PG 10 · cols. 35–46
J. A. Fabricius, Notitia de Julio Africano
Editors' preface
Migne Reading Room
PG 10 · cols. 35–46
Editors' preface
(1) ‹anchor: Sextus› · call in col 35
Sextum unus vocat Suidas. FABRIC. Σέκτωρ scribitur, forsan operarum vitio, ab Eudocia. HARL.
Suidas alone calls him Sextus. FABRICIUS. In Eudocia it is written Σέκτωρ, perhaps by a printers' error. HARLES.
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Circa ann. Chr. 221. Vid. Saxii Onom. lit. I, pag. 352 sq., aut a. C. 228. Vid. Hambergeri zuverl. Nachrichten, tom. II, pag. 525 sq. Uterque plures citat, qui de Africano egerunt. HARL.
About the year of Christ 221 (see Saxius, Onomasticon literarium I, p. 352 ff.), or A.D. 228 (see Hamberger, Zuverlässige Nachrichten, vol. II, p. 525 ff.). Each cites a number of writers who have dealt with Africanus. HARLES.
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Vidistin', quot vulnera frustulo huic antiquitatis inflixerit librariorum incuria atque ignorantia? MURATOR.
Have you seen how many wounds the copyists' carelessness and ignorance have inflicted on this little fragment of antiquity? MURATORI.
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Quod ζωγραφῆσαι βέλεσιν vocat Africanus, apud Philostratum lib. II De vita Apollonii, cap. 28, pag. 81, dicitur σκιαγραφῆσαι βέλεσιν. Magisque admirandum hoc, quam quod in veteri inscriptione apud Gruterum pag. DLXII, de Sorano Batavo: Emissumque arcu dum pendet in aere telum Ac redit, ex alia fixi fregique sagitta. Vel quod de Domitiano Sueton. cap. 19, In pueri procul stantis praebentisque pro scopo dispansam dextrae manus palmam, sagittas tanta arte direxit, ut omnes per intervalla digitorum innocue evaderent.
What Africanus calls ζωγραφῆσαι βέλεσιν ("to paint with arrows") is called σκιαγραφῆσαι βέλεσιν ("to sketch in outline with arrows") in Philostratus, Life of Apollonius, book II, ch. 28, p. 81. And this is more to be wondered at than what an old inscription in Gruter, p. DLXII, says of Soranus the Batavian: "And while the shaft shot from the bow still hung in the air, and came back, I struck and split it with another arrow." Or what Suetonius, ch. 19, says of Domitian: "At the palm of the right hand of a boy standing far off and holding it spread out as a target, he directed arrows with such skill that all of them passed harmlessly between the fingers."
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Κεστός, Veneris seu picta zona, de qua Eustath. ad Iliad. Ξ, 214. Idem ad Iliad. Γ, pag. 323, κεστόν interpretatur κεντητὸν καὶ ποικίλον. Itaque Julius Africanus libros suos, quibus de variis argumentis ex variis scriptoribus plurima collegerat, inscripsit Κεστούς, quasi στρωματεῖς atque varias et amoenas lectiones dixerit. Utitur ipse hoc vocabulo p. 297 b, Τί δὲ θαῦμα εἰ καὶ τοῦτο παρὰ Χαρίτων ἔλαβεν ἡ Ἥρα; καὶ γὰρ παρὰ τῆς Ἀφροδίτης τοὺς κεστοὺς ἐδανείσατο. Dicti etiam sunt cesti lora, quibus pugiles solebant manus et brachia innectere, quo fortius ferire possent, ut videre est in antiqua imagine apud Guil. Choulium libro De balneis et exercitationibus veterum, pag. 18. Confer quae viri docti ad Virgil. V Aeneid., v. 69, et Rigaltium ad Onosandrum, pag. 24 sq. 37; Stephanium ad Histor. Saxonicam Jo. Grammatici lib. III, fol. 84 sq.
Κεστός: the embroidered girdle of Venus, on which see Eustathius on Iliad Ξ 214. The same writer, on Iliad Γ, p. 323, interprets κεστόν as "embroidered and many-coloured." So Julius Africanus gave the title Κεστοί to his books, in which he had collected a great deal on various subjects from various writers, as if he had called them Stromateis ("patchwork") and "various and pleasant readings." He himself uses the word at p. 297 b: "And what wonder if Hera got this too from the Graces? For she borrowed the girdles from Aphrodite." The name cesti was also given to the thongs with which boxers used to bind their hands and arms so as to strike harder, as may be seen in an ancient picture in Guillaume Choul's book De balneis et exercitationibus veterum, p. 18. Compare what learned men have written on Virgil, Aeneid V, line 69; Rigault on Onosander, p. 24 f., 37; and Stephanius on the Historia Saxonica of Saxo Grammaticus, book III, fol. 84 f.
