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Malchion, Ecclesiae Antiochenae presbyter, Epistola ex persona Antiochenae synodi adversus Paulum Samosatenum

Editors' preface

MALCHIONIS

ECCLESIAE ANTIOCHENAE PRESBYTERI

EPISTOLA

Ex persona Antiochenae synodi perscripta, adversus Paulum Samosatenum.

MALCHION, PRESBYTER OF THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH: LETTER, written in the person of the Synod of Antioch, against Paul of Samosata.

Apud Eusebium Hist. eccl. lib. VII, cap. 30.

In Eusebius, Church History, book VII, chapter 30.

Διονυσίῳ καὶ Μαξίμῳ καὶ τοῖς κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην πᾶσι συλλειτουργοῖς ἡμῶν ἐπισκόποις καὶ πρεσβυτέροις καὶ δισκόνοις· καὶ πάσῃ τῇ ὑπὸ τὸν οὐρανὸν καθολικῇ Ἐκκλησίᾳ, Ἕλενος καὶ Ὑμέναιος καὶ Θεόφιλος καὶ Θεότεκνος καὶ Μάξιμος· Πρόκλος· Νικόμας καὶ Αἰλιανός· καὶ Παῦλος καὶ Βώλανος καὶ Πρωτογένης καὶ Ἱέραξ καὶ Εὐτύχιος καὶ Θεόδωρος καὶ Μαλχίων καὶ Λούκιος· καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ πάντες

To Dionysius and Maximus and to all our fellow ministers throughout the inhabited world, bishops and presbyters and deacons, and to the whole Catholic Church under heaven, Helenus and Hymenaeus and Theophilus and Theotecnus and Maximus, Proclus, Nicomas and Aelianus, and Paul and Bolanus and Protogenes and Hierax and Eutychius and Theodore and Malchion and Lucius, and all the rest

Editors' notes and page, col. 249

Footnotes

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Euseb., Hist. eccles. lib. VII, cap. 30.

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, book 7, chapter 30.

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Hieron., De vir. illustr., cap. 71.

Jerome, On Illustrious Men, chapter 71.

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Euseb., l. c. cap. 29.

Eusebius, in the place cited, chapter 29.

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Cav., Hist. litt. ad ann. 270, tom. I, pag. 136.

Cave, Historia literaria, under the year 270, volume 1, page 136.

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Fabric., Bibl. eccl. in not. ad Hieron., pag. 161.

Fabricius, Bibliotheca ecclesiastica, in the notes on Jerome, page 161.

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Fabric., Bibl. Gr. tom. XI, pag. 346.

Fabricius, Bibliotheca Graeca, volume 11, page 346.

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Harduin., Concil. tom. I, edit. Venet. pag. 911, not. 1.

Hardouin, Councils, volume 1, Venice edition, page 911, note 1.

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Euseb. l. c. cap. 30.

Eusebius, in the place cited, chapter 30.

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Tillem., Hist. des emp., tom. III, not. 3 sur Aurel., pag. 532.

Tillemont, Histoire des empereurs, volume 3, note 3 on Aurelian, page 532.

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Leont. Byz., lib. III contr. Nestor., sub fin.

Leontius of Byzantium, book 3 against Nestorius, near the end.

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Petr. Diac., lib. De incarnat. ad Fulgent., cap. 6.

Peter the Deacon, book On the Incarnation, to Fulgentius, chapter 6.

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(23) ‹anchor: Αἰλιανός› · call in col 249 (Greek)

Αἰμιλιανός. In codice Mazar., Fuket., Savil. et Med. Αἰλιανὸς legitur. Rufinus quoque Aelianum vocat, atque ita fere Nicephorus et Syncellus. Caeterum Athanasius, in libro De synodis Arimini et Seleuciae, testatur in hac synodo 70 fuisse Patres, qui Paulum Samosatensem deposuerunt. Vales.

Aemilianus. In the Mazarin, Fouquet, Savile and Medici manuscripts Aelianus is read. Rufinus too calls him Aelianus, and so, more or less, do Nicephorus and Syncellus. Athanasius, however, in his book On the Synods of Ariminum and Seleucia, testifies that there were 70 Fathers at this synod who deposed Paul of Samosata. Valesius.

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running head: 249 MALCHIONIS EPISTOLA CONTRA PAULUM
marginal letters: A quorum tamen; B ronymus (13); C Διονυσίῳ καὶ; D (17) Fabric.
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: upper half of column is Latin-only editors' matter (Gallandi's Notitia, continuing in col. 250): quorum tamen, III. Damnato; full-width headings in middle (MALCHIONIS, ECCLESIAE ANTIOCHENAE PR..., EPISTOLA, Ex persona Antiochenae synodi perscripta, adversus..., I., Apud Eusebium Hist. eccl. lib. VII, cap....) cut off at right edge, not set; Αιλιανός printed without breathing
misprints (kept as printed): δισκόνοις for διακόνοις
other: a full-width band stands across cols 249/250 in mid-page: the 3 paragraph(s) above it in col 250 are set here, after the 2 above it in col 249 (reading order, moved on receipt); the band itself (its title lines) is not set by the volunteer page: set it here, at the move, with full_width
other: the column opens with the end of the previous work (another unit); not set here: the unit begins at Διονυσίῳ καὶ Μαξίμῳ

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Editors' notes and page, col. 250

Footnotes

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Aimilianos [Aemilianus]. In the Mazarin, Fouquet, Savile and Medici manuscripts the reading is Ailianos. Rufinus too calls him Aelianus, and so, roughly, do Nicephorus and Syncellus. Athanasius, moreover, in his book On the Synods of Ariminum and Seleucia, testifies that there were 70 Fathers at this synod who deposed Paul of Samosata. VALESIUS.

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running head: TRA PAULUM SAMOSAT. 250
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other: editors' matter at top (Fabricius, qui Hieronymi..., continuation of Notitia from col. 249) set from Latin, no Greek printed; full-width title lines in middle (...IONIS / ...ENAE PRESBYTERI / ...TOLA / ...pta, adversus Paulum Samosatenum. / ...eccl. lib. VII, cap. 30.) cut off at left edge, not set; facing Latin version at foot (Dionysio et Maximo...) not set
other: the 3 paragraph(s) of this column above the full-width band are set under col 249 (reading order, moved on receipt)

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Editors' notes and page, col. 251

Footnotes

(24) ‹anchor: Ἐκκλησίαι› · call in col 252 (full-width line)

Ἐπίσκοποι καὶ πρεσβύτεροι καὶ διάκονοι, καὶ αἱ Ἐκκλησίαι. Notanda est in primis hujus epistolae inscriptio, quae non solum episcoporum, sed presbyterorum et diaconorum, atque adeo plebis ipsius nomen praefixum continet; eodem plane modo in Actis Carthaginiensis synodi cui praefuit Cyprianus: Cum in unum Carthagine convenissent episcopi plurimi, cum presbyteris et diaconis, praesente etiam plebis maxima parte, etc. Idem legitur in concilio Eliberitano. VALES.

"Bishops and presbyters and deacons, and the Churches." The heading of this letter deserves notice above all: it bears the name not only of the bishops but of the presbyters and deacons, and even of the people itself; exactly as in the Acts of the synod of Carthage over which Cyprian presided: "When very many bishops had come together at Carthage, with the presbyters and deacons, the greatest part of the people also being present," etc. The same is read in the council of Elvira. VALESIUS.

