae", "numerum", "Lunam", "utpote", "ostendere". Call (63) dropped. Foot of page: Cotelerii notae (editors' apparatus, not set).

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barbam producam, in aerem volando invehar, aurum plurimum ostendam, reges faciam eosque dejiciam. Adorabor ut Deus, publice divinis donabor honoribus, ita ut simulacrum mihi statuentes tanquam Deum colant et adorent. Et quid opus est multa dicere? quidquid voluero facere, potero. Multa etenim jam mihi experimenti causa consummata sunt. Denique aliquando, inquit, cum mater mea Rachel juberet me exire ad agrum, ut meterem, ego falcem videns positam praecepi ei ut iret et meteret, et messuit decuplo amplius caeteris. Multa jam nova virgulta produxi de terra et convalescere ea feci, sub momento temporis apparere feci et montem proximum, ego secundo perforavi.

I shall bring out a beard; I shall be borne into the air by flying; I shall display very much gold; I shall make kings and cast them down. I shall be adored as God, I shall be publicly presented with divine honours, so that, setting up an image to me, they worship and adore me as God. And what need is there to say much? Whatever I wish to do, I shall be able to do. For many things have already been accomplished by me by way of experiment. In short, he said, once when my mother Rachel bade me go out to the field to reap, I, seeing a sickle lying there, commanded it to go and reap, and it reaped ten times more than the others. I have already brought forth many new shrubs from the earth and made them grow strong, I made them appear in a moment of time, and the nearest mountain I successfully bored through.

X. Sed haec cum diceret de virgultis productis et monte perforato, stupescebam pro eo, quod etiam nos circumvenire velit, quibus se commendare et concredere videbatur; sciebamus enim quod a proavis haec fuissent, quae a se nuper facta perhibebat. Haec ergo nos ab eo flagitia audientes, et horum deteriora, sequebamur tamen et ipsi ejus scelera, et alios ab eo decipi patiebamur, multa etiam mentientes pro eo, et hoc priusquam aliquid faceret eorum quae promiserat, ita ut nullis adhuc gestis, a nonnullis tamen putaretur Deus.

X. But when he was saying these things about the shrubs brought forth and the mountain bored through, I was astounded at this, that he should wish to cheat even us, to whom he seemed to commend and entrust himself; for we knew that those things had existed from the time of our forefathers which he declared to have been lately done by himself. We, then, hearing from him these outrages, and worse than these, nevertheless ourselves also followed his crimes, and suffered others to be deceived by him, even telling many lies on his behalf, and this before he did anything of what he had promised, so that, though nothing had yet been done, he was nevertheless thought by some to be God.

XI. Interim in initio cum adhuc inter triginta Dosithei discipulos haberetur, coepit ipsi Dositheo derogare, tanquam qui non integre nec perfecte doceret, idque eum non invidia facere sed in scientia. Verum Dositheus ubi sibi derogari sensit a Simone, verens ne opinio sua obscuraretur apud homines, qui eum putabant ipsum esse Stantem, furore commotus, cum ad scholam solito convenissent, virga correpta verberare Simonem coepit, et repente per corpus ejus quasi per fumum, visa est

XI. Meanwhile, at the beginning, when he was still reckoned among the thirty disciples of Dositheus, he began to disparage Dositheus himself, as one who did not teach soundly or perfectly, and [said] that he did this not from ill will but from ignorance. But Dositheus, when he perceived that he was being disparaged by Simon, fearing that his own repute might be dimmed among men, who thought that he himself was the Standing One, stirred with fury, when they had met at the school as usual, seized a rod and began to beat Simon; and suddenly, through his body as though through smoke, the rod was seen

Editors' notes and page, col. 1253

Footnotes

(64) ‹anchor: Ita ut simulacrum mihi statuentes; call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1253

Ita ut simulacrum mihi statuentes. Recte a S. Irenaeo lib. I, cap. 20, publica statua Simonis Magi Romae posita, secernitur ab imagine privata Simonis specie Jovis, quam Simoniani cum imagine Selenes seu Helenae facta ad figuram Minervae adorabant. Id monui, quia B. Augustinus in libro De haeresibus videtur minus distincte loqui, dicens de Simone : Jovem se credi volebat, Minervam vero meretricem quamdam Selenen; quam sibi sociam scelerum fecerat : imaginesque et suam et ejusdem meretricis discipulis suis praebebat adorandas, quas et Romae tanquam deorum simulacra auctoritate publica constituerat.

So that, setting up an image to me. St. Irenaeus, book 1, ch. 20, rightly distinguishes the public statue of Simon Magus set up at Rome from the private image of Simon in the form of Jupiter, which the Simonians worshipped together with the image of Selene or Helen made in the figure of Minerva. I have noted this because blessed Augustine in the book On Heresies seems to speak less distinctly, saying of Simon: He wished himself to be believed Jupiter, and a certain harlot Selene to be Minerva, whom he had made his partner in crimes; and he offered images both of himself and of that same harlot to his disciples to be adored, which he had also set up at Rome by public authority as images of gods.

(printed under page 624)

(65) ‹anchor: Et non multo post defunctus est; call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1253

Et non multo post defunctus est. Mortem Dosithei describit post Epiphanium haeresi 13, Nicetas Choniates lib. I Thesauri, c. 35. Paulo aliter in Notis Abrahami Ecchellensis Maronitae ad Catalogum Hebedjesu, p. 164.

And not long after he died. The death of Dositheus is described, after Epiphanius at heresy 13, by Nicetas Choniates, book 1 of the Treasury, ch. 35. Somewhat differently in the Notes of Abraham Ecchellensis the Maronite on the Catalogue of Ebedjesu, p. 164.

(printed under page 624)

(66) ‹anchor: Imaginem quidem ejus; call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1253

Imaginem quidem ejus, etc. Haud dubium quin Simon commentum hoc de Luna seu Selene, dicta etiam Helena, hauserit ab ethnicis; cum Platonis insignia verba exstent, lib. IX De republica : Τὸ τῆς Ἑλένης εἴδωλον ὑπὸ τῶν ἐν Τροίᾳ Στησίχορός φησι γενέσθαι περιμάχητον, ἀγνοίᾳ τοῦ ἀληθοῦς. De Helenae imagine Stesichorus ait Trojanos veri ignoratione decertasse. Item Sexti Empirici adversus Mathematicos lib. VII, p. 184, 185 : Ἑλένης εἴδωλον, περὶ οὗ δεκαέτης συνέστη πόλεμος. Helenae simulacrum, pro quo conflatum fuit bellum decem annorum. Caeterum quando Celsus apud Origenem Simonianis vult impositum fuisse nomen Helenianorum ab Helena, vel praeceptore Heleno, in Heleno non jocatur, opinor, sed errat.

Her image indeed, etc. There is no doubt that Simon drew this fiction about Luna or Selene, also called Helen, from the heathen; since there are the famous words of Plato, book 9 Of the Republic: "Stesichorus says that the phantom of Helen was fought over by those at Troy, in ignorance of the truth." Stesichorus says that the Trojans fought over the image of Helen in ignorance of the truth. Likewise Sextus Empiricus, Against the Mathematicians, book 7, pp. 184, 185: "The phantom of Helen, about which a ten years' war arose." The image of Helen, for which a war of ten years was kindled. But when Celsus in Origen will have it that the name of Helenians was given to the Simonians from Helen, or from a teacher Helenus, in the matter of Helenus he is not, I think, jesting, but mistaken.

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running head: 1253 RECOGNITIONUM LI⟨ ⟩ (right part outside the column images)
marginal letters: A vis barbam producam; B et monte perforato; C mone, verens ne opinio; D (beside the footnotes)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column begins mid-sentence; its first printed syllable "vis" completes "parvis", set whole at the end of col. 1252. Column ends mid-sentence ("visa est" | "virga transire" in col. 1254; the English takes "rod" forward to complete the clause). "in scientia" is printed as two words (in scien-|tia); the sense requires inscientia and the English follows that. UNSURE: "secundo" rendered "successfully" (could be "a second time"). Damaged type read as intended: "barbam", "donabor", "caeteris", "commotus", "repente". Call (64) dropped. Foot of page: Cotelerii notae (editors' apparatus, not set).

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virga transire; super quo obstupefactus Dositheus, ait ad eum: Dic mihi, si tu es Stans, ut adorem te. Cumque Simon respondisset, ego sum, Dositheus videns se non esse Stantem, cecidit et adoravit eum, et Simoni quidem cedit principatum suum, ipsique obedire omnem triginta virorum ordinem jubet, semetipsum vero in locum Simonis statuit et non multo post defunctus est.

to pass; at which Dositheus, astounded, said to him: Tell me if you are the Standing One, that I may adore you. And when Simon had answered, I am, Dositheus, seeing that he himself was not the Standing One, fell down and adored him, and yielded his own primacy to Simon, and bade the whole order of the thirty men obey him, but set himself in Simon's place, and not long afterwards died.

XII. Igitur post obitum Dosithei Simon accepit Lunam, cum qua usque ad praesens circuit, ut videtis decipiens turbas et asserens, semetipsum quidem virtutem esse quamdam, quae sit supra conditorem Deum, Lunam vero quae secum est, esse de superioribus coelis deductam, eamdemque cunctorum genitricem asserit esse sapientiam, pro qua, inquit, Graeci et barbari confligentes, imaginem quidem ejus aliqua ex parte videre potuerunt, ipsam vero ut est, penitus ignorarunt, quippe quae apud illum primum omnium et solum habitaret Deum. Et haec atque alia his similia cum verborum pompa proferens, decepit multos. Sed et hoc indicare debeo, quod ipse ego vidisse me memini, cum esset aliquando Luna illa ejus in turri quadam, multitudo ingens ad eam convenerat pervidendam et undique circa turrim stabat; at illa per omnes fenestras turris illius omni populo procumbere ac prospicere videbatur. Et multa alia mirabilia fecit et facit, ita ut stupentes pro his homines putent eum ipsum esse summum Deum.

XII. So after the death of Dositheus Simon took Luna, with whom he goes about up to the present time, as you see, deceiving the crowds and asserting that he himself is a certain power which is above God the maker, while Luna, who is with him, has been brought down from the higher heavens; and he asserts that this same woman is wisdom, the mother of all things, for whom, he says, the Greeks and barbarians, contending, were able in some part to see her image, but were wholly ignorant of herself as she is, seeing that she dwelt with that first of all and only God. And putting forth these and other things like them with a pomp of words, he has deceived many. But I ought also to make known this, which I remember that I myself saw: when once that Luna of his was in a certain tower, a huge multitude had come together to see her and was standing on every side around the tower; but she seemed to all the people to be leaning forward and looking out through all the windows of that tower. And many other wonders he has done and does, so that men, astounded at them, think that he himself is the supreme God.

XIII. Nam mihi aliquando et Nicetae rogantibus, ut exponeret quomodo haec possint arte magica effici, et quae esset hujus rei natura, Simon tanquam familiaribus suis explanare ita coepit: Pueri, inquit, incorrupti et violenter necati, animam adjuramentis ineffabilibus evocatam assistere mihi

XIII. For once, when Niceta and I asked him to set forth how these things can be brought about by magical art, and what the nature of this matter was, Simon began to explain thus, as to his intimates: The soul of a boy, he said, uncorrupted and violently slain, called forth by unutterable adjurations, to stand by me

Editors' notes and page, col. 1254

Footnotes

(67) ‹anchor: violenter necati, animam› · call in col 1254

Pueri incorrupti et violenter necati animam. Justinus martyr apologetico 2, p. 65 : Αἱ ἀδιαφθόρων παίδων ἐποπτεύσεις. Παῖδας ἀφθόρους, in Socrate, lib. III, cap. 13. Horatius epod. V, puer, impube corpus. Apud Eusebium, Hist. lib. VII, cap. 10: σπλάγχνα νεογενῆ, lib. VIII, cap. 13, et De vita Constantini I, 36, νεογενῶν σπλάγχνα βρεφῶν. Chrysostomus, tom. V, concione 2 De Lazaro, νέων ἁπαλῶν σώματα κατασφάττειν, quem et vide homilia 28 in Matthaeum. Augustinus lib. XVIII De civitate Dei cap. 53 : Puer anniculus occisus, et dilaniatus, et ritu nefario sepultus est. Alii innumeri. Quis enim non memoravit quam vocant Psychagogiam, Psychomantiam, Necyomantiam, Necromantiam, seu juxta Barbarorum filios, Nigromantiam, peritiam ciendi animas ab inferis, Manes sepulcris eliciendi? Nec praeteriri debet de Simonianis locus Tertulliani cap. penult. lib. De anima : Ecce hodie ejusdem Simonis haereticos tanta praesumptio artis extollit, ut etiam prophetarum animas ab inferis movere se spondeant. Et credo quia mendacio possunt. Quod autem doctissimus Gronovius Observator. in Scriptoribus ecclesiasticis cap. 4 legit in Aldhelmi loco su- (continues)

The soul of an undefiled boy violently slain. Justin Martyr, Apology 2, p. 65: "The divinations by undefiled boys." "Undefiled boys", in Socrates, book 3, ch. 13. Horace, Epode 5, a boy, an unripe body. In Eusebius, History, book 7, ch. 10: "new-born entrails"; book 8, ch. 13, and Life of Constantine 1.36, "the entrails of new-born infants". Chrysostom, vol. 5, discourse 2 On Lazarus, "to slaughter the bodies of tender young ones", whom see also in homily 28 on Matthew. Augustine, book 18 Of the City of God, ch. 53: A boy a year old was killed, and torn apart, and buried with an unspeakable rite. Countless others. For who has not mentioned what they call Psychagogy, Psychomancy, Necyomancy, Necromancy, or, as the sons of the Barbarians have it, Nigromancy, the skill of rousing souls from the underworld, of drawing the shades out of tombs? Nor should the passage of Tertullian on the Simonians be passed over, in the last chapter but one of the book On the Soul: See, today so great a presumption of their art exalts the heretics of that same Simon that they promise to raise even the souls of the prophets from the underworld. And I believe that by a lie they can. But as to what the most learned Gronovius, Observations on the Ecclesiastical Writers, ch. 4, reads in the passage of Aldhelm (continues)

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running head: ⟨RE⟩COGNITIONUM LIB. II. 1254
marginal letters: A virga transire; B inquit, Graeci et barbari; C ut exponeret quomodo; D (beside the footnotes)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column begins and ends mid-sentence (the governing verb of the last clause falls in col. 1255, not seen). Damaged type read as intended: "Dositheus" (twice), "eum", "potuerunt", "quae", "habitaret", "verborum", "fecit", "putent". Calls (65), (66), (67) dropped. Foot of page: Cotelerii notae (editors' apparatus, not set).

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feci, et per ipsam fit omne quod jubeo. Et ego: Estne, inquam, possibile animae haec facere? Ille respondit: Hoc vos scire volo, quia secundum locum post Deum obtinet anima hominis, cum exuta fuerit a corporis sui tenebris. Statim denique et praescientiam habet, propter quod evocatur ad necromantiam. Et ego respondi: Cur ergo interfectorum animae non ulciscuntur interfectores suos? At ille: Non meministi, inquit, quod dixi, quia cum exierit de corpore, etiam praescientiam habet? Memini inquam. Ob hoc ergo, inquit, cum excedit e corpore, statim praenoscit futurum esse judicium. et unumquemque pro his quae hic egerit malis poenas daturum, et ideo nolunt ulcisci interfectores suos, quia et ipsae pro suis malis quae hic commiserant, perferunt cruciatus, et illis sciunt in judicio graviora manere supplicia. Super haec autem omnia nec permittitur eis exire, aut facere quidquam ab angelis qui eis praesunt. Et ego respondi: Si non permittitur eis ab angelis huc venire aut facere quod volunt, quomodo mago evocanti obtemperant animae? Ipsis, inquit, animabus venire volentibus non indulgent, cum vero hi qui praesunt angeli adjurati fuerint per majorem suum, excusationem habent nostrae, qui eos adjuramus, violentiae, ut permittant exire animas quas evocamus; non enim illi peccant qui vim patiuntur, sed nos qui inferimus necessitatem. Ad haec Niceta, ultra non ferens praepropere respondit, quod et ego quidem facturus eram, sed prius eum expiscari de singulis cupiebam; sed, ut dixi, Niceta praeveniens: Et tu, inquit, non times diem judicii, qui vim angelis facis, et animas evocas, et homines decipis, et honorem tibi divinum ab hominibus mercaris? et quomodo nobis persuades quod neque judicium erit, ut nonnulli Judaeorum fatentur, neque animae immortales sint, quod videtur pluribus, cum ipsis oculis tuis videas eas, et commotionem divini judicii capias ex ipsis?

made, and through it everything that I command is done. And I said: Is it possible for a soul to do these things? He answered: I want you to know this, that the soul of man holds the second place after God, once it has been stripped of the darkness of its body. Then indeed it at once has foreknowledge also, on account of which it is called forth for necromancy. And I answered: Why then do the souls of the slain not take vengeance on their slayers? But he said: Do you not remember that I said that when it has gone out of the body it also has foreknowledge? I remember, I said. For this reason then, he said, when it departs from the body, it at once foreknows that there will be a judgement, and that each one will pay the penalty for the evils he has done here; and therefore they are unwilling to take vengeance on their slayers, because they themselves too are enduring torments for their own evils which they had committed here, and they know that heavier punishments await those men in the judgement. But over and above all this, they are not even permitted by the angels who are set over them to go out or to do anything. And I answered: If they are not permitted by the angels to come here or to do what they wish, how do souls obey a magician who calls them forth? To the souls themselves, he said, when they wish to come, they grant no indulgence; but when those angels who are set over them have been adjured by their superior, they have the excuse of the violence of us who adjure them, so that they permit the souls we call forth to go out; for it is not they who sin, who suffer force, but we who impose the necessity. At this Niceta, bearing it no longer, answered over-hastily, which I too indeed was going to do, but I was wanting first to fish out of him the particulars one by one; but, as I said, Niceta, getting in first, said: And do you not fear the day of judgement, you who do violence to angels, and call forth souls, and deceive men, and traffic for divine honour for yourself from men? And how do you persuade us that there will be no judgement, as some of the Jews profess, and that souls are not immortal, as seems so to many, when you see them with your very eyes and receive from them the stir of the divine judgement?

XIV. His ab eo dictis impalluit Simon, et tamen post paululum recolligens ⟨s⟩e, ita respondit: Ne putetis, inquit, quod generis vestri homo sim; ego neque magus sum, neque amator Lunae, neque Antonii filius. Ante enim quam mater mea Rachel conveniret cum eo, adhuc virgo concepit me,

XIV. When these things had been said by him, Simon turned pale, and yet after a little, collecting himself, he answered thus: Do not suppose, he said, that I am a man of your race; I am neither a magician, nor a lover of Luna, nor the son of Antonius. For before my mother Rachel came together with him, while still a virgin she conceived me,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1255

Footnotes

(68) ‹anchor: Cur ergo interfectorum animae non ulciscuntur interfectores suos; call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1255

Cur ergo interfectorum animae non ulciscuntur interfectores suos? Idem argumentum urget Tatianus Oratione contra Graecos, p. 156.

Why then do the souls of the slain not take vengeance on their slayers? Tatian presses the same argument in the Oration against the Greeks, p. 156.

(printed under page 625)

(69) ‹anchor: conveniret cum eo› · call in col 1255

Ante enim quam mater mea Rachel conveniret cum eo. Abutitur impius Simon loco Scripturae Matth. I, 18, quia se esse Christum credi voluit; quod et de se ipsis dixerunt quidam post illum haeresiarchae. Pari modo apud Socratem lib. I, cap. 22, Terebinthus, seu Buddas natum se ex virgine affirmat : propter veterem, ni fallor, Buddam (Clementi Alexandrino Buttam, Strom. I, p. 305) de quo post alios Ratramnus libro De nativitate Christi cap. 3, Spicilegii Acheriani t. I. An certe Bragmanorum sequemur opinionem, ut quemadmodum illi sectae suae auctorem Bubdam (l. Buddam) per virginis latus narrant exortum, ita nos Christum fuisse praedicemus?

For before my mother Rachel came together with him. The impious Simon abuses the passage of Scripture, Matt. 1:18, because he wished to be believed to be the Christ; which certain heresiarchs after him also said of themselves. In like manner in Socrates, book 1, ch. 22, Terebinthus, or Buddas, declares that he was born of a virgin: on account, unless I am mistaken, of the ancient Buddha (Butta in Clement of Alexandria, Stromata 1, p. 305), of whom, after others, Ratramnus speaks in the book On the Nativity of Christ, ch. 3, in d'Achery's Spicilegium, vol. 1: Or shall we indeed follow the opinion of the Brahmans, so that, just as they relate that Bubdas (read Buddas), the author of their sect, came forth through a virgin's side, so we should proclaim that Christ did?

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Page

running head: 1255 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. [remainder of the running head lies over the facing column, outside this image]
marginal letters: A ‹feci, et per ipsam fit›; B ‹commiserant, perferunt cruciatus›; C ‹singulis cupiebam; sed, ut dixi›; D ‹conveniret cum eo›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1256

cum esset in potestate mea, vel parvum esse, vel magnum, et hominem inter homines apparere. Tentandi ergo gratia vos primos assumpsi amicos, ut in coelestibus et ineffabilibus locis meis primos vos collocem, cum probavero. Humana ergo de meipso mentitus sum, ut vos manifestius comprobarem, si integrum erga me servatis affectum. Ego vero haec audiens, ipsum quidem miserum judicans, impudentiam tamen ejus admirans, et pro eo ipse erubescens, simul et veritus ne quid in nos moliretur mali, innuo Nicetae, paulisper una mecum simulare, et aio ad eum: Non nobis indigneris hominibus corruptibilibus, incorruptibilis Deus; sed suscipe magis affectum nostrum, et animum volentem scire qui sit Deus; nondum enim sciebamus quis esses, et nec advertebamus quia tu es quem quaerebamus.

since it was in my power to be either small or great, and to appear as a man among men. For the sake of testing, therefore, I took you as my first friends, so that I may place you first in my heavenly and ineffable places, when I have proved you. I therefore lied human things about myself, so that I might more clearly prove you, whether you keep your affection towards me whole. But I, hearing these things, judging him indeed a wretch, yet wondering at his shamelessness, and blushing myself on his behalf, and at the same time fearing that he might contrive some evil against us, signal to Niceta to feign for a little while together with me, and I say to him: Do not be angry with us corruptible men, O incorruptible God; but rather accept our affection, and a mind wishing to know who God is; for we did not yet know who you were, nor did we perceive that you are the one whom we were seeking.

XV. Haec et his similia vultu pro re aptato prosequentibus nobis, vanissimus credidit nos deceptos, et eo magis elatus addidit etiam haec: Propitius vobis jam sum, pro affectu quem erga me Deum geritis, me enim diligentes nesciebatis, et me quaerentes ignorabatis. Sed nolo dubitetis, quia hoc est vere Deum esse, cum potest quis parvus effici, vel magnus, si voluerit, nam quoquo modo apparere hominibus poteram. Nunc ergo incipiam vobis aperire quod verum est. Ego virtute mea quodam tempore aerem vertens in aquam, et aquam rursus in sanguinem, carnemque solidans, novum hominem puerum formavi, et opus conditore Deo multo nobilius protuli. Ille enim creavit hominem e terra, ego autem, quod est difficilius, ex aere, quemque rursus resolvens aeri reddidi, speciem tamen ejus imaginemque depictam in interiore cubiculo collocavi, ut esset indicium ac memoria operis mei. Haec autem intelligebamus eum dicere pro puero illo, cujus vi necati anima, ad ea quae volebat ministeria, utebatur.

XV. As we went on with these and like things, our faces fitted to the occasion, that most vain man believed us deceived, and, the more puffed up by this, he added these things also: I am now propitious to you, for the affection which you bear towards me as God; for loving me you did not know it, and seeking me you were unaware. But I would not have you doubt that this is truly to be God, when one is able to become small or great if he wishes; for I was able to appear to men in any manner whatever. Now therefore I shall begin to open to you what is true. I, by my own power, at a certain time turning air into water, and water again into blood, and making it solid as flesh, formed a new human being, a boy, and brought forth a work far nobler than that of God the Creator. For He created man from earth, but I, which is harder, from air; and, dissolving him again, I gave him back to the air, yet I placed his likeness and painted image in an inner chamber, to be a token and memorial of my work. Now we understood him to say these things in respect of that boy whose soul, after he had been killed by violence, he was using for the services he wished.

XVI. Petrus vero haec audiens cum lacrymis ait: Miror admodum immensam Dei patientiam, et e contrario in nonnullis humanae temeritatis audaciam. Quae enim ratio inveniri ultra poterit, quae Simoni suadeat, quod Deus judicet iniquos; cum ipse sibi persuadet, quod animarum obedientia ad scelerum suorum utatur ministerium? re autem vera a daemonibus illuditur; tamen cum per haec ipsa certus

XVI. But Peter, hearing these things, said with tears: I marvel greatly at the immense patience of God, and, on the other side, at the audacity of human rashness in some. For what reasoning can any longer be found to persuade Simon that God judges the wicked, when he persuades himself that he makes use of the obedience of souls for the service of his crimes? In very truth, however, he is being mocked by demons; yet when through these very things he is certain

Editors' notes and page, col. 1256

Footnotes

(17) ‹anchor: daemonibus illuditur; tamen› · call in col 1256

Tamen — substantiam desunt in codd. Lipss.

Tamen — substantiam are wanting in the Leipzig codices.

(printed under page 625)

(70) ‹anchor: aerem vertens in aquam› · call in col 1256

Aerem vertens in aquam. Clement. homil. 2, c. 26. Hoc quoque e media philosophia Simon. Videsis Diogenem Laertium lib. VII in Zenone, Clem. Alex., Strom. V, p. 599, Theodoritum Haeret. fabul., l. I, c. 1.

Turning air into water. Clementines, homily 2, ch. 26. This too Simon took from the midst of philosophy. See, if you will, Diogenes Laertius, book 7, on Zeno; Clement of Alexandria, Stromata 5, p. 599; Theodoret, Heretical Fables, book 1, ch. 1.

(printed under page 625)

Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1256
marginal letters: A ‹cum esset in potestate mea›; B ‹nec advertebamus quia tu es›; C ‹e terra, ego autem, quod est›; D ‹daemonibus illuditur; tamen›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1257

sit, quod immortales sunt animae et judicantur pro his quae gesserint, et qui se putet re ipsa videre ea quae nos fide credimus, quamvis, ut dixi, illudatur a daemonibus, tamen arbitratur se ipsam animae videre substantiam. Quando hic, inquam, fatebitur vel male se agere in tanto malo positus, vel judicandum se pro his quae egerit, qui sciens Dei judicium contemnit et inimicum se exhibet Deo, et audet tam nefanda committere? Unde certum est, fratres mei, nonnullos veritati ac religioni Dei non ideo adversari, quod eis fidei ratio nequaquam constare videatur, sed quia aut nimietate peccatorum involuti, aut malis suis praeventi et tumore cordis elati sunt, ita ut nec ea quidem credant, quae oculis suis se videre arbitrantur.

that souls are immortal and are judged for the things they have done, and is one who supposes that he sees in very fact the things which we believe by faith, although, as I said, he is mocked by demons, he nevertheless thinks that he sees the very substance of the soul. When, I say, will this man confess either that he is acting wickedly, set as he is in so great an evil, or that he is to be judged for the things he has done, who, knowing the judgement of God, despises it and shows himself an enemy to God, and dares to commit things so unspeakable? Whence it is certain, my brothers, that some oppose the truth and the religion of God not because the reasoning of the faith seems to them in no way to hold together, but because they are either entangled in an excess of sins, or forestalled by their own evils and lifted up by swelling of heart, so that they do not believe even those things which they think they see with their own eyes.

XVII. Verum quoniam ingenita erga Deum conditorem sufficere ad salutem videbatur affectio his, qui diligerent eum, studet inimicus hanc affectionem in hominibus pervertere, et inimicos eos efficere atque ingratos Conditori suo. Testor autem coelum ac terram, quod si quantum cupit inimicus desaevire, permitteretur etiam a Deo, olim omnes homines deperissent; sed misericordiae causa non sinit Deus. Quod si affectum suum homines converterent ad Deum, omnes sine dubio salvarentur, etiam si pro aliquibus delictis ob justitiam corripi viderentur. Sed nunc plurimi hominum inimici effecti sunt Dei, quorum malignus corda penetravit, et affectum quem eis conditor Deus inseruerat, ut erga se haberent, in semetipsum deflexit. Aliorum vero, qui aliquantulum vigilare videbantur, in phantasia gloriae et splendoris apparens, et magna quaedam atque ingentia repromittens, evagari nihilominus a Deo vero mentem atque animum fecit; quae tamen perpetrare ei justa quadam permittitur ratione.

XVII. But since the inborn affection towards God the Creator seemed sufficient for salvation to those who loved Him, the enemy strives to pervert this affection in men, and to make them enemies and ungrateful to their Creator. Now I call heaven and earth to witness that if the enemy were also permitted by God to rage as much as he desires, all men would long ago have perished; but for mercy's sake God does not allow it. And if men would turn their affection to God, all would without doubt be saved, even if for some offences they should seem to be chastised for justice's sake. But now very many of men have been made enemies of God, whose hearts the evil one has penetrated, and the affection which God the Creator had implanted in them, that they might have it towards Himself, he has turned aside to himself. As for others, who seemed to be somewhat watchful, appearing in a phantasm of glory and splendour, and promising certain great and mighty things, he has none the less made their mind and spirit wander away from the true God; which things, however, he is permitted to perpetrate for a certain just reason.

XVIII. Ad haec Aquila respondit: Quid ergo delinquunt homines, si malignus transformans se in splendorem lucis majora repromittit hominibus, quam ipse conditor Deus? Et Petrus: Puto, inquit, hoc injustius nihil esse, et quatenus injustum sit audi. Si filius tuus, qui a te omni diligentia eruditus est et nutritus, atque ad virilem perductus aetatem, ingratus tibi sit, et relinquens te ad alium, quem forte ditiorem viderit, eat, et honorem quem tibi debebat illi exhibeat, ac spe majoris lucri naturam neget et jura paterna defugiat, rectum tibi videtur, an impium? Et Aquila respondit: Omnibus palam est, quod impium sit. Et Petrus: Si ergo in hominibus hoc impium dicis, quanto magis in Deo, qui supra omnes homines honore ab hominibus dignus est? cujus non solum beneficiis fruimur, verum et ope ac virtute esse coepimus cum non essemus, cuique si placeamus merebimur ab eo, ut etiam aeterni in bonis simus. Ut ergo infideles

XVIII. To this Aquila answered: In what then do men offend, if the evil one, transforming himself into the splendour of light, promises men greater things than God the Creator Himself? And Peter said: I think nothing is more unjust than this, and hear how far it is unjust. If your son, who has been taught and reared by you with all diligence and brought to the age of manhood, should be ungrateful to you, and, leaving you, should go to another whom he has perhaps seen to be richer, and should render to him the honour which he owed to you, and in hope of greater gain should deny his nature and flee from a father's rights, does it seem to you right, or impious? And Aquila answered: It is plain to all that it is impious. And Peter said: If then you call this impious among men, how much more in the case of God, Who above all men is worthy of honour from men? Whose benefits we not only enjoy, but by Whose help and power we began to be when we were not, and from Whom, if we please Him, we shall merit to be even eternal in good things. In order, therefore, that the unfaithful

Editors' notes and page, col. 1257

Footnotes

(18) ‹anchor: sinit Deus. Quod si› · call in col 1257

Quo si — viderentur et quae sequuntur : Aliorum vero — permittitur ratione desiderantur in utroque codd. Lipss.

Quo si — viderentur and what follows, Aliorum vero — permittitur ratione, are missing in both Leipzig codices.

(printed under page 626)

(19) ‹anchor: splendorem lucis› · call in col 1257

II Cor. XI, 14.

2 Cor. 11:14.

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running head: 1257 RECOGNITIONUM L[IB. II.; remainder of the running head lies over the facing column]
marginal letters: A ‹tus sit, quod immortales›; B ‹XVII. Verum quoniam ingenita›; C ‹ut erga se haberent›; D ‹aetatem, ingratus tibi sit›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1258

a fidelibus et pii discernantur ab impiis, permissum est maligno uti his artibus, quibus singulorum erga verum parentem probentur affectus. Quod si vere esset aliquis deus alienus, tamen ab eo, qui nos creaverat quique nobis pater et conditor fuerat, rectumne erat, relicto proprio transire ad alienum? Et Aquila: Absit! inquit. Tum Petrus: Quomodo ergo dicemus malignum esse causam peccati nostri, cum hoc permissu Dei fiat, ut per ipsum probentur et in die judicii arguantur hi qui majoribus pollicitationibus invitati, veri patris et conditoris sui reliquerint pietatem, hi vero qui fidem et charitatem proprii patris, etiam cum paupertate, si acciderit, et cum tribulatione servaverint, donis coelestibus in regno ejus et immortalibus muneribus perfruantur? Sed haec alias diligentius exponemus. Quid autem Simon egerit post haec, scire cupio.

may be distinguished from the faithful, and the pious from the impious, the evil one has been permitted to use these arts, by which the affections of each towards the true parent may be proved. And if there really were some alien god, would it nevertheless have been right to leave the One Who had created us and Who had been our Father and Maker, forsaking our own to pass over to an alien? And Aquila said: Far be it! Then Peter said: How then shall we say that the evil one is the cause of our sin, when this is done by God's permission, so that through him those may be proved and convicted on the day of judgement who, enticed by greater promises, have abandoned their duty to their true Father and Creator, while those who have kept faith and charity towards their own Father, even with poverty, should it befall, and with tribulation, may enjoy heavenly gifts and immortal rewards in His kingdom? But these things we shall set out more carefully at another time. What Simon did after this, however, I desire to know.

XIX. Et Niceta respondit: Ubi intellexisse eum sensimus, quod deprehensus esset a nobis, collocuti inter nos de sceleribus ejus reliquimus eum et ad Zacchaeum venimus, haec ipsa ei, quae et tibi nunc protulimus, indicantes. At ille benignissime nos suscipiens, et de fide Domini nostri Jesu Christi edocens, fidelium numero sociavit. Cumque haec Niceta dixisset, Zacchaeus qui paulo ante egressus fuerat, ingrediebatur dicens: Tempus est, ut procedas ad disputandum, Petre; turba enim multa in atrio domus congregata te opperitur, quorum in medio multis fultus asseclis consistit Simon. Tum Petrus ut haec audivit, orationis gratia secedere me jubens (nondum enim eram dilutus a peccatis, quae in ignorantia commiseram), ait ad reliquos: Oremus fratres, ut Deus per Christum suum pro ineffabili misericordia sua adjuvet me exeuntem pro salute hominum, qui ab ipso creati sunt. Et haec cum dixisset, oratione facta processit ad atrium domus, in quo erat multitudo populi plurima congregata; quos ubi omnes summo silentio ad se intentos vidit, et magum Simonem in medio eorum velut signiferum stantem, hoc modo coepit:

XIX. And Niceta answered: When we perceived that he had understood that he had been found out by us, having spoken together among ourselves about his crimes, we left him and came to Zacchaeus, telling him these very things which we have now also set before you. And he, receiving us most kindly, and instructing us about the faith of our Lord Jesus Christ, joined us to the number of the faithful. And when Niceta had said these things, Zacchaeus, who had gone out a little before, came in, saying: It is time for you to go forth to the disputation, Peter; for a great crowd, gathered in the court of the house, is waiting for you, in the midst of whom Simon stands, propped up by many followers. Then Peter, when he heard this, bidding me withdraw for the sake of prayer (for I had not yet been washed from the sins which I had committed in ignorance), said to the rest: Let us pray, brothers, that God through His Christ, according to His ineffable mercy, may help me as I go out for the salvation of men, who were created by Him. And when he had said this, prayer having been made, he went forth to the court of the house, in which a very great multitude of people had gathered; and when he saw them all intent upon him in the deepest silence, and Simon the magician standing in the midst of them like a standard-bearer, he began in this manner:

XX. Pax vobis sit omnibus, qui parati estis dexteras dare veritati; quicunque enim obediunt ei, videntur quidem sibi aliquid gratiae conferre Deo, porro autem ipsi ab eo donum summi muneris consequuntur justitiae ejus semitis incedentes. Propter quod primum est omnium, justitiam Dei regnumque ejus inquirere; justitiam quidem ut recte agere doceamur, regnum vero, ut quae sit merces posita laboris et patientiae noverimus, in quo est bonis quidem aeternorum bonorum remuneratio, his autem, qui contra voluntatem Dei egerint, pro uniuscujusque gestis poenarum digna restitutio. Hic ergo, hoc est in praesenti vita positos oportet vos agnoscere voluntatem Dei, ubi et agendi locus est.

XX. Peace be to you all, who are ready to give your right hands to the truth; for whoever obey it seem to themselves indeed to confer some favour on God, whereas they themselves obtain from Him the gift of the highest bounty, walking in the paths of His justice. Wherefore the first thing of all is to seek the justice of God and His kingdom; justice, that we may be taught to act rightly; the kingdom, that we may know what reward is set for labour and patience, in which there is for the good the recompense of eternal goods, but for those who have acted against the will of God a fitting return of punishments according to each one's deeds. Here, therefore, that is, while placed in the present life, you ought to come to know the will of God, where there is also room for acting.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1258

Footnotes

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Quod si—muneribus perfruantur non leguntur in codd. Lipss.

Quod si—muneribus perfruantur are not read in the Leipzig codices.

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(21) ‹anchor: regnumque ejus inquirere› · call in col 1258

Matth. VI, 33.

Matt. 6:33.

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Page

running head: [RE]COGNITIONUM LIB. II. 1258
marginal letters: A ‹fideles a fidelibus et pii›; B ‹bus perfruantur? Sed haec alias›; C ‹rum in medio multis fultus›; D ‹videntur quidem sibi aliquid›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1259

Nam si quis velit antequam actus suos emendet, de his requirere quae non potest invenire, stulta et inefficax erit hujuscemodi inquisitio. Tempus enim breve est, et judicium Dei gestorum causa agetur, non quaestionum. Ideoque ante omnia hoc quaeramus, quid nos, aut qualiter agere oporteat, ut aeternam vitam consequi mereamur.

For if anyone should wish, before he amends his deeds, to inquire about things which he cannot find, an inquiry of this kind will be foolish and ineffectual. For the time is short, and the judgement of God will be held on account of deeds, not of questions. And therefore before all things let us seek this: what we ought to do, or in what manner, so that we may merit to attain eternal life.

XXI. Nam si exiguum hoc vitae tempus per inanes occupemus et inutiles quaestiones, inanes sine dubio et vacui ab operibus bonis pergemus ad Deum, ubi judicium, ut dixi, operum nostrorum fiet. Unaquaeque etenim res suum tempus habet et locum. Operum hic locus, hoc tempus est saeculum futurum. Ne ergo impediamur ordinem locorum ac temporum permutantes, primo quae sit Dei justitia requiramus, ut tanquam iter acturi, abundanti viatico bonis operibus repleamur, quo possimus ad regnum Dei, tanquam ad urbem maximam pervenire. Deus enim his, qui recte sentiunt, per ipsa opera mundi, quae fecit manifestus est, ipsius creaturae suae utens testimonio, et ideo cum de Deo dubitatio esse non debeat, de sola nunc ejus justitia requiramus et regno. Quod si aliquid nobis de secretis et reconditis inquirendum suggerit mens nostra, antequam de operibus justitiae requiramus, rationem reddere nobismetipsis debemus; quia si bene agentes salutem consequi meruerimus, tanquam casti et mundi euntes ad Deum Spiritu sancto replebimur, et omnia quae sunt secreta et occulta, sine ulla quaestionum cavillatione noscemus, quae nunc, etiam si totum quis vitae suae tempus in inquirendo consumat, non solum non poterit invenire, sed et majoribus se erroribus inseret, quia non per viam prius justitiae incedens, ad portum vitae pervenire contendit.

XXI. For if we occupy this scanty time of life with empty and useless questions, we shall without doubt go on to God empty and void of good works, where, as I said, the judgement of our works will take place. For each thing has its own time and place. The place of works is here; this time is the age to come. Lest therefore we be hindered by interchanging the order of places and times, let us first inquire what the justice of God is, so that, as those about to make a journey, we may be filled with good works as with abundant provision for the way, whereby we may be able to arrive at the kingdom of God as at a very great city. For God is manifest to those who think rightly through the very works of the world which He made, using the testimony of His own creation; and therefore, since there ought to be no doubt about God, let us now inquire only about His justice and kingdom. But if our mind suggests to us that something is to be searched out concerning secret and hidden things before we inquire about the works of justice, we ought to render an account to ourselves; because if, acting well, we merit to attain salvation, then, going to God as chaste and clean, we shall be filled with the Holy Spirit, and shall know all things that are secret and hidden without any quibbling of questions; which now, even if one should spend the whole time of his life in inquiring, he will not only be unable to find, but will also entangle himself in greater errors, because he strives to arrive at the harbour of life without first walking by the way of justice.

XXII. Et propterea suadeo primo justitiam ejus requirendam, ut per hanc iter agentes, et in via

XXII. And therefore I urge that His justice is first to be sought, so that, making our journey through it, and in the way

Editors' notes and page, col. 1259

Footnotes

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Ubi judicium—pervenire non leguntur in utroque codd. Lipss.

Ubi judicium—pervenire are not read in both Leipzig codices.

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Nam si quis velit, etc. Ex his observavi desumptam fuisse epistolam Nili ad Asclepium grammaticum, Possinianae editionis 313, Allatianae 24, lib. III : Ἐὰν πρὸ τῶν ἀγαθῶν πράξεων ζητῶμεν ζητήματά τινα ἀνωφελῆ καὶ ἀνεύρετα, ὡς ἐνδεεῖς φρενῶν πλανώμεθα καὶ ἐνεδρευόμεθα. Ὅ τε γὰρ ἑκάστου χρόνος βραχὺς, καὶ τὸ κρίνεσθαι ἡμῖν ἔστι περὶ ἔργων, οὐ περὶ γνώσεως ἀποῤῥήτων. Διὸ μὴ καταλείψωμεν ζητεῖν, τί χρὴ ποιήσαντας ζωῆς αἰωνίου τυχεῖν. Εἰ γὰρ ἀπασχοληθέντες τὸν βραχὺν χρόνον εἰς δυσεύρετα καὶ ἀνωφελῆ ζητήματα τὰς ἡμέρας τοῦ παρόντος βίου καταδαπανήσωμεν, ἐνεδρευθέντες ἀπερχόμεθα ἔνθεν κεναῖς χερσί. Et infra : Ἕκαστον γὰρ ἴδιον ἔχει καιρὸν, τὸ πράττειν τὰ δίκαια ἐνταῦθα, τὸ δὲ ἀπολαβεῖν τὴν μισθαποδοσίαν ἐν τῷ μέλλοντι αἰῶνι. Ἵνα οὖν μὴ ἐνεδρευθῶμεν μᾶλλον τὴν δικαιοσύνην ἰχνεύσωμέν τε καὶ πράξωμεν, ὅπως καθάπερ τινὲς κάλλιστοι ὁδοιπόροι, καὶ ἐφόδια τῶν ἀγαθῶν βαστάσαντες πράξεων, ὥσπερ εἰς τινα πόλιν τὸ τοῦ Θεοῦ βασίλειον εἰσέλθωμεν. Ὁ γάρ τοι Θεὸς τοῖς εὐγνωμονοῦσι, διὰ τὸν ὑπ' αὐτοῦ γενόμενον κόσμον, πρόδηλός ἐστιν ὑπὸ πάσης κτίσεως αὐτοῦ μαρτυρούμενος. Pari modo epistolam ad Xenonem acceptam fuisse a Basilio edocti sumus per Emericum Bigotium eximiae eruditionis hominem. Sed et (ut pauca de multis dicam) Nili epistola 32, lib. I, est sententia Gregorii Nazianzeni orat. 21, p. 382, A; at 234 epist. ejusdem libri expressa est ex Irenaeo lib. I, cap. 1, p. 19, 21, apud Epiphanium haeres. 31, n. 16, 17. Epistolam vero 247, ad verbum leges in eodem Irenaei capite p. 337 B, Epiphan. n. 24. Jam libri III epistola 6, formata fuit ex Basilii loco quem in hisce notis protuli. Atque epistola ad Chionium verba habet Basilii ejusdem homilia 13 exhortatoria ad baptismum, in fine. Nili certe non paucae epistolae; forsan non sine fraude, aut saltem errore Graeculorum. Conferas etiam velim illam 190 lib. II cum § ult. epistolae 8 Dionysii pseudo-Areopagitae, de Carpo.

For if anyone should wish, etc. I have observed that from these words was taken the letter of Nilus to Asclepius the grammarian, no. 313 in Poussines's edition, no. 24 of book 3 in Allatius's: "If before good deeds we go seeking certain questions that are unprofitable and not to be found out, we go astray like men lacking sense and are waylaid. For each man's time is short, and our judgement will be about works, not about knowledge of hidden things. Therefore let us not leave off seeking what we must do to obtain eternal life. For if, taken up for our short time with questions hard to find out and unprofitable, we squander the days of the present life, we depart hence waylaid and with empty hands." And below: "For each thing has its own season: to do what is just, here; and to receive the recompense, in the age to come. Lest therefore we be waylaid, let us rather track out righteousness and practise it, so that like the best of wayfarers, carrying also the provisions of good deeds, we may enter the kingdom of God as into a city. For God, to those of right mind, is manifest through the world made by him, being attested by his whole creation." In like manner we have been taught by Émery Bigot, a man of outstanding learning, that the letter to Xenon was taken from Basil. And further (to mention a few out of many), letter 32 of Nilus, book 1, is a sentence of Gregory of Nazianzus, oration 21, p. 382 A; while letter 234 of the same book is drawn from Irenaeus, book 1, ch. 1, pp. 19, 21, in Epiphanius, heresy 31, nos. 16, 17. And letter 247 you will read word for word in the same chapter of Irenaeus, p. 337 B, Epiphanius no. 24. Then letter 6 of book 3 was shaped out of the passage of Basil which I have brought forward in these notes. And the letter to Chionius has the words of the same Basil, homily 13, the exhortation to baptism, at the end. Certainly not a few of the letters are [so made up] under Nilus's name; perhaps not without fraud, or at least error, on the part of the later Greeks. I would have you compare also letter 190 of book 2 with the last section of letter 8 of Dionysius the pseudo-Areopagite, on Carpus.

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Page

running head: 1259 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. [remainder of the running head lies over the facing column]
marginal letters: A ‹Nam si quis velit antequam›; B ‹requiramus, ut tanquam iter acturi›; C ‹occulta, sine ulla quaestionum›; D ‹beside Cotelier's notes at the page foot, no line of the text›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1260

positi veritatis, verum prophetam invenire possimus, non velocitate pedum, sed operum bonitate currentes; ut ipso duce usi, nullum viae hujus patiamur errorem. Si enim ipsum sequentes ingredi meruerimus illam, quo pervenire cupimus, civitatem, omnia jam de quibus quaeritur, oculis videbimus, tanquam haeredes omnium facti. Intelligite itaque viam esse hunc vitae nostrae cursum, viatores eos, qui bona opera gerunt, portam verum prophetam, de quo dicimus, urbem regnum esse, in quo residet omnipotens pater, quem soli videre possunt hi qui mundo sunt corde. Non ergo nobis difficilis videatur hujus itineris labor, quia in fine ejus requies erit; nam et ipse verus propheta ab initio mundi per saeculum currens festinat ad requiem. Adest enim nobis omnibus diebus, et si quando necesse est apparet et corrigit nos, ut obtemperantes sibi ad vitam perducat aeternam. Mea ergo ista sententia est, sicut et vero prophetae visum est, ut primo de justitia requiratur, ab his maxime qui Deum se nosse profitentur. Si ergo habet aliquis quod esse rectius putet, dicat et cum dixerit audiat, sed cum patientia et quiete. Propter hoc enim ab initio, salutationis specie pacem cunctis precatus sum.

of truth set, we may be able to find the true Prophet, running not by swiftness of feet but by goodness of works; so that, using Him as guide, we may suffer no straying from this way. For if, following Him, we merit to enter that city at which we desire to arrive, we shall then see with our eyes all the things about which inquiry is made, having been made, as it were, heirs of all things. Understand, therefore, that the way is this course of our life; the travellers, those who do good works; the gate, the true Prophet of Whom we speak; the city is the kingdom, in which the almighty Father has His seat, Whom they alone can see who are clean of heart. Let not, therefore, the labour of this journey seem hard to us, because at its end there will be rest; for the true Prophet Himself also, running through the age from the beginning of the world, hastens to rest. For He is present with us on all days, and whenever it is necessary He appears and corrects us, so that He may lead those who obey Him to eternal life. This, therefore, is my judgement, as it also seemed good to the true Prophet, that inquiry be made first about justice, most of all by those who profess that they know God. If then anyone has something which he thinks to be more right, let him say it, and when he has said it let him listen, but with patience and quiet. For on this account, from the beginning, under the form of a greeting, I prayed for peace for all.

XXIII. Ad haec Simon respondit: Nos pace tua opus non habemus, si enim pax sit et concordia, ad inveniendam veritatem nihil proficere poterimus; habent enim inter se pacem et latrones, et scortatores, et omnis nequitia cum semetipsa concordat, et nos ergo si ob hoc convenimus, ut pacis causa omnibus quae dicuntur praebeamus assensum, nihil auditoribus conferemus; sed e contrario illusis eis, nos amici discedemus. Propter quod noli invocare pacem, sed magis pugnam matrem ejus, et si potes expugna errores. Nec requiras amicitiam injustis assentationibus partam; hoc enim ante omnia scire

XXIII. To this Simon answered: We have no need of your peace; for if there be peace and concord, we shall be able to make no progress towards finding the truth; for robbers too and fornicators have peace among themselves, and every wickedness agrees with itself; and we therefore, if we have come together for this, that for the sake of peace we should give assent to everything that is said, shall confer nothing on the hearers; but on the contrary, they having been mocked, we shall depart friends. Wherefore do not invoke peace, but rather battle, its mother, and, if you can, storm the errors. And do not seek a friendship won by unjust flatteries; for this before all things to know

Editors' notes and page, col. 1260

Footnotes

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Rom. I, 20.

Rom. 1:20.

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Matth. V, 8.

Matt. 5:8.

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Requies erit. Pergit uterque codd. Lipss. ita : Mea ergo ista est sententia. Si ergo, etc.

Requies erit. Both Leipzig codices go on thus: Mea ergo ista est sententia. Si ergo, etc.

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(72) ‹anchor: salutationis specie› · call in col 1260

Salutationis specie, pacem cunctis precatus sum. Ad Matth. X, 12, Hieronymus : Occulte salutationem Hebraei ac Syri sermonis expressit. Quod enim Graece dicitur χαῖρε, et Latine Ave, hoc Hebraico Syroque sermone appellatur שלום צכך Salom lach, sive שלם לך, id est, pax tecum. Quo loci in codice Regio 230, litteris solummodo Latinis exaratum habetur, chere et appellant Salomlach sive Salamalach. [The Hebrew type is small and blurred in the scan; the two Hebrew phrases are set as best read and are uncertain.]

Under the form of a greeting I prayed for peace upon all. On Matt. 10:12 Jerome says: He covertly expressed the greeting of the Hebrew and Syriac tongue. For what is said in Greek χαῖρε, and in Latin Ave, is called in the Hebrew and Syriac tongue Salom lach, or [the same in other Hebrew letters], that is, peace be with you. At which place in the Royal codex 230 it stands written in Latin letters only: chere, and they call it Salomlach or Salamalach.

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Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1260
marginal letters: A ‹positi veritatis, verum prophetam›; B ‹ad requiem. Adest enim nobis›; C ‹tores, et omnis nequitia›; D ‹beside Cotelier's notes at the page foot, no line of the text›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1261

te volo, quia duobus inter se dimicantibus tunc erit pax, cum alter ceciderit superatus; et ideo pugna ut potes, nec requiras pacem sine bello, quod impossibile est, aut si potest fieri, ostende.

I want you, that when two are fighting with each other there will be peace only when one of them has fallen, overcome; and therefore fight as you can, and do not seek peace without war, which is impossible; or, if it can be done, show it.

XXIV. Ad haec Petrus: Attentius audite, o viri, quae dicimus. Ponamus mundum hunc campum esse aliquem magnum, et ex duabus civitatibus, quarum reges sibi invicem sint contrarii, missos esse singulos ad dimicandum duces, et illum quidem boni regis ducem consilium dare, ut uterque exercitus absque sanguinis profusione, melioris in regis jura concedat, quo sine periculo omnes salvi fiant, illum vero contrarium dicere: Non, sed pugnetur, ut non qui dignus est, sed qui fortior ipse cum his qui evaserint regnet. Quaeso vos, quid magis eligeretis? Non dubito quin, ut cum incolumitate omnium, regi meliori manus darentur. Et ego nunc non, ut Simon ait, pacis causa assensum volo commodari his quae male dicuntur, sed ut cum quiete et ordine veritas requiratur.

XXIV. To this Peter said: Listen more attentively, O men, to what we say. Let us suppose that this world is some great plain, and that from two cities, whose kings are opposed to each other, one general each has been sent to fight; and that the general of the good king gives the counsel that both armies, without shedding of blood, should pass under the rule of the better king, whereby all may be saved without danger; but that the opposing one says: No, but let there be fighting, so that not he who is worthy, but he who is stronger, may himself reign, with those who shall have escaped. I ask you, which would you rather choose? I do not doubt that it would be that, with the safety of all, hands should be given to the better king. And I now do not wish, as Simon says, that for the sake of peace assent be lent to things that are wrongly said, but that the truth be sought with quiet and order.

XXV. Nonnulli enim in disputationum certamine ubi errorem suum senserint confutari, causa perfugii conturbare continuo incipiunt, et movere lites, ne palam fiat omnibus quod superantur; et propterea ego frequenter exoro, ut cum omni patientia et quiete indago disputationis habeatur, ut et si forte aliquid minus recte dictum videatur, repetere id et apertius liceat explanare. Solet enim interdum aliter dici quid et aliter audiri, dum aut minus lucide profertur, aut minus vigilanter advertitur, et ob hoc patienter cupio haberi sermonem, ut neque subripiat alter alteri, neque sermonem dicentis intempestivus sermo contradicentis interrumpat, neque reprehendendi studium geramus, sed liceat ut dixi, minus plane dicta repetere, ut examinatione justissima clarescat veritatis agnitio. Scire enim debemus, quia si quis a veritate vincatur, non ipse vincitur, sed ignorantia quae in ipso est, quae est daemon pessimus, quam qui potuerit effugare, salutis accipit palmam. Propositum namque nobis est prodesse auditoribus, non ut male vincamus, sed ut pro agnitione veritatis bene vincamur. Si enim veritatis inquirendae studio sermo moveatur, etiamsi quid minus plene pro humana fragilitate dicemus, Deus pro ineffabili sua bonitate, ea quae desunt latenter auditorum sensibus adimplebit. Justus est enim, et secundum uniuscujusque propositum, aliis quidem in promptu facit esse quod quaeritur, aliis vero obscurum reddit, etiam quod palam positum est. Quia ergo via Dei, via pacis est, cum pace quae Dei sunt requiramus. Ad haec si quis habet quod prosequatur, locus est; si vero nullus est qui respondere velit, ego dicere incipiam, et quae mihi ab alio possunt objici, ipse in medium prolata dissolvam.

XXV. For some, in the contest of disputations, when they perceive that their error is being refuted, at once begin, for the sake of an escape, to make a disturbance and to stir up quarrels, lest it become plain to all that they are being overcome; and therefore I frequently entreat that the inquiry of the disputation be conducted with all patience and quiet, so that, if perhaps something should seem to have been said less than rightly, it may be allowed to repeat it and explain it more openly. For sometimes a thing is wont to be said in one way and heard in another, while it is either put forward less clearly or attended to less watchfully; and on this account I desire the discourse to be held patiently, so that neither may the one steal a march on the other, nor may the untimely speech of one contradicting interrupt the speech of the one speaking, nor may we carry a zeal for fault-finding, but that it may be allowed, as I said, to repeat things said less plainly, so that by the most just examination the knowledge of the truth may become clear. For we ought to know that if anyone is conquered by the truth, it is not he himself who is conquered, but the ignorance that is in him, which is the worst of demons; and he who has been able to put it to flight receives the palm of salvation. For our purpose is to benefit the hearers, not that we may conquer wrongly, but that for the sake of the knowledge of the truth we may be rightly conquered. For if the discourse is set in motion by zeal for inquiring into the truth, even if we shall say something less than fully, by reason of human frailty, God, according to His ineffable goodness, will secretly fill up what is lacking in the minds of the hearers. For He is just, and according to each one's purpose He makes what is sought to be ready at hand for some, while for others He renders obscure even what has been set in the open. Since therefore the way of God is the way of peace, let us seek with peace the things that are God's. If anyone has anything to pursue in answer to this, there is room; but if there is no one who wishes to reply, I shall begin to speak, and the things that can be objected to me by another I shall myself bring forward and resolve.

XXVI. Cum ergo Petrus coepisset continuare sermonem, Simon interrupta oratione ejus: Cur, inquit, festinas ipse tibi dicere, quae tibi videntur?

XXVI. When therefore Peter had begun to continue his discourse, Simon, interrupting his speech, said: Why do you hasten to say to yourself the things that seem good to you?

Editors' notes and page, col. 1261

Page

running head: 1261 RECOGNITIONUM LI[B. II.; remainder of the running head lies over the facing column]
marginal letters: A ‹te volo, quia duobus inter se›; B ‹gis eligeretis? Non dubito quin›; C ‹ob hoc patienter cupio haberi›; D ‹tenter auditorum sensibus›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1262

Intelligo versutias tuas; vis enim tibi ea ipse proponere, quorum absolutio bene tibi meditata est, ut ignorantibus turbis videaris recte aliquid dicere; sed apud me non tibi erit horum locus. Nunc ergo, quoniam ut vir fortis polliceris, te omni volenti proponere responsurum, mihi interim primo respondeto. Et Petrus: Paratus, inquit, sum, tantum ut cum pace sit sermo. Tum Simon: Non vides, inquit, imperitissime, quod contraria agis magistro tuo, pacem deposcens, quod utique non convenit ei, qui expugnaturum se promittit ignorantiam? Aut si tu recte pacem ab auditoribus poscis, non recte magister tuus dixit: Quia non veni pacem mittere in terram, sed gladium. Aut enim tu bene dicis, et ille non bene, aut si magister tuus bene, tu pessime, qui non intellexisti contraria te proferre ei, cujus te discipulum profiteris.

I understand your cunning tricks; for you wish to put to yourself those things whose solution you have well rehearsed, so that to the ignorant crowds you may seem to be saying something rightly; but with me there will be no room for these things. Now therefore, since like a brave man you promise that you will answer everyone who wishes to put a question, answer me first meanwhile. And Peter said: I am ready, only let the discourse be with peace. Then Simon said: Do you not see, most unskilled man, that you act contrary to your master in demanding peace, which certainly does not befit one who promises that he will storm ignorance? Or if you rightly ask peace of the hearers, your master did not rightly say: I have not come to send peace upon the earth, but a sword. For either you speak well and he not well, or, if your master speaks well, you speak very badly, who have not understood that you put forward things contrary to him whose disciple you profess yourself to be.

XXVII. Ad haec Petrus: Neque qui misit me male fecit gladium mittere in terram, neque ego contraria ei ago, auditorum pacem requirens. Sed tu et imperite et temere reprehendis ea quae non intelligis; etenim quia pacem non venit mittere in terram magister, audisti, quod autem dixerit: Beati pacifici, quoniam ipsi filii Dei vocabuntur, non audisti. Propter quod non ego magistro diversa sentio, pacem persuadens, quam ille servantibus beatitudinem posuit. Et Simon ait: Pro magistro respondere cupiens, o Petre, multo eum gravius accusasti, si cum ipse non venerit pacem facere, hanc aliis servare praeceperit. Et quomodo alius ille ejus sermo constabit quem dixit? Quia sufficit discipulo, ut sit sicut magister ejus.

XXVII. To this Peter said: Neither did He Who sent me do wrongly in sending a sword upon the earth, nor do I act contrary to Him in seeking the peace of the hearers. But you both unskilfully and rashly find fault with things which you do not understand; for you have heard that the Master did not come to send peace upon the earth, but that He said: Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God, you have not heard. Wherefore I do not think differently from the Master in urging peace, which He set down as a blessedness for those who keep it. And Simon said: In your desire to answer for your master, O Peter, you have accused him much more gravely, if, when he himself did not come to make peace, he commanded others to keep it. And how will that other saying of his stand, which he spoke? That it is enough for the disciple that he be as his master.

XXVIII. Petrus ad haec: Magister, inquit, noster, qui erat verus propheta et sui in omnibus memor, neque sibi contraria locutus est, neque nobis ab his quae ipse gerebat diversa mandavit. Quod enim ait: Non veni pacem mittere in terram, sed gladium, et ex hoc videbitis separari patrem a filio, filium a patre, virum ab uxore, et uxorem a viro, et matrem a filia, filiam a matre, fratrem a fratre, socrum a nuru, amicum ab amico, haec omnia continent doctrinam pacis, et quomodo, audi. Initio praedicationis suae, utpote qui velit omnes invitare et adducere ad salutem, ac patientiam laborum tentationumque habendam suaderet, pauperes beatificabat, eosque pro penuriae tolerantia adepturos esse pollicebatur regna coelorum, ut sub tanta spe aequanimiter paupertatis pondus, spreta cupiditate portarent. Est enim unum et maximum ex perniciosissimis peccatis, cupiditas. Sed et esurientes et sitientes aeternis bonis justitiae saturandos esse promisit, ut egestatem tolerabiliter ferentes, nihil pro hac injusti operis molirentur. Mundos quoque corde similiter beatos dicebat, et per hoc Deum visuros, ut unusquisque adipisci tantum cupiens bonum, semetipsum a pessimis et pollutis cogitationibus contineret.

