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PG 2 · cols. 719–726

Prolegomena VIII (title band not read)

Editors' preface

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VIII.
VIII.
(Carolus Josephus HEFELE, Patrum Apostolicorum Opera, Tubingae, 1842, in-8; Proleg. p. VII.)
(Karl Joseph Hefele, The Works of the Apostolic Fathers, Tübingen, 1842, octavo; Prolegomena, p. VII.)
I. Inter S. Pauli socios et coadjutores Joses Barnabas eminet, in Cypro natus, genere Judaeus et Levita, qui Christiani amoris fervore motus, agrum suum vendidit, pretiumque ante pedes apostolorum posuit (Act. IV, 37).
I. Among the companions and fellow-workers of St Paul, Joses Barnabas stands forth, born in Cyprus, by race a Jew and a Levite, who, moved by the fervour of Christian love, sold his field and laid the price before the feet of the apostles (Acts 4:37).
Numero LXX discipulorum Christi eum fuisse ascriptum veteres non absone tradunt, eorumque narrationem ad veritatem accedere recentiores non incaute credunt. Cognomen Barnabae, teste S. Scriptura, ab apostolis Nostro impositum, idem esse quod בַּר נְבִיאָה seu filium orationis inspiratae, ex versione S. Lucae, Act. IV, 36, υἱὸς παρακλήσεως, satis apparet. Josen Barnabam a Josepho Barsaba (Act. I, 23) non esse distinguendum, et utrumque nomen eamdem denotare personam, nostris temporibus Ullmannus et alii probare studebant, aliorum assensu destituti, beneque reclamantibus viris doctissimis De Wette, Olshausen et Winer. Plura de vita et laboribus Barnabae apostolicis nobis tradunt libri sacri :
That he was enrolled in the number of the seventy disciples of Christ the ancients not incongruously hand down, and moderns not rashly believe that their narrative approaches the truth. That the surname of Barnabas, imposed upon our author by the apostles according to the witness of Sacred Scripture, is the same as Bar-nebiah or son of inspired utterance, sufficiently appears from the translation of St Luke, Acts 4:36, son of exhortation. That Joses Barnabas is not to be distinguished from Joseph Barsabas (Acts 1:23), and that both names denote the same person, in our times Ullmann and others have endeavoured to prove, though destitute of the assent of others, and with the most learned men De Wette, Olshausen, and Winer rightly protesting against it. The sacred books hand down to us several things concerning the life and apostolic labours of Barnabas:
a) Act. IX, 26, 27. Paulum conversum primus Barnabas circa a. 40 apostolis adhuc illum timentibus, adduxit.
a) Acts 9:26, 27. Barnabas first brought the converted Paul, around the year 40, to the apostles who still feared him.
b) Act. XI, 22. Paulo post Barnabas ab apostolis Antiochiam missus est, ut hanc Ecclesiam regeret.
b) Acts 11:22. A little later Barnabas was sent by the apostles to Antioch, that he might govern this Church.
Editors' notes and page, col. 719

Footnotes

(60) ‹anchor: veteres non absone tradunt› · call in col 719

Clem. Alex., Strom. l. II, c. 20, p. 489 ed. Pott. Euseb., H. E. I, 12. Epiphan., Haer. 20, 4.

Clement of Alexandria, Stromata, book II, ch. 20, p. 489 of Potter's edition. Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History I, 12. Epiphanius, Against Heresies 20, 4.

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De hac re disputavi in libro meo: Das Sendschreiben des Apostels Barnabas aufs Neue untersucht, übersetzt und erklärt, etc. Tub. 1840, p. 6-8.

I have discussed this in my book Das Sendschreiben des Apostels Barnabas aufs Neue untersucht, übersetzt und erklärt [The Epistle of the Apostle Barnabas examined anew, translated and explained], etc., Tübingen 1840, pp. 6–8.

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Studien u. Kritiken, 1828, p. 377 sqq.

Studien und Kritiken, 1828, p. 377 ff.

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(63) ‹anchor: doctissimis De Wette› · call in col 719

Kurze Erklärung d. Apostelgesch., p. 12 ad I, 23.

Kurze Erklärung der Apostelgeschichte [Short Commentary on Acts], p. 12, on 1:23.

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(64) ‹anchor: Olshausen› · call in col 719

Bibl. Commentar., t. II, p. 574.

Biblischer Commentar, vol. II, p. 574.

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(65) ‹anchor: et Winer› · call in col 719

Bibl. Realwörterbuch, s. v. Joseph Barsabas. Cfr. librum meum Das Sendschreiben, etc., p. 9-11.

Biblisches Realwörterbuch, under Joseph Barsabas. Compare my book Das Sendschreiben, etc., pp. 9–11.