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Οὐδὲ πρὸς πρόσωπον γράψας αὐτῷ. Falsa est igitur ac supposititia epistola Dionysii Alexandrini ad Paulum Samosatensem, quae edita est in tomo XI Bibliothecae sanctorum Patrum una cum 10 propositionibus Pauli Samosatensis, et Dionysii ad eas responsionibus. Nam Patres quidem Antiocheni concilii affirmant Dionysium non dedisse litteras ad Paulum, sed tantum ad Ecclesiam Antiochensem. In illa autem epistola quae Dionysii nomine publicata est, Dionysius bis Paulo scripsisse dicitur. Sed nec stylus illius epistolae ac responsionis reliquis Dionysii scriptis respondet. Itaque opus illud adulterinum esse, ob eas quas dixi rationes mihi persuadeo, licet Baronius eam epistolam pro vera ac germana habuerit. ID.

"Nor writing to him personally." False and spurious, then, is the letter of Dionysius of Alexandria to Paul of Samosata published in volume 11 of the Bibliotheca sanctorum Patrum together with ten propositions of Paul of Samosata and Dionysius's answers to them. For the Fathers of the council of Antioch affirm that Dionysius sent no letter to Paul, but only to the Church of Antioch; whereas in that letter published under Dionysius's name, Dionysius is said to have written to Paul twice. Nor do the style of that letter and answer match Dionysius's other writings. I am therefore persuaded, for the reasons I have given, that the work is spurious, although Baronius held the letter true and genuine. THE SAME.

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Ἄνευ τινὸς περὶ τὸν λόγον λοιδορίας. Male hunc locum vertit Christophorsonus, qui Rufinum recte praeeuntem sequi noluit. Vertit enim, sine ulla verborum contumelia, cum vertendum esset, sine ulla religionis nostrae contumelia. ID.

"Without any reviling concerning the Word." Christopherson translated this passage badly, refusing to follow Rufinus, who had led the way correctly. For he rendered it "without any abuse of words," when it should have been rendered "without any affront to our religion." THE SAME.

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Ἀποστὰς τοῦ κανόνος. Sic vocant Patres regulam fidei. Ita Eusebius in lib. IV, cap. 23, de Dionysio Corinthiorum episcopo loquens, τῷ τῆς ἀληθείας παρίστατε κανόνι. ID.

"Having departed from the canon." So the Fathers call the rule of faith. Thus Eusebius in book 4, chapter 23, speaking of Dionysius, bishop of the Corinthians: "you stand by the canon of truth." THE SAME.

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Σείει τοὺς ἀδελφούς. Duplici ratione concussionis crimen admittitur; aut cum terrore potestatis, magistratus vel miles aliquid exigit; aut cum per fraudem et calumniam, suffragii praetextu aliquid a quopiam elicitur, ut in lege 1, de calumniatoribus. Hoc secundum genus concussionis intelligunt Patres concilii Antiocheni. De primo genere concussionis loquitur Maximinus in epistola ad Sabinum, quam refert Eusebius in lib. IX, cap. 9. Nescio autem, cur tantopere refugerit Christophorsonus voces concutere et concussiones, cum tamen sint Latinae, et a veteribus jurisconsultis crebro usurpatae. Sed et in Evangelio ea vox habetur, ubi Joannes militibus ita praecipit: Neminem concusseritis; contenti estote stipendiis vestris. Apud Graecos antiquissimus est usus vocis σείειν eo sensu pro (continues)

"He shakes down the brethren." The crime of extortion (concussio) is committed in two ways: either when a magistrate or soldier exacts something by the terror of his power; or when something is wheedled out of someone by fraud and false accusation under pretext of patronage, as in law 1, on false accusers. It is this second kind of extortion that the Fathers of the council of Antioch mean. Of the first kind Maximin speaks in his letter to Sabinus, which Eusebius reports in book 9, chapter 9. I do not know why Christopherson so shunned the words "concutere" and "concussiones," since they are Latin and frequently used by the old jurists. The word occurs in the Gospel too, where John instructs the soldiers: "Extort from no one; be content with your wages." Among the Greeks the use of the word σείειν in that sense is very ancient, for (continues)

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running head: 251 MALCHIONIS ANTIO
marginal letters: A scopi, presbyteri; B lianus vero cum; C gula recedens, ad; D plebis maxima parte
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: facing Latin version, not set; the Greek full-width line near the top (Ἐκ-κλησίαι … χαίρειν., printed across cols 251/252) continues col. 252's text and is set there in reading order (Q2); nothing of the Greek stands in col. 251

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οἱ σὺν ἡμῖν παροικοῦντες τὰς ἐγγὺς πόλεις καὶ ἔθνη ἐπίσκοποι καὶ πρεσβύτεροι καὶ διάκονοι· καὶ αἱ Ἐκκλησίαι τοῦ Θεοῦ, ἀγαπητοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ἐν Κυρίῳ χαίρειν.

the bishops and presbyters and deacons who sojourn with us in the neighbouring cities and nations, and the Churches of God, to the beloved brethren in the Lord, greeting.

Τούτοις μετὰ βραχέα, ἐπιλέγουσι ταῦτα· Ἐπεστέλλομεν δὲ ἅμα καὶ παρεκαλοῦμεν πολλοὺς καὶ τῶν μακρὰν ἐπισκόπων, ἐπὶ τὴν θεραπείαν τῆς θανατηφόρου διδασκαλίας· ὥσπερ καὶ Διονύσιον τὸν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀλεξανδρείας· καὶ Φιρμιλιανὸν τὸν ἀπὸ τῆς Καππαδοκίας, τοὺς μακαρίτας· ὧν ὁ μὲν ἐπέστειλεν εἰς τὴν Ἀντιόχειαν, τὸν ἡγεμόνα τῆς πλάνης οὐδὲ προσρήσεως ἀξιώσας· οὐδὲ πρὸς πρόσωπον γράψας αὐτῷ, ἀλλὰ τῇ παροικίᾳ πάσῃ· ἧς καὶ τὸ ἀντίγραφον ὑπετάξαμεν. Ὁ δὲ Φιρμιλιανὸς καὶ δὶς ἀφικόμενος, κατέγνω μὲν τῶν ἐκείνου καινοτομουμένων, ὡς ἴσμεν καὶ μαρτυροῦμεν οἱ παραγενόμενοι, καὶ ἄλλοι πολλοὶ συνίσασιν· ἐπαγγειλαμένου δὲ μεταθήσεσθαι, πιστεύσας καὶ ἐλπίσας ἄνευ τινὸς περὶ τὸν λόγον λοιδορίας τὸ πρᾶγμα εἰς δέον καταστήσεσθαι, ἀνεβάλετο παρακρουσθεὶς ὑπ' αὐτοῦ τοῦ καὶ τὸν Θεὸν τὸν ἑαυτοῦ καὶ Κύριον ἀρνουμένου, καὶ τὴν πίστιν ἣν καὶ αὐτὸς πρότερον εἶχε μὴ φυλάξαντος. Ἔμελλε δὲ καὶ νῦν ὁ Φιρμιλιανὸς εἰς τὴν Ἀντιόχειαν διαβήσεσθαι· καὶ μέχρι γε Ταρσῶν ἧκεν, ἅτε τῆς ἀρνησιθέου αὐτοῦ κακίας πεῖραν εἰληφώς· ἀλλὰ γὰρ μεταξὺ συνεληλυθότων ἡμῶν καὶ καλούντων καὶ ἀναμενόντων ἄχρις ἂν ἔλθῃ, τέλος ἔσχε τοῦ βίου.

To these things, after a little, they subjoin the following: And at the same time we sent word to and exhorted many even of the bishops at a distance, for the healing of the deadly teaching: even as both Dionysius who was over Alexandria, and Firmilian who was from Cappadocia, those blessed men: of whom the one sent word to Antioch, having deemed the leader of the error not even worthy of a salutation, nor having written to him in person, but to the whole diocese, of which epistle we have also subjoined the copy. And Firmilian, having come even twice, condemned indeed the innovations introduced by that man, as we who were present know and bear witness, and many others are conscious; but when he promised that he would change, having believed and hoped that without any reproach concerning the word the matter would be set right, he postponed action, having been deceived by the very man who both denied his own God and Lord and did not keep the faith which he himself also previously held. And Firmilian was about even now to cross over to Antioch, and had come at least as far as Tarsus, inasmuch as he had made trial of his God-denying wickedness; for indeed while we had assembled in the meantime and were calling him and waiting until he should come, he reached the end of his life.

