PG 1 · cols. 1331–1454

Recognitiones (Pseudo-Clement, in the Latin of Rufinus), Books V-X

Editors' preface

LIBER QUINTUS.

BOOK THE FIFTH.

I. Sequenti autem die, paulo citius quam solebat consurgens Petrus, invenit nos dormientes; quod ubi sensit, quasi ipse adhuc dormire volens, silentium sibi fieri jussit, ut nobis quiescendi facultatem daret. Ubi autem refecti somno exsurreximus, invenimus eum oratione facta intra cubiculum opperientem nos. Et cum jam esset crepusculum, salutans ex more breviter allocutus est, et continuo ad consuetum locum docendi gratia procedit, ubi cum vidisset ad audiendum plurimos convenisse, primo religionis ritu pace eis invocata, dicere hoc modo coepit:

I. Now on the following day Peter, rising a little earlier than he was accustomed, found us sleeping; and when he perceived this, as though he himself still wished to sleep, he ordered silence to be kept for him, so that he might give us the opportunity of resting. But when, refreshed by sleep, we had risen, we found him, his prayer made, waiting for us within the bedchamber. And since it was already dawn, greeting us according to custom he addressed us briefly, and straightway goes forth to the accustomed place for the sake of teaching, where, when he had seen that very many had come together to hear, first, peace having been invoked upon them according to the rite of religion, he began to speak in this manner:

II. Deus creator omnium ex initio ad imaginem suam hominem fecit, eique dominationem terrae marisque et aeris ipsius dedit, sicut et verus nobis propheta narravit, et ipsa rerum ratio docet; solus enim est rationabilis, et consequens est ut ratio irrationabilibus dominetur. Hic ergo ab initio cum adhuc justus esset, cunctis vitiis et omni fragilitate superior erat; ubi autem peccavit, sicut hesterno die docuimus, et factus est servus peccati, simul et fragilitati efficitur obnoxius. Quod idcirco scriptum est, ut sciant homines quia sicut ex impietate

II. God, the creator of all things, from the beginning made man after His own image, and gave to him dominion over the earth and the sea and the air itself, as the true prophet also has related to us, and as the very reason of things teaches; for he alone is rational, and it follows that reason should have dominion over irrational things. He therefore from the beginning, while he was still just, was superior to all vices and to every frailty; but when he sinned, as we taught yesterday, and became the slave of sin, he is at the same time made liable to frailty also. And this has been written for this purpose, that men may know that just as through impiety

Editors' notes and page, col. 1331

Footnotes

(36) ‹anchor: II.› · call in col 1331

Cap. 2 - 33 desunt in codd. Lipss. Cohaerent autem ea quae sequuntur cum superioribus hoc modo : pace eis invocata, aliqua illis de hominis creatione et lapsu exposuit. Et post haec jussit sibi eos, etc.

Chapters 2–33 are wanting in the Leipzig manuscripts. What follows, however, joins on to what precedes in this way: having invoked peace upon them, he set forth to them some things concerning the creation and fall of man. And after this he ordered those … to himself, etc.

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running head: 1331 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1332
marginal letters: A ‹indumentum hae sunt : si quis recedat› (Book IV, above the unit); B (not seen; falls at the title); C ‹rientem nos. Et cum jam esset›; D ‹simul et fragilitati efficitur›
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passibiles facti sunt, ita per pietatem possunt esse impassibiles, et non solum impassibiles, verum et parva in Deum fide aliorum passiones curantes. Ita enim verus propheta nobis promisit dicens: Amen dico vobis, quia si habueritis fidem sicut granum sinapis, dicetis monti huic, Transi hinc, et transibit. Hujus vocis etiam vos ipsi documenta accepistis; hesterno enim die vidistis quomodo astantibus nobis, daemones cum passionibus quas hominibus invexerant, transierunt et fugati sunt.

they were made subject to suffering, so through piety they can be free from suffering, and not only free from suffering, but also, by a little faith in God, healers of the sufferings of others. For so the true prophet promised us, saying: Amen I say to you, that if you have faith as a grain of mustard seed, you will say to this mountain, Pass over from here, and it will pass over (Matt. 17:19). Of this saying you yourselves also have received proofs; for yesterday you saw how, while we stood by, the demons, together with the sufferings which they had brought upon men, passed over and were put to flight.

III. Quia ergo alii quidem homines patiuntur, alii patientes sanant, causa sine dubio vel patiendi vel curandi noscenda est, quae non alia esse, quam patientibus quidem infidelitatis, curantibus vero fidei demonstratur. Infidelitas enim dum non credit futurum judicium Dei, peccandi licentiam praebet, peccatum vero hominem passionibus obnoxium facit. Fides autem futurum esse Dei judicium credens continet homines a peccato; non peccantes vero non solum liberi sunt a daemonibus et passionibus, verum et aliorum daemones et passiones fugare possunt.

III. Since therefore some men suffer, and others heal those who suffer, the cause without doubt both of suffering and of healing must be known; and it is shown to be none other than, for those who suffer, unbelief, and for those who heal, faith. For unbelief, while it does not believe that the judgement of God is to come, affords licence for sinning, and sin makes man liable to sufferings. But faith, believing that the judgement of God is to come, restrains men from sin; and those who do not sin are not only free from demons and sufferings, but can also put to flight the demons and sufferings of others.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1332

Footnotes

(37) ‹anchor: et transibit› · call in col 1332

Matth. XVII, 19.

Matthew 17:19.

(printed under page 663)

(16) ‹anchor: possunt esse impassibiles› · call in col 1332

Impassibiles. Ἀπάθεια et ἀναμαρτησία, si stricte sumantur, sunt imperturbabilitas et impeccabilitas, imperturbatio et impeccantia. Verum laxius interdum usurpantur a sanctis Patribus, pro eo statu in quo positus vir sanctus, per gratiam Dei minus crebris minoribusque tentationibus obnoxius est, nec gravioribus peccatis succumbit : Ἀπάθεια, inquit Maximus, De charitate, centuria 1, cap. 36, ἐστὶν εἰρηνικὴ κατάστασις ψυχῆς, καθ' ἣν δυσκίνητος γίνεται ψυχὴ πρὸς κακίαν. Est ἀπάθεια, pacatus animae status, secundum quem difficulter movetur anima erga malitiam, δυσκίνητος, non ἀκίνητος. Reddi autem debet vox ἀπαθεῖς Clementi Alexandrino Strom. vii, p. 750, ubi ἀπειθεῖς ediderunt, εὐπειθεῖς correxerunt ac verterunt. Καὶ εἶναι μὲν τῶν προτέρων τοὺς δευτέρους ἀμείνους, οὐδέπω δὲ ἀπαθεῖς, ἢν μὴ ἀμνησίκακοι τέλεον γενόμενοι, κατὰ τὴν τοῦ Κυρίου διδασκαλίαν προσεύξωνται καὶ ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐχθρῶν. Porro auctor Recognitionum impassibiles eos appellat, qui propter innocentiam vitae nec incursantur a daemonibus, nec morbis affliguntur.

Impassible. Ἀπάθεια and ἀναμαρτησία, if taken strictly, are imperturbability and impeccability, freedom from disturbance and freedom from sinning. But they are sometimes used more loosely by the holy Fathers for that state in which a holy man, once placed in it, is by the grace of God exposed to less frequent and lesser temptations, and does not succumb to graver sins: "Ἀπάθεια," says Maximus, On Charity, century 1, ch. 36, "is a peaceful condition of the soul, in which the soul becomes hard to move towards evil." Ἀπάθεια is a tranquil state of the soul, according to which the soul is moved with difficulty towards wickedness — hard to move (δυσκίνητος), not immovable (ἀκίνητος). And the word ἀπαθεῖς ought to be restored to Clement of Alexandria, Strom. VII, p. 750, where they have printed ἀπειθεῖς, and corrected and translated it as εὐπειθεῖς: "And that the second are better than the first, but not yet impassible, unless, having become perfectly forgetful of injuries, they pray, according to the Lord's teaching, even for their enemies." Moreover the author of the Recognitions calls those impassible who, on account of the innocence of their life, are neither assailed by demons nor afflicted by diseases.

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running head: 1331 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1332
marginal letters: A ‹sexaginta, tertius qui centum› (Book IV, above the unit); B (not seen; falls at the title); C ‹hinc, et transibit. Hujus vocis›; D ‹nibus, verum et aliorum daemones›
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IV. Ex his ergo omnibus colligitur, quod origo totius mali ab ignorantia descendat, et ipsa sit malorum omnium mater, quae incuria quidem et ignavia gignitur, negligentia vero alitur et augetur atque in sensibus hominum radicatur, quam si quis forte doceat effugandam, velut antiquis et haereditariis sedibus moleste et indignanter avellitur. Et ideo paululum laborandum nobis est, ut indagantes ignorantiae praesumptiones scientiae ratione resecemus, in his praecipue qui in aliquibus minus rectis opinionibus praeventi sunt, per quas quasi sub specie alicujus scientiae, ignorantia in eis vehementius radicata est; nihil enim gravius quam si id quod ignorat quis, scire se credat, et defendat verum esse quod falsum est, quod tale est, quale si quis ebrius sobrium se putet et agat quidem cuncta ut ebrius, sobrium se tamen et ipse putet et dici a caeteris velit. Ita sunt ergo et hi qui ignorantes quod verum est, speciem tamen alicujus scientiae tenent, et mala quasi bona gerunt, atque ad perniciem quasi ad salutem festinant.

IV. From all these things, therefore, it is gathered that the origin of all evil descends from ignorance, and that she is herself the mother of all evils; she is begotten indeed by carelessness and sloth, but is nourished and increased by negligence and takes root in the senses of men; and if anyone should chance to teach that she must be driven out, she is torn away with trouble and indignation, as from ancient and hereditary seats. And therefore we must labour a little, that, searching out the presumptions of ignorance, we may cut them away by the reason of knowledge, especially in those who have been preoccupied by certain less correct opinions, through which, as under the appearance of some knowledge, ignorance has been more strongly rooted in them; for nothing is more grievous than if someone believes that he knows what he is ignorant of, and maintains that to be true which is false; which is such as if a drunken man should think himself sober, and should indeed do all things as a drunken man, yet should both think himself sober and wish to be called so by the rest. Such therefore are those also who, not knowing what is true, nevertheless hold the appearance of some knowledge, and do evil things as though good, and hasten to destruction as though to salvation.

V. Propter quod ante omnia properandum est ad agnitionem veritatis, ut possimus quasi lumine nobis inde succenso, errorum tenebras depellere; grande enim malum est, ut diximus, ignorantia; sed quia substantiam non habet, facile ab his qui studiosi sunt, effugatur. Non enim aliud est quidem ignorantia, nisi non agnovisse quod expedit; ubi autem agnoveris, perit ignorantia. Quaeri ergo magnopere debet veritatis agnitio, quam nemo alius potest assignare, nisi verus propheta. Haec enim porta est vitae volentibus ingredi, et iter operum bonorum pergentibus ad civitatem salutis.

V. Wherefore before all things we must hasten to the knowledge of the truth, that, a light as it were being kindled for us from it, we may be able to drive away the darkness of errors; for ignorance, as we have said, is a great evil; but because it has no substance, it is easily put to flight by those who are zealous. For ignorance is indeed nothing else than not to have known what is expedient; but when you have come to know it, ignorance perishes. The knowledge of the truth, therefore, ought to be greatly sought, which no other can assign except the true prophet. For this is the gate of life to those who wish to enter, and the road of good works to those who are going on to the city of salvation.

VI. Si quis sane audiens sermonem veri prophetae, velit recipere aut nolit, et amplecti onus ejus, id est mandata vitae, habet in sua potestate; liberi enim sumus arbitrii. Nam si hoc esset, ut audientes eum jam non haberent in potestate aliud facere quam audierant, vis erat quaedam naturae, per quam liberum non esset ad aliam migrare sententiam. Aut si rursus ex audientibus nullus omnino reciperet, et hoc naturae vis erat, quae unum aliquid fieri cogeret, et alteri parti non daret locum. Nunc autem quia liberum est animo, in quam velit partem declinare judicium suum, et quam probaverit eligere viam, constat evidenter inesse hominibus arbitrii libertatem.

VI. Whether indeed anyone, hearing the discourse of the true prophet, is willing or unwilling to receive it, and to embrace his burden, that is, the commandments of life, he has in his own power; for we are of free will. For if it were so, that those who hear him no longer had it in their power to do anything other than what they had heard, there would be a certain force of nature, through which it would not be free to pass over to another opinion. Or if again of those who hear no one at all received it, this too would be a force of nature, which would compel some one thing to be done, and would give no place to the other side. But now, because it is free to the mind to incline its judgement to whichever side it wishes, and to choose the way which it has approved, it is evidently established that freedom of will is in men.

VII. Igitur priusquam audiat quis quod ei expedit, certum est quia ignorat, et ignorans vult et desiderat quod non expedit agere, propter quod pro hoc non judicatur. Cum vero audierit causas erroris sui, et rationem veritatis acceperit, tunc si permanserit in his erroribus quibus dudum fuerat praeventus, recte jam vocabitur ad judicium poenas daturus, cur vitae ejus spatium quod ad bene vivendum accepit, in ludibriis consumpsit errorum. Qui vero audiens haec libenter accipit, et gratulatur

VII. Therefore before anyone hears what is expedient for him, it is certain that he is ignorant, and being ignorant he wishes and desires to do what is not expedient, on which account he is not judged for this. But when he has heard the causes of his error, and has received the reason of the truth, then, if he remains in those errors by which he had long been preoccupied, he will now rightly be called to judgement to pay the penalty, because he has consumed in the mockeries of errors the span of his life which he received for living well. But he who, hearing these things, willingly receives them, and rejoices

Editors' notes and page, col. 1333

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running head: 1333 RECOGNITIONUM LIB. V. 1334
marginal letters: A ‹IV. Ex his ergo omnibus colligitur›; B ‹quis ebrius sobrium se putet›; C ‹gnopere debet veritatis agnitio› (letter set between that line and the next); D ‹velit partem declinare judicium›
old-edition numerals: (none)

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bonorum sibi doctrinam fuisse delatam, requirit intentius et discere non desinit, usquequo cognoscat, si est vere aliud saeculum, in quo bonis praemia praeparata sunt; et cum certus de hoc fuerit, gratias agens Deo, quod sibi veritatis lumen ostenderit, de caetero dirigit actus suos in omnibus operibus bonis, quorum sibi in futuro mercedem certus est praeparatam, per omnia demirans et stupens caeterorum hominum errores, et quod ante oculos positam veritatem nemo videat. Ipse tamen gaudens super divitiis sapientiae quas invenit, insatiabiliter eis perfrui cupit et exercitio bonorum operum delectatur, festinans ad saeculum futurum mundo corde et pura conscientia pervenire, ubi etiam videre Deum regem omnium possit.

that the teaching of good things has been brought to him, inquires more intently and does not cease to learn, until he comes to know whether there truly is another world, in which rewards have been prepared for the good; and when he has become certain of this, giving thanks to God, because He has shown him the light of truth, for the rest he directs his actions in all good works, of which he is certain that a recompense has been prepared for him in the future, altogether wondering and amazed at the errors of other men, and that no one sees the truth set before his eyes. Yet he himself, rejoicing over the riches of wisdom which he has found, desires insatiably to enjoy them and delights in the exercise of good works, hastening to arrive at the world to come with a clean heart and a pure conscience, where he may also be able to see God, the king of all.

VIII. His autem omnibus carere nos et fraudari, sola facit ignorantia. Dum enim ignorant homines quantum boni habeat scientia, ignorantiae malum de se non patiuntur excludi; nesciunt enim quanta sit in horum permutatione diversitas. Propter quod consilium do unicuique discentium, libenter praebere aurem verbo Dei, et cum amore veritatis audire quae dicimus, ut mens optimo semine suscepto, per bonos actus laetos afferat fructus. Nam si me docente ea quae ad salutem pertinent, recipere quis abnuit, et animo pravis opinionibus occupato obsistere nititur, non ex nobis, sed ex semetipso habebit pereundi causam. Debet enim justo judicio examinare quae dicimus, et intelligere quia verba loquimur veritatis, ut cognitis his quae sunt ut sunt, et in bonis actibus dirigens vitam suam, regni coelorum possit particeps inveniri, subjiciens sibi carnis desideria, et dominus eorum factus, ut ita demum etiam ipse fiat dominatoris omnium jucunda possessio.

VIII. But that we lack all these things and are defrauded of them, ignorance alone brings about. For while men do not know how much good knowledge holds, they do not suffer the evil of ignorance to be shut out from themselves; for they do not know how great a difference there is in the exchange of these. Wherefore I give counsel to every one of the learners willingly to lend his ear to the word of God, and to hear with love of the truth the things which we say, that the mind, having received the best seed, may through good actions bring forth joyful fruits. For if, while I teach the things which pertain to salvation, anyone refuses to receive them, and strives to resist with a mind preoccupied by perverse opinions, he will have the cause of perishing not from us, but from himself. For he ought to examine with just judgement the things which we say, and to understand that we speak words of truth, so that, the things which are being known as they are, and directing his life in good actions, he may be able to be found a partaker of the kingdom of heaven, subjecting to himself the desires of the flesh, and having become their lord, that so at length he himself also may become the pleasing possession of the Ruler of all.

IX. Nam qui permanet in malo et servus est mali, non potest effici portio boni, donec permanet in malo, quia ab initio, ut ante diximus, duo regna statuit Deus, et potestatem dedit unicuique hominum, ut illius regni fiat portio, cui se ad obediendum ipse subjecerit. Et quia definitum est apud Deum, non posse unum hominem utriusque regni esse servum, omni studio date operam, in boni regis foedus ac jura concurrere. Propter hoc denique verus propheta cum esset praesens nobiscum, et quosdam ex divitibus negligentes erga Dei cultum videret, hujus rei ita aperuit veritatem: Nemo potest, inquit, duobus dominis servire, non potestis Deo servire et mammonae; mammona patria eorum voce divitias vocans.

IX. For he who remains in evil and is the slave of evil cannot be made a portion of good, so long as he remains in evil, because from the beginning, as we said before, God established two kingdoms, and gave power to each one of men to become a portion of that kingdom to which he has himself subjected himself to obey. And because it is determined with God that one man cannot be the slave of both kingdoms, take pains with all zeal to come together into the covenant and laws of the good king. On this account, in fine, the true prophet, when He was present with us, and saw certain of the rich negligent concerning the worship of God, thus opened the truth of this matter: No one, He says, can serve two masters; you cannot serve God and mammon (Matt. 6:24); calling riches mammon in the speech of their native country.

X. Hic ergo est verus propheta, qui in Judaea nobis apparuit ut audistis; qui stans publice sola jussione faciebat caecos videre, surdos audire, fugabat daemones, aegris sanitatem reddebat et mortuis vitam. Cumque nihil ei esset impossibile, etiam cogitationes hominum pervidebat, quod nulli est possibile nisi soli Deo. Hic annuntiavit regnum

X. This therefore is the true prophet, Who appeared to us in Judaea, as you have heard; Who, standing publicly, by His command alone made the blind to see, the deaf to hear, put demons to flight, restored health to the sick and life to the dead. And since nothing was impossible to Him, He also saw through the thoughts of men, which is possible to none save to God alone. He announced the kingdom

Editors' notes and page, col. 1334

Footnotes

(38) ‹anchor: servire et mammonae› · call in col 1334

Matth. VI, 24.

Matthew 6:24.

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running head: 1333 RECOGNITIONUM LIB. V. 1334
marginal letters: A ‹latur bonorum sibi doctrinam fuisse›; B ‹VIII. His autem omnibus carere nos›; C ‹loquimur veritatis, ut cognitis his›; D ‹verus propheta cum esset praesens›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1335

Dei, cui nos de omnibus quae dicebat, tanquam vero prophetae credimus, firmitatem fidei nostrae non solum ex verbis ejus, sed et ex operibus assumentes, quia et dicta legis, quae ante multas generationes de praesentia ejus exposuerant, in ipso consignabantur, et imagines gestorum Moysi et ante ipsum patriarchae Jacob, ipsius per omnia typum ferebant. Tempus quoque adventus ejus, hoc est, ipsum in quo venerat, praedictum ab eis constat, et super omnia quod esset a gentibus exspectandus, sacris litteris comprehensum est, quae in eo pariter universa completa sunt.

of God; and we believe Him concerning all the things which He said, as the true prophet, taking the firmness of our faith not only from His words, but also from His works, because both the sayings of the law, which many generations before had set forth concerning His presence, were sealed in Him, and the figures of the deeds of Moses, and before him of the patriarch Jacob, bore in all things the type of Him. The time also of His coming, that is, the very time at which He came, is established to have been foretold by them, and above all it is contained in the sacred writings that He was to be awaited by the Gentiles; all which things alike were fulfilled in Him.

XI. Quod autem Judaeorum propheta praedixit eum a gentibus exspectandum, supra modum in eo fidem veri confirmat. Si enim dixisset a Judaeis exspectandum, non aliquid eximium prophetasse videretur, quod a contribuli populo et a propria gente speraretur is, cujus adventus ad salutem mundi fuerat repromissus; videretur enim magis consequentiae ratio esse, ut hoc fieret, quam magnificentia prophetalis. Nunc autem cum prophetae dicunt, omnem illam spem quae de salute mundi repromittitur, et novitatem regni quae instituenda per Christum est, atque omnia quae de eo indicantur, ad gentes esse transferenda, jam non secundum consequentiam rerum, sed incredibili quodam vaticinationis eventu magnificentia prophetica confirmatur. Judaei namque ex initio adfore aliquando hunc virum per quem cuncta repararentur, verissima traditione susceperant, et quotidie meditantes ac prospicientes, quando ejus fieret adventus, ubi adesse eum viderunt et signa ac prodigia, sicut de eo scriptum fuerat, adimplentem, invidia excaecati agnoscere nequiverunt praesentem, in cujus spe laetabantur absentis; intelleximus tamen pauci nos qui ab eo electi sumus.

XI. But that the prophet of the Jews foretold that He was to be awaited by the Gentiles confirms beyond measure the trustworthiness of the truth in Him. For if he had said that He was to be awaited by the Jews, he would not seem to have prophesied anything remarkable, that He should be hoped for by a people of the same tribe and by His own nation, Whose coming had been promised for the salvation of the world; for it would seem to be rather the logic of consequence that this should come to pass, than the grandeur of prophecy. But now, since the prophets say that all that hope which is promised concerning the salvation of the world, and the newness of the kingdom which is to be established through Christ, and all the things which are declared concerning Him, are to be transferred to the Gentiles, the grandeur of prophecy is now confirmed not according to the sequence of things, but by a certain incredible outcome of the prediction. For the Jews had from the beginning received by a most true tradition that this man would at some time be present, through whom all things would be restored, and though they meditated daily and looked out for when His coming would be, when they saw Him to be present and fulfilling the signs and wonders, as had been written of Him, blinded by envy they could not recognize Him present, in the hope of Whom, when absent, they rejoiced; yet we few, who were chosen by Him, understood.

XII. Hoc autem providentia Dei factum est, ut agnitio boni hujus etiam gentibus traderetur, et hi qui nunquam de eo audierant nec a prophetis didicerant, agnoscerent eum, illi vero qui quotidianis meditationibus agnoverant, ignorarent. Ecce enim per vos nunc qui praesentes estis, et desideratis audire doctrinam fidei ejus et agnoscere quis, et quo modo, et qualis sit ejus adventus, prophetica veritas adimpletur. Hoc est enim quod praedixerunt prophetae, quia a vobis quaerendus esset, qui de eo nunquam audistis. Et ideo videntes in vobis ipsis prophetica dicta compleri, huic uni recte creditis, hunc recte exspectatis, de hoc recte inquiritis, ut non solum exspectetis eum, sed et haereditatem regni ejus credentes consequamini, secundum quod

XII. Now this was done by the providence of God, that the knowledge of this good should be handed on to the Gentiles also, and that those who had never heard of Him nor learned from the prophets should recognize Him, while those who had come to know Him by daily meditations should fail to know Him. For behold, through you who are now present, and who desire to hear the teaching of His faith and to know who, and in what manner, and of what kind His coming is, the prophetic truth is being fulfilled. For this is what the prophets foretold, that He was to be sought by you, who have never heard of Him (Gen. 49:10; Isa. 65:1). And therefore, seeing the prophetic sayings fulfilled in your own selves, you rightly believe in Him alone, you rightly await Him, you rightly inquire concerning Him, that you may not only await Him, but also, believing, may obtain the inheritance of His kingdom, according to what

Editors' notes and page, col. 1335

Footnotes

(29) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1335

Gen. XLIX, 10.

Genesis 49:10.

(printed under page 665)

(30) ‹anchor: nunquam audistis› · call in col 1335

Isa. lxv, 1.

Isaiah 65:1.

(printed under page 665)

(31) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1335 or 1336 (above the foot image)

Joan. VIII, 34.

John 8:34.

(printed under page 665)

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running head: 1335 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1336
marginal letters: A ‹Dei, cui nos de omnibus quae dicebat›; B ‹exspectandum, non aliquid eximium›; C ‹rissima traditione susceperant› (letter set between that line and the next); D ‹tas adimpletur. Hoc est enim quod›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1336

ipse dixit, quia unusquisque illius fit servus cui se ipse subjecerit.

He Himself said, that each one becomes the slave of him to whom he has subjected himself (John 8:34).

XIII. Propterea ergo evigilate, et Dominum Deumque nostrum vobis ascribite, Dominum qui et coeli ac terrae Dominus est, et ad ipsius vos imaginem ac similitudinem reformate, sicut ipse verus propheta docet, dicens: Estote misericordes sicut et Pater vester coelestis misericors est, qui oriri facit solem suum super bonos et malos, et pluit super justos et injustos. Hunc ergo imitamini et hunc timete, sicut mandatum datur hominibus: Dominum Deum tuum adorabis, et ipsi soli servies. Expedit enim vobis huic uni Domino servire, ut per ipsum cognoscentes unum Deum, a multis quos inutiliter timebatis, liberemini. Qui enim creatorem omnium non timet Deum, sed eos timet quos ipse manibus suis fecit, quid nisi vano et inutili semetipsum obnoxium facit timori? vilioremque se et abjectiorem reddit quam sunt illa ipsa, quorum timorem mente concepit. Quin potius per bonitatem ejus qui vos invitat, redite ad priorem nobilitatem vestram, et ex bonis actibus, quod ipsius creatoris vestri imaginem portetis, ostendite, ut ex contemplatione similitudinis ipsius etiam filii ejus esse credamini.

XIII. On this account, therefore, awake, and enrol for yourselves our Lord and God, the Lord Who is Lord also of heaven and earth, and reform yourselves to His image and likeness, as the true prophet Himself teaches, saying: Be merciful, as your heavenly Father also is merciful, Who makes His sun to rise upon the good and the evil, and rains upon the just and the unjust (Luke 6:36; Matt. 5:45). Him therefore imitate and Him fear, as the commandment is given to men: The Lord your God you shall adore, and Him alone you shall serve (Deut. 6:13; Matt. 4:10). For it is expedient for you to serve this one Lord, that, coming through Him to know the one God, you may be freed from the many whom you feared to no purpose. For he who does not fear God the creator of all, but fears those whom he himself has made with his own hands, what does he do but make himself subject to a vain and useless fear? and he renders himself viler and more abject than are those very things, the fear of which he has conceived in his mind. Nay rather, through the goodness of Him Who invites you, return to your former nobility, and show by good actions that you bear the image of your creator Himself, so that from the contemplation of His likeness you may also be believed to be His sons.

XIV. Incipite ergo a sensibus vestris abjicere vanas idolorum species atque inutiles et inanes timores, ut simul etiam conditionem possitis iniquae servitutis effugere. Domini etenim vestri effecti sunt illi, qui ne servi quidem utiles vobis esse potuissent. Quomodo enim simulacra exanima vel ad servitutem vobis viderentur idonea, cum neque audiant, neque videant, neque aliquid sentiant? nisi quod ipsa saltem materia ex qua facta sunt, sive auri, sive argenti, vel etiam aeris aut ligni, cum possit vobis ad usus necessarios prodesse, vos ex ea formando deos, otiosam per omnia eam atque inutilem reddidistis. Nos ergo annuntiamus vobis verum Dei cultum, simulque monemus et hortamur cultores, ut per bonos actus imitentur eum quem colunt, et ad imaginem ac similitudinem ejus, ut superius diximus, redire festinent.

XIV. Begin therefore to cast away from your senses the vain appearances of idols and useless and empty fears, that at the same time you may also be able to escape the condition of unjust servitude. For those have been made your lords who could not have been even useful slaves to you. For how would lifeless images seem fit for you even for servitude, since they neither hear, nor see, nor feel anything? except that the very material at least of which they are made, whether of gold, or of silver, or even of bronze or of wood, though it could profit you for necessary uses, you, by forming gods out of it, have rendered altogether idle and useless. We therefore announce to you the true worship of God, and at the same time we admonish and exhort the worshippers, that through good actions they imitate Him Whom they worship, and hasten to return to His image and likeness, as we said above.

XV. Velim autem dicerent mihi hi qui idola colunt, si optant similes fieri his quos colunt. Vultne aliquis vestrum sic videre quomodo illi vident? et sic audire quomodo illi audiunt? sic habere sensum quomodo illi habent? Absit hoc ab unoquoque audientium; hoc enim maledictum potius et convicium credendum est homini, qui imaginem Dei in se gerit, etiamsi similitudinem perdidit. Quales ergo dii habendi sunt isti, quos imitari exsecrabile sit

XV. But I should wish that those who worship idols would tell me whether they desire to become like those whom they worship. Does any one of you wish so to see as they see? and so to hear as they hear? so to have sense as they have? Far be this from every one of the hearers; for this must be believed to be rather a curse and a reproach to a man, who bears in himself the image of God, even though he has lost the likeness. What sort of gods therefore are these to be accounted, whom to imitate is execrable

Editors' notes and page, col. 1336

Footnotes

(32) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1336 (above the foot image)

Luc. VI, 36 ; Matth. V, 45.

Luke 6:36; Matthew 5:45.

(printed under page 665)

(33) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1336 (above the foot image)

Deut. VI, 13; Matth. IV, 10.

Deuteronomy 6:13; Matthew 4:10.

(printed under page 665)

(17) ‹anchor: convicium credendum est› · call in col 1336

Hoc enim maledictum potius et convicium credendum est. Qui solet appellari Eusebius Emisenus, homilia quod idola coli non debeant : Dic mihi, cum lignum veneraris ac lapidem, si tibi diceretur : Talis sis qualis deus tuus ; nunquid non convicium crederes? nunquid non injurias computares? Et illum te non pudet venerari, cujus te nolles similitudinem dici, cui te erubesceres comparari? Et illi tribuis Dei cultum, cui te assimilari gravissimum putares esse maledictum?

For this is rather to be thought a curse and an insult. He who is commonly called Eusebius of Emesa, in the homily that idols ought not to be worshipped: Tell me, when you venerate wood and stone, if it were said to you: May you be such as your god is; would you not think it an insult? would you not reckon it an injury? And are you not ashamed to venerate that whose likeness you would not wish to be called, to which you would blush to be compared? And do you pay the worship of God to that to which you would think it the gravest curse to be likened?

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Page

running head: 1335 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1336
marginal letters: A ‹ipse dixit, quia unusquisque illius›; B ‹non timet Deum, sed eos timet›; C ‹illi, qui ne servi quidem utiles›; D ‹aliquis vestrum sic videre quomodo›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1337

cultoribus suis, quorum similitudinem habere contumelia est? Quid ergo? Solvite simulacra inutilia, et facite vasa utilia; solvite otiosam pigramque materiam, et facite humano usui apta ministeria. Sed non sinunt, inquit, leges humanae. Bene, quia humanae leges, et non ipsorum virtus. Quomodo ergo dii sunt qui humanis legibus et non suis viribus defenduntur? sicque et a furibus canum vigiliis et claustrorum munitionibus conservantur, et hoc si fuerint argentea vel aurea vel etiam aerea; nam lapidea et fictilia ipsa sui vilitate muniuntur, nemo enim lapideum aut fictilem deum furatur. Unde miserabiliores videntur hi, quibus pretiosius metallum pericula viciniora conquirit. Qui ergo furari possunt, qui ab hominibus custodiri, qui conflari et appendi et malleis caedi, isti hominibus sensum habentibus dii debent videri?

for their own worshippers, and whose likeness it is an insult to have? What then? Melt down the useless images, and make useful vessels; melt down the idle and sluggish material, and make implements fitted for human use. But human laws, someone says, do not allow it. Well said, since it is human laws, and not their own power. How then are they gods who are defended by human laws and not by their own strength? and thus they are also preserved from thieves by the watches of dogs and the defences of bolts, and this if they are of silver or of gold or even of bronze; for those of stone and of clay are protected by their very worthlessness, for no one steals a god of stone or of clay. Whence those seem the more wretched for whom a more precious metal procures nearer dangers. Those therefore who can be stolen, who can be guarded by men, who can be melted and weighed and beaten with hammers, ought these to seem gods to men who have sense?

XVI. O in quantam miseriam mortalium decidit intelligentia! Nam si mortuos timere summae stultitiae ducitur, quid judicemus de his qui deterius aliquid, quam sunt mortui, timent? ista enim simulacra nec in mortuorum numero habenda sunt, quia nunquam vixerunt. Praeferenda sunt eis etiam sepulcra mortuorum, quoniam, licet nunc mortui sunt, habuerunt tamen aliquando vitam; isti autem quos colitis, nec eam quidem quae est in omnibus teterrima, ranarum ac bubonum vitam aliquando gesserunt. Sed quid opus est de his plura memorare, cum sufficiat dicere ei qui adorat ea: Non vides quia quem adoras, non videt? audi quia quem adoras, non audit, et intellige quia non intelligit; opus enim mortalis manus est, et necessario sensu caret. Tu ergo adoras insensibilem, cum unusquisque habens sensum, nec ea quidem credat adoranda, quae a Deo facta sunt et habent sensum, id est solem et lunam, vel stellas, omniaque quae in coelo sunt et super terram. Justum enim putant, non ea quae pro mundi ministerio facta sunt, sed ipsorum et mundi totius Creatorem debere venerari; gaudent enim etiam haec, cum ille adoratur et colitur, nec libenter accipiunt, ut honor Creatoris creaturae deferatur. Exceptus enim est Dei solius cultus, qui solus increatus est, omnia autem caetera factura ejus sunt. Sicut ergo proprium est ejus qui solus non est factus, Deum esse, ita omne quod factum est, Deus vere non est.

XVI. O into how great misery has the understanding of mortals fallen! For if to fear the dead is accounted the height of folly, what are we to judge of those who fear something worse than the dead are? for these images are not even to be reckoned in the number of the dead, because they have never lived. Even the tombs of the dead are to be preferred to them, since, although they are now dead, they nevertheless once had life; but those whom you worship have never at any time lived even that life which is the foulest among all, that of frogs and owls. But what need is there to mention more concerning these, when it suffices to say to him who adores them: Do you not see that he whom you adore does not see? hear that he whom you adore does not hear, and understand that he does not understand; for he is the work of a mortal hand, and necessarily lacks sense. You therefore adore a thing without sense, whereas everyone who has sense believes that not even those things are to be adored which were made by God and have sense, that is, the sun and the moon, or the stars, and all things which are in heaven and upon the earth. For they think it just that not the things which were made for the service of the world, but the Creator of them and of the whole world, ought to be venerated; for these things also rejoice when He is adored and worshipped, and do not willingly accept that the honour of the Creator should be bestowed upon the creature. For the worship of God alone is set apart, Who alone is uncreated, while all other things are His handiwork. As therefore it is proper to Him Who alone was not made to be God, so everything that was made is not truly God.

XVII. Ante omnia ergo intelligere debetis deceptionem serpentis antiqui et callidas ejus suggestiones

XVII. Before all things, therefore, you ought to understand the deception of the ancient serpent and his crafty suggestions

Editors' notes and page, col. 1337

Footnotes

(18) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1337 (above the foot image)

Solvite simulacra inutilia, et facite vasa utilia. Huic germanus est locus Commodiani, instructione 20 : Et deos audetis aeramine dicere fusos. Solveritis eos magis in vascula vobis.

Melt down the useless images, and make useful vessels. Akin to this is the passage of Commodian, Instruction 20: And you dare to call gods things cast in bronze. You should rather melt them down into little vessels for yourselves.

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(19) ‹anchor: et habent sensum› · call in col 1337

Et habent sensum. Astra animata esse pauci Patrum existimaverunt, secuti philosophos. Item plerique Hebraeorum. Contra, Constitutionum scriptor, lib. viii, cap. 46, et reliqui. Junge cum hoc loco loca Clementinorum, x, 9; iii, 35. Ac relege mecum insignia haec Spicilegii II, pag. 371 : Habemus sane libellos sex sancti Hilarii episcopi Pictaviensis, quos de Graeco Origenis in Latinum vertit; sed non omnia secundum ordinem libri sancti Job exposuit. Et satis miror hominem doctissimum et sanctum, ut de stellis naenias Origenis transferret. Mihi, sanctissime Pater, nullo pacto suaderi potest, ut credam astra coeli spiritus rationales, quae neque cum angelis, neque cum hominibus facta esse Scriptura sancta declarat. Sunt verba Liciniani episcopi, ad Gregorium papam.

And have sense. A few of the Fathers, following the philosophers, thought the stars to be animate. Likewise most of the Hebrews. Against this, the writer of the Constitutions, book VIII, ch. 46, and the rest. Join with this place the passages of the Clementines, 10.9; 3.35. And read over with me these notable words of the Spicilegium, II, p. 371: We have indeed six little books of Saint Hilary, bishop of Poitiers, which he turned from the Greek of Origen into Latin; but he did not expound everything according to the order of the book of holy Job. And I wonder greatly that a most learned and holy man should translate Origen's trifles about the stars. I, most holy Father, can in no way be persuaded to believe that the stars of heaven are rational spirits, which holy Scripture declares to have been made neither with the angels nor with men. They are the words of Bishop Licinianus, to Pope Gregory.

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Page

running head: 1337 RECOGNITIONUM LIB. V. 1338
marginal letters: A ‹cultoribus suis, quorum similitudinem›; B ‹appendi et malleis caedi› (letter set between that line and the one above); C ‹quem adoras, non videt? audi quia› (letter set between that line and the next); D ‹non est factus, Deum esse, ita omne›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the last word is split at the column break (sugge- | stiones) and is set whole from the first line of col. 1338. Worn or blotted type, legible: "argentea", "videntur", "quid opus", "solem", "terram". Cotelier's notes (18) and (19), editors' prose at the page foot, are not set.

PG 1:1338

, qui quasi per prudentiam decipit vos, et velut ratione quadam serpit per sensus vestros, atque ab ipso vertice incipiens per interiores dilabitur medullas, lucrum magnum computans deceptionem vestram. Interserit ergo sensibus vestris opiniones quorumcunque deorum, tantum ut vos ab unius Dei revocet fide, sciens peccatum vestrum suum esse solatium. Ille enim pro nequitia sua ab initio terram edere condemnatus est, propter eum quem de terra assumptum, iterum resolvi fecit in terram, usque ad tempus quo animae vestrae per ignem traductae reparentur, sicut alias de hoc plenius edocebimus. Ex ipso ergo sunt omnes errores et ambiguitates, quibus ab unius Dei fide et credulitate conturbamini.

, who deceives you as though through prudence, and as by a kind of reason creeps through your senses, and beginning from the very crown of the head glides down through the inmost marrow, reckoning your deception a great gain. He therefore sows among your senses opinions of gods of whatever sort, only that he may call you back from the faith of the one God, knowing that your sin is his own solace. For he for his wickedness was condemned from the beginning to eat earth, on account of him whom, taken from the earth, he caused to be dissolved again into earth, until the time when your souls, brought through the fire, are restored, as we shall teach more fully concerning this at another time. From him therefore are all the errors and doubts by which you are troubled away from the faith and belief of the one God.

XVIII. Et primo omnium subjicit cogitationibus hominum, ut ne audiant verba veritatis, per quae malorum ignorantiam fugent. Et hoc facit quasi occasione alterius scientiae, asseverans eis illam opinionem qua utuntur plurimi, ut putent se reos futuros non esse si in ignorantia fuerint, nec reddituros esse rationem pro his quae non audierint, et ideo a verbo declinare eos suadet auditum. Sed accipite contra haec: ipsa per semetipsam ignorantia validissimum venenum est, quod sufficiat animam, nulla extrinsecus quaesita adjectione, perimere. Et ideo nemo est qui ignorans, per hoc quod ignorat, evadat, sed certum est quod intereat. Naturaliter enim peccatorum vis interimit peccatorem. Sed quoniam judicium rationabile erit, tam ignorantiae, quam uniuscujusque peccati causa et origo requiretur. Is ergo qui scire noluit quomodo possit venire ad vitam, sed maluit ignorare ne per hoc reus fieri videretur, ex hoc ipso jam, quasi qui scierit et habuerit scientiam, judicatur. Agnovit enim quid esset quod nolebat audire, et nihil ei conferet ad excusationem serpentis artificio quaesita calliditas; cum eo enim erit ei ratio quem non latet cor. Ut autem scias quia ignorantia per semetipsam generat interitum, anima cum discesserit a corpore, si talis exeat quae ignoret eum a quo creata est, a quo in hoc mundo omnia quae usibus suis erant necessaria consecuta est, tanquam ingrata et infidelis a regni ejus luce projicitur.

XVIII. And first of all he suggests to the thoughts of men that they should not hear the words of truth, by which they might put to flight the ignorance of evils. And this he does as though on the pretext of another knowledge, asserting to them that opinion which very many hold, so that they think that they will not be guilty if they have been in ignorance, and that they will not render an account for the things which they have not heard; and therefore he persuades them to turn their hearing away from the word. But receive this against these things: ignorance is of its very self a most powerful poison, which suffices to destroy the soul, with no addition sought from without. And therefore there is no one who, being ignorant, escapes through the fact that he is ignorant, but it is certain that he perishes. For by nature the force of sins destroys the sinner. But since the judgement will be according to reason, the cause and origin both of ignorance and of every single sin will be inquired into. He therefore who has been unwilling to know how he may come to life, but has preferred to be ignorant, lest through this he should seem to become guilty, is from this very fact already judged as one who knew and had knowledge. For he knew what it was that he was unwilling to hear, and the cunning sought out by the serpent's artifice will contribute nothing to his excuse; for his reckoning will be with Him from Whom the heart is not hidden. But that you may know that ignorance of its very self begets destruction: the soul, when it has departed from the body, if it goes forth such as not to know Him by Whom it was created, from Whom in this world it has obtained all the things which were necessary for its uses, is cast forth from the light of His kingdom as ungrateful and unfaithful.

XIX. Subjicit iterum nequissimus serpens aliam hominibus opinionem, quam plures vestrum proferre solent: Unum esse et nos dicimus Deum, qui est omnium Dominus; sed et isti, inquiunt, dii

XIX. Again the most wicked serpent suggests to men another opinion, which many of you are accustomed to bring forward: We also say that there is one God, Who is Lord of all; but these also, they say, are gods

Editors' notes and page, col. 1338

Page

running head: 1337 RECOGNITIONUM LIB. V. 1338
marginal letters: A ‹stiones, qui quasi per prudentiam›; B ‹XVIII. Et primo omnium subjicit› (letter set between that line and the one above); C ‹quoniam judicium rationabile erit›; D ‹XIX. Subjicit iterum nequissimus›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the first printed syllables "stiones" finish the word begun in col. 1337, where it is set whole; this file therefore opens at the comma that follows it. Worn or blotted type, legible: "quasi occasione", "Naturaliter", "ipso jam", "judicatur", "artificio" (final letter broken; read from the remains). Cotelier's note (19), editors' prose, continues at the foot of this column and is not set. The column ends on a whole word.

PG 1:1339

sunt. Sicut enim unus est Caesar, et habet sub se multos judices, verbi gratia praefectos, consules, tribunos et caeteras potestates, simili arbitramur modo, cum unus sit major omnium Deus, etiam istos ad similitudinem earum quas diximus, potestatum ordinatos esse in hoc mundo deos, illi quidem majori subjectos, nos tamen et quae in hoc mundo sunt dispensantes. Audite ergo ad haec, quomodo in his ipsis quae ad deceptionem proponitis, veritatis rationibus confutemini. Dicitis quia locum Caesaris teneat Deus, judicum vero ejus et potestatum speciem servent hi qui dicuntur dii; servate ergo, ut proposuistis, exemplum Caesaris, et scitote quia sicut nulli ex judicibus vel administratoribus Caesaris, id est praefectis, vel proconsulibus, vel ducibus, vel tribunis, fas est Caesaris nomen imponi; alioquin et ille qui susceperit et illi qui detulerint, pariter interibunt: ita et de hoc debetis advertere, quod si quis nomen Dei alicui quam praeter ipsum imposuerit, et ille receperit, unum eumdemque sortientur interitum, multo deteriore sorte quam ministri Caesaris. Hic enim qui deliquit in Caesarem, interitum suscipiet temporalem; qui vero in unum qui solus et verus est Deus delinquit, in saeculum luet poenas, et merito, ut qui nomen quod est unicum injuriosa conditione violaverit.

. For as there is one Caesar, and he has under him many judges, for example prefects, consuls, tribunes and the other powers, in like manner we consider that, though there is one God greater than all, these also, after the likeness of those powers which we have named, have been appointed gods in this world, subject indeed to that greater one, yet administering us and the things which are in this world. Hear therefore in answer to these things how, in the very things which you put forward for deception, you are refuted by the reasonings of truth. You say that God holds the place of Caesar, while those who are called gods keep the semblance of his judges and powers; keep then, as you have proposed it, to the example of Caesar, and know that just as it is lawful for the name of Caesar to be given to none of Caesar's judges or administrators, that is, to prefects, or proconsuls, or generals, or tribunes; otherwise both he who has taken it up and those who have conferred it will perish alike: so also concerning this you ought to observe, that if anyone has given the name of God to any other than Himself, and that one has received it, they will obtain one and the same destruction, by a lot far worse than the ministers of Caesar. For he who has offended against Caesar will undergo a temporal destruction; but he who offends against the One Who alone is the true God will pay the penalty for ever, and deservedly, as one who has violated by an injurious condition the name which is unique.

XX. Quamvis hoc ipsum, Deus, non nomen sit Dei, sed hominibus interim vocabulum istud quasi pro nomine ejus concessum est; quod tamen, ut dixi, cum contumeliose tractatur, ad veri ejus nominis refertur injuriam. Denique veteres Aegyptiorum, qui de coelesti cursu et astrorum natura rationem sibi visi sunt reperisse, obsidente sensus eorum daemone, omnibus nihilominus contumeliis nomen incommunicabile subjecerunt. Nam alii eorum bovem, qui Apis dicitur, colendum tradidere, alii hircum, alii cattas, nonnulli ibim, quidam serpentem, piscem quoque, et caepas, et cloacas, crepitus ventris, pro numinibus habendos esse docuerunt, et alia innumerabilia quae pudet etiam nominare.

XX. Although this very word, God, is not the name of God, yet that term has been granted to men for the meantime as though in place of His name; which nevertheless, as I have said, when it is treated insultingly, is referred to the injury of His true name. In fine, the ancients of the Egyptians, who seemed to themselves to have discovered the account of the heavenly course and of the nature of the stars, a demon besieging their senses, nevertheless subjected the incommunicable name to every insult. For some of them handed down that the ox which is called Apis was to be worshipped, others the he-goat, others cats, some the ibis, certain ones the serpent; the fish also, and onions, and sewers, the rumblings of the belly, they taught were to be held as divinities, and innumerable other things which it is shameful even to name.

XXI. Haec dicente Petro, riserunt omnes qui audiebamus

XXI. As Peter said these things, all of us who were listening laughed

Editors' notes and page, col. 1339

Footnotes

(20) ‹anchor: non nomen sit Dei› · call in col 1339

Quamvis hoc ipsum, Deus, non nomen sit Dei. Deum Deique naturam nomine carere doctrina est Patrum, et opinio philosophorum. Testimonia omittimus, ubique obvia.

Although this very word, God, is not the name of God. That God and the nature of God are without a name is the teaching of the Fathers and the opinion of the philosophers. We omit the testimonies, which are to be met with everywhere.

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(21) ‹anchor: veteres Aegyptiorum› · call in col 1339

Veteres Aegyptiorum, etc. Sideralis scientiae inventionem Aegyptiis multi, alii aliis assignant : uti fere variatur in rerum repertoribus : quorum enumerationes exhibent codices Regii 919, 1769, 2216 duas. — Eas habes in Append. Monum., n. 4, infra.

The ancients of the Egyptians, etc. Many assign the discovery of the science of the stars to the Egyptians, others to others, as there is commonly variation about the discoverers of things; of whom the Royal manuscripts 919, 1769, 2216 offer two enumerations. — You have them in the Appendix of Documents, no. 4, below.

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(22) ‹anchor: alii cattas› · call in col 1339

Alii cattas. Fuit cultus felis, generalis Aegyptiorum omnium religio, teste Strabone lib. xvii. Fuit et peculiaris quorumdam : ut Bubastitarum. Βούβαστος enim ex Stephano, vox Aegyptiaca αἴλουρον significat : et in urbe Bubasto sive Bubasti, sepeliebantur feles, inquit Herodotus in Euterpe : nec non erat Dianae templum, quae et Bubastis nomen accepit, estque luna. Fabulantur autem Dianam in Gigantomachia se in cattum transformasse, ut discere est ab Hygino. Leges etiam apud Plutarchum, libro De Iside et Osiride, convenientias physicas felem inter et lunam.

Others cats. The worship of the cat was a general religion of all the Egyptians, as Strabo witnesses in book XVII. It was also peculiar to certain of them, as the Bubastites. For Βούβαστος, according to Stephanus, an Egyptian word, means "cat" (αἴλουρον); and in the city Bubastus or Bubastis cats were buried, says Herodotus in the Euterpe; and there was also a temple of Diana, who also received the name Bubastis, and is the moon. They tell the tale, moreover, that Diana in the Battle of the Giants transformed herself into a cat, as may be learned from Hyginus. You will also read in Plutarch, in the book On Isis and Osiris, of the natural correspondences between the cat and the moon.

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(23) ‹anchor: crepitus ventris› · call in col 1339

Caepas et cloacas, crepitus ventris. De caepe, superstitio est longe notissima : quae (ut discimus ex Hieronymo, ii adversus Jovinianum, 6, et ad Isaiae caput xlvi ; Luciano in Jove tragoedo, ac Sexto Empirico Pyrrhonianarum Hypotyposeon lib. iii, c. 24) proprie ad Pelusiotas pertinebat. De cloacis vero (ὀχετοὺς appellat scriptor Clementinorum) nihil nunc succurrit, quod ad Aegyptios spectet. Nam Cloacina dea, et Deus Stercutus, aut Sterculus, Stercutius, Sterculius, sive Sterces, Romanorum sunt numina. Denique circa ultimum notarunt critici loca Festi in Prohibere comitia; Theophili Antiocheni lib. i ad Autolycum; Minucii Felicis in Octavio; Origenis tom. v contra Celsum; Lactantii, v, 20; Hieronymi ad Isaiae cap. xlvi; et Caesarii dialogo i. respons. ad interrog. 19. Quibus addentur nunc Clementina, lib. x, cap. 16.

Onions and sewers, the breaking of wind. As to the onion, the superstition is by far the best known; which (as we learn from Jerome, Against Jovinian II, 6, and on chapter 46 of Isaiah; from Lucian in Zeus the Tragedian, and from Sextus Empiricus, Outlines of Pyrrhonism, book III, ch. 24) belonged properly to the people of Pelusium. As to sewers (the writer of the Clementines calls them ὀχετούς), nothing occurs to me at present that concerns the Egyptians. For the goddess Cloacina, and the god Stercutus, or Sterculus, Stercutius, Sterculius, or Sterces, are divinities of the Romans. Lastly, on the last item the critics have noted the passages of Festus under Prohibere comitia; of Theophilus of Antioch, book I To Autolycus; of Minucius Felix in the Octavius; of Origen, book V Against Celsus; of Lactantius, V, 20; of Jerome on Isaiah ch. 46; and of Caesarius, dialogue I, answer to question 19 [numeral faint in the scan]. To which will now be added the Clementines, book X, ch. 16.

(printed under page 667)

Page

running head: 1339 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1340
marginal letters: A ‹sunt. Sicut enim unus est Caesar›; B ‹sulibus, vel ducibus, vel tribunis›; C ‹ut dixi, cum contumeliose tractatur› (letter set between that line and the next); D (stands in the foot notes, beside the first line of Cotelier's note 20)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the last word is split at the column break (au- | diebamus) and is set whole from the first line of col. 1340. "alicui quam praeter ipsum" is set as printed; the "quam" looks redundant (UNSURE whether a misprint), and the English renders the sense. "habendos" is printed so, though its nearest nouns are not all masculine. A stray mark stands over the d of "dii" (cap. XIX). The column number in the running head is in worn type. Cotelier's notes (20)-(23), editors' prose at the page foot, are not set.

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. Et Petrus: Ridetis, inquit, vos aliorum dedecora, quia longa consuetudine propria non videtis. Nam Aegyptiorum quidem stultitiam merito ridetis, qui muta animalia, ipsi cum sint rationabiles, colunt. Audite tamen quomodo et illi vos irrideant, aiunt enim: Nos viventia colimus animalia, licet moritura, vos vero quae nunquam omnino vixere, haec colitis et adoratis. Addunt praeterea etiam illud, figuras esse et allegorias virtutum quarumdam, quibus adjutricibus regatur hominum genus; sed pudoris perfugio haec et nonnulla his similia connectentes, errorem suum velare nituntur. Sed non est nunc tempus Aegyptiis respondere, et derelicta cura praesentium, absentium medicari languores. Certum namque indicium est vos ab hujusmodi aegritudine haberi alienos, qui eam non doluistis ut propriam, sed risistis ut alienam.

. And Peter said: You laugh at the disgraces of others, because through long custom you do not see your own. For you rightly laugh indeed at the folly of the Egyptians, who, though they are themselves rational, worship dumb animals. Yet hear how they also mock you, for they say: We worship living animals, though they are to die, but you worship and adore these things which have never lived at all. They add moreover this also, that they are figures and allegories of certain powers, by whose help the race of men is governed; but, weaving together these things and some like them as a refuge for their shame, they strive to veil their error. But it is not now the time to answer the Egyptians, and, abandoning the care of those present, to heal the sicknesses of the absent. For it is a sure indication that you are held to be strangers to a sickness of this kind, since you did not grieve over it as your own, but laughed at it as another's.

XXII. Sed redeamus ad vos, quibus placet haberi Deum ut Caesarem, deos autem ut ministros et procuratores Caesaris; sequimini me attentius, et modo vobis ostendam latebras serpentis, in argumenti hujus curvis anfractibus collocatas. Certum apud omnes esse debet, et indubitatum, Deo, quia a nullo factus est sed ipse fecit universa, nihil ex facturis suis posse coaequari; neque enim ita quis irrationalis inveniri potest, qui putet quod conferri possit factura factori. Si ergo humana mens non solum ratione sed et naturali quodam motu, recte hanc opinionem tenet, illud dici Deum, cui conferri aut exaequari nihil potest, sed quod cunctis emineat et cuncta praecellat: quomodo nomen illud quod super omnia esse creditur, recte his creditur dari, quos ad ministerium et procurationem humanae vitae putatis esse dispositos? Sed et illud addemus: mundus hic sine dubio factus est et est corruptibilis, sicut etiam postmodum latius ostendemus; interim et factum eum et corruptibilem constat. Si ergo mundus Deus dici non potest, et recte non potest quia corruptibilis est, quomodo partes mundi Dei nomen accipient? quod enim totus non potest esse mundus, multo magis non erit pars ejus. Igitur si redeamus ad exemplum Caesaris, videte quam

XXII. But let us return to you, whom it pleases that God be held as Caesar, and the gods as the ministers and procurators of Caesar; follow me more attentively, and I shall presently show you the lurking-places of the serpent, set in the crooked windings of this argument. It ought to be certain and undoubted among all that to God, because He was made by none but Himself made all things, nothing of His handiwork can be made equal; for no one can be found so irrational as to think that the thing made can be compared to its maker. If therefore the human mind, not only by reason but also by a certain natural motion, rightly holds this opinion, that that is called God to which nothing can be compared or made equal, but which stands out above all and excels all: how is that name which is believed to be above all things rightly believed to be given to those whom you think to have been appointed for the service and administration of human life? But this also we shall add: this world without doubt was made and is corruptible, as we shall also show more fully hereafter; meanwhile it is established that it was both made and is corruptible. If therefore the world cannot be called God, and rightly cannot, because it is corruptible, how shall the parts of the world receive the name of God? for what the whole world cannot be, much more will a part of it not be. Therefore, if we return to the example of Caesar, see how

Editors' notes and page, col. 1340

Page

running head: 1339 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1340
marginal letters: A ‹diebamus. Et Petrus : Ridetis, inquit›; B ‹hujusmodi aegritudine haberi alienos›; C ‹aut exaequari nihil potest, sed quod›; D (stands in the foot notes, beside the continuation of Cotelier's note 22)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the first printed syllables "diebamus" finish the word begun in col. 1339, where it is set whole; this file therefore opens at the full point that follows it. A smudge covers the stop after "ut alienam"; set as a full point. Worn type at the left edge, legible: "solum", "hanc", "aut", "interim et". The column number in the running head is in worn type. Cotelier's notes (22)-(23), editors' prose at the page foot, are not set. The column ends on a whole word, mid-sentence.

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longe erretis. Caesari, ejusdem licet naturae hominem cujus ipse est, conferri tamen neminem licet; Deo, qui hoc ipso quod a nullo factus, sed ipse fecit omnia, cuncta supereminet, conferri debere aliquem creditis? Sed Caesaris quidem nomen nulli alii audetis imponere, quia reum suum statim punit; Dei vero audetis, quia reum suum punire propter poenitentiam differt?

you go far astray. With Caesar, though it be a man of the same nature as he himself is, yet it is permitted to compare no one; with God, Who by this very fact, that He was made by none but Himself made all things, towers above all things, do you believe that anyone ought to be compared? But Caesar's name indeed you do not dare to lay upon any other, because he punishes at once the one guilty towards him; yet God's you do dare, because He puts off punishing the one guilty towards Him for the sake of repentance?

XXIII. Per alios item serpens ille proferre verba hujuscemodi solet: Nos ad honorem invisibilis Dei imagines visibiles adoramus; quod certissime falsum est. Si enim vere velitis Dei imaginem colere, homini benefacientes veram in eo Dei imaginem coleretis. In omni enim homine est imago Dei, non in omnibus vero similitudo, sed ubi benigna anima est et mens pura. Si ergo vere vultis honorare imaginem Dei, nos vobis quod verum est aperimus, ut homini qui ad imaginem Dei factus est benefaciatis, honorem et reverentiam deferatis, esurienti cibum, sitienti poculum, nudo indumentum, aegro ministerium, peregrino hospitium, et in carcere posito necessaria ministretis, et hoc est quod vere Deo delatum reputabitur. Haec autem in tantum ad honorem Dei imaginis cedunt, ut qui ista non fecerit, contumeliam imagini divinae intulisse credatur. Quis ergo iste honor Dei est, per lapideas et ligneas formas discurrere, et inanes atque exanimes figuras tanquam numina venerari, et hominem in quo vere imago Dei est spernere? imo potius certi estote, quod qui homicidium facit aut adulterium, et quidquid in hominum poenam vel injuriam geritur, in his omnibus Dei imago violatur. Magna enim impietas in Deum est, laedere hominem: omne ergo quod ipse pati non vis, cum facis alii, imaginem Dei iniquis moeroribus foedas. Intelligite ergo, quia latentis intrinsecus serpentis est ista suggestio, quae persuadet pios vos videri posse, cum insensibilia colitis, et non videri impios, cum sensibiles et rationabiles laeditis.

XXIII. Through others likewise that serpent is accustomed to bring forth words of this kind: We adore visible images to the honour of the invisible God; which is most certainly false. For if you truly wished to worship the image of God, you would, by doing good to man, worship the true image of God in him. For in every man there is the image of God, yet not in all the likeness, but where there is a kindly soul and a pure mind. If therefore you truly wish to honour the image of God, we lay open to you what is true: that you do good to man, who was made after the image of God, that you render him honour and reverence, that you supply food to the hungry, drink to the thirsty, clothing to the naked, attendance to the sick, shelter to the stranger, and the things needful to him who is set in prison; and this is what will be reckoned as truly rendered to God. And these things go so far towards the honour of God's image that he who has not done them is believed to have offered insult to the divine image. What kind of honour of God is this, then, to run about among forms of stone and wood, and to venerate empty and lifeless figures as divinities, and to despise man, in whom the image of God truly is? Nay rather, be assured that he who commits murder or adultery, and whatever is done to the punishment or injury of men, in all these the image of God is violated. For it is a great impiety against God to harm a man: everything therefore that you yourself are unwilling to suffer, when you do it to another, you defile the image of God with unjust sorrows. Understand therefore that this is the prompting of the serpent lurking within, which persuades you that you can appear pious when you worship things without sense, and not appear impious when you harm beings endowed with sense and reason.

XXIV. Sed ad haec alio nobis serpens ore respondet et dicit: Si nolebat haec esse Deus, utique non erant. Nondum vobis dico, quomodo ad uniuscujusque mentis probationem in hoc mundo permittuntur esse multa contraria; sed illud est quod nunc interim convenit dici, si secundum vos omne quod adorandum erat esse non debuit, nihil pene futurum

XXIV. But to these things the serpent answers us by another mouth and says: If God did not wish these things to be, assuredly they would not be. I do not yet tell you how, for the testing of each one's mind, many contrary things are permitted to be in this world; but this is what it is fitting to say now in the meantime: if, according to you, everything that was going to be adored ought not to have been, almost nothing would have

Editors' notes and page, col. 1341

Footnotes

(34) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1341 (above the foot image)

Rom. XI, 34.

Romans 11:34.

(printed under page 668)

(24) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1341 (above the foot image)

In omni enim homine.... et mens pura. Clementin. x, 7. Juxta sententiam B. Maximi centuria 3, De charitate, n. 25 : Κατ' εἰκόνα μὲν, πᾶσα φύσις λογική ἐστι τοῦ Θεοῦ. Καθ' ὁμοίωσιν δὲ, μόνοι ἀγαθοὶ καὶ σοφοί. A non paucis tamen imago et similitudo Dei in homine, idem esse putantur. Emenda obiter Isidorum Hispalensem, libro De ordine creaturarum, cap. ult., tom. I Spicilegii Acheriani p. 306 : Si enim de semetipso eam (animam) Deus fecisset, nequaquam passibilis et mutabilis et misera esset. Item si ex creaturis corporalibus illam creasset, et corporale aliquid in sua natura haberet; aut, inquam (male nunquam), calorem de ignea, aut flatum ex aerea, aut humorem ex aquatica, aut crassitudinem et soliditatem ex terrena materia haberet; sed quia his omnibus caret, incorpoream illam esse conditam convenit; et per ipsam incorporalitatem, et aeternitatem, et mutabilitatem, et liberi arbitrii potestatem, eamdem cum angelis habere substantiam creandique ordinem dignoscitur. Haec autem, Dei imago non [leg. imaginem] in aeternitate, similitudinem in arbitrio libero (sic restituo) possidet : de qua imaginis Dei similitudine impressa propheta commemorat, dicens : « Signatum super nos lumen vultus tui. »

For in every man … and a pure mind. Clementines 10.7. According to the judgement of Blessed Maximus, century 3, On Charity, no. 25: "Every rational nature is according to the image of God; but only the good and wise are according to the likeness." By not a few, however, the image and the likeness of God in man are thought to be the same thing. Correct in passing Isidore of Seville, in the book On the Order of Creatures, last chapter, vol. I of d'Achery's Spicilegium, p. 306: For if God had made it (the soul) out of himself, it would by no means be passible and mutable and wretched. Likewise if he had created it out of bodily creatures, it would also have something bodily in its nature; or, I say (wrongly never), it would have heat from fiery matter, or breath from airy, or moisture from watery, or thickness and solidity from earthy matter; but since it lacks all these, it is fitting that it was made incorporeal; and through that very incorporeality, and eternity, and mutability, and power of free choice, it is recognized to have the same substance and order of creation as the angels. This, moreover, the image of God not [read the image] in eternity, the likeness in free choice (so I restore it) it possesses: of which impressed likeness of God's image the prophet makes mention, saying: "The light of your countenance is signed upon us."

(printed under page 668)

Page

running head: 1341 RECOGNITIONUM LIB. V. 1342
marginal letters: A ‹longe erretis. Caesari, ejusdem›; B ‹est et mens pura›; C ‹quod qui homicidium facit›; D ‹interim convenit dici›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1342

erat in hoc mundo. Quid enim est quod reliquistis, quod non adorastis? solem, lunam, stellas, aquam, terram, montes, arbores, lapides, homines, nihil horum est quod non adorastis. Oportuit ergo juxta vocem vestram nihil horum fieri a Deo, ne haberetis quod possetis adorare; sed ne homines quidem ipsos esse oportuit, qui adorarent. Vere hoc est quod desiderat ille qui intra vos latet serpens, nulli vestrum parcit, nullum vult effugere de interitu; sed non ita erit. Audite enim, quia non delinquit illud quod adoratur, sed ille qui adorat. Justum namque est apud Deum judicium, et aliter injuriam patientem judicat, aliter inferentem.

existed in this world. For what is there that you have left, that you have not adored? Sun, moon, stars, water, earth, mountains, trees, stones, men: there is none of these that you have not adored. According to your saying, therefore, none of these ought to have been made by God, lest you should have something that you could adore; nay, not even men themselves ought to have existed, to do the adoring. Truly this is what that serpent who lurks within you desires; he spares none of you, he wishes none to escape from destruction; but it shall not be so. For hear: it is not that which is adored that offends, but he who adores. For with God judgement is just, and He judges in one way the one who suffers a wrong, in another the one who inflicts it.

XXV. Sed dicis: Oportebat ergo eos qui adorant quod non licet adorari, statim perimi a Deo, ne et alius hoc faceret. Sed nonne es tu prudentior Deo, ut ei consilia suggeras? scit ille quid faciat. Omnibus etenim in ignorantia positis patientiam praestat, quia misericors et pius est, et praevidet, quia ex impiis multi efficiuntur pii, et ex ipsis qui impura figmenta et pollutas imagines venerantur, nonnulli conversi ad Deum, et revocantes se a peccatis et agentes bona opera, perveniunt ad salutem. Sed debuimus, inquit, omnino nec ad cogitationem istam venire, ut haec faceremus. Ignoratis quid est libertas arbitrii, et latet vos quia ille vere bonus est, qui suo proposito bonus est; qui autem necessitate retinetur in bono, bonus non potest dici, quia non est suum quod est. Quia ergo in unoquoque libertas est in electione bonorum vel malorum, ipse sibi vel praemia vel interitum quaerit. Imo, inquit, quidquid cogitamus, Deus nobis adducit ad mentem. Quid agitis, o homines? blasphematis; si enim omne quod cogitamus, ipse nobis adducit ad mentem, ipse ergo nobis cogitationes adulterii suggerit, et avaritiae, et blasphemiae, omnisque luxuriae? Desinite, quaeso, ab hujusmodi blasphemiis, et qui sit Deo dignus honor intelligite. Nec dicatis, ut solent quidam vestrum, quia Deus mortalium honore non indiget. Ille quidem vere nullius indiget, sed vos debetis agnoscere, quia vobis prodest honor quem Deo defertis. Quid enim tam exsecrabile, quam si gratiam referre nesciat homo proprio conditori?

XXV. But you say: Then those who adore what it is not lawful to adore ought to have been destroyed by God at once, lest another also should do this. But are you not wiser than God, that you should suggest counsels to Him? He knows what He is doing. For to all who are set in ignorance He extends patience, because He is merciful and kind, and He foresees that out of the impious many are made pious, and that of those very ones who venerate impure fabrications and polluted images, some, turned to God, and calling themselves back from sins and doing good works, arrive at salvation. But, he says, we ought not to have come even to this thought at all, of doing these things. You do not know what freedom of will is, and it escapes you that he is truly good who is good by his own purpose; whereas he who is held in the good by necessity cannot be called good, because what he is is not his own. Since therefore in each one there is freedom in the choice of good things or evil, he himself seeks for himself either rewards or destruction. Nay, he says, whatever we think, God brings it to our mind. What are you doing, O men? You blaspheme; for if everything that we think He Himself brings to our mind, does He Himself then suggest to us thoughts of adultery, and of avarice, and of blasphemy, and of every wantonness? Cease, I beg, from blasphemies of this kind, and understand what the honour worthy of God is. And do not say, as some of you are accustomed, that God has no need of the honour of mortals. He indeed truly has need of nothing, but you ought to recognize that the honour which you render to God profits you. For what is so execrable as that a man should not know how to return thanks to his own Maker?

XXVI. Sed melius, inquit, facimus nos, qui et ipsi et omnibus cum ipso gratias agimus. In hoc subversionem salutis vestrae non intelligitis. Tale est

XXVI. But we, he says, do better, who give thanks both to Him and to all together with Him. In this you do not understand the overthrow of your salvation. It is such

Editors' notes and page, col. 1342

Footnotes

(34) ‹anchor: consilia suggeras› · call in col 1342

Rom. XI, 34.

Romans 11:34.

(printed under page 668)

Page

running head: 1341 RECOGNITIONUM LIB. V. 1342
marginal letters: A ‹erat in hoc mundo. Quid enim›; B ‹alius hoc faceret. Sed nonne›; C ‹libertas est in electione›; D ‹et omnibus cum ipso gratias›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column begins with the second half of futu-|rum (set whole in col. 1341). Superscript note call 34 after ‹suggeras› left out of the source (foot: Rom. XI, 34, set above; not printed in parentheses in the text, so no reference is set in the source). Several letters touched by ink marks (prae-stat, quia, non-nulli) read without doubt. Foot of page: Cotelier's note (24), called in col. 1341, runs across both foot columns and belongs to that column's file.

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enim hoc, quale si quis aeger ad medelam sui medicum pariter et venenarios invitet, cum illi nocere quidem possint, curare non possint, verus autem medicus venenis illorum recuset sua medicamenta miscere, ne aut pernicies bono aut sanitas nocentibus ascribatur. Dicis: Ergo indignatur aut invidet Deus, si cum ipse benefaciat, aliis gratiae referantur? Etiamsi non indignetur, non vult tamen erroris auctor existere, ut sui operis beneficio inani idolo fides detur. Quid certe tam impium, tam ingratum, quam a Deo beneficium consequi, et reddere lignis ac lapidibus gratiam? Propter quod expergiscimini et intelligite salutem vestram; Deus enim nullius indiget, neque aliquid requirit, neque in aliquo laeditur, sed nos sumus qui aut juvamur aut laedimur in eo quod grati aut ingrati sumus. Nam Deo quid confertur ex laudibus nostris? aut quid aufertur ex blasphemiis? nisi quod Deus animam sibi gratias agentem, proximam sibi et familiarem facit, ingratam vero malus possidet daemon.

for this, as if some sick man should invite to his healing a physician and poisoners together, though the latter can indeed harm but cannot cure, while the true physician refuses to mix his own remedies with their poisons, lest either the ruin be ascribed to the good one or the health to the harmful. You say: Is God then indignant or envious, if, when He Himself does the good, thanks are returned to others? Even if He is not indignant, yet He does not wish to be the author of error, so that by the benefit of His own work credit should be given to an empty idol. What, surely, is so impious, so ungrateful, as to obtain a benefit from God and to return thanks to pieces of wood and stones? Wherefore awake and understand your salvation; for God has need of nothing, nor does He require anything, nor is He harmed in anything, but it is we who are either helped or harmed in that we are grateful or ungrateful. For what is conferred on God from our praises? Or what is taken away by blasphemies? Except that the soul which gives thanks to Him God makes near and familiar to Himself, while the ungrateful one the evil demon possesses.

XXVII. Sed et illud scire vos volo, quod adversum hujusmodi animas non ipse Deus per se ultionem profert, sed universa creatura ejus insurgit et poenas de impiis sumit; et quamvis in praesenti saeculo Dei bonitas aequaliter piis et impiis mundi lucem ac terrae ministeria largiatur, tamen non absque dolore sui lucem sol impiis praebet, caetoraque elementa exhibent servitutem. Denique interdum etiam contra bonitatem Conditoris, fatigata sceleribus impiorum vincuntur elementa, et inde est quod aut terrae fructus corrumpitur, aut aeris temperies temeratur, aut supra modum ardor solis incenditur, vel imbrium ac frigorum vis immensa diffunditur. Inde lues, et fames, et mortis facies diversa percurrit, festinat enim creatura in impios movere vindictam. Dei tamen bonitas reprimit eam, et ab indignatione impiorum refrenat, ac suae misericordiae obedire cogit, magis quam peccatis hominum et sceleribus inflammari; exspectat enim patientia Dei, dum in hoc corpore sunt, hominum conversionem.

XXVII. But this too I wish you to know, that against souls of this kind God Himself does not of Himself bring forth vengeance, but His whole creation rises up and exacts penalties from the impious; and although in the present age the goodness of God bestows equally on pious and impious the light of the world and the services of the earth, yet not without grief of its own does the sun afford light to the impious, and the other elements render their service. Indeed sometimes, even against the goodness of the Creator, the elements, wearied by the crimes of the impious, are overcome, and hence it is that either the fruit of the earth is spoiled, or the temperateness of the air is violated, or the heat of the sun is kindled beyond measure, or an immense force of rains and of colds is poured abroad. Hence pestilence, and famine, and death in its varied aspect run their course, for creation hastens to set vengeance in motion against the impious. Yet the goodness of God restrains it, and bridles it back from indignation against the impious, and compels it to obey His mercy rather than to be inflamed by the sins and crimes of men; for the patience of God awaits the conversion of men while they are in this body.

XXVIII. Quod si qui ad exitum vitae in impietate perstiterint, tum jam discedens anima quae immortalis est, pro impietatis suae perseverantia luet poenas. Immortales namque sunt etiam impiorum animae, quas ipsi fortasse velint pariter cum corporibus suis finiri; sed non ita est, perferunt enim ignis aeterni sine fine supplicia, et ad perniciem sui naturam non habent moriendi. Sed fortasse dicetis mihi: Terres nos, Petre. Et quomodo

XXVIII. But if any persist in impiety to the end of life, then at last the departing soul, which is immortal, will pay penalties for its perseverance in impiety. For the souls even of the impious are immortal, which they themselves would perhaps wish to be ended together with their bodies; but it is not so, for they endure without end the torments of eternal fire, and to their own ruin they do not have the nature to die. But perhaps you will say to me: You frighten us, Peter. And how

Editors' notes and page, col. 1343

Footnotes

(25) ‹anchor: corporibus suis finiri› · call in col 1343

Quas ipsi fortasse velint pariter cum corporibus suis finiri. Eleganter, ut solet, Minucius Felix : Nec ignoro plerosque conscientia meritorum, nihil se esse post mortem magis optare quam credere. Malunt enim exstingui penitus, quam ad supplicia reparari. Ad quem locum doctus interpres apponit consimilem Hieroclis in Carmina Pythagorica.

Which they themselves would perhaps wish to be ended together with their bodies. Elegantly, as is his way, Minucius Felix: Nor am I unaware that very many, from consciousness of what they deserve, wish rather than believe that they are nothing after death. For they prefer to be extinguished utterly rather than to be restored for punishments. On which passage the learned commentator sets beside it a very similar one of Hierocles on the Pythagorean Verses.

(printed under page 669)

Page

running head: 1343 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1344
marginal letters: A ‹enim hoc, quale si quis aeger›; B ‹aut laedimur in eo quod grati›; C ‹sceleribus impiorum vincuntur / est quod aut terrae fructus›; D ‹mae, quas ipsi fortasse velint›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1344

vobis dicemus quae in re sunt? nunquid tacentes annuntiare possumus veritatem? Quae sunt, aliter quam sunt, proferre nescimus. Quod si taceamus, causam vobis perniciosae ignorantiae nos dabimus, et satisfaciemus latenti intra vos et obsidenti sensus vestros serpenti, qui haec vobis callide suggerit, ut semper vos inimicos faciat Deo. Sed nos ad hoc missi sumus, ut prodamus vobis latebras ejus, et absolventes inimicitias reconciliemus vos Deo, ut ad ipsum convertamini et placeatis ei in operibus bonis. Inimicitiae namque sunt homini ad Deum, irrationabilis et impius sensus pravumque propositum, maxime cum videtur sibi scire aliquid et est in ignorantia. Ubi autem abjectis his eadem vobis placere coeperint quae Deo placent, et eadem displicere vobis, atque ea coeperitis velle quae vult Deus, tunc vere amici ejus dicemini.

shall we tell you the things that are in fact so? Can we announce the truth by keeping silent? The things that are, we do not know how to set forth otherwise than as they are. But if we keep silent, we shall ourselves give you the cause of a ruinous ignorance, and we shall gratify the serpent that lurks within you and besieges your senses, who cunningly suggests these things to you so that he may always make you enemies to God. But we have been sent for this, that we may betray to you his lurking-places, and, dissolving the enmities, may reconcile you to God, that you may be converted to Him and may please Him in good works. For the enmities of man towards God are an irrational and impious mind and a perverse purpose, above all when he seems to himself to know something and is in ignorance. But when, these being cast away, the same things begin to please you that please God, and the same to displease you, and you begin to will the things that God wills, then you will truly be called His friends.

XXIX. Sed fortassis aliqui ex vobis dicent: Nihil curae est Deo de rebus humanis, et cujus ne ad notitiam quidem possumus pervenire, quomodo ad amicitias perveniemus? Quod Deus curam gerat humanarum rerum, ipsius mundi gubernatio testis est, cui sol quotidie deservit, cui imbres ministrant, cui fontes, flumina, ventique et omnia famulantur elementa, quae quanto notiora hominibus videntur, tanto curam Dei esse erga homines indicant. Nisi enim potestate Excelsi, nunquam potiora inferioribus ministrarent; et per hoc non solum curam Deus erga homines, sed grandem quemdam habere docetur affectum, quorum ministerio tam praeclara mancipavit elementa. Quod autem etiam ad amicitias Dei perveniant homines, exemplo nobis sunt hi quorum precibus tantum indulsit, ut clauderet imbribus coelum cum vellent, et rursum cum peterent relaxaret; et multa alia voluntatem suam facientibus praestitit, quae non nisi amicissimis praestarentur. Sed dices: Quid enim laeditur Deus, si et ista colantur a nobis? Si quis vestrum honorem patri debitum, a quo plurima beneficia consecutus est, alii deferat, et alienum atque extraneum quasi patrem colat, non tibi videtur impius existere in patrem, et exhaeredatione dignissimus?

XXIX. But perhaps some of you will say: God has no care for human affairs, and how shall we arrive at the friendship of Him to the knowledge of Whom we cannot even arrive? That God has care of human affairs, the governance of the world itself is witness, which the sun serves daily, to which the rains minister, to which the springs, the rivers, and the winds and all the elements do service; and the better known these seem to men, the more they show that there is a care of God towards men. For, were it not by the power of the Most High, the better things would never minister to the lower; and by this God is shown to have not only care towards men, but a certain great affection, to whose service He has made over elements so splendid. And that men also arrive at the friendship of God, those are an example to us to whose prayers He granted so much that He shut heaven against the rains when they wished, and again loosed it when they asked; and many other things He has bestowed on those doing His will, which would not be bestowed except on the closest friends. But you will say: How then is God harmed, if these too are worshipped by us? If any one of you should render to another the honour owed to a father from whom he has obtained very many benefits, and should honour a stranger and outsider as a father, does he not seem to you to be impious towards his father, and most deserving of disinheritance?

XXX. Alii dicunt: Impium est, si non colamus ea quae nobis tradita sunt a patribus nostris, et religionem praevaricamur a majoribus datam. Hac ratione, si cujus pater latro fuit, aut si cujus leno, a patribus sibi traditam consuetudinem mutare non debet, nec ad meliorem viam a paternis erroribus revocari, et impium ducitur, si quis non cum parentibus peccet, aut non cum ipsis impius

XXX. Others say: It is impious if we do not worship the things that have been handed down to us by our fathers, and transgress the religion given by our ancestors. By this reasoning, if anyone's father was a robber, or if anyone's was a pander, he ought not to change the custom handed down to him by his fathers, nor be called back from his father's errors to a better way, and it is counted impious if one does not sin with his parents, or is not impious with them

Editors' notes and page, col. 1344

Footnotes

(35) ‹anchor: precibus tantum indulsit› · call in col 1344

III Reg. XVII, xviii ; Jac. V, 17, 18.

3 Kings [1 Kings] 17, 18; James 5:17, 18.

(printed under page 669)

(26) ‹anchor: Impium est› · call in col 1344

Alii dicunt : Impium est, etc. Clementin. xi, 13. Videnda omnino Epistola S. Nili 32, lib. ii.

Others say: It is impious, etc. Clementines 11.13. The Letter of St. Nilus 32, book II, should by all means be seen.

(printed under page 669)

Page

running head: 1343 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1344
marginal letters: A ‹vobis dicemus quae in re sunt›; B ‹displicere vobis, atque ea›; C ‹habere docetur affectum / praeclara mancipavit elementa›; D ‹et religionem praevaricamur / Hac ratione, si cujus pater›
old-edition numerals: (none)

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perseveret. Alii dicunt: Non debemus molesti esse Deo, et ipsum semper aut miseriarum querelis, aut petitionum nostrarum necessitatibus onerare. Quam stulta et absque omni sale responsio! Molestum Deo putas, si ei pro beneficiis suis gratias agas, cui molestum non putas, si pro ipsius muneribus, lignis et lapidibus gratias referas? Et quomodo, cum forte imber longa serenitate suspenditur, omnes ad coelum oculos tendimus, et ab omnipotente Deo pluviarum munera flagitamus, omnesque cum parvulis, ad Deum fusis precibus, miserationes ipsius exoramus? Sed revera ingratae animae cum impetraverint, cito obliviscuntur; collectis enim messibus aut vindemiis, continuo ad surda et muta simulacra primitias frugum deferunt, et pro his quae Deus concessit, in templis aut lucis vota persolvunt, et ibi sacrificia daemoniis offerunt, atque accepta gratia permutant gratiae largitorem.

persevere. Others say: We ought not to be troublesome to God, and to burden Him always either with complaints of our miseries or with the necessities of our petitions. How foolish and how wholly without salt an answer! Do you think it troublesome to God if you give thanks to Him for His benefits, to Whom you do not think it troublesome if, for His own gifts, you return thanks to pieces of wood and stones? And how is it that, when by chance the rain is held back by a long spell of fair weather, we all stretch our eyes to heaven, and beg from almighty God the gifts of rains, and all of us with our little ones, pouring out prayers to God, entreat His mercies? But in truth ungrateful souls, when they have obtained, quickly forget; for when the harvests or the vintages have been gathered, straightway they carry the first-fruits of the crops to deaf and dumb idols, and for the things that God has granted they pay their vows in temples or groves, and there they offer sacrifices to demons, and, the favour once received, they exchange the bestower of the favour.

XXXI. Sed quidam dicunt: Haec laetitiae gratia et ad relevandos animos instituta, et ad hoc inventa, ut humana mens aliquantulum curis et moeroribus relaxetur. Videte quomodo ipsi accusatores estis eorum quae geritis. Si haec levandi moeroris et laetitiae capiendae causa reperta sunt, quomodo in lucis et silvis invocationes daemonum fiunt? quomodo insani rotatus hominum, sectionesque membrorum, et abscisiones verendorum? quomodo in his furor rabidus concipitur? quomodo invitatur insania? quomodo mulieres sparsis crinibus furibundae jactantur? unde stridor et fremitus dentium? unde mugitus cordis et viscerum, et omnia illa quae vel simulata, vel etiam ministerio daemonum compaginata, ad terrorem stultorum et ignorantium hominum proferuntur? haec levandi animi gratia fiunt, an potius opprimendi? Nondum sentitis neque intelligitis latentis intra vos serpentis haec esse consilia? qui vos per irrationabiles errorum suggestiones a ratione veritatis abducit, ut vos libidinis et concupiscentiae ac totius dedecoris servos teneat ac ministros.

XXXI. But some say: These things were instituted for the sake of gladness and for the relieving of spirits, and devised for this, that the human mind might be somewhat relaxed from cares and sorrows. See how you yourselves are the accusers of the things you do. If these things were found out for the sake of lightening sorrow and taking gladness, how is it that invocations of demons are made in groves and woods? How the frenzied whirlings of men, and the cuttings of limbs, and the cuttings-off of the private parts? How is raging fury conceived in these things? How is madness invited? How are women, with hair scattered, tossed about in frenzy? Whence the gnashing and grinding of teeth? Whence the bellowing of heart and bowels, and all those things which, whether feigned or even put together by the ministry of demons, are brought forth for the terror of foolish and ignorant men? Are these things done for the sake of lightening the spirit, or rather of crushing it? Do you not yet perceive nor understand that these are the counsels of the serpent lurking within you? He leads you away, through irrational promptings of errors, from the reason of truth, that he may hold you as slaves and ministers of lust and concupiscence and of every disgrace.

XXXII. Sed ego clara vos omnes praedicationis voce contestor, quod e contrario religio Dei ad sobrietatem vos revocat et pudicitiam, a luxuria ac furore jubet esse continentes, et per patientiam ac mansuetudinem resecare lapsus iracundiae, propriis esse contentos, et virtute parcimoniae, ne egestate quidem compulsos aliena diripere, sed in omnibus servare justitiam, ab idolorum vos immolatione penitus removere; per haec enim invitatis daemones ad vosmetipsos, et introeundi eis aditum sponte praebetis, et ex hoc jam vel furoris causas vel illiciti amoris accipitis.

XXXII. But I testify to you all with the clear voice of preaching that, on the contrary, the religion of God calls you back to sobriety and chastity, bids you be continent from wantonness and fury, and by patience and gentleness to cut away the lapses of anger, to be content with your own, and by the virtue of frugality, not even when driven by want to plunder what is another's, but in all things to keep justice, and to remove yourselves utterly from the sacrificing to idols; for by these things you invite demons to your own selves, and of your own accord you offer them an approach for entering in, and from this you then receive the causes either of fury or of unlawful love.

XXXIII. Hinc omnis impietatis origo descendit, hinc homicidia, adulteria, furta, et seminarium malorum omnium flagitiorumque concipitur, dum profanis libaminibus et odoribus indulgetis, ac locum dominandi in vos et jus quodammodo obtinendi malignis spiritibus datis. Ingressi enim sensus vestros,

XXXIII. From here descends the origin of all impiety, from here murders, adulteries, thefts, and the seed-bed of all evils and outrages is conceived, while you indulge in profane libations and fragrances, and give to malign spirits a place for lording it over you and, in a manner, a right of taking possession. For having entered your senses,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1345

Footnotes

(36) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1346 (col 1345 carries no call)

Rom. II, 28; Apoc. II, 9.

Romans 2:28; Apocalypse 2:9.

(printed under page 670)

Page

running head: 1345 RECOGNITIONUM LIB. V. 1346
marginal letters: A ‹perseveret. Alii dicunt›; B ‹quae Deus concessit, in templis›; C ‹ctantur? unde stridor / mugitus cordis et viscerum›; D ‹esse contentos, et virtute›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: worn type in the lower third: ‹haec›, ‹ab idolorum›, ‹illiciti›, ‹hinc homicidia›, ‹profanis› (the f looks like t), ‹et odoribus›, ‹datis› (the d looks like u) read from broken letters, none in real doubt. The numeral of XXXII prints its last stroke broken. The foot-references 36 and 37 belong to calls in col. 1346; col. 1345 carries no call (Q5a re-read). The column ends mid-sentence.

PG 1:1346

quid nisi quae libidinis, quae injustitiae, quae crudelitatis sunt operentur, et ad omnia vos quibus ipsi delectantur, subigant obedire? permittente revera hoc Deo pati vos ab eis justo quodam judicio, ut ex ipso dedecore actuum sensuumque vestrorum intelligatis, quam indignum sit daemonibus et non Deo esse subjectos. Hinc et ad indecoros et foedos actus per amicitias daemonum pervenitur; hinc usque ad ipsius vitae perniciem vel per flammam libidinis acceditur, vel per iracundiae rabiem aut nimietatem tristitiae pervenitur, ut saepe notum est, etiam manus sibi intulisse nonnullos; quod, ut diximus, justa quadam Dei sententia fieri ab his non prohibetur, ut et quibus se subdiderint, intelligant, et quem deseruerint recognoscant.

what should they work but the things that belong to lust, to injustice, to cruelty, and force you to obey in all the things in which they themselves delight? God in truth permitting you to suffer this from them by a certain just judgement, so that from the very disgrace of your acts and senses you may understand how unworthy it is to be subject to demons and not to God. Hence also, through friendships with demons, men come to unseemly and foul acts; hence they go on even to the ruin of life itself, whether through the flame of lust, or they come to it through the rage of anger or an excess of sadness, so that, as is often known, some have even laid hands on themselves; which, as we have said, by a certain just sentence of God is not prevented from being done by them, that they may both understand to whom they have subjected themselves, and recognize Whom they have forsaken.

XXXIV. Sed dicet aliquis: Passiones istae interdum accidunt etiam his qui Deum colunt. Non est verum; etenim nos illum Dei dicimus esse cultorem, qui voluntatem Dei facit et legis praecepta custodit. Apud Deum enim non ille qui apud homines Judaeus dicitur, Judaeus est, neque qui gentilis vocatur, ille gentilis est, sed qui Deo credens legem impleverit ac voluntatem ejus fecerit, etiamsi non sit circumcisus. Verus Dei cultor est is, qui non solum ipse a passionibus liber est, verum et alios ab eis liberos reddit, etiamsi sint ita graves ut montibus coaequentur; per fidem qua credit Deo, transfert eas, sed et montes vere cum arboribus suis, si necesse sit, per fidem transfert. Qui autem videtur quidem colere Deum, sed neque fide plena neque operibus mandatorum munitur, sed est peccator, pro peccatis locum dedit in semetipso passionibus, quae ad poenam peccantium constitutae sunt a Deo, ut ab eis per illata supplicia exigant debita peccatorum, et purgatiores eos ad judicium illud omnium generale perducant, si tamen castigationem eorum non deserat fides. Nam infidelium castigatio in praesenti vita judicium est, quo alieni existere incipiunt a futuris bonis; Deum vero colentium castigatio cum pro peccatis quae acciderint eis infertur, commissi ab eis exigit debitum, ut praevenientes judicium in praesenti saeculo peccati debitum solvant, et liberentur vel ex parte media ab aeternis, quae illic praeparatae sunt, poenis.

XXXIV. But someone will say: These sufferings sometimes befall even those who worship God. It is not true; for we say that he is a worshipper of God who does the will of God and keeps the precepts of the law. For with God it is not he who among men is called a Jew that is a Jew, nor is he who is called a Gentile a Gentile, but he who, believing God, has fulfilled the law and done His will, even though he be not circumcised. The true worshipper of God is he who not only is himself free from sufferings, but also renders others free from them, even though they be so heavy as to be made equal to mountains; by the faith with which he believes God he removes them, and indeed he truly removes even mountains with their trees, if it be necessary, by faith. But he who seems indeed to worship God, yet is fortified neither by full faith nor by the works of the commandments, but is a sinner, has on account of his sins given place in himself to the sufferings, which have been appointed by God for the punishment of those who sin, that through the torments inflicted they may exact from them the debts of their sins, and bring them more cleansed to that general judgement of all, provided, however, that faith does not forsake their chastisement. For the chastisement of unbelievers in the present life is a judgement, by which they begin to be strangers to the good things to come; whereas the chastisement of those who worship God, when it is inflicted on them for the sins that have occurred, exacts from them the debt of what has been committed, so that, anticipating the judgement, they may pay the debt of sin in the present age, and be freed, at least by a half part, from the eternal punishments that are prepared there.

XXXV. Sed haec ita esse non recipit, qui non credit futurum esse judicium Dei, et ob hoc praesentis saeculi voluptatibus obligatus, ab aeternis excluditur bonis. Et ideo nos non negligimus praedicare vobis, quae saluti vestrae scimus esse necessaria, et qui sit verus Dei cultus ostendere, ut credentes Deo per opera bona possitis una nobiscum futuri saeculi haeredes existere. Quod si nondum apud vos certum est, vera esse quae dicimus, interim pro hoc primo non debetis aegre accipere et infesti esse, quia quae putamus bona, haec vobis annuntiamus, et quod nobis salutare esse credimus, hoc etiam vobis conferre non invidemus, omni, ut dixi, studio laborantes, quo

XXXV. But that these things are so he does not accept who does not believe that there will be a judgement of God, and who on this account, bound to the pleasures of the present age, is shut out from the eternal good things. And therefore we do not neglect to preach to you the things that we know to be necessary for your salvation, and to show what the true worship of God is, that, believing God, you may through good works be able, together with us, to be heirs of the age to come. But if it is not yet certain with you that the things we say are true, meanwhile, to begin with, you ought not to take it ill and be hostile on this account, since we announce to you the things that we think good, and what we believe to be saving for ourselves, this we do not grudge to confer on you also, labouring, as I have said, with all zeal, that

Editors' notes and page, col. 1346

Footnotes

(36) ‹anchor: ille gentilis est› · call in col 1346

Rom. II, 28; Apoc. II, 9.

Romans 2:28; Apocalypse 2:9.

(printed under page 670)

(37) ‹anchor: per fidem transfert› · call in col 1346

Matth. XVII, 19 ; Luc. XVII, 6.

Matthew 17:19; Luke 17:6.

(printed under page 670)

Page

running head: 1345 RECOGNITIONUM LIB. V. 1346
marginal letters: A ‹quid nisi quae libidinis›; B ‹XXXIV. Sed dicet aliquis›; C ‹tur quidem colere Deum / operibus mandatorum›; D ‹XXXV. Sed haec ita esse›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: superscript foot-reference calls omitted from the text: 36 after ‹ille gentilis est› (foot: Rom. II, 28; Apoc. II, 9) and 37 after ‹per fidem transfert› (foot: Matth. XVII, 19; Luc. XVII, 6; the chapter numeral of Matth. is partly broken, UNSURE); neither is printed in parentheses in the text, so not set there; both foot-references are set above under Footnotes. Ink marks touch ‹cultorem›, ‹custodit›, ‹suis›, ‹vestrae›; all read without doubt. The column ends mid-sentence at ‹quo›.

PG 1:1347

cohaeredes vos bonorum, quae ipsi nobis eventura credimus, habeamus. Utrum autem pro certo vera sint quae annuntiamus vobis, non aliter scire poteritis, nisi ut obedientes his quae mandantur, ipso rerum exitu et beatitudinis certissimo fine doceamini.

we may have you as co-heirs of the good things which we believe will come to ourselves. But whether the things we announce to you are for certain true, you will not be able to know otherwise than that, obeying the things that are commanded, you be taught by the very outcome of things and by the most certain end of blessedness.

XXXVI. Et ideo etiamsi latens intrinsecus serpens sensus vestros mille depravandi artibus occupet, et impedimenta mille subjiciat, quibus a salutari doctrina vestrum declinet auditum, eo magis obsistere ei debetis, et spretis ejus suggestionibus ad audiendum a nobis verbum suscipiendamque doctrinam frequentius convenire, quia nemo potest discere aliquid qui non docetur. Cumque haec dixisset, jussit sibi eos qui languoribus vel daemonibus urgebantur offerri, et imposuit eis manus cum oratione,

XXXVI. And therefore, even if the serpent lurking within should seize your senses by a thousand arts of perverting, and should put in the way a thousand hindrances by which to turn your hearing aside from the saving teaching, all the more ought you to withstand him, and, his promptings despised, to come together more often to hear the word from us and to receive the teaching, because no one can learn anything who is not taught. And when he had said these things, he ordered those who were oppressed by sicknesses or by demons to be brought to him, and he laid hands on them with prayer,

LIBER SEXTUS.

BOOK SIX.

I. Ubi vero rarescentibus tenebris primum dies coepit proferre crepusculum, Petrus orationis gratia hortum ingressus, et inde egrediens atque ingrediens velut excusare nobis videbatur, quod tardius solito evigilans venisset ad nos. Aiebat ergo: Ubi veris tempus longiorem fecerit diem, necesse est ut nox brevior fiat; si quis ergo studiorum causa noctis aliquid occupare desiderat, non in omni tempore easdem horas observare debet ad vigilandum, sed eadem temporis spatia, sive brevior sive longior sit nox, dormiendo consumere, et curare magnopere, ne praesumens ex his spatiis quae habere ad studendum solet, addat somno et vigilandi tempus imminuat. Observandum namque et illud est, ne forte si nondum decoctis cibis interrumpatur somnus, indigestum corpus aggravet mentem, et crudos adhuc exhalans spiritus interiorem sensum confusum reddat ac turbidum. Rectum ergo est ut competenti etiam pars ista quiete foveatur, quo possit sufficienter his quae sibi debentur corpus expletis, justum in reliquis menti exhibere ministerium.

I. But when, the darkness thinning, day first began to bring forth the twilight, Peter, having entered the garden for the sake of prayer, and going out from it and coming in, seemed as it were to excuse himself to us, because, waking later than usual, he had come to us. He said therefore: When the season of spring has made the day longer, it is necessary that the night become shorter; if anyone therefore desires to take up some part of the night for the sake of studies, he ought not at every season to observe the same hours for keeping awake, but to spend the same spans of time in sleeping, whether the night be shorter or longer, and to take great care that he does not, taking beforehand from those spans which he is accustomed to have for studying, add to sleep and lessen the time of waking. For this too must be observed, lest perhaps, if sleep be broken off when the food is not yet digested, the undigested body weigh down the mind, and, breathing out vapours still crude, render the inner sense confused and turbid. It is right therefore that this part also be cherished with fitting rest, so that the body, the things owed to it being sufficiently fulfilled, may be able in what remains to render due service to the mind.

II. Et cum haec dixisset, plurimis jam consueto in horti loco ad audiendum congregatis, processit Petrus, et salutatis ex more turbis dicere hoc modo coepit: Quoniam quidem, sicut terra a cultore neglecta spinas et tribulos necessario producit, ita sensus vester longi temporis incuria, multas et noxias opiniones rerum et intelligentias falsae scientiae germinavit; opus est nunc multa diligentia ad excolendum rus mentis vestrae, ut id sermo veritatis, qui est verus et diligens cordis colonus, assiduis excolat disciplinis. Vestrum ergo est praebere ei obedientiam, et occupationes ac sollicitudines superfluas amputare, ne bonum verbi semen enecet noxium germen. Potest enim fieri, ut multi temporis negligentiam brevis et assidua reparet diligentia; incertum namque est uniuscujusque vitae tempus,

II. And when he had said these things, very many being now gathered to hear in the accustomed place of the garden, Peter came forward, and, the crowds having been greeted according to custom, began to speak in this manner: Since indeed, just as land neglected by the tiller of necessity brings forth thorns and thistles, so your mind, by the neglect of a long time, has sprouted many and harmful opinions of things and notions of false knowledge, there is need now of much diligence for cultivating the field of your mind, that the word of truth, which is the true and diligent husbandman of the heart, may cultivate it with assiduous disciplines. It is yours therefore to offer obedience to it, and to cut off superfluous occupations and anxieties, lest a harmful shoot kill the good seed of the word. For it can happen that a brief and assiduous diligence may repair the negligence of a long time; for the time of each one's life is uncertain,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1347

Page

running head: 1347 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1348
marginal letters: A ‹cohaeredes vos bonorum› (the letter stands at the right of the column's first line); B ‹urgebantur offerri, et imposuit›; C ‹sed eadem temporis spatia›; D ‹coepit: Quoniam quidem›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the last line of Book V in this column ends ‹cum ora-›; the word is completed (ora-|tione,) from the first line of col. 1348, where Book V runs on above the rule. The caption LIBER SEXTUS., printed across both columns, is set once here; no sub-caption is visible beneath it, only a short rule. Worn type read without real doubt: ‹nox brevior›, ‹cibis›, ‹exhalans›, ‹reddat›, ‹competenti›, ‹in reliquis›, ‹processit›, ‹multas›. The column ends mid-sentence at ‹tempus,›.