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Page

  • running head: S. BARNABAS APOSTOLUS.
  • marginal letters: A quod nonnisi τῷ; B non tantum viam; C I. Inter S. Pauli; D temporibus Ullmannus (62)
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c) Act. XI, 25. Apostolici hujus muneris socium Paulum sibi addidit.
c) Acts 11:25. He associated Paul with himself as a partner in this apostolic office.
d) Act. XI, 30. Barnabas et Paulus circa a. 44 pecunias Antiochiae collatas Hierosolyma pertulerunt.
d) Acts 11:30. Barnabas and Paul, around the year 44, carried to Jerusalem the moneys collected at Antioch.
e) Act. XIII et XIV. Ambo annis 45 et 46 p. Ch. nomen Domini praedicantes Cyprum et Asiam Minorem peragrarunt.
e) Acts 13 and 14. Both in the years 45 and 46 after Christ travelled through Cyprus and Asia Minor preaching the name of the Lord.
f) Act. XV, 2 sq. et Gal. II, 1, 9. Barnabas et Paulus reversi ab Antiochenis, ob seditionem propter Judaistas obortam Hierosolymam missi, concilio apostolorum interfuerunt. A. 50-52.
f) Acts 15:2 ff. and Gal. 2:1, 9. Barnabas and Paul, having returned, were sent by the Antiochenes to Jerusalem on account of the dissension that had arisen because of the Judaizers, and took part in the council of the apostles. A.D. 50-52.
g) Act. XV, 37 sq. Aliquo tempore praeterlapso Barnabas et Paulus secundum iter apostolicum ingredi statuebant, sed dissensione Marci causa oborta Barnabas a Paulo discessit, assumptoque Marco Cyprum navigavit. De fatis ejus subsequentibus liber Actuum apostolorum prorsus silet. Sed
g) Acts 15:37 ff. After some time had elapsed, Barnabas and Paul resolved to enter upon a second apostolic journey, but when a disagreement had arisen on account of Mark, Barnabas departed from Paul, and taking Mark with him sailed to Cyprus. Concerning his subsequent fortunes the book of the Acts of the Apostles is altogether silent. But
h) I Cor. IX, 5, 6, edocemur, Barnabam non minus ac Paulum labore manuum victum quaesivisse (juxta Vulgatam et nonnullos Patres : feminam non secum duxisse).
h) 1 Cor. 9:5, 6, we are taught that Barnabas no less than Paul sought his livelihood by the labour of his hands (according to the Vulgate and some Fathers: did not lead about a woman with him).
i) Gal. II, 13. Petri simulationem ob metum Judaistarum Barnabas Antiochiae imitatus est a. 32 seu a. 53.
i) Gal. 2:13. Barnabas at Antioch imitated the dissimulation of Peter out of fear of the Judaizers in the year 32 [so printed, perhaps 52] or the year 53.
k) Barnabam anno 57 iterum S. Pauli fuisse comitem
k) That Barnabas in the year 57 was again St Paul's companion
Editors' notes and page, col. 720

Footnotes

(63) ‹anchor: doctissimis De Wette› · call in col 720

Kurze Erklärung d. Apostelgesch., p. 12 ad I, 23.

Kurze Erklärung der Apostelgeschichte [Short Commentary on Acts], p. 12, on 1:23.

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(64) ‹anchor: Olshausen› · call in col 720

Bibl. Commentar., t. II, p. 574.

Biblischer Commentar, vol. II, p. 574.

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(65) ‹anchor: et Winer› · call in col 720

Bibl. Realwörterbuch, s. v. Joseph Barsabas. Cfr. librum meum Das Sendschreiben, etc., p. 9-11.

Biblisches Realwörterbuch, under "Joseph Barsabas". Compare my book Das Sendschreiben, etc., pp. 9–11.

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Page

  • running head: PROLEGOMENA.
  • marginal letters: A οὐδόν, custodientis limen; B ria. » Hactenus; C c) Act. XI, 25.; D oborta Barnabas a
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et ab eo in societate Titi ad Corinthios esse missum, Gallandius ex II Cor. VIII, 18 sqq., evincere conatus est. Sed erravit vir doctissimus.
and was sent by him in the company of Titus to the Corinthians, Gallandi has endeavoured to prove from 2 Cor. 8:18 ff. But the most learned man erred.
l) Anno 62 Marcus, Barnabae consobrinus et itineris comes, iterum in societate Pauli versabatur (Cfr. Coloss. IV, 10); quo fit, ut Barnabam illo anno jam mortuum fuisse putemus. Idem concludi potest ex I Petr. V, 13, et II Tim. III, 11 ; nec minus Alexander, monachus Cyprius (saec. VI vel IX), Barnabae laudator, tempus martyrii ejus annis 53-57 assignat.
l) In the year 62 Mark, the cousin of Barnabas and companion of his journey, was again in the company of Paul (cf. Col. 4:10); whence it comes about that we think Barnabas was already dead in that year. The same can be concluded from 1 Pet. 5:13 and 2 Tim. 3:11; and no less does Alexander, a Cypriot monk (of the sixth or ninth century), the panegyrist of Barnabas, assign the time of his martyrdom to the years 53-57.
Haec sunt quae de vita et fatis Barnabae comperta habemus. Multas alias easque fabulosas narrationes in libello meo supra citato congestas reperies p. 11-15 et p. 31-47.
These are the things which we have ascertained concerning the life and fortunes of Barnabas. Many other and fabulous narratives you will find collected in my book cited above, pp. 11-15 and pp. 31-47.
II. Barnabae nostro Epistola tribuitur, Graeco sermone conscripta, de cujus authentia adhuc sub judice lis est. Defenderunt eam Ludovicus Elias Dupin, Nicolaus Nourrius, Gallandius, et nostris temporibus Henke, Rördam et Franke ; authentiam Epistolae impugnaverunt Hugo Menardus, Tentzelius, Natalis Alexander, Remi Ceillier, Ittigius, Moshemius, Lumperus, Hugius, Ullmannus, Neander, Mynster et Winer. Ipse ego in tertio libri mei capite, p. 147-195, pluribus verbis hanc sententiam tueri conatus sum ; paucis nunc disputabo.
II. To our Barnabas an Epistle is attributed, written in the Greek tongue, concerning the authenticity of which the dispute is still before the judge. Louis Ellies Dupin, Nicolas Le Nourry, Gallandi, and in our times Henke, Rördam, and Franke have defended it; Hugues Ménard, Tentzel, Noël Alexandre, Rémi Ceillier, Ittig, Mosheim, Lumper, Hug, Ullmann, Neander, Mynster, and Winer have impugned the authenticity of the Epistle. I myself in the third chapter of my book, pp. 147-195, have endeavoured at greater length to maintain this opinion; I shall now discuss it in a few words.
a) Antiquissimus authentiae testis est Clemens Alexandrinus, qui septies Epistolam Barnabae laudat, quaterque eam apostolo Barnabae tribuit. (Vide supra, inter veterum testimonia.)
a) The most ancient witness to its authenticity is Clement of Alexandria, who quotes the Epistle of Barnabas seven times, and four times attributes it to the apostle Barnabas. (See above, among the testimonies of the ancients.)
b) Praeceptorem suum secutus est Origenes.
b) Origen followed his teacher.
Lib. I contr. Cels., n. 63, t. I, p. 378 ed. BB. : Γέγραπται δὴ ἐν τῇ Βαρνάβα καθολικῇ ἐπιστολῇ· ὅτι ἐξελέξατο τοὺς ἰδίους ἀποστόλους Ἰησοῦς, ὄντας ὑπὲρ πᾶσαν ἀνομίαν ἀνομωτέρους. Cap. 5.
Book 1 Against Celsus, no. 63, vol. 1, p. 378, Benedictine edition: Now it is written in the Catholic Epistle of Barnabas, that Jesus chose His own apostles, as being more lawless than all lawlessness. Chapter 5.
De princ. III, c. 2, n. 4, t. I, p. 140 : Eadem quoque Barnabas in Epistola sua declarat, cum duas vias esse dicit, unam lucis, alteram tenebrarum, quibus et praeesse certos quosque angelos dicit : viae quidem lucis angelos Dei, tenebrarum autem viae angelos Satanae. Cap. 18.
On First Principles 3, ch. 2, no. 4, vol. 1, p. 140: The same things Barnabas also declares in his Epistle, when he says that there are two ways, one of light, the other of darkness, over which also he says that certain particular angels preside: over the way of light the angels of God, but over the way of darkness the angels of Satan. Chapter 18.
Sacris quoque Scripturis Origenes epistolam nostram
With the Sacred Scriptures also Origen seems to have numbered our epistle
Editors' notes and page, col. 721