Μεθ' ἕτερα δ' αὖθις τὸν βίον τοῦ αὐτοῦ οἵας ἐτύγχανεν ἀγωγῆς, διαγράφουσιν ἐν τούτοις· ὅπου δὲ ἀποστὰς τοῦ κανόνος ἐπὶ κίβδηλα καὶ νόθα διδάγματα μετελήλυθεν, οὐδὲν δεῖ τοῦ ἔξω ὄντος τὰς πράξεις κρίνειν· οὐδὲ ὅτι πρότερον πένης ὢν καὶ πτωχὸς, καὶ μήτε παρὰ πατέρων παραλαβὼν μηδεμίαν εὐπορίαν, μήτε ἐκ τέχνης ἤ τινος ἐπιτηδεύματος κτησάμενον, νῦν εἰς ὑπερβάλλοντα πλοῦτον ἐλήλακεν, ἐξ ἀνομιῶν ταὶ ἱεροσυλιῶν, καὶ ὧν αἰτεῖ καὶ σείει τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς, καταβραβεύων τοὺς ἀδικουμένους

And after other things again, of what sort of conduct the life of the same man was, they describe in these words: But whereas having departed from the rule he has gone over to spurious and bastard teachings, there is no need to judge the deeds of him who is outside: nor that, having previously been poor and beggarly, and having neither received any wealth from his fathers nor acquired it from a craft or any pursuit, he has now arrived at excessive wealth, from lawless deeds and sacrileges, and from the things which he demands and extorts from the brethren, defrauding those who are wronged

Editors' notes and page, col. 252

Footnotes

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Page

running head: CHIONIS ANTIOCHENI 252
marginal letters: A οἱ σὺν ἡμῖν; B ἄλλοι πολλοὶ συνίσασιν·; C ἀποστὰς τοῦ κανόνος; D Dionysio Corinthiorum episcopo
old-edition numerals: (none)
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καὶ ὑπισχνούμενος βοηθήσειν μισθοῦ· ψευδόμενος δὲ καὶ τούτους, καὶ μάτην καρπούμενος τὴν τῶν ἐν πράγμασιν ὄντων ἑτοιμότητα πρὸς τὸ διδόναι ὑπὲρ ἀπαλλαγῆς τῶν ἐνοχλούντων· πορισμὸν ἡγούμενος τὴν θεοσέβειαν. Οὔτε ὡς ὑψηλὰ φρονεῖ καὶ ὑπερῆρται κοσμικὰ ἀξιώματα ὑποδυόμενος· καὶ δουκηνάριος μᾶλλον ἢ ἐπίσκοπος θέλων καλεῖσθαι· καὶ σοβῶν κατὰ τὰς ἀγοράς καὶ ἐπιστολὰς ἀναγινώσκων καὶ ὑπαγορεύων ἅμα· βαδίζων δημοσίᾳ καὶ δορυφορούμενος, τῶν μὲν προπορευομένων, τῶν δὲ ἐφεπομένων πολλῶν τὸν ἀριθμόν· ὡς καὶ τὴν πίστιν φθονεῖσθαι καὶ μισεῖσθαι διὰ τῶν ὄγκων αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν ὑπερηφανίαν τῆς καρδίας· οὔτε τὴν ἐν ταῖς ἐκκλησιαστικαῖς συνόδοις τερατείαν, ἣν μηχανᾶται δοξοκοπῶν καὶ φαντασιοκοπῶν· καὶ τὰς τῶν ἀκεραιοτέρων ψυχὰς τοῖς τοιούτοις ἐκπλήττων· βῆμα μὲν καὶ θρόνον ὑψηλὸν ἑαυτῷ κατασκευασάμενος, οὐχ ὡς Χριστοῦ μαθητής· σήκρητον δὲ, ὥσπερ οἱ τοῦ κόσμου ἄρχοντες, ἔχων τε καὶ ὀνομάζων· παίων τε τῇ χειρὶ τὸν μηρὸν, καὶ τὸ βῆμα ἀράττων τοῖς ποσί· καὶ τοῖς μὴ ἐπαινοῦσι, μηδὲ ὥσπερ ἐν τοῖς θεάτροις κατασείουσι ταῖς ὀθόναις, μηδ' ἐκβοῶσί τε καὶ ἀναπηδῶσι κατὰ τὰ αὐτὰ τοῖς ἀμφ' αὐτὸν στασιώταις ἀνδράσι τε καὶ γυναίοις, ἀκόσμως οὕτως ἀκροωμένοις· τοῖς δ' οὖν ὡς ἐν οἴκῳ Θεοῦ σεμνοπρεπῶς καὶ εὐτάκτως ἀκούουσιν, ἐπιτιμῶν καὶ ἐνυβρίζων· καὶ εἰς τοὺς ἀπελθόντας ἐκ τοῦ βίου τούτου παροινῶν ἐξηγητὰς τοῦ λόγου φορτικῶς ἐν τῷ κοινῷ, καὶ μεγαλοῤῥημονῶν περὶ ἑαυτοῦ, καθάπερ οὐκ ἐπίσκοπος, ἀλλὰ σοφιστὴς καὶ γόης· ψαλμοὺς δὲ

and promising to help them for a fee, yet deceiving these also, and idly profiting from the readiness of those who are in difficulties to give for deliverance from those who trouble them, supposing godliness to be a way of gain (1 Tim. 6:5). Neither how he is haughty-minded and lifted up, assuming worldly dignities, and wishing to be called ducenarius rather than bishop, and strutting through the market-places and reading and dictating letters at the same time as he walks in public and is attended by a bodyguard, some going before and others following after, many in number, so that the faith also is envied and hated on account of his pomp and the pride of his heart; nor the theatrical display in the ecclesiastical assemblies which he contrives, courting glory and making a show, and astonishing the souls of the simpler sort with such things, having prepared for himself a tribunal and a lofty throne, not as a disciple of Christ, and both having and naming a secretum, just like the rulers of the world, and striking his thigh with his hand, and stamping the tribunal with his feet, and rebuking and insulting those who do not applaud, nor wave their handkerchiefs as in the theatres, nor shout out and leap up in the same way as the factious men and women around him who listen in so disorderly a manner, namely those who listen reverently and in good order as in the house of God; and drunkenly abusing in public in a vulgar manner the expositors of the word who have departed from this life, and boasting grandiloquently about himself, just like not a bishop, but a sophist and a juggler; and as for psalms,

Editors' notes and page, col. 253

Footnotes

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Καταβραβεύων τοὺς ἀδικουμένους. Langus vertit, praemia accipiens, non male. Utitur hac voce Paulus in Ep. ad Colossenses cap. III. ID.

"Defrauding those who are wronged." Langus translates "taking rewards," not badly. Paul uses this word in the Epistle to the Colossians, chapter 3. THE SAME.

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Μάτην καρπούμενος. Vox μάτην referenda est non ad Paulum ipsum qui hac arte pecuniam corradebat, sed ad litigantes, qui pecuniam suam quam Paulo dederant ut suffragium suum ipsis commodaret, perdebant absque ullo fructu. ID.

"Reaping in vain." The word "in vain" refers not to Paul himself, who scraped together money by this art, but to the litigants, who lost without any return the money they had given Paul to lend them his support. THE SAME.

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Πορισμὸν ἡγούμενος τὴν θεοσέβειαν. Haec verba desumpta sunt ex Epistola I ad Timotheum cap. VI. ID.

"Supposing godliness to be a means of gain." These words are taken from the First Epistle to Timothy, chapter 6. THE SAME.