PG 1:1348

atque ita turbas dimisit, admonens ut ad audiendum verbum diebus quibus inibi demoraturus esset, frequentarent. Igitur ubi turbae abscessere, Petrus aquis quae in horto fluebant corpus diluens una cum caeteris volentibus, humi sterni jussit sub arbore quadam cujus umbra erat plurima, et recumbere nos secundum ordinem apud Caesaream statutum praecepit. Atque ita cibo sumpto, Hebraeorum ritu gratias agens Deo, quia adhuc aliquantulum diei supererat, jubet nos de quibus velimus percontari. Cumque essemus omnes cum eo viginti, unicuique de quo quaerere voluit explanavit, quorum singula quaeque libellis comprehensa tibi ante jam misi. Vespere autem jam facto ingressi hospitium cum ipso, suis quique locis requievimus.

and so he dismissed the crowds, admonishing them to come in numbers to hear the word on the days during which he was going to stay there. When therefore the crowds had gone away, Peter, washing his body in the waters that flowed in the garden, together with the others who wished, ordered a place to be spread on the ground under a certain tree whose shade was very ample, and bade us recline according to the order established at Caesarea. And so, food having been taken, giving thanks to God after the rite of the Hebrews, since some little part of the day still remained, he bids us inquire about whatever we wish. And as we were twenty in all with him, he explained to each that about which he wished to ask; every one of which things, comprised in books, I have already sent to you before. And when evening had now come, having entered the lodging with him, we rested each in his own place.

et ideo festinandum est ad salutem, ne forte cunctantem mors repentina praeveniat.

and therefore one must make haste to salvation, lest perhaps sudden death overtake the one who delays.

III. Et ob hoc acrius intendendum est, ut dum est temporis spatium, collecta malae consuetudinis vitia resecentur. Quod non aliter facere poteritis, nisi ut irascamini quodammodo adversum vosmetipsos pro his quae inutiliter gessistis ac turpiter. Haec enim est justa et necessaria iracundia, qua unusquisque in his quibus erravit et perperam gessit, indignatur et semetipsum incusat, ex qua indignatione accenditur in nobis ignis quidam, qui velut agro sterili immissus, consumptis et excoctis radicibus pessimae voluptatis, bono semini verbi Dei fecundiorem cordis praeparat glebam. Puto autem quod satis dignas habeatis causas iracundiae, ex quibus justissimus ignis iste coalescat, si consideretis in quantos vos errores deduxit ignorantiae malum, quantosque lapsus et quanta praecipitia ad peccandum dedit, a quantis vos bonis abstraxit et in quae praecipitavit mala, et quod est super omnia gravius, quod vos in futuro saeculo aeternis poenis obnoxios fecit. Nonne pro his omnibus, ubi vobis veritatis lumen obfulsit, ignis justissimae indignationis accenditur, et iracundiae Deo placitae intra vos consurgit incendium, quo consumatur et radicitus intereat omne germen, si quod forte intra vos malae concupiscentiae pullulavit?

III. And on this account one must strive the more keenly, that, while there is space of time, the accumulated vices of evil custom be cut away. Which you will not be able to do otherwise than by being in a manner angry against your own selves for the things that you have done unprofitably and basely. For this is the just and necessary anger, by which each one, in the things in which he has erred and acted wrongly, is indignant and accuses himself; from which indignation a certain fire is kindled in us, which, as though let loose on a barren field, the roots of the worst pleasure being consumed and burnt out, prepares for the good seed of the word of God a more fruitful soil of the heart. And I think that you have sufficiently worthy causes of anger, from which that most just fire may grow strong, if you consider into how great errors the evil of ignorance has led you, and how great slips and how great headlong falls into sinning it has given, from how great good things it has drawn you away and into what evils it has cast you headlong, and, what is graver above all, that it has made you liable to eternal punishments in the age to come. Is not, for all these things, when the light of truth has shone upon you, the fire of a most just indignation kindled, and does not the blaze of an anger pleasing to God rise up within you, by which every shoot may be consumed and perish by the roots, if any shoot of evil concupiscence has perhaps sprouted within you?

IV. Unde et ipse qui misit nos, cum venisset et omnem mundum vidisset ad malitiam declinasse, non continuo pacem ei in erroribus posito dedit, ne eum confirmaret in malis, sed ignorantiae ejus ruinis scientiam veritatis opposuit, ut, si forte resipiscerent et lumen veritatis aspicerent, deceptos se et in praecipitia erroris abstractos merito dolerent, et iracundiae salutaris ignem adversum deceptricem sui conciperent ignorantiam. Ob hoc itaque dicebat: Ignem veni mittere in terram, et quam volo ut accendatur

IV. Whence also He Himself Who sent us, when He had come and had seen that the whole world had turned aside to wickedness, did not straightway give peace to it while it was set in errors, lest He should confirm it in evils, but He set the knowledge of truth against the ruins of its ignorance, so that, if perhaps they should come to their senses and look upon the light of truth, they might rightly grieve that they had been deceived and drawn away into the headlong falls of error, and might conceive the fire of a saving anger against the ignorance that had deceived them. On this account therefore He used to say: I have come to send fire upon the earth, and how I wish that it be kindled

Editors' notes and page, col. 1348

Footnotes

(38) ‹anchor: IV.› · call in col 1348

Quae cap. 4-14 in edd. leguntur, desunt in codd. mss. Lipss.

What is read in the editions as chapters 4–14 is wanting in the Leipzig manuscript codices.

(printed under page 671)

Page

running head: 1347 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1348
marginal letters: A ‹atque ita turbas dimisit› (line begins with the second half of ora-|tione,); B ‹tium cum ipso, suis quique locis›; C ‹et semetipsum incusat›; D ‹iracundiae Deo placitae / dium, quo consumatur›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column opens with the end of Book V (above the rule); its first printed word-half ‹tione,› belongs to ora-|tione, set whole in col. 1347. Below the full-width caption LIBER SEXTUS. (set once in col. 1347) the column continues Book VI cap. II mid-sentence from the foot of col. 1347 (‹et ideo festinandum›), set here as its own paragraph. Last word accen-|datur completed from the first line of col. 1349. Superscript foot-note call 38 before ‹Unde› left out of the source line (the foot-note, printed full width at the foot of the page, says capp. 4-14 are wanting in the Leipzig manuscripts; it is set under Footnotes above). The first digit of the call is in worn type (3 rather than 2). Worn type read without real doubt: ‹quorum›, ‹spatium›, ‹abstraxit›, ‹dedit, ne›.

PG 1:1349

Est ergo pugna quaedam, quae gerenda nobis est in hac vita; sermo enim veritatis et scientiae necessario separat homines ab errore et ignorantia, sicut saepe vidimus putrefactas et emortuas corporis carnes, a connexione viventium membrorum ferro secante separari. Tale ergo aliquid est quod agit veritatis agnitio; necesse est enim ut salutis causa filius, verbi gratia, qui sermonem receperit veritatis, a parentibus separetur incredulis, aut rursum pater separetur a filio, aut filia a matre. Et hoc modo inter propinquos et consanguineos credentes atque incredulos, scientiae et ignorantiae veritatisque et erroris pugna consurgit. Et ob hoc iterum dicebat qui nos misit: Non veni pacem mittere in terram, sed gladium.

There is therefore a certain battle which must be waged by us in this life; for the word of truth and of knowledge of necessity separates men from error and ignorance, just as we have often seen putrefied and dead flesh of the body separated by the cutting iron from its connection with the living members. Something of this kind, then, is what the acknowledgment of truth does; for it is necessary that, for the sake of salvation, a son, for example, who has received the word of truth be separated from unbelieving parents, or again a father be separated from a son, or a daughter from a mother. And in this way, among kinsfolk and blood-relations, believers and unbelievers, there rises up a battle of knowledge and ignorance, and of truth and error. And on this account He Who sent us used to say again: I have not come to send peace upon the earth, but a sword.

V. Quod si dicit aliquis, et quo modo justum videtur separari a parentibus? audi quo modo: quia, si cum ipsis in errore permaneant, neque illis proderunt, et ipsi cum illis pariter interibunt. Justum igitur et valde justum est, separari eum qui salvari vult, ab eo qui non vult. Sed et illud adverte, quia non ex illis qui rectius intelligunt, venit ista separatio; illi enim volunt esse pariter et prodesse eis et docere meliora, sed est istud proprium ignorantiae vitium, ut confutantem se veritatis lucem non ferat habere de proximo, et ideo ex illis ista nascitur separatio. Nam qui scientiam veritatis accipiunt, quia bonitatis plena est, tanquam a bono Deo datam cupiunt eam, si fieri potest, cum omnibus habere communem, etiam cum his qui oderunt eos et persequuntur; sciunt enim quia peccati ipsorum

V. But if anyone says: And how does it seem just to be separated from parents? Hear how: because, if they remain with them in error, they will neither profit them, and they themselves will perish equally with them. It is just therefore, and exceedingly just, that he who wishes to be saved be separated from him who does not wish it. But mark this also, that this separation does not come from those who understand more rightly; for they wish to be together with them and to profit them and to teach them better things, but this is the vice proper to ignorance, that it does not bear to have near at hand the light of truth that refutes it, and therefore this separation arises from those. For they who receive the knowledge of truth, because it is full of goodness, desire, as a thing given by the good God, to have it, if it can be done, in common with all, even with those who hate and persecute them; for they know that of their sin

Editors' notes and page, col. 1349

Footnotes

(39) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1349 (above the foot image)

Luc. XII, 49.

Luke 12:49.

(printed under page 672)

(40) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1349 (above the foot image)

Matth. X, 34.

Matthew 10:34.

(printed under page 672)

(41) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1349 or 1350 (above the foot image)

Luc. XXIII, 34.

Luke 23:34. [The verse numeral is faint in the scan and may be read 54; 34 is the verse meant.]

(printed under page 672)

(42) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1349 or 1350 (above the foot image)

Act. VII, 59.

Acts 7:59.

(printed under page 672)

(27) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1349 (above the foot image)

Et quam volo ut accendatur. Hanc quippe lectionem Carmelitici codicis, vel istam Candeleriani, et quid volo, ut accendatur, praetulerim, ut cum Graeco magis congruentes. Luc. XII, 49. Philastrius, haeresi ult. : Ignem veni mittere in mundum, quam volo ut accendatur ocius. In Hilario ad psalmum cxix, et Paulino, epistola 31 : Ignem veni mittere in terram, et quid volo si jam accensus est? Ex Hieronymo saepe : Ignem veni mittere super terram, et quam volo ut ardeat, vel et quem volo ut ardeat, vel et quem volo semper ut ardeat, Vulgata : Ignem veni mittere in terram ; et quid volo nisi ut accendatur? Nec minor diversitas apud Graecos, citantibus Methodio in Convivio Virginum, orat. 6, et Basilio ad Isaiae ix, 19 : Καὶ τί ἤθελον ; Marco Eremita, De baptismate, καὶ ἤθελον, sicut in loco Methodii apud Photium cod. 237; Macario, homilia 25 : Καὶ τί θέλω ἢ ἤδη ἀνήφθη· Origene, in Philocaliae capite 26 : Καὶ εἴθε δὲ ἐκάη : et ut videtur posuisse homil. 4, in Isaiam, et homil. 5, in Ezechielem, καὶ εἴθε ἤδη ἐκάη, versum enim pridem utrobique, et utinam jam ardeat : Basilio denique ubi supra, εἰ ἤδη ἐκάη. Reliqua ex Interpretibus. Huc autem pertinet magna sacrorum testimoniorum confusio, facta tum per Marcionem apud Epiphanium in haeresi illius sect. 3, sic : Φησί· Βαπτισθεὶς ὁ Κύριος ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἰωάννου, ἔλεγε τοῖς μαθηταῖς· βάπτισμα ἔχω βαπτισθῆναι, καὶ τί θέλω ἢ ἤδη τετέλεκα αὐτό; καὶ πάλιν· Ποτήριον ἔχω πιεῖν, καὶ τί θέλω εἰ ἤδη πληρώσω αὐτό; tum per ipsum Epiphanium, haeres. 69, sect. 58, hoc modo : Λέγει, ὅτι ποτήριον ἔχω πιεῖν, καὶ τί σπεύδω ἕως οὗ πίω αὐτό; καὶ βάπτισμα ἔχω βαπτισθῆναι, καὶ τί θέλω εἰ ἤδη ἐβαπτίσθην. Quibus in locis duobus cernuntur vestigia textuum permistorum, Lucae xii, 49, 50, Matthaei xx, 22, Marci x, 38 : sed et nonnihil turbant Origenes, Ambrosius, Philastrius : dum a primo profertur homil. 7 in Judices : Dicente Domino ad discipulos : Baptismum habeo baptizare [l. baptizari] quod vos nescitis. Et quomodo urgeor, ut perficiatur? a secundo ad psal. cxviii, 17 : Dicit Dominus Jesus : Baptismo habeo baptizari, quod vos nescitis; a tertio in haeresi Novatianorum : Audiant Salvatorem dicentem : Baptisma habeo baptizari, et quam festino si sciretis. Scilicet ex Luc. XII, 50 : Baptisma autem habeo baptizari, et quomodo coarctor usque dum perficiatur? βάπτισμα δὲ ἔχω βαπτισθῆναι, καὶ πῶς συνέχομαι ἕως οὗ τελεσθῇ; apud Irenaeum lib. i, cap. 18 : Aliud baptisma habeo baptizari, et valde propero ad illud, καὶ ἄλλο βάπτισμα ἔχω βαπτισθῆναι, καὶ πάνυ ἐπείγομαι εἰς αὐτό· ac ex Joan. IV, 32 : Ego cibum habeo manducare, quem vos nescitis. Consultationum Zacchaei Christiani et Apollonii philosophi lib. ii, cap. 18. Spicilegio 10 Acheriano : Domino ad apostolos sic loquente : Adhuc, inquit, habeo baptizari baptismate quod vos nescitis.

And how I wish that it be kindled. For I should prefer this reading of the Carmelite codex, or that of Candelier's, and what do I wish, [but] that it be kindled, as agreeing better with the Greek. Luke 12:49. Philastrius, in the last heresy: I have come to cast fire upon the world; how I wish that it be kindled the sooner. In Hilary on Psalm 119, and Paulinus, letter 31: I have come to cast fire upon the earth, and what do I wish, if it is already kindled? From Jerome, often: I have come to cast fire upon the earth, and how I wish that it burn, or and which I wish to burn, or and which I wish always to burn; the Vulgate: I have come to cast fire upon the earth; and what do I wish but that it be kindled? Nor is there less diversity among the Greeks: Methodius in the Banquet of the Virgins, discourse 6, and Basil on Isaiah 9:19, cite "And what was I wishing?"; Mark the Hermit, On Baptism, "and I was wishing", as in the passage of Methodius in Photius, codex 237; Macarius, homily 25: "And what do I wish, or it has already been kindled"; Origen, in chapter 26 of the Philocalia: "And would that it had been burned"; and, as he seems to have put it in homily 4 on Isaiah and homily 5 on Ezekiel, "and would that it had already been burned", for it was long ago translated in both places and would that it were already burning; Basil, finally, in the place cited above, "if it has already been burned". The rest from the commentators. To this, moreover, belongs a great confusion of the sacred testimonies, made both by Marcion, in Epiphanius, in the heresy of that man, section 3, thus: "He says: The Lord, having been baptized by John, said to the disciples: I have a baptism to be baptized with, and what do I wish, or I have already accomplished it? and again: I have a cup to drink, and what do I wish, if I shall already fulfil it?"; and by Epiphanius himself, heresy 69, section 58, in this way: "He says: I have a cup to drink, and why do I hasten until I drink it? and I have a baptism to be baptized with, and what do I wish, if I have already been baptized." In which two passages traces are seen of texts mingled together, Luke 12:49, 50, Matthew 20:22, Mark 10:38; but Origen, Ambrose and Philastrius also cause some disturbance: since by the first there is brought forward, in homily 7 on Judges: The Lord saying to the disciples: I have a baptism to baptize [read to be baptized with] which you do not know. And how am I pressed, that it may be accomplished?; by the second, on Psalm 118:17: The Lord Jesus says: I have a baptism to be baptized with, which you do not know; by the third, in the heresy of the Novatians: Let them hear the Saviour saying: I have a baptism to be baptized with, and how I hasten, if you knew. Namely from Luke 12:50: But I have a baptism to be baptized with, and how am I straitened until it be accomplished? (Greek the same); in Irenaeus, book I, ch. 18: I have another baptism to be baptized with, and I hasten greatly towards it (Greek the same); and from John 4:32: I have food to eat which you do not know. The Consultations of Zacchaeus the Christian and Apollonius the Philosopher, book II, ch. 18, in d'Achery's Spicilegium 10: The Lord speaking thus to the apostles: I have still, he says, to be baptized with a baptism which you do not know.

(printed under page 672)

(28) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1349 (above the foot image)

Justum igitur... qui non vult. Non sine felicitate nuper inveni sic scriptum in Grimlaici Regula Solitariorum, cap. 26 : Unde et Petrus apostolus ait : Justum et valde justum est, separari eum qui salvari vult, ab eo qui non vult.

It is just, therefore … who does not wish. Not without good fortune I lately found it written thus in Grimlaic's Rule of Solitaries, ch. 26: Whence also the apostle Peter says: It is just, and very just, that he who wishes to be saved be separated from him who does not wish.

(printed under page 672)

Page

running head: 1349 RECOGNITIONUM LIB. VI. 1350
marginal letters: A ‹Est ergo pugna quaedam› (the letter stands at the right of the column's first line); B ‹V. Quod si dicit aliquis›; C ‹bere communem, etiam cum his›; D (stands beside the editors' notes at the page foot, not beside the text)
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1350

causa ignorantia est. Propterea denique ipse Magister, cum ab his qui ignorabant eum duceretur ad crucem, orabat Patrem pro interfectoribus suis et dicebat: Pater, remitte eis peccatum, nesciunt enim quid faciunt. Imitantes quoque discipuli magistrum, etiam ipsi cum paterentur, similiter pro interfectoribus suis orabant. Quod si disciplina nobis est, orare etiam pro interfectoribus et persecutoribus nostris, quomodo non etiam parentum et propinquorum persecutiones ferre, et pro conversione eorum orare debemus?

the cause is ignorance. For this reason, indeed, the Master Himself, when He was being led to the cross by those who did not know Him, prayed the Father for His slayers and said: Father, forgive them the sin, for they do not know what they are doing. The disciples also, imitating the Master, when they too were suffering, prayed in like manner for their slayers. But if it is our discipline to pray even for our slayers and persecutors, how ought we not also to bear the persecutions of parents and kinsfolk, and to pray for their conversion?

VI. Tum deinde etiam illud diligentius consideremus, quae sit nobis causa parentes diligendi. Pro eo, inquit, quod vitae nostrae videntur auctores. Auctores quidem vitae nostrae parentes non sunt, sed ministri; non enim vitam praebent, sed ingrediendi nobis ad hanc vitam exhibent ministerium, auctor autem vitae unus et solus est Deus. Si ergo auctorem vitae diligere voluerimus, illum nobis sciamus esse diligendum. Sed illum, inquit, cognoscere non potuimus, istos autem et novimus et in affectu habemus. Esto, non potueris cognoscere quid sit Deus, quid tamen non sit Deus perfacile scire potuisti. Nam quomodo latere potuit hominem quod lignum, aut lapis, aut aes, vel alia hujusmodi materia Deus non sit? Quod si in his quae facile deprehendere potuistis, animum ad discutiendum noluistis intendere, certum est quia in agnitione Dei impediti estis non impossibilitatis sed ignaviae vitio, nam si voluissetis, ex his ipsis inutilibus simulacris profecto accepissetis intelligentiae viam.

VI. Then next let us consider this also more carefully: what cause we have for loving our parents. Because, he says, they are seen to be the authors of our life. Our parents are not indeed the authors of our life, but its ministers; for they do not bestow life, but render the service of our entering into this life, whereas the author of life is God, one and alone. If therefore we wish to love the author of life, let us know that it is He Who is to be loved by us. But Him, he says, we have not been able to know, whereas these we both know and hold in affection. Granted that you have not been able to know what God is; yet what God is not you were able very easily to know. For how could it escape a man that wood, or stone, or bronze, or other matter of this kind, is not God? But if, in the things that you could easily detect, you were unwilling to apply your mind to examining, it is certain that you were hindered in the acknowledgement of God by the fault not of impossibility but of sloth; for if you had wished, from these very useless images you would assuredly have received the way of understanding.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1350

Footnotes

(41) ‹anchor: quid faciunt› · call in col 1350

Luc. XXIII, 34.

Luke 23:34.

(printed under page 672)

(42) ‹anchor: suis orabant› · call in col 1350

Act. VII, 59.

Acts 7:59.

(printed under page 672)

(29) ‹anchor: scire potuisti› · call in col 1350

Esto..... potuisti. Eleganter ad rem magnus Athanasius, ferme principio epistolae ad Solitarios : (continues)

Granted … you were able. Elegantly to the point the great Athanasius, almost at the beginning of the letter To the Solitaries: (continues)

(printed under page 672)

Page

running head: 1349 RECOGNITIONUM LIB. VI. 1350
marginal letters: A ‹causa ignorantia est. Propterea›; B ‹ctores quidem vitae / ministri; non enim vitam›; C ‹luissetis, ex his ipsis inutilibus›; D (stands beside the editors' notes at the page foot: ‹Baptisma autem habeo baptizari›, not beside the text)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: superscript note calls 41 (after ‹faciunt›) and 42 (after ‹orabant›) and the call (29) (after ‹potuisti›) left out of the source; no parenthetical reference printed. Foot notes 39 and 40 and Cotelier's notes (27) and (28) are called in col. 1349. Note (29) ends at the head of the notes under page 673; its continuation is set in the notes file of col. 1351.

PG 1:1351

VII. Certum est enim quia per ferrum facta sunt simulacra, ferrum vero per ignem confectum est, qui ignis aqua exstinguitur, aqua autem per spiritum movetur, spiritus autem a Deo initium habet. Sic enim dicit Moyses propheta: In principio fecit Deus coelum et terram, terra autem erat invisibilis et incomposita, et tenebrae erant super abyssum, et Spiritus Dei erat super aquas. Qui spiritus jussu Dei, quasi ipsa Conditoris manus lucem separavit a tenebris, et post illud invisibile coelum istud visibile produxit, ut superiora quidem habitaculum faceret angelis, inferiora vero hominibus. Propter te ergo Dei jussu, aqua quae erat super faciem terrae secessit, ut terra tibi produceret fructus, cui etiam humorum venas latenter inseruit, ut tibi ex ea profluerent fontes et flumina. Propter te producere jussa est animantia, et omnia quae tuo usui voluntatique servirent. Aut non propter te venti spirant, ut ex ipsis concipiens fructus tibi terra parturiat? Non propter te imbres profluunt et tempora vicissitudines mutant? Non propter te sol oritur et occidit et mutationes luna perpetitur? Propter te mare exhibet famulatum suum, ut tibi ingrato cuncta subjaceant. Nonne pro his omnibus justa erit ultionis poena, quia horum omnium largitorem, quem ante omnia et agnoscere et venerari debuistis, solum prae caeteris ignorastis?

VII. For it is certain that the idols were made by means of iron, while iron was wrought by means of fire, which fire is quenched by water, and water is moved by spirit, and spirit has its beginning from God. For thus says Moses the prophet: In the beginning God made heaven and earth, but the earth was invisible and unordered, and darkness was over the abyss, and the Spirit of God was over the waters. This spirit, at God's command, as the very hand of the Creator, separated light from darkness, and after that invisible heaven brought forth this visible one, so as to make the upper regions a dwelling for the angels, and the lower for men. For your sake, then, at God's command, the water that was upon the face of the earth withdrew, so that the earth might bring forth fruits for you; and into it He also secretly set veins of moisture, so that from it springs and rivers might flow forth for you. For your sake it was commanded to bring forth living creatures, and all things that would serve your use and your will. Or do not the winds blow for your sake, so that the earth, conceiving by them, may bear fruits for you? Do not the rains pour down for your sake, and the seasons change their turns? Does not the sun rise and set for your sake, and the moon undergo her changes? For your sake the sea renders its service, so that all things may be subject to you, ungrateful as you are. Will there not be, for all these things, a just penalty of vengeance, because the bestower of all these, Whom before all things you ought both to have acknowledged and to have revered, is the only one, above all the rest, Whom you have not known?

VIII. Sed et nunc eisdem vos ad intelligentiam viis duco; videtis etenim quod omnia gignuntur ex aquis, aqua vero per Unigenitum ex initio facta est, Unigeniti vero omnipotens Deus caput est, per quem tali ordine, quo supra diximus, pervenitur ad Patrem; cum autem perveneris ad Patrem, agnosces hanc esse voluntatem ejus, ut per aquas quae primae creatae sunt, denuo renascaris. Qui enim regeneratus fuerit per aquam, bonis operibus adimpletis

VIII. But now too I lead you to understanding by the same paths; for you see that all things are begotten from waters, while water was made from the beginning through the Only-begotten, and of the Only-begotten almighty God is the head, through Whom, in such order as we have said above, one comes to the Father; and when you have come to the Father, you will recognize that this is His will, that through the waters, which were the first created, you should be born anew. For he who has been regenerated through water, with good works fulfilled,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1351

Footnotes

(43) ‹anchor: super aquas› · call in col 1351

Gen. I, 1, 2.

Genesis 1:1, 2.

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(29) ‹anchor: continued from the foot of page 672› · call in col 1350

(continued) Τοῖς πιστοῖς, ἡ τῆς ἀσεβείας κατάγνωσις, αὐτάρκης πρὸς εὐσέβειάν ἐστι γνῶσις. Καὶ γὰρ εἰ μὴ δυνατὸν καταλαβέσθαι τί ἐστι Θεὸς, ἀλλὰ δυνατὸν εἰπεῖν, τί οὐκ ἔστιν.

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(30) ‹anchor: a tenebris› · call in col 1351

Qui spiritus jussu Dei, quasi ipsa Conditoris manus (ita recte etiam libri scripti Clementinorum xi, 22, χεὶρ) lucem separavit a tenebris. Mitius in Clementinis, καὶ λέγοντος τοῦ Θεοῦ, sed forte Rufinus legebat κελεύοντος τοῦ Θεοῦ. Apud Irenaeum lib. iii, adversus haereses, cap. 8 : Quoniam ipse praecepit, et creata sunt : ipse dixit, et facta sunt. Cui ergo praecepit? Verbo, scilicet : per quod, inquit, coeli firmati sunt, et Spiritu oris ejus omnis virtus eorum. (Psal. XXXII, 9, 6.) Idem legendus lib. iv, cap. 75. Libro autem v, cap. 6, dicit : Per manus enim Patris, id est, per Filium et Spiritum, fit homo secundum similitudinem Dei. Sed memoriae mandanda est Chrysostomi aurea observatio de Spiritu sancto, ad I Cor. XII, 11 : Καθὼς βούλεται, οὐ καθὼς κελεύεται et ἐπιτάττεται, Prout vult non prout jubetur ac praecipitur. Vide supra.

Which spirit, at God's command, as though the very hand of the Creator (so, rightly, the manuscript books of the Clementines too, 11.22, "hand") separated the light from the darkness. More mildly in the Clementines, "and God saying"; but perhaps Rufinus read "God commanding". In Irenaeus, book III Against Heresies, ch. 8: For He commanded, and they were created; He spoke, and they were made. Whom then did He command? The Word, to be sure: by whom, he says, the heavens were made firm, and by the Spirit of His mouth all their power. (Psalm 32:9, 6.) The same author should be read in book IV, ch. 75. And in book V, ch. 6, he says: For by the hands of the Father, that is, by the Son and the Spirit, man is made according to the likeness of God. But Chrysostom's golden observation on the Holy Spirit, on 1 Cor. 12:11, is to be committed to memory: "As He wills, not as He is commanded" and "ordered" — As He wills, not as He is bidden and commanded. See above.

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(31) ‹anchor: Deus caput est› · call in col 1351

Unigeniti vero omnipotens Deus caput est. En verba Rufini, Expositione in Symbolum apostolorum : Unicus ergo Filius est : et cum sit gloria, sempiternitate, virtute, regno, potestate, hoc quod Pater est; omnia tamen haec non sine auctore, sicut Pater, sed ex Patre tanquam Filius sine initio et aequalis habet; et cum ipse sit omnium caput, ipsius tamen caput est Pater. Sic enim scriptum est (I Cor. XI, 3), Quia caput Christi Deus. Prudenter tamen monemur a S. Ambrosio, lib. iv De fide, cap. 2, non dixisse Apostolum, caput Christi, Pater; sed, caput Christi, Deus. Consulantur interpretes ad locum Apostoli, itemque S. Basilius in psalm. xxviii, 6.

But of the Only-begotten the almighty God is the head. Here are the words of Rufinus, in the Exposition of the Apostles' Creed: The Son therefore is one only: and though in glory, everlastingness, power, kingdom and might He is that which the Father is, yet He has all these not without an author, as the Father has, but from the Father, as Son, without beginning and equal; and though He is Himself the head of all, yet His head is the Father. For so it is written (1 Cor. 11:3), that the head of Christ is God. Yet we are prudently warned by St. Ambrose, book IV On the Faith, ch. 2, that the Apostle did not say the head of Christ is the Father, but the head of Christ is God. Let the commentators on the Apostle's passage be consulted, and likewise St. Basil on Psalm 28:6.

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(32) ‹anchor: primae creatae sunt› · call in col 1351

Per aquas quae primae creatae sunt. Et paulo ante, Omnia gignuntur ex aquis. Clement. xi, 24 : Τὰ πάντα τὸ ὕδωρ ποιεῖ· et πρωτογόνῳ ὕδατι. Equidem Ebionitae Recognitionum corruptores, ab Epiphanio, p. 53, aquam pro Deo coluisse dicuntur. De Sampsaeis vero seu Elcesaeis, quae eadem haeresis est, idem Pater scribit, p. 461 : Τετίμηται δὲ καὶ τὸ ὕδωρ· καὶ τοῦτο ὡς Θεὸν ἡγοῦνται, σχεδὸν φάσκοντες εἶναι τὴν ζωὴν ἐκ τούτου. Hinc Hydrotheitae, aquam minime factam putantes : quam creavit Deus in principio una cum coelo et terra, et, ut loquuntur Optatus lib. vi, atque Ambrosius in Lucae caput xxii, ante mundi natalem, hoc est, ante mundum ordine dispositum : phrasi Tertullianea, ante mundi suggestum. Cyrillus Hierosolymitanus, catechesi 3 : Ἐξ ὑδάτων οὐρανοί· ἐξ ὑδάτων ἡ γῆ. Καὶ πρὸ πάσης τῶν γενητῶν τῆς ἑξαημέρου κατασκευῆς, πνεῦμα τοῦ Θεοῦ ἐπεφέρετο ἐπάνω τοῦ ὕδατος. Ἀρχὴ τοῦ κόσμου τὸ ὕδωρ. Lege Augustinum, lib. i De Genesi ad litteram, cap. 13.

Through the waters, which were created first. And a little before, All things are begotten from the waters. Clementines 11.24: "Water makes all things"; and "by the first-born water". The Ebionites, indeed, the corrupters of the Recognitions, are said by Epiphanius, p. 53, to have worshipped water as God. And of the Sampsaeans or Elcesaites, which is the same heresy, the same Father writes, p. 461: "Water too is honoured; and this they hold as a god, all but asserting that life is from it." Hence the Hydrotheites, who think that water was not made at all: which God created in the beginning together with heaven and earth, and, as Optatus in book VI and Ambrose on chapter 22 of Luke put it, before the birthday of the world, that is, before the world was set in order; in Tertullian's phrase, before the furnishing of the world. Cyril of Jerusalem, catechesis 3: "From waters the heavens; from waters the earth. And before all the six days' fashioning of created things, the Spirit of God was borne above the water. Water is the beginning of the world." Read Augustine, book I On Genesis according to the Letter, ch. 13. [The chapter numeral of Luke is blurred in the scan.]

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Page

running head: 1351 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT.
marginal letters: A ‹VII. Certum est enim quia per ferrum›; B ‹fluerent fontes et flumina.Propter te›; C ‹aquis, aqua vero per Unigenitum›; D ‹(in the notes at the foot, not beside the text)›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: last word 'adim-' is split at the column break; completed as 'adimpletis' from 'pletis' visible at the head of column 1352 in this column's top image. Scripture is referred to by superscript note calls (43: Gen. I, 1, 2; 44 belongs to col. 1352), not by parentheses, so no reference is set in the source. Note calls (30), (31), (32) left out. Foot of page: Cotelier's notes, set above; the Greek at the head of the left foot column is the end of note (29), called in col. 1350, set above as its continuation.

PG 1:1352

haeres efficitur ejus a quo in incorruptione regeneratus est. Propter quod paratis animis accedite quasi filii ad patrem, ut peccata vestra diluantur et causa eorum sola ignorantia fuisse probetur apud Deum. Nam si post agnitionem horum permanetis in incredulitate, vobis jam perditionis vestrae causa et non ignorantiae reputabitur. Nec pu⟨t⟩es quod etiamsi omnem pietatem colas omnemque justitiam, baptismum vero non accipias, spem possis habere apud Deum; imo potius majore poena dignus erit qui bona opera non bene operatur, confertur enim meritum homini ex bonis gestis, sed si ita gerantur sicut Deus jubet. Deus autem jussit omnem colentem se baptismo consignari, quod si tu reniteris et tuae voluntati magis quam Dei obtemperas, contrarius sine dubio et inimicus es voluntati ejus.

is made heir of Him by Whom he has been regenerated in incorruption. Therefore approach with ready minds, as sons to a father, so that your sins may be washed away and their cause may be proved before God to have been ignorance alone. For if after the knowledge of these things you remain in unbelief, the cause of your perdition will now be reckoned to yourselves and not to ignorance. And do not think that, even if you cultivate all piety and all justice, yet do not receive baptism, you can have hope before God; nay rather, he will be worthy of a greater penalty who works good works not well; for merit is conferred on a man from good deeds, but only if they are done as God commands. Now God has commanded that everyone who worships Him be sealed with baptism; and if you resist, and obey your own will rather than God's, you are without doubt opposed and hostile to His will.

IX. Sed dices fortasse: Quid confert aquae baptismus ad Dei cultum? Primo quidem, quia quod Deo placuit impletur; secundo, quia regenerato ex aquis et Deo renato, fragilitas prioris nativitatis, quae tibi per hominem facta est, amputatur, et ita demum pervenire poteris ad salutem, aliter vero impossibile est. Sic enim nobis cum sacramento verus Propheta testatus est, dicens: Amen dico vobis, nisi quis denuo renatus fuerit ex aqua, non introibit in regna coelorum. Et ideo accelerate, est enim in aquis istis misericordiae vis quaedam, quae ex initio ferebatur super eas, et agnoscit eos qui baptizantur sub appellatione triplicis sacramenti, et e⟨r⟩ipit eos de suppliciis futuris, quasi donum quoddam offerens Deo animas per baptismum consecratas. Confugite ergo ad aquas istas, solae sunt enim quae possint vim futuri ignis exstinguere; ad quas qui moratur accedere, constat in eo infidelitatis adhuc idolum permanere, et ab ipso prohiberi ad aquas quae salutem conferunt, properare. Sive enim justus

IX. But perhaps you will say: What does the baptism of water contribute to the worship of God? First, indeed, because what has pleased God is fulfilled; secondly, because, for one regenerated from the waters and reborn to God, the frailty of the former birth, which came to you through man, is cut away, and so at last you will be able to arrive at salvation; but otherwise it is impossible. For thus the true Prophet has testified to us with an oath, saying: Amen I say to you, unless a man has been born anew of water, he shall not enter into the kingdoms of the heavens. And therefore make haste, for there is in these waters a certain power of mercy, which from the beginning was borne over them, and it recognizes those who are baptized under the invocation of the threefold mystery, and it rescues them from the punishments to come, offering to God, as a kind of gift, the souls consecrated through baptism. Flee therefore to these waters, for they alone are able to quench the force of the fire to come; and whoever delays to approach them, it is plain that the idol of unbelief still remains in him, and that by it he is hindered from hastening to the waters that confer salvation. For whether you are just

Editors' notes and page, col. 1352

Footnotes

(44) ‹anchor: in regna coelorum› · call in col 1352

Joan. III, 5.

John 3:5.

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Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1352
marginal letters: A ‹pletis haeres efficitur ejus›; B ‹sine dubio et inimicus es voluntati ejus.›; C ‹pit eos de suppliciis futuris›; D ‹(in the notes at the foot, not beside the text)›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column's first printed letters are 'pletis', the end of 'adimpletis' begun in col. 1351 and set whole there; this file begins at 'haeres'. Damaged type: 'pu es' set pu⟨t⟩es; 'e. i-pit' set e⟨r⟩ipit; 'perditionis' has a damaged r (reads almost 'pecditionis'). Superscript note call 44 (Joan. III, 5) after 'regna coelorum' left out; no parenthetical reference printed. English 'you are' in the last clause anticipates the verb in col. 1353. Foot of page: Cotelier's notes (editors' apparatus), not set.

PG 1:1353

sis sive injustus, baptismus tibi per omnia necessarius est. Justo quidem, ut adimpleatur in eo perfectio et regeneretur Deo; injusto vero, ut peccatorum quae gessit in ignorantia remissio concedatur. Omnibus ergo festinandum est sine mora renasci Deo, quia incertus est uniuscujusque exitus vitae.

or unjust, baptism is in every respect necessary for you. For the just man, indeed, that perfection may be fulfilled in him and he may be regenerated to God; but for the unjust, that remission may be granted of the sins he committed in ignorance. All, therefore, must hasten without delay to be reborn to God, because the end of each one's life is uncertain.

X. Cum autem regeneratus fueris per aquam, ex operibus bonis ostende in te similitudinem ejus, qui te genuit Patris. Agnovisti enim Deum, honora patrem; honor autem ejus est, ut ita vivas sicut ipse vult. Vult autem te ita vivere, ut homicidium, adulterium nescias, odium, avaritiam fugias, iram, superbiam, jactantiam respuas, et exsecreris invidiam, caeteraque his similia penitus a te ducas aliena. Est sane propria quaedam nostrae religionis observantia, quae non tam imponitur hominibus, quam proprie ab unoquoque Deum colente causa puritatis expetitur. Castimoniae dico causa, cujus species multae sunt; sed primo ut observet unusquisque, ne menstruatae mulieri misceatur, hoc enim exsecrabile duxit lex Dei. Quod etsi lex de his non admonuisset, nos ut canthari libenter volveremur in stercore? Debemus amplius aliquid habere animalibus, utpote rationabiles homines et coelestium sensuum capaces, quibus summi studii esse debet, ab omni inquinamento cordis conscientiam custodire.

X. But when you have been regenerated through water, show in yourself by good works the likeness of that Father Who has begotten you. For you have come to know God; honour Him as father; and His honour is that you live as He Himself wills. Now He wills you to live in such a way that you know nothing of murder or adultery, that you flee hatred and avarice, that you reject anger, pride and boasting, and abhor envy, and hold all other things like these utterly foreign to you. There is indeed a certain observance proper to our religion, which is not so much imposed upon men as properly sought by everyone who worships God, for the sake of purity. I mean for the sake of chastity, of which there are many kinds; but first, that each one take care not to have intercourse with a menstruous woman, for this the law of God has held abominable. But even if the law had given no warning about these things, would we gladly wallow in dung like beetles? We ought to have something more than the animals, as rational men and capable of heavenly perceptions, whose highest concern ought to be to guard the conscience from every defilement of the heart.

XI. Bonum est autem et puritati conveniens, etiam corpus aqua diluere. Bonum vero dico, non quasi principale illud in quo mens purificatur, sed quod sequela sit illius boni hoc in quo caro diluitur. Sic enim et Magister noster quosdam Pharisaeorum et Scribarum, qui videbantur esse caeteris meliores et a vulgo separati, increpabat, dicens eos hypocritas, quia ea solum quae hominibus videbantur, purificabant, corda vero quae solus Deus aspicit, inquinata relinquebant et sordida. Ad quosdam ergo ex ipsis, non ad omnes dicebat: Vae vobis, Scribae et Pharisaei hypocritae, quia mundatis calicis et paropsidis quod deforis est, intus autem plena sunt sordibus. Pharisaee caece, emunda prius quod intus est, et quod deforis est erit mundum. Vere enim si mens mundetur luce scientiae, cum ipsa fuerit munda ac splendida, tunc etiam ejus qui deforis est hominis ipsa necessario curam gerit, id est carnis suae, ut et ipsa purificetur. Ubi autem ista quae deforis est purificatio carnis negligitur, certum est ibi neque de puritate mentis, ac munditia cordis curam geri. Ita ergo fit, ut is quidem qui intrinsecus mundus est, mundetur sine dubio et extrinsecus, non semper autem is qui mundatur extrinsecus, etiam intrinsecus mundus est, videlicet cum agit haec ut omnibus placeat.

XI. Now it is good, and befitting purity, also to wash the body with water. But I call it good not as though it were that principal thing in which the mind is purified, but because this, in which the flesh is washed, is the sequel of that good. For so too our Master rebuked certain of the Pharisees and Scribes, who seemed to be better than the rest and set apart from the common people, calling them hypocrites, because they purified only those things that were seen by men, but left their hearts, which God alone beholds, defiled and filthy. To certain of them, therefore, not to all, He said: Woe to you, Scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites, because you cleanse what is outside of the cup and of the dish, but within they are full of filth. Blind Pharisee, first cleanse what is within, and what is outside will be clean. For truly, if the mind is cleansed by the light of knowledge, when it has itself become clean and bright, then it necessarily takes care also of the man who is outside, that is, of its own flesh, that this too may be purified. But where this outward purification of the flesh is neglected, it is certain that there no care is taken either for purity of mind and cleanness of heart. So then it comes about that he who is clean within is without doubt cleansed outwardly as well, but he who is cleansed outwardly is not always clean within also, namely when he does these things in order to please everyone.

XII. Sed et illa species castimoniae observanda est, ut ne passim et libidinis solius causa feminis coeatur, sed posteritatis reparandae gratia. Quae observantia cum in nonnullis etiam pecudibus inveniatur, pudoris est si non ab hominibus rationabilibus

XII. But that kind of chastity also is to be observed, that there be no intercourse with women indiscriminately and for the sake of lust alone, but for the sake of renewing posterity. And since this observance is found even in some beasts, it is a matter of shame if by rational men

Editors' notes and page, col. 1353

Footnotes

(45) ‹anchor: erit mundum› · call in col 1353

Matth. XXIII, 25, 26.

Matthew 23:25, 26.

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Page

running head: 1353 RECOGNITIONUM L⟨…⟩ (right half of the head lies over col. 1354)
marginal letters: A ‹sis sive injustus, baptismus tibi›; B ‹quae non tam imponitur hominibus›; C ‹tur. Sic enim et Magister noster›; D ‹quae deforis est purificatio carnis›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column begins mid-sentence (continuing 'Sive enim justus' of col. 1352) and ends mid-sentence. Superscript note call 45 (Matth. XXIII, 25, 26) after 'erit mundum' left out; no parenthetical reference printed. Printer's signature 'PATROL. GR. I.' at the foot, not set.

PG 1:1354

et Deum colentibus observetur. In tantum autem castimonia verum Dei cultum tenentibus, per has quas supra diximus aliasque horum similes species conservanda est, ut etiam apud eos qui a diabolo adhuc in erroribus detinentur, attentius observetur; est enim apud illos nonnulla observantia castimoniae. Quid ergo, quod errantes custodiebatis, hoc non observabitis emendati?

and worshippers of God it is not observed. And to such a degree must chastity be preserved by those who hold the true worship of God, through these kinds of which we have spoken above and others like them, that even among those who are still held in errors by the devil it is observed with some care; for there is among them a certain observance of chastity. What then? That which you kept when you were in error, will you not observe now that you have been corrected?

XIII. Sed fortasse dicet aliquis vestrum: Oportet ergo nos omnia quae fecimus dum coleremus idola, custodire? Non omnia; sed quaecunque bene fiebant, haec etiam nunc convenit observare, quia si quid recte fit ab his qui in errore sunt, certum est id a veritate sumptum. Quia et si quid in vera religione non recte fit, non est dubium quin ab errore mutuatum sit; bonum namque etiamsi ab errantibus gestum fuerit, bonum est, et malum etiamsi ab his qui veritatem sequuntur gestum fuerit, malum est. Aut nunquid ita desipiemus, ut si videamus eum qui idola colit esse sobrium, nos qui Deum colimus, sobrii esse recusemus, ne eadem facere, quae ille qui colit idola, videamur? Non ita est, sed sit nobis studium, ut si illi qui errant, homicidium non faciunt, nos ne irascamur quidem; et si illi adulterium non admittunt, nos ne concupiscamus quidem alienam mulierem; si illi amant proximos suos, nos diligamus etiam inimicos nostros; si illi mutuo dant his qui habent unde reddant, nos etiam his demus a quibus recipere non speramus. Et per omnia nos qui aeterni saeculi haereditatem speramus, debemus praecellere eos qui praesens tantum saeculum norunt, scientes quia, si opera illorum nostris operibus collata, in die judicii similia inveniantur ac paria, confusio nobis erit, quod aequales invenimur in operibus his qui propter ignorantiam condemnantur, et nullam spem futuri saeculi habuerunt.

XIII. But perhaps one of you will say: Must we then keep all the things that we did while we worshipped idols? Not all; but whatever things were done well, these it is fitting to observe now also, because if anything is done rightly by those who are in error, it is certain that it has been taken from the truth. For likewise, if anything in the true religion is not done rightly, there is no doubt that it has been borrowed from error; for a good thing, even if it has been done by those in error, is good, and an evil thing, even if it has been done by those who follow the truth, is evil. Or shall we be so foolish that, if we see one who worships idols to be sober, we who worship God should refuse to be sober, lest we seem to do the same things as he who worships idols? It is not so; but let it be our endeavour that, if those who are in error do not commit murder, we should not even be angry; and if they do not commit adultery, we should not even desire another man's wife; if they love their neighbours, we should love even our enemies; if they lend to those who have the means to repay, we should give even to those from whom we do not hope to receive. And in all things we who hope for the inheritance of the eternal age ought to excel those who know only the present age, knowing that, if their works, compared with our works, are found on the day of judgement to be similar and equal, it will be confusion for us that we are found equal in works to those who are condemned on account of ignorance and had no hope of the age to come.

XIV. Et vere digna confusio est, ubi nihil amplius gessimus ab his quibus amplius intelleximus. Quod si confusio nobis erit aequales eis inveniri in operibus bonis, quid erit nobis, si inferiores nos ac deteriores examinatio futura reperiat? Audite ergo quomodo de his nos ipse verus Propheta docuerit; ad eos enim qui negligunt audire verba sapientiae, ita ait: Regina austri surget in judicio cum generatione hac et condemnabit eam, quia venit a finibus terrae audire sapientiam Salomonis, et ecce plus quam Salomon hic, et non audiunt. Ad eos vero qui de malis actibus gerere poenitentiam detrectabant, ita ait: Viri Ninivitae surgent in judicio cum generatione hac et condemnabunt eam, quia poenitentiam egerunt in praedicatione Jonae, et ecce plus quam Jonas hic. Vides ergo quomodo eos qui erudiebantur ex lege, adductis ad exemplum illis qui ex gentili ignorantia veniebant, et ostendens eos nec illis aequales esse qui in errore positi videbantur, ex ipsa tantum comparatione condemnat. Ex quibus omnibus sermo quem proposuimus approbatur, ut castimonia,

XIV. And truly the confusion is deserved, where we have done nothing more than those than whom we have understood more. But if it will be confusion for us to be found equal to them in good works, what will become of us if the examination to come finds us inferior and worse? Hear, therefore, how the true Prophet Himself has taught us concerning these things; for to those who neglect to hear the words of wisdom He speaks thus: The queen of the south shall rise in the judgement with this generation and shall condemn it, because she came from the ends of the earth to hear the wisdom of Solomon, and behold, more than Solomon is here, and they do not hear. But to those who refused to do penance for their evil deeds He speaks thus: The men of Nineveh shall rise in the judgement with this generation and shall condemn it, because they did penance at the preaching of Jonah, and behold, more than Jonah is here. You see, then, how He condemns those who were instructed out of the law, by bringing forward as an example those who came from Gentile ignorance, and showing that they are not even equal to those who seemed to be set in error, by the comparison alone. From all of which the statement that we proposed is confirmed, that chastity,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1354

Footnotes

(46) ‹anchor: inimicos nostros› · call in col 1354

Matth. V, 21, 22, 28; Luc. VI, 27.

Matthew 5:21, 22, 28; Luke 6:27.

(printed under page 674)

(47) ‹anchor: et non audiunt› · call in col 1354

Matth. XII, 42; Luc. XI, 31.

Matthew 12:42; Luke 11:31.

(48-49) ‹anchor: quam Jonas hic› · call in col 1354 Luc. XI, 32 ; Matth. XII, 41.

Luke 11:32; Matthew 12:41.

(printed under page 674)

Page

running head: RECOGNITIONUM LIB. VI. 1354
marginal letters: A ‹et Deum colentibus observetur.›; B ‹tuatum sit; bonum namque›; C ‹debemus praecellere eos qui praesens›; D ‹terrae audire sapientiam Salomonis›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column begins mid-sentence (the negative 'non' stands at the end of col. 1353; the English 'it is not observed' carries it here) and ends mid-sentence. Last word 'casti-' is split at the break; completed as 'castimonia,' from 'monia,' at the head of col. 1355 (image seen). The doubled semicolon in 'nostros; ; si' is the residue of superscript note call 46 standing between two semicolons; set once. Superscript note calls 46, 47, 48-49 (scripture references at the page foot: Matth. V; Luc. VI, 27; Matth. XII, 42; Luc. XI, 31; Luc. XI, 32; Matth. XII, 41) left out; no parenthetical references printed. Printer's signature '43' at the foot, not set.

PG 1:1355

quae aliquatenus etiam ab his qui in errore sunt positi custoditur, multo purius et attentius per singulas quasque, sicut supra ostendimus, species a nobis qui veritatem sequimur teneatur, eo magis quo apud nos observantiae ejus praemia aeterna posita sunt.

which is kept to some degree even by those who are set in error, should be held much more purely and carefully, through each of its several kinds, as we have shown above, by us who follow the truth, and all the more because with us eternal rewards are appointed for its observance.

XV. Haec et his similia cum dixisset, turbas dimisit, et ex more cum familiaribus suis cibo sumpto quievit. Hoc autem modo per tres continuos menses cum verbum Dei doceret et plurimos converteret ad fidem, ad ultimum jejunare me jussit, et post jejunium in fontibus qui contigui habentur mari, perennis aquae mihi baptismum dedit. Cumque pro regenerationis gratia divinitus mihi collata, feriati cum fratribus laeti egissemus, Petrus eos qui ad

XV. When he had said these things and others like them, he dismissed the crowds, and, having taken food with his companions according to custom, he rested. And when in this way for three continuous months he had been teaching the word of God and converting very many to the faith, at the last he ordered me to fast, and after the fast he gave me the baptism of ever-flowing water in the springs that lie next to the sea. And when, for the grace of regeneration divinely bestowed on me, we had joyfully kept holiday with the brethren, Peter those who for

LIBER SEPTIMUS.

BOOK SEVEN.

I. Egressi tandem etiam Tripolim Phoenicis urbem, primam in Ortosiade haud procul a Tripoli fecimus mansionem, ubi sequenti quoque die remorati, quia omnes pene qui Domino crediderant, dum divelli a Petro nequeunt, illo usque secuti sunt; inde Antharadum venimus. Sed quod multi nos comitarentur, ait Petrus ad Nicetam simul atque Aquilam: Quoniam quidem plurimae fratrum turbae nobiscum sunt, et ingredientes singulas quasque urbes non parum invidiae contrahimus, videtur mihi providendum, ut neque ipsis ingratum sit si prohibeantur sequi, neque nobis pompae alicujus excitet malignus invidiam. Censeo itaque te Nicetam atque Aquilam praecedere nos cum ipsis, ita ut etiam vos in duas partes divisam multitudinem ducatis, ut sparsim magis quam sub una congregatione iter agentes, singulas quasque introeamus gentium civitates.

I. Having at length gone out from Tripolis also, a city of Phoenicia, we made our first halt at Ortosias, not far from Tripolis, where we stayed the following day as well, because almost all who had believed in the Lord, being unable to be torn away from Peter, followed as far as that place; from there we came to Antharadus. But because many were accompanying us, Peter said to Nicetas and Aquila together: Since indeed very great crowds of the brethren are with us, and in entering each several city we draw upon ourselves no little ill will, it seems to me that provision must be made, so that neither may it be displeasing to them if they are forbidden to follow, nor may the evil one stir up against us the ill will that attaches to a kind of pomp. I judge therefore that you, Nicetas, and Aquila should go before us with them, in such a way that you also lead the multitude divided into two parts, so that, making our journey scattered rather than in one gathering, we may enter each several city of the Gentiles.

II. Scio autem quia triste vobis videtur, quod videmini a me duorum saltem dierum spatio separari; credite mihi, quia qua mensura diligitis me, decuplo amplior mihi quoque erga vos affectus est, sed si pro affectu, quem adinvicem gerimus, non faciamus quae convenientia et honesta sunt, irrationabilis hujusmodi amor videbitur. Et ideo nequaquam titulo charitatis imminuto, quae utilia videntur ac necessaria procuremus, maxime cum nullus dies possit intercedere, quo non disputationibus meis interesse possitis. Per singulas enim quasque nobiliores provinciarum civitates proposui, sicut etiam vos scitis, ternis docendi gratia residere mensibus. Nunc ergo Laodiciam, quae est urbs proxima, praecedite me, et ego post biduum aut

II. Now I know that it seems sad to you that you are to be separated from me for the space of at least two days; believe me, that in the measure in which you love me, my affection towards you also is ten times greater; but if, on account of the affection that we bear one another, we should not do the things that are fitting and honourable, a love of this kind will seem irrational. And therefore, the claim of charity being in no way diminished, let us attend to the things that seem useful and necessary, especially since no day can intervene on which you would not be able to be present at my disputations. For I have resolved, as you also know, to stay three months for the sake of teaching in each of the more renowned cities of the provinces. Now therefore go before me to Laodicea, which is the nearest city, and I after two days or

Editors' notes and page, col. 1355

Page

running head: 1355 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. O⟨PERA DUBIA.⟩ (the head runs on over col. 1356)
marginal letters: A ‹quae aliquatenus etiam ab his qui in errore›; B ‹I. Egressi tandem etiam Tripolim›; C ‹sparsim magis quam sub una congregatione›; D ‹quasque nobiliores provinciarum civitates›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: LAYOUT: the page is divided by a rule. Above it, Book VI ends in both columns (col. 1355 upper part runs on into col. 1356 upper part: 'Petrus eos qui ad' / 'praecedendum fuerant ordinati'); below it the caption LIBER SEPTIMUS. stands across both columns and Book VII begins (col. 1355 lower part runs on into col. 1356 lower part: 'post biduum aut' / 'triduum'). This file follows the column as printed, top to bottom, with the caption set once here; true reading order is 1355 upper, 1356 upper, caption, 1355 lower, 1356 lower. The column's first printed letters are 'monia,', the end of 'castimonia,' set whole in col. 1354; this file begins at 'quae'. Damaged type read as 'divelli', 'nobiscum', 'itaque'. 'Antharadum', 'Laodiciam', 'Ortosiade' as printed. The point after 'honesta sunt' is a comma with a speck above it (possibly a semicolon); set as a comma. Foot of page: Cotelier's note (33), called in col. 1356 and set under that column's Footnotes.

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praecedendum fuerant ordinati, proficisci Antiochiam jubet atque ibi tres alios exspectare menses. Quibus profectis, ipse eos qui fidem Domini plene receperant, deducens ad fontes quos mari contiguos supra diximus baptizavit, et eucharistiam frangens cum eis, Maronem qui eum hospitio receperat perfectum jam in omnibus, constituit eis episcopum, et duodecim cum eo presbyteros, simulque diaconos ordinat. Instituit etiam ordinem viduarum atque omnia Ecclesiae ministeria disponit, universosque admonet Maroni episcopo in omnibus quae praeciperet obedire. Et ita cunctis competenter dispositis, cum trium mensium tempus fuisset expletum, valedicentes his qui erant apud Tripolim, Antiochiam proficiscimur.

going on ahead had been appointed he orders to set out for Antioch and to wait there another three months. When they had set out, he himself, leading those who had fully received the faith of the Lord to the springs which we have said above lie next to the sea, baptized them, and, breaking the eucharist with them, he appointed Maro, who had received him as a guest and was now perfect in all things, as their bishop, and ordains twelve presbyters with him, and deacons at the same time. He also institutes the order of widows and arranges all the ministries of the Church, and he admonishes all to obey Maro the bishop in all things that he should command. And so, all things having been fittingly arranged, when the period of three months had been completed, bidding farewell to those who were at Tripolis, we set out for Antioch.

triduum quantum ad propositum meum spectat, insequar vos. Opperiemini autem me ad proximum portae civitatis stabulum, et inde iterum similiter, cum dies ibi aliquot transegerimus, praecedetis me ad ulteriores civitates; et hoc vos facere per singulas cupio, declinandae quantum in nobis est invidiae gratia, et ut fratres qui nobiscum sunt, vestri providentia per singulas civitates parata invenientes hospitia, minus vagari videantur.

three, so far as my purpose is concerned, will follow you. And you shall wait for me at the inn nearest the gate of the city, and from there again in like manner, when we have spent some days there, you shall go before me to the cities further on; and this I desire you to do at each one, for the sake of avoiding ill will so far as lies in us, and so that the brethren who are with us, finding lodgings prepared in each city by your foresight, may seem less to be wandering about.

III. Haec dicente Petro, necessario acquiescunt, dicentes: Non valde nos contristat hoc agere quia a te jubemur, qui omnia et bene agere et bene consulere per Christi providentiam electus es, sed et una die aut si multum biduo, quamvis grande sit, in hoc omni spatio non videre dominum nostrum Petrum, tamen tolerabile est. Consideramus enim quid patiantur illi duodecim fratres nostri, qui praecedunt nos, et mensem pene integrum ex tribus mensibus, quibus per unamquamque urbem resides, tanto bono auditus tui visionisque fraudantur. Ut ergo jubes, quia recte omnia jubes, agere non morabimur. Et his dictis praecessere, acceptis mandatis, ut extra urbem alloquerentur fratres qui secum iter agebant, ne constipati et quasi cum tumultu, sed sparsim et in binos divisi ingrediantur civitates.

III. When Peter said these things, they of necessity acquiesce, saying: It does not greatly sadden us to do this, because we are commanded by you, who have been chosen through Christ's providence both to do and to counsel all things well; and moreover, for one day or at most two, although it is a great thing not to see our lord Peter for all that time, yet it is bearable. For we consider what those twelve brethren of ours suffer, who go before us, and who for almost a whole month out of the three months during which you stay in each city are deprived of so great a good as hearing and seeing you. As you command, therefore, since you command all things rightly, we shall not delay to act. And having said these things they went on ahead, having received instructions to address the brethren who were travelling with them outside the city, that they should enter the cities not crowded together and as it were with tumult, but scattered and divided two by two.

IV. Verum ubi illi profecti sunt, ego Clemens valde gavisus sum quod me secum esse fecit, et aio ad eum: Deo gratias ago, quod me non praemisisti cum aliis, nam tristitia interissem. Tum Petrus: Et quid fiet, inquit, si necessitas exegerit mitti te aliquo doctrinae gratia? separatus a me pro utilitate morieris? nec tibimetipsi imperabis ferre patienter

IV. But when they had set out, I, Clement, rejoiced greatly that he had made me stay with him, and I say to him: I give thanks to God that you did not send me ahead with the others, for I should have perished of sadness. Then Peter said: And what will happen, if necessity requires you to be sent somewhere for the sake of teaching? Will you die, being separated from me for a useful purpose? And will you not command yourself to bear patiently

Editors' notes and page, col. 1356

Footnotes

(33) ‹anchor: IV. Verum› · call in col 1356

Verum, etc. Praeponuntur in codice PP. Carmelitarum haec intrusa: In oct. [pro sept.] sancti Clementis. Ego Clemens dum essem cum beatissimo Petro apostolo, quodam die dixi ad eum: Gratias ago Deo, quod me non permittas separari a te; nam tristitia interissem.

But, etc. In the codex of the Carmelite Fathers these intruded words are set before it: In the eighth [for the seventh] book of Saint Clement. I, Clement, while I was with the most blessed apostle Peter, said to him one day: I give thanks to God that you do not allow me to be separated from you; for I should have perished of sadness.

(printed under page 675)

Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1356
marginal letters: A ‹praecedendum fuerant ordinati›; B ‹triduum quantum ad propositum meum›; C ‹Petrum, tamen tolerabile est.›; D ‹sisti cum aliis, nam tristitia interissem.›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: LAYOUT: the page is divided by a rule. The first paragraph here is the END OF BOOK VI (cap. XV), continuing col. 1355's upper part ('Petrus eos qui ad'); the caption LIBER SEPTIMUS., printed across both columns below the rule, is set once in col. 1355; the second paragraph ('triduum') continues Book VII cap. II from the foot of col. 1355. True reading order: 1355 upper, 1356 upper, caption, 1355 lower, 1356 lower. Note call (33) after 'Verum' left out of the source line. Worn type read as 'mitti'. Column ends mid-sentence. Foot of page: Cotelier's note (33), printed across both columns under the caption COTELERII NOTAE., set under Footnotes above (the lemma and the quoted words are in italic on the page; no italic markup here).

PG 1:1357

quae necessitas imposuerit? aut ignoras, quia amici semper simul sunt, et licet corporibus separentur, memoria tamen junguntur? sicut econtrario nonnulli corporibus una positi, animis dividuntur.

the things that necessity has imposed? Or do you not know that friends are always together, and, though they are separated in body, are yet joined in memory? Just as, on the contrary, some who are placed together in body are divided in mind.

V. Et ego respondi: Non putes, mi domine, haec me irrationabiliter pati, sed certa et causa et ratio est hujus erga te affectus mei. Te enim solum pro omnibus meis affectibus habeo, pro patre, pro matre, pro fratribus; super haec autem omnia est, quod mihi salutis causa et agnoscendae veritatis tu solus existis. Sed et illud non mihi in postremo habetur loco, quod juvenilis aetas quae in me est, concupiscentiarum insidiis subjacet, et vereor esse sine te, cujus sola praesentia omnis luxuria quamvis ratione careat, erubescit; licet confidam de misericordia Dei, quod etiam sensus meus ex his quae per doctrinam tuam concepit, aliud jam aliquid ad cogitationem recipere non possit. Praeterea memini te apud Caesaream dixisse, ut si quis vult me salva pietate comitari, comitetur. Salva autem pietate dicebas, ut neminem contristaret cui secundum Deum deberet adhaerere, verbi gratia, ne uxorem fidelem relinqueret vel parentes vel alias hujuscemodi personas, a quibus ego valde liber sum et ideo aptus ad sequendum te; atque utinam mihi concedas ut tibi etiam servi ministerium exhibeam.

V. And I answered: Do not think, my lord, that I suffer these things irrationally; rather, there is a definite cause and reason for this affection of mine towards you. For I hold you alone in place of all my affections, in place of father, of mother, of brothers; and above all these is the fact that you alone are for me the cause of salvation and of coming to know the truth. But this also I do not hold in the last place, that the youthful age which is in me lies exposed to the snares of desires, and I fear to be without you, at whose mere presence all wantonness, although it lacks reason, blushes; though I trust in the mercy of God that my mind also, from the things it has conceived through your teaching, can now no longer admit anything else into its thought. Besides, I remember that you said at Caesarea, If anyone wishes to accompany me without breach of piety, let him accompany me. And by "without breach of piety" you meant that he should grieve no one to whom he ought to cleave according to God; for example, that he should not leave a believing wife, or parents, or other persons of this kind; from whom I am quite free, and therefore fit to follow you; and would that you might grant me to render you even the service of a slave.

VI. Tum Petrus ad haec ridens ait: Et quid putas, Clemens, quod non te ipsa necessitas mihi faciat servum? Nam quis mihi poterit alius sternere sindones et stragula pulchra componere? Quis servare annulos et indumenta quae assidue mutare debeam, praeparabit? Quis etiam cocis imperabit et diversa atque electa pulmenta providebit, quae arte scitissima et varia praeparentur, et omnia illa quae hominibus molliter institutis, imo potius cupiditati eorum velut immanissimae cuidam bestiae injustis quaesita sumptibus convectantur? Sed fortasse quamvis mecum positus videaris, non agnoveris vitam meam; panis mihi solus cum olivis et raro etiam

VI. Then Peter, laughing at this, said: And what do you think, Clement, that necessity itself will not make you my slave? For who else will be able to spread my linen sheets and arrange my fine coverlets? Who will keep my rings, and make ready the garments that I must be constantly changing? Who, moreover, will give orders to the cooks and provide the various and choice dishes, to be prepared with most skilful and varied art, and all those things which are brought together, sought out at unjust expense, for men delicately brought up, or rather for their appetite, as for some most monstrous beast? But perhaps, although you appear to be living with me, you have not come to know my manner of life; bread alone, with olives, and rarely also

Editors' notes and page, col. 1357

Footnotes

(34) ‹anchor: assidue mutare debeam› · call in col 1357

Indumenta, quae assidue mutare debeam. Ὑποδύματα forte aut ἐνδύματα, non ὑποδήματα, ὑποδήσεις. Clementin. xii, 6, epist. 74.

Garments, which I must constantly change. Perhaps ὑποδύματα (under-garments) or ἐνδύματα (clothes), not ὑποδήματα, ὑποδήσεις (sandals, footwear). Clementines 12.6; Epitome 74.

(printed under page 676)

(35) ‹anchor: solus cum olivis› · call in col 1357

Panis mihi solus cum olivis, etc. Ob consimilem pariterque apocryphum locum nescio quem, Petro victus e lupinis tribuitur per Gregorium Nazianzenum, carmine 18 : Τὸν ἐκ θέρμων μόνων τρυφῶντα Πέτρον, et oratione 16 : Πέτρος ἀσσαρίου θέρμοις τρεφόμενος. Ubi cur Nicetas ἀσσάριον, nummulum, emendis lupinis vilis pretii mercimonio idoneum, metiatur decem nummis, quot ἀργυρίῳ leguntur assignata νομίσματα, id vero clam me est. Πέτρος, inquit, ὁ ἐκ θέρμων μόνων τρυφῶν ἀσσαρίου ἐωνημένων [al. ἑνὸς ὠνουμένων], ἤγουν δεκανούμου [vel δεκανούμμου]. Τοῦτο δὲ ἔκ τινος τῶν μὴ ἐκκλησιαζομένων βίβλων ἀνείληπται. Habet tamen forsan astipulatores nonnullos, in Catena, Matth. X, 29, dum ἀσσάριον Decalogum allegorice interpretantur. A Gregorio dissentire videtur Epiphanius, haeresi 30, c. 15, ac existimare abstinentiam Petri ab animatis et carne, figmentum esse Ebionitarum, qui Periodis Petri depravarint. Atque hanc sententiam aliquantum fortassis adjuvant quae hic habentur lib. viii, c. 48; lib. ix, c. 6 et 20. Potuit nihilominus apostolorum princeps carnibus animantium non vesci, instar Matthaei in Clemente Alexandrino Paedag. ii c. 1, et instar Jacobi Justi apud Eusebium, Histor. ii, 23; Epiphanium, haeres. 78, num. 13; Hieronymum in Catalogo, ex Hegesippo. Est quippe praeter Ebioniticam aliorumque haereticorum, necnon Pythagorae abstinentiam, superbam, superstitiosam, Deo quasi malorum auctori injuriosam, animae ut in bestiarum corpora devolubili contumeliosam; alia abstinentia, pia, Christiana, humilis, non Deo, aut creaturis, sed concupiscentiae inimica.

My food is bread alone with olives, etc. On account of some very similar and equally apocryphal passage, a diet of lupines is attributed to Peter by Gregory of Nazianzus, poem 18: "Peter, who feasted on lupines alone", and oration 16: "Peter, fed on a farthing's worth of lupines". Where why Nicetas should measure the ἀσσάριον — a small coin, suited to buying lupines, a ware of low price — at ten coins, as many νομίσματα as are read to be assigned to the ἀργύριον, is indeed beyond me. "Peter," he says, "who feasted on lupines alone bought for an assarion [another reading: bought for one], that is, a ten-nummus piece. And this has been taken up from one of the books not read in church." Yet he perhaps has some supporters in the Catena on Matt. 10:29, where they interpret the ἀσσάριον allegorically as the Decalogue. Epiphanius, heresy 30, ch. 15, seems to dissent from Gregory, and to think that Peter's abstinence from living creatures and from flesh is a fiction of the Ebionites, who corrupted the Circuits of Peter. And this opinion is perhaps helped somewhat by what is found here in book VIII, ch. 48; book IX, chs. 6 and 20. Nonetheless the prince of the apostles could have abstained from the flesh of animals, like Matthew in Clement of Alexandria, Paedagogus II, ch. 1, and like James the Just in Eusebius, History II, 23; Epiphanius, heresy 78, no. 13; Jerome in the Catalogue, from Hegesippus. For besides the abstinence of the Ebionites and of other heretics, and of Pythagoras too — proud, superstitious, insulting to God as though the author of evils, an affront to the soul as though it could roll down into the bodies of beasts — there is another abstinence, devout, Christian, humble, an enemy not to God or to creatures but to concupiscence.

(printed under page 676)

Page

running head: 1357 RECOGNITIONUM LIB⟨. VII.⟩ (the head runs on over col. 1358)
marginal letters: A ‹quae necessitas imposuerit? aut ignoras›; B ‹quod etiam sensus meus ex his›; C ‹dones et stragula pulchra componere?›; D ‹(in the notes at the foot, not beside the text)›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column begins and ends mid-sentence. 'existis' as printed (exsistis). Note call (34) after 'debeam' left out. Damaged letters in 'omnibus', 'adhaerere', 'quibus', 'cupiditati' read from the remaining strokes. Foot of page: Cotelier's notes (34), (35) (editors' apparatus), not set.

PG 1:1358

cum oleribus in usu est, indumentum autem hoc est mihi quod vides, tunica cum pallio, et haec habens, aliud nihil requiro. Hoc mihi sufficit, quia mens mea non ad haec praesentia, sed ad illa quae aeterna sunt aspicit, et ideo nihil me rerum praesentium visibiliumque delectat. Unde tuum quidem erga me bonum animum amplector et miror, ac te magis laudo, quomodo cum sis vir ex consuetudine multae abundantiae veniens, tam cito transferre et aptare te potueris ad hanc vitam nostram, quae solis necessariis utitur. Nos enim a puero, id est, ego et frater germanus meus Andreas, non solum orphani, sed et valde pauperes crevimus et necessitate operarii esse consuevimus, unde et nunc facile vexationes itinerum ferimus. Sed potius si mihi acquiesceres et permitteres, ego magis homo operarius, facilius tibi possem servi implere ministerium.

with vegetables, is what I use, and my clothing is this that you see, a tunic with a cloak; and having these, I require nothing else. This suffices me, because my mind looks not to these present things but to those that are eternal, and therefore nothing of present and visible things delights me. Hence I do indeed embrace and admire your good disposition towards me, and I praise you the more, in that, although you are a man coming from the habit of great abundance, you have been able so quickly to transfer and adapt yourself to this life of ours, which makes use of necessities alone. For we from boyhood, that is, I and my own brother Andrew, grew up not only orphans but also very poor, and by necessity became accustomed to be labourers, whence even now we easily bear the hardships of journeys. But rather, if you would yield to me and allow it, I, being more a labouring man, could more easily fulfil for you the service of a slave.

VII. At ego haec audiens contremui, et lacrymae mihi continuo proruperunt, quod talem mihi sermonem dixerit vir tantus, quo omnis mundus habetur inferior. Tum ille lacrymantem me videns, causam percontatur. Cui ego respondi: Quid tantum in te peccavi ut me tali sermone onerares? et Petrus: Si malum est, inquit, quod dixi ut serviam tibi, tu prior peccasti hoc mihi dicendo. Et ego: Non est, inquam, simile; me enim decet hoc tibi facere, tu autem qui Dei summi praeco ad salvandas animas hominum missus es, grave est ut hoc mihi dicas. Et Petrus: Acquiescerem tibi, inquit, nisi Dominus noster qui ad salutem totius mundi venit, et qui erat omni creatura nobilior, servire passus esset, ut nos suaderet non erubescere fratribus nostris servorum exhibere ministerium. Tum ego: Si puto quod possim te vincere, valde stultus sum; verumtamen ago gratias providentiae Dei, quod parentum loco habere te merui.

VII. But I, hearing these things, trembled, and tears at once burst from me, because so great a man, to whom the whole world is held inferior, had spoken such a word to me. Then he, seeing me weeping, asks the cause. And I answered him: In what have I sinned so greatly against you, that you should burden me with such a word? And Peter said: If it is an evil thing that I said I would serve you, you sinned first in saying this to me. And I said: It is not alike; for it befits me to do this for you, but for you, who have been sent as the herald of the most high God to save the souls of men, it is a grievous thing to say this to me. And Peter said: I would yield to you, if our Lord, Who came for the salvation of the whole world, and Who was nobler than every creature, had not submitted to serve, in order to persuade us not to be ashamed to render to our brethren the service of slaves. Then I said: If I think that I can prevail over you, I am very foolish; nevertheless I give thanks to the providence of God, that I have been found worthy to have you in the place of parents.

VIII. Tum Petrus: Nemo enim, inquit, vere ex genere tibi superest? Respondi: Sunt quidem multi potentes viri ex Caesaris prosapia venientes;

VIII. Then Peter said: Is there then truly no one of your family left to you? I answered: There are indeed many powerful men, coming from the stock of Caesar;

Editors' notes and page, col. 1358

Footnotes

(36) ‹anchor: ex Caesaris prosapia› · call in col 1358

Ex Caesaris prosapia, etc. Tiberii, Clementin. iv, 7; epist. cap. 46 et 143. Hinc, hoc est ex apocryphis et incertis, Clemens Eucherio ad Valerianum scribenti dicitur, vetusta prosapia senatorum, atque etiam ex stirpe Caesarum. Consensit anonymus qui de certaminibus, peregrinationibus, vita et morte Petri et Pauli scripsit, citatus a Patricio Junio, in Clementinam Epistolam ad Corinthios, nec non Nicephorus, lib. ii, cap. 35, et lib. iii, cap. 18. Sed fabulam produnt nomina Matthidiae, Fausti, Faustini, Faustiniani, quae otiosi nugatoris som- (continues)

Of the stock of Caesar, etc. Of Tiberius, Clementines 4.7; Epitome, chs. 46 and 143. Hence — that is, from apocryphal and uncertain sources — Clement is said by Eucherius, writing to Valerian, to be of the ancient stock of senators, and even of the line of the Caesars. The anonymous writer on the contests, travels, life and death of Peter and Paul, cited by Patrick Young on Clement's Letter to the Corinthians, has agreed, and also Nicephorus, book II, ch. 35, and book III, ch. 18. But the fable is betrayed by the names of Matthidia, Faustus, Faustinus, Faustinianus, which … of an idle trifler … (continues)

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Page

running head: RECOGNITIONUM LIB. VII 1358
marginal letters: A ‹cum oleribus in usu est›; B ‹sceres et permitteres, ego magis›; C ‹Dominus noster qui ad salutem›; D ‹(in the notes at the foot, not beside the text)›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column begins mid-sentence. Note calls (35) after 'in usu est' and (36) after 'prosapia' left out. The head prints 'LIB. VII' with no visible full stop. Foot of page: Cotelier's notes (35), (36) (editors' apparatus), not set.

PG 1:1359

nam patri utpote propinquo suo et una educato, nobilis adaeque familiae Caesar ipse junxit uxorem, ex qua duos geminos ante me filios suscepit, non valde, ut aiebat pater, sibi invicem similes, ego enim eos non adeo sciebam. Sed ne matris quidem valde memor sum, sed quasi per somnium ita tenuiter vultus ejus speciem recolo. Mater ergo mea Matthidia, pater Faustinianus vocitatus est, fratrum autem meorum alter Faustinus, alter Faustus dicebatur. Interea cum ego quinque vixdum essem annorum, mater, sicut a patre didici, somnium vidit, quo moneretur, nisi cum duobus filiis suis geminis confestim Urbem fuisset egressa et abfuisset annis decem, ipsam pariter cum liberis interitu exitiabili perituram.

for to my father, as being his kinsman and brought up together with him, Caesar himself joined a wife of an equally noble family, by whom he had two twin sons before me, not very like one another, as my father used to say, for I myself did not know them so well. But I do not much remember even my mother, but recall the appearance of her face only faintly, as if through a dream. My mother, then, was called Matthidia, my father Faustinianus, and of my brothers one was named Faustinus, the other Faustus. Meanwhile, when I was scarcely five years old, my mother, as I learned from my father, saw a dream, by which she was warned that, unless she went out of the City at once with her two twin sons and stayed away for ten years, she herself together with her children would perish by a ruinous death.

IX. Tum pater, qui tenere diligeret filios, adjunctis servis et ancillis ac sumptibus sufficienter praebitis, navi impositos cum matre filios Athenas mittit erudiendos, me sibi solum filium ad solatium retinens et in hoc quidem gratias agens, quia non etiam me imperavit somnium pariter cum matre discedere. Anno autem completo pater misit ad eos Athenas homines et sumptus, scire simul cupiens quid agant, nec tamen redeunt qui missi sunt. Tertio rursus anno moestissimus pater mittit alios cum pecuniis, qui quarto anno regressi nuntiant neque matrem se neque fratres vidisse, sed neque Athenas eos omnino pervenisse, neque usquam alicujus saltem qui cum ipsis fuerant vestigium repertum.

IX. Then my father, since he loved his sons tenderly, having attached to them menservants and maidservants and supplied them sufficiently with means, puts his sons on a ship with their mother and sends them to Athens to be educated, keeping me alone as a son for his own consolation, and giving thanks at least for this, that the dream had not ordered me also to depart together with my mother. But when a year was completed my father sent men and means to them at Athens, wishing at the same time to know how they were faring; yet those who were sent do not return. Again in the third year my father, in the deepest sorrow, sends others with money, who, returning in the fourth year, report that they had seen neither my mother nor my brothers, and indeed that these had never reached Athens at all, and that nowhere had a trace been found of even one of those who had been with them.

X. Pater haec audiens et multa tristitia obstupefactus, nesciens quo tenderet aut ubi quaereret, una mecum descendit ad portum, et requirere a nautis

X. My father, hearing these things and stunned with great sadness, not knowing where to go or where to search, went down with me to the harbour, and to inquire of the sailors

Editors' notes and page, col. 1359

Footnotes

(37) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1359 or 1360 (above the foot image)

Non valde sibi invicem similes. Nulla varietas in codicibus manu exaratis, quod mirum est, cum Graeca Clementinorum ac Epitomes contrarium plane habeant; et quidem eo probabilius, quo res est memoratu dignior, magna similitudo gemellorum, quam paulula.

Not very like one another. There is no variation in the handwritten codices, which is surprising, since the Greek of the Clementines and of the Epitome has plainly the contrary; and indeed the more probably, in that a great likeness of twins is a thing more worth recording than a slight one.

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(38) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1359 or 1360 (above the foot image)

Pater Faustinianus vocitatus est : fratrum autem meorum, etc. Ex similitudine nominum originem sumpsit dissimilitudo scripturarum. Siquidem Graece, ut et apud Nicephorum, Φαῦστος, Φαυστῖνος et Φαυστινιανὸς sunt pater cum duobus liberis Niceta et Aquila. Tantum Clementinorum xiii, 11, Faustini nomen Aquilae datur; itemque in pseudo-Abdia. At Rufinus interpres fictitiam gradationem invertit, ab incremento nempe ad decrementum, faciendo Faustinianum, Faustinum, et Faustum ex Fausto, Faustino et Faustiniano. Denique pater Cedreno, atque monacho Altissiodorensi scriptori Chronologiae est Faustus, auctori Libri pontificalis et falso Abdiae Faustinus; Nicetam vero idem impostor Faustum appellat.

My father was called Faustinianus; and of my brothers, etc. From the likeness of the names the unlikeness of the readings took its origin. For in the Greek, as also in Nicephorus, Faustus, Faustinus and Faustinianus are the father with his two sons Nicetas and Aquila. Only in Clementines 13.11 is the name Faustinus given to Aquila; and likewise in pseudo-Abdias. But Rufinus the translator inverts the fictitious gradation, namely from increase to decrease, making Faustinianus, Faustinus and Faustus out of Faustus, Faustinus and Faustinianus. Finally, the father is Faustus for Cedrenus and for the monk of Auxerre who wrote the Chronology, Faustinus for the author of the Liber pontificalis and for the false Abdias; while the same impostor calls Nicetas Faustus.

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(39) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1359 or 1360 (above the foot image)

Gratias agens. Legebat, εὐχαριστῶν, pro εὐχαριστῶ.

Giving thanks. He read εὐχαριστῶν ("giving thanks") for εὐχαριστῶ ("I give thanks").

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Page

running head: 1359 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. O⟨PERA DUBIA.⟩ (the head runs on over col. 1360)
marginal letters: A ‹nam patri utpote propinquo suo›; B ‹IX. Tum pater, qui tenere diligeret› (the letter stands between this line and the one above); C ‹X. Pater haec audiens et multa tristitia›; D ‹(in the notes at the foot, not beside the text)›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column begins mid-sentence and ends mid-sentence (the verb 'coepit' stands at the head of col. 1360). Note calls (37), (38), (39) left out. Damaged letters in 'patri', 'filios', 'rursus', 'qui cum ipsis' read from the remaining strokes. Foot of page: Cotelier's notes (36)-(40) (editors' apparatus), not set.

PG 1:1360

coepit, sicubi aliquis eorum vidisset aut audisset aliquando ante quatuor annos corpus mulieris cum duobus parvulis ejectum. Cum multi multa dicerent, nec aliquid nobis rati elucesceret tam immensum pelagus perscrutantibus, pro multo tamen affectu pater quem erga suos gerebat, pascebatur vanis spebus, donec visum est ei, ut me sub procuratoribus ordinatum Romae relinqueret, annorum cum essem duodecim, et ipse pergeret ad requirendum. Flens itaque descendit ad portum, et navem conscendens profectus est. Ex eo usque in hodiernum neque litteras ejus accepi, neque si vivat aut defunctus sit novi. Sed magis suspicor, quia et ipse obierit aut tristitia victus aut naufragio; anni etenim viginti elapsi sunt quibus haec geruntur, et ne nuntius quidem de eo ad me aliquis venit.

he began, whether any of them anywhere had seen or heard, at any time four years before, of the body of a woman cast ashore with two little ones. Though many said many things, and nothing certain came to light for us as we searched so vast a sea, yet, because of the great affection that my father bore towards his own, he was fed on empty hopes, until it seemed good to him to leave me at Rome, placed under guardians, when I was twelve years old, and to go himself in search. Weeping, therefore, he went down to the harbour, and boarding a ship he set out. From that time to this day I have neither received a letter from him, nor do I know whether he is alive or dead. But I rather suspect that he too has perished, overcome either by sadness or by shipwreck; for twenty years have passed since these things happened, and not even any messenger concerning him has come to me.

XI. Petrus haec audiens ex affectu lacrymas fudit, et ad eos qui aderant familiares ait: Haec si quis in Dei cultu positus pertulisset quae hujus pertulit pater, statim homines religioni ascriberent aerumnarum causam; quae cum accidunt miseris gentilibus, malorum causam fato ascribunt. Miseros autem dico eos, quia et hic vexantur erroribus et ab spe futura fraudantur; Dei cultores cum haec patiuntur, ad purgationem peccatorum cedit eis, quod perferunt patienter.

XI. Peter, hearing these things, shed tears out of affection, and said to the companions who were present: If anyone living in the worship of God had endured these things which this man's father endured, men would at once ascribe the cause of his troubles to his religion; but when these things befall the wretched Gentiles, they ascribe the cause of their evils to fate. And I call them wretched because they are both harassed by errors here and deprived of the hope to come; whereas when the worshippers of God suffer these things, the fact that they bear them patiently turns for them to the purging of sins.

XII. Post haec dicta unus ex astantibus Petrum rogare coepit, ut die crastina maturius ad insulam proximam quae sex non amplius stadiis aberat, Aradum nomine, pergeremus, videndi in ea gratia mirum aliquod opus, columnas viteas magnitudinis immensae. Cui Petrus, ut erat clementissimus,

XII. After these things had been said, one of the bystanders began to ask Peter that on the morrow, rather early, we should go to the nearest island, which was no more than six stadia distant, Aradus by name, for the sake of seeing in it a certain wonderful work, columns of vine-wood of immense size. To him Peter, as he was most kind,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1360

Footnotes

(40) ‹anchor: Aradum nomine› · call in col 1360

Insulam proximam. . . . Aradum nomine. In Clementinis ac Epitome abesse dicitur stadiis triginta non totis : quod propius accedit ad distantiam a Strabone notatam, viginti stadiorum. Quid si Rufinus loci ambitum, qui juxta illum geographum et Plinium septem est stadiorum, pro distantia acceperit? Jam Aradi et Antaradi voces librariorum vitio confusas habes non solum in his Operibus Clementi suppositis, sed et alibi, ut apud Plinium lib. v, cap. 20; et in concilio Chalcedonensi, ubi reperies Paulum modo Aradi, modo Antaradi episcopum; cum ibidem Alexander Antaradi antistes memoretur. Tolle vero, suasore me, duo menda : alterum ex Anselmo monacho in Descriptione terrae sanctae, tom. VI Antiquae lectionis Henrici Canisii : De Arathas (imo Marathos, Geographias vide), usque in Antheradum (in marg. Anteradum sive Antaradum) sunt octo leucae, ubi B. Petrus praedicavit, dum iret Antiochiam; aliud ex Athanasio Epistola ad solitariam vitam agentes, p. 812. Κυμάτιος ὁ ἐν Ταράδῳ, ubi corrigi malo, ἐν Ἀράδῳ, quam ἐν Ἀνταράδῳ, quia in Apologia de fuga sua, non multo post initium sanctus doctor Antaradi episcopum facit Carterium.

The nearest island … Aradus by name. In the Clementines and the Epitome it is said to be not quite thirty stadia away: which comes nearer to the distance noted by Strabo, of twenty stadia. What if Rufinus took the circuit of the place, which according to that geographer and Pliny is seven stadia, for the distance? Now you have the words Aradus and Antaradus confused by the fault of copyists not only in these works falsely ascribed to Clement, but elsewhere too, as in Pliny, book V, ch. 20; and in the Council of Chalcedon, where you will find Paul now bishop of Aradus, now of Antaradus, though in the same place Alexander is recorded as prelate of Antaradus. Remove, moreover, at my urging, two errors: the one from the monk Anselm in the Description of the Holy Land, vol. VI of Henricus Canisius's Antiqua lectio: From Arathas (rather Marathos; see the Geographies) as far as Antheradus (in the margin: Anteradus or Antaradus) it is eight leagues, where Blessed Peter preached while he was going to Antioch; the other from Athanasius, Letter to Those Leading the Solitary Life, p. 812, "Cymatius, the one in Taradus", where I prefer to correct to "in Aradus" rather than "in Antaradus", because in the Apology for his Flight, not long after the beginning, the holy doctor makes Carterius bishop of Antaradus.

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(41) ‹anchor: magnitudinis immensae› · call in col 1360

Columnas viteas magnitudinis immensae. Sic legendum etiam in Abdia, ex Graecis et ex Nicephoro lib. ii, cap. 35 : Vites jure apud priscos magnitudine quoque inter arbores numerabantur. Jovis simulacrum in urbe Populonia ex una conspicimus, tot aevis incorruptum; item Massiliae pateram. Metaponti templum Junonis vitigineis columnis stetit. Etiam nunc scalis tectum Ephesiae Dianae scanditur vite una Cypria, ut ferunt, quoniam ibi ad praecipuam amplitudinem exeunt. Verba Plinii lib. xiv, c. 1, qui et legatur lib. xvi, cap. 40. Vide mox infra cap. 26 sub fin.

Columns of vine-wood of immense size. So it should be read in Abdias too, from the Greek and from Nicephorus, book II, ch. 35: Vines were rightly counted among the trees by the ancients, for their size as well. We see a statue of Jupiter in the city of Populonia made from a single one, uncorrupted through so many ages; likewise a bowl at Marseilles. At Metapontum the temple of Juno stood on columns of vine-wood. Even now the roof of the Ephesian Diana is climbed by stairs from a single Cyprian vine, as they say, since there they grow to an exceptional size. The words of Pliny, book XIV, ch. 1, who should also be read in book XVI, ch. 40. See presently below, ch. 26, near the end.

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Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1360
marginal letters: A ‹coepit, sicubi aliquis eorum vidisset›; B ‹ne nuntius quidem de eo ad me› (the letter stands between this line and the one above); C ‹Aradum nomine, pergeremus›; D ‹(in the notes at the foot, not beside the text)›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column begins mid-sentence. The last word is split at the column break: 'clemen-' is printed here and 'tissimus,' at the head of col. 1361 (confirmed against the image of col. 1361 in QA Q3a); the word is set whole here as 'clementissimus'. 'pro multo' has a damaged o (reads 'prc'). Note calls (40) after 'nomine' and (41) after 'immensae' left out of the text; Cotelier's notes (40), (41) are set above under Footnotes. Note (40) begins at the foot of col. 1359 and continues under col. 1360.

PG 1:1361

acquiescit, sed monuit nos, cum navem descendissemus, non una omnes concurrere ad videndum; nolo enim, inquit, notari vos a turba. Cum ergo die postera navi sub momento horae venissemus ad insulam, continuo ad locum in quo erant columnae mirabiles, properamus. Erant autem in aede quadam positae, in qua Phidiae opera permagnifica habebantur, quibus intento unusquisque nostrum detinebatur aspectu.

consents, but he warned us, when we had disembarked from the ship, not all to run together to the sight; for I do not wish you, he says, to be remarked by the crowd. When therefore on the following day we had come by ship to the island within the space of an hour, we hasten at once to the place in which the wonderful columns were. Now they were set in a certain temple, in which very magnificent works of Phidias were kept, on which each one of us was held with intent gaze.

XIII. Petrus vero ubi solas columnas miratus est viteas, nequaquam raptus picturae gratia, egressus vidit pro foribus mulierculam quamdam stipem ab introeuntibus deposcentem; quam attentius considerans ait: Dic, mulier, quod tibi membrum corporis deest, quod huic te injuriae subjecisti ut stipem petas, et non potius manibus tuis quas a Deo accepisti operans cibum quaeras? At illa suspirans ait: Utinam mihi quidem essent manus quae moveri possent, nunc autem species tantum servata est manuum, nam ipsae sunt emortuae, et meis morsibus debiles et sine sensu redditae. Et Petrus: Quae, inquit, fuit causa, ut hoc tibi tantum mali ipsa conferres? Ignavia, inquit, nec aliud quidquam; si enim fuisset in me aliquid virtutis, potui vel praecipitio uti vel profundo maris injicere memetipsam, et finem dare doloribus meis.

XIII. But Peter, when he had admired only the columns of vine-wood, being in no way carried away by the charm of the painting, went out and saw before the doors a certain poor woman begging alms from those going in; and considering her more attentively he says: Tell me, woman, what member of your body is wanting, that you have subjected yourself to this indignity of asking alms, and do not rather seek your food by working with your hands, which you have received from God? But she, sighing, says: Would that I had hands that could be moved; but now only the appearance of hands has been preserved, for they themselves are dead, made feeble and without feeling by my own gnawings. And Peter says: What was the cause, that you should yourself bring so great an evil upon yourself? Cowardice, she says, and nothing else; for if there had been any courage in me, I could have either used a precipice or cast myself into the deep of the sea, and put an end to my sorrows.

XIV. Tum Petrus: Ecquid putas, ait, mulier, quod qui semetipsos perimunt, a suppliciis liberantur? nisi quia majoribus subjacent poenis animae eorum qui sibi ipsis intulerint manus. At illa: Utinam, inquit, istud mihi certum fieret, quia vivunt animae in inferno, libenter amplecterer etiam poenas ferre mortis illatae, tantum ut dulces mihi natos horam saltem unam viderem. Et Petrus: Quid tantum istud est, quod te tam gravi afficit tristitia, scire velim. Si enim doceres me causam, possem tibi et ego evidenter ostendere, o mulier, quod in inferno vivant animae, et pro praecipitio vel profundo possem tibi dare medicamentum aliquod, ut sine cruciatu valeas vitam finire.

XIV. Then Peter says: Do you at all suppose, woman, that those who destroy themselves are freed from punishments? Rather, the souls of those who have laid hands on themselves lie under greater penalties. But she says: Would that this were made certain to me, that souls live in the underworld; I would gladly embrace even the bearing of the penalties of a self-inflicted death, only that I might see my sweet sons for one hour at least. And Peter: What this great thing is which afflicts you with so heavy a sadness, I should like to know. For if you were to inform me of the cause, I too could show you plainly, O woman, that souls live in the underworld, and in place of a precipice or the deep I could give you some remedy, so that you may be able to end your life without torment.

XV. Tunc mulier promissione hac gratanter accepta coepit dicere: Genus quidem mihi et patria quae sit, nec credi facile, nec dici necessarium puto, sed causam tantum sufficit doloris exponere, cur morsibus meis meas ipsa debiles reddiderim manus. Ego generosis orta parentibus et potentis adaeque viri sortita matrimonium, duos suscepi geminos liberos et post hos unum alium. Sed frater viri mei illicito in me amore vehementer exarsit, mihi autem cum super omnia cura esset pudicitiae, et neque tanto sceleri acquiescere neque viro vellem flagitium fratris aperire, cogitavi quatenus et ego impolluta evaderem, et fratrem inimicum et hostem non facerem fratri, ne genus omne quod erat nobilis familiae in opprobrium darem. Patria ergo et urbe cum duobus meis geminis discedere statui, donec incestus amor conquiesceret, quem forte praesentiae meae palparet et inflammaret aspectus;

XV. Then the woman, having gladly received this promise, began to say: What my family and my country are, I think is neither easy to be believed nor necessary to be told; it is enough only to set forth the cause of my grief, why I have myself made my hands feeble by my own gnawings. I, born of noble parents and having obtained marriage with an equally powerful man, bore twin sons, and after them one other. But my husband's brother was vehemently inflamed with unlawful love for me; and since I cared for chastity above all things, and wished neither to consent to so great a crime nor to disclose to my husband his brother's shameful deed, I considered how I might both escape undefiled and not make brother an enemy and foe to brother, lest I should give over to reproach the whole stock, which was of a noble family. I therefore resolved to depart from my country and city with my two twins, until the incestuous love should subside, which the sight of my presence perhaps caressed and inflamed;

Editors' notes and page, col. 1361

Page

running head: 1361 RECOGNITIONUM LI⟨ ⟩ (right part of the head outside the image)
marginal letters: A tissimus, acquiescit, sed monuit; B petas, et non potius manibus; C qui sibi ipsis intulerint manus; D sed causam tantum sufficit
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column opens with "tissimus", the tail of a word begun in col. 1360 (not seen); its English is left out, the English beginning at "consents". Worn type read as intended: "ergo" (looks like "ergc"), "inquit" (looks like "inqui:"), "ab" (b broken), "medicamentum" (m broken), "conquiesceret" (o broken).

PG 1:1362

alius sane filius quatenus patri maneret ad solatium, cogitavi.

and I planned that the other son, to be sure, should remain with his father for a comfort.

XVI. Sed ut haec ita fieri possent, somnium finxi, quasi assistente mihi per visum quodam numine et dicente, ut confestim cum geminis meis Urbe discederem et tandiu abessem, donec redire me ipse praeciperet; quod si non facerem, cum liberis omnibus me pariter perituram. Et ita factum est. Statim enim ut somnium viro enarravi, extimuit, et sociatis mihi duobus filiis, servis quoque et ancillis, pecunia etiam abundanti data, navigare Athenas jubet ubi simul et erudire liberos possem, mansura, inquit, ibi usquequo visum fuerit ei qui praecepit exire, ut redeas ad nos. Interea navigans una cum meis natis ventorum violentia ad hos infelix nocturno naufragio depulsa sum locos, et cum omnes interissent, arreptam me crudelem supra saxum quoddam vehementior fluctus ejecit, ubi cum sederem ea sola spe qua meos possem forte natos invenire, in profundum me non praecipitavi, tunc cum adhuc perturbata anima et doloribus ebria facere hoc et audebat et poterat.

XVI. But that these things might be able to be done in this way, I feigned a dream, as though a certain divinity stood by me in a vision and said that I should at once depart from the City with my twins and be away so long, until he himself should order me to return; and that if I did not do so, I should perish together with all my children. And so it was done. For as soon as I related the dream to my husband, he was terrified, and having joined to me the two sons, and menservants and maidservants also, and having given abundant money besides, he orders me to sail to Athens, where I could at the same time have the children educated, to remain there, he says, until it shall seem good to him who ordered you to go forth that you should return to us. Meanwhile, sailing together with my sons, I, unhappy woman, was driven by the violence of the winds in a shipwreck by night upon these parts, and when all had perished, a more violent wave seized me and cast me, cruel as I was, up upon a certain rock; and as I sat there, with that hope alone that I might perhaps be able to find my sons, I did not throw myself into the deep, at the time when my soul, still disturbed and drunk with sorrows, both dared and was able to do this.

XVII. Verum ubi dies exortus est, et ego cum clamore et ululatu infelicium natorum circumspicerem sicubi vel ejecta possim videre cadavera, miseratione commoti quidam ex his qui me viderant, primo per pelagus, tum etiam circa littora requirunt, si quem forte de meis infantibus invenirent. Sed ubi nusquam ullus inventus est, miserantes me mulieres loci consolari coeperunt, enarrantes singulae suas quaeque miserias, ut ex similitudine calamitatum solatium caperem; quod me magis contristabat, non enim tale mihi erat ingenium, ut aliorum mala mea esse solatia ducerem. Et cum me multae hospitio cuperent recipere, una quaedam paupercula hic habitans extorsit mihi tugurio ejus succedere, dicens fuisse sibi virum nautam eumque in mari adolescentem defunctum, sibique ex eo die cum multi eam accipere in conjugium cuperent, amore viri viduitatem fuisse chariorem. Erunt ergo, inquit, nobis communia, quaecunque manibus nostris operantes quaerere poterimus.

