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Variorum notae in librum tertium S. Irenaei (chiefly Feuardentius and Grabe)

Editors' preface

VARIORUM NOTAE IN LIBRUM TERTIUM SANCTI IRENAEI.

NOTES OF VARIOUS AUTHORS ON THE THIRD BOOK OF SAINT IRENAEUS.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in praefationem libri tertii.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardent on the Preface of the Third Book.

Pag. 173. Pro sola vera. Haec verba impie torquet quidam Hermannus Hamelmannus lib. quem inscripsit : De unanimi consensu Patrum de sola fide justificante ; ut et alia verba, quae habentur infra lib. III, cap. 22, et lib. IV, cap. 13, quibus contendit Irenaeum iis suffragari, qui nuda solaque

Page 173. For the only true. A certain Hermann Hamelmann impiously twists these words in the book which he entitled On the Unanimous Consent of the Fathers concerning Justification by Faith Alone; as well as other words which are found below in Book III, Chapter 22, and Book IV, Chapter 13, by which he contends that Irenaeus supports those who by bare and sole

Editors' notes and page, col. 1599

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marginal letters: A cem. Judaicam vocem; B tem אולם quae; C nai, » quo « praefinientem »; D Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii
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other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: cem. Judaicam vocem; Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in praefationem libri tertii.; cem. broken from vo- in col. 1598; full-width title VARIORUM NOTAE IN LIBRUM TERTIUM SANCTI IRENAEI. after « Tshebaoth » (set at the head of this part, full_width, by QA Q1a)
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fide, operibus omnibus seclusis, justos coram Deo homines constituunt : non advertens impostor, quam graviter hoc Simonis Magi commentum beatus hic martyr redarguat lib. I ; quamque frequenter doceat piorum operum necessitatem lib. II, cap. 50 ; lib. IV, cap. 27, 32 et 49, ipsisque ingentem apud Deum mercedem esse repositam lib. II, cap. 56, lib. IV, cap. 28 et 34. Quis namque non videt,

faith, with all works excluded, render men just before God: the impostor not noticing how severely this blessed martyr refutes this figment of Simon Magus in Book 1; and how frequently he teaches the necessity of pious works in Book 2, Chapter 50; Book 4, Chapters 27, 32, and 49, and that a vast reward is laid up for them with God, in Book 2, Chapter 56, and Book 4, Chapters 28 and 34. For who does not see

Editors' notes and page, col. 1600

Footnotes

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Cap. 2 De divin. nom.

Chapter 2 of On the Divine Names.

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marginal letters: A plurale esse, a; B Hebraei exercitus appellant; C id observare, quod,; D fide, operibus omnibus
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Irenaeum hoc loco non de justificatione loqui, sed tantum hominem hortari, ne haereticorum unquam cedat conatibus, imo vero constanter eis reluctetur ? Hoc adnotandum fuit, ut sanctum martyrem hac injuria liberaremus, et impiorum sycophantias pro viribus aperiremus.

that Irenaeus in this place is not speaking of justification, but only exhorting man never to yield to the attempts of heretics, nay rather constantly to resist them? This had to be noted, so that we might free the holy martyr from this injury and lay open the slanders of the impious to the best of our power.

Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 1.

Annotations of the same on Chapter 1.

Pag. 173. Non enim per alios. Docet, apostolos sanctissimi Evangelii primos buccinatores, non nisi Spiritus sancti virtutibus ac donis instructos, illud constanter praedicasse ; deinde ad futuram posterorum memoriam illud ipsum scriptis mandasse : ac proinde nonnisi impie ab haereticis, illos aut ignorantiae accusari, aut Scripturas rejici. Praeterea, illum Deum unicum coeli ac terrae conditorem ab his toto orbe annuntiatum fuisse, qui a lege et prophetis fuerat praedicatus.

Page 173. For not through others. He teaches that the apostles, the first trumpeters of the most holy Gospel, furnished with none other than the powers and gifts of the Holy Spirit, constantly preached it; and next committed that very Gospel to writing for the future remembrance of posterity: and accordingly that only impiously are they accused of ignorance or are the Scriptures rejected by the heretics. Moreover, that that one God, Creator of heaven and earth, Who had been proclaimed by the law and the prophets, was announced by them throughout the whole world.

Pag. 174. Gloriantes emendatores se esse apostolorum. Marcionem et ejus sectatores perstringit, quos lib. I, cap. 29, recitavit Evangelium secundum Lucam circumcidisse, et omnia quae de generatione Dominica conscripta fuerant abstulisse, semetipsos veraciores dicentes iis qui Evangelium nobis tradiderant. Eosdem de Evangelii contextu erasisse sententiam, qua Deus dicitur pluere super justos et injustos, auctor est Tertullianus, qui et multo plures mutilationes scriptis apostolorum illatas ab eisdem, toto lib. V Contra Marcionem describit : sed copiosiore manu Epiphanius contra haeres. 42.

Page 174. Boasting that they are correctors of the apostles. He censures Marcion and his followers, whom in Book 1, Chapter 29, he recounted to have pared away the Gospel according to Luke and to have taken away all the things that had been written concerning the Lord's generation, calling themselves more truthful than those who had handed down the Gospel to us. That the same men erased from the text of the Gospel the sentence in which God is said to rain upon the just and the unjust, Tertullian is witness, who also describes many more mutilations inflicted upon the writings of the apostles by the same throughout the whole of Book 5 Against Marcion; and with a fuller hand Epiphanius against Heresy 42.

Et induti sunt supervenientis Spiritus sancti. Sic pro « superveniente Spiritu sancto, » cum ex vet. nostro cod. tum maxime ex textu libri Actorum : « Accipietis virtutem supervenientis Spiritus sancti in vos, » legendum proposuimus.

And were clothed with the Holy Spirit coming upon them. Thus, in place of "with the Holy Spirit coming upon them" (in the ablative), both from our ancient codex and especially from the text of the book of Acts: "You shall receive the power of the Holy Spirit coming upon you," we have proposed that it should be read.

Ita Matthaeus. Idipsum ante Irenaeum scripserat quoque Papias, apud Eusebium lib. III Historiae, cap. 33, et Pantenum in India illud, litteris Hebraicis scriptum, reperisse, opera Bartholomaei illic relictum, et illud ipsum custoditum constare, idem Eusebius affirmat lib. V, capite 10. Quod et in Cypro, in tumulo Barnabae, et ipsius manu exaratum postmodum repertum fuisse Theodorus Lector asserit. Idem quoque Hebraicum mansisse suo tempore in bibliotheca Caesariensi, quam Pamphilus martyr confecerat, auctor est Hieronymus ; qui et describendi sibi factam potestatem a Nazaraeis Berrhoensibus, qui eo utebantur, litteris tradidit. Prodiit hoc nostro saeculo, opera Sebastiani Munsteri, quoddam Evangelium Hebraicum nomine Matthaei, cui quantum deferendum sit, pronuntiet Ecclesia.

So Matthew. Papias also had written this very thing before Irenaeus, in Eusebius, Book 3 of the History, Chapter 33; and that Pantaenus found it in India written in Hebrew letters, left there through the labour of Bartholomew, and that it is established that that very copy was preserved, the same Eusebius affirms in Book 5, Chapter 10. Which Theodore the Reader asserts was also found afterwards in Cyprus, in the tomb of Barnabas, and written out by his own hand. Jerome is witness that the same Hebrew Gospel also remained in his time in the library of Caesarea which Pamphilus the martyr had put together; and he has recorded in writing that permission to copy it was granted to him by the Nazarenes of Beroea, who used it. There has come forth in this our century, through the labour of Sebastian Münster, a certain Hebrew Gospel under the name of Matthew; how much weight is to be given to it, let the Church pronounce.

Caeterum, in his videmus hujus antiquissimi martyris, imo totius Ecclesiae sententiam, quatuor duntaxat Evangelia etiam ab initio probata et recepta fuisse, ut et infra cap. 11 hujus libri copiosius docebit. Igitur reliqua pseudo-Evangelia, veluti Petri, Thomae, Matthiae, Bartholomaei, ac duodecim apostolorum nominibus inscripta ; deinde Hebraeorum, Nazaraeorum, Ebionitarum, Encratitarum, Aegyptiorum, et quorumcunque aliorum titulis circumlata et venditata, jure optimo reprobantur. Signat porro Theophylactus tempus, quo quisque quatuor evangelistarum scripserit, nimirum : Matthaeum post octo annos assumpti in coelos Christi ; Marcum post decem annos, id est biennio post Matthaeum ; Lucam post quindecim annos ; denique Joannem post triginta duos annos.

For the rest, in these words we see the judgement of this most ancient martyr, nay of the whole Church, that four Gospels only were approved and received even from the beginning, as he will also teach more fully below in Chapter 11 of this book. Therefore the remaining pseudo-Gospels, such as those inscribed with the names of Peter, Thomas, Matthias, Bartholomew, and the twelve apostles, and next those carried about and hawked under the titles of the Hebrews, Nazarenes, Ebionites, Encratites, Egyptians, and any others whatever, are with the best right rejected. Furthermore, Theophylact marks the time at which each of the four evangelists wrote, namely: Matthew eight years after Christ was taken up into heaven; Mark after ten years, that is, two years after Matthew; Luke after fifteen years; finally John after thirty-two years.

Post vero horum excessum. Huic lectioni consentiunt omnes codices. Ruffinus quoque sic Latine loquentem Eusebium fecit : « Post quorum exitum, » etc., quibus subindicaret Irenaeus, Marcum nonnisi vel martyrio sublatis, vel alio, Evangelii causa, peregrinantibus sanctis apostolis Petro

And after their departure. All the codices agree with this reading. Rufinus also made Eusebius speak thus in Latin: "After whose departure," etc., by which words Irenaeus would intimate that Mark only after the holy apostles Peter

Editors' notes and page, col. 1601

Footnotes

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Lib. II contr. Marc.

Book II against Marcion.

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(38) ‹anchor: Spiritus sancti in vos› · call in col 1601

Act. I, 8.

Acts 1:8.

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(39) ‹anchor: Theodorus Lector asserit› · call in col 1601

Lib. II Collect.

Book II of the Collections.

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Præfat. in Matth.

Preface on Matthew.