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Οὔτε ὡς ὑψηλὰ φρονεῖ. In vetustissimo codice Mazar., Fuk. et Medic. legitur, καὶ οὕτως ὑψηλοφρονεῖ. Sed rectior est vulgata scriptura, quam Regius codex et Syncellus et Nicephorus confirmant. Haec enim verba pendent ex superioribus. ID.

"Nor how he is high-minded." In the very old Mazarin, Fouquet and Medici manuscripts the reading is "and thus he is high-minded." But the common reading is more correct, and the Royal manuscript, Syncellus and Nicephorus confirm it; for these words depend on what precedes. THE SAME.

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Δουκηνάριος. De procuratoribus ducenariis vide quae scripsit Salmasius in notis ad Historiam Augustam. Sic dicebantur procuratores, qui ducenta sestertia annui salarii nomine accipiebant a principe, ut clare docet Dio in lib. LIII, pag. 506. ID.

"Ducenarius." On the ducenarian procurators see what Salmasius wrote in his notes on the Historia Augusta. Procurators were so called who received from the emperor two hundred thousand sesterces by way of annual salary, as Dio plainly shows in book 53, page 506. THE SAME.

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Ὑπαγορεύων ἅμα. Post hanc vocem punctum in summo notatur tum in codice Regio, tum apud Nicephorum et Syncellum. Sed cum in codice Med. et Maz. nulla hic notetur distinctio, malim legere uno ductu, ὑπαγορεύων ἅμα βαδίζων δημοσίᾳ, etc. Certe Rufinus hunc locum ita legit atque intellexit, ut ex ejus versione apparet: Nam et incedens per plateas, tali quadam ambitione utebatur, publice epistolas relegens, atque in auditu omnium et oculis dictans. ID.

"Dictating at the same time." After this word a high point is marked both in the Royal manuscript and in Nicephorus and Syncellus. But since the Medici and Mazarin manuscripts mark no pause here, I would rather read it in one stretch: "dictating while walking in public," etc. Rufinus certainly read and understood the passage so, as his version shows: "For walking through the streets he would display a kind of ostentation, reading over letters in public and dictating in the hearing and sight of all." THE SAME.

(printed under page 137)

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Βῆμα μὲν καὶ θρόνον ὑψηλόν. Reprehendunt Patres Antiocheni concilii in Paulo episcopo Antiochiae, non quod thronum habuerit. Hoc enim insigne erat episcoporum, ut in throno seu cathedra sederent. Qui mos jam inde ab apostolicis temporibus invaluerat in Ecclesia. Certe Jacobi fratris Domini thronum Hierosolymis adhuc sua aetate servatum fuisse, testatur Eusebius in lib. VII, cap. 18. Id igitur in Paulo damnant memorati Patres, quod tribunal sibi exstrui curasset in ecclesia, et in eo thronum sublimem sibi statuisset. Recte itaque Rufinus hunc locum ita vertit: In ecclesia vero tribunal sibi multo altius quam fuerat, exstrui, et thronum in excelsioribus collocari jubet. Episcopi quidem sedebant in cathedra paulo altiore quam reliqui presbyteri, ut dicemus ad librum X. Sed tribunal non habebant. Postea vero invaluerunt absidae gradatae et exhedrae, de quibus Ambrosius loquuntur et Augustinus: quae quidem a tribunali parum differebant. ID.

"A tribunal and a lofty throne." The Fathers of the council of Antioch blame Paul, bishop of Antioch, not for having had a throne; for that was the mark of bishops, that they sat on a throne or chair. This custom had prevailed in the Church from apostolic times: Eusebius, in book 7, chapter 18, testifies that the throne of James the Lord's brother was still preserved at Jerusalem in his own day. What these Fathers condemn in Paul, then, is that he had a tribunal built for himself in the church and set a lofty throne for himself upon it. Rufinus therefore rightly translates the passage: "In the church he orders a tribunal built for himself much higher than it had been, and a throne placed on the heights." Bishops did sit in a chair somewhat higher than the other presbyters, as we shall say on book 10; but they had no tribunal. Later, stepped apses and exedrae came into use, of which Ambrose and Augustine speak; and these differed little from a tribunal. THE SAME.

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Σήκρητον δέ. Hunc locum non intellexerunt interpretes Musculus et Christophorsonus. Secretum proprium erat magistratuum et majorum judicum: locus scilicet interior praetorii, cancellis munitus ac velis obpansis inclusus, in quo magistratus sedebant, dum reorum causas cognoscerent. Vide quae notavi ad Amm. Marcellini lib. XV, pag. 87. In codice Mazar., Med. et Fuket. legitur σήκρητόν τε rectius, ut opinor. Sed mox legendum est παλων δέ, non ut vulgo editum est τε. ID.

"And a secretum." The translators Musculus and Christopherson did not understand this passage. The secretum belonged properly to magistrates and the higher judges: the inner part of the praetorium, fenced with lattices and closed off by hangings drawn across, in which magistrates sat while hearing the cases of the accused. See what I noted on Ammianus Marcellinus, book 15, page 87. In the Mazarin, Medici and Fouquet manuscripts the reading is σήκρητόν τε, more correctly, I think. But just after, one should read παλων δέ, not τε as commonly printed. THE SAME.

(printed under page 137)

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Κατασείουσι ταῖς ὀθόναις. Solebant olim in theatris spectatores in signum favoris oraria concutere. Vide quae notavit Casaubonus ad Vopiscum in Aureliano, ubi Vopiscus dicit Aurelianum primum omnium oraria dedisse populo Romano ad favorem. Aurelianus igitur id acceperat ab Orientalibus, qui longe ante ipsum orariis ad eam rem utebantur, ut docet hic locus, et Philostratus in cap. 5 lib. I De vita Apollonii, loquens de Tarsensibus, et Dio libro LXI, in fine. ID.

"Wave their linen cloths." Spectators in the theatres used of old to wave handkerchiefs as a sign of applause. See what Casaubon noted on Vopiscus's Aurelian, where Vopiscus says that Aurelian was the first of all to give handkerchiefs to the Roman people for applauding. Aurelian therefore took this from the Easterners, who used handkerchiefs for the purpose long before him, as this passage shows, and Philostratus in chapter 5 of book 1 of the Life of Apollonius, speaking of the people of Tarsus, and Dio at the end of book 61. THE SAME.

(printed under page 137)

Footnotes

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Ἐπισκόπους τῶν ὁμόρων ἀγρῶν. Chorepiscopos intelligere videtur. Eos enim distinguit epistola ab episcopis urbium. Hos igitur in concionibus ad populum, similia ac mulieres illas psaltrias, de Paulo dixisse asserunt Patres: quod Christophorsonus non intellexit. VALES.

"Bishops of the neighbouring country districts." He seems to mean chorepiscopi, for the letter distinguishes them from the bishops of cities. The Fathers assert, then, that these men said things about Paul in their addresses to the people like those the women singers said: which Christopherson did not understand. VALESIUS.

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Ὑπομνημάτων. Quod supra observavimus, errare vulgo interpretes in hujus vocis explicatione, id perspicuum fit hoc loco. Nam et Langus et Musculus et Christophorsonus commentarios interpretati sunt; cum acta seu gesta vertere debuissent. Acta autem illa synodi Antiochenae nihil aliud erant, quam disputatio Malchionis adversus Paulum Samosatenum, quae a notariis excepta fuerat, ut supra dixit Eusebius. Ex iis Actis testimonia quaedam profert Leontius Byzantius in libro III contra Nestorium, eaque distinguere videtur a disputatione Malchionis contra Paulum: ubi etiam doctus interpres commentarios vertit. ID.

