PG 6 · cols. 441–470
S. Justinus philosophus et martyr, Apologia II pro Christianis (Ἀπολογία δευτέρα ὑπὲρ Χριστιανῶν)
Editors' preface
Migne Reading Room
PG 6 · cols. 441–470
Editors' preface
(37) ‹anchor: καὶ πρώην› · call in col 441
Καὶ τὰ χθὲς δὲ καὶ πρώην. Proverbialis est locutio ab Homero profecta et prae caeteris ab oratoribus atque sophistis in deliciis habita. Braunius. Non autem mutavimus δέ in τε, hoc quamvis melius se habere videatur. Otto.
"Both yesterday and the day before." A proverbial expression that comes from Homer and was a favourite above all with the orators and sophists. Braun. We have not, however, changed δέ into τε, although this would seem better. Otto.
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(38) ‹anchor: ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν› · call in col 441
Ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν. Sic mss. codices et R. Stephanus melius multo quam aliae editiones ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν, « pro nobis qui ejusdem ac vos naturae et fratres vestri sumus. » Non scribebat Justinus pro Christianis quia fratres erant ethnicorum, sed ethnicos ad veritatem adducere cupiebat, quia fratres erant Christianorum. Declarat sub finem Apologiae hoc unum sibi in scribendo propositum fuisse, ut ethnicos ab errore revocaret. Vide Apol. i, n. 7. Similiter Tertullianus ad Scapulam cap. 1: « Magisque damnati quam absoluti gaudemus. Itaque hunc libellum non nobis timentes misimus, sed vobis et omnibus inimicis nostris. Ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν. Codd. mss. Stephan. et Maran., ὑμῶν. Sic Braunius quoque, quanquam verum cognovit, scilicet et sensus lectionem a nobis receptam flagitat et similitudo exordii Apologiae prioris. Solent autem ista pronomina a librariis haud raro confundi. Otto.
"On behalf of you." So the manuscript codices and R. Estienne, much better than the other editions' "on behalf of us", "for us, who are of the same nature as you and your brothers." Justin was not writing for the Christians because they were brothers of the heathen; rather he longed to bring the heathen to the truth because they were brothers of the Christians. Towards the end of the Apology he declares that this one aim was before him in writing, to call the heathen back from error. See Apology I, n. 7. Likewise Tertullian, To Scapula ch. 1: "And we rejoice more when condemned than when acquitted. So we have sent this little book not in fear for ourselves, but for you and all our enemies. "On behalf of us": the manuscript codices of Estienne and Maran have "of you". So too Braun, although he recognized the true reading; namely, both the sense and the likeness to the opening of the first Apology demand the reading we have adopted. These pronouns are, moreover, not rarely confused by copyists. Otto.
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(39) ‹anchor: καὶ ἀδελφῶν› · call in col 441
Καὶ ἀδελφῶν. Sic Tertullianus Apologet. cap. 39. « Fratres autem etiam vestri sumus, jure naturae matris unius, etsi vos parum homines, quia mali fratres.
"And brothers." So Tertullian, Apology ch. 39: "But we are your brothers too, by the law of our one mother, nature, though you are hardly men, since you are bad brothers.
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(40) ‹anchor: σύναξιν› · call in col 441
Σύναξιν. Legendum esse σύνταξιν per se patet. Sic infra num. 15: Τούσδε τοὺς λόγους συνετάξαμεν. Vide Dialog. num. 81. Grabius.
"Gathering." It is self-evident that σύνταξιν ("composition") should be read. So below, n. 15: "We have composed these discourses." See Dialogue n. 81. Grabe.
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(41) ‹anchor: συγγενέσθαι› · call in col 441
Συγγενέσθαι. Maluit Perionius συγγενήσεσθαι, sed alibi aoristum pro futuro usurpat noster. Sylburgius.
"To be with." Périon preferred the future συγγενήσεσθαι, but elsewhere our author uses the aorist for the future. Sylburg.
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(37) ‹anchor: δὲ καὶ πρώην› · call in col 442
Καὶ τὰ χθὲς δὲ καὶ πρώην. Proverbialis est locutio ab Homero profecta et prae caeteris ab oratoribus atque sophistis in deliciis habita. Braunius. Non autem mutavimus δέ in τε, hoc quamvis melius se habere videatur. Otto.
"Both yesterday and the day before." The expression is proverbial, deriving from Homer, and a great favourite with the orators and sophists above all. Braunius. We have not, however, changed δέ to τε, although the latter would seem to be better. Otto.
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(38) ‹anchor: με ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν› · call in col 442
'Υπὲρ ὑμῶν, Sic mss. codices et R. Stephanus melius multo quam aliae editiones ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν, « pro nobis qui ejusdem ac vos naturae et fratres vestri sumus. » Non scribebat Justinus pro Christianis quia fratres erant ethnicorum, sed ethnicos ad veritatem adducere cupiebat, quia fratres erant Christianorum. Declarat sub finem Apologiae hoc unum sibi in scribendo propositum fuisse, ut ethnicos ab errore revocaret. Vide Apol. 1, n. 7. Similiter Tertullianus ad Scapulam cap. 1: « Magisque damnati quam absoluti gaudemus. Itaque hunc libellum non nobis timentes misimus, sed vobis et omnibus inimicis nostris. 'Υπὲρ ἡμῶν. Codd. mss. Stephan. et Maran., ὑμῶν. Sic Braunius quoque, quanquam verum cognovit, scilicet et sensus lectionem a nobis receptam flagitat et similitudo exordii Apologiae prioris. Solent autem ista pronomina a librariis haud raro confundi. Otto.
"For you": so the manuscript codices and R. Stephanus, far better than the other editions' ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν, "for us, who are of the same nature as you and your brothers." Justin was not writing for the Christians because they were brothers of the heathen; rather he desired to bring the heathen to the truth because they were brothers of the Christians. Towards the end of the Apology he declares that this alone was his purpose in writing, to call the heathen back from error. See Apol. 1, n. 7. Similarly Tertullian, To Scapula ch. 1: "And we rejoice more when condemned than when acquitted. So we have sent this little book not in fear for ourselves, but for you and for all our enemies. ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν: the manuscript codices, Stephanus and Maranus read ὑμῶν. So too Braunius, although he recognized the true reading; namely, both the sense and the likeness to the opening of the first Apology demand the reading we have adopted. These pronouns, moreover, are not seldom confused by copyists. Otto.
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(39) ‹anchor: καὶ ἀδελφῶν› · call in col 442
Καὶ ἀδελφῶν. Sic Tertullianus Apologet. cap. 39. « Fratres autem etiam vestri sumus, jure naturae matris unius, etsi vos parum homines, quia mali fratres.
"And brothers." So Tertullian, Apology ch. 39: "But we are your brothers too, by the law of nature, our one mother, though you are hardly men, because you are bad brothers.
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(40) ‹anchor: λόγων σύναξιν› · call in col 442
Σύναξιν. Legendum esse σύνταξιν per se patet. Sic infra num. 15: Τούσδε τοὺς λόγους συνετάξαμεν. Vide Dialog. num. 81. Grabius.
Σύναξιν ("gathering"). That σύνταξιν ("composition") is to be read is self-evident. So below, no. 15: "We have composed these words." See Dialogue no. 81. Grabius.
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(41) ‹anchor: ἀπαθείᾳ συγγενέσθαι› · call in col 442
Συγγενέσθαι. Maluit Perionius συγγενήσεσθαι, sed alibi aoristum pro futuro usurpat noster. Sylburgius.
Συγγενέσθαι ("to be with"). Perionius preferred συγγενήσεσθαι (future), but elsewhere our author uses the aorist for the future. Sylburgius.
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Καὶ οἱ φαῦλοι. Ante haec verba lacunam interposuerunt librarii, non quod quidquam desit ad sententiae juncturam, sed quod deesse aliquid illis videretur. Aptissimum enim est hoc exordium et nexum cum iis quae deinceps narraturus est. Nam cum ei propositum sit demonstrare persecutiones ab improbis hominibus et a malis daemonibus in Christianos excitari; cumque mox narraturus sit historiam mulieris a marito, cujus flagitia reprehendebat, in capitis periculum adductae; quid mirum, si in orationis primordio declarat, et eos qui a patre christiano aut uxore aut vicino aut amico ob delictum castigantur, et pravos daemones operam dare ut Christianos occidant? Illud ergo φονεύειν ἡμᾶς παρασκευάζουσιν referri debet tam ad malos homines, quam ad daemones, ut n. 11: « Nec potentiores nobis essent iniqui homines et daemones. » Si quis tamen aliquid deesse contendat, is addat, « ad tribunalia nos trahit, « ante has voces « tum etiam pravi daemones. »
"And the wicked." Before these words the copyists inserted a gap, not because anything is lacking to join up the sense, but because something seemed to them to be lacking. For this opening is very apt, and well linked with what he goes on to narrate. Since his purpose is to show that persecutions are stirred up against the Christians by wicked men and by evil demons, and since he is about to tell the story of the woman brought into peril of her life by her husband, whose vices she reproved, what wonder if at the very start of his speech he declares both that those who are rebuked for a fault by a Christian father, wife, neighbour or friend, and the evil demons, are at work to have the Christians killed? So the words "they contrive to have us killed" must be referred as much to wicked men as to the demons, as in n. 11: "Nor would wicked men and demons be more powerful than we." If anyone nevertheless maintains that something is missing, let him add "drags us before the tribunals" before the words "and then also the evil demons."
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Τοιούτους. Qualis scilicet Urbicus, quem jam nominavit.
"Such men": such, namely, as Urbicus, whom he has already named.
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Συνεβίου. Hanc historiam Eusebius ex Justino excerptam lib. iv Hist. Eccl., cap. 17, intexuit. In editione Valesii legitur συνεβίου. At Christophors. habet συνεβίω; cui lectioni suffragantur duo codices antiquissimi Eusebii e bibliotheca Colbertina, et alius e Regia. Mox ante hanc vocem διδάγματα, quae bis cum articulo legitur apud Eusebium, iidem mss. codices neutro in loco articulum agnoscunt. Ibidem Euseb. ἐπειδὴ δέ.
"Lived with." Eusebius took this story from Justin and wove it into Ecclesiastical History book IV, ch. 17. In Valesius's edition it reads συνεβίου. But Christophorson has συνεβίω; this reading is supported by two very ancient codices of Eusebius from the Colbert library and another from the Royal. Just before this word, διδάγματα ("teachings"), which in Eusebius is read twice with the article: the same manuscripts recognize the article in neither place. In the same place Eusebius has ἐπειδὴ δέ.
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Ἔγνω αὔτη. Quidquid intra has voces et istas ὀνόματος δὲ Χριστιανοῦ interjectum est, id deest in codicibus Regio et Claromontano, ac desumptum est ex Eusebio, qui lacunam opportune explet. Monuit Thirlbius legendum ἔγνω, αὐτή. Deest apud Eusebium postrema vox.
"She knew." Everything set between these words and the words "but of the name Christian" is lacking in the Royal and Clermont codices, and has been taken from Eusebius, who fills the gap opportunely. Thirlby advised reading ἔγνω, αὐτή. The last word is lacking in Eusebius.