XXVIII. Peter said to this: Our Master, Who was the true Prophet and mindful of Himself in all things, neither spoke things contrary to Himself, nor enjoined on us things different from what He Himself was doing. For as to what He said: I have not come to send peace upon the earth, but a sword, and from now on you will see father separated from son, son from father, husband from wife, and wife from husband, and mother from daughter, daughter from mother, brother from brother, mother-in-law from daughter-in-law, friend from friend, all these things contain the teaching of peace; and hear how. At the beginning of His preaching, as One Who wished to invite all and bring them to salvation, and was urging that patience in labours and trials be kept, He called the poor blessed, and promised that in return for their endurance of want they would obtain the kingdoms of the heavens, so that under so great a hope they might bear the weight of poverty with an even mind, covetousness being despised. For covetousness is one, and the greatest, of the most ruinous sins. But He also promised that those who hunger and thirst would be filled with the eternal goods of justice, so that, bearing their need tolerably, they might contrive no unjust deed on account of it. The clean of heart also He likewise called blessed, and said that by this they would see God, so that each one, desiring to obtain so great a good, might restrain himself from the worst and polluted thoughts.

XXIX. Sic ergo magister noster discipulos ad

XXIX. Thus therefore our Master [was calling His] disciples to

Editors' notes and page, col. 1262

Footnotes

(26) ‹anchor: Quia non veni pacem mittere in terram, sed gladium› · call in col 1262

Matth. X, 34.

Matt. 10:34.

(printed under page 628)

(27) ‹anchor: filii Dei vocabuntur› · call in col 1262

Matth. V, 9.

Matt. 5:9.

(printed under page 628)

(28) ‹anchor: sicut magister ejus› · call in col 1262

Matth. X, 25.

Matt. 10:25.

(printed under page 628)

(29) ‹anchor: amicum ab amico› · call in col 1262

Ibid. 34, 35; Luc. XII, 53.

The same [Matt. 10], 34, 35; Luke 12:53.

(printed under page 628)

Page

running head: [RE]COGNITIONUM LIB. II. 1262
marginal letters: A ‹Intelligo versutias tuas›; B ‹qui non intellexisti contraria›; C ‹praeceperit. Et quomodo alius›; D ‹bendam suaderet, pauperes›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1263

patientiam invitans, bonum pacis etiam cum labore patientiae suadebat esse servandum. E contrario vero eos qui in divitiis ac luxuria versabantur, lugebat, qui nihil pauperibus largiebantur, arguens eos rationem reddituros, quia proximos suos quos diligere sicut seipsos debuerant, ne in egestate quidem positos miserati sunt. Haec autem dicens alios quidem obedire fecit, alios vero reddidit inimicos. Credentibus ergo et obedientibus pacem habere inter se invicem jubet. et ipsis dicit: Beati pacifici, quia ipsi filii Dei vocabuntur. His autem, qui non solum non credidere, verum et adversarii doctrinae ejus facti sunt, bellum verbi et confutationis indicit et ait: Quia ex hoc videbitis separari filium a patre, et virum ab uxore, et filiam a matre, et fratrem a fratre, et nurum a socru, et inimici hominis domestici ejus. In unaquaque enim domo, cum inter credentem et non credentem coeperit esse diversitas, necessario pugna fit, incredulis quidem contra fidem dimicantibus, fidelibus vero in illis errorem veterem, et peccatorum vitia confutantibus.

patience inviting, He urged that the good of peace was to be kept even with the labour of patience. But on the contrary He lamented over those who lived in riches and luxury, who bestowed nothing on the poor, charging that they would render an account, because they had not pitied their neighbours, whom they ought to have loved as themselves, even when these were placed in want. Now in saying these things He made some to obey, but others He rendered enemies. Those therefore who believe and obey He commands to have peace among themselves, and to them He says: Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God. But upon those who not only did not believe, but also became adversaries of His teaching, He declares a war of word and refutation, and says: From now on you will see son separated from father, and husband from wife, and daughter from mother, and brother from brother, and daughter-in-law from mother-in-law, and a man's enemies will be those of his own household. For in every house, when a difference begins to exist between one who believes and one who does not believe, there is necessarily a fight, the unbelieving indeed fighting against the faith, but the faithful refuting in them the old error and the vices of sins.

XXX. Similiter quoque etiam erga scribas, et Pharisaeos ultimo doctrinae suae tempore bellum gerit, arguens eos super actibus non bonis et non recta doctrina, et quod clavem scientiae quam a Moyse traditam susceperunt, occultarent, per quam possit janua regni coelestis aperiri. Sed et nos ad praedicandum mittens Dominus noster praecepit nobis, ut in quamcunque civitatem vel domum introierimus, dicamus: Pax huic domui; et si quidem, inquit, fuerit ibi filius pacis, veniet super eum pax vestra; si vero non fuerit, pax vestra ad vos revertetur; exeuntes autem de domo vel de civitate illa, ut etiam pulverem, qui adhaeserit pedibus nostris, excutiamus super eos. Tolerabilius autem erit terrae Sodomorum et Gomorrhaeorum in die judicii, quam illi civitati vel domui. Quod utique ita demum praecepit fieri, si prius in civitate vel domo veritatis sermo praedicetur, ex quo vel recipientes veritatis fidem filii pacis et filii Dei fiant, vel non recipientes arguantur quasi inimici pacis et Dei.

XXX. In like manner also towards the scribes and Pharisees, in the last period of His teaching, He wages war, charging them over deeds not good and doctrine not right, and because they were hiding the key of knowledge which they received as handed down from Moses, by which the door of the heavenly kingdom can be opened. But our Lord, also when sending us to preach, commanded us that into whatever city or house we enter we should say: Peace to this house; and if indeed, He says, a son of peace is there, your peace will come upon him; but if not, your peace will return to you; and that, going out from that house or city, we should shake off upon them even the dust which has clung to our feet. But it will be more tolerable for the land of the Sodomites and Gomorrhaeans on the day of judgement than for that city or house. Which, to be sure, He commanded to be done only on this condition, that the word of truth be first preached in the city or house, as a result of which either those who receive the faith of the truth may become sons of peace and sons of God, or those who do not receive it may be convicted as enemies of peace and of God.

XXXI. Ita ergo et nos magistri instituta servantes, pacem primo proponimus auditoribus, ut absque ulla perturbatione possit via salutis agnosci. Quod si quis pacis verba non suscipit neque acquiescit veritati, scimus adversum eum pugnam verbi movere, et arguere acrius confutando ignorantiam et redarguendo peccata. Necessario igitur pacem proponimus, ut si quis est filius pacis, pax nostra veniat super eum, ab eo autem qui se alienum pacis effecerit, regredietur ad nos pax nostra. Non ergo, ut ais, consensu malorum pacem proponimus; nam utique continuo tibi dexteram dedissemus, sed ut per quietem et patientiam disserentibus nobis, qui sit sermo verus, facilius ab auditoribus dignoscatur. Si autem dissideas et discordes

XXXI. So therefore we too, keeping the Master's ordinances, first propose peace to the hearers, so that the way of salvation may be recognized without any disturbance. But if anyone does not accept the words of peace nor yield to the truth, we know how to stir up against him a battle of the word, and to convict him more sharply by refuting ignorance and reproving sins. Of necessity, therefore, we propose peace, so that if anyone is a son of peace, our peace may come upon him, but from him who has made himself a stranger to peace our peace will return to us. Not, therefore, as you say, by agreement with evil men do we propose peace; for in that case we should certainly have given you our right hand at once; but so that, as we discourse with quiet and patience, it may more easily be discerned by the hearers which is the true discourse. But if you are at variance and in discord

Editors' notes and page, col. 1263

Footnotes

(30) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1263 (column uncertain)

Matth. V, 9.

Matt. 5:9.

(printed under page 629)

(31) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1263 (column uncertain)

Matth. X, 34, 35; Luc. XII, 53.

Matt. 10:34, 35; Luke 12:53.

(printed under page 629)

(32) ‹anchor: regni coelestis aperiri› · call in col 1263

Matth. XXIII; Luc. XI.

Matt. 23; Luke 11.

(printed under page 629)

(33) ‹anchor: civitati vel domui› · call in col 1263

Matth. X, 12-15; Luc. X, 5, 6.

Matt. 10:12-15; Luke 10:5, 6.

(printed under page 629)

Page

running head: 1263 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. [remainder of the running head lies over the facing column]
marginal letters: A ‹patientiam invitans, bonum pacis›; B ‹fratre, et nurum a socru›; C ‹inquit, fuerit ibi filius pacis›; D ‹Quod si quis pacis verba›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1264

a temetipso, quomodo stabis? Necesse est ut cadat, qui in semetipso dividitur. Omne enim regnum in semetipsum divisum, non stabit. Ad haec si quid videtur, dicito.

with your own self, how will you stand? He who is divided within himself must needs fall. For every kingdom divided against itself will not stand. If anything seems good to you in answer to this, say it.

XXXII. Et Simon: Stultitiam tuam demiror. Sic nobis magistri tui verba proponis, quasi certum de eo habeatur quod propheta sit, quem ego perfacile demonstrare possum, multa sibi contraria locutum. Denique ex his, quae ipse protulisti, arguam te. Ais enim dixisse eum, omne regnum vel omnis civitas divisa in semetipsa non stabit. Et alibi iterum ais eum dixisse, quia ipse miserit gladium, ut separaret eos qui in domo sunt, ita ut dividatur filius a patre, et filia a matre, et frater a fratre, ut si fuerint in una domo quinque, dividantur tres adversum duos, et duo adversum tres. Si ergo omne quod dividitur, cadit, iste qui divisiones facit cadendi praestitit causas, et si talis est, utique malus est. Ad haec responde si potes.

XXXII. And Simon said: I am amazed at your folly. You set your master's words before us as though it were held for certain about him that he is a prophet, whom I can very easily show to have spoken many things contrary to himself. In short, from the things which you yourself have brought forward I shall convict you. For you say that he said, every kingdom or every city divided in itself will not stand. And elsewhere again you say that he said that he himself sent a sword, to separate those who are in a house, so that son is divided from father, and daughter from mother, and brother from brother, so that if there are five in one house, three are divided against two, and two against three. If therefore everything that is divided falls, this man who makes divisions has furnished the causes of falling; and if he is such, he is certainly evil. Answer this if you can.

XXXIII. Et Petrus: Non temere deroges, o Simon, his quae non intelligis. Primo ergo respondeam pro eo quod ais, me magistri mei verba proponere, atque ex ipsis ea, de quibus dubitatur, absolvere. Dominus noster mittens nos apostolos ad praedicandum, praecepit nobis, ut doceamus omnes gentes de his quae mandata sunt nobis. Neque ergo dicere ea, ut ab ipso dicta sunt, possumus. Non enim dicere, sed docere ea in mandatis habemus, et ex ipsis ostendere, quomodo unumquodque eorum veritate subnixum sit. Neque rursus proprium nobis aliquid dicere permissum est. Sumus enim missi, et necessario qui missus est, illud quod jussus est nuntiat, et voluntatem mittentis exponit. Nam si aliud dicam, quam praecepit mihi ille qui me misit, falsus ero apostolus, qui non illud dico quod jussus sum dicere, sed quod mihi videtur. Quod qui facit, utique se meliorem ostendere vult quam est ille a quo missus est, et est sine dubio praevaricator. Si vero ea quae jussus est prosequatur, eorumque assertiones manifestissimas proferat, apostoli opus exsequi videbitur, quod ego nunc implere contendens non tibi placeo. Non ergo reprehendas, quod ejus qui me misit proferam verba; sed si est in illis aliquid, quod non sit integre dictum, inde me ut arguas licet; quod tamen nullo modo fieri potest. (Propheta enim est, et sibi esse contrarius non potest.) Aut si non putas eum prophetam esse, hoc primo requiratur.

XXXIII. And Peter said: Do not rashly disparage, O Simon, things which you do not understand. First, then, let me answer for what you say, that I set forth my Master's words, and from them resolve the matters about which there is doubt. Our Lord, sending us apostles to preach, commanded us to teach all nations about the things that were enjoined on us. We cannot, therefore, [merely] say them as they were said by Him. For we have it in our commands not to say but to teach them, and to show from them how each one of them rests upon truth. Nor again is it permitted to us to say anything of our own. For we are men sent; and of necessity he who is sent reports that which he was ordered, and sets out the will of the sender. For if I say anything other than what He Who sent me commanded me, I shall be a false apostle, who say not what I was ordered to say but what seems good to me. And he who does this certainly wishes to show himself better than the one by whom he was sent, and is without doubt a transgressor. But if he follows out the things he was ordered, and brings forward the clearest proofs of them, he will be seen to carry out the work of an apostle; and it is in striving now to fulfil this that I displease you. Do not therefore find fault because I bring forward the words of Him Who sent me; but if there is anything in them that has not been soundly said, you are free to convict me on that ground; which, however, can in no way be done. (For He is a Prophet, and cannot be contrary to Himself.) Or if you do not think Him to be a Prophet, let this be inquired into first.

XXXIV. Et Simon: Non opus habeo hoc dicere abs te, sed quomodo sibi ista conveniant. Si enim inconsonans ostendetur, simul etiam propheta non esse docebitur. Tum Petrus: Sed si prius, inquit, ostendero eum prophetam, hoc quod videtur esse inconsonans, non erit, neque enim ex consonantia quis propheta esse probatur, quia hoc multis possibile est facere; quod si consonantia prophetam

XXXIV. And Simon said: I have no need to learn this from you, but how these things agree with each other. For if he is shown to be inconsistent, he will at the same time be proved not to be a prophet. Then Peter said: But if I first show Him to be a Prophet, this which seems to be inconsistent will not be so; for no one is proved to be a prophet from consistency, because this is possible for many to achieve; but if consistency a prophet

Editors' notes and page, col. 1264

Footnotes

(34) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1264 (column uncertain)

Matth. XII, 25.

Matt. 12:25.

(printed under page 629)

(35) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1264 (column uncertain)

Luc. XII, 52.

Luke 12:52.

(printed under page 629)

(36) ‹anchor: mandata sunt nobis› · call in col 1264

Matth. XXVIII, 19, 20.

Matt. 28:19, 20.

(printed under page 629)

(37) ‹anchor: contrarius non potest› · call in col 1264

Vocabula uncis inclusa in textum recepimus ex codd. Thuan., Sorb., Lipss. et all.

The words enclosed in brackets we have received into the text from the codices of de Thou, the Sorbonne, Leipzig, and others.

(printed under page 629)

Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1264
marginal letters: A ‹des a temetipso, quomodo stabis?›; B ‹versum duos, et duo adversum tres›; C ‹ritate subnixum sit. Neque rursus›; D ‹arguas licet; quod tamen›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1265

non facit, multo magis nec inconsonantia. Quia ergo multa sunt, quae videntur quidem inconsona esse nonnullis, habent tamen profundiore ratione in semetipsis consonantiam, sicut et alia quae videntur habere consonantiam, discussa diligentius inveniuntur inconsona, hac de causa aliam non puto rectiorem esse viam ad horum discrimen, nisi ut prius cognoscamus, si is qui locutus est ea quae videntur inconsona, propheta sit. Si enim invenitur propheta esse, omnia illa quae videntur sibi esse contraria, constat habere consonantiam, sed non intelligi. De his ergo probamenta rectius requirentur. Nos enim apostoli illius qui nos misit, verba exponere missi sumus et affirmare sententias, proprium vero dicere aliquid non habemus in mandatis, sed verborum illius, ut dixi, aperire veritatem.

does not make [it so], much less does inconsistency. Since therefore there are many things which do indeed seem to some to be inconsistent, yet have, by a deeper reason, a consistency within themselves, just as other things also which seem to have consistency are found, when examined more carefully, to be inconsistent, for this cause I do not think there is any other more correct way to the discernment of these things than that we should first come to know whether he who has spoken the things that seem inconsistent is a prophet. For if he is found to be a prophet, it is established that all those things which seem to be contrary to one another have consistency, but are not understood. Concerning these things, therefore, proofs will more rightly be required. For we, the apostles of Him Who sent us, have been sent to expound His words and to affirm His judgements, but we do not have it in our commission to say anything of our own, but to open up, as I have said, the truth of His words.

XXXV. Et Simon ait: Doce ergo nos, quomodo conveniat, ut is qui divisiones facit, quae divisiones cadere faciant eos qui dividuntur, vel bonus videatur, vel ad hominum salutem venisse. Et Petrus: Audi, quomodo magister noster omne regnum, et omnem domum divisam adversum semetipsam, dixit stare non posse. Hoc autem cum ipse fecit, vide quomodo ad salutem cedat. In errore positum mundi regnum, vel unamquamque in eo domum verbo veritatis dividit, procul dubio ut cadat error et veritas regnet. Quod si alicui accidat domui, ut error introductus per aliquem dividat veritatem, cum error obtinuerit, certum est veritatem stare non posse. Et Simon: Sed incertum est, utrum magister vester errorem dividat an veritatem. Et Petrus: Istud alterius quaestionis est. Sed si constat apud te, quia omne quod divisum fuerit cadit, superest ut ostendam, si tantum cum pace audire vis, quod Jesus noster errorem diviserit ac resolverit, docendo veritatem.

XXXV. And Simon said: Teach us then how it is fitting that he who makes divisions, which divisions cause those who are divided to fall, should either seem good or to have come for the salvation of men. And Peter: Hear how our Master said that every kingdom and every house divided against itself cannot stand. But since He Himself did this, see how it turns out for salvation. The kingdom of the world, set in error, or each several house in it, He divides by the word of truth, beyond doubt in order that error may fall and truth may reign. But if it should happen to any house that error, brought in by someone, divides the truth, when error has prevailed it is certain that the truth cannot stand. And Simon: But it is uncertain whether your master divides error or truth. And Peter: That belongs to another question. But if it is settled with you that everything which has been divided falls, it remains for me to show, if only you are willing to listen with peace, that our Jesus has divided and dissolved error by teaching the truth.

XXXVI. Tum Simon: Omitte, inquit, sermonem pacis frequenter iterare, quid vero sit quod sentis aut credis, breviter expone. Et Petrus ait: Quid times crebro audire de pace? aut ignoras quia perfectio legis pax est? ex peccatis enim bella nascuntur et certamina, ubi autem peccatum non fit, pax est animae: ubi vero pax est, in disputationibus veritas, in operibus justitia invenitur. Et Simon: Videris mihi non posse profiteri quod sentis. Et Petrus: Dicam, ex arbitrio tamen, non tuis versutiis coactus. Cupio enim quod salutare et utile est omnibus adduci in notitiam, et ideo proferre quam brevissime non morabor. Unus est Deus, idemque conditor mundi, justus judex, et unicuique pro actibus suis quandoque restituens. Jam vero pro assertione horum, scio innumera posse verborum millia commoveri.

XXXVI. Then Simon said: Leave off repeating so often the talk of peace, and set forth briefly what it is that you think or believe. And Peter said: Why do you fear to hear frequently about peace? Or do you not know that the perfection of the law is peace? For from sins wars and contests are born, but where sin is not committed, there is peace of soul; and where there is peace, truth is found in disputations, justice in works. And Simon: You seem to me not to be able to profess what you think. And Peter: I will say it, yet of my own choice, not compelled by your cunning devices. For I desire that what is saving and useful should be brought to the knowledge of all, and therefore I will not delay to set it forth as briefly as possible. There is one God, and the same is the founder of the world, a just judge, and one who at some time renders to each according to his deeds. Now indeed, for the assertion of these things, I know that countless thousands of words can be set in motion.

XXXVII. Et Simon ait: Miror quidem velocitatem ingenii tui, non tamen amplector errorem fidei tuae; prudenter enim praevidisti, quod tibi contradici possit, et urbane id etiam ipse professus es

XXXVII. And Simon said: I do indeed marvel at the quickness of your wit, yet I do not embrace the error of your faith; for you have prudently foreseen that you may be contradicted, and you have even wittily professed this yourself

Editors' notes and page, col. 1265

Page

running head: 1265 RECOGNITIONUM LIB⟨ ⟩ (the rest of the running head lies outside the column image)
marginal letters: A ‹non facit, multo magis›; B ‹sed verborum illius›; C ‹non posse. Et Simon›; D ‹Videris mihi non posse›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column ends at "professus es" (the punctuation after "es" is not legible at the image edge); the sentence runs on into col. 1266. The foot note (Gen. III, 5) belongs to a call in the facing column and is not set here.

PG 1:1266

quod pro assertione horum innumera verborum millia movebuntur; nulli enim concordat professio fidei tuae. Denique quod unus sit Deus, cujus sit opus mundus, hoc primum quis recipiat? puto quia neque paganorum quisquam, quamvis ille sit idiota, philosophorum autem omnino nullus, sed nec Judaeorum quidem imperitissimus quisquam et miserrimus, neque ego ipse qui eorum legem bene novi. Et Petrus: Omitte, inquit, opiniones absentium, tibi quid videtur, praesens praesenti dicito. Tum Simon: Possum, inquit, exponere quod vere sentio, sed pigriorem me facit illa consideratio, quia si dixero, quod neque tibi sit consonum neque vulgo huic imperito rectum videtur, tu quidem quasi obstupefactus, aures continuo obcludens velut ne blasphemia polluantur, verteris in fugam, quia quod respondeas non invenies, populus autem irrationabilis assentatus tibi, te quidem amplectetur, quasi ea docentem quae in usu eis sunt, me vero exsecrabuntur, veluti nova quaedam atque inaudita profitentem, meumque errorem alienis mentibus inferentem.

that for the assertion of these things countless thousands of words will be set in motion; for the profession of your faith agrees with no one. In short, that there is one God, Whose work the world is — who would accept this first of all? I think that not any one of the pagans [would], however unlearned he may be, and of the philosophers none at all, nor indeed even the most unskilled and most wretched of the Jews, nor I myself, who know their law well. And Peter said: Leave aside the opinions of those who are absent; say, as one present to one present, what seems good to you. Then Simon said: I am able to set forth what I truly think, but this consideration makes me more reluctant, that if I say what is neither in agreement with you nor seems right to this unskilled crowd, you indeed, as though struck dumb, at once stopping your ears as if lest they be polluted by blasphemy, will turn to flight, because you will not find what to answer, while the unreasoning people, flattering you, will embrace you indeed, as one teaching the things that are customary to them, but will execrate me, as one professing certain new and unheard-of things, and bringing my error into the minds of others.

XXXVIII. Tum Petrus: Nunquid non tu, in quo nos accusabas, ipse ambagibus uteris, nihil habens quod afferas veritatis? aut si habes, incipe absque circuitionibus, si tantum confidis: et si quidem non placuerint alicui auditorum quae dicis, abscedet, qui vero permanserint, cogentur assertionibus tuis probare quod verum est. Incipe igitur quod tibi rectum videtur, exponere. Et Simon ait: Ego dico multos esse deos, unum tamen esse incomprehensibilem atque omnibus incognitum, horumque omnium deorum Deum. Tum Petrus: Hunc, inquit, quem dicis esse incomprehensibilem et incognitum omnibus Deum, ex Scripturis Judaeorum quae in auctoritate habentur, probare potes, an ex aliis aliquibus, quas omnes ignoramus, an ex Graecis auctoribus, an ex tuis scripturis propriis? Certe ex quibuscunque vis, dicito, ita tamen ut ostendas eas prius esse propheticas; ita enim fiet, ut earum indubitata habeatur auctoritas.

XXXVIII. Then Peter: Are not you yourself, in the very thing of which you were accusing us, using roundabout ways, having nothing of truth to bring forward? Or if you have, begin without circumlocutions, if you are so confident: and if indeed the things you say do not please any one of the hearers, he will withdraw, while those who remain will be compelled by your assertions to approve what is true. Begin therefore to set forth what seems right to you. And Simon said: I say that there are many gods, yet that there is one incomprehensible and unknown to all, and the God of all these gods. Then Peter said: This God Whom you say to be incomprehensible and unknown to all — can you prove Him from the Scriptures of the Jews which are held in authority, or from some others, of which we are all ignorant, or from Greek authors, or from your own writings? Certainly, speak from whichever you wish, yet in such a way that you first show them to be prophetic; for thus it will come about that their authority is held beyond doubt.

XXXIX. Et Simon ait: Ex lege Judaeorum sola assertiones adhibebo. Omnibus enim qui religionis curam gerunt, manifestum est totius esse auctoritatis hanc legem, unumquemque tamen secundum proprium sensum intelligentiam legis hujus accipere. Ita enim ab eo qui mundum condidit, scripta est, ut in ipsa rerum fides habeatur. Unde sive quis vera, sive etiam falsa proferre velit, absque hac lege nulla recipietur assertio. Quia igitur scientia mea plenissime cum lege concordat, recte multos esse pronuntiavi deos, quorum unus est eminentior et incomprehensibilis, ipse qui est Deus deorum. Quod autem multi sint dii, ipsa me edocuit lex. Primo quidem ubi ex persona serpentis dicitur ad Evam, primam mulierem: Quacunque die manducaveritis de ligno sciendi bonum et malum eritis sicut dii, hoc est, sicut hi qui hominem fecere.

XXXIX. And Simon said: From the law of the Jews alone I will bring my assertions. For to all who have a care for religion it is manifest that this law is of entire authority, yet that each one receives the understanding of this law according to his own sense. For it was so written by him who founded the world that the credit of things should rest in it. Hence, whether anyone wishes to bring forward true things or even false ones, no assertion will be received apart from this law. Since therefore my knowledge agrees most fully with the law, I have rightly declared that there are many gods, of whom one is more eminent and incomprehensible, he himself who is the God of gods. But that there are many gods, the law itself has taught me. First indeed where, in the person of the serpent, it is said to Eve, the first woman: On whatever day you eat of the tree of knowing good and evil, you will be as gods, that is, as those who made man.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1266

Footnotes

(38) ‹anchor: eritis sicut dii› · call in col 1266

Gen. III, 5.

Gen. 3:5.

(printed under page 630)

Page

running head: ⟨REC⟩OGNITIONUM LIB. II. 1266
marginal letters: A ‹quod pro assertione horum›; B ‹velut ne blasphemia polluantur›; C ‹tibi rectum videtur, exponere› / ‹dico multos esse deos›; D ‹tatis hanc legem›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the last word is split at the column break (fe- | cere); completed from the first line of col. 1267 and set whole here. Foot-note call 38 after "sicut dii" (Gen. III, 5 at the page foot) is left out of the source as apparatus. Pen or ink marks cross the line ends at "fugam", "autem", "me" and "quidem"; the words are legible.

PG 1:1267

Postea enim quam gustavere de ligno, ipse Deus testatur dicens ad reliquos deos: Ecce Adam factus est sicut unus ex nobis. Sic ergo constat multos esse deos qui hominem fecerint, quia et initio ita dicit Deus ad caeteros deos: Faciamus hominem ad imaginem et similitudinem nostram. Sed et quod ait: Ejiciamus eum. Et iterum: Venite descendentes confundamus linguas eorum. Omnia haec multos esse indicant deos. Sed et illud scriptum est: Deos non maledices, et principem populi tui non maledices. Et rursum quod scriptum est: Dominus solus ducebat eos, et non erat cum illis Deus alienus, multos esse ostendit deos. Sunt et alia plurima quae proferri possunt ex lege testimonia, non solum obscuriora, sed et manifesta, quibus multi esse doceantur dii. Ex quibus unus, ut Judaeorum populo Deus esset, sorte electus est. Ego autem non hunc assero, sed illum qui etiam hujus Deus est, quem nec ipsi quidem Judaei norunt. Neque enim ipsorum est Deus, sed eorum qui agnoverint eum.

For after they had tasted of the tree, God himself bears witness, saying to the remaining gods: Behold, Adam has become as one of us. Thus therefore it is established that there are many gods who made man, because in the beginning also God speaks thus to the other gods: Let us make man to our image and likeness. But also what he says: Let us cast him out. And again: Come, let us go down and confound their tongues. All these things indicate that there are many gods. But this also is written: You shall not curse the gods, and you shall not curse the ruler of your people. And again what is written: The Lord alone was leading them, and there was no strange god with them, shows that there are many gods. There are also very many other testimonies which can be brought forward from the law, not only the more obscure ones but also plain ones, by which it may be taught that there are many gods. Of these, one was chosen by lot to be God to the people of the Jews. But I do not assert this one, but that one who is God even of this one, whom not even the Jews themselves know. For he is not their God, but [the God] of those who have acknowledged him.

XL. His auditis Petrus: Nihil, inquit, verearis Simon; ecce enim neque aures clausimus; neque fugimus, sed ad ea quae falso prosecutus es, veritatis sermonibus respondemus, illud primo asserentes, quia unus est Deus, hic ipse Judaeorum, qui est solus Deus, coeli creator ac terrae, qui et omnium etiam quos dicis deorum Deus est. Si ergo ostendero nullum esse hoc superiorem, sed ipsum esse super omnia, fateberis errorem tuum esse super omnia. Et Simon: Quid enim, inquit, etiamsi ego nolim fateri, qui assistunt auditores, nonne arguent me nolentem quae vera sunt profiteri?

XL. When he had heard these things, Peter said: Fear nothing, Simon; for behold, we have neither closed our ears nor do we flee, but to the things which you have falsely set forth we answer with words of truth, asserting this first, that there is one God, this very God of the Jews, Who is the only God, the creator of heaven and earth, Who is also the God of all those whom you call gods. If therefore I show that there is none superior to Him, but that He Himself is above all things, you will confess that your error is above all things. And Simon said: Why, even if I should be unwilling to confess it, will not the hearers who stand by convict me of being unwilling to profess the things that are true?

XLI. Ausculta ergo, ait Petrus, ut scias primo,

XLI. Listen then, said Peter, that you may know first,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1267

Footnotes

(39) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1267 (column uncertain)

Ibid. 22.

The same [Gen. 3], 22.

(printed under page 631)

(40) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1267 (column uncertain)

Gen. I, 26.

Gen. 1:26.

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(41) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1267 (column uncertain)

Gen. III, 22.

Gen. 3:22.

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(42) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1267 (column uncertain)

Gen. XI, 7.

Gen. 11:7.

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(43) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1267 (column uncertain)

Exod. XXII, 28.

Exod. 22:28.

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(44) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1267 (column uncertain)

Deut. XXXII, 12.

Deut. 32:12.

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(45) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1267 (column uncertain)

Deut. X, 17.

Deut. 10:17.

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(73) ‹anchor: Ejiciamus eum; call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1267

Ejiciamus eum. Clementin. III, 39; Epitom. 37, Cedren. p. 171, l. 20. Facile mihi persuaserim, additum id fuisse loco Genes. III, 22, ob pendentem sententiam : Nunc ergo ne forte mittat manum suam, et sumat etiam de ligno vitae, et comedat, et vivat in aeternum. Simile quippe additamentum complectitur versio Arabica : Oportet ut exeat ex horto.

Let us cast him out. Clementines 3.39; Epitome 37; Cedrenus, p. 171, line 20. I could easily persuade myself that this was added to the passage Gen. 3:22 because the sentence hangs unfinished: Now therefore, lest perhaps he put forth his hand and take also of the tree of life, and eat, and live for ever. For the Arabic version contains a like addition: He must go out of the garden.

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Page

running head: 1267 S CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. ⟨ ⟩ (the rest of the running head lies outside the column image)
marginal letters: A ‹cere. Postea enim quam›; B ‹quibus multi esse doceantur dii›; C ‹esse super omnia, fateberis› / ‹super omnia. Et Simon›; D stands beside the notes at the page foot, not beside the text
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column opens with "cere.", the end of "fecere" split at the break; that word is set whole at the end of col. 1266 and not repeated here. Foot-note calls 39–44 and the call (73) after "Ejiciamus eum" are left out as apparatus; the scripture references stand only in the foot notes, so none is given in the text. The "t" of "Venite" is damaged but legible. Editors' matter at the page foot (scripture references, a Codd. Lipss. variant, and COTELERII NOTAE 73–74) is not set. A pen line crosses the right edge of §XL; all words legible.

PG 1:1268

quod etiam si multi sunt dii, ut dicis, Judaeorum Deo subditi sunt, cui neque aequalis quisquam, neque major esse potest; scriptum est enim, quod ita dicat ad Judaeos Moyses propheta: Dominus Deus vester hic est Deus deorum, et Dominus dominorum, Deus magnus. Ita etiamsi multi sunt qui dicuntur dii, unus est tamen omnium Judaeorum Deus, qui et deorum Deus dictus est. Neque enim quicunque dictus fuerit Deus, continuo Deus est. Denique et Moyses deus dicitur Pharaonis, et certum est eum hominem fuisse. Et judices dii appellati sunt, et constat eos fuisse mortales. Simulacra quoque gentium dii appellantur, et omnes scimus, quia non sunt, sed impiis quasi pro poena hoc datum est, ut quia verum Deum cognoscere noluerunt, quaecunque eis forma et imago occurrisset, haberetur ab eis Deus. Quoniam unius, ut dixi, qui est omnium Deus, agnitionem suscipere recusarunt, ideo ergo conceditur eis illos habere deos, qui praestare supplicantibus nihil possunt. Quid enim aut exanima simulacra conferre hominibus queant aut animantia, cum potestas omnium apud unum sit?

that even if there are many gods, as you say, they are subject to the God of the Jews, to Whom no one can be either equal or greater; for it is written that Moses the prophet speaks thus to the Jews: The Lord your God, He is the God of gods and the Lord of lords, the great God. Thus, even if there are many who are called gods, yet there is one God of all, [the God] of the Jews, Who has also been called the God of gods. For not everyone who has been called god is forthwith God. In short, even Moses is called the god of Pharaoh, and it is certain that he was a man. And judges have been called gods, and it is established that they were mortal. The idols of the nations also are called gods, and we all know that they are not; but this has been given to the impious as it were for a punishment, that because they were unwilling to know the true God, whatever form and image came in their way should be held by them as God. Since they refused to receive the knowledge of the One, as I have said, Who is the God of all, therefore it is granted to them to have those as gods who can bestow nothing on those who supplicate them. For what could either lifeless idols or living creatures confer upon men, since the power over all things is with One?

XLII. Tribus igitur modis Deus quis dicitur, vel quia vere est, vel quia ei qui vere est, ministrat, et ob honorem mittentis, ut plena sit ejus auctoritas. hoc dicitur iste qui missus est, quod est ille qui misit, ut saepe factum est de angelis, qui tamen cum apparuerint homini, si sit prudens et eruditus vir, interrogat ejus qui apparuit nomen, ut simul et honorem missi et auctoritatem mittentis agnoscat. Est enim uniuscujusque gentis angelus, cui credita est gentis ipsius dispensatio a Deo, qui tamen cum apparuerit, quamvis putetur

XLII. In three ways, therefore, is anyone called God: either because he truly is, or because he ministers to Him Who truly is, and, for the honour of the one sending, that his authority may be full, the one who is sent is called that which he is who sent him, as has often been done in the case of angels; who nevertheless, when they have appeared to a man, if he is a prudent and learned man, he asks the name of the one who has appeared, that he may recognize at once both the honour of the one sent and the authority of the one sending. For there is an angel of each several nation, to whom the administration of that nation has been entrusted by God; who nevertheless, when he has appeared, although he be thought

Editors' notes and page, col. 1268

Footnotes

(46) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1268 (column uncertain)

Exod. VII, 1.

Exod. 7:1.

(printed under page 631)

(47) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1268 (column uncertain)

Quoniam — apud unum sit desunt in utroque cod. Lips.

Quoniam — apud unum sit are wanting in both Leipzig codices.

(printed under page 631)

(48) ‹anchor: cum apparuerint homini› · call in col 1268

Codd. Lipss. : qui tamen apparuere hominibus Sed et sancti, etc. Reliqua desunt.

The Leipzig codices: qui tamen apparuere hominibus Sed et sancti, etc. The rest is wanting.

(printed under page 631)

(74) ‹anchor: uniuscujusque gentis angelus› · call in col 1268

Est enim uniuscujusque gentis angelus. Ad haec et sequentia observare oportet non pauca. I. Quod angeli ἐθνάρχαι hic dicantur angeli boni, et lib. VIII, cap. 51, 56, angeli mali, id esse ex doctrina Origenis et Hieronymi, qui gentibus utrosque angelos praeponunt. Certe textum LXX, Deuteron. XXXII, 8 : Ὅτε διεμέριζεν ὁ Ὕψιστος ἔθνη, ὡς διέσπειρεν υἱοὺς Ἀδὰμ, ἔστησεν ὅρια ἐθνῶν κατὰ ἀριθμὸν ἀγγέλων Θεοῦ· Quando dividebat Altissimus gentes, quando disseminavit filios Adae; constituit terminos gentium secundum numerum angelorum Dei; ad quem in hoc capite respicitur, Maximus enarrans cap. 9 Coelestis hierarchiae, cum aliis pluribus explicat de sanctis angelis; auctor vero Operis imperfecti in Matthaeum ad cap. XXIV, vers. 9, seu homilia 48, De malignis; nec multum diverse Rufinus Expositione in Symbolum apostolorum. II. De LXX seu LXXII nationibus (de quibus Horus Apollo lib. I, cap. 14), totidemque angelis praefectis, et linguis, veteres Christianos et Judaeos consentire : Pacianum tamen epistola 2 adversus Novatianos, ponere linguas CXX, nisi sit rescribendum parva mutatione, LXX. Euphoro autem, vel Ephoro aliisque multis historicis apud Clementem Alexandrinum Strom. I, pag. 338, gentes et linguas esse LXXV. III. Unum illum in archangelis maximum, cui data sit dispensatio populi Dei, videri esse Michaelem; ex Danielis x, 13, 21; XII, 1, ac ex Dionysio De coelesti hierarchia cap. 9. Ὦ Μιχαὴλ πρωτάγγελε, inquit Michael Syncellus Laudatione in coelestes virtutes. Et in Oratione Nicetae De laudibus Michaelis et Gabrielis, vocantur illi, τῆς ἀρχαγγελικῆς τάξεως ταξίαρχαι, καὶ πάσης ἀγγέλων δημαγωγοὶ χοροστασίας. IV. Verba citata e Deuteronomio leviter depravata legi in Victorino ad Apocalypsim; Theodorito Haeret. fabul., lib. V, cap. 7, et Maximo ibi supra. V. Denique observari meretur fragmentum Regii codicis 1648, De linguis et gentibus 72, et conferri cum Eusebio, Epiphanio, Chronico Alexandrino, Georgio Syncello, etc. Subjicio illud, levibus vitiis purgatum. Κωνσταντῖνος ὁ χαρτοφύλαξ ἐν τῷ ἐγκωμίῳ τῶν ἁγίων πάντων τὰς οβ′ γλώσσας ὠνόμασεν οὕτω· Ἕλληνες ἅμα καὶ βάρβαροι, Μακεδόνες καὶ Θετταλοὶ, Παίωνες καὶ Ἰλλυρικοὶ, Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ Ἀργεῖοι καὶ Λάκωνες, καὶ οἱ τὸν Εὔξεινον πόντον περικαθήμενοι (continues)

For there is an angel of each nation. On this and what follows not a few things must be observed. I. That the angels who rule nations are here called good angels, and in book 8, ch. 51, 56, evil angels, comes from the teaching of Origen and Jerome, who set angels of both kinds over the nations. Certainly the text of the Septuagint, Deut. 32:8, "When the Most High divided the nations, when he scattered the sons of Adam, he set the bounds of the nations according to the number of the angels of God" (When the Most High divided the nations, when he scattered the sons of Adam, he set the bounds of the nations according to the number of the angels of God), to which this chapter looks, Maximus, commenting on ch. 9 of the Celestial Hierarchy, with many others explains of the holy angels; but the author of the Opus imperfectum on Matthew, on ch. 24, verse 9, or homily 48, of the evil ones; and not very differently Rufinus in the Exposition of the Apostles' Creed. II. That concerning the 70 or 72 nations (on which see Horapollo, book 1, ch. 14), and as many presiding angels, and tongues, the ancient Christians and the Jews agree; yet that Pacian, in letter 2 against the Novatians, puts the tongues at 120, unless by a small change 70 should be written instead. But that according to Euphorus, or Ephorus, and many other historians in Clement of Alexandria, Stromata 1, p. 338, the nations and tongues are 75. III. That that one greatest among the archangels, to whom the government of the people of God was given, appears to be Michael, from Daniel 10:13, 21; 12:1, and from Dionysius, On the Celestial Hierarchy, ch. 9. "O Michael, first of angels," says Michael Syncellus in the Praise of the Heavenly Powers. And in the Oration of Nicetas On the Praises of Michael and Gabriel they are called "commanders of the archangelic order, and leaders of every choir of angels". IV. That the words cited from Deuteronomy are read slightly corrupted in Victorinus on the Apocalypse; in Theodoret, Heretical Fables, book 5, ch. 7; and in Maximus in the place above. V. Lastly, the fragment of the Royal codex 1648, On the 72 Tongues and Nations, deserves to be noted and compared with Eusebius, Epiphanius, the Alexandrian Chronicle, George Syncellus, etc. I subjoin it, cleared of slight faults. "Constantine the chartophylax, in the encomium of all the saints, named the 72 tongues thus: Greeks together with barbarians, Macedonians and Thessalians, Paeonians and Illyrians, Athenians and Argives and Laconians, and those who dwell around the Euxine sea (continues)

(printed under page 631)

Page

running head: ⟨S CLEMENTI⟩S I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1268
marginal letters: A ‹quod etiam si multi sunt dii›; B ‹noluerunt, quaecunque eis forma›; C ‹ditus vir, interrogat› / ‹simul et honorem missi›; D stands beside the notes at the page foot, not beside the text
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: UNSURE whether the point after "auctoritas" in §XLII is a full stop or a damaged comma; the following "hoc" is lower-case, and the sense runs on, so the English runs on. Foot-note calls 45–48 and the call (74) after "angelus" are left out as apparatus. Editors' matter at the page foot (scripture references, two Codd. Lips. variants, COTELERII NOTAE with Greek) is not set. The "it" of "auctoritas" and the "q" of "ille qui" are damaged but legible.

PG 1:1269

et dicatur ab his quibus praeest, deus, tamen interrogatus non sibi dabit ipse tale testimonium. Deus enim excelsus, qui solus potestatem omnium tenet, in septuaginta et duas partes divisit totius terrae nationes, eisque principes angelos statuit. Uni vero qui in archangelis erat maximus, sorte data est dispensatio eorum, qui prae caeteris omnibus excelsi Dei cultum atque scientiam receperunt. Sed et sancti homines, ut diximus, impiorum efficiuntur dii, tanquam qui potestatem acceperint in eos vitae ac necis, ut de Moyse et judicibus supra memoravimus. Propter quod scriptum est de eis: Deos non maledices, et principem populi tui non maledices. Principes ergo singularum gentium dii appellantur. Principum autem Deus Christus est, qui est omnium judex. Vere ergo neque angeli, neque homines, neque ulla creatura dii esse possunt, quippe qui sub potestate sunt positi, tanquam creati et mobiles; angeli quidem, ut qui non fuere et sint, homines autem ut mortales, omnis vero creatura, ut quae solvi possit, sed revera si solverit ille qui fecit. Et ideo ille solus verus est Deus qui non solum ipse vivit, sed et aliis vitam praestat, quam et auferre potest cum vult.

and be called god by those over whom he presides, yet when asked he will not himself give such a testimony to himself. For the most high God, Who alone holds power over all things, divided the nations of the whole earth into seventy-two parts, and appointed angels as princes over them. But to the one who was greatest among the archangels there was given by lot the administration of those who, before all the rest, received the worship and knowledge of the most high God. But holy men also, as we have said, are made gods of the impious, as having received power of life and death over them, as we have mentioned above concerning Moses and the judges. On account of which it is written of them: You shall not curse the gods, and you shall not curse the ruler of your people. The princes, therefore, of the several nations are called gods. But the God of the princes is Christ, Who is the judge of all. Truly, therefore, neither angels, nor men, nor any creature can be gods, inasmuch as they are placed under power, as being created and changeable; the angels indeed, as those who once were not and [now] are, and men as mortal, and every creature as that which can be dissolved, though in truth only if He Who made it should dissolve it. And therefore He alone is the true God Who not only lives Himself, but also bestows life on others, which He is also able to take away when He wills.

XLIII. Propterea ergo clamat Scriptura ex persona Dei Judaeorum, et dicit: Videte, videte, quoniam ego sum Deus, et non est alius praeter me. Ego occidam, et vivere faciam; percutiam, et ego sanabo, et non est qui eripiat de manibus meis. Videas ergo quomodo ineffabili quadam virtute Scriptura occurrens futuris erroribus eorum qui alium Deum, praeter eum qui est Judaeorum, vel in coelis esse, vel in terris affirmarent, pronuntiat dicens: Dominus Deus tuus Deus unus est, in coelo sursum, et in terra deorsum, et praeter ipsum alius non est. Quomodo ergo ausus es dicere alium esse Deum, praeter eum qui Judaeorum est Deus? Et iterum dicit Scriptura: Ecce Domini Dei tui coelum, et coelum coeli, terra et omnia quae in eis sunt. Verumtamen patres tuos elegi, ut diligerem eos, et vos post ipsos. Ita ex omni parte ab Scriptura munitur ista sententia, quia ipse qui mundum creavit, verus et solus est Deus.

XLIII. For this reason, therefore, Scripture cries out in the person of the God of the Jews, and says: See, see, that I am God, and there is no other besides Me. I will kill, and I will make to live; I will strike, and I will heal, and there is none who may deliver out of My hands. You may see, then, how Scripture, by a certain ineffable power, meeting beforehand the future errors of those who would affirm that there is another God, besides Him Who is [the God] of the Jews, either in the heavens or on earth, makes its pronouncement, saying: The Lord your God is one God, in heaven above and on earth below, and besides Him there is no other. How then have you dared to say that there is another God, besides Him Who is the God of the Jews? And again Scripture says: Behold, the heaven is the Lord your God's, and the heaven of heaven, the earth and all things that are in them. Nevertheless I chose your fathers, that I might love them, and you after them. Thus on every side this judgement is fortified by Scripture, that He Who created the world is the true and only God.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1269

Footnotes

(49) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1269 (column uncertain)

Exod. XXII, 28.

Exod. 22:28.

(printed under page 632)

(50) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1269 (column uncertain)

Et nobiles—qui fecit non leguntur in utroque codd. Lipss.

Et nobiles—qui fecit are not read in both Leipzig codices.

(printed under page 632)

(51) ‹anchor: de manibus meis› · call in col 1269

Deut. XXXII, 39.

Deut. 32:39.

(printed under page 632)

(52) ‹anchor: alius non est› · call in col 1269

Deut. IV, 39.

Deut. 4:39.

(printed under page 632)

(53) ‹anchor: Judaeorum est Deus?› · call in col 1269

Quae sequuntur usque ad illa cap., sequ., vocabula : Denique et sancti, etc., desiderantur in cod. Lips.

What follows, as far as those words of the next chapter, Denique et sancti, etc., is missing in the Leipzig codex.

(printed under page 632)

(54) ‹anchor: vos post ipsos› · call in col 1269

Deut. X, 14, 15.

Deut. 10:14, 15.

(printed under page 632)

(75) ‹anchor: Dominus Deus tuus› · call in col 1269

Dominus Deus tuus, Deus unus est. Sic in Vulgata Marc. XII, 29, concordantibus Hieronymo, Augustino, etc. Aliter ab Irenaeo; aliter ab aliis. Videatur Fronto Ducaeus ad homiliam Chrysostomi De Phoca martyre.

The Lord your God is one God. So in the Vulgate at Mark 12:29, with Jerome, Augustine, etc. agreeing. It is given otherwise by Irenaeus; otherwise by others. See Fronton du Duc on Chrysostom's homily On Phocas the Martyr.

(printed under page 632)

Page

running head: 1269 RECOGNITIONUM LIB. ⟨ ⟩ (the rest of the running head lies outside the column image)
marginal letters: A ‹et dicatur ab his quibus praeest›; B ‹omnium judex. Vere ergo›; C ‹ergo quomodo ineffabili› / ‹occurrens futuris erroribus›; D not seen beside the text of this column
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the text prints "mobiles", while the foot note on that call cites the words as "Et nobiles"; set as printed in the text. Foot-note calls 49–54 and the call (75) after "Dominus Deus tuus" are left out as apparatus; the scripture references stand only in the foot notes. Editors' matter at the page foot (references, Cod. Lips. variants, COTELERII NOTAE with a Greek list of peoples) is not set.

PG 1:1270

XLIV. Quod et si sint alii, ut diximus, qui dicuntur dii, sub potestate sunt Judaeorum Dei, quia ita dixit Scriptura Judaeis: Dominus Deus noster, hic est Deus deorum, et Dominus dominorum. Hunc etiam solum colendum monet Scriptura, dicens: Dominum Deum tuum adorabis, et illi soli servies. Et: Audi Israel, Dominus Deus tuus Deus unus est. Denique et sancti Spiritu Dei repleti, et guttis misericordiae ejus irrorati exclamabant, dicentes: Qui similis tibi in diis, Domine, quis similis tibi? Et iterum: Quis Deus praeter Dominum, et quis Deus praeter Dominum nostrum? Itaque Moyses ubi proficere populum vidit, paulatim eos ad intelligentiam monarchiae, et fidem Dei unius initiavit, ut in consequentibus dicit: Nomina deorum aliorum non commemorabis, recordatus sine dubio, quali poena damnatus sit serpens, qui primus nominaverant deos. Terram denique comedere condemnatur, et tali cibo dignus judicatur ob id, quod primum omnium appellationum deorum introduxit in mundum. Quod si et tu multos deos vis introducere, vide ne exitum serpentis similem sortiaris.

XLIV. But even if there are others, as we have said, who are called gods, they are under the power of the God of the Jews, because Scripture spoke thus to the Jews: The Lord our God, He is the God of gods and the Lord of lords. Scripture also admonishes that He alone is to be worshipped, saying: You shall adore the Lord your God, and Him alone shall you serve. And: Hear, O Israel, the Lord your God is one God. In short, the saints also, filled with the Spirit of God and bedewed with the drops of His mercy, used to cry out, saying: Who is like to Thee among the gods, O Lord, who is like to Thee? And again: Who is God besides the Lord, and who is God besides our Lord? And so Moses, when he saw the people making progress, initiated them little by little into the understanding of the monarchy and the faith of the one God, as he says in what follows: You shall not make mention of the names of other gods, remembering without doubt with what punishment the serpent was condemned, who first had named gods. In short, he is condemned to eat earth, and is judged worthy of such food for this reason, that he first of all brought the naming of gods into the world. But if you also wish to bring in many gods, see that you do not obtain an end like the serpent's.

XLV. Certus autem esto, quod nos hujus ausi socios non habebis, nec decipi nos patiemur abs te. Neque enim proderit nobis ad excusationem in judicio, si dicamus quod tu deceperis nos, quia nec primam mulierem excusare potuit male credidisse serpenti, sed morte quia male crediderit, condemnata est. Hac ergo de causa et Moyses unius Dei fidem populo commendans, ait: Observa tibi ipsi ne seducaris a Domino Deo tuo. Vide quia eodem verbo utitur, quo et prima mulier in excusatione utebatur, seductam se dicens, sed nihil profuit. Super omnia autem etiamsi verus aliquis surgeret propheta, qui signa et prodigia faceret, suadere autem velit, ut coleremus deos alios praeter Judaeorum Deum, nunquam ei credere possemus. Sic enim nos docuit lex divina, secretum sermonem purius ex traditione commendans. Ait ergo: Si surrexerit in te propheta, aut somnians somnium, et dederit signa vel prodigia, et evenerint signa illa vel prodigia, et dixerit ad te, eamus et colamus deos

XLV. But be certain that you will not have us as partners in this daring, nor will we suffer ourselves to be deceived by you. For it will not profit us for an excuse in the judgement if we say that you deceived us, since it could not excuse even the first woman that she had wrongly believed the serpent, but because she wrongly believed she was condemned to death. For this cause, therefore, Moses also, commending to the people the faith of the one God, says: Take heed to yourself, lest you be led astray from the Lord your God. See that he uses the same word which the first woman also used in her excuse, saying that she had been led astray; but it profited nothing. But above all, even if some true prophet were to arise, who did signs and wonders, yet wished to persuade us to worship other gods besides the God of the Jews, we could never believe him. For so the divine law has taught us, commending a secret word more purely from tradition. It says therefore: If there arise among you a prophet, or one dreaming a dream, and he give signs or wonders, and those signs or wonders come to pass, and he say to you, Let us go and worship gods

Editors' notes and page, col. 1270

Footnotes

(55) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1270 (column uncertain)

Deut. X, 17.

Deut. 10:17.

(printed under page 632)

(56) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1270 (column uncertain)

Deut. VI, 13; x, 20.

Deut. 6:13; 10:20.

(printed under page 632)

(57) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1270 (column uncertain)

Deut. VI, 4.

Deut. 6:4.

(printed under page 632)

(58) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1270 (column uncertain)

Psal. LXXXV, 8; LXX, 19.

Ps. 85:8; 70:19.

(printed under page 632)

(59) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1270 (column uncertain)

Psal. XVII, 32.

Ps. 17:32.

(printed under page 632)

(60) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1270 (column uncertain)

Jos. XXIII, 7 in LXX.

Josh. 23:7 in the Septuagint.

(printed under page 632)

(61) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1270 (column uncertain)

Gen. III.

Gen. 3.

(printed under page 632)

(62) ‹anchor: a Domino Deo tuo› · call in col 1270

Deut. VIII, 11.

Deut. 8:11.

(printed under page 632)

(76) ‹anchor: Observa tibi ipsi› · call in col 1270

Observa tibi ipsi, ne seducaris a Domino Deo tuo. Lege Deut. VI, 12; VIII, 11; XI, 16 et XVIII, 5.

Take heed to yourself, lest you be led away from the Lord your God. Read Deut. 6:12; 8:11; 11:16 and 18:5.

(printed under page 632)

Page

running head: ⟨RECOG⟩NITIONUM LIB. II 1270
marginal letters: A ‹XLIV. Quod et si sint alii›; B ‹rum non commemorabis›; C ‹nata est. Hac ergo de causa› / ‹fidem populo commendans›; D not seen beside the text of this column
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: foot-note calls 55–62 and the call (76) after "Observa tibi ipsi" are left out as apparatus; the scripture references stand only in the foot notes. Editors' matter at the page foot (references, Codd. Lipss. variants, COTELERII NOTAE 75–76 with Greek) is not set. Ink marks cross the line ends at "primus", "condemnatur", "introduxit", "quia"; damaged letters in "excusare", "credidisse", "verus" are legible from context († not needed). The column ends mid-sentence at "deos".

PG 1:1271

alienos quos nescitis, non audietis verba prophetae illius, neque somnium somniatoris illius, quia tentans tentavit vos, ut videat si diligitis Dominum Deum vestrum.

strange [gods] whom you do not know, you shall not hear the words of that prophet, nor the dream of that dreamer, because, trying, he has tried you, that he may see whether you love the Lord your God.

XLVI. Propterea ergo et Dominus noster signa et prodigia faciens, Deum praedicabat Judaeorum, et ideo recte praedicationi ejus creditur. Tu autem etiam si vere propheta esses, et signa faceres ac prodigia, sicut promittis, et alios annuntiares deos praeter eum qui verus est, manifestum esset te ad tentationem populo Dei suscitatum, et ideo credi tibi omnino non potest. Unus est enim verus, qui est Judaeorum Deus, et ob hoc Dominus noster Jesus Christus docebat quaerendum esse non Deum quem bene noverant, sed regnum et justitiam ejus, quam Scribae et Pharisaei, suscepta scientiae clave, non concluserant, sed excluserant. Nam si ignorassent verum Deum, nunquam utique hujus rei scientiam relinquens, quae erat omnium caput, culparet eos de parvis et minimis, id est quod dilatarent fimbrias suas, et primos accubitus in conviviis vindicarent, et quod in quadriviis stantes orarent, et alia his similia, quae utique ex comparatione magni hujus capitis, ignorantiae Dei, exigua videntur et parva.

XLVI. For this reason, therefore, our Lord also, doing signs and wonders, preached the God of the Jews, and therefore His preaching is rightly believed. But you, even if you were truly a prophet, and did signs and wonders, as you promise, and announced other gods besides Him Who is true, it would be manifest that you had been raised up for a trial to the people of God, and therefore you cannot be believed at all. For there is one Who is true, Who is the God of the Jews, and on this account our Lord Jesus Christ taught that what must be sought is not God, Whom they knew well, but His kingdom and justice, which the Scribes and Pharisees, having received the key of knowledge, had not shut in but shut out. For if they had been ignorant of the true God, He would surely never, leaving aside the knowledge of this matter, which was the head of all, have blamed them for small and very little things, that is, that they widened their fringes, and claimed the first places at banquets, and that they prayed standing at the crossroads, and other things like these, which surely, in comparison with this great head, ignorance of God, seem slight and small.

XLVII. Et Simon ad haec ait: Ex verbis magistri tui convincam te, quia etiam ipse ignoratum quemdam omnibus introducit Deum. Cum enim et Adam creatorem suum scierit Deum, mundique conditorem, et Enoch, quippe qui ab eo translatus est, et Noe, utpote ab eo jussus arcam construere, cumque et Abraham, et Isaac, et Jacob, et Moyses, et omnes, omnisque populus atque omnes gentes noverint conditorem mundi, et fateantur Deum, Jesus vester, qui longe posterior Patribus apparuit, dicit: Nemo novit Filium, nisi Pater, neque Patrem quis, nisi Filius, et cui voluerit Filius revelare. Ita ergo et Jesus vester alium esse Deum incomprehensibilem omnibus et incognitum fatetur.

XLVII. And Simon said to this: From the words of your master I will convict you, that he himself also introduces a certain God unknown to all. For although Adam also knew God his creator and the founder of the world, and Enoch, inasmuch as he was translated by him, and Noah, as one ordered by him to build the ark, and although Abraham also, and Isaac, and Jacob, and Moses, and all, and the whole people and all the nations know the founder of the world and confess him as God, your Jesus, who appeared long after the Fathers, says: No one knows the Son except the Father, nor does anyone [know] the Father except the Son, and he to whom the Son has willed to reveal [him]. Thus therefore your Jesus also confesses that there is another God, incomprehensible to all and unknown.

XLVIII. Tum Petrus: Contraria, inquit, tibimet ipsi te proferre non sentis. Si enim et Jesus noster scit istum, quem dicis incognitum Deum, ergo jam non a te solo est cognitus. Imo si Jesus noster eum novit, Moyses quoque, qui et Jesum venturum esse prophetavit sine dubio nec ipse ignoravit eum; propheta enim erat, et qui de Filio prophetavit, sine dubio cognoverat Patrem. Si enim in voluntate est Filii revelare Patrem cui voluerit, Filius, qui ab initio et semper cum Patre fuit per singulas quasque generationes, sicut revelavit Moysi Patrem, ita et aliis prophetis; quod si est, nulli Patrem fuisse incognitum constat. Tibi vero qui Filium non credis, quomodo potuit revelari Pater, qui nulli notus est, nisi cui voluerit Filius revelare? Revelat autem Filius Patrem his qui ita honorificant Filium, sicut honorificant Patrem.

XLVIII. Then Peter said: You do not perceive that you are bringing forward things contrary to yourself. For if our Jesus also knows this one, whom you call the unknown God, then he is already not known by you alone. Indeed, if our Jesus knows Him, Moses also, who prophesied that Jesus too would come, without doubt was himself not ignorant of Him; for he was a prophet, and he who prophesied concerning the Son had without doubt come to know the Father. For if it lies in the will of the Son to reveal the Father to whom He wills, the Son, Who from the beginning and always was with the Father, through each several generation, as He revealed the Father to Moses, so [did He] also to the other prophets; and if this is so, it is established that the Father was unknown to none. But to you, who do not believe the Son, how could the Father be revealed, Who is known to no one except him to whom the Son has willed to reveal Him? But the Son reveals the Father to those who so honour the Son as they honour the Father.

XLIX. Tum Simon: Memento, inquit, quia filium

XLIX. Then Simon said: Remember that [you said] the son

Editors' notes and page, col. 1271

Footnotes

(63) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1271 (column uncertain)

Deut. XIII, 1-3.

Deut. 13:1-3.

(printed under page 633)

(64) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1271 (column uncertain)

Matth. VI, 33.

Matt. 6:33.

(printed under page 633)

(65) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1271 (column uncertain)

Luc. XI, 52.

Luke 11:52.

(printed under page 633)

(66) ‹anchor: voluerit Filius revelare› · call in col 1271

Matth. XI, 27.

Matt. 11:27.

(printed under page 633)

(67) ‹anchor: honorificant Patrem› · call in col 1271

Joan. V, 23.

John 5:23.

(printed under page 633)

Page

running head: 1271 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. ⟨ ⟩ (the rest of the running head lies outside the column image)
marginal letters: A ‹alienos quos nescitis›; B ‹quam Scribae et Pharisaei›; C ‹rem, et Enoch, quippe qui› / ‹Noe, utpote ab eo jussus›; D ‹prophetavit sine dubio nec ipse›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: foot-note calls 63–67 are left out as apparatus; the scripture references stand only in the foot notes. Damaged type, legible from the remains: "illius" (line 2), "clave", "Pater" (in the quotation of §XLVII), "Tum" and "quia" (§XLIX), "qui ab". The column ends mid-sentence at "filium"; the bracketed English verb anticipates "dixisti" at the top of col. 1272.

PG 1:1272

dixisti habere Deum, quod est injuriae; quomodo enim habere filium potest, nisi similia hominibus aut animalibus patiatur? Sed de his non est nunc tempus arguere profundam stultitiam tuam, festino enim de immensitate summae lucis exponere, et jam nunc audi. Puto esse aliquam virtutem immensae et ineffabilis lucis, cujus magnitudo incomprehensibilis habeatur, quam virtutem etiam mundi conditor ignoret, et legislator Moyses, et magister vester Jesus.

you said God has, which is an insult; for how can he have a son, unless he undergoes things like those of men or animals? But concerning these matters it is not now the time to expose your profound folly, for I hasten to set forth the immensity of the supreme light; and now listen. I think that there is a certain power of immense and ineffable light, whose greatness is to be held incomprehensible, of which power even the founder of the world is ignorant, and Moses the lawgiver, and Jesus your master.

