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A. Gallandius, Notitia altera de Julio Africano

Editors' preface

I. JULIUS AFRICANUS, Palaestinus, ex oppido Emmaunte, cui postea Nicopolis nomen inditum, ut scribit Eusebius, sub Antonino Elagabalo et

I. Julius Africanus, a Palestinian, from the town of Emmaus, to which the name Nicopolis was afterwards given, as Eusebius writes, under Antoninus Elagabalus and

Editors' notes and page, col. 45

Footnotes

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Euseb. in Chron. ad ann. 2237.

Eusebius, Chronicle, at the year 2237.

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other: the column opens with the end of the previous work (another unit); not set here: the unit begins at I. JULIUS AFRICANUS, Palaestinus
running head: 45 NOTITIA. 46
marginal letters: A ‹cano tribuitur a Rigaltio›; B ‹τοῦτο γὰρ προσέταξεν ὁ Βαρδησάνης›; C ‹Antonini tempora respicit (in footnote 17)›; D ‹tus ex cod. Augustini (in footnote 17)›
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Alexandro Severo claruit. De hujus scriptoris gestis, Christianorum sane doctissimi, pauca sunt admodum quae apud veteres legimus. Ex ejus Chronographiae

Alexander Severus flourished. Of the doings of this writer, truly the most learned of Christians, there is very little that we read in the ancients. From his Chronography's

Editors' notes and page, col. 46

Footnotes

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Alius et antiquior fuit Bardesanes, Babylonius, quem sub Alexandro Severo vixisse (adeoque Africani fuisse aequalem), male affirmat Vossius lib. iv, pag. 483, De hist. Graec. Nam licet Porphyrius iv Περὶ ἀποχῆς illum scripsisse ait aetate πατέρων, illud tamen latius accipiendum est, et Antonini tempora respicit, ut testatur Porphyrius ipse fragmento de Styge, ubi refert narrationem illam de aqua probationis Tantalia Brachmanum, tradidisse τοὺς ἐπὶ τῆς βασιλείας τοῦ Ἀντωνίνου τοῦ ἐξ Ἐμεσῶν εἰς τὴν Συρίαν ἀφικνουμένου, Βαρδησάνη τῷ ἐκ Μεσοποταμίας εἰς λόγους ἀφικνουμένους. Ex hoc loco colligitur quoque, eumdem esse Bardesanem, qui de Indorum philosophis scripsit, teste Porphyrio et Hieron. ii contra Jovinian., et qui dialogum De fato ad Antoninum imper. edidit, de quo infra lib. v. Neque difficilia solutu sunt argumenta Friderici Strunzii in Historia Bardesanis et Bardesanistarum, quibus contendit duos diversos fuisse. Sub Elagabalo Antonino vixisse contendunt Grabe i Spicilegii, pag. 317, et Dodwellus iv, 35, Diss. ad Irenaeum ex Porphyrii loco de Styge. FABRIC.—Fabricio accedit Jac. de Rhoer ad Porphyrium De abstinentia ab esu animalium lib. iv, § 17, pag. 356. Porphyrii illud fragmentum publicarunt primus Andr. Schottus ex cod. Augustini, in Obss. human., pag. 229, et post eum Luc. Holsten., emendatius, inter opuscula Porphyrii Rom. 1630, pag. 148-153, ex cod. Vaticano. Post Holstenium Latine eum vertit Tollius in Fortuitis, cap. 28. Emendatiorem tamen dedit locum cl. Heeren in Joann. Stobaei Eclog. physicar. et ethic. libris ii, part. prima (Gottingae, 1792, 8), pag. 140 sqq. et in notis accurate lateque disserit de Bardisane et Babylonio et Syro, cujus nomen in haeretices historia haud obscurum est. Oppugnat autem Fabricium, et docet a Bardisane Syro plane diversum esse Bardisanem Babylonium, quem sequitur Porphyrius in fragmento citato, Vossiique judicio, illum Babylonium floruisse sub Alexandro Severo, adeoque centum circiter annos a Bardisane Syro abfuisse, subscribit, et statuit, τὸν Ἀντωνῖνον, τὸν ἐξ Ἐμεσῶν, non esse Marcum illum philosophum; sed potius Heliogabalum, Alexandri Severi antecessorem, qui, ex urbe Emesa ortus, cum imperator factus esset, Antonini nomen recepit. Concludit igitur, constitui inde aetatem scriptoris, Bardisanis Babylonii, eamque utique ad Heliogabali et Alexandri tempora cum Vossio rejiciendam esse. HARL.

