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P. Coustant, O.S.B., Notitia altera de S. Fabiano papa

Editors' preface

NOTITIA ALTERA

ANOTHER NOTICE

(D. Coustant, Epistolae Rom. pontif., tom. I et unic., p. 118.)

(D. Coustant, Letters of the Roman Pontiffs, vol. I, the only one, p. 118.)

1. Cum fratres omnes in ecclesia essent congregati, ut eum qui Antero successurus erat ordinarent, subito illapsu columbae, quae Fabiani vertici insedit, permotus populus Fabianum episcopatu dignum esse conclamavit, statimque comprehensum sacerdotali cathedrae imposuit. Ordinationem ejus Eusebius in Chronico post Maximini mortem recenset; sed ibi non est accuratus. Nam et ipso anno, qui Maximini necem excepit, Anteri ordinationem et obitum, Fabianique electionem consignat, licet haec tria Maximino superstite contigerint, atque alio anno Anterus ordinatus, et alio vita functus fuerit.

1. When all the brethren were assembled in the church to ordain him who was to succeed Anterus, by the sudden descent of a dove, which settled upon the head of Fabian, the people, deeply moved, cried out together that Fabian was worthy of the episcopate, and straightway taking hold of him placed him upon the sacerdotal chair. Eusebius in his Chronicle recounts his ordination after the death of Maximinus; but there he is not accurate. For in the very year which followed the slaying of Maximinus he records the ordination and death of Anterus and the election of Fabian, although these three things happened while Maximinus was still alive, and Anterus was ordained in one year and departed this life in another.

2. In Bucheriano aliisque antiquis catalogis haec legimus : Fabianus annos 14, mensem 1, dies 10. Fuit temporibus Maximini et Gordiani et Philippi, a consulatu Maximini et Africani usque Decio II (leg. Decio I) et Grato (hoc est ab anno Christi 236 ad 250). Passus est XII (apud Boll. XIII; in Fossat. ms. XIV) Kalendas Februarii. Ex hoc calculo si auferatur mensis unus, et praeferatur lectio codicis in quo Fabianus XIII Kal. Febr. passus adnotatur, sequetur ut is papa anno 236, Januarii decimo die, qui in Dominicam incidebat, ordinatus, anno 250, Januarii 20 die martyrii coronam adeptus sit : quo quidem die in omnibus antiquis monumentis, nominatimque in libro Sacramentorum S. Gregorii festum ejus ascribitur.

2. In the Bucherian and other ancient catalogues we read these things: Fabian fourteen years, one month, ten days. He lived in the times of Maximinus and Gordian and Philip, from the consulship of Maximinus and Africanus until Decius for the second time (read Decius for the first time) and Gratus (that is, from the year of Christ 236 to 250). He suffered on the twelfth (in the Bollandists, the thirteenth; in the Fossatensian manuscript, the fourteenth) before the Kalends of February. From this calculation, if one month be taken away, and the reading of the codex be preferred in which Fabian is noted as having suffered on the thirteenth before the Kalends of February, it will follow that this pope, having been ordained in the year 236, on the tenth day of January, which fell on a Sunday, obtained the crown of martyrdom in the year 250, on the 20th day of January: on which day indeed in all ancient monuments, and expressly in the Book of Sacraments of St. Gregory, his feast is assigned.

Editors' notes and page, col. 177

Footnotes

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Apud Pamelium, epist. 4.

In Pamelius, letter 4.

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(continued) sores in carcere detinebantur, et quo in locum Fabiani jam ultra annum martyrio affecti, post annuum interregnum pontificium, Cornelius suffectus erat. Nam qui haec verba ad tempus Fabiani adhuc viventis referunt, graviter errant; cum non tantum Liber pontificalis hic in Vita Fabiani, et infra in Vita Cornelii, verum ipse quoque Cypr. epistol. 49, 52 et 76, aperte scribant Novatianum non ante a Novato seductum fuisse, nisi post schisma adversus Cornelium conflatum. Unde quid de epistola Fabiani prima, qua Novatianus a Novato ejus tempore seductus esse scribitur, sentiendum sit, in notis ad primam epist. dicemus infra. Baron. anno 238, num. 9 et seqq.

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Postquam Moses in carcere defunctus est, qui fuit ibi menses 11. Cum sede adhuc vacante ad Mosen, Maximum et Nicostratum, postquam in carcere ultra annum detenti fuissent, sanctus Cyprianus epistolam scripserit, quae est 16 editionis Pamel., fuerintque tunc adhuc pace et unitate concordes (quorum Maximus et Nicostratus post creatum Cornelium, ab eodem, ut ex Eusebio constat, in schismate divisi sunt), certissimum est non sex diebus, ut infra auctor Pontificalis scribit, neque etiam sex mensibus tantum, quod alii asserunt, sed ultra integrum annum hoc tempore sedem pontificiam vacasse. Baron. anno 253, num. 28. Quem auctor hic in carcere defunctum esse insinuat, ex epist. Cornel. ad Fabium Antiochen. quam infra ex Eusebio huc inferemus, constat glorioso martyrio publice in omnium conspectu coronam martyrii adeptum esse. Ita Baron. anno 255, num. 39.

"After Moses died in prison, who was there 11 months." Since, while the see was still vacant, Saint Cyprian wrote a letter to Moses, Maximus and Nicostratus after they had been held in prison more than a year (it is letter 16 of Pamelius's edition), and since they were then still at one in peace and unity (of whom Maximus and Nicostratus, after Cornelius was made bishop, were divided from him in schism, as is plain from Eusebius), it is most certain that the pontifical see stood vacant at this time not for six days, as the author of the Pontifical writes below, nor even for six months only, as others assert, but for more than a whole year. Baronius, year 253, no. 28. The man whom the author here hints died in prison, it is plain from Cornelius's letter to Fabius of Antioch, which we shall bring in here below from Eusebius, won the crown of martyrdom by a glorious martyrdom, publicly, in the sight of all. So Baronius, year 255, no. 39.