"Of the records." What we observed above, that translators commonly go wrong in explaining this word, becomes plain in this passage. For Langus, Musculus and Christopherson all rendered it "commentaries," when they ought to have translated "acts" or "proceedings." And those acts of the synod of Antioch were nothing other than Malchion's disputation against Paul of Samosata, taken down by stenographers, as Eusebius said above. Leontius of Byzantium cites some testimonies from those Acts in book 3 against Nestorius, and seems to distinguish them from Malchion's disputation against Paul; there too the learned translator rendered "commentaries." THE SAME.

(39*) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 255 Supple γεγενῆσθαι. EDIT. PATROL.

Supply "to have been." EDITOR OF THE PATROLOGIA.

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Συνεισάκτους. Quid essent συνείσακτοι mulieres, jam pridem notavit Joannes Langus, vir doctissimus, ad librum VI Nicephori, cap. 30, et post illum B. Rhenanus ad lib. VII Rufini. Quorum doctis observationibus nihil est, quod addamus. Hujusmodi mulieres a clericis vulgo sorores vocabantur. Id me docuit canon 3 concilii Nicaeni, qui in vetustissimo codice Corbeiensi hanc habet inscriptionem: De subintroductis, id est adoptivis sororibus. Ex quibus explicanda est lex Honorii 44, in codice Theodos. de episcopis et clericis. Eum, qui probabilem saeculo disciplinam agit, decolorari consortio sororiae appellationis non decet, etc. Sic etiam devotae Deo virgines quosdam sibi extraneos adjungebant, quos fratres vocare consueverant. Quam nequitiam perstringit Hieronymus in epistola ad Eustochium de custodia virginitatis: Frater sororem virginem deserit. Coelibem spernit virgo germanum; fratrem quaerit extraneum. Et cum in eodem proposito esse se simulent, quaerunt alienorum spiritale solatium, ut domi habeant carnale commercium. Dicebantur etiam commanentes ejusmodi mulieres. Sic enim inscribitur canon ille concilii Nicaeni in vetustissimo codice C. Justelli De commanentibus. Agapetas quoque eas vocabant, teste Hieronymo in dicta epistola, ubi acerrime in eas invehitur. VALES.

"Women brought in to live with them." What the women called syneisaktoi were was noted long ago by that most learned man Johannes Langus, on book 6 of Nicephorus, chapter 30, and after him by B. Rhenanus on book 7 of Rufinus; to their learned observations we have nothing to add. Such women were commonly called "sisters" by the clergy. I learned this from canon 3 of the council of Nicaea, which in the very old Corbie manuscript bears this heading: "On women brought in, that is, adopted sisters." By these is to be explained law 44 of Honorius, in the Theodosian Code, on bishops and clerics: "It is not fitting that one who leads a life the world approves should be stained by partnership under the name of sister," etc. So too virgins vowed to God attached to themselves certain unrelated men whom they were accustomed to call brothers. Jerome censures this wickedness in his letter to Eustochium on guarding virginity: "The brother deserts his virgin sister. The virgin scorns her celibate brother by birth and seeks a stranger for a brother. And while they pretend to be of the same resolve, they seek the spiritual comfort of others so as to have carnal intercourse at home." Such women were also called "those who dwell with" (commanentes); for so that canon of the council of Nicaea is headed in C. Justel's very old manuscript: "On women who dwell with them." They also called them agapetae, as Jerome witnesses in the same letter, where he inveighs against them most sharply. VALESIUS.

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Ὥστε καὶ εἰ δοίη. Rectius in codice Maz., Fuk. et Med. legitur ὥς τ' εἰ καὶ δοίη. Atque ita Nicephorus et Syncellus, nisi quod apostrophen non habent. ID.

"So that even if one should grant." The Mazarin, Fouquet and Medici manuscripts read more correctly ὥς τ' εἰ καὶ δοίη; and so Nicephorus and Syncellus, except that they lack the apostrophe. THE SAME.

(printed under page 138)

Page

running head: 255 MALCHIONIS ANTIO
marginal letters: A lacerabat: de; B ubi dicit; C jus rei; D errare vulgo
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: facing Latin version, not set

PG 10:256

τοὺς μὲν εἰς τὸν Κύριον ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν παύσας, ὡς δὴ νεωτέρους καὶ νεωτέρων ἀνδρῶν συγγράμματα· εἰς ἑαυτὸν δὲ ἐν μέσῃ τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ, τῇ μεγάλῃ τοῦ Πάσχα ἡμέρᾳ ψαλμῳδεῖν γυναῖκας παρασκευάζων, ὧν καὶ ἀκούσας ἄν τις φρίξειεν. Οἷα καὶ τοὺς θωπεύοντας αὐτὸν ἐπισκόπους τῶν ὁμόρων ἀγρῶν τε καὶ πόλεων καὶ πρεσβυτέρους, ἐν ταῖς πρὸς τὸν λαὸν ὁμιλίαις καθίησι διαλέγεσθαι.

having put a stop to those to our Lord Jesus Christ, as being indeed modern and compositions of modern men, while training women to sing psalms to himself in the midst of the church on the great day of Pascha, hearing which anyone would shudder. Such things also he suborns the bishops of the neighbouring country districts and cities and the presbyters who flatter him to discourse in their homilies to the people.

Τὸν μὲν γὰρ Υἱὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ οὐ βούλεται συνομολογεῖν ἐξ οὐρανοῦ κατεληλυθέναι, ἵνα τι προλαβόντες τῶν μελλόντων γραφήσεσθαι θῶμεν· καὶ τοῦτο οὐ λόγῳ ψιλῷ ῥηθήσεται, ἀλλ' ἐξ ὧν ἐπέμψαμεν ὑπομνημάτων δείκνυται πολλαχόθεν· οὐχ ἥκιστα δὲ ὅπου λέγει Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν κάτωθεν. Οἱ δὲ εἰς αὐτὸν ψάλλοντες καὶ ἐγκωμιάζοντες ἐν τῷ λαῷ, ἄγγελον τὸν ἀσεβῆ διδάσκαλον ἑαυτῶν ἐξ οὐρανοῦ κατεληλυθέναι λέγουσι. Καὶ ταῦτα οὐ κωλύει, ἀλλὰ καὶ λεγομένοις πάρεστιν ὁ ὑπερήφανος. Τὰς δὲ συνεισάκτους αὐτοῦ γυναῖκας ὡς Ἀντιοχεῖς ὀνομάζουσι, καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν πρεσβυτέρων καὶ διακόνων, οἷς καὶ τοῦτο καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἁμαρτήματα ἀνίατα ὄντα συγκρύπτει, συνειδὼς καὶ ἐλέγξας, ὅπως αὐτοὺς ὑπόχρεως ἔχῃ, περὶ ὧν λόγοις καὶ ἔργοις ἀδικεῖ, μὴ τολμῶντας κατηγορεῖν τῷ καθ' ἑαυτοὺς φόβῳ· ἀλλὰ καὶ πλουσίους ἀπέφηνεν· ἐφ' ᾧ πρὸς τῶν τὰ τοιαῦτα ζηλούντων φιλεῖται καὶ θαυμάζεται· τί ἂν ταῦτα γράφοιμεν; Ἐπιστάμεθα δὲ, ἀγαπητοὶ, ὅτι τὸν ἐπίσκοπον καὶ τὸ ἱερατεῖον ἅπαν παράδειγμα εἶναι δεῖ τῷ πλήθει πάντων καλῶν ἔργων· καὶ οὐδὲ ἐκεῖνο ἀγνοοῦμεν, ὅσοι ὑπὸ τοῦ συνεισάγειν ἑαυτοῖς γυναῖκας ἐξέπεσον· οἱ δ' ὑποπτεύθησαν· ὥστ' εἰ καὶ δοίη τις αὐτῷ τὸ μηδὲν ἀσελγὲς ποιεῖν, ἀλλὰ τήν γε ὑπόνοιαν τὴν ἐκ τοῦ τοιούτου πράγματος φυομένην ἐχρῆν εὐλαβηθῆναι, μή τινα σκανδαλίσῃ, τοὺς δὲ καὶ μιμεῖσθαι προτρέψηται. Πῶς γὰρ ἂν ἐπιπλήξειεν ἢ νουθετήσειεν ἕτερον, μὴ συγκαταβαίνειν ἐπιπλέον εἰς ταὐτὸν γυναικὶ,