There was another and older Bardesanes, the Babylonian, whom Vossius (De historicis Graecis, book IV, p. 483) wrongly asserts lived under Alexander Severus (and so was a contemporary of Africanus). For although Porphyry (On Abstinence IV) says that he wrote "in the age of our fathers", that must be taken more broadly, and it looks to the times of Antoninus, as Porphyry himself attests in the fragment on the Styx, where he relates that the story of the Brahmans' water of ordeal, the Tantalian water, was handed down by "those who, in the reign of Antoninus of Emesa, came into Syria and came to converse with Bardesanes of Mesopotamia". From this passage it is also gathered that this is the same Bardesanes who wrote on the philosophers of the Indians, on the testimony of Porphyry and of Jerome (Against Jovinian II), and who published a dialogue On Fate addressed to the emperor Antoninus, of which see below, book V. Nor are the arguments of Friedrich Strunz in his History of Bardesanes and the Bardesanites hard to answer, by which he contends that there were two different men. Grabe (Spicilegium I, p. 317) and Dodwell (Dissertations on Irenaeus IV, 35) contend from Porphyry's passage on the Styx that he lived under Elagabalus Antoninus. FABRICIUS.—Jac. de Rhoer, on Porphyry's On Abstinence from Eating Animals, book IV, § 17, p. 356, sides with Fabricius. That fragment of Porphyry was first published by Andreas Schott from Augustinus's manuscript in his Observationes humanae, p. 229, and after him, more correctly, by Lucas Holstenius among Porphyry's opuscula (Rome 1630), pp. 148–153, from a Vatican manuscript. After Holstenius, Tollius translated it into Latin in his Fortuita, ch. 28. But the distinguished Heeren gave a more correct text of the passage in his Joannes Stobaeus, Eclogae physicae et ethicae, two books, first part (Göttingen, 1792, octavo), pp. 140 ff., and in the notes discusses accurately and at length both Bardesanes the Babylonian and Bardesanes the Syrian, whose name is far from obscure in the history of heresy. He opposes Fabricius, and shows that Bardesanes the Babylonian, whom Porphyry follows in the fragment cited, is quite distinct from Bardesanes the Syrian; he subscribes to Vossius's judgement that the Babylonian flourished under Alexander Severus, and so stood some hundred years apart from Bardesanes the Syrian; and he holds that "Antoninus of Emesa" is not the philosopher Marcus but rather Heliogabalus, Alexander Severus's predecessor, who was born in the city of Emesa and took the name Antoninus when he became emperor. He concludes, therefore, that the date of the writer, Bardesanes the Babylonian, is fixed by this, and that with Vossius it must certainly be put back to the times of Heliogabalus and Alexander. HARLES.

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De Gratiani imper. spiculis semper ferientibus destinata dictum: τὰ Γρατιάνου βέλη φρένας ἔχειν, Cangius ad Zonaram, pag. 42.

Of the emperor Gratian's arrows, which always struck their mark, it was said: "Gratian's darts have minds of their own." Du Cange on Zonaras, p. 42.

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running head: NOTITIA.
marginal letters: A ἦν τι; B tiam vultus,; C et ethic.; D bus destinata
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running head: 45 NOTITIA. 46
marginal letters: A ‹ἦν τι καὶ τερπνὸν›; B ‹tiam vultus›; C ‹et ethic. libris II (in footnote 17)›; D ‹bus destinata (in footnote 18)›
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libris tradit episcopus Caesariensis, ipsum Alexandriam contendisse ob maximam omnium famam et existimationem de Heracla ad episcopatum illius Ecclesiae provecto, philosophia aliisque Graecorum disciplinis praestante. Illudque unum praeterea docet, ex eoque Hieronymus, eumdem chronographum legatione ad Elagabalum pro Nicopoleos instauratione fuisse aliquando perfunctum : qua de re plura Scaliger.

books the Bishop of Caesarea relates that he hastened to Alexandria on account of the very great fame and esteem among all men of Heraclas, who was advanced to the episcopate of that Church and excelled in philosophy and the other disciplines of the Greeks. And this one thing besides he teaches, and from him Jerome, that the same chronographer once discharged an embassy to Elagabalus for the restoration of Nicopolis; on which matter Scaliger has more.