XVII. But when day had risen, and I with crying and wailing was looking round to see whether I could anywhere see even the cast-up corpses of my unhappy sons, some of those who had seen me, moved with pity, search first over the sea, then also about the shores, if perchance they might find any one of my infants. But when none was found anywhere, the women of the place, pitying me, began to console me, each one relating her own miseries, that I might take comfort from the likeness of our calamities; which saddened me the more, for my disposition was not such that I should reckon the evils of others to be my consolations. And when many women desired to receive me in hospitality, a certain poor woman dwelling here constrained me to enter her hut, saying that she had had a husband who was a sailor, and that he had died at sea while a young man, and that from that day, though many desired to take her in marriage, widowhood had been dearer to her for love of her husband. Therefore, she says, whatever we shall be able to gain by working with our hands shall be common to us.

XVIII. Et ne longa ac minus utili narratione utar, libenter habitavi cum ea propter affectum fidei quam servaverat viro. Sed non multo post mihi infelici, laceratae dudum morsibus, resolutae sunt manus, et illa quae me susceperat, incurrit paralysin et domi in lecto jacet. Illarum autem mulierum quae prius miserabantur, refrixit affectus; nos ambae debiles, ego ut vides sedeo stipem petens, et si quid forte quaesiero fit unus duarum infelicium cibus. Ecce jam quae mea sunt sufficienter audisti, tu nunc quid moraris implere quod promiseras, et dare medicamentum quo possit absque cruciatu, ut ais, utraque nostrum miserabilis vitae sortem finire?

XVIII. And not to use a long and less useful narration, I gladly dwelt with her on account of the affection of faithfulness which she had kept towards her husband. But not long afterwards the hands of unhappy me, long since torn by gnawings, were disabled, and she who had taken me in fell into a palsy and lies at home in bed. And the affection of those women who formerly pitied us has grown cold; we are both feeble; I, as you see, sit asking alms, and if perchance I have gained anything, it becomes the one meal of two unhappy women. See, you have now sufficiently heard what concerns me; why do you now delay to fulfil what you had promised, and to give the remedy by which each of us may be able, as you say, to end without torment the lot of a wretched life?

XIX. Haec dicente muliere, multa Petrus cogitatione

XIX. While the woman was saying these things, Peter, by much thought

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running head: ⟨REC⟩OGNITIONUM LIB. VII. 1362 (left part of the head outside the image)
marginal letters: A alius sane filius quatenus; B ad hos infelix nocturno; C venirent. Sed ubi nusquam / serantes me mulieres; D XVIII. Et ne longa ac minus
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other: last word split at the column break ("cogita-" / "tione"), completed from the first line of col. 1363 and set whole here; col. 1363 therefore begins at "distractus". Worn type read as intended: "quae" in "jam quae mea" (q broken), "sedeo" (o broken).

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distractus velut attonitus stabat, et ego Clemens superveniens, Dudum, inquam, per omnia discurrens quaerebam te, et nunc quid facimus? At ille praecepit mihi ut ad naviculam praecederem, ibi me, inquit, opperire, et quia contradici ei non poterat, quod jussit implevi. Ipse vero, ut mihi cuncta posterius enarravit, suspicione quadam pulsatus requirebat a muliere genus et patriam simul et nomina filiorum, quae si mihi, inquit, dixeris, dabo continuo medicamentum. At illa quasi vim sustinens, quia neque fateri haec volebat et medicamenti cupida erat, finxit alia ex aliis, et ait se quidem esse Ephesiam, virum autem Siculum, sed et filiorum nomina similiter immutavit. Tum Petrus putans eam verum respondisse ait: Heu! mulier, putabam, inquit, grande aliquod gaudium hodierna nobis die oriturum, suspicabar enim te esse quamdam mulierem, de qua similia quaedam nuper ad fidem didici. At illa adjurabat eum dicens: Rogo te ut indices mihi quae ista sit, ut sciam, si est ulla inter mulieres me infelicior.

distracted, was standing as if thunderstruck; and I, Clement, coming up, say: For a long time I have been running about everywhere looking for you, and now what are we doing? But he ordered me to go on before to the boat; wait for me there, he says; and because he could not be gainsaid, I fulfilled what he commanded. But he himself, as he afterwards related everything to me, struck by a certain suspicion, was inquiring of the woman her family and country, together with the names of her sons; and if you tell me these, he says, I will at once give the remedy. But she, as though suffering constraint, because she both was unwilling to confess these things and was desirous of the remedy, feigned one thing in place of another, and said that she herself was an Ephesian, and her husband a Sicilian; and she likewise changed the names of her sons also. Then Peter, supposing that she had answered the truth, says: Alas, woman, I was thinking, he says, that some great joy was going to arise for us this day, for I suspected that you were a certain woman of whom I have lately learned certain similar things on trustworthy report. But she adjured him, saying: I ask you to disclose to me who that woman is, that I may know whether there is any among women more unhappy than I.

XX. Tum Petrus fallere nesciens et miseratione commotus coepit dicere: Est quidam adolescens inter eos qui me sequuntur religionis et sectae gratia, Romanus civis, qui mihi enarravit quod patrem habuerit et duos geminos fratres, ex quibus nullus ei superest. Mater, inquit, mea sicut a patre didici, somnium vidit, ut Romana urbe ad tempus excederet cum duobus geminis natis, ne forte exitiali interitu deperirent; quae cum discessisset nusquam terrarum ultra comparuit. Pater vero suus post haec ad inquisitionem uxoris ac filiorum profectus nec ipse invenitur.

XX. Then Peter, not knowing how to deceive and moved with pity, began to say: There is a certain young man among those who follow me for the sake of religion and of the sect, a Roman citizen, who has related to me that he had a father and two twin brothers, of whom none remains to him. My mother, he says, as I learned from my father, saw a dream, that she should withdraw for a time from the city of Rome with her two twin sons, lest perchance they should perish by a deadly destruction; and when she had departed, she never appeared any more anywhere on earth. And his father, having after this set out in search of his wife and sons, is himself not found either.

XXI. Haec cum dixisset Petrus, mulier stupore percussa corruit. Tum Petrus continere eam et consolari coepit, ac requirere quid esset causae aut quid pateretur. At illa vix aliquando spiritum revocans, ac semetipsam ad gaudii quod sperabat magnitudinem reparans simulque affricans vultum, Hic, inquit, est quem dicis adolescens? At Petrus ubi rem intellexit, Dic, inquit, mihi tu prior, nam videre eum non poteris. Tum illa: Ego, inquit, sum adolescentis mater. Et Petrus: Quod ei nomen est? At illa: Clemens, ait. Petrus: Ipse est, et ipse erat, qui paulo ante mecum loquebatur et quem jussi ad navem praecedere. Tum illa procidens ad pedes Petri rogare coepit, ut festinaret ad navem. Et Petrus: Si mihi, inquit, servas fidem ut facias quod dico. At illa: Omnia, inquit, facio; tantum mihi ostende unicum meum natum, puto enim me per ipsum et geminos meos videre. Et Petrus: Cum videris, inquit, eum, modo interim dissimula paululum, usquequo egrediamur ab insula. Ita, inquit, faciam.

XXI. When Peter had said these things, the woman, struck with amazement, fell down. Then Peter began to hold her up and to console her, and to inquire what the cause was or what she was suffering. But she, at length with difficulty recovering her breath, and restoring herself to meet the greatness of the joy for which she hoped, and at the same time rubbing her face, says: Is the young man of whom you speak here? But Peter, when he understood the matter, says: Tell me first yourself, for [otherwise] you will not be able to see him. Then she says: I am the young man's mother. And Peter: What is his name? But she says: Clement. Peter: It is he, and it was he who a little while ago was speaking with me, and whom I ordered to go on before to the ship. Then she, falling down at Peter's feet, began to ask him to hasten to the ship. And Peter says: If you keep faith with me, that you do what I say. But she says: I do everything; only show me my only son, for I think that through him I see my twins also. And Peter says: When you see him, only dissemble meanwhile for a little, until we go out from the island. I will do so, she says.

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running head: 1363 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. O⟨ ⟩ (right part of the head outside the image)
marginal letters: A tione distractus velut attonitus; B putabam, inquit, grande aliquod; C interitu deperirent; quae cum; D qui paulo ante mecum loquebatur
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XXII. Et tenens manum ejus Petrus adducebat eam ad navem. Quem ego videns manum dantem mulieri ridere coepi, accedens tamen honoris ejus gratia, pro ipso coepi velle subjicere manum meam et sustentare mulierem; simul autem ut manum ejus contigi, ululatu ingenti reddito in amplexus meos irruit, et maternis me consectari osculis coepit. At ego ignorans omne negotium quasi insanientem mulierem repellebam, simul et, cum verecundia licet, indignabar tamen quodammodo adversum Petrum.

XXII. And Peter, holding her hand, was leading her to the ship. And I, seeing him giving his hand to a woman, began to laugh; yet approaching, for the sake of honouring him, I began to wish to put my own hand under in his place and to support the woman; but as soon as I touched her hand, she uttered a great wail and rushed into my embrace, and began to pursue me with a mother's kisses. But I, ignorant of the whole matter, was pushing her away as a woman out of her mind, and at the same time, though with modesty, I was nevertheless in some measure indignant against Peter.

XXIII. At ille: Desine, inquit, quid agis, o fili Clemens? noli repellere tuam matrem. Ego vero ubi haec audivi, continuo lacrymis suffusus concidi supra jacentem matrem et osculari eam coepi. Simul enim ut audivi, paulatim vultum ejus revocabam ad memoriam et ⟨no⟩tior mihi intuenti tanto magis fiebat. Multitudo interim conveniebat plurima, audiens quod mulier quae ad stipem petendam sedebat, recognita esset a filio suo viro quodam bono. Et cum velimus confestim enavigare ex insula, mater ait ad me: Fili dulcissime, rectum est ut valedicam mulierculae quae me suscepit, est enim egens et paralytica, jacens in lectulo. Quibus auditis Petrus et omnes qui aderant, admirati sunt bonitatem ac prudentiam feminae, et continuo jussit Petrus abire quosdam et deferre mulierem in lectulo ubi jacebat. Cumque fuisset allata et in medio turbae astantis posita, in conspectu omnium Petrus ait: Si veritatis ego sum praeco, ad confirmandam fidem horum omnium qui assistunt, ut sciant et credant quia unus est Deus qui coelum fecit ac terram, in nomine Jesu Christi Filii ejus, surgat haec mulier. Et statim ut haec dixisset, surrexit sana et procidit ad pedes Petri, atque amicam suam ac familiarem osculis petens, percontabatur ab ea quid istud esset negotii. At illa breviter omnem ei ordinem agnitionis exposuit, ita ut etiam turbae astantes mirarentur.

XXIII. But he says: Stop; what are you doing, O Clement, my son? Do not push away your mother. And I, when I heard these things, at once, suffused with tears, fell down upon my mother as she lay, and began to kiss her. For as soon as I heard, I was little by little recalling her face to memory, and the more I gazed the better known she became to me. Meanwhile a very great multitude was coming together, hearing that the woman who used to sit to beg alms had been recognized by her son, a certain good man. And when we wished to sail away at once from the island, my mother says to me: Sweetest son, it is right that I should bid farewell to the poor woman who took me in, for she is needy and palsied, lying on her little bed. On hearing these things Peter and all who were present admired the goodness and prudence of the woman, and Peter at once ordered some to go and bring the woman on the little bed where she lay. And when she had been brought and placed in the midst of the crowd standing by, in the sight of all Peter says: If I am a herald of truth, for the confirming of the faith of all these who stand by, that they may know and believe that there is one God, Who made heaven and earth, in the name of Jesus Christ His Son let this woman rise. And as soon as he had said these things, she rose up whole and fell down at Peter's feet, and, greeting her friend and companion with kisses, was asking of her what this matter was. And she briefly set forth to her the whole order of the recognition, so that the crowds standing by also marvelled.

XXIV. Tum Petrus de fide Dei ac religionis institutis, quod ad se pertinebat, in quantum tempus patiebatur locutus ad turbas, addit etiam hoc, ut si quis vellet de his diligentius poscere, Antiochiam veniret, ubi tribus, inquit, mensibus statuimus residere et quae ad salutem pertinent edocere. Si enim, inquit, negotiandi causa aut militandi patriam relinquunt homines ac parentes, et longas peregrinationes subire non metuunt, pro vita aeterna tribus saltem mensibus peregrinari, cur onerosum videatur ac difficile? Cumque haec et alia his similia dixisset, ego mulieri quae susceperat matrem et sanitatem receperat per Petrum, mille drachmas donavi, et praesentibus cunctis commendavi eam cuidam viro bono, primario illius oppidi, qui et libenter

XXIV. Then Peter, having spoken to the crowds, as far as time allowed, concerning the faith of God and the ordinances of religion, so far as pertained to him, adds this also, that if anyone wished to ask more carefully about these things, he should come to Antioch, where, he says, we have resolved to stay three months and to teach thoroughly the things that pertain to salvation. For if, he says, men leave their country and their parents for the sake of trading or of soldiering, and do not fear to undergo long journeys abroad, why should it seem burdensome and difficult to sojourn abroad for three months at least for the sake of eternal life? And when he had said these and other things like them, I gave a thousand drachmas to the woman who had taken in my mother and had recovered her health through Peter, and in the presence of all I commended her to a certain good man, a chief man of that town, who also gladly

Editors' notes and page, col. 1364

Footnotes

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Tum Petrus. Ante haec miraculum sanatae Matthidiae videtur excidisse e codicibus : quod habes Clementin. xii, 23, Epit. 91, quodque lectum forsitan fuit a pseudo-Abdia. Ait enim lib. i : Tum apprehensis Petrus manibus ejus sanavit eas.

Then Peter. Before these words the miracle of the healing of Matthidia seems to have dropped out of the codices: which you have in Clementines 12.23, Epitome 91, and which was perhaps read by pseudo-Abdias. For he says in book I: Then Peter, taking hold of her hands, healed them.

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running head: ⟨S. CLEMENTIS⟩ I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1364 (left part of the head outside the image)
marginal letters: A XXII. Et tenens manum ejus; B mul enim ut audivi, paulatim; C Petrus ait: Si veritatis ego; D sidere et quae ad salutem pertinent
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se facturum quod imperabamus spopondit. Sed et aliis quibusdam aliquantulum pecuniae distribui, et illis mulieribus quae aliquando solatae dicebantur in miseriis matrem meam, quibus et gratias retuli. Et post haec una cum matre enavigavimus Antaradum.

promised that he would do what we were bidding. But I also distributed some little money to certain others, and to those women who were said to have at one time consoled my mother in her miseries, to whom I also returned thanks. And after these things, together with my mother, we sailed away to Antaradus.

XXV. Cumque venissemus ad hospitium, mater requirere coepit a me, quonam devenisset pater. Cui ego: Ad te, inquam, requirendam profectus ultra non rediit. At illa audiens suspiravit tantum, grande enim pro me gaudium habens reliquos solabatur moerores. Die autem postera sedens una cum uxore Petri iter agebat nobiscum, et venimus Balaneas, ubi triduo remorati, inde accessimus Patho et post hoc Gabala, et sic Laodiciam pervenimus, ubi ante portas occurrunt nobis Niceta et Aquila et osculantes nos abducunt in hospitium. Petrus autem videns amplam civitatem et splendidam, Dignum est, inquit, remorari nos in hac diebus decem aut etiam amplius. Tum Niceta cum Aquila requirebant a me, quae esset mulier haec ignota. Et ego respondi: Mater mea est quam mihi redonavit Deus per dominum meum Petrum.

XXV. And when we had come to the lodging, my mother began to inquire of me whither my father had gone. And I say to her: Having set out to seek you, he never came back again. But she, on hearing it, only sighed, for having great joy on my account she was consoling her remaining griefs. And on the following day, sitting together with Peter's wife, she was making the journey with us, and we came to Balaneae, where having stayed three days, we went on from there to Patho and after this to Gabala, and so we arrived at Laodicea, where before the gates Nicetas and Aquila meet us and, kissing us, lead us away to the lodging. And Peter, seeing a large and splendid city, says: It is fitting that we stay in this one ten days or even more. Then Nicetas with Aquila were inquiring of me who this unknown woman was. And I answered: She is my mother, whom God has given back to me through my lord Peter.

XXVI. Haec cum ego dixissem, cuncta eis Petrus per ordinem coepit exponere et ait: Cum venissemus Aradum et ego vos praecedere jussissem, profectis vobis, eadem die Clemens cum incidisset sermonis occasio, genus suum mihi exposuit ac familiam, et quod parentibus esset orbatus duosque habuisset priores se geminos fratres; et sicut mihi, inquit, pater enarravit, somnium vidit aliquando mater, quo jussa est cum geminis suis ex urbe Roma proficisci, ne subito et pariter interirent. Cumque somnium patri indicasset, ille qui tenero filios diligeret affectu, ne quid forte mali paterentur, uxorem pariter ac filios navi cum omnibus necessariis impositos, emittit Athenas erudiendos. Post haec misit semel et iterum qui requirerent, et nusquam illius ne vestigium quidem reperit. Ipse ad ultimum pater ad inquirendum proficiscitur, et usque ad praesens nec ipse quidem usquam est. Haec cum mihi Clemens enarrasset, accessit ad nos quidam rogans, ut ad insulam Aradum quae vicina erat accederemus, videndi gratia columnas viteas

XXVI. When I had said these things, Peter began to set forth everything to them in order, and says: When we had come to Aradus and I had ordered you to go on before, after you had set out, on the same day Clement, when an occasion of conversation had arisen, set forth to me his descent and his family, and that he had been bereaved of his parents and had had two twin brothers older than himself; and, as my father related to me, he says, my mother once saw a dream, by which she was ordered to set out from the city of Rome with her twins, lest they should perish suddenly and together. And when she had made the dream known to his father, he, as one who loved his sons with tender affection, lest perchance they should suffer any evil, put his wife together with the sons on a ship with all things necessary, and sends them off to Athens to be educated. After this he sent once and again men to search, and nowhere found even a trace of her. At the last the father himself sets out to make inquiry, and up to the present not even he himself is anywhere. When Clement had related these things to me, a certain man came to us asking that we should go over to the island of Aradus, which was near, for the sake of seeing the columns of vine-wood

Editors' notes and page, col. 1365

Footnotes

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Cum uxore Petri. Testatur Hieronymus contra Jovinianum scribens, legi in Periodis et uxorem Petri et filiam. Ea igitur Circuituum pars, in qua de Petri filia (Petronillam vocant) sermo erat, nunc desideratur. Uxorem autem memorant praeterea Clemens Alexandrinus, Strom. vii, pag. 736, ubi martyrium illius refert verbis quae citantur ab Eusebio, Histor. iii, 30; Origenes, ad Matth. XIX, 27; Epiphanius, haeresi 30, num. 22; Hieronymus, epist. 34, atque Hincmarus, Epistola ad Rodulfum et Frotarium, sect. 8. Appellatur in Martyrologiis Perpetua in Chronico Simeonis Metaphrastae, loco ad Constitut. iii, 6, allato, Joanna; quod etiam nomen matri Petri tribuit Indiculus positus ad Constit. ii, 63.

With Peter's wife. Jerome, writing against Jovinian, testifies that both Peter's wife and his daughter are read of in the Periodoi. That part of the Circuits, therefore, in which there was mention of Peter's daughter (they call her Petronilla) is now missing. His wife, moreover, is mentioned besides by Clement of Alexandria, Strom. VII, p. 736, where he reports her martyrdom in words that are cited by Eusebius, History III, 30; by Origen, on Matt. 19:27; Epiphanius, heresy 30, no. 22; Jerome, letter 34; and Hincmar, Letter to Rodulf and Frotar, section 8. She is called Perpetua in the Martyrologies; in the Chronicle of Simeon Metaphrastes, in the passage adduced on Constitutions 3.6, Joanna; which name the little Index placed at Constitutions 2.63 also assigns to Peter's mother.

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Venimus Balaneas. Balaneae aut Balanaeae, notissimum oppidum est : cujus episcopus Euphration laudatur a S. Athanasio, Apologia de fuga sua, paulo post initium, et Epistola ad Solitarios, p. 812, quanquam postremo in loco perperam ediderunt, ὁ ἐν Καλαναῖς. Lege ὁ ἐν Βαλανέαις.

We came to Balaneae. Balaneae or Balanaeae is a very well-known town, whose bishop Euphration is praised by St. Athanasius in the Apology for his Flight, a little after the beginning, and in the Letter to the Solitaries, p. 812, although in the latter place they have wrongly printed "the one in Kalanai". Read "the one in Balaneae".

(printed under page 680)

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Inde accessimus Patho [Palton Cot.]. Palti quoque episcopum celebrat magnus Ecclesiae Magister locis citatis, necnon Epistola ad Antiochenses. Sed apud Theodoritum, Histor. lib. ii, cap. 12, in verbis Athanasii, et episcopus et civitas non suo nomine appellantur.

Thence we went on to Pathos [Paltos, Cotelier]. The great Teacher of the Church also celebrates the bishop of Paltus in the places cited, and in the Letter to the Antiochenes as well. But in Theodoret, History, book II, ch. 12, in the words of Athanasius, both the bishop and the city are called by a name not their own.

(printed under page 680)

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Gabala. Hinc, et per superiora, nullo negotio corrigetur Sophonius de Petro et Paulo, tom. VII Bibliothecae Patrum Parisiensis, et apud Surium ad 29 Junii, num. 5.

Gabala. From this, and by what is said above, Sophonius on Peter and Paul will be corrected without difficulty, in vol. VII of the Paris Bibliotheca Patrum, and in Surius at 29 June, no. 5.

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marginal letters: A benter se facturum quod; B pervenimus, ubi ante portas; C habuisset priores se geminos / inquit, pater enarravit; D (beside the first line of the foot notes, not beside the text)
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mirae magnitudinis; acquievi, ventum est ad locum, caeteri omnes interiora aedis ingressi, mihi animus nescio ob quam causam ingrediendi ultra non fuit.

of wonderful size; I consented, we came to the place, all the others went into the inner parts of the temple, [but] I, for I know not what cause, had no mind to go in further.

XXVII. Sed dum illos foris opperior, mulierem hanc considerare coepi qua parte membrorum esset debilis, ut non labore manuum victum quaereret, sed mendicitatis pudorem subiret; requiro ergo ab ea causas. Illa nobili se ortam genere, et nobili nihilominus viro in matrimonio fuisse junctam fatetur, cujus frater, inquit, in me illicito amore inflammatus fraternum torum polluere cupiebat. Quod ego abhorrens, et rursum de tanto scelere viro indicare non audens, ne bellum fratribus et opprobrium generi indicerem, magis ex patria discedere judicavi cum duobus geminis filiis meis, juniore puero ad solatium patri relicto. Et ut haec, inquit, honesta specie fierent, cogitavi somnium fingere et dicere viro, astitisse mihi numen quoddam per visum et dixisse, ut cum duobus geminis meis confestim ex Urbe proficiscerer, usquequo ab ipso audirem, quando redire deberem. Quibus auditis, credidisse aiebat virum, et Athenas se geminis cum liberis emisisse inibi erudiendis, sed tempestate gravi ad hanc insulam fuisse depulsos, ubi, confracta navi, se fluctu excussam supra saxum quoddam, ob hoc solum mortem distulisse, donec, inquit, infelicium natorum meorum saltem emortua membra complecterer, ac sepulturae mandarem. Sed cum dies fuisset exortus et turbae convenissent, miseratione moti projecerunt mihi indumentum. At ego infelix fletibus multis rogabam ut requirerent, sicubi infelicium natorum possint invenire corpuscula. Ego autem omne corpus meum dentibus lanians, planctibus et ululatibus nihil aliud clamabam nisi, Ubi mihi infelici Faustus est, ubi Faustinus?

XXVII. But while I wait for them outside, I began to consider this woman, in what part of her limbs she was disabled, that she should not seek her living by the labour of her hands but undergo the shame of beggary; I therefore inquire of her the reasons. She declares that she was sprung of a noble family, and had likewise been joined in marriage to a noble man, whose brother, she says, inflamed with unlawful love for me, desired to defile his brother's bed. Abhorring this, and again not daring to inform my husband of so great a crime, lest I should proclaim war upon the brothers and reproach upon the family, I judged it better to depart from my country with my two twin sons, the younger boy being left to his father for a comfort. And that these things, she says, might be done with an honourable appearance, I thought to feign a dream and to tell my husband that a certain divinity had stood by me in a vision and had said that I should at once set out from the City with my two twins, until I should hear from him when I ought to return. She said that her husband, on hearing these things, had believed, and had sent her off to Athens with the twin children, who were to be educated there, but that they had been driven by a heavy storm upon this island, where, the ship being broken up, she, cast by a wave upon a certain rock, had put off death for this reason alone: until, she says, I might embrace at least the dead limbs of my unhappy sons and commit them to burial. But when day had risen and crowds had come together, moved with pity they threw a garment to me. And I, unhappy woman, with many tears was asking them to search whether they could anywhere find the little bodies of my unhappy sons. And I, tearing my whole body with my teeth, amid beatings of the breast and wailings was crying out nothing else but: Where is my Faustus, unhappy that I am, where is Faustinus?

XXVIII. Et cum haec diceret Petrus, Niceta et Aquila subito assurgunt et stupefacti perturbari coeperunt dicentes: Dominator Domine et Deus omnium, verane haec sunt, an somnium est quod agitur? Tum Petrus: Nisi, inquit, nos insani sumus, haec vera sunt. At illi paululum remorati et confricantes faciem, aiunt: Nos sumus Faustinus

XXVIII. And while Peter was saying these things, Nicetas and Aquila suddenly rise up and, astounded, began to be thrown into confusion, saying: O Sovereign Lord and God of all, are these things true, or is it a dream that is going on? Then Peter says: Unless we are out of our minds, these things are true. But they, having paused a little and rubbing their faces, say: We are Faustinus

Editors' notes and page, col. 1366

Page

running head: ⟨RE⟩COGNITIONUM LIB. VII. 1366 (left part of the head outside the image)
marginal letters: A mirae magnitudinis; acquievi; B judicavi cum duobus geminis; C cum dies fuisset exortus / miseratione moti; D (beside the first line of the foot notes, not beside the text)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Worn type read as intended: "animus" (i broken), "inquit" (t broken), "in me" (n broken), "proficiscerer" (final r broken), "auditis" (second i broken), "mandarem" (a broken), "natorum" (o broken). Cotelier's notes at the page foot (editors' matter) not set; note (45) there confirms "Patho" as the text's reading in col. 1365 (Cotelier's edition: Palton).

PG 1:1367

et Faustus. Sed et ab initio cum narrare coepisti, statim in suspicionem incidimus, ne forte ad nos pertinerent quae dicebantur; rursus tamen considerantes multa similia accidere in vita hominum, reticuimus, licet cor nostrum spe aliqua pulsaretur. Aspiciebamus ergo ad finem sermonis, ut, si ad integrum de nobis esse constaret, tum fateremur. Et cum haec dixissent, lacrymantes ingrediebantur ad matrem. Quam cum reperissent quiescentem et complecti vellent, prohibuit Petrus dicens: Sinite me prius praeparare animos matris et ita vos offerre ei, ne forte multo et subito gaudio mente excidat et sensus ejus turbetur, maxime quia nunc etiam somno occupata stupet.

and Faustus. And indeed from the beginning, when you began to narrate, we at once fell into a suspicion that perhaps the things that were being said pertained to us; yet again, considering that many similar things happen in the life of men, we kept silence, although our heart was beaten upon by some hope. We were therefore looking to the end of the discourse, so that, if it should be established entirely that it was about us, we might then confess. And when they had said these things, they were going in, weeping, to their mother. And when they had found her resting and wished to embrace her, Peter forbade them, saying: Allow me first to prepare your mother's mind and so to present you to her, lest perchance by great and sudden joy she go out of her mind and her senses be disturbed, especially since even now, being overtaken by sleep, she is dazed.

XXIX. Igitur ubi mater exsurrexit e somno, alloqui eam Petrus coepit dicens: Scire te volo, mulier, religionis nostrae observantiam. Nos unum colimus Deum qui fecit mundum, hujus et legem servamus, qua mandat in primis ipsum colendum et nomen ejus venerandum, parentes honorandos, pudicitiam justitiamque servandam. Sed et illud observamus, mensam cum gentilibus non habere communem, nisi cum crediderint et recepta veritate baptizati fuerint, ac trina quadam beati nominis invocatione consecrati, et tunc cum eis cibum sumimus. Alioquin etiam si pater aut mater sint, aut uxor aut filii aut fratres, non possumus cum eis mensam habere communem. Quia ergo religionis causa praecipua hoc facimus, non tibi injuriosum videatur, quod non potest filius tuus una tecum sumere cibum, usquequo eadem tibi sit quae illi sententia fidei.

XXIX. Therefore when the mother had risen from sleep, Peter began to address her, saying: I wish you to know, woman, the observance of our religion. We worship one God, Who made the world, and we keep His law, in which He commands first of all that He Himself be worshipped and His name revered, that parents be honoured, that chastity and justice be kept. But this also we observe, not to have a common table with Gentiles, unless when they have believed and, the truth being received, have been baptized and consecrated by a certain threefold invocation of the blessed name; and then we take food with them. Otherwise, even if they be father or mother, or wife or sons or brothers, we cannot have a common table with them. Since therefore we do this for the special sake of religion, let it not seem insulting to you that your son cannot take food together with you, until you have the same judgement of faith as he.

XXX. Quibus illa auditis, Et quid, inquit, vetat hodie me baptizari? quae etiam priusquam te viderem, illos quos dicunt deos penitus aversata sum, quod mihi frequenter et pene quotidie sacrificanti sibi praestare potuerunt nihil. Nam de pudicitia quid dicam? cum me neque tunc deliciae deceperint, neque nunc egestas peccare compulerit. Satis autem puto innotuisse tibi, quantus mihi exinde fuerit amor pudicitiae, quae ut evaderem illiciti amoris insidias somnium finxi, ut cum duobus meis geminis peregrinarer, et hunc solum filium meum Clementem ad solatium patri reliqui. Si enim mihi duo vix sufficiebant, quanto magis contristasset patrem, si nullum penitus habuisset? Erat enim miser grandi affectu erga filios, ita ut vix ei somnii auctoritas extorqueret, Faustinum et Faustum Clementis hujus fratres mihi concedere, et ipse solo contentus esset Clemente.

XXX. On hearing these things she says: And what forbids my being baptized today? I who, even before I saw you, wholly turned away from those whom they call gods, because, though I sacrificed to them frequently and almost daily, they were able to afford me nothing. For what shall I say of chastity, when neither did delights then beguile me, nor has want now driven me to sin? And I think it has become sufficiently known to you how great a love of chastity I have had from that time, I who, that I might escape the snares of unlawful love, feigned a dream, so that I might go abroad with my two twins, and left this son of mine, Clement, alone to his father for a comfort. For if two were scarcely enough for me, how much more would it have saddened their father, if he had had none at all? For the poor man was of great affection towards his sons, so that the authority of the dream scarcely wrung from him that he should yield to me Faustinus and Faustus, the brothers of this Clement, and himself be content with Clement alone.

XXXI. Haec illa cum diceret, ultra non ferentes fratres mei irruunt in complexus matris cum multis lacrymis, et osculantur eam. At illa: Quid vult, inquit, hoc esse? Tum Petrus: Nolo turberis, mulier, constans esto; isti sunt Faustinus et Faustus filii tui quos in profundo perisse dicebas; quomodo autem vivant et quomodo in illa horribili nocte de profundo evaserint, et quemadmodum alius ipsorum Niceta et alius Aquila dicatur, ipsi tibi exponere

XXXI. While she was saying these things, my brothers, bearing it no longer, rush into their mother's embrace with many tears, and kiss her. But she says: What does this mean? Then Peter: I would not have you troubled, woman; be steadfast; these are Faustinus and Faustus, your sons, whom you said had perished in the deep; but how they are alive, and how on that dreadful night they escaped from the deep, and how one of them is called Nicetas and the other Aquila, they themselves to set forth to you

Editors' notes and page, col. 1367

Page

running head: 1367 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. O⟨ ⟩ (right part of the head outside the image)
marginal letters: A et Faustus. Sed et ab initio; B alloqui eam Petrus coepit; C cum sumere cibum, usquequo; D duo vix sufficiebant, quanto
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column ends mid-sentence at "exponere" (the governing verb follows in col. 1368); the English ends correspondingly. Worn type read as intended: "Niceta" (e broken), "dicatur" (i broken).

PG 1:1368

poterunt et una tecum etiam nos audiemus. Ubi haec Petrus dixit, mater nimio gaudio intercepta corruit, et tandem aliquando reparata atque in semetipsam regressa, ait: Obsecro vos, dulcissimi filii, dicite mihi, quae acciderint vobis post illam feralem et crudelissimam noctem.

will be able, and together with you we also shall hear. When Peter said these things, the mother, overcome by excessive joy, fell down, and at length, being restored and having come back to herself, says: I beseech you, sweetest sons, tell me what things befell you after that deadly and most cruel night.

XXXII. Tum Niceta coepit dicere: In illa nocte, o mater, cum navis fuisset resoluta et nos innitentes fragmento cuidam tabularum per pelagus jactaremur, viri quidam quibus per profundum latrocinari artificium est, repertos imposuerunt nos naviculae suae, et remis undarum vortices superantes, diversis itineribus Caesaream Stratonis perduxerunt, ibique affligentes nos fame, verberibus, metu, uti ne quod esset in vero proderemus, immutatis etiam nominibus nostris vendiderunt nos cuidam viduae, honestae admodum feminae, Justae nomine; quae cum emisset, habuit loco filiorum, ita ut etiam Graecis nos litteris et liberalibus attentissime erudiret. Ubi vero adolevimus, etiam philosophorum studiis operam dedimus, quo possemus religionis divinae dogmata philosophicis disputationibus asserentes confutare gentiles.

XXXII. Then Nicetas began to say: On that night, O mother, when the ship had been broken up and we, leaning upon a certain fragment of planks, were being tossed over the sea, certain men whose trade it is to rob upon the deep found us and put us on board their small vessel, and, overcoming the eddies of the waves with their oars, brought us by divers routes to Caesarea Stratonis, and there, afflicting us with hunger, blows and fear, that we might not disclose what the truth was, and having also changed our names, they sold us to a certain widow, a very honourable woman, Justa by name; who, when she had bought us, held us in the place of sons, so that she even had us most carefully educated in Greek and liberal letters. And when we grew up, we applied ourselves also to the studies of the philosophers, in order that, maintaining the doctrines of the divine religion by philosophical disputations, we might be able to confute the Gentiles.

XXXIII. Simoni autem cuidam mago qui nobiscum una educatus est, pro amicitiis et puerili consuetudine adhaesimus, ita ut pene ab eo decipi possemus. Fertur enim in religione nostra sermo de propheta quodam, cujus ab omnibus qui religioni huic deserviunt speraretur adventus, per quem immortalis et beata vita credentibus danda promittitur. Hunc ergo nos putabamus esse Simonem. Sed haec tibi, mater, opportunius exponentur. Nos interim cum pene jam deciperemur a Simone, quidam collega domini mei Petri, Zacchaeus nomine, monuit ne falleremur a mago, sed obtulit nos advenienti Petro ut ab ipso quae erant sana et perfecta doceremur; quod et tibi optamus evenire, sicut et nobis concessit Deus, ut possimus etiam cibum et mensam habere communem. Hinc ergo fuit, mater, quod nos a piratis raptos, tu in mari defunctos esse credidisti.

XXXIII. But we attached ourselves to a certain Simon, a magician, who was brought up together with us, on account of friendship and boyhood familiarity, so that we could almost have been deceived by him. For there is current in our religion a saying about a certain prophet, whose coming was hoped for by all who are devoted to this religion, through whom an immortal and blessed life is promised to be given to those who believe. This man, then, we were supposing to be Simon. But these things will be set forth to you, mother, at a more convenient time. Meanwhile, when we were now almost being deceived by Simon, a certain colleague of my lord Peter, Zacchaeus by name, warned us not to be beguiled by the magician, but presented us to Peter on his arrival, that we might be taught by him the things that were sound and perfect; which we wish may befall you also, even as God has granted it to us, that we may be able to have food and table also in common. Hence then it was, mother, that you believed us, who had been carried off by pirates, to have died in the sea.

XXXIV. Cum haec dixisset Niceta, mater nostra procidit ad pedes Petri, rogans et obsecrans, ut et seipsam et hospitam suam evocaret sine mora ac baptizaret, uti ne una, inquit, die damnum patiar consortii et societatis natorum meorum. Similiter autem et nos filii ejus rogabamus Petrum. At ille: Quid putatis, inquit, quia ego immisericors sum solus, et nolo vos matris convivio sociari? Sed necesse est eam vel una die jejunare prius et ita baptizari, et hoc quia sermonem ab ea quemdam audivi, per quem mihi fides ejus claruit et qui indicium dedit credulitatis ejus, alioqui multis eam diebus oportebat ante instrui et doceri.

XXXIV. When Nicetas had said these things, our mother fell down at Peter's feet, asking and beseeching that he would summon both herself and her hostess without delay and baptize them, that I may not, she says, for a single day suffer the loss of the fellowship and company of my sons. And likewise we her sons also were asking Peter. But he says: What do you suppose, that I alone am unmerciful, and do not wish you to be joined in your mother's table-fellowship? But it is necessary that she fast first, at least for one day, and so be baptized; and this because I have heard from her a certain saying through which her faith became clear to me and which gave an indication of her belief; otherwise she ought first to have been instructed and taught for many days.

XXXV. Et ego: Quaeso te, inquam, domine mi Petre, dic quis est iste sermo quem dicis dedisse tibi indicium fidei ejus? Et Petrus: Ille sermo est quo rogavit, ut et hospita sua cujus beneficiis vicem reddere desiderat, simul baptizetur cum ipsa.

XXXV. And I say: I pray you, my lord Peter, tell what is that saying which you say gave you an indication of her faith? And Peter: It is that saying by which she asked that her hostess also, to whose kindnesses she desires to make a return, be baptized together with her.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1368

Page

running head: ⟨S. CLEMENTIS⟩ I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1368 (left part of the head outside the image)
marginal letters: A poterunt et una tecum; B mutatis etiam nominibus; C tur. Hunc ergo nos putabamus; D baptizaret, uti ne una
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: "Simonem" (after "putabamus esse"): the ending lies under an ink blot, read from the visible strokes and sense. "audivi": the line-end hyphen after "au" has not printed. Worn type read as intended: "noctem" (e broken), "operam" (e broken), "nobiscum" (s broken), "immisericors" (i broken), "indicium" (i broken).

PG 1:1369

Non autem rogaret, ut illi quam diligit praestaretur haec gratia, nisi credidisset quod magnum aliquod in baptismate munus esset. Unde et ego reprehendo plurimos qui cum ipsi baptizentur et credant, nihil tamen dignum fide agunt cum his quos diligunt, id est uxoribus vel filiis vel amicis, quos non ad hoc hortantur quod ipsi assecuti sunt, si quidem vere crediderint quod aeterna vita per hoc donatur. Denique si eos aegrotare videant aut periculo alicui carnaliter subjacere, dolent et lugent, quia in hoc certi sunt eis imminere perniciem. Ita ergo, si et de hoc certi essent quod qui Deum non colunt, manet eos poena ignis aeterni, quando cessarent monentes et cohortantes? Aut si obsisterent, quomodo non lugerent eos et plangerent, certi aeterna eis imminere supplicia? Nunc ergo illam quidem mulierem evocabimus postmodum, et videbimus si amat fidem religionis nostrae, et prout consequens fuerit agemus. Haec autem quoniam fideliter sensit de baptismo, jejunet vel una die ante baptismum.

Now she would not ask that this grace be bestowed on her whom she loves, unless she had believed that there was some great gift in baptism. Hence I also find fault with very many who, though they themselves are baptized and believe, yet do nothing worthy of faith with those whom they love, that is, with wives or sons or friends, whom they do not exhort to that which they themselves have attained, if indeed they have truly believed that eternal life is given through this. In short, if they see them to be sick or to lie under some danger in the flesh, they grieve and mourn, because in this they are sure that destruction hangs over them. So then, if they were sure of this also, that the punishment of eternal fire awaits those who do not worship God, when would they cease admonishing and exhorting? Or if these resisted, how would they not mourn and bewail them, being sure that eternal torments hang over them? Now therefore we shall summon that woman afterwards, and we shall see whether she loves the faith of our religion, and we shall act according as shall be fitting. But let this one, since she has thought faithfully concerning baptism, fast at least one day before baptism.

XXXVI. At illa cum juramento satisfaciebat praesente uxore domini mei Petri, quia ex quo recognoverit filium, prae multo gaudio cibum capere omnino nequiverit, nisi hesterna die calicem aquae solum biberit. Testabatur autem et uxor Petri, dicens ita esse. Et Aquila ait: Quid ergo obstat cur non baptizetur? Tum Petrus subridens: Sed non est, inquit, hoc jejunium baptismi, quod non propter baptismum jejunatum est. Et Niceta: Sed forte, inquit, volens Deus matrem nostram nec una die agnitis nobis separari a consortio mensae nostrae, praeordinavit hoc ut ante jejunaret. Sicut enim pudicitiam servavit in ignorantia, ut proficeret ei ad baptismi gratiam, ita jejunavit antequam sciret jejunii rationem, ut proficeret ei ad baptismum, et statim ab initio agnitionis nostrae nobiscum pariter mensae consortio frueretur.

XXXVI. But she was giving assurance with an oath, in the presence of the wife of my lord Peter, that from the time she recognized her son she had been altogether unable to take food for great joy, except that on the previous day she had drunk only a cup of water. And Peter's wife also bore witness, saying that it was so. And Aquila says: What then hinders her from being baptized? Then Peter, smiling, says: But this is not the fast of baptism, which was not fasted on account of baptism. And Nicetas says: But perhaps God, willing that our mother should not for even one day, now that we have been recognized, be separated from the fellowship of our table, foreordained this, that she should fast beforehand. For as she kept chastity in ignorance, that it might profit her for the grace of baptism, so she fasted before she knew the reason of the fast, that it might profit her for baptism, and that at once from the beginning of our recognition she might enjoy the fellowship of the table equally with us.

XXXVII. Tum Petrus: Non nos, inquit, vincat malignus occasione accepta per affectum matris, sed magis vos et ego vobiscum hodie jejunemus cum ipsa, et crastino baptizabitur; neque enim justum est ad gratiam personae alicujus et amicitiae, resolvi et extenuari praecepta veritatis. Non ergo pigeat nos magis laborare cum illa, quia omne mandatum praeterire peccatum est. Doceamus autem sensus nostros corporales qui extrinsecus sunt, servire interioribus sensibus, et non interiores sensus, qui quae Dei sunt sapiunt, cogamus sequi exteriores, qui quae carnis sunt sapiunt. Propter hoc enim et Dominus mandatum dedit, dicens: Quicunque viderit mulierem ad concupiscendam eam,

XXXVII. Then Peter says: Let not the evil one overcome us, having taken occasion through affection for a mother; but rather let you, and I with you, fast today with her, and tomorrow she shall be baptized; for it is not just that the precepts of truth be relaxed and weakened as a favour to any person and to friendship. Let it not therefore irk us rather to labour with her, because to pass over any commandment is sin. But let us teach our bodily senses, which are outward, to serve the inward senses, and let us not compel the inward senses, which savour the things of God, to follow the outward ones, which savour the things of the flesh. For on this account the Lord also gave a commandment, saying: Whoever shall have looked on a woman to lust after her,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1369

Footnotes

(50) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1369 (above the foot image)

Unde et ego—imminere supplicia non leguntur in codd. Lipss.

Whence I too — that punishments are impending are not read in the Leipzig codices.

(printed under page 682)

(51) ‹anchor: Propter hoc› · call in col 1369

Propter hoc—lenones mali desiderii desunt in codd. Lipss.

On this account — panders of evil desire are wanting in the Leipzig codices.

(printed under page 682)

(52) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1369 or 1370 (outside the foot image)

Matth. V, 28, 29.

Matthew 5:28, 29.

(printed under page 682)

(47) ‹anchor: crastino baptizabitur› · call in col 1369

Vos et ego vobiscum hodie jejunemus cum ipsa, etc. Sic lib. x, cap. ult. Petrus patrem Clementis baptizaturus, indicit jejunium omni plebi, quo de ritu in Apologia 2 Justini Martyris, p. 93.

Let you, and I with you, fast today with her, etc. So in book X, last chapter, Peter, when about to baptize Clement's father, proclaims a fast for all the people; on which rite see the Apology 2 of Justin Martyr, p. 93.

(printed under page 682)

Page

running head: 1369 RECOGNITIONUM LI⟨ ⟩ (right part of the head outside the image)
marginal letters: A Non autem rogaret, ut illi; B certi aeterna eis imminere; C inquit, volens Deus matrem; D Non ergo pigeat nos magis
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column ends mid-quotation at "eam,". Superscript note calls 50 (after "Unde et ego"), 51 (after "Propter hoc") and 52, and Cotelier's call (47) after "baptizabitur", omitted; the foot notes (variant notes on the Leipzig codices, the scripture reference Matth. V, 28, 29 given only there, and Cotelier's notes) are apparatus and not set, so no reference stands in the text or the English. Ink blots over "nihil", "quod", "Haec", "baptismo", "baptismi", "jejunatum", "inquit", "agnitis", "justum": all read from the visible strokes; "jejunatum" and "justum" have their middle letters covered and are read from sense. Worn type read as intended: "Deum" (u broken), "credant" (r broken).

PG 1:1370

jam moechatus est eam in corde suo. Et his addidit: Si oculus tuus dexter scandalizat te, erue eum et abjice abs te; expedit enim tibi ut unum membrorum tuorum pereat, quam totum corpus tuum mittatur in gehennam ignis. Non dixit: scandalizavit te, ut posteaquam peccaveris tunc abjicias causam peccati, sed: si scandalizat te, hoc est, ut antequam pecces, causam peccati provocantis te et irritantis abscidas. Nequis autem vestrum putet, fratres, quod membrorum amputationem mandaverit Dominus: propositum in hoc vult resecari, non membra et causas quae ad peccandum illiciunt, quo cogitatio nostra aspectus vehiculo subvecta, ad amorem Dei sensibus corporeis invisa contendat, nec carnalibus oculis, velut lascivientibus equis et extra mandatorum viam currum declinare cupientibus, relaxet frena et habenas indulgeat; sed revocet aspectum corporis ad arbitrium mentis, et oculos nostros quos Deus operis sui inspectores esse voluit et testes, non patiatur fieri lenones mali desiderii. Et ideo cedant legi Dei tam corporei sensus quam interna cogitatio, et illius voluntati ministrent cujus se opera esse intelligunt.

has already committed adultery with her in his heart. And to these words He added: If your right eye causes you to stumble, pluck it out and cast it from you; for it is expedient for you that one of your members perish, rather than that your whole body be sent into the Gehenna of fire. He did not say: has caused you to stumble, so that after you have sinned you should then cast away the cause of sin, but: if it causes you to stumble, that is, that before you sin you should cut off the cause of the sin that provokes and incites you. But let none of you suppose, brethren, that the Lord commanded the amputation of members: He wills that in this the purpose be cut away, not the members, and the causes which entice to sinning, so that our thought, borne up on the vehicle of sight, may press on towards the love of God, Who is unseen by the bodily senses, and may not slacken the bridle and give the reins to the carnal eyes, as to wanton horses eager to turn the chariot aside out of the way of the commandments; but may call back the sight of the body to the judgement of the mind, and may not suffer our eyes, which God willed to be beholders and witnesses of His work, to become panders of evil desire. And therefore let both the bodily senses and the inward thought yield to the law of God, and let them minister to the will of Him Whose works they understand themselves to be.

XXXVIII. Igitur ut ordo mysterii poscebat et ratio, die postera baptizatur in mari, et regressa ad hospitium omnibus consequenter mysteriis religionis imbuitur. Aderamus autem et nos filii sui, Niceta et Aquila et ego Clemens. Et post haec simul cum ea prandimus, et simul glorificavimus Deum, referentes gratias studiis et doctrinae Petri, qui nobis ostendit per occasionem matris, quomodo pudicitiae bonum non pereat apud Deum, sicut e contrario impudicitia, inquit, etiamsi non statim, tamen licet tarde non effugit poenam. In tantum autem pudicitia, inquit, Deo placita est, ut etiam his qui in errore sunt positi, nonnihil gratiae in praesenti conferat vita. Nam futura beatitudo illis solum reposita est, qui per gratiam baptismi pudicitiam justitiamque servaverint. Denique exemplo est huic rei etiam hoc, quod erga matrem vestram gestum est, cui salus haec omnis pro mercede pudicitiae reparata est, ad quam custodiendam et conservandam non sufficit sola continentia, sed ubi senserit quis insidias et deceptionem parari, continuo sicut ab ignis impetu aut incursu canis rabidi refugiat, nec confidat quod hujusmodi insidias possit facile aliquis philosophando aut palpando cohibere; sed, ut dixi, effugiendum est et longe abscedendum, sicut fecit et vestra mater vere et integre bonum diligens pudicitiae. Propter quod et conservata vobis est ac vos illi, insuper autem et aeternae vitae agnitione donata. Cum haec et multa alia his similia dixisset, vespere facto requievimus.

XXXVIII. Therefore, as the order and reason of the mystery required, on the following day she is baptized in the sea, and having returned to the lodging she is initiated in due sequence into all the mysteries of religion. And we her sons also were present, Nicetas and Aquila and I, Clement. And after these things we dined together with her, and together glorified God, rendering thanks for the zeal and teaching of Peter, who showed us by the occasion of our mother how the good of chastity does not perish with God; just as on the contrary unchastity, he says, even if not at once, yet, though late, does not escape punishment. And so far, he says, is chastity pleasing to God, that even on those who are placed in error it confers some measure of grace in the present life. For future blessedness is laid up for those only who through the grace of baptism have kept chastity and justice. In short, an example of this matter is also that which has been done in regard to your mother, for whom all this well-being has been restored as the reward of chastity; for the guarding and preserving of which continence alone does not suffice, but when anyone perceives that snares and deception are being prepared, let him at once flee as from the onset of fire or the attack of a mad dog, and let him not trust that anyone can easily restrain snares of this kind by philosophizing or by coaxing; but, as I have said, one must flee and withdraw far away, as your mother also did, truly and wholly loving the good of chastity. On which account she has both been preserved for you and you for her, and has moreover been gifted also with the knowledge of eternal life. When he had said these things and many others like them, evening having come, we took our rest.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1370

Page

running head: ⟨RECO⟩GNITIONUM LIB. VII. 1370 (left part of the head outside the image)
marginal letters: A jam moechatus est eam in corde; B currum declinare cupientibus; C citiae bonum non pereat; D nec confidat quod hujusmodi
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column opens mid-quotation (continued from col. 1369). The scripture reference (Matth. V, 28, 29) is printed only in foot note 52, not in the text, so none is set; superscript call 52 after "gehennam ignis" omitted; the variant notes and Cotelier's notes at the page foot are apparatus and not set. "non membra et causas quae": set as printed (no comma after "membra"); the English takes "causas" with "resecari". Worn type read as intended: "abjice" (final e broken), "in hoc" (i broken), "poscebat" (e broken), "palpando" (a broken), "dixi" (x broken). The book's last chapter ends at the foot of this column.

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LIBER OCTAVUS.

BOOK EIGHT.

I. Postera autem die Petrus mane assumptis fratribus meis et me, descendit ad portum, ut in mari lavaremus, et post hoc ad locum quemdam secretiorem secessimus orationis gratia. Senex autem quidam pauper, et ut apparebat ex habitu operarius, curiose ex occulto observare nos coepit, ut videret quid ageremus in secreto positi. Cumque nos orantes vidisset, exspectavit donec exiremus, et salutans nos ait : Si non aegre accipitis, et quasi curiosum me aut importunum notatis, velim vobiscum conferre sermonem, quia habens miserationem vestri, sub specie veritatis errare vos nollem et habere metum de his quae non sunt; aut si putatis esse aliquid veri, tradite etiam mihi. Si ergo patienter accipitis, possum vos paucis edocere quae recta sunt; si vero molestum, pergam et meos actus agam. Cui Petrus respondit : Dic age quod tibi videtur bonum, et libenter accipimus sive id verum sive etiam falsum sit; amplectendus enim es, quia quod tibi bonum videtur, tanquam pater pro filiis sollicitus commonere voluisti.

I. Now on the following day Peter, early in the morning, taking my brothers and me with him, went down to the harbour, that we might bathe in the sea, and after this we withdrew to a certain more secluded place for the sake of prayer. But a certain poor old man, and, as appeared from his dress, a workman, began inquisitively to watch us from a hidden place, that he might see what we were doing, set as we were in a secret place. And when he had seen us praying, he waited until we came out, and greeting us said: If you do not take it ill, and do not mark me down as a meddler or as importunate, I should like to hold a conversation with you, because, having pity on you, I would not wish you to go astray under the appearance of truth and to have fear of things which are not; or, if you think there is something true in it, hand it on to me also. If therefore you take it patiently, I can in a few words teach you thoroughly the things that are right; but if it is irksome, I shall go on and attend to my own business. To him Peter answered: Come, say what seems good to you, and we receive it gladly whether it be true or even false; for you are to be welcomed, because you have wished to admonish us of what seems good to you, as a father anxious for his sons.

II. Tum senior coepit dicere : In mari vos lavisse vidi, et post hoc ad secretum secessisse locum; observans ergo de occulto quid in secreto ageretis, orantes inspexi; miseratus igitur errorem vestrum, opperiri coepi, usquequo egressos alloquerer et docerem, ne erretis in hujusmodi observantia, quia neque Deus est neque cultus hic aliquis est, neque providentia in mundo, sed fortuitus casus et genesis agunt omnia, sicut ego ex meipso manifestissime comperi in disciplina matheseos prae caeteris eruditus. Nolite ergo errare; sive enim oretis, sive non oretis, quod genesis vestra continet, hoc erit vobis. Et ego Clemens nescio quid corde pulsabar, multa quasi nota mihi recolens in eo; bene enim ait quidam, quia quod ex aliquo natum est, etiamsi multo tempore abfuerit, nunquam tamen scintilla propinquitatis exstinguitur. Coepi ergo interrogare ab eo, quis et unde esset, vel quomodo ortus. At ille ad haec respondere nolens : Quid, ait, hoc pertinet ad ea quae dixi vobis? Sed primo, si videtur, sermo de his quae proposuimus habeatur, et post haec si ita res poposcerit, nomen et genus ac patriam et caetera quae haec sequuntur, invicem nobis ut amici amicis poterimus aperire. Mirabamur tamen omnes eloquentiam viri, et gravitatem morum tranquillitatemque sermonis.

II. Then the old man began to say: I saw that you bathed in the sea, and after this withdrew to a secret place; watching therefore from a hidden place what you were doing in secret, I observed you praying; and so, pitying your error, I began to wait until I might address you when you had come out and teach you, lest you go astray in an observance of this kind, because there is neither God nor is there any worship here, nor providence in the world, but fortuitous chance and genesis do all things, as I have most plainly found out from my own self, being instructed beyond the rest in the discipline of mathesis. Do not therefore go astray; for whether you pray or do not pray, what your genesis contains, this will be yours. And I, Clement, was stirred in heart by I know not what, recalling in him many things as though known to me; for well does someone say that what has been born of anyone, even if it has been absent for a long time, yet the spark of kinship is never put out. I began therefore to ask of him who he was and whence, or how born. But he, not wishing to answer to these things, said: What does this have to do with the things which I have said to you? But first, if it seems good, let the discourse be held about the things which we have proposed, and after these, if the matter should so require, we shall be able to disclose to one another, as friends to friends, name and family and country and the other things that follow these. Yet we all marvelled at the man's eloquence, and the gravity of his manners and the calmness of his speech.

III. Petrus autem sensim sermocinando incedens, opportunum ad colloquendum prospicit locum. Et cum pervidisset juxta portum recessum quemdam secretum, residere nos fecit, et ita primus

III. But Peter, walking on slowly while conversing, looks out for a place suitable for conversing. And when he had spied near the harbour a certain secluded retreat, he made us sit down, and so first

Editors' notes and page, col. 1371

Page

running head: 1371 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT.
marginal letters: A ‹I. Postera autem die Petrus mane assumptis fra-›; B ‹quae recta sunt; si vero molestum, pergam et meos›; C ‹sime comperi in disciplina matheseos prae caeteris›; D ‹amici amicis poterimus aperire. Mirabamur tamen›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the book caption runs across both columns and is set once here; its last letters (-US.) fall outside this column's image and are completed from the next column's page half. The last word 'pri-' is completed as 'primus' from the 'mus' visible at the head of the facing column. The foot note (Matth. V, 14, 15) is apparatus and not set.

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ipse incipit, nec contemptum senis habuit, neque despexit quod vilis ei amictus esset et sordidus. Ait ergo : Quoniam quidem videris mihi vir eruditus esse et misericors ex eo quod adisti nos, et quod tibi bonum videbatur celatum nobis esse noluisti, volumus et nos tibi quae nobis bona et recta creduntur exponere, quae si tibi minus vera videbuntur, etiam tu nostrum erga te bonum propositum libenter suscipe, sicut et nos tuum. Et cum haec diceret Petrus, plurima multitudo convenit. Tum senex : Fortassis, inquit, contristat vos praesentia multitudinis. Et Petrus : Nequaquam, inquit, nisi hoc solum vereor, ne forte disputantibus nobis cum palam facta fuerit veritas tu verecundiam patiaris pro praesentia multitudinis cedere et acquiescere his quae vera dici intellexeris. Ad haec senex ait : Ego non ita stultus consenui, ut intelligens quod verum est, abnuam id ad vulgi gratiam.

himself begins, and he had no contempt for the old man, nor did he look down on him because his clothing was cheap and shabby. He says therefore: Since indeed you seem to me to be a learned and compassionate man, from the fact that you have approached us and have not wished that which seemed good to you to be concealed from us, we also wish to set out to you the things which are believed by us to be good and right; and if these shall seem to you less than true, do you also gladly accept our good intention towards you, as we also accept yours. And while Peter was saying these things, a very great multitude came together. Then the old man said: Perhaps the presence of the multitude saddens you. And Peter said: By no means, except that I fear this alone, lest perhaps, as we dispute, when the truth has been made plain, you may suffer shame, on account of the presence of the multitude, to yield and to assent to the things which you have understood to be truly said. To this the old man says: I have not grown old so foolish that, understanding what is true, I should deny it to win the favour of the crowd.

IV. Coepit ergo Petrus dicere : Videntur mihi hi, qui loquuntur verbum veritatis et qui illuminant animas hominum, similes esse radiis solis, qui ut processerint et apparuerint mundo, celari ultra aut occultari nullatenus possunt, dum non tam videntur ab hominibus, qnam videre omnibus praestant. Unde et bene a quodam dictum est ad veritatis praecones : Vos estis lux mundi, et non potest civitas abscondi supra montem posita, neque accendunt lucernam et ponunt eam sub modio, sed super candelabrum ut omnibus luceat qui in domo sunt. Et senex : Bene valde dixit, quisquis ille est. Sed exponat aliquis vestrum, quod sibi sequendum videtur, ut ad certum prospectum emittamus sermones nostros. Non enim sufficit ad inveniendam veritatem destruere ea, quae e diverso dicuntur, sed et ipsum proferre in medium, quod possit qui e diverso est impugnare. Ut ergo partium sit aequa congressio, rectum mihi videtur ut prius, quid uterque nostrum defendat, enuntiet; et si placet, ipse primus incipiam. Ego dico, non secundum Dei providentiam gubernari mundum, quia multa in eo injuste et inordinate geri videmus, sed genesim dico esse, quae omnia agit et continet.

IV. Peter therefore began to say: Those who speak the word of truth and who enlighten the souls of men seem to me to be like the rays of the sun, which, once they have come forth and appeared to the world, can by no means be further concealed or hidden, while they are not so much seen by men as they grant to all to see. Whence also it was well said by a certain one to the heralds of the truth: You are the light of the world, and a city set upon a mountain cannot be hidden, nor do they light a lamp and put it under a bushel, but upon a lampstand, that it may give light to all who are in the house. And the old man said: He spoke exceedingly well, whoever he is. But let one of you set out what seems to him ought to be followed, that we may send forth our discourses towards a definite mark. For it does not suffice for finding the truth to pull down the things that are said on the opposite side, but one must also himself bring forward into the open that which he who is on the opposite side may be able to attack. In order, therefore, that the encounter of the parties may be equal, it seems right to me that each of us should first declare what he defends; and, if it pleases, I myself shall begin first. I say that the world is not governed according to the providence of God, because we see many things in it done unjustly and without order, but I say that it is genesis which does and holds together all things.

V. Ad haec cum Petrus respondere vellet, Niceta praeveniens ait : Indulgeat mihi dominus meus Petrus ad haec respondere, et non videatur protervum quod juvenis cum sene conflictum habeam, sed ut filius cum patre colloquar. Et senex : Non solum tu, inquit, fili, quod tibi videtur ut prosequaris volo, sed et si qui ex sodalibus tuis, si qui etiam de astantibus videtur scire aliquid, incunctanter proferat, libenter accipimus; collatio enim plurimorum

V. When Peter wished to reply to this, Niceta, anticipating him, says: Let my lord Peter allow me to reply to this, and let it not seem insolent that I, a young man, should have a contest with an old man, but let me converse as a son with a father. And the old man said: Not only do I wish that you, my son, should set forth what seems good to you, but also, if any of your companions, if anyone even of the bystanders seems to know anything, let him bring it forward without hesitation; we receive it gladly; for the conferring together of many

Editors' notes and page, col. 1372

Footnotes

(83) ‹anchor: in domo sunt› · call in col 1372

Matth. V, 14, 15.

Matthew 5:14, 15.

(printed under page 683)

Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1372
marginal letters: A ‹mus ipse incipit, nec contemptum senis habuit,›; B ‹scere his quae vera dici intellexeris. Ad haec senex›; C ‹senex : Bene valde dixit, quisquis ille est. Sed ex-›; D ‹trus ad haec respondere, et non videatur protervum›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column's first printed syllable 'mus' ends 'primus', set whole in col. 1371. The book caption (LIBER OCTAVUS.) spans both columns and is set once in col. 1371. The last word 'pluri-' is completed as 'plurimorum' from the first line of col. 1373. The words Vos estis ... in domo sunt are printed in italic; foot note 53 gives Matth. V, 14, 15 (apparatus, not set; the reference is not printed in the text).

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facilius ea quae ignorantur inveniet. Tum ergo Niceta respondit : Non me aestimes, Pater, temere fecisse, quod inserui me sermonibus domini mei Petri, sed magis pro honore ejus hoc mihi facere visus sum. Homo enim Dei est, plenus totius scientiae, quem ne Graeca quidem latet eruditio, quia Spiritu Dei repletus est quem nihil latet. Sed quia ipsi de coelestibus loqui convenit, ego de his quae ad Graecorum loquacitatem pertinent, respondebo. Postea vero quam a nobis Graecorum more fuerit disputatum, atque ad id ventum, ubi exitus nullus appareat, tunc ipse quasi scientia Dei repletus, aperte et dilucide rerum nobis omnium patefaciet veritatem, ut non solum nos, sed et omnes qui praesto sunt auditores, viam veritatis agnoscant. Et ideo nunc ipse quasi arbiter sedeat, ut cum unus aliquis ex nobis cesserit, tunc ipse suscipiens indubitatam sententiam ferat.

will more easily find the things that are unknown. Then therefore Niceta answered: Do not reckon, Father, that I have acted rashly in that I have thrust myself into the discourses of my lord Peter, but rather I have seemed to myself to do this for his honour. For he is a man of God, full of all knowledge, from whom not even Greek learning is hidden, because he has been filled with the Spirit of God, from Whom nothing is hidden. But because it befits him to speak of heavenly things, I shall answer concerning those things which belong to the loquacity of the Greeks. But after it has been disputed by us in the manner of the Greeks, and it has come to that point where no way out appears, then he himself, as one filled with the knowledge of God, will openly and clearly lay bare to us the truth of all things, so that not only we, but also all the hearers who are present, may come to know the way of truth. And therefore let him now sit as it were as umpire, so that when some one of us has given way, then he, taking it up, may deliver a sentence beyond doubt.

VI. Haec cum dixisset Niceta, hi qui convenerant inter semetipsos colloquebantur : Hicne est ille quem audiebamus Petrus, illius qui in Judaea apparuit et signa ac virtutes plurimas fecit, discipulus probatissimus? Et intendentes in eum, cum timore ac veneratione ingenti stabant, tanquam boni servi honorem domino deferentes. Quod ubi Petrus sensit, ait ad eos : Attentius audiamus, rectum tenentes judicium de his quae dicentur ab utroque, et post ipsorum conflictum, quod necessarium visum fuerit, addemus et nos. Et cum haec dixisset Petrus, gavisae sunt turbae. Niceta vero dicere hoc modo aggressus est : Definisti, Pater, quod non per Dei providentiam mundus regatur, sed omnia genesi subjaceant, vel quae ad mores uniuscujusque vel quae ad gesta pertinent. Ad quae statim quidem potui respondere, sed quia justum est servare ordinem, definimus et nos quid teneamus, sicut ipse fieri rogasti. Ego dico providentia Dei gubernari mundum, in his duntaxat quae gubernatione ejus indigent. Unus est enim omnia tenens qui et mundum fecit, justus Deus, unicuique secundum gesta sua quandoque redditurus. Ecce habes et nostram definitionem; nunc quod vis prosequere, vel mea destruens, vel tua asserens, ut ego his quae a te prosequentur, occurram. Aut si me vis priorem dicere, non morabor.

VI. When Niceta had said these things, those who had come together were saying among themselves: Is this that Peter of whom we used to hear, the most approved disciple of Him Who appeared in Judaea and did very many signs and mighty works? And gazing intently upon him, they stood with fear and immense veneration, like good servants paying honour to their master. When Peter perceived this, he says to them: Let us listen more attentively, holding a right judgement concerning the things which will be said by each, and after their contest we too shall add what shall have seemed necessary. And when Peter had said these things, the crowds rejoiced. But Niceta set about speaking in this manner: You have laid down, Father, that the world is not ruled through the providence of God, but that all things are subject to genesis, whether those which pertain to the character of each one or those which pertain to his deeds. To which I could indeed have answered at once, but because it is just to keep order, we too lay down what we hold, as you yourself asked should be done. I say that the world is governed by the providence of God, at least in those things which need His governance. For there is One holding all things, Who also made the world, the just God, Who will at some time render to each one according to his deeds. See, you have our definition also; now pursue what you wish, either pulling down mine or asserting yours, that I may meet the things which shall be pursued by you. Or, if you wish me to speak first, I shall not delay.

V⟨I⟩I. Et senex respondit : Sive tibi placet, fili,

VII. And the old man answered: Whether it pleases you, my son,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1373

Footnotes

(84) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1373 (column not confirmed)

Quae sequuntur usque ad finem hujus libri, breviter tantummodo et in compendium redacta in codd. mss. Lipss. continentur. Vid. praefat.

What follows, down to the end of this book, is contained in the Leipzig manuscript codices only briefly and reduced to an abridgment. See the preface.

(printed under page 684)

(48) ‹anchor: lemma as below; call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1373 (column not confirmed)

Alius autem frater noster, Platonicos et Aristotelicos. Elogia Clementis in litteris humanis haec sunt : Clemens ex philosopho magnae doctrinae vir ; Commentario Epist. ad Philippenses, in c. iv, t. VIII Hieronymi : Clemens omni scientia refertus, omniumque liberalium artium peritissimus ; Eucherius, Paraenesi De contemptu mundi : Acceperat B. Clemens scientiam quamplurimam, ita ut optimus quidem illius temporis philosophus haberetur, apud Bernardum Sermone de S. Clemente : Κλήμης ὁ πολὺς ἐν σοφίᾳ καὶ γνώσει. Anastasius, Hodegi cap. 1. Et Clementem philosophum Dionysio laudtaum De divinis nominibus, cap. 5 ; Maximus et Pachymeres hunc Romanum interpretantur. Verba S. Nili sunt, lib. ii, epist. 49, p. 140 : Οὐχ Ἀπολλὼς ὁ Ἀλεξανδρεὺς λόγιος ὁ ποτιστὴς τῶν Χριστοῦ μαθητῶν, οὐ Κλήμης ὁ Ῥωμαίων φιλόσοφος, quae sic verto : Non Apollo Alexandrinus vir eloquens, rigator discipulorum Christi ; non Clemens, Romanus philosophus.

"But our other brother, the Platonists and Aristotelians." The praises of Clement in humane letters are these: "Clement, from a philosopher become a man of great learning"; in the Commentary on the Epistle to the Philippians, on ch. 4, vol. VIII of Jerome: "Clement, filled with all knowledge, and most skilled in all the liberal arts"; Eucherius, in the Exhortation On Contempt of the World: "Blessed Clement had received very much knowledge, so that he was indeed held the best philosopher of that time", in Bernard, Sermon on St. Clement: "Clement, great in wisdom and knowledge." Anastasius, Hodegos ch. 1. And the philosopher Clement praised [printed laudtaum, for laudatum] by Dionysius, On the Divine Names, ch. 5, Maximus and Pachymeres take to be this Roman one. The words of St. Nilus, bk. 2, letter 49, p. 140, are: "Not Apollos the Alexandrian, the eloquent, the waterer of Christ's disciples, not Clement the philosopher of the Romans", which I render thus: "Not Apollos of Alexandria, an eloquent man, the waterer of Christ's disciples; not Clement, the Roman philosopher."

(printed under page 684)

Page

running head: 1373 RECOGNITIONUM LIB. VIII.
marginal letters: A ‹morum facilius ea quae ignorantur inveniet. Tum›; B ‹tis agnoscant. Et ideo nunc ipse quasi arbiter se-›; C ‹Petrus, gavisae sunt turbae. Niceta vero dicere hoc›; D ‹vis priorem dicere, non morabor.›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column's first printed syllable 'morum' ends 'plurimorum', set whole in col. 1372. Foot-note call 54 after 'inveniet' removed; the foot notes 54 (on the Leipzig manuscripts) and 55 (Matth. XXIII, 9), and Cotelier's note (48) at the page foot, are editors' matter and not set. In the numeral of chapter VII the middle stroke is damaged type (printed as a point). 'prosequentur' is set as printed. The running head's second half is read from the facing column's image.

PG 1:1374

prius dicere, sive hoc magis placet ut ego dicam, nihil interest, apud eos praecipue, qui bona venia disputant. Dic tamen tu prior, libenter accipio, atque utinam possis etiam quae a me dicenda sunt prosequi, atque his quae contraria sunt objicere, et ex utrorumque collatione ostendere veritatem. Niceta respondit : Si vis, inquit, possum etiam tuas partes dicere, et ad haec respondere. Et senex : Ostende mihi prius, quomodo potes scire ea quae nondum locutus sum, et ita tibi credam, quod partes meas prosequi possis. Et Niceta : Secta, inquit, tua et sententia quam definisti, manifesta est his qui eruditi sunt in hujusmodi disciplinis, certaque est ejus consequentia. Et quia ego non sum ignarus quae sint definitiones philosophorum, ex his quae proposuisti, quid consequatur agnosco, maxime quia prae caeteris philosophis Epicuri scholas frequentavi. Frater autem meus Aquila, magis Pyrrhonios secutus est, alius autem frater noster Platonicos et Aristotelicos; itaque cum eruditis tibi auditoribus sermo est. Tum senex : Bene, inquit, et consequenter docuisti, quomodo ex his quae propositae sunt definitionibus, etiam ea quae consequuntur adverteres. Sed ego amplius aliquid professus sum, quam sentit Epicurus, quia introduxi genesim, eamque causam omnium gestorum hominibus posui.

to speak first, or whether this pleases you more, that I should speak, it makes no difference, especially among those who dispute with good grace. Yet do you speak first, I gladly accept it; and would that you could also pursue the things that are to be said by me, and set against them the things that are contrary, and from the comparing of both show the truth. Niceta answered: If you wish, I can also speak your part, and answer to it. And the old man said: Show me first how you can know the things which I have not yet spoken, and so I shall believe you, that you can pursue my part. And Niceta said: Your sect and the opinion which you have laid down are manifest to those who are instructed in disciplines of this kind, and what follows from it is certain. And because I am not ignorant what the definitions of the philosophers are, from the things which you have proposed I recognize what follows, especially because beyond the other philosophers I have frequented the schools of Epicurus. But my brother Aquila has followed rather the Pyrrhonians, and our other brother the Platonists and Aristotelians; and so your discourse is with learned hearers. Then the old man said: Well and consistently have you shown how, from the definitions which have been proposed, you would also perceive the things that follow. But I have professed something more than Epicurus holds, because I have brought in genesis, and have set it down as the cause of all deeds for men.

VIII. Cumque haec senex dixisset, ego Clemens aio ad eum : Audi, Pater, si a te frater meus Niceta obtinuerit, quia non sine Dei providentia mundus agitur, in ista parte quae superest de genesi, ego tibi potero respondere; est enim mihi notitia hujus scientiae. Et cum haec dixissem, frater meus Aquila : Quid necesse est, inquit, ut eum patrem vocemus, cum in mandatis habeamus neminem super terram patrem vocare? Et post haec respiciens ad senem : Non injuriose, inquit, accipias, Pater, quod fratrem meum culpavi, quia te patrem vocaret; habemus enim tale mandatum, ne aliquem nomine isto vocitemus. Cumque haec dixisset Aquila, risit omnium astantium coetus una cum sene et Petro. Aquila autem requirente causam, cur omnes riserint, aio ad eum : Quod tu in quo alios culpas, id ipse facis, qui senem appellaveris patrem. At ille negabat, dicens : Vere nescio si eum patrem vocavi. Interea Petrus movebatur suspicionibus quibusdam, sicut ipse nobis enarravit postmodum, et respiciens

VIII. And when the old man had said these things, I, Clement, say to him: Hear, Father; if my brother Niceta shall have prevailed with you that the world is not carried on without the providence of God, in that part which remains, concerning genesis, I shall be able to answer you; for I have acquaintance with this science. And when I had said these things, my brother Aquila said: What need is there that we should call him father, when we have it among the commandments to call no one upon earth father? And after this, looking towards the old man, he said: Do not take it as an insult, Father, that I blamed my brother because he called you father; for we have such a commandment, that we should not call anyone by that name. And when Aquila had said these things, the whole gathering of bystanders laughed, together with the old man and Peter. And when Aquila asked the reason why they all laughed, I say to him: Because you yourself do that for which you blame others, in that you have called the old man father. But he denied it, saying: Truly I do not know whether I called him father. Meanwhile Peter was being moved by certain suspicions, as he himself afterwards related to us, and looking

Editors' notes and page, col. 1374

Footnotes

(85) ‹anchor: isto vocitemus› · call in col 1374

Matth. XXIII, 9.

Matthew 23:9.

COTELERII NOTAE.

Notes of Cotelier.

(printed under page 684)

Page

running head: RECOGNITIONUM LIB. VIII. 1374
marginal letters: A ‹prius dicere, sive hoc magis placet ut ego dicam,›; B ‹proposuisti, quid consequatur agnosco, maxime›; C ‹agitur, in ista parte quae superest de genesi, ego›; D ‹Interea Petrus movebatur suspicionibus quibusdam,›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the last word 'respi-' is completed as 'respiciens' from the first line of col. 1375. Note calls (48) after 'Aristotelicos' and 55 after 'vocitemus' removed; foot note 55 gives Matth. XXIII, 9 (not printed in the text). The foot notes and Cotelier's note (48) at the page foot are editors' matter, not set. A dark vertical flaw crosses the line ends at 'Pyrrhonios', 'Platonicos', 'eruditis', 'Niceta', 'mundus'; all are legible.

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ad Nicetam : Expedi, inquit, quod proposuisti.

towards Niceta, he said: Set forth what you have proposed.

IX. Tum Niceta hoc modo exorsus est : Omne quod est, aut simplex est aut compositum. Quod simplex est, caret numero, divisione, colore, differentia, asperitate, lenitate, pondere, levitate, qualitate, quantitate, et ob hoc etiam fine. Quod vero compositum est, aut ex duobus aut ex tribus aut etiam ex quatuor compositum est, aut certe ex pluribus, et quae composita sunt, necessario etiam dividi possunt. Et senex audiens haec : Optime, inquit, et doctissime dicis, fili. Et Niceta : Igitur illud quod simplex est et his omnibus caret, quibus solvi quod subsistit, potest, sine dubio incomprehensibile et immensum est, neque initium ullum neque finem sciens, et ideo unum et solum est, et sine auctore subsistens. Quod autem compositum est, et numero ac diversitati divisionique subjacet, necessario auctore aliquo compositum est, atque in unam speciem diversitas congregata. Quod ergo immensum est, bonitate pater est, virtute conditor. Neque ergo condendi virtus in immenso cessare potuit, neque bonitas otiari, sed ad substituenda ea quae sunt, bonitate, ad componenda et firmanda, virtute provocatur. Substituuntur ergo et componuntur quaedam, ut diximus, ex duobus vel ex tribus, quaedam vero ex quatuor, alia ex pluribus. Sed quoniam nunc nobis de mundi ratione quaeritur et de substantia ejus, quam ex quatuor elementis esse compositam constat, cui omnes illae decem differentiae quas supra comprehendimus accidunt, ab his inferioribus incipientes gradibus, ad superiora veniemus. Via enim nobis ad intellectualia et invisibilia ab his quae videmus et contrectamus datur, sicut continetur in arithmeticis disciplinis, ubi cum de divinis quaeritur, ab inferioribus ad superiores numeros ascenditur, cum vero de praesentibus et visibilibus ratio exponitur, de superioribus ad inferiores numeros ordo dirigitur. Aut non ita est?

IX. Then Niceta began in this manner: Everything that is, is either simple or composite. What is simple lacks number, division, colour, difference, roughness, smoothness, weight, lightness, quality, quantity, and on this account also end. But what is composite is composed either of two or of three or even of four, or at any rate of more, and things that are composite can of necessity also be divided. And the old man, hearing these things, said: You speak excellently and most learnedly, my son. And Niceta said: Therefore that which is simple and lacks all these things by which that which subsists can be dissolved is without doubt incomprehensible and immeasurable, knowing neither any beginning nor end, and therefore it is one and alone, and subsisting without an author. But what is composite, and is subject to number and diversity and division, has of necessity been composed by some author, and is a diversity gathered into one form. What, therefore, is immeasurable is father by goodness, creator by power. Neither, therefore, could the power of creating be idle in the immeasurable, nor the goodness be at leisure; but it is called forth by goodness to bring into being the things that are, by power to compose and make them firm. Therefore some things are brought into being and composed, as we have said, of two or of three, but some of four, others of more. But since inquiry is now being made by us about the account of the world and about its substance, which is agreed to be composed of four elements, to which all those ten differences which we have comprised above belong, beginning from these lower steps we shall come to the higher. For a way is given to us to intellectual and invisible things from those which we see and handle, as is contained in the arithmetical disciplines, where, when inquiry is made about divine things, one ascends from the lower to the higher numbers, but when an account is set out of present and visible things, the order is directed from the higher to the lower numbers. Or is it not so?

X. Et senex ait : Valde bene prosequeris. Et Niceta : De mundi nunc ergo ratione prosequendum est, cujus prima quaestio in duas partes dividitur. Quaeritur enim utrum factus sit, an non; et si quidem non est factus, ipse erit illud ingenitum, ex quo omnia. Si vero factus est, de hoc rursus quaestio in duas partes scinditur, utrumnam ex se ipso factus est, an ab alio. Et si quidem a semetipso est, excluditur sine dubio Providentia. Si Providentia non recipitur, frustra animus ad virtutem provocatur,

X. And the old man says: You proceed very well. And Niceta said: Now, therefore, we must proceed concerning the account of the world, of which the first question is divided into two parts. For it is asked whether it was made or not; and if indeed it was not made, it will itself be that unbegotten thing from which are all things. But if it was made, concerning this again the question is split into two parts, whether it was made from itself or by another. And if indeed it is from itself, Providence is without doubt excluded. If Providence is not admitted, in vain is the mind called forth to virtue,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1375

Footnotes

COTELERII NOTAE.

Notes of Cotelier.

(printed under page 685)

(49) ‹anchor: lemma as below; call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1375 (column not confirmed)

Quod simplex est, etc. Ad haec et sequentia forte respiciens auctor Disputationis contra Arium, tom. I Operum S. Athanasii, p. 135, scribit : Σὺ δὲ τί φής με [f. μοι] ἀΐδιον συντίθεσθαι τὸ θεῖον ; οὐκ ἐπηκροάσω ποτὲ Κλήμεντος τοῦ παρακολουθήσαντος Πέτρῳ τῷ ἀποστόλῳ, ὃς καθαιρεῖ τὴν τοιαύτην δόξαν ; Tu vero quid ais mihi, aeternum illum Deum ex partibus constitui ? Annon audivisti Clementem Petri apostoli sectatorem, qui hujusmodi opinionem subruit ? Lege Constit. apostol, vi, 11, ac Epitom. 17.

"What is simple," etc. Perhaps with an eye to this and what follows, the author of the Disputation against Arius, vol. I of the Works of St. Athanasius, p. 135, writes: "But what do you tell me [perhaps μοι, 'say to me'], that the eternal Godhead is put together? Have you never listened to Clement, who followed the apostle Peter, who overthrows such an opinion?" "But what do you say to me, that that eternal God is made up of parts? Have you not heard Clement, the follower of the apostle Peter, who overturns an opinion of this kind?" Read the Apostolic Constitutions 6.11, and the Epitome 17.

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Page

running head: 1373 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA.
marginal letters: A ‹ciens ad Nicetam : Expedi, inquit, quod proposuisti.›; B ‹sine auctore subsistens. Quod autem compositum›; C ‹decem differentiae quas supra comprehendimus ac-›; D ‹quo omnia. Si vero factus est, de hoc rursus quae-›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the running head prints the column number as 1373 where 1375 is due (a misprint in the head, not in the text). The column's first printed syllable 'ciens' ends 'respiciens', set whole in col. 1374. The last word 'pro-' is completed as 'provocatur' from the first line of col. 1376. Note call (49) after 'simplex est' removed; Cotelier's note (49) at the page foot is editors' matter, not set.

PG 1:1376

frustra justitia custoditur, quippe si non est qui justo pro meritis aliquando restituat. Sed ne anima quidem ipsa immortalis videbitur, si eam post absolutionem corporis nullius providentiae excipiat dispensatio.

in vain is justice kept, seeing that there is no one who may at some time make return to the just man according to his merits. But not even the soul itself will seem immortal, if after its release from the body the dispensation of no providence receives it.

XI. Jam si doceatur esse Providentia, et per ipsam factus esse mundus, alia rursus quae discutiantur occurrunt; requiretur enim quo modo sit Providentia, utrum generaliter erga omnia, an specialiter erga partes, an et generaliter erga partes, an et generaliter erga omnia et specialiter erga partes. Generalis autem intelligitur hoc modo, quasi ab initio Deus faciens mundum ordinem dederit rebus e⟨t⟩ cursum statuerit, et ultra eorum curam quae geruntur, habere cessaverit. Specialis vero erga partes hoc modo est, ut quorumdam quidem vel hominum vel locorum providentiam gerat, quorumdam vero non gerat. Generalis autem omnium et specialis partium simul hoc modo est, quasi et ab initio omnia fecerit Deus, et usque ad finem per singulos quosque providentiam gerat, et unicuique reddat pro actibus suis.

XI. Now if it be shown that there is a Providence, and that the world was made through it, other things again present themselves to be examined; for it will be asked in what manner Providence exists, whether generally towards all things, or specially towards parts, or also generally towards parts, or both generally towards all things and specially towards parts. Now the general is understood in this manner: as though God, making the world from the beginning, gave an order to things and established their course, and ceased to have any further care of the things that are done. But the special towards parts is in this manner: that He exercises providence over certain men or places, but over certain others does not exercise it. But the general over all and the special over parts together is in this manner: as though God both made all things from the beginning, and exercises providence even to the end over each one singly, and renders to each one according to his acts.

XII. Prima ergo illa propositio, quae dicit, quia ab initio Deus fecerit omnia, et cursu atque ordine rebus imposito de reliquo nihil ad se revocet, secundum genesim geri cuncta confirmat. Ad hoc ergo primo respondebimus, et his praecipue qui deos colunt et genesim defendunt, qui utique cum immolant diis et exorant eos, sine dubio contra genesim se impetraturos aliquid sperant, et per hoc genesim solvunt. Cum vero rident qui ad virtutem provocant et ad continentiam cohortantur, et dicunt, quia nemo potest facere aliquid aut pati, nisi quod ei fato decretum est, omnes profecto cultum Divinitatis abscindunt. Quid enim colas eos, a quibus promereri nihil possis, quod non patiatur ratio decreti? Haec interim adversus illos dicta sunt. Ego vero mundum dico a Deo factum, et ab ipso quandoque esse solvendum, ut ille appareat qui aeternus est et ad hoc factus, ut semper sit et dignos se recipiat judicio Dei. Quod autem sit alius invisibilis mundus, qui hunc visibilem intra semetipsum contineat, posteaquam de visibili mundo discusserimus, tunc et ad illum veniemus.

XII. That first proposition, therefore, which says that God made all things from the beginning, and, a course and order having been imposed on things, for the rest refers nothing back to Himself, affirms that all things are done according to genesis. To this therefore we shall answer first, and especially to those who worship gods and defend genesis, who assuredly, when they sacrifice to the gods and entreat them, without doubt hope that they will obtain something against genesis, and by this they dissolve genesis. But when they laugh at those who call men to virtue and exhort them to continence, and say that no one can do or suffer anything except what has been decreed for him by fate, they all assuredly cut off the worship of the Divinity. For why should you worship those from whom you can earn nothing which the terms of the decree do not allow? These things have meanwhile been said against them. But I say that the world was made by God, and is at some time to be dissolved by Him, that that world may appear which is eternal and was made for this, that it may always be and may receive those who are worthy of it by the judgement of God. But that there is another, invisible world, which contains this visible one within itself, after we have examined the visible world, then we shall come to that one also.

XIII. Nunc interim, quia factus sit mundus iste visibilis, testantur etiam philosophorum plurimi sapientes viri. Sed ne videamur quasi egentes assertionibus uti voluisse testibus, de principiis ejus, si videtur, quaeramus. Corporeum esse mundum

XIII. Now meanwhile, that this visible world was made, very many wise men among the philosophers also testify. But lest we should seem, as though in want of proofs, to have wished to use witnesses, let us inquire, if it seems good, concerning its first principles. That the world

Editors' notes and page, col. 1376

Footnotes

(50) ‹anchor: mundum dico› · call in col 1376

Ego vero mundum, etc. De duplici mundo remitto te ad Platonicos et Philonem : ex nostris vero ad Clementem Alexandr. Strom. v, pag. 593, 599 ; Origenem, homil. 3 in Canticum canticorum, et tom. xix in Joannem ; Eusebium, Praeparat. evangel. lib. xi, cap. 23, 24 ; Augustinum, i Retractationum, 3, et falsum Ambrosium in I Corinth. vi, 2.

"But I [say that] the world," etc. On the twofold world I refer you to the Platonists and Philo; and among our own writers to Clement of Alexandria, Stromata 5, pp. 593, 599; Origen, homily 3 on the Song of Songs, and tome 19 on John; Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel, bk. 11, chs. 23, 24; Augustine, Retractations 1.3; and the false Ambrose on 1 Corinthians 6:2.

(printed under page 685)

Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1376
marginal letters: A ‹vocatur, frustra justitia custoditur, quippe si non›; B ‹hoc modo est, ut quorumdam quidem vel hominum›; C ‹se impetraturos aliquid sperant, et per hoc genesim›; D ‹XIII. Nunc interim, quia factus sit mundus iste›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column's first printed word 'vocatur,' ends 'provocatur,', set whole in col. 1375. In 'rebus et cursum' the t of 'et' is damaged type (prints like a colon). Note call (50) after 'mundum dico' removed; Cotelier's notes at the page foot are editors' matter, not set. The column ends mid-sentence at 'Corporeum esse mundum'; the English gives 'That the world' and breaks off there. 'ad hoc factus' may mean 'made for this' or refer to the visible world; UNSURE of the antecedent of 'se' in 'dignos se'. The last line of note (49), called in col. 1375, is printed at the head of this column's foot ('Lege Constit. apostol., vi, 11, ac Epitom. 17.'); it belongs under col. 1375 (pointer added by QA Q4; col. 1375's notes file not checked here).

PG 1:1377

hunc visibilem, eo ipso quod est visibilis, satis constat. Omne autem corpus duas recipit differentias; aut enim connexum est et solidum, aut divisum et separatum. Et si quidem connexum fuit et solidum corpus ex quo mundus factus est, et per diversas species partesque secundum differentias sui corpus illud partitum est et divisum, necesse est intelligi fuisse aliquem qui corpus quod erat connexum et solidum dirimeret, atque in partes multas duceret formasque diversas. Aut si ex diversis dispersisque corporum partibus omnis mundi haec moles composita est et compaginata, necesse est nihilominus intelligi fuisse aliquem qui in unum dispersas colligeret et diversas rebus species indueret.

this visible one, is corporeal is sufficiently established by the very fact that it is visible. Now every body admits two differences; for it is either connected and solid, or divided and separate. And if indeed the body from which the world was made was connected and solid, and that body was parted and divided through diverse forms and parts according to its own differences, it must needs be understood that there was someone who sundered the body which was connected and solid, and drew it out into many parts and diverse shapes. Or if this whole mass of the world was composed and joined together out of diverse and scattered parts of bodies, it must none the less be understood that there was someone who gathered the scattered parts into one and clothed things with diverse forms.

XIV. Et quidem plures philosophorum hoc magis sensisse scio, quod ex uno corpore, quam illi materiam vocant, divisiones ac discretiones conditor fecerit Deus; quod tamen ex quatuor simplicibus, et in unum tempera⟨m⟩ento quodam divinae Providentiae admistis constaret elementis. Nam illud superfluo a quibusdam dictum puto, quod simplex corpus, id est absque ulla conjunctione sit mundi, cum constet nec corpus posse esse quod simplex est, neque misceri posse aut propagari vel solvi; quae omnia utique mundi corporibus videmus accidere. Quo modo enim solveretur, si esset simplex

XIV. And indeed I know that the greater number of the philosophers have rather held this, that out of one body, which they call matter, God the creator made divisions and distinctions; which body, nevertheless, consisted of four simple elements, and these mingled into one by a certain tempering of divine Providence. For I think that to have been needlessly said by some, that the body of the world is simple, that is, without any conjunction, since it is established that what is simple can neither be a body, nor be mixed or propagated or dissolved; all which things we assuredly see happen to the bodies of the world. For how would it be dissolved, if it were simple

Editors' notes and page, col. 1377

Footnotes

COTELERII NOTAE.

Notes of Cotelier.

(printed under page 686)

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Nam illud superfluo a quibusdam dictum puto. A Xenophane, Parmenide ac Melisso.

"For I think that was said needlessly by certain men." By Xenophanes, Parmenides and Melissus.

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Callistratus qualitates. In Sexti Empirici Pyrrhoniis Hypotyposibus, lib. iii, cap. 4, id Stratoni physico tribuitur.

"Callistratus, qualities." In Sextus Empiricus's Pyrrhonian Outlines, bk. 3, ch. 4, this is attributed to Strato the natural philosopher.

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Alcmaeon contrarietates. Ἀλκμαίων vulgo ; qui Theodorito Ἀλκμάν, eodem vel simillimo nomine. Philosophi hujus ἐναντιότητας explicatas habes apud Aristotelem, lib. i Metaphysicorum, cap. 5.

"Alcmaeon, contrarieties." Commonly Alkmaion; who in Theodoret is Alkman, by the same or a very similar name. You have this philosopher's "contrarieties" set out in Aristotle, Metaphysics bk. 1, ch. 5.

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Anaxagoras aequalitates partium. Ὁμοιομέρειαν, vel ὁμοιομερείας.

"Anaxagoras, equalities of parts." Homoeomery [likeness of parts], or homoeomeries.

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Diodorus AMERE. Forte scripserat Rufinus Graece : ἀμερῆ. In Eclogis physicis Stobaei, cap. 13 : Διόδωρος ἐπίκλην Κρόνος, τὰ ἀμερῆ σώματα, ἄπειρα, τὰ δὲ αὐτὰ λεγόμενα καὶ ἐλάχιστα, ἄπειρα μὲν κατ' ἀριθμὸν, ὡρισμένα δὲ κατὰ τὸ μέγεθος. Dionysius Alexandrinus episcopus, in opere De natura, apud Eusebium Praeparat. Evangel., lib. xiv, c. 23 : Καὶ τούτων φασὶ τῶν ἀμερῶν ὀνοματοποιὸν Διόδωρον γεγονέναι. Lege Sextum Empiricum Pyrrhoniarum Hypotyposeon lib. iii, c. 4 ; in Mathematicos lib. viii, p. 367 ; et Chalcidium in Timaeum Platonis.

"Diodorus, amere." Perhaps Rufinus had written it in Greek: amerē [partless things]. In Stobaeus's Physical Extracts, ch. 13: "Diodorus, surnamed Cronus, [posits] the partless bodies, infinite, the same being also called least things; infinite in number, but determinate in size." Dionysius, bishop of Alexandria, in the work On Nature, in Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel, bk. 14, ch. 23: "And they say that Diodorus was the one who coined the name of these partless things." Read Sextus Empiricus, Pyrrhonian Outlines bk. 3, ch. 4; Against the Mathematicians bk. 8, p. 367; and Chalcidius on Plato's Timaeus.

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Asclepiades ὄγκους. Pergit Dionysius Alexandrinus, post citata verba, sic : ὄνομα δὲ, φασὶν, αὐτοῖς ἄλλο Ἡρακλείδης θέμενος, ἐκάλεσεν ὄγκους, παρ' οὗ καὶ Ἀσκληπιάδης ὁ ἰατρὸς ἐκληρονόμησε τὸ ὄνομα. Hoc est : Nomine autem, aiunt, alio illis imposito, Heraclides vocavit ὄγκους, hoc est moles seu massas ; a quo et Asclepiades medicus nomen velut haereditate accepit. Caetera apud Sextum Empiricum.

"Asclepiades, onkoi [masses]." Dionysius of Alexandria goes on, after the words cited, thus: "And Heraclides, they say, giving them another name, called them onkoi, from whom Asclepiades the physician also inherited the name." That is: "But, they say, another name having been given them, Heraclides called them onkoi, that is, bulks or masses; from whom Asclepiades the physician too received the name as if by inheritance." The rest is in Sextus Empiricus.

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Geometrae fines. Οἱ μαθηματικοὶ τὰ πέρατα τῶν σωμάτων. Sextus.

"The geometers, limits." "The mathematicians, the limits of bodies." Sextus.

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Democritus ideas. Primus enim Democritus, teste S. Irenaeo lib. ii, cap. 19, dixit, multas et varias ab universitate figuras expressas descendisse in hunc mundum. Ὁ δὲ Μιλήσιος Λεύκιππος, καὶ ὁ Χῖος Μητρόδωρος, διττὰς, ὡς ἔοικεν, καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀρχὰς ἀπελειπέτην, τὸ πλῆρες καὶ τὸ κενόν. Προσέθηκε δὲ λαβὼν τούτοιν τοῖν δυεῖν τὰ εἴδωλα ὁ Ἀβδηρίτης Δημόκριτος. Clemens Alexandrinus Protreptici p. 43. Id est, opinor : Leucippus autem Milesius, et Chius Metrodorus, duplicia, ut videtur, ipsi quoque reliquere principia, plenum et inane. Adjecit autem, mutuatus, duobus illis imagines Democritus Abderita. Mitto Ciceronem, et Minutium Felicem, cum aliis.

"Democritus, ideas." For Democritus was the first, as St. Irenaeus witnesses in bk. 2, ch. 19, to say that many and various figures, stamped out from the universe, came down into this world. "And Leucippus the Milesian and Metrodorus the Chian, they too, as it seems, left two principles, the full and the void. And Democritus of Abdera, taking these two, added the images." Clement of Alexandria, Protrepticus p. 43. That is, I think: "But Leucippus the Milesian and Metrodorus the Chian themselves also left, as it seems, twofold principles, the full and the empty. And Democritus of Abdera, borrowing them, added images to those two." I pass over Cicero and Minucius Felix, with others.

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Heraclitus ignem, Diogenes aerem. Ita sex codices mss. quibus usi sumus. Intellige vero Diogenem Apolloniatem.

"Heraclitus, fire; Diogenes, air." So the six manuscript codices that we have used. Understand, however, Diogenes of Apollonia.

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Parmenides terram. Cum igne : ut materiam cum opifice. Diogenes Laertius, Clemens Alexandrinus, Theodoritus, Cicero.

"Parmenides, earth." Together with fire: as matter with the craftsman. Diogenes Laertius, Clement of Alexandria, Theodoret, Cicero.

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Page

running head: 1377 RECOGNITIONUM LIB. VIII.
marginal letters: A ‹hunc visibilem, eo ipso quod est visibilis, satis›; B ‹sensisse scio, quod ex uno corpore, quam illi ma-›; C and D stand beside Cotelier's notes at the page foot, not beside the text
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column opens mid-sentence (the subject 'Corporeum esse mundum' closes col. 1376). The last word 'sim-' is completed as 'simplex' from the 'plex' at the head of col. 1378. In 'temperamento' the m is damaged type. Note call (51) after 'dictum puto' removed. More than half the column is Cotelier's notes (51)-(58), with Greek, under the caption COTELERII NOTAE: editors' matter, not set. The running head's end (LIB. VIII.) lies outside this column's image and is read from the facing column.

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nec haberet intra se aliud a quo resolvi ac dividi posset? Quod si ex duobus aut tribus, vel etiam ex quatuor constare corpora videntur, cui non etiam exiguum habenti sensum manifestum sit, quod fuerit aliquis qui in unum plura collegerit, et temperamenti moderatione servata, ex diversis partibus solidum corpus effecerit? Hunc igitur nos conditorem mundi dicimus Deum, hunc agnoscimus universitatis auctorem.

and had not within itself another thing by which it could be resolved and divided? But if bodies are seen to consist of two or three, or even of four, to whom, though he have even slight sense, would it not be manifest that there was someone who gathered several into one, and, the measure of the tempering being kept, made a solid body out of diverse parts? Him therefore we call God the creator of the world, Him we acknowledge as the author of the universe.