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marginal letters: A Irenaeum hoc loco; B quos lib. I, cap. 29,; C braicis scriptum, reperisse,; D duodecim apostolorum nominibus
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et Paulo, manum calamo admovisse : quod certe aperte pugnat cum iis, quae ex Papia, et sexto Υποτυπώσεων Clementis recitat Eusebius, nempe beatum Petrum, Spiritu sancto revelante, ut intellexit opus editum a Marco, auctoritate sua ratum fecisse, quo in ecclesiis passim praelegeretur ; quibus clarum efficitur, Petro adhuc superstite, Marcum Evangelium conscripsisse. Accedit quod hunc Irenaei locum transcribens Eusebius lib. quinto, capite octavo, nihil meminit exitus apostolorum. Haec potius indicare, quam quidquam immutare visum est.

and Paul had either been taken away by martyrdom, or had travelled elsewhere for the sake of the Gospel, set his hand to the pen: which certainly openly conflicts with the things that Eusebius recites from Papias and the sixth book of the Hypotyposes of Clement, namely, that blessed Peter, by the revelation of the Holy Spirit, when he learned that the work had been published by Mark, ratified it by his own authority, so that it might be read publicly in the churches everywhere; by which it is made clear that Mark wrote his Gospel while Peter was still alive. Add to this that Eusebius, transcribing this passage of Irenaeus in the fifth book, eighth chapter, makes no mention of the departure of the apostles. It has seemed better to point out these things than to alter anything.

Per scripta. Auct. vet. cod., probante id quoque Eusebio, expunximus « praescripta. »

In writing. On the authority of the ancient codex, with Eusebius also approving it, we have expunged "prescribed."

Et Lucas. Sententiam hanc, quae tredecim dictionibus absolvitur, ex vet. cod. adjecimus ; quam etiam agnoscit Eusebius lib. III Hist., cap. 8.

And Luke. This sentence, which is completed in thirteen words, we have added from the ancient codex; Eusebius also acknowledges it in Book 3 of the History, Chapter 8.

Postea et Joannes. Eusebius lib. V, cap. 8 : « Deinde Joannes discipulus Domini, qui supra pectus ejus recubuerat, dum Ephesi in Asia versabatur, Evangelium in lucem extulit. » Id fecisse rogatum ab episcopis Asiae tradit Hieronymus, adversus Ebionis, Cerinthi et Gnosticorum exorientes blasphemias ; quod et Irenaeus indicat cap. 11 hujus libri.

Afterwards John also. Eusebius, Book 5, Chapter 8: "Next John, the disciple of the Lord, who had reclined upon His breast, while he dwelt at Ephesus in Asia, brought forth his Gospel into the light." Jerome hands down that he did this when asked by the bishops of Asia, against the rising blasphemies of Ebion, Cerinthus, and the Gnostics; which Irenaeus also indicates in Chapter 11 of this book.

Ex Joan. Ernest. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 1.

From the annotations of Joan. Ernest. Grabe on Chapter 1.

Pag. 174. Τοῦ Πέτρου καὶ τοῦ Παύλου, etc. Haec Irenaei de tempore editorum quatuor Evangeliorum traditio, a Papia aliisve senioribus procul dubio accepta, praeferenda videtur opinioni multo recentioris Theophylacti, qui Praefat. Comment. in Matth. ait, Matthaeum scripsisse post octo annos assumpti in coelos Christi ; Marcum post decem annos, id est biennio post Matthaeum ; Lucam post quindecim annos ; denique Joannem post triginta duos annos. Quae aera fide mss. quorumdam codicum nititur, sed nimis fluxa. Ut enim de aliis taceam, convenit fere inter omnes, S. Joannem valde senem, circa annum a nativitate Christi 98 Evangelium scripsisse, ac proinde non post 32 ab ascensione ejus annos, sed duplo plures, nempe 64 ; nisi ex sententia Irenaei Christum 50 propemodum annis in terra moratum esse credideris. Caeterum traditio Irenaei de scripto S. Matthaei Evangelio isto demum tempore, quo Paulus Romae fuit, in mentem mihi aliquando veniebat cogitanti, quid causae subit, ob quam Apostolus Ephes. IV, 11, scripserit : « Ipse dedit quosdam apostolos, quosdam autem prophetas, alios vero evangelistas, alios autem pastores et doctores ; » ast in loco parallelo I Corinth. XII, 28 : « Quosdam quidem posuit Deus in Ecclesia, primo apostolos, secundo prophetas, tertio doctores ; » omissis plane « evangelistis. » Atqui si per « evangelistas » cum Oecumenio « scriptores S. Evangeliorum » accipias, plana juxta dictam traditionem datur ratio. Scripserat nempe Paulus ad Corinthios, priusquam Romam venisset, nulla adhucdum a quoquam apostolorum, vel apostolicorum, Evangelii scriptura edita ; ast Epistolam ad Ephesios ex carcere dedit, paulo antequam Roma discederet, ubi jam S. Matthaeus Evangelium exaraverat ; Marcus vero et Lucas in procinctu hujus operis erant. Cui tamen meae conjecturae non adeo multum confido, sed doctiorum judicio eam lubens submitto.

Page 174. Of Peter and of Paul, etc. This tradition of Irenaeus concerning the time of the publication of the four Gospels, received without doubt from Papias or other elders, seems preferable to the opinion of the much more recent Theophylact, who in the Preface to his Commentary on Matthew says that Matthew wrote eight years after Christ was taken up into heaven; Mark after ten years, that is, two years after Matthew; Luke after fifteen years; finally John after thirty-two years. Which reckoning rests upon the credit of certain manuscript codices, but too shaky a one. For to say nothing of the others, it is agreed among almost all that St. John wrote his Gospel when very old, around the year 98 from the nativity of Christ, and accordingly not 32 years after His ascension, but twice as many, namely 64; unless according to the opinion of Irenaeus you should believe that Christ tarried nearly 50 years on earth. For the rest, the tradition of Irenaeus concerning the writing of St. Matthew's Gospel only at that time when Paul was at Rome came to my mind once when reflecting what reason underlay the fact that the Apostle in (Eph. 4:11) wrote: "He Himself gave some as apostles, and some as prophets, and others as evangelists, and others as pastors and teachers;" whereas in the parallel passage (1 Cor. 12:28): "And God indeed has set some in the Church, first apostles, second prophets, third teachers;" with "evangelists" altogether omitted. Now if by "evangelists" you understand with Oecumenius "the writers of the Holy Gospels," a plain reason is given according to the aforesaid tradition. For Paul had written to the Corinthians before he came to Rome, when no writing of the Gospel had as yet been published by any of the apostles or apostolic men; whereas he sent the Epistle to the Ephesians from prison a little before he departed from Rome, when St. Matthew had already penned his Gospel, while Mark and Luke were on the verge of this work. Yet I do not place so very much confidence in this conjecture of mine, but willingly submit it to the judgement of the more learned.

Θεμελιούντων τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν. Dices, ante Pauli in Urbem adventum Ecclesiam ibi fuisse, cujus fides per universum orbem innotuerat, teste ipso Apostolo Rom. I, 8. Quomodo ergo hic Irenaeus ait, fundatam ab ipso et Petro Romanam Ecclesiam ? Ast optimus suorum verborum interpres est ipse Irenaeus, istis quae sequuntur cap. 3 : Θεμελιώσαντες οὖν καὶ οἰκοδομήσαντες οἱ μακάριοι ἀπόστολοι τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν, Λίνῳ τὴν τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς λειτουργίαν ἐνεχείρισαν. Licet igitur fideles ante haec

Founding the Church. You will say that before the arrival of Paul in the City there was a Church there, whose faith had become known throughout the whole world, as the Apostle himself witnesses in (Rom. 1:8). How then does Irenaeus here say that the Roman Church was founded by him and Peter? But the best interpreter of his own words is Irenaeus himself, by those words which follow in Chapter 3: Θεμελιώσαντες οὖν καὶ οἰκοδομήσαντες οἱ μακάριοι ἀπόστολοι τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν, Λίνῳ τὴν τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς λειτουργίαν ἐνεχείρισαν ("Having therefore founded and built up the Church, the blessed apostles entrusted the ministry of the episcopate to Linus"). Therefore, although the faithful before these things

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running head: IN LIB. III S. IRENAEI. 1602
marginal letters: A et Paulo, manum; B recubuerat, dum Ephesi; C 98 Evangelium scripsisse,; D ptura edita ; ast
old-edition numerals: 112 after fluxa.
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: et Paulo, manum; Ex Joan. Ernest. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 1.

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Romae exstitissent, nondum tamen erat formata Ecclesia, quia nondum episcopus ipsis erat praefectus. Sine episcopo enim et presbyteris atque diaconis Ἐκκλησία οὐ καλεῖται, « Ecclesia non vocatur, » teste S. Ignatio in Epistola ad Trallianos, § 3. Et sane observatione haud indignum est, Apostolum I et II ad Corinthios Epistolam inscripsisse : « Ecclesiae Dei quae est Corinthi, » etc., nec non « Ecclesiis Galatiae ; » similiter bis « Ecclesiae Thessalonicensium ; » ad Philippenses denique : « Omnibus sanctis in Christo Jesu cum episcopis et diaconis ; » ast Epistolam ad Romanos misisse : « Omnibus qui sunt Romae, dilectis Dei, vocatis sanctis, » nulla episcoporum (id est summi sacerdotis ac minorum sacerdotum), atque diaconorum vel Ecclesiae facta mentione. Unde haec differentia ? nisi quod prioribus in locis esset hierarchia, episcopo, presbyteris et diaconis constans, ideoque formata Ecclesia ; in Urbe vero hactenus talis haud exstiterit. Sed plura hac de re dicere et objectiones removere nolo, ne adnotationis modum excedam.

had existed at Rome, nevertheless the Church was not yet formed, because a bishop had not yet been set over them. For without a bishop and presbyters and deacons Ἐκκλησία οὐ καλεῖται, "it is not called a Church," as St. Ignatius witnesses in the Epistle to the Trallians, § 3. And indeed it is by no means unworthy of observation that the Apostle inscribed the First and Second Epistles to the Corinthians: "To the Church of God which is at Corinth," etc., and also "To the Churches of Galatia;" similarly twice "To the Church of the Thessalonians;" finally to the Philippians: "To all the saints in Christ Jesus with the bishops and deacons;" whereas he sent the Epistle to the Romans: "To all who are at Rome, beloved of God, called to be saints," with no mention made of bishops (that is, the high priest and the lesser priests) and deacons, or of the Church. Whence this difference? unless because in the former places there was a hierarchy consisting of bishop, presbyters, and deacons, and therefore a formed Church, whereas in the City such had hitherto not existed. But I do not wish to say more on this matter and remove objections, lest I exceed the measure of an annotation.