Inter Africani scripta quae utcunque ad nos pervenerunt, licet primas ferat ejus Chronographia; praestantia tamen argumenti permoti, Epistolae de historia Susannae Origeni inscriptae primum locum tribuimus; cui alteram quoque Origenis Africanianae oppositam, ut par erat, addidimus. De his Epistolis accipe judicium clarissimi operum Origenianorum editoris.

Among the writings of Africanus which have in any way come down to us, although his Chronography holds the first rank, yet, moved by the excellence of the subject, we assign the first place to the Epistle on the History of Susanna addressed to Origen; to which, as was fitting, we have also added the other epistle of Origen set in reply to that of Africanus. Concerning these Epistles receive the judgement of the most illustrious editor of the works of Origen.

II. Aliam scripsit Africanus epistolam ad Aristidem; in qua, inquit post Eusebium Hieronymus, super διαφωνίᾳ quae videtur esse in genealogia Salvatoris apud Matthaeum et Lucam, plenissime disputat. Ejus quoque meminit S. Augustinus, libros XXXIII contra Faustum Manichaeum retractans; ubi verba facit de quaestione, quomodo potuerit duos patres habere Joseph. Ibi siquidem ad hanc Africani epistolam respiciens, haec habet : Hoc in eorum litteris inventum est, qui recenti memoria post ascensionem Domini de hac re scripserunt. Nam etiam nomen ejusdem mulieris, quae peperit Jacob patrem Joseph de priore marito Mathan, qui fuit pater Jacob, avus Joseph, secundum Matthaeum; et de marito posteriori Melchi peperit Heli, cujus erat adoptivus Joseph, non tacuit Africanus. Meminerunt praeterea Photius, Zacharias Chrysopolitanus, et Nicephorus Callisti Eusebium assectatus; ex quo etiam ejusdem epistolae fragmenta descripta in medium alibi profert. Ea vero ex Eusebio Valesiano cum notis clarissimi interpretis exhibemus.

II. Africanus wrote another epistle to Aristides, in which, says Jerome after Eusebius, he disputes most fully concerning the discrepancy which appears to exist in the genealogy of the Saviour in Matthew and Luke. St Augustine also makes mention of it when reviewing his thirty-three books against Faustus the Manichaean, where he speaks of the question how Joseph could have had two fathers. For there, looking back to this epistle of Africanus, he has these words: This has been found in the writings of those who wrote on this matter with fresh memory after the ascension of the Lord. For Africanus was not silent even as to the name of the same woman who bore Jacob the father of Joseph by her former husband Mathan, who was the father of Jacob and grandfather of Joseph according to Matthew; and by her later husband Melchi bore Heli, whose adopted son Joseph was. Mention is made of it besides by Photius, Zacharias Chrysopolitanus, and Nicephorus Callisti following Eusebius, from whom elsewhere he also brings forward transcribed fragments of the same epistle. And these we exhibit from the Eusebius of Valois with the notes of the most illustrious translator.

III. Praecipuum Africani opus, Chronographia, sive libri quinque De temporibus, ut ait Hieronymus ἐπ' ἀκριβὲς πεπονημένοι, inquit Eusebius, accuratissime compositi. « Concisus quidem est auctor, judice Photio; nihil tamen cognitu necessarium omittit. Incipit a mundi creatione, pervenitque usque ad Christi adventum. Succincte quoque gesta commemorat jam inde a Christi aetate usque ad Macrini imperium : quo tempore, ut idem affirmat, hoc Chronicon absolutum est, annorum scilicet quinquies mille septingentorum et viginti

III. The principal work of Africanus is the Chronography, or five books On Times, as Jerome says, worked out with exactness, says Eusebius, most accurately composed. "The author is indeed concise, in the judgement of Photius; yet he omits nothing necessary to be known. He begins from the creation of the world, and comes down to the advent of Christ. He also succinctly recounts the events from the age of Christ right down to the reign of Macrinus, at which time, as the same writer affirms, this Chronicle was completed, namely of five thousand seven hundred and twenty

Editors' notes and page, col. 47

Footnotes

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Euseb. Hist. eccl., lib. vi, cap. 31.

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, book VI, ch. 31.

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(3) ‹anchor: praeterea docet› · call in col 47

Id. in Chron. l. c.

The same, in the Chronicle, at the place cited.