For the Son of God indeed he is unwilling to confess with us to have come down from heaven, that we may set down by anticipation something of the things that are about to be written; and this will not be said by bare assertion, but from the records which we have sent is shown in many places, and not least where he says that Jesus Christ is from below. Yet those who sing psalms to him and praise him among the people say that their impious teacher has come down as an angel from heaven. And these things he does not prevent, but the arrogant man is even present when they are said. And as for his subintroduced women, as the Antiochenes call them, and those of the presbyters and deacons around him, whose both this and other incurable sins he conceals, though conscious of them and having convicted them, so that he may hold them under obligation, not daring out of fear for themselves to accuse him concerning the things in which he does wrong in words and deeds; nay, he has even made them rich, on which account he is loved and admired by those who are eager for such things: why should we write these things? Now we know, beloved, that the bishop and the whole priesthood must be a pattern to the multitude of all good works; and neither are we ignorant of this, how many from subintroducing women to themselves have fallen away, while others have fallen under suspicion; so that even if anyone should grant to him that he does nothing licentious, yet at least he ought to have guarded against the suspicion springing from such a matter, lest he scandalize anyone, and urge others even to imitate him. For how could he rebuke or admonish another not to consort further in the same house with a woman,

Editors' notes and page, col. 256

Page

running head: CHIONIS ANTIOCHENI 256
marginal letters: A τοὺς μὲν εἰς; B ὅπου λέγει; C των καλῶν ἔργων·; D etiam devotae Deo
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: two full-width Latin lines after first paragraph (...vitatum, nec non et presbyteros assentatores suos submisit, / ...de ipso praedicarent.) spilling from col. 255 cut off at left edge, not set; word split at end of column: γυ-[ναικὶ]

PG 10:257

μὴ ὀλισθῇ φυλαττόμενον ὡς γέγραπται· ὅστις μίαν μὲν ἀπέστησεν ἤδη, δύο δὲ ἀκμαζούσας καὶ εὐπρεπεῖς τὴν ὄψιν ἔχει μεθ' ἑαυτοῦ· κἂν ἀπίῃ που, συμπεριφέρει· καὶ ταῦτα τρυφῶν καὶ ὑπερεμπιπλάμενος;

guarding lest he slip, as it is written (Sir. 9:9), he who has already dismissed one indeed, and has with himself two in the flower of youth and comely in appearance, and even if he goes away anywhere, carries them around with him, and this while living in luxury and surfeiting himself?

Ὧν ἕνεκα στενάζουσι μὲν καὶ ὀδύρονται πάντες καθ' ἑαυτούς· οὕτω δὲ τὴν τυραννίδα καὶ δυναστείαν αὐτοῦ πεφόβηνται, ὥστε κατηγορεῖν μὴ τολμᾷν. Ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν, ὡς προειρήκαμεν, εὔθυνεν ἄν τις τὸν ἄνδρα, τό γοῦν φρόνημα καθολικὸν ἔχοντα, καὶ συγκαταριθμούμενον ἡμῖν· τὸν δὲ ἐξορχησάμενον τὸ μυστήριον καὶ ἐμπομπεύοντα τῇ μιαρᾷ αἱρέσει τῇ Ἀρτεμᾶ (τί γὰρ οὐ χρὴ μόλις τὸν πατέρα αὐτοῦ δηλῶσαι;) οὐδὲν δεῖν ἡγούμεθα τούτων τοὺς λογισμοὺς ἀπαιτεῖν.

On account of which things all indeed groan and lament by themselves; yet they have so feared his tyranny and domination that they do not dare to accuse him. But as for these things indeed, as we have said before, one might call the man to account if he had at least a catholic mind and were numbered with us; but from him who has burlesqued the mystery and parades in the foul heresy of Artemas (for why ought we not at last to declare his father?), we think there is no need to demand an account of these things.

Εἶτ' ἐπὶ τέλει τῆς ἐπιστολῆς, ταῦτ' ἐπιλέγουσιν· Ἠναγκάσθημεν οὖν ἀντιτασσόμενον αὐτὸν τῷ Θεῷ καὶ μὴ εἴκοντα ἐκκηρύξαντες, ἕτερον ἀντ' αὐτοῦ τῇ καθολικῇ Ἐκκλησίᾳ καταστῆσαι ἐπίσκοπον, Θεοῦ προνοίᾳ ὡς πεπείσμεθα, τὸν τοῦ μακαρίου Δημητριανοῦ καὶ ἐπιφανῶς προστάντος πρὸ τούτου τῆς αὐτῆς παροικίας υἱὸν Δόμνον, ἅπασι τοῖς πρέπουσιν ἐπισκόπῳ καλοῖς κεκοσμημένον· ἐδηλώσαμέν τε ὑμῖν, ὅπως τούτῳ γράφητε, καὶ τὰ παρὰ τούτου κοινωνικὰ δέχησθε γράμματα. Τῷ δὲ Ἀρτεμᾷ οὗτος ἐπιστελλέτω· καὶ οἱ τὰ Ἀρτεμᾶ φρονοῦντες τούτῳ κοινωνείτωσαν.

Then at the end of the epistle, they subjoin these words: We have been compelled therefore, having excommunicated him who sets himself against God and does not yield, to appoint another bishop in his stead for the catholic Church, by the providence of God as we are persuaded, Domnus the son of the blessed Demetrianus who previously presided illustriously over the same diocese, a man adorned with all the good qualities that befit a bishop; and we have made this known to you, so that you may write to him, and may receive letters of communion from him. And let this man send word to Artemas; and let those who think the things of Artemas hold communion with him.

Editors' notes and page, col. 257

Footnotes

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Ὡς γέγραπται. Intelligit locum, qui habetur in cap. XXV Ecclesiastici, aut certe locum ex cap. VI Proverbior. VALES.

"As it is written." He means the passage in chapter 25 of Ecclesiasticus, or else a passage from chapter 6 of Proverbs. VALESIUS.

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Ὑπερεμπιπλάμενος. Melius in codice Maz. et Fuk. scribitur ὑπερεμπιμπλάμενος, quam vocem non intellexerunt interpretes. Arguunt Patres Paulum, quod formosas mulieres semper secum haberet; idque luxu diffluens, et vino atque epulis sese ingurgitans, quae libidinis incentiva sunt. ID.

"Overfilling himself." The Mazarin and Fouquet manuscripts spell it better, ὑπερεμπιμπλάμενος, a word the translators did not understand. The Fathers charge Paul with always keeping handsome women with him, and that while dissolved in luxury and gorging himself with wine and feasts, which are incitements to lust. THE SAME.

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Ἐξορχησάμενον. Valesius ita interpretatur quasi in aliquo codice legisset ἐξορκισάμενον. Ex corrigendis ad calcem edit. Cantabr.—Lectionem quidem vulgatam exhibent quoque Syncellus et Nicephorus: sed vim vocis ἐξορχησάμενον satis expressit Valesius verbis illis prodito mysterio. Interpretationem confirmat Budaeus ex Luciano, et Synesio in Comment. L. G. v. Ἐξορχεῖσθαι. De aliis hujus vocis acceptionibus vide sis Hesychium edit. noviss. v. Ἐξορχήσομαι, ubi tamen praeter rem ex nostra epistola synodica locus iste laudatur. Neque omittas velim Harpocrationem v. Ἐξορχησάμενος· ad quem item locum plura noster Valesius. Adi quoque, si lubet, Suidam v. Ἐξορχησάμην.