L. Tum Petrus: Non tibi videtur amentiae res esse, asserere velle quempiam, quod sit alius Deus quam Deus omnium, et dicere, puto esse virtutem quamdam, et priusquam ipsi certum sit quod loquitur, hoc velle aliis confirmare? Estne aliquis ita praeceps, qui verbis tuis credat, in quibus te ipsum videat dubitantem; et admittat esse aliquam virtutem incognitam creatori Deo, et Moysi, et prophetis, et legi, et Jesu etiam magistro nostro, quae virtus ita bona sit, ut nulli velit innotescere, nisi uni tantum, et hoc tibi tali? Tum deinde si nova est ista virtus, quomodo nobis non dat novum aliquem sensum praeter hos quos gerimus quinque, ut ex ipso ab ea nobis largito novo sensu, ipsam quae nova est capere et intelligere possimus? aut si non potest largiri, quomodo tibi largita est? aut si tibi revelavit, cur non et nobis? Si vero a temetipso intellexisti, quae ne prophetae quidem sentire aut intelligere potuerunt, dic age nobis nunc quid unusquisque nostrum cogitat: Si enim tantus est in te spiritus, ut ea quae super coelos sunt, incognita omnibus et omnibus incomprehensibilia cognoscas, multo facilius cogitationes humanas quae in terris habentur agnoscis. Quod si cogitationes nostras qui hic stamus non potes scire, quomodo ea quae nullis esse cognita affirmas, scire te dicis?

L. Then Peter: Does it not seem to you a matter of madness that anyone should wish to assert that there is another God than the God of all, and should say, I think there is a certain power, and, before what he speaks is certain to himself, should wish to confirm this to others? Is there anyone so headlong as to believe your words, in which he sees you yourself doubting, and to admit that there is some power unknown to God the creator, and to Moses, and to the prophets, and to the law, and even to Jesus our Master, a power which is so good that it wishes to become known to none, except to one only, and that to such a one as you? Then, further, if this power is new, how is it that it does not give us some new sense besides these five which we bear, so that by that very new sense bestowed on us by it we may be able to grasp and understand it, which is new? Or if it cannot bestow it, how did it bestow it on you? Or if it revealed [itself] to you, why not also to us? But if you have understood of yourself things which not even the prophets could perceive or understand, come, tell us now what each one of us is thinking: for if there is so great a spirit in you that you know the things which are above the heavens, unknown to all and incomprehensible to all, much more easily do you recognize the human thoughts which are held on earth. But if you cannot know the thoughts of us who stand here, how do you say that you know the things which you affirm to be known to none?

LI. Crede autem mihi, quia nunquam scires quid est lux, nisi ab ipsa luce accepisses et visum et intellectum videndi; sic et in caeteris. Hinc accepta intelligentia, majus aliquid et sublimius somnii instar excogitas, occasione tamen ex istis quinque sensibus sumpta, quorum largitori ingratus es. Certus autem esto, quod donec non invenis novum aliquem sensum, qui extra hos quinque sit quibus omnes utimur, novum asserere non poteris Deum. Et Simon: Cum quinque sensibus constent omnia quae sunt, nihil novum addere virtus illa cunctis eminentior potest. Et Petrus ait: Falsum est. Est enim et alius sextus sensus, id est praenoscendi; isti enim quinque sensus scientiae capaces sunt, sextus autem praescientiae est, quem habuere prophetae. Tu ergo quomodo potes Deum omnibus incognitum nosse, qui nec propheticum sensum, qui est praescientiae, cognovisti? Tum Simon coepit dicere: Hanc quam dico virtutem incomprehensibilem et eminentiorem cunctis, etiam ipso qui mundum condidit Deo, neque angelorum quisquam neque daemonum novit neque Judaeorum, neque ulla omnino

LI. But believe me, that you would never know what light is, unless you had received from the light itself both sight and the understanding of seeing; so also in the other things. Having received understanding from this source, you devise something greater and more sublime, after the manner of a dream, yet taking the occasion from these five senses, to the bestower of which you are ungrateful. But be certain that until you find some new sense, which is outside these five that we all use, you will not be able to assert a new God. And Simon: Since all things that are consist of five senses, that power which is more eminent than all can add nothing new. And Peter said: It is false. For there is also another, a sixth sense, that is, of foreknowing; for these five senses are capable of knowledge, but the sixth is of foreknowledge, which the prophets had. How then can you know a God unknown to all, you who have not come to know even the prophetic sense, which is that of foreknowledge? Then Simon began to say: This power of which I speak, incomprehensible and more eminent than all, even than the God himself who founded the world, neither any of the angels nor of the demons knows, nor of the Jews, nor any at all

Editors' notes and page, col. 1272

Page

running head: ⟨S. CLEMENTI⟩S I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1272
marginal letters: A ‹dixisti habere Deum›; B ‹videat dubitantem›; C ‹spiritus, ut ea quae super coelos sunt›; D ‹Simon: Cum quinque sensibus›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the last word is split at the column break (om- | nino); completed from the first line of col. 1273 and set whole here. The sentence continues in col. 1273. Foot notes at the page foot belong to calls in col. 1271.

PG 1:1273

quae a conditore Deo substitit creatura. Quomodo enim poterat, quam Creator ipse non noverat, lex me ipsius Creatoris edocere, cum nec ipsa sciret quod doceret?

creature which has come into being from God the founder. For how could the law of the Creator himself teach me that [power] which the Creator himself did not know, when not even it knew what it should teach?

LII. Et Petrus: Miror, inquit, quomodo tu ex lege plus potueris discere, quam docere vel scire lex poterat? et quomodo horum quae asserere vis probationes dicas te ex lege proferre, cum neque legem asseras nosse ea quae dicis, neque eum qui legem dedit, id est mundi Creatorem? Sed et hoc miror, quomodo tu qui solus haec nosti, hic modo cum omnibus stes brevis atrii hujus ambitu circumdatus. Et Simon videns cum omni populo ridentem Petrum: Rides, inquit, Petre, cum sermo de tantis rebus et tam eminentibus habeatur? Tum Petrus: Noli, inquit, indignari Simon, nihil enim praeter promissionem nostram gerimus, neque aures nostras claudimus, ut dicebas, neque statim ut audivimus a te ineffabilia proferri in fugam versi sumus, sed ne loco quidem moti. Neque enim verisimilia saltem aliqua proferuntur abs te, quae nos possint aliquatenus deterrere, aut certe aperi nobis intelligentiam dicti hujus, quomodo tu ex lege didiceris Deum, quem lex ipsa nescit, et quem ipse qui legem posuit ignoret. Et Simon: Si, inquit, ridendo cessasti, evidentibus assertionibus comprobabo. Et Petrus ait: Quin desinam, ut possim discere a te, quomodo tu a lege didiceris, quae lex nescit et quae ipse Deus legis ignoret.

LII. And Peter said: I wonder how you have been able to learn from the law more than the law was able to teach or to know? And how you say that you bring forward from the law the proofs of the things which you wish to assert, when you assert that neither the law knows the things which you say, nor He Who gave the law, that is, the Creator of the world? But I wonder at this also, how you, who alone know these things, are now standing here with all, enclosed by the circuit of this small court. And Simon, seeing Peter laughing along with all the people, said: Do you laugh, Peter, when the discourse is being held about things so great and so eminent? Then Peter said: Do not be indignant, Simon, for we are doing nothing beyond our promise: we neither close our ears, as you were saying, nor, as soon as we heard ineffable things brought forward by you, were we turned to flight, but we were not even moved from our place. For not even any things with a likeness of truth are brought forward by you, which might in some measure deter us; or at any rate open to us the understanding of this saying, how you have learned from the law a God Whom the law itself does not know, and of Whom he himself who laid down the law is ignorant. And Simon said: If you have ceased laughing, I will prove it by evident assertions. And Peter said: Indeed I will leave off, that I may be able to learn from you how you have learned from the law things which the law does not know and of which the God of the law himself is ignorant.

LIII. Et Simon: Audi, inquit, manifestum est omnibus et ineffabili quadam ratione compertum, unum esse Deum, qui sit omnium melior, a quo omne quod est, sumpsit exordium, unde et necessario subjecta sunt ei omnia quae post ipsum sunt, velut principi omnium et eminentiori. Ego ergo cum cognovissem Deum hunc qui creaverat mundum, secundum quod lex docet, in multis esse infirmum, longe autem abhorret infirmitas a perfecto Deo, et hunc viderem non esse perfectum, necessario alium esse intellexi qui esset perfectus. Hic enim, ut dixi, secundum quod Scriptura legis docet, in multis infirmus esse deprehenditur. Primo quod homo quem plasmavit, non potuit permanere talis qualem ipse voluerat, et quia nec bonus est, qui primo homini posuit legem, ut ab omnibus quidem lignis paradisi ederet, de ligno autem scientiae non contingeret, sed si gustasset moreretur. Cur enim vetaret eum vesci et scire quid esset bonum vel quid malum, ut sciens mala quidem vitaret, bona vero eligeret? Sed neque ipse hoc concessit, et quia ille praeter mandatum gustavit et agnovit quid esset bonum, ac didicit honoris gratia verenda contegere (indecorum enim sensit revelatis pudendis stare ante Creatorem suum), ille eum qui honorem Deo deferre didicerat, morte condemnat et serpenti qui haec ostenderat, maledicit. Sed utique si laedendus ex hoc erat homo, cur omnino laedendi

LIII. And Simon said: Listen. It is manifest to all, and ascertained by a certain ineffable reason, that there is one God, who is better than all, from whom everything that is took its beginning, whence also of necessity all things that are after him are subject to him, as to the chief of all and the more eminent. I therefore, when I had come to know that this God who had created the world is, according to what the law teaches, weak in many things — and weakness is far removed from a perfect God — and saw that this one is not perfect, understood of necessity that there is another who is perfect. For this one, as I have said, according to what the Scripture of the law teaches, is found to be weak in many things. First, because the man whom he formed was not able to remain such as he himself had wished; and because he is not good either, who laid down a law for the first man, that he should eat indeed of all the trees of paradise, but should not touch the tree of knowledge, and that if he tasted he should die. For why should he forbid him to eat and to know what was good or what evil, so that, knowing, he might avoid evil things and choose good ones? But he himself did not grant this either, and because that man tasted contrary to the commandment and recognized what was good, and learned for honour's sake to cover the parts that call for modesty (for he perceived it to be unseemly to stand before his Creator with his shameful parts uncovered), he condemns to death him who had learned to pay honour to God, and curses the serpent who had shown these things. But surely, if man was to be harmed by this, why at all of harming

Editors' notes and page, col. 1273

Footnotes

(68) ‹anchor: infirmus esse deprehenditur.› · call in col 1273

Quae sequuntur vocabula usque ad illa cap. seq. ex comparatione, etc., desunt in utroque cod. Lips.

The words that follow, as far as those of the next chapter, ex comparatione, etc., are wanting in both Leipzig codices.

(printed under page 634)

Page

running head: 1273 RECOGNITIONUM LI⟨B.⟩ ⟨ ⟩ (the rest of the running head lies outside the column image)
marginal letters: A ‹nino quae a conditore Deo›; B ‹Petrus: Noli, inquit, indignari›; C ‹nibus et ineffabili quadam ratione›; D ‹qui primo homini posuit legem› / ‹dem lignis paradisi ederet›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column opens with "nino", the end of "omnino" split at the break; that word is set whole at the end of col. 1272 and not repeated here. Foot-note call 68 before "Primo quod homo" (a Cod. Lips. note at the page foot) is left out as apparatus. The "ti" of "serpenti" is damaged but legible. The column ends mid-sentence at "laedendi"; the English breaks off there. Show-through from the verso is heavy but all words were read.

PG 1:1274

causam in paradiso posuit? Si vero bonum erat quod in paradiso posuit, non est boni prohibere a bono.

did he place the cause in paradise? But if what he placed in paradise was good, it is not the part of one who is good to keep [anyone] back from good.

LIV. Sic ergo cum is qui hominem fecit et mundum, secundum ea quae lex refert imperfectus sit, alium sine dubio dat intelligi qui perfectus sit. Necesse est enim esse aliquem omnium praestantiorem, propter quem et omnis creatura ordinem suum servat. Unde et ego sciens, quia omnimodo necesse est esse aliquem benigniorem et potentiorem eo, qui legem dedit, imperfecto deo, ex comparatione imperfecti perfectum quid sit intelligens, ex ipsa Scriptura Deum illum de quo scriptum non erat, intellexi. Et hoc modo potui, o Petre, ex lege discere quod nesciebat lex. Quod et si lex non dedisset indicia, quibus colligeretur imperfectus esse Deus qui condidit mundum, mihi possibile erat, etiam ex his quae in hoc mundo geruntur malis nec emendantur, colligere, vel quia impossibilis est creator ejus, qui male gesta non corrigit, si non potest, vel si non vult auferre mala, ipse malus sit, si vero neque potest neque vult, nec potens nec bonus sit. Et ex his necesse est colligi, quod alius sit Deus omnium praestantior et potentior. Ad haec si quid habes dicere, non moreris.

LIV. Thus therefore, since he who made man and the world is, according to the things which the law relates, imperfect, he without doubt gives it to be understood that there is another who is perfect. For it is necessary that there be someone more excellent than all, on account of whom every creature also keeps its own order. Whence I also, knowing that it is in every way necessary that there be someone more kindly and more powerful than he who gave the law, the imperfect god, understanding from comparison with the imperfect what the perfect is, understood from Scripture itself that God of whom it had not been written. And in this way I was able, O Peter, to learn from the law what the law did not know. But even if the law had not given indications by which it might be gathered that the God who founded the world is imperfect, it was possible for me to gather, even from these evils which are done in this world and are not amended, either that its creator is powerless, who does not correct things ill done, if he is not able; or, if he does not will to take evils away, that he is himself evil; but if he is neither able nor willing, that he is neither powerful nor good. And from these things it must necessarily be gathered that there is another God, more excellent and more powerful than all. If you have anything to say to this, do not delay.

LV. Petrus respondit: Solent ista, o Simon, absurda adversus Deum meditari hi qui legem non magistris tradentibus legunt, sed semetipsos doctores habent et putant se intelligere posse legem, quam sibi non exposuit ille qui a magistro didicerit. Verumtamen nunc, ut et nos secundum tuum sensum Scripturam legis sequi videamur, quia et impossibilem et non bonum dicis ostendi Conditorem mundi, quomodo non vidisti quod iisdem ipsis reprehensionibus succumbit et subjacet etiam ista virtus tua, quam dicis esse eminentiorem omnium? Eodem namque modo de ipsa dici potest, quia omnia quae hic male geruntur, aut impossibilis est quae non corrigit, aut si potest et non vult, mala est. Si vero neque potest neque vult, et impossibilis et imperfecta est. Unde non solum simili culpae virtus ista tua nova, sed et deteriori invenitur obnoxia, si super haec omnia etiam cum non sit, esse credatur. Nam is qui mundum creavit, hoc ipsum quod subsistit ex opere ejus quo mundum condidit, palam est, sicut etiam ipse confiteris. Ista vero virtus quam te solum scire dicis, nullum de se indicium praebet, per quod hoc ipsum saltem quod est et subsistit, possimus advertere.

LV. Peter answered: Those are accustomed to devise these absurd things against God, O Simon, who do not read the law with masters handing it down, but have themselves as teachers, and think that they can understand the law, which he who has learned from a master has not expounded to them. Nevertheless now, that we also may appear to follow the Scripture of the law according to your sense: since you say that the Founder of the world is shown to be both powerless and not good, how did you not see that this power of yours also, which you say is more eminent than all, falls under and is subject to those very same reproaches? For in the same way it can be said of it, that, as to all the things which are ill done here, either it is powerless, since it does not correct them, or, if it is able and does not will, it is evil. But if it is neither able nor willing, it is both powerless and imperfect. Whence this new power of yours is found liable not only to a like fault, but even to a worse one, if, on top of all these things, it is believed to exist even when it does not. For as to Him Who created the world, the very fact that He subsists is plain from His work by which He founded the world, as you yourself also confess. But this power, which you say that you alone know, offers no indication of itself by which we might perceive at least this very thing, that it is and subsists.

LVI. Quale est ergo, ut derelinquamus Deum, in cujus mundo vivimus et omnibus ad vitam necessariis fruimur, et sequamur nescio quem, cujus non solum nihil consequimur boni, sed ne hoc ipsum quidem, quod sit, scire possumus, scilicet quia nec est; sive enim eum lucem appelles et luce ista quam cernimus clariorem, nomen ipsum a mundi Conditore mutuaris; sive substantiam dixeris super

LVI. What kind of thing is it, then, that we should forsake God, in Whose world we live and enjoy all things necessary for life, and follow I know not whom, from whom not only do we obtain nothing good, but we cannot even know this very thing, that he is, because, namely, he is not; for whether you call him light, and brighter than this light which we behold, you borrow the very name from the Founder of the world; or whether you say [he is] a substance above

Editors' notes and page, col. 1274

Page

running head: ⟨REC⟩OGNITIONUM LIB. II. 1274
marginal letters: A ‹causam in paradiso posuit›; B ‹indicia, quibus colligeretur›; C ‹quam sibi non exposuit› / ‹Verumtamen nunc›; D ‹sistit ex opere ejus›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: damaged type, read from the remains and the sense: "hi qui legem" (the h looks like b), "quae hic male" (likewise), "clariorem" (the l is broken), "dixeris" (the r is broken), "scilicet". Ink marks cross the line ends at "Deus", "etiam ex", "emendantur", "non". The foot note at the page foot (Cod. Lips.) belongs to call 68 in col. 1273 and is not set. The column ends mid-sentence at "super".

PG 1:1275

omnia, intelligentiam hinc profers cum sermonis augmento; sive mentem, sive bonitatem, sive vitam, sive aliud quid memoraveris, hinc vocabula mutuaris. Cum ergo nihil novi de illa virtute quam dicis, non solum ad intelligendum, verum ne ad nominandum quidem habeas, quomodo introducis novum Deum, cujus nec appellationem quidem invenis novam? Virtus enim non solum Creator mundi dicitur, sed et ministri gloriae ejus omnisque militia coelestis. Non tibi ergo melius videtur esse, ut sequamur factorem nostrum Deum, tanquam patrem erudientem nos et imbuentem sicut ipse novit? Quod et si sit aliquis, ut tu dicis benignior omnium Deus, certum est quia non irascitur nobis, si vero irascitur malus est. Noster autem Deus si irascitur et vindicet, non est malus sed justus, proprios enim filios corripit et emendat. Ille vero qui nihil nobiscum habet negotii, si vindicare velit in nos, quomodo bonus erit? supplicia sumens de nobis, quod non derelicto patre nostro ipsum secuti sumus inanibus suspicionibus tracti, quomodo ergo iste talis bonus a te asseritur, qui nec justus intelligi potest.

all things, from here you bring forth understanding, with an enlargement of the word; whether you mention mind, or goodness, or life, or anything else, from here you borrow the names. Since, therefore, concerning that power of which you speak you have nothing new, not only for understanding it but not even for naming it, how do you bring in a new God, for whom you do not find even a new appellation? For not only is the Creator of the world called a power, but also the ministers of His glory and the whole heavenly host. Does it not then seem better to you that we should follow our Maker, God, as a father who instructs us and trains us as He Himself knows how? And even if there is some God, as you say, more kindly than all, it is certain that he is not angry with us; but if he is angry, he is evil. Our God, however, if He is angry and punishes, is not evil but just, for He chastises and corrects His own sons. But that one who has no dealings with us, if he should wish to take vengeance upon us, how will he be good? exacting punishments from us because we have not forsaken our father and followed him, drawn by empty surmises: how then is such a one as this asserted by you to be good, who cannot even be understood to be just.

LVII. Tum Simon: Tantumne erras, Petre, ut nescias, quia animae nostrae a bono Deo sunt illo omnium praestantiore, sed captivae deductae sunt in hunc mundum? Et Petrus: Ergo non est omnibus incognitus, sicut paulo ante dicebas; et tamen quomodo indulsit bonus Deus captivitatem fieri animarum suarum, si erat super omnes potentior virtus? Et Simon: Ipse misit creatorem Deum, ut conderet mundum, sed ille, mundo condito, semetipsum pronuntiavit Deum. Et Petrus: Ergo non ignoratur ab eo qui condidit mundum, ut superius dixeras, sed neque animae ignorant eum, siquidem ab ipso abductae sunt. Cui ergo jam erit incognitus, si et mundi Creator novit eum, ut ab ipso missus, secundum ea quae tu dicis, et omnes animae tanquam ab ipso huc violenter abstractae? Tum deinde dicas velim, qui mittebat conditorem mundi, non sciebat eum qui mittebatur, fidem non servaturum? si nesciebat praescius non erat, si vero praesciit et passus est, facti hujus ipse reus est, qui non vetuit; quod si non potuit, omnipotens non est. Si vero quasi bonum id sciens non prohibuit, invenitur ille esse melior qui praesumpsit facere id, quod ille qui mittebat ignoravit bonum.

LVII. Then Simon: Do you err so greatly, Peter, as not to know that our souls are from that good God, the most excellent of all, but have been led down captive into this world? And Peter: Then he is not unknown to all, as you were saying a little while ago; and yet how did the good God permit the captivity of his own souls to come about, if he was a power mightier above all? And Simon: He himself sent the creator God to found the world, but that one, when the world had been founded, proclaimed himself God. And Peter: Then he is not unknown to him who founded the world, as you had said above, nor are the souls ignorant of him either, seeing that they were led away from him. To whom, then, will he now be unknown, if both the Creator of the world knows him, as having been sent by him, according to what you say, and all the souls, as having been violently dragged away hither from him? Then next I would have you say: did he who was sending the founder of the world not know that the one who was being sent would not keep faith? If he did not know, he was not foreknowing; but if he foreknew and allowed it, he himself is guilty of this deed, who did not forbid it; and if he was not able, he is not omnipotent. But if, knowing it to be as it were a good thing, he did not prevent it, that one is found to be the better who took it upon himself to do that which he who was sending did not know to be good.

LVIII. Et Simon: Volentes, inquit, ad se venire suscipit et ipsis benefacit. Et Petrus: Nec hoc novum est, hoc enim facit et hic quem mundi creatorem fateris. Et Simon: Sed bonus Deus tantum si agnoscatur salutem praestat, mundi autem conditor

LVIII. And Simon: Those who are willing to come to him, he said, he receives, and he does good to them. And Peter: Neither is this new, for this is done also by him whom you acknowledge to be the creator of the world. And Simon: But the good God bestows salvation if only he is recognized, whereas the founder of the world

Editors' notes and page, col. 1275

Footnotes

(77) ‹anchor: salutem praestat› · call in col 1275

Bonus Deus tantum si agnoscatur, salutem praestat. Eadem docet Simon, apud Irenaeum lib. I, cap. 20.

The good God grants salvation only if he is acknowledged. Simon teaches the same in Irenaeus, book 1, ch. 20.

(printed under page 635)

Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA.
marginal letters: A ‹omnia, intelligentiam hinc profers›; B ‹irascitur et vindicet›; C ‹rum suarum, si erat super omnes›; D ‹quasi bonum id sciens›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1276

exigit etiam legem impleri. Et Petrus: Ergo et adulteros et homicidas salvat, si cognoverint eum, bonos autem et sobrios vel misericordes, si nullum de eo indicium capientes ignoraverint eum, non salvat. Magnum et bonum praedicas, qui non tam malos salvet, quam qui bonis nullam misericordiam praestet. Et Simon: Magnus sane labor est agnoscere eum homini in carne posito. Omnibus enim tenebris tetrius, et omni luto gravius est corpus hoc, quo circumdatur anima. Et Petrus: Ergo bonus iste Deus quae difficilia sunt, quaerit. Qui autem vere Deus est, faciliora expetit. Dimittat itaque nos quasi bonus apud Patrem et Creatorem nostrum, et quando discesserimus e corpore, et istas quas dicis tenebras reliquerimus, tunc eum facilius agnoscemus, et tunc magis anima conditorem suum esse intelliget Deum, et apud ipsum permanebit, nec ultra diversis cogitationibus fatigabitur, neque volet ad aliam confugere virtutem, quae nulli cognita est nisi Simoni soli; quae tantae bonitatis est, ut nisi quis prius impius exstiterit in parentem suum, ad ipsam venire non possit. Nescio quomodo haec virtus vel bona vel justa appellanda sit, cui placere non potest, nisi quis impie se gesserit in eum a quo factus est.

requires also that the law be fulfilled. And Peter: Then he saves even adulterers and murderers, if they have come to know him; but the good and the sober or the merciful, if, receiving no indication concerning him, they have not known him, he does not save. A great and good one you proclaim, who does not so much save the wicked as show no mercy to the good. And Simon: It is indeed a great labour for a man placed in the flesh to recognize him. For this body, with which the soul is surrounded, is fouler than all darkness and heavier than all mire. And Peter: Then this good God of yours seeks the things that are difficult. But He who is truly God asks for the easier things. Let him therefore, as being good, leave us with our Father and Creator, and when we have departed from the body and left behind this darkness of which you speak, then we shall recognize him more easily, and then the soul will the more understand that its founder is God, and will abide with Him, and will no longer be wearied by diverse thoughts, nor will it wish to flee for refuge to another power, which is known to no one save to Simon alone; which is of such great goodness that, unless a man has first shown himself impious towards his own parent, he cannot come to it. I do not know how this power is to be called either good or just, which a man cannot please unless he has borne himself impiously towards him by whom he was made.

LIX. Et Simon: Non est impium, utilitatis gratia et lucri majoris confugere ad eum, qui opulentioris est gloriae. Et Petrus: Si, ut tu ais, non est impium confugere ad alienum, multo magis pium est permanere apud proprium patrem, etiamsi pauper sit. Aut si non putas esse impium, ut relicto patre nostro confugiamus ad alium quasi meliorem, neque indignari credis pro hoc creatorem nostrum, multo magis bonus Deus non indignabitur, quod cum essemus ab eo alieni, non confugimus ad eum, sed permansimus apud Creatorem nostrum; et puto quod ex hoc magis collaudabit nos, quia fidem servamus Creatori nostro Deo, considerans quia si sui ipsius fuissemus, nunquam relinquentes ipsum seduci illecebris potuissemus alienis. Nam si quis opulentioribus illectus pollicitationibus, relicto proprio parente confugiat ad alienum, potest fieri, ut iterum relicto eo, ad alium pergat qui majora promiserit, eo magis quod ipsius proprius non erat filius, quippe qui etiam eum, qui ei natura pater erat, relinquere potuit. Et Simon: Quid si ab illo sunt animae, et ignorant eum, et ille est vere pater ipsarum?

LIX. And Simon: It is not impious, for the sake of advantage and of greater gain, to flee for refuge to him who is of more opulent glory. And Peter: If, as you say, it is not impious to flee to a stranger, much more is it pious to remain with one's own father, even though he be poor. Or if you do not think it impious that, leaving our father, we should flee to another as though to a better, and do not believe that our creator is indignant at this, much more will the good God not be indignant that, when we were strangers to him, we did not flee to him but remained with our Creator; and I think that for this he will the more commend us, because we keep faith with our Creator, God, considering that, if we had been his own, we could never, forsaking him, have been led astray by the allurements of strangers. For if anyone, enticed by more opulent promises, leaves his own parent and flees to a stranger, it may happen that, leaving him in turn, he goes on to another who has promised greater things, all the more because he was not that one's own son, seeing that he was able to forsake even him who was by nature his father. And Simon: What if the souls are from him, and do not know him, and he is truly their father?

LX. Et Petrus: Satis, inquit, ostendis eum invalidum. Nam si potentior, ut ais, omnibus est, nunquam potentiori invalidior spolia detraxisse credendus est, aut si potuit vi ab eo animas deducere

LX. And Peter: You show him, he said, to be weak enough. For if, as you say, he is mightier than all, the weaker is never to be believed to have stripped spoils from the mightier; or if the creator God was able by force to lead souls down from him

Editors' notes and page, col. 1276

Footnotes

(69) ‹anchor: pauper sit. Aut si› · call in col 1276

Aut si—relinquere potuit non leguntur in cod. Lips.

Aut si—relinquere potuit are not read in the Leipzig codex.

(printed under page 635)

(70) ‹anchor: invalidior spolia› · call in col 1276

Luc. XI, 22.

Luke 11:22.

(printed under page 635)

(71) ‹anchor: credendus est› · call in col 1276

Detraxisset. Videris mihi, etc. Reliqua desunt in cod. Lips.

Detraxisset. Videris mihi, etc. The rest is wanting in the Leipzig codex.

(printed under page 635)

(78) ‹anchor: Et Simon› · call in col 1276

Et Simon Additur in codice Carmelit. scholium : Creator mundi corpora condidit, in quibus animas quae sunt Dei magni violenter inclusit : et ideo animae non ad alienum, sed ad patrem suum dum redierint, ad istum redire non possunt.

And Simon. In the Carmelite codex a scholium is added: The creator of the world made bodies, in which he forcibly shut up the souls that belong to the great God; and therefore the souls, when they return not to a stranger but to their own father, cannot return to this one.

(printed under page 635)

Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA.
marginal letters: A ‹exigit etiam legem impleri› (beside the line beginning "ditor exigit"); B ‹facilius agnoscemus›; C ‹est permanere apud proprium patrem›; D ‹filius, quippe qui etiam eum›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column opens with "ditor", the end of "conditor", set whole in col. 1275. Last word split at the break ("de-" / "ducere"), completed from the first line of col. 1277 and set whole here; in the English "the creator God" anticipates the subject printed at the top of col. 1277. Damaged type read as intended: "salvat" (second a broken), "neque volet" (first e broken), "servamus" (smudged), "si quis" (i lost). Critical-note calls removed: 69 after "Aut si", 70 after "spolia" (foot: Luc. XI, 22), 71 after "credendus est"; Cotelier's call (78) removed after "Et Simon". Foot notes and "COTELERII NOTAE" not set.

PG 1:1277

in hunc mundum creator Deus, quomodo eas corpore emissas et captivitatis vinculis resolutas, bonus Deus vocabit ad poenam, quae per ipsius vel desidiam vel infirmitatem, abstrahi ad hunc locum et involvi corpore quasi tenebris ignorantiae potuerunt? Videris mihi ignorare quid sit Pater et Deus, verum et animae unde sint vel quando et quomodo factae, possem dicere, sed haec nunc tibi aperire fas non est, in tanto errore posito de scientia Dei. Tum Simon: Erit, inquit, tempus quo poenitebit te, quod dicentem me de ineffabili virtute non intellexeris. Et Petrus: Da ergo nobis, ut saepe jam dixi, tanquam novus Deus aut qui ab illo descenderis sensum aliquem novum, per quem novum quem dicis Deum possimus agnoscere; isti enim quinque sensus, quos nobis dedit creator Deus, Creatori suo fidem servant, nec alium quemquam esse sentiunt Deum, hoc eis ipsa sui praestante natura.

into this world, how will the good God call to punishment those souls, once sent forth from the body and loosed from the bonds of captivity, which through his own sloth or weakness could be dragged away to this place and wrapped in a body as in the darkness of ignorance? You seem to me not to know what a Father and a God is; but as to souls too, whence they are, or when and how they were made, I could tell; yet it is not right to disclose these things to you now, placed as you are in so great an error concerning the knowledge of God. Then Simon: There will be a time, he said, when you will repent that you did not understand me when I spoke of the ineffable power. And Peter: Give us then, as I have already often said, as being a new God or one who has come down from him, some new sense by which we may be able to recognize the new God of whom you speak; for these five senses, which the creator God has given us, keep faith with their Creator, and do not perceive that there is any other God, their own nature itself affording them this.

LXI. Ad haec Simon: Adhibe, inquit, animum ad ea quae dicturus sum, et facito eum invisibilibus semitis incedentem, pervenire ad ea quae tibi demonstravero. Ausculta ergo nunc: nunquamne in cogitatione positus extendisti mentem tuam in regiones vel insulas porro positas, et ita in eis fixus animo mansisti, ut ne praesentes quidem videre aut temetipsum scire ubi sederes, prae suavitate eorum quae habebantur in oculis, posses? Et Petrus ait: Verum est, Simon, hoc mihi frequenter accidit. Et Simon: Ita et nunc sensum tuum extende in coelum, et iterum super coelum, et vide quia debet esse aliquis locus qui sit ultra mundum vel extra mundum, in quo neque coelum sit, neque terra, neque umbra horum etiam ibi tenebras operetur, et ob hoc cum neque corpora aliqua in eo sint, neque ex corporibus tenebrae, necessario sit lumen immensum; et lumen considera cujusmodi esse possit, cui tenebrae nullae succedunt. Nam si universum hunc mundum solis hujus replet lux, quantum aestimas esse illud incorporeum lumen et infinitum? tantum sine dubio, ut istud solis lumen ad illud tenebrae et non lux esse videatur.

LXI. To this Simon: Apply your mind, he said, to the things I am about to say, and make it, advancing by invisible paths, arrive at the things I shall show you. Listen now, therefore: have you never, when set in thought, stretched out your mind into regions or islands situated far off, and remained so fixed in them in mind that, for the delight of the things that were held before your eyes, you could not even see those present or know where you yourself were sitting? And Peter said: It is true, Simon; this has often happened to me. And Simon: So now also stretch out your sense into heaven, and again above heaven, and see that there must be some place which is beyond the world or outside the world, in which there is neither heaven nor earth, nor does the shadow of these produce darkness there also; and on this account, since there are neither any bodies in it nor darkness from bodies, there must necessarily be immense light; and consider of what kind a light can be to which no darkness succeeds. For if the light of this sun fills this whole world, how great do you reckon that incorporeal and infinite light to be? So great, without doubt, that this light of the sun, compared with that, would seem to be darkness and not light.

LXII. Haec cum diceret Simon, Petrus respondit: De utroque ergo patienter ausculta, id est et de exemplo extendendi sensus et de immensitate lucis. Scio meipsum, o Simon, aliquando in cogitatione positum extendisse sensum meum in regiones, ut ais, et insulas procul positas, easque mente non minus quam oculis perspexisse. Cum essem apud Capharnaum in captura piscium positus, et sederem supra saxum, hamum setae innexum et decipiendis piscibus aptatum habens in manu, ita ut haerentem ei non senserim piscem, dum mens mea per desiderabilem mihi Jerusalem distenta percurreret, ad quam sane oblationum gratia et orationum vigilans frequenter ascenderam. Verum et Caesaream hanc mirari ab aliis audiens, et desiderare solebam, et eam in qua nondum fueram, videre

LXII. When Simon was saying these things, Peter answered: Listen patiently, then, concerning both, that is, both concerning the example of stretching out the sense and concerning the immensity of the light. I know that I myself, O Simon, when once set in thought, stretched out my sense into regions, as you say, and islands situated far away, and looked upon them with the mind no less than with the eyes. When I was at Capernaum, occupied in the catching of fish, and was sitting upon a rock, holding in my hand a hook fastened to a line and fitted for deceiving fish, so that I did not feel the fish clinging to it, while my mind, stretched abroad, was ranging through Jerusalem, so desirable to me, to which indeed, when awake, I had often gone up for the sake of offerings and prayers. But this Caesarea also, hearing it admired by others, I used to long for, and that city in which I had not yet been, to see

Editors' notes and page, col. 1277

Page

running head: RECOGNITIONUM L (the rest of the head lies over col. 1278)
marginal letters: A ‹ducere in hunc mundum creator Deus›; B ‹enim quinque sensus›; C ‹accidit. Et Simon: Ita et nunc›; D ‹De utroque ergo patienter ausculta›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column opens with "ducere", the end of "deducere", set whole in col. 1276; this column therefore begins at "in". Damaged type read as intended: "unde sint" (u broken), "extende" (d broken), "quia debet" (a broken), "et eam in qua" (looks like "ct cam"). The sentence beginning "Cum essem apud Capharnaum" has no main verb in the print; rendered as it stands. Column ends mid-sentence at "videre".

PG 1:1278

mihi videbar, et cogitabam de ea quae conveniret de civitate magna cogitari, portas, muros, lavacra, plateas, angiportus, fora et horum consequentia, secundum ea scilicet quae in aliis urbibus videram, et in tantum intentione hujuscemodi intuitus delectabar, ut vere, sicut ipse dixisti, nec praesentem atque astantem viderem, nec ipse ubi sederem, nossem. Et Simon: Modo, inquit, recte dicis.

I seemed to myself, and I thought concerning it what it was fitting to think concerning a great city: gates, walls, baths, streets, alleys, market-places, and the things that follow upon these, according, that is, to what I had seen in other cities; and I was so greatly delighted by the intentness of this kind of gazing that truly, as you yourself said, I neither saw one who was present and standing by, nor knew where I myself was sitting. And Simon: Now, he said, you speak rightly.

LXIII. Et Petrus: Denique cum piscem maximum qui hamo inhaeserat, mente occupatus habere minime sentirem, et id quidem cum hami lineam de manibus meis violenter arriperet, stupentem me videns frater meus Andreas qui mecum sedebat, ac pene casurum, latus fodiens cubito velut dormientem excitat dicens: Non vides, Petre, quam magnum piscem ceperis? nunquidnam mente excidisti, quod sic attonitus stupes? quid est quod pateris? dic mihi. At ego indignatus ei paululum, quod me a dulcedine eorum quae intuebar abstraxerit, respondi nihil me mali pati, sed animo desiderabilem mihi intueri Jerusalem, simulque Caesaream, et corpore quidem cum ipso esse, mente vero illuc penitus auferri. At ille nescio unde inspiratus, reconditum et secretum veritatis protulit verbum.

LXIII. And Peter: In short, when, my mind being occupied, I did not at all perceive that I had a very large fish which had fastened on the hook, and that even though it was violently snatching the line of the hook out of my hands, my brother Andrew, who was sitting with me, seeing me in a daze and almost on the point of falling, digging my side with his elbow rouses me as one asleep, saying: Do you not see, Peter, how great a fish you have caught? Have you gone out of your mind, that you are thus dazed and astonished? What is it that ails you? Tell me. But I, a little indignant with him because he had drawn me away from the sweetness of the things I was gazing upon, answered that nothing evil ailed me, but that in mind I was gazing upon Jerusalem, so desirable to me, and at the same time upon Caesarea, and that in body indeed I was with him, but in mind was wholly carried away thither. But he, inspired from I know not where, brought forth a hidden and secret word of truth.

LXIV. Desine, inquit, Petre; quid est quod agis? hi enim qui daemone incipiunt repleri vel moveri mente, hujuscemodi initia habent, per phantasias primo ad jucunda quaeque et delectabilia transferuntur; deinde ad ea quae non sunt, vanis et inanibus motibus effunduntur. Hoc autem accidit ex languore quodam animae, quo ea quidem quae sunt non vident, desiderant vero adducere ad conspectus suos ea quae non sunt. Sed et illis ita accidit, qui phrenesin patiuntur et videntur sibi multas imagines videre, pro eo quod nimietate frigoris vel caloris anima ipsorum convulsa et emota locis suis, errorem patitur ministerii naturalis. Sed et hi qui laborant siti, cum in soporem venerint, flumina et fontes videre sibi videntur ac bibere; hoc autem patiuntur ariditate intemperati corporis laborantes. Propter quod certum est, haec vitio quodam vel animae vel corporis fieri.

LXIV. Stop, Peter, he said; what is it that you are doing? For those who are beginning to be filled with a demon or to be disturbed in mind have beginnings of this kind: through phantasies they are first carried over to all manner of pleasant and delightful things; then they are poured out, in vain and empty motions, upon things which are not. Now this happens from a certain sickness of the soul, by which they do not see the things that are, but long to bring before their sight the things that are not. And so too it happens to those who suffer frenzy and seem to themselves to see many images, because their soul, convulsed and moved from its own places by excess of cold or of heat, suffers an error in its natural function. And those also who are afflicted with thirst, when they have fallen into sleep, seem to themselves to see rivers and springs and to drink; and this they undergo because they are afflicted by the dryness of a distempered body. Wherefore it is certain that these things come about through some fault either of the soul or of the body.

LXV. Denique ut accipias rei fidem de Jerusalem quam saepe videram, dicebam fratri meo, quae loca quosve conventus visus mihi fuissem videre. Sed et de Caesarea quam nunquam videram, nihilominus contendebam, quod esset talis, qualem mente et cogitatione conceperam. Cum autem venissem huc, nihil omnino simile respiciens eorum quae per phantasias videram, reprehendi memetipsum et notavi valde, quia ex aliis quae videram, portas ei et muros aliasque aedes, revera similitudinem ex aliis capiens dederam. Neque enim quis potest novum aliquid, et cujus forma nulla unquam exstiterit, cogitare. Nam et si velit aliquis tauros cum quinis capitibus ex sua cogitatione formare, ex istis quos vidit cum singulis capitibus, illos quinis capitibus fingit. Et tu ergo nunc, si vere aliquid tibi

LXV. In short, that you may receive assurance of the matter: concerning Jerusalem, which I had often seen, I used to tell my brother what places and what gatherings I had seemed to myself to see. But concerning Caesarea also, which I had never seen, I none the less maintained that it was such as I had conceived it in mind and thought. But when I had come here, beholding nothing at all like the things I had seen through phantasies, I reproved myself and marked very clearly that it was out of other things which I had seen that I had given it gates and walls and other buildings, in truth taking the likeness from others. For no one can think of anything new, and of which no form has ever existed. For even if someone should wish to form out of his own thought bulls with five heads apiece, it is out of those which he has seen with one head apiece that he fashions those with five heads. And you therefore now, if truly something to you

Editors' notes and page, col. 1278

Page

running head: RECOGNITIONUM LIB. II.
marginal letters: A ‹mihi videbar, et cogitabam›; B ‹piscem ceperis? nunquidnam›; C ‹bus motibus effunduntur›; D ‹quam saepe videram, dicebam fratri meo›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column begins and ends mid-sentence. Damaged type read as intended: "plateas" (t broken), "accipias" (second c broken), "vere" (r broken), "tibi" (final letter broken). The stop after "corporis fieri" (end of LXIV) is not visible in the print; supplied. "quod me a dulcedine" and "dic mihi" partly covered by an ink mark, read with confidence.

PG 1:1279

videris tua cogitatione perspicere, et supra coelos intueri, non dubium quin ex his ea consideres quae in terris positus vides. Aut si putas facilem menti tuae accessum esse super coelos, et considerare te posse quae illic sunt, atque immensae illius lucis scientiam capere, puto ei qui illa potest comprehendere, facilius esse ut sensum suum qui illuc novit ascendere, in alicujus nostrum qui assistimus, cor et pectus injiciat et dicat, quas in eo cogitationes gerat. Si ergo potes alicujus nostrum, qui tamen non sit erga favorem tuum occupatus, enuntiare cogitationes cordis, poterimus tibi fortasse credere, quod et ea quae super coelos sunt, scire potueris, licet illa multo sint celsiora.

you seem to discern by your own thought, and to gaze above the heavens, there is no doubt that you are considering those things out of these which you see while placed upon earth. Or if you think that there is an easy approach for your mind above the heavens, and that you are able to consider the things that are there and to grasp the knowledge of that immense light, I think that for one who is able to comprehend those things it is easier to cast his sense, which knows how to ascend thither, into the heart and breast of some one of us who are standing by, and to say what thoughts he bears in it. If, therefore, you are able to declare the thoughts of the heart of any one of us, provided he is not one taken up with favour towards you, we shall perhaps be able to believe you, that you have been able to know also the things that are above the heavens, although those are much loftier.

LXVI. Ad haec Simon: Qui vero, inquit, multas naenias texuisti, audi jam nunc. Impossibile est omne quod ad cogitationem hominis venerit, non etiam re ipsa ac veritate subsistere; quae enim non subsistunt, nec speciem habent, quae autem speciem non habent, nec cogitationi possunt occurrere. Et Petrus: Si omne, inquit, quod ad cogitationem venire potest, subsistit, istum quem dicis extra mundum esse immensitatis locum, si eum quis in corde suo lumen esse cogitet, alius vero tenebras, quomodo poterit unus atque idem locus secundum eos, qui diversa de eo cogitarunt, et lumen esse et tenebrae? Et Simon: Omitte nunc ista quae ego dixi, tu quid esse putes super coelos dicito?

LXVI. To this Simon: You who have woven many idle tales, he said, hear now at last. It is impossible that everything which has come into the thought of man should not also subsist in very fact and truth; for things which do not subsist have no appearance either, and things which have no appearance cannot present themselves to thought either. And Peter: If everything, he said, which can come into thought subsists, then as to that place of immensity which you say is outside the world, if one man should think it in his heart to be light, and another darkness, how will one and the same place be able, according to those who have thought different things about it, to be both light and darkness? And Simon: Leave aside now those things which I have said; tell me what you think there is above the heavens?

LXVII. Et Petrus: Si de vero, inquit, fonte luminis crederes, possem te docere, quid et quomodo esset quod immensum est, et non phantasiam vanam, sed consequentem et necessariam rationem redderem veritatis, nec assertionibus sophisticis, sed legis et naturae testimoniis uterer, ut scires quia immensitatis fidem praecipue continet lex. Quod si immensitatis ratio non latet legem, nihil profecto aliud eam latere potest, et ideo falsum est, quod putasti esse aliquid quod ignoret lex. Multo autem amplius nihil latebit eum, qui legem dedit. Nec tamen possum tibi aliquid de immensitate et his quae sine fine sunt loqui, nisi prius de his, qui certo fine terminantur coelis, rationem vel receperis nostram, vel ipse protuleris tuam. Quod si de his quae certis finibus concluduntur intelligere non potes, multo magis de his quae sine fine sunt, neque scire aliquid poteris neque discere.

LXVII. And Peter: If you believed concerning the true fount of light, he said, I could teach you what and in what manner that is which is immense, and I would render not an empty phantasy but a consistent and necessary account of the truth, and I would use not sophistical assertions but the testimonies of the law and of nature, so that you might know that the law above all contains the assurance of immensity. And if the account of immensity is not hidden from the law, assuredly nothing else can be hidden from it, and therefore it is false that you supposed there to be something of which the law is ignorant. Much more, moreover, will nothing be hidden from Him who gave the law. Yet I cannot speak to you anything concerning immensity and the things that are without end, unless first, concerning these heavens which are bounded by a fixed limit, you either receive our account or yourself bring forth your own. But if you cannot understand concerning the things that are enclosed within fixed limits, much more concerning the things that are without end will you be able neither to know anything nor to learn it.

LXVIII. Ad haec Simon: Melius, ait, mihi videtur simpliciter credere, quia Deus est, et quia solum istud quod videmus, sit coelum in universo mundo. Et Petrus: Non ita, inquit, sed unum quidem confiteri convenit Deum qui vere est; coelos autem esse

LXVIII. To this Simon: It seems to me better, he said, simply to believe that God is, and that this which we see is the only heaven in the whole world. And Peter: Not so, he said; but it is fitting to confess one God indeed, who truly is; but that there are heavens

Editors' notes and page, col. 1279

Footnotes

(79) ‹anchor: coelos autem esse› · call in col 1279

Coelos autem esse. De coelo et coelis multa sancti Patres, atque contraria : sed ea, ut et majorem Recognitionum partem, quod ad humanas disciplinas potius spectent, quam ad theologiam, notis illustratum non imus.

But that there are heavens. On heaven and the heavens the holy Fathers say many things, and contrary ones; but these, like the greater part of the Recognitions, since they pertain rather to the human sciences than to theology, we do not go on to illustrate with notes.

(printed under page 637)

Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. (the rest of the head lies over col. 1280)
marginal letters: A ‹videris tua cogitatione perspicere›; B ‹naenias texuisti, audi jam nunc›; C ‹luminis crederes, possem te docere›; D ‹ligere non potes, multo magis›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column begins and ends mid-sentence. Damaged type read as intended: "quin ex his" (first letter broken), "illic sunt" (n broken), "inquit, fonte" (i broken). The stop after "celsiora" (end of LXV) is not visible in the print; supplied. The question mark after "dicito" is as printed. Cotelier's call (79) removed after "esse"; the critical note at the foot (72, "Et ideo — separari potest desiderantur in utroque cod.") belongs to col. 1280. Foot notes and "COTELERII NOTAE" not set.

PG 1:1280

qui ab eo facti sunt, sicut et lex dicit, quorum unum coelum sit superius, quo continetur etiam visibile firmamentum, illud esse perpetuum et aeternum cum his qui habitant ibi; istud autem visibile in consummatione saeculi resolvendum esse et transire, ut illud coelum quod est antiquius et excelsius post judicium sanctis et dignis appareat. Ad haec Simon respondit: Haec ita esse, ut tu dicis, credentibus possint videri, ei autem qui horum exspectat rationes, impossibile est ex lege proferri et praecipue de immensitate lucis.

which were made by Him, as the law also says, of which one heaven is the higher, in which the visible firmament also is contained; that that one is perpetual and eternal, together with those who dwell there; but that this visible one is to be dissolved at the consummation of the age and to pass away, so that that heaven which is more ancient and more lofty may appear after the judgement to the holy and the worthy. To this Simon answered: That these things are so, as you say, may seem so to those who believe; but to him who looks for the reasons of these things, it is impossible that they be brought forth from the law, and especially concerning the immensity of the light.

LXIX. Et Petrus: Noli, inquit, putare nos quod haec fide sola recipienda esse dicamus, sed et ratione asserenda. Neque enim tutum est nudae haec fidei absque ratione committere, cum utique veritas ratione non careat. Et ideo qui haec ratione munita susceperit, perdere ea nunquam potest, qui vero absque assertionibus ea suscipit simplicis sermonis assensu, neque servare ea tuto potest, neque si vera sint certus est, quia qui facile credit facile et recedit: qui autem rationem quaesivit eorum quae credidit, et accepit, quasi vinculis quibusdam rationis ipsius colligatus, nunquam ab his quae credidit, divelli aut separari potest. Et ideo quanto quis propensior fuerit in expetenda ratione, tanto erit firmior in conservanda fide.

LXIX. And Peter: Do not suppose, he said, that we say these things are to be received by faith alone, but also that they are to be established by reason. For neither is it safe to commit these things to bare faith without reason, since truth assuredly does not lack reason. And therefore he who has received these things fortified by reason can never lose them; but he who receives them without proofs, by assent to a simple statement, can neither keep them safely nor is certain whether they are true, because he who easily believes also easily falls away; whereas he who has sought the reason of the things he has believed, and has received it, being bound as it were by certain bonds of reason itself, can never be torn away or separated from the things which he has believed. And therefore the more inclined anyone has been to demand reason, the firmer he will be in preserving faith.

LXX. Ad haec Simon: Magnum est, inquit, quod repromittis ut immensae lucis aeternitas ex lege possit ostendi. Cumque Petrus dixisset: Quando volueris, Simon ait: Quoniam hora jam multa est, crastino astanti mihi et renitenti, si probare potueris factum esse hunc mundum et animas esse immortales, habebis me adjutorem praedicationis tuae. Et cum haec dixisset, egressus est, secuta autem est eum ex omni populo qui cum ipso venerat pars tertia, qui erant quasi mille viri; caeteri vero flexis genibus prostrabant se Petro, super quos ille invocato Dei nomine, alios daemonia habentes curavit, alios etiam languentes sanavit, et ita laetantem populum dimisit, mandans eis, ut in crastinum diem maturius convenirent. Petrus vero cum recessissent turbae, sterni jussit humi sub aere atrii nudo ubi fuerat disputatum, et recubuit una cum illis undecim, ego vero cum aliis quibusdam, qui et ipsi initia audiendi verbi Dei acceperant et erant charissimi, recumbens sumebam cibum.

LXX. To this Simon: It is a great thing, he said, that you promise, that the eternity of the immense light can be shown from the law. And when Peter had said: Whenever you wish, Simon said: Since the hour is now late, tomorrow, with me standing by and resisting, if you are able to prove that this world was made and that souls are immortal, you shall have me as a helper of your preaching. And when he had said these things, he went out, and there followed him a third part of all the people who had come with him, who were about a thousand men; but the rest, bending their knees, prostrated themselves before Peter; over whom he, having invoked the name of God, cured some who had demons and also healed others who were sick, and so dismissed the people rejoicing, charging them to assemble earlier on the morrow. But Peter, when the crowds had withdrawn, ordered couches to be spread on the ground under the open air of the court where the disputation had been held, and he reclined together with those eleven; but I, reclining with certain others, who themselves also had received the beginnings of hearing the word of God and were very dear, was taking food.

LXXI. Sed benignissimus Petrus considerans, ne forte tristitiam mihi inferret ista sequestratio, ait ad me: Non pro superbia, o Clemens, convivium non ago cum his qui nondum purificati sunt, sed vereor ne forte mihi quidem noceam, ipsis autem

LXXI. But the most kindly Peter, considering lest perhaps this separation should bring sadness upon me, said to me: It is not out of pride, O Clement, that I do not hold a meal with those who have not yet been purified, but I fear lest perhaps I should indeed harm myself, while to them

Editors' notes and page, col. 1280

Footnotes

(72) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1280 (column uncertain)

Et ideo — separari potest desiderantur in utroque cod. Lips.

Et ideo — separari potest are missing in both Leipzig codices.

(printed under page 637)

Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA. DUBIA.
marginal letters: A ‹qui ab eo facti sunt, sicut et lex dicit›; B ‹tas ratione non careat›; C ‹volueris, Simon ait: Quoniam hora›; D ‹ipsi initia audiendi verbi Dei›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column begins and ends mid-sentence. Damaged type read as intended: "Neque enim tutum" (u broken), "suscipit" (second i broken), "nunquam ab his" (u broken), "benignissimus" (n broken), "sumebam" (u broken). The head prints a stop after OPERA on this page. "couches" in the English of LXX is supplied for the absolute "sterni". Critical-note call 72 removed after "Et ideo" (foot: "Et ideo — separari potest desiderantur in utroque cod. Lips."). Foot notes and the end of Cotelier's note (79) not set.

PG 1:1281

nihil prosim. Hoc enim pro certo scire te volo, quia omnis qui idola coluit aliquando, et eos quos pagani nominant deos, adoravit vel de immolatis eorum degustavit, spiritu immundo non caret; conviva enim factus est daemonum, et participium sumpsit ejus daemonis cujus in mente sua speciem, vel timore vel amore formavit. Et per haec mundus non est a spiritu immundo, et ideo purificatione indiget baptismi, ut exeat ab eo spiritus immundus, qui interiores animae ipsius insedit affectus, et quod est deterius, nec quod intrinsecus lateat indicatur, uti ne publicatus fugetur.

I should profit nothing. For I wish you to know this for certain, that everyone who has at any time worshipped idols, and has adored those whom the pagans name gods, or has tasted of the things sacrificed to them, is not without an unclean spirit; for he has been made a table-companion of demons, and has taken a share in that demon whose likeness he has formed in his own mind, whether through fear or through love. And through these things he is not clean from the unclean spirit, and therefore he needs the purification of baptism, that the unclean spirit may go out of him, which has settled upon the inner affections of his soul, and, what is worse, does not even give a sign that it lurks within, lest, being made public, it be put to flight.

LXXII. Amant enim isti spiritus immundi inhaerere corporibus hominum, ut ipsorum ministerio cupiditates suas expleant, et ad ea quae ipsi desiderant inclinantes animae motus, suis eos parere libidinibus cogant, ut efficiantur ex integro vasa daemonum. Ex quibus unus est Simon hic, qui tali quodam morbo comprehensus nec sanari jam potest, quia voluntate et proposito aegrotat. Nec contra

LXXII. For these unclean spirits love to cleave to the bodies of men, that by their service they may fulfil their own desires, and, bending the motions of the soul to the things which they themselves desire, may compel them to obey their lusts, so that they become wholly vessels of demons. Of whom one is this Simon, who, seized by some such disease, can no longer even be healed, because he is sick by will and purpose. Nor is it against

voluntatem ejus habitat in eo daemon, et ideo si eum quis fugare velit et expellere ab eo, cum sit inseparabilis, et, ut ita dicam, anima jam ejus effectus, videbitur magis necare eum et homicidii crimen incurrere. Nemo ergo vestrum contristetur a convivio nostro separatus, tempore enim aliquo observare debet unusquisque sane quanto ipse voluerit. Parvo enim tempore sequestratur qui cito voluerit baptizari, multo autem qui tardius. Unusquisque ergo in sua habet potestate, breve aut longum poenitentiae suae tempus exigere, et ideo in vobis est, quando velitis ad nostram convenire mensam, et non in nobis, quibus permissum non est sumere cum aliquo cibum, nisi fuerit baptizatus. Vos ergo magis nos prohibetis a vestro convivio, si ad purificandum moras habeatis et tardius baptizemini. His dictis cum benedixisset, cibum sumpsit. Et post haec cum gratias egisset Deo, ingressus quievit, similiter autem et nos omnes, erat enim jam nox.

his will that the demon dwells in him; and therefore if anyone should wish to put it to flight and expel it from him, since it is inseparable and, so to speak, has now become his soul, he would seem rather to kill him and to incur the charge of murder. Let none of you, therefore, be saddened at being separated from our meal, for each one must keep this observance for some time, for as long, indeed, as he himself wishes. For he is set apart for a short time who wishes to be baptized quickly, but for a long time he who wishes it later. Each one therefore has it in his own power to require a short or a long time for his repentance, and therefore it rests with you when you wish to come together to our table, and not with us, to whom it is not permitted to take food with anyone unless he has been baptized. It is you, therefore, rather who keep us from your meal, if you make delays about being purified and are baptized later. Having said these things, when he had blessed, he took food. And after this, when he had given thanks to God, he went in and rested, and likewise all of us also, for it was now night.

LIBER TERTIUS.

BOOK THREE.

I. Interea Petrus gallorum cantibus surgens et excitare nos volens invenit vigilantes, vespertino adhuc lumine perdurante, cumque ex more salutavisset et resedissemus omnes, ita exorsus est: Nihil est difficilius, fratres mei, quam de veritate apud permisti populi multitudinem disputare. Quod enim est, omnibus ut est dici non licet, propter eos qui maligne et insidiose audiunt; fallere vero non expedit propter eos qui sincere audire desiderant veritatem. Quid ergo faciet cui ad indiscretum populum sermo est; occultet quod verum est? Et quomodo instruet eos qui digni sunt? Sed si meram proferat veritatem his qui salutem consequi non desiderant, illi a quo missus est injuriam facit, a quo et mandatum accepit, ne mittat verborum ejus margaritas ante porcos et canes, qui adversum eas argumentis ac sophismatibus reluctantes, ipsas quidem coeno intelligentiae carnalis involvant, latratibus autem suis et responsionibus sordidis

I. Meanwhile Peter, rising at the crowing of the cocks and wishing to rouse us, found us awake, the evening light still lasting; and when he had greeted us according to custom and we had all sat down, he began thus: Nothing is more difficult, my brethren, than to dispute concerning the truth before a multitude of mixed people. For that which is may not be told to all as it is, on account of those who listen maliciously and insidiously; yet it is not expedient to deceive, on account of those who sincerely desire to hear the truth. What then shall he do whose discourse is addressed to an undiscriminated people? Is he to hide what is true? And how shall he instruct those who are worthy? But if he brings forth the pure truth to those who do not desire to obtain salvation, he does wrong to Him by whom he was sent, from whom he also received the commandment not to cast the pearls of His words before swine and dogs, who, struggling against them with arguments and sophisms, would wrap the pearls themselves in the mire of carnal understanding, while with their barkings and filthy answers

Editors' notes and page, col. 1281

Footnotes

(73) ‹anchor: vel amore formavit› · call in col 1281

I Cor. X, 20.

1 Cor. 10:20.

(printed under page 638)

(74) ‹anchor: insedit affectus› · call in col 1281

Quae sequuntur vocabula usque ad finem hujus cap. desunt in codd. Lips. omnia.

The words that follow, as far as the end of this chapter, are all wanting in the Leipzig codices.

(printed under page 638)

(76) ‹anchor: porcos et canes› · call in col 1281

Matth. VII, 6.

Matt. 7:6.

(printed under page 638)

Editors' prose

(none)

Page

other: PG 1:1281 FIRST HALF = the upper part of the column, the end-but-one stretch of Book II. The column is divided by the foot notes of Book II and the full-width caption LIBER TERTIUS; the lower part (Book III, ch. I) is in c1281_b.md. READING ORDER on this page is: c1281_a, c1282_a (end of Book II), c1281_b (caption and Book III ch. I), c1282_b. Last word of this half split at the break ("con-" / "tra"), completed from the first line of col. 1282 and set whole here. Critical-note calls removed: 73 after "formavit" (foot: I Cor. X, 20), 74 after "affectus". Margin, head and other apparatus for the whole column are recorded in c1281_b.md.

PG 1:1282

rumpant et fatigent praedicatores verbi Dei. Propter quod et ego in plurimis circuitu quodam verbi utens tentare nitebar, ne principalem de summa Divinitate intelligentiam minus dignis auribus publicarem. Et post haec incipiens de Patre et Filio et Spiritu sancto, breviter nobis et evidenter exposuit, ut omnes audientes miraremur quomodo homines, derelicta veritate, conversi sint ad vanitatem.

they would rend and weary the preachers of the word of God. Wherefore I also, for the most part using a certain roundabout way of speech, strove to try not to publish the principal understanding concerning the supreme Divinity to ears less worthy. And after this, beginning concerning the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit, he expounded to us briefly and plainly, so that all of us who heard marvelled how men, having forsaken the truth, have turned to vanity.