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(4) ‹anchor: ex eoque Hieronymus› · call in col 47

Hieron. De vir. illustr. cap. 63.

Jerome, On Illustrious Men, ch. 63.

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Scalig. Animadv. ad Euseb. Chron. pag. 232.

Scaliger, Animadversiones on Eusebius's Chronicle, p. 232.

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Nos vero utramque epistolam inter Origenis Opera retinuimus; adeat lector tomum proxime sequentem. EDIT. PATR.

We, however, have kept both letters among the works of Origen; the reader may consult the next volume. EDITOR OF THE PATROLOGIA.

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Vide eumdem tomum. ID.

See the same volume. THE SAME.

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Euseb. Hist. eccl. lib. vi, cap. 31.

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, book VI, ch. 31.

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(9) ‹anchor: Eusebium Hieronymus› · call in col 47

Hieron. De vir. illustr., cap. 63.

Jerome, On Illustrious Men, ch. 63.

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Aug. Retract. lib. ii, cap. 7, § 2, Opp. tom. I, pag. 44.

Augustine, Retractations, book II, ch. 7, § 2, Works vol. I, p. 44.

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(11) ‹anchor: Meminerunt praeterea Photius› · call in col 47

Phot. Bibl. cod. 34.

Photius, Bibliotheca, codex 34.

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Zachar. Chrysop. Comment. in Harmon. Ammon. lib. i, cap. 5, Bibl. PP. Lugd. tom. XIX, pag. 751.

Zacharias of Chrysopolis, Commentary on Ammonius's Harmony, book I, ch. 5, Bibliotheca Patrum (Lyons), vol. XIX, p. 751.

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Niceph. Call. Hist. eccl. lib. v, cap. 21.

Nicephorus Callistus, Ecclesiastical History, book V, ch. 21.

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Id. ibid. lib. i, cap. 11.

The same, ibid., book I, ch. 11.

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(15) ‹anchor: ut ait Hieronymus› · call in col 47

Hieron. De vir. illustr., cap. 63.

Jerome, On Illustrious Men, ch. 63.

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Euseb. Hist. eccl. lib. vi, cap. 31.

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, book VI, ch. 31.

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Phot. Bibl. cod. 34.

Photius, Bibliotheca, codex 34.

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running head: JULIUS AFRICAN
marginal letters: A nographiae libris; B Epistolis accipe; C qui fuit; D tione, pervenitque
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other: the word viginti was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 48
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trium ». Haec Photius. Opus jam pridem intercidit : ex quo tamen Eusebius aliique ipsum insecuti chronographi, complura transcripsisse perhibentur.

three years." Thus Photius. The work perished long ago; from which, however, Eusebius and other chronographers who followed him are said to have transcribed very many things.

Jam vero quo hujusmodi Africani opus eximium plane, uberius utcunque dignoscatur, haud otiosum fortasse fuerit huc afferre, quae Dodwellus in eamdem sententiam observat. « Erant, inquit, apud Latinos, antequam Eusebianum Chronicon verteret Hieronymus, qui Africani Chronicon Latine verterant, Fastisque consularibus aptarant, et diversis deinde temporibus ad suam cujusque, qua vixit, aetatem continuarant. Hoc autem e bonae notae Chronici Eusebiani codice Mertonensi discimus, ad cujus finem ista subjuncta legimus :

Now, however, in order that this altogether distinguished work of Africanus may somehow be more fully discerned, it will perhaps not be superfluous to adduce here what Dodwell observes to the same effect. "There were," he says, "among the Latins, before Jerome translated the Chronicle of Eusebius, those who had translated the Chronicle of Africanus into Latin, and had adapted it to the consular Fasti, and subsequently at different times had continued it down to the age of each in which he lived. Moreover, we learn this from a Merton codex of good quality of the Chronicle of Eusebius, at the end of which we read these words subjoined:

Item, secundum Africanum,

Likewise, according to Africanus,

Qui de temporibus et historiis Hebraeorum et Graecorum et Persarum et Macedonum cum Alexandrinorum itemque Romanorum V libris omnia complexus est ab Adam usque ad Cataclysmum Noe anni IICCXLII. Item a cataclysmo usque ad Abraham et transmigrationem in terram Chanaan anni MXV. Habitatio omnis generis Israhel in terra Chanaan et in terra Aegypti, anni CCCCXXX. Moyses in heremo anni XL. Hiesus Nave et qui post ipsum presbyteri, an. LV. Judicum et sine principibus et pacis tempore, anni CCCCXC. Sacerdotum et Judicum anni XC. Regum Hebraeorum anni CCCCXC. Captivitatis et destructionis Hierusalem anni LXX. Persarum regum anni CCXXX. Macedonum principatus cum Alexandrinis et Ptolemaeis anni CCC. Et imperium Romanorum usque ad Salvatorem et Resurrectionem ejus, anni LXXIV. In se omnes anni in tempus supra scriptum anni VDCCXXVI. Exinde ad imperium Alexandri, hoc est, Moricaviti (sic), qui Antoninus cognominatus est, anni CLXXXIV, et in Gallum V, et in Volusianum anni XXXI.

Who concerning the times and histories of the Hebrews, Greeks, Persians, and Macedonians, together with those of the Alexandrians and likewise of the Romans, comprised all things in five books: from Adam down to the Flood of Noah, 2,242 years. Likewise from the Flood down to Abraham and the migration into the land of Canaan, 1,015 years. The dwelling of all the race of Israel in the land of Canaan and in the land of Egypt, 430 years. Moses in the desert, 40 years. Jesus the son of Nun and the elders who were after him, 55 years. Of the Judges, and without rulers, and in time of peace, 490 years. Of the Priests and Judges, 90 years. Of the Kings of the Hebrews, 490 years. Of the captivity and destruction of Jerusalem, 70 years. Of the Kings of the Persians, 230 years. The sovereignty of the Macedonians with the Alexandrians and Ptolemies, 300 years. And the empire of the Romans down to the Saviour and His Resurrection, 74 years. In all, all the years down to the time written above are 5,726 years. Thence to the reign of Alexander, that is, Moricavitus (so written), who was surnamed Antoninus, 184 years, and to Gallus 5, and to Volusianus 31 years.

Fit summa omnis in Cons. SSS. anni (sic) VDCCLXLIII secundum cursum Solis et XII menses; secundum autem Lunares menses et computationem Hebraeorum qui facient in se menses XII. D. XI. et quadrantem ad (sic) electione facta, qui fiunt anni Lunares CLXXXV. M. IIII. Secundum quam computationem efficiuntur anni in se VDCCCCXX. M. X. D. IIII. Item ex consule Gallieno secundum et Volusiano usque in consulatum Limenii et Catulini anni CXVIII. Fit summa omnis anni VDCCCXXXVIII, secundum cursum solis.

The whole sum to the aforesaid consuls makes 5,793 years (so written) according to the course of the sun and twelve months; but according to lunar months and the computation of the Hebrews, which make in themselves twelve months, eleven days, and a quarter, (so written) the reckoning being made, they come to 185 lunar years, 4 months. According to which computation there are made in all 5,920 years, 10 months, 4 days. Likewise from the consulship of Gallienus for the second time and Volusianus down to the consulship of Limenius and Catulinus, 118 years. The whole sum makes 5,838 years, according to the course of the sun.

Editors' notes and page, col. 48

Footnotes

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Dodw. Dissert. sing. ad opp. post. Pearson, § 8, pag. 98 seq.

Dodwell, Dissertatio singularis on Pearson's posthumous works, § 8, pp. 98 f.

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running head: ULIUS AFRICANUS.
marginal letters: A ginti trium; B cujus finem; C ptivitatis et; D dum quam
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Item a Liminio et Catulino usque in consulatum Mamertini et Nevittae CONSS. anni XIII.

Likewise from Limenius and Catulinus down to the consulship of Mamertinus and Nevitta the consuls, 13 years.

Fit in summa omnis anni VDCCCLI.

The whole sum in all makes 5,851 years.

Errores ipsos repraesentavimus sane foedissimos imperitissimi librarii. Nec enim vacat impraesentiarum alia adnotare quam quae faciant ad illam, qua de agimus, causam. Illud itaque in primis constat e Syncello, annum ipsum quo Chronicon suum terminavit Africanus, fuisse primum Olymp. CCL, quo fuerit archon Philenus, Elagabali III coss. Grato et Seleuco, a primis nimirum coss. pro Africani rationibus, vitiosis tamen illis, DCCXXV. Hae notae annum Christi designant CCXXI, pro Aer. vulg. Huc usque igitur Chronicon suum tam archontibus quam coss. a primis usque archontum et consulum initiis insignitum deduxisse ipse videtur Africanus. Et quidem si pro hac forma et reliqua deduxerit, cum annis etiam imperatorum coss. alios illum conjunxisse consentaneum est, cum hos ipsos coss. cum III Antonini Elagabali anno conjunxerit. Nimirum annum illum intelligit, non quo monarchiam Alexander adeptus est, sed quo primum adoptatus est ab Elagabalo, et Caesar factus, et socius in imperio. » Hactenus Dodwellus.