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Ἐλπίδας. Sic cum editis nostris duo codd. antiquissimi Colb. et Reg. et Rob. Steph. At Valesius habet ἐλπίδα. Ἐλπίδα reposuit D. Otto.
"Hopes." So, with our printed editions, two very ancient codices, the Colbert and the Royal, and Robert Stephanus. But Valesius has ἐλπίδα ("hope"). Mr Otto restored ἐλπίδα.
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(47) ‹anchor: ὅπως μὴ κοινωνὸς› · call in col 443
Ὅπως μὴ κοινωνός. Multi ex antiquis scriptoribus idem existimarunt, non licere cum viro adultero aut cum uxore adultera manere, sic tamen ut aliud matrimonium minime concederent. Vide Cotelerium in librum ii Hermae.
"That she might not be a partner." Many of the ancient writers held the same, that it is not lawful to remain with an adulterous husband or an adulterous wife, yet in such a way that they by no means allowed another marriage. See Cotelier on book II of Hermas.
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(48) ‹anchor: λεγόμενον παρ' ὑμῖν› · call in col 443
Παρ' ὑμῖν. Male in editionibus Euseb. legitur παρ' ἡμῖν. Lectionem nostram confirmant tres codices antiquissimi, duo Colbertini et unus ex Regiis. Facile perspicitur cur Justinus Latinam vocem usurpans dixerit, « misso eo quod vocatis repudio. » Mox deest πάσῃ post κακίᾳ in eodem Reg. et duobus Colbertinis antiquioribus. Magna sane auctoritas contra vocem sua sponte non necessariam.
"Among you." In the editions of Eusebius it wrongly reads "among us." Our reading is confirmed by three very ancient codices, two Colbert and one of the Royal. It is easy to see why Justin, using a Latin word, said "sending what you call a repudium." Just after, πάσῃ ("all") is lacking after κακίᾳ ("vice") in the same Royal codex and the two older Colbert ones: weighty authority indeed against a word not needed of itself.
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(49) ‹anchor: μὴ βουλομένου› · call in col 443
Μὴ βουλομένου. Non leguntur haec verba in tribus codicibus valde antiquis, nempe duobus Colbertinis et uno Regio. Neque etiam ea agnoscit Nicephorus, sed tamen legisse Rufinus videtur. Mox tres codices recentiores habent ἀνδρὸς.
"When he was unwilling." These words are not read in three very ancient codices, namely two Colbert and one Royal. Nor does Nicephorus recognize them, but Rufinus seems to have read them. Just after, three more recent codices have ἀνδρὸς ("husband").
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Διοίκησιν. Legebatur in editis nostris et in Eusebiana R. Steph. editione μετὰ τὴν τῶν πραγμάτων αὐτῆς διοίκησιν ὑπέσχετο. Sed postremum verbum exemplo Valesii sustuli, quod nec Rufino, nec Nicephoro cognitum, in uno tantum Regio codice recentiore invenitur. Sic enim reddit Rufinus: « Et illa quidem libellum tibi obtulit, imperator, ut primo permitteretur ei rem familiarem ordinare; tum deinde responderet objectis. » Habet alius codex e Colbertina Bibliotheca, itidem recens, ὑποσχομένη.
"Management." In our printed editions and in R. Stephanus's edition of Eusebius it read "she promised, after the management of her affairs." But following Valesius I have removed the last word, which was known neither to Rufinus nor to Nicephorus and is found in only one more recent Royal codex. For Rufinus renders it thus: "And she offered you a petition, emperor, that she might first be allowed to set her household affairs in order, and then afterwards answer the charges." Another codex from the Colbert Library, likewise recent, has ὑποσχομένη ("having promised").
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Λέγειν. Verbum forensibus negotiis aptum, ac de iis solitum usurpari, qui litem persequuntur, ut observatum est ad epist. 33 S. Basilii.
"To speak." A word suited to court business, and regularly used of those who pursue a lawsuit, as was observed on St Basil's Letter 33.
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Ὃν Οὔρβικος. Legitur in omnibus Eusebii codicibus mss. et editis Οὐρβίκιος. Sed cum a Justino vocetur Urbicus semel et iterum initio orationis, atque etiam infra ὦ Οὔρβικε, satius videtur in his etiam, quae ex Eusebio desumpta sunt, eamdem scripturam sequi. Id enim consentit, ut observat Valesius, et cum veteri inscriptione, in qua vocatur Q. Lollius Urbicus, et cum Apuleio qui in sua Defensione non procul ab initio, praefecturae Urbanae, quam idem gessit Urbicus, non obscure meminit. Haec autem verba ὃν Οὔρβικος ἐκολάσατο leguntur in omnibus Eusebii mss. codicibus, sed apud Nicephorum desunt. Rufinus videtur illa in interpretando neglexisse, quod quidem et Valesio accidit.
"Whom Urbicus." All the manuscript and printed codices of Eusebius read Οὐρβίκιος (Urbicius). But since Justin calls him Urbicus once and again at the start of the speech, and also below "O Urbicus", it seems better to follow the same spelling in the parts taken from Eusebius too. For it agrees, as Valesius observes, both with an ancient inscription, in which he is called Q. Lollius Urbicus, and with Apuleius, who in his Defence, not far from the beginning, plainly mentions the urban prefecture which this same Urbicus held. These words, "whom Urbicus punished", are read in all the manuscript codices of Eusebius, but are lacking in Nicephorus. Rufinus seems to have passed over them in translating, as indeed happened to Valesius as well.
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Ἐκείνης. H. Stephanus legit ἐκείνῃ, et paulo post αὐτὸ τοῦτο μόνον εἰ Χριστιανός ἐστι, sed frustra in S. Justino emendetur quidquid minus ornatum grammaticis videtur.
"Of her." H. Stephanus reads ἐκείνῃ, and a little after "this alone, whether he is a Christian"; but in St Justin it is vain to correct whatever seems less polished to grammarians.
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Ἀνερωτῆσαι αὐτὸ τοῦτο μόνον, εἰ. Ita cum H. Stephano et Pearsono, pro vulg. ἀνερ. εἰ αὐτὸ τοῦτο μόνον reponendum censeo, vel tota librariorum natione repugnante, cum praesertim mox sequatur ὁμοίως αὐτὸ τοῦτο μόνον ἐξητάσθη, εἰ εἴη Χριστιανός. Astipulatur Goezius, nisi quod αὐτόν scribit; sed αὐτό bene se habet. Otto.
"To ask this alone, whether." So, with H. Stephanus and Pearson, I judge it should be restored for the common "ask whether this alone", even though the whole tribe of copyists is against it, especially since there follows soon after "likewise he was examined on this alone, whether he was a Christian." Goez agrees, except that he writes αὐτόν; but αὐτό is sound. Otto.
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Pro vulgato ἦλθεν, vocem ἤχθη, optimis Eusebii codicibus mss. firmatam, nec Pearsono, Gallandio et Goezio improbatam, reponere non dubitavi. Otto.
For the common ἦλθεν ("came") I have not hesitated to restore ἤχθη ("was brought"), confirmed by the best manuscript codices of Eusebius and not disapproved by Pearson, Galland and Goez. Otto.
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Διδασκάλιον. Melius forte διδασκαλεῖον, ut in duobus Colbertinis antiquioribus, et duobus Regiis, quorum unus valde antiquus.
"Teaching." Perhaps better διδασκαλεῖον ("school"), as in two older Colbert codices and two Royal ones, one of them very ancient.
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(57) ‹anchor: ἀρνούμενος ὁτιοῦν› · call in col 446
Ὁτιοῦν. Ita tres Colbertini codices et alius inter Regios valde antiquus. Sic etiam et Nicephorus, melius profecto, quam ut in editis Justini et Eusebii ὅτι οὐκ εἴη. Videtur Rufinus legisse ὁτιοῦν ᾖ. Reddit enim: « Qui negat quod est, sine dubio culpabile judicat esse quod negat. »
"Anything whatever." So three Colbert codices and another, very ancient, among the Royal ones. So too Nicephorus, certainly better than the printed Justin and Eusebius, "that he is not." Rufinus seems to have read ὁτιοῦν ᾖ. For he renders: "He who denies what he is, without doubt judges what he denies to be blameworthy."
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(58) ‹anchor: αἰτία; Τοῦ› · call in col 446
Τοῦ pro τίνος, subintelligendo χάριν, id est, cujus rei causa, vel, cur. Edit. Patrol.
Τοῦ for τίνος, with χάριν understood, that is, "for what reason", or "why". Editors of the Patrologia.
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(59) ‹anchor: δὲ Χριστιανοῦ› · call in col 446
Ὀνόματος δὲ Χριστιανοῦ. Pro his vocibus legitur in Clarom. et Reg. et R. Steph.: παθήματος δὲ Χριστοῦ, quae quidem, omissis iis quae ex Eusebio desumpta diximus, conjunguntur cum his superioribus verbis ἔγνω αὔτη, pro quibus tamen habet Clarom. ἔγνωκαν οὗτοι, et Reg. ἔγνωσαν οὗτοι.
"But of the name Christian." For these words the Clermont and Royal codices and R. Stephanus read "but of the suffering of Christ", which, with the words we said were taken from Eusebius left out, join on to the earlier words "she knew"; for which, however, the Clermont codex has ἔγνωκαν οὗτοι and the Royal ἔγνωσαν οὗτοι ("these knew").
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(60) ‹anchor: τοῦτον ἐκολάσω› · call in col 446
Ἐκολάσω. Legendum putat H. Steph. σὲ κολάσαι, vel saltem post has voces τίς ἡ αἰτία addendum δι' ἥν. Legit Thirlbius τίνι αἰτίᾳ τόν. Vide Dialog. n. 20.
"You punished." H. Stephanus thinks one should read σὲ κολάσαι ("that you punished"), or at least add δι' ἥν ("for which") after the words "what is the cause". Thirlby reads τίνι αἰτίᾳ τόν ("for what cause … the"). See Dialogue n. 20.
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Εὐσεβεῖ αὐτοκράτορι. Multa hic ambiguntur, quis sit ille « Pius imperator, » quis Caesaris filius, et utrum philosophus an philosophi filius dicendus sit. Sed de his aptior erit dicendi locus in Praefationis parte tertia.
"To a pious emperor." Many things are disputed here: who that "Pius emperor" is, who the son of Caesar is, and whether he should be called a philosopher or a philosopher's son. But there will be a more fitting place to speak of these in the third part of the Preface.
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Φιλοσόφῳ. Ita apud Eusebium legitur. Justini autem editi et mss. codices φιλοσόφου. Eusebii codices, tres Colbertini et duo Regii, habent φιλοσόφῳ. Sic Nicephorus et Rufinus qui ita reddit: « Non sunt haec digna Pio imperatore, nec sapientissimo puero filio ejus. » Vox ergo φιλοσόφου non reperitur, nisi in uno ex Regiis. Jam ad initium Apol. i, observavimus Lucium philosophum potius dici debuisse, quam philosophi filium. Designat his verbis Marcum Aurelium et Lucium Verum. Otto.
"To a philosopher." So it is read in Eusebius. But the printed editions and manuscript codices of Justin have φιλοσόφου ("of the philosopher"). The codices of Eusebius, three Colbert and two Royal, have φιλοσόφῳ ("to a philosopher"). So Nicephorus, and Rufinus, who renders thus: "These things are not worthy of the emperor Pius, nor of his most wise boy, his son." The word φιλοσόφου is therefore found only in one of the Royal codices. Already at the beginning of Apology I we observed that Lucius ought rather to have been called a philosopher than a philosopher's son. By these words he designates Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus. Otto.