XV. Nam Graecorum philosophi de principiis mundi quaerentes, alius alia incessit via. Denique Pythagoras elementa principiorum numeros esse dicit, Callistratus qualitates, Alcmaeon contrarietates, Anaximandrus immensitatem, Anaxagoras aequalitates partium, Epicurus atomos, Diodorus amere, hoc est ex his in quibus partes non sunt, Asclepias ὄγκους, quod nos tumores vel elationes possumus dicere, Geometrae fines, Democritus ideas, Thales aquam, Heraclitus ignem, Diogenes aerem, Parmenides terram, Zenon, Empedocles, Plato ignem, aquam, aerem, terram; Aristoteles etiam quintum introducit elementum, quod ἀκατονόμαστον, id est incompellabile nominavit, sine dubio illum indicans, qui in unum quatuor elementa conjungens mundum fecerit. Sive igitur duo sive tria sive quatuor aut

XV. For the philosophers of the Greeks, inquiring about the first principles of the world, have gone one by one way, another by another. Thus Pythagoras says that the elements of the first principles are numbers, Callistratus qualities, Alcmaeon contrarieties, Anaximander immensity, Anaxagoras equalities of parts, Epicurus atoms, Diodorus amere, that is, things made of those in which there are no parts, Asclepias ὄγκους, which we may call swellings or elevations, the Geometers limits, Democritus ideas, Thales water, Heraclitus fire, Diogenes air, Parmenides earth, Zeno, Empedocles, Plato fire, water, air, earth; Aristotle also brings in a fifth element, which he named ἀκατονόμαστον, that is, unnameable, without doubt pointing to Him Who, joining the four elements into one, made the world. Whether therefore there be two or three or four or

Editors' notes and page, col. 1378

Footnotes

(61) ‹anchor: incompellabile nominavit› · call in col 1378

Aristoteles etiam quintum introducit elementum, quod acatonomaston (ἀκατονόμαστον), id est incompellabile nominavit, etc. Cicero Tusculan. quaest. lib. i : Aristoteles quintum genus adhibet, vacans nomine. Apud Laertium et Illustrium, in Aristotele : Εἶναι δὲ παρὰ τὰ τέσσαρα στοιχεῖα καὶ ἄλλο πέμπτον, ἐξ οὗ τὰ αἰθέρια συνεστάναι. Quibus similia in Theodoriti sermone De materia et mundo, in Justino Martyri attributis pag. 143 et 197 ; ex Philosopho lib. i De coelo, cap. 2, 3, in Stobaei Eclogis physicis, c. 13 ; in Attici Platonici opere adversus Aristotelem apud Eusebium Praep. evang. xv, 7, 8 ; in Sexti Hypotyposibus ubi supra, et opere in Mathematicos p. 433, necnon in Plutarcho lib. i De placitis philosophorum, cap. 3. Atque haec posui, cum ut illustrarem locum praesentem, ac exponerem sententiam Aristotelis alio per nostrum traductam, tum ut ab accusatione docti animadversoris Desiderii Heraldi defenderem verba Arnobii lib. ii : Qui quintum elementum principalibus applicat causis, non Aristoteli peripateticorum patri credit. Lege Philostratum, iii De vita Apollonii 11, Strabonem lib. xv, paulo post medium, De Brachmanibus, et Julianum imperat., orat. 5, pag. 303 ; item clarissimum Huetium in notis ad Origenem pag. 111. Rufinus contra Hieronymum : Nesciebam te ἀκατονόμαστον dici et incompellabilem nominari.

"Aristotle also brings in a fifth element, which he named acatonomaston (ἀκατονόμαστον), that is, unnameable," etc. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations bk. 1: "Aristotle adds a fifth kind, lacking a name." In Laertius and [the Lives] of the Illustrious [so printed], under Aristotle: "And that besides the four elements there is also another, a fifth, of which the ethereal things are composed." Like things are found in Theodoret's discourse On Matter and the World; in the works attributed to Justin Martyr, pp. 143 and 197; from the Philosopher, On the Heavens bk. 1, chs. 2, 3; in Stobaeus's Physical Extracts, ch. 13; in the work of Atticus the Platonist against Aristotle, in Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel 15.7, 8; in Sextus's Outlines as above, and in the work Against the Mathematicians p. 433; and also in Plutarch, On the Opinions of the Philosophers bk. 1, ch. 3. And I have set these down both to illustrate the present passage and to explain Aristotle's opinion, carried over elsewhere by our author, and also to defend against the charge of the learned critic Desiderius Heraldus the words of Arnobius, bk. 2: "He who assigns a fifth element to the principal causes does not believe Aristotle, the father of the Peripatetics." Read Philostratus, Life of Apollonius 3.11; Strabo, bk. 15, a little after the middle, On the Brahmans; and the emperor Julian, oration 5, p. 303; likewise the most distinguished Huet in his notes on Origen, p. 111. Rufinus against Jerome: "I did not know that you were called akatonomastos and named unnameable."

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Page

running head: RECOGNITIONUM LIB. VIII. 1378
marginal letters: A ‹plex nec haberet intra se aliud a quo resolvi ac›; B ‹Diodorus amere (55), hoc est ex his in quibus partes›; C and D stand beside Cotelier's notes at the page foot, not beside the text
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column's first printed syllable 'plex' ends 'simplex', set whole in col. 1377. Note calls (52)-(61) removed from the text. 'Asclepias' and 'amere' are set as printed (Cotelier's notes read Asclepiades and propose a Greek word for amere). Two Greek words stand in the Latin text and are kept in Greek in the English. More than half the column is Cotelier's notes (58)-(61), with Greek, under the caption COTELERII NOTAE: editors' matter, not set. A dark vertical flaw crosses the line ends at '(57)', 'Heraclitus', '(60)'; all legible.

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etiam plura sint, vel innumera ex quibus mundus constat, omni ex parte, qui plura in unum collegerit et rursus collecta in diversas species duxerit, ostenditur Deus, et probatur per haec non potuisse machinam mundi sine opifice et provisore constare.

even more, or innumerable things, of which the world consists, on every side God is shown to be the One Who gathered the many into one and again drew out what was gathered into diverse forms, and it is proved by these things that the fabric of the world could not have held together without a maker and provider.

XVI. Sed et hoc ipso quod in conjunctione elementorum, deficiente altero aut abundante, caetera resolvuntur et concidunt, ostenditur ex nihilo ea accepisse principium. Nam verbi gratia si deficiat in aliquo humor, nec aridum stabit; humore enim pascitur aridum sicut et frigus calido, in quibus, ut diximus, si alterum deficiat, penitus cuncta solvuntur, et in hoc originis suae qu⟨i⟩a ex nihilo facta sunt, produntur indicia. Quod si materia ipsa probatur esse facta, quomodo partes ejus et species ex quibus mundus constat, videbuntur infectae? Sed de materia et qualitatibus non est nunc dicendi locus; hoc solum docuisse sufficiat, Deum esse omnium conditorem, quia neque si solidum et connexum fuit corpus ex quo mundus constat, dirimi et discerni sine conditore, neque si ex diversis et discretis partibus in unum collectum est, congregari et misceri sine artifice potuit. Igitur si mundi conditor Deus esse tam evidenter ostenditur, qui erit Epicuro locus introducendi atomos, et asserendi quod ex corpusculis insensibilibus non solum sensibilia corpora, sed et mentes intellectuales ac rationales fiant?

XVI. But also by this very fact, that in the conjunction of the elements, when one is lacking or overabounds, the rest are dissolved and collapse, it is shown that they took their beginning from nothing. For, by way of example, if moisture be lacking in anything, neither will the dry stand; for the dry is fed by moisture, as also cold by heat; in which, as we have said, if one be lacking, all are utterly dissolved, and in this the tokens of their origin are betrayed, that they were made from nothing. But if matter itself is proved to have been made, how will its parts and the forms of which the world consists seem unmade? But this is not now the place for speaking of matter and qualities; let it suffice to have shown this alone, that God is the creator of all things, because neither, if the body of which the world consists was solid and connected, could it be sundered and distinguished without a creator, nor, if it was gathered into one from diverse and separate parts, could it be assembled and mixed without a craftsman. Therefore, if God is so evidently shown to be the creator of the world, what room will there be for Epicurus to bring in atoms, and to assert that from insensible little bodies not only sensible bodies but also intellectual and rational minds come to be?

XVII. Sed dices, ut Epicuro visum est : Continuationes atomorum indesinenti cursu venientium, per immensa et sine fine tempora miscentium se atque in unum conglobantium, corpora solida efficiuntur. Non venio ad haec, ut rem fabulosam et inepte compositam dicam; videamus magis si qualecunque istud est, potest stare quod dicitur. Aiunt enim corpuscula ipsa quae atomos appellant, diversis esse qualitatibus, et alia quidem humida et ob hoc gravia ac deorsum tendentia, alia vero arida et terrena atque ob hoc nihilominus gravia, alia autem ignea et ob hoc sursum semper nitentia, alia vero frigida et ob hoc pigra et semper media. Quomodo ergo cum alia semper sursum tendant utpote ignea, et alia semper deorsum utpote humida et arida, alia vero media et non aequali cursu incedant, coire simul potuerunt et unum corpus efficere? Si quis enim de superioribus, verbi gratia minutissimas paleas, et ad eamdem magnitudinem minutissimi plumbi particulas deorsum jaciat, nunquid poterunt quamvis aequales sint magnitudine, leves paleae partes plumbi particulas consequi? longe enim velocius ad imum graviora perveniunt. Ita ergo et atomi, etiamsi magnitudine aequales sint, pondere tamen inaequales, nunquam poterunt quae leves sunt consequi graviores; q⟨u⟩od si consequi non possunt, sine dubio nec misceri nec corpus efficere.

XVII. But you will say, as it seemed to Epicurus: Successions of atoms coming in an unceasing course, mingling themselves through immeasurable and endless times and massing together into one, are made into solid bodies. I do not come to this, to call the thing fabulous and ineptly put together; let us rather see whether, of whatever sort it is, what is said can stand. For they say that those little bodies themselves which they call atoms are of diverse qualities, and that some are moist and on this account heavy and tending downwards, but others dry and earthy and on this account none the less heavy, but others fiery and on this account always striving upwards, and others cold and on this account sluggish and always in the middle. How then, since some always tend upwards, as being fiery, and others always downwards, as being moist and dry, while others are in the middle and move with an unequal course, were they able to come together and make one body? For if anyone were to throw down from above, for example, the very smallest bits of chaff, and particles of the very smallest lead of the same size, will the light pieces of chaff, although they are equal in size, be able to overtake the particles of lead? For heavier things reach the bottom far more swiftly. So therefore the atoms also, even if they are equal in size, yet being unequal in weight, those which are light will never be able to overtake the heavier; but if they cannot overtake them, without doubt neither can they be mixed nor make a body.

XVIII. Tum deinde si indesinenter feruntur et

XVIII. Then, next, if they are borne along unceasingly and

Editors' notes and page, col. 1379

Footnotes

COTELERII NOTAE.

Notes of Cotelier.

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(62) ‹anchor: quae atomos appellant› · call in col 1379

Aiunt enim corpuscula ipsa quae atomos appellant, etc. Non hoc dicebat Epicurus ; imo atomis tribuebat solummodo figuram, magnitudinem et pondus.

"For they say that those very little bodies which they call atoms," etc. Epicurus did not say this; on the contrary, he assigned to atoms only shape, size and weight.

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Page

running head: 1379 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA.
marginal letters: A ‹etiam plura sint, vel innumera ex quibus mundus›; B ‹quibus mundus constat, videbuntur infectae? Sed›; C ‹immensa et sine fine tempora miscentium se atque›; D ‹enim de superioribus, verbi gratia minutissimas›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column opens and closes mid-sentence. Damaged type: the i of 'quia' (ex nihilo facta) and the u of 'quod' (si consequi non possunt). Note call (62) after 'atomos appellant' removed; Cotelier's note (62) at the page foot is editors' matter, not set. The running head's end (OPERA DUBIA.) lies outside this column's image and is read from the facing column.

PG 1:1380

semper veniunt, et rebus quarum jam mensura integra constat, adduntur, quomodo stare universitas potest, cum tam immensis ponderibus nova semper pondera cumulentur? Sed et illud requiro, si paulatim coeuntibus corpusculis exstruebatur hic quem videmus ambitus coeli, quomodo non in eo illico cum consurgeret corruit? si quidem hians machinae ipsius summitas, nullis suffulta repagulis stringeretur. Sicut enim qui aedificiorum tholos in circulum instruunt, nisi conclusionem medii verticis strinxerint, universum pariter solvitur; ita et mundi circulus, quem tam decora specie collectum videmus, si non subito et sub uno divinae virtutis rotatu potentia conditoris effectus est, sed paulatim concurrentibus atomis et instruentibus, non ut ratio petebat, sed ut fortuitus incidisset eventus, quomodo non prius quam colligi posset et concludi, dilapsus est et dissolutus? Ad haec etiam illud requiro, quod sit munimen, super quod tam immensae molis jacta sint fundamenta? Et rursus illud ipsum quod dixeris munimen, super quid jaceat? Et item illud aliud, super quid? et eousque interrogando progrediar, donec responsio ad nihil et inane perveniat.

are always coming, and are added to things of which the measure already stands complete, how can the universe stand, when upon such immeasurable weights new weights are always being heaped? But this also I ask: if this circuit of heaven which we see was being built up by little bodies coming together little by little, how did it not straightway collapse in the very act of rising? seeing that the gaping summit of the fabric itself was held together by no bars to prop it. For just as with those who build the domes of buildings in a circle, unless they have bound the closure of the central crown, the whole comes apart together; so also the circle of the world, which we see gathered together in so comely a form, if it was not brought about suddenly and under one revolution of divine might by the power of the creator, but by atoms running together and building little by little, not as reason required, but as chance event had fallen out, how did it not, before it could be gathered and closed, fall apart and dissolve? In addition to this I ask this also: what is the support upon which the foundations of so immeasurable a mass have been laid? And again, that very thing which you shall have called the support, upon what does it lie? And likewise that other, upon what? And I shall go on asking so far, until the answer comes to nothing and the void.

XIX. Quod si dicat aliquis, quia atomi igneae qualitatis conjunctae sibi corpus unum fecerunt, et quia ignis qualitas non deorsum sed sursum tendit, impositam mundi molem ad superiora semper nitens ignis natura subvectat; ad haec respondebimus: Quomodo potuerunt atomi igneae qualitatis, quae semper ad superiora contendunt, in inferiora descendere, et in profundo ac sub omnia demerso inveniri loco? Cum utique graviores quaeque, id est terrenae vel humidae qualitates praeveniant, ut diximus, leviores, unde et coelum velut superiorum fabricam igneis atomis, quae et leviores sunt et sursum semper fugiunt, asserunt structam. Neque ergo fundamenta ignis aut alia ulla habere mundus potest, neque atomis gravioribus cum levioribus, id est his quae deorsum semper praecipitantur et his quae semper sursum fugiunt, societas aut compaginatio ulla conveniat. Igitur quod impossibile sit ex atomorum conjunctione corpora mundi solidari, sufficienter dictum, et quod non potuerint insensibilia corpora, etiamsi ulla ratione coire et connecti potuissent, formas dare corporibus, et mensuras, membra fingere, vel qualitates efficere, vel exprimere quantitates; quae utique omnia modulatione sui, manum testantur artificis et opus rationis ostendunt, quam rationem ego Verbum et Deum appello.

XIX. But if anyone should say that atoms of a fiery quality, joined to one another, made one body, and that, because the quality of fire tends not downwards but upwards, the nature of fire, always striving towards the higher regions, bears up the mass of the world laid upon it; to this we shall answer: How were atoms of a fiery quality, which always press towards the higher regions, able to descend to the lower, and to be found in a place deep and sunk beneath all things? Since assuredly all the heavier ones, that is, the earthy or moist qualities, outstrip, as we have said, the lighter, whence also they assert that heaven, as the fabric of the higher regions, was built of fiery atoms, which are both lighter and always fly upwards. Therefore the world can have neither foundations of fire nor any others, nor would any fellowship or joining together befit the heavier atoms with the lighter, that is, those which are always hurled downwards and those which always fly upwards. Therefore, that it is impossible for the bodies of the world to be made solid from a conjunction of atoms has been sufficiently said, and that insensible bodies, even if they had been able by any means to come together and be connected, could not have given forms and measures to bodies, fashioned limbs, or produced qualities, or expressed quantities; all which things assuredly, by their own measured proportion, bear witness to the hand of a craftsman and show the work of reason, which reason I call the Word and God.

XX. Sed dicet aliquis haec a natura fieri. Jam in hoc de nomine controversia est. Cum enim constet mentis esse et rationis opus, hoc quod tu naturam vocas, ego Deum conditorem voco; constat nec potuisse nec posse vel corporum species tam necessariis distinctionibus institutas, vel animorum sensus,

XX. But someone will say that these things are done by nature. Now in this the controversy is about a name. For since it is established that it is the work of mind and reason, this which you call nature I call God the creator; it is established that neither the forms of bodies, set up with such necessary distinctions, nor the senses of minds, neither could have nor can

Editors' notes and page, col. 1380

Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA 1380
marginal letters: A ‹semper veniunt, et rebus quarum jam mensura in-›; B ‹petebat, sed ut fortuitus incidisset eventus, quo-›; C ‹ad superiora contendunt, in inferiora descendere,›; D ‹formas dare corporibus, et mensuras, membra fin-›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the last word is split at the column break: 'sen-' is printed here and 'sus,' at the head of col. 1381 (confirmed against the image of col. 1381 in QA Q3a); the word is set whole here as 'sensus'. Ink blots over 'incidisset', 'quae utique' and 'Verbum'; all read with confidence from the context and the visible letters. UNSURE of the sense of 'nullis suffulta repagulis stringeretur' (rendered as the summit being held together by no propping bars). Cotelier's note (62), continued at the page foot, is called in col. 1379 and belongs to that column's notes; not set here. The running head prints no full stop after DUBIA.

PG 1:1381

irrationabili opere et quod sensu careat effici. Quod si idonei tibi testes videntur philosophi, Plato de his testatur in Timaeo, ubi de mundi factura discutiens requirit, utrumnam semper fuerit, an initium sumpserit, et pronuntiat quia factus sit: Visibilis enim, inquit, est et palpabilis atque corporeus, omnia autem quae hujusmodi sunt, facta esse constat; quod autem factum est, aliquem habet sine dubio auctorem, a quo factum est. Hunc ergo, inquit, factorem parentemque omnium, et invenire difficile est et inventum vulgo enarrare impossibile. Haec quidem Plato dicit; sed et si ipse aliique Graecorum philosophi de factura mundi silere voluissent, nonne omnibus intellectum habentibus palam esset? Quis enim est exigui saltem sensus homo, qui cum cernat domum omnia quae ad usus necessaria sunt habentem, cujus cameram in sphaerae gyrum videat collectam, eamque vario splendore et diversis imaginibus depictam, luminaribus praecipuis et maximis adornatam; quis, inquam, est, qui hujusmodi fabricam videns, non statim pronuntiet a sapientissimo et potentissimo artifice constructam? Et ita quis invenietur insipiens, ut cum coeli opus inspiciat, splendorem solis cernat ac lunae, astrorum cursus et species et vias certis rationibus et temporibus videat definitas, non tam a sapiente haec artifice et rationabili, quam ab ipsa sapientia et ratione clamet effecta?

be brought about by an irrational work and by one that lacks sense. But if the philosophers seem to you suitable witnesses, Plato bears witness concerning these things in the Timaeus, where, discussing the making of the world, he inquires whether it has always been or took a beginning, and pronounces that it was made: For it is visible, he says, and palpable and corporeal, and all things that are of this kind are agreed to have been made; and what has been made has without doubt some author by whom it was made. This maker and parent of all things, therefore, he says, it is both difficult to find and, once found, impossible to declare to the common crowd. These things indeed Plato says; but even if he and the other philosophers of the Greeks had wished to be silent about the making of the world, would it not be plain to all who have understanding? For who is the man of even slight sense who, when he beholds a house having all the things that are necessary for use, whose vault he sees gathered into the round of a sphere, and painted with varied splendour and diverse images, adorned with lights pre-eminent and very great; who is there, I say, who, seeing a fabric of this kind, would not at once pronounce it constructed by a most wise and most powerful craftsman? And who will be found so foolish that, when he looks upon the work of heaven, beholds the splendour of the sun and of the moon, sees the courses and forms and paths of the stars defined by fixed reckonings and times, he would not cry out that these things were wrought not so much by a wise and rational craftsman as by wisdom and reason itself?

XXI. Quod et si secundum alios Graecorum philosophos audire vis, et mechanicis imbutus es disciplinis, de excelsis quae traduntur, non te sine dubio latent. Ponunt enim sphaeram aequaliter ex omni parte collectam, et ad omnia similiter respicientem, atque a centro terrae aequis spatiis distinctam, ipsaque sui aequalitate ita stabilem, ut eam in nullam partem declinare undique aequalitas collecta permittat; et ita a nullo fulcimento subvecta sustentatur sphaera. Quod si vere hanc habeat similitudinem mundi machina, evidens est opus in ea divinum Si vero, ut aliis visum est, super aquas posita sphaera vel super ipsas fertur, vel in ipsis volvitur, etiam sic magni in ea artificis opus declaratur.

XXI. But if you also wish to hear according to other philosophers of the Greeks, and are imbued with the mechanical disciplines, the things that are handed down concerning the heights are without doubt not hidden from you. For they posit a sphere gathered equally from every side, and looking alike towards all things, and set apart from the centre of the earth by equal distances, and so stable by its very equality that the equality gathered from every side permits it to incline to no side; and thus the sphere is sustained, borne up by no prop. But if the machine of the world truly has this likeness, the divine work in it is evident. But if, as has seemed good to others, the sphere, set upon the waters, is either borne upon them or revolves in them, even so the work of a great craftsman is declared in it.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1381

Footnotes

COTELERII NOTAE.

Notes of Cotelier.

(printed under page 688)

(63) ‹anchor: lemma as below› · call in col 1381

In Timaeo. Accipe integrum Platonis locum, non quidem ut citatur ab Eusebio, Theodorito, aliisque, sed quo modo legitur apud ipsum Platonem : Σκεπτέον οὖν δὴ περὶ αὐτοῦ (κόσμου) πρῶτον, ὅπερ ὑπόκειται περὶ παντὸς ἐν ἀρχῇ δεῖν σκοπεῖν, πότερον ἦν ἀεὶ, γενέσεως ἀρχὴν ἔχων οὐδεμίαν, ἢ γέγονεν, ἀπ' ἀρχῆς τινος ἀρξάμενος. Γέγονεν· Ὁρατὸς γὰρ, ἁπτός τέ ἐστι καὶ σῶμα ἔχων· πάντα δὲ τὰ τοιαῦτα, αἰσθητά· τὰ δὲ αἰσθητὰ, δόξῃ περιληπτὰ μετ' αἰσθήσεως, γιγνόμενα καὶ γενητὰ ἐφάνη. Τῷ δ' αὖ γενομένῳ φαμὲν, ὑπ' αἰτίου τινὸς ἀνάγκην εἶναι γενέσθαι. Τὸν μὲν οὖν ποιητὴν καὶ πατέρα τοῦδε τοῦ παντὸς, εὑρεῖν τε ἔργον, καὶ εὑρόντα, εἰς πάντας ἀδύνατον λέγειν.

"In the Timaeus." Take the whole passage of Plato, not indeed as it is cited by Eusebius, Theodoret and others, but as it is read in Plato himself: "We must then first consider concerning it (the world) what it is laid down that one must consider at the outset about anything: whether it always was, having no beginning of coming-to-be, or has come to be, having started from some beginning. It has come to be: for it is visible and tangible and has a body; and all such things are sensible; and sensible things, grasped by opinion together with sensation, were shown to be things that come to be and are generated. And for what has come to be, we say, there is a necessity that it came to be by some cause. Now to find the maker and father of this universe is a task, and having found him, to declare him to all is impossible."

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(64) ‹anchor: aquas posita sphaera› · call in col 1381

Si vero, ut aliis visum est, super aquas posita sphaera, etc. Aquas intellige inter firmamentum et coelum empyraeum.

"But if, as has seemed good to others, the sphere set upon the waters," etc. Understand the waters between the firmament and the empyrean heaven.

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Page

running head: 1381 RECOGNITIONUM LIB. VIII. 1382
marginal letters: A ‹sus, irrationabili opere et quod›; B ‹sensus homo, qui cum cernat›; C ‹plinis, de excelsis quae traduntur›; D ‹(63) In Timaeo. Accipe integrum› (in the foot notes)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column opens with "sus," the tail of a word hyphenated from col. 1380 (not seen); under the column-break rule it is not set in this column's file, and the English begins mid-sentence. "si lere" is printed with the line-end hyphen lost; set "silere". The stop after "divinum" is absent or lost in a smudge. Foot-note calls (63), after "Timaeo", and (64), after "sphaera", are dropped from the source line; both Cotelerii notae (with the Greek from Plato) are set above; the last words of (64) run over into the right half of the foot.

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XXII. Sed ne de his quae non omnibus palam sunt, incerta videatur assertio, ad ea veniamus quae neminem latent. Quis astrorum cursus tanta ratione disposuit, ortusque eorum et occasus instituit, certisque et demensis temporibus unicuique tenere coeli ambitum dedit? Quis ad occasum aliis semper tendere, aliis etiam redire in ortum permisit? Quis imposuit modum cursibus solis, ut horas et dies et menses et temporum vicissitudines diversis motibus signet, et nunc hiemem, inde ver, aestatem, post et autumnum certa cursus sui dimensione discernat, et semper eisdem vicibus anni orbem inconfusa varietate constringat? Quis, inquam, tanti ordinis moderatricem, non ipsam Dei pronuntiet sapientiam? Et haec quidem secundum illa nobis dicta sint, quae de excelsorum disciplinis traduntur a Graecis.

XXII. But lest the assertion seem uncertain concerning those things which are not plain to all, let us come to those which are hidden from no one. Who arranged the courses of the stars with such great reason, and established their risings and settings, and gave to each to hold the circuit of heaven in fixed and measured times? Who permitted some always to tend towards the setting, others also to return towards the rising? Who imposed a measure on the courses of the sun, so that by diverse motions it marks hours and days and months and the changes of the seasons, and distinguishes now winter, then spring, summer, and afterwards autumn by the fixed measure of its course, and always binds the circle of the year by the same alternations in unconfused variety? Who, I say, would not pronounce the governess of so great an order to be the very wisdom of God? And let these things have been said by us according to what is handed down by the Greeks concerning the disciplines of the heights.

XXIII. Quid autem et de his, quae vel in terris vel in mari videmus? nonne evidenter edocemur Dei in his non solum opus esse, sed et providentiam? Nam quod in terra montes excelsi certis quibusque habentur in locis, ut ex his velut compressus et coangustatus aer ordinatione Dei cogatur et exprimatur in ventos, ex quibus et fructus germen concipiant, et aestivus ardor temperiem sumat, cum Pleiades ignitae solis ardoribus incanduerint. Sed dices: Cur et ardor solis, ut temperies requiratur? Et quomodo fruges humanis usibus necessariae maturescerent? Sed et illud adverte, quod ad axem meridianum, ubi plus est caloris. non multa datur nubium constipatio, nec abundans copia imbrium funditur, ne morbus habitantibus generetur; humidae enim nubes, si calore rapido coquantur, aerem corruptum et pestiferum reddunt. Sed et terra calidum imbrem suscipiens, non nutrimenta segetibus, sed perniciem praebet; in quo quis dubitat opus esse divinae Providentiae? Denique Aegyptus, quia Aethiopicis e vicino flagrat ardoribus, ne insanabiles corruptelas aeris imbrium necessitate susciperet, campi ejus non pluviam nubibus ministratam, sed terrenum quodammodo imbrem Nilo inundante suscipiunt.

XXIII. And what also of those things which we see either on land or in the sea? Are we not plainly taught that in these there is not only the work of God but also His providence? For as to the fact that on the earth lofty mountains are held in certain several places, [it is] so that from these the air, as it were compressed and narrowed, may by the ordinance of God be forced and pressed out into winds, from which both the fruits may conceive their bud and the summer heat may receive tempering, when the Pleiades have grown hot, kindled by the burnings of the sun. But you will say: Why is there the heat of the sun at all, that tempering should be required? And how would the crops necessary for human uses ripen? But notice this also, that towards the southern pole, where there is more heat, no great massing of clouds is given, nor is an abundant supply of rains poured out, lest disease be generated for the inhabitants; for moist clouds, if they are cooked by fierce heat, render the air corrupt and pestilential. And the earth too, receiving warm rain, affords not nourishment to the crops but ruin; in which who doubts that there is the work of divine Providence? Lastly Egypt, since it burns with the Ethiopian heats from near at hand, lest it should receive incurable corruptions of the air through the necessity of rains, its plains receive not rain supplied by the clouds, but a kind of earthly rain, as it were, from the flooding Nile.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1382

Footnotes

(65) ‹anchor: lemma as below; call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1382 (column not confirmed)

Nam quod in terra montes excelsi, etc. Citatur a Beda, libro De natura rerum, cap. 26, ubi videndae Glossae incerti auctoris.

"For that there are lofty mountains on the earth," etc. It is cited by Bede, in the book On the Nature of Things, ch. 26, where the Glosses of an unknown author should be seen.

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(66) ‹anchor: cum Pleiades› · call in col 1382

Pleiades. Editio Basileensis, et libri R. et P. Pliades. Qua de lectione in Etymologico suo doctissimus Vossius, voce Virgiliae.

"Pleiades." The Basel edition, and the books R. and P., have Pliades. On this reading see the most learned Vossius in his Etymologicon, under the word Virgiliae.

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(67) ‹anchor: inundante suscipiunt› · call in col 1382

Terrenum quodammodo imbrem Nilo inundante suscipiunt. . . . . . . . . . . Coeloque vacante / Terrestrem pluviam diffusus porrigit amnis, de Nilo Alcimus Avitus Poematum lib. i ; apud Graecos vero Philo Judaeus i De vita Mosis, p. 634 : Ἐπεὶ καὶ γῆ πολλάκις ὑετὸν ἤνεγκεν. Ὁ γὰρ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ποταμὸς καθ' ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν ταῖς ἐπιβάσεσι πλημμυρῶν, ὅταν ἀρδεύῃ τὰς ἀρούρας, τί ἕτερον ἢ ὑετός (continues)

"They receive, in a manner, an earthly rain when the Nile floods." ". . . And while the sky is idle, the river, spread abroad, proffers an earthly rain," says Alcimus Avitus of the Nile, Poems bk. 1; and among the Greeks Philo the Jew, On the Life of Moses 1, p. 634: "Since the earth too has often brought forth rain. For the river in Egypt, overflowing every year with its risings, when it waters the fields, what else is it but rain (continues)

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Page

running head: 1381 RECOGNITIONUM LIB. VIII. 1382
marginal letters: A ‹XXII. Sed ne de his quae non›; B ‹nobis dicta sint, quae de excelsorum›; C ‹caloris. non multa datur nubium›; D ‹et coelum empyraeum.› (in the foot notes)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: "vicissitudines" has its first t damaged (prints like a colon). The point after "caloris" may be a comma with its tail lost. Foot-note calls (65), (66), (67) dropped; the Cotelerii notae at the foot are not set.

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XXIV. Quid de fontibus dicemus et fluviis, qui perenni in mare fluunt meatu? Et per divinam Providentiam nec illis abundans deficit cursus, nec mare tantas aquarum recipiens copias ullum sentit augmentum, sed in eadem mensura et ea quae conferunt, et ea quae ibi conferuntur elementa perdurant. Sed dicis mihi: Salsa aqua naturaliter consumit fluentum dulce, quod ei fuerit infusum. Et in hoc ergo manifestum est Providentiae opus, ut salsum faceret illud elementum, in quod cursus omnium aquarum, quas ad usum hominibus praestiterat, declinavit; uti ne per tanta saeculi spatia, repletus maris alveus inundationem perniciosam terris et hominibus redderet. Nec ita quisquam insipiens erit, ut hanc tantam rationem tantamque providentiam ab irrationabili natura arbitretur esse dispositam.

XXIV. What shall we say of the springs and rivers, which flow into the sea with a perennial course? And through divine Providence neither does their abundant flow fail them, nor does the sea, receiving such great supplies of waters, feel any increase, but both the elements that contribute and those that are there contributed to endure in the same measure. But you say to me: Salt water naturally consumes the sweet stream that has been poured into it. In this too, then, the work of Providence is manifest, that it made salt that element into which it turned the course of all the waters which it had furnished to men for use; so that, through such great spaces of time, the bed of the sea, being filled, should not bring a ruinous flood upon lands and men. Nor will anyone be so foolish as to judge that this so great reason and so great providence was arranged by an irrational nature.

XXV. Quid autem de virgultis, quid de animalibus dicam? Nonne per providentiam factum est, ut cum senecta temporis resolverentur, virgulta quidem vel plantis vel seminibus quae ipsa dederint, animalia vero per progeniem reparentur? Et mira quadam dispensatione Providentiae nascituro pecori lac praeparatur in uberibus, ac statim ut natum fuerit, nullo docente scit ubi alimoniae suae horrea requirat. Gignuntur autem non solum mares, sed et feminae, ut ex utroque possit rursus constare posteritas. Sed ne ut putant homines, viderentur haec naturae quodam ordine et non dispensatione fieri Conditoris, pauca quaedam ad indicium et documentum providentiae suae, mutato

XXV. And what shall I say of the shrubs, what of the animals? Was it not brought about through providence that, when they should be dissolved by the old age of time, the shrubs indeed should be renewed either by shoots or by seeds which they themselves have yielded, and the animals through offspring? And by a certain wonderful dispensation of Providence milk is prepared in the udders for the beast about to be born, and as soon as it has been born, with no one teaching it, it knows where to seek the storehouses of its nourishment. And not only males are begotten but also females, so that from both posterity may again subsist. But lest, as men suppose, these things should seem to come about by a certain order of nature and not by the dispensation of the Creator, a certain few things, for an indication and proof of His providence, with the order changed,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1383

Footnotes

COTELERII NOTAE.

Notes of Cotelier.

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(68) ‹anchor: lemma as below; call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1383 or 1384 (not visible)

Ut per os conciperet corvus, et per aurem mustela generaret. Licet ista lectio confirmari possit per ea quae in Aristotele iii De generatione animalium, 6, Plinio, lib. x, cap. 12 ; et Martiali Epigrammatum xiv, 74, de corvo leguntur : quia tamen vox corvus abest a sex libris mss. quos cum editis contuli, videtur scripsisse Rufinus : Ut per os conciperet, et per aurem mustela generaret ; qua de fabula dixi ad Barnabam. Sed nihil affirmo.

"That the raven should conceive through the mouth, and the weasel bring forth through the ear." Although this reading can be confirmed by what is read about the raven in Aristotle, On the Generation of Animals 3.6, Pliny, bk. 10, ch. 12, and Martial, Epigrams 14.74: yet since the word "raven" is absent from the six manuscript books that I have collated with the printed ones, Rufinus seems to have written: "That the weasel should conceive through the mouth and bring forth through the ear"; on which fable I have spoken on Barnabas. But I affirm nothing.

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(69) ‹anchor: lemma as below; call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1383 or 1384 (not visible)

Ova vel vento vel pulvere concepta. Ἀνεμιαῖα, ἀνεμίδια, ὑπηνέμια, ζεφύρια, οὔρια et οὔρινα, ventosa, subventanea, urina et inania. Ut intelligunt parvum ovum in his S. Irenaei verbis lib. iii, c. 15 : Si autem aliquis quasi parvum ovum deditum semet ipsum ipsis praebeat imitationi illorum, et redemptionem illorum consecutus est. Quem ego locum aliter soleo legere, ad hunc modum : Si autem aliquis quasi pravum ovum editum, semetipsum ipsis praebeat, initiatior illorum : κακὸν ὠὸν, juxta adagium κακοῦ κόρακος κακὸν ὠόν. Mali corvi malum ovum. Epiphanius haeresi 26, num. 1 De iisdem haereticis de quibus Irenaeus, ἀπὸ Νικολάου ὡς ἀπὸ οὐρίου ὠοῦ ὄφεως σκορπίοι ἢ ἐξ ἀσπίδων γεγεννημένοι. A Nicolao velut subventaneo serpentis ovo scorpii, sive aspidibus prognati.

"Eggs conceived either by wind or by dust." [In Greek] anemiaia, anemidia, hypenemia, zephyria, ouria and ourina: windy, wind-eggs, addled and empty. So they understand the "small egg" in these words of St. Irenaeus, bk. 3, ch. 15: "But if anyone, like a small egg, gives himself over to them, to the imitation of them, he has also obtained their redemption." Which passage I am accustomed to read otherwise, in this way: "But if anyone, like a bad egg that has been laid, offers himself to them, more fully initiated among them" [initiatior: the word is not fully clear on the scan]: "a bad egg", according to the proverb "A bad raven's bad egg." Epiphanius, heresy 26, no. 1, of the same heretics of whom Irenaeus speaks: "from Nicolaus, as from a serpent's wind-egg, scorpions, or creatures begotten of asps." "From Nicolaus, as from a serpent's wind-egg, scorpions, or the offspring of asps."

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(70) ‹anchor: lemma as below; call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1383 or 1384 (not visible)

Belluas. Vide not. ad S. Barnabae epistolam, c. 10, Patr. Gr. t. II. EDIT.

"Beasts." See the note on the Epistle of St. Barnabas, ch. 10, Patrologia Graeca vol. II. — Editor.

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(71) ‹anchor: lemma as below; call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1383 or 1384 (not visible)

Vespae quidem equinis. Sic vulgo. Sed turbant Servius ad Georgicon iv, et i Aeneidos, atque Isidorus Originum lib. xi et xii, cap. ult.

"Wasps indeed from horses' [carcasses]." So commonly. But Servius on Georgics 4 and Aeneid 1, and Isidore, Origins bks. 11 and 12, last chapter, confuse the matter.

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(72) ‹anchor: lemma as below; call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1383 or 1384 (not visible)

Ex fimo boum. Eadem est sententia Hori Apollinis lib. i Hieroglyph., cap. 10, atque Eustathii in Hexaemeron, p. 44. Alii scarabaeorum seu cantharorum ortum ad asini stercus et cadaver referunt ; unde et κάνθαρον ἀπὸ τοῦ κάνθωνος dictum volunt. Conciliari tamen in fimo possunt, ex Aristotele lib. v De historia animalium, cap. 19, ubi de μηλολόνθαις et κανθάροις. Omitto Hispalensem Isidorum, qui crabrones cum scarabaeis videtur confudisse. Apud S. Augustinum cap. 7 libri primi Retractationum, a multis stercorea haec origo vocatur in dubium, a multis ignoratur.

"From the dung of oxen." The same is the opinion of Horapollo, Hieroglyphica bk. 1, ch. 10, and of Eustathius on the Hexaemeron, p. 44. Others refer the origin of scarabs or beetles to the dung and carcass of the ass; whence they also hold that kantharos [beetle] is named from kanthon [pack-ass]. Yet they can be reconciled in the matter of dung, from Aristotle, History of Animals bk. 5, ch. 19, where he treats of cockchafers and beetles. I pass over Isidore of Seville, who seems to have confused hornets with scarabs. In St. Augustine, ch. 7 of the first book of the Retractations, this origin from dung is by many called into doubt, by many unknown.

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(73) ‹anchor: lemma as below; call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1383 or 1384 (not visible)

De ocimo scorpius. Traditur quoque apud Plinium Naturalis historiae lib. xx, cap. 12. Mox de asparagis (codex Regius asfaragi ἀσφάραγοι) lege idem magnum opus lib. xix, cap. 8.

"From basil, the scorpion." This is also handed down in Pliny, Natural History bk. 20, ch. 12. Next, on asparagus (the Royal codex has asfaragi, ἀσφάραγοι), read the same great work, bk. 19, ch. 8.

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Page

running head: 1383 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1384
marginal letters: A ‹XXIV. Quid de fontibus dicemus›; B ‹rationem tantamque providentiam›; C ‹dispensatione fieri Conditoris›; D ‹cus Gregorii Nazianzeni orat.› (in the foot notes)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: "deficit" has its d damaged (prints like "oeficit"); "statim" at the line break has damaged type. The column ends mid-sentence at "mutato" (the sentence runs on into col. 1384). The Cotelerii notae at the foot (continued from the previous page, with notes 68, 69, in Latin and Greek) are not set.

PG 1:1384

ordine genus servare jussit in terris, verbi gratia ut per os conciperet corvus, et per aurem mustela generaret, ut aves nonnullae sicut gallinae, interdum ova vel vento vel pulvere concepta parerent, alia quaedam animalia marem vicibus alternis in feminam verterent et sexum per annos singulos commutarent, ut lepores et hyaenae, quas belluas vocant, alia etiam ex terra orirentur atque inde sumerent carnem, ut talpae, alia ex cinere, ut viperae, alia ex putrefactis carnibus, ut vespae quidem equinis, apes autem bubulis, alia ex fimo boum, ut scarabaei, alia ex herbis, ut de ocimo scorpius, et rursus herbae ex animalibus, ut ex cornu cervi vel caprae apii et asparagi.

He commanded to preserve their kind on earth, for example that the raven should conceive through the mouth and the weasel bring forth through the ear, that some birds, such as hens, should at times lay eggs conceived either by wind or by dust, that certain other animals should turn the male into the female by alternate turns and change their sex year by year, as hares and hyenas, which they call monsters, that others again should arise from the earth and take their flesh from it, as moles, others from ash, as vipers, others from putrefied flesh, as wasps indeed from that of horses, but bees from that of oxen, others from the dung of oxen, as beetles, others from herbs, as the scorpion from basil, and again herbs from animals, as parsley and asparagus from the horn of a stag or of a she-goat.

XXVI. Et quid opus est plura enumerare, in quibus divina Providentia mutato ordine eo qui a natura datus putatur, multimodis differentiis nativitatem animalium constare voluit, ex quibus non irrationabilis rerum cursus, sed ipsius dispensatus ratione doceretur? Aut non et in hoc plenissimum demonstratur opus divinae Providentiae, ubi ex terra et aqua ad vitam hominum semina jacta reparantur? quae cum terrae fuerint mandata, voluntate Dei humorem quem susceperit gleba, velut uberibus suis seminibus immulget. Aquis enim inest quaedam vis spiritus a Deo dati ex initio, cujus opere habitus futuri corporis, in ipso statim semine formari incipit et per culmum spicamque restitui; turgefacto etenim ex humore seminum grano, per angustos quosdam venarum meatus

XXVI. And what need is there to enumerate more instances, in which divine Providence, with that order changed which is thought to be given by nature, willed that the birth of animals should subsist in manifold differences, from which there might be taught not an irrational course of things, but one dispensed by its own reason? Or is not the fullest work of divine Providence shown in this also, where seeds that are cast are renewed out of earth and water for the life of men? For when these have been committed to the earth, by the will of God the clod milks into the seeds, as from its own udders, the moisture which it has received. For there is in the waters a certain power of the spirit given by God from the beginning, by whose working the form of the future body begins to be shaped at once in the seed itself and to be restored through the stalk and the ear; for when the grain of the seeds has been swollen by the moisture, through certain narrow passages of the veins

Editors' notes and page, col. 1384

Page

running head: 1383 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1384
marginal letters: A ‹ordine genus servare jussit in terris›; B ‹XXVI. Et quid opus est plura›; C ‹que restitui; turgefacto etenim›; D ‹c. 10, Patr. Gr. t. II. EDIT.› (in the foot notes)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column begins mid-sentence (continuing "mutato" of col. 1383) and ends mid-sentence at "meatus". After "corporis" the point prints as a full stop set off by a space, apparently a comma with its tail lost; set as a comma. Damaged type in "plenissimum", "vitam", "reparantur", "voluntate" read from context of the visible letters. Foot-note calls (68)–(73) dropped; the Cotelerii notae at the foot are not set.

PG 1:1385

vis illa spiritus, quae inesse aquis data est, utpote incorporea transcurrens, ad incrementum semina suscitat et crescentium species format. Ministerio igitur humidi elementi, cui vitalis ille spiritus insitus semper et ingenitus est, efficitur ut non solum reparetur, sed ut per omnia similis species et forma his quae jacta fuerint seminibus redeat. Quae ratio cui vel brevem sensum habenti, per irrationabilem naturam, et non per divinam sapientiam constare videbitur? Denique etiam haec ad similitudinem humanae nativitatis formata sunt; videtur enim terra vulvae locum tenere, cui semen injectum per aquae et spiritus vim, sicut supra diximus, et formatur et alitur.

that power of the spirit which has been given to be in the waters, running through as being incorporeal, rouses the seeds to increase and forms the shapes of the things that grow. By the ministry, therefore, of the moist element, in which that vital spirit is always implanted and inborn, it is brought about not only that it is renewed, but that a shape and form like in all respects returns to those seeds which have been cast. To whom, having even a little sense, will this reason seem to subsist through an irrational nature and not through divine wisdom? Lastly, these things too have been formed after the likeness of human birth; for the earth seems to hold the place of the womb, into which the seed, being cast, is both formed and nourished through the power of water and spirit, as we said above.

XXVII. Sed et in hoc admiranda est divina Providentia, quod videre nos quidem et agnoscere facit quae fiunt, quo modo autem et qualiter fiant, in secreto posuit et occulto, ut non indignis ad agnitionem subjaceant, sed dignis et fidelibus cum meruerint, patefiant. Ut autem rebus ipsis et exemplis probemus, nihil omnino ex terrena substantia seminibus dari, sed totum ex elemento aquae et spiritus qui inest ei virtute constare, pone mihi verbi gratia in cratere aliquo amplissimae magnitudinis injici terrae talenta centum, et seminentur in eo diversae species seminum vel olerum vel etiam virgultorum, his praebeatur ad rigandum aqua sufficiens, et per annos plures habeatur ista diligentia, congregentur autem semina quae collecta fuerint, verbi gratia frumenti vel hordei aliarumque specierum per singulos annos seorsim, donec uniuscujusque seminis acervus ad centum talentorum pondus ascendat, tum etiam arbores avulsae radicitus appendantur, et his omnibus ex cratere sumptis appendatur terra, centum sua nihilominus talenta salva restituet. Unde ergo dicemus omne illud pondus, omnemque quantitatem seminum diversorum atque arborum surrexisse? nonne evidenter apparet, quia ex aquis? Terra enim quod suum est, integrum tenet, aqua vero quae per singula injecta est, nusquam prorsus est, ob potentem divinae conditionis virtutem, quae per unam aquae speciem tantorum seminum virgultorumque et substantias reparat, et species format, et genus fenore multiplicato custodit.

XXVII. But in this too divine Providence is to be admired, that it makes us indeed see and recognize the things that come to be, but how and in what manner they come to be it has placed in secret and in hiding, so that they may not lie open to the knowledge of the unworthy, but may be laid open to the worthy and faithful when they have deserved it. But that we may prove by the things themselves and by examples that nothing at all is given to the seeds from the earthy substance, but that the whole subsists from the element of water and by the power of the spirit which is in it, suppose with me, for example, that a hundred talents of earth are thrown into some basin of very ample size, and let there be sown in it diverse kinds of seeds, whether of vegetables or even of shrubs, let sufficient water be furnished to these for watering, and let this care be kept up through many years, and let the seeds that have been gathered be collected, for example of wheat or barley and of the other kinds, year by year separately, until the heap of each seed rises to the weight of a hundred talents, then also let the trees, torn up by the roots, be weighed, and when all these have been taken out of the basin let the earth be weighed: it will none the less give back its hundred talents intact. Whence then shall we say that all that weight, and the whole quantity of the diverse seeds and of the trees, has arisen? Does it not plainly appear that it is from the waters? For the earth holds entire what is its own, but the water which was poured in at each time is nowhere at all, on account of the mighty power of the divine creation, which through the one form of water both renews the substances of so many seeds and shrubs, and forms their shapes, and preserves the kind with interest multiplied.

XXVIII. Ex quibus omnibus satis abundeque patere puto, artifici sensu et non irrationabili naturae

XXVIII. From all which I think it is sufficiently and abundantly plain that by a craftsman's mind and not by the irrational

Editors' notes and page, col. 1385

Footnotes

(86-87) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1386 (col 1385 carries no call) Quae auctoritate cod. Parisinorum vetustissimorum in textum recepimus, in uncis ea includenda curavimus.

What we have received into the text on the authority of the very ancient Paris codices, we have taken care to have enclosed in brackets.

COTELERII NOTAE.

Notes of Cotelier.

(printed under page 690)

(74) ‹anchor: lemma as below; call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1386 (col 1385 carries no call)

Parvus in alio mundus. Codex Candelerianus, alius parvus mundus. Carmeliticus, alius in parvo mundus. Eodem sensu : Physici, inquit Macrobius lib. II in Somnium Scipionis cap. 12 : Mundum, magnum hominem, et hominem, brevem mundum esse dixerunt. Quod sic expressum est a Philone Judaeo libro Quis rerum divinarum haeres, p. 502 : Ἐναλλάττοντες, βραχὺν μὲν κόσμον τὸν ἄνθρωπον, μέγαν δὲ ἄνθρωπον ἔφασαν τὸν κόσμον εἶναι. De nomine microcosmo, minori mundo, κόσμῳ συντόμῳ ubique leges.

"A small world within another." The Candelerian codex: "another small world." The Carmelite: "another world in a small one." In the same sense: "The natural philosophers," says Macrobius, bk. 2 on the Dream of Scipio, ch. 12, "have said that the world is a great man, and man a brief world." Which is expressed thus by Philo the Jew in the book Who Is the Heir of Divine Things, p. 502: "Turning it about, they said that man is a small world, and the world a great man." Of the name microcosm, lesser world, "world in brief", you will read everywhere.

(printed under page 690)

(75) ‹anchor: lemma as below; call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1386 (col 1385 carries no call)

Et vide in hoc artificis opus, etc. Totum locum confer cum Responsione ad interrogationem 140, in Caesarii Dialogis : nec dubitabis asserere a Caesario illo suppilatas fuisse Recognitiones. Minus commode Arnobius lib. III : Nam quid in homine pulchrum est, quid, quaeso, admirabile, vel decorum, nisi quod et veterino (legunt clurino e mss. Regio, cum etiam scribi potuisset verrino) cum pecore nescio quis auctor voluit esse commune ?

"And see in this the work of the craftsman," etc. Compare the whole passage with the Answer to question 140 in the Dialogues of Caesarius: and you will not hesitate to assert that the Recognitions were pilfered by that Caesarius. Less aptly Arnobius, bk. 3: "For what in man is beautiful, what, I ask, is admirable or comely, except what some author or other has willed to be common also with the beast of burden?" (for veterino they read clurino from the Royal manuscript, though verrino could also have been written).

(printed under page 690)

Page

running head: 1385 RECOGNITIONUM LIB. VIII. 1386
marginal letters: A ‹vis illa spiritus, quae inesse aquis›; B ‹dentia, quod videre nos quidem›; C ‹frumenti vel hordei aliarumque› (the letter stands at the right, between the columns); D ‹stodit.›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column begins mid-sentence (continuing col. 1384) and ends mid-sentence at "naturae" (the phrase runs on into col. 1386: "opere"). "redeat" is divided "red-|eat" at the line end and is printed correctly (Q5a re-read: no doubled d, no misprint). Damaged type in "reparat, et" read from the visible letters. Col. 1385 carries no foot-note call: the full-width critical note (86–87) on the bracketed words of col. 1386 and the two Cotelerii notae (74), (75) answer calls in col. 1386 and are set above; the signature "PATROL. GR. I." and the sheet number 44 at the foot are not set.

PG 1:1386

opere cuncta effici et universa constare. Sed veniamus adhuc, si videtur, etiam ad nostram, id est ad hominis substantiam, qui est parvus in alio mundus, et consideremus quanta sit ratione compositus; et ex hoc praecipue sapientiam Conditoris intelliges, qui cum ex diversis substantiis constet, id est mortali et immortali, per artificem providentiam Conditoris societatem diversitas non refugit, et quidem longe a se substantiis [alienis et diversis]. Alia namque de terra assumitur et a Conditore formatur, alia vero ex immortalibus substantiis datur, nec tamen ei per hujuscemodi conjunctionem honor immortalitatis infringitur, nec ut quibusdam videtur [ex rationabili et concupiscibili et irascibili subsistit, sed magis inesse ei tales quidam videntur] affectus, quibus ad haec singula moveri possit. Nam corpus quod ex ossibus et carnibus constat, initium sumit ex semine viri, quod e medullis calor eliciens vulvae quasi terrae consignat, cui inhaerens ex fonte sanguinis paulatim rigatum, in carnem et ossa producitur, atque in speciem auctoris jacti seminis reformatur.

work of nature all things are brought about and the whole subsists. But let us come further, if it seems good, also to our own substance, that is, to that of man, who is a small world within another, and let us consider with how great reason he is composed; and from this especially you will understand the wisdom of the Creator: for though he consists of diverse substances, that is, a mortal and an immortal, through the craftsmanlike providence of the Creator the diversity does not shun fellowship, and that with substances far [alien and diverse] from each other. For the one is taken from the earth and formed by the Creator, while the other is given from immortal substances, and yet the honour of immortality is not broken in it by a conjunction of this kind, nor, as it seems to some, [does it subsist of the rational and the concupiscible and the irascible, but rather there seem to be in it certain such] affections, by which it can be moved to each of these. For the body, which consists of bones and flesh, takes its beginning from the seed of a man, which heat, drawing it out from the marrows, consigns to the womb as to the earth; and cleaving to this, watered little by little from the fountain of blood, it is brought forth into flesh and bones, and is refashioned into the likeness of the author of the seed that was cast.

XXIX. Et vide in hoc Artificis opus, quomodo ossa velut columnas quasdam, quibus caro sustentetur ac portetur, inseruit. Tum deinde aequalis ex utraque parte, id est dextera et laeva, mensura servetur, ut congruat pes pedi, et manus manui, digiti quoque digitis, ut singuli ad singulos tota aequalitate concordent; sed et oculus oculo, et auris auri, quae non solum consona sibi et concordantia, sed et usibus necessariis apta formantur. Manus quidem ut operi commodae sint, pedes ut gressibus, oculi ut visibus serviant superciliorum excubiis custoditi, aures ad audiendum ita formatae ut cymbalo similes suscepti verbi repercussum sonitum altius reddant, et usque ad sensum cordis emittant, lingua autem ad loquendum illisa dentibus plectri reddat officium, ipsi vero dentes alii ut incidant et dividant cibos et interioribus tradant, interiores vero ut in modum molae conficiant et comminuant, quo opportunius stomacho traditi coquantur, unde et molares appellati sunt.

XXIX. And see in this the work of the Craftsman, how He has inserted the bones like certain columns, by which the flesh may be sustained and carried. Then next, [see how] an equal measure is kept on either side, that is, on the right and the left, so that foot may answer to foot, and hand to hand, the fingers also to the fingers, so that each agrees with each in entire equality; and eye also with eye, and ear with ear, which are formed not only consonant and concordant with one another, but also fitted to their necessary uses. The hands indeed that they may be suited to work, the feet to walking, the eyes that they may serve for seeing, guarded by the sentry-watch of the eyebrows, the ears so formed for hearing that, like a cymbal, they give back more deeply the reverberated sound of the word received and send it on even to the perception of the heart, while the tongue, struck against the teeth for speaking, renders the office of a plectrum, and the teeth themselves, some that they may cut and divide the foods and hand them on to the inner ones, and the inner ones that they may work them up and crush them in the manner of a mill, so that, being handed over to the stomach, they may be the more readily digested, whence also they have been called molars.

XXX. Sed et nares, commeandi flatus et reddendi ac recipiendi gratia factae sunt, ut innovatione spiritus calor naturalis qui in corde est, vel accendi vel refrigerari, cum res poposcerit, queat pulmonis officio, qui pectori inhaerere datus est

XXX. And the nostrils too were made for the sake of the passing of the breath, and of giving it back and receiving it, so that by the renewal of the breath the natural heat which is in the heart may be able either to be kindled or to be cooled, when the case requires, by the office of the lung, which has been given to cleave to the breast

Editors' notes and page, col. 1386

Page

running head: 1385 RECOGNITIONUM LIB. VIII. 1386
marginal letters: A ‹opere cuncta effici et universa›; B ‹quidam videntur] affectus, quibus›; C ‹auris auri, quae non solum consona›; D ‹tione spiritus calor naturalis›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column begins mid-sentence (continuing "naturae" of col. 1385) and ends mid-sentence at "datus est". The two bracketed passages are printed in brackets in the text (words received by the editor from the Paris manuscripts, per the full-width critical note 86–87 at the foot, whose call is dropped); they are kept as printed and are not translator's supplements; "[see how]" in XXIX is the only English supplement. "constare" in line 1 has a damaged o; damaged letters in "mensura", "singulos", "dentibus" read from the visible type. Foot-note calls (74), (75) dropped; the Cotelerii notae and the printer's signature "44" at the foot are not set.

PG 1:1387

ut mollitie sui palpet et foveat cordis vigorem, in quo videtur vita consistere, vita dico, non anima. Nam quid dicam de substantia sanguinis, qui velut fluvius ex fonte procedens, et uno prius alveo invectus tum deinde per innumeras venas, quasi per areas derivatus, totam humani corporis terram vitalibus rigat fluentis, jecoris opere ministratus, quod ad efficaciam digestionis ciborum, atque in sanguinem mutandorum in dextro latere jacet. In sinistro vero splenis est locus, qui trahere ad se et purgare quodammodo sordes sanguinis possit.

so that by its softness it may stroke and cherish the vigour of the heart, in which life seems to consist; life, I say, not the soul. For what shall I say of the substance of the blood, which, proceeding like a river from a spring, and first borne along in a single channel, then afterwards drawn off through innumerable veins as through garden-plots, waters the whole land of the human body with vital streams, being supplied by the working of the liver, which lies on the right side for the effecting of the digestion of foods and of their being changed into blood. But on the left is the place of the spleen, which is able to draw to itself and in some manner to purge the impurities of the blood.

XXXI. Intestinorum quoque ratio quanta est! quae idcirco longis nexibus in circulorum ordinata sunt modum, ut susceptas digestiones ciborum paulatim egerant, quo neque ad subitum inanes efficiant locos, et his qui superadditi fuerint non impediantur cibis. Membranae autem in modum idcirco facta sunt, ut ex ipsis ea quae extrinsecus sunt, humorem sensim suscipiant, qui neque subito effusus exinaniret interna, neque densiore cute prohibitus, arida quae extrinsecus habentur efficeret, et totam hominis fabricam sitis necessitate turbaret.

XXXI. How great, too, is the reason of the intestines! which are arranged in long windings after the manner of circles for this purpose, that they may little by little carry off the digested foods they have received, so that they neither make the places suddenly empty, nor are hindered by those foods which have been added on top. And they were made after the manner of a membrane for this purpose, that the parts which are outside may gradually receive moisture from them, which should neither, by being poured out suddenly, empty the inner parts, nor, by being held back by a thicker skin, make dry the parts that are held outside and disturb the whole fabric of the man by the necessity of thirst.

XXXII. Porro vero feminea positio, et vulvae sinus ad recipiendum germen et confovendum vivificandumque commodissimus, quem non ratione et prudentia effecta esse quae facta sunt, suadeat, quod in ea solum parte membrorum a virili specie femina discrepat, qua posteritas sata suscipitur et fovetur, et rursus virilis habitus ea tantummodo membrorum parte immutatur, qua ei vis serendi et generandi hominis inest? Et in hoc magnum quidem testimonium Providentiae datur, ex necessaria diversitate membrorum, sed ibi majus, ubi in habitus similitudine, usus diversitas et officii varietas invenitur. Nam mamillae viris aeque sunt ac feminis, sed feminarum solae sunt quae lactis munere replentur, ut statim ubi genuerint, apta sibi parvulus inveniat nutrimenta. Quod si tanta ratione videmus in homine membra disposita, ut in caeteris omnibus similis habitus videatur, in his tantummodo discrepent, in quibus usus diversitatem requirit, et neque in viro aliquid superfluum aut egens, neque in femina quod desit videamus vel quod abundet, quis ex his omnibus non evidenter agnoscat rationis opus et sapientiam Conditoris?

XXXII. Moreover, the female disposition, and the hollow of the womb most suited for receiving the seed and cherishing it and giving it life: whom would it not persuade that the things which have been made were wrought by reason and prudence, seeing that the female differs from the male form only in that part of the members in which the offspring that is sown is received and cherished, and again the male form is changed only in that part of the members in which there is in it the power of sowing and begetting a human being? And in this indeed a great testimony of Providence is given, from the necessary diversity of the members, but a greater there where, in likeness of form, a diversity of use and a variety of office is found. For men have breasts equally with women, but those of women alone are filled with the gift of milk, so that as soon as they have given birth the little one may find nourishment fitted to it. But if we see the members in man arranged with such great reason that in all other respects the form appears alike, and they differ only in those in which use requires diversity, and we see neither in the man anything superfluous or wanting, nor in the woman anything that is lacking or that is in excess, who would not from all these things plainly recognize the work of reason and the wisdom of the Creator?

XXXIII. His astipulatur etiam caeterorum animalium rationabilis diversitas, et suo quodque usui ministerioque conveniens. Haec testatur et arborum varietas herbarumque diversitas, tam specie variata quam succis. Haec asserit et permutatio temporum in quatuor distincta vicissitudines, et certis horis, diebus, mensibus, annum circulus claudens, et ne unam quidem horam statutae rationis excedens; hinc denique etiam mundi ipsius aetas, certa et stabili ratione, concepto annorum numero censetur.

XXXIII. With these agrees also the rational diversity of the other animals, each one also suited to its own use and service. To these things the variety of trees and the diversity of herbs also bears witness, varied as much in appearance as in juices. These things the change of the seasons also asserts, divided into four alternations, and the cycle closing the year in fixed hours, days, months, and not exceeding the appointed reckoning by even a single hour; hence, finally, the age of the world itself also is reckoned, by a fixed and stable reckoning, the number of years being computed.

XXXIV. Sed dices, Quando mundus factus est,

XXXIV. But you will say, When was the world made,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1387

Page

running head: 1387 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1388
marginal letters: A ‹ut mollitie sui palpet et foveat›; B ‹efficiant locos, et his qui superadditi›; C ‹fovetur, et rursus virilis habitus›; D ‹quod abundet, quis ex his omnibus›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column begins mid-sentence (continuing "datus est" of col. 1386) and ends mid-sentence at "factus est," (the question runs on into col. 1388). "Membranae ... facta sunt" is read as printed (membranae genitive with "in modum"; subject the intestines). "censetur" has its initial c damaged. No foot notes on this page.

PG 1:1388

et quare tam tarde? Hoc possis obtendere etiamsi ante factus fuisset; diceres enim, Cur non et ante hoc? et ita immensa saecula transcendens semper possis requirere, cur non et ante hoc? Sed nobis nunc sermo non de eo est [cur non sit ante factus quam factus est], sed si omnino factus est. Si enim factum constat, necessario potentis et summi artificis opus est; quod si constat, quando eum facere voluerit, sapientis artificis arbitrio judicioque relinquendum est. Nisi videatur tibi omnis haec sapientia, quae tam immanem mundi machinam struxit, et singulis quibusque rebus formas et species dedit, quarum habitum non decori solum convenientem, sed et futuris usibus aptissimum et necessarium poneret, hoc eam solum fugerit, quo tam magnificae conditionis opportunum tempus assumeret. Est apud illum profecto certa ratio, sunt evidentes causae, cur et quando et qualiter fecerit mundum, quas hominibus, quibus haec quae ante oculos posita sunt et de ejus providentia contestantur, inquirere et intelligere pigrum fuit, aperiri utique non oportuit; quae enim in occulto habentur et intra sapientiae sensus, velut intra regios thesauros recondita sunt, nemini patent, nisi his qui ab illo didicerint, apud quem signata sunt haec et reposita. Deus ergo est qui fecit omnia, et ipse a nemine factus est. Qui autem naturam pro Deo nominant, et per naturam facta esse cuncta testantur, latet eos appellationis suae error. Si enim naturam irrationabilem putant, stultissimum est rationabilem facturam ab irrationabili factore progredi. Si vero ratio est, id est logos, per quam facta constat universa, superfluo nomen immutant, ubi de Conditoris ratione profitentur. Ad haec si quid habes, Pater, prosequere.

and why so late? This you could allege even if it had been made earlier; for you would say, Why not before this also? and so, passing over immeasurable ages, you could always ask, why not before this also? But our discourse now is not about this, [why it was not made earlier than it was made,] but whether it was made at all. For if it is agreed that it was made, it is necessarily the work of a powerful and supreme craftsman; and if this is agreed, when He willed to make it must be left to the choice and judgement of the wise craftsman. Unless it should seem to you that all this wisdom, which built so vast a machine of the world, and gave to each several thing forms and shapes, setting their fashion to be not only suited to beauty but also most fitted and necessary for future uses, that this alone escaped it, at what point it should take up the opportune time for so magnificent a creation. There is with Him assuredly a fixed reason, there are evident causes, why and when and how He made the world, which certainly ought not to have been opened to men to whom it was irksome to inquire into and to understand these things which are set before their eyes and bear witness concerning His providence; for the things that are held in secret and are stored away within the thoughts of wisdom, as within royal treasuries, lie open to no one except to those who have learned from Him with Whom these things are sealed and laid up. It is God, therefore, Who made all things, and He Himself was made by no one. But those who name nature in place of God, and testify that all things were made through nature, the error of their own naming escapes them. For if they think nature irrational, it is most foolish that a rational making should proceed from an irrational maker. But if it is reason, that is, logos, through which it is agreed that all things were made, they change the name needlessly, where they make profession concerning the reason of the Creator. If you have anything to these things, Father, go on.

XXXV. Haec cum Niceta dixisset, senex ita respondit: Tu quidem, fili, prudenter et fortiter prosecutus es, in tantum ut melius dici posse de Providentia non putem. Sed quoniam hora jam multa est, crastino ad haec quae prosecutus es, respondere aliqua volo, de quibus si mihi satisfeceris gratiae me fateor debitorem. Et his a sene dictis, surrexit Petrus. Quidam vero ex astantibus Laodicensium primus rogabat Petrum et nos, ut senis indumenta quae habebat sordida et scissa mutaret; quem Petrus et nos amplexi, et collaudantes pro honesta et optima voluntate sua, dicebamus: Quia nec nos ita insipientes sumus et impii, ut cui tam pretiosa verba concredimus, non multo magis etiam haec quae ad usus corporeos sunt necessaria praebeamus, quae eum et libenter suscepturum credimus, tanquam a filiis patrem, sed et tectum nobis et vitam communem fore credimus. Haec cum nos diceremus, et ille primarius civitatis summa vi et blandimentis plurimis avellere a nobis cuperet senem, nos vero eo vehementius retineremus, omnis populus acclamavit ut illud magis fiat, quod ipsi placet seni; et cum silentium factum fuisset, senex juramento praevenit, dicens: Hodie apud nullum

XXXV. When Niceta had said these things, the old man answered thus: You indeed, my son, have set it forth prudently and vigorously, so much so that I do not think it can be better spoken concerning Providence. But since the hour is now late, tomorrow I wish to answer some things to what you have set forth, and if you satisfy me concerning them I confess myself a debtor to grace. And when these things had been said by the old man, Peter rose. But a certain one of those standing by, a chief man of the Laodiceans, was asking Peter and us that he might change the old man's garments, which he had filthy and torn; and Peter and we, embracing him and praising him for his honourable and excellent goodwill, said: We too are not so foolish and impious as not to furnish to him to whom we entrust such precious words, much more also these things which are necessary for bodily uses, which we believe he will also gladly receive, as a father from his sons; and we believe also that he will have roof and life in common with us. When we were saying these things, and that chief man of the city was desiring with the utmost force and with very many blandishments to tear the old man away from us, while we held him back all the more vehemently, the whole people cried out that that should rather be done which pleased the old man himself; and when silence had been made, the old man forestalled us with an oath, saying: Today with no one

Editors' notes and page, col. 1388

Page

running head: 1387 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1388
marginal letters: A ‹et quare tam tarde? Hoc possis›; B ‹magnificae conditionis opportunum›; C ‹irrationabilem putant, stultissimum› (the letter stands between this line and the next, ‹lem facturam ab irrationabili›); D ‹nis indumenta quae habebat sordida›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column begins mid-sentence (continuing "factus est," of col. 1387) and ends mid-sentence at "apud nullum". The bracketed words "[cur non sit ante factus quam factus est]" are printed in brackets in the text and are kept as printed (not a translator's supplement). "logos" is printed in Latin letters. Smudged or damaged type in "occulto", "regios", "patent", "haec et", "esse", "fortiter", "si mihi", "cum nos" read from the visible letters; "occulto" and "patent" are the least clear (†-level doubt on the endings only). No foot notes on this page.

PG 1:1389

manebo neque ab aliquo quidquam suscipiam, uti ne alterius dilectio alterius tristitia fiat; haec enim postmodum si visum fuerit, fieri possunt.

shall I stay, nor shall I receive anything from anyone, lest the love of the one become the sadness of the other; for these things can be done afterwards, if it seems good.

XXXVI. Et cum haec dixisset senex, Petrus ait ad primarium civitatis: Quoniam nostri praesentia bonam voluntatem tuam ostendisti, tristem te non oportet abscedere, sed accipiemus abs te gratiam pro gratia, domum tuam nobis ostende, et praepara eam ut crastino disputatio quae futura est ibi habeatur, et si qui volunt adesse ad audiendum permittantur. Quae cum audisset primus civitatis valde gavisus est, sed et omnis populus libenter audivit. Cumque discessissent turbae, domum suam ostendit; discedere autem et senex coepit. Ego tamen uni ex pedissequis meis imperavi clam subsequi vestigium senis, et discere ubi maneret. Nos autem cum redissemus ad hospitium, enarravimus omnia fratribus quae nobis cum sene habita sunt, et ita ex more cibo sumpto requievimus.

XXXVI. And when the old man had said these things, Peter said to the chief man of the city: Since you have shown your goodwill in our presence, you ought not to depart sad, but we will accept from you favour for favour: show us your house, and prepare it so that the disputation which is to be tomorrow may be held there, and that any who wish to be present to hear may be permitted. When the first man of the city had heard this he rejoiced greatly, and all the people also heard it gladly. And when the crowds had departed, he showed his house; and the old man also began to depart. I, however, ordered one of my attendants to follow secretly in the old man's track and to learn where he was staying. And we, when we had returned to the lodging, recounted to the brethren all that had passed between us and the old man, and so, having taken food according to custom, we rested.

XXXVII. Die autem postera Petrus mature surgens suscitavit nos, et perreximus pariter ad locum secretum, in quo et pridie orationis causa fueramus; atque inde post orationem dum veniremus ad constitutam domum, in itinere monebat nos, dicens: Audite me, conservi dilectissimi, bonum est ut unusquisque vestrum secundum quod potest, prosit accedentibus ad fidem religionis nostrae, et ideo non vos pigeat secundum sapientiam, quae vobis per Dei providentiam collata est disserentes, instruere ignaros et docere, ita tamen ut his quae a me audistis et tradita sunt vobis, vestri tantum sermonis eloquentiam societis. Nec aliquid proprium et quod vobis non est traditum proloquamini, etiamsi vobis verisimile videatur, sed ea ut dixi, quae ipse a vero propheta suscepta vobis tradidi, prosequamini, etiamsi minus plenae assertionis esse videbuntur. Hinc enim saepe contingit declinare quosdam a veritate, dum speciem sibi verioris et validioris veritatis, propriis cogitationibus reperisse se credunt.

XXXVII. And on the following day Peter, rising early, roused us, and we went together to the secluded place in which we had also been the day before for the sake of prayer; and as we were coming from there after prayer to the appointed house, on the way he admonished us, saying: Hear me, most beloved fellow servants: it is good that each one of you, according to what he is able, should profit those who are approaching the faith of our religion, and therefore let it not irk you, discoursing according to the wisdom which has been bestowed on you through the providence of God, to instruct and teach the ignorant, yet in such a way that to those things which you have heard from me and which have been handed down to you, you join only the eloquence of your own speech. And do not utter anything of your own and that has not been handed down to you, even if it seems to you likely to be true, but set forth those things, as I said, which I myself, having received them from the true prophet, have handed down to you, even if they shall seem to be of less full assertion. For hence it often happens that some turn aside from the truth, while they believe that they have found for themselves, by their own thoughts, the appearance of a truer and stronger truth.

XXXVIII. His a Petro dictis libenter annuimus, dicentes ei, nihil nos acturos, nisi quod ipsi videretur. Tum ille: Ut ergo, inquit, sine periculo exerceamini, me coram disputate singuli, ita ut unus alii succedat ac suas unusquisque explicet quaestiones. Nunc ergo quoniam hesterno die Niceta sufficienter disseruit, hodie sermonem faciat Aquila, et post Aquilam Clemens, inde ego, si tamen etiam me res poposcerit aliquid addere. Interea dum hujuscemodi sermones caedimus, ad domum ventum est in qua suscipiens nos paterfamilias, introducit ad locum quemdam in similitudinem theatri collectum et pulchre exaedificatum, in quo turbas plurimas ex tempore noctis opperientes nos reperimus, inter quos et senex qui pridie nobiscum disputaverat. Itaque medium habentes Petrum ingredimur etiam nos, circumspicientes sicubi cerneremus senem; quem prior Petrus videns in medio turbae latitantem evocavit ad se, dicens: Clariorem multis animam

XXXVIII. When these things had been said by Peter we gladly assented, saying to him that we would do nothing except what seemed good to him. Then he said: That you may therefore be exercised without danger, dispute each of you in my presence, in such a way that one succeeds another and each unfolds his own questions. Now therefore, since yesterday Niceta discoursed sufficiently, let Aquila make the discourse today, and after Aquila Clement, then I, if indeed the matter should require me also to add something. Meanwhile, while we are exchanging talk of this kind, we came to the house, in which the master of the household, receiving us, brings us into a certain place gathered into the likeness of a theatre and beautifully built, in which we found very great crowds waiting for us since night-time, among whom was also the old man who had disputed with us the day before. And so, having Peter in the midst, we too enter, looking around to see whether we could anywhere discern the old man; and Peter, seeing him first, lurking in the midst of the crowd, called him out to himself, saying: A soul more illustrious than many

Editors' notes and page, col. 1389

Page

running head: 1389 RECOGNITIONUM LIB. VIII. 1390
marginal letters: A ‹manebo neque ab aliquo quidquam›; B ‹gium senis, et discere ubi maneret›; C ‹instruere ignaros et docere›; D ‹alii succedat ac suas unusquisque›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column begins mid-sentence (continuing "apud nullum" of col. 1388). It ends on the divided word "ani-|mam", completed from the first line of col. 1390 and set whole here; the English takes in "possidens" of col. 1390 only as far as needed to close the phrase ("Possessing" belongs to the next column's first word). Ink blots over "sumpto requievimus", "suscitavit", "quo", "post orationem", "constitutam domum": all read from the visible letters. No foot notes on this page.

PG 1:1390

possidens, cur in occulto lates et verecundia contegeris? accede huc magis, et quae tibi videntur exsequere.

possessing, why do you lurk in hiding and cover yourself with bashfulness? Come nearer here rather, and follow out what seems good to you.

XXXIX. Ubi haec dixit Petrus, statim turbae locum dare coeperunt seni. Cumque accessisset, ita coepit: Eorum quae die hesterno prosecutus est juvenis, etiamsi verba non memini, sensum tamen et ordinem teneo, et ideo necessarium puto propter eos qui hesterno non adfuerunt, anacephalaeosin facere eorum quae dicta sunt, et breviter cuncta repetere, ut etiamsi me aliquid effugerit, ab eo qui prosecutus est praesente commonear. Hic ergo fuit hesternae disputationis sensus, quod omnia quae videntur, quoniam certa mensura et arte formaque ac specie constant, sine dubio a sapiente virtute facta esse [credenda sunt; quod si mens et ratio est quae haec condidit, consequens esse] ut rationis ipsius providentia mundus regatur, etiamsi nobis ea quae geruntur in mundo, minus recte geri videantur. Consequitur autem, ut si creator omnium Deus est ac mens, sit etiam justus; quod si justus est, necessario judicat; si judicat, necesse est ut homines de suis actibus judicentur; et si de actibus suis unusquisque judicatur, erit ergo inter justos et peccatores justum quandoque discrimen. Haec fuit, ut opinor, totius verbi continentia.

XXXIX. When Peter had said these things, the crowds at once began to make room for the old man. And when he had come near, he began thus: Of the things which the young man set forth yesterday, even if I do not remember the words, yet I hold the sense and the order, and therefore I think it necessary, on account of those who were not present yesterday, to make a recapitulation of the things that were said, and briefly to go over them all again, so that even if anything has escaped me I may be reminded by him who set them forth, since he is present. This, then, was the sense of yesterday's disputation: that all things which are seen, since they consist in fixed measure and art and form and shape, without doubt [are to be believed] to have been made by a wise power; [and that if it is mind and reason that created these things, it follows] that the world is ruled by the providence of that same reason, even if the things that are done in the world seem to us to be done less than rightly. And it follows that if the creator of all things is God and mind, He is also just; and if He is just, He necessarily judges; if He judges, it is necessary that men be judged concerning their acts; and if each one is judged concerning his acts, there will therefore at some time be a just distinction between the just and sinners. This was, as I think, the content of the whole discourse.

XL. Si ergo ostendi potest quod mens ac ratio cuncta condiderit, consequens est et ea quae sequuntur ratione et providentia geri. Si vero natura imprudens et caeca gignit universa, perimitur sine dubio judicii ratio, nec discussio peccatorum ac benefactorum remuneratio sperabitur, ubi judex non est. Quia ergo omnia in hoc pendent et huic capiti adhaerent, non indignemini, si forte paulo latius discuti haec et pertractari voluero. In hoc enim mihi ad omnia quae proponuntur, velut prima janua clauditur, et ideo hanc mihi ante omnia aperiri volo. Nunc ergo audite quae doceo, et respondeat mihi si quis vestrum volet; non enim erubescam discere, si audiero quod verum est, et recte dicenti acquiescere. Igitur hesterno a te habitus sermo, qui asserebat quod arte et mensura et ratione cuncta constarent, non valde me suadet, mentem rationemque esse quae fecerit mundum; multa enim habeo, quae ostendam competenti mensura ac forma et specie constare, nec tamen per mentem condita ac rationem. Tum praeterea video multa incondite, inconsequenter, injuste geri in mundo, et sine genesis cursu nihil fieri posse; quod post omnia etiam ex me ipso manifestissime approbabo.

XL. If therefore it can be shown that mind and reason created all things, it follows that the things which come after are also carried on by reason and providence. But if a nature without foresight and blind begets all things, the reckoning of judgement is without doubt done away, and neither an examination of sins nor a recompense of good deeds will be hoped for, where there is no judge. Since therefore all things hang on this and cleave to this head, do not be indignant if perhaps I should wish these things to be discussed and handled somewhat more widely. For in this the first door, as it were, is shut to me against all the things that are proposed, and therefore I wish this to be opened to me before all else. Now therefore hear what I teach, and let anyone of you who wishes answer me; for I shall not blush to learn, if I hear what is true, and to yield to one who speaks rightly. The discourse, then, held by you yesterday, which asserted that all things consist in art and measure and reason, does not greatly persuade me that it is mind and reason that made the world; for I have many things which I shall show to consist in fitting measure and form and shape, and yet not to have been created through mind and reason. Then besides I see many things in the world done in a disorderly, inconsequent, unjust manner, and that nothing can come to be without the course of the genesis; which after all else I shall most manifestly prove even from my own self.

XLI. Haec cum senex diceret, Aquila respondit: Quoniam ipse proposuisti, ut ad ea quae diceres haberet copiam respondendi qui velit, concedit mihi frater meus Niceta hodie facere sermonem. Et senex: Prosequere, ait, fili, ut vis. Et Aquila respondit: Promisisti quod ostenderes multa esse in mundo, quae formam ac speciem aequali ratione collectam gerant, quae tamen constet non effici per conditorem Deum. Nunc ergo quod promisisti,

XLI. When the old man was saying these things, Aquila answered: Since you yourself have proposed that whoever wishes should have opportunity of answering to the things you said, my brother Niceta grants me to make the discourse today. And the old man said: Proceed, my son, as you wish. And Aquila answered: You promised that you would show that there are many things in the world which bear a form and shape gathered by an equal reckoning, which nevertheless, it is agreed, are not brought about through God the creator. Now therefore what you promised,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1390

Page

running head: 1389 RECOGNITIONUM LIB. VIII. 1390
marginal letters: A ‹mam possidens, cur in occulto lates›; B ‹facta esse [credenda sunt; quod si mens›; C ‹imprudens et caeca gignit universa›; D ‹habeo, quae ostendam competenti›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column's first printed syllable "mam" is the end of "ani-|mam", set whole in col. 1389; this file therefore opens at "possidens" and its English opens mid-sentence. The column ends mid-sentence at "promisisti,". The bracketed words "[credenda sunt ... consequens esse]" are printed in brackets in the text and kept as printed; the English brackets there mirror the printed ones and are not translator's supplements. "non valde me suadet" is as printed. Damaged type in "verecundia", "ita", "quoniam", "capiti", "posse" read from the visible letters. No foot notes on this page.

PG 1:1391

ostende. Et senex: Ecce arcum videmus in coelo circulum tenere omni mensura collectum, et habere speciem veri, quam fortassis nec mens condere nec describere ratio potuisset, nec tamen hic ab aliqua mente fit. Ecce in brevi totum proposui, responde ad haec.

show it. And the old man: Behold, we see the bow in the sky hold a circle gathered together in every measure, and have an appearance of the real, which perhaps neither mind could have framed nor reason described; and yet this is not made by any mind. See, I have set forth the whole in brief; answer to these things.

XLII. Tum Aquila: Non continuo, inquit, si quid ex typo et forma exprimitur, id intelligitur a ratione esse ac sine mente non fieri posse, quoniam typus ipse qui exprimit figuras ac formas, non sine mente factus est. Verbi causa, cera si affigatur sculpto annulo, imaginem quidem et figuram sumit ex annulo, qui sine dubio sensu caret, sed annulus qui exprimit effigiem, manu artificis sculptus est, et mens fuit ac ratio, quae typum annulo dedit. Ita ergo et arcus exprimitur in aere; sol enim nubibus rarescentibus radios suos imprimens, et humori nubilo velut cerae molli affigens orbis sui typum, arcus speciem reddit, et efficit hoc ipsa, ut dixi, repercussio splendoris solis in nubibus, atque ex illis fulgorem circuli ejus reddens. Fit autem hoc non semper, sed cum opportunitatem sui humectae nubes rarescendo praestiterint. Unde et rursus cum densantur nubes et coeunt, arcus forma resolvitur et exolescit, denique nunquam sine sole et nubibus arcus apparet, sicut nec sine typo et cera vel alia hujusmodi materia exprimitur imago. Non ergo mirum est, si conditor Deus ex initio fecit typos, ex quibus nunc formae exprimantur ac species. Simile autem hoc et illi, quod ab initio Deus elementa insensibilia creavit, quibus ad reliqua omnia formanda et explicanda uteretur. Sed et qui statuas formant, typum prius luti vel cerae fingunt, et ex ipso redditur statuae effigies; tum deinde et umbra redditur ex statua, quae umbra per omnia formam ac similitudinem statuae gerit. Quid ergo dicemus insensibilem statuam formare umbram, tam diligenti quam ipsa statua est ratione collectam? an illi sine dubio ascribetur umbrae collectio, qui et statuam finxit?

XLII. Then Aquila: It does not at once follow, he says, if anything is expressed from a type and form, that it is understood to be from reason and unable to come about without mind, seeing that the type itself which expresses figures and forms was not made without mind. For example, if wax is pressed to an engraved ring, it does indeed take image and figure from the ring, which without doubt lacks sense; but the ring which expresses the likeness was engraved by the hand of a craftsman, and it was mind and reason that gave the type to the ring. So then the bow also is expressed in the air; for the sun, impressing its rays on the clouds as they grow thin, and pressing the type of its orb upon the cloudy moisture as upon soft wax, renders the appearance of a bow; and this is effected, as I said, by the very reflection of the sun's brightness in the clouds, which also gives back from them the gleam of its circle. Now this does not happen always, but when the moist clouds, by growing thin, have afforded the opportunity for it. Hence also, when the clouds again thicken and come together, the form of the bow is dissolved and fades away; in short, the bow never appears without sun and clouds, just as an image is not expressed without a type and wax or some other material of this kind. It is therefore no wonder if God the Creator from the beginning made types, from which forms and appearances are now expressed. And this is like that other thing also, that from the beginning God created insensible elements, which He might use for forming and unfolding all the rest. Moreover, those who form statues first fashion a type of clay or wax, and from it the likeness of the statue is rendered; then after that a shadow too is rendered from the statue, which shadow in all respects bears the form and likeness of the statue. What then shall we say: that the insensible statue forms a shadow gathered together with as careful a reckoning as the statue itself? Or will the gathering of the shadow without doubt be ascribed to him who also fashioned the statue?

XLIII. Si ergo tibi videtur hoc ita se habere et sufficit quod de hoc dictum est, ad alia inquirenda veniamus; aut si aliquid adhuc deesse putas, repetamus. Et senex ait: Volo ut repetas de hoc, sunt enim et alia multa quae similiter fieri video; nam et fructus arborum simili modo pulchre formati et in rotundum mire collecti nascuntur, et foliorum species ingenti decore formatur, atque exquisita arte viridis membrana contexitur; tum praeterea pulices, mures, lacertas et his similia, nunquid et haec dicemus a Deo fieri? Unde ex his vilioribus conjectura capitur meliorum, quod nequaquam mentis arte formentur. Bene, inquit Aquila, de foliorum

XLIII. If therefore this seems to you to be so, and what has been said about it suffices, let us come to inquire into other things; or if you think something is still lacking, let us go over it again. And the old man says: I wish you to go over this again, for there are many other things also which I see come about in like manner; for the fruits of trees too are born in a similar way beautifully formed and wonderfully gathered into roundness, and the appearance of the leaves is formed with immense grace, and the green membrane is woven with exquisite art; then besides, fleas, mice, lizards and things like these: shall we say that these too are made by God? Hence from these meaner things a conjecture is taken about the better, that they are by no means formed by the art of a mind. Well, says Aquila, concerning the leaves'

Editors' notes and page, col. 1391

Footnotes

COTELERII NOTAE.

Notes of Cotelier.

(printed under page 693)

(76) ‹anchor: lemma as below; call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1391 (column not confirmed)

Ecce arcum videmus in coelo, etc. Graeca si mavis, et cur non mavelis ? dabit idem Caesarius interrogatione 113 : Ἰδοὺ τῆς ἴρεως ὁρωμένης ἀκριβῆ περιφέρειαν ἐχούσης, καὶ πάντοθεν ἴσην, οἵαν ἀληθῶς οὐδὲ νοῦς περιγράψαι δύναται· καὶ ὅμως ὁρῶμεν ὑπ' οὐδενὸς αὐτὴν γινομένην, ἀλλ' αὐτομάτως συνισταμένην. Ad caput autem sequens legito responsionem ejusdem quaestionis, et sequentem quaestionem 114.

"Behold, we see the bow in the sky," etc. If you prefer the Greek, and why should you not prefer it? the same Caesarius will supply it in question 113: "See, the rainbow that we behold has an exact circumference, equal on every side, such as in truth not even a mind is able to trace out; and yet we see it being made by no one, but forming of its own accord." And for the chapter that follows, read the answer to the same question, and the following question 114.

(printed under page 693)

Page

running head: 1391 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. O[...] (rest of the head lies over the facing column, outside these images)
marginal letters: A ostende. Et senex: Ecce arcum videmus in coelo; B dit. Ita ergo et arcus exprimitur in aere; C species. Simile autem hoc et illi / Deus elementa insensibilia (letter sits between the two lines); D enim et alia multa quae similiter fieri video
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1392

textura et de parvis animalibus colligis, quod ex his fides etiam melioribus deroganda sit; sed non te ista decipiant, ut putes quasi duabus solis manibus operantem Deum non posse universa complere quae fiunt, sed memento quomodo hesterno tibi frater meus Niceta respondit, et mysterium ante tempus aperuit vere quasi cum patre loquens, et cur et quomodo fiant haec quae inutilia videntur, exposuit.

texture and concerning the small animals you gather that on account of these credit is to be withdrawn from the better things as well; but let not these things deceive you, so that you suppose that God, as though working with two hands only, cannot accomplish all the things that come about; but remember how yesterday my brother Niceta answered you, and opened the mystery before the time, truly as if speaking with a father, and set forth why and how these things which seem useless come about.

XLIV. Et senex: Cur ista inutilia voluntate illius summae mentis fiant, velim a te audire. Si, inquit, liquido apud te constat, quod mentis et rationis opus in ipsis est, tum demum tibi etiam cur facta sunt, dicere non pigebit et quod juste facta sint edocere. Ad haec senex respondit: Non possum, fili, ea quae videntur ex arte formata, dicere per mentem fieri, propter caetera quae injuste et inordinate fieri videmus in mundo. Si te, inquit Aquila, ea quae inordinate fiunt, dicere quod per Providentiam Dei facta sint non sinunt, cur non ea quae ordinate fiunt, dicere te quod a Deo facta sint cogunt, et quia irrationabilis natura opus rationabile proferre non possit? Certum est enim, nec omnino negamus, quia in hoc mundo quaedam ordinate, quaedam inordinate fiant; ea ergo quae rationabiliter fiunt, crede quod per Providentiam fiant, quae vero irrationabiliter et inordinate, quia naturaliter eveniant et fortuito accidant. Miror autem non advertere homines, quia ubi sensus est, possunt res ordinate fieri et inordinate, ubi autem nullus est sensus, neutrum omnino effici; nam ratio ordinem facit, ordinis autem cursus, si contrarium quid acciderit quod ordinem turbet, necessario inordinatum aliquid profert. Et senex: Hoc ipsum mihi a te ostendi volo.

XLIV. And the old man: Why these useless things come about by the will of that highest mind, I should like to hear from you. If, he says, it is clearly settled with you that there is a work of mind and reason in them, then at last it will not be irksome to tell you also why they were made, and to teach that they were made justly. To this the old man answered: I cannot, my son, say that the things which seem formed by art come about through mind, on account of the other things which we see come about unjustly and disorderly in the world. If, says Aquila, the things which come about disorderly do not allow you to say that they were made through the Providence of God, why do not the things which come about in order compel you to say that they were made by God, and that an irrational nature cannot bring forth a rational work? For it is certain, nor do we at all deny it, that in this world some things come about in order, some disorderly; believe therefore that the things which come about rationally come about through Providence, but that those which come about irrationally and disorderly happen naturally and befall by chance. But I wonder that men do not notice that where there is sense, things can come about both in order and disorderly, but where there is no sense, neither is effected at all; for reason makes order, and the course of order, if anything contrary should befall which disturbs the order, of necessity brings forth something disorderly. And the old man: This very thing I wish to be shown me by you.

XLV. Non, inquit, morabor Aquila. Duo visibilia signa monstrantur in coelo, unum solis, aliud lunae; haec sequuntur et aliae quinque stellae, diversos et proprios singulae explicantes cursus. Haec ergo Deus posuit in coelo, quibus aeris temperies pro ratione temporum dispensetur, et ordo vicissitudinum permutationumque servetur. Horum autem ipsorum ministerio, et si quando pro peccatis hominum plaga et corruptio terris injicitur, perturbatur aer, lues animantibus, corruptio frugibus, pestilens per omnia mortalibus annus inducitur, et ita fit, ut uno eodemque ministerio et servetur ordo et corrumpatur. Etenim palam est incredulis et imperitis, quod cursus solis utilis et necessarius mundo, per Providentiam datus, semper ordinatus habeatur; lunae vero ad comparationem cursus solis, in augmentis et detrimentis suis apud imperitos inordinati cursus videntur et incompositi. Nam sol

XLV. I will not delay, says Aquila. Two visible signs are shown in heaven, one of the sun, the other of the moon; these are followed also by five other stars, each unfolding its own diverse and proper courses. These therefore God placed in heaven, that by them the tempering of the air might be dispensed according to the reckoning of the seasons, and the order of alternations and changes be kept. But by the ministry of these very same, whenever also for the sins of men a plague and corruption is cast upon the lands, the air is disturbed, pestilence is brought upon living creatures, corruption upon the crops, a year in every way pestilential upon mortals; and so it comes about that by one and the same ministry order is both kept and corrupted. For it is plain to the unbelieving and the unskilled that the course of the sun, useful and necessary to the world, given through Providence, is always held to be ordered; but the courses of the moon, in comparison with the course of the sun, in her increases and wanings seem to the unskilled disorderly and unarranged. For the sun

Editors' notes and page, col. 1392

Page

running head: [S. CLEMENTIS] I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1392
marginal letters: A [fo]liorum textura et de parvis animalibus colligis; B fili, ea quae videntur ex arte formata; C possunt res ordinate fieri et inordinate / nullus est sensus (letter sits between the two lines); D lues animantibus, corruptio frugibus
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column's first printed letters are "liorum", the end of "foliorum" split across the break; the word is set whole at the end of column 1391 and not repeated here. Damaged type, legible: final o of "omnino" (line "nec omnino"), "palam", "lunae", "naturaliter". Foot: continuation of COTELERII NOTAE (76), not set. English breaks mid-sentence at both ends with the column.

PG 1:1393

certis distinctionibus et ordinatis movetur; ex ipso enim sunt horae, ex ipso dies cum ascenderit, ex ipso etiam nox cum occiderit, ex ipso menses et anni numerantur, ex ipso vicissitudines temporum fiunt, dum ad superiora conscendens ver temperat, ubi autem ad summum coeli venerit, aestivos accendit calores; decidens rursus autumni temperiem reddit, ubi vero ad inferiorem redierit circulum, ex glaciali compage coeli rigorem nobis hiberni frigoris derelinquit.

moves by fixed and ordered divisions; for from it are the hours, from it the day when it has risen, from it also the night when it has set, from it months and years are numbered, from it the alternations of the seasons come about, while, climbing to the higher parts, it tempers the spring, but when it has come to the summit of heaven, it kindles the summer heats; sinking again it restores the tempered mildness of autumn, but when it has returned to the lower circle, from the icy framework of heaven it leaves us the rigour of winter cold.

XLVI. Sed de his alias latius disseremus. Nunc interim, cum sit iste minister bonus, ad vicissitudines temporum moderandas, tamen ubi secundum voluntatem Dei correptio mortalibus datur, incandescit acrius et urit mundum vehementioribus flammis. Similiter et lunae cursus, atque haec quae imperitis videtur inordinata permutatio, incrementis frugum et pecudum omniumque animantium commoda est; augmentis enim ejus detrimentisque mira quadam Providentiae arte omne quod gignitur, alitur et crescit, de quibus latius prosequi possemus et aperire de singulis rationem, nisi nos propositae quaestionis ordo revocaret. His tamen ipsis eisdemque ministeriis quibus gignuntur, aluntur, augentur universa; cum fuerit justa aliqua ex causa ordinis instituti mutata temperies, corruptio oritur et intemperantia, ut in homines, sicut supra diximus, castigatio Dei voluntate procedat.

XLVI. But of these things we shall discourse more fully at another time. Now meanwhile, although this is a good minister for regulating the alternations of the seasons, yet when according to the will of God chastisement is given to mortals, it glows more fiercely and burns the world with more vehement flames. Likewise also the course of the moon, and this change which to the unskilled seems disorderly, is serviceable to the growth of crops and of cattle and of all living creatures; for by her increases and wanings, by a certain wonderful art of Providence, everything that is begotten is nourished and grows; of which things we could treat more fully and open the reason of each, did not the order of the question proposed call us back. Yet by these very same ministries by which all things are begotten, nourished, increased, when for some just cause the tempering of the established order has been changed, corruption and distemper arise, so that chastisement may go forth upon men, as we said above, by the will of God.

XLVII. Sed fortasse dices: Quid, quod in ista communi castigatione similia impii patiuntur et pii? Verum est, etiam nos fatemur; sed piis castigatio ad profectum cedit, ut in praesenti vita afflicti purgatiores veniant ad futuram, in qua perpetua eis requies praeparata est, simul autem ut et impii aliquantulum ex ipsorum castigatione proficiant, aut justa in eos feratur judicii futuri sententia, cum in eisdem castigationibus justi quidem gratias egerint Deo, injusti autem blasphemaverint. Igitur cum in duas partes rerum dividatur opinio, quod alia per ordinem, alia contra ordinem fiant: ex his quidem quae secundum ordinem sunt, oportuit credi esse Providentiam; de his vero quae contra ordinem geruntur, causas requirere ab his, qui eas per doctrinam propheticam didicere; quibus enim innotescere potuit sermo propheticus, sciunt quando et ob quam causam aerugo, grando, pestilentia, et horum similia per singulas quasque generationes exorta sint, et ex quibus peccatis haec ad vindictam data sint, unde humano generi causa tristitiae, unde gemitus ac dolores acciderint, unde

XLVII. But perhaps you will say: What of the fact that in this common chastisement the impious and the pious suffer like things? It is true, we too confess it; but for the pious the chastisement turns to advancement, so that, afflicted in the present life, they may come more purified to the future one, in which perpetual rest has been prepared for them; and at the same time so that the impious also may profit somewhat from their chastisement, or else that the just sentence of the judgement to come may be passed upon them, since in the same chastisements the just indeed have given thanks to God, but the unjust have blasphemed. Therefore, since the opinion about things is divided into two parts, that some come about by order, others against order: from those which are according to order it ought to have been believed that there is a Providence; but concerning those which are done against order, [one ought] to seek the causes from those who have learned them through the prophetic teaching; for those to whom the prophetic word could become known know when and for what cause blight, hail, pestilence and the like have arisen in each several generation, and for what sins these were given as vengeance, whence a cause of sadness came to the human race, whence groans and pains befell, whence

Editors' notes and page, col. 1393

Footnotes

(88) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1393 or 1394 (not visible)

Gen. IV, 12 in LXX.

Genesis 4:12 in the Septuagint.

(printed under page 694)

(77) ‹anchor: lemma as below; call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1393 or 1394 (not visible)

Seres. Quos ex lectione Strabonis, Plinii, Melae, Solini, Luciani, Ammiani Marcellini, Origenis, Eusebii, Caesarii, Cedreni, Eustathii, etc., discimus celebres exstitisse tum salubritate et vitae diuturnitate ad trecentos annos productae, tum laudibus lenitatis, quietis, frugalitatis, castimoniae, justitiae ac pietatis. Quo magis mirandum scribi a S. Epiphanio in Expositione fidei, n. 10, apud Seras, virorum consuetudinem fuisse muliebriter vivere, feminarum vero viriliter. Scilicet attribuit Epiphanius Seribus quod ad Gelos pertinet ; de quibus infra lib. ix, cap. 22.

"The Seres." Whom, from reading Strabo, Pliny, Mela, Solinus, Lucian, Ammianus Marcellinus, Origen, Eusebius, Caesarius, Cedrenus, Eustathius, etc., we learn to have been renowned both for healthfulness and for length of life drawn out to three hundred years, and for the praise of gentleness, quiet, frugality, chastity, justice and piety. The more is it to be wondered at that St. Epiphanius writes, in the Exposition of the Faith, no. 10, that among the Seres it was the custom of the men to live in the manner of women, and of the women in the manner of men. Evidently Epiphanius has attributed to the Seres what belongs to the Geli; on whom see below, bk. 9, ch. 22.

(printed under page 694)

Page

running head: 1393 RECOGNITIONUM LI[BER ...] (rest of the head lies over the facing column, outside these images)
marginal letters: A certis distinctionibus et ordinatis movetur; B flammis. Similiter et lunae cursus; C XLVII. Sed fortasse dices; D qui eas per doctrinam propheticam didicere
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: foot carries scripture-reference notes (Gen. IV, 12 in LXX; Ezech. II, 6), whose calls belong to the facing column 1394, and COTELERII NOTAE (77), not set. Damaged type, legible: "augentur", "supra", "aut justa", "afflicti", "requirere". English breaks mid-sentence at both ends with the column.