Μετὰ δὲ τὴν τούτων ἔξοδον. « Excessum » non e vita, sed urbe Roma hic intelligendum esse patet ex iis, quae ex Papia et lib. VI Hypotyposeon Clementis Alex. affert Eusebius lib. II Hist. eccles., cap. 15, nempe B. Petrum apostolum auctoritate sua S. Marci Evangelium ratum fecisse, quo in Ecclesiis passim praelegeretur. S. Lucas quoque post Pauli exitum ex Urbe, non e mundo, Evangelium litteris consignasse, inde colligitur, quod narrationem Actorum apostolicorum, quam quasi appendicem historiae de Christo edidit, in biennio, quo Paulus primo Romae fuit, finiverit, eam procul dubio ulterius continuaturus, si diu post discessum ab Urbe, aut post martyrium B. Apostoli scripsisset. Nam iterum ei haud diu post junctum fuisse, eique ad finem usque vitae adhaesisse, ultima B. Apostoli Epistola, nempe II ad Timotheum, cap. IV, 11, satis testatur, ubi scribit : « Lucas mecum est solus. » Imo vero Apostolus I ad Timoth. V, 18, verba quaedam Lucae ex cap. X Evangelii, v. 8, allegasse videtur. Neque enim alia Scriptura istud habet dictum : « Dignus est operarius mercede sua. » Caeterum quod aliqui vocem ἔξοδος hoc loco, pro « vitae fine » perperam acceperint, occasio procul dubio fuit mutationis in textu Irenaei, ab auctore Catenae Patrum in Evangelium S. Marci, quam Petrus Possinus evulgavit, vel ab alio ante eum factae. In illa quippe Irenaei verba ita expressa sunt pag. 5 : Μετὰ τὴν τοῦ κατὰ Ματθαῖον Εὐαγγελίου ἔκδοσιν, Μάρκος ὁ μαθητὴς καὶ ἑρμηνευτὴς Πέτρου, καὶ αὐτὸς τὰ ὑπὸ Πέτρου κηρυττόμενα ἐγγράφως ἡμῖν παραδέδωκε. « Post editionem Evangelii secundum Matthaeum, Marcus discipulus et interpres Petri, quae a Petro praedicabantur, scripto nobis tradidit. » Eamdem lectionem ex conjectura in Eusebio substituit Christophorsonus, vapulans idcirco Valesio in notis ad Euseb. lib. V, cap. 8, qui tamen et ipse in eo animadversionem meretur, quod ἔξοδον in Irenaeo « interitum » interpretatus sit, indeque sanctos Patres commiserit inter se pugnantes.

And after their departure. That "departure" is here to be understood not from life, but from the city of Rome, is clear from the things that Eusebius in Book 2 of the Ecclesiastical History, Chapter 15, brings forward from Papias and Book 6 of the Hypotyposes of Clement of Alexandria, namely, that the blessed Apostle Peter by his own authority ratified the Gospel of St. Mark, so that it might be read publicly in the Churches everywhere. That St. Luke also committed his Gospel to writing after Paul's departure from the City, not from the world, is gathered from the fact that he ended the narrative of the Apostolic Acts, which he published as an appendix to the history concerning Christ, in the two-year period during which Paul was first at Rome, whereas without doubt he would have continued it further if he had written long after the departure from the City, or after the martyrdom of the blessed Apostle. For that he was joined to him again not long after, and clave to him right up to the end of his life, the last Epistle of the blessed Apostle, namely the Second to Timothy, (2 Tim. 4:11), sufficiently witnesses, where he writes: "Luke alone is with me." Nay indeed, the Apostle in (1 Tim. 5:18) seems to have alleged certain words of Luke from Chapter 10 of his Gospel, (Luke 10:7). For no other Scripture has that saying: "The labourer is worthy of his hire." For the rest, the fact that some wrongly took the word ἔξοδος in this place for "the end of life" was without doubt the occasion of a change in the text of Irenaeus made by the author of the Catena of the Fathers on the Gospel of St. Mark, which Pierre Poussin published, or by someone else before him. For in it the words of Irenaeus are expressed thus on p. 5: Μετὰ τὴν τοῦ κατὰ Ματθαῖον Εὐαγγελίου ἔκδοσιν, Μάρκος ὁ μαθητὴς καὶ ἑρμηνευτὴς Πέτρου, καὶ αὐτὸς τὰ ὑπὸ Πέτρου κηρυττόμενα ἐγγράφως ἡμῖν παραδέδωκε. "After the publication of the Gospel according to Matthew, Mark, the disciple and interpreter of Peter, himself also handed down to us in writing the things that were preached by Peter." Christopherson substituted the same reading by conjecture in Eusebius, being flogged on that account by Valesius in his notes on Eusebius, Book 5, Chapter 8, who nevertheless himself also deserves censure in this, that he translated ἔξοδον in Irenaeus as "death," and thereby set the holy Fathers at variance with one another.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 2.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardent on Chapter 2.

Pag. 174. Cum enim Scripturis arguuntur. Valentinianorum et consimilium priorum Gnosticorum, quos his libris impugnabat, incredibilem malitiam et pervicaciam exponit. Enimvero apertis certisque tam prophetarum quam apostolorum scriptis convicti, ea velut apocrypha, vel depravata, vel suspectae fidei, praefracte rejiciebant, ut superius de Ebionitis, Cerinthianis, Carpocratianis, Marcionitis, aliisque scriptum est. Cum vero traditionibus apostolorum premerentur, incredibili temeritate ac impudentia, cunctis apostolis et Patribus

Page 174. For when they are refuted from the Scriptures. He sets forth the incredible malice and obstinacy of the Valentinians and similar earlier Gnostics, whom he was attacking in these books. For indeed, when convicted by the plain and certain writings both of the prophets and of the apostles, they stubbornly rejected them as apocryphal, or corrupted, or of suspected credit, as was written above concerning the Ebionites, Cerinthians, Carpocratians, Marcionites, and others. And when they were pressed by the traditions of the apostles, with incredible rashness and impudence they fancied themselves wiser than all the apostles and Fathers.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1603

Footnotes

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Tom. II Colloq. pag. 100, 101, 102.

Vol. II of the Colloquies, pp. 100, 101, 102.

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Horat., Sat. lib. II, sat. 3, v. 248.

Horace, Satires book II, satire 3, line 248.

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sapientiores se esse autumabant. Ecquis non videt hujus saeculi Gnosticos iisdem cum illis gressibus incedere ? Quanto cum supercilio traditiones apostolicas a sanctis Patribus ad nos usque acceptas et servatas cavillentur et exsibilent, nemo nescit, et de his in cap. tertium dicemus : nunc de sacrilego divinarum Scripturarum contemptu quaedam adjiciamus.

Who does not see that the Gnostics of this century walk in the same steps as they? With what arrogance they cavil at and hiss off the apostolic traditions received from the holy Fathers and preserved right down to us, no one is ignorant, and of these we shall speak on the third chapter; now let us add some things concerning their sacrilegious contempt of the divine Scriptures.

Pari omnes impietate Lutherani et Calviniani ex divinorum librorum catalogo, velut apocryphos ac nullius fidei exsibilant libros Tobiae, Judith, Sapientiae, Ecclesiastici, Baruch, et utrumque Machabaeorum. Non exigua fragmenta, nec pauca capita ex libro Esther et Danielis rescissa avulsaque rejiciunt. Quos etiam canonicos sese admittere fingunt, sannis et laedoriis deformatos sectatoribus suis exsibilandos relinquunt. Lutheri namque judicio, ut de eo refert Joannes Aurifaber commensalis, in Colloquiis ejus, « apostoli Abrahami fidem non ita praedicarunt, et suis coloribus depinxerunt, ut merebatur ; et Moyses nimis simpliciter ejus meminit. » En paucis tam Moysis summi prophetarum, quam omnium apostolorum scripta in falsi suspicionem adducta. Scribit de eodem Rebenstock alter ejus conviva, quod aliquoties diceret : « Ecclesiastes liber non est plenus, multa habet abrupta, neque ocreis, neque calcaribus indutus est : hoc est nullam habet perfectam sententiam. Equitat in arundine longa, sicuti et ego dum eram in monasterio. » Et secundum conspiciens Machabaeorum librum aiebat : « Ego hunc librum, et librum Esther odio prosequor ; mallem eos non exstare : multum enim imitantur Judaeos ac ethnicos. » Et libr. Paralipomenωn suspectos ac dubios relinquens dicebat : « Libris Regum plus credendum est, quam Paralipomenωn. » Paulinae quoque fidei detrahens, Justo Jonae dicenti se non credere his illius verbis, « Reposita est mihi corona justitiae, » etc., respondebat : « Neque Paulum id firmiter credidisse. » Et suum in illum vetus odium aperiens, inquiebat : « Ego summo odio Paulum prosequebar, cum legebam Rom. I : « Revelatur in Evangelio justitia Dei, » etc. Jobi historiam reputat « Fabulae argumentum, quo moneamur de patientia. » Nec sacris Evangeliis pepercit, scribens : « Joannis Evangelium esse unicum pulchrum, verum, ac principale Evangelium : » quasi vero reliqua tria nec Evangelia, nec pulchra, nec vera essent. « Epistolam ad Hebraeos, neque Pauli esse, nec ullius apostoli, » idem ille contendit. Epistola D. Jacobi eidem est, « plane straminea, et apostolico indigna spiritu. » Epistola Judae, « non est apostoli, sicque contemnenda. De secunda Petri, et duabus Joannis posterioribus non est anxie curandum. Apocalypsim denique, neque pro prophetico, neque pro apostolico libro admittit. »