Footnotes

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Bibl. vet. PP., t. I, Proleg. p. XXXIV.

Bibliotheca veterum Patrum, vol. I, Prolegomena p. xxxiv.

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(67) · call in col 721

Cfr. Olshausen, Commentar., t. III, p. 783, et libellum meum supra citatum, p. 27 et 28.

Compare Olshausen, Commentar, vol. III, p. 783, and my little book cited above, pp. 27 and 28.

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Cfr. libellum meum, p. 231 sqq. et 159.

Compare my little book, p. 231 ff. and p. 159.

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Biblioth. des auteurs, etc., t. I.

Bibliothèque des auteurs, etc., vol. I.

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In apparatu ad Bibl. Max. PP., t. I, diss. III.

In the apparatus to the Bibliotheca Maxima Patrum, vol. I, dissertation III.

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Bibl. vet. PP., t. I, Proleg. p. XXIX sqq.

Bibliotheca veterum Patrum, vol. I, Prolegomena p. xxix ff.

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De Epistolae quae Barnabae tribuitur authentia. Jen. 1827.

On the Authenticity of the Epistle Attributed to Barnabas, Jena 1827.

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Comment. de authentia Ep. Barnabae. Hafniae, 1828.

Commentary on the Authenticity of the Epistle of Barnabas, Copenhagen 1828.

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(74) ‹anchor: Franke› · call in col 721

In Guerike et Rudelbach Zeitschrift für luth. Theol., 1840, fasc. 2.

In Guericke and Rudelbach's Zeitschrift für lutherische Theologie, 1840, no. 2.

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(75) ‹anchor: Hugo Menardus› · call in col 721

In Epistolae nostrae editione.

In his edition of our Epistle.

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(76) ‹anchor: Tentzelius› · call in col 721

Apud Fabric., Bibl. eccles., p. 42, § 10.

In Fabricius, Bibliotheca ecclesiastica, p. 42, § 10.

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(77) ‹anchor: Natalis Alexander› · call in col 721

Hist. eccles., saec. I, c. 12, art. 8.

Ecclesiastical History, 1st century, ch. 12, art. 8.

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(78) ‹anchor: Remi Ceillier› · call in col 721

Histoire générale des auteurs, etc. t. I, p. 498 sqq.

Histoire générale des auteurs [sacrés et ecclésiastiques], etc., vol. I, p. 498 ff.

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(79) ‹anchor: Ittigius› · call in col 721

In selectis capitibus Historiae eccl., saec. I, t. I, p. 20.

In the Selecta capita historiae ecclesiasticae, 1st century, vol. I, p. 20.

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(80) ‹anchor: Moshemius› · call in col 721

Commentar. de rebus Christ. Const. M., p. 161.

Commentaries on Christian Affairs before Constantine the Great, p. 161.

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(81) ‹anchor: Lumperus› · call in col 721

Historia theol. critica, t. I, p. 150.

Historia theologico-critica, vol. I, p. 150.

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(82) ‹anchor: Hugius› · call in col 721

Zeitschrift für das Ertzbisthum Freiburg. Fasc. 2, p. 132; fasc. 3, p. 208 sqq.

Zeitschrift für das Erzbisthum Freiburg, no. 2, p. 132; no. 3, p. 208 ff.

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(83) ‹anchor: Ullmannus› · call in col 721

Studien u. Kritiken, t. I, p. 381.