II. [Haec Petro dicente Aquila ait: Recte dixisti, propterea nobis dicito quae veritatis sunt propria. Et Petrus: De quibus vultis interrogate me. Et Aquila ait: De principio et principiis verbum disputa, et de eo quod reprehendit Simon quasi inconveniens, Filium Dei dici Christum, ne similia plantationibus et caeteris inanimatis pati videatur Deus. Petrus autem videns omnes hoc ipsum volentes audire, omnem rationem ita exposuit:

II. [As Peter was saying these things, Aquila said: You have spoken rightly; therefore tell us the things that are proper to the truth. And Peter: Ask me about whatever you wish. And Aquila said: Discourse on the beginning and the beginnings, and on that which Simon censures as unfitting, that Christ should be called the Son of God, lest God should seem to undergo things like those of plants and the other inanimate things. And Peter, seeing that all wished to hear this very thing, set forth the whole account thus:

III. Principii nomen in multis et diversis

III. The name of beginning, in many and diverse

Editors' notes and page, col. 1282

Footnotes

(75) ‹anchor: et ideo si eum quis› · call in col 1282

Et ideo—crimen incurrere non inveniuntur in codd. Lips.

Et ideo—crimen incurrere are not found in the Leipzig codices.

(printed under page 638)

(77) ‹anchor: Haec Petro dicente› · call in col 1282

Ista quae sequuntur usque ad finem cap. 12, in cod. mss. plerisque iisdem optimae notae desunt, et tantum habent vel obscuritatis vel erroris ut spuria ea esse et ab haeretico quodam recentioris aetatis intrusa non dubitemus.

What follows here, as far as the end of ch. 12, is wanting in most of the manuscript codices, and those of the best quality, and has so much either of obscurity or of error that we do not doubt it is spurious and was thrust in by some heretic of a later age.

(printed under page 638)

(80) ‹anchor: Et post haec incipiens› · call in col 1282

Et post haec incipiens... ad vanitatem. Haec periodus exstat in libris editis et in ms. Reg.; at in Sorb. et Th. transfertur ad finem cap. 11, ubi eam vide.

And after this, beginning... to vanity. This sentence stands in the printed books and in the Royal manuscript; but in the Sorbonne and de Thou manuscripts it is transferred to the end of ch. 11, where see it.

(printed under page 638)

(81) ‹anchor: Haec Petro dicente› · call in col 1282

Haec Petro dicente. Codex Candelerianus hoc caput et sequentia novem continet, quemadmodum Sorbonicus et Thuanus : Carmeliticus autem et ille Petri Petiti Regio similes sunt, librisque impressis. Nec dubium, quin ad illa pertineant quae Rufinus abstulit, de ingenito Deo genitoque disserta, de Filio creato, de aliis nonnullis, periculosa, obscura, intrusa, Eunomiana; quaeque veteres Ebionitica censuerunt, Ariana, et addititia. Nescio quis igitur quod a Rufino praetermissum fuerat, sibi sumpsit ut interpretaretur. Vide Clementina, hom. 16, cap. 16. Ista vero usque ad cap. 12 desunt in impressis : desumpta autem sunt ex cod. Sorb. et Th.

As Peter was saying these things. The Candeler codex contains this chapter and the nine following, as do the Sorbonne and de Thou codices; but the Carmelite codex and that of Pierre Petit are like the Royal one and the printed books. Nor is there any doubt that these belong to the things which Rufinus removed, the discussions of the unbegotten and the begotten God, of the Son as created, and of some other matters: dangerous, obscure, interpolated, Eunomian; things which the ancients judged Ebionite, Arian, and added. Someone or other, then, took it upon himself to translate what had been passed over by Rufinus. See the Clementines, hom. 16, ch. 16. But these things, as far as ch. 12, are wanting in the printed editions; they have been taken from the Sorbonne and de Thou codices.

(printed under page 638)

(82) ‹anchor: Principii nomen› · call in col 1282

Principii nomen, etc. In marg. ms. Th. haec leguntur : Caute legi oportet hanc scripturam, quia nescientibus facile error subrepere potest. Usque ad simile signum legere noli. Vid. infra notam ejusdem cod. ad cap. 12.

The name of beginning, etc. In the margin of the de Thou manuscript these words are read: This writing must be read with caution, because error can easily creep upon the unknowing. Do not read as far as the like sign. See below the note of the same codex at ch. 12.

(printed under page 638)

Page

other: PG 1:1282 FIRST HALF = the upper part of the column, the END OF BOOK II. The column opens with "tra", the end of "contra", set whole in c1281_a.md; this half therefore begins at "voluntatem". The column is divided by the foot notes of Book II and the full-width caption LIBER TERTIUS (set once, in c1281_b.md); the lower part (Book III, chs I–III) is in c1282_b.md. READING ORDER on this page is: c1281_a, c1282_a, c1281_b, c1282_b. Critical-note call 75 removed after "ideo" (foot: "Et ideo—crimen incurrere non inveniuntur in codd. Lips."); note 75 is printed full-width mid-page with 73–74, above the caption LIBER TERTIUS, and is set above (Q3a: moved here from n1281.md). Damaged type read as intended: "baptizari" (first a broken); the line ends "benedixisset", "gratias", "et" are crossed by an ink mark, read with confidence. Margin, head and other apparatus for the whole column are recorded in c1282_b.md.

PG 1:1283

nuncupatur rebus, sensibilibus scilicet et intelligibilibus. Sed ne ante experimentum sensibilium ad intelligibilia declinare videamur, decet primo a visibilibus incipere, ut de proximo sumentes exemplum iterum ad intelligibilium veniamus comprehensionem. Quo modo sol verbi gratia in principium vel principatum diei constitutus est, luna vero e contrario noctis; haec autem ut principatum gerant constituta sunt, a quo etiam ut essent in principio acceperunt. Qui autem haec composuit, coelum et terram prius condidit, praeter haec autem terrestria et inaquosa et volatilia animalia composuit, arbores quoque et herbas et post haec hominem, non ut essent haec tantum principium sumens, sed etiam ut viverent secundum mandatum Dei. Ita ergo multa quidem possunt esse principia, ei autem qui est, principia non sunt. Unum est enim principium et unum sine principio principium, quae autem post haec sunt, abusive dicuntur (si quidem dicuntur) principia. Praeveniens autem exposui causam hujus exempli, a sensibilibus scilicet ad intelligibilia, ut hac via usi firmam et certam de intelligibilium traditione possideamus tuitionem. Sine principio ergo dicimus Deum ineffabili providentia demonstrante, qui non a se ipso factus est nec a se ipso genitus; est enim sine principio et ingenitus. Ingeniti autem appellatio non quid sit, nobis intelligere dat, sed quod non est factus; αὐτοπάτορα vero et αὐτογένητον, hoc est ipsum sibi Patrem ipsumque sibi Filium qui vocaverunt illud quod ingenitum, contumeliam facere conati sunt dubiis deservientes rationibus. Indigere enim nativitate illud quod erat priusquam nasceretur, parvulorum more intelligentes putarunt, et illud quod fuerat, pro eo quod fuerit ponentes, quasi per se ipsum factum dicere insania insanierunt, et plantationibus comparare illud quod est ingenitum, ut daemoniosi ausi sunt. Haec autem omnia in impietate constituta consequentem habent ignorantiam. Non enim intellexerunt hoc ipsum dicentes et fuisse et non fuisse. Quatenus enim genuit, fuit, quatenus vero natum est, non fuit. Non fuisse ergo eum constat quatenus natum est, fuisse autem eum constat quatenus genuit. Haec autem utraque dicere simul eumdem sustinuisse, non permittit pietatis professio.

things is it applied, namely sensible and intelligible. But lest we should seem to turn aside to intelligible things before making trial of sensible ones, it is fitting to begin first from visible things, so that, taking an example from what is nearest, we may come in turn to the comprehension of intelligible things. Just as the sun, for example, has been appointed for the beginning or rule of the day, and the moon on the other hand of the night; and these have been appointed that they may bear rule, from Him from whom also they received in the beginning that they should be. Now He who put these together first founded heaven and earth, and besides these He put together the animals of the land and of the waters and those that fly, the trees also and the plants, and after these man, taking a beginning not only that these should be, but also that they should live according to the commandment of God. Thus, then, there can indeed be many beginnings, but for Him Who is there are no beginnings. For there is one beginning, and one beginning without beginning, while the things that are after these are called beginnings (if indeed they are so called) by a misuse of the term. I have set out in advance the reason for this example, namely from sensible things to intelligible, so that, using this way, we may possess a firm and sure safeguard concerning the handing down of intelligible things. Without beginning, therefore, we say God to be, ineffable providence showing it, Who was not made by Himself nor begotten by Himself; for He is without beginning and unbegotten. Now the appellation of unbegotten gives us to understand not what He is, but that He was not made; whereas those who have called that which is unbegotten αὐτοπάτορα and αὐτογένητον, that is, Himself Father to Himself and Himself Son to Himself, have tried to do it an insult, serving doubtful reasonings. For, understanding after the manner of little children, they supposed that that which was, before it was born, stood in need of a birth; and, putting that which had been in place of that which has come to be, they raved with madness in saying that it was as it were made through itself, and, like men possessed by demons, dared to compare that which is unbegotten to plants. Now all these things, being founded in impiety, have ignorance as their consequence. For they did not understand that they were saying of this very thing both that it was and that it was not. For in so far as it begot, it was; but in so far as it was born, it was not. It is established, therefore, that it was not, in so far as it was born; but it is established that it was, in so far as it begot. But the profession of piety does not permit one to say that the same one underwent both of these at once.

IV. Deinde etiam communes cogitationes sollicite a se repellunt tantam blasphemiam, dignum honorem ingenito deferentes. Quidnam igitur quis interrogatus dicat eorum qui impie appellaverunt? nisi quia fuit priusquam esset, ipse sibi Pater, qui esse habuit antequam sibi ut esset praestitisset. Αὐτοπάτωρ et αὐτογενὴς, hoc est ipse sibi Pater et ipse sibi Filius, qua ratione dicatur, et cum quidem non fuisset quod esset, ante exstans intelligentiae signum?

IV. Then, too, common notions carefully thrust away from themselves so great a blasphemy, rendering due honour to the unbegotten. What, then, would anyone say, if asked, of those who have impiously so named Him? Only that He was before He was, Himself Father to Himself, Who had being before He had bestowed on Himself that He should be. Αὐτοπάτωρ and αὐτογενής, that is, Himself Father to Himself and Himself Son to Himself: by what reasoning is He to be called so, and that when indeed He had not been what He was, existing beforehand, a sign of understanding?

Editors' notes and page, col. 1283

Footnotes

(78) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1283 (column uncertain)

Gen. I, 16.

Gen. 1:16.

(printed under page 639)

Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. (the rest of the head lies over col. 1284)
marginal letters: A ‹nuncupatur rebus, sensibilibus scilicet›; B ‹Ita ergo multa quidem possunt esse principia›; C ‹meliam facere conati sunt›; D ‹IV. Deinde etiam communes cogitationes› (the letter stands one line above, level with "sustinuisse")
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column begins mid-sentence; it lies wholly inside the bracketed passage (Book III, chs II–XII) opened in col. 1282. Last word split at the break ("si-" / "gnum?"), completed from the first line of col. 1284 as visible at the edge of this column's image, and set whole here with its question mark. Greek words as printed: αὐτοπάτορα, αὐτογένητον, Αὐτοπάτωρ, αὐτογενής (kept untranslated in the English, since the text glosses them itself). Damaged type read as intended: "intelligibilibus" (i broken), "Quo modo" (second o broken; printed as two words), "principatum" (a broken), "hoc est ipsum" (t broken), "insanierunt" (first i broken), "Filium" (u broken). UNSURE of sense, not of reading: "inaquosa" (rendered "of the waters" from the context of land, water and flying creatures); "principium sumens" (rendered literally); the last sentence of IV, "et cum quidem non fuisset quod esset, ante exstans intelligentiae signum?", is obscure and rendered word for word. Critical-note call 78 removed after "noctis" (foot: Gen. I, 16). Foot notes and "COTELERII NOTAE" not set.

PG 1:1284

Audes autem factum dicere a semetipso illud quod ineffectum est? Putaverunt autem hujusmodi cum disciplina se hoc dicere, sicut ebrii, qui umbras pro foveis existimant. Propter quod ante omnia oportet nos immortalium scrutationem facientes incipere a Dominicis traditionibus, ubi mortalium conditionem ab immortalibus separans, docuit nos pericula et tentationes usque ad ipsam mortem sustinere propter spem bonorum regni, dicens: Nolite timere eos qui occidunt corpus, animas autem non possunt occidere, timete autem eum qui potest et corpus et animam perdere in gehennam. Et vere si non commoritur corpori anima, non utique dividitur nec aliud aliquid patitur de his quae patitur corpus, verbi gratia influxionem vel defluxionem, tenuitatem aut crassitudinem, sanitatem vel infirmitatem, abscisionem aut conjunctionem. Sed et in ipsa hominum procreatione nihil committit anima secundum defluxionem, sed in omni quidem motu stat videlicet substantia immutabilis, diverso autem motu ad aliud et aliud corpus incitat pati. Fluit ergo et patitur substantialiter corpus, sicuti experimento cognoscitur, post illam natorum coagulationem exinanitione uteri facta, propter crementum infantis impellentis et impulsi velut in luctamine, verbo Conditoris: Quod enim coagulatum est festinat egredi; quod autem coagulavit cupit exponere. Causa vero haec transfert ipsas passiones ad successionem ejusdem rei, facta autem passione commune periculum saepius quam speciale contingit.

Do you dare, moreover, to say that that which is unmade was made by itself? Yet men of this sort supposed that they were saying this with learning, like drunkards who take shadows for pits. Wherefore before all things we, in making our inquiry into immortal things, ought to begin from the Lord's traditions, where, separating the condition of mortal things from immortal, He taught us to endure dangers and trials even unto death itself for the hope of the good things of the kingdom, saying: Do not fear those who kill the body but cannot kill souls; but fear Him Who can destroy both body and soul into Gehenna. And truly, if the soul does not die together with the body, assuredly it is not divided, nor does it undergo anything else of the things which the body undergoes, for example inflow or outflow, thinness or thickness, health or sickness, cutting off or joining. And in the very procreation of men also the soul contributes nothing by way of outflow, but in every motion, to be sure, it stands as an unchangeable substance, while by a diverse motion it rouses the body to undergo one thing and another. The body, therefore, flows and undergoes change in its substance, as is known by experience, when after that coagulation of those who are born the emptying of the womb takes place, on account of the growth of the infant, which pushes and is pushed as in a wrestling, by the word of the Founder: for that which has been coagulated hastens to come forth, while that which coagulated it desires to put it out. And this cause carries the passions themselves over to the succession of the same thing; but when the passion has taken place, a common danger more often befalls than a particular one.

V. Sed et omne quod servit muliebribus desideriis, promovetur et praemeditatur naturaliter secundum uniuscujusque aetatem, verbi causa aliter puer, aliter vero adolescens, aliter autem vir. Nam infans quidem in virtute habet horum operationem, nondum autem in virtute habet etiam animae motus; adolescens vero paratus quidem ad destinatum, nondum vero digestionis habet usum; vir autem conspirans possidet perfectionis propositum. Et non ex illis solis dicendum est, animam immortalem, corpus vero fluens, sed etiam ex his, quae ad eam constant in communem personam mandatis, quae ait Dominus: Dictum est antiquis: Non moechaberis; ego autem dico: Nec in aspectum desiderio servies, nimis caute loquens. Si enim corpus naturaliter obligatum est femineis commistionibus, magis autem servire coactum his quae accepit, ut esset et in schemate haberet, quod et principale est carnalis procreationis, quo modo quis suspicetur corpori esse dictum: Non moechaberis, ego autem dico nec desiderio servies, et non potius ei, quae libera est substantia, talium passionum potestatem habens laxare vel refrenare secundum operationem corpus, hic melioris rei mandatum

V. But everything also that serves the desires for women is brought forward and prepared beforehand naturally according to the age of each one, for example in one way the boy, in another the youth, and in another the man. For the infant indeed has the operation of these things in potency, but does not yet have in potency the motions of the soul as well; the youth is indeed ready for what is appointed, but does not yet have the use of maturity; while the man, concurring, possesses the purpose of perfection. And it is not from those things alone that the soul must be said to be immortal and the body in flux, but also from these commandments which are established with regard to it for the person in common, which the Lord speaks: It was said to those of old: You shall not commit adultery; but I say: Neither shall you serve desire with a look, speaking with very great care. For if the body is naturally bound to unions with women, or rather is compelled to serve the things which it received so that it might exist and have them in its form, which is also the chief thing in carnal procreation, how would anyone suspect that it was to the body that it was said: You shall not commit adultery, but I say, neither shall you serve desire, and not rather to that which is a free substance, having power over such passions to loosen or to rein in the body according to its operation; here, of a better thing, the command

Editors' notes and page, col. 1284

Footnotes

(79) ‹anchor: perdere in gehennam› · call in col 1284

Matth. X, 28.

Matt. 10:28.

(printed under page 639)

(80) ‹anchor: in aspectum desiderio servies› · call in col 1284

Matth. V, 27.

Matt. 5:27.

(printed under page 639)

(83) ‹anchor: et in schemate› · call in col 1284

In schemate. Id est in sexu. Vide Constit. VI, 11. Infra cap. 8.

In schemate ("In form"). That is, in sex. See the Constitutions VI, 11. Below, ch. 8.

(printed under page 639)

Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA.
marginal letters: A ‹Audes autem factum dicere a semetipso› (beside the line beginning "gnum? Audes"); B ‹aut crassitudinem, sanitatem vel infirmitatem›; C ‹V. Sed et omne quod servit› (the letter stands one line above, level with "speciale contingit"); D ‹derio servies, nimis caute loquens›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column opens with "gnum?", the end of "signum?", set whole in col. 1283; this column therefore begins at "Audes". It lies wholly inside the bracketed passage (Book III, chs II–XII) opened in col. 1282. LAST WORD: the column ends "manda-"; the source sets the word whole as "mandatum" and the English gives "the command". The ending stands at the head of col. 1285, which was not among the images given to the first reader or to QA Q4a, so the ending is unverified from this column (mandatum or mandata). The Lord's sayings are printed in italics with no reference in the text; the references stand only in the foot notes (79 Matth. X, 28; 80 Matth. V, 27), so none is given in source or English. Calls removed: 79 after "gehennam", 80 after "servies", Cotelier's (83) after "schemate". Damaged type read as intended: "tentationes" (second t broken), "immutabilis" (t broken), "coagulationem" and "coagulavit" (first letter broken), "personam" (a broken), "quidem ad destinatum" (smudged). UNSURE of sense, not of reading, throughout this obscure chapter: "in virtute" (rendered "in potency"), "digestionis" (rendered "maturity"), "conspirans", "in schemate" (rendered "in its form"; Cotelier's note glosses it of sex), "ad eam constant in communem personam". Foot references 79, 80 and Cotelier's note (83) are set above; foot reference 78 (Gen. I, 16) is called in col. 1283.

PG 1:1285

insinuatur? Sic enim et futura sperantes non irascimur, et furorem cohibemus et mulieres despicimus spe futurorum sensum sublevantes, ut dixi, non omne quod sumus servile habentes femineis operationibus, sed aliud quidem serviens naturae quod est corpus, sicut ostendimus, aliud vero liberum, mentem, quod est motus animae immortalis.

is conveyed? For thus also, hoping for the things to come, we are not angry, and we restrain rage and despise women, lifting up the understanding by the hope of the things to come, as I said, not having all that we are enslaved to womanish workings, but one part indeed serving nature, which is the body, as we have shown, and another part free, the mind, which is the motion of the immortal soul.

VI. His igitur ita se habentibus, vestigium optimum ad intelligibilium comprehensionem invenimus cum Deo dicente. Incedamus ergo per eum sine periculo, utentes animae immortali gubernaculo, ultra non sinentes irruere passionem carnalem illi immortali et intelligibili substantiae, honorem tantum unicuique intelligibilium sequestrantes, quantum ei is quem esse vel praeesse constat Deo permittit. Est enim primum, quod est ingenitum, cui et prophetae testimonium perhibent : Ego Deus primus, et ego post haec, et praeter me Deus non est; hoc vero subauditur esse sine initio et ingenitum.

VI. These things, then, being so, we have found the best track towards the comprehension of intelligible things, with God speaking. Let us therefore go forward along it without danger, using the immortal rudder of the soul, no longer allowing carnal passion to rush in upon that immortal and intelligible substance, setting apart for each of the intelligible things only so much honour as He Who is agreed to be, or to preside, allows to it † by God. For there is first that which is unbegotten, to which the prophets also bear witness: I am God the first, and I am after these things, and besides Me there is no God (Isa. 44:6); and this is understood to be without beginning and unbegotten.

VII. Clemens vero et caeteri interrogaverunt, quid est hoc Ingenitum, audire volentes. Et Petrus animadvertens ait : Non modicum periculum est de eo, quod sine principio est loqui vel audire, vos vero pro desiderio eorum quae dicta sunt, immensitatem irruere periclitamini; et me hoc pati ut video captatis, qui putatis posse mihi de illo quod ineffabile est subripere. Moneo autem vos fratres et conservi, non quid sit quaerere, sed quia est tantummodo audire desiderare. Et de hoc plus aliquid dicere non oportet. Est Ingenitum non sola appellatione honorandum, est enim et sine initio; hoc autem sine initio et Ingenitum est Deus, quod a sola opinione eorum quae facta sunt annuntiatur, a se ipso autem comprehenditur. Non enim inveniet aliquid sui primo fuisse, et aliquid postea factum conspicere sui, eo quod sine principio eum esse constet; haec autem eorum quae facta sunt visitatio, propter quod illud quod est ineffabile, ad inquisitionem sui, quod fuerit ante praevidere quam fuerit, spatium non habet; non enim secundatur ab eo qui est ipsius essentiae curiositas. Novit igitur se ipsum, qui non interrogat se de se ipso. Sed haec quidem etiam plus quam oportet diximus, amat enim illud quod est Ingenitum, silentio honorari tantummodo. Sine principio ergo hanc substantiam, secundum quod sentire potuimus, absque periculo suscepistis.

VII. But Clement and the rest asked what this Unbegotten is, wishing to hear. And Peter, perceiving it, says: There is no small danger in speaking or hearing about that which is without beginning; but you, out of desire for the things that have been said, are in danger of rushing upon immensity; and you are trying, as I see, to make me suffer this too, you who think that you can steal from me something about that which is ineffable. But I warn you, brothers and fellow servants, not to ask what it is, but to desire to hear only that it is. And about this one ought not to say anything more. The Unbegotten is not to be honoured by the name alone, for it is also without beginning; and this thing without beginning and Unbegotten is God, Who is proclaimed only from the opinion of the things that have been made, but is comprehended by Himself. For He will not find that something of Himself was first, nor behold something of Himself made afterwards, since it is agreed that He is without beginning; but this is the scrutiny proper to the things that have been made, on which account that which is ineffable has no room, for inquiry into itself, to foresee what it was before it was; for curiosity about His own essence is not seconded by Him Who is. He therefore knows Himself, Who does not question Himself about Himself. But these things indeed we have said even more than is fitting, for that which is Unbegotten loves to be honoured only by silence. You have therefore received without danger this substance without beginning, as far as we have been able to perceive it.

VIII. Qui ergo esse non inchoavit praedictus Deus, genuit primogenitum omnis creaturae, sicuti Deum decuit; non se immutans, non se convertens, non

VIII. The aforesaid God, then, Who did not begin to be, begot the firstborn of every creature, as befitted God; not changing Himself, not turning Himself, not

Editors' notes and page, col. 1285

Footnotes

(81) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1285

Isa. XLIV, 6.

Isaiah 44:6.

(printed under page 640)

Page

running head: 1285 RECOGNITIONUM LIB⟨ ⟩ (the rest of the head lies outside the column image)
marginal letters: A ‹tum insinuatur? Sic enim›; B ‹tum ei is quem esse›; C ‹tantummodo audire desiderare›; D ‹enim illud quod est Ingenitum›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column opens with ‹tum›, the tail of a word hyphenated from col. 1284 (not seen), not set here (by rule the word is set whole at the end of col. 1284); English begins mid-sentence. Scripture reference for the citation in VI is given only in foot note 81 (Isa. XLIV, 6), not in the text; supplied in the English. UNSURE: ‹Deo permittit› in VI is read clearly but the construction is obscure (marked † in the English). ‹sui primo› in VII as printed. Foot of page: Cotelerii nota (84), called in col. 1286, is set in the notes file of col. 1286, not here.

PG 1:1286

se dividens, non defluens, non extendens aliquid. Mementote enim quia haec corporum sunt passiones, quas etiam animae tribuere subterfugimus, timore ne forte immortalitas ei his attributis auferatur. Genuit ergo Deus, quod et facturam vocare didicimus, hoc ipsum ergo vocare et genituram et facturam et reliqua horum vocabulorum, illud quod sine schemate constat genitoris specimen, ponere permittit. Quibus enim est differentia schematum, in ipsis necesse est observanda genitura et factura. Manendo ergo genuit Deus, non passus divisionem aliquam. Non enim honorabilius est Deo et hoc Ingenito illud quod est, eo quod non est velut genitum. Volens enim non tardam habuit virtutem ad quod voluit, nec excessit virtus voluntatem; sed secundum mensuram, qualem voluit, talem et genuit. Si enim manendo, non patiendo, necessitati crassitudinis corpora servientia umbras exstare faciunt, quanto magis ingenitae virtuti subsequentem demus Unigenitum voluntate procedentem. Sicuti autem rursus praeintelliguntur umbris corpora, ita et plus praeintelligitur et ingenita substantia genitae, etiam si ex eo quod erat, ut esset accepit. Idcirco igitur vere et genitura et factura et creatura competenter appellatur, quia substantia non est Ingenitum. Memor sum sane Simonem accusasse nos blasphemiae, eo quod diceremus Filium Dei Christum, tanquam hominibus et plantationibus Deum aequantes; vos vero ex desiderio discere festinate.

dividing Himself, not flowing away, not stretching anything out. For remember that these are the passions of bodies, which we shrink from ascribing even to the soul, for fear lest perhaps immortality be taken from it when these are attributed to it. God therefore begot that which we have also learned to call a thing made; this very thing, therefore, that which is agreed to be without figure, the image of the begetter, allows one to call both a begetting and a thing made, and to set down the rest of these names. For in those things in which there is a difference of figures, in them begetting and making must necessarily be observed. God therefore begot while remaining, having suffered no division. For that which is, is not more honourable than God and this Unbegotten, on the ground that it is not as something begotten. For, willing, He had no sluggish power for that which He willed, nor did the power go beyond the will; but according to measure, such as He willed, such also He begot. For if bodies, which serve the necessity of grossness, cause shadows to exist by remaining and not by suffering, how much more should we grant that the Only-begotten, proceeding by will, follows upon the unbegotten power. And as, again, bodies are understood before their shadows, so also, and yet more, is the unbegotten substance understood before the begotten, even if it received its being from that which was. For this reason, then, it is truly and fittingly called a begetting and a thing made and a creature, because in substance it is not the Unbegotten. I remember indeed that Simon accused us of blasphemy because we called Christ the Son of God, as though we made God equal to men and to plants; but you, out of your desire, hasten to learn.

IX. Omnibus autem libenter annuentibus ait Petrus : Manifesta est hujus incredulitatis via, o Aquila et caeteri. Qui enim pro certo nescierit, opinionem autem usque ad auditum susceperit, credere timet, cum facile possit excusationem ipsius incredulitatis a se abjicere prae gaudio ejus quod promittitur, assumptus publicare illam quam habuit de eo quod quaeritur incredulitatem, cupiditate discendi non dubitat. Sed in secundo de hac re sermo, ne quando abstrahens vos incerta fidei spes excipiatur pro fide in inquisitionem. Ubique autem praeferatur nobis Deus et de ipso cogitatus. Ultro inviolabilis exstans Deus ingenitus, operationemque voluntate virginaliter custodivit. Quod autem non est Ingenitum, ultro virgo esse non potest. Factum est enim, tanquam sub tactum genitoris et factoris adductum. Intelligatur autem qualiter Deum decuit Unigenitum generare et primogenitum omnis creaturae, sed non quasi ex aliquo; haec enim animantium et inanimantium est servitus. Sed nec in operationem veniens ipse sui aliquid genuit; non enim maneret inviolabilis et impassibilis, operatus

IX. And when all gladly assented, Peter says: The way of this unbelief is plain, O Aquila and the rest. For he who does not know for certain, but has taken up an opinion only as far as hearing goes, is afraid to believe, although he could easily cast from himself the excuse of that very unbelief for joy at what is promised; once taken up, he does not hesitate, out of eagerness to learn, to make public the unbelief which he had about that which is sought. But the discourse on this matter comes in the second place, lest at some time an uncertain hope of faith, drawing you away, be received in place of faith and turned into inquiry. But everywhere let God and the thought of Him be set before us. The unbegotten God, being inviolable of Himself, also kept His working virginally by His will. But that which is not Unbegotten cannot be virgin of itself. For it was made, as though brought under the touch of a begetter and maker. But let it be understood how it befitted God to beget the Only-begotten and firstborn of every creature, yet not as from something; for this is the servitude of living and lifeless things. But neither did He, coming into operation, beget something of Himself; for He would not remain inviolable and impassible, having wrought

Editors' notes and page, col. 1286

Footnotes

(84) ‹anchor: Genuit ergo Deus (lemma; call not visible in the foot image)› · call in col 1286

Genuit ergo Deus, quod et facturam vocare didicimus, etc. Sic Ariani γέννημα, ποίημα, κτίσμα confundebant, eaque nomina tribuebant Filio, quem et substantiam genitam solebant appellare. Atque observatum fuit a viris doctis, non abstinuisse ante Arium quosdam antiquos Patres tribus postremis locutionibus, et consimilibus aliis. De substantia genita diximus ad Ignatium.

"God therefore begot what we have also learned to call a thing made," etc. In this way the Arians used to confound γέννημα (offspring), ποίημα (thing made) and κτίσμα (creature), and they assigned those names to the Son, whom they were also accustomed to call a begotten substance. And it has been observed by learned men that before Arius certain ancient Fathers did not abstain from the last three expressions, and from others very like them. Of "begotten substance" we have spoken in the notes on Ignatius.

(printed under page 640)

Page

running head: RECOGNITIONUM LIB. III. 1286
marginal letters: A ‹se dividens, non defluens›; B ‹tatem; sed secundum mensuram›; C ‹IX. Omnibus autem libenter›; D ‹Factum est enim, tanquam›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1287

in seipso; impietatis autem plena sunt haec de ingenito suspicari, periclitantur enim filii impiorum pie se putantes intelligere, magnam blasphemiam Ingenito ingerendo, masculofeminam eum existimantes. Memor sum sane ejus qui commonuit nos, fratres.

upon Himself; but to suspect these things of the Unbegotten is full of impiety, for the sons of the impious are in danger, thinking that they understand piously, while they heap great blasphemy on the Unbegotten, supposing Him to be male-and-female. I remember indeed him who admonished us, brothers.

X. Manendo ergo genuit Deus voluntate praecedente, sicut praedictum est. Propterea Unigenitus vere appellatur; ex ingenito enim habet quod est et Filius vere appellatur, ab innato enim natus est. Sed tamen voluntate controversiam noxiam mansuete paulatim relaxantes eorum, qui audent dicere infectum a facto appellatione sola distare, et illud quod genite distinctum est, adversus innatum esse substantiam ingenitum affirmare. Quod si ita dicitur, quod quidem dicitur non est, quod autem est non dicitur. Est enim infectum substantia, si autem dicitur factum, detestatur quod non est appellatum, maxime autem ultro rationabili exstante Deo et ultro sine principio, quod modo non sit impossibile; magis autem impium est, et id quod ultro est rationabile ultroque ingenitum, non sibi ipsi magis vellet esse conjunctum, quam dualitatis subire ordinem, honorabiliorem existimans nativitatem innatae perseverantiae. Unum enim non est, neque ipsum sibi praecipit dicens : Sede a dextris meis, donec ponam inimicos tuos scabellum pedum tuorum. Sed neque contendit adversus se ipsum, ut aliquid videlicet ejus permaneret ingenitum, aliquid vero nativitati subjiceretur : scire quoque atque praescire ingenite aliquid sui nasciturum, aliquid vero generaturum; omnino videlicet honorabiliorem se sibimetipsi non ignorans esse futurum, aliquid quidem praecipientem, aliquid vero praeceptum accipientem, illud verbi gratia quod dictum est : Sede a dextris meis, vel etiam illud quod ad missionem pertinet aut quod ipse semetipsum praeferens collaudaverit, dicens : Et vidit Deus, quia bona, postquam ab Unigenito sex diebus effecta sunt quae facta esse constat, immutabilem videns suam voluntatem in consummationibus Unigeniti divinae operationis.

X. God therefore begot while remaining, the will going before, as has been said above. For this reason He is truly called Only-begotten; for He has what He is from the Unbegotten, and He is truly called Son, for He was born from the unborn. Nevertheless, by our will gently and little by little loosening the harmful contention of those who dare to say that the unmade differs from the made in name only, and to affirm, against the unborn, that that which is marked off as begotten is an unbegotten substance. But if it is so said, that which is said is not, and that which is, is not said. For it is unmade in substance; but if it is called made, it abhors being named what it is not, and most of all since God is rational of Himself and without beginning of Himself, a thing which in any case is not impossible; but it is rather impious [to suppose] that that which is rational of itself and unbegotten of itself would not wish rather to be joined to itself than to undergo the order of duality, esteeming birth more honourable than unborn continuance. For it is not one thing, nor does it give command to itself, saying: Sit at My right hand, until I make Thine enemies the footstool of Thy feet (Ps. 109:1). But neither did He strive against Himself, so that, namely, something of Him should remain unbegotten, and something be made subject to birth: and should also know and foreknow, in an unbegotten manner, that something of Himself would be born, and something would beget; being, namely, not at all unaware that He would be more honourable than His own self, one part commanding and another receiving the command, as for example that which was said: Sit at My right hand, or again that which pertains to the sending, or that He, setting Himself first, praised Himself, saying: And God saw that they were good (Gen. 1:31), after the things which are agreed to have been made had been brought about by the Only-begotten in six days, seeing His own will unchangeable in the completed works of the Only-begotten's divine operation.

XI. Si autem ingenitus non est factus Pater aut sui ipsius factor, sicut ostendimus; quomodo utique faceret aut generaret ex se ipso aliquid, quod nativitatem et facturam usque ad appellationem non recepit? Non enim quod est per haec habet; ista autem de Deo dicere impium est. Manifesta enim est his qui vel modicum quidpiam videre possunt, illa ingeniti, impassibilis, innata substantia. Si vero et post nativitatem substantia nunquam ad

XI. But if the Unbegotten was not made Father or maker of His own self, as we have shown, how indeed would He make or beget out of Himself something, He Who has not admitted birth and making even so far as the name? For He does not have what He is through these things; and to say such things of God is impious. For to those who can see even a very little, that unborn substance of the unbegotten, impassible One is manifest. But if even after birth the substance never to

Editors' notes and page, col. 1287

Footnotes

(82) ‹anchor: scabellum pedum tuorum› · call in col 1287

Psal. CIX, 1.

Psalm 109:1.

(printed under page 641)

(83) ‹anchor: quia bona› · call in col 1287

Gen. I, 31.

Genesis 1:31.

(printed under page 641)

(85) ‹anchor: Genuit Deus voluntate praecedente (lemma; call not visible in the foot image)› · call in col 1287

Genuit Deus voluntate praecedente. Dicere debuit, voluntate comitante, aut concomitante, ut loquuntur theologi. Pari modo paulo post, recte scripsisset: Unus enim non est, neque ipse sibi praecipit, pro, unum enim non est, neque ipsum sibi praecipit.

"God begot, his will going before." He ought to have said "his will accompanying," or "concomitant," as the theologians speak. In the same way a little further on he would rightly have written: "For he is not one [masculine], nor does he himself give command to himself," instead of "for it is not one [neuter], nor does it itself give command to itself."

(printed under page 641)

Page

running head: 1287 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. (the rest of the head lies outside the column image)
marginal letters: A ‹in seipso; impietatis autem›; B ‹dicitur, quod quidem dicitur non est›; C ‹vero nativitati subjiceretur›; D ‹nativitatem et facturam usque›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1288

dissensionem surrexit et hoc numero distans, nec enim est Autopator, hoc est sibi ipsi pater, quomodo non magis innascibili consensu permanere diligeret, quod ingenitum quidem erat substantia, genitura vero in dualitatem dinumerata. Hujus namque inconvenientiae mater quidem est ignorantia de Deo, cooperatrix vero et soror negligentia de Spiritu sancto. Spiritus autem sanctus pignus ad conservationem eorum quae a Domino data sunt nobis (quem non post multos dies assumptionis ejus accepimus), habet quod est ab Unigenito, plenissima declaratio virtutis ejus; sicut unigenitus et omnium primogenitus imago est immutabilis ingenitae virtutis, imago scilicet unica, immaculata manens, visionem ingeniti cum sit visibilis, praestat intelligibilibus et sensibilibus; quo modo si quis solem verbi gratia ostendere volens aut aliud aliquid, his qui non possunt per se ipsos eum videre, sit autem illis necessitas videre solem, temperans obtutibus ipsam necessitatem, per speculum quidem solem ostendere festinat, et non solem afferens injicit speculo; ita et Unigenitus ipse quidem ingenitus non est, ingenitum vero totam in se demonstrat virtutem cum sit talis ac tantus deitate; ab his vero qui non diligenter inquisierunt ingenitus suspicabatur, apud quos vero praecedit ipsa inquisitio timorem Dei, non solum dicere aliquid tale recusant, sed etiam cogitare cavent. Cum ergo unus sit ingenitus et unus genitus, Spiritus sanctus Filius dici non potest, nec primogenitus; factus est enim per factum, subconnumeratur autem Patri et Filio, tanquam primum secundi per factum virtutis signaculum. Etenim ipse Patris ferens aequipondera voluntate, innatae perseverantiae in imagine operationem, post ingenitum consequenter bene connumeratus est. Multa autem et alia de Patre, et Filio, et Spiritu sancto breviter nobis et evidenter exposuit, ut omnes audientes miraremur, quomodo homines derelicta veritate conversi sunt ad vanitatem.]

dissension has it risen, being distinct also in this number, for it is not Autopator, that is, father to its own self; how would it not rather have loved to remain in an unborn concord, that which was indeed unbegotten in substance, but by begetting was numbered out into a duality? For of this incongruity the mother indeed is ignorance about God, and its fellow worker and sister is negligence about the Holy Spirit. Now the Holy Spirit, the pledge for the preservation of the things that have been given to us by the Lord (Whom we received not many days after His assumption), has what He is from the Only-begotten, being the fullest declaration of His power; just as the Only-begotten and firstborn of all is the unchangeable image of the unbegotten power, the one and only image, namely, which, remaining immaculate, since it is visible, affords the vision of the Unbegotten to intelligible and sensible beings; in the same way as if someone, wishing to show the sun, for example, or something else, to those who cannot see it by themselves, while there is a necessity for them to see the sun, tempering that very necessity to their gaze, hastens to show the sun by means of a mirror, and does not bring the sun and thrust it into the mirror; so also the Only-begotten is not Himself unbegotten, yet He shows in Himself the whole unbegotten power, since He is such and so great in deity; but by those who have not inquired diligently He was suspected to be unbegotten, whereas those with whom inquiry itself goes before the fear of God not only refuse to say any such thing, but also beware of thinking it. Since, therefore, there is one unbegotten and one begotten, the Holy Spirit cannot be called Son, nor firstborn; for He was made through one who was made, yet He is numbered in under the Father and the Son, as the first seal of the power of the second, through the one made. For He, bearing by will things of equal weight with the Father's, the operation of unborn continuance in an image, has been fittingly and well numbered together after the Unbegotten. And many other things also about the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit he set forth to us briefly and clearly, so that all of us who heard wondered how men, having forsaken the truth, have turned to vanity.]

XII. Sed cum illuxisset dies, ingressus est quidam dicens : Multitudo plurima exspectat in atrio, in quorum medio stat Simon, persuasionibus pessimis praevenire aures populi cupiens. Et Petrus statim egressus stetit in loco quo pridie disputaverat, omnisque ad ipsum populus conversus cum gaudio intendebat in eum. Simon vero ubi sensit gavisum esse populum de conspectu Petri, et erga affectum ejus moveri, obstupefactus ait : Miror hominum stultitiam, qui me magum dicunt et Petrum

XII. But when day had dawned, someone came in, saying: A very great multitude is waiting in the court, and in the midst of them stands Simon, eager to take possession of the people's ears beforehand with most evil persuasions. And Peter, going out at once, stood in the place where he had disputed the day before, and all the people, turning towards him, gazed upon him with joy. But Simon, when he perceived that the people rejoiced at the sight of Peter and were moved with affection towards him, was astounded and says: I wonder at the folly of men, who call me a magician and Peter

Editors' notes and page, col. 1288

Footnotes

(86) ‹anchor: ipsa inquisitio timorem Dei› · call in col 1288

Ipsa inquisitio. Forte, ipsam inquisitionem timor Dei. Sic ms. Cand.

"The inquiry itself." Perhaps, "the fear of God [goes before] the inquiry itself." So the Cand. manuscript.

(printed under page 641)

(87) ‹anchor: est enim per factum› · call in col 1288

Factus est enim per factum. Forsan Graece habebatur γέγονε γὰρ διὰ τοῦ γενητοῦ, quod melius verti potuisset: Exstitit enim per eum qui ortus est.

"For he was made through the one made." Perhaps the Greek had γέγονε γὰρ διὰ τοῦ γενητοῦ, which could have been better rendered: "For he came to be through him who was brought forth."

(printed under page 641)

(88) ‹anchor: cum illuxisset dies› · call in col 1288

Sed cum, etc. In marg. ms. Th.: Ab isto loco secure legere potes.

"But when," etc. In the margin of the Th. manuscript: "From this place on you may read safely."

(printed under page 641)

Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1288
marginal letters: A ‹dissensionem surrexit et hoc›; B ‹bilibus et sensibilibus›; C ‹Filius dici non potest›; D ‹trus statim egressus stetit›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1289

diligunt, cum utique olim habentes notitiam mei, me magis diligere deberent. Et ideo ex hoc indicio, qui habent sensum possunt intelligere, quia magis Petrus magus videri potest, cum mihi, cui ex consuetudine debitus propemodum est, non defertur affectus, illi autem, cui nullo usu debetur, abundanter expenditur.

they love, when surely, having long had acquaintance with me, they ought rather to love me. And therefore from this token those who have sense can understand that Peter may rather seem to be the magician, since affection is not offered to me, to whom it is all but owed from familiarity, while it is abundantly lavished on him, to whom it is owed by no acquaintance.

XIII. Et cum multa hujuscemodi Simon diceret, Petrus salutato ex more populo ita respondit : Sufficit unicuique, o Simon, ad confutandum conscientia sua; quod si hoc miraris, quod noti non solum te non diligunt sed et oderunt tui, causam disce a me. Cum sis seductor, veritatem te praedicare profiteris, ob hoc plures desiderium gerentes discendae veritatis amicos habuisti. Sed hi ubi contraria in te quam profitebaris viderunt, quia amatores erant, ut dixi, veritatis, non solum non diligere te, sed et odisse coeperunt. Non autem statim ab eis desertus es, quia vel pollicebaris adhuc te eis ostendere posse, quod verum est. Donec ergo nondum aderat qui posset ostendere, patiebantur te, ubi vero spes eis doctrinae melioris arrisit, te contemnentes quod melius intelligunt nosse desiderant. Et tu quidem nefariis artibus agens, ab exordio latere te posse credidisti, sed non lates; urgeris enim et contra spem publicaris, quia non solum ignorasti veritatem, sed nec audire voluisti ab his qui eam sciebant. Si enim audire voluisses, innotuisset utique tibi ille sermo ejus qui ait, quia nihil est occultum quod non agnoscetur, neque opertum quod non reveletur.

XIII. And while Simon was saying many things of this kind, Peter, having greeted the people according to his custom, answered thus: For each man, O Simon, his own conscience is enough to refute him; but if you wonder at this, that your acquaintances not only do not love you but even hate you, learn the cause from me. Although you are a seducer, you profess to preach the truth; on this account you had as friends many who bore a desire of learning the truth. But these, when they saw in you things contrary to what you professed, because they were, as I said, lovers of the truth, began not only not to love you, but even to hate you. Yet you were not at once forsaken by them, because you were at least still promising that you could show them what is true. So long, therefore, as he who could show it was not yet present, they bore with you; but when the hope of a better teaching smiled on them, despising you they desire to know what they understand to be better. And you indeed, working by wicked arts, believed from the beginning that you could lie hidden, but you do not lie hidden; for you are hard pressed and, contrary to your hope, made public, because not only were you ignorant of the truth, but you were not even willing to hear it from those who knew it. For if you had been willing to hear, that word would surely have become known to you of Him Who says that there is nothing hidden that shall not be known, nor covered that shall not be revealed (Matt. 10:26).

XIV. Haec et his similia dicente Petro, Simon respondit : Nolo me verbis occupes, Petre, repeto abs te quae hesterno promiseras; dicebas enim ostendere te posse, quia lex doceat de immensitate lucis aeternae, et quod duo tantum sint coeli et ipsi creati, sed superius esse lucis illius sedem, in qua solus in aeternum residet ineffabilis Pater; ad illius vero coeli similitudinem factum esse etiam istud visibile coelum, quod et transiturum confirmabas. Unum ergo dixisti esse Patrem omnium, quia non possunt duo esse immensi, alioqui neuter eorum immensus erit, quia in eo quo alter subsistit, alteri finem subsistendi facit. Si ergo haec non tantum polliceris, sed et ostendere potes ex lege, omittens plura loqui hinc incipe. Et Petrus : Si propter te, inquit, qui ad contradicendum tantummodo venis, rogarer de his dicere, nunquam a me unum saltem posses audire sermonem, sed quoniam necesse est agricolam, qui vult bonam terram seminare, nonnulla semina perdere aut in petrosis, aut in his quae ab hominibus conculcanda sunt, vel in dumosis ac repletis sentibus locis, sicut et Magister noster exposuit diversitatem propositi uniuscujusque animae per haec indicans, non morabor.

XIV. When Peter was saying these things and things like them, Simon answered: I do not want you to keep me busy with words, Peter; I demand from you what you promised yesterday; for you said that you could show that the law teaches about the immensity of the eternal light, and that there are only two heavens, and those created, but that above them is the seat of that light, in which the ineffable Father alone abides for ever; and that after the likeness of that heaven this visible heaven also was made, which you also affirmed would pass away. You said, therefore, that there is one Father of all, because there cannot be two that are immense, otherwise neither of them will be immense, because in that in which the one subsists he sets for the other a limit of subsisting. If, therefore, you not only promise these things but can also show them from the law, leave off speaking of more and begin from here. And Peter says: If it were on your account, who come only to contradict, that I were asked to speak about these things, you could never hear even a single word from me; but since it is necessary that the farmer who wishes to sow good ground should lose some seeds, either on stony places, or on those which are to be trodden by men, or in thickets and places full of thorns, as our Master also set forth, pointing out by these things the diversity of each soul's purpose (Luke 8:5), I shall not delay.

XV. Tum Simon : Videris mihi, inquit, irasci; quod si est, non necesse est inire conflictum. Et

XV. Then Simon says: You seem to me to be angry; and if that is so, there is no need to enter into a contest. And

Editors' notes and page, col. 1289

Footnotes

(84) ‹anchor: quod non reveletur› · call in col 1289

Matth. X, 26.

Matthew 10:26.

(printed under page 642)

(85) ‹anchor: per haec indicans› · call in col 1289

Luc. VIII, 5.

Luke 8:5.

(printed under page 642)

Page

running head: 1289 RECOGNITIONUM L⟨ ⟩ (the rest of the head lies outside the column image)
marginal letters: A ‹diligunt, cum utique olim›; B ‹traria in te quam profitebaris›; C ‹hil est occultum quod non agnoscetur›; D ‹polliceris, sed et ostendere›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: note numerals 84, 85 left out; the scripture references stand only in the foot notes (Matth. X, 26; Luc. VIII, 5), not in the text, and are supplied in the English. Printer's signature ‹PATROL. GR. I.› at the foot left out. Column opens mid-sentence at ‹diligunt› and ends at ‹Et›.

PG 1:1290

Petrus : Video te sentire quod arguendus sis, et vis urbane subterfugere certamen; nam quid vidisti me iratum fecisse in te hominem tantum populum decipere cupientem, et cum nihil habeas quod dicas, modestiam simulantem? qui et auctoritate tua jubes, ut quomodo ipse vis et non quomodo ordo postulat, controversia moveatur. Et Simon : Imperabo mihi ipsi patientia uti ad imperitiam tuam, ut ostendam te quidem velle populum seducere, me autem docere quae vera sunt. Sed nunc omitto de immensa luce discutere, quod interrogo te, hoc mihi responde : Cum Deus fecerit universa, ut tu dicis, unde est malum? Et Petrus : Hoc modo interrogare non est adversantis, sed discentis. Si ergo vis discere, confitere, et prius te doceam quomodo debeas discere, et cum didiceris audire, tunc jam te incipiam consequenter docere. Si vero non vis discere tanquam sciens omnia, ego prius expono fidem quam praedico, expone et tu quod tibi verum videtur, et cum manifesta fuerit utriusque professio, judicetur ab auditoribus cujus nostrum sermo sit veritate subnixus. Et Simon ad haec respondit : Risus mihi est, ecce qui promittit quod me doceat. Verumtamen patiar te et imperitiam tuam atque arrogantiam feram. Confiteor, discere volo, videamus quomodo me poteris docere.

Peter: I see that you perceive that you are to be convicted, and you wish to slip politely out of the contest; for what have you seen me do in anger against you, a man desiring to deceive so great a people, and, since you have nothing to say, feigning modesty? You who even order by your own authority that the dispute be conducted as you yourself wish and not as order requires. And Simon: I shall command myself to use patience towards your lack of skill, so that I may show that you indeed wish to seduce the people, but that I teach what is true. But for now I leave off discussing the immense light; answer me this which I ask you: Since God made all things, as you say, whence is evil? And Peter: To ask in this manner is not the part of one who opposes, but of one who learns. If, therefore, you wish to learn, confess it, and let me first teach you how you ought to learn, and when you have learned to listen, then at last I shall begin to teach you in due order. But if you do not wish to learn, as one who knows all things, I first set forth the faith which I preach; do you also set forth what seems true to you, and when the profession of each has become manifest, let it be judged by the hearers whose discourse of us two is supported by truth. And to this Simon answered: It is a laughing matter to me: behold one who promises to teach me. Nevertheless I shall put up with you, and bear your lack of skill and your arrogance. I confess it, I wish to learn; let us see how you will be able to teach me.

XVI. Et Petrus : Si, inquit, vere vis discere, disce hoc primum, quam imperite interrogaveris; ais enim, cum Deus universa creaverit, unde est malum? Ante enim quam hoc rogares, tres interrogandi species praecedebant. Primo, si est malum; secundo, quid sit malum; tertio, cui sit, et unde. Ad haec Simon : O imperitissime, inquit, et ineruditissime, estne hominum quisquam qui non confiteatur, quia sit in hac vita malum? Unde et ego putans te vel communem omnium habere sensum, interrogavi unde sit malum, non ut discere volens, qui omnia sciam, abs te praecipue qui nihil noveris, sed ut te ostendam ignarum esse omnium. Et ne putes quia iratus sum quod ita tecum austerius loquor, miseratio me habet horum qui adsunt, quos tu decipere conaris. Et Petrus ait : Multum malus es, si tantas injurias non iratus facis; sed impossibile est fumum non consurgere, ubi ignis est. Verumtamen dicam, ne te verbis videar occupare, quominus ad ea quae abs te inconvenienter sunt dicta, respondeam. Ais omnes fateri quia sit malum, quod utique falsum est; nam primo omnium quia subsistat malum, universa Hebraeorum negat gens.

XVI. And Peter says: If you truly wish to learn, learn this first, how unskilfully you have asked; for you say, Since God created all things, whence is evil? For before you asked this, three kinds of question came first. First, whether there is evil; secondly, what evil is; thirdly, to whom it is, and whence. To this Simon says: O most unskilled and most unlearned man, is there anyone among men who does not confess that there is evil in this life? Whence I also, supposing that you had at least the common sense of all men, asked whence evil is, not as wishing to learn, since I know all things, least of all from you who know nothing, but that I might show you to be ignorant of all things. And lest you think that I am angry because I speak thus rather sternly with you: pity holds me for those who are present, whom you are trying to deceive. And Peter says: You are very wicked, if you commit such great outrages without being angry; but it is impossible for smoke not to rise where there is fire. Nevertheless I shall speak, lest I seem to keep you busy with words, so as not to answer the things that have been unfittingly said by you. You say that all confess that there is evil, which is certainly false; for, first of all, the whole nation of the Hebrews denies that evil subsists.

XVII. Et Simon, interrupto ejus sermone : Recte, inquit, faciunt qui dicunt non esse malum. Et Petrus : Non de hoc nunc proposuimus dicere, sed quia non omnes dicunt esse malum. Secundum autem erat interrogare te, quid est malum, substantia, an accidens, an actus? sed et alia multa hujusmodi. Et post haec, erga quid vel quomodo

XVII. And Simon, interrupting his discourse, says: They do rightly who say that there is no evil. And Peter: It is not of this that we have now proposed to speak, but that not all say that there is evil. But the second thing was for you to ask what evil is, a substance, or an accident, or an act? and many other things of this kind besides. And after these, towards what, or how

Editors' notes and page, col. 1290

Page

running head: RECOGNITIONUM LIB. III. 1290
marginal letters: A ‹Petrus : Video te sentire›; B ‹debeas discere, et cum didiceris›; C ‹lum? Ante enim quam hoc rogares›; D ‹non consurgere, ubi ignis est›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: ‹immensâ› is printed with a circumflex, set without. Printer's signature ‹41› at the foot left out. A dark scan mark crosses the line ends at ‹vis›, ‹expono›, ‹verum›, ‹disce›, ‹ais›, all legible. Column ends mid-sentence at ‹quomodo›.

PG 1:1291

sit, aut cui sit malum, utrum Deo an angelis, an hominibus, piis an impiis, omnibus an aliquibus, an sibi ipsi, an nulli. Et tunc interrogares unde sit, utrumnam a Deo, an ex nihilo, semperne fuerit, an ex tempore coeperit, utile sit an inutile, et alia multa quae hujuscemodi propositio exigit. Ad haec Simon respondit : Ignosce mihi, erravi de prima interrogatione, sed puta me nunc primum interrogare, est malum an non?

it is, or to whom evil is, whether to God or to angels, or to men, to the pious or to the impious, to all or to some, or to itself, or to none. And then you should have asked whence it is, whether from God, or from nothing, whether it has always been, or began in time, whether it is useful or useless, and many other things which a proposition of this kind requires. To this Simon answered: Pardon me, I erred as to the first question; but suppose that I now ask for the first time: is there evil or not?

XVIII. Et Petrus ait : Quomodo interrogas, quasi discere volens an docere, an quaestionis movendae gratia? Si quidem quasi discere volens, habeo quod te prius doceam, ut per consequentiam et ordinem doctrinae veniens, ex te ipso intelligas quid sit malum. Si vero ut docens proponis, non indigeo abs te doceri, habeo enim magistrum a quo omnia didici. Quod si quaestionis movendae et disputandi gratia, uterque nostrum prius quod sibi videtur, exponat et ita certamen habeatur. Neque enim verum est ut interroges quasi discere volens, et contradicas ut docens, ut post responsionem meam in tuo judicio sit dicere, si bene an male dixerim. Propter quod non potes in loco contradicentis stans judex esse eorum quae dicimus; et ideo, ut dixi, si certamen habendum est, uterque nostrum quod sentit exponat, et nobis in conflictu positis religiosi auditores hi justi judices erunt.

XVIII. And Peter says: In what way do you ask: as one wishing to learn, or to teach, or for the sake of raising a question? If indeed as one wishing to learn, I have something to teach you first, so that, coming by the sequence and order of the teaching, you may understand of yourself what evil is. But if you put it forward as one teaching, I have no need to be taught by you, for I have a master from whom I have learned all things. But if for the sake of raising a question and of disputing, let each of us first set forth what seems good to him, and so let the contest be held. For it is not right that you should ask as one wishing to learn and contradict as one teaching, so that after my answer it should lie in your judgement to say whether I have spoken well or ill. Wherefore you cannot, standing in the place of a contradictor, be judge of the things that we say; and therefore, as I said, if a contest is to be held, let each of us set forth what he thinks, and while we are placed in conflict these devout hearers will be just judges.

XIX. Et Simon : Non tibi videtur absurdum ut imperitus populus de nostris dictis habeat judicium? Et Petrus : Non ita est, quod enim uni fortasse minus liquet, investigari a plurimis poterit, nam saepe etiam fama vulgi prophetiae speciem tenet. Super haec autem omnia, praesens hic omnis populus amore Dei constrictus hic astat, verique cognoscendi gratia, et ideo omnes isti quasi unus habendus est, pro uno eodemque erga amorem veritatis affectu, sicut e contrario duo inter se si dissentiant, multi sunt et diversi. Si autem vis indicium capere, quomodo omnis hic populus qui astat quasi unus sit homo, ex silentio ejus ipso et quiete considera, quomodo cum omni patientia ut vides, etiam antequam discant, veritati Dei honorem deferunt. Nondum enim majorem cultum, quem ei deferre debeant, didicerunt. Propter quod spero de clementia Dei, quod religiosum propositum mentis eorum amplectetur erga se, et veritatem praedicanti victoriae palmam dabit, ut manifestum eis faciat veritatis praeconem.

XIX. And Simon: Does it not seem absurd to you that an unskilled people should have judgement over our words? And Peter: It is not so; for what is perhaps less clear to one can be searched out by very many, for often even the report of the common people holds the appearance of prophecy. But over and above all these things, all this people here present stands here bound by the love of God, and for the sake of knowing the truth, and therefore all these are to be counted as one, on account of one and the same affection towards the love of truth, just as, on the contrary, two, if they disagree with each other, are many and diverse. But if you wish to take a token of how all this people that stands by is as one man, consider it from its very silence and quiet, how with all patience, as you see, even before they learn, they offer honour to the truth of God. For they have not yet learned the greater worship which they ought to offer to it. Wherefore I hope from the clemency of God that He will embrace the devout purpose of their mind towards Himself, and will give the palm of victory to him who preaches the truth, so that He may make manifest to them the herald of truth.

XX. Tum Simon : De quo, inquit, vis haberi certamen? dic, ut et ego definiam quod mihi videtur, et ita quaestio incipiat. Et Petrus respondit :

XX. Then Simon says: About what do you wish the contest to be held? Say, so that I also may define what seems good to me, and so let the question begin. And Peter answered:

Editors' notes and page, col. 1291

Footnotes

(86) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1291 or 1292 (call not visible in the foot image)

Vocabula sciens — judicandi sunt et quae paulo post sequuntur et opinantibus — judicandus est desunt in utroque cod. Lips.

The words "sciens — judicandi sunt," and those which follow a little after, "et opinantibus — judicandus est," are wanting in both Leipzig codices.

(printed under page 643)

(87) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1291 or 1292 (call not visible in the foot image)

Matth. VI, 33.

Matthew 6:33.

(printed under page 643)

(89) ‹anchor: Neque enim verum est (lemma; call not visible in the foot image)› · call in col 1291 or 1292 (call not visible in the foot image)

Neque enim verum est. Ἀληθές ἐστι pro δίκαιόν ἐστι, oratio Attica. Verum est pro justum est, aequum est, oratio Romana. Docent, adductisque exemplis firmant grammatici, veteres ac recentiores. Horatius, Epist. I, VII, 98: Metiri se quemque suo modulo ac pede verum est.

"For neither is it true [right]." Ἀληθές ἐστι for δίκαιόν ἐστι is an Attic way of speaking; "verum est" for "it is just, it is fair" is a Roman way of speaking. The grammarians, ancient and more recent, teach this and confirm it by examples adduced. Horace, Epistles I, 7, 98: "It is right that each man measure himself by his own rule and foot."

(printed under page 643)

Page

running head: 1291 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. (the rest of the head lies outside the column image)
marginal letters: A ‹sit, aut cui sit malum›; B ‹abs te doceri, habeo enim›; C ‹cium? Et Petrus : Non ita est›; D ‹spero de clementia Dei›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1292

Si quidem ut mihi videtur facere vis, ego secundum magistri mei praeceptum fieri volo, qui primo omnium Hebraeae genti, quam sciebat habere cognitionem Dei et quod ipse esset qui fecerit mundum, praecepit, non ut eum quaereret quem sciebat, sed voluntatem ejus justitiamque perquireret sciens, quia in hominum arbitrio positum est, ut hoc quaerentes inveniant et faciant atque observent ea de quibus judicandi sunt. Et ideo jussit nos quaerere, non unde sit malum, ut tu paulo ante requirebas, sed justitiam boni Dei regnumque ejus, et omnia, inquit, haec adjicientur vobis. Et Simon : Quoniam, inquit, Hebraeis ista mandantur velut recte scientibus Deum et opinantibus, quod unusquisque in suo arbitrio habeat agere ea, de quibus judicandus est, mihi autem ab illis discrepat sententia, unde vis ut incipiam?

If indeed you are willing to do as seems good to me, I wish it to be done according to the precept of my Master, Who first of all commanded the Hebrew nation, which He knew to have knowledge of God and that it was He Who made the world, not that it should seek Him Whom it knew, but that, knowing Him, it should search out His will and righteousness, because it is placed in the choice of men that, seeking this, they may find and do and observe the things concerning which they are to be judged. And therefore He bade us seek, not whence evil is, as you were asking a little while ago, but the righteousness of the good God and His kingdom, and all these things, He says, shall be added to you (Matt. 6:33). And Simon says: Since these things are enjoined on the Hebrews as on men who rightly know God and are of opinion that each one has it in his own choice to do the things concerning which he is to be judged, whereas my opinion differs from theirs, whence do you wish me to begin?