With equal impiety all the Lutherans and Calvinists hiss off from the catalogue of the divine books, as apocryphal and of no credit, the books of Tobit, Judith, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Baruch, and both books of Maccabees. No small fragments and not a few chapters cut away and torn from the book of Esther and of Daniel they reject. Even those books which they pretend to admit as canonical they leave disfigured with jeers and insults to be hissed off by their followers. For in Luther's judgement, as Johannes Aurifaber his table-companion reports of him in his Table Talk, "the apostles did not so preach the faith of Abraham, and depict it in its own colours, as it deserved; and Moses makes mention of it too simply." Behold in a few words the writings both of Moses, the greatest of the prophets, and of all the apostles brought under suspicion of falsehood. Rebenstock, another table-guest of his, writes of the same man that several times he said: "The book of Ecclesiastes is not complete, it has many abrupt passages, it is shod with neither greaves nor spurs: that is, it has no complete sentence. It rides on a long reed, just as I also did while I was in the monastery." And looking at the second book of Maccabees he used to say: "I pursue this book and the book of Esther with hatred; I would prefer them not to exist: for they imitate the Jews and the heathen much." And leaving the books of Paralipomenωn suspected and doubtful, he used to say: "More credit is to be given to the books of Kings than to Paralipomenωn." Detracting also from Pauline faith, when Justus Jonas said that he did not believe these words of his, "There is laid up for me a crown of justice," etc., he replied: "Neither did Paul firmly believe that." And laying open his old hatred against him, he used to say: "I pursued Paul with the utmost hatred when I read in (Rom. 1): 'The justice of God is revealed in the Gospel,'" etc. The history of Job he reckons "the plot of a fable, whereby we may be admonished concerning patience." Nor did he spare the sacred Gospels, writing: "That the Gospel of John is the one fair, true, and chief Gospel:" as if indeed the remaining three were neither Gospels, nor fair, nor true. "That the Epistle to the Hebrews is neither Paul's nor any apostle's," the same man contends. The Epistle of St. James is to the same man "altogether of straw, and unworthy of an apostolic spirit." The Epistle of Jude "is not an apostle's, and is thus to be despised. Concerning the Second of Peter and the two latter of John one need not be anxiously concerned. Finally, the Apocalypse he admits neither as a prophetic nor as an apostolic book."

Et hactenus de Lutheranicis sacrarum Scripturarum accusationibus et reprehensionibus : quibus manifestum evadit, hos eodem spiritu afflatos esse, quo veteres Gnostici fuerunt, ut testatur hoc loco Irenaeus. Quid Calviniani tam adversus evangelistas et apostolos, quam sacra eorum scripta moliantur, diximus ad finem Comm. in Epist. ad Philemonem, et Dialogo septimo.

And so much for the Lutheran accusations and censures of the sacred Scriptures: by which it becomes manifest that these men are inspired by the same spirit as the ancient Gnostics were, as Irenaeus witnesses in this place. What the Calvinists contrive both against the evangelists and apostles and against their sacred writings, we have stated at the end of the Commentary on the Epistle to Philemon, and in the seventh Dialogue.

Non enim per litteras traditam. Quinque has voces desiderat vet. cod. et unico contextu legit : « Ab iis, qui nesciant traditionem illam, sed per vivam vocem, » etc.

For it was not handed down through letters. The ancient codex lacks these five words and reads in a single continuous text: "By those who do not know that tradition, but through the living voice," etc.

Sapientiam autem loquimur. Augustin. scribit etiam Manichaeos hoc testimonio fuisse abusos, ut suaderent Apostolum plurima his quibuscum disserebat, verbis aliter tradidisse, quam scriberet in Epistolis : « Sed absit ut tantus Christi apostolus,

Yet we speak wisdom. Augustine writes that the Manichaeans also abused this testimony to persuade people that the Apostle handed down very many things orally to those with whom he discoursed otherwise than he wrote in the Epistles: "But far be it that so great an apostle of Christ,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1604

Footnotes

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Tom. I Colloq., pag. 54.

Vol. I of the Colloquies, p. 54.

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Tom. II Colloq. pag. 119.

Vol. II of the Colloquies, p. 119.

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Præf. in Novum Testam.

Preface to the New Testament.

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Præfat. in illas.

Preface to them.

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vas a Deo electum, Spiritus sancti organum, alius docendo, alius scribendo ; alius clam, alius palam fuerit. Factus est quidem omnibus omnia, non fallentis astu, sed compatientis affectu ; diversis animarum morbis, diversis misericordiarum affectibus subveniens ; dans scilicet parvulis parva, non falsa ; perfectis vero grandiora mysteria, cuncta autem vera, consona, et divina. »

a vessel chosen by God, an organ of the Holy Spirit, should have been one man in teaching and another in writing; one man in secret and another in public. He became indeed all things to all men, not by the craft of a deceiver, but by the affection of one compassionate; relieving diverse diseases of souls with diverse affections of mercy; giving, namely, small things to little ones, not false things; and to the perfect grander mysteries, yet all of them true, harmonious, and divine."

Pag. 175. Fuit autem et in illo. Marcionem denotat, quem lib. I, cap. 20, nominavit « os diaboli. »

Page 175. And there was also in him. He denotes Marcion, whom in Book 1, Chapter 20, he named "the mouth of the devil."

Cum autem ad eam traditionem. Hic primum observa, quid proprie sit et dicatur traditio apostolica, nimirum doctrina seu ad fidem, seu ad ritus sacros, sive ad bonos mores pertinens, quae non expressis Scripturis Veteris aut Novi Testamenti, sed viva voce, aut exemplo, praxique a primis Ecclesiae pastoribus, id est apostolis, data, et a posteris ad nos usque in populo Dei servata. De quibusdam istiusmodi disserens Tertullianus, ait : « Si legem postulas Scripturarum, nullam invenies : traditio tibi praetendetur auctrix, consuetudo confirmatrix, et fides observatrix. » Videatur de iisdem August. epist. 118 et 119, et quod ad initium proximi capitis adnotamus.

But when to that tradition. Here observe first what apostolic tradition properly is and is called, namely, doctrine pertaining either to faith, or to sacred rites, or to good morals, which was given not in the express Scriptures of the Old or New Testament, but by the living voice, or example, and practice by the first pastors of the Church, that is, the apostles, and preserved by posterity right down to us among the people of God. Discoursing of certain things of this sort, Tertullian says: "If you demand a law of the Scriptures, you will find none: tradition will be held out to you as the originator, custom as the confirmer, and faith as the observer." On the same matters see Augustine, Epistles 118 and 119, and what we note at the beginning of the next chapter.

Observa deinde, fortissimos et antiquissimos istos religionis Christianae athletas, ductis a traditionibus apostolorum argumentis, adversus infestissimos illius hostes constanter decertasse : has illis ut firmissimos muros opposuisse, ut omnes illorum impetus non modo retardarent, sed molitiones funditus subverterent. Nec illas tantum, sed et consensum omnium Ecclesiarum, Romanae praesertim auctoritatem et successionem apostolicam fidenter objecisse : quinetiam veterum testimoniis eorumdem errores solide refutasse : ut hic et in sequentibus Irenaeus Clementis ad Corinthios Epistolam, Polycarpi martyris scripta et gesta Gnosticis opponit. Ex quibus apertissimum est, Erasmum Roterod. toto coelo aberrasse, cum in epistola libris istis ad hunc usque diem praefixa, scribit ipsum Irenaeum solis Scripturarum praesidiis adversus haereticorum catervam pugnasse.

Observe next that those bravest and most ancient athletes of the Christian religion, drawing arguments from the traditions of the apostles, constantly contended against its most hostile enemies: they opposed these to them like the strongest walls, so as not only to check all their assaults, but utterly to overthrow their contrivances. And not those only, but they also confidently set against them the consent of all the Churches, especially the authority and apostolic succession of the Roman Church; nay more, they solidly refuted their errors by the testimonies of the ancients: as here and in what follows Irenaeus opposes to the Gnostics the Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians and the writings and deeds of Polycarp the martyr. From which it is most evident that Erasmus of Rotterdam erred by the whole heaven when, in the epistle prefixed to these books right down to this day, he writes that Irenaeus himself fought against the troop of heretics with the defences of the Scriptures alone.

Ad haec, Justini martyris scripta ab eodem Irenaeo lib. IV, cap. 14, et lib. V citata, Erasmum falsae et temerae assertionis alligant : insuper Hermae, sive Pastoris testimonium lib. IV, cap. 37, Ignatii etiam martyris lib. V, et cujusdam senioris apostolorum discipuli verba in medium frequenter adducta, Praefatione lib. I, et ejusdem lib. cap. 12 ; lib. III, cap. 19 et 35 ; lib. IV, cap. 45, 47, 49, 50, 52 ; et lib. V ; ex quibus omnibus planum et conspicuum est, Irenaeum non solis Scripturarum praesidiis, sed et traditionibus, et Patrum sermonibus ac scriptis Gnosticos devicisse.

Besides this, the writings of Justin Martyr cited by the same Irenaeus in Book 4, Chapter 14, and Book 5 convict Erasmus of a false and rash assertion: moreover, the testimony of Hermas, or the Shepherd, in Book 4, Chapter 37, of Ignatius the martyr also in Book 5, and the words of a certain elder, a disciple of the apostles, frequently adduced in the Preface of Book 1, and Chapter 12 of the same book; Book 3, Chapters 19 and 35; Book 4, Chapters 45, 47, 49, 50, 52; and Book 5; from all of which it is plain and conspicuous that Irenaeus vanquished the Gnostics not by the defences of the Scriptures alone, but also by traditions and by the discourses and writings of the Fathers.

Adversantur traditioni, dicentes. Ita ex vet. cod. reposuimus : excusi, « qui adversantur traditioni, dicent, » etc.

They oppose tradition, saying. Thus we have restored from the ancient codex; the printed editions have, "who oppose tradition, will say," etc.

Sed etiam ipsum Dominum. Gnosticos Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum et ignorantiae accusasse supra retulit ; et ex hoc loco quorumdam etiam errorum insimulasse manifestum est. Hujusmodi vero impietates Calvinianos nunc ab inferis revocare et instaurare quis crederet ? Verum, hujus sceleris nos in Dialogo 4 plurimis et apertissimis Calvini testimoniis illos esse reos evicimus.

But even the Lord Himself. That the Gnostics accused our Lord Jesus Christ of ignorance also, he related above; and from this passage it is manifest that they also charged Him with certain errors. Now who would believe that the Calvinists now recall from the underworld and renew impieties of this sort? Yet in Dialogue 4 we have proved by very many and most explicit testimonies of Calvin that they are guilty of this crime.