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Τῇ ἱερᾷ. Deest articulus apud Eusebium et mox ante Λουκίου ex Eusebio inseruit Sylburgius.
"The sacred." The article is lacking in Eusebius, and just after, before Λουκίου, Sylburg inserted it from Eusebius.
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Καὶ χάριν. Deest conjunctio apud Eusebium.
"And thanks." The conjunction is lacking in Eusebius.
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Πονηρῶν. Euseb. πονηρῶν γὰρ δεσποτῶν τῶν τοιούτων. Deest illud τῶν in Eusebiana R. Stephani editione et in tribus antiquioribus codicibus jam saepe memoratis, nempe duobus Colbertinis et uno Regio. Quare visum est expungendum.
"Wicked." Eusebius: "for of wicked masters such as these." That τῶν is lacking in R. Stephanus's edition of Eusebius and in the three older codices already often mentioned, namely two Colbert and one Royal. It therefore seemed right to strike it out.
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Γινώσκων. Euseb. ἐπεῖπε.
"Knowing." Eusebius: "he added."
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Πρὸς τὸν Πατέρα. Euseb. παρὰ ἀγαθὸν πατέρα καὶ βασιλέα τὸν Θεὸν πορεύεσθαι satis familiaris est martyribus excelsa haec et plena pietatis sententia. In actis S. Polycarpi Germanicus martyr: « bestiam ultro se attraxit, cupiens velocius ex injusta et iniqua eorum hominum vita effugere. » Vide Apol. i, n. 7 et Clem. Alex. Strom. iv, p. 505.
"To the Father." Eusebius: "to go to God, the good Father and King." This lofty sentiment, full of devotion, is quite familiar among the martyrs. In the Acts of St Polycarp, the martyr Germanicus "drew the beast on to himself of his own accord, longing to escape the more quickly from the unjust and wicked life of those men." See Apol. I, n. 7, and Clement of Alexandria, Stromata IV, p. 505.
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Προσετιμήθη. Minus belle προετιμήθη apud Valesium contra fidem codicum mss. S. Ptolemaeum Alexandriae cum sociis passum esse Usuardi et Adonis Martyrologia testantur, sed manifesto errore, cum supra diserte declaret Justinus id Romae ante paucos dies contigisse. Ibidem Regius codex et R. Stephanus ἀπελθών.
"Was additionally sentenced." Valesius's προετιμήθη is less happy, and against the witness of the manuscript codices. The Martyrologies of Usuard and Ado testify that St Ptolemaeus suffered at Alexandria with his companions, but by a manifest error, since Justin expressly declares above that it happened at Rome a few days before. In the same place the Royal codex and R. Stephanus have ἀπελθών ("having gone away").
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Κἀγὼ οὖν. Totum hunc locum usque ad haec verba πλὴν ἀδιαφορίας huc transtuli, et cum martyrum historia necessariis de causis conjungendum duxi. 1° Eusebius hunc ordinem perspexit in codicibus quibus utebatur. Postquam enim S. Ptolemaei ejusque sociorum martyrium narravit, sic ait: Τούτοις ὁ Ἰουστῖνος εἰκότως καὶ ἀκολούθως ἃς προεμνημονεύσαμεν αὐτοῦ φωνὰς ἐπάγει λέγων· Κἀγὼ οὖν, etc. « Hic Justinus apte et consequenter ea verba subjungit, quae supra memoravimus. Ego etiam, inquit, » etc. Unde etiam sic Rufinus: « Post haec illa Justinus annexuit ex ordine quae paulo ante retulimus. Et ego inquit, » etc. 2° Totus hic de Crescente locus, cum percommode cum martyrum historia connectitur, tum vero positus, ut antea, inter haec verba n. 8: Ὁ ἡμέτερος διδάσκαλος ἐδίδαξε, ubi Justinus de aeterno igne disserit, et ista nunc proxime sequentia, n. 9: Ἵνα δὲ μή τις εἴπῃ, ubi philosophorum adversus ignem aeternum cavillationes refellit, sententiae seriem, ut quisque facile perspicit, mirum in modum turbaret.
"And so I too." I have moved this whole passage, as far as the words "except indifference", to this place, and judged that for necessary reasons it must be joined to the story of the martyrs. 1. Eusebius saw this order in the codices he used. For after narrating the martyrdom of St Ptolemaeus and his companions, he says: "To these Justin fittingly and consistently adds the words of his which we recorded before, saying: And so I too, etc." "Here Justin aptly and consequently subjoins the words we mentioned above. I too, he says," etc. Hence also Rufinus thus: "After this Justin added in order the words we reported a little before. And I, he says," etc. 2. This whole passage about Crescens, while it connects very conveniently with the story of the martyrs, would, if placed as before between these words of n. 8, "Our teacher taught", where Justin discourses on the eternal fire, and those now immediately following, n. 9, "But lest anyone say", where he refutes the cavils of the philosophers against the eternal fire, throw the sequence of thought into wonderful confusion, as anyone easily perceives.
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Τῶν ὠνομασμένων. Haec verba sic reddit Rufinus: « Ab aliquo horum quibus pro veritate obsisto. » Valesius: « Ab aliquo eorum qui philosophi appellantur. » Sed meminisse debemus Justinum initio orationis dixisse Christianos ab iis, quibuscum arctissima necessitudine conjuncti sunt, a patre, a filio, a vicino, ab amico, a fratre, ab uxore, a viro prodi et in judicium vocari solere. Ait igitur S. martyr exspectare se, ut ab eorum, quos recensuit, aliquo, id est a vicino, aut amico aut cognato insidiis appetatur, vel certe ab inimico Crescente.
"Of those named." Rufinus renders these words thus: "By one of those whom I oppose for the truth's sake." Valesius: "By one of those who are called philosophers." But we must remember that at the start of his speech Justin said that Christians are usually betrayed and summoned to court by those to whom they are joined by the closest ties: by father, son, neighbour, friend, brother, wife, husband. The holy martyr therefore says he expects to be attacked by the plots of one of those he has listed, that is, a neighbour or friend or kinsman, or at any rate by his enemy Crescens.
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Καὶ ξύλῳ ἐμπαγῆναι. Eusebius et Nicephorus habent « κἂν ξύλῳ ἐντιναγῆναι, » atque ita videtur legisse Rufinus, qui vertit: « Baculo et clava feriendum. » Reddit Valesius « in nervum compingi. » Quamvis autem plerique Eusebii mss. codices habeant ἐντιναγῆναι, praeferenda tamen videtur vulgata Justini scriptura. 1° Non solum in mss. Justini codicibus ita legitur, sed etiam, teste Valesio, olim ita legebatur in codice Medicaeo, Eusebii historiam continente, in quo hodie legitur ἐν ξύλῳ ἐνταγῆναι. 2° Videtur sensus postulare ut ita legamus. Nam cum Justinus, post enarratum trium martyrum supplicium, ait: « Ego etiam exspecto, » etc., declarat profecto se martyrium exspectare. Ipse Eusebius testatur eum, « sicut ipse praedixerat, Crescentis insidiis martyrio coronatum esse. » Videtur autem gravissimum illud supplicium designare, quod tunc in Christianos valde usitatum fuisse discimus ex his Tertulliani verbis: « Licet nunc Sarmenticios, inquit Apol. cap. ult. et Semaxios appelletis, quia ad stipitem dimidii axis revincti sarmentorum ambitu exurimur. Hic est habitus victoriae nostrae, haec palmata vestis: tali curru triumphamus. » Hac fretus auctoritate reddendum putavi: « Ad stipitem affigar. » Vide Acta S. Polycarpi. Minus apte Scaliger, « patibulo affigi. » De his iterum agemus in Praefat. parte iii.
"And to be fixed to a stake." Eusebius and Nicephorus have "even to be struck with a club", and so Rufinus seems to have read, who translates "to be struck with staff and club." Valesius renders "to be fastened in the stocks." But although most manuscript codices of Eusebius have ἐντιναγῆναι, the common reading of Justin seems preferable. 1. Not only is it so read in the manuscript codices of Justin, but also, as Valesius witnesses, it was once so read in the Medicean codex containing Eusebius's History, in which today ἐν ξύλῳ ἐνταγῆναι is read. 2. The sense seems to require that we read so. For when Justin, after narrating the punishment of the three martyrs, says "I too expect," etc., he certainly declares that he expects martyrdom. Eusebius himself testifies that "as he had foretold, he was crowned with martyrdom through the plots of Crescens." He seems to indicate that most grievous punishment which, we learn from these words of Tertullian, was then very commonly used against Christians: "You may now call us Faggot-men and Half-axle-men," he says, Apology last chapter, "because, bound to the stake of a half-axle, we are burned in a ring of faggots. This is the dress of our victory, this our palm-embroidered robe: in such a chariot we triumph." Relying on this authority I thought it should be rendered "I shall be fixed to a stake." See the Acts of St Polycarp. Less aptly Scaliger, "to be fixed to a gibbet." We shall treat of these again in the Preface, part III.
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Ἢ κἂν ὑπό. Consentit haec scriptura cum tribus codicibus Eusebii, sed iis recentioribus. Alii cum editis et Nicephoro habent, ἢ καὶ ὑπό.
"Or even by." This reading agrees with three codices of Eusebius, but more recent ones. Others, with the printed editions and Nicephorus, have ἢ καὶ ὑπό.
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Φιλοψόφου. Eusebius ἀφιλοσόφου. De hoc philosopho cynico Tatianus Orat. adv. Graecos, c. 19.
"Noise-lover." Eusebius: "unphilosophical." On this Cynic philosopher, Tatian, Oration against the Greeks, ch. 19.
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Ὅς γε περὶ ἡμῶν. Non recte Valesius ὥς γε. Nicephorus enim et R. Stephanus et codices mss. uno excepto recentiore habent ut Justinus. Deest illud περὶ ἡμῶν apud Eusebium qui sic habet περὶ ὧν μὴ ἐπίσταται.
"Who indeed about us." Valesius wrongly has ὥς γε. For Nicephorus and R. Stephanus and the manuscript codices, one more recent excepted, have it as in Justin. The words "about us" are lacking in Eusebius, who has "about things he does not know."
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Πατέρα καὶ βασιλέα τῶν οὐρανῶν πορεύεσθαι. Καὶ ἄλλος δὲ τρίτος ἐπελθὼν, κολασθῆναι προσετιμήθη.
[unto the] Father and King of the heavens [he was] going. And another, a third, coming forward, was also sentenced to be punished.
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… the Father and King of the heavens. And a third also, who came forward, was sentenced to be punished.
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<!-- The top of the footnote block may lie above the crops; notes are set from (75), the first visible. Source reference ⁸⁰ is printed full width above the lettered notes. --> ⁸⁰ ‹anchor: quam veritati› · call in col 450 Plat. x De rep., p. 595.
Plato, Republic X, p. 595.
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Πεπλανημένων. Sic etiam Rufinus et Nicephorus et tres antiquiores mss. codices. Sed tamen Valesius retinet πεπλανημένως, atque ita legendum esse contendit.
