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Variorum notae in libros S. Irenaei: in librum primum (Gallasius, Billius, Fronto Ducaeus, Feuardentius, Grabe)

Editors' preface

legii Lincolniensis socio, qui glossarium Graecum integrum fere, me rogante, conficere haud gravatus est, quod ad prolegomena conscribenda temporis praefiniti angustia me adigeret. Caeterum per universum hoc opus, ubi dubius quandoque haesi, praesertim circa loca quaedam Scripturae, ab Irenaeo paulo aliter ac nos ea legimus, citata, honoratissimum fautorem meum D. Joannem Millium, S. theologiae professorem doctissimum consului, cujus monitis, et pereruditis in Novum Testamentum adnotationibus me haud parum profecisse gratus profiteor. Inter exteros unicus mihi nominandus R. P. Michael Lequien, ordinis Praedicatorum theologus Parisiensis; cujus inusitatae ad meam omnemque rem litterariam juvandam alacritati debeo omnia, quaecunque a Gallicanis codicibus descripta aut emendata dedi. Hisce igitur, benevole lector, utere, et Deum pro mea salu⟨t⟩e ora.

College of Lincoln, who at my request did not shrink from compiling an almost complete Greek glossary, since the narrowness of the time appointed for writing the prolegomena pressed hard upon me. For the rest, throughout this whole work, wherever I was at times in doubt, especially about certain places of Scripture cited by Irenaeus somewhat otherwise than we read them, I consulted my most honoured patron Dr John Mill, a most learned professor of sacred theology, by whose counsels and by whose very learned annotations on the New Testament I gratefully acknowledge that I have profited not a little. Among foreigners one alone must be named by me, the Reverend Father Michel Lequien, theologian of the Order of Preachers at Paris, to whose uncommon eagerness in helping my work and every literary undertaking I owe everything that I have given as copied or corrected from French manuscripts. Use these things, then, kind reader, and pray to God for my salvation.

VARIORUM NOTAE

NOTES OF VARIOUS SCHOLARS

IN LIBROS S. IRENAEI CONTRA HAERESES.

ON THE BOOKS OF ST IRENAEUS AGAINST HERESIES.

IN LIBRUM PRIMUM.

ON THE FIRST BOOK.

(Quae indicantur paginarum numerales notae, lectorem ad numeros revocant quos typis crassioribus textui inseruimus.)

(The page numerals that are indicated refer the reader to the numbers which we have inserted into the text in heavier type.)

Ex adnotationibus Nicolai Gallasii in prooemium libri I.

From the annotations of Nicolas Des Gallars on the preface of Book I.

Pag. 1. Quatenus. Mendosum codicem traductori fuisse oportuit, qui pro ἐπὶ legit ἐπεί. Unde etiam longum hyperbatum et ἀνανταπόδοτον secutum est. Nunc sublata litterula una, sensus tibi redditur planior. Quamvis enim σχοινοτενὴς sit oratio, tamen et distincte singula secernit, et efficit ut anterioribus posteriora apte respondeant. Hinc facile conjicies Irenaeum librum suum non convertisse: nec enim in vocula falli potuisset, quaecunque illi exemplaria objecta essent. Non est igitur quod mireris tam multa obscura, perplexa et confusa in toto libro reperiri. Nam praeterquam quod mendoso exemplari interpretem usum esse aperte constat, is sane Graecus fuit, neque satis tenuit proprietatem et puritatem linguae Latinae, idque vel ex solo verbo παραπέμπεσθαι facile perspicies. Nam illud accepit pro rejicere vel aversari: pro quo refutandi verbum usurpavit; quod tamen in ea significatione proprie accipi non potest. Intellexit autem traductor, quosdam esse qui adversantur veritati, eamque rejiciunt, ut Gallice vulgo dicere solemus de eo quod non admittitur, renvoyer. At proprie accipienda est haec dictio de iis qui falso praetextu in veritatem ipsam emissi sunt. Nec simpliciter dicit, πεμπομένους, quia nullam missionem aut vocationem legitimam habent falsi doctores, sed παραπεμπομένους, quod praeter rationem et ordinem a Satana et ejus asseclis emissi essent: ut etiam idem hic auctor dicit eos παραδιδάσκειν, quod praeter verbum Dei falsa et ementita annuntient: quemadmodum a Demosthene παραπρεσβεία, falsa et ementita legatio appellatur. Atque haec quidem ab initio ipso admonere volui, ut reliqua expendant diligenter lectores, quae si mihi singula enumeranda atque adnotanda essent, tum essem prolixior, tum etiam de judicio eorum qui non omnino oscitantes et supini erunt, viderer nimium diffidere. Itaque illa quae animadversione digniora erunt, tantum adnotabo.

Page 1. Inasmuch as. The translator must have had a faulty manuscript, since he read ἐπί as ἐπεί. Hence too a long hyperbaton and an anacoluthon followed. Now, with one little letter removed, the sense is rendered plainer to you. For although the sentence is long-drawn-out, it nevertheless both separates each thing distinctly and makes the later parts answer fittingly to the earlier. From this you will easily conjecture that Irenaeus did not translate his own book; for he could not have been deceived over a little word, whatever copies had been put before him. There is no reason, then, for you to wonder that so many things obscure, tangled and confused are found in the whole book. For besides the fact that the interpreter plainly used a faulty copy, he was certainly a Greek, and did not sufficiently hold to the propriety and purity of the Latin tongue; and this you will easily perceive even from the single word παραπέμπεσθαι. For he took it as to reject or to turn away from, and in its place used the verb of refuting, which nevertheless cannot properly be taken in that sense. The translator understood, however, that there are some who oppose the truth and reject it, as we commonly say in French of what is not admitted, renvoyer. But this expression is properly to be taken of those who have been sent in under a false pretext against the truth itself. Nor does he say simply πεμπομένους, because false teachers have no lawful mission or calling, but παραπεμπομένους, because they had been sent out by Satan and his followers contrary to reason and order; just as this same author also says that they παραδιδάσκειν, because, contrary to the word of God, they announce false and counterfeit things; in the same way as Demosthenes calls a false and counterfeit embassy παραπρεσβεία. And I wished to give this warning at the very beginning, so that readers may weigh the rest carefully; for if I had to enumerate and annotate every single point, I should both be too long and also seem to distrust too much the judgement of those who will not be altogether yawning and careless. I shall therefore note only those things which deserve more attention.

Pag. 2. Suadenter illi quidem. Est hic elegans antithesis, quam non expressit vetus interpres, πειθανῶς, Ἀπειθάνως. Idem est ac si diceret: Probabili quidem ratione niti videri possunt, dum homines

Page 2. Persuasively indeed they. There is here an elegant antithesis which the old interpreter did not render, πειθανῶς, Ἀπειθάνως. It is the same as if he were to say: They can indeed seem to rest on a plausible reason, while men

Editors' notes and page, col. 1363

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running head: 1363 VARIORUM NOTAE
marginal letters: A legii Lincolniensis; B Ex adnotationibus; C accipi non; D madversione digniora
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin with Greek words cited in the notes (no facing Greek column); editors' matter: legii Lincolniensis (end of Grabe's Prolegomena), Ex adnotationibus Nicolai Gallasii; word split at start of column: [col]legii; four full-width lines across cols 1363-1364 after first paragraph not set (VARIORUM NOTAE / IN LIBROS S. IRENAEI CONTRA HAERESES. / IN LIBRUM PRIMUM. / (Quae indicantur...))
other: a full-width band stands across cols 1363/1364 in mid-page: the 1 paragraph(s) above it in col 1364 are set here, after the 1 above it in col 1363 (reading order, moved on receipt); the band itself (its title lines) is not set by the volunteer page: set it here, at the move, with full_width
other: the column opens with the end of the previous work (another unit); not set here: the unit begins at Ex adnotationibus Nicolai Gallasii in prooemium libri I.
other: the footnote 40* (Matth. VII, 7; Luc. XI, 9) printed at the foot under this column is called in col 1364 (invenietis); it belongs with col 1364
running head: 1363 VARIORUM NOTAE 1364
marginal letters: A ‹legii Lincolniensis socio› / ‹monitis, et pereruditis›; B ‹Ex adnotationibus Nicolai› / ‹imperitos et minime malos›; C ‹usurpavit; quod tamen› / ‹gare solent. Haec igitur›; D ‹viderer nimium diffidere› / ‹ἐπί, ut facile perspiciet›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the page opens mid-word ("legii", from Col-legii on the previous page); set as printed. This file holds, in reading order, the end of Grabe's Prolegomena (top halves of both columns, editors' matter), the full-width title band VARIORUM NOTAE ... IN LIBRUM PRIMUM with its italic notice (editors' matter), and the whole lower left column (Gallasius).

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imperitos et minime malos incitant ad inquirendum. Quis enim vetet inquirere de iis quae nos scire oportet? Praesertim cum dicat Christus: Quaerite, et invenietis. Sed nulla probabili ratione excusare possunt, quod inquirendi modum excedentes, perdunt eos, quos ad impietatem et horrendas blasphemias impellunt.

who are unskilled and not at all wicked are stirred up by them to inquire. For who would forbid inquiring into the things which we ought to know? Especially since Christ says: Seek, and you shall find. But by no plausible reason can they excuse the fact that, overstepping the measure of inquiry, they destroy those whom they drive into impiety and horrible blasphemies.

Pag. 3. Quia non omnes cerebrum habent. Legitur in Graeco, ἐπεὶ μὴ πάντες τὸν ἐγκέφαλον ἐξεπτύκασιν, id est, non omnes cerebrum exspuerunt: τὸν ἐγκέφαλον ἐξεπτυκέναι dicitur de iis, quorum cerebrum non impeditur crassis humoribus, quominus rem latentem implexamque et involutam eruant ac denudent. Qui denique nec elleboro indigent nec apophlegmatismis, ut cerebrum expurgent, ii dici possunt cerebrum exspuisse, id est purgasse et defaecasse. Ductum videtur a medicis, qui gravata humoribus capita tum errhinis, tum aliis remediis pituitam et sputa educentibus repurgare solent. Haec igitur profunda Valentinianorum mysteria, non ab omnibus comprehendi posse dicit Irenaeus, quod non omnes solertia ac perspicacia praediti sint. Posset etiam in contrariam partem accipi in eos qui nimis exquisite purgantur, ita ut non solum superfluos humores, sed cerebrum ipsum exspuant et ejiciant. Ita sensus e⟨s⟩set, non admitti ab omnibus deliria et portenta illorum hominum, quia tametsi rudes plerique videantur, tamen cerebro non carent. Et convenit proverbium, ἐγκέφαλον οὐκ ἔχει. Ac certe praestat paulo crassiorem, quam ita solertem esse in rebus perniciosis, et hoc modo ἀεροβατεῖν, ut neque coelum, neque terram attingas. Sed priorem expositionem sequi malo, quod proposito Irenaei melius convenire videatur.

Page 3. Because not all have a brain. In the Greek it reads ἐπεὶ μὴ πάντες τὸν ἐγκέφαλον ἐξεπτύκασιν, that is, not all have spat out their brain. To have spat out the brain is said of those whose brain is not hindered by thick humours from digging out and laying bare a thing hidden, entangled and wrapped up. Those, in short, who need neither hellebore nor expectorants to purge the brain can be said to have spat out the brain, that is, to have purged and cleansed it of dregs. The expression seems to be taken from physicians, who are accustomed to clear heads weighed down with humours, now with errhines, now with other remedies that draw out phlegm and spittle. Irenaeus says, then, that these profound mysteries of the Valentinians cannot be grasped by all, because not all are endowed with skill and penetration. It could also be taken in the opposite sense, of those who are purged too thoroughly, so that they spit out and cast forth not only the superfluous humours but the brain itself. The sense would then be that the ravings and monstrosities of those men are not admitted by all, because, although most seem unlearned, they are nevertheless not without a brain. And the proverb agrees, he has no brain. And it is certainly better to be somewhat duller than to be so clever in pernicious matters, and in this way to walk on air, so that you touch neither heaven nor earth. But I prefer to follow the first explanation, because it seems to agree better with Irenaeus's purpose.

Scholia Billii in prooemium Irenaei.

Scholia of Billy on the preface of Irenaeus.

Pag. 1. Quoniam nonnulli. Graeci exemplaris vitium, a Gallasio non animadversum, densas ei nebulas offundit. Legendum enim est ἐπεί, non ἐπί, ut facile perspiciet, qui propius animum attenderit. Longissima autem est haec periodus, utpote in quam multa Irenaeus inculcarit. Potuisset enim breviter ita dicere: Quoniam nonnulli falsas doctrinas invehunt, eas tibi indicandas duxi, ut eas iis, qui tecum versantur. perspicuas facias, desque

Page 1. Since some. A fault in the Greek copy, not noticed by Des Gallars, spread thick mists over him. For one must read ἐπεί, not ἐπί, as anyone will easily perceive who attends more closely. This sentence, moreover, is very long, inasmuch as Irenaeus has packed many things into it. For he could have said briefly thus: Since some bring in false doctrines, I have thought it right to point them out to you, so that you may make them plain to those who are with you, and may give

Editors' notes and page, col. 1364

Footnotes

(40*) ‹anchor: Quaerite, et invenietis› · call in col 1364 Matth. VII, 7; Luc. XI, 9.

Matthew 7:7; Luke 11:9.

(printed under page 690)

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running head: VARIORUM NOTAE 1364
marginal letters: A monitis, et; B imperitos et; C gare solent.; D ἐπί, ut
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: monitis, et pereruditis (end of Grabe's Prolegomena), imperitos et minime (Gallasius continued), Scholia Billii in prooemium Irenaei; four full-width lines across cols 1363-1364 after first paragraph not set
other: the 1 paragraph(s) of this column above the full-width band are set under col 1363 (reading order, moved on receipt)
running head: 1363 VARIORUM NOTAE 1364
marginal letters: A ‹monitis, et pereruditis›; B ‹imperitos et minime malos›; C ‹gare solent. Haec igitur›; D ‹ἐπί, ut facile perspiciet›
old-edition numerals: (none)

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operam ne quisquam in prodigiosos hujusmodi errores praeceps ruat.

care lest anyone rush headlong into prodigious errors of this sort.

Repudiata veritate. Τὴν ἀλήθειαν παραπεμπόμενοι, id est, ut Apostolus loquitur, ἀποστρεφόμενοι, rejicientes, aversantes : non, ut inepte vertit Gallasius, praeter jus fasque demissi.

Repudiata veritate. Τὴν ἀλήθειαν παραπεμπόμενοι, that is, as the Apostle speaks, ἀποστρεφόμενοι, rejecting, turning away from: not, as Gallasius absurdly translated, sent down beside right and law.

Falsos. Addo ψεύδεις in Graeco, ex vet. interp.

Falsos. I add ψεύδεις in the Greek, from the old translator.

Pag. 2. Depravandis. Ῥαδιουργεῖν τὰ θεῖα λόγια, est oracula divina male fide exponere. Verba sunt Apostoli II Tim. II.

Page 2. Depravandis. Ῥαδιουργεῖν τὰ θεῖα λόγια, is to expound the divine oracles in bad faith. The words are of the Apostle in 2 Tim. 2.

Inscite. Ἀπιθάνως, inscite, frigide, parum ad persuadendum apposite.

Inscite. Ἀπιθάνως, unskilfully, frigidly, little suited for persuading.

Ut qui falsum. In Graeco pro μηδὲ ἐν ᾧ διακρίνειν, legendum μὴ διακρίνειν, quemadmodum etiam habet vetus translatio, ut quidem nunc exstat.

Ut qui falsum. In the Greek for μηδὲ ἐν ᾧ διακρίνειν, one must read μὴ διακρίνειν, just as the old translation also has, as indeed it is now extant.

Fraus et impostura. Πλάνη enim idem est quod ἀπάτη.

Fraus et impostura. For πλάνη is the same as ἀπάτη.

Pag. 3. Esse videatur. In Graec. pro φαίνεσθαι, legendum φαίνεται.

Page 3. Esse videatur. In the Greek for φαίνεσθαι, one must read φαίνεται.

Artis solertia. Vetus interpres legisse videtur τέχνην in accusativo. Vertit enim, artificium arguere, quod subdole sit factum.

Artis solertia. The old translator seems to have read τέχνην in the accusative. For he translates, to convict the artifice, which was craftily done.

Integumentum. Ἐπιβολὴν lego, non ἐπιβουλὴν, astipulante etiam veteri interprete, qui vertit, superindumentum.

Integumentum. I read ἐπιβολὴν, not ἐπιβουλὴν, with the old translator also agreeing, who translates, outer garment.

Cerebrum exspuerunt. Id est ingenii perspicacia praediti sunt. Vel etiam contrario modo, ut idem sit cerebrum exspuisse, quod cerebro carere. Prior tamen sensus mihi simplicior ac rectior videtur. Existimo enim hoc velle Irenaeum, idcirco non omnes capaces esse doctrinae Valentinianae, quod multi saniore sint cerebro, quam ut portentosa hujusmodi dogmata audire sustineant.

Cerebrum exspuerunt. That is, they are endowed with perspicacity of mind. Or even in the contrary way, so that to have spat out the brain is the same as to lack a brain. Yet the former sense seems to me simpler and more right. For I think Irenaeus means this, that therefore not all are capable of the Valentinian doctrine, because many are of a sounder brain than to endure hearing portentous dogmas of this sort.

Pag. 4. Voraginem. Βυθόν, alludit jam ad Bythum, de quo mox verba facturus est : βυθός enim profundum significat.

Page 4. Voraginem. Βυθόν, he alludes already to Bythus, of whom he is soon about to speak: for βυθός signifies the deep.

Inter Gallos. In Graec. pro Δελφοῖς, Κέλταις restituendum est.

Inter Gallos. In the Greek for Δελφοῖς, Κέλταις is to be restored.

Imbecilliter. Legendum in Graeco, ἀσθενῶς.

Imbecilliter. One must read in the Greek, ἀσθενῶς.

In praefationem notae ex adversariis Frontonis Ducaei.

Notes on the preface from the notebooks of Fronton du Duc.

Pag. 1. Quatenus veritatem. Restitutus est hic locus ex emendatione V. C. Jac. Billii, rejecta Gallasii interpretatione, qui vertit : Nonnulli in veritatem praeter jus et fas demissi, introducunt fabulas. At enim ut aliquo tibicine ruinosum parietem fulciret, vel potius ut se in ipso limine defecisse ostenderet, congessit exempla, ut verbum παραπέμπεσθαι doceret de iis accipiendum, qui falso praetextu in veritatem ipsam emissi sunt, nullamque missionem aut vocationem legitimam habent falsi doctores, sed praeter rationem et ordinem a Satana emissi sunt, quos et hic auctor dicit παραδιδάσκειν, ut a Demosthene παραπρεσβεία, falsa legatio appellatur. Atqui eum vel ipsa vulgata lexica docere potuerunt, παραπέμπειν, idem esse quod spernere, vel rejicere. Esther cap. XIII, vers. 3 : Παραπέμποντας διηνεκῶς τὰ τῶν βασιλέων διατάγματα. Clem. Alexan. III Paed. : Ἡδονῆς ἕνεκα λούεσθαι παραπεμπτέον. Gregor. Nazianz. : Παραπέμπεσθαι σιωπῇ. Chrysost. : Παραπεμπόμεθα τὰς αὐτῶν ἱκετηρίας. Haec ideo repetenda fuerunt, ne quis ei assentiatur, hoc tanquam ariete valido veteris interpretis auctoritatem primo impetu labefactanti : quem si consulere saepius gravatus non esset, tot novis erroribus Cornarii interpretationem non depravasset, neque id nobis negotii exhibuisset, ut quamplurima, quae ab ipso fuerant immutata, vel ex collatione Basiliensis editionis Epiphanii MDXLIV, vel ex doctiss. Billii scholiis, vel ex nostra conjectura, duce veteri interprete, restituenda superessent. Porro veritatem refutantes, dixit, quomodo et Cicero : Refutetur ac rejiciatur Philoctetaeus

Page 1. Quatenus veritatem. This passage has been restored from the emendation of the Most Illustrious Jacques de Billy, rejecting the translation of Gallasius, who translates: Some sent down against the truth beside right and law, introduce fables. But indeed, that he might prop up a ruinous wall with some shore, or rather that he might show himself to have failed on the very threshold, he heaped up examples to teach that the word παραπέμπεσθαι is to be taken of those who under a false pretext have been sent out against the truth itself, and as false teachers have no legitimate mission or calling, but beside reason and order have been sent out by Satan, whom this author also says παραδιδάσκειν, as by Demosthenes a false embassy is called παραπρεσβεία. And yet even the common lexicons themselves could have taught him that παραπέμπειν is the same as to spurn or to reject. Esther 13:3: Continually setting aside the decrees of the kings. Clement of Alexandria, Paedagogus 3: Bathing for the sake of pleasure is to be rejected. Gregory of Nazianzus: To be passed over in silence. Chrysostom: We reject their supplications. These things therefore had to be repeated, lest anyone assent to him, shaking at the first assault as if with a strong battering-ram the authority of the old translator: whom if he had not grudged to consult more often, he would not have depraved the translation of Cornarius with so many new errors, nor have given us this trouble, that very many things which had been altered by him should remain to be restored either from the collation of the Basel edition of Epiphanius of 1544, or from the scholia of the most learned Billy, or from our own conjecture under the guidance of the old translator. Furthermore, he said refuting the truth, just as Cicero also said: Let there be refuted and rejected that Philoctetean

Editors' notes and page, col. 1365

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running head: 1365 IN LIB. I S. IRENAEI.
marginal letters: A operam ne; B legendum φαίνεται.; C Imbecilliter. Legendum; D quod spernere,
old-edition numerals: 19 after astipulante
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: operam ne quisquam (Billy's Scholia continued), In praefationem notae ex adversariis Frontonis Ducaei; word split at end of column: Philocte-[taeus]

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ille clamor; et, non modo non aspernari, ac refutare, sed complecti.

cry; and, not only not to spurn and refute, but to embrace.

Verba falsa. Recte monet Billius addendum esse ψεύδεις post λόγους, quod tamen in ejus interpretatione, sive typographi, sive amanuensis ejus culpa praetermissum est vocabulum, in qua sic potes scribere : sermones falsos et genealogias vanas inducunt. Tametsi vetus interpres non ματαίας legisse videtur, sed ἀπεράντους, dum vertit, infinitas : ut est apud Ambrosium I ad Timoth. I, 4, Latina Vulg., genealogiis interminatis; Tertull. De praescript., cum genealogias indeterminatas nominat, Valentinus agnoscitur. Cornarius etiam vocem ψεύδεις videtur legisse : scribit enim, sermones falsos, et genealogias vanas.

Verba falsa. Rightly does Billy admonish that ψεύδεις is to be added after λόγους, which word nevertheless was omitted in his translation, whether by the fault of the printer or of his amanuensis, in which you can write thus: they bring in false speeches and vain genealogies. Although the old translator seems to have read not ματαίας, but ἀπεράντους, while he translates, endless: as it is in Ambrose on 1 Tim. 1:4, and the Latin Vulgate, with endless genealogies; and Tertullian, On Prescription, when he names indeterminate genealogies, Valentinus is recognized. Cornarius also seems to have read the word ψεύδεις: for he writes, false speeches, and vain genealogies.

Pag. 2. Vitreum in ejus contumeliam. Graece ὕαλος, vitrum, ut apud Hieronymum epist. 8 in proverbio, quod natum videtur ex hac consuetudine adulterandi gemmas : Tanti, ut dicitur, vitrum, quanti margaritum? Sed apud Tertullianum Ad martyres, cap. 4, legimus : Tanti vitreum, quanti verum margaritum? Ne in usu tantum putetur haec vox numero multitud. apud Plin. et Petron. vitrea fracta.

Page 2. Vitreum in ejus contumeliam. In Greek ὕαλος, glass, as in Jerome, Epistle 8, in the proverb which seems to have arisen from this custom of counterfeiting gems: Is glass, as the saying goes, of as much worth as a pearl? But in Tertullian, To the Martyrs, chap. 4, we read: Is a glass pearl of as much worth as a true one? Lest this word be thought to be in use only in the plural number in Pliny and Petronius, broken glassware.

Pag. 3. Rudis cum sit. Interpres legisse videtur ἀκέραιος, non ἀκεραίως; simplex cum sit, non, incorrupte, sincere : ita paulo ante, φαίνεται τοῖς ἀπειροτέροις, ut decipiat rudiores.

Page 3. Rudis cum sit. The translator seems to have read ἀκέραιος, not ἀκεραίως; since he is simple, not, uncorruptly, sincerely: so a little before, φαίνεται τοῖς ἀπειροτέροις, that it may deceive the more unskilled.

Quae est in Deum blasphemationis. Graecus liber habet, εἰς Χριστὸν βλασφημίας; vetus legisse videtur, εἰς Θεόν. Paulo ante pro ἐπεὶ μὴ πάντες τὸν ἐγκέφαλον ἐξεπτύκασιν, reddidit, quia non omnes cerebrum habent, quod priorem expositionem Billii confirmat, quasi idem sit exspuisse cerebrum, quod ingenii perspicacia praeditum esse; sive, ut monet Gallasius, ductum sit hoc genus loquendi a medicis, qui gravata humoribus capita tum errhinis, tum aliis remediis pituitam et sputa educentibus repurgare solent; sive ab iis, qui natura cerebrum non habent iis humoribus impeditum. Ideo ergo haec convincit, quia non omnes suo Marte illa deprehendere possunt; nam cum addit : Ut et tu cognoscens ea, omnibus manifesta facias; profecto videtur velle, ea cognosci portenta, ut ipsorum absurditate perspecta vitentur, ac damnentur. Ut cum quis, quod porrigitur pro gemma vitrum, noverit esse vitrum, rejicit protinus et contemnit. Irenaeus lib. I, cap. 35 : Adversus eos victoria est, sententiae eorum manifestatio. Hieron. ad Ctesiphontem : Sententias vestras prodidisse, superasse est :

Quae est in Deum blasphemationis. The Greek book has, εἰς Χριστὸν βλασφημίας; the old translator seems to have read, εἰς Θεόν. A little before, for ἐπεὶ μὴ πάντες τὸν ἐγκέφαλον ἐξεπτύκασιν, he rendered, because not all have a brain, which confirms the former exposition of Billy, as if to have spat out the brain were the same as to be endowed with perspicacity of mind; whether, as Gallasius admonishes, this manner of speaking be drawn from physicians, who are wont to purge heads weighed down with humours both by errhines and by other remedies drawing out phlegm and spittle; or from those who by nature do not have a brain hindered by those humours. Therefore he refutes these things for this reason, because not all by their own effort can detect them; for when he adds: That you also, knowing them, may make them manifest to all; assuredly he seems to wish that those portents be known, so that once their absurdity is perceived they may be shunned and condemned. Just as when someone knows that the glass which is held out for a gem is glass, he forthwith rejects and despises it. Irenaeus, Book 1, chap. 35: Victory against them is the manifestation of their opinion. Jerome, To Ctesiphon: To have disclosed your opinions is to have overcome them.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii.

Annotations of François Feuardent.

Pag. 1. D. Irenaei. Hanc vulgatam librorum D. Irenaei inscriptionem initio mihi suspectam reddiderat, non solum vetus codex manuscriptus, qui paulo diversam habet, ut in margine signavimus; verum etiam Eusebius, qui hos nominat, Ἐλέγχου καὶ ἀνατροπῆς τῆς ψευδωνύμου γνώσεως βιβλία πέντε, Reprehensionis ac eversionis falso nominatae scientiae libros quinque. Subscribunt ei Andreas Caesariensis et Arethas in cap. XVI Apocalypsis; Oecumenius quoque, Joan. Hentenio interprete, eosdem appellat, Libros adversus falso dictam sapientiam; item : Confutationem falso dictae scientiae. Sed amplius me moverat idem Irenaeus, qui praefatione in librum secundum ad hanc inscriptionem alludens, ait, se arguere falsi nominis agnitionem. Et paulo post eadem ita confirmat : Quod sit detectio et eversio sententiae ipsorum (haereticorum), operis hujus conscriptionem ita titulavimus. Rursumque praefatione in librum quartum idem ait : Hunc quartum librum transmittens tibi operis, quod est de detectione et eversione falsae cognitionis. Et iterum, ad quarti libri finem scribit : Integrum tibi opus exprobationis et eversionis falso cognominatae agnitionis, praestante Deo, praebebimus. Praefatione

Page 1. D. Irenaei. This common title of the books of St Irenaeus had at the beginning been rendered suspect to me not only by the old manuscript codex, which has it a little differently, as we have marked in the margin; but also by Eusebius, who names these, Ἐλέγχου καὶ ἀνατροπῆς τῆς ψευδωνύμου γνώσεως βιβλία πέντε, Five Books of the Refutation and Overthrow of Knowledge Falsely So Called. Andrew of Caesarea and Arethas on chap. 16 of the Apocalypse subscribe to him; Oecumenius also, with Jean Henten as translator, calls the same, Books against Wisdom Falsely So Called; likewise: Confutation of Knowledge Falsely So Called. But the same Irenaeus had moved me still more, who in the preface to the second book, alluding to this title, says that he convicts the knowledge of a false name. And a little after he confirms the same things thus: Because it is the detection and overthrow of their (the heretics') opinion, we have thus titled the composition of this work. And again in the preface to the fourth book the same says: Sending over to you this fourth book of the work which is on the detection and overthrow of false knowledge. And again, at the end of the fourth book he writes: We shall furnish to you, God granting it, the entire work of the reproof and overthrow of knowledge falsely surnamed. And finally in the preface

Editors' notes and page, col. 1366

Footnotes

(41) ‹anchor: verum etiam Eusebius› · call in col 1366

Lib. V Hist., cap. 7.

Book 5 of the History, chapter 7.

(printed under page 691)

(42) ‹anchor: eosdem appellat› · call in col 1366

In cap. II primae Petri, et in Epist. Judae.

On chapter 2 of First Peter, and on the Epistle of Jude.

(printed under page 691)

Page

running head: IN LIB. I S. IRENAEI. 1366
marginal letters: A taeus ille; B trum, quanti; C rebrum non; D πέντε, Reprehensionis
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: taeus ille clamor (Fronton du Duc's notes continued), Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii; word split at start of column: [Philocte]taeus; word split at end of column: Prae-[fatione]

PG 7:1367

denique in librum quintum ait : In hoc lib. V qui est de traductione operis universi, et eversione falso cognominatae agnitionis, etc., quibus assignata per Eusebium inscriptio dilucide probatur. Constat praeterea Irenaeum Ἔλεγχον ad librum primum, in quo haereticorum errores retegit tantum; Ἀνατροπὴν autem ad sequentes quatuor, in quibus plurimis gravissimisque disputationibus eos revincit, concinne retulisse.

to the fifth book he says: In this Book 5, which is on the exposure of the entire work, and the overthrow of knowledge falsely surnamed, etc., by which the title assigned by Eusebius is clearly proved. It is established, besides, that Irenaeus neatly referred Ἔλεγχον to the first book, in which he only uncovers the errors of the heretics; and Ἀνατροπὴν to the following four, in which he refutes them by very many and most weighty disputations.

Quia tamen pro eadem vulgata Latinaque inscriptione facit, quod apud eumdem Eusebium prius in eodem capite ita citantur Graece, ut fert vetus inscriptio : rursusque libro quarto Historiae, c. 11, idem dicit : Ταῦτα δέ φησιν ἐν τρίτῳ τῶν πρὸς αἱρέσεις, et cap. 14 : Οὕτως ἔχουσαν, ἀπὸ τοῦ τρίτου τῶν πρὸς αἱρέσεις. Haec dicit in tertio adversus haereses libro. Idemque rursum Eusebius, interprete Rufino, ejusdem libri c. 18 et 29 appellat libros Contra haereses. Insuper, Cyrillus Jerosol. Institutiones contra haereses : Hieron. quoque in Catalogo, item Theodoretus et Procopius Gazaeus interpretes, Libros contra haereses : Anastasius Nicenus, Sermones contra haereses : idem postremo Irenaeus scribit : Qui istas haereses expugnarit, caeteras omnes facile eversurum; hanc eamdem vulgatam antiquam inscriptionem etiam nunc cum vetere interprete retinendam existimo; ut Graecis fragmentis altera praefigenda esset. Haec enim eo videtur mihi elegantior, quod allusionem habeat ad Gnosticorum appellationem, simulque apostoli Pauli conveniat verbis, quibus evitandas ἀντιθέσεις τῆς ψευδωνύμου γνώσεως graviter sancteque praemonet.

Yet because it makes for the same common and Latin title that in the same Eusebius earlier in the same chapter they are thus cited in Greek, as the old title bears; and again in the fourth book of the History, chap. 11, the same says: And these things he says in the third of the books Against Heresies, and chap. 14: Being thus, from the third of the books Against Heresies. These things he says in the third book Against Heresies. And the same Eusebius again, with Rufinus as translator, in chaps. 18 and 29 of the same book calls them the books Against Heresies. Moreover, Cyril of Jerusalem calls them Institutions against Heresies; Jerome also in his Catalogue, likewise Theodoret and Procopius of Gaza in their translations, Books against Heresies; Anastasius of Nicaea, Discourses against Heresies; lastly, the same Irenaeus writes: He who has vanquished those heresies will easily overthrow all the rest; I think this same common ancient title is even now to be retained with the old translator; whereas the other would have to be prefixed to the Greek fragments. For the latter seems to me the more elegant for this reason, that it has an allusion to the appellation of the Gnostics, and at the same time agrees with the words of the Apostle Paul, whereby he gravely and holily forewarns that the oppositions of knowledge falsely so called are to be avoided (1 Tim. 6:20).

Quatenus veritatem refutantes quidam. Longum est hujus principii hyperbatum, sed huic auctori familiare, librorum praecipue initiis : nec potest hic facile deprehendi, atque in Graeco. Ego ibi tandiu lectorem suspendi membrorum multitudine, longaque illa parenthesi, ex Patrum aliquo familiari fortasse, potius quam scripto sermone arbitror, donec ad verbum praecipuum ἀναγκαῖον ἡγησάμην, veniatur. Omnino autem ἐπεί legendum esse apparet, iidemque Irenaeo sunt παραπεμπόμενοι ἀλήθειαν, qui Paulo ad Titum I, ἀποστρεφόμενοι. Fuisset igitur pura magis et facilis interpretatio si, Quoniam veritatem adversantes quidam dixisset interpres : sed venerandam et retinendam veterem interpretationem vel eo sum arbitratus, quod quae Graeca supersunt fragmenta, atque etiam integrum opus, si quando Graece in lucem prodeat, emendare, multisque locis restituere possit.

Quatenus veritatem refutantes quidam. The hyperbaton of this beginning is long, but familiar to this author, especially at the beginnings of his books: nor can it be as easily detected here as in the Greek. I think that the reader is there kept in suspense so long by the multitude of clauses, and by that long parenthesis, from some familiar discourse of the Fathers perhaps, rather than a written one, until one comes to the principal verb ἀναγκαῖον ἡγησάμην. Now it appears that ἐπεί must altogether be read, and for Irenaeus παραπεμπόμενοι ἀλήθειαν are the same as for Paul in Titus 1, ἀποστρεφόμενοι. The translation would therefore have been purer and easier if the translator had said, Since some opposing the truth: but I have judged the old translation to be revered and retained even for this reason, that it can emend and in many places restore the Greek fragments which survive, and even the entire work, if ever it should come forth into the light in Greek.

Genealogias infinitas. Inanibus Judaeorum fabulis, et genealogiis interminatis, quibus attendere prohibet Apostolus, aptissime comparat Gnosticorum deliramenta. Siquidem oracula prophetarum rabbini detorquebant ad impura somnia, quibus totum orbem longe lateque jam pervaganti apostolicae praedicationi de Christo vero Messia, tetram caliginem offunderent. Archisynagogus Trypho apud Justinum dicit, Messiam nullam potestatem habiturum, imo ne seipsum quidem agniturum, donec venerit Elias, qui unctione ipsum inauguret. Primo homini affingebant duas uxores, ait Augustinus, ex quibus genealogias infinitas texebant, et infructuosissimas quaestiones. Vaniora vero et deteriora istis audebant contra fidei nostrae praecipua capita Gnosticorum antesignani. Simon omnium horum caput, Selenen (alii vocant Helenam) quamdam sibi e prostibulo assumptam mulierculam, Minervam; se vero Jovem inter gentes; Deum Patrem inter Samaritanos; et Filium Dei apud Judaeos, autumabat : nec deerant, qui fidem dictis adhiberent. Testis est statua, quam nomini illius erexerunt

Genealogias infinitas. To the vain fables of the Jews, and endless genealogies, to which the Apostle forbids giving heed (1 Tim. 1:4), he most aptly compares the dotages of the Gnostics. Since indeed the rabbis twisted the oracles of the prophets to impure dreams, whereby they might pour a foul darkness over the apostolic preaching concerning Christ the true Messiah, which was already traversing the whole world far and wide. The ruler of the synagogue Trypho in Justin says that the Messiah will have no power, nay, will not even recognize Himself, until Elijah comes, who shall inaugurate Him with anointing. To the first man they fastened two wives, says Augustine, from whom they wove endless genealogies, and most unfruitful questions. But things vainer and worse than those did the standard-bearers of the Gnostics dare against the chief heads of our faith. Simon, the head of all these, affirmed that a certain wretched woman Selene (others call her Helena), taken to himself from a brothel, was Minerva; and that he himself was Jupiter among the nations, God the Father among the Samaritans, and the Son of God among the Jews: nor were there lacking those who gave credit to his words. A witness is the statue which to his name there erected

Editors' notes and page, col. 1367

Footnotes

(63) · call in col 1367

Catech. 16.

Catechesis 16.

(printed under page 692)

(64) · call in col 1367

Dialog. 1.

Dialogue 1.

(printed under page 692)

(65) · call in col 1367

In c. III Gen.

On chapter 3 of Genesis.

(printed under page 692)

(66) · call in col 1367

Quaestion. in Scriptur.

Questions on Scripture.

(printed under page 692)

(67) ‹anchor: infructuosissimas quaestiones› · call in col 1367

Lib. II Cont. advers. legis, cap. 1.

Book 2 Against the Adversary of the Law, chapter 1.

(printed under page 692)

(68) · call in col 1367

Justinus Apolog. 2.

Justin, Apology 2.

(printed under page 692)

(69) · call in col 1367

August. lib. de Haer.

Augustine, book On Heresies.

(printed under page 692)

Page

running head: 1367 VARIORUM NOTAE
marginal letters: A fatione denique; B in Catalogo,; C liari fortasse,; D ginem offunderent.
old-edition numerals: 20 after capita
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: fatione denique (Feuardent's annotations continued); word split at start of column: [Prae]fatione; word split at end of column: erexe-[runt]

PG 7:1368

Romani, cum hac inscriptione : SIMONI DEO SANCTO. Testis et Nero imperator, qui in ejus gratiam Petrum apostolum neci tradidit. Nicolaitarum impuritates, Ophitarum idolomaniae, Carpocratis foeditates, Caineorum impietates, et Marcionis blasphemiae, Judaica commenta multis parasangis antevertebant. Quid utilitatis conferebant Basilidis, et Valentini conjugationes Aeonum, Profundi, Silentii, Pleromatis, Syncraseos, Propatoris fabulae, ogdoadum, decadum et duodecadum omnibus labyrintis inextricabiliores anfractus? Isthaec igitur, et caetera id genus portenta merito aversari docemur.

the Romans, with this inscription: TO SIMON THE HOLY GOD. A witness also is the Emperor Nero, who for his sake delivered Peter the Apostle to death. The impurities of the Nicolaitans, the idol-madnesses of the Ophites, the foulnesses of Carpocrates, the impieties of the Cainites, and the blasphemies of Marcion outstripped the Jewish figments by many parasangs. What profit did the conjugations of Aeons of Basilides and Valentinus bring, the fables of the Deep, of Silence, of the Pleroma, of Syncrasis, of the Propator, the windings of ogdoads, decades, and duodecades more inextricable than all labyrinths? Those things, therefore, and the other portents of that kind we are deservedly taught to turn away from.

Pag. 2. Exercitata. Ita vetus codex : delevimus autem, exercita. Vult vero artem persuadendi, qua in nassam suam multos pertrahebant Gnostici, veteratorie instructam, et non nisi ad fraudem ab illis comparatam fuisse.

Page 2. Exercitata. Thus the old codex: and we have deleted exercita. Now he means that the art of persuading, whereby the Gnostics drew many into their snare, was craftily furnished, and prepared by them only for deceit.

Verba Domini. Delevimus verbum, auctoritate veteris cod. cui consentit lectio Graeca apud Epiph. τὰ λόγια habens.

Verba Domini. We have deleted verbum, by the authority of the old codex, with which the Greek reading in Epiphanius agrees, having τὰ λόγια.

Interpretatores mali. Errores non ex sacrarum Litterarum fonte, sed perversarum interpretationum lacunis hauriri ostendit : qua de re Vigilius martyr lib. II Contra Eutychen his verbis conqueritur : Origo cunctarum impietatum haec est, dum coelestium dictorum virtus, vitio malae intelligentiae temerata, non secundum qualitatem sui sensus perpenditur, sed in alias res pro arbitrio legentis, secus quam veri ratio postulat, derivatur. Et post pauca : Maxime dolendum, hominem inde impium fieri, unde alius pius exsistit : inde miserabiles captivitatis sortiri aerumnas, unde libertas acquiritur. Nunquam igitur nos terreant, aut sibi blandiantur, ait Hieronymus, si de Scripturarum capitulis, sibi videntur affirmare quod dicunt : cum et diabolus de Scripturis aliqua sit locutus, et Scripturae non in legendo consistant, sed in intelligendo.

Interpretatores mali. He shows that errors are drawn not from the fountain of the Sacred Letters, but from the ditches of perverse interpretations: concerning which matter Vigilius the Martyr in Book 2 Against Eutyches complains in these words: The origin of all impieties is this, while the virtue of the heavenly sayings, defiled by the vice of evil understanding, is weighed not according to the quality of its own sense, but is diverted to other things according to the pleasure of the reader, otherwise than the reason of truth demands. And after a few words: It is most to be lamented that a man becomes impious from the very source whence another becomes pious: that from there he obtains the miserable hardships of captivity, whence liberty is acquired. Let them never therefore terrify us, or flatter themselves, says Jerome, if from chapters of the Scriptures they seem to themselves to affirm what they say: since the devil also spoke some things from the Scriptures, and the Scriptures consist not in reading, but in understanding.

Per verborum artem. Expunximus, per bonorum morem, alias, mortem, quod supposuerat Erasmus, qui si Epiphanium consuluisset, ab eo legendum esse didicisset, διὰ λόγων τέχνης : consentit Epiphanio vetus cod. Porro, loci hujus optimus interpres erit Tertullianus scribens, illos errones importune inculcasse illud : Quaerite et invenietis; quo anxia curiositate Catholicorum animos, spreta Ecclesiae doctrina, ad investigandum alium Deum, retroactis saeculis ignotum concitarent, et sic eos in casses suas pertraherent. At nobis, infit ille, curiositate opus non est post Christum Jesum, nec inquisitione post Evangelium. Caeterum, si quaerere debemus, quando finis quaerendi? Ubi statio credendi? Ubi expunctio inveniendi? Apud Marcionem? Sed et Valentinus proponit : Quaerite et invenietis. Apud Valentinum? Sed et Apelles hac me pronuntiatione pulsavit, et Ebion, et Simon, et omnes ex ordine non habent aliud quo se mihi insinuantes, me sibi adducant, etc. Observandum, haereticos sinuosi anguis illius halitum spirantes, variarum quaestionum machinis, simpliciorum mentes perpetuo pulsasse. Quare, et Quomodo, Judaica vocabula continue occinentes : quae a fidei rebus procul releganda, ante Theophylactum, et Cyrillum Alex. multis saeculis docuit Justinus martyr lib. De Trinit.

Per verborum artem. We have expunged per bonorum morem, otherwise mortem, which Erasmus had substituted, who, if he had consulted Epiphanius, would have learned from him that one must read διὰ λόγων τέχνης: the old codex agrees with Epiphanius. Furthermore, the best interpreter of this passage will be Tertullian, writing that those vagabonds importunately inculcated that saying: Seek and you shall find (Matt. 7:7); whereby with anxious curiosity they might stir up the minds of Catholics, spurning the doctrine of the Church, to investigate another God unknown in bygone ages, and so draw them into their nets. But for us, says he, there is no need of curiosity after Christ Jesus, nor of inquisition after the Gospel. For the rest, if we must seek, when is the end of seeking? Where is the halting-place of believing? Where is the completion of finding? With Marcion? But Valentinus also propounds: Seek and you shall find. With Valentinus? But Apelles also battered me with this pronouncement, and Ebion, and Simon, and all in order have nothing else whereby insinuating themselves to me, they may draw me to themselves, etc. It is to be observed that the heretics, breathing the breath of that winding serpent, perpetually battered the minds of the simpler with the engines of various questions, continually chanting Why and How, Jewish words: which must be banished far from matters of faith, as Justin Martyr in the book On the Trinity taught many centuries before Theophylact and Cyril of Alexandria.

In eo quod blasphemam. Viginti tres has voces, veteris cod. auctoritate, et Graecorum miro consensu restituimus : delevimus autem, iniqui, et impiam sententiam ipsorum factam non ostendunt.

In eo quod blasphemam. These twenty-three words, by the authority of the old codex and with the wonderful agreement of the Greek copies, we have restored: and we have deleted, iniqui, et impiam sententiam ipsorum factam non ostendunt.

Quemadmodum a meliore nobis. Observavit pridem Eusebius lib. V Hist. Irenaeum cujusdam viri apostolici, cujus nomen reticet, sermonum frequenter meminisse : quod ex cap. 2 libri hujus, 19 et 35 tertii, et 45 quarti, clarum est. Quis autem

Quemadmodum a meliore nobis. Eusebius observed long ago in Book 5 of the History that Irenaeus frequently remembered the discourses of a certain apostolic man, whose name he keeps silent: which is clear from chap. 2 of this book, 19 and 35 of the third, and 45 of the fourth. But who

Editors' notes and page, col. 1368

Footnotes

(70) ‹anchor: ait Hieronymus› · call in col 1368

Apolog. contra Lucil.

Apology against Lucil[ferians?] (as printed: "Lucil.").

(printed under page 692)

(71) ‹anchor: erit Tertullianus› · call in col 1368

Lib. Praescript.

Book of Prescription [against heretics].

(printed under page 692)

(72) ‹anchor: et Cyrillum Alex.› · call in col 1368

In VI c. Joan.

On chapter 6 of John.

(printed under page 692)

Page

running head: VARIORUM NOTAE 1368
marginal letters: A runt Romani,; B veteris cod.; C Per verborum; D sibi adducant,
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: runt Romani (Feuardent's annotations continued); word split at start of column: [erexe]runt; word split at end of column: au-[tem]
other: the word autem was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 1369

PG 7:1369

ille sit, cum Eusebii acerrimum judicium fugerit, non a me exspectes. Id tantum ausim affirmare, nusquam illa quae recitat, in publicatis libris eorum, quae aetatem illius praecesserunt, inveniri. Perspicis interea, B. hunc martyrem, non tantum scripta, sed et tradita a Patribus, adversus haereses producere.

that man may be, since he escaped the most keen judgement of Eusebius, you must not expect from me. This only I would dare to affirm, that nowhere are those things which he recites found in the published books of those things which preceded his age. Meanwhile you perceive that this blessed martyr brings forward against heresies not only things written, but also things handed down by the Fathers.

Caeterum, non solus Irenaeus, sed et Tertullianus aperte notat, Valentinianos non aperte aut candide proposita sua praedicasse; sed multis strophis et ambagibus occultasse. Nihil magis curant, inquit, quam occultare quod praedicant, si tamen praedicant, qui occultant. Deinde, illa comparans cum Eleusiniis gentilium sacris, quae ob sui foeditatem occultabantur, subdit, istos sanctis nominibus et titulis, et argumentis verae religionis vanissima atque turpissima figmenta sua configurasse, etc.

For the rest, not only Irenaeus, but also Tertullian openly notes that the Valentinians did not preach their tenets openly or candidly, but concealed them with many tricks and evasions. They care for nothing more, says he, than to conceal what they preach, if indeed they preach who conceal. Next, comparing those things with the Eleusinian rites of the Gentiles, which were concealed on account of their foulness, he adds that those men fashioned their most vain and most shameful figments after the holy names and titles and arguments of true religion, etc.

Pag. 3. Ne forte et cum nostro delicto. Ecclesiarum pastores Dominicae illius comminationis submonere videtur, qua sanguis pereuntium de manibus illorum reposcetur : cujus terror querulosas et uberioribus lacrymis interlitas voces has excussit Augustino, cum in consortium episcopatus vocaretur a Valerio : Nihil apud Deum miserius, tristius et damnabilius, episcopi, presbyteri, aut diaconi officio, si perfunctorie res agatur. Sacer Ignatius scribit, episcopum non tam sui ipsius esse, quam aliorum. Hinc eligendus Ambrosius, fugam meditatur; Ammonius aurem sibi amputat; Synesius hoc ministerio multas praeeligit mortes; sese occultat Basilius magnus; Chrysostomus, quantum potest onus detrectat; et quidam apud B. Hieronymum formidat, ne de damnatorum numero esset, si episcopus fuisset. Horrendum illud fulgur, nunc a multis inane spectrum existimari videtur.

Page 3. Ne forte et cum nostro delicto. He seems to remind the pastors of the Churches of that threatening of the Lord, whereby the blood of the perishing will be required from their hands (Ezek. 3:18): the terror of which struck out from Augustine, when he was called into the fellowship of the episcopate by Valerius, these plaintive words smeared with abundant tears: Nothing before God is more miserable, more sad, and more damnable than the office of a bishop, presbyter, or deacon, if the matter be done perfunctorily. Sacred Ignatius writes that a bishop belongs not so much to himself as to others. Hence Ambrose, when about to be elected, meditates flight; Ammonius cuts off his own ear; Synesius chooses many deaths before this ministry; Basil the Great hides himself; Chrysostom declines the burden as much as he can; and a certain man in Blessed Jerome dreads lest he should be of the number of the damned if he had been a bishop. That horrendous lightning-bolt seems now by many to be esteemed an empty spectre.

Ovilis pellis. Nisi legas ovillae, id est ovinae (est enim utrumque usitatum) soloecismus est : habet tamen ovilis vetus cod.

Ovilis pellis. Unless you read ovillae, that is, of a sheep (for both are in use), it is a solecism: yet the old codex has ovilis.

Caeterum, hunc Irenaei locum egregie aemulatum ac interpretatum esse existimo Cyrillum Hierosol. Catechesi quarta, his ex interprete verbis : quae etiam sequentem illustrabunt notam. Imitatur virtutem improbitas, et zizania contendit triticum videri : quod quidem specie quadam tritico assimilatur, gustu autem a sentientibus facile discernitur. Et diabolus quoque transformatur in angelum lucis, ut homines caecitatis caligine, et incredulitatis pestilentia irretiat. Multi lupi obambulant in vestimentis ovium, et vestes quidem ovium nanciscuntur : sed non ungues aut dentes. Ac pelle quidem mansueta induti, specie probitatis decipiunt : perniciosum vero venenum ex dentibus emittunt. Opus est igitur divina gratia, et sobria mente, et vigilantibus oculis, ne zizaniis pro tritico vescentes, imprudenter pereamus; neve lupum existimantes esse ovem, capiamur; neve perditorem nostrum diabolum, bonum esse angelum putantes, deglutiamur. Ad id etiam spectat, quod Cyprianus martyr refert Novatianos haereticos, luporum more, tenebrosam caliginem optasse, qua facile possent ferina sua crudelitate oves a pastoribus direptas, tenebrosis speluncis suis laniare. De hisque ac similibus Dominum praedixisse : multos rapaces lupos esse venturos sub pellibus ovium. Et alibi scribit, hujusmodi animarum proditores mentiri ut fallant, blandiri ut noceant, bona promittere ut malum tribuant, et vitam polliceri ut perimant; Epistola ad plebem, de quinque presbyteris schismaticis. Legatur et Chrysostomus, tomo primo, homilia de jejuniis et Geneseos lectione.

For the rest, I think that Cyril of Jerusalem in his fourth Catechesis excellently emulated and interpreted this passage of Irenaeus, in these words from the translator, which will also illustrate the following note: Wickedness imitates virtue, and the tares strive to seem wheat: which indeed by a certain appearance is assimilated to wheat, but by taste is easily discerned by those who have sense. And the devil also transforms himself into an angel of light (2 Cor. 11:14), that he may ensnare men in the darkness of blindness and the pestilence of unbelief. Many wolves walk about in sheep's clothing (Matt. 7:15), and they obtain indeed the garments of sheep, but not the claws or teeth. And clad indeed in a gentle skin, they deceive by the appearance of probity; but they send forth a pernicious poison from their teeth. There is need therefore of divine grace, and a sober mind, and watchful eyes, lest feeding on tares for wheat we imprudently perish; or thinking the wolf to be a sheep, we be caught; or thinking our destroyer the devil to be a good angel, we be swallowed up. To this also looks that which Cyprian the Martyr relates, that the Novatian heretics, after the manner of wolves, wished for gloomy darkness, wherein by their beastly cruelty they might easily tear to pieces in their dark caves the sheep snatched away from the shepherds; and that of these and the like the Lord foretold that many ravenous wolves would come under sheep's skins. And elsewhere he writes that such betrayers of souls lie that they may deceive, flatter that they may harm, promise good things that they may bestow evil, and promise life that they may destroy; in the Epistle to the People, concerning five schismatic presbyters. Let Chrysostom also be read, in the first tome, in the homily on fasts and the reading of Genesis.

Similia quidem nobis loquentes: Et aliam fraudem

Similia quidem nobis loquentes. And another fraud

Editors' notes and page, col. 1369

Footnotes

(73) · call in col 1369 (call above the rendered foot; column inferred)

L. adv. Valent., cap. 1.

Book Against the Valentinians, chapter 1.

(printed under page 693)

(74) · call in col 1369 (call above the rendered foot; column inferred)

Epist. 148.

Letter 148.

(printed under page 693)

(75) · call in col 1369 (call above the rendered foot; column inferred)

Epist. 1.

Letter 1.

(printed under page 693)

(76) · call in col 1369 (call above the rendered foot; column inferred)

Paul. in Vit. Ambros.

Paulinus, in the Life of Ambrose.

(printed under page 693)

(77) · call in col 1369 (call above the rendered foot; column inferred)

Niceph. l. II,

Nicephorus, book 2,

(printed under page 693)

(78) ‹anchor: Basilius magnus› · call in col 1369

Epist. 2.

Letter 2.

(printed under page 693)

(79) ‹anchor: onus detrectat› · call in col 1369

Chrysost. lib. de Sacer.

Chrysostom, book On the Priesthood.

(printed under page 693)

(80) ‹anchor: si episcopus fuisset› · call in col 1369

In Reg. mon.

In the Rule for monks.

(printed under page 693)

(81) ‹anchor: Cyprianus martyr refert› · call in col 1369

Epist. ad Novatianum.

Letter to Novatian.

(printed under page 693)

Page

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marginal letters: A tem ille; B bus illorum; C Caeterum, hunc; D spectat, quod
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: tem ille sit (Feuardent's annotations continued); word split at start of column: [au]tem; word split at end of column: frau-[dem]
other: the word fraudem was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 1370

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Gnosticorum retegit, qua prima verborum specie, cum orthodoxis facere videbantur; reipsa tamen simpliciorum oculos, praestigiatorum instar, tantum perstringebant, longe diversa sentientes. Cavendum semper igitur ab haereticis, ne incautis imponant, quia quando urgeri coeperint, aut scribendum illis fuerit, ait Hieronymus, miras strophas videas : sic verba temperant, sic ordinem vertunt, et ambigua quaeque concinnant, ut et nostra, et adversariorum confessionem teneant, ut aliter haereticus, aliter catholicus audiat. Pelagianos hujus fraudis ita reos agit idem : Aliud audiunt cubiculorum secreta, aliud rostrorum populi, etc. Quam strenue hoc idem praestent inter posteriorum Gnosticorum sectas sacramentarii, nemo nescit. Vocibus quidem, Deum omnipotentem esse; verae carnis Christi substantiam nobis offerri; Christum ad inferos descendisse; et alia permulta nobiscum credere se fingunt : interpretationibus vero pugnantibus et plane blasphemis adjectis, vanissimos et perniciosissimos se ostendunt illusores. Fides vero pura, scribit idem Hieronymus, non quaerit strophas : quod simpliciter creditur, simpliciter confitendum est. Et Tertullianus Contra Valentinianos : Nihil veritas erubescit, nisi tantum abscondi.

of the Gnostics he uncovers, whereby at the first appearance of their words they seemed to side with the orthodox; yet in reality, like jugglers, they only dazzled the eyes of the simpler, holding far different sentiments. One must therefore always beware of heretics, lest they impose upon the unwary, because when they begin to be pressed, or have to write, says Jerome, you may see wonderful tricks: so do they temper their words, so do they turn the order, and contrive all ambiguous things, that they hold the confession both of ours and of the adversaries, so that the heretic hears it one way, the Catholic another. The Pelagians the same arraigns as guilty of this fraud thus: The secrets of the bedchambers hear one thing, the peoples of the rostra another, etc. How strenuously the sacramentarians among the sects of the later Gnostics perform this same thing, no one is ignorant. In words indeed they feign that they believe with us that God is almighty; that the substance of the true flesh of Christ is offered to us; that Christ descended into hell; and very many other things: but by adding repugnant and plainly blasphemous interpretations, they show themselves most vain and most pernicious mockers. But pure faith, writes the same Jerome, seeks not tricks: what is simply believed must be simply confessed. And Tertullian, Against the Valentinians: Truth blushes at nothing, except only at being hidden.

Cum legerim commentarios ipsorum. Non solum ergo Valentinus haeresiarcha quaedam scriptis evulgavit, velut Evangelium, Psalmos, et Sophiam, ut est apud Tertullianum, Clementem Alexandr. ac Epiphanium, verum etiam discipulos habuit polygraphos, quorum commentarios post Irenaeum se legisse profitetur Tertullianus libro De carne Christi, cap. 15, 16, 17 et 20. An vero lectio librorum haereticorum quibusvis permittenda sit, discutiemus postea.

Cum legerim commentarios ipsorum. Not only therefore did Valentinus the heresiarch publish certain things in writing, such as a Gospel, Psalms, and Sophia, as is found in Tertullian, Clement of Alexandria, and Epiphanius, but he also had prolific disciples, whose commentaries Tertullianus professes to have read after Irenaeus, in the book On the Flesh of Christ, chaps. 15, 16, 17, and 20. Whether indeed the reading of the books of heretics is to be permitted to anyone whatsoever, we shall discuss afterwards.

Qui sunt citra Ptolemaeum. De hoc plura refert idem Irenaeus ad finem capitis primi libri primi : item libro secundo capite quarto et quadragesimo, Tertullianus sub calcem libri praescribit eum cum Valentino per omnia sensisse, adjectis tantum octo novis Aeonibus ad triginta, et negando Aeonem tricesimum excessisse de Pleromate. Ejusdem rursum meminit libro Adversus Valent., cap. quarto, octavo et duodecimo. Nicetas Choniates libro quarto Thesauri orthodoxiae, cap. quinto, testatur hunc Bytho, quem Deum vocabat, duas affinxisse conjuges, Ennoeam seu cogitationem, et Thelema seu voluntatem. Insuper, epistola ad Floram (quam transcripsit Epiphanius) in Moysis legem invectum solum Decalogum, veluti a Deo datum hominibus, admittendum esse. Hujus porro errores post Irenaeum, solide refellunt Epiphanius, Euthymius, Nicetas, et Theodorus Scutariotes.

Qui sunt citra Ptolemaeum. Concerning this man the same Irenaeus relates more things at the end of the first chapter of the first book: likewise in the second book, in the fourth and fortieth chapters. Tertullian towards the end of his book On Prescription writes that he agreed in all things with Valentinus, having only added eight new Aeons to the thirty, and denying that the thirtieth Aeon departed from the Pleroma. He mentions the same man again in the book Against the Valentinians, in the fourth, eighth, and twelfth chapters. Nicetas Choniates in the fourth book of the Treasury of Orthodoxy, in the fifth chapter, testifies that to Bythus, whom he called God, he fastened two consorts, Ennoea or thought, and Thelema or will; moreover, that in the epistle to Flora (which Epiphanius transcribed), having inveighed against the law of Moses, he held that only the Decalogue, as given by God to men, is to be admitted. Furthermore, the errors of this man, after Irenaeus, are solidly refuted by Epiphanius, Euthymius, Nicetas, and Theodore Scutariotes.

Ostendemus. Quia Graeca vox ἀπαγγελοῦμεν, est futuri temporis, et ita legit vetus codex, loco dejecimus ostendimus.

Ostendemus. Because the Greek word ἀπαγγελοῦμεν is of the future tense, and so the old codex reads, we have cast out ostendimus from its place.

Et aliis occasiones dabimus. Cupit omnes alios qui scribendi et dicendi arte pollebant, suo exemplo adversus haereticos decertare, et nullo pacto in eorum sceleribus maximis connivere. Gloriatur Hieronymus se nunquam haereticis pepercisse, sed omni egisse studio, ut hostes Ecclesiae, sui quoque fierent, in prooemio Dialogi contra Pelagian. Hortatur idem Augustinum, ad eum data epistola, pro signo maximae gloriae ducere, quod eum omnes haeretici detestarentur, secumque pari odio prosequerentur, ut quos gladiis nequibant, votis saltem interficerent.

Et aliis occasiones dabimus. He desires all others who were strong in the art of writing and speaking, by his example to contend earnestly against the heretics, and in no way to connive at their greatest crimes. Jerome glories that he never spared heretics, but acted with all zeal that the enemies of the Church might also become his own, in the preface of the Dialogue against the Pelagians. The same exhorts Augustine, in an epistle given to him, to count it as a sign of the greatest glory that all the heretics detested him, and pursued him with an equal hatred as himself, so that those whom they could not slay with swords, they might at least slay with wishes.

Neque scribere consueti. Non inepte forsan quis ex hoc divinare posset, hos quinque libros primum esse fetum Irenaei, quem sub annum Christi centesimum octogesimum, pontificatus vero Eleutherii

Neque scribere consueti. Not absurdly perhaps could someone divine from this that these five books are the first offspring of Irenaeus, which about the one hundred and eightieth year of Christ, and the second of the pontificate of Pope Eleutherius,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1370

Footnotes

(82) · call in col 1370 (call above the rendered foot; column inferred)

Epist. ad Oceanum et Pamma.

Letter to Oceanus and Pamma[chius].

(printed under page 693)

(83) · call in col 1370 (call above the rendered foot; column inferred)

Epist. ad Ctesiphontem.

Letter to Ctesiphon.

(printed under page 693)

(84) · call in col 1370 (call above the rendered foot; column inferred)

Epist. ad Theophilum.

Letter to Theophilus.

(printed under page 693)

(85) · call in col 1370 (call above the rendered foot; column inferred)

Lib. Praescrip.

Book of Prescription [against heretics].

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(86) · call in col 1370 (call above the rendered foot; column inferred)

Lib. II Strom.

Book 2 of the Stromata.

(printed under page 693)

Page

running head: IN LIB. I S. IRENAEI. 1370
marginal letters: A dem Gnosticorum; B gnantibus et; C cum Valentino; D plo adversus
old-edition numerals: 21 after secundo
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papae secundum, emiserit adversus Valentinum : antequam in Florinum et Blastum ejusdem impietatis sectatores stylum acueret.

he sent forth against Valentinus: before he sharpened his pen against Florinus and Blastus, followers of the same impiety.

Pag. 4. Non autem exquires a nobis. Observa, Patres veritati et simplicitati, magis quam eloquentiae studuisse. Hinc Cyprianus epist. ad Donatum : In concione pro rostris, opulenta facundia volubili ambitione jactetur; cum autem de Deo vox est, vocis pura sinceritas non eloquentiae viribus nititur ad fidei argumenta, sed rebus. Et Augustinus, quarto De doctrina Christian., cap. decimo quinto : Agat doctor Ecclesiae, quantum potest, ut intelligenter, ut libenter, ut obedienter audiatur : et haec se posse, pietate magis orationum, quam oratorum facultate non dubitet, ut orando pro se, ac pro illis quos est allocuturus, sit orator, antequam doctor.

Page 4. Non autem exquires a nobis. Observe that the Fathers studied truth and simplicity rather than eloquence. Hence Cyprian in the epistle to Donatus: In an assembly before the rostra, let opulent eloquence be vaunted with voluble ambition; but when the speech is of God, the pure sincerity of speech relies for the arguments of faith not on the powers of eloquence, but on things. And Augustine, in the fourth book On Christian Doctrine, fifteenth chapter: Let the teacher of the Church strive, as much as he can, that he be heard intelligently, willingly, and obediently: and let him not doubt that he can do these things more by the piety of prayers than by the faculty of orators, so that by praying for himself, and for those whom he is about to address, he may be a man of prayer before he is a teacher.

Qui apud Celtas. Plinius libro quarto, cap. decimo septimo, scribit Galliae Comatae tertiam partem Celticam et Lugdunensem vocari, eam nimirum quae est inter Sequanam et Garumnam. De his infra libro primo, capite tertio, adnot. 5, et apud Tertul. lib. De anima cap. 57, item Strabonem, Pomponium, Caesarem, etc.

Qui apud Celtas. Pliny in the fourth book, seventeenth chapter, writes that the third part of Gallia Comata is called Celtica and Lugdunensis, that namely which is between the Seine and the Garonne. Concerning these see below in the first book, third chapter, note 5, and in Tertullian, in the book On the Soul, chap. 57, likewise Strabo, Pomponius, Caesar, etc.

Idiotice. Id est, vulgari more, vel forsan rectius, privatim : ut referatur ad pronomen tibi.

Idiotice. That is, in the common manner, or perhaps more rightly, privately: so that it may be referred to the pronoun to you.

Et in latitudine sensus tui. Apertius : Et pro ingenii tui fecunditate, quae paucis a nobis dicta sunt, uberiora longe facies.

Et in latitudine sensus tui. More clearly: And according to the fruitfulness of your mind, the things which have been said by us in a few words you will make far fuller.

Subministrationem dare. Graece ἐφόδια δοῦναι, eleganter dicimus, viaticum praebere. Hic idem quod ἀφορμήν, opitulationem, auxilium, aut subsidium significat.

Subministrationem dare. In Greek ἐφόδια δοῦναι, we elegantly say, to furnish provision for a journey. Here it signifies the same as ἀφορμήν, aid, help, or support.

Ex Joannis Ernesti Grabii adnotationibus in praefationem libri I.

From the annotations of Johann Ernst Grabe on the preface of Book 1.

Pag. 2. Ὑψηλότερόν τι. Tertullianus lib. Contra Valentinianos cap. 1 : Concreto vultu, suspenso supercilio, Altum est, aiunt.

Page 2. Ὑψηλότερόν τι. Tertullian, in the book Against the Valentinians, chap. 1: With a set countenance and raised eyebrow, It is deep, they say.

Ἔχοντες ἐπιδεῖξαι. Habentes ostendere. Saepius occurret in hoc libro haec loquendi forma (quae plane Graeca est) habere pro posse. De hac igitur sat erit hoc initio admonuisse. GALLAS.

Ἔχοντες ἐπιδεῖξαι. Having to show. More often in this book will occur this form of speaking (which is plainly Greek), to have for to be able. Concerning this, therefore, it will be enough to have admonished at this beginning. GALLASIUS.

Ἀπιθάνως. Est hic elegans antithesis inter πιθανῶς et ἀπιθάνως, quam non expressit vetus interpres, dum posterius verbum in generali accipiens significatione reddidit male. Idem autem est ac si diceret : Probabili quidem ratione niti videri possunt, dum homines imperitos et minime malos incitant ad inquirendum; quis enim vetet inquirere de iis, quae nos scire oportet? praesertim cum dicat Christus : Quaerite et invenietis. Sed nulla probabili ratione excusare possunt, quod inquirendi modum excedentes, perdunt eos, quos ad impietatem et horrendas blasphemias impellunt.

Ἀπιθάνως. There is here an elegant antithesis between πιθανῶς and ἀπιθάνως, which the old translator did not express, while taking the latter word in a general signification he rendered it badly. Now it is the same as if he were to say: They can indeed seem to rest on a probable reason, while they incite unskilled and by no means evil men to inquiring; for who would forbid to inquire concerning those things which it behoves us to know? especially since Christ says: Seek and you shall find (Matt. 7:7). But by no probable reason can they excuse the fact that, exceeding the measure of inquiring, they destroy those whom they impel to impiety and horrendous blasphemies.

Pag. 3. Ὅμοια μὲν λαλοῦντας, etc. Ita et Tertullianus Contra Valentinianos cap. 1 : Si subtiliter tentes, inquit de illis, per ambiguitates bilingues communem fidem affirmant. Et paulo ante : Sanctis nominibus, et titulis, et argumentis verae religionis, vanissima atque turpissima figmenta configurantes.

Page 3. Ὅμοια μὲν λαλοῦντας, etc. So also Tertullian, Against the Valentinians, chap. 1: If you test them subtly, says he concerning them, through two-tongued ambiguities they affirm the common faith. And a little before: Fashioning their most vain and most shameful figments after the holy names, and titles, and arguments of true religion.

Μὴ πάντες τὸν ἐγκέφαλον ἐξεπτύκασιν. Interpres male ἐσχήκασιν. Caeterum haec phrasis dupliciter exponi potest, vel de illis, qui pravis humoribus per sputa ejectis defaecatum habent cerebrum, ita ut res obscurissimas perspicere queant; vel de iis, qui nimis purgantur, adeo ut et superfluos humores, et ipsum cerebrum exspuant, iisque competat proverbium : ἐγκέφαλον οὐκ ἔχει, caret sensu. Priori modo Gallasius vult ironice ab Irenaeo dictum, non omnes tanta perspicacia praeditos esse, ut in profunda Valentinianorum mysteria penetrare queant. Quam expositionem Billius quoque se probare profitetur, cum tamen reapse posteriorem sequatur, mihi omnino genuinam visam. Serio nempe Irenaeus ait, non omnes portentosa haereticorum commenta admittere, quod non omnes cerebrum exspuerint,

Μὴ πάντες τὸν ἐγκέφαλον ἐξεπτύκασιν. The translator badly read ἐσχήκασιν. For the rest, this phrase can be expounded in two ways, either of those who, with depraved humours cast out through spittle, have their brain refined, so that they are able to see through the most obscure matters; or of those who are purged too much, so that they spit out both superfluous humours and the brain itself, and to them applies the proverb: ἐγκέφαλον οὐκ ἔχει, he lacks sense. In the former way Gallasius wishes it to be said ironically by Irenaeus, that not all are endowed with such great perspicacity as to be able to penetrate into the profound mysteries of the Valentinians. Which exposition Billy also professes to approve, although in reality he follows the latter, which seems to me altogether genuine. Seriously, namely, Irenaeus says that not all admit the portentous figments of the heretics, because not all have spat out their brain,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1371

Footnotes

(87) ‹anchor: Quaerite et invenietis› · call in col 1371

Matth. VII, 7.

Matthew 7:7.

(printed under page 694)

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marginal letters: A papae secundum,; B libro primo,; C plane Graeca; D nominibus, et
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sed plurimi integrum sanumque habeant caput.

but very many have a whole and sound head.

Μήτε συγγράφειν εἰθισμένοι. Solerter inde collegit Feuard. hos Contra haereses libros primum Irenaei opus esse. Caeterum notanda hic verba scholiastae in initium lib. I Thucydidis : Συγγράψαι, τὸ μετ' ἐπιμελείας καὶ σπουδαίως συντάξαι, γράψαι δὲ καὶ τὸ ἁπλῶς καὶ μὴ ἐπιμελῶς τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἀνευρεῖν. Atque hinc paulo post δυνάμει συγγραφέως se destitutum ait Irenaeus.

Μήτε συγγράφειν εἰθισμένοι. Shrewdly thence did Feuardent gather that these books Against Heresies are the first work of Irenaeus. For the rest, here are to be noted the words of the scholiast on the beginning of Book I of Thucydides: Συγγράψαι is to compose with care and earnestly, whereas γράψαι is also simply and not carefully to find out the truth. And hence a little after Irenaeus says that he is destitute of the power of a writer (δυνάμει συγγραφέως).

Pag. 4. Κελτοῖς. Ita recte in Petaviana editione Epiphanii legitur pro Δελφοῖς, quod erat in Basileensi, indeque in editiones Irenaei transcriptum. Caeterum Celtas istius Galliae partis incolas dictos fuisse, in qua est urbs Lugdunensis, cujus episcopus fuit S. Irenaeus, ex Caesaris lib. I Commentariorum, et Plinii lib. IV, cap. 17, constat, vulgares geographos ut taceam.

Page 4. Κελτοῖς. Thus rightly is it read in the Petavian edition of Epiphanius for Δελφοῖς, which was in the Basel edition, and transcribed thence into the editions of Irenaeus. For the rest, that the inhabitants of that part of Gaul in which is the city of Lyons, of which St Irenaeus was bishop, were called Celts, is established from Book I of Caesar's Commentaries, and Book IV, chap. 17 of Pliny, to pass over the common geographers in silence.

Συγγραφέως. De hac voce vide Suidam, ac Harpocrat. et in hunc Valesii notas. Caeterum titulum συγγραφέως, quem auctor noster sibi sumere modeste recusavit, eidem merito alii ascripserunt : sic in ms. cod. 22, in archivo Bodleiano B. quaedam citantur ἐξ ἑτέρου βιβλίου Εἰρηναίου συγγραφέως, suo loco recitanda.

Συγγραφέως. Concerning this word see Suidas, and Harpocration, and the notes of Valesius on him. For the rest, the title of συγγραφέως, which our author modestly refused to take to himself, others deservedly ascribed to him: thus in MS codex 22, in the Bodleian archive B, certain things are cited from another book of Irenaeus the writer (ἐξ ἑτέρου βιβλίου Εἰρηναίου συγγραφέως), to be recited in their proper place.

Ἰδιωτικῶς. Haec vox vel significat privatim, id est seorsim; vel vulgariter, id est ruditer, sine exteriori ornatu. Priorem significationem praefert Feuard. spectans id quod sequitur : tibi scripta sunt; ego posteriorem, quod praecedentibus verbis, ad quae apte refertur, magis congruat.

Ἰδιωτικῶς. This word signifies either privately, that is, apart; or commonly, that is, rudely, without outward ornament. Feuardent prefers the former signification, looking to that which follows: they have been written for you; I prefer the latter, because it agrees better with the preceding words, to which it is aptly referred.

Ex adnotationibus Nicolai Gallasii in cap. 1.

From the annotations of Nicolas des Gallars on chap. 1.

Pag. 31. Quicunque in saeculo est, et uxorem non amat. Locus hic, quia difficilis est, indiget explicatione. Ac primum notanda est illa differentia quam statuebant Valentiniani inter εἶναι ἐν κόσμῳ et ἀπὸ κόσμου. Dicebant enim se in mundo esse, sed non de mundo, propterea quod spirituales erant, neque corrumpi vitiis et sordibus hujus mundi, etiamsi in iis mergerentur, quod interior esset eorum puritas et perfectio, quae non poterat sordibus externis pollui aut inquinari : quemadmodum prius id ex auri similitudine declaratum est. Caeteros vero qui non erant illius sectae dicebant ἀπὸ κόσμου sive ἐκ κόσμου γίνεσθαι : quia regeniti non erant, nec habebant semen electionis. Ideo ψυχικοὺς ipsos vocabant, quod non a spiritu, sed ab anima humana regerentur. Hos ergo negabant ex veritate esse, aut posse ad illam pervenire, quoniam vincebantur sua concupiscentia. Atque hic observa non recte legi in aliis exemplaribus Graecis, μὴ ἐν ἐπιθυμίᾳ. Est enim tollenda negatio, quae sententiam prorsus conturbat atque evertit. Nam Valentiniani, etiamsi libidinibus parerent, negabant se vinci cupiditate, quia semine interiori se conservari putabant : caeteros vero, qui carebant illo semine, dicebant pollui, et a mulieribus superari. Ergo falsa illa persuasione imbuti, vani et impii homines efferebantur, et se tanquam puros jactabant, atque licentiose et effrenate se in omni scelerum et flagitiorum coeno provolvebant. Hic etiam παρέργως notanda transformatio illa verborum, qua gloriam sibi et laudem in stupris et adulteriis tribuunt, caeteris vero in iisdem facinoribus pudorem et ignominiam. Nam cum de suis loquuntur, qui solummodo in mundo sunt, aiunt mulieres quibus foede abutuntur, venire in ipsorum potestatem, αὐτὴν κρατηθῆναι : alios vero qui e mundo sunt, quod semine spirituali careant, per concupiscentiam teneri a muliere, ac veluti captivos possideri : ἐν ἐπιθυμίᾳ κρατηθῆναι γυναικός. Hunc locum Tertullianus attigit, cum ait : Alioqui degenerem nec legitimum veritatis, qui deversatus in mundo non amarit feminam, nec se ei junxerit. Et quid facient spadones, quos videmus apud illos? Caeterum

Page 31. Quicunque in saeculo est, et uxorem non amat. This passage, because it is difficult, needs explanation. And first is to be noted that difference which the Valentinians established between εἶναι ἐν κόσμῳ and ἀπὸ κόσμου. For they said that they were in the world, but not of the world, because they were spiritual, and were not corrupted by the vices and filth of this world, even if they were plunged in them, because their purity and perfection was interior, which could not be polluted or defiled by external filth: just as that was previously declared from the similitude of gold. But the rest who were not of that sect they said ἀπὸ κόσμου or ἐκ κόσμου γίνεσθαι: because they were not regenerate, nor had they the seed of election. Therefore they called them ψυχικοὺς, because they were governed not by the spirit, but by the human soul. These therefore they denied to be of the truth, or to be able to arrive at it, since they were overcome by their own concupiscence. And here observe that in other Greek copies it is not rightly read, μὴ ἐν ἐπιθυμίᾳ. For the negation must be removed, which altogether throws into confusion and overthrows the meaning. For the Valentinians, even if they obeyed lusts, denied that they were overcome by desire, because they thought themselves preserved by the interior seed: whereas the rest, who lacked that seed, they said were polluted, and overcome by women. Therefore, imbued with that false persuasion, the vain and impious men were puffed up, and boasted of themselves as pure, and licentiously and unrestrainedly wallowed in all the mire of crimes and shameful deeds. Here also by the way is to be noted that transformation of words whereby they attribute glory and praise to themselves in debaucheries and adulteries, but to the rest in the same crimes shame and ignominy. For when they speak of their own, who are only in the world, they say that the women whom they foully abuse come into their power, αὐτὴν κρατηθῆναι: whereas others who are of the world, because they lack the spiritual seed, are held by a woman through concupiscence, and are possessed as captives: ἐν ἐπιθυμίᾳ κρατηθῆναι γυναικός. Tertullian touched upon this passage when he says: Otherwise he is degenerate and a bastard of the truth, who having dwelt in the world has not loved a woman, nor joined himself to her. And what will the eunuchs do, whom we see among them? For the rest,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1372

Page

running head: VARIORUM NOTAE 1372
marginal letters: A spuerint, sed; B pocrat. et; C in iis; D Ergo falsa
old-edition numerals: 22 after feminam,
other: Latin with Greek words cited in the notes (no facing Greek column); editors' matter: spuerint, sed (Grabe's annotations continued), Ex adnotationibus Nicolai Gallasii in cap. 1; word split at start of column: [ex]spuerint

PG 7:1373

ex iis quae dicta sunt, colligere possumus γυναικός non esse hic capiendum pro uxore, cujus amor est bonus et legitimus, sed pro quavis muliere, cujus amore quis capiatur. Nam certum est promiscuas apud illos fuisse libidines, ita ut sine delectu cum quavis, modo placeret, miscerentur, atque in omnem intemperantiam, lasciviam et turpitudinem sese effunderent. Illos denique, ait Tertullianus, de passivitate vitae (sic enim loquitur), et diligentia delictorum generositatem suam vindicasse. Hujusmodi monstra exstiterunt (utinam vero ne jam illi exstent) nostris temporibus, qui ex Anabaptistarum secta prodierunt. Hi Libertini vocati sunt, ob falsam libertatem quam jactabant nomine religionis. At potius cum licentiam omnem scelerum, libidinum, atque omnis corruptelae captent, servili nomine insigniendi fuerunt. Sunt enim mancipia ventris, Veneris, omniumque flagitiorum. Illorum morem ita describit Irenaeus, ut videantur ejus tempore exstitisse. At exstiterunt illorum proavi et majores, quos perbelle imitantur. Etenim vivam istorum imaginem sic depinxit, ut non dubitemus in eodem ludo edoctos, atque eodem usos magistro, eodemque semine erroris prognatos ab illis majoribus. Jactant enim se, quantumvis indulgeant vino et crapulae, quamvis scortentur, furentur, detrahant, maledicant, occidant, nullius culpae reos esse, nec ullo modo pollui aut contaminari : quia novi sunt homines, liberati a condemnatione Adae, non attingi aut inquinari interiorem ipsorum hominem, nec spiritum ipsorum iis quae a corpore fiunt, consentire. Ita se manumissos aiunt et liberos, ut quidvis ipsis liceat; ac reliquos qui Dei timore et conscientia retinentur, subsannant ut rudes et idiotas; quod adhuc in Adamo sint, necdum se norint vindicare in libertatem. Verum ut planius intelligas quid simile aut dissimile cum istis habeant, legito libellum quem a Joanne Calvino adversus Libertinos Gallice scriptum, nos jam a multis annis in Latinum sermonem convertimus.

from the things which have been said, we can gather that γυναικός is not here to be taken for a wife, the love of whom is good and legitimate, but for any woman whatsoever, by the love of whom anyone is caught. For it is certain that lusts among them were promiscuous, so that without distinction they mingled with any woman whatsoever, provided she pleased them, and poured themselves out into all intemperance, lasciviousness, and turpitude. In short, says Tertullian, from the promiscuity of their life (for so he speaks) and diligence in offences they claimed their nobility. Monsters of this sort have existed (and would that they did not now exist!) in our times, who came forth from the sect of the Anabaptists. These have been called Libertines, on account of the false liberty which they vaunted under the name of religion. But rather, since they catch at all licence of crimes, lusts, and all corruption, they ought to have been marked with a servile name. For they are slaves of the belly, of Venus, and of all shameful deeds. Irenaeus so describes their custom that they seem to have existed in his time. Nay, there existed their great-grandfathers and ancestors, whom they imitate very finely. For he has so painted the living image of those men that we do not doubt that they were taught in the same school, and used the same master, and were sprung from the same seed of error from those ancestors. For they boast that, however much they indulge in wine and drunkenness, although they commit fornication, steal, slander, revile, kill, they are guilty of no fault, nor in any way polluted or contaminated: because they are new men, freed from the condemnation of Adam, their interior man is not touched or defiled, nor does their spirit consent to the things which are done by the body. Thus they say they are emancipated and free, so that anything whatsoever is lawful for them; and the rest who are restrained by the fear of God and by conscience, they mock as rude and ignorant; because they are still in Adam, and do not yet know how to claim themselves into liberty. But that you may more plainly understand what they have like or unlike with those men, read the little book written in French by John Calvin against the Libertines, which we many years ago translated into the Latin tongue.

Scholia Billii in cap. 1.

Scholia of Billy on chap. 1.

Pag. 5. Proarchen. Hanc vocem addo et ex vet. interp. et ex Tertul.

Page 5. Proarchen. I add this word both from the old translator and from Tertullian.

Bythum. Parum congruenter hoc nomen a Valentinianis tributum esse scribit Tertul. lib. adversus Valent. ei qui in sublimitatibus habitat. Bythus enim profundum significat. Bythium tamen dicit ille, non Bythum.

Bythum. Tertullian in the book Against the Valentinians writes that this name was with little congruity bestowed by the Valentinians on him who dwells in the heights. For Bythus signifies the deep. Yet he says Bythius, not Bythus.

Monogenem. Hunc item Protogenem aptius vocandum fuisse ait Tertul. quam Monogenem, cum eum non unigenitum, sed primogenitum fingant.

Monogenem. This one likewise Tertullian says ought more aptly to have been called Protogenes than Monogenes, since they feign him not only-begotten, but first-begotten.

Quam et Charin et Sigen vocant. Haec verba in Graeco exemplari desiderantur, quae ex veteri interpr. adjecimus.

Quam et Charin et Sigen vocant. These words are wanting in the Greek copy, which we have added from the old translator.

Pythagoricam quaternitatem. Tetradem et quadrigam dicit Tertullianus. Pythagoricam autem eam vocat, quod philosophus ille quaternarium numerum in tanto honore haberet, ut etiam hanc formulam jurandi discipulis suis praescriberet, οὐ μὰ τὸν ἡμετέρᾳ γενεᾷ παραδόντα τετρακτύν.

Pythagoricam quaternitatem. Tertullian calls it a Tetrad and a four-horse team. Now he calls it Pythagorean because that philosopher held the quaternary number in such great honour that he even prescribed this formula of swearing to his disciples, No, by him who delivered to our generation the Tetractys (οὐ μὰ τὸν ἡμετέρᾳ γενεᾷ παραδόντα τετρακτύν).

Pag. 8. Adducere cuperet. Vetus translatio habet nollet. Tertullianus tamen Graecae lectioni suffragatur.

Page 8. Adducere cuperet. The old translation has nollet. Yet Tertullian supports the Greek reading.

Derivavit. Ita reddit Tertullianus hoc verbum ἀπέσκηψε, similitudinemque ducit a vitiis, quae in corpore alibi enata, in aliud membrum perniciem suam efflant. ἀπέσκηψε, Gallice se déchargea, ingruit, impetu desiit.

Derivavit. Thus Tertullian renders this word ἀπέσκηψε, and draws a similitude from vices which, having sprung up elsewhere in the body, breathe out their destruction into another member. ἀπέσκηψε, in French se déchargea, fell violently upon, ended with an onset.

Temeritate. Non enim aemulabatur, solum de patre gaudentem. Tertull.

Temeritate. For she did not emulate him, rejoicing only in the father. Tertullian.

Pag. 9. Femina. Θήλεια lego cum vet.

Page 9. Femina. I read θήλεια with the old translator.

Ne esse quoque ipsum finem haberet. Graecus codex habet, μηδὲ αὐτὸ τὸ εἶναι τελείως ἔχειν. Sed apparet ex veteri interprete legendum esse, μὴ καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ εἶναι τέλος ἔχῃ. Quam etiam lectionem confirmat Tertullianus. Sic enim ait : Et metuere postremo, ne finis quoque insisteret.

Ne esse quoque ipsum finem haberet. The Greek codex has, μηδὲ αὐτὸ τὸ εἶναι τελείως ἔχειν. But it appears from the old translator that one must read, μὴ καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ εἶναι τέλος ἔχῃ. Which reading Tertullian also confirms. For thus he says: And feared at last, lest the end also should press upon her.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1373

Page

running head: 1373 IN LIB. I S. IRENAEI.
marginal letters: A ex iis; B et majores,; C tis annis; D mulam jurandi
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: ex iis quae (Gallasius's annotations continued), Scholia Billii in cap. 1

PG 7:1374

Id quod accideret. Epiphanii codex habet τὸ γένος. Sed γεγονός malo cum vet. interpr., praesertim cum ab hac sententia stet Tertull. qui casum, non genus dicit.

Id quod accideret. The codex of Epiphanius has τὸ γένος. But I prefer γεγονός with the old translator, especially since Tertullian stands on the side of this opinion, who says casum (mishap), not genus (race).

Pag. 10. Materiae essentiam. Τῆς ὕλης addo in Graeco ex vet. interpr. et ex Tertull.

Page 10. Materiae essentiam. I add τῆς ὕλης in the Greek from the old translator and from Tertullian.

Conjugis experte. Sic vertendum esse apparet tum ex vet. interpr. tum ex Tertull., qui imaginem femina-marem dicit, ac denique ex his quae sequuntur. Neque enim haec ratio, quam subjicit, satis quadraret, si ἀσύζυγος ἀῤῥενόθηλυς ad Horum referrentur.

Conjugis experte. That it must be translated thus appears both from the old translator and from Tertullian, who says a female-male image, and finally from the things which follow. For neither would this reason, which he subjoins, sufficiently square if ἀσύζυγος ἀῤῥενόθηλυς were referred to Horus.

Patrem enim. Add. in Graeco πατέρα.

Patrem enim. Add in the Greek πατέρα.

Et crucem et lytrotem. In Graeco corrupte legitur συλλυτρωτήν : pro quo reponendum ex vet. interpr. et Tertull. σταυρὸν καὶ λυτρωτήν.

Et crucem et lytrotem. In the Greek it is corruptly read συλλυτρωτήν: for which must be restored from the old translator and Tertullian σταυρὸν καὶ λυτρωτήν.

Pag. 11. Cruci affixam esse. Pro ἀποστερηθῆναι, in Graeco legendum ἀποσταυρωθῆναι. Crucifixam enim et vetus interpres, et Tertullianus habent, non privatam.

Page 11. Cruci affixam esse. For ἀποστερηθῆναι, in the Greek one must read ἀποσταυρωθῆναι. For both the old translator and Tertullian have crucified (crucifixam), not deprived (privatam).

Id videlicet agentis. Haec desunt in veteri translatione, sed ex Graeco supplenda sunt et Tertull.

Id videlicet agentis. These words are wanting in the old translation, but are to be supplied from the Greek and Tertullian.

Hoc est, Christum et Spiritum sanctum. Merito hanc conjugationem ridet Tertullianus, ut turpissimam, nempe duorum marium.

Hoc est, Christum et Spiritum sanctum. Deservedly does Tertullian laugh at this conjugation as most shameful, namely of two males.

Quodque in quibus. Hoc loco Tertulliano non convenit cum veteri interprete : cujus ego vestigia secutus, ita haec verti, quasi in Graeco sit, ἀγεννήτου κατάληψιν γινώσκοντας ἑαυτοῖς ἱκανοὺς εἶναι. Tertullianus, inducere (id est docere) innati generationem, et idoneos efficere generandi in se agnitionem patris, videtur legisse in Graeco non ἀναγορεῦσαι, id est praedicare, sed ἀναγεννῆσαι.

Quodque in quibus. In this passage Tertullian does not agree with the old translator: whose footsteps I having followed, have so translated these words as if in the Greek it were, ἀγεννήτου κατάληψιν γινώσκοντας ἑαυτοῖς ἱκανοὺς εἶναι. Tertullian, to bring in (that is, to teach) the generation of the unborn, and to render them fit for generating in themselves the knowledge of the father, seems to have read in the Greek not ἀναγορεῦσαι, that is, to proclaim, but ἀναγεννῆσαι.

Pag. 12. Nisi Monogenis beneficio. Ad verbum, per Monogenem. In Graeco expungendum est verbum, γινώσκεται.

Page 12. Nisi Monogenis beneficio. Word for word, through Monogenes. In the Greek the word γινώσκεται is to be expunged.

Cur ii omnes perpetui sint. Αἰώνιον διαμονὴν perpetuitatem vertit Tertullianus, ridetque vecordiam Valentinianorum, qui hanc perpetuitatis Aeonum causam afferant. Ex ea enim sequi, ut Aeonibus praestiterit Patrem non comprehendisse, quam si eum comprehendissent. Hinc enim perpetuitatem ipsis comparatam esse, cum ex ipsius comprehensibilitate, hoc est ex Filio, formam tantum acceperint.

Cur ii omnes perpetui sint. Tertullian translates αἰώνιον διαμονὴν as perpetuity, and laughs at the folly of the Valentinians, who allege this cause of the perpetuity of the Aeons. For from it there follows that it was better for the Aeons not to have comprehended the Father than if they had comprehended Him. For hence perpetuity was procured for them, since from His comprehensibility, that is, from the Son, they received only form.

Ortus. Dele in Graec. αὐτοῦ.

Ortus. Delete in the Greek αὐτοῦ.

Hoc est, in Filio. In Graec. corrupte habetur ᾧ δὴ ἴσος ἐστί. Legendum enim est ὅ δὴ ὁ υἱός ἐστι, suffragante non modo veteri interprete, sed etiam Tertulliano, qui his verbis utitur : Filium autem statuunt apprehensibilem Patris. Ubi tamen legendum apprehensibile, id est τὸ καταληπτόν.

Hoc est, in Filio. In the Greek it is corruptly read ᾧ δὴ ἴσος ἐστί. For one must read ὅ δὴ ὁ υἱός ἐστι, with the support not only of the old translator, but also of Tertullian, who uses these words: And the Son they establish as the comprehensible of the Father. Where nevertheless one must read apprehensibile (neuter), that is, τὸ καταληπτόν.

Omnes Noas, omnes Sermones. Ovidius Metamorphoses suas delevisset, si majorem cognovisset. Tertull.

Omnes Noas, omnes Sermones. Ovid would have blotted out his Metamorphoses if he had known a greater one. Tertullian.

Pag. 13. Produxisse. Graec. προβαλέσθαι προβλήματα. Legendum πρόβλημα. Neque enim hic agitur nisi de Jesu. Ridet autem hic quoque Tertullianus Valentinianorum amentiam, qui Aeonas suos velut ex aere collatitio Jesum ornasse statuant, cum tamen eos unum omnes effectos fuisse asserant. Si enim, inquit, omnes unum erant ex supradicta peraequatione, vacabat symbolae ratio, quae ferme ex varietatis gratia constat. Opportuneque hoc loco Pandorae Hesiodi mentionem facit, quemadmodum et Irenaeus lib. II, cap. 19.

Page 13. Produxisse. In the Greek προβαλέσθαι προβλήματα. One must read πρόβλημα. For here it is a question only of Jesus. Moreover, here also Tertullian laughs at the madness of the Valentinians, who establish that their Aeons adorned Jesus as if from a contributed fund, although they assert that they were all made one. For if, says he, all were one from the aforesaid equalization, the method of a joint contribution was superfluous, which generally consists in the grace of variety. And opportunely in this passage he makes mention of the Pandora of Hesiod, just as Irenaeus also does in Book 2, chap. 19.

Ac denique omnia. Legendum in Graec. καὶ πάντα, non καὶ κατὰ πάντα, astipulantibus vet. interp. et Tertull. Sicque ead. lin. pro αὐτῶν, reponendum αὐτῷ.

Ac denique omnia. One must read in the Greek καὶ πάντα, not καὶ κατὰ πάντα, with the old translator and Tertullian agreeing. And so in the same line for αὐτῶν must be restored αὐτῷ.

Pag. 13. Ac pene. Existimo legendum in Graec. κατά, vel παρά, non μετά.

Page 13. Ac pene. I think one must read in the Greek κατά, or παρά, not μετά.

Et Aeonum. Sic lego cum veteri. In codice Epiphanii non est καὶ αἰώνων, sed ἑξάγωνος, id est sexangula. Quod si quis ita legere malit, referendum erit hoc vocabulum ad sex Hori nomina, quae praecedunt.

Et Aeonum. Thus I read with the old translator. In the codex of Epiphanius it is not καὶ αἰώνων, but ἑξάγωνος, that is, six-angled. Which if anyone prefers to read thus, this word will have to be referred to the six names of Horus which precede.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1374

Page

running head: IN LIB. I S. IRENAEI. 1374
marginal letters: A Id quod; B non privatam.; C Valentinianorum, qui; D Valentinianorum amentiam,
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Id quod accideret (Billy's Scholia continued)

PG 7:1375

Pag. 14. Eorum. Addo αὐτῶν ex vet.

Page 14. Eorum. I add αὐτῶν from the old translator.

Duodecadis autem. Corrigendus est Graecus Theodoreti codex libro primo Haereticarum fabularum in haeresi Valentini, ac pro τὸν δύο καὶ τὸν δέκα, legendum τὸν δυοκαίδεκα. Duodenarium enim summo in pretio habebant Valentiniani.

Duodecadis autem. The Greek codex of Theodoret in the first book of Heretical Fables on the heresy of Valentinus is to be corrected, and for τὸν δύο καὶ τὸν δέκα one must read τὸν δυοκαίδεκα. For the Valentinians held the number twelve in the highest esteem.

Significari asserunt. Graeca transposita sunt. Nam pro σημαίνουσι λέγεσθαι, reponendum est σημαίνεσθαι λέγουσι.

Significari asserunt. The Greek words have been transposed. For instead of σημαίνουσι λέγεσθαι must be restored σημαίνεσθαι λέγουσι.

Pag. 15. Innui. Pro ὑπερσημαίνεσθαι legendum ὑποσημαίνεσθαι, et ead. lin. pro τῆς ἀποστασίας τοῦ Ἰούδα, διὰ Ἰούδαν restituendum ex vet. inter. et ita postulante sensu.

Page 15. Innui. For ὑπερσημαίνεσθαι one must read ὑποσημαίνεσθαι, and in the same line for τῆς ἀποστασίας τοῦ Ἰούδα must be restored διὰ Ἰούδαν from the old translator and as the sense demands.

Cujus. Pro αὐτῆς legendum αὐτῇ, et paulo post, ante εἰ μή, ponenda est particula copulativa καί ex vet.

Cujus. For αὐτῆς one must read αὐτῇ, and a little after, before εἰ μή, the copulative particle καί is to be placed from the old translator.

Resoluta fuisset. Vet. interp. hic mihi lapsus esse videtur. Vertit enim, advenisse in omnem essentiam suam : perinde ac si in Graeco haberetur ἀνεληλύθει. Sed verior est lectio ἀνελύθη ἄν, id est redacta ac resoluta fuisset : quemadmodum patet ex his quae superius dixit Irenaeus, cum de Sophiae calamitate verba faceret.

Resoluta fuisset. The old translator seems to me to have slipped here. For he translates, to have come into all her essence: just as if in the Greek it were ἀνεληλύθει. But truer is the reading ἀνελύθη ἄν, that is, she would have been reduced and dissolved: just as is clear from the things which Irenaeus said above, when he was speaking of the calamity of Sophia.

Pag. 16. Egressa virtus a Filio. Ex vet. interpret. pro τούτου restituo τοῦ Υἱοῦ. Ibidem pro ταύτης legendum ταύτην.

Page 16. Egressa virtus a Filio. From the old translator for τούτου I restore τοῦ Υἱοῦ. In the same place for ταύτης one must read ταύτην.

Atque extra complementum. Graec. καὶ ἐξορισθείσης ἐκτὸς τοῦ Πληρώματος, ἣν δὴ καὶ δευτέραν ὀγδοάδα καλοῦσι, περὶ ἧς μικρὸν ὕστερον ἐροῦμεν. Quae quidem verba, tametsi in veteri quoque interpretatione exstant, meo tamen judicio delenda sunt. Nec enim quidquam ad rem faciunt, nec sententiam absolutam habent. Ac praeterea falsum est Valentinianos Enthymesin secundam ogdoadem appellare.

Atque extra complementum. In the Greek, καὶ ἐξορισθείσης ἐκτὸς τοῦ Πληρώματος, ἣν δὴ καὶ δευτέραν ὀγδοάδα καλοῦσι, περὶ ἧς μικρὸν ὕστερον ἐροῦμεν. Which words indeed, although they are extant in the old translation also, yet in my judgement are to be deleted. For neither do they make anything to the purpose, nor have they a complete sense. And besides, it is false that the Valentinians call Enthymesis the second ogdoad.

Salvatorem porro. In Graec. pro τὸν μὲν Ὅρον, legendum τὸν δὲ Σωτῆρα.

Salvatorem porro. In the Greek for τὸν μὲν Ὅρον, one must read τὸν δὲ Σωτῆρα.

Pag. 17. Ventilabrum enim illud. Ἐκεῖνο lego cum vet.

Page 17. Ventilabrum enim illud. I read ἐκεῖνο with the old translator.

Nam cum multae. Veterem interpretem hoc loco sequor, qui haec verba ἕτεροι δέ haudquaquam agnoscit; et certe redundant.

Nam cum multae. I follow the old translator in this passage, who by no means recognizes these words ἕτεροι δέ; and certainly they are redundant.

Pag. 18. Et vacuitatis loca. In Graec. pro σκηνώματος, reponendum κενώματος, ex Theod. libro I Haeret. fab., ut etiam legit vetus interpres, et Tertul. consentit, qui Enthymesin in loca luminis aliena (hoc est σκιᾶς) et in vacuum illud et inane Epicuri explosam fuisse ait.

Page 18. Et vacuitatis loca. In the Greek for σκηνώματος must be restored κενώματος, from Theodoret, Book 1 of Heretical Fables, as the old translator also reads, and Tertullian agrees, who says that Enthymesis was driven out into places alien to light (that is, of shadow, σκιᾶς) and into that vacuum and void of Epicurus.

Superiorem. Addo ἄνω, ex veteri : quemadmodum et paulo post αὐτήν post καταλιπεῖν.

Superiorem. I add ἄνω, from the old translator: just as also a little after αὐτήν after καταλιπεῖν.

In se. Pro αὐτήν, legendum αὐτῇ ὑπό, ex vet. interpr.

In se. For αὐτήν, one must read αὐτῇ ὑπό, from the old translator.

Pag. 19. Invisibiliter. Lego ἀοράτως cum vet.

Page 19. Invisibiliter. I read ἀοράτως with the old translator.

Atque in omnium. Veterem hoc loco sequor, qui ita legit, ἀγνοοῦσα δὲ τὰ πάντα οὐ καθάπερ, etc. Haec enim lectio mihi simplicior videtur.

Atque in omnium. I follow the old translator in this passage, who reads thus, ἀγνοοῦσα δὲ τὰ πάντα οὐ καθάπερ, etc. For this reading seems to me simpler.

Et omnem. Καί addo ex vet.

Et omnem. I add καί from the old translator.

Pag. 20. Enim vero gestit animus. Habuit, inquit Tertull. et falsas et amaras et dulces et frigidas guttas, et bituminosas et ferruginantes et sulphurantes et venenatas, etc.

Page 20. Enim vero gestit animus. She had, says Tertullian, both false and bitter and sweet and cold drops, and bituminous and rusty and sulphurous and poisonous ones, etc.

Pag. 21. Ab ipsius sudoribus. Graeca hoc loco mendosa sunt. Legendum enim γένεσιν ἐσχηκέναι ἀπὸ τῶν ἱδρώτων αὐτῆς, ut legit vetus interpr. et postulat sensus.

Page 21. Ab ipsius sudoribus. The Greek words in this passage are faulty. For one must read γένεσιν ἐσχηκέναι ἀπὸ τῶν ἱδρώτων αὐτῆς, as the old translator reads and the sense demands.

Quoniam autem. Lege ἐπεὶ δέ.

Quoniam autem. Read ἐπεὶ δέ.

Rursus descendere. Apud Theod. loco supra citato mendose legitur μετελθεῖν pro κατελθεῖν.

Rursus descendere. In Theodoret in the passage cited above it is faultily read μετελθεῖν for κατελθεῖν.

Ad eam. Legendum in Graeco πρὸς αὐτήν, vel αὐτῇ.

Ad eam. One must read in the Greek πρὸς αὐτήν, or αὐτῇ.

Atque item Aeonibus. Hic quoque in Graeco mendum irrepsit. Nam pro δεόμενος legendum δὲ ὁμοίως, ut vetus interpr.

Atque item Aeonibus. Here also in the Greek a fault has crept in. For instead of δεόμενος one must read δὲ ὁμοίως, as the old translator has.

Sibi obduxit. Malo sibi legere, cum Tertulliano, ut ad ipsam Achamoth referatur, quam ei, cum vet. interp.

Sibi obduxit. I prefer to read sibi, with Tertullian, so that it is referred to Achamoth herself, rather than ei, with the old translator.

Pag. 22. Scientiae formam. Apud Tertull. corrupte

Page 22. Scientiae formam. In Tertullian corruptly

Editors' notes and page, col. 1375

Page

running head: 1375 VARIORUM NOTAE
marginal letters: A Pag. 14.; B id est; C Nam cum; D Tertull. et
old-edition numerals: 23 before Salvatorem
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Pag. 14. Eorum (Billy's Scholia continued); word split at end of column: cor-[rupte]

PG 7:1376

hoc loco habetur, confirmavit : legendum est enim conformavit.

in this passage is read confirmavit: for one must read conformavit.

Secretas eas. Corruptus est hic locus in Graeco : pro χωρήσει τοῦ enim χωρὶς substituendum est. Non enim hoc vult Irenaeus, has passiones minime confusas fuisse, sed contra potius permistas inter se atque confusas.

Secretas eas. This passage is corrupt in the Greek: for instead of χωρήσει τοῦ must be substituted χωρὶς. For Irenaeus does not mean this, that these passions were by no means confused, but on the contrary rather mingled among themselves and confused.

In corpoream materiam. In Graeco pro ἀσώματον legendum ἐνσώματον, ex vet. interp. et Tertul.

In corpoream materiam. In the Greek for ἀσώματον one must read ἐνσώματον, from the old translator and Tertullian.

Altera mala. Tertul., de vitiis pessima : de conversione passionalis : Graece ἐμπαθής.

Altera mala. Tertullian, from the vices the worst: from the conversion passionate: in Greek ἐμπαθής.

Achamoth autem. Δέ legendum, quemadmodum seq. lin. σὺν αὐτῷ, non ἐν αὐτῷ, ex vet. interp.

Achamoth autem. One must read δέ, just as in the following line σὺν αὐτῷ, not ἐν αὐτῷ, from the old translator.

Pag. 23. Arripuisse. Locus hic magnopere me torsit. Nam cum συλλαβεῖν hoc loco idem esse existimarem quod concipere, non videbam quaenam esset haec contemplationis angelorum conceptio. Huc etiam accedebat, quod aliquanto inferius Achamoth non contemplationem peperisse, sed κατὰ τὴν ἐκείνων θεωρίαν, fetum edidisse scribitur. Ne dicam quod si hic συλλαβεῖν idem esset quod concipere, conceptio congressum antecederet. Id quod vel cogitare absurdum est. Denique Tertullianus ipse eam angelicorum luminum contemplatione tantummodo concalefactam esse ac velut ad Venerem exarsisse scribit, non autem contemplationem concepisse. Quare hoc loco συλλαβεῖν τὴν θεωρίαν, nihil mihi aliud significare videtur, quam θεωρεῖν.

Page 23. Arripuisse. This passage greatly tormented me. For since I thought συλλαβεῖν in this passage to be the same as to conceive (concipere), I did not see what this conception of the contemplation of the angels could be. To this also was added that somewhat lower down Achamoth is written not to have brought forth contemplation, but according to the contemplation of them (κατὰ τὴν ἐκείνων θεωρίαν) to have brought forth an offspring. Not to mention that if here συλλαβεῖν were the same as to conceive, conception would precede union; which even to think is absurd. Finally, Tertullian himself writes that she was only warmed by the contemplation of the angelic lights and burned as it were towards Venus, not however that she conceived contemplation. Wherefore in this passage συλλαβεῖν τὴν θεωρίαν seems to me to signify nothing else than θεωρεῖν (to contemplate).

Cumque ipsis congressam. Ἐγκισσᾷν hoc loco est ad Venerem admittere. Tertul. vertit subare.

Cumque ipsis congressam. Ἐγκισσᾷν in this passage is to admit to venery. Tertullian translates to be in heat (subare).

Ad similitudinem effectum. Legendum in Graeco γεγονός, non γεγονότων.

Ad similitudinem effectum. One must read in the Greek γεγονός, not γεγονότων.

Ita formasse. Μεμορφωκέναι. Mendose legitur apud Theod. ἰδιοποιῆσαι pro εἰδοποιῆσαι.

Ita formasse. Μεμορφωκέναι. It is faultily read in Theodoret ἰδιοποιῆσαι for εἰδοποιῆσαι.

Pag. 24. Ac nihil ejusmodi sentiens. Haec verba addo ex Tertul. perspicuitatis causa. Illic tamen pro a quo, reponendum a qua.

Page 24. Ac nihil ejusmodi sentiens. I add these words from Tertullian for the sake of perspicuity. There nevertheless for a quo must be restored a qua.

Quae post eum. Lego μετά cum vet. interp.

Quae post eum. I read μετά with the old translator.

Hoc est, hylicorum. Apud Tertull. pro materiam, legendum materialium.

Hoc est, hylicorum. In Tertullian for materiam one must read materialium.

Ex ipso procreatos. Τούτου lego ex veteri interp. et Tertul.

Ex ipso procreatos. I read τούτου from the old translator and Tertullian.

Spirituales. Νοητούς, id est qui intelligentia tantum comprehenduntur, non autem in aspectum cadunt. Delenda porro hic in Graeco est particula negativa, ut apparet ex vet. interp. et Tertul., qui tamen νοερούς legit, non νοητούς, quod mihi magis placet.

Spirituales. Νοητούς, that is, those who are comprehended by intelligence only, and do not fall under sight. Furthermore, here in the Greek the negative particle is to be deleted, as appears from the old translator and Tertullian, who nevertheless reads νοερούς, not νοητούς, which pleases me more.

Pag. 25. Hujusce opinionis. Οἰήσεως enim habet Epiphanii codex. Tamen ποιήσεως legit vet. interp. Vertit enim operationis. Prior tamen lectio magis convenire videtur cum his quae antecedunt.

Page 25. Hujusce opinionis. For the codex of Epiphanius has οἰήσεως. Yet the old translator reads ποιήσεως; for he translates of the operation (operationis). Yet the former reading seems to agree better with the things which precede.

Pag. 26. Quia imbecillior. Graece, ἀτονώτερον αὐτὸν ὑπάρχοντα, vet. interpr., ἀνώτερον αὐτὸν ὑπάρχοντα προγινώσκειν. Ita enim habet, superiorem ipsum exsistentem praescire. Sed haec lectio parum congruit cum auctoris sensu.

Page 26. Quia imbecillior. In Greek, ἀτονώτερον αὐτὸν ὑπάρχοντα; the old translator read, ἀνώτερον αὐτὸν ὑπάρχοντα προγινώσκειν. For thus he has, that he existing higher foreknows. But this reading agrees little with the sense of the author.

Psychicum filium. Addo ψυχικόν ex vet.

Psychicum filium. I add ψυχικόν from the old translator.

Quia psychicus sit. In Graeco pro ψυχικά substituendum ψυχικόν ex vet. interp.

Quia psychicus sit. In the Greek for ψυχικά must be substituted ψυχικόν from the old translator.

In subcoelesti. Legendum est in Graeco ὑπουράνιον, ut opponatur τῷ ὑπερουρανίῳ, in quo mater sedem habet.

In subcoelesti. One must read in the Greek ὑπουράνιον, so that it is opposed to τῷ ὑπερουρανίῳ, in which the mother has her seat.

Cosmocratorem autem. Κοσμοκράτορα lego, non παντοκράτορα, Diabolum enim intelligit. Consentiunt vetus interp. et Tertull.

Cosmocratorem autem. I read κοσμοκράτορα, not παντοκράτορα, for he understands the Devil. The old translator and Tertullian agree.

Terram nimirum. Γῆν lego, non τήν, ex veter. et Tertull.

Terram nimirum. I read γῆν, not τήν, from the old translator and Tertullian.

Metus motionem. Delenda videntur haec verba in Graeco, τῶν δακρύων, nec ea agnoscit vetus interp.

Metus motionem. These words in the Greek, τῶν δακρύων, seem to be deleted, nor does the old translator recognize them.

Maeroris concretionem. Λύπης. Vetus legit ὕλης, sed male.

Maeroris concretionem. Λύπης. The old translator reads ὕλης, but badly.

Insitum esse. Legendum ἐμπεφυκέναι, non ἐκπε-

Insitum esse. One must read ἐμπεφυκέναι, not ἐκπε-

Editors' notes and page, col. 1376

Page

running head: VARIORUM NOTAE 1376
marginal letters: A rupte hoc; B Huc etiam; C addo ex; D ὑπάρχοντα προγινώσκειν.
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: rupte hoc loco (Billy's Scholia continued); word split at start of column: [cor]rupte; word split at end of column: ἐκπε-[φυκέναι]

PG 7:1377

φυκέναι. Ridet autem hoc loco Tertull. Valentinianos, qui unde ignis exstiterit, minime prodant. Itaque ait, credibile esse Achamoth in tantis vexationibus febricitasse, ex eoque aestu ignem prodiisse.

φυκέναι. Moreover, in this passage Tertullian laughs at the Valentinians, who by no means disclose whence fire came into being. And so he says that it is credible that Achamoth in such great vexations had a fever, and from that heat fire came forth.

Pag. 27. Et fusili. Addo καί, ex vet.

Page 27. Et fusili. I add καί, from the old translator.

Ut quae. Addo ἅτε ex vet.

Ut quae. I add ἅτε from the old translator.

Perfecti sermonis. Addo λόγου ex vet. et Tertull.

Perfecti sermonis. I add λόγου from the old translator and Tertullian.

Spiritualis homo. Lego ἄνθρωπος ex vet. et ead. lin. δυνάμει καί.

Spiritualis homo. I read ἄνθρωπος from the old translator, and in the same line δυνάμει καί.

Pag. 28. Atque hunc esse. Graeca ex veter. interp. ita corrigenda sunt, καὶ τοῦτον εἶναι τὸν ἐν αὐτοῖς ἄνθρωπον ἀξιοῦσιν.

Page 28. Atque hunc esse. The Greek words from the old translator are to be corrected thus, καὶ τοῦτον εἶναι τὸν ἐν αὐτοῖς ἄνθρωπον ἀξιοῦσιν.

Corpus a terra, carnem a materia. Haec duo pro uno accipienda sunt. Nam cum paulo post tria genera inducit, hylicum duo haec complectitur.

Corpus a terra, carnem a materia. These two are to be taken for one. For when a little after he brings in three kinds, the hylic embraces these two.

Recipere queat. In Graeco veterem interpretem secutus ἐπιδέξασθαι lego, non ἐπιδείξασθαι.

Recipere queat. In the Greek, following the old translator, I read ἐπιδέξασθαι, not ἐπιδείξασθαι.

Sese inflexerit. Legendum in Graeco πρόσκλισιν, non πρόσκλησιν.

Sese inflexerit. One must read in the Greek πρόσκλισιν, not πρόσκλησιν.

Salem. Alludit ad hunc, ut opinor, locum : Vos estis sal terrae, quo Valentiniani abutebantur.

Salem. He alludes, as I think, to this passage: You are the salt of the earth (Matt. 5:13), which the Valentinians abused.

Psychicum etenim. In Graeco pro τῶν ψυχικῶν, substituendum est τῷ ψυχικῷ. Sicque non modo vetus interpres habet, sed etiam Tertullianus; cujus haec verba sunt : Indiguisse enim animalem etiam sensibilium disciplinarum.

Psychicum etenim. In the Greek for τῶν ψυχικῶν must be substituted τῷ ψυχικῷ. And so not only the old translator has it, but also Tertullian, whose words are these: For the animal man stood in need also of sensible disciplines.

Ob eamque causam. Pro δι' ὧν, lego διό cum veter.

Ob eamque causam. For δι' ὧν, I read διό with the old translator.

Primitias. Ἀπαρχάς. Tertull. prospicientias, parum commode.

Primitias. Ἀπαρχάς. Tertullian renders prospicientias, with little fitness.

A dispensatione. Οἰκονομίας. Tertull., administrationis vi.

A dispensatione. Οἰκονομίας. Tertullian renders, by force of administration (administrationis vi).

Ut et visibile. In Graeco lego καὶ ὁρατὸν, καὶ ψηλάφητον cum vet. interp. et Theod. et Tertull.

Ut et visibile. In the Greek I read καὶ ὁρατὸν, καὶ ψηλάφητον with the old translator and Theodoret and Tertullian.

Pag. 29. Et ab Achamoth. Graeca hoc loco ita emendanda sunt ex vet. interp., καὶ ὑπὸ τῆς Ἀχαμὼθ μεμυημένους τὰ μυστήρια, ἑαυτοὺς δὲ τούτους ὑποτίθενται.

Page 29. Et ab Achamoth. The Greek words in this passage are to be emended thus from the old translator, καὶ ὑπὸ τῆς Ἀχαμὼθ μεμυημένους τὰ μυστήρια, ἑαυτοὺς δὲ τούτους ὑποτίθενται.

Quod ipsi esse volunt. Sic enim lego cum vet., ὃ θέλουσιν αὐτοί : Graeca enim hoc quoque loco corrupta sunt.

Quod ipsi esse volunt. For thus I read with the old translator, ὃ θέλουσιν αὐτοί: for the Greek words in this passage also are corrupt.

Potest. Post ἀδικῆσαι addo δυναμένου ex vet.

Potest. After ἀδικῆσαι I add δυναμένου from the old translator.

Pag. 30. Libere ac sine. Legend. in Graec. ἀδιαφόρως.

Page 30. Libere ac sine. One must read in the Greek ἀδιαφόρως.

Indoctos. Ἰδιωτῶν unica voce legendum.

Indoctos. One must read ἰδιωτῶν as a single word.

Pag. 31. In usu. Χρήσει. Opponitur autem τῇ κτήσει.

Page 31. In usu. Χρήσει. Now it is opposed to τῇ κτήσει (possession).

Nobis adimatur. His verbis alludit ad illud Evangelii : Habenti dabitur, ei autem qui non habet, etiam quod habet, auferetur ab eo.

Nobis adimatur. By these words he alludes to that saying of the Gospel: To him who has shall be given, but from him who has not, even what he has shall be taken away from him (Matt. 13:12).

Quisquis in mundo. Degenerem nec legitimum veritatis aiunt, inquit Tertull., qui diversatus in mundo, non amaverit feminam, nec se ei junxerit. Itaque merito eos de passivitate vitae et diligentia delictorum generositatem suam vindicare ait. Quo loco, ut obiter id admoneam, passivitas non deducitur ab adverbio passim, ut adnotat Rhenanus, sed vocabulum est de Graeco redditum. Quod enim ἐμπάθειαν Graeci dicunt, id ille passivitatem transtulit. Porro ut ad auctoris nostri verba redeam, haec verba in mundo, et de mundo, a Valentinianis petita esse videntur ex c. XVII Joan., ubi Christus discipulos suos in mundo, sed non de mundo, esse ait. Quae quidem verba impurissimi homines falso de se usurpabant.

Quisquis in mundo. They say he is degenerate and a bastard of the truth, says Tertullian, who having dwelt in the world has not loved a woman, nor joined himself to her. And so he deservedly says that from the passivity of their life and diligence in offences they claim their nobility. In which passage, that I may admonish this in passing, passivitas is not derived from the adverb passim (everywhere), as Rhenanus notes, but is a word rendered from the Greek. For what the Greeks call ἐμπάθειαν (passionate affection), he translated passivitatem. Furthermore, to return to the words of our author, these words in the world, and of the world, seem to have been sought by the Valentinians from chap. 17 of John, where Christ says that His disciples are in the world, but not of the world (John 17:11, 14). Which words indeed the most impure men falsely usurped concerning themselves.

Mulieri succubuit. Κρατηθῆναι hoc loco ita verto, ut dilucidior sit sensus. Aiebant enim Valentiniani se ex Venereo congressu nihil spurcitiei contrahere, quod spirituales essent : reliquos contra inquinari, ac per concupiscentiam a mulieribus, quibuscum rem haberent, victos ac velut constrictos teneri.

Mulieri succubuit. Κρατηθῆναι in this passage I translate thus, that the sense may be clearer. For the Valentinians said that from venereal union they contracted no filthiness, because they were spiritual: whereas the rest were defiled, and through concupiscence were held conquered and as it were bound fast by the women with whom they had to do.

Nobis quidem. Lego cum vet. Ἡμῖν μὲν, οὓς ψυχικοὺς ὀνομάζουσι, καὶ ἐκ κόσμου εἶναι λέγουσιν, ἀναγκαίαν τήν, etc.

Nobis quidem. I read with the old translator, Ἡμῖν μὲν, οὓς ψυχικοὺς ὀνομάζουσι, καὶ ἐκ κόσμου εἶναι λέγουσιν, ἀναγκαίαν τήν, etc.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1377

Footnotes

(88) · call in col 1377 (call above the rendered foot; column inferred)

Matth. V, 13

Matthew 5:13.

(printed under page 697)

(89) ‹anchor: auferetur ab eo› · call in col 1377

Matth. XIII, 12.

Matthew 13:12.

(printed under page 697)

Page

running head: 1377 IN LIB. I S. IRENAEI.
marginal letters: A φυκέναι. Ridet; B Salem. Alludit; C θέλουσιν αὐτοί; D sed vocabulum
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: φυκέναι. Ridet (Billy's Scholia continued); word split at start of column: [ἐκπε]φυκέναι

PG 7:1378

Pag. 32. Per sponsum et sponsam. In iis nimirum Evangelii verbis : Exite obviam sponso et sponsae.

Page 32. Per sponsum et sponsam. Namely in those words of the Gospel: Go out to meet the bridegroom and the bride (Matt. 25:1, 6).

Per cubiculum nuptiale. Alludit, ut opinor, ad hunc locum : Nunquid possunt filii sponsi jejunare, etc. Illic enim in Graeco est νυμφῶνος, quae vox cubiculum nuptiale, sive thalamum significat. Hoc porro vocabulo Pleroma suum significari Valentiniani contendebant.

Per cubiculum nuptiale. He alludes, as I think, to this passage: Can the children of the bridechamber fast (Matt. 9:15), etc. For there in the Greek it is νυμφῶνος, which word signifies a nuptial chamber, or bridal bed. Furthermore, by this word the Valentinians contended that their Pleroma was signified.

Sed animalem. Delendum καί in Graec. et reponendum post ψυχικόν.

Sed animalem. One must delete καί in the Greek and restore it after ψυχικόν.

Pag. 33. Atque hunc quidem. Supple, Salvatorem, qui in columbae specie in eum descenderat. Sic enim Tertull. exponit, legendumque est τοῦτον ex vet.

Page 33. Atque hunc quidem. Supply, the Saviour, who had descended upon him in the form of a dove. For thus Tertullian expounds it, and one must read τοῦτον from the old translator.

Utpote spirituale. Pro τό, repono ἅτε ex vet.

Utpote spirituale. For τό, I restore ἅτε from the old translator.

Per eum. Addenda praepositio διά ex vet. et delendum paulo post εἶναι.

Per eum. The preposition διά is to be added from the old translator, and a little after εἶναι is to be deleted.

Pag. 34. Ab hoc semine. Vetus, de semine.

Page 34. Ab hoc semine. The old translator has, de semine.

Complexionem deteriorum. Χειρόνων lego cum vet.

Complexionem deteriorum. I read χειρόνων with the old translator.

Perstitisse. Διατετελεκέναι. Quam lectionem probo. Nam διατετηρηκέναι, ut legisse videtur vet. interp., parum ad auctoris sensum quadrat. Paulo post Σωτῆρος cum eo lego, non Κυρίου.

Perstitisse. Διατετελεκέναι. Which reading I approve. For διατετηρηκέναι, as the old translator seems to have read, squares little with the sense of the author. A little after I read Σωτῆρος with him, not Κυρίου.

In mundi administrandi munere. Tertull. dispensationem mundi exsequitur.

In mundi administrandi munere. Tertullian renders, executes the dispensation of the world.

Pag. 35. Ut ex his etiam. In Graeco ante haec verba καὶ ἐκ τούτων, ponenda haec sunt, ἵνα ἐπιδείξῃ, ex vet.

Page 35. Ut ex his etiam. In the Greek before these words καὶ ἐκ τούτων, these words are to be placed, ἵνα ἐπιδείξῃ, from the old translator.

Conquieturum. Ἀναπαύσεσθαι in futuro legit vet. inter.

Conquieturum. The old translator reads ἀναπαύσεσθαι in the future.

Justorum animis. Hoc loco pro δικαίαις vet. interp. legit διὸ καί, sed male.

Justorum animis. In this passage for δικαίαις the old translator reads διὸ καί, but badly.

In sponsas. Haec eleganter irridentur a Tertul. Distribuentur, inquit, angelis Soteris. In filios putas? Non. Sed in apparitores? Ne istud quidem. Sed in imagines? Utinam vel hoc. In quid ergo, si non pudet dicere? In sponsas. Tunc illi Sabinas raptas jure matrimonii plaudent.

In sponsas. These things are elegantly mocked by Tertullian: They will be distributed, says he, to the angels of Soter. For sons, do you think? No. But for attendants? Not even that. But for images? Would that it were even this. For what then, if it does not shame to say it? For brides. Then will they applaud them as Sabine women carried off by right of marriage.

Has ipsas animas. Pro ψυχικάς repono ψυχάς ex vet. interp.

Has ipsas animas. For ψυχικάς I restore ψυχάς from the old translator.

Pag. 36. Argutiam. Σοφίᾳ. Vetus interp. legit φαντάσματι, id est spectro, quod vocabulum optime quadrat in hos detortorum Scripturae locorum consarcinatores, qui non solidum quoddam utilis doctrinae corpus afferunt, sed velut spectrum inane confingunt.

Page 36. Argutiam. Σοφίᾳ. The old translator reads φαντάσματι, that is, spectre (spectro), which word fits best upon these patchers together of twisted passages of Scripture, who do not bring forward any solid body of useful doctrine, but fashion as it were an empty spectre.

Pag. 37. Interno Pleromatis coetui. In Graeco pro ἐν τοῖς τοῦ legendum cum vet. int. τοῖς ἐντὸς τοῦ.

Page 37. Interno Pleromatis coetui. In the Greek for ἐν τοῖς τοῦ one must read with the old translator τοῖς ἐντὸς τοῦ.

Ipsorum Christus. Lego αὐτῶν cum vet. quemadmodum et vers. eod. αὐτήν pro αὐτῇ, et οὔσῃ pro οὔσης.

Ipsorum Christus. I read αὐτῶν with the old translator, just as also in the same line αὐτήν for αὐτῇ, and οὔσῃ for οὔσης.

Pag. 38. Renuntiare his qui in domo mea sunt. Ἀποτάξασθαι τοῖς ἐν τῷ οἴκῳ μου. Verti etiam potest, extremum salutare domesticos meos.

Page 38. Renuntiare his qui in domo mea sunt. Ἀποτάξασθαι τοῖς ἐν τῷ οἴκῳ μου. It can also be translated, to bid a last farewell to those of my household.

Pag. 39. Jam quod eorum. In Graeco pro ὅτι ἰδών, legendum ὅτι δ' ὧν.

Page 39. Jam quod eorum. In the Greek for ὅτι ἰδών, one must read ὅτι δ' ὧν.

Si radix sancta. Gallasii oscitantiam non queo non mirari, qui ne hic quoque mendum Graeci codicis deprehenderit, sed in apertissimo Scripturae loco tanquam in meridiana luce hallucinatus sit. Vertit enim, et erant primitiae sanctae. In Graeco autem pro ἦν legendum ἦ, quemadmodum cuivis, nisi plane caeco, perspicuum est.

Si radix sancta. I cannot but wonder at the drowsiness of Gallasius, who did not even here detect the fault of the Greek codex, but in a most open passage of Scripture (Rom. 11:16) blundered as if in midday light. For he translates, and the firstfruits were holy. Now in the Greek for ἦν one must read ἦ, just as is evident to anyone unless plainly blind.

Atque in se contraxisse. Συνεσταλκέναι. Mendosum hoc loco fuisse codicem vet. interp. suspicor, qui erexisse vertit, quasi in Graeco esset συνανεστηκέναι.

Atque in se contraxisse. Συνεσταλκέναι. I suspect that the codex of the old translator was faulty in this passage, who translates raised up (erexisse), as if in the Greek it were συνανεστηκέναι.

Ad ovem quae. Deest vocabulum πρόβατον in Graeco.

Ad ovem quae. The word πρόβατον is wanting in the Greek.

Pag. 40. Deo gratias egit. Θεῷ lego cum vet., non αὐτῷ, et ita legendum esse patet ex ipsius cantico.

Page 40. Deo gratias egit. I read Θεῷ with the old translator, not αὐτῷ, and that it must be read thus is clear from his canticle.

Qui veniente. Ὃς legendum, non ὡς.

Qui veniente. One must read ὅς, not ὡς.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1378

Footnotes

(90) · call in col 1378 (call above the rendered foot; column inferred)

Matth. XXV, 1, 6.

Matthew 25:1, 6.

(printed under page 697)

(91) · call in col 1378 (call above the rendered foot; column inferred)

Matth. IX, 15.

Matthew 9:15.

(printed under page 697)

Page

running head: IN LIB. I S. IRENAEI. 1378
marginal letters: A Pag. 32.; B Complexionem deteriorum.; C non pudet; D Pag. 39.
old-edition numerals: 24 before Pag. 32.
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Pag. 32. Per sponsum (Billy's Scholia continued)

PG 7:1379

Sedem figens. Lege μένουσα unico vocabulo.

Sedem figens. Read μένουσα as a single word.

Et Nun. Haec addo ex vet.

Et Nun. I add these words from the old translator.

Pag. 41. In principio autem. Addendum in Graec. ἐν ἀρχῇ δέ, ex vet.

Page 41. In principio autem. In the Greek ἐν ἀρχῇ δέ is to be added, from the old translator.

Conjunctior ei est. Οἰκειοτέρα, propinquior, familiarior. Atque hic delenda est praepositio ἐν.

Conjunctior ei est. Οἰκειοτέρα, nearer of kin, more familiar. And here the preposition ἐν is to be deleted.

Frugescit. Tertullianus pro verbo καρποφορεῖν, interdum fruticare, interdum frugescere, reddit ad verbum, fructificare.

Frugescit. Tertullian for the word καρποφορεῖν sometimes renders to sprout (fruticare), sometimes to bear corn (frugescere), word for word, to bear fruit (fructificare).

Hominis nimirum. In veteri translatione pro homines, legendum hominem. Eod. vers. delenda sunt haec verba, τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ.

Hominis nimirum. In the old translation for homines one must read hominem. In the same line these words, τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ, are to be deleted.

Pag. 42. Totius Pleromatis. Παντὸς τοῦ πληρώματος. Vetus tamen interpres non παντός, sed ἐντός legisse videtur. Vertit enim intra : sed priori lectioni magis assentior.

Page 42. Totius Pleromatis. Παντὸς τοῦ πληρώματος. Yet the old translator seems to have read not παντός, but ἐντός. For he translates within (intra): but I assent more to the former reading.

Quae ex passione. Lego πάντα τά cum vet. quemadmodum et ead. lin. μορφώσας pro ἁρμόσας.

Quae ex passione. I read πάντα τά with the old translator, just as also in the same line μορφώσας for ἁρμόσας.

Pag. 43. Atque in hunc modum Ptolemaeus. Haec verba addo ex veteri.

Page 43. Atque in hunc modum Ptolemaeus. I add these words from the old translator.

Ipsas quoque. Αὐτάς lego cum vet.

Ipsas quoque. I read αὐτάς with the old translator.

Joanni propositum. Legendum in dat. Ἰωάννῃ.

Joanni propositum. One must read in the dative Ἰωάννῃ.

Et non tanto post intervallo. Delenda sunt in Graeco haec verba, τοσοῦτον δειχθῇ τῆς ὀγδοάδος καὶ οὐκ ἂν μετά.

Et non tanto post intervallo. In the Greek these words are to be deleted, τοσοῦτον δειχθῇ τῆς ὀγδοάδος καὶ οὐκ ἂν μετά.

Aut si reliquorum. Legendum in Graeco ἢ εἰ τῶν.

Aut si reliquorum. One must read in the Greek ἢ εἰ τῶν.

Pag. 44. Ac nominibus abutentes. Addenda est in Graec. copulativa particula.

Page 44. Ac nominibus abutentes. In the Greek the copulative particle is to be added.

Mentionem nullam. Hic quoque negativa particula μή in Graeco addenda est.

Mentionem nullam. Here also the negative particle μή is to be added in the Greek.

Qui ex omnibus ortus est. Lego cum veteri ὁ ἐκ πάντων γεγονώς, non, ut est apud Epiphanium, ὁ τῆς οἰκονομίας. His enim verbis fictitium illum Valentinianorum Salvatorem intelligit, qui ex omnibus Aeonibus ortum traxit, ac proinde sermone illo, qui primae Aeonum classis est, natu posterior est.

Qui ex omnibus ortus est. I read with the old translator ὁ ἐκ πάντων γεγονώς, not, as is in Epiphanius, ὁ τῆς οἰκονομίας. For by these words he understands that fictitious Saviour of the Valentinians, who drew his origin from all the Aeons, and consequently is later in birth than that Word who is of the first class of Aeons.

Pag. 45. Ille, inquam, unius. Vetus Irenaei interpres videtur legisse ἀπὸ τοῦ, non ὁ τοῦ : sed utrumque eodem fere recidit.

Page 45. Ille, inquam, unius. The old translator of Irenaeus seems to have read ἀπὸ τοῦ, not ὁ τοῦ: but both come to almost the same thing.

Verba fecit. In Graeco pro ἐμπεποίηται, legendum πεποίηται, et seq. vers. pro λέγουσι δέ, « λέγουσι γάρ. »

Verba fecit. In the Greek for ἐμπεποίηται one must read πεποίηται, and in the following line for λέγουσι δέ, "λέγουσι γάρ."

Princeps eorum. Addo γάρ in Graec. ex vet.

Princeps eorum. I add γάρ in the Greek from the old translator.

Quam falso. Pro ψευδῶς videtur legisse vetus interpres ψευδωνύμως : vertit enim, falso nomine.

Quam falso. For ψευδῶς the old translator seems to have read ψευδωνύμως: for he translates, by a false name (falso nomine).

Pag. 46. Haec ait atque alto. Tota centonis hujus, ex Homeri versibus consuti, gratia in interpretatione Latina perit. Sed multa in eodem genere apud Latinos exstant, ac praecipue apud Ausonium. Apte autem Homerocentonibus haereticos confert Irenaeus, qui ut prodigiosae doctrinae suae gratiam fidemque conciliarent, ex variis Scripturae locis, tanquam centonibus quibusdam eam consarcinabant.

Page 46. Haec ait atque alto. The whole grace of this cento, stitched together from the verses of Homer, perishes in the Latin translation. But many things in the same kind are extant among the Latins, and chiefly in Ausonius. Aptly, moreover, does Irenaeus compare the heretics to Homerocentones, who, that they might win favour and credit for their prodigious doctrine, patched it together from various passages of Scripture, as if from certain centos.

Comitantur euntem. Κίοντες legisse videtur vetus interp. Sed κίοντα mihi magis arridet, ut ad Herculem referatur.

Comitantur euntem. The old translator seems to have read κίοντες. But κίοντα pleases me more, so that it is referred to Hercules.

Versus quidem agnoscet. In Graeco post ἐπιγνώσεται, haec ex vet. addenda sunt : μὲν τὰ ἔπη, τὴν δὲ ὑπόθεσιν οὐκ ἐπιγνώσεται.

Versus quidem agnoscet. In the Greek after ἐπιγνώσεται, these words are to be added from the old translator: μὲν τὰ ἔπη, τὴν δὲ ὑπόθεσιν οὐκ ἐπιγνώσεται.

Libro suo. Βίβλῳ addo ex veter., quemadmodum et eod vers. post τὴν, παροῦσαν.

Libro suo. I add βίβλῳ from the old translator, just as also in the same line after τὴν, παροῦσαν.

Pag. 47. Quoniam autem. Lego ἐπεὶ δέ cum vet.

Page 47. Quoniam autem. I read ἐπεὶ δέ with the old translator.

Redemptio. De Valentinianorum redemptione late postea disseret. Gallasius hic toto coelo errat, quod quid haec redemptio sibi velit, non intelligat; idque cum ipsemet hanc fabulam interpretetur. Quod sane flagitiosae est oscitantiae. Hincque mihi fit verisimile, eum versionem suam nunquam relegisse. Alioqui enim haud dubie hunc locum ex 18 cap. hujus lib., ubi redemptionis fabula exponitur, emendasset.

Redemptio. Concerning the redemption of the Valentinians he will discourse at large afterwards. Gallasius here errs by the whole heaven, because he does not understand what this redemption means; and that, although he himself translates this fable. Which certainly is a mark of shameful drowsiness. And hence it becomes probable to me that he never reread his own version. For otherwise without doubt he would have emended this passage from the 18th chapter of this book, where the fable of redemption is expounded.

Eorum Mimum emensus. Μῖμον αὐτῶν lego cum

Eorum Mimum emensus. I read μῖμον αὐτῶν with

Editors' notes and page, col. 1379

Page

running head: 1379 VARIORUM NOTAE
marginal letters: A Sedem figens.; B Pag. 43.; C utrumque eodem; D Hlerculem referatur.
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Sedem figens (Billy's Scholia continued)

PG 7:1380

veteri. Emetiri autem hoc loco, Graec. περαιῶσαι, idem est quod transmeare, trajicere. Vetus interpres quid legerit, non queo conjicere. Vertit enim explicans, quod longe a significatione verbi περαιῶσαι.

the old translator. Now to measure out (emetiri) in this passage, in Greek περαιῶσαι, is the same as to pass across, to traverse. What the old translator read, I cannot conjecture. For he translates unfolding (explicans), which is far from the signification of the word περαιῶσαι.

Hujusce fabulae. Μύθου lego cum vet., non θυμοῦ, ut corrupte legitur in Epiphanii codice. Sensus enim perspicue postulat ut μύθου legamus.

Hujusce fabulae. I read μύθου with the old translator, not θυμοῦ, as is corruptly read in the codex of Epiphanius. For the sense clearly demands that we read μύθου.

Subjungat. In Graeco pro ἐπενεγκεῖν, καλῶς ἔχειν ὑπερλάβομεν, reponendum est ἐπενέγκῃ, καλῶς ἔχειν ὑπελάβομεν.

Subjungat. In the Greek for ἐπενεγκεῖν, καλῶς ἔχειν ὑπερλάβομεν, must be restored ἐπενέγκῃ, καλῶς ἔχειν ὑπελάβομεν.

Notae ex adversariis Frontonis Ducaei in cap. 1.

Notes from the notebooks of Fronton du Duc on chap. 1.

Pag. 5. Hunc autem et Proarchen. Vocem hanc etiam agnoscit Theodoretus lib. I Haeretic. fabularum, de Valentino, ubi legendum forte : Ante principium. Tertullianus adversus Valentin., capit. 8, et Graecam vocem retinuit Προαρχήν, et Proarchen scripsit c. 35.

Page 5. Hunc autem et Proarchen. Theodoret also recognizes this word in Book 1 of Heretical Fables, concerning Valentinus, where perhaps one must read: Before the beginning (Ante principium). Tertullian, Against the Valentinians, chap. 8, both retained the Greek word Προαρχήν, and wrote Proarchen in chap. 35.

Esse autem illum invisibilem, et quem nulla res capere possit. Haec absunt a Graeco; verum Tertullianus simul ista profert : Innatum, immensum, infinitum, invisibilem, aeternumque definiunt.

Esse autem illum invisibilem, et quem nulla res capere possit. These words are absent from the Greek; but Tertullian brings forward those things together: They define him as unborn, immense, infinite, invisible, and eternal.

Et aliquando voluisse. In Graeco delendum est illud καί, quod est ante καθέσθαι, ut consentiant Graeca cum interpretatione Billii, in qua omissum est καθάπερ σπέρμα, ac tanquam semen, hanc, quam in animum induxerat.

Et aliquando voluisse. In the Greek that καί which is before καθέσθαι must be deleted, so that the Greek words agree with the translation of Billy, in which καθάπερ σπέρμα is omitted, and as a seed, this which he had brought into his mind.

Pag. 6. Apud eos nuncupatam. Addimus in margine, καλουμένην pro καλουμένων.

Page 6. Apud eos nuncupatam. We add in the margin καλουμένην for καλουμένων.

Masculo-feminam. Ἀῤῥενόθηλυν. Tertull. c. 34 : Ne apud solos Lunenses Hermaphroditum existimet Fenestella.

Masculo-feminam. Ἀῤῥενόθηλυν. Tertullian, chap. 34: Lest Fenestella think that only among the people of Luna is there a Hermaphrodite.

Emissiones in conjugationem. Graece scripsimus προβολὰς ἐν συζυγίᾳ, ex quo legendum esset hic, in conjugatione.

Emissiones in conjugationem. In Greek we have written προβολὰς ἐν συζυγίᾳ, from which one would have to read here, in conjugation (in conjugatione).

Bythus et Mixis. Graece Βύθιος, non Βυθός, quo pacto et apud Tertullianum c. 8, Bythius et Mixis, et ita in manuscriptis omnibus legebatur, teste Pamelio, qui et hic, et lib. II, cap. 19 Irenaei sic legendum censet; et Theodoretum, apud quem cum reperisset interpres Βυθόν, vertit Profundum et Mixtionem : huncque Bythium ad differentiam primi parentis Bythi sic dictum suspicatur.

Bythus et Mixis. In Greek Βύθιος, not Βυθός, in which manner also in Tertullian, chap. 8, it is Bythius et Mixis, and so it was read in all the manuscripts, as Pamelius testifies, who judges that both here and in Book 2, chap. 19 of Irenaeus it must be read thus; and in Theodoret, in whom when the translator had found Βυθόν, he translated The Deep and Mixture (Profundum et Mixtionem): and he suspects that this Bythius was so called for distinction from the first parent Bythus.

Ageratos. Cap. 19, lib. II, redditur Latine, innascibilem, vel, ut est in margine, insensibilem; forte, insenescibilem, vel, insenilem : apud interpretem Theodoreti lego, senii expertem, unionem et per se nascentem : hoc ultimum est Autophyes.

Ageratos. In chap. 19, Book 2, it is rendered in Latin, unbegotten (innascibilem), or, as is in the margin, insensible (insensibilem); perhaps, unageing (insenescibilem), or, unold (insenilem): in the translator of Theodoret I read, free from old age, union, and self-born: this last is Autophyes.

Pag. 7. Aenos et Synesis. Scribendum hic, et apud Billium : Ainos et Synesis.

Page 7. Aenos et Synesis. One must write here, and in Billy: Ainos et Synesis.

Theletos et Sophia. Non Teletos : nam saepe τῆς θελήσεως, et τοῦ θελήματος meminit in his mysteriis haereticorum Irenaeus, ut cap. 6 hujus libri : etsi aliter Pamelio videtur. Billius certe semper Theleti scripsit, neque mihi unquam occurrit τελετός, perfectus : θελητόν habes I Reg. XV, 22, εἰ θελητὸν τῷ Κυρίῳ, si volitum Domino : itaque melius voluntate expetitum reddidissent interpretes, quam ut Cornarius, voluntatem, et alius, voluntarium.

Theletos et Sophia. Not Teletos: for Irenaeus often makes mention of τῆς θελήσεως and τοῦ θελήματος in these mysteries of the heretics, as in chap. 6 of this book: although it seems otherwise to Pamelius. Billy certainly always wrote Theleti, nor has τελετός, perfect, ever occurred to me: θελητόν you have in 1 Sam. 15:22, εἰ θελητὸν τῷ Κυρίῳ, if it is willed by the Lord: and so the translators would better have rendered desired by will (voluntate expetitum), than as Cornarius, will (voluntatem), and another, voluntary (voluntarium).

Quid eorum quae dicuntur in Scripturis. Graece, εἴπου τι τῶν ἐν πλήθει εἰρημένων ἐν ταῖς Γραφαῖς. Billius et Cornarius omiserunt illud ἐν πλήθει. Gallasius : Eorum, quae multa dicuntur in Scripturis. Suspicari possumus hoc velle Irenaeum. Si quid in Scripturis dictum esset, numero aliquo multitudinis expresso, ut post triginta annos baptizari, duodecim apostolos deligi, triginta cubitis altum esse; id arreptum statim Gnosticos ad suos errores adumbrandos traduxisse. Vide cap. 15 sub finem.

Quid eorum quae dicuntur in Scripturis. In Greek, εἴπου τι τῶν ἐν πλήθει εἰρημένων ἐν ταῖς Γραφαῖς. Billy and Cornarius omitted that ἐν πλήθει. Gallasius: Of the things which are said in great number in the Scriptures. We can suspect that Irenaeus means this: If anything was said in the Scriptures with some number of multitude expressed, such as to be baptized after thirty years, twelve apostles to be chosen, to be thirty cubits high; the Gnostics immediately seized upon that and transferred it to shadow forth their own errors. See chap. 15 towards the end.

Pag. 8. Sine complexu conjugis Theleti. In Graeco hic pro ζυγοῦ legendum, ἄνευ τῆς συμπλοκῆς τοῦ συζύγου, sine complexu conjugis. Lib. II, cap. 14, sine permistione conjugis. Tertull., sine conjugis Phileti societate. L. Latinius illic frustra est, qui corrigit : sine conjugis Phileti satietate.

Page 8. Sine complexu conjugis Theleti. In the Greek here for ζυγοῦ one must read, ἄνευ τῆς συμπλοκῆς τοῦ συζύγου, without the embrace of her consort. In Book 2, chap. 14, without the mingling of her consort. Tertullian, without the fellowship of her consort Philetus. Latino Latini is there in vain, who corrects: without the satiety of her consort Philetus.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1380

Page

running head: VARIORUM NOTAE 1380
marginal letters: A veteri. Emetiri; B Esse autem; C gendum censet;; D rium.
old-edition numerals: 25 before Ageratos.
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: veteri. Emetiri (end of Billy's Scholia on chap. 1), Notae ex adversariis Frontonis Ducaei in cap. 1

PG 7:1381

Pag. 9. Novissime forte absorptum. Scribe, Novissime forte absorptum fuisse, aut, absorptus fuisset, Aeon scilicet. Pamelius in Tertull. pro forte, aut quod hic est in margine, vere, legendum vult, fere : potest tamen retineri, forte. Τελευταῖον ἂν καταπεπόσθαι : Tertull. Modico abfuit, prae vi dulcedinis et laboris, devorari. Refutatur haec naenia lib. II, cap. 24 et 28.

Page 9. Novissime forte absorptum. Write, Novissime forte absorptum fuisse, or, absorptus fuisset, the Aeon namely. Pamelius on Tertullian for forte, or what is here in the margin, vere, wishes fere to be read: yet forte can be retained. Τελευταῖον ἂν καταπεπόσθαι: Tertullian, She was within a little, by reason of the force of sweetness and toil, of being devoured. This dirge is refuted in Book 2, chaps. 24 and 28.

Qualem naturam habebat femina. Graece fuit θήλειαν τεκεῖν : Tert., et procreat feminam. Ac Billius quidem legit ex veteri interp., θήλεια τεκεῖν. Itaque Cornarius verterat, qualem feminea natura parere poterat. Sed cum non solum marem, sed neque feminam sola possit parere femina, suspicari posset quis, ita distinctum fuisse, οἵαν φύσιν εἶχε, θήλειαν τεκεῖν, qualem naturam habebat, feminam peperisse; ut scilicet Aeon ille natura feminea, sic et illa substantia informis eadem feminea natura praedita fuit. Atque ita commodius deleretur prius illud τεκεῖν, quod redundare sua interpretatione innuit Billius.

Qualem naturam habebat femina. In Greek it was θήλειαν τεκεῖν: Tertullian, and procreates a female. And Billy indeed reads from the old translator, θήλεια τεκεῖν. And so Cornarius had translated, such as a female nature could bring forth. But since a female alone can bring forth not only not a male, but not even a female, someone might suspect that it was punctuated thus, οἵαν φύσιν εἶχε, θήλειαν τεκεῖν, such a nature as she had, she brought forth a female; so that, namely, as that Aeon was of a female nature, so also that formless substance was endowed with the same female nature. And thus that former τεκεῖν would more conveniently be deleted, which Billy by his translation hints is redundant.

Pag. 10. In imagine sua sine conjuge. Retrahenda e margine vera lectio, sua sine conjuge masculo-femina. Tertull., cap. 10 : Horon in hac promit in imagine sua femina-mare. Billius : In imagine sua conjugii experte, ac masculo-femina producit. In Graec. ergo pro ἄζυγον ἀθήλυντον, corrigendum est, ἀζύγῳ ἀῤῥενοθήλει, ut Greg. Nazianz. ἀῤῥενοθήλεος σωματότητος. Caeterum Metagogea Tert. exponit circumductorem.

Page 10. In imagine sua sine conjuge. The true reading is to be drawn back from the margin, in his own consortless male-female image (sua sine conjuge masculo-femina). Tertullian, chap. 10: On this occasion he brings forth Horus in his own female-male image. Billy: He produces in his own image devoid of wedlock, and male-female. In the Greek therefore for ἄζυγον ἀθήλυντον must be corrected ἀζύγῳ ἀῤῥενοθήλει, as Gregory of Nazianzus has ἀῤῥενοθήλεος σωματότητος. For the rest, Tertullian expounds Metagogeus as leader-around (circumductorem).

Pag. 12. Et causam quidem. Corrige : Et causam quidem aeternae perseverationis iis omnibus incomprehensibile Patris esse. Tertull. cap. 11 : Docebantur incomprehensibile quidem Patris causam esse perpetuitatis ipsorum.

Page 12. Et causam quidem. Correct: And that the cause indeed of eternal perseverance to them all is the incomprehensibility of the Father. Tertullian, chap. 11: They were taught that the incomprehensibility of the Father indeed is the cause of their perpetuity.

Pag. 13. Satellites quoque. Lectionem ex ea quae in margine, et quae in contextu conflatam Graeca exposcunt : Satellites quoque ei in honorem ipsorum ejusdem generis angelos. Tertull. cap. 12 : Satellites ei angelos proferunt. Graec., δορυφόρους τε αὐτῷ. Theodoretus : Ut essent ejus satellites.

Page 13. Satellites quoque. The Greek words demand a reading welded together from that which is in the margin and that which is in the text: And as bodyguards to him in their honour angels of the same kind. Tertullian, chap. 12: They bring forth angels as bodyguards to him. In the Greek, δορυφόρους τε αὐτῷ. Theodoret: That they might be his bodyguards.

Et crucis ipsorum. Vox ipsorum abest a Graeco, in quo pro στύλου ita scribendum : καὶ τοῦ ὅρου καὶ σταυροῦ καὶ λυτρωτοῦ : verior item lectio ex margine repetenda, de poenitentia, ἐκ μετανοίας.

Et crucis ipsorum. The word ipsorum is absent from the Greek, in which for στύλου must be written thus: καὶ τοῦ ὅρου καὶ σταυροῦ καὶ λυτρωτοῦ: likewise the truer reading is to be repeated from the margin, from repentance (de poenitentia), ἐκ μετανοίας.

Pag. 14. In universas generationes. Graece τῶν αἰώνων τοῦ αἰῶνος, saeculorum saeculi. At Ephes. III, 21, legimus, τοῦ αἰῶνος τῶν αἰώνων, ut habet vet. interpres. Paulo post in nomine Ἰησοῦς, iota intellige valere decem, eta autem octo, sicque fiunt ex duabus prioribus litteris, octodecim.

Page 14. In universas generationes. In Greek τῶν αἰώνων τοῦ αἰῶνος, of the ages of the age. But in Eph. 3:21 we read, τοῦ αἰῶνος τῶν αἰώνων, as the old translator has. A little after, in the name Ἰησοῦς, understand iota to be worth ten, and eta eight, and so from the first two letters are made eighteen.

Pag. 15. Qui est veritatis primae. Emenda, qui est veritas primae tetradis; vel, hoc est, veritatem primae tetradis.

Page 15. Qui est veritatis primae. Emend, who is the truth of the first tetrad; or, that is, the truth of the first tetrad.

Pag. 17. Tollens crucem, sequere. Legendum in Graeco ἀκολούθει μοι. Quae verba leguntur in Graeco Marci X, 22, καὶ δεῦρο ἀκολούθει μοι ἄρας τὸν σταυρόν. Epiphanii interpres : Tollens crucem suam, et sequitur me; minus recte, quam hic vetus : Tollens crucem, sequere me. Abest a Vulgata illud ἄρας τὸν σταυρόν. Erasmus quoque non esse in veteribus codicibus ait, nec apud alios evangelistas reperiri, ut illinc huc transcriptum videri possit. Legit tamen, praeter hunc Irenaeum, Theophylactus in Marcum : Et sequere me, sublata cruce; hoc est, praeparato teipsum ad mortem pro me; et ut videtur Nicetae, Greg. Nazianzenus orat. in Pascha 2 : Σὺ δὲ ἀποθήσῃ καὶ τὰ δικαίως κτηθέντα προθύμως, ἵνα κοῦφος τὸν σταυρὸν αἴρῃς, καὶ πλουτήσῃς τὰ μὴ ὁρώμενα. Tu vero justis etiam rationibus quaesitas opes excuties, ut leviter crucem tollas, et divitias quae non cernuntur, assequaris.

Page 17. Tollens crucem, sequere. One must read in the Greek ἀκολούθει μοι. Which words are read in the Greek of Mark 10:21, καὶ δεῦρο ἀκολούθει μοι ἄρας τὸν σταυρόν. The translator of Epiphanius renders: Taking up his cross, and follows me; less rightly than the old translator here: Taking up the cross, follow me. That ἄρας τὸν σταυρόν is absent from the Vulgate. Erasmus also says that it is not in the old codices, nor is it found in the other Evangelists, so that it could seem transcribed hither from thence. Yet besides this Irenaeus, Theophylact on Mark reads: And follow me, having taken up the cross; that is, prepare yourself for death for me; and as it seems to Nicetas, Gregory of Nazianzus in the second Oration on Pascha: And you will cast away even the wealth justly acquired, readily, that lightly you may take up the cross, and grow rich in the things not seen.

Ventilabrum ejus in manu. Lege, et emundabit aream, et colliget : nisi forte Hellenismum esse voluit, τοῦ καθαίρειν ἕνεκα τὴν ἅλωνα.

Ventilabrum ejus in manu. Read, and he will thoroughly cleanse his floor, and will gather (Luke 3:17): unless perhaps he intended it to be a Hellenism, τοῦ καθαίρειν ἕνεκα τὴν ἅλωνα.

Plasmate universorum. Πάντων legit, non πάντες, ut habent Graeca, ex quibus sic scribendum esset, et plasmate universi, vel omnes, dicunt. Paulo

Plasmate universorum. He reads πάντων, not πάντες, as the Greek words have, from which one would have to write thus, and by the formation all say. A little

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marginal letters: A Pag. 9.; B Pag. 10.; C τε αὐτῷ.; D suam, et
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post, expungenda est vox quando, et legendum, cum multae parabolae.

after, the word quando is to be expunged, and one must read, since many parables.

Pag. 18. In umbratae vanitatis. Corrige ex Graec. et vestigiis manuscripti : In umbrae, et vacuitatis locis deferbuisse. Ita paulo post : quod derelicta sola esset in tenebris et in vacuo : ἐν τῷ κενώματι : quod confirmat Billii correctionem et interpret., in umbras et vacuitatis loca velut aestu quodam abreptam. Sed illud ἐκβεβράσθαι simplicius vertit Tert. c. 14 : Explosa est in loca luminis aliena : quasi nihil aliud velit, quam expulsam et ejectam, addit, in vacuum et inane illud Epicuri : cum quo vacuitatem hanc comparat etiam Iren. l. II, c. 19 : Umbram autem et vacuum ipsorum a Democrito et Epicuro sumentes. Sed in Graec. forte ex manusc., ἐν σκιᾶς καὶ κενώματος. Theod. : Et in umbra quadam et inani degere.

Page 18. In umbratae vanitatis. Correct from the Greek and the traces of the manuscript: To have ceased boiling in the places of shadow and emptiness. So a little after: because she had been left alone in darkness and in the void: ἐν τῷ κενώματι: which confirms the correction and translation of Billy, carried away as if by a certain surge into the shadows and places of emptiness. But Tertullian in chap. 14 translates that ἐκβεβράσθαι more simply: She was driven out into places alien to light: as if he meant nothing else than expelled and cast out, he adds, into that vacuum and void of Epicurus: with which Irenaeus also in Book II, chap. 19 compares this emptiness: Taking their shadow and void from Democritus and Epicurus. But in the Greek perhaps from the manuscript, ἐν σκιᾶς καὶ κενώματος. Theodoret: And to dwell in a certain shadow and void.

Pag. 19. Formatam ante. Verius, formatam autem.

Page 19. Formatam ante. More truly, formatam autem (and formed).

Statim autem evacuatam. Lego Graec. Κενωθεῖσαν ὑπὸ τοῦ ἀοράτως αὐτῇ.

Statim autem evacuatam. I read in the Greek, Κενωθεῖσαν ὑπὸ τοῦ ἀοράτως αὐτῇ.

Ne adversarius. Ne anterius irrueret. Porro Tertul. c. 14 in Valent. legit, Jao, non Jaioth : in quem locum Pamelius admonet, Jaioth hic legendum non videri, quod ea vox fuerit potius Basilidianorum, quam Valentinianorum. Certe manusc. Jao habet.

Ne adversarius. Lest it should rush further forward (anterius). Furthermore, Tertullian in chap. 14 Against the Valentinians reads Jao, not Jaioth: on which passage Pamelius admonishes that it does not seem that Jaioth should be read here, because that word belonged rather to the Basilidians than to the Valentinians. Certainly the manuscript has Jao.

Omni parte passionis. Omni parti passionis succub. mult. et var. exsistentis. Tert. Omni genere passionis coepit affligi.

Omni parte passionis. Succumbed to every part of passion, being manifold and various. Tertullian: She began to be afflicted with every kind of passion.

Mater ejus prima Sophia. Prima Sophia et Aeon, demutationem, etc.

Mater ejus prima Sophia. The first Sophia and Aeon, change, etc.

Pag. 20. Quis enim non eroget. Pro quae ex passione Aeonis, Gr. ad verbum, qui est passi Aeonis, τῆς ἐνθυμήσεως τοῦ πεπονθότος αἰῶνος. Tert. c. 15 : Nam ex lacrymis ejus universa aquarum natura manavit. Bill., calamitosi illius Aeonis. Corn., afflicti saeculi : sed mallem passionis nomen exprimi, nam Tertul. et Iren. omni genere passionis dixerunt affligi, παντὶ μέρει τοῦ πάθους. Gallas., a lacrymis Aeonis cogitatione perturbati. Non vidit scilicet, ἐνθύμησιν nomen esse Aeonis.

Page 20. Quis enim non eroget. For quae ex passione Aeonis, the Greek word for word is, which is of the suffering Aeon, τῆς ἐνθυμήσεως τοῦ πεπονθότος αἰῶνος. Tertullian, chap. 15: For from her tears the whole nature of waters flowed. Billy, of that calamitous Aeon. Cornarius, of the afflicted age: but I would prefer the name of passion to be expressed, for Tertullian and Irenaeus said that she was afflicted with every kind of passion, παντὶ μέρει τοῦ πάθους. Gallasius, from the tears of the Aeon disturbed by thought. He did not see, namely, that ἐνθύμησιν is the name of the Aeon.

Pag. 21. Praestante ei virtutem. Lego, praestante ei virtutem omnem Patre. Praeter Graeci textus patrocinium, ita Tertul. c. 16 : Largito ei Patre universorum Aeonum summam potestatem, subjiciendis eis omnibus.

Page 21. Praestante ei virtutem. I read, the Father furnishing to him all power. Besides the support of the Greek text, so Tertullian has in chap. 16: The Father having bestowed upon him the supreme power over all the Aeons, all of them being to be subjected to him.

Achamoth reverita. Achamoth reveritam eum dicunt, primo quidem coopertionem imposuisse ei propter reverentiam. In Graec. deest vox αὐτῇ· κάλυμμα ἐπιθέσθαι αὐτῇ, vel ἑαυτῇ, δι' αἰδῶ. Tert. : Protinus velamentum sibi obduxit, ex officio primo venerationis. Paulo post : separantem eas ab ea, et non eas neglexisse.

Achamoth reverita. They say that Achamoth, holding him in reverence, at first indeed put a covering upon herself on account of reverence. In the Greek the word αὐτῇ is wanting: κάλυμμα ἐπιθέσθαι αὐτῇ, or ἑαυτῇ, δι' αἰδῶ. Tertullian: Forthwith she drew a veil over herself, out of the first duty of veneration. A little after: separating them from her, and did not neglect them.

Pag. 22. Habilia et possibilia essent. Ἑκτικὰ καὶ δυνατά. Bil. : Quod radices egissent, et robur contraxissent. Tert. : exercitata et usu viriosa. Corn. quod in habitum jam cessissent.

Page 22. Habilia et possibilia essent. Ἑκτικὰ καὶ δυνατά. Billy: Because they had struck roots, and had contracted strength. Tertullian: exercised and strong by use. Cornarius: because they had already passed into a habit.

Sed segregantem. Lege, separatim commiscuisse et coagulasse. Quod Bill. corrigit χωρὶς, confirmat Tertul. : Defixit seorsum in materiae corporalem paraturam.; et Theodor. : Separavit, eaque separata compegit.

Sed segregantem. Read, separately mingled and curdled them. What Billy corrects as χωρὶς, Tertullian confirms: He fixed them apart into a bodily preparation of matter; and Theodoret: He separated them, and compacted those things separated.

Altera autem conversionis. Scribe, conversionis passibilis : sic enim verti potest ἐμπαθῆ, neque vocem Tertullian. usurpare necesse est, ut vult Rhenanus : Ut duplex substantiarum conditio ordinaretur : de vitiis pessima; de conversione passionalis. Hinc tamen disce melius potuisse verti : Altera autem ex conversione passibilis, id est obnoxia passioni.

Altera autem conversionis. Write, conversionis passibilis: for thus can ἐμπαθῆ be translated, nor is it necessary to use the word of Tertullian, as Rhenanus wishes: That a twofold condition of substances might be ordained: from the vices the worst; from the conversion passionate. Yet learn hence that it could better have been translated: And the other from conversion passible, that is, subject to passion.

Et propter hoc virtutem. Et propter hoc virtute Salvatorem : et, concepisse de gratulatione eorum, quae cum ipso sunt, luminum visionem. Dele ex margine lectionem nihili, conceptu.

Et propter hoc virtutem. And on account of this, the Saviour in power: and, that she conceived, from her rejoicing over those who are with him, the vision of the lights. Delete from the margin the reading of no value, conceptu.

Pag. 23. Sed spiritale quidem. Graec. legendum est, μὴ δεδυνῆσθαι αὐτὴν μορφῶσαι, non potuisse eam formare. Tertul. c. 18 : Sed spiritale quidem

Page 23. Sed spiritale quidem. In the Greek one must read, μὴ δεδυνῆσθαι αὐτὴν μορφῶσαι, that she could not form. Tertullian, chap. 18: But the spiritual indeed

Editors' notes and page, col. 1382

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running head: IN LIB. I S. IRENAEI. 1382
marginal letters: A post, expungenda; B Statim autem; C dixerunt affligi,; D Sed segregantem.
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin with Greek words cited in the notes (no facing Greek column); editors' matter: post, expungenda (Fronton du Duc's notes continued)

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non ita potuit attingere. Hellenismus porro est, ejusdem substantiae ei erat, ὁμοούσιον αὐτῇ. Tertul. consubstantiva dixit. Paulo post lege : Conversam autem in formationem ejus. Denique illud : quas dextras vocant, vertendum est e Graeco : quae dextra vocant; et, quae sinistra dicunt : nisi intelligas substantias animales, ut loquitur Tert., quas ad dexteram commendant; et, ad laevam delegant. Apud Theod. mendum est, qui eamdem cum ipso habent animam, pro habent substantiam.

she could not so touch. Furthermore, it is a Hellenism, was of the same substance to her, ὁμοούσιον αὐτῇ. Tertullian said consubstantial (consubstantiva). A little after read: And turned to the formation of it. Finally that: whom they call right-hand (quas dextras vocant), is to be translated from the Greek: the things which they call right-hand (quae dextra vocant); and, the things which they call left-hand (quae sinistra dicunt): unless you understand the animal substances, as Tertullian speaks, which they commend to the right hand, and relegate to the left. In Theodoret there is a fault, who have the same soul with him, instead of have the same substance.

Ea enim quae post eum. Graec., omnia enim quae post eum sunt.

Ea enim quae post eum. In the Greek, for all the things which are after him.

Pag. 24. Demiurgum et fratrem. Demiurgum et patrem vocant.

Page 24. Demiurgum et fratrem. They call him Demiurge and Father.

Imaginem dicunt fecisse. Imagines dicunt f. Tertull., 19 : Achamoth in honorem Aeonum imagines commentatam.

Imaginem dicunt fecisse. They say she made images. Tertullian, chap. 19: That Achamoth devised images in honour of the Aeons.

Et ipsam quidem in imagine. Gr., ἐν εἰκόνι. Pamelius in c. 19 Tertull. εἰκόνα legi vult, et Latine pro in imagine, imaginem invisibilis Patris conservasse, corrigendumque utrumque exemplar, quod sequatur, hunc autem unigeniti Filii (sic enim legendum est), τοῦτον δὲ τοῦ μονογενοῦς Υἱοῦ, supple εἰκόνα, imaginem, non, in imagine. Ait enim Irenaeus, Salvatorem fecisse Achamoth imaginem Patris, et eumdem Salvatorem fecisse hunc Demiurgum imaginem Nu, Unigeniti, seu Monogenis filii Propatoris; Demiurgum vero fecisse Angelos et Archangelos, qui sunt imagines reliquorum Aeonum. Indicat hoc Tertull. : Qui (Soter) per illam sit operatus, ut ipsam quidem imaginem Patris invisibilis et incogniti daret. Idem constare addit ex Iren. l. II, c. 5, ubi haec refutat.

Et ipsam quidem in imagine. In the Greek, ἐν εἰκόνι. Pamelius on chap. 19 of Tertullian wishes εἰκόνα to be read, and in the Latin instead of in imagine, that he preserved the image of the invisible Father, and that both copies must be corrected, because there follows, and this one of the only-begotten Son (for so one must read), τοῦτον δὲ τοῦ μονογενοῦς Υἱοῦ, supply εἰκόνα, image, not in the image. For Irenaeus says that the Saviour made Achamoth the image of the Father, and the same Saviour made this Demiurge the image of Nus, the Only-begotten or Monogenes, son of the Propator; while the Demiurge made the Angels and Archangels, who are the images of the rest of the Aeons. Tertullian indicates this: Who (Soter) worked through her, so that he gave her indeed as the image of the invisible and unknown Father. He adds that the same is established from Irenaeus, Book 2, chap. 5, where he refutes these things.

Pag. 25. Virtutem archangelum quartum. Graec. sonant, virtute angelum quartum dicunt esse, δυνάμει ἄγγελον. Tertull. 20 : Angelum quartum, quoniam et hunc supra coelum tertium pangunt. Refutantur haec l. II, c. 55.

Page 25. Virtutem archangelum quartum. The Greek words sound, in power they say he is the fourth angel, δυνάμει ἄγγελον. Tertullian, chap. 20: The fourth angel, since him also they fix above the third heaven. These things are refuted in Book 2, chap. 55.

Haec autem Demiurgum. Haec manca et obscura sic restituenda sunt : Haec autem Demiurgum dicunt a semetipso quidem et putasse fabricasse, fecisse autem ea Achamoth producente. Paulo post in Graec. legendum est, ἠγνοηκέναι αὐτὸν τὰς ἰδέας : vertit enim vet., ignorasse eum figuras.

Haec autem Demiurgum. These maimed and obscure words are to be restored thus: And these things they say the Demiurge supposed that he fashioned from himself indeed, whereas he made them as Achamoth brought them forth. A little after in the Greek one must read, ἠγνοηκέναι αὐτὸν τὰς ἰδέας: for the old translator renders, that he was ignorant of the figures.

De timore autem. Graec. omnem animalem substantiam, ut brutorum animalium et ferarum et hominum.

De timore autem. In the Greek, all the animal substance, as of brute animals and wild beasts and men.

Et propter hoc superiorem. Ἀνώτερον αὐτὸν ὑπάρχοντα προγινώσκειν legit, pro ἀτονώτερον, etc., minus recte, ut Bil. monet : melius enim convenit sensui auctoris : ut propter hoc imbecilliorem eum exsistentem ad sciendum quae sunt spiritalia, se putasse solum Deum. Ideoque videndum an apud Tertull. cap. 21 commodius legi possit : Adeo rerum non erat compos, de animali scilicet censu, invalidus spiritalia accedere, ut, se solum ratus, concionaretur : Ego Deus et absque me non est; qui locus est Isaiae XLV, 6. Sic cap. 19, animali censui inscriptas, idem Tertull. dixit.