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etiam tremoris languor advenerit, et quod haec ab initio fuerit vindicta parricidii.

also the weakness of trembling came, and that this from the beginning was the vengeance for parricide.

XLVIII. Nam ab origine mundi nihil horum fuit, sed ex impietate hominum initium mala ista sumpsere, et inde semper crescentibus iniquitatibus et malorum numerus crevit. Sed idcirco divina Providentia judicium erga omnes statuit, quia praesens saeculum non erat tale, in quo unusquisque possit pro meritis dispensari. Non ergo ex his, quae pro peccatis hominum mundo acciderunt malis, illa contemplanda sunt, quae ab initio cum nullae mali causae existerent, bene et ordinate instituta sunt. Denique ad indicium eorum quae ab initio fuere, inveniuntur nonnullae gentes alienae ab hujusmodi malis. Nam Seres quia caste vivunt, expertes habentur horum omnium, quia neque post conceptum adiri ultra apud eos feminam fas est, neque cum purgatur; carnibus ibi immundis nemo vescitur, sacrificia nemo novit, secundum justitiam omnes sibi ipsis judices fiunt. Idcirco igitur neque castigantur istis plagis quas supra diximus, et plurimum temporis in vita durantes, absque aegritudine finiunt vitam. Nos autem miseri, velut cum serpentibus pessimis habitantes, cum hominibus dico iniquis, perferimus necessario cum ipsis afflictionum plagas in hoc mundo, sed spem gerimus ex consolatione futurorum bonorum.

XLVIII. For from the origin of the world there was none of these things, but from the impiety of men these evils took their beginning, and thence, as iniquities ever increased, the number of evils also increased. But for this reason divine Providence has appointed a judgement regarding all, because the present age was not such that in it each one could be dealt with according to his deserts. Therefore it is not from these evils, which have befallen the world for the sins of men, that those things are to be viewed which from the beginning, when no causes of evil existed, were well and orderly established. In short, as an indication of the things that were from the beginning, some nations are found to be strangers to evils of this kind. For the Seres, because they live chastely, are held to be free of all these; for among them it is not lawful for a woman to be approached any more after conception, nor while she is being purified; no one there eats unclean flesh, no one knows sacrifices, all become judges to themselves according to justice. For this reason, therefore, they are neither chastised with those plagues of which we spoke above, and, enduring a very long time in life, they end their life without sickness. But we wretched ones, as though dwelling with the worst of serpents, I mean with wicked men, of necessity bear with them the plagues of afflictions in this world, but we carry hope from the consolation of the good things to come.

XLIX. Si propter iniquitates, inquit senex, aliorum cruciantur etiam justi, oportuit Deum tanquam provisorem jubere hominibus, ut non facerent ea, ex quibus necesse esset cum injustis affligi etiam justos, aut si facerent emendationem aliquam, aut purificationem mundo adhiberent. Jussit, inquit Aquila, Deus haec et dedit praecepta per prophetas, quomodo homines vivere deberent; sed et haec contempserunt, imo vero et eos si qui forte observare cupiebant, diversis injuriis afflixerunt, donec etiam ipsos a proposita observatione dejicerent, et ad incredulitatis nihilominus verterent turbam sibique similes efficerent.

XLIX. If, says the old man, on account of the iniquities of others the just also are tormented, God, as one who provides, ought to have commanded men not to do those things from which it would be necessary for the just also to be afflicted with the unjust, or, if they did them, to apply some amendment or purification to the world. God did command these things, says Aquila, and gave precepts through the prophets as to how men ought to live; but these too they despised; nay rather, those also who perchance desired to observe them they afflicted with various injuries, until they cast even them down from the observance they had purposed, and turned them none the less to the crowd of unbelief and made them like themselves.

L. Propterea denique ab initio cum fuisset omnis terra maculata peccatis, Deus diluvium mundo induxit, quod vos sub Deucalione factum dicitis, et tunc unum quemdam justum cum filiis suis in arca reservavit, et cum eo omnium seminum omniumque animantium genus. Et tamen etiam qui ex ipsis nati sunt, tempore intercedente, rursus similia prioribus agunt; oblivioni enim quae acciderant data sunt, ita ut posteri ne hoc ipsum quidem crederent, quod diluvium factum est. Unde et statuit Deus in praesenti saeculo ultra non fieri diluvium, alioqui

L. For this reason, in short, at the beginning, when the whole earth had been stained with sins, God brought a flood upon the world, which you say took place under Deucalion, and then He preserved a certain just man with his sons in an ark, and with him the kind of all seeds and of all living creatures. And yet even those who were born from them, as time intervened, again do things like the former ones; for what had befallen was given over to oblivion, so that their descendants did not believe even this very thing, that a flood took place. Hence also God determined that in the present age a flood should no more take place, otherwise

Editors' notes and page, col. 1394

Footnotes

(89) ‹anchor: pessimis habitantes› · call in col 1394

Ezech. II, 6.

Ezekiel 2:6.

COTELERII NOTAE.

Notes of Cotelier.

(printed under page 694)

Page

running head: [REC]OGNITIONUM LIB. VIII. 1394
marginal letters: A etiam tremoris languor advenerit; B habentur horum omnium, quia neque post conceptum; C provisorem jubere hominibus; D reservavit, et cum eo omnium seminum
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: note calls removed from the source: 88 after 'vindicta parricidii', (77) after 'Nam Seres', 89 after 'pessimis habitantes'. Notes 88 (Gen. IV, 12 in LXX) and (77) (Cotelier on the Seres) are both called in THIS column; their text and English are set once, in the notes file of col. 1393 (under whose foot they begin), where the call is recorded as 'not visible'. The calls are visible in the column images of 1394 at the two anchors given here (pointer added by QA Q4; col. 1393's file not altered). The column begins and ends mid-sentence.

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secundum rationem peccatorum necesse erat etiam per singulas generationes hoc fieri infidelitatis gratia; sed magis indulsit per singulas gentes angelos quosdam agere principatum qui malis gaudent, quibus tamen ea conditione potestas adversum unumquemque mortalium data est, si prius se ipse quis peccando eis fecisset obnoxium, donec adveniret ille qui bonis gaudet, et compleretur per ipsum numerus justorum, et per omnem mundum crescente multitudine piorum, aliqua ex parte reprimeretur impietas et innotesceret omnibus, quia omne quod bonum est a Deo fit.

according to the reckoning of sins it would have been necessary for this to happen also in each several generation on account of unbelief; but rather He permitted certain angels who rejoice in evils to hold rule over the several nations, to whom, however, power was given against each mortal on this condition, if a man had first made himself liable to them by sinning, until He should come who rejoices in good things, and through Him the number of the just should be filled up, and, as the multitude of the pious grew through the whole world, impiety should in some part be repressed, and it should become known to all that everything that is good is done by God.

LI. Ex arbitrii autem libertate unusquisque hominum dum incredulus est de futuris, per malos actus incurrit in mala. Et haec sunt quae videntur in mundo contra ordinem geri, quibus causas, ut essent, infidelitas dedit. Miranda igitur per omnia est divinae Providentiae dispensatio, quae his qui initio fuerint, bonam quidem viam vitae incedentibus, bonis incorruptibilibus dedit perfrui; ubi vero peccaverunt [ mali originem peccato pariente sumpserunt ], et unicuique bono quasi quodam conjugii foedere ex parte peccati sociatum est malum, quoniam quidem humano sanguine terra polluta est, et arae daemonibus succensae, aerem quoque ipsum incesto sacrificiorum fumo temerarunt, et ita demum corrupta prius elementa hominibus corruptelae vitium, velut radices ramis ac fructibus tradiderunt.

LI. But from the freedom of choice each man, while he is unbelieving concerning the things to come, through evil acts runs into evils. And these are the things which seem to be done in the world against order, to which unbelief gave the causes of their being. Wonderful therefore in all respects is the dispensation of divine Providence, which granted to those who were at the beginning, while they walked the good way of life, to enjoy incorruptible goods; but when they sinned [ they took up the origin of evil, sin bringing it forth ], and to each good thing evil was joined, on the side of sin, as by a kind of bond of wedlock, since indeed the earth was polluted with human blood, and altars were kindled to demons, and they defiled the very air also with the impure smoke of sacrifices; and so at last the elements, first corrupted, handed on to men the taint of corruption, as roots do to branches and fruits.

LII. Vide ergo in hoc, ut dixi, quam juste vitiatis rebus Providentia divina succurrit, ut quoniam bonis Dei, mala quae ex peccato originem sumpserant sociata sunt, duabus his partibus duos principes poneret, et ei qui bonis gaudet bonorum ordinem, qui ad fidem providentiae suae credentes adduceret, statuit, ei vero qui malis gaudet, ea quae contra ordinem et inutiliter geruntur, ex quibus sine dubio etiam providentiae fides in dubium veniat; et habita est per hoc a justo Deo justa divisio. Hinc ergo est, quod cum ordinatus astrorum cursus fidem faciat manu artificis conditum mundum, rursum conturbatio aeris, aura pestilens, fulminum vagi ignes, Providentiae opus refellant. Habent enim, ut diximus, singula quaeque bona, contraria et conjuncta sibi mala, ut fecundis imbribus grando inimica est, ut rori placido rubiginis est sociata corruptio, ut ventis lenibus procellarum turbines juncti sunt, fructuosis arboribus infructuosae, herbis utilibus noxiae, animalibus mitibus fera et perniciosa connexa sunt. Haec autem omnia posita sunt a Deo, pro eo quod hominibus voluntas arbitrii a bonorum proposito discessit et declinavit ad mala.

LII. See therefore in this, as I said, how justly divine Providence comes to the aid of things that have been vitiated, so that, since to the good things of God were joined the evils which had taken their origin from sin, it set two princes over these two parts; and to him who rejoices in good things it assigned the order of good things, which should lead believers to faith in its providence, but to him who rejoices in evils, the things which are done against order and uselessly, from which without doubt faith in providence also comes into doubt; and by this a just division was made by the just God. Hence it is, then, that while the ordered course of the stars gives assurance that the world was founded by the hand of a craftsman, on the other hand the disturbance of the air, the pestilential breeze, the wandering fires of thunderbolts refute the work of Providence. For, as we said, all good things severally have evils contrary and conjoined to them, as hail is hostile to fertile showers, as the corruption of blight is associated with the gentle dew, as the whirlwinds of storms are joined to mild winds, unfruitful trees to fruitful ones, noxious herbs to useful ones, wild and destructive animals are linked to gentle ones. But all these things were set by God, because in men the will of choice departed from the purpose of good things and turned aside to evils.

LIII. Igitur in omnibus mundi rebus habetur ista divisio, et sicut sunt pii, ita et impii, ut sunt prophetae, ita et falsi prophetae; sed et apud gentiles sunt philosophi, sunt et falsi philosophi; Judaeorum quoque circumcisionem Arabicae gentes aliaeque plurimae ad ministerium suae impietatis imitati sunt. Sic et divino cultui est contrarius daemonum cultus, et baptismo baptismus, et legi leges, et

LIII. Therefore in all the things of the world this division is found, and as there are pious, so also impious; as there are prophets, so also false prophets; and among the Gentiles too there are philosophers, and there are also false philosophers; the circumcision of the Jews also the Arab nations and very many others have imitated for the service of their own impiety. So also the worship of demons is contrary to divine worship, and baptism to baptism, and laws to the law, and

Editors' notes and page, col. 1395

Page

running head: 1395 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. [...] (rest of the head lies over the facing column, outside these images)
marginal letters: A secundum rationem peccatorum necesse erat etiam; B actus incurrit in mala / in mundo contra ordinem geri (letter sits between the two lines); C rebus Providentia divina succurrit; D ut rori placido rubiginis est sociata corruptio
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the square-bracketed clause in LI is printed so, with spaces inside the brackets, and is kept. "imitati sunt" (with "gentes ... plurimae") is set as printed; UNSURE whether a misprint for "imitatae" or the editors' reading. Damaged type, legible: "unumquemque", "tradiderunt", "sumpserant", "ignes", "diximus", "juncti". English breaks mid-sentence at both ends with the column.

PG 1:1396

apostolis pseudoapostoli, et doctoribus falsi doctores. Et inde est unde apud philosophos alii asserunt providentiam, alii negant, alii unum Deum, alii Plures defendunt. Usque ad hoc res denique accessit, ut cum verbo Dei fugentur daemones, per quod esse Providentia declaratur, invenerit ars magica ad infidelitatem confirmandam, quomodo etiam hoc ex contrariis imitetur. Sic serpentum venena mitigare carminibus inventum, et verbo ac potestati Dei contrarias inducere sanitates. Angelis quoque Dei contraria reperit ars magica ministeria, animarum suscitationes contra haec et figmenta daemonum ponens. Et ne multa enumerando sermonem longius traham, nihil omnino est quod fidem Providentiae faciat, et non habeat econtrario aliud ad infidelitatem paratum; et ideo qui ignorant istam divisionem rerum, pro his quae a semetipsis discordant in mundo, non putant esse Providentiam. Sed tu, Pater, quasi vir sapiens ex ista divisione elige partem, quae ordinem servat et fidem providentiae facit, et non solum sequaris illam partem, quae contra ordinem currit et Providentiae derogat fidem.

false apostles to the apostles, and false teachers to the teachers. And hence it is that among the philosophers some assert providence, others deny it, some defend one God, others many. In short, the matter has come to this, that whereas demons are put to flight by the word of God, through which it is declared that there is a Providence, the magic art, for confirming unbelief, has found how it may imitate even this from the contrary side. Thus it has been devised to soften the venoms of serpents by incantations, and to bring in healings contrary to the word and power of God. The magic art has also discovered ministries contrary to the angels of God, setting against these the raisings of souls and the figments of demons. And, not to draw out my discourse further by enumerating many things, there is nothing at all which gives assurance of Providence and does not have, on the contrary side, something else made ready for unbelief; and therefore those who do not know this division of things, on account of those things in the world which are at variance with themselves, do not think that there is a Providence. But you, Father, as a wise man, choose out of this division the part which keeps order and gives assurance of providence, and do not follow only that part which runs against order and takes away faith from Providence.

LIV. Ad haec senex respondit: Da mihi viam, fili, qua possim ex duobus istis ordinibus, quorum alter asserit, alter refutat Providentiam, unum aliquem in meis sensibus confirmare. Rectum, inquit Aquila, habenti judicium facile discrimen est: nam et hoc ipsum quod ais, ordo et inordinatio, ab artifice fieri potest, a natura vero insensibili non potest; nam verbi gratia ponamus de excelsa rupe abruptum saxum in praeceps ferri, idque illisum solo in multa fragmenta comminui, nunquid evenire ullo modo potest, ut in illa multitudine fragmentorum inveniatur unum saltem fragmentum, in quo perfecta aliqua species per omnia habeatur ac forma? Et senex respondit: Non potest. Quod si adsit, inquit Aquila, signorum artifex, excisum de monte saxum manu artifici et sensu rationabili formare in quam velit speciem potest. Et senex: Verum, inquit, istud est. Ergo, ait Aquila, ubi sensus non est rationabilis, nulla species ex integro formari potest, ubi autem sensus est artifex, ibi et forma et informitas esse potest: verbi gratia, si excidat e monte saxum artifex cui formam velit imponere, necesse est ut id primo informe caedat et barbarum, tum deinde paulatim excudens et ad libram suae artis exsculpens, exprimat formam quam mente conceperit. Ita ergo ex informitate vel deformitate, artificis manu pervenitur ad formam, et utrumque ab artifice procedit; simili igitur modo et ea quae in mundo geruntur, per artificis providentiam fiunt, etiamsi minus ordinata videantur. Et ideo quia tibi duae istae innotuerunt viae, earumque accepisti divisiones, fuge infidelitatis viam, ne forte perducat te ad illum principem qui malis gaudet, sequere fidei viam, ut pervenire possis ad regem illum qui bonis hominibus gaudet.

LIV. To this the old man answered: Give me a way, my son, by which I may be able to establish in my mind some one of those two orders, of which the one asserts and the other refutes Providence. For one who has a right judgement, says Aquila, the distinction is easy: for this very thing of which you speak, order and disorder, can be brought about by a craftsman, but by insensible nature it cannot; for, to take an example, let us suppose that a rock broken off from a lofty crag is borne headlong, and that, dashed upon the ground, it is shattered into many fragments: can it in any way happen that in that multitude of fragments there should be found even one fragment in which some perfect appearance and form in all respects is had? And the old man answered: It cannot. But if, says Aquila, a maker of statues is at hand, he can form a rock cut out of the mountain, with a craftsman's hand and rational sense, into whatever appearance he wishes. And the old man: That, he says, is true. Therefore, says Aquila, where there is no rational sense, no appearance can be formed entire; but where sense is the craftsman, there both form and formlessness can be: for example, if a craftsman cuts out of the mountain a rock on which he wishes to impose a form, it is necessary that he first hew it shapeless and rude, then after that, gradually hammering it out and carving it to the balance of his art, express the form which he has conceived in his mind. So then from formlessness or deformity one arrives at form by the craftsman's hand, and both proceed from the craftsman; in like manner, therefore, the things also which are done in the world come about through the providence of a craftsman, even if they seem less ordered. And therefore, since these two ways have become known to you, and you have received their divisions, flee the way of unbelief, lest perhaps it lead you to that prince who rejoices in evils; follow the way of faith, that you may be able to come to that King who rejoices in good men.

LV. Ad haec senex respondit: Cur autem et princeps ille qui malis gaudet factus est, et unde

LV. To this the old man answered: But why was that prince also who rejoices in evils made, and whence

Editors' notes and page, col. 1396

Page

running head: [S. CLEMENTI]S I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1396
marginal letters: A apostolis pseudoapostoli, et doctoribus falsi doctores; B dentiae faciat / fidelitatem paratum (letter sits between the two lines); C test; nam verbi gratia ponamus de excelsa rupe; D necesse est ut id primo informe caedat
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: "alii Plures" is printed with a capital P, kept. UNSURE "et non solum sequaris illam partem": so printed (one might expect no "solum"); set and translated as printed. No full stop is visible after "derogat fidem" at the end of LIII (faint or lost type); a full stop is supplied in the setting. The question mark after "ac forma" is damaged but legible. Damaged type, legible: "saxum" (monte saxum), "quae" (ea quae in mundo), "et" (Cur autem et). English breaks mid-sentence at both ends with the column.

PG 1:1397

factus est aut non est factus? Aquila ait: Alterius temporis est iste tractatus; verum ne expers abeas etiam hujus responsionis, pauca tibi de hoc quoque insinuabo. Praescius omnium Deus ante constitutionem mundi, sciens quia futuri homines, alii quidem ad bona, alii vero ad contraria declinabunt, eos qui bona elegerint, suo principatui et suae curae sociavit atque haereditatem sibi eos propriam nominavit; eos vero qui ad mala declinarint, angelis regendos permisit his qui non per substantiam, sed per oppositum cum Deo permanere noluerunt invidiae et superbiae vitio corrupti; dignos ergo dignorum principes fecit. Ita tamen eos tradidit, ut non habeant potestatem in eos faciendi quod volunt, nisi statutum sibi ab initio terminum transeant. Hic est autem statutus terminus, ut nisi quis prius fecerit daemonum voluntatem, daemones in eo non habeant potestatem.

was he made, or was he not made? Aquila says: That discussion belongs to another time; but lest you go away without a share in this answer too, I will convey to you a few things about this as well. God, foreknowing all things before the foundation of the world, knowing that of the men who were to be some would turn aside to good things, but others to the contrary, joined those who should choose good things to His own rule and His own care, and named them His own proper inheritance; but those who should turn aside to evils He permitted to be ruled by those angels who, not through their substance but through opposition, were unwilling to abide with God, being corrupted by the vice of envy and pride; He therefore made fit princes of fit subjects. Yet He so handed them over that they do not have power to do to them what they wish, unless they overstep the limit appointed for them from the beginning. Now this is the appointed limit, that unless a man has first done the will of the demons, the demons have no power over him.

LVI. Et senex ait: Magnifice prosecutus es, fili; superest nunc ut dicas unde est substantia mali; si enim a Deo facta est, fructus malus radicem culpabilem docet, videtur enim et ipsa malae naturae: si vero coaeterna fuit haec substantia Deo, quomodo potest quod aequaliter ingenitum et coaeternum est, alteri esse subjectum? Non semper fuit, inquit Aquila; sed neque si ex Deo facta est, continuo necesse est etiam conditorem ejus talem videri, quale est illud quod ab eo factum est. Nam substantias quidem Deus fecit omnium, sed si rationabilis mens quae a Deo facta est, nequaquam conditoris sui legibus acquiescit, et modum statutae sibi temperantiae excedit, quid hoc ad conditorem spectat? Vel si aliqua est ratio haec superior, ignoramus; neque enim de singulis ad perfectum scire possumus, et de his praecipue pro quibus non sumus judicandi, cur ignoremus. Ea vero pro quibus judicandi sumus, facillima sunt ad intelligendum, et pene uno sermone absolvuntur. Omnis enim propemodum actuum nostrorum in eo colligitur observantia, ut quod ipsi pati nolumus, ne hoc aliis inferamus; sicut enim ipse occidi non vis, caveas oportet ne alium occidas; et sicut tuum non vis violari matrimonium, nec tu alterius macules torum; furtum pati non vis, nec ipse facias; et intra hanc regulam ⟨h⟩umanorum gestorum singula quaeque concurrunt.

LVI. And the old man says: You have treated it splendidly, my son; it remains now for you to say whence is the substance of evil; for if it was made by God, the evil fruit shows a blameworthy root, for it too seems to be of an evil nature; but if this substance was coeternal with God, how can that which is equally unbegotten and coeternal be subject to another? It did not always exist, says Aquila; but neither, if it was made from God, is it at once necessary that its Creator also should seem to be such as is that which was made by Him. For God indeed made the substances of all things; but if a rational mind which was made by God in no way acquiesces in the laws of its Creator, and exceeds the measure of the temperance appointed for it, what has this to do with the Creator? Or if there is some reason higher than this, we do not know it; for we cannot know perfectly about each thing, and especially about those things for which we are not to be judged as to why we are ignorant of them. But the things for which we are to be judged are very easy to understand, and are dispatched in almost a single word. For nearly the whole observance of our acts is gathered up in this, that what we ourselves are unwilling to suffer, this we should not inflict on others; for as you yourself do not wish to be killed, you must beware that you do not kill another; and as you do not wish your own marriage to be violated, neither should you defile another's bed; you do not wish to suffer theft, neither should you commit it yourself; and within this rule every single one of human deeds comes together.

LVII. Tum senex: Ne aegre, inquit, accipias, fili, quod dicturus sum; sermones tui quamvis validi

LVII. Then the old man: Do not take amiss, he says, my son, what I am about to say; your discourses, although they are strong

Editors' notes and page, col. 1397

Footnotes

(60) ‹anchor: propriam nominavit› · call in col 1397

Deut. XXXII, 8 in LXX.

Deuteronomy 32:8 in the Septuagint.

(printed under page 696)

(78) ‹anchor: ratio haec superior› · call in col 1397

Vel si aliqua est ratio hac superior. Vide Coteler. notas ad Clementinorum hom. xix, num. 12, Patr. Gr. t. II. EDIT.

"Or if there is some reason higher than this." See Cotelier's notes on the Clementines, homily 19, no. 12, Patrologia Graeca vol. II. — Editor.

(printed under page 696)

Page

running head: 1397 RECOGNITIONUM. — [...] (rest of the head lies over the facing column, outside these images)
marginal letters: A factus est aut non est factus? Aquila ait: Alterius; B Hic est autem statutus terminus; C tionabilis mens quae a Deo facta est / conditoris sui legibus acquiescit (letter sits between the two lines); D tra hanc regulam humanorum gestorum singula
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the heading COTELERII NOTAE. (Notes of Cotelier) stands above the editors' notes at the page foot. Superscript note call 60 after ‹nominavit› left out of the source; no parenthetical reference printed. The text prints ‹ratio haec superior›, the lemma of note (78) ‹hac superior›; the source keeps the text as printed and the English follows the sense of the lemma. Damaged type: the first letter of 'humanorum' prints like an n, set ⟨h⟩umanorum. Cotelier's note (79) is called in col. 1398.

PG 1:1398

sint, non possunt tamen flectere me ut credam fieri aliquid posse extra genesim. Scio enim omnia mihi necessitate genesis accidisse, et ideo suaderi mihi non potest, quia vel bene vel male agere in nostra potestate sit; et si actus nostros in potestate non habemus, non potest credi futurum esse judicium, per quod vel malis poenae vel bonis praemia tribuantur. Denique quoniam te imbutum video in hujuscemodi disciplinis, pauca tibi ex ipsa arte proferam. Si, inquit Aquila, ex ipsa disciplina astruere aliquid cupis, frater meus Clemens tibi diligentius respondebit, qui plenius scientiam mathesis attigit; ego enim aliis viis asserere possum, quod actus nostri in nostra sint positi potestate, ista autem quae non didici, praesumere non debeo.

they cannot nevertheless bend me to believe that anything can come about apart from the genesis. For I know that all things have befallen me by the necessity of the genesis, and therefore I cannot be persuaded that to act either well or ill is in our power; and if we do not have our acts in our power, it cannot be believed that there will be a judgement, through which either punishments are assigned to the evil or rewards to the good. In short, since I see that you are steeped in disciplines of this kind, I will bring forward for you a few things from the art itself. If, says Aquila, you desire to establish anything from the discipline itself, my brother Clement will answer you more carefully, who has more fully touched the science of astrology; for I can assert by other ways that our acts are placed in our own power, but these things which I have not learned I ought not to presume upon.

LVIII. Cum haec Aquila dixisset, ego Clemens: Crastino, inquam, dices, Pater, ut voles, et audiemus libenter, nam et te puto grate habiturum, quod cum his tibi erit sermo, qui expertes non sunt ejus quam protuleris disciplinae. Cum ergo placuisset inter me et senem, ut sequenti die disputatio nobis de ratione genesis haberetur, utrum omnia ex ea fierent, an esset aliquid in nobis, quod non genesis sed animi judicium gereret, Petrus surrexit et sermonem facere hoc modo coepit: Mirum mihi admodum est, quod res quae facile inveniri possunt, homines exquisitis cogitationibus ac verbis difficiles faciunt, et hi maxime qui videntur sibi sapientes, quique volentes Dei voluntatem comprehendere, quasi homine utuntur Deo, imo et si quid minus; nam hominis consilium vel sensum scire nemo potest, nisi ipse prodat qui cogitaverit, sed neque artem quis discere potest, nisi multo tempore a magistro fuerit imbutus; quanto magis invisibilis et incomprehensibilis Dei neque sensum neque opus scire quis potest, nisi ipse mittat prophetam, qui enarret consilium suum et viam conditionis exponat, in quantum discere hominibus fas est. Unde ridiculum puto, cum naturalibus viis de virtute Dei homines judicant, et putant hoc quidem ei esse possibile, illud vero impossibile, aut hoc majus, illud minus, ignari omnium, qui cum sint homines injusti, judicant Deum justum, artificem imperiti, incorruptibilem corrupti, factura factorem.

LVIII. When Aquila had said these things, I Clement said: Tomorrow you shall speak, Father, as you wish, and we shall gladly hear, for I think that you too will take it gratefully that your discourse will be with those who are not without a share in the discipline which you will bring forward. When therefore it had been agreed between me and the old man that on the following day a disputation should be held by us concerning the reckoning of the genesis, whether all things came about from it, or whether there was something in us which not the genesis but the judgement of the mind conducted, Peter rose and began to make a discourse in this manner: It is very wonderful to me that things which can easily be found men make difficult by far-fetched thoughts and words, and those most of all who seem to themselves wise, and who, wishing to comprehend the will of God, treat God as though He were a man, nay, even as something less; for no one can know the counsel or mind of a man unless he himself who thought it discloses it, nor again can anyone learn an art unless he has been instructed by a master for a long time; how much more can no one know either the mind or the work of the invisible and incomprehensible God, unless He Himself send a prophet to declare His counsel and to set forth the way of creation, so far as it is lawful for men to learn. Hence I think it ridiculous when men judge of the power of God by natural ways, and think that this indeed is possible for Him but that impossible, or this greater, that less, being ignorant of all things; who, though they are unjust men, judge the just God, the unskilled the Craftsman, the corrupt the Incorruptible, the thing made its Maker.

LIX. Et nolo putetis, quia haec dicens judicandi de rebus perimo facultatem, sed consilium do ne per devia quis incedens, sine fine incurrat errores. Et ideo non solum sapientibus, sed et omnibus hominibus

LIX. And I would not have you think that in saying these things I take away the faculty of judging about things, but I give counsel lest anyone, walking through byways, should run into errors without end. And therefore not only the wise, but also all men

Editors' notes and page, col. 1398

Footnotes

(79) ‹anchor: artificem imperiti› · call in col 1398

Qui cum sint homines injusti, etc. Huc pertinet illud Tertullianeum : Quanto magis hos Anacharsis denotasset, imprudentes de prudentibus judicantes, quam immusicos de musicis. Apologetici c. 1, ex dicto ejus Scythae apud Laertium : θαυμάζειν δὲ ἔφη πῶς παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἀγωνίζονται μὲν οἱ τεχνῖται, κρίνουσι δὲ οἱ μὴ τεχνῖται. Et apud Plutarchum in Solone : Ἔφη κἀκεῖνο θαυμάζειν ὁ Ἀνάχαρσις, ἐκκλησίᾳ παραγενόμενος, ὅτι λέγουσι μὲν οἱ σοφοὶ παρ' Ἕλλησι, κρίνουσι δὲ οἱ ἀμαθεῖς. Recte Julius Firmicus lib. i, c. 2 : Injusti sunt enim semper (sicut novimus) judices, qui de incognitis sibi pronuntiant rebus. Non habent etiam judicandi auctoritatem, qui ad statuendum aliquid imperita licentia temeritatis adducuntur.

"Who, though they are unjust men," etc. To this belongs that saying of Tertullian: "How much more would Anacharsis have censured these men, the imprudent judging of the prudent, than the unmusical judging of musicians." Apology ch. 1, from the saying of that Scythian in Laertius: "And he said he wondered how among the Greeks the experts compete, but those who are not experts judge." And in Plutarch, in the Solon: "Anacharsis said that he wondered at this too, after attending an assembly: that among the Greeks the wise speak, but the ignorant decide." Rightly Julius Firmicus, bk. 1, ch. 2: "For those judges are always unjust (as we know) who pronounce upon matters unknown to them. Nor have they authority to judge, who are led to determine anything by the unskilled licence of rashness."

(printed under page 696)

Page

running head: [REC]OGNITIONUM. — LIB. VIII. 1398
marginal letters: A sint, non possunt tamen flectere me; B LVIII. Cum haec Aquila dixisset, ego Clemens; C quasi homine utuntur Deo / nam hominis consilium (letter sits between the two lines); D LIX. Et nolo putetis, quia haec dicens
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1399

qui desiderium gerunt agnoscendi quod sibi expedit, suadeo ut requirant verum Prophetam, quia ipse solus est, qui novit omnia, et scit quid et quomodo unusquisque quaerat. Inest enim intra uniuscujusque nostrum mentem, sed in illis quidem, qui desiderium Dei agnitionis et justitiae ejus nullum gerunt, otiatur, in his vero qui quod animae suae expedit quaerunt, operatur et scientiae lumen accendit. Propter quod primo omnium hunc requirite, quem si non inveneritis, ab alio vos agnituros aliquid non speretis. Invenitur autem cito ab his qui veritatis amore perquirunt, et quorum anima praeoccupata non tenetur in malitia. Adest enim his qui eum in innocentia spiritus sui desiderant, qui per patientiam sustinent, et suspiria de profundo cordis veritatis amore producunt; fugit autem malevolas mentes, quia ut propheta cognoscit cogitationes uniuscujusque. Et ideo nemo putet eum per prudentiam suam invenire posse, nisi, ut supra diximus, mentem suam omni nequitia vacuam effecerit, atque agnitionis ejus desiderium purum et fidele conceperit. Ubi enim talem se quis praeparaverit, ipse ut propheta, videns praeparatam mentem sponte se adhibet ad agnoscendum.

who bear a desire of coming to know what is expedient for them, I advise to seek out the true Prophet, because He alone it is Who knows all things, and knows what and how each one seeks. For He is within the mind of each one of us; but in those who bear no desire for the knowledge of God and of His justice He is idle, while in those who seek what is expedient for their soul He works and kindles the light of knowledge. Wherefore seek Him first of all; and if you do not find Him, do not hope that you will come to know anything from another. But He is quickly found by those who search with love of the truth, and whose soul is not held preoccupied in malice. For He is present to those who desire Him in the innocence of their spirit, who endure through patience, and bring forth sighs from the depth of the heart out of love of the truth; but He flees malevolent minds, because as a prophet He knows the thoughts of each one. And therefore let no one think that he can find Him through his own prudence, unless, as we said above, he has made his mind empty of all wickedness, and has conceived a pure and faithful desire of knowing Him. For when anyone has prepared himself as such, He Himself, as a prophet, seeing the mind prepared, of His own accord offers Himself to be known.

LX. Si quis igitur vult omnia discere, non per singula discutiens; neque enim poterit, cum sit mortalis, Dei investigare consilium et ipsam immensitatem perscrutari: sed si discere, ut diximus, omnia desiderat, verum prophetam requirat. Quem cum invenerit, non quaestionibus et disputationibus neque argumentis cum eo agat, sed si quid responderit, si quid pronuntiaverit, hoc certum esse non potest dubitari. Et ideo quaeratur verus propheta ante omnia, et ejus verba teneantur; in quibus illud tantummodo discutiendum unicuique est, ut satisfaciat sibi si vere prophetica ejus verba sunt, id est, si indubitatam fidem continent futurorum, si tempora definita consignant, si rerum ordinem servant, si non quae prima sunt, novissima, et quae in novissimis gesta sunt, prima narrarunt, si nihil versutum, nihil magica arte ad decipiendum compositum continent, aut si non quae aliis revelata sunt, ad se transtulerit admistis mendaciis. Et cum his omnibus recto judicio discussis, verba constiterit esse prophetica, ita demum

LX. If anyone therefore wishes to learn all things, [let it] not [be] by examining them one by one; for he will not be able, being mortal, to trace out the counsel of God and to search through immensity itself: but if, as we said, he desires to learn all things, let him seek the true Prophet. And when he has found Him, let him not deal with Him by questions and disputations nor by arguments, but if He has answered anything, if He has pronounced anything, it cannot be doubted that this is certain. And therefore let the true Prophet be sought before all things, and let His words be held fast; in which each one has only this to examine, that he satisfy himself whether His words are truly prophetic, that is, whether they contain undoubted assurance of things to come, whether they mark definite times, whether they keep the order of things, whether they have not related the things that are first as last, and the things done in the last times as first, whether they contain nothing crafty, nothing composed by magic art for deceiving, or whether he has not transferred to himself, with lies mixed in, things which were revealed to others. And when, all these things having been examined with right judgement, it has been established that the words are prophetic, then at last

LIBER NONUS.

BOOK NINE.

I. Sequenti die Petrus una nobiscum mature ad locum, in quo pridie habita fuerat disputatio, properavit, atque ibi cum plurimas jam ad audiendum convenisse turbas et senem cum eis videret, ait ad eum: Hesterna die, o senex, cum Clemente placuerat ut hodie sermo fieret, et aut tu ostenderes

I. On the following day Peter, together with us, hastened early to the place in which the disputation had been held the day before; and when he saw there that very many crowds had already come together to hear, and the old man with them, he says to him: Yesterday, old man, it had been agreed with Clement that the discourse should take place today, and that either you should show

Editors' notes and page, col. 1399

Footnotes

(61) ‹anchor: malevolas mentes› · call in col 1399

Sap. I, 4.

Wisdom 1:4.

(printed under page 697)

Page

running head: 1399 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. [...] (rest of the head lies over the facing column, outside these images)
marginal letters: A qui desiderium gerunt agnoscendi quod (first printed line: minibus qui desiderium ...); B dis veritatis amore producunt; fugit autem male-; C Quem cum invenerit, non quaestionibus et disputa-; D mendaciis. Et cum his omnibus recto judicio dis-
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: PAGE LAYOUT: Book VIII ends in the upper part of this page (column 1399 down to "ita de-", then the upper part of column 1400 to "solito utimur."); a rule follows, then the caption LIBER NONUS. across both columns, then Book IX begins in the lower part of column 1399 and continues in the lower part of column 1400. This file sets column 1399 top to bottom, so the upper part of column 1400 (file c1400) belongs in reading order BETWEEN "ita demum" and the caption here. The caption is set once, here, where Book IX begins; its last letters (NONUS.) were read from the column-1400 images. The column's first printed letters "minibus" complete "hominibus", set whole at the end of column 1398. "de-|mum" completed from the first line of column 1400. Scripture reference printed as a superscript call with the reference at the foot, not inline: call 61 after "mentes" = Sap. I, 4. The calls on this stretch therefore run 58, 59 (column 1394, there read as 88, 89 in worn type), 60 (column 1397), 61 here, 62 (column 1400). Foot note 62, an editors' note on the Leipzig codices, is called in column 1400 (after "locutus es") and belongs to that column's notes, not here. A stray mark like an apostrophe follows "quaerat." "immensitatem": the double m is broken type. English breaks mid-sentence at the column's start, at "ita demum" and at the end.

PG 1:1400

credi eis de omnibus quibus dixerint et responderint, debet.

ought they to be believed concerning all the things which they have said and answered.

LXI. Etenim consideremus diligentius opus divinae Providentiae. Nam quod philosophi introduxerunt verba subtilia quaedam et difficilia, ita ut ne ipsa quidem vocabula sermonum nota esse omnibus possent et intelligibilia, Deus eos qui sibi artifices verborum videbantur, per omnia imperitos erga agnitionem veritatis ostendit. Simplex enim est et manifesta ac brevis rerum scientia, quae per verum prophetam traditur, quam isti per devia incedentes et scrupeas verborum difficultates, tota ignoraverunt via. Igitur verecundis et simplicibus mentibus, cum viderint fieri quae praedicta sunt, satis abundeque sufficit, ut de certissima praescientia certissimam scientiam capiant, et de caetero requiescant evidenti agnitione veritatis assumpta; caetera omnia aestimatione tractantur, in quibus firmum nihil esse potest. Quis enim sermo est, qui non recipiat contradictionem? et quae argumentatio est, quae non possit alia argumentatione subverti? Et inde est quod ad nullum finem scientiae et agnitionis per hujusmodi disputationem pervenire homines possunt, priusque finem vitae inveniunt quam quaestionum.

LXI. For let us consider more carefully the work of divine Providence. For whereas the philosophers have introduced certain subtle and difficult words, so that not even the very terms of their discourses could be known and intelligible to all, God has shown those who seemed to themselves craftsmen of words to be in all respects unskilled with regard to the knowledge of the truth. For the knowledge of things which is handed down through the true Prophet is simple and plain and brief, which those men, walking through byways and the rugged difficulties of words, have missed by the whole way. Therefore for modest and simple minds, when they see the things that were foretold come to pass, it is enough and more than enough that from most certain foreknowledge they receive most certain knowledge, and for the rest are at peace, having taken up the evident knowledge of the truth; all other things are handled by conjecture, in which there can be nothing firm. For what discourse is there that does not admit contradiction? and what argumentation is there that cannot be overturned by another argumentation? And hence it is that men can come to no end of knowledge and understanding through disputation of this kind, and find the end of life sooner than the end of their questions.

LXII. Et ideo cum in his omnia habeantur incerta, ad verum prophetam veniendum est, quem Deus Pater volens ab omnibus diligi, haec quae homines induxerunt, in quibus nihil potest apprehendi, voluit penitus exstinguere, ut eo magis iste quaereretur, et quem illi obcluserant, hic hominibus viam veritatis aperiret. Propter hunc enim Deus etiam mundum fecit et ab ipso mundus repletur, unde et quaerentibus se adest ubique, etiamsi in ultimis terrae finibus quaeratur. Si vero non pure eum quis nec sancte neque fideliter quaerat, intra ipsum quidem est, quia ubique est et intra sensus omnium invenitur; sed, ut supra diximus, infidelibus dormit et absens habetur his, a quibus esse non creditur. Cumque haec et alia hujusmodi Petrus de vero propheta prosecutus esset, turbas dimisit, senem vero cum rogasset plurimum permanere nobiscum, obtinere non potuit, sed et ipse discessit, alia die sicut placuerat rediturus. Et post haec nos una cum Petro ingressi hospitium, cibo et quiete solito utimur.

LXII. And therefore, since in these all things are held uncertain, one must come to the true Prophet, Whom God the Father, willing that He be loved by all, has willed utterly to extinguish these things which men have brought in, in which nothing can be grasped, so that He might be sought all the more, and that He might open to men the way of truth which they had shut up. For on His account God also made the world, and by Him the world is filled; whence also He is present everywhere to those who seek Him, even if He be sought in the uttermost ends of the earth. But if anyone seeks Him not purely nor holily nor faithfully, He is indeed within him, because He is everywhere and is found within the minds of all; but, as we said above, to the unbelieving He sleeps, and is held absent by those by whom He is not believed to exist. And when Peter had gone through these and other things of this kind concerning the true Prophet, he dismissed the crowds; but when he had earnestly asked the old man to remain with us, he could not prevail, but he too departed, to return on another day as had been agreed. And after this we, having entered the lodging together with Peter, take food and rest as usual.

nihil extra genesim fieri, aut Clemens doceret genesim non esse [sed in nobis et in nostra potestate haberi quae gerimus]. Ad haec senex respondit: Et quid placuerit memini, et tua verba teneo quae post pactiones locutus es, quibus docuisti impossibile esse homini scire aliquid, nisi a vero Propheta

that nothing comes about apart from the genesis, or Clement should teach that there is no genesis [but that the things we do are held in us and in our own power]. To this the old man answered: I both remember what was agreed, and I hold fast your words which you spoke after the agreement, by which you taught that it is impossible for a man to know anything, unless from the true Prophet

Editors' notes and page, col. 1400

Footnotes

(62) ‹anchor: pactiones locutus es› · call in col 1400

In codd. Lipss. omissis iis, quae usque ad cap. 16 med. sequuntur, sic legitur : Locutus es. Deinde prosecutus senex adjecit : Certum est mihi et bene novi quia compaginatione, etc.

In the Leipzig codices, with what follows down to the middle of ch. 16 omitted, the reading is thus: "You have spoken. Then the old man, continuing, added: It is certain to me and I know well that by the conjunction," etc.

(printed under page 697)

Page

running head: [S. CLEMEN]TIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1400
marginal letters: A credi eis de omnibus quibus dixerint (first printed line: mum credi eis ...); B simam scientiam capiant, et de caetero requiescant; C hendi, voluit penitus exstinguere / quaereretur, et quem illi obcluserant (letter sits between the two lines); D una cum Petro ingressi hospitium
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: PAGE LAYOUT (see c1399): the first three paragraphs here are the end of Book VIII, upper part of the column, continuing from "ita demum" in column 1399; then a rule and the caption LIBER NONUS. across both columns (set once, in c1399); the last paragraph here is the lower part of the column, continuing Book IX cap. I from "aut tu ostenderes" at the foot of column 1399. The column's first printed letters "mum" complete "demum", set whole in column 1399. LAST WORD SPLIT AT THE BREAK (Pro- | pheta): set whole here, the tail read from the first line of column 1401 and not restored there. The square-bracketed clause in cap. I is printed so and kept. UNSURE "quem illi obcluserant": so printed (sense requires "quam", with viam); set as printed, translated by sense. Foot note call 62 after "locutus es" removed from the text; the note (an editors' note on the Leipzig codices) runs full width at the foot and is set above (the numeral is 62, following 61 in column 1399). Damaged type, legible: "hunc" (Propter hunc), "pure", "teneo quae" (pen stroke through the space), "et" (Simplex enim est et).

PG 1:1401

didicerit. Et Petrus: Nescis, inquit, quomodo dixerim, sed nunc te ego commonebo, de voluntate dixi et consilio Dei, quam habuit priusquam mundus esset, et quo consilio fecerit mundum, tempora statuerit, legem dederit, justis ad bonorum remunerationem futurum saeculum promiserit, injustis poenas ex judicii sententia statuerit; hoc ego dixi consilium, et hanc voluntatem Dei ab hominibus inveniri non posse, quia nemo hominum potest sensum Dei conjecturis et aestimatione colligere, nisi propheta ab eo missus enuntiet. Non ergo de quibuscunque disciplinis aut studiis dixi, quia inveniri sine propheta aut sciri non possint; quippe qui sciam et artificia et disciplinas sciri et exerceri ab hominibus, quas non a vero propheta, sed a magistris hominibus didicerint.

he has learned it. And Peter said: You do not know in what sense I spoke, but now I will remind you: I spoke of the will and counsel of God, which He had before the world was, and by which counsel He made the world, appointed the times, gave the law, promised to the just the age to come for the recompense of good things, and appointed punishments for the unjust by the sentence of judgement; this is the counsel, I said, and this the will of God that cannot be found out by men, because no man can gather the mind of God by conjectures and estimation, unless a prophet sent by Him declares it. I did not therefore say of any disciplines or studies whatever that they cannot be found out or known without a prophet; since indeed I know that both crafts and disciplines are known and practised by men, which they have learned not from the true prophet, but from human masters.

II. Quoniam ergo te professus es gnarum esse positionis siderum et stellarum cursus, ex quibus convinceres Clementem quod genesi omnia subjaceant, aut ab ipso disceres quod per Providentiam reguntur universa, et est etiam aliquid in nobis, hoc expedire vos convenit. Ad haec senex respondit: Jam quidem necessarium non erat hujusmodi movere quaestiones, si possibile esset nobis a vero propheta discere et audire definita sententia, quia sit aliquid in nobis et in arbitrii positum libertate; valde enim me sermo tuus movit hesternus, in quo de virtute prophetica disputasti. Unde et ego assentio et confirmo sententiam tuam, quia nihil potest ab homine certum indubitatumque cognosci, cui et exiguum vitae tempus est et breve ac tenue spiramen, quo retineri videtur in vita. Verumtamen quoniam priusquam de prophetica virtute aliquid audirem, pollicitus videor Clementi, ut ostenderem, quia omnia subjecta sunt genesi, aut ab ipso discerem, quia est aliquid et in nobis, praestet mihi ipse in hoc gratiam ut primus incipiat et quae objici possunt, proponat et absolvat; ego enim, ex quo paucis a te audivi de virtute prophetiae, magnitudinem praescientiae considerans obstupui, fateor, nec omnino recipiendum quidquam censeo, quod conjecturis et aestimatione colligitur.

II. Since therefore you have professed yourself acquainted with the position of the constellations and the courses of the stars, from which you would convince Clement that all things are subject to genesis, or else would learn from him that all things are ruled by Providence, and that there is also something in our own power, it is fitting that you two settle this. To this the old man replied: Indeed it would no longer be necessary to raise questions of this kind, if it were possible for us to learn from the true prophet and to hear in a definite pronouncement that there is something in our power and placed in the freedom of the will; for your discourse of yesterday, in which you discussed the prophetic power, moved me greatly. Hence I too assent to and confirm your judgement, that nothing certain and beyond doubt can be known by man, whose time of life is scant, and short and slender the breath by which he seems to be held in life. Nevertheless, since before I heard anything of the prophetic power I appear to have promised Clement that I would show that all things are subject to genesis, or would learn from him that there is something in our power too, let him grant me this favour, that he begin first, and set forth and resolve what can be objected; for I, ever since I heard from you in a few words about the power of prophecy, considering the greatness of foreknowledge, was astounded, I confess, and I judge that nothing at all is to be accepted which is gathered by conjectures and estimation.

III. Et cum haec senex dixisset, ego Clemens dicere ita coepi: Deus per Filium suum creavit mundum tanquam duplicem domum, interjectu firmamenti hujus quod coelum appellatur distinctam, et in superiori quidem angelicas habitare virtutes, in isto autem visibili mundo nasci hominum multitudinem dedit, ex quibus eligeret amicos Filio suo, cum quibus laetaretur, et qui ei tanquam sponso ut dilecta sponsa pararentur. Verum usque ad nuptiarum tempus, quod est praesentia saeculi venturi, statuit virtutem quamdam, quae ex his quae in hoc mundo nascuntur, eligat et custodiat meliores, ac servet Filio suo sequestratos in loco quodam mundi qui extra peccatum est, in quo jam sunt aliquanti, qui ibi velut sponsa, ut dixi, decora ad sponsi praesentiam praeparantur. Nam mundi hujus et praesentis temporis princeps adultero similis est, qui

III. And when the old man had said this, I, Clement, began to speak thus: God through His Son created the world as a double house, divided by the interposition of this firmament which is called heaven, and He granted that the angelic powers should dwell in the upper one, while in this visible world a multitude of men should be born, from among whom He might choose friends for His Son, with whom He might rejoice, and who might be made ready for Him as a beloved bride for a bridegroom. But until the time of the nuptials, which is the presence of the age to come, He has appointed a certain power to choose out and guard the better ones from among those who are born in this world, and to keep them for His Son, set apart in a certain place of the world which is outside sin, in which there are already some who are being prepared there, as I said, like a comely bride for the presence of the bridegroom. For the prince of this world and of the present time is like an adulterer, who

Editors' notes and page, col. 1401

Page

running head: RECOGNITIONUM L[...] (cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A ‹pheta didicerit. Et Petrus›; B ‹sed a magistris hominibus›; C ‹exiguum vitae tempus›; D ‹dum tanquam duplicem domum›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column begins and ends mid-sentence

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mentes hominum corrumpit ac violat, et a desiderio veri Sponsi seducens, illicit ad aliena desideria.

corrupts and violates the minds of men, and, seducing them from the desire of the true Bridegroom, entices them to alien desires.

IV. Sed dicet aliquis: Quid ergo necesse erat istum principem fieri, qui a vero principe mentes hominum declinaret? Quoniam Deus qui, ut dixi, Filio suo amicos voluit praeparare, non eos tales esse voluit, qui necessitate naturae aliud quid esse non possent, sed qui arbitrio suo et voluntate boni esse desiderarent; quia nec laudabile est, quod non est desiderabile, nec bonum judicatur, quod non proposito expetitur: nihil enim laudis est id esse, a quo te mutari naturae necessitas non sinat. Providentia ergo Dei hominum multitudinem nasci in hoc mundo voluit, ut ex pluribus eligerentur qui justam diligerent vitam. Et quia praesentem mundum praevidit non aliter posse nisi diversitate et inaequalitate constare, secundum praesentium rerum diversitates unicuique menti libertatem motuum dedit, et hunc principem posuit, quo ea quae contraria videntur agitante, electio meliorum virtutis opere constaret.

IV. But someone will say: Why then was it necessary that this prince should come to be, who would turn the minds of men away from the true prince? Because God, who, as I said, willed to prepare friends for His Son, did not will them to be such as by necessity of nature could not be anything else, but such as by their own choice and will should desire to be good; for that is not praiseworthy which is not desirable, nor is that judged good which is not sought by purpose: for there is no praise in being that from which the necessity of nature does not allow you to be changed. The Providence of God therefore willed that a multitude of men should be born in this world, so that from among many those might be chosen who loved a just life. And because He foresaw that the present world could not consist otherwise than by diversity and inequality, He gave to each mind freedom of movements according to the diversities of present things, and set up this prince, so that, with him stirring up the things that seem contrary, the choice of the better things might stand by the work of virtue.

V. Sed ut planius fiat quod dicimus, per singula exponemus. Nunquid omnes, verbi gratia, oportebat esse in hoc mundo reges, aut principes, aut dominos, aut paedagogos, aut legisperitos, aut geometras, aut aurifices, aut pistores, aut fabros, aut grammaticos, aut divites, aut agricolas, aut olitores, aut piscatores aut pauperes? haec certum est quia omnes esse non poterant. Omnia tamen haec officia et multo plura praesens vita hominum requirit, et sine his transigi non potest; est ergo necessaria in hoc mundo inaequalitas. Non enim potest esse rex, nisi habeat quos regat et quibus imperet, neque potest esse dominus, nisi habeat cui dominetur, et caetera similiter.

V. But that what we say may become plainer, we shall set it out point by point. Ought all, for example, to have been kings in this world, or princes, or lords, or tutors, or men skilled in the law, or geometers, or goldsmiths, or bakers, or craftsmen, or grammarians, or rich men, or husbandmen, or gardeners, or fishermen, or poor men? It is certain that all could not be these. Yet the present life of men requires all these offices and many more, and cannot be passed without them; inequality is therefore necessary in this world. For there cannot be a king unless he has those whom he may rule and command, nor can there be a lord unless he has one over whom he may be lord, and the rest likewise.

VI. Sciens ergo Conditor a nullo sponte veniri ad agonem, dum refugitur labor, hoc est ad exercendas artes istas quas supra diximus, per quas vel justitia uniuscujusque vel misericordia manifestari potest, corpus homini fecit, quod famem et sitim et frigus reciperet, ut reficiendi corporis causa compulsi homines, ad omnes quas supra exposuimus artes victus necessitate descenderent. Cibi enim et potus atque indumenti gratia, singulas quasque artes expetere edocemur. Et hic jam uniuscujusque mentis propositum declaratur, utrum necessitatem famis et frigoris per furta et homicidia ac perjuria sarciat, perque alia hujusmodi scelera, an justitiam, misericordiam, continentiamque custodiens, artis studio et manuum labore imminentis necessitatis expleat ministerium. Si enim cum justitia et pietate ac misericordia necessitatem corporis transigat, velut propositi agonis victor, amicus Filii Dei et electus abscedit; si vero per fraudes, per iniquitates et scelera concupiscentiis deservit corporalibus, principis hujus mundi atque omnium daemonum amicus efficitur, a quibus etiam hoc edocetur, ut stellarum cursibus malorum suorum ascribat errores, quos nonnisi proposito ac voluntate delegit. Etenim artes, cogente, ut diximus, cibi ac potus

VI. The Creator therefore, knowing that no one comes of his own accord to the contest, since labour is shunned, that is, to the practising of those arts which we mentioned above, through which either the justice or the mercy of each one can be made manifest, made for man a body which should be liable to hunger and thirst and cold, so that men, compelled for the sake of refreshing the body, might descend by the necessity of sustenance to all the arts which we set out above. For it is for the sake of food and drink and clothing that we are taught to seek out each of the several arts. And here now the purpose of each one's mind is declared, whether he makes good the necessity of hunger and cold by thefts and murders and perjuries, and by other crimes of this kind, or whether, keeping justice, mercy and continence, he fulfils the service of the pressing necessity by the pursuit of an art and the labour of his hands. For if he meets the necessity of the body with justice and piety and mercy, he departs as victor in the contest set before him, a friend of the Son of God and chosen; but if by frauds, by iniquities and crimes he serves bodily lusts, he is made a friend of the prince of this world and of all the demons, by whom he is also taught this, to ascribe to the courses of the stars the errors of his own evil deeds, which he chose by nothing but purpose and will. For the arts, under the compulsion, as we said, of food and drink

Editors' notes and page, col. 1402

Page

running head: RECOGNITIONUM LIB. IX.
marginal letters: A ‹mentes hominum corrumpit›; B ‹dum praevidit non aliter›; C ‹non potest; est ergo necessaria›; D ‹tis propositum declaratur›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column begins and ends mid-sentence; stray marks (page-edge damage) after "motuum", "virtutis", "ex-" and above "plura", not punctuation

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voluptate, discuntur et exercentur; quae voluptas, cum accesserit unicuique veritatis agnitio, infirmior efficitur succedente parcimonia. Quantus enim sumptus est, aqua et pane utentibus et hunc a Deo sperantibus?

and pleasure, are learned and practised; which pleasure, when the knowledge of the truth has come to each one, is made weaker as frugality takes its place. For how great is the expense for those who use water and bread, and hope for this from God?

VII. Est ergo, ut diximus, necessaria quaedam in dispensatione mundi inaequalitas, dum omnes quidem homines non omnia possunt scire vel implere artificia, usu tamen et ministerio omnium pene omnes indigent, et ob hoc necesse est alium operari, alium operanti praebere mercedem, alium servire, alium dominari, alium regi, alium regere. Sed hanc inaequalitatem quae mortalium vitam necessario subsecuta est, divina Providentia in occasionem justitiae, misericordiae humanitatisque convertit, ut dum haec inter homines aguntur, sit unicuique causa juste agendi cum eo, cui merces operis exsolvenda est, et faciendi misericordiam cum eo, qui, debilitate fortassis aut penuria intercedente, debitum solvere non potest, sed et humane agendi cum his qui conditione videntur obnoxii, mansuetudinem quoque conservandi erga subjectos, et omnia prorsus gerendi secundum legem Dei. Dedit enim legem, juvans per hoc humanas mentes, ut facilius erga unumquodque qualiter agi deberet, adverterent, qua via effugerent malum et qua ad futura tenderent bona, et ut in aqua regenerati per opera bona, ignem vetustae nativitatis exstinguerent. Prima enim nostra nativitas per ignem concupiscentiae descendit, et ideo dispensatione divina secunda haec per aquam introducitur, quae restinguat ignis naturam, et coelesti spiritu anima illuminata, metum primae nativitatis abjiciat, si tamen ita de reliquo vivat, ut nullas omnino mundi hujus voluptates requirat, sed sit tanquam peregrinus et advena, atque alterius civitatis civis.

VII. There is therefore, as we said, a certain necessary inequality in the dispensation of the world, since not all men can know or carry out all crafts, yet almost all need the use and service of all; and on this account it is necessary that one should work, another furnish wages to the worker, one serve, another be lord, one be ruled, another rule. But this inequality, which has necessarily followed upon the life of mortals, divine Providence has turned into an occasion of justice, mercy and humanity, so that, while these things are transacted among men, each may have cause to act justly with him to whom the wages of his work are to be paid, and to show mercy to him who, through weakness perhaps or want intervening, cannot pay a debt, and also to act humanely with those who seem by condition to be in subjection, and likewise to keep gentleness towards those subject to him, and to conduct absolutely all things according to the law of God. For He gave a law, helping human minds by this, that they might more easily perceive how one ought to act with regard to each thing, by what way they might escape evil and by what way they might tend towards the good things to come, and that, regenerated in water, they might by good works extinguish the fire of the old birth. For our first birth descends through the fire of concupiscence, and therefore by divine dispensation this second one is introduced through water, to quench the nature of the fire, and that the soul, illuminated by the heavenly spirit, may cast away the fear of the first birth, provided, however, that for the rest it so lives as to seek none at all of the pleasures of this world, but be as a pilgrim and a stranger, and a citizen of another city.

VIII. Sed fortasse dicas, quia in his quidem, in quibus naturalis necessitas exigit artium operumque ministerium, potest unusquisque habere in potestate, servare justitiam et modum vel desideriis vel actibus quem velit imponere; quid de aegritudinibus dicemus et infirmitatibus, quae accidunt hominibus, et quod daemonibus nonnulli urgentur et febribus et frigoribus, nonnulli etiam furore aguntur et mente excidunt; et omnia illa, quae innumeris casibus premunt mortalium genus? Ad haec dicemus, si consideret quis totius mysterii rationem, haec illis quae supra exposuimus, justiora esse pronuntiabit. Deus enim hominibus naturam dedit, per quam et doceri possint de bono et obsistere malo, id est, ut et artes possint discere et obsistere voluptatibus, ac praeferre in omnibus legem Dei, et ob hoc virtutes quasdam contrarias oberrare mundum hunc et obluctari nobiscum permisit, propter causas quae jam superius dictae

VIII. But perhaps you may say that in those things in which natural necessity demands the service of arts and works, each one can have it in his power to keep justice and to impose what measure he will either on his desires or on his acts; what shall we say of the sicknesses and infirmities which befall men, and that some are oppressed by demons and by fevers and chills, some also are driven by madness and fall out of their mind; and all those things which by innumerable chances weigh upon the race of mortals? To this we shall say that, if anyone considers the reason of the whole mystery, he will pronounce these things more just than those which we set out above. For God gave men a nature through which they can both be taught concerning the good and resist evil, that is, so that they can both learn the arts and resist pleasures, and prefer the law of God in all things; and on this account He permitted certain contrary powers to roam about this world and to wrestle with us, for the causes which have already been stated above

Editors' notes and page, col. 1403

Footnotes

(93) ‹anchor: peregrinus et advena› · call in col 1403

Psal. XXXVIII, 13.

Psalm 38:13.

COTELERII NOTAE.

Notes of Cotelier.

(printed under page 699)

(80) ‹anchor: anima illuminata› · call in col 1403

Et coelesti spiritu anima illuminata. Forte ut, quemadmodum correctum cernitur in ms. Regis atque habet editio Coloniensis.

"And the soul enlightened by the heavenly Spirit." Perhaps ut ["so that", for et], as is seen corrected in the King's manuscript and as the Cologne edition has.

(printed under page 699)

Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT[...] (cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A ‹voluptate, discuntur et exercentur›; B ‹ut dum haec inter homines›; C ‹per aquam introducitur›; D ‹numeris casibus premunt›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1404

sunt, ut ex earum certamine oriatur justis palma victoriae et meritum praemiorum.

so that from the contest with them there may arise for the just the palm of victory and the merit of rewards.

IX. Ex istis ergo accidit interdum, ut si qui incontinenter egerint, et non tantum obsistere quam cedere atque in semetipsis dare eis voluerint locum, noxia earum aspiratione generetur intemperata et vitiosa progenies. Dum enim totum libidini indulgetur et observatio nulla coeundi est, illorum sine dubio daemonum, quibus haec perurgentibus fiunt, vitia et fragilitates suscipit importuna generatio. Et ideo pro hujusmodi vitiis natorum obnoxii erunt parentes, qui legem servare concubitus noluerunt, licet sint et aliae causae secretiores, quibus his malis obnoxiae efficiuntur animae, quas nunc proferre temporis non est. Tamen oportet unumquemque agnoscere legem Dei, ut ex ea generandi observantiam sumat et immunditiae causas declinet, ut possit mundum esse quod gignitur. Neque enim fas est, ut in plantandis quidem virgultis vel in seminandis frugibus opportunum tempus quaeratur, terra purgetur atque omnia quae convenit praeparentur, ne forte semen jactum laedatur et pereat, et in solo homine, qui est super haec omnia, serendi observatio nulla habeatur, nulla cautela.

IX. From these, therefore, it sometimes happens that, if any have acted incontinently, and have been willing not so much to resist as to yield and to give them place within themselves, by their noxious breathing an intemperate and vitiated offspring is begotten. For while everything is indulged to lust and there is no observance in coming together, the untimely begetting undoubtedly takes on the vices and frailties of those demons at whose urging these things are done. And therefore for the defects of this kind in their children the parents will be answerable, who would not keep the law of intercourse, although there are also other more hidden causes by which souls are made subject to these evils, which it is not the time to bring forward now. Yet each one ought to acknowledge the law of God, so that from it he may take the observance of begetting and shun the causes of uncleanness, that what is begotten may be clean. For it is not right that in planting shrubs or in sowing crops a fitting time should be sought, the earth cleansed, and all that is suitable made ready, lest perchance the seed cast be harmed and perish, and that in man alone, who is above all these things, no observance of sowing should be kept, no caution.

X. Sed quid, quod nonnulli, inquit, cum in prima aetate absque vitio fuerint corporali, processu temporis incurrunt haec mala, ita ut aliquanti etiam violenter praecipitentur in mortem? Etiam de his vicina et pene eadem ratio est; illae enim, quas diximus contrarias humano generi potestates, ad uniuscujusque cor per multas et diversas concupiscentias invitantur quodammodo et ingrediendi accipiunt locum, estque haec in illis vis et potestas, quae hortetur et incitet tantum, non quae cogat et perficiat. Si ergo quis acquiescat eis, ut etiam agat ea quae male desiderat, consensus sui et actus mercedem perditionis et pessimae mortis inveniet. Si vero futurum judicium cogitans, metu ipso fuerit repressus et revocaverit se, ne actu impleat quod mala cogitatione concepit, effugiet non solum perniciem praesentem, sed et futura supplicia. Omnis enim causa peccati similis videtur esse stuppae pice oblitae, quae ubi calorem ignis acceperit statim inflammatur: hujus vero ignis incendium opera esse daemonum intelliguntur. Si ergo inveniatur quis peccatis et concupiscentiis tanquam pice oblitus, ignis ei facillime dominatur. Si vero non peccati pice, sed aqua purificationis et regenerationis infusa sit stuppa, ignis in ea daemonum non valebit accendi.

X. But what, he says, of the fact that some, though in their earliest age they were without bodily defect, in the course of time fall into these evils, so that some are even violently hurled into death? Concerning these also the account is close and almost the same; for those powers which we have said are contrary to the human race are in a certain manner invited to the heart of each one through many and diverse lusts, and receive a place of entry; and there is in them this force and power, such as only exhorts and incites, not such as compels and accomplishes. If therefore anyone yields to them, so as even to do the things which he wrongly desires, he will find the wages of his consent and act in perdition and the worst of deaths. But if, thinking of the judgement to come, he is checked by that very fear and recalls himself, so as not to fulfil in act what he conceived in evil thought, he will escape not only present ruin, but also the punishments to come. For every cause of sin seems to be like tow smeared with pitch, which, as soon as it receives the heat of fire, is at once set ablaze; and the kindling of this fire is understood to be the work of demons. If therefore anyone is found smeared with sins and lusts as with pitch, the fire very easily masters him. But if the tow is steeped not in the pitch of sin, but in the water of purification and regeneration, the fire of the demons will not have power to be kindled in it.

XI. Sed dicet aliquis: Et quid faciemus jam nos quos contigit peccatis sicut pice oblitos? Respondebo: Nihil aliud nisi ut festinetis ablui, quo expurgetur a vobis ignis materia per invocationem

XI. But someone will say: And what shall we do now, we who have happened to be smeared with sins as with pitch? I will answer: Nothing else than that you make haste to be washed, so that the fuel of the fire may be purged out of you through the invocation

Editors' notes and page, col. 1404

Page

running head: [...]TIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. (start cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A ‹sunt, ut ex earum certamine›; B ‹unumquemque agnoscere legem›; C ‹enim, quas diximus contrarias›; D ‹cendium opera esse daemonum›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column begins and ends mid-sentence; foot of page: COTELERII NOTAE (note 80, running across both columns), not set

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sancti nominis, et de reliquo futuri judicii metu concupiscentias refrenetis, atque adversarias potestates, cum forte ad sensus vestros accesserint, tota obstinatione pellatis. Sed dicis: Si in amorem quis inciderit, quomodo se poterit continere, etiamsi ante oculos suos ipsum ignis fluvium quem Pyriphlegethonta nominant, videat? Haec excusatio est eorum qui converti ad poenitentiam nolunt. Denique nunc nolo Pyriphlegethonta adducas in medium; hominum tibi propone poenas, et vide quantum valeat metus; potestne quisquam, cum pro amoris crimine ad supplicium ducitur et ad stipitem colligatur urendus, in illo tempore ejus quam amavit vel desiderium capere vel speciem ante oculos proponere? Nequaquam, inquies. Vides ergo, quia praesens metus resecat iniqua desideria. Quod si credentes Deo, et futurum judicium poenamque ignis aeterni confitentes non se continent a peccato, certum est quod non plena fide credunt: si enim certa sit fides, certus fit et timor; si vero minus aliquid est in fide, relaxatur et metus, et tunc locum inveniunt introeundi contrariae potestates, quarum persuasionibus cum acquieverint, necesse est ut et potestati earum obnoxii fiant et ipsis persuadentibus agantur ad praecipitia peccati.

of the holy name, and that for the rest you bridle your lusts by fear of the judgement to come, and drive away the adverse powers with all steadfastness whenever they happen to approach your senses. But you say: If anyone has fallen in love, how will he be able to contain himself, even if he should see before his eyes the very river of fire which they call Pyriphlegethon? This is the excuse of those who are unwilling to be converted to repentance. In short, I do not now wish you to bring Pyriphlegethon forward; set before yourself the punishments of men, and see how much fear avails; can anyone, when for the crime of love he is led to punishment and is bound to the stake to be burned, at that time either conceive desire for her whom he loved or set her beauty before his eyes? By no means, you will say. You see therefore that present fear cuts off wicked desires. But if those who believe God, and confess the judgement to come and the punishment of eternal fire, do not restrain themselves from sin, it is certain that they do not believe with full faith: for if faith is sure, fear also becomes sure; but if there is anything lacking in faith, fear too is relaxed, and then the contrary powers find a place of entry; and when men have yielded to their persuasions, it is necessary that they both become subject to their power and, at their persuading, be driven to the precipices of sin.

XII. Igitur astrologi, ignorantes hujusmodi mysteria, putant stellarum cursibus ista contingere, unde et his qui accedunt ad eos, ut de futuris aliquid consulant, respondentes falluntur in plurimis; nec mirum, non enim sunt prophetae, sed usu multi temporis, auctores errorum perfugium quoddam in his quibus decipiebantur inveniunt, et climacteras quosdam introducunt, ut de rebus incertis scientiam fingant. Climacteras enim dicunt quasi periculi tempus, in quo interdum perimatur quis, interdum non perimatur; ignorantes quod non stellarum cursus haec, sed daemonum gerit operatio, qui ad astrologiae errorem confirmandum deservientes, calculis mathesis decipiunt homines ad peccandum, ut cum, vel Deo permittente vel legibus exigentibus, peccati dederint poenas, verum dixisse videatur astrologus. Et tamen falluntur etiam in hoc; si enim cito conversi fuerint ad poenitentiam, et futurae poenae recordationem conceperint ac metum, conversis ad Deum per gratiam baptismi resolvitur poena mortis.

XII. The astrologers therefore, being ignorant of mysteries of this kind, think that these things come about by the courses of the stars; whence also, in answering those who come to them to consult something about things to come, they are mistaken in very many points; and no wonder, for they are not prophets, but by the practice of a long time the authors of errors find a kind of refuge in the things by which they were being deceived, and introduce certain climacterics, that they may feign knowledge concerning uncertain things. For they speak of climacterics as a time of danger, in which sometimes a man is destroyed, sometimes is not destroyed; not knowing that it is not the course of the stars that brings these things about, but the working of demons, who, serving to confirm the error of astrology, deceive men into sinning by the calculations of the mathematical art, so that when, either by God's permission or by the demand of the laws, they have paid the penalty of sin, the astrologer may seem to have spoken the truth. And yet they are mistaken even in this; for if men are quickly converted to repentance, and conceive a remembrance and fear of the punishment to come, for those converted to God the penalty of death is dissolved through the grace of baptism.

XIII. Sed dicet quis: Multi et homicidium et adulterium et alia scelera commiserunt, et nihil mali passi sunt. Hoc quidem raro accidit hominibus, tamen nescientibus consilium Dei frequenter videtur accidere; Deus autem qui novit universa,

XIII. But someone will say: Many have committed both murder and adultery and other crimes, and have suffered no evil. This indeed rarely happens to men, yet to those who do not know the counsel of God it seems to happen frequently; but God, Who knows all things,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1405

Footnotes

COTELERII NOTAE.

Notes of Cotelier.

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Cum pro amoris crimine ad supplicium ducitur, et ad stipitem colligatur urendus. Julius Capitolinus de Macrino : Adulterii reos semper vivos simul incendit, junctis corporibus. Nota postea variam lectionem etiam codicis Regii, quem, ad puerorum stuprum spectantem, de quo flammis vindicibus expiando Valentiniani lex exstat in codice Theodosiano.

"When for the crime of love he is led to punishment, and is bound to the stake to be burned." Julius Capitolinus on Macrinus: "Those guilty of adultery he always burned alive together, with their bodies joined." Note afterwards the variant reading, also of the Royal codex, quem ["whom"], which looks to the defilement of boys; on expiating which by avenging flames a law of Valentinian is extant in the Theodosian Code.

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Climacteras enim dicunt, quasi periculi tempus. Vide quos hac in re citat doctissimus Savaro ad Sidonii epist. 11, lib. viii, nec non Nili abbatis epistolam 258, lib. ii.

"For they speak of climacterics, as it were a time of danger." See those whom the most learned Savaro cites on this matter on Sidonius, letter 11, bk. 8, and also the letter 258 of the abbot Nilus, bk. 2.

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running head: RECOGNITIONUM L[...] (cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A ‹sancti nominis, et de reliquo›; B ‹praesens metus resecat›; C ‹usu multi temporis›; D ‹gratiam baptismi resolvitur›
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scit quomodo et quare peccet qui peccat, et quae unumquemque causa ducat ad peccatum. Hoc tamen generaliter agnoscendum est; quod si qui non ita mente, ut actibus mali sunt, nec proposito incitati ad peccandum devolvuntur, his velocior et magis in praesenti vita redditur poena; ubique enim et semper Deus prout competere judicat, unicuique pro actibus suis reddit. Eorum vero qui proposito exercent malitiam, ita ut interdum etiam in eos saeviant, a quibus bona consecuti sunt, et nullam recordationem capiunt ad poenitentiam, differt poenas in futurum; non enim merentur isti, sicut illi de quibus supra diximus, in praesenti vita scelerum suorum finire vindictam, sed permittitur eis praesens tempus implere ut volunt, quia emendatio eorum non est jam talis, quae temporalibus indigeat castigationibus, sed quae aeterni ignis in inferno exigat poenas, quorum animae ibi poenitentiam quaerent, ubi invenire non poterunt.

knows how and why he sins who sins, and what cause leads each one to sin. This, however, is to be acknowledged in general: that if any are evil not so much in mind as in acts, and are not carried down to sinning under the incitement of purpose, upon these punishment is rendered more swiftly and rather in the present life; for everywhere and always God, as He judges fitting, renders to each one according to his acts. But of those who practise wickedness on purpose, so that sometimes they even rage against those from whom they have obtained good things, and who take no thought for repentance, He defers the punishments to the future; for these do not deserve, like those of whom we spoke above, to end the vengeance for their crimes in the present life, but it is permitted them to fill up the present time as they will, because their amendment is no longer such as needs temporal chastisements, but such as demands the punishments of eternal fire in hell; whose souls will there seek repentance, where they will not be able to find it.

XIV. Quod si in hac vita positi illas quas ibi patientur poenas, ante oculos posuissent, refrenassent utique desideria et nullo pacto decidissent in peccatum. Multum enim potest sensus in anima ad resecandas omnes ejus cupiditates, maxime cum coelestium scientiam ceperit, per quam lumine veritatis accepto, ab omni obscuritate malorum actuum declinabit. Sicut enim sol omnes stellas splendore sui fulgoris obtundit et contegit, ita et mens per scientiae lucem omnes concupiscentias animae inefficaces reddit et otiosas, futuri judicii memoriam super eas tanquam radios suos emittens, ita ut ne apparere quidem ultra in anima queant.

XIV. But if, while placed in this life, they had set before their eyes those punishments which they will suffer there, they would assuredly have bridled their desires and would in no way have fallen into sin. For understanding in the soul can do much towards cutting off all its desires, especially when it has received the knowledge of heavenly things, through which, having received the light of truth, it will turn away from all the darkness of evil acts. For as the sun dims and covers all the stars by the splendour of its brightness, so also the mind through the light of knowledge renders all the lusts of the soul ineffectual and idle, sending forth upon them the memory of the judgement to come as its own rays, so that they can no longer even appear in the soul.

XV. Quod autem timor Dei multum valeat ad reprimendas concupiscentias, cape humani timoris exemplum. Quotusquisque est, qui non inter homines concupiscat aliena? et tamen metu poenae quae legibus statuta est, refrenatur et continentius agit. Regi propter metum gentes subjacent et armatus paret exercitus. Servi cum sint validiores dominis suis, propter metum tamen imperia perferunt dominorum. Bestiae ipsae ferae metu mitescunt: tauri validissimi jugo colla submittunt, et immanes elephanti magistris obtemperant per timorem. Sed cur humanis utamur exemplis, cum etiam divina non desint? Nonne terra ipsa sub praecepti metu permanet, quod etiam motu sui et tremore testatur? Mare statutum terminum servat, angeli pacem custodiunt, stellae ordinem tenent et fluvii meatus, daemones quoque certum est timore in fugam verti. Et ne per

XV. But that the fear of God avails much for repressing lusts, take the example of human fear. How few there are among men who do not covet what belongs to others? And yet by fear of the penalty which is appointed by the laws a man is bridled and acts more continently. Through fear nations are subject to a king and an armed host obeys. Slaves, though they are stronger than their masters, yet through fear endure the commands of their masters. Wild beasts themselves grow tame through fear: the strongest bulls submit their necks to the yoke, and huge elephants obey their masters through fear. But why should we use human examples, when divine ones also are not lacking? Does not the earth itself abide under the fear of the commandment, which it also attests by its own motion and trembling? The sea keeps its appointed bound, the angels guard peace, the stars hold their order and the rivers their courses; it is certain that the demons too are turned to flight by fear. And lest through

Editors' notes and page, col. 1406

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running head: [...]ECOGNITIONUM LIB. IX. (start cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A ‹scit quomodo et quare peccet›; B ‹non est jam talis›; C ‹memoriam super eas›; D ‹etiam divina non desint›
old-edition numerals: (none)
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singula sermonem longius producamus, intuere quomodo unumquodque timor Dei continens, cuncta in harmonia propria et ordinis sui compage custodiat. Quanto magis ergo certi esse debetis, quia et daemonum concupiscentiae quae in cordibus vestris oriuntur, admonitione timoris Dei exstingui possunt et penitus aboleri, cum etiam ipsi incentores concupiscentiae metu sibi dominante diffugiant? Haec ita se habere sciens, si quid tibi respondendum videtur, incipe.

each single thing we draw out the discourse too long, consider how the fear of God, holding each thing together, keeps all things in their own harmony and in the framework of their order. How much more therefore ought you to be certain that the lusts of the demons also, which arise in your hearts, can be extinguished and utterly abolished by the admonition of the fear of God, since even the very kindlers of lust flee away when fear masters them? Knowing that these things are so, if it seems to you that anything is to be answered, begin.

XVI. Tum senex: Sapienter, inquit, filius meus Clemens aptavit prosecutionem suam, ita ut nihil nobis ad haec dicendum reliquerit; verum omnis ejus sermo, quem de natura hominis disseruit, hanc habet continentiam, quia cum eo quod inest libertas arbitrii, est extrinsecus et aliqua causa mali, ex qua per diversas concupiscentias incitantur quidem homines, non tamen coguntur ad peccatum; pro eo, inquit, quod multo his validior est timor, qui obsistat et impetus desideriorum refrenet, ut cum naturales motus acciderint, effugatis his qui eos incitant et inflammant daemonibus, peccatum non possit admitti. Sed me haec non adducunt ad fidem; conscius enim mihi sum quorumdam, ex quibus bene novi, quia compaginatione

XVI. Then the old man said: Wisely has my son Clement fitted together his exposition, so that he has left us nothing to say to these things; but his whole discourse, which he set forth concerning the nature of man, has this purport, that, along with the fact that freedom of will is within us, there is also from without some cause of evil, by which men are indeed incited through diverse lusts, yet are not compelled to sin; because, he says, far stronger than these is fear, which may resist and bridle the onsets of desires, so that when the natural motions have occurred, the demons who incite and inflame them being put to flight, sin cannot be admitted. But these things do not bring me to belief; for I am conscious to myself of certain things, from which I know well that by the conjunction

Editors' notes and page, col. 1407

Footnotes

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Denique... aut Aquario desunt in codd. Lipss. Graeca ex Bardesanis libro de fato excerpta leguntur apud Euseb. Praep. evang vi, 10 ; et ap. Caesar. dial. 2, interrog. 109. Cf. Gallandii Bibl. Patr. VI, p. 60 sqq.

"Denique ... aut Aquario" ["Finally ... or in Aquarius"] is wanting in the Leipzig codices. The Greek, excerpted from Bardesanes' book On Fate, is read in Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel 6.10; and in Caesarius, dialogue 2, question 109. Compare Gallandi's Bibliotheca Patrum VI, p. 60 ff.

COTELERII NOTAE.

Notes of Cotelier.

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Denique cum Mars centrum tenens. Caesarius, Dialogo 2, interrogatione 109 : Αὐτίκα γοῦν Ἄρης κέντρον λαβὼν, οἰκείῳ οἴκῳ ἐκ τετραγώνου ἐπιθεωρῶν Κρόνον, σὺν Ἑρμῇ ἐπὶ κέντρον, Σελήνης ἐπ' αὐτὸν πλήρους ἀρχομένης (leg. ἐρχομένης), ἐπὶ ἡμερινῆς γεννήσεως, ἐκτελεῖ ἀνδροφόνους καὶ αἱμοπότας, μεθύσους, λάγνους, δαιμονοῦντας, μυστηρίων ἀποκρύφων ἴστορας, μάγους, θύτας, καὶ τὰ τούτοις ἀκόλουθα, ἐξαιρέτως μηδενὸς τῶν ἀγαθοποιῶν ἀστέρων ἐπιθεωροῦντος. Αὐτὸς δὲ πάλιν Ἄρης πρὸς Ἀφροδίτην σχῆμα τετράγωνον ἔχων, μοιρικῶς ἐπὶ κέντρον μὴ ἐπιθεωροῦντος τινὸς ἀγαθοποιοῦ, μοιχοὺς ἀποτελεῖ, ἀδελφαῖς καὶ μητράσι μιγνυμένους. Κύπρις σὺν Μήνῃ ἐν ὁρίοις καὶ οἴκοις Κρόνου, σὺν Κρόνῳ, ἐπιμαρτυροῦντος τοῦ Ἄρεος, ἀποτελεῖ γυναῖκας γεωργοὺς, οἰκοδόμους, καὶ πάντων ἀνδρείων ἔργων ἐπιστήμονας, καὶ κοινοῦσθαι καὶ συγκαθεύδειν οἷς δ' ἂν βούλοιντο, καὶ μὴ κωλύεσθαι ὑπὸ τῶν οἰκείων ἀνδρῶν. Ἀνδρείους οὖν ἀποτελεῖ γυναῖκας ἐν Αἰγοκέρῳ, Ὑδροχόῳ, κακοδαίμονας ἐν Ἀφροδίτῃ (l. κακοδαιμονοῦσα Ἀφροδίτη). Ἐπ' ἀνδρῶν δὲ τοὐναντίον σὺν Ἄρει οὖσα, ἐν Κριῷ. Ὅθεν οὐχ οἴονται (f. οἷόν τε) φόβῳ ἤ τινος ἀπειλῇ ἢ μηχανῇ ἐπισχεῖν τὰς ἐπιθυμίας, διὰ τὴν τῶν ἄστρων ἀποκλήρωσιν. « Cum igitur Mars centrum tenens, in domo sua ex tetragono respexerit Saturnum, cum Mercurio ad centrum, Luna veniente super eum plena, in genesi diurna, efficit homicidas et interfectores, crudeles ac sanguinis avidos, ebriosos, libidinosos, daemoniosos, absconditorum mysteriorum gnaros, magos, sacrificos, et quae sunt his similia ; praecipue cum beneficarum stellarum nulla respexerit. Sed et ipse rursus Mars ad Venerem schema tetragonum habens, ex parte ad centrum non respiciente aliqua benefica, adulteros efficit, cum sororibus ac matribus coeuntes. Venus cum Luna in finibus et domibus Saturni, cum Saturno, attestante Marte, efficit mulieres agricolas, et structrices, et omnium virilium operum peritas, atque misceri ac dormire cum quibus voluerint, et a viris suis non prohiberi. Viragines itaque efficit feminas, in Capricorno, in Aquario Cacodaemon Venus : in viris autem e contrario, si cum Marte sit in Ariete. Unde impossibile est, timore, aut cujusquam minis, aut arte refrenare concupiscentias, propter astrorum fatalem sortem. »

"Finally, when Mars, holding the centre." Caesarius, Dialogue 2, question 109: "Thus, for instance, Mars, having taken the centre, in his own house looking upon Saturn from the square, with Mercury at the centre, the full Moon beginning (read: coming) upon him, in a daytime nativity, produces man-slayers and blood-drinkers, drunkards, lechers, the demon-possessed, men versed in hidden mysteries, magicians, sacrificers, and what goes along with these, especially when none of the beneficent stars is looking on. And again Mars himself, having a square aspect to Venus, by degree, at the centre, with no beneficent star looking on, produces adulterers who lie with sisters and mothers. Cypris with the Moon in the terms and houses of Saturn, with Saturn, Mars bearing witness, produces women who are farmers, builders, and skilled in all manly works, and who consort and sleep with whomever they wish and are not hindered by their own husbands. So it produces manly women in Capricorn, in Aquarius, ill-starred in Venus (read: Venus being ill-starred). But in the case of men the contrary, when she is with Mars, in Aries. Whence they do not think (perhaps: it is not possible) to check the desires by fear or by anyone's threat or by contrivance, because of the allotment of the stars." [Cotelier's Latin:] "When therefore Mars, holding the centre, in his own house has looked upon Saturn from the square, with Mercury at the centre, the full Moon coming upon him, in a daytime nativity, he makes murderers and slayers, cruel men and greedy for blood, drunkards, the lustful, the demon-possessed, men knowing in hidden mysteries, magicians, sacrificers, and the like; especially when none of the beneficent stars has looked on. And again Mars himself, having a square aspect to Venus, by degree at the centre, with no beneficent star looking on, makes adulterers, who lie with sisters and mothers. Venus with the Moon in the bounds and houses of Saturn, with Saturn, Mars attesting, makes women farmers and builders, and skilled in all manly works, and makes them mingle and sleep with whom they will, and not be forbidden by their husbands. So Venus as an evil daemon makes women viragos, in Capricorn, in Aquarius: but in men the contrary, if she is with Mars in Aries. Whence it is impossible, by fear, or by anyone's threats, or by art, to bridle the desires, because of the fated lot of the stars."

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Gladio casuros. Male videtur Rufinus accepisse vocem κτεινομένους in sensu passivo. Quid si gladio caesuros ? Quod additur in Caesario ἐπωμώτας vel ἐπωμότας verti etiam posset perjuros.

"Destined to fall by the sword." Rufinus seems to have wrongly taken the word κτεινομένους in a passive sense. What if "destined to cut down with the sword"? What is added in Caesarius, ἐπωμώτας or ἐπωμότας, could also be rendered "perjurers".

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Daemoniosos. Δαιμονοῦντας, qui Proclo δαιμονιόπληκτοι. Firmico, laborantes daemonum incursione homines.

"Demon-possessed." Δαιμονοῦντας, who in Proclus are "demon-struck". In Firmicus, "men suffering under the assault of demons".

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Sed et ipse, etc. Sic interpungo : aliquo bonorum, adulteros efficit. Et sorores. . . adducit Venus. . . . Marte. Efficit. Similiter in Graeco Caesarii : ἀποτελεῖ. Ἀδελφαῖς καὶ μητράσι μιγνυμένους Κύπρις. . . . Ἄρεος. Ἀποτελεῖ. . . . . ἀνδρῶν· ἀνδρείους, etc.

"And he himself also," etc. I punctuate thus: "... any of the good ones, he makes adulterers. And sisters ... Venus brings ... Mars. He makes." Similarly in the Greek of Caesarius: "... produces. Those lying with sisters and mothers Cypris ... of Mars. Produces ... of husbands; manly," etc.

(printed under page 701) (87-88) ‹anchor: lemma as below; call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1408 Attestante Marte. Ἐπιμαρτυροῦντος τοῦ Ἄρεος apud Caesarium. Codex Candelerianus astante, quod eodem recidit. Infra cap. 21, attestante Marte, ubi Bardesanes citatus in Praepar. Evang. Eusebii lib. vi, cap. 10 : Ἐφομαρτοῦντος τοῦ Ἄρεος, vel ut duo codices Regii ἐπομαρτοῦντος, vel ut tertius pariter Regius ἐπιμαρτυροῦντος. Hujus Recognitionum operis lib. ult. cap. 9 : Si adfuerit Mars. Nimirum, ab astrologis in simili sensu usurpantur verba, μαρτυρεῖν, ἐπιμαρτυρεῖν, συμμαρτυρεῖν, συνεπιμαρτυρεῖν, προσμαρτυρεῖν, ἕπεσθαι, ἐφομαρτεῖν, συμπαρεῖναι. Consule Ptolemaeum et Proclum, quaeque Vettii Valentis proferuntur a Seldeno, in Syntagmate primo de diis Syris, cap. 1, et ad Marmora Arundelliana.

"Mars attesting." "Mars bearing witness" in Caesarius. The Candelerian codex has astante ["standing by"], which comes to the same. Below, ch. 21, "Mars attesting", where Bardesanes, cited in Eusebius's Preparation for the Gospel, bk. 6, ch. 10, has: "Mars accompanying", or, as two Royal codices, ἐπομαρτοῦντος, or, as a third, likewise Royal, "bearing witness". In the last book of this work of the Recognitions, ch. 9: "If Mars is present." Evidently the astrologers use in a like sense the words to witness, to bear witness upon, to witness together, to join in bearing witness, to witness besides, to follow, to accompany, to be present together. Consult Ptolemy and Proclus, and what is brought forward from Vettius Valens by Selden, in the first Syntagma On the Syrian Gods, ch. 1, and on the Arundel Marbles.

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running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. [...] (cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A ‹singula sermonem longius›; B ‹libertas arbitrii, est extrinsecus›; C and D stand beside Cotelier's notes at the foot, not beside the text
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Q6b re-read: the text of col 1407 carries no note call at all, so the variant note and Cotelier's notes 83-88 are all called in col 1408 (ch. XVII); their text stays here, where page 701's foot notes are set. The variant note's superscript numeral is small and blurred; only its second digit (4) is legible. It was first set as (94), which collides with Cotelier's own note (94) under page 702; reset as (64), in sequence with the variant note (65) under page 702 (notes/n1410.md) and 66-68 under page 703. UNSURE: the first digit was not read from the image.

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stellarum homines aut homicidae aut adulteri fiunt, caeteraque perpetrant mala. Similiter autem et honestae ac pudicae feminae, ut bene agant inde coguntur.

of the stars men become either murderers or adulterers, and perpetrate the other evils. And likewise honourable and chaste women too are compelled from that source to act well.

XVII. Denique cum Mars centrum tenens, in domo sua ex tetragono respexerit Saturnum cum Mercurio ad centrum, Luna veniente super eum plena, in genesi diurna, efficit homicidas et gladio casuros, sanguinarios, ebriosos, libidinosos, daemoniosos, secretorum perscrutatores, maleficos, sacrilegos, et si qua sunt his similia, praecipue cum bonarum stellarum nulla respexerit. Sed et ipse rursus Mars ad Venerem schema tetragonum habens, ex parte ad centrum, non respiciente aliquo bonorum, adulteros efficit et sorores et filias et matres in conjugium adducit. Venus cum Luna in finibus et domibus Saturni, cum Saturno si fuerit, attestante Marte, efficit mulieres quidem viragines, ad agriculturam, ad structuram, et ad omne opus virile promptas, misceri quibuscunque voluerint et non argui a viris pro adulterio, nulla uti mollitie, non unguentis, non vestibus, non calceamentis muliebribus, sed virorum sorte agentes; viros autem esse ut feminas nec quidquam virile gerere, cacodaemon Venus

XVII. Thus, when Mars, holding the centre, in his own house has regarded Saturn from the square, with Mercury at the centre, the full Moon coming upon him, in a diurnal genesis, he produces murderers and men who will fall by the sword, the bloodthirsty, the drunken, the lustful, the demon-possessed, searchers into secrets, sorcerers, the sacrilegious, and whatever things are like these, especially when none of the good stars has regarded him. But again Mars himself, having a square configuration towards Venus, by degree at the centre, with none of the good ones regarding, produces adulterers and brings sisters and daughters and mothers into wedlock. Venus with the Moon in the bounds and houses of Saturn, if she is with Saturn, Mars attesting, makes women indeed viragos, ready for husbandry, for building, and for every manly work, to have intercourse with whomsoever they will and not to be accused by their husbands of adultery, to use no softness, neither ointments, nor womanly garments, nor womanly shoes, but living after the lot of men; while that men should be as women and do nothing manly, the evil-daemon Venus

Editors' notes and page, col. 1408

Page

running head: [...]S I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. (start cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A ‹stellarum homines aut homicidae›; B ‹rores et filias et matres›; C and D stand beside Cotelier's notes at the foot, not beside the text
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1409

cum Marte si sit in Ariete; efficit e contrario mulieres, si sit in Capraecornu aut Aquario.

brings about if she is with Mars in Aries; she produces, on the contrary, [such] women, if she is in Capricorn or Aquarius.

XVIII. Cumque multa de his senex prosecutus esset, et unumquodque schema mathesis, stellarum quoque positiones enumerasset, volens per haec ostendere, quia timor non sufficiat refrenare concupiscentias, ego rursus respondi: Vere, Pater, doctissime et eruditissime prosecutus es, et ipsa me ratio invitat aliquid ad ea quae a te disserta sunt respondere, quoniam quidem scientia mihi mathesis nota est, et libenter cum erudito viro habeo sermonem. Accipe ergo ad ea quae dixisti, ut evidenter agnoscas genesim ex stellis omnino non esse, et quia possibile sit obsisti adversum impugnationem daemonum ab his qui confugiunt ad Deum, ac, sicut praedixi, non solum per timorem Dei naturales cohiberi concupiscentias posse, sed et per timorem hominum, sicut jam nunc edocebimus.

XVIII. And when the old man had gone through many things concerning these matters, and had enumerated each configuration of the mathematical art, and the positions of the stars as well, wishing to show by these that fear is not sufficient to bridle lusts, I answered again: Truly, Father, you have set it forth most learnedly and most eruditely, and reason itself invites me to answer something to what has been discoursed by you, since indeed the science of the mathematical art is known to me, and I gladly hold discourse with a learned man. Hear, then, in reply to what you have said, that you may plainly recognize that genesis is not from the stars at all, and that it is possible for resistance to be made against the assault of the demons by those who flee for refuge to God, and, as I said before, that natural lusts can be restrained not only by the fear of God, but also by the fear of men, as we shall now show.

XIX. Leges sunt in unaquaque regione vel regno ab hominibus positae, sive scriptura sive etiam usu durantes, quas nemo facile transgreditur. Denique primi Seres, qui initio orbis terrae habitant, legem habent neque homicidium neque adulterium neque scortum nosse, neque furtum committere, neque idola venerari; et in illa omni regione, quae est maxima, neque templum invenitur, neque simulacrum, neque meretrix, neque adultera, neque fur ad judicium deducitur, sed neque occisus ibi homo fertur aliquando, et tamen nullius libertas arbitrii compulsa est secundum vos a stella Martis ignita, ut ferro uteretur ad hominis necem, nec Venus cum Marte posita alienum matrimonium compulit vitiari, cum utique apud eos per singulos dies Mars medium coeli circulum teneat. Sed est apud

XIX. There are laws in every region or kingdom laid down by men, enduring either by writing or even by custom, which no one easily transgresses. Thus, first, the Seres, who dwell at the beginning of the world, have a law to know neither murder nor adultery nor whoredom, nor to commit theft, nor to worship idols; and in all that region, which is very great, neither temple is found, nor image, nor harlot, nor adulteress, nor is a thief brought to judgement, nor indeed is a man ever reported to have been killed there; and yet no one's freedom of will has been compelled, according to you, by the fiery star of Mars to use the sword for the slaying of a man, nor has Venus placed with Mars compelled another's marriage to be violated, although assuredly among them Mars holds the middle circle of heaven every day. But there is among

Editors' notes and page, col. 1409

Footnotes

(89) ‹anchor: Leges sunt› · call in col 1409

Leges sunt, etc. Hoc caput, et sequentia decem accepit auctor vel interpolator Recognitionum ex Bardesanis Dialogis, loco qui legitur apud Eusebium Praepar. evang. lib. vi, c. 10 editionis Graeco-Latinae a p. 274, D, ad p. 280, A. Ex utroque autem opere sua collegit Caesarius quaestione 109 et 110, citatus etiam a Cedreno pag. 126, 127, edit. Basil. Quae omnia inter se conferre operae pretium fuerit. Nos pauca subnotabimus, quia doctus Eusebii interpres Caesarianas lectiones ad Eusebianas apposuit. — Confer, si libet, tom. I nostrae Biblioth., pag. 682-688, et Prolegom. cap. 26, § 3, pag. cxxiii seq.

"There are laws," etc. This chapter, and the ten that follow, the author or interpolator of the Recognitions took from the Dialogues of Bardesanes, in the passage read in Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel bk. 6, ch. 10, of the Greek-Latin edition from p. 274 D to p. 280 A. And from both works Caesarius gathered his own matter in questions 109 and 110, cited also by Cedrenus, pp. 126, 127 of the Basel edition. It will be worth the trouble to compare all these with one another. We shall add only a few notes, because the learned translator of Eusebius has set the readings of Caesarius beside those of Eusebius. — Compare, if you please, vol. I of our Bibliotheca, pp. 682-688, and Prolegomena ch. 26, § 3, p. cxxiii ff.

(printed under page 702)

(90) ‹anchor: neque homicidium› · call in col 1409

Primi Seres, qui initio orbis terrae habitant, legem habent, neque homicidium, etc. In Caesario, οἱ τὸ ἄκρον τῆς χέρσου οἰκοῦντες. Itaque sic intelligi debet illud Bardesanis, ἐκ τῆς τοῦ κόσμου ἀρχῆς, hoc est, a principio orbis, non autem ab orbis conditu. Patet etiam ex Plinio et Mela.

"First the Seres, who dwell at the beginning of the world, have a law neither [to know] murder," etc. In Caesarius: "those who inhabit the edge of the dry land." And so that phrase of Bardesanes, "from the beginning of the world", must be understood thus, that is, "from the starting-point of the earth", and not "from the world's creation". It is plain also from Pliny and Mela.

(printed under page 702)

(91) ‹anchor: lemma as below; call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1410

Regio quaedam est. Ξενοβόρων Caesario : Νεκροφάγων Epiphanio Exposit. fid., num. 10, Cedrenus : Ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἐνδοτέροις μέρεσι τούτων, ἀνθρωποβοροῦντες καὶ τοὺς ἐπιξενωμένους ἀναιροῦντες κατεσθίουσιν, ὡς Κάβες. Quo loco una cum Xylandro ignoro quinam sint Cabes. Sed ex Georgio Hamartolo inedito chronographo, qui manuscriptus exstat in duobus codicibus Regiae bibliothecae, didici corrigendum esse, ὡς κύνες. Alias conjicerem Herodoti Callatias vel Padaeos. Vide Glycam parte ii, p. 143.

"There is a certain region." Of "stranger-eaters" in Caesarius; of "corpse-eaters" in Epiphanius, Exposition of the Faith, no. 10. Cedrenus: "And in the more inland parts of these, being man-eaters, they kill and devour those who come as strangers, like Kabes." At which place, together with Xylander, I do not know who the Cabes may be. But from George Hamartolus, an unpublished chronographer who survives in manuscript in two codices of the Royal Library, I have learned that it should be corrected to "like dogs". Otherwise I would conjecture the Callatiae or Padaei of Herodotus. See Glycas, part 2, p. 143.