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Et sic multi Christiani fugerunt. Indictio persecutionis atrocissimae adeo Ecclesiam universam concussit, ut complures, licet fortissimi, se subduxerint, et quidem inter alios sanctissimus Cyprianus, divino prope Spiritu impulsus, Dionysius Alexandrinus, ac Paulus eremita: qui deinceps in speluuca, quam tunc temporis nactus est, solitariam vitam agens, exemplum vitae monasticae praebens, permansit ad annum aetatis 113, qui est Constantii imperatoris 7 inchoatus. Baronius anno 253.

"And so many Christians fled." The proclamation of a most savage persecution so shook the whole Church that a great many, though very brave, withdrew; among others the most holy Cyprian, driven, as it were, by the divine Spirit, Dionysius of Alexandria, and Paul the hermit, who thereafter, living a solitary life in the cave he found at that time and giving an example of the monastic life, remained there until the 113th year of his age, which is the 7th year of the emperor Constantius just begun. Baronius, year 253.

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Cessavit episcopatus dies 6. Ultra annum sedem pontificiam vacasse, constat ex iis quae supra dixi, verbis Postquam Moses; qua de re plura dicemus infra.

"The episcopate was vacant 6 days." That the pontifical see was vacant for more than a year is plain from what I said above at the words "After Moses"; on which matter we shall say more below.

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3. De beato Fabiani exitu Cyprianus cleri Romani litteris certior factus, mox rescribens hujus sancti pontificis elogium his paucis complexus est : Cum de excessu boni viri collegae mei rumor apud nos incertus esset, fratres charissimi, et opinio dubia nutaret, accepi a vobis litteras ad me missas per Clementium hypodiaconum, quibus plenissime de glorioso ejus exitu instruerer. Et exsultavi satis, quod pro integritate administrationis ejus, consummatio quoque honesta processerit. In quo vobis quoque plurimum gratulor, quod ejus memoriam tam celebri et illustri testimonio prosequamini, ut per vos innotesceret nobis, quod et vobis esset circa praepositi memoriam gloriosum, et nobis quoque fidei ac virtutis praeberet exemplum. Nam quantum periculosa res est ad sequendum lapsum ruina praepositi, in tantum utile est et salutare, cum se episcopus per firmamentum fidei fratribus praebet imitandum. Ea fuit beatorum illorum temporum fides, ut cum boni et utilis pastoris jactura luctum et lacrymas ab ipsius grege exprimere, et ab amico consolatorias litteras exigere debere videretur, et Romani et amicus eorum Cyprianus animos in mutuam gratulationem effunderent ; certi nimirum nihil Ecclesiae ereptum, cui praeclarum praestitum sit fidei ac virtutis exemplum.

3. Concerning the blessed departure of Fabian, Cyprian, having been informed by the letters of the Roman clergy, presently writing back embraced the eulogy of this holy pontiff in these few words: Since the rumour among us concerning the departure of the good man my colleague was uncertain, dearest brethren, and doubtful opinion wavered, I received the letters sent to me by you through Clementius the subdeacon, whereby I might be most fully instructed concerning his glorious departure. And I rejoiced greatly that, in keeping with the integrity of his administration, an honourable consummation also followed. Wherein I also congratulate you very much, that you honour his memory with so celebrated and illustrious a testimony, so that through you it might become known to us what was both glorious to you regarding the memory of your superior, and also afforded to us an example of faith and virtue. For inasmuch as the ruin of a superior is a dangerous thing for following into a fall, so much is it useful and salutary when a bishop through the firmness of his faith offers himself to the brethren to be imitated. Such was the faith of those blessed times that, whereas the loss of a good and useful pastor seemed bound to draw forth grief and tears from his own flock and to demand consolatory letters from a friend, both the Romans and their friend Cyprian poured out their minds in mutual congratulation: assured doubtless that nothing had been snatched away from the Church, to which so illustrious an example of faith and virtue had been furnished.

Editors' notes and page, col. 178

Footnotes

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De epistolis et constitutionibus ad Fabianum attinentibus.

Concerning the letters and constitutions pertaining to Fabian.

1. Origenes, Eusebio teste, ad Fabianum apologeticam scripsit epistolam, qua se orthodoxum probare nitebatur. Hanc notans Hieronymus : Ipse Origenes, inquit, in epistola quam scribit ad Fabianum Romanae urbis episcopum, poenitentiam agit, cur talia (ob quae in ejus damnationem Roma sub Pontiano consenserat) scripserit, et causas temeritatis in Ambrosium refert, quod secreto edita in publicum protulerit.

1. Origen, as Eusebius witnesses, wrote an apologetic letter to Fabian, whereby he strove to prove himself orthodox. Noting this, Jerome says: Origen himself, in the letter which he writes to Fabian, bishop of the city of Rome, does penance for having written such things (on account of which Rome under Pontianus had consented to his condemnation), and refers the causes of the rashness to Ambrose, because things published in secret he brought forth into public.