XXI. Tum Petrus : Ego, inquit, suadeo primo quaerendum esse, si in potestate nostra est scire unde judicandi simus. Et Simon : Non ita, inquit, sed de Deo, unde et omnes qui praesto sunt audire cupiunt. Et Petrus : Constat ergo apud te, quia est aliquid in arbitrii potestate; fatere hoc tantum si est, et requiramus ut dicis, de Deo. Simon ad haec respondit : Nequaquam. Et Petrus : Si ergo nihil est in nostra potestate, superfluum est nos quaerere aliquid de Deo, cum in potestate non sit quaerentibus invenire. Unde bene dixeram hoc primo quaerendum esse, si est aliquid in arbitrii potestate. Tum Simon : Non possumus, inquit, ne hoc ipsum quidem intelligere quod dicis, si est aliquid in arbitrii potestate. At Petrus videns quod ad partem se contentiosiorem declinat, superari metuens, ut quasi incertum confundat omnia, respondit : Quomodo ergo scis, quia non est in hominis potestate scire aliquid, cum hoc ipsum scias?

XXI. Then Peter says: I advise that it should first be inquired whether it is in our power to know on what ground we are to be judged. And Simon says: Not so, but about God, about Whom also all who are present desire to hear. And Peter: It is settled with you, then, that there is something in the power of choice; only confess this, if it is so, and let us inquire, as you say, about God. To this Simon answered: By no means. And Peter: If, therefore, nothing is in our power, it is superfluous for us to inquire anything about God, since it is not in the power of those who seek to find. Whence I had well said that this should first be inquired, whether there is anything in the power of choice. Then Simon says: We cannot understand even this very thing that you say, whether there is anything in the power of choice. But Peter, seeing that he was turning aside to the more contentious part, fearing to be overcome, so as to throw everything into confusion as though it were uncertain, answered: How then do you know that it is not in man's power to know anything, since you know this very thing?

XXII. Et Simon : Nescio, inquit, si vel hoc ipsum sciam; unusquisque enim sicut ei fato decernitur, vel agit aliquid vel intelligit vel patitur. Tum Petrus : Videte, inquit, fratres, in quae absurda deciderit Simon, qui ante meum adventum docebat, quod homines in potestate haberent et sapere et facere quae vellent, nunc in angustum redactus necessitate verborum, negat esse in hominis potestate aut sentiendi aliquid aut agendi, et tamen audet se doctorem profiteri. Sed dic, quomodo ergo Deus judicat secundum veritatem unumquemque pro actibus suis, si agere aliquid in potestate non habuit? Hoc si teneatur, convulsa sunt omnia, frustra erit studium sectandi meliora, sed et judices saeculi frustra legibus praesunt et puniunt eos qui male agunt; non enim in sua potestate

XXII. And Simon says: I do not know whether I know even this very thing; for each one, as is decreed for him by fate, either does something or understands or suffers. Then Peter says: See, brothers, into what absurdities Simon has fallen, who before my coming used to teach that men have it in their power both to be wise and to do what they will; now, driven into a strait by the necessity of his words, he denies that it is in man's power either to perceive anything or to do anything, and yet he dares to profess himself a teacher. But say, how then does God judge each one according to truth for his acts, if he did not have it in his power to do anything? If this be held, all things are overthrown; the endeavour to follow better things will be in vain; and the judges of the world also preside over the laws in vain and punish those who do evil; for not in their own power

Editors' notes and page, col. 1292

Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1292
marginal letters: A ‹Si quidem ut mihi videtur›; B ‹candus est, mihi autem ab illis›; C ‹quidem intelligere quod dicis›; D ‹minis potestate aut sentiendi›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column opens inside ch. XX (Peter's answer, the paragraph begun in col. 1291), not at a printed paragraph break. Note numerals 86, 87 left out; the scripture reference stands only in foot note 87 (Matth. VI, 33), not in the text, and is supplied in the English. Critical note 86 (editors' apparatus, across both columns) records that the words ‹sciens — judicandi sunt› and ‹et opinantibus — judicandus est› are wanting in both Leipzig codices; not set. A smudge lies over ‹sit malum› / ‹justitiam›, both legible. Column ends mid-sentence at ‹potestate›. Foot of page: Cotelerii notae, not set.

PG 1:1293

habuerunt, ut non peccarent. Vana erunt et jura populorum, quae malis actibus poenas statuunt; miseri erunt et hi qui servant cum labore justitiam, beati vero illi qui in deliciis positi, cum luxuria et scelere viventes tyrannidem tenent. Secundum haec ergo nec justitia erit, nec bonitas, nec ulla virtus, et, ut vis, nec Deus. Sed haec, o Simon, cur dixeris scio; volens profecto effugere quaestiones, ne possis manifestius confutari, et ideo ais non esse in potestate hominis sentire aliquid aut invenire. Si enim vere hoc ita sensisses, non utique etiam ante adventum meum apud populum te profitereris doctorem. Ego igitur dico sui esse arbitrii hominem. Et Simon : Quid est sui arbitrii? dic nobis. Petrus ad haec : Si nihil potest disci, cur et audire vis? Et Simon : Nihil habes ad hoc quod respondeas?

did they have it not to sin. Vain also will be the laws of the peoples, which appoint penalties for evil acts; wretched also will be those who keep righteousness with labour, but blessed those who, placed in delights, living in luxury and crime, hold tyranny. According to this, therefore, there will be neither righteousness, nor goodness, nor any virtue, and, as you would have it, no God. But why you have said these things, O Simon, I know: surely because you wish to escape the questions, so that you may not be more manifestly refuted; and therefore you say that it is not in man's power to perceive or find out anything. For if you had truly thought so, you would surely not have professed yourself a teacher among the people even before my coming. I say, therefore, that man is of free choice. And Simon: What is being of free choice? Tell us. To this Peter: If nothing can be learned, why do you even wish to hear? And Simon: Have you nothing to answer to this?

XXIII. Tum Petrus : Dicam, non a te compulsus, sed ab auditoribus rogatus. Arbitrii potestas est sensus animae, habens virtutem, qua possit ad quos velit actus inclinari. Tum Simon collaudans Petrum super his quae dixerat : Vere, inquit, magnifice et incomparabiliter exposuisti, bene enim dicenti tibi debeo testimonium dare : hoc tamen quod te interrogo nunc si exposueris mihi, in caeteris omnibus obtemperabo tibi; quod ergo volo discere hoc est : Si quod Deus vult esse, est; et si quod non vult esse, non est? de hoc responde mihi. Et Petrus : Si ignoras quod absurde et incompetenter interroges, ignoscens tibi ipse exponam; si autem scis quod inconsequenter interrogas, non recte facis. Tum Simon : Juro, inquit, ipsam quaecunque illa est summam Divinitatem, quae habet judicium et vindictam in eos qui peccant, quia ignoro quid incompetenter dixerim et quid in verbis meis habeatur absurdum, in his duntaxat quae proposui.

XXIII. Then Peter: I shall say, not compelled by you, but asked by the hearers. The power of choice is a sense of the soul, having a virtue by which it can be inclined to whatever acts it wills. Then Simon, praising Peter for the things that he had said, says: Truly you have set it forth magnificently and incomparably, for I ought to bear witness to you when you speak well; yet if you now explain to me this which I ask you, in all other things I shall yield to you; what I wish to learn, then, is this: whether that which God wills to be, is, and that which He does not will to be, is not? Answer me about this. And Peter: If you do not know that you are asking absurdly and unfittingly, I shall pardon you and explain it myself; but if you know that you are asking inconsequently, you do not act rightly. Then Simon says: I swear by the supreme Divinity itself, whatever it is, which has judgement and vengeance upon those who sin, that I do not know what I have said unfittingly and what is held to be absurd in my words, at least in those which I have put forward.

XXIV. Ad haec Petrus : Quoniam, inquit, te ignorare confessus es, disce. Interrogatio tua duobus sibi invicem contrariis unam sententiam postulavit. Etenim omnis motus in duas partes dividitur, ut quaedam necessitate, quaedam voluntate moveantur, et ea quidem quae necessitas movet semper in motu sunt, quae vero voluntas non semper. Ut verbi gratia dicam, solis motus necessitate ducitur ut statutum compleat cursum, omnisque status

XXIV. To this Peter says: Since you have confessed that you do not know, learn. Your question demanded one judgement for two things contrary to each other. For every motion is divided into two parts, so that some things are moved by necessity, some by will; and those indeed which necessity moves are always in motion, but those which will moves, not always. To speak by way of example, the motion of the sun is led by necessity so that it completes its appointed course, and every state

Editors' notes and page, col. 1293

Footnotes

(88) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1293 or 1294 (call not visible in the foot image)

Vocabula Cum autem—conservat ea et haec ut dixi—studebunt non leguntur in codd. Lips.

The words "Cum autem—conservat ea" and "haec ut dixi—studebunt" are not read in the Leipzig codices.

(printed under page 644)

(90) ‹anchor: Arbitrii potestas est... inclinari (lemma; call not visible in the foot image)› · call in col 1293 or 1294 (call not visible in the foot image)

Arbitrii potestas est... inclinari. Gregorius Nyssenus: Αὐτεξουσιότης ἐστὶ ψυχῆς λογικῆς θέλησις, ἑτοίμως κινουμένη εἰς ὅπερ ἂν θέλῃ; atque ex Graeco Diadochus, De perfectione spirituali.

"The power of choice is ... to be inclined." Gregory of Nyssa: "Free will is the willing of a rational soul, readily moved towards whatever it wills"; and, from the Greek, Diadochus, On Spiritual Perfection.

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Page

running head: 1293 RECOGNITIONUM ⟨ ⟩ (the rest of the head lies outside the column image)
marginal letters: A ‹habuerunt, ut non peccarent›; B ‹et audire vis? Et Simon›; C ‹tenter interroges, ignoscens›; D ‹verbi gratia dicam, solis motus›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1294

coeli et ministeria necessariis motibus constant. Homo vero actuum suorum motus voluntarios gerit. Et ideo alia sunt, quae ob hoc creata sunt, ut in ministeriis suis necessitate deserviant, nec facere aliud quidpiam possint nisi quod eis statutum est, cum autem expleverint ministerium, Creator omnium qui ita constituit ea prout voluerit, conservat ea. Alia vero sunt, ubi potestas est voluntatis, et in quibus agendi quae velint liberum habetur arbitrium. Haec, ut dixi, non semper in eo ordine quo creata sunt permanent, sed prout voluntas duxerit et animi judicium declinaverit, sive bonis sive malis studebunt; et ideo bene agentibus munera posuit, male agentibus poenas.

of heaven and its ministries consist in necessary motions. But man carries on the voluntary motions of his own acts. And therefore there are some things which were created for this, that they should serve in their ministries by necessity, and be able to do nothing else but what has been appointed for them; and when they have fulfilled their ministry, the Creator of all, Who so established them according as He willed, preserves them. But there are others in which there is the power of will, and in which a free choice is had of doing what they will. These, as I said, do not always remain in that order in which they were created, but according as the will leads and the judgement of the mind inclines, they will apply themselves either to good things or to evil; and therefore He has set rewards for those who do well, penalties for those who do ill.

XXV. Ais ergo tu, si Deus vult aliquid esse et est, et si non vult non est; scilicet ut si responderem quia quod vult et est, quod autem non vult non est, diceres : Ergo ipse vult esse mala quae in hoc mundo geruntur, quia omne quod vult hoc et est, quod autem non vult non est. Si vero respondissem non esse hoc, ut quod vult Deus sit, et quod non vult non sit, tum retorto sermone diceres; Ergo impossibilis est Deus, si quod vult non potest, et existeres petulantior, ut qui nihil rectum dixeris, vicisse te crederes. Et ideo ignoras, o Simon, et valde ignoras, quomodo in singulis quibusque voluntas sit Dei. Quaedam enim voluit, ut diximus, ita esse, ut aliud esse non possent quam id quod ab ipso instituta sunt, et his neque praemia neque supplicia statuit; ea vero quae ita esse voluit, ut in sua potestate habeant agere quod velint, his pro actibus ac voluntatibus suis statuit, ut aut remunerationes mereantur aut poenas. Cum ergo in duas ut edocui partes dividantur cuncta quae moventur, secundum eam quam supra diximus distinctionem, omne quod vult Deus est, quod autem non vult non est.

XXV. You say, therefore: if God wills something to be, it also is, and if He does not will it, it is not; plainly so that, if I answered that what He wills also is, and what He does not will is not, you might say: Therefore He Himself wills the evils to be which are done in this world, because everything that He wills, this also is, and what He does not will is not. But if I had answered that it is not so, that what God wills is and what He does not will is not, then, turning the argument back, you would say: Therefore God is powerless, if He cannot do what He wills; and you would become more insolent, so that you, who have said nothing right, would believe that you had won. And therefore you are ignorant, O Simon, and greatly ignorant, of how the will of God stands in each several thing. For some things, as we have said, He willed to be such that they could be nothing other than that which they were instituted by Him to be, and for these He appointed neither rewards nor punishments; but those which He willed to be such that they have it in their own power to do what they will, for these He appointed, according to their acts and wills, that they should earn either recompenses or penalties. Since, therefore, as I have taught, all things that are moved are divided into two parts, according to that distinction which we stated above, everything that God wills is, and what He does not will is not.

XXVI. Et Simon ad haec : Nonne poterat nos omnes facere tales ut essemus boni, et aliud esse non possemus? Petrus respondet : Et hoc absurde interrogas. Si enim nos inconvertibilis naturae fecisset et immobiles a bono, non essemus vere boni, quia aliud esse non possemus; et non erat nostri propositi quod eramus boni, nec nostrum erat quod agebamus sed necessitatis naturae. Quomodo ergo hoc bonum dicetur, quod ex proposito non agitur? Ob hoc autem et prolixioribus indiguit

XXVI. And Simon to this: Could He not have made us all such that we should be good, and not be able to be otherwise? Peter answers: This too you ask absurdly. For if He had made us of an unchangeable nature and immovable from good, we should not be truly good, because we could not be otherwise; and it would not have been of our own purpose that we were good, nor would what we did have been ours, but of the necessity of nature. How then shall that be called good which is not done of purpose? And for this reason the world also had need of longer

Editors' notes and page, col. 1294

Footnotes

(89) ‹anchor: Quaedam› · call in col 1294

Quaedam—aut poenas desunt in cod. Lips.

"Quaedam—aut poenas" is wanting in the Leipzig codex.

(printed under page 644)

(91) ‹anchor: Ob hoc autem› · call in col 1294

Ob hoc autem, etc. Collectanea sacra S. Damasceni, quae in multis diversa ab excusis, et auctiora servantur apud Patres Societatis Jesu, capite Περὶ ἀμοιβῆς καὶ ἀνταποδόσεως ἐν ἡμέρᾳ κρίσεως, etc.: Τοῦ ἁγίου Κλήμεντος ἐπισκόπου Ῥώμης ἐκ τοῦ α΄ λόγου τῶν Περιόδων..... Διὰ τοῦτο μακροῦ ἐδέησε χρόνου ὁ κόσμος, μέχρις ἂν ὁ τῷ Θεῷ προορισθεὶς τῶν ἀγαθῶν ψυχῶν ἀριθμὸς ἀναπλήρωσιν λάβῃ. Καὶ τότε αἱ τῶν ἀγαθῶν ψυχαὶ, ὡς φῶς τὰ σώματα ἀμφιέσονται· αἱ δὲ τῶν ἀσεβῶν, διὰ τῶν ἀκαθάρτων πράξεων πυρινῷ πνεύματι ἀνακεκραμέναι, εἰς τὸν βυθὸν τοῦ ἀσβέστου πυρὸς ἐνεχθεῖσαι, εἰς αἰῶνα κλυδωνισθήσονται. Vide superius lib. I, cap. 24.

"But for this reason," etc. The Sacred Collections of St. [John] Damascene, which are preserved among the Fathers of the Society of Jesus in a form differing in many points from the printed text and fuller, in the chapter "On recompense and requital in the day of judgement," etc.: "Of the holy Clement, bishop of Rome, from the first book of the Circuits..... For this reason the world needed a long time, until the number of good souls foreordained by God should receive its completion. And then the souls of the good will put on their bodies as light; but those of the impious, mingled through their unclean deeds with a fiery spirit, borne down into the depth of the unquenchable fire, will be tossed for ever." See above, book I, chapter 24.

(printed under page 644)

Page

running head: RECOGNITIONUM LIB. III. 1294
marginal letters: A ‹coeli et ministeria necessariis›; B ‹et si non vult non est›; C ‹ea vero quae ita esse voluit›; D ‹ergo hoc bonum dicetur›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: foot reference 88 is called in this column (after "cum autem", seen on the column image); its text is set in n1293, which leaves the column of the call open. Cotelier's note (90), printed under the same page, is called in col 1293. (Q4b)

PG 1:1295

mundus iste temporibus, donec animarum quae praedestinatae sunt, ad expletionem ejus numerus impleretur, et tunc istud quidem visibile coelum revolveretur ut liber, illud vero quod est superius appareret, et animae beatorum corporibus suis redditae inducerentur in lucem, impiorum vero animae pro immundis actibus suis spiritu flammeo circumdatae, in profundum ignis inexstinguibilis mergerentur, per saeculum expensurae supplicia. Haec autem ita esse verus nobis propheta testatus est, de quo si vis agnoscere quia propheta sit, innumeris assertionibus edocebo. Ex his enim quae ab eo dicta sunt, et nunc singula quae dixit implentur; etiam ea quae futura dixit, creduntur implenda, fides enim futuris ex his quae jam gesta sunt datur.

this world [should endure] for periods of time, until the number of the souls that have been predestined should be filled up to its completion, and then this visible heaven should be rolled up like a scroll, while that which is higher should appear, and the souls of the blessed, restored to their bodies, should be led into the light, but the souls of the impious, for their unclean deeds surrounded with a fiery spirit, should be plunged into the depth of unquenchable fire, to pay their punishments throughout the age. And that these things are so the true Prophet has testified to us; concerning whom, if you wish to learn that he is a prophet, I shall instruct you by innumerable proofs. For of the things that were said by him, even now each thing that he said is being fulfilled; those things also which he said would come are believed to be going to be fulfilled, for faith is given to things future from those which have already been done.

XXVII. At Simon cui compertum erat, Petrum de prophetiae titulo dilucide assignare rationem, ex quo quaestio omnis absolvitur, sermonem de hoc fieri declinavit, et respondens ait: Ad ea quae volo responde mihi et dic, si visibile istud, ut ais, coelum resolvetur, cur ex initio factum est? Respondit Petrus: Propter hominum praesentem hanc factum est vitam, ut esset interjectio quaedam et divisio, ne quis forte indignus habitationem coelestium et Dei ipsius sedem videret, quae his solis qui mundo corde sunt videnda praeparantur. Nunc autem, id est agonis tempore, invisibilia esse placuit ea, quae vincentibus ad praemium destinata sunt. Et Simon ait: Si conditor bonus est et mundus bonus, quomodo bonus bona dissolvet aliquando? Si autem dissolvet quod bonum est, quomodo ipse bonus videbitur? Si autem quasi malum resolvet et destruet, quomodo non videbitur malus qui malum fecit?

XXVII. But Simon, who had found out that Peter lucidly assigns the reason from the head of prophecy, by which every question is resolved, declined to have the discourse turn on this, and answering said: Answer me as to the things I wish, and say: if this visible heaven, as you say, is to be dissolved, why was it made in the beginning? Peter answered: It was made for the sake of this present life of men, that there might be a certain interposition and partition, lest perchance anyone unworthy should see the habitation of the heavenly beings and the seat of God Himself, which are prepared to be seen by those alone who are of clean heart. But now, that is, in the time of the contest, it has pleased [Him] that those things be invisible which are destined as the reward for those who conquer. And Simon said: If the Maker is good and the world is good, how will the good one at some time dissolve good things? But if he will dissolve what is good, how will he himself be seen to be good? But if he will dissolve and destroy it as evil, how will he not be seen to be evil who made what is evil?

XXVIII. Petrus ad haec: Quoniam, inquit, spopondimus tibi, ne blasphemantem te fugiamus, ipse enim reddes pro his quae loqueris rationem, patienter ferimus. Audi ergo nunc: Coelum istud quod visibile est et pertransit, si quidem propter semetipsum factum esset, haberet fortasse quod dicis aliquid rationis, quia resolvi minime deberet. Si vero propter aliud quid factum est et non propter se, necessario solvetur, ut illud pro quo factum videtur appareat. Sicut verbi gratia dixerim, testa ovorum quamvis pulchre facta et diligenter formata videatur, necesse est tamen eam frangi et resolvi, ut inde pullus procedat et illud, pro quo totius ovi forma expressa videtur, appareat. Ita ergo et hujus mundi necesse est transire statum, ut status ille sublimior regni coelestis effulgeat.

XXVIII. Peter to this: Since, he said, we have promised you that we would not flee from you when you blaspheme, for you yourself will render an account for the things you speak, we bear it patiently. Hear therefore now: This heaven which is visible and passes away, if indeed it had been made for its own sake, what you say would perhaps have some reason, that it ought by no means to be dissolved. But if it was made for the sake of something else and not for its own sake, it will necessarily be dissolved, so that that for which it is seen to have been made may appear. Just as, to speak by way of example, the shell of eggs, although it seems beautifully made and carefully formed, must nevertheless be broken and dissolved, so that the chick may come forth from it and that for which the form of the whole egg is seen to have been fashioned may appear. So therefore the state of this world too must pass away, so that that more sublime state of the heavenly kingdom may shine forth.

XXIX. Et Simon: Non mihi videtur quia resolvi possit coelum, quod a Deo factum est. Ab aeterno enim aeterna fiunt, a corruptibili temporalia et caduca. Et Petrus: Non ita est, sed a mortalibus quidem omnimodis corruptibilia fiunt et temporalia; ab aeterno vero non semper corruptibilia neque semper

XXIX. And Simon: It does not seem to me that the heaven, which was made by God, can be dissolved. For from the eternal eternal things are made, from the corruptible temporal and perishable things. And Peter: It is not so; but from mortals indeed in every way corruptible and temporal things are made; whereas from the eternal [there are] not always corruptible nor always

Editors' notes and page, col. 1295

Footnotes

(90) ‹anchor: mundo corde sunt› · call in col 1295

Matth. V, 8.

Matthew 5:8.

(printed under page 645)

(91) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1295 or 1296 (call not visible in the foot image)

Ibid.

The same place.

(printed under page 645)

(92) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1295 or 1296 (call not visible in the foot image)

Exod. XXXIII, 20.

Exodus 33:20.

(printed under page 645)

Page

running head: 1295 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1296
marginal letters: A ‹mundus iste temporibus,›; B ‹XXVII. At Simon cui compertum›; C ‹quomodo bonus bona dissolvet›; D ‹ovorum quamvis pulchre facta›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1296

incorruptibilia, sed prout voluerit creator Deus, ita et erunt illa quae creat. Neque enim sub lege est virtus Dei, sed lex creaturis suis voluntas ejus est. Respondit et Simon: Revoco te, inquit, ad primam quaestionem, dixisti Deum nunc quidem nulli esse visibilem, cum vero resolutum fuerit coelum istud et supernus ille status regni coelestis obfulserit, tunc eos qui mundi sunt corde, etiam Deum visuros; quae sententia contraria est legi, ibi enim scriptum est Deum dixisse: Nemo videbit faciem meam et vivet.

incorruptible things, but as God the Creator shall have willed, so also will those things be which He creates. For the power of God is not under a law, but His will is the law for His creatures. And Simon answered: I call you back, he said, to the first question; you said that God is now indeed visible to no one, but that when this heaven has been dissolved and that higher state of the heavenly kingdom has shone forth, then those who are clean of heart will also see God; which opinion is contrary to the Law, for there it is written that God said: No one shall see My face and live.

XXX. Et Petrus respondit: His qui legem non ex traditione Moysi legunt, contrarius videtur sermo meus, sed audi quomodo non sit contrarius. Deus videtur mente non corpore, spiritu non carne. Unde et angeli qui sunt spiritus, vident Deum, et homines ergo donec homines sunt, Deum videre non possunt. Ex resurrectione autem mortuorum, cum facti fuerint sicut angeli, videre poterunt Deum. Et hoc modo non est sermo meus legi contrarius, neque illud quod magister meus dixit: Beati mundo corde, quoniam ipsi Deum videbunt. Futurum enim tempus ostendit, in quo ex hominibus angeli fient, qui in spiritu mentis Deum videbunt. Post haec autem verba multaque alia his similia, cum juramentis pluribus affirmare Simon coepit dicens: De hoc mihi solo rationem redde, si immortalis est anima, et obsequar in omnibus voluntati tuae, sed crastino, inquit, nam hodie jam tardum est. Ubi ergo coepit dicere Petrus, Simon egressus est et cum ipso perpauci ex sodalibus ejus, et hoc prae verecundia. Caeteri vero omnes ad Petrum conversi, genibus positis, prosternebant se ante eum, ex quibus aliquanti diversis languoribus astricti aut daemonibus incursati, oratione Petri sanabantur et discedebant gaudentes, quasi veri Dei doctrinam, simul et misericordiam consecuti. Cum ergo abscessissent turbae, et soli familiares ejus remansissemus cum eo, stratis humi redditis accubuimus solitum unusquisque recognoscens locum, sumptoque cibo cum gratias egissemus Deo, quievimus.

XXX. And Peter answered: To those who do not read the Law according to the tradition of Moses, my discourse seems contrary; but hear how it is not contrary. God is seen by the mind, not by the body, by the spirit, not by the flesh. Whence also the angels, who are spirits, see God; and men therefore, as long as they are men, cannot see God. But after the resurrection of the dead, when they have been made like the angels, they will be able to see God. And in this way my discourse is not contrary to the Law, nor is that which my Master said: Blessed are the clean of heart, for they shall see God. For He points to a future time, in which from men angels will be made, who will see God in the spirit of the mind. But after these words and many others like them, Simon began to affirm with many oaths, saying: Give me an account of this one thing only, whether the soul is immortal, and I shall comply with your will in all things; but tomorrow, he said, for today it is already late. When therefore Peter began to speak, Simon went out, and with him a very few of his companions, and this out of shame. But all the rest, turning to Peter, kneeling down, prostrated themselves before him; and some of them, bound by various sicknesses or assailed by demons, were healed by Peter's prayer and departed rejoicing, as having obtained the teaching of the true God and at the same time His mercy. When therefore the crowds had withdrawn, and we his household companions alone had remained with him, the couches having been set again upon the ground, we reclined, each one recognizing his accustomed place, and having taken food, when we had given thanks to God, we rested.

XXXI. Sequenti vero die Petrus ex more ante lucem surgens, jam nos invenit vigilantes et paratos ad audiendum, atque ita exorsus est: Deprecor vos, fratres et conservi mei, ut si quis forte vestrum non potest vigilare, non sibi extorqueat erubescens praesentiam meam, quia difficilis est subita permutatio, longo autem tempore si paulatim assuefiat, labor non erit quod ex usu venit. Non enim omnes ejusdem institutionis fuimus, licet processu temporis in unam temperari consuetudinem poterimus; aiunt enim, quod secundum naturae locum obtineat consuetudo. Testem autem Deum invoco, quod non indignor, si quis forte non potest vigilare, sed hoc magis, si cum totam quis noctem dormiat

XXXI. But on the following day Peter, rising before daylight according to his custom, found us already awake and ready to listen, and so he began: I beseech you, brothers and my fellow servants, that if perchance any one of you is not able to keep awake, he should not force it upon himself out of embarrassment at my presence, because a sudden change is difficult; but if over a long time one grows accustomed little by little, that which comes from habit will be no labour. For we were not all of the same upbringing, although in the course of time we shall be able to be tempered into one custom; for they say that custom holds the place of a second nature. But I call God to witness that I am not displeased if perchance someone is not able to keep awake, but rather at this: if, when someone sleeps the whole night

Editors' notes and page, col. 1296

Footnotes

(93) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1296 (call not visible in the foot image)

Matth. XXII, 30.

Matthew 22:30.

(printed under page 645)

(94) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1296 (call not visible in the foot image)

Matth. V, 8

Matthew 5:8.

(95?) ‹anchor: angeli fient, qui› · call in col 1296 (the note's numeral is illegible in the image; a call stands after "qui") Vocabb. ex hom. angeli fient qui desunt in codd. Lips.

The words "ex hom. angeli fient qui" are wanting in the Leipzig codices.

(printed under page 645)

Page

running head: 1295 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1296
marginal letters: A ‹per incorruptibilia, sed prout›; B ‹Unde et angeli qui sunt spiritus,›; C ‹tardum est. Ubi ergo coepit›; D ‹tos ad audiendum, atque ita›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1297

per diem non replet id quod omisit in nocte. Necessarium namque est doctrinae studiis intente et indesinenter operam dare, ut mens nostra Dei solius memoria repleatur, quia mentem quam repleverit memoria Dei, maligno in ea non dabitur locus.

he does not during the day make up what he left out in the night. For it is necessary to give attention to the studies of doctrine earnestly and unceasingly, so that our mind may be filled with the remembrance of God alone; because, in the mind which the remembrance of God has filled, no place will be given to the evil one.

XXXII. Cum haec diceret ad nos Petrus, unusquisque nostrum sollicite satisfaciebat ei, quod olim brevi somno satiati vigilaremus, sed vereremur excitare eum, quia nec deceret discipulos magistro imperare; quod tamen pene, o Petre, ausi fueramus praesumere, dum cor nostrum nimio verborum tuorum desiderio tripudians, somnum penitus fugaret ab oculis. Sed iterum affectus erga te noster obstitit, et violenter te a nobis non tulit excitari. Tum Petrus: Quoniam igitur audiendi, inquit, desiderio libenter vos asseritis vigilare, volo vobis ea tantum quae hesterno sparsim dicta sunt, repetere diligentius et cum suo ordine explicare. Quod et per singulas quasque disputationes diurnas facere dispono, ut per noctem ubi secretum loci et temporis datur, si quid forte utpote in certamine minus plene dictum est, id integro ordine et linea directa explanationis aperiam. Et post haec coepit nobis ostendere quomodo hesterno haberi debuerit disputatio, et propter contentionem vel imperitiam contradicentis haberi non potuerit, et ideo sola professione usus sit, atque ea quae ab adversario dicebantur, tantum destruxerit, sua vero neque omnia neque manifeste exposuerit; et singula nobis repetens integro ordine et plena ratione disseruit.

XXXII. When Peter was saying these things to us, each one of us anxiously assured him that we had long been awake, satisfied with a short sleep, but were afraid to rouse him, because it would not be fitting for disciples to give orders to their master; which nevertheless, O Peter, we had almost dared to presume, since our heart, leaping with an exceeding desire for your words, drove sleep wholly from our eyes. But again our affection towards you stood in the way, and did not allow you to be roused violently by us. Then Peter: Since therefore, he said, you declare that you gladly keep awake out of a desire to hear, I wish only to repeat to you more carefully, and to unfold in their proper order, the things that were said in scattered fashion yesterday. And this I purpose to do also throughout each of the daily disputations, so that during the night, when privacy of place and time is given, if anything perchance, as happens in a contest, has been said less fully, I may open it up in complete order and with the straight line of explanation. And after this he began to show us how yesterday's disputation ought to have been held, and how, on account of the contentiousness or the unskilfulness of the one contradicting, it could not be so held, and that therefore he had made use of profession only, and had merely destroyed the things that were being said by the adversary, but had set forth his own neither wholly nor plainly; and going over each point for us he discoursed in complete order and with full reasoning.

XXXIII. Cum vero jam albesceret dies, egressus ad turbas post orationem solito ad disputandum constitit loco, et videns Simonem in mediis turbis stantem ex more prius salutato populo ait: Dolori mihi esse fateor de nonnullis hominibus, qui cum ita ad nos veniant ut discant aliquid, ubi eos docere coeperimus, ipsi rursus magistros se esse profitentur, et interrogant quidem ut ignorantes, contradicunt autem ut scientes. Sed fortasse dicat aliquis, quia qui interrogat, ob hoc quidem ut discat interrogat, ubi vero id quod audierit non ei recte dictum videtur, necesse est ut respondeat, et haec videtur esse contradictio, quae non est contradictio, sed reinterrogatio.

XXXIII. But when the day was now growing bright, going out to the crowds after prayer he took his stand in the accustomed place for disputing, and seeing Simon standing in the midst of the crowds, having first greeted the people according to his custom, he said: I confess that it is a grief to me concerning some men, who, though they come to us as if to learn something, when we have begun to teach them, profess in their turn that they themselves are masters, and indeed ask questions as ignorant men, but contradict as men who know. But perhaps someone may say that he who asks, asks indeed for this purpose, that he may learn; but when that which he has heard does not seem to him rightly said, it is necessary that he reply, and this seems to be contradiction, which is not contradiction but a further questioning.

XXXIV. Audiat ergo haec: Totius doctrinae disciplina certum habet ordinem, et sunt quaedam quae prima tradenda sunt, alia vero quae secundo in loco, et alia tertio, et sic singula quaeque per ordinem, quae utique si per consequentiam tradantur, manifesta fiunt; extra ordinem vero si proferantur, etiam contra rationem dicta videbuntur. Et ideo in primis ordo servandus est, si tamen hoc proposito quaeramus, ut possimus quod quaerimus invenire. Etenim qui rectum initium viae acceperit, etiam secundum locum consequenter advertet, et ex secundo tertium facilius inveniet; et quanto ultra processerit, tanto magis ei via agnitionis apertior fiet, usquequo ad ipsam quo tendit et desiderat

XXXIV. Let him therefore hear this: The discipline of all teaching has a fixed order, and there are some things which are to be delivered first, others in the second place, and others in the third, and so each several thing in order; which things, assuredly, if they are delivered in sequence, become plain; but if they are brought forward out of order, they will seem to have been said even against reason. And therefore order is to be observed above all, if at least we seek with this purpose, that we may be able to find what we seek. For he who has taken the right beginning of the way will in consequence perceive the second place also, and from the second will more easily find the third; and the further he advances, so much the more will the way of knowledge become more open to him, until at the very [city] to which he tends and which he desires

Editors' notes and page, col. 1297

Page

running head: 1297 RECOGNITIONUM LIB. III. 1298
marginal letters: A ‹miat, per diem non replet›; B ‹Petrus: Quoniam igitur audiendi,›; C ‹tens integro ordine et plena›; D ‹sed reinterrogatio.›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column's first printed syllable "miat" (end of "dor-|miat") is set under col. 1296; last word "de-|siderat" completed from the first line of col. 1298. In "ultra processerit" the first letter is damaged type (looks like "e" or "c"); read as "ultra". Stains over "discipulos", "Petre", "nimio", "te" (XXXII), all legible from context and outline; "te" is the least clear (†).

PG 1:1298

urbem perveniat veritatis. Qui vero imperitus est et quaerendi viam nescit, sicut peregrinus viator, ignorans et errans, si cive et indigena nolit uti duce, sine dubio cum aberraverit a via veritatis, extra vitae januas remanebit, et ita noctis atrae tenebris involutus per semitas perditionis incedet. Quia ergo si per ordinem quae quaerenda sunt inquirantur, inveniri facillime possunt, ordinem vero requirendi imperitus ignorat, rectum est ut scienti cedat ignarus et primo quaerendi ordinem discat, ut ita demum interrogandi et respondendi inveniat disciplinam.

city of truth he arrives. But he who is unskilled and does not know the way of seeking, like a foreign traveller, ignorant and wandering, if he is unwilling to use a citizen and native as guide, without doubt, when he has strayed from the way of truth, will remain outside the gates of life, and so, wrapped in the darkness of black night, will walk along the paths of perdition. Since therefore, if the things that are to be sought are inquired into in order, they can very easily be found, but the unskilled man does not know the order of inquiry, it is right that the ignorant should yield to the one who knows and first learn the order of seeking, so that thus at length he may find the discipline of questioning and answering.

XXXV. Et Simon ad haec: Non ergo omnium est veritas, sed eorum tantummodo qui artem noverint disputandi, quod utique absurdum est, cum aequaliter sit Deus omnium, non omnes aequaliter posse voluntatem ejus agnoscere. Et Petrus: Aequales, inquit, omnes ab eo facti sunt, et aequaliter cunctis dedit capaces esse veritatis. Verum quod nullus eorum qui nati sunt, eruditus natus sit, sed posterior sit nativitate eruditio, nulli dubium est. Cum igitur nativitas hominum in eo teneat aequitatem, ut omnes similiter percipiendae disciplinae capaces sint, non est in natura, sed in eruditione diversitas. Aut quis nescit, quod ea quae unusquisque didicit, priusquam disceret, ignorabat? Et Simon: Vere, inquit, dicis. Tum Petrus: Si ergo in his artibus quas usus communis habet, primo discitur, deinde docetur, quanto magis oportet eos qui eruditores se profitentur animarum, primo discere, et ita docere, ne, cum sint ipsi imperiti, ridiculum videatur, si aliis se praestituros scientiam repromittant. Tum Simon: In artibus, inquit, his quae usus communis habet, verum est, quod unusquisque nisi didicerit, nesciat, in verbo vero scientiae statim ut audierit quis, didicit.

XXXV. And Simon to this: Truth then does not belong to all, but only to those who know the art of disputing; which is surely absurd, that, since God is equally the God of all, not all should equally be able to know His will. And Peter: All, he said, were made equal by Him, and He gave to all equally to be capable of the truth. But that none of those who have been born was born instructed, but that instruction is later than birth, is doubtful to no one. Since therefore the birth of men holds equality in this, that all are alike capable of receiving discipline, the difference is not in nature but in instruction. Or who does not know that the things which each one has learned, he was ignorant of before he learned them? And Simon: You speak truly, he said. Then Peter: If therefore in those arts which common use has, one first learns and then teaches, how much more ought those who profess themselves instructors of souls first to learn and so to teach, lest, since they themselves are unskilled, it should seem ridiculous if they promise that they will furnish knowledge to others. Then Simon: In those arts, he said, which common use has, it is true that each one, unless he has learned, does not know; but in the word of knowledge, as soon as anyone has heard, he has learned.

XXXVI. Et Petrus: Si quidem per ordinem et consequenter audiat, potest scire quod verum est, sed qui emendatioris vitae regulam conversationisque castioris suscipere recusat, quae utique sequela est scientiae veritatis, scire se quod scit, non vult fateri. Sicut etiam nonnullos videmus, qui artibus quas a puero didicerant derelictis, ad alios se actus conferunt, et ut excusatio sit eis desidiae suae, culpare incipiunt artem velut infructuosam. Et Simon: Deberent omnes audientes credere verum esse, quod audiunt? Tum Petrus: Qui audierint per ordinem sermonem veritatis, contradicere omnino non possunt, sed sciunt verum esse quod dicitur, si tamen libenter etiam vitae instituta suscipiant. Hos vero quos audientes ad bona opera conferre se piget, male agendi libido acquiescere his quae recta judicant, non sinit. Unde ostenditur positum esse in auditorum potestate, eligere utrum malint. Quod si omnes qui audiunt, obedirent, naturae magis esset necessitas, quae una omnes ageret via. Sicut enim suaderi quis non potest, ut fiat brevior aut longior, quia non sinit vis naturae; ita et ad veritatem, si omnes verbo converterentur aut omnes

XXXVI. And Peter: If indeed he hears in order and in sequence, he can know what is true; but he who refuses to take up the rule of a more amended life and of a more chaste way of living, which is assuredly the consequence of the knowledge of the truth, is unwilling to confess that he knows what he knows. Just as we also see some who, having abandoned the arts which they had learned from boyhood, betake themselves to other pursuits, and, that they may have an excuse for their own sloth, begin to blame the art as unfruitful. And Simon: Ought all who hear to believe that what they hear is true? Then Peter: Those who have heard the word of truth in order cannot contradict at all, but know that what is said is true, if at least they also willingly take up the ordinances of life. But those whom, on hearing, it irks to betake themselves to good works, the lust of doing evil does not allow to acquiesce in the things which they judge to be right. Whence it is shown that it is placed in the power of the hearers to choose which of the two they prefer. But if all who hear were to obey, it would rather be a necessity of nature, which would drive all along one way. For just as someone cannot be persuaded to become shorter or taller, because the force of nature does not allow it; so also with regard to the truth, if all were converted by the word, or all

Editors' notes and page, col. 1298

Page

running head: 1297 RECOGNITIONUM LIB. III. 1298
marginal letters: A ‹siderat urbem perveniat veritatis.›; B ‹aequaliter sit Deus omnium,›; C ‹scere, et ita docere, ne,›; D ‹pare incipiunt artem velut›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column's first printed syllables "siderat" (end of "de-|siderat") are set under col. 1297; last word "om-|nes" completed from the first line of col. 1299. In "Cum igitur nativitas" the t prints like a c (damaged type, "igicur"); read as "igitur". Ink blots over "Aequales", "aequaliter", "quod" (XXXV), all legible.

PG 1:1299

non converterentur, naturae esset vis, quae cogebat verbo omnes converti aut nullum omnino converti.

were not converted, it would be the force of nature that was compelling all to be converted by the word, or none at all to be converted.

XXXVII. Et Simon: Doce ergo nos, quid primo oportet discere eum qui veritatem scire desiderat? Et Petrus: Ante omnia, inquit, quaeri oportet, quid sit homini quaerenti invenire possibile. Necesse est enim judicium Dei in hoc stare, si potuit homo bonum facere, et non fecit; et ideo quaerendum est hominibus, si habeant in potestate sua quaerentes invenire quid est bonum, et cum invenerint facere; hoc enim est pro quo judicandi sunt. Amplius autem his solum scire fas est prophetam, et merito; quid enim opus est hominibus scire, quomodo factus sit mundus? Haec enim discenda necessario viderentur, si simile ineundum nobis esset artificium. Nunc autem sufficit nobis ad cultum Dei ut sciamus, quia ipse fecit mundum; quomodo autem fecerit quaerendum non est, quia, ut dixi, non nobis imminet, tanquam simile aliquid facturis, artis ipsius scientiam discere. Sed neque pro hoc judicandi sumus, cur non didicerimus quomodo factus sit mundus, sed pro eo tantum, si ignoremus Conditorem ejus. Sciemus autem conditorem mundi justum et bonum Deum, si eum semitis justitiae requiramus. Nam si hoc tantum sciamus de eo quod bonus est, hujusmodi scientia non sufficit ad salutem. In praesenti enim tempore, bonitate ejus et beneficiis perfruuntur non solum digni, sed etiam indigni. Si vero non tantum bonum, sed etiam justum eum credamus, et secundum hoc quod de Deo credimus, in omni vita nostra justitiam teneamus, etiam bonitate ejus in aeternum fruemur. Denique Hebraeis qui de Deo ita opinabantur, quod solum bonus esset, dicebat Magister noster, ut et justitiam ejus quaererent, hoc est, ut scirent eum praesenti quidem tempore bonum esse, ut omnes in bonitate ejus vivant, justum vero eum futurum in die judicii, ut dignis praemia aeterna restituat, a quibus excludet indignos.

XXXVII. And Simon: Teach us then: what ought he first to learn who desires to know the truth? And Peter: Before all things, he said, it ought to be asked what it is possible for a man who seeks to find. For the judgement of God must necessarily rest on this, whether a man was able to do good and did not do it; and therefore men must inquire whether they have it in their power, by seeking, to find what is good, and, when they have found it, to do it; for this is that for which they are to be judged. But more than these things it is lawful for the Prophet alone to know, and deservedly; for what need is there for men to know how the world was made? For these things would seem necessarily to be learned, if a like piece of workmanship were to be undertaken by us. But now it suffices us for the worship of God that we know that He Himself made the world; but how He made it is not to be asked, because, as I said, it does not press upon us, as though we were about to make something similar, to learn the knowledge of that art itself. But neither are we to be judged for this, why we have not learned how the world was made, but for this only, if we are ignorant of its Maker. And we shall know the Maker of the world as a just and good God, if we seek Him by the paths of justice. For if we know this only about Him, that He is good, knowledge of this kind does not suffice for salvation. For in the present time not only the worthy but also the unworthy enjoy His goodness and benefits. But if we believe Him to be not only good but also just, and, according to this which we believe about God, hold fast to justice in our whole life, we shall also enjoy His goodness for ever. Accordingly, to the Hebrews, who thought thus about God, that He was good only, our Master used to say that they should seek also His justice; that is, that they should know that in the present time indeed He is good, so that all may live in His goodness, but that He will be just in the day of judgement, so that He may render eternal rewards to the worthy, from which He will shut out the unworthy.

XXXVIII. Et Simon: Quomodo potest unum atque idem, et bonum esse et justum? Petrus ait: Quia sine justitia, bonum injustum quodammodo videbitur; boni est enim, solem suum et pluviam ex aequo justis et injustis praebere, sed hoc videretur injustum, si bonos malosque aequali semper sorte censeret, et nisi frugum causa hoc faceret, quibus perfrui aequaliter omnes qui in hoc mundo nati sunt, conveniret. Sed sicut data a Deo pluvia ex aequo et fruges nutrit et lolium, messis autem tempore frumenta quidem congregantur in horreum, paleae vero vel lolium igni consumuntur: ita in die judicii cum justi introducentur in regnum Dei, injusti autem abjicientur foras, tunc etiam justitia Dei ostendetur. Nam si aequalis permaneret perpetuo malis et bonis, jam hoc non solum bonum non esset, sed et injustum atque iniquum

XXXVIII. And Simon: How can one and the same be both good and just? Peter said: Because without justice the good will in a certain way seem unjust; for it belongs to one who is good to supply His sun and rain equally to the just and the unjust, but this would seem unjust, if He were always to rate the good and the evil with an equal lot, and unless He did this for the sake of the crops, which it is fitting that all who have been born in this world should equally enjoy. But just as the rain given by God nourishes equally both the crops and the darnel, yet at the time of harvest the grain indeed is gathered into the barn, while the chaff or the darnel is consumed by fire: so in the day of judgement, when the just are brought into the kingdom of God, but the unjust are cast out, then the justice of God also will be shown. For if He were to remain perpetually equal towards the evil and the good, this would now not only not be good, but also unjust and iniquitous

Editors' notes and page, col. 1299

Footnotes

(96) ‹anchor: justitiam ejus quaererent› · call in col 1299

Matth. VI, 33.

Matthew 6:33.

(printed under page 647)

(97) ‹anchor: justis et injustis praebere› · call in col 1299

Matth. V, 45.

Matthew 5:45.

(printed under page 647)

(98) ‹anchor: lolium igni consumuntur› · call in col 1299

Matth. III, 12.

Matthew 3:12.

(printed under page 647)

Page

running head: 1299 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1300
marginal letters: A ‹nes non converterentur, naturae›; B ‹viderentur, si simile ineundum›; C ‹etiam indigni. Si vero non tantum›; D ‹ex aequo justis et injustis praebere›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1300

videretur, ut justi et injusti uno apud eum haberentur ordine meritorum.

it would seem, that the just and the unjust should be held with Him in one rank of deserts.

XXXIX. Et Simon: Unum est de quo mihi velim satisfieri, si immortalis est anima; non enim possum onus subire justitiae, nisi prius de immortalitate animae sciam, quae utique si immortalis non est, nec praedicationis tuae poterit stare professio. Tum Petrus: Quaeramus, inquit, prius, si justus est Deus; quod si claruerit, integer profecto religionis ordo constabit. Et Simon: Videris mihi tu qui te jactas disputandi ordinem nosse, nunc contra ordinem respondisse; me enim rogante ut ostendas, si immortalis est anima, tu ais, primo nos quaerere oportet si justus est Deus. Et Petrus ait: Valde consequenter et recte se habet. Simon: Velim discere.

XXXIX. And Simon: There is one thing about which I should wish to be satisfied, whether the soul is immortal; for I cannot take up the burden of justice unless I first know about the immortality of the soul; and assuredly, if it is not immortal, neither will the profession of your preaching be able to stand. Then Peter: Let us first inquire, he said, whether God is just; and if this becomes clear, the whole order of religion will certainly be established. And Simon: You, who boast that you know the order of disputing, seem to me now to have answered against order; for when I ask you to show whether the soul is immortal, you say that we ought first to inquire whether God is just. And Peter said: It stands very consistently and rightly. Simon: I should like to learn.

XL. Petrus: Audi, inquit, nonnulli hominum blasphemantes Deum et omnem vitam suam in injustitia et voluptate ducentes, in lectulis suis defuncti sunt, consecuti finem vitae inter suos et honorabilem sepulturam; alii vero Deum colentes et cum omni justitia et sobrietate vitam suam in parcimonia conservantes, pro justitiae observantia in desertis interiere, ita ut ne sepultura quidem haberentur digni. Ubi est ergo justitia Dei, si anima immortalis non est, quae vel si impie egerit poenas in futuro, vel si pie et juste praemia consequatur? Et Simon ait: Hoc utique est quod nos incredulos facit, quia multi bene agentes male pereunt, et rursum multi impie agentes longi temporis vitam cum beatitudine finiunt.

XL. Peter: Listen, he said: some men, blaspheming God and passing their whole life in injustice and pleasure, have died in their own beds, obtaining the end of life among their own people and an honourable burial; but others, worshipping God and preserving their life in frugality with all justice and sobriety, have perished in desert places for their observance of justice, so that they were not held worthy even of burial. Where then is the justice of God, if the soul is not immortal, which, if it has acted impiously, may obtain punishments in the future, or, if piously and justly, rewards? And Simon said: This assuredly is what makes us unbelieving, that many who do well perish badly, and again many who act impiously end a life of long duration in happiness.

XLI. Et Petrus: Hoc ipsum, inquit, quod te ad incredulitatem trahit, nobis certam fidem facit, quia judicium erit. Etenim cum certum sit Deum justum esse, necessarium et consequens est aliud esse saeculum, in quo unusquisque pro meritis recipiens justitiam Dei probet. Quod si nunc omnes homines pro meritis suis reciperent, vere nos fallere videbamur dicentes futurum esse judicium, et ideo hoc ipsum quod in praesenti vita non redditur unicuique pro actibus suis, fidem indubitabilem facit scientibus Deum esse justum, quia judicium erit. Et Simon: Cur ergo mihi non persuadetur? Petrus: Quia verum prophetam non audisti dicentem: Quaerite primo justitiam ejus, et haec omnia apponentur vobis. Et Simon: Indulge, inquit, mihi nolenti primo justitiam quaerere, antequam sciam si immortalis sit anima. Et Petrus: Et tu mihi hoc unum indulge, quia non possum facere aliter quam me propheta veritatis edocuit. Tum Simon: Certum est, inquit, non posse te asserere quod immortalis sit anima, et ob hoc cavillaris, sciens quia si mortalis probetur, radicitus convellatur religionis istius quam conaris asserere tota professio; et ideo laudo quidem prudentiam tuam, non tamen probo persuasionem; multis enim persuades suscipere religionem et libidinis

XLI. And Peter: This very thing, he said, which draws you to unbelief, gives us sure faith that there will be a judgement. For since it is certain that God is just, it is necessary and consequent that there is another age, in which each one, receiving according to his deserts, may prove the justice of God. But if all men now received according to their deserts, we should truly seem to deceive in saying that there will be a judgement; and therefore this very fact, that in the present life there is not rendered to each one according to his deeds, gives indubitable faith, to those who know that God is just, that there will be a judgement. And Simon: Why then am I not persuaded? Peter: Because you have not heard the true Prophet saying: Seek first His justice, and all these things will be added to you. And Simon: Bear with me, he said, who am unwilling to seek justice first, before I know whether the soul is immortal. And Peter: And you, bear with me in this one thing, because I cannot do otherwise than the Prophet of truth has taught me. Then Simon: It is certain, he said, that you cannot assert that the soul is immortal, and for this reason you cavil, knowing that if it is proved mortal, the whole profession of that religion which you are trying to assert is torn up by the roots; and therefore I praise indeed your prudence, yet I do not approve your persuasion; for you persuade many to take up religion and of lust

Editors' notes and page, col. 1300

Footnotes

(99) ‹anchor: omnia apponentur vobis› · call in col 1300

Matth. VI, 33.

Matthew 6:33.

(printed under page 647)

Page

running head: 1299 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1300
marginal letters: A ‹quum videretur, ut justi et injusti›; B ‹Velim discere.›; C ‹pereunt, et rursum multi impie›; D ‹dicentem: Quaerite primo justitiam›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1301

subire continentiam, sub spe futurorum bonorum, quibus evenit, ut neque praesentibus perfruantur et decipiantur futuris. Simul enim ut mortui fuerint, etiam anima pariter exstinguetur.

to undergo the restraint, under the hope of future goods; to whom it happens that they neither enjoy present things and are deceived as to future ones. For as soon as they have died, the soul also will equally be extinguished.

XLII. Petrus vero haec audiens, dentibus frendens frontemque atterens manu, et profundo dolore suspirans ait: Astutia serpentis antiqui ad hominum decipiendas animas armatus assistis, et ideo ut serpens sapientior caeteris bestiis, ab initio doctorem te esse professus es. Et rursus, ut serpens multos introducere deos volebas, super quo confutatus nullum omnino nunc esse asseris Deum. Nam per occasionem nescio cujus ignoti Dei, conditorem mundi Deum negasti, sed eum vel malum esse, vel multos habere sibi aequales, vel omnino, ut diximus, non esse Deum confirmabas. Post haec cum etiam in hoc superatus fuisses, animam nunc asseveras esse mortalem, uti ne futurorum spe recte justeque vivatur. Nam utique si desperantur futura, quidni si abscidatur misericordia, luxuriae indulgeatur et voluptatibus, ex quibus omnem consurgere injustitiam constat? Et cum tantae impietatis doctrinam miserae huic introducas mortalium vitae, te ipsum pium, me impium vocas, quasi qui homines non sinam sub spe futurorum bonorum arma corripere et impugnare se invicem, diripere ac subvertere universa et moliri omnia quae libido dictaverit. Et quis erit istae vitae status, qui a te introducitur, ut pugnent homines et impugnentur, ut irascantur et perturbentur et semper in metu vivant? Necesse est enim eos qui aliis inferunt mala etiam ipsos sperare similia. Videsne te ducem perturbationis et non pacis, iniquitatis et non aequitatis existere? Verum ego, non quasi qui ostendere non possim immortalem esse animam, simulavi iracundiam, sed misereor animabus hominum, quas tu decipere conaris. Dicam ergo, sed non quasi te cogente; scio enim quomodo dicam, et solus eris qui de hoc non tam persuasione indigeas, quam commonitione; eos autem hoc qui vere ignorant, docebo ut convenit.

XLII. But Peter, hearing these things, gnashing his teeth and rubbing his forehead with his hand, and sighing with deep grief, said: Armed with the cunning of the ancient serpent you stand by to deceive the souls of men, and therefore, as the serpent [was] wiser than the other beasts, from the beginning you professed yourself to be a teacher. And again, like the serpent, you wished to bring in many gods; refuted upon which, you now assert that there is no God at all. For on the pretext of some unknown God or other, you denied that the Maker of the world is God, but maintained either that he is evil, or that he has many equal to himself, or, as we have said, that he is not God at all. After this, when you had been overcome in this also, you now assert that the soul is mortal, so that men may not live rightly and justly in the hope of things to come. For assuredly, if things to come are despaired of, why, if mercy is cut off, should not indulgence be given to luxury and to pleasures, from which it is evident that all injustice arises? And while you bring in the teaching of so great an impiety upon this wretched life of mortals, you call yourself pious and me impious, as one who does not allow men, under the hope of future goods, to snatch up arms and attack one another, to plunder and overturn all things and to attempt everything that lust has dictated. And what will be the condition of that life which is brought in by you, that men should fight and be fought against, that they should be angry and troubled and always live in fear? For it is necessary that those who inflict evils on others should themselves also expect the like. Do you see that you stand forth as a leader of disturbance and not of peace, of iniquity and not of equity? But I did not feign anger as one who could not show that the soul is immortal, but I have pity on the souls of men, whom you are trying to deceive. I shall speak, therefore, but not as though you were compelling me; for I know how I should speak, and you will be the only one who needs on this point not so much persuasion as a reminder; but those who are truly ignorant of this I shall teach as is fitting.

XLIII. Tum Simon: Si irasceris, inquit, non interrogabo nec audire volo. Et Petrus: Tu siquidem nunc occasionem quaeris subterfugiendi; habes licentiam, et sine occasione cujusquam. Omnes enim audierunt te nihil recte dicentem, nec potuisse aliquid confirmare, sed ob hoc tantum interrogasse ut contradiceres, quod quivis facere potest. Quid enim difficile est post evidentes assertiones respondere, nihil dixisti. Ut autem scias quia possum tibi uno sermone ostendere, quod immortalis est anima, interrogabo te verbum quod omnes norunt, responde mihi, et uno sermone immortalem esse comprobabo. Tum Simon, qui jam occasionem sibi visus fuerat invenisse ex iracundia Petri ut discederet, restitit pro eo quod mirum ei aliquid promittebatur, et ait: Interroga me, ut tibi respondeam quod omnes norunt, et audiam uno ut pollicitus es sermone, quomodo anima immortalis sit?

XLIII. Then Simon: If you are angry, he said, I shall not ask questions nor do I wish to hear. And Peter: You indeed are now seeking an occasion for slipping away; you have leave, and without any occasion at all. For all have heard you saying nothing rightly, and that you were not able to establish anything, but asked questions for this purpose only, that you might contradict, which anyone can do. For what difficulty is there, after evident proofs, in replying, You have said nothing? But that you may know that I am able to show you in one word that the soul is immortal, I shall ask you a thing which all know; answer me, and in one word I shall prove it to be immortal. Then Simon, who had seemed to himself to have now found from Peter's anger an occasion for departing, stood still because something wonderful was being promised him, and said: Ask me, that I may answer you what all know, and that I may hear in one word, as you have promised, how the soul is immortal?

Editors' notes and page, col. 1301

Page

running head: 1301 RECOGNITIONUM LIB. III. 1302
marginal letters: A ‹subire continentiam, sub spe›; B ‹ut diximus, non esse Deum›; C ‹metu vivant? Necesse est enim›; D ‹centiam, et sine occasione›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column begins mid-sentence (continuing "et libidinis" from col. 1300) and ends on a complete sentence. "istae vitae" is as printed (an old dative/genitive form, or a slip for "istius"); set as printed. The running head is cut at the image edge after "RECOGNITIONUM LI"; completed from the facing column's image.

PG 1:1302

XLIV. Et Petrus: Dicam ita ut prae caeteris omnibus tibi magis probetur. Responde ergo mihi, quid est quod incredulum magis suadere potest, visus an auditus? Et Simon: Visus. Tum Petrus: Quomodo ergo a me vis discere verbo, quod tibi re ipsa probatur et visu? Et Simon: Nescio, inquit, quomodo dicas. Et Petrus: Si nescis, perge nunc in domum tuam, et ingressus interius cubiculum videbis imaginem positam, continentem pueri violenter necati effigiem purpura coopertam, ipsum interroga, et docebit te vel responsione vel visu. Quid enim opus est audire ab eo si immortalis sit anima, cum astare eam videas praesentem? Si enim non esset, nec videri utique poterat. Quod si nescis quam dico imaginem, hinc e vestigio cum aliis decem viris, ex his qui praesentes sunt, eamus ad domum tuam.

XLIV. And Peter: I shall speak in such a way that it may be proved to you more than to all the others. Answer me then: what is it that can better persuade an unbeliever, sight or hearing? And Simon: Sight. Then Peter: How then do you wish to learn from me by word what is proved to you by the thing itself and by sight? And Simon: I do not know, he said, what you mean. And Peter: If you do not know, go now into your house, and, having entered the inner chamber, you will see an image set there, containing the likeness of a boy violently slain, covered with purple; ask him, and he will teach you either by answer or by sight. For what need is there to hear from him whether the soul is immortal, when you see it standing by, present? For if it did not exist, assuredly neither could it be seen. But if you do not know what image I mean, let us go from here at once to your house with ten other men from among those who are present.

XLV. At Simon haec audiens et conscientia percussus, colore mutato exsanguis effectus est; extimuit enim ne forte si negaret perscrutaretur domus ejus, aut ne indignans Petrus manifestius eum proderet, et omnibus quis esset innotesceret, ita respondit: Obsecro te, Petre, per illum bonum Deum qui in te est, ut vincas malitiam quae in me est, suscipe me ad poenitentiam et habebis me adjutorem praedicationis tuae. Nunc enim vere rebus ipsis didici, quia Dei veri propheta es, et ideo secreta hominum solus atque arcana cognoscis. Et Petrus ait: Videtis, fratres, Simonem poenitentiam quaerentem, paulo post videbitis eum rursus ad infidelitatem suam reverti. Putans enim me prophetam esse, pro eo quod publicavi mala ejus, quae in secretis habebat et in occultis, poenitentiam se acturum promisit; me autem mentiri fas non est, neque ut infidelis hic salvetur aut non salvetur, ego fallere debeo. Testor enim coelum et terram, quia non prophetice dixi, quae dixi vel quae, quantum possibile erat, turbis audientibus indicavi, sed a quibusdam qui tunc ei socii fuerant in operibus suis, nunc autem conversi sunt ad fidem nostram, quid ei in secreto gestum sit, didici; cognita ergo non praecognita locutus sum.

XLV. But Simon, hearing these things and smitten by conscience, changed colour and became bloodless; for he feared lest perchance, if he denied it, his house would be searched, or lest Peter, indignant, should expose him more openly, and it should become known to all who he was; [and] he answered thus: I beseech you, Peter, by that good God who is in you, to overcome the malice that is in me; receive me to repentance and you will have me as a helper of your preaching. For now I have truly learned by the facts themselves that you are a prophet of the true God, and that therefore you alone know the secrets and hidden things of men. And Peter said: You see, brothers, Simon seeking repentance; a little later you will see him returning again to his unbelief. For, thinking that I am a prophet, because I have made public his evil deeds, which he kept in secret and in hiding, he has promised that he will do penance; but it is not lawful for me to lie, nor, whether this unbeliever be saved or not saved, ought I to deceive. For I call heaven and earth to witness that I did not speak prophetically the things which I said or which, as far as was possible, I indicated in the hearing of the crowds; but from certain persons who were then his associates in his works, but now have been converted to our faith, I learned what was done by him in secret; I have therefore spoken things known, not things foreknown.