Effugere. Expunximus « fingere » auctoritate vet. cod.

To escape. We have expunged "to feign" on the authority of the ancient codex.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 3.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardent on Chapter 3.

Pag. 175. Traditionem itaque apostolorum. Insignem locum hunc suis scriptis inserere, et ut ignitum telum in haereticos contorquere jure optimo

Page 175. The tradition therefore of the apostles. To insert this notable passage into their writings, and to hurl it like a fiery dart against the heretics, with the best right

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Lib. de coron. milit.

The book On the Soldier's Crown.

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Lib. I, c. 17.

Book I, ch. 17.

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Lib. I Constit., cap. 1.

Book I of the Constitutions, ch. 1.

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Epist. ad Philadel. et epist. ad Her.

The letter to the Philadelphians and the letter to Hero.

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dignum duxerunt omnes fere, qui nostro saeculo in eos calamum strinxerunt orthodoxi. Ut sicut B. hic martyr praecipuum fidei nostrae caput, videlicet unum esse Deum coeli et terrae opificem, adversus Gnosticorum impietates, traditionis ejus, quae continua episcoporum per universas Ecclesias successione, doctrina et voce asservabatur, munimento tutatur : sic de fide, sacramentis, et ritibus variis controversos articulos, longe majore saeculorum, Ecclesiarum et doctorum unanimi consensu, ab apostolis instituta, et a successoribus conservata traditione confirmarent et custodirent. Quin et omnibus retro saeculis quotquot Christiani et catholici unquam habiti sunt, quoties de dogmatibus Ecclesiae exorta est disputatio, ad Patrum priscorum et apostolicarum Ecclesiarum traditiones, ut ad sacram anchoram confugerunt : ut pro aliis innumeris locis, infra scripta testimonia patefacient.

almost all the orthodox who in our century have drawn the pen against them have deemed worthy. So that, just as this blessed martyr defends the chief head of our faith, namely that there is one God the Maker of heaven and earth, against the impieties of the Gnostics by the bulwark of that tradition which was preserved by the continuous succession, teaching, and voice of the bishops throughout all the Churches: so too they might confirm and guard the controverted articles concerning faith, sacraments, and various rites by the tradition instituted by the apostles and preserved by their successors, with a far greater unanimous consent of centuries, Churches, and doctors. Nay more, in all past centuries all who have ever been accounted Christians and Catholics, whenever a disputation has arisen concerning the dogmas of the Church, have fled for refuge to the traditions of the ancient Fathers and of the apostolic Churches as to a sacred anchor: as, in place of innumerable other passages, the testimonies written below will make clear.

Doctrinam sacram, quae apostolicarum Constitutionum chartis traditur, « gloriosis Salvatoris nostri vocibus aequiparandam, » ideoque ab omnibus amplectendam esse, ejusdem Salvatoris mandato, docet Clemens Rom.

That the sacred doctrine which is handed down in the pages of the Apostolic Constitutions is "to be put on a par with the glorious utterances of our Saviour," and is therefore to be embraced by all at the command of the same Saviour, Clement of Rome teaches.

Celebriores totius Asiae Ecclesias, inter varios haereseon fluctus trepidantes, traditionum apostolicarum crebra repetitione, ut aeneo muro, confirmat Ignatius.

The more celebrated Churches of all Asia, trembling amid the various waves of heresies, Ignatius strengthens by the frequent repetition of the apostolic traditions, as by a brazen wall.

Pueros sacrae regenerationi initiandos, divinorum praeceptorum suorum, id est apostolorum, sine scriptis traditae doctrinae innixus censet Dionysius Areopag.

That children are to be initiated into sacred regeneration, Dionysius the Areopagite judges, relying upon the doctrine handed down without writings from his divine teachers, that is, the apostles.

Nutantes et dubios Philippenses, atque Marcionistarum, et Valentinianorum imposturis fascinatos plurimos, Romae agens tum Polycarpus, a traditionibus apostolorum ducta demonstratione, primae fidei restituit.

The wavering and doubtful Philippians, and very many fascinated by the impostures of the Marcionites and Valentinians, Polycarp, when staying at Rome, restored to their first faith by a demonstration drawn from the traditions of the apostles.

Non tam scriptis, quam apostolorum, vel discipulorum sermonibus se fidei sacramenta didicisse narrat Papias, et viva praesentique voce magis quam lectione sese adjutum.

Papias relates that he learned the mysteries of the faith not so much from writings as from the discourses of the apostles or disciples, and that he was helped more by the living and present voice than by reading.

Saeculi sui passim ingruentium haereseon nimbos, traditionum apostolicarum fulgore potenter dissipat Tertull. et baptismi ritus omnes, eucharistiae pro vita functis oblationes, crucisque ad omnem Christianorum conversationem consignationes, sartas tectasque manere contendit.

The storm-clouds of heresies breaking in everywhere in his century Tertullian powerfully scatters by the brightness of the apostolic traditions, and contends that all the rites of baptism, the oblations of the Eucharist for the departed, and the signings of the cross at every action of Christians remain whole and intact.

Haereticis, quantumvis Scripturas canonicas proferentibus, nunquam credendum, ut a paterna doctrina, et ecclesiastica traditione exeamus, censet ille post apostolos Ecclesiarum magister Origenes.

That heretics, however much they bring forward the canonical Scriptures, are never to be believed so that we depart from the ancestral doctrine and ecclesiastical tradition, that teacher of the Churches after the apostles, Origen, judges.

Duplicem in Ecclesia Dei agriculturam agnoscit Clemens Alex., unam, quae non scriptis, alteram, quae scriptis continetur ; idemque rerum multarum cognitionem per successionem ex apostolis absque scriptis ad posteros pervenisse docet.

Clement of Alexandria acknowledges a twofold husbandry in the Church of God, one which is contained not in writings, the other in writings; and the same teaches that the knowledge of many things has come down to posterity by succession from the apostles without writings.

Dominica traditione, quem offerimus eucharistiae calicem, aqua temperandum didicit Cyprianus : simulque non minus ratum esse, quod, dictante Spiritu S., apostoli tradiderunt, quam quod ipse Christus, cum utriusque par sit divinitas.

By the Lord's tradition Cyprian learned that the chalice of the Eucharist which we offer is to be mingled with water: and at the same time that what the apostles handed down at the dictation of the Holy Spirit is no less valid than what Christ Himself handed down, since the divinity of both is equal.

Maxima sacratissimaque confessorum Christi corona, insignis synodus prima Nicaena, Filium Dei ὁμοούσιον, id est consubstantialem esse Patri, etsi nusquam scriptum exstaret, sanctorum Patrum traditionibus inhaerens, contra Arianos sanxit.

The greatest and most sacred crown of confessors of Christ, the distinguished First Synod of Nicaea, sanctioned against the Arians that the Son of God is ὁμοούσιον, that is, consubstantial with the Father, even if it stood written nowhere, cleaving to the traditions of the holy Fathers.

Constantinopolitana Spiritus sancti divinam naturam a Macedonianorum blasphemiis asseruit.

That of Constantinople vindicated the divine nature of the Holy Spirit from the blasphemies of the Macedonians.

Ephesina, beat. Mariam θεοτόκον, id est Dei matrem, etsi hujus vocis nullam mentionem sacrae Litterae faciant, quod hanc fidem divini tradiderant

That of Ephesus defined that blessed Mary is to be proclaimed with the highest faith θεοτόκον, that is, Mother of God, even if sacred Scripture makes no mention of this word, because the divine disciples had handed down

Editors' notes and page, col. 1606

Footnotes

(41) ‹anchor: Areopag.› · call in col 1606

Lib. de eccl. Hierar.

The book On the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy.

(printed under page 811)

(42) ‹anchor: primæ fidei restituit› · call in col 1606

Iren., lib. III, cap. 3.

Irenaeus, book III, ch. 3.

(printed under page 811)

(43) ‹anchor: sese adjutum› · call in col 1606

Euseb., lib. III Hist., cap. 33.

Eusebius, History book III, ch. 33.

(printed under page 811)

(44) ‹anchor: dissipat Tertull.› · call in col 1606

Lib. de cor. milit.

The book On the Soldier's Crown.

(printed under page 811)

(45) ‹anchor: magister Origenes› · call in col 1606

Homil. 29 in Matth.

Homily 29 on Matthew.

(printed under page 811)

(46) ‹anchor: agnoscit Clemens Alex.› · call in col 1606

Lib. I, II, IV, V, VI et VII Strom.

Books I, II, IV, V, VI and VII of the Stromata.

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(47) ‹anchor: didicit Cyprianus› · call in col 1606

Epist. ad Cæcilium, et Serm. de ablut. pedum.

The letter to Caecilius, and the sermon on the washing of the feet.

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(48) ‹anchor: contra Arianos sanxit› · call in col 1606

Tom. I Concil. Theodor., Socrates, Sozomenus, Evagrius, Nicep., lib. Hist. ecclesiast.

Vol. I of the Councils; Theodoret, Socrates, Sozomen, Evagrius, Nicephorus, in the books of their Ecclesiastical History.

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discipuli, et a Patribus ita sentire edocti essent, summa fide praedicandam definivit.

this faith, and they had been taught by the Fathers to think thus.

Chalcedonensis, impermistas Dei et hominis substantias, in unica Christi hypostasi, juxta Patrum placita, Eutychis spretis captionibus, confirmavit.

That of Chalcedon confirmed the unconfused substances of God and man in the single hypostasis of Christ, according to the decrees of the Fathers, spurning the sophistries of Eutyches.