2. Cyprianus epist. 55 ad Cornelium docet, Privatum Lambesitanum episcopum in ipsa Lambesitana colonia, ob multa et gravia delicta, nonaginta episcoporum sententia damnatum, Fabiani et Donati litteris severissime notatum fuisse. Quod ita intelligi potest, ut Fabianus Lambesitani concilii litteris tum de Privati delictis et haeresi, tum de sententia in eum lata certior factus, ad Privatum ipsum scripserit, eumque severissime corripuerit; vel, quod probabilius videtur, ad synodum quae ad se scripserat rescribens, gravissimam huic haeretico notam inusserit. Neque tamen quievit versipellis homo ; sed post Fabiani, ut colligere est, mortem, spe inductus decipiendi cleri ejus, quemdam e nequitiae suae cohorte vexillarium Romam misit, qui furto et fraudulenter litteras pacis elicere curaret. Simul et Cyprianus eidem clero cavens, rem sollicitam ipsi nuntiavit, hoc est vel de qua sollicitus erat clerus Romanus, vel potius, mea quidem sententia, de qua sollicitus erat ipse Cyprianus, ne videlicet Privatus Romanis imponeret. Verum vigilantissimo clero imponere non valuit emissus a Privato perfidiae consors callidus. Nam et antequam Cypriani in Urbem litterae pervenirent, nec quis esset latuit, nec litteras quas volebat accepit.

2. Cyprian in letter 55 to Cornelius teaches that Privatus, bishop of Lambaesis, condemned in the colony of Lambaesis itself for many and grave offences by the sentence of ninety bishops, was most severely censured by the letters of Fabian and Donatus. Which can be so understood, that Fabian, having been informed by the letters of the council of Lambaesis both of the offences and heresy of Privatus and of the sentence passed against him, wrote to Privatus himself and rebuked him most severely; or, what seems more probable, writing back to the synod which had written to him, branded this heretic with a most heavy mark of censure. Nor yet did the crafty man rest quiet; but after the death of Fabian, as may be gathered, led on by the hope of deceiving his clergy, he sent a certain standard-bearer from the cohort of his wickedness to Rome, who should take care to elicit letters of peace by stealth and fraudulently. At the same time Cyprian also, taking precaution for the same clergy, announced to them the anxious matter, that is, either that about which the Roman clergy was anxious, or rather, in my opinion at least, that about which Cyprian himself was anxious, namely lest Privatus should impose upon the Romans. But the cunning partner of perfidy sent forth by Privatus was unable to impose upon the most vigilant clergy. For even before the letters of Cyprian arrived in the City, neither did it lie hid who he was, nor did he receive the letters which he wanted.

3. Verba ista Bucheriani Catalogi de Fabiano : Hic regiones divisit diaconibus, et multas fabricas per coemeteria fieri jussit, in Fossatensi et altero reginae Suecorum sic interpolata legimus : Hic regiones divisit diaconibus, et fecit septem (apud Boll. sex) subdiaconos, qui septem notariis imminerent, ut gesta martyrum fideliter colligerent ; ac deinde omittitur, et multas fabricas per coemeteria fieri jussit. Tempus pacis, qua Ecclesia Philippo imperante fruebatur, locum Fabiano dedit, ut in coemeteriis, in quibus conventus celebrare ac sacra facere solebant fideles, fabricas fieri vel augeri praeciperet. Idem quoque tempus, ut quemdam regendae Urbis commodiorem ordinem institueret, ei permisit. Quocirca cum Bucheriani catalogi in Liberio desinentis antiquitas, tum ipsa temporis ratio id nobis facile persuadent, quod in eo catalogo de regionibus singulorum diaconorum curae commissis ac multis fabricis Fabiani jussu constructis scribitur.

3. Those words of the Bucherian Catalogue concerning Fabian: He divided the regions among the deacons, and ordered many structures to be made throughout the cemeteries, in the Fossatensian manuscript and another of the Queen of the Swedes we read thus interpolated: He divided the regions among the deacons, and made seven (in Bollandus, six) subdeacons, who should oversee seven notaries, that they might faithfully collect the acts of the martyrs; and then is omitted, and ordered many structures to be made throughout the cemeteries. The time of peace which the Church enjoyed while Philip was emperor gave occasion to Fabian to command that in the cemeteries, in which the faithful were wont to celebrate assemblies and perform sacred rites, structures should be made or enlarged. The same time also permitted him to institute a certain more convenient order for governing the City. Wherefore both the antiquity of the Bucherian catalogue ending in Liberius and the very reason of the time easily persuade us of that which is written in that catalogue concerning the regions committed to the care of the individual deacons and the many structures built by Fabian's command.

4. Sed quia par non est antiquitas eorum librorum,

4. But because the antiquity of those books is not equal,

Editors' notes and page, col. 179

Footnotes

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Euseb. lib. VI, c. 26.

Eusebius, [Ecclesiastical History] book VI, ch. 26.

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Hier. epist. 65 ad Pammach. et Ocean., c. 4.

Jerome, letter 65 to Pammachius and Oceanus, ch. 4.

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Cypr. in fine ep. 30.

Cyprian, at the end of letter 30. [The final digit is faint in the scan; 30 is the likely reading.]