We have reproduced the very errors, foul indeed, of a most unskilful copyist. For there is no leisure at present to note other things than those which pertain to the case of which we are treating. This, therefore, is established first of all from Syncellus, that the very year in which Africanus ended his Chronicle was the first of the 250th Olympiad, in which Philenus was archon, the third year of Elagabalus, in the consulship of Gratus and Seleucus, namely the 725th year from the first consuls according to the calculations of Africanus, faulty though they are. These marks designate the year of Christ 221, according to the common era. Down to this point, therefore, Africanus himself appears to have brought down his Chronicle, marked both by archons and by consuls from the very first beginnings of archons and consuls. And indeed, if he brought down the rest also according to this form, it is reasonable that he joined other consuls with the years of the emperors as well, since he joined these very consuls with the third year of Antoninus Elagabalus. Doubtless he means that year, not in which Alexander obtained the sole rule, but in which he was first adopted by Elagabalus, and made Caesar, and partner in the empire." Thus far Dodwell.

IV. Ex hoc autem Africani opere qui primus chronologiae fontes reclusisse comperitur, qui post ipsum floruere veteres chronographos, tantum non omnes, ut modo innuimus, Eusebium in primis, Syncellum, Chronici Paschalis auctorem, Jo. Malalam, Theophanem aliosque, hausisse complura atque in sua scripta derivasse, satis norunt eruditi. Eorum tamen plerique qui loca ex Africano descripserunt, auctoris nomen praeteriere : ut proinde haud multa supersint, quae chronographo nostro sine ulla controversia tribuantur. Maximam ejus operis fragmentorum partem suppeditat Syncellus, quibus passim Africani nomen praefigendum curavit : unum alterumve locum, et quidem insignem, servarunt Eusebius, Hieronymus atque Basilius; Chronici quoque Paschalis auctor paucula profert. Haec itaque omnia certo Africaniana, in unum collecta, juxta ordinem librorum sive pro temporum ratione digessimus : reliquis interim utpote dubiis praetermissis.

IV. Moreover, that from this work of Africanus, who is found to have been the first to unseal the fountains of chronology, almost all the ancient chronographers who flourished after him, as we have just intimated—Eusebius first of all, Syncellus, the author of the Paschal Chronicle, John Malalas, Theophanes, and others—drew very many things and channeled them into their own writings, learned men know well enough. Yet most of those who copied passages from Africanus passed over the name of the author; so that consequently not many things survive which may be attributed to our chronographer without any controversy. Syncellus supplies the greatest part of the fragments of his work, to which everywhere he took care to prefix the name of Africanus; one or two passages, and notable ones indeed, Eusebius, Jerome, and Basil have preserved; the author of the Paschal Chronicle also adduces a very few. All these, therefore, which are certainly of Africanus, collected into one, we have arranged according to the order of the books or by the reckoning of times, passing over the rest in the meantime as doubtful.

Quandoquidem vero nonnulla deteximus, ad eamdem Africani Chronologiam pertinentia, cum jam typis consignata essent quae hactenus summatim recensuimus; operae pretium fuerit ea hic exhibere, prout exstant apud Lambecium ex codicibus Vindobonensibus manu exaratis descripta.

Since, however, we have discovered some pieces pertaining to the same Chronology of Africanus after the things which we have thus far summarily reviewed had already been committed to type, it will be worth the while to exhibit them here, just as they are extant in Lambeck, transcribed from the handwritten Vienna codices.

Auctor igitur Propheticarum eclogarum de Christo qui Eusebius Pamphili esse perhibetur, in illius operis adhuc inediti libro III, cap. ult., haec habet

The author, therefore, of the Prophetic Eclogues Concerning Christ, who is said to be Eusebius Pamphili, in Book III, last chapter, of that hitherto unedited work, has these

Editors' notes and page, col. 49

Footnotes

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(19) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 49

Syncell., pag. 212.