"Having danced out [the mysteries]." Valesius translates as though he had read ἐξορκισάμενον ("having abjured") in some manuscript. From the corrigenda at the end of the Cambridge edition.—Syncellus and Nicephorus too give the common reading; but Valesius rendered the force of the word ἐξορχησάμενον well enough with the words "the mystery having been betrayed." Budé confirms the interpretation from Lucian and Synesius in his Commentarii Linguae Graecae, under Ἐξορχεῖσθαι. For other senses of this word see, please, Hesychius in the latest edition, under Ἐξορχήσομαι, where however this passage of our synodal letter is cited beside the point. Nor would I have you pass over Harpocration under Ἐξορχησάμενος, on which passage too our Valesius says more. See also, if you like, Suidas under Ἐξορχησάμην.

(printed under page 139)

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Ἐκπομπεύσαντα. Nicephorus et Syncellus habent ἐμπομπεύσαντα. Sed in codice Maz., Fuk. ac Medic., ἐμπομπεύοντα scribitur rectius. Caeterum in hujus loci versione corrigendus est Rufinus hoc modo: Hic vero, qui abjurato fidei mysterio ad pollutissimam se Artemae haeresim contulit. Et paulo post ubi leguntur haec verba: Hic vero, qui indignus habitus est esse in Ecclesia catholica, anathema scribatur. Lego Artemae scribat, ut fere scriptum habent duo vetustissimi codices. Ex quibus etiam sequentia corrigenda sunt in hunc modum: Artemae scribat, et illius haeresis sectatores ei communicent. Sic enim habet Graecum exemplar epistolae, ex quo haec conversa sunt. Atque ita diserte scriptum habet vetustissimus codex Rufini in bibliotheca S. Germani. VALES.

"Parading." Nicephorus and Syncellus have ἐμπομπεύσαντα. But the Mazarin, Fouquet and Medici manuscripts spell it more correctly ἐμπομπεύοντα. Further, in the rendering of this passage Rufinus should be corrected thus: "But this man, who, having abjured the mystery of the faith, went over to the most polluted heresy of Artemas." And a little after, where these words are read: "But this man, who has been judged unworthy to be in the Catholic Church, let him be written anathema," I read "let him write to Artemas," as two very old manuscripts have it, near enough. From these too what follows should be corrected thus: "let him write to Artemas, and let the followers of that heresy communicate with him." For so the Greek copy of the letter from which this was translated has it; and so the very old manuscript of Rufinus in the library of Saint-Germain has it expressly written. VALESIUS.

(printed under page 139)

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Τοῦ μακαρίτου. In codice Med., Fuk. et Maz. et apud Nicephorum et Syncellum legitur τοῦ μακαρίου, nec multum refert, utro modo scribatur. ID.

"Of the late [Demetrian]." The Medici, Fouquet and Mazarin manuscripts, and Nicephorus and Syncellus, read τοῦ μακαρίου ("of the blessed"); it matters little which way it is written. THE SAME.

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(47) ‹anchor: κοινωνικὰ δέχησθε γράμματα› · call in col 258

Παρὰ τούτου τὰ κοινωνικὰ δέχησθε γράμματα. Communicatorias litteras vocant Latini, quarum usus est antiquissimus in Ecclesia. Easdem etiam formatas dixerunt, ut testatur Augustinus in epistola 163. Duplex autem fuit earum genus. Aliae enim clericis et laicis peregrinaturis dabantur, ut a peregrinis episcopis ad communionem admitterentur. Aliae erant, quas episcopi testandae communionis suae causa ad alios mittebant episcopos, et quas ipsi vicissim ab aliis accipiebant: de quibus hic loquitur synodus. Eae autem paulo post ordinationem mitti solebant a recens ordinatis episcopis. De his intelligendus videtur Augustinus in epistola 162, Cyprianus in epistola ad Cornelium pag. 92, denique epistola synodica concilii Sardicensis. Si quis tamen cuncta haec loca de formatis etiam intelligere voluerit, equidem non repugnabo. Porro notanda est hoc loco diligens cautela sanctorum Patrum, qui deposito haeretico sacerdote, nomen catholici episcopi qui in ejus locum substitutus fuerat, cunctis episcopis significant; ut scilicet sciant a quo ecclesiasticas litteras accipere, et ad quem scribere debeant. Eamdem ob causam Cyprianus misit Cornelio papae nomina catholicorum epi- (continues)

"Receive from him the letters of communion." The Latins call them letters of communion, and their use in the Church is very ancient. They also called them formatae, as Augustine witnesses in letter 163. There were two kinds of them. Some were given to clerics and lay people about to travel, so that bishops abroad would admit them to communion. Others were those which bishops sent to other bishops to attest their communion, and which they in turn received from others; it is of these that the synod speaks here. These were usually sent by newly ordained bishops shortly after their ordination. Augustine seems to mean these in letter 162, Cyprian in the letter to Cornelius, page 92, and finally the synodal letter of the council of Sardica. But if anyone wishes to take all these passages of the formatae as well, I shall not object. Note further in this passage the careful caution of the holy Fathers who, having deposed a heretical bishop, make known to all bishops the name of the Catholic bishop put in his place, so that they may know from whom to receive church letters and to whom they should write. For the same reason Cyprian sent Pope Cornelius the names of the Catholic bish- (continues)

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Page

running head: ONTRA PAULUM SAMOSAT. 258
marginal letters: A hil ab eo; B vero, qui; C quidem idcirco; D epistola 163.
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: facing Latin version, not set

PG 10:259

II.

Fragmenta Epistolae, ut videtur, ejusdem Synodi Antiochenae, ejus videlicet partis quam constat fuisse ab Eusebio praetermissam.

Fragments of a letter, as it seems, of the same Synod of Antioch, namely of that part of it which, it is agreed, Eusebius passed over.

Apud Leontium Byzantium, lib. III contra Nestor., sub finem.

In Leontius of Byzantium, book III against Nestorius, near the end.

Ait igitur in commentariis (de Paulo loquuntur) servare dignitatem sapientiae.

He says, then, in the commentaries (they are speaking of Paul), that [He] preserves the dignity of wisdom.

Et post alia:

And after other things:

Si autem secundum formationem et generationem copulatus erat, homini hoc accidere. Et rursus: Non enim congeneratam fuisse cum humanitate sapientiam, ut nos credimus, substantialiter, sed secundum qualitatem.

But if He was joined according to formation and generation, [he says that] this befalls a man. And again: For wisdom was not generated together with the humanity substantially, as we believe, but according to quality.

Et post alia:

And after other things:

Quid autem vult dicere aliam esse et diversam formationem Christi a nostra, volentibus nobis in hac maxima una re differre ipsius constitutionem a nostra, quod scilicet in ipso sit Verbum quod in nobis homo interior.

And what does he mean by saying that the formation of Christ is other than ours and different from it, when we hold that His constitution differs from ours in this one greatest thing: namely that in Him the Word is what in us is the inner man?

Et postea:

And afterwards:

Si dicere habitasse in eo sapientiam, sicut in nullo alio, hoc modum quidem inhabitationis eumdem declarat, mensura vero et multitudine excellit: verbi gratia, duplo plus, aut quomodocunque amplius, vel minus duplo quam alii, cognoscente ipso a sapientia. Hoc autem nolunt catholici et ecclesiastici canones, sed potius illos quidem participasse sapientiam foris inspirantem, quae alia est apud ipsos; ipsam vero sapientiam per se ipsam substantialiter in corpus ex Maria venisse.