XLVI. Simon vero ut haec audivit maledictis his et conviciis aggreditur Petrum, dicens: O nefandissime omnium et dolosissime, cui victoriam fortuna, non veritas dedit. Verum ego non pro penuria scientiae poenitentiam petii, sed ut tu, putans me per poenitentiam discipulum tuum fore, omnia secreta professionis tuae concrederes mihi, ut ita demum te cunctis agnitis confutarem. Sed ut callidus intellexisti quam ob causam poenitudinem simulassem, et acquievisti tanquam meum non intelligens dolum, ut prius me apud populum exponeres, quasi imperitum, tum deinde praevidens, quod ego ita populo expositus necesse habeo indignari et confiteri me non vere poenitudinem gerere, praevenisti, ut diceres me ad infidelitatem meam post poenitentiam regressurum, ut omni ex parte vicisse videreris, et si permanerem in poenitentia quam

XLVI. But Simon, when he heard these things, assails Peter with these curses and insults, saying: O most abominable and most deceitful of all men, to whom fortune, not truth, has given the victory. But I did not ask for repentance out of a lack of knowledge, but so that you, thinking that through repentance I would be your disciple, might entrust to me all the secrets of your profession, that so at length, having learned them all, I might refute you. But, being crafty, you understood for what cause I had feigned repentance, and you acquiesced as though not understanding my trick, so that you might first expose me before the people as unskilled; then next, foreseeing that I, thus exposed to the people, must necessarily be indignant and confess that I am not truly repentant, you anticipated me, so as to say that I would return to my unbelief after repentance, that you might seem to have conquered on every side, both if I remained in the repentance which

Editors' notes and page, col. 1302

Page

running head: 1301 RECOGNITIONUM LIB. III. 1302
marginal letters: A ‹XLIV. Et Petrus: Dicam ita›; B ‹decem viris, ex his qui praesentes›; C ‹fidelitatem suam reverti. Putans›; D ‹dissime omnium et dolosissime,›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column ends on the whole word "quam", mid-sentence. Damaged type, read from outline and context: the point after "Tum Petrus" (prints as a full stop; set as the colon used throughout), "tibi" (XLIV, line 5), the q of "quae dixi" (XLV), the first u of "fortuna" (XLVI), "simulassem". Ink marks at the right edge over "percussus" and "extimuit" (XLV), both legible.

PG 1:1303

professus fueram, et si non permanerem, ut tu sapiens credereris, qui ista praevideris, ego autem deceptus viderer, quia tuum non praevidi dolum; tu vero meum praevidens, calliditate usus circumscripsisti me. Sed, ut dixi, fortunae est, non veritatis ista victoria, scio tamen cur ego ista non praeviderim, quia astans locutus sum tibi per bonitatem meam, et patienter egi tecum. Nunc autem tibi ostendam divinitatis meae potentiam, ut repente procidas et adores me.

I had professed, and if I did not remain, so that you might be believed wise, as one who had foreseen these things, while I should seem deceived, because I did not foresee your trick; but you, foreseeing mine, used craftiness and circumvented me. But, as I said, this victory belongs to fortune, not to truth; yet I know why I did not foresee these things: because I stood by and spoke to you out of my goodness, and dealt patiently with you. But now I shall show you the power of my divinity, so that you may suddenly fall down and adore me.

XLVII. Ego sum prima virtus, qui semper et sine initio sum. Ingressus autem uterum Rachel, natus sum ut homo ex ea, quo ab hominibus videri possem; ego per aerem volavi, igni commistus unum corpus effectus sum, statuas moveri feci, animavi exanima, lapides panes feci, de monte in montem volavi, transmeavi, manibus angelorum sustentatus ad terras descendi. Haec non solum feci, sed et nunc facere possum, ut rebus ipsis probem omnibus, quia ego sum Filius Dei stans in aeternum, et credentes mihi similiter stare in perpetuum faciam. Tua autem verba vana sunt omnia, nec ullum potes opus ostendere veritatis, sicut et ille qui misit te magus, qui nec se ipsum potuit liberare de crucis poena.

XLVII. I am the first power, who am always and without beginning. But having entered the womb of Rachel, I was born of her as a man, that I might be able to be seen by men; I have flown through the air; mingled with fire, I have been made one body with it; I have made statues move; I have given life to lifeless things; I have made stones into loaves; I have flown from mountain to mountain, I have passed across; upheld by the hands of angels I have descended to the earth. These things I have not only done, but am able to do even now, that I may prove to all by the facts themselves that I am the Son of God, standing for ever, and that I shall make those who believe in me likewise stand for ever. But your words are all empty, nor can you show any work of truth, just as also that magician who sent you, who could not even free himself from the punishment of the cross.

XLVIII. His dictis a Simone, Petrus respondit: Ne agas aliena, tu enim quod sis magus ex ipsis quae gessisti, confessus es et manifestatus, noster autem magister qui est Filius Dei et hominis, manifeste bonus est; quod autem vere sit Filius Dei, quibus oportuit, dictum est et dicetur. Tu autem si non vis confiteri quod magus es, cum omni hac turba pergamus ad domum tuam, et tunc apparebit quis sit magus. Haec autem Petro dicente, Simon blasphemiis et maledictis agere coepit, ut seditione facta, perturbatis omnibus argui non posset, et Petrus quasi blasphemiae causa secedens, victus videretur. Sed perstitit et arguere eum vehementius coepit.

XLVIII. When these things had been said by Simon, Peter answered: Do not deal in what is foreign to the matter; for that you are a magician you have confessed and been made manifest from the very things you have done; but our Master, who is the Son of God and of man, is manifestly good; and that He is truly the Son of God has been said, and will be said, to those to whom it was fitting. But you, if you are unwilling to confess that you are a magician, let us go with all this crowd to your house, and then it will appear who is the magician. But while Peter was saying these things, Simon began to proceed with blasphemies and curses, so that, a tumult having been raised and all thrown into confusion, he could not be convicted, and Peter, withdrawing as on account of the blasphemy, might seem defeated. But he stood firm and began to convict him more vehemently.

XLIX. Tunc populus indignatus Simonem atrio ejectum extra januam domus pepulit, eumque depulsum unus secutus est solus. Facto autem silentio Petrus alloqui populum hoc modo coepit: Patienter, fratres, malos ferre debetis, scientes quia Deus cum possit eos excidere, patitur tamen durare usque ad praestitutam diem, in qua de omnibus judicium fiet; quomodo ergo nos non patiemur, quos patitur Deus? Cur autem non forti animo illatas ab eis toleramus injurias, cum suas ille qui potest omnia non ulciscatur, ut et ipsius bonitas, et malorum noscatur impietas? Verum si non invenisset Simonem malignus ministrum sibi, invenisset alium sine dubio; necesse est enim saeculo huic venire scandala; vae tamen illi per quem veniunt. Et ideo

XLIX. Then the people, indignant, drove Simon, cast out of the court, outside the door of the house, and when he had been driven away one man alone followed him. But when silence had been made, Peter began to address the people in this manner: You ought, brothers, to bear with the wicked patiently, knowing that God, although He is able to cut them off, nevertheless suffers them to last until the appointed day, in which judgement will be passed on all; how then shall we not suffer those whom God suffers? And why do we not bear with a brave spirit the injuries inflicted by them, when He Who can do all things does not avenge His own, so that both His own goodness and the impiety of the wicked may be known? But if the evil one had not found Simon as a minister for himself, he would without doubt have found another; for it is necessary that scandals come to this age; yet woe to him through whom they come. And therefore

Editors' notes and page, col. 1303

Footnotes

(100) ‹anchor: per quem veniunt› · call in col 1303

Matth. XVIII, 7.

Matthew 18:7.

(printed under page 649)

(1) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1304 (no call 1 stands in the text of col 1303 on the column images; the reference belongs to col 1304, whose notes file does not carry it, so it is kept here)

Act. VIII, 13.

Acts 8:13.

(printed under page 649)

(92) ‹anchor: stare in perpetuum faciam› · call in col 1303

Et credentes mihi, similiter stare in perpetuum faciam. Hinc Menander Simonis discipulus, eos qui baptismum suum acceperant, dicebat immortales permansuros.

"And those who believe in me I will likewise make to stand for ever." Hence Menander, Simon's disciple, used to say that those who had received his baptism would remain immortal.

(printed under page 649)

Page

running head: 1303 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1304
marginal letters: A ‹professus fueram, et si non›; B ‹exanima, lapides panes feci,›; C ‹non vis confiteri quod magus es,›; D ‹dicium fiet; quomodo ergo nos›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column opens and ends mid-sentence ("professus fueram" ... "Et ideo"). The calls in the text ("(92)" after "faciam", 100 after "veniunt") are not set in the source line. Foot reference 2 and Cotelier's note (93) on this page are called in col 1304; foot reference 1 has no call in col 1303 (see above).

PG 1:1304

magis deflendus est Simon, quod vas electionis factus est maligno; quod utique non fuisset, nisi potestatem in eum pro peccatis prioribus accepisset. Nam inde quid dicam, quod et Jesu nostro crediderat, et quod immortales esse animas sibi ipse persuasit? Quamvis in eo ludatur a daemonibus, tamen persuasit sibi, quod pueri violenter necati habeat animam ministrantem sibi ad quaecunque voluerit; in quo vere, ut dixi, a daemonibus illuditur. Et ideo ego secundum ea quae ipsi videbantur locutus sum ad eum; nam et a Judaeis didicit, quia sit judicium et ultio proferenda adversum eos, qui contra veram fidem veniunt nec poenitudinem gerunt; sed isti sunt quibus malignus tanquam perfectis in sceleribus apparet, ut decipiat eos, ne aliquando ad poenitentiam convertantur.

Simon is rather to be wept over, because he has been made a vessel of election for the evil one; which assuredly would not have been, had he not received power over him on account of former sins. For what shall I say on this score, that he had both believed in our Jesus, and that he has persuaded himself that souls are immortal? Although in this he is mocked by demons, nevertheless he has persuaded himself that he has the soul of a boy violently slain ministering to him for whatever he wishes; in which truly, as I said, he is deluded by demons. And therefore I spoke to him according to the things that seemed [true] to him; for he has also learned from the Jews that there is a judgement and a vengeance to be brought forth against those who come against the true faith and do not repent; but these are the ones to whom the evil one appears, as to men perfected in crimes, in order to deceive them, lest at any time they be converted to repentance.

L. Vos ergo qui ad Dominum convertimini per poenitentiam, curvate ei genua. Haec cum dixisset, omnis multitudo genua flexit Deo. Et Petrus respiciens ad coelum, cum lacrymis orabat super eos, ut Deus pro sua bonitate suscipere eos dignaretur confugientes ad se. Et postquam oravit et praecepit ut postera die maturius convenirent, multitudinem missam fecit. Tum deinde secundum consuetudinem, cibo sumpto, quievimus.

L. You therefore who are being converted to the Lord through repentance, bend your knees to Him. When he had said this, the whole multitude bent their knees to God. And Peter, looking up to heaven, prayed over them with tears, that God in His goodness would deign to receive them as they fled for refuge to Him. And after he had prayed and had instructed them to assemble earlier on the following day, he dismissed the multitude. Then after that, according to custom, having taken food, we rested.

LI. Igitur Petrus solita noctis hora consurgens, invenit nos vigilantes, et cum ex more salutans consedisset, primus Niceta ait: Si permittis, mi domine Petre, habeo quod rogem. Et Petrus: Permitto, inquit, non solum tibi sed et omnibus, et non solum modo sed et semper, ut unusquisque quod eum movet, et partem quam dolet in animo fateatur, ut possit consequi medicinam. Quae enim silentio conteguntur nec innotescunt nobis, velut multi temporis vitia difficile curantur, et ideo quoniam tacentibus non facile potest medela opportuni et necessarii sermonis adhiberi, proferre debet unusquisque in quo animus per ignorantiam languet; tacenti vero dare remedium solius est Dei; possumus autem et nos, sed circuitu multi temporis. Necesse est enim ut sermo doctrinae ab initio per ordinem currens, et singulis quibusque quaestionibus obvians cuncta aperiat, et cuncta dissolvat et perveniat etiam ad hoc quod unusquisque in animo suo requirit; sed hoc, ut dixi, per multum tempus fieri potest. Nunc autem quod desideras roga.

LI. So Peter, rising at the accustomed hour of the night, found us awake, and when, greeting us according to his custom, he had sat down, Niceta first said: If you permit, my lord Peter, I have something to ask. And Peter: I permit, he said, not only you but all, and not only now but always, that each one should confess what troubles him and the part in which he is pained in mind, so that he may be able to obtain medicine. For the things which are covered over in silence and do not become known to us are, like ailments of long standing, cured with difficulty; and therefore, since the remedy of a timely and necessary word cannot easily be applied to those who keep silent, each one ought to bring forward that in which his mind is sick through ignorance; but to give a remedy to one who keeps silent belongs to God alone; we too indeed can do it, but by the circuit of a long time. For it is necessary that the word of teaching, running from the beginning in order and meeting each several question, should open all things and resolve all things and arrive also at that which each one is seeking in his own mind; but this, as I said, can be done [only] over a long time. But now ask what you desire.

LII. Et Niceta ait: Uberes tibi gratias ago, o clementissime Petre, verum hoc est quod discere cupio: Cur Simon qui adversatur Deo, facere tanta haec et talia potuit? Non enim mentitus est aliquid ex his, quae se fecisse professus est. Ad haec beatus

LII. And Niceta said: I give you abundant thanks, O most clement Peter; but this is what I desire to learn: Why was Simon, who opposes God, able to do these so great and such things? For he has not lied in any of those things which he professed that he had done. To this the blessed

Editors' notes and page, col. 1304

Footnotes

(2) ‹anchor: primus Niceta› · call in col 1304

Primus Niceta et quae sequuntur vocabula usque ad illa cap. 63 exortus est et, etc. in cod. Lips. desunt; nec male quidem, ut videtur.

"Primus Niceta" and the words that follow, as far as those of chapter 63, "exortus est et," etc., are wanting in the Leipzig codex; and not amiss, as it seems.

(printed under page 649)

(93) ‹anchor: missam fecit› · call in col 1304

Multitudinem missam fecit. Risum tenere non potui, cum pro his, in impostore pseudo-Abdia legi, sacrificium fecit, quasi scriptum esset duntaxat, missam fecit.

"He dismissed the multitude." I could not keep from laughing when, in place of these words, I read in the impostor pseudo-Abdias "he offered the sacrifice," as though there had been written only "missam fecit" ["he said Mass"].

(printed under page 649)

Page

running head: 1303 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1304
marginal letters: A ‹magis deflendus est Simon,›; B ‹aliquando ad poenitentiam›; C ‹solum modo sed et semper,›; D ‹que in animo suo requirit;›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: foot reference 1 (Act. VIII, 13) is called in this column (after "crediderat", seen on the column image); its text is set in n1303. The column's last word is split at the column break and set whole here. (Q4b)

PG 1:1305

Petrus ita respondit: Deus qui unus et verus est, Primogenito suo amicos bonos et fideles instituit praeparare; sciens autem quia boni esse non possunt, nisi habeant in potestate sensum quo fiant boni, ut ex suo proposito hoc sint quod volunt, alioqui non possunt esse vere boni, si non proposito sed necessitate tenerentur in bono, potestatem dedit unicuique arbitrii sui, ut hoc esse possit quod vult. Et rursum praevidens quia ista potestas arbitrii, alios quidem faceret eligere bona, alios vero mala, et per hoc in duos ordines necessario propagandum esset hominum genus, unicuique ordini concessit et locum et regem, quem vellet eligere; bonus enim rex bonis gaudet, et malignus malis. Et quamvis haec tibi, o Clemens, in eo tractatu, quem de praefinitione et fine disserueram, plenius exposuerim, tamen et nunc requirenti Nicetae manifestare me convenit quae sit ratio, quod Simon qui contra Deum sentit, tanta facere mirabilia potuit.

Peter answered thus: God, Who is one and true, determined to prepare good and faithful friends for His First-begotten; but knowing that they cannot be good unless they have in their own power the perception by which they may become good, so that by their own purpose they may be what they will—otherwise they cannot be truly good, if they were held in goodness not by purpose but by necessity—He gave to each one the power of his own choice, that he might be able to be what he wills. And again, foreseeing that this power of choice would make some choose good things, but others evil, and that through this the human race would necessarily have to be propagated into two orders, He granted to each order both a place and a king, whom it might wish to choose; for a good king rejoices in the good, and a wicked one in the wicked. And although I set these things forth to you more fully, O Clement, in that treatise in which I had discoursed on predestination and the end, yet now too it is fitting that I make plain to Nicetas, who asks, what the reason is that Simon, who thinks against God, was able to do such great wonders.

LIII. Igitur primo omnium, malus esse judicatur apud Deum is, qui requirere non vult, quod sibi expedit. Quomodo enim talis iste alium diliget, qui semetipsum non diligit? Aut cui non iste inimicus erit, qui sibi ipsi amicus esse non potuit? Ut ergo distinguerentur qui bona et qui eligunt mala, Deus quod utile est occultavit hominibus, id est, possessionem regni coelorum, eamque velut thesaurum secretum reposuit et abscondit, ut ad eam non facile quis possit virtute et scientia pervenire propria, famam tamen ejus, diversis nominibus et opinionibus per generationes singulas ad omnium perduxit auditum, ut si qui forte essent amatores boni, audientes quod sibi esset utile et salutare requirerent et invenirent; requirerent autem non a semetipsis, sed ab eo qui occultavit, darique sibi accedendi aditum et viam scientiae precarentur, quae illis solis panditur qui eam super omnia mundi hujus diligerent bona, nec alio quis pacto vel intelligere eam possit etiamsi prudentissimus videretur; hi vero, qui neglexissent quod sibi utile et salutare esset inquirere, tanquam se ipsos odio habentes et semetipsis inimici fraudarentur ejus bonis, velut qui diligerent mala.

LIII. First of all, then, he is judged evil before God who is unwilling to seek what is expedient for himself. For how will such a man love another, who does not love himself? Or to whom will he not be an enemy, who could not be a friend to his own self? In order, therefore, that those who choose good things and those who choose evil might be distinguished, God hid from men what is profitable, that is, the possession of the kingdom of heaven, and laid it up and concealed it like a secret treasure, so that no one might easily be able to reach it by his own power and knowledge; yet He brought the report of it, under various names and opinions, through each generation to the hearing of all, so that if there should happen to be any lovers of the good, hearing it they might seek and find what was profitable and saving for them; and that they might seek it not from themselves but from Him Who hid it, and pray that an entrance for approach and the way of knowledge be given them, which is opened to those alone who should love it above all the goods of this world, nor could anyone in any other way even understand it, although he should seem most prudent; but that those who had neglected to inquire into what was profitable and saving for them, as hating their own selves and being enemies to themselves, should be deprived of its goods, as men who loved evil things.

LIV. Oportet ergo bonos diligere eam super omnia, id est, super divitias, gloriam, requiem, parentes, propinquos, amicos et omne quod in hoc mundo est. Qui vero perfecte diligit possessionem hanc regni coelorum, abjiciet sine dubio omnem malae consuetudinis usum, negligentiam, desidiam, malitiam, iram, cunctaque his similia. Nam si quid horum praetuleris ei, tanquam qui plus dilexeris propriae libidinis vitia quam Deum, ad possessionem regni coelestis pervenire non poteris, quia et vere stultum est, aliquid plus amare quam Deum. Sive enim parentes sunt, moriuntur; sive propinqui, non permanent; sive amici, mutantur. Solus est

LIV. The good, therefore, ought to love it above all things, that is, above riches, glory, rest, parents, kinsfolk, friends, and everything that is in this world. But he who perfectly loves this possession of the kingdom of heaven will without doubt cast away all practice of evil habit, negligence, sloth, malice, anger, and all things like these. For if you prefer any of these to it, as one who has loved the vices of his own lust more than God, you will not be able to reach the possession of the heavenly kingdom, because it is also truly foolish to love anything more than God. For whether they are parents, they die; or kinsfolk, they do not remain; or friends, they change. Alone is

Editors' notes and page, col. 1305

Footnotes

(3) ‹anchor: in serpentem› · call in col 1306

Exod. VII, VIII.

Exodus 7, 8.

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Page

running head: 1305 RECOGNITIONUM LIB. (rest of the running head outside this column's image)
marginal letters: A ‹tus Petrus ita respondit›; B ‹tractatu, quem de praefinitione›; C ‹pria, famam tamen ejus›; D ‹LIV. Oportet ergo bonos›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1306

autem Deus aeternus, et immutabilis permanens. Qui ergo non vult inquirere quod sibi utile est, malus est, in tantum ut malitia sua ipsum impietatis principem superet. Ille enim bonitate Dei abutitur ad propositum malitiae suae, et sibi placet; hic autem salutis suae bona negligit, ut perditione sui malo placeat.

however, God eternal, and abiding unchangeable. He, therefore, who is unwilling to inquire into what is profitable for himself is evil, to such a degree that by his malice he surpasses the very prince of impiety. For that one abuses the goodness of God for the purpose of his own malice, and pleases himself; but this one neglects the goods of his own salvation, so that by his own perdition he may please the evil one.

LV. Propter hos ergo, qui salutis suae neglectu placent malo, et eos qui studio utilitatis suae placere cupiunt bono, paria quaedam ad tentationem praesenti huic saeculo statuta sunt decem, secundum numerum decem plagarum quae illatae sunt Aegypto. Cum enim Moyses secundum praeceptum Dei peteret a Pharaone, ut emitteret populum, et ad testimonium coelestis imperii signa ostenderet, projecta in terram virga conversa est in serpentem. Cumque ob haec Pharao non vellet acquiescere, utpote habens arbitrii libertatem, rursum magi similia signa facere visi sunt, permittente Deo, ut propositum regis probaretur ex arbitrii libertate, si magis crederet signis Moysi qui a Deo missus est, quam his quae magi videbantur potius facere, quam faciebant; quos ipsos utique nomine intelligere debuerat non esse operarios veritatis, quod non a Deo missi sed magi appellabantur, sicut et traditio indicat. Denique usque ad aliquem locum visi sunt habere certamen, et post haec confessi de se cessere meliori. Inducitur ergo plaga ultima, interitus primitivorum, et tunc Moyses jubetur populum conspersione sanguinis consecrare, atque ita magna cum prece oblatis etiam muneribus, cum populo rogatur abscedere.

LV. On account of these, therefore, who by neglect of their own salvation please the evil one, and of those who by zeal for their own profit desire to please the good One, ten pairs, as it were, have been appointed for this present age for a trial, according to the number of the ten plagues that were brought upon Egypt. For when Moses, according to the commandment of God, was asking of Pharaoh that he let the people go, and was showing signs in witness of the heavenly command, his rod, cast upon the ground, was turned into a serpent. And when on account of these things Pharaoh was unwilling to acquiesce, as having freedom of choice, the magicians in turn seemed to do like signs, God permitting it, that the purpose of the king might be proved out of his freedom of choice, whether he would rather believe the signs of Moses, who was sent by God, than those things which the magicians seemed to do rather than did; whom indeed he ought to have understood from their very name not to be workers of truth, because they were called not men sent by God but magicians, as the tradition also indicates. In fact, up to a certain point they seemed to maintain the contest, and after this, having made confession about themselves, they yielded to the better. The last plague, therefore, is brought on, the destruction of the first-born, and then Moses is commanded to consecrate the people by the sprinkling of blood, and so, with great entreaty and with gifts even offered, he is asked to depart with the people.

LVI. Simili ergo modo etiam nunc per me video geri. Sicut enim tunc Moyse hortante regem ut crederet Deo, obsistebant magi quasi ostentatione similium signorum, et a salute incredulos prohibebant, ita et nunc cum ego exierim docere omnes gentes ut credant vero Deo, Simon Magus resistit, eadem agens adversum me, quae et illi tunc egerunt adversum Moysen, ut si qui sunt ex gentibus, qui non recto judicio utuntur, appareant, salventur autem qui signorum rectum discrimen habuerint. Haec dicente Petro, Niceta respondit: Obsecro te, ut si quid ad memoriam venit, permittas mihi proferre. Tum Petrus delectatus super studio discipulorum: Dic, inquit, quod vis.

LVI. In like manner, therefore, I see it being done even now through me. For as then, when Moses was exhorting the king to believe God, the magicians withstood him as it were by a display of like signs, and kept the unbelieving back from salvation, so now also, when I have gone forth to teach all the nations to believe the true God, Simon the Magician resists, doing the same things against me which they also then did against Moses, so that if there are any from among the nations who do not use right judgement, they may be made manifest, but those may be saved who have a right discernment of signs. As Peter said these things, Nicetas answered: I beseech you, if anything comes to my memory, permit me to bring it forward. Then Peter, delighted at the zeal of his disciples, said: Say what you wish.

LVII. Et Niceta ait: Quid peccavere Aegyptii, si non crediderunt Moysi, cum et magi similia signa fecerint, etiamsi viderentur potius fieri quam veritate fierent? Nam et si ego fuissem tunc, ex eo quod magi similia faciebant, nonne aut Moysen magum credidissem, aut magos quae ostendebant, divinitus facere putassem? quia non mihi verisimile videretur, licet per phantasiam, eadem tamen effici a magis posse, quae ille qui a Deo missus est, perpetrabat. Et nunc ergo quid peccant hi qui Simoni credunt, cum videant eum tanta facere mirabilia? Aut

LVII. And Nicetas said: What sin did the Egyptians commit, if they did not believe Moses, since the magicians also did like signs, even if they seemed to be done rather than were done in truth? For if I too had been there then, from the fact that the magicians were doing like things, would I not either have believed Moses a magician, or have thought that the magicians did by divine power the things they displayed? since it would not have seemed likely to me that the same things, although through illusion, could yet be effected by magicians which he who was sent by God was accomplishing. And now, therefore, what sin do they commit who believe Simon, when they see him do such great wonders? Or

Editors' notes and page, col. 1306

Footnotes

(4) ‹anchor: cessere meliori› · call in col 1306

Exod. VIII, 19.

Exodus 8:19.

(printed under page 650)

(5) ‹anchor: plaga ultima› · call in col 1306

Exod. XII.

Exodus 12.

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Page

running head: RECOGNITIONUM LIB. III. 1306
marginal letters: A ‹autem Deus aeternus›; B ‹projecta in terram virga›; C ‹jubetur populum conspersione›; D ‹ferre. Tum Petrus delectatus›
old-edition numerals: (none)

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non est mirabile per aerem volare, igni admistum unum corpus effici, facere statuas ingredi, canes aereos latrare, et alia his similia, quae utique discretionem nescientibus satis mira sunt? Sed et de lapidibus visus est panes facere. Quod si peccat qui signa facientibus credit, quomodo non peccasse videbitur et is, qui Domino nostro pro signis et virtutibus credidit?

is it not wonderful to fly through the air, to be made one body mingled with fire, to make statues walk, brazen dogs bark, and other things like these, which are certainly wonderful enough to those who do not know how to discern? Moreover he was even seen to make loaves out of stones. But if he sins who believes those who do signs, how will he also not seem to have sinned who believed our Lord on account of signs and mighty works?

LVIII. Et Petrus ait: Libenter accipio quod de veritate ad amussim requiris, et impedimenta fidei in anima tua latere non pateris. Unde et medelam consequi facile potes. Meministi quod pejus omnium esse dixi, cum quis negligit quod sibi expedit discere? Et Niceta respondit: Memini. Petrus: Et rursum quod Deus occultavit veritatem suam, ut eam his qui se fideliter sectantur, aperiat? Et Niceta: Ne hoc quidem oblitus sum. Tum Petrus: Quid ergo putas, quia in terram defossam absconderit Deus veritatem et montes ei superposuerit, ut ab his qui in profundum fodere valent, tantummodo inveniri possit? Non ita est, sed sicut montes et terram coeli ambitu circumdedit, ita et veritatem charitatis suae velamine contexit, ut ille ad eam solus pervenire possit, qui prius januam dilectionis divinae pulsaverit.

LVIII. And Peter said: I gladly accept it that you inquire about the truth with exactness, and do not suffer hindrances to faith to lie hidden in your soul. Hence you can also easily obtain the remedy. Do you remember that I said it is the worst thing of all when someone neglects to learn what is expedient for himself? And Nicetas answered: I remember. Peter: And again, that God has hidden His truth, that He may open it to those who faithfully follow Him? And Nicetas: Nor have I forgotten this. Then Peter: What then do you think, that God has hidden the truth buried in the earth and set mountains upon it, so that it can be found only by those who are able to dig into the deep? It is not so; but as He has surrounded the mountains and the earth with the circuit of heaven, so also He has covered the truth with the veil of His charity, that he alone may be able to reach it who has first knocked at the gate of divine love.

LIX. Etenim quod prius dicere coeperam, paria quaedam huic mundo destinasse Deum: ille qui primus ex paribus venit, a malo est, qui secundus, a bono. In quo unicuique hominum justi occasio judicii datur, sive simplex ille sit, sive prudens. Nam si simplex est et crediderit illi qui primus venit, signis enim et prodigiis motus, necesse est eadem ratione, ut etiam illi qui secundo venerit, credat; signis enim et prodigiis suadebitur et nunc, sicut prius. Cum vero crediderit huic secundo, discet ab eo quod primo illi qui a malo venit, credere non debeat, et ita prioris error secundi emendatione corrigitur. Si vero quia primo credidit, secundum recipere noluerit, merito ut injustus condemnabitur; injustum enim est, ut cum primo propter signa crediderit, secundo eadem aut etiam potiora ferenti signa non credat. Si vero non credidit primo, consequens est, ut vel in secundo moveatur ad credendum. Neque enim in tantum animo stetit, ut ingeminatis mirabilibus non valeat suscitari. Si vero prudens est, discretionem potest capere signorum. Et si quidem primo credidit, augmentis

LIX. For, as I had begun to say before, God has appointed certain pairs for this world: he who comes first of the pairs is from the evil one, he who comes second, from the good One. In this an occasion of just judgement is given to every man, whether he be simple or prudent. For if he is simple and has believed him who comes first, being moved, that is, by signs and prodigies, it is necessary by the same reasoning that he also believe him who comes second; for he will be persuaded by signs and prodigies now also, as before. But when he has believed this second one, he will learn from him that he ought not to believe that first one who comes from the evil one, and so the error of the former is corrected by the amendment of the second. But if, because he believed the first, he is unwilling to receive the second, he will deservedly be condemned as unjust; for it is unjust that, when he has believed the first on account of signs, he should not believe the second who brings the same or even greater signs. But if he did not believe the first, it follows that at least at the second he should be moved to believe. For his mind has not stood so fast that it cannot be roused by wonders redoubled. But if he is prudent, he is able to grasp the distinction of signs. And if indeed he believed the first, by the increase

Editors' notes and page, col. 1307

Footnotes

(94) ‹anchor: Distinctionemque signorum (lemma; call not visible in the foot image)› · call in col 1308

Distinctionemque signorum, et mirabilium faciet, in hunc modum. Quem modum hinc hausit auctor Operis imperfecti in Matthaeum, ad VII, 16, et XXIV, 24, seu homil. 19 et 49. Idemque profertur ab Origene, II in Celsum, p. 94, et a Procopio Gazaeo ad Num. XXIV, 8. Nec aliud sonant ista Theodori Studitae, catechesi 119: Πολλοὶ προφῆται ἐξεληλύθασιν εἰς τὸν κόσμον· ἀλλὰ γὰρ καὶ πολλοὶ αἱρετικοί τε καὶ τὰς θείας ἐντολὰς διακρουόμενοι, πάλαι τε καὶ νῦν παρεχωρήθησαν, καθ' οὓς οἶδε τρόπους ἡ πρόνοια, σημεῖά τε καὶ τέρατα ἀπεργάζεσθαι· ὥστε οὐ δεῖ τούτοις συναρπάζεσθαι, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ παραδεδομένου ἡμῖν ὑπὸ τοῦ Κυρίου χαρακτῆρος δοκιμάζειν τοὺς γνησιεύοντας μαθητάς. Τίς δὲ ὁ χαρακτήρ; ἐν τούτῳ φησὶ γνώσονται πάντες ὅτι ἐμοὶ μαθηταί ἐστε, ἐὰν ἀγάπην ἔχητε ἐν ἀλλήλοις.

"And he will make a distinction of signs and wonders, in this manner." This manner the author of the Opus imperfectum on Matthew drew from here, on 7:16 and 24:24, that is, homilies 19 and 49. The same is put forward by Origen, Against Celsus II, p. 94, and by Procopius of Gaza on Numbers 24:8. Nor do these words of Theodore the Studite, Catechesis 119, mean anything else: "Many prophets have gone out into the world; and indeed many heretics too, and men who thrust aside the divine commandments, both of old and now, have been permitted, in the ways that Providence knows, to work signs and wonders; so that one must not be carried away by these, but must test the genuine disciples by the mark handed down to us by the Lord. And what is the mark? 'By this,' He says, 'all will know that you are My disciples, if you have love among one another.'"

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running head: 1307 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. (rest of the running head outside this column's image)
marginal letters: A ‹non est mirabile per aerem›; B ‹eam his qui se fideliter›; C ‹judicii datur, sive simplex›; D ‹stetit, ut ingeminatis›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: last word split at the column break ("au-" / "gmentis"), completed from the first line of col. 1308 visible at the edge of the top image. Below the text the page foot carries editors' matter, COTELERII NOTAE: note 94 (Latin with Greek), called in col. 1308, begins under this column and is set above.

PG 1:1308

virtutum movebitur ad secundum, et ex comparatione quae sint potiora deprehendet, quamvis manifesta habeantur indicia apud eruditos quosque, sicut per ordinis consequentiam demonstravimus. Si vero tanquam sanus quis et qui medico non indigeat, non est commotus ad primum, rei ipsius perseverantia suscitabitur ad secundum, distinctionemque signorum et mirabilium faciet in hunc modum: Ille qui a malo est, signa quae facit, nulli prosunt; illa vero quae facit bonus, hominibus prosunt.

of mighty works he will be moved towards the second, and from the comparison he will detect which are the greater, although the indications are held to be manifest among all the learned, as we have shown by the sequence of the order. But if someone, as being whole and one who does not need a physician, was not stirred at the first, he will be roused at the second by the very persistence of the thing, and he will make the distinction of signs and wonders in this manner: He who is from the evil one, the signs that he does profit no one; but those which the good one does profit men.

LX. Nam dic, quaeso, quae utilitas est ostendere statuas ambulantes, latrare aereos aut lapideos canes, salire montes, volare per aerem, et alia his similia, quae dicitis fecisse Simonem? Quae autem a bono sunt, ad hominum salutem deferuntur, ut sunt illa quae fecit Dominus noster, qui fecit caecos videre, fecit surdos audire, debiles et claudos erexit, languores et daemones effugavit, mortuos fecit resurgere, et alia his similia quae etiam per me fieri videtis. Ista ergo signa quae ad salutem hominum prosunt et aliquid boni hominibus conferunt, malignus facere non potest, nisi in fine mundi tantum. Tunc enim admiscere ei concedetur aliqua etiam de dextris signis, id est, ut vel daemones fuget, vel aegritudines sanet, et propter hoc, tanquam qui excesserit terminos suos et in semetipsum divisus sit, ac semetipsum impugnaverit, destruetur. Et propterea Dominus praedixit, in novissimis temporibus tentationem futuram talem in qua decipiantur, si fieri potest, etiam electi; confusis scilicet indiciis signorum perturbari necesse est etiam eos, qui in discernendis spiritibus, ac distinguendis virtutibus videntur eruditi.

LX. For tell me, I pray, what profit is there in showing statues walking, brazen or stone dogs barking, mountains leaping, flying through the air, and other things like these, which you say Simon did? But the things that are from the good One are directed to the salvation of men, as are those which our Lord did, Who made the blind see, made the deaf hear, raised up the feeble and the lame, drove away sicknesses and demons, made the dead rise again, and other things like these which you see done through me also. These signs, therefore, which avail for the salvation of men and confer some good upon men, the wicked one cannot do, except only at the end of the world. For then it will be granted him to mingle in also some of the signs of the right hand, that is, either to put demons to flight or to heal sicknesses; and on account of this, as one who has gone beyond his own bounds and has been divided against himself and has fought against himself, he will be destroyed. And therefore the Lord foretold that in the last times there would be such a temptation that in it even the elect, if it were possible, would be deceived; that is to say, when the indications of signs are confounded, even those must needs be disturbed who seem to be learned in discerning spirits and in distinguishing mighty works.

LXI. Decem ergo quae diximus paria, huic mundo destinata sunt ab initio saeculi. Cain et Abel unum fuit par; secundum vero gigantum et Noe, tertium Pharaonis et Abraham; quartum Philistinorum et Isaac; quintum Esau et Jacob; sextum magorum et legislatoris Moysi; septimum tentatoris et Filii hominis; octavum Simonis et meum, Petri; nonum omnium gentium, et illius qui mittetur seminare verbum inter gentes; decimum Antichristi et Christi, de quibus paribus alias vobis per singula latius exponemus. Et cum haec diceret Petrus, Aquila ait: Vere assidua doctrina opus est, ut de singulis possit quis scire rationem.

LXI. The ten pairs, therefore, of which we have spoken were appointed for this world from the beginning of the age. Cain and Abel were one pair; the second was that of the giants and Noah; the third, of Pharaoh and Abraham; the fourth, of the Philistines and Isaac; the fifth, of Esau and Jacob; the sixth, of the magicians and Moses the lawgiver; the seventh, of the tempter and the Son of man; the eighth, of Simon and of me, Peter; the ninth, of all the nations and of him who will be sent to sow the word among the nations; the tenth, of Antichrist and Christ; concerning which pairs we shall at another time set forth to you more fully, one by one. And when Peter was saying these things, Aquila said: Truly there is need of constant teaching, that one may be able to know the reason of each thing.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1308

Footnotes

(95) ‹anchor: in fine mundi tantum› · call in col 1308

Nisi in fine mundi tantum. Signa quae ab Antichristo fient, verane an fallacia futura sint, dubitat Chrysostomus ad II Thessal. II, 9, et Augustinus, lib. XX De civitate Dei, cap. 19. Quidam vera putant: plures imaginaria. A nostro alia insistitur via: quam sequitur auctor Operis imperfecti in Matthaeum, ad VII, 16; XXIV, 16, 24: homil. 19 et 49.

"Except only at the end of the world." Whether the signs that will be done by Antichrist will be true or deceptive, Chrysostom doubts on 2 Thessalonians 2:9, and Augustine, book XX of The City of God, chapter 19. Some think them true; more think them imaginary. Our author takes another path, which the author of the Opus imperfectum on Matthew follows, on 7:16; 24:16, 24: homilies 19 and 49.

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running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1308
marginal letters: A ‹gmentis virtutum movebitur›; B ‹a bono sunt, ad hominum salutem›; C ‹temporibus tentationem futuram›; D ‹exponemus. Et cum haec diceret›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Cotelier's note (94) is called in this column (after "in hunc modum", seen on the column image); its text is set in n1307, which leaves the column of the call open. The column opens with the tail of a word set whole at the end of col 1307. (Q4b)

PG 1:1309

LXII. At Petrus: Quis est, qui assiduus sit erga doctrinam et studiose singula quaeque perquirat, nisi qui animam suam diligit ad salutem et omnibus renuntiat hujus mundi negotiis, ut soli verbo Dei vacet, quem solum prudentem judicat verus propheta, vendentem omnia quae sua sunt, et ementem unam veram margaritam, et intelligentem quae sit differentia a temporalibus ad aeterna, parvis ad magna, hominibus ad Deum? Intelligit enim quae sit aeterna spes apud verum et bonum Deum. Quis autem est qui diligit Deum, nisi qui sapientiam ejus cognovit? quomodo autem quis agnoscere poterit sapientiam Dei, nisi assiduus sit ad audiendum verbum ejus? ex quo accidit ut amorem ejus concipiat et digno eum honore veneretur, hymnis et orationibus ad eum fusis, et in his libentissime requiescens, summumque deputans detrimentum, si quando aliquid aliud vel ad momentum temporis loquatur aut agat, quia revera nec potest anima quae Dei amore repleta est, aliud aliquid intueri nisi quod ad Deum pertinet, nec satiari potest prae amore ejus, ea quae ipsi scit esse placita meditando. Hi vero qui affectum ejus minime concepere, nec illuminatam charitatem ejus gerunt mente, velut in tenebris positi lucem videre non possunt. Et ideo etiam priusquam incipiant acquirere de Deo, quasi labore oppressi statim deficiunt, ac taedio repleti continuo a propria consuetudine rapiuntur ad ea verba quibus delectantur. Nam de Deo audire aliquid talibus taediosum est et molestum, pro eo ut dixi, quia mens eorum nullam dulcedinem divinae charitatis accepit.

LXII. But Peter said: Who is there that is constant towards teaching and diligently searches out each several thing, except he who loves his own soul unto salvation and renounces all the affairs of this world, that he may have leisure for the word of God alone; whom alone the true Prophet judges prudent, as selling all that is his and buying the one true pearl (Matt. 13:46), and understanding what the difference is between temporal things and eternal, small and great, men and God? For he understands what the eternal hope is with the true and good God. But who is there that loves God, except he who has come to know His wisdom? and how will anyone be able to recognize the wisdom of God, unless he is constant in hearing His word? From which it comes about that he conceives a love of Him and venerates Him with worthy honour, pouring out hymns and prayers to Him, and resting in these most gladly, and reckoning it the greatest loss if at any time he should speak or do anything else even for a moment of time; because in truth the soul that is filled with the love of God can neither look upon anything else except what pertains to God, nor, for love of Him, can it be sated with meditating on those things which it knows to be pleasing to Him. But those who have not at all conceived affection for Him, nor bear His charity lit up in their mind, being as it were set in darkness, cannot see the light. And therefore, even before they begin to acquire anything concerning God, they straightway faint as if overwhelmed by toil, and, filled with weariness, are at once carried off by their own habit to those words in which they take delight. For to hear anything about God is wearisome and irksome to such men, for the reason, as I said, that their mind has received no sweetness of divine charity.

LXIII. Haec Petro dicente dies exortus est, et ecce veniens quidam ex discipulis Simonis clamabat dicens: Obsecro te, Petre, suscipe me miserum a Mago Simone deceptum, cui ego velut coelesti Deo intendebam, pro his quae ab eo fieri mirabilibus videbam. Auditis tamen sermonibus tuis coepit jam mihi homo videri, et quidem malus. Verumtamen cum hinc exiret, ego eum subsecutus sum solus, nondum enim ad liquidum impietates ejus agnoveram. Cum autem vidisset me subsequentem, beatum me dicens perduxit ad domum suam, circa medium vero noctis ait ad me: Omnium te hominum faciam meliorem, si volueris usque ad finem perseverare mecum; cui cum promisissem, exegit a me juramentum perseverantiae, eoque accepto imposuit super humeros meos polluta quaedam et exsecrabilia secreta sua ut portarem, et sequi me jussit. Ubi vero ventum est ad mare, navigium quod forte aderat ingressus, id a cervicibus meis quod portare me jusserat, sumpsit. Et paulo post egressus nihil extulit, certum quod in mare id jecerat. Rogabat autem me, ut cum ipso proficiscerer, dicens se Romam petere, ibi enim in tantum placiturum, ut Deus putetur et divinis publice donetur honoribus. Tunc,

LXIII. As Peter was saying these things the day dawned, and behold, one of Simon's disciples came crying out and saying: I beseech you, Peter, receive me, a wretch deceived by Simon the Magician, to whom I gave heed as to a heavenly God, on account of those wonders which I saw done by him. Yet when I had heard your discourses he began now to seem to me a man, and indeed a bad one. Nevertheless, when he went out from here, I alone followed him, for I had not yet clearly recognized his impieties. But when he saw me following, calling me blessed he led me to his house; and about the middle of the night he said to me: I will make you better than all men, if you are willing to persevere with me to the end; and when I had promised him, he exacted from me an oath of perseverance, and having received it he laid upon my shoulders certain polluted and execrable secret things of his, that I should carry them, and bade me follow. But when we came to the sea, he went aboard a boat that happened to be there and took from my neck that which he had bidden me carry. And coming out a little afterwards he brought nothing out, it being certain that he had cast it into the sea. And he asked me to set out with him, saying that he was making for Rome, for there he would please so greatly that he would be thought a God and be publicly presented with divine honours. Then,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1309

Footnotes

(6) ‹anchor: unam veram margaritam› · call in col 1309

Matth. XIII, 46.

Matthew 13:46.

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Page

running head: 1309 RECOGNITIONUM LIB. (rest of the running head outside this column's image)
marginal letters: A ‹LXII. At Petrus: Quis est›; B ‹orationibus ad eum fusis›; C ‹quid talibus taediosum est›; D ‹meliorem, si volueris usque›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1310

inquit, te omnibus divitiis repletum, si huc redire placuerit, et pluribus fultum ministeriis mittam. Haec ego audiens, et nihil in eo secundum hanc professionem videns, sed magum et deceptorem esse intelligens, respondi: Quaeso te, ignosce mihi, quia pedes doleo, et propterea exire a Caesarea non valeo; praeterea est mihi uxor, sunt parvuli liberi, quos relinquere omnino non possum. At ille haec audiens et ignaviae me incusans, profectus est contra Doram dicens: Cum audieris quanta mihi gloria erit in urbe Roma, poenitebit te. Et post haec ipse quidem, ut aiebat, Romam petiit, ego autem confestim redii huc, orans ut me suscipias ad poenitentiam, quia ab eo deceptus sum.

he said, I will send you back, if it should please you to return here, filled with all riches and supported by many attendants. Hearing these things, and seeing nothing in him according to this profession, but understanding him to be a magician and a deceiver, I answered: I pray you, pardon me, for I have pain in my feet, and therefore I am not able to go out from Caesarea; besides, I have a wife, I have little children, whom I cannot leave at all. But he, hearing these things and charging me with sloth, set out towards Dora, saying: When you hear how great a glory I shall have in the city of Rome, you will repent. And after this he indeed, as he said, made for Rome, but I at once returned here, praying that you would receive me to penance, because I was deceived by him.

LXIV. Cum haec dixisset is qui a Simone regressus est, jussit eum Petrus in atrio residere. Procedens autem ipse et turbas plurimas videns, multo plures quam superioribus diebus, stetit in loco solito et ostendens eum qui venerat, sermonem facere hoc modo coepit: Iste, fratres, quem ostendo vobis, paulo ante venit ad me, de Simonis mihi malis artibus nuntians, quomodo ipsam sceleris sui officinam projecerit in profundum, non quasi poenitentia ductus, sed metuens ne deprehensus publicis legibus subjaceret. Rogabat autem hunc, ut dicit, munera pollicens immensa, secum manere. Quem cum suadere minime potuisset, tanquam ignavum increpans dereliquit, ipse Romam petens. Cumque haec Petrus indicasset turbis, ipse qui regressus a Simone fuerat, publice stans singula quaeque coepit populo exponere de sceleribus Simonis. Et cum graviter ferrent de his, quae audiebant per artes magicas gesta a Simone, ait Petrus:

LXIV. When he who had returned from Simon had said these things, Peter bade him sit down in the court. And going forth himself and seeing very great crowds, many more than on the former days, he stood in the accustomed place and, pointing out him who had come, began to discourse in this manner: This man, brethren, whom I point out to you, came to me a little while ago, bringing me word of Simon's evil arts, how he cast the very workshop of his crime into the deep, not as one led by repentance, but fearing lest, being detected, he should be subject to the public laws. And he asked this man, as he says, promising immense gifts, to remain with him. And when he had not at all been able to persuade him, he left him, rebuking him as slothful, himself making for Rome. And when Peter had made these things known to the crowds, the very man who had returned from Simon, standing publicly, began to set forth to the people each several thing concerning Simon's crimes. And when they were indignant at those things which they heard had been done by Simon through magic arts, Peter said:

LXV. Nolite, fratres, graviter ferre de his quae transacta sunt, sed observate de futuris; quae enim transierunt jam finita sunt, quae vero imminent periculosa sunt his qui incurrerint; scandala enim nunquam deerunt huic mundo donec permittitur inimico agere pro voluntate sua, ut prudentes quique et intelligentes astutias ejus suscitatos sibi ab eo superent agones, hi vero qui negligunt discere quae ad salutem pertinent animae suae, justis ab eo deceptionibus capiantur. Quia ergo ut ipsi audistis, Simon egressus est aures gentilium qui ad salutem vocati sunt praevenire, necesse est et me vestigia ejus insequi, ut si quid forte ab illo disputatum fuerit, corrigatur a nobis. Sed quoniam justum est de vobis majorem sollicitudinem geri, qui jam intra muros vitae continemini, quia quod acquisitum est si pereat, damnum infert, quod autem nondum si quidem inveniri potuerit, lucrum est, si minus hoc solum damni est quod lucrum factum non est; ut ergo et vos magis ac magis in veritate firmemini, et gentes quae ad salutem vocantur non usquequaque possint nequitia Simonis praeveniri, cogitavi Zacchaeum vobis ordinare pastorem, ego vero ipse

LXV. Do not, brethren, be indignant at the things that are past, but give heed concerning the things to come; for the things that have passed are now ended, but those that are impending are perilous to those who fall into them; for scandals will never be wanting to this world (Matt. 18:7; Luke 17:1) so long as the enemy is permitted to act according to his own will, so that all who are prudent and understand his wiles may overcome the contests raised against them by him, but those who neglect to learn the things that pertain to the salvation of their soul may be taken by him with deserved deceptions. Since, therefore, as you yourselves have heard, Simon has gone forth to preoccupy the ears of the Gentiles who are called to salvation, it is necessary that I also follow upon his footsteps, so that if perchance anything should be argued by him, it may be corrected by us. But since it is just that greater solicitude be had for you, who are already contained within the walls of life—because what has been acquired, if it perish, brings loss, but what has not yet been, if indeed it can be found, is gain, and if not, the only loss is that gain has not been made—in order, therefore, that you too may be more and more strengthened in the truth, and that the nations which are called to salvation may not be altogether preoccupied by Simon's wickedness, I have thought to ordain Zacchaeus as pastor for you, but that I myself

Editors' notes and page, col. 1310

Footnotes

(7) ‹anchor: Cumque haec Petrus› · call in col 1310

Cumque haec Petrus, et quae sequuntur vocabula, usque ad illa cap. 65: deceptionibus capiantur, desunt in codd. Lipss.

"Cumque haec Petrus," and the words that follow, as far as those of chapter 65, "deceptionibus capiantur," are wanting in the Leipzig codices.

(printed under page 652)

(8) ‹anchor: deerunt huic mundo› · call in col 1310

Matth. XVIII, 7; Luc. XVII, 1.

Matthew 18:7; Luke 17:1.

(printed under page 652)

(9) ‹anchor: quod autem› · call in col 1310

Quod autem—factum non est non leguntur in codd. Lipss.

"Quod autem—factum non est" is not read in the Leipzig codices.

(printed under page 652)

Page

running head: RECOGNITIONUM LIB. III. 1310
marginal letters: A ‹inquit, te omnibus divitiis›; B ‹sus est, jussit eum Petrus›; C ‹mone fuerat, publice stans›; D ‹vocati sunt praevenire›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1311

tres vobiscum permanere menses et ita proficisci ad gentes, ne amplius morantibus nobis et sceleribus Simonis usquequaque grassantibus, insanabiles fiant.

should remain with you three months and so set out to the nations, lest, if we delay longer and Simon's crimes rage everywhere, they become incurable.

LXVI. Haec illo dicente universus populus flevit, audiens quod profecturus esset. At Petrus compassus eis, etiam ipse lacrymas fudit, et in coelum respiciens ait: Tibi, Deus, qui coelum terramque fecisti et omnia quae in eis sunt, precem supplicem fundimus, ut confugientes ad te in tribulatione sua soleris; propter affectum enim quem habent erga te, diligunt me, qui veritatem tuam annuntiavi eis. Propter quod miserationis tuae dextera custodi eos; non enim Zacchaeus nec alius quisquam hominum custos esse eis idoneus potest. Haec autem et his similia cum dixisset Petrus, manibus superpositis Zacchaeo oravit, ut inculpabiliter episcopatus sui servaret officium. Post haec duodecim presbyteros ordinavit et diacones quatuor, et ait: Zacchaeum hunc vobis ordinavi episcopum, sciens eum timorem Dei habere et eruditum esse in Scripturis, quem quasi Christi locum servantem honorare debetis, obedientes ei ad salutem vestram, et scientes, quod sive honor sive injuria quae ei defertur, ad Christum redundat et a Christo ad Deum. Audite ergo eum attentius et ab ipso suscipite doctrinam fidei, monita autem vitae a presbyteris, a diaconibus vero ordinem disciplinae. Viduarum religiosam curam gerite, pupillos enixius juvate, pauperibus misericordiam facite, juvenes pudicitiam docete, et ut breviter totum dicam, alterutrum vos in quibus res poposcerit sustentate. Deum colite qui creavit coelum et terram, Christo credite, invicem diligite, misericordes estote ad omnes, non verbo solo sed et opere et rebus implete charitatem.

LXVI. As he said these things the whole people wept, hearing that he was about to depart. But Peter, having compassion on them, himself also shed tears, and looking up to heaven said: To Thee, O God, Who hast made heaven and earth and all things that are in them, we pour out suppliant prayer, that Thou wouldst console those who flee to Thee in their tribulation; for on account of the affection which they have towards Thee they love me, who have announced Thy truth to them. Wherefore guard them with the right hand of Thy compassion; for neither Zacchaeus nor any other man can be a sufficient guardian for them. And when Peter had said these things and things like them, laying his hands upon Zacchaeus he prayed that he might keep the office of his episcopate blamelessly. After this he ordained twelve presbyters and four deacons, and said: I have ordained this Zacchaeus as bishop for you, knowing that he has the fear of God and is learned in the Scriptures; whom you ought to honour as holding the place of Christ, obeying him for your salvation, and knowing that whether honour or injury is offered to him, it redounds to Christ and from Christ to God. Hear him, therefore, very attentively, and receive from him the doctrine of the faith, and counsels of life from the presbyters, and from the deacons the order of discipline. Take religious care of widows, help orphans most earnestly, show mercy to the poor, teach the young chastity, and, to say the whole briefly, sustain one another in whatever the matter requires. Worship God, Who created heaven and earth, believe Christ, love one another, be merciful to all, fulfil charity not in word only but also in deed and in fact.

LXVII. Et cum haec atque his similia praecepisset, pronuntiavit ad populum dicens: Quoniam tres menses statui facere vobiscum, si quis vestrum desiderat, baptizetur, ut exutus prioribus malis, de reliquo pro bonis actibus haeres bonorum coelestium ex gestis propriis fiat. Accedat ergo qui vult ad Zacchaeum, et ipsi det nomen suum, atque ab eo audiat mysteria regni coelorum. Jejuniis frequentibus operam impendat ac semetipsum in omnibus probet, ut tribus his mensibus consummatis in die festo possit baptizari. Baptizabitur autem unusquisque vestrum in aquis perennibus nomine Trinae Beatitudinis invocato super se, perunctus primo oleo

LXVII. And when he had given these precepts and others like them, he made proclamation to the people, saying: Since I have resolved to spend three months with you, if any one of you desires it, let him be baptized, that, stripped of his former evils, he may for the future, in return for good actions, become heir of heavenly goods by his own deeds. Let him who will, therefore, come to Zacchaeus and give him his name, and hear from him the mysteries of the kingdom of heaven. Let him devote himself to frequent fastings and prove himself in all things, so that when these three months are completed he may be able to be baptized on the feast day. And each one of you will be baptized in ever-flowing waters, the name of the Threefold Blessedness being invoked over him, having first been anointed with oil

Editors' notes and page, col. 1311

Footnotes

(96) ‹anchor: det nomen suum› · call in col 1311

Et ipsi det nomen suum. Qui Christiani fieri volebant, dabant suum nomen ad baptismum, quod scriberetur a clero, posteaque ὀνοματογραφέντες et subscripti dicebantur. Celebrem ritum docent cum multis Siricius papa, epist. 1, cap. 2, et Cyrillus Hierosolymitanus, catechesi 3, atque in Προκατηχήσει. Ea Procatechesis, ut id obiter moneam, velut homilia S. Basilii De baptismo, Περὶ φωτίσματος, exstat, sed multa cum diversitate, in antiquis membranis Bibliothecae Regiae cod. 1260 et 2403, ad cujus posterioris codicis marginem sic notavit criticus Graecus: Σαφῶς ἡμῖν δείκνυσι ὁ χαρακτὴρ τοῦ προκειμένου λόγου, ὅτι οὐκ ἔστι τοῦ ἁγίου Βασιλείου. In concilio Constantinopolitano sub Mena: Στέφανος διάκονος, ὁ καὶ τὰς προσηγορίας τῶν εἰς τὸ θεῖον βάπτισμα προσιόντων ἐγγράφειν τεταγμένος.

"And let him give him his name." Those who wished to become Christians gave in their name for baptism, to be written down by the clergy, and afterwards were called ὀνοματογραφέντες ("the name-enrolled") and "the subscribed." Pope Siricius, epistle 1, chapter 2, along with many others, attests this well-known rite, and Cyril of Jerusalem, Catechesis 3 and in the Procatechesis. That Procatechesis, to mention it in passing, survives as a homily of St. Basil On Baptism, Περὶ φωτίσματος ("On Illumination"), though with much variation, in ancient parchments of the Royal Library, codices 1260 and 2403; in the margin of the latter codex a Greek critic has noted thus: "The character of the present discourse plainly shows us that it is not Saint Basil's." In the Council of Constantinople under Menas: "Stephen the deacon, who is also appointed to enrol the names of those coming forward to divine baptism."

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running head: 1311 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. (rest of the running head outside this column's image)
marginal letters: A ‹tres vobiscum permanere menses›; B ‹similia cum dixisset Petrus›; C ‹et ut breviter totum dicam›; D ‹probet, ut tribus his mensibus›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1312

per orationem sanctificato, ut ita demum per haec consecratus possit percipere de sanctis.

sanctified by prayer, so that thus at length, consecrated through these things, he may be able to partake of the holy things.

LXVIII. — Et cum multa dixisset de ratione baptismi, dimissis turbis ad solitam se recepit mansionem, ibique astantibus sibi duodecim, id est, Zacchaeo et Sophonia, Josepho et Michaea, Eleazaro et Phinees, Lazaro et Eliseo, me Clemente et Nicodemo, Niceta et Aquila, hoc modo prolocutus est: Consideremus fratres, quod justum est; debemus enim auxilium aliquod ferre gentibus, quae ad salutem vocatae sunt. Ipsi audistis quod Simon praecedere volens iter nostrum profectus est, quem oportuerat e vestigio insequi, ut sicubi aliquos subvertere tentaret continuo confutaretur a nobis. Sed quoniam injustum mihi videtur, ut derelictis his qui jam conversi sunt ad Deum, eorum qui adhuc longe sunt curam proferamus, rectum puto tribus mensibus permanere me cum his qui in hac civitate conversi sunt ad fidem, et firmiores eos efficere, nec tamen illos qui adhuc longe sunt penitus negligere, ne forte, si diu venenis pessimae doctrinae inficiantur, difficilius revocentur. Et ideo volo, si tamen etiam vobis justum videtur, ut pro Zacchaeo quem hic ordinavimus episcopum, subjiciatur in numero Benjamim filius Saba, et pro Clemente quem decrevi mecum semper esse, quia ex gentibus veniens audiendi verbi Dei grande desiderium gerit, Ananias filius Safra, pro Niceta vero et Aquila, qui nuper conversi sunt ad fidem Christi, Rubelus Zacchaei frater et Zacharias structor. Istis ergo quatuor pro his quatuor substitutis expleri volo duodecim numerum, ut me in ipsis semper secum esse sentiat Simon.

LXVIII. And when he had said many things about the principle of baptism, having dismissed the crowds he withdrew to his accustomed lodging, and there, with the twelve standing by him, that is, Zacchaeus and Sophonias, Joseph and Michaeas, Eleazar and Phinees, Lazarus and Eliseus, me Clement and Nicodemus, Nicetas and Aquila, he spoke out in this manner: Let us consider, brethren, what is just; for we ought to bring some help to the nations which have been called to salvation. You yourselves have heard that Simon has set out, wishing to go before our journey; him it would have been right to follow at once, so that wherever he might try to subvert any, he might straightway be refuted by us. But since it seems to me unjust that, abandoning those who have already been converted to God, we should put forward the care of those who are still far off, I think it right that I remain three months with those in this city who have been converted to the faith, and make them firmer, and yet not wholly neglect those who are still far off, lest perhaps, if they are long infected with the poisons of the worst doctrine, they be recalled with greater difficulty. And therefore I wish, if indeed it seems just to you also, that in place of Zacchaeus, whom we have ordained bishop here, Benjamin the son of Saba be put into the number, and in place of Clement, whom I have decided to have always with me, because, coming from the Gentiles, he bears a great desire of hearing the word of God, Ananias the son of Safra, and in place of Nicetas and Aquila, who have lately been converted to the faith of Christ, Rubelus the brother of Zacchaeus and Zacharias the builder. These four, then, being substituted for those four, I wish the number of twelve to be filled up, so that Simon may feel that in them I am always with him.

LXIX. Sequestratis igitur me Clemente et Niceta et Aquila, ad illos duodecim ait: Volo vos post diem crastinum proficisci ad gentes et vestigia Simonis insequi, ut omnia quae agit manifesta mihi faciatis. Sed et propositum singulorum diligenter requirite et me adfuturum sine mora eis annuntiate, et ne multa vobis dicam, per omnia instruite gentiles exspectare adventum meum. Cumque haec atque his similia dixisset: Etiam vos, inquit, fratres, si quid vobis ad haec videtur, dicite, ne forte non sit rectum quod mihi soli placet. Tum omnes una voce collaudantes eum: Rogamus magis, aiebant, ut pro arbitrio tuo cuncta disponas et quod tibi ipsi videtur jubeas; hoc enim putamus esse opus integrum pietatis, si quae tu jusseris impleamus.