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Male XIX excusum in Tillemontii Mém. ecclés., tom. III, parte II, nota I, ad Vitam Africani edit. Bruxell.
Wrongly printed as XIX in Tillemont's Mémoires ecclésiastiques, vol. III, part II, note I on the Life of Africanus, Brussels edition.
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Conf. Needhami et Niclasii prolegomena ad Geoponica, pag. XLV sqq., ubi varia de Africano docte disputantur. HARL.
Compare the prolegomena of Needham and Niclas to the Geoponica, p. XLV ff., where various questions about Africanus are learnedly discussed. HARLES.
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Casaubonus ad Aeneae cap. 7, testatur, in quibusdam codicibus inscribi Πρὸς πολεμίους παρασκευαί, in aliis Πολεμικῶν Παρασκευαί.
Casaubon, on chapter 7 of Aeneas [Tacticus], states that in some manuscripts the title is "Preparations against enemies," in others "Preparations for war."
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Καὶ Ῥωμαίων δὲ αὐτοκράτορες παλαιοί, p. 291, capite δ'. Ἐχρήσατο τῇ πείρᾳ ταύτῃ καὶ Σύρμος ὁ Σκύθης, καὶ Βαρδησάνης ὁ Πάρθος, τάχα δέ που καὶ πλείονες. Εἶδον καὶ αὐτὸς Ἐναγχάρου τοῦ Βασιλέως [καὶ] Μάννα τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτοῦ πολλάκις πειράσαντος ἐμοῦ ὑφηγησαμένου, etc., pag. 300, capite κθ'.
"And the emperors of the Romans of old," p. 291, chapter 4. "Syrmus the Scythian also made use of this trial, and Bardesanes the Parthian, and perhaps more besides. I myself saw Enagcharus the king [and] Mannus his son try it many times, with me showing the way," etc., p. 300, chapter 29.
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Τοῦτο δὲ ἐποίει καὶ Βελισάριος, ἐπεὶ γὰρ ἀντισχεῖν διὰ τὸ πλῆθος, etc., pag. 309 b, capite ξς'. Ποιοῦσι μὲν καὶ οἱ σήμερον Ῥωμαῖοί τε καὶ Ἄραβες, pag. 310, capite ξη'. Videtur Christianus scripsisse, quod legitur pag. 311 b, capite ο', de transfugarum non repudiando matrimonio, εἰ καὶ τιμῶσιν τὰ παρ' ἡμῖν θρησκευόμενα, si e religione nostra non sint alieni. Clausula libri innuitur pag. 300, ληγέτω δὲ καὶ τόδε τὸ σύγγραμμα εἰς τι ἀρχαῖον καὶ φιλομαθὲς διήγημα, capite κθ' sive 29.
"Belisarius too did this, for since [he could not] hold out because of their numbers," etc., p. 309 b, chapter 66. "The Romans and Arabs of today also do it," p. 310, chapter 68. It seems to have been a Christian who wrote what is read at p. 311 b, chapter 70, about not rejecting marriage with deserters, "if they also honour the worship practised among us," that is, if they are not strangers to our religion. The close of the book is indicated at p. 300: "and let this treatise also end with an ancient story of interest to the studious," chapter κθ', that is, 29.
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Ejusdem Boivini Latina versio fuit in Bibl. Rostgaardiana, pag. 454; Daneschioldiana, p. 402. FABRIC. Boivin. noluit Latine illud vertere, cum de fontibus, veneno inficiendis, agant, et his talibus, ne durante bello hostes doctos obtrectarent, quasi consultores regi suo, ut inficiatur communibus generis humani usibus destinata aqua. Haec mihi Boivinus. BENZEL.
A Latin version by the same Boivin was in the Rostgaard library, p. 454, and in the Danneskiold library, p. 402. FABRICIUS. Boivin was unwilling to put that into Latin, since it deals with poisoning wells, and [he feared] that with such matter, while the war lasted, hostile scholars might decry them as advisers to their king that water meant for the common use of mankind be poisoned. So Boivin told me. BENZEL.
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Opus valde vitiatum nominat Valcken. in adnotatt. uberioribus ad Adoniazus. Theocriti, p. 345 C; et pag. 346 A; notat, cod. Leidens. olim Vossianum habere multa editis longe meliora. HARL.
Valckenaer, in his fuller annotations on Theocritus's Adoniazusae, p. 345 C and p. 346 A, calls the work badly corrupted; he notes that the Leiden manuscript, formerly Vossius's, has many readings far better than the printed ones. HARLES.
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Sextum vocat Suidas in Ἀφρικ. et Σωσάννα. Neque assentiendum viris doctis H. Valesio ad Euseb. pag. 127 et Labbeo I De Script. eccles., pag. 659, qui Cestum dictum volunt a Cestorum opere.