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in quibus Fabianus et septem subdiaconos, qui totidem notariis ad conscribenda martyrum gesta imminerent, constituisse legitur, neque etiam par videtur additamenti hujus auctoritas. Praeterea ex eo, quod Gregorius, ab Eulogio Alexandrino episcopo rogatus ut quae Eusebius collegerat martyrum gesta ad se transmitteret, lib. VIII, epist. 29, respondet : Nulla in archivo hujus nostrae Ecclesiae vel in Romanae urbis bibliothecis esse cognovi, nisi pauca quaedam in unius codicis volumine collecta ; de veritate gestorum, quae ut Romae conscripta circumferuntur, nonnulli dubitant. Verbis tamen Gregorii pressius insistendum non est. Eo enim antiquior et rerum historicarum peritior Gelasius epist. 33, n. 6, agnoscit ac recipit gesta sanctorum martyrum, qui multiplicibus tormentorum cruciatibus et mirabilibus confessionum triumphis irradiant. Verum ubi addit idem papa : Ideo secundum antiquam consuetudinem singulari cautela in sancta Romana Ecclesia non leguntur, quia et eorum qui conscripsere nomina penitus ignorantur, praedicti additamenti fidem multum imminuit. Nihil quippe ad gestorum illorum αὐθεντίαν defuisse videretur, si Romani pontificis auctoritate a septem notariis, quibus praepositi fuissent totidem subdiaconi, conscripta essent. Ut ut est, Eusebius lib. VI Hist., c. 43, fidem facit, sub Fabiani successore Cornelio in Romana Ecclesia septem diaconos totidemque subdiaconos exstitisse : ac probabile est Fabianum eo ipso tempore, quo singulis diaconis officia partitus est, sua etiam subdiaconis, quaevis illa sint, assignasse. Tunc vero Roma in quatuordecim regiones dividebatur ; ex quo sequitur, ut singulis diaconis duae attributae fuerint, quo facilius paupe⟨re⟩s quosque dignoscere, eisque subvenire possent.

in which Fabian is read to have appointed also seven subdeacons, who should oversee as many notaries for writing down the acts of the martyrs, neither does the authority of this addition seem equal. Moreover, from the fact that Gregory, when asked by Eulogius bishop of Alexandria to transmit to him the acts of the martyrs which Eusebius had collected, in book VIII, letter 29, replies: I have learnt that there are none in the archive of this our Church or in the libraries of the city of Rome, except a few collected in the volume of a single codex; some doubt concerning the truth of the acts which are circulated as having been written at Rome. Yet the words of Gregory must not be pressed too closely. For Gelasius, older than he and more skilled in historical matters, in letter 33, no. 6, acknowledges and receives the acts of the holy martyrs, who shine forth by manifold torments of tortures and wonderful triumphs of confessions. But when the same pope adds: Therefore according to ancient custom by singular caution they are not read in the holy Roman Church, because the names also of those who wrote them are utterly unknown, he diminishes much the credit of the aforesaid addition. For nothing would seem to have been lacking to the authenticity of those acts, if by the authority of the Roman pontiff they had been written down by seven notaries over whom as many subdeacons had been set. However that may be, Eusebius in book VI of the History, ch. 43, gives assurance that under Fabian's successor Cornelius there existed in the Roman Church seven deacons and as many subdeacons: and it is probable that Fabian at that very time when he distributed the duties to the individual deacons, assigned their own duties also to the subdeacons, whatever those may be. Now at that time Rome was divided into fourteen regions; whence it follows that two were assigned to each deacon, so that they might more easily recognize all the poor and come to their aid.

De aliis epistolis ac decretis Fabiano ascriptis.

Concerning other letters and decrees ascribed to Fabian.

1. Isidorus Mercator tribus epistolis Fabiani nomine confictis, ideoque alium in tomum rejiciendis, collectionem suam auxit. Ex una illarum ea fluxit opinio, qua Fabianus, ut chrisma per singulos annos, vetere incenso, in Coena Domini conficeretur, constituisse creditur. Quocirca levi sane ac sublesta auctoritate nititur hujusmodi opinio. Illam autem expendendi aptior dabitur occasio, ubi ea, in qua istud asserit Isidorus, epistola edetur.

1. Isidore Mercator enlarged his collection with three letters forged in the name of Fabian, and therefore to be rejected into another tome. From one of them flowed that opinion whereby Fabian is believed to have appointed that the chrism should be made every year on the Lord's Supper, the old being burnt. Wherefore an opinion of this sort rests indeed upon slight and weak authority. A fitter occasion, however, of examining it will be given where that letter in which Isidore asserts this shall be published.

2. Praeterea eidem papae in editionibus Conciliorum decem attribuuntur decreta e Gratiano et altera compilatione collecta, sed neque majori fide digna. Et horum quidem primum sic enuntiatur : Si quis contristatus noluerit reconciliari fratri suo, satisfaciente eo qui contristavit, acerrimis maceretur inediis, usquedum gratanti animo satisfactionem recipiat. Neque id a Gratiano tantum dist. 90, c. 10, sed et ab Ivone par. 13, c. 60, et Burchardo lib X, c. 59, eodem nomine laudatur. Verum priora ejus verba expressa sunt ex Basilii Regula, in cujus capite 74 ista ex interpretatione Rufini praemittitur

2. Moreover, in the editions of the Councils ten decrees collected from Gratian and another compilation are attributed to the same pope, but neither are they worthy of greater credit. And the first of these indeed is enunciated thus: If anyone having been grieved refuses to be reconciled to his brother, when he who grieved him makes satisfaction, let him be chastised with most severe fastings, until with a grateful mind he receives the satisfaction. Nor is this cited under the same name by Gratian only, dist. 90, ch. 10, but also by Ivo, part 13, ch. 60, and Burchard, book X, ch. 59. But its first words are taken from the Rule of Basil, in whose chapter 74, from the translation of Rufinus, there is prefixed this

Editors' notes and page, col. 180

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quaestio : Quid si satisfaciente eo qui contristavit, noluerit reconciliari is qui contristatus est? Ex alia autem Regula, vel ad imitationem Regulae alicujus, architectus decreti hujus propositae quaestioni responsionem de suo subjecit. In Pachomii Regula, cap. 18, legimus : Si quis iracundus vel tristitiam vel invidiam tenet contra proximum suum, ut tempus tenuerit, ita erit poenitentia ejus, in pane et aqua. Cui Regulae affine est decretum, quod Ivo par. 13, c. 16, rursum velut ex Fabiano nostro citat : Si quis non vult reconciliari fratri suo quem odio habet, tandiu in pane et aqua poeniteat, usquedum reconcilietur ei.

question: What if, when he who grieved him makes satisfaction, he who was grieved refuses to be reconciled? But from another Rule, or in imitation of some Rule, the framer of this decree subjoined an answer of his own to the proposed question. In the Rule of Pachomius, ch. 18, we read: If anyone in anger holds either sadness or envy against his neighbour, according as he has held the time, so shall his penance be, on bread and water. Akin to which Rule is the decree which Ivo, part 13, ch. 16, again cites as if from our Fabian: If anyone does not wish to be reconciled to his brother whom he hates, let him do penance on bread and water so long, until he is reconciled to him.