"Of those led astray." So also Rufinus and Nicephorus and three older manuscript codices. But Valesius keeps πεπλανημένως ("erroneously"), and maintains that it should be so read.
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Πολλῷ χεῖρων. Ita editiones Eusebii et codex vetustissimus Colb., cui consentit alius ex Regiis valde antiquus, excepto quod habet χεῖρον. Codices recentiores et Nicephorus habent, ut editi nostri, πολύ. Infra vetustissimus codex Colbertinus habet ὧν ἐλάττω, alius itidem Colb. valde antiquus ὧν ἐλάττων. Ita et Robertus Stephanus. Regius valde antiquus ὧν ἐλάσσω.
"Much worse." So the editions of Eusebius and the very old Colbert codex, with which another very ancient one among the Royal agrees, except that it has χεῖρον. The more recent codices and Nicephorus have πολύ, as do our printed editions. Below, the very old Colbert codex has ὧν ἐλάττω, another likewise very ancient Colbert ὧν ἐλάττων ("being less"). So too Robert Stephanus. A very ancient Royal codex has ὧν ἐλάσσω.
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Μὴ συνῆκε τὸ ἐν αὐτοῖς μεγαλεῖον. Eusebio debetur hujus loci emendatio. Habebant enim editi nostri: Ἢ εἰ ἐντυχὼν τῷ ἐν αὐτοῖς μεγαλείῳ, ἢ συνεὶς, quod quidem postremum verbum necessitatem imponit legendi antea μὴ συνῆκε. Post ἐντυχών, virgulam apposui, subaudiendo id quod antea dixit Justinus, κατατρέχει ἡμῶν. Sequentia autem sic interpretatus sum, ut contextum nullo prorsus in verbo immutarem. Nimirum, cum Crescens in responsionibus suis summam ignorationem rerum Christianarum significasset, alterutrum ex duobus necessarium esse colligitur, ut Christianorum libros legendo non intellexerit, vel intellexisse se dissimulet. Rufinus, quem sequitur Valesius, ita reddit: « Si vero legit quae apud nos scripta sunt, et aut non intellexit eorum virtutem, aut intellexit quidem, sed dissimulat... multo nequior et detestabilior judicandus est. » Sequi nolui hanc interpretationem, quia aequum non videtur ut Crescens multo magis ignavus et improbus dicatur, eo quod librorum, quos legerat, intelligentiam assecutus non fuisset. Thirlbius, ut hoc effugiat incommodum, legit, ἢ εἰ συνείς, et distinguit post ἐντυχών. Male Eusebius καὶ εἰ ἐντυχών. Habet Nicephorus, ut Justini editiones.
"Did not understand the greatness in them." The emendation of this passage is owed to Eusebius. For our printed editions had: "Or if, having come upon the greatness in them, or having understood", and this last word makes it necessary to read before it "did not understand". After ἐντυχών ("having come upon") I have put a comma, understanding what Justin said before, "he runs us down." The rest I have interpreted so as to change the text in not a single word. Plainly, since Crescens had shown in his answers the utmost ignorance of Christian matters, it follows that one of two things must be so: either in reading the Christians' books he did not understand them, or he pretends not to have understood. Rufinus, whom Valesius follows, renders thus: "But if he has read what is written among us, and either did not understand its power, or understood it but pretends otherwise ... he must be judged far more worthless and detestable." I did not wish to follow this interpretation, because it does not seem fair that Crescens should be called much more cowardly and wicked for not having attained an understanding of the books he had read. Thirlby, to escape this awkwardness, reads ἢ εἰ συνείς ("or if having understood"), and punctuates after ἐντυχών. Eusebius wrongly has καὶ εἰ ἐντυχών. Nicephorus has it as the editions of Justin.
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Προθέντα. Ita Euseb. melius quam editi nostri προταθέντα.
"Having proposed." So Eusebius, better than our printed editions' προταθέντα.
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Μαθεῖν. Deest conjunctio apud Eusebium.
"To learn." The conjunction is lacking in Eusebius.
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Τῶν ἡμετέρων. Haec addidit ex Eusebio Sylburgius. Sic etiam legit Rufinus.
"Of ours." Sylburg added these words from Eusebius. So too Rufinus read.
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Ἢ, εἰ καὶ ἐπίσταται. Deest καί apud Eusebium.
"Or, if he does know." καί is lacking in Eusebius.
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Φιλόδοξος. Notatur hac voce non tam gloriae quam opinionis et mendacii amor. Idcirco enim φιλόδοξος vocatur Crescens, quia veritatem praedicare non audet, ac plus hominibus tribuit quam veritati. Paulo ante dicebatur: Ἰδιωτικῆς καὶ ἀλόγου δόξης καὶ φόβου ἐλάττων. In eamdem sententiam videtur strepitus et ostentationis vocari amator, nempe mendacii et falsarum opinionum. Philosophi κόμπους n. 9, appellant doctrinam de igne aeterno. Vide Apol. i, n. 57.
"Lover of opinion." This word denotes a love not so much of glory as of opinion and falsehood. For Crescens is called φιλόδοξος because he does not dare to proclaim the truth, and attributes more to men than to truth. A little before it was said: "inferior to vulgar and irrational opinion and fear." In the same sense he seems to be called a lover of noise and display, that is, of falsehood and false opinions. The philosophers, n. 9, call the doctrine of eternal fire "boasts". See Apol. I, n. 57.
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(83) ‹anchor: μὴ τὸ› · call in col 450
Ὅς γε μὴ τό. Ita R. Stephani Eusebiana editio et tres vetustiores mss. quorum duo non agnoscunt sequens verbum ὄν, quod etiam a R. Stephano expunctum fuit. Editi nostri: Ὅσγε μηδὲ τό.
"Who indeed does not … the." So R. Stephanus's edition of Eusebius and three older manuscripts, two of which do not recognize the following word ὄν, which R. Stephanus also struck out. Our printed editions: Ὅσγε μηδὲ τό ("who indeed not even the").
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(84) ‹anchor: μή τις εἴπῃ› · call in col 450
Ὅπως δὲ μή τις εἴπῃ. Dicterium illud, cui occurrit Justinus, saepe in ore erat ethnicis: « Arrius Antoninus, inquit Tertullianus lib. Ad Scap., c. 4, in Asia cum persequeretur instanter, omnes illius civitatis Christiani ante tribunalia ejus se manu facta obtulerunt: cum ille, paucis duci jussis, reliquis ait: Ὦ δειλοί, εἰ θέλετε ἀποθνήσκειν, κρημνοὺς ἢ βρόχους ἔχετε. »
"But lest anyone say." This jibe, which Justin forestalls, was often on the lips of the heathen. "Arrius Antoninus," says Tertullian, To Scapula ch. 4, "when he was persecuting vigorously in Asia, all the Christians of that city presented themselves in a body before his tribunal; whereupon, having ordered a few to be led off, he said to the rest: Wretches, if you want to die, you have cliffs and nooses."
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Apol. i, n, 10.
Apology I, n. 10.
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Τοῦ καὶ γεννηθῆναι. Legendum μὴ γεννηθῆναι monuere Perionius et Sylburgius.
"Of being born too." Perionius and Sylburg advised reading μὴ γεννηθῆναι ("not to be born").
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Εἰ δέ τινα ὑπέλθοι. Id solitos esse objicere ethnicos testatur Clemens Alexandrinus, qui eorum dicta sic refert Strom. iv, p. 505: Διὰ τί δὲ οὐ βοηθεῖσθε διωκόμενοι; φασί. « Cur autem auxilium vobis non fertur, cum persecutio in vos movetur? inquiunt. »
"But if it should occur to anyone." That the heathen used to raise this objection is attested by Clement of Alexandria, who reports their sayings thus, Stromata IV, p. 505: "Why are you not helped when you are persecuted? they say."
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Μεταβολαῖς. Legendum esse μεταβολάς observat Thirlbius, et στοιχεῖα esse solem et lunam et alia sidera demonstrat ex Justini Dialogo nn. 23 et 85. Vide Theophil. lib. i, n. 4. Valde mihi arridet ejusdem viri eruditi alia observatio, qui legendum putat: Καὶ θεῖον τούτοις νόμον τάξας.
"Changes." Thirlby observes that μεταβολάς should be read, and shows from Justin's Dialogue nn. 23 and 85 that the "elements" are the sun, moon and other heavenly bodies. See Theophilus book I, n. 4. Another observation of the same learned man pleases me greatly; he thinks one should read: "and having appointed a divine law for them."
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(89) ‹anchor: γυναικῶν μίξεσιν› · call in col 451
Γυναικῶν μίξεσιν. Eadem habemus in Apol. i, n. 5. Haec de angelis sententia a Philone Judaeo lib. De gigant. et a Josepho i Antiq. ad scriptores nostros pervenit, quorum pluribus eo magis arrisit, quod ipsi philosophi deos nidorum esse avidos faterentur. Vide Lucianum lib. De sacrificiis, Plutarchum lib. De Iside, non longe ab initio, Porphyrium De abstin. animal. n. 42. Mox forte τὸ λοιπὸν ἀνθρώπ.
"Intercourse with women." We have the same in Apology I, n. 5. This opinion about the angels came to our writers from Philo the Jew, On the Giants, and from Josephus, Antiquities I; it pleased many of them all the more because the philosophers themselves admitted that the gods were greedy for the savour of sacrifices. See Lucian, On Sacrifices; Plutarch, On Isis, not far from the beginning; Porphyry, On Abstinence from Animal Food, n. 42. Just after, perhaps "the rest of the human [race]".
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Διὰ μαγικῶν γραφῶν. Legitur in Apol. i, n. 14: Διὰ μαγικῶν στροφῶν, ut idem observat. Mox etiam legendum esse ὧν ἐπέφερον admonet.
"By magic writings." In Apology I, n. 14, it reads "by magic twistings", as the same scholar observes. Just after, he also advises reading ὧν ἐπέφερον ("which they brought upon").
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Γεννηθέντας δαίμονας. Sic etiam Tertullianus a Thirlbio citatus Apol. cap. 22: « Sed quomodo de angelis quibusdam sua sponte corruptis corruptior gens daemonum evaserit damnata a Deo cum generis auctoribus et cum eo, quem diximus, principe, apud litteras sanctas cognoscitur. » Alii, ut Athenagoras Apol. n. 25, gigantes ex angelis genitos dixere.
"The demons born." So too Tertullian, cited by Thirlby, Apology ch. 22: "But how from certain angels, corrupted of their own will, there came forth a still more corrupt race of demons, condemned by God together with the authors of their race and with the prince we have named, is learned from the holy Scriptures." Others, like Athenagoras, Plea n. 25, said it was giants who were born of the angels.
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Τῶν λεχθέντων. Haec quoque mihi videntur peracute illustrari ab eodem doctissimo editore. Legit enim καὶ τοὺς λεχθέντας ἐκείνου ἀδελφοὺς καὶ τέκνα ὁμοίως τὰ ἀπ' αὐτῶν ἐκείνων. Sed tamen haec generationum series, Neptunus et Pluto, eorumque filii et nepotes, respondere angelis, daemonibus et heroibus videtur.
"Of those called." These words too seem to me very acutely explained by the same most learned editor. For he reads "and those called his brothers, and likewise the children sprung from those very ones." Yet this series of generations, Neptune and Pluto and their sons and grandsons, seems to correspond to angels, demons and heroes.