Suidas calls him Sextus, under "Africanus" and under "Susanna." Nor should we agree with the learned Henri de Valois, on Eusebius, p. 127, and Labbe, De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis I, p. 659, who hold that he was called Cestus from his work the Cesti.
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Jam vero historiam tibi tradituri sumus ex QUINTO libro Africani, scriptoris chronici :..... is quaecunque de nostris regibus (Armeniae) narrat, ea deprompsit universa ex tabulario Edessae, quae est Urha : cujus quidem tabularii libri de fanorum historiis e Nesibi et Sinope Pontica fuere eo advecti, ait Cheronensis Moses, qui Africani historiam Edessae excerpsit, pag. 101 edit. Whiston, Londin. 1736. Vid. Niclas ad Needhami prolegom. ad Geoponicos, pag. XLVII, n. 5. HARL.
"Now we shall hand on to you the history from the FIFTH book of Africanus, the chronicler: ..... whatever he relates about our kings" (of Armenia) "he drew entirely from the archive of Edessa, which is Urha; and the books of that archive on the histories of the temples had been brought there from Nisibis and from Sinope in Pontus." So says Moses of Chorene, who excerpted Africanus's history at Edessa, p. 101 of Whiston's edition, London 1736. See Niclas on Needham's prolegomena to the Geoponica, p. XLVII, n. 5. HARLES.
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Opusculum hoc ex duobus codicibus Monacensibus edidit et latinitate donavit J. Chr. Frehern von Aretin, in diario : Beyträge zur Geschichte und Litterat. etc., anno 1804, p. II, P. 49, e quo exscribendum curavit et nobis transmisit Dr Henricus Denzinger, Wirceburgensis. EDIT. PATR.
This little work was edited from two Munich manuscripts and translated into Latin by J. Chr. Freiherr von Aretin, in the journal Beyträge zur Geschichte und Litteratur etc., for the year 1804, part II, p. 49; Dr Heinrich Denzinger of Würzburg had it copied from there and sent it to us. EDITORS OF THE PATROLOGIA.
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Vide tom. XI, proxime sequentem. EDIT. PATR.
See vol. XI, which immediately follows. EDITORS OF THE PATROLOGIA.
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Est vocabulum militare, Jacobi IV, 6. Plutarchus in Pyrrho, tom. II edit. Oxon., pag. 466, ἀντιτάξασθαι μὲν ἐφοβήθησαν, in aciem procedere timuerunt. [Conf. Krebs Obss. in N. T. e Josepho, pag. 222, et quae ego notavi ad Demosthenis orat. De corona, cap. 88, pag. 547. HARL.
It is a military term; [compare] James 4:6. Plutarch, Pyrrhus, vol. II of the Oxford edition, p. 466: ἀντιτάξασθαι μὲν ἐφοβήθησαν, "they were afraid to go out into battle-line." [Compare Krebs, Observationes in Novum Testamentum e Josepho, p. 222, and what I have noted on Demosthenes' speech On the Crown, ch. 88, p. 547. HARLES.
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Alius et antiquior fuit Bardesanes, Babylonius, quem sub Alexandro Severo vixisse (adeoque Africani fuisse aequalem), male affirmat Vossius lib. IV, pag. 483, De hist. Graec. Nam licet Porphyrius IV Περὶ ἀποχῆς illum scripsisse ait aetate πατέρων, illud tamen latius accipiendum est, et Antonini tempora respicit, ut testatur Porphyrius ipse fragmento de Styge, ubi refert narrationem illam de aqua probationis Tantalia Brachmanum, tradidisse τοὺς ἐπὶ τῆς βασιλείας τοῦ Ἀντωνίνου τοῦ ἐξ Ἐμεσῶν εἰς τὴν Συρίαν ἀφικνουμένου, Βαρδησάνῃ τῷ ἐκ Μεσοποταμίας εἰς λόγους ἀφικνουμένους. Ex hoc loco colligitur quoque, eumdem esse Bardesanem, qui de Indorum philosophis scripsit, teste Porphyrio et Hieron. II contra Jovinian., et qui dialogum De fato ad Antoninum imper. edidit, de quo infra lib. V. Neque difficilia solutū sunt argumenta Friderici Strunzii in Historia Bardesanis et Bardesanistarum, quibus contendit duos diversos fuisse. Sub Elagabalo Antonino vixisse contendunt Grabe I Spicilegii, pag. 317, et Dodwellus IV, 55, Diss. ad Irenaeum ex Porphyrii loco de Styge. FABRIC.—Fabricio accedit Jac. de Rhoer ad Porphyrium De abstinentia ab esu animalium lib. IV, § 17, pag. 356. Porphyrii illud fragmentum publicarunt primus Andr. Schottus ex cod. Augustini, in Obss. human., pag. 229, et post eum Luc. Holsten., emendatius, inter opuscula Porphyrii Rom. 1630, pag. 148-153, ex cod. Vaticano. Post Holstenium Latine eum vertit Tollius in Fortuitis, cap. 28. Emendatiorem tamen dedit locum cl. Heeren in Joann Stobaei Eclog. physicar. et ethic. libris II, part. prima (Gottingae, 1792, 8), pag. 140 sqq. et in notis accurate lateque disserit de Bardisane et Babylonio et Syro, cujus nomen in haeretices historia haud obscurum est. Oppugnat autem Fabricium, et docet a Bardisane Syro plane diversum esse Bardisanem Babylonium, quem sequitur Porphyrius in fragmento citato, Vossiique judicio, illum Babylonium floruisse sub Alexandro Severo, adeoque centum circiter annos a Bardisane Syro abfuisse, subscribit, et statuit, τὸν Ἀντωνῖνον, τὸν ἐξ Ἐμεσῶν, non esse Marcum illum philosophum; sed potius Heliogabalum, Alexandri Severi antecessorem, qui, ex urbe Emesa ortus, cum imperator factus esset, Antonini nomen recepit. Concludit igitur, constitui inde aetatem scriptoris, Bardisanis Babylonii, eamque utique ad Heliogabali et Alexandri tempora cum Vossio rejiciendam esse. HARL.