3. Alterum, secundum Gratianum VI, quaest. 11, c. 18, et Ivonem par. 12, c. 65, in hunc modum profertur : Quicunque sciens se pejeraverit quadraginta dies in pane et aqua, et septem sequentes annos poeniteat; et nunquam sit sine poenitentia, et nunquam in testimonium recipiatur ; communionem tamen posthac recipiat. Cui non absimile est illud, quod Gratianus XXII, quaest. 5, c. 4, Gelasio, Ivo autem p. 12, c. 66, ut et Anselmus, Polycarpus ac Burchardus Pelagio attribuunt : Si quis se perjuraverit, et alios sciens in perjurium duxerit, quadraginta dies in pane et aqua, et septem sequentes annos poeniteat, et nunquam sit sine poenitentia. Et alii si conscii fuerunt, similiter poeniteant. Porro haec duo decreta ex eodem fonte fluere non levis suspicio est. Quem vero fontem illum opinemur, nisi Theodori Cantuariensis Poenitentiale, ex quo et apud Burchardum lib. XII, c. 11, et apud Ivonem p. 12, c. 68, id conceptis verbis laudatum legimus : Si quis suspicatur quod ad perjurium ducatur, et tamen ex consensu jurat, quadraginta dies poeniteat, et nunquam sit sine gravi poenitentia? Imo et id, quod supra Fabiani nomine refertur, apud Reginonem lib. II, c. 324, ut ex Poenitentiali, et apud Jac. Petitum tom. I, pag. 72, ut ex Theodori Poenitentiali sic decurtatum legitur : Quicunque sciens perjuraverit, septem annos poeniteat, et posthac communionem accipiat. Ei autem parti, qua perjurus nunquam in testimonium recipiendus praecipitur, consentiunt Matisconense I concilium, can. 17, et capitulare Caroli Magni cap. 39 apud Baluz. pag. 518, quo cavetur : Qui semel perjuratus fuerit, nec testis sit post haec. Vide et vulgatum Rabani Mauri librum III De poenitentium satisfactione, c. 39, et Halitgarii librum IV, c. 28.

3. The second, according to Gratian, VI, q. 11, ch. 18, and Ivo, part 12, ch. 65, is brought forward in this manner: Whosoever knowingly forswears himself, let him do penance forty days on bread and water, and the seven following years; and let him never be without penance, and never be received to bear witness; yet thereafter let him receive communion. Not unlike which is that which Gratian, XXII, q. 5, ch. 4, attributes to Gelasius, whereas Ivo, part 12, ch. 66, as also Anselm, Polycarpus, and Burchard attribute to Pelagius: If anyone has perjured himself, and knowingly led others into perjury, let him do penance forty days on bread and water, and the seven following years, and let him never be without penance. And if others were privy to it, let them similarly do penance. Furthermore, there is no slight suspicion that these two decrees flow from the same source. And what source should we suppose that to be, if not the Penitential of Theodore of Canterbury, from which both in Burchard, book XII, ch. 11, and in Ivo, part 12, ch. 68, we read this cited in set terms: If anyone suspects that he is being led into perjury, and nevertheless swears by consent, let him do penance forty days, and never be without heavy penance? Indeed, that also which is reported above under the name of Fabian, in Regino, book II, ch. 324, as from the Penitential, and in Jac. Petit, tome I, p. 72, as from the Penitential of Theodore, is read thus abridged: Whosoever knowingly has perjured himself, let him do penance seven years, and thereafter receive communion. Moreover, with that part whereby a perjurer is commanded never to be received to bear witness, agree the First Council of Mâcon, canon 17, and the capitulary of Charlemagne, ch. 39, in Baluze, p. 518, whereby it is provided: He who has once been perjured, let him not be a witness hereafter. See also the published book III of Rabanus Maurus On the Satisfaction of Penitents, ch. 39, and book IV of Halitgar, ch. 28.

4. Illud : Neque furiosus neque furiosa matrimonium contrahere possunt ; sed si contractum fuerit, non separentur, quod Gratianus XXXII, quaest. 7, c. 26; et Ivo par. 8, c. 168, ut Fabiani decretum laudant, a Reginone lib. II, c. 129, rectius citatur ut ex lege Romana. Est enim Julii Pauli lib. II, tit. 19, sententia postremis verbis mutatis. Pro his quippe Paulus dixit, sed contractum matrimonium furore (postmodum accedente) non tollitur; quod minus ambiguum. Vide Digest. lib. XXIII, tit. 2, leg. 16, et Ivonem par. 13, c. 87 et 88, necnon Reginonem lib. II, c. 130.

4. That saying: Neither a madman nor a madwoman can contract marriage; but if it has been contracted, let them not be separated, which Gratian, XXXII, q. 7, ch. 26, and Ivo, part 8, ch. 168, cite as a decree of Fabian, is more rightly cited by Regino, book II, ch. 129, as from the Roman law. For it is the sentence of Julius Paulus, book II, title 19, with the last words changed. For instead of these Paulus said, but a marriage contracted is not dissolved by madness (supervening afterwards); which is less ambiguous. See Digest, book XXIII, title 2, law 16, and Ivo, part 13, ch. 87 and 88, and also Regino, book II, ch. 130.