Et propter hoc superiorem. He reads ἀνώτερον αὐτὸν ὑπάρχοντα προγινώσκειν, instead of ἀτονώτερον, etc., less rightly, as Billy admonishes: for it agrees better with the sense of the author: that on account of this, being too weak to know the things which are spiritual, he supposed that he alone was God. And therefore one must see whether in Tertullian, chap. 21, it can more conveniently be read: So far was he from being master of affairs, as being of the animal class, unable to approach spiritual things, that, thinking himself alone, he harangued: I am God and beside me there is none; which passage is Isaiah 45:6. Thus in chap. 19 the same Tertullian said, enrolled in the animal class.

Pag. 26. Sed Demiurgum quidem. Delendum est alterum vocabulum, Filium. Itaque legendum, psychicum, filium matris suae dicunt; et ita Bil. In Graeco tamen est, τῆς μητρὸς αὐτῶν : unde Cornarius, matris ipsorum, non αὐτοῦ, ut in margine scripsimus. Sequitur autem : Habitare autem matrem quidem ipsorum in eo qui sit coelestis locus : ubi Graece ὑπερουράνιος, supercoelestis. Rursus pro eo quod sequitur, in eo, qui sit in coelo, locus; Graec., ὑπουράνιον, pro ὑπερουράνιον legit Bil. in eo, qui sit sub coelo, locus. Videndum tamen num editam lectionem tueatur quod sequitur, hoc est, hebdomade, qua voce septem coeli designari videntur. Tertull. c. 23 : Subest enim Demiurgus in hebdomade sua, magis diabolus in isto nobiscum communi mundo; hoc est, ut exponit Pamelius, magis diabolus subest in nostro mundo, qui coelis subest. Septem quoque coelos fecisse, super quos Demiurgum

Page 26. Sed Demiurgum quidem. The second word Filium is to be deleted. And so one must read, the psychic one they call the son of his mother; and so Billy has it. Yet in the Greek it is τῆς μητρὸς αὐτῶν: whence Cornarius has, of their mother, not αὐτοῦ, as we have written in the margin. Now there follows: And that their mother indeed dwells in that which is the heavenly place: where in Greek it is ὑπερουράνιος, supercelestial. Again, for that which follows, in that which is the place in heaven; in the Greek, Billy reads ὑπουράνιον for ὑπερουράνιον, in that which is the place under heaven. Yet one must see whether what follows defends the published reading, that is, in the Hebdomad, by which word the seven heavens seem to be designated. Tertullian, chap. 23: For the Demiurge is beneath in his Hebdomad, and still more the devil in this world common with us; that is, as Pamelius expounds, still more is the devil beneath in our world, which is beneath the heavens. That he also made seven heavens, above which the Demiurge

Editors' notes and page, col. 1383

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marginal letters: A non ita; B vasse, corrigendumque; C sic restituenda; D ptas, idem
old-edition numerals: 26 after vertendum
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: non ita potuit (Fronton du Duc's notes continued); word split at end of column: Demiur-[gum]

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ipsi dicunt, et propter hoc hebdomadam vocant eum. Et l. II, c. 55 : S. Paulo reliquum fuisse quartum coelum, ut appropinquaret Demiurgo. Quod si quaeras quid opponatur τῷ ὑπερουρανίῳ, sequitur locus Cosmocratoris, sive, ut Tertull., Munditenentis, in eo qui secundum nos mundo. Itaque perperam mutavit locum Tertull. Pamelius c. 31 : Et Demiurgus tunc de hebdomade subcoelesti in superiora mutabit : recte legebatur antea, de hebdomade coelesti. Lege igitur, me auctore, hic, εἰς τὸν οὐράνιον, τοῦτ' ἔστιν ἐν τῇ ἑβδομάδι. Est et apud eumdem Tertull. locus c. 23 corrigendus ex iis quae hunc sequuntur, ex Sophiae utilissimis casibus, melius forte, vilissimis casibus; Iren., de vesaniori materia, ἐκ τοῦ ἀσημοτέρου; Billius, velut ex ignobili stirpe.

is, they themselves say, and on account of this they call him the Hebdomad. And in Book 2, chap. 55: That a fourth heaven remained for St Paul, that he might draw near to the Demiurge. And if you ask what is opposed to τῷ ὑπερουρανίῳ, there follows the place of the Cosmocrator, or, as Tertullian says, the World-ruler (Munditenentis), in the world which is according to us. And so Pamelius wrongly altered the passage of Tertullian in chap. 31: And the Demiurge will then remove from the subcelestial Hebdomad into the higher regions: it was rightly read before, from the celestial Hebdomad. Read therefore, on my authority, here, εἰς τὸν οὐράνιον, τοῦτ' ἔστιν ἐν τῇ ἑβδομάδι. There is also in the same Tertullian a passage in chap. 23 to be corrected from the things which follow this, from the most useful mishaps of Sophia (ex Sophiae utilissimis casibus), better perhaps, most vile mishaps (vilissimis casibus); Irenaeus, from more insane matter (de vesaniori materia), ἐκ τοῦ ἀσημοτέρου; Billy, as if from an ignoble stock.

Pag. 27. Angelorum qui sunt erga. Non dubium quin error sit librarii, pro circa Salvatorem, περὶ τὸν Σωτῆρα, ut alibi eodem hoc capit., iis qui circa Salvatorem sunt Angelis. Tertull. satellites ejus appellat; Iren., δορυφόρους.

Page 27. Angelorum qui sunt erga. There is no doubt that it is an error of the copyist for around the Saviour (circa Salvatorem), περὶ τὸν Σωτῆρα, as elsewhere in this same chapter, to the Angels who are around the Saviour. Tertullian calls them his bodyguards; Irenaeus, δορυφόρους.

Ejusdem substantiae matris suae spiritalis. Scribe, matri suae spiritalem; ὁμοούσιον τῇ μητρὶ πνευματικόν; saltem ita solet interpres noster vertere similia verba, ut paulo ante, οὐχ ὁμοούσιον τῷ Θεῷ, non ejusdem substantiae esse Deo.

Ejusdem substantiae matris suae spiritalis. Write, spiritual, of the same substance with his mother; ὁμοούσιον τῇ μητρὶ πνευματικόν; at least so our translator is wont to translate similar words, as a little before, οὐχ ὁμοούσιον τῷ Θεῷ, not to be of the same substance with God.

Perfectae rationis. Legit interpres τοῦ τελείου λόγου, sed erravit, dum vertit, perfectae rationis, si quidem illi potius, quam Tertulliano assentiendum non est, c. 25 Advers. Valent. Idoneum inveniretur suspiciendo quandoque sermoni perfecto. Unde et ex aliis ejusmodi colligere quis posset, auctorem hujus Latinae editionis non esse Irenaeum. Billius certe, etsi eum in emendatione Graeci codicis sequitur, non tamen in interpretatione.

Perfectae rationis. The translator read τοῦ τελείου λόγου, but erred when he translated of perfect reason (perfectae rationis), if indeed one must not assent to him rather than to Tertullian, chap. 25 Against the Valentinians: Might be found fit for looking up at some time to the perfect Word. Whence, and from other things of that sort, someone could gather that the author of this Latin edition is not Irenaeus. Billy certainly, although he follows him in the emendation of the Greek codex, yet does not in the translation.

Pag. 28. Et hunc esse in semetipsis. Pamelius in 25 Tertull. hic legi vult, et hunc esse ex semetipsis hominem volunt, ut habeat. Sed necesse non est, cum non habeat Epiphanius, ut ipse vult, ex figmento suo, et veterem sequatur Billius. Hic vero paulo post loco illorum, primitias eum suscepisse dicunt, admonet Tertullianum scripsisse, prospicientias, parum commode : sed animadvertit postea Latinius, aut Petrus Ciaconius legendum esse, prosicias earum substantiarum induisse. Glossarium, prosiciae, ἀκροθίνια. Item, prosiciae, αἱ τῶν θυμάτων ἀπαρχαί : vide Festum. Pamelio quoque non assentior, qui paulo post, pro a dispositione circumdatum, legi vult, a dispensatione. Utroque enim modo verti potest οἰκονομίας : et saepius solet reddere hic noster, dispositione, ut alibi, et de dispositione quod erat : ἐκ τῆς οἰκονομίας.

Page 28. Et hunc esse in semetipsis. Pamelius on chap. 25 of Tertullian wishes it to be read here, and they wish this man to be from themselves, that he may have. But it is not necessary, since Epiphanius does not have, as he wishes, from his own figment, and Billy follows the old translator. Here indeed a little after, in place of those words, they say that he received the firstfruits, he admonishes that Tertullian wrote prospicientias, with little fitness: but Latino Latini or Pedro Chacón afterwards noticed that one must read, put on the first-cuttings (prosicias) of those substances. The Glossary has: prosiciae, ἀκροθίνια. Likewise, prosiciae, αἱ τῶν θυμάτων ἀπαρχαί (the firstfruits of sacrifices): see Festus. With Pamelius also I do not agree, who a little after, for surrounded by the disposition (a dispositione circumdatum), wishes to be read, by the dispensation (a dispensatione). For οἰκονομίας can be translated in both ways: and more often our translator here is wont to render dispositione, as elsewhere, and that which was from the disposition: ἐκ τῆς οἰκονομίας.

Pag. 30. In honore eorum. Gr., εἰς τιμὴν τῶν εἰδώλων : in honorem idolorum, vel certe deorum.

Page 30. In honore eorum. In the Greek, εἰς τιμὴν τῶν εἰδώλων: in honour of the idols, or certainly of the gods.

Apud homines odiosum muneris. Graecas voces duas expressit, θηριομάχων καὶ μονομαχίας, bestiariorum et gladiatorum.

Apud homines odiosum muneris. He expressed two Greek words, θηριομάχων καὶ μονομαχίας, of beast-fighters and gladiatorial combat.

Pag. 31. Insensibilibus iis sermonibus. Insensibiles cape homines, non sermones; ἀνοήτους stolidos homines appellat. Paulo post verior lectio in marg., emissum.

Page 31. Insensibilibus iis sermonibus. Take insensibiles as the men, not the speeches; by ἀνοήτους he calls the men foolish. A little after the truer reading is in the margin, sent forth (emissum).

Pag. 32. Spiritales vero. Interpungenda haec sunt hoc pacto : Spiritales vero exspoliatos animas, et spirituales factos, etc., intra Pleroma. Tertull. c. 32 : Despoliari est autem deponere animas, quibus induti videbantur.

Page 32. Spiritales vero. These words are to be punctuated in this manner: Spiritales vero exspoliatos animas, et spirituales factos, etc., intra Pleroma. Tertullian, chap. 32: Now to be despoiled is to lay aside the souls wherewith they seemed to be clothed.

Refrigerare et ipsas. Ἀναπαύσεσθαι (non aliter solet futura vertere, ut paulo ante προστεθήσεσθαι, adjici), pro in refrigerio fore. Bill., in quiete futuras esse.

Refrigerare et ipsas. Ἀναπαύσεσθαι (not otherwise is he wont to translate futures, as a little before προστεθήσεσθαι, to be added), for to be in refreshment. Billy, will be in rest.

His autem factis. Non exprimitur ab interprete τὸ ἐκλάμψαν, reddunturque futura praesentibus temporibus, quae et ita restituenda essent : « His autem factis ita, is qui latet in mundo ignis effulgens, et exardescens, comprehendens universam materiam consumit, et ipse simul consumptus abit in id, ut jam non sit. » Tert. c. 32 : « Tunc credo

His autem factis. The word τὸ ἐκλάμψαν is not expressed by the translator, and the futures are rendered by present tenses, which also would have to be restored thus: "And when these things have been so done, the fire which lies hidden in the world, shining forth and blazing up, laying hold of universal matter consumes it, and itself consumed at the same time passes away into this, that it no longer is." Tertullian, chap. 32: "Then I suppose

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marginal letters: A gum ipsi; B Salvatorem sunt; C gmento suo,; D biles cape
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ignis ille arcanus erumpet, et universam substantiam depopulatus, ipse quoque decineratis omnib. in nihilum finietur. »

that secret fire will burst forth, and having laid waste the whole substance, itself also, when all things have been reduced to ashes, will be ended into nothing."

Pag. 33. Primogenitae et primae quaternionis. Primogeniti et primi; Gr., τῆς τετρακτύος, nisi forte scripsit, quaternationis.

Page 33. Primogenitae et primae quaternionis. Of the first-begotten and first; in the Greek, τῆς τετρακτύος, unless perhaps he wrote quaternationis.

Cum traderetur. Melius, traheretur, προσαγομένου.

Cum traderetur. Better, was drawn (traheretur), προσαγομένου.

Quapropter et in prophetas. In manuscripto legebatur eos, sicut et Graece αὐτούς, sed probabilius secutus est Bill. Quocirca eas in prophetas. Itaque in Graeco scribendum, ἔτασσεν αὐτάς : simile quid Apoc. V, 10. Tert. 29 : Ex earum ergo laterculo et in reges et in sacerdotes allegere consueverat.

Quapropter et in prophetas. In the manuscript was read eos, just as in Greek also αὐτούς, but more probably Billy followed, Wherefore them (feminine, eas) into prophets. And so in the Greek must be written, ἔτασσεν αὐτάς: something similar is in Rev. 5:10. Tertullian, chap. 29: From their register therefore he had been wont to elect both for kings and for priests.

Pag. 34. Exponunt quippe eum. Lege, dicta per prophetas exponunt : quippe id altioris naturae esse, semen scilicet; quanquam suspicari quis posset fuisse scriptum, quippe eas altioris, cum sit Graece ἅτε ὑψηλοτέρας φύσεως ὑπαρχούσας; ut referatur ad animas, quae in reges et sacerdotes allegebantur, quod essent naturae sublimioris, et quae de semine adduntur, inserta sint per parenthesin. Paulo post scribe, et Jesum quidem aliquid a Salvatore dixisse, ἀπὸ τοῦ Σωτῆρος, Salvatoris instinctu.

Page 34. Exponunt quippe eum. Read, they expound the things spoken through the prophets: inasmuch as it is of a higher nature, the seed namely; although someone could suspect that it was written, inasmuch as they (eas) are of a higher, since in Greek it is ἅτε ὑψηλοτέρας φύσεως ὑπαρχούσας; so that it may be referred to the souls which were elected for kings and priests, because they were of a more sublime nature, and the things which are added concerning the seed are inserted by way of parenthesis. A little after write, and that Jesus indeed spoke something from the Saviour, ἀπὸ τοῦ Σωτῆρος, by the instigation of the Saviour.

Quam spiritus qui prophetat. Interpres male vertit ἤ. Scribe, sive spiritum, qui prophetat; et paulo post, conservasse, sic accipe quasi esset dictum, perseverasse.

Quam spiritus qui prophetat. The translator badly rendered ἤ. Write, or the spirit which prophesies; and a little after, preserved (conservasse), take thus as if it had been said, persevered (perseverasse).

Et in gaudium ei cessisse. Gr., καὶ ἄσμενον αὐτῷ προσχωρήσαντα : ubi commodius fortasse legeretur προσχωρῆσαι : et Lat., in gaudio ei accessisse, vel, cum gaudio ad eum accessisse. Tertull. c. 28 : Propere et ovanter accurrit, cum omnibus viribus suis.

Et in gaudium ei cessisse. In the Greek, καὶ ἄσμενον αὐτῷ προσχωρήσαντα: where more conveniently perhaps would be read προσχωρῆσαι: and in the Latin, came over to him in joy, or, came to him with joy. Tertullian, chap. 28: Hastily and exultingly he ran up, with all his powers.

Pag. 35. In loco medietatis refrigeraturum. Hoc est, in refrigerio futurum; ἀναπαύσεσθαι, ut postea refrigeraturis; ἀναπαυσομένων, requieturis.

Page 35. In loco medietatis refrigeraturum. That is, will be in refreshment; ἀναπαύσεσθαι, as afterwards refrigeraturis; ἀναπαυσομένων, about to rest (requieturis).

Spiritalia vero. Haec perturbata sunt, et imperfecte reddita sive a librario, sive ab interprete; melius ita legentur : « Spiritalia vero, quae seminarit Achamoth, ex illo tempore usque nunc in animabus justis erudita et enutrita, quia pusilla emittantur, post deinde perfectione, » etc. Tertull. cap. 29 : « Id ergo granum seminis spiritalis modicum et parvulum jactu, sed erudita hujus fides augetur atque movebitur. »

Spiritalia vero. These words are disturbed, and imperfectly rendered either by the copyist or by the translator; they will better be read thus: "But the spiritual things which Achamoth sowed from that time until now, having been instructed and nourished up in righteous souls, because they were sent forth very small, afterwards by perfection," etc. Tertullian, chap. 29: "That grain therefore of spiritual seed is modest and very small in its casting, but when instructed its faith is increased and will be moved."

Pag. 36. Fide digna. Ἀξιοπίστως, fide digne, etc. Paulo post, ψηφίδας, lapillos sive calculos, aut testulas tales intelligere potes, quales ad museum opus, sive musivum, ut appellat Plinius, conficiendum adhibebantur, cum vermiculata pavimenta tesserulis, aut emblemata pingebantur, aut variegatis ad effigiem rerum et animalium crustis. Spartianus de Pescennio Nigro imperatore : Hunc in Commodianis hortis in porticu curva pictum de musivo inter Commodi amicissimos videmus sacra Isidis ferentem.

Page 36. Fide digna. Ἀξιοπίστως, in a manner worthy of credit, etc. A little after, by ψηφίδας you can understand pebbles or little stones, or such small tiles as were used for making mosaic work (museum opus, or musivum, as Pliny calls it), when worm-patterned pavements were painted with small cubes, or inlaid work, or with plaques variegated to the likeness of things and animals. Spartianus concerning the Emperor Pescennius Niger: We see him in the Gardens of Commodus in the curved portico painted in mosaic among the closest friends of Commodus carrying the sacred things of Isis.

Pag. 37. Anicularum fabulas assumentes. Gr., συγκαττύσαντες μύθους, fabulis consutis. Videtur scripsisse, fabulas assuentes, et, hinc inde auferentes adaptare volunt. Justinus ad Zenam, συναλλάγματα βίαια συγκαττύοντας.

Page 37. Anicularum fabulas assumentes. In the Greek, συγκαττύσαντες μύθους, having stitched fables together. He seems to have written, stitching fables on (fabulas assuentes), and, taking away from here and there they wish to adapt them. Justin, To Zenas, stitching together violent contracts.

In abortionis partu. Ἐν ἐκτρώματος μοίρᾳ, abortus cujusdam instar. Vetus scripserat, parte.

In abortionis partu. Ἐν ἐκτρώματος μοίρᾳ, after the manner of an abortion. The old translator had written, in the part (parte).

Et passiones. Praecedunt ista quaedam de Moyse in Graeco, quae ex Billii interpretatione peti possunt. In his deficit vetus interpretatio, sed redundat in illis quae sequuntur : In hoc quidem quod derelicta est a lumine; quae absunt a Graeco, et nullo sententiae damno deleri possunt.

Et passiones. Certain things concerning Moses precede these words in the Greek, which can be sought from the translation of Billy. In these the old translation is deficient, but is redundant in those which follow: In this indeed that she was forsaken by the light; which words are absent from the Greek, and can be deleted with no loss to the sense.

Pag. 38. Quam tristis est anima. A Graeco abest illud, quam, et λύπη melius tristitia reddita esset, quam taedium.

Page 38. Quam tristis est anima. From the Greek is absent that how (quam), and λύπη would better have been rendered sadness (tristitia) than weariness (taedium).

Dicenti, Sequar te? Non habet. Graec., ἐν τῷ εἰπεῖν τῷ ἐρωτήσαντι, Ἀκολουθήσω σοι; Ei qui interrogaverat Sequar te? dixerit, Non habet. Hoc doctiss. Billius vertit, ut est Matth. VIII, v. 19. Sed perperam ista citare potuerunt haeretici, ex quorum myrotheciis ista proferuntur. Recte hoc converterat

Dicenti, Sequar te? Non habet. In the Greek, ἐν τῷ εἰπεῖν τῷ ἐρωτήσαντι, Ἀκολουθήσω σοι; By saying to him who had asked, Shall I follow you? He has not. This the most learned Billy translates as it is in Matt. 8:19. But the heretics, from whose ointment-boxes those things are brought forth, could have cited those words wrongly. Rightly had Cornarius translated

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marginal letters: A ignis ille; B quod essent; C melius ita; D scripsisse, fabulas
old-edition numerals: 27 before Pag. 36.
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: ignis ille arcanus (Fronton du Duc's notes continued); word split at end of column: converte-[rat]

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Cornarius, et eum secutus Gallas., sed lacunam ipsius interpretationis male explevit in altero Evangelii loco : Permitte mihi, ut prius constituam de iis, quae sunt domi meae; melius enim vertitur a veteribus Evangelii et Irenaei interpretibus : renuntiare domesticis, vel iis qui domi sunt : nam altera lectio Vulgatae Lucae IX, v. 61, hinc confirmatur, et illo Tertulliani IV in Marcionem, 23 : prius suis valedicere parantem prohibet retro spectare. Justinus, Dialog., μετανοίας καὶ ἀποταγῆς πρὸς ἀδικίαν. Quid sit ἀποτάττεσθαι et ἀποταγή, discat Gallasius ex Isidoro Pelusiota, si quid novum et insolens sibi velit cognoscere.

this, and Gallasius following him, but he badly filled up a gap of his translation in the other passage of the Gospel: Suffer me first to set in order the things which are at my home; for it is better translated by the old translators of the Gospel and of Irenaeus: to bid farewell to those of my household, or to those who are at home: for the other reading of the Vulgate of Luke 9:61 is confirmed hence, and by that of Tertullian, Against Marcion, Book 4, chap. 23: him preparing first to bid farewell to his own He forbids to look back. Justin, Dialogue, of repentance and renunciation towards unrighteousness. What ἀποτάττεσθαι and ἀποταγή mean, let Gallasius learn from Isidore of Pelusium, if he wishes to learn something new and unfamiliar to himself.

De mediis esse. In Graeco legas fortasse rectius τῶν μέσων, quam μέσον, vel certe ἐκ τῶν μέσων. Bill., hunc mediae classis esse.

De mediis esse. In the Greek you would perhaps read more rightly τῶν μέσων than μέσον, or certainly ἐκ τῶν μέσων. Billy, that this man is of the middle class.

Pag. 39. Sata tria. Addenda in Graeco vox τρία post σάτα. Post pauca sic distinguenda sunt illa : Spiritalis examinat omnia. Animalis autem non percipit quae sunt spiritus, etc. Graec., Τὸ δὲ, ψυχικὸς οὐ δέχεται. Illud autem, animalis non percipit.

Page 39. Sata tria. In the Greek the word τρία is to be added after σάτα. A little after those words are to be punctuated thus: The spiritual man examines all things. But the animal man perceives not the things which are of the Spirit, etc. (1 Cor. 2:14–15). In the Greek, Τὸ δὲ, ψυχικὸς οὐ δέχεται. And that: the animal man perceives not.

Conspersiones autem. Verior lectio, conspersionem, φύραμα. Caeterum in interpret. doctiss. Billii scribendum est, testatum esse. Et si delibatio sancta, utique et massa. Quo loco per delibationem, id quod spirituale est significari docent; vide Rom. XI, v. 16. Plane enim μνημονικὸν ἁμάρτημα tanti viri esse censeo, vel amanuensis ejus : non enim solet a Vulgatae verbis discedere; quae sicut alibi, ἀπαρχήν, primitias et delibationem, ita φύραμα conspersionem vertit, aut massam cum veteri interpr. Irenaei.

Conspersiones autem. The truer reading is lump (conspersionem), φύραμα. For the rest, in the translation of the most learned Billy must be written, testified (testatum esse). And if the firstfruit is holy, the lump is also: in which passage they teach that by the firstfruit that which is spiritual is signified; see Rom. 11:16. For I plainly judge it to be a slip of memory of so great a man, or of his amanuensis: for he is not wont to depart from the words of the Vulgate, which, just as elsewhere it translates ἀπαρχήν as firstfruits (primitias) and first-offering (delibationem), so translates φύραμα as dough (conspersionem), or lump (massam) with the old translator of Irenaeus.

Pag. 40. In Evangelio. Adde e Graeco : Prophetissa dicitur septem annis, etc.

Page 40. In Evangelio. Add from the Greek: A prophetess is said for seven years, etc.

Quod etiam Nun vocat. Graeca sonant, quem etiam Filium unigenitum et Deum vocavit, in quo omnia Pater praemisit (vel emisit) seminaliter : et, in eo omnem Aeonum substantiam. Vocem Nun, vel Mentem non reperio apud Joannem; nec illius postea fit mentio hoc loco, dum caetera Evangelii verba expenduntur.

Quod etiam Nun vocat. The Greek words sound, whom he also called the only-begotten Son and God, in whom the Father sent forth (or emitted) all things seminally: and, in him all the substance of the Aeons. The word Nus, or Mind, I do not find in John; nor is mention made of it afterwards in this passage, while the rest of the words of the Gospel are weighed.

Pag. 41. Quoniam igitur. Ita distingue : Quoniam de prima genesi dicit; bene a principio, hoc est, a Deo et Verbo doctrinam facit. Billius quoque hoc tantum habet, a principio, hoc est a Deo et Sermone doctrinam suam instituit. Delenda ergo vox, Filio, cum absit a Graeco.

Page 41. Quoniam igitur. Punctuate thus: Since he speaks of the first generation, he does well to begin his teaching from the beginning, that is, from God and the Word. Billy also has only this, from the beginning, that is, from God and the Word he institutes his teaching. The word Filio is therefore to be deleted, since it is absent from the Greek.

Pag. 42. Quod est formatum et manifestatum. Interpres fortasse scripsit, quod est formatum esse et manifestatum, pro formati sunt et manifestati. Sic legit postea εἴρηται, pro εἰρῆσθαι, lumen dicta est. Quaternionem secundam paulo post, et alibi dicit, familiari soloecismo, nisi quaternationem malis ibi fuisse; ut in aliis locis.

Page 42. Quod est formatum et manifestatum. The translator perhaps wrote, quod est formatum esse et manifestatum, instead of they were formed and manifested. Thus he afterwards reads εἴρηται for εἰρῆσθαι, was called light. A little after, and elsewhere, he says quaternionem secundam, by a familiar solecism, unless you prefer quaternationem to have been there, as in other places.

Dicit autem sic : Et Verbum. Haec verba usque ad Diligenter igitur, cum et apud Epiphanium, et apud vet. interpr. reperirentur, miror in Billii interpretatione omissa esse. Porro illud πλήρης, cum priori loco ita reddidisset Gallasius, ut referret ad gloriam, plena gratia et veritate; posteriore ita vertit, ut Cornario sapientior videretur, et repudiata voce Verbum, novam usurparet : Et Sermo factus est caro, et habitavit in nobis, etc., et contemplati vidimus gloriam ut unigeniti a Patre, plenum gratiae et veritatis. Ubi insigniter lapsus est : nam ut eum docere potuit Erasmus, πλήρης refertur ad Λόγος, ut sit sensus, Verbum factum est caro, et habitavit in nobis, plenum gratiae et veritatis : atque ita Vulgatae auctor. Interpres autem Irenaei retulit ad gloriam, et vertit, plena gratia, posteriore loco; ubi tamen plenam debuit reddere ex eorum sententia, qui putant Theophylactum non πλήρης, sed πλήρη legisse. Cyrillus quoque in Joan. lib. I, cap. 17 : Sed si plena est gloria ejus gratiae, quomodo gratia profecisse apud Lucam scribitur? Nonnus vero, Καὶ χάριτος πέπληθε καὶ ἀτρεκίης γενετῆρος.

Dicit autem sic : Et Verbum. Since these words down to Diligenter igitur were found both in Epiphanius and in the old translator, I wonder that they were omitted in the translation of Billy. Furthermore, that word πλήρης, whereas in the former place Gallasius had so rendered it as to refer it to glory, full of grace and truth (John 1:14); in the latter place he translated it thus, that he might seem wiser than Cornarius, and having rejected the word Verbum, might use a new one: And the Speech was made flesh, and dwelt among us, etc., and contemplating we saw his glory as of the only-begotten from the Father, full (neuter, plenum) of grace and truth. Where he slipped egregiously: for as Erasmus could have taught him, πλήρης is referred to Λόγος, so that the sense is, The Word was made flesh, and dwelt among us, full of grace and truth: and so the author of the Vulgate took it. Now the translator of Irenaeus referred it to glory, and translated, full of grace (plena gratia), in the latter place; where nevertheless he ought to have rendered plenam (accusative) according to the opinion of those who think that Theophylact read not πλήρης, but πλήρη. Cyril also on John, Book 1, chap. 17: But if His glory is full of grace, how is He written in Luke to have advanced in grace? And Nonnus has, Καὶ χάριτος πέπληθε καὶ ἀτρεκίης γενετῆρος.

Pag. 43. Aut si reliquorum conjugationes. Graec. συζύγους, conjuges, ut postea, manifestasset conjugem.

Page 43. Aut si reliquorum conjugationes. In the Greek συζύγους, consorts (conjuges), as afterwards, he would have manifested the consort.

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marginal letters: A rat Cornarius,; B sunt spiritus,; C fit mentio; D loco ita
old-edition numerals: (none)
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Sed corrigendus est Graecus liber, συζυγίας· nam et sic ait postea : ὅτι δὲ οὐ περὶ τῶν συζυγιῶν. Ita quoque Billius vertit.

But the Greek book is to be corrected, συζυγίας: for so also he says afterwards: ὅτι δὲ οὐ περὶ τῶν συζυγιῶν. So also Billy translates.

Non remisisset. Hoc est, non permisisset.

Non remisisset. That is, would not have permitted (non permisisset).

Pag. 44. Et alterum Christum. Expungendum est illud, id est, ut alienum a sententia, videturque superesse ex interpretatione vocis Χριστόν; forte erat, id est, unctum, ut ante dixit, Monogenis, id est, unigeniti. Sequitur Hellenismus, memoriam non fecerit, μνείαν οὐ ποιεῖσθαι, mentionem non fecerit. Et, quod ei in principio dictum est, τοῦ εἰρημένου αὐτῷ ἄνω ἐν ἀρχῇ λόγου, hoc est, quod ab eo dictum est. Verum haec paulo aliter fortasse vertenda sunt hoc modo : Recapitulans enim de eo, quod ab eo dictum est in principio fuisse Verbum, insuper exponit. Quasi dicat, illud ipsum Verbum quod statim antea initio dixerat fuisse in principio, factum esse carnem addidisse.

Page 44. Et alterum Christum. That phrase id est is to be expunged as foreign to the sense, and seems to remain over from the explanation of the word Χριστόν; perhaps it was, that is, anointed (id est, unctum), as he said before, of Monogenes, that is, the only-begotten. There follows a Hellenism, made not memory (memoriam non fecerit), μνείαν οὐ ποιεῖσθαι, made not mention (mentionem non fecerit). And, what was said to him in the beginning, τοῦ εἰρημένου αὐτῷ ἄνω ἐν ἀρχῇ λόγου, that is, what was said by him. But these words are perhaps to be translated a little otherwise in this manner: For recapitulating concerning that Word which was said by him above to have been in the beginning, he expounds besides. As if he were to say, that he added that that very Word which immediately before at the beginning he had said was in the beginning, was made flesh.

Pag. 45. Si autem Verbum Patris. Verte, Verbum Patris quod descendit.

Page 45. Si autem Verbum Patris. Translate, The Word of the Father which descended.

Pag. 46. Irent, at ipse. Vera lectio ex margine retrahenda in contextum, atque ita conveniet cum Graeco, κίοντα, non κίοντες, ac si mortem iret ad ipsam.

Page 46. Irent, at ipse. The true reading is to be drawn back from the margin into the text, and so it will agree with the Greek, κίοντα, not κίοντες, as if he were going to death itself.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 1.

Annotations of François Feuardent on chap. 1.

Pag. 5. Narratio omnis argumenti Valentini discipulorum. Quis vel qualis fuerit hic Valentinus, a quo Valentiniani, operae pretium dicendum. Epiphanius ex fama refert hunc fuisse Phrebonitem (alias Phoebonitem, et Phibionitem) Aegypti maritimum, in Alexandria vero institutum Graecorum litteris. Unde et imitatio Theogoniae Hesiodi, deorum triginta apud ipsum Hesiodum relatorum. Et ipse fabulosa gentium poesi in mente sua concepta, et ab his qui cum ipso et ante ipsum a veritate exciderunt, opinionem adeptus; etiam ipse, velut Hesiodus, aliis nominibus in alia transmutatis, mundum decipere voluit. Nam et hic triginta deos ac coelos adducere vult, quorum primum est Profundum, quomodo et Hesiodus Chaos primum deorum dixit. Clarum est autem, Chaos et Profundum eamdem significationem habere. Tradit rursum, illum initio praedicasse fidem catholicam in Aegypto, itemque in Ecclesia Romana; cui consentit Tertull.; sed in Cyprum venientem, passum esse fidei naufragium. Quomodo autem sit lapsus in haeresim, Tertullianus his verbis recitat : Speraverat episcopatum Valentinus, quia et ingenio poterat et eloquio : sed alium ex martyrii praerogativa loci potitum indignatus, de Ecclesia authenticae regulae abrupit (ut solent animi pro prioratu exciti praesumptione ultionis accendi), ad expungendam conversus veritatem, et cujusdam veteris opinionis semini (non modo scilicet Basilidis, qui summum Deum Abraxas cum CCCLXV editionibus commentatus est; sed et Hesiodi poetae ethnici Theogoniae, ut docet Lactantius l. I, c. 5), actu colubroso viam deliniavit. Exortum autem volunt eum Irenaeus lib. II, c. 4, Eusebius in Chronico, et Theodoretus lib. I Haereticarum fabularum, circa annum Christi 145. Telesphoro summo Ecclesiae pontifice, et Antonino Pio Romanis imperante. Diu porro monstrum hoc Ecclesiae negotium fecisse facile colligitur ex Irenaeo scribente, Valentinum Romam venisse sub Hygino, Telesphori proximo successore, increvisse sub Pio, et prorogasse tempus usque ad Anicetum. Quae tempora incidere in aetatem Antonini primi, Theodoretus lib. I Haeret. fab. observavit.

Page 5. Narratio omnis argumenti Valentini discipulorum. Who or of what sort this Valentinus was, from whom the Valentinians take their name, it is worth while to state. Epiphanius relates from report that he was a Phrebonite (otherwise Phoebonite, and Phibionite) of the sea-coast of Egypt, and educated at Alexandria in the letters of the Greeks. Whence also came his imitation of the Theogony of Hesiod, of the thirty gods related in Hesiod himself. And having conceived in his mind the fabulous poetry of the Gentiles, and having obtained his opinion from those who with him and before him fell away from the truth, he himself also, like Hesiod, changing some names into others, wished to deceive the world. For he also wishes to bring in thirty gods and heavens, the first of which is the Deep, just as Hesiod also called Chaos the first of the gods. Now it is clear that Chaos and the Deep have the same signification. He hands down again that at the beginning he preached the Catholic faith in Egypt, and likewise in the Roman Church, with whom Tertullian agrees; but coming to Cyprus, he suffered shipwreck of faith. Now how he fell into heresy, Tertullian recites in these words: Valentinus had hoped for the episcopate, because he was strong both in talent and in eloquence: but indignant that another had obtained the place by the prerogative of martyrdom, he broke away from the Church of the authentic rule (as minds stirred up for pre-eminence are wont to be kindled with the presumption of revenge), and turning to expunge the truth, and finding the seed of a certain old opinion (not only, namely, of Basilides, who devised the supreme God Abraxas with 365 emissions; but also of the Theogony of the heathen poet Hesiod, as Lactantius teaches in Book 1, chap. 5), traced out a path for it in the manner of a serpent. Moreover, Irenaeus in Book 2, chap. 4, Eusebius in the Chronicle, and Theodoret in Book 1 of Heretical Fables hold that he arose about the year of Christ 145, when Telesphorus was supreme pontiff of the Church, and Antoninus Pius was reigning over the Romans. Furthermore, that this monster long gave trouble to the Church is easily gathered from Irenaeus writing that Valentinus came to Rome under Hyginus, the next successor of Telesphorus, increased under Pius, and prolonged his time even to Anicetus. Which times fell in the age of the first Antoninus, as Theodoret observed in Book 1 of Heretical Fables.

Dicunt esse quemdam, etc. Obscurum et prolixum satis hoc caput, contractioribus et apertioribus verbis habes apud Tertull. libro Contra Valent. et Theod. lib. I Haeret. fab. Quod si ad amussim

Dicunt esse quemdam, etc. This chapter, obscure and prolix enough, you have in more contracted and clearer words in Tertullian, in the book Against the Valentinians, and Theodoret, Book 1 of Heretical Fables. Which if you do not understand

Editors' notes and page, col. 1387

Footnotes

(91*) · call in col 1387 (call above the rendered foot; column inferred) Contra haeres., 31.

Against Heresies, 31.

(printed under page 702)

(92) ‹anchor: consentit Tertull.› · call in col 1387

Tertull. lib. Praescr., c. 30.

Tertullian, book of the Prescription, chapter 30.

(printed under page 702)

(93) ‹anchor: viam deliniavit› · call in col 1387

L. Advers. Valent. c. 4.

Book Against the Valentinians, chapter 4.

(printed under page 702)

(94) ‹anchor: usque ad Ancetum› · call in col 1387

Lib. III, c. 4.

Book 3, chapter 4.

(printed under page 702)

Page

running head: 1387 VARIORUM NOTAE
marginal letters: A jugem. Sed; B ipsam.; C Profundum, quomodo; D Eusebius in
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: jugem. Sed corrigendus (end of Fronton du Duc's notes on chap. 1), Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 1; word split at start of column: [con]jugem

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non intellexeris, non multum studiis tuis decedere puta. Nam et ipsi fabularum tantarum consarcinatores, ob praecedentia sua peccata, justa caecitate percussi, caecutiebant in meridie, non intelligentes (ut ait Paulus) quae loquebantur, nec de quibus affirmabant, sibi ipsis talis ignorantiae auctores et causae exsistentes. His ita subscribit lib. De haeres. August. : Illi, ut ita dixerim, fabulones, id est, qui fabulas vanas, easque longas et perplexas contexuerunt, tam multis falsis dogmatibus pleni sunt, ut ipsi quoque illa numerare non possint, aut difficillime possint. Nec ulli alieno ulla haeresis facile sic innotescit, ut suis.

to a nicety, think not that much is lost to your studies. For even the patchers together of such great fables themselves, struck with just blindness on account of their preceding sins, were blind at midday, understanding neither (as Paul says, 1 Tim. 1:7) what they spoke, nor whereof they affirmed, being to themselves the authors and causes of such ignorance. To these things Augustine thus subscribes in the book On Heresies: Those, so to speak, fable-mongers, that is, who wove together vain fables, and those long and perplexed, are full of so many false dogmas that they themselves also cannot number them, or can do so with the greatest difficulty. Nor does any heresy easily become so known to any outsider as to its own.

In immensis Aeonibus. Id est, per infinita saeculorum tempora, vel infinitis retro aevis, ut scripsit Tertull., Deum scilicet otiosum, qualem voluit Epicurus, fingentes. Sententia porro Gnosticorum, ac hujus loci est hujusmodi : Primus Aeonum, qui et perfectus, et ante principium, et primus Pater, et Profundum dicitur, vere est solus et aeternus, invisibilis, ingenitus et incomprehensibilis. Illis autem prodigiosis et fabulosis nominibus maluerunt Deum Patrem Domini nostri Jesu Christi designare, quam cum prophetis, apostolis, et Christianis omnibus profiteri Deum Patrem omnipotentem, creatorem coeli et terrae. « Adfuit etiam illi (subjiciunt) Ennoea, id est intellectus, intentio, seu cogitatio, et Gratia, et Silentium. Volens autem Bythus rerum omnium initium per Silentium emittere, genuit Intelligentiam sibi aequalem, quae et Unigenitus, et Pater, et Principium cunctorum dicitur : simulque Veritatem emisit, » etc. Non dubito autem fanaticos illos homines per hujusmodi fabulas et nugas ineffabilem aeternamque Filii a Patre generationem deformare; simulque principium Evangelii B Joannis, quo sanctissime et quantum capere potest humana mens, describitur, diabolico plane astu depravare studuisse; quod in Transylvania, Lithuania, et Polonia scriptis Calvinianorum instructi novi Ariani, nunc incredibili conantur malitia.

In immensis Aeonibus. That is, through infinite times of ages, or in infinite ages past, as Tertullian wrote, feigning namely an idle God, such as Epicurus wished. Furthermore, the meaning of the Gnostics and of this passage is of this sort: The first of the Aeons, who is called both perfect, and before the beginning, and first Father, and the Deep, truly is alone and eternal, invisible, unbegotten, and incomprehensible. Now by those prodigious and fabulous names they preferred to designate God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, rather than with the prophets, apostles, and all Christians to profess God the Father Almighty, Creator of heaven and earth. "There was present also with him (they subjoin) Ennoea, that is, intellect, intention, or thought, and Grace, and Silence. And Bythus, willing through Silence to send forth the beginning of all things, begat Intelligence equal to himself, who is called both Only-begotten, and Father, and Beginning of all things: and at the same time he sent forth Truth," etc. Now I do not doubt that those fanatical men strove through fables and trifles of this sort to deform the ineffable and eternal generation of the Son from the Father, and at the same time with plainly diabolical craft to deprave the beginning of the Gospel of Blessed John, wherein it is described most holily and as far as the human mind can grasp it; which in Transylvania, Lithuania, and Poland the new Arians, furnished with the writings of the Calvinists, now attempt with incredible malice.

Praemitti voluit. Delevimus volunt, tum veteris codicis ms. tum Graecae lectionis auctoritate : verba enim facit de Bythi cogitatione ac intentione.

Praemitti voluit. We have deleted volunt, by the authority both of the old manuscript codex and of the Greek reading: for he is speaking of the thought and intention of Bythus.

Et solum capientem. Sic deformabant, quod clare in Evangelio dicitur : Neque Patrem quis novit, nisi Filius, etc. Quod August. explicans ait : Soli tibi integre nota es, Trinitas sancta et omnipotens.

Et solum capientem. Thus they deformed what is clearly said in the Gospel: Neither does anyone know the Father, save the Son (Matt. 11:27), etc. Explaining which, Augustine says: To Thyself alone art Thou wholly known, O holy and almighty Trinity.

Et hanc esse primam. Pythagorici omnia pene numeris tribuentes, quaternarium ideo caeteris praeferebant, quod denaria perficeretur multitudine : denarius vero quaternarii esset compositio. « Omnia quae sunt, » aiebant, « quaternarium colligasse, elementa, ventos principes, orbis fines, aetatum compagines. » Figuram quadratam aliis omnibus perfectiorem, quod contineatur quatuor lineis aequalibus, totidemque angulos aequales habeat. Corpus quadratum, ut est cubus, perfectum : habet enim sex superficies quadratas aequales, quarum unaquaeque quatuor habeat lineas, et quatuor angulos; et quomodocunque jaceat, semper est rectus. Hinc virum bonum quadratum dixerunt et tetragonum. Quin et animam rationis compotem quadam quaternitate constare, videlicet, mente, scientia, opinione atque sensu, docentes, ex eo jusjurandi sibi religionem fecerant, unde illud : « Per quaternitatem, animae nostrae tradentem perennis fontem naturae. » Quid si agnovissent praecipuum nomen Dei, omnium fere gentium mirabili consensione, quatuor tantum litteris efferri? Nam qui a nobis dicitur Deus, a Graecis Θεός, ab Hebraeis יהוה, ab Arabibus, Turcis et Mahometanis Alla, a

Et hanc esse primam. The Pythagoreans, attributing almost all things to numbers, preferred the quaternary number to the rest for this reason, that it was completed in the denary multitude, while the denary was the composition of the quaternary (1+2+3+4=10). "All things that are," they said, "the quaternary has bound together: the elements, the chief winds, the bounds of the world, the joints of the ages." The square figure is more perfect than all others, because it is contained by four equal lines, and has just so many equal angles. A square body, such as a cube is, is perfect: for it has six equal square surfaces, each one of which has four lines and four angles; and however it may lie, it is always upright. Hence they called a good man four-square and tetragonal. Nay, teaching also that the soul endowed with reason consists of a certain quaternity, namely mind, knowledge, opinion, and sense, they had made for themselves from it a religious oath, whence that saying: "By the Quaternity, delivering to our soul the fountain of perennial nature." What if they had recognized that the chief name of God, by the wonderful agreement of almost all nations, is uttered in four letters only? For He who by us is called Deus, by the Greeks Θεός, by the Hebrews יהוה, by the Arabs, Turks, and Mohammedans Alla, by

Editors' notes and page, col. 1388

Footnotes

(95) ‹anchor: nisi Filius› · call in col 1388

Matth. XI, 27.

Matthew 11:27.

(printed under page 702)

(96) ‹anchor: sancta et omnipotens› · call in col 1388

Soliloquiorum c. 31 et Medit. cap. 29.

Soliloquies, chapter 31, and Meditations, chapter 29.

(printed under page 702)

(97) ‹anchor: quaternarii esset compositio› · call in col 1388

Plut. lib. I de Plac. Philos., Diog. Laert. Rhodigin. lib. XVIII, c. 13, et lib. XXII, cap. 9. Volat. lib. XXXV. Philolog. Paul. Greg. Comment. in lib. VI Syntaxis artis admirab. c. 18.

Plutarch, On the Opinions of the Philosophers, book 1; Diogenes Laertius; Rhodiginus, book 18, chapter 13, and book 22, chapter 9; Volaterranus, book 35, Philologia; Paul Gregory, Commentary on book 6 of the Syntaxis artis mirabilis, chapter 18.

(printed under page 702)

Page

running head: VARIORUM NOTAE 1388
marginal letters: A non intellexeris,; B bilis, ingenitus; C et Polonia; D habet enim
old-edition numerals: 28 after Paulus)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: non intellexeris (Feuardent's annotations continued)

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Persis Syre, a Magis Orsi appellatur. Sed infelices Gnostici his antiquorum mysteriis, ut et divinis Scripturis, ad suas delirationes constituendas nequiter abutebantur.

the Persians Syre, is called by the Magi Orsi. But the unhappy Gnostics wickedly abused these mysteries of the ancients, as also the divine Scriptures, to establish their own dotages.

Pag. 6. Sentientem autem Unigenitum. Locum hunc ita refert Tertull. : « Nus simul accepit prolationis suae officium, emittit et ipse ex semetipso Sermonem et Vitam. » Miserrimi vero praestigiatores, qui Filium Dei unigenitum alium constituebant a Λόγῳ, id est a Verbo et Vita : cum aperte doceat Evangelista : Deus erat Verbum : in ipso vita erat.

Page 6. Sentientem autem Unigenitum. Tertullian relates this passage thus: "As soon as Nus received the office of his emission, he himself also emits from himself Word and Life." Most wretched jugglers indeed, who established the only-begotten Son of God as another than the Λόγος, that is, than the Word and Life: whereas the Evangelist openly teaches: The Word was God: in Him was life (John 1:1, 4).

De Logo autem. Tertull. : « Sed et haec soboles ad initium universitatis, et formati Pleromatis totius emissa, facit fructum; Hominem et Ecclesiam procreat. »

De Logo autem. Tertullian: "But this offspring also, emitted for the beginning of the universe and of the whole formed Pleroma, produces fruit; it procreates Man and Church."

Esse enim illorum. Quamdam, sed ineffabilem ac hominibus et angelis incomprehensibilem, esse in divinis fecunditatem, patefaciunt Filii ac Spiritus sancti distinctae emanationes. Confirmant et ista summorum prophetarum oracula : « Qui alios parere facio, nunquid sterilis ero? Ego hodie genui. Ex utero ante Luciferum genui te. Ante omnes colles genuit me Dominus, » etc. Cum hanc ergo impuri Gnostici simpliciter credere nollent, aut capere non possent, eam Hesiodi, Orphei et aliorum profanorum ethnicorumque poetarum more describendam, imo et deturpandam sumpserunt, diversos sexus, conjugia impurasque commistiones in divinis confingentes; ut post Lactantium lib. IV, cap. 8, diligenter observat Epiphanius, contra haeresim 31.

Esse enim illorum. That there is in divine things a certain fruitfulness, though ineffable and incomprehensible to men and angels, the distinct emanations of the Son and of the Holy Spirit make manifest. The oracles of the greatest prophets also confirm those things: "Shall I, Who cause others to bring forth, myself be barren? (Isa. 66:9). This day have I begotten Thee (Ps. 2:7). From the womb before the morning star have I begotten Thee (Ps. 109:3). Before all the hills the Lord begat Me (Prov. 8:25)," etc. Since therefore the impure Gnostics refused simply to believe this, or could not grasp it, they took upon themselves to describe, nay even to befoul it, after the manner of Hesiod, Orpheus, and the other profane and heathen poets, feigning diverse sexes, marriages, and impure minglings in divine things; as after Lactantius in Book 4, chap. 8, Epiphanius diligently observes against Heresy 31.

Acinetos. Sic pro Agne reposuimus, ex Theodor., Epiphan., Tertullian. et sequentibus Irenaei.

Acinetos. Thus have we restored for Agne, from Theodoret, Epiphanius, Tertullian, and the following words of Irenaeus.

Donant. Ita restituimus ex manuscript. exemp. et Graeca lec. quae habet, ταῦτα τὰ ὀνόματα χαρίζονται, in plurali numero : delevimus vero donavit.

Donant. Thus have we restored from the manuscript copy and the Greek reading, which has ταῦτα τὰ ὀνόματα χαρίζονται, in the plural number: and we have deleted donavit.

Pag. 7. Hi sunt triginta. Ad hunc locum respiciens Cyrillus Jeros. contendit, Valentinianos triginta deorum (nam Aeones instar deorum habebant) praedicatores, ethnicis, paucos tantum confingentibus, longe deteriores fuisse. Athanasius quoque, orat. 5 contra Arianos, ait, istos pro veritate et rerum fide, inania simulacra introduxisse.

Page 7. Hi sunt triginta. Looking to this passage, Cyril of Jerusalem contends that the Valentinians, preachers of thirty gods (for they accounted the Aeons as gods), were far worse than the heathens, who feigned only a few. Athanasius also, in the 5th Oration against the Arians, says that in place of the truth and reality of things those men introduced empty phantoms.

Nec enim Dominum, etc. Domini appellationem priscis Christianis non vulgari religione observatam fuisse indicat Tertull. Apolog. : « Augustus, ait, ne Dominum quidem dici volebat. Et hoc enim Dei est cognomen. Dicam plane et imperatorem Dominum, sed more communi : sed quando non cogor ut vice Dei dicam. Dominus meus unus est, omnipotens, Deus aeternus, idem qui et ipsius. » Et lib. Contra Hermog. : « Deus nominatur ab initio, Dominus autem nonnisi post condita omnia. » Proinde dum sine addito enuntiatur, solius Dei est, semperque ἐκ τῶν πρός τι, et nonnisi comparatione ad servos dicitur, quibus creationis et providentiae jure imperat. Cum igitur orbem ab alio conditum autumarent; quin et Christo Jesu seipsos similes, aliasque secundum aliquid, ut scribit Irenaeus, etiam eo se fortiores mentirentur : idcirco non mirum, si Christo et Dei, et Domini nomen inviderent. Observabis simul haereticos, spreto veteri et catholico more dicendi, sibi peregrinas et recentes formulas finxisse, profanasque vocum novitates, quas devitare jubet Apostolus. In hunc errorem disputat l. III, c. 6. Accedit quod proprium nomen Dei יהוה Graeci vertebant per Κύριος, Dominus; quapropter sicut hi Christum verum ac aeternum Deum esse negabant, sic et Dominum. Contra vero idem ille et Deus et Dominus appellatur, Psal. XLIV et CIX; Isa. IX; Jerem. XXIII; Joan. XIII et XX; Rom. VIII; Hebr. III; et in Symbolo apostolorum profiteri jubemur : « Et in Jesum Christum, Filium Dei unicum, Dominum nostrum. »

Nec enim Dominum, etc. That the appellation of Lord was observed by the ancient Christians with no common religious reverence, Tertullian indicates in the Apology: "Augustus," says he, "did not even wish to be called Lord. For this also is a surname of God. I will plainly call the emperor Lord, but in the common manner: only when I am not forced to call him so in the place of God. My Lord is one, the almighty and eternal God, the same Who is his also." And in the book Against Hermogenes: "He is named God from the beginning, but Lord only after all things were founded." Accordingly, when it is uttered without addition, it belongs to God alone, and is always one of the relative terms (ἐκ τῶν πρός τι), and is said only by comparison to servants, whom He rules by right of creation and providence. Since therefore they affirmed that the world was founded by another; nay, even lied that they themselves were like Christ Jesus, and at other times in some respect, as Irenaeus writes, even stronger than He: therefore it is no wonder if they grudged to Christ the name both of God and of Lord. You will observe at the same time that the heretics, spurning the old and Catholic manner of speaking, fashioned for themselves foreign and new-fangled formulas, and profane novelties of words, which the Apostle commands to avoid (1 Tim. 6:20). Against this error he disputes in Book 3, chap. 6. Add to this that the Greeks translated the proper name of God יהוה by Κύριος, Lord; wherefore, just as these men denied that Christ was the true and eternal God, so also they denied that He was the Lord. On the contrary, however, that same One is called both God and Lord, in Ps. 44 and 109; Isa. 9; Jer. 23; John 13 and 20; Rom. 8; Heb. 3; and in the Apostles' Creed we are commanded to profess: "And in Jesus Christ, His only Son, our Lord."

Editors' notes and page, col. 1389

Footnotes

(98) · call in col 1389 (call above the rendered foot; column inferred)

Isa. LXVI, 9; Psal. II, 7; CIX, 3; Sap. VIII, 25.

Isaiah 66:9; Psalm 2:7; 109:3; Wisdom 8:25 (as printed; the verse is Prov. 8:25).

(printed under page 703)

(99) ‹anchor: Cyrillus Jeros. contendit› · call in col 1389

Catech. 6.

Catechesis 6.

(printed under page 703)

(1) ‹anchor: ut scribit Irenaeus› · call in col 1389

Lib. I, c. 24.

Book 1, chapter 24.

(printed under page 703)

Page

running head: 1389 IN LIB. I S. IRENAEI.
marginal letters: A Persis Syre,; B rere facio,; C triginta deorum; D aliasque secundum
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Persis Syre (Feuardent's annotations continued)

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Nihil fecisse. Imo vero puerulus ad se magos duce stella perduxit, circumcisus, et oblatus est in templum, fugit in Aegyptum, duodennis disseruit in templo cum doctoribus, singulis annis cum parentibus Hierosolymam ad dies festos religiosissime conscendit. Et reversus in Galilaeam, Justini martyris, Basilii Magni et aliquot aliorum primae notae auctorum sententia, cum Josepho fabrilem artem aliquando exercuit, tum ut mechanicas artes sanctificaret, tum maxime ut otium hoc exemplo fugiendum cunctos nos doceret.

Nihil fecisse. Nay truly, as a little child He led the Magi to Himself with a star as guide, was circumcised, and offered in the temple, fled into Egypt, at twelve years old discoursed in the temple with the doctors, and every year most religiously went up with His parents to Jerusalem for the feast days. And having returned into Galilee, in the opinion of Justin Martyr, Basil the Great, and some other authors of the first note, He practised the carpenter's art for some time with Joseph, both that He might sanctify the mechanical arts, and especially that by this example He might teach us all that idleness is to be shunned.

Pag. 8. Reliquis vero omnibus. Codices excusi, hominibus; sed vet. cod. cum Graeca lectione, λοιποῖς πᾶσιν, id est reliquis omnibus, habet.

Page 8. Reliquis vero omnibus. The printed codices have hominibus; but the old codex with the Greek reading, λοιποῖς πᾶσιν, has that is reliquis omnibus (to all the rest).

Reliquis quoque Aeonibus. Codic. ex., reliquos quoque Aeonas participare : quae propter exemplar manuscriptum et lectionem Graecam immutavimus.

Reliquis quoque Aeonibus. The printed codices have, reliquos quoque Aeonas participare: which we have altered on account of the manuscript copy and the Greek reading.

Quoniam vellet. Codices excusi, nollet : sed vetus codex et Graeca lect., διὰ τὸ θέλειν, ut restituimus. Tert. : « Plane Nus, quantum in ipso fuit, et voluerat et tentaverat caeteris quoque, » etc.

Quoniam vellet. The printed codices have nollet: but the old codex and the Greek reading, διὰ τὸ θέλειν, have it as we have restored. Tertullian: "Plainly Nus, as far as in him lay, had both wished and attempted to the rest also," etc.

Quae exorsa. Codices excusi, exors. Deinde erga Nun restituimus pro viterga : utrumque ex Graeca lectione et codice manuscripto.

Quae exorsa. The printed codices have exors. Next we have restored erga Nun for viterga: both from the Greek reading and the manuscript codex.

Pag. 9. Dulcedine. Codices excusi habebant, ad ultionem; restituimus vero ex manuscripto exemplari, consentientibus Epiph. et Tertull. Graecaque lectione : ὑπὸ τῆς γλυκύτητος.

Page 9. Dulcedine. The printed codices had ad ultionem; but we have restored it from the manuscript copy, with Epiphanius and Tertullian and the Greek reading agreeing: ὑπὸ τῆς γλυκύτητος.

Abstentum. Sic pro absentem visum est reponere ex veteri codice. Abstentus autem jurisperitis est, qui tutoris auctoritate ab adeunda haereditate revocatus est. Ea voce utitur beatus Cyprianus epistola 18 ad Cornelium, et epistola 42 ad Stephanum. Abstenti vero a nostris dicuntur, qui a communione Ecclesiae, et sacrorum perceptione moti rejectique sunt.

Abstentum. Thus it seemed good to restore for absentem from the old codex. Now abstentus among the jurists is one who by the authority of a guardian has been held back from entering upon an inheritance. Blessed Cyprian uses that word in Epistle 18 to Cornelius, and Epistle 42 to Stephen. And among our writers those are called abstenti who have been removed and rejected from the communion of the Church and the partaking of sacred things.

Peperisse substantiam informem. Gravissimo sarcasmo hoc ita repetit Tertull. : « Dehinc ex illo maerore, et semetipsa sola, nulla opera conjugii, concepit, et procreat feminam. Miraris haec? Et gallina sortita est de suo parere. Sed et vultures feminas tantum parere aiunt, et tamen sine masculo mater. »

Peperisse substantiam informem. With most weighty sarcasm Tertullian repeats this thus: "Thence out of that grief, and by herself alone, with no work of wedlock, she conceived, and procreates a female. Do you wonder at these things? Even a hen has obtained as her lot to bring forth from herself. Nay, they say that vultures also bring forth females only, and yet she is a mother without a male."

Absconderent. Ita reposuimus, pro absconderat, ex vet. cod. et Graec.

Absconderent. Thus have we restored, for absconderat, from the old codex and the Greek.

Pag. 10. Patrem enim aliquando, etc. Proh pudor! fanatici tenebriones sexus varios, commistiones salacissimas, partus, fetus, et hermaphrodismum in divinis rebus constituebant, ut ex hoc loco et fine capitis quinti libri hujus colligitur; qualia impuri poetae de diis gentium fabulantur. Trismegisto Hermeti hanc insaniam exprobrat Lactantius, libro quarto, capite decimo octavo : quam egregie evertit, lib. primo, capite octavo. Hanc dementiam ridens Tert. : Pudiciores, ait, maluerunt, Bytho nullum sexum deputare : et fortasse HOC DEUM, non, HIC DEUS, neutro genere pronuntiant. Alii contra magis, et masculum et feminam dicunt, ne apud solos Lunenses Hermaphroditum existimet Annalium commentator Fenestella.

Page 10. Patrem enim aliquando, etc. Oh shame! the fanatical skulkers in darkness established various sexes, most salacious minglings, births, offspring, and hermaphroditism in divine things, as is gathered from this passage and the end of the fifth chapter of this book; such things as the impure poets fable concerning the gods of the Gentiles. Lactantius reproaches Hermes Trismegistus with this madness, in the fourth book, eighteenth chapter: which he excellently overthrows in the first book, eighth chapter. Laughing at this madness, Tertullian says: The more modest preferred to assign no sex to Bythus: and perhaps they pronounce HOC DEUM (this God, neuter), not HIC DEUS (this God, masculine), in the neuter gender. Others on the contrary rather say that he is both male and female, lest the commentator of Annals Fenestella think that only among the people of Luna is there a Hermaphrodite.

Pag. 11. Mundatam. Delevimus mandatum, quia vetus codex sic habebat. Tertull., repressam ab illicitis, et purgatam a malis.

Page 11. Mundatam. We have deleted mandatum, because the old codex had it thus. Tertullian renders, restrained from illicit things, and purged from evils.

Cognoscentes sufficientes sibi, etc. Codices ex. cognoscentem : restituimus autem ex vetere codice et Graeca lectione.

Cognoscentes sufficientes sibi, etc. The printed codices have cognoscentem: but we have restored it from the old codex and the Greek reading.

Pag. 12. Comprehensibile. Sic legendum proponimus ex Tertulliano, Epiphanio, et veteri codice, quanquam comprehensibilia haberent excusi cod.

Page 12. Comprehensibile. Thus we propose that it be read from Tertullian, Epiphanius, and the old codex, although the printed codices had comprehensibilia.

Omnes Christos. Haec adjecimus ex codice veteri, Epiphanioque.

Omnes Christos. We have added these words from the old codex and Epiphanius.

Hymnizare Propatorem, etc. Graecismum hunc sic exprimit Tertull. : Magno cum gaudii fructu hymnis Patrem concinunt. Diffundebatur et ipse laetitia,

Hymnizare Propatorem, etc. Tertullian expresses this Graecism thus: With great fruit of joy they sing the Father in hymns. And he himself was expanded with gladness,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1390

Page

running head: IN LIB. I S. IRENAEI. 1390
marginal letters: A Nihil fecisse.; B Tert. :; C marore, et; D Alii contra
old-edition numerals: 29 before Absconderent.
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Nihil fecisse (Feuardent's annotations continued)

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utique bene cantantibus filiis et nepotibus. Quidni diffunderetur omni jucunditate, Pleromate liberato?

assuredly while his sons and grandsons sang well. Why should he not be expanded with all pleasantness, when the Pleroma was freed?

Aeonum. Sic habet codex vetus, cum Epiphanio : excusi vero codices, eo quod, habebant.

Aeonum. Thus the old codex has, with Epiphanius: whereas the printed codices had eo quod.

Pag. 13. Et in gloriam Bythi. Sic codex vetus et Epiphan. : delevimus gloriam Hori.

Page 13. Et in gloriam Bythi. Thus the old codex and Epiphanius: we have deleted gloriam Hori.

Satellites quoque ei in honorem ipsorum. Ex hoc autem Athanasius, orat. 2 contra Arianos, magnam Valentinianorum impudentiam coarguit, quod angelos per Christum conditos (omnia namque per ipsum facta sunt), congeneres Christo pronuntiarent.

Satellites quoque ei in honorem ipsorum. Now from this Athanasius, in the 2nd Oration against the Arians, convicts the great impudence of the Valentinians, because they pronounced the angels created through Christ (for all things were made through Him, John 1:3) to be of the same race with Christ.

Negotiatio. Prius legebatur, negatio; Graec., πραγματεία· consentit vet. cod.

Negotiatio. Previously was read negatio; in the Greek, πραγματεία: the old codex agrees.

De poenitentia. Ex veteri codice et Graeca lectione, ἐκ μετανοίας, sic legimus, pro dependentia.

De poenitentia. From the old codex and the Greek reading, ἐκ μετανοίας, we read thus, instead of dependentia.

Pag. 14. Et Paulum manifestissime. Quanta, quaeso, dementia, ex eo quod Paulus nomen saeculi frequenter usurpat, colligere triginta saecula esse, eaque in numerum octonarium, denarium, et duodenarium esse distributa, eademque partim mascula, partim feminina esse, aliaque ex aliis genita? Sed hi sunt frequentes topici haereticorum, argumentari nimirum (quod dicitur) a baculo ad angulum.

Page 14. Et Paulum manifestissime. How great a madness, I pray, from the fact that Paul frequently uses the name of age (saeculum), to gather that there are thirty ages, and that they are distributed into the number eight, ten, and twelve, and that the same are partly male, partly female, and begotten some from others! But these are the frequent commonplaces of heretics, to argue namely (as the saying goes) from a staff to a corner.

Sed et nos ipsos in gratiarum actionibus, etc. Haec sunt procul dubio gratiarum actiones, quas primum omnium fieri obsecrat Apostolus I ad Timoth. II, quasque universa per orbem frequentat Ecclesia in celebratione eucharistiae, interpretibus Augustino epist. 57 (nunc 149), Ambrosio, Chrysostomo, et Prospero lib. I De vocatione gentium, cap. 4. In ea vero sacerdos preces, vota, supplicationesque universas, hac coronide absolvit : Per omnia saecula saeculorum : quod apostolorum traditioni accepto ferendum, non tantum hoc loco Irenaeus, sed et omnium Patrum Liturgiae luce clarius ostendunt. In ea enim, quae est B. Jacobi, decem et octo; quae Clementis, tribus; quae Basilii, sexdecim; quae vero Chrysostomi, viginti tribus vicibus, ea verba repetita comperies. Ex hoc autem suorum Aeonum figmenta asserere contendebant aequa impietate Valentiniani, qua inscitia sacramentarii corpus Christi arcere ab altari conantur ex his Praefationis nostrae verbis : Sursum corda, habemus ad Dominum, quae tamen ab eisdem apostolis accepta, constanter retinemus. Testes sunt omni exceptione majores, Augustin. lib. De sancta viduitate, c. 16 et lib. De dono persev. c. 13, Chrysost. homil. de encaeniis, et in Liturgia; Basilius in Liturgia; Clemens Romanus lib. VIII Constit. apost. cap. 16, Jacob. in Liturgia; Cyprianus De orat. Dominica.

Sed et nos ipsos in gratiarum actionibus, etc. These are without doubt the thanksgivings which the Apostle beseeches to be made first of all in 1 Tim. 2:1, and which the universal Church throughout the world frequents in the celebration of the Eucharist, according to the interpretations of Augustine in Epistle 57 (now 149), Ambrose, Chrysostom, and Prosper in Book 1 On the Calling of the Gentiles, chap. 4. And in it the priest finishes all the prayers, vows, and supplications with this concluding flourish: Unto all the ages of the ages (Per omnia saecula saeculorum): which must be set down as received from the tradition of the apostles, as not only Irenaeus in this passage, but also the Liturgies of all the Fathers show clearer than light. For in that which is of Blessed James, you will find those words repeated eighteen times; in that of Clement, three times; in that of Basil, sixteen times; and in that of Chrysostom, twenty-three times. Now from this the Valentinians contended to assert the figments of their Aeons with an impiety equal to the ignorance wherewith the sacramentarians try to bar the body of Christ from the altar from these words of our Preface: Lift up your hearts; we have them lifted up unto the Lord (Sursum corda, habemus ad Dominum), which nevertheless, received from the same apostles, we constantly retain. Witnesses above all exception are Augustine in the book On Holy Widowhood, chap. 16, and the book On the Gift of Perseverance, chap. 13; Chrysostom in the Homily on the Dedication Festival, and in his Liturgy; Basil in his Liturgy; Clement of Rome in Book 8 of the Apostolic Constitutions, chap. 16; James in his Liturgy; Cyprian On the Lord's Prayer.

Octodecim mensibus. Hoc manifestissime falsum esse docet B. Lucas evangelista, scribens per dies quadraginta Christum apparuisse discipulis. Dies autem 40 unicum duntaxat mensem, cum aliquot diebus efficiunt, non octodecim.

Octodecim mensibus. That this is most manifestly false Blessed Luke the Evangelist teaches, writing that Christ appeared to the disciples for forty days (Acts 1:3). Now 40 days make only a single month with some days, not eighteen.

Pag. 15. Uno enim anno, etc. Hanc Valentini opinionem firmissimis Scripturis et rationibus Irenaeus refutat lib. II, cap. 38 et 39, quo fit, ut existimem clarissimos Patres Tertull., Clementem Alexandr., Jul. Africanum, Lactantium, Orosium, et Gaudentium Brixianum, fervore disputationis ulterius distractos, hunc locum parum animadvertisse, cum similem fere sequantur opinionem. Verba Tertulliani sunt lib. cont. Judaeos, quae et Eusebius in Chronico ante nos observarat : Quinto decimo anno Tiberii passus est Christus, annos habens quasi triginta cum pateretur. Clementis vero lib. I Strom. : Quod anno solo oporteret Dominum praedicare, hoc quoque sic scriptum est : « Annum acceptabilem Domini praedicatum misit me. » Quinto decimo ergo anno Tiberii, et quinto decimo Augusti, sic implentur

Page 15. Uno enim anno, etc. This opinion of Valentinus Irenaeus refutes by most firm Scriptures and reasons in Book 2, chaps. 38 and 39, whereby it comes to pass that I think the most illustrious Fathers Tertullian, Clement of Alexandria, Julius Africanus, Lactantius, Orosius, and Gaudentius of Brescia, drawn away further by the heat of disputation, noticed this passage too little, since they follow an almost similar opinion. The words of Tertullian in the book Against the Jews, which Eusebius in the Chronicle had also observed before us, are: In the fifteenth year of Tiberius Christ suffered, having about thirty years when He suffered. And those of Clement in Book 1 of the Stromata: That the Lord ought to preach for a single year only, this also is thus written: "He has sent Me to preach the acceptable year of the Lord" (Isa. 61:2; Luke 4:19). Therefore in the fifteenth year of Tiberius, and fifteen of Augustus, so are fulfilled

Editors' notes and page, col. 1391

Footnotes

(2) ‹anchor: apparuisse discipulis› · call in col 1391

Act. I.

Acts 1.

(printed under page 704)

Page

running head: 1391 VARIORUM NOTAE
marginal letters: A utique bene; B denarium esse; C decim; quae; D diebus efficiunt,
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: utique bene cantantibus (Feuardent's annotations continued)

PG 7:1392

triginta anni, usque ad tempus quo passus est, etc. Rectius porro sentiunt, qui aetatis anno 33 passum Christum docent.

thirty years, down to the time when He suffered, etc. Furthermore, they judge more rightly who teach that Christ suffered in the 33rd year of His age.

Pag. 16. Omne esse. Codices ex. omnia esse : at codex vetus et Graec. habent ut restituimus. Tertull. vero sic : Jesum Soterem cognominant, et Christum, et Sermonem, . . . . . . , et Omnia jam, ut ex omnium defloratione constructum, graculum Aesopi, Pandoram Hesiodi, Acci Patinam, Nestoris Cocetum, Miscellaneam Ptolemaei.

Page 16. Omne esse. The printed codices have omnia esse: but the old codex and the Greek have it as we have restored. And Tertullian writes thus: They surname Jesus Soter, and Christ, and Word, . . . . . . , and All Things now, as constructed from the flower-plucking of all, the jackdaw of Aesop, the Pandora of Hesiod, the Platter of Accius, the Kykeon of Nestor, the Miscellany of Ptolemy.

Quam etiam. Auctoritate veteris cod. et lectionis Gr. delevimus, quod.

Quam etiam. By the authority of the old codex and of the Greek reading we have deleted quod.

Pag. 17. Non solum autem ex Evang., etc. Adhibita similitudine aptissima in calce hujus capitis, isthaec haereticorum sacrilegia in sacras litteras fusius declarabit.

Page 17. Non solum autem ex Evang., etc. Applying a most apt similitude at the end of this chapter, he will declare more at large those sacrileges of the heretics against the sacred letters.

Quam et Achamoth. Tertull. lib. cont. Valen. apud illos nomen ininterpretabile fuisse dicit. Epiphan. contra haeresim trigesimam primam, Salvatorem, et Terminum, et Crucem, sic eos vocasse asserit. Theod. lib. I Haeretic. fabularum, fetum informem, et Sapientiae cogitationem, hoc nomine appellasse putat. Vocis porro hujus etymon ab Heb. חכמה deducitur, quod sapientiam significat, a radice חכם, id est, sapiens fuit, sapuit.

Quam et Achamoth. Tertullian in the book Against the Valentinians says that among them it was an untranslatable name. Epiphanius against the thirty-first heresy asserts that they so called the Saviour, and the Limit, and the Cross. Theodoret in Book I of Heretical Fables thinks that they called the formless offspring and the thought of Wisdom by this name. Furthermore, the etymology of this word is derived from the Hebrew חכמה (Chokmah), which signifies wisdom, from the root חכם (chakam), that is, he was wise, he had wisdom.

In umbrae et vacuitatis locis deferbuisse. Sic ex veteri codice, Graeca littera, et R. P. Frontonis judicio lectionem restituimus. Codices hactenus excusi, in umbratae vanitatis locis deservisse.

In umbrae et vacuitatis locis deferbuisse. Thus from the old codex, the Greek letter, and the judgement of the Reverend Father Fronton we have restored the reading. The codices hitherto printed had, in umbratae vanitatis locis deservisse.

Odorationem. Sic restituimus ex codice veteri et Graec. lection. Tertull. : Iteratur odor incorruptibilitatis, etc. Codices ex. : adorationem.

Odorationem. Thus have we restored from the old codex and the Greek reading. Tertullian: The odour of incorruptibility is repeated, etc. The printed codices had: adorationem.

Pag. 19. Omni parti passionis succubuisse multifariae et variae exsistentis. Ita ex manuscripto codice locum restituimus, pro eo quod excusi habebant, omni parte passionis succubuisse multifariae et variae exsistenti.

Page 19. Omni parti passionis succubuisse multifariae et variae exsistentis. Thus from the manuscript codex we have restored the passage, instead of that which the printed ones had, omni parte passionis succubuisse multifariae et variae exsistenti.

Dixisse Jao. Vetus codex Joath habebat. Sed magno consensu Tertull., Epiphan., Theod. Jao legunt. At Tertullianus quid hoc velit, non aliter explicat, quam si quis exclamaret : Porro Quirites, aut : Fidem Caesaris. Epiphanius contra haeres. vigesimam sextam, principem in primo coelo ab illis collocatum scribit. Macrobius lib. I Satur., c. 18, inter plura alia, et hoc nomen a paganis attributum fuisse soli, probat hoc oraculo Apollinis Clarii :

Dixisse Jao. The old codex had Joath. But with great agreement Tertullian, Epiphanius, and Theodoret read Jao. Now what this means, Tertullian explains not otherwise than if someone were to exclaim: Help, Quirites! (Porro Quirites), or: The protection of Caesar! (Fidem Caesaris). Epiphanius against the twenty-sixth heresy writes that a ruler was placed by them in the first heaven. Macrobius in Book I of the Saturnalia, chap. 18, proves by this oracle of the Clarian Apollo that among several other names this name also was attributed by the pagans to the sun:

Φράζεο τὸν πάντων ὕπατον θεὸν ἔμμεν Ἰάω, id est, Intellige Jao esse omnium summum Deum. Diodorus Siculus lib. V Biblioth. cap. 5, ignorantia vocis Jehovae deceptus, somniat Moysem apud Judaeos, a Deo qui vocetur Jao, leges acceptas tulisse. Eusebius lib. IV Demonstrationis evang. cap. 29 : Jaho est salus, hoc est, Dei salutare.

Φράζεο τὸν πάντων ὕπατον θεὸν ἔμμεν Ἰάω, that is, Understand that Jao is the supreme God of all. Diodorus Siculus in Book V of the Library, chap. 5, deceived by ignorance of the word Jehovah, dreams that Moses among the Jews brought laws received from a God who is called Jao. Eusebius in Book IV of the Demonstration of the Gospel, chap. 29: Jaho is salvation, that is, the saving health of God.

Ne quemadmodum, etc. Ex codice veteri et Graec. lection. decem voces adjecimus, quas omnes editiones veteres omiserant. Tertullianus habet : ne sicut luce, ita et vita orbaretur : consternatione, tum ignorantia.

Ne quemadmodum, etc. From the old codex and the Greek reading we have added ten words, which all the old editions had omitted. Tertullian has: lest just as she was bereft of light, so also she might be bereft of life: by consternation, and then by ignorance.

Conversionis. Ex cod. veter., Tertul. et Graec. lectione ita scripsimus. Codices excusi habebant, conversationis.

Conversionis. From the old codex, Tertullian, and the Greek reading we have written thus. The printed codices had conversationis.

Pag. 20. Quae etiam convenienter, etc. Quo pacto turpissima figmenta sua occuluerint Valentiniani, his graphice explicat Tertullianus : Si bona fide quaeras; concreto vultu, suspenso supercilio, « Altum est, » aiunt. Si subtiliter tentes; per ambiguitates bilingues, communem fidem affirmant. Si scire te ostendas; negant quidquid agnoscunt. Si cominus certes; tuam simplicitatem sua caede dispergunt. Ne discipulis quidem propriis ante committunt, quam suos fecerint, etc.

Page 20. Quae etiam convenienter, etc. In what manner the Valentinians concealed their most shameful figments, Tertullian graphically explains in these words: If you inquire in good faith, with a set countenance and raised eyebrow, "It is deep," they say. If you test them subtly, through two-tongued ambiguities they affirm the common faith. If you show that you know, they deny whatever they acknowledge. If you contend at close quarters, they scatter your simplicity by their own slaughter. They do not entrust it even to their own disciples before they have made them their own, etc.

Sed solos illos, qui grandes mercedes, etc. Duae sunt res, quae maxime homines ad maleficia impellunt, luxuries et avaritia, quia nihil tam sanctum,

Sed solos illos, qui grandes mercedes, etc. There are two things which chiefly impel men to evil deeds, luxury and avarice, because nothing is so holy

Editors' notes and page, col. 1392

Footnotes

(3) ‹anchor: Fidem Caesaris› · call in col 1392

L. Praescript. c. 49, et lib. advers. Valent. c. 14.

Book of the Prescription, chapter 49, and the book Against the Valentinians, chapter 14.

(printed under page 704)

Page

running head: VARIORUM NOTAE 1392
marginal letters: A triginta anni,; B torem, et; C legunt. At; D ignorantia.
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin with a Greek verse and Greek words cited in the notes, and two Hebrew words (Quam et Achamoth); no facing Greek column; editors' matter: triginta anni (Feuardent's annotations continued); word split at end of column: sanc-[tum]

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quod non violari; nihil tam munitum, quod non expugnari; nihil tam purum, quod non foedari, pecunia possit. Et

that it cannot be violated; nothing so fortified that it cannot be stormed; nothing so pure that it cannot be defiled by money. And

Quid non mortalia pectora cogis Auri sacra fames?

To what do you not drive mortal hearts, accursed hunger for gold?

Haereticos autem utroque morbo omnibus saeculis laborasse, et sectarum nostri saeculi caedes, rapinae, incendia, sacrilegiaque, et veterum auctorum istorum lectio, indicant. Ignatius epist. 3, eos vocat, « mulierum corruptores, alienorum appetitores, pecuniarum rapaces, et quasi vortices. » Post Optatum Milevitanum, graviter conqueritur Augustin. lib. I contra litteras Petil. c. 64 et lib. III contra Cresc. c. 42, de tyrannicis rapinis, invasionibus, furtis, et depraedationibus Donatistarum, omnino similibus eis, quibus Calvinistae Gallias nostras a triginta annis funestissime devastarunt.

Moreover, that heretics in all ages have suffered from both diseases is shown both by the slaughters, pillagings, burnings, and sacrileges of the sects of our own age, and by the reading of those ancient authors. Ignatius, in Epistle 3, calls them "corrupters of women, coveters of other men's goods, greedy snatchers of money, and as it were whirlpools." After Optatus of Milevis, Augustine gravely complains in Book 1 Against the Letters of Petilian, ch. 64, and Book 3 Against Cresconius, ch. 42, of the tyrannical pillagings, invasions, thefts, and depredations of the Donatists, altogether similar to those by which the Calvinists for thirty years have most calamitously devastated our Gaul.

Volo autem et aliquid, etc. Ironia est, qua et Tertullianus chimericas istiusmodi nugas his festive traducit : « Hic aestimandum est, quem exitum duxerit, quantis lacrymarum generibus insudaverit. Habuit et salsas, habuit et amaras, et dulces, et calidas, et frigidas guttas, et bituminosas, et ferruginantes, et sulphurantes, utique et venenatas, ut et Nonacris (aquam mortiferam in Arcadia scripserunt esse Vitruvius, Pausanias et Seneca) « sudaverit, quae Alexandrum occidit; et Lyncestarum » (de his Livius lib. II. c. 103) « inde defluxerit, quae ebrios efficit; et Salmacis » (lege Vitruvium lib. II Archi.) « inde se solverit, quae masculos molles facit. Coelestes imbres pipiavit Achamoth. » Caeterum, Deum omnipotentem aquarum, ut et aliorum omnium, conditorem esse, passim explicant Scripturae, Genes. I, Exod. XV, Job XXVI, Psalm. LXXVI, CIII, CXLVIII.

But I wish also to contribute something, etc. This is irony, by which Tertullian also wittily holds up to ridicule fantastical trifles of this sort in these words: "Here one must reckon what an outcome she drew forth, in how many kinds of tears she sweated. She had both salty, she had both bitter, and sweet, and hot, and cold drops, and bituminous, and iron-tasting, and sulphurous, and of course poisonous ones too, so that both Nonacris" (Vitruvius, Pausanias, and Seneca wrote that it is a deadly water in Arcadia) "sweated therefrom, which killed Alexander; and that of the Lyncestians" (on these see Livy, Book 2, ch. 103) "flowed down from there, which makes men drunk; and Salmacis" (read Vitruvius, Book 2 of On Architecture) "loosed itself from there, which makes males effeminate. Achamoth whimpered forth heavenly showers." For the rest, that almighty God is the Creator of the waters, as of all other things, the Scriptures explain passim: Gen. 1, Exod. 15, Job 26, Ps. 76, 103, 148.

Pag. 21. Hanc autem Achamoth. Graeca lectione, et R. P. Frontonis judicio, reveritam eum, pro, eam : et coopertionem, pro cooperationem substituimus. Et paulo post : et non eas neglexisse, pro eum : item separatim, pro separavit : et passibilis, pro passibile.

Page 21. Hanc autem Achamoth. By the Greek reading and the judgement of the Reverend Father Fronto, we have substituted reveritam eum for eam; and coopertionem for cooperationem. And a little after: et non eas neglexisse for eum; likewise separatim for separavit; and passibilis for passibile.

Pag. 22. Priores. Codices excusi, prioris, sed mutavimus ex cod. veteri et Graec. lectione. Epiphanii interpres : « Non enim possibile erat ipsas deleri, velut illas priores, propterea quod in habitum jam cessissent, et validae essent. »

Page 22. Priores. The printed codices have prioris, but we have changed it from the ancient codex and the Greek reading. The translator of Epiphanius: "For it was not possible for them to be destroyed, like those former ones, because they had already passed into a settled state and were strong."

Pag. 23. Ejusdem subst. Codices excusi, ejus substantiae : sed cod. vetus, ejusdem. Billius, novus Irenaei interpres, aliique apud Epiphanium lat. haec paulo dilucidius explicant. Caeterum, « quas dextra, et quas sinistra, » videlicet, animalia, dicunt, legendum proposuimus, pro dextras et sinistras, quod erat in cod. excusis.

Page 23. Ejusdem subst. The printed codices have ejus substantiae, but the ancient codex has ejusdem. Billy, the new translator of Irenaeus, and others in the Latin Epiphanius explain these things a little more clearly. For the rest, we have proposed reading "quas dextra, et quas sinistra," namely animalia, as they say, instead of dextras et sinistras, which was in the printed codices.

Pag. 24. Hunc autem unigeniti Filii. Sic restituimus ex codic. vet. et lect. Graec.; delevimus vero : « Hanc autem unigenitum. » Epiphanii interpr. : « Illum vero in imagine unigeniti Filii; archangelos autem et angelos ab his factos in imagine reliquorum saeculorum. »

Page 24. Hunc autem unigeniti Filii. Thus we have restored from the ancient codex and the Greek reading, and we have deleted: "Hanc autem unigenitum." The translator of Epiphanius: "But him in the image of the only-begotten Son; and the archangels and angels made by these in the image of the remaining Aeons."

Devergentium. Demergentium prius erat; sed cod. vet. et lect. Graec. κατωφερῶν, cum Tertull. immutare fecerunt. Epiphanii interpres : « et eorum quae sursum feruntur, et eorum quae deorsum subsidunt. »

Devergentium. Previously it was Demergentium; but the ancient codex and the Greek reading κατωφερῶν, together with Tertullian, caused us to change it. The translator of Epiphanius: "both of those things that are borne upwards, and of those that sink downwards."

Septem autem coelos, etc. Ex Tertull., Epiphan. et cod. vet. quaedam restituimus. Verba Tertull. sunt : « Coelos autem noeros (id est, intellectuales) deputant, et interdum angelos faciunt, sicut et ipsum Demiurgum : sicut et paradisum archangelum quartum (archangeli 4 habebant codd. ex.) : quoniam et hunc supra coelum tertium pangunt, ex cujus virtute sumpserit Adam, diversatus illic inter nubeculas et arbusculas. » Porro paradisum visibilem negare, haeresim Seleucianorum et Hermianorum esse August. lib. De haeres. asserit : et

Septem autem coelos, etc. From Tertullian, Epiphanius, and the ancient codex we have restored certain things. The words of Tertullian are: "Moreover, they reckon the heavens to be noeroi (that is, intellectual), and sometimes make them angels, just as they do the Demiurge himself; just as they also make paradise the fourth archangel (the printed codices had 4 archangels): since they fix this too above the third heaven, from whose power Adam took, having sojourned there among little clouds and little shrubs." Furthermore, Augustine in his book On Heresies asserts that to deny the visible paradise is the heresy of the Seleucians and Hermians; and

Editors' notes and page, col. 1393

Footnotes

(4) · call in col 1393 (call above the rendered foot; column inferred)

Aeneid. III, 56.

Aeneid 3.56.

(printed under page 705)

(5) · call in col 1393 (call above the rendered foot; column inferred)

Lib. contr. Valent.

Book Against the Valentinians.

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(6) · call in col 1393 (call above the rendered foot; column inferred)

L. advers. Valent. cap 21.

Book Against the Valentinians, chapter 21.

(printed under page 705)

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Origenem in Anchorato reprehendit Epiphanius, quod in terris esse negasset. Placuit mihi valde beat. Theophil. Antiocheni de eodem sententia, lib. secundo Ad Autolycum : « Condito homini, ait, Deus elegit regionem in locis orientalibus amoenitate eximiam, lumine coruscantem, et splendido aere illustrem, plantis variis fecundam; et in hanc collocavit hominem, » etc. Et Hieronymus in Danielem, jubet eorum deliramenta conticescere, qui flumina et arbores, et paradisum putant allegoriae legibus subruere; Philonem, opinor, perstringens. Augustinus longe lateque Genesim explicans, nunquam illius situm, aut locum indicare voluit : quia ubi sit, ad quaestiones, quae sunt praeter fidem, pertinere judicat, lib. II Contra Pelag. et Coelest. cap. 23.

Epiphanius reproves Origen in the Ancoratus because he had denied that it is on earth. The opinion of the blessed Theophilus of Antioch on the same matter pleased me greatly, in the second book To Autolycus: "For man when he had been created," he says, "God chose a region in the eastern parts extraordinary in its pleasantness, gleaming with light, and bright withsplendid air, fruitful with various plants; and in this He placed man," etc. And Jerome, On Daniel, bids the ravings of those fall silent who think to overthrow the rivers and trees and paradise by the laws of allegory—glancing at Philo, I suppose. Augustine, explaining Genesis at great length, never wished to point out its site or place, because where it may be he judges to belong to questions that are outside the faith, in Book 2 Against Pelagius and Caelestius, ch. 23.

Pag. 25. Eam. Delevimus eum, auctoritate vet. cod. et lect. Graecae. Epiphanii vetus interpres : « Habere vero ipsam medietatis locum, et esse quidem supra opificem, infra vero, aut extra complementum, usque ad consummationem. »

Page 25. Eam. We have deleted eum, on the authority of the ancient codex and of the Greek reading. The ancient translator of Epiphanius: "And that she herself holds the place of the midst, and is indeed above the artificer, but below or outside the Pleroma, until the consummation."

Pag. 26. Cosmocratorem, etc. Christus quidem diabolum vocavit τὸν ἄρχοντα τοῦ κόσμου, Joan. XII et XIV; et Paulus, Θεὸν τοῦ αἰῶνος τούτου, II Corinth. IV; imo et κοσμοκράτορα τοῦ σκότους τοῦ αἰῶνος τούτου, Ephes. VI. Sed ut illius impotentem tyrannidem, quam in impios exercet, et superbiam, qua adversus Deum erigitur indicarent. Isti vero tam augusto epitheto illum exornabant, honoris gratia; quia huic inferiori mundo illum praeesse, Demiurgoque sapientiorem asserebant. Hinc scite illos vellicat Tertull. : « Diabolum opus Demiurgi affirmant, et Munditenentem appellant : et superiorum magis gnarum defendunt natura, ut spiritalem, quam Demiurgum, ut animalem. Meretur ab illis praelationem, cui omnes haereses procurantur. » Sed de daemonum et haereticorum κοινωνίᾳ inferius dicetur.

Page 26. Cosmocratorem, etc. Christ indeed called the devil τὸν ἄρχοντα τοῦ κόσμου (the ruler of the world) (John 12 and 14); and Paul called him Θεὸν τοῦ αἰῶνος τούτου (the god of this world) (2 Cor. 4); nay, even κοσμοκράτορα τοῦ σκότους τοῦ αἰῶνος τούτου (the world-ruler of the darkness of this world) (Eph. 6)—yet so as to indicate his unbridled tyranny, which he exercises over the ungodly, and the pride whereby he exalts himself against God. But those men adorned him with so august an epithet by way of honour, because they asserted that he presides over this lower world and is wiser than the Demiurge. Hence Tertullian shrewdly twits them: "They affirm that the devil is a work of the Demiurge, and call him World-ruler; and they maintain that he is by nature more acquainted with the higher things, as being spiritual, than the Demiurge, as being animal. He deserves preference from them, he for whom all heresies are managed." But of the κοινωνίᾳ (communion) of demons and heretics we shall speak below.

Creaturam Demiurgi. Licet cum excusis codicibus vetus noster cod. Creatorem haberet, tamen legendum creaturam censuimus, quia Graec. κτίσμα, et Tertull. opus Demiurgi habent.

Creaturam Demiurgi. Although our ancient codex, together with the printed codices, had Creatorem, nevertheless we judged that creaturam should be read, because the Greek has κτίσμα and Tertullian has opus Demiurgi.

Pag. 27. Cum fabricasset. Tertullianus suo more isthaec sic effert : « Cum talia de Deo, vel de Deis, qualia de homine figmenta? Molitus enim mundum Demiurgus, ad hominem manus confert, et substantiam ei capit non ex ista, inquiunt, arida : sed ex invisibili corpore materiae illius, scilicet philosophicae, de fluxili et fusili ejus : quod unde fuerit, haud queo aestimare, quia nusquam est, » etc.

Page 27. Cum fabricasset. Tertullian in his manner expresses these things thus: "When such fictions are told of God, or of gods, what sort of fictions are told of man? For the Demiurge, having laboured at the world, turns his hands to man, and takes substance for him not from this dry earth, they say, but from the invisible body of that matter—philosophical matter, to wit—from its fluid and fusible part: whence that came, I cannot reckon, because it is nowhere," etc.

Defluxione. Ex Tertull., cod. veteri et Graec. ἐκ πνευματικῆς ἀποῤῥοίας οὖσαν, ita legendum proposuimus : delevimus vero definitione.

Defluxione. From Tertullian, the ancient codex, and the Greek ἐκ πνευματικῆς ἀποῤῥοίας οὖσαν, we have proposed reading thus, and we have deleted definitione.

Dermatinam tunicam. Cum Graece sit δερμάτινον, et Tertullianus vertat pelliceam tunicam, de qua Moyses scripsit : « Fecit Dominus Adae et uxori ejus tunicas pelliceas, et induit eos, » nihil dubitavimus ita locum restituere, explosis Erasmi, Rhenani, et quorumdam aliorum variis conjecturis. Delirium porro horum Gnosticorum est, hanc tunicam esse carnem humanam, cum non sine sensili carne et pelle homo initio conditus fuerit, ut docet Tertullianus lib. De Resur. carnis : Hieronymus quoque Joannem Jerosolymitanum coarguat, quod per illas tunicas pelliceas humana corpora intellexerit. Sed quia festive magis quam graviter a vulgo circumfertur, Deum inde primum fuisse pellionem : unde pelles illae quibus protoparentum velata fuit nuditas, desumptae fuerint, vide si lubeat, quaest. 49 Just. mart. ad orthod. et Method. Tyri, apud Epiph. lib. II contra haereses. Quid vero significaverint, tractat Aug. in Psal. CIII.

Dermatinam tunicam. Since in Greek it is δερμάτινον, and Tertullian translates pelliceam tunicam, of which Moses wrote: "The Lord made for Adam and his wife coats of skins, and clothed them," we had no hesitation in restoring the passage thus, rejecting the various conjectures of Erasmus, Rhenanus, and certain others. Furthermore, it is a delusion of these Gnostics that this tunic is human flesh, since man was in the beginning created not without sensible flesh and skin, as Tertullian teaches in his book On the Resurrection of the Flesh; Jerome also refutes John of Jerusalem because he understood human bodies by those coats of skins. But since it is bandied about by the common crowd more in jest than in earnest that God from this was the first furrier: whence those skins with which the nakedness of our first parents was covered were taken, see, if you please, Question 49 of Justin Martyr to the Orthodox, and Methodius of Tyre in Epiphanius, Book 2 Against Heresies. And what they signified, Augustine treats on Psalm 103.

Matri suae, spiritalem. Sic docet legendum R. P. Fronto, pro, matris suae spiritalis, quod est in aliis excusis codicibus.

Matri suae, spiritalem. Thus the Reverend Father Fronto teaches that we should read, instead of matris suae spiritalis, which is in the other printed codices.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1394

Footnotes

(7) ‹anchor: sic effert› · call in col 1394

Lib. cont. Valent.

Book Against the Valentinians.

(printed under page 705)

(8) ‹anchor: et induit eos› · call in col 1394

Gen. III, 21.

Genesis 3:21.

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Pag. 28. Spiritale vero. Graecus contextus una cum Latino vet. cod. sic legendum docuit, pro, in spiritalem. Pamelius quoque nota 281 in libr. Tert. Adversus Valent. docuit hic legendum esse spirituale, pro, spiritualem : et salem, pro sole : sicut et paulo supra, cum sint igitur tria, pro, tres, ut in hactenus excusis codicibus.

Page 28. Spiritale vero. The Greek text together with the ancient Latin codex taught us to read thus, instead of in spiritalem. Pamelius also, in note 281 on Tertullian's book Against the Valentinians, taught that here spirituale should be read instead of spiritualem; and salem instead of sole; just as a little above, cum sint igitur tria instead of tres, as in the codices printed hitherto.

Pag. 29. Quapropter, et nobis quidem, etc. Ex hoc loco, et cap. 20 hujus libri, liquet Valentini et Simonis Magi impium dogma fuisse, opera bona ad salutem beatamque vitam necessaria non esse. Nostri autem saeculi proficientes in pejus haeresiarchae, multis parasangis hac impietate superata, vociferantur, « opera ad salutem esse perniciosa; justum in omni opere quantumvis bono peccare; opera omnia hominum, non nisi aeternos ignes mereri. » AEterna igitur supplicia (ut proprio judicio condemnentur) debet, et indubie rependet illis justus judex pro suis coenis, cantiunculis, concionibus, et catechismis : dignam certe tantorum laborum mercedem. At verbum Dei docet, reddendum unicuique secundum opera sua; et unumquemque mercedem accepturum secundum proprium laborem; atque processuros, qui bona fecerunt, in resurrectionem vitae, etc. Salubrius igitur multo, proposito praemio, ad omne genus bonorum operum nos excitant Patres. Tertull. lib. Scorp. : « Quomodo, ait, multae mansiones apud Patrem, si non pro varietate meritorum? Quomodo stella a stella distabit in gloria, nisi pro diversitate radiorum? Clemens Alexand. VI Strom. : « Proportione habita, sunt variae mansiones pro dignitate et meritis eorum, qui crediderunt. » Et August. sermo 39, de verbis Domini (nunc 108) : « Declina a malo, et fac bonum, et cum hoc feceris, securus exspecta vitam : et tunc bona fronte dices Domino : Feci quod jussisti, redde quod promisisti. »

Page 29. Quapropter, et nobis quidem, etc. From this passage, and ch. 20 of this book, it is clear that it was the impious dogma of Valentinus and Simon Magus that good works are not necessary for salvation and the blessed life. Moreover, the heresiarchs of our own age, advancing for the worse and surpassing this impiety by many parasangs, shout aloud that "works are pernicious to salvation; the righteous man sins in every work, however good; all the works of men deserve nothing but eternal fires." Eternal punishments, therefore (that they may be condemned by their own judgement), the righteous Judge owes and will undoubtedly repay to them for their suppers, ditties, sermons, and catechisms—a worthy reward indeed for so great labours! But the word of God teaches that to each man shall be rendered according to his works; and that each shall receive his reward according to his own labour; and that those who have done good shall come forth unto the resurrection of life, etc. Much more wholesomely, therefore, by setting forth the reward, do the Fathers stir us up to every kind of good works. Tertullian, in his book Scorpiace: "How," says he, "are there many mansions with the Father, if not in accordance with the variety of merits? How shall star differ from star in glory, unless in accordance with the diversity of rays?" Clement of Alexandria, Stromata 6: "In due proportion, there are various mansions according to the worthiness and merits of those who have believed." And Augustine, Sermon 39 On the Words of the Lord (now 108): "Turn away from evil, and do good, and when you have done this, await life in security; and then with a good countenance you shall say to the Lord: I have done what Thou didst command; render what Thou didst promise."

Quemadmodum aurum, etc., sic et semetipsos, etc. Superbissimam hanc haereticorum jactantiam, qua se natura spirituales et mundos esse, nullisque quantumvis abominandis flagitiis maculari docebant, ab orco revocasse mihi videntur Calviniani, dum verbis et scriptis mentiuntur se suosque ab uteris matrum sanctificatos; nullaque crimina sibi imputari, modo fides in Christum adsit : nullis quantumvis exsecrandis sceleribus Spiritum a se recedere, etc.

Quemadmodum aurum, etc., sic et semetipsos, etc. This most arrogant boast of the heretics, whereby they taught that they are spiritual and pure by nature, and are stained by no shameful deeds, however abominable, the Calvinists seem to me to have recalled from hell, while in words and writings they falsely claim that they and theirs are sanctified from their mothers' wombs, and that no crimes are imputed to them, provided only faith in Christ be present; that by no crimes, however execrable, does the Spirit depart from them, etc.

Pag. 30. Etenim idolothyta, etc. Ingluviei arguit illos, quodque nullum servarent, pro traditione apostolica, ciborum delectum. Quandiu stetit gentilismus, tandiu Christianos ab idolothytis cavisse, testes sunt Tertull. lib. De idol. et de cibis Judaicis; Orige. lib. VIII Contra Celsum; et Cypri. De lapsis. Abstinentiam vero a certis ciborum speciebus, tempore jejuniorum, « non propter abominationem eorum, sed ut mens ad cultum pietatis, ait Canon 50 apost., reddatur exercitatior; caroque contra Deum insurgens, inediae tormentis atque suppliciis puniatur, » inquit contra psychicos Tertull., per universas Ecclesias tum observatam fuisse contestatur Clemens Rom. libr. V Constit. apost. cap. 19. Qui et solo pane, sale, atque oleribus uti concedit : a carnibus autem et vino abstinere, diebus jejuniorum : et ejusdem libri cap. 21 idem pluribus sacrarum Litterarum locis confirmat. Hujus rei praxim in B. Petri conversatione, lib. VII Recog. affert, qui laboriosis illis suis peregrinationibus, pane solo, cum olivis, et raro oleribus fatiscens corpusculum reficiebat. Notae sunt omnibus fortissimorum martyrum, Severo imperante, istae praeclarae voces : « Multum erratis, o viri, putantes humanis visceribus vesci eos, qui ne mutorum quidem animalium carnibus utuntur. » Euseb., lib. V Hist., cap. 1. Tum temporibus quoque scribens contra psychicos Tertullianus, xerophagias diebus jejuniorum observatas

Page 30. Etenim idolothyta, etc. He convicts them of gluttony, and of keeping no distinction of foods in accordance with apostolic tradition. That so long as paganism stood, Christians guarded against meats offered to idols, the witnesses are Tertullian in his books On Idolatry and On Jewish Meats; Origen, Book 8 Against Celsus; and Cyprian, On the Lapsed. And that abstinence from certain kinds of foods in the time of fasts—"not on account of any abomination of them, but that the mind," says the 50th Canon of the Apostles, "may be rendered better trained for the cultivation of piety; and that the flesh rising up against God may be punished by the torments and penalties of fasting," says Tertullian against the Psychics—was then observed throughout all the Churches, Clement of Rome testifies in Book 5 of the Apostolic Constitutions, ch. 19. Who also permits the use of bread alone, salt, and herbs, while abstaining from flesh and wine on days of fasting; and in ch. 21 of the same book he confirms the same by many passages of Sacred Scripture. The practice of this matter he adduces in the way of life of blessed Peter, in Book 7 of the Recognitions, who in those laborious journeyings of his refreshed his weary little body with bread alone, with olives, and rarely with herbs. Known to all are those noble words of the most valiant martyrs under the reign of Severus: "You err greatly, O men, in thinking that those feed on human entrails who do not even use the flesh of dumb animals." Eusebius, Book 5 of the History, ch. 1. Moreover, Tertullian also, writing at that time against the Psychics, asserts that xerophagies were observed on days of fasting,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1395

Footnotes

(9) · call in col 1395 (call above the rendered foot; column inferred)

Hom. 8, de poenit. Hom. 62 ad pop.

Homily 8 On Repentance; Homily 62 to the People.

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fuisse asserit, siccato cibo ab omni carne et jurulentia; et lib. De cultu mulierum, quosdam creaturas Dei sibi interdicere, abstinentes vino et animalibus. Hieronymus dicit, « Paulum palmae fructibus; et Hilarionem, paucis massae caricis perpetuo victitasse. » Athanas. et Basilius lib. De virginitate : leguminibus, pane, et oleo, paucis nonnunquam adhibitis olusculis, jejuniis carnem spiritui servire cogentes, ut duntaxat volunt.

with food dried of all flesh and broth; and in the book On the Apparel of Women, that certain persons interdict to themselves the creatures of God, abstaining from wine and animals. Jerome says that "Paul lived perpetually on the fruits of the palm, and Hilarion on a few dried figs of the lump." Athanasius and Basil in the book On Virginity allow only pulse, bread, and oil, with a few little herbs sometimes added, compelling the flesh by fasts to serve the spirit.

In omnem diem festum ethnicorum. Arguit eos, quod dies vel diis, vel imperatoribus paganorum sacros cum illis celebrarent, utique in eorum venerationem : imo nec a spectaculis illis abstinerent, in quibus vel gladiatorio certamine occumbebant, vel ferarum dentibus laniabantur multi. In hoc vero sese audacissimos piarum paternarumque traditionum contemptores manifestabant; cum omnes sive spectacula scenica, sive ludos Circenses, aut theatrales, studiose fugiendos monuerint, ut omnium vitiorum fomenta, malarumque cupiditatum irritamenta, ac (ut cum Chrysostomo dicam) civitatum pestes, malorum omnium fontes, pestilentiae cathedram, incontinentiae gymnasium, luxuriae officinam, impudicitiae orchestram, et fornacem Babylonicam. Turpia enim spectandi consuetudo etiam imitandi licentiam sumit, et vitia per oculorum fenestras in animos nostros celerrime convolant, irritant, accendunt, et inflammant. Nihil est nobis dictu, visu, auditu, ait Tertullianus, cum insania Circi, cum impudicitia theatri, cum atrocitate arenae, cum xysti vanitate. Et solemnia Caesarum irridens paulo superius : Grande, ait, videlicet, officium focos et choros in publicum educere, vicatim epulari, civitatem tabernae habitu abolefacere, vino lutum cogere, catervatim cursitare ad injurias, ad impudentias, ad libidinis illecebras. Siccine exprimitur publicum gaudium per publicum dedecus? Haeccine solemnes dies principum decent, quae alios dies non decent? etc. Et eo paulo inferior Minutius Felix : Nos, inquit, qui moribus et pudore censemur, merito pompis vestris et spectaculis abstinemus : quorum et de sacris originem novimus, et noxia blandimenta damnamus. Nam in ludis currulibus, quis non horreat populi in se rixantis insaniam? In gladiatoriis, homicidii disciplinam? In scenicis, etiam non minor furor, turpitudo prolixior. Nunc enim mimus vel exponit adulteria, vel monstrat : nunc enervis histrio, amorem dum fingit, infligit. Idem deos vestros induendo, stupra, suspiria, odio dedecorat, etc. Effundit et eloquentiae suae flumen in theatris insectandis Lactantius lib. VI, cap. 20. Deterret et quantum graviter potest Cyprianus, epist. ad Donatum. Epiphanius, Ecclesiam catholicam spectacula, ut equestria certamina, damnare scribit. Et B. Augustinus theatra ut caveas turpitudinum, et publicas flagitiorum professiones aversanda docet.

In omnem diem festum ethnicorum. He convicts them because they celebrated along with the pagans the days sacred either to their gods or to their emperors, doubtless in veneration of them; nay, they did not even abstain from those shows in which many either fell in gladiatorial combat or were torn to pieces by the teeth of wild beasts. And in this they showed themselves the most audacious despisers of pious and ancestral traditions; since all warned that whether stage shows, or Circus or theatrical games, are to be studiously shunned, as the kindling-wood of all vices and the provocations of evil desires, and (to speak with Chrysostom) the plagues of cities, the fountains of all evils, the chair of pestilence, the gymnasium of incontinence, the workshop of luxury, the orchestra of shamelessness, and the Babylonian furnace. For the habit of beholding base things takes to itself also the licence of imitating them, and vices fly most swiftly through the windows of the eyes into our souls, irritate, kindle, and inflame them. We have nothing to do in speech, sight, or hearing, says Tertullian, with the madness of the Circus, with the shamelessness of the theatre, with the savagery of the arena, with the vanity of the xystus. And mocking the solemnities of the Caesars a little above: It is a grand service, forsooth, says he, to bring out braziers and dances into public, to feast street by street, to befoul the city with the guise of a tavern, to curdle mud with wine, to run about in troops to outrages, to shameless deeds, to the allurements of lust. Is public joy thus expressed through public disgrace? Do these things befit the solemn days of princes, which do not befit other days? etc. And Minucius Felix, a little later than he: We, says he, who are esteemed by our morals and modesty, deservedly abstain from your processions and shows, whose origin from pagan rites we know, and whose harmful allurements we condemn. For in the chariot games, who would not shudder at the madness of a people brawling against itself? In the gladiatorial shows, the training in homicide? In the stage plays, too, the madness is no less, the baseness more drawn out. For now a mime either sets forth adulteries or acts them out; now an effeminate actor, while he feigns love, inflicts it. The same man, by putting on the guise of your gods, disgraces them with debaucheries, sighs, hatred, etc. Lactantius also pours forth the river of his eloquence in inveighing against theatres in Book 6, ch. 20. Cyprian too deters from them as gravely as he can, in his Epistle to Donatus. Epiphanius writes that the Catholic Church condemns spectacles, such as equestrian contests. And blessed Augustine teaches that theatres are to be shunned as cages of baseness and public professions of shameful deeds.

Quidam et carnis voluptatibus, etc. Inferius quoque cap. 8, 9, 20 et 23, scortationum, adulteriorum, et variarum libidinum Gnosticos reos facit : quod adeo cunctis haereticis commune fuit, ut scribat Hieron. in IX cap. Oseae, difficile haereticum inveniri, qui diligat castitatem. Manifesta sunt omnibus Nicolaitarum lenocinia. Carpocratianos scribit Clemens Alex., III Strom., ad coenas convenientes, viros simul et mulieres, lumine amoto, commisceri quomodo, et cum quibus voluissent. Paria de Florianis ante Augustinum scriptis mandaverat Philastrius. Apellem desertorem continentiae, et carne lapsum vocat in Praescript. Tertullianus : ut et Marcionem propter stuprum virgini illatum, Ecclesia motum fuisse asserit. Hermogeni exprobrat, quod assidue nuberet, et totus adulter esset, praedicatione et carne. Montanum describit apud Euseb. libr. V, cap. 18, Apollonius, quas mulieres ut prophetissas circumducebat, a viris propriis, ad propriam

Quidam et carnis voluptatibus, etc. Below also, in ch. 8, 9, 20, and 23, he charges the Gnostics with fornications, adulteries, and various lusts—which was so common to all heretics that Jerome writes on the 9th chapter of Hosea that it is difficult to find a heretic who loves chastity. Manifest to all are the pandering allurements of the Nicolaitans. Clement of Alexandria writes in Stromata 3 that the Carpocratians, coming together for suppers, men and women alike, when the light has been removed, mingle together how and with whom they please. The like things Philastrius before Augustine had committed to writing concerning the Floriani. Tertullian in On Prescription calls Apelles a deserter of continence and fallen in the flesh, just as he also asserts that Marcion was removed from the Church on account of debauchery committed against a virgin. He reproaches Hermogenes because he married continually and was wholly an adulterer, both in preaching and in flesh. Apollonius, in Eusebius, Book 5, ch. 18, describes Montanus as having drawn away from their own husbands, for his own

Editors' notes and page, col. 1396

Footnotes

(10) ‹anchor: ait Tertullianus› · call in col 1396

Cap. 38 Apolog.

Apology, chapter 38.

(printed under page 706)

(11) ‹anchor: Nos, inquit› · call in col 1396

In Octavic

In the Octavius (printed "Octavic").

(printed under page 706)

(12) ‹anchor: aversanda docet› · call in col 1396

Lib. I de consensu Evang. cap. 35.

Book 1 On the Harmony of the Gospels, chapter 35.

(printed under page 706)

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old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Variorum notae continued; starts mid-word vatas and ends mid-word pro-
other: the word propriam was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 1397

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libidinem abstraxisse. Cyprianus epist. 18 quosdam suae tempestatis vocat stupratores virginum, et matrimoniorum corruptores, ac depopulatores. Parum ab istorum avorum suorum lubricis vestigiis deflexisse cernunt omnes hujus saeculi nostri schismaticos, dum continentiam omnino impossibilem esse, cunctis inculcant : sacramenti matrimonii vincula solvunt; et qui coetibus eorum praesunt, omnes fere deserto continentiae voto, incestas nuptias amplexantur.

lust, the women whom he led about as prophetesses. Cyprian in Epistle 18 calls certain men of his own time defilers of virgins, and corrupters and pillagers of marriages. All see that the schismatics of this our own age have swerved but little from the slippery footsteps of those their forefathers, while they inculcate upon all that continence is altogether impossible, loose the bonds of the sacrament of matrimony, and those who preside over their assemblies, almost all having forsaken the vow of continence, embrace incestuous marriages.

Pag. 31. Quapropter ex omni modo. Hic rursum et ex ipsis Gnosticorum verbis et satis indicat Irenaeus, quam lascivi et impuri fuerint, qui omni tempore et loco de syzygia, id est, carnali cum feminis copulatione sibi meditandum profiterentur. Tertullianus Irenaeo subscribit his verbis : Nam et honorandorum conjugiorum supernorum gratia, dicitur apud illos meditandum atque celebrandum semper sacramentum, comiti, id est, feminae adhaerendo. Alioqui degenerem nec legitimum veritatis, qui diversatus in mundo non amaverit feminam, nec se ei junxerit. Caeterum, ex his post doctum Pamelium observo, Tertull. Latine scribentem, conjugium sacramentum appellare, quod Epiphanius, Irenaeus, et Paulus apost. Graece vocant μυστήριον. Itaque his veteribus Gnosticis novi Hugnostici hac etiam in re deteriores sunt, quod matrimonium legitimum inter Christianos sacramentum esse inficientur. Sed de hoc rursum postea.

Page 31. Quapropter ex omni modo. Here again, even from the very words of the Gnostics, Irenaeus sufficiently indicates how lascivious and impure they were, who professed that in every time and place they must meditate upon syzygia, that is, carnal copulation with women. Tertullian subscribes to Irenaeus in these words: For also for the sake of honouring the supernal marriages, it is said among them that one must always meditate upon and celebrate the sacrament by cleaving to a companion, that is, to a woman; otherwise he is degenerate and a bastard to the truth who, having sojourned in the world, has not loved a woman nor joined himself to her. For the rest, from these words, after the learned Pamelius, I observe that Tertullian, writing in Latin, calls marriage a sacramentum, which Epiphanius, Irenaeus, and the Apostle Paul in Greek call μυστήριον. And so the new Huguenot-Gnostics are worse than these ancient Gnostics in this matter also, because they deny that lawful matrimony among Christians is a sacrament. But of this again hereafter.

Pag. 32. Nymphonem. Codices ex., Symphonem; vetus, Nymphonem; Graec., νυμφῶνα, thalamum nuptialem; ex hoc igitur restituimus.

Page 32. Nymphonem. The printed codices have Symphonem; the ancient codex has Nymphonem; the Greek has νυμφῶνα, bridal chamber; from this, therefore, we have restored it.

Pag. 33. Quemadmodum aqua per tubum. Has blasphemias in Christi Domini Incarnationem ex utero B. Mariae virginis, validissime prosternit lib. III, cap. 18, 31 et 32. Post eum vero Tertull. lib. De carne Christi acerrime in illos pugnavit, et Vigilius martyr toto lib. III Contra Eutychen, huic negotio incumbit.

Page 33. Quemadmodum aqua per tubum. These blasphemies against the Incarnation of Christ the Lord from the womb of the Blessed Virgin Mary he most powerfully overthrows in Book 3, ch. 18, 31, and 32. And after him Tertullian, in his book On the Flesh of Christ, fought most fiercely against them, and Vigilius the martyr throughout the whole of Book 3 Against Eutyches applies himself to this business.

Pag. 35. Cum sit igitur tale illorum arg., etc. Illorum sententiam rejicit, primo, quod neque propheticis concionibus, neque Christi doctrina, aut apostolica traditione niteretur. Iisdem telis Florini haeresim sic conficit lib. De monarchia apud Euseb., lib. V Hist., c. 19 : Ista dogmata, Florine, sanae doctrinae et sententiae non sunt. Ista dogmata sunt Ecclesiae repugnantia, utpote quae eos qui illis obsequuntur, in maximam impietatem dejiciant. Ista dogmata ne haeretici quidem, qui erant ab Ecclesia exturbati, unquam affirmare audebant. Ista dogmata presbyteri qui ante nos fuerunt, quique erant ipsorum apostolorum discipuli, minime tibi tradiderunt. Vides quam grave Irenaeo visum fuerit a traditione sumptum argumentum : sed de hoc in sequentibus commodior erit dicendi locus. Secundo vero, quod suas hypotheses ex ἀγράφοις, id est, non scriptis, scilicet legitimis, sed supposititiis, nothis, et a seipsis confictis stabilirent, quibus simplices inescatos in retia sua pertraherent; quod apertius infra cap. 17 indicat : Super haec autem, ait, inenarrabilem multitudinem apocryphorum, et perperarum Scripturarum, quas ipsi finxerunt, afferunt, ad stuporem insensatorum, etc. Et cap. 35 : Evangelium nomine Judae proditoris proponunt, etc. Addam et Epiphan. qui Marcionem, librum ex Evangeliorum, et ex Apostoli mutilatis et depravatis sententiis concinnatum, quem Apostolicum nominabat; Sethianos, libros septem nomine Seth, librum unum nomine Abrahae, aliosque nomine Mosis; Encratitas, scripturas quae dicebantur Andreae, Joannis, et Thomae; Archonticos quoque sibi ipsis libros confictos, quos Symphoniae magnae et parvae nomenclatura ornabant, conscripsisse et circumtulisse, in singulos scribens testatur. De Psalmis a Valentino

Page 35. Cum sit igitur tale illorum arg., etc. He rejects their opinion, first, because it rested neither on prophetic discourses, nor on the teaching of Christ, nor on apostolic tradition. With the same weapons he thus dispatches the heresy of Florinus in his book On Monarchy, in Eusebius, Book 5 of the History, ch. 19: Those dogmas, Florinus, are not of sound teaching and judgement. Those dogmas are repugnant to the Church, inasmuch as they cast down into the greatest impiety those who follow them. Those dogmas not even the heretics who were driven out of the Church ever dared to affirm. Those dogmas the presbyters who were before us, and who were disciples of the apostles themselves, by no means handed down to you. You see how weighty the argument taken from tradition seemed to Irenaeus; but there will be a more convenient place to speak of this in what follows. Secondly, because they established their hypotheses from ἄγραφα, that is, things unwritten—to wit, not in legitimate writings, but in supposititious, bastard ones forged by themselves, wherewith they drew the simple, once baited, into their nets; which he indicates more openly below in ch. 17: And over and above these things, says he, they adduce an unspeakable multitude of apocryphal and spurious Scriptures, which they themselves have forged, to the bewilderment of the foolish, etc. And in ch. 35: They set forth a Gospel in the name of Judas the traitor, etc. I will add also Epiphanius, who, writing against each of them, testifies that Marcion composed and carried about a book patched together from mutilated and corrupted sentences of the Gospels and of the Apostle, which he named the Apostolicum; the Sethians, seven books in the name of Seth, one book in the name of Abraham, and others in the name of Moses; the Encratites, scriptures that were called those of Andrew, John, and Thomas; and the Archontics also books forged for themselves, which they adorned with the title of the Greater and Lesser Symphony. Concerning the Psalms forged with great impudence by Valentinus,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1397

Footnotes

(13) · call in col 1397 (call above the rendered foot; column inferred)

Lib. advers. Valent. cap. 30.

Book Against the Valentinians, chapter 30.

(printed under page 707)

(14) · call in col 1397 (call above the rendered foot; column inferred)

Ephes. V, 32.

Ephesians 5:32.

(printed under page 707)

(15) ‹anchor: dicendi locus› · call in col 1397

Lib. III.

Book 3.

(printed under page 707)

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magna impudentia confictis conqueritur Tertullian. lib. De carne Christi. Augustinus quoque lib. De natura boni, contra Manichaeos, cap. 44, indicat Scripturam quamdam blasphemiis refertam, cui Thesauri nomen dabant, eosdem legisse, audivisse, credidisse : sicut et epistolam Manichaei, quam Fundamentum nominabant, libro, quo prolixe eam confutat. Idem etiam lib. XIV, De civit., cap. 25, multa sub nominibus prophetarum et apostolorum, ab haereticis prolata fuisse, quae sub nomine apocryphorum, auctoritate canonica, diligenti examine remota fuerint, testis est. Hoc quoque stratagema, nec saeculi nostri haereticis defuit, qui quemdam Bertramum contra eucharistiam; Carolum Magnum, contra imagines; et Huldricum, sive Uldaricum, Augustanum, adversus coelibatum, confinxerunt, aut depravarunt.

Tertullian complains in his book On the Flesh of Christ. Augustine also, in his book On the Nature of the Good, against the Manichaeans, ch. 44, indicates that those same men read, heard, and believed a certain Scripture crammed with blasphemies, to which they gave the name of The Treasure; just as he also indicates the epistle of Manichaeus, which they named The Foundation, in the book in which he refutes it at length. The same author also in Book 14 of The City of God, ch. 25, is witness that many things were brought forward by heretics under the names of the prophets and apostles, which under the name of apocrypha were removed after diligent examination by canonical authority. Nor has this stratagem been wanting to the heretics of our own age, who have forged or corrupted a certain Bertram against the Eucharist; Charlemagne against images; and Huldric, or Uldaric, of Augsburg, against celibacy.

Pag. 36. De arena resticulas nectere. Graeca proverbii verba sunt : Ἐξ ἄμμου σχοινία πλέκειν, in quibus mira apparet in explicanda Valentinianorum stoliditate proprietas, qui Scripturarum undique collecta ramenta, nullo pacto inter se cohaerentia, ad sui erroris confirmationem nectere conarentur. Alio postea idem significante usus est Synesius, epistola adversus Andronicum, qui civilem virtutem cum sacerdotio, quod κλώθειν τὰ ἀσύγκλωστα, id est, ea nere, quae neri nequeunt, eleganter epistola quinquagesima septima esse dicit Synesius, conjungebat.

Page 36. De arena resticulas nectere. The Greek words of the proverb are: Ἐξ ἄμμου σχοινία πλέκειν (To plait ropes out of sand), in which a wonderful aptness appears in setting forth the stupidity of the Valentinians, who endeavoured to weave together scraps of the Scriptures gathered from everywhere, in no way cohering with one another, for the confirmation of their own error. Synesius afterwards used another proverb signifying the same thing, in the epistle against Andronicus, who joined civic virtue with the priesthood—which Synesius in Epistle 57 elegantly says is κλώθειν τὰ ἀσύγκλωστα, that is, to spin things that cannot be spun together.

Quomodo si quis regis imaginem, etc. Hac homoeosi, omnium haereticorum artem veteratoriam lepide explicat, qua putres fabulas suas eloquiis divinis operiunt; ac si quis simiam, foedum ac turpe animal, purpura ornaret, asinum exuviis leonis indueret, et plumbeos enses, ait Nazianzenus ad Nicobulum, argenteis vaginis conderet et occultaret; aut (si ex sacris mavis) lupos rapaces vestimentis ovium, et Satanam in angelum lucis transformaret. Valentinianos istos scortis publicis similes asserit, stringens in illos calamum Tertull., quae ut illito quotidie sibi fuco lascivos irretiunt; sic et illi figmentis, quae in dies comminiscebantur, incautos inescabant : pharmacopolas etiam referre scribit Vincentius Lirinensis, qui noxia gramina salubribus titulis coronant.

Quomodo si quis regis imaginem, etc. By this simile he neatly explains the crafty art of all heretics, whereby they cover their rotten fables with the divine utterances; just as if someone were to adorn an ape, a foul and base animal, with purple, clothe an ass in a lion's skin, and hide and conceal leaden swords, says Gregory of Nazianzus to Nicobulus, in silver scabbards; or (if you prefer examples from Sacred Scripture) transform ravening wolves in sheep's clothing, and Satan into an angel of light. Tertullian, sharpening his pen against them, asserts that these Valentinians are like common prostitutes: for just as these ensnare the wanton with rouge smeared upon themselves daily, so they too baited the unwary with fictions that they devised from day to day; Vincent of Lérins also writes that they resemble quacksalvers, who crown noxious herbs with wholesome labels.

Confirmet. Ita vet. cod. Graece διορίζοιτο : expunximus itaque, conformet.

Confirmet. Thus the ancient codex, in Greek διορίζοιτο; we have therefore expunged conformet.

Pag. 37. Salvator. Delevimus, Salvatore.

Page 37. Salvator. We have deleted Salvatore.

Pag. 38. Et aporiam, id est, consternationem, etc. Desperationem, post Cornarium, vertit Nicolaus Gallasius, ut suis, opinor, antistitibus et symmystis patrocinetur, quos non puduit ex istis impiis Valentinianorum fabulis, Christum spem nostram et salutem, dum sanguinis guttas sudore emitteret, et in cruce penderet, ingenti onere irae divinae obrutum, flammis inferni addictum (coactus, et non nisi exhorrescens, verbis eorum utor, ne impostorem vociferentur) profundo inferni gurgite sepultum, demersum, pereuntemque, et desperantem facere. Imo eo nequiores Valentinianis sunt, quod illi verborum idem significantium ambiguitate rem obscurant, dum Achamoth, Sophiam, et Christum pro eodem usurpant : isti autem nihil circuitione usi, etiam de conficta insigni in Christum contumelia gloriantur.

Page 38. Et aporiam, id est, consternationem, etc. Nicolas des Gallars, following Cornarius, translated it Desperationem (despair), in order, I suppose, to patronize his own leaders and fellow-initiates, who were not ashamed, out of these impious fables of the Valentinians, to make Christ our hope and salvation, while He shed drops of blood in sweat and hung upon the cross, overwhelmed by the huge burden of divine wrath, given over to the flames of hell (compelled, and not without shuddering, I use their own words, lest they cry out that I am an impostor), buried in the deep whirlpool of hell, plunged down, perishing, and despairing. Nay, they are worse than the Valentinians in this respect, that those men obscure the matter by the ambiguity of words signifying the same thing, while they use Achamoth, Sophia, and Christ for the same; whereas these men, using no circumlocution, even glory in the signal insult they have fabricated against Christ.

Verum qui desperasset, qui pro aliis, eorum facinore excusato, tanta charitate orabat? Qui desperasse putandus est, qui regni consortium furi pollicebatur, spiritum commendabat in manus Patris, quem verbis nequaquam ambiguis obnixe precabatur? Spem abjicientes, aut manus sibi violentas afferunt, aut divinam majestatem contumeliis afficiunt, conviciisque et blasphemiis proscindunt, nec certe unquam pias has voces, Deus meus, Deus

Yet how could He have despaired, Who prayed for others with so great charity, excusing their crime? How is He to be thought to have despaired, Who promised fellowship in the kingdom to a thief, and commended His spirit into the hands of the Father, Whom He earnestly entreated in words by no means ambiguous? Those who cast away hope either lay violent hands upon themselves, or visit the divine majesty with insults and revile it with railings and blasphemies, and certainly never utter those pious words, My God, my God

Editors' notes and page, col. 1398

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marginal letters: A magna impudentia; B quibus mira; C maret. Valentinianos; D exhorrescens, verbis
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meus, usurpant. Ego plura, nisi properarem, adversus ista blasphemiarum portenta attulissem : sed nunc primos earum auctores, tanquam fontes digito indicasse suffecerit. Primum, ut ingratus haeresiarcharum animus, vel eorum saltem pateat discipulis, qui per quos profecerint, et a quibus hauserint (iisdem enim Scripturis nituntur) candide non agnoscant. Deinde ut nostros ad sanctorum Patrum assiduam lectionem adhorter, ex qua nihil fere recentiores haereticos (ne tantopere glorientur) adversum nos emovere, quod ex priorum graveolentis Averni lacubus, auctore dissimulato, haustum non sit, facile deprehendent. Rursus de hoc infra lib. II, c. 28.

Use. I would have adduced more things against those monsters of blasphemies, were I not hastening on; but for now it will have sufficed to point out with the finger their first authors, as their fountains: first, that the ungrateful mind of the heresiarchs may be manifest, at least to their disciples, since they do not candidly acknowledge through whom they have profited and from whom they have drawn (for they rely upon the same Scriptures); secondly, that I may exhort our own people to the assiduous reading of the holy Fathers, from which they will easily detect that the more recent heretics (that they may not boast so greatly) stir up scarcely anything against us that has not been drawn, while concealing the author, from the foul-smelling lakes of Avernus of the earlier ones. More on this again below, Book 2, ch. 28.

Pag. 39. Initia. Delevimus initio, auctoritate vet. cod. cui consentit Epiphanius his verbis : Horum quos volebat salvare Salvator, primitias assumpsit.

Page 39. Initia. We have deleted initio, on the authority of the ancient codex, with which Epiphanius agrees in these words: Of those whom the Saviour wished to save, He assumed the firstfruits.

Invenit eam, quoniam, etc. Expunximus duas voces in, et hoc, auctoritate veteris codicis, cui conformis est lectio Graeca, εὑρίσκει αὐτὴν, διὸ καὶ ταύτην, etc.

Invenit eam, quoniam, etc. We have expunged the two words in and hoc, on the authority of the ancient codex, with which the Greek reading conforms: εὑρίσκει αὐτὴν, διὸ καὶ ταύτην, etc.

Pag. 40. Ab hoc autem. Delevimus adhuc, quoniam Graece est, ὑπὸ δὲ τούτου. Deinde omnem, pro communem, tam ex cod. vet. quam Graeco reposuimus.

Page 40. Ab hoc autem. We have deleted adhuc, because in Greek it is ὑπὸ δὲ τούτου. Next, we have restored omnem instead of communem, both from the ancient codex and from the Greek.

Pag. 41. Doctrinam facit. Vetus codex, facti : sed illud maluimus, quoniam Graece est, τὴν διδασκαλίαν ποιεῖται.

Page 41. Doctrinam facit. The ancient codex has facti; but we preferred the former, because in Greek it is τὴν διδασκαλίαν ποιεῖται.

Etenim principium. Delevimus in principio, auct. vet. cod. et lect. Graec.

Etenim principium. We have deleted in principio, on the authority of the ancient codex and the Greek reading.

Pag. 42. Et veritatem. Ita vetus cod. Graece καὶ ἀλήθειαν : expunximus autem Verbum.

Page 42. Et veritatem. Thus the ancient codex, in Greek καὶ ἀλήθειαν; and we have expunged Verbum.

Pag. 43. Deinde. Expunximus de re, auctoritate vet. cod. Graece quoque legitur ἔπειτα.

Page 43. Deinde. We have expunged de re, on the authority of the ancient codex; in Greek also ἔπειτα is read.

Hi transvertentes, etc. Observa istos impietati Nestorii et Gnaphaei, quos Ephesina et Constantinop. synodi damnarunt, non tantum semina dedisse, verum et eam superasse : cum in quatuor illi, isti autem tantum in duas personas unicum Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum distraxerint. Ut vero illos validissimis argumentis in sequentibus prosternit : sic posteriores apertissime convicerunt Cyrillus Alexand., Gelasius, Vigilius martyr, libris 5 Contra Eutychen; et Theodorus Antiochenus Isagoge in Anastasium. Caeterum, in Nestoriano coeno volutari Lutherum, Zuinglium, et quotquot B. Virginem Dei genitricem vocari non sustinent, evincit dilucide gravissimus scriptor Lindanus lib. I De tranquillitate animi, et Dialogo 2 Dubitantii; quod hic indicare placuit, ut vel hinc contra eorum venena pharmacum petas.

Hi transvertentes, etc. Observe that these men not only gave the seeds to the impiety of Nestorius and Gnaphaeus, whom the Synods of Ephesus and Constantinople condemned, but even surpassed it, since the former tore our one Lord Jesus Christ asunder into four persons, whereas the latter tore Him into two only. And just as he overthrows those men with most powerful arguments in what follows, so Cyril of Alexandria, Gelasius, Vigilius the martyr in his five books Against Eutyches, and Theodore of Antioch in his Isagoge against Anastasius most clearly refuted the later ones. For the rest, that Luther, Zwingli, and all who cannot bear that the Blessed Virgin be called Mother of God wallow in Nestorian mire, the most weighty writer Lindanus clearly demonstrates in Book 1 On Tranquillity of Mind and in Dialogue 2 of Dubitantius; which it pleased me to indicate here, that from this source too you may seek an antidote against their poisons.

Pro hominibus. Delevimus omnibus, et mox reposuimus, neque de Ogdoade, expungendo atque, auctoritate vet. cod. et Graecae lectionis.

Pro hominibus. We have deleted omnibus, and presently restored neque de Ogdoade, expunging atque, on the authority of the ancient codex and of the Greek reading.

Ex Joannis Ernesti Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 1.

From the annotations of Johann Ernst Grabe on chapter 1.

Pag. 5. Graecus hujus capitis textus ex Epiphanii haeres. 31 depromtus est. Summa autem ejus recitatur a Theodoreto lib. I Haereticarum fabularum cap. 7, et Latine a Tertulliano lib. Adversus Valentinianos, quem ne dimidio quidem saeculo hoc Irenaei opus praecessit. Illos igitur aliosque ejusmodi scriptores inter se conferam, ac ubi corrupti fuerint, puritati suae restituere conabor; sicut Indiculum haereseon pseudo-Hieronymi vitiosissime editum, ex hoc capite Irenaei bene emendavit Cotelerius in notis ad tom. I Monum. Eccl. Graecae, col. 766 et seq., uno alteroque loco excepto, cui mox medicam admovebo manum.

Page 5. The Greek text of this chapter is drawn from Epiphanius, Heresy 31. Moreover, the summary of it is recited by Theodoret in Book 1 of Heretical Fables, ch. 7, and in Latin by Tertullian in his book Against the Valentinians, whom this work of Irenaeus preceded by not even half a century. I will therefore compare those and other such writers with one another, and where they have been corrupted I will endeavour to restore them to their purity; just as Cotelier in his notes on Tome 1 of the Monumenta Ecclesiae Graecae, col. 766 et seq., well emended from this chapter of Irenaeus the most corruptly edited Indiculus haereseon of pseudo-Jerome, except for one or two places, to which I shall presently apply a healing hand.

Τέλειον Αἰῶνα. Tertull. cap. 7 : « Substantialiter quidem αἰῶνα τέλειον appellant, personaliter vero προαρχήν, et τὴν ἀρχήν, etiam Bython. » AEon igitur Valentinianis Deum denotavit; pro qua significatione, a lexicographis praetermissa, duorum philosophorum auctoritatem accipe, Epicteti gentilis, et pseudo-Dionysii Christiani. Hic apud Arrianum, eadem, qua Valentinus vixit, aetate florentem, lib. II, cap. 5, ante medium, mortis necessitatem

Τέλειον Αἰῶνα. Tertullian, ch. 7: "Substantially indeed they call him αἰῶνα τέλειον (perfect Aeon), but personally προαρχήν (Fore-beginning), and τὴν ἀρχήν (the Beginning), also Bythos." Aeon therefore denoted God to the Valentinians; for which signification, passed over by the lexicographers, take the authority of two philosophers, Epictetus the pagan and pseudo-Dionysius the Christian. The former in Arrian, who flourished in the same age in which Valentinus lived, Book 2, ch. 5, before the middle, considering the necessity of death,

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considerans, ait : Οὐ γάρ εἰμι αἰὼν, ἀλλ' ἄνθρωπος. « Neque enim sum Deus, sed homo. » Illi autem lib. De divinis nominibus cap. 5, § 4, Deus dicitur ἀρχὴ καὶ μέτρον αἰώνων, καὶ χρόνων ὀντότης, καὶ αἰὼν τῶν ὄντων, « principium et mensura saeculorum, et temporum essentia, et aevum eorum quae exsistunt. » Nam quemadmodum in αἰῶνι sive aeternitate, nec praeteritum, nec futurum datur, sed semper praesens; ita et Deus οὔτε ἦν, οὔτε ἔσται, οὔτε ἐγένετο, οὔτε γίνεται, οὔτε γενήσεται, ut Dionysius ibidem addit, indeque concludit : Αὐτὸς γάρ ἐστιν ὁ αἰὼν τῶν αἰώνων, ὁ ὑπάρχων πρὸ τῶν αἰώνων. « Ipse enim est aevum aevorum, exsistens ante omne aevum. » Confer commentatores in haec verba.

says: Οὐ γάρ εἰμι αἰὼν, ἀλλ' ἄνθρωπος. "For I am not an Aeon (God), but a man." And by the latter, in the book On the Divine Names, ch. 5, § 4, God is called ἀρχὴ καὶ μέτρον αἰώνων, καὶ χρόνων ὀντότης, καὶ αἰὼν τῶν ὄντων, "the beginning and measure of ages, and the essence of times, and the age of things that exist." For just as in αἰών or eternity neither past nor future is given, but always the present, so also God οὔτε ἦν, οὔτε ἔσται, οὔτε ἐγένετο, οὔτε γίνεται, οὔτε γενήσεται (neither was, nor will be, nor came to be, nor comes to be, nor will come to be), as Dionysius adds in the same place, and thence concludes: Αὐτὸς γάρ ἐστιν ὁ αἰὼν τῶν αἰώνων, ὁ ὑπάρχων πρὸ τῶν αἰώνων. "For He Himself is the Age of ages, existing before every age." Compare the commentators on these words.

Προπάτορα καὶ βυθόν. Synesius, episcopus Ptolemaidis, sicut in Hymnis poetica licentia abusus, omnem fere Valentinianorum mataeologiam verae theologiae adaptavit, ac haeretica voce orthodoxam cecinit fidem : ita haec duo quoque nomina vero Deo Patri attribuit. Sic hymno II, v. 27 : Βυθὸς πατρῷος, « Profundum paternum. » Hym. III, v. 47 : Προπάτωρ, ἀπάτωρ, « Primus pater, sine patre. » Hym. IV, v. 69 : Βύθιον κάλλος, « Immensa pulchritudo. »

Προπάτορα καὶ βυθόν. Synesius, bishop of Ptolemais, just as in his Hymns, abusing poetic licence, he adapted almost all the vain talk of the Valentinians to true theology and sang the orthodox faith with heretical voice, so also attributed these two names to the true God the Father. Thus in Hymn 2, v. 27: Βυθὸς πατρῷος, "Paternal Depth." Hymn 3, v. 47: Προπάτωρ, ἀπάτωρ, "Forefather, fatherless." Hymn 4, v. 69: Βύθιον κάλλος, "Deep beauty."

Ἣν. Hunc articulum deletum, et ista : καὶ καθάπερ σπέρμα... ἐνενοήθη, in parenthesi accepta velim, ratus textum, in quo vocem aliquam redundare constat, rectius hoc modo emendari, quam si deleatur καὶ ante καθέσθαι, id quod voluit Fronto Duc. Nam Latini et Graeci codd. omnes copulativam hanc particulam habent; contra vox « quam » in nullis mss. vel editis Eras. et Gall. comparet, et a me proinde omissa, sed a Feuard. addita ex textu Graeco, in quem ἣν, nescio quomodo, irrepsit : id quod tamen citra ms. codicis auctoritatem delere nolui.

Ἣν. I should wish this relative pronoun deleted, and those words: καὶ καθάπερ σπέρμα... ἐνενοήθη, taken in parenthesis, judging that the text, in which it is agreed that some word is redundant, is more rightly emended in this way than if καὶ before καθέσθαι be deleted, which Fronton du Duc wished. For all the Latin and Greek codices have this copulative particle; on the other hand, the word "quam" appears in no manuscripts or editions of Erasmus and Gallasius, and was accordingly omitted by me, though added by Feuardent from the Greek text, into which ἣν somehow crept—which nevertheless I was unwilling to delete without the authority of a manuscript codex.

Pag. 6. Προβαλεῖν καὶ αὐτὸν Λόγον. Tertull. loc. cit. : « Emittit et ipse » (Nus) « ex semetipso Sermonem, » etc. Memoriae itaque lapsus est in Cyrilli catech. 6, ubi Βυθῷ generatio Λόγου ascribitur; est quoque ibidem prava lectio, distinctio, versio textus. Lege ex ms. 25 Roe. in bibliotheca Bodl. emendatum, recteque distinctum : Βυθὸς ἐγέννησε Σιγήν, καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς Σιγῆς ἐτεκνοποίει Λόγον. Τοῦ παρ' Ἕλλησιν Διὸς οὗτος χείρων, τοῦ τῇ ἀδελφῇ μιγνυμένου· τέκνον γὰρ τοῦ Βυθοῦ ἐλέγετο εἶναι ἡ Σιγή. « Bythus genuit Sigen, et ex Sige filium suscepit Logon. Iste pejor est Jove gentilium, qui sorori commistus est : quippe Sige Bythi proles esse ferebatur. » Caeterum verbis Valentinianis orthodoxe cecinit Synesius hymn. IV, v. 130 :

Page 6. Προβαλεῖν καὶ αὐτὸν Λόγον. Tertullian, loc. cit.: "And he himself" (Nous) "puts forth from himself the Word," etc. It is therefore a slip of memory in Cyril's Catechesis 6, where the generation of the Logos is ascribed to Bythos; there is also in the same place a corrupt reading, punctuation, and translation of the text. Read it emended and rightly punctuated from MS 25 Roe in the Bodleian Library: Βυθὸς ἐγέννησε Σιγήν, καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς Σιγῆς ἐτεκνοποίει Λόγον. Τοῦ παρ' Ἕλλησιν Διὸς οὗτος χείρων, τοῦ τῇ ἀδελφῇ μιγνυμένου· τέκνον γὰρ τοῦ Βυθοῦ ἐλέγετο εἶναι ἡ Σιγή. "Bythos begot Sige, and from Sige he begot a son, Logos. This one is worse than the Zeus of the Greeks, who mingled with his sister: inasmuch as Sige was said to be the offspring of Bythos." For the rest, Synesius sang in an orthodox sense using Valentinian words in Hymn 4, v. 130:

Λόγος, ὃν μεγάλῳ Πατρὶ συνυμνῶ, Νόος ἀῤῥήτου Τίκτει σε Πατρός.

Word, Whom I hymn together with the great Father, the Mind of the ineffable Father brings Thee forth.

Verbum quod magno Cum Patre cano, Mens ineffabilis Te gignit Patris.

Word Whom I sing with the great Father, the Mind of the ineffable Father begets Thee.

Alii quoque Patres ita loquuntur.

Other Fathers also speak thus.

Μόρφωσιν παντὸς τοῦ πληρώματος. Apud Tertullianum itaque loco saepius citato lege : « sed et haec soboles ad initium Universitatis et formationem (loco « formati, » ut est in impressis) Pleromatis totius emissa, » etc.

Μόρφωσιν παντὸς τοῦ πληρώματος. In Tertullian, therefore, in the passage often cited, read: "but this offspring also was sent forth for the beginning of the Universe and the formation (instead of 'formed,' as is in the printed editions) of the whole Pleroma," etc.

Pag. 7. Τριάκοντα. Ita post Irenaeum cuncti haereseon enarratores, omniumque prolixissime Epiphanius, qui eorum originem ex Hesiodi Theogonia et triginta ejus diis deducit, haeres. 31, § 2, scribens inter alia : Τριάκοντα γὰρ καὶ οὗτος Αἰῶνας βούλεται παριστᾷν, οὓς καὶ θεοὺς ὀνομάζει. « Triginta huic quoque placuit statuere AEones, quos et deos nominat » (quomodo et Origenes homilia unica in librum Regnorum post medium : « quos αἰῶνας, sive quos deos appellant). Addo, et pro deorum nomine et

Page 7. Τριάκοντα. So after Irenaeus all the expositors of heresies, and most prolixly of all Epiphanius, who deduces their origin from Hesiod's Theogony and his thirty gods, Heresy 31, § 2, writing among other things: Τριάκοντα γὰρ καὶ οὗτος Αἰῶνας βούλεται παριστᾷν, οὓς καὶ θεοὺς ὀνομάζει. "For it pleased this man also to set up thirty Aeons, whom he also names gods" (just as Origen too, in his single homily on the Book of Kings, past the middle: "whom they call αἰῶνας, or whom they call gods"). I add, both in confirmation of the name of gods and

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pro tricenario numero confirmando Paulinum presbyterum in Vita S. Ambrosii, ubi ait : « Valentinianorum haeresis triginta deos colit, » sive ut Agobardus lib. De Judaicis superstitionibus, cap. 2, in plurali numero allegavit : « Valentinianorum haereses triginta deos colunt. » Consentit de nomine, dissentit autem de numero ipse Ambrosius epist. 29 ad Theodosium imperatorem circa medium, de iisdem scribens, quod « triginta et duos AEonas colunt, quos appellant deos. » Quid hic sibi volunt « triginta et duos? » Nodum hunc secuerunt, non solverunt, editores Ambrosii Romae 1585, qui epist. 17 (alius enim est ibi epistolarum ordo) « triginta AEonas » excudi fecerunt, omiserunt « et duos, » quos secuti sunt Parisienses in editione 1614, etc. Ast in antiquissimis exemplaribus omnibus verba Ambrosii ita, ut modo citavi, expressa inveni, nempe in Basileensi anno 1492, 1527, 1567, inque Parisiensi 1586. Laudem itaque in hoc, perinde ut aliis locis, meretur recentissima optimaque Patrum Benedictinorum editio, quae numerum XXXII restituit, ut ex cl. Ittigii appendice ad Dissertationem de haeresiarchis § 53 disco, cum ipsam modo non ad manus habeam. Sed minus recte ibidem ad complendum dictum numerum « Bythos et Sige » ab Ambrosio additi notantur. Hi enim jam tricenario numero continentur, ideoque alii duo accipiendi sunt, nempe « Christus et Spiritus sanctus, » quos ambos a Monogene ad fixionem et consolidationem Pleromatis prolatos refert Irenaeus § 4 hujus capitis, eosque reliquis triginta AEonibus annumerandos contendit lib. II, cap. 15.

of the number thirty, Paulinus the presbyter in the Life of St. Ambrose, where he says: "The heresy of the Valentinians worships thirty gods," or as Agobard in his book On Jewish Superstitions, ch. 2, cited it in the plural number: "The heresies of the Valentinians worship thirty gods." Ambrose himself agrees as to the name, but disagrees as to the number, in Epistle 29 to the Emperor Theodosius, about the middle, writing of the same men that "they worship thirty-two Aeons, whom they call gods." What does "thirty-two" mean here? The editors of Ambrose at Rome in 1585 cut this knot rather than untied it, when in Epistle 17 (for the order of the epistles is different there) they caused "thirty Aeons" to be printed and omitted "and two," whom the Parisian editors followed in the edition of 1614, etc. Yet in all the most ancient copies I have found the words of Ambrose expressed just as I have just cited them, namely in the Basel editions of the years 1492, 1527, and 1567, and in the Paris edition of 1586. Praise therefore in this, just as in other places, is deserved by the most recent and best edition of the Benedictine Fathers, which has restored the number 32, as I learn from the illustrious Ittig's appendix to his Dissertation on the Heresiarchs, § 53, since I do not have the edition itself at hand just now. But less rightly is it noted in the same place that to complete the said number "Bythos and Sige" were added by Ambrose. For these are already contained in the number thirty, and therefore two others are to be understood, namely "Christ and the Holy Spirit," both of whom Irenaeus in § 4 of this chapter relates to have been put forth by Monogenes for the fixing and consolidation of the Pleroma, and contends in Book 2, ch. 15, that they are to be numbered with the remaining thirty Aeons.

Αἰῶνες. Supremum Deum suum sive Βυθόν Valentinianos vocasse τέλειον Αἰῶνα, uti nos verum Deum « absolute » talem pronunciare solemus, ex supra dictis patet. Ast inferiores, quos commenti sunt, spiritus itidem αἰῶνας, licet non perfectos, cognominarunt, sicut et catholici quoddam bonorum angelorum genus hac voce designare soliti sunt. Ita in interpolata Ignatii Epistola ad Trallianos § 5 legimus : Ἀγγέλων καὶ στρατιῶν ἐξαλλαγὰς, δυνάμεών τε καὶ κυριοτήτων διαφορὰς, θρόνων τε καὶ ἐξουσιῶν παραλλαγὰς, αἰώνων τε μεγαλότητας, τῶν τε Χερουβεὶμ καὶ Σεραφεὶμ τὰς ὑπεροχὰς, etc. In quae verba animadvertit quidem Usserius, haud alibi, sive in Scriptura sacra, sive in catholicorum scriptis, ullam AEonum in hac significatione occurrere mentionem. Sed memoria lapsus est vir magnus, quod ecclesiasticos attinet scriptores. Nam lib. VIII Constit. Apostol. cap. 12 Deus dicitur ποιήσας τὰ Χερουβεὶμ καὶ Σεραφεὶμ, αἰῶνάς τε καὶ στρατιὰς, δυνάμεις τε καὶ ἐξουσίας, etc. Ad quem locum Cotelerius bene notavit, quod Eusebio quoque Orat. de laudibus Constantini pag. 606 commemorentur ἀγγέλων στρατιαὶ, πνεύματα νοεροῦ φωτὸς ἔγγονα, αἰῶνες ἄχρονοι, ἄλλοι ἄπειροι αἰῶνες αἰώνων. Et ex Latinis apud Hilarium lib. II De Trinitate ante medium : « Archangeli nesciunt, angeli non audierunt, saecula non tenent. » De ipsa Scriptura sacra affirmare haud ausim; nec tamen cum laudato praesule inficias ire velim. Quippe ut alia taceam loca, non defuere, qui Ephes. III, 9, per αἰῶνας intellexere angelos. « Saecula, » inquit ibi in commentario Hieronymus, « omnes spirituales et rationabiles creaturae, quae in saeculis fuerunt. » Unde de nomine haud tantopere lis movenda Valentinianis, nisi in re errassent, et figmenta Dei pariter angelorum loco verorum protulissent.

Αἰῶνες. That the Valentinians called their supreme God or Bythos τέλειον Αἰῶνα (perfect Aeon), just as we are accustomed to pronounce the true God such "absolutely," is clear from what has been said above. But the lower spirits whom they devised they likewise surnamed αἰῶνας, though not perfect ones, just as Catholics also were accustomed to designate a certain class of good angels by this word. Thus in the interpolated Epistle to the Trallians of Ignatius, § 5, we read: Ἀγγέλων καὶ στρατιῶν ἐξαλλαγὰς, δυνάμεών τε καὶ κυριοτήτων διαφορὰς, θρόνων τε καὶ ἐξουσιῶν παραλλαγὰς, αἰώνων τε μεγαλότητας, τῶν τε Χερουβεὶμ καὶ Σεραφεὶμ τὰς ὑπεροχὰς (The distinctions of angels and hosts, the differences of powers and dominions, the variations of thrones and authorities, the greatnesses of Aeons, and the pre-eminences of the Cherubim and Seraphim), etc. On which words Ussher indeed remarked that nowhere else, either in Sacred Scripture or in the writings of Catholics, does any mention of Aeons occur in this signification. But the great man slipped in memory, so far as ecclesiastical writers are concerned. For in Book 8 of the Apostolic Constitutions, ch. 12, God is said to have made τὰ Χερουβεὶμ καὶ Σεραφεὶμ, αἰῶνάς τε καὶ στρατιὰς, δυνάμεις τε καὶ ἐξουσίας (the Cherubim and Seraphim, both Aeons and hosts, powers and authorities), etc. On which passage Cotelier well noted that in Eusebius also, Oration in Praise of Constantine, p. 606, mention is made of ἀγγέλων στρατιαὶ, πνεύματα νοεροῦ φωτὸς ἔγγονα, αἰῶνες ἄχρονοι, ἄλλοι ἄπειροι αἰῶνες αἰώνων (hosts of angels, spirits offspring of intellectual light, timeless Aeons, other infinite Aeons of Aeons). And among the Latins, in Hilary, Book 2 On the Trinity, before the middle: "Archangels know not, angels have not heard, ages (saecula) do not hold." Concerning Sacred Scripture itself I would hardly dare to affirm it; yet neither would I wish to deny it with the praised prelate. For, to say nothing of other passages, there have not been wanting those who in Eph. 3:9 understood angels by αἰῶνας. "Ages (saecula)," says Jerome there in his commentary, "are all spiritual and rational creatures that have been in the ages." Whence we should not quarrel so greatly with the Valentinians over the name, had they not erred in the substance and put forward fictions in place of the true God and angels alike.

Σεσιγημένοι. Tertull. cap. 9 : « Mater Sige ipsis haereticis suis tacere praescribit. » Synesius hymn. I, v. 75 :

Σεσιγημένοι. Tertullian, ch. 9: "Mother Sige prescribes silence to her own heretics themselves." Synesius, Hymn 1, v. 75:

Τὰ δὲ ἄνω Σιγὰ καλύπτοι,

And the things above may Silence cover,

Superna Silentium operiat

May Silence cover the things above

Et hymn. II, v. 22 seqq. :

And Hymn 2, v. 22 et seq.:

Τὰ πρόσω μάκαιρα σιγὰ Νοερῶν τε καὶ νοητῶν

The things beyond, blessed Silence, both of intellectual and of intelligible things

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Ἄτομον τομὰν καλύπτει.

Covers the indivisible division.

Ulteriora beatum silentium Intelligentium et intellectilium Individuam divisionem tegit.

The things beyond, blessed silence covers the indivisible division of intelligent and intelligible things.

Εἰς ὀγδοάδα, etc. Ita et inter alios Philastrius de Valentino : « De ogdoade ergo et decade et duodecade consistere triginta AEonas delirat. » Ita enim pro « deliberat, » quod est in editis, legendum bene monuit accuratissimus Cotelerius in notis ad t. III Monumen. Ecclesiae Graecae, col. 629. Nam « delirandi » verbo et alias utitur Philastrius, exempli gratia de Tatiano : « AEonas autem nuntians, sicut Marcion, deliravit. » Caeterum Lucianus, aut quisquis est auctor, in dialogo cui titulus Philopatris, ante medium, ubi catholicorum de Trinitate fidem impie rejecit, et Valentinianorum quaternionem, ogdoadem, etc., perstrinxit : ita enim Critias : Μὴ τὴν τετρακτὺν φῂς τοῦ Πυθαγόρου, ἢ τὴν ὀγδοάδα καὶ τριακάδα; « Num quaternionem Pythagorae dicis, an octernionem et numerum tricenarium, » scil. AEonum? Respondet Triephon : Σίγα τὰ νέρθε, καὶ τὰ σιγῆς ἄξια. « Tace quae infra sunt, quaeque silentio digna. »

Εἰς ὀγδοάδα, etc. So also among others Philastrius on Valentinus: "He raves (delirat) therefore that the thirty Aeons consist of an ogdoad and a decad and a duodecad." For that we must read thus instead of "deliberat," which is in the printed editions, the most accurate Cotelier well advised in his notes on Tome III of the Monumenta Ecclesiae Graecae, col. 629. For Philastrius uses the verb "delirare" elsewhere also, for example concerning Tatian: "And proclaiming Aeons, like Marcion, he raved (deliravit)." For the rest, Lucian, or whoever is the author, in the dialogue entitled Philopatris, before the middle, when he impiously rejected the faith of Catholics concerning the Trinity, also glanced at the quaternion, ogdoad, etc., of the Valentinians; for thus Critias speaks: Μὴ τὴν τετρακτὺν φῂς τοῦ Πυθαγόρου, ἢ τὴν ὀγδοάδα καὶ τριακάδα; "Do you mean the tetractys of Pythagoras, or the ogdoad and the number thirty," namely of the Aeons? Triephon answers: Σίγα τὰ νέρθε, καὶ τὰ σιγῆς ἄξια. "Keep silence on the things below, and the things worthy of silence."

Πλάσματι αὐτῶν. Origenes quoque tom. III in Joan., pag. 71, Valentinianos notat, velut τὴν περὶ αἰώνων ἀναπλάσαντας ἐν συζυγίαις μυθολογίαν, « fingentes fabulosum de AEonibus per syzygias commentum. »

Πλάσματι αὐτῶν. Origen also, Tome III On John, p. 71, censures the Valentinians as τὴν περὶ αἰώνων ἀναπλάσαντας ἐν συζυγίαις μυθολογίαν, "fashioning a fabulous fiction concerning the Aeons by syzygies."

Pag. 7. Γινώσκεσθαι μόνῳ, etc. Synesius hymno V, v. 10 seq :

Page 7. Γινώσκεσθαι μόνῳ, etc. Synesius in Hymn V, v. 10 et seq.:

Ἁ δ' ἄῤῥητος εὐβλάστα Αἰώνων οἶδεν ῥίζαν,

And the ineffable fair offshoot knows the root of the Aeons,

Haec ineffabilis propago Saeculorum novit radicem.

This ineffable offshoot knows the root of the ages.

Reliquis autem angelis incognitum esse, ita effatur hymno III, 123 et seqq. :

And that He is unknown to the remaining angels, he expresses thus in Hymn III, 123 et seq.:

Ἀτενὲς δὲ δρακεῖν Ἐπὶ σοὺς πυρσοὺς Θέμις οὐδὲ θεοῖς.

And to gaze intently upon Thy torches is not lawful even for gods.

Intentis enim oculis intueri In tuas faces Licet ne diis quidem.

For with intent eyes to gaze upon Thy torches is lawful not even for gods.

Pag. 8. Τοῖς δὲ λοιποῖς πᾶσιν. « Reliquis vero omnibus, » etiam Logo, quem Nus primum protulit. Ita lib. II, cap. 24 : « Logos quasi tertium ordinem generationis habens ignoravit Patrem, quemadmodum docent hi. » Id quod ibidem refellit.

Page 8. Τοῖς δὲ λοιποῖς πᾶσιν. "And to all the rest," even to Logos, whom Nous first put forth. Thus in Book II, ch. 24: "Logos, as holding the third order of generation, was ignorant of the Father, even as these men teach." Which he refutes in that same place.

Κατέσχε δὲ αὐτὸν ἡ Σιγή, etc. Ad hanc Valentinianorum assertionem referenda quoque puto ea, quae habet Clemens Alexandrinus in Excerptis ex Orientali Didascalia Valentinianorum pag. 794, col. 1 : Ἡ Σιγὴ, φασὶν, μήτηρ οὖσα πάντων τῶν προβληθέντων ὑπὸ τοῦ Βάθους, ὃ μὲν οὐκ ἔσχεν εἰπεῖν περὶ τοῦ ἀῤῥήτου, σεσίγηκεν· ὃ δὲ κατέλαβεν, τοῦτο ἀκατάληπτον προσηγόρευσεν. « Silentium, inquiunt Valentiniani, mater exsistens omnium a Profundo emissorum, quod quidem de ineffabili effari haud poterat, tacuit : quod vero ipsa apprehenderat, istud incomprehensibile appellavit. »

Κατέσχε δὲ αὐτὸν ἡ Σιγή, etc. To this assertion of the Valentinians I think should also be referred the words that Clement of Alexandria has in the Excerpts from the Eastern Teaching of the Valentinians, p. 794, col. 1: Ἡ Σιγὴ, φασὶν, μήτηρ οὖσα πάντων τῶν προβληθέντων ὑπὸ τοῦ Βάθους, ὃ μὲν οὐκ ἔσχεν εἰπεῖν περὶ τοῦ ἀῤῥήτου, σεσίγηκεν· ὃ δὲ κατέλαβεν, τοῦτο ἀκατάληπτον προσηγόρευσεν. "Silence, say the Valentinians, being the mother of all things put forth by the Depth, kept silent that which she could not utter concerning the Ineffable; and that which she herself had comprehended, this she called incomprehensible."

Ἄναρχον ῥίζαν. Uti primogenitum quaternionem Valentiniani supra vocabant ῥίζαν τῶν πάντων; ita hic primum in hoc quaternione Bython, sine principio a semetipso exsistentem, appellarunt ἄναρχον ῥίζαν. Male quidem de ficto suo Bytho et quaternione haeretici : sed bene satis de vero Deo, sanctissimaque Trinitate catholici. Ita Synesius hymno II, vers. 25 et seq. :

Ἄναρχον ῥίζαν. Just as the Valentinians above called the first-begotten quaternion ῥίζαν τῶν πάντων (the root of all things), so here they called the first in this quaternion, Bythos, existing from himself without beginning, ἄναρχον ῥίζαν (beginningless root). Ill indeed do the heretics speak concerning their feigned Bythos and quaternion, but well enough do Catholics speak concerning the true God and the most holy Trinity. Thus Synesius in Hymn II, v. 25 et seq.:

Μία παγὰ, μία ῥίζα, Τριφανὴς ἔλαμψε μορφά.

One fountain, one root, a thrice-shining form shone forth.

Unus fons, una radix, Ter splendens elucet forma.

One fountain, one root, a thrice-resplendent form shines forth.

Et hymno III, v. 171 et seq. :

And in Hymn III, v. 171 et seq.:

Παγὰ παγῶν, Ἀρχῶν ἀρχά,

Fountain of fountains, beginning of beginnings,

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Ῥιζῶν ῥίζα.

Root of roots.

Fons fontium, Principiorum principium, Radicum radix.

Fountain of fountains, beginning of beginnings, root of roots.

Et hymno IV, v. 136 seq. de Filio Dei :

And in Hymn 4, v. 136 et seq., concerning the Son of God:

Πρῶτος πρώτας Προθορὼν ῥίζας.

First leaping forth from the first root.

Primus ex prima Propagatus radice, etc.

First propagated from the first root, etc.

Sic et alii orthodoxi scriptores ecclesiastici Deum Patrem in relatione, tam ad Filium et Spiritum S. quam ad creaturas, dixerunt « Radicem et Fontem, » veluti (Tertullianum Contra Praxeam cap. 8 ut praeteream) Ambrosius lib. X in Lucam, et lib. V De Fide ad Gratianum cap. 5; Basilius M. homil. 15 de fide et 17 contra Sabellianos; Cyrillus Alexandrinus passim, etc.

So also other orthodox ecclesiastical writers have called God the Father, in relation both to the Son and the Holy Spirit and to creatures, "Root and Fountain," as for instance (to pass over Tertullian Against Praxeas, ch. 8) Ambrose in Book 10 On Luke, and Book 5 On the Faith to Gratian, ch. 5; Basil the Great in Homily 15 on the Faith and 17 against the Sabellians; Cyril of Alexandria passim, etc.

Νεώτατος. Solent enim juniores magis temerarii et minus continentes esse. Hinc Tertullianus : « Incontinentia sui, inquit, prorumpit in Patrem inquirere. » Ast inter AEones juniorem alium, alium seniorem dicere, absurdum merito videtur Irenaeo lib. II, cap. 24.

Νεώτατος. For the younger are wont to be more rash and less continent. Hence Tertullian: "Without self-control," says he, "she bursts forth to inquire into the Father." Yet to call one among the Aeons younger and another older deservedly seems absurd to Irenaeus in Book 2, ch. 24.

Ἀπέσκηψε. Tertullianus hoc Irenaei verbum optime circumscribens : « Derivarat, inquit, ut solent vitia in corpore alibi connata in aliud membrum perniciem suam efflare. » Nam ut Galenus lib. II De methodo medendi ad Glauconem cap. 9, tom. X, pag. 382, scribit : Ἀποσκήμματα ὀνομάζουσι τὰς διαθέσεις ἐκείνας, ὅταν χυμοί τινες ἐνοχλοῦντες πρότερον ἑτέρῳ μορίῳ, καταλιπόντες ἐκεῖνο, εἰς ἕτερον μεταστῶσιν. « Aposcemmata vocant affectiones, cum humores loco, quem prius infestabant, relicto, in alterum confluunt. » Aptissime igitur hac voce expressit Irenaeus sententiam Valentinianorum, dicentium, quod malum, ex inquisitione imperscrutabilis Bythi contractum, reliquos quidem AEones infestare coeperit; postmodum vero instar pravi humoris defluens, in ultimo AEone, Sophia, subsederit, uti hic docetur et lib. II, c. 24 : « Audent dicere, quia a Logo quidem coepit, derivatio autem in Sophiam. »

Ἀπέσκηψε. Tertullian, excellently paraphrasing this word of Irenaeus, says: "It had drained off, just as maladies bred elsewhere in the body are wont to breathe out their bane into another member." For as Galen writes in Book 2 On the Method of Healing to Glaucon, ch. 9, Tome 10, p. 382: Ἀποσκήμματα ὀνομάζουσι τὰς διαθέσεις ἐκείνας, ὅταν χυμοί τινες ἐνοχλοῦντες πρότερον ἑτέρῳ μορίῳ, καταλιπόντες ἐκεῖνο, εἰς ἕτερον μεταστῶσιν. "They call those conditions aposcemmata when humours, leaving the place which they previously troubled, flow together into another." Most aptly, therefore, did Irenaeus by this word express the opinion of the Valentinians, who say that the evil contracted from the inquiry into the unsearchable Bythos began indeed to trouble the remaining Aeons, but afterwards, flowing down like a corrupt humour, settled in the last Aeon, Sophia, as is taught here and in Book 2, ch. 24: "They dare to say that it began indeed from Logos, but the draining off was into Sophia."

Pag. 9. Τεκεῖν οὐσίαν ἄμορφον. Obiter hoc loco animadverto, Tertullianum perperam οὐσίαν ἄμορφον non « partui, » sed « parienti matri » per appositionem ascripsisse, ut cuique integrum ejus contextum inspicienti patet. Contra Irenaeus tam hic, quam lib. II, c. 37 : « Illorum AEon substantiam informem peperit. »

Page 9. Τεκεῖν οὐσίαν ἄμορφον. In passing I remark in this place that Tertullian wrongly ascribed οὐσίαν ἄμορφον (formless substance) by apposition not to "the offspring," but to "the mother giving birth," as is clear to anyone who inspects his whole context. On the contrary, Irenaeus says both here and in Book 2, ch. 37: "Their Aeon gave birth to a formless substance."

Qualem naturam habebat femina parere. Θήλεια, non θήλειαν, legit vetus interpres et cum eo Billius, unde et ipse vertit : « Qualemque naturam femina poterat peperisse; » nec non Cornarius, Epiphanii interpres : « Qualem feminea natura parere poterat, » sine complexu scilicet mariti. His merito contradixit Fronto Duc., qui textum Irenaei ita legit et distinguit : οἵαν φύσιν εἶχε, θήλειαν τεκεῖν, atque sic interpretatur, ut Sophia dicatur « feminam » peperisse, quod et ipsa feminei esset sexus; notans inde, prius τεκεῖν tanquam superfluum delendum esse. Atqui hoc quidem non necessum puto; verum quoad lectionem vocis θήλειαν, et sensum verborum omnino consentio : quippe non modo Tertullianus c. 10 reddidit : « Concepit et procreat feminam; » sed et ipse Irenaeus, optimus verborum suorum interpres, id confirmat, in fine hujus sectionis scribens : Καρπὸν ἀσθενῆ καὶ θῆλυν αὐτὸν λέγουσι· « Fructum invalidum et femineum (feminam) eum dicunt. » Et lib. II, cap. 36 : « Illius (Sophiae) passio fructificavit fructum femineum (sicut dicunt), invalidum, et infirmum, et informem. » Juxta genuinam itaque Graeci textus lectionem sensus Irenaei hoc loco talibus exprimendus foret verbis : « Qualemque naturam ipsa habebat, feminam peperisse. »

Qualem naturam habebat femina parere. The ancient translator read θήλεια, not θήλειαν, and with him Billy, whence he too translates: "And such a nature as a female could have given birth to"; and also Cornarius, the translator of Epiphanius: "Such as a female nature could give birth to," namely without the embrace of a husband. Fronton du Duc deservedly contradicted these, reading and punctuating the text of Irenaeus thus: οἵαν φύσιν εἶχε, θήλειαν τεκεῖν, and interpreting it so that Sophia is said to have given birth to "a female," because she herself also was of the female sex; noting thence that the former τεκεῖν should be deleted as superfluous. Yet this indeed I do not think necessary; but as to the reading of the word θήλειαν and the sense of the words I altogether agree: inasmuch as not only did Tertullian in ch. 10 render it: "She conceived and brings forth a female"; but Irenaeus himself also, the best interpreter of his own words, confirms it, writing at the end of this section: Καρπὸν ἀσθενῆ καὶ θῆλυν αὐτὸν λέγουσι· "They call it a weak and female fruit (a female)." And in Book 2, ch. 36: "Her (Sophia's) passion bore a female fruit (as they say), weak, and infirm, and formless." According to the genuine reading of the Greek text, therefore, the sense of Irenaeus in this place would have to be expressed in such words as these: "And that she gave birth to a female, such a nature as she herself had."

Timuisse ne hoc ipsum finem habeat. Approbat hanc interpretationem Billius, quasi ex Graeco : μὴ

Timuisse ne hoc ipsum finem habeat. Billy approves this translation, as if from the Greek: μὴ

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καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ εἶναι τέλος ἔχῃ, eamque confirmat auctoritate Tertulliani, cap. 10 scribentis : « Et metuere postremo, ne finis quoque insisteret. » Nec aliter Petavius in sua Epiphanii versione. Verum ego, relicto interprete (quem Tertullianus hoc loco improvide secutus est, ut in Prolegomenis dixi, ubi de aetate veteris versionis disserui), Graecam lectionem apud Epiphanium omnino teneo, et Irenaeum ita interpretor, ut dixerit, Sophiam primo contristatam esse, quod imperfectum peperit fetum, nempe femineum, quem in comparatione cum masculo sexu imperfectum semper judicarunt naturae scrutatores; postea metuisse, ac anxiam animo haesisse, utrum et imperfectioris hujus sexus natura in deformi ista prole esset integra, sive an omnino ullum esse perfecte haberet. Hunc enim sensum commode admittunt verba : μηδὲ αὐτὸ τὸ εἶναι τελείως ἔχειν. Quae idcirco haud sollicitanda esse puto.

καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ εἶναι τέλος ἔχῃ, and confirms it by the authority of Tertullian, who writes in ch. 10: "And feared lastly, lest its end also should be at hand." Nor does Petau render it otherwise in his translation of Epiphanius. But I, leaving aside the translator (whom Tertullian in this place improvidently followed, as I said in the Prolegomena, where I discussed the age of the ancient translation), hold altogether to the Greek reading in Epiphanius, and interpret Irenaeus as having said that Sophia was at first grieved because she gave birth to an imperfect fetus, namely a female one, which in comparison with the male sex investigators of nature have always judged imperfect; and afterwards feared and remained anxious in mind whether even the nature of this more imperfect sex was whole in that misshapen offspring, or whether it had any being at all completely. For the words μηδὲ αὐτὸ τὸ εἶναι τελείως ἔχειν readily admit this sense; wherefore I think they should by no means be disturbed.

Τὸ γένος. Γεγονός mavult Billius, ratus veterem interpretem ita legisse, nec non Tertullianum, qui cap. 10 « casum » non « genus » dixit. Et de Tertulliano quidem vix habeo, quod dicam; de veteri autem interprete inficias eo, quia non reddidit « id quod erat factum, » sed, « id quod erat natum. » Atqui γένος significare « natam sobolem, » ex lexicis constat, ideoque haud est necesse vocem istam corrigere, praesertim cum optime ad mentem Valentinianorum quadret Sophiam fetum suum, utpote deformem prorsus, voluisse abscondere.

Τὸ γένος. Billy prefers γεγονός, thinking that the ancient translator read thus, as well as Tertullian, who in ch. 10 said "befallen thing (casum)" and not "offspring (genus)." And concerning Tertullian indeed I scarcely have anything to say; but concerning the ancient translator I deny it, because he did not render it "that which was made (factum)," but "that which was born (natum)." Yet that γένος signifies "born offspring" is agreed from the lexicons, and therefore it is by no means necessary to correct that word, especially since it squares excellently with the mind of the Valentinians that Sophia wished to hide her fetus, as being utterly misshapen.

Pag. 10. Συνδεηθῆναι δὲ αὐτῇ καὶ τοὺς λοιποὺς Αἰῶνας. Ex compassione id fecerunt. Nam ut in Clementis Alexandrini Excerptis ex didascalia Valentinianorum legimus pag. 794, col. 2 : Διὰ τῆς τοῦ δωδεκάτου Αἰῶνος πείσεως τὰ ὅλα παιδευθέντα, ὥς φασι, συνεπάθησεν· τότε γὰρ ἐπέγνωσαν, ὅτι εἰσὶν χάριτι τοῦ Πατρός· « Per passionem duodecimi AEonis omnia (quae erant in Pleromate), erudita, ut aiunt, compassa sunt. Tunc enim cognoverunt, quod gratia Patris subsisterent. »

Page 10. Συνδεηθῆναι δὲ αὐτῇ καὶ τοὺς λοιποὺς Αἰῶνας. Out of compassion they did this. For as we read in Clement of Alexandria's Excerpts from the Teaching of the Valentinians, p. 794, col. 2: Διὰ τῆς τοῦ δωδεκάτου Αἰῶνος πείσεως τὰ ὅλα παιδευθέντα, ὥς φασι, συνεπάθησεν· τότε γὰρ ἐπέγνωσαν, ὅτι εἰσὶν χάριτι τοῦ Πατρός· "Through the suffering of the twelfth Aeon the All (the things that were in the Pleroma), having been instructed, as they say, suffered together with her. For then they recognized that they subsisted by the grace of the Father."

Διὰ τοῦ Μονογενοῦς. Horon dicit a « primo Patre » emissum per « Monogenem, » et utrumque nominat, ut ambas complecteretur Valentinianorum opiniones. Nam, ut lib. II, cap. 15, scribit : « Horon quidam quidem a Monogene emissum dicunt, alii vero ab ipso Propatore in similitudine sua. »

Διὰ τοῦ Μονογενοῦς. He says that Horos was sent forth by the "first Father" through "Monogenes," and names both in order to embrace both opinions of the Valentinians. For, as he writes in Book 2, ch. 15: "Some indeed say that Horos was sent forth by Monogenes, while others say by the Propator himself in his own likeness."

Ἀσύζυγον, ἀθήλυντον. « Sine conjuge masculo-femina. » Ex hac versione, nec non ex Tertull. cap. 10, ubi legimus « in imagine femina-mare, » post Billium collegit Fronto Duc. in Graeco non ἀσύζυγον, ἀθήλυντον legendum esse, sed ἀζύγῳ ἀῤῥενοθήλει. « Neque enim, inquit Billius, haec ratio, quam subjungit, satis quadraret, si ἀσύζυγος ἀῤῥενόθηλυς ad Horum referretur. » Verum ego Latinum interpretem potius (a quo et Tertullianus seductus mihi videtur), quam Graecum textum corrigendum puto. Vocem ἄζυγος, prae ἀσύζυγος haud elegisset Fronto Duc., si συζυγίας Valentinianorum, et id, quod hoc loco mox sequitur, μετὰ συζυγίας, considerasset. Ἀθήλυντον etiam non necesse est commutare in ἀῤῥενόθηλυν, quia optime praecedenti voci congruit. Caeterum quod majoris est momenti, ἀσύζυγον, et id quod sequitur verbum, in accusativo, non in dativo, legendum esse, firmissime sum persuasus. Sicut enim non dicere solemus, quod Deus hominem « secundum imaginem suam sanctam » creaverit, sed « secundum imaginem suam sanctum » condiderit; ita et hic Propator melius in Graeco dicitur « Horon » juxta imaginem suam produxisse « conjugis expertem et masculo-feminam » (si ita placet), quam in Latino : « in imagine conjugis experte et masculo-femina. » Optime quoque ad id, quod Horus dicitur conjugis expers, quadrat ratio, quam subjungit : nempe ejus genitorem, Propatorem, ipsum quoque a Valentinianis repraesentari aliquando sine conjuge, licet communiter Sigen ei adjungant. Unde nil mirum, si et talis fingatur soboles ab eo emissa. Nollem itaque mutare Graecum textum, quin potius in Latino interprete

Ἀσύζυγον, ἀθήλυντον. "Without a spouse, male-female." From this translation, as well as from Tertullian, ch. 10, where we read "in a female-male image," Fronton du Duc following Billy inferred that in the Greek we should read not ἀσύζυγον, ἀθήλυντον, but ἀζύγῳ ἀῤῥενοθήλει. "For neither," says Billy, "would this reason which he subjoins square well enough if ἀσύζυγος ἀῤῥενόθηλυς were referred to Horos." But I think that the Latin translator (by whom Tertullian also seems to me to have been misled) should rather be corrected than the Greek text. Fronton du Duc would hardly have chosen the word ἄζυγος in preference to ἀσύζυγος had he considered the συζυγίαι (syzygies) of the Valentinians and that which presently follows in this place, μετὰ συζυγίας. Nor is it necessary to change ἀθήλυντον into ἀῤῥενόθηλυν, because it agrees excellently with the preceding word. For the rest, what is of greater moment, I am most firmly persuaded that ἀσύζυγον and the word that follows it should be read in the accusative, not in the dative. For just as we are not accustomed to say that God created man "according to His holy image," but founded him "holy according to His image," so here too the Propator is better said in the Greek to have produced "Horos" according to his image "without a spouse and male-female" (if you so please), than in the Latin: "in an image without a spouse and male-female." Excellently too with the fact that Horus is called without a spouse squares the reason that he subjoins: namely, that his begetter, the Propator, is himself also sometimes represented by the Valentinians without a spouse, although commonly they join Sige to him. Whence it is no wonder if the offspring sent forth by him is also feigned to be such. I would not therefore wish to change the Greek text, but rather in the Latin translator

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et Tertulliano pro « masculo-femina et femina-mare » scriberem « masculo-feminam et femina-marem. »

and Tertullian, instead of "masculo-femina and femina-mare," I would write "masculo-feminam and femina-marem."

Καρπιστήν. Id est, « vindicem » sive « assertorem libertatis. » Ita redditur in veteri Glossario Graeco-Latino. Exemplum habes apud Arrianum lib. III, De E⟨p⟩icteti disputationibus cap. 26, pag. 369 edit. Cantabrig. : Λέγε οὖν τὰς ἀληθείας, δοῦλε, καὶ μὴ δραπέτευέ σου τοὺς κυρίους, μηδ' ἀπαρνοῦ, μηδὲ τόλμα καρπιστὴν διδόναι, τοσούτους ἔχων τῆς δουλείας ἐλέγχους· « Vera igitur dic, serve, nec aufuge a dominis tuis, neque inficiare, nec audeto assertorem exhibere, cum tot argumenta tuae servitutis in promptu sint. » Et ante pag. 365 : Ὅτι καρπιστὴν δίδως, « quod vindicem et assertorem praestes. »

Καρπιστήν. That is, "vindicator" or "asserter of liberty." Thus it is rendered in the ancient Graeco-Latin Glossary. You have an example in Arrian, Book 3 of the Discourses of Epictetus, ch. 26, p. 369 of the Cambridge edition: Λέγε οὖν τὰς ἀληθείας, δοῦλε, καὶ μὴ δραπέτευέ σου τοὺς κυρίους, μηδ' ἀπαρνοῦ, μηδὲ τόλμα καρπιστὴν διδόναι, τοσούτους ἔχων τῆς δουλείας ἐλέγχους· "Speak the truth, therefore, slave, and do not run away from your masters, nor deny it, nor dare to furnish an asserter of your freedom, when so many proofs of your slavery are at hand." And earlier, p. 365: Ὅτι καρπιστὴν δίδως, "that you furnish a vindicator and asserter."

Μεταγωγέα. Circumductorem dixit Tertullianus et Petavius in versione Epiphanii. Ego potius redderem « deductorem. » Sed quae hujus cognominis ratio? Incidit mihi hac de re cogitanti, ἀναγωγὴν dici, ubi ab obvio sensu ad sublimiora et μυστικώτερα ascendimus. Quid si igitur Horos dictus sit μεταγωγεὺς, quia juniorem AEonem « reduxit » atque repulit, ne ulterius in altissimum Bythi mysterium penetrare contenderet? Solet enim aliquando μετὰ in Graecis compositis idem esse, quod re in Latinis, ut μετακαλεῖν, « revocare, » Act. XXIV, 25, apud Dionys. Areopag., etc. Denique variis nominibus Hori adde Sotera ex lib. II, c. 15.

Μεταγωγέα. Tertullian and Petau in his translation of Epiphanius called him "circumductor" (leader-around). I would rather render it "deductor" (leader-back). But what is the reason for this surname? It occurred to me as I was thinking about this matter that ἀναγωγὴ is used when we ascend from the obvious sense to higher and more mystical things. What if, therefore, Horos was called μεταγωγεὺς because he "led back" and repelled the youngest Aeon, lest she should strive to penetrate further into the highest mystery of Bythos? For μετὰ in Greek compounds is sometimes wont to be the same as re- in Latin ones, as μετακαλεῖν, "to recall (revocare)," Acts 24:25, in Dionysius the Areopagite, etc. Finally, to the various names of Horos add Soter, from Book 2, ch. 15.

Pag. 11. Εἶναι. Legendum potius μεῖναι, quia interpres habet « perseverasse, » et Tertull. « remansisse. »

Page 11. Εἶναι. Rather μεῖναι should be read, because the translator has "perseverasse" (persevered), and Tertullian "remansisse" (remained).

Ἀποστερηθῆναι. Legendum ἀποσταυρωθῆναι, monet Billius, quia « crucifixum » habent vetus interpres et Tertullianus, non « privatam. » Et lectionem quidem ἀποσταυρωθῆναι facile admitto, sed hoc verbum hic potius reddendum fuisset, quasi « vallo cinctam et a Pleromate disjunctam esse. » Sic apud Thucydidem lib. IV, cap. 69, ἀπεσταύρουν scholiastes explicat χαρακώματα ἐποίουν. Neque alibi in omni Irenaei opere lego, Enthymesin cruci affixam esse.

Ἀποστερηθῆναι. Billy advises that ἀποσταυρωθῆναι should be read, because the ancient translator and Tertullian have "crucified," not "deprived." And the reading ἀποσταυρωθῆναι indeed I readily admit, yet this verb here ought rather to have been rendered as "fenced off with a palisade and disjoined from the Pleroma." Thus in Thucydides, Book 4, ch. 69, the scholiast explains ἀπεσταύρουν as χαρακώματα ἐποίουν (they made palisades). Nor do I read anywhere else in the whole work of Irenaeus that Enthymesis was fastened to a cross.

Χριστὸν διδάξαι, etc. Tertullianus, mendoso forte codice usus, haec verba ita vertit, dicam an pervertit : « Christi erat inducere (vel, ut Pamelius legendum conjectat, docere) AEonas naturam conjugiorum, et innati conjectationem, et idoneos efficere generandi in se agnitionem Patris. » Ubi nota additum καὶ ante ἀγεννήτου κατάληψιν, omissum γινώσκοντας, mutatum εἶναι in ποιεῖν, et ἀναγορεῦσαι in ἀναγεννῆσαι. Male quoque Petavius in versione Epiphanii : « Christum conjugii natura atque ingeniti comprehensione cognita, docuisse contentos esse oportere, » etc. Melius quidem, nec tamen exacte ad mentem Irenaei Billius : « Christum enim conjugii naturam eos edocuisse, quodque ii, quibus ingeniti comprehensio nota esset, sibi ipsis sufficerent. » Quasi in Graeco legeretur : Καὶ ἀγεννήτου κατάληψιν γινώσκοντας ἑαυτοῖς ἱκανοὺς εἶναι. Sed non necesse est, imo non debet sive καί, sive ἑαυτοῖς addi, quia ἱκανός hic scientia non tam contentum, quam satis superque instructum ac idoneum significat; quomodo et in aliis sacris profanisque usurpatur scriptoribus. Id itaque est, quod Irenaeus ex sententia Valentinianorum dixit : « Christum docuisse AEonas naturam conjugationum, » ita scilicet comparatam, « ut satis sciant, si cognoscant ingeniti comprehensionem, » id est, Filium; utpote in quo ingenitus Pater, in se incomprehensibilis, comprehendi queat. Caeterum et illa : ἀναγορεῦσαί τε ἐν αὐτοῖς, etc., bene in veteri versione reddita, et ita clara sunt, ut nullis opus sit verbis. Addo solum parallelum locum Irenaei lib. IV, cap. 14 : « Mentiuntur hi, qui sunt a Valentino, Christum AEonibus eorum dixisse : Nolite quaerere Deum : incognitus est enim, et non invenietis eum. »

Χριστὸν διδάξαι, etc. Tertullian, using perhaps a faulty codex, thus translated—or should I say perverted—these words: "It was Christ's office to introduce (or, as Pamelius conjectures we should read, to teach) the Aeons the nature of marriages, and the guessing at the Unbegotten, and to render them capable of generating in themselves the knowledge of the Father." Where note that καὶ is added before ἀγεννήτου κατάληψιν, γινώσκοντας is omitted, εἶναι is changed into ποιεῖν, and ἀναγορεῦσαι into ἀναγεννῆσαι. Badly also Petau in his translation of Epiphanius: "That Christ taught that once the nature of marriage and the comprehension of the Unbegotten were known, they ought to be content," etc. Better indeed, yet not quite accurately according to the mind of Irenaeus, Billy renders it: "For that Christ thoroughly taught them the nature of marriage, and that those to whom the comprehension of the Unbegotten was known were sufficient unto themselves." As if in the Greek it were read: Καὶ ἀγεννήτου κατάληψιν γινώσκοντας ἑαυτοῖς ἱκανοὺς εἶναι. But it is not necessary, nay, neither καί nor ἑαυτοῖς ought to be added, because ἱκανός here signifies not so much content with knowledge as sufficiently and more than sufficiently instructed and capable; just as it is used in other sacred and profane writers also. This, therefore, is what Irenaeus said according to the opinion of the Valentinians: "That Christ taught the Aeons the nature of the syzygies," namely so constituted "that they know enough if they know the comprehension of the Unbegotten," that is, the Son, inasmuch as in him the unbegotten Father, incomprehensible in himself, can be comprehended. For the rest, those words also: ἀναγορεῦσαί τε ἐν αὐτοῖς, etc., are well rendered in the ancient translation, and are so clear that there is no need of words. I add only the parallel passage of Irenaeus, Book 4, ch. 14: "Those who are of Valentinus lie in saying that Christ said to their Aeons: Seek not God; for He is unknown, and you shall not find Him."

Pag. 12. Ἀκατάληπτος. Obiter nota eam, quae optime huc quadrat, definitionem Chrysostomi homil.

Page 12. Ἀκατάληπτος. In passing note that definition of Chrysostom which squares excellently here, in Homily

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3 Περὶ ἀκαταλήπτου, tom. IV, pag. 404 : Τὸ ἀκατάληπτον λέγεται, ὅταν ἐρευνηθὲν καὶ ζητηθὲν μὴ καταληφθῇ παρὰ τῶν ζητούντων αὐτό. « Illud dicitur incomprehensibile, quod investigatum licet et quaesitum, tamen non apprehenditur ab iis, qui quaerunt. »

3 On the Incomprehensible, Tome 4, p. 404: Τὸ ἀκατάληπτον λέγεται, ὅταν ἐρευνηθὲν καὶ ζητηθὲν μὴ καταληφθῇ παρὰ τῶν ζητούντων αὐτό. "That is called incomprehensible which, though investigated and sought, nevertheless is not apprehended by those who seek it."

Οὐκ ἔστιν οὔτε ἰδεῖν... ἢ διὰ μόνου τοῦ Μονογενοῦς. Clemens in Epitome ex Valentinianorum Didascalia Orientali pag. 791, col. 1, C : Πρόσωπον Πατρὸς ὁ Υἱὸς, δι' οὗ γνωρίζεται ὁ Πατήρ. « Facies Patris Filius, per quem Pater cognoscitur. » Et pag. 793, col. 2, A : Τάχα δὲ τὸ πρόσωπόν ἐστι μὲν καὶ ὁ Υἱός· ἔστι δὲ, καὶ ὅσον καταληπτὸν τοῦ Πατρὸς δι' Υἱοῦ δεδιδαγμένοι θεωροῦσι· τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν ἄγνωστόν ἐστι τοῦ Πατρός. « Forte et facies (Dei) est Filius : est vero, quatenus id quod est comprehensibile Patris, per Filium edocti contemplantur : reliquum autem Patris est ignotum. » Hanc Valentinianorum hypothesin in mente habuit Synesius, dum cecinit hymn. III, v. 123, et seqq. :

Οὐκ ἔστιν οὔτε ἰδεῖν... ἢ διὰ μόνου τοῦ Μονογενοῦς. Clement in the Epitome from the Eastern Teaching of the Valentinians, p. 791, col. 1, C: Πρόσωπον Πατρὸς ὁ Υἱὸς, δι' οὗ γνωρίζεται ὁ Πατήρ. "The face of the Father is the Son, through whom the Father is made known." And p. 793, col. 2, A: Τάχα δὲ τὸ πρόσωπόν ἐστι μὲν καὶ ὁ Υἱός· ἔστι δὲ, καὶ ὅσον καταληπτὸν τοῦ Πατρὸς δι' Υἱοῦ δεδιδαγμένοι θεωροῦσι· τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν ἄγνωστόν ἐστι τοῦ Πατρός. "And perhaps the Son is indeed also the face (of God); and he is so inasmuch as, taught through the Son, they contemplate so much of the Father as is comprehensible; whereas the rest of the Father is unknown." Synesius had this hypothesis of the Valentinians in mind when he sang in Hymn 3, v. 123 et seq.:

Ἀτενὲς δὲ δρακεῖν Ἐπὶ σοὺς πυρσοὺς Θέμις οὐδὲ θεοῖς· Πίπτων δὲ νόος Ἀπὸ σᾶς σκοπιᾶς Τὰ πέλας σαίνει· Ἀκίχητα κιχεῖν Ἐπιβαλλόμενος, Προσιδεῖν αἴγλαν Ἀκαμάτῳ βυθῷ Ἀμαρυσσομέναν. Ἀβάτων δὲ ἀποβὰς, Ἐπὶ πρωτοφανὲς Εἶδος ἐρείδει Ὄμματος ἀλκάν.

And to gaze intently upon Thy torches is not lawful even for gods; and the mind, falling from Thy watchtower, fawns upon the things nearby, attempting to attain things unattainable, to look upon the radiance flashing in the untiring depth. And stepping back from the inaccessible places, upon the first-shining Form it fixes the strength of its eye.

Intentis enim oculis intueri In tuas faces, Licet ne diis quidem : Sed decidens mens De tua specula Proxima quaeque amplectitur : Non vestigabilia vestigare Dum tentat, Lucemque intueri Immensa in profunditate Fulgentem. Ab inaccessis autem delapsa In primae lucis Specie figit Oculi aciem.

For with intent eyes to gaze upon Thy torches is lawful not even for gods; but the mind, falling down from Thy watchtower, embraces all the nearest things, while it tries to track the untrackable, and to gaze upon the light shining in the immense depth. And having slipped down from the inaccessible places, it fixes the sight of its eye upon the form of the first light.

Et causam quidem aeternae perseverationis, etc., Filius est. Similiter Tertul. cap. 11 : « Docebantur incomprehensibile quidem Patris causam esse perpetuitatis ipsorum : comprehensibile vero ejus, generationis illorum et formationis esse rationem... Filium autem constituunt apprehensibilem Patris. » Ita quoque omnes recentiores, Billius, Fronto Duc., Petavius, etc., omittentes τὸ πρῶτον, et quatuor Graeca Irenaei verba mutantes, καταληπτόν in contrarium ἀκατάληπτον, αὐτοῦ prius in αὐτῶν, ᾧ in ὅ, ἴσος in υἱός, indeque sensum prorsus alienum reddentes, quem et exagitat pro more Tertullianus. Ego sine ullius litterae mutatione Irenaeum, vel potius doctrinam Valentinianorum ab eo relatam, ita interpretor : « Et causam quidem aeternae perseverationis (ut scilicet immortales exsisterent AEones, non similes hominibus mortalibus) reliquis, praecipue esse comprehensionem Patris (non Propatoris ingeniti, sed unigeniti, quem « Patrem et principium omnium » vocabant Valentiniani, ut § 1 dictum est) « generationis autem ejus (Patris modo dicti) et formationis » ejusdem causam esse « comprehensionem ejus, cui similis est, » id est, primi Patris, cui « similem et aequalem (ἴσον) esse unigenitum, solumque ejus magnitudinem percipere, » loco citato expresse docetur.

Et causam quidem aeternae perseverationis, etc., Filius est. Similarly Tertullian, ch. 11: "They were taught that the incomprehensible part of the Father is the cause of their perpetuity, whereas the comprehensible part of Him is the reason of their generation and formation... And the Son they constitute the apprehensible part of the Father." So too all the more recent editors, Billy, Fronton du Duc, Petau, etc., omitting τὸ πρῶτον and changing four Greek words of Irenaeus—καταληπτόν into its opposite ἀκατάληπτον, the former αὐτοῦ into αὐτῶν, ᾧ into ὅ, and ἴσος into υἱός—and thereby rendering an altogether foreign sense, which Tertullian too after his manner mocks. I, without the change of a single letter, interpret Irenaeus, or rather the doctrine of the Valentinians related by him, thus: "And that the cause indeed of eternal perseverance (namely, that the Aeons should exist immortal, not like mortal men) to the rest is chiefly the comprehension of the Father (not of the unbegotten Propator, but of the Only-begotten, whom the Valentinians called 'Father and Beginning of all things,' as was said in § 1); while the cause of the generation of him (the Father just mentioned) and of the formation" of the same is "the comprehension of him to whom he is like," that is, of the first Father, to whom it is expressly taught in the passage cited that "the Only-begotten is like and equal (ἴσον), and alone perceives his greatness."

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Spiritus vero sanctus. Add. « unus » juxta Graecum ἓν, quod quidem nec Tertullianus legisse videtur; ego tamen ut genuinum agnosco, ac Valentinianos istud Apostoli I Cor. XII, 11 : Τὸ ἓν καὶ τὸ αὐτὸ Πνεῦμα, imitatos esse puto. Atque hoc loco ἓν ideo adjectum suspicor, ut innueretur ratio, quare Spiritus sanctus AEones omnes aequales reddiderit, ac unitatem Pleromati induxerit, quod nempe et ipse esset « unus : » vel ut insinuaretur « Christos quidem duos esse, » superiorem alium, alium inferiorem, de quo mox; « Spiritum vero S. unum. » Hinc Origenes lib. II, Περὶ ἀρχῶν, cap. 7 : « Duos quidem deos ausos esse haereticos dicere, et duos Christos audivimus : duos autem Spiritus sanctos nunquam cognovimus ab aliquo praedicari. » Caeterum in Tertull. lege : « Spiritus sancti proprium, » scilicet erat, non « propria. »

Spiritus vero sanctus. Add "one" according to the Greek ἓν, which indeed Tertullian does not seem to have read either; I nevertheless recognize it as genuine, and think that the Valentinians imitated that saying of the Apostle in 1 Cor. 12:11: Τὸ ἓν καὶ τὸ αὐτὸ Πνεῦμα (The one and the same Spirit). And in this place I suspect ἓν was added in order to hint at the reason why the Holy Spirit rendered all the Aeons equal and introduced unity into the Pleroma, namely because he himself also was "one"; or in order to insinuate that "there are indeed two Christs," one higher, the other lower, of whom presently, "but one Holy Spirit." Hence Origen, Book 2 of On First Principles, ch. 7: "We have heard that heretics have dared to speak of two gods, and of two Christs; but that two Holy Spirits were preached by anyone we have never known." For the rest, in Tertullian read: "Spiritus sancti proprium," namely erat, not "propria."

Μορφῇ καὶ γνώμῃ ἴσους κατασταθῆναι τοὺς Αἰῶνας... πάντας λόγους, etc. Tertullianus cap. 12 : « Omnes forma et sententia peraequantur, facti omnes, quod unusquisque : nemo aliud, quia alter. Omnes refunduntur in Νοῦς, in Sermones, omnes in Homines, in Christos, » etc. Clemens in Excerptis ex Didascalia Orientali Valentinianorum pag. 794, col. 2, B : Ἐν Πληρώματι οὖν ἑνότητος οὔσης, ἕκαστος τῶν Αἰώνων ἴδιον ἔχει Πλήρωμα, τὴν συζυγίαν. « Cum unitas sit in Pleromate (ita nempe ut omnes sint « Mentes, Sermones, Homines, » etc.), quilibet AEonum proprium habet Pleroma, in sua scilicet conjugatione. » Et pag. 795, col. 2, B : Λέγουσι δὲ καὶ τοὺς Αἰῶνας ὁμονύμως τῷ Λόγῳ Λόγους, « AEones quoque Sermonis nomine appellant Sermones. »

Μορφῇ καὶ γνώμῃ ἴσους κατασταθῆναι τοὺς Αἰῶνας... πάντας λόγους, etc. Tertullian, ch. 12: "All are made equal in form and mind, all having become what each one is; none is another thing because he is another person. All are recast into Minds (Νοῦς), into Words, all into Men, into Christs," etc. Clement in the Excerpts from the Eastern Teaching of the Valentinians, p. 794, col. 2, B: Ἐν Πληρώματι οὖν ἑνότητος οὔσης, ἕκαστος τῶν Αἰώνων ἴδιον ἔχει Πλήρωμα, τὴν συζυγίαν. "Since therefore there is unity in the Pleroma (in such a way, namely, that all are 'Minds, Words, Men,' etc.), each of the Aeons has his own Pleroma, namely in his own syzygy." And p. 795, col. 2, B: Λέγουσι δὲ καὶ τοὺς Αἰῶνας ὁμονύμως τῷ Λόγῳ Λόγους, "They also call the Aeons Words, homonymously with the Word."

Στηριχθέντα δέ, etc. Tertullianus loc. cit. haec ita expressit : « Exinde refecti sunt, et constabiliti sunt, et in requiem ex veritate compositi, magno cum gaudii fructu hymnis Patrem concinunt. Diffundebatur et ipse laetitia, utique cantantibus bene filiis et nepotibus.

Στηριχθέντα δέ, etc. Tertullian, loc. cit., expressed these things thus: "Thereafter they were refreshed, and were established, and having been settled in rest out of truth, with great fruit of joy they sing hymns together to the Father. He himself also was overspread with gladness, as his sons and grandsons, be sure, sang well."

Ὑμνῆσαι τὸν Προπάτορα. Synesius hymn. II, v. 40 et seqq. :

Ὑμνῆσαι τὸν Προπάτορα. Synesius, Hymn 2, v. 40 et seq.:

Χόρος ἀφθίτων ἀνάκτων Γενετήριόν τε κῦδος, Τό τε πρωτόσπειρον εἶδος, Νοεροῖς ἔμελψεν ὑμνοῖς.

The choir of immortal lords sang in intellectual hymns both the generative glory and the first-sown form.

Coetus immortalium angelorum Patris gloriam, Et primogenitam formam, Coelestibus canit hymnis.

The company of immortal angels sings with heavenly hymns the glory of the Father and the first-begotten form.

Et ne ad Valentinianorum placita Synesium respexisse dubites, accipe sequentia :

And lest you doubt that Synesius looked to the tenets of the Valentinians, take what follows:

Στρατὸς ἀγγέλων ἀγήρως, Τὰ μὲν ἐς νόον δεδορκὼς Δρέπεται κάλλεος ἀρχάν.

The ageless host of angels, looking partly upon the Mind, plucks the beginning of beauty.

Exercitus angelorum senii expers, Et partim in mentem respiciens, Decerpit pulchritudinis principium.

The host of angels free from old age, and looking partly upon the Mind, plucks the beginning of beauty.

Quod cum iis convenit, quae apud Irenaeum de perfecto decore et sidere Pleromatis mox sequuntur.

Which agrees with those things that presently follow in Irenaeus concerning the perfect beauty and star of the Pleroma.

Pag. 13. Ὁμογενεῖς ἀγγέλους. « Ejusdem generis angelos; » sed an ejusdem inter se, an cum Salvatore? Tertullianus animi pendens : « Par, inquit, genus. Si inter se, potest fieri : si vero Soteri consubstantivos (ambigue enim positum inveni), quae erit eminentia ejus inter satellites coaequales? » Athanasius autem orat. 2 contra Arianos multo post medium tom. I pag. 365, rem determinat, dum ait de Valentino : Ὁ μὲν τοὺς ἀγγέλους ὁμογενεῖς εἰρηκε τῷ Χριστῷ· « Hic quidem angelos congeneres Christo pronuntiavit. » Et in epistola prolixiori ad Serapionem contra eos, qui dicunt Spiritum S. creaturam esse, eodem tom. I pag. 185 : Ἐκεῖνος γάρ φησι, ὅτι πεμφθέντος τοῦ Παράκλήτου, συναπεστάλησαν αὐτῷ οἱ ἡλικιῶται αὐτοῦ ἄγ-

Page 13. Ὁμογενεῖς ἀγγέλους. "Angels of the same race"; but whether of the same race among themselves, or with the Saviour? Tertullian, in suspense of mind, says: "An equal race. If among themselves, it may be so; but if consubstantial with Soter (for I have found it ambiguously put), what will be his pre-eminence among co-equal attendants?" Athanasius, however, in Oration 2 against the Arians, much past the middle, Tome 1, p. 365, determines the matter when he says concerning Valentinus: Ὁ μὲν τοὺς ἀγγέλους ὁμογενεῖς εἰρηκε τῷ Χριστῷ· "This man indeed pronounced the angels to be of the same race with Christ." And in the longer Epistle to Serapion against those who say that the Holy Spirit is a creature, in the same Tome 1, p. 185: Ἐκεῖνος γάρ φησι, ὅτι πεμφθέντος τοῦ Παράκλήτου, συναπεστάλησαν αὐτῷ οἱ ἡλικιῶται αὐτοῦ ἄγ-

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γελοι. « Is enim (Valentinus) inquit, misso Paracleto, una cum eo missos esse angelos ejus coaetaneos. » Quae Athanasius ex ipso didicit Irenaeo infra scribente de Christo inferiori, Paracleto Matris Achamoth : Ἐκπέμπεται πρὸς αὐτὴν μετὰ τῶν ἡλικιωτῶν αὐτοῦ τῶν ἀγγέλων· « Mittitur ad eam cum coaetaneis suis angelis. »

γελοι. "For that man (Valentinus) says that when the Paraclete was sent, his coeval angels were sent along with him." Which Athanasius learned from Irenaeus himself, writing below concerning the lower Christ, the Paraclete of Mother Achamoth: Ἐκπέμπεται πρὸς αὐτὴν μετὰ τῶν ἡλικιωτῶν αὐτοῦ τῶν ἀγγέλων· "He is sent forth to her with his coeval angels."

Ἐξ ἀγῶνος σύμπηξις. In omnibus editt. Irenaei et Epiphanii legitur junctim ἑξάγωνος, quae vox a Billio ad sex praecedentia Hori nomina refertur. Sed ut taceam ἑξάγωνος cum spiritu leni legi, non ἑξάγωνος, quis appellationem sex nominibus expressam diceret « sexangularem compaginem? » Mox itaque rejecta hac lectione, poni voluit καὶ Αἰώνων, quia in veteri versione est, « et AEonum. » Verum violenta est haec mutatio, et infirma probatio : nam nulli mss. habent, « et AEonum, » sed Voss. corruptissime, « lex AEonum; » Arundel. et Merc. 1, « ex AEone, » quasi ex Graeco ἐξ Αἰῶνος, « ex AEone. » Quod licet minus ab ἑξάγωνος recedat, nullum tamen praesenti rei aptum fundit sensum, ac proinde Eras., etc., posuerunt, « et AEonum; » aeque inepte, ut cuilibet textum inspicienti patet. Petavius igitur in notis ad Epiphanium alia emendatione Irenaeum juvare conatus est. « Forte, inquit, ἔξω τῶν Αἰώνων σύμπηξις. Nam de AEonibus paulo ante dictum est. » Quid vero dictum est? hic altum silentium; adeo ut nemo scire queat, nec ipse forte auctor sciverit, quid generalibus istis verbis sibi voluerit, multo minus quae Irenaei juxta hanc lectionem sit sententia. Caeterum Fronto Duc. et Feuard. sicco prorsus pede difficillimum hunc locum praeterierunt, nec verbulo suum, vel Irenaei, sensum indicantes. Ecce vero rectam, ne littera quidem mutata, lectionem, planamque sententiam. Ex una voce ἑξάγωνος, quae nulla est, factas duas, ἐξ ἀγῶνος, verto : « post agonem. » Nam quod Eustathius ad Homeri Ἰλ. Ε, v. 865, notat : Ἡ ἐξ πρόθεσις οὐ μόνον ἐνταῦθα εἴληπται ἀντὶ τῆς μετά προθέσεως, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀλλαχοῦ. « Praepositio ex non solum hic accipitur pro praepositione post, sed et alibi; » id huic loco applicans, sensum ex antecedentibus ita explico : — Dictum est supra, ultimum AEonem, Sophiam, dum incomprehensibilem Patrem capere vellet, ἐν πολλῷ πάνυ ἀγῶνι γενόμενον διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ βάθους, etc., « in magna agonia propter magnitudinem altitudinis constitutum fuisse » : dictum quoque ibidem, AEonem istum « propter hoc fere absorptum et in universam substantiam resolutum fuisse, » ἀναλελύσθαι, nisi occurrisset Hora, cui στηρίζουσα δύναμις, « virtus consolidans » attribuitur, et docetur, quod per eam confirmatus AEon ad se ipsum, et ad Pleroma redierit. Haec itaque summatim repetens hoc loco Irenaeus, post συμφορὰν πεπονθότος Αἰῶνος, καὶ κατὰ μικρὸν ἀπωλολότος, « tristem casum passi, et pene perditi AEonis, » subjunxit ejusdem ἐξ ἀγῶνος σύμπηξιν, « post agoniam consolidationem, » ne scilicet in universum resolutus difflueret; eam Horo tanquam causae efficienti ascribens. — Unde forte non incommodum foret legere, διὰ τοῦ Ὅρου, non tamen necesse, dummodo ita intelligatur. Intellexit sane Tertullianus; siquidem cap. 13, Ὅρου ἐξ ἀγῶνος σύμπηξιν, reddidit « Hori opportunissimum auxilium, » quod scilicet Sophiae tulit periclitanti. Scripseram haec, antequam varias Latinae versionis lectiones a Mercero collectas benevole mihi communicasset clariss. dominus Dodwellus. Quas dum inspexi, et ex altero codicum notatum inveni « ex AEonia, » in sententia mea plane confirmatus sum.

Ἐξ ἀγῶνος σύμπηξις. In all the editions of Irenaeus and Epiphanius it is read conjointly as ἑξάγωνος, which word is referred by Billy to the six preceding names of Horos. But to say nothing of the fact that ἐξάγωνος is read with a smooth breathing, not ἑξάγωνος, who would call an appellation expressed by six names a "six-angled frame"? Presently therefore, rejecting this reading, he wished καὶ Αἰώνων to be put, because in the ancient translation it is "et Aeonum." Yet this change is violent, and the proof weak: for no manuscripts have "et Aeonum," but the Vossian most corruptly has "lex Aeonum," and the Arundel and Mercer's 1st have "ex Aeone," as if from the Greek ἐξ Αἰῶνος, "from the Aeon." Which although it recedes less from ἑξάγωνος, nevertheless yields no sense suited to the present matter, and accordingly Erasmus, etc., put "et Aeonum"—equally ineptly, as is clear to anyone who inspects the text. Petau therefore in his notes on Epiphanius endeavoured to help Irenaeus by another emendation. "Perhaps," says he, "ἔξω τῶν Αἰώνων σύμπηξις (the consolidation outside the Aeons). For mention was made of the Aeons a little before." But what was said? Here there is deep silence—so much so that no one can know, nor perhaps did the author himself know, what he meant by those general words, much less what the meaning of Irenaeus is according to this reading. For the rest, Fronton du Duc and Feuardent passed over this most difficult passage altogether dry-shod, not indicating by a single word their own or Irenaeus's meaning. Behold, however, without changing even a letter, the right reading and a plain meaning! Out of the one word ἑξάγωνος, which is no word here, making two, ἐξ ἀγῶνος, I translate: "after the agony." For what Eustathius notes on Homer's Iliad 5, v. 865: Ἡ ἐξ πρόθεσις οὐ μόνον ἐνταῦθα εἴληπται ἀντὶ τῆς μετά προθέσεως, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀλλαχοῦ ("The preposition ἐξ is taken not only here for the preposition μετά [after], but elsewhere also"), applying this to this passage, I explain the sense from what precedes thus: It was said above that the last Aeon, Sophia, when she wished to grasp the incomprehensible Father, was ἐν πολλῷ πάνυ ἀγῶνι γενόμενον διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ βάθους, etc., "placed in a very great agony on account of the greatness of the depth"; it was also said in the same place that that Aeon "on account of this would almost have been swallowed up and dissolved into universal substance," ἀναλελύσθαι, had she not met with Horos, to whom στηρίζουσα δύναμις, "consolidating power," is attributed, and it is taught that, strengthened by it, the Aeon returned to herself and to the Pleroma. Repeating these things summarily in this place, therefore, Irenaeus, after συμφορὰν πεπονθότος Αἰῶνος, καὶ κατὰ μικρὸν ἀπωλολότος, "of the Aeon that suffered a sad calamity and had almost perished," subjoined the same Aeon's ἐξ ἀγῶνος σύμπηξιν, "consolidation after the agony," ne scilicet in universum resolutus difflueret; ascribing it to Horos as the efficient cause. Whence perhaps it would not be inconvenient to read διὰ τοῦ Ὅρου, yet it is not necessary, provided only it be so understood. Tertullian certainly understood it so, since in ch. 13 he rendered Ὅρου ἐξ ἀγῶνος σύμπηξιν as "the most seasonable aid of Horos," namely that which he brought to Sophia in her peril. I had written these things before the most illustrious Mr. Dodwell kindly communicated to me the various readings of the Latin translation collected by Mercer. And when I inspected them, and found noted from the second of the codices "ex Aeonia" (for "ex agonia"), I was thoroughly confirmed in my opinion.

Pag. 14. Τῆς εὐχαριστίας. Ταῖς εὐχαριστίαις legit vetus interpres, « gratiarum actionibus. » Non inepte autem notat Feuard. per eucharistias hic intelligi preces atque laudes in celebratione sacramenti eucharistici fundi solitas, de quibus et verba

Page 14. Τῆς εὐχαριστίας. The ancient translator read ταῖς εὐχαριστίαις, "thanksgivings." Not ineptly, however, does Feuardent note that by eucharistiae here are understood the prayers and praises accustomed to be poured forth in the celebration of the Eucharistic sacrament, of which also some of the Fathers took the words

Editors' notes and page, col. 1408

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running head: VARIORUM NOTAE 1408
marginal letters: A γελοι. « Is; B νος, « ex; C θεσις οὐ; D πηξιν, « post
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Grabii adnotationes continued; starts mid-word γελοι

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Pauli I Tim. II, 1, ubi jubet fieri « obsecrationes, orationes, intercessiones, gratiarum actiones, εὐχαριστίας, pro omnibus hominibus, » Patres aliqui acceperunt. Harum enim clausulam jam primo Ecclesiae aevo fuisse : « Per omnia saecula saeculorum, » probare contendit ex liturgiis Jacobi, Clementis, etc. Atqui has quidem vel suppositas, vel interpolatas esse satis constat; attamen haud vane augurari licet, illos, qui in omnibus istis liturgiis exprimuntur, quique jam olim ubique inter sacra mysteria usitati fuere, ritus ex apostolica traditione fluxisse. Id saltem ex hoc Valentinianorum argumento liquet, secunda post Christum natum aetate dictam formulam in usu fuisse. Caeterum adhuc aliud est, quod ex hoc loco obiter colligo, nempe clausulam orationis Dominicae, qua gloria dicitur Deo εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας, olim nec a catholicis, nec a Valentinianis agnitam fuisse. Neque enim ex ea, perinde ut ex aliis catholicorum doxologiis et S. Scripturae locis, argumentum ducere intermisissent.

of Paul in 1 Tim. 2:1, where he bids "supplications, prayers, intercessions, thanksgivings, εὐχαριστίας, to be made for all men." For that the close of these already in the first age of the Church was "Unto all the ages of the ages," he strives to prove from the liturgies of James, Clement, etc. Yet that these indeed are either supposititious or interpolated is sufficiently agreed; nevertheless one may not vainly surmise that those rites which are expressed in all those liturgies, and which already of old were everywhere customary amid the sacred mysteries, flowed from apostolic tradition. This at least is clear from this argument of the Valentinians, that in the second age after the birth of Christ the said formula was in use. For the rest, there is still another point that I gather in passing from this passage, namely that the close of the Lord's Prayer, whereby glory is ascribed to God εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας (for ever), was of old recognized neither by Catholics nor by the Valentinians. For otherwise they would not have failed to draw an argument from it, just as from the other doxologies of Catholics and passages of Holy Scripture.

Pag. 15. (Ὑποσημαίνεσθαι λέγουσι) τῆς ἀποστασίας διὰ Ἰούδαν, etc. Graeca in hac periodo jam olim fuere corrupta : unde vetus interpres τῆς ἀποστασίας διὰ Ἰούδαν mutavit in διὰ τῆς ἀποστασίας τοῦ Ἰούδα, et quatuor voces, γενομένης προδοσίας δείκνυσθαι λέγουσι, prorsus omisit. Quod licet nimis violentum sit, approbarunt tamen Billius et Petavius; Fronto Duc. autem et Feuard. hic nihil dixerunt. Ego verba Irenaei iterum iterumque relegens, deprehendi tandem, ea omnia retinenda, et ita, ut in not. ad Latinam versionem posui, interpretanda esse, exceptis in parenthesi positis ὑποσημαίνεσθαι λέγουσι. Haec enim conjicio in textum irrepsisse e margine; in quo quispiam, praecedentia σημαίνουσι λέγεσθαι correcturus ascripsit γρ. (id est, γράφεται) σημαίνεσθαι λέγουσι. Quam notulam pro ὑπό accipiens imperitus scriba in textu posuit ὑποσημαίνεσθαι λέγουσι, uti Petaviana Epiphanii editio habet; vel ὑπερσημαίνεσθαι λέγουσι, ut in Basileensi Epiphanii, et omnibus Irenaei editionibus exstat. Caeterum refutat hanc Valentinianorum comparationem inter passum AEonem et Judam, necnon inter passionem illius et Christi, Irenaeus lib. II, cap. 36 et 37.

Page 15. (Ὑποσημαίνεσθαι λέγουσι) τῆς ἀποστασίας διὰ Ἰούδαν, etc. The Greek words in this period were already corrupted of old; whence the ancient translator changed τῆς ἀποστασίας διὰ Ἰούδαν into διὰ τῆς ἀποστασίας τοῦ Ἰούδα, and altogether omitted the four words γενομένης προδοσίας δείκνυσθαι λέγουσι. Which, although it is too violent, Billy and Petau nevertheless approved, while Fronton du Duc and Feuardent said nothing here. I, reading the words of Irenaeus over and over again, at length perceived that they must all be retained and interpreted just as I have set down in the notes to the Latin translation, except for the words placed in parenthesis, ὑποσημαίνεσθαι λέγουσι. For these I conjecture crept into the text from the margin, in which someone, intending to correct the preceding σημαίνουσι λέγεσθαι, wrote beside it γρ. (that is, γράφεται, "it is written") σημαίνεσθαι λέγουσι. Which little note an unskilful scribe taking for ὑπό put in the text ὑποσημαίνεσθαι λέγουσι, as Petau's edition of Epiphanius has it; or ὑπερσημαίνεσθαι λέγουσι, as stands in the Basel edition of Epiphanius and in all the editions of Irenaeus. For the rest, Irenaeus refutes this comparison of the Valentinians between the suffering Aeon and Judas, as well as between her passion and that of Christ, in Book 2, ch. 36 and 37.

Hanc autem passionem, etc. Haec periodus juxta genuinam Graecam lectionem ita Latine reddenda est : « Istam autem, quae duodecimo AEoni accidit, passionem apostasiae (id est, ex apostasia ortam) per Judam, qui duodecimus apostolorum erat, facta proditione, significari dicunt.

Hanc autem passionem, etc. This period according to the genuine Greek reading is to be rendered in Latin thus: "And that passion of apostasy (that is, sprung from apostasy) which befell the twelfth Aeon, they say is signified through Judas, who was the twelfth of the apostles, when the betrayal was made."

Ἐκείνη ἡ δύναμις. Billius in nova hujus textus versione non vocem « Virtutis, » sed « AEonis » posuit, quasi in Graeco esse deberet αἰών, non δύναμις. Neque enim nomen « Virtutis » passo AEoni ascriptum in hoc primo capite Irenaei ei observabatur, indeque forte suspicio mendi incidebat. Sed genuinam esse lectionem δύναμις, patet ex lib. II, cap. 36 et 40, ubi auctor noster hoc argumentum refutans, priori quidem loco duas ex sententia Valentinianorum ponit « Virtutes; » et ubi memoraverat unam, « quae egressa est a Salvatore, quam praeesse (id est, praecellere) dicunt, » mox de altera addit : « Illa enim, quae passa est, Virtus extensa et in immensum effluens, ita ut periclitaretur in omnem substantiam dissolvi, cum tetigisset primam quaternationem, quae per fimbriam significatur, stetit et a passione cessavit. » Quae huic, in quo versamur, loco exacte consona sunt. Similiter dicto cap. 40, ubi dixerat « passam illam duodecimam virtutem, et in infinitum defluxam, » expresse addit : id est, « duodecimum AEonem. » Unde nullum est dubium, quin hunc illo nomine vocarint Valentiniani, et ita quoque hic appellarit Irenaeus.

Ἐκείνη ἡ δύναμις. Billy in his new translation of this text put not the word "Power (Virtutis)," but "Aeon (Aeonis)," as if in the Greek it ought to be αἰών, not δύναμις. For the name of "Power" ascribed to the suffering Aeon was not observed by him in this first chapter of Irenaeus, and thence perhaps a suspicion of a fault occurred to him. But that the reading δύναμις is genuine is clear from Book 2, ch. 36 and 40, where our author, refuting this argument, in the former passage sets down two "Powers" according to the opinion of the Valentinians; and when he had mentioned one "which went forth from the Saviour, which they say presides (that is, excels)," he presently adds concerning the other: "For that Power which suffered, stretched out and flowing forth into immensity, so that she was in peril of being dissolved into all substance, when she had touched the first quaternion, which is signified by the hem, stood still and ceased from her passion." Which words agree exactly with this passage with which we are dealing. Similarly in the said ch. 40, when he had spoken of "that twelfth Power which suffered and flowed down into infinity," he expressly adds: that is, "the twelfth Aeon." Whence there is no doubt that the Valentinians called this Aeon by that name, and that Irenaeus also so termed her here.

Εἰ μή. Καὶ ει μή legi vult Billius, seductus a veteri interprete, qui habet : « et nisi tetigisset. »

Εἰ μή. Billy wishes Καὶ εἰ μή to be read, misled by the ancient translator, who has: "and unless she had touched."

Editors' notes and page, col. 1409

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running head: 1409 IN LIB. I S. IRE
marginal letters: A Pauli I; B intermisissent.; C λέγουσι, ut; D gumentum refutans
old-edition numerals: 36 after omnibus
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Grabii adnotationes continued

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Ac hunc quidem ratio connexionis cogebat addere « et, » quia prius addiderat verbum « significabatur, » quo sensus commatis clauditur. Ast in Graeco καί recte abest, dummodo ἐκείνη ἡ δύναμις per « appositionem » accipiatur, sicque sensus suspendatur, ut in not. ad Latinam versionem expressi.

And him indeed the logic of the connection compelled to add "and," because earlier he had added the verb "was signified," whereby the sense of the clause is closed. But in the Greek καί is rightly absent, provided only ἐκείνη ἡ δύναμις be taken by apposition, and thus the sense be suspended, as I have expressed in the notes to the Latin translation.

Pag. 16. Τούτου, εἶναι δὲ ταύτης τὸν Ὅρον θέλουσιν. Ταύτην pro ταύτης ex veteri interprete recte restituit Billius; sed τοῦ Υἱοῦ pro τούτου ponere non est necesse, quia commode subintelligitur paulo praecedens nomen Σωτῆρος, quod etiam Horo, cujus hic mentionem facit, competit, ut ex lib. II, cap. 15, jam supra pag. 12 notavi.

Page 16. Τούτου, εἶναι δὲ ταύτης τὸν Ὅρον θέλουσιν. Billy rightly restored ταύτην for ταύτης from the ancient translator; but it is not necessary to put τοῦ Υἱοῦ for τούτου, because the slightly preceding noun Σωτῆρος is conveniently understood, which also belongs to Horos, whom he mentions here, as I have already noted above on p. 12 from Book 2, ch. 15.

Καὶ ἐξορισθείσης, etc., usque ἐροῦμεν. Haec verba, licet in veteri quoque interpretatione exstent, delenda tamen censuit Billius. « Nec enim quidquam ad rem faciunt, inquit, nec sententiam absolutam habent : ac praeterea falsum est, Valentinianos Enthymesin secundam Ogdoadem appellare. » Sed mirari satis nequeo, virum doctum haec scripsisse, et Frontonem Duc. atque Feuardentium tacite consensisse, cum omnia tria hujus probationis membra a vero sint alienissima. Fallitur Billius, dum falsum dicit, quod Valentiniani Enthymesin appellarint « secundam Ogdoadem. » Nam Irenaeus id iterum iterumque inferius eloquitur his verbis : Τὴν δὲ μητέρα τὴν Ἀχαμὼθ καλοῦσιν Ὀγδοάδα, ἀποσώζουσαν τὸν ἀριθμὸν τοῦ ἀρχεγόνου καὶ πρώτης τοῦ Πληρώματος Ὀγδοάδος. « Matrem autem Achamoth vocant Ogdoada, servantem numerum primogenitae et primariae in Pleromate Ogdoadis. » Et mox : Ταύτην δὲ τὴν Μητέρα καὶ Ὀγδοάδα καλοῦσι, καὶ Σοφίαν· « Hanc autem Matrem et Ogdoada vocant, et Sophiam. » Matrem vero Achamoth esse illam ipsam Enthymesin passi AEonis, ex his verbis constat : Τὴν Ἐνθύμησιν τῆς ἄνω Σοφίας, ἣν καὶ Ἀχαμὼθ καλοῦσιν, ἀφορισθεῖσαν τοῦ Πληρώματος· « Enthymesin illius superioris Sophiae, quam et Achamoth vocant, separatam a Pleromate, » etc. Quae exacte cum verbis controversis consonant; ideoque in fumum abit praecipua Billii adversus ea objectio. Quod vero ait, ea nequidquam ad rem facere, nec sententiam absolutam habere; et id non ita se habet. Haud absolutus, fateor, est sensus in Latino textu; attamen datur in Graeco plenissimus. Sed quid ad rem praesentem, ubi Servator vulvam Enthymeseos aperuisse dicitur, faciunt addita de eadem « extra Pleroma proscripta, et nomen secundae Ogdoados indepta? » Ad hoc tribus verbis responsurus praenoto, Valentinianos de Jesu Salvatore dixisse, quod vulvam Enthymeseos sive matris Achamoth aperuerit, non ut filius ex ea prognatus, sed tanquam maritus, qui eam adeo fecundavit, ut variam pepererit prolem, ac septem coelos per Demiurgum produxerit. His igitur eminentior cum esset, indeque « Ogdoadis » titulo decorata, attamen « extra Pleroma ejecta, » longeque infra dignitatem Servatoris subsidens, nihilominus hunc ad illam accedere haud fuisse dedignatum, ex sententia Valentinianorum breviter hoc loco dicere voluit Irenaeus, et prolixius paulo post se dicturum promisit, idque fecit infra, ubi de his plura.

Καὶ ἐξορισθείσης, etc., down to ἐροῦμεν. These words, although they stand in the ancient translation also, Billy nevertheless judged should be deleted. "For they neither contribute anything to the matter," says he, "nor have a complete sentence; and besides, it is false that the Valentinians call Enthymesis the second Ogdoad." But I cannot wonder enough that a learned man wrote these things, and that Fronton du Duc and Feuardent tacitly agreed, when all three members of this proof are most foreign to the truth. Billy is mistaken when he says it is false that the Valentinians called Enthymesis the "second Ogdoad." For Irenaeus states this again and again below in these words: Τὴν δὲ μητέρα τὴν Ἀχαμὼθ καλοῦσιν Ὀγδοάδα, ἀποσώζουσαν τὸν ἀριθμὸν τοῦ ἀρχεγόνου καὶ πρώτης τοῦ Πληρώματος Ὀγδοάδος. "And the Mother Achamoth they call Ogdoad, preserving the number of the first-begotten and primary Ogdoad in the Pleroma." And presently: Ταύτην δὲ τὴν Μητέρα καὶ Ὀγδοάδα καλοῦσι, καὶ Σοφίαν· "And this Mother they call both Ogdoad and Sophia." And that the Mother Achamoth is that very Enthymesis of the suffering Aeon is clear from these words: Τὴν Ἐνθύμησιν τῆς ἄνω Σοφίας, ἣν καὶ Ἀχαμὼθ καλοῦσιν, ἀφορισθεῖσαν τοῦ Πληρώματος· "The Enthymesis of that higher Sophia, whom they also call Achamoth, separated from the Pleroma," etc. Which words agree exactly with the disputed words; and therefore Billy's chief objection against them vanishes into smoke. And as to what he says, that they contribute nothing to the matter and do not have a complete sentence, that too is not so. The sense is not complete, I confess, in the Latin text; yet in the Greek a most full sense is given. But what do the added words concerning the same Enthymesis, "banished outside the Pleroma, and having obtained the name of the second Ogdoad," contribute to the present matter, where the Saviour is said to have opened the womb of Enthymesis? To answer this in three words, I note beforehand that the Valentinians said of Jesus the Saviour that he opened the womb of Enthymesis or Mother Achamoth, not as a son born from her, but as a husband, who made her so fruitful that she bore a varied offspring and produced seven heavens through the Demiurge. Since therefore she was more eminent than these, and thence graced with the title of "Ogdoad," yet "cast out outside the Pleroma" and sinking far below the dignity of the Saviour, Irenaeus wished briefly in this place to say that according to the opinion of the Valentinians he nevertheless did not disdain to approach her, and promised that he would speak of it at greater length a little later, and did so below, where there is more on these matters.

Καὶ αὐτός ἐστι τὰ πάντα. « Et ipse (Christus) est omnia. » Quaesiverunt hactenus eruditi, unde haec citarint Valentiniani. Respondeo, ex Epistola Pauli ad Colossenses cap. III, v. 11, ubi Apostolus scribit : Τὰ πάντα καὶ ἐν πᾶσι Χριστός. « Omnia et in omnibus Christus. » Sicut alibi I Cor. XV, 28, de Deo Patre : Ἵνα ᾖ ὁ Θεὸς τὰ πάντα ἐν πᾶσιν, « Ut sit Deus omnia in omnibus. »

Καὶ αὐτός ἐστι τὰ πάντα. "And He Himself (Christ) is all things." Learned men have hitherto inquired whence the Valentinians cited these words. I answer: from the Epistle of Paul to the Colossians, ch. 3, v. 11, where the Apostle writes: Τὰ πάντα καὶ ἐν πᾶσι Χριστός. "Christ is all and in all." Just as elsewhere, 1 Cor. 15:28, concerning God the Father: Ἵνα ᾖ ὁ Θεὸς τὰ πάντα ἐν πᾶσιν, "That God may be all in all."

Τῆς θεότητος. Vocem σωματικῶς, quae in nostris codicibus Coloss. II, 9, legitur, non agnovisse videntur Valentiniani. Sed et catholici quidam Patres verba Pauli sine adverbio isto citarunt, veluti S. Cyprianus lib. De bono patientiae parum ab initio,

Τῆς θεότητος. The word σωματικῶς (bodily), which is read in our codices at Col. 2:9, the Valentinians seem not to have recognized. Nay, certain Catholic Fathers also cited the words of Paul without that adverb, such as St Cyprian in his book On the Good of Patience, a little from the beginning,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1410

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running head: LIB. I S. IRENAEI. 1410
marginal letters: A Ac hunc; B Valentinianos Enthymesin; C phiae, quam; D infra dignitatem
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin with Greek words and quotations cited in the notes (no facing Greek column); editors' matter: Grabii adnotationes continued; prints indepta in "secundae Ogdoados indepta"

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et Archelaus in Disputatione cum Manete § 25. Legerunt tamen σωματικῶς Graeci Patres omnes, et ex Latinis Hilarius lib. VIII et IX, De Trinitate, Augustinus, pluresque alii.

and Archelaus in the Disputation with Manes, § 25. Nevertheless all the Greek Fathers read σωματικῶς, and among the Latins Hilary in Books 8 and 9 On the Trinity, Augustine, and many others.

Καθὸ δὲ μερίζει καὶ διορίζει, Ὅρον. Clemens in saepe citatis Excerptis ex Orientali Didascalia Valentinianorum pag. 795, col. 2, in fine : Ὁ σταυρὸς τοῦ ἐν Πληρώματι Ὅρου σημεῖόν ἐστιν· χωρίζει γὰρ τοὺς ἀπίστους τῶν ἀπίστων (lege ἀπὸ πιστῶν), ὡς ἐκεῖνος τὸν κόσμον τοῦ Πληρώματος. « Crux ejus qui in Pleromate est Hori, » sive Termini, « signum est : separat enim infideles a fidelibus, sicut ille (Horus) orbem Pleromatis. »

Καθὸ δὲ μερίζει καὶ διορίζει, Ὅρον. Clement in the often-cited Excerpts from the Eastern Teaching of the Valentinians, p. 795, col. 2, at the end: Ὁ σταυρὸς τοῦ ἐν Πληρώματι Ὅρου σημεῖόν ἐστιν· χωρίζει γὰρ τοὺς ἀπίστους τῶν ἀπίστων (read ἀπὸ πιστῶν), ὡς ἐκεῖνος τὸν κόσμον τοῦ Πληρώματος. "The cross is a sign of the Horos, or Boundary, who is in the Pleroma: for it separates the unbelieving from the believing, just as he (Horos) separates the world from the Pleroma."

Ὃς οὐ βαστάζει, etc. Verba Christi quoad sensum allegarunt Valentiniani ex Luc. XIV, 27, non ex Matth. X, vel Marc. VIII, ut Feuardentius posuit. Caeterum verba Matthaei hunc in finem citata leguntur in Excerptis Clementis Alexandrini loco citato : Ὃς οὐκ αἴρει τὸν σταυρὸν αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀκολουθεῖ μοι, οὐκ ἔστι μου ἀδελφός, pro ἄξιος, ut in nostris N. T. legitur exemplaribus.

Ὃς οὐ βαστάζει, etc. The Valentinians alleged the words of Christ as to their sense from Luke 14:27, not from Matt. 10 or Mark 8, as Feuardent set down. For the rest, the words of Matthew cited to this end are read in the Excerpts of Clement of Alexandria in the passage cited: Ὃς οὐκ αἴρει τὸν σταυρὸν αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀκολουθεῖ μοι, οὐκ ἔστι μου ἀδελφός (He who does not take up his cross and follow me is not my brother), instead of ἄξιος (worthy), as is read in our copies of the New Testament.

Pag. 18. In umbrae et vanitatis locis deservisse. In editt. Eras. et Gallas. vitiosissime legitur : « in umbratae vanitatis locis deseruisse. » Feuard. posuit, « in umbrae et vacuitatis locis deferbuisse; » indeque in notis : « Sic, inquit, ex veteri codice, Graeca littera, et R. P. Frontonis judicio lectionem restituimus. » Mallem distinctius eum dixisse, quid ex Graeco et conjectura Frontonis Duc., quid vero ex veteri codice emendaverit. Codices Voss. et Merc. 2 habent « in umbrae vacuitatis locis deseruisse, » perperam omissa particula « et » : ita quoque Arundel., nisi quod « umbra » pro « umbrae » ibi legatur. Et recte quidem se habet vox « vacuitatis, » male autem « deseruisse » sive potius « deservisse, » ut in textu excudi feci (v enim ut u in mss. exaratum reperiri notum est), male, inquam, scribae hoc substituerunt pro « defervisse, » quomodo interpretem verbum ἐκβεβράσθαι vertisse sum persuasus, accepto scilicet ἐκ in ἐκβράζομαι sensu negativo pro « fervescere desino. » Sed et haec germana versionis lectio sensui Valentinianorum prorsus est adversa : hi enim verbo ἐκβεβράσθαι vel simpliciter « ejectam » in loca umbrosa dicere voluerunt Enthymesin, sive « explosam, » ut Tertullianus reddidit; vel potius significarunt eam ibi « aestuasse, » juxta illud Juvenalis satir. X, v. 169 :

Page 18. In umbrae et vanitatis locis deservisse. In the editions of Erasmus and Gallasius it is most corruptly read: "in umbratae vanitatis locis deseruisse." Feuardent put: "in umbrae et vacuitatis locis deferbuisse"; and thence in his notes: "Thus," says he, "from the ancient codex, the Greek text, and the judgement of the Reverend Father Fronto, we have restored the reading." I should have preferred him to say more distinctly what he emended from the Greek and the conjecture of Fronton du Duc, and what from the ancient codex. The Vossian codex and Mercer's 2nd have "in umbrae vacuitatis locis deseruisse," the particle "et" having been wrongly omitted; so also the Arundel, except that "umbra" is read there for "umbrae." And the word "vacuitatis" indeed is right, but wrongly have the scribes substituted "deseruisse"—or rather "deservisse," as I have caused to be printed in the text (for it is well known that v is found written as u in manuscripts)—wrongly, I say, have they substituted this for "defervisse" (ceased to boil), which is how I am persuaded the translator rendered the verb ἐκβεβράσθαι, taking namely ἐκ in ἐκβράζομαι in a negative sense for "I cease to boil." Yet even this genuine reading of the translation is altogether contrary to the meaning of the Valentinians: for by the verb ἐκβεβράσθαι they either wished to say simply that Enthymesis was "cast out" into the shadowy places, or "driven out," as Tertullian rendered it; or rather they signified that she "boiled" or "chafed" there, according to that line of Juvenal, Satire 10, v. 169:

AEstuat infelix angusto limite mundi.

The unhappy man chafes in the narrow limit of the world.

Contra, interpres dixit, eam « defervisse, » id est, refrigeratam esse.

On the contrary, the translator said that she "ceased to boil (defervisse)," that is, grew cool.

Διὰ τοῦ σταυροῦ ἐπεκταθέντα. Non « crucem » simpliciter dictam hic accipe, sed cum Tertulliano intellige « Horon, » quem σταυρόν cognominatum esse, ex superioribus constat. Ita enim ipse Irenaeus lib. III, cap. 20 : « Is qui ab illis affingitur sursum Christus, superextensus Horo, id est, fini, et formavit matrem eorum. »

Διὰ τοῦ σταυροῦ ἐπεκταθέντα. Do not take this here of a "cross" simply so called, but with Tertullian understand "Horos," who it is clear from what precedes was surnamed σταυρός (Cross/Stake). For thus Irenaeus himself says in Book 3, ch. 20: "That Christ who is feigned by them above, having stretched himself out over Horos, that is, the boundary, formed their mother."

Τῇ ἰδίᾳ δυνάμει. Hae voces non jungendae sunt participio ἐπεκταθέντα, ut hactenus in editionibus Irenaei et Epiphanii factum legitur, sed sequenti infinitivo μορφῶσαι, ut res ipsa docet, et Tertullianus confirmat, dum reddidit, « ut informet illud suis viribus. »

Τῇ ἰδίᾳ δυνάμει. These words are not to be joined with the participle ἐπεκταθέντα, as is read to have been done hitherto in the editions of Irenaeus and Epiphanius, but with the following infinitive μορφῶσαι, as the matter itself teaches, and as Tertullian confirms when he rendered it, "that he might shape it by his own powers."

Ἰαώ. Hoc nomine Valentinianos summum Deum designasse exinde constat, quod Gnostici, eorum patres, teste Epiphanio haeres. 26, § 10, summum principem in primo coelo vocarint τὸν Ἰαώ. Et ipse quidem haeres. 40, Archontic., § 5, inter varia Dei nomina cum interpretationibus, hoc paulo diversum tradere videtur dicens : Τὸν Ἰαβὲ, ὃς ἦν καὶ ἔστι, καὶ ἀεὶ ων. « Jabe, qui erat, et est, et semper exsistens, » scilicet erit. Sed ista fuit Samaritanorum pronuntiatio, uti certiores nos facit Theodoretus, quaest. 15, in Exod., de nomine Dei scribens : « Hoc apud Hebraeos dicitur inenarrabile. Prohibitum est enim eis hoc lingua pronuntiare. Scribitur autem

Ἰαώ. That by this name the Valentinians designated the supreme God is clear from the fact that the Gnostics, their fathers, as Epiphanius testifies in Heresy 26, § 10, called the supreme ruler in the first heaven τὸν Ἰαώ. And he himself indeed in Heresy 40, of the Archontics, § 5, among various names of God with their interpretations, seems to hand this down slightly differently, saying: Τὸν Ἰαβὲ, ὃς ἦν καὶ ἔστι, καὶ ἀεὶ ων. "Jabe, who was, and is, and always existing," namely will be. But that was the pronunciation of the Samaritans, as Theodoret informs us in Question 15 on Exodus, writing concerning the name of God: "This among the Hebrews is called unutterable. For it is forbidden to them to pronounce it with the tongue. Moreover, it is written

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running head: 1411 VARIORUM NOTA
marginal letters: A et Archelaus; B μοι, οὐκ; C vertisse sum; D Τῇ ἰδίᾳ
old-edition numerals: 37 after simpliciter
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Grabii adnotationes continued

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quatuor litteris, et propter id tetragrammaton appellant. Samaritani autem vocant illud Jabe, Judaei vero Aja. Καλοῦσι δὲ αὐτὸ Σαμαρεῖται μὲν Ἰαβὲ, Ἰουδαῖοι δὲ Ἀϊά. » (Quam ultimam vocem corruptam esse quilibet videt : neque enim iste sonus ullo modo ad quatuor divini nominis litteras quadrat.) Caeterum quae a Feuardentio in notis ad hunc locum adducta sunt testimonia Macrobii lib. I Saturnal., cap. 18, et Diodori Siculi, non quidem lib. V, ut Feuard. citavit, sed lib. I part. II, pag. 84 edit. Graeco-Latinae, vulgaria sunt, adeo ut recitare ea non sit opus. Addo potius testimonium Sanchoniathonis Berythii, sive veri, sive ficti, de quo jam saeculo III aerae Christ. Porphyrius in opere contra Christianos scripsit, quod historiam suam Abelbalo Berythiorum regi dedicaverit, ab illo pariter ac aliis veritatis disquisitoribus approbatam. « Horum porro tempora, inquit, priora sunt Trojanis temporibus, proximeque accedunt ad Moseos tempora, sicut Phoeniciae regum successiones ostendunt. » Atqui de hoc Sanchoniathone Porphyrius loc. cit. ait : « Narrat de Judaicis rebus quae sunt verissima, quippe et locis et nominibus Judaeorum maxime consentanea, acceptis ab Hierombalo, Dei Jao sacerdote, commentariis, » εἰληφὼς τὰ ὑπομνήματα παρὰ Ἱερομβάλου τοῦ ἱερέως τοῦ Θεοῦ Ἰαὼ, uti legere est apud Theodoretum De curandis Graecorum affectionibus serm. 2, de Principio, pag. 493. Fateor diversam esse lectionem apud Euseb. lib. I Praepar. evangel. cap. 9, pag. 31, Ἰευώ pro Ἰαώ. Sed haec imperitiae scribarum procul dubio deputanda est. Plura forte de nomine Ἰαώ suppeditaret, si superstes esset memoratus a Macrobio loc. cit. liber Cornelii Labeonis, licet ethnici scriptoris, cui titulus fuit : « De oraculo Apollinis; » siquidem in eo numinis nominisque istius interpretationem prolixe exsecutus est. Haec tamen sufficiunt ad probandum dictam vocem Iao, quam Horos Valentinianorum proclamasse fingebatur, ipsum summi Dei nomen esse.

with four letters, and on account of this they call it the Tetragrammaton. And the Samaritans call it Jabe, whereas the Jews call it Aja. Καλοῦσι δὲ αὐτὸ Σαμαρεῖται μὲν Ἰαβὲ, Ἰουδαῖοι δὲ Ἀϊά." (Which last word anyone sees to be corrupt: for that sound in no way squares with the four letters of the divine name.) For the rest, the testimonies adduced by Feuardent in his notes on this passage from Macrobius, Book 1 of the Saturnalia, ch. 18, and Diodorus Siculus—not indeed Book 5, as Feuardent cited, but Book 1, Part 2, p. 84 of the Graeco-Latin edition—are commonplace, so that there is no need to recite them. I add rather the testimony of Sanchoniathon of Berytus, whether genuine or fictitious, of whom already in the 3rd century of the Christian era Porphyry in his work against the Christians wrote that he dedicated his history to Abelbalus, king of the Berythians, approved by him as well as by other searchers after truth. "Now the times of these men," says he, "are earlier than the Trojan times, and approach very closely to the times of Moses, as the successions of the kings of Phoenicia show." And concerning this Sanchoniathon Porphyry in the passage cited says: "He relates concerning Jewish affairs things that are most true, inasmuch as they agree most closely with both the places and the names of the Jews, having received records from Hierombalus, priest of the God Iao," εἰληφὼς τὰ ὑπομνήματα παρὰ Ἱερομβάλου τοῦ ἱερέως τοῦ Θεοῦ Ἰαὼ, as may be read in Theodoret, On Curing the Affections of the Greeks, Discourse 2, On the First Principle, p. 493. I confess that there is a different reading in Eusebius, Book 1 of the Preparation for the Gospel, ch. 9, p. 31, Ἰευώ instead of Ἰαώ. But this is without doubt to be set down to the unskilfulness of scribes. More perhaps concerning the name Ἰαώ would be supplied if the book of Cornelius Labeo, albeit a pagan writer, mentioned by Macrobius in the passage cited, were extant, the title of which was On the Oracle of Apollo; since in it he pursued at length the interpretation of that deity and name. These things nevertheless suffice to prove that the said word Iao, which the Horos of the Valentinians was feigned to have proclaimed, is the very name of the supreme God.

Ἐν ἀγνοίᾳ δὲ τὰ πάντα, καὶ οὐ καθάπερ. Frustra haec sollicitat Billius, putans legendum, ἀγνοοῦσα δὲ τὰ πάντα, οὐ καθάπερ, quia vetus interpres reddidit : « Ignorans autem omnia, non quemadmodum mater ejus, » etc. Verum decepit eum vitiosa Erasmi et Gallasii editio, quam et Feuardentius improvide secutus est, contra fidem mss. codicum, in quibus antiqua versio exacte Graeco respondet. Neque ullum est dubium, interpretem scripsisse vel « in ignorantia, » vel « ignorantia autem omnia, » ita ut « ignorantia » sit neutrum plurale participii, eumdem tunc fundens sensum. Sed quem? Respondeo breviter, Valentinianos docuisse, quod « omnia, » nempe tam tristitia quam timor et consternatio matris, « in ignorantia fuerint, » id est, cum ignorantia conjuncta. Ita quippe Irenaeus paulo post planissime : Καὶ τὴν ἄγνοιαν τοῖς τρισὶ πάθεσιν ἐγκεκρύφθαι διδάσκουσι. « Et ignorantiam omnibus tribus passionibus (antedictis) inabsconsam docent. » Tertullianus cap. 14 : « Coepit affligi moerore, metu, consternatione, tum ignorantia. Nec ut mater ejus, » etc. Unde etiam patet, ab istis verbis : Καὶ οὐ καθάπερ ἡ μήτηρ αὐτῆς, novam periodum incipiendam esse, contra quam ex sententia Billii in omnibus Irenaei editionibus factum, ac idcirco particula et male omissa fuit.

Ἐν ἀγνοίᾳ δὲ τὰ πάντα, καὶ οὐ καθάπερ. In vain does Billy disturb these words, thinking that we should read ἀγνοοῦσα δὲ τὰ πάντα, οὐ καθάπερ, because the ancient translator rendered it: "And being ignorant of all things, not as her mother," etc. But the faulty edition of Erasmus and Gallasius deceived him, which Feuardent also improvidently followed, against the testimony of the manuscript codices, in which the ancient translation corresponds exactly to the Greek. Nor is there any doubt that the translator wrote either "in ignorantia" (in ignorance), or "ignorantia autem omnia" (all things being ignorant), in such a way that "ignorantia" is the neuter plural of the participle, then yielding the same sense. But what sense? I answer briefly that the Valentinians taught that "all things," namely both the sadness and the fear and the consternation of the mother, "were in ignorance," that is, conjoined with ignorance. For thus Irenaeus a little later says most plainly: Καὶ τὴν ἄγνοιαν τοῖς τρισὶ πάθεσιν ἐγκεκρύφθαι διδάσκουσι. "And they teach that ignorance was hidden within all three passions (aforesaid)." Tertullian, ch. 14: "She began to be afflicted with grief, fear, consternation, then ignorance. And not like her mother," etc. Whence also it is clear that from those words: Καὶ οὐ καθάπερ ἡ μήτηρ αὐτῆς, a new period must be begun, contrary to what was done according to Billy's opinion in all the editions of Irenaeus, wherefore the particle "and (et)" was wrongly omitted.

Ἐπινοῶ μὴ πάντα ἀπὸ τῶν δακρύων αὐτῆς προβεβλῆσθαι. Hanc Irenaei ironiam imitatus est Nilus asceta, S. Joannis Chrysostomi discipulus, epist. 234 ad Carpionem, haereseos Valentinianae sectatorem, cui cum catholicorum quispiam hanc proposuisset quaestionem, utrum omnes, tam dulces quam salsae, aquae ex lacrymis Achamothae derivatae sint? iste vero responsionem differret, Nilus his ad eum scripsit verbis : Ἐχρῆν σε ἀπαντῆσαι λέγοντα, ὅτι τὰ μὲν πικρὰ τῆς ἀνυπάρκτου Ἀχαμὼθ δάκρυα τὰς ἁλμυρὰς θαλάσσας ὑπέστησεν, ὡς ἐξ

Ἐπινοῶ μὴ πάντα ἀπὸ τῶν δακρύων αὐτῆς προβεβλῆσθαι. This irony of Irenaeus was imitated by Nilus the Ascetic, the disciple of St. John Chrysostom, in Epistle 234 to Carpio, a follower of the Valentinian heresy: when some Catholic had proposed to him this question, whether all waters, both sweet and salt, were derived from the tears of Achamoth, and he put off answering, Nilus wrote to him in these words: Ἐχρῆν σε ἀπαντῆσαι λέγοντα, ὅτι τὰ μὲν πικρὰ τῆς ἀνυπάρκτου Ἀχαμὼθ δάκρυα τὰς ἁλμυρὰς θαλάσσας ὑπέστησεν, ὡς ἐξ

Editors' notes and page, col. 1412

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running head: RIORUM NOTAE 1412
marginal letters: A quatuor litteris; B sicut Phoeniciae; C tinianorum proclamasse; D norantiam omnibus
old-edition numerals: (none)
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ὀδύνης καὶ δριμυγμοῦ ἱκανοῦ προχεθέντα· ὁ δὲ ἱδρὼς τῆς ταλαιπώρου γυναικὸς πηγὰς ἐξηρεύξατο, καὶ ποταμοὺς, καὶ φρέατα, λίμνας τε καὶ τὰ ἑξῆς γλυκερά. Ταῦτα πρὸς τὸν σὸν λῆρον γελοιωδῶς λέγομεν. « Respondendum tibi erat, amaras Achamothae, quae revera nulla est, lacrymas salsa maria progenerasse, utpote quae ex dolore et magna acerbitate effusae essent; sed ex sudore misellae illius mulieris fontes, et fluvios, et puteos, et lacus, et reliquas dulces aquas prorupisse. Haec ad tuas ineptias non sine risu dicimus. »

ὀδύνης καὶ δριμυγμοῦ ἱκανοῦ προχεθέντα· ὁ δὲ ἱδρὼς τῆς ταλαιπώρου γυναικὸς πηγὰς ἐξηρεύξατο, καὶ ποταμοὺς, καὶ φρέατα, λίμνας τε καὶ τὰ ἑξῆς γλυκερά. Ταῦτα πρὸς τὸν σὸν λῆρον γελοιωδῶς λέγομεν. "You ought to have answered that the bitter tears of the non-existent Achamoth begot the salt seas, inasmuch as they were poured forth from grief and great bitterness; whereas from the sweat of that wretched woman burst forth the springs, and rivers, and wells, and lakes, and the remaining sweet waters. These things we say in jest in reply to your nonsense."

Ἐπὶ ἱκεσίαν τραπῆναι τοῦ καταλιπόντος αὐτὴν φωτὸς, τουτέστι Χριστοῦ. Et Christum pro ea intercessisse legimus in Clementis Alex. Excerptis ex Orientali Valentinianorum Didascalia, pag. 793, col. 1 : Χριστὸς γὰρ καταλείψας τὴν προβαλοῦσαν αὐτὸν Σοφίαν, εἰσελθὼν εἰς τὸ Πλήρωμα, ὑπὲρ τῆς ἔξω καταλειφθείσης Σοφίας ᾐτήσατο τὴν βοήθειαν· καὶ ἐξ εὐδοκίας τῶν Αἰώνων Ἰησοῦς προβάλλεται Παράκλητος τῷ παρελθόντι Αἰωνι. « Christus enim relinquens eam, a qua ortum acceperat, Sophiam (nam et ipse Valentinus Christum a matre foris facta productum dicebat, teste Irenaeo lib. I, c. 5, secus ac illi, quorum sententia supra describitur), Pleroma ingressus, pro Sophia foris relicta auxilium poposcit. Unde ex beneplacito AEonum Jesus transeunti, » sive pereunti, « AEoni consolator mittitur. » Idem mox sequitur apud Irenaeum.

Ἐπὶ ἱκεσίαν τραπῆναι τοῦ καταλιπόντος αὐτὴν φωτὸς, τουτέστι Χριστοῦ. And that Christ interceded for her we read in Clement of Alexandria's Excerpts from the Eastern Teaching of the Valentinians, p. 793, col. 1: Χριστὸς γὰρ καταλείψας τὴν προβαλοῦσαν αὐτὸν Σοφίαν, εἰσελθὼν εἰς τὸ Πλήρωμα, ὑπὲρ τῆς ἔξω καταλειφθείσης Σοφίας ᾐτήσατο τὴν βοήθειαν· καὶ ἐξ εὐδοκίας τῶν Αἰώνων Ἰησοῦς προβάλλεται Παράκλητος τῷ παρελθόντι Αἰωνι. "For Christ, leaving Sophia who had put him forth (for Valentinus himself also said that Christ was produced by the mother when she had come to be outside, as Irenaeus testifies in Book 1, ch. 5, otherwise than those whose opinion is described above), having entered into the Pleroma, asked for aid on behalf of Sophia who had been left outside. Whence by the good pleasure of the Aeons Jesus is sent as Paraclete to the passing away," or perishing, "Aeon." The same presently follows in Irenaeus.

Ὃς ἀνελθὼν μὲν εἰς τὸ πλήρωμα... ὤκνησεν, etc. In modo dictis Clementis Excerptis, Christus non ad descensum segnis, sed ab AEonibus et Paracleto detentus fingitur pag. 794, col. 2 : Οὗτος δὲ καταλείψας τὴν μητέρα, ἀνελθὼν εἰς τὸ Πλήρωμα, ἐκρατήθη, ὥσπερ τοῖς ὅλοις, οὕτω δὲ καὶ Παρακλήτῳ. « Hic vero (Christus) relinquens matrem, ac ad Pleroma reversus, ab omnibus AEonibus pariter ac Paracleto detentus est. » Attamen Paracletus, nempe Jesus, loco Christi ad matrem missus mox dicitur.

Ὃς ἀνελθὼν μὲν εἰς τὸ πλήρωμα... ὤκνησεν, etc. In the just-mentioned Excerpts of Clement, Christ is feigned not to have been slow to descend, but to have been detained by the Aeons and the Paraclete, p. 794, col. 2: Οὗτος δὲ καταλείψας τὴν μητέρα, ἀνελθὼν εἰς τὸ Πλήρωμα, ἐκρατήθη, ὥσπερ τοῖς ὅλοις, οὕτω δὲ καὶ Παρακλήτῳ. "And he (Christ), leaving his mother and returning to the Pleroma, was detained by all the Aeons as well as by the Paraclete." Nevertheless the Paraclete, namely Jesus, is presently said to have been sent to the mother in Christ's stead.

Παράκλητον δὲ ἐξέπεμψεν. Clemens prius citatus p. 793, col. 1 : Τὸν Παράκλητον οι ἀπὸ Οὐαλεντίνου τὸν Ἰησοῦν λέγουσιν, ὅτι πλήρης τῶν Αἰώνων ἐλήλυθεν, ὡς ἀπὸ τοῦ ὅλου προελθών. « Jesu Valentiniani tribuunt nomen Paracleti, quoniam plenus AEonum venit, utpote e toto (Pleromate) progressus. »

Παράκλητον δὲ ἐξέπεμψεν. Clement, cited earlier, p. 793, col. 1: Τὸν Παράκλητον οι ἀπὸ Οὐαλεντίνου τὸν Ἰησοῦν λέγουσιν, ὅτι πλήρης τῶν Αἰώνων ἐλήλυθεν, ὡς ἀπὸ τοῦ ὅλου προελθών. "The Valentinians give to Jesus the name of Paraclete, because he came full of the Aeons, as having come forth from the All (the Pleroma)."

Ἐνδόντος αὐτῷ πᾶσαν τὴν δύναμιν τοῦ Πατρός, etc. Idem dogma, imo eadem fere verba Valentinianorum ex Orientali eorum Didascalia, vel scriptis Theodoti excerpsit Clemens apud quem pag. 796, col. 1, haec exstant : Καὶ δόντος πᾶσαν τὴν ἐξουσίαν τοῦ Πνεύματος (lege potius ex Irenaeo Πατρός, quae duae voces abbreviatae ab imperitis scribis facile confundi potuerunt), συναινέσαντος δὲ καὶ τοῦ Πληρώματος, ἐκπέμπεται ὁ τῆς βουλῆς ἄγγελος, καὶ γίνεται κεφαλὴ τῶν ὅλων μετὰ τὸν Πατέρα· πάντα γὰρ ἐν αὐτῷ ἐκτίσθη τὰ ὁρατὰ καὶ ἀόρατα, θρόνοι, κυριότητες, βασιλεῖαι, θεότητες, λειτουργῖαι. « Atque dante omnem potestatem Spiritu (Patre), comprobante quoque Pleromate, emittitur angelus consilii (ex Isaiae IX, v. 7, juxta LXX interpret.) et fit caput universorum post Patrem : omnia enim in ipso creata sunt, visibilia et invisibilia, throni, dominationes, regna, divinitates, ministeria (angelorum). »

Ἐνδόντος αὐτῷ πᾶσαν τὴν δύναμιν τοῦ Πατρός, etc. The same dogma, nay almost the same words of the Valentinians, Clement excerpted from their Eastern Teaching or the writings of Theodotus, in whom on p. 796, col. 1, these words stand: Καὶ δόντος πᾶσαν τὴν ἐξουσίαν τοῦ Πνεύματος (read rather from Irenaeus Πατρός, which two words when abbreviated could easily be confused by unskilful scribes), συναινέσαντος δὲ καὶ τοῦ Πληρώματος, ἐκπέμπεται ὁ τῆς βουλῆς ἄγγελος, καὶ γίνεται κεφαλὴ τῶν ὅλων μετὰ τὸν Πατέρα· πάντα γὰρ ἐν αὐτῷ ἐκτίσθη τὰ ὁρατὰ καὶ ἀόρατα, θρόνοι, κυριότητες, βασιλεῖαι, θεότητες, λειτουργῖαι. "And when the Spirit (the Father) had given all power, and the Pleroma also had consented, the Angel of Counsel (from Isa. 9, v. 7, according to the Septuagint) is sent forth, and becomes the head of all things after the Father: for in him were created all things, visible and invisible, thrones, dominions, kingdoms, divinities, ministries (of angels)."

Καὶ τῶν Αἰώνων δεόμενος. Pro δεόμενος legendum δὲ ὁμοίως bene monuere Bill. et Petav. apud Epiphan., quia vetus interpres posuit : « Et AEonibus autem similiter, » dantibus scilicet Jesu summam omnium potestatem. Minus recte autem Tertullianus haec verba ita accepit, quasi Jesu Paracleto suprema potestas omnium, « etiam AEonum, » non autem « ab AEonibus » data fuerit, unde cap. 16, reddidit : « Largito ei Patre universorum AEonum summam potestatem, etc. »

Καὶ τῶν Αἰώνων δεόμενος. That instead of δεόμενος we should read δὲ ὁμοίως, Billy and Petau on Epiphanius well advised, because the ancient translator put: "And the Aeons also similarly," namely giving to Jesus the supreme power over all things. Less rightly, however, did Tertullian take these words as if the supreme power over all things, "even of the Aeons," and not "by the Aeons," was given to Jesus the Paraclete, whence in ch. 16 he rendered it: "The Father having bestowed upon him the supreme power over all the Aeons, etc."

Θεότητες. Haec vox nusquam pro peculiari coelestium

Θεότητες. This word is nowhere read as taken for a special order of heavenly

Editors' notes and page, col. 1413

Footnotes

(18) ‹anchor: not visible in the page-foot image› · call in col 1413

¹⁸ I Cor. XI, 10.

18. 1 Corinthians 11:10.

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spirituum ordine accepta legitur, licet illi in genere dii dicti sint. Unde hanc propriam haereticorum notionem fuisse animadvertit Theodoretus, addens pag. 200, ὡς αὐτοὶ λέγουσιν, « ut ipsi dicunt. »

spirits, although in general they were called gods. Whence Theodoret remarked that this was a notion peculiar to the heretics, adding on p. 200, ὡς αὐτοὶ λέγουσιν, "as they themselves say."

Τὴν δὲ Ἀχαμὼθ ἐντραπεῖσαν αὐτόν, etc. Apud Clementem loco citato sequentia Valentinianorum huic loco consona leguntur : Ἰδοῦσα δὲ αὐτὸν ἡ Σοφία, ὅμοιον τῷ καταλιπόντι αὐτὴν φωτὶ ἐγνώρισεν, καὶ ἠγαλλιάσατο, καὶ προσεκύνησεν· τοὺς δὲ ἄῤῥενας ἀγγέλους τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ ἐκπεμφθέντας θεασαμένη, κατῃδέσθη, καὶ κάλυμμα ἐπέθετο. Διὰ τούτου τοῦ μυστηρίου ὁ Παῦλος κελεύει τὰς γυναῖκας φορεῖν ἐξουσίαν ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς διὰ τοὺς ἀγγέλους. « Videns igitur ipsum (Jesum) Sophia, similem illum ei, quod dereliquerat ipsam, lumini, cognovit, et accurrit, et exsultavit, et adoravit : masculos autem angelos una cum illo emissos contemplata, reverita est, et velamen sibi imposuit. Propter quod mysterium Paulus mulieres jussit potestatem super caput ferre propter angelos. » Juxta haec itaque mater Achamoth non tam ipsum Servatorem, quam angelos ejus venerata metuisse, seque obvelasse dicitur, occasione ex dicto Apostoli loco accepta, qui hunc in finem et postea § 16 adducitur, ubi vide notas.

Τὴν δὲ Ἀχαμὼθ ἐντραπεῖσαν αὐτόν, etc. In Clement in the passage cited the following words of the Valentinians agreeing with this passage are read: Ἰδοῦσα δὲ αὐτὸν ἡ Σοφία, ὅμοιον τῷ καταλιπόντι αὐτὴν φωτὶ ἐγνώρισεν, καὶ ἠγαλλιάσατο, καὶ προσεκύνησεν· τοὺς δὲ ἄῤῥενας ἀγγέλους τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ ἐκπεμφθέντας θεασαμένη, κατῃδέσθη, καὶ κάλυμμα ἐπέθετο. Διὰ τούτου τοῦ μυστηρίου ὁ Παῦλος κελεύει τὰς γυναῖκας φορεῖν ἐξουσίαν ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς διὰ τοὺς ἀγγέλους. "And Sophia, seeing him (Jesus), recognized him as like the light that had left her, and ran to him, and exulted, and worshipped; but when she beheld the male angels sent forth along with him, she was abashed, and put a veil upon herself. On account of this mystery Paul bids women wear authority upon their head because of the angels." According to these words, therefore, Mother Achamoth is said to have feared and veiled herself out of reverence not so much for the Saviour himself as for his angels, occasion being taken from the said passage of the Apostle, which is also adduced to this end afterwards in § 16, where see the notes.

Pag. 22. Κἀκεῖνον μορφῶσαι αὐτὴν μόρφωσιν τὴν κατὰ γνῶσιν, etc. In memoriam revoca quod supra dictum est : « superiorem Christum formasse formam, quae esset secundum substantiam tantum, sed non secundum agnitionem, » et melius percipies quod hic dicitur, Jesum ad vices Christi supplendas missum « formasse formam secundum agnitionem. » Neque solus Irenaeus, sed et Clemens loco citato istam Valentinianorum sententiam refert his verbis : Εὐθὺς οὖν ὁ Σωτὴρ ἐπιφέρει αὐτὴν (forte αὐτῇ) μόρφωσιν τὴν κατάγνωσιν (ex Irenaeo corrige sine scrupulo κατὰ γνῶσιν) καὶ ἴασιν τῶν παθῶν, δείξας ἀπὸ Πατρὸς ἀγεννήτου τὰ ἐν Πληρώματι καὶ τὰ μέχρι αὐτῆς. « Statim igitur Servator applicuit ei formam, quae est secundum cognitionem, et medicinam passionum, ostendens a Patre ingenito, quae sunt in Pleromate, et quae usque ad ipsam pertingunt. » Est enim inter Pleroma et septem coelos, supra quos mater Achamoth sedet veluti secunda « ogdoas, » magna intercapedo, quam Servator ipsi conspiciendam praebuisse fingitur.

Page 22. Κἀκεῖνον μορφῶσαι αὐτὴν μόρφωσιν τὴν κατὰ γνῶσιν, etc. Call back to memory what was said above: "that the higher Christ formed her with a formation that was according to substance only, and not according to knowledge," and you will better perceive what is said here, that Jesus, sent to supply the place of Christ, "formed her with a formation according to knowledge." And not Irenaeus alone, but Clement also in the passage cited relates that opinion of the Valentinians in these words: Εὐθὺς οὖν ὁ Σωτὴρ ἐπιφέρει αὐτὴν (perhaps αὐτῇ) μόρφωσιν τὴν κατάγνωσιν (from Irenaeus correct without hesitation to κατὰ γνῶσιν) καὶ ἴασιν τῶν παθῶν, δείξας ἀπὸ Πατρὸς ἀγεννήτου τὰ ἐν Πληρώματι καὶ τὰ μέχρι αὐτῆς. "Straightway therefore the Saviour applied to her the formation that is according to knowledge, and the healing of her passions, showing from the unbegotten Father the things that are in the Pleroma and the things that reach down to her." For between the Pleroma and the seven heavens, above which Mother Achamoth sits as the second "Ogdoad," there is a great interval, which the Saviour is feigned to have presented to her view.

Χωρίσαντα δι' αὐτῆς, etc. Apud Clementem loco citato haec gemina habes : Ἀποστήσας δὲ τὰ πάθη τῆς πεπονθυίας, αὐτὴν μὲν ἀπαθῆ κατεσκεύασεν, τὰ πάθη δὲ διακρίνας ἐφύλαξεν· καὶ οὐχ ὥσπερ τῆς ἔνδον διεφορήθη, ἀλλ' εἰς οὐσίαν ἤγαγεν αὐτά τε (forte ἅτε) καὶ τῆς δευτέρας διαθέσεως. « Dissocians vero passiones ab ea quae passa est, ipsam quidem expertem passionum constituit, passiones vero seorsim servavit : neque illas perinde ut ejus, quae intra (Pleroma) est, dissipavit, sed in essentiam (materiae scilicet, ex qua creaturae factae sunt) deduxit, utpote quae posterioris essent dispositionis, » id est, quae ex dispositione in habitum cesserint.

Χωρίσαντα δι' αὐτῆς, etc. In Clement in the passage cited you have these twin words: Ἀποστήσας δὲ τὰ πάθη τῆς πεπονθυίας, αὐτὴν μὲν ἀπαθῆ κατεσκεύασεν, τὰ πάθη δὲ διακρίνας ἐφύλαξεν· καὶ οὐχ ὥσπερ τῆς ἔνδον διεφορήθη, ἀλλ' εἰς οὐσίαν ἤγαγεν αὐτά τε (perhaps ἅτε) καὶ τῆς δευτέρας διαθέσεως. "And separating the passions from her who suffered, he rendered her indeed free from passion, while the passions he set apart and preserved; and they were not dispersed like those of her who was within (the Pleroma), but he brought them into essence (that of matter, namely, out of which creatures were made), inasmuch as they belonged to the second disposition," that is, had passed from a disposition into a settled state.

Ἀσώματον τὴν ὕλην. Ἀσώματον in ἐνσώματον frustra mutat Billius, provocans ad Tertulliani ac veteris interpretis auctoritatem. Et ille quidem cap. 16 dixit « materiae corporalem paraturam; » vetus autem interpres omnino scripsit ex Graeco « in incorporalem materiam, » ut in cod. Arundell. expresse legitur, licet editt. omnes habeant « corporalem. » Confirmant Graecam lectionem Excerpta Clementis, quae loco citato ita ⟨s⟩onant : Πρῶτον οὖν ἐξ ἀσωμάτου πάθους καὶ συμβεβηκότος εἰς ἀσώματον ἔτι (quae praepositio omnino delenda) τὴν ὕλην αὐτὰ μετήντλησεν καὶ μετέβαλεν. « Primum itaque ex incorporali eaque accidenti passione in incorporalem materiam ea transfudit atque commutavit. » Confirmant quoque immediate sequentia

Ἀσώματον τὴν ὕλην. Billy in vain changes ἀσώματον into ἐνσώματον, appealing to the authority of Tertullian and the ancient translator. And the former indeed in ch. 16 spoke of "the bodily preparation of matter"; but the ancient translator certainly wrote from the Greek "into incorporeal matter (in incorporalem materiam)," as is expressly read in the Arundel codex, although all the editions have "corporeal (corporalem)." The Excerpts of Clement confirm the Greek reading, sounding thus in the passage cited: Πρῶτον οὖν ἐξ ἀσωμάτου πάθους καὶ συμβεβηκότος εἰς ἀσώματον ἐπὶ (which preposition must altogether be deleted) τὴν ὕλην αὐτὰ μετήντλησεν καὶ μετέβαλεν. "First, therefore, out of incorporeal and accidental passion he drew them off and changed them into incorporeal matter." The words immediately following in Irenaeus also confirm it,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1414

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Irenaei dicentis, inditam fuisse eis aptitudinem, ὥστε εἰς συγκρίματα καὶ σώματα ἐλθεῖν, « ut in congregationes et corpora venirent, » uti vetus interpres reddidit. Et paulo post ait, Demiurgum hoc confusum chaos discernentem, « ex incorporalibus, ἐξ ἀσωμάτων, corporalia fecisse. Incorporalis » itaque fuit materia ista, « actu » scilicet, sed « potentia corporalis. » Neque de dicta lectione dubitabit, qui respexerit fontem, ex quo Valentiniani hanc suam hypothesin derivarunt, doctrinam, inquam, Platonis, quem Origenes, in Φιλοσοφουμένοις nondum editis, dicit tria statuisse principia : « Deum, materiam, et ideam; » et de materia, ex mente ejus, ita inter alia scribit : Τὴν δὲ ὕλην δυνάμει μὲν σῶμα, ἐνεργείᾳ δὲ οὐδέπω (ecce ἀσώματον ὕλην Valentinianorum)· ἀσχημάτιστον γὰρ αὐτὴν οὖσαν καὶ ἄποιον, προσλαβοῦσαν σχήματα καὶ ποιότητας γενέσθαι σῶμα : id est, « materiam vero potentia quidem esse corpus, actu autem minime : sine figura enim et qualitate ipsam exsistentem, accepta inde utraque, corpus factam esse. » Similiter Diogenes Laertius lib. III, pag. 86, ex sententia Platonis ait : Εἶναι δὲ τὴν ὕλην ἀσχημάτιστον καὶ ἄπειρον, ἐξ ἧς γίνεσθαι τὰ συγκρίματα (ecce iterum Irenaei vocem, quae in hac ipsa periodo pag. seq. lin. 1 exstat). « Materiam figurarum expertem atque immensam fuisse, ex ea vero facta esse concreta, » sive composita « corpora. »

when he says that an aptitude was implanted in them, ὥστε εἰς συγκρίματα καὶ σώματα ἐλθεῖν, "so as to come into combinations and bodies," as the ancient translator rendered it. And a little later he says that the Demiurge, separating this confused chaos, "out of incorporeal things, ἐξ ἀσωμάτων, made corporeal things." That matter was therefore "incorporeal," namely "in act," but "corporeal in potency." Nor will anyone doubt of the said reading who looks to the fountain from which the Valentinians derived this hypothesis of theirs—the teaching, I mean, of Plato, whom Origen, in his not yet edited Philosophumena, says set up three first principles: "God, matter, and idea"; and concerning matter, according to his mind, writes thus among other things: Τὴν δὲ ὕλην δυνάμει μὲν σῶμα, ἐνεργείᾳ δὲ οὐδέπω (behold the ἀσώματον ὕλην of the Valentinians)· ἀσχημάτιστον γὰρ αὐτὴν οὖσαν καὶ ἄποιον, προσλαβοῦσαν σχήματα καὶ ποιότητας γενέσθαι σῶμα: that is, "and that matter in potency indeed is body, but in act not at all: for existing without figure and quality, when it had taken both from thence, it became body." Similarly Diogenes Laertius, Book 3, p. 86, according to the opinion of Plato says: Εἶναι δὲ τὴν ὕλην ἀσχημάτιστον καὶ ἄπειρον, ἐξ ἧς γίνεσθαι τὰ συγκρίματα (behold again Irenaeus's word, which stands in this very period on the following page, line 1). "That matter was devoid of figures and boundless, and out of it were made concrete," or composite, "bodies."

Pag. 23. Δεξιὰ καλοῦσι... ἀριστερὰ καλοῦσι. Ita saepius in sequentibus Valentiniani. Sed et Marcionita apud Origenem (vel Maximum) in Dialogo pag. 37 : Τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ ἡ ποιότης καὶ ἡ ἐνέργεια, φῶς, ἀγαθὸν, δεξιόν, etc. Τοῦ δὲ κακοῦ ἡ ποιότης καὶ ἐνέργεια, σκότος, πονηρὸν, ἀριστερὸν, etc. « Boni qualitas et efficacia est, lux, bonum, dexterum... Mali vero operatio, tenebrae, pravum, sinistrum, » etc.

Page 23. Δεξιὰ καλοῦσι... ἀριστερὰ καλοῦσι. So often in what follows the Valentinians speak. Nay, the Marcionite also in Origen (or Maximus) in the Dialogue, p. 37: Τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ ἡ ποιότης καὶ ἡ ἐνέργεια, φῶς, ἀγαθὸν, δεξιόν, etc. Τοῦ δὲ κακοῦ ἡ ποιότης καὶ ἐνέργεια, σκότος, πονηρὸν, ἀριστερὸν, etc. "The quality and operation of the good is light, good, right-hand... While the working of evil is darkness, evil, left-hand," etc.

Pag. 24. Ἐν εἰκόνι, etc. Pamelius in cap. 19 Tertulliani adversus Valentinianos hic εἰκόνα legi vult, et Latine pro « in imagine » poni « imaginem, » quod sequatur : « hunc autem unigeniti Filii, » τοῦτον δὲ τοῦ μονογενοῦς Υἱοῦ, supple εἰκόνα, « imaginem, » non « in imagine. » Ait enim Irenaeus, a Salvatore matrem Achamoth factam imaginem Patris; Demiurgum vero imaginem Unigeniti, filii Propatoris; Angelos denique et Archangelos imagines reliquorum AEonum. Atque ita etiam Tertullianus loco citato : « Qui (Soter) per illam (Achamotham) sit operatus, ut ipsam quidem imaginem Patris invisibilis et incogniti daret, incognitam scilicet et invisibilem Demiurgo, eumdem autem Demiurgum Νοῦν filium effingeret; Archangeli vero, Demiurgi opus, reliquos AEonas exprimerent. » Haec ex Pamelio in Tertull. Fronto Duc. ad hunc locum notavit, nulla ἐπικρίσει addita. Ego istis quidem quoad sensum verborum Irenaei subscribo, utpote quem ipse ita declarat lib. II, cap. 6, ubi has Valentinianorum naenias refutat : correctionem autem textus quae Pamelio placuit non admitto, quia Latina cum Graecis, ipso quoque fatente, hic consonant, tam in editt. omnibus quam in mss. Arund. et Voss. (nisi quod Merc. 2 habeant « imaginem »). Neque mirum si constructio verborum sit aliquatenus anomala : ipse enim auctor noster in Praefatione hac de re se satis excusavit.

Page 24. Ἐν εἰκόνι, etc. Pamelius on ch. 19 of Tertullian Against the Valentinians wishes εἰκόνα to be read here, and in Latin "imaginem" to be put instead of "in imagine," because there follows: "hunc autem unigeniti Filii," τοῦτον δὲ τοῦ μονογενοῦς Υἱοῦ, supply εἰκόνα, "the image," not "in the image." For Irenaeus says that by the Saviour Mother Achamoth was made the image of the Father; the Demiurge, the image of the Only-begotten, the son of the Propator; and finally the Angels and Archangels, the images of the remaining Aeons. And so also Tertullian in the passage cited: "Who (Soter) wrought through her (Achamoth), so as to make her indeed the image of the invisible and unknown Father—unknown, namely, and invisible to the Demiurge—while he fashioned the same Demiurge as Nous the son; and the Archangels, the work of the Demiurge, expressed the remaining Aeons." These things from Pamelius on Tertullian Fronton du Duc noted on this passage, adding no judgement of his own. I subscribe to those remarks indeed so far as concerns the sense of Irenaeus's words, inasmuch as he himself declares it thus in Book 2, ch. 6, where he refutes these dirges of the Valentinians; but the correction of the text that pleased Pamelius I do not admit, because the Latin agrees here with the Greek, as he himself also confesses, both in all the editions and in the Arundel and Vossian manuscripts (except that the two Mercer manuscripts have "imaginem"). Nor is it any wonder if the construction of the words is somewhat anomalous: for our author himself in his Preface sufficiently excused himself in this matter.

Ἀρχαγγέλους. Similiter Orientalis Valentinianorum Didascalia apud Clementem pag. 796, col. 2, τοὺς ἀρχαγγέλους dicit τῶν Αἰώνων εἰκόνας. Sed quoad reliquas imagines omnino differt.

Ἀρχαγγέλους. Similarly the Eastern Teaching of the Valentinians in Clement, p. 796, col. 2, calls τοὺς ἀρχαγγέλους (the archangels) τῶν Αἰώνων εἰκόνας (images of the Aeons). But as to the remaining images it differs altogether.

Οὐκ εἶναι νοητούς. Νοητούς, « intellectuales, » id est, qui intelligentia tantum comprehenduntur, non autem in aspectum cadunt. Delenda porro hic in Graeco est particula negativa, ut apparet ex veteri interprete et Tertulliano, qui tamen νοερούς legit, non νοητούς, quod mihi magis placet. Bill., cui quoad particulam negativam delendam assentior, cum οὕς, « quos, » uti vetus interpres legit, facile in οὐκ mutari potuerit; ast quantum ad νοε-

Οὐκ εἶναι νοητούς. Νοητούς, "intellectual," that is, those which are comprehended by intelligence only, and do not fall under sight. Furthermore, the negative particle must be deleted here in the Greek, as appears from the ancient translator and Tertullian, who however read νοερούς, not νοητούς, which pleases me more. Billy, with whom I agree as to deleting the negative particle, since οὕς, "whom," as the ancient translator read, could easily be changed into οὐκ; yet as far as concerns νοε-

Editors' notes and page, col. 1415

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ρούς, concedo quidem hanc lectionem quoque haud incommodam fore : attamen ab Irenaeo ita scriptum, vel Tertulliano sic lectum esse nego; et in hoc potius « noetos, » ut editio Lugdunensis habet, pro « noeros » reponerem, quam νοητούς Irenaei in νοερούς violenter mutarem.

ρούς, I grant indeed that this reading also would not be inconvenient; nevertheless I deny that it was so written by Irenaeus or so read by Tertullian; and in the latter I would rather restore "noetos," as the Lyons edition has it, instead of "noeros," than violently change Irenaeus's νοητούς into νοερούς.

Ἀγγέλους. Hunc locum respexit Andreas Caesariensis in Comment. in Apocalypsin cap. 2 scribens : Ἑπτὰ οὐρανοὺς καὶ ἑπτὰ ἀγγέλους τῶν λοιπῶν προὔχοντας θεόθεν δεδημιουργῆσθαι, ὁ μέγας Εἰρηναῖος γεγράφηκεν. « Septem coelos totidemque angelos caeteris excellentiores a Deo conditos esse, magnus scripsit Irenaeus. » Neque enim alibi in his quinque libris septem angelorum et coelorum facit mentionem; unde hanc Valentinianorum sententiam ab Irenaeo relatam, velut ipsius assertionem in bono accepit sensu. Neve suspiceris, Andream alium forsan Irenaei librum citasse, sequentem in Andrea verte paginam, et in cap. 3 iterum invenies eum scribentem de ἐπτὰ οὐρανοῖς εἰρημένοις Εἰρηναίῳ καὶ Ἐπιφανίῳ· quo ipso omne dubium tollitur, quia Epiphanius nil aliud Irenaei praeter nostra habet.

Ἀγγέλους. Andrew of Caesarea looked to this passage in his Commentary on the Apocalypse, ch. 2, writing: Ἑπτὰ οὐρανοὺς καὶ ἑπτὰ ἀγγέλους τῶν λοιπῶν προὔχοντας θεόθεν δεδημιουργῆσθαι, ὁ μέγας Εἰρηναῖος γεγράφηκεν. "The great Irenaeus has written that seven heavens and seven angels excelling the rest were created by God." For nowhere else in these five books does he make mention of seven angels and heavens; whence he took this opinion of the Valentinians related by Irenaeus in a good sense as Irenaeus's own assertion. And lest you suspect that Andrew perhaps cited another book of Irenaeus, turn the following page in Andrew, and in ch. 3 you will again find him writing of the ἐπτὰ οὐρανοῖς εἰρημένοις Εἰρηναίῳ καὶ Ἐπιφανίῳ (seven heavens spoken of by Irenaeus and Epiphanius); whereby all doubt is removed, because Epiphanius has nothing else of Irenaeus besides what we have.

Pag. 25. ᾨῆσθαι κατασκευάζειν. Omissa hic videtur vox una vel altera. Nam in Latino legitur, « Putasse in totum fabricasse. » Caeterum Clemens in Excerptis pag. 796, col. 2, haec gemina habet : Οὐκ ἐγίνωσκεν τὴν δι' αὐτοῦ ἐνεργοῦσαν, οἰόμενος ἰδίᾳ δυνάμει δημιουργεῖν, φιλεργὸς ὢν φύσει. « Non cognovit eam, quae per ipsum operabatur (matrem), putans se propria virtute res condere, quod natura operosus esset. »

Page 25. ᾨῆσθαι κατασκευάζειν. One or two words seem to have been omitted here. For in the Latin it is read, "That he thought he had framed the whole (in totum fabricasse)." For the rest, Clement in the Excerpts, p. 796, col. 2, has these twin words: Οὐκ ἐγίνωσκεν τὴν δι' αὐτοῦ ἐνεργοῦσαν, οἰόμενος ἰδίᾳ δυνάμει δημιουργεῖν, φιλεργὸς ὢν φύσει. "He did not know her who worked through him (his mother), thinking that he created things by his own power, because he was industrious by nature."

Καὶ Κύριον ἀρσενικῶς. Hinc Tertullianus cap. 21, ubi eadem matris Achamoth nomina ex Irenaeo recensuerat, ad ultimum illud « Domini in masculino genere » alludens, festive addit : « Ita omnem illi honorem contulerunt feminae, puto et barbam, ne dixerim caetera. »

Καὶ Κύριον ἀρσενικῶς. Hence Tertullian in ch. 21, when he had recounted the same names of Mother Achamoth from Irenaeus, alluding to that last name of "Lord in the masculine gender," wittily adds: "Thus they have conferred every honour upon that female—a beard too, I suppose, not to mention the rest."

Ἐκ δὲ τοῦ φόβου. Similiter saepe citata Clementis Excerpta pag. 796, col. 2, habet : ἐκ τοῦ φόβου τὰ θηρία.

Ἐκ δὲ τοῦ φόβου. Similarly the often-cited Excerpts of Clement, p. 796, col. 2, has: ἐκ τοῦ φόβου τὰ θηρία (from fear, the wild beasts).

Ἐκ δὲ τῆς λύπης. Male in Epiphanii editione Parisiensi legitur λοιπῆς, unde et vitiosa versio ibi nata. Recte vero apud Clementem loco citato : Καὶ ποιεῖ ἐκ τῶν ὑλικῶν, τὸ μὲν ἐκ λύπης οὐσιῶδες, κτίζων πνευματικὰ τῆς πονηρίας, πρὸς ἃ ἡ πάλη ἡμῖν. « Et condidit ex materialibus ex tristitia quidem substantiale, creans spiritualia nequitiae, cum quibus nobis est lucta. »

Ἐκ δὲ τῆς λύπης. Wrongly in the Paris edition of Epiphanius is read λοιπῆς, whence a faulty translation also arose there. Rightly, however, in Clement in the passage cited: Καὶ ποιεῖ ἐκ τῶν ὑλικῶν, τὸ μὲν ἐκ λύπης οὐσιῶδες, κτίζων πνευματικὰ τῆς πονηρίας, πρὸς ἃ ἡ πάλη ἡμῖν. "And he made out of the material things that which is substantial from grief, creating the spiritual hosts of wickedness, against whom our wrestling is."

Pag. 26. Ὑπερουράνιον, τουτέστιν ἐν τῇ ἑβδομάδι. Ὑπουράνιον legendum esse, ut opponatur τῷ ὑπερουρανίῳ, in quo mater Achamoth sedem habet, notavit Billius. Recte vero objecit Fronto Ducaeus, istam correctionem non modo his ipsis verbis repugnare, quibus in hebdomade septem coelorum Demiurgus habitare dicitur, sed et praecedenti § 9, ubi legimus, « Achamoth septem coelos fecisse, super quos (ῶν ἐπάνω) Demiurgum esse dicunt. » Quomodo ergo hic ὑπουράνιος, « subcoelestis, » locus ei assignaretur? Verumtamen cum haud sufficienter Fronto solvere posset quaestionem, qua ratione ὑπερουράνιος locus Demiurgi ὑπερουρανίῳ Achamothae opponeretur, ipse οὐρά⟨ν⟩ιον legere amavit, motus auctoritate veteris interpretationis, « in eo, qui sit in coelo locus, » et Tertulliani cap. 31, ubi in Pamelii editione quidem exstat : « Et Demiurgus tunc de hebdomade subcoelesti in superiora mutabit; » antea autem lectum ait : « de hebdomade coelesti. » Ego tam veterem interpretem, quam recentiores commentatores vocem ὑπερουράνιος frustra subterfugisse puto; quippe supracoelestis locus Demiurgi supracoelesti stationi matris Achamoth in eo opponitur, quod haec sit ἐν μεσότητι, ut Irenaeus expresse addit, « in medio, » inter supremum scilicet pleroma et septem coelos; ille vero inferius subsidat ἐν ἑβδομάδι, « in septenario, » ita ut septimo coelo quasi incumbat, matremque supra se suspiciat. Hinc Tertullianus cap. 23 : « In summis summitatibus praesidet tricenarius, Ploroma,

Page 26. Ὑπερουράνιον, τουτέστιν ἐν τῇ ἑβδομάδι. Billy noted that ὑπουράνιον should be read, so as to be opposed to τῷ ὑπερουρανίῳ, in which Mother Achamoth has her seat. Rightly, however, did Fronton du Duc object that that correction is repugnant not only to these very words, in which the Demiurge is said to dwell in the Hebdomad of the seven heavens, but also to the preceding § 9, where we read that "Achamoth made seven heavens, above which (ὧν ἐπάνω) they say the Demiurge is." How then could a ὑπουράνιος, "subcelestial," place be assigned to him here? Nevertheless, since Fronto could not sufficiently solve the question how the ὑπερουράνιος place of the Demiurge was opposed to the ὑπερουρανίῳ place of Achamoth, he himself preferred to read οὐράνιον, moved by the authority of the ancient translation, "in that place which is in heaven," and of Tertullian, ch. 31, where in Pamelius's edition indeed stands: "And the Demiurge will then remove from the subcelestial Hebdomad into the higher regions," whereas previously he says it was read: "from the celestial Hebdomad." I think that both the ancient translator and the more recent commentators have in vain shunned the word ὑπερουράνιος; inasmuch as the supracelestial place of the Demiurge is opposed to the supracelestial station of Mother Achamoth in this respect, that the latter is ἐν μεσότητι, as Irenaeus expressly adds, "in the midst," namely between the supreme Pleroma and the seven heavens; whereas the former sinks lower ἐν ἑβδομάδι, "in the Hebdomad," so as almost to rest upon the seventh heaven and look up at his mother above him. Hence Tertullian, ch. 23: "In the highest summits presides the thirty-fold Pleroma,

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marginal letters: A ρούς, concedo; B scribentem de; C τὰ θηρία.; D sufficienter Fronto
old-edition numerals: 39 after ei
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Grabii adnotationes continued; starts mid-word ρούς, ends mid-word Plo-; gap in type οὐρά⟨ν⟩ιον
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Horo signante lineam. Inferius illam metatur medietatem Achamoth, filium calcans : subest enim Demiurgus in hebdomade sua. » Lege quoque lib. II Irenaei, cap. 55, et haec quae dixi approbabis.

Horos marking the boundary-line. Below, Achamoth measures out that middle space, treading upon her son: for the Demiurge is beneath in his Hebdomad." Read also Book 2 of Irenaeus, ch. 55, and you will approve what I have said.

Τὸ δὲ πῦρ ἅπασιν αὐτοῖς ἐκπεφυκέναι, etc. Legendum ἐμπεφυκέναι, non ἐκπεφυκέναι. Ridet autem hoc loco Tertullianus Valentinianos, qui unde ignis exstiterit, minime prodant. Itaque ait credibile esse Achamoth in tantis vexationibus febricitasse, ex eoque aestu ignem prodiisse. BILL. Emendationem Billii confirmant ista, quae his Irenaei consona legimus apud Clementem loco saepe citato : Ἐν δὲ τοῖς τρισὶ στοιχείοις τὸ πῦρ ἐναιωρεῖται καὶ ἐνέσπαρται καὶ ἐμφωλεύει, καὶ ὑπὸ τούτων ἐξάπτεται, καὶ τούτοις ἐπαποθνήσκει. « In istis tribus elementis (aere, aqua et terra) ignis quasiจsuspensus et insitus latet, atque ab illis excutitur, et una cum illis interit. »

Τὸ δὲ πῦρ ἅπασιν αὐτοῖς ἐκπεφυκέναι, etc. We must read ἐμπεφυκέναι, not ἐκπεφυκέναι. Moreover, in this place Tertullian mocks the Valentinians because they by no means disclose whence fire came into being. And so he says it is credible that Achamoth in so great distresses fell into a fever, and from that heat fire came forth. BILLY. Billy's emendation is confirmed by these words agreeing with Irenaeus which we read in Clement in the passage often cited: Ἐν δὲ τοῖς τρισὶ στοιχείοις τὸ πῦρ ἐναιωρεῖται καὶ ἐνέσπαρται καὶ ἐμφωλεύει, καὶ ὑπὸ τούτων ἐξάπτεται, καὶ τούτοις ἐπαποθνήσκει. "And in those three elements (air, water, and earth) fire lies hidden as it were suspended and implanted, and is struck forth from them, and dies away together with them."

Pap. 27. Πεποιηκέναι καὶ τὸν ἄνθρωπον, etc. Quae Irenaeus hac et sequenti periodo refert Valentinianorum deliria, eadem et Clemens ex Orientali illorum Didascalia excerpsit, exacte consona pag. 797, col. 1 : Λαβὼν χοῦν ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς, οὐ τῆς ξηρᾶς, ἀλλὰ τῆς πολυμεροῦς καὶ ποικίλης ὕλης μέρος, ψυχὴν γεώδη καὶ ὑλικὴ (leg. ὑλικὴν) ἐτεκτήνατο ἄλογον καὶ τῆς τῶν θηρίων ὁμοούσιον· οὗτος κατ' εἰκόνα ἄνθρωπος. Ὁ δὲ καθ' ὁμοίωσιν τὴν αὐτοῦ τοῦ δημιουργοῦ, ἐκεῖνός ἐστιν, ὃν εἰς τουτον ἐνεφύσησέ τε καὶ ἐνέσπειρεν, ὁμοούσιόν τι αὐτῷ δι' ἀγγέλων ἐνθείς. Καθὸ μὲν ἀόρατός ἐστι καὶ ἀσώματος, τὴν οὐσίαν αὐτοῦ πνοὴν ζωῆς προσεῖπε· μορφωθὲν δὲ ψυχὴ ζῶσα ἐγένετο. « Accipiens limum de terra, non arida, sed multiplicis et variae materiae partem, animam terrenam et materialem fabricavit, rationis expertem, et animae ferarum consubstantialem : atque hic est homo secundum imaginem conditus. At vero secundum similitudinem ipsius creatoris » factus est ille, quem isti inspiravit atque inseruit, consubstantiale quippiam ipsi per angelos communicans. Quatenus igitur invisibilis est et incorporeus, substantiam ejus spiraculum vitae appellavit : formatum vero anima vivens dicta est. »

Page 27. Πεποιηκέναι καὶ τὸν ἄνθρωπον, etc. The ravings of the Valentinians which Irenaeus relates in this and the following period, Clement also excerpted from their Eastern Teaching, agreeing exactly, p. 797, col. 1: Λαβὼν χοῦν ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς, οὐ τῆς ξηρᾶς, ἀλλὰ τῆς πολυμεροῦς καὶ ποικίλης ὕλης μέρος, ψυχὴν γεώδη καὶ ὑλικὴ (read ὑλικὴν) ἐτεκτήνατο ἄλογον καὶ τῆς τῶν θηρίων ὁμοούσιον· οὗτος κατ' εἰκόνα ἄνθρωπος. Ὁ δὲ καθ' ὁμοίωσιν τὴν αὐτοῦ τοῦ δημιουργοῦ, ἐκεῖνός ἐστιν, ὃν εἰς τουτον ἐνεφύσησέ τε καὶ ἐνέσπειρεν, ὁμοούσιόν τι αὐτῷ δι' ἀγγέλων ἐνθείς. Καθὸ μὲν ἀόρατός ἐστι καὶ ἀσώματος, τὴν οὐσίαν αὐτοῦ πνοὴν ζωῆς προσεῖπε· μορφωθὲν δὲ ψυχὴ ζῶσα ἐγένετο. "Taking dust from the earth—not from the dry earth, but a part of the manifold and varied matter—he fashioned an earthly and material soul, irrational and consubstantial with that of the wild beasts: and this is the man made according to the image. But he who is according to the likeness of the Creator himself is he whom he breathed and sowed into this one, putting into him through angels something consubstantial with himself. Inasmuch, therefore, as it is invisible and incorporeal, he called its substance the breath of life; but when formed, it became a living soul."

Ἀπὸ κεχυμένου καὶ ῥευστοῦ τῆς ὕλης. Similiter in Dialogo contra Marcionitas, qui Origeni ascribitur, sect. 5, pag. 131, Marcionita dicit : Ῥευστῆς οὐσίας ὂν το σῶμα· « Corpus fluxae exsistens substantiae. » Alio autem sensu Origenes apud Epiphanium haeres. 64, § 14, pag. 536, dixit : Ῥευστὴ ἦν ἡ φύσις τοῦ σώματος. « Fluxa est natura corporis; » item : Οὐ κακῶς ποταμὸς ὠνόμασται τὸ σῶμα. « Corpus non male fluvius dicitur. » Neque hac phrasi indigitavit, quod corpus olim ex fluida materia formatum sit, sed quod jam materia corporis in perpetuo, ut dici solet, fluxu sit, ejusque particulae aliae aliis succedant, ut ipse semet ibidem explicat, inquiens : Οὐδὲ δύο ἡμερῶν τὸ πρῶτον ὑποκείμενον ταυτὸν ἐστιν ἐν τῷ σώματι ἡμῶν. « Ne biduo quidem prior materia in corporibus nostris manet eadem. »

Ἀπὸ κεχυμένου καὶ ῥευστοῦ τῆς ὕλης. Similarly in the Dialogue against the Marcionites which is ascribed to Origen, sect. 5, p. 131, the Marcionite says: Ῥευστῆς οὐσίας ὂν το σῶμα· "The body being of a fluid substance." In another sense, however, Origen in Epiphanius, Heresy 64, § 14, p. 536, said: Ῥευστὴ ἦν ἡ φύσις τοῦ σώματος. "Fluid was the nature of the body"; likewise: Οὐ κακῶς ποταμὸς ὠνόμασται τὸ σῶμα. "Not unfitly has the body been named a river." Nor by this phrase did he point out that the body was once formed out of fluid matter, but that now the matter of the body is in perpetual flux, as the saying goes, and its particles succeed one another, as he himself explains in the same place, saying: Οὐδὲ δύο ἡμερῶν τὸ πρῶτον ὑποκείμενον ταυτὸν ἐστιν ἐν τῷ σώματι ἡμῶν. "Not even for two days does the first substrate remain the same in our body."

Τὸν δερμάτινον χιτῶνα. Similiter in Excerptis Clementis pag. 797, col. 2, legimus : Τέταρτον ἐπενδύεται τὸν χοϊκὸν, τοὺς δερματίνους χιτῶνας. « Quartum superinduitur (Adam) hominem choicum, per dermatinas tunicas intelligendum. » Marcionita quoque in ante dicto dialogo, sect. 5, p. 137 : Ἐποίησεν ὁ Θεὸς δερματίνους χιτῶνας, καὶ ἐνέδυσεν αὐτούς· τουτέστι τὸ σῶμα. « Fecit eis Deus pelliceas tunicas, et induit illos, hoc est corpus. » Sed an non ipse Origenes, cui hic dialogus a quibusdam attribuitur, mysticam hanc pellicearum tunicarum expositionem probavit? Id quidem aliqui Patrum ei objecere, quos nominat claris. Huetius lib. II Origenianorum, quaest. 12, § 8, necnon illos, qui tacito Origenis nomine hunc sensum impugnarunt. Quibus addi possunt alii auctores et tractatus a Procopio in Comment. ad Genes. cap. III recensiti, superstites partim, partim deperditi, ac inter hos Justinus

Τὸν δερμάτινον χιτῶνα. Similarly in the Excerpts of Clement, p. 797, col. 2, we read: Τέταρτον ἐπενδύεται τὸν χοϊκὸν, τοὺς δερματίνους χιτῶνας. "Fourthly, he (Adam) is clothed upon with the earthy man, to be understood by the coats of skins." The Marcionite also in the aforesaid dialogue, sect. 5, p. 137: Ἐποίησεν ὁ Θεὸς δερματίνους χιτῶνας, καὶ ἐνέδυσεν αὐτούς· τουτέστι τὸ σῶμα. "God made coats of skins, and clothed them; that is, the body." But did not Origen himself, to whom this dialogue is attributed by some, approve this mystical exposition of the coats of skins? Some of the Fathers indeed objected this against him, whom the illustrious Huet names in Book 2 of the Origeniana, quest. 12, § 8, as well as those who impugned this sense while passing over Origen's name in silence. To whom may be added other authors and treatises recounted by Procopius in his Commentary on Genesis, ch. 3, partly extant, partly lost, and among these Justin

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martyr in tractatu De resurrectione, qui loco pseudo-Justini martyris in Origenianis ad marginem adnotati poni potest. Verum Origenem ex propriis ejus scriptis defendit laudatus Huetius, ex ms. scilicet Catena in Genesin, cui addit alium locum homil. 6 in Genesin, ubi tamen citata verba non reperiuntur, sed homil. 6 in Leviticum. Ibi enim diserte : « Illae ergo, inquit, tunicae de pellibus erant ex animalibus sumptae. Talibus enim oportet indui peccatorem. » Addit tamen mysticum sensum, non quidem Valentinianorum, sed alium, his expressum verbis : « Pelliceis, inquit, tunicis, quae essent mortalitatis, quam pro peccato acceperat, et fragilitatis ejus, quae ex carnis corruptione veniebat, indicium. » Atqui huc procul dubio etiam digitum intendit, quando lib. IV Contra Celsum scripsit : Ὁ ἐκβαλλόμενος ἐκ τοῦ παραδείσου ἄνθρωπος μετὰ τῆς γυναικὸς τοὺς δερματίνους ἡμφιεσμένος χιτῶνας (οὓς διὰ τὴν παράβασιν τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐποίησε τοῖς ἁμαρτήσασιν ὁ Θεὸς), ἀπόῤῥητόν τινα καὶ μυστικὸν ἔχει λόγον, ὑπὲρ τὸν κατὰ Πλάτωνα. « Homo cum uxore e paradiso ejectus et pelliceis indutus tunicis (quas propter transgressionem illis peccantibus Deus paravit), arcanum aliquod mysterium refert, magis serium quam istud Platonis. »

Martyr in his treatise On the Resurrection, which may be put in place of the pseudo-Justin Martyr noted in the margin in the Origeniana. But the praised Huet defends Origen from his own writings, namely from the manuscript Catena on Genesis, to which he adds another passage, Homily 6 on Genesis—where however the cited words are not found, but in Homily 6 on Leviticus. For there he says expressly: "Those tunics, therefore," says he, "were of skins taken from animals. For with such must a sinner be clothed." Yet he adds a mystical sense, not indeed that of the Valentinians, but another, expressed in these words: "With coats of skins," says he, "which were a token of the mortality that he had received for his sin, and of his frailty that came from the corruption of the flesh." And to this without doubt he also pointed his finger when he wrote in Book 4 Against Celsus: Ὁ ἐκβαλλόμενος ἐκ τοῦ παραδείσου ἄνθρωπος μετὰ τῆς γυναικὸς τοὺς δερματίνους ἡμφιεσμένος χιτῶνας (οὓς διὰ τὴν παράβασιν τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐποίησε τοῖς ἁμαρτήσασιν ὁ Θεὸς), ἀπόῤῥητόν τινα καὶ μυστικὸν ἔχει λόγον, ὑπὲρ τὸν κατὰ Πλάτωνα. "The man cast out of paradise with his wife, clothed in the coats of skins (which because of the transgression of men God made for those who had sinned), contains a certain ineffable and mystical meaning, deeper than that according to Plato."

Ὁ κατὰ τὴν θεωρίαν τῶν περὶ τὸν Σωτῆρα ἀγγέλων, etc. Apud Clementem in saepe citatis Excerptis pag. 789, col. 1 : Οἱ δὲ ἀπὸ Οὐαλεντίνου, πλασθέντος φασὶ τοῦ ψυχικοῦ σώματος, τῇ ἐκλεκτῇ ψυχῇ οὔσῃ ἐν ὕπνῳ ἐντεθῆναι ὑπὸ τοῦ Λόγου σπέρμα ἀῤῥενικὸν, ὅπερ ἐστὶν ἀπόῤῥοια τοῦ ἀγγελικοῦ. « Valentiniani dicunt, formato animali corpore, animae electae somno obrutae insertum esse a Verbo semen masculinum, utpote effluvium angelicae naturae. » Et mox : Τὸ σπέρμα ἀπόῤῥοια ἦν τοῦ ἄῤῥενος καὶ ἀγγελικοῦ. « Semen effluvium erat masculini et angelici generis. » Et multo post, pag. 797, col. 2, in expositione verborum Pauli Galat. cap. III, 19, haec gemina habes : Δι' ἀγγέλων οὖν τῶν ἀῤῥένων τὰ σπέρματα ὑπηρετεῖται, τὰ εἰς γένεσιν προβληθέντα ὑπὸ τῆς Σοφίας, καθὸ ἐγχωρεῖ γίνεσθαι. « Per angelos igitur masculos suppeditantur semina, quae a Sophia ad generationem (hominum) profunduntur, quantum fieri potest. »

Ὁ κατὰ τὴν θεωρίαν τῶν περὶ τὸν Σωτῆρα ἀγγέλων, etc. In Clement in the often-cited Excerpts, p. 789, col. 1: Οἱ δὲ ἀπὸ Οὐαλεντίνου, πλασθέντος φασὶ τοῦ ψυχικοῦ σώματος, τῇ ἐκλεκτῇ ψυχῇ οὔσῃ ἐν ὕπνῳ ἐντεθῆναι ὑπὸ τοῦ Λόγου σπέρμα ἀῤῥενικὸν, ὅπερ ἐστὶν ἀπόῤῥοια τοῦ ἀγγελικοῦ. "And the followers of Valentinus say that when the animal body had been fashioned, there was implanted by the Word into the elect soul while it was asleep a male seed, which is an efflux of the angelic." And presently: Τὸ σπέρμα ἀπόῤῥοια ἦν τοῦ ἄῤῥενος καὶ ἀγγελικοῦ. "The seed was an efflux of the male and angelic race." And much later, p. 797, col. 2, in the exposition of the words of Paul in Gal. 3:19, you have these twin words: Δι' ἀγγέλων οὖν τῶν ἀῤῥένων τὰ σπέρματα ὑπηρετεῖται, τὰ εἰς γένεσιν προβληθέντα ὑπὸ τῆς Σοφίας, καθὸ ἐγχωρεῖ γίνεσθαι. "Through the male angels, therefore, are ministered the seeds that were put forth for generation (of men) by Sophia, so far as they admit of coming to be."

Εἰς τὴν ἀπ' αὐτοῦ ψυχὴν σπαρέν, etc. Ita quoque Excerpta Clementis loco proxime citato sonant : Ἔσχεν δὲ ὁ Ἀδὰμ ἀδήλως αὐτῷ ὑπὸ τῆς Σοφίας ἐνσπαρὲν τὸ σπέρμα πνευματικὸν εἰς τὴν ψυχήν. « Habuit autem Adam a Sophia clanculum ejus animae insitum semen spirituale. » Et paulo post : Πρῶτον οὖν σπέρμα πνευματικὸν τὸ ἐν Ἀδὰμ προέβαλεν ἡ Σοφία· ἵνα ᾖ τὸ ὀστοῦν, ἡ λογικὴ καὶ οὐρανία ψυχὴ μὴ κενὴ, ἀλλὰ μυελοῦ γέμουσα πνευματικοῦ. « Primum itaque semen spirituale, quod in Adamo erat, Sophia emisit, ut os, anima scilicet rationalis atque coelestis non esset vacua, sed spiritualis medullae plena. » Animam enim ossi comparabant Valentiniani, ut in praecedentibus ibidem docetur. Caeterum orthodoxo sensu, haeretica licet voce cecinit Synesius hymn. III, vers. 558 seqq :

Εἰς τὴν ἀπ' αὐτοῦ ψυχὴν σπαρέν, etc. So too the Excerpts of Clement in the passage just cited sound: Ἔσχεν δὲ ὁ Ἀδὰμ ἀδήλως αὐτῷ ὑπὸ τῆς Σοφίας ἐνσπαρὲν τὸ σπέρμα πνευματικὸν εἰς τὴν ψυχήν. "And Adam had the spiritual seed sown secretly to him by Sophia into his soul." And a little later: Πρῶτον οὖν σπέρμα πνευματικὸν τὸ ἐν Ἀδὰμ προέβαλεν ἡ Σοφία· ἵνα ᾖ τὸ ὀστοῦν, ἡ λογικὴ καὶ οὐρανία ψυχὴ μὴ κενὴ, ἀλλὰ μυελοῦ γέμουσα πνευματικοῦ. "Sophia therefore put forth the first spiritual seed, that which was in Adam, that the bone, namely the rational and heavenly soul, might not be empty, but full of spiritual marrow." For the Valentinians compared the soul to a bone, as is taught in what precedes in that same place. For the rest, Synesius sang in an orthodox sense, though in heretical language, in Hymn 3, v. 558 et seq.:

Σὸν σπέρμα φέρω Εὐηγενέος Σπινθῆρα νόου Ἐς βάθος ὕλας Κατακεκλιμένον. Σὺ γὰρ ἐν κόσμῳ Κατέθου ψυχὰν, Διὰ δὲ ψυχὰς Ἐν σώματι νοῦν.

I bear Thy seed, a spark of noble mind sunk down into the depth of matter. For Thou didst lay down the soul in the world, and through the soul, the mind in the body.

Tuum semen fero Generosae Scintillam mentis In altitudine hylae (id est, materiae) Absconditam. Tu enim in mundo Deposuisti animam :

I bear Thy seed, a spark of noble mind hidden in the depth of hyle (that is, matter). For Thou hast laid down the soul in the world:

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Per animam vero In corpore mentem.

And through the soul, the mind in the body.

Et vers. 596 seqq. :

And v. 596 et seq.:

Σπέρμα τὸ βαιὸν Αὔξων ἐν ἐμῷ Κρατὸς ἀώτῳ.

Making the small seed grow in the flower of my head.

Semen illud exiguum Alens in meo Capitis apice.

Nourishing that small seed in the summit of my head.

Pag. 28. Αὐτὸ Ἐκκλησίαν εἶναι. Hinc Clemens pag. 789, col. 2, ubi Ecclesiam nominasset, addit : Ἥτις ἐστὶ τὸ γένος τὸ ἐκλεκτόν. « Quae est genus electum. » Atqui hoc « semen electum » in antecedentibus dixerat.

Page 28. Αὐτὸ Ἐκκλησίαν εἶναι. Hence Clement, p. 789, col. 2, when he had named the Church, adds: Ἥτις ἐστὶ τὸ γένος τὸ ἐκλεκτόν. "Which is the elect race." Now in what preceded he had called this the "elect seed."

Ὑλικὸν... κατὰ ἀνάγκην ἀπόλλυσθαι. Ita et in Clementis Excerptis pag. 798, col. 1 : Τὸ ὑλικὸν φύσει ἀπόλλυται. « Materiale natura sua corrumpitur. »

Ὑλικὸν... κατὰ ἀνάγκην ἀπόλλυσθαι. So also in Clement's Excerpts, p. 798, col. 1: Τὸ ὑλικὸν φύσει ἀπόλλυται. "The material perishes by its nature."

Τὸ δὲ ψυχικὸν... ἅτε μέσον ὂν, etc. Apud Clementem loco citato haec legimus clariora : Τὸ δὲ ψυχικὸν, αὐτεξούσιον ὂν (sicut et Irenaeus paulo post appellat), ἐπιτηδειότητα ἔχει πρός τε πίστιν καὶ ἀφθαρσίαν, καὶ πρὸς ἀπιστίαν καὶ φθορὰν, κατὰ τὴν οἰκείαν αἵρεσιν. « Animale, cum suae sit potestatis, aptum est et ad fidem atque immortalitatem, et ad infidelitatem ac corruptionem, juxta propriam electionem. »

Τὸ δὲ ψυχικὸν... ἅτε μέσον ὂν, etc. In Clement in the passage cited we read these clearer words: Τὸ δὲ ψυχικὸν, αὐτεξούσιον ὂν (just as Irenaeus also calls it a little later), ἐπιτηδειότητα ἔχει πρός τε πίστιν καὶ ἀφθαρσίαν, καὶ πρὸς ἀπιστίαν καὶ φθορὰν, κατὰ τὴν οἰκείαν αἵρεσιν. "While the animal, being endowed with free will, has an aptitude both for faith and incorruption, and for unbelief and corruption, according to its own choice."

Διὰ τὸ φύσει πνευματικοὺς εἶναι... σωθήσεσθαι. Ita et Clemens non solum lib. II Stromat. pag. 363, sed et in Excerptis ex Orientali Valentinianorum Didascalia pag. 798, col. 1 : Τὸ μὲν πνευματικὸν φύσει σωζόμενον. « Spirituale quidem natura salvatur. » Perstringit saepius hunc errorem in Heracleone aliisque Origenes in Commentariis ad Joannem; in Basilide vero ejusque sequacibus Clemens, ex quo aliquot loca citavi tomo II Spicilegii haereticorum pag. 40 et seq., quibus mox alia ejus verba addam.

Διὰ τὸ φύσει πνευματικοὺς εἶναι... σωθήσεσθαι. So also Clement not only in Book 2 of the Stromata, p. 363, but also in the Excerpts from the Eastern Teaching of the Valentinians, p. 798, col. 1: Τὸ μὲν πνευματικὸν φύσει σωζόμενον. "The spiritual indeed is saved by nature." Origen often censures this error in Heracleon and others in his Commentaries on John; and in Basilides and his followers Clement does so, from whom I have cited several passages in Tome 2 of the Spicilegium of Heretics, p. 40 et seq., to which I shall presently add other words of his.

Ἀδύνατον φθορὰν καταδέξασθαι, κἂν ὁποίαις συγκαταγένωνται πράξεσιν. Ita quoque Clemens lib. III Stromat., pag. 427, ubi Basilidianorum fecerat mentionem, addit, ὡς ἤτοι ἐχόντων ἐξουσίαν καὶ τοῦ ἁμαρτεῖν διὰ τὴν τελειότητα, ἢ πάντως γε σωθησομένων φύσει, κἂν νῦν ἁμάρτωσι διὰ τὴν ἔμφυτον ἐκλογήν. Ἐπεὶ μηδὲ ταῦτα αὐτοῖς πράττειν συγχωροῦσιν οἱ προπάτορες τῶν δογμάτων, « ut qui vel peccandi potestatem habeant propter perfectionem, vel omnino quidem natura salvi futuri sint, etsi jam peccent, propter innatam electionem : quoniam nec haec quidem eis concedunt facere primi dogmatum » illorum « parentes. » De Eunomio quoque saeculi IV haeretico, Augustinus De haeresibus, c. 54 : « Fertur usque adeo fuisse bonis moribus inimicus, ut asseveraret, quod nihil cuique obesset quorumlibet perpetratio ac perseverantia peccatorum, si hujus, quae ab illo docebatur, fidei particeps esset. »

Ἀδύνατον φθορὰν καταδέξασθαι, κἂν ὁποίαις συγκαταγένωνται πράξεσιν. So too Clement in Book 3 of the Stromata, p. 427, where he had made mention of the Basilidians, adds: ὡς ἤτοι ἐχόντων ἐξουσίαν καὶ τοῦ ἁμαρτεῖν διὰ τὴν τελειότητα, ἢ πάντως γε σωθησομένων φύσει, κἂν νῦν ἁμάρτωσι διὰ τὴν ἔμφυτον ἐκλογήν. Ἐπεὶ μηδὲ ταῦτα αὐτοῖς πράττειν συγχωροῦσιν οἱ προπάτορες τῶν δογμάτων, "as either having authority even to sin on account of their perfection, or at all events being sure to be saved by nature, even if they sin now, on account of their innate election: since the forefathers of their dogmas do not allow them to do these things either." Concerning Eunomius also, the heretic of the 4th century, Augustine says in On Heresies, ch. 54: "He is reported to have been so hostile to good morals as to assert that the perpetration and continuance in any sins whatsoever would harm no one at all, if he were a partaker of this faith that was taught by him."

Ἡμᾶς καλοὺς ψυχικούς, etc. Billius hoc colon corrigit sequentem in modum : ἡμῖν μὲν, οὓς ψυχικοὺς ὀνομάζουσι, καὶ ἐκ κόσμου εἶναι λέγουσιν, ἀναγκαίαν τὴν ἐγκράτειαν, etc. Atque sic Graeca cum Latina versione exacte consonare fateor. Ast haec nulla mihi videntur emendatione indigere, excepto uno verbo καλούς, quod omittendum est, nisi forte tanquam appositum ad ἡμᾶς accipere et ita interpretari velis, quod Valentiniani non omnes promiscue catholicos, sed « probos » solum psychicorum titulo dignati fuerint. Conferatur Clemens Alexandrinus lib. III Strom., cujus verba citavi in notis ad tomum II Spicilegii Patrum, pag. 2.

Ἡμᾶς καλοὺς ψυχικούς, etc. Billy corrects this clause in the following manner: ἡμῖν μὲν, οὓς ψυχικοὺς ὀνομάζουσι, καὶ ἐκ κόσμου εἶναι λέγουσιν, ἀναγκαίαν τὴν ἐγκράτειαν, etc. And thus I confess the Greek agrees exactly with the Latin translation. Yet these words seem to me to need no emendation, except for the single word καλούς, which must be omitted—unless perhaps you wish to take it in apposition to ἡμᾶς and interpret it thus, that the Valentinians deemed not all Catholics promiscuously, but only the "good" ones, worthy of the title of psychics. Compare Clement of Alexandria, Book 3 of the Stromata, whose words I have cited in the notes to Tome 2 of the Spicilegium of the Fathers, p. 2.

Τοὺς δὲ πνευματικοὺς ἀποδυσαμένους τὰς ψυχάς, etc. His et praecedentibus atque sequentibus consona plane habentur in Excerptis Clementis ex Orientali Valentinianorum Didascalia, pag. 799, col. 1 : Τῇ δὲ (lege τότε) ἐντεῦθεν ἀποθέμενα τὰ πνευματικὰ τὰς ψυχὰς, ἅμα τῇ μητρὶ κομιζομένῃ τὸν νυμφίον, κομιζόμενα καὶ αὐτὰ τοὺς ἀγγέλους ἑαυτῶν, εἰς τὸν

Τοὺς δὲ πνευματικοὺς ἀποδυσαμένους τὰς ψυχάς, etc. Words altogether agreeing with these and with what precedes and follows are found in Clement's Excerpts from the Eastern Teaching of the Valentinians, p. 799, col. 1: Τῇ δὲ (read τότε) ἐντεῦθεν ἀποθέμενα τὰ πνευματικὰ τὰς ψυχὰς, ἅμα τῇ μητρὶ κομιζομένῃ τὸν νυμφίον, κομιζόμενα καὶ αὐτὰ τοὺς ἀγγέλους ἑαυτῶν, εἰς τὸν

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νυμφῶνα ἐντὸς τοῦ Ὅρου εἰσίασι, καὶ πρὸς τὴν τοῦ πνεύματος ὄψιν ἔρχονται, Αἰῶνες νοεροὶ γενόμενα εἰς τοὺς νοεροὺς καὶ αἰωνίους γάμου (pone γάμους) τῆς συζυγίας. « Tunc » (post celebratum convivium nuptiale, cujus paulo ante fecerat mentionem) « ibi spiritualia depositis animabus, simul cum matre sponsum adepta, angelos sponsos suos et ipsa consequentur, et in thalamum intra Horum ingredientur; ac ubi AEonum intellectualium naturam induerint, ad visionem spiritus admittentur, ad intellectuale et aeternum conjugationis matrimonium. »

νυμφῶνα ἐντὸς τοῦ Ὅρου εἰσίασι, καὶ πρὸς τὴν τοῦ πνεύματος ὄψιν ἔρχονται, Αἰῶνες νοεροὶ γενόμενα εἰς τοὺς νοεροὺς καὶ αἰωνίους γάμου (put γάμους) τῆς συζυγίας. "Then" (after the celebration of the wedding feast, of which he had made mention a little before) "there the spiritual elements, having laid aside their souls, together with the Mother who receives her bridegroom, receiving also themselves their angels as bridegrooms, enter into the bridal chamber within Horos, and come to the vision of the Spirit, having become intellectual Aeons for the intellectual and eternal marriages of the syzygy."

Πᾶσαν ὕλην. Universa materia, quam igne perituram dicebant Valentiniani, etiam corpora humana complectebantur. Hinc auctor noster lib. II, cap. 52, de ipsis ait : « Animas in medietatem perseverare dicunt : corpora autem, quoniam materialem habent substantiam, in materiam resoluta ardere ab eo, qui in ea est ignis. »

Πᾶσαν ὕλην. Under universal matter, which the Valentinians said would perish by fire, they included human bodies also. Hence our author in Book 2, ch. 52, says of them: "They say that souls abide in the middle space; but that bodies, since they have a material substance, being resolved into matter, are burned up by that fire which is in it."

Περὶ τούτου. Καὶ περὶ τούτου legit vetus interpres.

Περὶ τούτου. The ancient translator read Καὶ περὶ τούτου.

Διὰ Μαρίας διοδεύσαντα. Has blasphemias in Christi Domini incarnationem ex utero B. Mariae Virginis validissime prosternit (auctor noster) lib. III, cap. 18, 31 et 32; post eum vero Tertullianus lib. De carne Christi acerrime in illos pugnavit : et Vigilius martyr toto lib. III Contra Eutychen huic negotio incumbit. FEUARD. Verum hallucinatus est, dum Vigilium, auctorem librorum Contra Eutychen, appellavit martyrem, cum ille fuerit Vigilio episcopo Tridentino et martyre, jam saeculo IV, ante Eutychis ortum defuncto, centum fere annis recentior, utpote Tapsensis in Africa Byzacena episcopus, saec. V. Caeterum ad Irenaei verba illustranda, et Valentini aliorumque haereticorum placita discernenda, faciunt quae Theodoretus scripsit epist. 145 ad monachos Constantinopolitanos, tom. III, pag. 1073 seq. : Σίμων μὲν γὰρ καὶ Μένανδρος, Κέρδων καὶ Μαρκίων παντάπασιν ἀρνοῦνται τὴν ἐνανθρώπησιν, καὶ τὴν ἐκ Παρθένου γέννησιν μυθολογίαν ἀποκαλοῦσι. Βαλεντῖνος δὲ καὶ Βασιλείδης, καὶ Βαρδῃσάνης, καὶ Ἁρμόνιος, καὶ οἱ τῆς τούτων συμμορίας, δέχονται μὲν τῆς Παρθένου τὴν κύησιν καὶ τὸν τόκον· οὐδὲν δὲ τὸν Θεὸν Λόγον ἐκ τῆς Παρθένου προσειληφέναι φασὶν, ἀλλὰ πάροδόν τινα δι' αὐτῆς, ὥσπερ διὰ σωλῆνος, ποιήσασθαι, ἐπιφανῆναι δὲ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις φαντασίᾳ χρησάμενον· καὶ δόξας εἶναι ἄνθρωπος, ὃν τρόπον ὤφθη τῷ Ἀβραὰμ καί τισιν ἄλλοις τῶν παλαιῶν. « Simon quidem et Menander, Cerdon et Marcion penitus negant incarnationem, nativitatemque ex Virgine fabulam vocant. Valentinus autem et Basilides, et Bardesanes, et Harmonius, et qui ejusdem sunt notae, Virginis quidem conceptionem et partum admittunt : sed nihil ex Virgine assumpsisse Deum Verbum dicunt : per eam tantum quasi per canalem quemdam trajecisse, hominibusque apparuisse, cum speciem solum haberet, atque homo esse videretur, quemadmodum visus est Abrahamo et aliis quibusdam antiquis. » Confer ejusdem libr. V Haeret. fabul. cap. 11, ac Tertullianum lib. De carne Christi cap. 1, et De resurrectione carnis, cap. 2.

Διὰ Μαρίας διοδεύσαντα. These blasphemies against the Incarnation of Christ the Lord from the womb of the Blessed Virgin Mary (our author) most powerfully overthrows in Book 3, ch. 18, 31, and 32; and after him Tertullian in his book On the Flesh of Christ fought most fiercely against them; and Vigilius the martyr throughout the whole of Book 3 Against Eutyches applies himself to this business. FEUARDENT. Yet he blundered when he called Vigilius, the author of the books Against Eutyches, a martyr, since he was nearly a hundred years later than Vigilius, bishop of Trent and martyr, who died already in the 4th century before the rise of Eutyches—being namely bishop of Thapsus in Africa Byzacena in the 5th century. For the rest, to illustrate the words of Irenaeus and distinguish the tenets of Valentinus and other heretics, the words which Theodoret wrote in Epistle 145 to the monks of Constantinople, Tome 3, p. 1073 et seq., are pertinent: Σίμων μὲν γὰρ καὶ Μένανδρος, Κέρδων καὶ Μαρκίων παντάπασιν ἀρνοῦνται τὴν ἐνανθρώπησιν, καὶ τὴν ἐκ Παρθένου γέννησιν μυθολογίαν ἀποκαλοῦσι. Βαλεντῖνος δὲ καὶ Βασιλείδης, καὶ Βαρδῃσάνης, καὶ Ἁρμόνιος, καὶ οἱ τῆς τούτων συμμορίας, δέχονται μὲν τῆς Παρθένου τὴν κύησιν καὶ τὸν τόκον· οὐδὲν δὲ τὸν Θεὸν Λόγον ἐκ τῆς Παρθένου προσειληφέναι φασὶν, ἀλλὰ πάροδόν τινα δι' αὐτῆς, ὥσπερ διὰ σωλῆνος, ποιήσασθαι, ἐπιφανῆναι δὲ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις φαντασίᾳ χρησάμενον· καὶ δόξας εἶναι ἄνθρωπος, ὃν τρόπον ὤφθη τῷ Ἀβραὰμ καί τισιν ἄλλοις τῶν παλαιῶν. "For Simon and Menander, Cerdon and Marcion altogether deny the Incarnation, and call the birth from the Virgin a fable. But Valentinus and Basilides, and Bardesanes, and Harmonius, and those of their company admit indeed the conception and childbearing of the Virgin; yet they say that God the Word took nothing from the Virgin, but made a sort of passage through her, as through a pipe, and appeared to men using a phantom; and seemed to be a man, in the way in which He was seen by Abraham and certain others of the ancients." Compare the same author's Book 5 of Heretical Fables, ch. 11, and Tertullian, On the Flesh of Christ, ch. 1, and On the Resurrection of the Flesh, ch. 2.

Καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἦρθαι, etc. Clemens quoque in Excerptis ex Orientali Valentinianorum Didascalia, pag. 798, col. 2, hanc eorum amentiam exponit his verbis : Ἀπέθανε δὲ, ἀποστάντος τοῦ καταβάντος ἐπ' αὐτῷ ἐπὶ τῷ Ἰορδάνῃ Πνεύματος, οὐκ ἰδίᾳ γενομένου, ἀλλὰ συσταλέντος, ἵνα καὶ ἐνεργήσῃ ὁ θάνατος. Ἐπεὶ πῶς τῆς ζωῆς παρούσης ἐν αὐτῷ, ἀπέθανε τὸ σῶμα; « Mortuus est autem (Jesus) abscedente eo, qui in ipsum apud Jordanem descenderat, Spiritu, non separatim exsistente (in perpetuum; quippe postea ad ipsum rediit), sed subtrahente se paulisper, ut mors vim suam in illo exerceret. Quomodo enim corpus mori potuisset, dum vita in eo praesens exsisteret? »

Καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἦρθαι, etc. Clement also in the Excerpts from the Eastern Teaching of the Valentinians, p. 798, col. 2, sets forth this madness of theirs in these words: Ἀπέθανε δὲ, ἀποστάντος τοῦ καταβάντος ἐπ' αὐτῷ ἐπὶ τῷ Ἰορδάνῃ Πνεύματος, οὐκ ἰδίᾳ γενομένου, ἀλλὰ συσταλέντος, ἵνα καὶ ἐνεργήσῃ ὁ θάνατος. Ἐπεὶ πῶς τῆς ζωῆς παρούσης ἐν αὐτῷ, ἀπέθανε τὸ σῶμα; "And he (Jesus) died when the Spirit that had descended upon him at the Jordan departed—not existing apart (for ever, since it afterwards returned to him), but withdrawing itself for a little while, in order that death too might work its effect upon him. For how could the body have died while life was present in it?"

Ὑπὸ τοῦ σπέρματος. Ὑπέρ legi vult Petavius, ad marginem Epiphanii pag. 192, prout etiam Gallas. ac Feuard. in Irenaeo posuerunt, seducti veteri versione : « Multa de hoc semine dicta per prophetas

Ὑπὸ τοῦ σπέρματος. Petau wishes ὑπέρ to be read, in the margin of Epiphanius, p. 192, just as Gallasius and Feuardent also put in Irenaeus, misled by the ancient translation: "Many things spoken concerning this seed through the prophets

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exponunt. » Ast genuinam esse lectionem ὑπό, mox sequentia Irenaei verba clare ostendunt : « Dividunt prophetias, docentes aliquid quidem a matre dictum (per prophetas), aliquid a semine, τὸ δέ τι ἀπὸ τοῦ σπέρματος, aliquid autem ab ipso Demiurgo. » Hic obiter notandum, Valentinianos esse, qui ab Origene tom. XX Comment. in Ezechielem tom. I, pag. 200, reprehenduntur : Οἱ τῶν παλαιῶν γραμμάτων τὰ μὲν ἀπὸ θειοτέρας λέγοντες εἶναι δυνάμεως καὶ τῆς ἀνωτάτω, τὰ δὲ ἀπὸ ὑποδεεστέρας. « Qui ex veteribus scripturis alias a diviniore et suprema potentia esse dicunt, alias ab imbecilliore. »

they expound." But that the reading ὑπό is genuine, the words of Irenaeus presently following clearly show: "They divide the prophecies, teaching that something was spoken by the Mother (through the prophets), something by the seed, τὸ δέ τι ἀπὸ τοῦ σπέρματος, and something by the Demiurge himself." Here in passing it should be noted that it is the Valentinians who are reproved by Origen in Tome 20 of his Commentary on Ezekiel, Tome 1, p. 200: Οἱ τῶν παλαιῶν γραμμάτων τὰ μὲν ἀπὸ θειοτέρας λέγοντες εἶναι δυνάμεως καὶ τῆς ἀνωτάτω, τὰ δὲ ἀπὸ ὑποδεεστέρας. "Those who say that of the ancient Scriptures some are from a more divine and supreme power, and others from an inferior one."

Ἀνθρώπων δὲ τρια γένη, etc. His similia leguntur apud Clementem in Excerptis pag. 797, col. 1 : Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἀδὰμ τρεῖς φύσεις γεννῶνται· πρώτη μὲν ἡ ἄλογος, ἧς ἦν Κάϊν· δευτέρα δὲ ἡ λογικὴ καὶ ἡ δικαία, ἧς ἦν Ἀβέλ· τρίτη δὲ ἡ πνευματικὴ, ἧς ἦν Σέθ. « Ab Adamo tres proseminatae sunt naturae : prima quidem irrationalis, cujus erat Cain; altera vero rationalis et justitiae dedita, cujus erat Abel; tertia denique spiritualis, cujus erat Seth. »

Ἀνθρώπων δὲ τρια γένη, etc. Things similar to these are read in Clement in the Excerpts, p. 797, col. 1: Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἀδὰμ τρεῖς φύσεις γεννῶνται· πρώτη μὲν ἡ ἄλογος, ἧς ἦν Κάϊν· δευτέρα δὲ ἡ λογικὴ καὶ ἡ δικαία, ἧς ἦν Ἀβέλ· τρίτη δὲ ἡ πνευματικὴ, ἧς ἦν Σέθ. "From Adam three natures are begotten: first the irrational, of which was Cain; secondly the rational and righteous, of which was Abel; thirdly the spiritual, of which was Seth."

Περίλυπος, etc. Ὅτι περίλυπος ab Irenaeo scriptum, indeque ortum conjicio in veteri versione erratum : « Quam tristis est, » etc., pro « quoniam tristis est, » etc. Nam ita lib. III, cap. 32, legimus : Οὐδ' ἂν εἰρήκει, ὅτι περίλυπός ἐστιν ἡ ψυχή μου. Ex quo loco etiam colligitur, hic sive ab Epiphanio, sive a recentiori manu additum esse in Graeco : ἕως θανάτου. Quippe in veteri versione utrobique deest, « usque ad mortem. »

Περίλυπος, etc. I conjecture that ὅτι περίλυπος was written by Irenaeus, and that thence arose the error in the ancient translation: "How (Quam) sorrowful is," etc., instead of "because (quoniam) sorrowful is," etc. For so we read in Book 3, ch. 32: Οὐδ' ἂν εἰρήκει, ὅτι περίλυπός ἐστιν ἡ ψυχή μου (Nor would He have said, Because My soul is exceeding sorrowful). From which passage it is also gathered that here either by Epiphanius or by a more recent hand there was added in the Greek: ἕως θανάτου. For in the ancient translation "even unto death" is wanting in both places.

Πάτερ. Πάτερ μου, jam legimus apud Matthaeum; attamen μου omissum est ab Origene quoque, et Basilio in Nicetae Catena Patrum, ac Joanne Chrysostomo in Com. ad h. l.

Πάτερ. We now read Πάτερ μου in Matthew; nevertheless μου is omitted by Origen also, and by Basil in Nicetas's Catena of the Fathers, and by John Chrysostom in his Commentary on this passage.

Οὐκ οἶδα. Hae duae voces in S. Joannis textu non exstant, sed a Valentinianis explicationis ergo additae sunt.

Οὐκ οἶδα. These two words do not stand in the text of St. John, but were added by the Valentinians by way of explanation.

Κλῖναι. Κλίνῃ habent vulgati N. T. codices.

Κλῖναι. The common codices of the New Testament have κλίνῃ.

Ἐν τῷ οἴκῳ μου. Εἰς τὸν οἶκόν μου, nostra habent N. T. exemplaria; sicut et mox : εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ Θεοῦ, pro ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ οὐρανῶν. Verum Irenaeus, aut potius Valentiniani haec ex memoria citasse videntur.

Ἐν τῷ οἴκῳ μου. Our copies of the New Testament have εἰς τὸν οἶκόν μου; just as presently also: εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ Θεοῦ, instead of ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ οὐρανῶν. But Irenaeus, or rather the Valentinians, seem to have cited these words from memory.

Τὰ τοῦ πνεύματος. Θεοῦ additum exstat in nostris N. T. codicibus. Sed omissum est non solum hoc loco, sed et in Syriaca versione, Chrysostomo in Comment. ad I Corinth., II, ac Clementis Alex. lib. V Stromat., pag. 557. Unde colligo, lib. I Strom. pag. 297, a recentiori forte scriba additum esse.

Τὰ τοῦ πνεύματος. Θεοῦ stands added in our codices of the New Testament. But it is omitted not only in this place, but also in the Syriac version, in Chrysostom in his Commentary on 1 Cor. 2, and in Clement of Alexandria, Book 5 of the Stromata, p. 557. Whence I gather that in Book 1 of the Stromata, p. 297, it was perhaps added by a more recent scribe.

Συνεσταλκέναι. Hoc verbum, a Billio approbatum, mihi haud placet; sed melior omnino videtur veteris interpretis lectio συνανεστηκέναι, prop⟨t⟩er verba mox sequentia : ἐπειδὴ ἦν αὐτὸς ζύμη. « Fermentum » enim massam facit « assurgere, » atque in altum moveri.

Συνεσταλκέναι. This word, approved by Billy, does not please me; rather, the reading of the ancient translator, συνανεστηκέναι (rose up together), seems altogether better, on account of the words presently following: ἐπειδὴ ἦν αὐτὸς ζύμη (since he himself was leaven). For "leaven" makes the lump "rise up" and move on high.

Τὸ γὰρ ἐκ Θεοῦ γεννηθὲν Θεός ἐστιν. Bene notandum hoc sive Irenaei, sive Valentinianorum axioma, per quod vera deitas Christi, utpote ex hypostasi Patris geniti, probari potest.

Τὸ γὰρ ἐκ Θεοῦ γεννηθὲν Θεός ἐστιν. Well worthy of note is this axiom, whether of Irenaeus or of the Valentinians, whereby the true deity of Christ, as begotten from the hypostasis of the Father, can be proved.

Οὐδ' ἕν. His verbis periodum in textu S. Joannis clauserunt non modo haeretici Valentiniani, sed et catholici quidam, interque hos auctor noster lib. I, cap. 19; lib. II, cap. 2; lib. III, cap. 8, etc.

Οὐδ' ἕν. With these words not only the Valentinian heretics closed the period in the text of St. John, but also certain Catholics, and among them our author in Book 1, ch. 19; Book 2, ch. 2; Book 3, ch. 8, etc.

Τὴν δὲ ζωὴν ἐν αὐτῷ. Valentinianos velut sine ratione haec pronuntiantes sequentibus verbis perstringit Origenes tom. III Comment. in Joan., pag. 71 : Πρὸς δὲ τοὺς τὴν περὶ Αἰώνων ἀναπλάσαντας ἐν συζυγίαις μυθολογίαν, καὶ οἰομένους ὑπὸ Νοῦ καὶ Ἀληθείας προβεβλῆσθαι Λόγον καὶ Ζωὴν, οὐκ ἀπίθανον καὶ ταῦτα ἀπορῆσαι. Πῶς γὰρ ἡ κατ' αὐτοὺς σύζυγος τοῦ Λόγου Ζωὴ τὸ γεγονέναι ἐν τῷ συζύγῳ λαμβάνει; Ὃ γέγονε γὰρ, φησὶν, ἐν αὐτῷ, δηλονότι τῷ προειρημένῳ Λόγῳ, Ζωὴ ἦν. « Ad eos vero, qui fingunt fabulosum de AEonibus per conjugationes commentum, et existimant a Mente et Veritate Verbum Vitamque productos fuisse, haud absurdum

Τὴν δὲ ζωὴν ἐν αὐτῷ. Origen in Tome 3 of his Commentary on John, p. 71, censures the Valentinians in the following words as uttering these things without reason: Πρὸς δὲ τοὺς τὴν περὶ Αἰώνων ἀναπλάσαντας ἐν συζυγίαις μυθολογίαν, καὶ οἰομένους ὑπὸ Νοῦ καὶ Ἀληθείας προβεβλῆσθαι Λόγον καὶ Ζωὴν, οὐκ ἀπίθανον καὶ ταῦτα ἀπορῆσαι. Πῶς γὰρ ἡ κατ' αὐτοὺς σύζυγος τοῦ Λόγου Ζωὴ τὸ γεγονέναι ἐν τῷ συζύγῳ λαμβάνει; Ὃ γέγονε γὰρ, φησὶν, ἐν αὐτῷ, δηλονότι τῷ προειρημένῳ Λόγῳ, Ζωὴ ἦν. "And against those who fashion the fabulous fiction concerning the Aeons in syzygies, and suppose that Word and Life were put forth by Mind and Truth, it is not unreasonable to raise these difficulties also: For how does Life, the consort according to them of the Word, take her coming into being in her consort? For that which came to be in him, says he—namely in the aforesaid Word—was Life."

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est, talia movere dubia. Quomodo enim Vita, Verbi, juxta eorum placita, conjux, exsistentiam in marito adepta est? Quod factum est, inquit, enim in ipso, puta antedicto Verbo, Vita erat. »

For how did Life, who according to their tenets is the consort of the Word, obtain her existence in her husband? For that which was made in him, says he—namely in the aforesaid Word—was Life."

Πλήρης χάριτος καὶ ἀληθείας. Hinc liquet, Valentinianos haec verba non ad λόγον, sed δόξαν retulisse; quam interpretationem et ab orthodoxis quibusdam probatam invenias, Cyrillo nempe Alex. et Theophylacto in Comment. ad hunc locum; quamvis prior in edit. Paris. tom. IV, pag. 96, ad alium detorqueatur sensum. Sed si pergas legere pag. 97, mentem Cyrilli clare perspicies. Neque tamen dictum verborum S. Joannis sensum pro genuino habeo; cum vel ipsa grammatica constructio doceat, vocem πλήρης in nominativo casu positam, non δόξαν accusativi casus respicere, sed cum praecedenti nominativo λόγος construendam esse.

Πλήρης χάριτος καὶ ἀληθείας. Hence it is clear that the Valentinians referred these words not to λόγον, but to δόξαν; which interpretation you may find approved by certain orthodox writers also, namely Cyril of Alexandria and Theophylact in their Commentaries on this passage, although the former in the Paris edition, Tome 4, p. 96, is twisted to another sense. Yet if you go on to read p. 97, you will clearly perceive the mind of Cyril. Nevertheless I do not hold the said sense of St. John's words to be genuine, since the grammatical construction itself teaches that the word πλήρης, put in the nominative case, does not look to δόξαν of the accusative case, but is to be construed with the preceding nominative λόγος.

Pag. 44. Ὁ τῆς οἰκονομίας. Ex veteri interprete legendum vult Billius, ὁ ἐκ πάντων γεγονώς, quia Jesum sive Servatorem ex omnium AEonum symbola compositum supra § 4 docebant Valentiniani. At vero Epiphanii lectionem pro genuina habeo, ratus hanc, utpote paulo obscuriorem, liberiori interpretationi occasionem dedisse. Quis autem ὁ τῆς οἰκονομίας Σωτήρ? Intelliges, si superius § 11 dicta in memoriam revoces, et ea quae mox § 20 sequuntur legas : Λέγουσι δὲ τὸν Σωτῆρα ἐνδύσασθαι σῶμα ψυχικὸν, ἐκ τῆς οἰκονομίας κατεσκευασμένον ἀῤῥήτῳ προνοίᾳ. « Dicunt enim Sotera induisse corpus animale, de dispositione aptatum inenarrabili providentia. »

Page 44. Ὁ τῆς οἰκονομίας. From the ancient translator Billy wishes ὁ ἐκ πάντων γεγονώς to be read, because above in § 4 the Valentinians taught that Jesus or the Saviour was compounded from the contribution of all the Aeons. But I hold the reading of Epiphanius to be genuine, judging that this, as being slightly more obscure, gave occasion to a freer translation. And who is ὁ τῆς οἰκονομίας Σωτήρ (the Saviour of the dispensation)? You will understand if you call back to memory what was said above in § 11, and read what presently follows in § 20: Λέγουσι δὲ τὸν Σωτῆρα ἐνδύσασθαι σῶμα ψυχικὸν, ἐκ τῆς οἰκονομίας κατεσκευασμένον ἀῤῥήτῳ προνοίᾳ. "For they say that Soter put on an animal body, fashioned from the dispensation with unspeakable providence."