If [he means] to say that wisdom dwelt in Him as in no other, this declares the mode of indwelling to be the same, but [says that] it excels in measure and abundance: for example, twice as much, or more in whatever way, or less than twice as much as in others, He Himself having knowledge from wisdom. But the catholic and ecclesiastical canons do not allow this; they hold rather that those others did indeed partake of wisdom breathing upon them from without, which in their case is something other [than they]; but that wisdom itself, by its very self, came substantially into the body from Mary.

Et post alia:

And after other things:

Ac dicunt, non esse duos filios. Si autem Filius est Dei Jesus Christus; Filius vero etiam sapientia; et aliud est sapientia, et aliud Jesus Christus: duo sunt filii.

And they say that there are not two sons. But if Jesus Christ is the Son of God, and wisdom too is Son, and wisdom is one thing and Jesus Christ another, there are two sons.

Editors' notes and page, col. 259

Footnotes

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(48) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 259

Nos dicimus, quod sicut homo exterior et interior sunt una persona; sic Deus Verbum et humanitas assumpta sunt una persona, quod negat hic Paulus. CAN.

We say that as the outer and the inner man are one person, so God the Word and the humanity he assumed are one person; which this Paul denies. CANISIUS.

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(49) ‹anchor: Copulationem› · call in col 259

Συνάφειαν, humanitatem aiebat Paulus unitam esse cum sapientia, sicut disciplina unitur cum discente per participationem. CAN.

"Conjunction": Paul said that the humanity was united with Wisdom as learning is united with the learner, by participation. CANISIUS.

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(51) ‹anchor: Ex simplicibus› · call in col 259

Ex simplicibus. Huic fragmento ista praemittit Petrus Diaconus: « Hinc etiam a sanctis Patribus adunatione ex divinitate et humanitate Christus Dominus noster compositus praedicatur. Quod nolens Paulus Samosatenus confiteri, damnatus est ab Antiocheno concilio, Malchione presbytero ejusdem Antiochenae Ecclesiae, viro per omnia eruditissimo, et ab universis sacerdotibus qui contra eumdem Paulum convenerant tunc electo; qui summum disputationis certamen a concilio memorato suscipiens, ita eumdem haereticum inter caetera redarguit, dicens: Ex simplicibus, » etc.

"From simple things." Peter the Deacon prefaces this fragment thus: "Hence too Christ our Lord is proclaimed by the holy Fathers as composed, by a uniting, of divinity and humanity. Because Paul of Samosata would not confess this, he was condemned by the council of Antioch, Malchion, presbyter of that same Church of Antioch, a man most learned in every respect, having then been chosen by all the bishops who had assembled against that Paul; and he, taking up the chief contest of the disputation on behalf of the said council, refuted that heretic, among other things, in these words: 'From simple things,'" etc.

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Page

running head: 259 MALCHIONIS EPISTOLA CON
marginal letters: A Si autem secundum; B Copulationem vero cum; C stens. Tu vero
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; full-width headings (II... / Fragmenta Epistolae, ut videtur, ejusdem Sy... / constat fuisse ab Eu... / Apud Leontium Byzantium, lib., Et post..., III... / Ex Actis disputationis habitae a Malch... / Apud Petrum Diaconum lib. De I... / Inter opera S. Fulgent..., IV. / Ex iisdem Actis apu...) cut off at right edge, not set; words split at end of fragments: patia-[tur], crea-[turam]
other: the word creaservare was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 260

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Et postea:

And afterwards:

Copulationem vero cum sapientia aliter intellige, secundum disciplinam et participationem; non autem secundum substantiam in corpore formatam.

But understand the joining with wisdom otherwise: according to instruction and participation, and not according to substance formed in the body.

Et post alia:

And after other things:

Neque Deus qui corpus humanum ferebat et induerat, passionum humanarum principaliter expers erat; neque corpus humanum divinorum operum principaliter expers erat in eo in quo erat, et per quem haec opera faciebat. Formatus est principaliter ut homo in ventre; et secundario Deus erat in ventre συνουσιωμένος τῷ ἀνθρωπίνῳ, id est, copulata substantia ejus cum homine.

Neither was God, who bore the human body and had put it on, principally without share in human passions; nor was the human body principally without share in divine works in Him in whom it was and through whom it did these works. He was formed principally as a man in the womb; and secondarily God was in the womb, "consubstantiated with the human" (συνουσιωμένος τῷ ἀνθρωπίνῳ), that is, His substance joined with man.

III.

Ex Actis disputationis habitae a Malchione contra Paulum Somosatenum.

From the Acts of the disputation held by Malchion against Paul of Samosata.

Apud Petrum Diaconum lib. De Incarnat. ad Fulgentium, cap. 6.

Inter opera S. Fulgentii epist. 16.

In Peter the Deacon, book On the Incarnation, to Fulgentius, chapter 6. Among the works of St Fulgentius, letter 16.

Ex simplicibus fit certe compositum, sicut in Christo Jesu, qui ex Deo Verbo et humano corpore quod est ex semine David, unus factus est, nequaquam ulterius divisione aliqua, sed unitate subsistens. Tu vero videris mihi secundum hoc nolle compositionem fateri; ut non substantia sit in eo Filius Dei, sed sapientia secundum participationem. Hoc enim dixisti, quia sapientia dispendium patiatur, et ideo composita esse non possit: nec cogitas, quod divina sapientia sicut antequam se exinanisset, indiminuta permansit; ita et in hac exinanitione quam gessit misericorditer, indiminuta atque indemutabilis exstitit. Et hoc etiam dicis, quod sapientia habitaret in eo, sicut habitamus et nos in domibus, ut alter in altero; sed neque pars domus nos sumus, nec nostri pars domus est.

From simples a composite is certainly made, as in Christ Jesus, who from God the Word and a human body, which is of the seed of David, was made one, no longer subsisting in any division but in unity. But you seem to me on this point unwilling to confess a composition, so that the Son of God is not in Him by substance, but wisdom by participation. For you said this: that wisdom would suffer loss, and therefore cannot be composite. Nor do you consider that the divine wisdom, just as it remained undiminished before it emptied itself, so too in this emptying, which it undertook in mercy, remained undiminished and unchangeable. And you say this too, that wisdom dwelt in Him as we also dwell in houses, one in another; but neither are we part of the house, nor is the house part of us.

IV.

Ex iisdem Actis apud Leontium l. c.

From the same Acts, in Leontius, at the place cited.

Nonne ante dicebam, quod non concedis Filium unigenitum qui est ex aeternitate ante omnem creaturam, in toto Salvatore οὐσιῶσθαι, id est, unitum esse secundum substantiam?

Was I not saying before that you do not grant that the only-begotten Son, who is from eternity before every creature, is "substantiated" (οὐσιῶσθαι) in the whole Saviour, that is, united according to substance?

Editors' notes and page, col. 260

Footnotes

(50) ‹anchor: et secundario› · call in col 260

Secundario. Κατὰ δεύτερον λόγον. TURRIAN.

"Secondarily." According to a secondary account. TURRIANUS.

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(52) ‹anchor: ut alter in altero› · call in col 260

Ut alter in altero. Editi Lovan. et Basil. ut alter in altera.

"As one in another." The Louvain and Basel editions read "as one in the other [house]."

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Page

running head: EPISTOLA CONTRA PAULUM SAMOSAT. 260
marginal letters: A sapientiam, ut nos; B non autem secundum; C indemutabilis exstitit.
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed (except embedded Greek phrases συνουσιωμένος τῷ ἀνθρωπίνῳ and οὐσιῶσθαι); full-width headings (II. / ...ejusdem Synodi Antiochenae... / ...Byzantium, lib. III contra Nestor., sub finem., Et post alia:, III. / ...abitae a Malchione contra Paulum Somosatenum. / ...conum lib. De Incarnat. ad Fulgentium, cap. 6. / ...opera S. Fulgentii epist. 16., IV. / ...iisdem Actis apud Leontium l. c.) cut off at left edge, not set; words split at start of fragments: [patia]tur, [crea]turam