Editors' notes and page, col. 181

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marginal letters: A quaestio : Quid si; B fertur : Quicunque sciens; C et apud Ivonem; D fuerit, nec testis
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5. Gratianus XXXV, quaest. 2 et 3, c. 3, ut ex Fabiano exscribit illud : De propinquis, qui ad affinitatem per virum et uxorem veniunt, defuncta uxore vel viro, in quinta generatione conjungantur ; in quarta, si inventi fuerint, non separentur. In tertia tamen propinquitate non licet uxorem alterius accipere post obitum ejus. Aequaliter vir conjungatur in matrimonio eis quae sibi consanguineae sunt, et uxoris suae consanguineis post mortem suae uxoris. Verum novissimi Gratiani editores e Theodori Poenitentiali excerptum docent. Illud reipsa in ea Poenitentialis Theodori parte, quam Coislianus codex a 700 annis exaratus asservat, reperimus sub titulo De quaestionibus conjugiorum. Neque vero sibi constat Gratianus, quippe qui ibid. c. 13, una cum Ivone par. 9, cap. 43, et Burchardo lib. VII, c. 7, postremam decreti hujus partem Julio papae ascribit. De hac autem matrimoniorum circa affines lege ann. 1216, in concilio generali Lateranensi, quod Decret. Gregorii IX, lib. IV, tit. 14, c. 8, refertur, derogatum fuit.

5. Gratian, XXXV, q. 2 and 3, ch. 3, copies out as from Fabian that saying: Concerning kinsfolk who come into affinity through husband and wife, when the wife or husband is dead, let them be joined in the fifth generation; in the fourth, if they are found, let them not be separated. Yet in the third degree of relationship it is not lawful to take the wife of another after his death. Equally let a man be joined in marriage to those who are related to him by blood, and to the blood-relations of his wife after the death of his wife. But the latest editors of Gratian teach that it was excerpted from the Penitential of Theodore. In fact we find it in that part of the Penitential of Theodore which the Coislin codex written 700 years ago preserves, under the title On Questions of Marriages. Nor indeed is Gratian consistent with himself, inasmuch as in the same place, ch. 13, together with Ivo, part 9, ch. 43, and Burchard, book VII, ch. 7, he ascribes the last part of this decree to Pope Julius. Moreover, this law of marriages regarding relations by affinity was repealed in the year 1216, in the general Lateran council, which is reported in the Decretals of Gregory IX, book IV, title 14, ch. 8.

6. Superiori decreto Gratianus subjicit istud velut ad eumdem Fabianum pertinens : Qui propinquam sanguinis uxorem ducunt et separantur, non licebit eis, quandiu utrique vivunt, alias uxores sibi in conjugio sociare, nisi ignorantia excusentur. Unde conjicere licet, ex eo ipso libro, ex quo superius, exscriptum fuisse, adeoque Theodoro Cantuariensi esse restituendum.

6. To the preceding decree Gratian subjoins this as pertaining to the same Fabian: Those who marry a wife related by blood and are separated, it shall not be lawful for them, so long as both live, to join other wives to themselves in marriage, unless they are excused by ignorance. Whence one may conjecture that it was copied out from that very same book from which the preceding was, and therefore ought to be restored to Theodore of Canterbury.

7. Gratianus XXXV, quaest. 6, c. 1 ; Ivo par. 9, c. 57, et Burchardus lib. VII, c. 21, ut ex Fabiani decretis, cap. 8, id proferunt : Consanguineos extraneorum nullus accuset vel consanguinitatem in synodo computet, sed propinqui ad quorum notitiam pertinet, id est pater et mater, soror et frater, patruus, avunculu⟨s,⟩ amita, matertera, et eorum procreatio. Si autem progenies tota defecerit, ab antiquioribus et veracioribus, quibus eadem propinquitas nota est, episcopus canonice perquirat ; et si inventa fuerit propinquitas, separentur. Quod satis inconcinne expressum esse liquet ad imitationem legis 2, tit. 7, lib. IX Cod. Th. ex interpretatione Anniani, ubi cavetur : In adulterio extraneam mulierem nullus accuset, sed propinqui ad quorum notam pertinet, hoc est frater germanus, frater patruelis, patruus et consobrinus.

7. Gratian, XXXV, q. 6, ch. 1; Ivo, part 9, ch. 57, and Burchard, book VII, ch. 21, as from the decrees of Fabian, ch. 8, bring forward this: Let no one accuse the blood-relations of strangers or compute consanguinity in a synod, but the kinsfolk to whose knowledge it pertains, that is, father and mother, sister and brother, paternal uncle, maternal uncle, paternal aunt, maternal aunt, and their offspring. But if the whole kindred has failed, let the bishop inquire canonically from older and more truthful persons to whom the same relationship is known; and if relationship be found, let them be separated. Which clearly was expressed awkwardly enough in imitation of law 2, title 7, book IX of the Theodosian Code from the interpretation of Anianus, where it is provided: In adultery let no one accuse a strange woman, but the kinsfolk to whose cognizance it pertains, that is, a full brother, a paternal cousin, a paternal uncle, and a maternal cousin.