Adjicere libet, ut in seriis, adeoque summis fidei nostrae capitibus confirmandis, Aurelius Augustinus, quem unice mirari ac suspicere se fingunt haeresiarchae, ad traditiones ecclesiasticas, tanquam ad asilum, confugerit. Evangelium secundum Matthaeum vere ab ipso conscriptum esse, contra Fausti Manich. inficiationem credit, traditione nixus, quae ab apostolicis sedibus usque ad praesentes episcopos certa successione pervenerat, libro vigesimo octavo Contra Faustum, cap. 2. Patrem ingenitum, Filiumque eidem consubstantialem, etsi in sanctis paginis non inveniatur, fidei assertione defendendum dicit, epist. 174. Integra fide credendum, beat. Mariam Dei Christi matrem, et virginem concepisse, et virginem genuisse, et post partum virginem permansisse, lib. De ecclesiast. dogmat., capit. 69. Baptisma ab haereticis collatum, repetendum non esse, ex apostolorum traditione, etsi in eorum litteris non inveniatur, libro secundo De bapt., cap. 7, et libr. I, cap. 23, et lib. IV, cap. 6. Consuetudinem matris Ecclesiae in baptizandis parvulis, ut traditionem apostolicam nequaquam spernendam, libro decimo De Genesi, capite vigesimo tertio. Domini passionem, resurrectionem, ascensionem in coelum, et adventum Spiritus sancti de coelo anniversaria solemnitate, non scripta, sed tradita observatione celebrandam, epist. 118, cap. 1. Baptizatos esse apostolos, etsi ne verbum quidem de hoc Scriptura habeat, non ambigendum, epist. 108. Serie traditionis quaedam facta esse, et nunc in baptismi ritibus facienda, quae in Scripturis gratia brevitatis tacentur, lib. De fide et operibus, capite nono. Eucharistiam corporis et sanguinis Domini apostolos non accepisse jejunos ; placuisse tamen Spiritui sancto, in honorem tanti sacramenti a jejunis semper accipi ; moremque hunc per universum orbem servari, epist. 118, cap. 6. Antiquitus tradito et retento firmo Ecclesiae ritu, in baptismate parvulos exorcizari, exsufflari, et renuntiare Satanae, ut a potestate tenebrarum, in regnum Christi transferantur, libro I De nuptiis et concup., cap. 20, et lib. VI Contra Jul., cap. 2. Et quamvis denique nusquam in Scripturis veteribus legeretur oblatum pro mortuis sacrificium, non parvam tamen universae Eccles. quae in hac consuetudine claret, auctoritatem esse, ubi in precibus sacerdotis, quae Domino Deo ad ejus altare funduntur, locum suum habet etiam commendatio mortuorum, lib. De cura pro mortuis agenda, cap. 1 et 4, et sermone 34 de verbis Apostoli. Aliis locis innumeris, et auctoribus sacris recensendis consulto supersedeo.

It pleases me to add how, in confirming serious, and indeed the highest, heads of our faith, Aurelius Augustine, whom the heresiarchs pretend uniquely to admire and look up to, fled for refuge to ecclesiastical traditions as to an asylum. That the Gospel according to Matthew was truly written by him, he believes against the denial of Faustus the Manichaean, relying upon tradition, which had come down from the apostolic sees right to the present bishops by a sure succession, in the twenty-eighth book Against Faustus, Chapter 2. That the Father is unbegotten, and the Son consubstantial with Him, even if it be not found in the sacred pages, he says must be defended by the assertion of faith, Epistle 174. That it must be believed with whole faith that blessed Mary, Mother of God Christ, both conceived as a virgin, and gave birth as a virgin, and remained a virgin after childbirth, in the book On Ecclesiastical Dogmas, Chapter 69. That baptism conferred by heretics is not to be repeated, from the tradition of the apostles, even if it be not found in their letters, in the second book On Baptism, Chapter 7, and Book 1, Chapter 23, and Book 4, Chapter 6. That the custom of mother Church in baptizing infants, as an apostolic tradition, is by no means to be spurned, in the tenth book On Genesis, twenty-third chapter. That the passion, resurrection, and ascension into heaven of the Lord, and the coming of the Holy Spirit from heaven, are to be celebrated with an annual solemnity, not by a written, but by a traditional observance, Epistle 118, Chapter 1. That the apostles were baptized, even if Scripture have not even a word concerning this, is not to be doubted, Epistle 108. That by the course of tradition certain things were done, and are now to be done in the rites of baptism, which are passed over in silence in the Scriptures for the sake of brevity, in the book On Faith and Works, ninth chapter. That the apostles did not receive the Eucharist of the body and blood of the Lord fasting, yet it pleased the Holy Spirit that in honour of so great a sacrament it should always be received by persons fasting, and that this custom is observed throughout the whole world, Epistle 118, Chapter 6. That by a firm rite of the Church handed down from antiquity and retained, in baptism infants are exorcized, breathed upon, and renounce Satan, so that they may be transferred from the power of darkness into the kingdom of Christ, in Book 1 On Marriage and Concupiscence, Chapter 20, and Book 6 Against Julian, Chapter 2. And finally, although nowhere in the ancient Scriptures is it read that a sacrifice was offered for the dead, nevertheless the authority of the universal Church, which is renowned in this custom, is not small, wherein in the prayers of the priest which are poured forth to the Lord God at His altar the commendation of the dead also has its place, in the book On Care to Be Had for the Dead, Chapters 1 and 4, and in Sermon 34 on the words of the Apostle. Recounting innumerable other passages and sacred authors I purposely forbear.

Adest perspicere. Billius, « id est, licet, vel promptum est, » Graecorum more dicitur : πάρεστιν enim illis idem saepe est quod ἔξεστιν.

It is at hand to perceive. Billy: "that is, it is permitted, or it is ready," is said after the manner of the Greeks: for πάρεστιν ("it is present") with them is often the same as ἔξεστιν ("it is permitted").

Quibus emendate agentibus. Idem, Graece, ὧν κατορθούντων, id est, « quibus munere suo probe fungentibus. »

While they act rightly. The same, in Greek, ὧν κατορθούντων, that is, "while they discharge their office uprightly."

Sed quoniam valde longum est. Multis iisque gravissimis verbis hoc loco, totoque capite, docet beat. martyr Romanam Ecclesiam caput esse et regulam omnium aliarum : proindeque illius dogmata unice suspicere et amplecti, ac successionis seriem omnium haereseon fluctibus, ut firmam et immobilem petram, nos opponere debere, et ad illius traditiones, decreta, fidemque adversus omnium eorum fraudes, qui in salutis publicae et pietatis Christianae perniciem nihil non machinantur, tanquam ad tutissimam arcem, et sacrosanctam aram confugere : quod singillatim explicabimus.

But since it is very long. In many and most weighty words in this place, and throughout the whole chapter, the blessed martyr teaches that the Roman Church is the head and rule of all the others: and that accordingly we ought uniquely to look up to and embrace her dogmas, and oppose the series of her succession like a firm and immovable rock to the waves of all heresies, and flee for refuge to her traditions, decrees, and faith against the frauds of all those who contrive everything for the ruin of public salvation and Christian piety, as to the safest citadel and most sacred altar: which we shall explain point by point.

Primo igitur praetermissis totius Orientis et Meridiei, imo universi orbis clarissimarum Ecclesiarum,

First, therefore, passing over the catalogues of bishops of the most illustrious Churches of the whole East and South, nay of the entire world,

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quas alii apostoli, discipulique Domini doctrina plantaverant, sanguine rigaverant, et stupendis miraculis confirmaverant, episcoporum catalogis ; hujus unius, tanquam caeterarum praecellentissimae, ab apostolorum coryphaeis ad suam aetatem usque, continentem et nunquam intermissam successionem contexit.

which other apostles and disciples of the Lord had planted by their teaching, watered with their blood, and confirmed by stupendous miracles, he weaves together the continuous and never interrupted succession of this one alone, as the most pre-eminent over the rest, from the leaders of the apostles right down to his own age.

Deinde eam vocat « maximam, » ut quae omnem sacrorum potestatem jure sibi vindicet, caeterasque omnes sibi inferiores habeat, quas sua auctoritate regat.

Next he calls her "greatest," as she who by right claims for herself all power over sacred things, and holds all the rest inferior to herself, governing them by her authority.

Postea « antiquissimam » appellat, non propter tempus, nisi de Latinis et Occidentalibus intelligas, cum Jerosolymitana, Samaritana, Caesariensis, et Antiochena, prius fidem Christi susceperint ; sed propter dignitatem, et quod aliis potior sit, ipsamque omnes ut matrem suspiciant.

Afterwards he calls her "most ancient," not on account of time, unless you understand it of the Latin and Western Churches, since those of Jerusalem, Samaria, Caesarea, and Antioch received the faith of Christ earlier; but on account of dignity, and because she is preferable to the others, and all look up to her as a mother.

Postmodum « omnibus cognitam » esse asserit, sicut ea, quae inter omnes caput extolleret, et cujus rectores, veluti in altissima pharo et clarissima specula collocati, aliarum navigationes inter tot naufragia dirigerent ; observarentque, quemadmodum unaquaeque in retinenda religione se gereret : quippe quae tyrannorum et haereticorum procellis agitata, et nutantia corda fratrum, confirmandi praeceptum simul et potestatem a Domino accepisset.

Thereafter he asserts that she is "known to all," as she who lifted up her head among all, and whose rulers, placed as it were in the highest lighthouse and clearest watchtower, directed the voyages of the others amid so many shipwrecks, and observed how each bore herself in retaining religion: inasmuch as she had received from the Lord at once the command and the power to strengthen the hearts of the brethren shaken and wavering in the storms of tyrants and heretics.

Subjicit, « a gloriosissimis duobus apostolis Petro et Paulo, » quorum nimirum prae caeteris tam sunt eximia charismata, tam singulares dotes, tam magni in mystica hac navi fabricanda labores : quorum, inquam, conversatione, voce et institutis, velut sacris anchoris, inter tot fluctus et aliarum ruinas, tuta salvaque hactenus permansit : quorum denique miraculis, vinculis, sanguine et martyrio, clarius prae caeteris et dilucidius ipsa Roma fulget, quam sideribus coelum.

He subjoins, "by the two most glorious apostles Peter and Paul," whose charisms, namely, are so peerless above the rest, whose gifts so singular, whose labours in building this mystical ship so great: by whose way of life, I say, voice, and institutions, as by sacred anchors, amid so many waves and the ruins of others, she has hitherto remained safe and sound: finally, by whose miracles, chains, blood, and martyrdom Rome herself shines more brightly and clearly above the rest than the heaven with stars.

« Romae » sequitur, quae ut suis dictatoribus, consulibus, imperatoribus, exercitibus, mortales omnes gravissima servitute olim presserat ; contra, apostolicis nunc institutionibus, eosdem in libertatem filiorum Dei asserere debebat.

"At Rome" follows, which, just as once by its dictators, consuls, emperors, and armies it had oppressed all mortals with most heavy slavery, on the contrary now by apostolic institutions ought to claim the same into the freedom of the children of God.