(printed under page 702)

Page

running head: RECOGNITIONUM [...] (cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A ‹cum Marte si sit in Ariete›; B ‹gnationem daemonum›; C ‹fur ad judicium deducitur›; D stands beside Cotelier's notes at the foot, not beside the text
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Q6b re-read: the call (89) is printed in col 1409 after ‹Leges sunt›, the call (90) after ‹neque homicidium›; the text of col 1409 carries no call (91), which is called in col 1410 after ‹regio quaedam est› (so notes/n1410.md). The variant note printed at the foot of page 702 above Cotelier's notes is called in col 1410 and is set there as (65).

PG 1:1410

Seres legum metus vehementior q⟨u⟩am genesis constellatio.

the Seres the fear of the laws is more forceful than the constellation of genesis.

XX. Sunt similiter et apud Bactros in regionibus Indorum immensae multitudines Bragmanorum, qui et ipsi ex traditione majorum, moribus legibusque concordibus, neque homicidium neque adulterium committunt, neque simulacra colunt neque animantia edere in usu habent, nunquam inebriantur, nunquam malitiose aliquid gerunt, sed Deum semper timent; et quidem haec illi, cum caeteri Indorum et homicidia et adulteria committant, et simulacra colant, et inebrientur, atque alia hujusmodi flagitia exerceant. Sed et in ipsius Indiae nihilominus occiduis partibus regio quaedam est, ubi hospites cum inciderint, capti immolantur et comeduntur, et neque bonae stellae vetuerunt eos ab hujusmodi flagitiis et ab exsecrandis cibis, neque malignae stellae compulerunt Bragmanas, ut aliquid agerent mali. Est rursus mos apud Persas, matres accipere in conjugium et sorores et filias, et sub illo omni axe incesta Persae ineunt matrimonia.

XX. There are likewise among the Bactrians, in the regions of the Indians, immense multitudes of Brahmans, who also themselves, from the tradition of their forefathers, with concordant customs and laws, commit neither murder nor adultery, neither worship images nor are accustomed to eat living creatures, are never drunk, never do anything maliciously, but always fear God; and these men indeed do so, although the rest of the Indians commit both murders and adulteries, and worship images, and get drunk, and practise other enormities of this kind. Moreover, in the western parts of India itself there is none the less a certain region where strangers, when they chance upon it, are seized, sacrificed and eaten; and neither have the good stars forbidden them such enormities and execrable foods, nor have the malign stars compelled the Brahmans to do anything evil. Again, there is a custom among the Persians to take mothers in wedlock, and sisters and daughters, and under all that sky the Persians enter into incestuous marriages.

XXI. Ac ne forte liceat his qui mathesim sequuntur uti illo perfugio quo dicunt, certas quasdam esse plagas coeli, quibus propria quaedam habere conceditur, ex ipsa Persarum gente aliquanti ad peregrina profecti sunt, qui Magusaei appellantur, ex quibus usque in hodiernum sunt alii in Media, alii in Parthia, sed et in Aegypto nonnulli, plures autem in Galatia et Phrygia, qui omnes incestae hujus traditionis formam indeclinabilem servant, ac posteris custodiendam transmittunt etiam cum plagam coeli mutaverint, nec tamen eos Venus cum Luna in finibus et domibus Saturni, cum Saturno attestante etiam Marte, compulit habere inter caeteros genesim.

XXI. And lest perchance those who follow the mathematical art should be allowed to use that refuge by which they say that there are certain fixed zones of heaven to which it is granted to have certain things proper to them, some of that very nation of the Persians have gone forth to foreign parts, who are called Magusaeans, of whom to this day there are some in Media, others in Parthia, and also a few in Egypt, but more in Galatia and Phrygia, all of whom keep the form of this incestuous tradition unswervingly, and hand it on to their descendants to be kept even when they have changed their zone of heaven; and yet Venus with the Moon in the bounds and houses of Saturn, with Saturn, Mars also attesting, has not compelled them to have a genesis among the rest.

XXII. Apud Gelos quoque mos est, ut mulieres

XXII. Among the Geli also it is the custom that the women

Editors' notes and page, col. 1410

Footnotes

(65) ‹anchor: coeli mutaverint› · call in col 1410

Nec tamen... genesim non leguntur in codd. Lipss.

"Nec tamen ... genesim" ["and yet ... nativity"] is not read in the Leipzig codices.

COTELERII NOTAE.

Notes of Cotelier.

(printed under page 702)

(92) ‹anchor: qui Magusaei› · call in col 1410

Magusaei. Nomen aequivocum. Significat incestam hanc Bardesanis gentem : cujus mentionem quoque facit S. Basilius epistola 325. Significat omnes Persas, apud Suidam in vocibus γοητεία, Πέρσαι et Μαγώγ ; quo ultimo loco uno ductu legendum : Μαγὼγ, ὁ Πέρσης, μαγεία καὶ ἀστρολογία, ἀπὸ Μαγουσαίων ἤρξατο. Οἱ γάρ τοι Πέρσαι Μαγὼγ ὑπὸ τῶν ἐγχωρίων ὀνομάζονται· καὶ Μαγουσαῖοι, οἱ αὐτοί. Atque ita cod. Reg. 2080, ubi alter 131, Μαγώγ. Ὁ Πέρσης. Ὅτι μαγεία, etc. Sed et Magusaeus sive Maguseus de Mago dicitur, in Vita S. Epiphanii cap. 16, et a Basilio Seleuciensi orat. 38, pag. 202, ubi frustra corrigere tentat doctus interpres.

"Magusaei." An ambiguous name. It signifies this incestuous nation of Bardesanes: of which St. Basil also makes mention in letter 325. It signifies all the Persians, in Suidas under the words goēteia [sorcery], Persai and Magog; in which last place it should be read in one stretch: "Magog, the Persian; magic and astrology began from the Magusaeans. For the Persians are in fact named Magog by the natives; and Magusaeans, the same people." And so the Royal codex 2080, where the other, 131, has: "Magog. The Persian. That magic," etc. But Magusaeus or Maguseus is also said of a Magus, in the Life of St. Epiphanius ch. 16, and by Basil of Seleucia, oration 38, p. 202, where the learned translator tries in vain to correct it.

(printed under page 702)

(93) ‹anchor: caeteros genesim› · call in col 1410

Compulit habere inter caeteros genesim. Minus commode Graeca convertit Rufinus, ἐν ταῖς τῶν πάντων γενέσεσιν εὑρίσκετο. Hoc est, in omnium Magusaeorum genituris reperta est. Apud Caesarium, ἐν ταῖς πάντων αὐτῶν γενέσεσιν εὑρίσκεσθαι οἷά τε.

"Compelled them to have, among the rest, a nativity." Rufinus has turned the Greek less aptly: "was found in the nativities of all". That is, "was found in the nativities of all the Magusaeans". In Caesarius: "able to be found in the nativities of all of them".

(printed under page 702)

(94) ‹anchor: Apud Gelos› · call in col 1410

Apud Gelos. Corrupte in Glyca, Annalium parte ii, p. 143, παρ' Ἀγιλαίοις. Scribi debet παρὰ Γήλοις, uti habetur in Bardesane apud Eusebium P. E., p. 275, D ; quo ex loco, et ex duobus codici- (continues)

"Among the Geli." Corruptly in Glycas, Annals part 2, p. 143, "among the Agilaei". It ought to be written "among the Geli", as it stands in Bardesanes in Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel, p. 275 D; from which passage, and from two codi- (continues)

(printed under page 702)

Page

running head: [...]ECOGNITIONUM LIB. IX. (start cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A ‹Seres legum metus vehementior›; B ‹et neque bonae stellae vetuerunt›; C ‹cestae hujus traditionis›; D stands beside Cotelier's notes at the foot, not beside the text
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Cotelier's note (91) is called in this column, after ‹regio quaedam est›; its text is set under col 1409 (notes/n1409.md), where it begins at the foot of page 702. The variant note's superscript numeral is small and blurred in the image; read as 65 (Q3b), in sequence with the superscript notes 66-68 under page 703; it was first set as (95), which collides with Cotelier's own note (95) under col 1411.

PG 1:1411

agricolentur, aedificent et omne opus virile perficiant, sed et misceri quibus volunt licet, nec incusantur a viris aut adulterae appellantur, passim enim concubitus miscent et praecipue cum hospitibus, unguenta nesciunt, non induuntur veste fucata, non calceis; econtra viri Gelonum ornantur, pectuntur, indumentis mollibus et variis induuntur, auro compositi unguentisque delibuti, et haec non pro dissolutione virium, sunt enim bellicosissimi et venatores acerrimi; nec tamen universae Gelonum mulieres, in Capraecornu aut Aquario cacodaemonem Venerem nascentes habuere, neque viri eorum in Ariete cum Marte Venerem positam, per quod schema effeminatos et dissolutos nasci asserit viros Chaldaica disciplina.

till the fields, build, and carry out every manly work; but they are also permitted to have intercourse with whom they will, and they are not accused by their husbands nor called adulteresses, for they have intercourse everywhere indiscriminately, and especially with strangers; they know nothing of ointments, they do not put on dyed clothing, nor shoes; the men of the Geloni, on the contrary, are adorned, are combed, are clothed in soft and many-coloured garments, decked with gold and anointed with ointments, and this not from any slackening of their strength, for they are most warlike and the keenest of hunters; and yet not all the women of the Geloni, at their birth, had Venus as an evil daemon in Capricorn or Aquarius, nor did their men have Venus placed with Mars in Aries, the configuration through which the Chaldaean discipline asserts that men are born effeminate and dissolute.

XXIII. Porro vero in Susis mulieres unguentis et quidem optimis utuntur, ornamentis comptae ex lapidibus pretiosis, ministeriis quoque ancillarum fultae procedunt multo majore ambitione quam viri, nec tamen pudicitiam colunt, sed indifferens eis cum quibuscunque voluerint usus est et servis et hospitibus, tali licentia a viris permissa; et non solum non culpantur pro hoc, sed et dominantur in viros. Nec tamen omnium genesis mulierum Susidarum in medietate coeli, cum Jove et Marte Venerem in Jovis domibus habent. In ulterioribus Orientis partibus, si puer muliebri se substernat injuriae, cum agnitum fuerit, a fratribus aut parentibus vel quibuslibet proximis interficitur, nec sepultura donatur. Et rursus apud Gallos lex prisca constituit nuptum tradi publice pueros,

XXIII. Moreover, at Susa the women use ointments, and indeed the best ones, being adorned with ornaments of precious stones; supported also by the attendance of maidservants, they go forth with much greater display than the men, and yet they do not cultivate chastity, but have indifferent intercourse with whomsoever they will, both slaves and strangers, such licence having been allowed them by their husbands; and not only are they not blamed for this, but they even rule over their husbands. And yet the nativity of all the women of Susa does not have Venus in mid-heaven, with Jupiter and Mars, in the houses of Jupiter. In the remoter parts of the East, if a boy submits himself to the outrage done to a woman, when it becomes known he is killed by his brothers or parents or by any of his kin, and is not granted burial. And again among the Gauls an ancient law established that boys be publicly given in marriage,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1411

Footnotes

(66) ‹anchor: venatores acerrimi› · call in col 1411

Nec tamen... disciplina desunt in codd. Lipss.

"Nec tamen ... disciplina" are wanting in the Leipzig manuscripts.

(printed under page 703)

(67) ‹anchor: dominantur in viros› · call in col 1411

Nec tamen... habent, et paulo infra: et nunquid... habuerint pariter desunt in utroque codd. Lipss.

"Nec tamen ... habent", and a little further down "et nunquid ... habuerint", are likewise wanting in both Leipzig manuscripts.

(printed under page 703)

(94) ‹anchor: call on the previous page› · call in col 1411

(continued) bus Regiis emendandus venit Bardesanes, ibidem, p. 280, A, παρὰ Βάκτροις καὶ Γήλοις, non Γάλλοις. Indiligenter autem Bardesanem ac Recognitiones hic legit Caesarius. Rufinus vero habebat in codice suo ἀνανδρείους, non ἀνδρείους. Corrige obiter Scylacis Periplum capite de Liburnis: Οὗτοι γυναικοκρατοῦνται· καὶ εἰσὶν αἱ γυναῖκες ἀνδρῶν ἐλευθέρων· μίσγονται δὲ τοῖς ἑαυτῶν δούλοις, καὶ τοῖς πλησιοχώροις ἀνδράσι. Legendum, ἐλεῦθεραι. Hi muliebri imperio subjecti sunt: et mulieres a viris sunt liberae; miscentur autem cum suis servis, vicinarumque regionum viris.

(printed under page 703)

(95) ‹anchor: apud Gallos› · call in col 1411

Apud Gallos. Id etiam testantur Diodorus Siculus, lib. v, et Athenaeus, lib. xiii.

"Among the Gauls." Diodorus Siculus, book V, and Athenaeus, book XIII, also attest this.

(printed under page 703)

(96) ‹anchor: call not in this column; it falls after the column's last line› · call in col 1412

In Britanniae partibus, etc. De antiquis Britannis verba sunt Caesaris lib. v De bello Gallico cap. 5 : Uxores habent deni duodenique inter se communes, et maxime fratres cum fratribus, et parentes cum liberis. De multo recentioribus autem sui temporis ait Gildas, in Epistola de excidio Britanniae : Reges habet Britannia, sed tyrannos; judices habet, sed impios, saepe praedantes, et concutientes innocentes; vindicantes, et protegentes, sed reos et latrones; quamplurimas conjuges habentes, sed scortantes. Apud Scotos vero gentem Britannicam, communes exstitisse uxores discimus a Hieronymo lib. ii adversus Jovinianum c. 6. Nec dissimiliter Hiberni in Strabone lib. iv. Quod spectat ad Parthos, uxores dulcedine variae libidinis singuli plures habebant; ut verbis Justini Historici lib. xli, utar. Hoc porro in loco, et Noster paululum deflexit a Bardesane, et diligentia defuit Caesario.

"In the regions of Britain", etc. Of the ancient Britons these are Caesar's words, book V of the Gallic War, ch. 5: "Groups of ten and twelve have wives in common among themselves, and especially brothers with brothers and parents with children." Of the much later Britons of his own time Gildas says, in the Epistle on the Ruin of Britain: "Britain has kings, but tyrants; she has judges, but impious ones, often plundering and harassing the innocent; avenging and protecting, but the guilty and robbers; having very many wives, but whoring." That among the Scots, a British people, wives were held in common we learn from Jerome, book II Against Jovinian, ch. 6. Not unlike are the Irish in Strabo, book IV. As regards the Parthians, each man had several wives for the pleasure of varied lust, to use the words of Justin the historian, book XLI. In this place, moreover, our author has turned a little aside from Bardesanes, and Caesarius was wanting in diligence.

(printed under page 703)

Page

running head: 1411 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. (rest of the head lies over the facing column, outside this image)
marginal letters: A ‹res agricolentur, aedificent›; B ‹XXIII. Porro vero in Susis›; C ‹nec sepultura donatur. Et rursus›; D ‹(in the footnotes, beside note 96)›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1412

nec opprobrium ex hoc aliquod duci; et nunquid possibile est, ut omnes qui tam turpiter succumbunt apud Gallos, Luciferum cum Mercurio in domibus Saturni et finibus Martis habuerint?

and that no reproach be reckoned from this; and is it possible that all those among the Gauls who so shamefully submit had Lucifer with Mercury in the houses of Saturn and the bounds of Mars?

XXIV. In Britanniae partibus plures viri unam habent uxorem, in Parthia multae mulieres unum habent virum, et utraque orbis pars moribus suis atque institutis obsequitur. Amazones omnes non habent viros, sed sicut animalia semel in anno circa vernale aequinoctium proprios egressae terminos, finitimae gentis viris miscentur, solemnitatem quamdam per hoc observantes, ex quibus cum conceperint redeunt, et si marem pepererint abjiciunt, feminas nutriunt. Cumque unius temporis sit omnium partus, absurdum est, ut in maribus quidem putetur Mars cum Saturno in tempore aequis esse portionibus, in feminarum vero genesi nunquam. Sed neque Mercurium cum Venere habuisse in domibus propriis positum, ut vel pictores ibi vel sculptores vel trapezitas efficiat, aut in domibus Veneris, ut unguentarios vel vocales vel poetas producat. Apud Saracenos et superiores Libes et Mauros et circa ora maris Oceani habitantes, sed et in extremis Germaniae partibus et apud Sarmatas et Scythas atque omnes quae sub axe septentrionis jacent Pontici littoris gentes, et in Chrysea insula, nunquam invenitur trapezita nec sculptor, aut pictor, aut architectus, aut geometres, aut tragoedus, aut poeta; ergo deficit apud eos Mercurii Venerisque constellatio.

XXIV. In the regions of Britain several men have one wife; in Parthia many women have one husband; and each part of the world follows its own customs and institutions. None of the Amazons have husbands, but like animals, once a year about the spring equinox, going out beyond their own borders, they have intercourse with the men of a neighbouring nation, keeping a kind of festival by this; and when they have conceived by them they return, and if they bear a male they cast it away, while the females they rear. And since the birth of all is at one season, it is absurd that in the case of the males Mars should be thought to be at that time in equal portions with Saturn, but in the nativity of the females never. Nor yet to have had Mercury with Venus placed in his own houses, so as to make there painters or sculptors or money-changers, or in the houses of Venus, so as to produce perfumers or singers or poets. Among the Saracens and the upper Libyans and the Moors and those who dwell about the shores of the Ocean sea, and also in the furthest parts of Germany and among the Sarmatians and Scythians and all the nations of the Pontic coast that lie beneath the northern pole, and in the island Chrysea, there is never found a money-changer nor a sculptor, or a painter, or an architect, or a geometer, or a tragedian, or a poet; therefore the constellation of Mercury and Venus is wanting among them.

XXV. Ex omni orbe terrarum Medi tantummodo

XXV. Out of the whole world the Medes alone

Editors' notes and page, col. 1412

Footnotes

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Cumque... poetas producat et in fine hujus cap. ergo... constellatio desiderantur in codd. Lips.

"Cumque ... poetas producat", and at the end of this chapter "ergo ... constellatio", are missing in the Leipzig manuscripts.

COTELERII NOTAE. (printed under page 703)

(97) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1412

Sed neque Mercurium, etc. Haec carent sensu, nec possunt construi. Equidem re attente considerata, comparatisque inter se tribus auctoribus, Bardesane, pseudo-Clemente et Caesario, arbitror in Graeco hic scriptum fuisse ἀλλὰ μὴν, Rufinum vero transtulisse sed et, aut si transtulerit sed neque, perperam legisse ἀλλὰ μή. Dein ut particulam esse concedentis existimo.

"Sed neque Mercurium", etc. These words lack sense and cannot be construed. For my part, having weighed the matter attentively and compared the three authors with one another, Bardesanes, pseudo-Clement and Caesarius, I judge that in the Greek there stood here ἀλλὰ μὴν ("but indeed"), and that Rufinus translated "sed et", or, if he translated "sed neque", that he wrongly read ἀλλὰ μή. Next, I take the particle "ut" to be concessive.

(printed under page 703)

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Chrysea. De Chryse consule geographos, necnon Salmasii Exercitationes Plinianas.

"Chrysea." On Chryse consult the geographers, and also Salmasius's Exercitationes Plinianae.

(printed under page 703)

(99) ‹anchor: terrarum Medi› · call in col 1412

Medi. Narrat hoc de Bactrianis Onesicritus apud Strabonem lib. xi. De iisdem Bactriis seu Bactris, et de Hyrcanis Porphyrius, iv Περὶ ἀποχῆς ἐμψύχων num. 21 ac post eum Eusebius Praepar. evang. lib. i, cap. 14, et Hieronymus ii in Jovinianum, 6. Qui postremus, ut id obiter moneam, minus commode Porphyrii κατακρημνίζουσιν convertit suspendunt in patibulis, uti etiam patet ex Theodoriti sermone De legibus, p. 615. Ab aliis autem refertur usitatum fuisse apud Bactrianos, Hyrcanos, Persas, Assyrios, Caspios, Indorum aliquos, Parthos aliosque, mortuorum cadavera canibus, bestiis, vulturibus, volucribus devoranda projicere. Unde dictum Diogenis in Stobaei sermone 122. Ὅτι ἂν μὲν κύνες αὐτὸν σπαράξωσιν, Ὑρκανία ἔσται ἡ τάφη· ἂν δὲ γῦπες, Βάκτρων. Ita enim emendo in voce nihili ἀπτέον, adductus auctoritate Plutarchi, qui in libello An vitiositas ad infelicitatem sufficiat, haec habet : Ὑρκάνων δὲ κύνες, Βακτριανῶν δὲ ὄρνιθες νεκροὺς ἐσθίουσιν κατὰ νόμους, ὅταν μακαρίου τέλους τυγχάνωσιν.

"The Medes." Onesicritus, in Strabo book XI, tells this of the Bactrians. Of the same Bactrians or Bactri, and of the Hyrcanians, Porphyry speaks, On Abstinence from Animal Food IV, no. 21, and after him Eusebius, Praeparatio evangelica book I, ch. 14, and Jerome, Against Jovinian II, 6. The last of these, to note it in passing, rendered Porphyry's "they throw down headlong" not very aptly as "they hang on gibbets", as is also clear from Theodoret's discourse On Laws, p. 615. By others, however, it is reported to have been customary among the Bactrians, Hyrcanians, Persians, Assyrians, Caspians, some of the Indians, the Parthians and others to cast out the corpses of the dead to be devoured by dogs, beasts, vultures and birds. Hence the saying of Diogenes in Stobaeus, discourse 122: "If dogs tear him apart, his burial will be Hyrcania's; if vultures, the Bactrians'." For so I emend, in place of the meaningless word ἀπτέον, led by the authority of Plutarch, who in the little work Whether Vice Is Sufficient for Unhappiness has this: "The dogs of the Hyrcanians, and the birds of the Bactrians, eat the dead according to their laws, when they meet with a blessed end."

(printed under page 703)

Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1412
marginal letters: A ‹nec opprobrium ex hoc›; B ‹dem putetur Mars cum Saturno›; C ‹apud eos Mercurii Venerisque›; D ‹(in the footnotes, beside note 99)›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1413

summa observantia adhuc spirantes homines canibus devorandos abjiciunt, et non ob hoc Martem cum Luna per diurnam genesim in Cancro positos habent. Indi mortuos suos incendunt, cum quibus et uxores defunctorum sponte se offerentes exuruntur. Sed non ideo omnes quae vivae incenduntur Indorum mulieres, in nocturna genesi sub terra habent Solem cum Marte in partibus Martis. Germanorum plurimi laqueo vitam finiunt, nec idcirco omnes Lunam cum hora, Saturno et Marte circumcinctas habent. Sed non in omni gente, et in omni die per omnem diversitatem genesis nascuntur homines? Ex quibus omnibus apparet, quia metus legum in unaquaque regione dominatur, et arbitrii libertas quae est hominibus insita per spiritum, obtemperat legibus, nec cogere potest genesis aut Seres homicidium committere, aut Bragmanos carnibus vesci, aut Persas incesta vitare, vel Indos non exuri, aut Medos non a canibus devorari, Parthos non habere plures uxores, aut mulieres Mesopotamiae non servare pudicitiam, Graecos non exerceri palaestris, Gallorum pueros non pati muliebria, vel gentes barbaras Graecorum studiis institui, sed, ut diximus, unaquaeque gens suis legibus utitur pro libertatis arbitrio, et decreta genesis legum severitate depellit.

with the utmost observance cast out men still breathing to be devoured by dogs, and they do not on that account have Mars with the Moon placed in Cancer in a diurnal nativity. The Indians burn their dead, and with them the wives of the deceased, offering themselves of their own accord, are also burned. But not for that reason do all the women of the Indians who are burned alive have, in a nocturnal nativity, the Sun beneath the earth with Mars in the portions of Mars. Very many of the Germans end their life by the noose, and yet not for that reason do they all have the Moon with the hour hemmed in by Saturn and Mars. But are not men born in every nation, and on every day, through every diversity of nativity? From all of which it is apparent that the fear of the laws holds sway in each region, and that the freedom of the will, which is implanted in men through the spirit, obeys the laws; nor can the nativity compel either the Seres to commit homicide, or the Brahmans to feed on flesh, or the Persians to avoid incest, or the Indians not to be burned, or the Medes not to be devoured by dogs, the Parthians not to have several wives, or the women of Mesopotamia not to keep chastity, the Greeks not to exercise in the wrestling-schools, the boys of the Gauls not to suffer what belongs to women, or the barbarian nations to be trained in the studies of the Greeks; but, as we have said, each nation uses its own laws according to the choice of its freedom, and drives off the decrees of the nativity by the severity of the laws.

XXVI. Sed dicet aliquis eorum qui in disciplina mathesis eruditi sunt, genesim in septem partes dirimi, quae illi climata appellant, dominari vero unicuique climati unam ex septem stellis, et istas quas exposuimus diversas leges non ab hominibus positas, sed ab istis principibus secundum uniuscujusque voluntatem; et hoc quod stellae visum est, legem ab hominibus observatam. Ad haec ergo respondebimus, quod primo quidem non est in septem partes orbis terrae divisus, tum deinde et si ita esset, in una parte et in una regione invenimus multas differentias legum, et ideo neque septem sunt secundum numerum stellarum; neque duodecim secundum numerum

XXVI. But one of those who are learned in the discipline of astrology will say that the nativity is divided into seven parts, which they call climates, and that one of the seven stars rules over each climate, and that those diverse laws which we have set forth were not laid down by men, but by these rulers according to the will of each; and that what seemed good to the star has been kept by men as law. To this, then, we shall answer that, first, the world is not divided into seven parts; and then, even if it were so, in one part and in one region we find many differences of laws, and therefore they are neither seven according to the number of the stars, nor twelve according to the number

Editors' notes and page, col. 1413

Footnotes

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Et non.. habent atque illa quae in sequentibus ad astrologiam spectant omnia sed non... Martis et nec idcirco... Martis non leguntur in codd. Lipss.

"Et non ... habent", and all those passages in what follows that concern astrology, "sed non ... Martis" and "nec idcirco ... Martis", are not read in the Leipzig manuscripts.

(printed under page 704)

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Sed dicet .. instituta custodiunt (cap. 27) desunt in codd. Lipss.

"Sed dicet ... instituta custodiunt" (ch. 27) are wanting in the Leipzig manuscripts.

(printed under page 704)

(100) ‹anchor: climata appellant› · call in col 1413

Genesim in septem partes dirimi, quae illi climata appellant. Difficile est de hoc loco statuere. Nam si exigatur ad Caesarium, mutilus apparebit; si vero ad Bardesanem, videbitur Rufinus legisse γένεσιν pro γῆν. Verba prioris sunt : Ἀλλ' ἑπτὰ ὄντων τῇ γενέσει ἡμῶν ἀνακειμένων ἀστέρων, εἰς ἑπτὰ λέγομεν κλίματα τὴν γῆν διαιρεῖσθαι. Posterioris autem : Οἱ δὲ ἀστρονόμοι φασὶ τὴν γῆν ταύτην μεμερίσθαι εἰς ἑπτὰ κλίματα. Caeterum septem quoque climata ponit Servius ad i Georgicon, enumeratque Isidorus Originum lib. iii, cap. 41 : quae tamen octo leges apud Martianum Capellam lib. viii, p. 296.

"That genesis is divided into seven parts, which they call climates." It is hard to decide about this passage. For if it is measured against Caesarius, it will appear mutilated; but if against Bardesanes, Rufinus will seem to have read "genesis" for "earth". The former's words are: "But since there are seven stars set over our nativity, we say that the earth is divided into seven climates." The latter's: "The astronomers say that this earth has been divided into seven climates." Besides, Servius too, on Georgics I, posits seven climates, and Isidore enumerates them, Origines book III, ch. 41; yet you will read of eight in Martianus Capella, book VIII, p. 296.

(printed under page 704)

Page

running head: 1413 RECOGNITIONUM LIB (rest of the head lies over the facing column, outside this image)
marginal letters: A ‹modo summa observantia›; B ‹ritum, obtemperat legibus›; C ‹stellis, et istas quas exposuimus›; D ‹(in the footnotes, beside note 100)›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1414

signorum, neque triginta et sex secundum numerum decanorum, sed sunt innumerae.

of the signs, nor thirty-six according to the number of the decans, but they are innumerable.

XXVII. Meminisse autem debemus eorum quae supra enumerata sunt, quod in una Indiae regione sunt et qui hominum carnibus vescantur, et sunt qui etiam a pecudibus vel avibus omnibusque animantibus abstineant, et quia Magusaei non solum in Perside matres ac filias accipiunt in matrimonium, sed et in omni gente ubicunque habitaverint, malorum suorum incesta instituta custodiunt. Tum praeterea et innumeras gentes memoravimus, quae penitus studia nesciunt litterarum. Sed et aliquanti sapientes viri ipsas leges in nonnullis commutaverunt locis, aliae vero etiam sponte pro sui vel impossibilitate vel inhonestate derelictae sunt. Certe, quod in promptu est noscere, quanti imperatores gentium quas vicerant leges et instituta mutarunt, et suis eas legibus subjecerunt! Quod evidenter a Romanis factum docetur, qui omnem pene orbem omnesque nationes propriis primo et variis legibus institutisque viventes, in Romanorum jus et civilia scita verterunt. Superest ergo ut et stellae gentium, quae a Romanis victae sunt, climata sua partesque perdiderint.

XXVII. Now we ought to remember, of the things enumerated above, that in one region of India there are both those who feed on the flesh of men and those who abstain even from cattle and birds and all living creatures; and that the Magusaei not only in Persia take their mothers and daughters in marriage, but also in every nation, wherever they have dwelt, keep the incestuous institutions of their ancestors. Then, besides, we have also mentioned innumerable nations which are wholly ignorant of the study of letters. Moreover, a number of wise men have changed the laws themselves in some places, while other laws have even been abandoned of their own accord, on account of either their impossibility or their shamefulness. Certainly, as is readily known, how many rulers have changed the laws and institutions of the nations they had conquered, and subjected them to their own laws! This is plainly shown to have been done by the Romans, who have turned almost the whole world, and all the nations that formerly lived under their own and various laws and institutions, to the law and civil ordinances of the Romans. It remains, therefore, that the stars of the nations that have been conquered by the Romans have also lost their climates and their portions.

XXVIII. Addam adhuc rem, quae possit etiam valde incredulis satisfacere. Judaei omnes qui sub lege Moysi vivunt, filios suos octava die absque ulla dilatione circumcidunt, et infantis teneri sanguinem fundunt; a saeculo autem nullus ex gentibus hoc die octava perpessus est, et econtra Judaeorum nullus omisit. Quomodo ergo in hoc ratio genesis stabit? cum per cunctas orbis terrae partes omnes Judaei admisti gentibus vivant, et octava ferrum perferant die unius in membri loco, et nemo gentilium, sed ipsi soli, ut dixi, hoc faciunt, non stella cogente nec perfusione sanguinis perurgente, sed lege religionis adducti, et in quocunque orbis loco fuerint hoc est eis insigne vernaculum. Sed et quod unum nomen omnibus inest ubicunque fuerint, nunquid et hoc per genesim venit? et quod

XXVIII. I will add yet another thing, which may satisfy even the very unbelieving. All the Jews who live under the law of Moses circumcise their sons on the eighth day without any delay, and shed the blood of the tender infant; but from the beginning of the world none of the Gentiles has undergone this on the eighth day, and on the other hand none of the Jews has omitted it. How then will the account of the nativity stand in this matter, since through all parts of the world all the Jews live mingled with the Gentiles, and on the eighth day endure the iron in the place of one member, and none of the Gentiles, but they alone, as I have said, do this, not with a star compelling nor the shedding of blood urging them on, but led by the law of their religion, and in whatever place of the world they may be this is their native badge? Moreover, that one name belongs to them all wherever they may be, does this also come through the nativity? and that

Editors' notes and page, col. 1414

Footnotes

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Superest... perdiderint desunt in codd. Lipss.

"Superest ... perdiderint" are wanting in the Leipzig manuscripts.

(printed under page 704)

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Non stella... aut emere non leguntur in codd. Lipss.

"Non stella ... aut emere" are not read in the Leipzig manuscripts.

COTELERII NOTAE. (printed under page 704)

(1) ‹anchor: Judaei omnes› · call in col 1414

Judaei omnes. Idem argumentum vulgo urgent sancti Patres. Quod autem hic dicitur nullum gentilium unquam circumcisionem octavo die passum fuisse, confutari posse videtur per narrationem Philostorgii de Homeritis ea die circumcidi solitis, lib. iii, c. 4. Verum forsan Homeritae post tempora nostri Auctoris ritum suum mutavere, edocti a Judaeis inquilinis. Etenim Arabes erant : circumcidebantur porro Arabes anno 13, teste Origene apud Eusebium Pr. evang. lib. vi, cap. 11, p. 293, et in Philocaliae cap. 22, pag. 363, necnon Eustathio in Hexaemeron ubi de Abrahamo. Μετὰ ἔτος τρισκαιδέκατον, post decimum tertium annum, inquit Josephus Antiquitatum lib. i, cap. 13, quod eodem recidit, ut constat ex ejusdem libri cap. 11, hoc est, anno 13 completo. Certe Ambrosius, lib. ii De Abrahamo, c. 11, refert ab Aegyptiis circumcisos fuisse pueros annum agentes quartumdecimum. Atque ex his suspectum habeo locum Procopii Gazaei ad Gen. I, 14 : Quare apud Ismaelitas sacerdotes ubi nati fuerint annos decem, circumcisione signantur? ne ιγ, detrito, γ, transierit in ι.

"All Jews." The holy Fathers commonly press the same argument. But what is said here, that no Gentile ever underwent circumcision on the eighth day, seems open to refutation from Philostorgius's account of the Homerites, who were accustomed to be circumcised on that day, book III, ch. 4. Yet perhaps the Homerites changed their rite after our author's time, taught by Jews settled among them. For they were Arabs; and Arabs were circumcised in their 13th year, as Origen testifies in Eusebius, Praeparatio evangelica book VI, ch. 11, p. 293, and in the Philocalia ch. 22, p. 363, as does Eustathius on the Hexaemeron where he treats of Abraham. "After the thirteenth year", says Josephus, Antiquities book I, ch. 13, which comes to the same thing, as is clear from ch. 11 of the same book, that is, with the 13th year completed. Certainly Ambrose, book II On Abraham, ch. 11, reports that among the Egyptians boys were circumcised in their fourteenth year. And from all this I hold suspect the passage of Procopius of Gaza on Gen. I, 14: "Why among the Ishmaelites are priests marked with circumcision when they are ten years old?" — lest ιγ (13), the γ having been rubbed away, should have passed into ι (10).

(printed under page 704)

Page

running head: RECOGNITIONUM LIB. IX. 1414
marginal letters: A ‹signorum, neque triginta›; B ‹quod in promptu est noscere›; C ‹rum nullus omisit. Quomodo›; D ‹(in the footnotes, beside the continuation of note 1)›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1415

nunquam apud eos infans natus exponitur, et quod septimo quoque die omnes ubicunque fuerint, otium gerunt nec iter incedunt nec igni utuntur? Quid est ergo, quod nullum Judaeorum in illa die cogit genesis aut iter agere, aut aedificare, aut vendere aliquid, aut emere?

among them a new-born infant is never exposed, and that on every seventh day all of them, wherever they may be, keep rest and neither go on a journey nor use fire? Why is it, then, that on that day the nativity compels none of the Jews either to make a journey, or to build, or to sell anything, or to buy?

XXIX. Quinimo et majorem fidem rerum praesentium dabo. Ecce enim ex adventu justi et veri Prophetae vixdum septem anni sunt, in quibus ex omnibus gentibus convenientes homines ad Judaeam, et signis ac virtutibus quae viderant, sed et doctrinae majestate permoti, ubi receperunt fidem ejus, abeuntes ad regiones suas illicitos quosque gentilium ritus et incesta sprevere conjugia. Denique apud Parthos, sicut nobis Thomas, qui apud illos Evangelium praedicat, scripsit, non multi jam erga plurima matrimonia diffunduntur, nec multi apud Medos canibus objiciunt mortuos suos, neque Persae matrum conjugiis aut filiarum incestis matrimoniis delectantur, nec mulieres Susides licita ducunt adulteria; nec potuit ad crimina genesis compellere, quos religionis doctrina prohibebat.

XXIX. Nay more, I will give an even greater proof from present things. For behold, it is scarcely seven years since the coming of the just and true Prophet, and in these years men coming together to Judaea from all nations, and moved both by the signs and mighty works which they had seen and also by the majesty of the teaching, when they had received His faith, going away to their own regions have spurned all the unlawful rites of the Gentiles and incestuous unions. In fact among the Parthians, as Thomas, who preaches the Gospel among them, has written to us, not many now spread themselves over a multitude of marriages, nor do many among the Medes throw their dead to the dogs, nor do the Persians take delight in unions with their mothers or incestuous marriages with their daughters, nor do the women of Susa hold adulteries to be lawful; nor has the nativity been able to drive to crimes those whom the teaching of religion forbade.

XXX. Ecce ex hoc ipso conjice, et de his in quibus sumus locis, conjecturam cape, quomodo fama tantum perferente ad aures hominum, quod Propheta in Judaea apparuit, qui signis et virtutibus doceret homines unum colere Deum, omnes paratis intentisque animis exspectabant, etiam ante adventum domini mei Petri, ut sibi aliquis quae docuisset

XXX. See, conjecture from this very thing, and take your inference from these places in which we are, how, when rumour alone carried to the ears of men that a Prophet had appeared in Judaea, who by signs and mighty works taught men to worship one God, all were waiting with ready and eager minds, even before the coming of my lord Peter, for someone to announce to them what had been taught by

Editors' notes and page, col. 1415

Footnotes

(73) ‹anchor: XXX.› · call in col 1415

Ecce... enumerare videamur desunt in utroque codd. Lipss.

"Ecce ... enumerare videamur" are wanting in both Leipzig manuscripts.

COTELERII NOTAE. (printed under page 705)

(2) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1415

Nec igni utuntur. Propter legem Dei Ex. XXXV, 3 : Non succendetis ignem in omnibus habitaculis vestris per diem Sabbati. Quo factum suspicari quis possit, ut Rutilius Itinerarii lib. i, v. 389, Sabbata Judaeorum frigida appellaverit : Cui Sabbata frigida cordi. Atque hinc etiam forte originem sumpsit celebris paganorum opinio de Sabbatico jejunio Judaeorum. Facile enim sibi persuadebant eos jejunare, apud quos focum igne lucentem cernere non erat.

"Nor do they use fire." Because of God's law, Exod. XXXV, 3: "You shall kindle no fire in any of your dwellings on the Sabbath day." Hence, one might suspect, it came about that Rutilius, Itinerarium book I, v. 389, called the Sabbaths of the Jews "cold": "To whom the cold Sabbaths are dear." And from this too, perhaps, the well-known pagan opinion about the Jews' Sabbath fast took its origin. For they easily persuaded themselves that people were fasting among whom no hearth was to be seen alight with fire.

(printed under page 705)

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Iter agere. Arbitror scriptum fuisse in Graeco ex Bardesane καταλῦσαι, quod perperam apud Eusebium per verbum demoliri interpretantur. Rem verbo significatam illustrarunt multi, praesertimque sacrae Scripturae interpretes ad Act. I, 12. Sed nescio an a quoquam expensa fuerint ista Suidae : Σαββάτου ἔχων ὁδόν· Δισχιλίων πήχεων ἦν. Τοσοῦτον γὰρ ἡ κιβωτὸς διάστημα προελάμβανε τὴν παρεμβολήν. Καὶ ἀπὸ τοσούτου διαστήματος ἐκίνουν οἷς ἐξῆν προσκυνεῖν τὴν σκηνὴν ἐν Σαββάτῳ βαδίζειν. Quae videntur ex Theophylacto et Oecumenio hoc pacto concinnanda : Σαββάτου ἔχων (sic ms. Reg. 130) ὁδόν· δισχιλίων πήχεων ἦν. Τοσοῦτον γὰρ ἡ κιβωτὸς προελάμβανε τὴν παρεμβολὴν καὶ ἀπὸ τοσούτου διαστήματος ἐσκήνουν· ὃ ἐξῆν, προσκυνεῖν τὴν σκηνήν, ἐν Σαββάτῳ βαδίζειν. Hoc est : Sabbati viam habens. via erat bis mille cubitorum. Tanto enim intervallo arca castra praecedebat; et a tanto spatio tentoria figebant : quod licebat, ad adorandum tabernaculum, in Sabbato obire. Consuetudines autem huic et superiori consimiles irrepsisse aliquando inter Christianos, discimus ex canone 28 concilii Aurelianensis iii et Vernensi xiv.

"To make a journey." I judge that in the Greek, from Bardesanes, there was written καταλῦσαι ("to halt, lodge"), which in Eusebius they wrongly translate by the verb "to demolish". The thing signified by the word many have illustrated, and especially the interpreters of holy Scripture on Acts i, 12. But I do not know whether anyone has weighed these words of Suidas: "Having a Sabbath's way: it was of two thousand cubits. For by so great a distance the ark went ahead of the camp. And from so great a distance those set out who were permitted to walk on the Sabbath to worship at the tabernacle." These seem to need arranging, from Theophylact and Oecumenius, in this way: "Having (so MS Reg. 130) a Sabbath's way: it was of two thousand cubits. For by so much the ark went ahead of the camp, and at so great a distance they pitched their tents; which distance it was permitted to walk on the Sabbath, to worship at the tabernacle." That is: "Having a Sabbath's way: the way was of twice a thousand cubits. For by so great an interval the ark preceded the camp; and at so great a distance they pitched their tents: which it was lawful to traverse on the Sabbath in order to worship at the tabernacle." That customs very like this one and the preceding crept in at some time among Christians we learn from canon 28 of the third Council of Orléans and [canon] 14 of that of Ver.

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(4) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1415

Denique apud Parthos; sicut nobis Thomas qui apud illos Evangelium praedicat, scripsit. Antiqua traditio est apud Eusebium Hist. eccl. lib. iii, cap. 1, et opinio communis, Thomae Parthiam, in qua Christi fidem annuntiaret, sortito obtigisse. Addunt alii ab eodem apostolo Evangelium praedicatum etiam Indis, Medis, Persis, Hyrcanis, Bactris, Magis, Germanis seu potius Carmanis et Aethiopibus, necnon incolis extremae Orientis orae ac ultimi Oceani insulaeque Taprobanes. Sed notari praecipue debet versus S. Paulini, Natali xi : Parthia Matthaeum complectitur, India Thomam, quia Thomae Indiam peculiariter assignant quoque Gregorius Nazianzenus oratione 25, Hieronymus epistola 148, Metaphrastes et Abdias; Matthaeum vero Parthos etiam praedicatione sua illustrasse memoriae traditum est. Observatu quoque dignus est locus Hippolyti, libello De duodecim apostolis, prout jacet in ms. Regio 1789 · Θωμᾶς δὲ Πάρθοις, Μήδοις, Πέρσαις, Ὑρκανοῖς, Βάκτροις, Μάργοις (l. Μάγοις etiam ex cod. Reg. 1026) κηρύξας, ἐλακιδάσθη (in marg. eadem manu ἐλογχιάσθη) τοῖς τέτρασι (pro τέτταρσι) μέρεσιν αὐτοῦ, ἐν πόλει Καλαμήνῃ τῆς Ἰνδικῆς, καὶ θάπτεται ἐκεῖ. Inde enim apparet cur in alio codice et in editione Combefisiana exhibeatur, ἐλακήδη ἐλογχιάσθη. Scilicet, ἐλακήδη corruptum ex ἐλακίδι in textum irrepsit, quod ad marginem designabat variam lectionem ἐλακιδιάσθη. Significat autem ἐλακιδιάσθη, laceratus est.

"Finally among the Parthians; as Thomas, who preaches the Gospel among them, has written to us." It is an ancient tradition in Eusebius, Church History book III, ch. 1, and the common opinion, that Parthia fell by lot to Thomas as the place where he should announce the faith of Christ. Others add that the Gospel was preached by the same apostle also to the Indians, Medes, Persians, Hyrcanians, Bactrians, Magi, Germanians or rather Carmanians, and Ethiopians, and also to the inhabitants of the farthest shore of the East and of the uttermost Ocean and of the island of Taprobane. But the verse of St Paulinus, Natalicium XI, should especially be noted: "Parthia embraces Matthew, India Thomas", since Gregory Nazianzen, oration 25, Jerome, letter 148, Metaphrastes and Abdias also assign India in particular to Thomas; while it is handed down that Matthew too enlightened the Parthians by his preaching. Worth observing also is the passage of Hippolytus, in the little work On the Twelve Apostles, as it stands in the Royal MS 1789: "Thomas, having preached to the Parthians, Medes, Persians, Hyrcanians, Bactrians, Margians (read 'Magi', also from cod. Reg. 1026), was pierced with splinters (in the margin, in the same hand, 'was speared') in his four limbs, in the city of Calamene in India, and is buried there." For from this it appears why in another codex and in Combefis's edition there is printed ἐλακήδη ἐλογχιάσθη. Evidently ἐλακήδη, corrupted from ἐλακίδι, crept into the text, which in the margin marked the variant reading ἐλακιδιάσθη. And ἐλακιδιάσθη means "he was torn".

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Page

running head: 1415 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. (rest of the head lies over the facing column, outside this image)
marginal letters: A ‹nunquam apud eos infans›; B ‹Evangelium praedicat, scripsit›; C ‹(in the footnotes, beside note 2)›; D ‹(in the footnotes, beside note 3)›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1416

ille qui apparuit, nuntiaret. Sed ne multa enumerare videamur, dicam quo debeant cuncta concludi: Cum Deus justus sit et ipse fecerit hominum naturam, quomodo poterat fieri, ut ipse poneret genesim contrariam nobis, quae nos cogeret ad peccatum et rursus ulcisceretur ipse peccantes? Unde certum est, quod non aliam ob causam Deus sive in praesenti sive in futuro saeculo peccatorem punit, nisi quia scit eum potuisse vincere, sed neglexisse victoriam; infert enim et in praesenti saeculo vindictam in homines, sicut in eos fecit qui diluvio perierunt, qui utique omnes una die, imo una hora exstincti sunt, cum certum sit non eos esse secundum genesis ordinem una hora natos. Absurdissimum est autem dicere, quia ex natura nobis accidat pati mala, si non prius peccata praecesserint.

Him Who had appeared. But lest we seem to enumerate many things, I will say that by which all ought to be concluded: Since God is just and Himself made the nature of men, how could it be that He Himself should set a nativity opposed to us, which would compel us to sin, and then again Himself take vengeance on those who sin? Hence it is certain that for no other reason does God punish the sinner, whether in the present age or in the one to come, than because He knows that he could have conquered, but neglected the victory; for He inflicts vengeance on men in the present age also, as He did on those who perished in the flood, who assuredly were all destroyed in one day, nay in one hour, although it is certain that they were not born in one hour according to the order of the nativity. But it is most absurd to say that it befalls us by nature to suffer evils, if sins have not first gone before.

XXXI. Et ideo si salutis curam gerimus, ante omnia scientiae debemus operam dare, certi quod si mens nostra in ignorantia perseveret, non solum genesis mala, sed et alia extrinsecus quaecunque daemonibus visa fuerint perferemus, nisi metus legum et futuri judicii obsistat omnibus desideriis, et impetum peccandi refrenet. Nam et humanus timor multa bona, multa etiam mala agit, quae genesis nescit, sicut supra ostendimus. Triplici igitur modo mens nostra erroribus subjacet: ex his quae per malam consuetudinem veniunt, vel ex his quae corpus naturaliter suggerit desideriis, vel ex his quae contrariae potestates perurgent; sed his

XXXI. And therefore, if we have a care for salvation, we ought before all things to give our effort to knowledge, being certain that if our mind persists in ignorance we shall endure not only the evils of the nativity, but also whatever other things from without may seem good to the demons, unless the fear of the laws and of the judgement to come withstand all desires and curb the impulse to sin. For human fear also does many good things, and many evil things as well, of which the nativity knows nothing, as we have shown above. In a threefold way, therefore, our mind lies subject to errors: from the things that come through evil custom, or from the things that the body naturally suggests to the desires, or from the things that the opposing powers press upon us; but these

Editors' notes and page, col. 1416

Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1416
marginal letters: A ‹cuisset ille qui apparuit›; B ‹natura nobis accidat pati›; C ‹(in the footnotes, continuation of note 3)›; D ‹(in the footnotes, within note 4)›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column's first printed syllables are "cuisset", the tail of "docuisset" split at the break; the word is set whole in c1415, so this column begins at "ille". The verb "nuntiaret" printed here is already rendered in c1415's English (see its note), so the English here opens with "Him Who had appeared." only. Damaged type read from context: "infert" (the middle letters blotted), the o of "non eos", the s of "secundum genesis", the e of "ex his quae contrariae". The column ends mid-sentence at "sed his" (no hyphen).

PG 1:1417

singulis obsistere et repugnare habet in natura sua mens, cum ei obfulserit veritatis agnitio, per quam scientiam timor futuri judicii datur, qui sit idoneus animae gubernator et qui eam possit a concupiscentiarum praecipitiis revocare. Quia ergo sint haec in nostra potestate, sufficienter dictum est.

one by one the mind has it in its own nature to withstand and to resist, when the knowledge of the truth has shone upon it; through which knowledge the fear of the judgement to come is given, which is a fit pilot of the soul and able to call it back from the precipices of lusts. That these things, then, are in our power has been sufficiently said.

XXXII. Nunc et tu senex, si quid habes quod ad haec respondeas, incipe. Senex ad haec: Plenissime, ait, ostendisti, fili; sed ego, sicut dixi ex initio, omni huic incomparabili assertioni tuae, a propria conscientia prohibeor accommodare consensum. Novi enim et meam genesim et conjugis meae, et scio ea quae unicuique nostrum dictabat genesis accidisse, et ab his quae rebus et operibus comperta sunt mihi, nunc verbis transferri non possum. Denique quoniam te apprime imbutum video in hujuscemodi disciplinis, audi conjugis meae thema, et invenies schema cujus exitus accidit. Habuit enim Martem cum Venere super centrum, Lunam vero in occasu in domibus Martis et finibus Saturni, quod schema adulteras facit et servos proprios amare, in peregrinatione et in aquis defungi, quod et ita factum est; incidit namque in amorem servi, et periculum simul atque opprobrium metuens fugit cum ipso, et peregre profecta ubi amori suo satisfecit, periit in mari.

XXXII. Now you too, old man, if you have anything to answer to these things, begin. The old man said to this: You have shown it most fully, my son; but I, as I said from the beginning, am kept by my own consciousness from lending my assent to all this incomparable argument of yours. For I know both my own nativity and that of my wife, and I know that those things have happened which the nativity appointed for each of us, and from what I have found out by facts and deeds I cannot now be moved by words. In short, since I see that you are exceedingly well versed in studies of this kind, hear the horoscope of my wife, and you will find the configuration whose outcome has come to pass. For she had Mars with Venus above the centre, and the Moon setting in the houses of Mars and the bounds of Saturn, a configuration which makes women adulteresses and causes them to love their own slaves, and to die abroad and in the waters; and so indeed it happened; for she fell in love with a slave, and fearing at once the danger and the reproach she fled with him, and having gone abroad, where she satisfied her love, she perished in the sea.

XXXIII. Et ego respondi: Unde scis quia peregre servo suo sociata est et in ejus consortio posita defungitur? Et senex: Certissime, inquit, scio, revera non quia nupserit servo, quippe qui neque hoc quidem quod eum amaret agnoveram, sed postquam profecta est, frater meus mihi enarravit, dicens, quod primo quidem ipsum adamasset; sed ille quia erat honestus, utpote frater, noluit torum fratris incesti macula polluere. Sed illa et me verens, et opprobrium non ferens infelix (neque enim imputandum ei est, quod eam genesis facere compulit), finxit somnium et ait ad me: Astitit mihi quidam per visum, qui jussit me cum duobus geminis meis sine mora ex Urbe proficisci. Haec ergo cum audissem, pro salute ejus filiorumque sollicitus, confestim ipsam et liberos exire feci; unum qui erat junior, mihi retinui; hoc enim eum qui responsa in somnis dederat, permisisse dicebat.

XXXIII. And I answered: How do you know that abroad she was joined to her slave and that she dies while living in his company? And the old man said: I know it most certainly, not indeed that she married the slave, for I had not even recognized this, that she loved him; but after she had departed, my brother related it to me, saying that at first she had fallen in love with him himself; but he, because he was honourable, as a brother should be, was unwilling to defile his brother's bed with the stain of incest. But she, both fearing me and unable to bear the reproach, unhappy woman (for that which the nativity compelled her to do is not to be imputed to her), feigned a dream and said to me: Someone stood by me in a vision, who commanded me to set out from the City without delay with my two twins. When therefore I had heard this, being anxious for her safety and that of the sons, I at once made her and the children go out; one, who was the younger, I kept back for myself; for she said that he who had given the answers in her sleep had permitted this.

XXXIV. Tum ego Clemens, intelligens quod ipse fortassis esset pater meus, lacrymis oppletus sum; fratres quoque meos volentes prosilire et aperire rem, prohibuit Petrus dicens: Quiescite quoadusque mihi placuerit. Respondens ergo Petrus ait ad senem: Quod nomen erat juniori filio tuo? At ille ait: Clemens. Et Petrus: Si tibi, inquit, hodie conjugem tuam castissimam consignavero cum tribus filiis tuis, credis quia potest pudica mens motus irrationabiles superare, et quod omnia quae a nobis dicta sunt, vera sint et genesis nihil sit? Et senex: Sicut impossibile est, inquit, te exhibere quod promisisti, ita impossibile est extra genesim fieri aliquid. Tum Petrus: Testes, inquit, habere volo omnes hos qui praesentes sunt, me

XXXIV. Then I, Clement, understanding that he was perhaps my father, was filled with tears; my brothers also, who wished to spring forward and disclose the matter, Peter restrained, saying: Be still until it shall please me. Peter therefore answering said to the old man: What was the name of your younger son? And he said: Clement. And Peter said: If today I hand over to you your most chaste wife with your three sons, do you believe that a modest mind can overcome irrational impulses, and that all the things that have been said by us are true and the nativity is nothing? And the old man said: Just as it is impossible for you to produce what you have promised, so it is impossible for anything to happen apart from the nativity. Then Peter said: I wish to have all these who are present as witnesses that I

Editors' notes and page, col. 1417

Page

running head: 1417 RECOGNITIONUM L (rest of the head lies over the facing column, outside this image)
marginal letters: A ‹singulis obsistere et repugnare›; B ‹possum. Denique quoniam te apprime›; C ‹neque hoc quidem quod eum amaret›; D ‹XXXIV. Tum ego Clemens›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: blotted type read from context and the visible strokes: "omni huic" (ink blot over the end of omni and the h of huic), "meae" (blot at the head of the line after "conjugis"), the i of "animae", the s of "ostendisti", the n of "(neque enim", the x of "senex:" in XXXIII. Printer's signature at the foot ("PATROL. GR. I.") not set. The column opens and ends mid-sentence (ends at "me", no hyphen).

PG 1:1418

tibi hodie conjugem tuam cum tribus vestris liberis viventem pudicissime traditurum; et jam nunc accipe fidem rerum ex eo, quod omnem causam multo diligentius scio quam tu, cunctaque tibi per ordinem quae gesta sunt enarrabo, ut et tu cognoscas et qui praesentes sunt discant.

shall today deliver to you your wife, living most chastely, with your three children; and even now receive a proof of the facts from this, that I know the whole case much more exactly than you do, and I will relate to you in order all the things that were done, so that both you may know and those who are present may learn.

XXXV. Et cum haec dixisset, conversus ad turbas ita coepit: Hic quem videtis, o viri, in hac veste pauperrima, Romanae urbis est civis, ex genere ipsius Caesaris descendens; nomen ei Faustinianus, uxorem quoque nobilissimam Matthidiam nomine sortitus est, ex qua tres filios suscepit, quorum duo gemini, unus autem qui erat junior, cui nomen Clemens, hic est. Et cum hoc dixisset, digito me ostendit. Gemini autem filii ejus sunt isti, Niceta et Aquila, quorum alius Faustinus vocabatur prius, et alius Faustus. Simul autem ut nomina nostra enuntiavit Petrus, senex resolutis membris omnibus, quasi interceptus concidit. Nos autem filii irruentes super eum, complectebamur et osculabamur, verentes simul ne spiritum revocare non posset. Et cum haec fierent, populus quidem admiratione ipsa obstupefactus est.

XXXV. And when he had said this, turning to the crowds he began thus: This man whom you see, O men, in this most beggarly clothing, is a citizen of the city of Rome, descended from the family of Caesar himself; his name is Faustinianus, and he obtained as wife a most noble woman, Matthidia by name, by whom he had three sons, of whom two were twins, while the one who was the younger, whose name is Clement, is this man. And when he had said this, he pointed me out with his finger. And his twin sons are these, Niceta and Aquila, of whom the one was formerly called Faustinus, and the other Faustus. But as soon as Peter pronounced our names, the old man, all his limbs giving way, fell down as though struck. And we his sons, rushing upon him, embraced and kissed him, fearing at the same time that he might not be able to recover his breath. And while these things were happening, the people for their part were struck dumb with sheer wonder.

XXXVI. Petrus autem surgere nos a complexibus patris, ne eum necaremus jubet, et ipse apprehensa manu ejus, quasi de somno quodam profundo elevans eum et paululum recreans, omnia quae gesta fuerant secundum veritatem coepit exponere: quomodo frater ejus in amorem inciderit Matthidiae, et illa cum esset pudicissima, illicitum fratris amorem viro indicare noluerit, ne vel bellum fratribus vel opprobrium generi indiceret, sed sapienter somnium finxerit, quo ex Urbe juberetur excedere cum geminis filiis, juniore apud patrem relicto; utque navigantes naufragium vi tempestatis incurrerint, et ad insulam Antaradum nomine expulsi, Matthidia quidem supra saxum quoddam fluctu jactante projecta sit, gemini vero liberi rapti a piratis et Caesaream perducti, religiosae cuidam feminae venundati sint, quae eos in filiorum loco habens liberaliter educaverit et erudiri fecerit, eorumque nomina piratae immutaverint et Nicetam alium, alium Aquilam vocitaverint; utque post haec studiorum et consuetudinis causa Simoni adhaeserint, atque ab eo, ubi magum et deceptorem viderunt, aversi accesserint ad Zacchaeum, et ut post haec sociati sunt sibi; sed et Clemens quomodo ex Urbe agnoscendae veritatis causa profectus, per Barnabae notitiam Caesaream venerit sibique innotuerit et adhaeserit, utque ab eo sit de fide religionis edoctus; sed et qualiter apud Antaradum mendicantem repererit et recognoverit matrem, utque omnis insula in ejus recognitione gavisa sit, et de pudicissimae hospitae contubernio atque ejus per semetipsum collata sanitate, et de liberalitate Clementis in eos qui erga matrem benefici exstiterant; utque post haec Niceta et Aquila requirentes quaenam esset peregrina mulier, cum audissent a Clemente omne negotium, se esse geminos ejus filios Faustinum

XXXVI. But Peter orders us to rise from our father's embraces, lest we should kill him, and he himself, taking hold of his hand, raising him as from a deep sleep and reviving him a little, began to set forth according to the truth all the things that had been done: how his brother had fallen in love with Matthidia, and how she, being most chaste, had been unwilling to disclose the brother's unlawful love to her husband, lest she should declare either war between the brothers or disgrace upon the family, but had wisely feigned a dream, by which she was ordered to leave the City with her twin sons, the younger being left with his father; and how while sailing they met with shipwreck through the violence of a storm, and, being driven to an island named Antaradus, Matthidia was cast up on a certain rock by the tossing wave, while the twin children, seized by pirates and brought to Caesarea, were sold to a certain devout woman, who, holding them in the place of sons, brought them up liberally and had them educated, and how the pirates changed their names and called the one Niceta and the other Aquila; and how after this, for the sake of studies and companionship, they attached themselves to Simon, and, when they saw him to be a magician and a deceiver, turned away from him and came to Zacchaeus, and how after this they were joined to himself; and also how Clement, having set out from the City for the sake of learning the truth, came to Caesarea through his acquaintance with Barnabas, and became known to him and attached himself to him, and how he was taught by him concerning the faith of religion; and also in what manner he found his mother begging at Antaradus and recognized her, and how the whole island rejoiced at her recognition; and about her lodging with the most chaste hostess and the health bestowed on the latter through himself, and about Clement's liberality towards those who had been kind to his mother; and how after this Niceta and Aquila, asking who the foreign woman was, when they had heard the whole matter from Clement, cried out that they were her twin sons Faustinus

Editors' notes and page, col. 1418

Page

running head: RECOGNITIONUM LIB. IX. 1418
marginal letters: A ‹tibi hodie conjugem tuam›; B ‹isti, Niceta et Aquila›; C ‹rem viro indicare noluerit›; D ‹haeserint, atque ab eo›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: damaged type read from context: the i of "interceptus", the r of "Petrus, senex", the s of "patris, ne eum", the i of "illa cum esset". The clause runs on into col. 1419 ("exclamaverunt et Faustum"): the English here already renders the verb "exclamaverunt" (cried out), which is printed as the first word of col. 1419, so that the two columns read on in English order. Printer's signature numeral "45" at the foot not set. The column opens and ends mid-sentence (ends at "Faustinum", no hyphen).

PG 1:1419

exclamaverunt et Faustum, omnemque historiam quae eos egerit patefecerint; utque post haec matri cautius, ne subito gaudio interciperetur, ipso insinuante, oblati sint, Petro.

and Faustus, and disclosed the whole story of what had carried them along; and how after this they were presented to their mother with some caution, lest she should be overcome by sudden joy, Peter himself leading up to it.

XXXVII. Sed cum haec in auditu senis narratione gratissima turbis exponeret Petrus, ita ut audientes gestorum miraculis et humanitatis miseratione lacrymarent, nescio unde audiens mater de recognitione patris, cursu concito irruit in medium nostri, cum clamore dicens: Ubi est meus vir, meus dominus Faustinianus, qui tam multis temporibus affligitur, ambulans per urbes singulas et me quaerens? Haec cum illa quasi amens clamaret et circumspiceret, senex accurrens cum multis lacrymis amplecti et constringere eam coepit. Et cum haec gererentur, Petrus rogavit turbas ut discederent, dicens inverecundum esse ultra persistere, sed dandum eis locum familiarius invicem se videndi; crastino autem hic, inquit, si qui vestrum volunt, conveniant ad audiendum verbum.

XXXVII. But while Peter, in the old man's hearing, was setting these things forth to the crowds in a most pleasing narrative, so that the hearers wept at the marvels of what had happened and out of human compassion, our mother, hearing I know not whence of the recognition of our father, rushed at a quick run into the midst of us, saying with a cry: Where is my husband, my lord Faustinianus, who for so long a time has been afflicted, walking through city after city and seeking me? While she was crying this out like one beside herself and looking around, the old man, running up with many tears, began to embrace and clasp her. And while these things were going on, Peter asked the crowds to depart, saying that it was unseemly to stay on any longer, but that room must be given them to see one another more privately; but tomorrow, he said, if any of you wish, let them assemble here to hear the word.

XXXVIII. His a Petro dictis secesserunt turbae, et cum vellemus nos quoque ire ad hospitium, dominus domus ait ad nos: Turpe est et impium tales ac tantos viros manere in stabulo, cum ego omnem pene domum vacantem habeam, lectosque stratos quamplurimos et quae necessaria sunt parata. Sed Petro contradicente, uxor patrisfamilias una cum liberis suis prostrabat se ante eum et exorabat dicens: Obsecro te, mane apud nos. Sed ne sic quidem acquiescebat Petrus, donec filia eorum qui rogabant, ab immundo spiritu temporibus multis vexata et catenis vincta, quae fuerat intra

XXXVIII. When Peter had said this the crowds withdrew, and when we too wished to go to the inn, the master of the house said to us: It is shameful and impious that such and so great men should stay in a hostelry, when I have almost my whole house empty, and very many beds spread, and the necessary things prepared. But as Peter refused, the householder's wife together with her children prostrated herself before him and entreated him, saying: I beseech you, stay with us. But not even so did Peter consent, until the daughter of those who were asking, who had for a long time been vexed by an unclean spirit and bound with chains, and who had been within

LIBER DECIMUS.

BOOK X.

I. Mane autem, exorto sole, ego Clemens et Niceta atque Aquila una cum Petro venimus ad locum in quo pater simul cum matre requiescebat; et cum adhuc eos dormientes reperissemus, pro foribus consedimus, ubi Petrus talibus apud nos sermonibus utitur: Audite me, dilectissimi conservi, scio quia grandem habetis affectum erga patrem vestrum, vereor ergo ne ante tempus eum perurgeatis jugum religionis suscipere, nondum ad id paratum, ad quod forte pro vestri gratia videatur acquiescere. Sed hoc non est firmum; quod enim propter homines fit, probabile non est et cito dilabitur. Ideoque videtur mihi, ut concedatis ei anno uno vivere pro arbitrio, in quo potest iter agens nobiscum, dum nos alios docemus, etiam ipse simpliciter audire; et audiens, siquidem agnoscendae veritatis rectum propositum gerit, ipse rogabit ut suscipiat religionis jugum, aut si non placet ei recipere,

I. Now in the morning, when the sun had risen, I Clement and Niceta and Aquila, together with Peter, came to the place in which our father was resting along with our mother; and since we found them still sleeping, we sat down before the doors, where Peter addresses us in words such as these: Hear me, most beloved fellow servants; I know that you have great affection for your father, and so I fear that you may press him before the time to take up the yoke of religion, when he is not yet prepared for it, to which he might perhaps seem to consent for your sake. But this is not firm; for what is done on account of men is not worthy of approval and quickly falls away. And therefore it seems good to me that you allow him to live for one year according to his own choice, during which he can, travelling with us, while we teach others, himself also simply listen; and as he listens, if indeed he has a right purpose of coming to know the truth, he will himself ask to take up the yoke of religion, or if it does not please him to receive it,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1419

Page

running head: 1419 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. (rest of the head lies over the facing column, outside this image)
marginal letters: A ‹exclamaverunt et Faustum›; B ‹haec gererentur, Petrus rogavit›; C ‹rum qui rogabant, ab immundo›; D ‹scio quia grandem habetis›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: PAGE LAYOUT, reading order crosses the columns: Book IX ends in the UPPER part of the page (col. 1419 upper, then col. 1420 upper, down to "requievimus locis."); then a rule and the caption LIBER DECIMUS. across both columns; then Book X begins in the LOWER part (col. 1419 lower, then col. 1420 lower). This file sets col. 1419 top to bottom, so the paragraph ending "quae fuerat intra" continues at the head of c1420 ("conclave clausa"), and the paragraph "I. Mane autem" continues in c1420's second paragraph ("permaneat amicus"). The caption is set once, here, where Book X begins. The first word "exclamaverunt" is already rendered in c1418's English ("cried out"); the English here opens after it. The last word of the column is split at the break (re- | cipere,): set whole here with its comma, the second half read from the lower part of col. 1420. "oblati sint, Petro." set with the commas as printed (ipso ... Petro belong together). Damaged type read from context: "Obsecro" (blotted), the p of "prostrabat", the e of "ne sic quidem", the m of "meus dominus", the d of "ad quod forte". Cotelier's notes (5) and (6), printed full width at the foot of page 707 under the heading COTELERII NOTAE., are both called in col. 1420 (none is called in this column); they are set in n1420.

PG 1:1420

conclave clausa, effugato a se daemone et ostiis patefactis cum catenis suis veniens procidit ad pedes Petri, dicens: Rectum est, mi domine, ut agas hodie hic salutaria mea, et non contristes neque me neque parentes meos. Petro autem requirente catenarum sermonumque ejus causam, parentes praeter spem laeti effecti de filiae sanitate, velut stupore quodam attoniti ipsi quidem dicere nequeunt, astantes autem famuli aiunt: Haec a septimo aetatis anno a daemone occupata, omnes qui accedere tentassent ad eam, scindere, dilaniare morsibus, etiam disrumpere, et hoc per viginti annos usque ad praesens facere nunquam destitit, nec ab aliquo potuit curari, sed ne accedere ad eam quisquam valebat; multos enim inutiles reddidit, alios et peremit, omnibus enim viris validior erat, sine dubio viribus daemonis nisa. Nunc autem, ut vides, ex praesentia tua daemon quidem fugit, ostia vero quae summo cum munimento clausa fuerant, aperta sunt, et ipsa sana stat ante te rogans, ut diem salutarium suorum laetum et ipsi et parentibus facias, et maneas apud eos. Haec cum ita unus ex famulis enarrasset, et ipsae catenae de manibus ejus ac pedibus fuissent sponte resolutae, Petrus certus quod per ipsum sanitas haec reddita sit puellae, acquievit manere apud eos. Sed et illos qui remanserant in hospitio una cum uxore sua transire jussit, et unusquisque acceptis seorsum cubiculis mansimus, atque ex more cibo sumpto redditisque laudibus Deo, suis singuli requievimus locis.

a chamber, shut up, the demon having been put to flight from her and the doors thrown open, came with her chains and fell down at Peter's feet, saying: It is right, my lord, that you keep here today the feast of my deliverance, and that you sadden neither me nor my parents. And when Peter asked the reason of her chains and of her words, her parents, made glad beyond hope at their daughter's health, and as though thunderstruck by a kind of stupor, are themselves unable to speak, but the servants standing by say: This girl, possessed by a demon from the seventh year of her age, never ceased to tear all who tried to approach her, to mangle them with her bites, even to rend them asunder, and to do this for twenty years up to the present; nor could she be cured by anyone, but no one was even able to approach her; for she rendered many disabled, and others she even killed, for she was stronger than all men, relying without doubt on the strength of the demon. But now, as you see, at your presence the demon has fled, and the doors, which had been shut with the greatest security, have been opened, and she herself stands before you in health, asking that you make the day of her deliverance joyful both for herself and for her parents, and stay with them. When one of the servants had thus related these things, and the chains themselves had been loosed of their own accord from her hands and feet, Peter, being certain that through him this health had been restored to the girl, consented to stay with them. And he also ordered those who had remained at the inn, together with his wife, to come over, and each of us, having received separate bedchambers, stayed there; and having taken food according to custom and rendered praises to God, we rested each in his own place.

permaneat amicus. Hi enim qui non id ex corde suscipiunt, cum coeperint ferre non posse, non solum abjiciunt quod susceperant, sed quasi pro excusatione infirmitatis suae, incipiunt viam religionis blasphemare, et male loqui de his quos nequaquam sequi aut imitari potuerunt.

let him remain a friend. For those who do not take it up from the heart, when they begin to be unable to bear it, not only cast off what they had taken up, but, as though in excuse of their own weakness, begin to blaspheme the way of religion and to speak ill of those whom they were by no means able to follow or to imitate.

II. Ad haec Niceta respondit: Non contradico, domine mi Petre, rectis et bonis consiliis tuis, sed dicere aliquid volo, ut per hoc discam quod nescio. Quid si intra annum hunc, quo differri eum jubes, moriatur pater noster? descendet in infernum vacuus et cruciandus in aeternum. Tum Petrus: Amplector, inquit, benignum erga patrem propositum tuum, et ignosco tibi de his quae ignoras. Quid enim censes, quia si quis putatur juste vixisse, iste continuo salvabitur? Non putas eum discutiendum ab eo qui occulta hominum novit, quomodo juste vixerit, ne forte ritu gentilium, institutis eorum

II. To this Niceta answered: I do not speak against your right and good counsels, my lord Peter, but I wish to say something, that by it I may learn what I do not know. What if within this year, for which you bid him be put off, our father should die? He will go down into hell empty and to be tormented for ever. Then Peter said: I embrace your kindly purpose towards your father, and I pardon you for the things of which you are ignorant. For what do you think: that if anyone is thought to have lived justly, he will forthwith be saved? Do you not think that he must be examined by Him Who knows the hidden things of men, as to how he has lived justly, whether perhaps after the manner of the Gentiles, by their institutions

Editors' notes and page, col. 1420

Footnotes

COTELERII NOTAE. (printed under page 707)

(5) ‹anchor: salutaria mea› · call in col 1420

Salutaria mea. Τὰ σωτήρια. Res satis nota vel mediocriter eruditis.

"My salutaria." Τὰ σωτήρια (thank-offerings for deliverance). The matter is well enough known even to the moderately learned.

(printed under page 707)

(6) ‹anchor: ritu gentilium› · call in col 1420

Gentilium, hoc est ὁμοεθνῶν, non Ἑλλήνων.

"Gentilium", that is, of those of the same nation, not of the Greeks (pagans).

(printed under page 707)

Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1420
marginal letters: A ‹conclave clausa, effugato›; B ‹inutiles reddidit, alios et peremit›; C ‹suis singuli requievimus locis›; D ‹II. Ad haec Niceta respondit›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: PAGE LAYOUT (see n1419): the first paragraph here is the end of Book IX, upper part of the column, continuing from "quae fuerat intra" in col. 1419; the rule and the caption LIBER DECIMUS. follow across both columns (set once, in c1419); the second and third paragraphs are the lower part of the column, continuing Book X cap. I from col. 1419. The column's first letters in the lower part, "cipere,", complete "recipere,", set whole in col. 1419 and not restored here. Cotelier's note calls (5) after "salutaria mea" and (6) after "ritu gentilium" are removed from the text; both notes run full width at the foot under the heading COTELERII NOTAE. and are set above. The column ends mid-sentence ("institutis eorum").

PG 1:1421

et legibus parens, vel pro amicitiis hominum, aut pro sola consuetudine aut qualibet alia ex causa vel necessitate, et non propter ipsam justitiam neque propter Deum? Qui enim propter solum Deum et justitiam ejus juste vixerint, ipsi ad aeternam requiem venient et perpetuitatem regni coelestis accipient. Salus enim non vi acquiritur, sed libertate, nec per hominum gratiam, sed per Dei fidem. Tum praeterea cogitare debes, quia Deus praescius est et novit si hic suus est; quod si novit eum non esse, quid faciemus ad ea quae ex initio statuta sunt ab eo? In quo autem possum, consilium do; cum evigilaverit et sederimus, vos quasi aliquid discere volentes, proponite ex his duntaxat quae illi expedit discere, et dum nos loquimur inter nos, ille instruetur. Sed tamen primo quiescite, ut si forte ipse videatur aliquid interrogare; quod si fecerit, aptior erit sermonis occasio; si vero ipse nihil quaerit, nos ab alterutro, sicut dixi, discere aliquid volentes rogemus vicissim. Mihi ita videtur, etiam vobis quid placeat dicite.

and obeying the laws, either for the sake of men's friendships, or from mere custom, or from any other cause or necessity whatever, and not for the sake of justice itself nor for the sake of God? For those who have lived justly for the sake of God alone and His justice, they shall come to eternal rest and shall receive the perpetuity of the heavenly kingdom. For salvation is not acquired by force, but by freedom, nor through the favour of men, but through faith in God. Then, besides, you ought to consider that God is foreknowing and knows whether this man is His own; and if He knows that he is not, what shall we do against the things that have been appointed by Him from the beginning? But so far as I am able, I give counsel: when he has awoken and we have sat down, do you, as though wishing to learn something, put forward questions, only from those matters which it is expedient for him to learn, and while we speak among ourselves, he will be instructed. But nevertheless be quiet at first, in case he himself should seem to ask something; and if he does so, the occasion for discourse will be more fitting; but if he himself asks nothing, let us, as I said, wishing to learn something from one another, question each other in turn. So it seems to me; say also what seems good to you.

III. Cumque collaudassemus ejus rectum consilium, ego Clemens aio: In omnibus rebus plurima ex parte ad initium respicit finis, similisque principiis rerum exitus datur; spero ergo etiam circa patrem nostrum, quoniam per te Deus bona initia dedit, his congruum seque dignum largietur et finem. Verumtamen etiam illud suggero, si, ut dixisti, coeperimus, praesente patre, quasi inter nos aliquid tractandi vel discendi gratia loqui, tu mi domine Petre, non debes eum locum agere, quasi qui discere aliquid debeas; hoc enim si videat, fortasse magis offendetur, certus est enim te omnia scire diligenter, sicut et vere est. Quale ergo erit, si te videat ignorantiam simulantem? Hoc eum, ut dixi, magis laedere poterit, nescientem consilium tuum. Sed nos quidem fratres inter nos sermonem habentes, si in aliquo dubitemus, a te quaestioni nostrae finis congruus detur; nam et si te cunctantem videat aut dubitantem, tunc vere putabit, quod apud nullum erit scientia veritatis.

III. And when we had praised his right counsel, I, Clement, said: In all things the end for the most part looks back to the beginning, and an outcome is given to things like their beginnings; I hope therefore that also in the case of our father, since through you God has given good beginnings, He will bestow an end too that is in keeping with these and worthy of Himself. Nevertheless I also suggest this: if, as you have said, we begin, with our father present, to speak as though among ourselves for the sake of discussing or learning something, you, my lord Peter, ought not to play the part of one who has something to learn; for if he sees this, perhaps he will be the more offended, since he is certain that you know all things accurately, as indeed is truly the case. What then will it be like, if he sees you feigning ignorance? This, as I said, may hurt him the more, not knowing your design. But while we brothers hold discourse among ourselves, if we are in doubt on any point, let a fitting conclusion be given to our question by you; for if he sees you too hesitating or doubting, then he will truly think that the knowledge of the truth will be found with no one.

IV. Et Petrus ad haec respondit: Omittamus haec, et si quidem dignum est ut ingrediatur januam vitae, Deus occasionem competentem dabit, eritque initium ex Deo et non ex homine. Et ideo,

IV. And Peter answered to this: Let us leave these things aside, and if indeed it is fitting that he should enter the gate of life, God will give a suitable occasion, and the beginning will be from God and not from man. And therefore,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1421

Footnotes

COTELERII NOTAE. (printed under page 708)

Page

running head: 1421 RECOGNITIONUM LI⟨ ⟩ (remainder of the running head lies outside the column image)
marginal letters: A ‹et legibus parens›; B ‹quimur inter nos, ille instruetur›; C ‹aliquid tractandi vel discendi›; D ‹eritque initium ex Deo›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column begins and ends mid-sentence. Several words partly obscured by ink blots (videatur aliquid, erit, nihil, Mihi, illud) but legible. "offendetur" and "dubitemus" printed with worn type (e resembling c, d resembling a); read as the intended letters, not counted as misprints. Foot of page: Cotelerius's note (7), editors' apparatus, not set.

PG 1:1422

sicut prius dixi, permittite eum iter agentem nobiscum audire nos aliquid disputantes; sed quoniam festinantes vos vidi, idcirco dixi opportunitatem quaerendam; quam cum dederit Deus, vos quoque ad ea quae dixero obtemperate mihi. Haec nobis sermocinantibus, venit puer dicens vigilare jam patrem; et cum vellemus ingredi ad eum, ipse venit ad nos, et osculo nos salutans, cum resedissemus, ait: Licetne percunctari, si quid volet quis, an secundum Pythagoricos tacendum semper est? Et Petrus: Nos nec silere semper, neque percunctari cogimus accedentes ad nos, sed relinquimus ipsorum libertati facere ut volunt, scientes quod qui curam gerit salutis suae, si in parte aliqua sentit animae suae dolorem, tacere non patitur. Qui vero negligit salutem suam, si interrogare cogatur, nihil ex hoc utilitati ejus confertur, nisi hoc solum, ut studiosus esse videatur et diligens. Quamobrem tu si quid discere vis, require.

as I said before, allow him, as he journeys with us, to hear us disputing on some matter; but since I saw you in haste, I therefore said that an opportunity must be sought; and when God has given it, do you also comply with me in what I shall say. While we were conversing thus, a boy came saying that our father was now awake; and when we were about to go in to him, he himself came to us, and greeting us with a kiss, when we had sat down again, he said: Is it permitted to ask a question, if anyone wishes to, or must one always keep silence, after the manner of the Pythagoreans? And Peter said: We compel those who come to us neither to be always silent nor to ask questions, but we leave it to their own freedom to do as they wish, knowing that he who has a care for his own salvation, if in any part he feels the pain of his soul, does not suffer himself to be silent. But he who neglects his own salvation, if he is compelled to ask, gains nothing from this for his profit, except this alone, that he seems to be zealous and diligent. Wherefore, if you wish to learn anything, ask.

V. Et senex ait: Est quidam sermo apud Graecorum philosophos vehemens valde, qui dicit, in vita hominum re ipsa neque bonum esse aliquid, neque malum; sed quae videntur hominibus usu et consuetudine praeventis vitae, haec aut mala dicunt aut bona. Nam neque homicidium revera malum est, quia animam vinculis carnis absolvit; denique, aiunt, et justi quique judices peccantes perimunt. Quod si homicidium scirent malum esse, non utique id justi homines facerent. Neque adulterium malum esse dicunt: si enim ignoret vir aut non curet, nihil, aiunt, mali est. Sed neque furtum malum esse: quod enim deest alicui, aufert ab alio qui habet, quod quidem oportebat libere sumi et publice; sed quia occulte fit, in hoc magis illius a quo clam aufertur inhumanitas redarguitur. Communis enim usus omnium quae sunt in hoc mundo, omnibus esse hominibus debuit; sed per iniquitatem alius hoc suum dicit esse, et alius illud, et sic inter mortales divisio facta est. Denique Graecorum quidam sapientissimus haec ita sciens esse, ait, communia debere esse amicorum omnia; in omnibus autem sunt sine dubio et conjuges. Et sicut non potest, inquit, dividi aer neque splendor solis, ita nec reliqua quae communiter in hoc mundo data sunt omnibus ad habendum, dividi debere, sed habenda esse communia. Haec autem dicere volui,

V. And the old man said: There is a certain very forceful doctrine among the philosophers of the Greeks, which says that in the life of men there is in reality neither anything good nor anything evil; but the things that seem so to men prepossessed by the usage and custom of life, these they call either evil or good. For neither is homicide really an evil, since it releases the soul from the bonds of the flesh; indeed, they say, even all just judges put sinners to death. But if they knew homicide to be an evil, just men would certainly not do it. Nor do they say that adultery is an evil: for if the husband does not know or does not care, there is, they say, nothing evil in it. Nor yet that theft is an evil: for what a man lacks he takes from another who has it, which indeed ought to have been taken freely and openly; but because it is done secretly, by this rather the inhumanity of him from whom it is taken by stealth is convicted. For the common use of all things that are in this world ought to have belonged to all men; but through iniquity one man says that this is his, and another that, and so a division has been made among mortals. Indeed a certain very wise man among the Greeks, knowing these things to be so, says that all things ought to be common among friends; and among all things are without doubt wives also. And just as, he says, the air cannot be divided, nor the brightness of the sun, so neither ought the other things which have been given in common in this world for all to possess to be divided, but they are to be held in common. Now I wished to say these things,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1422

Footnotes

(7) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1422

Est quidam sermo apud Graecorum philosophos. Archelaum, Cyrenaicos, Theodorum ἄθεον, et Pyrrhonios : quorum insaniam secuti sunt postea Gnostici. Atque huc pertinebit elegans Apophthegma Hieroclis relatum in Agellii Noctibus lib. ix, c. 5, his verbis : Taurus autem noster, quoties facta mentio Epicuri esset, in ore atque in lingua habebat verba haec Hieroclis Stoici, viri sancti et gravis : Ἡδονῆς τέλος πόρνης δόγμα. Οὐκ ἔστι πορνεία οὐδὲν πόρνης δόγμα. Dummodo ex mea opinione ita legatur : Ἡδονὴ τέλος· πόρνης δόγμα. Οὐκ ἔστι πορνεία οὐδέν· πόρνης δόγμα. Voluptas finis : meretricis dogma. Stuprum nihil est : meretricis dogma. At viro magni ingenii magnaeque doctrinae Joanni Pearsono in Prolegomenis ad Hieroclem videtur corrigi debere : Ἡδονὴ τέλος· πόρνης δόγμα. Οὐκ ἔστι πρόνοια οὐδέν· πόρνης δόγμα. Ejusque lectionem firmat codex Tornaesianus.

"There is a certain saying among the philosophers of the Greeks." Archelaus, the Cyrenaics, Theodorus "the atheist", and the Pyrrhonists; whose madness the Gnostics afterwards followed. And here will belong the elegant apophthegm of Hierocles reported in Gellius's Nights, book IX, ch. 5, in these words: "But our Taurus, whenever mention was made of Epicurus, had on his lips and tongue these words of Hierocles the Stoic, a holy and grave man: 'The end of pleasure, a harlot's doctrine. There is no fornication at all, a harlot's doctrine.'" Provided that, in my opinion, it be read thus: "Pleasure is the end: a harlot's doctrine. Fornication is nothing: a harlot's doctrine." "Pleasure is the end: a harlot's doctrine. Fornication is nothing: a harlot's doctrine." But to John Pearson, a man of great talent and great learning, in his Prolegomena to Hierocles, it seems it should be corrected: "Pleasure is the end: a harlot's doctrine. There is no providence at all: a harlot's doctrine." And the codex Tornaesianus confirms his reading.

(printed under page 708)

(8) ‹anchor: Graecorum quidam sapientissimus› · call in col 1422

Graecorum quidam sapientissimus. Socrates apud Platonem in opere De republica. Quos ideo arguunt plurimi : defendere vero conantur alii; ut discere est ex lectione Clementis Alexandrini Strom. iii, pag. 430, 431; Arriani in Epicteto lib. ii, c. 4; Luciani in Fugitivis; Eusebii Praep. evang. lib. xiii, c. 19; Theodoriti Sermone De legibus, ac Nicetae Choniatae lib. iv Thesauri, c. 10.

"A certain very wise man of the Greeks." Socrates in Plato, in the work On the Republic. Very many censure them on that account; but others try to defend them, as may be learned from reading Clement of Alexandria, Stromata III, pp. 430, 431; Arrian in the Epictetus, book II, ch. 4; Lucian in The Runaways; Eusebius, Praeparatio evangelica book XIII, ch. 19; Theodoret in the Discourse On Laws; and Nicetas Choniates, book IV of the Thesaurus, ch. 10.

(printed under page 708)

Page

running head: RECOGNITIONUM LIB. X. 1422 (left part of the running head lies outside the column image)
marginal letters: A ‹sicut prius dixi, permittite›; B ‹salutem suam, si interrogare›; C ‹ret, nihil, aiunt, mali est›; D ‹habenda esse communia›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1423

quoniam quidem cupio me inclinare ad bene agendum, et non possum bene agere, nisi prius didicero quid sit bonum; quod si intelligere potuero, ex ipso etiam quid sit malum, hoc est huic contrarium, advertam.

since indeed I desire to incline myself to acting well, and I cannot act well unless I have first learned what the good is; and if I am able to understand that, from it I shall also perceive what evil is, that is, what is contrary to it.

VI. Verum ad haec quae dixi, unum e vobis respondere volo, non Petrum; non enim dignum est, ab illo verba et doctrinam cum quaestionibus capere, sed ille si quid pronuntiaverit, hoc absque aliqua retractatione teneatur. Et ideo ipse nobis servetur quasi arbiter, ut sicubi disputatio nostra exitum non invenerit, ipse quod sibi visum fuerit pronuntians, indubitatum finem rebus dubiis imponat. Et nunc ergo possem sola ejus sententia contentus credere, si quid ei videretur, quod et ad ultimum faciam; volo tamen prius videre, si est possibile disputando invenire quod quaeritur. Placet ergo ut Clemens primus incipiat, et ostendat, si est aliquid in substantia et actibus bonum vel malum.

VI. But to these things which I have said I wish one of you to reply, not Peter; for it is not fitting to receive words and teaching from him with questionings, but if he pronounces anything, let it be held without any reconsideration. And therefore let him be reserved for us as an arbiter, so that wherever our disputation does not find an issue, he, pronouncing what seems good to him, may set an undoubted end to doubtful matters. And so even now I could believe, content with his opinion alone, if anything seemed good to him, which I shall also do in the end; yet I wish first to see whether it is possible by disputing to find what is sought. It is my pleasure, therefore, that Clement should begin first, and show whether there is anything good or evil in substance and in acts.

VII. Ad haec ego respondi: Quoniam quidem a me vis discere, si est aliquid natura aut actu bonum vel malum, an potius usu praeventis hominibus bona quaedam et alia videntur mala, pro eo quod divisionem inter se rerum fecere communium, quae deberent, ut ais, ita esse communia, ut aer et splendor solis; puto quod non debeam tibi aliunde assertiones adhibere, nisi ex his disciplinis quibus ipse uteris et quas ipse confirmas, et indubitata tibi sint quae dicuntur. Omnium elementorum et stellarum certos ponitis fines, quasque stell⟨as⟩ dicitis in quibusdam absque noxa coire sicut in conjugiis, in aliis vero noxie misceri sicut in adulteriis. Et dicitis quaedam generalia esse omnium, quaedam vero non omnium neque generalia. Sed ne prolixa disputatio fiat, breviter et de re dicam. Terra quae arida est, conjugio et admistione indiget aquae, ut possit generare fructus, sine quibus vita hominibus non est; est ergo haec legitima conjunctio. Econtra si aut pruinae frigus terrae misceatur aut calor aquis, hujusmodi conjunctio corruptelam facit; et hoc in talibus adulterium est.

VII. To this I answered: Since indeed you wish to learn from me whether anything is good or evil by nature or in act, or whether rather, men being prepossessed by usage, some things seem good and others evil, because they have made among themselves a division of common things, which ought, as you say, to be common in the same way as the air and the brightness of the sun; I think that I ought not to bring you proofs from any other quarter than from those disciplines which you yourself use and which you yourself affirm, so that the things said may be beyond doubt for you. You set fixed limits for all the elements and the stars, and you say that certain stars come together in some conjunctions without harm, as in marriages, but in others are mingled harmfully, as in adulteries. And you say that some things are general to all, but some not to all nor general. But lest the disputation become lengthy, I shall speak briefly and to the point. The earth, which is dry, needs union and mixture with water, that it may be able to produce fruits, without which there is no life for men; this therefore is a lawful conjunction. On the other hand, if either the cold of frost is mingled with the earth or heat with the waters, a conjunction of this kind produces corruption; and this in such things is adultery.

VIII. Et pater respondit: Sed sicut elementorum vel stellarum inconsonae conjunctionis statim proditur noxa, ita deberet et adulterium statim ostendi quam malum est. Et ego aio: Hoc mihi primo confirma, si, ut etiam ipse confessus es, ex incongrua et inconsona admistione efficiuntur mala, et istud in consequentibus requiretur. Et pater ait: Ut se habet rei natura, ita ais, fili. Tum ego respondi: Quia ergo discere cupis de his, vide quanta sint

VIII. And my father answered: But just as the harm of a discordant conjunction of elements or stars is at once made manifest, so adultery too ought at once to be shown, how evil it is. And I said: First affirm this to me, whether, as you yourself have also confessed, evils are produced from an incongruous and discordant mixture, and that other point will be inquired into in what follows. And my father said: As the nature of the matter stands, so you say, my son. Then I answered: Since therefore you desire to learn about these things, see how many are

Editors' notes and page, col. 1423

Footnotes

COTELERII NOTAE. (printed under page 709)

Page

running head: 1423 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. (remainder of the running head lies outside the column image)
marginal letters: A ‹quoniam quidem cupio me›; B ‹ultimum faciam; volo tamen›; C ‹tibi sint quae dicuntur. Omnium›; D ‹ditur noxa, ita deberet›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column begins and ends mid-sentence. "stell⟨as⟩": the last letters are covered by an ink blot; -as supplied from the syntax (quasque ... coire), UNSURE. "usu praeventis hominibus" is clearly printed with v here, which supports "praeventis vitae" in col. 1422 as the printed reading. Foot of page: Cotelerii notae (9), editors' apparatus, not set.

PG 1:1424

quae mala esse apud neminem dubitantur. Non tibi videtur malum esse febris, incendium, seditio, ruina, caedes, vincula, supplicia, dolores, luctus, et his similia? Et pater: Verum est, inquit, fili, haec mala esse et valde mala; aut certe qui negat haec esse mala, patiatur ea.

the things which no one doubts to be evils. Does it not seem to you that fever is an evil, and fire, sedition, the collapse of buildings, slaughter, chains, punishments, pains, mournings, and things like these? And my father said: It is true, my son, that these are evils, and very great evils; or at any rate let him who denies that these are evils suffer them.

IX. Et ego respondi: Quia ergo cum eo mihi sermo est, qui in astrologica disciplina eruditus est, secundum ipsam tecum agam, ut de his quae tibi in usu sunt accipiens rationem, citius acquiescas. Audi nunc ergo. Confessus es mala esse ea quae supra diximus, id est febres, incendia, et his similia; haec secundum vos a malitiosis stellis fieri dicuntur, id est ab humido Saturno et calido Marte; horum vero contraria a benignis fieri stellis, id est a temperato Jove et humida Venere; aut non ita est? Et pater respondit: Ita est, fili, nec aliter fieri potest. Tum ego: Quia ergo a bonis stellis, Jove dico et Venere, bona fieri dicitis, videamus unaquaeque malarum stellarum cum admista fuerit bonis, quid est quod efficit; et illud esse intelligamus malum. Etenim nuptias facere Venerem ponitis; quae si Jovem habeat in schemate suo, pudicas efficiat, Jove autem non respiciente, si adfuerit Mars, corrumpi nuptias per adulterium pronuntiatis. Et pater: Ita se, inquit, habet. Ego respondi: Ergo malum est adulterium, quandoquidem ex malarum stellarum admistione committitur; et ut compendiosius explicemus, omnia quae dicitis ex malarum admistione stellarum bonas perpeti stellas, mala esse sine dubio pronuntianda sunt. Istae ergo stellae quarum admistione diximus febres, incendia, et caetera his similia effici mala, ipsae secundum vos etiam homicidia, adulteria, furta operantur, protervos etiam et stolidos ipsae efficiunt.

IX. And I answered: Since, then, my discourse is with one who is learned in the astrological discipline, I shall deal with you according to it, so that, receiving a reason from the things which are familiar to you, you may the more quickly acquiesce. Hear now therefore. You have confessed that those things which we mentioned above are evils, that is, fevers, fires, and things like these; these, according to you, are said to be brought about by malignant stars, that is, by moist Saturn and hot Mars; but the contraries of these by kindly stars, that is, by temperate Jupiter and moist Venus; or is it not so? And my father answered: It is so, my son, nor can it be otherwise. Then I said: Since therefore you say that good things are brought about by the good stars, I mean Jupiter and Venus, let us see what it is that each of the evil stars effects when it has been mingled with the good; and let us understand that to be evil. For you lay it down that Venus makes marriages; and that if she has Jupiter in her configuration, she makes them chaste, but if Jupiter does not regard her, and Mars is present, you pronounce that marriages are corrupted through adultery. And my father said: So it is. I answered: Therefore adultery is an evil, since it is committed from the mixture of evil stars; and, to set it out more compendiously, all the things which you say the good stars undergo from the mixture of the evil stars must without doubt be pronounced evils. Those stars, therefore, by whose mixture we have said that fevers, fires, and the other evils like these are produced, these same, according to you, also work homicides, adulteries, thefts; these same also make men wanton and stupid.

X. Et pater: Vere, inquit, breviter et incomparabiliter ostendisti, quia sint mala in actibus, sed hoc adhuc velim discere, quomodo juste judicat Deus eos qui peccant, sicut vos dicitis, si peccare eos genesis cogit? Tum ego respondi: Vereor dicere tibi aliquid, pater, quia in omni te honore haberi a me decet, alioquin erat quod possim dicere si deceret. Et pater ait: Dic quod tibi occurrit, fili, etiamsi injuriosum videtur; non enim tu, sed quaestionis ratio injuriam facit, sicut pudica mulier intemperanti viro, si pro salute indignetur et honestate. Et ego respondi: Si prima quaeque inter nos confirmata et confessa non bene retineamus, sed semper quae definita sunt resolvantur per oblivionem, videbimur telam texere Penelopes, ea quae texuimus resolventes; et ideo debemus aut non

X. And my father said: Truly you have shown briefly and incomparably that there are evils in acts, but this I would still wish to learn, how God justly judges those who sin, as you say, if their nativity compels them to sin? Then I answered: I am afraid to say anything to you, father, because it is fitting that you be held by me in all honour; otherwise there was something that I could say, if it were fitting. And my father said: Say what occurs to you, my son, even if it seems insulting; for it is not you, but the reasoning of the question that does the injury, as a chaste woman does to an intemperate husband, if she is indignant for the sake of his welfare and honour. And I answered: If we do not hold fast each of the first points confirmed and confessed between us, but the things that have been defined are always undone through forgetfulness, we shall seem to be weaving the web of Penelope, undoing what we have woven; and therefore we ought either not

Editors' notes and page, col. 1424

Footnotes

(9) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1424

Humido Saturno. Idem de Saturno, humidam stellam esse, sentiunt Clemens Alexandrinus Strom. v, p. 564; Nonnus Διονυσιακῶν lib. xviii, p. 500; Servius ad Georgic. i, 12, 13, et Platonici quidam apud Macrobium lib. i in Somnium Scipionis c. 11. Verum Julio Firmico lib. ii, c. 10, est : Saturnus natura quidem frigidus et siccus, ex accidenti vero quandoque humidus. Eidemque Κρόνῳ tribuit ξηρὸν μετριώτερον Proclus lib. i in Tetrabiblum Ptolemaei c. 4.

"With moist Saturn." The same view of Saturn, that it is a moist star, is held by Clement of Alexandria, Stromata V, p. 564; Nonnus, Dionysiaca book XVIII, p. 500; Servius on Georgics I, 12, 13; and certain Platonists in Macrobius, book I on the Dream of Scipio, ch. 11. But in Julius Firmicus, book II, ch. 10, we find: "Saturn is by nature indeed cold and dry, but by accident sometimes moist." And to the same Kronos Proclus, book I on Ptolemy's Tetrabiblos, ch. 4, attributes "a more moderate dryness".

(printed under page 709)

Page

running head: S I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1424 (left part of the running head lies outside the column image)
marginal letters: A ‹quae mala esse apud neminem›; B ‹id est a temperato Jove›; C ‹ex malarum admistione stellarum›; D ‹sed quaestionis ratio injuriam›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1425

facile acquiescere, priusquam diligenter examinetur sermo propositus, aut si jam acquievimus et confirmata sententia est, servare semper quod semel definitum est, ut possimus et de aliis quaerere. Et pater ait: Bene dicis, fili, et scio quam ob causam dicis, quia hesterno die de naturalibus disputans causis, ostendisti quia virtus quaedam maligna transformans se in ordinem stellarum humanas concupiscentias exagitat, diversis modis provocans ad peccatum, non tamen cogens aut efficiens peccatum. Cui ego respondi: Bene, quia et meministi et cum memineris errasti. Et pater: Ignosce, inquit, fili: nondum enim usum multum in his habeo; nam et hesterni sermones tui veritate ipsa concluserunt me ut tibi acquiescerem, in conscientia tamen mea sunt quasi quaedam reliquiae febrium, quae paululum me a fide quasi a sanitate retrahunt. Discrucior enim, quia scio multa mihi, imo pene omnia accidisse secundum genesim.

to acquiesce easily, before the proposed argument has been carefully examined, or, if we have already acquiesced and the judgement has been confirmed, to keep always what has once been defined, so that we may be able to inquire about other things also. And my father said: You speak well, my son, and I know for what reason you say it, because yesterday, disputing about natural causes, you showed that a certain malignant power, transforming itself into the order of the stars, stirs up human lusts, provoking to sin in various ways, yet not compelling or producing the sin. To him I answered: It is well, in that you both remember, and though you remember, have gone astray. And my father said: Forgive me, my son: for I do not yet have much practice in these things; for although your discourses of yesterday shut me in by their very truth, so that I acquiesced in you, yet in my conscience there are, as it were, certain remnants of fevers, which draw me back a little from faith as from health. For I am tormented, because I know that many things, indeed almost all things, have happened to me according to my nativity.