Pag. 46. Τὸν κανόνα τῆς ἀληθείας ἀκλινῆ. Symbolum fidei hic indigitavit Irenaeus, utpote quod Tertullianus quoque eodem appellat nomine lib. De velandis virginibus, cap. 1, scribens : « Regula quidem fidei una omnino est, sola immobilis et irreformabilis, credendi scilicet in unicum Deum omnipotentem, mundi conditorem, et in Filium ejus Jesum Christum, natum ex virgine Maria, » etc. Ita et alibi passim Tertullianus aliique Patres recentiores. Sicut autem Irenaeus Symbolo tanquam clypeo adversus noxia haereticorum tela utendum docet, ita et Tertullianus idem saepe inculcavit, praesertim lib. De praescript. adversus haereticos, lib. Contra Praxean., cap. 2, inque ipso etiam Apologetico adversus gentes, cap. 47.

Page 46. Τὸν κανόνα τῆς ἀληθείας ἀκλινῆ. Irenaeus here pointed out the Creed of the faith, inasmuch as Tertullian also calls it by the same name in his book On the Veiling of Virgins, ch. 1, writing: "The rule of faith indeed is altogether one, alone immovable and irreformable, namely of believing in one almighty God, the Creator of the world, and in His Son Jesus Christ, born of the Virgin Mary," etc. So also elsewhere passim Tertullian and other more recent Fathers. And just as Irenaeus teaches that we must use the Creed as a shield against the noxious darts of heretics, so Tertullian also often inculcated the same, especially in his book On the Prescription against Heretics, his book Against Praxeas, ch. 2, and even in the Apologeticum against the Heathen itself, ch. 47.

Ὃν διὰ τοῦ βαπτίσματος εἰληφε. Jam olim symbolum fidei in Patrem, Filium et Spiritum sanctum eos, qui baptizandi erant, edoctos, et ante sacramentum acceptum professos esse, praeter Irenaeum hoc loco luculenter confirmat S. martyr Cyprianus epist. 76, Pamel. 69, Oxon. sive lib. I, epist. 6 ita scribens : « Quod si aliquis illud opponit, ut dicat eamdem Novatianum legem tenere, quam catholica Ecclesia teneat, eodem symbolo quo et nos baptizare : eumdem nosse Deum Patrem, eumdem Filium Christum, eumdem Spiritum sanctum, ac propter hoc usurpare eum potestatem baptizandi posse, quod videatur in interrogatione baptismi a nobis non discrepare : sciat quisquis hoc opponendum putat, primum, non esse unam nobis et schismaticis symboli legem, neque eamdem interrogationem. Nam cum dicunt : Credis remissionem peccatorum, et vitam aeternam per sanctam Ecclesiam, mentiuntur in interrogatione, quando non habeant ecclesiam, » etc. Gemina his scripsit epist. 70, sive lib. I, epist. 12. Unde patet jam tum non solum inter catholicos, sed et schismaticos ritum istum obtinuisse; id quod manifesto indicio est, ab ipsis S. apostolis eum profluxisse. Confer de hoc Hilar. lib. ad Constantium Augustum, Cyrill. Hierosol. cateches. II Mystagog., Basil. lib. De Spiritu sancto, cap. 12, denique Constitut. apostol. lib. VII, cap. 41.

Ὃν διὰ τοῦ βαπτίσματος εἰληφε. That already of old those who were to be baptized were thoroughly taught the Creed of faith in the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit, and professed it before receiving the sacrament, besides Irenaeus in this place, the holy martyr Cyprian clearly confirms in Epistle 76 (Pamelius) or 69 (Oxford, or Book 1, Epistle 6), writing thus: "But if anyone objects that Novatian holds the same law that the Catholic Church holds, and baptizes with the same Creed with which we also baptize—that he knows the same God the Father, the same Son Christ, the same Holy Spirit, and on account of this can lay claim to the power of baptizing, because he seems not to differ from us in the baptismal interrogation—let whoever thinks this should be objected know, first, that we and the schismatics do not have one law of the Creed, nor the same interrogation. For when they say: Do you believe in the remission of sins, and life eternal through the holy Church? they lie in the interrogation, since they do not have the Church," etc. Twin words to these he wrote in Epistle 70, or Book 1, Epistle 12. Whence it is clear that already at that time that rite obtained not only among Catholics, but also among schismatics; which is a manifest proof that it flowed forth from the holy apostles themselves. Compare on this Hilary in his book to Constantius Augustus; Cyril of Jerusalem, Mystagogical Catechesis 2; Basil in his book On the Holy Spirit, ch. 12; and finally the Apostolic Constitutions, Book 7, ch. 41.

Pag. 47. Ἀπολύτρωσις. Immerito hic in Gallasium invehitur Billius, tanquam ignarum, quid sibi velit « redemptio, » cum tamen Irenaeus cap. 18 hujus libri prolixe de ea disseruerit. Sed docere debebat Billius, quomodo redemptio Valentinianorum ibi desscripta

Page 47. Ἀπολύτρωσις. Undeservedly does Billy here inveigh against Gallasius, as though ignorant of what "redemption" means, even though Irenaeus in ch. 18 of this book discoursed at length concerning it. Rather, Billy ought to have taught how the redemption of the Valentinians described there

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huic loco quadret : quod sane perspicere haud potuit Gallasius, neque Petavius. Unde hic in not. ad Epiphanium ἀπολύτρωσιν pro « exodio fabulae, » quod Graeci ἀπόλυσιν vocant, accipiendum docet : cui assentior, quia in Hesychii Lexico ἀπολύτρωσιν per ἀπόλυσιν, necnon ἀποφυγήν explicari video.

squares with this passage—which certainly neither Gallasius nor Petau could perceive. Whence the latter in his notes on Epiphanius teaches that ἀπολύτρωσις is to be taken for the "close of a play," which the Greeks call ἀπόλυσις; with whom I agree, because in the Lexicon of Hesychius I see ἀπολύτρωσις explained by ἀπόλυσις as well as ἀποφυγή.

Explicans. Graecum περαιώσας idem est quod « transmeare, trajicere. » Vetus interpres quid legerit, non queo conjicere. Vertit enim « explicans, » quod longe a significatione verbi abit. BILL. Sed recte legit interpres περαιώσας, nec male vertit « explicans. » Περαιόω enim non solum significat « trajicio, transmeo, » sed et « termino, ad finem perduco. » Quam significationem non quidem ex lexicis, attamen ex SS. Patrum scriptis, quae alioqui sedula manu versaverat Billius, discere potuisset. Sic Justinus Martyr ad Tryphonem pag. 228 edit. Sylburgii : Διὰ τῶν ἀνερωτήσεων τούτων καὶ περαιωθῆναι σὺν τάχει τὸν λόγον ἀγωνιοῦμαι. « Per interrogationes ejusmodi disputationem ad finem perducere conabor. » Et Trypho ad Justinum pag. 236 : Περαίωσον οὖν καὶ αὐτὸν ἡμῖν, etc. « Et hunc itaque explicando absolve, » locum scilicet Isaiae, in antecedentibus citatum. Apud Clementem Alexandrinum quoque aliquoties haec significatio occurrit, veluti lib. VI Strom., p. 683 : Ἥ τε γὰρ κοσμογένεια ἐν ἓξ περαιοῦται ἡμέραις. « Mundi creatio sex absolvitur diebus. » Atqui « explicare » eamdem inter alias habet significationem, tam apud profanos scriptores quam sacros, velut Sulpicium Severum lib. I Hist. sacrae : « Salomon coeptum templi opus vigesimo anno explicuit. » Et Orosium lib. VII Hist., cap. ult. : « Explicui, adjuvante Christo, secundum tuum praeceptum..... ab initio mundi usque in praesentem diem. » Unde nata communis formula, « explicit liber, » id est absolutus est, de qua Hieronymus ad Marcellam scribit : « Solemus nos, completis opusculis, ad distinctionem rei alterius sequentis, medium interponere, » Explicit, « aut » feliciter, « aut aliquid ejusmodi. Mimum » igitur « eorum explicans, » hic idem est ac « fabulam eorum emensus, » seu narrando ad finem perducens.

Explicans. The Greek περαιώσας is the same as "to pass across, to cross over." What the ancient translator read, I cannot conjecture. For he translated it "explicans (unfolding/completing)," which departs far from the meaning of the verb. BILLY. Yet the translator rightly read περαιώσας, and did not badly translate it "explicans." For περαιόω signifies not only "I cross over, I pass across," but also "I terminate, I bring to an end." Which signification Billy might have learned, not indeed from the lexicons, yet from the writings of the holy Fathers, which otherwise he had turned over with a diligent hand. Thus Justin Martyr against Trypho, p. 228 of Sylburg's edition: Διὰ τῶν ἀνερωτήσεων τούτων καὶ περαιωθῆναι σὺν τάχει τὸν λόγον ἀγωνιοῦμαι. "Through questionings of this sort I will strive to bring the discourse speedily to an end." And Trypho to Justin, p. 236: Περαίωσον οὖν καὶ αὐτὸν ἡμῖν, etc. "And therefore finish explaining this passage also for us," namely the passage of Isaiah cited in what preceded. In Clement of Alexandria also this signification occurs several times, as in Book 6 of the Stromata, p. 683: Ἥ τε γὰρ κοσμογένεια ἐν ἓξ περαιοῦται ἡμέραις. "For the creation of the world is completed in six days." Now "explicare" has the same signification among others, both in profane writers and in sacred ones, such as Sulpicius Severus, Book 1 of the Sacred History: "Solomon in the twentieth year completed (explicuit) the work of the temple that had been begun." And Orosius, Book 7 of the History, last chapter: "I have completed (Explicui), with Christ's help, according to your command... from the beginning of the world even to the present day." Whence arose the common formula "explicit liber," that is, the book is finished, concerning which Jerome writes to Marcella: "We are accustomed, when small works are completed, for the distinction of another matter following, to interpose in the midst Explicit, or feliciter, or something of the sort." "Completing their mime (Mimum eorum explicans)," therefore, is here the same as "having traversed their play," or bringing it to an end by narrating it.

Scholia Billii in cap. 2.

Scholia of Billy on chapter 2.

Pag. 48. Et mare. Sic enim legendum in singulari. Est quippe Davidis versus.

Page 48. Et mare. For thus we must read in the singular; inasmuch as it is a verse of David.

Dispensationes. Addo Θεοῦ ex vet.

Dispensationes. I add Θεοῦ from the ancient codex.

Partim jam inde ab initio. Id est, qui de pietatis ac justitiae curriculo nunquam deflexerunt. Quibus eos subjicit, qui cum prius vitiorum lenociniis ac voluptatum illecebris sese dedissent, postea ad meliorem frugem se receperunt. Hic autem post τοῖς addo μέν ex vet.

Partim jam inde ab initio. That is, those who have never swerved from the course of piety and righteousness. To whom he subjoins those who, after having previously given themselves up to the allurements of vices and the enticements of pleasures, afterwards returned to a better way of life. And here after τοῖς I add μέν from the ancient codex.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 2.

Annotations of François Feuardent on chapter 2.

Pag. 48. Ecclesia enim. Hic duas verae Ecclesiae certissimas notas observo : primam, quod sit catholica, id est per totum orbem diffusa; secundam, quod una, in summis fidei ac doctrinae capitibus : quae nullis unquam haereticorum sectis acciderunt. Deinde, symbolum fidei, quod paulo supra nominabat « regulam veritatis per baptismum acceptam; » iterumque initio sequentis capitis 19, quamque denominationem ab eo mutuati sunt Tertull. lib. Praescript., De velandis virg., et Contra Hermog.; Augustin. lib. I De symbolo, et Chrysostom. hom. 1 in symbolum, ab ipsis apostolis et discipulis Christi editum, ac universis terrae finibus traditum esse. Audacter autem hi omnes illud opponunt haereticorum placitis, eaque ad hujus amussim examinari volunt, quod nullatenus dubitent apostolos composuisse, praedicasse, et universis per orbem Ecclesiis tradidisse. Ut vero ab omnibus explodatur, et exsibiletur illorum impietas, qui hujus auctores apostolos esse pernegant, aliorum Patrum testimonia

Page 48. Ecclesia enim. Here I observe two most certain marks of the true Church: first, that she is catholic, that is, spread throughout the whole world; secondly, that she is one in the chief heads of faith and doctrine—things which have never befallen any sects of heretics. Next, that the Creed of the faith, which a little above he named "the rule of truth received through baptism," and again at the beginning of the following chapter 19—which denomination Tertullian in his books On Prescription, On the Veiling of Virgins, and Against Hermogenes, Augustine in Book 1 On the Creed, and Chrysostom in Homily 1 on the Creed borrowed from him—was put forth by the apostles and disciples of Christ themselves, and handed down to all the ends of the earth. Moreover, all these boldly oppose it to the tenets of heretics, and wish them to be examined by its rule, because they in no way doubt that the apostles composed it, preached it, and handed it down to all the Churches throughout the world. And in order that the impiety of those who flatly deny that the apostles were its authors may be hissed off and rejected by all, I will add the testimonies of other Fathers

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prioribus adjiciam. Clemens Romanus auritus et oculatus testis, epist. 1 ad Jacobum, ait : « Christo resurgente et ascendente in coelum, misso sancto Spiritu, collata apostolis scientia linguarum, adhuc in uno positi, symbolum, quod nunc fidelis tenet Ecclesia, unusquisque quod sensit dicendo, condiderunt; ut discedentes ab invicem, hanc regulam per omnes gentes praedicarent. » Adultos quoque disertis verbis illud idem recitasse, cum sacro lavacro tingerentur, praescripto procul dubio apostolorum, idem ipse scribit libro septimo De constitut. apostolor., capite 41. Subscribunt ei Ruffinus Expo. symboli; Hieronymus epistol. ad Pammachium; Ambrosius epistol. 81 et serm. 38; Augustinus serm. 115 et 181 de Tempore; Leo Magnus serm. et epistola 13; Isidorus libro secundo De Eccles. officiis, capite 23; et Petrus Chrysologus passim. Quin et apostolos eosdem illud ipsum decantasse, dum sacrosancta eucharistiae mysteria celebrarent, facile mihi persuaserim, et maxime cum post verba B. Dionysii Areopag. cap. 3 Eccles. hiera. et B. Jacobi Hieros. episcopi sententiam mecum considero hujusmodi : « Diaconus d. : Sapienter attendamus. Sacerdos : Credo in unum Deum, Patrem omnipotentem, factorem coeli et terrae. Et in unum Dominum Jesum Christum Filium Dei, » etc. Haec ibi. Quis non videt primam hanc traditionem ad apostolos, et non vel ad concilium Toletanum tertium, vel Constantinop. referendam esse?

to the former ones. Clement of Rome, an ear- and eye-witness, in Epistle 1 to James, says: "When Christ had risen and ascended into heaven, and the Holy Spirit had been sent, and the knowledge of tongues had been conferred upon the apostles, while they were still gathered in one place, they composed the Creed which the faithful Church now holds, each one uttering what he thought; so that when they departed from one another, they might preach this rule throughout all nations." That adults also recited that very same Creed in express words when they were dipped in the sacred laver, doubtless by the prescription of the apostles, the very same author writes in the seventh book of the Apostolic Constitutions, ch. 41. To him subscribe Rufinus in his Exposition of the Creed; Jerome in his Epistle to Pammachius; Ambrose in Epistle 81 and Sermon 38; Augustine in Sermons 115 and 181 De Tempore; Leo the Great in his Sermon and Epistle 13; Isidore in the second book On Ecclesiastical Offices, ch. 23; and Peter Chrysologus passim. Nay, that those same apostles chanted that very Creed while they celebrated the most holy mysteries of the Eucharist, I could easily persuade myself, and especially when after the words of blessed Dionysius the Areopagite in ch. 3 of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy I consider with myself the sentence of blessed James, bishop of Jerusalem, to this effect: "The deacon says: Let us attend wisely. The priest: I believe in one God, the Father almighty, Maker of heaven and earth. And in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God," etc. So far there. Who does not see that this first tradition is to be referred to the apostles, and not either to the Third Council of Toledo or to that of Constantinople?

Nec ingratum curiosis lectoribus fore existimo, si etiam ex haeresiarcha Luthero, haereticos hujus apostolici symboli adversarios retudero. Frequenter ille in suis Colloquiis (quae collegit et publicavit 1571 commensalis ejus Petrus Rebenstock), ad suos aiebat : « Symboli verba ab apostolis constituta esse credo, qui in congregatione sua hoc symbolum verbis tam brevissimis et consolatoriis confecerunt. Est opus Spiritus sancti rem tanta brevitate, tam efficacissimis et emphaticis verbis describere. Extra Spiritum sanctum et apostolos non potuisset ita componi, etiamsi millia saecula illud componere conarentur, » etc.

Nor do I think it will be unwelcome to curious readers if from the heresiarch Luther himself I also beat back the heretical adversaries of this Apostolic Creed. Frequently in his Table Talk (Colloquia, which his table-companion Peter Rebenstock collected and published in 1571) he used to say to his followers: "I believe that the words of the Creed were established by the apostles, who in their assembly framed this Creed in words so very brief and consolatory. It is a work of the Holy Spirit to describe the matter with so great brevity, in words so very effectual and emphatic. Outside the Holy Spirit and the apostles it could not have been so composed, even if thousands of ages should endeavour to compose it," etc.

Quae est in unum Deum. Valentinus gentilis, aliique novi ex Polonia et Transylvania Trinitarii et Ariani, hinc perfidiae suae adversus coaeternam et consubstantialem Patri deitatem Christi praesidia sumere conantur; quasi mens Irenaei fuisset, solum Patrem Deum et creatorem mundi praedicare, non autem Filium ac Spiritum sanctum. Quam vero nequiter ac flagitiose istud colligant, vel inde patet, quod e contrario hic confirmet, unam fidem habendam esse in unum Deum Patrem, Filium ac Spiritum sanctum, tanquam videlicet in Deum trinum et unum; infra persaepe Filium appellet Deum ac Dominum : eidemque ac Spiritui sancto cunctarum rerum creationem et gubernationem aeque atque Patri tribuat. Hic ergo beatus martyr formam servans symboli apostolici, vocem Dei in singulis personis sibi repetendam, in tanta praesertim brevitate, minus necessarium existimavit, contentus unum esse Deum creatorem, nimirum Patrem, et Filium, et Spiritum profiteri. Sic enim et Justinus martyr ait : « Unus vere est Deus omnium, qui in Patre, Filio Spirituque sancto cognoscitur. »

Quae est in unum Deum. Valentino Gentile and the other new Trinitarians and Arians from Poland and Transylvania endeavour to take from this passage support for their perfidy against the deity of Christ co-eternal and consubstantial with the Father, as though it had been the mind of Irenaeus to preach the Father alone as God and Creator of the world, and not the Son and the Holy Spirit. How wickedly and shamefully they infer this, however, is clear even from the fact that on the contrary he here confirms that one faith is to be held in one God, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit, namely as in the triune and one God; below very often calls the Son God and Lord; and attributes the creation and governance of all things to Him and to the Holy Spirit equally with the Father. Here therefore the blessed martyr, keeping the form of the Apostolic Creed, judged it less necessary to repeat the word "God" at each person, especially in so great brevity, being content to profess that there is one God the Creator, namely the Father, and the Son, and the Spirit. For thus Justin Martyr also says: "Truly there is one God of all, Who is known in the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit."

Praecepta ejus servantibus, etc. Haec dicta sunt in tetrum errorem Simonis Magi et Valentini, qui bona opera rejiciebant. Proinde vides quo pacto justitiam veram coram Deo non sola fide, sed et spe, et charitate, et operibus bonis consistere docuerunt hujus saeculi Patres, quod vel ex unius Irenaei colligere peramplius poteris libro secundo, capite quinquagesimo primo; et libro tertio, capite vigesimo; libro quarto, capite vigesimo septimo, trigesimo secundo, trigesimo quarto et quadragesimo nono Quod adnotare libuit, ut omnibus innotesceret

Praecepta ejus servantibus, etc. These things were said against the foul error of Simon Magus and Valentinus, who rejected good works. Accordingly you see how the Fathers of this age taught that true righteousness before God consists not in faith alone, but also in hope, and charity, and good works, which even from Irenaeus alone you will be able to gather more amply in the second book, chapter 51; and in the third book, chapter 20; in the fourth book, chapters 27, 32, 34, and 49. Which it pleased me to note, that to all

Editors' notes and page, col. 1424

Footnotes

(17) ‹anchor: ad suos aiebat› · call in col 1424

¹⁷ Tomo II, pag. 106.

17. Volume II, page 106.

(printed under page 720)

(18) ‹anchor: Spirituque sancto cognoscitur› · call in col 1424

¹⁸ Lib. de vera fid.

18. Book On the True Faith.

(printed under page 720)

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impudens mendacium eorum qui centurias consarcinaverunt, quos scribere non puduit, hunc martyrem et reliquos ejus saeculi Patres, salutem et justitiam coram Deo, soli fidei sine operibus acceptam tribui debere, docuisse.

might become known the shameless lie of those who patched together the Centuries, who were not ashamed to write that this martyr and the remaining Fathers of his age taught that salvation and righteousness before God ought to be set down as received by faith alone without works.

Quibusdam quidem ab initio. Vel parvulos intelligit, qui recens baptizati, nullo proprio interveniente delicto morientes, recta coelum petunt, aeterna claritate circumdati; vel martyres, qui horrendis tormentis pro Christo excarnificati, gloriosissimo functi certamine, mox Christo capiti suo suprema beatitudine junguntur. Ex his autem duo observanda arbitror : primum beat. hunc martyrem levius aequo a quibusdam annumerari inter illos qui sanctorum animas ante extremum diem judicii aperta Dei visione interdicunt, propter obscuriora quaedam ejus verba in calce libri quinti, quae facile alio sensu intelligi possunt : cum hic aperte dicat, quosdam sine poenitentia, ab initioque donari vita et claritate aeterna. Secundum, martyrii privilegio, ante actae vitae admissa peccata adeo emundari et deleri, ut sine laboriosiore satisfactione hic vel alibi, mox eatur in coelum, quod aliis post baptismum peccantibus neutiquam conceditur. Illustrabitur autem hic locus adjectis Tertulliani et B. Cypriani verbis, quae non obscure favent doctrinae catholicae de purgatorio. Ille libro De resurrectione carnis sic habet : « Nemo peregrinatus a corpore, statim immoratur penes Dominum, nisi ex martyrii praerogativa, scilicet paradiso, non inferis diversurus. » Iste epistola 58 ad Antonianum : « Aliud est ad gloriam pervenire : aliud missum in carcerem non exire inde, donec solvat novissimum quadrantem. Aliud statim fidei et virtutis accipere mercedem : aliud pro peccatis longo dolore cruciatum, emundari et purgari diu igne. Aliud peccata omnia passione purgasse.

Quibusdam quidem ab initio. He understands either infants, who, newly baptized and dying without any intervening offence of their own, go straight to heaven, surrounded with eternal brightness; or martyrs, who, racked with dreadful torments for Christ and having discharged a most glorious contest, are presently joined in supreme beatitude to Christ their Head. From these things, moreover, I think two points should be observed: first, that this blessed martyr is more lightly than is just numbered by some among those who debar the souls of the saints before the last day of judgement from the open vision of God, on account of certain more obscure words of his at the end of the fifth book, which can easily be understood in another sense—since here he openly says that some without penance, and from the beginning, are gifted with eternal life and brightness. Secondly, that by the privilege of martyrdom the sins committed in one's past life are so cleansed and blotted out that without more laborious satisfaction here or elsewhere one goes presently to heaven, which is by no means granted to others who sin after baptism. Moreover, this passage will be illustrated by adding the words of Tertullian and blessed Cyprian, which not obscurely favour the Catholic doctrine of purgatory. The former in his book On the Resurrection of the Flesh has thus: "No one, on leaving the body to sojourn abroad, straightway dwells with the Lord, except by the prerogative of martyrdom, whereby he is to lodge in paradise, namely, and not in the lower world." The latter in Epistle 58 to Antonianus: "It is one thing to attain to glory; it is another, having been cast into prison, not to come out from thence until one pay the last farthing. It is one thing straightway to receive the reward of faith and virtue; it is another, tormented with long pain for sins, to be cleansed and purged at length by fire. It is another thing to have purged away all sins by suffering."

Ex Joannis Ernesti Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 2.

From the annotations of Johann Ernst Grabe on chapter 2.

Pag. 48. Ἕως περάτων τῆς γῆς. Ita quoque de amplitudine Ecclesiae, a sanctis apostolis fundatae, Epistola S. Ignatii ad Philadelphenos, licet interpolata, sonat : Μία ἡ Ἐκκλησία, ἣν ἱδρύσαντο οἱ ἅγιοι ἀπόστολοι ἀπὸ περάτων ἕως περάτων ἐν αἵματι τοῦ Χριστοῦ οἰκείοις ἱδρῶσι καὶ πόνοις. « Una Ecclesia, quam suis sudoribus ac laboribus fundarunt S. apostoli a finibus terrae usque ad fines, in sanguine Christi. »

Page 48. Ἕως περάτων τῆς γῆς. So too concerning the breadth of the Church founded by the holy apostles, the Epistle of St. Ignatius to the Philadelphians, though interpolated, sounds: Μία ἡ Ἐκκλησία, ἣν ἱδρύσαντο οἱ ἅγιοι ἀπόστολοι ἀπὸ περάτων ἕως περάτων ἐν αἵματι τοῦ Χριστοῦ οἰκείοις ἱδρῶσι καὶ πόνοις. "There is one Church, which the holy apostles founded by their own sweat and toils from the ends of the earth unto the ends thereof, in the blood of Christ."

Ἀοράτου. Invisibilis. Patris mentionem hoc loco factam puto, ut innueretur ideo erga Filium omne genu curvandum esse, quod is « visibilis » sit appariturus de coelis. Nam « Pater potestatem dedit Filio judicium facere, quia filius hominis est. »

Ἀοράτου. Invisible. I think mention was made here of the "invisible" Father in order to hint that every knee must be bowed to the Son for this reason, because He is to appear "visible" from heaven. For "the Father has given authority unto the Son to execute judgement, because He is the Son of man."

Scholia Billii in cap. 3.

Scholia of Billy on chapter 3.

Pag. 50. Acceptam, inquam. Hoc caput cum praecedenti connecto. Necdum enim absoluta est periodus.

Page 50. Acceptam, inquam. I connect this chapter with the preceding one; for the period is not yet finished.

Exuberat. Alludit ad illud, quod de manna scriptum est : « Nec qui plus habuit, abundavit; nec qui minus, minoravit. »

Exuberat. He alludes to that which is written concerning the manna: "Neither did he that had more abound; nor did he that had less fall short."

Notae ex adversariis Frontonis Ducaei in cap. 3.

Notes from the notebooks of Fronton du Duc on chapter 3.

Pag. 49. Sic et lumen praedicatio. Abundat in Lat. vox « lumen, » cum absit a Graeco. Porro locus ille de manna est II Cor. VIII, 15 : « Qui multum, non abundavit; et qui modicum, non minoravit : » sed apertius redditur Exod. XVI, 18. « Nec qui plus collegerat, habuit amplius; nec qui minus paraverat, reperit minus. » Ad hoc exemplum fortasse hic quoque verba Irenaei Latine reddenda fuerunt : nam verba Graeca LXX plane eadem sunt quae apud Epiphanium.

Page 49. Sic et lumen praedicatio. The word "lumen" is redundant in the Latin, since it is absent from the Greek. Furthermore, that passage concerning the manna is 2 Cor. 8:15: "He that had much had nothing over; and he that had little had no lack"; but it is rendered more clearly in Exod. 16:18: "Neither had he more that had gathered more; nor did he find less that had provided less." After this pattern perhaps the words of Irenaeus here also ought to have been rendered in Latin: for the Greek words of the Septuagint are altogether the same as those in Epiphanius.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 3.

Annotations of François Feuardent on chapter 3.

Hanc praedicationem, etc. Ecclesiarum omnium consensum ut inexpugnabilem aeneumque murum merito haereticis omnibus opponit, quia si usquam Christi promissio de jugi Spiritus praesentia, si infernalium portarum profligatio, si apostolicorum

Hanc praedicationem, etc. He deservedly opposes the consensus of all the Churches like an impregnable wall of brass to all heretics, because if anywhere Christ's promise of the continual presence of the Spirit, if the rout of the gates of hell, if the fruit of apostolic

Editors' notes and page, col. 1425

Footnotes

(19) ‹anchor: filius hominis est› · call in col 1425

¹⁹ Joan. V, 27.

19. John 5:27.

(printed under page 721)

(20) ‹anchor: qui minus, minoravit› · call in col 1425

²⁰ II Cor. VIII, 15.

20. 2 Corinthians 8:15.

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laborum fructus, si denique, quam tantis votis efflagitabat Dominus noster in postremo convivio, unio, consensio et pax usquam apparet : omnium maxime erit, cum qui tam variorum idiomatum diversitate, tantorum saeculorum lapsu, tanta terrarum, regnorum, provinciarum, climatum diremptione, tantis vorticibus, fluminibus et aequoreis fluctibus separati Patres, ut alium orbem incolere videantur, eadem de eisdem sentiunt, credunt, scribunt, docent : idque tanta animi constantia, ut potius ignes, bestias, cruces, gladios, ac mille mortes sustineant, quam ut vel latum unguem ab eis avellantur. Haec procul dubio est unitas Spiritus, tantorum populorum unici paedotribae et doctoris, in vinculo pacis, pro qua, ut sarta tecta ab omni incommodo et schismatica dissensione conservetur, omnia potius subeunda tormenta arbitratur praeclarus ille Dionysius Alexandrinus, epistola ad Novatum ; nec minus, sed multo plus commendationis habere martyrium ea de re susceptum docet, quam illud quod suscipitur, ne idolis omnino immoletur. Hegesippum dum Romam pergeret, refert Eusebius libro quarto Histor., capite vigesimo secundo, et multis cum episcopis Asiae et Europae sermonem conferret, unam eamdemque invenisse doctrinae formam et institutionem, virginem adhuc Ecclesiam exclamasse. Ista etiam consensione populorum et gentium, in gremio Ecclesiae se justissime detentum profitetur Augustinus libro Contra epist. Manichaei, capite quarto. Eos vero qui tot tantasque per universum orbem Ecclesias errasse putant, vel unius Tertulliani, gravissimi et antiquissimi scriptoris verbis attendere optarem. « Age, » inquit, « nunc omnes erraverint : deceptus sit Apostolus de testimonio reddendo quibusdam. Nullam respexerit Spiritus sanctus, uti eam in veritate deduceret, ad hoc missus a Christo; ad hoc postulatus de Patre, ut esset doctor veritatis ; neglexerit officium Dei villicus, » etc. « Aliquos Marcionitas et Valentinianos liberanda veritas exspectabat : interea perperam evangelizabatur, perperam credebatur, tot millia millium perperam tincta, tot opera fidei perperam ministrata, tot virtutes, tot charismata perperam operata, tot sacerdotia, tot ministeria perperam functa, tot denique martyria perperam et in vacuum. » Miratur Vincentius Lirinensis post haec adhuc quosdam superesse, tanta inveteratae frontis duritia, tanta impudentiae incude, tam adamantinae pertinaciae, qui tantis eloquiorum coelestium molibus non succumbant, tantis ponderibus non fatiscant, tantis malleis non conquassentur, tantis postremo fulminibus non conterantur.

fruit of labours, if finally the union, agreement, and peace which our Lord so earnestly entreated with so many prayers at the last supper appears anywhere, it will be most of all when the Fathers, separated by such diversity of varied languages, by the lapse of so many ages, by such division of lands, kingdoms, provinces, and climates, by so many whirlpools, rivers, and sea waves that they seem to inhabit another world, think, believe, write, and teach the same things concerning the same matters; and that with such constancy of mind that they would rather endure fires, beasts, crosses, swords, and a thousand deaths than be torn even a nail's breadth from them. This without doubt is the unity of the Spirit, the sole trainer and teacher of so many peoples, in the bond of peace, for which, so that it may be preserved whole and sound from every harm and schismatic dissension, that illustrious Dionysius of Alexandria, in his epistle to Novatus, judges that all torments ought rather to be undergone; and he teaches that martyrdom undertaken for this cause has not less, but much more commendation than that which is undertaken so as not to sacrifice to idols at all. Eusebius relates in the fourth book of his History, chapter twenty-two, that Hegesippus, while travelling to Rome and conferring with many bishops of Asia and Europe, found one and the same form and institution of doctrine, and exclaimed that the Church was still a virgin. By that agreement of peoples and nations also, Augustine professes in the book Against the Epistle of Manichaeus, chapter four, that he is most justly held in the bosom of the Church. Indeed, I could wish that those who think that so many and such great Churches throughout the whole world have erred would attend to the words of even Tertullian alone, a most weighty and most ancient writer. "Come now," he says, "suppose all have erred; suppose the Apostle was deceived in rendering testimony to some; suppose the Holy Spirit had regard to none, so as to lead it in truth, though sent for this by Christ, and asked of the Father for this, that He might be the teacher of truth; suppose the steward of God neglected His office," etc. "Truth had to wait for certain Marcionites and Valentinians in order to be set free: meanwhile the Gospel was wrongly preached, wrongly believed, so many thousands of thousands were wrongly baptized, so many works of faith wrongly administered, so many miracles, so many charisms wrongly wrought, so many priesthoods, so many ministries wrongly discharged, and finally so many martyrdoms suffered wrongly and in vain." Vincent of Lérins wonders after these things that some still remain, of such hardness of inveterate brow, on such an anvil of shamelessness, of such adamantine obstinacy, who do not yield to such great masses of heavenly utterances, do not give way under such great weights, are not shattered by such great hammers, and finally are not crushed by such great thunderbolts.

In universum mundum disseminata. Observa quam longe lateque jam extenderetur Ecclesia, adversus illos qui, instar cujusdam ideae Platonicae, eam inaspectabilem faciunt; vel quibus voluerint angulis terrarum, ut repagulis, coercitam contendunt. « Ex quo coepit congregatio Christianorum, » ante Irenaeum scripsit Hegesippus, « in omne hominum penetravit genus, nec ulla natio Romani orbis remansit, quae cultus ejus expers relinqueretur. » Dilucidius paulo post lib. Contra Judaeos Tertull. regni Christi multo ampliora pomeria esse convincit, quam unquam « Salomonis, Darii, Pharaonis, Alexandri aut Caesaris, quippe suis limitibus conclusa : Christum autem credebant et audiebant Parthi, Medi, Elamitae, Mesopotamii, Armeni, Phryges, Cappadoces, et incolentes Pontum, Asiam et Pamphiliam, immorantes Aegyptum et regionem Africae quae est trans Cyrenem, Romani, Hierosolymitae, Getulorum varietates, Maurorum fines, Hispaniarum omnes termini, Galliarum diversae nationes, et Britannorum inaccessa Romanis loca, et Sarmatarum, et Dacorum, et Germanorum, et Scytharum, » etc., « in quibus omnibus locis Christi nomen et regnum porrigitur, ubique creditur, ab omnibus

Spread throughout the whole world. Observe how far and wide the Church already extended, against those who, like some Platonic idea, make her invisible, or contend that she is confined, as if by barriers, to whatever corners of the earth they please. "From the time when the congregation of Christians began," wrote Hegesippus before Irenaeus, "it penetrated into every race of men, nor did any nation of the Roman world remain that was left devoid of its worship." More clearly a little later, in the book Against the Jews, Tertullian proves that the boundaries of the kingdom of Christ are much wider than ever were those "of Solomon, Darius, Pharaoh, Alexander, or Caesar, seeing that theirs were enclosed within their own limits: whereas the Parthians, Medes, Elamites, Mesopotamians, Armenians, Phrygians, Cappadocians, and those inhabiting Pontus, Asia, and Pamphylia, those dwelling in Egypt and the region of Africa which is beyond Cyrene, the Romans, Jerusalemites, the various tribes of the Gaetulians, the borders of the Moors, all the bounds of the Spains, the diverse nations of the Gauls, and the places of the Britons inaccessible to the Romans, and of the Sarmatians, and Dacians, and Germans, and Scythians," etc., believed and heard Christ, "in all which places the name and kingdom of Christ extends, everywhere He is believed, by all

Editors' notes and page, col. 1426

Footnotes

(21) ‹anchor: Age, inquit› · call in col 1426

²¹ Lib. Praescr.

21. Book of the Prescription [against Heretics].

(printed under page 721)

(22) ‹anchor: Vincentius Lirinensis› · call in col 1426

²² Lib. contra Prof. novat.

22. Book against Profane Novelties.

(printed under page 721)

(23) ‹anchor: scripsit Hegesippus› · call in col 1426

²³ Lib. II de exci., cap. 12.

23. On the Destruction, book II, chapter 12.

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marginal letters: A laborum fructus; B habere martyrium; C Dei villicus; D næum scripsit
old-edition numerals: 43 after et
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: laborum fructus, In universum mundum disseminata

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colitur, ubique regnat, ubique adoratur. » Hactenus ille.

He is worshipped, everywhere He reigns, everywhere He is adored." Thus far he.

Neque hae, quae in Germania. Succincta partium enumeratione superiorem thesin confirmat. Porro apostolorum saeculo, Germanos jam Christo nomen dedisse, scribit Joannes Aventinus antiquitatum non segnis investigator, dum Lucium illum Cyrenensem, Pauli consobrinum, in Vindelicia, et Rhetiis; Marcum Pauli ejusdem collegam, in Norico; Crescentem Moguntiae; et Clementem quemdam Metis, Evangelium primo promulgasse testatur. Maternum, Eucherium, et Valerium a beato Petro missos, ut Treveris et Coloniae Christum annuntiarent, tradunt eorum archiva ; illicque illustres ecclesias fuisse sua aetate testantur Athanasius et Hilarius. Arnobius quoque inter varias nationes Christo deditas, Alemannos nominat, lib. I Adversus gentes.

Nor those which are in Germany. By a concise enumeration of regions he confirms the preceding thesis. Moreover, that in the age of the apostles the Germans had already given their name to Christ is written by Johannes Aventinus, a diligent investigator of antiquities, when he testifies that the well-known Lucius of Cyrene, kinsman of Paul, first promulgated the Gospel in Vindelicia and Rhaetia; Mark, colleague of the same Paul, in Noricum; Crescens at Mainz; and a certain Clement at Metz. Their archives record that Maternus, Eucherius, and Valerius were sent by blessed Peter to proclaim Christ at Trier and Cologne; and Athanasius and Hilary testify that illustrious churches existed there in their own age. Arnobius also names the Alemanni among the various nations devoted to Christ, in Book I Against the Nations.

Neque hae, quae in Iberis. Non illos, qui juxta Pontum Caucasios montes incolunt populos, Irenaeum arbitror commemorare, cum imperante Constantino, Christum amplexos narrent Ruffinus, Socrates et Theodoretus : sed Hispanos, qui Ibero flumine alluuntur, a quo universa regio Iberia, sicut ab Hespero Hesperia, et postremo ab Hispali urbe ad fretum Atlanticum sita (quae nunc Sevilia est), Hispalia, et jam Hispania nominatur. Europae partibus annuntiatum iri Evangelium, praedixerat Abdias ita scribens : « Transmigratio exercitus hujus filiorum Israel, » id est Ecclesia discipulorum ex Judaea, « omnia loca Chananaeorum, usque ad Zarpha, » Franciam interpretantur omnes Hebraei : « et transmigratio Jerusalem, » id est apostolorum, « quae est in Sepharad, » Chaldaeus paraphrastes Hispaniam vertit, « possidebunt civitates Austri, » verbo scilicet et miraculis ad Christum adducendo. Beatum Jacobum fratrem Joannis Hispaniam, et sub occasum mundi partes luce praedicationis illustrasse scribit Isidorus; et divum illum Paulum, assiduum Evangelii buccinatorem, cujus unius oro universus fere terrarum orbis resonuit, a Nerone primo dimissum, in Gallias, Hispanias, aliasque Occidentis regiones, ut antea se in votis habuisse ad Romanos cap. XV significaverat, profectum; ipsas Christo vindicasse asserunt Athanasius ad Dracontium, Chrysostomus homil. 7 de laudibus Pauli, Epiphanius, Ado Viennensis, et Sophronius. Celebres etiam ecclesias in Hispania Tarraconensi, ad Legionem, Asturicae, Caesaraugustae, et Emeritae in Lusitania, commemorat beatus Cyprianus epist. 35. Granatam quoque Christum agnovisse testatur concilium « Eliberinum. »

Nor those which are among the Iberians. I do not think that Irenaeus mentions those peoples who inhabit the Caucasian mountains near Pontus, since Rufinus, Socrates, and Theodoret relate that they embraced Christ during the reign of Constantine; but the Spaniards, who are washed by the river Iberus, from which the whole region is named Iberia, just as Hesperia from Hesperus, and finally from the city of Hispalis situated at the Atlantic strait (which is now Seville), Hispalia, and now Spain. That the Gospel would be proclaimed to the parts of Europe had been foretold by Obadiah writing thus: "The captivity of this host of the children of Israel," that is, the Church of the disciples out of Judaea, "all the places of the Canaanites even unto Zarephath," which all the Hebrews interpret as France; "and the captivity of Jerusalem," that is, of the apostles, "which is in Sepharad," which the Chaldee paraphrast renders Spain, "shall possess the cities of the South" (Obad. 1:20), namely by leading them to Christ through word and miracles. Isidore writes that blessed James the brother of John illuminated Spain and the regions towards the setting of the sun with the light of preaching; and Athanasius to Dracontius, Chrysostom in Homily 7 on the praises of Paul, Epiphanius, Ado of Vienne, and Sophronius assert that the divine Paul, the untiring trumpeter of the Gospel, by whose single mouth almost the entire world resounded, when dismissed by Nero the first time, set out for the Gauls, the Spains, and other regions of the West, as he had previously signified in Romans chapter 15 (Rom. 15:24, 28) that he had wished to do, and claimed them for Christ. Blessed Cyprian in Epistle 35 also mentions celebrated churches in Hispania Tarraconensis, at León, Astorga, Zaragoza, and Mérida in Lusitania. The Council of Elvira testifies that Granada also acknowledged Christ.

Neque hae, quae in Celtis. Celtae Pomponio, Appiano, et Plinio, populi sunt Galliae Comatae inter Garumnam et Sequanam, quorum etiam meminerunt Manethon Aegyptius, et Berosus Chaldaeus libro quinto Antiquit. Vix autem invenire licebit aliquam orbis partem, quae tanta aviditate, tantoque ardore animi Evangelium amplexa sit, et quae tot apostolicos viros Deo largitore habuerit, atque Gallia. Paulus enim Hispaniam petens, Trophimum Arelatae, et Crescentem Viennae, Galliarum reliquit apostolos, auctore Adone Viennensi. Massilienses et Aquenses industria Lazari, Maximini, Marthae, Magdalenae et Marcellae, fidei elementa mox ab ascensione Domini susceperunt. Tolosanos, Burdegalenses, Cadurcenses, omnemque Aquitanorum, Vasconum et Gothorum gentem, totumque tractum illum a Rhodano ad Oceanum usque, beato Martiale ex septuaginta discipulis institutore et doctore, Christi nomine oppletum, tradit ejusdem discipulus Aurelianus. Lugduni ante Irenaeum verbum Dei annuntiaverat Photinus martyr : illicque et Viennae illustres ecclesias Christianorum fuisse ante Cypriani epistolam quadragesimam secundam, declarant

Nor those which are among the Celts. According to Pomponius, Appian, and Pliny, the Celts are the peoples of Gallia Comata between the Garonne and the Seine, whom Manetho the Egyptian and Berosus the Chaldaean in the fifth book of his Antiquities also mention. Scarcely, however, will one be able to find any part of the world that embraced the Gospel with such eagerness and such ardour of mind, and that by God's bounty had so many apostolic men, as Gaul. For Paul, when bound for Spain, left Trophimus at Arles and Crescens at Vienne as apostles of the Gauls, on the authority of Ado of Vienne. The people of Marseille and Aix received the elements of the faith soon after the ascension of the Lord through the industry of Lazarus, Maximinus, Martha, Magdalene, and Marcella. His disciple Aurelianus records that the people of Toulouse, Bordeaux, Cahors, and the whole race of the Aquitanians, Basques, and Goths, and all that tract from the Rhône even to the Ocean, was filled with the name of Christ, having blessed Martial, one of the seventy disciples, as founder and teacher. At Lyons before Irenaeus the martyr Photinus had proclaimed the word of God; and that illustrious churches of Christians existed there and at Vienne before Cyprian's forty-second epistle is declared

Editors' notes and page, col. 1427

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marginal letters: A colitur, ubique; B Pontum Caucasios; C strasse scribit; D aliquam orbis
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graves litterae illae martyrum apud Eusebium libro V, cap. 1, Histor., quae ingentem martyrum multitudinem ex eis locis referunt. Bituriges, Nathanaelem ; Cenomani, Simonem Leprosum, qui et Julianus dicitur ; Senonenses et Carnotenses, Savinianum et Potentianum; Sixtum et Sinicium, imperante Nerone, Suessionenses ; adhucque superstite beato Petro, pietatis Christianae doctores habuerunt. Dionysius Areopagita beati Pauli discipulus, una cum Eleutherio, Rustico, Luciano et Regulo, apostolorum auditoribus, Parisienses, Meldenses, Silvanectenses et Bellovacos verae fidei catholicae articulos docuerunt. Superioribus quoque beatus Clemens adjunxerat Nicasium, Taurinum et Exuperium, quos Rothomagenses, Ebroicenses et Baiocenses, ut apostolos et pastores magna alacritate receperunt. Multo plures videre poteris apud Vincentium, Antoninum, Petrum de Natalibus, Fasciculum temporum, Sigebertum, Martyrologia et Chartophylacia.

by those weighty letters of the martyrs in Eusebius, Book V, chapter 1 of his History, which report a vast multitude of martyrs from those places. The people of Bourges had Nathanael; the people of Le Mans, Simon the Leper, who is also called Julian; the people of Sens and Chartres, Savinian and Potentian; the people of Soissons, Sixtus and Sinicius, during the reign of Nero and while blessed Peter was still alive, as teachers of Christian piety. Dionysius the Areopagite, disciple of blessed Paul, together with Eleutherius, Rusticus, Lucian, and Regulus, hearers of the apostles, taught the people of Paris, Meaux, Senlis, and Beauvais the articles of the true Catholic faith. To the foregoing also blessed Clement had joined Nicasius, Taurinus, and Exuperius, whom the people of Rouen, Évreux, and Bayeux received with great eagerness as apostles and pastors. You will be able to see many more in Vincent, Antoninus, Petrus de Natalibus, the Fasciculus temporum, Sigebert, the Martyrologies, and the Chartophylacia.

Neque hae, quae in Oriente. Christi adhuc in Palaestina agentis pietate, doctrina et miraculis, pertractos quosdam etiam Orientis reges, clarum est ex Eusebio, Damasceno et Nicephoro; qui Edessae toparcham ex Mesopotamiae finibus ad eum misisse narrant. Persarum quoque satrapam potentissimum, ut illius saltem effigie potiretur, misso pictori negotium commisisse, unus refert Nicephorus lib. II, cap. 7. Parthos, Medos, Elamitas, Mesopotamios, Cappadoces, Ponticos, Asianos, etc., Hierosolymis interfuisse, cum Spiritus sanctus descendit in apostolos, et suis linguis audisse eos loquentes magnalia Dei, Lucas recenset. B. Thomae Parthiam in divisione apostolorum obtigisse scribit Eusebius lib. III, cap. 1. Astipulatur Hieronymus, dicens se traditione accepisse, illum Parthis, Medis, Persis, Hyrcanis, Bactris et Magis praedicasse; imo et ad insulam Taprobanam penetrasse addit Nicephorus lib. III, cap. 1. In Scythiam concessisse B. Andream affirmat Eusebius lib. III, cap. 1, cui Sogdianos et Sacos addit Sophronius; Nicephorus autem lib. II, cap. 39, et lib. III, cap. 1, eum per Cappadociam, Galatiam et Bithyniam, in Scytharum solitudines, ad utrumque Pontum Euxinum accessisse; Nazianzenus etiam missum in Epirum indicat oratione contra Arianos. Asiae minoris Ecclesiae Christianae, ex Apocalypsi beati Joannis notiores sunt, quam hic recensere opus sit.

Nor those which are in the East. That even certain kings of the East were drawn by the piety, doctrine, and miracles of Christ while He was still acting in Palestine is clear from Eusebius, Damascene, and Nicephorus, who relate that the toparch of Edessa sent to Him from the borders of Mesopotamia. Nicephorus alone relates in Book II, chapter 7, that a most powerful satrap of the Persians also commissioned a painter whom he sent, so that he might at least obtain His likeness. Luke recounts that Parthians, Medes, Elamites, Mesopotamians, Cappadocians, people of Pontus and Asia, etc., were present at Jerusalem when the Holy Spirit descended upon the apostles, and heard them speaking the mighty works of God in their own tongues (Acts 2:9–11). Eusebius writes in Book III, chapter 1, that Parthia fell to blessed Thomas in the division of the apostles. Jerome agrees, saying that he received by tradition that he preached to the Parthians, Medes, Persians, Hyrcanians, Bactrians, and Magi; indeed, Nicephorus adds in Book III, chapter 1, that he penetrated even to the island of Taprobane. Eusebius affirms in Book III, chapter 1, that blessed Andrew withdrew into Scythia, to which Sophronius adds the Sogdians and Sacae; Nicephorus, moreover, in Book II, chapter 39, and Book III, chapter 1, says that he went through Cappadocia, Galatia, and Bithynia into the deserts of the Scythians, to both shores of the Euxine Sea; Nazianzen also indicates in his oration against the Arians that he was sent into Epirus. The Christian Churches of Asia Minor are better known from the Apocalypse of blessed John than needs to be recounted here.

Neque hae, quae in Aegypto, neque hae, quae in Libya. In celebrioribus Africae partibus Christianos conventus frequentissimos habuisse abunde testatur Tertullianus, qui nec interioris Africae incolas Getulos, nec Mauros, nec Carthaginenses, nec Aegyptios evangelicae lucis expertes fuisse sua tempestate scribit. Alexandriam a beato Marco fidei nostrae sacris mysteriis initiatam, et recto inde ordine clarissimos pietatis doctores Abilium, Justum, Cerdonem, Anianum, Primum, Pantaenum, Clementem, Heraclam, etc., habuisse ex Histor. ecclesiast. clarum est : illicque ex Thebaide, et tota Aegypto, innumeros fere martyrum greges, ut oves ad lanienam adductos, epistola beati Dionysii Alexandrini ad Fabium Antiochenum aperte testatur. Illa siquidem a Ptolemaeis, ad Christum usque, philosophiae, et omnium optimarum disciplinarum officina fuerat : a Christi vero ascensione usque ad furores Mahumeticos, peritissimos et facundissimos theologos habuit, qui politiore doctrina, et eloquentia mire instructi, sacrarumque litterarum studio, ait Eusebius libro quinto, capite decimo, probe exercitati, Ecclesiam ampliarunt et propagarunt ; quales ex antiquorum monumentis fuisse colligimus Origenem, Pierium, Didymum, Ammonium, Petrum, Alexandrum, Athanasium, Theophilum, Cyrillum. Vae peccatis nostris, numinis iram

Nor those which are in Egypt, nor those which are in Libya. That Christians had most numerous assemblies in the more celebrated parts of Africa is abundantly testified by Tertullian, who writes that in his time neither the Gaetulians, inhabitants of interior Africa, nor the Moors, nor the Carthaginians, nor the Egyptians were devoid of the evangelical light. That Alexandria was initiated into the sacred mysteries of our faith by blessed Mark, and had in direct succession from then the most illustrious teachers of piety, Abilius, Justus, Cerdo, Anianus, Primus, Pantaenus, Clement, Heraclas, etc., is clear from the Ecclesiastical History; and the epistle of blessed Dionysius of Alexandria to Fabius of Antioch openly testifies that there, from the Thebaid and all Egypt, almost innumerable flocks of martyrs were led like sheep to the slaughter. For from the Ptolemies even unto Christ that city had been the workshop of philosophy and of all the best disciplines; and from the ascension of Christ even unto the Mohammedan furies, she had the most skilled and eloquent theologians, who, wonderfully furnished with more polished learning and eloquence, and well exercised in the study of the sacred letters, says Eusebius in Book V, chapter 10, enlarged and propagated the Church; such as we gather from the monuments of the ancients were Origen, Pierius, Didymus, Ammonius, Peter, Alexander, Athanasius, Theophilus, and Cyril. Woe to our sins, provoking the wrath of the Deity,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1428

Footnotes

(24) ‹anchor: testatur Tertullianus› · call in col 1428

²⁴ Lib. contra Jud.

24. Book against the Jews.

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(25) ‹anchor: aperte testatur› · call in col 1428

²⁵ Euseb. lib. VI, cap. 41.

25. Eusebius, [Ecclesiastical History] book VI, chapter 41.

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concitantibus , quae florentissimam hanc dudum ecclesiam immanissimarum belluarum jugo, id est Turcico imperio tradiderunt. Sed et interior Aethiopia statim Christum agnovit, credidit, adoravit, Candacis illius eunuchi concionibus, quem Philippus baptizaverat. « Is siquidem post reditum in patriam, primum unius Dei cognitionem, et salutarem Servatoris Jesu in humanum genus ingressum praedicavit, » inquit Eusebius ; et eo nomine, « Aethiopum apostolum » eum nominat Hieronymus : illucque postea missum B. Matthaeum alacri excepisse animo scribit Abdias libro septimo ; ac tandem glorioso pro nomine Christi martyrio, vitae finem fecisse testis est Sophronius. Nominatim etiam Libyae episcoporum meminit canon sextus Nicenae synodi ; et ex eadem provincia episcopos suo, id est Carthaginensi concilio interfuisse, testis est beatus martyr Cyprianus.

which have delivered this long-flourishing church to the yoke of the most savage beasts, that is, to the Turkish empire. Moreover, interior Ethiopia also immediately acknowledged, believed, and adored Christ through the preaching of that eunuch of Candace whom Philip had baptized. "For after his return to his homeland, he first preached the knowledge of the one God and the saving entrance of the Saviour Jesus into the human race," says Eusebius; and on that account Jerome calls him "the apostle of the Ethiopians"; and Abdias writes in his seventh book that they afterwards received with an eager mind blessed Matthew when sent thither; and Sophronius is witness that he finally ended his life by a glorious martyrdom for the name of Christ. The sixth canon of the Synod of Nicaea also mentions the bishops of Libya by name; and blessed Cyprian the martyr is witness that bishops from the same province were present at his own council, that is, the Council of Carthage.

Neque hae quae in medio mundi. Habitabilis terrae medium Hebraei magno consensu Judaeam constituunt, et eam ob rem cor maris, ac umbilicum terrae, non raro a prophetis nominari : quibus ante Vadianum et Lyranum, subscribunt Hieronymus et Gregorius. Ipsam quoque Jerusalem non unius regionis Judaeae, sed et multarum gentium metropolim vocitat Philo, Legatione ad Caium : quibus fit, ut ecclesias, quae in Judaea et Palaestina tum exstabant, hic commemorare beatum Irenaeum existimem. Illic enim primum illucescere debuit Evangelii splendor, et hinc radios suos spargere in omnes gentes, quia de Sion legem exituram, et Verbum Domini de Jerusalem, praedixerat Isaias : et virgam virtutis, qua robur Evangelii designatur, emittendam ex Sion, David praecinuerat. Ante excidium Solymorum in omnibus finibus Judaeae, Samariae et Galilaeae insignes fuisse Christianorum ecclesias constat ex Christi, apostolorum et discipulorum ejus concionibus et miraculis in Evangeliis, et Actis apostolicis, quae fratrum, qui in Azoto, Lydda, Joppe, Caesarea, Ptolemaide, Pella, Ephrem, Damasco, Tyro et Sidone erant, meminerunt. Sed et post horrendam illam vastationem Syriae et eversionem Jerusalem, Judaeis partim exstinctis, partim per orbem dispersis, regionem eam incolere, et conventus ecclesiasticos celebrare Christianos permiserunt imperatores Romani. Ubi enim Jacobus martyrio sublatus est, discipuli, qui adhuc lucis usura fruebantur, una cum iis, quibus cum Domino secundum carnem intercedebat cognatio, convenientes, Simeoni filio Cleophae ecclesiae illius clavum commiserunt : quem ad Trajanum usque feliciter rexit. Plurimos autem alios ex Hebraeorum gente recto successionis ordine post istum huic quoque praefuisse docet Eusebius libr. III Histor., cap. 10, 26, 30 ; et lib. IV, cap. 5.

Nor those which are in the middle of the world. The Hebrews with great agreement establish Judaea as the middle of the habitable earth, and say that for this reason it is not infrequently called by the prophets the heart of the sea and the navel of the earth: to whom, before Vadianus and Lyranus, Jerome and Gregory subscribe. Philo also, in his Embassy to Gaius, calls Jerusalem itself the metropolis not of the single region of Judaea, but also of many nations; whence it comes that I think blessed Irenaeus here mentions the churches that then existed in Judaea and Palestine. For there the splendour of the Gospel had first to shine forth, and from thence scatter its rays unto all nations, because Isaiah had foretold that the law would go forth from Sion, and the Word of the Lord from Jerusalem (Isa. 2:3); and David had sung beforehand that the rod of power, by which the strength of the Gospel is designated, would be sent forth out of Sion (Ps. 109:2). That before the destruction of Jerusalem there were distinguished churches of Christians in all the borders of Judaea, Samaria, and Galilee is established from the discourses and miracles of Christ, His apostles, and His disciples in the Gospels and the Acts of the Apostles, which make mention of the brethren who were in Azotus, Lydda, Joppa, Caesarea, Ptolemais, Pella, Ephrem, Damascus, Tyre, and Sidon. Moreover, even after that dreadful devastation of Syria and overthrow of Jerusalem, when the Jews were partly destroyed and partly dispersed throughout the world, the Roman emperors permitted Christians to inhabit that region and hold ecclesiastical assemblies. For when James was taken away by martyrdom, the disciples who still enjoyed the use of the light, coming together along with those who were related to the Lord according to the flesh, entrusted the helm of that church to Simeon the son of Cleophas, which he happily governed until the time of Trajan. And that very many others of the race of the Hebrews presided over this church also in a direct order of succession after him is taught by Eusebius in Book III of his History, chapters 10, 26, 30, and Book IV, chapter 5.

Sed sicut sol. Solis exemplo ob varias tribus, provincias et linguas, quibus profertur Ecclesia, unitatem fidei et doctrinae nullo pacto dirimi posse apposite ostendit : quod pari schemate, sed uberiore facundia beatus martyr Cyprianus imitatus, his explicavit : Ecclesia una est, quae in multitudinem latius incremento fecunditatis extenditur : quomodo solis multi radii, sed lumen unum; et rami arboris multi, sed robur unum tenaci radice fundatum. Et cum de fonte uno rivi plurimi defluunt, numerositas licet diffusa videatur, unitas tamen servatur in origine. Avelle radium solis a corpore, divisionem lucis unitas non capit. A fonte praecide rivum, praecisus arescet. Sic et Ecclesia Domini luce perfusa, per orbem totum radios suos porrigit; unum tamen lumen est, quod ubique diffunditur, nec unitas corporis separatur, » etc.

But just as the sun. By the example of the sun he aptly shows that on account of the various tribes, provinces, and tongues in which the Church is set forth, the unity of faith and doctrine can in no way be rent asunder; which blessed Cyprian the martyr, imitating with a like figure but richer eloquence, explained in these words: "The Church is one, which is spread abroad more widely into a multitude by the increase of her fruitfulness: just as the rays of the sun are many, but the light is one; and the branches of a tree are many, but the trunk is one, founded upon a fast-holding root. And when very many streams flow down from one fountain, although their multiplicity seems diffused, yet unity is preserved in the source. Pluck a ray of the sun from the body, its unity does not admit a division of light. Cut off a stream from the fountain, cut off it will dry up. Thus also the Church, bathed in the light of the Lord, stretches forth her rays throughout the whole world; yet it is one light which is diffused everywhere, nor is the unity of the body separated," etc.

Creatura. Delevimus creaturae, auctoritate veter. cod. et lectionis Graecae, τὸ κτίσμα.

Creature. We have deleted creaturae, on the authority of the ancient codices and of the Greek reading, τὸ κτίσμα.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1429

Footnotes

(26) ‹anchor: not visible in the page-foot image› · call in col 1429

²⁶ Lib. II Hist., cap. 1.

26. [Eusebius,] History, book II, chapter 1.

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(27) ‹anchor: not visible in the page-foot image› · call in col 1429

²⁷ In cap. LIII Isaiae.

27. On chapter 53 of Isaiah.

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(28) ‹anchor: not visible in the page-foot image› · call in col 1429

²⁸ In Psal. LXXIII.

28. On Psalm 73.

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(29) ‹anchor: not visible in the page-foot image› · call in col 1429

²⁹ Lib. XXXVII Mor., cap. 18.

29. Morals, book 37, chapter 18.

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³⁰ Lib. de unit. Eccles.

30. Book On the Unity of the Church.

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Sic et lumen. Religio fuit hanc vocem expungere, tametsi eam contextus Graecus non habeat. Quid autem si legamus : « sic et lumen, et praedicatio veritatis ? » etc. Sic enim aptius quadrabit assumptae similitudini de sole : et his sequentibus verbis, « ubique lucet, et illuminat, » etc. Caeterum, his videmus eam unitatem doctrinae et consensionem ejusdem fidei, quam diximus unam esse notarum verae Ecclesiae, hic vehementer urgeri ab Irenaeo, et dissectis cunctorum haereticorum sectis apposite objici : quandoquidem hae nunquam secum, aut cum veritate conveniant. Manifestum est enim (ut Gnosticos istos praetermittam ), Arianos mox in quatuor, deinde in septem, praeterea in decem partes divisos fuisse: nec Donatistae, Manichaei, Pelagiani easdem defenderunt hypotheses. Quanta etiam nunc dissidia sunt inter Turcas, Persas, Tartaros, et Mauros de Mahometico Alcorano ac errore? Hoc saeculo Lutheranismus vix exortus illico distractus est in Carolstadianos , Zwinglianos, Calvinianos , Oecolampadianos, Schwermeros , Anabaptistas , Swenckfeldianos, et alias plurimas classes. Omnibus modis, id est principum intercessionibus, litteris, precibus, officiis, synodis, et colloquiis habitis Wittembergae, Marpurgi, Suabachii, Smalcaldiae, Ratisbonae, Constantiae, Tiguri, Aroviae, Basileae, Wormatiae, Maulbrunae, Altemburgi, Heidelbergae, Frankentali, Mompelgarti, etc., in concordiam redire satagerunt : sed infestiores semper ex his discesserunt ministri, quam accesserant. Non est igitur in horum coetibus vera fides aut Ecclesia : sed spiritus omnis erroris, vertiginis ac perditionis.

So also the light. We had a scruple against expunging this word, even though the Greek text does not have it. What if we should read: "so also the light, and the preaching of the truth?" etc. For thus it will more aptly square with the assumed similitude concerning the sun, and with these following words, "shines everywhere, and illuminates," etc. For the rest, by these words we see that unity of doctrine and agreement of the same faith, which we said is one of the marks of the true Church, is here vehemently urged by Irenaeus and aptly objected against the divided sects of all heretics, seeing that these never agree with themselves or with the truth. For it is manifest (to pass over those Gnostics) that the Arians were soon divided into four, then into seven, and moreover into ten parties; nor did the Donatists, Manichaeans, and Pelagians defend the same hypotheses. How great also are the dissensions even now among the Turks, Persians, Tartars, and Moors concerning the Mohammedan Koran and error? In this century Lutheranism, scarcely arisen, was immediately torn apart into Karlstadtians, Zwinglians, Calvinists, Oecolampadians, Schwärmer, Anabaptists, Schwenckfeldians, and very many other classes. By all means, that is, by the intercessions of princes, letters, prayers, good offices, synods, and colloquies held at Wittenberg, Marburg, Schwabach, Schmalkalden, Regensburg, Constance, Zurich, Aarau, Basel, Worms, Maulbronn, Altenburg, Heidelberg, Frankenthal, Montbéliard, etc., they busied themselves to return to concord; yet the ministers always departed from these more hostile than they had come. Therefore, the true faith or Church is not in the assemblies of these men, but the spirit of all error, dizziness, and perdition.

Pag. 50. Ampliat. Expunximus amplius, docente vet. cod. et Graeco verbo ἐπλεόνασεν.

Page 50. Enlarges. We have expunged amplius, as taught by the ancient codex and the Greek word ἐπλεόνασεν.

Ex Jo. Ernesti Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 3.

From the annotations of Johann Ernst Grabe on chapter 3.

Pag. 49. Ἐκκλησία, καίπερ ἐν ὅλῳ τῷ κόσμῳ διεσπαρμένη, etc. Ecclesiae, licet per longe dissitas orbis partes dispersae, in una tamen fide consensionem atque amicam conspirationem Irenaeus opponit haereticis, qui in uno eodemque loco saepe diversa docent, et vix conveniunt nisi in hoc uno, ut Ecclesiae unitatem rumpant, et fidem corrumpant.

Page 49. The Church, although dispersed throughout the whole world, etc. Irenaeus opposes the agreement and friendly harmony in one faith of the Church, though dispersed through far distant parts of the world, to the heretics, who in one and the same place often teach diverse things, and scarcely agree except in this one point, that they may break the unity of the Church and corrupt the faith.

Ἕνα οἶκον οἰκοῦσα. Cyprianus De unitate Ecclesiae, pag. 3 edit. Oxon : « In domo Dei, in Ecclesia Christi, unanimes habitant, concordes et simplices perseverant. »

Inhabiting one house. Cyprian, On the Unity of the Church, page 3 of the Oxford edition: "In the house of God, in the Church of Christ, they dwell of one mind, they persevere in concord and simplicity."

Αἱ ἐν Γερμανίαις ἱδρυμέναι ἐκκλησίαι. Sunt quidem, qui de sola Germaniae ora cis Rhenum, Romanorum ditioni subjecta, haec accipi volunt, ac Evangelium Francis atque Saxonibus aliisve trans Rhenum ante Irenaei aetatem praedicatum pernegant. Ast auctor noster ἐν Γερμανίαις, numero plurali fundatas ecclesias dicens, haud obscure indicat, in diversis Germaniae partibus jam tum fidem Evangelii obtinuisse. Et Tertullianus lib. Contra Judaeos, cap. 7, diserte memorat « Britannorum inaccessa Romanis loca, Christo vero subdita ; et Sarmatarum, et Dacorum, et Germanorum, et Scytharum, et multarum abditarum gentium. » Caeterum quae de primis Germaniae apostolis ex Aventino notavit Feuardentius, incerta sunt, et pari facilitate ab aliis rejiciuntur, qua a quibusdam acceptantur.

The churches established in the Germanies. There are indeed some who wish these words to be understood only of the border of Germany on this side of the Rhine, subject to the dominion of the Romans, and flatly deny that the Gospel was preached to the Franks and Saxons or others across the Rhine before the age of Irenaeus. But our author, by speaking of churches founded ἐν Γερμανίαις, in the plural number, not obscurely indicates that the faith of the Gospel had already then prevailed in diverse parts of Germany. And Tertullian, in the book Against the Jews, chapter 7, expressly mentions "the places of the Britons inaccessible to the Romans, yet subject to Christ; and of the Sarmatians, and Dacians, and Germans, and Scythians, and of many hidden nations." For the rest, what Feuardent noted from Aventinus concerning the first apostles of Germany is uncertain, and is rejected by others with equal facility as it is accepted by some.

Ἰβηρίαις. Hispanorum, non Iberorum in Asia, terras intelligendas bene monuit Feuardentius : minus recte autem fecit, quod fabulam de Jacobi Majoris apostoli praedicatione in istis oris sine censura recensuerit. Attamen alii Apostolo, Paulo scilicet, non modo propositum fuisse iter in Hispaniam, de quo ipse ad Romanos cap. XV, 24 et 28, scribit, sed et reapse susceptum, ubi e primis Romae vinculis evasit, ac ecclesiam ibi fundatam fuisse docent Epiphanius haeres. 27, Joannes Chrysostomus

In the Iberias. Feuardent rightly admonished that the lands of the Spaniards, not of the Iberians in Asia, are to be understood; he did less rightly, however, in recounting without censure the fable concerning the preaching of the apostle James the Greater in those regions. Nevertheless, that another Apostle, namely Paul, not only purposed a journey into Spain, of which he himself writes to the Romans, chapter 15, verses 24 and 28 (Rom. 15:24, 28), but also actually undertook it when he escaped from his first bonds at Rome, and that a church was founded there, is taught by Epiphanius, Heresy 27, John Chrysostom,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1430

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running head: LIB. I S. IRENÆI. 1430
marginal letters: A Sic et lumen.; B est in Carolstadianos; C orbis partes; D Romanis loca
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin with embedded Greek; editors' matter: Sic et lumen, Pag. 50. Ampliat, Ex Jo. Ernesti Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 3; word split at column end: Chrysosto- (Chrysostomus)

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homil. 76 in Matth. et homil. 7 de laudibus Pauli ; Hieronymus in cap. XI Isaiae et cap. V Amos, hisque antiquior Hippolytus libello De XII apostolis (si modo is genuinus ejus est fetus), nec obscure confirmat ipse Pauli amicus S. Clemens in Epist. ad Corinthios, scribens illum e vinculis Roma dimissum fuisse εἰς τέρμα δύσεως, « in terminum » sive ultimam oram « Occidentis, » ubi Hispaniam sitam esse ex geographicis notum est; quamvis haud desint, qui τέρμα δύσεως in « Britanniam » usque extendant, quorum sententiam hic in medio relinquo.

Homily 76 on Matthew and Homily 7 on the praises of Paul; Jerome on chapter 11 of Isaiah and chapter 5 of Amos, and earlier than these Hippolytus in his little book On the Twelve Apostles (if only that is his genuine offspring), and Paul's own friend St. Clement not obscurely confirms it in his Epistle to the Corinthians, writing that when dismissed from bonds at Rome he went εἰς τέρμα δύσεως, "to the boundary" or furthest shore "of the West," where it is known from geographers that Spain is situated; although there are not lacking those who extend τέρμα δύσεως even to "Britain," whose opinion I here leave undecided.

Ἐν Κελτοῖς. Celtas esse populos Galliae Comatae inter Garumnam et Sequanam, hoc loco notat Feuardentius, indeque plura de primis Gallorum apostolis cumulat, maximam partem fabulosa, et ab ipsis eruditis Gallis, horumque doctissimo Launoio , confutata. Quinam vero primi, et quando lucem Evangelii Galliae intulerint disquirere, haud est praesentis instituti : sufficit quod ex hoc Irenaei et Tertulliani loco supra citato, « Gallorum diversas nationes Christo subditas » fuisse constet, eique adeo fideliter adhaesisse, ut magnam martyrum multitudinem ad Deum praemiserit, sicut memoriae est proditum in epistola Viennensium et Lugdunensium, istius aevi Christianorum, ad ecclesias Asiae et Phrygiae apud Euseb. lib. V, cap. 1.

Among the Celts. Feuardent notes at this place that the Celts are the peoples of Gallia Comata between the Garonne and the Seine, and thence heaps up many things concerning the first apostles of the Gauls, for the most part fabulous and refuted by learned Frenchmen themselves, and by the most learned of them, Launoy. To inquire who first, and when, brought the light of the Gospel into Gaul does not belong to our present design: it suffices that from this passage of Irenaeus and that of Tertullian cited above it is established that "the diverse nations of the Gauls were subject to Christ," and cleaved to Him so faithfully that she sent ahead a great multitude of martyrs to God, as is recorded in the epistle of the Christians of Vienne and Lyons of that age to the churches of Asia and Phrygia in Eusebius, Book V, chapter 1.

Κατὰ τὰς ἀνατολάς. Ecclesias in orientalibus provinciis Asiae minoris et majoris, necnon apud Parthos, Medos, Persas, ipsosque Indos ab apostolis fundatas esse historici sacri testantur, ex quibus aliqua refert Feuardentius, quae prosequi non est hujus loci. Vide prolixius de his disserentem Baron. ad ann. C. 44.

In the East. That churches in the eastern provinces of Asia Minor and Major, and also among the Parthians, Medes, Persians, and the Indians themselves, were founded by the apostles is testified by sacred historians, from whom Feuardent relates some things, which it does not belong to this place to pursue. See Baronius discoursing more at length on these matters at the year of Christ 44.

Ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ... ἐν Λιβύῃ. De Africanis ecclesiis plura hic congessit Feuard. quae utpote satis nota describere inutile, necnon intempestivum foret. Haud opus autem fuisset, ad apostolatum eunuchi reginae Candacis probandum, plura longe petita afferre testimonia, cum praesto ei fuerit ipsius Irenaei auctoritas lib. III, cap. 12, et lib. IV, cap. 40.

In Egypt... in Libya. Concerning the African churches Feuardent has here heaped up many things which, as being sufficiently known, it would be useless and also unseasonable to transcribe. Moreover, there would have been no need, in order to prove the apostolate of the eunuch of Queen Candace, to adduce many far-fetched testimonies, when he had at hand the authority of Irenaeus himself, Book III, chapter 12, and Book IV, chapter 40.

Scholia Billii in cap. 4.

Scholia of Billy on chapter 4.

Pag. 50. Ingenio ac prudentia. Habet hoc loco vetus interpres vocabulum unum, quod in Graeco deest, nempe « intelligentiam, » ut sit sensus, quod quidam pro ingenii acumine in Scripturarum intelligentia plus videant, etc.

Page 50. By talent and prudence. At this place the ancient translator has one word which is lacking in the Greek, namely "understanding," so that the sense is that some, in proportion to the acuteness of their talent, see more in the understanding of the Scriptures, etc.

In eo nobis satis praesidii. Ad verb., quasi non ipse nobis sufficiat. In Graec. pro τούτους legendum τούτῳ, vel certe ἀρκουμένου τούτου : tametsi id minus probem; ἀρκοῦντος enim potius dixisset, si significationem activam exprimere voluisset.

Sufficient protection for us in Him. Literally, as if He Himself were not sufficient for us. In the Greek, for τούτους we should read τούτῳ, or at least ἀρκουμένου τούτου, although I approve of that less; for he would rather have said ἀρκοῦντος if he had wished to express an active signification.

Salutem factam. Γενομένην lego cum vet.

Salvation wrought. I read γενομένην with the ancient translator.

Quodque diuturna lenitate. Ex his verbis sentire videtur Irenaeus, daemonas ante extremum judicii diem vindice illo igne minime excruciari : id quod summae Dei longanimitati tribuit. In qua sententia est Theod. lib. III Polym. et nonnulli alii. Sed tamen contraria sententia, ut verior, ab Ecclesia tenetur.

And that by long-enduring gentleness. From these words Irenaeus seems to think that the demons are by no means tormented by that avenging fire before the last day of judgement, which he attributes to the supreme longsuffering of God. Of this opinion are Theodoret, Book III of the Polymorphus, and some others. Yet the contrary opinion, as truer, is held by the Church.

Pag. 51. Grata oratione complectatur. Suspectum est mihi hoc loco verbum εὐχαριστεῖν, quod parum aliis his verbis respondeat, διδάσκειν , μηνύειν, ἐξερευνᾷν, ἀπαγγέλλειν, etc. Itaque sic verti, ut simul cum gratiarum actione, declarationis etiam cujusdam significationem habeat.

Embrace in grateful discourse. The word εὐχαριστεῖν is suspect to me at this place, because it corresponds little to these other words, διδάσκειν, μηνύειν, ἐξερευνᾷν, ἀπαγγέλλειν, etc. Therefore I have so translated it that along with thanksgiving it may also have the signification of a certain declaration.

Potius quam in initio. In Graec. pro ἡ ἀρχή, lego καὶ οὐκ ἐν ἀρχῇ cum vet., tametsi non negem commode quoque legi posse ἡ ἀρχή, ut hic locus ita vertatur : « hoc est, principium in fine apparuerit. »

Rather than in the beginning. In the Greek, for ἡ ἀρχή I read καὶ οὐκ ἐν ἀρχῇ with the ancient translator, although I do not deny that ἡ ἀρχή can also be conveniently read, so that this passage is translated thus: "that is, why the Beginning appeared at the end."

Populus factus. Hoc verbum ἐρεῖ non agnoscit vet. interp.

Made a people. The ancient translator does not recognize this word ἐρεῖ.

Quae ipsius parens sit. Vet. interp. legit in Graeco, μητέρα τούτου καὶ αὐτῶν : ac τούτου quidem ego lubens lego. Insectatur enim Irenaeus eos qui Demiurgo, hoc est, summo illi rerum omnium opifici matrem Enthymesin affingunt. Sed αὐ-

Who is his parent. The ancient translator reads in the Greek, μητέρα τούτου καὶ αὐτῶν; and τούτου indeed I gladly read. For Irenaeus inveighs against those who fashion Enthymesis as mother to the Demiurge, that is, to that supreme artificer of all things. But αὐ-

Editors' notes and page, col. 1431

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running head: 1431 VARIORUM NOTA
marginal letters: A mus homil.; B et Tertulliani; C afferre testimonia; D contraria sententia
old-edition numerals: 45 before Potius
other: Latin with embedded Greek; editors' matter: mus homil., Scholia Billii in cap. 4; word split at column start: mus (Chrysostomus); word split at column end: αὐ- (αὐτῶν)

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τῶν plane improbo. Ad quid enim referetur? Ac ne αὐτοῦ quidem defendi potest : neque enim Aeonis illius inconsulti parens erat Enthymesis, sed ex eo potius orta, ut quidam stultissimi nebulones fingebant.

τῶν I altogether disapprove. For to what would it refer? And not even αὐτοῦ can be defended: for Enthymesis was not the parent of that rash Aeon, but rather sprang from him, as certain most foolish knaves feigned.

Aut rursus in eo. Pro τόν legendum est in Graec. εἰς τό.

Or again in this. For τόν we should read in the Greek εἰς τό.

Nunc triginta. In Graec. pro τὸ μὲν ἕνα, corrigo ex vet. νῦν μὲν τριάκοντα.

Now thirty. In the Greek, for τὸ μὲν ἕνα I correct from the ancient translator νῦν μὲν τριάκοντα.

Notae ex adversariis Frontonis Ducaei in cap. 4.

Notes from the notebooks of Fronton du Duc on chapter 4.

Pag. 50. Nosse quosdam intelligentiam. Vox, « intelligentiam, » redundat, ut e Graeco apparet, sed substituenda est potius vox φρόνησιν, pro « prudentiam : » nam intelligentiam nosse, phrasis est Scripturae, ut Isa. LVI, 11 : Οὐκ εἰδότες σύνεσιν· Hier., « nescientes intelligentiam. » Rursus, « sed in eo quod exquirere, » ἑλληνίζει, pro, « sed in eo ut exquirat quis et adjungat veritatis argumento, » ἐν τῷ προσεπεργάζεσθαι, sicut vertit, ἐν τῷ ἐκδιηγεῖσθαι, « in eo ut factam enarret, et quoniam magnanimus exstitit Deus, etc., edisserat, et quare alia, etc., fecit, annuntiet, » et caetera eodem modo usque ad, « praeconiare. »

Page 50. That some know understanding. The word "understanding" is redundant, as appears from the Greek; rather, for φρόνησιν the word "prudence" should be substituted: for to know understanding is a phrase of Scripture, as Isaiah 56:11: Οὐκ εἰδότες σύνεσιν; Jerome, "not knowing understanding." Again, "but in that to inquire" is a Graecism for "but in this, that one inquire and add to the argument of truth," ἐν τῷ προσεπεργάζεσθαι, just as he translates ἐν τῷ ἐκδιηγεῖσθαι, "in this, that he recount that it was wrought, and set forth how longsuffering God was, etc., and declare why He made other things, etc.," and the rest in the same manner up to "to proclaim."

Quasi non ipse sufficiat. Apud Epiphan. in Basileen. edit. legebatur, ὡς μὴ ἀρκουμένους τούτους : Gallasius edidit, ὡς μὴ ἀρκουμένου τούτου, et vertit, « quasi ipse nobis non sufficiat, » melius quam Corn., « ita ut hoc non sis contentus. » Simplicius erit, « quasi non sufficiat iste, » hoc est, quasi non satis sit, sed alterius adjuvandus sit viribus : ἀρκεῖσθαι enim valet idem quod ἀρκεῖν, sufficere, satis esse.

As if He Himself were not sufficient. In Epiphanius in the Basel edition was read, ὡς μὴ ἀρκουμένους τούτους; des Gallars edited, ὡς μὴ ἀρκουμένου τούτου, and translated, "as if He Himself were not sufficient for us," better than Cornarius, "so that you are not content with this." It will be simpler, "as if this one were not sufficient," that is, as if he were not enough, but needed to be aided by the powers of another: for ἀρκεῖσθαι has the same force as ἀρκεῖν, to suffice, to be enough.

Sed aliis aliter adesse. Interpres συνιεῖν vertit « adesse, » cum potius ita debuerit, « sed aliis aliter, intelligere, » vel, « intelligat, » hoc est, ut intelligat cur aliis aliter apparuerit. Paulo post, « passum est, » Verbum scilicet, quasi συνεῖναι.

But was present otherwise to others. The translator rendered συνιεῖν "to be present," as if συνεῖναι, whereas he ought rather to have rendered it thus, "but to understand that to others He appeared otherwise," or "that one may understand," that is, that one may understand why He appeared otherwise to others. A little later, "suffered," namely the Word.

Pag. 51. Neque in eo quod est super hanc. Graecas voces immutarat pro arbitrio Gallasius; nos eas, ut in Basileensi edit. Epiphanii erant, edidimus, et in margine Billii correctiones, ut et in aliis locis addidimus, in quibus fortasse pro τὸ μὲν ἕνα scribendum νῦν μὲν λʹ : nota tricenarii.

Page 51. Nor in that which is above this. Des Gallars had altered the Greek words at his own discretion; we have edited them as they were in the Basel edition of Epiphanius, and have added Billy's corrections in the margin, as also in other places, in which perhaps for τὸ μὲν ἕνα should be written νῦν μὲν λʹ, by the numeral sign for thirty.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 4.

Annotations of François Feuardent on chapter 4.

Pag. 50. Plus autem. Non est piorum ac sapientum virorum alium Deum, aut Christum comminisci; sed quae obscure scripta sunt, exquirere : ac in primis divinam longanimitatem in peccatores, summam in judicando aequitatem, in Verbi incarnatione ineffabilem gratiam, in gentium vocatione benevolentiam, similiaque mysteria cum pietate atque studio perquirere, aliisque manifestare.

Page 50. More, however. It is not the part of pious and wise men to contrive another God, or Christ, but to inquire into the things that are obscurely written: and above all with piety and zeal to investigate and manifest to others the divine longsuffering towards sinners, the supreme equity in judging, the ineffable grace in the incarnation of the Word, the benevolence in the calling of the Gentiles, and similar mysteries.

Et quoniam magnanimus exstitit Deus. Sic Graecizans vertit ἐμακροθύμησε, vetus interpres, pro « magno animo, et multa patientia tulit quorumdam angelorum defectionem, concessa illis ad resipiscendum, si voluissent, aliquanta temporis mora : » alludens ad Pauli verba Rom. IX cap. : « Sustinuit Deus, » ἐν μακροθυμίᾳ, id est « in multa patientia et longanimitate, vasa irae aptata in interitum, » etc.

And because God was magnanimous. Thus Graecizing the ancient translator rendered ἐμακροθύμησε, for "with a great mind and much patience He bore the defection of certain angels, granting them some delay of time for repenting, if they had wished"; alluding to the words of Paul, Romans chapter 9 (Rom. 9:22): "God endured," ἐν μακροθυμίᾳ, that is, "in much patience and longsuffering, the vessels of wrath fitted for destruction," etc.

Et quare testamenta multa. Vetus testamentum, quod cum typis suis obsolevit; et recens Evangelio, miraculis et utilioribus sacramentis sancitum, longe diversa esse foedera hic et infra quoque disserit, et probat lib. IV, c. 21, 22 et 24 ; id quod et ante eum abunde convicerat B. Justinus martyr et philosophus toto fere Dialogo cum Tryphone, et quaest. 97 et 101, ad ortho. Isthaec autem observare placuit in eos, qui, ut Judaicorum sacramentorum umbras evangelicis sacramentis pares faciant, et nihil amplius istis quam illis, nobis praestari, ex duobus testamentis unicum esse vociferantur, contra apertissimas Scripturas, Matth. XXVI ; II Cor. III ; Hebr. VII, VIII, XII, XIII ; Gal. IV.

And why He made many covenants. That the Old Testament, which has grown obsolete with its types, and the New, sanctioned by the Gospel, miracles, and more profitable sacraments, are far different covenants, he discourses here and below also, and proves in Book IV, chapters 21, 22, and 24; which before him blessed Justin, martyr and philosopher, had abundantly demonstrated throughout almost his whole Dialogue with Trypho, and in Questions 97 and 101 to the Orthodox. It has pleased us to observe these things against those who, in order to make the shadows of the Jewish sacraments equal to the evangelical sacraments, and to claim that nothing more is afforded to us by the latter than by the former, clamour that out of two testaments there is only one, against the clearest Scriptures, Matthew 26; 2 Corinthians 3; Hebrews 7, 8, 12, 13; Galatians 4.

Pag. 51. Et quare desperatas gentes. Vix invenias

Page 51. And why the desperate Gentiles. You would scarcely find

Editors' notes and page, col. 1432

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running head: RIORUM NOTÆ 1432
marginal letters: A τῶν plane; B γεῖσθαι, « in; C voces immutarat; D sipiscendum , si
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin with embedded Greek; editors' matter: τῶν plane, Notae ex adversariis Frontonis Ducaei in cap. 4, Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 4; word split at column start: τῶν (αὐτῶν)

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mysterium abstrusius, quodque Judaeis et apostolis ab initio majus negotium facesserit, quam sit vocatio gentium. Tantis enim promissionibus semini Abrahae Messiam pollicitum cernebant, ut huic tantummodo destinatum putarent ; cum ad plurimas easque evidentissimas sponsiones gentibus factas non attenderent. Hinc exorta sunt varia dissidia, quae vix publico concilii decreto postea compescuerunt apostoli. Hincque judaizantem ut plurimum ecclesiam Hierosolymitanam sub Jacobo legimus. Ergo « desperatas gentes » vocat, quae religionis Christianorum ineundae fideique excipiendae in desperationem jam venerant : quarum salus ex cognitione Evangelii nulla in posterum speraretur. Deinde delevimus « corporatas, » et « concorporatas » reposuimus.

a more abstruse mystery, and one that caused greater difficulty from the beginning to the Jews and the apostles, than is the calling of the Gentiles. For they saw the Messiah promised to the seed of Abraham with such great promises that they thought He was destined for this seed alone, since they did not attend to the very many and most evident pledges made to the Gentiles. Hence arose various dissensions, which the apostles afterwards scarcely quelled by the public decree of a council. And hence we read that the church of Jerusalem under James for the most part Judaized. Therefore he calls those "desperate Gentiles" who had already come into despair of entering upon the religion of Christians and receiving the faith, whose salvation from the knowledge of the Gospel could no longer be hoped for in the future. Next we have deleted "corporatas" and restored "concorporatas."

Praeconiare. Nimia religione exprimendi κηρύσσειν, quod est « publicare, voci praeconis subjicere, » interpres vertit « praeconiare, » pro « annuntiare, promulgare, » atque « praedicare. » Hic et passim animadvertas licet, interpretem curare verbum verbo reddere, ut loquitur Horatius, quo fidus appareat tum mentis, tum verborum Irenaei explanator, cum verba de verbis expressa fidelissime efferat, atque ea legenda et conferenda lectori prodat.

To proclaim as a herald. Out of excessive scrupulousness in expressing κηρύσσειν, which is "to publish, to subject to the voice of a herald," the translator renders "praeconiare," for "to announce, to promulgate," and "to preach." Here and passim you may observe that the translator takes care to render word for word, as Horace says, so that he may appear a faithful explainer both of the mind and of the words of Irenaeus, since he brings forth most faithfully words expressed from words, and delivers them to the reader to be read and compared.

Ex Jo. Ernesti Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 4.

From the annotations of Johann Ernst Grabe on chapter 4.

Pag. 50. Ἀρκουμένους τούτους. Billius monet legendum τούτῳ, vel ἀρκουμένου τούτου (quomodo Gallasius in sua Irenaei editione posuit), tametsi hoc minus probet. Ἀρκοῦντος « enim potius dixisset, » inquit, « si significationem activam exprimere voluisset. » Recte quidem : sed nec τούτους in τούτῳ mutare est necesse, siquidem illud ad τινάς referri, hoc vero subintelligi potest.

Page 50. Ἀρκουμένους τούτους. Billy advises that we should read τούτῳ, or ἀρκουμένου τούτου (as des Gallars placed in his edition of Irenaeus), although he approves of this less. "For he would rather have said ἀρκοῦντος," he says, "if he had wished to express an active signification." Rightly indeed; yet neither is it necessary to change τούτους into τούτῳ, since the former can be referred to τινάς, and the latter can be understood.

Πάντα. Nolim putes corrigendum esse et scribendum πάντας. Nam Irenaeum ita verba Apostoli legisse, ex collatione hujus loci cum lib. III, cap. 22, patet.

All things. I would not have you think that it must be corrected and written πάντας. For that Irenaeus so read the words of the Apostle is clear from a comparison of this passage with Book III, chapter 22.

Pag. 51. Εὐχαριστεῖν. Suspectum sibi hoc loco verbum istud videri ait Billius, quod parum respondeat praecedentibus, διδάσκειν, μηνύειν, ἐξερευνᾷν, ἀπαγγέλλειν, etc. Et verum quidem est, εὐχαριστεῖν de ea, quae Deo fit, gratiarum actione proprie dici ; attamen hic ad orationem, qua coram hominibus Dei beneficia horumque rationes exponuntur, ab Irenaeo translatum est, quod verba διδάσκειν, ἀπαγγέλλειν, etc., repetere nollet, quodque orationes eucharisticae, quibus incarnatio et passio Christi celebratur, praecipue quidem in honorem Dei, sed simul ad usum fidelium dirigantur, sicque « mors Domini » et coram Deo, et coram hominibus « annuntietur. » I Corinth. XI, 26.

Page 51. To give thanks. Billy says that this word seems suspect to him at this place, because it corresponds little to the preceding words, διδάσκειν, μηνύειν, ἐξερευνᾷν, ἀπαγγέλλειν, etc. And it is true indeed that εὐχαριστεῖν is properly said of that thanksgiving which is made to God; nevertheless, it is here transferred by Irenaeus to the discourse whereby the benefits of God and the reasons for them are expounded before men, because he was unwilling to repeat the words διδάσκειν, ἀπαγγέλλειν, etc., and because eucharistic discourses, whereby the incarnation and passion of Christ are celebrated, are directed chiefly indeed to the honour of God, yet at the same time to the use of the faithful, and thus "the death of the Lord is proclaimed" both before God and before men, 1 Corinthians 11:26 (1 Cor. 11:26).

Ἡ ἀρχή. Καὶ οὐκ ἐν ἀρχῇ ductu veteris interpretis legere amat Billius ; neque tamen negare potuit, quod ἡ ἀρχή, « Principium, » i. e. Dei Filius, « in fine » temporum « apparuisse » optime dici potuerit. Ego sane nullus dubito Irenaeum ita scripsisse; veteri autem interpreti sensum ejus haud assecuto, libuisse suum hic exprimere. Caeterum ut de causis tam seri adventus Salvatoris nostri pauca dicam, inter plures, quas S. Patres tradiderunt, verissima mihi videtur ea, quam Eusebius in prooemio lib. VIII, De demonstratione evangelica, et lib. I Hist. eccles , cap. 2, fusius edisserit. Ait quippe Adami posteros per universum orbem diffusos, olim ferinam magis quam humanam egisse vitam, nullis legibus vel juribus circumscriptam, nulla virtute vel philosophia excultam, adeo ut mutuis stupris et caedibus se contaminarent, humanas carnes vorarent, ipsi Deo vero bellum inferre auderent, etc. Necesse itaque fuisse, ut adeo feri hominum mores paulatim corrigerentur, philosophia partim, partim lege Mosaica, ac tum denique in mundo appareret Verbum Dei perfectam justitiae legem ac salutem humano generi

The Beginning. Guided by the ancient translator, Billy likes to read καὶ οὐκ ἐν ἀρχῇ; yet he could not deny that ἡ ἀρχή, "the Beginning," that is, the Son of God, could very well be said "to have appeared at the end" of times. I for my part do not at all doubt that Irenaeus so wrote, and that it pleased the ancient translator, not having grasped his sense, to express his own here. For the rest, to say a few words about the causes of so late a coming of our Saviour, among the many that the holy Fathers have handed down, the truest seems to me to be that which Eusebius sets forth more at length in the preface to Book VIII On the Demonstration of the Gospel, and in Book I of his Ecclesiastical History, chapter 2. For he says that the descendants of Adam, diffused throughout the whole world, formerly led a bestial rather than a human life, bounded by no laws or rights, cultivated by no virtue or philosophy, so that they defiled themselves with mutual debaucheries and slaughters, devoured human flesh, dared to wage war against the true God Himself, etc. Therefore it was necessary that such savage manners of men should be gradually corrected, partly by philosophy and partly by the Mosaic law, and that then at last the Word of God should appear in the world, bringing the perfect law of justice and salvation to the human

Editors' notes and page, col. 1433

Page

running head: 1433 IN LIB. I S. IREN
marginal letters: A mysterium abstrusius; B nuntiare, promulgare; C legisse, ex; D « in fine »
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin with embedded Greek; editors' matter: mysterium abstrusius, Ex Jo. Ernesti Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 4; word split at column end: ge- (generi)
other: the word generi was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 1434

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afferens, etc. Legatur Petavius lib. II, De Incarn., cap. 17.

race, etc. Let Petavius be read, Book II On the Incarnation, chapter 17.

Μητέρα τούτων καὶ αὐτοῦ. Veterem interpretem legisse τούτου καὶ αὐτῶν ante Petavium notavit Billius, assensum praebens lectioni τούτου, non autem αὐτῶν. « Ad quid enim, » inquit, « referetur ? » Respondeo ad Valentinianos , matrem Achamoth confingentes, quae idcirco supra cap. 1, alibique passim « mater ipsorum » dicitur. Unde Graecis nihil mutatis, τούτων de Valentinianis, αὐτοῦ de Creatore accipio, et illos ante hunc ab Irenaeo positos puto, quoniam haeretici illi adeo insaniebant, ut se tanquam « spirituales » super illum velut « animalem » afferebant.

The mother of these and of him. Before Petavius, Billy noted that the ancient translator read τούτου καὶ αὐτῶν, giving assent to the reading τούτου, but not αὐτῶν. "For to what," he says, "will it be referred?" I answer, to the Valentinians, who fashion Achamoth as mother, who is therefore called above in chapter 1 and elsewhere passim "their mother." Whence, with nothing changed in the Greek, I take τούτων of the Valentinians and αὐτοῦ of the Creator, and think that they were placed before him by Irenaeus because those heretics were so mad that they exalted themselves as "spiritual" above him as "animal."

Οὐδὲ τό. Ita Petavius procul dubio ex ms. codice excudi fecit, pro οὐδὲ τόν, ut est in Basileensi Epiphanii editione. Ego vel cum Billio οὐδ' εἰς τό, vel potius cum veteri interprete οὐδ' ἐν τῷ τό legendum puto.

Nor the. Thus Petavius without doubt had it printed from a manuscript codex, for οὐδὲ τόν, as it is in the Basel edition of Epiphanius. I think we should read either οὐδ' εἰς τό with Billy, or rather οὐδ' ἐν τῷ τό with the ancient translator.

Scholia Billii in cap. 5.

Scholia of Billy on chapter 5.

Pag. 52. Veteres doctrinas. Pro ἀρχὰς διδασκαλείου, repono ἀρχαίας διδασκαλίας, ex vet.

Page 52. Ancient doctrines. For ἀρχὰς διδασκαλείου, I restore ἀρχαίας διδασκαλίας, from the ancient translator.

Ad hunc modum docet. Graec., ἐξηροφόρησε, corrupte, ut opinor. Vetus habet, « sic definit, » quasi legerit, οὕτως ἔφη ὁρισάμενος.

Teaches in this manner. In the Greek, ἐξηροφόρησε, corruptly, as I think. The ancient translator has, "thus defines," as if he read, οὕτως ἔφη ὁρισάμενος.

Binarium quemdam. Addo τινά, ex vet.

A certain dyad. I add τινά, from the ancient translator.

Pag. 53. Illorum matrem. Αὐτῶν lego cum vet.

Page 53. Their mother. I read αὐτῶν with the ancient translator.

Meliorum recordationem. Μνήμην lego cum veteri, non γνώμην, ut sit sensus, eam in recordatione beati illius status, quo non sine magno dolore carebat, ejusmodi fructum edidisse.

Remembrance of better things. I read μνήμην with the ancient translator, not γνώμην, so that the sense is that in the remembrance of that blessed state, which she lacked not without great sorrow, she brought forth fruit of this sort.

Ipsi subjectorum. Addo αὐτῷ ex vet.

Subject to him. I add αὐτῷ from the ancient translator.

Sinistrum principem. Ἀρίστερον lego cum vet., non ἄριστον.

Left-hand ruler. I read ἀρίστερον with the ancient translator, not ἄριστον.

Ei cum illis convenit. Vetus legit ὅμοιον, non ὁμοίως : sed male, ut sensus aperte docet.

He agrees with them. The ancient translator reads ὅμοιον, not ὁμοίως; but wrongly, as the sense openly teaches.

A veritate. Malo cum veteri interpr. legere ἀληθείας, quam ἐκκλησίας, quod id magis quadret cum eo quod post sequitur, « ut veritatis plantas proferant. » Ubi tamen illic quoque adnotandum est, veterem interpretem, φύλλα legisse, non φυτά, quam tamen lectionem minus probo.

From the truth. I prefer with the ancient translator to read ἀληθείας rather than ἐκκλησίας, because that squares more with what follows afterwards, "that they may bring forth plants of truth." Where, however, it must also be noted there that the ancient translator read φύλλα, not φυτά, which reading, however, I approve of less.

Pag. 54. Sed post triginta Aeonas. Vet., « a fructibus eorum. » Tertullianus, « a fructibus de substantia venientibus. »

Page 54. But after the thirty Aeons. The ancient translator has, "from their fruits." Tertullian has, "from fruits coming from the substance."

Initium omnium. Delenda praepos. ἐπί apud Epiphanium.

Beginning of all things. The preposition ἐπί in Epiphanius must be deleted.

Quod quidem initium. Addendum in Graec. post ὁ λόγος, μονάδα, ex vet. et Tertull.

Which beginning indeed. In the Greek, after ὁ λόγος, μονάδα must be added, from the ancient translator and Tertullian.

Nomina imposuit. Ὀνόματα lego ex Iren.

Imposed names. I read ὀνόματα from Irenaeus.

Quam ego Solitatem voco. Μονότητα legendum in Graec. non μονάδα, quemadmodum ead. lin. μονότητι non μονάδι, ex Iren. et Tertull.

Which I call Solitariness. In the Greek we must read μονότητα, not μονάδα, just as in the same line μονότητι, not μονάδι, from Irenaeus and Tertullian.

Pag. 55. Quandoquidem figmento suo. Delendum καί in Graeco.

Page 55. Since by his own figment. Καί must be deleted in the Greek.

Nominibus veritas. Ὀνόματα lego cum vet.

Truth to the names. I read ὀνόματα with the ancient translator.

Primo et quinto loco. Addo τόπῳ ex vet. et Tertull.

In the first and fifth place. I add τόπῳ from the ancient translator and Tertullian.

Ex Anennoeto. Deleo τῆς ἀρχῆς ex vet. et Tertull.

From Anennoetos. I delete τῆς ἀρχῆς from the ancient translator and Tertullian.

Pag. 56. Ex Aorato denique. Post ἀοράτου in Graec. haec verba addo ex vet. interp. et Tertull., τετάρτῳ καὶ ὀγδόῳ τόπῳ. « Hoc autem, » ait Tertull., « quae ratio disponat, ut singula, et quidem tam intercisis locis nascantur, malo ignorare, quam discere. »

Page 56. From Aoratos, finally. After ἀοράτου in the Greek I add these words from the ancient translator and Tertullian, τετάρτῳ καὶ ὀγδόῳ τόπῳ. "What reason," says Tertullian, "disposes this, that each one is born, and indeed in such interrupted places, I prefer to be ignorant of than to learn."

O nugatores sophistae. Ὢ ληρολόγοι σοφισταί. Aliter tamen legisse videtur vet. interp. Vertit enim : « O pepones , sophistae vituperabiles. » Quae verba occasionem praebent suspicandi in Graeco vel esse carmen illud Homericum Iliad. II :

O trifling sophists. Ὢ ληρολόγοι σοφισταί. Yet the ancient translator seems to have read otherwise. For he translates: "O pumpkins, blameworthy sophists." Which words afford an occasion of suspecting that in the Greek there was either that Homeric verse of Iliad II (Il. 2.235):

Ὦ πέπονες, κάκ' ἐλέγχε' Ἀχαΐδες, οὐκ ἔτ' Ἀχαιοί.

O weaklings, base disgraces, Achaean women, no longer Achaean men!

vel certe paulum immutatum.

or at least slightly altered.

Conjugis expertem. Pudiciores hos vocat Tertull., qui honorem divinitatis recordati, ut etiam unius conjugis dedecus a Bytho avellerent, maluerunt

Without a consort. Tertullian calls those more modest who, remembering the honour of divinity, in order that they might pluck away even the disgrace of a single consort from Bythos, preferred

Editors' notes and page, col. 1434

Page

running head: LIB. I S. IRENÆI. 1434
marginal letters: A neri afferens; B Scholia Billii; C eo quod; D tull.
old-edition numerals: 46 before Meliorum
other: Latin with embedded Greek; editors' matter: neri afferens, Scholia Billii in cap. 5; word split at column start: neri (generi); word split at column end: malue- (maluerunt)

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nullum ei sexum deputare : et fortasse hoc Deum, non hic Deus pronuntiant.

to assign no sex to him; and perhaps they say "this Deity" in the neuter, not "this God" in the masculine.

Hermaphroditi naturam. « Alii, » inquit Tertull., « masculum et feminam eum dicunt, ne apud solos Lunenses Hermaphroditum existimet animalium commentator Fenestella. »

The nature of a hermaphrodite. "Others," says Tertullian, "call him male and female, lest Fenestella, the chronicler of animals, should think that a hermaphrodite exists only among the people of Luna."

Notae ex adversariis Frontonis Ducaei in cap. 5.

Notes from the notebooks of Fronton du Duc on chapter 5.

Pag. 53. Sed a matre. Lege, « sed a matre foris facta secundum memoriam meliorum enixum esse cum quadam umbra ; » vel, « foris autem facta enixa est. » Christum scilicet dicit procreatum fuisse a matre foras explosa. Porro vocem τινός restituimus ex Basiliens.

Page 53. But from the mother. Read, "but from the mother put outside, he was brought forth according to the remembrance of better things along with a certain shadow"; or, "having been put outside, she brought forth." Namely, he says that Christ was brought forth by the mother cast outside. Moreover, we have restored the word τινός from the Basel edition.

Similem iis qui dicentur. Interp. legit ὅμοιον, non ὁμοίως, sed male, ut Bill. monet : itaque verti debuit, « similiter iis, » vel, « eo modo quo ii, qui dicentur. »

Like those who shall be mentioned. The translator reads ὅμοιον, not ὁμοίως, but wrongly, as Billy advises; therefore it ought to have been translated, "similarly to those," or, "in the manner in which those who shall be mentioned."

Fructificarent folia veritatis. Interpres legit τὰ φύλλα τῆς ἀληθείας ; apud Epipha. erat : τὰ φυτὰ τῆς ἀληθείας, « plantas veritatis : » quod magis probat Billius. Atque editio quidem Gallasii ex Epiphanio Graeca Irenaei hactenus repraesentabat : in hac autem ex eodem in aliis locis eadem ab hoc usque ad caput 9, subjicere placuit. Licet enim non se ipsa verba Irenaei proferre Epiphanius profiteatur, tamen eadem pene verba usurpat cum iis, quae interpres Irenaei convertit e Graeco ; nam et Theodoretus, ut et ipse, ex eodem fonte istas haeresum narrationes hauserunt.

Bring forth leaves of truth. The translator reads τὰ φύλλα τῆς ἀληθείας; in Epiphanius it was: τὰ φυτὰ τῆς ἀληθείας, "plants of truth," which Billy approves of more. And indeed the edition of des Gallars hitherto presented the Greek of Irenaeus from Epiphanius; in this edition, however, it has pleased us to subjoin the same from the same author in other places from here up to chapter 9. For although Epiphanius professes that he does not bring forward the very words of Irenaeus, nevertheless he uses almost the same words as those which the translator of Irenaeus rendered from the Greek; for Theodoret also, like himself, drew those accounts of heresies from the same source.

Quaternionem esse dextram. Scribe, « dextrum, et sinistrum ; » item, « et discedentem autem, ac destitutam virtutem non a triginta. » In interpretat. Billii adde vocem unam, « primam ogdoadem : » nam et hic vetus eam habet, et Epiphanius πρώτην, quem sequitur Billii interpretatio, non vet. interpr., ut cum vertit, « sed post triginta Aeonas ; » cujus loco noster, « sed a fructibus eorum. »

That the quaternion is right. Write, "right, and left"; likewise, "and the departing and destitute power, not from the thirty." In Billy's translation add one word, "the first ogdoad": for here both the ancient translator has it, and Epiphanius has πρώτην, whom Billy's translation follows, not the ancient translator, as when he translates, "but after the thirty Aeons," in place of which ours has, "but from their fruits."

Pag. 54. Illud, « ejusdem substantiae ei, quam et eam voco Hen, » hoc sibi vult, ὁμοούσιον, sive consubstantialem esse monadi illam virtutem, quae dicitur unum : sic enim in Bill. interp. scribendum est.

Page 54. That phrase, "of the same substance with it, which I also call Hen," means this, that that power which is called One is ὁμοούσιον, or consubstantial with the monad: for so it must be written in Billy's translation.

Iu, iu et pheu. Ubi superioribus attexuit quaedam Epipha. de Epiphane, de Clemente Alexandrino, redit ad haec Irenaei, in quibus illud φεῦ usurpat : de quo Suidas quidem notat esse σχετλιαστικὸν ἐπίῤῥημα, ἐστὶ δὲ καὶ θαυμαστικόν : sed admirantis notionem habet apud Tertull. Adv. Valent., ubi scholastici φεῦ acclamant et laudant ; hic vero dolentis, ut auctor ipse indicat apertius alio in loco, ὑπὲρ τὸ φεῦ, καὶ ὑπὲρ πᾶσαν τραγικὴν ἐκφώνησιν, καὶ σχετλιατισμόν ἐστι , vel potius σχετλιασμόν.

Iu, iu and pheu. When Epiphanius has woven onto the foregoing certain things concerning Epiphanes and Clement of Alexandria, he returns to these words of Irenaeus, in which he uses that word φεῦ: concerning which Suidas indeed notes that it is an adverb of lamentation, and is also one of wonder; now in Tertullian Against the Valentinians, where the scholars acclaim φεῦ and praise, it has the notion of one admiring, whereas here it is of one grieving, as the author himself indicates more openly in another place, ὑπὲρ τὸ φεῦ, καὶ ὑπὲρ πᾶσαν τραγικὴν ἐκφώνησιν, καὶ σχετλιατισμόν ἐστι, or rather σχετλιασμόν.

Quam et ipsam. Lego, « quam et ipsam voco henotetem ; manifeste quoniam figmenta sunt quaecunque ab eo dicta sunt, confessus est.

Which itself also. I read, "which itself also I call Henotes; he has manifestly confessed that whatsoever things have been said by him are figments."

Quoniam , etc. Illud, « est, » quod aberat a prioribus editionibus non agnoscit Graecus liber, et σαφέστατα « manifestissime » sonat.

Since, etc. That word "is," which was absent from earlier editions, the Greek book does not recognize, and σαφέστατα means "most manifestly."

Pag. 56. Pleroma hoc primae ogdoadis. Addidimus in marg. primo loco vocem τόπῳ ex vet. int. apud quem interpr. ita corrigenda est ex Graeco, ut vicem expendat, « et octavo loco agenneton, Pleroma hoc primae ogdoadis. Has volunt fuisse, » etsi hoc abest a Graec. « Agenneton » scribi jubet non modo Graecus, ἀγέννητον, sed et Tertull. qui omnia ista exagitat adv. Valent. 35.

Page 56. This Pleroma of the first ogdoad. We have added in the margin in the first place the word τόπῳ from the ancient translator, in whom the translation is to be so corrected from the Greek as to supply the place, "and in the eighth place Agennetos, this Pleroma of the first ogdoad. These they will have to have been," although this is absent from the Greek. Not only the Greek, ἀγέννητον, bids "Agenneton" be written, but also Tertullian, who criticizes all those things in Against the Valentinians 35.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 5.

Annotations of François Feuardent on chapter 5.

Videamus nunc et eorum inconstantem, etc. Ecclesiarum omnium concordiae mirabili, quae nonnisi a Spiritu sancto oriri potest, haereticorum dissidia,

Let us now see also their inconstant, etc. To the admirable concord of all the Churches, which can arise only from the Holy Spirit, the dissensions of heretics

Editors' notes and page, col. 1435

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running head: 1433 VARIORUM NOT
marginal letters: A runt nullum; B τῆς ἀληθείας; C Pag. 54.; D Quoniam , etc.
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column number misprinted 1433 for 1435 in running head; Latin with embedded Greek; editors' matter: runt nullum, Notae ex adversariis Frontonis Ducaei in cap. 5, Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 5; word split at column start: runt (maluerunt); word split at column end: dis- (dissidia)
other: the word dissidia, was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 1436

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pugnas, et quae nunquam coire possunt, sententias subjicit, ut zizaniorum et bellorum satorem, horum auctorem esse nullus nesciat. Etenim sicut ea, quae germana est sponsa et columba Christi, unica est, eaque unitate adversus hostium cujuslibet generis copias et impressiones invicta permansit : sic haereticorum sectae dissectae, et quasi civili bello pugnantia capita, mutuis vulneribus semper conciderunt. Falsitatum et mendaciorum tesseram hanc certissimam esse, ex antiquissimis Patribus ostendere magis libet, quam quidpiam proprio Marte cudere. « Mentior, » ait Tertull., « si non etiam a regulis suis variant inter se, dum unusquisque proinde suo arbitrio modulatur, quae accepit : quemadmodum de suo arbitrio ea composuit ille, qui tradidit. Agnoscit naturam suam, et originis suae morem, profectus rei. Idem licuit Valentinianis, quod Valentino ; idem Marcionitis, quod Marcioni, de arbitrio suo fidem innovare. » Et paulo superius : « Unde extranei et inimici apostolis haeretici, nisi ex diversitate doctrinae, quam unusquisque de suo arbitrio adversus apostolos aut protulit, aut recepit? Illic igitur et Scripturarum, et expositionum adulteratio deputanda est, ubi diversitas invenitur doctrinae. » Haec ille. Justinum martyrem adjiciam : « Nunc cum damnent, » ait, « haeretici alii alios, ob opinionum dissensiones ; perspicuum est omnes eorum haereses, occasionem habuisse ex ambitione, et mutua invidia haeresiarcharum : propter quam causam, lupi graves ab Apostolo nominati sunt. — Imo, fidem nostram, dum sibi adversantur, affirmant, » ut scribit Hilarius libro septimo De Trinitate . « Inconsonae perfidorum sententiae in unum rectae fidei modulum concinunt, tropaeumque nostrae victoriae, eorum cassa certamina gignunt. Sabellii enim perfidia Arii damnat errorem : rursus Ariani dogmatis error Sabellii impietatem excludit, » ait Vigilius martyr. Quod si aliquando coire contingat, id demum efficitur, quod Athanasius scribit orat. contra Arianos : instar Herodis et Pilati in blasphemias adversus Christum illos consentire.

conflicts, and opinions that can never unite, so that no one may be ignorant that the sower of tares and wars is the author of these. For just as she who is the true bride and dove of Christ is one, and by that unity has remained unconquered against the forces and assaults of enemies of every kind, so the divided sects of heretics, and heads fighting as if in civil war, have always fallen by mutual wounds. That this is the most certain token of falsehoods and lies, it is more pleasing to show from the most ancient Fathers than to forge anything by our own effort. "I lie," says Tertullian, "if they do not even vary among themselves from their own rules, while each one forthwith moulds at his own pleasure the things which he has received, just as he who handed them down composed them at his own pleasure. The progress of the thing acknowledges its own nature and the manner of its origin. The same thing was permitted to the Valentinians as to Valentinus, the same to the Marcionites as to Marcion, to innovate the faith at their own pleasure." And a little above: "Whence are heretics strangers and enemies to the apostles, if not from the diversity of doctrine which each one at his own pleasure either brought forward or received against the apostles? There, accordingly, the corruption both of the Scriptures and of the expositions is to be reckoned, where diversity of doctrine is found." Thus he. I shall add Justin Martyr: "Now since heretics," he says, "condemn one another on account of dissensions of opinions, it is clear that all their heresies had their occasion from the ambition and mutual envy of the heresiarchs: for which cause they were called grievous wolves by the Apostle (Acts 20:29). — Nay rather, while they oppose one another, they confirm our faith," as Hilary writes in the seventh book On the Trinity. "The discordant opinions of the perfidious sing together unto one measure of the right faith, and their vain struggles beget the trophy of our victory. For the perfidy of Sabellius condemns the error of Arius; again, the error of the Arian dogma excludes the impiety of Sabellius," says Vigilius the martyr. And if at any time it happens that they unite, this at length is brought about which Athanasius writes in his Oration against the Arians: that like Herod and Pilate they agree in blasphemies against Christ.

Poscit autem hic locus ut de novissimorum quoque Hugnosticorum mutuis pugnis, atque manifestis dissensionibus, praeter ea, quae paulo ante proposuimus, etiam aliquid adjiciamus. Inflatis buccis concrepant Genevenses, Heidelbergenses, Tigurini, et Angli Calvinianis placitis addicti, sese esse Augustanae confessionis professores, et cum fratribus Lutheranis concordes : sed quam mendaciter et impudenter id dicant, vel ex honorificis et fraternis titulis, quibus sese mutuo exornant, aperte colligitur. Calvinus namque lib. contra Heshusium, Lutheranos appellat, « homines protervos, improbos, rabiosos, mancipia Satanae, quae diabolus horribili modo fascinaverit. » Item, « canes, nebulones, impuros spiritus, ebrios Saxones. » Et ne respondeant, a morte Calvini haec dissidia sublata esse, audiant Bezam, in Creophagia his verbis adversus eumdem Heshusium succinentem : « Ignosce nobis, domine doctor asine, cum reliquis tuae speciei individuis. » Exinde fraternitatis et praetensae concordiae gratia, vocat eum, « Polyphemum, simiam, cothurnatum vegrandem et pileatum asinum, canem in balneo, asinissimum sophistam, belluam , larvam, asinum bipedem et impurum, hominem histrionicum et monstrosum, mistum ex simiarum et onagrorum specie, animal carnivorum, Cyclopem, asinum sesquipedalem et furentem, dignum qui ex tillia penderet. » Danaei quoque judicio, Lutherani sunt « haeretici, damnati et excommunicati. » Jezlerus denique libro De diuturnitate belli eucharistici , pagina 93, recitat Lutheranos passim a suis Zwinglianis censeri « anthropophagos,

Moreover, this place demands that concerning the mutual battles and manifest dissensions of the newest Huguenot-Gnostics also, besides those things which we set forth a little before, we should add something as well. With puffed-out cheeks the men of Geneva, Heidelberg, Zurich, and the English addicted to Calvinian tenets noise abroad that they are professors of the Augsburg Confession and in concord with their Lutheran brethren; but how mendaciously and impudently they say this is openly gathered even from the honorific and fraternal titles wherewith they mutually adorn one another. For Calvin, in his book against Heshusius, calls the Lutherans "shameless, wicked, rabid men, slaves of Satan, whom the devil has fascinated in a horrible manner." Likewise, "dogs, knaves, impure spirits, drunken Saxons." And lest they answer that these dissensions were removed after the death of Calvin, let them hear Beza, in his Creophagia, chiming in with these words against the same Heshusius: "Pardon us, Lord Doctor Ass, with the remaining individuals of your species." Thence, for the sake of fraternity and pretended concord, he calls him "Polyphemus, ape, buskined, overgrown, and capped ass, dog in a bath, most asinine sophist, beast, spectre, two-legged and impure ass, histrionic and monstrous man, mixed from the species of apes and wild asses, carnivorous animal, Cyclops, foot-and-a-half and raging ass, worthy to hang from a linden tree." In the judgement of Daneau also, the Lutherans are "heretics, damned and excommunicated." Finally, Jezler, in his book On the Long Duration of the Eucharistic War, page 93, recounts that the Lutherans are everywhere esteemed by his Zwinglians as "cannibals,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1436

Footnotes

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³¹ L. Praescript.

31. Book of the Prescription [against Heretics].

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³² Quaest. 4 ad Ortho.

32. Question 4 to the Orthodox.

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(33) ‹anchor: ab Apostolo› · call in col 1436

³³ Act. XX, 29.

33. Acts 20:29.

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³⁴ Lib. II contr. Eutychen.

34. Book II against Eutyches.

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running head: ARIORUM NOTÆ 1436
marginal letters: A sidia, pugnas; B paulo superius; C demum efficitur; D sublata esse
old-edition numerals: 47 after ex
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: sidia, pugnas, Poscit autem hic locus; word split at column start: sidia (dissidia); word split at column end: an- (anthropophagos)

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haematopotas, Thyestas, carnifices, Christicidas, artolatras, impanati Dei cultores, abnegatores redemptionis per Christum factae, Eutychianos, Swenckfeldianos, subversores complurium articulorum fidei, » etc. Atque hoc Sacramentariorum de fratribus suis Lutheranis judicium, hoc pacis et concordiae confictae argumentum, haec, si superis placet, jactata harmonia.

blood-drinkers, Thyesteses, butchers, Christ-slayers, bread-worshippers, worshippers of an impanate God, deniers of the redemption wrought through Christ, Eutychians, Schwenckfeldians, subverters of very many articles of faith," etc. And this is the judgement of the Sacramentarians concerning their Lutheran brethren, this the proof of their feigned peace and concord, this, if it please heaven, their boasted harmony.

His autem excitati Lutherani, inquit ibidem Jezlerus, Zwinglianos vocarunt « convictos haereticos, daemoniacos, diabolo omni ex parte, ante, pone, supra, infra, intus, et extra obsessos, diaboli martyres, gladio potius magistratus civilis quam verbis refellendos, fugiendos ab omnibus bonis, annumerandos cum Anabaptistis, Nestorianis, Arianis, Turcis, omnium mortalium, quos unquam terra sustinuit, deterrimos, » etc. Quae igitur inter hos concordia ? quis evangelicorum et reformatorum fratrum Hugnosticorum consensus ? quod unitatis et Christianae apostolicaeque charitatis vinculum? etc.

Roused by these things, however, says Jezler in the same place, the Lutherans called the Zwinglians "convicted heretics, demoniacs, possessed by the devil on every side, before, behind, above, below, within, and without, martyrs of the devil, to be refuted by the sword of the civil magistrate rather than by words, to be shunned by all good men, to be numbered with Anabaptists, Nestorians, Arians, Turks, the worst of all mortals whom the earth has ever borne," etc. What concord, therefore, is there among these men? What consensus of the evangelical and reformed Huguenot-Gnostic brethren? What bond of unity and of Christian and apostolic charity? etc.

Dualitatem quamdam. Delevimus « secundam, » auctoritate vet. cod. Et paulo post, pro « vocant aliquid, » reposuimus « vocat aliud ; » sicut « diffinivit » pro « definit ; » et paulo post, « emissas, » pro « demissas. » Praeterea, « determinantem, » pro « determino autem ; » et « illorum matrem, » pro « illum Nus a matre : » idque tam auctoritate veteris manuscripti codicis, quam Graecae lectionis, et domini Billii commonitione instructi.

A certain duality. We have deleted "secundam," on the authority of the ancient codex. And a little later, for "vocant aliquid," we have restored "vocat aliud"; just as "diffinivit" for "definit"; and a little later, "emissas," for "demissas." Moreover, "determinantem," for "determino autem"; and "illorum matrem," for "illum Nus a matre": and that both on the authority of the ancient manuscript codex and of the Greek reading, and instructed by the admonition of Dom Billy.

Pag. 53. Falsi nominis Gnostici. Hoc nomen Valentinianos sibiipsis indidisse ex 24 cap. hujus libri patet, idque ex omnium rerum amplissima notione, qua se praeditos prae cunctis mortalibus jactabant, ut ait Clemens Alexand. lib. I Paedag. cap. 6. Hoc autem, quasi haereditario jure ab omni aevo possident haeretici, ut speciosis titulis se suosque coetus adornent. Simon se « virtutem Dei magnam » affirmabat ; Montanus, « Paracletum Ecclesiae promissum : — Noetus in eam dementiam delatus est, » ait Epiphanius, « ut se Moysen diceret esse, et fratrem suum Aaronem. » Manichaeis frequenter exprobrat Augustinus, quod nomen « Manetis » eorum patriarchae, ut apud Graecos significatio insaniae vitaretur, geminata littera n, « Mannichaeum, » quasi manna fundentem appellaverunt. « Magna quoque impudentia Novatiani sese Catharos , id est mundos et puros vocabant, » ait in eos scribens Epiphanius. Nostro vero saeculo et hanc avorum suorum philautiam pedibus et manibus sequuntur haeretici, dum suos haeresiarchas, « prophetas, apostolos, Paulos, et Elias, mundique hujus soles et luminaria : » et vicissim illi, « evangelicos, reformatos, sanctificatos ex utero (et quid non?), quos misere dementant, vocare non erubescunt.

Page 53. Falsely so-called Gnostics. That the Valentinians gave this name to themselves is clear from chapter 24 of this book, and that from the most ample knowledge of all things with which they boasted that they were endowed above all mortals, as Clement of Alexandria says in Book I of the Paedagogus, chapter 6. This, moreover, heretics possess from all time as if by hereditary right, that they adorn themselves and their assemblies with specious titles. Simon affirmed that he was "the great power of God" (Acts 8:10); Montanus, "the Paraclete promised to the Church. — Noetus was carried away into such madness," says Epiphanius, "that he said he was Moses, and his brother Aaron." Augustine frequently reproaches the Manichaeans because, in order to avoid among the Greeks the signification of madness in the name of "Manes" their patriarch, doubling the letter n, they called him "Mannichaeus," as if pouring forth manna. "With great impudence also the Novatians called themselves Cathari, that is, clean and pure," says Epiphanius writing against them. And in our own century heretics follow this self-love of their forefathers with hands and feet, while they do not blush to call their heresiarchs "prophets, apostles, Pauls, and Elijahs, and the suns and luminaries of this world"; and they in turn call those whom they miserably drive mad "evangelicals, reformed, sanctified from the womb" (and what not?).

Secundus autem. Hujus meminit Tertullianus libro Praescriptionum, dicitque paucis exceptis, cum Valentino consentire. Augustinus in hoc tantum distare scribit, quod opera turpitudinis adderet; Epiphanius vero, quod vocibus magis sonoris aures quidem suorum demulceret; sed omni ratione ex seminario diaboli erroris sui ornatum haberet omnium miserabilium miserrimus. Theodoretus libro primo Haereticarum fabularum , pauciora recitat quam hic Irenaeus.

Secundus, moreover. Tertullian makes mention of him in the book On Prescriptions, and says that with few exceptions he agrees with Valentinus. Augustine writes that he differs only in this, that he added works of turpitude; Epiphanius, however, that with more resonant words he soothed the ears of his followers, yet in every way had the trappings of his error from the seed-plot of the devil, the most miserable of all miserable men. Theodoret, in the first book of his Heretical Fables, recounts fewer things than Irenaeus does here.

Pag. 54. Alius vero quidam. Epiphanem istum vocant Theodoretus ac Epiphanius. Sed quam obscenum monstrum fuerit, et subita morte perierit, audire praestat ex Clemente Alexand. lib. III Strom.: « Hic autem Epiphanes, » ait, « filius erat Carpocratis, et matris Alexandriae nomine; ex patre quidem Alexandrinus, ex matre vero Cephalenaeus. Vixit autem solum septemdecim annis, et Samae, quae

Page 54. Another certain man. Theodoret and Epiphanius call this man Epiphanes. But what an obscene monster he was, and how he perished by a sudden death, it is better to hear from Clement of Alexandria, Book III of the Stromata: "Now this Epiphanes," he says, "was the son of Carpocrates and of a mother named Alexandria; on his father's side indeed an Alexandrian, but on his mother's side a Cephallenian. Moreover, he lived only seventeen years, and at Same, which

Editors' notes and page, col. 1437

Footnotes

(35) ‹anchor: ait Epiphanius› · call in col 1437

³⁵ Contr. Noetia.

35. Against Noetus.

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(36) ‹anchor: exprobrat Augustinus› · call in col 1437

³⁶ L. de haeres., c. 46, et l. XIX contr. Faustum, c. 22.

36. Book On Heresies, chapter 46, and book XIX against Faustus, chapter 22.

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(37) ‹anchor: distare scribit› · call in col 1437

³⁷ L. de haeres.

37. Book On Heresies.

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(38) ‹anchor: not visible in the page-foot image (column uncertain: foot of 1437 or head of 1438)› · call in col 1437

³⁸ Lib. IV Hist. eccles., cap. 7.

38. Ecclesiastical History, book IV, chapter 7.

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marginal letters: A thropophagos, haematopotas; B et Christianae; C missum : — Noetus; D distare scribit
old-edition numerals: (none)
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urbs est Cephaleniae, ut Deus est honore affectus : quo in loco templum ex ingentibus lapidibus, altaria, delubra, musaeum aedificatum est et consecratum : et cum est nova luna, convenientes Cephalenaei, natalem in deos relationem Epiphani sacrificant, libantque et convivantur, et hymnos canunt. » Et paulo ante : « Qui a Carpocrate et Epiphane descendunt, censent oportere uxores esse communes, a quibus in nomen (Christianum) maximum emanavit probrum. » Id autem luculentius sic exprimit Eusebius : « Gentibus copiam et tanquam ansam praebuerunt sacro Dei verbo petulanter impieque obtrectandi, eo plane consilio, ut fama de flagitiosa istorum vitae ratione passim dissipata, turpem ignominiae notam universae Christianorum multitudini inureret. Unde certe accidit, uti nefaria quaedam opinio de nobis excitata per infidelium animos longe lateque pervaderet, quod videlicet nefando concubitu matres et sorores violare, tum etiam scelerato quodam alimenti genere uti non vereremur. »

is a city of Cephallenia, he was honoured as a god: in which place a temple of huge stones, altars, shrines, and a museum were built and consecrated; and when there is a new moon, the Cephallenians, coming together, celebrate with sacrifices the birthday apotheosis of Epiphanes, pour libations, feast, and sing hymns." And a little before: "Those who descend from Carpocrates and Epiphanes hold that wives ought to be common, from whom the greatest reproach has emanated upon the (Christian) name." And Eusebius expresses this more clearly thus: "They afforded the Gentiles an abundance and, as it were, a handle for wantonly and impiously traducing the sacred word of God, with the plain design that the report of their shameful manner of life, spread abroad everywhere, might brand a foul mark of ignominy upon the whole multitude of Christians. Whence assuredly it happened that a certain nefarious opinion raised concerning us pervaded far and wide through the minds of unbelievers, namely that we did not fear to violate mothers and sisters in unspeakable concubinage, and also to use a certain wicked kind of food."

Iu, iu! et pheu, pheu! Istas esse indignantium et dolentium, imo et demirantium nonnunquam exclamationes, aliquando solas, aliquando duplicatas pro subjecta affectuum materia, comicis simul et tragicis Graecorum usitatas notum est. In Avibus Aristophanis utramque eadem fere pagina reperias. In Sophoclis Ajace, utramque etiam ; apud Euripidem ita frequens est, ἰοὺ, ἰό praecipue, ut notare supervacuum sit. Ideo autem de tragicis assumere maluit Iren. ut Valentinianarum opinionum portenta tanto majora ostenderet, quanto personarum et rerum gravitate comoediam tragoedia superat. Nec erit alienum, hic Tertullianum appellare. « Cogor, » ait libro Contra Valent., « hic quid ista nomina desiderent proferre de pari exemplo. In scholis Carthaginensibus fuit quidam rigidissimus rhetor Latinus, Phosphorus nomine. Cum virum fortem peroraret, Venio, inquit, ad vos, optimi cives, de praelio cum victoria mea, cum felicitate vestra ampliatus, gloriosus, fortunatus, maximus, triumphalis. Et scholastici statim, Familiae Phosphori, φεῦ, acclamant. Audisti fortunatam, et Hedonen, et Acinetum, et Teletum ; acclama familiae Ptolemaei φεῦ. Hoc erit Pleroma illud arcanum, divinitatis tricenariae plenitudo. »

Iu, iu! and pheu, pheu! It is well known that these are exclamations of those who are indignant and grieving, and indeed sometimes of those who are marvelling, sometimes single, sometimes doubled according to the underlying matter of the affections, customary among both the comic and the tragic poets of the Greeks. In the Birds of Aristophanes you may find both on almost the same page. In the Ajax of Sophocles, both also; in Euripides it is so frequent, ἰοὺ, ἰό especially, that to note it is superfluous. Now Irenaeus preferred to take them from the tragedians in order to show that the monstrosities of Valentinian opinions are so much the greater as tragedy surpasses comedy in the gravity of its characters and subjects. Nor will it be foreign to the purpose to appeal here to Tertullian. "I am compelled," he says in the book Against the Valentinians, "to bring forward here from a parallel example what those names require. In the schools of Carthage there was a certain most rigid Latin rhetorician, Phosphorus by name. When he was declaiming the part of a brave hero, 'I come to you,' he says, 'best of citizens, from battle with my victory, enlarged with your felicity, glorious, fortunate, greatest, triumphant.' And the scholars immediately acclaim to the family of Phosphorus, φεῦ! You have heard Fortunata, and Hedone, and Acinetos, and Teletos; acclaim to the family of Ptolemy, φεῦ! This will be that arcane Pleroma, the plenitude of a thirtyfold divinity."

In eo enim. Expunximus « nemo. »

For in that. We have expunged "nemo."

Pag. 55. Nihil igitur prohibet. Ridicula et anilia somnia haec, et verba haereticorum irrisurus beatus martyr, « etiam a seipso, » ait Epiphanius, « aliam nomenclaturam apposuit, velut dignam ad conferendam ipsorum nugacibus deliramentis, nimirum peponum et cucumerorum ac cucurbitarum generibus, » etc. Urbanis quoque et facetis verbis, aliquando haeresim suggillare operae pretium judicavit Tertullianus. « Si ridebitur alicui, » ait, « materiis ipsis satisfiet, multa sunt sic digna revinci, ne gravitate adorentur. Vanitati proprie festivitas cedit. Congruit et veritati ridere, quia laetans ; de aemulis suis ludere, quia secura est. Ubicunque dignus risus, officium est. »

Page 55. Nothing therefore hinders. About to mock these ridiculous and old-wifish dreams and words of the heretics, the blessed martyr "even from himself," says Epiphanius, "applied another nomenclature, as worthy to be compared to their trifling ravings, namely from the kinds of pumpkins and cucumbers and gourds," etc. Tertullian also judged it worthwhile sometimes to jeer at heresy with urbane and witty words. "If anyone laughs," he says, "justice will be done to the subjects themselves; many things are worthy to be refuted thus, lest they be adored by gravity. Mirth properly falls to vanity. It befits truth also to laugh, because she is joyful; to make sport of her rivals, because she is secure. Wherever laughter is worthy, it is a duty."

Cum illa autem. Duodecim has voces, ut et paulo post alias octo, ex magnae fidei veteri manuscripto exemplari adjecimus, quae etiam litteram dilucidiorem faciunt.

And with her. We have added these twelve words, as also eight others a little later, from an ancient manuscript copy of great authority, which also make the text clearer.

Pag. 56. O pepones sophistae. Versus est ex secundo lib. Iliados Homeri, quem aequo jure in eos usurpat, quo beatus Paulus Epimenidis, Menandri et Arati verbis aliquando usus est. Pepo, cucumeris genus est Plinio, magnitudine caetera excedens, concoctu difficile, sed maxime refrigerans et alvum emolliens. Πέπων translatitie Graeci dicunt hominem fractum, effeminatum, dissolutum et mollem,

Page 56. O pumpkins, sophists. It is a verse from the second book of Homer's Iliad (Il. 2.235), which he employs against them by the same right as blessed Paul sometimes used the words of Epimenides, Menander, and Aratus. The pepo, according to Pliny, is a kind of cucumber, exceeding the rest in size, difficult of digestion, but exceedingly cooling and softening to the bowels. Figuratively by πέπων the Greeks mean a broken, effeminate, dissolute, and soft man,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1438

Footnotes

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³⁹ Contra haeres. 12.

39. Against Heresies, 12.

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⁴⁰ Lib Contra Valent.

40. Book against the Valentinians.

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other: Latin with embedded Greek; editors' matter: urbs est Cephaleniae, Iu, iu! et pheu, pheu!, In eo enim, Pag. 55. Nihil igitur prohibet, Cum illa autem, Pag. 56. O pepones sophistae

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ut in supra scripto versu Homeri. Et alius, μαλθακωτέρα πέπονος συκοῦ μοι γέγονας, id est, mollior mihi evasisti fico matura. Hi siquidem Gnostici tam foedis libidinibus seipsos conspurcabant, ut hominis detracto nomine, atrocioribus, dignis tamen, nomenclaturis impositis, Patres eorum institutum detestentur. Hinc beati Joannis auditor Polycarpus, Marcionem sibi obvium vocavit « Primogenitum Satanae. » Iren. in sequentibus vocitat « apostatas veritatis, » et « serpentis advocatos; Pandorae sophistas perversissimos ; non homines, sed muta animalia, hominum umbras praeferentes. » Clemens Alexand. VII Stromat. : « Agrestes et inanes amygdalas, adulterantes veritatem ; regulae Ecclesiae fures, principes ac duces mysteriorum impiorum, animalia immunda, quae bifidas quidem habent ungulas, minime autem ruminant. » Et his antiquior Ignatius : « Vaniloquos, mentis seductores, Christum mercantes, verbi evangelici caupones, sycophantas, fructus mortiferos, progeniem maledictam, inimicos crucis Christi, ramos eorum, qui Dominum gloriae occiderunt, prophetarum interfectores, malas herbas, feras homicidas, sementum diaboli nequam, inimici seminarium, cippos et sepulcra mortuorum, malos operarios, canes mutos, serpentes se contrahentes, dracunculos squamosos, aspides, basiliscos, scorpiones, thoes astutos, et simias hominum imitatrices. » Et Clemens Roman. : « Non homines, sed feras crudeles in humana figura, lupos perniciosos, diaboli organa, et irae filios. » Tam obscoenas siquidem et exsecrandas illorum impudentias fuisse refert Epiphan. lib. Contra haeres. 26, ut vix, ac ne vix quis legere valeat sine gravi animi indignatione, et ob has tam monstruosa nomina merito sortitos dicit, ut « Borboriani, Coddiani, Stratiotici, Phibionitae, Barbelitae, Barbeliotae » vocarentur : cui facile subscribit Theodoretus lib. I Haeret. fabularum.

as in the above-written verse of Homer. And another says, μαλθακωτέρα πέπονος συκοῦ μοι γέγονας, that is, you have become softer to me than a ripe fig. For these Gnostics defiled themselves with such foul lusts that, stripping them of the name of man and imposing more atrocious, yet deserved, nomenclatures, the Fathers detest their way of life. Hence Polycarp, the hearer of blessed John, called Marcion, when he met him, "the Firstborn of Satan." Irenaeus in what follows calls them "apostates from the truth," and "advocates of the serpent; most perverse sophists of Pandora; not men, but dumb animals, bearing the shadows of men." Clement of Alexandria, Stromata VII: "Wild and empty almonds, adulterating the truth; thieves of the rule of the Church, princes and leaders of impious mysteries, unclean animals, which indeed have cloven hooves, but by no means chew the cud." And earlier than these, Ignatius: "Vain talkers, seducers of the mind, traffickers in Christ, hucksters of the evangelical word, sycophants, deadly fruits, accursed offspring, enemies of the cross of Christ, branches of those who slew the Lord of glory, slayers of the prophets, evil weeds, homicidal beasts, wicked seed of the devil, nursery of the enemy, gravestones and sepulchres of the dead, evil workers, dumb dogs, coiling serpents, scaly little dragons, asps, basilisks, scorpions, cunning jackals, and apes imitating men." And Clement of Rome: "Not men, but cruel beasts in human shape, destructive wolves, instruments of the devil, and children of wrath." For Epiphanius relates in his book Against Heresies 26 that their shameless deeds were so obscene and execrable that scarcely, nay not even scarcely, can anyone read of them without grave indignation of mind, and on account of these he says that they deservedly obtained such monstrous names as to be called "Borborians, Coddians, Stratiotics, Phibionites, Barbelites, Barbeliotes": with whom Theodoret readily agrees in Book I of his Heretical Fables.

Ex adnotationibus Joan. Ernesti Grabii in cap. 5.

From the annotations of Johann Ernst Grabe on chapter 5.

Pag. 22. Ὁ μὲν γὰρ πρῶτος. Haec verba cum sequentibus, ἀπὸ τῆς Γνωστικῆς αἱρέσεως, construxere Blondellus et Dallaeus, ut probarent Valentinum ex illa Gnosticorum haeresi primum fuisse, qui dogmata hoc capite ab Irenaeo recensita tradiderit, indeque Epistolam S. Ignatii ad Magnesianos, qua Sige haereticorum perstringitur, Valentino recentiorem ac spuriam esse evincerent. Sed bene responderunt doctissimi viri, Pearsonius part. II Vindiciarum epist. S. Ignatii , cap. 6, prope finem, et Cotelerius in Not. ad dictam S. Ignatii epistolam, πρῶτος non ad proxime sequentes hujus periodi voces referendum esse, sed ad praecedentes : « Videamus nunc et horum inconstantem sententiam, cum sint duo vel tres, δύο που καὶ τριῶν ὄντων, quemadmodum de iisdem non eadem dicunt, » etc. Unde pergit : ὁ μὲν γὰρ πρῶτος, « qui enim primus est, » nempe Valentinus ; post quem sequitur ὁ Σεκοῦνδος, item ἄλλος δὲ Ἐπιφανής, et ἄλλοι δέ. « Secundus, Epiphanes, alii etiam, » etc. Atque horum « princeps » utique erat Valentinus ; at non absolute primus dogmatum illorum inventor, nec Gnosticorum choragus, sed horum potius successor, ut ex hoc ipso, et pluribus aliis Irenaei locis probavit laudatus Pearsonius, adducens quoque testimonium Eusebii lib. II De ecclesiastica theologia, Simonem facientis τῶν ἀθέων αἱρεσιωτῶν ἀρχηγὸν, ὃς τὰ ἄθεα δογματίζων ἀπεφαίνετο λέγων · Ἦν Θεὸς καὶ Σιγή, « impiorum haereticorum principem, qui impia dogmatizans pronuntiavit, dicens : Erat Deus et Sige. » Contra quod excepit quidem Laroquanus, ista periphrasi non Simonem, sed Valentinum ab Eusebio indigitatum esse. Sed optimus suorum verborum interpres est ipse Eusebius lib. II Hist. eccles., cap. 13, scribens : Πάσης μὲν οὖν ἀρχηγὸν

Page 22. For the first. Blondel and Daillé construed these words with the following, ἀπὸ τῆς Γνωστικῆς αἱρέσεως, in order to prove that Valentinus was the first from that heresy of the Gnostics to hand down the dogmas recounted by Irenaeus in this chapter, and thence to demonstrate that the Epistle of St. Ignatius to the Magnesians, in which the Sige of the heretics is censured, is later than Valentinus and spurious. But most learned men, Pearson in Part II of the Vindiciae epistolarum S. Ignatii, chapter 6, near the end, and Cotelier in his Notes on the said epistle of St. Ignatius, have well replied that πρῶτος is not to be referred to the immediately following words of this period, but to the preceding: "Let us now see also the inconstant opinion of these men, when there are two or three, δύο που καὶ τριῶν ὄντων, how they do not say the same things concerning the same matters," etc. Whence he proceeds: ὁ μὲν γὰρ πρῶτος, "for he who is first," namely Valentinus; after whom follows ὁ Σεκοῦνδος, likewise ἄλλος δὲ Ἐπιφανής, and ἄλλοι δέ, "Secundus, Epiphanes, others also," etc. And of these Valentinus was assuredly the "leader"; yet not absolutely the first inventor of those dogmas, nor the chorus-leader of the Gnostics, but rather their successor, as the praised Pearson has proved from this very passage and from several other passages of Irenaeus, adducing also the testimony of Eusebius in Book II On Ecclesiastical Theology, making Simon τῶν ἀθέων αἱρεσιωτῶν ἀρχηγὸν, ὃς τὰ ἄθεα δογματίζων ἀπεφαίνετο λέγων· Ἦν Θεὸς καὶ Σιγή, "the leader of the godless heretics, who, dogmatizing godless things, declared, saying: There was God and Sige." Against which Larroque indeed took exception, claiming that by this periphrasis not Simon, but Valentinus was pointed out by Eusebius. But the best interpreter of his own words is Eusebius himself, Book II of the Ecclesiastical History, chapter 13, writing: Πάσης μὲν οὖν ἀρχηγὸν

Editors' notes and page, col. 1439

Footnotes

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⁴¹ Irenaeus lib. III, cap. 3, et lib. III, cap. 39, et lib. IV, c. 2 et 60.

41. Irenaeus, book III, chapter 3, and book III, chapter 39, and book IV, chapters 2 and 60.

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⁴² Ep. ad Tral. et ad Philad. et ad Antioc.

42. Letter to the Trallians, and to the Philadelphians, and to the Antiochenes.

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(43) ‹anchor: et irae filios› · call in col 1439

⁴³ Lib. II Const. cap. 24, et lib. VI, cap. 10.

43. [Apostolic] Constitutions, book II, chapter 24, and book VI, chapter 10.

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old-edition numerals: 48 after ut
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αἱρέσεως πρῶτον γενέσθαι τὸν Σίμωνα παρειλήφαμεν. « Sane omnis haereseos ducem primum fuisse hunc Simonem accepimus. »

αἱρέσεως πρῶτον γενέσθαι τὸν Σίμωνα παρειλήφαμεν. "Assuredly we have received that this Simon was the first leader of all heresy."

Ἀρχὰς εἰς ἴδιον χαρακτῆρα διδασκαλείου μεθαρμόσας. Billius ex veteri interprete reponi vult ἀρχαίας διδασκαλίας. Sed lectionem Epiphanii egregie defendit clariss. Dodwellus Dissert. 4 in Irenaeum § 13. Quippe ἀρχάς, id est « principia » doctrinae Valentinianos a Gnosticis mutuatos esse, utique Irenaeus scripsisse colligitur ex parallelo loco lib. II, cap. 18. « A quibus (Gnosticis) et hi (Valentiniani) initia emissionum (ἀρχὰς προβολῶν) accipientes convicti sunt in primo libro. » Similiter ἴδιον χαρακτῆρα διδασκαλείου, phrasim Irenaeo usitatam fuisse indicant verba ejus de Basilidianis, infra cap. 23. « Illorum (astrologorum) theoremata accipientes, in suum characterem doctrinae transtulerunt. » Et de Tatiano c. 31 : Ἴδιον χαρακτῆρα διδασκαλείου συνεστήσατο, « proprium characterem doctrinae constituit, » ut iterum vetus interpres haud accurate reddidit, quia vox διδασκαλεῖον, « scholam » proprie, non « doctrinam » denotat. Caeterum et de verbo μεθαρμόζειν ejusque sensu plura vide apud laudatos D. Dodwellum § 12, et Pearsonium loco supra citato.

Having adapted the principles to the peculiar character of a school. Billy wishes ἀρχαίας διδασκαλίας to be restored from the ancient translator. But the most illustrious Dodwell excellently defends the reading of Epiphanius in Dissertation 4 on Irenaeus, § 13. For that Irenaeus assuredly wrote that the Valentinians borrowed the ἀρχάς, that is, the "principles" of their doctrine, from the Gnostics is gathered from the parallel passage in Book II, chapter 18: "From whom (the Gnostics) these (the Valentinians) also, receiving the beginnings of emanations (ἀρχὰς προβολῶν), were convicted in the first book." Similarly, that ἴδιον χαρακτῆρα διδασκαλείου was a phrase customary with Irenaeus is indicated by his words concerning the Basilidians, below in chapter 23: "Receiving the theorems of those men (the astrologers), they transferred them to their own character of doctrine." And concerning Tatian, chapter 31: Ἴδιον χαρακτῆρα διδασκαλείου συνεστήσατο, "he established his own peculiar character of doctrine," as again the ancient translator rendered not quite accurately, because the word διδασκαλεῖον properly denotes a "school," not a "doctrine." For the rest, concerning the verb μεθαρμόζειν also and its sense, see more in the praised Mr. Dodwell, § 12, and Pearson in the place cited above.

Ἐξηροφόρησε. « Corrupta vox , » inquit Petavius, « in qua divinationem experiri non vacat. » Experti sunt alii in diversa abeuntes, quorum varias conjecturas recenset, et suam denique subjungit Pearsonius dicto loco ita scribens : « Hammondus legit ἐξεφόρησεν, Isaacus Vossius, leviori mutatione , ἐληροφόρησε. Sed Billius putat veterem interpretem legisse ἔφη. Ego potius existimo, veterem interpretem eam quam ipse legit, vocem minime intellexisse, ideoque omisisse, quod id salvo sensu fieri posse putavit. Vetustissimam igitur lectionem sentio fuisse ἐξηροφόρησεν, et fortasse ab ipso Irenaeo profectam ; nam ξηροφορεῖν idem significare potest, quod aliquid enarrare ξηραῖς λέξεσιν, ut Graeci loquuntur. Accedit alia Cotelerii sententia, qui ἐψηφοφόρησε loco citato legere amat. Ego aut ἐξηροφόρησε retinendum ; aut si hoc nimis durum videatur, ἐληροφόρησεν cum Vossio legendum puto, non solum quod haec levissima sit mutatio, sed et quod sub finem hujus capitis sequatur exclamatio : Ὦ ληρολόγοι σοφισταί, « O pepones sophistae. »

Ἐξηροφόρησε. "A corrupt word," says Petavius, "on which there is no leisure to try divination." Others have tried, going off in different directions, whose various conjectures Pearson recounts, and finally subjoins his own in the said place, writing thus: "Hammond reads ἐξεφόρησεν, Isaac Vossius, by a slighter change, ἐληροφόρησε. But Billy thinks that the ancient translator read ἔφη. I rather think that the ancient translator did not at all understand the word which he himself read, and therefore omitted it, because he thought that could be done with the sense intact. I judge, therefore, that the oldest reading was ἐξηροφόρησεν, and that perhaps it proceeded from Irenaeus himself; for ξηροφορεῖν can signify the same as to relate something ξηραῖς λέξεσιν, in dry words, as the Greeks speak." There is added another opinion of Cotelier, who likes to read ἐψηφοφόρησε in the place cited. I think either that ἐξηροφόρησε should be retained, or, if this seems too harsh, that ἐληροφόρησεν should be read with Vossius, not only because this is a very slight change, but also because towards the end of this chapter there follows the exclamation: Ὦ ληρολόγοι σοφισταί, "O pumpkins, sophists."

Εἶναι δυάδα. Τινά ex veteri interprete addi vult Bill., sed non necesse est, saltem parum refert. Caeterum de Valentino Tertullianus quoque lib. I Contra Marcionem, c. 5 : « Valentinus ausus est deos concipere, Bythum et Sigen, cum usque ad triginta Aeonum fetus, tanquam Aeoniae scrophae examen divinitatis effudit. »

That there is a dyad. Billy wishes τινά to be added from the ancient translator, but it is not necessary, or at least matters little. For the rest, concerning Valentinus, Tertullian also in Book I Against Marcion, chapter 5, says: "Valentinus dared to conceive gods, Bythos and Sige, when up to the offspring of thirty Aeons, as if of an Aeonian sow, he poured forth a swarm of divinity."

Ποτὲ δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου. Huc respexit Tertull. lib. III Adversus Marc., c. 10, scribens : « Unum potest angustiis tuis subvenire, si audeas aut Deum tuum Patrem Christi hominem quoque cognominare, quod de Aeone fecit Valentinus : aut Virginem hominem negare, quod nec Valentinus quidem fecit. » — « Christum » vero pro « Jesu » hic dixit Tertullianus.

And sometimes from Man. To this Tertullian looked in Book III Against Marcion, chapter 10, writing: "One thing can relieve your straits, if you dare either to surname your God, the Father of Christ, Man also, which Valentinus did concerning the Aeon; or to deny that the Virgin was a human being, which not even Valentinus did." — Now Tertullian here said "Christ" for "Jesus."

Τὴν μὲν μίαν φῶς, τὴν δὲ ἄλλην σκότος. Epiphanius igitur Irenaei verba ita accepit, quasi dextra quaternatio a Secundo dicta fuerit « lumen ; » sinistra « tenebrarum » nomine indigitata fuerit. Et ita quoque Tertullianus lib. Contra Valentinianos : « Secundus, » inquit, « ogdoadem in duas tetradas dividens, in dextram et sinistram, in lumen et tenebras. » Unde ex his declaranda obscura satis versio Irenaei, ut et explicanda sive corrigenda verba Theodoreti lib. I Haeret. fabul., cap. 8 : Διχῆ τὴν ὀγδοάδα διεῖλε, καὶ τὸ μὲν αὐτῆς ἐκάλεσε δεξιὸν, τὸ δὲ εὐώνυμον· καὶ προστέθηκε φῶς καὶ σκότος. « Bipartito divisit ogdoadem, et unam illius partem

The one light, and the other darkness. Epiphanius therefore took the words of Irenaeus as if the right-hand quaternion was called by Secundus "light," and the left-hand was pointed out by the name of "darkness." And so also Tertullian in the book Against the Valentinians: "Secundus," he says, "dividing the ogdoad into two tetrads, into right and left, into light and darkness." Whence from these the rather obscure translation of Irenaeus is to be made clear, as also the words of Theodoret, Book I of the Heretical Fables, chapter 8, are to be explained or corrected: Διχῆ τὴν ὀγδοάδα διεῖλε, καὶ τὸ μὲν αὐτῆς ἐκάλεσε δεξιὸν, τὸ δὲ εὐώνυμον· καὶ προστέθηκε φῶς καὶ σκότος. "He divided the ogdoad into two parts, and called the one part of it

Editors' notes and page, col. 1440

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dextram vocavit, alteram sinistram ; adjecitque lumen et tenebras. » Primo enim intuitu haec videntur lumen et tenebras a duplici tetrade distinguere.

right, the other left; and he added light and darkness." For at first sight these words seem to distinguish light and darkness from the double tetrad.

Ἀλλά. Adde, τῶν καρπῶν αὐτῶν, quae textui inserere nolui, quia apud Epiphanium non exstant.

But. Add τῶν καρπῶν αὐτῶν, which I was unwilling to insert into the text, because they do not exist in Epiphanius.

Alius vero quidam, qui et clarus, etc. Hunc Epiphanem fuisse, ejusque dogmata hic ab Irenaeo recensita esse, ei qui textum nostrum bene consideraverit, observare in promptu est. Placet autem hanc observationem proponere verbis doctissimi D. Dodwelli Dissert. 4 in Irenaeum, § 25, ita scribentis : Secundo proximum Epiphanem noster quoque recenset Irenaeus, si tamen Graeca ejus recte constituantur. Sic habet locus in veteri interprete : « Alius vero quidam , qui et clarus est magister ipsorum, » etc. Hujus ἀποσπασματίου Graeca omisit Epiphanius. Sic autem reddit in codicis sui margine cl. Pearsonius : Ἀλλὸς δέ τις, ὁ καὶ Ἐπιφανὴς, διδάσκαλος αὐτῶν. Acutissime simul, et, ut puto, verissime. Ad « hominis » nomen allusit Irenaeus in voce ἐπιφανής, quam tamen allusionem cum non intelligeret intepres, nomen hominis ita obscuravit, ut nullum possit ex hoc loco colligi. Quid vero hoc in eo miremur, cum eodem etiam lapsus fuerit errore Tertullianus lib. Contra Valentinianos, cap. 37, quo loco nostri (Irenaei) hunc ipsum etiam iocum excerpsit? Sic enim reddidit : « Insignioris apud eos magistri. » Corrupto nimirum similiter « proprio » hominis nomine in « appellativum. » Recte vero nostri (Irenaei) sententiam accepisse « Cestriensem » non modo inde colligo, quod soleant veteres primariis Valentinianae sectae haeresiarchis Epiphanem accensere, proximumque Secundo, ut noster fecit Irenaeus, numerare, ut ex Epiphanio discimus : sed et quod quae « claro » illi, quem volunt, « magistro » tribuit Irenaeus, in Epiphanem aptissime conveniant. Haec clariss. Dodwellus.

Another certain man, who also is illustrious, etc. That this was Epiphanes, and that his dogmas are here recounted by Irenaeus, is easy to observe for anyone who has well considered our text. Moreover, it pleases us to set forth this observation in the words of the most learned Mr. Dodwell, Dissertation 4 on Irenaeus, § 25, writing thus: "Next to Secundus our Irenaeus also recounts Epiphanes, if only his Greek be rightly established. Thus stands the passage in the ancient translator: 'Another certain man, who also is an illustrious teacher of theirs,' etc. Epiphanius omitted the Greek of this fragment. But the illustrious Pearson renders it thus in the margin of his codex: Ἀλλὸς δέ τις, ὁ καὶ Ἐπιφανὴς, διδάσκαλος αὐτῶν. Most acutely at once, and, as I think, most truly. Irenaeus alluded to the name of the 'man' in the word ἐπιφανής, which allusion, however, since the translator did not understand it, so obscured the name of the man that none can be gathered from this passage. Yet why should we wonder at this in him, when Tertullian also fell into the same error in the book Against the Valentinians, chapter 37, in which place he excerpted this very passage of our author (Irenaeus)? For thus he rendered it: 'Of a more distinguished teacher among them.' By a similar corruption, namely, of the 'proper' name of the man into an 'appellative.' And that the Bishop of Chester rightly understood the meaning of our author (Irenaeus), I gather not only from the fact that the ancients are wont to reckon Epiphanes among the primary heresiarchs of the Valentinian sect, and to number him next to Secundus, as our Irenaeus has done, as we learn from Epiphanius; but also because the things which Irenaeus attributes to that 'illustrious teacher,' as they will have it, fit Epiphanes most aptly." Thus the most illustrious Dodwell.

Ἡ ἑνότης, ἥ τε μονότης. Haeretica voce, orthodoxa autem mente, de vero Deo cecinit Synesius hymn. I, v. 58 seq. :

Unity and solitariness. With a heretical word, but an orthodox mind, Synesius sang of the true God in Hymn I, v. 58 seq.:

Ἑνοτήτων ἑνὰς ἁγνὴ, Μονάδων μονάς τε πρώτη.

Pure unity of unities, and prime monad of monads.

Unitatum unitas sancta, Monadum monas prima.

Holy unity of unities, prime monad of monads.

Μονάδα καλεῖ. Epiphanem μοναδικῆς γνώσεως auctorem fuisse, testem habemus Clementem Alexandrinum lib. III Strom. Ecquis est, quin videat, ab hac monotete, vel monade γνῶσιν illam venisse μοναδικήν? « Gnosin » a praeceptore Valentino accepit Epiphanes. « Monotes, » vel etiam « Monas » (haec scilicet nomenclatura), proprium ejus erat inventum : unde ille merito pro μοναδικῆς γνώσεως auctore celebratus est. A Patre Carpocrate institutus est in ἐγκυκλίῳ παιδείᾳ et Platonicis iste filius Epiphanes. Frequens autem est in theologia Platonica mentio vocis istius utriusque, et diversa etiam forma, tam μονότητος, quam etiam μονάδος. Pro linguae tamen Graecae genio forma μονάδος accuratior est : unde fluxerit γνῶσις ista μοναδική. Haec supra laudatus D. Dodwellus loco mox citato.

He calls Monad. That Epiphanes was the author of the "monadic gnosis," we have Clement of Alexandria as witness in Book III of the Stromata. Who is there who does not see that from this Monotes, or Monad, came that γνῶσις μοναδική? Epiphanes received "Gnosis" from his preceptor Valentinus. "Monotes," or even "Monas" (this nomenclature, namely), was his own invention: whence he was deservedly celebrated as the author of the μοναδικὴ γνῶσις. This son Epiphanes was instructed by his father Carpocrates in the encyclical education and in Platonic doctrines. Now in Platonic theology mention of both these words is frequent, and in diverse form as well, both μονότητος and also μονάδος. According to the genius of the Greek language, however, the form μονάδος is more accurate: whence flowed that γνῶσις μοναδική. Thus the above-praised Mr. Dodwell in the place just cited.

Ἀῤῥενόθηλυν. Haec iterum more suo haud adeo laudabili imitatus Synesius, de vero Deo ita cecinit, hymn. II, v. 63 seq. :

Male-female. Synesius, again imitating these things in his not very praiseworthy manner, sang thus of the true God, Hymn II, v. 63 seq.:

Σὺ πατὴρ, σὺ δ' ἐσσὶ μάτηρ, Σὺ δ' ἄῤῥην, σὺ δὲ θῆλυς, Σὺ δὲ φωνὰ, σὺ δὲ σιγά.

Thou art father, and Thou art mother, and Thou art male, and Thou art female, and Thou art voice, and Thou art silence.

Tu pater, tu es mater, Tu mas, tu femina, Tu vox, tu silentium.

Thou art father, Thou art mother, Thou art male, Thou art female, Thou art voice, Thou art silence.

Hymn. III, v. 186 :

Hymn III, v. 186:

Θῆλυ καὶ ἄῤῥεν· Μύστας δὲ νόος

Female and male; and the mystic mind

Editors' notes and page, col. 1441

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Τά τε καὶ τὰ λέγει Βυθὸν ἄῤῥητον.

says this and that of the ineffable Depth.

Femina et mas· Mystica autem mens : Haec atque illa dicit Profunditatem ineffabilem.

Female and male; but the mystic mind says these things and those of the ineffable Profundity.

Scholia Billii in cap. 6.

Scholia of Billy on chapter 6.

Et affectiones. Apud Epiph. legendum διαθέσεις, non διαθέσεσι. Atque hic quaedam sunt in Graeco, quae non habentur in veteri translatione, nempe, καὶ τὴν μὲν ἔννοιαν ἀεὶ συνυπάρξασαν ἐν αὐτῷ ἐννοουμένην ἀεί τι προβαλέσθαι, τὸ δὲ θέλημα ἐν αὐτῷ ἐπιγινόμενον· id est « ac cogitationem quidem semper una cum ipso exstitisse, cogitantem aliquid proferre, voluntatem vero ipsi adventitiam fuisse. »

And affections. In Epiphanius we must read διαθέσεις, not διαθέσεσι. And here there are certain things in the Greek which are not had in the ancient translation, namely, καὶ τὴν μὲν ἔννοιαν ἀεὶ συνυπάρξασαν ἐν αὐτῷ ἐννοουμένην ἀεί τι προβαλέσθαι, τὸ δὲ θέλημα ἐν αὐτῷ ἐπιγινόμενον· that is, "and that thought indeed always coexisted in him, thinking always to put forth something, whereas will accrued to him afterwards."

Veritatis ortus. Pro τῇ προβολῇ, lego ἡ προβολή ex vet. interpr.

The origin of truth. For τῇ προβολῇ, I read ἡ προβολή from the ancient translator.

Prodiisse. Προελθεῖν.

Proceeded. Προελθεῖν.

Nun cogitationis. Idem hoc loco est νοῦς, qui Monogenes.

Nus of thought. At this place νοῦς is the same as Monogenes.

Ac propterea adveniente voluntate. Pro διὰ τούτου, lego cum vet. διὰ τοῦτο. Addo autem ἐπιγινομένου (quo verbo superius quoque utitur auctor), quia vetus interpr. habet « adventitiae. »

And therefore when will supervened. For διὰ τούτου, I read with the ancient translator διὰ τοῦτο. Moreover, I add ἐπιγινομένου (which word the author uses above also), because the ancient translator has "adventitiae."

Ingenitae cogitationis. Pro οὐσίας apud Epiphan. reponendum est ἐννοίας, ut perspicue sensus postulat.

Of unbegotten thought. For οὐσίας in Epiphanius must be restored ἐννοίας, as the sense clearly demands.

Non gradatim. « Quanto meliores, inquit Tertull., qui totum hoc taedium amoliti, nullum Aeonem voluerunt alium ex alio per gradus revera Gemonios structum, sed mappa, quod aiunt, missa, semel octojugem istam ex Patre, et Ennoea ejus exclusam. »

Not step by step. "How much better," says Tertullian, "are those who, having removed all this tedium, would have no Aeon built one from another by steps truly Gemonian, but, at the dropping of the napkin, as the saying is, had that eightfold team hatched all at once from the Father and his Ennoea."

Seipsum ostendere. Ἑαυτόν lego cum vet. Tertullianus autem, « cum semetipsum voluit probare. »

To show himself. I read ἑαυτόν with the ancient translator. Tertullian, however, has, "when he wished to prove himself."

Locutus est homo Sermonem. Addo ἐλάλησε in Graec. ex vet. interp. atque etiam ex ipso Tertull., qui tamen videtur legisse ἤχησε. Vertit enim, « sonuit. »

Man spoke the Word. I add ἐλάλησε in the Greek from the ancient translator and also from Tertullian himself, who nevertheless seems to have read ἤχησε. For he translates, "sounded."

Notae ex adversariis Front. Ducaei in cap. 6.

Notes from the notebooks of Fronton du Duc on chapter 6.

Pag. 56. Ennoean et Thelesin. Apud Epiphanium in haeres. 33 videmus has voces, θέλημα et θέλησιν usurpari ἀδιαφόρως. Tertull. « Cogitationem et voluntatem » Latine dixit cap. 33 Adv. Valent.

Page 56. Ennoea and Thelesis. In Epiphanius in Heresy 33 we see these words, θέλημα and θέλησιν, used indifferently. Tertullian said in Latin "Cogitation and Will" in chapter 33 Against the Valentinians.

Pag. 57. Qui autem prudentiores. Haec Epiph. haeresi 35 Colorbaso cuidam attribuit, et eum secutus Theodoretus libro primo Haereticarum fabularum, Colorbasiis : et Tertull. cap. 36 Adv. Valent. : « Quanto meliores qui semel octojugem istam ex Patre et Ennoea ejus exclusam voluerunt. Colorbasum idem nominat De praescription. capite 15, cum nostro interprete Iren. cap. 10, lib. I. Multa hic sunt ἀνακόλουθα, si ad Graecorum sententiam examinentur, quam eleganter expressit Billius ; ad verbum dicendum fuisset, emissionem Aeonum simul emissam esse, vel procreatam.

Page 57. Those who are more prudent. Epiphanius in Heresy 35 attributes these things to a certain Colorbasus, and following him Theodoret in the first book of the Heretical Fables attributes them to the Colorbasians; and Tertullian, chapter 36 Against the Valentinians: "How much better are those who would have that eightfold team hatched all at once from the Father and his Ennoea." The same author names Colorbasus in On Prescriptions, chapter 15, along with our translator of Irenaeus, chapter 10, Book I. There are many inconsequent constructions here if they are examined according to the syntax of the Greek, which Billy has elegantly expressed; literally it would have had to be said that the emission of the Aeons was emitted, or procreated, all at once.

Non videntur tibi hi. Haec ex eodem Epiphanio deprompta sunt, in quibus licet ipsa verba non proferat Irenaei, tamen ab ejus sententia non multum discedit. Correximus autem in Cornarii interpretatione quae videbantur corrigenda, ex vet. interp. ex quo et pro τοῦτο et ὁ καί, legendum τότε et ὅτε. Unde constat etiam recte a doctissimo Feuardentio quatuor illas voculas ex veteri codice adjectas esse : nec expunximus illud φῶς, tametsi abest a veteri, « lux, » quomodo scripsit Cornarius, non, « lex. »

Do not these seem to you. These things are drawn from the same Epiphanius, in which although he does not bring forward the very words of Irenaeus, yet he does not depart much from his meaning. Moreover, we have corrected in Cornarius's translation the things which seemed in need of correction, from the ancient translator, from whom both for τοῦτο and ὁ καί we must read τότε and ὅτε. Whence it is established also that those four words were rightly added from the ancient codex by the most learned Feuardent; nor have we expunged that word φῶς, even though it is absent from the ancient translator, "light," as Cornarius wrote, not "law."

Porro non video cur hic Billius vertat « omnes Aeonas, » pro « sex Aeonas, » sic enim Graece Epiphanius, τὴν τῶν ἓξ Αἰώνων προβολήν · licet enim Tertullianus octojugem nominet, tamen id fit, quia parentes numerat cum liberis. Certe Graeca Epiphanii secutus est hoc loco Billius, cum tamen, judicio quidem nostro, ex veteri interprete Graeca

Moreover, I do not see why Billy here translates "all the Aeons" for "six Aeons," for thus Epiphanius has in Greek, τὴν τῶν ἓξ Αἰώνων προβολήν; for although Tertullian calls it an eightfold team, yet that happens because he numbers the parents with the children. Assuredly Billy followed the Greek of Epiphanius at this place, whereas, in our judgement at least, the Greek ought to have been

Editors' notes and page, col. 1442

Page

running head: LIB. I S. IRENÆI. 1442
marginal letters: A Τά τε; B Prodiisse. Προελθεῖν.; C Locutus est; D Aeonum simul
old-edition numerals: 49 before Ingenitae
other: Latin with embedded Greek; editors' matter: Τά τε καὶ τὰ, Scholia Billii in cap. 6, Notae ex adversariis Front. Ducaei in cap. 6

PG 7:1443

fuerint emendanda. Plane enim opponi videntur hi Colorbasii Valentinianis : nam illi quidem, ut leges libro primo, capite primo, de Logo et Zoe emissam secundam conjugationem volebant, Hominem scilicet et Ecclesiam : at isti contra, inverso ordine, ex Anthropo et Ecclesia Logon et Zoen : id adeo quae sequuntur docent : « Locutus est Anthropos Logon, hic est primogenitus filius ; subsequitur Logon Zoe. » Ac Pamelius quidem in Tertull. corrigendum esse vult Epiphanium, ita ut legatur, « sed velut alii volunt, » pro « aut velut alii volunt ; » sic enim verterat Cornarius, καὶ ἐξ ἀνθρώπου, ὡς οἱ ἄλλοι · nobis tamen videtur illud, ὡς οἱ ἄλλοι, scribendum post καὶ ἐκκλησίαν, ut Valentiniani designentur, ac deinde, ἀλλ' ἐξ ἀνθρώπου.

emended from the ancient translator. For plainly these Colorbasians seem to be opposed to the Valentinians: for the latter indeed, as you will read in the first book, chapter 1, would have it that the second syzygy, namely Man and Church, was emitted from Logos and Zoe; whereas the former, on the contrary, in inverted order, derived Logos and Zoe from Anthropos and Ecclesia; this is precisely what the following words teach: "Anthropos spoke Logos, this is the firstborn son; Zoe follows upon Logos." And Pamelius indeed on Tertullian wishes Epiphanius to be corrected so as to read, "but as others will have it," for "or as others will have it"; for so Cornarius had translated καὶ ἐξ ἀνθρώπου, ὡς οἱ ἄλλοι; to us, however, it seems that that phrase, ὡς οἱ ἄλλοι, should be written after καὶ ἐκκλησίαν, so that the Valentinians are designated, and then, ἀλλ' ἐξ ἀνθρώπου.