There was another and older Bardesanes, a Babylonian, whom Vossius, De historicis Graecis book IV, p. 483, wrongly says lived under Alexander Severus (and so was a contemporary of Africanus). For although Porphyry, On Abstinence IV, says he wrote in the time of "the fathers", that is to be taken more broadly, and refers to the times of Antoninus, as Porphyry himself attests in the fragment on the Styx, where he relates that the story of the Brahmans' Tantalian water of ordeal was handed on to Bardesanes of Mesopotamia by "those who, in the reign of Antoninus who came from Emesa into Syria, came to converse with him." From this passage it is also gathered that this is the same Bardesanes who wrote on the philosophers of India, on the testimony of Porphyry and of Jerome, Against Jovinian II, and who dedicated a dialogue On Fate to the emperor Antoninus, of which below in book V. Nor are the arguments of Friedrich Strunz in his Historia Bardesanis et Bardesanistarum, by which he contends that there were two different men, hard to answer. Grabe, Spicilegium I, p. 317, and Dodwell, Dissertations on Irenaeus IV, 55, maintain from Porphyry's passage on the Styx that he lived under Elagabalus Antoninus. FABRICIUS. — Jacob de Rhoer, on Porphyry On Abstinence from Animal Food book IV, § 17, p. 356, agrees with Fabricius. That fragment of Porphyry was first published by Andreas Schott from a manuscript of Augustinus, in his Observationes humanae, p. 229, and after him, more correctly, by Lucas Holste among Porphyry's opuscula (Rome 1630), pp. 148–153, from a Vatican manuscript. After Holste, Tollius translated it into Latin in his Fortuita, ch. 28. But the distinguished Heeren gave a more correct text of the passage in his two books of John Stobaeus's Eclogae physicae et ethicae, part one (Göttingen 1792, octavo), p. 140 ff., and in his notes discusses carefully and at length Bardesanes both the Babylonian and the Syrian, whose name is far from obscure in the history of heresy. He opposes Fabricius, and shows that Bardesanes the Babylonian, whom Porphyry follows in the fragment cited, was quite distinct from Bardesanes the Syrian; he endorses Vossius's judgement that the Babylonian flourished under Alexander Severus and so was about a hundred years removed from the Syrian; and he holds that "Antoninus of Emesa" is not Marcus the philosopher but rather Heliogabalus, Alexander Severus's predecessor, who, born in the city of Emesa, took the name Antoninus on becoming emperor. He concludes, therefore, that this fixes the date of the writer, Bardesanes the Babylonian, and that it must certainly be put back, with Vossius, to the times of Heliogabalus and Alexander. HARLES.
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De Gratiani imper. spiculis semper ferientibus destinata dictum : τὰ Γρατιάνου βέλη φρένας ἔχειν, Cangius ad Zonaram, pag. 42.
Said of the darts of the emperor Gratian, which always struck their mark: "the darts of Gratian have minds." Du Cange on Zonaras, p. 42.
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Euseb. in Chron. ad ann. 2237.
Eusebius, Chronicle, at the year 2237.
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De Gratiani imper. spiculis semper ferientibus destinata dictum : τὰ Γρατιάνου βέλη φρένας ἔχειν, Cangius ad Zonaram, pag. 42.
Of the emperor Gratian's arrows, always striking what they were aimed at, it was said that "Gratian's shafts have minds": Du Cange on Zonaras, p. 42.
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