LXIX. Having therefore set apart me, Clement, and Nicetas and Aquila, he said to those twelve: I wish you to set out the day after tomorrow to the nations and to follow upon Simon's footsteps, that you may make known to me all that he does. Moreover, inquire diligently into the purpose of each one and announce to them that I shall be with them without delay, and, not to say many things to you, in every way instruct the Gentiles to expect my coming. And when he had said these things and things like them, he said: You also, brethren, if anything occurs to you as to these matters, say it, lest perhaps what pleases me alone be not right. Then all with one voice, praising him, said: We ask rather that you dispose all things according to your own judgement and command what seems good to you yourself; for this we think to be the entire work of piety, if we fulfil what you command.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1312

Footnotes

(97) ‹anchor: possit percipere de sanctis› · call in col 1312

Possit percipere de sanctis. Hoc est, corpus et sanguinem Christi. Id vero magna ignorantia non intelligens consarcinator tertiae Decretalis Clementis, sic Rufini verba interpolavit: possit percipere locum cum sanctis.

"That he may be able to partake of the holy things." That is, the body and blood of Christ. But the patcher-together of the third Decretal of Clement, in great ignorance not understanding this, interpolated Rufinus's words thus: "that he may be able to obtain a place with the saints."

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Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1312
marginal letters: A ‹per orationem sanctificato›; B ‹qui jam conversi sunt ad Deum›; C ‹frater et Zacharias structor›; D ‹voce collaudantes eum›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1313

LXX. — Igitur statuto die cum stetissent ante Petrum, Ne arbitreris, aiunt, Petre, parvum nobis indici moerorem, quod fraudamur non audientes te per menses tres; sed quoniam hoc expedit agere quod tu jubes, obediemus promptissime; semper ergo vultum tuum in nostro corde retinentes sicut jussisti alacres proficiscimur. At ille oratione pro eis ad Dominum fusa emisit eos. Et cum profecti fuissent illi duodecim qui praemissi sunt, Petrus ingressus ex more in loco disputationis stetit. Convenerat autem populi multitudo, copiosior numerus quam solebat, et omnes cum lacrymis intuebantur eum, pro eo quod pridie ab eo audissent, profecturum se Simonis gratia. Sed et ipse lacrymantes eos videns similia patiebatur, licet conaretur occultare et inhibere lacrymas; prodebatur tamen ex tremore vocis et interruptione sermonis, quod simili angeretur affectu.

LXX. On the appointed day, therefore, when they had stood before Peter, they said: Do not think, Peter, that a small grief is laid upon us, in that we are deprived of hearing you for three months; but since it is expedient to do what you command, we shall obey most readily; always, therefore, keeping your countenance in our heart, we set out with alacrity as you have commanded. And he, having poured out prayer for them to the Lord, sent them forth. And when those twelve who were sent ahead had set out, Peter, entering according to custom, stood in the place of disputation. Now a multitude of the people had assembled, a more abundant number than was usual, and all were gazing on him with tears, because they had heard from him the day before that he was about to depart on account of Simon. Moreover he himself, seeing them weeping, was affected in like manner, although he tried to hide and restrain his tears; yet it was betrayed by the trembling of his voice and the breaking of his speech that he was distressed by a like feeling.

LXXI. Verumtamen manu confricans frontem, Aequo animo, inquit, estote, fratres, et misericordes animas vestras consilii ratione solamini, referentes omnia ad Deum, cujus solius implenda et in omnibus praeferenda voluntas est. Nam si verbi gratia ponamus, quod pro affectu quem erga vos gerimus, contra voluntatem ejus agentes resideamus vobiscum, nunquid non potest missa in me morte, profectionem mihi a vobis indicere longiorem? Et ideo melius est ut hanc breviorem cum voluntate ipsius impleamus, utpote quibus definitum est in omnibus obedire Deo; unde et vos debetis simili obedientia parere ei, quippe qui etiam me non alia ex causa, nisi pro ipsius amore diligatis. Ut ergo amici Dei, voluntati ejus obtemperate; sed et vos ipsi probate quod justum est. Nunquid non impium videbatur, si cum vos Simon deciperet, ego non venissem ad vos detentus a fratribus qui erant in Hierusalem, et quidem cum haberetis apud vos Zacchaeum, virum bonum et in sermone expeditum? Ita ergo et nunc impium judicate, si cum exierit Simon ad gentes impugnandas, quibus nullus omnino defensor est, ego non subsequar detentus a vobis. Propter quod observemus, ne forte affectu injusto voluntatem maligni faciamus.

LXXI. Nevertheless, rubbing his forehead with his hand, he said: Be of good cheer, brethren, and console your compassionate souls by the reasoning of counsel, referring all things to God, Whose will alone is to be fulfilled and to be preferred in all things. For if, for example, we suppose that, out of the affection which we bear towards you, we should stay on with you, acting against His will, can He not, by sending death upon me, appoint for me a longer departure from you? And therefore it is better that we accomplish this shorter one with His will, as men for whom it is determined to obey God in all things; hence you also ought to submit to Him with like obedience, seeing that you love even me for no other cause than for love of Him. As friends of God, therefore, comply with His will; but also judge for yourselves what is just. Would it not have seemed impious if, when Simon was deceiving you, I had not come to you, being detained by the brethren who were in Jerusalem, and that although you had among you Zacchaeus, a good man and ready in speech? So then now also judge it impious if, when Simon has gone forth to assail the nations, who have no defender at all, I should not follow after, being detained by you. Wherefore let us take heed lest perhaps by an unjust affection we do the will of the wicked one.

LXXII. Interim tribus, ut dixi, mensibus permanebo apud vos; estote assidui ad audiendum verbum, et consummatis his, si qui possunt et volunt sequi nos, permittitur eis salva pietate. Quod autem dico salva pietate, hoc est, ne quem discessu suo contristet qui contristari non debet, vel parentes

LXXII. Meanwhile, as I said, I shall remain with you three months; be constant in hearing the word, and when these are completed, if any are able and willing to follow us, it is permitted them, saving piety. And what I mean by saving piety is this: that no one by his departure grieve anyone who ought not to be grieved, either by parents

Editors' notes and page, col. 1313

Footnotes

(10) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1313 or 1314 (call not visible in the foot image)

Vel si quae—convenit desunt in cod. utroque Lips.

"Vel si quae—convenit" is wanting in both Leipzig codices.

(printed under page 654)

Page

running head: 1313 RECOGNITIONUM LIB. (rest of the running head outside this column's image)
marginal letters: A ‹LXX. — Igitur statuto die›; B ‹tare et inhibere lacrymas›; C ‹dientia parere ei›; D ‹manebo apud vos; estote›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the dash after the numeral LXX. is printed and kept. The English of the last clause ends mid-sentence with "parentes" (its construction is completed in col. 1314). Page foot carries text-critical notes (codd. Lipss.) and editors' matter, COTELERII NOTAE (note 98), not set. Damaged type in "angeretur", "venissem", "detentus", "quidem", "Interim", read as the intended words.

PG 1:1314

relinquens quos non oportet, vel uxorem fidelem, vel si quae sunt hujusmodi personae, quibus propter Deum deferri solatium convenit. Interea per dies singulos disputans et docens, propositum tempus in doctrinae labore complevit. Et cum advenisset dies festus, super decem millia baptizati sunt.

leaving those whom he ought not, or a faithful wife, or whatever persons there are of this kind, to whom it is fitting that comfort be rendered for God's sake. Meanwhile, disputing and teaching day by day, he completed the appointed time in the labour of teaching. And when the feast day had come, above ten thousand were baptized.

LXXIII. In illis autem diebus epistola mittitur a fratribus qui praecesserant, in qua Simonis scelera continebantur, quomodo per civitates deciperet turbas et Petrum per singula laceraret, ut cum forte advenisset, nullus ei accommodaret auditum. Asserebat enim eum magum esse et sine Deo, injuriosum, callidum, imperitum et impossibilia profitentem. Mortuos enim resurrecturos asserit, quod est, inquit, impossibile. Si qui vero eum confutare velit, occultis ab eo insidiis perimitur per satellites ejus; propter quod, inquit, et ego cum eum superassem et triumphassem, insidias ejus veritus fugi, ne forte maleficiis me perimeret aut mortem meam per insidias elocaret. Indicabant autem maxime eum apud Tripolim demorari.

LXXIII. Now in those days a letter is sent from the brethren who had gone before, in which Simon's crimes were contained: how he was deceiving the crowds through the cities and tearing Peter to pieces at every point, so that when he should happen to arrive no one might lend him a hearing. For he asserted that he was a magician and godless, injurious, cunning, unskilled, and one who professes impossible things. For he asserts that the dead will rise again, which, says he, is impossible. But if anyone wishes to refute him, he is destroyed by secret plots laid by him through his attendants; wherefore, says he, I also, when I had overcome him and triumphed, fled for fear of his plots, lest perhaps he should destroy me by sorceries or contract for my death by plots. And they reported that he was staying chiefly at Tripolis.

LXXIV. Igitur Petrus epistolam recitari populo jubet, et post lectionem allocutus eos de omnibus plenissime instruxit, praecipue tamen ut obedirent Zacchaeo, quem ordinavit eis episcopum. Sed et presbyteros et diaconos populo, et ipsis nihilominus populum commendavit. Simulque denuntians quod apud Tripolim hiematurus esset, Commendo vos, inquit, gratiae Dei, crastino cum voluntate Domini profecturus. Per totos autem tres menses quos apud Caesaream doctrinae causa exegimus, quaecunque apud populum disserebat per diem, haec nobis secreto lucubrantibus secum plenius et perfectius explanabat, tanquam fidelioribus ac sibi liquido probatis. Simul et imperat mihi, quia intellexit me studiosius quae audirem memoria commendare, libris singula quaeque quae memoratu digna videbantur comprehendere et mittere ad te, mi domine Jacobe, sicut et feci parens ejus praeceptis.

LXXIV. Peter therefore orders the letter to be read out to the people, and after the reading he addressed them and instructed them most fully about all things, but especially that they should obey Zacchaeus, whom he had ordained bishop for them. Moreover he commended the presbyters and deacons to the people, and none the less the people to them. And at the same time, announcing that he would winter at Tripolis, he said: I commend you to the grace of God, being about to set out tomorrow, with the Lord's will. Now through the whole three months which we spent at Caesarea for the sake of teaching, whatever he discoursed on before the people by day, these things he expounded more fully and more perfectly to us in private, as we kept the night-watch with him, as to men more faithful and clearly approved by him. At the same time he also commands me, because he understood that I very diligently committed to memory what I heard, to comprise in books each several thing that seemed worthy of record and to send them to you, my lord James, as I have also done, obeying his precepts.

LXXV. Primus ergo liber ex his quos prius misi ad te continet de vero propheta et de proprietate intelligentiae legis, secundum id quod Moysi traditio docet. Secundus de principio continet, utrum unum sit principium, an multa, et quod non ignoret Hebraeorum lex, quid sit immensitas. Tertius, de Deo et his quae ab eo instituta sunt. Quartus, quod cum multi dicantur dii, unus sit verus Deus secundum testimonia Scripturarum. Quintus,

LXXV. The first book, therefore, of those which I sent to you before contains matter concerning the true Prophet and concerning the proper character of the understanding of the law, according to what the tradition of Moses teaches. The second contains matter concerning the principle, whether there is one principle or many, and that the law of the Hebrews is not ignorant what immensity is. The third, concerning God and those things which have been instituted by Him. The fourth, that, although many are called gods, there is one true God according to the testimonies of the Scriptures. The fifth,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1314

Footnotes

(11) ‹anchor: Per totos› · call in col 1314

Per totos—esse non poterat (cap. 75) non leguntur in codd. Lipss.

"Per totos—esse non poterat" (chapter 75) is not read in the Leipzig codices.

(printed under page 654)

(98) ‹anchor: quos prius misi ad te› · call in col 1314

Primus ergo liber ex his quos prius misi ad te, etc. Igitur decem illi libri antea ad Jacobum missi (si unquam in rerum natura exstitere) distingui debent ab istis decem Recognitionum libris, qui nunc ad eumdem Jacobum post eos scribuntur. Et tamen hoc loco in margine codicis RR. PP. Carmelitarum legitur: Distinctiones librorum decem praesentis operis. Eumdemque errorem secutus videtur tum scriptor ms. Sorbonici, toti namque Operi ea lemmata praeponit; tum ms. Thuani exarator, qui similiter illa praefixit, ac praeterea ex isto capite 75 libri tertii sustulit.

"The first book, then, of those which I sent to you before," etc. Those ten books previously sent to James (if they ever existed in the nature of things) must therefore be distinguished from these ten books of the Recognitions, which are now being written to the same James after them. And yet at this place in the margin of the codex of the Reverend Carmelite Fathers one reads: "The divisions of the ten books of the present work." The same error seems to have been followed both by the scribe of the Sorbonne manuscript, for he sets those headings before the whole work, and by the copyist of de Thou's manuscript, who likewise prefixed them, and moreover removed them from this chapter 75 of the third book.

(printed under page 654)

Page

running head: RECOGNITIONUM LIB. III. 1314
marginal letters: A ‹relinquens quos non oportet›; B ‹quod est, inquit, impossibile›; C ‹vos, inquit, gratiae Dei›; D ‹utrum unum sit principium›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the call of text-critical note 10 is printed in this column, after "vel si quae" in the second line (Q7, seen on the column image); the note itself is set in n1313 and is not repeated here. In "memoria commendare" (LXXIV) the page prints "memoria", kept as printed (Q7).

PG 1:1315

quod duo sint coeli, quorum unum sit istud visibile firmamentum quod et transibit, aliud vero aeternum et invisibile. Sextus, de bono et malo et quod bono cuncta subjiciantur a Patre, malum autem quare et quomodo, et unde sit, et quod cooperetur quidem bono, sed non proposito bono; et quae sint signa boni, quae vero mali, et quae sit differentia dualitatis et conjugationis. Septimus, quae sint, quae prosecuti sunt duodecim apostoli apud populum in templo. Octavus, de verbis Domini quae sibi videntur esse contraria, sed non sunt, et quae sit horum absolutio. Nonus, quia lex quae a Deo

that there are two heavens, of which one is this visible firmament, which will also pass away, while the other is eternal and invisible. The sixth, on good and evil, and that all things are made subject to the good by the Father, but as to evil, why and how and whence it is, and that it does indeed co-operate with the good, yet not with a good purpose; and what are the signs of the good, and what those of the evil, and what is the difference between duality and conjunction. The seventh, what the things are which the twelve apostles set forth before the people in the temple. The eighth, on the words of the Lord which seem to contradict one another, but do not, and what the resolution of these is. The ninth, that the law which by God

posita est, justa sit et perfecta, et quae sola possit facere pacem. Decimus, de nativitate hominum carnali et de generatione quae est per baptismum, et quae sit in homine carnalis seminis successio, et quae animae ejus ratio, et quomodo in ipsa est libertas arbitrii; quae quoniam non est ingenita sed facta est, immobilis a bono esse non poterat. De his ergo singulis quae apud Caesaream disserta sunt a Petro, jubente, ut dixi, ipso decem conscripta ad te transmisi volumina. Nos autem die postera, ut statutum fuerat, cum aliquantis qui Petrum sequi decreverant fidelibus viris, a Caesarea proficiscimur.

was laid down is just and perfect, and alone is able to make peace. The tenth, on the fleshly birth of men and on the generation which is through baptism, and what is the succession of fleshly seed in man, and what is the account of his soul, and how freedom of choice is in it; which, since it is not unbegotten but was made, could not be immovable from the good. Concerning each of these things, therefore, which were discussed by Peter at Caesarea, I have, at his own bidding, as I said, sent to you ten volumes written out. And we on the next day, as had been settled, set out from Caesarea with a good number of faithful men who had resolved to follow Peter.

LIBER QUARTUS.

BOOK THE FOURTH.

I. Profecti a Caesarea ut Tripolim pergeremus, apud Doram breve oppidum primam fecimus mansionem, quia nec longe aberat. Et omnes pene qui per sermonem Petri crediderant, divelli ab eo satis aegre habebant, sed pariter incedentes, dum iterum videre, iterum complecti juvat, iterum conferre sermonem, ad diversorium pervenimus. Sequenti vero die venimus Ptolomaidem, ubi decem dies demorati cum aliquanti verbum Dei recepissent, nonnullis eorum, qui attentiores videbantur et diutius detinere nos doctrinae gratia cupiebant, Tripolim si hoc velint, ut sequerentur indicavimus. Similiter et apud Tyrum ac Sidonem et Berytum fecimus, et his qui plenius desiderabant audire sermonem, apud Tripolim nobis hiemandum denuntiavimus. Igitur cum ex singulis civitatibus studiosi quique comitarentur Petrum, electorum multitudo plurima ingredimur Tripolim. Continuo autem ante portas civitatis fratres qui praemissi fuerant, occurrunt et suscipientes nos adducunt per hospitia, quae praeparaverant. Commotio autem et concursus plurimus fiebat in civitate, desiderantium videre Petrum.

I. Having set out from Caesarea to make our way to Tripolis, we made our first halt at Dora, a small town, because it was not far off. And almost all who had believed through Peter's discourse found it very hard to be torn from him, but walking along together, while it was a delight to see him again, to embrace him again, to converse with him again, we came to the inn. On the following day we came to Ptolemais, where we stayed ten days; and when a good number had received the word of God, we made known to some of them, who seemed more attentive and wished to keep us longer for the sake of the teaching, that they should follow us to Tripolis, if they so wished. We did likewise at Tyre and Sidon and Berytus, and to those who desired to hear the discourse more fully we announced that we were to pass the winter at Tripolis. And so, since from each of the cities all the zealous accompanied Peter, we enter Tripolis, a very great multitude of the elect. And at once, before the gates of the city, the brethren who had been sent on ahead come to meet us and, receiving us, lead us to the several lodgings which they had prepared. And there arose a stir and a very great concourse in the city of those who desired to see Peter.

II. Et cum venissemus ad domum Maronis, in qua Petro fuerat praeparatum, conversus ad turbas, post diem crastinum sermonem se ad eos promisit facturum. Igitur qui praemissi fuerant fratres, omnibus qui nobiscum venerant hospitia dividunt. Petrus vero Maronis domum ingressus cum rogaretur cibum sumere, nequaquam se facturum respondit, nisi prius scisset, si omnes qui eum fuerant comitati hospitiis requiescerent. Comperit autem a fratribus

II. And when we had come to the house of Maro, in which preparation had been made for Peter, he turned to the crowds and promised that he would deliver a discourse to them the day after the morrow. The brethren, therefore, who had been sent on ahead apportion lodgings to all who had come with us. But Peter, having entered Maro's house, when he was asked to take food, answered that he would by no means do so unless he first knew whether all who had accompanied him were at rest in their lodgings. And he learned from the brethren

Editors' notes and page, col. 1315

Page

running head: 1315 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PCNT. (left half of the page head, as far as this column's images show)
marginal letters: A ‹quod duo sint coeli, quorum unum sit istud visi-›; B ‹I. Profecti a Caesarea ut Tripolim pergeremus,›; C ‹Igitur cum ex singulis civitatibus studiosi quique›; D ‹nisi prius scisset, si omnes qui eum fuerant comi-›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: caption LIBER QUARTUS runs across both columns, set once here; only its left part (LIBER QUAR-) is inside this column's images, the rest supplied from the standing title of the book. Last word fratribus is split at the column break (fra- / tribus), completed from the first line of col. 1316 visible at the right edge of image 1. Damaged type, read without doubt: quare (line 5), apud Tripolim. The running head prints PCNT. for PONT. (head, not text). Foot of page: Cotelier's note (99), not set.

PG 1:1316

qui praemissi sunt, quia a civibus pro desiderio quod erga Petrum conceperant, non solum hospitiis sed et omni humanitate suscepti sint, in tantum ut et contristarentur aliquanti, quibus defuere quos susciperent; ita enim omnes paratos fuisse, ut si multo plures venissent, adhuc tam⟨e⟩n suscipiendos magis quam suscipientes fuisse defuturos.

who were sent on ahead that, on account of the longing which they had conceived for Peter, they had been received by the citizens not only with lodgings but with every kindness, so much so that a good number were even saddened who had none left to receive; for all had been so ready that, had many more come, there would still have been a want of those to be received rather than of those to receive them.

III. Super his Petrus valde delectatus, collaudavit et benedixit eos ac secum manere jussit. Ipse vero cum lavisset in mari, cibo sumpto quievit in vespera. Et ex more pullorum cantibus surgens, vespertino adhuc lumine perdurante, cunctos invenit vigilantes; eramus autem omnes cum eo sedecim, Petrus et ego Clemens, Niceta et Aquila, et illi qui praecesserant duodecim. Salutans itaque ut solebat Petrus ait: Hodie quia aliis occupati non sumus, nobis simus. Et ego quidem vobis, quae apud Caesaream post digressum vestrum gesta sunt, enarrabo; vos autem mihi quae hic a Simone perpetrata sunt, indicate. Et cum de his ab alterutro sermo ederetur, illucescente die ingressi quidam de familiaribus nuntiant Petro, quod Simon ubi eum didicisset ingressum, per noctem profectus esset Syriam tendens. Turbae autem diem hanc, inquiunt, quam interposuisti eis, desiderio tui longissimum sibi esse tempus opinantur, denique non ferentes stant ante januam, inter se invicem de his quae audire cupiunt conferentes, et te ante praefinitum tempus omnimodis se visuros sperant, quantoque magis dies clarescit multitudines colliguntur, et audituros se sermonem tuum, nescio

III. Peter, greatly delighted at these things, praised and blessed them and bade them stay with him. And he himself, when he had bathed in the sea, took food and rested in the evening. And rising, as his custom was, at cockcrow, while the evening lamp was still burning, he found all awake; now we were sixteen in all with him, Peter and I Clement, Niceta and Aquila, and those twelve who had gone before. Greeting us, then, as he was accustomed, Peter said: Today, since we are not taken up with others, let us be at our own disposal. And I for my part will relate to you what was done at Caesarea after your departure; and do you make known to me what has been perpetrated here by Simon. And while conversation on these matters was passing from one to another, as day was dawning some of the household came in and announced to Peter that Simon, when he had learned that he had entered, had set out by night, making for Syria. But the crowds, they say, reckon this day which you have set between as a very long time for them, out of longing for you; indeed, not bearing it, they stand before the door, conferring among themselves about the things which they desire to hear, and they hope by all means to see you before the appointed time; and the brighter the day grows, the more the multitudes gather, and that they will hear your discourse, I know not

Editors' notes and page, col. 1316

Footnotes

(99) ‹anchor: cum lavisset in mari› · call in col 1316

Ipse vero cum lavisset in mari. Vide omnino S. Epiphanium, haeresi 30, num. 2, 15, 21, et ab eo monitus, Ebionitica haec et similia quae non raro occurrunt in Recognitionibus, Epitome et Clementinis, caute legito. Alias lavare manus, faciem, os, pedes, totum corpus, certis diebus, aut singulis, aut saepius in die, ac definitis horis, idque post somnum, post concubitum, ante et post cibum, ante preces, ante reconciliationem in poenitentia, ante sumptionem Eucharistiae: haec, inquam, omnia, ad consuetudines ritusque gentium et Ecclesiarum pertinentia, quemadmodum notum est satis, pietatem non laedunt, imo adjuvare possunt, si ad bonum finem dirigantur, nec superstitiose ac veluti ad salutem necessaria usurpentur.

"But he himself, when he had washed in the sea." By all means see St. Epiphanius, heresy 30, nos. 2, 15, 21, and, warned by him, read with caution these Ebionite things and the like, which occur not rarely in the Recognitions, the Epitome and the Clementines. Otherwise, to wash the hands, the face, the mouth, the feet, the whole body, on fixed days, or every day, or several times a day, and at set hours, and that after sleep, after intercourse, before and after food, before prayers, before reconciliation in penance, before receiving the Eucharist: all these things, I say, belonging to the customs and rites of peoples and of Churches, as is well enough known, do no harm to piety, indeed can help it, if they are directed to a good end and are not practised superstitiously and as though necessary for salvation.

(printed under page 655)

Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PCNT. OPERA DUBIA. 1316
marginal letters: A ‹posita est, justa sit et perfecta, et quae sola possit›; B ‹tribus qui praemissi sunt, quia a civibus pro desi-›; C ‹illi qui praecesserant duodecim. Salutans itaque ut›; D ‹praefinitum tempus omnimodis se visuros sperant,›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Q6b: in note 99 the heresy number was set 50 with a bracketed remark in the English; reset to 30. In this scan the small-type 3 is not distinguishable from a 5 (so also cap. 36 and XIII, 23 under page 663, both set as 3), and the Ebionites are Epiphanius's heresy 30, whose nos. 2, 15, 21 the note cites. UNSURE on the glyph alone; to be confirmed at higher zoom.

PG 1:1317

unde praesumentes certissime confidunt. Nunc ergo quod tibi videtur, jube ut dicamus eis; absurdum namque est tantam multitudinem convenisse et discedere cum moestitia, quippe si responsa eis nulla reddantur. Non enim cogitabunt quod ipsi statutum non exspectaverint diem, sed quod a te magis videantur esse contempti.

on what ground presuming, they most surely trust. Now therefore bid us tell them what seems good to you; for it is absurd that so great a multitude should have come together and should depart in sadness, as will be the case if no answer is returned to them. For they will not consider that it is they who did not wait for the appointed day, but rather that they seem to have been slighted by you.

IV. Tum Petrus admirans ait: Videtis, fratres, quomodo unusquisque sermo Domini prophetice dictus impletur. Memini enim dixisse eum: Messis quidem multa, operarii autem pauci. Rogate ergo dominum messis, ut ejiciat operarios in messem suam. Ecce ergo nunc quae in mysterio praedicta sunt, adimplentur. Sed et quod dixit: Multi venient ab oriente et occidente, a septentrione et meridie, et recumbent in sinibus Abraham et Isaac et Jacob; etiam hoc pariter, ut videtis, expletur. Propter quod deprecor vos conservos et adjutores meos, ut discatis attentius praedicandi ordinem et absolutionum vias, ut possitis salvare animas hominum, quae occulta Dei virtute quem debeant diligere, prius etiam quam doceantur agnoscunt. Videtis enim eos quasi bonos servos desiderare eum, quem sibi sperant adventum sui Domini nuntiare, ut possint voluntatem ejus cum didicerint implere. Desiderium ergo audiendi verbi Dei et voluntatem ejus quaerendi ex Deo habent, et hoc est initium doni Dei quod gentibus datur, ut possint per hoc doctrinam recipere veritatis.

IV. Then Peter, marvelling, said: You see, brethren, how every word of the Lord spoken prophetically is fulfilled. For I remember that He said: The harvest indeed is great, but the labourers are few. Ask therefore the lord of the harvest to send forth labourers into his harvest. See, then, the things which were foretold in a mystery are now being fulfilled. But that also which He said: Many shall come from the east and the west, from the north and the south, and shall recline in the bosoms of Abraham and Isaac and Jacob; this too, as you see, is equally being accomplished. Wherefore I entreat you, my fellow servants and helpers, to learn more attentively the order of preaching and the ways of resolving questions, that you may be able to save the souls of men, which by the hidden power of God recognize whom they ought to love even before they are taught. For you see that they, like good servants, long for him who, they hope, announces to them the coming of their Lord, that they may be able to fulfil His will when they have learned it. The desire, therefore, of hearing the word of God and of seeking His will they have from God, and this is the beginning of the gift of God which is given to the Gentiles, that through it they may be able to receive the teaching of the truth.

V. Sic enim et Hebraeorum populo ex initio datum est, ut diligerent Moysen et crederent verbo ejus. [Unde et scriptum est: Credidit populus Deo et Moysi famulo ejus.] Quod ergo fuit proprii muneris a Deo erga Hebraeorum gentem, hoc nunc videmus dari etiam his qui ex gentibus convocantur ad fidem. Operum vero ratio potestati et arbitrio uniuscujusque permittitur, et hoc ipsorum est proprium, [desiderium vero habere erga doctorem veritatis,] hoc a Patre coelesti donatum est. Sed salus in eo est ut voluntatem ejus, cujus amorem et desiderium Deo largiente conceperis, facias; ne dicatur ad te ille sermo ejus quem dixit: Quid autem dicitis mihi: Domine, Domine, et non facitis quae dico? Est ergo proprii muneris a Deo concessi Hebraeis, ut Moysi credant, gentibus autem, ut Jesum diligant. Hoc enim indicabat et Magister, ubi ait: Confitebor tibi, Pater, Domine coeli et terrae, quia occultasti haec a sapientibus

V. For so it was given also to the people of the Hebrews from the beginning, that they should love Moses and believe his word. [Whence also it is written: The people believed God and Moses His servant.] What therefore was of a special gift from God towards the nation of the Hebrews, this we now see given also to those who are called together out of the Gentiles to the faith. But the reckoning of works is left to the power and choice of each one, and this is their own; [but to have a longing for the teacher of the truth,] this has been bestowed by the heavenly Father. Yet salvation lies in this, that you do the will of him for whom, by God's bounty, you have conceived love and longing; lest that word of His be said to you which He spoke: But why do you say to me, Lord, Lord, and do not the things which I say? It is therefore of a special gift granted by God to the Hebrews that they believe Moses, and to the Gentiles that they love Jesus. For this the Master also was pointing out where He says: I will confess to Thee, Father, Lord of heaven and earth, because Thou hast hidden these things from the wise

Editors' notes and page, col. 1317

Footnotes

(12) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1317 or 1318 (call not visible in the foot image)

Matth. IX, 37, 38.

Matthew 9:37, 38.

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Luc. XIII, 29; Matth. VIII, 11.

Luke 13:29; Matthew 8:11.

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(14) ‹anchor: Desiderium ergo› · call in col 1317

Desiderium ergo et sqq. usque ad finem cap. 5 non leguntur in codd. Lipss.

"Desiderium ergo" and what follows, as far as the end of chapter 5, are not read in the Leipzig codices.

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(15) ‹anchor: Moysi famulo ejus› · call in col 1317

Exod. XIV, 31.

Exodus 14:31.

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(16) ‹anchor: facitis quae dico› · call in col 1317

Luc. VI, 46.

Luke 6:46.

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Matth. XI, 25.

Matthew 11:25.

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(18) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1317 or 1318 (call not visible in the foot image)

Matth. XIII, 52.

Matthew 13:52.

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(100) ‹anchor: facitis quae dico› · call in col 1317

Quid autem dicitis mihi, Domine, etc. Lucae VI, 46: Τί δέ με καλεῖτε, Κύριε, Κύριε, καὶ οὐ ποιεῖτε ἃ λέγω; Quid autem vocatis me: Domine, Domine, et non facitis quae dico? seu ex alia versione apud Caesarium Arelatensem, homil. 4, 9 et 12, earum quas curae viri clarissimi Stephani Baluzii debemus: Quid prodest quod dicitis mihi, Domine, Domine, et non facitis quae vel ea quae dico? S. Augustinus, serm. 38, De sanctis: Illud valde timendum est, quod iterum Dominus dicit: Quid prodest quod dicitis: Domine, Domine, et non facitis quae dico vobis?

"But why do you say to me, Lord," etc. Luke 6:46: Τί δέ με καλεῖτε, Κύριε, Κύριε, καὶ οὐ ποιεῖτε ἃ λέγω; "But why do you call me, Lord, Lord, and do not do the things I say?" or, from another version in Caesarius of Arles, homilies 4, 9 and 12 of those which we owe to the care of the most distinguished Étienne Baluze: "What does it profit that you say to me, Lord, Lord, and do not do what (or: those things which) I say?" St. Augustine, sermon 38, On the Saints: "That is greatly to be feared which the Lord says again: What does it profit that you say, Lord, Lord, and do not do the things I say to you?"

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(1) ‹anchor: Domine coeli et terrae› · call in col 1317

Pater, Domine coeli et terrae. Candeler. ms., Domine Pater, quo modo citatur ab Hilario, Hieronymo, aliis.

"Father, Lord of heaven and earth." The Candeler. manuscript has "Lord, Father," in which form it is cited by Hilary, Jerome and others.

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running head: 1317 RECOGNITIONUM LIB. (left half of the page head, as far as this column's images show)
marginal letters: A ‹unde praesumentes certissime confidunt. Nunc ergo›; B ‹recumbent in sinibus Abraham et Isaac et Jacob;›; C ‹V. Sic enim et Hebraeorum populo ex initio da-›; D ‹a Deo concessi Hebraeis, ut Moysi credant, genti-›
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et prudentibus, et revelasti ea parvulis. Per quod utique declaratur, quia Hebraeorum populus qui ex lege eruditus est, ignoravit eum, populus autem gentium agnovit Jesum et veneratur, propter quod et salvabitur, non solum agnoscens eum, sed et voluntatem ejus faciens. Debet autem is qui ex gentibus est, et ex Deo habet, ut diligat Jesum, proprii habere propositi, ut credat et Moysi. Et rursus Hebraeus qui ex Deo habet, ut credat Moysi, habere debet et ex proposito suo, ut credat in Jesum, ut unusquisque eorum habens in se aliud divini muneris, aliud propriae industriae, sit ex utroque perfectus. De tali enim dicebat Dominus noster viro divite: Qui profert de thesauris suis nova et vetera.

and the prudent, and hast revealed them to little ones. By which it is assuredly declared that the people of the Hebrews, who were instructed out of the law, did not know Him, but the people of the Gentiles has acknowledged Jesus and venerates Him, on account of which it will also be saved, not only acknowledging Him but also doing His will. But he who is of the Gentiles, and has it from God that he loves Jesus, ought to have it of his own purpose that he believe Moses also. And again the Hebrew, who has it from God that he believes Moses, ought to have it also of his own purpose that he believe in Jesus, so that each of them, having in himself one thing of divine gift and another of his own endeavour, may be perfect from both. For of such a one our Lord used to speak as a rich man: Who brings forth from his treasures things new and old.

VI. Sed de his satis dictum; urget enim tempus et populi religiosa devotio invitat nos, ad ipsos facere sermonem. Et cum haec dixisset, requirebat ubi opportunus esset locus ad disputandum. Et Maro ait: Est mihi aedes amplissima, quae plus quam quingentos recipiat viros, est et hortus intra domum; aut si in publico aliquo placet loco, hoc magis omnes desiderant, nemo enim est, qui non cupiat vel faciem tuam videre tantum. Et Petrus: Ostende mihi, inquit, aedem vel hortum. Et cum vidisset aedem, ingrediebatur ut et hortum perspiceret, et subito omnis multitudo quasi ab aliquo evocata, cum festinatione ingressa est domum, atque inde ad hortum prorupit, ubi jam stabat Petrus, considerans quis esset aptus ad disputandum locus.

VI. But enough has been said of these things; for time presses, and the religious devotion of the people invites us to deliver a discourse to them. And when he had said this, he asked where there was a suitable place for disputation. And Maro said: I have a very spacious hall, which may hold more than five hundred men, and there is also a garden within the house; or if it pleases you to be in some public place, this all desire the more, for there is no one who does not long even only to see your face. And Peter said: Show me the hall or the garden. And when he had seen the hall, he was going in to look over the garden also, and suddenly the whole multitude, as though summoned by someone, entered the house in haste and from there burst through to the garden, where Peter was already standing, considering what place would be fit for disputation.

VII. Ut autem vidit turbas velut ingentis fluvii inundasse lenem meatum, ascendens supra basim quamdam, quae forte juxta horti parietem stabat, primo religionis more populum salutavit. Quidam autem ex his qui aderant, et multo tempore a daemonibus fuerant fatigati, in terra proruunt obsecrantibus spiritibus immundis, ut vel uno die indulgeretur eis in obsessis corporibus permanere; quos Petrus increpans jussit abscedere, et sine mora discesserunt. Post hos alii longis afflicti languoribus rogabant Petrum, ut reciperent sanitatem, pro quibus se supplicaturum Domino pollicetur, cum prius, sermo doctrinae fuisset expletus. Sed statim ut promisit, languoribus resoluti sunt, et jussit eos seorsim residere cum his, qui a daemonibus fuerant curati, quasi post laboris fatigationem. Interea dum haec aguntur, plurima multitudo convenit, quos non solum desiderium Petri, sed et sanitatum

VII. And when he saw that the crowds had flooded in like the gentle current of a mighty river, he went up upon a certain pedestal which happened to stand by the garden wall, and first greeted the people after the manner of religion. But some of those who were present, and who had for a long time been wearied by demons, fall down upon the ground, the unclean spirits beseeching that it might be granted them to remain in the bodies they possessed for even one day; these Peter rebuked and ordered to depart, and without delay they went out. After these, others afflicted with long sicknesses asked Peter that they might recover health, and he promises that he will make supplication to the Lord for them when first the discourse of teaching has been completed. But as soon as he promised, they were released from their sicknesses, and he bade them sit apart with those who had been cured of the demons, as after the weariness of toil. Meanwhile, while these things are being done, a very great multitude came together, whom not only the longing for Peter but also the report of the healings

Editors' notes and page, col. 1318

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running head: RECOGNITIONUM LIB. IV. 1318
marginal letters: A ‹et prudentibus, et revelasti ea parvulis. Per quod›; B ‹VI. Sed de his satis dictum; urget enim tempus›; C ‹quis esset aptus ad disputandum locus.›; D ‹sim residere cum his, qui a daemonibus fuerant›
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, quae perpetratae fuerant, fama pertraxerat. At Petrus manu quiescere populum docens, et turbas in tranquillitate componens, hoc modo fecit exordium:

, which had been wrought, had drawn thither. But Peter, signalling with his hand for the people to be quiet, and settling the crowds in stillness, began in this manner:

VIII. Incipienti de vero Dei cultu facere sermonem necessarium mihi videtur, eos qui nondum de hoc aliquid scientiae consecuti sunt, primo omnium docere, per omnia inculpabilem ponendam esse divinam Providentiam, per quam mundus regitur et gubernatur. Hunc autem nobis exordii titulum dedit praesentis operis ratio, et eorum quos Dei virtus sanavit occasio, ut ostendamus, quod recta ratione quamplurimi a diversis daemonibus obtinentur, ut per hoc appareat justitia Dei. Invenietur enim omnium pene malorum mater esse ignorantia. Sed jam veniamus ad causam.

VIII. As I begin to deliver a discourse on the true worship of God, it seems to me necessary first of all to teach those who have not yet attained any knowledge of this matter that divine Providence, by which the world is ruled and governed, is to be held blameless in all things. And this heading for our opening has been given us by the nature of the present work, and by the occasion of those whom the power of God has healed, that we may show that with right reason very many are held by various demons, so that through this the justice of God may appear. For ignorance will be found to be the mother of almost all evils. But now let us come to the matter.

IX. Deus cum fecisset hominem ad imaginem et similitudinem suam, operi suo spiramen quoddam et odorem suae divinitatis inseruit, ut per hoc participes facti mortales Unigeniti ejus, per ipsum etiam amici Dei et filii adoptionis existerent; unde et qua via id possint adipisci, ipse eos ut propheta verus edocuit, sciens quibus actibus hominum delectaretur Pater. Unus itaque apud homines tunc Dei cultus erat, mens pura et spiritus incorruptus. Et ob hoc omnis creatura humano generi foedus inviolabile conservabat. Ob reverentiam namque Creatoris nulla aegritudo in eos, nullum vitium corporis, nulla ciborum dominata corruptio est, ex quo fiebat, ut mille annorum aetas in fragilitatem non incideret senectutis.

IX. When God had made man to His own image and likeness, He implanted in His work a certain breath and fragrance of His divinity, so that mortals, made through this partakers of His Only-begotten, might through Him become also friends of God and sons of adoption; whence also He Himself, as the true prophet, taught them by what way they might attain this, knowing in what deeds of men the Father would take delight. There was then, accordingly, among men one worship of God, a pure mind and an uncorrupted spirit. And on this account every creature kept an inviolable covenant with the human race. For out of reverence for the Creator no sickness, no defect of body, no corruption of foods had dominion over them, whence it came about that an age of a thousand years did not fall into the frailty of old age.

X. Sed ubi vita laboris expers bonorum perseverantiam non putavit divina largitione, sed rerum forte concessam, et sine ullo sudore divinae amoenitatis deliciis perfrui, naturae debitum et non Dei bonitatis munus accepit. In contrarias per haec homines et impias cogitationes otio docente perveniunt, putantes deorum sibi vitam nullis laboribus nullisque meritis natam. Hinc proficiunt in deterius, ut neque providentia Dei mundum regi crederent, neque virtutibus esse aliquem locum, quandoquidem semetipsos scirent nullis prius bonis operibus assignatis otii ac deliciarum summam tenere, et amicos Dei absque ullis laboribus haberi.

X. But when a life free from toil came to think that the continuance of good things was granted not by divine bounty but by the chance of things, it took the enjoyment of the delights of the divine pleasantness without any sweat to be a debt of nature and not the gift of God's goodness. Through this men, with idleness as their teacher, come to contrary and impious thoughts, supposing that the life of gods had been born to them by no labours and no merits. From this they advance to the worse, so that they believed neither that the world is ruled by the providence of God, nor that there is any place for virtues, since they knew that they themselves, with no good works first set to their account, possessed the sum of ease and delights, and were held to be friends of God without any labours.

XI. Justissimo itaque Dei judicio in hujusmodi cogitationum vanitate languentibus, labores et afflictiones pro remedio conferuntur. Ubi ergo adfuit labor ac tribulatio, deliciarum et amoenitatis exclusi sunt loco. Terra autem coepit nihil eis sine labore producere; et tunc conversa in hominibus cogitatio, creatoris sui requirere commonetur auxilium, et orationibus ac votis praesidia invitare

XI. By the most just judgement of God, therefore, labours and afflictions are bestowed as a remedy on those languishing in the vanity of thoughts of this kind. When therefore toil and tribulation were at hand, they were shut out from the place of delights and pleasantness. And the earth began to bring forth nothing for them without labour; and then the thought in men, being turned about, is admonished to seek the help of its Creator, and by prayers and vows to invite the protection

Editors' notes and page, col. 1319

Footnotes

(19) ‹anchor: in tranquillitate componens› · call in col 1319

Quae sequuntur vocabula usque ad finem cap. 36, desunt in codd. Lipss.; cohaerent autem antecedentia cum iis, quae cap. 37 leguntur, hoc modo: componens, cum aliqua locutus esset, praecepit ut postera die, etc.

The words that follow, as far as the end of chapter 36, are wanting in the Leipzig codices; and what precedes joins on to what is read in chapter 37 in this way: "componens, cum aliqua locutus esset, praecepit ut postera die," etc.

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(2) ‹anchor: Et quia speravit invocare nomen Domini (lemma)› · call in col 1320

Et quia speravit invocare nomen Domini. Vel confundit Henochum cum Enoso; seu potius illi applicat quod de hoc dictum fuerat Genes. IV, 26, juxta LXX interpretes.

"And because he hoped to call upon the name of the Lord." Either he confuses Enoch with Enosh; or rather he applies to the former what had been said of the latter in Genesis 4:26, according to the Seventy translators.

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running head: 1319 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. (left half of the page head, as far as this column's images show)
marginal letters: A ‹tum, quae perpetratae fuerant, fama pertraxerat. At›; B ‹ignorantia. Sed jam veniamus ad causam.›; C ‹incideret senectutis.›; D ‹XI. Justissimo itaque Dei judicio in hujusmodi›
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divina. Et ita factum est, ut cultum Dei quem pro bonis neglexerant, recuperarent pro malis, et cogitationes in Deum quas perverterat indulgentia, emendaret afflictio. Sic ergo divina Providentia hoc esse utilius hominibus videns, vias benignitatis et abundantiae, tanquam quae laederent, subtrahit ab hominibus, et vexationis iter ac tribulationis inducit.

of God. And so it came about that the worship of God, which they had neglected in return for good things, they recovered in return for evil things, and that affliction corrected the thoughts towards God which indulgence had perverted. Thus, therefore, divine Providence, seeing that this was more profitable for men, withdraws from men the ways of kindness and abundance, as things that were doing harm, and brings in the path of vexation and tribulation.

XII. Sed ut ostenderet quia haec pro ingratis agerentur, unum quemdam ex illis qui primitus coeperant esse mortales, quod eum gratiae suae non immemorem vidit, et quia speravit invocare nomen Domini, ad immortales transtulit, caeteris qui in tantum ingrati exstitere, ut nec laboribus et tribulationibus emendari et corrigi possint, gravissima morte damnatis. Invenit tamen et inter ipsos unum quemdam cum domo sua justum, quem reservaret, praecepto ei dato ut fabricaret arcam, et in ea, cum diluvio cuncta necarentur, ipse cum his quibus praeceptum fuerat, posset evadere, quo impiis inundationem aquarum peremptis purificationem mundus acciperet, et is qui ad posteritatem generis fuerat reservatus, per aquam mundus effectus, mundum denuo repararet.

XII. But that He might show that these things were being done on account of the ungrateful, a certain one of those who had first begun to be mortal, because He saw him not unmindful of His grace, and because he hoped to call upon the name of the Lord, He translated to the immortals, while the rest, who proved so ungrateful that they could not be amended and corrected even by labours and tribulations, were condemned to a most grievous death. Yet among these also He found a certain one, righteous together with his house, whom He might preserve, a command being given him to build an ark, and that in it, when all things were being destroyed by the flood, he with those concerning whom the command had been given might be able to escape, so that, the impious having been destroyed by the inundation of waters, the world might receive purification, and he who had been preserved for the continuance of the race, being made clean through water, might restore the world anew.

XIII. Sed his omnibus gestis rursus homines ad impietatem vertuntur, et propter hoc a Deo ponitur lex quae vivendi modum doceret; sed processu temporis, Dei quidem cultus et justitia ab infidelibus et impiis corrumpitur, sicut paulo post apertius ostendemus. Perversae autem et erraticae religiones introducuntur, quibus se plurima pars hominum per occasionem feriarum et solemnitatum dederunt, potus instaurantes et convivia, tibiasque ac fistulas et citharas ac diversa genera musicorum sectantes, et semetipsos per omnia temulentiae ac luxuriae propinantes. Hinc omnis error accepit originem, hinc lucos et aras, hinc coronas et victimas reperere, et post ebrietatem quasi lymphaticis motibus agi; ex hoc jam potestas daemoniis data ingrediendi hujuscemodi mentes, ut choros ducere insanos et Baccho furere viderentur; hinc fremere dentibus, et mugire de profundis visceribus inventum, hinc terribilis vultus et ferus in hominibus aspectus, ut is quem temulentia subverterat ac daemon instigaverat, numine repletus a deceptis et errantibus crederentur.

XIII. But after all these things had been done men turn again to impiety, and on this account a law is laid down by God to teach the manner of living; but in process of time the worship of God and righteousness are corrupted by the unbelieving and impious, as we shall show more plainly a little later. And perverse and erratic religions are brought in, to which the greatest part of men gave themselves up on the occasion of holidays and solemnities, instituting drinking-bouts and banquets, and following after pipes and flutes and harps and divers kinds of musical instruments, and handing themselves over in all things to drunkenness and luxury. From this every error took its origin, from this they devised groves and altars, from this garlands and victims, and after drunkenness to be driven as it were by frenzied motions; from this, then, power was given to the demons to enter minds of this sort, so that they seemed to lead mad dances and to rave in Bacchic fashion; from this was devised the gnashing of teeth and the bellowing from the depths of the bowels, from this the terrible countenance and savage look in men, so that he whom drunkenness had overthrown and a demon had goaded on was believed by the deceived and erring to be filled with a divine power.

XIV. Unde cum tam multae in hunc mundum falsae et erraticae religiones essent introductae, missi sumus nos deferentes vobis tanquam boni negotiatores, a patribus traditum et conservatum veri Dei cultum, cujus quasi semina quaedam vobis haec verba respergimus, et in vestro judicio ponimus

XIV. Wherefore, since so many false and erratic religions had been brought into this world, we have been sent, bringing to you like good merchants the worship of the true God, handed down and preserved from the fathers, of which we scatter these words upon you as certain seeds, and we set it in your judgement

Editors' notes and page, col. 1320

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running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1320
marginal letters: A ‹divina. Et ita factum est, ut cultum Dei quem pro›; B ‹sint, gravissima morte damnatis. Invenit tamen et›; C ‹tius ostendemus. Perversae autem et erraticae reli-›; D ‹subverterat ac daemon instigaverat, numine reple-›
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quod rectum videtur eligere. Si enim recipiatis quae nostra sunt, non solum ipsi incursiones daemonis effugere, sed et ex aliis eas effugare poteritis, simul et aeternorum bonorum praemia consequemini. Qui autem contempserint recipere quae dicuntur a nobis, in praesenti quidem vita diversis daemonibus et aegritudinum vitiis subjacebunt, post excessum autem corporis etiam animae eorum cruciabuntur in perpetuum. Deus enim non solum bonus, sed et justus est; nam si semper bonus sit et nunquam justus, ut reddat unicuique pro gestis suis, bonum invenietur injustum. Injustum namque est, si ita apud eum habeatur impius, sicut et pius.

to choose what seems right. For if you receive the things that are ours, you will not only be able yourselves to escape the assaults of the demon, but also to drive them away from others, and at the same time you will obtain the rewards of eternal good things. But those who scorn to receive the things which are said by us will in the present life be subject to divers demons and to the ills of sicknesses, and after the departure from the body their souls also will be tormented for ever. For God is not only good but also just; for if He were always good and never just, so as to render to each according to his deeds, the good would be found unjust. For it is unjust if the impious is held by Him in the same way as the pious also.

XV. Igitur daemones, sicut paulo ante diximus, cum occasionibus acceptis ingerere se potuerunt per malos et turpes actus corporibus hominum, si multo tempore permanent in eis per negligentiam ipsorum, quia animae suae quod est utile non requirunt, necessario cogunt eos habitantium in se daemonum de reliquo facere voluntates. Quod autem est omnium deterius, in consummatione saeculi, cum daemon ille igni tradetur aeterno, necessario et anima quae ei paruit, cum ipso aeternis ignibus cruciabitur, una cum corpore suo quod polluit.

XV. The demons, therefore, as we said a little before, when, having found occasions, they have been able to thrust themselves into the bodies of men through evil and shameful deeds, if they remain in them a long time through the men's own negligence, because they do not seek what is profitable for their soul, of necessity compel them thenceforth to do the will of the demons dwelling in them. And what is worst of all, at the consummation of the age, when that demon shall be delivered to eternal fire, of necessity the soul also which obeyed him will be tormented with him in eternal fires, together with its body which it has polluted.

XVI. Daemones autem habere desiderium immergendi se corporibus hominum haec causa est. Spiritus sunt habentes propositum conversum ad malitiam; per cibos ergo et potus immoderatos ac libidinem perurgent homines ad peccatum; eos tamen qui peccandi propositum gerunt, qui dum videntur necessaria naturae velle complere, non tenentes modum per nimietatem, ingrediendi in semetipsos daemonibus faciunt locum. Donec autem naturae mensura servatur et modus legitimus custoditur, Dei clementia ingrediendi in homines non eis tribuit facultatem. Ubi vero aut mens ad impietatem declinaverit, aut corpus immoderatis cibis ac potibus adimplebitur, tanquam voluntate et proposito eorum qui se ita negligunt invitati, quasi adversum eos qui a Deo positam legem solverint, accipiunt facultatem.

XVI. Now the reason why the demons have a desire to plunge themselves into the bodies of men is this. They are spirits having a purpose turned to wickedness; through immoderate food and drink, therefore, and through lust they urge men on to sin; those, however, who bear a purpose of sinning, who, while they seem to wish to satisfy the necessities of nature, by not keeping measure make room through excess for the demons to enter into themselves. But so long as the measure of nature is kept and the lawful mean is observed, the clemency of God does not grant them the power of entering into men. But when either the mind has turned aside to impiety, or the body is filled with immoderate food and drink, then, as though invited by the will and purpose of those who thus neglect themselves, they receive the power as against those who have broken the law laid down by God.

XVII. Videtis ergo quantum valeat agnitio Dei et divinae religionis observantia, quae non solum defendit credentes ab incursionibus daemonii, verum et imperare eos facit his qui caeteris dominantur. Et ideo necessarium vobis est, qui estis ex gentibus, confugere ad Deum et observare vos ab omni immunditia, ut expulsis daemonibus Dei habitatio fiat in vobis. Simul et orationibus commendate vos Deo, et interpellate eum adversum impudentiam daemonum; credentes enim quaecunque petieritis, accipietis. Sed et ipsi daemones quanto viderint fidem crescere in homine, tanto ab eo refugiunt in ea solum parte residentes, in qua adhuc aliquid infidelitatis resederit; ab his vero qui plena

XVII. You see, therefore, how much the knowledge of God and the observance of divine religion avail, which not only defends believers from the assaults of the demon, but also makes them command those who lord it over the rest. And therefore it is necessary for you, who are of the Gentiles, to flee for refuge to God and to keep yourselves from all uncleanness, that, the demons being driven out, a dwelling of God may be made in you. At the same time commend yourselves also to God by prayers, and entreat Him against the shamelessness of the demons; for whatsoever you ask, believing, you shall receive. But the demons themselves also, the more they see faith grow in a man, the more they flee from him, abiding only in that part in which something of unbelief still lingers; but from those who with full

Editors' notes and page, col. 1321

Footnotes

(20) ‹anchor: quaecunque petieritis, accipietis› · call in col 1321

Matth. XXI, 22.

Matthew 21:22.

(printed under page 658)

Page

running head: 1321 RECOGNITIONUM L (left half of the page head, as far as this column's images show)
marginal letters: A ‹quod rectum videtur eligere. Si enim reci-›; B ‹cum occasionibus acceptis ingerere se potuerunt›; C ‹malitiam; per cibos ergo et potus immoderatos ac›; D ‹et divinae religionis observantia, quae non solum›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1322

fide credunt, absque ulla remoratione discedunt. Anima enim cum venerit ad fidem Dei, coelestis aquae virtutem consequitur, per quam daemonem tanquam scintillam ignis exstinguat.

faith believe they depart without any delay. For when the soul has come to faith in God, it obtains the power of the heavenly water, by which it may quench the demon like a spark of fire.

XVIII. Est ergo fidei mensura, quae si integra sit, ex integro de anima daemonem fugat; si vero minus aliquid habeat, residet adhuc aliquid de portione daemonis in portione infidelitatis, et est plurimus labor, ut intelligat anima quando aut qualiter, si plene aut minus plene ex se fugatus sit daemon. Si enim in aliqua parte resederit, cum tempus inveniet, cogitationes subjicit cordibus hominum, et illi nescientes unde haec veniant, suggestionibus daemonum quasi animae suae sensibus credunt. Suggerunt ergo aliis occasione corporeae necessitatis delicias sequi, aliorum iracundiam excusant per abundantiam fellis, aliorum insaniam nigri fellis vehementia colorant, sed et stultitiam quorumdam pro multitudine phlegmatis extenuant. Quod etsi ita esset, tamen haec singula molesta corpori esse non possent, nisi ex ciborum potuumque nimietate, qui cum justo amplius sumuntur, abundantia eorum quam decoquere naturalis non sufficit calor, crudescit in venenum quoddam, idque visceribus venisque omnibus sentinae in modum redundans, motus corporis insanos reddit et turpes. Propter quod in omnibus est obtinenda parcimonia, ut neque daemonibus locus detur, neque anima ab eis obsessa una cum ipsis tradatur aeternis ignibus crucianda.

XVIII. There is, therefore, a measure of faith, which, if it is entire, entirely puts the demon to flight from the soul; but if it falls short in anything, something of the demon's portion still remains in the portion of unbelief, and it is a very great labour for the soul to understand when or how, whether fully or less fully, the demon has been driven out of it. For if he has lingered in any part, when he finds an opportunity he suggests thoughts to the hearts of men, and they, not knowing whence these come, trust the suggestions of the demons as though they were the perceptions of their own soul. They therefore suggest to some to follow pleasures on the pretext of bodily necessity; the wrathfulness of others they excuse by an abundance of bile; the madness of others they colour by the vehemence of black bile; and the folly of some also they make light of on account of the quantity of phlegm. And even if this were so, yet none of these could be troublesome to the body except from excess of food and drink, which, when they are taken beyond what is right, their abundance, which the natural heat is not sufficient to digest, sours into a kind of poison, and this, overflowing through the bowels and all the veins after the manner of bilge-water, renders the motions of the body unsound and shameful. Wherefore frugality is to be held to in all things, that neither may place be given to the demons, nor the soul, possessed by them, be delivered together with them to be tormented in eternal fires.

XIX. Est et alius error daemonum, quem subjiciunt sensibus hominum, ut putent se ab his qui dicuntur dii perpeti quae patiuntur, quo per haec, sacrificia offerentes et munera, quasi repropitiantes eos, cultum falsae religionis affirment, nos vero refugiant qui pro salute eorum satagimus, ut ab errore liberentur; sed hoc, ut dixi, faciunt ignorantes quod daemones ista sibi suggerant, ne salventur. Est ergo in potestate uniuscujusque, quia liberi arbitrii factus est homo, utrum nobis velit audire ad vitam, an daemonibus ad interitum. Aliis etiam daemones in visu per diversas imagines apparentes, interdum minas intendunt, interdum sanitates incommoditatibus pollicentur, ut his quos decipiunt deorum nihilominus de se inserant opinionem, et quod sint daemones ignoretur. Sed nos non latent, scientes mysterium creaturae, et quam ob causam daemonibus haec agere in praesenti saeculo permittatur, ut vel transformari eis liceat in quas volunt imagines, vel suggerere pravas cogitationes, vel inserere se per cibos et potum sibi consecratum mentibus vel corporibus eorum, qui ex eo sumpserint, vel ad idoli alicujus venerationem somnia vana confingere.

XIX. There is also another error of the demons, which they suggest to the senses of men, that they should think that they suffer what they suffer from those who are called gods, in order that by this means, offering sacrifices and gifts as though appeasing them, they may confirm the worship of false religion, but may flee from us, who are busy for their salvation, that they may be freed from error; but this, as I said, they do not knowing that the demons suggest these things to them lest they be saved. It is therefore in the power of each one, since man has been made of free choice, whether he will hearken to us unto life, or to the demons unto destruction. To others also the demons, appearing in vision through divers images, sometimes hold out threats, sometimes promise cures for their ailments, that they may none the less implant in those whom they deceive the opinion that they are gods, and that it may not be known that they are demons. But they do not escape us, who know the mystery of the creation, and for what cause it is permitted to the demons to do these things in the present age, so that it is allowed them either to be transformed into what images they will, or to suggest evil thoughts, or to insinuate themselves, through food and drink consecrated to them, into the minds or bodies of those who have partaken of it, or to fashion vain dreams for the veneration of some idol.

XX. Et tamen quis ita sine sensu invenitur, cui persuaderi debeat, ut idolum colat, sive illud ex auro sive ex quolibet metallo factum sit? Cui non

XX. And yet who is found so senseless that he must needs be persuaded to worship an idol, whether it be made of gold or of any metal whatever? To whom is it not

Editors' notes and page, col. 1322

Page

running head: RECOGNITIONUM LIB. IV. 1322
marginal letters: A ‹fide credunt, absque ulla remoratione discedunt.›; B ‹necessitatis delicias sequi, aliorum iracundiam›; C ‹aeternis ignibus crucianda.›; D ‹decipiunt deorum nihilominus de se inserant opi-›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the opening words complete the sentence of col. 1321 (qui plena / fide credunt). UNSURE: qui cum justo amplius sumuntur is read as printed (qui, where the sense would allow quae); kept, not counted as a misprint. Damaged type at the right edge, read without doubt: insaniam, stultitiam, extenuant, potuumque, neque. The English of the last line ('To whom is it not') anticipates the verb in col. 1323: check at assembly. Printer's sheet number 42 at the foot, not set.

PG 1:1323

palam est id esse illud metallum, quod artifex voluit? Quomodo ergo inesse ibi divinitas putanda est, quod si noluisset artifex, omnino non esset? aut quomodo inde futura sibi annuntiari sperent, ubi nec praesentium aliquis intellectus est? Quamvis etiamsi aliquid divinarent, non continuo dii haberi possent; quia aliud est divinatio, aliud divinitas. Nam et Pythones divinare videntur, et non continuo dii sunt, denique a Christianis hominibus effugantur; et quomodo Deus est, qui fugatur ab homine? Sed dicis fortasse: quid quod sanitates efficiunt, et quomodo quis curetur ostendunt? Hac ratione colendi sunt etiam medici ut dii, multos enim sanant, et quanto quis peritior fuerit, tanto plures sanabit.

plain that that metal is whatever the craftsman willed? How then is divinity to be thought to be in that which, had the craftsman not willed it, would not exist at all? Or how should they hope that things to come are announced to them from a place where there is not even any understanding of things present? Although, even if they did divine something, they could not forthwith be held to be gods; for divination is one thing, divinity another. For the Pythons too seem to divine, and yet they are not forthwith gods; indeed, they are driven out by Christian men; and how is he a god who is put to flight by a man? But perhaps you say: What of the fact that they effect cures, and show how one may be healed? On this reasoning physicians also are to be worshipped as gods, for they heal many, and the more skilled anyone is, the more he will heal.

XXI. Unde constat, istos cum sint daemonici spiritus, et multo citius scire aliqua et multo perfectius; non enim ad discendum tarditate corporis degravantur. Et ideo quae medici longo tempore et labore plurimo assequuntur, haec illi tanquam spiritus, absque mora ulla et absque difficultate cognoscunt. Non ergo mirum est, si plus aliquid quam homines sciunt; sed hoc intuendum est, quod ea quae sciunt, non ad salutem sed ad deceptionem proferunt animarum, ut per haec eas cultum falsae religionis edoceant. Sed Deus, ne tantae deceptionis error lateret et errantibus ipse causa videretur existere, qui tantum eis licere permisit, ut per divinationes, per curationes et per somnia decipere homines possint, clementiae suae remedium providit hominibus, et distinctionem falsi verique scire cupientibus in propatulo posuit. Est ergo ista distinctio: Quod a vero Deo dicitur sive per prophetas, sive per visiones diversas, semper verum est: quod autem a daemonibus praedicitur, non semper verum est. Est ergo evidentis indicii, non a vero Deo dici ea, in quibus aliquando mendacium est, in veritate enim nunquam mendacium est, in his autem qui mentiuntur, potest aliquando et veritatis aliquid admisceri, per quod mendacia condiantur.