8. Quod Gratianus de consecr., dist. 2, c. 16 ; Ivo par. 2, c. 27, ac Burchardus lib. V, c. 17, Fabiani nomine ita efferunt : Ut si non frequentius, vel ter laici homines communicent in anno, nisi forte quis majoribus criminibus impediatur, id est in Pascha et Pentecoste et Natali Domini : hoc ex canone 50 concilii Turonensis III, anno 818 celebrati, ad verba id est, exscriptum fuit. Illud porro additamentum, id est in Pascha, Pentecoste et Natali Domini, expressum est ad imitationem concilii Agathensis, can. 18, ubi statuitur : Saeculares vero, qui in Natali Domini, Pascha et Pentecoste non communicaverunt, Catholici non credantur. Integrum

8. That which Gratian, De Consecratione, dist. 2, ch. 16; Ivo, part 2, ch. 27, and Burchard, book V, ch. 17, set forth thus under the name of Fabian: That if not more frequently, at least thrice in the year laymen should communicate, unless perchance anyone be hindered by greater crimes, that is, at Easter and Pentecost and the Nativity of the Lord: this was copied out, down to the words that is, from canon 50 of the Third Council of Tours, celebrated in the year 818. Furthermore, that addition, that is, at Easter, Pentecost, and the Nativity of the Lord, was framed in imitation of the Council of Agde, canon 18, where it is decreed: But laymen who on the Nativity of the Lord, Easter, and Pentecost have not communicated, let them not be believed Catholics. But in full

Editors' notes and page, col. 182

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marginal letters: A 5. Gratianus XXXV; B Ivone par. 9; C 7. Gratianus XXXV; D notam pertinet, hoc
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vero ac totidem verbis, quot illud Gratianus, Ivo et Burchardus referunt, a Reginone lib. I, c. 195, laudatur ut ex libro II Capitularium, ubi et exstat c. 45, sed sine additamento id est, etc., quomodo habetur in concilio Turonensi III.

and in the very same words as Gratian, Ivo, and Burchard report it, it is cited by Regino, book I, ch. 195, as from book II of the Capitularies, where also it is extant in ch. 45, but without the addition that is, etc., just as it is had in the Third Council of Tours.

9. Si quis triginta aetatis suae non impleverit annos, nullo modo presbyter ordinetur, etc., quod apud Burchardum lib. II, c. 10, et Ivonem p. 6, c. 30, Fabiani nomine insignitur, et cujus initium Gratianus dist. 78, c. 1, Bonifacio papae ascribit, merus est canon 11 Neocaesariensis concilii ex interpretatione Martini Bracarensis episcopi, cap. 20 descriptus.

9. If anyone has not completed thirty years of his age, let him in no wise be ordained presbyter, etc., which in Burchard, book II, ch. 10, and Ivo, part 6, ch. 30, is marked with the name of Fabian, and whose beginning Gratian, dist. 78, ch. 1, ascribes to Pope Boniface, is purely canon 11 of the Council of Neocaesarea copied out from the translation of Martin bishop of Braga, ch. 20.

10. Decernimus ut in omnibus Dominicis diebus altaris oblatio ab omnibus viris et mulieribus fiat tam panis quam vini, ut per has immolationes a peccatorum suorum fascibus liberentur, ex canone 4 concilii Matisconensis II, anno 585 celebrati, descriptum est,

10. We decree that on all Lord's days the oblation of the altar be made by all men and women, both of bread and of wine, that through these offerings they may be freed from the bundles of their sins, from canon 4 of the Second Council of Mâcon, celebrated in the year 585, was

uno verbo liberentur excepto, cujus loco careant concilium praefert. Perperam igitur in codice librorum 16, lib. V, c. 7, apud Burchardum lib. V, c. 24, et Ivonem p. 2, c. 34, Fabiano ascribitur. Quod quidem Ivonem non advertisse mirum est, cum subinde cap. 41 eorumdem verborum summam perstringens, ea concilii Matisconensis agnoscat.

copied out, except for the single word they may be freed, in place of which the council prefers they may be quit of. Wrongly therefore in the codex of 16 books, book V, ch. 7, in Burchard, book V, ch. 24, and Ivo, part 2, ch. 34, is it ascribed to Fabian. Which indeed it is strange that Ivo did not notice, since shortly after in ch. 41, touching upon the substance of the same words, he acknowledges them as belonging to the Council of Mâcon.

11. Non est accipiendum sacrificium de manu sacerdotis, qui orationes vel actiones et reliquas observationes in missa secundum ritum implere non potest, codex 16 librorum, lib. V, c. 9; Burchardus lib. V, c. 30, et Ivo p. 12, c. 44, Fabiano tribuunt, aetatem tamen redolet hoc papa recentiorem. Et vero Theodori Cantuariensis esse fidem facit vetus codex Coislianus, in quo cum pluribus aliis Poenitentialis ejusdem archiepiscopi capitulis exhibetur.

11. The sacrifice is not to be received from the hand of a priest who cannot fulfil the prayers or actions and the remaining observances in the mass according to the rite, the codex of 16 books, book V, ch. 9; Burchard, book V, ch. 30, and Ivo, part 12, ch. 44, attribute to Fabian, yet it savours of an age more recent than this pope. And indeed the ancient Coislin codex gives assurance that it belongs to Theodore of Canterbury, in which it is exhibited with several other chapters of the Penitential of the same archbishop.

Editors' notes and page, col. 183

Footnotes

(1) ‹anchor: et apostolicis monemur› · call in col 183

S. Leo ep. 4.

St Leo, letter 4.

(printed under page 98)

(12) ‹anchor: EPISTOLA PRIMA› · call in col 183

Tres illae ep. suppositae ac spuriae viris doctis habentur, et merito.

These three letters are held by learned men to be supposititious and spurious, and rightly.

(printed under page 98)

(13) ‹anchor: non debeant admitti› · call in col 183

De errore Novati et Novatiani.