Studien und Kritiken, vol. I, p. 381.

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(84) ‹anchor: Neander› · call in col 721

Kirchengesch, t. I, 3, p. 733.

Kirchengeschichte, vol. I, part 3, p. 733.

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(85) ‹anchor: Mynster› · call in col 721

Studien und Kritiken, II, 323.

Studien und Kritiken, II, 323.

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(86) ‹anchor: et Winer› · call in col 721

Bibl. Realwörterbuch, s. v. Barnabas

Biblisches Realwörterbuch, under "Barnabas".

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Page

  • running head: PROLEGOMENA.
  • marginal letters: A mitem et ab eo; B II. Barnabae nostro; C Alexandrinus, qui septies; D (66) Bibl. vet. PP.,
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adnumerasse videtur lib. I Comment. in Ep. ad Rom., I, 24, t. IV, p. 473 : Sunt praeterea, sicut in multis Scripturae locis invenimus, etiam utriusque partis, vel utriusque viae fautores quidam et adjutores angeli.
in book 1 of his Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans, 1:24, vol. 4, p. 473: There are besides, as we find in many passages of Scripture, also certain angels who are patrons and helpers of either side, or of either way.
Sed neminem latet, cum Clementem, tum Origenem saepius libros apocryphos et nothos pro genuinis habuisse, ideoque testimonio illorum pro epistolae nostrae authentia non plenam vim esse tribuendam. Bene Hugius addit Clementem non cum eadem reverentia, quam scriptis vere apostolicis tribuit, de epistola nostra disputare.
But it escapes no one that both Clement and Origen often held apocryphal and spurious books as genuine, and that therefore full force is not to be attributed to their testimony for the authenticity of our epistle. Hug rightly adds that Clement does not discourse concerning our epistle with the same reverence which he attributes to truly apostolic writings.
c) Eusebium et Hieronymum authentiam Epistolae nostrae negavisse, multi male credunt.
c) That Eusebius and Jerome denied the authenticity of our Epistle, many wrongly believe.
Legimus quidem in illius Historia ecclesiastica, III, 25 : Ἐν τοῖς νόθοις κατατετάχθω καὶ τῶν Παύλου Πράξεων ἡ γραφὴ, ὅ τε λεγόμενος Ποιμὴν, καὶ ἡ ἀποκάλυψις Πέτρου, καὶ πρὸς τούτοις ἡ φερομένη Βαρνάβα ἐπιστολή.
We read indeed in the Ecclesiastical History of the former, 3.25: Among the spurious books let there be ranked also the writing of the Acts of Paul, and the so-called Shepherd, and the Apocalypse of Peter, and in addition to these the extant Epistle of Barnabas.
Sed Eusebius, epistolam nostram τοῖς νόθοις accensens, improprie hanc vocem usurpavit; et revera non de libris adulterinis, sed de ἀντιλεγομένοις, sive dubiis libris, et a nonnullis repudiatis verba fecit, ut ipse paulo post testatur dicens Ταῦτα μὲν πάντα (i. e... Acta Pauli, Pastor, etc. et Epistola Barnabae) τῶν ἀντιλεγομένων ἂν εἴη.
But Eusebius, in reckoning our epistle among the spurious books, used this word improperly; and in reality he spoke not of forged books, but of disputed, or doubtful books, and those rejected by some, as he himself testifies a little later, saying: All these indeed (that is... the Acts of Paul, the Shepherd, etc., and the Epistle of Barnabas) would belong to the disputed books.
Non minus Eusebius in sexto Historiae suae libro, c. 14, epistolam nostram τοῖς ἀντιλεγομένοις ascribit, docens : Clementem Alexandrinum in libris Hypotyposeon omnes libros sacrae Scripturae enarrasse, ne ἀντιλεγομένοις quidem libris praetermissis, μηδὲ τὰς ἀντιλεγομένας παρελθών· τὴν Ἰούδα, λέγω, καὶ τὰς λοιπὰς καθολικὰς ἐπιστολὰς, τήν τε Βαρνάβα καὶ τὴν Πέτρου λεγομένην Ἀποκάλυψιν. Auctoritatem igitur epistolae, non ejus authentiam, Eusebius in dubium vocavit.
No less does Eusebius in the sixth book of his History, ch. 14, ascribe our epistle to the disputed books, teaching that Clement of Alexandria in the books of the Hypotyposes expounded all the books of Sacred Scripture, not passing over even the disputed books, not passing over even the disputed writings: I mean that of Jude and the remaining Catholic Epistles, and that of Barnabas and the so-called Apocalypse of Peter. It was the authority of the epistle, therefore, not its authenticity, that Eusebius called into doubt.
Pene eadem dicenda sunt de Hieronymo, scribente : Barnabas Cyprius, qui et Joseph Levites, cum Paulo gentium apostolus ordinatus, unam ad aedificationem Ecclesiae pertinentem epistolam composuit, quae inter apocryphas scripturas legitur. Quem in locum scite Pearsonius : Barnabae Epistolam fuisse tradit (Hieronymus), non ipsi suppositam, aut spuriam ; « ad aedificationem Ecclesiae » pertinuisse asserit, non itaque haereticam putavit;
Almost the same things must be said of Jerome, who writes: Barnabas the Cypriot, who is also Joseph the Levite, ordained apostle of the Gentiles with Paul, composed one epistle pertaining to the edification of the Church, which is read among the apocryphal scriptures. On which passage Pearson acutely remarks: He (Jerome) hands down that the Epistle was Barnabas's, not falsely fathered upon him, or spurious; he asserts that it pertained "to the edification of the Church," and therefore he did not think it heretical;
Editors' notes and page, col. 722

Footnotes

(87) ‹anchor: apocryphas scripturas legitur› · call in col 722

Catal. script. eccles., c. 6.

Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers [De viris illustribus], ch. 6.

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(88) ‹anchor: scite Pearsonius› · call in col 722

Vindic. Ignat., p. I, c. 4, p. 289. Cfr. Galland., l. c., p. XXX.

Vindiciae Ignatianae, part I, ch. 4, p. 289. Compare Gallandi, in the place cited, p. xxx.

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  • running head: PROLEGOMENA.
  • marginal letters: A stram adnumerasse videtur; B III, 25 : Ἐν τοῖς; C enarrasse, ne ἀντιλεγομένοις; D (78) Histoire générale
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« lectam tamen inter apocryphas Scripturas » docet, nec ab Ecclesia repudiatam innuit. Apocryphi autem libri tum ii vocantur, qui authentici quidem, sed ab auctoritate canonica remoti, et in sacrarum Scripturarum canone non repositi sunt; tum ii, qui non sunt eorum, quorum titulis praenotantur (ψευδεπίγραφα). Hieronymum priori sensu Barnabae epistolam apocrypham appellasse patet, cum eam Barnabae quidem ascribat, et nihilominus inter apocryphas Scripturas eam lectam esse contendat.
yet he teaches that it was "read among the apocryphal Scriptures," and intimates that it was not rejected by the Church. Now apocryphal books are called both those which are authentic indeed, yet removed from canonical authority and not laid up in the canon of the Sacred Scriptures; and those which do not belong to the authors with whose titles they are inscribed (pseudepigrapha). That Jerome called the epistle of Barnabas apocryphal in the former sense is clear, since he ascribes it indeed to Barnabas, and nevertheless maintains that it is read among the apocryphal Scriptures.
Testimonia igitur scriptorum antiquorum authentiae Epistolae favere nemo negabit. Nihilominus non levibus moti argumentis eam apostolico viro abjudicandam censemus.
No one therefore will deny that the testimonies of ancient writers favour the authenticity of the Epistle. Nevertheless, moved by no light arguments, we judge that it must be denied to the apostolic man.
1. Si Epistola nostra ab antiquis pro authentica fuisset reputata, certe inter libros canonicos ea legeretur; sicut Augustinus de apocryphis Andreae et Joannis dicit : Si illorum essent, recepta essent ab Ecclesia.
1. If our Epistle had been reputed by the ancients as authentic, it would certainly be read among the canonical books; just as Augustine says concerning the apocrypha of Andrew and John: If they were theirs, they would have been received by the Church.
2. Epistolam nostram post eversionem Hierosolymae exaratam esse, ex cap. 16 facile conjicitur. Sed supra lit. I vidimus, Barnabam sine dubio tunc temporis non amplius in vivis degisse.
2. That our Epistle was written after the destruction of Jerusalem is easily conjectured from chapter 16. But above under section I we saw that Barnabas without doubt was no longer alive at that time.
3. Capite 5 apostoli ὑπὲρ πᾶσαν ἁμαρτίαν ἀνομώτεροι vocantur. Talia Barnabam, apostolorum socium, dixisse vix putem. Ista autem hyperbola multo magis secundi saeculi rhetorem prodit.
3. In chapter 5 the apostles are called more lawless than every sin. That Barnabas, the companion of the apostles, said such things, I can scarcely think. That hyperbole, moreover, much rather betrays a rhetorician of the second century.
4. Quae capite 10 incredibilia de lepore, hyaena, etc., proferuntur, magis nugatorem allegorizantem, quam apostolum redolent.
4. The incredible things which are brought forward in chapter 10 concerning the hare, the hyena, etc., savour more of an allegorizing trifler than of an apostle.
5. Barnabas, qui provincias Asiae Minoris peragraverat, multosque annos Antiochiae in Syria vixerat, bene compertum habere debuit, falsum id esse, quod capite 9 affirmatur, omnes idolorum sacerdotes Syrosque omnes esse circumcisos.
5. Barnabas, who had travelled through the provinces of Asia Minor and had lived for many years at Antioch in Syria, must have known full well that what is affirmed in chapter 9 is false, namely, that all priests of idols and all Syrians are circumcised.
6. Innumerae allegoriae nugatoriae, praesertim c. 5 — 11, ab illo non possunt esse conscriptae, qui propter eloquentiae ardorem ab apostolis בַּר נְבוּאָה est appellatus.
6. The innumerable trifling allegories, especially in chapters 5-11, cannot have been written by him who on account of the ardour of his eloquence was called by the apostles Bar-nebuah.
7. Quoad sacros Judaeorum ritus falsa quaedam in epistola nostra c. 7 et 8 leguntur, quae Levitam Barnabam, qui diutius Hierosolymis vixerat, auctorem habere non possunt.
7. As regards the sacred rites of the Jews, certain false things are read in our epistle in chapters 7 and 8, which cannot have as their author the Levite Barnabas, who had lived for a considerable time at Jerusalem.
8. Epistola nostra injuste de Judaismo disputat, circumcisionem carnis superstitiosam esse pronuntiat (c. 9), Sabbatum vituperat (c. 15), leges Mosis a Judaeis non ad litteram intelligendas fuisse contendit (c. 10), et oeconomiam Veteris Testamenti non Evangelio demum, sed jam illo die, quo Moses tabulas legis de manibus projecit, abolitam esse, Judaeosque tunc testamentum in perpetuum perdidisse docet (c. 4 et 14). Cuncta haec non a Barnaba exspectes, qui, ut fideles e gentibus et e Judaeis componeret, Antiochiam est missus ; sed secundum saeculum talia sapiunt, similemque contra Judaismum
8. Our epistle disputes unjustly concerning Judaism, pronounces circumcision of the flesh to be superstitious (ch. 9), disparages the Sabbath (ch. 15), contends that the laws of Moses ought not to have been understood literally by the Jews (ch. 10), and teaches that the dispensation of the Old Testament was abolished not at last by the Gospel, but already on that day on which Moses cast the tables of the law out of his hands, and that the Jews then lost the covenant for ever (ch. 4 and 14). All these things you would not expect from Barnabas, who was sent to Antioch in order to reconcile the believers from the Gentiles and from the Jews; rather, such things savour of the second century, and against Judaism a similar
Editors' notes and page, col. 723

Footnotes

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Contr. adversarium Legis et Prophetarum, I, 20.