Pag. 58. Vera fuerunt. In Graeco legendum, ἃ προεβάλετο ἀληθῆ ἦν. Tertull. quoque : « Cum protulit, quia vera protulit, hic veritas appellata est. »

Page 58. Were true. In the Greek we must read, ἃ προεβάλετο ἀληθῆ ἦν. Tertullian also has: "When he brought forth, because he brought forth true things, she was called Truth."

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 6.

Annotations of François Feuardent on chapter 6.

Pag. 56. Hi vero. Persequens mutuas pugnas et contradictiones Gnosticorum, docet, illos Deum verum in poeticum (qui variis conjugiorum, affectuum, et mutationum passionibus subjiciatur) transmutare : cum tamen Deus verus ineffabili sapientia cuncta noverit, et voluntate immutabili omnia possit atque perficiat. Ad hunc certe locum respexit Cyrillus Hierosol. cum scripsit : « Deus non ex parte videns est, ex parte autem visione privatus : sed totus oculus, totus auditus, et totus mens, » etc.

Page 56. But these. Pursuing the mutual battles and contradictions of the Gnostics, he teaches that they transmute the true God into a poetic one (who is subjected to various passions of marriages, affections, and changes), whereas the true God knows all things by ineffable wisdom, and by an immutable will is able to do and accomplish all things. To this passage assuredly Cyril of Jerusalem looked when he wrote: "God is not partly seeing, and partly deprived of vision; but all eye, all hearing, and all mind," etc.

Ennoea. Delevimus « Ennoea, » auctoritate vet. codicis.

Ennoea. We have deleted "Ennoea," on the authority of the ancient codex.

Pag. 57. Homerici Jovis. Locus est apud Homerum Iliad. II :

Page 57. Of the Homeric Jupiter. The passage is in Homer, Iliad II (Il. 2.1-4):

Ἄλλοι μὲν ῥα θεοί τε, καὶ ἄνερες ἱπποκορυσται Εὗδον παννύχιοι. Δία δ' οὐκ ἔχε νήδυμος ὕπνος, Ἀλλ' ὅγε μερμήριζε κατὰ φρένα, ὡς Ἀχιλῆα Τιμήσῃ, ὀλέσῃ δὲ πολέας ἐπὶ νηυσὶν Ἀχαιῶν.

Now the other gods and chariot-fighting men slept all night long, but sweet sleep did not hold Zeus; rather he was pondering in his heart how he might honour Achilles and destroy many at the ships of the Achaeans.

Sic nos utcunque carmine reddidimus :

Thus we have rendered it after a fashion in verse:

Jamque alii placida divique hominesque quiete Gaudebant : sed enim vigilans tum Jupiter unus, Mente volutabat clarum quî reddat Achillem, Et cadat ad classem Graecorum multa virum vis.

And now the other gods and men were rejoicing in peaceful rest; but Jupiter alone, then wakeful, was revolving in his mind how he might render Achilles illustrious, and how a great force of men might fall at the fleet of the Greeks.

Ideo autem ultimum versum ambigue extulimus, quod consultus Eustathius ista moneat : Ὅρα δὲ τὸ πολέας, σχῆμα γὰρ ἀμφιβολίας ποιεῖ· ἄδηλον γὰρ εἴτε πολλοὺς τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ὀλέσῃ, ὧν ὀλλυμένων ἐτιμᾶτο Ἀγιλλεὺς, εἴτε πολλοὺς Τρῶάς τε καὶ Ἕλληνας, ἐπὶ ταῖς ναυσὶ Ἀχαιῶν, ὅπερ κάλλιον. Id est : « Adverte autem ad πολέας, quod « multa virum vis » reddidimus ; habet enim figuram amphibologiae : quia incertum multosve Graecorum, quorum nece honorabatur Achilles, an multos Trojanorum simul et Graecorum, ad Graecorum naves (quod melius est) perditurus sit. » Beatus Irenaeus eum sensum secutus est, qui vel Eustathio ipsi melior videtur, nisi dicas post « perdere, » deesse « ad naves, » ut apud eumdem etiam Homerica servetur ambiguitas : quod subtilius forsan quam verius excogitatum putem, cum id non doceat vetus codex, et ad Homeri locum allusisse potius, quam ejus verba usurpasse videatur. Epiphanius adversus Ptolemaitas, Irenaei sententiam pluribus verbis et apertioribus explicat.

Now we have expressed the last verse ambiguously for this reason, because Eustathius, when consulted, advises as follows: Ὅρα δὲ τὸ πολέας, σχῆμα γὰρ ἀμφιβολίας ποιεῖ· ἄδηλον γὰρ εἴτε πολλοὺς τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ὀλέσῃ, ὧν ὀλλυμένων ἐτιμᾶτο Ἀγιλλεὺς, εἴτε πολλοὺς Τρῶάς τε καὶ Ἕλληνας, ἐπὶ ταῖς ναυσὶ Ἀχαιῶν, ὅπερ κάλλιον. That is: "Observe πολέας, which we have rendered 'a great force of men'; for it has a figure of amphibology: because it is uncertain whether he is going to destroy many of the Greeks, by whose slaughter Achilles was honoured, or many of the Trojans together with the Greeks at the ships of the Greeks (which is better)." Blessed Irenaeus followed that sense which even to Eustathius himself seems better, unless you say that after "to destroy" there is lacking "at the ships," so that in him also the Homeric ambiguity is preserved: which I should think devised more subtly perhaps than truly, since the ancient codex does not teach that, and he seems to have alluded to the passage of Homer rather than to have used his exact words. Epiphanius against the Ptolemaeans explains the meaning of Irenaeus in more and clearer words.

Tunc cogitans cum vult. Quatuor has voculas ex veteri codice adjecimus. Concinne autem quatuor axiomatibus, quae de infinita Dei omnipotentia didicerat a Polycarpo, et aliis apostolorum auditoribus, explicat, adversus Gnosticorum impia figmenta, qui illam certis limitibus coercebant, admittentes Deum quidem omnipotentem esse, sed

Thinking then when he wills. We have added these four words from the ancient codex. And neatly in four axioms he explains what he had learned from Polycarp and other hearers of the apostles concerning the infinite omnipotence of God, against the impious figments of the Gnostics, who confined it within certain limits, admitting that God is indeed omnipotent, but only over

Editors' notes and page, col. 1443

Footnotes

(44) ‹anchor: not visible in the page-foot image› · call in col 1443

Catech. 6.

Catecheses 6.

(44*) ‹anchor: sapientior evasit› · call in col 1444 Legendum Graece : τῶν ἑαυτοῦ διδασκάλων, vel Latine : illo quem praeceptorem habuerunt. Edit.

Read in Greek: τῶν ἑαυτοῦ διδασκάλων [“of his own teachers”], or in Latin: than the one whom they had as teacher. Editor.

(printed under page 730)

Page

running head: 1443 VARIORUM NOT
marginal letters: A fuerint emendanda.; B contradictiones Gnosticorum; C Τιμήσῃ, ὀλέσῃ; D sum secutus
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin with embedded Greek; editors' matter: fuerint emendanda, Pag. 58. Vera fuerunt, Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 6

PG 7:1444

eorum, quae ei subjacebant : multa eumdem subterfugere putantes, ut ex superiori capite colligitur. Sagaciter enim animadvertebat hic B. martyr, Deum Patribus, ne ad promissa ejus et jussa capessenda trepidarent, omnipotentiam suam proposuisse; apostolos quoque praetermissis boni, justi, misericordis, et variis aliis, hoc unum Dei Patris epithetum credendum initio Symboli affixisse ; demumque hujus immensae virtutis fidem, totius religionis Christianae basim esse, quae si aliquatenus vacillet, totum corruere Evangelium necesse sit. Judicent igitur quorum dogmata amplexentur nostri saeculi Sacramentarii, qui ut suas opiniones tueantur de absentia corporis Christi, summa cum divinae majestatis blasphemia plurima eum posse facere pernegant. Quin et eo furore agitantur ut reclamantibus omnibus Scripturis, miraculis, et operibus divinis, Deum ipsum praeter ejus quam creavit naturae leges, quidquam operari posse inficientur. An non hoc est Gnosticum et Valentinianum, vel potius atheismum buccis inflatis personare? Salubrius multo Virginem percunctantem quanam arte viro non agnito pareret, Angelus jussit attendere, non esse impossibile apud Deum omne verbum. Huc pertinent et istae Scripturarum voces : « Nunquid manus Domini invalida est? Subest tibi, cum volueris, posse . Non est abbreviata manus Domini : sicut lutum in manu figuli, sic vos in manu mea. » Num supra naturae leges, limum in carnem ; carnem in statuam convertit? Aridam virgam florere, solem cursum sistere, brutum humana verba usurpare, flammas aliis parcere, alios devorare jussit ?

those things which were subject to him, thinking that many things escaped him, as is gathered from the preceding chapter. For sagaciously the blessed martyr here observed that God set forth His omnipotence to the Fathers, lest they should tremble to lay hold of His promises and commands; that the apostles also, passing over "good," "just," "merciful," and various other attributes, affixed this one epithet of God the Father to be believed at the beginning of the Creed; and finally that faith in this immense power is the basis of the whole Christian religion, which if it waver in any degree, the whole Gospel must needs collapse. Let men judge, therefore, whose dogmas the Sacramentarians of our century embrace, who in order to defend their opinions concerning the absence of the body of Christ, with supreme blasphemy against the divine majesty flatly deny that He is able to do very many things. Nay, they are driven by such madness that, with all the Scriptures, miracles, and divine works crying out against them, they deny that God Himself is able to work anything beyond the laws of the nature which He created. Is not this to trumpet forth with puffed-out cheeks Gnostic and Valentinian error, or rather atheism? Much more wholesomely did the Angel bid the Virgin, when inquiring by what means she should give birth without knowing a man, to attend to this, that no word is impossible with God (Luke 1:37). Hither belong also those utterances of the Scriptures: "Is the hand of the Lord powerless? (Num. 11:23) Power is at hand for Thee when Thou wilt (Wis. 12:18). The hand of the Lord is not shortened (Isa. 59:1): as clay in the hand of the potter, so are you in My hand (Jer. 18:6)." Did He not above the laws of nature turn mud into flesh, and flesh into a statue? Did He not command a dry rod to blossom, the sun to stay its course, a brute beast to utter human words, and the flames to spare some and devour others?

Pag 58. Modum. Ita vetus codex ; excusi habebant « mundum.

Page 58. Measure. Thus the ancient codex; the printed editions had "world."

Ex adnotationibus Jo. Ernesti Grabii in cap. 6.

From the annotations of Johann Ernst Grabe on chapter 6.

Ὁ Πτολεμαῖος. Graeca Irenaei verba haec forte fuerunt : Οἱ δὲ περὶ Πτολεμαῖον ἐμπειρότεροι, δύο συζύγους ἔχειν αὐτὸν τὸν Βυθὸν λέγουσι, ἃς καὶ διαθέσεις καλοῦσιν, Ἔννοιάν τε καὶ Θέλησιν. Loco vero horum Epiphanius haeres. 33, § 1, haec habet : Οὗτος τοίνυν ὁ Πτολεμαῖος, καὶ οἱ σὰν αὐτῷ, ἔτι ἐμπειρότερος ἡμῖν τοῦ ἑαυτῶν διδασκάλου προελήλυθε..... δύο γὰρ οὗτος συζύγους τῷ Θεῷ, τῷ παρ' αὐτοῖς Βυθῷ καλουμένῳ, ἐπενόησέ τε καὶ ἐχαρίσατο. Ταύτας δὲ καὶ διαθέσεσιν (lege διαθέσεις) ἐκάλεσεν, Ἔννοιάν τε καὶ Θέλημα. « Hic ille cum suis Ptolemaeus , iis quos praeceptores habuit, sapientior evasit... Etenim Deo, quem illi Bythum appellant, conjuges duas a se inventas attribuit, quas et Affectiones nominavit, Cogitationem videlicet ac Voluntatem. »

Ptolemy. The Greek words of Irenaeus were perhaps these: Οἱ δὲ περὶ Πτολεμαῖον ἐμπειρότεροι, δύο συζύγους ἔχειν αὐτὸν τὸν Βυθὸν λέγουσι, ἃς καὶ διαθέσεις καλοῦσιν, Ἔννοιάν τε καὶ Θέλησιν. In place of these, however, Epiphanius, Heresy 33, § 1, has the following: Οὗτος τοίνυν ὁ Πτολεμαῖος, καὶ οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ, ἔτι ἐμπειρότερος ἡμῖν τοῦ ἑαυτῶν διδασκάλου προελήλυθε..... δύο γὰρ οὗτος συζύγους τῷ Θεῷ, τῷ παρ' αὐτοῖς Βυθῷ καλουμένῳ, ἐπενόησέ τε καὶ ἐχαρίσατο. Ταύτας δὲ καὶ διαθέσεσιν (read διαθέσεις) ἐκάλεσεν, Ἔννοιάν τε καὶ Θέλημα. "This Ptolemy with his followers came forth still more experienced for us than their own teacher... For he devised and bestowed upon God, who among them is called Bythos, two consorts invented by himself; and these he also called Affections, namely Thought and Will."

Pag. 57. Τοῦ μὲν θελήματος, etc. Haec, perverso ordine in Epiphanio posita, ita lege : Τοῦ μὲν θελήματος τὸν Νοῦν, τῆς δὲ ἐννοίας τὴν ἀλήθειαν. Caeterum idem hoc loco est Νοῦς, qui « Monogenes, » prout notavit Bill.

Page 57. Of the will, etc. Read these words, which are placed in inverted order in Epiphanius, thus: Τοῦ μὲν θελήματος τὸν Νοῦν, τῆς δὲ ἐννοίας τὴν ἀλήθειαν. For the rest, at this place Νοῦς is the same as "Monogenes," just as Billy noted.

Τοῦ θελήματος..... ὁ δὲ θῆλυς τοῦ θελήματος. Τοῦ θελήματος posteriori loco dele, et praecedentia ex veteri versione ita corrige : τοῦ θελήματος μὲν ἄῤῥην εἰκὼν γέγονεν, ὁ δὲ θῆλυς τῆς ἀγεννήτου ἐννοίας. Ita enim legendum, apertissime demonstrat mox addita ratio, quod Voluntas virtutem pariendi Ennoea dederit. Unde et Tertullianus eodem modo cap. 33 posuit : « Ad imaginem quidem Cogitationis, feminam Veritatem ; ad imaginem Voluntatis, marem Monogenem, » continuo addens : « Voluntatis enim vis, uti quae effectum praestat Cogitationi, maris obtinet censum. »

Of the will... and the female of the will. Delete τοῦ θελήματος in the latter place, and correct the preceding words from the ancient version thus: τοῦ θελήματος μὲν ἄῤῥην εἰκὼν γέγονεν, ὁ δὲ θῆλυς τῆς ἀγεννήτου ἐννοίας. For that it must be read thus is most openly demonstrated by the reason presently added, that Will gave to Ennoea the power of bringing forth. Whence Tertullian also in the same way in chapter 33 wrote: "After the image of Thought indeed, the female Truth; after the image of Will, the male Monogenes," immediately adding: "For the force of Will, as that which affords effect to Thought, obtains the rank of the male."

Τὸ Θέλημα τοίνυν. Dele τοίνυν, et lege ὅτι τὸ θέλημα.

The Will therefore. Delete τοίνυν, and read ὅτι τὸ θέλημα.

Scholia Billii in cap 7.

Scholia of Billy on chapter 7.

Pag. 58. Patris gloriam. Addo in Graec. haec verba ex vet., διὰ τούτου δοξάζειν τὸν Πατέρα.

Page 58. The glory of the Father. I add in the Greek these words from the ancient translator, διὰ τούτου δοξάζειν τὸν Πατέρα.

Pag. 59. Ob eamque causam. Hic quoque add.

Page 59. And for that cause. Here also I add

Editors' notes and page, col. 1444

Page

running head: VARIORUM NOTÆ 1444
marginal letters: A eorum, quae; B posse inficientur.; C θέσεις καλοῦσιν; D ex veteri
old-edition numerals: 50 before Scholia
other: Latin with embedded Greek; editors' matter: eorum, quae ei subjacebant, Pag 58. Modum, Ex adnotationibus Jo. Ernesti Grabii in cap. 6, Scholia Billii in cap 7

PG 7:1445

ex vet. haec. verba, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο λόγον, καὶ ζωὴν λέγεσθαι αὐτόν.

from the ancient translator these words, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο λόγον, καὶ ζωὴν λέγεσθαι αὐτόν.

Avita nomina. Προγονικά. Delendus est in Graeco articulus τά.

Ancestral names. Προγονικά. The article τά must be deleted in the Greek.

Ex Homine et Ecclesia. Apud Epiphanium pro Ζωῆς, legendum Ἐκκλησίας.

From Man and Church. In Epiphanius, for Ζωῆς we must read Ἐκκλησίας.

Sese. Addendum ἑαυτόν in Graeco.

Himself. Ἑαυτόν must be added in the Greek.

Hominis nepotem. Ἀπόγονον.

Descendant of Man. Ἀπόγονον.

Qui fulciendi Pleromatis. Corrigenda sunt Graeca apud Epiphanium ex vet. interp. ac sic legendum, τῶν εἰς στήριγμα τοῦ Πληρώματος προβεβλημένων.

Who for supporting the Pleroma. The Greek in Epiphanius must be corrected from the ancient translator and read thus, τῶν εἰς στήριγμα τοῦ Πληρώματος προβεβλημένων.

Notae ex adversariis Front. Ducaei in cap. 7.

Notes from the notebooks of Fronton du Duc on chapter 7.

Pag. 58. Quapropter beneplacitum. Graec., εὐδοκητὸν καλεῖσθαι : unde apud Theodoretum corrigendum est illud Eudochiteon, hoc est complacendum , et scribendum, Eudocetum, εὐδοκητόν , hoc est beneplacitum, vel complacitum. Sed ibidem legimus, ut apud Epiphanium, Servatorem factum ad Pleromatis stabilimentum : hoc tamen apud utrumque emendandum est, ut ex Tertulliano constat cap. 39 : « Alii a Christo et Spiritu sancto constabiliendae universitati provisis conflictum. » Sic cap. 1, sub finem, τὸν Χριστὸν εἰς ἐπανόρθωσιν τοῦ Πληρώματος προβεβλημένον. Denique in Graeco videtur legendum , ἑαυτὸν ὁμολογεῖν, cum vetus habeat, « se confiteri. »

Page 58. Wherefore well-pleasing. In the Greek, εὐδοκητὸν καλεῖσθαι: whence in Theodoret that word Eudochiteon, that is, complacendum, must be corrected and written Eudocetum, εὐδοκητόν, that is, beneplacitum, or complacitum. But in the same place we read, as in Epiphanius, that the Saviour was made for the stabilization of the Pleroma; yet this must be emended in both, as is established from Tertullian, chapter 39: "Others say that he was compacted by Christ and the Holy Spirit, who were provided for stabilizing the universe." Thus in chapter 1, towards the end, τὸν Χριστὸν εἰς ἐπανόρθωσιν τοῦ Πληρώματος προβεβλημένον. Finally, in the Greek it seems we should read ἑαυτὸν ὁμολογεῖν, since the ancient translator has, "to confess himself."

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 7.

Annotations of François Feuardent on chapter 7.

Pag. 56. Multa autem pugna apud eos. Diversas illorum sententias de Salvatoris nostri aeterna generatione, quam silentio potius adorare, quam curiosius investigare debuissent, paucis enumerat. Observa quam vere dixerint, multifidas falsitatis semitas esse, ubi semel a veritatis regula recesseris : ac eorum qui blasphemiis gaudent, varios cuneos, et diversa multum blasphemiarum jacula. Mendacium enim multiplex et varium : sed veritatis gratia simplex est. « Talis est vecordia, » ait ad Cledonium Nazianzenus, « ut secum ipsa, et cum veritate pugnet. »

Page 56. Now there is much conflict among them. He enumerates in a few words their diverse opinions concerning the eternal generation of our Saviour, which they ought rather to have adored in silence than to have investigated too curiously. Observe how truly men have said that the paths of falsehood are manifold when once you have departed from the rule of truth; and that of those who rejoice in blasphemies the wedges are various, and the darts of blasphemies very diverse. For falsehood is manifold and various, whereas the grace of truth is simple. "Such is madness," says Nazianzen to Cledonius, "that it fights both with itself and with the truth."

Pag. 59. Et propter hoc Logon, etc. Christum Dominum ea tantum ratione Logon dicebant, quod a decem illis saeculis, quae Logi et Zoes tertia illa conjugatio genuerat, emissus esset : personam divinam aeternamque una cum Patre fuisse, ut initio Evangelii docet B. Joannes, vel inficiari, vel obscurare satagentes. In hoc autem ut Judaeorum impietatem sectabantur Gnostici, sic Arianorum et Mahumetis blasphemiis seminaria praebuerunt. Nostra porro aetate, qua ab Orco omnium priorum saeculorum sordes revocare conatur Satanas, Servetus Genevae, Stancarus in Polonia, et Matthias Flaccus Illyricus in Germania, idem virus spargere conati sunt. Hic siquidem Filium Dei per quamdam metaphoram λόγον vocari, simili Hebraismo quo Baptista Vox nominatur, asseruit : et nunquam in Scripturis sacris divinae Trinitatis hypostasim significare, ut ante aliquot annos ex Melanchthonis epistola ad M. Warnerum evicit Fridericus Staphylus, parte II Epitomes sectae Lutheranae ; et post eumdem abundantius ex Georgii Majoris scriptis, academiae Wittembergensis censura, et Mansfeldensi confessione, gravissimus et catholicus scriptor Lindanus, dialogo 2 Dubitantii ; et lib. I De tranquillitate animi.

Page 59. And on account of this Logos, etc. They called Christ the Lord Logos only for this reason, because He was emitted by those ten Aeons which that third syzygy of Logos and Zoe had begotten, busying themselves either to deny or to obscure that He was a divine and eternal person together with the Father, as blessed John teaches at the beginning of the Gospel. Now in this, just as the Gnostics followed the impiety of the Jews, so they furnished seed-plots for the blasphemies of the Arians and of Mohammed. Moreover, in our age, in which Satan strives to recall from hell the filth of all earlier centuries, Servetus at Geneva, Stancaro in Poland, and Matthias Flacius Illyricus in Germany have striven to scatter the same poison. For the last-named asserted that the Son of God is called λόγος by a certain metaphor, by a Hebraism similar to that whereby the Baptist is called the Voice, and that in the sacred Scriptures it never signifies a hypostasis of the divine Trinity, as some years ago Friedrich Staphylus proved from Melanchthon's epistle to M. Warner, in Part II of the Epitome of the Lutheran Sect; and after him more abundantly from the writings of Georg Major, the censure of the University of Wittenberg, and the Mansfeld Confession, the most weighty and Catholic writer Lindanus, in Dialogue 2 of the Dubitantius, and in Book I On Tranquillity of Mind.

His. Expunximus « ii. »

By these. We have expunged "ii."

Propter hoc Filium hominis se confiteri. Quorum sententias tertio et quinto ordine recitat, circa temporalem Domini ex B. Virgine conceptionem et natalem, fusius describit et confutat lib. III, c. 18, 26, 27, 28, 32, etc., ostendens eum ea ratione « Filium hominis » se fateri, quod juxta prophetarum oracula, veram carnem ex Maria Deipara Spiritu sancto cooperante assumpserit. Justini etiam martyris

On account of this confesses Himself the Son of man. Those whose opinions he recounts in the third and fifth place, concerning the temporal conception and birth of the Lord from the Blessed Virgin, he describes and refutes more at length in Book III, chapters 18, 26, 27, 28, 32, etc., showing that He confesses Himself "the Son of man" for this reason, because according to the oracles of the prophets He assumed true flesh from Mary the Mother of God with the cooperation of the Holy Spirit. The words of Justin Martyr also

Editors' notes and page, col. 1445

Footnotes

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Theod. lib. II de cura Graec. affect. et ser. 1 de Provi.

Theodoret, On the Cure of Greek Maladies, book 2, and On Providence, discourse 1.

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old-edition numerals: (none)
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verba super hoc nomine addere libet : « Filium hominis, inquit, seipsum dicebat, vel quia natus de Virgine oriunda a Davide, Jacobo, Isaaco, Abrahamoque : vel quia ipse Abraham etiam reliquorum deinceps pater est, ex quibus Mariae stirps exinde deducitur. Scimus enim patres filiarum, etiam liberorum patres esse, quos illae pariunt. — Cur homo Christus, » ait Tertullian., « et Filius hominis, si nihil hominis, et nihil ex homine ? Nisi si aut aliud est homo quam caro ; aut aliunde caro hominis quam ex homine, aut aliud est Maria quam homo. »

upon this name it is pleasing to add: "He called Himself the Son of man," he says, "either because He was born of the Virgin sprung from David, Jacob, Isaac, and Abraham; or because Abraham himself is also the father of the rest in succession, from whom the lineage of Mary is thence derived. For we know that the fathers of daughters are also the fathers of the children whom those daughters bear. — Why is Christ man," says Tertullian, "and the Son of man, if He has nothing of man, and nothing from man? Unless either man is something other than flesh, or man's flesh is from ailleurs than from man, or Mary is something other than a human being."

Caeterum a doctis viris Pamelio ac Frontone moniti, sequenti linea, « iis qui ad firmamentum Pleromatis, » substituimus, pro, « eorum qui, » etc.

For the rest, admonished by the learned men Pamelius and Fronton, in the following line we have substituted "iis qui ad firmamentum Pleromatis" for "eorum qui," etc.

Et propter hoc Christum vocari eum dicunt. Septem has voces ex manuscripto veteri codice merito adjecimus. Caeterum de Christi appellatione varia istorum somnia infra describit cap. decimo Tertullianus : id nominis non ex natura, sed ex dispositione venire ; nec proprium esse, sed appellationem, qua unctus dicitur ut vestitus ; ipsumque ad humanam naturam pertinere scribit. « Hinc Christus, » ut idem alibi ait, « dicitur a chrismate, quod est unctio, quae Domino nomen accommodavit, facta spiritalis, quia unctus est a Deo Patre oleo laetitiae prae participibus suis. — Unctus est autem, non ut Deus, sed ut homo, » scribit Theodoretus, « et post incarnationem Christus nominatus est. » Cui penitus consona habet Vigilius martyr lib. IV, Contr. Eutychen. Hoc autem nomen commune regibus, prophetis, et sacerdotibus fuisse, idem testatur. Cum igitur Salvator noster horum omnium partes susceperit, et ad has obeundas caeletis Patris virtute uberrima , scilicet Spiritus sancti gratia, in animam ejus effusa delibutus fuerit, merito Christus dicitur, non a Pleromate, vel quibusdam Aeonibus, ut isti fanatici perperam somniant.

And on account of this they say that He is called Christ. We have deservedly added these seven words from the ancient manuscript codex. For the rest, concerning the appellation of Christ, Tertullian describes below in chapter 10 the various dreams of those men: he writes that they claim this name comes not from nature, but from disposition; and is not a proper name, but an appellation whereby He is called anointed just as one is called clothed; and that it pertains to His human nature. "Hence Christ," as the same author says elsewhere, "is so called from chrism, which is anointing, which lent its name to the Lord, having become spiritual, because He was anointed by God the Father with the oil of gladness above His fellows (Ps. 44:8). — Now He was anointed, not as God, but as man," writes Theodoret, "and after the incarnation He was named Christ." Completely consonant with this are the words of Vigilius the martyr in Book IV Against Eutyches. Moreover, the same author testifies that this name was common to kings, prophets, and priests. Since therefore our Saviour undertook the offices of all these, and for discharging them was anointed with the most abundant power of the heavenly Father, namely the grace of the Holy Spirit poured forth into His soul, He is deservedly called Christ, not from the Pleroma or from certain Aeons, as those fanatics wrongly dream.

Ex adnotationibus Jo. Ernesti Grabii in cap. 7.

From the annotations of Johann Ernst Grabe on chapter 7.

Pag. 59. Ηὐδόκησε. Hic adde ex Theodoreti lib. I Haeret. fabul., c. 12, δι' αὐτοῦ δοξάσαι τὸν Πατέρα. Quippe negligens scriba integram in Epiphanii textu lineam omisisse videtur.

Page 59. Was well pleased. Here add from Theodoret, Book I of the Heretical Fables, chapter 12, δι' αὐτοῦ δοξάσαι τὸν Πατέρα. For a negligent scribe seems to have omitted an entire line in the text of Epiphanius.

Προβεβλῆσθαι αὐτὸν λέγουσι. Tria ista verba Irenaeus lectori reliquit subintelligenda , addidit autem hoc loco sequentia : Καὶ διὰ τοῦτο λόγον καὶ ζωὴν λέγεσθαι αὐτόν.

They say that he was put forth. Irenaeus left those three words to be understood by the reader, and added at this place the following: Καὶ διὰ τοῦτο λόγον καὶ ζωὴν λέγεσθαι αὐτόν.

Εἰς στήριγμα, etc. Legendum esse, τῶν εἰς στήριγμα τοῦ Πληρώματος προβεβλημένων, bene monuit Billius, idemque confirmavit Fronto Duc. verbis Tertulliani cap. 39 : « Alii a Christo et Spiritu sancto constabiliendae universitati provisis conflictum. » Neque dubitabit ultra, qui supra cap. 1, § 4, pag. 13, lin. 13 (cap. 2, n. 5, pag. 11) legerit. Non tamen id scribae, sed ipsius forte Epiphanii, Irenaeum perperam intelligentis, fuit erratum, perinde ut Theodoreti loco citato scribentis : Ἄλλοι δὲ ὑπὸ Χριστοῦ καὶ τοῦ Πνεύματος εἰς στήριγμα τοῦ Πληρώματος γεγονέναι, etc. Qui idcirco ambo ad rectum revocandi sunt sensum.

For a support, etc. Billy rightly advised that we should read τῶν εἰς στήριγμα τοῦ Πληρώματος προβεβλημένων, and Fronton du Duc confirmed the same by the words of Tertullian, chapter 39: "Others say that he was compacted by Christ and the Holy Spirit, who were provided for stabilizing the universe." Nor will anyone doubt further who has read above, chapter 1, § 4, page 13, line 13 (chapter 2, n. 5, page 11). Yet this was the mistake not of a scribe, but perhaps of Epiphanius himself, wrongly understanding Irenaeus, just like that of Theodoret writing in the place cited: Ἄλλοι δὲ ὑπὸ Χριστοῦ καὶ τοῦ Πνεύματος εἰς στήριγμα τοῦ Πληρώματος γεγονέναι, etc. Both of whom are therefore to be recalled to the right sense.

Ἄνθρωπον λέγουσι καλεῖσθαι. Fallor an « Anthropiani » inde dicti sint, quorum solus quod ego sciam, S. Cyprianus epist. 73 meminit, eos cum Patripassianis et Valentinianis jungens.

They say that He is called Man. Am I mistaken, or were the "Anthropians" so called from this, of whom St. Cyprian alone, so far as I know, makes mention in Epistle 73, joining them with the Patripassians and Valentinians?

Scholia Billii in cap. 8.

Scholia of Billy on chapter 8.

Hoc caput apud Epiphanium paulo aliter habetur, quam apud Irenaeum.

This chapter is given slightly differently in Epiphanius than in Irenaeus.

Pag. 60. Persuasit. In Graec. pro προσέχειν αὐτῷ, desideratur aliquod verbum, forte ἐποίησε, vel ἔπειθε.

Page 60. Persuaded. In the Greek, for προσέχειν αὐτῷ, some verb is wanting, perhaps ἐποίησε, or ἔπειθε.

Notae ex adversariis Front. Ducaei in cap. 8.

Notes from the notebooks of Fronton du Duc on chapter 8.

Pag. 59. Ad se convertit. Cum sit Graece προσ-

Page 59. Turned to himself. Since in the Greek it is προσ-

Editors' notes and page, col. 1446

Footnotes

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In dialog. et quaest. 66 ad orthodoxos.

In the Dialogue, and in Question 66 of the Questions to the Orthodox.

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Lib. de carne Christi.

The book On the Flesh of Christ.

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Isa. LXI, 1 ; Luc. IV, 18 ; Psal. XLIV, 8 ; Hebr. I, 9 ; Act. IV, 27.

Isaiah 61:1; Luke 4:18; Psalm 44:8; Hebrews 1:9; Acts 4:27.

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έχειν αὐτῷ, legendum hic videtur, « ad se converti velut ad scientissimum, etc., locis habentem fecit, » et Graec. προσέχειν αὐτῷ ἐποίησε, ad se converti fecit. Porro vocem, « perfectissimum, » si e Graeco vertit, non de suo addidit interp., legendum est, ὡς γνωστικωτάτῳ καὶ τελειοτάτῳ. Ita dixit ante cap. 5, ἵνα τελείων τελειότεροι φανῶσιν ὄντες, καὶ γνωστικῶν γνωστικώτεροι : vet. interpr., « ut perfectorum perfectiores, » Hellenismo, pro « perfectis perfectiores. » Caeterum haec ad verbum reddita habes apud interpretem Epiphanii sub initium haer. 34.

έχειν αὐτῷ, it seems we should read here, "made them turn to himself as to one most knowing, etc., having from the regions," and in the Greek προσέχειν αὐτῷ ἐποίησε, made them turn to himself. Moreover, if the translator rendered the word "most perfect" from the Greek and did not add it on his own, we must read ὡς γνωστικωτάτῳ καὶ τελειοτάτῳ. Thus he said above in chapter 5, ἵνα τελείων τελειότεροι φανῶσιν ὄντες, καὶ γνωστικῶν γνωστικώτεροι: the ancient translator has, "that of the perfect they may appear more perfect," by a Hellenism for "more perfect than the perfect." For the rest, you have these things rendered word for word in the translator of Epiphanius near the beginning of Heresy 34.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 8.

Annotations of François Feuardent on chapter 8.

Pag. 59. Alius vero quidam. Hujus Marci meminerunt Tertullianus lib. Praescript. et Theodor. lib. I Haeret. fab. paucis omnes illius praestigias complectentes : fusissime autem omnium Epiphan. lib. I, tom. III, haeres. 34, sectam Marcosiorum ab eo eductam, et eum praeter Valentinum, Secundum, Ptolemaeum et Epiphanem multa mala in Creatorem evomuisse.

Page 59. Another certain man. Tertullian in the book On Prescriptions and Theodoret in Book I of the Heretical Fables make mention of this Marcus, embracing all his juggleries in a few words; and most fully of all Epiphanius, Book I, Tome III, Heresy 34, saying that the sect of the Marcosians was brought forth by him, and that besides Valentinus, Secundus, Ptolemy, and Epiphanes he vomited forth many evil things against the Creator.

Pag. 60. Et ab inenarrabilibus locis. Delevimus « Logis, » et has quatuor voces ex veteri adjecimus, his verbis subscribente Epiphanio lib. I, haeres. 34 : « Ut stupore attonitos rudiores ad sese suspiciendum, tanquam coelitus delapsum doctorem converteret, virtutem maximam ab invisis, coelestibus, et innominatis locis se recepisse, sceleratus impostor jactabat. Simili vesania non tantum virtutem, sed et librum e coelis delapsum se habere et circumferre praedicaverunt, Origenis tempestate, Helcaesaitae : quem qui legisset et credidisset, aliam longe remissionem peccatorum acciperet ab ea, qua Christus peccata remisit.

Page 60. And from unutterable places. We have deleted "Logis," and have added these four words from the ancient codex, with Epiphanius subscribing in these words in Book I, Heresy 34: "In order that he might turn the simpler folk, struck with stupor, to look up to himself as a teacher fallen from heaven, the wicked impostor boasted that he had received the greatest power from unseen, heavenly, and nameless places." With similar madness, in the time of Origen, the Helkesaites proclaimed that they had and carried about not only a power, but also a book fallen from heaven, which whoever read and believed would receive a remission of sins far different from that whereby Christ remitted sins.

Praecursor quasi vere exsistens Antichristi. Hoc encomio non tantum Irenaeus suos Gnosticos frequenter et jure exornat, sed et quotquot contra haeresiarchas manibus conseruerunt. Sicut enim varia saeculorum revolutione, varii prophetae verbis scriptis et rebus gestis verum Christum annuntiabant, ideoque nuntii et anteambulones illius vocantur : sic filio perditionis viam parant quotquot contra Christum et Ecclesiam ejus eriguntur, et ab apostolo etiam « Antichristi » nuncupantur, I Joan. II et IV. Constantium imperatorem, quod haeresi Arianae faveret impensius, Arianisque ecclesias tradi jussisset, apertis verbis « Antichristum » vocant Athanasius epistola ad solitariam vitam agentes; et Hilarius, tribus ad illum libris. Pari constantia eumdem illum paucis pagellis plus decies « Antichristi praecursorem, umbram, cervum, satellitem, spiritum et simulacrum appellitat » Lucifer Calaritanus lib. De non parcendo in Deum delinquentibus. Ambrosio quoque « Antichristus » fuerunt Arius, Sabellius, et omnes qui prava interpretatione simpliciores seducunt, quod et aliquot ante eum saeculis scripserat Origenes homil. trigesima in Matthaeum.

Being truly, as it were, a forerunner of Antichrist. Not only does Irenaeus frequently and deservedly adorn his Gnostics with this encomium, but so also do all who have joined battle against the heresiarchs. For just as in the varied revolution of the ages various prophets proclaimed the true Christ by words, writings, and deeds, and are therefore called His messengers and forerunners, so all who rise up against Christ and His Church prepare the way for the son of perdition, and are even called "Antichrists" by the apostle, 1 John 2 and 4 (1 John 2:18; 4:3). Because the Emperor Constantius favoured the Arian heresy too zealously and ordered the churches to be handed over to the Arians, Athanasius in his Epistle to Those Leading a Solitary Life, and Hilary in his three books to him, in plain words call him "Antichrist." With equal constancy Lucifer of Cagliari, in his book On Not Sparing Those Who Offend Against God, within a few pages calls that same man more than ten times "the forerunner, shadow, stag, attendant, spirit, and image of Antichrist." According to Ambrose also, Arius, Sabellius, and all who by perverse interpretation seduce the simpler folk were "Antichrist," which some centuries before him Origen had also written in his thirtieth homily on Matthew.

Anaxilai ludicra. Quis hic fuerit Anaxilaus affirment alii, ego tantum conjecturam meam adjiciam. Epiphanius de eodem loquens, ex Irenaeo arbitror, Graece παίγνια ejus nominat; quae interpres « ludicra » transtulit. Quae vox latae significationis, nihil hic tamen aliud, quam ea, quibus nostris oculis illudunt praestigiatores, si ad Irenaei et Epiphanii verba attendas, significare videtur. Eum ergo ipsum esse suspicor, de quo ita Plinius : « Lusit et Anaxilaus eo (sulphure, de quo ibi sermo est) candens in calice novo, prunaque subdita circumferens, exardescentis repercussu, pallorem dirum velut defunctorum, effundente conviviis, (vel ut alia lectio habet), offundente convivis. » Ludendi verbum

The tricks of Anaxilaus. Who this Anaxilaus was, let others affirm; I shall only add my conjecture. Epiphanius, speaking of the same man, from Irenaeus as I suppose, calls them in Greek his παίγνια, which the translator rendered "ludicra." Which word, though of wide signification, seems nevertheless to signify nothing else here than the tricks whereby jugglers mock our eyes, if you attend to the words of Irenaeus and Epiphanius. I suspect, therefore, that he is the very man concerning whom Pliny writes thus: "Anaxilaus also played tricks with it (namely sulphur, of which he is speaking there), carrying it about glowing in a new cup with a live coal placed beneath, casting by the reflection of its flare a dreadful pallor, like that of dead men, over the banquets (or, as another reading has it, over the guests)." The verb "to play,"

Editors' notes and page, col. 1447

Footnotes

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Euseb. lib. VI Hist., cap. 31.

Eusebius, History, book 6, chapter 31.

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Hier. in XXIV cap. Matt.

Jerome, on chapter 24 of Matthew.

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Comment. in XXI cap. Luc.

Commentary on chapter 21 of Luke.

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Lib. XXXV, cap. 15.

Book 35, chapter 15.

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other: Latin with embedded Greek; editors' matter: έχειν αὐτῷ, Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 8; word split at column start: έχειν (προσέχειν); word split at column end: ver- (verbum)
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unde « ludicra, » ut a παίζειν παίγνια deducas, Plinius usurpavit. Deinde Anaxilaum poculo usum, sicut et Marcum haereticum, praestigiarum Anaxilai imitatorem, idem Plinius et proximo cap. Irenaeus aperte docent.

whence you may derive "ludicra" just as παίγνια from παίζειν, was employed by Pliny. Next, that Anaxilaus used a cup, just like Marcus the heretic, the imitator of the juggleries of Anaxilaus, both the same Pliny and Irenaeus in the next chapter openly teach.

Virtutes perficere putatur. Miracula vera et hic impostores istos edere pernegat : sed et multo evidentioribus verbis infra lib. II, cap. 57. Iisdem fere verbis Clemens Rom. impios in doctrinae falsae confirmationem, miracula facere posse inficiatus fuerat, nisi quatenus Antichristo sub finem mundi permissum iri putat. Quod si omnino aliqua vera in conventiculis haereticorum peracta vel fuisse, vel fieri posse quis contendat : « errorem tamen eorum per illa nihilo magis confirmari, » argute docet Justinus martyr, « quam si impietatem gentium, ideo quod sol oritur in eos, roreque coelesti aspergantur, Deo aliquis gratam putet. »

He is thought to work miracles. Both here and in much clearer words below in Book II, chapter 57, he flatly denies that those impostors work true miracles. In almost the same words Clement of Rome had denied that the impious are able to work miracles in confirmation of false doctrine, except insofar as he thinks it will be permitted to Antichrist towards the end of the world. And if anyone contends that some true miracles have been wrought or can be wrought at all in the conventicles of heretics, Justin Martyr acutely teaches that "their error is no more confirmed by them than if someone should think the impiety of the Gentiles pleasing to God because the sun rises upon them and they are sprinkled with the dew of heaven."

Augustinus quoque pernegans haereticos edere miracula illa, quae falso tribuebantur Donatistis, scribit meras esse fabulas. Ista de his B. Ignatii observanda est apostolico digna spiritui praecautio : « Quisquis dixerit praeter illa quae statuta sunt, etiamsi fide dignus sit, etiamsi jejunet, etiamsi virginitatem servet, etiamsi signa faciat, etiamsi prophetet; tibi lupus censeatur sub ovis pelle ovium corruptionem moliens. » His ergo satis constat sectas haereticorum semper veris destitutas esse miraculis : ac proinde auctorum ac ministrorum extraordinariam, quam et ipsi profitentur, missionem, non esse a Deo. Currunt, et Dominus non mittit illos. Atque haec de nullis, vel falsis haereticorum miraculis. Contra vero, nullum esse in Ecclesia catholica doctrinae vel fidei caput, sacramentum, ritum, quem Deus de coelis per sanctos suos evidentissimis peractis miraculis non probaverit et asseruerit, omni exceptione majoribus testibus ac scriptoribus efficere facillimum est. Nam hujus fidei primi assertores eam praedicaverunt ubique, « Domino cooperante, et sermonem confirmante, sequentibus signis. » Notum est ex Eccl. hist. sanctissimorum concil. Nicaeni et Chalcedonensis decreta, in quibus Symbolum fidei nostrae primum locum obtinet, apertis miraculis comprobata fuisse. Baptismi sanctitatem et virtutem signis confirmatam fuisse docet historia Constantini ; et quaedam recitat Aug. lib. XXII Civ., cap. 8. Confirmationis praestantiam praedicat B. Lucas in Actis c. VIII, X et XIX, et miraculum in ampulla , qua servabatur sanctum chrisma, describitur ab Optato Milevitano lib. II con. Parm. Eucharistiae adhibitione servatos fuisse Caesarium et Gorgoniam referunt Ambros. et Nazianz.; aliaque miracula virtute ejusdem patrata recitant Chrysostom., Amphilochius, Optatus, Eusebius, Prosper, et alii plurimi, etc.

Augustine also, flatly denying that heretics work those miracles which were falsely attributed to the Donatists, writes that they are mere fables. Concerning these matters that precaution of blessed Ignatius, worthy of an apostolic spirit, is to be observed: "Whoever speaks beyond the things that are appointed, even if he be worthy of credit, even if he fast, even if he keep virginity, even if he work signs, even if he prophesy, let him be esteemed by you a wolf in sheep's skin plotting the ruin of the sheep." By these things, therefore, it is sufficiently established that the sects of heretics are always destitute of true miracles, and consequently that the extraordinary mission of their authors and ministers, which they themselves also profess, is not from God. They run, and the Lord does not send them (Jer. 23:21). And so much concerning the non-existent or false miracles of heretics. On the contrary, however, that there is no head of doctrine or faith, no sacrament, no rite in the Catholic Church which God from heaven has not proved and asserted through His saints by the performance of most evident miracles, is very easy to establish by witnesses and writers above all exception. For the first champions of this faith preached it everywhere, "the Lord working with them, and confirming the word by the signs that followed" (Mark 16:20). It is well known from Ecclesiastical History that the decrees of the most holy Councils of Nicaea and Chalcedon, in which the Creed of our faith holds the first place, were approved by manifest miracles. The history of Constantine teaches that the sanctity and virtue of Baptism was confirmed by signs; and Augustine recounts certain instances in Book XXII of the City of God, chapter 8. Blessed Luke proclaims the excellence of Confirmation in Acts chapters 8, 10, and 19, and the miracle in the ampulla in which the holy chrism was kept is described by Optatus of Milevis in Book II Against Parmenian. Ambrose and Nazianzen relate that Caesarius and Gorgonia were preserved by the administration of the Eucharist; and Chrysostom, Amphilochius, Optatus, Eusebius, Prosper, and very many others recount other miracles wrought by the power of the same, etc.

Ad ritus accedo : Crucis Dominicae pia consignatione cacodaemones e corporibus et locis fidelium profligatos fuisse testificantur Ignatius, Justinus, Tertullianus, Cyprianus, Lactantius, veteres omnes. Aquae lustralis vim eosdem nullibi ferre potuisse, ex Clem. Rom., Alex. pontif., Epiphanii, Theodoreti, Palladii, Nicephori scriptis constanter asseritur. Exorcismis catholicis etiam nunc frequenter illos abigi, notius est, quam quis possit ire inficias. Montem e loco suo motum, ut hunc ecclesiae aedificandae cederet, idque Gregorii Thaumaturgi precibus, testes sunt Gregorius Nyssenus, Ruffinus, Nicephor. Oleo sacrarum lampadarum infirmos curatos, et mortuos suscitatos esse scriptis mandaverunt Theodoretus, et August. l. XXII Civ. cap. 8. Usum sacrae et benedictae cerae, agni figura compactae, Deum multis signis comprobasse

I come to rites: Ignatius, Justin, Tertullian, Cyprian, Lactantius, and all the ancients testify that by the pious signing of the Lord's Cross evil demons were routed from the bodies and places of the faithful. That they were nowhere able to bear the power of holy water is constantly asserted from the writings of Clement of Rome, Pope Alexander, Epiphanius, Theodoret, Palladius, and Nicephorus. That even now they are frequently driven away by Catholic exorcisms is better known than anyone can deny. That a mountain was moved from its place so as to yield room for building a church, and that by the prayers of Gregory Thaumaturgus, Gregory of Nyssa, Rufinus, and Nicephorus are witnesses. Theodoret and Augustine, Book XXII of the City of God, chapter 8, have committed to writing that by the oil of the sacred lamps the sick were cured and the dead raised. That God approved by many signs the use of sacred and blessed wax, moulded in the figure of a lamb,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1448

Footnotes

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Lib. II Recog.

Recognitions, book 2.

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Quaest. 5 ad Orthod.

Question 5 of the Questions to the Orthodox.

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Tract. 13 et 14 in Joan. epist. ad Heronem.

Tractates 13 and 14 on John; the letter to Hero. [The last word is partly illegible on the scan; "Heronem" is read with some doubt.]

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Jerem. XXIII, 21.

Jeremiah 23:21.

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Marc. XVI, 20.

Mark 16:20.

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Hist. sanct. cap. 21.

History of the Holy Men [Religious History], chapter 21.

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running head: ARIORUM NOTÆ 1448
marginal letters: A bum unde; B bit meras; C « Domino cooperante; D Tertullianus, Cyprianus
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin with embedded Greek; editors' matter: bum unde, Virtutes perficere putatur, Augustinus quoque, Ad ritus accedo; word split at column start: bum (verbum)

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docent Paulinus et Greg. Turonens., et disserit integro libro Vincentius Bonardus. Ad sepulcra, vestes, ossa et alias reliquias sanctorum innumera beneficia mortalibus concessa fuisse praedicant Hieron., Ambros., August., Chrysostom., Theodoret., Damascenus, etc.

Paulinus and Gregory of Tours teach, and Vincenzo Bonardo discourses in an entire book. Jerome, Ambrose, Augustine, Chrysostom, Theodoret, Damascene, etc., proclaim that at the sepulchres, garments, bones, and other relics of the saints innumerable benefits have been granted to mortals.

Haec autem et multo plura in Ecclesia catholica facta esse adeo certum est, ut etiam praecipui haereticorum ministri, qui jam tredecim centurias annorum a Christo ad nos usque historiae in modum concinnaverunt, in singulis aetatibus haec contigisse signatis auctoribus collegerint, scripserint, vulgaverint. Superest ergo, ut contemptis omnium sectariorum erroribus et blasphemiis, in ea fide et Ecclesia cum Augustino nos contineamus, quae tot tantisque miraculis a Deo omnipotente coadunata, et hactenus ostensa et probata fuit.

Now that these and many more things have been wrought in the Catholic Church is so certain that even the chief ministers of the heretics, who have now compiled in the manner of a history thirteen centuries of years from Christ even unto us, have collected, written, and published, citing the authors, that these things happened in each age. It remains, therefore, that despising the errors and blasphemies of all sectaries, we keep ourselves with Augustine in that faith and Church which has been united by God Almighty through so many and such great miracles, and hitherto shown forth and proved.

Ex Jo. Ern. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 8.

From the annotations of Johann Ernst Grabe on chapter 8.

Pag. 59. Alius vero quidam, etc. Graecum hujus capitis textum dare nequeo, quia Epiphanius, aliquibus tantum Irenaei verbis retentis, propriis personam Marci describere maluit, nec alius quis auctoris nostri idioma hic nobis conservavit.

Page 59. Another certain man, etc. I cannot give the Greek text of this chapter, because Epiphanius, retaining only a few words of Irenaeus, preferred to describe the person of Marcus in his own words, nor has anyone else preserved for us the original language of our author here.

Pag. 60. Praecursor quasi vere exsistens Antichristi. Propria et praecipua ratio, ob quam Irenaeus Marcum « praecursorem Antichristi » appellat, est magica miraculorum operatio. De vero enim Antichristi praecursore, sive « armigero, » ut eum auctor noster lib. V, cap. 28, appellat, ejusque miraculis verba ibidem faciens, haec habet : « Haec ne quis eum divina virtute putet signa facere, sed magica operatione. »

Page 60. Being truly, as it were, a forerunner of Antichrist. The proper and chief reason why Irenaeus calls Marcus "a forerunner of Antichrist" is his magical working of miracles. For speaking in Book V, chapter 28, of the true forerunner of Antichrist, or his "armour-bearer," as our author calls him, and of his miracles, he has these words: "Let no one think that he works these signs by divine power, but by magical operation."

Scholia Billii in cap. 9.

Scholia of Billy on chapter 9.

Pag. 60. Fingens se consecrare. Graeca vox εὐχαριστεῖν hoc loco consecrandi significationem habet, non gratiarum actionis. Id quod vel stupide ignoravit Gallasius, vel malitiose dissimulavit.

Page 60. Pretending to consecrate. The Greek word εὐχαριστεῖν at this place has the signification of consecrating, not of thanksgiving: which des Gallars either stupidly did not know, or maliciously dissembled.

Invocationis verba. Ἐπικλήσεως, scilicet Spiritus sancti. Quorsum autem spectet haec Spiritus sancti invocatio, ex liturgiis Graecis perspicue liquet : in quibus invocatur Spiritus sanctus, ut panem et vinum in Christi corpus et sanguinem vertat. Id quod rursus vel veteratorie, imo impie dissimulat Gallasius, vel turpiter ignorat. Apud Epiphanium corrupte hoc loco legitur ἐπικλύσεως, quemadmodum et eodem versu, ποιεῖν, pro ποιεῖ.

Words of the invocation. Ἐπικλήσεως, namely of the Holy Spirit. Now to what end this invocation of the Holy Spirit looks is clearly evident from the Greek liturgies, in which the Holy Spirit is invoked that He may turn the bread and wine into the body and blood of Christ: which again des Gallars either craftily, nay impiously dissembles, or shamefully does not know. In Epiphanius at this place is corruptly read ἐπικλύσεως, just as in the same line ποιεῖν for ποιεῖ.

Proferens. In Graec. pro προσενεγκών, legendum est προενεγκών ex vet. interp.

Bringing forth. In the Greek, for προσενεγκών we must read προενεγκών from the ancient translator.

Quod a se allatum est. Epiph. codicem emendo ex vet., ac pro κεκοσμημένον, lego κεκομισμένον.

Which was brought by her. I emend the codex of Epiphanius from the ancient translator, and for κεκοσμημένον I read κεκομισμένον.

Et parvo. Μικροῦ legendum, non μεγάλου.

And from the small. We must read μικροῦ, not μεγάλου.

Pag. 61. Assentabunde. Κολακεύων legendum.

Page 61. Flatteringly. We must read κολακεύων.

Tuae magnitudinis. Addo σοῦ ex vet.

Of your greatness. I add σοῦ from the ancient translator.

Oportet nos. Legendum δεῖ ἡμᾶς ἓν καταστῆναι. Videtur tamen vetus interp. legisse εἰς ἓν καταστῆναι.

We must. We must read δεῖ ἡμᾶς ἓν καταστῆναι. Yet the ancient translator seems to have read εἰς ἓν καταστῆναι.

Pag. 62. Ac meras nugas. Addo καί ex vet.

Page 62. And mere trifles. I add καί from the ancient translator.

Sese arbitratur. Ὑπολαμβάνει lego, non μεταλαμβάνει.

Supposes herself. I read ὑπολαμβάνει, not μεταλαμβάνει.

Quaedam fideliores. Pro προτέρων lego πιστοτέρων cum vet.

Some more faithful women. For προτέρων I read πιστοτέρων with the ancient translator.

Hujusmodi choro. Θιάσου, videtur tamen vet. interp. legisse θιασώτου.

From a company of this sort. Θιάσου; yet the ancient translator seems to have read θιασώτου.

Pag. 63. Quod autem Marcus. Vet. legit ἔτι, sed male.

Page 63. Moreover that Marcus. The ancient translator reads ἔτι, but wrongly.

Confiteri non destitit. Ἐξομολογουμένη, quae tamen vox synecdochice ἀντὶ του μετανοοῦσα hoc loco usurpatur, quemadmodum et multis aliis locis apud auctores ecclesiasticos.

Did not cease to confess. Ἐξομολογουμένη, which word, however, is used synecdochically for μετανοοῦσα at this place, just as in many other places in ecclesiastical authors.

Pag. 64. O quae Deo assides. Sic vertere placuit, ut perspicuum sit ad quem haec referantur. Non enim ad judicem diriguntur, ut prima fronte videri queat, sed ad fictitiam quamdam Matrem, cujus nondum superius facta est mentio.

Page 64. O you who sit beside God. It pleased me to translate thus, so that it may be clear to whom these words refer. For they are not directed to the judge, as might appear at first sight, but to a certain fictitious Mother, of whom mention has not yet been made above.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1449

Footnotes

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Lib. de util. creden., c. 17 ; et lib. contra epist. Manich. cap. 4.

On the Usefulness of Believing, chapter 17; and the book Against the Letter of Mani, chapter 4.

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marginal letters: A docent Paulinus; B quibus tantum; C sancti invocatio; D λαμβάνει.
old-edition numerals: (none)
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Ante aevum. Vet. interp. αἰώνων legit in plu. Versu seq. apud Epiph. χρώμενα legendum, non χρώμεθα.

Before the age. The ancient translator reads αἰώνων in the plural. In the following line in Epiphanius we must read χρώμενα, not χρώμεθα.

Pag. 65. Orci galeam. Vide Erasmum in prov. « Orci galea. »

Page 65. The helmet of Orcus. See Erasmus on the proverb "Orci galea."

De vita Dei desperarent. Verba sunt Apost.

Despaired of the life of God. They are the words of the Apostle.

Notae ex adversariis Front. Ducaei in cap. 9.

Notes from the notebooks of Fronton du Duc on chapter 9.

Pag. 60. Eucharistiam facit. Contextus Graecus exigit ut legatur, « Eucharistiam fecit. »

Page 60. Makes the Eucharist. The Greek context requires that we read, "made the Eucharist."

Pag. 62. Audet, et loquitur deliriosa. Billius vult addi καί, quod non aliter fieri potest, quam si ita efferantur ista, ἀποτολμᾷ καὶ λαλεῖ ληρώδη, pro ἀποτολμᾷ λαλεῖν. Sic ad Rom. X, 20, Ἠσαΐας δὲ ἀποτολμᾷ καὶ λέγει. Fortasse interpres imitari voluit phrasim Scripturae : sed in interpretatione Billii deest verbum, « inaniter et impudenter effutit, » vel, « loquitur. »

Page 62. Dares, and speaks delirious things. Billy wishes καί to be added, which cannot be done otherwise than if those words are expressed thus, ἀποτολμᾷ καὶ λαλεῖ ληρώδη, for ἀποτολμᾷ λαλεῖν. Thus at Romans 10:20, Ἠσαΐας δὲ ἀποτολμᾷ καὶ λέγει. Perhaps the translator wished to imitate the phrase of Scripture; but in Billy's translation a verb is lacking, "vainly and impudently blabs," or "speaks."

Pag. 63. In coenis sortibus. Hae coenae, in quibus sortibus utebantur, in memoriam nobis revocant illa apud Horatium :

Page 63. By lots at banquets. These banquets, in which they used lots, recall to our memory those lines in Horace:

Nec regna vini sortiere talis;

Nor shall you cast lots with knucklebones for the sovereignty of the wine;

et :

and:

Quem Venus arbitrum Dicet bibendi?

Whom shall the Venus-throw declare master of the drinking?

cum modimperatores talorum jactu deligerent.

since they chose the masters of the feast by the throw of knucklebones.

Pag. 64. Pro Aeonon Siges. Graec., πρὸ αἰῶνος σιγῆς. Billius tamen veterem secutus est interpretem ; ut et Epiphanii interpres, « mystici ante saecula silentii. »

Page 64. Before the Aeons, of Sige. In the Greek, πρὸ αἰῶνος σιγῆς. Billy, however, followed the ancient translator, as did also the translator of Epiphanius, "of the mystic silence before the ages."

Nos imagines illorum. In Graeco immutatam a Gallasio restituimus lectionem Epiphanii, quam tuetur vetus interp. suadetque addamus αὐτῶν post εἰκόνας : Billius quoque vertit, « nos imagines earum produxit. » Sed retulit ad « formas, » vel « magnitudines, » vetus autem ad « Aeones, » ideoque forte scripsit, « illorum. »

Us as their images. In the Greek we have restored the reading of Epiphanius altered by des Gallars, which the ancient translator supports, and persuades us to add αὐτῶν after εἰκόνας; Billy also translates, "produced us as their images." But he referred it to "forms," or "magnitudes," whereas the ancient translator referred it to "Aeons," and therefore perhaps wrote "illorum."

Quae secundum nos regiones. Tractum intelligit ad Rhodanum, sive Rhodanensem ; non, ut vertit Gallas., « in regionibus Rhodanusiae, » quod ita reperisset a Cornario versum apud Epiphanium. Ῥοδανουσία fortasse dicta regio, ut et Λουγδουνησία, Lugdunensis Gallia. Atqui Hieronym. in LXIV c. Isa. Gnosticos ait per Marcum Aegyptium Galliarum primum circa Rhodanum, deinde Hispaniarum nobiles feminas decepisse, miscentes fabulis voluptatem, et imperitiae suae nomen scientiae venditantes.

The regions in our neighbourhood. He understands the district along the Rhône, or the Rhodanensian region; not, as des Gallars translates, "in the regions of Rhodanusia," because he had found it so translated by Cornarius in Epiphanius. Perhaps the region was called Ῥοδανουσία, just as Λουγδουνησία, Gallia Lugdunensis. Moreover, Jerome on chapter 64 of Isaiah says that the Gnostics through Marcus the Egyptian deceived noble women, first of the Gauls around the Rhône, and then of the Spains, mingling pleasure with fables, and vending the name of knowledge for their own ignorance.

Quaedam autem. In Graeco verbum addendum est, ἡσυχῆ ἑαυτὰς χωρίζουσιν, ἀπηλπηκυῖαι. Locus Apostoli, ad quem alludit, non alius videtur esse, quam ille ad Ephes. IV, 18 : « alienati a vita Dei. »

Some, however. In the Greek a verb must be added, ἡσυχῆ ἑαυτὰς χωρίζουσιν, ἀπηλπηκυῖαι. The passage of the Apostle to which he alludes seems to be no other than that at Ephesians 4:18: "alienated from the life of God."

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 9.

Annotations of François Feuardent on chapter 9.

Pag. 60. Pro calice enim vino misto. Ne Marcum hunc, magicae imposturae peritissimum injuria superiori capite dixisse videretur, tria praestigiarum illius exempla subnectit. Primum apertius his narrat post Epiphanium Nicetas Choniates lib. IV Thesauri, cap. 6 : « Ille, ut divus Irenaeus auctor est, vitrea quaedam albi coloris pocula praeparabat : deinde, carmine nescio quo usus, confestim eorum aliud in rubrum, aliud in purpureum, aliud denique in caeruleum convertebat. » Postea confutans istas praestigias, addit : « Praesentium oculos fascinabat, efficiebatque ut ea, quae conspicerentur, contra se habere viderentur quam eorum natura ferret. Nec enim pellucida vasorum vitreorum corpora in varios mutare colores potuisset, » etc.

Page 60. For instead of a cup mixed with wine. Lest he should seem in the preceding chapter to have called this Marcus most skilled in magical imposture unjustly, he subjoins three examples of his juggleries. The first is narrated more clearly than here, after Epiphanius, by Nicetas Choniates in Book IV of his Treasury, chapter 6: "He, as the divine Irenaeus is author, used to prepare certain glass cups of white colour; then, using I know not what incantation, he immediately turned one of them into red, another into purple, and finally another into blue." Afterwards, refuting those juggleries, he adds: "He fascinated the eyes of those present, and caused the things that were beheld to seem to be otherwise than their nature bore. For he could not have changed the transparent bodies of glass vessels into various colours," etc.

Secundum autem erat, dum ex minore poculo, quod seductis mulierculis porrexerat, multo majus, quod ipse tenebat, adeo explebatur, ut etiam ex ipso supereffundi putarent.

The second was when from a smaller cup, which he had handed to the seduced women, a much larger one, which he himself held, was so filled up that they thought it even overflowed from it.

Postremum, quando deliria, quae palpitantes, et stupentes effutiebant, vaticinia esse sibi persuadebant.

The last was when they persuaded themselves that the ravings which they blabbed out while trembling and stupefied were prophecies.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1450

Footnotes

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Carm. lib. I, od. 4 ; lib. II, od. 7.

Odes, book 1, ode 4; book 2, ode 7.

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Hinc autem primum observa quantae, qualesve sint haeresiarcharum artes, et cacodaemonis vires in erroribus propagandis : quippe qui apostolos, prophetas et martyres catholicum dogma innumeris miraculis constabilisse cernentes, illisque hominum mentes facile commoveri : hoc charismate se omnino destitui iniquissimo animo ferunt, et tanto livore tabescunt, ut sanctorum miraculis, quam maxime possunt, detrahant. Ut autem vel illos aequare saltem videantur, ad diabolicas magorum fraudes sese convertunt, quibus incautis imponant, avaritiam suam expleant, et gloriae inserviant. Nec deest furoris sui satellitibus, technarumque ministris mendaciorum parens, qui cum exigentibus hominum delictis permiserit aequissimus et supremus judex, nihil non potest. Hinc stupendae imposturae Apollonii Tyanei, quibus (apud Eusebium) Hierocles illum conatur Christo adaequare. Inde oracula illa Delphica, Pythica, Claria, Dodonaea, quae saluberrimo Christi adventu periisse scribit idem Eusebius. Ex eadem officina prodierunt insignes Simonis Magi illusiones, quas fusissime describunt Clemens, Abdias, Justinus, et hic noster Irenaeus. Similibus artibus grassabitur filius ille perditionis, cujus adventus erit in signis et prodigiis mendacibus. Postremo, et hic observare licet, impios illos priores Gnosticos, relicto catholicorum ritu, quem Christus per apostolos omnibus ecclesiis tradiderat, celebrandae eucharistiae, recentes formulas cujusdam coenae finxisse, quod et posteriores nostro hoc aevo sedulo imitati sunt.

Hence, first of all, observe how great and of what sort are the arts of the heresiarchs and the powers of the evil demon in propagating errors: for seeing that the apostles, prophets, and martyrs established Catholic dogma by innumerable miracles, and that the minds of men are easily moved by them, they bear with extreme displeasure that they are altogether destitute of this charism, and waste away with such envy that they detract as much as they can from the miracles of the saints. And in order that they may at least seem to equal them, they turn to the diabolical frauds of magicians, whereby they may impose upon the unwary, satisfy their own avarice, and serve their own glory. Nor does the father of lies fail the attendants of his fury and the ministers of his tricks, who, when the most equitable and supreme Judge permits it on account of the deserts of men's sins, is capable of anything. Hence the stupendous impostures of Apollonius of Tyana, whereby Hierocles (in Eusebius) strives to equal him to Christ. Thence those Delphic, Pythian, Clarian, and Dodonaean oracles, which the same Eusebius writes perished at the most wholesome coming of Christ. From the same workshop came forth the notable illusions of Simon Magus, which Clement, Abdias, Justin, and our Irenaeus here describe most fully. By similar arts will that son of perdition rage, whose coming will be in lying signs and wonders (2 Thess. 2:9). Finally, here also one may observe that those impious earlier Gnostics, forsaking the rite of Catholics for celebrating the Eucharist which Christ through the apostles had handed down to all the churches, devised novel formulas of a certain supper, which later heretics in this our age have sedulously imitated.

Mulieribus dans calices mistos. Augustissimi sacrificii eucharistiae caeremonias illos mutasse, vel hinc clarum est, quod consecrandi, offerendi, et integrum sacerdotii munus suis etiam meretriculis concederent : quod Quintiliani, Pepusiani, et Phrygae postmodum imitati, eam ob rem, ut putrida membra, ab Ecclesia Christi resecti, inter Satanae manus a Damasceno, Augustino , et Epiphanio traduntur. « Non permittitur mulieri in Ecclesia loqui, » ait ex Paulo Tertullianus, « sed nec docere, nec tingere, nec offerre, nec ullius virilis muneris, nedum sacerdotalis officii sortem sibi vindicare. » Hoc institutum a Christo et apostolis promanasse his testatur B. Clemens : « Non permittimus (verba apostolorum recitat) mulieres in Ecclesia docere, sed tantum orare, et magistros audire. Nam magister ipse et Dominus Jesus Christus cum nos duodecim ad docendum gentes misisset, nusquam mulieres misit ad praedicationem, quanquam non deerant. Erat enim nobiscum Mater Domini, et sorores ejus, praeterea Magdalena, Maria Jacobi, et Martha, et Maria, sorores Lazari, et Salomae, et quaedam aliae. Si enim caput mulieris vir est, non est aequum reliquum corpus capiti imperet. » Et hanc quoque veterum Gnosticorum impietatem recentes imitantur, adeo verum est proverbium : « Patrem sequitur sua proles : » cum sacerdotium nullum superesse asserunt, quod non etiam ad mulieres porrigatur ; easdemque publicis suis coetibus, quos ecclesias putant, non tantum interesse, de sacris disserere, sed et cantitare jubent, licet Apostolus illas tacere magna cautione jubeat.

Giving the mixed cups to the women. That they changed the ceremonies of the most august sacrifice of the Eucharist is clear even from this, that they granted the office of consecrating, offering, and the entire priesthood even to their harlots: which the Quintillians, Pepuzians, and Phrygians afterwards imitated, and for that reason, cut off like putrid members from the Church of Christ, are delivered into the hands of Satan by Damascene, Augustine, and Epiphanius. "It is not permitted to a woman to speak in the Church," says Tertullian after Paul, "nor to teach, nor to baptize, nor to offer, nor to claim for herself a share in any manly function, much less in the priestly office." That this ordinance emanated from Christ and the apostles, blessed Clement testifies in these words: "We do not permit (he recites the words of the apostles) women to teach in the Church, but only to pray and hear the teachers. For the Master Himself and Lord Jesus Christ, when He sent us twelve to teach the nations, nowhere sent women to preach, although they were not lacking. For there were with us the Mother of the Lord and His sisters, besides Magdalene, Mary the mother of James, and Martha and Mary the sisters of Lazarus, and Salome, and certain others. For if the head of the woman is the man (1 Cor. 11:3), it is not right that the rest of the body should rule over the head." And modern heretics imitate this impiety also of the ancient Gnostics—so true is the proverb, "Offspring follows its sire"—when they assert that no priesthood remains which does not extend to women also, and bid them in their public assemblies, which they think to be churches, not only to be present and discourse of sacred things, but also to sing continually, although the Apostle with great caution commands them to keep silence (1 Cor. 14:34; 1 Tim. 2:11–12).

Pag. 61. His similia. Ita vetus codex ; Graece quoque τούτοις παραπλήσια : ideo delevimus, « dissimilia. »

Page 61. Things like these. Thus the ancient codex; in the Greek also τούτοις παραπλήσια: therefore we have deleted "dissimilia."

Datur autem intelligi daemonem quemdam. Ut piis Ecclesiae Dei pastoribus nunquam non adest Spiritus sanctus, qui eos doceat, dirigat et servet : sic pseudoprophetis Satanam operas suas non denegare,

Moreover, it is given to be understood that a certain demon. Just as the Holy Spirit never fails to be present to the pious pastors of the Church of God, to teach, direct, and preserve them, so that Satan does not refuse his services to false prophets

Editors' notes and page, col. 1451

Footnotes

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Contra Hieroclem.

Against Hierocles.

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(62) ‹anchor: not visible in the page-foot image› · call in col 1451 (call not seen; column inferred)

Lib. IV de praepar., cap. 1 et 2 ; et lib. V, cap. 1, 2, 3, 4.

Preparation [for the Gospel], book 4, chapters 1 and 2; and book 5, chapters 1, 2, 3, 4.

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Lib. VI de Const. apost., c. 9, et lib. II Recog.

Apostolic Constitutions, book 6, chapter 9; and Recognitions, book 2.

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(64) ‹anchor: Augustino› · call in col 1451

Lib. de haeres.

The book On Heresies.

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(65) ‹anchor: et Epiphanio› · call in col 1451

Contra haeres. 40.

Against Heresies, 40.

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(66) ‹anchor: ex Paulo Tertullianus› · call in col 1451

Lib. de velan. virginibus.

The book On the Veiling of Virgins.

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(67) ‹anchor: B. Clemens› · call in col 1451

Lib. III Constit. apost.

Apostolic Constitutions, book 3.

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(68) ‹anchor: magna cautione jubeat› · call in col 1451

I Cor. XIV, 34 ; I Tim. II, 11 ; V, 15.

1 Corinthians 14:34; 1 Timothy 2:11; 5:15.

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running head: 1451 VARIORUM NO
marginal letters: A bant. Hinc; B scribit idem; C manus a; D verbium : « Patrem
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin with embedded Greek; editors' matter: bant. Hinc autem, Mulieribus dans calices mistos, Pag. 61. His similia, Datur autem intelligi; word split at column start: bant (persuadebant); word split at column end: de- (denegare)
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cum hoc loco, tum libro secundo, capite quinquagesimo septimo, evidentissime comprobat, unam et eamdem esse haereticis cum daemoniis conversationem asserens. Atque ut priscorum, scilicet Judae, Simonis, Manetis, Apellis, Nestorii, Montani, Novati et Berengarii historias praeteream, aliquot nostri saeculi haeresiarcharum obsessiones attingam. Quisquis sedato animo Martini Lutheri arrogantiam, jactantiam, maledicentiam, frequentes vertigines, paroxismos, consternationes, furorem animi, obscoena verba, furiosa convicia in omnes ordines et Satanicam superbiam, qua se mille Augustinos, mille Cyprianos, mille concilia martyrum, doctorumque priscorum myriadas, si contra se starent, non curare dicit : et adversus dicta Patrum, hominum, angelorumque (verba illius sunt) dogma suum constituere : quisquis, inquam, haec cum eis, quae suis scripta reliquit, comparare voluerit, illum a diabolo corpore et animo agitatum fuisse non dubitabit. Scribit enim lib. Pro scholis erigendis : « Aliqui gloriantur de spiritu : sed spiritus huc, spiritus illuc, ego quoque fui in spiritu, atque etiam ego vidi spiritus, forte plusquam illi ipsi adhuc intra annum videbunt. » Et longe apertius libello De missa angulari, ait (tomo septimo Wittembergae, impress. per Thomam Klug., pagina 228) : « Diabolum et se inter sese mutuum familiariter nosse, et quod plus uno salis modio simul comederint, illumque dulci alloquio se frequenter convenisse, et nocte excitasse, atque stimulasse, ut contra missam scriberet, et ad eam rem argumenta suppeditasse. »

he most evidently proves both at this place and in the second book, chapter 57, asserting that heretics have one and the same intercourse with demons. And to pass over the histories of the ancients, namely Judas, Simon, Manes, Apelles, Nestorius, Montanus, Novatus, and Berengar, let me touch upon the obsessions of some heresiarchs of our own century. Whoever with a calm mind will compare Martin Luther's arrogance, boasting, reviling, frequent dizzy spells, paroxysms, terrors, fury of mind, obscene words, furious abuse against all orders, and Satanic pride, whereby he says that he does not care for a thousand Augustines, a thousand Cyprians, a thousand councils of martyrs, and myriads of ancient doctors, if they stood against him, and that he establishes his own dogma against the sayings of Fathers, men, and angels (they are his own words)—whoever, I say, will compare these things with what he left written for his followers will not doubt that he was driven in body and mind by the devil. For he writes in his book For Erecting Schools: "Some boast of the spirit: but spirit here, spirit there, I too have been in the spirit, and I too have seen spirits, perhaps more than they themselves will yet see within a year." And far more openly in his little book On the Corner Mass, he says (in the seventh tome of the Wittenberg edition, printed by Thomas Klug, page 228): "That the devil and he knew each other familiarly, and that they had eaten more than a bushel of salt together, and that the devil had frequently met him in sweet converse, and had wakened him at night and spurred him on to write against the Mass, and had supplied arguments for that purpose."

Quin etiam de hac ipsa familiaritate cum Satana a se inita, gloriari solitum fuisse, ex his ejus ad commensales verbis a discipulo ejus Henrico Petro Rebenstock collectis et publicatis, aperte colligitur : « Undequaque, inquiebat, me Satan vexat, non simpliciter, sed composite : multis enim modis mihi prae caeteris favet, » etc. Quis vero ipsi Luthero de se inter amicos haec affirmanti non crederet?

Nay more, that he was wont to boast of this very familiarity entered into by him with Satan is openly gathered from these words of his to his table-companions, collected and published by his disciple Heinrich Peter Rebenstock: "On all sides," he used to say, "Satan troubles me, not simply, but complexly; for in many ways he favours me above the rest," etc. And who would not believe Luther himself affirming these things of himself among his friends?

Zuinglius Sacramentariorum coryphaeus, lib. De supplemento eucharistiae narrat, anxie cogitanti sibi, quomodo verba institutionis sacramenti corporis Christi in alienum sensum detorqueret, intempesta 13 Aprilis nocte spiritum monitorem adfuisse, et albusne, an ater fuerit, ambigit. Qui autem mentis compos est, nocturnum illud negotium perambulans in tenebris, aliquem ex potestatibus tenebrarum exstitisse non dubitabit. Quin et Lutherus lib. De abroganda missa, Oecolampadium Zuinglii cooperarium, aliosque Sacramentarios ignitis Satanae telis in subitaneam mortem impulsos affirmat. Erasmus Alberus Basiliensis ecclesiastes, cacodaemonem Carolstadio concionanti procerioris staturae hominis specie apparuisse scribit , triduo antequam ad Tartara abriperetur.

Zwingli, the chorus-leader of the Sacramentarians, in his book On the Supplement of the Eucharist relates that while he was anxiously pondering how he might twist the words of the institution of the sacrament of the body of Christ into a foreign sense, in the dead of night on the thirteenth of April an advising spirit was present to him, and he is in doubt whether it was white or black. Anyone who is of sound mind, however, will not doubt that that nocturnal business walking in darkness (Ps. 90:6) was one of the powers of darkness. Moreover, Luther in his book On Abrogating the Mass affirms that Oecolampadius, Zwingli's fellow-worker, and other Sacramentarians were driven into sudden death by the fiery darts of Satan. Erasmus Alberus, preacher at Basel, writes that an evil demon in the likeness of a man of taller stature appeared to Karlstadt while preaching, three days before he was snatched away to Tartarus.

Quid Calvinum moror? Ipse epistola ad Bucerum, monentem ut maledictis et conviciis abstineret, respondit : « Non sui esse ingenii morbum, sed sui genii. » Num hoc sit a spiritu Domini malo, qui ab eo qui pacis est, et Christianae modestiae, toto coelo differt, exagitari, et duci, judicent prudentiores.

Why do I delay over Calvin? He himself, in an epistle to Bucer admonishing him to abstain from curses and abuse, replied: "That it was the disease not of his disposition, but of his genius." Whether this is to be harassed and led by an evil spirit from the Lord, which differs by the whole heaven from Him who is the Spirit of peace and Christian modesty, let more prudent men judge.

Pater omnium. Ita vetus cod. ; Graece quoque πατὴρ τῶν ὅλων : expunximus igitur « omnem. »

Father of all. Thus the ancient codex; in the Greek also πατὴρ τῶν ὅλων: therefore we have expunged "omnem."

Pag. 62. Sicut melior nobis, etc. Licet « meliora » haberent veteres omnes editiones cum codice manuscripto, visum est tamen immutare; cum apertissimum mendum esset, quod ex Graeca lectione sic restituimus : sicut et paulo post substituimus, « quod audax et inverecunda est anima, » pro eo

Page 62. As better than we, etc. Although all the old editions along with the manuscript codex had "meliora," yet it seemed good to change it, since it was a most manifest error, which we have restored thus from the Greek reading; just as a little later we have substituted "because the soul is bold and shameless" for that

Editors' notes and page, col. 1452

Footnotes

(69) ‹anchor: aperte colligitur› · call in col 1452

Tom. I Colloq. mens. Lutheri pag. 3…

Table Talk of Luther, volume 1, page 3… [the page number runs off the scan's edge].

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Page

running head: VARIORUM NOTÆ 1452
marginal letters: A negare, cum; B fuisse non; C Luthero de; D monentem ut
old-edition numerals: 53 before Oecolampadium
other: Latin with embedded Greek; editors' matter: negare, cum hoc loco, Pater omnium, Pag. 62. Sicut melior nobis; word split at column start: negare (denegare)

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quod erat, « eo quod audax et verecunda anima. » Et post aliquot lineas, « hi a Deo, » pro « hi ab eo, » reposuimus. Cujus autem scriptoris verba sint si quaeris, memineris superius nos ex Eusebio adnotasse, hunc martyrem priscorum verba frequenter adducere, tecto nomine : difficile vero ac pene ἀδύνατον est ex tam exiguis reliquiis scriptorum illius saeculi, quae supersunt, colligere.

which stood before, "because the soul is bold and modest." And after a few lines we have restored "these from God" for "these from him." Now if you ask whose words these are, you will remember that we noted above from Eusebius that this martyr frequently adduces the words of the ancients while concealing their name; and it is difficult and almost impossible to gather it from such scanty remains of the writers of that century as survive.

Pag. 63. Adhuc etiam amatoria. « Pocula » vel deesse, vel subaudiendum non dubito. Philtris autem, id est, poculis ad illecebras amoris ciendas arte compositis, impuros homines istos usos fuisse ; sed et Carpocratis sectatores iisdem artibus pudicitiae mulierum insidiatos, cap. 20 hujus libri narrat. Verum ab eorum usu etiam profanos abhorruisse his ostendit Ovidius :

Page 63. Moreover love-potions also. I do not doubt that "cups" is either lacking or to be understood. Now that those impure men used philtres, that is, cups artfully compounded for arousing the allurements of love, and that the followers of Carpocrates also laid snares for the chastity of women by the same arts, he relates in chapter 20 of this book. Yet that even profane writers abhorred the use of them, Ovid shows in these lines (Ars am. 2.105-106):

Nec data profuerint pallentia philtra puellis : Philtra nocent animis, vimque furoris habent.

Nor will pale philtres given to girls be of avail: philtres harm the mind, and have the force of madness.

Attende igitur quam vagis et foedis libidinibus conspurcata erat horum conversatio, quamque propter flagitiosos quosdam nebulones male audiret nomen Christianum interque gentes blasphemaretur.

Attend therefore to how defiled with promiscuous and foul lusts was the way of life of these men, and how on account of certain shameful knaves the Christian name was evil spoken of and blasphemed among the nations.

Ut et diaconus quidam. Attende mercedem, qua hospites suos compensare solent salaces haereseon ministri et praedicantes. Caeterum non sine fraude atque nequitia conatur Petrus Vermilius, libro contra coelibatum et vota religiosa, ex hoc Irenaei loco suadere matrimonium cunctis diaconis, sacerdotibus, et monachis licitum esse, propterea quod iste scribatur uxorem habuisse. At vero, Asiaticus et Graecus fuit, quibus post sacros ordines feminas, quas ante duxerant, domi retinere semper fuit permissum. Ad haec, vel ex hoc quod tam facile Marco illa consenserit, verisimillimum efficitur, diaconum susceptis semel sacris ordinibus, ab eadem continuisse : ut et Petrus vocatus ad apostolatum, omnia (et in his, ait Hieronymus, uxoris usum) pro Christo reliquerat.

As also a certain deacon. Attend to the reward wherewith lustful ministers and preachers of heresies are wont to repay their hosts. For the rest, not without fraud and wickedness does Peter Martyr Vermigli, in his book against celibacy and religious vows, strive to persuade from this passage of Irenaeus that marriage is lawful for all deacons, priests, and monks, because this man is written to have had a wife. In truth, however, he was an Asiatic and a Greek, to whom it was always permitted after holy orders to retain at home the wives whom they had previously married. Besides, even from the fact that she consented so easily to Marcus, it is made most probable that the deacon, once he had received holy orders, abstained from her: just as Peter also, when called to the apostolate, had left all things (and among these, says Jerome, the use of his wife) for Christ.

Sed quam male misereque cedat novis istis apostatis contra divinas ecclesiasticasque leges inire matrimonia, seu potius incestas sacrilegasque nuptias, ex uno eorum omnium auctore Martino Luthero demonstro. Is matrimonii sui miserias et calamitates referens (ut est apud discipulum ejus Henricum Petrum Rebenstock), aiebat : « Habeo uxorem, et sex liberos. Anno 1525, in seditione rusticorum (cum omnia plangore et lamentis alibi resonarent) 12 Junii uxorem duxi. » Deinde expostulans cum eadem : « Tu mihi persuades quidquid vis. Totum habes dominium. Vos, mulieres, estis in culpa, quae astu et technis inescatis viros, quod ego quoque experior, » etc. Et postea : « Habui meam uxorem suspectam superbia, ut est, etc. Omnes feminae didicerunt hanc artem, quia suis lacrymis, mendaciis, interlocutionibus virum capere, et verba mutare possunt, » etc. Et alibi zelotypia laborans ait : « Nulla ergo bona de uxore mea, atque Philippo Melancthone spero, » etc. Reliqua lubens praetermittam, quibus apparet justissima ultione fieri, ut infelices isti continentiae desertores miserrimis modis a scortis suis accipiantur.

But how badly and miserably it turns out for those new apostates to enter into marriages—or rather incestuous and sacrilegious nuptials—against divine and ecclesiastical laws, I demonstrate from the one author of them all, Martin Luther. Relating the miseries and calamities of his marriage (as is found in his disciple Heinrich Peter Rebenstock), he used to say: "I have a wife and six children. In the year 1525, during the rebellion of the peasants (when everywhere else all things resounded with wailing and lamentations), on the twelfth of June I married a wife." Then expostulating with her: "You persuade me of whatever you wish. You have the whole dominion. You women are to blame, who by craft and tricks bait men, which I too experience," etc. And afterwards: "I held my wife suspected of pride, as she is, etc. All women have learned this art, because by their tears, lies, and retorts they can catch a man and change words," etc. And elsewhere, labouring under jealousy, he says: "Therefore I hope for no good concerning my wife and Philipp Melanchthon," etc. The rest I shall gladly pass over, whereby it appears that by a most just vengeance it comes to pass that those unhappy deserters of continence are treated in the most miserable ways by their harlots.

Omne tempus in exhomologesi consummavit. Magno consensu Graeci et Latini Patres confessionem illam, qua quis post baptismum se multorum peccatorum reum ingenue agnoscit, non solum coram Deo, aut generali facta confessione, sed et coram eis qui Ecclesiae praesunt, et quae apertam distinctamque continet delictorum enumerationem, exhomologesin vocarunt. Hanc vero Christi praescripto, apostolorum usu, et universarum per orbem Ecclesiarum consensu, ad eluenda peccata necessarium

Spent all her time in exomologesis. With great agreement the Greek and Latin Fathers called exomologesis that confession whereby anyone after baptism frankly acknowledges himself guilty of many sins, not only before God, or by making a general confession, but also before those who preside over the Church, and which contains an open and distinct enumeration of offences. And that by the prescription of Christ, the practice of the apostles, and the consensus of all the Churches throughout the world this is a necessary

Editors' notes and page, col. 1453

Footnotes

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Art. am. II, 105.

Art of Love, book 2, line 105.

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(71) ‹anchor: aiebat› · call in col 1453

Tom. II Collo., pag. 18.

Table Talk, volume 2, page 18.

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(72) ‹anchor: Et postea› · call in col 1453

Pag. 153.

Page 153. [The middle digit is blurred on the scan; 183 is possible.]

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Pag. 125.

Page 125.

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running head: 1453 IN LIB. I S. IREN.
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old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin with embedded Greek; editors' matter: quod erat, Pag. 63. Adhuc etiam amatoria, Ut et diaconus quidam, Omne tempus in exhomologesi consummavit; word split at column end: necessa- (necessarium)

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remedium esse, et secundam a naufragio tabulam, ex hoc capite apertum est. Qui autem ex sacris litteris hoc comprobari postulaverit, Augustinum audiat : « Nemo sibi dicat, ait, Occulte ago, apud Deum ago, novit Deus qui mihi ignoscit, quia in corde ago. Ergo sine causa dictum est : Quae solveritis in terra, soluta erunt in coelo ? Ergo sine causa sunt claves datae Ecclesiae Dei ? Frustramus Evangelium Dei? Frustramus verba Christi? » Non solum apertis illis Jesu Christi vocibus, quibus dicendi juris in delinquentes pastoribus confertur potestas : sed et Joannis Baptistae et apostolorum praxi hanc evidentissime confirmari, ante multa saecula existimavit magnus ille Basilius in Regulis brevioribus : « Necessario, inquit, his peccata aperiri debent, quibus credita est dispensatio mysteriorum Dei. Siquidem rationem hanc in poenitentia etiam veteres illos cernimus secutos fuisse, quando et in Evangelio scriptum est, quod Joanni confitebantur peccata sua : et in Actis apostolicis, ipsis a quibus etiam baptizabantur cuncti. » Viri apostolici Tertulliani addam suffragium : « Tantum, ait, relevat confessio delictorum, quantum dissimulatio exaggerat. Confessio enim satisfactionis consilium est, dissimulatio contumaciae. Actus poenitentiae, qui magis Graeco vocabulo exprimitur et frequentatur, exhomologesis est, qua delictum Domino confitemur, non quidem ut ignaro : sed quatenus satisfactio confessione disponitur, confessione poenitentia nascitur, poenitentia Deus mitigatur. Itaque exhomologesis prosternendi et humiliandi hominis disciplina est. » Et paulo post : « Jejuniis preces alere, ingemiscere, lacrymari, et mugire dies noctesque ad Dominum Deum tuum, presbyteris advolvi, et charis Dei adgeniculari, » etc. Tantum praeceptorem sequatur non inferior discipulus Cyprianus : « Videt Deus, ait, corda et pectora singulorum, et judicaturus est, non tantum de factis, sed et de verbis, et de cogitationibus nostris : omnium mentes, voluntatesque conceptas in ipsis adhuc clausi pectoris latebris intuetur. Denique quanto et fide majores et timore meliores sunt, qui quamvis nullo sacrificii aut libelli facinore constricti : quoniam tamen de hoc vel cogitaverunt, hoc ipsum apud sacerdotes Dei dolenter et simpliciter confitentes, exhomologesim conscientiae faciunt, animi sui pondus exponunt, salutarem medelam parvis licet et modicis vulneribus exquirunt, scientes scriptum esse : Deus non deridetur ! » Graecas etiam per Orientem Ecclesias, hos docuisse et servasse ritus, evidentissimum est ex D. Clementis epistola prima ad Jacobum ; Dionysio ad Demophilum ; Origene in psalm. XXXII ; Eusebio libro V Histor., cap. 27, et lib. VI, capit. 27, quorum sententias brevitati consulens non affero.

remedy for washing away sins, and a second plank after shipwreck, is clear from this chapter. And whoever demands that this be proved from the sacred letters, let him hear Augustine: "Let no one say to himself," he says, "I do penance secretly, I do it before God; God, who pardons me, knows that I do it in my heart. Was it therefore said without cause: Whatsoever you shall loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven (Matt. 18:18)? Are the keys therefore given to the Church of God without cause? Do we frustrate the Gospel of God? Do we frustrate the words of Christ?" That this is most evidently confirmed not only by those plain utterances of Jesus Christ whereby the power of exercising jurisdiction over offenders is conferred upon pastors, but also by the practice of John the Baptist and of the apostles, the great Basil judged many centuries ago in his Shorter Rules: "Necessarily," he says, "sins ought to be disclosed to those to whom has been entrusted the dispensation of the mysteries of God. Since we see that those ancients also followed this method in repentance, when both in the Gospel it is written that they confessed their sins to John (Matt. 3:6), and in the Acts of the Apostles (Acts 19:18), to the very men by whom also all were baptized." I shall add the suffrage of the apostolic man Tertullian: "Confession of offences," he says, "relieves as much as dissimulation aggravates. For confession is the counsel of satisfaction, dissimulation of contumacy. The act of repentance, which is more commonly expressed and frequented by the Greek word, is exomologesis, whereby we confess our offence to the Lord, not indeed as to one ignorant of it, but inasmuch as satisfaction is ordered by confession, by confession repentance is born, by repentance God is appeased. Therefore exomologesis is a discipline for prostrating and humbling a man." And a little later: "To nourish prayers with fastings, to groan, to weep, and to moan day and night unto the Lord your God, to roll at the feet of the presbyters, and to kneel before the dear ones of God," etc. Let a no less worthy disciple, Cyprian, follow so great a preceptor: "God sees," he says, "the hearts and breasts of each one, and is going to judge not only concerning our deeds, but also concerning our words and our thoughts: He beholds the minds of all, and the wills conceived within the very recesses of the breast while still closed. Finally, how much greater in faith and better in fear are those who, although bound by no crime of sacrifice or certificate, yet because they have even thought of this, sorrowfully and simply confessing this very thing before the priests of God, make an exomologesis of their conscience, lay bare the burden of their soul, and seek out a wholesome remedy for their wounds, though small and moderate, knowing that it is written: God is not mocked (Gal. 6:7)!" That the Greek Churches throughout the East also taught and observed these rites is most evident from St. Clement's first epistle to James, Dionysius to Demophilus, Origen on Psalm 32, and Eusebius in Book V of his History, chapter 27, and Book VI, chapter 27, whose statements, consulting brevity, I do not adduce.

Circumobversati. Ita vet. cod. : delevimus autem, « circumobservati. »

Going about. Thus the ancient codex; and we have deleted "circumobservati."

Pag. 64. Patris, te viae duce. Sic restituendum tam ex vet. cod. quam ex Graec. textu visum est, pro eo quod antea erat, « matris sui a te. »

Page 64. Of the Father, with you as guide of the way. Thus it seemed good to restore it both from the ancient codex and from the Greek text, for what stood before, "matris sui a te."

Pag. 65. Homericam inferorum galeam. Proverbio isto innuit, non majoris momenti esse istorum somnia, quam poetarum figmenta. Desumptum est autem ex Homero Iliad. V, qui finxit Palladem se galea Orci contexisse, ne a Marte conspiceretur. Idem postea usurpat Nazian. I orat. in Julian., qui rabiem ac furorem in Christianos, externae cujusdam philosophiae mansuetudinis simulacro operire volebat. « Nulla ratione, ait theologus, unquam seipsum occultabit, ne si in omnem quidem partem se vertat, atque in omnes formas consiliorum calliditate

Page 65. The Homeric helmet of the underworld. By that proverb he intimates that the dreams of those men are of no greater weight than the figments of the poets. Now it is taken from Homer, Iliad V (Il. 5.844-845), who feigned that Pallas covered herself with the helmet of Hades, lest she be seen by Mars. Nazianzen afterwards employs the same in his First Oration against Julian, who wished to cover up his rage and fury against the Christians under the pretence of the gentleness of a certain external philosophy. "In no way," says the Theologian, "will he ever hide himself, not even if he turns himself in every direction, and changes into all shapes by cunning and artifice of counsels,

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Lib. L hom., hom. 49.

Book of Fifty Homilies, homily 49.

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Matth. XVIII, 18 ; Joan. XX, 23.

Matthew 18:18; John 20:23. [The last digit is blurred on the scan.]

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Interrog. 288.

Question 288.

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Matth. III, 6.

Matthew 3:6.

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Act. XIX, 18.

Acts 19:18. [The reference is blurred on the scan; read with doubt.]

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Lib. de Poen.

The book On Penance.

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Lib. de lapsis.

The book On the Lapsed.

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Gal. VI, 7.

Galatians 6:7.

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old-edition numerals: (none)
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atque artificio mutet, atque Orci galeam, ut dici solet, induat, aut Gygis annulo et Palae conversione sese suffuretur. » Usus est et eodem Orig. lib. I Contra Celsum, magis convenisse declarans, ut Christus in Aegyptum fugiens, subduceret sese Herodis insaniae, quam si Plutonis galea latitans, eumdem fefellisset.

and puts on the helmet of Orcus, as the saying goes, or steals himself away by the ring of Gyges and the turning of the bezel." Origen also used the same proverb in Book I Against Celsus, declaring that it was more fitting that Christ, fleeing into Egypt, should withdraw Himself from the madness of Herod than if, hiding under the helmet of Pluto, He had eluded him.

Pag. 65. Cauteriatas. Alludit ad hanc Pauli sententiam : « In novissimis temporibus discedent quidam a fide, attendentes spiritibus erroris, et doctrinis daemoniorum, in hypocrisi loquentium mendacium, cauteriatam habentium suam conscientiam : » qua, ducta metaphora a servis maleficis, et bestiis quae cauterio, ut dignosci queant, notantur, futurorum haereticorum mendacia, hypocrises, et imposturas signat, quibus noctes diesque, reclamante conscientia, orbi imponunt, et tanta obstinatione quasi traducto cauterio indurescunt, ut citius frangas quam corrigas.

Page 65. Branded with a hot iron. He alludes to this sentence of Paul: "In the last times some shall depart from the faith, giving heed to spirits of error and doctrines of demons, speaking lies in hypocrisy, having their conscience branded with a hot iron" (1 Tim. 4:1–2): whereby, drawing a metaphor from criminal slaves and beasts which are marked with a branding-iron so that they may be recognized, he marks the lies, hypocrisies, and impostures of future heretics, wherewith night and day, though their conscience cries out against them, they impose upon the world, and with such obstinacy grow hard, as if a branding-iron had been drawn across them, that you may sooner break than correct them.

Etiam in manifesto exhomologesim faciunt. Publicam poenitentiam in prisca Ecclesia usitatam fuisse, vel ex hoc loco omnibus liquet, cujus hic modus erat : Facta coram legitimo pastore peccatorum tum occultorum, tum publicorum, si quae erant, enumeratione, cum Ecclesiae aedificationi expediret, sacerdotis auctoritate, et poenitentium consensu, mulctas, satisfactiones, seu mavis poenitentiae fructus palam agere jubebantur. Ritus latissime describit concilium Agathense, distinct. 20, c. In capite. Hoc ita se habere, et Theodosii imperatoris exemplum indicat, et disertis verbis testantur Origenes hom. 2 in psal. XXXII, Cypri. lib. De lapsis, Tert. lib. De poenit.

They even make exomologesis openly. That public penance was customary in the primitive Church is clear to all even from this passage, the manner of which was as follows: After an enumeration both of secret and of public sins, if there were any, had been made before the lawful pastor, when it was expedient for the edification of the Church, by the authority of the priest and with the consent of the penitents they were bidden to perform openly the penalties, satisfactions, or, if you prefer, the fruits of repentance. The Council of Agde describes the rites very fully, Distinction 20, chapter In capite. That this is so, both the example of the Emperor Theodosius indicates, and Origen in Homily 2 on Psalm 32, Cyprian in the book On the Lapsed, and Tertullian in the book On Repentance testify in express words.

Reverentes. Ita legendum , pro « revertentes , » cum Graece legatur, αἱ δὲ δυσωπούμεναι , id est , levitatis, defectionis, aliorumque vitiorum, quibus depravatae impostorum fallacia fuerant, pudore affectae, et in seipsis erubescentes.

Being ashamed. Thus we must read, for "revertentes," since in the Greek is read αἱ δὲ δυσωπούμεναι, that is, affected with shame for their levity, defection, and other vices wherewith they had been depraved by the deceit of the impostors, and blushing within themselves.

Neque intus, neque foris. Graecum proverbium est, μήτε ἔξω, μήτε ἔσω, eleganter his mulierculis accommodatum, quae cum aperte viderent se a Gnosticis delusas, et corruptas mente et corpore fuisse, nec ipsis ultra adhaerebant, nec Ecclesiae per exhomologesim reconciliari satagebant. Simile est huic : « Media agina ferri, » quo Tertullianus utitur in eos, qui inter bonum et malum, ut inter sacrum et saxum suo arbitrio agitati, in neutram partem feruntur. Ego nostri temporis mediatores, quos « politicos » vulgo appellamus , recte ἀμφοτερίζοντας, καὶ ἀμφιβίους, mulierculis hisce non absimiles, nominari posse crediderim.

Neither within, nor without. It is a Greek proverb, μήτε ἔξω, μήτε ἔσω, elegantly adapted to these silly women, who when they openly saw that they had been deluded by the Gnostics and corrupted in mind and body, neither cleaved to them any longer, nor busied themselves to be reconciled to the Church through exomologesis. Similar is this saying: "To hang in the middle of the balance-beam," which Tertullian uses against those who, tossed about at their own pleasure between good and evil, as between the victim and the stone knife, incline to neither side. I for my part should believe that the mediators of our own time, whom we commonly call "politiques," not unlike these silly women, can rightly be named ἀμφοτερίζοντας and ἀμφιβίους, double-dealers and amphibians.

Ex Jo. Ernesti Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 9.

From the annotations of Johann Ernst Grabe on chapter 9.

Graecum hujus et sequentium capitum Irenaei textum nobis conservavit Epiphanius haeres. 34, § 2 seqq. ita praefatus : Ἐγὼ τοίνυν ἵνα μὴ δεύτερον κάματον ἑαυτὸν ἐπιδῶ , ἀρκεσθῆναι δεῖν ἡγησάμην τοῖς ἀπὸ τοῦ μακαριωτάτου Εἰρηναίου κατ' αὐτοῦ τῶν Μάρκου , καὶ τῶν ἐξ αὐτοῦ ὁρμωμένων , πραγματευθεῖσιν· ἅτινα ἐνταῦθα πρὸς ἔπος ἐκθέσθαι ἐσπούδασα, καὶ ἔστι τάδε. Φάσκει γὰρ αὐτοῖς (forte αὐτὸς) Εἰρηναῖος ὁ ἅγιος ἐν τῷ ὑποφαίνειν τὰ ὑπ' αὐτῶν λεγόμενα, λέγων οὕτως. « Ego vero ne actum agere videar, satis esse mihi persuasi, si iis uterer, quae contra Marcum hunc ejusque sectatores a beatissimo sanctissimoque Irenaeo disputata leguntur : quae quidem ad verbum hic ascribenda censui. Sunt autem ejusmodi, quae in illorum dogmatibus recensendis pertexuit. »

Epiphanius has preserved for us the Greek text of this and the following chapters of Irenaeus in Heresy 34, § 2 seqq., prefacing it thus: Ἐγὼ τοίνυν ἵνα μὴ δεύτερον κάματον ἑαυτὸν ἐπιδῶ, ἀρκεσθῆναι δεῖν ἡγησάμην τοῖς ἀπὸ τοῦ μακαριωτάτου Εἰρηναίου κατ' αὐτοῦ τῶν Μάρκου, καὶ τῶν ἐξ αὐτοῦ ὁρμωμένων, πραγματευθεῖσιν· ἅτινα ἐνταῦθα πρὸς ἔπος ἐκθέσθαι ἐσπούδασα, καὶ ἔστι τάδε. Φάσκει γὰρ αὐτοῖς (perhaps αὐτὸς) Εἰρηναῖος ὁ ἅγιος ἐν τῷ ὑποφαίνειν τὰ ὑπ' αὐτῶν λεγόμενα, λέγων οὕτως. "Now lest I should seem to do what has already been done, I persuaded myself that it was enough if I used the things which are read as disputed against this Marcus and his followers by the most blessed and most holy Irenaeus: which indeed I have thought good to transcribe here word for word. Now the things which he wove together in recounting their dogmas are as follows."

Pag. 60. Κεκραμένα. Vinum aqua mistum in S. eucharistia haeretici adhibuerunt, perinde ut catholici : siquidem auctor noster lib. V, cap. 2, diserte « misti calicis » facit mentionem.

Page 60. Mixed. Heretics employed wine mixed with water in the holy Eucharist, just like Catholics: seeing that our author in Book V, chapter 2, expressly makes mention of "the mixed cup."

Gratias agere. Veterem interpretem perinde ac Gallasium ferit animadversio Billii notantis, verbum

To give thanks. Both the ancient translator and des Gallars are struck by the animadversion of Billy, who notes that the word

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I Tim. IV, 1.

1 Timothy 4:1.

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Lib. contra Hermogenem.

The book Against Hermogenes.

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εὐχαριστεῖν, hoc loco « consecrandi » significationem habere, non « gratiarum actionis. » Et sane haud parum confirmatur ista notio verbis sequentibus : μικροτέρου τοῦ ὑπὸ τῆς γυναικὸς εὐχαριστημένου, ut et Justini Martyris Apol. 2 (sive potius 1) pag. 97, ubi εὐχαριστηθέντος ἄρτου, καὶ οἴνου, καὶ ὕδατος mentionem facit, et pag. 98 , ubi sacrum panem et potum τὴν δι' εὐχῆς λόγου τοῦ παρ' αὐτοῦ εὐχαριστηθεῖσαν τροφὴν nominat. Accedit Clemens Alexandrinus lib. I Stromat., pag. 317, de haereticis in sacro calice solam aquam offerentibus scribens : εἰσὶ γὰρ οἳ καὶ ὕδωρ ψιλὸν εὐχαριστοῦσιν. Alios ut taceam. Neglecta tamen, licet non rejecta, Billii censura, Petavius veterem Irenaei interpretem secutus , εὐχαριστεῖν in Epiphanio « gratiarum actionem » interpretatus est, notans distinctionem isto sensu post ποτήρια οἴνῳ κεκραμένα apponendam esse ; ut scilicet haec non cum verbo εὐχαριστεῖν, sed cum sequenti ἀναφαίνεσθαι construantur.

εὐχαριστεῖν at this place has the signification of "consecrating," not of "thanksgiving." And assuredly that notion is not a little confirmed by the following words: μικροτέρου τοῦ ὑπὸ τῆς γυναικὸς εὐχαριστημένου, as also by Justin Martyr's Second (or rather First) Apology, page 97, where he makes mention of εὐχαριστηθέντος ἄρτου, καὶ οἴνου, καὶ ὕδατος, and page 98, where he calls the sacred bread and drink τὴν δι' εὐχῆς λόγου τοῦ παρ' αὐτοῦ εὐχαριστηθεῖσαν τροφὴν. There is added Clement of Alexandria, Book I of the Stromata, page 317, writing concerning heretics who offer water alone in the sacred cup: εἰσὶ γὰρ οἳ καὶ ὕδωρ ψιλὸν εὐχαριστοῦσιν. To say nothing of others. Neglecting, however, though not rejecting, Billy's censure, Petavius, following the ancient translator of Irenaeus, translated εὐχαριστεῖν in Epiphanius as "thanksgiving," noting that with this sense a punctuation mark must be placed after ποτήρια οἴνῳ κεκραμένα, namely so that these words are construed not with the verb εὐχαριστεῖν, but with the following ἀναφαίνεσθαι.

Τὸν λόγον τῆς ἐπικλήσεως. « Invocationis, » scilicet Spiritus sancti. Quorsum autem spectet haec Spiritus S. invocatio, ex liturgiis Graecis perspicue liquet : in quibus invocatur Spiritus S. ut panem et vinum in Christi corpus et sanguinem vertat. BILL. In omnibus profecto liturgiis Ecclesiae Orientalis , quas tom. VI et XII Bibliothecae Patrum Morellianae legere est, sacerdos Deum orat, ut Spiritum S. super proposita dona demittat, cujus virtute et gratia panis fiat corpus , et vinum sanguis Domini nostri Jesu Christi. De quibus conferantur doctissimae notae Richardi Simonis in Gabrielis Philadelphiensis Opuscula pag. 146, usque ad 156. Caeterum Marcum haereticum ab apostolica eucharistiam administrandi formula longe abiisse, et propria protulisse deliria , nullum est dubium , ac ab ipso Irenaeo in sequentibus memoriae proditum.

The word of the invocation. "Of the invocation," namely of the Holy Spirit. Now to what end this invocation of the Holy Spirit looks is clearly evident from the Greek liturgies, in which the Holy Spirit is invoked that He may turn the bread and wine into the body and blood of Christ. BILLY. Assuredly in all the liturgies of the Eastern Church, which may be read in Tomes VI and XII of Morel's Bibliotheca Patrum, the priest prays to God that He may send down the Holy Spirit upon the gifts set forth, by whose power and grace the bread may become the body, and the wine the blood, of our Lord Jesus Christ. Concerning which let the most learned notes of Richard Simon on the Opuscula of Gabriel of Philadelphia, pages 146 to 156, be compared. For the rest, that Marcus the heretic departed far from the apostolic formula of administering the Eucharist, and brought forward his own ravings, there is no doubt, and it is recorded by Irenaeus himself in what follows.

Pag. 63. Ἐνίαις τῶν γυναικῶν. Haec, et quae supra de seductione eximiarum feminarum refert Irenaeus, citavit Hieronymus epist. 29 ad Theodoram , quae est epitaphium Lucinii Baetici, ita scribens : « Refert Irenaeus , vir apostolicorum temporum , et Papiae auditoris evangelistae Joannis discipulus, episcopus Ecclesiae Lugdunensis, quod Marcus quidam de Basilidis Gnostici stirpe descendens, primum ad Gallias venerit, et eas partes , per quas Rhodanus et Garumna fluunt, sua doctrina maculaverit; maximeque nobiles feminas, quaedam in occulto mysteria repromittens, hoc errore seduxerit, magicis artibus et secreta corporum voluptate amorem sui concilians : inde Pyrenaeum transiens Hispanias occuparit, et hoc studii habuerit, ut divitum domos, et in ipsis feminas maxime appeteret, quae ducuntur variis desideriis, semper discentes, et nunquam ad scientiam veritatis pervenientes. Hoc ille scripsit , » etc. Vide testimonia veterum de Irenaeo in principio hujus operis.

Page 63. To some of the women. These things, and what Irenaeus relates above concerning the seduction of distinguished women, Jerome cited in Epistle 29 to Theodora, which is the epitaph of Lucinius of Baetica, writing thus: "Irenaeus, a man of the apostolic times, and disciple of Papias the hearer of the evangelist John, bishop of the Church of Lyons, relates that a certain Marcus, descending from the stock of Basilides the Gnostic, came first to the Gauls, and defiled with his doctrine those regions through which the Rhône and the Garonne flow; and especially seduced noble women by this error, promising certain mysteries in secret, winning love for himself by magical arts and secret bodily pleasure; then crossing the Pyrenees he occupied the Spains, and made it his aim to seek out the houses of the rich, and in them especially the women, who are led away with diverse desires, ever learning, and never coming to the knowledge of the truth (2 Tim. 3:6–7). This he wrote," etc. See the testimonies of the ancients concerning Irenaeus at the beginning of this work.

Τῶν ἡμετέρων. Ex hac voce colligas forte, tam Irenaeum, quam istum, ad quem hos adversus haereses libros misit, Asiaticos fuisse.

Of our regions. From this word you might perhaps gather that both Irenaeus and the man to whom he sent these books against heresies were Asiatics.

P. 64. Ἀπολύτρωσιν. Per « redemptionem, » quam hic et paulo post memorat, certam orationis formulam intelligendam esse, non modo ipse Irenaei contextus, in quo sequitur : ὦ πάρεδρε Θεοῦ, etc., ostendit, sed et Judaici ritus ratio plane confirmat, quam ex viri docti , Jacobi Rhenferdii disputatione de redemptione Marcosiorum et Heracleonitarum , § 21, explicatam dabo. Habent scilicet Judaei formulam quamdam precationis , vel « confessionis » potius, quam precibus quotidianis interserunt, qua Deum O. M. Vindicem suum et Redemptorem celebrant ; unde eam גאולה Geulah, id est, « liberationem » vel « redemptionem » appellant ; cui tantam vim tribuunt, ut si quis ea rite utatur, illi spem certam faciant beatitudinis aeternae. Codice Berachoth,

Page 64. Redemption. That by the "redemption" which he mentions here and a little later a certain formula of prayer is to be understood, not only does the context of Irenaeus itself show, in which follows ὦ πάρεδρε Θεοῦ, etc., but the nature of the Jewish rite also plainly confirms, which I shall give as explained from the disputation of the learned man Jacob Rhenferd on the redemption of the Marcosians and Heracleonites, § 21. Namely, the Jews have a certain formula of prayer, or rather of "confession," which they insert into their daily prayers, whereby they celebrate God, Best and Greatest, as their Avenger and Redeemer; whence they call it גאולה Geulah, that is, "deliverance" or "redemption"; to which they attribute such force that if anyone uses it duly, they assure him a certain hope of eternal beatitude. In the tractate Berachoth,

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running head: RIORUM NOTÆ 1456
marginal letters: A εὐχαριστεῖν, hoc; B Τὸν λόγον; C citavit Hieronymus; D reses libros
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin with embedded Greek and Hebrew; editors' matter: εὐχαριστεῖν, Τὸν λόγον τῆς ἐπικλήσεως, Pag. 63. Ἐνίαις τῶν γυναικῶν, Τῶν ἡμετέρων, P. 64. Ἀπολύτρωσιν; word split at column end: Bera- (Berachoth)

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fol. 4, colum. 2. אמר ר' יוחנן איזהו בן העולם הבא זה הסומך גאולה לתפלה של ערבית « Dixit R. Joannes : « Quis est Filius saeculi futuri ? quicunque precibus vespertinis subjungit redemptionem. » Ubi voce « redemptionis » vel « liberationis » nihil aliud intelligitur, quam formula de illa « liberatione » agens. Est autem illa duplex, altera quae matutinis precibus additur, altera quae vespertinis. Quae tempore matutino recitatur, inde ab אמת ויציב (emet vejazzibh) incipit , atque ab his initialibus vocibus appellatur. In qua cum saepius mentio fit liberationis , Deique assertoris , et liberatio ex Aegypto satis prolixe narratur ; tum tandem hac clausula finitur, quae stricte גאולה appellatur : גאלנו יהוה צבאות שמו קדוש ישראל ברוך אתה יהוה גאל ישראל : « Redemptor noster Dominus Sabaoth est nomen ejus , sanctus Israelis. Benedictus sis tu , Domine , Redemptor Israelis. » Vespertinae formulae hoc initium est, אמת ואמונה (emeth veemunah) quae tandem sic clauditur : ונאמר כי פדה יהוה את יעקוב וגאלו מיד חזק ממנו ברוך אתה יהוה גאל ישראל « Et dictum est : Quoniam redemit Deus Jacobum, et asseruit illum ex manu potentioris ipso. Benedictus sis tu, Domine, vindex Israelis. »

fol. 4, col. 2: אמר ר' יוחנן איזהו בן העולם הבא זה הסומך גאולה לתפלה של ערבית "Rabbi Johanan said: 'Who is a son of the world to come? Whoever subjoins the redemption to the evening prayer.'" Where by the word "redemption" or "deliverance" nothing else is understood than the formula treating of that "deliverance." Now it is twofold, one which is added to the morning prayers, the other to the evening prayers. That which is recited in the morning begins with אמת ויציב (emet vejazzibh), and is called from these opening words. In it, after mention is repeatedly made of deliverance and of God the deliverer, and the deliverance out of Egypt is narrated at considerable length, it finally ends with this clause, which is strictly called גאולה: גאלנו יהוה צבאות שמו קדוש ישראל ברוך אתה יהוה גאל ישראל: "Our Redeemer, the Lord of hosts is His name, the Holy One of Israel (Isa. 47:4). Blessed art Thou, O Lord, the Redeemer of Israel." Of the evening formula this is the beginning, אמת ואמונה (emeth veemunah), which finally closes thus: ונאמר כי פדה יהוה את יעקוב וגאלו מיד חזק ממנו ברוך אתה יהוה גאל ישראל "And it is said: For the Lord has redeemed Jacob, and ransomed him from the hand of him that was stronger than he (Jer. 31:11). Blessed art Thou, O Lord, the Avenger of Israel."

Ὦ πάρεδρε. Haec non ad judicem diriguntur, ut prima fronte videri queat : sed ad fictitiam quamdam matrem , cujus nondum superius facta est mentio. BILL. Unde ipse in nova versione feminino usus genere, reddidit : « O quae Deo assides. » Recte quidem : quod autem ait, istius ad quam redemptio sive precatio directa est , matris nullam superius mentionem factam esse , in eo fallitur. Illam enim nullam aliam hic intelligendam esse , quam Sophiam, quae ultimum inter triginta Aeones tenet locum , et matris Achamoth mater a Valentinianis fingebatur, juxta cap. 1 hujus libri , liquido patet ex fine capitis 18 (21), ubi de variis Marcosiorum redemptionibus ex instituto agitur, et inter alias hominum in articulo mortis precationes , quibus « incomprehensibiles et invisibiles principibus et potestatibus fiant, » haec animae e corpore discedentis ad eos, qui circa Demiurgum sunt , oratio refertur : « Vas ego sum pretiosum magis quam femina quae effecit vos (i. e. mater Achamoth). Si mater vestra ignorat radicem suam, ego novi meipsum, et scio unde sim, et invoco incorruptibilem Sophiam, καὶ ἐπικαλοῦμαι τὴν ἄφθαρτον Σοφίαν, quae est in Patre, mater est autem matris vestrae , » scilicet Achamoth ; cujus ibi sequitur descriptio : et mox in fine istius precationis iterum dicitur : « Ego autem invoco ejus matrem , ἐγὼ δὲ ἐπικαλοῦμαι αὐτῆς τὴν μητέρα. » Unde tandem Irenaeus addit : « Et de redemptione quidem ipsorum haec sunt, quae quidem in nos venerunt. »

O you who sit beside. These words are not directed to the judge, as might appear at first sight, but to a certain fictitious mother, of whom mention has not yet been made above. BILLY. Whence he himself in his new version, using the feminine gender, rendered it: "O you who sit beside God." Rightly indeed; but as to what he says, that no mention was made above of that mother to whom the redemption or prayer is directed, in that he is mistaken. For that no other is to be understood here than Sophia, who holds the last place among the thirty Aeons and was feigned by the Valentinians to be the mother of the mother Achamoth, according to chapter 1 of this book, is clearly evident from the end of chapter 18 (21), where the various redemptions of the Marcosians are purposely treated of, and among other prayers of men at the point of death, whereby "they may become incomprehensible and invisible to the principalities and powers," this address of the soul departing from the body to those who are around the Demiurge is reported: "I am a vessel more precious than the female who made you (that is, the mother Achamoth). If your mother is ignorant of her own root, I know myself, and I know whence I am, and I invoke the incorruptible Sophia, καὶ ἐπικαλοῦμαι τὴν ἄφθαρτον Σοφίαν, who is in the Father, and is the mother of your mother," namely Achamoth, whose description follows there; and presently at the end of that prayer it is said again: "And I invoke her mother, ἐγὼ δὲ ἐπικαλοῦμαι αὐτῆς τὴν μητέρα." Whence finally Irenaeus adds: "And concerning their redemption, these are the things that have come to our knowledge."

Πρὸ αἰῶνος. Vetus interpres αἰώνων legit in plurali. Illius auctoritatem Billius ipse secutus est, ut et Cornarius Epiphanii interpres, qui reddidit : « mystici ante saecula silentii. » Sed parum refert, quomodocunque legatur. Observandum potius , quod vox αἰών hoc loco « longum aevum, » non figmentum Valentinianorum, quod « Aeonem » vocabant, significare videatur. Ante omnia enim saecula Sigen una cum Bytho exstitisse fingebant, ut ex initio cap. 1 hujus libri patet , ubi nota istis verbis, ἐν ἀπείροις αἰῶσι, auditum esse χρόνων.

Before the age. The ancient translator reads αἰώνων in the plural. Billy himself followed his authority, as did also Cornarius, the translator of Epiphanius, who rendered it: "of the mystic silence before the ages." But it matters little howsoever it be read. It should rather be observed that the word αἰών at this place seems to signify "a long age," not the figment of the Valentinians which they called an "Aeon." For they feigned that Sige existed together with Bythos before all ages, as is clear from the beginning of chapter 1 of this book, where note that with those words, ἐν ἀπείροις αἰῶσι, χρόνων is understood.

Τὰ μεγέθη διαπαντὸς βλέποντα τὸ πρόσωπον τοῦ πατρός. Per μεγέθη, « magnitudines , » intelligendos esse angelos, ex hoc epitheto colligitur, quod a Marco « angelis » expresse ascriptum legitur sequenti pag. 46, lin. 25, ex Matth. XVIII, v. 10.

The greatnesses continually beholding the face of the Father. That by μεγέθη, "greatnesses," angels are to be understood is gathered from this epithet, which is read as expressly ascribed by Marcus to the "angels" on the following page, 46, line 25, from Matthew 18:10.

Ἀνασπῶσιν ἄνω τὰς αὐτῶν μορφάς, etc. Quaenam

Draw up on high their forms, etc. What

Editors' notes and page, col. 1457

Footnotes

(84) ‹anchor: Et dictum est› · call in col 1457

Jerem. XXXI, 11.

Jeremiah 31:11.

(printed under page 737)

Page

running head: 1457 IN LIB. I S. IREN
marginal letters: A choth, fol.; B mulae hoc; C redemptionibus ex; D Cornarius Epiphanii
old-edition numerals: 55 after libri
other: Latin with embedded Greek and Hebrew; editors' matter: choth, fol. 4, Ὦ πάρεδρε, Πρὸ αἰῶνος, Τὰ μεγέθη, Ἀνασπῶσιν ἄνω; word split at column start: choth (Berachoth); word split at column end: Quae- (Quaenam)
other: the word Quaenam was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 1458

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sunt illae angelorum μορφαί, merito quaeritur. Petavius ipsos angelorum istorum « vultus » perperam intellexit, indeque in sua Epiphanii versione posuit : « Vultus suos in coelum subtrahunt. » Significant autem hoc loco « formae » angelorum , « imagines » formam eorum repraesentantes, sicuti mox expresse εἰκόνας appellat auctor istius Marcosiorum precationis , designans « spiritales , » uti vocabantur, « homines, » quos matrem Achamoth ex inspectatione angelorum Salvatoris concepisse, iisque similes peperisse docebant haeretici, supra cap. 1 hujus libri, § 8 in fine (cap. 4, n. 5). Atque exinde facile etiam intelligas sequentia verba : ἃς ἡ μεγαλότολμος, usque ad ἔχουσα. « Attractio autem in superiora » explicatur paulo post, ubi de Sophia ista matre dicitur : ἀνασπάσασα αὐτοὺς, εἰς τὸν νυμφῶνα εἰσήγαγε, etc. , quae si cum ultimis § 12 capitis 1 (cap. 7, n. 1) verbis conferas, plenum hujus orationis sensum plane percipies.

those μορφαί of the angels are is deservedly asked. Petavius wrongly understood the very "countenances" of those angels, and thence in his version of Epiphanius put: "They withdraw their countenances into heaven." At this place, however, the "forms" of the angels signify the "images" representing their form, just as presently the author of that prayer of the Marcosians expressly calls them εἰκόνας, designating the "spiritual men," as they were called, whom the heretics taught that the mother Achamoth conceived from gazing upon the angels of the Saviour, and bore like unto them, above in chapter 1 of this book, § 8 at the end (chapter 4, n. 5). And thence you may easily understand also the following words: ἃς ἡ μεγαλότολμος, up to ἔχουσα. Moreover, the "drawing up to the higher regions" is explained a little later, where it is said of that mother Sophia: ἀνασπάσασα αὐτοὺς, εἰς τὸν νυμφῶνα εἰσήγαγε, etc., which if you compare with the last words of § 12 of chapter 1 (chapter 7, n. 1), you will plainly perceive the full sense of this prayer.

Ἀμφοτέρων ἡμῶν. Aliquantum difficile est dicere, quaenam ambo ista sint, pro quibus communem apud judicem expetit defensionem. Vix tamen dubito, matrem Achamoth , quam μεγαλότολμον ante dixerat, et spiritales homines intelligendos esse ; ambo enim in thalamum Pleromatis , ubi omnia consummata fuerint , admissum iri docebant supra cap. 1, § 12 in fine (cap. 7, n. 1).

Of us both. It is somewhat difficult to say what those two are for whom she seeks a common defence before the judge. Yet I scarcely doubt that the mother Achamoth, whom she had previously called μεγαλότολμον, and the spiritual men are to be understood; for they taught above in chapter 1, § 12 at the end (chapter 7, n. 1), that when all things have been consummated, both will be admitted into the bridal chamber of the Pleroma.

Pag. 65. Ἐν τοῖς καθ' ἡμᾶς κλίμασι τῆς Ῥοδανουσίας. Tractum intelligit ad Rhodanum, sive Rhodanensem : non, ut vertit Gallasius, « in regionibus Rhodanusiae, quod ita reperisset a Cornario versum apud Epiphanium. Ῥοδανουσία fortasse dicta regio, ut et Λουγδουνησία, « Lugdunensis Gallia. » Atq⟨u⟩i Hieronymus in cap. LXIV Isaiae, Gnosticos ait, « per Marcum Aegyptium Galliarum primum circa Rhodanum, deinde Hispaniarum nobiles feminas decepisse, miscentes fabulis voluptatem , et imperitiae suae nomen scientiae venditantes. » FRONTO DUC. Integra Hieronymi verba habes inter testimonia veterum in principio hujus operis. Et quatenus is quidem Irenaeum nostrum sequitur, asserens de Marco, quod tractum Rhodanensem haeresi sua infecerit, haud errat : hallucinatus autem est, dum « Hispaniarum nobiles feminas » addidit, de quibus nihil Irenaeus. Nam fuit quidem Marcus aliquis, Gnosticorum errorum in Hispania disseminator, de quo Sulpitius Severus lib. II Hist. sacrae, cap. 60, scribit : « Primus eam (Gnosticam haeresin) intra Hispanias Marcus intulit, Aegypto profectus, Memphis ortus. Hujus auditores fuere Agape quaedam non ignobilis mulier, et rhetor Helpidius. » Ast hunc duobus saltem saeculis Marco mago recentiorem fuisse, ex illo ipso Sulpitii loco patet. Nullo enim verbo interposito , citatis subdit : « Ab his Priscillianus est institutus; » quem saeculo IV sub Gratiano imperatore et Damaso papa vixisse , ex progressu historiae apud Sulpitium liquet, et notius est, quam ut probari debeat. Memoratum quoque Helpidium et Priscillianum, ambos laicos, damnatos refert Sulpitius cap. 61 in concilio Caesaraugustano, quod circa annum 380 celebratum esse ex tomis Conciliorum constat.

Page 65. In our regions of the Rhône country. He understands the district along the Rhône, or the Rhodanensian region; not, as des Gallars translates, "in the regions of Rhodanusia," because he had found it so translated by Cornarius in Epiphanius. Perhaps the region was called Ῥοδανουσία, just as Λουγδουνησία, "Gallia Lugdunensis." Moreover, Jerome on chapter 64 of Isaiah says that the Gnostics "through Marcus the Egyptian deceived noble women, first of the Gauls around the Rhône, and then of the Spains, mingling pleasure with fables, and vending the name of knowledge for their own ignorance." FRONTON DU DUC. You have the complete words of Jerome among the testimonies of the ancients at the beginning of this work. And insofar indeed as he follows our Irenaeus, asserting of Marcus that he infected the Rhône district with his heresy, he does not err; he blundered, however, when he added "the noble women of the Spains," concerning whom Irenaeus says nothing. For there was indeed a certain Marcus, a disseminator of Gnostic errors in Spain, concerning whom Sulpicius Severus in Book II of his Sacred History, chapter 60, writes: "Marcus first brought it (the Gnostic heresy) into the Spains, having set out from Egypt, born at Memphis. His hearers were a certain Agape, a woman not of ignoble birth, and the rhetorician Helpidius." But that this man was at least two centuries later than Marcus the magician is clear from that very passage of Sulpicius. For without interposing a single word, to the words cited he subjoins: "By these Priscillian was instructed"; and that he lived in the fourth century under the Emperor Gratian and Pope Damasus is evident from the progress of the history in Sulpicius, and is better known than needs to be proved. Sulpicius in chapter 61 also relates that the aforementioned Helpidius and Priscillian, both laymen, were condemned in the Council of Zaragoza, which is established from the tomes of the Councils to have been celebrated around the year 380.

Εἰς φανερὸν ἐξομολογοῦνται. Publicam poenitentiam et satisfactionem in conspectu Ecclesiae ex hoc loco colligit Feuardentius ; ego vero et confessionem publicam quandoque factam exin demonstrari puto. Cujus usum satis clare quoque docet Origenes homil. 2 in Psalm. XXXVII (non XXXII, ut Feuard. citavit), ubi haec habentur verba : « Si ergo hujusmodi homo memor delicti sui confiteatur quae commisit , et humana confusione parvipendat eos, qui exprobrant eum confitentem, et notant, vel irrident, etc. Si ergo sit aliquis ita fidelis , ut si quid conscius sit sibi, procedat in medium, et ipse sui accusator exsistat, » etc. Item : « Si intellexerit

They make exomologesis openly. From this passage Feuardent gathers public penance and satisfaction in the sight of the Church; and I for my part think that public confession also, made on occasion, is demonstrated thence. The use of which Origen also teaches clearly enough in Homily 2 on Psalm 37 (not 32, as Feuardent cited), where these words are found: "If therefore a man of this sort, mindful of his offence, confesses what he has committed, and out of human confusion counts as nothing those who reproach him when confessing, and mark or mock him, etc. If therefore there be anyone so faithful that, if he is conscious of anything against himself, he comes forth into the midst and himself becomes his own accuser," etc. Likewise: "If he has underthe

Editors' notes and page, col. 1458

Page

running head: LIB. I S. IRENÆI. 1453
marginal letters: A nam sunt; B Ἀμφοτέρων ἡμῶν.; C veterum in; D que Helpidium
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column number misprinted 1453 for 1458 in running head; Latin with embedded Greek; editors' matter: nam sunt illae, Ἀμφοτέρων ἡμῶν, Pag. 65. Ἐν τοῖς καθ' ἡμᾶς, Εἰς φανερὸν ἐξομολογοῦνται; word split at column start: nam (Quaenam); word split at column end: intellexe- (intellexerit)

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et praeviderit sacerdos) talem esse languorem tuum, qui in conventu totius Ecclesiae exponi debeat et curari, » etc.

priest has foreseen) that your sickness is such as ought to be set forth and cured in the assembly of the whole Church," etc.

Scholia Billii in cap. 10.

Scholia of Billy on Chapter 10.

Pag. 65. Hic Marcus. Οὗτος leg. cum vet.

Page 65. Hic Marcus. Read Οὗτος with the ancient interpreter.

Siges. Hoc loco in Graec. pro εἰσηγήσατο αὐτόν, lego cum vet. σιγῆς ἑαυτόν, sensu etiam hoc postulante.

Siges. In this place in the Greek, instead of εἰσηγήσατο αὐτόν, I read with the ancient interpreter σιγῆς ἑαυτόν, the sense also demanding this.

Defectus semen. Hic ex vet. interp. addo in Graec. σπέρμα.

Defectus semen. Here from the ancient interpreter I add σπέρμα in the Greek.

Pag. 66. Ex iis locis. Pro τούτων, repono τόπων ex vet. et vers. seq. γυναικείῳ, pro γυναικείου.

Page 66. Ex iis locis. Instead of τούτων, I restore τόπων from the ancient interpreter, and in the following line γυναικείῳ instead of γυναικείου.

Et quaenam esset. Ἑαυτήν lego cum vet.

Et quaenam esset. I read Ἑαυτήν with the ancient interpreter.

Qui Patris expers est. Addo ex vet. ὁ ἀπάτωρ, et deleo hoc verbum ὤδινεν.

Qui Patris expers est. I add from the ancient interpreter ὁ ἀπάτωρ, and I delete this word ὤδινεν.

Gigni. Τὸ ἄῤῥητον γεννηθῆναι. Vetus legisse videtur τὸ ἄῤῥητον ῥητὸν γενηθῆναι. Sed malo hoc loco Graeca sequi, quod γεννηθῆναι aptius quadret cum μορφωθῆναι quod sequitur.

Gigni. Τὸ ἄῤῥητον γεννηθῆναι. The ancient interpreter seems to have read τὸ ἄῤῥητον ῥητὸν γενηθῆναι. But I prefer to follow the Greek in this place, because γεννηθῆναι squares more aptly with μορφωθῆναι, which follows.

Ac syllaba illius. Συλλαβή. Complexionem primo verteram, quod syllaba, ut apud grammaticos usurpatur, hic quatuor litteris non constaret. Sed propius animum advertenti, aliter postea visum est. Insanus enim Marcus omnia hic pro libidine sua fingit.

Ac syllaba illius. Συλλαβή. At first I had translated it "complexion," because a syllable, as it is used among grammarians, would not here consist of four letters. But upon paying closer attention, it afterwards seemed otherwise to me. For the mad Marcus fashions all things here according to his own whim.

Pag. 67. Cujus elementum est. Vetus interpres legisse videtur, οὐδὲ αὐτὸς ὑπέρ, sed male.

Page 67. Cujus elementum est. The ancient interpreter seems to have read οὐδὲ αὐτὸς ὑπέρ, but wrongly.

Enuntiationem norit. Γινώσκει lego cum vet., non πολιορκεῖ : tametsi haec quoque lectio prorsus improbanda non sit.

Enuntiationem norit. I read Γινώσκει with the ancient interpreter, not πολιορκεῖ: although this reading too is not to be altogether rejected.

Extremi elementi. Pro ἑκάστου lego ἐσχάτου cum vet. Ibidem pro μονογλωσσήσαντος καταστῆναι, lego μονογλωσσήσαντα καταθῆναι, cum vet.

Extremi elementi. Instead of ἑκάστου I read ἐσχάτου with the ancient interpreter. In the same place, instead of μονογλωσσήσαντος καταστῆναι, I read μονογλωσσήσαντα καταθῆναι with the ancient interpreter.

Pag. 68. Quorum elementorum. In Graec. pro ὡς στοιχείου τὸ ὕστερον, lego cum vet. ὧν στοιχείων τὸ τοῦ ἐσχάτου ὕστατον. Paulo post pro καὶ τῶν , lego καὶ τά.

Page 68. Quorum elementorum. In the Greek, instead of ὡς στοιχείου τὸ ὕστερον, I read with the ancient interpreter ὧν στοιχείων τὸ τοῦ ἐσχάτου ὕστατον. A little after, instead of καὶ τῶν, I read καὶ τά.

Cujus sonus. Graeca hoc loco ita emendanda sunt, οὗ τὸ ἦχος ἦν συνεπακολουθοῦν τῷ ἤχει κάτω ὑπό, etc. Vers. seq. pro λέγειν, substituo λέγει.

Cujus sonus. The Greek in this place is to be emended thus: οὗ τὸ ἦχος ἦν συνεπακολουθοῦν τῷ ἤχει κάτω ὑπό, etc. In the following line, instead of λέγειν, I substitute λέγει.

Triginta litterarum. Dele in Graec. ὁ ex vet. Linea seq. pro δι' οὗ, lege δι' ὧν.

Triginta litterarum. Delete ὁ in the Greek from the ancient interpreter. In the following line, instead of δι' οὗ, read δι' ὧν.

Pag. 69. Quaternitatem. Inducitur hic quaternitas, ea quae a Sige obscurius dicta erant, explanans.

Page 69. Quaternitatem. The quaternary is introduced here, explaining those things which had been spoken more obscurely by Sige.

Libet. In Graec. pro θέαν legendum θέλω cum vet.

Libet. In the Greek, instead of θέαν, one must read θέλω with the ancient interpreter.

Dorsum. Vetus interpres pro dorso hic ventrem habet, ac postea pro ventre, pudenda : sed in litteris error obrepsit.

Dorsum. The ancient interpreter here has "belly" instead of "back," and afterwards "shameful parts" instead of "belly": but an error has crept into the letters.

Sui ipsius genitorem. In Graeco ἑαυτοῦ γεννήτορα, vel unico verbo αὐτογεννήτορα lego cum vet. quemadmodum et eodem vers. πατροδότορα, et στόματος.

Sui ipsius genitorem. In the Greek I read ἑαυτοῦ γεννήτορα, or in a single word αὐτογεννήτορα, with the ancient interpreter, just as in the same line also πατροδότορα and στόματος.

Statim conticuisse. In Graec. pro παρ' αὐτῇ καὶ σιωπήν, legendum παραυτίκα σιωπᾷν, vel σιωπῆσαι. Lin. seq. rursus legendum στόματος, non στομάτων.

Statim conticuisse. In the Greek, instead of παρ' αὐτῇ καὶ σιωπήν, one must read παραυτίκα σιωπᾷν, or σιωπῆσαι. In the following line, one must again read στόματος, not στομάτων.

Te tenere censes. Post δοκεῖς, addo ex vet. ἔχειν.

Te tenere censes. After δοκεῖς, I add ἔχειν from the ancient interpreter.

Sex litteris constans. Pro ἓξ ὧν lege ἓξ ἔχων.

Sex litteris constans. Instead of ἓξ ὧν read ἓξ ἔχων.

Pag. 70. Qui ipsum cognatione. Αὐτοῦ vel αὐτῷ, addo ex vet. et lin. seq. pro αὐτῶν repono αὐτῷ.

Page 70. Qui ipsum cognatione. I add Αὐτοῦ or αὐτῷ from the ancient interpreter, and in the following line instead of αὐτῶν I restore αὐτῷ.

Inferiorum elatione. Legendum in Graec. ὑπὸ αὐτά, aut aliquid simile; ἀναφορὰν opponit ἀποῤῥοίᾳ.

Inferiorum elatione. One must read in the Greek ὑπὸ αὐτά, or something similar; he opposes ἀναφορὰν to ἀποῤῥοίᾳ.

Habent igitur. Addo οὖν ex vet.

Habent igitur. I add οὖν from the ancient interpreter.

Quoniam autem non satis. Ἐπειδὴ τοῦ ὑστερήσαντος λόγου. Malo tamen ἐκ δέ cum veteri. Neque enim quadrat ἐπειδή cum his quae praecedunt. Sensus autem horum verborum hic est : Quoniam Pater et Veritas novem litteras continebant, Homo autem et Ecclesia septem duntaxat, Sermo vero et Vita octo, corrigendae hujusce numerorum inaequalitatis causa factum est, ut littera una qua Pater abundabat, ad Hominem et Ecclesiam descenderit: ac sic cuique ex his conjugationibus suus litterarum octernio constitit.

Quoniam autem non satis. Ἐπειδὴ τοῦ ὑστερήσαντος λόγου. Yet I prefer ἐκ δέ with the ancient interpreter. For ἐπειδή does not square with the things that precede. Now the sense of these words is this: Since the Father and Truth contained nine letters, while Man and the Church contained seven only, and the Word and Life eight, for the sake of correcting this inequality of numbers it came to pass that one letter in which the Father abounded descended to Man and the Church: and thus for each of these syzygies its own ogdoad of letters was established.

Tres loci. Τρεῖς addo ex vet.

Tres loci. I add Τρεῖς from the ancient interpreter.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1459

Page

running head: VARIORUM NOTAE
marginal letters: A rit et praeviderit; B cum μορφωθῆναι; C οὗ τὸ ἦχος; D Sex litteris
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Variorum notae (continued, and Scholia Billii in cap. 10); begins mid-word "rit" from preceding column

PG 7:1460

Devincta esse ait. Pro ἀφίησι, lego ἅ φησι cum vet.

Devincta esse ait. Instead of ἀφίησι, I read ἅ φησι with the ancient interpreter.

Pag. 71. Analogiae vi. Legendum in Graeco δυνάμει τῇ κατὰ ἀναλογίαν, ex vet. interp., et lin. seq. πεφηνέναι, non πεφυκέναι.

Page 71. Analogiae vi. One must read in the Greek δυνάμει τῇ κατὰ ἀναλογίαν, from the ancient interpreter, and in the following line πεφηνέναι, not πεφυκέναι.

Qui descendit. Legendum in Graec. τὸν καταβάντα καὶ κρατηθέντα.

Qui descendit. One must read in the Greek τὸν καταβάντα καὶ κρατηθέντα.

Quem cum. Addo ὃν in Graec. ex vet. interp.

Quem cum. I add ὃν in the Greek from the ancient interpreter.

Juxta administrationem. Hoc loco pro καί, lego κατά, ob verbum πεφηνέναι, quod in activa significatione nunquam in ullo auctore legisse me memini, sed tantum in neutra.

Juxta administrationem. In this place instead of καί, I read κατά, on account of the verb πεφηνέναι, which I remember never having read in any author in an active signification, but only in a neuter one.

P. 72. In hunc numerum. In Graec. pro ult. δι' αὐτοῦ.

Page 72. In hunc numerum. In the Greek for the last words, δι' αὐτοῦ.

Bis enim habetur. Lego ἀριθμόν cum vet.

Bis enim habetur. I read ἀριθμόν with the ancient interpreter.

Insignem numerum. Ἐπίσημον, id est, senarium. Nota autem senarii apud Graecos est ϛ. Proinde cum tres sint duplices litterae, senario aequipollent.

Insignem numerum. Ἐπίσημον, that is, the number six. Now the sign of the number six among the Greeks is ϛ. Accordingly, since there are three double letters, they are equivalent to the number six.

Numerorum magnitudine. Ἀριθμῶν μεγέθει.

Qui ab insigni. Ἀπό lego cum vet.

Qui ab insigni. I read Ἀπό with the ancient interpreter.

Alia autem. Ἀλλά addo ex vet.

Alia autem. I add Ἀλλά from the ancient interpreter.

Rerum inimitabilium. Ἀμιμήτων. « Imitabilium » habet vetus translatio, sed male, ut existimo.

Rerum inimitabilium. Ἀμιμήτων. The ancient translation has "Imitable," but wrongly, as I think.

Et quartum a medio. Μέσου lego cum vet., non μέρους.

Et quartum a medio. I read Μέσου with the ancient interpreter, not μέρους.

Notae ex adversariis Frontonis Ducaei in cap. 10.

Notes from the notebooks of Fronto Ducaeus on Chapter 10.

Pag. 66. Et syllabae ejus. Graeca sonant, « et syllaba ejus litterarum quatuor. »

Page 66. Et syllabae ejus. The Greek reads, "and its syllable of four letters."

Pag. 67. Unigenitum Aeonem. Graece reposuimus ἀγέννητον, quod immutarat Gallasius in ἀγένητον.

Page 67. Unigenitum Aeonem. In the Greek we have restored ἀγέννητον, which Gallasius had altered into ἀγένητον.

Pag. 68. Ipsam quidem litteram. In Graeco dele αὐτὸ τὸ ἦχος τῷ ἤχει, et lege, ut in margine scripsimus, τὸ μέν τοι γράμμα, οὗ τὸ ἦχος ἦν συνεπακολουθοῦν.

Page 68. Ipsam quidem litteram. In the Greek delete αὐτὸ τὸ ἦχος τῷ ἤχει, and read, as we have written in the margin, τὸ μέν τοι γράμμα, οὗ τὸ ἦχος ἦν συνεπακολουθοῦν.

Pag. 69. Ventrem Χ et Τ. Ad exemplar Graec. scrib. esset : « Cinctum Ε et Υ, dorsum Ζ et Τ, ventrem Η et Σ, femora Θ Ρ. » Paulo post in Graec. pro τὸν αὐτὸν γεννήτορα καὶ πατροδότορα, fortasse legendum, τὸν αὐτογεννήτορα καὶ πατροδώτορα · ut postea αὐτοβουλήτου, « ab se cogitatae, » vertitur.

Page 69. Ventrem Χ et Τ. According to the Greek exemplar it should be written: "The girdle Ε and Υ, the back Ζ and Τ, the belly Η and Σ, the thighs Θ Ρ." A little after in the Greek, instead of τὸν αὐτὸν γεννήτορα καὶ πατροδότορα, perhaps one should read τὸν αὐτογεννήτορα καὶ πατροδώτορα: as afterwards αὐτοβουλήτου is translated "thought of by itself."

Pag 70. Ex minori autem. Λόγος hic « computatio, » vel « ratio » verti potest, non autem « sermo, » quod scripserat Gallasius. Paulo post : « qui est numeri septem, » intellige, qui est numeri septenarii, virtutem ipsorum octo accepit, sive octonarii ; sic enim solet interpres vertere articulos Graecos τῶν ὀκτώ, « eorum qui sunt octo. »

Page 70. Ex minori autem. Λόγος here can be translated "computation" or "reckoning," but not "word," which Gallasius had written. A little after: "which is of the number seven," understand, which is of the septenary number, received the power of the eight themselves, or of the octonary; for thus the interpreter is accustomed to render the Greek articles τῶν ὀκτώ, "of those that are eight."

Quorum elementorum. Lego in Graeco εἰκόνας εἰκόνων, et in Latina interpret. verto, « duplices litterae ; quas cum viginti quatuor litteris annumeraveris, virtute, quae est secundum analogiam ; vel, quae annumeratae faciunt numerum. »

Quorum elementorum. I read in the Greek εἰκόνας εἰκόνων, and in the Latin translation I render, "double letters; which when you have reckoned with the twenty-four letters, by the power that is according to analogy; or, which reckoned together make up the number."

P. 71. Quae est in coena pura. Graec., ἥτις ἐστὶ παρασκευή. Hic veteris interpretis locus Josephi Scaligeri observationem confirmat in Festum, voce Penem : « Coena pura est, qua fungebantur, cum in casto essent. » Glossarium : « Coena pura » προσάββατον. Imitatione gentilium παρασκευὴν Judaeorum ita vocat. Porro in Graecis qui nihil hic immutandum censebit, verbo medio activi datam significationem contendet : nam φαίνειν in activa saepe sumitur pro « in lucem edere, » vel « exhibere, » aut « proferre, » ut apud Philonem, τὴν εὐσέβειαν ἀπέφηνε. Quod si placeat legere, κατ' οἰκονομίαν δέ, hic vertes, « secnudum dispositionem autem. »

Page 71. Quae est in coena pura. In the Greek, ἥτις ἐστὶ παρασκευή. This passage of the ancient interpreter confirms the observation of Joseph Scaliger on Festus, under the word Penem: "The pure supper is that which they observed when they were in a state of ceremonial purity." The Glossary: "Coena pura," προσάββατον. By imitation of the Gentiles he thus calls the παρασκευὴν of the Jews. Furthermore, he who judges that nothing is to be changed here in the Greek will maintain that an active signification is given to the middle verb: for φαίνειν in the active is often taken for "to bring to light," or "to exhibit," or "to put forth," as in Philo, τὴν εὐσέβειαν ἀπέφηνε. But if it pleases one to read κατ' οἰκονομίαν δέ, here you will translate, "according to the dispensation, however."

Pag. 72. Usus est diacono. Apud Graecos nota senarii est ϛ, quae et ipsa duabus litteris σ τ aequivalet : ἐπίσημον appellant; alii ἐπίσιγμον, sed minus recte, quomodo et apud Hieronymum legebatur in psal. LXXVII, in illo loco citato a Sixto Senen. lib. VI Biblioth., annot. 151 : « Scriptum est in Matthaeo, quod Dominus noster hora sexta crucifixus sit. Rursum scriptum est in Marco quia hora tertia crucifixus sit. Error scriptorum fuit, et in Marco hora sexta fuit : sed multi episemum Graecum ϛ, putaverunt esse γ. » Sic enim habet editio Victorii correctior.

Page 72. Usus est diacono. Among the Greeks the sign of the number six is ϛ, which itself is also equivalent to the two letters σ τ: they call it ἐπίσημον; others call it ἐπίσιγμον, but less correctly, just as in Jerome also it was read on Psalm 77, in that passage cited by Sixtus of Siena, Book 6 of the Bibliotheca, annotation 151: "It is written in Matthew that our Lord was crucified at the sixth hour. Again it is written in Mark that He was crucified at the third hour. It was an error of the copyists, and in Mark too it was the sixth hour: but many thought the Greek episemon ϛ to be γ." For so the more correct edition of Victorius has it.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 10.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardent on Chapter 10.

Pag. 65. Hic igitur Marcus. Impurissimus nebulo Unigenitum Dei se mentiebatur, et Quaternationem

Page 65. Hic igitur Marcus. The most impure scoundrel falsely claimed that he was the Only-begotten of God, and that a certain Quaternation

Editors' notes and page, col. 1460

Page

running head: VARIORUM NOTAE
marginal letters: A Devincta esse ait.; B Rerum inimitabilium.; C vel « ratio »; D contendet : nam
old-edition numerals: 56 before Pag. 67. Unigenitum Aeonem.
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Notae ex adversariis Frontonis Ducaei in cap. 10, Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 10

PG 7:1461

quamdam de coelis descendentem forma muliebri, arcana plurima sibi revelasse, quae syllabis et litteris Graecis adumbrarentur. In textu porro reposuimus voces, « defectus, » et « sic : » expunximus vero « lumen, » tam Graecae lectionis auctoritate, quam R. P. Frontonis commonitione.

descending from the heavens in female form had revealed very many mysteries to him, which were shadowed forth by Greek syllables and letters. Moreover, in the text we have restored the words "defectus" and "sic:"; whereas we have expunged "lumen," both on the authority of the Greek reading and on the advice of the Reverend Father Fronto.

Colarbasi Silentii. Colarbasi hujus meminit Tertullianus, quem ita cum Marco jungit, ut eadem cum illo senserit, videlicet, alterum Deum esse a Creatore ; Christum in carnis substantia non fuisse, corporum nullam fore resurrectionem ; et Graecorum alphabeti litteris sic veritatem omnem affixisse, ut ineptum, vanum, otiosum, imo et periculosum putet illorum vanitates omnes afferre. At Augustinus, Theodoretus, et Damascenus sectam ei separatim tribuunt. Epiphanius veluti nodum dissolvens, primum quidem Marci opinionem illum secutum, tuncque sectam ipsorum instar bicipitis serpentis fuisse affirmat : sed postea velut majus quid praeter socios novisset, de suo quoque nomine vocatos coetus habuisse. Nicetas in Orthodoxia scribit Colobarsum (seu Colabarsum) quasdam Ptolemaei, Marci et Valentini sententias refinxisse, atque horum quaternitatem ad octonarium numerum perduxisse, scalas perditionis tam sibi quam factionis suae sectatoribus compingendo : quos errores ibidem refellit.

Colarbasi Silentii. Tertullian makes mention of this Colarbasus, whom he joins with Marcus in such a way that he held the same views with him, namely, that there is another God besides the Creator; that Christ was not in the substance of flesh, and that there will be no resurrection of bodies; and that he so affixed all truth to the letters of the Greek alphabet that he considers it foolish, vain, idle, nay even dangerous to recount all their vanities. But Augustine, Theodoret, and Damascene assign a sect to him separately. Epiphanius, as if untying the knot, affirms that at first indeed he followed the opinion of Marcus, and that then their sect was like a two-headed serpent: but that afterwards, as though he had come to know something greater beyond his associates, he had assemblies called after his own name as well. Nicetas in his Orthodoxia writes that Colobarsus (or Colabarsus) refashioned certain opinions of Ptolemy, Marcus, and Valentinus, and brought their quaternary to the number eight, framing ladders of perdition both for himself and for the followers of his faction: which errors he refutes in the same place.

Pag. 66. Insubstantivus. Graece est ἀνούσιος, id est, substantiae expers. Si substantiam, quatenus accidentibus substernitur, vel etiam limitibus coerceri potest, Deo haudquaquam quadrare senserint; tantum abest eos errasse, ut etiam suffragantes sibi Patres plurimos habeant. Augustinus manifestum esse dicit, Deum abusive vocari substantiam. Dionysius frequenter substantiam, sed ineffabilem, supersubstantialem, et omnibus substantiis supereminentem, Deitatem vocat. Damascenus libr. I, cap. 8, ταῖς ὅλαις οὐσίαις ἐπιβατεύουσαν, καὶ πάσης οὐσίας ἐξηρημένην, id est, « universis substantiis supereminentem ultra omnia, et ab omni substantia exceptam. »

Page 66. Insubstantivus. In the Greek it is ἀνούσιος, that is, devoid of substance. If they considered that substance, insofar as it underlies accidents or can even be confined by limits, by no means squares with God, so far are they from having erred that they even have very many Fathers supporting them. Augustine says it is manifest that God is improperly called substance. Dionysius frequently calls the Deity substance, yet ineffable, supersubstantial, and supereminent above all substances. Damascene, Book 1, chapter 8, calls it ταῖς ὅλαις οὐσίαις ἐπιβατεύουσαν, καὶ πάσης οὐσίας ἐξηρημένην, that is, "supereminent over all substances beyond all things, and exempted from every substance."

Pag. 67. Cujus elementum est. Ita legendum docuerunt Graecus contextus, et P. Fronto : expunximus autem, « neque ipsum, super. » Item paulo post, « a, » pro « extra, » substituimus codicis veteris auctoritate.

Page 67. Cujus elementum est. The Greek context and Father Fronto taught that it should be read thus: and we have expunged "neque ipsum, super." Likewise a little after, we have substituted "a" for "extra" on the authority of the ancient manuscript.

Tunc et redintegrationem universorum. Non procul recedere videntur a magno illo anno Platonis, quem bona fide dolet Tertull. omnium haereticorum factum esse condimentarium. Quod vero exclamatione ecclesiastica, Amen, commenta sua confirmari putabant, ejusdem impudentiae est cum eo, quod Aeonum suorum labyrinthos hac coronide, Per omnia saecula saeculorum, probari volebant. Caeterum, « postquam Patri omnium per nomen Filii et Spiritus sancti oblata fuerat eucharistia corporis et sanguinis Christi, Amen, quod Hebraica lingua, Fiat significat, totum coetum Christianorum cecinisse, » scripsit ante Irenaeum Justinus martyr. Putat vero Augustinus, ex iis nominibus esse, quae propter sanctiorem auctoritatem in aliam linguam transfusa non fuerunt. Hujusque, ut alleluia, sacrosanctum usum esse affirmat, epist. 178.

Tunc et redintegrationem universorum. They seem not to depart far from that great year of Plato, which Tertullian in good faith laments has become the spice-shop of all heretics. And that they thought their figments were confirmed by the ecclesiastical exclamation, Amen, is of the same impudence as the fact that they wished the labyrinths of their Aeons to be proved by this concluding formula, Unto all the ages of the ages. For the rest, Justin Martyr wrote before Irenaeus that "after the Eucharist of the body and blood of Christ had been offered to the Father of all through the name of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, the whole assembly of Christians chanted Amen, which in the Hebrew tongue signifies So be it." And Augustine thinks that it is one of those words which on account of their more sacred authority were not translated into another language. And he affirms that the use of it, like alleluia, is sacrosanct, Epistle 178.

Omnia devenientia. Quinque has voces ex vet. cod. adjecimus, consentiente Graeca lectione, ὅταν τὰ πάντα κατελθόντα εἰς τὸ ἓν γράμμα.

Omnia devenientia. We have added these five words from the ancient manuscript, the Greek reading agreeing, ὅταν τὰ πάντα κατελθόντα εἰς τὸ ἓν γράμμα.

Esse. Sonos. Ita legendum docent codices Graeci, quibus conformis est vet. cod.

Esse. Sonos. The Greek manuscripts teach that it should be read thus, with which the ancient manuscript is in conformity.

Pag. 68. Propria. Delevimus « progenia, » auctoritate vet. cod. et Graecae lectionis.

Page 68. Propria. We have deleted "progenia" on the authority of the ancient manuscript and of the Greek reading.

Et unamquamque ex his triginta litteris in semetipsa habere, etc. Sic hunc locum P. Frontonis consilio correximus. Excusi codices habebant, « et

Et unamquamque ex his triginta litteris in semetipsa habere, etc. Thus we have corrected this passage by the advice of Father Fronto. The printed editions had, "and

Editors' notes and page, col. 1461

Footnotes

(85) ‹anchor: not visible in the page-foot image› · call in col 1461 (call not seen; column inferred)

Lib. Praescr.

The book On the Prescription [of Heretics].

(printed under page 739)

(86) ‹anchor: not visible in the page-foot image› · call in col 1461 (call not seen; column inferred)

Lib. de haeres.

The book On Heresies.

(printed under page 739)

(87) ‹anchor: not visible in the page-foot image› · call in col 1461 (call not seen; column inferred)

Lib. I haeret. fabul.

Compendium of Heretical Fables, book 1.

(printed under page 739)

(88) ‹anchor: not visible in the page-foot image› · call in col 1461 (call not seen; column inferred)

Contra haeres. 35.

Against Heresies, 35.

(printed under page 739)

(89) ‹anchor: manifestum esse dicit› · call in col 1461

Lib. VII de Trinit., cap. 4 et 5.

On the Trinity, book 7, chapters 4 and 5.

(printed under page 739)

(90) ‹anchor: Deitatem vocat› · call in col 1461

De coel. hier. cap. 4, et De div. nomin. cap. 1 et 5.

On the Celestial Hierarchy, chapter 4, and On the Divine Names, chapters 1 and 5.

(printed under page 739)

(91) ‹anchor: dolet Tertull.› · call in col 1461

Lib. de anima.

The book On the Soul.

(printed under page 739)

(92) ‹anchor: Justinus martyr› · call in col 1461

Apolog. 2.

Apology 2.

(printed under page 739)

(93) ‹anchor: Putat vero Augustinus› · call in col 1461

Lib. II de Doct. Christ., cap. 11.

On Christian Doctrine, book 2, chapter 11.

(printed under page 739)

Page

running head: IN LIB. I S. IRENAEI.
marginal letters: A quamdam de coelis; B vocatos coetus; C οὐσίας ἐξηρημένην; D cinisse, » scripsit
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 10 (continued)

PG 7:1462

unaquaque ex his triginta litteris in semetipso habere alias litteras. »

each one of these thirty letters has in itself other letters."

Illud. Delevimus « illum : » et mox pro « dedisse, » reposuimus « dixisse, » auctoritate vet. cod. et Graecae lect.

Illud. We have deleted "illum:" and shortly after instead of "dedisse" we have restored "dixisse," on the authority of the ancient manuscript and of the Greek reading.

Pag. 69. Figura. Expunximus « factura. »

Page 69. Figura. We have expunged "factura."

Pag. 71. Habere. Erasmus, « habet : » et mox septem dictiones addidimus, auctoritate vet. cod. et lectionis Graecae.

Page 71. Habere. Erasmus has "habet:" and shortly after we have added seven words, on the authority of the ancient manuscript and of the Greek reading.

Quae est coena pura. Ita et lib. V, cap. 23, sextam diem, qua Dominus cruci confixus est, appellat coenam puram : cujus nominis meminerunt etiam Tertull. lib. V adv. Mar., cap. 4, Augustinus Tractatu 120, in Joan., et Beda in cap. XIX Joan. Sic autem eam diem appellant, quod juxta legis praescriptum puros vestimentis, cibis, corporibus et animis eos esse decebat, qui sacrum Pascha essent celebraturi. Unde et Judaeorum principes non intraverunt praetorium Pilati, ut non contaminarentur, ait evangelista, sed, puri videlicet, manducarent Pascha.

Quae est coena pura. So also in Book 5, chapter 23, he calls the sixth day, on which the Lord was fastened to the cross, the pure supper: of which name Tertullian also makes mention in Book 5 against Marcion, chapter 4, Augustine in Tractate 120 on John, and Bede on chapter 19 of John. Now they call that day thus because according to the ordinance of the law it befitted those who were about to celebrate the sacred Passover to be pure in garments, foods, bodies, and souls. Whence also the chief men of the Jews did not enter the praetorium of Pilate, that they might not be defiled, says the evangelist, but, being pure, namely, might eat the Passover.

Pag. 72. Virtutem. Ita vetus cod. Graece etiam δύναμιν legitur ; prius erat « virtutum. »

Page 72. Virtutem. So the ancient manuscript; in the Greek also δύναμιν is read; previously it was "virtutum."

Hinc etiam. Prius legebatur : « Hic etiam. »

Hinc etiam. Previously it was read: "Hic etiam."

Usus est. Codd. excusi, « visus est. »

Usus est. The printed editions have, "visus est."

Ait. Expunximus « ut. »

Ait. We have expunged "ut."

Imitationem. Delevimus « micationem. »

Imitationem. We have deleted "micationem."

Facta, reliqua vero. Ita vet. cod. et littera Graeca; delevimus « ab eo foetore aliqua. »

Facta, reliqua vero. So the ancient manuscript and the Greek text; we have deleted "ab eo foetore aliqua."

Exclamat. Expunximus « exdant, auctoritate vet. cod. et Graecae lectionis.

Exclamat. We have expunged "exdant," on the authority of the ancient manuscript and of the Greek reading.

Ex adnotationibus Joan. Ernesti Grabii in cap. 10.

From the annotations of Joannes Ernestus Grabe on Chapter 10.

P. 66. Ἀνούσιος. Id est « substantiae expers. » Si substantiam quatenus accidentibus substernitur, vel etiam limitibus coerceri potest, Deo haudquaquam quadrare senserint, tantum abest eos errasse, ut etiam suffragantes sibi Patres plurimos habeant. Augustinus lib. VII De Trinit., cap. 4 et 5, manifestum esse dicit, Deum abusive vocari substantiam. Dionysius lib. De coelest. hier., cap. 4, et lib. I De divinis nominibus, cap. 1 et 5, frequenter substantiam, sed ineffabilem, supersubtantialem, et omnibus substantiis supereminentem, Deitatem vocat. Damascenus lib. I cap. 8. Ταῖς ὅλαις οὐσίαις ἐπιβατεύουσαν καὶ πάσης οὐσίας ἐξηρημένην, id est, « universis substantiis supereminentem, et ab omni substantia exceptam. » FEUARD. Addo, quod Origenes lib. VI contra Celsum quaestionem illam movens, utrum Deus habeat οὐσίαν, scribit : Ἀλλ' οὐδὲ οὐσίας μετέχει ὁ Θεός· μετέχεται γὰρ μᾶλλον ἢ μετέχει. « Sed neque substantiae particeps est Deus : magis enim participatur, quam participat. » Post pauca subdit quaerendum, num sit Deus potius nominandus οὐσία οὐσιῶν, ἰδέα ἰδεῶν, « substantia substantiarum, et species specierum. » Similiter Arianorum effatum erat : « Deus efficit ut sit substantia, non tamen ut ipse Deus in substantia deputetur. Quippe cum omnis substantia contraria recipiat, Deus qui nihil diversum admittere potest, substantia dici non debet, » uti refert Gregorius Nazianzenus orat. 49 de Fide, et addit : « Ignoscerem tibi, si hoc simpliciter diceres, si rationem velles scire, si rudis ad hanc quaestionem accederes, si non ipse esses, qui semper de alia substantia, vel de nullis exstantibus Dei Filium assereres, » etc. Unde in sequentibus accurate disputat, probatque Deum recte substantiam dici, licet non talem, qualis in sublunaribus datur. Lege ipsum, et confer Casauboni Exercit. I ad Apparatum Annalium Baronii num. 10, post medium.

Page 66. Ἀνούσιος. That is, "devoid of substance." If they considered that substance, insofar as it underlies accidents or can even be confined by limits, by no means squares with God, so far are they from having erred that they even have very many Fathers supporting them. Augustine in Book 7 De Trinitate, chapters 4 and 5, says it is manifest that God is improperly called substance. Dionysius in the book De coelesti hierarchia, chapter 4, and Book 1 De divinis nominibus, chapters 1 and 5, frequently calls the Deity substance, yet ineffable, supersubstantial, and supereminent above all substances. Damascene, Book 1, chapter 8: Ταῖς ὅλαις οὐσίαις ἐπιβατεύουσαν καὶ πάσης οὐσίας ἐξηρημένην, that is, "supereminent over all substances, and exempted from every substance." FEUARDENT. I add that Origen, in Book 6 against Celsus, raising that question whether God has οὐσίαν, writes: Ἀλλ' οὐδὲ οὐσίας μετέχει ὁ Θεός· μετέχεται γὰρ μᾶλλον ἢ μετέχει. "But neither does God partake of substance: for He is rather partaken of than partakes." After a few words he adds that one must inquire whether God ought rather to be named οὐσία οὐσιῶν, ἰδέα ἰδεῶν, "the substance of substances, and the form of forms." Similarly there was a saying of the Arians: "God causes substance to be, yet not so that God Himself is reckoned in substance. Since indeed every substance admits of contraries, God, Who can admit nothing diverse, ought not to be called substance," as Gregory of Nazianzus reports in Oration 49 on Faith, and adds: "I would pardon you if you said this in simplicity, if you wished to know the reason, if you approached this question as an unlearned man, if you were not yourself the one who always asserted the Son of God to be of another substance, or from things non-existent," etc. Whence in what follows he disputes accurately, and proves that God is rightly called substance, although not such as is found in sublunary things. Read him yourself, and compare Casaubon's Exercitation 1 on the Apparatus to the Annals of Baronius, number 10, past the middle.

Μήτε ἄῤῥεν, μήτε θῆλυ. Ita et superius in fine capitis 5. Caeterum Casaubonus loco citato, allegatis hisce Irenaei verbis, haec sua subdit : « Huc

Μήτε ἄῤῥεν, μήτε θῆλυ. So also above at the end of chapter 5. For the rest, Casaubon in the place cited, having adduced these words of Irenaeus, subjoins these remarks of his own: "To this

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running head: IN LIB. I S. IRENAEI.
marginal letters: A unaquaque ex his; B ait evangelista,; C festum esse dicit,; D recipiat, Deus qui
old-edition numerals: 57 after si non ipse esses,
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Ex adnotationibus Joan. Ernesti Grabii in cap. 10

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pertinet, quod nonnulli veterum observant , quia nullus in Deo sexus, propterea Spiritum S. qui est tertia S. Trinitatis persona, Hebraice feminino genere dici, Latine masculino, Graece neutro : cujus observationis meminit et pseudo-Hieronymus de assumptione Mariae. »

pertains what some of the ancients observe, that because there is no sex in God, on that account the Holy Spirit, Who is the third Person of the Holy Trinity, is spoken of in the feminine gender in Hebrew, in the masculine in Latin, and in the neuter in Greek: of which observation pseudo-Jerome on the Assumption of Mary also makes mention."

Τὸ ἄῤῥητον γεννηθῆναι. Vetus legisse videtur, ἄῤῥητον ῥητὸν γενηθῆναι. Sed malo hoc loco Graeca sequi, quod γεννηθῆναι aptius quadret cum μορφωθῆναι, quod sequitur. BILL. Licet vero γεννηθῆναι retineatur, ῥητόν tamen omnino respuendum videtur, utpote quod incuria scribae ob easdem duas posteriores praecedentis vocis syllabas excidisse non dubito.

Τὸ ἄῤῥητον γεννηθῆναι. The ancient interpreter seems to have read ἄῤῥητον ῥητὸν γενηθῆναι. But I prefer to follow the Greek in this place, because γεννηθῆναι squares more aptly with μορφωθῆναι, which follows. BILLY. Yet even if γεννηθῆναι be retained, ῥητόν seems by no means to be rejected, inasmuch as I do not doubt that it dropped out through the carelessness of the scribe on account of the same two last syllables of the preceding word.

Ἡ συλλαβὴ αὐτοῦ στοιχείων τεσσάρων. His significatur « prima tetras » Aeonum, de qua cap. 1, § 1.

Ἡ συλλαβὴ αὐτοῦ στοιχείων τεσσάρων. By these words is signified the "first tetrad" of Aeons, on which see chapter 1, section 1.

Τὴν δευτέραν. Subintellige συλλαβήν, id est complexionem.

Τὴν δευτέραν. Understand συλλαβήν, that is, syllable or combination.

Καὶ αὐτὴ στοιχείων τεσσάρων. His « secunda » indigitatur « tetras, » de qua ibidem.

Καὶ αὐτὴ στοιχείων τεσσάρων. By these words is pointed out the "second tetrad," on which see the same place.

Δέκα. Intellige decem Aeones ex Logo et Zoe prognatos, qui loco citato enumerantur.

Δέκα. Understand the ten Aeons sprung from Logos and Zoe, which are enumerated in the place cited.

Τὴν μετὰ ταῦτα. Id est « quartam vocem. »

Τὴν μετὰ ταῦτα. That is, "the fourth utterance."

Δεκαδύο. Duodecim Aeones Anthropo et Ecclesia oriundos accipe.

Δεκαδύο. Take this of the twelve Aeons sprung from Anthropos and Ecclesia.

Τοῦ ὅλου ὀνόματος. Per ὄνομα intellige Pleroma Aeonum.

Τοῦ ὅλου ὀνόματος. By ὄνομα understand the Pleroma of the Aeons.

Τριάκοντα. Juxta numerum triginta Aeonum.

Τριάκοντα. According to the number of the thirty Aeons.

Τεσσάρων. Juxta quadripartitam divisionem in primam et secundam « quaternationem, » ut interpres appellare solet, « decada » et « duodecada. » Supra vero cap. 1, § 1, juncta utraque tetrade, tripartite divisum dicebatur triginta Aeonum Pleroma.