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Ὅπερ ἕκαστος ἑαυτῷ. Eadem habemus Apol. i, n. 5., Athenag. Apol. n. 26, apud Lactantium lib. iv, c. 27, et Euseb. lib. iv, c. 5, Praepar. ev. ex Plutarcho.
"Which each one [took] for himself." We have the same in Apology I, n. 5; Athenagoras, Plea n. 26; in Lactantius book IV, ch. 27; and Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel book IV, ch. 5, from Plutarch.
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Ὧ γὰρ ἂν καὶ ὀνόματι. Simillimam sententiam citat S. Joannes Damascenus ex Narratione martyrii S. Babylae: Πᾶν γὰρ τὸ ὀνομαζόμενον ὑπὸ τοῦ κρείττονος ὀνομάζεται, ἵνα τὸ μὲν καλῇ, τὸ δὲ ὑπακούῃ… Θεὸς οὐχ ὄνομα, ἀλλὰ δόξα περὶ Θεοῦ, Parall., p. 784.
"For by whatever name." St John Damascene cites a very similar thought from the Narrative of the Martyrdom of St Babylas: "For everything that is named is named by the greater, so that the one may call and the other obey… 'God' is not a name, but an opinion about God." Parallels, p. 784.
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Καὶ γεννώμενος. Clarom. γενόμενος. Sic etiam legendum putat Scaliger Not. in Euseb. Chron. Sed nec ipse nec Bullus et Grabius, qui eum refellunt, animadverterunt illud ὅτε, et ita interpretati sunt quasi scriptum esset ὅτι. Justinus de Filii generatione ad mundi creationem idem sentit ac multi alii scriptores, idque hoc loco conceptis verbis declarat. Sed hanc generationem nihil detrahere de Filii aeternitate perspicitur, siquidem erat una cum Patre antequam prodiret ad mundi creationem. Erunt fortasse qui legendum putent: Ὁ Λόγος πρὸ τῶν ποιημάτων συνών. « Verbum quod erat cum Patre ante res creatas; » sed vulgatae scripturae sensus aeque praeclarus est, modo ante haec verba καὶ συνών, interpungatur. Mox legitur in Regio codice ἐκόσμησε καὶ ἔκτισε.
"And being begotten." The Clermont codex: γενόμενος ("having come to be"). Scaliger, Notes on Eusebius's Chronicle, also thinks it should be so read. But neither he nor Bull and Grabe, who refute him, noticed that ὅτε ("when"), and they interpreted as if ὅτι ("that") were written. On the Son's generation for the creation of the world Justin holds the same as many other writers, and declares it here in express terms. But it is evident that this generation takes nothing from the Son's eternity, since he was together with the Father before he came forth for the creation of the world. There may be some who think one should read: "The Word being with [him] before the things made", "the Word who was with the Father before created things"; but the sense of the common reading is just as excellent, provided a stop is placed before the words καὶ συνών ("and being with"). Just after, the Royal codex reads "adorned and created".
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Κατὰ τὸ κεχρῖσθαι. Scaliger loco mox citato legit χρίσαι, sed Grabius et alii verbo passivo activam significationem attribuunt, ita ut Christus dicatur Verbum, quia per illud Deus omnia inunxit et ornavit. Solus Gelenius reddidit, « eo quod unctus sit. » Verbum Justinus unctum fuisse dicit, quia splendor est paternae gloriae et lumen de lumine. Hoc verbum χρίεσθαι satis aptum videtur ad significandum splendorem. Sic enim Theophilus Antiochenus lib. i, num. 12, ait nullum opus ornatum esse posse, nisi ungatur, et ad splendorem expoliatur, ἐὰν μὴ χρισθῇ καὶ στιλβωθῇ. Ait ibidem aerem quodam modo luce inungi, τρόπῳ τινὶ χρίεται φωτί. Valentiniani, inter alia nomina quae Verbo mundum creanti tribuebant, Christum illud appellabant; et Christum dicebant esse lumen illud quo recedente Achamoth perturbata fuerat, Iren. lib. iv, num. 1 et 5. S. Ambrosius in libro De fuga saeculi c. 13, de Verbo sic loquitur: « Unctus naturaliter legitur a Deo Patre, quia lumen est verum, quod illuminat omnem hominem venientem in hunc mundum. » — [Quod ait Justinus Verbum ab aeterno unctum fuisse, atque inde deductam Christi appellationem, id videtur deduxisse ex verbis Scripturae, Prov. VIII, 23, ubi Sapientia, pro his verbis, quae habentur in vulgata, Ab aeterno ordinata sum, dicitur Hebr. ab aeterno inuncta, quia nimirum splendor est majestatis. Ungi enim idem est ac splendescere, ut ex supradictis intelligi potest.] Ex Addendis et Emendandis.
"In that he was anointed." Scaliger, in the place just cited, reads χρίσαι ("to anoint"), but Grabe and others give the passive verb an active meaning, so that Christ is called the Word because through him God anointed and adorned all things. Gelenius alone rendered "because he was anointed." Justin says the Word was anointed because he is the radiance of the Father's glory and light from light. The verb χρίεσθαι seems apt enough to signify radiance. For so Theophilus of Antioch, book I, no. 12, says that no work can be adorned unless it is anointed and polished to brightness: "unless it be anointed and burnished." He says in the same place that the air is in a manner anointed with light: "is in some way anointed with light." The Valentinians, among the other names they gave the Word who created the world, called him by that name, Christ; and they said that Christ was the light at whose withdrawal Achamoth had been thrown into confusion, Irenaeus book IV, nos. 1 and 5. St Ambrose, On Flight from the World ch. 13, speaks of the Word thus: "He is read to have been anointed by nature by God the Father, because he is the true light, which enlightens every man coming into this world." — [Justin's saying that the Word was anointed from eternity, and that the name Christ was derived from this, he seems to have drawn from the words of Scripture, Prov. 8:23, where Wisdom, for the words found in the Vulgate, "I was set up from eternity", is said in the Hebrew to be "anointed from eternity", because she is the radiance of majesty. For to be anointed is the same as to shine, as can be understood from what was said above.] From the Addenda and Corrigenda.
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Καὶ ἀνθρώπου καὶ Σωτῆρος. Nomine Jesu hominem simul et salvatorem designari ait, quia illud Verbo incarnato sciebat convenire. Hoc enim discrimen inter Christi et Jesu nomen a Justino ponitur, quod primum Verbo ante Incarnationem competere crederet, alterum post Incarnationem.
"Both of man and of Saviour." He says that by the name Jesus both man and saviour are designated, because he knew it belonged to the Word incarnate. For Justin sets this difference between the names Christ and Jesus: he believed the first belonged to the Word before the Incarnation, the other after the Incarnation.
(97*) · call in col 454 Apol. i, n. 23 et 33.
Apology I, nn. 23 and 33.
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(98) ‹anchor: καὶ καταλύσει› · call in col 454
Καταλύσει. Legendum ἐπὶ καταλύσει, ut Perionius et Sylburgius viderunt: Legendum etiam ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ τῶν πιστευόντων conjicit Thirlbius.
"Destruction." One should read ἐπὶ καταλύσει ("for the destruction"), as Perionius and Sylburg saw. Thirlby also conjectures reading "for the salvation of those who believe."
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(99) ‹anchor: τῇ ὑμετέρᾳ› · call in col 454
Ἐν τῇ ὑμετέρᾳ. R. Stephanus habet ἡμετέρᾳ.
"In your." R. Stephanus has "our".
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Φαρμακευτάς interpretor veneficos, quia sic vocari solebant, qui magicis remediis sanare conabantur. Observat S. Ambrosius in psalm. cxviii, Christianos, etsi in solo Christi nomine morbos curabant, veneficos tamen appellari solitos fuisse ab ethnicis, qui haec miracula magicae arti attribuebant. Impugnatur quasi veneficus qui in nomine Domini gloriatur
Φαρμακευτάς I translate "sorcerers", because that was the name for those who tried to heal with magical remedies. St Ambrose observes, on Psalm 118, that Christians, although they cured diseases in the name of Christ alone, were nevertheless commonly called sorcerers by the heathen, who attributed these miracles to the magic art. "He who glories in the name of the Lord is assailed as a sorcerer"
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Κατέχοντας. Clarom. κατασχόντας, et ad marginem κατέχοντας.
"Possessing." The Clermont codex has κατασχόντας ("having seized"), and in the margin κατέχοντας.
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Τῇ φύσει ὅτι αἴτιον. Mundi dissolutionem propter Christianos differri docet Justinus aliis in locis, Apol. nn. 28 et 45, et Dialog. num. 39. Sic etiam Hermas lib. i, cap. 2, num. 4: « Ecclesia omnium prima creata est, ideo anus, et propter illam mundus factus est. » Et Auctor epistolae ad Diognetum infra n. 6: « Quod est anima in corpore, inquit, hoc sunt in mundo Christiani... Inclusa quidem est anima corpore, sed ipsa corpus conservat: sic et Christiani detinentur quidem in mundo, tanquam in custodia, sed ipsi mundum conservant. » Christianos exagitat Celsus, quasi dictitarent: Ὅτι Θεός ἐστιν, εἶτα μετ' ἐκεῖνον ἡμεῖς ὑπ' αὐτοῦ γεγονότες πάντη ὅμοιοι τῷ Θεῷ· καὶ ἡμῖν πάντα ὑποβέβληται, γῆ, καὶ ὕδωρ, καὶ ἀήρ, καὶ ἄστρα, καὶ ἡμῶν ἕνεκα πάντα, καὶ ἡμῖν δουλεύειν τέτακται. « Deus est et nos post eum, ab eo facti omnino similes Deo. Nobis omnia subjecta sunt, terra, aqua, aer, astra; propter nos omnia, et ut nobis serviant ordinata, » apud Origen. lib. iv, p. 175. Negat Origenes haec a Christianis dici solere: fatetur angelos hominibus praestantiores esse; negat astra illis esse subjecta; animata enim illa esse credebat. Sed tamen idem in lib. viii, p. 424, declarat « constitutionem terreni mundi ab hominibus Dei conservari. » Vide Clem. Alexand. in lib. Quis dives salvetur, p. 36.
"That it is a cause in nature." Justin teaches elsewhere that the dissolution of the world is put off for the Christians' sake, Apol. nn. 28 and 45, and Dialogue no. 39. So too Hermas book I, ch. 2, no. 4: "The Church was created first of all, therefore she is an old woman, and for her sake the world was made." And the author of the Letter to Diognetus, below n. 6: "What the soul is in the body," he says, "that the Christians are in the world... The soul is shut up in the body, yet it holds the body together: so too the Christians are held in the world as in a prison, yet they themselves hold the world together." Celsus mocks the Christians as if they kept saying: "There is God, and after him we, made by him wholly like God; and all things are put under us, earth and water and air and stars, and all things are for our sake and appointed to serve us", "God exists and we after him, made by him altogether like God. All things are subject to us, earth, water, air, stars; all things are for our sake, and ordered to serve us", in Origen book IV, p. 175. Origen denies that Christians are in the habit of saying this: he admits that the angels are superior to men; he denies that the stars are subject to them, for he believed them to be animate. Yet he too, in book VIII, p. 424, declares that "the order of the earthly world is held together by the men of God." See Clement of Alexandria, Who is the Rich Man that is Saved, p. 36.