Against the Adversary of the Law and the Prophets, I, 20.

(printed under page 359)

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Galland., l. c., p. XXXIII.

Gallandi, in the place cited, p. xxxiii.

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fervorem in epistola ad Diognetum reperies.
fervour you will find in the Epistle to Diognetus.
III. Revera primis saeculi secundi temporibus 107 - 120 Epistolam nostram exaratam esse putem.
III. In truth I think that our Epistle was written in the earliest times of the second century, 107-120.
1. Post eversionem templi Hierosolymitani eam scriptam esse, ex capite 16 satis liquet. Sic enim ibi : Διὰ γὰρ τὸ πολεμεῖν αὐτὸς καθῃρέθη (ὁ ναὸς) ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν· νῦν κ. τ. λ. Qui aliter quam nos distinguunt, et τὸ νῦν nomini ἐχθρῶν jungunt, statim post annum 70 p. Ch. n. has litteras datas esse contendunt.
1. That it was written after the destruction of the temple of Jerusalem is sufficiently clear from chapter 16. For thus it stands there: For on account of their waging war it (the temple) was pulled down by the enemies; now, etc. Those who punctuate otherwise than we do, and join the word "now" to the noun "enemies," contend that this letter was written immediately after the year 70 after the birth of Christ.
2. Primis saeculi secundi temporibus, Judaistae, Ecclesiam in periculum vocantes, eodem ferventi modo impugnabantur a S. Ignatio Antiocheno et ab auctore epistolae ad Diognetum.
2. In the earliest times of the second century, the Judaizers, bringing the Church into danger, were impugned in the same fervent manner by St Ignatius of Antioch and by the author of the Epistle to Diognetus.
3. Non ante saeculum secundum Christiani Sabbatum celebrare desierunt ; quod jam evenisse, epistola nostra docet c. 15.
3. Not before the second century did Christians cease to celebrate the Sabbath; which our epistle teaches in chapter 15 had already come to pass.
4. Auctor Epistolae nostrae contra eosdem haereticos, Judaistas et Docetas, verba facit, quos S. Ignatius vituperat. Ut hic, ita et Noster incarnationem Christi contra Docetas (c. 5 et 6) praedicare conatus est.
4. The author of our Epistle speaks against the same heretics, the Judaizers and Docetists, whom St Ignatius censures. Like him, so also our author endeavoured to preach the incarnation of Christ against the Docetists (ch. 5 and 6).
5. Theologumena multa Epistolae nostrae, praesertim quoad typologiam, simillima sunt doctrinae S. Justini et Tertulliani, i. e. scriptorum saeculi secundi.
5. Many theological views of our Epistle, especially as regards typology, are most similar to the teaching of St Justin and Tertullian, that is, of writers of the second century.
6. In omnibus codicibus antiquis Epistola Barnabae postposita est epistolae Polycarpi, fortasse quia junior, certe non multo antiquior putabatur.
6. In all ancient codices the Epistle of Barnabas is placed after the Epistle of Polycarp, perhaps because it was thought to be later, certainly not much more ancient.
7. Non ita multo post annum 120 Epistolam nostram conscriptam esse,
7. That our Epistle was written not so long after the year 120,
α) ex capite 16 patet, ubi de eversione Hierosolymae ita disseritur, ut palam sit Aeliam Capitolinam nondum ab Adriano fuisse exstructam.
a) is clear from chapter 16, where the destruction of Jerusalem is discussed in such a way as to make it plain that Aelia Capitolina had not yet been built by Hadrian.
β) Post annum 137, secundo bello Judaico finito, nullum amplius Judaistarum periculum adesse poterat. Denique
b) After the year 137, when the second Jewish war was ended, no further danger from the Judaizers could be present. Finally,
γ) Celsus jam circa annum 150 - 160 ex Epistolae nostrae cap. 5 (ὑπὲρ πᾶσαν ἁμαρτίαν ἀνομώτεροι) convicia contra apostolos hausisse videtur.
c) Celsus already around the year 150-160 seems to have drawn his revilings against the apostles from chapter 5 of our Epistle (more lawless than every sin).
IV. Quibusnam lectoribus Epistola fuerit destinata, nullibi, deficiente pleniore salutationis formula, claris verbis expressum est. Origenes epistolam nostram catholicam nominat ; sed ex capite primo et fine noni patet, ad certos quosdam fideles, arctiori vinculo auctori junctos, litteras has fuisse datas. Argumentum primae partis epistolae et totius demonstrationis methodus certiores nos faciunt, auctorem ad fideles e Judaeis, sine dubio Hellenistas, instante periculo Judaistarum verba fecisse. Danielem Schenkel Basileensem, certiora de lectoribus proferentem, temere id egisse, alibi demonstravimus.
IV. For what readers the Epistle was destined is nowhere expressed in clear words, since a fuller formula of salutation is wanting. Origen calls our epistle catholic; but from the first chapter and the end of the ninth it is clear that this letter was addressed to certain particular believers, joined to the author by a closer bond. The argument of the first part of the epistle and the method of the whole demonstration assure us that the author spoke to believers from the Jews, without doubt Hellenists, when danger from the Judaizers was pressing. That Daniel Schenkel of Basel, in advancing more specific claims concerning the readers, did so rashly, we have demonstrated elsewhere.
Editors' notes and page, col. 724

Footnotes

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Origen. c. Cels., n. 63, t. I, p. 378.