Τεσσάρων. According to the fourfold division into the first and second "quaternation," as the interpreter is accustomed to call it, the "decad" and the "duodecad." Above, however, in chapter 1, section 1, with both tetrads joined together, the Pleroma of thirty Aeons was said to be divided in three parts.

Pag. 67. Πολιορκεῖ. Γινώσκει lego cum veteri, non πολιορκεῖ, tametsi haec quoque lectio prorsus improbanda non sit. BILL. Petavius in margine Epiphanii, pag. 237, posuit ἐπιστάται. Sed infinitivum γινώσκειν, vel ἐπίστασθαι potius legendum esse, ex integro contextu patet.

Page 67. Πολιορκεῖ. I read Γινώσκει with the ancient interpreter, not πολιορκεῖ, although this reading too is not to be altogether rejected. BILLY. Petavius in the margin of Epiphanius, page 237, placed ἐπιστάται. But that the infinitive γινώσκειν or ἐπίστασθαι ought rather to be read is plain from the whole context.

Μονογλωσσήσαντος καταστῆσαι. Lego μονογλωσσήσαντα καταθῆναι cum veteri. BILL. Sed καταθῆναι prorsus rejiciendum, et si quid mutetur, καταστῆναι legendum.

Μονογλωσσήσαντος καταστῆσαι. I read μονογλωσσήσαντα καταθῆναι with the ancient interpreter. BILLY. But καταθῆναι is to be rejected altogether, and if anything is changed, καταστῆναι should be read.

Τότε δὲ καὶ τὴν ἀποκατάστασιν. Sententia Marci fuit, tunc demum perfectam ἀποκατάστασιν futuram, cum omnia, velut unum, uni supremo Deo subjecta fuerint, juxta I Cor. XV, 28.

Τότε δὲ καὶ τὴν ἀποκατάστασιν. The opinion of Marcus was that then at last the perfect ἀποκατάστασιν would take place, when all things, as one, shall have been subjected to the one supreme God, according to 1 Cor. 15:28.

Pag. 68. Ὡς στοιχείου τὸ ὕστερον γράμμα Lego cum veteri, τῶν στοιχείων τὸ τοῦ ἐσχάτου γράμμα. BILL. Mihi nihil aliud quam ὡς in οὗ mutandum videtur.

Page 68. Ὡς στοιχείου τὸ ὕστερον γράμμα. I read with the ancient interpreter, τῶν στοιχείων τὸ τοῦ ἐσχάτου γράμμα. BILLY. To me nothing else seems to need changing than ὡς into οὗ.

Οὗ ἦχος. Indigitat Enthymesin Sophiae, de qua vide cap. 1, § 7 ( cap. 2, n. 2, 3).

Οὗ ἦχος. He points out the Enthymesis of Sophia, on which see chapter 1, section 7 (chapter 2, nos. 2, 3).

Καὶ τῶν. Lego καὶ τά. BILL. Τὰ πρὸ τούτων vero sunt Demiurgus, septem coeli, aliaeque coelestes creaturae.

Καὶ τῶν. I read καὶ τά. BILLY. Now τὰ πρὸ τούτων are the Demiurge, the seven heavens, and the other heavenly creatures.

Τὸ μέν τοι γράμμα, etc. Haec et sequentia intellige de Sophia, trigesimo Aeone, et ut recte intelligas, lege supra cap. 1, § 2 et 3 ( cap. 2 ).

Τὸ μέν τοι γράμμα, etc. Understand these and the following words of Sophia, the thirtieth Aeon, and in order to understand them rightly, read above, chapter 1, sections 2 and 3 (chapter 2).

Τὸ ἦχος τῷ ἤχει. Hae quatuor parenthesi inclusae voces, quas merito vetus interpres non agnoscit, in textum irrepsisse videntur e margine, in quo quispiam citra necessitatem Irenaeum correcturus, pro ὁ ἦχος notavit legendum τὸ ἦχος, prout mox sequitur τῷ ἤχει. Et sane miror trigam doctorum virorum, Billium, inquam, Frontonem Ducaeum, atque Petavium itidem voluisse, ut τὸ ἦχος, indeque συνεπακολουθοῦν, pro συνεπακολουθῶν legeretur, cum tamen ἦχος masculini sit generis, et ab Irenaeo in hoc ipso capite ita saepius usurpetur, licet dativum, quasi a τὸ ἦχος formaverit.

Τὸ ἦχος τῷ ἤχει. These four words enclosed in parentheses, which the ancient interpreter rightly does not acknowledge, seem to have crept into the text from the margin, in which someone, intending to correct Irenaeus without necessity, noted that instead of ὁ ἦχος one should read τὸ ἦχος, just as τῷ ἤχει shortly follows. And indeed I wonder that a triad of learned men, Billy, I mean, Fronto Ducaeus, and Petavius likewise wished that τὸ ἦχος, and thence συνεπακολουθοῦν instead of συνεπακολουθῶν, should be read, even though ἦχος is of the masculine gender, and is quite often so used by Irenaeus in this very chapter, although he formed the dative as if from τὸ ἦχος.

Τῷ ἤχει καὶ τό. Pro καὶ τό legendum esse κάτω, sequente commate vetus interpretatio docet, et mox sequentia verba : μεμενηκέναι δὲ εἰς κάτω τὸν ἦχον.

Τῷ ἤχει καὶ τό. That instead of καὶ τό one must read κάτω, with a comma following, is taught by the ancient translation, and by the words that shortly follow: μεμενηκέναι δὲ εἰς κάτω τὸν ἦχον.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1463

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running head: VARIORUM NOTAE
marginal letters: A pertinet, quod nonnulli; B Καὶ αὐτὴ στοιχείων; C Epiphanii, pag. 237,; D creaturae.
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Ex adnotationibus Joan. Ernesti Grabii in cap. 10 (continued)

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Τὸ δὲ στοιχεῖον, etc. Pleroma triginta Aeonum significat.

Τὸ δὲ στοιχεῖον, etc. It signifies the Pleroma of thirty Aeons.

Pag. 69. Κεφαλὴν ἄνω, τὸ ἄλφα. Interpres legisse videtur, Κεφαλὴν αὐτοῦ ἄνω, πρῶτον ἄλφα. Alpha enim prima est littera.

Page 69. Κεφαλὴν ἄνω, τὸ ἄλφα. The interpreter seems to have read, Κεφαλὴν αὐτοῦ ἄνω, πρῶτον ἄλφα. For Alpha is the first letter.

Pag. 70. Τῶν τῆς κλήσεως. Ita catholicos appellabant haeretici, semetipsos σπέρματα ἐκλογῆς semina electionis vocantes. Confer. Spicil. Patrum et haereticorum saeculi II, tom. I, pag. 91, ubi Heracleonis hanc in rem verba habes.

Page 70. Τῶν τῆς κλήσεως. Thus the heretics called the Catholics, calling themselves σπέρματα ἐκλογῆς, "seeds of election." Compare Spicilegium Patrum et haereticorum saeculi II, Volume 1, page 91, where you have the words of Heracleon on this matter.

Pag. 71. Ἅ ἐστιν ἕξ. Tria στοιχεῖα, sive tres Aeones, Pater, Anthropos et Logos, dicuntur sex, propter tres conjuges, Alethian, Ecclesiam et Zoen ipsis intime unitas.

Page 71. Ἅ ἐστιν ἕξ. The three στοιχεῖα, or three Aeons, Pater, Anthropos, and Logos, are called six on account of the three consorts, Alethia, Ecclesia, and Zoe, intimately united with them.

Τὸν αὐτὸν αὐτοῖς ἀριθμόν. Intellige numerum vigesimum quartum.

Τὸν αὐτὸν αὐτοῖς ἀριθμόν. Understand the number twenty-four.

Διπλᾶ γράμματα. Duplices litterae duos in conjugatione junctos Aeones Marco significabant.

Διπλᾶ γράμματα. Double letters signified for Marcus two Aeons joined in a syzygy.

Ἐκεῖνον τὸν μετὰ τὰς ἓξ ἡμέρας. Respicit historiam transfigurationis Jesu in monte Thabor, in quem ipse cum tribus apostolis, Petro, Jacobo et Joanne post sex dies ascendisse narratur Matth. XVII, 1, et Marc. IX, 2, numero illorum mox aucto, dum Moyses et Elias ibidem apparuerunt, adeo ut tunc sex numero essent.

Ἐκεῖνον τὸν μετὰ τὰς ἓξ ἡμέρας. This refers to the history of the transfiguration of Jesus on Mount Tabor, onto which He Himself with three apostles, Peter, James, and John, is related to have ascended after six days in Matt. 17:1 and Mark 9:2, their number being presently increased when Moses and Elijah appeared in the same place, so that they were then six in number.

Τὸν κρατηθέντα καὶ καταβάντα. Τὸν καταβάντα καὶ κρατηθέντα inverso ordine legi vult Billius, veteris interpretis auctoritate ductus. Sed melior mihi videtur Epiphanii lectio ; quippe detentus est aliquantum in monte, priusquam descenderet, partim colloquio cum Moyse et Elia, partim a Petro dicente v. 4 : « Domine, bonum est nos hic esse, » etc. Imo totam noctem ibi egisse, mox probabo.

Τὸν κρατηθέντα καὶ καταβάντα. Billy wishes Τὸν καταβάντα καὶ κρατηθέντα to be read in the reverse order, led by the authority of the ancient interpreter. But the reading of Epiphanius seems better to me; inasmuch as He was detained for some time on the mountain before He descended, partly by the conversation with Moses and Elijah, partly by Peter saying in verse 4: "Lord, it is good for us to be here," etc. Nay, that He spent the whole night there, I shall presently prove.

Ἐν τῇ ἑβδομάδι. Ad septimum diem alludere, quo Christus in sepulcro jacuit, et apud inferos mansit, notavit Petav. ad Epiphan., pag. 72. Et septima quidem dies per hebdomadam videtur intelligenda. Nam uti Sabbatum Judaeorum Graecis dicebatur ἑβδομάς, teste Theophilo Antioch. lib. II ad Autol., pag. 94 ; ita et quamlibet septimam diem ἑβδομάδα vocare nihil prohibet. Non tamen septimam diem, qua Servator in sepulcro jacuit, hic accipio, quia de transfiguratione Domini agitur, de passione autem vel sepultura altum silentium ; sed istam, qua de monte Thabor post transfigurationem descendit. Dices : Unde constat, Christum septima demum die descendisse, non ipsa sexta, qua ascendit? Illud vero patet ex Evangelio S. Lucae, qui historiam transfigurationis Domini narrans cap. IX, 28, scribit : « Ascendit in montem, ut oraret. Et ut idem evangelista cap. XXI, 37, refert : « Erat diebus docens in templo, noctibus vero exiens morabatur in monte, qui vocabatur Oliveti. » Confer cap. VI, v. 12. Et ad has igitur preces in monte Thabor nocturno tempore procul dubio accessit, ut porro evincit somnus discipulorum, de quo iterum Lucas v. 32 : « Petrus vero et qui cum illo erant, gravati erant somno, et evigilantes viderunt majestatem ejus, » etc. Evigilantes igitur demum, viderunt gloriam Christi, et postquam aliqua cum eo verba miscuerunt, nube eos obumbrante, vocem de coelo loquentem audiverunt, etc. Quae et alia aperte docent, non ante mane septimae diei Christum de monte descendisse. Videtur autem Marcus septimam istam diem mystice explicasse, sive de Demiurgo, quem « Hebdomadem » appellatum fuisse ex pag. 25, lin 19 (p. 24, l. 41) constat; vel de « septem coelis, » infra quos Jesus descendit, cum tamen ipse esset « ogdoas. »

Ἐν τῇ ἑβδομάδι. Petavius on Epiphanius, page 72, noted that this alludes to the seventh day, on which Christ lay in the sepulchre and remained in the lower world. And indeed the seventh day seems to be understood by "hebdomad." For just as the Sabbath of the Jews was called ἑβδομάς by the Greeks, as Theophilus of Antioch testifies in Book 2 to Autolycus, page 94; so nothing prevents calling any seventh day ἑβδομάδα. Yet I do not here take it of the seventh day on which the Saviour lay in the sepulchre, because the subject is the transfiguration of the Lord, whereas concerning the passion or burial there is deep silence; but of that day on which He descended from Mount Tabor after the transfiguration. You will say: Whence is it established that Christ descended only on the seventh day, and not on the sixth day itself on which He ascended? Now that is plain from the Gospel of St. Luke, who in relating the history of the Lord's transfiguration in chapter 9:28 writes: "He ascended into the mountain to pray." And as the same evangelist relates in chapter 21:37: "In the daytime He was teaching in the temple, and at night going out He abode in the mount that was called Olivet." Compare chapter 6, verse 12. And to these prayers on Mount Tabor, therefore, He doubtless went at night-time, as the sleep of the disciples further proves, of which Luke again says in verse 32: "But Peter and they that were with him were heavy with sleep, and waking up they saw His majesty," etc. Waking up, therefore, at last, they saw the glory of Christ, and after they had exchanged some words with Him, a cloud overshadowing them, they heard a voice speaking from heaven, etc. Which things and others openly teach that Christ did not descend from the mountain before the morning of the seventh day. Now Marcus seems to have explained that seventh day mystically, either of the Demiurge, who is established from page 25, line 19 (page 24, line 41) to have been called the "Hebdomad"; or of the "seven heavens," beneath which Jesus descended, although He Himself was the "Ogdoad."

Ἐπίσημον ὀγδοάδα ὑπάρχοντα, etc. Jesus « Ogdoas insignis, » id est, prima et principalis, qua longe inferior est mater Achamoth, « Ogdoas secunda, » uti pag. 25, lin. 20 (pag. 24, l. 45), cognominatur, a Marco dicebatur, quia omnem virtutem octo primorum Aeonum in se continere putabatur, imo non solum horum, sed et omnium triginta Aeonum, seu universi Pleromatis, ut cap. 1, § 4,

Ἐπίσημον ὀγδοάδα ὑπάρχοντα, etc. Jesus was called by Marcus the "eminent Ogdoad," that is, the first and principal one, far inferior to which is the mother Achamoth, surnamed the "second Ogdoad," as on page 25, line 20 (page 24, line 45), because He was thought to contain in Himself all the power of the first eight Aeons, nay, not only of these, but also of all the thirty Aeons, or of the entire Pleroma, as in chapter 1, section 4,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1464

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running head: VARIORUM NOTAE
marginal letters: A Τὸ δὲ στοιχεῖον,; B storiam transfigurationis; C dicebatur ἑβδομάς,; D qui cum illo erant,
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Ex adnotationibus Joan. Ernesti Grabii in cap. 10 (continued)

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pag. 14, lin. 15 seqq. (cap. 2, n. 6), docebant haeretici. Unde et hoc loco mox sequitur : Καὶ ἔχοντα ἐν ἑαυτῷ τὸν ἅπαντα τῶν στοιχείων ἀριθμόν. Ubi per στοιχεῖα Aeonas designari ex superioribus constat.

page 14, line 15 et seqq. (chapter 2, no. 6), the heretics taught. Whence also in this place there presently follows: Καὶ ἔχοντα ἐν ἑαυτῷ τὸν ἅπαντα τῶν στοιχείων ἀριθμόν. Where that the Aeons are designated by στοιχεῖα is established from what precedes.

Ω καὶ α. Quod Apocalypseos cap. I, 18, de vero Servatore Jesu legitur, id ipsi fictitio suo Salvatori, quem dicebant sub specie columbae in Jesum descendisse, attribuebant.

Ω καὶ α. What is read in Apocalypse chapter 1:18 concerning the true Saviour Jesus, they attributed to their own fictitious Saviour, whom they said had descended into Jesus under the appearance of a dove.

Καὶ τὴν οἰκονομίαν... πεφηνέναι. Κατὰ τὴν οἰκονομίαν legere amabat Billius, ob verbum πεφηνέναι, quod in activa significatione nunquam in ullo auctore se legisse meminerat. Verum φαίνειν active sumi pro « in lucem edere, » vel « proferre, » probat Fronto-Ducaeus, auctoritate Philonis Judaei, apud quem legitur τὴν εὐσέβειαν ἀπέφηνε. Sed et ipsa Lexica hoc docent. Praebuit autem oeconomia Servatori « corpus, » de quo supra p. 29, lin. 16 (pag. 28, l. ult.), ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς οἰκονομίας περιτεθεῖσθαι σῶμα, ψυχικὴν ἔχον οὐσίαν, « a dispositione autem circumdatum corpus, animalem habens substantiam. »

Καὶ τὴν οἰκονομίαν... πεφηνέναι. Billy liked to read Κατὰ τὴν οἰκονομίαν, on account of the verb πεφηνέναι, which he remembered never having read in any author in an active signification. But that φαίνειν is taken actively for "to bring to light" or "to put forth," Fronto Ducaeus proves by the authority of Philo Judaeus, in whom is read τὴν εὐσέβειαν ἀπέφηνε. Moreover, the Lexicons themselves teach this. Now the dispensation furnished to the Saviour a "body," on which see above, page 29, line 16 (page 28, last line), ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς οἰκονομίας περιτεθεῖσθαι σῶμα, ψυχικὴν ἔχον οὐσίαν, "and from the dispensation a body was put around Him, having an animal substance."

Διπλᾶ γράμματα τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἐπίσημον, etc. Quaenam tres illae duplices litterae? Nisi fallor, tria sunt ἐπίσημα, βαῦ, σαμπῖ et κόππα, de quibus vide Scaligeri Animadversiones ad Euseb. pag. 112, 115 et 116.

Διπλᾶ γράμματα τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἐπίσημον, etc. Which are those three double letters? Unless I am mistaken, they are the three ἐπίσημα, vau, sampi, and koppa, on which see Scaliger's Animadversiones on Eusebius, pages 112, 115, and 116.

Κέχρηται δὲ διακόνῳ τῷ τῶν ἑπτὰ ἀριθμῶν μεγέθει. Usus scilicet dicebatur ab haereticis Jesus septem principalium angelorum ministerio, sicut septem Spiritus ministri tribuuntur vero Jesu Christo, Agno Dei, Apocal. V, 6.

Κέχρηται δὲ διακόνῳ τῷ τῶν ἑπτὰ ἀριθμῶν μεγέθει. Namely, Jesus was said by the heretics to have used the ministry of the seven principal angels, just as seven ministering Spirits are attributed to the true Jesus Christ, the Lamb of God, Apoc. 5:6.

Ἑπτὰ δυνάμεων, καὶ μίμησιν τῆς ἑβδομάδος δυνάμεως. Loco καὶ auctoritate veteris interpretis repono κατά; et per « septem virtutes » septem coelos (de quibus vide pag. 25, lin. 22 (pag. 24, l. 29) et notas ad tom. I Spicil. Patrum saeculi II (pag. 224), intelligo, ut mox sequentia declarant, quaeque habentur initio capitis 14 (17). Per « hebdomadem virtutem » autem septem principales angelos designari suspicor. Caeterum de voce δυνάμεων tam coelos, quam angelos denotante, legantur Clementis Alexandrini Eclogae ἐκ τῶν προφητικῶν § 1, quae Graece post alia ejus opera, una vero cum Latina versione tom. I Auctarii novissimi Bibliothecae Patrum a Combefisio editi, exstant. Confer § 52, ubi nomine « coelorum » quoque non solum superos orbes, sed et angelorum operationes significari docetur; et § 58, ubi δυνάμεις dicuntur esse πρωτόκτιστοι ἄγγελοι, « primae conditionis angeli. »

Ἑπτὰ δυνάμεων, καὶ μίμησιν τῆς ἑβδομάδος δυνάμεως. In place of καὶ, on the authority of the ancient interpreter, I restore κατά; and by the "seven powers" I understand the seven heavens (on which see page 25, line 22 (page 24, line 29) and the notes to Volume 1 of the Spicilegium Patrum saeculi II, page 224), as the words that shortly follow declare, and those that are found at the beginning of chapter 14 (17). By the "hebdomad power," however, I suspect that the seven principal angels are designated. For the rest, on the word δυνάμεων denoting both the heavens and the angels, let the Eclogae ἐκ τῶν προφητικῶν of Clement of Alexandria, section 1, be read, which are extant in Greek after his other works, and together with a Latin version in Volume 1 of the Auctarium novissimum Bibliothecae Patrum edited by Combefis. Compare section 52, where it is taught that by the name of "heavens" also not only the upper spheres, but also the operations of the angels are signified; and section 58, where the δυνάμεις are said to be πρωτόκτιστοι ἄγγελοι, "angels of the first creation."

Scholia Billii in cap. 11.

Scholia of Billy on Chapter 11.

Pag. 73. Coeli enarrant. In Graec. delendum τῶν οὐρανῶν.

Page 73. Coeli enarrant. In the Greek τῶν οὐρανῶν is to be deleted.

Recreandi sui causa. Εἰς διυλισμόν Vetus « ad revelationem : » διυλισμός proprie « percolationem » significat.

Recreandi sui causa. Εἰς διυλισμόν. The ancient interpreter has "unto revelation": διυλισμός properly signifies "straining through" or "percolation."

Membris constat. Post δωδεκαμελοῦς, pone ὄντος ex vet. et post γραμμάτων, ἑκάστου.

Membris constat. After δωδεκαμελοῦς, place ὄντος from the ancient interpreter, and after γραμμάτων, ἑκάστου.

Elocuta est. Sic lego in Graeco cum vet. ἣν προσωμίλησε μὴ προσομιλήσασα.

Elocuta est. Thus I read in the Greek with the ancient interpreter, ἣν προσωμίλησε μὴ προσομιλήσασα.

Resolutione. Ἀναλύσεως, lego cum vet.

Resolutione. I read Ἀναλύσεως with the ancient interpreter.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 11.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardent on Chapter 11.

Pag. 73. Ostensionem autem. Quanta caecitate et stoliditate laborarent praestigiatores, vel inde apparet, quod a vagitu et ejulatu recens editorum parvulorum, suorum placitorum demonstrationes peterent, et gloriolam sibi venarentur. At longe aliud lacrymas illas portendere monet Tertull. : « Vitam nempe vagitu salutant, et de prospectu lacrymabilis vitae, augurem incommodorum vocem illam flebilem quidam interpretantur, » ait ; Platonem, ut opinor, in Axiocho, si Platonis est, Lucretium, aut fortasse Plinium subindicans. Is enim naturam potius novercae crudelioris nomine, quam melioris

Page 73. Ostensionem autem. Under what great blindness and stupidity the impostors laboured appears even from this, that from the crying and wailing of newly born infants they sought demonstrations of their own doctrines, and hunted after a paltry glory for themselves. But Tertullian warns that those tears portend something far different: "For they greet life with crying, and from the prospect of a tearful life some interpret that mournful voice as an augur of troubles," says he; covertly indicating Plato, as I suppose, in the Axiochus, if it is Plato's, Lucretius, or perhaps Pliny. For he considers that nature ought rather to be called by the name of a cruel stepmother than of a kinder

Editors' notes and page, col. 1465

Footnotes

(94) ‹anchor: monet Tertull.› · call in col 1465

Lib. de anima.

The book On the Soul.

(printed under page 741)

(95) ‹anchor: fortasse Plinium› · call in col 1465

Lib. VII nat. Hist.

Natural History, book 7.

(printed under page 741)

Page

running head: IN LIB. I S. IRENAEI.
marginal letters: A pag. 14, lin. 15; B circumdatum corpus,; C Per « hebdomadem; D ex vet. et post
old-edition numerals: 58 before Ἑπτὰ δυνάμεων,
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Scholia Billii in cap. 11, Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 11

PG 7:1466

parentis appellandam censet, quod hominem tantum nudum, et in nuda humo, natali die abjicit ad vagitus statim et ploratum, ut vitam a suppliciis auspicetur. Alia ratio vagitus puerorum atque hic recitata est, etiam afferri potest, quam ex verbis Martialis Campani medici Burdegalensis, latronum vinculis et caede divinitus liberati, libenter subjungam. Vagitus puerorum, inquit, convenienter naturae prodeuntium in lucem, ex utero matrum, magno conatu impetuque facultatis expultricis, ea causa dari potest : quoniam in eo diu inclusi, novam tandem et repentinam loci mutationem facere coguntur. Exclusi expulsique foras, post, qualecunque fuerit, aeris temperamentum, ratione reliquorum diverse semper affecti, confestim excipiunt, simul et induunt. Quo fit, prout corpora, et ambientis temperies ea circumdantis exstiterint, vagitus vel edantur frequentes, vel nulli aut rari fiant. Exoriuntur in summa, propter loci tepidi, et plerumque temperati exitum, et propter aeris ambitum, intemperie sua cutim puerorum ex tempore vellicantem, et acriter mordentem, atque sic vim prorsus alienam calori nativo insinuantem. Natura puerorum jam enatorum rei novitate perterrita, injuriam quamvis etiam per se aegre ferens queritur; et modo gemitus, modo lacrymas, modo utrumque statim exprimit; at contra, cum nihil mali experitur, tunc quiescit, nec vagit laeta sua sorte.

parent, because she casts man alone naked, and upon the bare ground, on his birthday, straightway to crying and weeping, so that he begins life from punishments. Another reason for the crying of children than that recited here can also be adduced, which I shall gladly subjoin from the words of Martialis Campanus, a physician of Bordeaux, divinely delivered from the bonds and slaughter of brigands. The crying of children, says he, coming forth into the light conformably to nature out of their mothers' womb, with great effort and impulse of the expulsive faculty, can be given for this reason: because having been long enclosed therein, they are compelled at last to make a new and sudden change of place. Shut out and driven forth outside, they immediately receive and at the same time put on whatever temperature of the air there may be afterwards, being always differently affected in comparison with other things. Whereby it comes to pass that, according as their bodies and the temperature of the ambient air surrounding them turn out to be, cries are eitheruttered frequently, or become none at all or rare. In sum, they arise on account of leaving a warm and generally temperate place, and on account of the surrounding air, pinching the skin of the children on the spot by its inclemency, and biting it sharply, and thus insinuating a force altogether foreign to their native heat. The nature of the newly born children, terrified by the novelty of the thing, and bearing any injury hard even by itself, complains; and immediately forces out now groans, now tears, now both; whereas on the contrary, when it experiences nothing bad, then it rests quiet, and does not cry, being glad of its lot.

Ex Joan. Ern. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 11.

From the annotations of Joannes Ernestus Grabe on Chapter 11.

Pag. 73. Εἰς διυλισμόν. In omnibus editt. hae duae voces cum sequenti verbo ἐπιφανεῖ junctae repraesentantur, et διυλισμός proprie « percolationem » significans, metaphorice de « revelatione » seu « recreatione » animi post afflictiones a veteri cunctisque recentioribus interpretibus accipitur. Sed cum praecedentibus haec mihi videntur construenda, ita ut anima aerumnis vexata dicatur εἰς διυλισμόν, « ut percolando quasi defaecatior fieret, » id est, ut a vitiis, ex ὕλῃ juxta haereticorum placita ortis, animaeque adhaerentibus, per afflictiones liberaretur.

Page 73. Εἰς διυλισμόν. In all editions these two words are presented joined with the following verb ἐπιφανεῖ, and διυλισμός, properly signifying "percolation," is taken metaphorically of the "revelation" or "refreshment" of the soul after afflictions by the ancient and all more recent interpreters. But to me these words seem to be construed with what precedes, so that the soul harassed by hardships is said to be so εἰς διυλισμόν, "that by straining it might become, as it were, more purified from dregs," that is, that through afflictions it might be freed from vices sprung from ὕλῃ, according to the doctrines of the heretics, and clinging to the soul.

Ἡ ἄνω ψυχή. Superna scilicet animae idea, qualem Marcus cum Platone statuisse videtur.

Ἡ ἄνω ψυχή. Namely, the supernal idea of the soul, such as Marcus seems to have posited along with Plato.

Ex adnotationibus Nicolai Gallasii in cap. 12.

From the annotations of Nicolaus Gallasius on Chapter 12.

Pag. 78. Heri et ante. Χθὲς, καὶ πρώην, id est, heri et nudiustertius. De hujus proverbii significatione et usu, vide Chiliadas Erasmi. Ex hoc autem loco videmus usitatum Graecis fuisse, cum de rebus nuper actis et admodum recentibus loquerentur. Nuper autem acta intelligit Irenaeus, quorum auctores et inventores designari possunt. Quamvis ergo vetustissima sit litterarum inventio, quod ad homines attinet, tamen recentissima est, si aeternitatem ac res divinas spectemus. Ineptissimum ergo et absurdissimum est a rebus inter homines repertis, quarum tempus et auctor notari potest, tametsi dona a Deo profecta sint, quasi aeternae essent, testimonium adducere.

Page 78. Heri et ante. Χθὲς, καὶ πρώην, that is, yesterday and the day before yesterday. On the meaning and use of this proverb, see the Chiliades of Erasmus. Now from this passage we see that it was customary with the Greeks when they spoke of things lately done and very recent. And Irenaeus understands things lately done, whose authors and inventors can be pointed out. Therefore, although the invention of letters is very ancient so far as pertains to men, yet it is very recent if we look to eternity and divine things. It is therefore most foolish and most absurd to adduce testimony from things discovered among men, whose time and author can be noted, even though they be gifts proceeding from God, as though they were eternal.

Scholia Billii in cap. 12.

Scholia of Billy on Chapter 12.

Pag. 74. Unitutem simul exsistere. Ἑνότητα legendum.

Page 74. Unitutem simul exsistere. One must read Ἑνότητα.

Σιγὴ quinque. Atqui haec vox quatuor tantum litteris constat. Sed furiosus Marcus, ut in reliquis aliis, sic in subducendis numeris de veritate parum laborat.

Σιγὴ quinque. Yet this word consists of four letters only. But the raving Marcus, as in other matters, so in reckoning up numbers troubles himself little about the truth.

Πατήρ totidem. Addo in Graeco πέντε, ex vet.

Πατήρ totidem. I add πέντε in the Greek, from the ancient interpreter.

Nomen id quod in sermonem cadit. Hoc loco in Graeco pro ὀκτὼ καὶ δέκα legendum Ἰησοῦς cum vet. et pro τόν, τό.

Nomen id quod in sermonem cadit. In this place in the Greek, instead of ὀκτὼ καὶ δέκα, one must read Ἰησοῦς with the ancient interpreter, and instead of τόν, τό.

Eodem modo Christus. Hic quoque in Graeco pro Υἱὸς Χριστὸς γραμμάτων δώδεκα, lego cum vet. καὶ Χριστὸς γραμμάτων ἕπτα.

Eodem modo Christus. Here too in the Greek, instead of Υἱὸς Χριστὸς γραμμάτων δώδεκα, I read with the ancient interpreter καὶ Χριστὸς γραμμάτων ἕπτα.

Pag. 75. Haec avis. Ne hic quidem video quo pacto vox περιστερά (quae columbam significat) numero his litteris α et ω respondeat.

Page 75. Haec avis. Not even here do I see how the word περιστερά (which signifies a dove) corresponds in number to these letters α and ω.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1466

Page

running head: IN LIB. I S. IRENAEI.
marginal letters: A parentis appellandam; B plerumque temperati; C id est, ut a vitiis,; D essent, testimonium
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Ex Joan. Ern. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 11, Ex adnotationibus Nicolai Gallasii in cap. 12, Scholia Billii in cap. 12

PG 7:1467

Filiae instar. Ἐν θυγατρὸς τρόπῳ, « filiae in modum. » Vetus interp. legisse videtur τόπῳ, non τρόπῳ, sed male.

Filiae instar. Ἐν θυγατρὸς τρόπῳ, "after the manner of a daughter." The ancient interpreter seems to have read τόπῳ, not τρόπῳ, but wrongly.

Octo et octoginta emergunt. Delendum in Graec. καὶ ω, et pro δεκαοκτώ, reponendum Ἰησοῦς ex vet. interpr. Lin. seq. pro Ἰησοῦ legendum Ἰησοῦς, et delendum ω, et pro ἔχει substituendum ἔχεις.

Octo et octoginta emergunt. In the Greek καὶ ω is to be deleted, and instead of δεκαοκτώ, Ἰησοῦς is to be restored from the ancient interpreter. In the following line instead of Ἰησοῦ one must read Ἰησοῦς, and delete ω, and instead of ἔχει substitute ἔχεις.

Si litterarum numerum. Ne hic quidem numeri ratio constat, nec multis aliis in locis.

Si litterarum numerum. Not even here does the reckoning of the number hold good, nor in many other places.

Supercoelestis. Ὑπερουράνιον malo, ut est in Graeco, quam ὑπερουρανίου, ut vetus interp. Verum ibidem pro η καὶ τοῦ σ, legendum ex vet. τοῦ Ἰησοῦ.

Supercoelestis. I prefer Ὑπερουράνιον, as it is in the Greek, rather than ὑπερουρανίου, as the ancient interpreter has it. However, in the same place instead of η καὶ τοῦ σ, one must read τοῦ Ἰησοῦ from the ancient interpreter.

Octingentorum octoginta. Hic in Graec. dele ἔπειτα ex vet.

Octingentorum octoginta. Here in the Greek delete ἔπειτα from the ancient interpreter.

Pag. 76. Hoc est Jesum. In Graec. pro τὸ ε ι η, repone ex veteri, τὸν Ἰησοῦν. Lin. seq. pro τοῦ, lege τοῦτο.

Page 76. Hoc est Jesum. In the Greek instead of τὸ ε ι η, restore from the ancient interpreter τὸν Ἰησοῦν. In the following line instead of τοῦ, read τοῦτο.

Juxta numeri progressionem. Πρόβασιν lego cum vet., non πρόσβασιν. Lin. seq. post τρεῖς, addo καὶ τέσσαρες in Graec. ex vet. Hoc enim perspicue sensus postulat.

Juxta numeri progressionem. I read Πρόβασιν with the ancient interpreter, not πρόσβασιν. In the following line after τρεῖς, I add καὶ τέσσαρες in the Greek from the ancient interpreter. For the sense plainly demands this.

Quod est iota. Addo in Graec. ὅ ἐσνιν ex vet.

Quod est iota. I add in the Greek ὅ ἐσνιν from the ancient interpreter.

Octogenarium. In Graeco corrupte legitur τὸν Ἰησοῦν. Vetus translatio habet LXXXVIII numerum, sed mendum hic esse censeo. Neque enim ex octonario et denario inter se ductis hic numerus emergit.

Octogenarium. In the Greek τὸν Ἰησοῦν is corruptly read. The ancient translation has the number 88, but I consider that there is a fault here. For this number does not emerge from the eight and the ten multiplied together.

Filiis appareret. In vet. inter. corrupte legitur filius pro filiis. Graec. τοῖς υἱοῖς.

Filiis appareret. In the ancient interpreter "filius" is corruptly read instead of "filiis." The Greek is τοῖς υἱοῖς.

Sex et viginti quatuor. Αὐτά vetus interp. non agnoscit.

Sex et viginti quatuor. The ancient interpreter does not acknowledge Αὐτά.

Ducis munus. Pro ὁδοῦ, ὁδηγοῦ lego cum veteri.

Ducis munus. Instead of ὁδοῦ, I read ὁδηγοῦ with the ancient interpreter.

Electum eum. Vetus interp. λεχθῆναι legit, non ἐκλεχθῆναι.

Electum eum. The ancient interpreter reads λεχθῆναι, not ἐκλεχθῆναι.

Pag. 77. Altissimi virtutem. In Graeco non υἱοῦ, sed ὑψίστου lego cum vet.

Page 77. Altissimi virtutem. In the Greek I read not υἱοῦ, but ὑψίστου with the ancient interpreter.

Per os Jesu. Addo in Graeco στόματος ex vet.

Per os Jesu. I add στόματος in the Greek from the ancient interpreter.

Proinde Jesum. In Graec. haec inversa sunt. Nam pro οὖν τόν, legendum τὸν οὖν.

Proinde Jesum. In the Greek these words are inverted. For instead of οὖν τόν, one must read τὸν οὖν.

Pag. 78. Hunc porro cum excepisset. Pro τόν, lego ὅν, cum vet. et vers. seq. deleo δέ.

Page 78. Hunc porro cum excepisset. Instead of τόν, I read ὅν with the ancient interpreter, and in the following line I delete δέ.

Et Iu et Heu. In Graeco pro Ἰησοῦ lego ἰού cum vet. interp. Est autem ἰού apud Graecos interjectio dolentis. Lin. seq. pro φώνησιν, ἐκφώνησιν lubens legerim.

Et Iu et Heu. In the Greek instead of Ἰησοῦ I read ἰού with the ancient interpreter. Now ἰού among the Greeks is an interjection of one grieving. In the following line instead of φώνησιν, I would gladly read ἐκφώνησιν.

Cum jam a principio. Sensus rationem potius habui, quam verborum. Hic enim nec Graeca mihi satisfaciunt, nec vetus translatio.

Cum jam a principio. I have had regard for the sense rather than the words. For here neither the Greek satisfies me, nor the ancient translation.

Longas adjecisse. Μακρά lego cum vet. non μικρά. Et lin. seq. post οὖν, addo παρ'.

Longas adjecisse. I read Μακρά with the ancient interpreter, not μικρά. And in the following line after οὖν, I add παρ'.

Tu enim solus. Pro μόνον vet. legit μόνος εἶς.

Tu enim solus. Instead of μόνον the ancient interpreter reads μόνος εἶς.

Pag. 79. Os aperuisse. Αὐτόν legendum, non αὐτό cum vet.

Page 79. Os aperuisse. One must read Αὐτόν, not αὐτό, with the ancient interpreter.

Patremque qui omnia capit. In Graeco pro αὐτὸν γεγονότα πάντα, legendum existimo καὶ αὐτὸν τόν.

Patremque qui omnia capit. In the Greek instead of αὐτὸν γεγονότα πάντα, I think one should read καὶ αὐτὸν τόν.

Exponentem. Ἐκδιηγουμένου lego, non ἐνδιηγούμενον.

Exponentem. I read Ἐκδιηγουμένου, not ἐνδιηγούμενον.

Ipsiusque cogitationi. Pro τοῦ υἱοῦ, legendum τούτου, ita postulante sensu. Ac sic etiam legit vet. interp. Ead. lin. lege ἐπιψευδόμενος.

Ipsiusque cogitationi. Instead of τοῦ υἱοῦ, one must read τούτου, the sense so demanding. And thus the ancient interpreter also reads. In the same line read ἐπιψευδόμενος.

Pag. 80. Marce idolorum architecte. Haec metrica forma exprimuntur, etiamsi pedum ratio non habeatur.

Page 80. Marce idolorum architecte. These words are expressed in metrical form, even though the rule of the feet is not observed.

Apostaticae. Ἀποστατικῆς lego cum vet., non ἀποστολικῆς. Ead. lin. pro χωρηγεῖς ὡς, lego cum vet. χωρηγεῖ σός. Ibidem deleo hanc particulam εἰ : et lin. seq. ἐγχειρήματα, idque astipulante vet. et pro ἀντὶ Θεοῦ, unico vocabulo repono ἀντιθέου.

Apostaticae. I read Ἀποστατικῆς with the ancient interpreter, not ἀποστολικῆς. In the same line instead of χωρηγεῖς ὡς, I read with the ancient interpreter χωρηγεῖ σός. In the same place I delete this particle εἰ: and in the following line I read ἐγχειρήματα, and that with the agreement of the ancient interpreter; and instead of ἀντὶ Θεοῦ, I restore in a single word ἀντιθέου.

Notae ex adversariis Frontonis Ducaei in cap. 12.

Notes from the notebooks of Fronto Ducaeus on Chapter 12.

Pag. 74. Σιγὴ quinque. Rationem numeri non constare vidit Billius, nisi huic voci dentur quinque litterae, et reperiri tamen in ea quatuor tantum, verum furiosum Marcum de veritate parum laborare ; quod confirmari potest exemplo vocis Χριστός, in qua litteras ait esse octo, neque enim, licet ς dividas in σ et τ, plures quam septem reperies :

Page 74. Σιγὴ quinque. Billy saw that the reckoning of the number does not hold good unless five letters be given to this word, and that nevertheless only four are found in it, but that the raving Marcus troubles himself little about the truth; which can be confirmed by the example of the word Χριστός, in which he says there are eight letters, for even if you divide ς into σ and τ, you will not find more than seven:

Editors' notes and page, col. 1467

Page

running head: VARIORUM NOTAE
marginal letters: A Filiae instar.; B τέσσαρες in Graec.; C Proinde Jesum.; D Ipsiusque cogitationi.
old-edition numerals: 59 after ἐγχειρήματα, idque
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Scholia Billii in cap. 12 (continued), Notae ex adversariis Frontonis Ducaei in cap. 12

PG 7:1468

alii alia comminiscuntur. Cornarius apud Epiphanium scripsit, σειγή « vero quinque : » sed an ex auctoritate manuscripti, an ex conjectura, non monuit. Tantum hoc addam ex catechesi 6 τῶν φωτιζομ. Cyrilli Hierosolymit., τέκνον γὰρ εἶναι τοῦ Βυθοῦ ἐλέγετο ἡ Σιωπή. « Proles enim Profundi dicebatur Silentium. » Ita si diceretur ille Σιγὴ Aeon σιωπή, quinque litteras haberet. Verum saepius ab eodem Cyrillo, Epiphanio, et aliis Sige dicitur : quamobrem ad aliud prius revolvamur necesse est, ut cum illo Terentiano monitore dicamus : « Quae res in se neque consilium, neque modum habet ullum, eam consilio regere non potes. » — « Quid enim, inquit Tertullianus, recti habent, quae tam perverse proferuntur. »

others devise other explanations. Cornarius in Epiphanius wrote, σειγή "indeed five:" but whether from the authority of a manuscript or from conjecture, he did not advise. I will add only this from Catechesis 6 τῶν φωτιζομένων of Cyril of Jerusalem: τέκνον γὰρ εἶναι τοῦ Βυθοῦ ἐλέγετο ἡ Σιωπή. "For Silence was said to be the offspring of the Abyss." Thus if that Aeon Σιγὴ were called σιωπή, it would have five letters. However, more often by the same Cyril, Epiphanius, and others it is called Sige: wherefore we must needs fall back upon the former point, so as to say with that adviser in Terence: "A matter which in itself has neither reason nor any measure, you cannot rule by reason." — "For what rightness," says Tertullian, "do those things have which are brought forth so perversely?"

Pag. 75. Cum hunc numerum habeat haec avis. Quo pacto vox περιστερά, quae columbam significat, numero his litteris α et ω respondeat, se non videre, ait vir doctissimus : verum id ostendere perfacile est : π valet 80, ε 5, ρ 100, ι 10, σ 200, τ 300, ε 5, ρ 100, α 1, quae omnia collecta efficiunt unum et octingenta : et hunc numerum notae Graecorum designant α et ω : α enim unum, ω valet octingenta. Tertull. De Praescr. cap. 50, et hic noster cap. 10 : « Quem manifestavit, cum ipse venisset ad baptismum, columbae descensio, quae est Ω et Α. Numerus enim ipsius unum et octingenta. »

Page 75. Cum hunc numerum habeat haec avis. How the word περιστερά, which signifies a dove, corresponds in number to these letters α and ω, the most learned man says he does not see: but to show that is very easy: π is worth 80, ε 5, ρ 100, ι 10, σ 200, τ 300, ε 5, ρ 100, α 1, all of which gathered together make eight hundred and one: and the Greek numerals α and ω designate this number: for α is worth one, and ω eight hundred. Tertullian, De Praescriptione chapter 50, and our author here in chapter 10: "Whom the descent of the dove, which is Ω and Α, manifested when He had come to baptism. For the number thereof is eight hundred and one."

Et DCCC, quod est Jesus. Non assentior Billio delenti καὶ Ω, sed Feuardentio potius restituenti ex manuscripto, et DCCC ; nam quod tanto illi viro numeri ratio constare non visa sit, in causa fuit auctoritas interpretis veteris, aut quod Graecorum notas nimis anxie noluerit excutere : sic enim hae summae possunt explicari : ι efficit 10, η 8, σ 200, ο 70, υ 400, σ 200 ; ergo collectae hae notae ι, η, σ, ο, υ, ς, reddunt 888, atque hoc est, quod postea dicit : « Jesus enim nomen secundum Graecarum litterarum computum dat summam DCCCLXXXVIII. Habes manifeste : » sic enim restituendum est e Graeco : τὸ γὰρ Ἰησοῦ ὄνομα κατὰ τὸν ἐν τοῖς γράμμασιν ἀριθμὸν Ω ἐστὶν ὀγδοήκοντα ὀκτώ. Testis laudari potest Sibylla Cumana lib. I :

Et DCCC, quod est Jesus. I do not agree with Billy in deleting καὶ Ω, but rather with Feuardent in restoring from the manuscript, et DCCC; for the reason why the reckoning of the number did not seem to that great man to hold good was the authority of the ancient interpreter, or because he was unwilling to examine the numerals of the Greeks too anxiously: for thus can these sums be explained: ι makes 10, η 8, σ 200, ο 70, υ 400, σ 200; therefore these numerals ι, η, σ, ο, υ, ς gathered together yield 888, and this is what he says afterwards: "For the name Jesus according to the computation of the Greek letters gives the sum 888. You have clearly:" for thus it must be restored from the Greek: τὸ γὰρ Ἰησοῦ ὄνομα κατὰ τὸν ἐν τοῖς γράμμασιν ἀριθμὸν Ω ἐστὶν ὀγδοήκοντα ὀκτώ. As a witness the Cumaean Sibyl can be cited in Book 1:

Ὠκτὼ γὰρ μονάδας, τόσσας δεκάδας ἐπὶ τούτοις,

For eight monads, and as many decades upon these,

Ἠδ' ἑκατοντάδας ὀκτὼ, ἀπιστοκόροις ἀνθρώποις

And eight hundreds, to men sated with unbelief

Οὔνομα δηλώσει.

Will declare the Name.

Namque octo monades, totidem decades super ista,

For eight monads, and as many decades upon those,

Atque hecatontadae octo infidis significabit

And eight hundreds, will signify to unbelieving

Humanis nomen.

Men the Name.

Quapropter et Α Β Graecorum. Graec., τὸν vel τὸ ἀλφάβητον : « Quapropter et alphabetum Graecorum habere monadas octo, et decadas octo, hecatontadas octo, DCCCLXXXVIII numerum ostendentia, vel ostendentes. » Ostendi vero haec singula sic possunt : Ab α usque ad ι sunt monades octo, nam senarii nota asciscitur ϛ : ab ι usque ad ρ sunt decades octo, nonam enim exprimit nota alia ϟ : a ρ usque ad ω hecatontades octo, nonam haec postrema refert ϡ, millenarium vero ᾳ subscripta virgula.

Quapropter et Α Β Graecorum. In the Greek, τὸν or τὸ ἀλφάβητον: "Wherefore the alphabet of the Greeks also has eight monads, and eight decades, and eight hundreds, showing the number 888." Now these particulars can be shown thus: From α to ι there are eight monads, for ϛ is adopted as the sign of six: from ι to ρ there are eight decades, for another sign ϟ expresses the ninth: from ρ to ω eight hundreds, and this last sign ϡ represents the ninth, while ᾳ with a stroke subscribed represents the thousand.

Α enim et Β et Γ. Graec. μία γὰρ καὶ δύο καὶ τρεῖς. Α enim et Β et Γ et Δ in semetipso composita Ι faciunt, vel remotis notis numerorum, unum enim, et duo et tria, et quatuor in semeptipso, vel, in unum composita.

Α enim et Β et Γ. In the Greek, μία γὰρ καὶ δύο καὶ τρεῖς. For Α and Β and Γ and Δ compounded together make 10, or with the numeral signs removed, for one, and two, and three, and four compounded in itself, or into one.

Quae cum iota applicata, Billius in Graeco esse corrupte putat τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἀπεκύησε, in veteri vero translatione, « LXXXVIII numerum generavit. » Porro ibi mendum esse censet, quod ex octonario et denario inter se ductis, hic numerus non emergat. At postquam haec scripsit ille, restituit ex manuscripto legitimam lectionem Feuardentius, « DCCCLXXXVIII numerum generavit. » Sic igitur intelligendum est applicatam esse ogdoadem cum iota sive decade,

Quae cum iota applicata. Billy thinks that in the Greek τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἀπεκύησε is corrupt, and in the ancient translation, "generated the number 88." Furthermore, he considers that there is a fault there, because this number does not emerge from eight and ten multiplied together. But after he wrote this, Feuardent restored the genuine reading from the manuscript, "generated the number 888." Thus, therefore, it is to be understood that the ogdoad was joined with iota or the decad,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1468

Page

running head: VARIORUM NOTAE
marginal letters: A alii alia comminiscuntur.; B perfacile est :; C Habes manifeste : »; D possunt : Ab α
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Notae ex adversariis Frontonis Ducaei in cap. 12 (continued)

PG 7:1469

ut ante expositum est ; primum enim adjunctam decadem dixit octonationi, et decuplam eam facientem LXXX fecisse numerum, et rursus applicatam octuagies decies octingentorum numerum fecisse ; nam decies octoginta sunt 800, ac tum demum repetitur ogdoas tertio, ut 888 efficiat. Sane id fuisse in causa, ut hic Graece scriptum sit τὸν Ἰησοῦν , pro DCCCLXXXVIII , quod litterae vocis Ἰησοῦς notae sint numeri illius.

as was set forth before; for first he said that the decad was joined to the ogdoad, and making it tenfold produced the number 80, and being applied again eighty times ten produced the number eight hundred; for ten times eighty are 800, and then at last the ogdoad is repeated a third time, so as to make 888. Assuredly this was the reason why τὸν Ἰησοῦν was written here in the Greek instead of 888, because the letters of the word Ἰησοῦς are the numerals of that number.

Pag. 77. Per Mariam generatus. Generatur, γενεσιουργεῖται.

Page 77. Per Mariam generatus. He is generated, γενεσιουργεῖται.

Pag. 78. Et super universam. In Graeco dele τό, et lege ὑπὲρ πᾶσαν : et paulo post in Latino interp., « et hoc alphabeti litteris stigmatam nuper, sicut quod est ab initio, quod dici solet, heri et ante. Graeci confitentur a Cadmo se primum sexdecim accepisse · » videtur legisse, ὥσπερ τὸ ἀπ' ἀρχῆς, non πρὸς τὸ ἀπ' ἀρχῆς, hoc opinor sensu, quod heri et nudiustertius, vel admodum nuper actum est, perinde venditant, ac si ab orbe condito coepisset esse. Cornarius apud Epiphanium verterat, « ad hoc quod ab initio est ac nudiustertius, quod dici solet : » Gallasius sic immutavit, « ad id quod initio dictum est, heri ac nudiustertius : » atque ita indicavit se illa, τὸ δὴ λεγόμενον, non intellexisse notam esse proverbii : ut ex his aliisque ejusmodi colligi possit, eam propriam illius esse laudem, ut quae non omnino male a Cornario reddita erant, deteriora reddidisse videatur.

Page 78. Et super universam. In the Greek delete τό, and read ὑπὲρ πᾶσαν: and a little after in the Latin interpreter, "and this lately marked out by the letters of the alphabet, just as that which is from the beginning, as the saying goes, yesterday and the day before. The Greeks confess that they first received sixteen from Cadmus:" he seems to have read ὥσπερ τὸ ἀπ' ἀρχῆς, not πρὸς τὸ ἀπ' ἀρχῆς, in this sense, I suppose, that what was done yesterday and the day before, or very lately, they hawk about just as though it had begun to be from the foundation of the world. Cornarius in Epiphanius had translated, "to that which is from the beginning and the day before yesterday, as the saying goes:" Gallasius altered it thus, "to that which was said in the beginning, yesterday and the day before:" and thus showed that he did not understand those words, τὸ δὴ λεγόμενον, to be the mark of a proverb: so that from these and other things of the sort it may be gathered that this is his own peculiar praise, that what had been rendered not altogether badly by Cornarius, he seems to have rendered worse.

Tempore quam Cadmos. Scribendum, « tempore quam Cadmus, et ii, qui ante eum sunt, posterius autem his, qui reliqua elementa addiderunt, posterius autem tempore, quam et tu ipse... quae tantum verbosa est Sigen. »

Tempore quam Cadmos. One must write, "in time than Cadmus, and those who are before him, and later than those who added the remaining elements, and later in time than you yourself also... Sige, who is merely verbose."

Pag. 79. Innominabilem nominat Aeonem. Vox Aeonem abest a Graeco : itaque cogitandum est, an addenda sit ex veteri, hoc modo, ὀνόμαζει αἰῶνα.

Page 79. Innominabilem nominat Aeonem. The word Aeonem is absent from the Greek: therefore one must consider whether it should be added from the ancient interpreter in this way, ὀνόμαζει αἰῶνα.

Et formam invisibilis factam. Scribe, « factum, » Verbum scilicet, γεγονότα Λόγον.

Et formam invisibilis factam. Write "factum," namely the Word, γεγονότα Λόγον.

Pag. 80. Invectus est in te dicens. Interpres vetus omisit adverbium ἐμμέτρως, quod Epiphanii interpres Cornarius ita reddiderat, « ac veritatis praeco concinnus acclamavit. » Gallasius enim secutus, edidit κῆρυξ τῆς ἀληθείας ἔμμετρος. Nos antiquam lectionem restituimus, quam sequitur Billius ; ideoque hic scribi potest, « praeco veritatis versibus invectus est : » ut apud Platonem, ἐπέρχεται δέ μοι ἐμμέτρως εἰπεῖν : et Plutarchus, μὴ χρᾷν ἔμμετρα τὴν Πυθίαν, de oratione numeris astricta : nam hos esse octo senarios iambicos non omnino malos, et excepto sexto, cui sextus pes deest, integros animadvertet, qui expendere volet, quorum primas voces notabo : 1 Εἰδωλοποιὲ, 2 Ἀστρολογικῆς, 3 δι' ὧν κρατύνεις, 4 Σημεῖα, 5 Ἀποστατικῆς, 6 Ἅ σοι χορηγεῖ, 7 δι' ἀγγελικῆς. 8 Ἔχων σε πρόδρομον.

Page 80. Invectus est in te dicens. The ancient interpreter omitted the adverb ἐμμέτρως, which Cornarius, the translator of Epiphanius, had rendered thus: "and the rhythmical herald of truth cried out." For Gallasius, following him, edited κῆρυξ τῆς ἀληθείας ἔμμετρος. We have restored the ancient reading, which Billy follows; and therefore here it can be written, "the herald of truth inveighed in verses:" as in Plato, ἐπέρχεται δέ μοι ἐμμέτρως εἰπεῖν: and Plutarch, μὴ χρᾷν ἔμμετρα τὴν Πυθίαν, of speech bound by metre: for anyone who wishes to weigh them will observe that these are eight iambic senarii, not altogether bad, and complete except for the sixth, in which the sixth foot is wanting, the first words of which I shall note: 1 Εἰδωλοποιὲ, 2 Ἀστρολογικῆς, 3 δι' ὧν κρατύνεις, 4 Σημεῖα, 5 Ἀποστατικῆς, 6 Ἅ σοι χορηγεῖ, 7 δι' ἀγγελικῆς. 8 Ἔχων σε πρόδρομον.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 12.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardent on Chapter 12.

Pag. 74. Sic autem. Confingit Marcus Silentium sibi plurima narrasse de unitate, senario, quaternione, nomine Jesu Christi, Spiritu sancto, et columba : quae omnia velut impia et idololatrica figmenta coarguuntur. Hunc locum ita citat Nicetas libro quarto Thesauri : « Prolixam fabulam eam, ut Irenaeus ait, Sigen, seu Silentium vocabat. Nomine sane, quod neutiquam fabulae conveniret. »

Page 74. Sic autem. Marcus fabricates that Silence related very many things to him concerning the monad, the number six, the quaternary, the name of Jesus Christ, the Holy Spirit, and the dove: all of which are refuted as impious and idolatrous figments. Nicetas cites this passage thus in the fourth book of his Thesaurus: "That prolix fable, as Irenaeus says, he called Sige, or Silence. By a name indeed that by no means suited a fable."

Unitatem. Ita vet. cod., cui conformis est Graec. lect.; excusi habebant, « unitam. »

Unitatem. So the ancient manuscript, with which the Greek reading is in conformity; the printed editions had "unitam."

Σιγὴ quinque. Manifestus error Marci est : nisi aut litteram ultimam η, velut compositam ex duplici, pro duabus computet : aut articulum adjecerit, ἡ σιγή : aut in quodam obliquo σιγεί, aut σιγήν · aut denique, ut velle visus est interpres Epiphanii, σειγή scribendum censuerit.

Σιγὴ quinque. It is a manifest error of Marcus: unless either he counts the last letter η, as being composed of a double letter, for two; or added the article, ἡ σιγή; or in some oblique case wrote σιγεί, or σιγήν; or finally, as the translator of Epiphanius seemed to wish, judged that it should be written σειγή.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1469

Page

running head: IN LIB. I S. IRENAEI.
marginal letters: A ut ante expositum; B rinde venditant,; C Verbum scilicet,; D Pag. 74. Sic autem.
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Notae ex adversariis Frontonis Ducaei in cap. 12 (continued), Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 12

PG 7:1470

Eumdem numerum. Ita restituimus ex vet. cod. indicio. Caeterum, hae de nominis Jesu litteris delirationes refelluntur etiam lib. II, c. 41.

Eumdem numerum. Thus we have restored from the evidence of the ancient manuscript. For the rest, these ravings concerning the letters of the name of Jesus are refuted also in Book 2, chapter 41.

Inenarrabile autem ejus. Haec Marci figmenta sibi non constant, quando vix interjecta linea, contra scribit illud ipsum nomen esse litterarum triginta. Quod autem sit nomen illud ineffabile, constans 24 aut 30 litteris non satis intelligo : quando nec Ἰησοῦς nec Χριστός tot continent : nec ineffabilia censentur nomina. Nomen quidem Jehova, a quo fortasse judicavit nomen Jesu deductum, prisci dixerunt esse ἀνεκφώνητον, id est, ineffabile ; non quod effari non posset : sed quod, magna reverentia, ab eo effando abstinerent.

Inenarrabile autem ejus. These figments of Marcus do not agree with themselves, since with scarcely a line intervening he writes on the contrary that that very name is of thirty letters. Now what that ineffable name is, consisting of 24 or 30 letters, I do not sufficiently understand: since neither Ἰησοῦς nor Χριστός contains so many, nor are they accounted ineffable names. The name Jehovah indeed, from which he perhaps judged the name of Jesus to be derived, the ancients said was ἀνεκφώνητον, that is, unutterable; not because it could not be uttered, but because out of great reverence they abstained from uttering it.

Pag. 75. Et Χριστός litterarum septem. Hoc quidem verum ; sed postea secum pugnans haereticus ait, esse litterarum octo, ex quibus prima octonatio significetur : adeo immemores sunt hi mendaciorum consarcinatores.

Page 75. Et Χριστός litterarum septem. This indeed is true; but afterwards, fighting with himself, the heretic says that it is of eight letters, by which the first ogdoad is signified: so forgetful are these patchers together of lies.

Ut περιστεράν manifestet. Antiqua omnia exemplaria, « per ista manifeste » habebant ; mendum tamen facile indicat Tertul. in calce libri De praescript. : « Denique Jesum Christum aiebant haeretici descendisse, id est, columbam in Jesum venisse, quae Graeco nomine cum περιστερά pronuntietur, habere secundum numerum DCCCI. » Accedit et Epiphanii Graeca lectio, ἵνα τὴν περιστερὰν μηνύσῃ : « Ut peristeram, id est, columbam manifestet. »

Ut περιστεράν manifestet. All the ancient copies had "per ista manifeste"; yet Tertullian easily points out the fault at the end of the book De praescriptione: "Finally the heretics said that Jesus Christ descended, that is, that a dove came upon Jesus, which, since in the Greek name it is pronounced περιστερά, has according to number 801." There is added also the Greek reading of Epiphanius, ἵνα τὴν περιστερὰν μηνύσῃ: "That it may manifest the peristera, that is, the dove."

Et DCCC. Hunc numerum apposuimus ex vet. cod. consentiente Graec. lect. ; delevimus vero dat.

Et DCCC. We have set down this number from the ancient manuscript, the Greek reading agreeing; and we have deleted "dat."

DCCC. Hunc numerum adjecimus cum ex Graeco, tum P. Frontonis judicio.

DCCC. We have added this number both from the Greek and by the judgement of Father Fronto.

Pag. 78. Heri et ante Graeci confitentur ab aestimatione. Quas firmas putabant demonstrationes ex litteris Graecorum, quasi aeternae fuissent, ineptas et futiles esse ostendit ; cum heri et ante, id est, adeo recentem et temporaneam esse illarum inventionem ingenue profiteantur Graeci, quod earum auctores et inventores facile designent. Caeterum « a Cadmo primum, » non « ab aestimatione, » legendum, certissimum est. Hunc enim a Phoenicia in Graeciam primum sexdecim litteras attulisse ferunt, α, β, γ, δ, ε, ι, κ, λ, μ, ν, ο, π, ρ, σ, τ, υ, idque paulo ante Xerxis tempora, evincit ex Antiquitatibus Josephi Eusebius lib. X De praepar. evan., cap. 2. Simonidem Lyricum poetam postea quatuor istas ζ, η, ψ, et ω addidisse scribit Plinius lib. VIII, cap. 58 ; Palamedem vero tempore belli Trojani θ, ξ, χ, φ, quae supererant, invenisse.

Page 78. Heri et ante Graeci confitentur ab aestimatione. The demonstrations from the letters of the Greeks which they thought firm, as though they had been eternal, he shows to be foolish and futile; since the Greeks frankly profess that the invention of them was yesterday and the day before, that is, so recent and temporary that they easily point out their authors and inventors. For the rest, that one must read "from Cadmus first," not "from estimation," is most certain. For they relate that he first brought sixteen letters from Phoenicia into Greece, α, β, γ, δ, ε, ι, κ, λ, μ, ν, ο, π, ρ, σ, τ, υ, and that a little before the times of Xerxes, Eusebius proves from the Antiquities of Josephus in Book 10 De praeparatione evangelica, chapter 2. Pliny writes in Book 8, chapter 58, that Simonides the lyric poet afterwards added those four, ζ, η, ψ, and ω; and that Palamedes at the time of the Trojan war invented θ, ξ, χ, φ, which remained.

Et ii qui ante sunt. A P. Frontone moniti delevimus « eos : » et paulo post, « temporis quam Palamedes ; » cum etiam absint a Graeco contextu. Sicut et in sequentibus, « verbosa, » pro, « verbo sata, » et « factum, » pro « factam » substituimus.

Et ii qui ante sunt. Advised by Father Fronto, we have deleted "eos:" and a little after, "of time than Palamedes;" since they are also absent from the Greek context. Just as in what follows also, we have substituted "verbosa" for "verbo sata," and "factum" for "factam."

Pag. 79. Tu ais. Delevimus « tuus, » aucto. vet. cod. et lect. Graec.

Page 79. Tu ais. We have deleted "tuus," on the authority of the ancient manuscript and of the Greek reading.

Ipse Daedalus fictor. Recte comparat eum senior cum Daedalo Atheniensi fabro, qui quod sororis filium interemisset, judicii metu fugit in Cretam, ubi labyrinthum, opus portentosissimum fabricasse dicitur ; sic et hic animorum proditor et perditor inextricabilium errorum labyrinthos exstruebat.

Ipse Daedalus fictor. Rightly does the elder compare him with Daedalus the Athenian craftsman, who because he had slain his sister's son fled for fear of judgement into Crete, where he is said to have built the labyrinth, a most monstrous work; so too this betrayer and destroyer of souls built up labyrinths of inextricable errors.

Pag. 80. Idolorum fabricator, Marce. Non solius idololatriae interioris, qua somnia sua pro Dei vero verbo constituere satagebant, haereticos reos facit ; sed etiam quod Dei naturam, et proprietates impuris mendaciis immutarent, aliumque, imo et plures deos alienos fingerent, frequenter convincit infra lib. I, cap. 19 ; lib. II, c. 9 et 47, et lib. III, c. 40. Subscribit Tert. dicens, « haereses ab idololatria non distare, cum et auctoris et operis ejusdem sint, cujus et idololatria. Deum enim aut fingunt

Page 80. Idolorum fabricator, Marce. Not only of inward idolatry, whereby they busied themselves to set up their own dreams in place of the true word of God, does he make the heretics guilty; but also because they altered the nature and attributes of God by impure lies, and fashioned another, nay even several strange gods, he frequently convicts them below in Book 1, chapter 19; Book 2, chapters 9 and 47, and Book 3, chapter 40. Tertullian subscribes to this, saying that "heresies do not differ from idolatry, since they are of both the same author and the same work as idolatry. For they either fashion another God,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1470

Footnotes

(96) ‹anchor: attulisse ferunt› · call in col 1470

Just. mart. orat. paraen., Herod. lib. V.

Justin Martyr, Hortatory Address [to the Greeks]; Herodotus, book 5.

(printed under page 743)

(97) ‹anchor: Subscribit Tert.› · call in col 1470

Lib. Praescr., cap. 40.

On the Prescription [of Heretics], chapter 40.

(printed under page 743)

Page

running head: IN LIB. I S. IRENAEI.
marginal letters: A Eumdem numerum.; B Ut περιστεράν; C tionem ingenue; D cod. et lect. Graec.
old-edition numerals: 60 before DCCC. Hunc numerum adjecimus
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 12 (continued)

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alium, » etc. Idem : « Sicut nationes manibus, ita et haeretici verbis idola fabricantur, id est, alinm Deum, et alium Christum. » Sic Athanasius et Lucifer Calar. Arianorum haeresim idololatriam reputant ; Cyrillus Nestorianam, Augustinus Manichaeam, Hieronymus denique in cap. VIII Ezech., in cap. III Danielis, in cap. II Oseae, quaecunque a prophetis adversus idola dicuntur, ad haereses transferens, docet omnem haeresim spiritalem idololatriam esse. Qui et rursus scribit : « Haereticorum unusquisque fingit quod voluerit, et adorat figmentum suum, ut Marcion Deum otiosum, Valentinus Αἰῶνας triginta, Basilides Deum Abraxas, » etc. Ita subscribit Aug. : « Quisquis talem cogitat Deum, qualis non est Deus, alienum et falsum Deum in corde suo portat. » De seipso vero, cum adhuc Manichaeorum haeresi detineretur, ait : « Vanum phantasma et error meus, erat Deus meus. »

etc. The same author says: "Just as the nations fashion idols with their hands, so also the heretics fashion idols with words, that is, another God, and another Christ." Thus Athanasius and Lucifer of Cagliari count the heresy of the Arians as idolatry; Cyril the Nestorian, Augustine the Manichaean, and finally Jerome on chapter 8 of Ezekiel, on chapter 3 of Daniel, and on chapter 2 of Hosea, transferring to heresies whatsoever things are spoken by the prophets against idols, teaches that every heresy is spiritual idolatry. Who also writes again: "Every one of the heretics fashions what he wills, and adores his own figment, as Marcion an idle God, Valentinus thirty Αἰῶνας, Basilides the God Abraxas," etc. Thus Augustine subscribes: "Whosoever thinks of God as such as God is not, carries a strange and false God in his heart." And of himself, while he was still held fast in the heresy of the Manichaeans, he says: "A vain phantom and my own error was my God."

Sed propius advertamus an pari turpitudine ac infamia nunc laborent Lutherani et Sacramentarii, praecipui hujus tempestatis haeretici. Id profecto, si mutuis eorum de se invicem testimoniis credendum, jam confectum et probatum est. Lutherus namque Sacramentarios appellat, « canes, sacramenti-perdas, idololatras, qui Christum et Deum Patrem in verbis suis obtruncant, et diabolum loco Dei proponunt. » Jezlerus vero Zuinglio-Calvinianus testatur suos Sacramentarios censere, « Lutheranos esse anthropophagos, Christicidas, artolatras, et impanati Dei cultores. » Ecquis negabit hoc mutuum tam evangelicorum, et ab omni pontificio errore defaecatorum ministrorum, de seipsis testimonium verum esse? Cum praesertim et Anglicani in sua Apologia, et Genevani in Praefat. harmoniae confessionum, et Polonici in consensu Sendomiriensi palam contestentur, « Lutheranos et Zuinglianos fratres, amicos, et conjunctissimos verbi ministros esse : ac proinde iniquissime eis discordiam et ataxiam objici ? »

But let us observe more closely whether the Lutherans and Sacramentarians, the chief heretics of this time, now labour under an equal baseness and infamy. Assuredly, if their mutual testimonies concerning one another are to be believed, that is already settled and proved. For Luther calls the Sacramentarians "dogs, sacrament-destroyers, idolaters, who mangle Christ and God the Father in their words, and set forth the devil in the place of God." While Jezler, a Zwinglian-Calvinist, testifies that his Sacramentarians consider "the Lutherans to be man-eaters, Christ-slayers, bread-worshippers, and adorers of an impanate God." And who will deny that this mutual testimony concerning themselves by ministers so evangelical and purified from all papal error is true? Especially since the Anglicans in their Apology, and those of Geneva in the Preface to the Harmony of Confessions, and the Poles in the Consensus of Sandomierz openly call to witness that "the Lutherans and Zwinglians are brothers, friends, and most closely united ministers of the word: and that accordingly discord and disorder are most unfairly cast up against them?"

Verum, firmioribus argumentis quod propositum est efficiamus. Lutherus in cap. XLVII Gen., Chemnitius, Schlusselburgius, et asseclae Lutherani ex parte ; Calvinus, Vermilius, Bucerus, Sacramentarii ex altera, sponte admittunt, « Christum in perceptione eucharistiae, ex fide adorandum esse. » At vero, hi alibi protestantur, eumdem Christum tam a pane coenae abesse, quam summus coelorum vertex abest a centro terrae ; illi vero jam nullum legitimum sacerdotem, qui revera consecrare possit, ministrum habent ; sed meros laicos ac profanos homines. Igitur eucharistiam, seu coenae suae panem adorantes, reipsa sunt idololatrae.

However, let us establish what has been proposed by firmer arguments. Luther on chapter 47 of Genesis, Chemnitz, Schlüsselburg, and the Lutheran followers on the one side; Calvin, Vermigli, Bucer, and the Sacramentarians on the other, willingly admit that "Christ in the receiving of the Eucharist is to be adored by faith." Yet the latter elsewhere protest that the same Christ is as far absent from the bread of the supper as the highest summit of the heavens is distant from the centre of the earth; while the former now have no lawful priest as minister who can truly consecrate, but mere laymen and profane men. Therefore, in adoring the Eucharist, or the bread of their supper, they are in very deed idolaters.

Deinde, manifestum est Lutheranos, opiniones quas Satanas contra missae sacrificium Luthero suggessit, verbi Dei loco admittere et credere : Zuinglianos et Sacramentarios sententiam illam velut Evangelium divinum colere, quam Spiritus perambulans in tenebris nocturnis Zuinglio revelavit ; nec has modo, sed et universas quas vel recenter adinvenerunt, vel ex veteribus haeresiarchis instauraverunt, haereses et fanaticas opiniones pro Dei verbo venerari. Nemo igitur negabit hos omnes vere idololatras et dici et esse.

Next, it is manifest that the Lutherans admit and believe in place of the word of God the opinions which Satan suggested to Luther against the sacrifice of the Mass; that the Zwinglians and Sacramentarians revere as a divine Gospel that opinion which a spirit walking in the darkness of night revealed to Zwingli; and that they venerate as the word of God not these only, but also all the heresies and fanatical opinions which they have either newly invented or renewed from the ancient heresiarchs. No one, therefore, will deny that all these both are called and truly are idolaters.

Praeterea, Deum confingentes auctorem malorum, id est, omnium tam in daemonibus, quam in hominibus scelerum effectorem ; quique homines destinato creet ut perdat ; ad quodlibet audendi et agendi (sublata omni arbitrii libertate) necessario compellat ; qui nulla pravorum hominum cura tangatur ; qui denique nec intelligere, nec velle, nec efficere valeat, ut unum corpus simul sit in multis locis : an non novum et

Furthermore, fabricating God as the author of evils, that is, the effector of all wickednesses both in demons and in men; and Who purposely creates men in order to destroy them; Who necessarily compels them (all freedom of will being taken away) to dare and to do anything whatsoever; Who is touched by no care for wicked men; Who finally is able neither to understand, nor to will, nor to bring it about that one body be at the same time in many places: do they not devise and adore a new and

Editors' notes and page, col. 1471

Footnotes

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Lib. adv. Praxeam.

The book Against Praxeas.

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In cap. III Amos.

On chapter 3 of Amos.

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Quaest. 29 in Josue.

Question 29 on Joshua.

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Lib. IV Conf., cap. 7.

Confessions, book 4, chapter 7.

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Thesi 26, cont. thes. 31, Lovan. anno 1545.

Thesis 26, against thesis 31, of Louvain, in the year 1545.

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Libr. de diuturnit. belli eucharist., pag. 95.

The book On the Long Duration of the Eucharistic War, page 95.

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Instit. lib. IV, cap. 17, § 37, Defens. vet. doct. de coena Domini.

Institutes, book 4, chapter 17, § 37; Defence of the Old Doctrine of the Lord's Supper.

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running head: VARIORUM NOTAE
marginal letters: A alium, » etc.; B infamia nunc laborent; C ataxiam objici ? »; D bulans in tenebris
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 12 (continued)

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falsum Deum comminiscuntur et adorant? Hujusmodi enim Deum nec prophetae, nec apostoli praedicaverunt, nec universus mundus Christianus hactenus cognovit.

false God? For such a God neither the prophets nor the apostles preached, nor has the whole Christian world hitherto known.

Ad haec, Christum proponentes communi more de matre sua natum, ignorantem, improprie docentem, et absurde ratiocinantem ; qui judicio Dei oppositus nec mereri, nec satisfacere pro nobis potuerit ; qui mollitie animi oblitus sit se esse Redemptorem mundi ; qui officio suo fungi detrectaverit ; vota inconsiderata, castiganda, revocanda, et vocationi suae contraria emiserit ; res impossibiles a Patre sibi concedi postulaverit ; qui denique omnium mundi peccatorum reus, divinae maledictioni ac irae subditus, voces desperationis plenas moriens emiserit : Christum plane novum, id est, abominandum idolum a suis adorandum et colendum erigunt atque constituunt. Etenim talem Christum non annuntiaverunt apostoli, non praedicaverunt discipuli, non crediderunt martyres, non invocaverunt confessores, non timuerunt virgines, non coluit hactenus tota Christianorum Ecclesia, etc. Aperiat itaque Spiritus sanctus oculos caecorum istorum, ut perspecta et relicta idolorum suorum foeda abominatione, ad unius veri Dei et Christi ejus cultum in Ecclesia catholica hactenus servatum tandem aliquando redire possint.

In addition to this, setting forth a Christ born of His mother in the common manner, ignorant, teaching improperly, and reasoning absurdly; who when set before the judgement of God could neither merit nor make satisfaction for us; who through softness of soul forgot that He was the Redeemer of the world; who refused to perform His office; who uttered inconsiderate vows, needing to be chastised and revoked, and contrary to His calling; who demanded that impossible things be granted to Him by the Father; who finally, guilty of all the sins of the world, subjected to the divine curse and wrath, uttered while dying cries full of despair: they erect and set up a manifestly new Christ, that is, an abominable idol to be adored and worshipped by their followers. For such a Christ the apostles did not announce, the disciples did not preach, the martyrs did not believe, the confessors did not invoke, the virgins did not fear, the whole Church of Christians has not hitherto worshipped, etc. May the Holy Spirit therefore open the eyes of those blind men, so that having perceived and forsaken the foul abomination of their idols, they may at length be able to return to the worship of the one true God and of His Christ hitherto preserved in the Catholic Church.

Azazel. Nomen unius daemoniorum, qui elementis praesunt, operasque magis impendunt, ex cabala Hebraeorum putat esse Agrippa, et meridiei regem esse, « Amaymonque » alias vocari nugatur. Eumdem quoque in exercitu Satanae latissime imperare scribit Reuchlinus lib. III De arte cabalistica.

Azazel. Agrippa from the Cabala of the Hebrews thinks that this is the name of one of the demons who preside over the elements and expend their labours more actively, and trifles that he is the king of the south, and is otherwise called "Amaymon." Reuchlin also writes in Book 3 De arte cabalistica that the same holds very wide command in the army of Satan.

Ex Jo. Ernesti Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 12.

From the annotations of Joannes Ernestus Grabe on Chapter 12.

Pag. 74. Ἐπιλύσεως. Ἀναλύσεως legi vult Billius, quia vetus interpres vertit « resolutionem. » Sed ἐπίλυσιν eamdem significationem « resolutionis » sive « explicationis » habere constat, ideoque nulla opus est mutatione.

Page 74. Ἐπιλύσεως. Billy wishes Ἀναλύσεως to be read, because the ancient interpreter translates "resolution." But it is established that ἐπίλυσιν has the same signification of "resolution" or "explanation," and therefore there is no need of any change.

Οὕτως οὖν. Hunc locum ita citat Nicetas lib. IV Thesauri (fol. 163, pag. 1 edit. Paris.) : « Prolixam quamdam fabulam instituens, eam, ut idem Irenaeus ait, Sigen seu Silentium vocabat ; nomine sane quod fabulae ejusque argumento neutiquam conveniret. » FEUARD. Sed ut pravam hanc verborum Nicetae interpretationem corrigas, en Graecum textum ex egregio Nicetae aetatem fere aequante ms. codice biblioth. Bodleianae, Roe 22 : Μακρόν τινα πλασάμενος μῦθον, ἔφησε εἰρηκέναι τοῦτον τὴν Σιγὴν, ἀπροσφυῶς τῷ ταύτης ὀνόματι καὶ ἐπαγγέλματι.

Οὕτως οὖν. Nicetas cites this passage thus in Book 4 of his Thesaurus (folio 163, page 1 of the Paris edition): "Framing a certain prolix fable, he called it, as the same Irenaeus says, Sige or Silence; by a name indeed that by no means suited the fable and its subject." FEUARDENT. But that you may correct this faulty translation of the words of Nicetas, behold the Greek text from an excellent manuscript codex of the Bodleian Library, Roe 22, nearly equalling the age of Nicetas: Μακρόν τινα πλασάμενος μῦθον, ἔφησε εἰρηκέναι τοῦτον τὴν Σιγὴν, ἀπροσφυῶς τῷ ταύτης ὀνόματι καὶ ἐπαγγέλματι ("Having fashioned a certain long myth, he said that Sige had spoken this, unsuitably to her name and profession").

Ἡ δὲ Σιγὴ πέντε. Billius, Fronto Ducaeus et Feuardentius omnes hoc Marci effato offensi, objiciunt, quod σιγή quatuor tantum habeat litteras. Sed Marcus sive ex istius aetatis more, sive ex proprio malesano ingenio scripsit σειγή, ut ex veteri versione colligitur, de qua vide infra ; ut adeo istis, quas Fronto Ducaeus et Feuardentius fecere, ambagibus non sit opus.

Ἡ δὲ Σιγὴ πέντε. Billy, Fronto Ducaeus, and Feuardent, all offended by this saying of Marcus, object that σιγή has only four letters. But Marcus, whether from the custom of that age or from his own unsound wit, wrote σειγή, as is gathered from the ancient version, on which see below; so that there is no need at all of those circumlocutions which Fronto Ducaeus and Feuardent made.

Τὸν δὲ ἄῤῥητον αὐτοῦ, γραμμάτων εἰκοσιτεσσάρων. Τό pro τόν reponendum recte monuit Billius. Per ineffabile autem « nominis Jesu, » intelligo mysticam quamdam illius explicationem sive periphrasin, quam Marcosii commenti sunt ad imitationem Hebraeorum, qui varias nominis tetragrammati יהוה excogitarunt interpretationes, de quibus vide Buxtorfii Lexicon Hebraicum in voce יהוה. Quaenam fuerit autem mystica illa nominis Jesu expositio 24 litteris constans, ut et nominis Christi, quam 30 litterarum esse ait, vix quisquam dicere poterit.

Τὸν δὲ ἄῤῥητον αὐτοῦ, γραμμάτων εἰκοσιτεσσάρων. Billy rightly advised that Τό should be restored instead of τόν. Now by the ineffable element "of the name of Jesus," I understand a certain mystical explanation or periphrasis of it, which the Marcosians devised in imitation of the Hebrews, who contrived various interpretations of the tetragrammaton name יהוה, on which see Buxtorf's Lexicon Hebraicum under the word יהוה. What that mystical exposition of the name of Jesus consisting of 24 letters was, however, as also that of the name of Christ, which he says is of 30 letters, scarcely anyone will be able to say.

Pag. 75. Υἱὸς Χριστὸς, γραμμάτων δώδεκα. Loco

Page 75. Υἱὸς Χριστὸς, γραμμάτων δώδεκα. In place

Editors' notes and page, col. 1472

Footnotes

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Lib. II de occulta philos.

On Occult Philosophy, book 2.

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running head: VARIORUM NOTAE
marginal letters: A falsum Deum; B runt discipuli,; C sive « explicationis »; D gibus non sit opus.
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 12 (continued), Ex Jo. Ernesti Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 12

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quatuor horum verborum Billius reponi vult : καὶ Χριστὸς γραμμάτων ἑπτά, seductus vitiosa veteris versionis lectione : « et Christus litterarum 7. » Sed hanc aperte repugnare rationibus Marci, ideoque, illa repudiata, priorem lectionem retinendam esse, sole clarius elucescit, ex verbis mox sequentibus p. 73 (76), λέγεται δὲ, φησὶ, καὶ υἱὸς Χριστὸς, etc., ubi Latina cum Graecis bene conveniunt. Si quaeras, unde ergo octo litterae in voce Χριστός ? neque enim, ut Fronto Duc. animadvertit, licet ς dividas in σ et τ, plures quam septem reperies ; respondeo, Marcum Χρειστός legisse, ut Petav. in not. ad Epiphan. pag. 72 conjicit, addens « Christum, » aliquando « Chrestum » appellatum legi. Sic Σειγή eumdem scripsisse pro Σιγή, modo vidimus.

of these four words Billy wishes to be restored: καὶ Χριστὸς γραμμάτων ἑπτά, misled by the faulty reading of the ancient version: "and Christus of 7 letters." But that this openly contradicts the reckonings of Marcus, and therefore, once it is rejected, the former reading must be retained, shines forth clearer than the sun from the words presently following on page 73 (76), λέγεται δὲ, φησὶ, καὶ υἱὸς Χριστὸς, etc., where the Latin agrees well with the Greek. If you ask, whence then are there eight letters in the word Χριστός? for, as Fronto Ducaeus observed, even if you divide ς into σ and τ, you will not find more than seven; I answer that Marcus read Χρειστός, as Petavius in his notes on Epiphanius, page 72, conjectures, adding that "Christus" is sometimes read to have been called "Chrestus." Thus we have just seen that the same man wrote Σειγή instead of Σιγή.

Ὑπερουράνιον. Quia septem a Valentini asseclis statuebantur coeli, ex numero octonario septimum transcendente, supracoelestis nominis Jesu ortus ab haereticis istis colligebatur. Non itaque probanda animadversio Billii, ὑπερουράνιον in ὑπερουρανίου, mutantis.

Ὑπερουράνιον. Because seven heavens were posited by the followers of Valentinus, from the number eight transcending the seventh the supercelestial origin of the name of Jesus was gathered by those heretics. The observation of Billy, changing ὑπερουράνιον into ὑπερουρανίου, is therefore not to be approved.

Pag. 76. Τούτου τοῦ ὀνόματος. Subintellige « Christi, » cujus episemon dicit esse nomen « Jesu, » quia « positum est in assimilationem et figurationem ejus, » ut sub finem § sequentis docetur.

Page 76. Τούτου τοῦ ὀνόματος. Understand "of Christ," whose episemon he says is the name "of Jesus," because "it was set for the assimilation and figuration of Him," as is taught towards the end of the following section.

Τῆς ἄνω δυνάμεως. « Christum » sive « Salvatorem, » quem super Jesum descendisse fingebant, hic intelligendum esse ex § seq. patet. Atqui cum illum τελειότατον κάλλος, « perfectissimum decorem, » statuerent haeretici supra pag. 14, lin. 22 (pag. 13, l. 2), ad ejus imaginem hunc Jesum hominem factum esse commenti sunt.

Τῆς ἄνω δυνάμεως. That the "Christ" or "Saviour," whom they feigned to have descended upon Jesus, is to be understood here is plain from the following section. And since the heretics above on page 14, line 22 (page 13, line 2) set Him down as τελειότατον κάλλος, "the most perfect beauty," they feigned that this man Jesus was made after His image.

Pag. 77. Ἐγενεσιούργησαν τὸν ἐπὶ γῆς φανέντα Ἰησοῦν. Hic obiter moneo, Latinam versionem Nicetae in Thesauro orthodoxae fidei, pag. 266 edit. posterioris : « Virtutes praeterea, quae ab iis emanaverant, ab eo Jesu generatas esse, qui visus esset in terra, » corrigendam esse hoc modo : « Virtutes praeterea, etc., generasse Jesum, qui visus esset in terra. » Atque hanc correctionem bene admittunt Graeca ms. cod. 22 Roe in bibl. Bodlei. : Ἀπὸ τούτων δὲ δυνάμεις ἀποῤῥυείσας γενεσιουργῆσαι τὸν ἐπὶ γῆς φανέντα Ἰησοῦν.

Page 77. Ἐγενεσιούργησαν τὸν ἐπὶ γῆς φανέντα Ἰησοῦν. Here I note in passing that the Latin version of Nicetas in the Thesaurus orthodoxae fidei, page 266 of the later edition: "Moreover, that the Powers which had emanated from them were generated by that Jesus who had appeared on earth," is to be corrected in this way: "Moreover, that the Powers, etc., generated the Jesus who had appeared on earth." And the Greek of the manuscript codex Roe 22 in the Bodleian Library well admits this correction: Ἀπὸ τούτων δὲ δυνάμεις ἀποῤῥυείσας γενεσιουργῆσαι τὸν ἐπὶ γῆς φανέντα Ἰησοῦν.

Κατελθεῖν εἰς αὐτὸν ὡς περιστερὰν τὸν ἀναδραμόντα ἄνω. Subintellige Servatorem, sive Christum ex omnium Aeonum collatione compositum, de quo modo citata pagina, mox haec habentur : Καὶ εἰς τοῦτον ἐπὶ τοῦ βαπτίσματος κατελθεῖν ἐκεῖνον τὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ Πληρώματος ἐκ πάντων Σωτῆρα ἐν εἴδει περιστερᾶς. « Et in hunc in baptismate descendisse illum, qui esset de Pleromate ex omnibus Salvatorem in figura columbae. »

Κατελθεῖν εἰς αὐτὸν ὡς περιστερὰν τὸν ἀναδραμόντα ἄνω. Understand the Saviour, or the Christ composed from the contribution of all the Aeons, concerning whom on the page just cited these words presently occur: Καὶ εἰς τοῦτον ἐπὶ τοῦ βαπτίσματος κατελθεῖν ἐκεῖνον τὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ Πληρώματος ἐκ πάντων Σωτῆρα ἐν εἴδει περιστερᾶς. "And that into him at baptism there descended that Saviour who was from the Pleroma out of all, in the figure of a dove."

Σπέρμα φησὶν εἶναι τοῦ Πατρός. Marcus Virtutem in Jesum sub specie columbae descendentem « semen Patris » dixit ; alii Valentini sectatores « spiritum Enthymeseos Patris » appellarunt, teste Clemente in Excerptis ex Didascalia Valentinianorum, pag. 792, col. 1 : Καὶ ἡ περιστερὰ δὲ σῶμα ὤφθη· ἣν οἱ μὲν τὸ ἅγιον Πνεῦμα φασίν· οἱ δὲ ἀπὸ Βασιλείδου, τὸν διάκονον· οἱ δὲ ἀπὸ Οὐαλεντίνου, τὸ πνεῦμα τῆς ἐνθυμήσεως τοῦ Πατρὸς, τὴν κατέλευσιν πεποιημένον ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ Λόγου σάρκα. « Et columbae corporalis species apparuit ; quam alii quidem Spiritum sanctum dicunt ; Basilidiani vero ministrum ; Valentini autem sectatores spiritum intentionis Patris, descendentem super carnem Verbi. » Conferatur auctor noster lib. III, cap. 17.

Σπέρμα φησὶν εἶναι τοῦ Πατρός. Marcus called the Power descending into Jesus under the appearance of a dove "the seed of the Father"; other followers of Valentinus called it "the spirit of the Enthymesis of the Father," as Clement testifies in the Excerpta ex Didascalia Valentinianorum, page 792, column 1: Καὶ ἡ περιστερὰ δὲ σῶμα ὤφθη· ἣν οἱ μὲν τὸ ἅγιον Πνεῦμα φασίν· οἱ δὲ ἀπὸ Βασιλείδου, τὸν διάκονον· οἱ δὲ ἀπὸ Οὐαλεντίνου, τὸ πνεῦμα τῆς ἐνθυμήσεως τοῦ Πατρὸς, τὴν κατέλευσιν πεποιημένον ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ Λόγου σάρκα. "And the bodily appearance of a dove was seen; which some indeed call the Holy Spirit; the Basilidians, the minister; and the followers of Valentinus, the spirit of the thought of the Father, having made its descent upon the flesh of the Word." Compare our author in Book 3, chapter 17.

Ἔχον ἐν ἑαυτῷ καὶ τὸν Πατέρα... καὶ τοὺς ἅπαντας Αἰῶνας. Nam ex omni Pleromate compositum fingebant Jesum, ut modo dictum est.

Ἔχον ἐν ἑαυτῷ καὶ τὸν Πατέρα... καὶ τοὺς ἅπαντας Αἰῶνας. For they feigned Jesus to be composed out of the whole Pleroma, as has just been said.

Ὁμολογῆσαν ἑαυτὸν υἱὸν ἀνθρώπου, etc. Christus qui in Jesum descendit, se filium hominis professus est, quia ab Anthropo Aeone, et dodecade Aeonum Anthropo oriunda ortum ceperat et ipse.

Ὁμολογῆσαν ἑαυτὸν υἱὸν ἀνθρώπου, etc. The Christ who descended into Jesus professed himself the son of man, because he himself also had taken his origin from the Aeon Anthropos, and from the duodecad of Aeons sprung from Anthropos.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1473

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running head: IN LIB. I S. IRENAEI.
marginal letters: A quatuor horum; B ab haereticis istis; C esset in terra, »; D « spiritum Enthymeseos
old-edition numerals: 61 after quatuor
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Ex Jo. Ernesti Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 12 (continued)

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Φανερώσαντα. Φανερῶσαν legendum, et vetus interpretatio, et res ipsa docet.

Φανερώσαντα. Both the ancient translation and the matter itself teach that one must read Φανερῶσαν.

Ἐγνώρισε δὲ τὸν πατέρα Χριστόν. Haud parum difficilis est hic locus, quoniam nulla datur ratio, ob quam Christus in Jesum descendens, hujus pater dictus sit. Ne igitur frustra te torqueas, non Χριστόν lege, sed Χριστός. Neve hanc lectionem genuinam esse dubites, confer hunc textum cum loco exacte parallelo lib. III, cap. 17 : « Qui autem a Valentino sunt, Jesum quidem ipsum esse, qui per Mariam transierit, in quem illum de superiori Salvatorem descendisse... participasse autem cum eo, qui esset ex dispositione, de sua virtute et suo nomine, ut mors per hunc evacuaretur, cognosceretur autem Pater per eum Salvatorem, qui quidem desuper descendisset. »

Ἐγνώρισε δὲ τὸν πατέρα Χριστόν. This passage is not a little difficult, since no reason is given on account of which the Christ descending into Jesus should be called his father. Lest therefore you torment yourself in vain, read not Χριστόν, but Χριστός. And lest you doubt that this reading is genuine, compare this text with the exactly parallel passage in Book 3, chapter 17: "Now those who are from Valentinus say that Jesus Himself indeed is he who passed through Mary, into whom that Saviour from above descended... and that He shared with him who was from the dispensation of His power and of His name, so that death might be abolished through him, while the Father might be made known through that Saviour who had descended from above."

Τοῦ ἐκ τῆς οἰκονομίας ἀνθρώπου. Ita nominat ad distinctionem alterius ἀνθρώπου, quem mox dicit in ipsum descensurum, nempe Christum.

Τοῦ ἐκ τῆς οἰκονομίας ἀνθρώπου. Thus he names him for distinction from the other ἀνθρώπου, whom he presently says was about to descend into him, namely Christ.

Ἀνθρώπου. Christum ἄνθρωπον ideo nominasse videtur Marcus, quod filium ἀνθρώπου esse statueret.

Ἀνθρώπου. Marcus seems to have named Christ ἄνθρωπον for this reason, because he held that he was the son of ἄνθρωπος.

Pag. 78. Τὸν χωρήσαντα αὐτόν. Ἐσχηκέναι δέ, etc. Τόν in ὃν mutari, ac δέ deleri auctoritate veteris versionis vult Billius. Sed puncto distinctionis solum deleto, haec verba, citra ullam mutationem, interpretis sensui respondent.

Page 78. Τὸν χωρήσαντα αὐτόν. Ἐσχηκέναι δέ, etc. Billy wishes Τόν to be changed into ὃν, and δέ to be deleted, on the authority of the ancient version. But with the point of punctuation alone deleted, these words, without any change, correspond to the sense of the interpreter.

Ἐσχηκέναι. Subintelligo Jesum, qui Servatorem suscepit, non hunc susceptum.

Ἐσχηκέναι. I understand Jesus, who received the Saviour, not the one received.

Οὐκ ἦν Ἀλήθεια. Haec, vel absolute tanquam absurdum ex figmentis Marci illatum, vel interrogative accipi possunt : unde in Latino signum interrogationis in omnibus edit. expressum est.

Οὐκ ἦν Ἀλήθεια. These words can be taken either absolutely, as an absurdity inferred from the figments of Marcus, or interrogatively: whence in the Latin a mark of interrogation is expressed in all editions.

Pag. 80. Ἐμμέτρως. Injurius in Coloniensem Irenaei editionem, a Feuardentio curatam, fuit Scaliger in Euseb. pag. 219, dum ibi ἔμμετρος legi animadvertit pro ἐμμέτρως, et interpretes taxat, quod ἔμμετρος κῆρυξ eis fuerit « praeco ; » cum tamen in illa editione expresse esset ἐμμέτρως, ac in Latina Billii versione legatur : « Veritatis praeco versibus ita in te exclamavit. »

Page 80. Ἐμμέτρως. Unjust towards the Cologne edition of Irenaeus, edited by Feuardent, was Scaliger on Eusebius, page 219, when he remarked that ἔμμετρος was read there instead of ἐμμέτρως, and censures the translators because ἔμμετρος κῆρυξ was for them simply "the herald"; whereas in that edition it was expressly ἐμμέτρως, and in the Latin version of Billy it is read: "The herald of truth has thus cried out against you in verses."

Ἐγχειρήματα Ἀζαζήλ. Ἐγχειρήματα dele, et nomen Ἀζαζήλ accipe de malo angelo, cujus mentio fit in Paraphrasi Chaldaica, Jonathani vulgo ascripta ad Gen. VI, 5 (quamvis ibi corrupte « Uziel » dicatur), nec non apud R. Salomonem Jarchium ad Num. XIII, 34, his verbis Latine versis : « Nephilim sive gigantes sunt Anakim ex filiis Schamchazai et Azael, qui ceciderunt in diebus saeculi Enoch. » Atqui in libro Enochi, pag. 348 nostri Spicilegii Patrum saeculi I, decimus ordine inter XX angelos lapsos numeratur Ἀζαζήλ, sive Ἀζαήλ (nam utroque modo ibi legitur), et pag. 351, Deus ad sanctum angelum Raphaelem ita locutus fertur : « Vade, Raphael, et Azaelem liga, καὶ δῆσον τὸν Ἀζαήλ, manus et pedes ejus vinculis constringe, et in tenebras mitte ; aperi desertum deserti Dudael, et profectus illuc eum conjice ; et suppositis ei lapidibus acutis et asperis, induc super eum tenebras, quas in aeternum incolat. » Unde deserto, ac asperis montanis locis, nomen istud haesisse videtur, quod nempe Azazel, ac mali angeli ibi ligati teneri crederentur. Ita intelligendus textus Levit. XVI, 8 seqq., ubi duorum hircorum alter Domino in sacrificium offerri jubetur, alter vero mitti לעזאזל vel לעזאזל המדברה, ut vers. 10 legitur, id est « ad aspera loca deserti. » Liber Sephre : « Ad Azael, id est ad locum difficillimum in montibus. » Et Aquila versu 26, hanc vocem Graece reddidit ἔρημον. Vide praeter commentatores ad citatum locum, Moynii notas ad Barnabae epistolam pag. 648 seqq., ubi plura congessit, cum judicio tamen legenda.

Ἐγχειρήματα Ἀζαζήλ. Delete Ἐγχειρήματα, and take the name Ἀζαζήλ of the evil angel of whom mention is made in the Chaldee Paraphrase commonly ascribed to Jonathan on Gen. 6:5 (although there he is corruptly called "Uziel"), and also in Rabbi Solomon Jarchi on Num. 13:34, in these words translated into Latin: "The Nephilim or giants are the Anakim from the sons of Schamchazai and Azael, who fell in the days of the age of Enoch." Moreover, in the Book of Enoch, page 348 of our Spicilegium Patrum saeculi I, tenth in order among the twenty fallen angels is numbered Ἀζαζήλ, or Ἀζαήλ (for it is read in both ways there), and on page 351, God is related to have spoken thus to the holy angel Raphael: "Go, Raphael, and bind Azael, καὶ δῆσον τὸν Ἀζαήλ, bind his hands and his feet with fetters, and cast him into darkness; open the desert of the desert Dudael, and going thither cast him in; and having laid sharp and rough stones under him, bring darkness over him, that he may inhabit it for ever." Whence that name seems to have clung to the desert and to rough mountainous places, because namely Azazel and the evil angels were believed to be held bound there. Thus is to be understood the text of Lev. 16:8 et seqq., where of the two he-goats the one is commanded to be offered to the Lord for a sacrifice, and the other to be sent לעזאזל or לעזאזל המדברה, as is read in verse 10, that is, "to the rough places of the desert." The Book Sifra says: "To Azael, that is, to the most difficult place in the mountains." And Aquila in verse 26 rendered this word in Greek ἔρημον. See, besides the commentators on the place cited, Le Moyne's notes on the Epistle of Barnabas, page 648 et seqq., where he has collected many things, to be read however with judgement.

Τὰ πολλῷ χρόνῳ κεκρυμένα. Ex his patet, Marcum, aliquandiu ante adultam Irenaei aetatem, haereseos virus sparsisse. Nolim tamen omnino,

Τὰ πολλῷ χρόνῳ κεκρυμένα. From these words it is plain that Marcus scattered the poison of his heresy some time before the mature age of Irenaeus. Yet I would not altogether wish,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1474

Page

running head: IN LIB. I S. IRENAEI.
marginal letters: A Φανερώσαντα.; B stum.; C tamen in illa; D deserti Dudael,
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Ex Jo. Ernesti Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 12 (continued)

PG 7:1475

cum auctore libri de haeresibus a Jacobo Sirmondo editi sub titulo Praedestinati, Marcum ad Clementis Romani aevum referre, atque illum ab hoc damnatum asserere. De quo aliisque istius auctoris parachronismis vide nostrum Spicilegium Patrum et haereticorum saeculi II, tom. I, pag. 81 seq.

with the author of the book on heresies edited by Jacques Sirmond under the title of Praedestinatus, to refer Marcus to the age of Clement of Rome, and to assert that he was condemned by him. On which and other parachronisms of that author, see our Spicilegium Patrum et haereticorum saeculi II, Volume 1, page 81 et seq.

Scholia Billii in cap. 13.

Scholia of Billy on Chapter 13.

Pag. 80. Quis aberrationem et inventionem. Graec., τὴν πλάνην τοῦ προβάτου καὶ ἀνεύρεσιν. Vide autem quam hic foede hallucinatus sit Gallasius, hoc est, in loco omnium facillimo, maximeque perspicuo. Vertit enim πλάνην « impostura, » et ἀνεύρεσιν « commentum. »

Page 80. Quis aberrationem et inventionem. In the Greek, τὴν πλάνην τοῦ προβάτου καὶ ἀνεύρεσιν. See, however, how foully Gallasius blundered here, that is, in the easiest and clearest passage of all. For he translates πλάνην "imposture," and ἀνεύρεσιν "fabrication."

Pag. 81. Si a binario. Duo enim et quatuor, et sex, et octo, et decem, triginta efficiunt.

Page 81. Si a binario. For two and four, and six, and eight, and ten make thirty.

Quod asseclam. In Graec. legendum cum vet. διὰ τὸ τόν. Lin. seq. Graeca ita legenda sunt, delenda διὰ τὸ, συνεπακολουθήσαντα αὐτῇ διὰ τὸν ἐπίσημον.

Quod asseclam. In the Greek one must read with the ancient interpreter διὰ τὸ τόν. In the following line the Greek is to be read thus, deleting διὰ τὸ: συνεπακολουθήσαντα αὐτῇ διὰ τὸν ἐπίσημον.

Abscedentem. Legendum in Graec. ἀποστᾶσαν. Lin. seq. delendum ἐπί.

Abscedentem. One must read in the Greek ἀποστᾶσαν. In the following line ἐπί is to be deleted.

In ove undecim. Falsa est haec supputatio. Nam si undecim legamus, ut habet Epiphanii codex, falsum erit quod hic dicitur in ove superesse undecim, cum supersint 99. Rursus si legamus cum vet. interp. undecies 9 haec profecto in novem ducta, non 99, sed 821 efficient. Malui tamen Graec. hoc loco sequi, ut numeri ratio constet, ac quae sequuntur his respondeant.

In ove undecim. This computation is false. For if we read "eleven," as the codex of Epiphanius has it, what is said here will be false, that eleven remain in the sheep, whereas 99 remain. Again, if we read with the ancient interpreter "eleven times 9," these multiplied by nine will assuredly make not 99, but 821. Yet I preferred to follow the Greek in this place, so that the reckoning of the number may hold good, and what follows may correspond to these things.

Ἀμήν. Μ enim et ν efficiunt 90, η et α, 9.

Ἀμήν. For μ and ν make 90, η and α, 9.

Pag. 82. Dempta senarii nota. Pro ὑφεξαιρουμένου, lege ὑπεξαιρούμενος.

Page 82. Dempta senarii nota. Instead of ὑφεξαιρουμένου, read ὑπεξαιρούμενος.

Usque ad elementum ε. Sic legendum, non θ.

Usque ad elementum ε. Thus one must read, not θ.

Ex tribus virtutibus. Τριάκοντα, id est triginta, habet Epiphanii codex : sed τριῶν malo cum vet. Intelligit enim, meo judicio, ogdoadem, decadem et duodecadem.

Ex tribus virtutibus. The codex of Epiphanius has Τριάκοντα, that is, thirty: but I prefer τριῶν with the ancient interpreter. For he understands, in my judgement, the ogdoad, the decad, and the duodecad.

Sursum reliquit. Pro τοὺς ἄνω, leg. cum vet. ἄνω τούς, et ead. lin. καταλλήλως.

Sursum reliquit. Instead of τοὺς ἄνω, read with the ancient interpreter ἄνω τούς, and in the same line καταλλήλως.

In figura sermonis. Deest ἐν apud Epiphan. Nolui autem, hic repugnante non modo Graeco codice, sed etiam veteri interprete, quidpiam immutare. Tantum admonebo lectorem, pro λόγου, legendum mihi videri λ. Neque enim hic λόγος quidquam ad rem facit.

In figura sermonis. Ἐν is wanting in Epiphanius. Now I was unwilling to change anything here, with not only the Greek manuscript but also the ancient interpreter opposing it. I shall only advise the reader that instead of λόγου it seems to me one should read λ. For λόγος here has nothing at all to do with the matter.

Nonum et nonagenarium. Ἐννενήκοντα addo ex vet.

Nonum et nonagenarium. I add Ἐννενήκοντα from the ancient interpreter.

Figura litterae Μ. Addendum Μ in Graeco ex vet.

Figura litterae Μ. Μ is to be added in the Greek from the ancient interpreter.

Typum fugiunt. Αὐτός lego cum vet., quemadmodum et seq. lin.

Typum fugiunt. I read Αὐτός with the ancient interpreter, just as in the following line also.

Pag. 83. Vereque ineffabilis. Ἀληθῶς lego, non ἀληθείας.

Page 83. Vereque ineffabilis. I read Ἀληθῶς, not ἀληθείας.

Non est salus. Id est, salutatio, Graec. χαίρειν.

Non est salus. That is, greeting; in the Greek, χαίρειν.

Pag. 84. Ad suscipiendam fraudem. Ὑπέκκρουσιν (sic enim legendum, non ὑπερέκκρουσιν) ita verto, ut idem significet quod παράκρουσιν.

Page 84. Ad suscipiendam fraudem. I translate Ὑπέκκρουσιν (for so one must read, not ὑπερέκκρουσιν) in such a way that it signifies the same as παράκρουσιν.

Ignorantiae spirituum. Ἀγνοίας lego cum vet. postulante ita sensu, non ἀνοίας, ut in Epiphan.

Ignorantiae spirituum. I read Ἀγνοίας with the ancient interpreter, the sense so demanding, not ἀνοίας, as in Epiphanius.

Notae ex adversariis Front. Ducaei in cap. 13.

Notes from the notebooks of Fronto Ducaeus on Chapter 13.

Pag. 81. Unum enim et duo. Ut consentiant haec cum Graecis et inter se, ita corrigenda sunt, « una enim, et duae, et tres, et quatuor in unum compositae, decem. »

Page 81. Unum enim et duo. That these words may agree with the Greek and among themselves, they are to be corrected thus: "for one, and two, and three, and four compounded into one make ten."

In ove vero undecies 9. Falsam esse supputationem ait vir doctiss. Nam si legamus undecim , ut habet Epiphanii codex, falsum erit, quod hic dicitur, in ove superesse undecim, cum supersint 99. Existimavit quippe hic alludi ad centenarium ovium numerum, Matth. XVIII, 12, ex quibus una perdita, supererant 99 ; sed advertendum est, Irenaeum initio capitis hujus dixisse, cum circa duodecim numerum labes facta esset, ovem luxuriatam aberrasse, atque ita reliqua esse undecim, ut apud Epiphanium legimus : utique hic legendum est : « In ove vero undecim perplexos sibimetipsis 99 numerum generare ; quoniam novies undecim 99

In ove vero undecies 9. The most learned man says that the computation is false. For if we read "eleven," as the codex of Epiphanius has it, what is said here will be false, that eleven remain in the sheep, whereas 99 remain. For he supposed that allusion is made here to the number of a hundred sheep, Matt. 18:12, of which when one was lost, 99 remained; but one must observe that Irenaeus said at the beginning of this chapter that when a defection had taken place about the number twelve, a sheep waxing wanton strayed away, and thus the remaining ones are eleven, as we read in Epiphanius: certainly one must read here: "And in the sheep the eleven intertwined with one another generate the number 99; since nine times eleven

Editors' notes and page, col. 1475

Page

running head: VARIORUM NOTAE
marginal letters: A cum auctore libri; B Abscedentem.; C In figura sermonis.; D stulante ita sensu,
old-edition numerals: 62 before In figura sermonis.
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Ex Jo. Ernesti Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 12 (continued), Scholia Billii in cap. 13, Notae ex adversariis Front. Ducaei in cap. 13

PG 7:1476

fiant. Quapropter et Amen hunc habere dicunt numerum. »

are made. Wherefore they say that Amen also has this number."

Pag. 82. Ter idem factus. Graeca dilucidiora sunt et uberiora, sed ita corrigenda : τρὶς αὐτὸς γενόμενος τ. ε. ε. τρὶς γὰρ τριάκοντα, « ter idem factus 90 fecit. Ter enim triginta nonaginta sunt. Et ipsa autem. »

Page 82. Ter idem factus. The Greek is clearer and fuller, but is to be corrected thus: τρὶς αὐτὸς γενόμενος τ. ε. ε. τρὶς γὰρ τριάκοντα, "having become thrice itself, it made 90. For thrice thirty are ninety. And itself also."

Quoniam ab alpha sine episemo. Restitue « quoniam ab alpha sine episemo, ipsarum litterarum numerus, usque ad λ compositus secundum augmentum litterarum cum ipso λ, 90 et 9 facit numerum. Quoniam autem λ, quae est undecimo loco, ad similis sui descendit inquisitionem, ut, » etc.

Quoniam ab alpha sine episemo. Restore: "since from alpha without the episemon, the number of the letters themselves, compounded up to λ according to the increase of the letters together with λ itself, makes the number 90 and 9. Now since λ, which is in the eleventh place, descended in search of one like itself, so that," etc.

Quapropter et fugere. Hic locus in Graeco est corrigendus : τὴν τῶν θ χώραν, pro τὴν τῶν Ε Θ χώραν, vel, ut in Epiphanii editione Basileensi erat, τὴν τῶν εθ, facili mutatione τοῦ ϟ , quae nota est nonagenarii, in ε. His lucem afferent, quae docet Beda, in libello De loquela per gestum digitorum : nam sinistrae digitis utebantur veteres, ut eorum gestibus usque ad 99 numerarent, centum vero et reliquas centurias dexterae gestibus exprimebant ; unguem scilicet indicis in medio figentes, artu pollicis centum dabant. Juvenalis sat. X, v. 245 :

Quapropter et fugere. This passage in the Greek is to be corrected: τὴν τῶν θ χώραν, instead of τὴν τῶν Ε Θ χώραν, or, as it was in the Basel edition of Epiphanius, τὴν τῶν εθ, by an easy change of ϟ, which is the sign of ninety, into ε. Light will be shed on these words by what Bede teaches in his little book De loquela per gestum digitorum: for the ancients used the fingers of the left hand so as to count by their gestures up to 99, whereas a hundred and the remaining hundreds they expressed by the gestures of the right hand; namely, fixing the nail of the forefinger in the middle joint of the thumb, they gave a hundred. Juvenal, Satire 10, verse 245:

... Atque suos jam dextera computat annos.

... And now his right hand reckons up his years.

Pag. 83. Non est enim gaudere. Locus est Isa. XLVIII, 22, apud LXX : Οὐκ ἔστι χαίρειν, λέγει Κύριος, τοῖς ἀσεβέσιν. Quae cum nostro vertit August. De civit. XIV, 8. Vulgata Lat. « Non est pax impiis. » Atque ut Hebraei, cum salutarent se invicem, dicebant שלום לך, « Pax tibi, » sic et Graeci initio epistolarum scribebant χαίρειν : et dum se salutabant, χαῖρε : ergo allusio in Graecis apertior est, ὁ λέγων αὐτοὺς χαίρειν. « Qui dicit illis gaudere. » Et : « Non est gaudere impiis. »

Page 83. Non est enim gaudere. The passage is Isa. 48:22 in the Septuagint: Οὐκ ἔστι χαίρειν, λέγει Κύριος, τοῖς ἀσεβέσιν. Which words Augustine translates along with our author in De civitate Dei 14, 8. The Latin Vulgate has "There is no peace for the wicked." And just as the Hebrews, when they greeted one another, said שלום לך, "Peace to you," so too the Greeks at the beginning of letters wrote χαίρειν, and when they greeted one another, χαῖρε: therefore the allusion is clearer in the Greek, ὁ λέγων αὐτοὺς χαίρειν, "He who says to them, Rejoice." And: "There is no rejoicing for the wicked."

Ab ogdoadis nequissimis spiritolibus. Graeca sonant, « ab ogdoade nequissimorum spirituum. »

Ab ogdoadis nequissimis spiritolibus. The Greek reads, "from the ogdoad of most wicked spirits."

Aut plus rident, et valere. Interpres legisse videtur ἢ pro ᾗ, « quanto plus rident, et valere se putant, etc., tanto magis male habent. »

Aut plus rident, et valere. The interpreter seems to have read ἢ ("or", hence his "aut") instead of ᾗ: "the more they laugh, and think themselves to be well, etc., the worse off they are."

Pag. 84. Super tonum sagittantes. Ὑπέρτονα τοξεύειν, numero multitudinis, ut in proverbio trito, ἄσκοπα τοξεύειν. Ὑπέρτονον autem non modo dicitur νεῦρον chorda, quae intenditur, sed et quidvis grande, vehemens, aut immodicum : ut apud Aristophanem, βοάσομαι τὴν ὑπέρτονον βοάν. Suidas, μεγάλην, ὑψηλὴν, ὑπερέχουσαν : et Clemens Alexand. II Strom , ὑπέρτονον ᾄδειν : et III Strom., ὑπέρτονον φθέγγεσθαι. Porro videant docti, num paulo post legendum sit, τὸ πνεῦμα τῆς ἀνοίας, « spiritus insipientiae : » ut sub finem capitis τὴν ὀγδοάδα τῆς ἀνοίας : etsi utrobique interpretes, « ignorantiae, » vertunt ; dixit enim eos non sapere, quanto plus sapere putantur ; et Apostolus, II Tim. III, 9 : « Insipientia eorum manifesta erit : » denique auctor ipse cap. 1 : Φυλάξασθαι τὸν βυθὸν τῆς ἀνοίας : « observare se a fundo insensationis. »

Page 84. Super tonum sagittantes. Ὑπέρτονα τοξεύειν, in the plural number, as in the worn proverb, ἄσκοπα τοξεύειν. Now ὑπέρτονον is said not only of a νεῦρον or bowstring that is stretched tight, but also of anything great, vehement, or immoderate: as in Aristophanes, βοάσομαι τὴν ὑπέρτονον βοάν. Suidas explains it: μεγάλην, ὑψηλὴν, ὑπερέχουσαν ("great, high, surpassing"): and Clement of Alexandria in Stromata Book 2, ὑπέρτονον ᾄδειν: and in Stromata Book 3, ὑπέρτονον φθέγγεσθαι. Furthermore, let the learned see whether a little after one should read τὸ πνεῦμα τῆς ἀνοίας, "the spirit of folly," as towards the end of the chapter τὴν ὀγδοάδα τῆς ἀνοίας: although in both places the translators render "of ignorance"; for he said that they are unwise the more they are thought to be wise; and the Apostle in 2 Tim. 3:9 says: "Their folly shall be manifest": finally the author himself in chapter 1: Φυλάξασθαι τὸν βυθὸν τῆς ἀνοίας, "to guard oneself from the abyss of senselessness."

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 13.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardent on Chapter 13.

Pag. 80. Generationem. Figmenta Marcosiorum de ove perdita, numero binario et senario, drachma perdita, littera episemo, lambdae figura et virtute, non tam irrisione, quam deploratione digna sunt : auctoresque eorum cavendi.

Page 80. Generationem. The figments of the Marcosians concerning the lost sheep, the number two and six, the lost drachma, the letter episemon, and the figure and power of lambda, are worthy not so much of derision as of lamentation: and their authors are to be shunned.

Adunantes. Ita legendum docuit vet. cod. Graeca lect. habet ἑνώσαντο ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτό : delevimus itaque « adunantis. »

Adunantes. The ancient manuscript taught that it should be read thus. The Greek reading has ἑνώσαντο ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτό: we have therefore deleted "adunantis."

Pag. 81. Duodecadem. Expunximus « unde eadem, » auctoritate vet. cod. et lectionis Graecae.

Page 81. Duodecadem. We have expunged "unde eadem," on the authority of the ancient manuscript and of the Greek reading.

In ove vero undecim perplexos sibimetipsis. Sic legendum, Billii ac Frontonis judicio, proponimus. Codices excusi, « undecies novem perplexos sibimetipsos, » ut proxima linea, « et Amen » pro « tamen » restituimus.

In ove vero undecim perplexos sibimetipsis. We propose that it be read thus, by the judgement of Billy and Fronto. The printed editions had "undecies novem perplexos sibimetipsos," just as in the next line we have restored "et Amen" instead of "tamen."

Cum episemo. Id est, cum numero senario.

Cum episemo. That is, with the number six.

Pag. 82. Appositus. Ita reponendum, pro « appositis : » ut paulo post « sursum, » pro « rursum, » docuit vet. cod. consentiente Graeca lect.

Page 82. Appositus. Thus it is to be restored instead of "appositis:" just as a little after the ancient manuscript, with the Greek reading agreeing, taught "sursum" instead of "rursum."

Editors' notes and page, col. 1476

Page

running head: VARIORUM NOTAE
marginal letters: A fiant. Quapropter; B nam sinistrae digitis; C tur ἢ pro ᾗ,; D Pag. 80. Generationem.
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin with Greek words and quotations and one Hebrew phrase cited in the notes (no facing Greek column); editors' matter: Notae ex adversariis Front. Ducaei in cap. 13 (continued), Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 13
misprints kept as printed: spiritolibus (for spiritalibus) in the lemma "Ab ogdoadis nequissimis spiritolibus"

PG 7:1477

Usque ad λ compositus. Ita pro « compositum ; » et linea proxima, « facit numerum, » pro « faciunt : » deinde, « quae est undecimo loco ; » et, « sui, » pro « suorum ; » item paulo postea « eos, » pro « ejus, » Frontonis substituimus judicio.

Usque ad λ compositus. Thus instead of "compositum;" and in the next line, "facit numerum," instead of "faciunt:" then, "quae est undecimo loco;" and "sui," instead of "suorum;" likewise a little after "eos," instead of "ejus," we have substituted by the judgement of Fronto.

Et fugere. Delevimus « figurae, » veteris cod. et Graec. lect. auctoritate ; ut et paulo post pro « eos, » reposuimus « ejus. »

Et fugere. We have deleted "figurae," on the authority of the ancient manuscript and of the Greek reading; just as a little after also instead of "eos" we have restored "ejus."

Pag. 83. Sunt autem digni planctu. Amentiam eorum pia miseratione deflendam existimat piissimus hic martyr, quod prophetarum et apostolorum scriptis tanta impudentia luxatis, spreta quoque omnium per orbem Ecclesiarum apostolica traditione ; Christianae fidei adoranda mysteria per Pythagoricos numeros, et aniles cabalistarum fabulas, violenter distorquebant, et gentibus irridenda exponebant. Itaque hoc gravissimi martyris dicto revocamur, ne prolixioribus scholiis in numeris illis supputandis, colligendis, et explicandis, oleum et operam perdamus. Qui profana sitiunt, habent unde sitim expleant. Ego tantum praeter ea, quae ad veram theologiam spectant, editiones priores cum veteri codice fideliter conferendi partes suscepi.

Page 83. Sunt autem digni planctu. This most pious martyr considers that their madness is to be wept over with pious compassion, because having dislocated the writings of the prophets and apostles with such great impudence, and having despised also the apostolic tradition of all the Churches throughout the world, they violently distorted the adorable mysteries of the Christian faith through Pythagorean numbers and the old-wives' fables of the Cabalists, and exposed them to be mocked by the Gentiles. Accordingly, by this saying of the most weighty martyr we are recalled, lest we waste oil and labour in more prolix scholia on computing, collecting, and explaining those numbers. Those who thirst after profane things have wherewith to slake their thirst. For my part, beyond those things which pertain to true theology, I have undertaken only the task of faithfully collating the earlier editions with the ancient manuscript.

Non est gaudere impiis. Οὐκ ἔστιν χαίρειν, Graecismus est, et similibus singulis fere capitibus abundat, ut semper adnotare immensum et taediosum fuerit.

Non est gaudere impiis. Οὐκ ἔστιν χαίρειν is a Graecism, and he abounds in similar ones in almost every chapter, so that to note them always would have been immense and tedious.

Exsufflantes et catathematizantes. Alludit ad sacros illos ritus, quibus in baptismo adulti, conversi ad occidentem, manibus impingebant, et exspuendo exsufflabant et exsecrabantur daemonem : quod et non minus caute observabant, haereticorum blasphemas sententias postmodum aversantes. Porro baptizandus antea edocebatur abrenuntiare diabolo, ut pluribus in locis testatur Clemens Rom. et Christo se aggregare. In ipso autem baptismi articulo his profitebantur : « Abrenuntio Satanae, et operibus ejus, pompis, cultui, angelis, et machinationibus ejus, et omnibus, quae sub ipso sunt. » His adhuc apertiora alius etiam apostolorum discipulus Dionysius Areopag. habet : « Discinctum, et ministrorum manibus exutum baptizandum, occidentem versus statuens episcopus, intendentem, manusque impingentem, ad eamdem regionem conversus, insufflare, ἐμφυσῆσαι τῷ Σατανᾷ, et conspuere illum ter Satanam jubet, ac praeterea ter abrenuntiationem profiteri. » Non solum enim immunda quaeque cum flatu exspuere consuevisse Christianos, ex Tertulliano constat, verum et aquam baptismi adituros, prius sub antistitis manu contestatos esse, se diabolo renuntiare, et pompae, et angelis ejus, atque etiam quotidianis exorcismis eumdem traduxisse, expulisse, revicisse, et respuisse. Cum autem parvulos sacro fonte abluerent, qui aetatis imbecillitate exsufflare et exspuere non poterant, Ecclesiae ministros et susceptores, illorum vice isthaec peregisse, ex Augustini scriptis apertum est, libro De eccl. dog. capite trigesimo primo ; libro De nuptiis et concup. capit. decimo septimo, decimo octavo, vigesimo nono ; et libro quinto Hypogno. Haec ex occasione scribere libuit in eos, qui Christianos illos ritus tantopere criminantur.

Exsufflantes et catathematizantes. He alludes to those sacred rites whereby adults in baptism, turned towards the west, thrust out with their hands, and by spitting blew away and execrated the demon: which they also observed no less cautiously afterwards when turning away from the blasphemous opinions of heretics. Furthermore, the person to be baptized was previously instructed to renounce the devil, as Clement of Rome testifies in several places, and to join himself to Christ. And at the very point of baptism they made profession in these words: "I renounce Satan, and his works, his pomps, his worship, his angels, and his contrivances, and all things that are under him." Still clearer things than these another disciple of the apostles also, Dionysius the Areopagite, has: "The bishop, setting the person to be baptized ungirt and stripped by the hands of the ministers towards the west, stretching forth and thrusting out his hands, turned towards the same quarter, bids him blow against, ἐμφυσῆσαι τῷ Σατανᾷ, and spit upon that Satan thrice, and moreover thrice profess the renunciation." For it is established from Tertullian not only that Christians were accustomed to spit out with a breath all unclean things, but also that when about to approach the water of baptism, they first protested under the hand of the bishop that they renounced the devil, and his pomp, and his angels, and also by daily exorcisms exposed, expelled, conquered, and spat him out. Moreover, when they washed infants in the sacred font, who through the weakness of their age could not blow away and spit out, it is clear from the writings of Augustine that the ministers of the Church and the sponsors performed these things in their stead, in the book De ecclesiasticis dogmatibus, chapter 31; in the book De nuptiis et concupiscentia, chapters 17, 18, and 29; and in the fifth book of the Hypognosticon. It has pleased me to write these things as occasion offered against those who so greatly rail at those Christian rites.

Pag. 84. Super tonum sagittantes. Ostendit ridiculos plane, et inanes esse Gnosticorum conatus, sumpta metaphora a sagittariis, qui plus quam par sit, arcum extendere nituntur. Iis enim accidit, ut quo longius se jaculaturos putent, eo magis fallantur, atque deridendos se praebeant, dum aut frangitur arcus, aut eorum vires enervantur. Putaverim vero ὑπέρτονα τοξεύειν, « vehementius quam oporteat in tendendo arcu eniti, » significare. Interpres vetus forsan legit non ὑπέρτονα, sed ὑπέρτονον, vel

Page 84. Super tonum sagittantes. He shows that the efforts of the Gnostics are utterly ridiculous and vain, taking a metaphor from archers who strive to bend the bow more than is fitting. For it happens to them that the farther they think they will shoot, the more they are deceived, and make themselves a laughing-stock, while either the bow is broken or their strength is exhausted. Now I should think that ὑπέρτονα τοξεύειν signifies "to strain more vehemently than one ought in bending the bow." The ancient interpreter perhaps read not ὑπέρτονα, but ὑπέρτονον, either

Editors' notes and page, col. 1477

Footnotes

(7) ‹anchor: testatur Clemens Rom.› · call in col 1477

Lib. III Const. apost., cap. 18, et lib. VII, cap. 40 et 41.

Apostolic Constitutions, book 3, chapter 18, and book 7, chapters 40 and 41.

(printed under page 747)

(8) ‹anchor: Areopag. habet› · call in col 1477

Lib. de Eccles. Hierar., cap. 2.

On the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, chapter 2.

(printed under page 747)

(9) ‹anchor: ex Tertulliano constat› · call in col 1477

Lib. I ad uxorem, lib. de Cor. mil., lib. ad Scap.

To His Wife, book 1; On the Soldier's Crown; To Scapula.

(printed under page 747)

Page

running head: IN LIB. I S. IRENAEI.
marginal letters: A Usque ad λ compositus.; B et operam perdamus.; C tionibus ejus,; D primo ; libro
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 13 (continued)

PG 7:1478

uno, vel duobus vocabulis, eodem quidem sensu ; nisi quod distincte vix reperias : sed magis placet ὑπέρτονα.

in one or in two words, in the same sense indeed; except that you can scarcely find it distinctly: but ὑπέρτονα pleases me more.

Ex adnotationibus Jo. Ern. Grabii in cap. 13.

From the annotations of Joannes Ernestus Grabe on Chapter 13.

Pag. 81. Διὰ τὸν ἐπίσημον συνεσχηκέναι, διὰ τὸ συνεπακολουθήσασαν αὐτῇ τὸ ἐπίσημον. Billius haec ex veteri ita corrigenda putat : διὰ τὸ τὸν ἐπίσημον ἐσχηκέναι συνακολουθήσαντα αὐτῇ, διὰ τὸ τὸν ἐπίσημον. Assentitur Petavius in margine Epiphanii. Sed utrovis modo ταυτολογίας crimen vix effugit Irenaeus, nec satis clare, quomodo senarium contineat duodecas, explicat. Mallem itaque, leviori mutatione facta, legere : διὰ τὸν ἐπίσημον συνεσχηκέναι, διά τε συνεπακολουθῆσαι δὶς (quod imperitus scriba forte per β expressit, et alius inde terminationem praecedentis verbi fecit, συνεπακολουθῆσαι in συνεπακολουθήσασαν mutans) αὐτῇ τὸν ἐπίσημον, « eo quod senarium numerum contineat, huncque duplicatum habeat asseclam. »

Page 81. Διὰ τὸν ἐπίσημον συνεσχηκέναι, διὰ τὸ συνεπακολουθήσασαν αὐτῇ τὸ ἐπίσημον. Billy thinks that these words should be corrected thus from the ancient interpreter: διὰ τὸ τὸν ἐπίσημον ἐσχηκέναι συνακολουθήσαντα αὐτῇ, διὰ τὸ τὸν ἐπίσημον. Petavius agrees in the margin of Epiphanius. But in either way Irenaeus scarcely escapes the charge of ταυτολογία, nor does he explain clearly enough how the duodecad contains the number six. I should therefore prefer, making a slighter change, to read: διὰ τὸν ἐπίσημον συνεσχηκέναι, διά τε συνεπακολουθῆσαι δὶς (which an unskilful scribe perhaps expressed by β, and another thence made the ending of the preceding verb, changing συνεπακολουθῆσαι into συνεπακολουθήσασαν) αὐτῇ τὸν ἐπίσημον, "because it contains the number six, and has this doubled as its attendant."

Τὸ η σὺν μὲν τῷ ἐπισήμῳ ὀγδοάδα εἶναι. Id est, litteram η octavum locum in alphabeto tenere, indeque octavum denotare numerum, si ἐπίσημον βαῦ, id est ϛ, litteris alphabeti connumeretur.

Τὸ η σὺν μὲν τῷ ἐπισήμῳ ὀγδοάδα εἶναι. That is, that the letter η holds the eighth place in the alphabet, and thence denotes the eighth number, if the ἐπίσημον vau, that is ϛ, be reckoned along with the letters of the alphabet.

Ἀπὸ τοῦ πρώτου ὀγδόου κείμενον τόπου. Ex veteri interprete patet, legendum esse : ἀπὸ τοῦ α ὀγδόῳ κείμενον τόπῳ.

Ἀπὸ τοῦ πρώτου ὀγδόου κείμενον τόπου. From the ancient interpreter it is plain that one must read: ἀπὸ τοῦ α ὀγδόῳ κείμενον τόπῳ.

Τρεῖς αὐτὸς γενόμενος ..... τρεῖς γὰρ τριάκοντα. Graeca dilucidiora sunt et uberiora, sed ita corrigenda : τρὶς αὐτὸς γενόμενος..... τρὶς γὰρ τριάκοντα. FRONTO DUC.

Τρεῖς αὐτὸς γενόμενος ..... τρεῖς γὰρ τριάκοντα. The Greek is clearer and fuller, but is to be corrected thus: τρὶς αὐτὸς γενόμενος..... τρὶς γὰρ τριάκοντα. FRONTO DUCAEUS.

Ἐννέα. Ἐνενήκοντα ἐννέα legendum ductu veteris interpretis monuere Billius et Petavius.

Ἐννέα. Billy and Petavius advised under the guidance of the ancient interpreter that one must read Ἐνενήκοντα ἐννέα.

Pag. 82. Τοὺς ἄνω ἕνδεκα, κατάλληλον λέγουσι. Lego cum veteri ἄνω τούς, et eadem linea καταλλήλως. BILL. Sed horum parum interest ; imo dubium, an non satius sit τοὺς ἄνω retinere, et Graecis Latina adaptare.

Page 82. Τοὺς ἄνω ἕνδεκα, κατάλληλον λέγουσι. I read with the ancient interpreter ἄνω τούς, and in the same line καταλλήλως. BILLY. But these things matter little; nay, it is doubtful whether it be not better to retain τοὺς ἄνω, and adapt the Latin to the Greek.

Τῷ σχήματι τοῦ λόγου. Ἐν hic deesse notat Billius, ac optime monet, loco λόγου legendam videri litteram λ. Neque enim hic λόγος quidquam ad rem facit, sed ad λ omnia, quae sequuntur, exacte quadrant.

Τῷ σχήματι τοῦ λόγου. Billy notes that Ἐν is wanting here, and excellently advises that in place of λόγου the letter λ seems to be read. For λόγος here has nothing at all to do with the matter, whereas all the things that follow square exactly with λ.

Τὸν τῶν ἐνενήκοντα ἐννέα ποιεῖται ἀριθμόν. Hoc verum deprehendet quicunque computationem, dempto numero episemo, id est, senario, instituerit ; licet nugae istae indignae sint, quibus aliquis intendat, aut immoretur.

Τὸν τῶν ἐνενήκοντα ἐννέα ποιεῖται ἀριθμόν. Anyone will find this to be true who makes the computation with the number episemon, that is, six, removed; although those trifles are unworthy for anyone to apply his mind to or dwell upon.

Τύπον ἀριστερᾶς χειρός..... εἰς τὴν δεξιάν, etc. Ut ex ecclesiasticis scriptoribus hunc locum explicem, Sidonius Apollinaris lib. IX, epist. 9 ad Faustum, in fine scribit : « Quandoquidem tuos annos jam dextera numeraverit, » id est, jam centesimum annum attigisti, vel superasti. Nam ut Cassianus Collat. 24, cap. 26, ait : « Centenarius numerus de sinistra transfertur in dexteram, et licet eamdem in supputatione digitorum figuram tenere videatur, nimium tamen quantitatis magnitudine supercrescit. » Confer Hieronymum lib. I Contra Jovinianum.

Τύπον ἀριστερᾶς χειρός..... εἰς τὴν δεξιάν, etc. That I may explain this passage from ecclesiastical writers, Sidonius Apollinaris in Book 9, Epistle 9 to Faustus, writes at the end: "Since indeed the right hand has now numbered your years," that is, you have already reached or passed your hundredth year. For as Cassian in Conference 24, chapter 26, says: "The number a hundred is transferred from the left hand to the right, and although it seems to keep the same figure in the computation of the fingers, yet it grows far beyond in the magnitude of its quantity." Compare Jerome in Book 1 Contra Jovinianum.

Pag. 84. Ἐπιτήδειον εἰς ὑπερέκκρουσιν. Ὑπέκκρουσιν lege cum Billio ; ἐπιτηδείως autem ex veteri interpretatione reponere non est necesse, dummodo ἐπιτήδειον, non tanquam neutrum cum πνεῦμα , sed ut femininum cum γνώμην, construas.

Page 84. Ἐπιτήδειον εἰς ὑπερέκκρουσιν. Read Ὑπέκκρουσιν with Billy; but it is not necessary to restore ἐπιτηδείως from the ancient translation, provided only that you construe ἐπιτήδειον not as a neuter with πνεῦμα, but as a feminine with γνώμην.

Scholia Billii in cap. 14.

Scholia of Billy on Chapter 14.

Pag. 84. Deinde Virtutes. Pro ἑξῆς vetus legit ἐξ ἧς. Sed prior lectio mihi magis arridet. Ἑξῆς enim respondet τῷ πρῶτον.

Page 84. Deinde Virtutes. Instead of ἑξῆς the ancient interpreter reads ἐξ ἧς. But the former reading pleases me more. For ἑξῆς corresponds to πρῶτον.

Corpora. Σώματα legendum, non σωματικά.

Corpora. One must read Σώματα, not σωματικά.

Pag. 85. Qui signifer. Ζωδιακοῦ legendum, non ζώου.

Page 85. Qui signifer. One must read Ζωδιακοῦ, not ζώου.

Saturnus sublimiorem locum tenens. Corruptas

Saturnus sublimiorem locum tenens. Corrupt

Editors' notes and page, col. 1478

Page

running head: IN LIB. I S. IRENAEI.
marginal letters: A uno, vel duobus; B Τὸ η σὺν μὲν; C Billius, ac optime; D Contra Jovinianum.
old-edition numerals: 63 before Ex adnotationibus Jo. Ern. Grabii in cap. 13.
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 13 (continued), Ex adnotationibus Jo. Ern. Grabii in cap. 13, Scholia Billii in cap. 14

PG 7:1479

est hic locus apud Epiphanium, οὗπερ ὁ χρόνος. Vetus habet, « quod superpositum est coelum, » quasi in Graeco legerit οὐρανός. Legendum est autem ὁ ὑπερὢν, vel ὑπερκείμενος χρόνος : de Saturno enim Irenaeum loqui perspicuum est.

is this passage in Epiphanius, οὗπερ ὁ χρόνος. The ancient interpreter has, "the heaven which is set above," as though he had read οὐρανός in the Greek. Now one must read ὁ ὑπερὢν, or ὑπερκείμενος χρόνος: for it is plain that Irenaeus is speaking of Saturn.

Peragrantem. Pro ἐμπεριεχομένην, legendum ἐμπεριερχομένην. Nam et vetus transtulit « circumeuntem. »

Peragrantem. Instead of ἐμπεριεχομένην, one must read ἐμπεριερχομένην. For the ancient interpreter also translated "going round."

Expressisse. Ἐκτυπῶσαι legendum, non ἐκτυποῦσι.

Expressisse. One must read Ἐκτυπῶσαι, not ἐκτυποῦσι.

Illustris duodecadis. Οὐ φαεινῆς legit vet. interp., id est, invisibilis et occultae.

Illustris duodecadis. The ancient interpreter reads Οὐ φαεινῆς, that is, invisible and hidden.

Pag. 86. Ac singularem. Ἑκάστην addo ex vet. Lin. seq. κατὰ κάθετον duobus verbis legi debet.

Page 86. Ac singularem. I add Ἑκάστην from the ancient interpreter. In the following line κατὰ κάθετον ought to be read in two words.

Virtuti illi. Legendum in Graeco δυνάμει.

Virtuti illi. One must read δυνάμει in the Greek.

Notae ex adversariis Front. Ducaei in cap. 14.

Notes from the notebooks of Fronto Ducaeus on Chapter 14.

Pag. 84. Corpora circumdata. Scripsit fortasse « circulata, » vel « circularia, » σώματα κυκλοειδῆ, orbiculari forma.

Page 84. Corpora circumdata. Perhaps he wrote "circulata," or "circularia," σώματα κυκλοειδῆ, of an orbicular form.

Pag. 85. Qui ad ipsam concavationem. Paulo ante legisse videtur, ὁ ὑπερὢν οὐρανός, dum vertit, « quod superpositum est coelum : » idcirco retulit ad vocem Graecam, « qui ad ipsam, » pro « quod ad ipsam concavitatem. » Billius legit ut apud Epiphanium, « qui superpositus est Saturnus, qui ad cavitatem ipsam gravat. » Cornarius autem vertit, « qui suo corpore gravat, et vicissim ponderat illorum velocitatem sua tarditate. » Certe κύτος Hesychio est etiam σῶμα, ὄγκος, corpus et moles. Itaque suspicabamur ita posse verti, « qui praeter ipsam molem aggravat, et ex contrarietate moderatur illorum velocitatem sua tarditate : » quasi innuat, non modo suo pondere ac mole coelum retardare, cum incumbit, sed etiam ingenita sibi motus tarditate.

Page 85. Qui ad ipsam concavationem. A little before he seems to have read ὁ ὑπερὢν οὐρανός, when he translates, "the heaven which is set above:" therefore he referred "qui ad ipsam" to the Greek word, instead of "quod ad ipsam concavitatem." Billy reads as in Epiphanius, "Saturn who is set above, who weighs down upon the cavity itself." Cornarius, however, translates, "who weighs down with his body, and in turn counterbalances their swiftness by his slowness." Certainly κύτος in Hesychius is also σῶμα, ὄγκος, body and mass. Accordingly we suspected that it could be translated thus, "who besides the mass itself weighs down, and from contrariety moderates their swiftness by his slowness:" as if to hint that he retards the heaven when he presses upon it not only by his weight and mass, but also by the slowness of motion innate to him.

A signo in signum. Fortasse, a puncto ad punctum intelligit, nisi malis ad 12 signa referre, de quibus paulo ante.

A signo in signum. Perhaps he understands from point to point, unless you prefer to refer it to the 12 signs, of which a little before.

Circumeuntem et perficientem. Legendum in Graeco περιερχόμενον, aut paulo ante de luna, ἐμπεριερχομένην : nam et hic interpres « circumeuntem » vertit.

Circumeuntem et perficientem. One must read in the Greek περιερχόμενον, as a little before concerning the moon, ἐμπεριερχομένην: for here too the interpreter translates "circumeuntem."

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 14.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardent on Chapter 14.

Pag. 84. Volo autem. Recitantur figmenta de quatuor elementorum origine, de zodiaco, sole, luna, coelorum rotatione, climatibus terrae, atque mendacii origine, a mendacissimis Marcosiis invecta.

Page 84. Volo autem. The figments concerning the origin of the four elements, the zodiac, the sun, the moon, the rotation of the heavens, the climes of the earth, and the origin of falsehood, brought in by the most mendacious Marcosians, are recited.

Et ipsam conditionem. Sic etiam Tertullianus Latine scribens, creaturam et hujus mundi creationem frequenter appellat, lib. De resur. carnis, et De corona militis.

Et ipsam conditionem. Thus Tertullian also, writing in Latin, frequently calls the creature and the creation of this world, in the books De resurrectione carnis and De corona militis.

Diligenter imaginare. Sic ἐξεικονίζειν reddidit, Graecam dictionem nimia religione secutus, pro eo quod alius dixisset, « imaginem exprimere. »

Diligenter imaginare. Thus he rendered ἐξεικονίζειν, following the Greek expression with excessive scrupulosity, instead of what another would have said, "to express the image."

Pag. 85. Qui Zodiacus. Sic vocatur circulus intersecans aequatorem sphaerae, a figuris animalium, quae in eo imaginantur, ut sunt aries, taurus, leo, cancer, etc.

Page 85. Qui Zodiacus. Thus is called the circle intersecting the equator of the sphere, from the figures of animals which are imagined in it, such as Aries, Taurus, Leo, Cancer, etc.

Et e contrario superjunctum. Apud Epiphanium haec paulo apertius redduntur.

Et e contrario superjunctum. In Epiphanius these words are rendered a little more clearly.

Adhuc etiam et terram in duodecim climata. Climata vocantur terrae partes, secundum latitudinem, ab austro Septentrionem versus, per sensibilem maximorum dierum variationem differentes. Primi climatis, quod dicitur diameroes, spatium dicunt esse 465 milliarium Italicorum ; secundi diasienes, 420 ; tertii dialexandrias, 370 ; quarti diarhodas, 320 ; quinti diaromis, 270 ; sexti diaboristenes, 225 ; septimi diariphaeos, 185 : ulteriora climata per astrologos constituta non invenio. (Pag. 86.) Paulo post ex codice manuscripto et Frontonis judicio reposuimus « demissionem » pro « dimissione, et demiserit distillationem » pro « demiserit destellationem : » itemque « deformare, » id est, exprimere, pro « deformari. »

Adhuc etiam et terram in duodecim climata. Parts of the earth are called climes, according to latitude, from the south towards the north, differing by a sensible variation of the longest days. The space of the first clime, which is called dia Meroes, they say is of 465 Italian miles; of the second, dia Syenes, 420; of the third, dia Alexandrias, 370; of the fourth, dia Rhodos, 320; of the fifth, dia Romes, 270; of the sixth, dia Borysthenes, 225; of the seventh, dia Riphaeos, 185: further climes established by the astrologers I do not find. (Page 86.) A little after, from the manuscript codex and by the judgement of Fronto, we have restored "demissionem" for "dimissione," and "demiserit distillationem" for "demiserit destellationem:" and likewise "deformare," that is, to fashion or express, for "deformari."

Editors' notes and page, col. 1479

Page

running head: VARIORUM NOTAE
marginal letters: A est hic locus; B Pag. 85. Qui ad ipsam; C Circumeuntem et; D quae in eo imaginantur,
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Scholia Billii in cap. 14 (continued), Notae ex adversariis Front. Ducaei in cap. 14, Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 14

PG 7:1480

Ex adnotationibus Jo. Ernesti Grabii in cap. 14.

From the annotations of Joannes Ernestus Grabe on Chapter 14.

Pag. 85. Τριακοντώνυμον Μητέρα αὐτῶν. Pleroma triginta Aeonum hic intelligendum est. Neque enim triginta nomina Achamothae, quam alioqui Μητέρα αὐτῶν vocare solet, usquam reperio, sed septem solum cap. 1, § 9 (cap. 5, n. 2) lego.

Page 85. Τριακοντώνυμον Μητέρα αὐτῶν. The Pleroma of thirty Aeons is to be understood here. For I nowhere find thirty names of Achamoth, whom he is otherwise accustomed to call Μητέρα αὐτῶν, but in chapter 1, section 9 (chapter 5, no. 2) I read seven only.

Scholia Billii in cap. 15.

Scholia of Billy on Chapter 15.

Pag. 86. Aliquid novi. Addo τί in Graec. ex vet. Et eadem linea pro τέλος, lego τέλειος.

Page 86. Aliquid novi. I add τί in the Greek from the ancient interpreter. And in the same line instead of τέλος, I read τέλειος.

Detorquendo accommodant. In Graec. pro μεταμορφόζουσι, legendum μεθαρμόζουσι.

Detorquendo accommodant. In the Greek instead of μεταμορφόζουσι, one must read μεθαρμόζουσι.

In principio creavit Deus coelum et terram. Haec verba in Graeco desiderantur.

In principio creavit Deus coelum et terram. These words are wanting in the Greek.

Pag. 87. Id quoque quod in ea. In Graeco bis pro τὸν legendum τό. Et seq. lin. post τήν, ponendum δέ.

Page 87. Id quoque quod in ea. In the Greek twice instead of τὸν one must read τό. And in the following line after τήν, δέ is to be placed.

Aquam et spiritum. In Graec. pro ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς, legisse videtur vetus interp. ἐν οἷς εἰσι, ac recte.

Aquam et spiritum. In the Greek instead of ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς, the ancient interpreter seems to have read ἐν οἷς εἰσι, and rightly.

Post haec omnia. In Graeco pro πετεινά που τοῖς, lego cum vet. ἐπὶ πᾶσι τουτοις. Lin. seq. pro τριάκοντα , legendum rursus cum vet. τριακοντάδα.

Post haec omnia. In the Greek instead of πετεινά που τοῖς, I read with the ancient interpreter ἐπὶ πᾶσι τουτοις. In the following line instead of τριάκοντα, one must again read with the ancient interpreter τριακοντάδα.

Quae ab uno fonte. Pro πηγήν, lego cum vet. πηγῆς δύναμιν, ead. lin. ταυτην, pro ταῦτα.

Quae ab uno fonte. Instead of πηγήν, I read with the ancient interpreter πηγῆς δύναμιν, and in the same line ταυτην instead of ταῦτα.

Duas aures habeat. Ἔχοντος legendum in Graec.

Duas aures habeat. One must read Ἔχοντος in the Greek.

Veritatis corpus. Addo σῶμα ex vet. et ead. lin. deleo τοῖς σώμασι.

Veritatis corpus. I add σῶμα from the ancient interpreter, and in the same line I delete τοῖς σώμασι.

Ordinibus. Στοίχοις legendum videtur.

Ordinibus. It seems one must read Στοίχοις.

Pag. 88. Dispensationem quoque. Οἰκονομίαν legendum in Graeco, non οἶκον μίαν, ut Gallasius, cujus hic quoque tanta non dicam oscitantia, sed vecordia exstitit, ut ne illud quidem animadverterit, μίαν cum substantivo masculini generis minime jungi. Praestitisset profecto quiescere, quam tam inconsiderate scribere.

Page 88. Dispensationem quoque. One must read Οἰκονομίαν in the Greek, not οἶκον μίαν, as Gallasius does, whose I will not say carelessness, but folly was so great here also, that he did not even notice that μίαν is by no means joined with a noun of the masculine gender. Assuredly it would have been better to keep quiet than to write so inconsiderately.

Pag. 89. Per id quod Sara. In Graec. post τήν, addo κατά, ex vet. et pro ὡς, lego πῶς.

Page 89. Per id quod Sara. In the Greek after τήν, I add κατά from the ancient interpreter, and instead of ὡς, I read πῶς.

Jeroboam item. Vel ex hoc uno loco quam praecipitanter, ac nullo cum judicio in hac versione se gesserit Gallasius, liquido perspici potest : ubi, dum veterem interpretem consulere gravatur, ejusmodi errorem admisit, qui, non dicam sacrae theologiae professori, qualem se esse vult, sed ne ei quidem, qui litteras sacras vel a limine salutarit, condonandus sit. Quae enim est haec metamorphosis, ut de Jeroboam Roboam faciat, quem certum est non decem, sed duas tantum tribus imperio suo ac ditioni subjectas habuisse? In Graeco ergo pro Ῥοβοάμ, Ἱεροβοάμ.

Jeroboam item. Even from this one passage it can be clearly seen how precipitately and with no judgement Gallasius conducted himself in this version: where, while he disdains to consult the ancient interpreter, he committed such an error as ought not to be pardoned, I will not say to a professor of sacred theology, such as he wishes himself to be, but not even to one who has saluted sacred literature merely from the threshold. For what metamorphosis is this, that out of Jeroboam he makes Rehoboam, who it is certain had not ten, but only two tribes subject to his rule and dominion? In the Greek, therefore, instead of Ῥοβοάμ, read Ἱεροβοάμ.

Pag. 90. In speluncam. Delendum in Graeco Ἰσραήλ. Et ead. lin. pro τοῦτο, legendum τοῦ.

Page 90. In speluncam. In the Greek Ἰσραήλ is to be deleted. And in the same line instead of τοῦτο, one must read τοῦ.

Notae ex adversariis Front. Ducaei in cap. 15.

Notes from the notebooks of Fronto Ducaeus on Chapter 15.

Pag. 86. Quaecunque transformantes coaptant. Recte correxit Billius, μεθαρμόζουσιν, quo verbo saepius utitur alibi : ut cap. sequenti, εἰρηκέναι μεθαρμόζουσι : et cap. 17, εἰς τουτον χαρακτῆρα μεθαρμόζουσιν : et cap. 1, καὶ μεθαρμόσοι, καὶ ποιήσοι μορφὴν κυνός.

Page 86. Quaecunque transformantes coaptant. Billy rightly corrected μεθαρμόζουσιν, which verb he uses quite often elsewhere: as in the following chapter, εἰρηκέναι μεθαρμόζουσι: and in chapter 17, εἰς τουτον χαρακτῆρα μεθαρμόζουσιν: and in chapter 1, καὶ μεθαρμόσοι, καὶ ποιήσοι μορφὴν κυνός.

Post quam decadís. In Graeco emenda μνημονεύοντα φῶς λέγειν, pro σαφῶς λέγειν : quod neque Cornarius vidit, qui vertit apud Epiphanium, « ac clare dicere : » neque Gallasius, qui, « dum aperte dicit ; » neque ipse demum Billius, apud quem ita scribi potest : « Moxque decadís mentionem facientem, lumen, et diem, et noctem. » Sane haud aliter constare potest ratio : neque enim decimo erit loco lignum, si numerare incipias a die. Atqui Genesi I, 3, post illa : « Et Spiritus Domini ferebatur super aquas ; » sequitur : « Dixitque Deus : Fiat lux. » Rursus apud vet. interp. illud, « decadís commemorantem, » ἑλληνίζει, pro « mentionem facientem. » Ita μνησθήσονται vertitur Psal. XXI apud Augustinum, « commemorabuntur, et convertentur ad Dominum, » pro « recordabuntur. »

Post quam decadís. In the Greek emend μνημονεύοντα φῶς λέγειν, instead of σαφῶς λέγειν: which neither Cornarius saw, who translates in Epiphanius, "and clearly says:" nor Gallasius, who translates, "while he openly says;" nor finally Billy himself, in whom it can be written thus: "And presently making mention of the decad, light, and day, and night." Assuredly in no other way can the reckoning hold good: for the tree will not be in the tenth place if you begin to count from the day. Now in Genesis 1:3, after those words: "And the Spirit of the Lord moved over the waters;" there follows: "And God said: Let there be light." Again in the ancient interpreter that expression, "decadis commemorantem," is a Graecism for "making mention." Thus μνησθήσονται is translated in Psalm 21 in Augustine, "they shall be commemorated, and shall be converted to the Lord," instead of "they shall remember."

Pag. 88. Luminare magnum. Μέγαν φωστῆρα scripsimus pro μέγα.

Page 88. Luminare magnum. We have written Μέγαν φωστῆρα instead of μέγα.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1480

Page

running head: VARIORUM NOTAE
marginal letters: A Ex adnotationibus; B Post haec omnia.; C Jeroboam item.; D σοι μορφὴν κυνός.
old-edition numerals: 64 after dum veterem interpretem
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Ex adnotationibus Jo. Ernesti Grabii in cap. 14, Scholia Billii in cap. 15, Notae ex adversariis Front. Ducaei in cap. 15

PG 7:1481

Quaternationem ipsorum. Graeca exigunt, « ipsorum dicunt facta, » τοιαῦτα γεγονέναι, « talia esse facta. » Paulo post ita distingue in Graeco : πάλιν δεικνύεσθαι οὕτως. Ἐν τῇ. Quod sequitur de Jeroboam apud Epiphanii interpretem Cornarium, etiam corrigendum est, qui nimirum auctor idoneus visus est Gallasio, a quo magnam partem interpretationis mancipio acciperet.

Quaternationem ipsorum. The Greek requires, "they say that their deeds," τοιαῦτα γεγονέναι, "were made such." A little after punctuate thus in the Greek: πάλιν δεικνύεσθαι οὕτως. Ἐν τῇ. What follows concerning Jeroboam in Cornarius, the translator of Epiphanius, is also to be corrected, who doubtless seemed a suitable authority to Gallasius, from whom he might take over a great part of his translation as his own property.

Pag. 90. Et Samuelem declinantem. I Reg. IX, 22. « Assumens Samuel Saulem et puerum ejus, introduxit eos in triclinium, et dedit eis locum in capite eorum, qui fuerant invitati : erant enim quasi triginta viri. » At in Graeco LXX : Καὶ ἔθετο αὐτοῖς ἐκεῖ τόπον ἐν πρώτοις τῶν κεκλημένων, ὡσεὶ ἑβδομήκοντα ἀνδρῶν, « in primis vocatorum circiter septuaginta virorum. » Hoc notandum est, ut hinc colligamus Irenaeum, vel haereticos illos aliam Graecam editionem habuisse, in qua ex Hebraeo, ut in Vulgata Latina legebatur. Porro, « declinare, » potest etiam retineri, bona cum venia Latinorum profanorum, apud quos, et « somnus declinat ocellos, » et « agmen duces declinant, » etsi « reclinantem » aptius fuisset, ut Lucae XXVII « reclinavit, » ἀνέκλινεν : et IX, v. 4, κατακλίνατε, « facite discumbere. » Sic autem explendus est hic locus e Graeco : « Collocantem Saulem inter triginta vocatos, primum, et per Davidem, qui triginta diebus, » etc.

Page 90. Et Samuelem declinantem. 1 Kings (1 Sam.) 9:22: "And Samuel taking Saul and his servant, brought them into the parlour, and gave them a place at the head of them that had been invited: for they were about thirty men." But in the Greek of the Septuagint: Καὶ ἔθετο αὐτοῖς ἐκεῖ τόπον ἐν πρώτοις τῶν κεκλημένων, ὡσεὶ ἑβδομήκοντα ἀνδρῶν, "among the chief of those invited, about seventy men." This is to be noted, so that we may gather hence that Irenaeus, or those heretics, had another Greek edition, in which it was read from the Hebrew, as in the Latin Vulgate. Furthermore, "declinare" can also be retained, with the good leave of profane Latin writers, among whom both "sleep bends down (declinat) the eyes," and "the leaders turn aside (declinant) the column," although "reclinantem" would have been more apt, as in Luke 2:7 "laid Him down (reclinavit)," ἀνέκλινεν: and 9:14, κατακλίνατε, "make them sit down." Now this passage is to be filled out from the Greek thus: "Placing Saul first among the thirty invited, and through David, who for thirty days," etc.

Qui triginta diebus. Explendus est locus ex Graecis : « declinantem Saul, et per Davidem, qui triginta diebus abscondebatur. » Atqui David I Reg. XX, 5, dicit : « ut abscondar in agro, usque ad vesperam diei tertiae ; » et apud LXX, « usque ad vesperam » tantum, κρυβήσομαι ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ ἕως δείλης. Ubi ergo 30 dies? Plane fugit hic ratio istos arithmeticos novos, nisi quem alium Scripturae locum forte spectabant. At II Reg. XXIII, v. 13, « necnon et ante descenderant tres, qui erant principes inter triginta, et venerant ad David in speluncam Odollam. » LXX : Καὶ κατέβησαν τρεῖς ἀπὸ τῶν τριάκοντα πρὸς Δαυῒδ, εἰς τὸ σπήλαιον Ὀδολλάμ. Atque ita fortasse legendum est apud Irenaeum, τὸ σπήλαιον Ὀδολλάμ. Καὶ διὰ τοῦτο, pro Ἰσραήλ : sed in aliis exemplaribus LXX τρεῖς ἀπὸ τριάκοντα ἄρχοντες legimus, quae cum Lat. Vulgata conveniunt, ut omnia tres illos viros dicant, non triginta, ut haeretici ; etsi aliorum triginta septem meminit illud ipsum cap. II Reg.

Qui triginta diebus. The passage is to be filled out from the Greek: "making Saul sit down, and through David, who was hidden for thirty days." Yet David in 1 Kings (1 Sam.) 20:5 says: "that I may be hidden in the field until the evening of the third day;" and in the Septuagint, "until the evening" only, κρυβήσομαι ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ ἕως δείλης. Where then are the 30 days? Plainly the reckoning has escaped these new arithmeticians here, unless perhaps they had in view some other passage of Scripture. Now in 2 Kings (2 Sam.) 23:13, "moreover also three who were chiefs among the thirty had gone down before, and had come to David into the cave of Adullam." The Septuagint has: Καὶ κατέβησαν τρεῖς ἀπὸ τῶν τριάκοντα πρὸς Δαυῒδ, εἰς τὸ σπήλαιον Ὀδολλάμ. And thus perhaps one must read in Irenaeus, τὸ σπήλαιον Ὀδολλάμ. Καὶ διὰ τοῦτο, instead of Ἰσραήλ: but in other copies of the Septuagint we read τρεῖς ἀπὸ τριάκοντα ἄρχοντες, which agree with the Latin Vulgate, so that all speak of those three men, not thirty, as the heretics do; although that very chapter of 2 Kings makes mention of thirty-seven others.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 15.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardent on Chapter 15.

Pag. 86. Perfectus enim nemo, etc. Magisterii summum gradum, et perfectionis suae apicem in aggerandis mendaciorum, et recentium nugarum plaustris constituisse, et erroribus prioribus pejores sic addere contendisse, ut de impietatis palma contendere viderentur, post Irenaeum his graviter affirmat Nazianzenus : « Certi homines ascensiones in corde suo ponunt, non confessionis, sed abjurationis ; nec theologiae, sed blasphemiae. Etenim de liberalitate ac munificentia in profundendis impietatis opibus inter se certant, perinde atque non id metuant, ne impiis erroribus sese constringant : sed ne hac in re levius tolerabiliusque peccent, quam caeteri. »

Page 86. Perfectus enim nemo, etc. That they placed the highest degree of their mastership and the summit of their perfection in heaping up wagon-loads of lies and novel trifles, and strove so to add worse errors to their former ones that they seemed to contend for the palm of impiety, Gregory of Nazianzus gravely affirms after Irenaeus in these words: "Certain men set ascents in their heart, not of confession, but of abjuration; nor of theology, but of blasphemy. For they vie with one another in liberality and munificence in pouring forth the wealth of impiety, just as though they were afraid, not of binding themselves in impious errors, but of sinning in this matter more lightly and more tolerably than the rest."

Necessarium est. Delevimus « esse, » auctoritate vet. cod. et Grae. lect., et « arguitionem, » id est confutationem, pro « argutionem » reposuimus.

Necessarium est. We have deleted "esse," on the authority of the ancient manuscript and of the Greek reading, and have restored "arguitionem," that is, refutation, instead of "argutionem."

Pag. 88. Tabernaculi quoque. Qui frigidas Gnosticorum allegorias, ut decet, contempserit, et horum rituum Mosaicorum, Christo, Ecclesiae et sacramentis concinne accommodatas expositiones solidiores desideraverit, ex doctissimis Ruperti, Bedae, et Rabani commentariis, Origenisque homiliis in Pentateuchum, Clementis Alex. Strom. V,

Page 88. Tabernaculi quoque. Whoever despises, as is fitting, the frigid allegories of the Gnostics, and desires more solid expositions of these Mosaic rites, neatly adapted to Christ, the Church, and the sacraments, from the most learned commentaries of Rupert, Bede, and Rabanus, and the homilies of Origen on the Pentateuch, Book 5 of the Stromata of Clement of Alexandria,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1481

Footnotes

(10) ‹anchor: not visible in the page-foot image› · call in col 1481 (call not seen; column inferred)

Propert., lib. II, eleg. 1, v. 11.

Propertius, book 2, elegy 1, line 11.

(printed under page 749)

(11) ‹anchor: affirmat Nazianzenus› · call in col 1481

Orat. 2 de pace.

Second Oration on Peace.

(printed under page 749)

Page

running head: IN LIB. I S. IRENAEI.
marginal letters: A Quaternationem ipsorum.; B profanorum, apud quos,; C τριάκοντα πρὸς Δαυῒδ,; D liberalitate ac
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Notae ex adversariis Front. Ducaei in cap. 15 (continued), Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 15

PG 7:1482

et Philonis Judaei libris allegoriarum, abunde illi satisfactum iri puto.

and the books of allegories of Philo Judaeus, I think he will be abundantly satisfied.

Volunt eum sexto. Delevimus « dicunt eum septimo : » et mox, pro « septimo, » reposuimus « sexto, » auct. vet. cod. et Graecae lect.

Volunt eum sexto. We have deleted "dicunt eum septimo:" and shortly after, instead of "septimo," we have restored "sexto," on the authority of the ancient manuscript and of the Greek reading.

Sed et arcae. Sic omnino legendum poscit et sensus, et Graeca editio.

Sed et arcae. Both the sense and the Greek edition altogether demand that it be read thus.

Pag. 89. Duodecim tintinnabula. Horum tintinnabulorum pias quorumdam Patrum allegoricas explicationes paucis perstringere, et Gnosticis deliriis opponere placuit. « Duodecim apostolos significabant, » ait Justinus martyr, « pendentes a potentia Christi aeterni sacerdotis, per quorum vocem, gloria ac gratia ejus mundus repletus est. » Tertullianus : « Cur duodecim » apostolos elegit, et non alium quemlibet numerum? « Nae et ex hoc meum Christum interpretari possem, non tantum vocibus prophetarum, sed et argumentis rerum praedicatum. Hujus enim numeri figuras apud Creatorem deprehendo : duodecim fontes Elim, et duodecim gemmas in tunica sacerdotali Aaron, et duodecim lapides ab Jesu de Jordane electos, et in arcam testamenti conditos ; totidem enim apostoli portendebantur, » etc. Clemens Alexandr. : « Trecenta autem sexaginta sex tintinnabula, quae pendent a veste talari, est tempus annuum : annus, inquam, Domini acceptus, praedicans et resonans maximum adventum Servatoris. » — « Veste sacerdotali, » scribit Augustinus, « utique significatur Ecclesia : per haec autem tintinnabula, ut nota sit conversatio sacerdotis, sicut dicit Apostolus, teipsum praebe exemplum bonorum operum. » — « Moysi praecipitur, » ait Gregorius, « ut tabernaculum sacerdos ingrediens tintinnabulis ambiatur, ut videlicet voces praedicationis habeat, ne superni spectatoris judicium ex silentio offendat. Vestimentis autem tintinnabula inhaerent, ut vitae viam, cum linguae sonitu, ipsa quoque bona opera clament sacerdotis. » Beda : « Si Josephi verbis intendere voluerimus, quibus dicit, in tunica pontificis, mala septuaginta duo fuisse, et ejusdem numeri tintinnabula, congruit hoc figuris mysteriorum, ut sicut in humero ac pectore apostolicum ferre numerum jussus est : ita etiam discipulorum septuaginta duorum, qui et ipsi ad praedicandum missi sunt, circa pedes numerum assignatum haberet. »

Page 89. Duodecim tintinnabula. It has pleased me to touch briefly upon the pious allegorical explanations of these bells by certain Fathers, and to oppose them to the Gnostic ravings. "They signified the twelve apostles," says Justin Martyr, "hanging from the power of Christ the eternal priest, through whose voice the world has been filled with His glory and grace." Tertullian says: "Why did He choose twelve" apostles, and not any other number? "Truly even from this I could interpret my Christ, preached not only by the voices of the prophets, but also by the proofs of things. For I find figures of this number with the Creator: the twelve springs of Elim, and the twelve gems on the priestly tunic of Aaron, and the twelve stones chosen by Joshua out of the Jordan and laid up in the ark of the covenant; for just so many apostles were portended," etc. Clement of Alexandria says: "Now the three hundred and sixty-six bells which hang from the robe reaching to the feet are the yearly time: the acceptable year of the Lord, I say, proclaiming and resounding the greatest advent of the Saviour." — "By the priestly garment," writes Augustine, "the Church is assuredly signified: and by these bells, that the way of life of the priest may be known, as the Apostle says, Show yourself an example of good works." — "Moses is commanded," says Gregory, "that the priest entering the tabernacle be surrounded with bells, namely that he may have the voices of preaching, lest he offend the judgement of the supernal Spectator by silence. Moreover, the bells cling to his garments, so that along with the sound of his tongue, the good works themselves of the priest may also proclaim the way of life." Bede says: "If we are willing to attend to the words of Josephus, in which he says that on the tunic of the high priest there were seventy-two pomegranates, and bells of the same number, this agrees with the figures of the mysteries, that just as on his shoulder and breast he was commanded to bear the apostolic number, so also around his feet he should have the number assigned of the seventy-two disciples, who themselves also were sent to preach."

Et per Samuelem. Hic aliqua deesse in omnibus nostris exemplaribus Latinis, ostendit tum lectio Graeca, tum Bibliorum contextus. Sic ergo legatur : « per Samuelem, qui primum discumbere fecit Saul inter triginta vocatos ; et per David, qui triginta diebus abscondebatur in agro, » etc. Itaque suspectum est vocabulum « declinantem, » a Graeco κατακλίναντος, quod revera de eo dicitur, qui convivas locis certis discumbere facit.

Et per Samuelem. That some words are wanting here in all our Latin copies is shown both by the Greek reading and by the context of the Bible. Let it therefore be read thus: "through Samuel, who caused Saul to sit down first among the thirty invited; and through David, who was hidden for thirty days in the field," etc. Accordingly the word "declinantem" is suspect, coming from the Greek κατακλίναντος, which in truth is said of him who causes guests to recline in appointed places.

Ex Jo. Ernesti Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 15.

From the annotations of Joannes Ernestus Grabe on Chapter 15.

Pag. 86. Μεταμορφάζουσιν. Non placet, saltem non necessaria est emendatio Billii et Frontonis Ducaei, qui μεθαρμόζουσι legendum volunt ; licet negari nequeat, Irenaeum hoc verbo alibi saepius usum esse. Si ex veteri interpretatione hic loci conjecturam capere licet, scriptum fuit μεταμορφάζοντες (sive, ut Basileensis Epiphanii, indeque cunctae Irenaei editt. habent, μεταμορφόζοντες) μεθαρμόζουσι.

Page 86. Μεταμορφάζουσιν. The emendation of Billy and Fronto Ducaeus, who wish μεθαρμόζουσι to be read, does not please me, or at least is not necessary; although it cannot be denied that Irenaeus used this verb quite often elsewhere. If it is permissible to form a conjecture in this passage from the ancient translation, there was written μεταμορφάζοντες (or, as the Basel edition of Epiphanius, and thence all the editions of Irenaeus have it, μεταμορφόζοντες) μεθαρμόζουσι.

Καὶ οἱ στύλοι οἱ δεκαπήχεις. Diu multumque quaesivi in S. Litteris columnas decem cubitorum, donec tandem in editione Francofurtensi 1597 LXX interpretum, Exod. XXXVI, 17 et seq. inveni haec scripta : Καὶ ἐποίησε στύλους τῆς σκηνῆς ἐκ ξύλων ἀσήπτων· δέκα πηχέων τὸν στύλον τὸν ἕνα. In Romana autem Flaminii Nobilii, et

Καὶ οἱ στύλοι οἱ δεκαπήχεις. Long and much did I seek in Sacred Scripture for pillars of ten cubits, until at last in the Frankfurt edition of 1597 of the Septuagint translators, Exodus 36:17 ff., I found these words written: Καὶ ἐποίησε στύλους τῆς σκηνῆς ἐκ ξύλων ἀσήπτων· δέκα πηχέων τὸν στύλον τὸν ἕνα ("And he made pillars of the tabernacle of incorruptible wood; one pillar of ten cubits"). In the Roman edition of Flaminius Nobilius, however, and

Editors' notes and page, col. 1482

Footnotes

(12) ‹anchor: ait Justinus martyr› · call in col 1482

In Dialogo.

In the Dialogue.

(printed under page 749)

(13) ‹anchor: Tertullianus :› · call in col 1482

Lib. IV contra Marc.

Against Marcion, book 4.

(printed under page 749)

(14) ‹anchor: Clemens Alexandr. :› · call in col 1482

Lib. V Stromat.

Stromata, book 5.

(printed under page 749)

(15) ‹anchor: scribit Augustinus› · call in col 1482

Quaest. 119 in Exod.

Question 119 on Exodus.

(printed under page 749)

(16) ‹anchor: ait Gregorius› · call in col 1482

Lib. I Registri, cap. 24.

(printed under page 749)

(17) ‹anchor: Beda› · call in col 1482

In XXVIII cap. Exodi.

On chapter 28 of Exodus.

(printed under page 749)

Page

running head: IN LIB. I S. IRENAEI.
marginal letters: A et Philonis Judaei; B rem deprehendo :; C opera clament; D Pag. 86. Μεταμορφάζουσιν.
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 15 (continued), Ex Jo. Ernesti Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 15

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Waltoni editione haec minime exstant. Totum enim XXXVI et seq. capita in codice Romano et Alexandrino immane quantum differunt.

in Walton's edition these words do not exist at all. For the whole of chapter 36 and the following chapters differ immensely in the Roman and Alexandrian codices.