« Romae » deinde, ut illic praesidia defensionis Christianae reipublicae collocaret, et regni sui metropolim construeret Christus, ubi idolomaniarum receptaculum, officinam turpitudinum, sanctorum carnificinam, ipsissimamque Babylona, Satanas condiderat, « fundatam et constitutam Ecclesiam. »

"At Rome" next, in order that Christ might place there the garrisons for the defence of the Christian commonwealth and build the metropolis of His kingdom where Satan had founded a receptacle of idol-madnesses, a workshop of basenesses, a shambles of the saints, and the very Babylon itself, "the Church founded and established."

Hujus igitur, pergit Irenaeus, tantae Ecclesiae « traditionem, quam, » viva voce « ab apostolis » Petro et Paulo, adhuc clavum ejus regentibus, accepit, acceptam conservat, « et annuntiatam » in universo mundo « hominibus fidem » constanter « indicantes, » et palam praedicantes, « confundimus » et convincimus nefariae defectionis a Christi communione, et apostolorum doctrina, « eos omnes qui » philautia, gloriolaeque inutilis, vel primatus appetentia, animi caecitate, vel quacunque alia occasione ducti, contra jus et hierarchicum Ecclesiae ordinem, coetus et conventicula « colligunt. »

Of this so great Church, therefore, Irenaeus continues, constantly "pointing out the tradition which" by the living voice she received "from the apostles" Peter and Paul while they still held her helm, and having received preserves, "and the faith announced to men" in the whole world, and openly preaching it, "we confound" and convict of nefarious defection from the communion of Christ and the teaching of the apostles "all those who," led by self-love and desire of useless petty glory or primacy, by blindness of mind, or by any other occasion whatever, against right and the hierarchical order of the Church, "gather" assemblies and conventicles.

Hanc esse beatissimi martyris sententiam, quam paraphrasticωs explicamus, omni luce clarius indicant quae sequuntur.

That this is the meaning of the most blessed martyr, which we explain paraphrastically, the things that follow indicate more clearly than any light.

« Ad hanc, » subjungit, « Ecclesiam, » Romanam videlicet, non ad urbis amplitudinem, populorum frequentiam, censorum gravitatem, senatusve statuta ; non ad fortissimos ejus exercitus, gloriosos de toto orbe triumphos, imperii culmen ; non denique ad Caesarum majestatem, ut inepta scelerataque impudentia interpretatur Smidelinus : sed « ad hanc Ecclesiam, » in qua sedit vertex apostolorum, cuique successerunt « Linus, Anacletus, Clemens, Evaristus, Alexander, » et alii ordine omnes ; « necesse est, » quia a Deo opt. max. constitutum ; non tantum Europeam, Africanam, Alexandrinam, Jerosolymitanam, Antiochenam, Constantinopolitanam,

"Unto this," he subjoins, "Church," namely the Roman, not unto the grandeur of the city, the concourse of peoples, the gravity of the censors, or the statutes of the senate; not unto its bravest armies, its glorious triumphs over the whole world, the summit of empire; finally, not unto the majesty of the Caesars, as Smidelinus interprets with foolish and wicked impudence: but "unto this Church," in which sat the chief of the apostles, and to whom succeeded "Linus, Anacletus, Clement, Evaristus, Alexander," and all the others in order; "it is necessary," because it has been established by God, best and greatest, that not only the European, African, Alexandrian, Jerusalemite, Antiochene, Constantinopolitan,

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Asiaticam et Orientalem Ecclesiam ; sed « omnem, hoc est eos, qui sunt undique fideles, » ut membra cum capite « convenire, » nec latum unguem ab ejus communione discedere.

Asiatic, and Eastern Church, but "every Church, that is, the faithful who are from everywhere," as members with the head, "should agree," and not depart a nail's breadth from her communion.

Est vero id « necesse, » ait, duplici de causa : altera, « propter potentiorem principalitatem, » seu locum, gradumque principem in jurisdictione et auctoritate, quem prae caeteris omnibus obtinet. Altera, quia « in ea semper conservata est ea, quae est ab apostolis « verae fidei et pietatis sincerae traditio. »

Now this is "necessary," he says, for a twofold reason: the one, "on account of its more powerful pre-eminence," or chief place and rank in jurisdiction and authority, which it holds above all the rest; the other, because "in it has always been preserved that tradition which is from the apostles" of true faith and sincere piety.

Superest jam, ut quod tam graviter, sed nimis generaliter scribit, « omnem Ecclesiam, hoc est omnes qui sunt undique fideles, » undequaque sint, ad Romanam, « necesse esse convenire, » id brevissima ex selectioribus, et omni exceptione majoribus scriptoribus Christianis, enumeratione, evidentissimum faciamus. Atque ut a nostris exordiar, Gallicas, Italicas, Hispanicas, Anglicas, Scoticas, Hibernicas, Germanicas, Gotticas, Sarmaticas, et universas Occidentales Ecclesias, Romanae ut capiti suo, perpetuo adhaesisse ; et vicissim Petri successorem, ut pastorem oecumenicum decebat, eis invigilasse, aperte docent in primis beati Bernardi epistol. 125, 126, 130, 131, 136, 137, 138, 183, 190, librique ejusdem II, III, IV, De consideratione ; Gratiani dist. 19, 20, 21, 22 ; Anselmi liber I De incarnatione Verbi ; Ivonis Carnotensis Decreta ; Lanfranci, Guitmundi, Algeri, Paschasii scripta contra Berengarium ; Bedae lib. II, III, IV, V, De historia Anglorum, et Chronica de sex mundi aetatibus ; Alcuini sive Albini liber De divinis officiis ; Isidori praefatio in opus Conciliorum ; Pauli Diaconi Historiarum libri ; Prosperi Chronica, et liber Contra Collatorem ; Aratoris Diaconi lib. II ; Maximi Taurinensis homil. 2 de natali B. Laurentii ; Vincentii Lirinensis libellus contra profanas novationes ; Ambrosii epistol. ad Syricium papam, epistol. ad Theophilum ; Prudentii hymni ; et Hosii Cordubensis epist. ad Constantium.

It now remains that what he writes so weightily, yet too generally, that "it is necessary that every Church, that is, all the faithful who are from everywhere," from wherever they may be, "should agree" with the Roman, we should make most evident by a very brief enumeration from the more select Christian writers, and those above all exception. And to begin from our own, that the Gallic, Italian, Spanish, English, Scottish, Irish, German, Gothic, Sarmatian, and all the Western Churches perpetually clave to the Roman as to their head, and that in turn the successor of Peter, as befitted the ecumenical pastor, watched over them, is openly taught in the first place by the Epistles of blessed Bernard, 125, 126, 130, 131, 136, 137, 138, 183, 190, and Books 2, 3, 4 On Consideration of the same; Gratian, Distinctions 19, 20, 21, 22; Anselm, Book 1 On the Incarnation of the Word; Ivo of Chartres, Decrees; the writings of Lanfranc, Guitmund, Alger, and Paschasius against Berengar; Bede, Books 2, 3, 4, 5 On the History of the English, and the Chronicle of the Six Ages of the World; Alcuin or Albinus, the book On the Divine Offices; Isidore, the preface to the work of the Councils; Paul the Deacon, the books of the Histories; Prosper, the Chronicle and the book Against the Conferrer; Arator the Deacon, Book 2; Maximus of Turin, Homily 2 on the natal day of Blessed Lawrence; Vincent of Lérins, the little book against profane novelties; Ambrose, the Epistle to Pope Siricius, the Epistle to Theophilus; the hymns of Prudentius; and Hosius of Córdoba, the Epistle to Constantius.

Deinde, id quoque verum et longe evidentissimum efficiunt concilia, sive provincialia, sive generalia, quae in totius Occidentis partibus coacta fuerunt : quae omnia episcopo Romano, quasi beati Petri successori, obedire non detrectarunt.

Next, the councils also, whether provincial or general, which were assembled in the parts of the whole West, render this true and by far most evident: all of which did not refuse to obey the Roman bishop as the successor of blessed Peter.

Probat idem et Hieronymi epistola ad Eustochium, qua totius Occidentis Ecclesias, ob quasdam dissensiones Romam contractas et evocatas fuisse scribit.

The Epistle of Jerome to Eustochium also proves the same, in which he writes that on account of certain dissensions the Churches of the whole West were drawn together and summoned to Rome.

Confirmat rursus Cypriani epistola 42, qua Stephanum papam monet, ut plenissimis litteris suis faciat ne Galliarum episc. Martianum Arelatensem in Novatiana haeresi pertinacem, ultra ferant ; servetque gravitate et auctoritate sua beatorum antecessorum honorem gloriosum ; et Martianus ille sententiam accipiat, aliusque in locum ejus substituatur.

Again Epistle 42 of Cyprian confirms it, in which he admonishes Pope Stephen that by his fullest letters he should bring it about that the bishops of the Gauls no longer tolerate Marcianus of Arles, obstinate in the Novatian heresy; and that by his gravity and authority he should preserve the glorious honour of his blessed predecessors; and that that Marcianus should receive sentence, and another be substituted in his place.

Et quia id nobis ultro concedunt, videlicet τὰ πρεσβεῖα τιμῆς, hoc est, « primum honoris ac dignitatis gradum, » verbis eorum utor, « Romanae Ecclesiae assignatum fuisse ; ipsiusque episcopum, τὸν πρῶτον εἶναι πάντων τῶν ἱερέων, primum omnium sacerdotum esse : atque Romanae Ecclesiae magnum honorem ubique veteres detulisse, et reverenter de ea locutos ; tum quod invaluerat eam Petri ministerio fundatam et constitutam fuisse, tum quod doctrina, peritia, et multarum rerum usu praestantes viros haberet ; simulque omnibus aliis sedatior, et doctrinae semel traditae tenacior esset ; provideque in Occidente sedes apostolica vocata et habita sit. » Calvinus lib. IV, cap. 6, Instit., sect. 16, et cap. 7, sect. 11, 12, 13, 14, 17, 18, 19 ; Bucerus in Praeparatoriis ad concilium ; Molinaeus, et ejus hyperaspistes Franciscus V⟨i⟩llerius

And because they grant this to us of their own accord, namely that τὰ πρεσβεῖα τιμῆς, that is, "the first rank of honour and dignity," I use their own words, "was assigned to the Roman Church; and that her bishop, τὸν πρῶτον εἶναι πάντων τῶν ἱερέων, is the first of all priests: and that the ancients everywhere paid great honour to the Roman Church, and spoke reverently of her; both because it had prevailed that she was founded and established by the ministry of Peter, and because she had men excelling in learning, skill, and experience of many things; and at the same time was calmer than all others, and more tenacious of the doctrine once handed down; and accordingly in the West was called and accounted the apostolic see:" Calvin, Book 4, Chapter 6 of the Institutes, section 16, and Chapter 7, sections 11, 12, 13, 14, 17, 18, 19; Bucer in the Preparations for a Council; Dumoulin, and his shield-bearer François V⟨i⟩llerius

Editors' notes and page, col. 1609

Footnotes

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Epist. 18, juxta Morelii dispositionem.