Origen, Against Celsus, no. 63, vol. I, p. 378.

(printed under page 359)

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In libello: Das Sendschreiben d. A. Barnabas, etc., p. 132 sq.

In my little book Das Sendschreiben des Apostels Barnabas, etc., p. 132 f.

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V. Idem vir doctus, Daniel Schenkel, ut litem de authentia Epistolae componeret, probare conatus est Epistolam Barnabae genuinam quidem esse, sed non integram, omnesque ejus partes, viris doctis displicentes, a therapeuta quodam, Christianorum sacra secuto, originem traxisse, qui mystica sua sapientia viri apostolici litteras augere sit ausus. Nos contra alibi integritatem Epistolae defendere studuimus. Paucis nunc rem absolvam.
V. The same learned man, Daniel Schenkel, in order to settle the dispute concerning the authenticity of the Epistle, endeavoured to prove that the Epistle of Barnabas is genuine indeed, but not uninterpolated, and that all its parts which displease learned men drew their origin from a certain Therapeut who had followed the sacred rites of the Christians, and who dared to enlarge the letter of the apostolic man with his mystical wisdom. We, on the contrary, have endeavoured elsewhere to defend the integrity of the Epistle. I shall now dispatch the matter in a few words.
1. Secunda seu paraenetica pars Epistolae, c. 18 — 21, quae jam ante Schenkelium a pluribus in dubium vocabatur, quippe quae in veteri versione Latina non exstet,
1. The second or paraenetic part of the Epistle, chapters 18-21, which already before Schenkel was called into doubt by several scholars, inasmuch as it does not exist in the old Latin version,
α) jam ab antiquissimis illis scriptoribus, qui primi Epistolae mentionem faciebant, Clemente et Origene, lecta est, et laudata et citata.
a) was already read, praised, and cited by those most ancient writers who first made mention of the Epistle, Clement and Origen.
β) Eadem in omnibus, quos habemus, Graecis codicibus exstat.
b) The same exists in all the Greek codices that we possess.
γ) Non minus in stichometriis veterum pars haec secunda numerabatur.
c) No less was this second part counted in the stichometries of the ancients.
δ) Sancti Pauli quoque Epistolae parti didacticae alteram partem paraeneticam adjungunt.
d) The Epistles of St Paul also join a second, paraenetic part to the didactic part.
ε) In parte secunda de duabus viis disseritur, quarum jam in parte prima cap. 4 et 6 mentio fuerat facta.
e) In the second part the two ways are discussed, of which mention had already been made in the first part in chapters 4 and 6.
ζ) Styli diversitatem ex diversa utriusque partis indole ortam esse facile perspicimus.
f) We easily perceive that the diversity of style arose from the diverse character of each part.
2. Prima quoque Epistolae pars integra et ab interpolationibus libera est reputanda.
2. The first part of the Epistle also is to be reputed entire and free from interpolations.
α) Singula enim capita unius argumenti sunt partes, eumque habent finem, ut demonstretur, Judaismum esse abolitum, novaeque eum oeconomiae salutis cessisse, quam typis praemonstrare, jam ab initio, Judaismi munus erat.
a) For the individual chapters are parts of one argument, and have this end, that it may be demonstrated that Judaism has been abolished and has given way to the new dispensation of salvation, which from the very beginning it was the office of Judaism to prefigure by types.
β) Falsum est, quod Schenkelius contendit, caput sextum non cum septimo, sed demum cum tertio decimo, orationis nexu esse conjunctum. Ea enim capita, quae Schenkelius delenda putat, c. 7 — 12 incl., nil aliud, nisi continuationem antecedentis demonstrationis, novam oeconomiam a Judaismo typis fuisse praemonstrandam, continent.
b) What Schenkel contends is false, namely that the sixth chapter is connected by the thread of discourse not with the seventh, but only with the thirteenth. For those chapters which Schenkel thinks should be deleted, chapters 7-12 inclusive, contain nothing else than the continuation of the preceding demonstration, that the new dispensation was to be prefigured in types by Judaism.
γ) Duo alia quoque capita, 15 et 16, quae Schenkelio displicent, minime sunt rejicienda, quippe quae ad demonstrationem necesse pertineant. Quod si enim abolitio Judaismi fuerat demonstranda, etiam de abrogatione Sabbati (c. 15) et templi (c. 16) verba facienda erant.
c) Two other chapters also, 15 and 16, which displease Schenkel, are by no means to be rejected, inasmuch as they necessarily pertain to the demonstration. For if the abolition of Judaism was to be demonstrated, it was necessary to speak also of the abrogation of the Sabbath (ch. 15) and of the temple (ch. 16).
δ) Capita Schenkelio displicentia non aliter de Veteri Testamento disputant, ac ea quae pro
d) The chapters that displease Schenkel dispute in no other way concerning the Old Testament than those which are
Editors' notes and page, col. 725

Footnotes

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In Ullmanni, etc.: Studien und Krit., 1837, 632-686.

In Ullmann's [and others'] Studien und Kritiken, 1837, pp. 632–686.