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(4) ‹anchor: εἰ οὐκ ἦν› · call in col 455
Εἰ οὐκ ἦν. Legit Thirlbius εἰ οὐ καὶ (aut οὐκ ἄν) ἐπ' ἀμφότερα τρέπεσθαι δύναμιν εἶχε. Mox idem legit τάδε μέν.
"If it were not." Thirlby reads "if it did not also (or: would not) have power to turn either way." Just after, he likewise reads τάδε μέν ("these things").
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Παρατρεπόμενα. Locum perobscurum apposita interpretatione perspicuum esse spero. Legendum videtur, παρὰ τρεπόμενα pro παρατρεπόμενα, et καί addendum ante φθαρτῶν, et post Θεόν supplendum est φήσουσι. Verbum ἐσχηκέναι videtur referri posse ad has voces καὶ αὐτὸν τὸν Θεόν. Allata interpretatio confirmatur ex gemello Apologiae primae loco n. 28, ubi pariter Justinus ex Stoicorum de fato sententia haec incommoda consequi pronuntiat, ut vel Dei natura evertatur, vel virtutem ac vitium nihil prorsus esse statuatur. Vide infra n. seq.
"Being turned aside." I hope this very obscure passage has been made clear by the translation given. It seems one should read παρὰ τρεπόμενα for παρατρεπόμενα, add καί before φθαρτῶν, and supply φήσουσι ("they will say") after Θεόν. The verb ἐσχηκέναι seems referable to the words "and God himself". The translation offered is confirmed by the twin passage of the first Apology, n. 28, where Justin likewise declares that these absurdities follow from the Stoics' opinion on fate: either God's nature is overthrown, or virtue and vice are held to be nothing at all. See below, the next note.
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Κἂν τὸν ἠθικὸν λόγον. Quidam legendum conjiciunt κατὰ τὸν ἠθικὸν λόγον. Sed inutilis prorsus conjectura in contextu minime corrupto.
"Even the ethical teaching." Some conjecture reading "according to the ethical teaching." But the conjecture is wholly useless in a text in no way corrupt.
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Μουσώνιον. Musonii multi fuerunt. Vix tamen dubium esse potest quin hic noster Musonius Tyrrhenus ille philosophus Stoicus sit quem Suidas διὰ τὴν παρρησίαν καὶ τὸ ἐλεγκτικὸν καὶ τὸ ὑπερβάλλον τῆς ἐλευθερίας a Nerone interfectum narrat. Thirlbius.
"Musonius." There were many Musonii. Yet there can hardly be any doubt that our Musonius here is that Tyrrhenian Stoic philosopher whom Suidas reports was killed by Nero "for his outspokenness, his readiness to reprove, and his excessive freedom." Thirlby.
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Κατὰ σπερματικοῦ. Praemittenda particula οὐ, ut integra sit sententia. Mox autem post λόγου μέρος subaudiendum est βιοῦν σπουδάζοντας, quas voces paulo ante positas non necesse fuit repetere. Non hoc solum discrimen inter ethnicos et Christianos ponit Justinus, quod primi particulam veritatis cognoverint, Christiani vero totum Verbum incarnatum complectantur; sed etiam quod Christiani ab hoc Verbo incarnato sanati fuerint, n. 13, ac sua ipsius potestate Christus praestiterit, ut homines etiam imperiti et operarii gloriam et metum et mortem contemnerent. Saepe observat Clemens Alexandrinus, ut Strom. i, p. 288 et 298, ethnicos philosophos particulam aliquam veritatis arripuisse. Sic loquitur Strom. vi, p. 674: Ἡ ὄντως ἀλήθεια παρ' ἡμῖν δείκνυται μόνοις· ἐπεὶ πρόσωπον μὲν τῆς δεικνυμένης ἀληθείας ὁ Υἱὸς τοῦ Θεοῦ, τὸ πρᾶγμα δὲ ἡ δύναμις τῆς πίστεως, ἡ καὶ παντὸς οὑτινοσοῦν ἐναντιουμένου, καὶ αὐτοῦ ὅλου ἐνισταμένου τοῦ κόσμου πλεονάζουσα. « Quae vere est veritas apud nos solos ostenditur. Nam veritatis, quae ostenditur, persona quidem est Filius Dei: res vero virtus fidei, quae quodcunque ei adversatur, ac ipsum etiam totum mundum repugnantem superat. » Vide Protrept. p. 69.
"According to the seminal [Word]." The particle οὐ ("not") must be put in front, for the sentence to be complete. Just after, after "part of the Word", one must understand "striving to live", words set a little before which there was no need to repeat. Justin sets not only this difference between heathen and Christians, that the former knew a particle of the truth whereas the Christians embrace the whole Word incarnate; but also that the Christians were healed by this incarnate Word, n. 13, and that Christ by his own power brought it about that even unlearned men and labourers despised glory and fear and death. Clement of Alexandria often observes, as in Stromata I, pp. 288 and 298, that the heathen philosophers seized on some particle of the truth. So he speaks in Stromata VI, p. 674: "The truth that truly is is shown among us alone; for the face of the truth shown is the Son of God, and its substance is the power of faith, which prevails over every opponent whatever, even over the whole world arrayed against it." "The truth that truly is is shown among us alone. For of the truth that is shown the person is the Son of God, and the substance the power of faith, which overcomes whatever opposes it, and even the whole world resisting it." See Protrepticus p. 69.
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(9) ‹anchor: δίδαγμά ἐστι› · call in col 458
Δίδαγμά ἐστι. Haec daemonum pellendorum potestas aeterno eos igne damnatum iri probat, non solum quia Christianae doctrinae, quae id docet, veritas hoc miraculo confirmatur, sed etiam quia Christiani cum daemones expellerent, aeternum illis ignem minitabantur. Hinc Tertullianus Apologet. cap. 23: « Omnis haec nostra, inquit, in illos dominatio et potestas de nominatione Christi valet et de commemoratione eorum quae sibi a Deo per arbitrum Christum imminentia exspectant. Christum timentes in Deo et Deum in Christo subjiciuntur servis Dei et Christi. Ita de contactu, deque afflatu nostro, contemplatione et repraesentatione ignis illius correpti, etiam de corporibus nostro imperio excedunt inviti et dolentes, et vobis praesentibus erubescentes. » [Praeter rationes, quae supra afferuntur, cur Christianorum in expellendis daemonibus potestas argumentum sit destinati malis illis spiritibus supplicii, haec etiam afferri potest, quod daemones torquerentur dum eos Christiani adjurarent. Vid. Praef. part. ii, c. xi, n. 5.] — Ex Addendis et Emendandis.
"It is a proof." This power of driving out demons proves that they will be condemned to eternal fire, not only because the truth of the Christian doctrine that teaches it is confirmed by this miracle, but also because the Christians, when they expelled demons, threatened them with eternal fire. Hence Tertullian, Apology ch. 23: "All this rule and power of ours over them," he says, "draws its force from naming Christ and from recalling what they expect to come upon them from God through Christ the judge. Fearing Christ in God and God in Christ, they are made subject to the servants of God and of Christ. So at our touch and breath, seized by the thought and picture of that fire, they even go out of bodies at our command, unwilling and in pain, and blushing in your presence." [Besides the reasons given above why the Christians' power in expelling demons is a proof of the punishment destined for those evil spirits, this too can be adduced: that the demons were tormented while the Christians adjured them. See the Preface, part II, ch. 11, n. 5.] — From the Addenda and Corrigenda.
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Μελλούσης.... ἐσομένης. Commodius, ut jam nonnulli observarunt, legeretur μελλούσης.... ἔσεσθαι.
"About to be … going to be." It would read more conveniently, as some have already observed, μελλούσης … ἔσεσθαι.
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Ὁ αὐτῶν πατήρ. Similia loquitur Philo lib. De sacrif. Abel., pag. 152: Νομοθέτης γὰρ καὶ πηγὴ νόμων αὐτός, ὑφ' οὗ πάντες οἱ κατὰ μέρος νομοθέται. « Est enim legislator et fons legum ipse, sub quo omnes particulares legislatores. » Et Tertullianus Apol. 45: « Dum tamen sciatis ipsas, inquit, leges quoque vestras, quae videntur ad innocentiam pergere, de divina lege, ut antiquiore, formam mutuatas. » Vid. Aug. i, De lib. arbitr., n. 15.
"Their father." Philo says similar things, On the Sacrifices of Abel, p. 152: "For he himself is lawgiver and fount of laws, under whom are all the particular lawgivers." "For he himself is the lawgiver and fount of laws, under whom are all particular lawgivers." And Tertullian, Apology 45: "Only know," he says, "that your own laws too, which seem to tend to innocence, borrowed their form from the divine law, as the more ancient." See Augustine, On Free Will I, n. 15.
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Οὐκ ἄδικοι. Legendum οἱ τούτοις οὐ συντιθέμενοι, ἄδικοι, aut quis sensus ex hac periodo erui possit, non video. Necesse non est cum Sylburgio legere τὰ αὐτὰ αὐτοῖς. Haec enim est sententia: Cum legislatores alia facere, alia fugere praecipiant, ac ipse Deus legem nobis imposuerit; inde sequitur hominem libero arbitrio non carere, ac proinde iniquos esse qui legislatoribus non obsequuntur. Videtur autem Justinus locum Evangelii indicare, ubi jubet Christus ut imitemur Patrem coelestem, Luc. VI, 35; Matth. V, 45.
"Not unjust." One should read "those who do not assent to these are unjust"; otherwise I do not see what sense can be got from this period. It is not necessary to read with Sylburg "the same things to them." For the thought is this: since lawgivers command some things to be done and others shunned, and God himself has laid a law upon us, it follows that man is not without free will, and therefore that those who do not obey the lawgivers are unjust. Justin seems to point to the Gospel passage where Christ bids us imitate the heavenly Father, Luke 6:35; Matt. 5:45.
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Λόγος παρελθών. Haec de Verbo incarnato, non de humana ratione accipi debere patet ex his quae sequuntur, tum etiam ex Apol. i, n. 5 et 10. Quare paulo post ait Justinus se eadem adversus ejusmodi homines dicturum; eadem nempe ac ea quae Verbum docuerat.
"The Word having come." That this must be understood of the Word incarnate, not of human reason, is clear from what follows, and also from Apol. I, nn. 5 and 10. That is why Justin says a little after that he will say the same things against such men; the same, namely, as the Word had taught.
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Διὰ τοῦτο. Legendum διὰ τό, et observandum vocem λογικόν singulari sensu hic usurpari. Non enim significat id quod rationis est particeps, sed quidquid ad Verbum pertinet, seu totam Verbi personam et utramque naturam. Sic paulo ante n. 8: Κατὰ τὴν τοῦ παντὸς λόγου γνῶσιν. Haec illustrari possunt ex his verbis S. Augustini serm. 214, n. 7: « Totus Filius Dei Verbum et homo, atque, ut expressius dicam, Verbum, anima et caro. »
"Therefore." One should read διὰ τό ("because"), and note that the word λογικόν is used here in a peculiar sense. For it does not mean what shares in reason, but whatever belongs to the Word, that is, the whole person of the Word and both natures. So a little before, n. 8: "according to the knowledge of the whole Word." This can be illustrated by these words of St Augustine, Sermon 214, n. 7: "The whole Son of God, Word and man, and, to put it more expressly, Word, soul and flesh."