XI. Et ego respondi: Audi ergo, pater, quae sit mathesis natura, et facito secundum ea quae dico tibi. Vide mathematicum et dic ei primo, quia talia quaedam mihi acciderunt mala in illo tempore; unde ergo aut quo modo aut per quas mihi acciderint stellas, discere volo. Respondebit tibi

XI. And I answered: Hear then, father, what the nature of astrology is, and do according to what I tell you. Go to an astrologer and say to him first: Such and such evils befell me at that time; I wish to learn, therefore, whence or in what manner or through which stars they befell me. He will answer you

Editors' notes and page, col. 1425

Footnotes

COTELERII NOTAE. (printed under page 710)

(10) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image; column inferred› · call in col 1425

Et pater. Tota περιοχή, ex lib. xiv Periodorum laudata ab Origene tom. iii Explanationum in Genesim, ac Geneseos i, 14, exstat Philocaliae c. 22. Et quidem citantis verba protuli in Testimoniis Veterum : ubi recte legebam, ἐκβεβηκέναι, quod reperi postea in duobus Regiis codicibus. Nunc vero ut intelligatur facilius quid hoc loco non usquequaque Graeco respondeat, utque notis sequentibus veluti fax praeferatur, placet citata ab Origene et Rufinianam versionem nostram sub unum conspectum dare. — Quae hic exhibet Cotelerius, habes infra in Appendice Recognitionibus subjecta, num. 5.

"And the father." The whole section, cited from book XIV of the Periodi by Origen in tome III of his Expositions on Genesis, on Genesis i, 14, survives in the Philocalia, ch. 22. And indeed I set out the words of the one citing it in the Testimonies of the Ancients, where I rightly read ἐκβεβηκέναι, which I afterwards found in two Royal codices. But now, so that it may be more easily understood what in this place does not altogether answer to the Greek, and so that a torch, as it were, may be carried before the following notes, I think it good to set what Origen cites and our Rufinian version under a single view. — What Cotelier presents here you have below in the Appendix placed after the Recognitions, no. 5.

(printed under page 710)

(11) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image; column inferred› · call in col 1425

Vide mathematicum, etc. Expressit ista scriptor Actorum S. Sebastiani, mea quidem sententia alius a S. Ambrosio. Praecipe hodie, inquit, ad te Mathesis venire doctorem; cui dicas, illo tempore te asperis casibus laborasse; et inquire per quas stellas hoc tibi evenerit mali. Responsa ejus erunt procul dubio talia; quod tempus tuum a malitioso Marte susceptum est, aut Saturnus apocatastaticus fuit, aut annus tuus ex diametro susceptus est, aut climacterica tibi in centro sunt nata, aut syndetus fuit cum malo, aut invisibilis, aut in schemate, aut immobilis circa te exstitit cursus in stellis. Haec et his similia cum dixerit, rationis tibi verisimile assignare nititur aliquid et probare. Age nunc, interroga alterum mathematicum; cui ipsas horas, ipsumque tempus in bonis tibi exuberasse casibus dicas : illico videbis eum tibi rationabilia schemata infinita afferre, quibus approbet, quia in ipsis tibi temporibus evenire debuerint bona. Circulum etenim tenet ex omni parte collectum, in quo diversas et varias causas accipit, ex quibus occasionem capiat dicendi quod voluerit. Nam futura penitus praevidere non possunt, climactericas dicunt, id est naturae rei incerta profugia. Lege si lubet notas sequentes.

"See an astrologer", etc. The writer of the Acts of St Sebastian — in my judgement someone other than St Ambrose — has reproduced this. "Bid a teacher of astrology come to you today," he says; "tell him that at such a time you laboured under harsh misfortunes; and ask through which stars this evil befell you. His answers will without doubt be of this kind: that your time was taken up by malicious Mars, or Saturn was in apocatastasis, or your year was taken up from the diameter, or climacterics arose for you in the centre, or it was in conjunction with a malefic, or invisible, or in aspect, or the course in the stars stood motionless about you. When he has said these and like things, he strives to assign you some plausible reason and to prove it. Come now, ask another astrologer; tell him that in those same hours and at that same time you overflowed with good fortunes: at once you will see him bring you countless reasonable configurations, by which to prove that good things were bound to happen to you at those very times. For he holds a circle gathered together from every side, in which he takes up diverse and various causes, from which to seize the occasion of saying what he pleases. For since they cannot foresee the future at all, they speak of climacterics, that is, uncertain refuges in the nature of the thing." Read, if you like, the notes that follow.

(printed under page 710)

(12) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image; column inferred› · call in col 1425

Aut aliquis eorum apocatastaticus fuit. Non mirandum si ignotam vocem in apostaticus mutarint librarii, tum hic, tum in Gestis S. Sebastiani, tum apud Sidonium lib. viii, epist. 11, tum denique loco Philocaliae superius allato; in quo e Regiis mss. restitui ἀποκαταστατικός pro ἀποκαταστικός vulgato. Sed Sidonii verba non debeo praeterire. Illud sane non solum culpabile in viro fuit, sed peremptorium; quod mathematicos quondam de vitae suae fine consuluit, urbium cives Africanarum; quibus ut est regio, sic animus ardentior : qui constellatione percunctantis inspecta, pariter annum, mensem, diemque dixerunt, quos (ut verbo Matheseos utar) climactericos esset habiturus : utpote quibus themate oblato, quasi sanguinariae geniturae schema patuisset, quia videlicet amici nascentis anno, quemcunque clementem planeticorum siderum globum in diastemate Zodiaco prosper ortus erexerat, hunc in occasu cruentis ignibus inrubescentes, seu super diametro Mercurius asyndetus, seu super tetragono Saturnus retrogradus, seu super centro Mars apocatasticus exacerbassent. De ἀποκαταστάσει, hoc est reditu planetae ad idem signum coeleste, agunt Maximus in c. 8 libri De divinis nominibus, Columella lib. iii, c. 6, et alii.

"Or one of them was in apocatastasis." No wonder if the copyists changed the unfamiliar word into "apostaticus", both here, and in the Acts of St Sebastian, and in Sidonius, book VIII, letter 11, and finally in the passage of the Philocalia cited above, in which from the Royal manuscripts I restored ἀποκαταστατικός for the vulgate ἀποκαταστικός. But I must not pass over Sidonius's words. "This indeed was not only blameworthy in the man, but fatal: that he once consulted astrologers about the end of his life, citizens of African cities, whose temper, like their region, is the hotter; who, having inspected the constellation of the inquirer, named alike the year, the month and the day which (to use the word of astrology) he would have as climacterics: inasmuch as, when the chart was put before them, the configuration of a bloody nativity, as it were, lay open, because, namely, in the year of our friend's birth, whatever kindly globe of the planetary stars a favourable rising had lifted up in the span of the Zodiac, this, reddening with bloody fires at its setting, had been embittered either by Mercury unconjoined upon the diameter, or by Saturn retrograde upon the square, or by Mars in apocatastasis upon the centre." On apocatastasis, that is, the return of a planet to the same heavenly sign, Maximus treats on ch. 8 of the book On the Divine Names, Columella, book III, ch. 6, and others.

(printed under page 710)

Page

running head: 1425 RECOGNITIONUM L⟨ ⟩ (remainder of the running head lies outside the column image)
marginal letters: A ‹facile acquiescere, priusquam›; B ‹quae paululum me a fide›; C and D stand beside the footnotes (C ‹(10) Et pater. Tota›; D ‹susceptum est, aut Saturnus›), not beside the text
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1426

sine dubio, quia tempora tua malitiosus suscepit Mars aut Saturnus, aut aliquis eorum apocatastaticus fuit, aut aliquis annum tuum aspexit ex diametro aut conjunctus aut in centro, vel alia his similia respondebit, addens, quia in his omnibus aliquis aut asyndetus fuit cum malo, aut invisibilis, aut in schemate, aut extra haeresim, aut deficiens, aut non contingens, aut in obscuris stellis, et multa alia his similia secundum rationes proprias respondebit et de singulis assignabit. Post hunc alium adito mathematicum et dicito contraria, quia illud mihi boni contigit in illo tempore; tempus autem hoc idem dicito, et require ex quibus partibus genesis hoc tibi evenerit boni, et tempora ut dixi, eadem quae de malis interrogaveras, custodito. Cumque tu fefelleris de temporibus, vide quanta tibi inveniet schemata, per quae ostendat quod tibi in illis ipsis temporibus evenire debuerint bona. Impossibile enim est hominum genesim tractantibus, non in omni quam dicunt regione stellarum semper invenire quasdam bene positas stellas, et quasdam male; circulus enim est aequaliter ex omni parte collectus secundum mathesim, diversas et varias accipiens causas, ex quibus occasionem capiant dicendi quod volunt.

without doubt, that malignant Mars or Saturn took charge of your times, or that one of them was in his return, or that one of them regarded your year from the diameter, or in conjunction, or in the centre, or he will answer other things like these, adding that in all these someone was either unconnected with an evil star, or invisible, or in configuration, or outside his sect, or in eclipse, or not in contact, or among dim stars; and he will answer many other things like these according to his own reasonings, and will assign causes for each. After this man go to another astrologer and say the contrary: Such and such a good thing befell me at that time; but name this same time, and ask from what parts of your nativity this good came to you, and keep, as I said, the same times about which you had asked concerning the evils. And when you have deceived him about the times, see how many configurations he will find for you, by which to show that good things were bound to happen to you at those very times. For it is impossible for those who handle the nativity of men not always to find, in every region of the stars, as they call it, some stars well placed and some ill; for the circle is, according to astrology, gathered equally from every side, admitting diverse and various causes, from which they may take occasion to say what they wish.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1426

Footnotes

(13) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image; column inferred› · call in col 1426

Aspexit. Graece ἐπεθεώρησεν. Igitur in Actis Sebastiani, susceptus corruptum est ex suspectus.

"Aspexit" (looked upon). In Greek, ἐπεθεώρησεν. Therefore in the Acts of Sebastian "susceptus" is a corruption of "suspectus".

(printed under page 710)

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In his omnibus aliquis aut asyndetus fuit cum malo. Legebat, ἀσύνδετος, quod sensu idem est ac ἀσύνθετος. Qui autem hic et in Gestis Sebastiani syndetus scripserunt, dum corrigere conantur, ob imperitiam lapsi sunt. Neque vero omitti debuit a Rufino vox ἀγαθοποιός.

"In all these, one was either unconjoined with a malefic." He read ἀσύνδετος, which in sense is the same as ἀσύνθετος. But those who here and in the Acts of Sebastian wrote "syndetus", while trying to correct, slipped through want of skill. Nor ought the word ἀγαθοποιός ("benefic") to have been omitted by Rufinus.

(printed under page 710)

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Aut deficiens. Ἢ ἐν ἐκλείψει. Manilius lib. iv Astronomicôn : Percipe nunc etiam, quae sint Ecliptica Graio / Nomine, quae certos quasi delassata per annos / Nonnunquam cessant sterili torpentia motu. Atque hinc patet cur in Actis Sebastiani habeatur : Aut immobilis circa te exstitit cursus in stellis.

"Or failing." Ἢ ἐν ἐκλείψει ("or in eclipse"). Manilius, book IV of the Astronomica: "Learn now also which [signs] are Ecliptic by the Greek name, which, as though wearied out through fixed years, sometimes cease, sluggish with barren motion." And hence it is clear why the Acts of Sebastian have: "Or the course in the stars stood motionless about you."

(printed under page 710)

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In omni quam dicunt regione stellarum. Χώρᾳ, non ὥρᾳ.

"In every region, as they call it, of the stars." Χώρᾳ ("region"), not ὥρᾳ ("hour").

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Page

running head: ECOGNITIONUM LIB. X. 1426 (left part of the running head lies outside the column image)
marginal letters: A ‹sine dubio, quia tempora tua›; B ‹quanta tibi inveniet schemata›; C and D stand beside the footnotes (C ‹tum apud Sidonium›; D ‹ad idem signum coeleste›), not beside the text
old-edition numerals: (none)

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XII. Sicut enim fieri solet ubi somnia obliqua viderint homines, et nihil certi intelligunt, cum aliquis occurrerit exitus rerum, tunc ad ea quae acciderint aptant etiam somnii visum, ita est et mathesis; antequam aliquid fiat, certi nihil pronuntiatur, postea vero quam aliquid acciderit, rei jam gestae colligunt causas. Denique frequenter cum erraverint et aliter res acciderit, semetipsos increpant dicentes quia illa fuit stella quae impedivit, quae occurrit, et non vidimus, ignorantes quia error eorum non ex artis imprudentia, sed ex totius causae inconvenientia descendit: ignorant enim quae sint, quae facere quidem concupiscamus, non tamen indulgeamus concupiscentiis. Nos autem qui mysterii hujus didicimus rationem, scimus et causam, quia libertatem habentes arbitrii interdum concupiscentiis obsistimus, interdum cedimus: et ideo humanorum gestorum incertus est exitus, quia in libertate pendet arbitrii. Nam concupiscentiam quidem, quam operatur maligna virtus, potest indicare mathematicus; sed si concupiscentiae hujus actus vel exitus impleri possit necne, quia in arbitrii libertate est, sciri ante effectum rei a nullo potest. Et hoc est quod ignorantes astrologi invenerunt sibi ut climacteras dicerent, rei scilicet incertae perfugia, sicut hesterno plenissime ostendimus.

XII. For as usually happens when men have seen ambiguous dreams and understand nothing certain, and, when some outcome of events has occurred, they then fit the vision of the dream also to the things that have happened, so it is also with astrology; before anything happens, nothing certain is pronounced, but after something has happened, they gather together the causes of the thing already done. Indeed, often when they have erred and the matter has fallen out otherwise, they rebuke themselves, saying: It was that star which hindered, which came in the way, and we did not see it; not knowing that their error comes down not from want of skill in the art, but from the inconsistency of the whole case: for they do not know what the things are which we indeed desire to do, and yet do not indulge our desires. But we, who have learned the reason of this mystery, know the cause also, that, having freedom of will, we sometimes resist our desires and sometimes yield to them: and therefore the outcome of human deeds is uncertain, because it hangs upon freedom of will. For the astrologer can indeed indicate the desire which the malignant power works; but whether the act or issue of this desire can be fulfilled or not, since it lies in the freedom of the will, can be known by no one before the accomplishment of the thing. And this is why the astrologers, in their ignorance, devised for themselves to speak of climacterics, refuges, that is, for an uncertain matter, as we showed most fully yesterday.

XIII. Ad haec si quid tibi dicendum videtur, dicito. Et pater: Nihil verius, inquit, fili, his quae prosecutus es. Cumque haec loqueremur inter nos, nuntiavit quidam plurimum stare populum foris qui audiendi gratia convenerint, et Petrus jussit his ingrediendi copiam dari; erat enim locus opportunus et amplus. Cumque ingressi fuissent, ait ad nos Petrus: Si quis vult vestrum, faciat ad populum sermonem et de idololatria disserat. Cui ego Clemens respondi: Multa benignitas tua et erga omnes lenitas ac patientia indulget nobis, ut audeamus loqui coram te et rogare quae volumus; et ideo, ut dixi, morum tuorum mansuetudo invitat omnes et adhortatur salutaris doctrinae praecepta suscipere. Hoc ego usque ad praesens apud nullum alium vidi, nisi apud te solum, apud quem invidia nulla est neque indignatio; aut quid tibi videtur?

XIII. If it seems to you that anything should be said to this, say it. And my father said: Nothing is truer, my son, than what you have set forth. And while we were speaking of these things among ourselves, someone announced that a very great crowd of people was standing outside, who had come together for the sake of hearing, and Peter ordered that leave to enter be given them; for the place was suitable and spacious. And when they had come in, Peter said to us: If any of you wishes, let him address the people and discourse on idolatry. To him I, Clement, answered: Your great kindness, and your gentleness and patience towards all, grant us boldness to speak before you and to ask what we wish; and therefore, as I said, the mildness of your character invites and exhorts all to receive the precepts of saving doctrine. This I have seen up to the present in no one else, but in you alone, in whom there is no envy nor indignation; or what does it seem to you?

XIV. Et Petrus: Non solum haec ex invidia aut indignatione veniunt, sed interdum inest aliquibus verecundia, ne forte de his quae proponuntur, plene respondere non possint, et fugiunt imperitiae notam. Sed non debet pro hoc quis verecundiam pati, quia nec est aliquis hominum qui profiteri debeat omnia se scire; unus enim est qui scit omnia, ipse qui et

XIV. And Peter said: These things come not only from envy or indignation, but sometimes there is in some a bashfulness, lest perhaps they should be unable to answer fully concerning the things proposed, and they shun the mark of inexperience. But no one ought to suffer shame on this account, because neither is there any man who ought to profess that he knows all things; for there is One who knows all things, He who also

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Et ideo humanorum gestorum, etc. Hic Rufinus Rufinum agit, hoc est, laxum malumque praesertim in obscurioribus interpretem.

"And therefore of human deeds", etc. Here Rufinus plays Rufinus, that is, a loose and poor translator, especially in the more obscure places.

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(18) ‹anchor: rei scilicet incertae perfugia› · call in col 1427

Ut climacteras dicerent, rei scilicet incertae perfugia. Hinc scribi forte debeat in S. Sebastiani Actis : Climacteras dicunt, id est natura rei incertae perfugia. Aliud sonant Graeca : Τοὺς κλιμακτῆρας ἐπενόησαν, εἰς ἀδηλότητα ποιούμενοι vel μεταποιούμενοι τὴν προαίρεσιν. Nempe : Climacteras commenti sunt, liberam hominis voluntatem in incerto ponentes, aut in rem incertam commutantes.

"So as to speak of climacterics, that is to say, refuges in an uncertain matter." Hence perhaps one should write in the Acts of St Sebastian: "They speak of climacterics, that is, refuges in the nature of an uncertain matter." The Greek says something else: "They devised the climacterics, placing (or: transposing) free choice into uncertainty." That is: "They invented climacterics, setting man's free will in uncertainty", or "changing it into an uncertain thing".

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Nihil verius, inquit, fili, his quae prosecutus es. Alicujus momenti est lectio Graeca duorum Regiorum codicum, ἀπεκρίνατο, μηδὲν τούτων ἀληθέστερον εἶναι ὧν εἶπεν.

"Nothing is truer, he said, my son, than what you have set forth." Of some weight is the Greek reading of the two Royal codices: "he answered that nothing was truer than these things which he had said."

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running head: 1427 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. (remainder of the running head lies outside the column image)
marginal letters: A ‹XII. Sicut enim fieri solet›; B ‹libertatem habentes arbitrii›; C ‹audiendi gratia convenerint›; D ‹indignatione veniunt, sed interdum›
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fecit omnia. Si enim Magister noster diem et horam, cujus etiam signa praedixit, nescire se professus est, ut totum revocaret ad Patrem, quomodo nos turpe ducemus, si aliqua nos ignorare fateamur, cum Magistri in hoc habeamus exemplum? Hoc tamen unum profitemur ea nos scire, quae a vero propheta didicimus; ea autem a vero propheta nobis esse tradita, quae sufficere humanae scientiae judicavit.

made all things. For if our Master professed that He did not know the day and the hour, whose signs He even foretold, in order that He might refer the whole to the Father, how shall we count it shameful if we confess that we are ignorant of some things, when in this we have the example of our Master? Yet this one thing we do profess, that we know those things which we have learned from the true Prophet; and that those things have been delivered to us by the true Prophet which He judged to be sufficient for human knowledge.

XV. Tum ego Clemens dicere ita coepi: Apud Tripolim cum contra gentiles disputares, domine mi Petre, valde miratus sum te, qui a patribus Hebraeo ritu et observantiis propriae legis imbutus, Graecae eruditionis studiis in nullo inquinatus es, quomodo tam magnifice et tam incomparabiliter prosecutus sis, ita ut etiam quaedam de historiis deorum quae in theatris decantari solent, contingeres. Verum quoniam sensi tibi ipsas fabulas et blasphemias eorum minus esse notas, de his, si placet, aliqua in auditu tuo repetens ab ipsa origine disseram. Et Petrus: Dic, inquit, bene facis juvare praedicationem nostram. Tum ego: Dicam igitur quia jubes, non ut docens, sed quam stultas de diis suis opiniones habeant gentiles, in medium proferens.

XV. Then I, Clement, began to speak thus: When you were disputing at Tripolis against the Gentiles, my lord Peter, I greatly wondered at you, who, having been imbued by your fathers with the Hebrew rite and the observances of your own law, have in nothing been stained by the studies of Greek learning, how you set forth the matter so magnificently and so incomparably, so that you even touched on certain things from the histories of the gods which are commonly chanted in the theatres. But since I perceived that their fables and blasphemies themselves are less known to you, I shall, if it please you, discourse on some of these in your hearing, tracing them from their very origin. And Peter said: Speak; you do well to help our preaching. Then I said: I shall speak, then, since you bid me, not as one teaching, but bringing into the open what foolish opinions the Gentiles hold about their gods.

XVI. Cumque vellem dicere, Niceta labrum mordicus stringens, innuebat mihi, ut tacerem; quem cum vidisset Petrus, ait: Cur ingenium liberale et generosam laedere vis naturam, ut in honorem mei, qui nullus est, tacere eum velis? Aut nescis, quia si omnes gentes, postquam audierint a me praedicationem veritatis et crediderint, velint se ad docendum conferre, mihi majorem pariunt gloriam, siquidem gloriae me cupidum putas? Quid enim tam gloriosum quam Christo discipulos praeparasse, non qui taceant et soli salvi fiant, sed qui loquantur quae didicerunt, et multis prosint? Utinam quidem et tu, Niceta, sed et tu, dulcissime Aquila, juvaretis me ad praedicandum verbum Dei, eo magis quo ea in quibus errant gentiles, bene vobis comperta sunt: et non solum vos, sed et omnes qui audiunt me, opto, ut dixi, ita audire et discere, ut et docere possint; multis namque adjutoribus indiget mundus, quibus homines ab errore revocentur. Cumque haec dixisset, ait ad me: Tu ergo, Clemens, exsequere quae coepisti.

XVI. And when I was about to speak, Niceta, biting and pressing his lip, was signalling to me to be silent; and when Peter saw him, he said: Why do you wish to injure a liberal disposition and a noble nature, so that for my honour, which is nothing, you would have him be silent? Or do you not know that if all the nations, after they have heard from me the preaching of the truth and have believed, should wish to betake themselves to teaching, they bring forth greater glory for me, if indeed you think me desirous of glory? For what is so glorious as to have prepared disciples for Christ, not such as keep silence and are saved alone, but such as speak what they have learned and profit many? Would indeed that both you, Niceta, and you also, dearest Aquila, would help me in preaching the word of God, all the more because the things in which the Gentiles err are well known to you: and not you only, but all who hear me, I desire, as I said, so to hear and learn that they may also be able to teach; for the world needs many helpers, by whom men may be recalled from error. And when he had said this, he said to me: Do you then, Clement, carry on what you have begun.

XVII. Et ego continuo subjunxi: Quoniam, ut dixi, apud Tripolim disputans, multa de diis gentium utiliter et necessario disseruisti, cupio de origine eorum ridicula te coram exponere, ut neque te lateat vanae hujus superstitionis commentum, et auditores

XVII. And I at once added: Since, as I said, when disputing at Tripolis you discoursed on many things concerning the gods of the Gentiles usefully and necessarily, I desire to set forth before you the ridiculous things about their origin, so that neither may the fabrication of this vain superstition be hidden from you, and the hearers

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running head: I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA 1428 (left part of the running head lies outside the column image)
marginal letters: A ‹fecit omnia. Si enim Magister›; B ‹deorum quae in theatris›; C ‹cationem veritatis et crediderint›; D ‹quere quae coepisti›
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qui assistunt erroris sui probra cognoscant. Aiunt ergo qui sapientiores sunt inter gentiles, primo omnium chaos fuisse: hoc per multum tempus exteriores sui solidans partes, fines sibi et fundum quemdam fecisse tanquam in ovi immanis modum formamque collectum, intra quod multo nihilominus tempore, quasi intra ovi testam, fotum vivificatumque esse animal quoddam; disruptoque post haec immani illo globo processisse speciem quamdam hominis duplicis formae, quam illi masculo-feminam vocant; hunc etiam Phanetam nominarunt, ab apparendo, quia cum apparuisset, inquiunt, tunc etiam lux effulsit. Et ex hoc dicunt progenitam esse substantiam, prudentiam, motum, coitum: ex his factum coelum et terram. Ex coelo sex progenitos mares, quos et Titanas appellant; similiter et de terra sex feminas, quas Titanidas vocitarunt, et sunt nomina eorum quidem qui ex coelo orti sunt haec: Oceanus, Coeus, Crios, Hyperion, Iapetos, Cronos, qui apud nos Saturnus nominatur. Similiter et earum quae e terra ortae sunt nomina sunt haec: Theia, Rhea, Themis, Mnemosyne, Tethys, Hebe.

who stand by may recognize the disgraces of their own error. Those, then, who are the wiser among the Gentiles say that first of all there was chaos: that this, through a long time making solid its outer parts, made for itself boundaries and a kind of bottom, being gathered as it were into the manner and shape of a huge egg, within which, through a no less long time, as within the shell of an egg, a certain living creature was cherished and quickened; and that afterwards, that huge globe being burst asunder, there came forth a certain appearance of a man of double form, which they call male-female; him they also named Phanetas, from appearing, because when he had appeared, they say, then also light shone forth. And from him they say that substance, prudence, motion, and coition were begotten: from these heaven and earth were made. From heaven six males were begotten, whom they also call Titans; likewise from earth six females, whom they called Titanides; and the names of those who sprang from heaven are these: Oceanus, Coeus, Crios, Hyperion, Iapetos, Cronos, who among us is named Saturn. Likewise the names of those females who sprang from earth are these: Theia, Rhea, Themis, Mnemosyne, Tethys, Hebe.

XVIII. Ex his omnibus qui primus fuerat e coelo natus, primam terrae filiam accepit uxorem, secundus secundam et caeteri similiter per ordinem. Primus ergo qui primam duxerat, propter eam deductus est deorsum; secunda vero propter eum cui nupserat, ascendit sursum; et ita singuli per ordinem facientes, manserunt in his qui eis nuptiali sorte obvenerant locis. Ex istorum conjunctionibus alios quoque innumeros asserunt progenitos. Sed de illis sex maribus unus, qui dicitur Saturnus, in conjugium accepit Rheam, et cum responso quodam commonitus esset, quod qui ex ea nasceretur fortior

XVIII. Of all these, he who had been the first born of heaven took to wife the first daughter of earth, the second the second, and the rest likewise in order. The first, therefore, who had married the first, was on her account drawn downwards; but the second female, on account of him whom she had married, ascended upwards; and so, each doing likewise in order, they remained in those places which had fallen to them by the nuptial lot. From the unions of these they assert that innumerable others also were begotten. But of those six males, one, who is called Saturn, took Rhea in marriage, and when he had been warned by a certain oracle that he who should be born of her would be stronger

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Footnotes

COTELERII NOTAE. (printed under page 712)

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Phanetam. Phanes ὠογενής Orpheo in Hymnis, ἐκ τοῦ ὠοῦ προχυθείς Apud Athenagoram Legatione pro Christianis; quia masculofemina, ideo (opinor) in Orphicis carminibus inducebatur habens αἰδοῖον ὀπίσω περὶ τὴν πυγήν, teste Elia Cretensi ad Gregorii Nazianzeni orat. 3 (ubi male legunt ac interpretantur πηγήν) et 37; Nonno ad eamdem orationem 3, et Suida in Lexico. Cum autem nomen Φάνης deducatur a verbo φαίνειν, diversa a diversis etymologiae ratio affertur. Orpheus initio Argonauticorum : πρῶτος γὰρ ἐφάνθη. Hymno Πρωτογόνου : Λαμπρὸν ἄγων φάος ἁγνὸν, ἀφ' οὗ σε Φάνητα κικλήσκω. In Clementinis : Ὅτι αὐτοῦ φανέντος, τὸ πᾶν ἐξ αὐτοῦ ἔλαμψεν. Lactantius lib. i, c. 5 : Quod, cum adhuc nihil esset, primus ex infinito apparuerit et exstiterit; Proclus in Timaeum : Ὡς ἐκφαίνοντα τὰς νοητὰς ἑνάδας. Macrobius denique lib. i Saturnal., c. 17 : Phaneta appellant ἀπὸ τοῦ φαίνειν, et Φαναῖον, ἐπειδὴ φαίνεται νέος, et c. 18 : Phaneta ἀπὸ τοῦ φωτὸς καὶ φανεροῦ. Haec ad istius loci illustrationem.

"Phanetam." Phanes is "egg-born" for Orpheus in the Hymns, "poured forth from the egg" in Athenagoras, Embassy for the Christians; because he was male-female, he was for that reason (I suppose) brought on in the Orphic poems as having his privy member behind, about the rump, as Elias of Crete attests on Gregory Nazianzen's orations 3 (where they wrongly read and translate πηγήν, "fountain") and 37; Nonnus on the same oration 3; and Suidas in the Lexicon. And since the name Phanes is derived from the verb φαίνειν ("to show, to appear"), different accounts of the etymology are offered by different writers. Orpheus at the beginning of the Argonautica: "for he was the first to appear." In the Hymn of Protogonus: "bringing bright holy light, whence I call you Phanes." In the Clementines: "Because, when he appeared, the universe shone forth from him." Lactantius, book I, ch. 5: "Because, when as yet nothing existed, he first appeared and came forth from the infinite"; Proclus on the Timaeus: "As showing forth the intelligible henads." Macrobius, finally, Saturnalia book I, ch. 17: "They call him Phanes from φαίνειν, and Phanaios, because he appears new", and ch. 18: "Phanes from light and the manifest." So much for the illustration of this passage.

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Titanas. Titanidas. Animadversione dignus est locus Tertulliani lib. ii ad Nationes, cap. 2 : Aeque Actesilaus trinam formam divinitatis ducit, Olympios, Astra, Titaneos, de Coelo et Terra : ex his, Saturno et Ope, Neptunum, Jovem, et Orcum, et caeteram successionem. Xenocrates Academicus bifariam facit, Olympios et Titanios, qui de Coelo et Terra. Etenim Gothofredus edidit, Actesilaus, correxit autem in notis, Arcesilaus : adeoque emendatio placuit Rigaltio, ut eam in textum insereret : pravo sane exemplo : cum longe verisimilior lectio sit, Acusilaus. Colligo id ex Etymologici magni verbis : Κοῖος ὁ πατὴρ Λητοῦς παρὰ τὸ κοεῖν, ὅ ἐστι νοεῖν καὶ συνιέναι· ὅ ἐστι συνετός. Κοῖόν τε Κρεῖόν θ' Ὑπερίονά τ' Ἰαπετόν τε. Οἱ Αἰολεῖς τῷ κ ἀντὶ τοῦ π κέχρηνται. Οὗτοι δὲ Τιτᾶνες καὶ Τιτανίδες καλοῦνται, ὡς Ἀκουσίλαος. Ἀλληγορία δὲ, Κοῖον τὴν ποιότητα, Κρεῖον δὲ τὴν κρίσιν, Ὑπερίονα κουφότητα, τὸν δὲ Ἰαπετὸν βαρύτητα. Ἡσίοδος ἐν Θεογονίᾳ. Tradita haec ab Acusilao in celebri opere Περὶ γενεαλογιῶν. Vide, si lubet, diligentissimum Vossium De historicis Graecis.

"Titans. Titanesses." Worth remark is the passage of Tertullian, book II To the Nations, ch. 2: "Likewise Actesilaus derives a threefold form of divinity, the Olympians, the Stars, the Titans, from Heaven and Earth: from these, from Saturn and Ops, Neptune, Jupiter and Orcus, and the rest of the succession. Xenocrates the Academic makes it twofold, Olympians and Titans, who are from Heaven and Earth." Now Gothofredus printed "Actesilaus", but corrected it in his notes to "Arcesilaus"; and the emendation so pleased Rigault that he inserted it in the text — a bad precedent indeed, since by far the more probable reading is "Acusilaus". I gather this from the words of the Etymologicum Magnum: "Koios, the father of Leto, from κοεῖν, which is to perceive and understand; that is, intelligent. 'Koios and Kreios and Hyperion and Iapetos.' The Aeolians use κ in place of π. And these are called Titans and Titanesses, as Acusilaus says. By allegory, Koios is quality, Kreios judgement, Hyperion lightness, and Iapetos heaviness. Hesiod in the Theogony." These things were handed down by Acusilaus in his celebrated work On Genealogies. See, if you like, the most diligent Vossius, On the Greek Historians.

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Tethys. Ita scribendum. Graece Τηθύς. Sed frequenter in hoc nomine labuntur operae. Sic in Theophilo Antiocheno lib. ii, ediderunt Τηθήν, Θηθύν, Thetym. Ttetzes extrema Chiliade, 6 : Ὧν Ἀχιλεὺς τῆς Θέτιδος καὶ τοῦ Πηλέως γόνος, / Οὐ τῆς θαλάττης Θέτιδος, ἀλλά τινος γυναίου. Mare non est Thetis, sed Tethys. Scripsit ergo, aut scribere debuit, θαλάττης Τηθύος.

"Tethys." So it should be written. In Greek, Τηθύς. But the printers often slip in this name. Thus in Theophilus of Antioch, book II, they have printed Τηθήν, Θηθύν, "Thetym". Tzetzes, in the last Chiliad, 6: "Of whom was Achilles, the offspring of Thetis and of Peleus — not of Thetis the sea, but of a certain mortal woman." The sea is not Thetis, but Tethys. He wrote, therefore, or ought to have written, "of the sea, Tethys".

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Hebe. Legendum videretur mihi, Phoebe, ex Orpheo, Hesiodo, Diodoro Siculo et Apollodoro; nisi scirem deorum in genealogiis nihil esse fixum ac stabile. Quocirca in Clementinis locum hujus feminae occupat Ceres.

"Hebe." It would seem to me that "Phoebe" should be read, from Orpheus, Hesiod, Diodorus Siculus and Apollodorus, did I not know that in the genealogies of the gods nothing is fixed and stable. Accordingly in the Clementines Ceres occupies this female's place.

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running head: 1429 RECOGNITIONUM L⟨ ⟩ (remainder of the running head lies outside the column image)
marginal letters: A ‹ditores qui assistunt erroris›; B ‹genitos mares, quos et Titanas›; C ‹facientes, manserunt in his› (letter stands between that line and the next); D stands beside the footnotes (‹Argonauticorum: πρῶτος γὰρ ἐφάνθη›), not beside the text
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ipso futurus esset regnoque eum depelleret, omnes qui ei nascerentur filios devorare instituit. Huic ergo primus nascitur filius, quem Aiden appellarunt, qui apud nos Orcus nominatur, quem pro causis quibus supra diximus, assumptum devorat pater. Post hunc secundum genuit, quem Neptunum dicunt, quemque simili modo devoravit. Novissimum genuit eum, quem Jovem appellant, sed hunc mater miserans Rhea, per artem devoraturo subtrahit patri, et primo quidem ne vagitus pueri innotesceret, Corybantas quosdam cymbala fecit ac tympana percutere, ut obstrepente sonitu vagitus non audiretur infantis.

than himself and would drive him from his kingdom, he resolved to devour all the sons who should be born to him. To him, therefore, a first son is born, whom they called Aides, who among us is named Orcus, whom, for the reasons we stated above, his father takes and devours. After him he begot a second, whom they call Neptune, and whom he devoured in like manner. Last he begot him whom they call Jupiter, but his mother Rhea, pitying him, by a stratagem withdraws him from his father who was about to devour him; and first indeed, lest the crying of the boy should become known, she made certain Corybantes beat cymbals and drums, so that, with the noise drowning it, the crying of the infant might not be heard.

XIX. Sed cum ex uteri imminutione intellexisset pater editum partum, expetebat ad devorandum; tunc Rhea lapidem ei offerens magnum, Hunc genui, inquit. At ille accipiens absorbuit, et lapis devoratus eos quos primo absorbuerat filios, trusit et coegit exire. Primus ergo procedens descendit Orcus, et inferiora, hoc est inferna occupat loca. Secundus utpote illo superior super aquas detruditur, is quem Neptunum vocant. Tertius qui arte matris Rheae superfuit, ab ipsa caprae superpositus in coelum emissus est.

XIX. But when the father had understood from the lessening of her womb that the child had been brought forth, he demanded it to devour it; then Rhea, offering him a great stone, said: This I have borne. And he, taking it, swallowed it, and the stone, being devoured, pushed those sons whom he had swallowed before and forced them to come out. First, then, Orcus coming forth descended, and occupies the lower, that is, the infernal places. The second, as being above him, is thrust down upon the waters, he whom they call Neptune. The third, who survived by the art of his mother Rhea, was by her set upon a she-goat and sent forth into heaven.

XX. Hactenus anilis gentilium fabula et genealogia processerit; sine fine enim est, si velim omnes generationes eorum quos deos appellant, et impia gesta proferre. Sed exempli gratia, omissis caeteris, unius quem maximum et praecipuum habent, quemque Jovem nominant, flagitiosa gesta replicabo. Hunc enim coelum dicunt tenere tanquam caeteris meliorem, qui statim ut adolevit, sororem propriam, quam Junonem dicunt, duxit uxorem, in quo utique statim fit similis pecudi. Juno Vulcanum parit, sed, ut tradunt, non ex Jove

XX. Thus far let the old wives' fable and genealogy of the Gentiles have gone; for it is without end, if I should wish to bring forward all the generations of those whom they call gods, and their impious deeds. But by way of example, leaving out the rest, I shall recount the shameful deeds of one whom they hold to be the greatest and chief, and whom they name Jupiter. For they say that he holds heaven as being better than the rest, he who, as soon as he grew up, took to wife his own sister, whom they call Juno, in which assuredly he at once becomes like a beast. Juno bears Vulcan, but, as they relate, not from Jupiter

Editors' notes and page, col. 1430

Page

running head: ECOGNITIONUM LIB. X. 1430 (left part of the running head lies outside the column image)
marginal letters: A ‹tior ipso futurus esset›; B ‹tunc Rhea lapidem ei offerens›; C ‹que Jovem nominant, flagitiosa›; D stands beside the footnotes (‹χρηνται. Οὗτοι δὲ Τιτᾶνες›), not beside the text
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column begins and ends mid-sentence. The column's first printed letters "tior" complete "for-" from col. 1429 and are set there (fortior); this file begins at "ipso futurus". "caeteris" twice, set from printed cæteris. Worn type in "Novissimum", "coegit", "quem" (is quem Neptunum); legible. Foot of page: Cotelerii notae (21) continued, (22), (23), editors' apparatus, not set.

PG 1:1431

⟨ ⟩tum. Ex ipso autem Jove Medeam genuit, ⟨et⟩ responso accepto, quod qui ex ea nasceretur ⟨ ⟩† ipso esset et regno eum depelleret, assumens ⟨eam⟩ ipse devorat; et rursum genuit de cerebro ⟨quide⟩m Minervam, de femore vero Liberum. Post ⟨haec T⟩hetidem cum adamasset, aiunt Prometheum ⟨denu⟩ntiasse ei, quod si concubuisset cum ea, qui ex ⟨ea na⟩sceretur fortior esset patre, et ob hoc veritus ⟨Peleo⟩ cuidam dat eam in matrimonium; dehinc Per⟨seph⟩onae, quae ei ex Cerere fuerat suscepta, mi⟨scetu⟩r; ex qua Dionysium genuit qui a Titanis di⟨scer⟩ptus est. Sed recordatus, inquit, ne forte pater ⟨ejus⟩ Saturnus alium filium generaret, qui etiam se ⟨forti⟩or nasceretur regnoque depelleret, oppugnare ⟨aggr⟩editur patrem una cum fratribus ejus Titanis; ⟨quib⟩us oppressis, ad ultimum etiam patrem in vin⟨cula⟩ conjecit, desectaque ejus genitalia in mare pro⟨jecit⟩. Sed cruor qui defluxit ex vulnere, susceptus ⟨fluc⟩tibus et frequenti collisione in spumam versus, ⟨pro⟩creavit eam quam dicunt Aphroditen, quamque ⟨apu⟩d nos Venerem appellant. Ex hujus concubitu ⟨qua⟩e erat utique soror, hunc ipsum Jovem ferunt ⟨gen⟩uisse Cyprin, ex qua aiunt et Cupidinem natum.

⟨ ⟩. But from Jupiter himself she bore Medea; and he, having received an oracle that he who should be born of her would be [stronger] than himself and would drive him from the kingdom, takes her up and himself devours her; and again he begot Minerva from his brain, and Liber from his thigh. After this, when he had fallen in love with Thetis, they say that Prometheus declared to him that, if he should lie with her, he who should be born of her would be stronger than his father; and fearing on this account, he gives her in marriage to a certain Peleus. Next he has intercourse with Persephone, whom he had had by Ceres; of whom he begot Dionysius, who was torn to pieces by the Titans. But remembering, he says, lest perhaps his father Saturn should beget another son, who would be born stronger even than himself and would drive him from the kingdom, he sets about making war on his father together with his father's brothers the Titans; and when these had been overcome, at the last he cast even his father into bonds, and cut off his genitals and threw them into the sea. But the blood which flowed from the wound, received by the waves and turned to foam by the frequent dashing, brought forth her whom they call Aphrodite, and whom among us they name Venus. From intercourse with her, who was assuredly his sister, they report that this same Jupiter begot Cypris, of whom they say that Cupid also was born.

⟨X⟩XI. Haec quidem de incestis ejus; audi nunc et ⟨de⟩ adulteriis. Europam Oceani conjugem vitiat, ⟨ex⟩ qua nascitur Dodonaeus; Helenam Pandionis, ⟨ex⟩ qua nascitur Musaeus; Eurynomen Asopi, ex qua ⟨na⟩scitur Ogygias; Hermionen Oceani, ex qua na⟨sc⟩untur Charites, Thalia, Euphrosyne, Aglaia; The⟨m⟩in sororem suam, ex qua nascuntur Horae, Eury⟨n⟩omia, Dice, Irene; Themisto Inachi, ex ⟨q⟩ua nascitur Arcas; Ideam Minois, ex qua nasci⟨t⟩ur Asterion; Phoenissam Alphionis, ex qua nascitur Endymion; Io Inachi, ex qua nascitur Epaphus; Hippodamiam et Isionen Danai filias, quarum unam Hippodamiam Olenus, Isionen vero Orchomenus sive Chryses habuit; Carmen Phoenicis, ex qua nascitur Britomartis, quae fuit sodalis Dianae; Callisto Lycaonis, ex qua nascitur Orcas; Lybeen Munanti,

XXI. So much concerning his incests; hear now also of his adulteries. He violates Europa, the wife of Oceanus, of whom is born Dodonaeus; Helen, [wife] of Pandion, of whom is born Musaeus; Eurynome, [wife] of Asopus, of whom is born Ogygias; Hermione, [wife] of Oceanus, of whom are born the Graces, Thalia, Euphrosyne, Aglaia; Themis his own sister, of whom are born the Hours, Eurynomia, Dice, Irene; Themisto, [daughter] of Inachus, of whom is born Arcas; Idea, [daughter] of Minos, of whom is born Asterion; Phoenissa, [daughter] of Alphion, of whom is born Endymion; Io, [daughter] of Inachus, of whom is born Epaphus; Hippodamia and Isione, daughters of Danaus, of whom the one, Hippodamia, Olenus had, and Isione Orchomenus or Chryses; Carme, [daughter] of Phoenix, of whom is born Britomartis, who was a companion of Diana; Callisto, [daughter] of Lycaon, of whom is born Orcas; Lybee, [daughter] of Munantius,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1431

Footnotes

COTELERII NOTAE. (printed under page 713)

(24) ‹anchor: et de adulteriis› · call in col 1431

Audi nunc et de adulteriis. In Catalogo sequenti praeter vulgaria, multa sunt nomina ignotiora · non pauca (quod etiam lectionum varietas indicat) depravata : quaedam forsan quae non exstant alibi. Ego vero difficiliorum nonnullis illustratis et correctis, caetera doctioribus et minus occupatis hominibus reliqui expendenda quaerendaque.

"Hear now also of his adulteries." In the catalogue that follows, besides the commonplace ones, there are many rather unfamiliar names; not a few (as the variety of readings also shows) are corrupt; some, perhaps, are found nowhere else. For my part, having illustrated and corrected some of the more difficult, I have left the rest to be weighed and searched out by men more learned and less busy.

(printed under page 713)

(25) ‹anchor: nascitur Dodonaeus› · call in col 1431

Dodonaeus. Ἀπὸ Δωδώνου τοῦ Διὸς καὶ Εὐρώπης. Stephanus De urbibus, in Δωδώνῃ.

"Dodonaeus." "From Dodonus, son of Zeus and Europa." Stephanus, On Cities, under Dodona.

(printed under page 713)

(26) ‹anchor: Eurynomia› · call in col 1431

Eurynomia. Codex Regius et Petiti Liber Euromia; ex quo facio Eunomia.

"Eurynomia." The Royal codex and Petit's book have "Euromia"; from which I make "Eunomia".

(printed under page 713)

(27) ‹anchor: Themisto› · call in col 1431

Themisto. Stephanus in Ἀρκάδι· Ἴστρος δὲ, φησὶν, Θεμιστοῦς καὶ Διὸς ὁ Ἀρκὰς ἐγένετο.

"Themisto." Stephanus under "Arcas": "But Istrus says that Arcas was born of Themisto and Zeus."

(printed under page 713)

(28) ‹anchor: nascitur Britomartis› · call in col 1431

Carmen... Britomartis. Diodorus Siculus et Pausanias Britomartin Dianae sociam, filiam faciunt Jovis e Carme Eubuli filia; Virgilii vero in Ciri versus est : Quam simul Ogygii Phoenicis filia Carme. Sane in Supplemento Thesauri critici scriptum invenio a Jacobo Nicolao Loensi lib. viii, c. 26. : Clemens Romanus Britomartin Charmes et Jovis filiam fuisse dicit. Et Critomartis pro Britomartis errorem esse librariorum idem auctor observat : pejusque apud Coelium Rhodiginum lib. xviii, c. 26 : Cretomartin, Κρητόμαρτιν legere est.

"Carme ... Britomartis." Diodorus Siculus and Pausanias make Britomartis, Diana's companion, the daughter of Jupiter by Carme, daughter of Eubulus; while there is a line of Virgil in the Ciris: "As soon as Carme, daughter of Ogygian Phoenix, …". Indeed in the Supplement to the Thesaurus criticus I find it written by Jacobus Nicolaus Loensis, book VIII, ch. 26: "Clement of Rome says that Britomartis was the daughter of Charme and Jupiter." And the same author observes that "Critomartis" for "Britomartis" is a copyists' error; and, worse, in Caelius Rhodiginus, book XVIII, ch. 26, one may read "Cretomartin", Κρητόμαρτιν.

(printed under page 713)

(29) ‹anchor: Lybeen› · call in col 1431

Lybeen. Malim, Libyen.

"Lybeen." I would prefer "Libyen".

(printed under page 713)

Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. O⟨ ⟩ (right part of the head outside the image)
marginal letters: A ‹⟨ ⟩tum. Ex ipso autem Jove›; B ‹⟨quib⟩us oppressis, ad ultimum›; C ‹⟨n⟩omia (26), Dice, Irene›; D (beside the foot notes, not beside the text)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: IMAGE DEFECT: the left edge of this column is hidden by a black scan shadow in all three images; the first one to six letters of every line down to "Endymion" were NOT seen. Everything inside ⟨ ⟩ is supplied from the sense, not read from the page, and must be verified against a clean image. Line 1: the opening of the first word (ending -tum) not seen and not supplied. Line 3: about three letters before "ipso" not seen and not securely supplied (marked †); the English "[stronger]" is from the sense only. Line 6: "haec" is supplied on the evidence of the hidden width only. UNSURE whether Migne prints "Isionen", "Orcas", "Lybeen", "Carmen" exactly so in the hidden letters' neighbourhood: these were read as visible. The last word is split at the column break (Mu-|nanti); completed from the first line of column 1432 visible at the right edge of the top image. Foot notes 24-29 (COTELERII NOTAE) are editors' apparatus: set above under Footnotes, not in the source column. Relations supplied in English brackets (wife/daughter) follow the bare genitives of the catalogue and are interpretive. Q3b re-read: the same shadow hides the same letters in the Q3b images; nothing inside ⟨ ⟩ could be confirmed or corrected.
other: Q6b re-read: the same shadow again; nothing inside ⟨ ⟩ could be confirmed or corrected, and every visible letter agrees with the file ("Isionen" twice, "Orcas", "Lybeen", "Carmen" are printed so and stand clear of the shadow). Col 1430 ends ‹Juno Vulcanum parit, sed, ut tradunt, non ex Jove›, so the subject of the first ‹genuit› of this column is Juno; the English is corrected accordingly. By the sense and the hidden width, line 1 may open "concep-" and line 3 "fortior" (the hidden width at line 3 is nearer six letters than three); neither was read, and the source is left as it stood. Pages 715-716 of PG001b repeat the leaves of cols 1431-1434: a render of col 1431 from page 715 may give the clean image this column needs.

PG 1:1432

ex qua nascitur Belus; Latonam, ex qua nascitur Apollo et Diana; Leanidam Eurymedontis, ex qua nascitur Coron; Lysitheam Eveni, ex qua nascitur Helenus; Hippodamiam Bellerophontis, ex qua nascitur Sarpedon; Megacliten Macarei, ex qua nascitur Thebe et Locrus; Nioben Phoronei, ex qua nascitur Argus et Pelasgus; Olympiadam Neoptolemi, ex qua nascitur Alexander; Pyrrham Promethei, ex qua nascitur Helmetheus; Protogeniam et Pandoram Deucalionis filias, ex quibus genuit Aethelium et Dorum et Meleram et Pandorum; Thaicruciam Protei, ex qua nascitur Nympheus; Salaminam Asopi, ex qua nascitur Saracon: Taygeten, Electram, Maiam, Plutiden, Atlantis filias, ex quibus genuit ex Taygete quidem Lacedaemonem, ex Electra Dardanum, ex Maia Mercurium, ex Plutide Tantalum; Phthiam Phoronei, ex qua genuit Achaeum; [Choniam Aramni. ex qua genuit Laconem;] Chalceam nympham, ex qua nascitur Olympus; Charidiam nympham ex qua nascitur Alchanus; Clorida, quae fuit Ampyci, ex qua nascitur Mopsus; Cotoniam Lesbi, ex qua nascitur Polymedes; Hippodamiam Aniceti; Chrysogeniam Penei, ex qua nascitur Thissaeus.

of whom is born Belus; Latona, of whom are born Apollo and Diana; Leanida, [daughter] of Eurymedon, of whom is born Coron; Lysithea, [daughter] of Evenus, of whom is born Helenus; Hippodamia, [daughter] of Bellerophon, of whom is born Sarpedon; Megaclite, [daughter] of Macareus, of whom are born Thebe and Locrus; Niobe, [daughter] of Phoroneus, of whom are born Argus and Pelasgus; Olympias, [wife] of Neoptolemus, of whom is born Alexander; Pyrrha, [daughter] of Prometheus, of whom is born Helmetheus; Protogenia and Pandora, daughters of Deucalion, of whom he begot Aethelius and Dorus and Melera and Pandorus; Thaicrucia, [daughter] of Proteus, of whom is born Nympheus; Salamina, [daughter] of Asopus, of whom is born Saracon; Taygete, Electra, Maia, Plutis, daughters of Atlas, of whom he begot: of Taygete, Lacedaemon; of Electra, Dardanus; of Maia, Mercury; of Plutis, Tantalus; Phthia, [daughter] of Phoroneus, of whom he begot Achaeus; [Chonia, daughter of Aramnus, of whom he begot Lacon;] the nymph Chalcea, of whom is born Olympus; the nymph Charidia, of whom is born Alchanus; Chloris, who was [the wife] of Ampycus, of whom is born Mopsus; Cotonia, [daughter] of Lesbus, of whom is born Polymedes; Hippodamia, [daughter] of Anicetus; Chrysogenia, [daughter] of Peneus, of whom is born Thissaeus.

XXII. Sed et alia sunt plurima ejus adulteria, ex quibus nec progeniem suscepit, quae enumerare satis longum est. Verum ex his omnibus quas enumeravimus, nonnullas transformatus, utpote magus, vitiavit. Denique Antiopen Nyctei versus in satyrum corrupit, ex qua nascuntur Amphion et Zethus; Alcmenam mutatus in virum ejus Amphitryonem, ex qua nascitur Hercules; Aeginam Asopi mutatus in aquilam, ex qua nascitur Aeacus. Sed et Ganymedem Dardani, mutatus nihilominus in aquilam stuprat; Mantheam Phoci mutatus in ursum, ex qua nascitur Arctos; Danaen Acrisii mutatus in aurum, ex qua nascitur Perseus; Europen Phoenicis mutatus in taurum, ex qua nascitur Minos et Rhadamantus, Sarpedonque; Eurymedusam Achelai

XXII. But there are also very many other adulteries of his, from which he did not even receive offspring, which it would take rather long to enumerate. But of all these women whom we have enumerated, some he violated in a changed form, being a magician. Thus, turned into a satyr, he corrupted Antiope, [daughter] of Nycteus, of whom are born Amphion and Zethus; Alcmena, changed into her husband Amphitryon, of whom is born Hercules; Aegina, [daughter] of Asopus, changed into an eagle, of whom is born Aeacus. But Ganymede also, [son] of Dardanus, he defiles, changed likewise into an eagle; Manthea, [daughter] of Phocus, changed into a bear, of whom is born Arctos; Danae, [daughter] of Acrisius, changed into gold, of whom is born Perseus; Europa, [daughter] of Phoenix, changed into a bull, of whom are born Minos and Rhadamanthus, and Sarpedon; Eurymedusa, [daughter] of Achelaus,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1432

Footnotes

(30) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image; column inferred› · call in col 1432

Hippodamiam. Alii Laodamiam. Diodorus Siculus Δηϊδάμειαν.

"Hippodamia." Others, "Laodamia". Diodorus Siculus, "Deidamia".

(printed under page 713)

(31) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image; column inferred› · call in col 1432

Olympiadam. Pro Olympiadem. Ὀλυμπιάδα.

"Olympiadam." For "Olympiadem". Ὀλυμπιάδα.

(printed under page 713)

(32) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image; column inferred› · call in col 1432

Pyrrham Promethei. Al. Erimethei pro Epimethei. Apollodorus lib. i, Πύῤῥαν τὴν Ἐπιμηθέως καὶ Πανδώρας.

"Pyrrha, daughter of Prometheus." Elsewhere "Erimethei", for "Epimethei". Apollodorus, book I: "Pyrrha, the daughter of Epimetheus and Pandora."

(printed under page 713)

(33) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image; column inferred› · call in col 1432

Helmethius. Videtur iste esse Hellen, a quo Ἕλληνες dicti.

"Helmethius." This seems to be Hellen, from whom the Hellenes are named.

(printed under page 713)

(34) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image; column inferred› · call in col 1432

Aethelium. Optima scriptura, Aethlium, Ἀέθλιον.

"Aethelium." The best spelling is "Aethlium", Ἀέθλιον.

(printed under page 713)

(35) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image; column inferred› · call in col 1432

Salaminem Asopi. Σαλαμῖνα. Pausanias in Atticis.

"Salamis, daughter of Asopus." Σαλαμῖνα. Pausanias in the Attica.

(printed under page 713)

(36) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image; column inferred› · call in col 1432

Plutiden. Plutide. Infra c. 23, Pluten. Τάνταλος Διός τε καὶ Πλουτοῦς, Pausanias in Corinthiacis.

"Plutiden. Plutide." Below, ch. 23, "Pluten". "Tantalus, son of Zeus and Pluto," Pausanias in the Corinthiaca.

(printed under page 713)

(37) ‹anchor: Eurymedusam Achelai› · call in col 1432

Eurymedusam Achelai. Ex Clementinis, Acheloi. At Clementi Alexandrino, Κλήτορος : indeque Arnobio, Clitoris.

"Eurymedusa, daughter of Achelaus." From the Clementines, "of Achelous". But in Clement of Alexandria, "of Cletor"; and thence in Arnobius, "of Clitor".

(printed under page 713)

Page

running head: S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1432
marginal letters: A ‹nanti, ex qua nascitur Belus›; B ‹Taygete quidem Lacedaemonem›; C ‹Alcmenam mutatus in virum›; D (beside the foot notes, not beside the text)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column opens with "nanti," (end of "Munanti", set whole in column 1431), so this file begins at "ex qua". The two punctuation misprints are UNSURE (a full point after Aramni and a colon after Saracon appear printed; either may be worn type). Foot-note calls (30)-(37) removed; the foot notes (COTELERII NOTAE 29-37) are editors' apparatus, not set. Relations supplied in English brackets (daughter/wife/son) interpret the bare genitives and are interpretive.

PG 1:1433

mutatus in formicam, ex qua nascitur Myrmidon; Thaliam (Aetnam) nympham mutatus in vulturem, ex qua nascuntur apud Siciliam Palisci; Imandram Geneani apud Rhodum, mutatus in imbrem; Cassiopeiam mutatus in virum ejus Phoenicem, ex qua nascitur Anchinos; Ledam Thestii mutatus in cycnum, ex qua nascitur Helena; et iterum eamdem mutatus in stellam, ex qua nascuntur Castor et Pollux; Lamiam mutatus in upupam; Mnemosynen mutatus in pastorem, ex qua nascuntur Musae novem; Nemesin mutatus in anserem; Semelen Cadmiam mutatus in ignem, ex qua nascitur Dionysius. Ex filia autem sua Cerere genuit Persephonen, quam et ipsam corrupit mutatus in draconem.

changed into an ant, of whom is born Myrmidon; the nymph Thalia (Aetna), changed into a vulture, of whom are born in Sicily the Palisci; Imandra, [daughter] of Geneanus, at Rhodes, changed into a shower of rain; Cassiopeia, changed into her husband Phoenix, of whom is born Anchinos; Leda, [daughter] of Thestius, changed into a swan, of whom is born Helen; and the same woman again, changed into a star, of whom are born Castor and Pollux; Lamia, changed into a hoopoe; Mnemosyne, changed into a shepherd, of whom are born the nine Muses; Nemesis, changed into a goose; Semele the Cadmean, changed into fire, of whom is born Dionysius. And of his own daughter Ceres he begot Persephone, whom herself also he corrupted, changed into a serpent.

XXIII. Sed et Europam patrui sui Oceani uxorem et sororem ejus Eurynomen adulterat, et patrem punit, et Pluten Atlantis filii sui adulterat filiam, ex qua natum sibi filium Tantalum damnat. Ex Larisse etiam Orchomeni genuit Tityonem, quem et ipsum suppliciis tradidit. Diam Ixionis filii sui diripiens uxorem, ipsum perennibus subjicit poenis, et pene omnes quos ex adulteriis genuit filios, violentae mortis conditione damnavit, quorum et sepulcra pene omnium manifesta sunt. Ipsius denique parricidae, qui et patruos peremit et uxores eorum vitiavit, sororibus stuprum intulit, multiformis magi sepulcrum evidens est apud Cretenses, qui tamen scientes et confitentes infanda ejus atque incesta opera, et omnibus enarrantes ipsi eum

XXIII. But he also commits adultery with Europa, the wife of his uncle Oceanus, and with her sister Eurynome, and punishes his father; and he commits adultery with Pluto, the daughter of his own son Atlas, and condemns Tantalus, the son born to him of her. Of Larisse also, [daughter] of Orchomenus, he begot Tityon, whom likewise he delivered over to punishments. Carrying off Dia, the wife of his own son Ixion, he subjects him to everlasting pains; and almost all the sons whom he begot from his adulteries he condemned to the lot of a violent death, and the tombs of almost all of them are well known. Finally, the tomb of the parricide himself, who both slew his uncles and violated their wives, who inflicted defilement on his sisters, the magician of many shapes, is plainly to be seen among the Cretans; who nevertheless, knowing and confessing his unspeakable and incestuous deeds, and relating them to all, themselves

Editors' notes and page, col. 1433

Footnotes

COTELERII NOTAE. (printed under page 714)

(38) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image; column inferred› · call in col 1433

Thaliam Aetnam. Palicorum, non Paliscorum, matrem dictam fuisse ab aliis Thaliam, ab aliis Aetnam discimus ex Stephano in Παλική, et Servio ad Aeneid. ix. Quare videtur hoc loco alterutrum solummodo nomen ad textum pertinere, aliud vero esse glossema marginale. Certe Gallica interpretatio solius Thaliae mentionem facit.

"Thalia Aetna." That the mother of the Palici (not "Palisci") was called Thalia by some and Aetna by others we learn from Stephanus under Palike, and from Servius on Aeneid IX. Hence it seems that in this place only one or the other name belongs to the text, and that the other is a marginal gloss. Certainly the French translation mentions Thalia alone.

(printed under page 714)

(39) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image; column inferred› · call in col 1433

Imandram Geneani. Codd. Sorb. et Th., Mandam Gegeneam. Reg. et Pet., Imandam Geneam. Candel. Immandam Gegeneam. Clementinorum v, 13, Εἵμᾳ τῇ γηγενεῖ. Ex quibus suspicor Rufinum audientem a lectore suo Εἵμαν τὴν γηγενέα, vertisse Imandam Gegeneam, cum debuisset, Imam terrigenam.

"Imandram Geneani." The Sorbonne and Th. codices: "Mandam Gegeneam". The Royal and Petit's: "Imandam Geneam". The Candel.: "Immandam Gegeneam". Clementines V, 13: "to Heima the earth-born". From which I suspect that Rufinus, hearing from his reader Εἵμαν τὴν γηγενέα, rendered it "Imandam Gegeneam", when he ought to have written "Ima the earth-born".

(printed under page 714)

(40) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image; column inferred› · call in col 1433

Cassiopeiam. Addunt codd. nostri sex : mutatus in virum ejus Phoenicem; recte, ut patet ex Clementinis, ac ex Scholiaste Apollonii ad Argonaut. lib. ii, 178.

"Cassiopeia." Our six codices add: "changed into her husband Phoenix"; rightly, as is clear from the Clementines and from the Scholiast on Apollonius, Argonautica book II, 178.

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Ex Larisse. Tityonis, seu potius Tityi matrem alii Elaram vocant.

"From Larisse." Others call the mother of Tityon, or rather Tityus, Elara.

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Ipsius denique parricidae, etc. Caesarii locus Dialogo 2, Respons. ad Interrogat. 112, qui ex hoc formatus videtur, pessime acceptus fuit a librariis : Οὐ Θεῷ, ἀλλὰ σποδῷ προσκυνοῦσι, διὰ τοῦ πατραλοίου, καὶ τῶν οἰκείων τέκνων τοὺς γάμους φθείραντος, καὶ ἐν τάφῳ παρὰ κρίσει φθαρέντος, ὅπερ οὐκ ἔστι θεοῦ. Adeone difficile erat videre, παρὰ Κρησί ? Non Deum, sed cinerem adorant, in parricida, eo qui liberorum suorum matrimonia corrupit, atque in sepulcro apud Cretenses computruit; id quod non est Dei. Sed et forsan legendum Διὸς pro διά.

"Finally, of the parricide himself", etc. The passage of Caesarius, Dialogue 2, Answer to Question 112, which seems to have been formed from this one, has been very badly treated by the copyists: "They worship not God but ashes, through the parricide, who also corrupted the marriages of his own children, and rotted in a tomb παρὰ κρίσει, which is not the mark of a god." Was it so hard to see παρὰ Κρησί ("among the Cretans")? "They adore not God but ashes, in the parricide, him who corrupted the marriages of his own children and rotted away in a tomb among the Cretans; which is not what belongs to God." But perhaps also Διὸς ("of Zeus") should be read for διά.

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Page

running head: 1433 RECOGNITIONUM L⟨ ⟩ (right part of the head outside the image)
marginal letters: A ‹mutatus in formicam, ex qua›; B ‹et sororem ejus Eurynomen›; C (beside the foot notes); D (beside the foot notes)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column begins and ends mid-sentence. The parentheses around "Aetnam" are printed in the text. Foot-note calls (38)-(42) removed; COTELERII NOTAE 38-44 at the foot are editors' apparatus, not set. Spellings "pulcra", "sepulcrum", "pene", "Larisse", "Tityonem", "Anchinos" as printed. Relations supplied in English brackets interpret the bare genitives.

PG 1:1434

confiteri deum non erubescunt; unde mirum mihi et valde mirum videtur, quomodo is qui super omnes mortales scelere et flagitiis eminet, sanctum et quod est super omne bonum nomen acceperit, ut pater deorum atque hominum vocaretur; nisi forte ille qui malis hominum gaudet, eum quem sceleribus eminere supra caeteros vidit, supra caeteros ei honorem conferre infelices animas suasit, ut ad imitationem malorum invitaret universos.

are not ashamed to confess him a god; whence it seems to me a wonder, and a very great wonder, how he who stands out above all mortals in crime and shameful deeds should have received a name that is holy and above every good, so as to be called the father of gods and men; unless perhaps he who rejoices in the evils of men persuaded unhappy souls to bestow honour above the rest on him whom he saw to be pre-eminent above the rest in crimes, that he might invite all to the imitation of evil deeds.

XXIV. Sed et filiorum ejus, qui apud eos dii putantur, sepulcra singulis quibusque in locis manifestissime demonstrantur: Mercurii apud Hermopolim, Cypriae Veneris apud Cyprum, Martis in Thracia, Liberi apud Thebas, ubi discerptus traditur, Herculis apud Tyrum, ubi igni crematus est, in Epidauro Aesculapii; quique omnes non solum ut homines defuncti, sed ut nequam homines puniti pro sceleribus docentur, et tamen ab stultis hominibus ut dii adorantur.

XXIV. But the tombs also of his sons, who among them are thought gods, are most plainly shown in their several places: that of Mercury at Hermopolis, of the Cyprian Venus in Cyprus, of Mars in Thrace, of Liber at Thebes, where he is reported to have been torn to pieces, of Hercules at Tyre, where he was burnt with fire, of Aesculapius in Epidaurus; and all of these are shown to have been not only men who died, but wicked men punished for their crimes, and yet they are adored as gods by foolish men.

XXV. Quod si argumentari volunt, et magis haec loca ortus eorum quam sepulturae vel mortis affirmant, ex vicinis et adhuc recentibus gestis priora et vetera convincentur, cum docuerimus adorari ab eis eos, quos etiam homines ipsi et defunctos vel potius punitos esse profitentur, verbi gratia ut Syri Adonem, Aegyptii Osirin, Ilienses Hectorem, apud Leuconessum Achillem, apud Pontum Patroclum, apud Rhodum Alexandrum Macedonem,

XXV. But if they wish to argue, and affirm that these are rather the places of their birth than of their burial or death, the earlier and ancient things will be refuted from deeds near at hand and still recent, when we have shown that those are adored by them whom they themselves profess to have been men and to have died, or rather to have been punished: as, for example, the Syrians [adore] Adonis, the Egyptians Osiris, the people of Ilium Hector, at Leuconessus Achilles, in Pontus Patroclus, at Rhodes Alexander the Macedonian,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1434

Footnotes

(43) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image; column inferred› · call in col 1434

Mercurii, apud Hermopolim. Hinc Caesarius loco citato : Ἐν μὲν τῇ Ἑρμουπόλει τὸν ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον ἀνερμήνευτον Ἑρμῆν εἰς κόνιν διαλυθέντα. Hermopoli quidem Mercurium cujus exponi oratione flagitia nequeunt, redactum in pulverem.

"Of Mercury, at Hermopolis." Hence Caesarius in the place cited: "In Hermopolis, Hermes, inexpressible for the worse, dissolved into dust." "At Hermopolis indeed Mercury, whose shameful deeds cannot be set forth in speech, reduced to dust."

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Cypriae Veneris apud Cyprum. Caesarius ibidem : Ἐν δὲ Κύπρῳ τὴν Κύπριν, Κύπρῳ ἐν τάφῳ κειμένην. Martyrium S. Ignatii : Ἀφροδίτης ὁ τάφος ἐν Πάφῳ δείκνυται.

"Of Cyprian Venus in Cyprus." Caesarius in the same place: "And in Cyprus the Cyprian, lying in a tomb in Cyprus." The Martyrdom of St Ignatius: "The tomb of Aphrodite is shown in Paphos."

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Martis in Thracia. Pergit Caesarius : Ἐν δὲ Θράκῃ Ἄρην, τὸν τῆς ἀρᾶς ἐπώνυμον. In Chronico Alexandrino, pag. 88 : Καὶ ἐλθὼν ἐν τῇ Θρᾴκῃ ἐκεῖ τελευτήσας κεῖται.

"Of Mars in Thrace." Caesarius goes on: "And in Thrace Ares, named after the curse (ara)." In the Alexandrian Chronicle, p. 88: "And having come into Thrace, he died there and lies there."

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Liberi apud Thebas. Caesarius : Ἐν Θήβαις Διόνυσος. Vide Clementina, hom. 5, c. 23.

"Of Liber at Thebes." Caesarius: "In Thebes, Dionysus." See the Clementines, hom. 5, ch. 23.

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Herculis, apud Tyrum ubi igni crematus est. In Vita S. Ignatii apud Bollandum : Hercules igne consumptus est in Tyro. Arnobius lib. i : Thebanus aut Tyrius Hercules; hic in finibus sepultus Hispaniae, flammis alter concrematus Oeteis. Apud Caesarium : Ἐν Τύρῳ Ἡρακλῆς, μᾶλλον δὲ Ἡράκλης πυριάλωτος γενόμενος διὰ κακίαν, ὑπὸ τῶν ἀθέων ἐκθειάζεται· qui locus, modo sanus sit, ita ex Etymologico magno intelligendus videtur, quod Ἡρακλῆς potius sit ἐν ἥρᾳ seu ἔρᾳ ἀκλεής, in terra inglorius, quam ἥρας seu ἔρας κλέος, terrae gloria.

"Of Hercules, at Tyre, where he was burned with fire." In the Life of St Ignatius in Bollandus: "Hercules was consumed by fire in Tyre." Arnobius, book I: "The Theban or the Tyrian Hercules; the latter buried in the territory of Spain, the other burned up in the flames of Oeta." In Caesarius: "In Tyre Heracles — or rather 'Heraclês', having been consumed by fire on account of his wickedness — is deified by the godless"; which passage, provided it is sound, seems to need understanding from the Etymologicum Magnum in this way: that Heracles is rather "inglorious on the earth" (ἐν ἥρᾳ or ἔρᾳ ἀκλεής) than "the glory of the earth" (ἥρας or ἔρας κλέος).

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In Epidauro. Aesculapii. Ἐν Ἐπιδαύρῳ Ἀσκλήπιος. Caesarius. Lege Pausaniae Corinthiaca.

"In Epidaurus. Of Aesculapius." "In Epidaurus, Asclepius": Caesarius. Read Pausanias's Corinthiaca.

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(49) ‹anchor: Aegyptii Osirin› · call in col 1434

Syri Adonem. Aegyptii Osirin. Caesario : Καὶ Σύροι μὲν οἱ φερώνυμοι συρφετοὶ, τὸν τοῦ ᾅδου ἐπώνυμον Ἄδωνιν ἐξεθείασαν κακῶς. Αἰγύπτιοι δὲ τὸν συρόμενον καὶ γεωπετῆ Ὄσιριν.

"The Syrians Adonis. The Egyptians Osiris." In Caesarius: "And the Syrians, a rabble true to their name, wickedly deified Adonis, named after Hades. And the Egyptians, Osiris, who is dragged along and falls to the ground."

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(50) ‹anchor: Ilienses Hectorem› · call in col 1434

Ilienses Hectorem. Id quoque traditur ab Athenagora in Legatione pro Christianis; et a Caesario. Sed apud hunc τὸν Νέκτορα pro τὸν Ἕκτορα perperam ediderunt.

"The people of Ilium Hector." This too is reported by Athenagoras in the Embassy for the Christians, and by Caesarius. But in the latter they have wrongly printed τὸν Νέκτορα for τὸν Ἕκτορα.

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(51) ‹anchor: apud Leuconessum Achillem› · call in col 1434

Apud Leuconessum Achillem. In Clementinis. Ἀχιλλέα ἐν Λευκῇ τῇ νήσῳ. Notissima est haec Achillis insula Leuce, seu Achillea, et Macaron, Μακάρων. Non intelligo autem quid sit Ἰκακὸν in his Caesarii, οἱ ἐν Λευκῇ τῇ νήσῳ τὸν Ἰκακὸν Ἀχιλλέα. Substitui posset, ἀείκακον.

"At Leuconessus Achilles." In the Clementines: "Achilles in the island Leuke." This island of Achilles is very well known — Leuce, or Achillea, and "of the Blessed", Μακάρων. But I do not understand what Ἰκακὸν is in these words of Caesarius: "those in the island Leuke [deified] the Ἰκακὸν Achilles." One could substitute ἀείκακον ("ever-evil").

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(52) ‹anchor: apud Pontum Patroclum› · call in col 1434

Apud Pontum Patroclum. Simili modo legebat Caesarius. Πόντιοι, inquit, τὸν πατραλοίαν Πά- (continues)

"At Pontus Patroclus." Caesarius read in a similar way. "The people of Pontus," he says, "[deified] the parricide Pa-[troclus] … (continues)

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Page

running head: ⟨RE⟩COGNITIONUM LIB. X. 1434 (left part of the head outside the image)
marginal letters: A ‹confiteri deum non erubescunt›; B ‹crematus est (47), in Epidauro›; C (beside the foot notes); D (beside the foot notes)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column begins mid-sentence. The last word is split at the column break (Macedo-|nem); completed from the first line of column 1435, which was seen. Foot-note calls (43)-(52) removed; COTELERII NOTAE at the foot are editors' apparatus, not set. Spellings "sepulcra", "Adonem", "Leuconessum" as printed.

PG 1:1435

multosque alios per diversa loca singuli ut deos colunt et adorant, quos homines mortuos fuisse non dubitant. Unde consequens est etiam priores simili errore prolapsos, mortuis hominibus, qui forte potentiae aliquid vel artis habuerant, maximeque si phantasiis magicis in stuporem stolidos homines adduxerant, honorem contulisse divinum.

and many others in various places they severally worship and adore as gods, whom they do not doubt to have been dead men. Whence it follows that the earlier men also, fallen into a like error, bestowed divine honour on dead men who happened to have had some power or skill, and especially if they had brought dull-witted men to amazement by magical illusions.

XXVI. Jam hinc additum est, ut et poetae elegantia verborum commenta erroris ornarent, et suavitate dicendi immortales effectos esse ex mortalibus persuaderent; imo et amplius aliquid, ex hominibus aiunt stellas fieri, et arbores, et animalia, et flores, et aves fontesque ac fluvios, et ni verbositas videretur, omnes pene stellas, quas ex hominibus effectas asserunt enumerare vel arbores vel fontes ac fluvios possem; exempli tamen causa singula saltem ex singulis memorabo. Andromedam Cephei in stellam dicunt esse conversam, Daphnen Ladonis fluvii filiam in arborem commutatam, Hyacinthum Apollinis dilectum in florem, Callisto in sidus quod Arcton vocant, Prognen et Philomelam cum Tereo in aves, Thysben apud Ciliciam in fontem, et Pyramum inibi in fluvium resolutos, omnesque pene, ut dixi, vel stellas, vel arbores, fontesque ac fluvios, floresque et animalia, vel aves, aliquando homines fuisse confirmant.

XXVI. From this point it was further added that the poets also adorned the fictions of error with elegance of words, and by sweetness of speech persuaded men that mortals had been made immortal; nay, and something more: they say that from men are made stars, and trees, and animals, and flowers, and birds and springs and rivers; and, did it not seem wordiness, I could enumerate almost all the stars which they assert to have been made from men, or the trees or springs and rivers; yet for the sake of example I will mention at least one of each kind. They say that Andromeda, the daughter of Cepheus, was turned into a star; Daphne, the daughter of the river Ladon, changed into a tree; Hyacinthus, the beloved of Apollo, into a flower; Callisto into the constellation which they call Arctos; Progne and Philomela with Tereus into birds; that Thisbe in Cilicia was dissolved into a spring, and Pyramus in the same place into a river; and they maintain that almost all, as I said, whether stars, or trees, and springs and rivers, and flowers and animals, or birds, were once men.

XXVII. At Petrus haec audiens ait: Ergo secundum ipsos, antequam homines mutarentur in stellas, vel caetera quae enumeras, et coelum sine stellis erat et terra sine arboribus et animalibus, nec fontes, nec flumina, nec aves erant; et quomodo ipsi homines vixerunt sine his, qui in haec postmodum mutati sunt, cum constet nec potuisse prorsus sine his vitam ducere homines in terris? Et ego respondi: Sed ne ipsum quidem cultum deorum suorum observare consequenter norunt; unusquisque enim eorum quos colunt, habet aliquid sibi dicatum, a quo debent se continere cultores, utpote Minervae olivam, Jovi capram ferunt dicatam, Cereri semina, Libero vinum, Osiri aquam, Hammoni arietem, Dianae cervum, Syrorum daemoni piscem et columbam, Vulcano ignem; et unicuique, ut dixi, est aliquid proprie dicatum, a quo oportebat abstinere se cultores ad honorem eorum quibus dicata sunt. Nunc autem singuli ab uno aliquo se observantes, pro unius honore caeteros omnes iratos habent; quos utique si

XXVII. But Peter, hearing these things, said: Then according to them, before men were changed into stars, or the other things which you enumerate, both the heaven was without stars and the earth without trees and animals, and there were neither springs, nor rivers, nor birds; and how did those men themselves live without these things, who were afterwards changed into them, since it is agreed that men could not at all have led life on earth without them? And I answered: But they do not even know how to observe consistently the very worship of their own gods; for each one of those whom they worship has something dedicated to himself, from which his worshippers ought to keep themselves: thus they say that the olive is dedicated to Minerva, the she-goat to Jupiter, seeds to Ceres, wine to Liber, water to Osiris, the ram to Hammon, the stag to Diana, the fish and the dove to the demon of the Syrians, fire to Vulcan; and each, as I said, has something specially dedicated to him, from which the worshippers ought to have abstained in honour of those to whom the things are dedicated. But as it is, each keeping himself from some one thing, for the honour of one they have all the rest angry; whom assuredly, if

Editors' notes and page, col. 1435

Footnotes

COTELERII NOTAE. (printed under page 717)

(53) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image; column inferred› · call in col 1435

Apud Rhodum Alexandrum Macedonem. Joculariter apud Caesarium, Ῥόδιοι τὸν εἰκήμαχον Μακέδονα, verterunt, Rhodii Icemachum Macedonem. Tu serio, temerarium pugnatorem intellige.

"At Rhodes Alexander the Macedonian." Laughably, in Caesarius, the words "the Rhodians [deified] the rash-fighting Macedonian" have been translated "the Rhodians, Icemachus the Macedonian". Do you understand it in earnest: "the reckless fighter".

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Prognem et Philomelam cum Tereo. Legatur velim elegans Epistola Gregorii Nazianzeni, prima numero, noteturque eam epistolam in codice Vindobonensi, Lambeciano 75, Theologicorum Graecorum, tribui Basilio, perperam : ms. autem Regio 1474 titulum habere : Πρὸς Κελεύσιον ἄρχοντα, ἡνίκα ἐν Γλαμίδι (f. τῇ Λαμίδι ex epist. 99) ἡσύχασεν.

"Procne and Philomela with Tereus." I would have the elegant Letter of Gregory Nazianzen, the first in number, read; and let it be noted that in the Vienna codex, Lambeck's no. 75 of the Greek Theological manuscripts, that letter is attributed to Basil, wrongly; while in the Royal MS 1474 it bears the title: "To Celeusius the magistrate, when he kept silence at Glamis" (perhaps "at Lamis", from letter 99).

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Osiri aquam. Quia per Osiridem aquam intelligebant : μεταλαμβάνουσι, τὸν μὲν Ὄσιριν εἰς ὕδωρ, τὴν δὲ Ἶσιν εἰς γῆν. Origenes, v in Celsum, p. 65; seu τὸ ὑγρὸν, in Sallustio philosopho De diis et mundo c. 4; seu Nilum, teste Heliodoro lib. ix, post Aelianum lib. x, De natura animalium, c. 46, Plutarchum De Iside ac Osiride, atque Eusebium Praeparat. evang. lib. iii, c. 11. Videantur Clementina hom. vi, n. 9.

"To Osiris, water." Because by Osiris they understood water: "they transfer Osiris into water, and Isis into earth", Origen, Against Celsus V, p. 65; or "the moist", in Sallustius the philosopher, On the Gods and the World, ch. 4; or the Nile, as Heliodorus attests, book IX, after Aelian, book X On the Nature of Animals, ch. 46, Plutarch, On Isis and Osiris, and Eusebius, Praeparatio evangelica book III, ch. 11. See the Clementines, hom. VI, no. 9.

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Page

running head: 1435 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. ⟨ ⟩ (right part of the head outside the image)
marginal letters: A ‹nem (53), multosque alios›; B ‹effectas asserunt enumerare›; C ‹nec flumina, nec aves erant› (set between this line and the one above); D ‹honore caeteros omnes iratos›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column opens with "nem" (end of "Macedonem", set whole in column 1434), so this file begins at "multosque"; it ends mid-sentence. Foot-note calls (53)-(55) removed; COTELERII NOTAE at the foot are editors' apparatus, not set. "unusquisque" is blurred in the scan (the first n looks like u); read as the regular form, UNSURE whether a turned letter is actually printed. Spellings "pene", "Prognen", "Thysben", "Hammoni" as printed.

PG 1:1436

placare velint, pro honore omnium abstinere se ab omnibus oportebat, ut ante diem judicii justa a semetipsis sententia condemnati, morte miserrima per inediam deperirent.

they wished to appease, they ought for the honour of all to have abstained from all things, so that, condemned before the day of judgement by a just sentence from their own selves, they might perish by a most wretched death through starvation.

XXVIII. Verum ad propositum revertamur. Quae, malum! ratio est, imo quae amentia mortalium possidet mentes, ut hominem quem impium, scelestum, profanum, Jovem dico, incestum, parricidam, adulterum non solum sciunt esse, sed et publice in theatris cantant, hunc ut deum colant et adorent? Aut si pro his gestis deus esse meruit, ergo et si quos audiunt homicidas, adulteros, parricidas, incestos etiam nunc debent ut deos adorare. Sed quod in aliis exsecrantur, scire omnino non possum cur in illo venerentur. Et Petrus respondit: Quoniam te nescire dicis, disce a me cur in illo facinorosa gesta venerentur; primo quidem, ut cum ipsi similia egerint, acceptos se ei futuros sciant, utpote quem imitantur in flagitiis; secundo, quod haec litteris scite recondita et versibus eleganter inserta veteres reliquerunt. Et nunc puerilis eruditionis obtentu, cum eorum notitia teneris et simplicibus adhaeserit mentibus, revelli ex eis atque abjici difficulter potest.

XXVIII. But let us return to our subject. What reason is it, alas! or rather what madness possesses the minds of mortals, that a man whom they not only know to be impious, wicked, profane, I mean Jupiter, incestuous, a parricide, an adulterer, but also sing of publicly in the theatres, him they worship and adore as a god? Or if for these deeds he has deserved to be a god, then also, if they hear of any murderers, adulterers, parricides, incestuous persons, they ought even now to adore them as gods. But what they execrate in others, I cannot at all tell why they venerate in him. And Peter answered: Since you say that you do not know, learn from me why they venerate criminal deeds in him: first, indeed, that when they themselves have done the like, they may know that they will be acceptable to him, as one whom they imitate in shameful deeds; secondly, because the ancients left these things skilfully stored up in letters and elegantly worked into verses. And now, under the pretext of the instruction of boys, when the knowledge of them has clung to tender and simple minds, it can with difficulty be torn out of them and cast away.

XXIX. Haec cum dixisset Petrus, Niceta respondit: Non putes, domine mi Petre, non habere eruditos quosque gentilium verisimilitudines quasdam, quibus astruant haec quae culpabilia videntur et probrosa: quae quidem ego non ut confirmans errores eorum dico (absit enim a me, ut hoc vel ad cogitationem meam veniat), sed tamen scio esse apud prudentiores ipsorum defensiones quasdam, quibus astruere et colorare solent haec quae videntur absurda. Et si tibi placet, ut aliqua ex his proferam, quae ex parte aliqua retineo, ut jubes faciam. Cumque Petrus permisisset, Niceta hoc modo coepit:

XXIX. When Peter had said these things, Niceta answered: Do not suppose, my lord Peter, that the learned among the Gentiles have not certain plausible arguments by which they support these things which seem blameworthy and disgraceful; which indeed I say not as confirming their errors (for far be it from me that this should so much as come into my thought), but yet I know that there are among the more prudent of them certain defences, by which they are accustomed to support and to colour these things which seem absurd. And if it pleases you that I should bring forward some of these, which I retain in some part, I will do as you bid. And when Peter had given leave, Niceta began in this way:

XXX. Omnis sermo apud Graecos, qui de antiquitatis origine conscribitur, cum alios multos, tum duos praecipuos auctores habet, Orpheum et Hesiodum. Horum ergo scripta in duas partes intelligentiae dividuntur, id est, secundum litteram et secundum allegoriam; et ad ea quidem quae secundum litteram sunt, ignobilis vulgi turba confluxit, ea vero quae secundum allegoriam constant, omnis philosophorum et eruditorum loquacitas admirata est. Orpheus igitur est, qui dicit primo fuisse chaos sempiternum, immensum, ingenitum, ex

XXX. Every account among the Greeks which is written concerning the origin of antiquity has, besides many others, two principal authors, Orpheus and Hesiod. Now their writings are divided into two parts of understanding, that is, according to the letter and according to allegory; and to the things which are according to the letter the crowd of the ignoble multitude has flocked, but the things which stand according to allegory all the talkativeness of the philosophers and the learned has admired. It is Orpheus, then, who says that at first there was chaos, everlasting, immense, unbegotten, from

Editors' notes and page, col. 1436

Footnotes

(56) ‹anchor: Orpheus igitur› · call in col 1436

Orpheus igitur. De Orphei doctrina inter alia lege Graecum fragmentum Timothei Chronographi in Eusebii Chronicis paulo post initium, atque ex eo corrige Cedrenum pag. 46, ubi pudendo scripturae errato Orpheus dicitur ὁ Βρωύσιος, qui Ὀδρύσιος erat.

"Orpheus, then." On the teaching of Orpheus read, among other things, the Greek fragment of Timotheus the Chronographer in Eusebius's Chronicle, a little after the beginning, and from it correct Cedrenus, p. 46, where by a shameful error of writing Orpheus is called ὁ Βρωύσιος, he who was "the Odrysian".

(printed under page 717)

Page

running head: ⟨S. CLEMENTI⟩S I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1436 (left part of the head outside the image)
marginal letters: A ‹placare velint, pro honore›; B ‹Quoniam te nescire dicis›; C ‹apud prudentiores ipsorum› (set between this line and the one above); D ‹chaos sempiternum, immensum›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column begins and ends mid-sentence. Foot-note call (56) removed; COTELERII NOTAE 55-56 at the foot are editors' apparatus, not set. "exsecrantur": the s is blotted in the scan; "putes" has a damaged t; both read with confidence. "astruant", "astruere" as printed. Note (55), printed under this column's foot, is called in col. 1435 and set in that column's notes file. QA Q4: in note (56) the corrupt Greek epithet was re-read from both foot images as Βρωύσιος (fourth letter upsilon, not a second omega); UNSURE at this image resolution, to be confirmed at higher zoom.

PG 1:1437

quo omnia facta sunt; hoc sane ipsum chaos non tenebras dixit esse, non lucem, non humidum, non aridum, non calidum, non frigidum, sed omnia simul mista, et semper unum fuisse informe; aliquando tamen quasi ad ovi immanis modum, per immensa tempora effectam peperisse ac protulisse ex se duplicem quamdam speciem, quam illi masculofeminam vocant, ex contraria admistione hujusmodi diversitatis speciem concretam; et hoc esse principium omnium, quod primum ex materia puriore processerit, quodque procedens discretionem quatuor elementorum dederit, et ex duobus quae prima sunt elementis fecerit coelum, ex aliis autem terram, ex quibus jam omnia participatione sui invicem nasci dicit et gigni. Haec quidem Orpheus.

which all things were made; this chaos itself, indeed, he said was not darkness, not light, not moist, not dry, not hot, not cold, but all things mixed together, and that it was always one formless thing; yet that at length, as it were after the manner of an immense egg, it bore and brought forth from itself a certain twofold form, fashioned through immense ages, which they call male-female, a form compacted from the contrary admixture of such diversity; and that this is the beginning of all things, which first proceeded from the purer matter, and which, in proceeding, gave the separation of the four elements, and from the two elements which are first made the heaven, and from the others the earth; from which he says that all things are now born and begotten by mutual participation in one another. So far Orpheus.

XXXI. Subjungit autem his et Hesiodus, post chaos statim coelum dicens factum esse et terram, ex quibus ait progenitos illos undecim, quos interdum et duodecim dicit, ex quibus sex mares, quinque feminas ponit; nomina autem dat maribus: Oceanus, Coeus, Crius, Hyperion, Iapetus, Cronus, qui et Saturnus; item feminis: Thia, Rhea, Themis, Mnemosyne, Thetys, quae nomina per allegoriam hoc modo interpretantur: numerum quidem undecim vel duodecim, ipsam dicunt primam naturam, quam et Rheam a fluendo dictam volunt; reliquos autem decem accidentia ejus dicunt quas et qualitates appellant; duodecimum tamen addunt et Cronum quem apud nos Saturnum dicunt; hunc pro tempore accipiunt. Saturnum ergo et Rheam tempus ponunt et materiam, quae ubi cum humido et arido et calido et frigido tempore fuerint admista, omnia generant.

XXXI. But Hesiod also adds to these, saying that immediately after chaos the heaven and the earth were made, from which he says those eleven were begotten, whom he sometimes also calls twelve, of whom he makes six males and five females; and he gives the names to the males: Oceanus, Coeus, Crius, Hyperion, Iapetus, Cronus, who is also Saturn; likewise to the females: Thia, Rhea, Themis, Mnemosyne, Tethys; which names are interpreted by allegory in this way: the number eleven or twelve they say is the first nature itself, which they also hold to be called Rhea from flowing; and the remaining ten they say are its accidents, which they also call qualities; yet they add as a twelfth Cronus also, whom among us they call Saturn; him they take for time. Saturn and Rhea, therefore, they set down as time and matter; which, when they have been mixed in time with the moist and the dry and the hot and the cold, generate all things.

XXXII. Haec ergo, inquit, primo omnium tempore multo concretam genuit quamdam quasi bullam, quae ex spiritu qui in aquis erat, paulatim collecta intumuit, et aliquanto tempore circumacta per superficiem materiae, ex qua quasi ex vulva processerat, rigore frigoris obdurata et glacialibus augmentis semper increscens, abrupta tandem demergitur in profundum, ac pondere ipso pertracta in infernum descendit, et quia invisibilis facta est, Aides appellata est, qui et Orcus vel Pluto nominatur. Cumque de superioribus mergeretur in inferna, locum confluendi humido praebuit elemento, et pars crassior, quae est terra, aquis cedentibus patefacta est.

XXXII. This [matter], then, he says, first of all begot a certain bubble, as it were, compacted through much time, which, gathered little by little from the spirit that was in the waters, swelled up; and, driven round for some time over the surface of the matter from which it had come forth as from a womb, hardened by the rigour of cold and ever growing by icy increases, it is at length broken off and sunk into the deep, and, dragged down by its very weight, descends to the lower region; and because it became invisible it was called Aides, who is also named Orcus or Pluto. And when it was sinking from the upper parts into the lower, it afforded a place for the moist element to flow together, and the grosser part, which is the earth, was laid bare as the waters gave way.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1437

Footnotes

COTELERII NOTAE. (printed under page 718)

(57) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image; column inferred› · call in col 1437

Illos undecim, quos interdum et duodecim dicit. Theogoniae vers. 133, etc. Ὠκεανὸν, Κοῖον, Κρεῖον, Ὑπερίονα, Ἰαπετὸν, Θείαν, Ῥείαν, Θέμιν, Μνημοσύνην, Φοίβην, Τηθὺν, Κρόνον. Supra c. 17 et Clementinorum homil. vi, n. 2, duodecim ponuntur. Diodorus Siculus lib. v enumerat undecim, Κρόνον, Ὑπερίονα, Κοῖον, Ἰαπετὸν, Κριὸν, Ὠκεανὸν, Ῥέαν, Θέμιν, Μνημοσύνην, Φοίβην, Τηθύν. Apollodorus lib. i, tredecim, Ὠκεανὸν, Κοῖον, Ὑπερίονα, Κρῖον, Ἰαπετὸν, Κρόνον, Τηθὺν, Ῥέαν, Θέμιν, Μνημοσύνην, Φοίβην, Διώνην, Θείαν. Orpheus denique quatuordecim, Θέμιν, Τηθὺν, Μνημοσύνην, Θείαν, Διώνην, Φοίβην, Ῥείην, Κοῖον, Κριὸν, Φόρκυν, Κρόνον, Ὠκεανὸν, Ὑπερίονα, Ἰαπετόν.

"Those eleven, whom he sometimes also calls twelve." Theogony, v. 133, etc.: Oceanus, Coeus, Crius, Hyperion, Iapetus, Theia, Rhea, Themis, Mnemosyne, Phoebe, Tethys, Cronus. Above, ch. 17, and in the Clementines, homily VI, no. 2, twelve are set down. Diodorus Siculus, book V, counts eleven: Cronus, Hyperion, Coeus, Iapetus, Crius, Oceanus, Rhea, Themis, Mnemosyne, Phoebe, Tethys. Apollodorus, book I, thirteen: Oceanus, Coeus, Hyperion, Crius, Iapetus, Cronus, Tethys, Rhea, Themis, Mnemosyne, Phoebe, Dione, Theia. Orpheus, finally, fourteen: Themis, Tethys, Mnemosyne, Theia, Dione, Phoebe, Rhea, Coeus, Crius, Phorcys, Cronus, Oceanus, Hyperion, Iapetus.

(printed under page 718)

Page

running head: 1437 RECOGNITIONUM L⟨ ⟩ (right part of the head outside the image)
marginal letters: A ‹quo omnia facta sunt; hoc sane›; B ‹XXXI. Subjungit autem his› (set between this line and the one below); C ‹pro tempore accipiunt. Saturnum› (set between this line and the one below); D ‹confluendi humido praebuit›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column begins mid-sentence and ends at a full stop. UNSURE: "effectam" (line 6) is what the page appears to print (not "effectum"); the English takes it with "speciem". "accidentia ejus dicunt quas" (feminine relative) as printed. "Thetys", "Thia", "Aides", "mista", "admistione", "quatuor" as printed. Foot-note call (57) removed; COTELERII NOTAE at the foot are editors' apparatus, not set. English "[matter]" supplied for the subject of "Haec".

PG 1:1438

Hanc ergo aquarum libertatem, quae prius bulla obtegente premebatur, postquam illa inferni sortita est locum, Neptunum esse appellatam. Post hoc cum elementum frigidum per concretionem glacialis bullae ad inferiora fuisset absorptum, et aridum fuisset humidumque discretum, nullo jam impediente, elementum calidum ignis utpote vigore et levitate ad superiora convolavit aeris, spiritu et procella subvectum. Hanc ergo procellam, quae καταιγίς Graece appellatur, aegem, id est capram dixerunt, et ignem qui ad superna conscendit, Jovem; et ideo eum capra subvectum conscendisse Olympum dicunt.

This freedom of the waters, then, which before was pressed down by the covering bubble, after that [bubble] obtained the place of the lower region, was called Neptune. After this, when the cold element had been swallowed down to the lower parts through the congealing of the icy bubble, and the dry and the moist had been separated, nothing now hindering, the hot element, as being of fire, by its vigour and lightness flew up to the upper regions of the air, borne up by wind and storm. This storm, then, which in Greek is called καταιγίς, they called aegis, that is, a she-goat, and the fire which mounted to the heights, Jupiter; and therefore they say that he mounted Olympus borne up by a she-goat.

XXXIII. Ipsum vero Jovem Graeci quidem a vivendo vel vitam dando, nostri a juvando nominatum volunt. Hanc ergo esse viventem substantiam ferunt, quae in superioribus posita, vi caloris velut cerebri ambitu ad se trahens cuncta. et cujusdam temperamenti moderatione componens, de capite dicitur genuisse sapientiam, quam Minervam vocant, quae a Graecis Ἀθήνη propter immortalitatem nominata est; quae quia pater omnium per sapientiam suam cuncta condidit, et ex ipso capite ejus et principali omnium genita dicitur loco, et temperata admistione elementorum universum formasse mundum et adornasse perhibetur. Igitur species quae materiae inditae sunt, ut fieret mundus, quia vi caloris constringuntur, Jovis viribus contineri dicuntur. Quae quoniam sufficienter se habent, nec ultra addi sibi indigent aliquid novi, sed unumquodque seminis sui posteritate reparatur, vinctae esse a Jove Saturni manus dicuntur: quia nihil novi jam, ut dixi, ex materia tempus producit, sed calor seminum secundum sui speciem cuncta restituit, nec ultra Rheae partus, hoc est propago materiae fluentis, ascendit, et ideo ipsam primam elementorum divisionem abscisionem Saturni nominant, quasi qui ultra mundum generare non possit.

XXXIII. Now Jupiter himself the Greeks hold to be named from living or from giving life, our people from helping. They say, then, that this is the living substance which, placed in the upper regions, drawing all things to itself by the force of heat, as it were by the compass of a brain, and arranging them by the moderation of a certain tempering, is said to have begotten wisdom from its head, whom they call Minerva, who by the Greeks was named Ἀθήνη on account of immortality; who, because the father of all established all things by his wisdom, is said both to have been begotten from his very head and from the principal place of all, and is reported to have formed and adorned the whole world by a tempered admixture of the elements. Therefore the forms which were put into matter, that the world might be made, because they are bound together by the force of heat, are said to be held together by the powers of Jupiter. And since these are in a sufficient state, and do not need anything new to be added to them further, but each thing is renewed by the posterity of its own seed, the hands of Saturn are said to have been bound by Jupiter: because, as I said, time now produces nothing new from matter, but the heat of the seeds restores all things according to their own kind, and the offspring of Rhea, that is, the progeny of flowing matter, rises no further; and therefore they name that first division of the elements the mutilation of Saturn, as of one who can no longer generate a world.

XXXIV. Nam de Venere hoc modo allegoriam tradunt: Ubi, aiunt, aetheri subjectum est pelagus, cum repercussus aquis splendor coeli gratior refulsisset, venustas rerum quae ex aquis pulchrior apparuerat, Venus nominata est, quae aetheri tanquam fratri suo sociata, quod concupiscibile decus effecerit, Cupidinem genuisse memorata est. Hoc

XXXIV. For concerning Venus they hand down the allegory in this way: When, they say, the sea was placed beneath the ether, as the brightness of the heaven, reflected by the waters, had shone back more pleasingly, the loveliness of things, which had appeared more beautiful from the waters, was named Venus; who, joined to the ether as to her brother, because she produced a desirable beauty, is recorded to have begotten Cupid. In this

Editors' notes and page, col. 1438

Footnotes

(58) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image; column inferred› · call in col 1438

Ἀθήνη, propter immortalitatem. Fulgentius : Minerva denique et Ἀθήνη Graece dicitur, quasi ἀθάνατος παρθένος, id est immortalis virgo.