On the error of Novatus and Novatian.

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(14) ‹anchor: Divinis praeceptis› · call in col 183

Divinis praeceptis, etc. Haec epistola aliis spuria, nisi a quibusdam mendis et erroribus expurgetur; aliis non a Fabiano, sed potius a Cornelio scripta esse videtur: eo quod infra de Novato et Novatiano haec referat: Insuper et illud vos scire desideramus, quia nostris temporibus, praepedientibus quidem nostris peccatis, suadente antiquo hoste, qui semper ut leo rugiens circuit quaerens quem devoret (I Petr. V, 8), supervenit Novatus ex Africa, et separavit de Ecclesia Christi Novatianum, et quosdam alios Christi confessores, et convertit in pravam doctrinam. Quae sane non ante Cornelii pontificis creationem contigisse, testimonio Libri pontificalis et Cypriani satis est manifestum. Adde quod Pacianus, epist. 3 ad Sympronianum, cum Novatiani meminit, de iis quae ante sedem Cornelii gesserat, commendat ejus catholicam fidem; sic enim scribit: Cur igitur Novatianus tuus, ne falso quidem adhuc episcopatu sacerdos, longe antequam Cornelius Romae episcopus fieret, antequam sacerdotio illius invideret, haec suasit? Habes Cypriani testimonium, etc. Et post reliqua: At hanc ipsam haeresim Novatiani quando coeperunt? Audite, quaeso, et totum ordinem erroris vestri advertite. Cornelius jam Romae episcopus a sexdecim episcopis factus, locum cathedrae vacantis acceperat, et illa qua fuit praeditus castimonia virginali crebras persecutiones nati principis sustinebat. Tum forte quidam presbyter Novatus ex Africa, etc., Romam venit, etc. Itaque ob hanc causam liceret firma conjectura statuere, auctorem hujus epistolae Cornelium potius quam Fabianum fuisse, nisi infra mentio fieret septem subdiaconorum, quos, ut ex Vita ejusdem apud Librum pontificalem constat, notariis Acta martyrum colligentibus et conscribentibus, Fabianus, non Cornelius, omnium sententia praefecit. Tutius igitur ac verius esse videtur, praedicta de Novato et Novatiano ab aliquo sciolo superaddita fuisse, ideo, quod putarit haec verba Libri pontificalis, eodem tempore supervenit Novatus, ad Fabiani sedis pontificiae tempus referenda esse, cum revera ad ea quae auctor proxime dixerat, post passionem vero ejus, referri debeant. Baron. anno 238, num. 9 et seqq. SEV. BIN.

"By divine precepts," etc. To some this letter seems spurious unless it is purged of certain blemishes and errors; to others it seems written not by Fabian but rather by Cornelius, because below it reports this of Novatus and Novatian: "Moreover we wish you to know this too, that in our times, our sins indeed standing in the way, at the urging of the ancient enemy, who ever goes about like a roaring lion seeking whom he may devour (1 Pet. 5:8), Novatus came over from Africa, and separated Novatian and certain other confessors of Christ from the Church of Christ, and turned them to wrong doctrine." That this did not happen before the creation of Cornelius as pontiff is plain enough from the testimony of the Liber pontificalis and of Cyprian. Add that Pacian, in letter 3 to Sympronianus, when he mentions Novatian, commends his catholic faith as regards what he had done before the episcopate of Cornelius; for so he writes: "Why then did your Novatian, not yet a priest even by a false episcopate, long before Cornelius became bishop of Rome, before he envied him his priesthood, urge these things? You have Cyprian's testimony," etc. And after the rest: "But when did they begin this very heresy of Novatian? Listen, I pray, and attend to the whole course of your error. Cornelius, already made bishop of Rome by sixteen bishops, had received the place of the vacant chair, and with the virginal chastity with which he was endowed was enduring frequent persecutions from the prince then born. Then by chance a certain priest, Novatus, from Africa," etc., "came to Rome," etc. And so for this reason one might settle, on a firm conjecture, that the author of this letter was Cornelius rather than Fabian, were there not mention below of the seven subdeacons whom, as is plain from his Life in the Liber pontificalis, Fabian, not Cornelius, by everyone's account set over the notaries who collected and wrote down the Acts of the martyrs. It seems safer and truer, therefore, that what is said of Novatus and Novatian was added by some smatterer, because he thought that these words of the Liber pontificalis, "at the same time Novatus came over," were to be referred to the time of Fabian's pontifical see, when in truth they should be referred to what the author had said just before, "but after his passion." Baronius, year 238, no. 9 and following. Severinus Binius.

(printed under page 98)

Footnotes

(2) ‹anchor: ac sequacium› · call in col 184

sequentium.

[variant reading:] "sequentium" (of the following [orders]).

(printed under page 98)

(15) ‹anchor: Septem ergo diaconos› · call in col 184

Septem ergo diaconos. Vide quae diximus supra in notis in Vitam Clementis, Evaristi, Anteri et Fabiani. ID.

"Seven deacons, then." See what we said above in the notes on the Life of Clement, of Evaristus, of Anterus and of Fabian. The same [Binius].

(printed under page 98)

(16) ‹anchor: septem similiter subdiacones› · call in col 184

Denique septem similiter subdiaconos. Hic colligitur hujus epistolae auctorem esse Fabianum pontificem, et quod illi fidem derogat, surreptitium esse, adeoque expungendum, vel saltem adnotandum. ID.

"Lastly, seven subdeacons likewise." Here it is gathered that the author of this letter is the pontiff Fabian, and that what detracts from its credibility is a surreptitious addition, and so is to be struck out, or at least marked. The same [Binius].

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