Syncellus, p. 212.

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Vide Fabric. Bibl. Gr. tom. VI, pag. 57.

See Fabricius, Bibliotheca Graeca, vol. VI, p. 57.

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Page

running head: NOTITIA.
marginal letters: A Item a Liminio; B et consulum; C atque in sua; D Quandoquidem vero
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: editors' matter: Item a Liminio et Catulino; Latin only, no Greek printed; ends mid-word (ha-)
other: the word habet was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 50

PG 10:50

: Μόνον ἴσμεν Ἀφρικανὸν ἀκριβέστατα, καὶ μᾶλλον παρὰ τοὺς λοιποὺς ἐπιτετευγμένως τεθεωρηκότα· καὶ δή μοι δοκεῖ ἀναγκαῖον εἶναι, πρῶτον αὐτοῦ τὴν εἰς τοὺς τόπους διήγησιν εἰς μέσον ἀγαγεῖν, εἶθ' οὕτως ἐπισκέψασθαι, εἴ τι ἄρα καὶ αὐτοὶ δυνάμεθα συμβαλέσθαι τῷ λόγῳ. Γράφει δὴ οὖν ἐν πέμπτῳ τῶν χρονογραφιῶν κατὰ λέξιν οὕτως.

words: Only Africanus do we know to have investigated most accurately, and more successfully than the rest; and indeed it seems to me necessary first to bring forward his exposition of the passages, and then thus to examine whether we ourselves also can contribute anything to the argument. He writes, therefore, in the fifth book of the Chronographies, word for word thus.

ΑΦΡΙΚΑΝΟΥ.

OF AFRICANUS.

Ἡ μὲν οὖν περικοπὴ οὕτω πῶς ἔχουσα πολλὰ τε καὶ παράδοξα σημαίνει. Νῦν δ' ἂν χρεία περί τε τοὺς χρόνους καὶ τὰ τούτους συντείνοντα τὸν λόγον ποιησάμεθα· ὅτι μὲν οὖν περὶ τῆς τοῦ Χριστοῦ παρουσίας λέγεται ταῦτα, μετὰ ἑβδομάδας οʹ μέλλοντος ἐπιφαίνεσθαι, δῆλον ἐπὶ γὰρ τοῦ Σωτῆρος, κ. τ. λ. Hic vero advertendum, hujusmodi ex Africano excerptum quod Lambecius velut ineditum vulgavit, apud Eusebium et quidem emendatius exstare ipsiusque integram versionem praebere S. Hieronymum. Estque initium fragmenti XVI, quod infra suo loco legere est pag. 370. Mirari subit, id praeter Lambecium, fugisse quoque Caveum et Fabricium.

Now the passage, standing somewhat thus, signifies many and marvellous things. At present, however, we should, as need requires, direct our discourse to both the times and the things that pertain to them: that these things, then, are said concerning the coming of Christ, Who was about to appear after seventy weeks, is clear; for in the time of the Saviour, etc. Here, however, it must be noticed that an excerpt of this kind from Africanus, which Lambeck published as though unedited, is extant in Eusebius, and more correctly indeed, and that St Jerome furnishes a complete translation of it. And it is the beginning of Fragment XVI, which is to be read below in its proper place on page 370. One cannot help wondering that, besides Lambeck, this escaped Cave and Fabricius also.

Pergit porro Lambecius, et alibi haec refert : « Caeterum quod speciatim ad Sextum Julium Africanum attinet, citatur is inter Γνωμικὰς διαφόρων his verbis : Ἱστορεῖται παρὰ Ἀφρικανῷ, ὅτι ἐν τῷ λέγειν τὴν ᾠδὴν τὸν Μανασσήν, τὰ δεσμὰ διερράγησαν σιδηρᾶ ὄντα, καὶ ἔφυγεν. » Secutus hic vir eruditus errantem Suidam, qui Julium Africanum cum Africano Sexto confundit, ut supra notatum § 1. Ipsumque deinde sunt imitati Fabricius et Caveus.

Furthermore, Lambeck proceeds and elsewhere relates these things: "For the rest, as regards Sextus Julius Africanus in particular, he is cited among the Gnomic Sayings of Various Authors in these words: It is recorded in Africanus that, as Manasseh was uttering the ode, his bonds, though of iron, burst asunder, and he escaped." Here the learned man followed the erring Suidas, who confounds Julius Africanus with Sextus Africanus, as was noted above in § 1. And Fabricius and Cave subsequently imitated him.