Τοὺς δώδεκα κώδωνας. In S. Scripturis Exod. XXVIII nihil de numero istorum tintinnabulorum legitur. Duodecim autem fuisse per traditionem acceperunt non modo Marcosii haeretici, sed et catholici quidam, veluti Justinus martyr, qui in Dial. cum Tryphone Judaeo, pag. 260 ait, δώδεκα κώδωνας ἐξῆφθαι τοῦ ποδήρους τοῦ ἀρχιερέως παραδεδόσθαι, « traditum esse, quod duodecim tintinnabula stolae summi sacerdotis annexa fuerint. » Quae ipse typos facit XII apostolorum, qui Jesu Christo, novi testamenti pontifici, adhaeserunt. Alii vero 72, alii alium tintinnabulorum istorum numerum tradiderunt, de quibus lege egregium Braunii tractatum De vestitu sacerdotum Hebraeorum, lib. II, cap. 5, § 23. Neque enim libet cum Feuardentio hic digredi.

Τοὺς δώδεκα κώδωνας. In the Sacred Scriptures, Exod. 28, nothing is read concerning the number of those bells. Now not only the Marcosian heretics, but also certain Catholics received by tradition that there were twelve, such as Justin Martyr, who in his Dialogue with Trypho the Jew, page 260, says, δώδεκα κώδωνας ἐξῆφθαι τοῦ ποδήρους τοῦ ἀρχιερέως παραδεδόσθαι, "that it has been handed down that twelve bells were attached to the robe of the high priest." Which he himself makes types of the twelve apostles who cleaved to Jesus Christ, the High Priest of the New Testament. Others, however, handed down 72, and others another number of those bells, on which read the excellent treatise of Braun, De vestitu sacerdotum Hebraeorum, Book 2, chapter 5, section 23. For I do not care to digress here with Feuardent.

Scholia Billii in cap. 16.

Scholia of Billy on Chapter 16.

Pag. 90. Necessarium autem. Δέ addo ex vet.

Page 90. Necessarium autem. I add Δέ from the ancient interpreter.

Pag. 91. Quod autem non. Pro οὐδέ in Graec. legendum οὐ, et ead. lin. pro ἐπί, ὑπό, vel παρά.

Page 91. Quod autem non. Instead of οὐδέ in the Greek one must read οὐ, and in the same line instead of ἐπί, ὑπό or παρά.

Cum parabolarum. In Graeco delendum ἑτέρῳ.

Cum parabolarum. In the Greek ἑτέρῳ is to be deleted.

Notae ex adversariis Front. Ducaei in cap. 16.

Notes from the notebooks of Fronto Ducaeus on Chapter 16.

Pag. 91. Ostenditur procedente. Graec. δειχθήσεται, « ostendetur. » Locus Danielis sic habet in edit. nova Romana : Δευρο, Δανιὴλ, ὅτι ἐμπεφραγμένοι καὶ ἐσφραγισμένοι οἱ λόγοι, ἕως κ. π. ἐκλεγ. καὶ ἐκλευκανθῶσι, etc., non diversa ab iis quae Lat. Vulgata Danielis XII, 9, 10 : « Vade, Daniel, quia clausi sunt, signatique sermones. » At non legimus, ut citant haeretici, καὶ οἱ λευκοὶ λευκανθῶσι. Nonnihil diversa sunt a prophetae autographo, quae citat ex hoc loco Cyprianus Contra Judaeos, quae tamen conveniunt cum iis quae apud hunc ipsum Irenaeum lib. IV, c. 43.

Page 91. Ostenditur procedente. In the Greek, δειχθήσεται, "it shall be shown." The passage of Daniel reads thus in the new Roman edition: Δευρο, Δανιὴλ, ὅτι ἐμπεφραγμένοι καὶ ἐσφραγισμένοι οἱ λόγοι, ἕως κ. π. ἐκλεγ. καὶ ἐκλευκανθῶσι, etc., not different from what the Latin Vulgate has in Daniel 12:9, 10: "Go, Daniel, because the words are shut up and sealed." But we do not read, as the heretics cite it, καὶ οἱ λευκοὶ λευκανθῶσι. Somewhat different from the prophet's original are the words which Cyprian Contra Judaeos cites from this passage, which nevertheless agree with those found in this same Irenaeus in Book 4, chapter 43.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 16.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardent on Chapter 16.

Pag. 90. Dominum nostrum Ita legendum proponimus ex vet. cod. et Graeca lect. Prius erat, « Dominum non alterum, » etc.

Page 90. Dominum nostrum. Thus we propose that it be read from the ancient manuscript and the Greek reading. Previously it was, "Dominum non alterum," etc.

Et fabricatorem quidem. Duplici ratione mendacii illos arguit, una, quod Creatorem mundi alium a summo et invisibili Deo facerent ; altera, quod illum in essentia visum esse a prophetis, idque oculis ipsis carnalibus, putarent. Ac rectius docet Augustinus, omnes visiones Moysi et aliis prophetis factas, per subjectam creaturam exhibitas fuisse ad significandum Deum invisibilem : nec Moysem ipsum aperte unquam Deum vidisse. Variis autem modis creaturam assumi ad Deum nostris sensibus significandum, argute idem postea persequitur. Aliquando videlicet in angelo ; aliquando in specie per angelum disposita ; aliquando vero et ipsi prophetae verbis et factis personam Dei significarunt. Idipsum quoque multis Scripturae sententiis, et Ambrosii, Hieronymi, Athanasii et Nazianzeni testimoniis confirmat amplissime epistola 3.

Et fabricatorem quidem. He convicts them of falsehood on a twofold ground: one, because they made the Creator of the world another than the supreme and invisible God; the other, because they thought that He was seen in His essence by the prophets, and that with their very bodily eyes. And more rightly does Augustine teach that all the visions made to Moses and the other prophets were exhibited through a subject creature to signify the invisible God, and that Moses himself never openly saw God. And how in various ways a creature is assumed to signify God to our senses, the same author acutely pursues afterwards: sometimes, namely, in an angel; sometimes in an appearance arranged by an angel; and sometimes the prophets themselves also by words and deeds signified the person of God. This very thing he also confirms most amply in Epistle 3 by many sentences of Scripture and by the testimonies of Ambrose, Jerome, Athanasius, and Nazianzen.

Pag. 91. Recurre, Daniel. Hunc Danielis locum ita legit Cyprianus : « Muni sermones, et signa librum usque ad tempus consummationis, quod addiscant multi, et impleatur agnitio, quoniam cum fiet dispersio, cognoscent omnia haec. » Non autem de Deo aliquo ignoto, ut hi perperam putant : sed de caecitate Judaeorum, qui Scripturas sanctas intellecturi non essent, donec Christus in novissimis temporibus venisset, qui discipulis verbo et opere explicaret, recte interpretatur.

Page 91. Recurre, Daniel. Cyprian reads this passage of Daniel thus: "Secure the words, and seal the book until the time of consummation, that many may learn, and knowledge may be fulfilled, since when the dispersion shall take place, they shall know all these things." And he rightly interprets it not of some unknown God, as these men wrongly think, but of the blindness of the Jews, who would not understand the holy Scriptures until Christ had come in the last times, to explain them to His disciples in word and deed.

Ex Jo. Ern. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 16.

From the annotations of Joannes Ernestus Grabe on Chapter 16.

Pag. 90. Ὁ λαός με οὐ συνῆκε. Ita LXX interpretes, teste Hieronymo ad cap. I Isaiae. Soli LXX transtulerunt : « Israel autem me non cognovit, et populus me non intellexit. » Atque ita hunc locum

Page 90. Ὁ λαός με οὐ συνῆκε. So the Septuagint translators, as Jerome testifies on chapter 1 of Isaiah: "The Septuagint alone translated: But Israel has not known me, and the people has not understood me." And thus this passage

Editors' notes and page, col. 1483

Footnotes

(18) ‹anchor: rectius docet Augustinus› · call in col 1483

Lib. II de Trinit., cap. 15 et 16, et lib. III, cap. 10.

Book II On the Trinity, chapters 15 and 16, and book III, chapter 10.

(printed under page 750)

(19) ‹anchor: legit Cyprianus› · call in col 1483

Lib. I contra Judaeos, c. 4.

Book I Against the Jews, chapter 4.

(printed under page 750)

Page

running head: VARIORUM NOTAE
marginal letters: A Waltoni editione; B Cum parabolarum.; C ponimus ex vet. cod.; D Pag. 91. Recurre, Daniel.
old-edition numerals: 65 after παραδεδόσθαι,
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Ex Jo. Ernesti Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 15 (continued), Scholia Billii in cap. 16, Notae ex adversariis Front. Ducaei in cap. 16, Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 16, Ex Jo. Ern. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 16

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allegarunt tam haeretici, quam catholici ; S. Basilius, Cyrillus, Theodoretus in Commentariis suis, hisque antiquior Justinus martyr Apol. 2 (1) pag. 95, C. Unde et in priori hujus Apologiae parte, 77, A, legendum videtur ὁ λαός με οὐ συνῆκε, non μου, ut est in editis exemplaribus.

was adduced both by heretics and by Catholics: St. Basil, Cyril, Theodoret in their Commentaries, and older than these Justin Martyr in Apology 2 (1), page 95 C. Whence also in the earlier part of this Apology, page 77 A, it seems one must read ὁ λαός με οὐ συνῆκε, not μου, as it is in the printed copies.

Scholia Billii in cap. 17.

Scholia of Billy on Chapter 17.

Pag. 91. Puerili aetate esset. In Graeco pro τὰ διά, legendum cum vet. παιδὸς ὄντος καὶ τὰ γράμματα μανθάνοντος, καὶ τοῦ διδασκάλου.

Page 91. Puerili aetate esset. In the Greek instead of τὰ διά, one must read with the ancient interpreter παιδὸς ὄντος καὶ τὰ γράμματα μανθάνοντος, καὶ τοῦ διδασκάλου.

Pag. 92. Per id praeterea quod. Pro διὰ τό, vet. legit, διὰ τοῦτο : sed male, ut sensus ostendit.

Page 92. Per id praeterea quod. Instead of διὰ τό, the ancient interpreter reads διὰ τοῦτο: but wrongly, as the sense shows.

Dicere recusavit. In Graec. ante εἰπεῖν, ponendum μή, vel οὐκ.

Dicere recusavit. In the Greek before εἰπεῖν, μή or οὐκ is to be placed.

Abscondita sunt a te. Addo ἀπό in Graec.

Abscondita sunt a te. I add ἀπό in the Greek.

Se eos edocturum. Corruptus est hic locus apud Epiph. ita restituendus ex vet. interp., ὑπέσχετο διδάξειν. Ἀπόδειξιν δὲ τὴν ἀνωτάτω, etc.

Se eos edocturum. This passage is corrupt in Epiphanius, and is to be restored thus from the ancient interpreter: ὑπέσχετο διδάξειν. Ἀπόδειξιν δὲ τὴν ἀνωτάτω, etc.

Abscondisti haec. Addo ταῦτα in Graec.

Abscondisti haec. I add ταῦτα in the Greek.

Sic tibi complacuit. Delendum μου.

Sic tibi complacuit. Μου is to be deleted.

Notae ex adversariis Front. Ducaei in cap. 12.

Notes from the notebooks of Fronto Ducaeus on Chapter 17.

Pag. 93. Apocryphorum et perperum. Ἀποκρύφων καὶ νόθων γραφῶν, melius forte, « apocrypharum et perperarum Scripturarum. »

Page 93. Apocryphorum et perperum. Ἀποκρύφων καὶ νόθων γραφῶν, better perhaps, "of apocryphal and spurious Scriptures."

Et propter hoc non respondisse. Interpres fortasse legit διὰ τό ; sed Hellenismum exprimere voluit, sic enim solet articulos reddere.

Et propter hoc non respondisse. The interpreter perhaps read διὰ τό; but he wished to express the Hellenism, for thus he is accustomed to render the articles.

Pag. 91. Per eum sermonem qui est. Nimis incommode ῥῆμα vertit « sermonem, » quod grammatici « verbum : » sic ergo planius erit, « per verbum, » abscondita sunt, « apocryphon Bythi manifestasse : » hoc est dum usus est verbo ἐκρύβη, designasse occultationem, sive obscuritatem Bythi.

Page 91. Per eum sermonem qui est. Too inconveniently he translates ῥῆμα "speech (sermonem)," which grammarians call "verb (verbum):" thus therefore it will be plainer, "by the verb," were hidden, "he manifested the secret of Bythus:" that is, when he used the verb ἐκρύβη, he designated the hiding or obscurity of Bythus.

Confiteor tibi, Pater. Cum id suadeat vetus interpres, legendum est, ut Lucae X, v. 21, ἐξομολογοῦμαί σοι, in Graeco : tametsi videri potest auctor immutare nonnunquam verba Scripturae, ut cum οὐρανῶν, pro οὐρανοῦ dicit, nisi et hoc vitium librarii est. Illud quidem certe in initio capitis sequentis a librario est : διὰ τὸ ἓν ἕκαστον , nam ἕνα ἕκαστον non putavit recte jungi posse cum τό, quod diversi generis sit. Tu intellige διὰ τὸ παραδιδόναι ἕν ἕκαστον αὐτῶν αὐτήν : reposuimus enim ex Epiph. cod. παραδιδόναι pro διδόναι, quod erat in edit. Gallasii.

Confiteor tibi, Pater. Since the ancient interpreter recommends it, one must read, as in Luke 10, verse 21, ἐξομολογοῦμαί σοι in the Greek: although the author may seem sometimes to alter the words of Scripture, as when he says οὐρανῶν instead of οὐρανοῦ, unless this too is a fault of the copyist. That reading at the beginning of the following chapter is certainly from the copyist: διὰ τὸ ἓν ἕκαστον, for he did not think that ἕνα ἕκαστον could rightly be joined with τό, because it is of a different gender. Do you understand διὰ τὸ παραδιδόναι ἕνα ἕκαστον αὐτῶν αὐτήν: for we have restored from the codex of Epiphanius παραδιδόναι instead of διδόναι, which was in the edition of Gallasius.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 17.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardent on Chapter 17.

Pag. 91. Scripturas. Hunc novum titulum apposuimus, quod magis convenire nemo non judicabit : veterem autem in proximi capitis initium, ad quod etiam quatuor posteriores lineas istius rejecimus, ut sit illius principium.

Page 91. Scripturas. We have prefixed this new title, because everyone will judge that it is more suitable: while we have moved the old one to the beginning of the next chapter, to which we have also transferred the last four lines of this one, so that it may be its beginning.

Multitudinem apocryphorum. Apocryphum illud est B. Augustino, cujus occulta origo Patribus non claruit : κρύπτω enim, a quo ἀπόκρυφον, est « condo, » sive « recondo. » Porro Gnosticos non tantum libros, quorum origo ignota erat, sed et blasphemias spirantes habuisse, et superius dictum est, et hoc capite plus satis liquescit ; cum Christum ignorantem, et sub cujusdam paedagogi ferula quasi alphabetum ediscentem, ex illis ridicule fingunt. Tunc enim a Simone et Cleobio pestilentes sub nomine Christi et apostolorum compositos libros fuisse testatur B. Clemens, quos in fraudem simplicium Christianorum circumferebant haeretici. Quod etiam superioribus temporibus factitatum asserit, videlicet nomine Moysis, Enoch, Adae, Isaiae, Davidis, Eliae, et trium patriarcharum, perniciosa, et veritati infesta scripta evulgata fuisse. Multos quoque Priscillianorum corruptissimos codices, qui canonici titulati erant, se invenisse scribit Leo Magnus. Quomodo enim decipere simplices possent, nisi venenata pocula quodam melle

Multitudinem apocryphorum. For Blessed Augustine, that is apocryphal whose hidden origin was not clear to the Fathers: for κρύπτω, from which comes ἀπόκρυφον, is "I hide" or "I conceal." Furthermore, that the Gnostics had books not only whose origin was unknown, but also breathing blasphemies, has both been said above and is more than sufficiently clear in this chapter; since from them they ridiculously feign Christ as ignorant, and learning the alphabet, as it were, under the rod of some schoolmaster. For Blessed Clement testifies that at that time pestilent books were composed by Simon and Cleobius under the name of Christ and the apostles, which the heretics carried about to deceive simple Christians. Which he asserts was also practised in earlier times, namely that under the name of Moses, Enoch, Adam, Isaiah, David, Elijah, and the three patriarchs, pernicious writings hostile to the truth were published abroad. Leo the Great also writes that he found many most corrupt manuscripts of the Priscillianists, which were entitled canonical. For how could they deceive the simple, unless they smeared the poisoned cups beforehand with some honey,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1484

Footnotes

(20) ‹anchor: B. Augustino› · call in col 1484

Lib. XIV De civ. cap. 33.

Book XIV of the City [of God], chapter 33.

(printed under page 750)

(21) ‹anchor: ex illis ridicule fingunt› · call in col 1484

Vide infra lib. II, cap. 49.

See below, book II, chapter 49.

(printed under page 750)

(22) ‹anchor: testatur B. Clemens› · call in col 1484

Lib. VI, cap. 16 de Const. apost.

Book VI, chapter 16 of the Apostolic Constitutions.

(printed under page 750)

(23) ‹anchor: scribit Leo Magnus› · call in col 1484

Epist. ad Turibium, c. 15.

Letter to Turibius, chapter 15.

(printed under page 750)

Page

running head: VARIORUM NOTAE
marginal letters: A allegarunt tam haeretici,; B Sic tibi complacuit.; C brarii est. Illud; D est, et hoc capite
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Ex Jo. Ern. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 16 (continued), Scholia Billii in cap. 17, Notae ex adversariis Front. Ducaei in cap. 17, Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 17

PG 7:1485

praelinirent, ne usquequaque sentirentur insuavia, quae essent futura mortifera?

lest those things which were to prove deadly should be perceived as altogether unpleasant?

Et disceret litteras. Hunc veterum Gnosticorum errorem, Christo communem ignorantiam nostram ascribentium, aeque impie ac pervicaciter recentes instaurare nituntur, quando, Calvino auctore, aiunt eum permulta ignorasse ; et Gallasio astipulatore, oportuit eum discere ac erudiri more hominum. Nos has impietates copiose refutavimus, Dialogo 4 adversus eorum errores : infra quoque iterum de his dicetur.

Et disceret litteras. This error of the ancient Gnostics, ascribing our common ignorance to Christ, the modern heretics strive to renew with equal impiety and obstinacy, when, with Calvin as their authority, they say that He was ignorant of very many things; and with Gallasius as his supporter, that it behoved Him to learn and be instructed after the manner of men. We have copiously refuted these impieties in Dialogue 4 against their errors: below also we shall speak of these things again.

Incognitum. Ita vet. cod. Graece etiam τὸ ἄγνωστον : expunximus itaque « cognitum. »

Incognitum. So the ancient manuscript; in the Greek also τὸ ἄγνωστον: we have therefore expunged "cognitum."

Pag. 92. Sed et in eo. Sic legendum docuerunt cod. vet. et lectio Graeca. Quod vero Christum dixisse referunt, cum in nullo Evangel. exstet, confinxerunt.

Page 92. Sed et in eo. The ancient manuscript and the Greek reading taught that it should be read thus. Now what they relate Christ to have said, since it is extant in no Gospel, they fabricated.

Apocryphum Bythi. Sic legendum, pro « apocryphum Bythum : » et postea, « veritatis Patrem, » pro « veritatem Patris : » itemque, « promisit se, » pro, « promisisse » docuit, cum veteri codice, textus Graecus : sicut et superius, « ostendisse eum, » pro « non ostendisse. »

Apocryphum Bythi. The Greek text, along with the ancient manuscript, taught that one must read thus instead of "apocryphum Bythum:" and afterwards, "veritatis Patrem," instead of "veritatem Patris:" and likewise, "promisit se," instead of "promisisse:" just as above also, "ostendisse eum," instead of "non ostendisse."

Pag. 93. Et aptare. Delevimus « a Patre, » auctor. vet. cod. et Graecae lect.

Page 93. Et aptare. We have deleted "a Patre," on the authority of the ancient manuscript and of the Greek reading.

De incognito. Expunximus « de cognito, » auctor. vet. cod. et Graec. lect.

De incognito. We have expunged "de cognito," on the authority of the ancient manuscript and of the Greek reading.

Ex adnotationibus Jo. Ernesti Crabii in cap. 17.

From the annotations of Joannes Ernestus Grabe on Chapter 17.

Pag. 91. Ὡς τοῦ Κυρίου. Hoc ῥᾳδιούργημα, ut ab Irenaeo merito appellatur, reperitur etiam in apocrypho, quod Matthaeo perperam ascriptum exstat in ms. cod. 1697 bibliothecae Regiae Parisiis, teste Cotelerio in notis ad lib. VI Constit. apost. Clementis, cap. 16, et in Evangelio infantiae Christi, quod Arabice cum Latina versione edidit Henricus Sikius, pag. 144 et 146, nec non, licet paulo diversum, in pseudo-Evangelio Leucii, quod ms. hic Oxonii exstat in bibliotheca collegii Corporis Christi, ubi cap. Quomodo Jesus discendus erat litteras, haec leguntur : « Et coepit magister impiose (l. imperiose) eum docere dicendo : Dic alpha. Jesus vero dixit ei : Tu mihi dic prius, quid sit beta, et ego dicam tibi quid sit alpha ; et ob haec magister iratus percussit Jesum, et postquam percussit eum, mortuus est. »

Page 91. Ὡς τοῦ Κυρίου. This ῥᾳδιούργημα ("knavish fiction"), as it is deservedly called by Irenaeus, is found also in an apocryphon which is extant, falsely ascribed to Matthew, in manuscript codex 1697 of the Royal Library in Paris, as Cotelier testifies in his notes on Book 6 of the Apostolic Constitutions of Clement, chapter 16, and in the Gospel of the Infancy of Christ, which Henry Sike edited in Arabic with a Latin version, pages 144 and 146, and also, though slightly different, in the pseudo-Gospel of Leucius, which is extant in manuscript here at Oxford in the library of Corpus Christi College, where in the chapter Quomodo Jesus discendus erat litteras, these words are read: "And the master began impiously (read: imperiously) to teach Him, saying: Say alpha. But Jesus said to him: Do you tell me first what beta is, and I will tell you what alpha is; and on account of this the master in anger struck Jesus, and after he struck Him, he died."

Scholia Billii in cap. 18.

Scholia of Billy on Chapter 18.

Pag. 93. Ad fidei abjectionem. Graec. ἀπόθεσιν. In Graec. pro εἶδος τοῦ, legendum εἶδος τοῦτο.

Page 93. Ad fidei abjectionem. In the Greek, ἀπόθεσιν. In the Greek instead of εἶδος τοῦ, one must read εἶδος τοῦτο.

Pag. 94. Intimum Bythi sinum. Addo in Graec. τοῦ Βυθοῦ ex vet.

Page 94. Intimum Bythi sinum. I add in the Greek τοῦ Βυθοῦ from the ancient interpreter.

Profanorum quorumdam. Addo βεβήλων ex vet.

Profanorum quorumdam. I add βεβήλων from the ancient interpreter.

Pag. 95. In eo qui in Jesum descendit. Εἰς τὸν κατελθόντα εἰς Ἰησοῦν. Vetus editio, « in nomine descendentis Jesu. » In codice tamen manuscripto, ex quo infinita loca correcta sunt, non « Jesu, » sed « spiritus » legitur. Quae quidem lectio eumdem sensum habet cum codice Graeco.

Page 95. In eo qui in Jesum descendit. Εἰς τὸν κατελθόντα εἰς Ἰησοῦν. The old edition has, "in the name of the descending Jesus." In the manuscript codex, however, from which numberless passages have been corrected, not "of Jesus," but "of the spirit" is read. Which reading indeed has the same sense as the Greek manuscript.

Pag. 97. Filius autem in eo qui praeexsistit. Graecus Epiphanii codex habet ἐν τῷ παρόντι, id est « in praesenti. » Sed apparet veterem interpretem legisse προόντι. Vertit enim, « qui ante fuit. »

Page 97. Filius autem in eo qui praeexsistit. The Greek codex of Epiphanius has ἐν τῷ παρόντι, that is, "in the present." But it appears that the ancient interpreter read προόντι. For he translates, "who was before."

Veni ut. Ἦλθον. In Graeco autem codice aliquanto post, pro ἐκ τῶν, legendum τόν.

Veni ut. Ἦλθον. In the Greek codex, however, a little after, instead of ἐκ τῶν, one must read τόν.

Quae patris expers. Sensus hoc loco perspicue postulat, ut cum veteri interp. legamus, πατέρα, non, ut corrupte apud Epiphanium, μητέρα.

Quae patris expers. The sense in this place plainly demands that we read πατέρα with the ancient interpreter, not, as corruptly in Epiphanius, μητέρα.

Hoc autem. Τοῦτο legendum in Graec. cum vet.

Hoc autem. One must read Τοῦτο in the Greek with the ancient interpreter.

FINIS SCHOLIORUM BILLII.

END OF THE SCHOLIA OF BILLY.

Notae ex adversariis Front. Ducaei in cap. 18.

Notes from the notebooks of Fronto Ducaeus on Chapter 18.

Pag. 94. Redemptionem autem. Interpres legisse videtur, τὴν δὲ ἀπολύτρωσιν τοῦ ἐν αὐτῷ Χριστοῦ κεκομίσθαι, non ut habet Epiphanii codex, qui tamen sequendus est : non enim in Joanne, sed in Jesu, Christum esse blaterabant Gnostici, neque hic Christum a Jesu, ut ante, sed Joannem a Jesu distinguit. Sic ergo corrigere potes : « redemptionem

Page 94. Redemptionem autem. The interpreter seems to have read, τὴν δὲ ἀπολύτρωσιν τοῦ ἐν αὐτῷ Χριστοῦ κεκομίσθαι, not as the codex of Epiphanius has it, which nevertheless is to be followed: for the Gnostics babbled that Christ was not in John, but in Jesus, nor does he here distinguish Christ from Jesus, as before, but John from Jesus. Thus therefore you can correct it: "and that the redemption

Editors' notes and page, col. 1485

Page

running head: IN LIB. I S. IRENAEI.
marginal letters: A praelinirent, ne; B pro, « promisisse »; C piose (l. imperiose); D « in praesenti. »
old-edition numerals: 66 after Oxonii
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 17 (continued), Ex adnotationibus Jo. Ernesti Grabii in cap. 17, Scholia Billii in cap. 18, Notae ex adversariis Front. Ducaei in cap. 18
other: the word redemptionem was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 1486

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autem Jesu positam esse ad perfectionem, » tametsi hoc est κεῖσθαι, non ut Graecus, κεκομίσθαι, « allatam esse. »

of Jesus was set for perfection," although this is κεῖσθαι, not as the Greek has it, κεκομίσθαι, "was brought."

Cum quibusdam profanis. Apud Eusebium lib. IV, c. 10 Hist., legitur μετ' ἐπικλήσεών τινων τοῖς τελουμένοις, et εἰς ὕδωρ, et μητέρα τῶν πάντων, εἰς τὸν Ἰησοῦν, καταπλῆξασθαι τοὺς τελουμένους, caetera ut apud Epiphanium. In utroque ergo Graeco libro omittitur vox βεβήλων, quam tamen exprimit Irenaei interpres, et Ruffinus, dum vertit : « Etenim quidam eorum thalamum construunt, et nefarium quoddam initiandi celebrant genus, tanquam secretis quibusdam carminibus ac verbis, non tam sacris quam exsecrabilibus eum, qui introducitur, consecrantes. » Christophorsonus etiam : « Et invocationibus quibusdam nefandis abdita mysteria in eos exsequuntur. » Potest tamen hoc interpres noster addidisse de suo, ut postea : « cum quibusdam profanis dictionibus similibus. » Graece tantum est, μετὰ ἐπιῤῥήσεων ὁμοιοτρόπων. Ubi vox, « profanis, » omissa est a Billio.

Cum quibusdam profanis. In Eusebius, Book 4, chapter 10 of the History, there is read μετ' ἐπικλήσεών τινων τοῖς τελουμένοις, and εἰς ὕδωρ, and μητέρα τῶν πάντων, εἰς τὸν Ἰησοῦν, καταπλῆξασθαι τοὺς τελουμένους, the rest being as in Epiphanius. In both Greek books, therefore, the word βεβήλων is omitted, which nevertheless the translator of Irenaeus expresses, as does Rufinus when he translates: "For some of them build a bridal chamber, and celebrate a certain nefarious kind of initiation, consecrating him who is brought in with certain secret chants and words, not so much sacred as execrable." Christopherson also translates: "And with certain nefarious invocations they perform hidden mysteries over them." Yet our interpreter may have added this of his own accord, as afterwards: "with certain similar profane expressions." In the Greek there is only μετὰ ἐπιῤῥήσεων ὁμοιοτρόπων. Where the word "profanis" was omitted by Billy.

Pag. 95. In nomine ignoti. Licet Graece legatur, εἰς ὄνομα ἀγνώστου, rectius tamen vetus interpres et Billius : « In nomine ignoti, » quam Cornar. et Gallas., « In nomen ignoti : » nam et ita Ruffinus verterat : « In nomine ignoti Patris omnium, et in veritate omnium matre, et in eo, qui descendit in Jesu ; » et ad exemplum videtur hoc redditum sacrorum verae nostrae initiationis verborum Matth. XXVIII, 19, εἰς τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ Πατρός. Vulgata : « In nomine Patris, » quomodo et Cyprian. epist. 23, et alii Latini Patres : tametsi Tertull. quoque De baptismo, 13, dixerit : « Tinguentes eas in nomen Patris. »

Page 95. In nomine ignoti. Although in the Greek it is read εἰς ὄνομα ἀγνώστου, yet the ancient interpreter and Billy more rightly render: "In the name of the unknown," than Cornarius and Gallasius, "Into the name of the unknown:" for thus Rufinus also had translated: "In the name of the unknown Father of all, and in Truth the mother of all, and in him who descended in Jesus;" and this seems to have been rendered after the pattern of the sacred words of our true initiation in Matt. 28:19, εἰς τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ Πατρός. The Vulgate has: "In the name of the Father," as also Cyprian in Epistle 23, and the other Latin Fathers: although Tertullian too in De baptismo, 13, said: "Baptizing them into the name of the Father."

In nomine descendentis in Jesu. Mirum quam indiligentes hic fuerint Cornarius et Gallasius, qui vertunt, « in eum, qui descendit Jesum, et in Jesum, qui descendit. »

In nomine descendentis in Jesu. It is wonderful how careless Cornarius and Gallasius were here, who translate, "into Jesus who descended," and "into Jesus, who descended."

Et spiritus et Vita. Graec., Πνεῦμα ἀγαθὸν καὶ ζωή : « Spiritus bonus et vita, » forte ἅγιον, ut postea, « per Spiritum sanctum in redemptionem angelicam. »

Et spiritus et Vita. In the Greek, Πνεῦμα ἀγαθὸν καὶ ζωή: "The good Spirit and life," perhaps ἅγιον, as afterwards, "through the Holy Spirit unto angelic redemption."

In zonis luminis. Graec., ἐν ταῖς ζωαῖς τοῦ φωτός : « in vitis luminis ; » et ita Billius noster legit, ἐν ταῖς ζωναῖς τοῦ φωτός. Nihil muto hic, sed addendum moneo, τοῦ Χριστοῦ, Graeco paulo post ex veteri, qui habet, « Christi non divido spiritum : » nam et hoc indicant illa vestigia Hebraicarum dictionum, Μεσσία οὐφαρέγ.

In zonis luminis. In the Greek, ἐν ταῖς ζωαῖς τοῦ φωτός: "in the lives of light;" and thus our Billy reads, ἐν ταῖς ζωναῖς τοῦ φωτός. I change nothing here, but advise that τοῦ Χριστοῦ is to be added to the Greek a little after from the ancient interpreter, who has, "I do not divide the spirit of Christ:" for those traces of Hebrew words, Μεσσία οὐφαρέγ, also indicate this.

Pag. 96. Et incorporalia et insensibilia. Addendum Graeco vocabulum unum ex veteri, καὶ ἀσωμάτων καὶ ἀναισθήτων, nisi hoc fortasse ab interprete est, non ab auctore.

Page 96. Et incorporalia et insensibilia. One word is to be added to the Greek from the ancient interpreter, καὶ ἀσωμάτων καὶ ἀναισθήτων, unless perhaps this is from the interpreter, not from the author.

Pag. 97. Alii sunt qui mortuos. Haec quoniam Latinitate donarat etiam doctiss. Billius, et apud Epiphanium Graec. reperiebantur, ex ejus libro descripsimus, cum non essent in editione Gallasii : tametsi advertendum est, haec non citari ab Epiph. plane ut erant apud Irenaeum, ne quis miretur verbis singulis Graecis Latina non respondere.

Page 97. Alii sunt qui mortuos. Since the most learned Billy had also rendered these words into Latin, and they were found in Greek in Epiphanius, we have transcribed them from his book, as they were not in the edition of Gallasius: although it must be noticed that these things are not cited by Epiphanius just as they were in Irenaeus, lest anyone wonder that the Latin does not correspond to each single Greek word.

Pag. 98. Ipsos abeuntes in sua. Non assentior doctiss. Billio, censenti haec mendo⟨s⟩e in plurali legi : sic enim initio dixit : « Et praecipiunt eis venientibus ad potestates, » et, « venire quoque eos. » Epiphanius vero jam inde ab initio dixit, Ἐγκελεύονται δὲ ἐὰν ἔλθῃ ἐπὶ τὰς ἀρχάς, « jubent cum venerit ad principatus : » sic autem multis haec praecepta sunt, ab illis mystis Gnosticis, ut quid quisque dicere deberet, sit expressum. Neque profert verba ipsa Irenaei Epiphanius, ut monuimus, sed ab illo ista mutuatus sua pro arbitrio interserit, vel immutat.

Page 98. Ipsos abeuntes in sua. I do not agree with the most learned Billy, who considers that these words are faultily read in the plural: for thus at the beginning he said: "And they instruct them when they come to the powers," and, "that they also come." Whereas Epiphanius right from the beginning said, Ἐγκελεύονται δὲ ἐὰν ἔλθῃ ἐπὶ τὰς ἀρχάς, "they bid him when he comes to the principalities:" now these instructions were given to many by those Gnostic initiates in such a way that what each one ought to say was expressed. Nor does Epiphanius produce the very words of Irenaeus, as we have advised, but borrowing these things from him he inserts his own at will, or alters them.

Anima vero eorum projiciatur. Haec omissa sunt in interpretat. Billii, etsi apud Epiphanium Graece reperiuntur, quae ita Cornarius : « Anima vero ipsorum opifici astet superne in defectu constitu⟨t⟩o, ut et illic maneant apud ipsum. » Sic apud Tertull. ex

Anima vero eorum projiciatur. These words were omitted in the translation of Billy, although they are found in Greek in Epiphanius, which Cornarius renders thus: "And let their soul stand by the Maker set above in the defect, so that they too may remain there with him." Thus in Tertullian from

Editors' notes and page, col. 1486

Page

running head: IN LIB. I S. IRENAEI.
marginal letters: A nem autem Jesu; B μετὰ ἐπιῤῥήσεων; C ζωή : « Spiritus; D plane ut erant
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Notae ex adversariis Front. Ducaei in cap. 18 (continued)

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eisdem fabulis Valentin. cap. 32, « easque Demiurgo suo reddent. » De his ipsis naeniis plura Theodoretus lib. I Haeretic. fab., ubi de Ascodrytis, haer. 15.

the same fables, Adversus Valentinianos chapter 32, "and they will restore them to their Demiurge." On these very dirges Theodoret has more in Book 1 of the Haereticarum fabularum compendium, where he treats of the Ascodrytae, Heresy 15.

FINIS NOTARUM FRONTONIS DUCAEI.

END OF THE NOTES OF FRONTO DUCAEUS.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 18.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardent on Chapter 18.

Pag. 93. Quanti enim. Dissidia feralia etiam ⟨d⟩e praecipuis doctrinae suae capitibus, inter haereticorum antesignanos emersisse, et hic rursus commemorat : ut spiritui vertiginis, qui etiam secum ipse pugnat, eorum opiniones accepto ferendas esse nullus nesciat. « Ista inconstantia, » ait Hilar., « ostendunt omnia incerta et vana esse apud se. » — « Quomodo enim salutis cupidi, » scribit in simili argumento Justinus, « po⟨s⟩sent tuto religione vera illis credere, inter quos parum convenit, dissidentes in suis opinionibus? » Tantis autem dissensionibus funestissimum ovili Christi exitium, et fidei Christianae propudiosam abnegationem moliri callidissimum Satanam, nec ipse Irenaeus dissimulat. Caeterum, quod ad lectionem attinet, obscurus est hujus primae clausulae sensus, partim interpretis nimia religione, partim malorum codicum vitio. Ergo, ut facilior evadat, puta « Quanti » pro « quot » poni, quod non ausi sumus immutare, quia id agnoscit vet. cod. Deinde secunda linea « quia » nihil aliud, quam « quod » significat. Praeterea « Destructionem, » quod habet vet., pro « rectitutionem, » atque adeo « restitutionem, » quae fuerat Erasmi conjectura, reposuimus. Rursus « repromissionem, » nescio qua via in hunc locum irrepserit, sed sensum turbare manifestum est ; eam igitur expunximus, contra veteris libri auctoritatem. Denique pro « inremisse, » quanquam « remissa » habeat vet., cum Graec. ὑποβέβληται non respondeat, « immissa » potius legendum censuerim, aut si malis, « submissa. »

Page 93. Quanti enim. That deadly dissensions even concerning the chief heads of their doctrine arose among the ringleaders of the heretics, he here again recounts: so that no one may be ignorant that their opinions are to be set down to the account of the spirit of dizziness, who even fights with himself. "By this inconstancy," says Hilary, "they show that all things among them are uncertain and vain." — "For how," writes Justin on a similar argument, "could those who are desirous of salvation safely believe for true religion men who scarcely agree among themselves, being at variance in their own opinions?" And Irenaeus himself does not conceal that by such great dissensions the most crafty Satan contrives a most fatal destruction for the sheepfold of Christ, and a shameful abnegation of the Christian faith. For the rest, so far as pertains to the reading, the sense of this first clause is obscure, partly through the excessive scrupulosity of the translator, partly through the fault of bad manuscripts. Therefore, that it may become easier, suppose "Quanti" to be put for "quot," which we did not dare to change, because the ancient manuscript acknowledges it. Next, in the second line "quia" signifies nothing else than "quod." Furthermore, we have restored "Destructionem," which the ancient manuscript has, instead of "rectitutionem," and even "restitutionem," which had been the conjecture of Erasmus. Again, I do not know in what way "repromissionem" crept into this passage, but it is manifest that it disturbs the sense; we have therefore expunged it, against the authority of the ancient book. Finally, instead of "inremisse," although the ancient manuscript has "remissa," since it does not correspond to the Greek ὑποβέβληται, I should judge that one ought rather to read "immissa," or if you prefer, "submissa."

Pag. 94. Illam autem spiritalem. Sic legendum docet cum vet. cod. Graeca lectio : delevimus autem, « illa autem spiritalia. »

Page 94. Illam autem spiritalem. The Greek reading along with the ancient manuscript teaches that one must read thus: we have therefore deleted, "illa autem spiritalia."

Et baptisma quidem a Joanne. Etsi plurimis teterrimisque hi veteres Gnostici scaterent erroribus, nihilominus hac in re catholicam sententiam retinebant, quod non baptismate Joannis conferretur remissio peccatorum, sed solo baptismo Domini nostri Jesu Christi. Illis ergo longe deteriores sunt recentes Hugnostici, qui ut omnem gratiae conferendae virtutem per Christum instituto baptismo nefarie detrahant, illud ipsum praecursoris sui lavacro aequare non verentur.

Et baptisma quidem a Joanne. Although these ancient Gnostics swarmed with very many and most foul errors, nevertheless in this matter they retained the Catholic opinion, that remission of sins was not conferred by the baptism of John, but only by the baptism of our Lord Jesus Christ. Far worse than they, therefore, are the modern Huguenot-Gnostics, who in order nefariously to strip the baptism instituted by Christ of all power of conferring grace, do not fear to equate that very baptism with the washing of His forerunner.

Quidam ex ipsis sponsale cubiculum. Quia haec ad verbum transcripsit Eusebius, verba ejus ex recenti, eaque emendatissima translatione superius addidimus. Observa autem sacrilegos istorum ausus, quibus sacrum baptisma profanabant : ob eamque rem, plerosque antiquorum illud merito damnasse.

Quidam ex ipsis sponsale cubiculum. Because Eusebius transcribed these things word for word, we have added his words above from a recent and most correct translation. Observe, moreover, the sacrilegious audacity of those men, whereby they profaned holy baptism: and on that account most of the ancients deservedly condemned it.

Pag. 95. In nomine ignoti Patris. Lectionem hanc omnium veterum editionum, data opera noluimus immutare : attamen Eusebii, Epiphanii et Theodoreti Graeca lectio, et ea, quae habentur superius cap. 12 initio hujus cap., sic legendum indicant : « In nomen ignoti Patris omnium, in Veritatem matrum omnium, et in descendentem in Jesum, ad unitionem, et redemptionem, et communicationem virtutum. » Omnium autem ad textum Irenaei accommodatius sic legitur apud Nicetam Choniatem : « In nomine ignoti Patris omnium, et Veritatis matris omnium, et ejus qui descendit in Jesu, ad conjunctionem, et redemptionem, et communicationem virtutum, » etc. Tria vero hic apponunt : primum, « Patrem, » quem putant omnibus retroactis

Page 95. In nomine ignoti Patris. We purposely refused to alter this reading of all the old editions: nevertheless the Greek reading of Eusebius, Epiphanius, and Theodoret, and the words that are found above in chapter 12 and at the beginning of this chapter, indicate that one must read thus: "Into the name of the unknown Father of all, into Truth the mother of all, and into him who descended into Jesus, unto union, and redemption, and communion of the powers." Most suitably of all to the text of Irenaeus, however, it is read thus in Nicetas Choniates: "In the name of the unknown Father of all, and of Truth the mother of all, and of him who descended in Jesus, unto conjunction, and redemption, and communion of the powers," etc. Now they set down three things here: first, the "Father," whom they think to have been unknown to all past

Editors' notes and page, col. 1487

Footnotes

(24) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1487

L. VII de Trin.

Book VII On the Trinity.

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(25) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1487

Orat. ad Graecos.

Oration to the Greeks.

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(26) ‹anchor: transcripsit Eusebius› · call in col 1487

Lib. IV Hist., cap. 10.

Book IV of the History, chapter 10.

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(27) ‹anchor: attamen Eusebii› · call in col 1487

Ibid.

Same place.

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(28) ‹anchor: Epiphanii› · call in col 1487

Contra Sethianos et Cerint.

Against the Sethians and Cerinthians.

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Page

running head: VARIORUM NOTAE
marginal letters: A eisdem fabulis; B fidei Christianae; C Pag. 94. Illam autem; D Pag. 95. In nomine
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Notae ex adversariis Front. Ducaei in cap. 18 (continued), Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 18; in "Et baptisma quidem a Joanne" the page prints "scaterent versibus" for "scaterent erroribus"

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saeculis ignotum, aliumque a mundi opifice ; secundum, « Alethiam, » id est Veritatem illam matrem omnium, cujus idolum viginti quatuor litterarum figuris fictum recensuit cap. 10 ; tertium « Christum » initio alium a Jesu, quem Christum fingebant in specie columbae in Jesum descendisse, dum a Joanne baptizaretur, tuncque coadunatum eidem fuisse ad perficiendum miracula, quae scripta sunt in Evangelio ; ipsum quoque annuntiandum usque ad tempus passionis, quo recessit ad superna, unde evolaverat, solum autem relictum Jesum passionem subiisse.

ages, and another than the Maker of the world; second, "Alethia," that is, that Truth the mother of all, whose idol fashioned out of the figures of the twenty-four letters he recounted in chapter 10; third, "Christ," originally another than Jesus, which Christ they feigned to have descended in the appearance of a dove into Jesus while He was being baptized by John, and then to have been united with Him to perform the miracles which are written in the Gospel; and that he himself also was to be announced until the time of the passion, when he withdrew to the regions above whence he had flown down, while Jesus, left alone, underwent the passion.

Caeterum, manifestum est horum nebulonum, in corrumpenda sacramenti baptismi forma, sacrilegium optimo jure hic ab Irenaeo coargui atque damnari. Etenim cum ab aeterno Dei Filio complete et absolute in⟨s⟩titutum fuerit, ut conferatur aspersione, vel immersione aquae, in nomine Patris, et Filii, et Spiritus sancti ; nullius hominis est propria auctoritate in his quidquam detrahere vel immutare. « Lex namque tinguendi, » inquit Tertullian. lib. De bapt., « imposita est, et forma praescripta : Ite, docete nationes, tinguentes eas in nomen Patris, et Filii, et Spiritus sancti. » Et lib. Praescript., cap. 20 : « Jussit (apostolos) ire, et docere nationes, tinguendas in Patrem, et in Filium, et in Spiritum sanctum. » Cyprianus quoque epistola vigesima tertia scribit : « Dominus dixit, in nomine Patris, et Filii, et Spiritus sancti gentes tingui, et in baptismo praeterita peccata dimitti. » Rursumque epistola septuagesima tertia : « Post resurrectionem apostoli ad gentes mittuntur, et in nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti baptizare gentiles jubentur. » Didymus quoque lib. II De Spiritu sancto ait : « Qui unum de praeceptis nominibus praetermittit, neque sacramenti perfectionem attingit, nec a peccatis hominem liberat. » Augustinus denique scribit : « Certa sunt verba evangelica, sine quibus non potest consecrari baptismus, » etc.

For the rest, it is manifest that the sacrilege of these scoundrels in corrupting the form of the sacrament of baptism is with the best right refuted and condemned here by Irenaeus. For since it was completely and absolutely instituted by the eternal Son of God to be conferred by the sprinkling or immersion of water, in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, it belongs to no man by his own authority to take away or alter anything in these matters. "For the law of baptizing," says Tertullian in the book De baptismo, "has been imposed, and the form prescribed: Go, teach the nations, baptizing them into the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit." And in the book De praescriptione, chapter 20: "He commanded (the apostles) to go and teach the nations, to be baptized into the Father, and into the Son, and into the Holy Spirit." Cyprian also in Epistle 23 writes: "The Lord said that the nations should be baptized in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, and that past sins should be forgiven in baptism." And again in Epistle 73: "After the resurrection the apostles are sent to the nations, and are commanded to baptize the Gentiles in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit." Didymus also in Book 2 De Spiritu sancto says: "He who omits one of the commanded names neither attains the perfection of the sacrament, nor frees man from sins." Finally Augustine writes: "Certain are the evangelical words, without which baptism cannot be consecrated," etc.

Basima ea cabasa. Nicetas in Orthodoxia haec verba paulo aliter refert, scribens : « Quo majorem ei qui baptizatur stuporem injiciant, haec Hebraica nomina superaddunt, camosi, bae, anoora, mystadia, rhuda, custaba, phogor, calathi. Quorum interpretatio haec est : O qui es super omnem virtutem Patris, te invocamus, qui lumen, et Spiritus bonus, et vita nominaris : quoniam in corpore regnasti. » Difficillimum est verborum istorum fontes indicare ; accipe tamen, quid de his nobis verisimilius videtur. Impostores istos magicis artibus delectatos, iisdemque multa prodigiosa et portentosa effecisse, ex Justino, Irenaeo, Tertull., Epiph., Theod. et August. certissimum est. Magos porro monstrosa, ipsoque stridore pronuntiationis etiam horrenda vocabula, et carmina ope cacodaemonum invenisse, et susurrasse, quibus ad praestigias suas mirabilem energiam inesse asserebant, ex sacris profanisque scriptoribus cunctis est in confesso. Apuleius enim magico susurramine amnes reverti, mare colligari, ventos exspirari, solem inhiberi, lunam despumari, stellas evelli, diem tolli, noctemque teneri posse putat. Virgilius etiam ait :

Basima ea cabasa. Nicetas in his Orthodoxia reports these words a little differently, writing: "That they may cast a greater stupor upon him who is baptized, they superadd these Hebrew names: camosi, bae, anoora, mystadia, rhuda, custaba, phogor, calathi. The interpretation of which is this: O you who are above every power of the Father, we invoke you, who are named light, and good Spirit, and life: because you have reigned in the body." It is most difficult to point out the sources of those words; receive, however, what seems to us more probable concerning them. That those impostors delighted in magical arts, and wrought many prodigious and portentous things by the same, is most certain from Justin, Irenaeus, Tertullian, Epiphanius, Theodoret, and Augustine. Furthermore, that magicians with the help of evil demons invented and whispered monstrous words, dreadful even by the very harshness of their pronunciation, and incantations, in which they asserted that a wonderful efficacy resided for their juggling tricks, is acknowledged by all sacred and profane writers. For Apuleius thinks that by a magical whisper rivers can be turned back, the sea bound fast, the winds breathed away, the sun checked, the moon drained of her foam, the stars plucked out, the day taken away, and the night held fast. Virgil also says:

Carmina vel coelo possunt deducere lunam :

Incantations can even draw down the moon from heaven:

Carminibus Circe socios mutavit Ulyssis.

By incantations Circe changed the comrades of Ulysses.

Frigidus in pratis cantando rumpitur anguis.

The cold snake in the meadows is burst asunder by chanting.

Et Tibullus de quadam incantatrice :

And Tibullus concerning a certain enchantress:

Haec cantu finditque solum manesque sepulcris

She by her chant both cleaves the ground and lures the shades

Elicit, et tepido devocat ossa rogo.

From the tombs, and calls down the bones from the warm pyre.

Et alia apud Ovidium jactat se :

And another in Ovid boasts of herself:

Vipereas rumpo verbis et carmine fauces,

I burst the viperous jaws with words and chant,

Vivaque saxa, suo convulsa robore terra,

And the living rocks, torn from the earth with their own strength,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1488

Footnotes

(29) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1488

Cap. 13.

Chapter 13.

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(30) ‹anchor: Augustinus denique scribit› · call in col 1488

Lib. VI de Baptism., cap. 25.

Book VI On Baptism, chapter 25.

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(31) ‹anchor: Virgilius etiam ait› · call in col 1488

Eclog. 8, v. 69 et seq.

Eclogue 8, line 69 and following.

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(32) ‹anchor: de quadam incantatrice› · call in col 1488

Lib. I, eleg. 2, v. 47, 48.

Book I, elegy 2, lines 47, 48.

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(33) ‹anchor: jactat se› · call in col 1488

Metam. IV, 614 et seqq.

Metamorphoses IV, 614 and following.

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Page

running head: VARIORUM NOTAE
marginal letters: A saeculis ignotum,; B pria auctoritate; C ptismus, » etc.; D profanisque scriptoribus
old-edition numerals: 67 after tertium
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 18 (continued)

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Et silvas moveo, jubeoque tremiscere montes,

And I move the woods, and bid the mountains tremble,

Et mugire solum, manesque exire sepulcris.

And the ground to bellow, and the shades to come forth from the tombs.

Nugatur etiam Serenus Samonicus de nomine « Abracadabra, » ut et alii de « Aratitha, » etc. Vero igitur simile est, astutos istos praestigiatores isthaec magica et barbara magis portenta, quam nomina finxisse, et magno supercilio inculcasse, ad concitandos simplicium animos, ut cum magno stupore augustiora putarent quae non intelligerent ; et daemones ictis pactis assistentes ad horum vocabulorum pronuntiationes, quae postulabant magis praestarent, ut superius de Marci coena habes cap. 9. Quod si quae hic habes, Hebraea vocari ab Irenaeo urgeas, responderim non ex suo, sed Valentinianorum sensu esse intelligendum, cum id unum confidenter et vere possim affirmare, ea nempe nec a Graeca, nec ab Hebraea, Chaldaica, Syra, aut Arabica lingua petita esse.

Serenus Sammonicus also trifles concerning the name "Abracadabra," as others also do concerning "Aratitha," etc. It is therefore probable that those crafty impostors fashioned those magical and barbarous monsters rather than names, and inculcated them with great superciliousness in order to excite the minds of the simple, so that with great stupor they might think more august the things which they did not understand; and that the demons, standing by according to the compacts struck with them at the pronunciations of these words, might the more readily perform what they demanded, as you have above concerning the supper of Marcus in chapter 9. But if you urge that the words which you have here are called Hebrew by Irenaeus, I would answer that this is to be understood not according to his own sense, but according to that of the Valentinians, since this one thing I can confidently and truly affirm, namely that they are derived neither from the Greek, nor from the Hebrew, Chaldee, Syriac, or Arabic tongue.

Regnasti. Ita legit vetus cod. Graece est ἐβασίλευσας ; delevimus itaque renasci.

Regnasti. So the ancient manuscript reads; in the Greek it is ἐβασίλευσας; we have therefore deleted "renasci."

Pag. 96. Ungunt sacratum opobalsamo. Gradus quosdam esse ad impietatem, nullumque repente pessimum fieri, vel in his Gnosticis apparet. Licet enim multa de sacris Litteris corrumperent, infanda perpetrarent, horrendaque in Deum evomerent , nihilominus protestationes et illinitiones in baptizando Catholicis usitatas observabant ; adeo rituum illorum traditio per universum orbem apostolis tradentibus invaluerat. Nec eo nomine hoc loco, vel in sequentibus, illos damnat Irenaeus ; id certe non segniter facturus, si in hoc ab apostolica traditione declinassent.

Page 96. Ungunt sacratum opobalsamo. That there are certain steps to impiety, and that no one becomes worst all of a sudden, appears even in these Gnostics. For although they corrupted many things from the sacred Scriptures, perpetrated unspeakable deeds, and vomited forthhorrible things against God, nevertheless they observed the protestations and anointings customary among Catholics in baptizing; so strongly had the tradition of those rites prevailed throughout the whole world as handed down by the apostles. Nor does Irenaeus condemn them on that account in this place, or in what follows; which he certainly would not have been slow to do, had they departed in this from the apostolic tradition.

Qui autem ritum hunc e medio tollendum contendunt , eo nomine, quod ab haereticis , iniquo etiam fine, usurparetur, praepostere et impie judicant, cum et aquam, et communium nobiscum verborum partem, reliquasque Evangeliorum particulas, quibus utebantur, eadem opera auferrent. « Non enim est detestanda sanctimonialium virginitas, » ait Augustinus, « quia et Vestales virgines fuerunt ; nec reprehendenda sacrificia patrum, quia et sacrificia gentium fuerunt ; quia etsi usus quarumdam rerum similis esse videtur nobis cum gentibus, » addo, et haereticis, « ut cibi, potus, tectorum, vestimentorum, lavacrorum ; longe tamen aliter his utitur, qui ad alium finem earum usum refert : et aliter, qui ex his Deo gratias agit, de quo falsa non credit. »

Now those who contend that this rite ought to be done away with on the ground that it was used by heretics, and that for an iniquitous end, judge preposterously and impiously, since by the same reasoning they would take away both water, and part of the words common to them with us, and the remaining passages of the Gospels which they used. "For the virginity of nuns is not to be detested," says Augustine, "because there were also Vestal virgins; nor are the sacrifices of the fathers to be blamed because there were also sacrifices of the Gentiles; for although the use of certain things seems to be similar for us and for the Gentiles," — I add, and for heretics — "such as food, drink, houses, garments, baths; yet far otherwise does he use them who refers the use of them to another end: and otherwise he who for these things gives thanks to God, concerning Whom he believes no falsehoods."

Caeterum, sacris olei et chrismatis unctionibus in baptismo ab apostolicis temporibus tripliciter usam esse Ecclesiam colligimus. Primo, circa aquas, « quas pontifex, » auctore Dionysio Areop., « sancta prece ac invocatione sanctificabat , καὶ τρισὶ τοῦ παναγιστάτου μύρου σταυροειδέσι χύσεσι τελειώσας αὐτό, i. e. ter in eas ad crucis effigiem, sanctissimum fundens unguentum, illas hoc ritu perficit. » Secundo, post abrenuntiationes et exorcismos , cum vel toto corpore , ut est apud Dionysium, et Cyrillum Jerosolymit., vel pectore tantum , et scapulis baptizandum ungebant oleo, quod inde catechumenorum vocatur. Postremo, chrismate, ex oleo et succo balsami composito, ad regiae et sacerdotalis gloriae unitatem exprimendam, ait Cyprianus, in vertice signabantur baptizati. Ab apostolis, Spiritu sancto doctore, universas per orbem Ecclesias, in hunc usque diem hos ritus acceptos constanter retinuisse, et ad Spiritus sancti dona significanda his usas fuisse, testes sunt, qui primo saeculo ab apostolis, vel cum eisdem vixerunt, Clemens Rom. lib. III, De constit. apost., cap. 15, 16, 17, et lib. VII, cap. 23, 28, 41, 42, 44,

For the rest, we gather that from apostolic times the Church has used the sacred anointings of oil and chrism in baptism in a threefold manner. First, with respect to the waters, "which the bishop," on the authority of Dionysius the Areopagite, "sanctified with holy prayer and invocation, καὶ τρισὶ τοῦ παναγιστάτου μύρου σταυροειδέσι χύσεσι τελειώσας αὐτό, that is, thrice pouring into them the most holy ointment in the form of a cross, perfects them by this rite." Secondly, after the renunciations and exorcisms, when either over the whole body, as is found in Dionysius and Cyril of Jerusalem, or on the breast and shoulder-blades only, they anointed the person to be baptized with oil, which is thence called the oil of catechumens. Lastly, the baptized were signed on the crown of the head with chrism, compounded of oil and the juice of balsam, to express the unity of royal and priestly glory, says Cyprian. That all the Churches throughout the world received these rites from the apostles, with the Holy Spirit as teacher, and have constantly retained them even unto this day, and used them to signify the gifts of the Holy Spirit, those are witnesses who lived in the first century after the apostles, or with the same: Clement of Rome, Book 3 De constitutionibus apostolicis, chapters 15, 16, 17, and Book 7, chapters 23, 28, 41, 42, 44,

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Vide Horatium, si velis, libro I Serm., satira 8; Homerum in Odyss.; Theocritum, et alios.

See, if you wish, Horace, Satires book I, satire 8; Homer in the Odyssey; Theocritus, and others.

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Lib. XX contra Faust., c. 21.

Book XX Against Faustus, chapter 21.

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Lib. de eccl. Hier., cap. 2.

Book On the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, chapter 2.

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In Catec. 2 mystag.

In the second Mystagogical Catechesis.

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Sermo de unctione chrismatis.

Sermon on the anointing with chrism.

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marginal letters: A Et silvas moveo,; B λευσας ; delevimus; C Las, quibus utebantur,; D perficit. » Secundo,
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 18 (continued)

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et lib. III Recog. et epist. 3 ; Dionys. Areopag. lib. De eccles. hierar., c. 2 et 7 ; auctor Quaest. apud Justinum martyrem, quaest. 137 ; Theophilus Antiochenus lib. I ad Autolycum ; et qui postea vixerunt in Oriente, Origen., lib. V in Epist. ad Rom. ; Chrysost. hom. 12 in I ad Corinth. et homil. 6 ad Coloss. ; Basilius lib. De Spiritu sancto, c. 27 ; Nazianzenus oratione in sanctum baptisma. Addam et Latinae Ecclesiae Patres, Tertullian. lib. De carnis resurrectione, lib. I Contra Marc. et lib. De baptism. ; Cyprianum epist. 72 ad Januarium ; Arnobium Commentariis in psal. IV, XXII, LXXXII, XC, CXXXII et CXXXIV ; Optatum Milevitanum lib. II, III, et VII Contra Parmenianum ; Augustinum lib. XV De Trinit., cap. 16, et lib. IV De symb., c. 1, et tractatu 44 in Joannem ; Ambrosium lib. I De sacramentis, cap. 1 et 7 ; Hieronymum Dialog. contra Lucifer. Haec paulo fusius adnotare libuit, ut omnibus innotescat, quanta pietate et sinceritate ducantur rhapsodi illi Magdeburgenses, qui istos ungendi sacros ritus haereticorum tantum, et non catholicorum et apostolicorum virorum fuisse audent asserere.

and Book 3 of the Recognitions and Epistle 3; Dionysius the Areopagite, in the book De ecclesiastica hierarchia, chapters 2 and 7; the author of the Questions in Justin Martyr, Question 137; Theophilus of Antioch, Book 1 to Autolycus; and those who lived afterwards in the East: Origen, Book 5 on the Epistle to the Romans; Chrysostom, Homily 12 on 1 Corinthians and Homily 6 on Colossians; Basil, in the book De Spiritu sancto, chapter 27; Nazianzen, in his Oration on Holy Baptism. I will add also the Fathers of the Latin Church: Tertullian, in the book De carnis resurrectione, Book 1 Contra Marcionem, and the book De baptismo; Cyprian, Epistle 72 to Januarius; Arnobius, in his Commentaries on Psalms 4, 22, 82, 90, 132, and 134; Optatus of Milevis, Books 2, 3, and 7 Contra Parmenianum; Augustine, Book 15 De Trinitate, chapter 16, and Book 4 De symbolo, chapter 1, and Tractate 44 on John; Ambrose, Book 1 De sacramentis, chapters 1 and 7; Jerome, in the Dialogue against the Luciferians. It has pleased me to note these things somewhat more at length, so that it may become known to all by what great piety and sincerity those Magdeburg rhapsodists are led, who dare to assert that those sacred rites of anointing belonged only to heretics, and not to Catholic and apostolic men.

Quidam autem eorum. Ergo primum sanctissimumque regenerationis nostrae mysterium, quod est baptisma, per istos Gnosticos Satanas omni ex parte labefactare conabatur ; quando illi verba illius formae a Christo tradita corrumpebant, isti vero et proxime sequentes ipsam materiam, id est aquam, omnino negligendam esse censebant. Hoc idem diabolicum plane stratagema etiam nunc per posteriores Hugnosticos reparare nititur, quando per Brentium, Bezam, et similes suadet, uti certa verborum forma, magicum esse ; et nullum aliud esse verbum sacramentorum, quam quod a ministro pro suggestu exponitur. Per Calvinum autem tradit, aquam non esse penitus necessariam : nec Christum de illa dixisse : « Nisi quis renatus fuerit ex aqua, » etc. Hoc autem didicit a Luthero, qui a suis interrogatus, si liceret baptizare cerevisia, aut lacte, tandem respondit : « Quidquid balneum dici potest, ad baptismum conveniens est. Si non adsit aqua, cum sit cerevisia, vel lac in necessitate, vel quidquid habueris : nihil in hoc situm est. » Habes ergo veterum Gnosticorum impietates renatas in novissimis : adeo semper sibi similis est Satanas omnium mendaciorum parens.

Quidam autem eorum. Satan, therefore, was endeavouring through those Gnostics to undermine on every side the first and most holy mystery of our regeneration, which is baptism; since the former corrupted the words of its form handed down by Christ, while these and those next following judged that the matter itself, that is, water, ought to be altogether neglected. This very same manifestly diabolical stratagem he strives even now to renew through the later Huguenot-Gnostics, when through Brenz, Beza, and the like he persuades men that to use a fixed form of words is magical, and that there is no other word of the sacraments than that which is expounded by the minister from the pulpit. Through Calvin, moreover, he teaches that water is not altogether necessary, and that Christ did not speak of it when He said: "Unless a man be born again of water," etc. And this he learned from Luther, who, when asked by his followers whether it were lawful to baptize with beer or milk, at length answered: "Whatsoever can be called a bath is suitable for baptism. If water be not at hand, since there is beer, or milk in case of necessity, or whatsoever you may have: nothing depends on this." You have therefore the impieties of the ancient Gnostics reborn in the latest heretics: so like unto himself is Satan, the parent of all lies, at all times.

Alii haec omnia recusantes. Seductores homines proficere in pejus, et qui in sordibus volutantur, in dies multo magis sordescere, aperte indicat haec classis Gnosticorum, quae caeremonias, aquam, et verba sacri baptismi eadem opera rejicit ut indigna, quae mysteria eorum invisibilia significarent. Illi porro sunt, quos Epiphanius vocat Archonticos, Theodoretus et Nicetas Ascodrugos, et Ascodrupitas, quibus Euthymius addit Paulicianos. Hi etenim divina mysteria, et dona spiritalia, rebus visibilibus ; et incorporea, sensibilibus et corporeis signanda et commemoranda esse negabant : proinde nec baptismatis, nec aliorum spectabilium sacramentorum usum admittebant. In hos acerrime disputant Nicetas et Euthymius. Recentiores Gnosticos, ne a tantis patribus degenerarent, eadem fecunditate errorem ex errore serere ingemiscit nostrum saeculum. Postquam enim sacrum oleum cum sale, saliva, aquae consecrationem, symboli professionem, abrenuntiationes, et exorcismos, quibus arcetur Satanas, e medio sustulerunt : jam parvulis fidelium sine baptismate salutem pollicentur.

Alii haec omnia recusantes. That seducing men grow worse and worse, and that those who wallow in filth become much filthier day by day, this class of Gnostics openly shows, which by the same stroke rejects the ceremonies, the water, and the words of holy baptism as unworthy to signify their invisible mysteries. Now those are the men whom Epiphanius calls Archontici, and Theodoret and Nicetas call Ascodrugi and Ascodrupitae, to whom Euthymius adds the Paulicians. For these denied that divine mysteries and spiritual gifts ought to be signified and commemorated by visible things, and incorporeal things by sensible and bodily things: accordingly they admitted the use neither of baptism nor of the other visible sacraments. Against these Nicetas and Euthymius dispute most sharply. Our own age groans that the more recent Gnostics, lest they degenerate from such great fathers, sow error from error with the same fertility. For after they have done away with the sacred oil, along with the salt, the spittle, the consecration of the water, the profession of the Creed, the renunciations, and the exorcisms whereby Satan is warded off, they now promise salvation to the infants of the faithful without baptism.

Alii sunt qui mortuos. Hujus loci sensum explicat, et emendationem ex vet. cod. agnoscit Epiphanius.

Alii sunt qui mortuos. Epiphanius explains the sense of this passage, and acknowledges the emendation from the ancient manuscript.

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Tom. II Colloq., pag. 130 et 132.

Volume II of the Colloquies [Table Talk], pages 130 and 132.

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Theodoretus etiam hujus rei meminit in Ascodrytos, sed post mortem ; Epiphanius vero ante, fecisse indicat. Ego autem utrumque recte, vereque dicere puto, cum duplici unctione Christianos olim usos reperiam. Priore, ante mortem, de qua B. Jacobus concionatur : « Infirmus inducat presbyteros Ecclesiae, qui orent super eum, ungentes oleo in nomine Domini, » etc. Eadem, Christo procul dubio auctore, apostoli frequenter unxerant, et sanaverant infirmos, Marc. VI, atque hanc olei delibutionem, sacramenti integram rationem habere, stupendosque et mirabiles effectus, asserunt Clemens Rom. lib. VIII, De constit. apost., cap. 35 ; Hieronymus in Vita Hilarionis ; Augustinus lib. II De visit. infir., cap. 4, et ser. 215 De tempore ; Innocentius primus Epistola ad Decentium Eugubinum ; et Bernardus in Vita S. Malachiae. Posteriori, post mortem, quando corpora sanctorum, antequam darentur sepulturae, in spem, opinor, resurrectionis, oleo perungebantur ; idque « justa, mortuis fieri solita » vocat Clemens Alexand. Tertullianus Sabaeos testatur scire, pluris et charioris suas merces Christianis sepeliendis profligari, quam paganis diis suis fumigandis. His omnibus antiquior idemque apostolorum auditor Dionysius Areopag. illius unctionis formam et finem explicat : « Ubi, » ait, « cuncti consalutaverunt, » allatum scilicet defuncti corpus, ἐπιχέει τῷ κεκοιμημένῳ τὸ ἔλαιον ὁ ἱεράρχης · « super defuncto fundit oleum pontifex. » Et post aliquot : « Olei unctio baptizandum quondam evocabat ad sacra certamina. Nunc autem infusum oleum, signat eum qui defunctus est, eadem sacra exegisse certamina, sicque fuisse consummatum. »

Theodoret also makes mention of this practice against the Ascodrytae, but indicates that they did it after death, whereas Epiphanius indicates that they did it before death. For my part, however, I think that both speak rightly and truly, since I find that Christians of old used a twofold anointing. The former, before death, of which Blessed James preaches: "Let the sick man bring in the presbyters of the Church, and let them pray over him, anointing him with oil in the name of the Lord," etc. With the same, doubtless with Christ as its author, the apostles had frequently anointed and healed the sick, Mark 6; and that this anointing with oil has the complete nature of a sacrament, and stupendous and wonderful effects, is asserted by Clement of Rome in Book 8 De constitutionibus apostolicis, chapter 35; Jerome in the Life of Hilarion; Augustine in Book 2 De visitatione infirmorum, chapter 4, and Sermon 215 De tempore; Innocent I in his Epistle to Decentius of Gubbio; and Bernard in the Life of St. Malachy. The latter, after death, when the bodies of the saints, before they were given to burial, were anointed with oil, in hope, I suppose, of the resurrection; and Clement of Alexandria calls this "the due rites accustomed to be performed for the dead." Tertullian testifies that the Sabaeans know that more and costlier wares of theirs are expended in burying Christians than by the pagans in burning incense to their gods. Older than all these, and himself a hearer of the apostles, Dionysius the Areopagite explains the form and end of that anointing: "When," says he, "all have saluted," namely the body of the deceased that has been brought in, ἐπιχέει τῷ κεκοιμημένῳ τὸ ἔλαιον ὁ ἱεράρχης, "the bishop pours the oil over the deceased." And after a few words: "The anointing with oil formerly called forth the person to be baptized to the sacred contests. Now, however, the oil poured upon him signifies that he who has died has accomplished those same sacred contests, and has thus been perfected."

Sed quid? probandine sunt Gnostici, quod vel altera, vel utraque harum unctionum utebantur? Si pari cum catholicis fide, et animi intentione id fecissent ; hac in re nec Iren. nec quisquam eos damnasset. At impium finem sibi proponebant, ut apud Irenaeum habes ; nec quibus decebat verbis utebantur ; ideoque magis simiarum more, ut de Novatianis scribit Cyprian., quae cum homines non sint, humana tamen imitantur : sic cum hi in Ecclesia non essent, imo contra Ecclesiam, Ecclesiae catholicae tamen veritatem et ritus sibi vindicare volebant. Pari stratagemate divinorum sacramentorum res, in idolorum mysteriis diabolum quondam aemulatum fuisse argute animadvertit Tertullianus, ut veritatem interverteret. « Tingit et ipse quosdam, » subjungit, « utique credentes et fideles suos : expiationem delictorum de lavacro repromittit, et sic adhuc initiat Mithrae : signat illic in frontibus milites suos, celebrat et panis oblationem, et imaginem resurrectionis inducit, et sub gladio redimit coronam. Quid quod et summum pontificem in unius nuptiis statuit? Habet et virgines, habet et continentes, » etc. Et libr. I Ad uxorem : « Sacerdotium viduitatis et celebratum est apud nationes, pro diaboli scilicet aemulatione. Regem saeculi pontificem maximum rursus nubere nefas est. Quantum Deo sanctitas placet, cum illam etiam inimicus affectat, non utique ut alicujus boni affinis, sed ut Dei Domini placita cum contumelia affectans? » Omittam, et quae in hanc rem scripsit in calce libri De corona militis, ut pauca, sed gravissima, ex Justino martyre attexam. « Fabulae poetarum, inquit, a malis geniis invectae sunt, ad decipiendos seducendosque homines. Docti enim oraculis prophetarum de Christo venturo, curarunt spargi quaedam de pluribus Jovis filiis, sperantes fore, ut qui haec nugarum portenta audiant, de Christo quoque non plus crederent, quam figmentis poeticis. » Et postea : « Daemones non ignari praedictionum propheticarum, eas parum intellectas

But what? Are the Gnostics to be approved because they used either one or both of these anointings? If they had done so with equal faith and intention of mind as Catholics, in this matter neither Irenaeus nor anyone else would have condemned them. But they proposed to themselves an impious end, as you have in Irenaeus, nor did they use the words which they ought; and therefore rather after the manner of apes, as Cyprian writes of the Novatians, which though they are not men, yet imitate human actions: so these men, though they were not in the Church, nay were against the Church, nevertheless wished to claim for themselves the truth and rites of the Catholic Church. By a like stratagem, Tertullian acutely observes, the devil formerly emulated the realities of the divine sacraments in the mysteries of idols, in order to subvert the truth. "He himself also baptizes some," he subjoins, "doubtless his own believers and faithful ones: he promises the expiation of sins from the washing, and thus still initiates men to Mithras: he signs his soldiers there upon their foreheads, he celebrates also the oblation of bread, and brings in an image of the resurrection, and under the sword redeems the crown. What of the fact that he also sets up a supreme pontiff in a single marriage? He has his virgins too, he has also his continent ones," etc. And in Book 1 Ad uxorem: "The priesthood of widowhood has also been celebrated among the nations, through the emulation of the devil, namely. For the king of the age, the pontifex maximus, to marry a second time is unlawful. How pleasing holiness is to God, when even the enemy affects it, not indeed as having affinity with any good, but as affecting the ordinances of the Lord God with insult!" I shall omit also what he wrote to this effect at the end of the book De corona militis, that I may weave in a few, yet most weighty words from Justin Martyr. "The fables of the poets," says he, "were brought in by evil spirits to deceive and seduce men. For having learned from the oracles of the prophets concerning the Christ who was to come, they took care that certain stories should be spread abroad concerning several sons of Jupiter, hoping that those who heard these monstrous trifles would believe no more concerning Christ either than poetic figments." And afterwards: "The demons, not ignorant of the prophetic predictions, having little understood them,

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Contra haeres. 36.

Against Heresies, 36.

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Jacob. V.

James 5.

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Lib. II Paedag., cap. 8.

Book II of the Paedagogus, chapter 8.

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Cap. 42 Apol.

Chapter 42 of the Apology.

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Lib. De eccl. hier., cap. 7.

Book On the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, chapter 7.

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Epist. ad Jubaian.

Letter to Jubaianus.

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Lib. Praescr.

Book of the Prescription [of Heretics].

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Apolog. 2.

Apology 2.

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conati sunt per errorem a nostro Christo, ad sua figmenta detorquere, » etc. Plura quae sequuntur, licet elegantissima, ne paginas onerarem, indicare magis, quam addere libuit, quae tamen, non sine magna voluptate et fructu, nemo Christianus legerit.

have endeavoured through error to twist away from our Christ to their own figments," etc. More things that follow, although most elegant, lest I should burden the pages, I have preferred to indicate rather than to add, which however no Christian will read without great pleasure and fruit.

Superascendat. Novem has voces, ex vet. cod. restituimus : quatuor vero expunximus, videlicet, « superascendant, super visibilia interiorum. »

Let him ascend above. These nine words we have restored from the ancient codex: four, however, we have expunged, namely, "let them ascend above, above the visible things of the interior ones."

Et his porro, et sequentibus plurimis locis constat B. Irenaeum septem sacramentorum Ecclesiae catholicae constantissimum fuisse propugnatorem. Tametsi enim de illis ex professo disputationem non instituat in his libris, sed Gnosticorum duntaxat haereses refellat, illorum tamen omnium vel obiter meminit, docetque ea per Christum ad hominum justitiam et salutem instituta, et ab apostolis toto orbe tradita, religiose servata et ministrata, ut ex subjectis locis luculenter apparet.

Moreover, both from these and from very many following places it is established that Blessed Irenaeus was a most steadfast champion of the seven sacraments of the Catholic Church. For although he does not institute a professed disputation concerning them in these books, but only refutes the heresies of the Gnostics, yet he makes mention of all of them at least in passing, and teaches that they were instituted through Christ for the righteousness and salvation of men, and handed down by the apostles throughout the whole world, religiously preserved and administered, as clearly appears from the subjoined places.

Baptismum in primis cum sua forma, materia, ritibus, ac effectis hoc loco ab haereticorum corruptelis egregie vindicat. Hunc a prophetis praedictum, a Christo constitutum, apostolisque mandatum, ut baptizarent omnes gentes in nomine Patris, et Filii, et Spiritus sancti, omninoque ad salutem necessarium affirmat libro III, cap. 19. Hoc autem conferri remissionem peccatorum, cum Christo unitionem, et incorruptionem, tum eodem, tum praesenti confirmat. Circumcisionem spiritualem appellat, lib. IV, cap. 38. Parvulis etiam conferendum asserit lib. II, cap. 39. Catechismi et exorcismi consuetos ritus probat lib. I, cap. 1, 9, 13 et 19.

Baptism first of all, with its form, matter, rites, and effects, he excellently vindicates in this place from the corruptions of the heretics. That this was foretold by the prophets, established by Christ, and commanded to the apostles, that they should baptize all nations in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, and that it is altogether necessary for salvation, he affirms in Book III, chap. 19. Moreover, that by this are conferred the remission of sins, union with Christ, and incorruption, he confirms both in that same place and in the present one. He calls it spiritual circumcision, Book IV, chap. 38. That it is to be conferred upon infants also he asserts in Book II, chap. 39. The customary rites of catechism and exorcism he approves in Book I, chap. 1, 9, 13, and 19.

Confirmationem agnoscit, quando non per artes magicas, ut scelestus Simon Magus existimabat, sed per impositionem manuum apostolicarum piis dari Spiritum sanctum docet libro I, cap. 20, et lib. IV, cap. 75. Praeterea, insulsos Gnosticorum discipulos arguens, quod illorum oleo aqua permisto, profanisque verbis initiatos, confirmatosque seipsos reputarent, dicentes, « Confirmatus sum, et redemptus sum, » etc., quandoquidem non a viris profanis, quales erant Gnostici; nec verbis istis : « In nomine ignoti Patris, » etc., adhibetur confirmationis sacramentum : sed ab apostolorum successoribus et verbis constanti perpetuaque traditione illorum susceptis.

Confirmation he acknowledges, when he teaches that not through magical arts, as the wicked Simon Magus supposed, but through the laying on of apostolic hands the Holy Spirit is given to the pious, in Book I, chap. 20, and Book IV, chap. 75. Furthermore, reproving the foolish disciples of the Gnostics because, initiated with their oil mixed with water and with profane words, they reckoned themselves confirmed, saying, "I have been confirmed and I have been redeemed," etc., seeing that the sacrament of confirmation is administered not by profane men, such as the Gnostics were, nor by those words: "In the name of the unknown Father," etc., but by the successors of the apostles and with the words received by their constant and perpetual tradition.

Eucharistiae panem, et calicem commistum, per invocationis verba corpus et sanguinem Christi vere fieri, et utrumque per Christi ordinationem toto mundo, velut novi testamenti sacrificium, idque super altare per manus sacerdotum offerri, constanter frequenterque praedicat, et prophetarum apostolorumque disertis verbis confirmat, lib. IV, c. 32, 33, 34, 45, et lib. V, c. 2. Eamdem servari solitam docet epistola ad Victorem, quando ad Polycarpum missa est ab Aniceto. Rationes institutionis ejus, et fructus mirabiles explicat lib. IV, c. 34, et lib. V, c. 2, simulque praefationis canonis verba, et aliquas preces non reticet libro I, cap. 1 et 9, et lib. IV, cap. 34.

That the bread of the Eucharist and the mingled cup truly become through the words of invocation the body and blood of Christ, and that both are offered through Christ's ordinance throughout the whole world as the sacrifice of the new testament, and that upon the altar through the hands of priests, he constantly and frequently proclaims, and confirms by the express words of the prophets and apostles, Book IV, chap. 32, 33, 34, 45, and Book V, chap. 2. That the same was customarily observed, the epistle to Victor teaches, when it was sent to Polycarp by Anicetus. The reasons for its institution and its wonderful fruits he explains in Book IV, chap. 34, and Book V, chap. 2, and at the same time he does not pass over in silence the words of the preface of the canon and certain prayers in Book I, chap. 1 and 9, and Book IV, chap. 34.

Poenitentiae partes, id est contritionem, confessionem, et satisfactionem, comprobat, cum primum de exhomologesi, id est confessione, tam privata quam publica, frequenter disserit lib. I, c. 9, et lib. III, c. 4; solutionem Lazari a vinculis symbolum fuisse hominis peccatoris per pastores ecclesiasticos a peccatis solvendi, lib. V, c. 13. Contritionem et satisfactionem asserit clarissimis exemplis Adami et Evae, prae admissi peccati confusione, confugientium ad latebras, indignos se judicantium conspectu Dei, mordentibus et compungentibus ficulneis foliis corpora sua castigantium, denique inflictas a Deo laborum, taediorum, tristitiarum et gemituum poenas sponte subeuntium, lib. III, c. 35,

The parts of penance, that is, contrition, confession, and satisfaction, he approves, when first concerning exomologesis, that is, confession, both private and public, he frequently discourses in Book I, chap. 9, and Book III, chap. 4; and that the loosing of Lazarus from his bonds was a symbol of sinful man being loosed from sins through ecclesiastical pastors, Book V, chap. 13. Contrition and satisfaction he asserts by the clearest examples of Adam and Eve, on account of the confusion of the sin committed, fleeing to hiding-places, judging themselves unworthy of the sight of God, chastising their bodies with biting and pricking fig leaves, and finally willingly undergoing the punishments of labours, wearinesses, sorrows, and groanings inflicted by God, Book III, chap. 35,

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36 et 37. Poenitentia quibusdam vitam impetrari scribit, lib. I, c. 2. Demum, per poenitentiam nos posse ex gravissimis peccatoribus filios Dei fieri, ac haereditatem incorruptelae consequi, lib. IV, c. 80.

36 and 37. That life is obtained for some by penance he writes in Book I, chap. 2. Finally, that through penance we can from the most grievous sinners become sons of God, and obtain the inheritance of incorruption, Book IV, chap. 80.

Ordinationem sacrorum hominum tuetur, scribens, omnes justos (nam nonnisi pii et probati prius viri tum ad sacras functiones assumebantur) sacerdotalem ordinem habere : apostolos fuisse sacerdotes Domini, cui semper in altari servierunt : et in altari persaepe sacrificandum, libro quarto, capite vigesimo. Rursum, sacrificia in Ecclesia a liberis hominibus offerri; quod offert Ecclesia (nimirum per sacerdotes, et alios in altari ministrantes) purum sacrificium apud Deum deputari, libro quarto, capite trigesimo secundo, trigesimo tertio, trigesimo quarto. Mistum calicem, et panem percipere verbum Dei (sacerdotum videlicet ore ac ministerio) ut fiant eucharistia corporis et sanguinis Christi, lib. V, cap. 2.

The ordination of sacred men he defends, writing that all the righteous (for none but pious and previously approved men were then assumed to sacred functions) have the priestly order: that the apostles were priests of the Lord, Whom they always served at the altar: and that sacrifice is very often to be offered at the altar, in the fourth book, twentieth chapter. Again, that sacrifices in the Church are offered by free men; that what the Church offers (namely through priests and others ministering at the altar) is reckoned a pure sacrifice before God, in the fourth book, thirty-second, thirty-third, and thirty-fourth chapters. That the mingled cup and the bread receive the word of God (namely by the mouth and ministry of the priests) so that they become the Eucharist of the body and blood of Christ, Book V, chap. 2.

Matrimonium, Graecus auctor semel et iterum appellans mysterium (procul dubio Christi et Ecclesiae, ut loquitur Apostolus), quod Latini sacramentum appellamus, evidenter affirmat, libro primo, capite primo : ad humani generis propagationem a Deo institutum praedicat libro IV, cap. 24, et lib. V, cap. 2. Indissolubilem porro viri et feminae consuetudinem habere satis propugnat, quando Gnosticorum promiscuas et vagas libidines tam severe quam sancte redarguit, lib. I, cap. 1, 9, 20, 22, 24, 27 et 31.

Matrimony, the Greek author once and again calling it a mystery (without doubt of Christ and the Church, as the Apostle speaks), which we Latins call a sacrament, he evidently affirms, in the first book, first chapter: that it was instituted by God for the propagation of the human race he proclaims in Book IV, chap. 24, and Book V, chap. 2. Moreover, that the union of man and woman holds an indissoluble bond he sufficiently defends, when he refutes as severely as holily the promiscuous and wandering lusts of the Gnostics, Book I, chap. 1, 9, 20, 22, 24, 27, and 31.

Unctionis denique infirmorum usum catholicum satis affirmat, quando eum hoc capite vindicat ab haereticorum variis corruptelis. Arguit enim aliquos, quod defunctorum cadaveribus adhibendum censerent : cum tamen apostoli infirmorum tantum, non mortuorum proprium esse perhibeant, Marc. VI, Jacob. V. Alios etsi infirmos ungerent, increpandos tamen esse judicat, quod impia et a se conficta verborum forma, non autem Ecclesiae tradita uterentur : alios denique ejusdem unctionis fines ac effectus, ab his quos apostoli tradiderunt, impie comminiscerentur, ut ex hoc capite facile deprehenditur. Ac de his hactenus.

Finally, the Catholic use of the anointing of the sick he sufficiently affirms, when in this chapter he vindicates it from the various corruptions of the heretics. For he reproves some because they thought it should be applied to the corpses of the dead: whereas the apostles declare that it belongs only to the sick, not to the dead (Mark 6, Jas. 5). Others, even though they anointed the sick, he nevertheless judges are to be rebuked because they used an impious form of words fabricated by themselves, and not that handed down to the Church: while others, finally, impiously devised ends and effects of the same anointing different from those which the apostles handed down, as is easily gathered from this chapter. And of these matters thus far.

Ex Jo. Ern. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 18.

From the annotations of Jo. Ern. Grabe on chap. 18.

Pag. 93. Τὴν δὲ ἀπολυτρώσεως αὐτοῖς παράδοσιν συμβέβηκεν ἀόρατον εἶναι καὶ ἀκατάληπτον, etc. Supra pag. 61, not. 1, ex Jacobi Rhenferdii Disputatione de redemptione Marcosiorum, explicatam dedi significationem vocis ἀπολυτρώσεως, qua certam precandi, sive Deo gratias pro redemptione agendi formulam denotat, quae et in hoc capite iterum iterumque occurrit. Sed et alia hujus vocabuli notio inter istos haereticos, origine, nisi fallor, Judaeos, obtinuit, quae Irenaeum fugisse videtur. Scilicet quae cabbalistis dicitur בינה « intelligentia, » et « mater superior, » influxum accipiens a Patre (id est Spiritus sanctus), unde istud in Evangelio secundum Hebraeos dictum : « Modo accepit me mater mea Spiritus sanctus, » de quo vide Spicilegium Patrum, tom. I, pag. 27), eadem גאולה « redemptio » ab iisdem vocabatur, ut ex Cabala denudata liquet in voce גאולה, ubi haec leguntur : גאולה « redemptio, liberatio, est Binah, quippe quae fundamentum est liberationis, » etc. Atqui hanc « redemptionem, » sive « intelligentiam » divinam, cum « invisibilem et incomprehensibilem, ac incomprehensibilium invisibiliumque matrem » appellarint, Irenaeus haec praedicta minus recte ad redemptionem in priori sensu acceptam retulit. Caeterum αὐτῶν pro αὐτοῖς legendum ipsa verborum constructio et vetus interpretatio plane docent.

Page 93. "And the tradition of their redemption happens to be invisible and incomprehensible," etc. Above on page 61, note 1, from Jacob Rhenferd's Disputation on the Redemption of the Marcosians, I gave an explained signification of the word ἀπολυτρώσεως, whereby it denotes a certain formula of praying, or of giving thanks to God for redemption, which also occurs again and again in this chapter. But another notion of this word also obtained among those heretics, by origin, unless I am mistaken, Jews, which seems to have escaped Irenaeus. Namely, she who by the Cabbalists is called בינה "intelligence," and "the higher mother," receiving influx from the Father (that is, the Holy Spirit, whence that saying in the Gospel according to the Hebrews: "Just now my mother the Holy Spirit took me," concerning which see Spicilegium Patrum, vol. I, page 27), the same was called גאולה "redemption" by the same, as is clear from the Cabala denudata under the word גאולה, where these words are read: גאולה "redemption, liberation, is Binah, inasmuch as she is the foundation of liberation," etc. Now since they called this divine "redemption," or "intelligence," "invisible and incomprehensible, and the mother of the incomprehensible and invisible things," Irenaeus less rightly referred these aforesaid things to redemption taken in the former sense. For the rest, that αὐτῶν should be read instead of αὐτοῖς the construction of the words itself and the ancient translation plainly teach.

Pag. 94. Δύνασθε τὸ βάπτισμα βαπτισθῆναι, etc. Haec Marcosii memoriter allegasse videntur, et quidem ex Evangelio Marci, uti recte visum Gallasio, non Matthaei, cujus caput XX in margine

Page 94. "Are you able to be baptized with the baptism," etc. These words the Marcosians seem to have cited from memory, and indeed from the Gospel of Mark, as rightly seemed to Gallasius, not of Matthew, whose chapter 20 in the margin

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suae editionis signavit Feuardentius. In hujus enim textum ex illius codice istud comma irrepsisse non solum ex eo colligitur, quod in Vulgata Latina desit, indeque ab Hilario, Ambrosio, Hieronymo, aliisque Latinis Patribus omissum fuerit; sed et ex Origenis tom. XVI Comment. in Matthaeum, pag. 415, ubi ita habet : Ἀποκριθεὶς εἶπε μετὰ τό, Οὐκ οἴδατε, τί αἰτεῖσθε, τό, Δύνασθε πιεῖν τὸ ποτήριον, ὃ ἐγὼ μέλλω πίνειν; ἢ ὡς ὁ Μάρκος ἀνέγραψε, Δύνασθε τὸ ποτήριον πιεῖν, ὃ ἐγὼ πίνω, ἢ τὸ βαπτισμα, ὃ ἐγὼ βαπτίζομαι, βαπτισθῆναι; Quid enim attinebat S. Marcum in subsidium vocare, si ambo commata in S. Matthaei codice ab Origene fuissent lecta? Accedunt mss. codices, quos ab honoratissimo fautore meo Dn. D. Millio inter varias Novi Testamenti lectiones diligenter recensitos, brevi unicuique licebit videre.

of his edition Feuardentius marked. For that this clause crept into the text of the latter from the codex of the former is gathered not only from the fact that it is lacking in the Latin Vulgate, and thence was omitted by Hilary, Ambrose, Jerome, and other Latin Fathers; but also from Origen's vol. XVI of the Commentary on Matthew, page 415, where he has it thus: "Answering He said after the words, 'You do not know what you ask,' the words, 'Are you able to drink the cup that I am about to drink?' or as Mark recorded, 'Are you able to drink the cup that I drink, or to be baptized with the baptism with which I am baptized?'" For what need was there to call St Mark to aid, if both clauses had been read by Origen in the codex of St Matthew? Added to this are the manuscript codices, which, diligently reviewed among the various readings of the New Testament by my most honoured patron Dr Mill, everyone will shortly be permitted to see.

Μητέρα πάντων. Μητέρα τῶν πάντων habet Eusebius, sicuti paulo ante, Πατρὸς τῶν ὅλων.

"Mother of all." Eusebius has Μητέρα τῶν πάντων ("Mother of the all"), just as a little before, Πατρὸς τῶν ὅλων ("of the Father of the wholes").

Εἰς Ἰησοῦν. Εἰς τὸν Ἰησοῦν legitur apud Eusebium.

"Unto Jesus." Εἰς τὸν Ἰησοῦν is read in Eusebius.

Ἑβραϊκά τινα. Τινά non habet Eusebius, neque legit vetus interpres.

"Certain Hebrew words." Eusebius does not have τινά ("certain"), nor does the ancient translator read it.

Καταπλήξασθαι. Ita tam apud Epiphanium quam in editt. Eusebii. Sed notante Valesio ad locum citatum Eusebii, in hujus mss. cod. nempe cardinalis Mazarini, Medicaeo, Fuketiano, nec non Henrici Savilii, qui modo in Bibliotheca Bodleiana asservatur, exstat καταπλῆξαι.

"To astound." Thus both in Epiphanius and in the editions of Eusebius. But as Valois notes on the cited passage of Eusebius, in the manuscript codices of the latter, namely those of Cardinal Mazarin, the Medicean, the Fouquetian, and also that of Henry Savile, which is now preserved in the Bodleian Library, there stands καταπλῆξαι.

Pag. 97. Βάσεμα. Missis Croii, aliorumque conjecturis et commentationibus in obscuras « redemptionum » formulas, cl. Rhenferdii explicationes in supra laudata Dissertatione traditas breviter referam. Atqui prima haec vox facilis est. Syris quippe בשמא « in nomine. » Sed pro scheva quiescente insertum est ε, in Latino autem y.

Page 97. Βάσεμα. Passing over the conjectures and commentaries of de Croi and others upon the obscure formulas of the "redemptions," I shall briefly report the explanations of the illustrious Rhenferd delivered in the above-praised Dissertation. Now this first word is easy. For among the Syrians בשמא is "in the name." But in place of the quiescent sheva, ε has been inserted, and in the Latin y.

Χαμοσσή. Χαμωσί in Nicetae Thesauro orthodoxae fidei ms. in bibliotheca Bodleiana : a כמס « abscondit, » unde כמס « absconditum, » Deuteronom. XXXII, 34. Atque ita posterior formula habet, τὸ ὄνομα τὸ ἀποκεκρυμμένον.

Χαμοσσή. Χαμωσί in Nicetas's manuscript Treasury of the Orthodox Faith in the Bodleian Library: from כמס "he hid," whence כמס "hidden" (Deut. 32:34). And thus the latter formula has τὸ ὄνομα τὸ ἀποκεκρυμμένον ("the hidden name").

Βααιανορά. In Niceta : Βαὲ, ἀνώρα. Sed aliter dividendum est ac legendum, Βααίη vel Βααίαι νόρα. Syriace בחיי נהרא « in vita luminis, » sive ut in altera formula « redemptionis » paulo post redditur : Ἐν ζωαῖς τοῦ φωτός.

Βααιανορά. In Nicetas: Βαὲ, ἀνώρα. But it is to be divided and read otherwise, Βααίη or Βααίαι νόρα. In Syriac בחיי נהרא "in the life of light," or as it is rendered a little later in the other formula of "redemption": Ἐν ζωαῖς τοῦ φωτός ("In the lives of light").

Μισταδία. Apud Nicetam male per υ Μυσταδία. Atqui δία ad sequentem vocem pertinet, cum qua in Latino textu junctum est; μίστα vero est Chaldaeo-Syrum משחתא vel משחחא « unctio : » quippe ח Graecis est ἄφωνον, uti aliquot exemplis probavit Croius pag. 17, col. 2, juxta recentem editionem huic operi affixam.

Μισταδία. In Nicetas badly with υ, Μυσταδία. Now δία belongs to the following word, with which it is joined in the Latin text; while μίστα is the Chaldaeo-Syriac משחתא or משחחא "anointing": inasmuch as ח is mute to the Greeks, as de Croi proved by several examples on page 17, col. 2, according to the recent edition affixed to this work.

Ῥουαδὰ Κουστά. Apud Nicetam pejus Ῥούδα Κουστάβα. Caeterum praefixo his vocibus δία, quod huc pertinere modo dictum est, Διαρούα vel potius Δαρούα δακούστα, pro δακούδσα, est illud Syris receptissimum דרוחא דקודשא « Spiritus sanctitatis, » id est « sancti. » Atque hinc in altera formula legitur, διὰ Πνεύματος ἁγίου, in hujus autem interpretatione, Πνεῦμα ἀγαθόν pro ἅγιον.

Ῥουαδὰ Κουστά. In Nicetas worse, Ῥούδα Κουστάβα. For the rest, when δία, which was just said to belong here, is prefixed to these words, Διαρούα or rather Δαρούα δακούστα, for δακούδσα, is that expression most received among the Syrians, דרוחא דקודשא "of the Spirit of holiness," that is, "of the Holy Spirit." And hence in the other formula is read διὰ Πνεύματος ἁγίου ("through the Holy Spirit"), while in the translation of this one, Πνεῦμα ἀγαθόν ("good Spirit") instead of ἅγιον ("Holy").

Βαβοφόρ. In Niceta φογόρ (sive βαφογόρ, si βα ex praecedenti voce κουστάβα huc referas). Caeterum cum haec vox reddatur ἐν σώματι, in altera autem « redemptione » dicatur, εἰς λύτρωσιν, juxta priorem forte legi deberet βαφαγρὰχ (quod ad Nicetae lectionem prope accedit) juxta posteriorem βαφώρακ vel βαφούρκαν, ut adeo pateat κα ex sequenti verbo καλαχθεῖ, huc retrahendum esse.

Βαβοφόρ. In Nicetas φογόρ (or βαφογόρ, if you refer βα from the preceding word κουστάβα hither). For the rest, since this word is rendered ἐν σώματι ("in the body"), whereas in the other "redemption" it is said εἰς λύτρωσιν ("unto redemption"), according to the former perhaps there ought to be read βαφαγρὰχ (which comes near to Nicetas's reading), according to the latter βαφώρακ or βαφούρκαν, so that it is thus clear that κα from the following word καλαχθεῖ is to be drawn back hither.

Καλαχθεί. Κα ad praecedentem vocem pertinere modo monui; με vero vel μα ejus loco praefigendum esse ex Latino textu et interpretatione hujus verbi per Graecum ἐβασίλευσας aperte patet. Similiter Apocal. XII, 7, legitur, מלכת.

Καλαχθεί. That Κα belongs to the preceding word I just advised; while that με or μα is to be prefixed in its place is openly clear from the Latin text and the translation of this word by the Greek ἐβασίλευσας ("you have reigned"). Similarly in Rev. 12:7 is read מלכת.

Εἰς λύτρωσιν ἀγγελικήν. Clemens in Excerptis ex Valentinianorum Didascalia, pag. 793, col. 1, B : Ἐν τῇ χειροθεσίᾳ λέγουσιν ἐπὶ τέλους· Εἰς λύ-

"Unto angelic redemption." Clement in the Excerpts from the Teaching of the Valentinians, page 793, col. 1, B: "In the laying on of hands they say at the end: Unto re-"

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τρωσιν ἀγγελικὴν, τουτέστιν ἣν καὶ ἄγγελοι ἔχουσιν, etc. « In impositione manuum dicunt : In redemptionem angelicam, id est eam, cujus angeli participes facti sunt. » Vide plura ibidem.

"-demption angelic, that is, that which the angels also have," etc. "In the laying on of hands they say: Unto angelic redemption, that is, that of which the angels have been made partakers." See more in the same place.

Ὄνομα τὸ τῆς ἀποκαταστάσεως. Ὀνόματα τὰ τῆς ἀποκαταστάσεως legere amat Rhenferdius § 55, sicut paulo ante, Ἑβραϊκά τινα ὀνόματα ἐπιλέγουσι. Intelligit autem per ὀνόματα τῆς ἀποκαστάσεως, « verba restitutionis, » novam formulam redemptionis, quod redemptio nihil aliud sit quam restitutio in integrum, ut ex Levitici cap. XXV probat. Ex ejus itaque sententia textum aliter distinxi, et ab ὄνομα novam incepi periodum.

"The name of the restoration." Rhenferd in § 55 likes to read Ὀνόματα τὰ τῆς ἀποκαταστάσεως ("The names of the restoration"), just as a little before, Ἑβραϊκά τινα ὀνόματα ἐπιλέγουσι ("they pronounce certain Hebrew names"). Moreover, he understands by ὀνόματα τῆς ἀποκαστάσεως, "the words of restoration," a new formula of redemption, because redemption is nothing else than restoration to the whole, as he proves from chapter 25 of Leviticus. According to his opinion, therefore, I punctuated the text otherwise, and began a new sentence at ὄνομα.

Μεσσία. Id est Christi. Atque ita interpretatio hujus formulae habet : « Christi non divido Spiritum, » etc. Ast reliquae voces, Οὐφαρέγ, etc., ab interpretatione hujus formulae omnino discrepant, ac magis cum ea, quam post haec Irenaeus refert, responsione initiatorum convenit. Unde suspicor, Hebraica verba ipsius formulae redemptionis ex Irenaei textu mox excidisse, adeo ut tam Epiphanius quam vetus interpres mutilatum habuerint exemplar : vel Irenaeum haud integro formularum redemptionis et responsionum codice usum esse.

Μεσσία. That is, of Christ. And thus the translation of this formula has: "Of Christ I do not divide the Spirit," etc. But the remaining words, Οὐφαρέγ, etc., differ altogether from the translation of this formula, and agree more with that response of the initiated which Irenaeus reports after these things. Whence I suspect that the Hebrew words of the formula of redemption itself soon fell out from the text of Irenaeus, so that both Epiphanius and the ancient translator had a mutilated copy: or that Irenaeus used an incomplete codex of the formulas of redemption and of the responses.

Οὐφαρέγ. Hac voce exprimi videtur istud in responsione initiatorum : « Et redimo. »

Οὐφαρέγ. By this word seems to be expressed that phrase in the response of the initiated: "And I redeem."

Ναμεμψαιμάν. Ex Epiphanii haeres. 36, Heracleonitarum, ubi easdem voces repetit, colligitur, ultimam syllabam μάν cum sequenti voce jungendam esse, ac reponendum ναμεμψαί vel ναμεμψά. Quanquam et haec lectio corrupta ac nata videatur ex νεψὶ vel ναψί, juxta Graeca τὴν ψυχήν μου. Ista vero, ἀπὸ τοῦ αἰῶνος τούτου, in Syriaca formula non comparent, quae Graecis litteris ita exprimerentur, μὲν ἀλέμα ἄνα.

Ναμεμψαιμάν. From Epiphanius, Haeres. 36, of the Heracleonites, where he repeats the same words, it is gathered that the last syllable μάν is to be joined with the following word, and ναμεμψαί or ναμεμψά restored. Although this reading also seems corrupt and arisen from νεψὶ or ναψί, according to the Greek τὴν ψυχήν μου ("my soul"). Those words, however, ἀπὸ τοῦ αἰῶνος τούτου ("from this age"), do not appear in the Syriac formula, which in Greek letters would be expressed thus, μὲν ἀλέμα ἄνα.

Χαλδαιάν. Epiphanius loco citato melius habet : Μενχαλδία. Hoc vero, ut respondeat istis : Καὶ πάντων τῶν παρ' αὐτοῦ, legendum est : Οὐ μεν χολ δι, vel οὐ μεν χολ δε.

Χαλδαιάν. Epiphanius in the passage cited has better: Μενχαλδία. This, however, that it may correspond to those words, Καὶ πάντων τῶν παρ' αὐτοῦ ("And from all the things that come from it"), is to be read: Οὐ μεν χολ δι, or οὐ μεν χολ δε.

Μοσομηδ αέα. Interpretatio habet, ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι τοῦ Ἰαώ· quod Syris est, בשמה דיהיה, Βασμὴ δὲ Ἰαώ. Unde αέα loco Ἰαώ positum, et ab initio hujus vocis littera β in μ, ob similitudinem transmutata est.

Μοσομηδ αέα. The translation has ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι τοῦ Ἰαώ ("in the name of Iao"), which among the Syrians is בשמה דיהיה, Βασμὴ δὲ Ἰαώ. Whence αέα was put in place of Ἰαώ, and at the beginning of this word the letter β was transmuted into μ on account of similarity.

Ἀκφραναί. Ναι ad sequentem pertinet vocem. Pro ἀκφρα forte legendum βακαφούρα, Syris בכפורא ἐν λύτρῳ, sive, ut interpretatio habet, εἰς ἀπολύτρωσιν. Excidisse vero hic videtur alia vox, forte ipsa radix כפר, qua expressum fuit ὃς ἐλυτρώσατο.

Ἀκφραναί. Ναι belongs to the following word. For ἀκφρα perhaps there should be read βακαφούρα, among the Syrians בכפורא, ἐν λύτρῳ ("in ransom"), or, as the translation has, εἰς ἀπολύτρωσιν ("unto redemption"). Another word, however, seems to have fallen out here, perhaps the root כפר itself, by which was expressed ὃς ἐλυτρώσατο ("who redeemed").

Ψαούα. Ultima praecedentis vocis syllaba huc relata, et rejecto ουα, facile oritur vox νάψα vel νάψη, נפשה, τὴν ψυχὴν αὐτοῦ, ut interpretatio habet.

Ψαούα. When the last syllable of the preceding word is brought over hither, and ουα rejected, there easily arises the word νάψα or νάψη, נפשה, τὴν ψυχὴν αὐτοῦ ("his soul"), as the translation has.

Ἰησοῦ Ναζαρία. Jesum Nazarenum denotari quilibet videt. In interpretatione vero legitur, ἐν τῷ Χριστῷ τῷ ζῶντι.

Ἰησοῦ Ναζαρία. Anyone sees that Jesus of Nazareth is denoted. In the translation, however, is read ἐν τῷ Χριστῷ τῷ ζῶντι ("in the living Christ").

Mortuos. Vereor ne interpres τελευτῶντας, aut quodcunque aliud Irenaei verbum fuerit, minus recte transtulerit « mortuos, » cum « morientes » potius reddere debuisset. Epiphanius enim proxime ante obitum ista solemnia ab Heracleonitis, de quibus hic sermo est, peracta esse perspicue indicat. Quin et de catholicis pseudo-Dionysius De ecclesiastica hierarchia, cap. 7, scribit : « Ubi cuncti consalutaverunt, » allatum defuncti corpus, ἐπιχέει τῷ κεκοιμημένῳ τὸ ἔλαιον ὁ ἱεράρχης· « super defuncto fundit oleum pontifex. » Et post alia : « Olei unctio baptizandum quondam evocabat ad sacra certamina. Nunc autem infusum oleum signat, eum qui defunctus est eadem sacra exegisse certamina, sicque fuisse consummatum. » Quae de apostolico aegrotos ad recuperandam sanitatem ungendi ritu aliisque ejusmodi sacris et sacramentis hic disserit Feuardentius, a proposito aliena sunt.

"The dead." I fear lest the translator less rightly translated τελευτῶντας, or whatever other word of Irenaeus it was, as "the dead," when he ought rather to have rendered it "the dying." For Epiphanius clearly indicates that those solemnities were performed immediately before death by the Heracleonites, of whom speech is made here. Nay, even concerning Catholics pseudo-Dionysius On the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, chap. 7, writes: "When all have saluted" the corpse of the deceased that has been brought in, ἐπιχέει τῷ κεκοιμημένῳ τὸ ἔλαιον ὁ ἱεράρχης: "the pontiff pours oil over the deceased." And after other things: "The anointing of oil formerly called forth him who was to be baptized to the sacred contests. Now, however, the oil poured on signifies that he who is deceased has completed the same sacred contests, and thus has been perfected." The things that Feuardentius discourses here concerning the apostolic rite of anointing the sick for recovering health and other sacred rites and sacraments of that kind are foreign to the purpose.

Pag. 97. Ἐγὼ υἱός. Graeca quae sequuntur, petita

Page 97. "I am a son." The Greek words that follow, bor-

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old-edition numerals: 70 after Epiphanius
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: τρωσιν ἀγγελικὴν (Grabe in cap. 18); word split at column break: τρωσιν, pe-
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sunt ex Epiphanii haeres. 36, Heracleonitarum; adeo ut hos esse pateat, de quibus hoc loco loquitur Irenaeus. In iis vero quae praecedunt, haud stricte quidem eumdem verborum tenorem ac ordinem servavit Epiphanius (neque enim in hac haeresi Irenaeum nominatim allegavit), attamen ita vestigia ejus legit, ut Graeca ipsius Irenaei verba, quae vacuum implerent locum, inde colligere possimus, quae talia fuisse videntur : Ἄλλοι εἰσιν οἱ λυτροῦντες τοὺς τελευτῶντας (sive ἐξελθόντας) ἐπὶ τὴν τελευτὴν ἐξόδου, ἐπιβάλλοντες ταῖς κεφαλαῖς αὐτῶν ἔλαιον καὶ ὕδωρ, ἢ προειρημένον μύρον μεθ' ὕδατος, καὶ μετ' ἐπικλήσεων προειρημένων, ἵνα ἀκράτητοι καὶ ἀόρατοι ταῖς Ἀρχαῖς καὶ Ἐξουσίαις γένωνται, εἰς τὸ ὑπερβῆναι (ἀοράτως legitur in Epiphanio) τὸν ἔσω αὐτῶν ἄνθρωπον· ὡς σώματος μὲν τούτων ἐν τῇ κτίσει... καταλιμπανομένου, τῆς δὲ ψυχῆς περισταμένης τῷ Δημιούργῳ. Καὶ ἐγκελεύονται αὐτοῖς ἐλθοῦσιν ἐπὶ τὰς Ἐξουσίας τάδε εἰπεῖν μετὰ τὴν τελευτήν.

-rowed from Epiphanius, Haeres. 36, of the Heracleonites; so that it is clear that it is these of whom Irenaeus speaks in this place. In the things that precede, however, Epiphanius did not indeed strictly keep the same tenor and order of words (for neither did he cite Irenaeus by name in this heresy), yet he so trod in his footsteps that we can gather thence the Greek words of Irenaeus himself to fill up the empty space, which seem to have been such as these: "Others there are who redeem the dying (or those departing) unto the end of their departure, putting upon their heads oil and water, or the aforesaid ointment with water, and with the aforesaid invocations, in order that they may become unseizable and invisible to the Principalities and Powers, so that their inner man may ascend above (invisibly is read in Epiphanius); as their body indeed is left behind in the creation..., while their soul is presented to the Demiurge. And they command them, when they come to the Powers, to say these things after their death."

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 19.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardentius on chap. 19.

Pag. 98. Cum teneamus. Prioribus et sequentibus haeresibus, partes potiores Symboli, quod « Regulam fidei » appellat, constanter opponit, praecipue de Dei unitate, ejus omnipotentia ac rerum omnium creatione : eadem opera Verbum et Spiritum sanctum Patri conjungens in mundi productione et administratione, ut eorum unica sit et inseparabilis operatio, quorum unicam credimus voluntatem, ait Augustinus.

Page 98. "Since we hold." To the preceding and following heresies he constantly opposes the principal parts of the Creed, which he calls the "Rule of faith," especially concerning the unity of God, His omnipotence, and the creation of all things: by the same work conjoining the Word and the Holy Spirit with the Father in the production and administration of the world, so that the operation of Those whose single will we believe is single and inseparable, says Augustine.

Sed per Verbum et Spiritum suum. Opus creationis et gubernationis hujus mundi aeque tribuens Spiritui sancto, atque Patri et Filio, satis docet eum cum his unius esse voluntatis, potestatis atque deitatis : ac idcirco impiae sycophantiae in hunc B. martyrem convincuntur Magdeburgenses, centuriatores, cum in favorem Arianorum, Macedonianorum et Eunomianorum scribunt, Irenaeum de « Spiritus sancti divinitate nunquam locutum esse. »

"But through His Word and Spirit." Attributing the work of the creation and governance of this world equally to the Holy Spirit as to the Father and the Son, he sufficiently teaches that He is of one will, power, and deity with Them: and therefore the Magdeburg Centuriators are convicted of impious slander against this blessed martyr when, in favour of the Arians, Macedonians, and Eunomians, they write that Irenaeus "never spoke of the divinity of the Holy Spirit."

Hic qui mundum. Cum vet. cod. delevimus, « unum. »

"He who [made] the world." With the ancient codex we have deleted "one."

Hic qui Deus Abraham. Non solum ineptus, sed et palam impius fuit Valentinus gentilis, qui ex hoc loco concludere voluit solum Patrem esse verum Deum Israelis, quem patriarchae cognoverunt et coluerunt, non autem Filium ac Spiritum : quoniam his tribus, ut dicebamus, totius mundi creationem et administrationem tanquam uni Deo vero hic tribuit : figmenta vero Gnosticorum de Propatore, Bytho, Sige et Aeonibus solummodo a deitate excluduntur, non Filius aut Spiritus sanctus.

"He who is the God of Abraham." Not only foolish, but also openly impious was the gentile Valentine, who from this passage wished to conclude that the Father alone is the true God of Israel, Whom the patriarchs knew and worshipped, and not the Son and the Spirit: since to these three, as we were saying, he here attributes the creation and administration of the whole world as to the one true God: whereas only the figments of the Gnostics concerning the Forefather, Bythos, Sige, and the Aeons are excluded from the deity, not the Son or the Holy Spirit.

Sed per sententiam malam immutant. Sic et beatus Hieronymus Comment. in III cap. Danielis, in VIII Ezechielis, et in III Oseae, docet omnem haeresim esse idololatriam, olim designatam per idola, quae seu Judaei, seu gentiles coluerunt : quoniam haeretici errorum suorum figmentis verum Deum in simulacrum transmutant, veluti hoc tempore Calviniani Deum sibi fingunt auctorem peccatorum, quique majorem hominum partem destinato creat ut damnet, non possit constituere duo corpora in eodem loco, aut unum eodem tempore in duobus, etc. Certe nec prophetae, nec apostoli, nec martyres, nec sancti Patres talem Deum agnoverunt vel docuerunt. De his supra cap. 12, nota 14.

"But through an evil mind they alter it." Thus also blessed Jerome in his Commentary on chap. 3 of Daniel, on 8 of Ezekiel, and on 3 of Hosea, teaches that every heresy is idolatry, formerly designated through the idols which either Jews or gentiles worshipped: since heretics by the figments of their errors transmute the true God into an idol, just as at this time the Calvinists fashion for themselves a God who is the author of sins, and who of set purpose creates the greater part of men in order to damn them, who cannot place two bodies in the same place, or one at the same time in two, etc. Assuredly neither prophets, nor apostles, nor martyrs, nor holy Fathers acknowledged or taught such a God. Concerning these matters see above, chap. 12, note 14.

Ex Jo. Ernesti Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 19.

From the annotations of Jo. Ernest Grabe on chap. 19.

Pag. 98. Plasma autem Dei. Id est carnem, quam, ut aeternum viveret, resurrecturam negabant haeretici. Contra quos prolixe disputat lib. V, ac inter alia haec, praesentibus consona habet sub finem capitis 5 : « Contradicunt suae saluti, impossibile existimantes posse Deum suscitantem corpora in sempiternum perseverationem eis donare. » Unde cap. 6 pergit : « Glorificabitur autem Deus in suo plasmate, » id est carne, de qua post pauca ait, quod

Page 98. "Now the fashioning of God." That is, the flesh, which the heretics denied would rise again to live forever. Against whom he disputes at length in Book V, and among other things has these words, consonant with the present ones, towards the end of chapter 5: "They contradict their own salvation, thinking it impossible that God, raising up bodies, is able to grant them perseverance forever." Whence in chap. 6 he continues: "Now God shall be glorified in His fashioning," that is, the flesh, concerning which after a few words he says that

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Lib. I de Trinit., cap. 4 et 12, et lib. II, cap. 5.

Book I On the Trinity, chapters 4 and 12, and book II, chapter 5.

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sit « plasmata secundum imaginem Dei. » Et mox iterum : « Si enim substantiam tollat aliquis carnis, id est plasmatis. » Et sic saepius in sequentibus.

it was "fashioned according to the image of God." And presently again: "For if anyone take away the substance of the flesh, that is, of the fashioning." And so quite often in what follows.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 20.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardentius on chap. 20.

Pag. 99. Magicam exercens artem. Sic proprie reddidit : Ἐν τῇ πόλει μαγεύων, « in civitate exercens artem magicam : » vet. edit., « in civitate magus. »

Page 99. "Practising the magical art." Thus he properly rendered Ἐν τῇ πόλει μαγεύων, "practising the magical art in the city": the ancient edition has "a magician in the city."

Universam magiam. Mira sunt et horrenda relatu, quae de isto scripserunt Clemens Rom. et Abdias, quod videlicet per aera volaret, igni commisceretur, statuas loco moveri, animare exanima, lapidesque panem faceret. « Possum facere, » aiebat, « ut volentibus me comprehendere non appaream, rursus volens videri palam sim, si fugere velim montem perforem, et saxa quasi lutum pertranseam, vinctus meipsum solvam, et eos qui vincula injecerint vinctos reddam, novas arbores subito oriri faciam, repentina virgulta producam, in ignem meipsum injiciam, ut non ardeam, vultum meum commuto, ut cognoscar, sed et duas facies habere me possum hominibus ostendere, ut ovis aut capra efficiar, in aere volando invehar, aurum plurimum ostendam, reges faciam, adorabor ut Dominus publice : divinis donabor honoribus, » etc. Ad haec nefanda, insana mentis ambitione agitabatur, « ut gloriosus, » ait Irenaeus, id est, quasi ob praeclara facinora eximius, « ab omnibus haberetur : » deinde turpis lucri gratia, cui addictissimum fuisse illum scribit Epiphanius. Hinc observandum quam recte Augustinus haereticum definiat, eum esse, « qui alicujus temporalis commodi, et maxime gloriae, principatusque gratia, falsas ac novas opiniones vel gignit, vel sequitur. »

"All magic." Wonderful and dreadful to relate are the things that Clement of Rome and Abdias have written concerning this man, namely that he flew through the air, mingled with fire, made statues move from their place, animated lifeless things, and made stones bread. "I am able to bring it about," he used to say, "that to those wishing to seize me I do not appear, and again wishing to be seen I am openly present; if I wish to flee, I bore through a mountain and pass through rocks as though mud; when bound, I loose myself, and render bound those who cast bonds upon me; I make new trees suddenly spring up, produce sudden thickets, cast myself into the fire so that I do not burn; I change my countenance so as not to be recognized, nay, I can show myself to men as having two faces; I may be made into a sheep or a she-goat, be borne flying in the air, display very much gold, make kings, be worshipped publicly as Lord, be presented with divine honours," etc. To these impious deeds he was driven by an insane ambition of mind, "that he might be held glorious by all," says Irenaeus, that is, as though eminent for illustrious deeds: next, for the sake of base gain, to which Epiphanius writes that he was most addicted. Hence it is to be observed how rightly Augustine defines a heretic as being one "who for the sake of some temporal advantage, and especially of glory and pre-eminence, either begets or follows false and new opinions."

Sub Claudio Caesare. Ante Irenaeum, B. Justinus fusius hoc ita descripserat : « Simon Samarita, ortus e Gitta oppido, sub Claudio Caesare, subnixus ope daemonum, et fretus magicis artibus, in hac urbe regia Deus est habitus, et quasi Deus honoratus : statua posita in Tiberi inter duos pontes, cum hoc titulo, SIMONI DEO SANCTO, quem ferme omnes Samaritae, et aliquot etiam in aliis nationibus tanquam primarium Deum adorant, una cum Helena quadam, quam tunc circumducebat, antea publice prostitutam, quam ipsi appellant primam intelligentiam. » His subscribunt Tertullianus, cap. 13 Apolog., Euseb. libro II Histor., cap. 12; Cyrill. Jerosol. catech. sexta; Theodoret. libro primo Haeret. fabul. Observa autem vilissimorum haereticorum satanicam plane superbiam, qua, instar diaboli, pro diis haberi et coli velint. Manichaeis exprobrat Augustinus, quod Paschati ac passioni Christi solemniter consecratos dies rejicerent, ut diem mortis Manichaei celebrarent, atque per dominum suum Manichaeum jurarent. Annon hoc est impurissimo mancipio potius servire, quam supremo omnium Domino et Creatori?

"Under Claudius Caesar." Before Irenaeus, Blessed Justin had described this more at length thus: "Simon the Samaritan, sprung from the town of Gitta, under Claudius Caesar, supported by the aid of demons and relying on magical arts, was held a God in this royal city, and honoured as a God: a statue having been set up on the Tiber between the two bridges, with this inscription, TO SIMON THE HOLY GOD, whom almost all the Samaritans, and some even in other nations, worship as the primary God, together with a certain Helena, whom he then led about with him, previously prostituted in public, whom they call the first intelligence." To these subscribe Tertullian, chap. 13 of the Apology; Eusebius, Book II of the History, chap. 12; Cyril of Jerusalem, sixth Catechesis; Theodoret, first book of Heretical Fables. Observe, moreover, the plainly satanic pride of the vilest heretics, whereby, like the devil, they wish to be held and worshipped as gods. Augustine reproaches the Manichaeans because they rejected the days solemnly consecrated to Easter and the passion of Christ in order to celebrate the day of the death of Manichaeus, and swore by their lord Manichaeus. Is not this to serve a most impure slave rather than the supreme Lord and Creator of all?

Hic Selenen. Sic post Irenaeum Augustinus et Cyrillus illam appellant : sed Justinus, Tertullianus, Eusebius, Epiphanius, Theodoret., Damascen. « Helenam » vocant; quod semel indicasse sufficiat. « Hanc eadem pecunia quam apostolis obtulerat, » ait Tertullian., « de loco libidinis publicae redemit, dignam certe pro Spiritu sancto mercedem. » Ipsam vero circumduxisse, et cum natura lascivus esset, in abscondito eidem permisceri solitum, scribit Epiphanius.

"He [having bought] Selene." Thus after Irenaeus, Augustine and Cyril call her: but Justin, Tertullian, Eusebius, Epiphanius, Theodoret, and Damascene call her "Helena"; which let it suffice to have indicated once. "Her, with the same money which he had offered to the apostles," says Tertullian, "he redeemed from a place of public lust, a worthy purchase indeed in place of the Holy Spirit." And that he led her about with him, and since he was lascivious by nature, was accustomed to consort with her in secret, Epiphanius writes.

Hic tantum addenda videntur quae scribit Nicetas lib. IV Orthodoxiae, c. 1 : « Simon meretrici cuidam Tyriae genere, Helenaeque nomine, quam secum circumductabat, primae Notionis appellationem indiderat; et quemadmodum se Deum Patrem, ita

Here it seems those things only should be added which Nicetas writes in Book IV of Orthodoxy, chap. 1: "Simon had bestowed upon a certain harlot, Tyrian by race and Helena by name, whom he led about with him, the appellation of the First Notion; and just as he called himself God the Father, so

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Footnotes

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Lib. III Recog.

Book III of the Recognitions.

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Lib. I Hist. apo.

Book I of the Apostolic History.

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Lib. de util. cred., cap. 1.

Book On the Usefulness of Believing, chapter 1.

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Apol. 2.

Apology 2.

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Lib. contra epist. Manichaei, cap. 8, et l. XIX contra Faust., cap. 22.

Book Against the Letter of Mani, chapter 8, and book XIX Against Faustus, chapter 22.

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Lib. de anima.

Book On the Soul.

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Contra haeres. 21.

Against Heresies, 21.

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et illam aliorum (Iren. omnium) esse matrem dicebat. In hujus gratiam coelo se descendisse subjungebat, ut eam a vinculis, quibus detinebatur, assereret; hominibusque in seipsum credentibus salutis auctor esset, » etc. In quibus perspicimus quam scelestissimum lasciviae gloriaeque mancipium fuerit Simon, omnium haereticorum parens.

he said that she also was the mother of the others (Irenaeus: of all). For her sake he subjoined that he had descended from heaven, to set her free from the bonds in which she was held; and to be the author of salvation to men believing in himself," etc. In which things we perceive what a most wicked slave of lust and glory Simon was, the parent of all heretics.

Stesichorum. Lyricus poeta fuit natus XXXVII olympiade, qui fertur scripsisse Helenae vituperationem, indeque exoculatum fuisse, rursusque ob palinodiam, Castoris et Pollucis opera, visum recepisse. Hujus rei meminit et Tertullian. dicens, « Helenam ut Priamo, sic oculis Stesichori exitiosissimam, quem et excaecavit ob convicium carminis, dehinc reluminavit, ob satisfactionem laudis. » Ex profanis hanc fabulam tangunt Horatius ode XVII Epod., Lucianus libro secundo Verarum histor., et Philostratus libro sexto De vita Apollonii.

"Stesichorus." He was a lyric poet born in the 37th Olympiad, who is said to have written a vituperation of Helen, and thence to have been blinded, and again on account of his palinode, through the agency of Castor and Pollux, to have recovered his sight. Of this matter Tertullian also makes mention, saying, "Helen, as to Priam, so most destructive to the eyes of Stesichorus, whom she both blinded on account of the abuse of his song, and thereafter restored to sight on account of the satisfaction of his praise." Among profane writers, Horace touches upon this fable in Ode 17 of the Epodes, Lucian in the second book of the True History, and Philostratus in the sixth book of the Life of Apollonius.

Uti eam assumeret primam. Sic legendum proponimus ex vet. cod., ita indicante etiam Tertulliano : « Hanc esse ovem perditam, ad quam descenderit Pater summus, Simon scilicet, et primum recuperata ea, et revecta, nescio humeris an feminibus, exinde ad hominum respexerit salutem. » Delevimus vero « poenam. »

"That he might take her up first." Thus we propose it should be read from the ancient codex, Tertullian also indicating thus: "That this was the lost sheep, to whom the supreme Father descended, Simon namely, and when she had first been recovered and carried back, I know not whether on his shoulders or his thighs, thereafter he had regard to the salvation of men." We have deleted, however, "punishment."

Pag. 100. Sed non secunaum operas justas. Notavimus ad cap. 1 hujus libri, Simonianos et Valentinianos in hac fuisse haeresi, non bonis operibus, sed sola fide hominem salvari. Adjicimus Eunomianos, imo et pseudo-apostolos, de quibus tam frequenter et graviter conqueritur Apostolus, eodem errore imbutos fuisse, ut docet B. Augustinus, lib. De haeres., c. 54 et lib. De fide et operibus, c. 14, ut vel inde considerent secum Lutherani et Calviniani, quos habeant priores dogmatum suorum assertores.

Page 100. "But not according to righteous works." We noted at chap. 1 of this book that the Simonians and Valentinians were in this heresy, that man is saved not by good works, but by faith alone. We add that the Eunomians, nay, even the false apostles, of whom the Apostle so frequently and gravely complains, were imbued with the same error, as Blessed Augustine teaches in the book On Heresies, chap. 54, and the book On Faith and Works, chap. 14, so that even from this the Lutherans and Calvinists may consider with themselves what earlier asserters of their dogmas they have.

Exorcismis et incantationibus utuntur. Exorcismis, id est adjurationibus et imprecationibus, quae religionis metu obstringunt, etiam magos et a Christo alienos usos esse, ex sacris liquidum est. Apostolos quemdam invenisse ejicientem daemonia, qui ad eorum consortium non pertinebat, multosque impios supremo judici dicturos : « In nomine tuo daemonia ejecimus; » imo et larvatum illum pontificem, Dominum validissimo exorcismo adjurasse, referunt Evangelia. Quin et ipsum diabolum Christo dixisse, Ὀρκίζω σε, « Adjuro te per Deum, ne me torqueas. » Quid ergo mirum, si mancipium ejus, ad tetras imposturas, adjurationibus daemones evocaret?

"They use exorcisms and incantations." That even magicians and strangers to Christ used exorcisms, that is, adjurations and imprecations, which bind by fear of religion, is clear from the Sacred Scriptures. That the apostles found a certain man casting out demons who did not belong to their company, and that many impious men will say to the supreme Judge: "In Thy name we have cast out demons;" nay, even that that masked high priest adjured the Lord by a most strong exorcism, the Gospels relate. Nay, even that the devil himself said to Christ, Ὀρκίζω σε, "I adjure Thee by God, that Thou torment me not." What wonder, then, if his slave, for foul impostures, called forth demons by adjurations?

Amatoria quoque. Nonnihil de his adnotavimus in cap. 9. Reliqua quae ad hunc locum pertinent ita explicat Theodor. : « Qui sectae Simonis erant, se audacter omni libidini et intemperantiae dedebant, et omni incantationum et praestigiarum genere utebantur, amatoria quaedam et pellicentia machinantes, » etc.

"Love-potions also." Somewhat concerning these we noted on chap. 9. The remaining things that pertain to this passage Theodoret explains thus: "Those who were of the sect of Simon boldly gave themselves up to all lust and intemperance, and used every kind of incantations and juggleries, contriving certain love-potions and allurements," etc.

Caeterum, « agogima » superius vertit, « allectantia, » videlicet, pocula. Ἀγωγίαι quoque vocantur lenocinia, oblectamenta. Πάρεδροι proprie sunt assessores, consiliarii, et auxiliarii. Astabant etenim his impostoribus spiritus immundi, qui eis ad quidvis contra pietatem audendum et aggrediendum auxiliabantur. Πάρεργον autem, etsi non unum significet, hoc tamen loco, res supervacaneas indicare puto. « Oniropompi, » composita vox ἀπὸ τοῦ ὀνειροῦ, quod est somnus et somnium, et πομπεύω, pompam agito, ostento, glorior : siquidem de insomniis suis, tanquam de divinis oraculis gloriabantur, atque triumphabant.

For the rest, "agogima" he translated above as "alluring," namely, draughts. Ἀγωγίαι are also called enticements, delights. Πάρεδροι are properly assessors, councillors, and auxiliaries. For unclean spirits stood by these impostors, assisting them to dare and attempt anything whatever against piety. Πάρεργον, however, although it does not signify one thing only, yet in this place I think indicates superfluous things. "Oniropompi," a compound word from ὀνειροῦ, which is sleep and dream, and πομπεύω, I lead a procession, display, boast: since they boasted and triumphed over their dreams as over divine oracles.

Imaginem quoque. Disputationem de imaginibus referemus in caput 24 hujus libri.

"An image also." The disputation concerning images we shall defer to chapter 24 of this book.

Habent quoque vocabulum. Delevimus « vocabula. »

"They have also a name." We have deleted "names."

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Lib. de anima.

Book On the Soul.

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Ibid.

Same place.

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Luc. IX.

Luke 9.

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Matth. VII, 22.

Matthew 7:22.

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Matth. XXVI, 63.

Matthew 26:63.

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Marc. V, 7.

Mark 5:7.

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Lib. I Haeret. fab.

Book I of the Compendium of Heretical Fables.

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running head: LIB. I S. IRENAEI. 1498
marginal letters: A et illam aliorum; B nimus ex vet.; C alienos usos esse,; D lenocinia, oblectamenta. Πάρεδροι
old-edition numerals: 71 before Pag. 100.
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: et illam aliorum (Feuardentius in cap. 20)
misprints kept as printed: secunaum (for secundum) in the lemma after Pag. 100.; Ὀρκίζω (smooth breathing as printed, for Ὁρκίζω)

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Caeterum, nec catholicos, nec Christianos quidem appellandos esse haereticos; sed a principe sectae cognominandos, non solus hic censet Irenaeus, sed et Justin. martyr his verbis : « Sunt distincti cognominibus, denominati a quibusdam, ut quisque fuit auctor alicujus novae doctrinae. Ex his alii vocantur Marcionitae, alii Valentiniani, alii Basilidiani, alii Saturniani, alii alio vocabulo, quisque a primo inventore sui dogmatis. » De iisdem et Lactant. scribit : « Illi daemoniacis fraudibus irretiti, divinum nomen et cultum per imprudentiam perdiderunt. Cum enim Phryges, aut Novatiani, aut Valentiniani, aut Marcitae, aut Anthropiani, seu quilibet alii, nominantur, Christiani esse desierunt, qui Christi nomine amisso, humana et externa vocabula induerunt. » Antea quoque Tert. : « Quid haereticis, inquit, et Christianis? Si haeretici sunt, Christiani esse non possunt. » Isthaec quoque persequuntur et confirmant Cypr., Athanas., Chrysost., aliique deinceps Patres, adeo ut etiam legibus suis imperatores prohibuerint haereticis nomen Christianum usurpare. C. lege 6, de haeresibus. Viderint illi, qui hos et fratres suos appellant, et religionis reformatae speciosum titulum eis tribuunt, quo pacto possunt vere esse ipsi catholici.

For the rest, that heretics are not to be called Catholics, nor even Christians, but are to be surnamed from the founder of their sect, not only Irenaeus judges here, but also Justin Martyr in these words: "They are distinguished by surnames, denominated from certain persons, according as each was the author of some new doctrine. Of these, some are called Marcionites, others Valentinians, others Basilidians, others Saturnians, others by another name, each from the first inventor of his dogma." Concerning the same, Lactantius also writes: "They, entangled in demoniacal frauds, have lost the divine name and worship through imprudence. For since they are named Phrygians, or Novatians, or Valentinians, or Marcites, or Anthropians, or any others whatever, they have ceased to be Christians, who, having lost the name of Christ, have put on human and foreign names." Earlier also Tertullian: "What have heretics," he says, "to do with Christians? If they are heretics, they cannot be Christians." These things also Cyprian, Athanasius, Chrysostom, and the other Fathers thereafter pursue and confirm, so that even by their laws the emperors forbade heretics to usurp the Christian name (Code, law 6, On Heresies). Let those see to it, who both call these men their brothers and attribute to them the specious title of the Reformed religion, how they themselves can truly be Catholics.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 21.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardentius on chap. 21.

Pag. 100. Hujus successor. Quia hujus haeresiarchae originem, dogmata, et perditos mores eleganter describit Euseb., verba ejus addere libuit. « Menander, ait, qui Simoni Mago successit, seipsum propter sceleratam morum suorum improbitatem, secundum diabolicae molitionis propugnaculum, illo priore nihilo plane imbecilliorem praestitit. Erat iste etiam Samaritanus : qui ubi ad summum praestigiarum fastigium, ut facile cum magistro contenderet, pervenerat, majoribus portentis se nobilitavit; et Servatorem, ad hominum conservationem ac salutem, coelitus e saeculis invisibilibus demissum se praedicavit, docuitque neminem aliter ex angelorum dominatu, qui mundum fabricassent, se posse eripere, quam ut prius experientia magica ab ipso tradita instructus esset, et baptismate, quod ille impertire solebat, ablutus. Quo quidem qui essent dignati, eos perpetuam in hac vita immortalitatem adepturos, et non amplius subituros mortem; sed eodem in loco in aeternum commorantes, nulli senio, nullive internecioni aliquando obnoxios fore. Ista certe ex Irenaei scriptis facile licet perspicere. » Huc usque Eusebius, qui et Antiochiae potissimum plurimos illum seduxisse ex Justini Apol. 2 subjicit, lib. III Hist., cap. 20.

Page 100. "His successor." Because Eusebius elegantly describes the origin, dogmas, and depraved morals of this heresiarch, it has pleased us to add his words. "Menander," he says, "who succeeded Simon Magus, showed himself, on account of the wicked depravity of his morals, a second bulwark of diabolical contrivance, in nothing whatever weaker than that former one. He also was a Samaritan: who, when he had arrived at the highest summit of juggleries, so as easily to contend with his master, made himself famous by greater portents; and proclaimed himself the Saviour, sent down from heaven out of the invisible ages for the preservation and salvation of men, and taught that no one could otherwise rescue himself from the dominion of the angels who had fabricated the world, than by first being instructed in the magical skill handed down by him, and washed with the baptism which he was accustomed to impart. And those who were deemed worthy of this would obtain perpetual immortality in this life, and would no longer undergo death; but abiding in the same place forever, would never be subject to any old age or to any destruction. These things assuredly one may easily perceive from the writings of Irenaeus." Thus far Eusebius, who also subjoins from Justin's 2nd Apology that he seduced very many at Antioch especially, Book III of the History, chap. 20.

Et ultra non posse mori. Tertull. impudentem hanc pollicitationem digna vellicatione excipiens, e contra « mortem, omnium quaestionum finem, et totius humani generis sententia, naturae debitum pronuntiat. Hoc stipulata est vox Dei, hoc spopondit omne quod nascitur, ut jam hinc non Epicuri stupor suffundatur, negantis debitum istud ad nos pertinere : sed haeretici magi Menandri Samaritani furor conspuatur, dicentis mortem ad suos non modo non pertinere, verum nec pervenire, in hoc scilicet se a superna et arcana potestate legatum, ut immortales, et incorruptibiles, et statim resurrectionis compotes fiant, qui baptisma ejus induerint.

"And can no longer die." Tertullian, receiving this impudent promise with a worthy taunt, on the contrary "pronounces death the end of all questions, and by the sentence of the whole human race, the debt of nature. This the voice of God has stipulated, this everything that is born has pledged, so that now from this not only is the stupidity of Epicurus put to blush, who denies that that debt pertains to us: but the madness of the heretical magician Menander the Samaritan is spat upon, who says that death not only does not pertain to his followers, but does not even reach them, namely that for this he was sent as an ambassador by the supernal and secret power, that those who put on his baptism may become immortal, and incorruptible, and straightway partakers of the resurrection.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 22.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardentius on chap. 22.

Pag. 100. Ex iis Saturninus. Hunc « Saturnilum » vocant Epiphanius, et Theodoretus. Porro cum eum ab Antiochaea, quae est ad Daphnen, ortum dicit Irenaeus, ab aliis ejusdem nominis urbibus, quas duodecim fuisse narrat Stephanus, secernit : ut ibi suae impietatis organa diabolum praecipue direxisse indicet,

Page 100. "From these Saturninus." Epiphanius and Theodoret call him "Saturnilus." Moreover, when Irenaeus says that he was sprung from Antioch, which is by Daphne, he distinguishes it from the other cities of the same name, which Stephen relates were twelve: to in-

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Lib. IV, c. 30.

Book IV, chapter 30.

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Lib. Praescr., cap. 7 et 28.

Book of the Prescription [of Heretics], chapters 7 and 28.

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Lib. de unit. Eccles.

Book On the Unity of the Church.

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Ser. 2 cont. Arian.

Discourse 2 against the Arians.

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Hom. 33 in Acta.

Homily 33 on Acts.

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Lib. III Hist., cap. 20.

Book III of the History, chapter 20.

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Lib. de anima.

Book On the Soul.

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Contra haeres. 23.

Against Heresies, 23.

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Lib. I Haeret. fab.

Book I of the Compendium of Heretical Fables.

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running head: 1499 VARIORUM NOT
marginal letters: A Caeterum, nec catholicos,; B prohibuerint haereticis nomen; C minatu, qui mundum; D tinere : sed haeretici
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Caeterum, nec catholicos, Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 21., Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 22.; word split at column break: in-
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ubi maj⟨o⟩re animi alacritate apostolorum praedicatio excepta fuerat. Illic enim ministerio Pauli, Barnabae, et celebrium aliquot aliorum virorum tanta incrementa Ecclesia fecerat, ut ibi primum vocarentur Christiani. Septem annis Ecclesiae illi praefuerat Petrus; postea Evodius; dehinc praeclarus ille Ignatius « per magni Petri dexteram, » ait Theodoretus, « pontificatus gratiam suscepit. »

-dicate that the devil chiefly directed the instruments of his impiety there, where the preaching of the apostles had been received with greater alacrity of mind. For there, through the ministry of Paul, Barnabas, and several other celebrated men, the Church had made such growth that there they were first called Christians. For seven years Peter had presided over that Church; afterwards Evodius; thence that illustrious Ignatius "through the right hand of the great Peter," says Theodoret, "received the grace of the pontificate."

A septem autem. Libri hujus c. 20 hunc errorem tribuit etiam Simoni; cap. 21, Menandro : quibus consentiunt Tertull., Epiphan., Theodoret. et Philastrius. In eumdem autem disputatur infra libr. II, cap. 2, 3, 11, 12, etc.

"By seven, moreover." In chap. 20 of this book he attributes this error to Simon also; in chap. 21, to Menander: with whom agree Tertullian, Epiphanius, Theodoret, and Philastrius. Against the same, moreover, disputation is held below in Book II, chap. 2, 3, 11, 12, etc.

Eo quod statim. Expunximus « eo statu qui. »

"Because straightway." We have expunged "in that state who."

Et similitudinem nostram. Vox « nostram » hoc loco suspecta est, propterea quod Epiphanius scribat, eam a fictitiis angelis Saturnini omissam fuisse : quo videlicet error verisimilitudinem haberet, tanquam alii quidam fecissent hominem, imago vero alterius fuisset.

"And our likeness." The word "our" in this place is suspect, because Epiphanius writes that it was omitted by the fictitious angels of Saturninus: namely so that the error might have verisimilitude, as though certain others had made man, while the image was that of another.

Quasi vermiculus scarizaret. Σκαρίζειν « saltare » significat. Sed apertius Theodoretus : « Cum autem figmentum non posset erigi, sed instar vermis serperet, miserta, inquit, divina potentia vitae scintillam immisit. » Epiphanius : « Cum factus fuisset homo, et propter impotentiam suam non possent ipsum perficere, jacuisse ipsum, et se volutasse in terra situm instar vermis reptilis, » etc. Tertull., « super terram jacuisse reptantem, » etc.

"Writhed like a little worm." Σκαρίζειν signifies "to leap." But Theodoret more clearly: "When, however, the fashioning could not stand upright, but crept like a worm, the divine power, taking pity, he says, sent into it a spark of life." Epiphanius: "When man had been made, and on account of their own impotence they were unable to perfect him, he lay and rolled himself upon the earth, situated like a creeping worm," etc. Tertullian: "that he lay creeping upon the earth," etc.

Salvatorem autem innatum. Delevimus « ignotum, » docente vetere codice, et consentientibus Tertull. ac Epiphanio, quod hic impostor Christum vere natum et hominem factum negaret : sed solo phantasmate genitum et passum, seu, ut hic additur, putative visum hominem.

"Moreover, that the Saviour was unborn." We have deleted "unknown," as the ancient codex teaches, and as Tertullian and Epiphanius agree, because this impostor denied that Christ was truly born and made man: but begotten and having suffered in phantom only, or, as is added here, seen as a man putatively.

Pag. 101. Nubere autem et generare. Mirum est Gnosticos ferme omnes matrimonium honestum non tantum damnasse, sed et ipsum exsecrando, Satanae opus vocitasse, cum promiscuos concubitus et nefarias libidines palam profiterentur. « Sed bellum, » ait Theodoretus, « adversus Creatorem hujus universitatis gerebant, ideo ne per matrimonium opificium ejus augeretur, formidabant. » Adversus hunc errorem acerrime disputat toto lib. III Strom. Clemens Alex. et Tertullianus lib. I Contra Marcionem; atque lib. V contra eumdem, in cujus sectione 38 etiam quinquies vocat nuptias sacramentum, ut Augustinus lib. I De nuptiis et concupiscentia, sexies : et libro unico De bono conjugali contra Jovinianum, decies. Videant ergo recentiores Gnostici quo pergant, quosque dogmatum suorum parentes habeant, cum matrimonium sacramentum esse a Deo institutum negant, ut inter profanos contractus, quos leviori negotio solvunt, reponant.

Page 101. "Moreover, to marry and to beget." It is wonderful that almost all the Gnostics not only condemned honourable matrimony, but even, execrating it, called it a work of Satan, while they openly professed promiscuous unions and nefarious lusts. "But," says Theodoret, "they waged war against the Creator of this universe, and therefore feared lest through matrimony His handiwork should be increased." Against this error Clement of Alexandria disputes most sharply throughout the whole of Book III of the Stromata, and Tertullian in Book I Against Marcion; and in Book V against the same, in section 38 of which he also five times calls marriage a sacrament, as Augustine does in Book I On Marriage and Concupiscence six times, and in his single book On the Good of Marriage against Jovinian ten times. Let the more recent Gnostics therefore see whither they are proceeding, and what parents of their dogmas they have, when they deny that matrimony is a sacrament instituted by God, so as to class it among profane contracts, which they dissolve on a slighter pretext.

Ab animalibus abstinent. Hunc locum, simulque additam ex vetere codice emendationem ita illustrat Epiphanius : « Matrimonium contrahere et generare, idem scurra ex Satana esse dicit. Unde etiam plures ex ipsis ab animatis abstinent, quo per simulatam suam vitam aliquos ad suam fraudem illiciant. » Hos et procul dubio significat B. Clemens Rom. : « Quidam nuptias respuunt, carnem item et vinum in rebus abominandis ponunt : item nubere, et liberis operam dare prohibent, ac quosdam cibos capere, scilicet ut hac continentia suae sententiae pravitatem facilius probare possint. Quidam vero ex iis docent abstinendum carnibus, non quod parcant animantibus ratione carentibus, sed quod ea animam rationis participem habere existimant, eosque poenas caedis daturos, qui ea occidere audent. » Hanc vero doctrinam daemoniorum, cum Apostolo perpetuo damnavit Ecclesia, quae nihil

"They abstain from living creatures." This passage, and at the same time the emendation added from the ancient codex, Epiphanius illustrates thus: "To contract matrimony and to beget, the same buffoon says is from Satan. Whence also many of them abstain from animate things, so that through their feigned way of life they may allure some to their fraud." These also without doubt Blessed Clement of Rome signifies: "Some reject marriage, and likewise place flesh and wine among abominable things: likewise they forbid to marry and to beget children, and to take certain foods, namely so that by this continence they may more easily recommend the depravity of their opinion. And some of them teach that one must abstain from meats, not because they spare animals devoid of reason, but because they suppose that they have a soul partaking of reason, and that those who dare to kill them will pay the penalties of murder." This doctrine of demons, however, the Church with the Apostle has perpetually condemned, which believes that nothing

Editors' notes and page, col. 1500

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Dialog. 1.

Dialogue 1.

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Lib. I Haeret. fab.

Book I of the Compendium of Heretical Fables.

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Contra haeres. 23.

Against Heresies, 23.

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Lib. Praescr.

Book of the Prescription [of Heretics].

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Contra haeres. 23.

Against Heresies, 23.

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Epit. divin. decret.

Epitome of the Divine Decrees.

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Contra haeres. 23.

Against Heresies, 23.

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Lib. VI Const. apost., c. 10.

Book VI of the Apostolic Constitutions, chapter 10.

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running head: ARIORUM NOTAE 1500
marginal letters: A dicet, ubi majore; B Quasi vermiculus scarizaret.; C bidines palam profiterentur.; D plures ex ipsis
old-edition numerals: 72 after quod
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: dicet, ubi majore (Feuardentius in cap. 22); word split at column break: dicet

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natura immundum esse, nihil a Satana, sed omnia a Deo creata, benedicta, et valde bona esse credit. Observa autem quam simulata pietate in Christi gregem graves lupi isti grassarentur, et Ecclesiam Dei, ait Clemens Rom., « veluti vulpeculae vineam, labefactarent. »

is unclean by nature, nothing created by Satan, but all things created by God, blessed, and very good. Observe, moreover, with what feigned piety those grievous wolves raged against the flock of Christ, and, says Clement of Rome, "like little foxes, laid waste the vineyard" of the Church of God.

Perfictam hujusmodi continentiam. Ita vet. cod.; delevimus vero « perfecta hujusmodi continentia. »

"Through feigned continence of this kind." Thus the ancient codex; we have deleted, however, "by feigned continence of this kind."

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 23.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardentius on chap. 23.

Pag. 101. Basilides. Hunc Alexandria ortum, in Egypto autem errorum suorum scholas instituisse Adriano imperante, tradit Eusebius : simulque Castorem Agrippam scriptorem praestantissimum, valentissima refutatione, subtile captionum illius viri acumen apertissime detexisse. Caeterum, polygraphum fuisse, ut qui viginti quatuor Commentariorum libros in Evangelium scripserit, post Clementem Alex. monet idem Eusebius. Tertullianus paulo apertioribus verbis hujus haereses ita extulit : « Basilides dicit summum Deum nomine Abraxam; a quo mentem creatam, quam Graeci νοῦν appellant. Inde Verbum, ex illo Providentiam, Virtutem, et Sapientiam. Ex ipsis inde principatus et potestates, et angelos factos. Deinde, infinitas angelorum editiones et probolas. Ab ipsis angelis trecentos sexaginta quinque coelos institutos; et mundum in honore Abraxae, cujus nomen hunc in se habeat numerum computatum. » Sic quoque Epiphanius, Theodoretus, et Nicetas.

Page 101. "Basilides." That he was sprung from Alexandria, and established schools of his errors in Egypt when Hadrian was emperor, Eusebius relates: and at the same time that Castor Agrippa, a most distinguished writer, by a most powerful refutation most openly uncovered the subtle sharpness of that man's sophisms. For the rest, that he was a voluminous writer, as one who wrote twenty-four books of Commentaries on the Gospel, the same Eusebius advises after Clement of Alexandria. Tertullian set forth his heresies in somewhat clearer words thus: "Basilides says that there is a supreme God by name Abraxas; by whom Mind was created, which the Greeks call νοῦν. Thence the Word; from Him Providence, Virtue, and Wisdom. From them thereafter principalities, and powers, and angels were made. Next, infinite issues and projections of angels. By those angels three hundred and sixty-five heavens were established; and the world in honour of Abraxas, whose name holds this number computed within itself." Thus also Epiphanius, Theodoret, and Nicetas.

Deinde a Logo. His deliriis plures deos constituere, imo et ex diabolis deos effingere Basilidem scribit Clemens Alexand. lib. IV et V Strom.

"Next from Logos." That by these deliriums Basilides established several gods, nay, even fashioned gods out of devils, Clement of Alexandria writes in Books IV and V of the Stromata.

Antitypi. Delevimus « tanti typi, » auctoritate vet. codicis. Est autem ἀντίτυπος idem quod similis et ejusdem formae.

"Antitypes." We have deleted "so great types," on the authority of the ancient codex. Now ἀντίτυπος is the same as similar and of the same form.

Quod etiam a nobis videtur. Delevimus « qui a nobis videntur, » auctoritate vet. codic., emendationem probantibus Theodoreto atque Niceta. Ille enim habet, « hoc coelum ultimum, quod a nobis videtur. » Iste vero, « quod aspectabile nobis est. »

"Which also is seen by us." We have deleted "who are seen by us," on the authority of the ancient codex, Theodoret and Nicetas approving the emendation. For the former has, "this last heaven, which is seen by us." The latter, "which is visible to us."

Reliquae resiluerunt gentes. Expunximus « residuae ruerunt, » auctor. vet. cod. Locum vero illustrat Epiphanius : « Hanc gentem etiam aliae gentes bello impetiverunt, et multa mala ipsi intulerunt, propter aliorum angelorum aemulationem, quoniam propulsati velut contempti ab ipso, etiam ipsi proprias gentes contra gentem Israel commoverunt. » Theodoretus : « Judaeorum administrationem sortito, volenti autem suis gentibus subjicere, alios principes restitisse. » Tertullian. : « In ultimis quidem angelis, et qui hunc fecerunt mundum, novissimum ponit Basilides Judaeorum Deum : id est, Deum legis et prophetarum, quod Deum negat, sed angelum dicit. Huic sortito contigisse semen Abrahae, atque ideo hunc de terra Aegypti filios Israel in terram Chanaan transtulisse. Hunc turbulentiorem prae caeteris angel⟨i⟩s, atque ideo et seditiones frequenter et bella concutere, sed et humanum sanguinem fundere. »

"The remaining nations recoiled." We have expunged "the remaining rushed," on the authority of the ancient codex. Epiphanius illustrates the passage: "This nation other nations also attacked in war, and brought many evils upon it, on account of the jealousy of the other angels, since, repulsed as though despised by him, they also stirred up their own nations against the nation of Israel." Theodoret: "That when he had obtained by lot the administration of the Jews, and wished to subject the other nations to his own, the other rulers resisted." Tertullian: "Among the last angels indeed, and those who made this world, Basilides places last of all the God of the Jews: that is, the God of the law and the prophets, Whom he denies to be God, but calls an angel. That to him fell by lot the seed of Abraham, and therefore he transferred the children of Israel from the land of Egypt into the land of Canaan. That he was more turbulent than the rest of the angels, and therefore both frequently stirs up seditions and wars, and also sheds human blood."

Innatum autem. Theodoretus : « Ingenitum autem haec videntem, primogenitam mentem suam misisse, quam etiam Christum appellavit, ut servaret eos, qui vellent credere. » Subscribit Nicetas.

"Moreover, the Unborn." Theodoret: "That the Unbegotten, seeing these things, sent His firstborn Mind, whom He also called Christ, to save those who should wish to believe." Nicetas subscribes.

Quapropter neque passum. Tertullianus : « Hunc passum apud Judaeos non esse, sed vice ipsius Simonem crucifixum esse; unde nec in eum credendum esse, qui sit crucifixus, ne quis confiteatur in Simonem credidisse. » Sed eo longe apertius Epiphanius : « Confingit nobis alium fabulae ac dramatis actum, non Jesum passum esse asserens; sed Simonem Cyrenaeum. Nam quoniam dum Dominus e Jerosolymis exturbaretur, ut Evangelii series habet, coegerunt quemdam Simonem ad portandam crucem : hinc reperit

"Wherefore neither did He suffer." Tertullian: "That He did not suffer among the Jews, but that Simon was crucified in His stead; whence neither must one believe in him who was crucified, lest anyone confess that he has believed in Simon." But far more clearly than he, Epiphanius: "He fabricates for us another act of the fable and drama, asserting that it was not Jesus who suffered, but Simon of Cyrene. For since, while the Lord was being driven out of Jerusalem, as the narrative of the Gospel has it, they compelled a certain Simon to carry the cross: hence, re-"

Editors' notes and page, col. 1501

Footnotes

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Lib. VI Const., cap. 17.

Book VI of the [Apostolic] Constitutions, chapter 17.

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Lib. IV Hist, cap. 7.

Book IV of the History, chapter 7.

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Lib. IV Strom.

Book IV of the Stromata.

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(83) ‹anchor: illustrat Epiphanius› · call in col 1501

Contra haeres. 34.

Against Heresies, 34.

(printed under page 759)

(84) ‹anchor: Theodoretus› · call in col 1501

Lib. I Haeret. fab.

Book I of the Compendium of Heretical Fables.

(printed under page 759)

(85) ‹anchor: Tertullian.› · call in col 1501

Lib. de Praesc.

Book of the Prescription [of Heretics].

(printed under page 759)

(86) ‹anchor: Innatum autem. Theodoretus› · call in col 1501

Lib. I Haeret.

Book I of the [Compendium of] Heretical [Fables].

(printed under page 759)

(87) ‹anchor: Quapropter neque passum. Tertullianus› · call in col 1501

Lib. de Praesc.

Book of the Prescription [of Heretics].

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Page

running head: 1501 IN LIB. I S. IREN
marginal letters: A natura immundum esse,; B dicit summum Deum; C Iste vero, « quod; D Innatum autem. Theodoretus
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: natura immundum esse, Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 23.; word split at column break: re-
other: the word reperit was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 1502

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ut nequitiei suae tragoediam confingeret. Et illum, inquit, in eo quod portabat crucem, transformavit in suam speciem et seipsum in Simonem, et pro seipso tradidit Simonem, ut crucifigeretur. Cum autem ille crucifigeretur, stabat ex opposito invisibilis Jesus, deridens eos qui Simonem crucifigebant. Ipse vero discessit ad coelestia, tradito Simone ad crucifigendum, et illaesus processit ad coelum. Verum ipse Simon crucifixus est, et non Christus, » etc. Nicetas vero sic impietatem istam refellit : « Si Cyrenensis ille passus est, quis alter ille fuit qui surrexit a mortuis? Vulnera quae in cruce acceperat, ostendit apostolis. Denique cum corpore in coelos ascendit. »

-ceived an occasion to fabricate the tragedy of his wickedness. And him, he says, in that he was carrying the cross, He transformed into His own appearance, and Himself into Simon, and delivered Simon in His stead to be crucified. And while he was being crucified, Jesus stood opposite invisible, deriding those who were crucifying Simon. He Himself, however, departed to the heavenly regions, having delivered Simon to be crucified, and proceeded unharmed to heaven. But Simon himself was crucified, and not Christ," etc. Nicetas, however, refutes that impiety thus: "If that Cyrenian suffered, who was that other who rose from the dead? The wounds which He had received on the cross He showed to the apostles. Finally, with His body He ascended into the heavens."

Animae autem soli. Tertul. : « Carnis resurrectionem graviter impugnat, negans salutem corporis repromissam. »

"To the soul alone, however." Tertullian: "He gravely attacks the resurrection of the flesh, denying that the salvation of the body was promised."

Pag. 102. Prophetias autem. Theodor. : « Prophetias quoque dixit ab angelis esse factas; legem autem fuisse latam a principe Judaeorum. »

Page 102. "Moreover, the prophecies." Theodoret: "The prophecies also he said were made by the angels; while the law was enacted by the ruler of the Jews."

Habere autem. Epiphanius : « Sed et hinc omni immunditia profectum capiente, quae a Simone Mago initium accepit, omne studium malitiei ac petulantiae discipulos suos perficere praecepit hic erro, et viros ipsi fidem habentes, cum mulieribus multiplicem quamdam misturam pravi propositi docet. Quare dicit Apostolus, propter hos et similes ipsis, revelari iram Dei et justum judicium super eos, qui veritatem in injustitia detinent. Propter hanc enim causam, voluptatis scilicet, multi in haeresim delabuntur, cum reperiant locum licenter perficiendi voluptatem suam in turpibus operationibus. »

"And that he has." Epiphanius: "But hence also, as all uncleanness took its progress, which received its beginning from Simon Magus, this vagabond commanded his disciples to accomplish every pursuit of malice and wantonness, and teaches the men who have faith in him a certain manifold mingling of depraved purpose with women. Wherefore the Apostle says that on account of these and those like them the wrath of God and righteous judgement are revealed upon those who hold back the truth in unrighteousness (Rom. 1:18). For on account of this cause, namely pleasure, many slip into heresy, since they find an opportunity of licentiously fulfilling their pleasure in base deeds."

Utuntur autem et hi magia. Locum hunc, cum emendatione, ex vetere codice sic explicat Theodoretus : « Porro autem hi quoque, sicut qui Menandri et Simonis sectam sequuntur, incantationibus et praestigiis, et omnis generis imposturis utuntur. » Epiphanius vero : « Quin et magicis artibus ac curiositatibus impostor ille addictus esse non desiit. » Itaque pro « imaginibus » reposuimus « magia. »

"Moreover, these also use magic." This passage, with the emendation from the ancient codex, Theodoret explains thus: "Moreover, these also, like those who follow the sect of Menander and Simon, use incantations, and juggleries, and impostures of every kind." And Epiphanius: "Nay, that impostor did not cease to be addicted to magical arts and curiosities." Therefore in place of "images" we have restored "magic."

Salvatorem esse Caulaucau. Theodoretus : « Servatorem autem et Dominum Caulacuam nominant. » Damascenus de Nicolao Antiochen. d. : « Hic in mundum invexit quaedam barbara nomina, ut Caulacauchus et Protonicus, aliaque permulta. » Epiphanius : « Alii Καυλαυκαὺχ glorificant, principem quemdam hunc sic appellantes, decipere conantes imperitos per hominum terriculamenta, et confictam barbaram nominis appellationem. » Et post pauca : « Sed et de Caulaucauch quis legentium non riserit? quod dictiones Hebraice probe dictas, et Graece recte expositas, et nunc apud eos, qui Graece norunt manifestas, et nihil obliqui habentes; ipsi in idolorum effictiones, et in formas, et insubstantivos principatus; et, ut ita dicam, statuarum figmenta efformant, apud simplices per imaginationem errorem dispergentes, ad turpis et fabulosae artis ipsorum conseminationem. Caulaucauh enim in Isaia scriptum est, et est quaedam dictio in duodecima visione, ubi dicit θλίψιν ἐπὶ θλίψιν, ἐλπίδα ἐπ' ἐλπίδα, ἔτι μικρὸν ἔτι μικρὸν προσδέχου. Id est, afflictionem ad afflictionem, spem ad spem, adhuc parum, adhuc parum assume. » Sic enim Septuaginta, quos imitatur, Graece reddiderunt verba ista Hebraica, צו לצו צו לצו קו לקו קו לקו זעיר שם זעיר שם. Quae sic de verbo ad verbum vertit Sanctes : « Praeceptum post praeceptum, praeceptum post praeceptum; linea post lineam, linea post lineam; parum ibi, parum ibi. » Communis translatio : « Manda remanda, manda remanda; exspecta reexspecta, exspecta reexspecta; modicum ibi, modicum ibi. » Porro verbis illis Isaias Judaeorum impietatem describit, qua prophetarum

"That the Saviour is Caulaucau." Theodoret: "And the Saviour and Lord they name Caulacua." Damascene concerning Nicolas of Antioch says: "He brought into the world certain barbarous names, as Caulacauchus and Protonicus, and very many others." Epiphanius: "Others glorify Καυλαυκαὺχ, calling a certain ruler thus, endeavouring to deceive the unskilful through bugbears of men and a fabricated barbarous appellation of a name." And after a few words: "But concerning Caulaucauch also, who of those who read will not laugh? because expressions well spoken in Hebrew, and rightly expounded in Greek, and now manifest among those who know Greek, and having nothing oblique in them, they themselves fashion into fabrications of idols, and into forms, and unsubstantial principalities, and, so to speak, figments of statues, scattering error among the simple through imagination, for the sowing of their base and fabulous art. For Caulaucauh is written in Isaiah, and is a certain expression in the twelfth vision, where he says, θλίψιν ἐπὶ θλίψιν, ἐλπίδα ἐπ' ἐλπίδα, ἔτι μικρὸν ἔτι μικρὸν προσδέχου (Isa. 28:10). That is, affliction upon affliction, hope upon hope, yet a little, yet a little receive." For thus the Septuagint, whom he imitates, rendered into Greek those Hebrew words, צו לצו צו לצו קו לקו קו לקו זעיר שם זעיר שם. Which Sanctes translates word for word thus: "Precept after precept, precept after precept; line after line, line after line; a little there, a little there." The common translation: "Command, re-command, command, re-command; expect, re-expect, expect, re-expect; a little there, a little there." Moreover, in those words Isaiah describes the impiety of the Jews, whereby the prophets'

Editors' notes and page, col. 1502

Footnotes

(88) ‹anchor: Animae autem soli. Tertul.› · call in col 1502

Lib. de Praesc.

Book of the Prescription [of Heretics].

(printed under page 759)

(89) ‹anchor: Prophetias autem. Theodor.› · call in col 1502

Lib. Haeret. fab.

Book of the Compendium of Heretical Fables.

(printed under page 759)

(90) ‹anchor: Habere autem. Epiphanius› · call in col 1502

Contra haeres. 34.

Against Heresies, 34.

(printed under page 759)

(91) ‹anchor: Quare dicit Apostolus› · call in col 1502

Rom. I, 18.

Romans 1:18.

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(92) ‹anchor: sic explicat Theodoretus› · call in col 1502

Lib. I Haeret. fab.

Book I of the Compendium of Heretical Fables.

(printed under page 759)

(93) ‹anchor: Epiphanius vero› · call in col 1502

Contra haeres. 24.

Against Heresies, 24.

(printed under page 759)

(94) ‹anchor: Salvatorem esse Caulaucau. Theodoretus› · call in col 1502

Lib. I Haeret. fab.

Book I of the Compendium of Heretical Fables.

(printed under page 759)

(95) ‹anchor: de Nicolao Antiochen. d.› · call in col 1502

Lib. de Haeres.

Book On Heresies.

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(96) ‹anchor: in Isaia scriptum est› · call in col 1502

Cap. XXVIII, 10.

Chapter 28, verse 10.

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Page

running head: LIB. I S. IRENAEI. 1502
marginal letters: A perit ut nequitiei; B Habere autem. Epiphanius; C Salvatorem esse Caulaucau.; D sione, ubi dicit
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: perit ut nequitiei (Feuardentius in cap. 23); word split at column break: perit

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voces et comminationes cum dicteriis excipiebant, et mimesi quadam imitabantur, cum contemptu et irrisione. Vel, ut aliis placet, socordiam et ignorantiam populi arguit, qui velut pueri, pedetentim docendus erat singulis diebus singula praecepta divina tradenda, ut solent institui infantes, quorum captus est admodum exiguus. At impostores isti, ignota sibi, aut saltem rudioribus verba, velut grandia mysteria continerent, populo inculcabant.

threatenings of the prophets, and imitated them with a certain mimicry, with contempt and derision. Or, as pleases others, he reproves the sloth and ignorance of the people, who like children had to be taught step by step, single divine precepts being handed down on single days, as infants are wont to be instructed, whose capacity is very small. But those impostors inculcated upon the people words unknown to themselves, or at least to the more unlearned, as though they contained grand mysteries.

Incognitum. Delevimus « cognitum, » auctoritate vet. cod. et « oportere, » pro « oportet » legimus.

"Unknown." We have deleted "known," on the authority of the ancient codex, and read "that they must" instead of "they must."

Quapropter et parati. Tertullianus : « Martyria negat esse facienda. » Epiphanius : « Rursus autem asserit non oportere martyrium subire. Qui enim martyrium subit, mercedis exsors reperietur, cum mar⟨t⟩yrium sustineat, pro eo qui hominem fecit. Sustinet enim martyrium pro crucifixo Simone, » etc.

"Wherefore also ready." Tertullian: "He denies that martyrdoms are to be undergone." Epiphanius: "And again he asserts that one must not undergo martyrdom. For he who undergoes martyrdom will be found devoid of reward, since he endures martyrdom for him who made man. For he endures martyrdom for the crucified Simon," etc.

Et Judaeos quidem. Epiphanius : « Quod si ipse et sodales ejus interrogentur, Judaeos quidem seipsos non amplius esse dicunt; Christianos autem nondum factos esse, sed negare semper, habere autem in seipso tacite fidem et nemini ostendere, » etc.

"And Jews indeed." Epiphanius: "Now if he and his companions are questioned, they say that they are no longer Jews indeed, and have not yet been made Christians, but always deny, while silently holding the faith in themselves and showing it to no one," etc.

Non autem multos. Epiphanius : « Jubet autem solum de Patre et suo mysterio, nemini revelare, sed silentio in seipsis continere. Uni vero de mille revelare, et duobus de decem millibus. » Theodoretus : « Haec autem dicunt esse ineffabilia, et nec ab omnibus capi aut comprehendi posse, praeterquam ab uno ex mille. »

"Not many, however." Epiphanius: "And he commands concerning the Father alone and his mystery to reveal it to no one, but to keep it in silence within themselves. To reveal it, however, to one out of a thousand, and to two out of ten thousand." Theodoret: "And these things they say are ineffable, and cannot be grasped or comprehended by all, except by one out of a thousand."

Trecentorum autem. Hunc locum ita imitatus est Theodoretus : « Dicit autem principem ipsorum esse Abraxax; nominis enim supputatio trecentorum sexaginta quinque numerum significat. » Eadem habet et Damascen.; Augustin. vero in partium supputatione diutius immoratur, ita scribens : « Basilides trecentos sexaginta quinque coelos esse dicebat, quo numero dierum annus includitur. Unde etiam quasi sanctum nomen commendat, quod est Ἀβράξας : cujus nominis litterae secundum Graecam supputationem, eumdem numerum complent. Sunt enim septem, α, et β, et ρ, et α, et ξ, et α, et ς, id est, unum et duo, et centum et unum, et sexaginta et unum, et ducenta, quae fiunt in summa trecenta sexaginta quinque. » Epiphanii prolixior tractatio, in qua etiam Irenaeum nominatim appellat, in idem redit. Porro, beatus Hieronymus asserit « Mithram, » sub eodem numero aliarum litterarum, ethnicis esse, quam Basilides portentoso nomine vocat « Abraxan. »

"Of three hundred, moreover." Theodoret imitated this passage thus: "And he says that their ruler is Abraxax; for the computation of the name signifies the number of three hundred and sixty-five." Damascene also has the same; while Augustine dwells longer on the computation of the parts, writing thus: "Basilides said that there are three hundred and sixty-five heavens, within which number of days the year is enclosed. Whence also he commends as though holy the name which is Ἀβράξας: the letters of which name, according to the Greek computation, make up the same number. For there are seven, α, and β, and ρ, and α, and ξ, and α, and ς, that is, one, and two, and a hundred, and one, and sixty, and one, and two hundred, which make in sum three hundred and sixty-five." The longer treatment of Epiphanius, in which he also calls Irenaeus by name, comes to the same thing. Moreover, blessed Jerome asserts that "Mithras," under the same number of other letters, is to the heathens what Basilides by a portentous name calls "Abraxas."