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Οἱ προγεγραμμένοι. Legendum προγεγενημένοι, ut in Apol. i, n. 45. Thirlbius.
"Those written before." Read προγεγενημένοι ("those born before"), as in Apol. I, n. 45. Thirlby.
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Κατὰ τὸ ἀνθρώπινον. Malim haec referre ad Christi humanitatem, secundum quam antiquiores fuere philosophi, quam cum aliis interpretibus reddere, « pro captu humano. »
"According to the human." I would rather refer these words to Christ's humanity, in respect of which the philosophers were earlier than he, than render with other translators "as far as human capacity allows."
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Καινὰ δαιμόνια. Plato Apol. Socr. p. 24, Xenoph. Ἀπομνημ. i, p. 412. Thirlbius.
"New divinities." Plato, Apology of Socrates p. 24; Xenophon, Memorabilia I, p. 412. Thirlby.
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Ὁ δὲ δαίμονας. Vide Plat. De Rep. l. ii, p. 377 et seqq. et l. x, p. 595 et seqq. Idem.
"But he … demons." See Plato, Republic book II, p. 377 ff., and book X, p. 595 ff. The same [Thirlby].
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Delendum videtur illud καί ante τοὺς πράξαντας, vel legendum καὶ πράξαντας. Plato lib. x De Rep. duo retinet poesis genera, hymnos in deos et bonorum ac illustrium virorum laudationes.
It seems that the καί before τοὺς πράξαντας should be deleted, or καὶ πράξαντας read. Plato, Republic book X, keeps two kinds of poetry: hymns to the gods and praises of good and illustrious men.
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Ἀγνώστου. Ignotum Athenis Deum indicari putat Grabius.
"Unknown." Grabe thinks the Unknown God of Athens is meant.
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Ἀσφαλές. Observat Thirlbius apud Platonem et alios scriptores, qui hoc testimonium citarunt, legi ἀδύνατον.
"Safe." Thirlby observes that in Plato and the other writers who cite this testimony ἀδύνατον ("impossible") is read.
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Δύναμις. Subauditur ἡ τοῦτο πράττουσα. Vid. paulo ante.
"Power." Understand "which does this." See a little before.
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Ἐρωτοπεποιημένῳ. Habet Xenophon ἐσθῆτα δὲ ἐξ ἧς ἂν μάλιστα ὥρα διαλάμποι, lib. ii Memorab., c. 1, § 22. Ἐρωτ. male ad ἐσθ. refert Mar. Ed. Patr.
"Made seductive." Xenophon has "and a garment through which her youthful bloom would shine out most", Memorabilia book II, ch. 1, § 22. Maranus wrongly refers ἐρωτ[οπεποιημένῳ] to ἐσθ[ῆτι] ("garment"). Editor of the Patrologia.
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Πρὸς τὰς ὄψεις. Apud Xenophontem ὄμματα ἀναπεπταμένα. Quare melius multo legeretur: Θελκτικήν τε εὐθὺς τὰς ὄψεις οὖσαν.
"To the sight." In Xenophon, "eyes wide open." So it would read much better: "and being at once bewitching in her eyes."
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Ἡ γὰρ κακία. Similis sententia apud Joan. Damascenum orat. in Sabbatum S., p 817, tribuitur ad marginem Greg. Nyss. et Naz.: Πέφυκε γάρ πως ἡ κακία τῷ τοῦ καλοῦ προσχήματι ἐγκαλύπτεσθαι. Καὶ γὰρ τὰ οἰκεῖα αἴσχη τῇ ἀρετῇ ἐπιτρίβεται. Vide Prologum S. Irenaei, n. 1.
"For vice." A similar thought in John Damascene, Oration on Holy Saturday, p. 817, is attributed in the margin to Gregory of Nyssa and Nazianzen: "For vice is somehow apt to cloak itself in the semblance of the good. For it rubs its own disgraces off onto virtue." See the Prologue of St Irenaeus, n. 1.
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Διὰ μιμήσεως φθαρτῶν. Legendum ἀφθάρτων. Non enim corruptibilia, sed incorruptibilia imitando, vitiositas sub virtutis ornamentis delitescit.
"By imitation of corruptible things." Read ἀφθάρτων ("incorruptible"). For it is by imitating not corruptible but incorruptible things that vice lurks beneath the ornaments of virtue.
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Τὰ προσόντα τῷ ὄντι. Nihil hic corrupti, sed vera et solida ornamenta, quaeque vere existunt, umbris et falsis imaginibus opponuntur.
"What truly belongs." Nothing is corrupt here; rather, true and solid ornaments, which truly exist, are set against shadows and false images.
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Πάντα οὖν ἔχει. Hujus loci, qui interpretes mirum in modum torsit, vitium sanari potest, si una addita litterula legamus πάντα νουνεχῆ. In codice Claromontano legitur πάντα λογισμὸν ἔχοντα, caeteris in textu omissis, sed tamen ad marginem ab alia manu restitutis. Legit etiam Thirlbius νουνεχῆ, et paulo ante cum Perionio ἔφασαν pro ἔφθασαν.
"So he has all." The fault in this passage, which has tormented the translators wonderfully, can be cured if, by adding one small letter, we read πάντα νουνεχῆ ("every sensible man"). In the Clermont codex it reads "everyone having reason", the rest being left out of the text but restored in the margin by another hand. Thirlby too reads νουνεχῆ, and a little before, with Perionius, ἔφασαν ("they said") for ἔφθασαν ("they anticipated").
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Ἀφόβους. Legitur καὶ ἀφόβους apud Eusebium, qui hunc Justini locum inseruit libro quarto Hist., c. 8. Mox ἄλλα deest apud eumdem scriptorem, apud quem etiam legitur ἀνθρωπείων.
"Fearless." Eusebius, who inserted this passage of Justin in History book IV, ch. 8, reads "and fearless". Just after, ἄλλα is lacking in the same writer, in whom ἀνθρωπείων is also read.
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Τῶν αὐτοῦ ἀγαθῶν στερηθῇ. Euseb. τῶν ἑαυτοῦ στερηθείη ἐπιθυμιῶν. Mox idem ζῆν ἀεὶ et οὐχ ὅτι ἑαυτόν. H. Stephanus dum Justini verba ad grammaticas regulas revocat, legendum putat πειρῷτο et εἰδὼς φονευθησόμενον.
"Be deprived of his own goods." Eusebius: "be deprived of his own desires." Just after, he likewise has "to live for ever" and "not that himself". H. Stephanus, in bringing Justin's words back to the rules of grammar, thinks one should read πειρῷτο ("would try") and "knowing he would be killed".
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Κατήγγειλε. Sylburgius posuit κατήγγελλε, quia eodem modo legitur apud Eusebium. Sed nihil vetat quominus aoristum retineamus. Paulo post legit Thirlbius ἕλκουσιν.
"Proclaimed." Sylburg put κατήγγελλε (imperfect), since it is so read in Eusebius. But nothing forbids our keeping the aorist. A little after, Thirlby reads ἕλκουσιν ("they drag").
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(32) ‹anchor: Κρόνου μὲν› · call in col 463
Φάσκοντες Κρόνου. Aptissime hic a martyre memoratur Saturnus; is enim puerorum sanguine maxime gaudebat, Christiani autem pueros dicebantur mactare. Prae caeteris Phoenices eorumque coloniae deum istum victimis colebant. Quarum coloniarum nobilissima Carthago metropolim suam impietate superavit. Cf. Lactant. Institt. div. i, c. 21, et Euseb, Praepar. ev. iv, c. 15, sqq., p. 154, sqq., ed. Viger. Colon. Neque urbe eversa istud scelus exstinctum est, verum etiam post vetitam Romanis legibus humanarum hostiarum immolationem, imo post sacerdotes in arboribus templi sui obumbratricibus per Tiberium proconsulem crucibus expositos, Afri nihilominus eadem sacrificia in occulto faciebant, uti Tertullianus, ipse Afer, memoriae prodidit (Apol. c. 9 [Opp. ed. Leopold. p. i] p. 67). Has observationes Thirlbio debemus. Otto.
"Saying of Kronos." Saturn is very aptly mentioned here by the martyr; for he delighted above all in the blood of children, and the Christians were said to slaughter children. The Phoenicians and their colonies above all worshipped that god with victims; and of those colonies the most famous, Carthage, outdid its mother-city in impiety. Compare Lactantius, Divine Institutes I, ch. 21, and Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel IV, ch. 15 ff., p. 154 ff., Viger's Cologne edition. Nor was that crime extinguished when the city was overthrown; even after the sacrifice of human victims had been forbidden by Roman law, indeed after the priests had been exposed on crosses by the proconsul Tiberius on the trees that shaded their own temple, the Africans nonetheless performed the same sacrifices in secret, as Tertullian, himself an African, has recorded (Apology ch. 9 [Works, Leopold's edition, part I] p. 67). We owe these observations to Thirlby. Otto.
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(33) ‹anchor: τιμωμένῳ εἰδώλῳ› · call in col 463
Τῷ παρ' ὑμῖν τιμωμένῳ εἰδώλῳ. Saepe alii scriptores hanc superstitionem ethnicis objecere; sed praecipue Tertullianus Justinum imitari videtur Apologet. cap. 8. Vide De Spectac. cap. 6. Citat eruditus Londinensis editor alios scriptores, qui idem dixere: Tatianum n. 26; Theophil. Antioch. l. iii, n. 7; Minucium cap. 21; Lactantium lib. i, cap. 21 et 30; Athanas. adv. Gent., p. 24; Firmicum De prof. rel., Epiphanium Anc. p. 108; Prudentium l. i Adv. Symmach. v. 380, et seqq. Deinde in utramque partem disputat, ac primo quidem Patrum auctoritatem elevat, quia altum ea de re apud profanos scriptores silentium, excepto tamen Porphyrio lib. ii De abstin. p. 226. Tum Patrum testimonia a mendacii et erroris suspicione vindicat. — Τῷ παρ' ὑμῖν τιμωμένῳ εἰδώλῳ. Sc. τελεῖν. Locus apprime est insignis. Etenim his Justinus verbis Jovem Latialem designat, cui illo ipso tempore Romae homines immolabantur. Quam superstitionem omnes Apologetae Romanis objiciebant, (continues)
"To the idol honoured among you." Other writers often charged the heathen with this superstition; but Tertullian above all seems to imitate Justin, Apology ch. 8. See On the Shows ch. 6. The learned London editor cites other writers who said the same: Tatian n. 26; Theophilus of Antioch book III, n. 7; Minucius ch. 21; Lactantius book I, chs. 21 and 30; Athanasius, Against the Heathen, p. 24; Firmicus, On the Error of Profane Religions; Epiphanius, Ancoratus p. 108; Prudentius, Against Symmachus book I, line 380 ff. He then argues both sides, and first makes light of the Fathers' authority, because there is deep silence on the matter among the profane writers, except for Porphyry, On Abstinence book II, p. 226. Then he clears the Fathers' testimony of suspicion of falsehood and error. — "To the idol honoured among you": understand τελεῖν ("to perform [rites]"). The passage is especially notable. For by these words Justin designates Jupiter Latiaris, to whom men were sacrificed at Rome at that very time. This superstition all the Apologists charged against the Romans, (continues)
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Ποιούμενοι. Ut accuratior sit oratio, legendum monet Thirlbius ποιουμένου, vel supra προσφαίνετε. Vid. Apol. i, n. 61.