XXI. Whence it is clear that these, since they are demonic spirits, know some things both much more quickly and much more perfectly; for they are not weighed down in learning by the slowness of a body. And therefore the things which physicians attain to by long time and very great labour, these they, as spirits, come to know without any delay and without difficulty. It is no wonder, then, if they know something more than men; but this is to be observed, that the things which they know they bring forward not for the salvation but for the deception of souls, that through these things they may teach them the worship of false religion. But God, lest the error of so great a deception should lie hidden, and lest He Himself should seem to be the cause for those who err, He Who has permitted them so much licence that they are able to deceive men through divinations, through cures and through dreams, has in His clemency provided a remedy for men, and has set the distinction of false and true in the open for those who desire to know it. This, then, is the distinction: What is spoken by the true God, whether through prophets or through divers visions, is always true; but what is foretold by demons is not always true. It is therefore a plain token that those things are not spoken by the true God in which there is at any time a lie, for in truth there is never a lie, whereas in those who lie something of truth also can sometimes be mingled, by which the lies may be seasoned.

XXII. Quod si dicat aliquis: Quid enim opus erat hoc ipsum, ut eis permitteretur vel aliquando verum dicere, et per hoc tantum errorem mortalibus introduci, audiat ad haec: Si eis nunquam fuisset indultum veri aliquid dicere, omnino nec praedicerent aliquid; non praedicentes autem, nec quod essent daemones cognoscerentur. Quod si ignorarentur esse daemones in hoc mundo, agonis nostri et certaminis nos causa latuisset, et pateremur palam quae geruntur in occulto: quippe si

XXII. But if anyone should say: What need was there of this very thing, that it should be permitted them even sometimes to speak the truth, and that by this so great an error should be brought in upon mortals, let him hear this in reply: If it had never been allowed them to say anything true, they would not foretell anything at all; and not foretelling, neither would they be known to be demons. But if it were not known that there are demons in this world, the cause of our contest and struggle would have escaped us, and we should suffer openly the things which are done in secret: seeing that if

Editors' notes and page, col. 1323

Footnotes

(3) ‹anchor: hominibus effugantur› · call in col 1323

A Christianis hominibus effugantur. Lege Actorum XVI, 16 et seq., ibique interpretes.

"They are put to flight by Christian men." Read Acts 16:16 and following, and the commentators there.

(printed under page 659)

(4) ‹anchor: Est ergo ista distinctio› · call in col 1323

Est ergo ista distinctio, etc. Hinc auctor Operis imperfecti in Matthaeum, alius a Joanne Chrysostomo, hom. 19, ad cap. VII, vers. 22: Ergo prophetant in nomine Christi, in spiritu autem diaboli. Quales sunt divinatores. Sed sic discernuntur: quoniam diabolus interdum verum dicit, sanctus autem Spiritus nunquam interdum mentitur. Concessum est autem diabolo et interdum veritatem dicere, ut mendacium suum rara veritate commendet. Si autem nunquam diceret verum, nec ad tentationem poterat sufficere, vel proficere seductio ejus. Vide Hermae mandatum 10.

"This, then, is the distinction," etc. From here the author of the Opus imperfectum on Matthew, a different man from John Chrysostom, homily 19, on chapter 7, verse 22: "They prophesy, then, in the name of Christ, but in the spirit of the devil. Such are the diviners. But they are told apart in this way: that the devil sometimes speaks the truth, whereas the Holy Spirit never at any time lies. And it has been granted to the devil sometimes to speak the truth as well, so that he may commend his lie by an occasional truth. But if he never spoke the truth, his seduction could neither suffice for temptation nor make headway." See Hermas, Mandate 10.

(printed under page 659)

Page

running head: 1323 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT (left half of the page head, as far as this column's images show)
marginal letters: A ‹palam est id esse illud metallum, quod artifex vo-›; B ‹ritus, et multo citius scire aliqua et multo perfe-›; C ‹somnia decipere homines possint, clementiae suae›; D ‹libus introduci, audiat ad haec: Si eis nunquam›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the opening words complete the question begun at the end of col. 1322 (Cui non / palam est). Calls (3) after effugantur and (4) after distinctio are not set in the source line; Cotelier's notes (3) and (4) at the foot are set above. A blot covers part of quomodo and colendi (lines 12-13); both read from the remaining letters and the sense, without real doubt. Damaged type read without doubt: deceptionem, cultum, dicitur, mendacium est. UNSURE (QA Q1): in XXI the page may print "assequntur" (one u) where the source line sets "assequuntur"; not resolvable at this image resolution, source left unchanged, to be checked at higher zoom and kept as printed.

PG 1:1324

agendi tantum adversum nos, et nihil loquendi facultas eis concessa videretur. Nunc autem ubi aliquando vera, aliquando falsa dicuntur, debemus agnoscere, ut superius dixi, daemonum et non Dei esse responsa, apud quem mendacium nunquam est.

the power only of acting against us, and none of speaking, were seen to be granted them. But as it is, where sometimes true things and sometimes false are spoken, we ought to recognize, as I said above, that the answers are those of demons and not of God, with Whom there is never a lie.

XXIII. Quod si curiosius quis progrediens dicat: Quid enim opus erat hujusmodi mala a Deo fieri, quibus ad subvertendas mentes humanas tanta esset intentio? Haec proponenti respondebimus: requirendum esse primo omnium, si est aliquid in substantia malum. Et quamvis sufficeret dicere ad eum, quia non est conveniens ut creatura judicet Creatorem, sed illius est judicare opus alienum qui aut similis artificii aut similis potentiae est; tamen ne circuitionibus utamur, absolute dicimus in substantia nihil esse mali. Quod si ita est, substantiarum conditor frustra culpatur?

XXIII. But if someone, pressing on more inquisitively, should say: What need was there that evils of this kind should be made by God, which would have so great an eagerness for overthrowing human minds? To him who puts this forward we shall answer that it must first of all be asked whether there is anything evil in substance. And although it would suffice to say to him that it is not fitting for the creature to judge the Creator, but that to judge another's work belongs to one who is either of like craft or of like power; nevertheless, not to use roundabout ways, we say outright that in substance there is nothing of evil. And if this is so, is the founder of substances blamed in vain?

XXIV. Sed occurres mihi et dices: Etiamsi ex arbitrii libertate in hoc ventum est, nunquid ignorabat ille qui creabat eos, quod in malum declinaturi essent quos creabat? Oportuit ergo nec creari eos, quos deviaturos ab itinere justitiae praevidebat. Audiant ad haec qui ita proponunt, quod hujuscemodi assertionibus illud voluit ostendere, cur non malitia eorum qui nondum erant, bonitatem vicerit Creatoris. Si enim volens implere numerum et mensuram creationis suae, extimuisset eorum qui futuri erant malitiam, et quasi qui aliam nullam invenire viam remedii ac medicinae potuisset, nisi hoc solum ut retraheret se a proposito creandi, ne sibi ascriberetur malitia eorum qui futuri erant; quid aliud per haec doceretur, nisi indigna passio et indecora fragilitas Conditoris, qui ita pertimuerit eorum actus qui nondum erant, ut a proposita conditione cessaret?

XXIV. But you will meet me and say: Even if it has come to this through freedom of choice, was He Who created them ignorant that those whom He was creating would turn aside to evil? They ought therefore not even to have been created, whom He foresaw would stray from the path of righteousness. Let those who put it thus hear in reply that by assertions of this kind what one has wished to show is why the wickedness of those who as yet were not did not overcome the goodness of the Creator. For if, wishing to fill up the number and measure of His creation, He had been afraid of the wickedness of those who were to be, and, like one who could find no other way of remedy and healing than this alone, that He should draw back from the purpose of creating, lest the wickedness of those who were to be should be ascribed to Him; what else would be taught by this but an unworthy passion and an unseemly frailty of the Founder, as of one who so greatly feared the deeds of those who as yet were not that He desisted from the creation He had purposed?

XXV. Sed his procul amotis illud animo contemplemur, quia Deus universitatis conditor conditionis suae futuras differentias praevidens, unicuique creaturae secundum proprios motus, quos ex arbitrii libertate proferebat, prospexit et praevidit diversos ordines atque officia differentia, ut cum unius essent substantiae omnes secundum creaturae rationem, esset tamen diversitas in ordinibus et officiis secundum proprios animorum motus, ex arbitrii libertate proferendos. Praevidebat ergo futuras in creaturis culpas, et justitiae ejus ratio poscebat, ut emendationis causa culpas poena sequeretur. Oportuit ergo esse et poenarum ministros, quos tamen libertas arbitrii in hunc ordinem traheret; praeter haec autem et debuerunt

XXV. But putting these things far away, let us contemplate this in our mind, that God the founder of the universe, foreseeing the future differences of His creation, looked ahead and provided for each creature, according to its own motions, which it brought forth from freedom of choice, divers ranks and differing offices, so that, while all were of one substance according to the reckoning of creation, there should yet be a diversity in ranks and offices according to the proper motions of minds, to be brought forth from freedom of choice. He foresaw, therefore, the faults that would be in creatures, and the reckoning of His justice demanded that, for the sake of amendment, punishment should follow faults. It was therefore necessary that there should also be ministers of punishments, whom, however, freedom of choice should draw into this rank; and besides this there ought also

Editors' notes and page, col. 1324

Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1324
marginal letters: A ‹agendi tantum adversum nos, et nihil loquendi›; B ‹ne circuitionibus utamur, absolute dicimus in sub-›; C ‹invenire viam remedii ac medicinae potuisset, nisi›; D ‹officiis secundum proprios animorum motus, ex›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the opening words complete the sentence begun at the end of col. 1323 (quippe si / agendi tantum). UNSURE: illud voluit ostendere is read as printed (voluit, singular, with no expressed subject; volunt would suit the plural qui ita proponunt); the English keeps the singular impersonally. The question mark after frustra culpatur is as printed. The column ends mid-sentence at debuerunt; its infinitive falls in col. 1325, not seen. Cotelier's note at the foot (continued from col. 1323) not set.

PG 1:1325

habere quos vincerent hi, qui agones susceperant coelestium praemiorum. Sic ergo nec ea quae putantur mala, vacant ab utilitate, dum victi his a quibus vincuntur, licet inviti praemia aeterna conquirunt. Sed de his ista sufficiant, processu enim temporis etiam secretiora pandentur.

to have some whom they might conquer, those who had undertaken the contests for the heavenly rewards. Thus, then, not even the things that are thought evil are void of usefulness, since the conquered, though unwillingly, win eternal rewards for those by whom they are conquered. But let these things suffice concerning these matters, for in the course of time even the more secret things will be laid open.

XXVI. Nunc ergo quoniam nondum intelligitis, quanta vos ignorantiae caligo circumstet, interim vobis volo exponere, unde colendi idola exordium mundo huic datum sit. Idola autem dico exanima simulacra quae colitis, sive lignea, sive fictilia, sive lapidea, vel aerea vel ex quibuscunque aliis sumpta sunt metallis; horum ergo initium tale est. Angeli quidam relicto proprii ordinis cursu, hominum favere vitiis coepere et libidini eorum quodammodo indignum praebere ministerium, quo illorum opera suis magis voluptatibus morem gererent, quique ne sponte inclinati viderentur ad indigna

XXVI. Now therefore, since you do not yet understand how great a darkness of ignorance surrounds you, I wish meanwhile to set out for you whence the beginning of worshipping idols was given to this world. By idols I mean the lifeless images which you worship, whether of wood, or of clay, or of stone, or of bronze, or taken from any other metals whatsoever; the beginning of these, then, is as follows. Certain angels, having left the course of their own order, began to favour the vices of men and in a manner to lend an unworthy service to their lust, so that by the help of those men they might the more indulge their own pleasures; and they, lest they should seem to have stooped of their own accord to unworthy

Editors' notes and page, col. 1325

Footnotes

[No note is called in this column. Cotelier's notes (5)–(8), printed under page 660, are all called in col. 1326 and are set there, with their heading.] (printed under page 660)

Page

running head: 1325 RECOGNITIONUM LIB. IV 1326 (only the left part of the head falls in the column images)
marginal letters: (none in this column's own margin; the A and B beside it belong to col. 1326)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the last word is split at the column break (in- | digna); set whole here as "indigna" from the first line of col. 1326, which therefore begins at "ministeria". Below the text: the heading COTELERII NOTAE and Cotelier's notes (5)-(7), which begin under this column; all are called in col. 1326 and are set in its notes file.

PG 1:1326

ministeria, docuerunt homines, quod daemones artibus quibusdam obedire mortalibus, id est, magicis invocationibus possent, ac velut ex fornace quadam et officina malitiae totum mundum, subtracto pietatis lumine, impietatis fumo repleverunt.

services, taught men that demons could be made to obey mortals by certain arts, that is, by magical invocations; and, as from a kind of furnace and workshop of wickedness, they filled the whole world with the smoke of impiety, the light of piety having been withdrawn.

XXVII. Pro his et aliis nonnullis causis diluvium mundo introductum est, sicut jam in aliis dictum est et dicemus; et omnes qui erant super terras, deleti sunt, excepta Noe familia, qui cum tribus filiis eorumque uxoribus superfuit. Ex quibus unus Cham nomine, ⟨cu⟩idam ex filiis suis qui Mesraim appellabatur, a quo Aegyptiorum et Babyloniorum et Persarum ducitur genus, male compertam magicae artis tradidit disciplinam; hunc gentes quae tunc erant Zoroastrem appellaverunt, admirantes primum magicae artis auctorem, cujus nomine etiam libri super hoc plurimi habentur. Hic ergo astris multum ac frequenter

XXVII. For these and some other causes a flood was brought upon the world, as has already been said elsewhere and as we shall say again; and all who were upon the earth were destroyed, except the family of Noah, who survived with his three sons and their wives. One of these, Ham by name, handed on the ill-discovered discipline of the magic art to a certain one of his sons who was called Mesraim, from whom the race of the Egyptians and Babylonians and Persians is derived; him the nations that then existed called Zoroaster, admiring him as the first author of the magic art, and under his name there are also very many books on this subject. He, then, being much and frequently

Editors' notes and page, col. 1326

Footnotes

COTELERII NOTAE. (printed under page 660)

(5) ‹anchor: docuerunt homines› · call in col 1326

Docuerunt homines, etc. Ab angelis desertoribus inventam fuisse ante diluvium magiam, cum aliis pariter vetitis ac supervacaneis artibus, dixerunt Patres post librum Henochi; quemadmodum colligere est ex fragmento illius Operis, et ex hoc Clementis Alexandrini testimonio in Hypotyposibus p. 808 : Ἤδη δὲ καὶ Ἐνώχ φησιν, τοὺς παραβάντας ἀγγέλους διδάξαι τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἀστρονομίαν, καὶ μαντικὴν, καὶ τὰς ἄλλας τέχνας. Addiderunt nonnulli, quod Cham scelestas artes, ne diluvio perirent, laminis et lapidibus insculpserit. Videsis Cassianum, collat. 8, cap. 21, ibique notas. Intelligesque eam ob rem a Gilda in conciliis Anglicanis Chamum appellari magicae artis scribam,

They taught men, etc. That magic was discovered before the flood by the deserter angels, together with other arts equally forbidden and superfluous, the Fathers have said, following the book of Enoch; as may be gathered from a fragment of that work, and from this testimony of Clement of Alexandria in the Hypotyposes, p. 808: "And Enoch too already says that the angels who transgressed taught men astronomy, and divination, and the other arts." Some have added that Ham engraved the wicked arts on plates and stones, lest they perish in the flood. See, if you please, Cassian, Conference 8, ch. 21, and the notes there. And you will understand that for this reason Ham is called by Gildas, in the English councils, the scribe of the magic art,

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(6) ‹anchor: ducitur genus› · call in col 1326

A quo Aegyptiorum et Babyloniorum et Persarum ducitur genus. Οὗτος Μεσραεὶμ ὁ Αἰγύπτιος μετέπειτα ἐπὶ τὰ ἀνατολικὰ μέρη οἰκήσας, οἰκήτωρ γίνεται Βάκτρων, τὴν ἐσωτέραν Περσίδος λέγει Ἀσόα τῶν μεγάλων Ἰνδῶν. In Chronico Raderiano seu Alexandrino, p. 62.

From whom the race of the Egyptians and Babylonians and Persians is derived. "This Mesraim the Egyptian, having afterwards settled in the eastern parts, becomes an inhabitant of Bactra, which he calls the inner part of Persia, Asoa of the great Indians." In Rader's, or the Alexandrian, Chronicle, p. 62. [The Greek word read as Ἀσόα is broken across a line and uncertain in the scan.]

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(7) ‹anchor: Zoroastrem› · call in col 1326

Zoroastrem. Sic etiam Mesraimum et Zoroastrem pro eodem homine habet auctor Chronici Alexandrini appellati, citata mox pag. Ast ei qui composuit Historiam scholasticam in Genes. cap. 39, Zoroastres est Cham : Gregorio Turonensi, lib. I Histor., cap. 5, est Chus : scriptori Clementinorum, IX, 4, Nemrod. Ab aliis autem apud Epiphanium, initio Panarii, p. 7, indeque apud Procopium Gazaeum ad Genes. XI, Zoroaster putatur esse Assur; ab aliis alius. Ὁ δὲ αὐτός, ait de Platone Clemens Alexandrinus, Strom. V, pag. 598, 599, ἐν τῷ δεκάτῳ τῆς Πολιτείας, Ἠρὸς τοῦ Ἀρμενίου, τὸ γένος Παμφύλου, μέμνηται, ὅς ἐστι Ζοροάστρης. Αὐτὸς γοῦν ὁ Ζοροάστρης γράφει· Τάδε συνέγραψε Ζοροάστρης ὁ Ἀρμενίου, τὸ γένος Πάμφυλος. Quem locum ideo protuli, ut ex eo ac ex consimili Plutarchi Sympos. X, 4, prout a viris doctis emendatus fuit, probabilior lectio reddatur, cum Origeni, lib. II contra Celsum, pag. 72, tum Aeneae Gazaeo in Theophrasto ante finem, τὸν Ἀρμενίου, pro vulgata τὸν Ἀρμένιον. Nam quid cogit dicere Platonem ab iis non fuisse intellectum : sicut videtur Apuleius in Apologia male accepisse verba ejusdem philosophi Alcibiade 1, μαγείαν τὴν Ζωροάστρου τοῦ Ὠρομάζου, hoc est, magiam Zoroastris, filii Oromazis; quia dicit, a Zoroastre et Oromaze. Cogitent quoque harum litterarum periti de verbis Arnobii lib. I : Age nunc veniat, quaeso, per igneam Zonam magus interiore ab orbe Zoroastres, Hermippo ut assentiamur auctori, Bactrianus : et ille conveniat, cujus Ctesias res gestas Historiarum exponit in primo, Armenius Zostriani (male corrigunt, Ostanis, cum Zostriani mentionem faciat Porphyrius in Vita Plotini) nepos, et familiaris Pamphylus Cyri, num legi debeat : Zostriani nepos et familiaris, Pamphylus Er. Sed et constat multos vixisse Zoroastres, et confusam fuisse illorum historiam. Nec solum in homine mago magiaeque inventore variatum, verum et in nomine illius. Dicitur quippe etiam Zoroastres, Oxyartes Diodori Siculi; Zaras vel Nazaratus Alexandri Polyhistoris apud Cyrillum Alexandrinum IV contra Julianum, pag. 133; Clementem Alex., Stromateo I, pag. 304 (cum cujus verbis operae pretium fuerit conferre locum Gregorii Barhebraei de Zoroastre, citatum in notis Abrahami Ecchellensis ad catalogum Hebedjesu, pag. 267, 268); Zabratus Malchi sive Porphyrii in Vita Pythagorae, p. 9; Zaratas Plutarchi Περὶ τῆς ἐν Τιμαίῳ ψυχογονίας statim ab initio, et auctoris Φιλοσοφουμένων quae Origeni ascribuntur; Zares Suidae in voce Πυθαγόρας Σάμιος. Et (ut omittam fictum ex istis a fictitio Abdia Zaroem magum) Zoroadus et Zarades memoratus in Agathia, lib. II Hist. et apud Theodoritum serm. 9 De legibus Zarades dictus, Zasrades vero forsan corrupte apud Photium cod. 81, ex Theodoro Mopsuesteno : Ἐκτίθεται τὸ μιαρὸν τῶν Περσῶν δόγμα, ὃ Ζασράδης εἰσηγήσατο, ἤτοι περὶ τοῦ Ζαρουὰμ ὃν ἀρχηγὸν πάντων εἰσάγει, etc. Unde suspicor debere corrigi finem epistolae 325 S. Basilii, de Magusaeis : Ζαρνοῦαν τινὰ ἑαυτοῖς ἀρχηγὸν τοῦ γένους ἐπιφημίζουσι, scribendumque, Ζαρουὰμ, vel Ζαρουάν. Ad Zaradem redeo, qui fuit etiam per Manichaeos celebratus, et appellatur a Victorino Afro adversus illos pugnante, Zoradis; a Petro Siculo Historiae p. 30, Zaranes, Ζαράνης, sed lege Ζαράδης, ut habetur in Euchologio Goariano, p. 885, et in Anathematismis, quos scriptos Manichaei quando resiliebant ab haeresi, offerre Ecclesiae tenebantur. Illos anathematismos ut ad cognitionem totius Manichaicae historiae admodum utiles, tecum e Regia librorum supellectile, ms. 1818, communico. — Habes infra hoc monumentum in Appendice his Recognitionum libris subjecta, num. 5.

Zoroaster. So too the author of the Chronicle called Alexandrian, on the page just cited, takes Mesraim and Zoroaster for the same man. But for him who composed the Historia scholastica, on Genesis ch. 39, Zoroaster is Ham; for Gregory of Tours, History, book I, ch. 5, he is Cush; for the writer of the Clementines, IX, 4, Nimrod. By others again, in Epiphanius at the beginning of the Panarion, p. 7, and thence in Procopius of Gaza on Genesis XI, Zoroaster is thought to be Asshur; by others, someone else. "The same man," says Clement of Alexandria of Plato, Strom. V, pp. 598, 599, "in the tenth book of the Republic makes mention of Er the son of Armenius, a Pamphylian by race, who is Zoroaster. Zoroaster himself, at any rate, writes: These things Zoroaster the son of Armenius, a Pamphylian by race, composed." I have brought this passage forward so that from it, and from the very similar one of Plutarch, Sympos. X, 4, as emended by learned men, a more probable reading may be restored both to Origen, Against Celsus, book II, p. 72, and to Aeneas of Gaza in the Theophrastus, before the end: τὸν Ἀρμενίου ("the son of Armenius") for the received τὸν Ἀρμένιον ("the Armenian"). For what compels us to say that Plato was not understood by them, as Apuleius in the Apology seems to have taken wrongly the words of the same philosopher in Alcibiades I, μαγείαν τὴν Ζωροάστρου τοῦ Ὠρομάζου, that is, "the magic of Zoroaster, son of Oromazes," since he says "from Zoroaster and Oromazes"? Let those skilled in these studies also consider, concerning the words of Arnobius, book I — "Come now, I pray, let there come through the fiery zone the magus Zoroaster from the inner circle, the Bactrian, that we may assent to Hermippus as authority; and let him also come whose deeds Ctesias sets forth in the first book of his Histories, the Armenian, grandson of Zostrianus" (they wrongly correct to "of Ostanes," since Porphyry makes mention of Zostrianus in the Life of Plotinus) "and the Pamphylian, friend of Cyrus" — whether it ought to be read: "grandson and friend of Zostrianus, the Pamphylian Er." But it is also established that many Zoroasters lived, and that their history was confused. Nor has there been variation only as to the man who was magus and inventor of magic, but also as to his name. For Zoroaster is also called Oxyartes by Diodorus Siculus; Zaras or Nazaratus by Alexander Polyhistor in Cyril of Alexandria, Against Julian IV, p. 133, and in Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis I, p. 304 (with whose words it will be worth while to compare the passage of Gregory Barhebraeus on Zoroaster, cited in the notes of Abraham Ecchellensis to the catalogue of Hebedjesu, pp. 267, 268); Zabratus by Malchus, or Porphyry, in the Life of Pythagoras, p. 9; Zaratas by Plutarch, On the Generation of the Soul in the Timaeus, right at the beginning, and by the author of the Philosophumena which are ascribed to Origen; Zares by Suidas under the entry "Pythagoras of Samos." And (to pass over the magus Zaroes, fashioned out of these by the fictitious Abdias) he is mentioned as Zoroadus and Zarades in Agathias, History, book II, and is called Zarades in Theodoret, discourse 9, On Laws, but Zasrades, perhaps corruptly, in Photius, cod. 81, from Theodore of Mopsuestia: "He sets out the abominable doctrine of the Persians, which Zasrades introduced, namely that concerning Zarouam, whom he brings in as the originator of all things," etc. Hence I suspect that the end of letter 325 of St. Basil, on the Magusaeans, ought to be corrected: "they claim a certain Zarnouas as the founder of their race," and that Ζαρουὰμ or Ζαρουάν should be written. I return to Zarades, who was also celebrated among the Manichaeans, and is called Zoradis by Victorinus Afer, who fights against them; by Peter of Sicily, History, p. 30, Zaranes, Ζαράνης, but read Ζαράδης, as it stands in Goar's Euchologion, p. 885, and in the Anathematisms which the Manichaeans, when they recoiled from their heresy, were bound to present in writing to the Church. Those anathematisms, as very useful for the knowledge of the whole Manichaean history, I share with you from the Royal library's holdings, ms. 1818. — You have this document below, in the Appendix subjoined to these books of the Recognitions, no. 5.

(printed under page 660)

(8) ‹anchor: plurimi habentur› · call in col 1326

Cujus nomine etiam libri super hoc plurimi habentur. Verum pseudepigraphi, ut et omnes alii qui Zoroastri tributi reperiuntur tum in antiquorum scriptis, tum in mss. codicibus. Confer locum Clementis Alex., lib. I Strom., pag. 304 de Apocryphis Zoroastris magi circumlatis, in Gnostica haeresi; Prodici, cum loco Porphyrii in Vita Plotini de libro adulterino Zoroastris nomine inscripto apud Gnosticos. Addo ex recenti lectione, in Dictionario Latino-Persico, p. 6, mentionem fieri Exegeseos libri Zind dicti, quo religionis magicae seu colendi ignis praecepta tradidit Zoroastres.

Under whose name very many books on this subject are also extant. But they are pseudepigrapha, as are all the others found attributed to Zoroaster, both in the writings of the ancients and in manuscript codices. Compare the passage of Clement of Alexandria, Strom. book I, p. 304, on the apocrypha of Zoroaster the magus circulated in the Gnostic heresy of Prodicus, with the passage of Porphyry in the Life of Plotinus on the spurious book inscribed with the name of Zoroaster among the Gnostics. I add from recent reading that in the Dictionarium Latino-Persicum, p. 6, mention is made of the Exegesis of the book called Zind, in which Zoroaster handed down the precepts of the magian religion, or of the worship of fire.

(printed under page 660)

Page

running head: 1325 RECOGNITIONUM LIB. IV 1326 (the left part of the head lies outside the column images)
marginal letters: A digna ministeria; B hunc gentes quae tunc erant; C and D stand beside Cotelier's notes, not beside the text
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column's first printed syllables are "digna", the end of "in-digna", set whole at the end of col. 1325; this file begins at "ministeria". The last word is split at the column break (fre- | quenter) and set whole here. "⟨cu⟩idam": the first two letters are covered by a blot. Note (5), with the heading, is set here because its call stands in this column's first line. Note (8) runs over the page: its close (from "Prodici" to the end) is printed at the head of the foot of page 661 and is set here, so that the note stands whole.

PG 1:1327

intentus, et volens apud homines videri Deus, velut scintillas quasdam ex stellis producere et hominibus ostentare coepit, quo rudes atque ignari in stuporem miraculi traherentur, cupiensque augere de se hujusmodi opinionem, saepius ista moliebatur usquequo ab ipso daemone, quem importunius frequentabat, igni succensus concremaretur.

intent upon the stars, and wishing to be regarded among men as a god, began to draw forth, as it were, certain sparks from the stars and to display them to men, so that the untaught and ignorant might be drawn into amazement at the marvel; and, desiring to increase this kind of opinion about himself, he kept attempting these things again and again, until he was set on fire and burned up by the very demon whom he too importunately frequented.

XXVIII. Sed stulti homines qui tunc erant, cum debuissent utique opinionem, quam de eo conceperant abjicere, quippe quam poenali morte ejus viderant confutatam, in majus eum extollunt. Exstructo enim sepulcro ad honorem ejus, tanquam amicum Dei ac fulminis ad coelum vehiculo sublevatum, adorare ausi sunt et quasi vivens astrum colere. Hinc enim et nomen post mortem ejus Zoroaster, hoc est vivum sidus, appellatum est ab his, qui post unam generationem Graecae linguae loquela fuerant repleti. Hoc denique exemplo etiam nunc multi eos qui fulmine obierint, sepulcris honoratos tanquam amicos Dei colunt. Hic ergo cum quartadecima generatione coepisset, quintadecima defunctus est, in qua turris aedificata est, et linguae hominum multipliciter divisae sunt.

XXVIII. But the foolish men who then lived, although they certainly ought to have cast away the opinion which they had conceived of him, seeing that they had beheld it refuted by his penal death, extol him the more. For, having built a tomb in his honour, they dared to adore him as a friend of God and as one lifted up to heaven by the chariot of the thunderbolt, and to worship him as though he were a living star. For hence also after his death the name Zoroaster, that is, living star, was given him by those who, after one generation, had been filled with the speech of the Greek tongue. By this example, in fact, even now many worship those who have died by a thunderbolt, honouring them with tombs, as friends of God. This man, then, having begun in the fourteenth generation, died in the fifteenth, in which the tower was built and the tongues of men were divided into many.

XXIX. Inter quos primus magica nihilominus arte quasi corusco ad eum delata, rex appellatur quidam Nemrod, quem et ipsum Graeci Ninum vocaverunt, ex cujus nomine Ninive civitas vocabulum sumpsit. Sic ergo diversae et erraticae superstitiones ab arte magica initium sumpsere. Etenim

XXIX. Among them the first to be called king, the magic art having none the less been conveyed to him as by a lightning flash, is a certain Nimrod, whom the Greeks have also called Ninus, and from whose name the city of Nineveh took its name. Thus, then, diverse and wandering superstitions took their beginning from the magic art. For indeed

Editors' notes and page, col. 1327

Footnotes

COTELERII NOTAE. (printed under page 661)

(9) ‹anchor: intentus› · call in col 1327

Hic ergo astris multum ac frequenter intentus, etc. De Zoroastreo igne varii varia. Dio Chrysostomus, orat. 36 ; Nicolaus Damascenus in Collectaneis Constantini Porphyrogenetae ; Ammianus Marcellinus lib. XXIII; auctor Clementinorum, hom. 9, cap. 3, seq. ; Arnobius lib. I; qui Chronicum a Radero editum composuit p. 88; Gregorius Turonensis Historiarum lib. I, cap. 5; Suidas in Zoroastre; Cedrenus, p. 13, et Glycas, p. 129.

He therefore, being much and often intent upon the stars, etc. On the Zoroastrian fire various writers say various things: Dio Chrysostom, oration 36; Nicolaus of Damascus in the Excerpts of Constantine Porphyrogenitus; Ammianus Marcellinus, book XXIII; the author of the Clementines, homily 9, ch. 3 and following; Arnobius, book I; the compiler of the Chronicle edited by Rader, p. 88; Gregory of Tours, Histories, book I, ch. 5; Suidas under "Zoroaster"; Cedrenus, p. 13, and Glycas, p. 129.

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(10) ‹anchor: vivum sidus› · call in col 1327

Zoroaster, hoc est vivum sidus. Gregorius Turonensis pari modo interpretatur, viventem stellam. Apud Laertium autem in Prooemio, Dinon Historiarum lib. V : Ἀστροθύτην, astrorum sacrificulum. In Clementinis, IX, 5 : Ζωροάστρης, διὰ τὴν τοῦ ἀστέρος κατ' αὐτοῦ ζῶσαν ἐνεχθῆναι ῥοήν. Mitto recentiores, qui more majorum in hujusmodi nominum explicationibus, re omnino incerta, mirum quantum sibi indulgeant. Consulere potes Scaligerum ad Eusebii Chronologica, ubi de Zoroastre ; Croium in quaedam loca Origenis, Irenaei, Tertulliani et Epiphanii, p. 31, illiusque antagonistam Petavium Appendicis ad Synesianas notas cap. 4; Salmasium De lingua Hellenistica p. 368 ; et Bochartum, Geographiae sacrae parte I, lib. IV, cap. 1. Vid. et Thomam Hyde in Hist. vet. Persar. CLER.

Zoroaster, that is, living star. Gregory of Tours interprets it in the same way, "living star." But in Laertius, in the Proem, Dinon in book V of the Histories has Ἀστροθύτην, "sacrificer to the stars." In the Clementines, IX, 5: "Zoroaster, because the living stream of the star was borne down upon him." I pass over the more recent writers, who after the manner of their elders indulge themselves wonderfully in explaining names of this kind, the matter being wholly uncertain. You may consult Scaliger on Eusebius's Chronologica, where he treats of Zoroaster; Croius on certain passages of Origen, Irenaeus, Tertullian and Epiphanius, p. 31, and his antagonist Petavius, Appendix to the notes on Synesius, ch. 4; Salmasius, De lingua Hellenistica, p. 368; and Bochart, Geographia sacra, part I, book IV, ch. 1. See also Thomas Hyde in the History of the Ancient Persians. CLER. [Clericus]

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(11) ‹anchor: Dei colunt› · call in col 1327

Tanquam amicos Dei colunt. In Clementinis, ὡς θεοφιλεῖς. Artemidorus lib. II, cap. 8, De fulminatis : Λαμπρὰ δὲ ἱμάτια αὐτοῖς περιτίθεται, ὡς ὑπὸ Διὸς τετιμημένοις. Splendida autem vestimenta eis circumdantur, velut honore a Jove affectis; et multis interpositis : Οὐδεὶς κεραυνωθεὶς ἄτιμός ἐστιν· ὅθεν γε καὶ ὡς θεὸς τιμᾶται. Nullus fulmine ictus infamis et ignominiosus exsistit : unde etiam velut deus colitur. Festus : Pullus Jovis dicebatur Q. Fabius, cui Eburno cognomen erat propter candorem, quod ejus natis fulmine icta erat. Antiqui autem puerum, quem quis amabat, pullum ejus dicebant.

They worship them as friends of God. In the Clementines, ὡς θεοφιλεῖς ("as dear to God"). Artemidorus, book II, ch. 8, on those struck by lightning: "And bright garments are put round them, as men honoured by Zeus"; and, after much in between: "No one struck by lightning is without honour; whence indeed he is even honoured as a god." Festus: "Q. Fabius, whose surname was Eburnus on account of his fairness, was called Jove's chick, because his buttock had been struck by lightning. Now the ancients called a boy whom someone loved that man's chick."

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(12) ‹anchor: vocabulum sumpsit› · call in col 1327

Graeci Ninum vocaverunt, etc. Si jungatur iste locus cum illo Clementinorum in Chronici Alexandrini p. 64, dicetur, Assyrios, ac postea Graecos, Nemrodum nomine Nini appellasse ; ex eo autem nomine dictam fuisse urbem Niniven, quam Assur condidit.

The Greeks called him Ninus, etc. If this passage is joined with that of the Clementines in the Alexandrian Chronicle, p. 64, it will be said that the Assyrians, and afterwards the Greeks, called Nimrod by the name of Ninus; and that from that name the city of Nineveh, which Asshur founded, was called.

(printed under page 661)

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running head: 1327 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. O⟨ ⟩ (the rest of the head lies outside the column images)
marginal letters: (none in this column's own margin; the A, B, C beside it belong to col. 1328)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column's first printed syllables are "quenter", the end of "fre-quenter", set whole at the end of col. 1326; this file begins at "intentus". The first six lines of the foot, above note (9), are the close of note (8) from page 660; they are set with that note in the notes file of col. 1326.

PG 1:1328

quoniam difficile erat humanum genus ab amore Dei abstrahi, et ad surda atque exanima simulacra deduci, idcirco excelsioribus usi sunt magi molitionibus, ut astrorum signis ac motibus tanquam coelitus et voluntate Dei delatis, ad suadendos cultus erraticos verterentur. Et ejus quem supra diximus indignatione daemonis, cui nimis molestus fuerat conflagrasse, busti cineres, tanquam fulminei ignis reliquias colligentes hi, qui erant primitus decepti, deferunt ad Persas, ut ab eis tanquam divinus e coelo lapsus ignis, perpetuis conservaretur excubiis, atque ut coelestis Deus coleretur.

since it was difficult for the human race to be drawn away from the love of God and led down to deaf and lifeless images, the magicians therefore made use of loftier contrivances, so that, by the signs and motions of the stars, as though these were conveyed from heaven and by the will of God, they turned to urging wandering forms of worship. And those who had been deceived at the first, gathering the ashes of the pyre of him who, as we said above, was burned up by the wrath of the demon to whom he had been too troublesome, as though they were the remains of the fire of the thunderbolt, carry them to the Persians, that by them it might be preserved with perpetual watches as a divine fire fallen from heaven, and be worshipped as a heavenly god.

XXX. Simili exemplo etiam per caetera loca reliqui homines his, quos vel in artibus aliquibus vel in virtute fuerant admirati, vel certe in amore plurimo habuerant, templa construere, imagines collocare, mysteria et caeremonias ac sacrificia instituere, et per omnia deorum de his famam posteris tradere gestierunt, eo praecipue quod ut supra diximus, phantasiis aliquibus magicae artis fulti videbantur, ut invocatione daemonum agi ab his aliquid ad deceptionem hominum moverique videretur. His adjiciunt et solemnitates quasdam ac temulenta convivia, quibus et homines libentius indulgerent, et daemones crapulis tanquam vehiculis illati, ipsis eorum visceribus miscerentur, in quibus collocati ad omnem voluntatem suam actus hominum cogitationesque deflecterent. Hujusmodi igitur ex initio erroribus introductis, eisque libidine et temulentia, qua carnales homines maxime delectantur,

XXX. By a like example in the other places also the rest of men were eager to build temples, set up images, and institute mysteries and ceremonies and sacrifices for those whom they had admired either in certain arts or in power, or at any rate had held in very great love, and in every way to hand down to posterity the repute of them as gods; chiefly because, as we said above, they seemed to be supported by certain phantasms of the magic art, so that by the invocation of demons something seemed to be done and set in motion by them for the deceiving of men. To these they add also certain solemnities and drunken banquets, in which men might the more willingly indulge, and the demons, borne in by surfeits as by vehicles, might be mingled with their very inward parts, and, lodged in these, might bend the acts and thoughts of men to their own every wish. Errors of this kind, therefore, having been introduced from the beginning, and these, by lust and drunkenness, in which carnal men most of all delight,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1328

Footnotes

(13) ‹anchor: busti cineres› · call in col 1328

Busti cineres, tanquam fulminei ignis reliquias, etc. De superstitione Persarum erga Zoroastris reliquias et ignem e coelo lapsum, praeter Recognitiones et Clementina, Chronicum Alexandr., p. 88, 94; Suidas in Zoroastre ; Cedrenus, p. 15, 18 ; Glycas, p. 129, 140 ; Tzetzes, Histor. Chil. III, cap. 66 ; et Ammianus Marcellinus, Rerum gestarum lib. XXIII, edit. Vales., p. 253.

The ashes of the pyre, as the remains of the lightning's fire, etc. On the superstition of the Persians towards the remains of Zoroaster and the fire fallen from heaven, besides the Recognitions and the Clementines: the Alexandrian Chronicle, pp. 88, 94; Suidas under "Zoroaster"; Cedrenus, pp. 15, 18; Glycas, pp. 129, 140; Tzetzes, Histories, Chiliad III, ch. 66; and Ammianus Marcellinus, Res gestae, book XXIII, Valesius's edition, p. 253.

(printed under page 661)

(14) ‹anchor: Simili exemplo› · call in col 1328

Simili exemplo, etc. Victorinus Massiliensis, lib. III Commentariorum in Genesim, a Nemrodo filium unicum amissum, statua, aris et divinis honoribus donatum fuisse canit.

By a like example, etc. Victorinus of Marseilles, in book III of his Commentaries on Genesis, sings that an only son lost by Nimrod was endowed with a statue, altars and divine honours.

(printed under page 661)

(15) ‹anchor: sacrificia instituere› · call in col 1328

Sacrificia instituere. Ridicule in Cedreno, ubi de Cecrope, ediderunt, οὗτος πρῶτος βοῦν ἐθαύμασε, pro ἐθυσίασε, vel quemadmodum apud Eusebium, ἔθυσε.

To institute sacrifices. Absurdly, in Cedrenus, where he treats of Cecrops, they have printed οὗτος πρῶτος βοῦν ἐθαύμασε ("he first marvelled at an ox") for ἐθυσίασε ("sacrificed"), or, as in Eusebius, ἔθυσε.

(printed under page 661)

Page

running head: 1327 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1328
marginal letters: A quoniam difficile erat; B vel in virtute fuerant admirati; C et temulentia, qua carnales; D stands beside Cotelier's notes, not beside the text
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the last word is split at the column break (dele- | ctantur,); set whole here as "delectantur," from the first line of col. 1329, which therefore begins at "adjutis".

PG 1:1329

adjutis, religio Dei quae per continentiam sobrietatemque constabat, rarescere inter homines atque aboleri propemodum coepit.

being helped, the religion of God, which consisted in continence and sobriety, began to grow rare among men and to be almost abolished.

XXXI. Nam cum ex initio homines, utpote justum et omnia contuentem Deum colentes, neque peccare auderent neque injuriam facere proximis suis, certi quod uniuscujusque actus et motus aspiceret Deus: ubi religionis cultus ad simulacra exanima conversus est, tanquam de quibus certi essent, quod neque viderent neque audirent neque moverentur in aliquo, licenter peccare et in omne facinus progredi coepere, quippe qui nihil pati vererentur ab his quos colebant ut deos. Hinc bellorum rabies exarsit, hinc praedae, rapinae, captivitates, et libertas in servitutem redacta, prout quisque potuit libidini et cupiditati suae satisfecit, quamvis satisfacere cupiditati nulla vis possit. Sicut enim ignis quanto magis ligna acceperit, tanto amplius accenditur et invalescit, ita et cupiditatis rabies, per ea quae adipiscitur, auctior et vehementior efficitur.

XXXI. For whereas from the beginning men, as worshipping a just and all-seeing God, dared neither to sin nor to do injury to their neighbours, being certain that God beheld the acts and movements of each one: when the worship of religion was turned to lifeless images, concerning which they were certain that they neither saw nor heard nor were moved in anything, they began to sin with licence and to go forward into every crime, as men who had no fear of suffering anything from those whom they worshipped as gods. Hence the madness of wars blazed up, hence plunderings, robberies, captivities, and liberty reduced to slavery; each one, as he was able, satisfied his own lust and covetousness, although no power can satisfy covetousness. For as fire, the more wood it receives, is the more kindled and grows strong, so also the madness of covetousness is made greater and more vehement by the things it obtains.

XXXII. Propter quod incipite jam meliore intellectu vobismetipsis resistere in his quae non recte cupitis, si quo forte modo reparare in vobis ac restituere possitis illam, quae ex initio mortalibus a Deo tradita est, religionis puritatem et inocentiam vitae, ut per eam vobis etiam spes bonorum immortalium reparetur; et agatis gratias largitori omnium patri, per eum quem posuit regem pacis et thesaurum ineffabilium bonorum, ut in praesenti quidem tempore diluantur peccata vestra per aquam fontis, aut fluminis, aut etiam maris, invocato super vos trino beatitudinis nomine, ut per hoc non solum fugentur, si intra vos habitant spiritus maligni, verum etiam cum destiteritis a peccatis, et tota fide totaque mentis puritate Deo credideritis, etiam ex aliis vos malignos spiritus et daemones effugetis, atque a passionibus et languoribus alios liberare possitis. Ipsi enim daemones sciunt et agnoscunt eos qui se tradiderint Deo, et interdum sola eorum praesentia propelluntur, sicut paulo ante vidistis, quomodo cum vocem tantum salutationis fecissemus ad vos, continuo daemones propter honorem religionis nostrae exclamare coeperunt, et ne parum quidem temporis potuerunt ferre praesentiam nostram.

XXXII. Wherefore begin now with a better understanding to resist yourselves in those things which you do not rightly desire, if perchance in some way you may be able to repair and restore in yourselves that purity of religion and innocence of life which from the beginning was delivered to mortals by God, so that through it the hope of immortal goods also may be restored to you; and may give thanks to the bountiful Father of all, through Him Whom He has appointed King of peace and the treasury of unspeakable goods, so that at the present time your sins may be washed away by the water of a spring, or of a river, or even of the sea, the threefold name of blessedness having been invoked over you, so that by this not only may the evil spirits be put to flight, if any dwell within you, but also, when you have ceased from sins and have believed God with entire faith and entire purity of mind, you may drive evil spirits and demons out of others as well, and be able to free others from sufferings and sicknesses. For the demons themselves know and recognize those who have given themselves up to God, and sometimes they are driven off by their mere presence, as you saw a little while ago, how, when we had uttered to you only the word of greeting, the demons at once began to cry out on account of the honour of our religion, and could not bear our presence even for a little time.

XXXIII. Nunquid nos alterius sumus naturae superioris alicujus, et propterea nos daemones timent? Unius ejusdem vobiscum naturae sumus, sed religione differimus. Quod et si vos esse vultis, non invidemus, quin potius et hortamur certosque esse vos volu⟨m⟩us, quod cum fuerit in vobis eadem quae in nobis est fides et religio ac vitae innocentia, remunerante Deo fidem vestram, erit par vobis atque eadem etiam contra daemones potestas et virtus. Sicut enim is qui acceperit sub se milites, etiamsi ipse inferior, et illi superiores sint

XXXIII. Are we of some other, higher nature, and do the demons fear us on that account? We are of one and the same nature with you, but we differ in religion. And if you also wish to be this, we do not begrudge it, nay rather we exhort you and wish you to be assured that, when there is in you the same faith and religion and innocence of life as is in us, God rewarding your faith, you will have equal and the same power and might against the demons also. For just as he who has received soldiers under him, even though he himself be inferior and they superior

Editors' notes and page, col. 1329

Footnotes

[Scripture references only; no Cotelier notes on this page. The superscript call numerals are faint in the scan; 21–24 is the reading, with 21 inferred from the sequence.] (printed under page 662)

Page

running head: 1329 RECOGNITIONUM LIB. IV 1330 (only the left part of the head falls in the column images)
marginal letters: (none in this column's own margin; the A, B, C, D beside it belong to col. 1330)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column's first printed syllables are "ctantur", the end of "dele-ctantur", set whole at the end of col. 1328; this file begins at "adjutis". "volu⟨m⟩us": the m is lost to damaged type. "inocentiam" (XXXII) is printed so, with a single n, and is kept; "innocentia" in XXXIII is printed in full. At the page foot: scripture references keyed by superscript numerals (Matth. VIII, 9; Matth. IV, 10; Luc. IV, 19; Matth. XXII, 2-14), which belong to calls in col. 1330; foot apparatus, not set.

PG 1:1330

viribus, tamen dicit huic vade, et vadit, et alii veni, et venit, et alii fac hoc, et facit, hoc autem potest non propria virtute, sed Caesaris metu: ita fidelis quisque daemonibus imperat, etiamsi videantur illi multo esse hominibus fortiores, non propter suam virtutem, sed propter Dei qui eos subjecit potestatem. Nam et quod diximus, ut Caesar apud omnes milites et in omnibus castris atque in omni regno timeatur, cum sit unus et fortassis exiguus viribus, nonnisi potestate Dei ag⟨i⟩tur, qui timorem dat omnibus ut uni obtemperent.

in strength, yet says to this one, Go, and he goes, and to another, Come, and he comes, and to another, Do this, and he does it (Matt. 8:9), and is able to do this not by his own might but by the fear of Caesar: so every believer commands the demons, even though they seem to be much stronger than men, not on account of his own might, but on account of the power of God Who has subjected them. For even that which we have mentioned, that Caesar is feared among all soldiers and in every camp and in the whole kingdom, though he is one man and perhaps slight in strength, is brought about only by the power of God, Who gives fear to all, that they may obey one.

XXXIV. Hoc sane scire vos volumus quod daemon, nisi quis voluntatibus ejus se sponte subdiderit, potestatem adversum hominem non habet. Unde et ipse qui est princeps malitiae, ad hunc quem diximus a Deo destinatum regem pacis accessit tentans, et polliceri ei coepit omnem gloriam mundi, quod cum aliis obtulisset decipiendi causa, adoratum se noverat. Impius et immemor sui, quod est proprium et speciale malitiae, adorandum se ab eo praesumebat, a quo se noverat destruendum. Dominus ergo noster unius Dei cultum confirmans, respondit ei: Scriptum est: Dominum Deum tuum adorabis et illi soli servies; qua responsione deterritus, et metuens ne unius et veri Dei repararetur vera religio, festinat continuo emittere in hunc mundum pseudoprophetas et pseudoapostolos falsosque doctores, qui sub nomine quidem Christi loquerentur, daemonis autem facerent voluntatem.

XXXIV. This, certainly, we wish you to know, that a demon has no power against a man unless one of his own accord subjects himself to its will. Hence even he who is the prince of wickedness approached, tempting Him, the One Whom we have said to be appointed by God King of peace, and began to promise Him all the glory of the world, because he knew that, when he had offered this to others in order to deceive them, he had been adored. Impious and forgetful of himself, which is the proper and special mark of wickedness, he presumed that he would be adored by Him by Whom he knew that he was to be destroyed. Our Lord therefore, confirming the worship of the one God, answered him: It is written: The Lord your God shall you adore, and Him alone shall you serve (Matt. 4:10); and, frightened off by this answer, and fearing lest the true religion of the one and true God should be restored, he hastens at once to send out into this world false prophets and false apostles and false teachers, who should indeed speak in the name of Christ but do the will of the demon.

XXXV. Propter quod observate cautius, ut nulli doctorum credatis, nisi qui Jacobi fratris Demini ex Hierusalem detulerit testimonium, vel ejus quicunque post ipsum fuerit. Nisi enim quis illuc ascenderit, et ibi fuerit probatus quod sit doctor idoneus et fidelis ad praedicandum Christi verbum; nisi, inquam, inde detulerit testimonium, recipiendus omnino non est; sed neque propheta, neque apostolus in hoc tempore speretur a vobis aliquis alius praeter nos. Unus enim est verus propheta, cujus nos duodecim apostoli verba praedicamus. Ipse enim est annus Dei acceptus, nos apostolos habens duodecim menses. Qua autem causa vel mundus ipse factus sit, vel diversitates quae sunt in eo acciderint, et cur ad reparationem ejus veniens Dominus noster, elegerit nos duodecim apostolos et miserit, alias latius explanabitur. Interim nos jussit exire ad praedicandum et invitare vos ad coenam Regis coelestis, quam praeparavit Pater in nuptiis Filii sui, et ut demus vobis indumenta nuptialia, quod est gratia baptismi, quam qui fuerit consecutus, tanquam vestimentum mundum, cum quo ei ingrediendum est ad coenam regis, observare debet, ne peccato aliqua ex parte maculetur, et ob hoc tanquam indignus et reprobus abjiciatur.

XXXV. Wherefore take the more careful heed that you believe none of the teachers, unless he has brought from Jerusalem the testimonial of James the Lord's brother, or of whoever shall be after him. For unless a man has gone up thither, and has there been approved as a teacher fit and faithful for preaching the word of Christ; unless, I say, he has brought a testimonial thence, he is by no means to be received; but neither is any other prophet or apostle to be looked for by you at this time besides us. For there is one true Prophet, Whose words we twelve apostles preach. For He Himself is the acceptable year of God (Luke 4:19), having us apostles as His twelve months. But for what cause either the world itself was made, or the diversities that are in it have come about, and why our Lord, coming for its restoration, chose and sent us twelve apostles, will be explained more fully at another time. Meanwhile He has commanded us to go out to preach and to invite you to the supper of the heavenly King, which the Father has prepared at the marriage of His Son, and that we should give you wedding garments (Matt. 22:2–14), that is, the grace of baptism; and he who has obtained it ought to guard it as a clean garment, with which he must go in to the supper of the king, lest it be stained in any part by sin, and he on that account be cast out as unworthy and reprobate.

XXXVI. Causae autem quibus maculetur istud

XXXVI. Now the causes by which this [garment] may be stained

Editors' notes and page, col. 1330

Footnotes

(21) ‹anchor: et facit› · call in col 1330

Matth. VIII, 9.

Matthew 8:9.

(printed under page 662)

(22) ‹anchor: soli servies› · call in col 1330

Matth. IV, 10.

Matthew 4:10.

(printed under page 662)

(23) ‹anchor: duodecim menses› · call in col 1330

Luc. IV, 19.

Luke 4:19.

(printed under page 662)

(24) ‹anchor: indumenta nuptialia› · call in col 1330

Matth. XXII, 2-14.

Matthew 22:2-14.

(printed under page 662)

Page

running head: 1329 RECOGNITIONUM LIB. IV. 1330
marginal letters: A viribus, tamen dicit; B quem diximus a Deo; C tatem.; D in eo acciderint
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: "ag⟨i⟩tur": the i is lost to damaged type. "Demini": the second letter reads as e in the scan; possibly a broken o rather than a true misprint, UNSURE. Scripture references are printed in this column only as superscript calls (21-24) to the page foot (Matth. VIII, 9; Matth. IV, 10; Luc. IV, 19; Matth. XXII, 2-14); the calls are removed from the source and the references given in the English in modern form. Call 21 stands after "et facit" in the second line of col 1330 (Q2b: seen on the column image). The column ends mid-sentence in cap. XXXVI, so Book IV does not end in this column; its continuation lies in col. 1331, which was not among the images.

PG 1:1331

indumentum hae sunt: si quis recedat a patre et conditore omnium Deo, alium recipiens doctorem praeter Christum, qui est solus fidelis ac verus propheta, quique nos duodecim apostolos misit ad praedicandum verbum; et si quis de substantia divinitatis quae cuncta praecellit, aliter quam dignum est sentiat, haec sunt quae usque ad mortem baptismi polluunt indumentum. Quae vero in actibus polluunt, ista sunt: homicidia, adulteria, odia, avaritia, cupiditas mala. Quae autem animam simul et corpus polluunt, ista sunt: participare daemonum mensae, hoc est, immolata degustare, vel sanguinem, vel morticinium quod est suffocatum, et si quid aliud est quod daemonibus oblatum est. Hic ergo vobis sit primus gradus ex tribus, qui gradus triginta ex se gignit mandata, secundus vero qui

the garment are these: if anyone withdraw from God, the Father and Creator of all, receiving another teacher besides Christ, Who is the only faithful and true prophet, and Who sent us, the twelve apostles, to preach the word; and if anyone think otherwise than is worthy concerning the substance of the divinity, which excels all things: these are the things which pollute the garment of baptism even unto death. But the things which pollute in deeds are these: murders, adulteries, hatreds, avarice, evil desire. And the things which pollute soul and body together are these: to partake of the table of demons, that is, to taste things sacrificed, or blood, or a carcass which has been strangled, and whatever else there is that has been offered to demons. Let this, then, be for you the first step of the three, which step begets from itself thirty commandments (Matt. 13:23), but the second, which

Editors' notes and page, col. 1331

Footnotes

(25) ‹anchor: gignit mandata› · call in col 1331

Matth. XIII, 23.

Matthew 13:23.

(printed under page 663)

Page

running head: 1331 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1332
marginal letters: A ‹indumentum hae sunt : si quis recedat›; B, C, D fall beside Book V (unit recognitiones_5_10)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: page shared with PG001/recognitiones_5_10. This unit's own layer on the page is note 25 only: it is printed directly beneath the Book IV text of col 1331, above the rule and the title LIBER QUINTUS, not at the page foot; its call is removed from the source and the reference given in the English in modern form. The notes of Book V on this page (the note on "Cap. 2 - 33 desunt in codd. Lipss.", called at cap. II; the note Matth. XVII, 19, called in col 1332; COTELERII NOTAE (16) Impassibiles) belong to unit recognitiones_5_10 and are kept in its n1331.md; the copy formerly in this file numbered the first of them 36, but the page's sequence (21-24 under page 662, 25 here) gives 26 and 27 (Q2b: the first digit is faint in the scan, UNSURE; to be confirmed in that unit).

PG 1:1332

sexaginta, tertius qui centum, sicut alias vobis de his plenius exponemus.

sixty, the third which [begets] a hundred, as we shall set forth to you more fully concerning these things at another time.

XXXVII. Et haec cum dixisset, ac praecepisset ut die postera ad eumdem locum maturius convenir⟨e⟩nt, turbas dimisit; quibus ⟨r⟩ecedere nolentibus, ait Petrus: Donate mihi hanc gratiam propter hesterni itineris labores; et nunc discedentes die crastina maturius convenite; et ita cum laetitia discessere. At Petrus paululum me secedere praecipiens orationis causa, jubet post haec in loco horti quem umbra contegebat, accubitum sterni, et unusquisque ex more recognoscens proprii ordinis locum, cibum sumpsimus. Tum deinde quia supererat adhuc aliquantulum diei, de mirabilibus Domini collocutus nobiscum, vespere facto ingressus cubiculum quievit.

XXXVII. And when he had said these things, and had instructed them to assemble earlier on the following day at the same place, he dismissed the crowds; and as they were unwilling to withdraw, Peter said: Grant me this favour on account of the labours of yesterday's journey; and departing now, assemble earlier tomorrow; and so they departed with joy. But Peter, bidding me withdraw a little for the sake of prayer, after this orders the couches to be spread in a part of the garden which shade covered, and each one, recognizing according to custom the place of his own rank, we took food. Then, because a little of the day still remained, having conversed with us about the wonderful works of the Lord, when evening had come he entered his bedchamber and rested.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1332

Footnotes

(27) ‹anchor: et transibit› · call in col 1332

Matth. XVII, 19.

Matthew 17:19.

(printed under page 663)

(16) ‹anchor: possunt esse impassibiles› · call in col 1332

Impassibiles. Ἀπάθεια et ἀναμαρτησία, si stricte sumantur, sunt imperturbabilitas et impeccabilitas, imperturbatio et impeccantia. Verum laxius interdum usurpantur a sanctis Patribus, pro eo statu in quo positus vir sanctus, per gratiam Dei minus crebris minoribusque tentationibus obnoxius est, nec gravioribus peccatis succumbit : Ἀπάθεια, inquit Maximus, De charitate, centuria 1, cap. 36, ἐστὶν εἰρηνικὴ κατάστασις ψυχῆς, καθ' ἣν δυσκίνητος γίνεται ψυχὴ πρὸς κακίαν. Est ἀπάθεια, pacatus animae status, secundum quem difficulter movetur anima erga malitiam, δυσκίνητος, non ἀκίνητος. Reddi autem debet vox ἀπαθεῖς Clementi Alexandrino Strom. VII, p. 750, ubi ἀπειθεῖς ediderunt, εὐπειθεῖς correxerunt ac verterunt. Καὶ εἶναι μὲν τῶν προτέρων τοὺς δευτέρους ἀμείνους, οὐδέπω δὲ ἀπαθεῖς, ἢν μὴ ἀμνησίκακοι τέλεον γενόμενοι, κατὰ τὴν τοῦ Κυρίου διδασκαλίαν προσεύξωνται καὶ ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐχθρῶν. Porro auctor Recognitionum impassibiles eos appellat, qui propter innocentiam vitae nec incursantur a daemonibus, nec morbis affliguntur.

Impassible. Ἀπάθεια and ἀναμαρτησία, if taken strictly, are imperturbability and impeccability, freedom from disturbance and freedom from sinning. But they are sometimes used more loosely by the holy Fathers for that state in which a holy man, once placed in it, is by the grace of God exposed to less frequent and lesser temptations, and does not succumb to graver sins: "Ἀπάθεια," says Maximus, On Charity, century 1, ch. 36, "is a peaceful condition of the soul, in which the soul becomes hard to move towards evil." Ἀπάθεια is a tranquil state of the soul, according to which the soul is moved with difficulty towards wickedness — hard to move (δυσκίνητος), not immovable (ἀκίνητος). And the word ἀπαθεῖς ought to be restored to Clement of Alexandria, Strom. VII, p. 750, where they have printed ἀπειθεῖς, and corrected and translated it as εὐπειθεῖς: "And that the second are better than the first, but not yet impassible, unless, having become perfectly forgetful of injuries, they pray, according to the Lord's teaching, even for their enemies." Moreover the author of the Recognitions calls those impassible who, on account of the innocence of their life, are neither assailed by demons nor afflicted by diseases.

(printed under page 663)

Page

running head: 1331 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1332
marginal letters: A ‹sexaginta, tertius qui centum› (Book IV, above the unit); B (not seen; falls at the title); C ‹hinc, et transibit. Hujus vocis›; D ‹nibus, verum et aliorum daemones›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: page shared with PG001/recognitiones_5_10; this file is a copy of its notes (QA keeps this unit's own). Q5b: the note Matth. XVII, 19 was numbered 37 here; renumbered 27 by the page's sequence (25 under the Book IV text of col 1331, 26 at cap. II), in agreement with n1331.md; the first digit is faint in the scan (UNSURE on the glyph alone; to be confirmed in unit recognitiones_5_10).