Caeterum, Baronius vir doctissimus et lectissimus, appendice ad secundum tomum Annalium, ex inscriptionibus cujusdam gemmae e ruderibus erutae, contendit legendum potius ABRACAΞ, seu ABRASAX, quam ABRAXAS; et eumdem Basilidi loco fuisse summi Dei, cujus et imagines amuleti loco suis exhiberet plane monstrosas, ut ex ea, quae gemma continetur, apparet; ac proinde summo jure damnatas fuisse ab Irenaeo. Legit enim ille in hoc Irenaei capite : « Utuntur autem imaginibus; » emendationemque tam veteris codicis, quam Epiphanii ac Theodoreti non sequitur, sed propriam sententiam.

For the rest, Baronius, a most learned and choice man, in the appendix to the second volume of the Annals, from the inscriptions of a certain gem dug up out of ruins, contends that there should rather be read ABRACAΞ, or ABRASAX, than ABRAXAS; and that the same held for Basilides the place of the supreme God, monstrous images of whom he also exhibited to his followers by way of an amulet, as appears from that which is contained on the gem; and that therefore they were with the highest justice condemned by Irenaeus. For he reads in this chapter of Irenaeus: "Moreover, they use images;" and he does not follow the emendation both of the ancient codex and of Epiphanius and Theodoret, but his own opinion.

Ex Jo. Er. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 23.

From the annotations of Jo. Er. Grabe on chap. 23.

Pag. 102. Quemadmodum et mundus nomen esse ... Caulacau. Textus hic certe est mutilus vel corruptus, indeque difficile genuinum elicere sensum. Theodoretus haec ita accepit, quasi Salvatoris nomen fuerit « Caulacau. » Ita enim loco citato scribit : Τὸν δὲ Σωτῆρα καὶ Κύριον Καυλακούαν (lege Καυλακαύαν) ὀνομάζουσι. Epiphanius quoque haeres. 25, § 3, de Nicolaitis ait, quod titulo « Caulaucau » αρχοντά τινα, « principem aliquem » appellent. Sed

Page 102. "Just as the world also, the name to be ... Caulacau." The text here is certainly mutilated or corrupt, and thence it is difficult to elicit the genuine sense. Theodoret took these words as though the name of the Saviour were "Caulacau." For thus he writes in the passage cited: "And the Saviour and Lord they name Caulacua (read Caulacaua)." Epiphanius also, Haeres. 25, § 3, concerning the Nicolaitans says that by the title "Caulaucau" they call αρχοντά τινα, "a certain ruler." But

Editors' notes and page, col. 1503

Footnotes

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Lib. de Praesc.

Book of the Prescription [of Heretics].

(printed under page 760)

(98) ‹anchor: not visible (call above the page foot; column inferred from order)› · call in col 1503

Contra haeres. 24.

Against Heresies, 24.

(printed under page 760)

(99) ‹anchor: Theodoretus› · call in col 1503

Lib. I Haeret. fab.

Book I of the Compendium of Heretical Fables.

(printed under page 760)

(1) ‹anchor: habet et Damascen.› · call in col 1503

Lib. de haeres.

Book On Heresies.

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(2) ‹anchor: Augustin.› · call in col 1503

Lib. de haeres.

Book On Heresies.

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(3) ‹anchor: Epiphanii› · call in col 1503

Contra haeres. 24.

Against Heresies, 24.

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(4) ‹anchor: beatus Hieronymus› · call in col 1503

Lib. I Comm. in Amos.

Book I of the Commentary on Amos.

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Page

running head: 1503 VARIORUM NOTA
marginal letters: A voces et comminationes; B non amplius esse; C Ἀβράξας : cujus nominis; D capite : « Utuntur
old-edition numerals: 73 after scribens :
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: voces et comminationes, Ex Jo. Er. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 23.

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quantum ex Irenaei verbis, licet vitiatis, conjicere licet, nomen « Caulacau, » quod proprie « linea ad lineam » significat, ex Isaiae XXVIII, 10, desumptum, non ipsi Salvatori, sed mundo tribuerunt Basilidiani, quod mundus ipsis quasi duplex linea videretur, per quam descendit et ascendit Salvator.

so far as one may conjecture from the words of Irenaeus, although corrupted, the Basilidians attributed the name "Caulacau," which properly signifies "line upon line," taken from Isa. 28:10, not to the Saviour Himself, but to the world, because the world seemed to them as it were a double line, through which the Saviour descended and ascended.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 24.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardentius on chap. 24.

Pag. 103. Carpocrates. Hunc genere Alexandrinum fuisse tradit Theodoretus; magum autem et impurum fornicarium Tertullianus; alios vero omnes haereticos morum improbitate eumdem superasse; quippe qui ex Simonis, Menandri, Saturnini, Basilidis et Nicolai sententia sordes hauserit, et sectam inde construxerit, quam Gnosticorum nominavit, ut testis est Epiphanius.

Page 103. "Carpocrates." That he was an Alexandrian by race Theodoret relates; and a magician and impure fornicator, Tertullian; and that he surpassed all other heretics in depravity of morals, inasmuch as he drew the filth from the teaching of Simon, Menander, Saturninus, Basilides, and Nicolas, and constructed thence a sect which he named that of the Gnostics, as Epiphanius is witness.

Circumlatione. Theodoretus : « Dominum Jesum ex Joseph et Maria natum esse dicebat, sicut et alii homines; virtute autem fuisse insignem, ut qui puram habebat animam et memorem suae cum Ingenito consuetudinis. » Epiphanius quoque correctiones ex vetere codice adhibitas agnoscens : « Quandoquidem, ait, validam prae caeteris hominibus habebat animam et memoria tenebat ea, quae visa erant ab ipsa superne, quando et in circumferentia ignoti illius Patris erat, demissae sunt, inquiebat Carpocras, ab eodem Patre in animam ipsius virtutes, quo visorum ab ipsa recordata, et potentia corroborata, angelos mundi fabricatores effugeret, » etc. Pro « circulatione, circumlatione » reposuimus : ut mox pro « ut in mundi fabricatoribus, uti mundi fabricatores. »

"In its revolution." Theodoret: "He said that the Lord Jesus was born of Joseph and Mary, just as other men also; but that He was distinguished in virtue, as one who had a pure soul and mindful of its intercourse with the Unbegotten." Epiphanius also, acknowledging the corrections applied from the ancient codex: "Since, he says, He had a soul strong beyond the rest of men and held in memory the things that had been seen by it above, when it was also in the circumference of that unknown Father, powers were sent down, said Carpocras, by the same Father into His soul, so that, remembering the things seen by it and strengthened with power, He might escape the angels, the fabricators of the world," etc. In place of "circulation," we have restored "revolution": as presently in place of "as in the fabricators of the world," "as the fabricators of the world."

Et ea quae. Epiphanius : « Quin et similes ipsi animas, aequalia ipsi amplexas, eodem modo liberatas, sursum volasse ad ignotum Patrem, » etc. Damascenus : « Quod si quis similia quae Jesus, gereret; eum illius similem esse dicebat. »

"And that those which." Epiphanius: "Nay, even that souls like to Him, having embraced things equal to Him, liberated in the same manner, flew up on high to the unknown Father," etc. Damascene: "And if anyone did like things to those which Jesus did, he said that he was like Him."

Jesu autem dicunt animam. Hunc locum ad mediam usque partem capitis hujus, iisdem verbis transcripsit Epiphanius Contra haeres. 27, quae, ne paginas oneremus, adducere non libet. Ejus vero auctoritate, et veteris codicis consensu, pro « pejus, » reposuimus « poenis, » et pro « erant, inerant hominibus. »

"Moreover, they say that the soul of Jesus." This passage down to the middle part of this chapter Epiphanius transcribed in the same words in Against Heresies 27, which, lest we burden the pages, it does not please us to adduce. On his authority, however, and with the agreement of the ancient codex, in place of "worse" we have restored "by punishments," and in place of "were," "were in men."

Dignas habitas. Ita legit vetus codex : Epiphanii interpres, « eadem virtute dignae factae. » Itaque delevimus « dignos habitos. »

"Accounted worthy [fem.]." Thus the ancient codex reads: the translator of Epiphanius has "made worthy of the same power." Therefore we have deleted "accounted worthy [masc.]."

Artes enim magicas. Hanc sententiam sic exprimit Eusebius : « Isti magicas Simonis praestigias non ex occulto quidem, ut ille, sed jam in apertum jure proferendas censuerunt; et non modo philtris amatoriis curiose ab illis elaboratis, et quibusdam daemonibus, qui eorum animis nefaria injecere somnia, quique illis assessores exstitere, verum etiam aliis non disparibus ineptiis, se jam tanquam rebus maximi fere momenti et ponderis nobilitarunt. »

"For magical arts." Eusebius expresses this thought thus: "These men judged that the magical juggleries of Simon were to be brought forth no longer in secret, as he did, but now openly as of right; and not only by love-potions curiously elaborated by them, and by certain demons who cast nefarious dreams into their minds and who stood by them as assessors, but also by other not dissimilar follies, they now made themselves famous as though by matters of almost the greatest moment and weight."

Qui et ipsi ad detractionem. Epiphanius : « Sunt autem a Satana subornati ac producti, in opprobrium ac scandalum Ecclesiae Dei. Indiderunt enim sibiipsis cognomen Christianorum, ad hoc ut gentes per ipsos offendantur, et sanctae Ecclesiae Dei utilitatem et veram praedicationem, propter illorum nefaria facta et incomparabilem improbitatem, aversentur, et ut gentes ipsorum assiduo nefaria opera considerantes, putent etiam sanctas Dei Ecclesias tales esse et avertant, velut dixi, aures a Dei et veritatis doctrina, » etc. De iisdem quoque conqueritur Eusebius libro quarto Hist., capite septimo, et longe ante hos Justin. mart. in Colloquio cum Tryphone, omnium gravissime.

"Who themselves also for detraction." Epiphanius: "Now they have been suborned and brought forward by Satan for the reproach and scandal of the Church of God. For they have put upon themselves the surname of Christians, to the end that the gentiles may be offended through them, and may turn away from the profit and true preaching of the holy Church of God on account of their nefarious deeds and incomparable wickedness, and that the gentiles, continually considering their nefarious works, may think that the holy Churches of God also are such, and may turn away, as I said, their ears from the doctrine of God and of the truth," etc. Concerning the same also Eusebius complains in the fourth book of the History, seventh chapter, and long before these Justin Martyr in the Dialogue with Trypho, most gravely of all.

Pag. 104. Si non praeoccupans. Isthaec explicatius narrat Theodoretus : « Cum Pythagoricas a corporibus

Page 104. "Unless anticipating." Theodoret relates these things more explicitly: "While they admitted the Pythagorean transmigrations from bod-

Editors' notes and page, col. 1504

Footnotes

(5) ‹anchor: not visible (call above the page foot; column inferred from order)› · call in col 1504

Lib. I Haeret. fab.

Book I of the Compendium of Heretical Fables.

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(6) ‹anchor: not visible (call above the page foot; column inferred from order)› · call in col 1504

Lib. de anima.

Book On the Soul.

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(7) ‹anchor: not visible (call above the page foot; column inferred from order)› · call in col 1504

Contra haeres. 27.

Against Heresies, 27.

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(8) ‹anchor: sic exprimit Eusebius› · call in col 1504

Lib. IV Histor., cap. 7.

Book IV of the History, chapter 7.

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(9) ‹anchor: ad detractionem. Epiphanius› · call in col 1504

Contra haeres. 27.

Against Heresies, 27.

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(10) ‹anchor: narrat Theodoretus› · call in col 1504

Lib. I Haeret. fab.

Book I of the Compendium of Heretical Fables.

(printed under page 760)

Page

running head: ARIORUM NOTAE 1504
marginal letters: A quantum ex Irenaei; B puram habebat animam; C diam usque partem; D autem a Satana
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: quantum ex Irenaei, Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 24.; word split at column break: cor-
other: the word corporibus was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 1505

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in corpora trajectiones admisissent, quod eis connexum a Pythagora dicebatur, non admiserunt. Pythagoras enim dicebat animas quae peccarant, mitti in corpora, ut et poenas darent, et rite expiarentur. Dicunt enim animas mitti in corpora, ut omne genus libidinis et petulantiae peragant; eas ergo, quae in uno descensu impleverint, non egere alia missione; quae autem parum peccarunt, et bis mitti, et ter, et saepius, donec omnia vitiorum genera impleverint. »

-ies into bodies they had admitted transmigrations, what Pythagoras said was connected with them they did not admit. For Pythagoras said that souls which had sinned were sent into bodies, that they might both pay the penalties and be duly expiated. For they say that souls are sent into bodies in order to perform every kind of lust and wantonness; that those, therefore, which have fulfilled them in one descent have no need of another sending; whereas those which have sinned too little are sent both twice, and thrice, and more often, until they have fulfilled all kinds of vices."

Quae sunt secundum nos civitates. Septem voculas, quas ex vetere cod. adjecimus, agnoscit Epiphanius, et sententiam longe apertius explicat. « Ita habent ipsorum libri, inquit, ut si quis prudentia praeditus legat, admiretur, ac stupeat et non credat, quod haec sic ab hominibus fiant, non solum his qui civitatem nobiscum inhabitant, sed etiam his, qui cum bestiis et similibus bestiis ac pecoribus, ferme dixerim, quae canes ac sues faciunt, facere audent. Aiunt enim, oportere his omnibus penitus uti, ut ne egressae animae aliquo opere relicto, ea de causa revertantur in corpus rursus ad faciendum ea, quae non fecerunt. »

"The cities that are among us." The seven words which we have added from the ancient codex Epiphanius acknowledges, and explains the meaning far more clearly. "So do their books have it," he says, "that if anyone endowed with prudence reads them, he wonders, and is stupefied, and does not believe that these things are done thus by men, not only by those who inhabit the city with us, but even by those who with beasts and creatures like beasts and cattle, I might almost say, dare to do the things that dogs and swine do. For they say that one must thoroughly use all these things, lest souls, having gone forth with some work left undone, for that cause return into a body again to do the things that they did not do."

Propter eam. Vetus codex subindicat legendum, « propterea quod deest libertati aliqua res. »

"On account of it." The ancient codex intimates that there should be read, "because some thing is lacking to freedom."

Cum es cum adversario. Hunc Evangelii locum et fusissime et praeclare discutit Tertullianus libro De anima, contra hujus Carpocratis opinionem.

"While you are with your adversary." This passage of the Gospel Tertullian discusses both at very great length and admirably in the book On the Soul, against the opinion of this Carpocrates.

Sed sit. Expunximus « sic, » auctoritate veteris codicis, probante id quoque Epiphanio.

"But is." We have expunged "so," on the authority of the ancient codex, Epiphanius also approving this.

Et si quidem fiant haec. Cum laudis digna praefatione haec ex Iraeneo transcripsit Theodoretus usque ad illud, « alii vero ex ipsis signant. »

"And if indeed these things are done." With a preface worthy of praise Theodoret transcribed these things from Irenaeus down to that clause, "and others of them mark."

Alii vero ex ipsis. Epiph. : « Caeterum, signaculum per cauterium, aut novaculam, aut subulam immittunt ac incutiunt Carpocratiani in dexteram inferiorem auriculam iis, qui ab ipsis decepti sunt. » Symbolis inustionibusque istis externis, opinor, utebantur, ut primo occursu ejusdem secum factionis asseclas agnoscerent, consilia communicarent, et promiscuis concubitibus miscerentur. In his vero nec a variarum gentium moribus recedebant, quarum meminit Tertullian. lib. De velandis virginibus, « Garamantes pennis, strobulis Barbaros, cicadis Athenienses, cirris Germanos, et stigmatibus Britones, » insignitos fuisse narrans. Signum quoque inter Gnosticos Epiphanius tradit exstitisse virorum ad feminas, et feminarum ad viros; in extendendo manum ad salutationem, videlicet subter palmam contrectationem quamdam titillationis, per hoc se inducere ostendentes, quod ejusdem religionis esset qui accessit. Hinc igitur mutua cognitione accepta, statim ad epulationem convertuntur. Ubi compotarunt et venas impleverunt, ad oestrum se convertunt, et vir quidem concedens uxorem alteri, ad ipsam dicit : « Surge, fac dilectionem cum fratre, » etc. Postremo, stigmata illa, obedientiae et servitutis perpetuae signa erant, quibus sectae illi quasi sacramento nomina dabant, a qua deficere nunquam liceret. Sic dudum servo Hebraeo, qui anni septimi beneficio noluisset liber exire, servitutem libertati anteponens, subula aurem ad ostium perforare lex jubebat. Caeterum, praecursores certe Antichristi agebant Gnostici, quem suos in dextera et fronte signaturum praedicit sacra Joannis revelatio. An vero recentiores, veteribus illis meliores sint, judicent qui mores eorum melius explorarunt.

"And others of them." Epiphanius: "For the rest, the Carpocratians put and strike a mark with a branding-iron, or a razor, or an awl upon the lower lobe of the right ear of those who have been deceived by them." Those external symbols and brandings, I think, they used so that at the first meeting they might recognize the followers of the same faction with themselves, communicate counsels, and mingle in promiscuous unions. In these things, moreover, they did not depart from the customs of various nations, of which Tertullian makes mention in the book On the Veiling of Virgins, relating that "the Garamantes were marked with feathers, the Barbarians with pine-cones, the Athenians with grasshoppers, the Germans with curls, and the Britons with tattoo-marks." Epiphanius also relates that there existed among the Gnostics a sign of men to women, and of women to men: in stretching out the hand for salutation, namely a certain tickling touch underneath the palm, showing by this that the one who approached was of the same religion. Hence, therefore, having received mutual recognition, they straightway turn to feasting. When they have drunk together and filled their veins, they turn to frenzy, and the husband, yielding his wife to another, says to her: "Arise, perform love with the brother," etc. Finally, those marks were signs of obedience and perpetual servitude, whereby they gave their names as though by a military oath to that sect, from which it would never be lawful to revolt. Thus long ago for the Hebrew slave who had refused to go out free by the benefit of the seventh year, preferring servitude to freedom, the law commanded to pierce his ear with an awl at the door (Exod. 21:6; Deut. 15:17). For the rest, the Gnostics assuredly acted as forerunners of Antichrist, whom the sacred revelation of John foretells will mark his followers on the right hand and on the forehead (Rev. 13:16). Whether, however, the more recent ones are better than those ancient ones, let those judge who have better explored their morals.

Unde et Marcellina. Ut apostoli piarum mulierum usi sunt ad ciborum praeparationem et mulierum infidelium contubernia privatim erudienda, remota omni turpitudinis suspicione, aliisque piis officiis,

"Whence also Marcellina." As the apostles used the ministry of pious women for the preparation of food and for privately instructing the households of unbelieving women, all suspicion of baseness being removed, and for other pious offices,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1505

Footnotes

(11) ‹anchor: agnoscit Epiphanius› · call in col 1505

Contra haeres. 27.

Against Heresies, 27.

(printed under page 761)

(12) ‹anchor: transcripsit Theodoretus› · call in col 1505

Lib. I Haeret. fab.

Book I of the Compendium of Heretical Fables.

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(13) ‹anchor: Gnosticos Epiphanius› · call in col 1505

Contra haeres. 26.

Against Heresies, 26.

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(14) ‹anchor: lex jubebat› · call in col 1505

Exod. XXI, 6; Deut. XV, 17.

Exodus 21:6; Deuteronomy 15:17.

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(15) ‹anchor: sacra Joannis revelatio› · call in col 1505

Apoc. XIII, 16.

Revelation 13:16.

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Page

running head: 1505 IN LIB. I S. IREN
marginal letters: A poribus in corpora; B nibus penitus uti,; C utebantur, ut primo; D erant, quibus sectae
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: poribus in corpora (Feuardentius in cap. 24); word split at column break: poribus
misprints (kept as printed): Iraeneo (printed Iræneo, for Irenaeo)

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atque ideo presbyteras et diaconissas illos instituisse constat : sic et pseudoprophetae isti latius virus suum dispergebant, et utrumque sexum corrumpebant impudicarum mulierum ministerio. Marcellinae autem hujus meminerunt etiam Epiphan. et August. Hieron. id genus bestiarum catalogum contexuit, quem hic addere libet : « Simon Magus haeresim condidit, Helenae meretricis adjutus auxilio; Nicolaus Antiochenus, omnium immunditiarum repertor, choros duxit feminarum; Marcion Romam praemisit mulierem, quae decipiendos sibi animos praepararet; Apelles Philomenen comitem suarum habuit doctrinarum; Montanus immundi spiritus praedicator, multas ecclesias per Priscam et Maximillam, nobiles et opulentas feminas, primum auro corrupit, deinde haeresi polluit. Arius, ut orbem deciperet, sororem principis prius decepit. Donatus per Africam, ut infelices quosque foetentibus pollueret aquis, Lucillae opibus adjutus est. In Hispania Agape Elpidium, mulier virum, caecum caeca deduxit in foveam, successoremque sui Priscillianum habuit, cui juncta Galla, alterius et vicinae haereseos reliquit haeredem. »

and therefore it is established that they instituted female elders and deaconesses: so also those false prophets scattered their poison more widely, and corrupted both sexes by the ministry of shameless women. Of this Marcellina, moreover, Epiphanius and Augustine also make mention. Jerome wove a catalogue of beasts of that kind, which it pleases us to add here: "Simon Magus founded a heresy, aided by the help of the harlot Helena; Nicolas of Antioch, the inventor of all uncleannesses, led bands of women; Marcion sent a woman ahead to Rome to prepare minds to be deceived by him; Apelles had Philomene as the companion of his doctrines; Montanus, the preacher of an unclean spirit, through Prisca and Maximilla, noble and wealthy women, first corrupted with gold and then polluted with heresy many churches. Arius, in order to deceive the world, first deceived the emperor's sister. Donatus throughout Africa, in order to pollute all the wretched with fetid waters, was aided by the wealth of Lucilla. In Spain Agape led Elpidius, a woman a man, a blind woman a blind man, into the pit, and had Priscillian as her successor, joined to whom Galla left him the heir of another and neighbouring heresy."

Pag. 105. Et imagines quasdam. Augustinus : « Sectae Simonis fuisse traditur socia quaedam Marcellina, quae colebat imagines Jesu, et Pauli, et Homeri, et Pythagorae, adorando, incensumque ponendo. » Theodoretus : « Qui sectae Simonis erant, cum statuam ejus in Jovis figuram construxissent, Helenae autem in Minervae speciem, eis thura adolebant, ac libabant, et tanquam deos adorabant. » Epiphanius : « Habent imagines per colorem depictas, quidam etiam ex auro, et argento ac reliqua materia, quas sane imagines Jesu esse dicunt, et sub Pilato factas esse : habent autem eas occulte. Insuperque philosophorum quorumdam, Pythagorae, Platonis, Aristotelis, et aliorum, cum quibus etiam alias imagines Jesu collocant, collocatasque adorant, et gentium mysteria perficiunt. Qui vero sunt gentium mores alii, quam sacrificium atque alia? »

Page 105. "And certain images." Augustine: "There is handed down to have been a certain female associate of the sect of Simon, Marcellina, who worshipped images of Jesus, and of Paul, and of Homer, and of Pythagoras, by adoring them and setting incense before them." Theodoret: "Those who were of the sect of Simon, having constructed a statue of him in the figure of Jupiter, and of Helena in the likeness of Minerva, burned incense to them, and poured libations, and adored them as gods." Epiphanius: "They have images painted in colour, and some even of gold, and silver, and other material, which images indeed they say are of Jesus, and were made under Pilate: and they keep them secretly. And in addition, those of certain philosophers, Pythagoras, Plato, Aristotle, and others, with which they also set up other images of Jesus, and having set them up adore them, and perform the mysteries of the gentiles. Now what else are the customs of the gentiles than sacrifice and other things?"

Plurimas igitur ex Patribus et justissimas rationes audis, quibus permotus Irenaeus Gnosticorum imagines reprobat : siquidem more gentium thure et sacrificiis eis libabant, et tanquam viventes deos, supremo cultu adorabant, creaturae servientes potius quam Creatori. Deinde profanorum et impiorum simulacris illas miscebant, Christo Deo Salvatori nostro illos aequantes. Postremo, dum occulte illas asservabant, cum per ethnicos palam liceret, facile quisque sibi persuadebit monstrosas et propudiosas fuisse; maxime cum talem Christum illis figuris exprimerent, qualem portentosis animi opinionibus eum esse confingebant.

You hear, therefore, from the Fathers very many and most just reasons, moved by which Irenaeus reproves the images of the Gnostics: since after the custom of the gentiles they offered incense and sacrifices to them, and adored them with supreme worship as living gods, serving the creature rather than the Creator. Next, they mingled them with the idols of profane and impious men, making those men equal to Christ our God and Saviour. Finally, while they kept them secretly, when among the heathens it was permitted openly, anyone will easily persuade himself that they were monstrous and shameful; especially since they expressed Christ in those figures as such a one as they fabricated Him to be in the portentous opinions of their mind.

Magdeburgenses itaque et Gallasius, qui ex hoc Irenaei loco contendunt tunc temporis nullum imaginum Christi et apostolorum usum in Ecclesia fuisse, nec veterum testimoniis, aut exemplis comprobari posse; vel crassissima ignorantia laborant, vel certe impudentissimo mendacio omnibus student imponere.

The Magdeburg Centuriators, therefore, and Gallasius, who from this passage of Irenaeus contend that at that time there was no use of images of Christ and the apostles in the Church, and that it cannot be proved by the testimonies or examples of the ancients, either labour under the grossest ignorance, or certainly strive by a most impudent falsehood to impose upon all.

Non dissimili impietate ac inscitia in publico Mompelgartensi colloquio palam Beza clamavit : « Ecclesiam veterem picturis caruisse. » Insuper, « Ecclesiam primitivam trecentis annis usum imaginum non habuisse. » Prorupit rursum in istas, etiam Lutheranis astantibus, horrendas et exsecrandas voces : « Fateor me ex animo Crucifixi imaginem detestari, ideoque eam non possum ferre, » etc.

With no dissimilar impiety and ignorance in the public Colloquy of Montbéliard Beza openly exclaimed: "That the ancient Church was without pictures." Moreover, "That the primitive Church for three hundred years did not have the use of images." He burst forth again, even with the Lutherans standing by, into these dreadful and execrable words: "I confess that from my heart I detest the image of the Crucified, and therefore I cannot bear it," etc.

Ego autem contra, apertissimis et validissimis assertionibus, quod primum asserunt, falsum esse, et Christi apostolorumque saeculo, pium et publicum

I, however, on the contrary, by the clearest and most valid assertions will prove that what they first assert is false, and that in the age of Christ and the apostles there was a pious and pub-

Editors' notes and page, col. 1506

Footnotes

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Clem. Rom., lib. II Const. apost., cap. 32, et lib. III, c. 15.

Clement of Rome, Apostolic Constitutions book II, chapter 32, and book III, chapter 15.

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Epist. ad Ctesiph.

Letter to Ctesiphon.

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Optatus, lib. I contra Parmen.

Optatus, book I against Parmenian.

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Lib. de haeres.

Book On Heresies.

(printed under page 761)

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Lib. I Haeret. fab.

Book I of the Compendium of Heretical Fables.

(printed under page 761)

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Contra haeres. 27.

Against Heresies, 27.

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Page

running head: LIB. I S. IRENAEI. 1506
marginal letters: A atque ideo presbyteras; B est. In Hispania; C orant, et gentium; D probari posse; vel
old-edition numerals: 74 after et
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: atque ideo presbyteras (Feuardentius in cap. 24); word split at column break: pu-
other: the word publicum was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 1507

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usum venerandarum imaginum inter Christianos fuisse evincam.

-lic use of venerable images among Christians.

1. Nicodemum illum, qui noctu primum Jesum convenit, et ejusdem postea corpus passionis cruciatibus laniatum, de cruce deposuit, « propriis manibus crucifixi imaginem sibi efformasse, » eamque ante mortem Gamalieli tradidisse asservandam, et hunc Jacobo; Jacobum Simeoni; istumque sibi succedenti Zacchaeo; sicque deinceps conservatam, quoadusque Judaei in Berytho Syriae urbe, omnia passionis Dominicae probra in eamdem renovarunt, pluribus inde consecutis miraculis; elegantissimo libro ante 1260 annos docuit magnus ille Athanasius : quem perlectum ante annos octingentos, omnium Patrum suffragiis excepit universalis Nicaena synodus.

1. That that Nicodemus who first came to Jesus by night, and afterwards took down from the cross His body mangled by the torments of the passion, "fashioned for himself with his own hands an image of the Crucified," and before his death handed it over to Gamaliel to be kept, and he to James; James to Simeon; and he to Zacchaeus who succeeded him; and that it was thus preserved thereafter until the Jews in Berytus, a city of Syria, renewed all the reproaches of the Lord's passion against the same, many miracles following thence, the great Athanasius taught in a most elegant book 1260 years ago: which book, read through eight hundred years ago, the universal Nicene synod received with the votes of all the Fathers.

2. Superstes adhuc cum apostolis peregrinabatur Christus, cum mulier illa, quam a profluvio sanguinis curaverat, in Caesarea Palaestinae in monumentum accepti beneficii illius, « imaginem aeream palam erexit, » quam Eusebius illic « adhuc stantem conspexit, simulque alias Petri et Pauli a Christianis religiose conservari. » Imo testantur historiae Eusebium proxime secutae, illas Christi et hemorrhoissae statuas, ad tempora usque Juliani Apostatae permansisse; qui, ut iconoclastarum avum decebat, sicut Christianae fidei, ita Christi et sanctorum imaginibus bellum indixerat.

2. Christ was still alive and sojourning with the apostles when that woman whom He had cured of an issue of blood, at Caesarea Philippi, as a monument of that benefit received, "openly erected a bronze image," which Eusebius "beheld still standing" there, "and at the same time others of Peter and Paul religiously preserved by Christians." Nay, the histories next following Eusebius testify that those statues of Christ and of the woman with an issue of blood remained down to the times of Julian the Apostate; who, as befitted the grandfather of the iconoclasts, had declared war both on the Christian faith and on the images of Christ and the saints.

3. Accedit apostolorum ipsorum constitutio in synodo Antiochena, cujus summa talis est : Περὶ τοῦ μὴ πλανᾶσθαι τοὺς σωζομένους εἰς τὰ εἴδωλα· ἀλλὰ ἀντεικονίζειν τὴν θεανδρίκου ἄχραντον, χειροποίητον στήλην τοῦ ἀληθινοῦ Θεοῦ καὶ Σωτῆρος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, καὶ τῶν αὐτοῦ θεραπόντων ἀντικρὺ τῶν εἰδώλων καὶ Ἰουδαίων, etc. Id est, « non debere servatos circa idola errare; sed pro eis incontaminatam veri Dei simul et hominis, Salvatorisque nostri Jesu Christi, et servorum ipsius, manibus efformatam imaginem, contra idola et Judaeos erigere, » etc. Tria vero hic diserte notata habes. Primum, Christi Domini et servorum ejus manibus efformandas esse imagines; deinde, idolorum districtam prohibitionem; postremo, gentium idolomaniae et Judaeorum superstitioni opponendas esse Christi et sanctorum imagines. Hunc autem apostolicum canonem, germanum esse, non recens, unus et alter in angulo affirmant; sed prope innumerabiles, qui in publico totius orbis theatro ante octingentos annos convenerunt Patres, synodo Nicaena posteriore. Hoc quoque canone innixus Basilius Magnus, ante 1270 asseruit, « imaginum usum ab apostolis emanasse; » simulque eo adhuc antiquior Eusebius, « a majoribus prodiisse confirmans; » et Pamphilus martyr utroque superior, hanc apostolorum constitutionem, cum pluribus aliis, se in Origenis bibliotheca reperisse testatur.

3. Added to this is the constitution of the apostles themselves in the Synod of Antioch, the sum of which is such: Περὶ τοῦ μὴ πλανᾶσθαι τοὺς σωζομένους εἰς τὰ εἴδωλα· ἀλλὰ ἀντεικονίζειν τὴν θεανδρίκου ἄχραντον, χειροποίητον στήλην τοῦ ἀληθινοῦ Θεοῦ καὶ Σωτῆρος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, καὶ τῶν αὐτοῦ θεραπόντων ἀντικρὺ τῶν εἰδώλων καὶ Ἰουδαίων, etc. That is, "that the saved ought not to err after idols; but in place of them to erect the unstained image, fashioned by hands, of the true God and at the same time man, our Saviour Jesus Christ, and of His servants, over against idols and the Jews," etc. Now you have three things expressly noted here. First, that images of Christ the Lord and of His servants are to be fashioned by hands; next, the strict prohibition of idols; finally, that images of Christ and the saints are to be opposed to the idol-madness of the gentiles and the superstition of the Jews. And that this apostolic canon is genuine, not one or two men recently in a corner affirm, but almost innumerable Fathers who eight hundred years ago assembled in the public theatre of the whole world, in the later Nicene synod. Relying on this canon also, Basil the Great, 1270 years ago, asserted "that the use of images emanated from the apostles;" and at the same time Eusebius, still more ancient than he, "confirming that it came forth from the elders;" and Pamphilus the martyr, earlier than both, testifies that he found this constitution of the apostles, with several others, in the library of Origen.

4. Subjungam Damasceni, Evagrii, et Nicephori ex archivis Edessae civitatis depromptam narrationem, de rege Abagaro, alias Augaro, qui fama curationum Christi permotus, consequendae sanitatis ergo, Ananiam cursorem expeditum ad eum misit. Sed cum pro votis res minime succederet regi, ut desiderio quo flagrabat, vel ex parte faceret satis, pictorem eximium misit, qui Christi faciem effictam accurate, afferret. At cum pictor ob splendorem vultus, opus non posset absolvere; Salvator « textum lineum petiit, in eoque expressam faciei imaginem ad regem misit. » Hanc adhuc sua aetate, non sine populi veneratione Edessae conspexisse, Leo Constantinopolitanus lector

4. I shall subjoin the narrative of Damascene, Evagrius, and Nicephorus, drawn from the archives of the city of Edessa, concerning King Abagarus, otherwise Augarus, who, moved by the fame of the cures of Christ, for the sake of obtaining health, sent Ananias, a light-armed courier, to Him. But when the matter did not at all succeed according to the king's wishes, in order to satisfy at least in part the desire with which he burned, he sent an eminent painter to bring back the face of Christ accurately portrayed. But when the painter, on account of the splendour of His countenance, could not finish the work, the Saviour "asked for a linen cloth, and sent the image of His face impressed upon it to the king." That he beheld this still in his own age at Edessa, not without the veneration of the people, Leo the reader of Constantinople

Editors' notes and page, col. 1507

Footnotes

(21) ‹anchor: not visible (call above the page foot; column inferred from order)› · call in col 1507

Lib. de pass. imaginis Domini nostri Jesu Christi.

Book On the Passion of the Image of our Lord Jesus Christ.

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(22) ‹anchor: not visible (call above the page foot; column inferred from order)› · call in col 1507

Lib. VII Histor., cap. 14.

Book VII of the History, chapter 14.

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(23) ‹anchor: not visible (call above the page foot; column inferred from order)› · call in col 1507

Antipater Bostrensis episc., orat. de muliere laborante; Sozomenus lib. V Hist., cap. 20.

Antipater, bishop of Bostra, oration on the woman who suffered [the haemorrhage]; Sozomen, History book V, chapter 20.

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(24) ‹anchor: ante 1270 asseruit› · call in col 1507

Ep. ad Jul.

Letter to Julian.

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(25) ‹anchor: antiquior Eusebius› · call in col 1507

Lib. VII Hist., cap. 14.

Book VII of the History, chapter 14.

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(26) ‹anchor: reperisse testatur› · call in col 1507

Turrianus lib. I, pro can. apost., cap. 25.

Turrianus, book I, in defence of the Apostolic Canons, chapter 25.

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(27) ‹anchor: Subjungam Damasceni› · call in col 1507

Lib. IV De fide orth., cap. 17.

Book IV On the Orthodox Faith, chapter 17.

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(28) ‹anchor: Evagrii› · call in col 1507

Lib. IV Histor., c. 26.

Book IV of the History, chapter 26.

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(29) ‹anchor: et Nicephori› · call in col 1507

Lib. II Hist., cap. 7.

Book II of the History, chapter 7.

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Page

running head: 1507 VARIORUM NOT
marginal letters: A blicum usum venerandarum; B palam erexit, »; C Judaeos erigere, »; D narrationem, de rege
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: blicum usum venerandarum (Feuardentius in cap. 24); word split at column break: blicum

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coram universali synodo Nicaena confirmavit.

confirmed before the universal Nicene synod.

Persarum etiam regem eadem tempestate Christi et Matris ejus figuras accepisse subjicit Nicephorus. Quin et beatum Lucam evangelistam B. Virginis, quam de facie noverat, simulque beatorum Petri et Pauli imagines depinxisse, quae Pulcheriae imperatricis saeculo, adhuc Constantinopoli servabantur, non semel affirmat.

That the king of the Persians also at the same period received figures of Christ and His Mother, Nicephorus subjoins. Nay, he also affirms more than once that the blessed evangelist Luke painted images of the Blessed Virgin, whom he knew by face, and at the same time of the blessed Peter and Paul, which in the age of the Empress Pulcheria were still preserved at Constantinople.

Postremo, quis si vel a limine venerandam antiquitatem salutaverit, nescit crucis Dominicae signum et figuram, usumque ejus, apostolis et Christianis omnibus frequentissimum fuisse? Dionysius Areopagita unico libro De ecclesiastica hierar. octies illius meminit. Nicodemus in Histor. de passione et resurrectione Salvatoris, ter. Abdias decem et octo locis, ejusdem expressione apostolos varia perfecisse miracula recenset. Justinus in Dialogo, ex Veteris Testamenti variis figuris, et in calce Apolog. 2, in omnium rerum creatarum ordinibus effictam, accurate docet. Quem nunc latent praeclara Ignatii, Martialis, Tertulliani, Cypriani, Origenis, Lactantii, Athanasii, de figuratione crucis verba? Apertissimum ergo est Christi et apostolorum aevo sacrarum imaginum usum fuisse.

Finally, who, if he has greeted venerable antiquity even from the threshold, does not know that the sign and figure of the Lord's cross, and the use thereof, was most frequent among the apostles and all Christians? Dionysius the Areopagite in his single book On the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy makes mention of it eight times; Nicodemus in the History of the Passion and Resurrection of the Saviour, thrice; Abdias in eighteen places recounts that by the making of the same the apostles performed various miracles. Justin in the Dialogue accurately teaches that it was prefigured by various figures of the Old Testament, and at the end of the 2nd Apology, that it is fashioned in the orders of all created things. From whom now are hidden the illustrious words of Ignatius, Martial, Tertullian, Cyprian, Origen, Lactantius, and Athanasius concerning the figuring of the cross? It is most evident, therefore, that in the age of Christ and the apostles there was the use of sacred images.

Alterum falsae assertionis caput, quo aiunt nec veteris Ecclesiae exemplis, nec priscorum Patrum testimoniis imaginum usum confirmari posse, ex Calvini officina prodiit; qui annis quingentis a Christo, quibus adhuc florebat religio et sincerior doctrina vigebat, Christiana templa ab imaginibus vacua fuisse scribere non erubuit; quo mendacio nihil impudentius dici potest. Siquidem ante 1100 annos scripsit Augustinus, « pluribus locis Petrum et Paulum una cum Christo depictos, etiam paganos vidisse; et Abrahae sponte filium immolantis nobile factum, tot linguis cantatum, et tot locis pictum, ut aures et oculos dissimulantium feriret. Insuper Adami et Evae foliis contegentium pudenda, admisso peccato, picturas prostitisse. » Idem apertissimis verbis, « Dominicae crucis figuram, hominisque inibi patientis affixam imaginem, ad crucifixi Domini nostri recordationem, et p⟨i⟩gritantis fidei excitationem, humiliter complecti, suppliciter venerari » suadet.

The second head of the false assertion, whereby they say that the use of images can be confirmed neither by the examples of the ancient Church nor by the testimonies of the ancient Fathers, came forth from the workshop of Calvin; who did not blush to write that for five hundred years from Christ, during which religion still flourished and purer doctrine was in force, Christian temples were empty of images; than which falsehood nothing more impudent can be said. Since 1100 years ago Augustine wrote "that in many places even pagans had seen Peter and Paul painted together with Christ; and the noble deed of Abraham willingly sacrificing his son, sung in so many tongues and painted in so many places that it struck the ears and eyes of those who dissembled. Moreover, that pictures of Adam and Eve covering their privy parts with leaves after sin had been committed stood publicly in view." The same in the clearest words persuades us "humbly to embrace and suppliantly to venerate the figure of the Lord's cross and the image of the man suffering affixed thereon, for the remembrance of our crucified Lord and the stirring up of sluggish faith."

Idem postremo, publica de B. Stephano martyrium subeunte, ad populum suum concione dicit : « Passio ejus insignis est, multumque mirabilis; hanc modo de libro Actuum apost. cum legeretur audivimus non solum, sed etiam oculis spectavimus. » Quibus aperte significat non modo historias sanctorum martyrum publice legi solitas in templ⟨i⟩s; verum in tabellis graphice depictas et expressas, oculis fidelium tum subjectas fuisse.

The same finally, in a public sermon to his people concerning Blessed Stephen undergoing martyrdom, says: "His passion is distinguished and very wonderful; when it was just now read from the book of the Acts of the Apostles, we not only heard it, but also beheld it with our eyes." By which words he openly signifies that the histories of the holy martyrs were not only accustomed to be read publicly in the temples, but, vividly painted and expressed on panels, were then set before the eyes of the faithful.

Accedit et Paulinus, ad quem tot Augustini et Hieronymi exstant epistolae. Is Severum extollit, « quod in loco refectionis humanae, id est baptisterio, B. Martini effigiem depinxisset, ut deponentibus in lavacro terrenae imaginis vetustatem imitanda coelestis animae occurreret effigies. » Misit praeterea ad eumdem hos versus, quos imagini Crucifixi eo loci erectae ascribi curaret :

Added to this also is Paulinus, to whom so many epistles of Augustine and Jerome are extant. He extols Severus "because in the place of human refreshment, that is, the baptistery, he had painted the likeness of Blessed Martin, so that to those laying aside in the laver the oldness of the earthly image there might meet them the likeness of a heavenly soul to be imitated." Furthermore, he sent to the same these verses, which he should take care to have inscribed on the image of the Crucified erected in that place:

Cerne coronatam Domini super atria Christi Stare crucem, duro spondentem celsa labori Praemia; tolle crucem, qui vis auferre coronam.

Behold the crowned cross of Christ the Lord standing above the courts, promising lofty rewards to hard labour; take up the cross, you who wish to carry off the crown.

Et ad alias crucis imagines in ingressu basilicae :

And for other images of the cross at the entrance of the basilica:

Ardua floriferae crux cingitur orbe coronae, Et Domini fuso tincta cruore rubet; Quaeque super signum resident coeleste columbae, Simplicibus produnt regna patere Dei.

The lofty cross is girded with the circle of a flower-bearing crown, and dyed with the shed blood of the Lord grows red; and the doves that sit upon the heavenly sign proclaim that the kingdoms of God lie open to the simple.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1508

Footnotes

(30) ‹anchor: not visible (call above the page foot; column inferred from order)› · call in col 1508

Lib. II Hist., c. 43, et lib. VI, cap. 16, et lib. XIV, cap. 2.

Book II of the History, chapter 43, and book VI, chapter 16, and book XIV, chapter 2.

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(31) ‹anchor: scripsit Augustinus› · call in col 1508

Lib. I de consensu evang., cap. 10; lib. XXII contra Faust., cap. 73.

Book I On the Harmony of the Gospels, chapter 10; book XXII Against Faustus, chapter 73.

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(32) ‹anchor: suppliciter venerari suadet› · call in col 1508

Lib. V contra Jul. Pelagianum, c. 2; lib. II de visit. infir., c. 3.

Book V against Julian the Pelagian, chapter 2; book II On Visiting the Sick, chapter 3.

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(33) ‹anchor: concione dicit› · call in col 1508

Serm. 2 de S. Steph.

Sermon 2 on St Stephen.

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(34) ‹anchor: Accedit et Paulinus› · call in col 1508

Epist. 12 ad Severum.

Letter 12, to Severus.

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Page

running head: ARIORUM NOTAE 1508
marginal letters: A coram universali synodo; B effictam, accurate docet.; C pudenda, admisso peccato,; D ponentibus in lavacro
old-edition numerals: 75 after refectionis
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: coram universali synodo (Feuardentius in cap. 24)

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Damasus etiam ea aetate res gestas superiorum pontificum colligens, « Joannis Baptistae confessionem, ex argento auream : item, et crucis imaginem, » Hilarium, qui longe eum praecesserat, fecisse narrat.

Damasus also in that age, collecting the deeds of the earlier pontiffs, relates that Hilary, who had long preceded him, made "the confession of John the Baptist, golden out of silver: likewise also an image of the cross."

Hieronymus quoque Paulam magno pietatis ardore montem Calvariae conscendisse narrat, « et prostratam ante crucem, quasi pendentem Dominum cerneret, adorasse. »

Jerome also relates that Paula with great ardour of piety ascended Mount Calvary, "and prostrate before the cross, as though she beheld the Lord hanging thereon, adored."

« Veluti malum in navi crucem erectam in ecclesia esse, quia inter saeculi naufragia servatur incolumis, » concionabatur Ambrosius.

"That the cross is erected in the church like a mast in a ship, because amid the shipwrecks of the world it is preserved safe," Ambrose preached.

Eximium poetam Christianum Prudentium praeterire non possum; qui certamina martyrum exprimentes imagines in templis collocatas versibus cecinit, cum genibus ad sancti Cassiani martyris tumulum advolveretur :

I cannot pass over the eminent Christian poet Prudentius, who sang in verses of the images placed in the temples expressing the contests of the martyrs, when he fell on his knees at the tomb of the holy martyr Cassian:

Erexi ad coelum faciem, stetit obvia contra Fusis colorum picta imago martyris. Plagas mille gerens, totos lacerata per artus, Ruptam minutis praeferens punctis cutem. Innumeri circum pueri, miserabile visu, Confossa parvis membra figebant stylis. Aedituus consultus ait : Quod prospicis, hospes, Non est inanis, aut anilis fabula; Historiam pictura refert, quae tradita libris, Veram vetusti temporis monstrat fidem, etc.

I raised my face to heaven; there stood opposite before me the painted image of the martyr, portrayed in liquid colours, bearing a thousand blows, mangled through all his limbs, displaying his skin broken with tiny pricks. Countless boys around, pitiable to behold, were piercing his dug-through members with small styles. The sacristan, being consulted, said: What you look upon, stranger, is no empty or old wives' fable; the picture relates a history which, handed down in books, shows the true faith of ancient time, etc.

His omnibus superior Lactantius, his lectissimis versibus (quos et Gyraldus, et antiqua exemplaria probant esse germana) docet qua pietate Christi de cruce pendentis imago, in templis publice erecta sit contemplanda, quando Christum ita loquentem inducit :

Earlier than all these, Lactantius, in these most choice verses (which both Gyraldus and ancient copies prove to be genuine), teaches with what piety the image of Christ hanging from the cross, publicly erected in the temples, is to be contemplated, when he introduces Christ speaking thus:

Quisquis ades, mediique subis in limina templi, Siste parum, insontemque tuo pro crimine passum Respice me, me conde animo, me in pectore serva, etc.

Whoever you are that are present, and enter the threshold of the mid-temple, stay a little, and look upon Me, Who suffered innocent for your crime; hide Me in your mind, keep Me in your breast, etc.

Et paulo post medium :

And a little after the middle:

Cerne manus clavis fixas, tractosque lacertos, Atque ingens lateri vulnus, cerne inde fluorem Sanguineum, fossosque pedes, artusque cruentos. Flecte genu, l⟨i⟩gnumque crucis venerabile adora Flebilis, innocuo terramque cruore madentem Ore patens humili, lacrymis suffunde subortis, etc.

Behold the hands fixed with nails, and the stretched-out arms, and the huge wound in the side; behold the bloody stream therefrom, and the pierced feet, and the blood-stained limbs. Bend the knee, and weeping adore the venerable wood of the cross, and seeking with humble face the earth wet with innocent blood, bedew it with springing tears, etc.

Tertullianus denique vir apostolicorum temporum, jam tunc publicum et in sacris conventibus fuisse imaginum usum ostendit manifeste, scribens, etiam in ipsis sanctis calicibus insculptas fuisse Christi, instar boni Pastoris ovem aberrantem in humeros referentis, effigies.

Finally Tertullian, a man of the apostolic times, shows manifestly that even then the use of images was public and in the sacred assemblies, writing that even on the holy chalices themselves were engraved likenesses of Christ, like the Good Shepherd carrying back upon His shoulders the straying sheep.

Huc usque Latinos Patres impudens mendacium Calvini retegentes audivimus; addamus jam, si placet, ut omni ex parte convincatur, ejusdem aetatis et Graecos. Imperante Theodosio, B. Theodoretus Cyri episcopus, Simeonem Stylitem tanta sanctitatis fama nobilitatum scripsit, « ut Romani in omnibus etiam officinarum vestibulis, et porticibus, ejus imagines collocarent, securitatem et custodiam quamdam rebus suis praestare arbitrati. »

Thus far we have heard the Latin Fathers uncovering the impudent falsehood of Calvin; let us now add, if it please, so that he may be refuted on every side, the Greeks also of the same age. When Theodosius was emperor, Blessed Theodoret, bishop of Cyrrhus, wrote that Simeon Stylites was ennobled by so great a fame of sanctity "that the Romans set up his images in all the vestibules of workshops also, and in porticoes, thinking that they afforded a certain security and guardianship to their affairs."

At ille ipse est Simeon, qui ante Theodoreti tempora, epistola ad Justinum imperatorem, gravissime fuerat conquestus de Samaritis, « qui in Christi Domini nostri imaginem ejusque Matris infando facinore grassati fuerant. »

Now he is that very Simeon who before the times of Theodoret, in an epistle to the Emperor Justin, had complained most gravely of the Samaritans, "who by an unspeakable crime had raged against the image of Christ our Lord and of His Mother."

Addam pulcherrimum Leontii Neapolis episcopi suffragium. « Sicut Jacob, inquit, accipiens a filiis vestem Joseph sanguine conspersam, cum lacrymis

I shall add the most beautiful testimony of Leontius, bishop of Neapolis. "Just as Jacob," he says, "receiving from his sons the garment of Joseph sprinkled with blood, when with tears

Editors' notes and page, col. 1509

Footnotes

(35-75) ‹anchor: not visible (calls above the page foot; column inferred from order); range of call numbers as printed› · call in col 1509 De vitis pontificum.

On the Lives of the Pontiffs.

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(76) ‹anchor: not visible (call above the page foot; column inferred from order)› · call in col 1509

In epitaphio Paulae.

In the epitaph of Paula.

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(77) ‹anchor: not visible (call above the page foot; column inferred from order)› · call in col 1509

Serm. 55.

Sermon 55.

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Carmine de passione B. Cassiani martyris.

In the poem on the passion of the blessed martyr Cassian.

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(79) ‹anchor: ita loquentem inducit› · call in col 1509

Carm. de pass. Christi.

Poem on the Passion of Christ.

(printed under page 763)

(80) ‹anchor: manifeste, scribens› · call in col 1509

Lib. de pudicitia, cap. 7 et 10.

Book On Modesty, chapters 7 and 10.

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(81) ‹anchor: nobilitatum scripsit› · call in col 1509

In Vita Simeonis.

In the Life of Simeon.

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(82) ‹anchor: Sicut Jacob, inquit› · call in col 1509

Lib. V Apol. pro Christ.

Book V of the Apology for the Christians.

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Page

running head: 1509 IN LIB. I S. IREN
marginal letters: A Damasus etiam ea; B Plagas mille gerens,; C Et paulo post; D tur Cyri episcopus,
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Damasus etiam ea (Feuardentius in cap. 24); word split at column break: la-
other: the word lacrymis was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 1510
misprints kept as printed: patens (for petens) in Ore patens humili

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eam osculatus est, per eam arbitratus se Joseph osculari et in manibus habere; sic et omnes imaginem Christi, aut apostoli, aut martyris tenentes, ipsum Christum, aut martyrem videmur nobis animo complecti. »

thinking that through it he kissed Joseph and held him in his hands; so also all of us, holding the image of Christ, or of an apostle, or of a martyr, seem to ourselves to embrace in mind Christ Himself, or the martyr."

Basilium Magnum ante hos omnes, « historias imaginum sanctorum prophetarum, apostolorum et martyrum in omnibus per Orientem ecclesiis erectas sese suscepisse, et palam honorasse, ut ab apostolis traditum fuerat, » idem sibi ipse testis est.

That Basil the Great before all these "received the histories of the images of the holy prophets, apostles, and martyrs erected in all the churches throughout the East, and openly honoured them, as had been handed down by the apostles," he himself is his own witness.

Ejus frater Gregorius Nyssenus, « non infrequenter passionis Christi figuram cum lacrymis intuebatur, » adeo efficaciter ob oculos historiam pictura ponebat.

His brother Gregory of Nyssa "not infrequently gazed with tears upon the figure of the passion of Christ," so effectively did the picture set the history before his eyes.

Istis non inferior Chrysostomus, « B. Meletii imaginem in annulis, poculis, phialis, thalami parietibus, et aliis locis, multos effinxisse, ut corporis sanctissimi viri formam ubique conspicerent, » et narrat et laudat. Quin et se « ex cera confictam imaginem, pietate plenam amasse » non dissimulat.

Not inferior to these, Chrysostom both relates and praises that "many portrayed the image of Blessed Meletius on rings, cups, bowls, the walls of their bedchamber, and other places, so that they might everywhere behold the form of the body of that most holy man." Nay, he does not disguise that he himself "loved an image fashioned out of wax, full of piety."

Athanasius omnem imaginibus exhibitum honorem ad prototypum referri docet.

Athanasius teaches that all honour shown to images is referred to the prototype.

Denique his omnibus superior Eusebius, imperatorem Constantinum tanto divini amoris ardore incensum refert, « ut etiam in medio foro urbis Constantinopol. Danielem cum leonibus in aere incisum, aurique laminis splendescentem; simulque in ipso palatii introitu in maxima tabula, salutaris Christi passionis insigne ex lapillis pretiosis cujusque modi auroque multo polite elaboratis, confectum, figendum curaverit. » Evicimus ergo ex Latinae et Graecae Ecclesiae praestantissimis plurimisque Patribus, non longius a Christi ascensione, quam quadringentis annis recedentibus, « sub quibus sincerior Dei cultus, » vel confitentibus adversariis, « adhuc viguit, » usum imaginum, Christi et apostolorum tempore, atque deinceps, et sacrum et publicum inter Christianos fuisse. Qui illum igitur oppugnant, Manichaei, Juliani ⟨A⟩postatae, impurissimi Mahometis, Turcarum tyrannidis, et Judaeorum propugnatores potius, quam pietatis et veritatis Christianae assertores haberi debent.

Finally, earlier than all these, Eusebius relates that the Emperor Constantine was kindled with so great an ardour of divine love "that even in the middle of the forum of the city of Constantinople he took care to have set up Daniel with the lions engraved in bronze, and gleaming with plates of gold; and at the same time in the very entrance of the palace, on a very large panel, the ensign of the saving passion of Christ, wrought out of precious stones of every kind and much gold exquisitely worked." We have proved, therefore, from the most distinguished and very many Fathers of the Latin and the Greek Church, receding not further than four hundred years from the ascension of Christ, "under whom the purer worship of God," even by the confession of our adversaries, "still flourished," that the use of images, in the time of Christ and the apostles and thereafter, was both sacred and public among Christians. Those who attack it, therefore, ought to be held champions of Manichaeus, of Julian the Apostate, of the most impure Mahomet, of the tyranny of the Turks, and of the Jews, rather than asserters of Christian piety and truth.

Sed ut etiam proprio judicio Calviniani et Bezani maneant condemnati, coronidis vice isthaec adjiciam. Beza, ut in Actis colloquii Mompelgartensis refertur, pag. 393 et 400, usum picturae et sculpturae in historiis sacris (inter quas et Christi passionem commemorandam nemo Christianus negabit) repraesentandis, per se ἀδιάφορον esse, concessit. Deinde, Paulinum Nolanum epi⟨s⟩copum morem pingendorum parietum invexisse simplici zelo; et eumdem tam bono consilio instituisse imagines (id vero, ut paulo ante ex eodem audivimus, in locis sacris), ut nemo studium ejus reprobare aut reprehendere possit. « Praeterea, nos, » inquit idem Beza, « non modo picturas, sed etiam sculpturas nunquam improbavimus; quarum magnus est usus non solum in sacris historiis repraesentandis, sed etiam in rebus civilibus. Quod vero ad imagines sive pictas, sive sculptas attinet, earum usum non rejicimus. » Et postea (pag. 421) : « Descriptio Dei in Daniele et Isaia proposita, si pingatur, ego ἀδιάφορον esse concedo. » Denique se suosque sectatores iconomachos damnans, librum evulgavit in quo plurimorum haereticorum imagines apprime depictas repraesentat; et cum his velut adhuc viventibus loquitur, ingentemque consolationem animi inde capere se profitetur. Igitur, idem saltem fieri posse ex Christi patientis imagine, ex apostolorum,

But that even by their own judgement the Calvinists and Bezans may remain condemned, by way of a flourish I shall add these things. Beza, as is related in the Acts of the Colloquy of Montbéliard, pages 393 and 400, conceded that the use of painting and sculpture in representing sacred histories (among which no Christian will deny that the passion of Christ is also to be commemorated) is in itself ἀδιάφορον ("indifferent"). Next, that Bishop Paulinus of Nola brought in the custom of painting walls out of simple zeal; and that the same instituted images with so good a design (and that indeed, as we heard a little before from the same, in sacred places) that no one can reprove or blame his zeal. "Furthermore, we," says the same Beza, "have never disapproved not only pictures, but even sculptures; of which there is great use not only in representing sacred histories, but also in civil affairs. And so far as pertains to images, whether painted or carved, we do not reject their use." And afterwards (page 421): "The description of God set forth in Daniel and Isaiah, if it be painted, I concede to be ἀδιάφορον ('indifferent')." Finally, condemning himself and his iconoclast followers, he published a book in which he presents the images of very many heretics excellently painted; and he speaks with them as though still living, and professes that he takes immense consolation of mind therefrom. Therefore, that the same at least can be done from the image of the suffering Christ, and from the icons of the apos-

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Epist. ad Jul., in Actis conc. Nicaen.

Letter to Julian, in the Acts of the Council of Nicaea.

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Serm. de patriarcha Abraham in conc. Nic.

Sermon on the patriarch Abraham, in the Council of Nicaea.

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In encomio Meletii.

In the encomium of Meletius.

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Orat. quod vet. et nov. Test. unus sit legislator.

Oration: That there is one Lawgiver of the Old and New Testament.

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Orat. 4 contra Arian.

Oration 4 against the Arians.

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Lib. III de vita Constant., cap. 48.

Book III On the Life of Constantine, chapter 48.

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Daniel. VII; Isa. VI.

Daniel 7; Isaiah 6.

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Page

running head: LIB. I S. IRENAEI. 1510
marginal letters: A crymis eam osculatus; B narrat et laudat; C apostolorum tempore, atque; D Beza, « non
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: crymis eam osculatus (Feuardentius in cap. 24); word split at column break: crymis, aposto-
other: the word apostolorum, was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 1511

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martyrum aliorumque sanctorum iconibus, nemo sensus communis et rationis compos negabit.

-tles, martyrs, and other saints, no one possessed of common sense and reason will deny.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 25.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardentius on chap. 25.

Pag. 105. Cerinthus autem. Hunc primum in Aegypto philosophiae diu operam dedisse, auctor est Theodoretus, deinde Jerosolymis, Caesareaeae, Antiochiaeque frequenter apostolis ipsis restitisse; atque demum in Asia longe lateque impietatem suam propagasse scribit Epiphanius.

Page 105. "Cerinthus, moreover." That he first devoted himself for a long time to philosophy in Egypt, Theodoret is the authority; and that next at Jerusalem, Caesarea, and Antioch he frequently resisted the apostles themselves, and finally in Asia propagated his impiety far and wide, Epiphanius writes.

Cyrillus Jerosolymitan. Cerinthum vastatorem Ecclesiae nominat. Eusebius refert eum jactasse revelationes, quasi per angelos sibi dictata fuissent, quae proferebat. Philastrius addit illum asseruisse Christum a mortuis nondum resurrexisse. Augustin. observationem legis Mosaicae, festorum, victimarum, et sacrificiorum Judaicorum necessariam esse.

Cyril of Jerusalem names Cerinthus the devastator of the Church. Eusebius relates that he boasted of revelations, as though the things that he put forward had been dictated to him by angels. Philastrius adds that he asserted that Christ had not yet risen from the dead. Augustine, that the observance of the Mosaic law, of the feasts, victims, and Jewish sacrifices was necessary.

Dionysius Alexand. lib. II De promissionibus, hunc quoque « regnum Christi terrestre futurum somniasse docet, quippe qui invitamentis corporis, et carnis cumprimis obsequeretur illecebris, et quarum rerum cupiditate ducebatur, in eisdem beatam vitam fore asseruit, ut in ventris et earum partium, quae ad venerem spectant, expletione. »

Dionysius of Alexandria in Book II On the Promises teaches that he also "dreamed that the kingdom of Christ would be earthly, inasmuch as he yielded especially to the enticements of the body and the allurements of the flesh, and asserted that the blessed life would consist in those very things by the desire of which he was led, as in the satisfying of the belly and of those parts which pertain to venery."

Et ignorante eum. Emendationem ex vet. cod. agnoscit, et sententiam hujus loci sic exprimit Theodoretus : « Docuit esse quidem unum universorum Deum, eum autem non esse mundi creatorem, sed separatas quasdam potestates, et eum omnino nescientes. » Itaque « eum, » pro « eo » reposuimus, ut mox « Deum, » pro « Deo. »

"And not knowing Him." Theodoret acknowledges the emendation from the ancient codex, and expresses the meaning of this passage thus: "He taught that there is indeed one God of all things, but that He is not the creator of the world, but certain separate powers, altogether ignorant of Him." Therefore we have restored "Him [acc.]" in place of "Him [abl.]," as presently "God [acc.]" in place of "God [abl.]."

Impossibile enim. In simili coeno volutatum Marcionem, argutissimo hoc dilemmate premit Tertull. rationem desiderans, qua non putaverit Filium Dei ex Virgine natum esse : « Necesse est, inquit, ut aut impossibilem, aut inconvenientem Deo existimaveris nativitatem. Sed Deo nihil impossibile, nisi quod non vult. An ergo voluerit nasci (quia si voluit, potuit, et natus est), consideremus. » Et post pauca : « Scelestissime hominum, qui interemptores excusas Dei : quodcunque Deo indignum est, mihi expedit. Salvus sum, si non confundar de Domino meo. Qui me, inquit, confusus fuerit, confundar et ego ejus. Alias non invenio materias confusionis, quae me per contemptum ruboris probent bene impudentem et feliciter stultum. Natus est Dei Filius; prorsus credibile est, quia ineptum est. Et sepultus resurrexit; certum est, quia impossibile est. » Observa autem haereticos tutissimum asylum semper putasse, id clamitare Deo impossibile, quod credere renuunt.

"For it is impossible." Marcion, wallowing in similar mire, Tertullian presses with this most acute dilemma, desiring the reason why he did not think that the Son of God was born of the Virgin: "It is necessary," he says, "that you should have supposed the nativity either impossible or unbecoming to God. But to God nothing is impossible, save what He does not will. Whether therefore He willed to be born (because if He willed, He was able, and was born), let us consider." And after a few words: "Most wicked of men, who excuse the murderers of God: whatever is unworthy of God is expedient for me. I am saved if I am not ashamed of my Lord. Whoever, He says, shall be ashamed of Me, of him will I also be ashamed (Mark 8:38; Luke 9:26). Other matters of shame I do not find, which through contempt of blushing may prove me well impudent and happily foolish. The Son of God was born; it is altogether credible, because it is absurd. And having been buried He rose again; it is certain, because it is impossible." Observe, moreover, that heretics have always thought it their safest refuge to cry out that that is impossible to God which they refuse to believe.

Fuisse autem eum Joseph, etc. Tertullianus hujus quoque erroris illum coarguit : « Cerinthus, inquit, Christum hominem tantummodo sine deitate contendit. » Et libro De carne Christi : « Poterit haec opinio Ebioni convenire, qui nudum hominem constituit Jesum. » Hoc et Ignatius notaverat Epist. ad Philadel. Eusebius libro tertio Hist. et Hieron. in Catalogo, post Iren. lib. III, cap. 3, testificantur B. Joannem adversus horum blasphemias Evangelium conscripsisse.

"Moreover, that He was [the son] of Joseph," etc. Tertullian convicts him of this error also: "Cerinthus," he says, "contends that Christ was a man only, without deity." And in the book On the Flesh of Christ: "This opinion will be able to suit Ebion, who makes Jesus a bare man." This Ignatius also had noted in the Epistle to the Philadelphians. Eusebius in the third book of the History and Jerome in the Catalogue, after Irenaeus, Book III, chap. 3, testify that Blessed John wrote his Gospel against the blasphemies of these men.

Et post baptismum. Apertius Epiphanius : « Ex supernis autem, ex supremo Deo, postquam adultus factus fuit Jesus, ex semine Joseph et Maria genitus, descendisse Christum in ipsum, hoc est Spiritum sanctum in specie columbae in Jordane, et revelasse ipsi, et per ipsum posteris, ignotum Patrem. Et propterea postquam venit virtus in ipsum ex supernis, virtutes perpetrasse; et ubi

"And after baptism." More clearly Epiphanius: "That from the regions above, from the supreme God, after Jesus, begotten of the seed of Joseph and Mary, had grown up, Christ descended into him, that is, the Holy Spirit in the likeness of a dove at the Jordan, and revealed to him, and through him to posterity, the unknown Father. And therefore, after power came into him from the regions above, he performed miracles; and when

Editors' notes and page, col. 1511

Footnotes

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Lib. II Haeret. fab.

Book II of the Compendium of Heretical Fables.

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Contra haeres. 28.

Against Heresies, 28.

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Lib. III Hist., c. 22, et lib. VII, c. 20.

Book III of the History, chapter 22, and book VII, chapter 20.

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Lib. II Haeret. fab.

Book II of the Compendium of Heretical Fables.

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Lib. de carne Christi.

Book On the Flesh of Christ.

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Lib. Praescr.

Book of the Prescription [of Heretics].

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Contra haeres. 28.

Against Heresies, 28.

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Lib. III Hist., cap. 21.

Book III of the History, chapter 21.

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Contra haeres. 30.

Against Heresies, 30.

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running head: 1511 VARIORUM NOT
marginal letters: A lorum, martyrum aliorumque; B Dionysius Alexand. lib.; C impossibile, nisi quod; D nem constituit Jesum.
old-edition numerals: 76 after desiderans,
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: lorum, martyrum, Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 25.; word split at column break: lorum

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ipse passus est, id quod ex supernis venerat, a Jesu sursum volasse. »

he himself suffered, that which had come from the regions above flew up on high away from Jesus."

Hinc autem manifestum est, haec vetera monstra Christum in diversas lacera⟨s⟩se personas, quarum una coelestis et impatibilis esset, altera patibilis et terrena : quod Nestoriani postea invehere sunt conati. Hoc et praesenti saeculo pro viribus instaurat Beza, scribens in Christo duas esse uniones hypostaticas; Calvinus quoque affirmans, Verbum, mediatoris suscepisse personam. Has haereses refellit Irenaeus libro III, cap. 18, 19, 20, 21.

Hence, moreover, it is manifest that these ancient monsters tore Christ into different persons, of which the one was heavenly and impassible, the other passible and earthly: which the Nestorians afterwards endeavoured to bring in. This also in the present age Beza restores with all his might, writing that in Christ there are two hypostatic unions; Calvin also affirming that the Word took on the person of the mediator. These heresies Irenaeus refutes in Book III, chap. 18, 19, 20, 21.

Epiphanius addit superioribus, Cerinthianos usos esse Evangelio secundum Matthaeum ex parte, non ex toto; Paulum vero reprobasse, propterea quod non obedierit circumcisioni. Atque hos esse, qui ab eodem Paulo dicti sunt pseudo-apostoli, operatores dolosi, qui se transformant in apostolos Christi.

Epiphanius adds to the preceding things that the Cerinthians used the Gospel according to Matthew in part, not in whole; while they rejected Paul because he did not obey circumcision. And that these are they who by the same Paul were called false apostles, deceitful workers, who transform themselves into apostles of Christ (2 Cor. 11:13).

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 26.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardentius on chap. 26.

Pag. 105. Qui autem dicuntur Ebionaei. Quantum ad nomen hujus Ebionis attinet, Eusebius, Epiphan. et Theod. illud lingua Hebraica inopem et mendicum significare recte putarunt; quando quidem אביון pauperem et pauperrimum Hebraeis significat. Hunc vero non solum Romae et in Asia praedicasse, radicesque spinosarum propaginum, a Nabathea, Paneade, Moabitide et Cocaborum regione in Basanitide terra, sed et in Cypro egisse, testis est Epiphanius; simulque ex Samaritanorum abominatione, Judaeorum improbitate, Osseorum et Nazareorum opinione, Cerinthianorum forma, Carpocratianorum impietate, sub Christianorum appellatione, horrendum et perniciosum dogmatis sui monstrum composuisse.

Page 105. "Moreover, those who are called Ebionites." So far as pertains to the name of this Ebion, Eusebius, Epiphanius, and Theodoret rightly thought that in the Hebrew tongue it signifies needy and beggar; since אביון among the Hebrews signifies poor and very poor. And that he preached not only at Rome and in Asia, and struck the roots of his thorny shoots from Nabataea, Paneas, Moabitis, and the region of Cocaba in the land of Basanitis, but even into Cyprus, Epiphanius is witness; and at the same time that out of the abomination of the Samaritans, the wickedness of the Jews, the opinion of the Ossaeans and Nazaraeans, the form of the Cerinthians, and the impiety of the Carpocratians, under the appellation of Christians, he compounded the dreadful and pernicious monster of his dogma.

Ea autem quae sunt. Tertull. : « Ebion nudum hominem, et tantum ex semine David, id est non et Dei Filium constituit Jesum; plane prophetis aliquo gloriosiorem, ut ita in nonnullis angelum fuisse dicatur. » Epiphanius : « Primum quidem Ebion, Christum ex semine viri, hoc est ipsius Joseph, esse decrevit, » etc. Euseb. : « Eum simplicem, vulgarem et solum hominem censuerunt, et ex concubitu, conjunctioneque Joseph viri cum Maria uxore sua in hanc lucem editum; verum propter progressionem, quam in virtute fecisset, hominem justum censuerunt; at solum hominem tamen. » Addit postea rursum, Ebionem praedicasse Christum esse filium quidem Davidis, sed non Dei; operibus autem suis justificatum fuisse. Quosdam etiam ejusdem sectae (ut nunquam sibi consentiunt haereticorum ministri), admisisse Christum natum ex Virgine de Spiritu sancto; sed non exstitisse priusquam homo fieret. Hanc impietatem postea suscitarunt Samosateniani et Photiniani, ut tradit Augustinus libro De haeres., cap. 91. Et hoc saeculo in eamdem impegerunt Servetiani, ac sequaces; cujus erroris Calvinianos dicunt se habere consortes et patronos. In hanc haeresim disputat Irenaeus lib. III, cap. 30 et 31.

"Moreover, the things that concern [the Lord]." Tertullian: "Ebion makes Jesus a bare man, and only of the seed of David, that is, not also the Son of God; clearly somewhat more glorious than the prophets, so that thus he is said to have been an angel in some respects." Epiphanius: "First indeed Ebion decreed that Christ was from the seed of a man, that is, of Joseph himself," etc. Eusebius: "They judged Him a simple, common, and mere man, and brought forth into this light from the intercourse and union of the man Joseph with Mary his wife; but on account of the progress which He had made in virtue, they judged Him a righteous man; yet a mere man nevertheless." He adds afterwards again that Ebion preached that Christ was the son of David indeed, but not of God; and that He was justified by His works. And that some of the same sect (as the ministers of heretics never agree with themselves) admitted that Christ was born of the Virgin from the Holy Spirit; but that He did not exist before He became man. This impiety the Samosatenians and Photinians afterwards stirred up, as Augustine relates in the book On Heresies, chap. 91. And in this age the Servetians and their followers have stumbled into the same; of which error they say that they have the Calvinists as partners and patrons. Against this heresy Irenaeus disputes in Book III, chap. 30 and 31.

Circumciduntur. Qui tunc temporis se Judaeum circumcisione, et reliquis caeremoniis profitebatur, in primis a gemina persecutione immunis erat. Priore, Romanorum, quia imperatores patrio ritu Judaeos vivere concesserant. Posteriore, Judaeorum, qui in eos, ut asseclas ejusdem observationis, non insurgebant. Qui autem in Christum credebant, deserto Judaismo, utrorumque tyrannide adeo vexabantur, ut « permulti Jesum esse Christum fateri dubitarent, ne insectationem ferrent eorum qui furiis spiritus impostoris agitati, confessores illius

"They are circumcised." He who at that time professed himself a Jew by circumcision and the remaining ceremonies was in the first place immune from a twofold persecution: the former, of the Romans, because the emperors had granted the Jews to live according to their ancestral rite; the latter, of the Jews, who did not rise up against them, as followers of the same observance. Whereas those who believed in Christ, having forsaken Judaism, were so harassed by the tyranny of both that "very many hesitated to confess that Jesus is the Christ, lest they should suffer the persecution of those who, driven by the furies of the impostor spirit, the confessors of that

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Lib. III Hist., cap. 21.

Book III of the History, chapter 21.

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Contra haeres. 30.

Against Heresies, 30.

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Lib. II Haeret. fab.

Book II of the Compendium of Heretical Fables.

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Lib. de carne Christi.

Book On the Flesh of Christ.

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Contra haeres. 30.

Against Heresies, 30.

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Lib. III Hist., cap. 21.

Book III of the History, chapter 21.

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Lib. III Hist., cap. 27.

Book III of the History, chapter 27.

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running head: ARIORUM NOTAE 1512
marginal letters: A ipse passus est,; B Pag. 105. Qui; C aliquo gloriosiorem, ut; D bere consortes et
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: ipse passus est, Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 26.; QA Q1d: calls 97 (Eusebius), 98 (Epiphan.), 99 (Theod.) are printed in this column (Pag. 105 note); n1511 also lists 97 and 98 (its 98 anchor 'Apertius Epiphanius' is call 96) — neighbour file to be reconciled, not edited here.

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nominis enecare et persequi non desinebant, » ut eleganter scripsit Justinus martyr in Dialogo. Ebionaeos autem, ex prima istorum classe fuisse evidentissimum est.

name," as Justin Martyr elegantly wrote in the Dialogue. And that the Ebionites were of the first class of those men is most evident.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 27.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardentius on chap. 27.

Pag. 105. Nicolaum. Hunc Nicolaum Antiochenum genere, proselytum autem professione, atque e septem illis diaconis, electis ab apostolis in ministerium quotidianum, fuisse conveniunt omnes. At Clemens Alexand. et Theodor. admittunt quidem objurgatum ab apostolis de uxoris zelotypia, illam in medium adduxisse, et cui vellet nubere permisisse; sed exinde illum continenter et pudice vixisse; filiasque ejus virgines et filium incorruptum consenuisse volunt. Alii porro promiscuos mulierum amplexus, imo et permistiones obscenas, exsecrabilesque tum peregisse, tum docuisse scribunt; quod et Irenaeus innuit, dicens sectatores ejus indiscrete vivere. Philastrius et Augustinus Nicolaitis tribuunt, quod post Deum plures virtutes finxerint, prodigiosisque luserint nominibus, sicut postea Gnostici. Nicetas lib. I Thesauri orthodoxiae scribit eos feminam quamdam nomine Prunicum coluisse : et quosdam eorum Caulaucam esse veneratos. « Sunt autem haec, inquit, effeminatam mollitiem significantia nomina. Quandoquidem προύνικος coitum significat. Graeci enim si de virginum defloratoribus loquantur, his verbis uti solent, ἐπρουνίκευσεν τήνδε. Ad Caulaucam quod attinet, honeste quidem ab Hebraeis effertur : a Gnosticis vero ad turpitudinem detortum est. » Eusebius porro testatur hanc sectam parum durasse; Tertullianus vero in Caianam haeresim demutatam dicit.

Page 105. "Nicolas." That this Nicolas was an Antiochene by race, a proselyte by profession, and one of those seven deacons chosen by the apostles for the daily ministry (Acts 6:5), all agree. Now Clement of Alexandria and Theodoret admit indeed that, rebuked by the apostles concerning his jealousy of his wife, he brought her forth into the midst and permitted her to marry whomever she wished; but they maintain that thenceforth he lived continently and chastely, and that his daughters grew old as virgins and his son uncorrupted. Others, however, write that he both practised and taught promiscuous embraces of women, nay, even obscene and execrable minglings; which Irenaeus also intimates, saying that his followers live indiscriminately. Philastrius and Augustine attribute to the Nicolaitans that after God they fashioned several powers, and played with prodigious names, just as the Gnostics did afterwards. Nicetas in Book I of the Treasury of Orthodoxy writes that they worshipped a certain female named Prunicus: and that some of them venerated Caulauca. "Now these," he says, "are names signifying effeminate softness. Since προύνικος signifies coition. For the Greeks, if they speak of the deflowerers of virgins, are accustomed to use these words, ἐπρουνίκευσεν τήνδε ('he deflowered her'). So far as pertains to Caulauca, it is uttered honourably indeed by the Hebrews, but by the Gnostics it has been twisted to baseness." Eusebius, moreover, testifies that this sect lasted but a short time; while Tertullian says that it was changed into the Cainite heresy.

Quae et ego odi. Auctoritate vet. cod. consentiente quoque Vulgata Bibliorum tralatione, delevimus « odio. »

"Which I also hate." On the authority of the ancient codex, the Vulgate translation of the Bible also agreeing, we have deleted "with hatred."

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 28.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardentius on chap. 28.

Pag. 105. Et Cerdon. Integrum hoc caput, ut Eusebius ex Irenaeo transcripsit, Graecum et nova tralatione Latinum factum addendum curavimus. Longe porro prolixiorem catalogum blasphemiarum illius recenset Tertul., scilicet, quod legem et prophetas repudiarit, Deo creatori renuntiaverit, Christum in substantia carnis non venisse, sed solo phantasmate; nec omnino passum, sed quasi passum; nec ex Virgine natum fuisse dixerit. Sed et resurrectionem corporum negavit, solumque Lucae Evangelium, nec tamen totum, recepit. Apostoli Pauli neque omnes, neque totas Epistolas admisit; Acta apostolorum et Apocalypsim Joannis, quasi falsa, rejecit. Ejus porro inconstantiam notans Irenaeus lib. II, cap. 4, ait eum saepe in Ecclesiam venisse, et exhomologesim faciendo, modo quidem latenter docendo, modo vero traductus in his quae docebat male, donec tandem a communione Christianorum submoveretur. Illum vero venena sua non solum a Simone Mago, sed et a Saturnino accepisse; eademque Marcioni discipulo, ut vipera aspidi, impertivisse, docet Epiphanius contra haeresim 41.

Page 105. "And Cerdon." This entire chapter, as Eusebius transcribed it from Irenaeus, we have taken care to add in Greek and made Latin by a new translation. A far longer catalogue of his blasphemies, moreover, Tertullian recounts, namely, that he repudiated the law and the prophets, renounced God the Creator, and said that Christ did not come in the substance of flesh, but in phantom only; and did not suffer at all, but as it were suffered; and was not born of a Virgin. Nay, he also denied the resurrection of bodies, and received only the Gospel of Luke, and yet not the whole. Of the Apostle Paul he admitted neither all nor the whole of the Epistles; the Acts of the Apostles and the Apocalypse of John he rejected as false. Moreover, Irenaeus, noting his inconstancy in Book II, chap. 4, says that he often came into the Church and made confession, now indeed teaching secretly, and now exposed in the things that he taught wickedly, until at length he was removed from the communion of Christians. And that he received his poisons not only from Simon Magus, but also from Saturninus, and imparted the same to his disciple Marcion, as a viper to an asp, Epiphanius teaches against Heresy 41.

Ex Jo. Ern. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 28.

From the annotations of Jo. Ern. Grabe on chap. 28.

Jerosolymam adorent, quasi domus sit Dei. Quod Irenaeus in Ebionitis judaizantibus, id in ipsis Judaeis reprehendit S. Barnabas apostolus in Epistola catholica, § 16 : « Errantes miseri, non in ipsum Deum effectorem eorum spem habuerunt, sed in aedem, quasi domus Dei esset. »

"They adore Jerusalem, as though it were the house of God." What Irenaeus reproves in the Judaizing Ebionites, that St. Barnabas the apostle reproves in the Jews themselves in the Catholic Epistle, § 16: "Wretched men going astray, they had hope not in God Himself their Maker, but in the temple, as though it were the house of God."

Pag. 105. Ἐπὶ Ὑγίνου ἔνατον κλῆρον. Hunc locum una cum principio sequentis capitis, tacito licet Irenaei nomine, transcripsisse videtur S. Cyprianus epist. 74 ad Pompeium : « Cujus (Marcionis) magister Cerdon sub Hygino tunc episcopo,

Page 105. "Under Hyginus, the ninth lot." This passage, together with the beginning of the following chapter, although with the name of Irenaeus suppressed, St. Cyprian seems to have transcribed in Epistle 74 to Pompeius: "Whose (Marcion's) master Cerdon under Hyginus, who was then bishop,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1513

Footnotes

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Lib. III Strom.

Book III of the Stromata.

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Lib. III Haeret. fab.

Book III of the Compendium of Heretical Fables.

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Epiph. contra haer. 25; Tertull. lib. de Praescript.

Epiphanius, Against Heresies 25; Tertullian, book of the Prescription [of Heretics].

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Lib. IV Hist., cap. 10.

Book IV of the History, chapter 10.

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Lib. de Praescr.

Book of the Prescription [of Heretics].

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marginal letters: A nominis enecare et; B res virtutes finxerint,; C Eusebius ex Irenaeo; D cepisse; eademque Marcioni
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: nominis enecare, Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 27., Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 28., Ex Jo. Ern. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 28.

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qui in urbe nonus fuit, Romam venit : quem Marcion secutus, additis ad crimen augmentis, impudentius caeteris et abruptius in Deum Patrem creatorem blasphemare instituit. »

the ninth in the city, came to Rome: whom Marcion following, adding increases to the crime, began more impudently and abruptly than the rest to blaspheme against God the Father the Creator."

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 29.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardentius on chap. 29.

Pag. 106. Succedens autem ei Marcion. Primae hujus sententiae emendationes ex veter. cod. agnoscit Eusebius. Philastrius, hunc Ephesum venisse scribit, ibique a Joannis discipulis convictum, atque inde pulsum Romam confugisse; ibique noster Irenaeus Polycarpo obvium factum, et ab eo primogenitum Satanae vocatum fuisse testatur. Sed et adhuc vixisse, cum adversus illum calamum stringeret Justinus martyr, indicat ipse Apologia 2. Caeterum, cum aliquot saeculis ante Epiphanium, quinque libris ortum, patriam, lapsum, superbiam, luxuriam, hypocrisim, mortemque ejus graphice depinxerit Tertullianus, in his ulterius recensendis non immorabimur. Origenem solum adjiciam, lib. I Dialog. contra Marc. testificantem eum tres deos confinxisse, videlicet Deum Judaeorum, Deum Christianorum, Deum gentilium. Insuper, et duos Christos, quorum alter apparuerit tempore Tiberii, alter a Creatore promittatur : cum alioqui non nisi duos se deos ponere profiteretur, bonorum auctorem unum, malorum alterum.

Page 106. "And Marcion succeeding him." The emendations of this first sentence from the ancient codex Eusebius acknowledges. Philastrius writes that he came to Ephesus, and having been convicted there by the disciples of John and driven thence, fled to Rome; and there our Irenaeus testifies that he met Polycarp and was called by him the firstborn of Satan. Nay, that he was still alive when Justin Martyr drew his pen against him, he himself indicates in the 2nd Apology. For the rest, since some centuries before Epiphanius Tertullian in five books vividly depicted his origin, country, fall, pride, luxury, hypocrisy, and death, we shall not dwell further on recounting these things. I shall add only Origen, in Book I of the Dialogue against Marcion, testifying that he fabricated three gods, namely the God of the Jews, the God of the Christians, and the God of the gentiles; and in addition two Christs, of whom the one appeared in the time of Tiberius, and the other is promised by the Creator: although otherwise he professed to posit only two gods, the one the author of good things, the other of evil.

Dissolventem prophetas et legem. Hoc illi commune fuit cum Simonianis, Basilidianis et Saturnianis, ut ex superioribus liquet. Idem Epiphanius et Augustinus tribuunt Manichaeis; Euthimius et Nicetas Bogomilis, Audeanis et Euchytis, seu Sataneanis; Antoninus, Albingensibus; Lindanus et Prateolus hodiernis Anabaptistis. Hanc vero haeresim refellit Irenaeus libro quarto, capite vicesimo, vicesimo primo, vicesimo secundo, vicesimo quarto, vicesimo septimo, tricesimo, tricesimo primo, et alibi passim; et post hunc, Epiphanius contra haeresim sexagesimam sextam. Augustinus denique duobus libris Contra adversar. legis, et XXXIII Contra Faustum. Tantum addit Epiphanius fraudes illius adeo invaluisse, ut sua adhuc aetate Romae, et in Italia, in Aegyptoque, et Palaestina, et in Arabia, ac Syria, in Cypro, atque Thebaide, quin et in Perside, et aliis pluribus locis sectatores haberet. Porro auctoritate Eusebii, et veteris nostri codicis pro « adimplevit, » restituimus « adampliavit : » et pro « impurate blasphematus, impudorate blasphemans; » et mox pro « Jesum autem qui est a Deo Patre, » reposuimus « Jesum autem ab eo Patre qui est. »

"Dissolving the prophets and the law." This he had in common with the Simonians, Basilidians, and Saturnians, as is clear from what precedes. The same Epiphanius and Augustine attribute to the Manichaeans; Euthymius and Nicetas to the Bogomils, Audians, and Euchites, or Satanians; Antoninus to the Albigensians; Lindanus and Prateolus to the modern Anabaptists. Now this heresy Irenaeus refutes in the fourth book, twentieth, twenty-first, twenty-second, twenty-fourth, twenty-seventh, thirtieth, and thirty-first chapters, and elsewhere passim; and after him, Epiphanius against the sixty-sixth heresy; and finally Augustine in two books Against the Adversary of the Law, and thirty-three Against Faustus. Epiphanius only adds that his frauds prevailed to such a degree that even in his own age he had followers at Rome, and in Italy, and in Egypt, and Palestine, and in Arabia, and Syria, in Cyprus, and the Thebaid, nay, even in Persia, and in many other places. Moreover, on the authority of Eusebius and of our ancient codex, in place of "fulfilled" we have restored "enlarged:" and in place of "impurely blasphemed," "shamelessly blaspheming;" and presently in place of "and Jesus who is from God the Father," we have restored "and Jesus from that Father who is."

Auferens quaecunque. Sacrilegam hanc audaciam frequenter arguit Tertullianus, ut libro De carne Christi : « His consiliis tot originalia instrumenta Christi delere Marcion ausus est, ne caro ejus vera probaretur. Ex qua, oro te, auctoritate? Si propheta es, praenuntia al⟨i⟩quid; si apostolus, praedica publice; si apostolicus, cum apostolis senti; si tantum Christianus es, crede quod traditum est, » etc. Et lib. De praescrip. : « Marcion exerte et palam machaera, non stylo usus est; quoniam ad materiam suam caedem Scripturarum confecit. » Idem etiam exprobrat lib. II, IV et V, quos in ejus haereses scripsit. Hinc Cyrillus Jeros. : « Marcion ab his quae de lege veteri in novo testamento redargutus, ausus est ea exscindere testimonia, et sine testimoniis relinquere eum, qui annuntiabatur fidei sermonem; » quod et repetit catech. 16.

"Taking away whatever things." This sacrilegious audacity Tertullian frequently reproves, as in the book On the Flesh of Christ: "With these designs Marcion dared to destroy so many original records of Christ, lest His flesh should be proved true. By what authority, I pray you? If you are a prophet, foretell something; if an apostle, preach publicly; if an apostolic man, think with the apostles; if you are only a Christian, believe what has been handed down," etc. And in the book On Prescription: "Marcion openly and publicly used a sword, not a pen; since he accomplished a slaughter of the Scriptures to suit his matter." The same he also reproaches in Books II, IV, and V, which he wrote against his heresies. Hence Cyril of Jerusalem: "Marcion, refuted by the things that are from the old law in the New Testament, dared to cut out those testimonies, and to leave without testimonies that word of faith which was announced;" which he also repeats in Catechesis 16.

Vere diaboli os accipiens. Non maledicendi libidine, sed ob exsecrandas, quas evomebat, blasphemias in coelum, et totum sanctorum ordinem, digno hoc epitheto Marcionem exornat Irenaeus;

"Truly receiving the mouth of the devil." Not from a lust of railing, but on account of the execrable blasphemies which he vomited forth against heaven and the whole order of the saints, Irenaeus adorns Marcion with this worthy epithet;

Editors' notes and page, col. 1514

Footnotes

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Lib. IV Hist., cap. 10.

Book IV of the History, chapter 10.

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Lib. III, cap. 3.

Book III, chapter 3.

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Catech. 6.

Catechesis 6.

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marginal letters: A qui in urbe; B lum adjiciam, lib.; C haeresim sexagesimam sextam.; D si tantum Christianus
old-edition numerals: 77 after Philastrius
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: qui in urbe, Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 29.

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eodem jure, quo Paulus Elymam magum « filium diaboli, et omnis justitiae inimicum » vocaverat. Vere enim diaboli et serpentis, quem Apocalypsis describit bellum facere in coelum, et habitantes in eo, organum erat. Sanctos siquidem patriarchas, prophetas et justos omnes, quos Christus pio cruore redemit, damnare; impios vero quoslibet servare, annon est terram coelo, vel potius paradisum inferno miscere?

by the same right whereby Paul had called Elymas the magician "a son of the devil, and an enemy of all righteousness" (Acts 13:10). For truly he was an instrument of the devil and of the serpent whom the Apocalypse describes as making war against heaven and those who dwell therein (Rev. 12:7, 13:6). For to damn the holy patriarchs, prophets, and all the righteous whom Christ redeemed with His pious blood, and to save any impious men whatever, is not this to mingle earth with heaven, or rather paradise with hell?

Seorsum contradicemus. Ex hoc loco Eusebius colligit Irenaeum libro quodam separatim edito, e Marcionis scriptis Marcionem ipsum refutasse. Porro errores de duobus diis confutat infra libro II, capite tertio et decimo, et toto fere libro tertio. Mundi opus indignum esse Deo, refellit libro secundo, capite tertio. Abrahamum salvatum esse probat libro quarto, capite decimo octavo. Quod legis dissolutionem Christum introduxisse cavillabatur, infringit lib. IV, cap. 27 et Clemens Alexand., II Strom. Clarissimos alios Ecclesiae proceres, Justinum martyrem, Dionysium Corinthium, Theophilum Antiochenum, Philippum Gortynensem, Modestum, Melitonem, Apollinarium, adversus immanem hanc belluam summa industria scriptis depugnasse, testatur Eusebius libro quarto Histor., capite decimo septimo, vicesimo secundo, vicesimo tertio, vicesimo quarto, v⟨i⟩cesimo quinto, vicesimo sexto, vicesimo septimo. Patet etiam ex Clementis II Strom. Marcionitas docuisse, timorem Dei ex lege ortum, malum esse; ex Tertulliano, Deum esse peccatorum auctorem; et in homine post lapsum, non esse relictum liberum voluntatis arbitrium; quae tres haereses hoc tempore a Calvinianis improbe reparantur.

"We shall contradict separately." From this passage Eusebius gathers that Irenaeus in a certain book published separately refuted Marcion himself out of Marcion's own writings. Moreover, the errors concerning two gods he confutes below in Book II, chapters three and ten, and in almost the whole of the third book. That the work of the world is unworthy of God, he refutes in the second book, third chapter. That Abraham was saved, he proves in the fourth book, eighteenth chapter. What he cavilled, that Christ introduced the dissolution of the law, he breaks down in Book IV, chap. 27, as does Clement of Alexandria, Stromata II. That other most illustrious leaders of the Church, Justin Martyr, Dionysius of Corinth, Theophilus of Antioch, Philip of Gortyna, Modestus, Melito, and Apollinarius, fought in their writings with the highest industry against this monstrous beast, Eusebius testifies in the fourth book of the History, seventeenth, twenty-second, twenty-third, twenty-fourth, twenty-fifth, twenty-sixth, and twenty-seventh chapters. It is clear also from Clement's Stromata II that the Marcionites taught that the fear of God arising from the law is evil; from Tertullian, that God is the author of sins, and that in man after the fall free will was not left; which three heresies at this time are wickedly renewed by the Calvinists.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 30.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardentius on chap. 30.

Pag. 106. Nunc autem et necessario. Ordo sensusque satis indicant hoc caput non fuisse a superiori sejungendum. Caeterum, non solus Irenaeus hic docet omnes haereticos Simonis Magi discipulos esse, licet id non fateantur; sed et Clemens uterque, Cyrillus, Epiphanius, Philastrius, Augustinus, et alii passim.

Page 106. "Now, however, it is also necessary." The order and sense sufficiently indicate that this chapter ought not to have been separated from the preceding one. For the rest, not only Irenaeus here teaches that all heretics are disciples of Simon Magus, although they do not confess it, but also both Clements, Cyril, Epiphanius, Philastrius, Augustine, and others passim.

Ut exempli gratia. Quia haec usque ad calcem transcripsit Eusebius, verba ejus Graeca, Latina facta hic adjecimus.

"As for example." Because Eusebius transcribed these things down to the end, we have added here his Greek words, made Latin.

Pag. 107. Qui vocantur continentes. Hi sunt, qui ex Graecis nominibus appellantur Encratitae, quod a conjug⟨i⟩is, vino et carnibus, tanquam rebus natura malis, omnino abstinendum censerent; item Hydroparastae, quod in conficienda Eucharistia, aqua solum utendum judicarent; iidem et Tatiani, de quibus sequitur caput, quod huic fuisset continuo jungendum, ni confusionem quamdam lectoribus, ex tot permutationibus capitum, afferre timuissem. Caeterum, Epiphanius Contra haeres. 61, quae est Apostolicorum, scribit hos cum Encratitis, Marcionitis et Saturninis sensisse, non posse salvari eos, qui non caelibes viverent; quod Ignatius Epist. ad Philipp., Clemens III Strom., August. lib. De bono conjugali, aliique catholici Patres passim refellunt.

Page 107. "Who are called continent." These are they who from Greek names are called Encratites, because they thought that one must altogether abstain from marriages, wine, and meats, as things evil by nature; likewise Hydroparastatans, because they judged that in celebrating the Eucharist water alone should be used; the same also as the Tatianites, concerning whom the following chapter treats, which ought to have been joined continuously to this one, had I not feared to bring some confusion upon the readers from so many changes of chapters. For the rest, Epiphanius Against Heresy 61, which is that of the Apostolics, writes that these agreed with the Encratites, Marcionites, and Saturnians that those cannot be saved who do not live celibate; which Ignatius in the Epistle to the Philippians, Clement in Stromata III, Augustine in the book On the Good of Marriage, and other Catholic Fathers passim refute.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 31.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardentius on chap. 31.

Pag. 107. Tatiano quodam. Integrum hoc caput consequenter transcribit Eusebius, cujus verba etiam emendationes ex vetere codice amplectuntur.

Page 107. "A certain Tatian." This entire chapter Eusebius transcribes consecutively, whose words also embrace the emendations from the ancient codex.

Quae autem alii scriptores ecclesiastici de hoc Tatiano tradiderunt, non inutile fuerit addidisse. Primo, ex Syria ortum asserit Clemens Alexand. III Strom. Dein non parvam sibi gloriam ex arte rhetorica comparasse, testis est Hieronymus. At de

Moreover, what other ecclesiastical writers have handed down concerning this Tatian, it will not be useless to have added. First, that he was sprung from Syria, Clement of Alexandria asserts in Stromata III. Next, that he acquired no small glory for himself from the rhetorical art, Jerome is witness. But concerning

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Footnotes

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Lib. V Hist., cap. 8.

Book V of the History, chapter 8.

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Lib. IV Hist., cap. 27.

Book IV of the History, chapter 27.

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Lib. de script. eccles.

Book On Ecclesiastical Writers.

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se loquentem Tatianum, cum se prius idolorum mysteriorum participem fuisse confessus esset, audiamus : « Haec cum viderem, ait, et omnes ubique deorum cultus per effeminatos et androgynos constitui experimento novissem; item apud Romanos Latialem Jovem humano cruore et sanguine per homicidia fuso placari; Dianam vero non procul Megalopoli similibus gaudere, et alium alibi daemonem malorum auctorem facinorum deprehenderem; in me descendens, quomodo tandem potirer inquirebam. Et cum diligenter circumspicerem, in libros quosdam barbaros incidere mihi contigit, antiquiores multo quam Graecorum philosophia, si spectes aetatem; et augustiores, si illorum errores. His ego fidem adhibui, quod stylus non esset phaleratus, nec ulla scriptorum affectatio, et sermo nusquam obscurus; futurorum item eventuum praenotione, et magnitudine promissionum, et quod unum universorum monarcham statuerent impulsus. » Hactenus ille. Romam autem commigrasse, et B. Justini sectatorem effectum, in Ecclesia effulsisse, quandiu a latere ejus non discessit, sed ad fidem propagandam, et contra Crescentis Cynici latratus, ethnicorumque sycophantias tutandam egregie, diuque navasse operam conveniunt omnes. Quin et Eusebius addit eumdem διὰ τεσσάρων, « quatuor Evangeliorum, et magnum librorum numerum posteris reliquisse, inter quos ille apud multos, quasi pleno ore celebratur, quem contra gentiles edidit. » Sed nihil ex omni parte beatum. « Cum enim Justinus martyrio functus esset, quasi caecus ductore destitutus, » inquit Epiphanius, « per praecipitia lapsus est. Romaque digressus, ad Orientem sese contulit, ubi varias sparsit haereses. Mysteriis autem similiter usus est ad imitationem sanctae Ecclesiae, hoc uno dempto quod solam aquam adhibebat; » indeque Hydroparastarum superstitionem ortam asserit Theodoretus. Delevimus autem « doctrina constituta, non quasdam invisibiles; » et reposuimus « doctrinae constituit. Aeonas quosdam invisibiles. »

himself let us hear Tatian speaking, after he had confessed that he had previously been a partaker of the mysteries of idols: "When I saw these things," he says, "and had known by experience that all the worships of the gods everywhere were established by effeminate men and hermaphrodites; likewise that among the Romans Latial Jupiter was appeased with human gore and blood shed by homicides; while Diana not far from Megalopolis rejoiced in similar things, and I detected one demon in one place and another in another as the author of evil deeds; retiring into myself, I inquired how at length I might attain to the truth. And while I was diligently looking around, it happened to me to fall upon certain barbaric books, much more ancient than the philosophy of the Greeks, if you regard their age; and more venerable, if you regard the errors of the latter. To these I gave faith, impelled because the style was not decked with trappings, nor was there any affectation of the writers, and the speech was nowhere obscure; likewise by the foreknowledge of future events, and the greatness of the promises, and because they established one monarch of all things." Thus far he. And that he migrated to Rome, and having become a follower of Blessed Justin shone forth in the Church so long as he did not depart from his side, and laboured excellently and long to propagate the faith and defend it against the barkings of Crescens the Cynic and the slanders of the heathens, all agree. Nay, Eusebius also adds that the same "left to posterity the Diatessaron, of the four Gospels, and a great number of books, among which that one is celebrated by many with full mouth, as it were, which he published against the gentiles." But nothing is blessed on every side. "For when Justin had suffered martyrdom, like a blind man bereft of his guide," says Epiphanius, "he slipped over precipices. And departing from Rome, he betook himself to the East, where he scattered various heresies. And he used mysteries similarly in imitation of the holy Church, save this one thing, that he employed water alone;" and thence Theodoret asserts that the superstition of the Hydroparastatans arose. Moreover, we have deleted "the doctrine having been established, not certain invisible [fem.];" and have restored "of the doctrine he established. Certain invisible Aeons."

Adae autem saluti. Libellum De Adae poenitentia licet rejiciat Gallasius, ipsum tamen poenitentiam egisse de peccatis, cum salvus sit, necesse est. « Castigatione etiam non vulgari plexus est, » ait Epiphanius, « et e regione paradisi in exsilium actus, quo memor esset bonae vitae per poenitentiam in memoriam revocatae. » In hanc autem haeresim disputant Tertullianus in calce libri De praescript., Epiph. contra haer. 46 et amplissime hic noster Irenaeus lib. III, cap. 34, 35, 37 et 39, his argumentis eum salvum esse confirmans : primo quia Tatianorum sententia contraria, esset inaudita et nova; secundo, quoniam Deus noluit maledicere Adamo, vel Evae, sed tantum terrae ac serpenti; ter⟨t⟩io, quia fructibus poenitentiae seipsos mox addixerunt; quarto, quod decuerit Christum, pastorem optimum, hanc primam ovem suam aberrantem quaerere et salvare; postremo, ne diabolus adversus Deum gloriaretur, quod adhuc invictus cum primis spoliis suis remaneret.

"Moreover, [making contradiction] to the salvation of Adam." Although Gallasius rejects the little book On the Repentance of Adam, yet since he is saved, it is necessary that he did penance for his sins. "He was also punished with no common chastisement," says Epiphanius, "and driven into exile over against paradise, so that he might be mindful of the good life recalled to memory through penance." Against this heresy, moreover, dispute Tertullian at the end of the book On Prescription, Epiphanius against Heresy 46, and most amply our Irenaeus here in Book III, chap. 34, 35, 37, and 39, confirming by these arguments that he was saved: first, because the contrary opinion of the Tatianites was unheard of and new; secondly, because God refused to curse Adam or Eve, and cursed only the earth and the serpent (Gen. 3:14, 17); thirdly, because they straightway devoted themselves to the fruits of penance; fourthly, because it befitted Christ, the best Shepherd, to seek and to save this His first straying sheep; finally, lest the devil should boast against God that he still remained unconquered with his first spoils.

Caeterum, Tatiani damnantes nuptias, negabant matrimonium esse sacramentum a Deo institutum et probatum; quod et Hugnostici nunc faciunt. Insuper illi dicebant eucharistiam posse sola aqua confici; quod et Beza probat, scribens in Epistolis « coenam cum sola sicera, aut cerevisia, aut aqua denique ministrandam esse, ubi vinum deesset. »

For the rest, the Tatianites, condemning marriage, denied that matrimony is a sacrament instituted and approved by God; which the Huguenot-Gnostics also now do. In addition, they said that the Eucharist could be celebrated with water alone; which Beza also approves, writing in his Epistles "that the Supper is to be administered with cider alone, or beer, or finally water, where wine is lacking."

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 32.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardentius on chap. 32.

Multas nuptias. Ut insanae libidinis suae furores

"Many marriages." In order that they might abundantly satisfy the frenzies of their insane lust,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1516

Footnotes

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Orat. contra Graecos.

Oration against the Greeks.

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Lib. IV Hist., cap. 27.

Book IV of the History, chapter 27.

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Contra haeres. 46.

Against Heresies, 46.

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Lib. I Haeret. fab.

Book I of the Compendium of Heretical Fables.

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Dist. 15.

Distinction 15.

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Contra haeres 46.

Against Heresies, 46.

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Page

running head: ARIORUM NOTAE 1516
marginal letters: A se loquentem Tatianum,; B impulsus. » Hactenus; C Theodoretus. Delevimus; D pastorem optimum, hanc
old-edition numerals: 78 after fructibus
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: se loquentem Tatianum, Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 32.

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affatim explerent, et voluptatum amatores hujus licentiae inescareut illecebris, hanc uxorum varietatem inducebant. Paris impudentiae Ebionaeos quoque reos agit Epiphanius, quod videlicet, si quis vellet, posset prioribus nuptiis disjunctis, alteris copulari, usque ad secundas et tertias nuptias. Hermogenem etiam arguit Tertullianus, « quod assidue nuberet. » Istiusmodi priscorum Gnosticorum impuritatem, ut ne latum unguem a patribus discederet proles, magno animi ardore imitantur recentiores. Lutherum enim, ut ab ipso capite exordiar, impudicissimum hominem fuisse, plus satis indicant haec ejus verba, per discipulum et commensalem ejus Henricum Petrum Rebenstock, Eschersheymensem ministrum, in libris Colloquiorum illius evulgata : « Caelebs olim hoc apud me concluseram, ut si mihi insperato moriendum fuisset, vel etiam in lecto mortis, mihi puella desponsanda adhiberetur : cui in testimonium duos scyphos (argenteos) dicassem. » Impuritatem suam rursus indicans aiebat : « Mallem me lenonem fuisse, quam Christum 15 annis missis sacrificasse. » Alios quoque ad omnem lasciviam invitans dicebat : « Quisquis Satanicas cogitationes aliis cogitationibus, ut de puella pulchra, pellere potest, huic suadeo. » Nec tantum privatis colloquiis, sed et publicis concionibus ac scriptis alios ad omnem intemperantiam, et proprio exemplo, et his verbis accendebat : « Ut non est in meis viribus situm, ut vir non sim, tam non est etiam mei juris, ut absque muliere sim. Rursum, ut in tua manu non est, ut femina non sis, sic nec in te est, ut absque viro degas. Nec enim libera est electio, aut consilium; sed res natura necessaria, ut marem feminae, feminam mari sociari oporteat. Tam necessarium hoc est, quam edere, bibere, purgare, mucum emungere, somno et excubiis intentum esse. » Obsecro, quis Nicolaita, quis Carpocratianus, quis ganeo, quis adulter, quis corruptor juventutis, isto turpior et pestilentior oriri posset? Annon etiam cum Basilidianis multas simul induxit nuptias, quando (ut in praedictis Colloquiis scribitur) landgravii Hassiae, et aliorum principum « concubinatus » censet esse « matrimonia? » Waltzerrimam Frederici Saxoniae ducis « pellicem, conjugem occultam » appellat? Anglorum regi Henrico ducit potius permittendum fuisse, « alteram reginam quoque ducere, quam priorem repudiare; et exemplo Judaeorum (adde et Turcarum) duas simul uxores habere? » Rursumque in sermone de matrimonio, habito Wittembergae 1522, ibidemque in tomo septimo Operum ejusdem excuso 1557, de marito paululum morosam uxorem habente ait : « Hic opportunum est ut maritus dicat : Si tu nolueris, alia volet. Si domina nolit, veniat ancilla. Si tum renuat, repudia eam : et in vicem Vasthi, Esther subroga, Assueri regis exemplo. » Annon est hoc ethnicam plane polygamiam restituere, et veterum Gnosticorum impuritates ab Orco revocare?

and entice lovers of pleasures by the allurements of this licence, they introduced this variety of wives. Epiphanius arraigns the Ebionites also as guilty of equal impudence, namely that if anyone wished, having dissolved his former marriage, he could be joined in another, up to second and third marriages. Tertullian also reproves Hermogenes "because he married continually." The impurity of this kind of the ancient Gnostics, so that the offspring might not depart a finger's breadth from their fathers, the more recent ones imitate with great ardour of mind. For that Luther, to begin from the head himself, was a most shameless man, these words of his more than sufficiently indicate, published by his disciple and table-companion Henry Peter Rebenstock, minister of Eschersheim, in the books of his Table Talk: "When celibate formerly, I had resolved this within myself, that if I had had to die unexpectedly, even on my deathbed a girl should be brought to be betrothed to me, to whom in testimony I would have dedicated two (silver) goblets." Indicating his impurity again, he used to say: "I would rather have been a pander than have sacrificed Christ for 15 years in Masses." Inviting others also to all lasciviousness, he used to say: "Whoever can drive away Satanic thoughts by other thoughts, as of a beautiful girl, I advise him to do so." And not only in private conversations, but also in public sermons and writings, he kindled others to all intemperance both by his own example and by these words: "As it does not lie in my power not to be a man, so neither is it in my right to be without a woman. Again, as it is not in your hand not to be a woman, so neither is it in you to live without a man. For it is not a free choice, or counsel, but a thing necessary by nature, that a male must be joined to a female, and a female to a male. This is as necessary as to eat, drink, purge, blow the nose, and attend to sleep and waking." I beseech you, what Nicolaitan, what Carpocratian, what debauchee, what adulterer, what corrupter of youth could arise baser and more pestilent than this man? Did he not also with the Basilidians introduce many marriages at the same time, when (as is written in the aforesaid Table Talk) he judges the "concubinages" of the Landgrave of Hesse and of other princes to be "marriages"? calls the Walzer woman, the "mistress" of Frederick Duke of Saxony, a "secret wife"? and considers that King Henry of the English ought rather to have been permitted "to marry a second queen also than to repudiate the former one, and after the example of the Jews (add also of the Turks) to have two wives at the same time"? And again, in a sermon on marriage delivered at Wittenberg in 1522, and printed in the same place in the seventh volume of his Works in 1557, concerning a husband having a somewhat peevish wife, he says: "Here it is opportune for the husband to say: If you are unwilling, another will be willing. If the mistress refuses, let the maidservant come. If she then refuses, repudiate her: and in the stead of Vashti substitute Esther, after the example of King Ahasuerus." Is not this plainly to restore heathen polygamy, and to recall the impurities of the ancient Gnostics from Orcus?

Quanta vero ex his Lutheri concionibus et scriptis secuta sit in Germania, et ubicunque admissum fuit hoc (si placet inferis) repurgatum Evangelium, lascivia et bonorum morum depravatio, plus satis manifestum fecerunt Melancthon, scribens in quadam epistola, « fas esse viro duas saltem uxores simul ducere; » Bucerus ex monacho, tertio maritus; Ochinus et Beza polygamiam publicis scriptis asserentes; Hetzerus Anabaptista tredecim eodem tempore retinens; et Bucoldius ejusdem farinae quindecim assumens; Genevenses denique, Turcico more, matrimonii vinculum multis levioribusque

And how great lasciviousness and depravation of good morals followed from these sermons and writings of Luther in Germany, and wherever this (save the mark!) purged Gospel was admitted, Melanchthon has made more than sufficiently manifest, writing in a certain epistle "that it is lawful for a man to marry at least two wives at the same time;" Bucer, from a monk a husband for the third time; Ochino and Beza asserting polygamy in public writings; Hetzer the Anabaptist keeping thirteen at the same time, and Bockelson of the same meal taking fifteen; and finally the Genevans, after the Turkish custom, dissolving the bond of matrimony for many and slighter

Editors' notes and page, col. 1517

Footnotes

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Tom. II, pag. 160.

Volume II, page 160.

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Pag. 119.

Page 119.

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Pag. 125.

Page 125.

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Tom. V Operum Witemb. 1557 editorum, folio 119.

Volume V of the Works published at Wittenberg in 1557, folio 119.

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Pag. 153.

Page 153.

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Pag. 166.

Page 166.

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(27) ‹anchor: duas simul uxores habere› · call in col 1517

Tom. I Colloq., pag. 236.

Volume I of the Colloquies [Table Talk], page 236.

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Pag. 123.

Page 123.

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Staphyl.

Staphylus.

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Flor Vander haer.

Florimond [de Raemond], On Heresies.

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running head: 1517 IN LIB. I S. IREN
marginal letters: A affatim explerent, et; B puritatem suam rursus; C adulter, quis corruptor; D plane polygamiam restituere,
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: affatim explerent (Feuardentius in cap. 32); word split at column break: leviori-
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de causis ita totiesque solventes, ut vivente prima uxore, liceat secundam, tertiam, sextam, duodecimam, vicesimamque (si sors tulerit) superducere. Renatos igitur veteres Gnosticos in istis novis, quis negabit? Calvinianorum lascivos mores et sermones Commentariis nostris in Epistolam B. Judae apostoli opportuno loco retulimus.

causes so and so often that while the first wife is living it is lawful to marry in addition a second, a third, a sixth, a twelfth, and a twentieth (if chance so bring it). Who, therefore, will deny that the ancient Gnostics have been reborn in these new ones? The lascivious morals and speeches of the Calvinists we have related in an opportune place in our Commentaries on the Epistle of Blessed Jude the Apostle.

Haec curare. Ita vetus codex; expunximus vero, « hoc comparare. »

"To care for these things." Thus the ancient codex; we have expunged, however, "to procure this."

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 33.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardentius on chap. 33.

Pag. 107. Super hos autem. Omnibus modis confusas Gnosticorum sectas, inter sese dissectas jam subjicit; et delirationes eorum de Barbelone, patre innominato, Ennoea, Autogene, Harmoge, Ligno, aliisque portentis magis quam nominibus recenset. Ad hunc autem locum attendens Hieronymus epistola ad Theodoram, laudat insignem Lucinii viri ejus pietatem, quod vastantibus Hispanias Basilidis haeresibus, nequaquam susceperit Armagil, Barbelon, Abraxas, Balsamum, et ridiculum Leusiboram, caeteraque magis portenta quam nomina; quae ad imperitorum et muliercularum animos concitandos, quasi de Hebraeis fontibus hausta essent, impudenter jactabant. Idem rursum Com. in cap. III Amos, haec subnotans ait : « Et Iberae ineptiae in Balsamo, Barbeloque mirantur. »

Page 107. "Moreover, beside these." He now subjoins the sects of the Gnostics, confused in all ways and cut up among themselves; and recounts their ravings concerning Barbelo, the unnamed Father, Ennoea, Autogenes, Harmoge, the Tree, and other portents rather than names. Attending to this passage, moreover, Jerome in his epistle to Theodora praises the distinguished piety of her husband Lucinius, because when the heresies of Basilides were laying waste the Spains, he by no means received Armagil, Barbelo, Abraxas, Balsamus, and the ridiculous Leusiboras, and the rest, portents rather than names, which to stir up the minds of the unskilful and of silly women they impudently boasted of as though drawn from Hebrew fountains. The same again in his Commentary on chap. 3 of Amos, noting these things, says: "And Iberian follies are marvelled at in Balsamus and Barbelo."

Velut a terra fungi. Locum hunc explicans Epiphanius, nominatim sic Irenaei meminit : « Gnosticorum quidem differentiae sunt decem, in una plaga somnii ipsorum, et conjugationibus, et octonariis, et masculorum ac feminarum saeculis vicissim aequaliter percussis. In uno enim tempore, hi omnes velut fungi e terra eruperunt, et velut abominabilium ac graveolentium herbarum germina, et gramen spinosum, et velut latebra multorum scorpionum ex uno omnes tempore in vitam excreverunt. Et sicut antea dixi, instar fungorum, sua deformitate sub unum contactum apparuerunt, velut etiam a sancto Irenaeo jam de ipsis dictum est : contemporanei enim hi fuerunt. » Fungorum autem Plinio multa sunt genera, quorum origo a teria et pituita arborum, quos et annumerat inter ea quae periculose manduntur, propter magnam cum venenis cognationem. De quorum veneno inter alios vide Nicandrum in Alexiphar. His vero recte comparantur tot haereticorum examina, quandoquidem instar fungorum temere repenteque prosiliunt, et aut nullum, aut inutilem, vel perniciosissimum fructum proferunt.

"Like mushrooms out of the earth." Explaining this passage, Epiphanius makes mention of Irenaeus by name thus: "Of the Gnostics indeed there are ten differences, smitten equally in turn in the one plague of their dream, and in conjugations, and ogdoads, and male and female ages. For at one time all these burst forth like mushrooms out of the earth, and like shoots of abominable and rank-smelling herbs, and thorny grass, and like a lurking-place of many scorpions, all at one time grew out into life. And as I said before, like mushrooms, in their deformity they appeared under one touch, just as has also already been said concerning them by holy Irenaeus: for these men were contemporaries." Of mushrooms, moreover, according to Pliny there are many kinds, whose origin is from the earth and the rheum of trees, which he also numbers among the things that are eaten with danger, on account of their great kinship with poisons; concerning the poison of which see among others Nicander in the Alexipharmaca. And to these are rightly compared so many swarms of heretics, seeing that like mushrooms they leap forth rashly and suddenly, and bring forth either no fruit, or useless, or most pernicious fruit.

Quidam eorum Aeonem. Haec fere ad verbum transcribit Theodoretus : « Ex Valentini seminibus, inquit, Barbeliotarum, seu Borborianorum, vel Naasinorum, vel Stratioticorum, vel Phemionitarum qui vo⟨c⟩antur, exsecranda secta pullulavit. Ponebant enim Aeonem quemdam ab interitu alienum, degere in spiritu virginali, quem nominant Barbeloth; Barbeloth autem ab eo petiisse Praescientiam. Cum ea autem processisset, deinde rursus petivisset, processit Incorruptibilitas, deinde Vita aeterna. Laetantem autem Barbeloth concepisse, et Lucem peperisse. Eam dicunt inunctam spiritus perfectione, Christum fuisse nominatam, » etc.

"Certain of them [posit] an Aeon." Theodoret transcribes these things almost word for word: "From the seeds of Valentine," he says, "sprouted the execrable sect of those who are called Barbeliotes, or Borborians, or Naassenes, or Stratiotics, or Phemionites. For they posited that a certain Aeon free from destruction dwells in a virginal spirit, whom they name Barbeloth; and that Barbeloth asked Foreknowledge from him. And when she had come forth, and then she had asked again, there came forth Incorruptibility, and next Eternal Life. And that Barbeloth, rejoicing, conceived and brought forth Light. This, they say, anointed with the perfection of the spirit, was named Christ," etc.

Et magnificabant hi. Ita vet. cod.; delevimus « et glorificabitur ei. »

"And these magnified." Thus the ancient codex; we have deleted "and he shall be glorified in it."

Pag. 108. Emissiones factas. Auctoritate vet. cod. sex has voces addidimus; expunximus « luminaria. »

Page 108. "Emissions having been made." On the authority of the ancient codex we have added these six words; we have expunged "luminaries."

Super haec emittit Autogenes. Theodoretus : « Per se genitum autem dicunt produxisse hominem perfectum et verum, quem etiam Adamantem appellant. Una autem cum eo productam esse conjugem, perfectam cognitionem; hinc rursus ostensam

"Thereupon Autogenes emits." Theodoret: "And the Self-begotten they say produced a perfect and true man, whom they also call Adamas. And that together with him was produced a consort, Perfect Knowledge; that hence again were

Editors' notes and page, col. 1518

Footnotes

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Contra haeres. 31.

Against Heresies, 31.

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Lib. XXII, c. 25.

Book XXII, chapter 25.

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(33) ‹anchor: Ex Valentini seminibus, inquit› · call in col 1518

Contra Barbeliotas; Epiph. contr. haer. 25 et 26.

Against the Barbeliotes; Epiphanius, Against Heresies 25 and 26.

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running head: LIB. I S. IRENAEI. 1518
marginal letters: A busque de causis; B Barbelon, Abraxas, Balsamum,; C velut etiam a; D Cum ea autem
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esse Matrem, Patrem et Filium; ex homine autem et cognitione, lignum germinasse. Cognitionem autem hoc quoque nominant. Jam vero ex primo angelo productum esse dicunt Spiritum sanctum, quem etiam Sapientiam et Pronycon appellarunt Hanc autem dicunt conjugem appetentem, peperisse opus in quo erat ignorantia et arrogantia. Hoc autem opus Protarchonta, hoc est primum principem, appellant, et eum esse dicunt creaturarum opificem. Ipsum autem cum arrogantia congressum, genuisse vitium et partes ejus. Haec ergo summatim exposui, figmenti prolixitatem praetermittens. Eorum autem mysteria, quis est adeo infelix, ut vel lingua proferat? Omnem enim improbam ratiocinationem, omnem denique exsecrabilem cogitationem superant, quae ab illis tanquam divina peraguntur. Borboriani ea de causa cognominati sunt. »

shown Mother, Father, and Son; and that from the man and Knowledge sprouted a tree. And this also they name Knowledge. Moreover, from the first angel they say was produced the Holy Spirit, whom they also called Wisdom and Pronycus. And her, they say, desiring a consort, brought forth a work in which were ignorance and arrogance. And this work they call Protarchon, that is, the first ruler, and say that he is the maker of creatures. And that he, uniting with arrogance, begot vice and its parts. These things therefore I have set forth summarily, passing over the prolixity of the figment. As for their mysteries, who is so wretched as even to utter them with his tongue? For the things that are performed by them as though divine surpass all wicked reasoning, and finally all execrable thought. For that cause they have been surnamed Borborians."

Hinc autem dicunt. Ita restituimus ex vet. cod.; prius erat, « hinc enim dicitur. »

"And hence they say." Thus we have restored from the ancient codex; previously it was, "for hence it is said."

Ex adnotationibus Jo. Ern. Grabii in cap. 33.

From the annotations of Jo. Ern. Grabe on chap. 33.

Pag. 107. Quidam enim eorum. Theodoretus lib. I Haeret. fabul., cap. 13, eis imponit nomen Βαρβηλιωτῶν, ἤγουν Βορβοριανῶν, ἢ Ναασινῶν, ἢ Στρατιωτικῶν, ἢ Φηβιωνιτῶν. Ita enim ex Epiphanii haeres. 35, § 2, legendum, loco Φιμιονιτῶν, ut perperam in Theodoreto excuderunt. Similitudo enim litterarum β et μ librario fraudi fuit, ut in hac voce hallucinaretur.

Page 107. "For certain of them." Theodoret in Book I of Heretical Fables, chap. 13, puts upon them the name Βαρβηλιωτῶν, ἤγουν Βορβοριανῶν, ἢ Ναασινῶν, ἢ Στρατιωτικῶν, ἢ Φηβιωνιτῶν ("of Barbeliotes, or Borborians, or Naassenes, or Stratiotics, or Phebionites"). For thus it is to be read from Epiphanius, Haeres. 35, § 2, in place of Φιμιονιτῶν, as they wrongly printed in Theodoret. For the similarity of the letters β and μ deceived the copyist, so that he blundered in this word.

Ennoeam autem hanc. . postulasse Prognosin. Minus recte itaque Theodoretus Barbeloni eam tribuit postulationem, quam Irenaeus Ennoeae, id est, cogitationi innominabilis Patris, se ipsum Barbeloni manifestare cupientis a⟨s⟩cribit.

"Moreover, that this Ennoea .. asked for Prognosis." Less rightly, therefore, does Theodoret attribute to Barbelo that request which Irenaeus ascribes to Ennoea, that is, the thought of the unnameable Father desiring to manifest Himself to Barbelo.

Pag. 108. Asseverabat, etc Nisi me conjectura fallit, Irenaeus scripsit διϊσχυρίζετο. Ita enim veteres Glossae : « assevero, » διϊσχυρίζομαι. Atqui habet quidem istud verbum hanc significationem; sed ea nihil ad praesentem rem facit. In alia itaque, quam Suidas in Lexico suppeditat, notione accipiendum, pro ἀμφιβάλλω, « ambigo, animi pendeo. » Anceps enim, ex haereticorum sententia, haerebat Sophia ista, nescia quo se verteret, ut conjugem inveniret. Hinc modo « extendebatur, » scilicet in superiora (sicuti supra pag. 11, lin. 8), Valentiniani, Gnosticorum filii, suam Sophiam dicebant ἐκτεινομένην ἀεὶ ἐπὶ τὸ (τὰ) πρόσθεν), modo « prospiciebat ad inferiores partes, » etc.

Page 108. "She asserted," etc. Unless my conjecture deceives me, Irenaeus wrote διϊσχυρίζετο. For thus the ancient Glosses: "I assert," διϊσχυρίζομαι. Now that word does indeed have this signification, but it has nothing to do with the present matter. It is therefore to be taken in another notion, which Suidas supplies in his Lexicon, for ἀμφιβάλλω, "I doubt, I am in suspense of mind." For according to the opinion of the heretics, that Sophia stuck in doubt, not knowing whither to turn to find a consort. Hence now "she stretched herself out," namely towards the regions above (just as above on page 11, line 8, the Valentinians, the sons of the Gnostics, said that their Sophia was ἐκτεινομένην ἀεὶ ἐπὶ τὸ (τὰ) πρόσθεν, "always stretching herself out towards the things before"), and now "she looked out towards the lower parts," etc.

Ex adnotationibus N. Gallasii in cap. 34.

From the annotations of N. Gallasius on chap. 34.

Pag. 109. Jaldaboth. Ut res istae confictae sunt ab insanis et impiis hominibus, ita ficta et obscura nomina ab ipsis imponi oportuit, ad excitandam admirationem, et terrendum vulgus imperitum. Illa autem, quo plus haberent admirationis, et majorem sanctitatis speciem prae se ferrent, ut plurimum ab Hebraea, aut Syriaca lingua deduxerunt. Ut hoc nomen Jaldaboth, quantum conjicere licet, compositum est ex ילד ialad, pario, genero, et אבות Aboth, quae significant genitum a Patribus. Hoc elegans nomen primo illi filio inditum est. Iao unum ex Dei nominibus est, addita tantum ad יה iah, littera O יהו. Item Adoneus ab אדון Adon, et Elaeus ab אלהי Elohe. Haec nomina, sunt Dei nomina in Scripturis. Sabaoth notae est significationis pro exercitibus. Ut Deus Sabaoth, id est exercituum, vocatur. Nam צבאות Tsebaoth, Hebraeis τοὺς exercitus significat. Oreus ab אור Or, deductum videtur, quod significat lucem : quasi diceret, lucidum ac splendidum. Astapheus, inundantem significat, a verbo שטף, Schataph : unde שטף Scheteph, i. e. inundatio : quasi longe lateque expandens potestatem suam. Quae postea subjungit, egregia sunt deliria, quae ad poetarum imitationem

Page 109. "Jaldaboth." As those things were fabricated by insane and impious men, so fictitious and obscure names had to be imposed by them, to excite wonder and terrify the unskilful multitude. And those names, that they might have the more wonder and display a greater appearance of sanctity, they derived for the most part from the Hebrew or the Syriac tongue. Thus this name Jaldaboth, so far as one may conjecture, is compounded of ילד ialad, I bring forth, beget, and אבות Aboth, which signify begotten of the Fathers. This elegant name was bestowed upon that first son. Iao is one of the names of God, the letter O only being added to יה iah, יהו. Likewise Adoneus from אדון Adon, and Elaeus from אלהי Elohe. These names are names of God in the Scriptures. Sabaoth is of known signification for hosts, as He is called the God of Sabaoth, that is, of hosts. For צבאות Tsebaoth among the Hebrews signifies the hosts. Oreus seems to be derived from אור Or, which signifies light: as though one should say, lucid and splendid. Astapheus signifies overflowing, from the verb שטף, Schataph: whence שטף Scheteph, that is, inundation: as though expanding his power far and wide. The things that he subjoins afterwards are egregious deliriums, which in imi-

Editors' notes and page, col. 1519

Page

running head: 1519 VARIORUM NOT
marginal letters: A tensam esse Matrem,; B prius erat, «; C quidem istud verbum; D daboth, quantum conjicere
old-edition numerals: 79 after litterarum
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: tensam esse Matrem, Ex adnotationibus Jo. Ern. Grabii in cap. 33., Ex adnotationibus N. Gallasii in cap. 34.; word split at column break: tensam, imi-
other: the word imitationem was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 1520

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haeretici confixerunt. Nam ut Homerus invidos, ambitiosos, aemulos, atque inter se contendentes deos describit; ita Gnostici in coelestibus suis potestatibus et diis idem statui voluerunt. Atque hoc videlicet praeclara ipsorum cognitione et sublimi lumine dignissimum fuit.

the heretics fabricated. For as Homer describes the gods as envious, ambitious, jealous, and contending among themselves, so the Gnostics wished the same to be established in their heavenly powers and gods. And this, forsooth, was most worthy of their illustrious knowledge and sublime light.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 34.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardentius on chap. 34.

Pag. 108. Vocare primum hominem. « Invocari » vet. cod.; unde suspicor « vocari » faciendum, cum et Theodoretus id videatur indicare contra Sethianos, ubi paucis, sed apertioribus, totum hoc caput aemulatur. « Sethiani, inquit, quos vel Ophianos, vel Ophitas quidam nominant, hominem vocant omnium Deum, lucem ipsum rursus cognominantes; ejus autem mentis comprehensionem, filium hominis, et secundum hominem appellant. Post eum autem esse Spiritum sanctum; infra eos autem quatuor elementa, aquam, tenebras, abyssum, chaos; feminatum autem Spiritum vocant, et eum super elementa ferri dicunt, amasse autem primum et secundum hominem, formam Spiritus, et progenuisse lucem, quam Christum vocant. »

Page 108. "To call the first man." The ancient codex has "to be invoked;" whence I suspect it should be made "is called," since Theodoret also seems to indicate this against the Sethians, where in a few but clearer words he emulates this whole chapter. "The Sethians," he says, "whom some name either Ophians or Ophites, call the God of all Man, surnaming Him again Light; and the comprehension of His mind they call the Son of Man, and the Second Man. And that after Him is the Holy Spirit; and beneath them the four elements, water, darkness, abyss, chaos; and they call the Spirit feminine, and say that she is borne above the elements, and that the First and the Second Man loved the form of the Spirit, and begot Light, whom they call Christ."

Pag. 109. Et esse hunc. Delevimus « hanc : » ut mox quoque pro « superiori » reposuimus « superiora : » et « eum, » pro « eam. »

Page 109. "And that this [masc.] is." We have deleted "this [fem.]:" as presently also in place of "the higher [sing.]" we have restored "the higher things:" and "him" in place of "her."

Illuminantem. Putavimus legendum « illuminante : » sicut paulo ante « exsultante. »

"Illuminating [acc.]." We thought there should be read "illuminating [abl.]:" just as a little before, "exulting [abl.]."

Cum autem non potuisset. Theodor. : « Cum non posset autem mulier ferre lucis magnitudinem, scaturiisse, et Christum quidem una cum matre attractum esse in Aeonem, a corruptione et interitu alienum, quem etiam veram Ecclesiam appellant. »

"And when she had not been able." Theodoret: "And when the woman could not bear the greatness of the light, she overflowed, and Christ indeed together with His mother was drawn up into the Aeon free from corruption and destruction, which they also call the true Church."

Virtutem autem. Theodor. : « Rorem autem, qui e luce scaturiit, deorsum cecidisse dicunt, et appellatum esse Sapientiam et Pronycon, et masculo-feminam. »

"The power, however." Theodoret: "And the dew which overflowed from the light, they say, fell downwards, and was called Wisdom, and Pronycus, and male-female."

Quae superebulliit. Expunximus « superebullit, » auctor. vet. cod.

"Which boiled over." We have expunged "boils over," on the authority of the ancient codex.

Et descendentem. Delevimus « descendentes, » auctor. vet. cod., cui consentit his verbis Theodoretus : « In aquis autem, corpus quidem ex ipsis accepisse, et ne submergeretur in periculum venisse, sed tamen emersisse. Ex corpore autem, quo contectus fuit, coelum esse constitutum. Deinde cum reliquum abjecisset, ad matrem evolasse. » Epiph. : « Hanc autem Prunicum dicunt descendisse in aquas, et ipsis permistam fuisse, et non potuisse ad superna procedere, eo quod gravitati materiae permista esset. » Haec quoque perstringit Tertull. in calce libri De praescript.

"And descending [sing.]." We have deleted "descending [plur.]," on the authority of the ancient codex, with which Theodoret agrees in these words: "And in the waters, having received a body from them, it came into danger of being submerged, yet emerged. And out of the body with which it was covered, the heaven was established. Then, having cast off the rest, it flew away to its mother." Epiphanius: "And this Prunicus, they say, descended into the waters, and was mingled with them, and could not proceed to the regions above because she was mingled with the heaviness of matter." These things Tertullian also touches upon at the end of the book On Prescription.

Humectationi. Expunximus, « humectationem, » auctor. vet. cod.

"To the moisture." We have expunged "the moisture [acc.]," on the authority of the ancient codex.

Resiliit, et in sublimitatem, etc. Epiphan. : « Levavit autem seipsam per vim ad superiora, et seipsam extendit, atque sic facta est superius coelum; et sic stabilita, inventa est non amplius potens neque sursum ascendere, neque infra descendere, sed in medio fixa ac extenta permansit. » Tertull : « Cum in superiora voluisset eniti, gravitate materiae permista sibi, non potuisse ad superna pervenire, et in medietate relictum extendisse totum, effecisse sic coelum. »

"Sprang back, and into the height," etc. Epiphanius: "And she lifted herself up by force to the regions above, and stretched herself out, and thus became the upper heaven; and thus established, she was found no longer able either to ascend upwards or to descend downwards, but remained fixed and stretched out in the midst." Tertullian: "When he had wished to strive towards the regions above, through the heaviness of matter mingled with him he was unable to reach the supernal regions, and left in the midst stretched himself out whole, and thus made the heaven."

Hic quoque tertius. Theod. : « Prunici filius rursus alium filium produxit, et ex illo dicunt alium esse constitutum, et usque ad septenarium numerum processisse productiones. Ab unoquoque autem eorum, unum coelum fuisse fabricatum, et unumquemque proprium habitasse. Haec etiam attingit Tertull. lib. De praescript.

"This third one also." Theodoret: "The son of Prunicus again produced another son, and from him they say another was established, and that the productions proceeded up to the number of seven. And that by each of them one heaven was fabricated, and each inhabited his own." These things Tertullian also touches upon in the book On Prescription.

Et nomina autem. Epiphan. : « Caeterum majorum principum haec nomina es⟨s⟩e dicunt. In primo quidem coelo esse Iao principem; in secundo vero Saclam principem scortationis; in tertio Seth principem; in quarto vero dicunt esee Daden; in

"And the names, moreover." Epiphanius: "For the rest, they say that these are the names of the greater rulers: in the first heaven indeed is the ruler Iao; in the second, Saclas, the ruler of whoredom; in the third, the ruler Seth; in the fourth they say is Dades; in

Editors' notes and page, col. 1520

Footnotes

(34) ‹anchor: Cum autem non potuisset. Theodor.› · call in col 1520

Contra Sethianos.

Against the Sethians.

(printed under page 768)

(35) ‹anchor: his verbis Theodoretus› · call in col 1520

Ibid.

Same place.

(printed under page 768)

(36) ‹anchor: Epiph.› · call in col 1520

Contra haeres. 37.

Against Heresies, 37.

(printed under page 768)

(37) ‹anchor: Et nomina autem. Epiphan.› · call in col 1520

Contra haeres. 26.

Against Heresies, 26.

(printed under page 768)

Page

running head: ARIORUM NOTAE 1520
marginal letters: A tationem haeretici confixerunt.; B menta ferri dicunt,; C auctor. vet. cod.; D dere, sed in
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: tationem haeretici, Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 34.; word split at column break: tationem
misprints kept as printed: confixerunt (for confinxerunt); esee (for esse, before Daden); Tertull : (no stop)

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quinto Eloaeum, qui et Adoneus appellatur; in sexto vero, alii Ialdabaoth esse dicunt, alii Elilaeum; alii etiam septimum coelum constituunt, in quo constituunt esse Sabaoth; alii hoc negant, et Ialdabaoth in septimo esse pronuntiant; in octavo vero eam, quae Barbelo appellatur. Tradunt autem Sabaoth, alii formam asini habere, alii porci, » etc. Theodoretus : « Praedictis autem filiis nomina imposuerunt, usi lingua Hebraica, quorum meminisse duxi supervacaneum. » Quia vero his abutebantur ad commovendum imperitum vulgus, quasi majora sanctitatis sacramenta continerent, illorum originem et interpretationem praeterire non libuit. Ialdabaoth compositum est a ילד, ialad, id est parere, parturire, generare et nasci, et plurali nomine אבות Aboth, id est patres; inde Ialdabaoth, id est qui generavit patres; vel ילד אבות, id est a patribus genitus, filius patrum. Iao ex prava intelligentia nominis Dei Iehova, addita tantum littera O, ad יה, efficitur Iaho, de quo et superius adnotavimus. Adoneus ab אדון Adon, id est Dominus. Eloaeus ab אלאה Alha, a quo אלוה Eloha, id est dii, aut Deus, ju⟨d⟩ex, angelus. Sabaoth a radice צבא Saba, id est exitus, finis, tempus determinatum, unde plurale femininum צבאות est, exercitus. Oreus deducitur ab אור, quod et nomen, et verbum potest esse, sign⟨i⟩ficatque lucem, et lucere; inde Oreus, id est lucidus. Astapheus a verbo שטף Schataph, id est, lavare, mundare, unde nomen Scheteph, id est inundatio.

the fifth, Eloaeus, who is also called Adoneus; in the sixth, some say is Ialdabaoth, others Elilaeus; some also establish a seventh heaven, in which they establish that Sabaoth is; others deny this, and pronounce that Ialdabaoth is in the seventh; and in the eighth her who is called Barbelo. Moreover, some hand down that Sabaoth has the form of an ass, others of a swine," etc. Theodoret: "And upon the aforesaid sons they imposed names, using the Hebrew tongue, which I have deemed superfluous to mention." Because, however, they abused these names to move the unskilful multitude, as though they contained greater mysteries of sanctity, it has not pleased us to pass over their origin and interpretation. Ialdabaoth is compounded from ילד, ialad, that is, to bring forth, travail, beget, and be born, and the plural noun אבות Aboth, that is, fathers; thence Ialdabaoth, that is, he who begot the fathers; or ילד אבות, that is, begotten of the fathers, son of the fathers. Iao, from a perverse understanding of the name of God Iehova, the letter O only being added to יה, is made Iaho, concerning which we also noted above. Adoneus is from אדון Adon, that is, Lord. Eloaeus from אלאה Alha, from which אלוה Eloha, that is, gods, or God, judge, angel. Sabaoth is from the root צבא Saba, that is, going forth, end, determined time, whence the feminine plural is צבאות, host. Oreus is derived from אור, which can be both a noun and a verb, and signifies light and to shine; thence Oreus, that is, lucid. Astapheus is from the verb שטף Schataph, that is, to wash, cleanse, whence the noun Scheteph, that is, inundation.

Quibus factis. Theodor. : « Dicunt autem alios, cum primo seditionem agitasse, qui horum quidem erat avus, illorum vero abavus, aliorum tritavus; eum vero animi anxium, in materiae faecem cogitationem defixisse, et genuisse ex ipsa filium Ophiomorphon, seu serpentiformem. » Tertull. : « Rursum Jaldabaoth istum in indignationem conversum, ex semetipso edidisse virtutem, et similitudinem serpentis, » etc. Itaque vet. cod. auct. et Theodoreti, pro « faciem materiae, faecem » reposuimus.

"Which things having been done." Theodoret: "And they say that the others stirred up sedition with the first one, who was the grandfather of these, the great-grandfather of those, and the great-great-grandfather of others; and that he, anxious in mind, fixed his thought upon the dregs of matter, and begot from it a son Ophiomorphus, or serpent-formed." Tertullian: "That this Jaldabaoth again, turned to indignation, brought forth out of himself a power and the likeness of a serpent," etc. Therefore on the authority of the ancient codex and of Theodoret, in place of "the face of matter," we have restored "the dregs."

P. 110. Hunc autem ipsum esse Nun. Haec fuit propria Ophitarum haeresis, de qua scripserunt abundantius Tertull. ad finem libri Praescr., Clemens Alex. VII Strom. Epiphanius contra haeres. 27, Philastrius, August., Theodoret., Damascenus.

Page 110. "And that this very one is Nous." This was the proper heresy of the Ophites, concerning which have written more abundantly Tertullian at the end of the book of Prescription, Clement of Alexandria in Stromata VII, Epiphanius against Heresy 27, Philastrius, Augustine, Theodoret, and Damascene.

Unde exsultantem. Theodor. : « Deinde gloriantem Ophiomorphi patrem, dixisse : « Ego Deus et Pater, et nullus est me superior; » matrem autem aegre tulisse, et acclamasse : « Ne mentire, est enim te superior Pater omnium, primus homo, filius hominis. » Haec autem verba cum audisset serpentis pater, inquit : « Agite, faciamus hominem ad imaginem nostram. » Quin etiam multa alia adjiciunt, quae et impietate plena sunt, et nihil habent jucunditatis. » Hunc etiam locum tangit Epiphan. contra haeres. 25.

"Whence exulting." Theodoret: "That next the father of Ophiomorphus, boasting, said: 'I am God and Father, and there is none higher than I;' and that his mother took it ill, and cried out: 'Lie not, for higher than you is the Father of all, the First Man, the Son of Man.' And when the father of the serpent had heard these words, he said: 'Come, let us make man after our image.' Nay, they also add many other things, which are both full of impiety and have nothing of pleasantness." This passage Epiphanius also touches upon against Heresy 25.

Ad seducendum. Ita vet. cod., delevimus autem « ad esse se ducendum. »

"To seduce." Thus the ancient codex; we have deleted, however, "to be leading himself."

Sex autem Virtutes. Tertull. : « Virtutes illas, et angelos inferiores, hominem fecisse dicunt; et quia ab infirmioribus et mediocribus virtutibus institutus esset, quasi vermem jacuisse reptantem. Illum vero Aeonem, ex quo Jaldabaoth processisset, invidia commotum, scintillam quamdam jacenti homini immisisse, qua excitatus, per prudentiam saperet et intelligere posset superiora. » Epiphan. : « Septem ab eo geniti filii sive saecula, sive dii, sive angeli (diversis enim nominibus apud ipsos appellantur), juxta formam patris sui Jaldabaoth, formaverunt hominem, » etc.

"Six Powers, moreover." Tertullian: "They say that those Powers and lower angels made man; and because he had been formed by weaker and middling powers, he lay creeping like a worm. But that that Aeon from whom Jaldabaoth had proceeded, moved with envy, sent into the prostrate man a certain spark, roused by which he might be wise through prudence and be able to understand the things above." Epiphanius: "Seven sons begotten by him, whether ages, or gods, or angels (for by diverse names are they called among them), according to the form of their father Jaldabaoth formed man," etc.

Mater autem ipsorum. Tertull. : « Jaldabaoth aiunt, in indignationem commotum, conversum, ex semetipso addidisse virtutem et similitudinem serpentis;

"Their mother, however." Tertullian: "They say that Jaldabaoth, moved to indignation and turned, added out of himself a power and the likeness of a serpent;

Editors' notes and page, col. 1521

Footnotes

(38) ‹anchor: Sex autem Virtutes. Tertull.› · call in col 1521

Lib. Praescr.

Book of the Prescription [of Heretics].

(printed under page 769)

(39) ‹anchor: Epiphan.› · call in col 1521

Contra haeres. 37.

Against Heresies, 37.

(printed under page 769)

Page

running head: 1521 IN LIB. I S. IRE
marginal letters: A quinto Eloaeum, qui; B efficitur Iaho, de; C pro « faciem; D « ad esse
old-edition numerals: 80 after filii
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: quinto Eloaeum (Feuardentius in cap. 34)

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et hanc fuisse virtutem in paradiso, id est istum fuisse serpentem, cui Eva quasi filio Dei crediderat. Decerpsit, inquiunt, de fructu arboris, atque ideo generi humano scientiam bonorum et malorum contribuit. »

and that this was the power in paradise, that is, that this was the serpent, whom Eve had believed as though the Son of God. He plucked, they say, of the fruit of the tree, and therefore bestowed upon the human race the knowledge of good and evil."

Manducantes autem. Decem et octo has voces ex vet. cod. restituimus, id quoque approbantibus Epiphanio et Theodor.

"Moreover, eating." These eighteen words we have restored from the ancient codex, Epiphanius and Theodoret also approving this.

Sed et serpentem. Epiph. : « Jaldabaoth vero, aiunt, non voluit commemorare supernam Matrem, neque supernum Patrem hominibus. Postea autem serpens et cognitionem intulit, et hominem ac mulierem, omnem supernorum mysteriorum cognitionem docuit. Quapropter Pater, id est Jaldabaoth, iratus, dejecit ipsum de coelo, et hinc regem de coelo serpentem dicunt; qui portionem serpentis, et nihil aliud possident. »

"And the serpent also." Epiphanius: "Now Jaldabaoth, they say, was unwilling to mention the supernal Mother or the supernal Father to men. Afterwards, however, the serpent both brought in knowledge and taught the man and the woman all the knowledge of the supernal mysteries. Wherefore the Father, that is, Jaldabaoth, being angry, cast him down from heaven, and hence they call the serpent the king from heaven; who possess the portion of the serpent, and nothing else."

Pag. 111. Michael et Samuel. Theodor. : « Ophiomorphum autem illum vocant Michaelem et Samana. » Vetus cod. habet « Samael; » quod fortasse retinendum, non injuria quis ideo putet, quod magiae seduli cultores isti magicis spirituum nominibus abuterentur, inter quae non sunt postrema isthaec duo nomina. Illi siquidem ab antiquis Hebraeorum patribus accepisse dicunt, septem planetis totidem praeesse angelos, ex quibus Michael Mercurio, vel secundum alios soli, et vento orientali praesit; Marti vero Camael, alias Zamael, qui forte cum hoc Samaele idem est, dominatur. In malis etiam spiritibus, quatuor reges potentissimos, juxta quatuor orbis partes constituunt, primumque illorum Urieum, et ab Hebraeis Samaelem vocatum, atque in Oriente regnare putant. Illi rursum in communibus per synagogas precibus (Genebrardo interprete) sic orant : « Accusationis Samuelis ne recorderis; memento autem defensionem Michaelis : » quibus indicant se hunc Samuelem, quem Michaeli opponunt, maligni angeli loco reputare.

Page 111. "Michael and Samuel." Theodoret: "And that Ophiomorphus they call Michael and Samana." The ancient codex has "Samael;" which someone might not without reason think ought perhaps to be retained, because those diligent cultivators of magic abused magical names of spirits, among which these two names are not the last. For they say that they have received from the ancient fathers of the Hebrews that over the seven planets preside as many angels, of whom Michael presides over Mercury, or according to others the sun, and the east wind; while over Mars rules Camael, otherwise Zamael, who perhaps is the same with this Samael. Among evil spirits also they establish four most powerful kings according to the four quarters of the world, and think that the first of them is called Urieus, and by the Hebrews Samael, and reigns in the East. They again in their common prayers through the synagogues (as Génébrard translates) pray thus: "Remember not the accusation of Samuel; but remember the defence of Michael:" by which words they indicate that they reckon this Samuel, whom they oppose to Michael, in the place of a malign angel.

Quod etiam supra de Norea, quasi Adae filia scribunt, obscurum ⟨e⟩st. Epiphanius quidem contra haeresim 26 aliqua trad⟨i⟩t de Noria, quam alii dixerunt fuisse uxorem Noe, et non Seth. Caeterum, Vincentius in Speculo, Antoninus in Summa, Nauclerus in Generat., Bergomas in Supplemento, et Wernerus in Fasciculo scribunt, cum Caino genitam fuisse Calmanam, cum Abele Delboram, quae post necem ejus nupserit Seth. Comestor in Hist. scholast. affirmat Methodium martyrem idipsum revelatione accepisse et tradidisse.

What they also write above concerning Norea, as though a daughter of Adam, is obscure. Epiphanius indeed against Heresy 26 hands down some things concerning Noria, whom others said was the wife of Noah, and not of Seth. For the rest, Vincent in the Mirror, Antoninus in the Summa, Nauclerus in the Generations, Bergomas in the Supplement, and Rolevinck in the Fasciculus write that with Cain was born Calmana, and with Abel Delbora, who after his slaying married Seth. Comestor in the Scholastic History affirms that Methodius the martyr received and handed down this very thing by revelation.

Abraham elegisse. Epiph. : « Et hic Jaldabaoth, inquiunt, est Deus Judaeorum; sed non est ita, absit : sed judicaturus est eos Deus omnipotens, qui Deus est et Judaeorum, et Christianorum, et omnium, et non Jaldabaoth quispiam est, juxta delirum ipsorum fabulamentum. » Theodor. : « Prophetas etiam dividunt, et septem filiis, ut volunt, attribuunt. »

"Chose Abraham." Epiphanius: "And this Jaldabaoth, they say, is the God of the Jews; but it is not so, far be it: but God Almighty shall judge them, Who is the God both of the Jews, and of the Christians, and of all, and there is not any Jaldabaoth, according to their delirious fable." Theodoret: "The prophets also they divide, and attribute to the seven sons, as they please."

Jesum autem. Ita codex vetus, excusi vero habebant, « omnia autem. »

"Jesus, moreover." Thus the ancient codex; the printed editions, however, had "all things, moreover."

Pag. 112. Et hunc maximum errorem. Theodor. : « Jesum autem dicunt esse alium praeter Christum; et eum quidem, qui Deus est, ex Virgine esse natum, Christum autem e coelis ad ipsum descendisse. Dicunt autem apostolos quoque errasse, ratos Salvatoris carnem resurrexisse. »

Page 112. "And this greatest error." Theodoret: "And they say that Jesus is another beside Christ; and that he indeed who is God was born of the Virgin, while Christ descended to him from the heavens. And they say that the apostles also erred, thinking that the flesh of the Saviour rose again."

Post depositionem. Sic legendum indicavit vetus codex; excusi habebant, « post de passione. »

"After the laying aside." That it should be read thus the ancient codex indicated; the printed editions had "after concerning the passion."

Velut Lernaea hydra. Hydram serpentem ferunt in Lerna palude prope Argos exstitisse, quam al⟨i⟩i centum capitum, alii vero tantum octo dicunt, e quibus unum immortale esset. Cum hoc autem monstro multum diuque conflictatum Herculem fingunt, eo quod, uno inciso capite, plura renascerentur. De qua vide Hesiodum in Θεογ. et Platonem

"Like the Lernaean hydra." They relate that the serpent Hydra existed in the marsh of Lerna near Argos, which some say had a hundred heads, others only eight, of which one was immortal. And with this monster they feign that Hercules struggled much and long, because when one head was cut off, several grew again. Concerning which see Hesiod in the Theogony and Plato

Editors' notes and page, col. 1522

Footnotes

(40) ‹anchor: Sed et serpentem. Epiph.› · call in col 1522

Ibid.

Same place.

(printed under page 769)

(41) ‹anchor: maligni angeli loco reputare› · call in col 1522

Trithemius ad Max. Caes.; Reuchlinus, lib. III Cabalae.

Trithemius, to the Emperor Maximilian; Reuchlin, On the Cabala, book III.

(printed under page 769)

(42) ‹anchor: Et hunc maximum errorem. Theodor.› · call in col 1522

Lib. I Haeret. fab.

Book I of the Compendium of Heretical Fables.

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in Sophista. Athanasius Arianos, ut Irenaeus Gnosticos, cum hoc monstro comparans : « Haereticus, ait, ut res ipsa docet, pravum omnino et undequaque corruptum animum ad impietatem habet. Ecce enim ubique refutati Ariani, erubescere tamen nequaquam possunt, sed quemadmodum in fabulis ethnicorum celebrata hydra, sublatis prioribus serpentibus, aliisque pullulantibus pervicaciter contendebat novo semper objectu anguium contra eum, qui ipsi suos serpentes tollebat; ita quoque isti exsecrabiles homines, ethnico animo, dejecti ab illis quae objiciebant, alias reperiunt, Judaicas et stultas controversias comminiscuntur, ut ita se magis Christi perduelles et oppugnatores declarent. » Ejusdem etiam fabulae elegantem accommodationem habet Basilius Magnus, in calce libri De vera virginitate.

in the Sophist. Athanasius, comparing the Arians, as Irenaeus does the Gnostics, with this monster: "A heretic," he says, "as the matter itself teaches, has a mind altogether depraved and corrupted on every side unto impiety. For behold, the Arians, refuted everywhere, can nevertheless by no means blush, but just as the hydra celebrated in the fables of the heathens, when the former serpents were taken away and others sprouted forth, stubbornly contended with an ever new presentation of snakes against him who took away its serpents; so also these execrable men, with heathen mind, cast down from the things which they objected, find others, and devise Jewish and foolish controversies, so as thus the more to declare themselves enemies and assailants of Christ." An elegant application of the same fable Basil the Great also has at the end of the book On True Virginity.

Quidam etiam ipsam. Theod. : « Nonnulli dicunt ipsum serpentem cum Sapientia consuetudinem habere, et tanquam cum Deo adversario, cum creatore bellum gerentem Adam decepisse, et cognitionem dedisse, et propterea dictum esse serpentem prudentissimum omnium esse : flexuosam quoque intestinorum nostrorum positionem, corpus serpentis imitari. » Hoc attigit et Epiphanius contra haeresim 37.

"And some [declare] that [Sophia] herself." Theodoret: "Some say that the serpent himself has intercourse with Wisdom, and waging war with the Creator as with an adversary God, deceived Adam and gave knowledge, and therefore it was said that the serpent was the most prudent of all: and that the winding position of our intestines imitates the body of a serpent." This Epiphanius also touched upon against Heresy 37.

Ex Jo. Ern. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 34.

From the annotations of Jo. Ern. Grabe on chap. 34.

Alii. « Sethianos » eos vocat Theodoretus lib. I Haeret. fabul., cap. 14, eosque ab aliquibus « Ophianos, » vel « Ophitas » vocari testatur; contra quam Epiphanius, qui Sethianos ab Ophitis distinguit, et horum haeresin num. 37, illorum num. 39, seorsim recenset.

"Others." Theodoret in Book I of Heretical Fables, chap. 14, calls them "Sethians," and testifies that by some they are called "Ophians," or "Ophites;" differently from Epiphanius, who distinguishes the Sethians from the Ophites, and recounts the heresy of the latter under no. 37, and of the former under no. 39, separately.

Ne movisse quoque eas, petulanter agentem usque ad abyssos. Id est, non potuisse aquas movere, licet ipsa, petulanti motu, ad ima usque descenderet.

"And did not even move them, acting wantonly even to the depths." That is, that it could not move the waters, although it itself, with wanton motion, descended even to the lowest depths.

Argumentata est. Graece, ut ex veteri Glossario colligo, ἐτεκμαίρετο, « machinata est. »

"She contrived." In Greek, as I gather from the ancient Glossary, ἐτεκμαίρετο, "she devised."

Adversus Patrem operantem. Id est, Patri Jaldabaoth adversantem, dum Adamum et Evam docuit cognitionem supernorum numinum, quibus inferior sit Jaldabaoth, uti Epiphanius haeres. 37 et Theodoretus explicant.

"Working against the Father." That is, opposing the Father Jaldabaoth, while she taught Adam and Eve the knowledge of the supernal deities, to whom Jaldabaoth is inferior, as Epiphanius, Haeres. 37, and Theodoret explain.

Dum fratrem suum Abel occideret, etc. Inter plurima stulta haereticorum effata, hoc sane verissimum est, quod et S. Clemens habet in Epist. ad Corinth., § 3, post memoratum ζῆλον ἄδικον καὶ ἀσεβῆ addens : Δι' οὗ καὶ θάνατος εἰσῆλθεν εἰς τὸν κόσμον. Unde narrata de Caino et Abelo historia, subdit : Ὁρᾶτε ἀδελφοί· ζῆλος καὶ φθόνος ἀδελφοκτονίαν κατειργάσατο.

"In slaying his brother Abel," etc. Among very many foolish utterances of the heretics, this indeed is most true, which St. Clement also has in the Epistle to the Corinthians, § 3, after mentioning ζῆλον ἄδικον καὶ ἀσεβῆ ("unrighteous and ungodly jealousy"), adding: Δι' οὗ καὶ θάνατος εἰσῆλθεν εἰς τὸν κόσμον ("Through which death also entered into the world"). Whence, having narrated the history concerning Cain and Abel, he subjoins: Ὁρᾶτε ἀδελφοί· ζῆλος καὶ φθόνος ἀδελφοκτονίαν κατειργάσατο ("You see, brethren: jealousy and envy wrought fratricide").

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 35.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardentius on chap. 35.

Pag. 112. Alii autem. Theodor. : « Alii autem, quos Cainos nominant, dicunt etiam Cain a superna auctoritate fuisse liberatum; Esau autem, Core, et Sodomitas, et omnes alios ejusmodi, suos esse cognatos confitentur, et eos odio quidem esse habitos a Creatore, sed nihil ab eo noxae accepisse; Sapientia enim ab eis eripuit, quod in eis habebat. Quin etiam Judam proditorem, solum ex omnibus apostolis dicunt hanc cognitionem habuisse, et ideo effecisse proditionis mysterium. Ejus autem Evangelium proferunt, quod illi composuerunt. » His consona sunt ea quae scribit Epiphanius contra haeresim 38, ideo repetere necesse non duximus. Ad tantam Gnosticorum ipsorum dementiam, non possum non obstupescere, quod animis hominum, qui Christo nomen semel dederint, tantas errorum caligines offuderit pater ille mendacii, ut coelum terrae misceant, dum sceleratos justificant, reprobatos salvant; Abel, Enoch, Noe, Abraham, et reliquum beatorum coetum inferis mancipant; eos vero, qui Deo, angelis et hominibus exosi sunt, suspiciunt, mirantur, adorant.

Page 112. "Others, again." Theodoret: "And others, whom they name Cainites, say that Cain also was liberated by the supernal authority; and Esau, Korah, and the Sodomites, and all others of that kind, they confess to be their kinsmen, and say that they were hated indeed by the Creator, but received no harm from Him; for Wisdom snatched away from them what she had in them. Nay, they say that Judas the traitor alone of all the apostles had this knowledge, and therefore accomplished the mystery of the betrayal. And they bring forward his Gospel, which they themselves composed." Consonant with these things are those which Epiphanius writes against Heresy 38, wherefore we have not deemed it necessary to repeat them. At so great madness of the Gnostics themselves I cannot but be stupefied, that upon the minds of men who have once given their name to Christ that father of lies has poured such darkness of errors that they mingle heaven with earth, while they justify the wicked and save the reprobate; hand over Abel, Enoch, Noah, Abraham, and the rest of the assembly of the blessed to hell; and look up to, admire, and adore those who are hateful to God, angels, and men.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1523

Footnotes

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Serm. 4 contra Arianos.

Sermon 4 against the Arians.

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Pari caecitate laborare mihi videntur recentiores Gnostici, ut ovo prognati eodem, cum Aerium, Vigilantium, Novatum, Donatum, Eunomium, Jovinianum, Berengarium, Felicianos, Albigenses, Waldenses, et Hussitas totius orbis sententia damnatos, in coelos ferunt, beatos, verosque Dei servos praedicant.

Under equal blindness seem to me to labour the more recent Gnostics, as sprung from the same egg, when they extol to the heavens Aerius, Vigilantius, Novatus, Donatus, Eunomius, Jovinian, Berengar, the Felicians, Albigensians, Waldensians, and Hussites, condemned by the sentence of the whole world, and proclaim them blessed and true servants of God.

Contra vero, sanctissimos et antiquissimos quosque apostolorum discipulos ac successores multis probris vexant, lacerant, reprobant. Luthero enim magnus ac diviniloquus Dionysius Areopagita, Pauli discipulus, et Galliarum apostolus, « multa garrit de nominibus divinis, de coelesti et eccl. hierarchia; sed sunt mera commenta. » Sanctissimus et doctissimus Hieronymus, eidem apostatae : « Totus nihil est. Nihil boni scripsit, inter doctores Ecclesiae non est numerandus, quia fuit haereticus. Nihil de Christo tractat, nisi quod nomine utitur. Neque de fide, spe et charitate, neque operibus fidei loquitur. » Subdit denique, indicans quam vere Cainico et Carpocratico animo affectus esset erga tam pium virum : « Nullum inter scriptores ita odi ut ipsum; tantum de jejuniis, cibis et virginitate scripsit. » Facundissimi et piisimi Chrysostomi libri, Gnostico plane Lutheri judicio, « sunt tantum chaos et sacci verborum, sine re. Auctor est seditiosus et garrulus. » Gregorius Nazianzenus, cognomento Theologus, ejusdem censura : « In sua poesi versatus, nihil sincere de Deo scripsit. » Nec patri suo subtilissimo, et philosopho, et theologo Augustino hic degener filius pepercit dicens : « Multi libri Augustini nihil sunt. » Haec et multa graviora, pluraque convicia in selectissimos Dei servos, sanctosque Ecclesiae Christi proceres evomere non horruerunt novi Gnostici.

On the contrary, however, all the most holy and most ancient disciples and successors of the apostles they harass with many reproaches, mangle, and reject. For to Luther the great and divinely speaking Dionysius the Areopagite, the disciple of Paul and apostle of the Gauls, "chatters much concerning the divine names, concerning the heavenly and ecclesiastical hierarchy; but they are mere fictions." The most holy and most learned Jerome, to the same apostate: "is altogether nothing. He wrote nothing good; he is not to be numbered among the doctors of the Church, because he was a heretic. He treats nothing of Christ, save that he uses the name. He speaks neither of faith, hope, and charity, nor of the works of faith." Finally he subjoins, indicating how truly he was affected with a Cainite and Carpocratian mind towards so pious a man: "None among writers do I hate so much as him; he wrote only about fasts, foods, and virginity." The books of the most eloquent and most pious Chrysostom, in the plainly Gnostic judgement of Luther, "are only a chaos and sacks of words, without substance. The author is seditious and garrulous." Gregory of Nazianzus, surnamed the Theologian, by the censure of the same: "Engaged in his poetry, he wrote nothing sincerely concerning God." Nor did this degenerate son spare his own most subtle father, both philosopher and theologian, Augustine, saying: "Many books of Augustine are nothing." These and many graver things, and more abuses against the choicest servants of God and holy leaders of the Church of Christ, the new Gnostics have not shuddered to vomit forth.

Quin et eo amentiae pervenerunt, ut e kalendario Christianorum, nominibus SS. apostolorum, martyrum, angelorum, Virginis Mariae, imo Epiphaniae, Resurrectionis, et Ascensionis Jesu Christi, et sacrosanctae Trinitatis deletis, in eorum locum et ordinem Antiochos, Caesares, Holophernes, Pharaones, et eos qui passim ob blasphemias, errores, et concitatos tumultus, magistratus sententia justissime neci traditi sunt ardeliones, substituerint et supposuerint. Sed de his alibi.

Nay, they have even arrived at such a pitch of madness that from the calendar of Christians, having deleted the names of the holy apostles, martyrs, angels, the Virgin Mary, nay, even of the Epiphany, Resurrection, and Ascension of Jesus Christ, and of the most holy Trinity, in their place and order they have substituted and put in Antiochi, Caesars, Holopherneses, Pharaohs, and those busybodies who everywhere on account of blasphemies, errors, and stirred-up tumults have most justly been delivered to death by the sentence of the magistrate. But of these matters elsewhere.

Jam autem et collegi. Epiphan. : « Sed et alia quaedam scripta eodem modo confingunt contra uterum, quem Hysteram vocant, eamque Hysteram creatorem universae hujus molis coeli ac terrae appellant. Et non posse, aiunt, alios salvari, nisi per omnia processerint, velut etiam Carpocrates dicit. Unusquisque enim ipsorum ob hanc nimirum causam, nefaria faciens, et turpes actiones perficiens, et quaecunque peccata faciens, uniuscujusque nomen angeli invocat, tum eorum, qui sunt angeli, tum eorum qui ficte ab ipsis angeli dicuntur, et unicuique eorum attribuit nefarium quoddam peccatorum in terra opus, propriam actionem ad nomen angeli cujus vult referens. » Expunximus ab excusis codd. « colligi. »

"And now I have also collected." Epiphanius: "But they also fabricate in the same manner certain other writings against the womb, which they call Hystera, and call that Hystera the creator of this whole mass of heaven and earth. And others cannot be saved, they say, unless they have passed through all things, just as Carpocrates also says. For each one of them on account of this very cause, doing nefarious things, and performing base actions, and committing whatever sins, invokes the name of each angel, both of those who are angels and of those who are fictitiously called angels by them, and attributes to each of them some nefarious work of sins on earth, referring his own action to the name of whatever angel he wishes." We have expunged from the printed codices "to be collected."

Angeli nomine dicere. Auctoritate vet. cod. delevimus « Angeli nomen edicere. »

"In the name of the angel to say." On the authority of the ancient codex we have deleted "to declare the name of the angel."

Pag. 113. O tu, angele. Sic omnino legendum colligitur tam ex Epiphanio, quam Nicetae Orthodoxia. Quod si jure sint isti exsecrandi, quod obscenitates suas purissimis angelis velut auctoribus tribuerent, quanto magis Calviniani et Bezani, qui Deum opt. maxim. tam adulterii Davidis, incestus Absalom, et proditionis Judae auctorem esse scribunt, et praedicant, quam conversionis Pauli, et confessionis Petri.

Page 113. "O you angel." That it is altogether to be read thus is gathered both from Epiphanius and from Nicetas's Orthodoxy. Now if those men are justly to be execrated because they attributed their obscenities to the purest angels as authors, how much more the Calvinists and Bezans, who write and proclaim that God, the Best and Greatest, is as much the author of the adultery of David, the incest of Absalom, and the betrayal of Judas, as of the conversion of Paul and the confession of Peter.

Quae ab illis. Prius erat, « quoniam ab illis. » Rationem porro designant, cur haec portentosa plane figmenta tam studiose laborioseque investigarit et scripserit.

"The things that [are done and said] by them." Previously it was, "because by them." Moreover, they designate the reason why he so studiously and laboriously investigated and wrote down these plainly portentous figments.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1524

Footnotes

(65) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col [not visible]

Tom. I Collect., pag. 187.

Collection, vol. I, p. 187. [The abbreviation is blurred in the scan and may read "Colleq."]

(66?) ‹anchor: nihil sunt› · call in col 1524 Tom. II, p. 24.

Vol. II, p. 24.

(67?) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col [not visible] Pag. 137, tom. II Coll.

P. 137, Collection, vol. II.

(68?) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col [not visible] Pag. 155.

P. 155.

(69?) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col [not visible] Pag. 185.

P. 185.

(70?) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col [not visible] Pag 24.

P. 24.

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Delectatio autem eorum. Id est, his nugis, imo exsecrandis et detestandis blasphemiis gloriantur et triumphant, quarum oporteret penitus erubescere ac pudefieri. Nisi contra fidem omnium codicum, legere malueris, « detectio autem eorum, » etc., quam lectionem non temere forsitan quis constabiliret ex eo quod supra c. 19 legitur : « Cum sit adversus omnes haereticos detectio, » etc., et mox Praefatione in libr. secundum : « Quod sit detectio et eversio sententiae ipsorum; » iterumque Praefatione in librum IV : « De detectione et ever-

But their delight. That is, they glory and triumph in these trifles, nay, execrable and detestable blasphemies, of which they ought thoroughly to blush and be ashamed. Unless, against the authority of all the manuscripts, you should prefer to read, "but the detection of them," etc., which reading someone might perhaps not rashly establish from what is read above in ch. 19: "Since there is a detection against all heretics," etc., and presently in the Preface to the second book: "Which is the detection and overthrow of their opinion;" and again in the Preface to book IV: "Concerning the detection and over-

sione falsae cognitionis. »

throw of knowledge falsely so called."

Jam non elaboravit. Quid si legeremus, « jam non elaborant, » ut conveniat cum his, « videntes quoniam fera est? »

He has no longer laboured. What if we should read, "they no longer labour," so that it may agree with these words, "seeing that it is a wild beast?"

Ex Jo. Ern. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 35.

From the annotations of Jo. Ern. Grabe on ch. 35.

Pag 112. Alii autem. Καϊανοὶ ab Epiphanio haeres. 38 dicti; a Theodoreto lib. I Haeret. fabul., cap. 15. Καϊνοί. Unde patet, ante haec, cap. 1, pag. 193, pro Κανισταὶ legi debere Καϊνισταί, uti jam ante me animadvertit Cotelerius in Not. ad tom. I Monument. Eccles. Graecae, col. 770, B.

Page 112. Others again. Called Καϊανοὶ by Epiphanius, Haeres. 38; by Theodoret, book I of Heretical Fables, ch. 15, Καϊνοί. Whence it is clear that before this, ch. 1, page 193, for Κανισταὶ there ought to be read Καϊνισταί, as Cotelier already noticed before me in his Notes on vol. I of the Monumenta Ecclesiae Graecae, col. 770, B.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1525

Footnotes

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Lib. de div. nom., cap. 5.

Book On the Divine Names, chapter 5.

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