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genuinis sunt reputata. Ubique idem fervor contra Judaismum nobis occurrit.
reputed genuine. Everywhere the same fervour against Judaism meets us.
ε) Perperam Schenkelius affirmat, de Novo quoque Testamento contraria doceri in diversis capitibus.
e) Schenkel wrongly affirms that contrary things are taught concerning the New Testament also in different chapters.
ζ) Jam Clemens Alexandrinus, qui primus Epistolae nostrae meminit, capita ista displicentia legit et laudavit, et ne minimum quidem interpolationis testimonium ullibi exstat.
f) Already Clement of Alexandria, who first makes mention of our Epistle, read and quoted those displeasing chapters, and not even the slightest testimony of interpolation exists anywhere.
VI. De doctrina Barnabae cfr. libellum meum : Das Sendschreiben d. A. Barnabas, etc., p. 242 — 262. De eadem re disputarunt Franke, in Rudelbach. et Guerike : Zeitschrift fur luth. Theol., etc., 1840, Fasc. II, et van Gilse, Heyns et Junius in tribus commentationibus de theologia Patrum apostolicorum morali, ab Academia Lugduno-Batava 1833 praemio ornatis.
VI. Concerning the teaching of Barnabas, compare my book: Das Sendschreiben d. A. Barnabas, etc., pp. 242-262. On the same subject have disputed Franke, in Rudelbach and Guericke: Zeitschrift für luth. Theol., etc., 1840, fasc. II, and van Gilse, Heyns, and Junius in three treatises on the moral theology of the Apostolic Fathers, honoured with a prize by the University of Leiden in 1833.
VII. Post Nicephorum patriarcham Constantinopolitanum († 828) et auctorem antiquae cujusdam Stichometriae, a Cotelerio publicatae, usque ad saeculum XVII nemo Epistolae nostrae notitiam habuisse videtur.
VII. After Nicephorus, patriarch of Constantinople (died 828), and the author of a certain ancient Stichometria published by Cotelier, down to the seventeenth century no one seems to have had knowledge of our Epistle.
Primus iterum eam, epistolae Polycarpi conjunctam, Jacobus Sirmondus S. J. in codice Turriano detegebat. Paulo post in aliis tribus codicibus, Bibliothecae Vaticanae, cardinalis Columnae et Andreae Schotti S. J., eadem Epistola reperiebatur. Hugo autem Menardus, e congregatione S. Mauri, antiquam Epistolae versionem Latinam in codice Corbeiensi (ante saec. IX) invenerat. Apographon codicis Schottiani et veteris illius versionis Latinae Claudius Salmasius Isaaco Vossio, Vossius Usserio tradidit. Quo facto Jacobus Usserius, Armachanus, Hiberniae primas, a. 1643 Oxonii Epistolam Barnabae prelo subjecit. Sed ingens incendium, quod non exiguam partem urbis Oxoniensis vastavit, omnia quoque exemplaria absumpsit.
First again Jacques Sirmond, S.J., discovered it, joined to the Epistle of Polycarp, in the codex of Turrianus. A little later in three other codices, of the Vatican Library, of Cardinal Colonna, and of Andreas Schott, S.J., the same Epistle was found. Moreover Hugues Ménard, of the Congregation of St Maur, had found the ancient Latin version of the Epistle in the Corbie codex (prior to the ninth century). Claude Saumaise handed over a transcript of the Schottian codex and of that old Latin version to Isaac Vossius, and Vossius to Ussher. Whereupon James Ussher, Archbishop of Armagh, Primate of Ireland, in the year 1643 at Oxford put the Epistle of Barnabas to the press. But a huge fire, which laid waste no small part of the city of Oxford, consumed all the copies as well.
Quo autem ferme tempore Usserius suam praeparabat editionem, de ipsa Epistola Parisiis evulganda cogitabat Hugo Menardus, monachus Benedictinus. Ipso mortuo 1644, Lucas Dacherius, ejusdem congregationis, Menardi editionem 1645 in lucem emisit, textui Turriano versione Corbeiensi adjecta.
Now at almost the same time as Ussher was preparing his edition, Hugues Ménard, a Benedictine monk, was contemplating publishing the Epistle itself at Paris. Upon his death in 1644, Luc d'Achery, of the same congregation, issued Ménard's edition to the light in 1645, adding the Corbie version to the text of Turrianus.
Emendatiorem Barnabae Epistolam 1646 Amstelodami edidit Isaacus Vossius, pluribus aliis codicibus usus, Florentino, Vaticano et Romano Theatinorum. Plures deinde secutae sunt editiones, praesertim Cotelerii, Russelii et Gallandii, quam posteriorem nos praecipue ducem habuimus, non pedisequi instar eam secuti.
In 1646 at Amsterdam Isaac Vossius published the Epistle of Barnabas in a more emended form, having used several other codices, the Florentine, the Vatican, and the Roman codex of the Theatines. Several editions followed thereafter, especially those of Cotelier, Russell, and Gallandi, which last we have chiefly taken as our guide, without following it like a lackey.
VIII. Notandum denique, in omnibus Graecis codicibus deesse capita 1-4 inclus. et dimidium quinti.
VIII. Finally, it must be noted that in all the Greek codices chapters 1-4 inclusive and half of the fifth are wanting.
Editors' notes and page, col. 726

Footnotes

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Tubing. Theolog. Quartalschrift. 1839, I, p. 60 sqq. et in libello meo supra citato, p. 196 sqq.

Tübinger Theologische Quartalschrift, 1839, I, p. 60 ff., and in my little book cited above, p. 196 ff.

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