Denique alius fragmenti meminit idem Lambecius, quod adhuc ms. in bibliotheca Caesarea servatur. Est autem ejus inscriptio : Διήγησις Ἀφρικανοῦ περὶ τῶν ἐν Περσίδι γενομένων διὰ τῆς ἐνανθρωπήσεως τοῦ Κυρίου καὶ Σωτῆρος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ. Incipit : Ἐκ Περσίδος ἐγνώσθη ἀπ' ἀρχῆς ὁ Χριστός· οὐδὲν γὰρ λανθάνει τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ νομομαθεῖς ἅπαντα φιλοπονοῦντας. Ὅσοι γὰρ, κ. τ. λ. Et ad Africani quidem Chronographiam ejusmodi fragmentum spectare merito existimatur. Huic enim gemina tmemata similiter inscripta exhibet Syncellus, ut videre est infra pagg. 372, 374.

Finally, the same Lambeck makes mention of another fragment, which is still preserved in manuscript in the Imperial Library. And its title is: Narrative of Africanus Concerning the Things That Happened in Persia through the Incarnation of Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. It begins: From Persia Christ was known from the beginning; for nothing escapes those learned in the law therein, who labour diligently over all things. For as many as, etc. And such a fragment is deservedly considered to belong to the Chronography of Africanus. For Syncellus exhibits twin sections similarly entitled, as may be seen below on pages 372 and 374.

His praeterea ex Lambecio relatis aliud addimus fragmentum e codice Regio 2441, a V. C. Montfauconio descriptum; ubi de Adami sepultura pertractasse Africanus et Athanasius perhibentur his verbis : Οὗτοι δέ εἰσιν οἱ περὶ τῆς ταφῆς τοῦ Ἀδὰμ εἰρηκότες, Ἀφρικανὸς καὶ ὁ ἅγιος Ἀθανάσιος. Hinc in praefat. Montfauc. p. VI, § 18, rescribendum de sepultura Adami, ubi de sepultura Domini perperam legitur.

To these things related from Lambeck, moreover, we add another fragment from Codex Regius 2441, transcribed by the most illustrious Montfaucon, where Africanus and Athanasius are said to have treated of the burial of Adam, in these words: And these are they who have spoken concerning the burial of Adam: Africanus and St Athanasius. Hence in the preface of Montfaucon, page VI, § 18, one must restore Concerning the Burial of Adam where Concerning the Burial of the Lord is wrongly read.

Editors' notes and page, col. 50

Footnotes

(21) ‹anchor: κατὰ λέξιν οὕτως› · call in col 50

Apud Lambec. Comment. lib. i, pag. 141.

In Lambecius, Commentarii, book I, p. 141.

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Edit. ὧν. Et paulo post, τούτοις συντ.

The edition reads ὧν; and a little after, τούτοις συντ[…].

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(23) ‹anchor: emendatius exstare› · call in col 50

Euseb. Demonstr. evang. lib. viii, cap. 2, pag. 3.

Eusebius, Demonstration of the Gospel, book VIII, ch. 2, p. 3.

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(24) ‹anchor: S. Hieronymum› · call in col 50

Hieron. Comment. in Daniel. ix, 24, Opp. tom. III, pag. 1110 edit. Martian.

Jerome, Commentary on Daniel 9:24, Works vol. III, p. 1110, Martianay's edition.

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(25) ‹anchor: quoque Caveum› · call in col 50

Cav. Hist. litt. tom. I, pag. 111.

Cave, Historia literaria, vol. I, p. 111.

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(26) ‹anchor: et Fabricium› · call in col 50

Fabric. Bibl. Gr. tom. V, pag. 169.

Fabricius, Bibliotheca Graeca, vol. V, p. 169.

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(27) ‹anchor: haec refert› · call in col 50

Lambec. l. c. lib. iii, pag. 39.

Lambecius, at the place cited, book III, p. 39.

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(28) ‹anchor: idem Lambecius› · call in col 50

Id. ibid. lib. v, pag. 297.

The same, ibid., book V, p. 297.

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(29) ‹anchor: Montfauconio descriptum› · call in col 50

Montf. Coll. Nov. PP. Graec., t. II, p. 105.

Montfaucon, Collectio nova Patrum Graecorum, vol. II, p. 105.

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