"Making." To make the sentence more exact, Thirlby advises reading ποιουμένου, or above προσφαίνετε. See Apol. I, n. 61.
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Εἰ δὲ καὶ νῦν τις ἦν. Legendum videtur εἴθε καὶ νῦν τις ἄν. Paulo post mallet Sylburgius οἷς τούτων. Sed minime necessaria haec immutatio. Non video cur pro τις legi posse conjiciat Thirlbius Σωκράτης vel Κράτης.
"But if even now there were someone." It seems one should read "would that even now someone…" A little after, Sylburg would prefer οἷς τούτων. But this change is by no means necessary. I do not see why Thirlby conjectures that for τις ("someone") one could read "Socrates" or "Crates".
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(36) ‹anchor: ψευδολογούμενον› · call in col 466
Ψευδολογούμενον. Legendum ψευδολογουμένων, ut huic verborum complexioni lux affundatur. Mox etiam legendum καὶ Χριστιανός. Monet Thirlbius legere Joannem Clericum τῶν τοῦ Χριστοῦ, quod quidem non valde necessarium videtur.
"Falsely spoken." Read ψευδολογουμένων, so that light may be shed on this construction. Just after, also read "and a Christian". Thirlby notes that Jean Le Clerc reads "those of Christ", which does not seem very necessary.
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(37) ‹anchor: ἄποπτον› · call in col 466
Ἄποπτον. Legitur apud Rob. Stephanum ἄπωπτον, ex quo potest confirmari conjectura Langi, qui legit ἄπτωτον. Vulgatam lectionem non carere commodo sensu existimat Sylburgius, si nimirum scientiam ἄποπτον intelligamus scientiam non facile parabilem et a communi captu et intelligentia remotam. Grabius reddendum eodem sensu putat, « scientiam sublimiorem. »
"Seen from afar." Robert Stephanus reads ἄπωπτον, which may confirm the conjecture of Lange, who reads ἄπτωτον ("unfailing"). Sylburg thinks the common reading is not without a fitting sense, if, that is, we understand by ἄποπτον knowledge not easily acquired and remote from common grasp and understanding. Grabe thinks it should be rendered in the same sense, "a loftier knowledge."
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(38) ‹anchor: μετὰ τὸν Θεὸν› · call in col 466
Μετὰ τὸν Θεόν. Saepe occurrit apud Justinum haec loquendi ratio, sed de Filii aequalitate nihil detrahit. Nam 1° sic Filium secundo loco et Spiritum sanctum tertio collocat Justinus, ut eos cum rebus creatis minime conjungat, sed cum Patre, ut videre est n. 6 et 13 Apol. i. Hinc etiam declarat magnum inesse huic doctrinae mysterium, quod ethnicis incredibile et insanum videbatur. 2° Apud ipsos scriptores profanos saepe locus secundus cum aequalitate conjungitur. Sic Themistius, etsi primas veteri Romae, secundas Constantinopoli defert pluribus locis, in primis orat. 3, pag. 42, aequale tamen imperium utrique attribuit. Sic enim loquitur de vetere Roma, orat. 23, p. 290: Ἡ τῶν μὲν ἄλλων πόλεων βασιλεύει, τῇ δὲ ὑμετέρᾳ συμβασιλεύει. « Quae caeteris quidem civitatibus imperat, sed simul cum vestra imperat. » 3° Cum aequalitas in personis divinis in unius substantiae consortio posita sit; generationem ex substantia Patris mirifice expositam videbimus in Dialogo n. 61 et 128; sed interim observare juvat quam constanter hoc dogma ethnicis praedicet. Ait sub finem Cohort. Christum esse « Verbum Dei, virtute ab eo inseparabile. » In Apol. i, num. 46, et saepius in secunda, esse Λόγον cujus omnes homines participes sunt. Deum illum vocat, eique Dei naturam attribuit num. 12, Apol. i. Solum proprie genitum, non creatum, ibid., n. 22 et 23. Refert ad eum praeclarissima (continues)
"After God." This manner of speaking often occurs in Justin, but it takes nothing from the Son's equality. For 1. Justin places the Son second and the Holy Spirit third in such a way as not to join them with created things at all, but with the Father, as can be seen in Apol. I, nn. 6 and 13. Hence too he declares that there is a great mystery in this doctrine, which seemed incredible and mad to the heathen. 2. Among the profane writers themselves second place is often joined with equality. So Themistius, though in several places, above all Oration 3, p. 42, he gives first place to old Rome and second to Constantinople, yet attributes equal empire to both. For he speaks thus of old Rome, Oration 23, p. 290: "She rules the other cities, but with yours she rules jointly." "Who rules the other cities, but rules together with yours." 3. Since equality among the divine persons consists in their sharing one substance, we shall see generation from the substance of the Father wonderfully set out in the Dialogue, nn. 61 and 128; but meanwhile it is good to observe how constantly he proclaims this dogma to the heathen. Towards the end of the Exhortation he says Christ is "the Word of God, inseparable from him in power." In Apol. I, no. 46, and more often in the second, that he is the Word of whom all men partake. He calls him God, and attributes to him the nature of God, no. 12, Apol. I. The only one properly begotten, not created, ibid., nn. 22 and 23. He refers to him the most glorious (continues)
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Velim expendantur haec verba, ut confirmetur quidquid in Praefatione part. ii, c. 7, n. 6, de Justini doctrina disserui. Hoc discrimen inter gentiles et Christianos ponit. Praestantissimi quique gentiles, ut Socrates et Heraclitus, veritatis particulam, illustrante illorum animos Verbo, cognoverunt, et aliquo virtutis simulacro imitati sunt. Atque id quidem illis a Deo, pro viribus liberi arbitrii nondum sanati, concessum fuit. At Christiani Verbum incarnatum non solum cognoscunt, sed etiam illis communicatum fuit, inhabitando in eis per Spiritum sanctum, suamque imaginem in illis imprimendo, quod quidem gratuitum omnino Dei donum est.
I would wish these words to be weighed, to confirm all I set out on Justin's doctrine in the Preface, part II, ch. 7, n. 6. He sets this difference between gentiles and Christians. The most excellent of the gentiles, such as Socrates and Heraclitus, knew a particle of the truth through the Word enlightening their minds, and imitated it with some semblance of virtue. And this was granted them by God according to the powers of a free will not yet healed. But the Christians not only know the Word incarnate; he has also been communicated to them, dwelling in them through the Holy Spirit and stamping his image upon them, which is wholly a free gift of God.
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Παρὰ τὴν ἑαυτῶν αἰτίαν. Haec verba minus recte intellecta totum locum tenebris impleverunt. Ipse Clericus vertit, ut alii, « praeter suam culpam, » Hist. eccles. ad an. 162, atque haec refert ad Christianos ita vertendo: « Ut et ab aliis nostra noscantur, possintque falsa opinione liberari, et bonos viros nosse (Christianos) qui praeter suam culpam poenis obnoxii fiunt. » Reddendum putat Thirlbius, « vestra ipsorum culpa. » Solus Perionius, « sua culpa. » Pluribus exemplis probari posset illud παρά his in locis idem valere ac « per. » Irenaeus in Prologo: Ἵνα οὖν μὴ παρὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν αἰτίαν συναρπάζωνταί τινες. Et lib. v, cap. 39, num. 3: Τὰ οὖν ἀποστάντα τοῦ πατρικοῦ φωτὸς, καὶ παραβάντα τὸν θεσμὸν τῆς ἐλευθερίας, παρὰ τὴν αὐτῶν ἀπέστησαν αἰτίαν, ἐλεύθερα καὶ αὐτεξούσια τὴν γνώμην γεγονότα.
"Through their own fault." These words, misunderstood, have filled the whole passage with darkness. Le Clerc himself, like others, translated "through no fault of their own", Ecclesiastical History at the year 162, and refers this to the Christians, translating thus: "That our affairs may be known by others too, and they may be freed from false opinion, and may know good men (the Christians) who become liable to punishment through no fault of their own." Thirlby thinks it should be rendered "by your own fault." Perionius alone has "by their own fault." It could be proved by many examples that παρά in these passages has the same force as "through". Irenaeus in the Prologue: "So that some may not be carried off through our fault." And book V, ch. 39, no. 3: "So those who have departed from the Father's light and transgressed the law of freedom have departed through their own fault, having been made free and self-determining in their will."
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Διὸ ἐν τῇ φύσει. Legendum διὰ τὸ ἐν τῇ φύσει. Nimirum sua ipsorum culpa suppliciis traduntur, quia inest naturae humanae vis cognoscendi boni et mali. Illud: Εἰς τὸ γνωσθῆναι τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ταῦτα eodem sensu paulo ante occurrit et satis incommode hoc loco positum videtur. Quare perspicuitatis causa vel omittendum fuit in interpretando, vel, ut faciendum duxi, aptius collocandum.
"Therefore in nature." Read "because in nature". That is, they are handed over to punishment through their own fault, because there is in human nature a power of knowing good and evil. The words "so that these things may be made known to men" occur a little before in the same sense, and seem rather awkwardly placed here. So for clarity they had either to be left out in translating or, as I judged should be done, placed more fittingly.
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Τὸ γνωριστόν. Legendum γνωριστικόν, ut jam multi observaverunt.
"The knowable." Read γνωριστικόν ("the power of knowing"), as many have already observed.
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Πρόστιμον. Si legamus προστιμᾶν obscuro et difficili loco non parum lucis accedet. Sic etiam legendum censet eruditus Londinensis editor.
"Penalty." If we read προστιμᾶν ("to impose as penalty"), no little light will be shed on an obscure and difficult passage. The learned London editor also judges it should be so read.
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(44) ‹anchor: Σωταδείοις› · call in col 467
Σωταδείοις. De Sotade Strabo Geogr. xiv, p. 573, ed. Siebenk. et Tzschuck.: Ἦρξε Σωτάδης μὲν πρῶτος τοῦ κιναιδολογεῖν. Otto.
"Sotadean." On Sotades, Strabo, Geography XIV, p. 573, ed. Siebenkees and Tzschucke: "Sotades was the first to begin writing lewd verse." Otto.
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(45) ‹anchor: Φιλαινιδείοις› · call in col 467
Φιλαινιδείοις. Philaenis, εἰς ἣν ἀναφέρεται τὸ περὶ ἀφροδισίων ἀκόλαστον σύγγραμμα. Athen. l. c. p. 335. Coll. Suid. s. v. Ἀστυάνασσα. Id.
"Philaenidean." Philaenis, "to whom the licentious treatise on sexual pleasures is ascribed." Athenaeus, loc. cit., p. 335. Compare Suidas under Astyanassa. The same [Otto].
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(46) ‹anchor: γενομένοις› · call in col 469
Γενομένοις. Recte observat clarissimus Thirlbius […] erant interpretes, de scena accipi debere.
"Enacted." The most distinguished Thirlby rightly observes […] the interpreters had […], that it must be understood of the stage.
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