"Athene, on account of immortality." Fulgentius: "Minerva, finally, is also called Athene in Greek, as though ἀθάνατος παρθένος, that is, immortal virgin."

(printed under page 718)

(59) ‹anchor: Venus nominata est› · call in col 1438

Venustas rerum, quae ex aquis pulchrior apparuerat, Venus nominata est. Habes hic quoque Rufiniana Clementinis, Graeca Latinis non inscite, audaci licet in interpretatione facinore, permista. Ut enim Venus a venustate dicatur, quod etiam tradit Firmicus, refellit vero Cicero; Ἀφροδίτη alterius originis est, ab ἀφρῷ spuma, ut vulgo sentiunt, utque colligitur ex cap. 20 hujus libri. Macrobius i Saturnal. 8 : Venerem, quae a spuma undae coaluit, Aphrodite nomen accepit. Vide Clementina, hom. 6, c. 13.

"The loveliness (venustas) of things, which had appeared more beautiful from the waters, was named Venus." Here too you have Rufinus's matter mixed with the Clementine, Greek with Latin, not unskilfully, though by a bold stroke in translating. For granted that Venus is so called from "venustas" — which Firmicus also reports, but Cicero refutes — Aphrodite is of another origin, from ἀφρός, "foam", as is commonly held and as is gathered from ch. 20 of this book. Macrobius, Saturnalia I, 8: "Venus, who took shape from the foam of the wave, received the name Aphrodite." See the Clementines, hom. 6, ch. 13.

(printed under page 718)

Page

running head: ⟨RE⟩COGNITIONUM LIB. X 1438 (left part of the head outside the image)
marginal letters: A ‹Hanc ergo aquarum libertatem›; B ‹tum volunt. Hanc ergo esse› (set between this line and the one above); C ‹ultra addi sibi indigent›; D ‹quam fratri suo sociata›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column opens at a sentence start that continues chapter XXXII (no indent; the accusative-and-infinitive still depends on the reported speech) and ends mid-sentence at "Hoc"; the English "In this" anticipates the continuation and is UNSURE until column 1439 is joined. The point after "cuncta" may be a worn comma (UNSURE). Two Greek words are printed in the Latin text and kept in the English. The column number in the head is partly broken (reads 1.38). Foot-note calls (58), (59) removed; COTELERII NOTAE at the foot are editors' apparatus, not set. English "[bubble]" supplied.

PG 1:1439

ergo modo per allegoriam Cronum quidem, qui est Saturnus, tempus esse, ut diximus, tradunt, Rheam materiam, Aiden, id est Orcum, inferni profundum, Neptunum aquam, Jovem aetherem, id est caloris elementum, Venerem venustatem rerum, Cupidinem concupiscentiam, quae inest rebus omnibus, per quam posteritas reparatur, vel etiam rerum ratio quae sapienter inspecta delectat. Hera, id est Juno, aer iste medius, qui de coelo usque ad terram descendit, ponitur. Dianae, quam ipsam Proserpinam dicunt, aerem inferne tradunt. Apollinem ipsum etiam solem dicunt, circumeuntem polum; Mercurium verbum, quo ratio de singulis quibusque reddatur; Martem intemperatum ignem, qui cuncta consumat. Sed ne singula enumerando immoremur, ad hanc allegoriae speciem de unoquoque eorum quos colunt, hi quibus secretior de talibus inest peritia, honestas sibi videntur et justas reddere rationes.

way, then, by allegory they hand down that Cronus, who is Saturn, is time, as we have said; Rhea, matter; Aides, that is Orcus, the depth of the lower region; Neptune, water; Jupiter, the ether, that is, the element of heat; Venus, the loveliness of things; Cupid, the desire which is in all things, through which posterity is renewed, or even the reason of things, which delights when wisely looked into. Hera, that is Juno, is set down as this middle air, which comes down from heaven even to the earth. Diana, whom they call Proserpine herself, they hand down as the air below. Apollo himself they also call the sun, going round the pole; Mercury, the word, by which a reason is rendered concerning each several thing; Mars, the unrestrained fire which consumes all things. But, not to linger in enumerating each, after this kind of allegory those who have a more hidden skill in such matters think that they render honourable and just accounts concerning every one of those whom they worship.

XXXV. Haec cum Niceta dixisset, Aquila respondit: Valde mihi videtur, quisquis ille est auctor et inventor horum, impius exstitisse, si haec quae grata et honesta videntur abscondit, et superstitionis suae ritum in dedecorosis et turpibus observantiis collocavit, cum ea quae secundum litteram scripta sunt, manifeste inhonesta sint et turpia, et tota religionis eorum observantia in ipsis constet, ut per hujusmodi scelera et impietates deos suos quos colunt, doceant imitari. Nam in istis allegoriis quae eis utilitas erit? quae quamvis honestae fingantur, nullus tamen ex eis aut usus ad cultum pervenit aut ad mores emendatio

XXXV. When Niceta had said these things, Aquila answered: Whoever he is that is the author and inventor of these things seems to me to have been exceedingly impious, if he hid these things which seem pleasing and honourable, and placed the rite of his superstition in disgraceful and base observances, since the things which are written according to the letter are manifestly dishonourable and base, and the whole observance of their religion consists in these very things, so that through crimes and impieties of this kind they teach men to imitate their gods whom they worship. For in those allegories what profit will there be for them? Although these are fashioned as honourable, yet from them neither does any use come to worship nor any amendment to morals

XXXVI. Unde magis constat, quod prudentes viri cum viderent communem superstitionem tam probrosam esse, tam turpem, nec tamen corrigendi modum aliquem vel scientiam didicissent, quibus potuerunt argumentis et interpretationibus conati sunt res inhonestas honesto sermone velare, et non, ut dicunt, honestas rationes inhonestis fabulis occultare; quod si esset, nunquam utique ipsa eorum simulacra atque ipsae de eis picturae cum suis vitiis et criminibus formarentur. Non cycnus adulter Ledae, nec taurus formaretur Europae, et in mille monstra eum, quem putant meliorem omnibus, verterent. Quod utique si magni et sapientes qui sunt apud eos viri, fictum scirent esse, non verum, nonne impietatis arguerent et sacrilegii eos, qui ad injuriam deorum hujusmodi aut picturam ponerent aut sculperent simulacra? Denique regem temporis sui depingant in bovis forma, vel anseris, vel formicae, vel vulturis, et scribant super regis sui nomen, atque hujusmodi vel statuam vel imaginem collocent; et injuriam facti sentient et vindictae magnitudinem.

XXXVI. Whence it is the more evident that prudent men, when they saw the common superstition to be so disgraceful, so base, and yet had learnt no way or knowledge of correcting it, endeavoured with what arguments and interpretations they could to veil dishonourable things with honourable speech, and not, as they say, to hide honourable reasons under dishonourable fables; for if that were so, assuredly their very images and the very pictures of them would never be fashioned with their vices and crimes. The swan would not be fashioned as the adulterer of Leda, nor the bull of Europa, nor would they turn into a thousand monsters him whom they think better than all. And assuredly, if the great and wise men who are among them knew this to be feigned, not true, would they not convict of impiety and sacrilege those who, to the insult of the gods, set up a picture of this kind or carved images? In a word, let them paint the king of their own time in the form of an ox, or of a goose, or of an ant, or of a vulture, and write over it the name of their king, and set up a statue or image of this kind; and they will feel the insult of the deed and the greatness of the vengeance.

XXXVII. Sed quoniam vera haec magis sunt, quae publica turpitudo testatur, et ad excusationem a viris prudentibus sermonibus honestis quaesita sunt et concinnata velamina, idcirco non solum non prohibentur, sed et ipsis mysteriis Saturni filios devorantis,

XXXVII. But because those things are rather the true ones to which the public baseness bears witness, and the veils were sought out and contrived by prudent men in honourable words for an excuse, therefore not only are they not forbidden, but in the mysteries themselves the likenesses of Saturn devouring his sons,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1439

Page

running head: 1439 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. ⟨ ⟩ (right part of the head outside the image)
marginal letters: A ‹ergo modo per allegoriam›; B ‹mur, ad hanc allegoriae speciem› (set between this line and the one above); C ‹riis quae eis utilitas erit?›; D ‹bus, verterent. Quod utique› (set between this line and the one below)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column begins mid-sentence (it completes "Hoc" at the foot of column 1438: "Hoc ergo modo"). The last word is split at the column break (de-|vorantis); completed from the first line of column 1440, which was seen; the English of the last sentence anticipates the word "imagines" of column 1440 ("the likenesses of") and must be joined with that column's opening. No full point is printed after "emendatio" at the end of chapter XXXV (the English is left unpointed to match). "Dianae" (so printed, where the construction asks an accusative) is UNSURE as a misprint; "fingantur": the page may read "finguntur" (UNSURE, the vowel is blurred; marked here rather than with †). "inferne", "cycnus", "nunquam" as printed. No foot notes on this column.

PG 1:1440

et occultati pueri per Corybantum et cymbala et tympanorum sonitus, exprimuntur imagines. De abscisione vero Saturni, quae major erit probatio veritatis, quam ut in honorem dei sui, simili infelicitatis sorte abscindantur etiam cultores? Cum ergo haec manifeste cernantur, quis tam exigui sensus, imo tam stolidi invenietur, cui non palam sit, haec magis vera esse de infelicibus diis, quae infeliciores cultores etiam corporum suorum vulneribus et abscisione testantur?

and of the boy hidden by means of the cymbals of the Corybantes and the sounds of drums, are represented. And concerning the mutilation of Saturn, what greater proof of its truth will there be than that, in honour of their god, his worshippers also are mutilated by a like lot of misery? Since, then, these things are plainly seen, who will be found of so slight understanding, nay, so dull, that it is not clear to him that those things are rather the true ones concerning the unhappy gods, to which their more unhappy worshippers bear witness even by the wounds and mutilation of their own bodies?

XXXVIII. Quod si, ut dicunt, haec ita honeste et pie gesta tam inhonesto ritu ministrantur et impio, sacrilegus profecto est, quisquis ille vel ex initio haec tradidit, vel nunc male tradita persistit implere. Quid autem et de libris dicimus poetarum? Nonne oportuerat eos, si honesta et pia deorum gesta turpibus fabulis infamarunt, abjici protinus atque in ignem dari, ne persuaderent tenerae adhuc aetati puerorum, Jovem ipsum deorum principem, parricidam erga parentes, incestum erga sorores et filias, impurum etiam in pueros exstitisse, Venerem cum Marte adulteros, et omnia illa quae jam superius dicta sunt? Aut quid tibi videtur, domine mi Petre?

XXXVIII. But if, as they say, these things, done so honourably and piously, are ministered with a rite so dishonourable and impious, he is assuredly sacrilegious, whoever he was that either delivered these things from the beginning, or now persists in fulfilling what was badly delivered. And what do we say also of the books of the poets? Ought they not, if they have defamed the honourable and pious deeds of the gods with base fables, to have been cast away at once and given to the fire, lest they should persuade the still tender age of boys that Jupiter himself, the chief of the gods, was a parricide towards his parents, incestuous towards his sisters and daughters, impure even towards boys; that Venus and Mars were adulterers; and all those things which have already been said above? Or what does it seem to you, my lord Peter?

XXXIX. Tunc ille respondit: Certus esto, dulcissime Aquila, quia omnia per bonam Dei providentiam gesta sunt, ut non solum infirma et fragilis, verum et turpis esset causa quae futura erat contraria veritati. Si enim validior et verisimilior fuisset erroris assertio, haud facile quisquam qui in eo deceptus esset, ad iter veritatis rediret. Si enim nunc, cum tam multa probra et dedecora de diis gentium proferuntur, vix aliquis turpem derelinquit errorem, quanto magis si esset ibi aliquid honestum et verisimile? Difficulter namque transfertur animus ab his, in quibus a prima aetate praeventus est; et ob hoc, ut dixi, divina Providentia factum est ut erroris substantia et infirma esset et turpis. Sed et caetera omnia simili modo competenter et commode dispensat divina Providentia, licet nobis ignorantibus rerum causas bonae et optimae dispensationis divinae non liqueat ratio.

XXXIX. Then he answered: Be assured, dearest Aquila, that all things have been done by the good providence of God, so that the cause which was to be contrary to the truth should be not only weak and frail, but also base. For if the assertion of error had been stronger and more plausible, hardly would anyone who had been deceived in it return to the way of truth. For if now, when so many disgraceful and shameful things are brought forward concerning the gods of the Gentiles, scarcely anyone forsakes the base error, how much more if there were anything honourable and plausible in it? For the mind is with difficulty removed from those things with which it has been preoccupied from its earliest age; and on this account, as I said, it was brought about by divine Providence that the substance of error should be both weak and base. But all other things also divine Providence dispenses in like manner fitly and suitably, although to us, who are ignorant of the causes of things, the reason of the good and most excellent divine dispensation is not clear.

XL. Cum haec Petrus dixisset, ego Clemens Nicetam rogabam, ut aliqua de allegoriis gentilium quas diligenter attigerat, agnoscendi gratia exponeret; utile enim est, ut quando cum gentilibus disputamus, etiam ista nos minime lateant. Et Niceta: Si, inquit, permittit dominus meus Petrus, possum dicere. Tum Petrus: Hodie, inquit, permisi vobis dicere adversum gentiles, ut nostis. Et Niceta ait: Dic ergo, Clemens, de quibus audire velis. Cui ego aio: Quomodo tradunt de deorum coena gentiles, quam in Pelei nuptiis habuerunt et Thetidis, quem dicunt esse Paridem pastorem, et quas ponunt Junonem, Minervam et Venerem, quae apud eum judicantur, quemve Mercurium, vel quod malum, et caetera quae per ordinem consequuntur, enarra nobis.

XL. When Peter had said these things, I Clement asked Niceta to set forth, for the sake of our learning them, some things concerning the allegories of the Gentiles which he had carefully touched upon; for it is useful that, when we dispute with the Gentiles, these things also should by no means be hidden from us. And Niceta said: If my lord Peter permits, I can speak. Then Peter said: Today I have permitted you to speak against the Gentiles, as you know. And Niceta said: Say then, Clement, of what things you wish to hear. To whom I say: How the Gentiles hand down concerning the supper of the gods, which they held at the marriage of Peleus and Thetis; whom they say the shepherd Paris to be, and what they make Juno, Minerva and Venus, who are judged before him, or what Mercury, or what the apple, and the other things which follow in order: relate to us.

XLI. Tum Niceta: Coenae deorum causa hoc

XLI. Then Niceta: The matter of the supper of the gods in this

Editors' notes and page, col. 1440

Page

running head: ⟨S. CLEMENTI⟩S I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1440 (left part of the head outside the image)
marginal letters: A ‹vorantis, et occultati pueri›; B ‹Nonne oportuerat eos, si honesta› (set between this line and the one above); C ‹fuisset erroris assertio›; D ‹quas diligenter attigerat› (set between this line and the one above)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column opens with "vorantis," (end of "devorantis", set whole in column 1439), so this file begins at "et occultati"; its first English sentence continues the one left open in 1439 ("the likenesses of Saturn devouring his sons, and of the boy hidden ... are represented"). "per Corybantum et cymbala et tympanorum sonitus" is set as printed; the English takes "Corybantum" with "cymbala" (UNSURE, the first "et" is awkward). The column ends mid-sentence at "hoc" (chapter XLI just begun); the English fragment is provisional until column 1441 is joined. No foot notes on this column.

PG 1:1441

modo se habet. Convivium mundum tradunt, discumbendi ordinem deorum stellarum positionem; quos Hesiodus coeli et terrae primos filios nominat, in quibus sex mares et sex feminas ad duodecim signorum numerum referunt, quae universum circumeunt mundum. Dapes autem convivii rationes esse et causas rerum tradunt dulces et concupiscibiles, quae qualiter regatur et gubernetur hic mundus, ex signorum positione et astrorum cursibus colliguntur. Ad libertatis tamen convivii modum dicunt ista constare, pro eo quod potestatem habeat uniuscujusque sensus, si velit degustare aliquid ex hujusmodi scientia aut si nolit; et sicut in convivio nemo cogitur, sed vescendi libertas penes unumquemque est, ita et philosophandi ratio pendet in voluntatis arbitrio. Discordiam concupiscentiam carnis dicunt, quae insurgit adversum propositum mentis et philosophandi impedit studium; ideo denique et tempus illud esse aiunt, in quo de nuptiis agitur. Peleum vero et Thetidem nympham, aridum et humidum ponunt elementum, ex quorum admistione substantia corporum constat. Mercurium verbum esse tradunt, per quod sensui doctrina confertur, Junonem pudicitiam, Minervam fortitudinem, Venerem libidinem dicunt, Paridem sensum. Si ergo, aiunt, accidat in homine barbarum esse et imperitum sensum, et rectum judicium nescientem, spreta pudicitia et virtute, libidini palmam, quod est malum, dabit, per quod non solum sibi, sed et civibus et universae genti subversio et pernicies aderit. Haec ergo licet illis componere ex qualibet materia visum sit, tamen aptari ad omnem hominem possunt, quia si quis pastoralem et rusticum atque imperitum habeat sensum nec velit erudiri, ubi corporis calor de libidinis suavitate suggesserit, continuo, spretis stud⟨i⟩orum virtutibus et scientiae bonis, ad voluptates corporis animum confert. Et hinc est unde impacata bella consurgunt, urbes ruunt, patriae concidunt, sicut et Paris, rapta Helena, ad mutuum Graecos et barbaros armavit exitium.

stands thus. They hand down that the banquet is the world, and the order of the gods as they recline the position of the stars; these Hesiod names the first children of heaven and earth, among whom they refer six males and six females to the number of the twelve signs, which go round the whole world. The dishes of the banquet, moreover, they hand down to be the reasons and causes of things, sweet and desirable, which are gathered from the position of the signs and the courses of the stars, [showing] how this world is ruled and governed. Yet they say that these things stand after the manner of a banquet's freedom, because each man's mind has the power whether it wishes to taste something of knowledge of this kind or does not wish it; and just as at a banquet no one is compelled, but the freedom of eating rests with each one, so too the pursuit of philosophy hangs upon the choice of the will. Discord they say is the concupiscence of the flesh, which rises up against the purpose of the mind and hinders the study of philosophy; and for that reason, in fine, they say that it is also that time at which marriage is in question. Peleus, again, and the nymph Thetis they set down as the dry and the moist element, from the mingling of which the substance of bodies consists. Mercury they hand down to be the word, through which teaching is conveyed to the mind; Juno they say is chastity, Minerva fortitude, Venus lust, Paris the mind. If therefore, they say, it happens that in a man the mind is barbarous and unskilled, and ignorant of right judgement, then, chastity and virtue being scorned, it will give the palm to lust, which is evil, whereby overthrow and ruin will come not only upon himself but also upon his fellow citizens and the whole nation. These things, then, although it has seemed good to them to compose them out of whatever matter, can nevertheless be fitted to every man, because if anyone has a shepherd's, rustic and unskilled mind and is unwilling to be instructed, when the heat of the body has made its suggestion concerning the sweetness of lust, straightway, scorning the virtues of studies and the goods of knowledge, he turns his soul to the pleasures of the body. And hence it is that implacable wars arise, cities fall, countries collapse, just as Paris also, by the carrying off of Helen, armed Greeks and barbarians for mutual destruction.

XLII. Et Petrus, collaudans prosecutionem ejus, ait: Multas, ut video, ingeniosi homines ex his quae legunt verisimilitudines capiunt, et ideo diligenter observandum est, ut lex Dei cum legitur, non secundum proprii ingenii intelligentiam legatur. Sunt enim multa verba in Scripturis divinis, quae possunt trahi ad eum sensum, quem sibi unusquisque sponte praesumpsit; quod fieri non oportet. Non enim sensum quem extrinsecus attuleris alienum et extraneum debes quaerere, quem ex Scripturarum auctoritate confirmes, sed ex ipsis Scripturis sensum capere veritatis; et ideo oportet ab eo intelligentiam discere Scripturarum, qui eam a majoribus secundum veritatem sibi traditam servat, ut et ipse possit ea quae recte suscepit, competenter asserere. Cum enim ex divinis Scripturis integram quis susceperit et firmam regulam veritatis, absurdum non erit, si aliquid etiam ex eruditione communi ac de liberalibus studiis, quae forte in pueritia

XLII. And Peter, commending his exposition, said: Ingenious men, as I see, take many plausibilities from the things which they read, and therefore it must be carefully observed that the law of God, when it is read, be not read according to the understanding of one's own ingenuity. For there are many words in the divine Scriptures which can be drawn to that sense which each one has of his own accord presumed for himself; which ought not to be done. For you ought not to seek a foreign and extraneous sense, which you have brought in from outside, in order to confirm it from the authority of the Scriptures, but to take the sense of the truth from the Scriptures themselves; and therefore one ought to learn the understanding of the Scriptures from him who keeps it as handed down to him from the elders according to the truth, so that he too may be able fittingly to assert those things which he has rightly received. For when anyone has received from the divine Scriptures the whole and firm rule of truth, it will not be absurd if something also from common learning and from the liberal studies, which perhaps in boyhood

Editors' notes and page, col. 1441

Page

running head: 1441 RECOGNITIONUM L[IB. X.] (the head runs across the page; this image shows it only to "L")
marginal letters: A ‹modo se habet. Convivium›; B ‹voluntatis arbitrio. Discordiam›; C ‹sibi, sed et civibus›; D ‹cundum proprii ingenii›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column ends "pueri-"; the word is completed ("pueritia") from the first line of col. 1442. "stud⟨i⟩orum": the i is lost to damaged type (a point only is printed). The column opens mid-sentence.

PG 1:1442

attigit, ad assertionem veri dogmatis conferat, ita tamen ut ubi vera didicit, falsa et simulata declinet.

he touched upon, he should bring to bear for the assertion of true doctrine, yet in such a way that, where he has learned the true things, he turns aside from the false and the feigned.

XLIII. Et cum haec dixisset, ad patrem nostrum respiciens, ait: Tu ergo, senex, si quidem saluti animae tuae consulis, ut cum corpore fuerit resoluta, pro brevi hac conversione requiem inveniat sempiternam, require de quibusvis et consule, ut possis si quid in te est dubitationis abjicere. Incertum enim est etiam juvenibus vitae tempus, senibus autem jam nec incertum est; non enim dubitatur, quin quantumcunque est quod putatur superesse, breve sit. Et ideo tam juvenes quam senes oportet de conversione et poenitentia valde esse sollicitos, et satagere ut de reliquo ornent animam suam ornamentis dignissimis, id est dogmatibus veritatis, decore pudicitiae, splendore justitiae, candore pietatis, aliisque omnibus quibus comptam decet esse rationabilem mentem; tum praeterea declinare a consortiis inhonestis et infidelibus, et societates habere fidelium atque illos frequentare conventus, in quibus de pudicitia, de justitia, de pietate tractatur; orare semper Deum ex corde et ab ipso petere quae decet a Deo posci; ipsi gratias agere, veram poenitudinem gerere praeteritorum gestorum; aliquantulum etiam, si possibile est, per misericordias pauperum juvare poenitentiam; per haec enim facilior venia dabitur et indulgenti citius indulgebitur.

XLIII. And when he had said these things, looking towards our father, he said: You therefore, old man, if indeed you take thought for the salvation of your soul, so that when it has been loosed from the body it may, in return for this brief conversion, find everlasting rest, inquire about whatever you will and take counsel, so that you may be able to cast away whatever doubt there is in you. For the time of life is uncertain even for the young, but for the old it is by now not even uncertain; for there is no doubt that, however much it is that is thought to remain, it is brief. And therefore both young and old ought to be very solicitous about conversion and repentance, and to busy themselves that for the rest they adorn their soul with the worthiest ornaments, that is, with the doctrines of truth, the comeliness of chastity, the splendour of justice, the brightness of piety, and all the others with which it is fitting that a rational mind be adorned; then, besides, to turn aside from dishonourable and unbelieving companionships, and to have fellowship with the faithful and to frequent those assemblies in which chastity, justice and piety are treated of; to pray always to God from the heart and to ask of Him the things which it is fitting to request of God; to give thanks to Him, to bear true repentance for past deeds; and also in some small measure, if it is possible, to help repentance by works of mercy towards the poor; for through these things pardon will be more easily given, and he who shows indulgence will more quickly be shown indulgence.

XLIV. Quod si provectioris aetatis sit is qui ad poenitentiam venit, eo magis gratias agere debet Deo, quod postquam fractus est omnis impetus concupiscentiae carnalis, scientia veritatis accepta, nulla ei imminet pugna certaminis, per quam insurgentes adversus animum reprimat corporis voluptates. Superest ergo in agnitione veritatis et misericordiae operibus exerceri, ut afferat fructus dignos poenitentiae, nec putet quia in temporis longitudine documentum conversionis ostenditur, et non in devotionis ac propositi firmitate. Deo enim manifestae sunt mentes, qui non temporum rationem colligit, sed animorum; ipse enim probat, si quis agnita veritatis praedicatione non distulit neque tempus negligendo consumpsit, sed statim et si dici potest eodem momento, praeterita perhorrescens, futurorum desiderium coepit et in amorem regni coelestis exarsit.

XLIV. But if he who comes to repentance is of more advanced age, he ought so much the more to give thanks to God, because, the knowledge of the truth having been received after every onset of carnal concupiscence has been broken, no battle of contest hangs over him by which he must repress the pleasures of the body rising up against the soul. It remains therefore to be exercised in the acknowledgment of the truth and in works of mercy, that he may bring forth fruits worthy of repentance, and let him not think that the proof of conversion is shown in length of time, and not in the firmness of devotion and of purpose. For minds are manifest to God, Who reckons up the account not of times but of souls; for He Himself approves if anyone, on recognizing the preaching of the truth, has not delayed nor wasted time in neglect, but at once and, if it may be said, in the same moment, shuddering at the things past, has conceived a desire of the things to come and has caught fire with love of the heavenly kingdom.

XLV. Propter quod nemo vestrum ultra dissimulet nec retro respiciat, sed ad Evangelium regni Dei libenter accedat. Non dicat pauper, quia cum dives factus fuero, tunc convertar; non requirit a te Deus pecuniam, sed animum misericordem et piam mentem. Neque dives conversionem suam differat pro sollicitudine saeculari, dum cogitat quomodo dispenset abundantiam frugum; neque dicat intra semetipsum, Quid faciam, ubi recondam fructus meos? Neque dicat animae suae, Habes multa bona reposita in annos multos, epulare, laetare; nam dicetur ei: Stulte, hac nocte auferetur abs te

XLV. Wherefore let none of you dissemble any longer nor look back, but let him willingly draw near to the Gospel of the kingdom of God. Let not the poor man say, When I have become rich, then I will be converted; God does not require money of you, but a merciful soul and a pious mind. Nor let the rich man put off his conversion on account of worldly care, while he considers how he may dispose of the abundance of his crops; nor let him say within himself, What shall I do, where shall I store up my fruits? Nor let him say to his soul, You have many goods laid up for many years, feast, be glad; for it will be said to him: Fool, this night there shall be taken away from you

Editors' notes and page, col. 1442

Page

running head: [RE]COGNITIONUM LIB. X. 1442
marginal letters: A ‹tia attigit, ad assertionem›; B ‹et satagere ut de reliquo›; C ‹XLIV. Quod si provectioris›; D ‹ci potest eodem momento›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column's first printed syllable "tia" completes "pueritia", set whole at the end of col. 1441, so this file begins at "attigit". "recondam" shows a mark over the o (a speck, not an accent); set plain. The column ends mid-sentence at "abs te". No scripture reference is printed for the italic quotations within this column.

PG 1:1443

anima tua, et quae praeparasti cujus erunt? Itaque festinet ad poenitentiam omnis aetas, omnis sexus, omnisque conditio, ut vitam consequatur aeternam. Juvenes quidem in eo grati sint, quod in ipso impetu desideriorum cervices suas jugo subjiciunt disciplinae. Senes et ipsi laudabiles, quia multi temporis consuetudinem, in qua male praeventi sunt, pro Dei timore commutant.

your soul, and the things which you have prepared, whose shall they be? (Luke 12:17, 19, 20). Therefore let every age, every sex and every condition hasten to repentance, that it may attain eternal life. Let the young indeed be pleasing in this, that in the very onset of desires they submit their necks to the yoke of discipline. The old too are themselves praiseworthy, because they exchange, for the fear of God, the custom of a long time, by which they had been evilly forestalled.

XLVI. Nemo ergo differat, nemo cunctetur; quae enim causa cunctandi est ad bene agendum? aut times, ne cum bene feceris, ibi remunerationem non invenias ut putasti? Et quid senties detrimenti si bene feceris gratis, nonne etiam sola in his sufficeret conscientia? Quod si inveneris ut praesumis, nonne pro parvis magna, et pro temporalibus aeterna recipies? verum ego haec propter incredulos dixi. Nos autem quae praedicamus, ita se habent, quia nec aliter esse possunt, quae prophetica voce promissa sunt.

XLVI. Let no one therefore put off, let no one delay; for what cause is there for delaying to do well? Or do you fear lest, when you have done well, you may not find the recompense there as you supposed? And what loss will you feel if you have done well for nothing; would not conscience alone suffice in these matters? But if you find it as you expect, will you not receive great things for small, and eternal things for temporal? But I have said these things on account of the unbelieving. As for the things which we preach, however, they are so, because the things which have been promised by the prophetic voice cannot be otherwise.

XLVII. Si quis vero cupit examussim veritatem nostrae praedicationis agnoscere, conveniat ad audiendum, et quid sit verus propheta cognoscat, et tunc demum omnis in eo cessabit ambiguitas; si tamen non obstinatis animis resistat his, quae vera esse compererit. Sunt enim quidam qui quolibet modo ad hoc tantum respiciunt ut vincant, et laudem pro hoc magis quam salutem quaerant, quibus non eveniat vel dici aliquid, ne et sermo nobilis patiatur injuriam, et injuriae suae reum aeterna morte condemnet. Quid enim est in quo adversari praedicationi nostrae quis debeat? aut in quo contra veri honestique fidem sermo praedicationis nostrae deprehenditur? qui dicit honorandum esse Deum et Patrem omnium conditorem, ejusque Filium, qui solus eum et voluntatem ejus novit, cuique soli de omnibus cr⟨e⟩dendum est quae praecepit; solus enim est lex et legislator et judex justus, cujus lex decernit honorandum esse Deum Dominum omnium per vitam sobriam, castam, justam, misericordem, et in ipso solo omnem collocandam spem.

XLVII. But if anyone desires to know exactly the truth of our preaching, let him come together to hear, and let him learn what the true prophet is, and then at last all ambiguity in him will cease; provided, however, that he does not with obstinate spirit resist those things which he has found to be true. For there are some who by whatever means look only to this, that they may conquer, and seek praise for this rather than salvation; to whom may it not befall that anything even be said, lest the noble word both suffer injury and condemn to eternal death the one guilty of the injury done to it. For what is there in which anyone ought to oppose our preaching? Or in what is the word of our preaching found to be against the faith of what is true and honourable? It says that God, the Father and maker of all, is to be honoured, and His Son, Who alone knows Him and His will, and Who alone is to be believed concerning all the things which He has commanded; for He alone is law and lawgiver and just judge, Whose law decrees that God, the Lord of all, is to be honoured by a life sober, chaste, just and merciful, and that all hope is to be placed in Him alone.

XLVIII. Sed dicet aliquis, etiam a philosophis hujusmodi praecepta dari. Nihil est simile; nam de justitia quidem ab eis et sobrietate mandatur, sed remuneratorem Deum gestorum bonorum malorumque non norunt, et ideo leges et praecepta eorum accusatorem tantummodo publicum vitant, conscientiam vero purificare non possunt. Quid enim timeat in occulto peccare, qui occultorum esse arbitrum et judicem nescit? Addunt praeterea philosophi in praeceptis suis, etiam deos qui sunt daemones honorandos, quod solum, etiamsi in aliis probabiles viderentur, gravissimae eos potest impietatis arguere et propriis condemnare sententiis, qui unum quidem esse pronuntiant Deum, pro assentatione tamen erroris humani plures mandent colendos. Aiunt autem et illud philosophi, Deum non irasci, nescientes quid dicant. Ira enim mala est, ubi mentem turbat, ut

XLVIII. But someone will say that precepts of this kind are given by the philosophers also. There is nothing alike; for commands are indeed given by them concerning justice and sobriety, but they do not know God as the rewarder of good and evil deeds, and therefore their laws and precepts avoid only the public accuser, but cannot purify the conscience. For why should he fear to sin in secret who does not know that there is an arbiter and judge of secret things? The philosophers add besides in their precepts that the gods also, who are demons, are to be honoured; which alone, even if in other things they seemed commendable, is able to convict them of the gravest impiety and to condemn them by their own judgements, since they pronounce indeed that God is one, yet, in flattery of human error, command that many be worshipped. The philosophers say this too, that God is not angry, not knowing what they say. For anger is evil when it disturbs the mind, so that

Editors' notes and page, col. 1443

Footnotes

(75) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image; column inferred; note numeral faint, read as 75› · call in col 1443

Luc. XII, 17, 19, 20.

Luke xii, 17, 19, 20.

(printed under page 721)

(76) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image; column inferred› · call in col 1443

Ezech. XVIII, 33

Ezekiel xviii, 33.

(printed under page 721)

Page

running head: 1443 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. OP[…] (the head runs across the page; this image shows it only to "OP"; the column number is printed with damaged type and looks like "1143")
marginal letters: A ‹anima tua, et quae praeparasti›; B ‹recipies? verum ego haec›; C ‹demnet. Quid enim est›; D ‹que non norunt, et ideo›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1444

rectum consilium perdat; illa vero quae malos punit, perturbationem menti non infert, sed unus, ut ita dixerim, idemque affectus est, qui et bonis praemia et malis retribuit poenam; nam si bonis et malis bona restituat, et simili remuneratione erga pios utatur et impios, injustus potius quam bonus videbitur.

it loses right counsel; but that [anger] which punishes the wicked does not bring disturbance upon the mind, but it is, so to speak, one and the same disposition which renders both rewards to the good and punishment to the wicked; for if He should render good things to the good and to the wicked, and use a like recompense towards the pious and the impious, He will seem unjust rather than good.

XLIX. Sed ais: nec Deus debuit facere malum. Verum dicis; neque fecit. Sed qui ab eo creati sunt, dum judicandos se esse non credunt, indulgentes voluptatibus suis, a p⟨i⟩etate et justitia devoluti sunt. Sed dices: Si justum est punire malos, statim ut male agunt puniri debent. Tu quidem bene festinas; sed ille qui aeternus est et quem nihil latet, quanto nullus ei finis, tanto et prolixa patientia est, et non ad velocitatem vindictae, sed ad salutis respicit causas; delectatur enim non tam morte, quam conversione peccantis. Ideo denique et sanctum baptisma largitus est hominibus, ad quod si quis venire festinet, et de reliquo maneat emendatus, delentur ex eo omnia peccata, quae per ignorantiam commissa sunt.

XLIX. But you say: Neither ought God to have made evil. You speak truly; nor did He make it. But those who were created by Him, while they do not believe that they are to be judged, indulging their own pleasures, have fallen away from piety and justice. But you will say: If it is just to punish the wicked, they ought to be punished as soon as they do evil. You indeed do well to make haste; but He Who is eternal and from Whom nothing is hidden, in proportion as He has no end, so also is His patience long, and He looks not to the swiftness of vengeance but to the causes of salvation; for He is delighted not so much by the death as by the conversion of the sinner (Ezek. 18:32). For that reason, in fine, He has also bestowed holy baptism upon men, to which if anyone hastens to come, and for the rest remains amended, all the sins which were committed through ignorance are thereupon blotted out.

L. Nam philosophi quid contulerunt vitae mortalium, dicendo hominibus non irasci Deum? nempe ut docerent eos nullum habere vindictae alicujus vel judicii metum, et per hoc tota peccantibus frena laxarent. Aut quid illi humanum genus juvarunt, qui dixerunt non esse Deum, sed casu omnia et fortuito agi? nonne ut haec audientes homines et arbitrantes nullum esse judicem, nullum provisorem rerum, ad omne facinus, quod vel furor vel avaritia vel libido dictasset, neminem verendo praecipites agerentur? Nam illi multum revera juverunt mortalium vitam, qui dixerunt nihil posse sine genesi fieri, scilicet ut unusquisque peccati sui causam genesi ascribens, semetipsum in sceleribus suis pronuntiaret innoxium, dum crimen suum non poenitendo diluit, sed fatum culpando congeminat. Nam de illis quid dicam philosophis, qui deos colendos esse introduxerunt. et tales deos, quales paulo ante audistis? Quid fuit aliud decernere, nisi ut vitia, nisi ut crimina, nisi ut flagitia colerentur? Pudet miseretque me vestri, si creditis quod indigna haec essent et impia atque exsecrabilia, aut non deprehendistis hactenus, aut deprehensa et intellecta mala pro bonis et optimis coluistis.

L. For what have the philosophers contributed to the life of mortals by telling men that God is not angry? Surely this, that they taught them to have no fear of any vengeance or judgement, and thereby wholly loosened the reins for sinners. Or what help have those given to the human race who said that there is no God, but that all things are driven by chance and accident? Was it not that men, hearing these things and supposing that there is no judge, no provider of things, were driven headlong, fearing no one, to every crime which either fury or avarice or lust had dictated? For those truly helped the life of mortals greatly who said that nothing can come about without genesis, namely so that each one, ascribing the cause of his sin to genesis, might pronounce himself guiltless in his own crimes, while he does not wash away his guilt by repenting but doubles it by blaming fate. And what shall I say of those philosophers who brought in that gods are to be worshipped, and such gods as you heard of a little while ago? What else was this than to decree that vices, that crimes, that shameful deeds be worshipped? I am ashamed of you and pity you, if you believe that either you have not until now detected that these things were unworthy and impious and execrable, or that, having detected and understood them as evils, you have worshipped them as good and most excellent.

LI. Tum praeterea et illud quale est, quod praesumpserunt nonnulli philosophorum vel de Deo loqui, cum sint mortales, et opinione sola de invisibilibus dicere vel de mundi origine, ubi non aderant cum fieret, vel de fine ejus vel de animarum in infernis dispensatione et judicio, nescientes quia praesentia quidem et visibilia nosse hominis est rationabilis, praeterita vero et futura et invisibilia scire, solius propheticae praescientiae est. Non ergo haec conjecturis et opinionibus colligenda sunt, in quibus valde falluntur homines, sed fide propheticae

LI. Then, besides, what sort of thing is this also, that some of the philosophers have presumed even to speak about God, though they are mortals, and by opinion alone to speak about invisible things, or about the origin of the world, where they were not present when it was being made, or about its end, or about the dispensation and judgement of souls in the lower regions, not knowing that to know present and visible things belongs indeed to a rational man, but that to know things past and future and invisible belongs to prophetic foreknowledge alone. These things therefore are not to be gathered by conjectures and opinions, in which men are greatly deceived, but by the faith of prophetic

Editors' notes and page, col. 1444

Page

running head: [S. CLEMENTIS] I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1444
marginal letters: A ‹rectum consilium perdat›; B ‹tia est, et non ad velocitatem›; C ‹arbitrantes nullum esse judicem›; D ‹non deprehendistis hactenus›
old-edition numerals: (none)

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veritatis, sicut se habet haec nostra doctrina. Nos enim nihil ex nobis loquimur, nec humana aestimatione collecta annuntiamus, hoc enim decipere est auditores; sed veri prophetae auctoritate nobis tradita et manifestata praedicamus. De cujus praescientia et virtute prophetica, si quis, ut dixi, ad liquidum vult documenta suscipere, sollicitus conveniat, et impiger sit ad audiendum, et evidentes dabimus probationes, quibus vim propheticae praescientiae non solum auribus audire, sed et oculis etiam videre ac manu contrectare se credat. De quo cum certam fidem conceperit, jugum justitiae et pietatis absque ullo labore suscipiet, tantamque in eo sentiet suavitatem, ut non solum nihil ei laboris inesse causetur, verum et amplius aliquid addi sibi desideret et imponi.

truth, as this teaching of ours stands. For we speak nothing of ourselves, nor do we announce things gathered by human estimation, for this is to deceive the hearers; but we preach the things handed down and made manifest to us by the authority of the true prophet. Concerning whose foreknowledge and prophetic power, if anyone, as I said, wishes to receive proofs to the point of clearness, let him come together with care and be unwearied in hearing, and we will give evident proofs, by which he may believe that he not only hears the force of prophetic foreknowledge with his ears, but also sees it with his eyes and handles it with his hand. And when he has conceived a sure faith concerning this, he will take up the yoke of justice and piety without any labour (Matt. 11:30), and will feel such sweetness in it that not only will he not complain that there is any labour in it, but he will even desire that something more be added and laid upon him.

LII. Cumque haec et alia his similia dixisset, et nonnullos ex his qui aderant infirmos et daemonibus obsessos curasset, gratulantes et Deum collaudantes turbas dimisit, praecipiens eis ut ad eumdem locum etiam consequentibus diebus audiendi gratia convenirent. Cumque domi jam inter nos essemus ac praepararemus ad edendum, ingressus quidam nuntiat Appionem Plistonicensem cum Anubione nuper venisse ab Antiochia, et hospitari cum Simone. Tum pater audiens gavisus est, et ait Petro: Si permittis, volo ire et salutare Appionem et Anubionem, quia valde amici mihi sunt; fortassis autem Anubionem etiam suadere potero disputare cum Clemente de genesi. Et Petrus: Permitto, inquit, et laudo quod amicos colis; verumtamen considera, quomodo per providentiam Dei omnia tibi ex sententia concurrant; ecce enim non solum affectio tibi propria, Deo praestante, reparata est, sed et amicorum praesentia procuratur. Et pater: Vere, inquit, adverto ita esse, ut dicis. Et cum haec dixisset, abiit ad Anubionem.

LII. And when he had said these things and others like them, and had healed some of those present who were sick and possessed by demons, he dismissed the crowds rejoicing and praising God, bidding them come together to the same place on the following days also for the sake of hearing. And when we were now at home among ourselves and were preparing to eat, a certain man came in and announced that Appion the Plistonicensian, with Anubion, had lately come from Antioch and was lodging with Simon. Then my father, hearing it, was glad, and said to Peter: If you permit, I wish to go and greet Appion and Anubion, for they are great friends of mine; and perhaps I shall also be able to persuade Anubion to dispute with Clement about genesis. And Peter said: I permit it, and I commend you for cherishing your friends; but yet consider how through the providence of God all things come together for you according to your wish; for behold, not only have your own dear ones been restored to you, by God's gift, but the presence of your friends also is being provided. And my father said: Truly, I perceive that it is as you say. And when he had said these things, he went away to Anubion.

LIII. Nos autem cum Petro positi per totam noctem interrogando de diversis et discendo ab eo, delectatione

LIII. But we, being with Peter, through the whole night questioning him about various things and learning from him, by the delight

Editors' notes and page, col. 1445

Footnotes

(77) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image; column inferred› · call in col 1445

Matth. XI, 30.

Matthew xi, 30.

COTELERII NOTAE. (printed under page 722)

(60) ‹anchor: Appionem Plistonicensem› · call in col 1445

Appionem Plistonicensem. Epitomes c. 133 : Ἀππίων ὁ Πλειστονίκης; Clementinorum iv, 6 : Ἀππίωνα τὸν Πλειστονίκην. Insigni tamen isti grammatico, qui a Tiberio cymbalum mundi dicebatur, procul dubio nomen fuit Ἀπίων, Apion, ut interdum exhibent codices mss. quibus usi sumus, utque fere semper in Graecis libris scriptum invenies. Sed errarunt aliquando Graeci etiam antiquarii. Unde in Tatiano recte quidem p. 164 legitur Ἀπίωνος, at perperam p. 172 excusum est Ἀππίων, cum apud Eusebium Praepar. evang., lib. x, c. 11, in eodem Tatiani loco Ἀπίων cernatur. Quod ad Latinos spectat, Appion potest esse auctorum error, potest esse librariorum. Certe in Plinio Apion scribitur. Item in Adonis Chronico, in Honorii Augustodunensis Catalogo, et in quibusdam mss. ac editionibus Historiae Eusebianae a Rufino translatae, lib. iii, c. 38. Apud Senecam vero, Agellium, Tertullianum, Hieronymum, Josephum Rufini, Haymonem aliosque, cum duplici p ediderunt. Hactenus de nomine. Nunc de cognomento. Πλειστονίκην non verterim Plistonicensem, quasi ex patria; sed Plistonicem, secutus Plinium et Agellium. Sic autem Apionem cognominarunt quod in certamine litterario saepe victor exstitisset; quae est multorum sententia : vel a patre Plistonice; juxta doctissimum Salmasium ad Inscriptionem Regillae, p. 90 et praefatione in librum De homonymis Hyles Iatricae, p. 40 ex his, opinor, Suidae, Ἀπίων, ὁ Πλειστονίκου. Verum cum Suida Salmasium refellunt Justinus Martyr Cohortatione ad Graecos, p. 9, et Africanus apud Eusebium cum lib. x Praeparat. evang., c. 10, tum Χρονικῶν λόγῳ πρώτῳ, pag. 26, dum Apioni patrem dant Posidonium.

"Appion Plistonicensis." Epitome, ch. 133: "Appion the Pleistonikes"; Clementines IV, 6: "Appion the Pleistonikes" (accusative). Yet the name of that famous grammarian, who was called by Tiberius "the cymbal of the world", was without doubt Ἀπίων, Apion, as the manuscript codices we have used sometimes show, and as you will find it written almost always in Greek books. But even the Greek copyists sometimes went wrong. Hence in Tatian Ἀπίωνος is rightly read at p. 164, but Ἀππίων is wrongly printed at p. 172, although in Eusebius, Praeparatio evangelica book X, ch. 11, in the same passage of Tatian, Ἀπίων is to be seen. As regards the Latins, "Appion" may be the authors' error, or it may be the copyists'. Certainly in Pliny "Apion" is written. Likewise in Ado's Chronicle, in the Catalogue of Honorius of Autun, and in some manuscripts and editions of Eusebius's History translated by Rufinus, book III, ch. 38. But in Seneca, Gellius, Tertullian, Jerome, Rufinus's Josephus, Haymo and others, they have printed it with a double p. So much for the name. Now for the surname. I would not render Πλειστονίκην as "Plistonicensis", as though from his homeland, but "Plistonices", following Pliny and Gellius. And they surnamed Apion thus because he had often come out the victor in literary contest, which is the opinion of many; or else from his father Plistonices, according to the most learned Salmasius on the Inscription of Regilla, p. 90, and in the preface to the book De homonymis hyles iatricae, p. 40 — from these words of Suidas, I suppose: "Apion, the son of Pleistonikes". But Salmasius, together with Suidas, is refuted by Justin Martyr in the Exhortation to the Greeks, p. 9, and by Africanus in Eusebius, both in book X of the Praeparatio evangelica, ch. 10, and in the first book of the Chronicle, p. 26, since they give Apion a father named Posidonius.

(printed under page 722)

Page

running head: 1445 RECOGNITIONUM [LIB. X.] (the head runs across the page; this image shows it only to "RECOGNITIONUM")
marginal letters: A ‹veritatis, sicut se habet›; B ‹esse causetur, verum et›; C ‹cum Clemente de genesi›; D stands beside Cotelier's notes at the page foot, not beside the text
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1446

ipsa doctrinae et suavitate verborum pervigiles mansimus. Et cum jam auroresceret, Petrus intuens me ac fratres meos, ait: Miror quid visum sit patri vestro. Cumque haec diceret, supervenit pater et invenit Petrum nobis de se loquentem. Cumque salutasset, satisfacere coepit et causam exponere, ob quam foris mansisset. Nos autem respicientes ad eum expavimus, vultum in eo Simonis videntes, vocem tamen patris nostri audiebamus. Cumque refugeremus eum et exsecraremur, stupebat pater quod tam austere cum eo ageremus et barbare. Solus tamen Petrus erat, qui vultum ejus naturalem videbat: qui et ait ad nos: Cur exsecramini patrem vestrum? Cui nos una cum matre respondimus: Hic nobis Simon videtur, vocem habens patris nostri. Et Petrus: Vobis quidem vox ejus quae maleficiis mutata non est, sola nota est; mihi autem etiam vultus ejus, qui aliis arte Simonis mutatus apparet, Faustiniani patris vestri notus est. Et intuens patrem ait: Causa quae conjugem tuam conturbat ac filios, haec est, species vultus in te non videtur illa quae fuit, sed facies exsecrandi Simonis in te apparet.

itself of the teaching and the sweetness of his words remained awake all night. And when dawn was now breaking, Peter, looking at me and my brothers, said: I wonder what your father has resolved upon. And while he was saying these things, our father came upon us and found Peter speaking to us about him. And when he had greeted us, he began to make his excuse and to set forth the reason for which he had stayed out. But we, looking at him, were terrified, seeing in him the countenance of Simon, yet we were hearing the voice of our father. And when we shrank from him and execrated him, our father was astounded that we dealt with him so harshly and barbarously. Peter, however, was the only one who saw his natural countenance; and he said to us: Why do you execrate your father? To whom we, together with our mother, answered: This man appears to us to be Simon, having the voice of our father. And Peter said: To you indeed his voice alone is known, which has not been changed by sorceries; but to me his countenance also, which to others appears changed by the art of Simon, is known as that of Faustinianus your father. And looking at our father he said: The cause which troubles your wife and sons is this: the appearance of your countenance is not seen in you as that which it was, but the face of the execrable Simon appears in you.

LIV. Et cum haec diceret, regressus quidam ex his qui Antiochiam praecesserunt, dicebat ad Petrum: Scire te volo, domine mi Petre, quia Simon apud Antiochiam publice multa faciens signa et prodigia, nihil aliud populo persuasit nisi quae ad tui odium pertinent, magum te nominans, maleficum, homicidam, et in tantum eos adversum te odium concitavit, ut magnopere desiderent, si te usquam invenire queant, etiam carnes tuas devorare; et ob hoc nos qui praemissi sumus, videntes valde commotam contra te civitatem, occulte in unum convenientes considerabamus quid fieri oporteret.

LIV. And while he was saying these things, one of those who had gone on before to Antioch, having returned, said to Peter: I wish you to know, my lord Peter, that Simon, doing many signs and prodigies publicly at Antioch, has persuaded the people of nothing else than what pertains to hatred of you, calling you a magician, a sorcerer, a murderer, and he has stirred them up to such hatred against you that they greatly desire, if they can find you anywhere, even to devour your flesh; and on this account we who were sent ahead, seeing the city greatly roused against you, coming together secretly into one place were considering what ought to be done.

LV. Cumque nullum videremus exitum rei, supervenit Cornelius centurio, missus a Caesare ad praesidem Caesareae publici negotii gratia; hunc accersimus ad nos solum, causamque ei qua moesti

LV. And when we saw no way out of the matter, there came upon us Cornelius the centurion, sent by Caesar to the governor of Caesarea for the sake of public business; him we summoned to us alone, and the cause for which, sorrowful,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1446

Footnotes

(61) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image; column inferred› · call in col 1446

Vultum in eo Simonis videntes, etc. Indiligens est in hujus loci et fabellae commemoratione Hincmarus, relatus in Testimoniis Veterum. Lege etiam Cedrenum p. 173, et Anastasium, quaest. 20, p. 242.

"Seeing in him the face of Simon", etc. Hincmar, quoted in the Testimonies of the Ancients, is careless in recalling this passage and tale. Read also Cedrenus, p. 173, and Anastasius, question 20, p. 242.

(printed under page 722)

Page

running head: [R]ECOGNITIONUM LIB. X. 1446
marginal letters: A ‹lectatione ipsa doctrinae›; B ‹matre respondimus›; C ‹homicidam, et in tantum›; D stands beside Cotelier's notes at the page foot, not beside the text
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column's first printed word "lectatione" completes "delectatione", set whole at the end of col. 1445, so this file begins at "ipsa". Note call (61) after "videntes" is left out. In "Petrus" (line 2) the u is broken type. The column ends mid-sentence at "moesti". Editors' prose seen at the foot of this column: COTELERII NOTAE, the end of note (60) and note (61), not set.

PG 1:1447

essemus exponimus, ac si quid posset, ut juvaret hortamur. Tum ille promptissime repromittit se eum protinus fugaturum, si tamen consilio ejus etiam nos adniteremur. Cumque nos polliceremur impigre cuncta gesturos, ait: Caesar in urbe Roma et per provincias maleficos inquiri jussit ac perimi, ex quibus plurimi jam perempti sunt. Ego igitur divulgabo per amicos, me ut istum magum caperem venisse, et ob hoc missum a Caesare, quo etiam hic cum caeteris suis sociis puniatur. Vestri ergo qui cum ipso sunt occulte quasi undecunque audierint, indicent ei quod ego ad ipsum capiendum missus sim, et certum est, quod cum audierit, fugiat: aut si vos aliquid melius videtis, dicite. Quid plura? ita factum est a nostris qui cum ipso erant, explorandi gratia simulati. Ubi didicit Simon ventum esse ad se, tanquam ingens sibi beneficium collatum ab eis accipiens, in fugam versus est. Discedens igitur ex Antiochia, cum Athenodoro huc venit s⟨ic⟩ut audivimus.

we were we set forth to him, and we exhorted him, if he could do anything, to help. Then he most readily promised that he would put him to flight at once, provided, however, that we too would lend our efforts to his plan. And when we promised that we would carry out everything without delay, he said: Caesar has ordered sorcerers to be sought out and put to death in the city of Rome and throughout the provinces, of whom very many have already been put to death. I therefore will spread it abroad through friends that I have come to seize this magician, and that I was sent by Caesar for this purpose, that he too may be punished with the rest of his associates. Let your men, then, who are with him, secretly, as though they had heard it from some quarter, inform him that I have been sent to seize him, and it is certain that, when he hears it, he will flee; or if you see anything better, say so. Why say more? It was so done by our men who were with him, in disguise for the sake of spying. When Simon learned that they had come for him, receiving this as though it were an immense kindness conferred on him by them, he turned to flight. Departing therefore from Antioch, he came here with Athenodorus, as we have heard.

LVI. Hoc ergo visum est nobis omnibus qui praecessimus, ut interim nunc non ascendas Antiochiam, usquequo videamus si illo discedente odium quod de te populo seminavit, aliqua ex parte vacuetur. Cum haec insinuasset is qui de Antiochia venerat, Petrus respiciens ad patrem nostrum ait: Faustiniane, a Simone Mago transformatus est vultus tuus, sicut apparet; putans enim quod a Caesare quaereretur ad poenam, territus fugit et suum vultum tibi imposuit, si forte tu pro ipso capereris et ad mortem duci posses, ut filiis tuis tristitiam moveret. Pater vero ubi haec audivit, cum lacrymis exclamans: Recte, inquit, aestimasti, Petre, nam et Anubion quia mihi valde amicus erat, sub mysterio quodam mihi indicare coeperat de insidiis ejus, sed infelix non credebam, quia nihil in eum commiseram mali.

LVI. This therefore has seemed good to all of us who went on ahead, that for the present you should not now go up to Antioch, until we see whether, with him departing, the hatred which he has sown among the people concerning you may in some part be emptied out. When he who had come from Antioch had made these things known, Peter, looking towards our father, said: Faustinianus, your countenance has been transformed by Simon Magus, as is apparent; for, thinking that he was being sought by Caesar for punishment, he fled in terror and laid his own countenance upon you, in case you might perhaps be seized in his place and could be led to death, that he might bring sorrow upon your sons. But our father, when he heard these things, crying out with tears, said: You have judged rightly, Peter, for Anubion also, because he was a great friend of mine, had begun under a kind of secrecy to inform me about his plots, but I, unhappy man, did not believe it, because I had done him no evil.

LVII. Cumque omnes una cum patre tristitia et lacrymis ageremur, interea ⟨e⟩t Anubion venit ad nos, indicans nobis Simonem fug⟨i⟩sse per noctem, Judaeam petentem. Videns autem patrem nostrum plangentem et lamentantem se ac dicentem: Infelicem me, qui eum magum audiens non credebam; quid mihi misero accidit, ut una die recognitus ab uxore et filiis, laetari non potuerim cum eis, sed ad priores miserias quas in errore pertuli, revolutus sim? Mater autem multo gravius sparsis et laceratis crinibus plangebat; nos quoque in permutatione vultus patris stupentes quasi attoniti eramus et amentes, nec quid rei esset intelligere poteramus. Sed et Anubion omnes nos ita videns affligi, velut mutus stabat. Tunc Petrus nos intuens filios ejus ait: Mihi credite, quod hic ipse est pater vester; propt⟨e⟩r quod et moneo vos, ut quasi patrem servetis eum. Dabit enim Deus occasionem aliquam, qua deposito Simonis vultu evidentem patris vestri, id est suam, recuperare possit effigiem.

LVII. And while all of us together with our father were overcome by sorrow and tears, meanwhile Anubion also came to us, informing us that Simon had fled in the night, making for Judaea. And seeing our father mourning and bewailing himself and saying: Unhappy me, who, hearing that he was a magician, did not believe it; what has befallen wretched me, that, recognized in one day by my wife and sons, I have not been able to rejoice with them, but have been rolled back to the former miseries which I endured in my wandering? And our mother was mourning far more grievously, with hair dishevelled and torn; we also, astounded at the change of our father's countenance, were as though thunderstruck and out of our minds, nor could we understand what the matter was. And Anubion too, seeing us all so afflicted, stood as if dumb. Then Peter, looking at us his sons, said: Believe me that this is your father himself; wherefore I also admonish you to attend upon him as your father. For God will give some occasion by which, the countenance of Simon being laid aside, he may be able to recover the manifest likeness of your father, that is, his own.

LVIII. Et ad patrem conversus ait: Ego tibi permiseram salutare Appionem et Anubionem, quos

LVIII. And turning to our father he said: I had permitted you to greet Appion and Anubion, whom

Editors' notes and page, col. 1447

Page

running head: 1447 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT. [OPERA DUBIA.] (the head runs across the page; this image shows it only to "PONT.")
marginal letters: A ‹essemus exponimus, ac si quid›; B ‹gratia simulati. Ubi didicit›; C ‹ad mortem duci posses›; D ‹uxore et filiis, laetari›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: damaged type supplied in ⟨ ⟩: "s⟨ic⟩ut", "⟨e⟩t Anubion", "fug⟨i⟩sse", "propt⟨e⟩r". "caeteris" is set as printed. The sentence "Videns autem patrem … dicentem:" has no main verb as printed. The column opens and ends mid-sentence.

PG 1:1448

tibi amicos a puero fuisse dixeras, non tamen ut cum Simone loquereris. Et pater: Peccavi, inquit, fateor. Tum Anubion: Et ego, inquit, cum ipso rogo et deprecor te, ut ignoscas seni, viro bono et generoso; seductus est infelix et ludibrio factus a nominato mago; dicam enim quomodo res gesta est: Ubi venit ad salutandos nos, contigit ut in ipsa hora circumstaremus Simonem, audientes eum dicentem quod fugere velit in ipsa nocte; audisse enim se, quod venerint quidam etiam ad hanc Laodiciae civitatem, qui eum ex praecepto imperatoris comprehenderent; velle autem se in hunc qui nuper ingressus est Faustinianum omnem convertere furorem. Et ait ad nos: Tantum, inquit, vos facite eum coenare nobiscum, et ego unguentum quoddam componam, quo coenatus perungat faciem suam, ut ex eo meum vultum omnibus habere videatur; vos autem herbae cujusdam succo facies perungemini prius, ut non fallamini de immutatione vultus ejus, ita ut, exceptis vobis, aliis omnibus Simon esse videatur.

you had said were your friends from boyhood, yet not that you should speak with Simon. And our father said: I have sinned, I confess. Then Anubion said: I too, with him, ask and entreat you to pardon the old man, a good and noble man; the unhappy man has been led astray and made a mockery by the magician named; for I will tell how the matter was done. When he came to greet us, it happened that at that very hour we were standing around Simon, hearing him say that he wished to flee that very night; for he had heard that certain men had come even to this city of Laodicea to arrest him by command of the emperor; but that he wished to turn all the fury upon this Faustinianus who had lately come in. And he said to us: Only make him sup with us, and I will compound a certain ointment, with which, having supped, he shall anoint his face, so that from it he may seem to all to have my countenance; but you shall first anoint your faces with the juice of a certain herb, that you may not be deceived about the change of his countenance, so that, you excepted, to all others he may seem to be Simon.

LIX. Et cum ille haec diceret aio ad eum: Et quid tibi ex hoc facto confertur lucri? Tum Simon: Primo, inquit, ut ipsum comprehendant qui me quaerunt, et me desinant quaerere. Si vero punitus fuerit a Caesare, ut luctum maximum habeant filii sui, qui, me derelicto, confugerunt ad Petrum et sunt modo adjutores ipsius. Ego autem confiteor tibi, Petre, quod verum est; timui tunc Faustiniano indicare haec, sed neque spatium nobis ipse Simon dedit, ut possemus secretius loqui et plenius ei consilium Simonis aperire. Interea circa mediam noctem, Simon Judaeam petens aufugit. Deduxit autem eum Athenodorus et Appion, ego autem simulavi inaequalitatem corporis, ut domi remanens facerem hunc velocius ad vos redire, si forte possit aliquo modo occultari apud vos, ne ab his qui Simonem quaerunt comprehensus, ad Caesarem perducatur et pereat gratis, et nunc sollicitus pro ipso veni videre eum et redire antequam superveniant illi, qui deduxerunt Simonem. Et conversus ad nos Anubion ait: Ego Anubion patris vestri verum vultum video revera, quia perunctus sum prius ab ipso Simone sicut narravi vobis, ut oculis meis vera Faustiniani facies appareret, unde satis stupeo et admiror artem Simonis Magi, quod vos stantes modo non agnoscitis patrem vestrum. Flentibus autem patre et matre ac nobis omnibus pro his quae acciderant, motus miseratione etiam Anubion flebat.

LIX. And when he was saying these things, I said to him: And what gain accrues to you from this deed? Then Simon said: First, that those who are seeking me may arrest him and cease to seek me. And if he is punished by Caesar, that his sons may have the greatest grief, who, forsaking me, have fled to Peter and are now his helpers. But I confess to you, Peter, what is true: I was afraid then to disclose these things to Faustinianus, but neither did Simon himself give us room to be able to speak more privately and to open Simon's plan to him more fully. Meanwhile, about the middle of the night, Simon fled away, making for Judaea. And Athenodorus and Appion escorted him, but I feigned an indisposition of body, in order that, remaining at home, I might make this man return to you more quickly, in case he might in some way be hidden among you, lest, arrested by those who are seeking Simon, he be brought to Caesar and perish for nothing; and now, anxious on his account, I have come to see him, and to go back before those arrive who escorted Simon. And turning to us, Anubion said: I, Anubion, do in very truth see the true countenance of your father, because I was anointed beforehand by Simon himself, as I have told you, that the true face of Faustinianus might appear to my eyes; whence I am quite astounded and marvel at the art of Simon Magus, that you, standing here now, do not recognize your father. And while our father and mother and all of us were weeping over the things which had happened, Anubion also, moved with pity, was weeping.

LX. Tum Petrus, misericordia permotus, restituturum se promittit faciem patris nostri, dicens ad eum: Audi, Faustiniane, cum nobis prius utilitatis aliquid contulerit error iste transformati vultus tui et ministraverit ad ea quae volumus, tunc ego veram tibi vultus tui imaginem reddam, si tamen prius quae a me tibi fuerint imperata, profligaveris. Cumque pater meus impleturum se cuncta quae juberet omni promitteret nisu, tantum ut propriam recuperaret effigiem, Petrus ita coepit: Ipse auribus tuis

LX. Then Peter, deeply moved with mercy, promised that he would restore the face of our father, saying to him: Hear, Faustinianus: when this delusion of your transformed countenance has first conferred some benefit on us and has served for the things which we wish, then I will give back to you the true image of your countenance, provided, however, that you first dispatch the things which shall have been commanded you by me. And when my father promised that he would with every effort fulfil all that he should order, only that he might recover his own likeness, Peter began thus: You yourself with your own ears

Editors' notes and page, col. 1448

Page

running head: [S. CLEMENTI]S I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1448
marginal letters: A ‹tibi amicos a puero fuisse›; B ‹componam, quo coenatus›; C ‹dedit, ut possemus secretius›; D ‹reret, unde satis stupeo›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: broken type, read from what is printed and set without brackets: "perungemini" (last syllable), "maximum", "plenius", "vultum" (video revera), "recuperaret". "Deduxit" is singular with two subjects, as printed. The column opens and ends mid-sentence.

PG 1:1449

audisti quod unus ex his qui praemissi fuerant, regressus ex Antiochia, nuntiaverit, quomodo Simon ibi positus, turbas adversum me concitaverit, atque in odium mei totam inflammaverit civitatem; magum me et homicidam ac deceptorem confirmans, in tantum ut desiderent, si me videant, etiam carnes meas devorare. Fac ergo quod dico tibi: relinquens apud me Clementem, praecede nos Antiochiam cum conjuge tua et Fausto ac Faustino filiis tuis. Sed et alios mittam tecum, quos mihi videbitur, qui obtemperent his quae praecepero.

have heard that one of those who had been sent ahead, having returned from Antioch, reported how Simon, being there, has stirred up the crowds against me and has inflamed the whole city to hatred of me, affirming me to be a magician and a murderer and a deceiver, to such a degree that they desire, if they should see me, even to devour my flesh. Do therefore what I tell you: leaving Clement with me, go before us to Antioch with your wife and your sons Faustus and Faustinus. And I will also send others with you, whom I shall see fit, who are to obey the things which I shall command.

LXI. Cum ergo una cum ipsis Antiochiam veneris, quandoquidem Simon videris, publice stans praedica poenitentiam tuam et dic: Ego Simon denuntio vobis et confiteor me omnia fefellisse de Petro; ille enim neque seductor est, neque magus, neque homicida, neque horum aliquid quaecunque contra eum locutus sum, sed dixi illa omnia furore commotus. Obsecro ergo vos ipse ego, qui dudum causas odii vobis contra eum dederam, ut nihil tale de eo sentiatis; sed deponite odium, cessate ab indignatione, quia vere a Deo ad salutem mundi missus est discipulus veri Prophetae et apostolus. Propter quod suadeo, hortor et moneo ut ipsum audiatis, ipsi credatis praedicanti vobis veritatem, ne forte si spreveritis eum, ipsa etiam subito civitas vestra pereat. Quam vero ob causam haec nunc vobis confitear, indicabo. Hac nocte angelus Dei corripuit me impium, et cur inimicus essem veritatis praeconi, vehementissime flagellavit. Deprecor ergo vos, ut etiamsi ego ipse post haec veniens ad vos aliquid tentavero adversum Petrum dicere, ne suscipiatis, nec credatis. Confiteor enim vobis, ego magus, ego seductor, ego deceptor fui, sed poenitentiam ago; licet enim per poenitentiam priora male gesta delere.

LXI. When therefore you have come to Antioch together with them, since you appear to be Simon, stand publicly and proclaim your repentance and say: I, Simon, declare to you and confess that I deceived you in everything concerning Peter; for he is neither a seducer, nor a magician, nor a murderer, nor any of those things whatsoever that I have spoken against him, but I said all those things moved by fury. I myself therefore beseech you, I who a while ago had given you causes of hatred against him, that you think no such thing of him; but lay aside hatred, cease from indignation, because he has truly been sent by God for the salvation of the world, the disciple and apostle of the true Prophet. Wherefore I urge, exhort and admonish you to hear him, to believe him as he preaches the truth to you, lest perhaps, if you spurn him, your very city also suddenly perish. And for what cause I now confess these things to you, I will make known. This night an angel of God seized me, impious as I am, and scourged me most vehemently, [asking] why I was an enemy to the herald of the truth. I entreat you therefore that, even if I myself, coming to you after this, should attempt to say anything against Peter, you do not receive it nor believe it. For I confess to you, I was a magician, I a seducer, I a deceiver, but I do penance; for it is permitted through penance to blot out former ill deeds.

LXII. Cum haec Petrus intimaret patri, ille respondit: Scio quid velis, ne labores ultra; intellexi enim et novi, quid oporteat cum ad locum venero, prosequi. Et Petrus iterum suggerebat ei, dicens: Cum ergo veneris ad locum et videris populum ex sermone tuo converti, et depositis odiis recipere desiderium nostri, mitte et manda mihi, et statim veniam. Cum autem venero, sine mora alienum hunc a te vultum effugabo, et tuum proprium qui tuis omnibus notus est reddam. Et his dictis fratres

LXII. When Peter was intimating these things to our father, he answered: I know what you wish, do not labour further; for I have understood and know what I ought to pursue when I have come to the place. And Peter again prompted him, saying: When therefore you have come to the place and have seen the people turned by your speech and, hatreds laid aside, taking up a longing for us, send and give me word, and I will come at once. And when I have come, I will without delay drive away from you this alien countenance, and will give back your own, which is known to all your people. And having said these things, my brothers

Editors' notes and page, col. 1449

Footnotes

COTELERII NOTAE. (printed under page 724)

(62) ‹anchor: vehementissime flagellavit› · call in col 1449

Vehementissime flagellavit. Conferri potest haec flagellatio cum illa famosa Hieronymi.

"Scourged most severely." This scourging may be compared with that famous one of Jerome.

(63-64) ‹anchor: quia Judaei erant› · call in col 1450 Quia Judaei erant. Ut benigne exponi potest per satis cognitum errorem, quo ethnici primis temporibus in nomine Judaeorum Christianos quoque comprehendebant : ita et suspectum esse queat Ebioniticae labis apocryphis Clementinis inspersae. Confundebant enim Ebionaei Christianismum cum Judaismo. Quocirca prudenter factum a Simeone Metaphraste in Vita Clementis Romani, seu Clementina Epitome, cum quatuor loca homiliae quartae Clementinorum mutavit et correxit. Primus locus exstat c. 7. Ibi de Clemente dicitur : Ὑπὸ βαρβάρου τινὸς, τὴν προσηγορίαν Πέτρου, τὰ Ἰουδαίων ποιεῖν καὶ λέγειν ἠπάτηται. Metaphrastes vero posuit Epitomes c. 46, τὰ Χριστιανῶν. Secundum locum habes c. 13, ὁ δὲ τῶν, ὡς ὑμεῖς φατε, βαρβάρων Ἰουδαίων λόγος, e quo vocem Ἰουδαίων Simeon abstulit, c. 50. Tertium c. 13. quem simili modo circumcidit, c. 51. In quarto denique loco c. 24, Apion notat Clementem προσομιλοῦντα Ἰουδαίοις· at ex emendatione breviantis c. 53, Χριστιανοῖς. Lege homil. xi, c. 16, et alibi.

"Because they were Jews." Just as this can be kindly explained by the well-enough-known error by which the pagans in the earliest times included Christians too under the name of Jews, so it may also be suspected of the Ebionite taint sprinkled over the apocryphal Clementines. For the Ebionites confounded Christianity with Judaism. Hence it was prudently done by Simeon Metaphrastes in the Life of Clement of Rome, or Clementine Epitome, when he changed and corrected four places of the fourth homily of the Clementines. The first place is in ch. 7. There it is said of Clement: "He has been deceived by a certain barbarian, Peter by name, into doing and saying the things of the Jews." But Metaphrastes put, in ch. 46 of the Epitome, "the things of the Christians". The second place you have in ch. 13, "but the doctrine of the — as you say — barbarian Jews", from which Simeon removed the word "Jews", ch. 50. The third, ch. 13, which he pruned in like manner, ch. 51. In the fourth place, finally, ch. 24, Apion remarks that Clement is "consorting with Jews"; but by the abridger's emendation, ch. 53, "with Christians". Read homily XI, ch. 16, and elsewhere.

(printed under page 724)

Page

running head: 1449 RECOGNITIONUM LI[B. X.] (the head runs across the page; this image shows it only to "LI")
marginal letters: A ‹audisti quod unus ex his›; B ‹Petro; ille enim neque›; C ‹etiamsi ego ipse post haec›; D ‹hunc a te vultum effugabo›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column ends "fra-"; the word is completed ("fratres") from the first line of col. 1450, and its possessive "meos" stands there (the English "my" anticipates it). Note call (62) after "flagellavit" is left out. After "respondit" the point is broken type (one dot printed); set as a colon. Broken type read without brackets: "concitaverit", "pereat", "alienum". Editors' prose seen at the foot of this column: COTELERII NOTAE, notes (62) and (63-64), not set; also the printer's signature.

PG 1:1450

meos proficisci cum ipso jubet, ac Matthidiam matrem nostram et quosdam ex familiaribus simul. Sed mater recusabat proficisci simul et aiebat: Quasi adultera mihi futura videor, si vultui Simonis conjuncta sim; quod etsi cogar simul ire, impossibile tamen est ut in eodem lectulo cum ipso jaceam, sed nescio si vel proficisci simul acquiescam. Et cum valde renueret, Anubion hortari eam coepit, dicens: Crede mihi et Petro, sed et ipsa vox non tibi Faustinianum esse persuadet conjugem tuum? quem vere non minus ego diligo quam tu. Denique etiam ego ipse vobiscum veniam. Et cum haec dixisset Anubion, promisit mater simul se profecturam.

he ordered to set out with him, and Matthidia our mother and some of the household along with them. But our mother refused to set out with them and said: I seem to myself as though I shall be an adulteress, if I am joined to the countenance of Simon; and even if I am compelled to go along, it is nevertheless impossible that I should lie in the same bed with him; but I do not know whether I shall consent even to set out together. And when she strongly refused, Anubion began to exhort her, saying: Believe me and Peter; but does not the voice itself also persuade you that he is Faustinianus your husband? Whom truly I love no less than you do. In fine, I myself also will come with you. And when Anubion had said these things, our mother promised that she would set out with them.

LXIII. Tum ego, Competenter, aio, Deus negotia nostra componit; habemus enim nobiscum et Anubionem astrologum, cum quo si Antiochiam venerimus, de genesi attentius disputabimus. Cumque post medium noctis pater noster cum his quos jusserat Petrus, et Anubione profectus esset; mane priusquam procederet ad disputandum Petrus, regressi sunt illi qui deduxerunt Simonem, id est Appion et Athenodorus, et venerunt ad nos requirentes patrem meum. Petrus vero ubi cognovit, jussit eos introire. Et cum consedissent, Ubi est, aiunt, Faustinianus? Petrus respondit: Nescimus: vespere enim postquam ad vos venit, ultra nulli suorum visus est; hesterno tamen die mane Simon venit quaerens eum, et quia nihil illi respondimus, nescio quid ei visum sit, Faustinianum se esse dicebat. Quod cum ei nemo crederet, flens et dolens comminabatur perempturum semetipsum, et post haec abiit ad mare versus.

LXIII. Then I said: Fittingly does God order our affairs; for we have with us also Anubion the astrologer, with whom, if we come to Antioch, we shall dispute more attentively about genesis. And when after the middle of the night our father had set out with those whom Peter had ordered, and with Anubion, in the morning, before Peter went forth to the disputation, those who had escorted Simon came back, that is, Appion and Athenodorus, and came to us seeking my father. And Peter, when he learned of it, ordered them to come in. And when they had sat down, they said: Where is Faustinianus? Peter answered: We do not know; for since he came to you in the evening, he has not been seen further by any of his own people; yesterday morning, however, Simon came seeking him, and because we answered him nothing, I know not what came into his mind, he said that he was Faustinianus. And when no one believed him in this, weeping and grieving he threatened that he would kill himself, and after this he went away towards the sea.

LXIV. Haec cum audisset Appion et qui cum ipso erant, ululatum dederunt grandem, dicentes: Quid hoc fecistis, cur non recepistis eum? Et cum vellet Athenodorus dicere mihi quia ipse erat Faustinianus pater tuus, Appion praeveniens eum: Comperimus, inquit, a quodam qui cum Simone profectus est, ipso Faustiniano deprecante eum, pro eo quod nollet filios suos videre, quia Judaei erant. Nos ergo cum audissemus haec, venimus eum hic requirere, sed quia hic non est, apparet quia vere dixit qui nuntiavit cum Simone profectum; hoc ergo nuntiamus vobis. Ego autem Clemens ubi intellexi consilium Petri, quia voluerit

LXIV. When Appion and those who were with him had heard these things, they raised a great wailing, saying: Why have you done this, why did you not receive him? And when Athenodorus wished to say to me, That man was Faustinianus your father, Appion, forestalling him, said: We have learned from a certain man that he set out with Simon, Faustinianus himself entreating him, because he was unwilling to see his sons, since they were Jews. We therefore, when we had heard these things, came to look for him here, but since he is not here, it is apparent that he spoke truly who reported that he had set out with Simon; this therefore we report to you. But I, Clement, when I understood Peter's design, that he wished

Editors' notes and page, col. 1450

Page

running head: [RE]COGNITIONUM LIB. X. 1450
marginal letters: A ‹tres meos proficisci cum ipso›; B ‹nostra componit; habemus›; C ‹dicebat. Quod cum ei nemo›; D ‹ctum; hoc ergo nuntiamus›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column's first printed syllable "tres" completes "fratres", set whole at the end of col. 1449, so this file begins at "meos" (its English opens with the verb; "my brothers" stands at the end of col. 1449). Note call (63-64) after "Judaei erant" is left out. UNSURE of the construction "a quodam qui cum Simone profectus est": taken, with the later "qui nuntiavit cum Simone profectum", of Faustinianus's departure; it can also be read "from a certain man who set out with Simon". Broken type read without brackets: "negotia", "die". The column ends mid-sentence at "voluerit". Editors' prose seen at the foot of this column: COTELERII NOTAE, the end of note (63-64), not set; also the printer's signature numeral.

PG 1:1451

eis suspicionem dare, quod ab ipsis quaerendus esset senex, ut timerent et fugerent, coepi juvare consilium ejus et aio ad Appionem: Audi, charissime Appion, nos quod bonum credimus, etiam patri tradere volumus; quod si noluerit recipere, sed magis, ut dicis, exhorrescens nos fugit, asperum sit fortasse quod dico, nec nos de eo curamus. Et cum haec dixissem, quasi exsecrantes crudelitatem meam discedunt, vestigia Simonis, ut sequenti die comperimus, insequentes.

to give them the suspicion that the old man was to be sought for by them, so that they might fear and flee, I began to help his plan, and I say to Appion: Hear, dearest Appion; what we believe to be good we wish to hand on to our father also; but if he will not receive it, but rather, as you say, flees from us in horror, what I say may perhaps be harsh, but neither do we care about him. And when I had said this, as though execrating my cruelty they depart, following the tracks of Simon, as we learned on the following day.

LXV. Interea cum Petrus ex more quotidie populum doceret et virtutes multas ac sanitates efficeret, post dies decem venit quidam nostrorum ab Antiochia missus a patre, annuntians nobis quomodo publice staret pater, Simonem quidem qui in vultu videbatur, accusans, Petrum vero immensis laudibus praeferens et omni populo commendans ac desiderabilem faciens, ita ut omnes ex ejus sermone mutati desiderarent eum videre; multos autem tantum in Petri amorem venisse, ut saevirent in patrem quasi in Simonem, et manus ei vellent injicere, velut qui tantum mali commisisset in Petrum; propter quod, aiebat, appropera, ne forte perimatur; in timore enim magno positus velociter misit me, ut sine mora venias, quo viventem eum occupes, simul et crescenti erga tui desiderium civitati opportunus appareas. Aiebat etiam quomodo mox ut urbem Antiochiam pater ingressus esset, quasi ad Simonem omnis populus ad eum collectus est, et coepit omnibus confiteri publice secundum ea quae populi restauratio flagitabat; nam quicunque omnes simul nobiles et diversi simul divites ac pauperes convenissent, sperantes aliqua ab eo more solito prodigia posse fieri, omnes hac voce alloquitur:

LXV. Meanwhile, as Peter according to his custom was daily teaching the people and working many mighty deeds and healings, after ten days there came one of our own from Antioch, sent by our father, announcing to us how our father was standing in public, accusing Simon indeed, who was seen in his face, but exalting Peter with immense praises and commending him to all the people and making him an object of desire, so that all, changed by his discourse, longed to see him; and that many had come to such love of Peter that they raged against our father as against Simon, and wished to lay hands on him, as one who had committed so great a wrong against Peter; wherefore, he said, make haste, lest perhaps he be killed; for, placed in great fear, he sent me swiftly, that you may come without delay, so that you may reach him while he lives, and at the same time appear opportunely to a city growing in its longing for you. He told also how, as soon as our father had entered the city of Antioch, all the people gathered to him as to Simon, and he began to confess publicly to all, according to what the restoring of the people demanded; for all whosoever had come together, nobles and others alike, rich and poor alike, hoping that some prodigies could be wrought by him in the accustomed manner, he addresses all with this speech:

LXVI. Diu est quod me Simonem infelicissimum hominum patientia divina sustinet; nam quidquid in me mirati estis, non veritatis ministerio, sed daemonum mendaciis et artibus gestum est, ut vestram fidem everterem et meam animam condemnarem. Confiteor me omnia de Petro fuisse mentitum; ille enim neque magus neque homicida unquam fuit, sed a Deo ad salutem vestrum omnium missus est, quem si ex hac hora contemnendum putaveritis, certum sit apud vos quod possit ipsa civitas vestra repente deperire. Quae autem causa sit, ut haec vobis ultro confitear: ab angelo Dei hac nocte vehementer correptus sum, et cur ei inimicus exstiterim, vehementissime flagellatus. Deprecor ergo vos, ut si ego ipse ex hac hora aperuero os meum contra eum, projiciatis me ab aspectu vestro; ille enim immundus daemon saluti hominum inimicus per os meum contra ipsum loquitur, ne per eum vos pertingatis ad vitam. Quid enim ars magica per me vobis potuit virtutis ostendere? Canes feci aereos latrare et statuas moveri, figuras mutari hominum et subito ab aspectibus hominum absentari; et per haec debuistis artem magicam exsecrari, quae ut vobis miraculum inane praetenderem, animas vestras diabolicis laqueis innodabat,

LXVI. For a long time now the divine patience has borne with me, Simon, the most unhappy of men; for whatever you have marvelled at in me was done not by the ministry of truth but by the lies and arts of demons, that I might overthrow your faith and condemn my own soul. I confess that I lied in everything concerning Peter; for he was never either a magician or a murderer, but was sent by God for the salvation of you all; and if from this hour you think him one to be despised, let it be certain among you that your very city may suddenly perish. But as to what the cause is that I confess these things to you of my own accord: this night I was vehemently rebuked by an angel of God, and most vehemently scourged for having been his enemy. I beseech you therefore that, if I myself from this hour open my mouth against him, you cast me out from your sight; for that unclean demon, the enemy of the salvation of men, speaks through my mouth against him, lest through him you attain to life. For what power was the magic art able to show you through me? I made brazen dogs bark and statues move, the shapes of men to be changed and suddenly to vanish from the sight of men; and through these things you ought to have execrated the magic art, which, in order that I might hold out to you an empty miracle, was binding your souls in diabolical snares,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1451

Page

running head: 1451 S. CLEMENTIS I ROM. PONT⟨ ⟩ (the image shows only this column's half of the running head)
marginal letters: A ‹eis suspicionem dare, quod ab ipsis quaerendus›; B ‹vultu videbatur, accusans, Petrum vero immensis›; C ‹secundum ea quae populi restauratio flagitabat;›; D ‹civitas vestra repente deperire. Quae autem causa›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column begins and ends mid-sentence. Several letters are weakly inked or blotted but legible from context of the type (pater, col. line 'publice staret pater'; amorem; Simonem; vestrum). 'nam quicunque omnes simul nobiles et diversi simul divites' set as printed; the syntax is awkward and the English follows it.

PG 1:1452

ne crederetis Petro, qui et languentes in nomine ejus a quo missus est curat, et daemonas fugat, ac caecos illuminat, et paralyticis salutem reddit, et mortuos suscitat.

lest you should believe Peter, who both cures the sick in the name of Him by Whom he was sent, and puts demons to flight, and gives light to the blind, and restores health to paralytics, and raises the dead.

LXVII. Haec et his similia multa eo prosequente, exsecrari eum coepit populus, et dabant fletum et gemitum, quia peccassent in Petrum credentes eum esse magum et impium. Eodem vero die ad vesperam restituta est in Faustiniano facies propria, et abscessit ab eo aspectus Simonis Magi. Audiens autem Simon vultum suum in eo ad Petri gloriam profecisse, festinus praevenit Petrum et agere cupiens arte sua, ut a Faustiniano ejus similitudo recederet, cum jam hoc juxta verbum apostoli sui Christus implesset. Videntes autem Niceta et Aquila post praedicationem necessariam paternam faciem restitutam, gratias agentes Deo, non eum permiserunt ulterius alloqui populum.

LXVII. As he pursued these things and many like them, the people began to execrate him, and they gave themselves to weeping and groaning, because they had sinned against Peter in believing him to be a magician and impious. But on the same day towards evening his own face was restored in Faustinianus, and the appearance of Simon Magus departed from him. Now Simon, hearing that his countenance upon him had turned to the advancement of Peter's glory, came in haste ahead of Peter, also desiring to bring it about by his art that his likeness should withdraw from Faustinianus, when Christ had already fulfilled this according to the word of His apostle. But Niceta and Aquila, seeing our father's face restored after the necessary proclamation, giving thanks to God, did not permit him to address the people further.

LXVIII. Simon autem coepit licet occulte per amicos suos et familiares ambulare, et amplius Petro derogare quam antea. Tunc omnes exspuentes in faciem ejus, expulerunt eum de civitate, dicentes: Tu eris reus mortis tuae, si ulterius locutus contra Petrum huc tibi credideris esse veniendum. Quibus cognitis, Petrus postera die convenire populos jubet, et uno ex his qui sequebantur eum ordinato eis episcopo, aliis etiam presbyteris, baptizatis quoque plurimis, et omnibus qui erant vexati languoribus vel daemonibus, sanitati redditis, demoratus ibi aliud triduum, cunctis rite compositis, valedicens eis, proficiscitur a Laodicia multum desiderabilis Antiochensium plebi; et coepit per Nicetam et Aquilam tota civitas audire, quia Petrus adventaret. Omnis autem populus Antiochiae civitatis audiens Petrum venire, occurrerunt ei, et pene omnes majores natu et nobiles, cinere aspersi in capite, poenitentiam agentes, qui contra praedicationem ejus magum Simonem suscepissent.

LXVIII. But Simon began, though secretly, to go about among his friends and familiars, and to disparage Peter more than before. Then all, spitting in his face, drove him out of the city, saying: You will be guilty of your own death if, having spoken further against Peter, you think you ought to come here. When these things were known, Peter on the next day orders the peoples to assemble, and, one of those who followed him having been ordained bishop for them, and others also presbyters, and very many having been baptized, and all who were afflicted with sicknesses or demons having been restored to health, having stayed there another three days, all things being duly set in order, bidding them farewell, he sets out from Laodicea, much longed for by the people of the Antiochenes; and through Niceta and Aquila the whole city began to hear that Peter was approaching. And all the people of the city of Antioch, hearing that Peter was coming, went out to meet him, and almost all the elders and nobles, with ashes sprinkled on their heads, doing penance because they had received Simon the magician against his preaching.

LXIX. Haec et his similia prosequentes, offerunt ei vexatos languoribus et daemoniis fatigatos, paralyticos quoque et diversa pericula patientes; et erat infinita multitudo simul languentium. Quos videns Petrus non solum poenitudinem agere, quod de eo male sensissent per Simonem, verum et tam integram fidem exhibere Deo, ut etiam omnes diversas aegritudines patientes crederent per eum posse salvari, expandit ad coelum manus suas, et cum lacrymis orationem effundens, gratias referens Deo dicebat: Benedico te, Pater praedicande, qui omne verbum et promissum Filii tui adimplere dignaris, ut cognoscat omnis creatura, quia tu solus Deus in coelo et in terra.

LXIX. Pursuing these things and the like, they bring to him those afflicted with sicknesses and those wearied by demons, paralytics also and those suffering divers perils; and there was a countless multitude of the sick together. And Peter, seeing them not only doing penance because they had thought ill of him through Simon, but also showing so entire a faith towards God that all who were suffering divers illnesses believed that they could be saved through him, spread out his hands to heaven, and pouring forth prayer with tears, rendering thanks to God, said: I bless Thee, Father worthy to be proclaimed, Who deignest to fulfil every word and promise of Thy Son, that every creature may know that Thou alone art God in heaven and on earth.

LXX. Haec et his similia dicens, ascendit in eminentiori loco et jussit ante se poni omnem multitudinem aegrotantium, quos omnes hac voce allocutus est: Similem vobis hominem me esse videntes, nolite putare quod a me possitis recuperare salutem vestram, sed per eum qui de coelo descendens, ostendit credentibus sibi integram animae et corporis

LXX. Saying these things and the like, he went up to a higher place and ordered the whole multitude of the sick to be set before him, and he addressed them all with this speech: Seeing that I am a man like yourselves, do not think that you can recover your health from me, but through Him Who, coming down from heaven, has shown to those who believe in Him the soul's and body's entire

Editors' notes and page, col. 1452

Page

running head: ⟨ ⟩TIS I ROM. PONT. OPERA DUBIA. 1452 (the image shows only this column's half of the running head)
marginal letters: A ‹ne crederetis Petro, qui et languentes in nomine›; B ‹post praedicationem necessariam paternam faciem›; C ‹valedicens eis, proficiscitur a Laodicia multum de-›; D ‹gram fidem exhibere Deo, ut etiam omnes diversas›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column begins and ends mid-sentence; the noun governed by 'integram' falls in col. 1453 and is not supplied in the English, which breaks off with the column. 'festinus praevenit Petrum et agere cupiens' set as printed (the sentence has no smooth construction; possibly for 'praevenire'), UNSURE of intended reading. Weakly inked letters legible: 'et' at the end of the line 'facies propria, et'; 'his' in LXIX; 'possitis' in LXX. The numeral LXVII is slightly broken in the type but reads LXVII.

PG 1:1453

medicinam; unde vox vestra testem habeat hunc omnem populum, quia ex toto corde creditis in Domino Jesu Christo, ut sciant etiam se ipsos ab ipso posse salvari. Cumque omnis multitudo infirmantium una voce clamaret, hunc esse verum Deum quem Petrus annuntiat, subito immensum lumen gratiae Dei in medio plebis apparuit, et coeperunt paralytici currere ad pedes Petri sani, caeci recuperato visu clamare, claudi restaurato gressu gratias agere, languentes recepta sanitate gaudere, nonnulli etiam solo flatu viventes jam sine sensu et sine voce recuperati sunt, omnes quoque lunatici et pleni daemoniis liberati sunt.

healing; wherefore let your voice have all this people as witness that you believe with your whole heart in the Lord Jesus Christ, that they too may know that they themselves can be saved by Him. And when the whole multitude of the infirm cried out with one voice that He is the true God Whom Peter proclaims, suddenly an immense light of the grace of God appeared in the midst of the people, and the paralytics began to run healed to the feet of Peter, the blind to cry out with sight recovered, the lame to give thanks with their walking restored, the sick to rejoice with health regained; some even, living by breath alone, already without sense and without voice, were recovered, and all the lunatics also and those full of demons were set free.

LXXI. Tantam itaque Spiritus sanctus in illa die gratiam suae virtutis ostendit, ut omnes a minimo usque ad maximum una voce confiterentur Dominum; et ne multis immorer, intra septem dies plus quam decem millia hominum credentes Deo baptizati sunt et sanctificatione consecrati, ita ut omni aviditatis desiderio Theophilus, qui erat cunctis potentibus in civitate sublimior, domus suae ingentem basilicam ecclesiae nomine consecraret, in qua Petro apostolo constituta est ab omni populo cathedra, et omnis multitudo quotidie ad audiendum verbum conveniens, credebat sanae doctrinae quam sanitatum efficacitas affirmabat.

LXXI. So great a grace of His power, then, did the Holy Spirit show on that day, that all from the least to the greatest confessed the Lord with one voice; and, not to dwell on many things, within seven days more than ten thousand men, believing God, were baptized and consecrated by sanctification, so that Theophilus, who was more exalted than all the powerful men in the city, with all the longing of eagerness consecrated the great basilica of his house under the name of a church, in which a chair was set up for the apostle Peter by all the people, and the whole multitude, assembling daily to hear the word, believed the sound doctrine which the efficacy of the healings confirmed.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1453

Footnotes

(65) ‹anchor: Theophilus› · call in col 1453 (call not visible in the foot image)

Theophilus. Qui magna temporum confusione septimus Antiochiae episcopus esse putatur a Guillelmo Tyrio lib. IV Historiae belli sacri cap. 9, et a Jac. de Vitriaco cap. 32 Historiae Hierosolymitanae.

Theophilus. Who, by a great confusion of times, is thought to be the seventh bishop of Antioch by William of Tyre, book IV of the History of the Holy War, ch. 9, and by Jacques de Vitry, ch. 32 of the History of Jerusalem.

(printed under page 726)

(66) ‹anchor: ab omni populo cathedra› · call in col 1453

Petro Apostolo constituta est ab omni populo cathedra. De hac Antiochena Petri cathedra, ejusque festo agunt Martyrologia ad 22 Februarii, Legenda Sanctorum cap. 44; Gemma animae lib. III, cap. 26; Ivo Carnotensis, aliique. In Itinerario Willebrandi ab Oldenborg; In hac Ecclesia Antiochiae monstratur cathedra B. Petri. Inveni quoque hunc titulum in catalogo mss. ecclesiae S. Petri Bellovacensis: Sermo S. Clementis papae in Petri apostolorum principis sessione, qua cathedram instauravit Antiochiae. Eum autem catalogum debeo viro natalibus ac virtutibus illustri Antonio Vioni Herovallio, cujus indefessum pro re litteraria promovenda et pro demerendis litteratis studium omnes hodie praedicant, omnes mirantur, nulla aetas non celebrabit atque demirabitur.

A chair was set up for the Apostle Peter by all the people. Of this Antiochene chair of Peter and of its feast the Martyrologies treat at 22 February, the Legenda Sanctorum ch. 44; the Gemma animae book III, ch. 26; Ivo of Chartres, and others. In the Itinerary of Wilbrand of Oldenburg: In this Church of Antioch the chair of Blessed Peter is shown. I have also found this title in the catalogue of manuscripts of the church of St. Peter at Beauvais: Sermon of St. Clement the pope on the enthronement of Peter, prince of the apostles, by which he established his chair at Antioch. That catalogue I owe to a man illustrious by birth and virtues, Antoine Vyon d'Hérouval, whose untiring zeal for advancing letters and for obliging men of letters all today proclaim, all admire, and no age will fail to celebrate and marvel at.

(printed under page 726)

Page

running head: 1453 RECOGNITIONUM L⟨ ⟩ (the image shows only this column's half of the running head)
marginal letters: A ‹medicinam; unde vox vestra testem habeat hunc›; B ‹usque ad maximum una voce confiterentur Domi-›; C (in the footnotes, beside ‹(65) Theophilus. Qui magna temporum confusione›); D (none)
old-edition numerals: (none)

PG 1:1454

LXXII. Tum ego Clemens cum fratribus meis et matre patrem alloquimur, utrum aliquae infidelitatis in eo reliquiae remansissent. At ille: Venite, ait, et videbitis coram Petro, quantum in me fidei creverit incrementum. Tunc accedens Faustinianus, procidit ad pedes Petri dicens: Semina verbi tui quae ager meae mentis accepit, jam nata sunt, atque ita ad fecundam maturitatem provecta sunt, ut nihil desit, nisi ut a paleis me spiritali illa tua deseces falce et reponas me in horreo Dominico, faciens me mensae divinae participem. Tum Petrus cum omni alacritate apprehendens manum ejus, tradidit eum mihi Clementi et fratribus meis, dicens: Sicut tibi patri filios restituit Deus, ita et patrem filii restituunt Deo. Indixit autem jejunium omni plebi, et veniente die Dominica baptizavit eum, atque in medio populo ex conversione ejus materiam sumens, omnes casus ejus exposuit, ita ut omnis civitas quasi angelum eum susciperet, et non minorem ei gratiam quam apostolo exhiberet. [Quibus cognitis, Petrus postera die convenire populos jubet, et uno ex his qui sequebantur eum, ordinato episcopo, et aliis presbyteris, plurimum quoque populum baptizavit, omnesque qui erant vexati languoribus sanitati restituit.]

LXXII. Then I Clement, with my brothers and our mother, speak to our father, [asking] whether any remnants of unbelief had remained in him. But he says: Come, and you will see in Peter's presence how great an increase of faith has grown in me. Then Faustinianus, drawing near, fell down at Peter's feet, saying: The seeds of your word which the field of my mind received have now sprung up, and have been brought on to so fruitful a ripeness that nothing is wanting, except that you cut me away from the chaff with that spiritual sickle of yours and lay me up in the Lord's barn, making me a partaker of the divine table. Then Peter, with all eagerness taking hold of his hand, delivered him to me, Clement, and to my brothers, saying: As God has restored the sons to you their father, so also the sons restore their father to God. And he proclaimed a fast for all the people, and when the Lord's day came he baptized him, and in the midst of the people, taking his matter from his conversion, he set forth all that had befallen him, so that the whole city received him as an angel, and showed him no less favour than the apostle. [When these things were known, Peter on the next day orders the peoples to assemble, and, one of those who followed him having been ordained bishop, and others presbyters, he also baptized a very great people, and restored to health all who were afflicted with sicknesses.]

Editors' notes and page, col. 1454

Footnotes

(78) ‹anchor: call not visible in the foot image; the bracketed period ending "sanitati restituit.]"› · call in col 1454

Addita legitur haec periodus in cod. antiquissimo Bodlej. num. 105, ap. Grabium in Spicileg. SS. Patr., t. I, p. 299.

This sentence is read as an addition in the very ancient Bodleian codex no. 105, in Grabe, Spicilegium SS. Patrum, vol. I, p. 299.

COTELERII NOTAE.

Cotelier's notes.

(printed under page 726)

Page

running head: ⟨ ⟩COGNITIONUM LIB. X. 1454 (the image shows only this column's half of the running head)
marginal letters: A ‹LXXII. Tum ego Clemens cum fratribus meis et›; B ‹tuunt Deo. Indixit autem jejunium omni plebi, et›; C (in the footnotes, beside ‹chiae monstratur cathedra B. Petri.›); D (none)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: END OF BOOK X and of the unit; no explicit is printed in this column. The closing sentence 'Quibus cognitis ... restituit.' is printed in the text inside square brackets, with critical note-call 78 after the opening bracket (call removed; the note, full width at the foot, says the period is read as an addition in a very old Bodleian codex, after Grabe); brackets kept as printed. The '[asking]' in the English is a real supplement. 'populo' in 'in medio populo' has a broken l (looks like 'popuio'), read as damaged type, not a misprint. Blots over 'die' and 'sequebantur' in the bracketed sentence; both legible. Below the text: critical note 78 (full width) and COTELERII NOTAE (continuation of note 66), not set. Lower third of the column blank.