Letter 18, in Morel's arrangement.

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Rom. I, 8.

Romans 1:8.

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Epist. 25.

Letter 25.

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Epist. 49.

Letter 49.

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marginal letters: A stantinopolitanam, Asiaticam et; B cas, et universas; C Cordubensis epist. ad; D Et quia id
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: stantinopolitanam, Asiaticam et; stantinopolitanam, broken from Con- in col. 1608; V⟨i⟩lle- split at column break

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libello De statu primitivae Ecclesiae, contra Ruffum, apertissimis hac de re decretis concilii Nicaeni cap. 6 concilii Chalcedon. et Constantinopol. ; Tertulliani Praescript. et beat. Irenaei luculentissimis in hoc capite verbis ; atque summorum monarchum obedientia, et legibus, convicti ; in his Occiduis et Europeis partibus non immorabimur diutius.

in the little book On the State of the Primitive Church, against Rivet, convicted by the most explicit decrees on this matter of the Council of Nicaea, Canon 6, of the Council of Chalcedon, and of Constantinople; of Tertullian's Prescription and blessed Irenaeus's most lucid words in this chapter; and by the obedience and laws of the supreme monarchs: we shall not tarry any longer in these Western and European parts.

Ad Austrum igitur conversis, inter praecipuas universae Africae Ecclesias Romanae principatum agnoscentes, in primis occurrit celebris illa Carthaginensis, quae Numidicis et Mauritanicis invigilabat ; et qui huic tanta cum laude praefuit fortissimus martyr Cyprianus. Hic profitetur cathedram Petri, super quem a Domino aedificata fuit Ecclesia, principalem esse, unde unitas sacerdotalis exorta est ; cujus fides, Apostolo praedicante, laudata est, et ad quam perfidia non possit habere accessum.

Turning therefore to the South, among the chief Churches of all Africa acknowledging the primacy of the Roman, there meets us in the first place that celebrated Church of Carthage, which watched over those of Numidia and Mauretania; and the bravest martyr Cyprian, who presided over her with so great praise. He professes that the chair of Peter, upon whom the Church was built by the Lord, is the principal one, whence priestly unity arose; whose faith, as the Apostle proclaims, was praised, and to which perfidy cannot have access.

Et alibi : « Deus unus est, inquit, et Christus unus, et una Ecclesia, et cathedra una super petram, Domini voce fundata. Aliud altare constitui, aut sacerdotium novum fieri, praeter unum altare et unum sacerdotium, non potest ; quisque alibi collegerit, spargit. »

And elsewhere: "God is one," he says, "and Christ is one, and the Church is one, and the chair is one founded upon the rock by the voice of the Lord. Another altar cannot be set up, or a new priesthood be made, besides the one altar and the one priesthood; whoever gathers elsewhere, scatters."

Idem ex concilio plurimorum sacerdotum, Martiano Arelatensi et legatis, quos in Africam usque miserat, optantibus ad communionem ejus admitti, communionis omnis beneficium denegat ; eo quod Cornelio papae, in catholica Ecclesia de Dei judicio, et cleri ac plebis suffragio ordinato, profanum altare erigere, et adulteram cathedram collocare, et contra verum sacerdotem sacrilega sacrificia offerre tentavisset.

The same, from a council of very many priests, denies the benefit of all communion to Marcianus of Arles and the legates whom he had sent right into Africa, wishing to be admitted to his communion, because against Pope Cornelius, ordained in the Catholic Church by the judgement of God and the suffrage of the clergy and people, he had attempted to erect a profane altar, and set up an adulterous chair, and offer sacrilegious sacrifices against the true priest.

Idem rursus singulos ex Africa Romam navigantes, ne cum scandalo ullo navigarent, hortabatur, ut « Ecclesiae catholicae matricem et radicem agnoscerent et tenerent ; » curabatque universos collegas suos, hoc est Numidiae et utriusque Mauritaniae episcopos, Cornelii papae communicationem, id est catholicae Ecclesiae unitatem pariter et charitatem probarent firmiter ac tenerent.

The same again exhorted individuals sailing from Africa to Rome, lest they should sail with any scandal, "to acknowledge and hold fast the womb and root of the Catholic Church;" and took care that all his colleagues, that is, the bishops of Numidia and of both Mauretanias, should firmly approve and hold fast the communion of Pope Cornelius, that is, the unity and charity alike of the Catholic Church.

Ne vero Cyprianum duntaxat nomine privato ita docuisse quisquam putet, ex universa Libya, Numidia et Mauritaniis in synodum Carthaginensem coeuntium episcoporum nomine et sententia, ille ad Stephanum papam maxime scribendum, et cum ejus gravitate ac sapientia conferendum censuit ; quod hoc et ad sacerdotalem auctoritatem pertineret, et ad Ecclesiae catholicae unitatem.

And lest anyone think that Cyprian taught thus only in a private capacity, in the name and by the vote of the bishops assembling into the Synod of Carthage from all Libya, Numidia, and the Mauretanias, he judged that they ought especially to write to Pope Stephen, and confer with his gravity and wisdom, because this pertained both to priestly authority and to the unity of the Catholic Church.

Cypriano, Tertulliani ejus magistri (sic enim eumdem appellasse, dum ejus exemplaria nocturna versaret manu et diurna, testis est Hieronymus) sententiam adjiciamus. « Si Italiae adjaces, inquit, habes Romanam Ecclesiam, unde nobis auctoritas praesto est statuta. Statu felix Ecclesia, cui totam doctrinam apostoli cum sanguine suo profuderunt, ubi Petrus passioni Dominicae adaequatur, ubi Paulus Joannis exitu coronatur, ubi apostolus Joannes, postquam in oleum igneum demersus nihil passus est, in insulam relegatur. »

To Cyprian let us add the judgement of Tertullian his master (for Jerome is witness that he so called him while he turned over his copies with nightly and daily hand). "If you lie near to Italy," he says, "you have the Roman Church, whence authority stands ready established for us. Happy in its state is that Church, into which the apostles poured forth their whole doctrine along with their blood, where Peter is made equal to the Lord's passion, where Paul is crowned with the death of John, where the Apostle John, after being plunged into fiery oil and suffering nothing, is banished to an island."

Verum omissa Carthagine, nunc Hipponem, ubi episcopum egit Augustinus, proficiscamur, qui maximam suam erga beati Petri sedem, id est Romanam Ecclesiam, reverentiam et obedientiam nos docebit. Libros quatuor, quos contra duas epistolas Pelagianorum ediderat, ad Bonifacii papae sanctitatem potissimum dirigit examinandos et emendandos : apostolicae sedis correctioni se suaque committens.

But leaving Carthage, let us now set out for Hippo, where Augustine acted as bishop, who will teach us his very great reverence and obedience towards the see of blessed Peter, that is, the Roman Church. The four books which he had published against two epistles of the Pelagians he directs chiefly to the holiness of Pope Boniface to be examined and emended, committing himself and his works to the correction of the apostolic see.

Melchiadem papam Christianae pacis filium, et patrem Christianae plebis vocat, epist. 162.

Pope Miltiades he calls a son of Christian peace and father of the Christian people, Epistle 162.

Innocentium obnixe rogat, apostolicae sedis auctoritatem, concilii Carthaginensis et mediocritatis

Innocent he earnestly entreats to apply the authority of the apostolic see to the decrees of the Council of Carthage and of his own lowliness

Editors' notes and page, col. 1610

Footnotes

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Epist. 65.

Letter 65.

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(54) ‹anchor: conferendum censuit› · call in col 1610

Epist. 76.

Letter 76.

(55-56) ‹anchor: sententiam adjiciamus› · call in col 1610 L. Præscript.

The book of Prescription [against Heretics].

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(57) ‹anchor: obedientiam nos docebit› · call in col 1610

Lib. I contra duas epist. Pelag., c. 1.

Book I Against Two Letters of the Pelagians, ch. 1.

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running head: IN LIB. III S. IRENAEI. 1610
marginal letters: A rius libello De; B Et alibi :; C collegas suos, hoc; D derunt, ubi Petrus
old-edition numerals: 115 before Ad
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: rius libello De; rius broken from V⟨i⟩lle- in col. 1609

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suae decretis contra Pelagium et Coelestium adhibere, epistol. 90.

against Pelagius and Caelestius, Epistle 90.

Venerabilis papae Zozimi jussione coactum, et ecclesiastica necessitate ad Caesaream in Mauritania se evocatum scribit, epist. 57.

He writes that he was compelled by the command of the venerable Pope Zosimus, and summoned by ecclesiastical necessity to Caesarea in Mauretania, Epistle 57.

Caecilianum Carthaginensem contemnere potuisse conspirantem multitudinem inimicorum Donatistarum, « cum se Romanae Ecclesiae, in qua semper viguit apostolicae cathedrae principatus, per communicatorias litteras se videret esse conjunctum, » ait epist. 162.

That Caecilian of Carthage was able to despise the conspiring multitude of his Donatist enemies, "since he saw himself joined by letters of communion to the Roman Church, in which the primacy of the apostolic chair has always flourished," he says in Epistle 162.

Stephanum papam contra anabaptismum aetate Cypriani in Africa usurpatum, « scripsisse et praecepisse » confirmat libro V De baptismo, capite vicesimo tertio.

That Pope Stephen "wrote and commanded" against the rebaptism practised in the age of Cyprian in Africa, he confirms in Book 5 On Baptism, twenty-third chapter.

Sanctum Innocentium papam de synodi Palaestinae gestis judicasse, quibus se Pelagius absolutum falso gloriabatur, refert et probat lib. De peccato originali, cap. 8.

That the holy Pope Innocent judged concerning the acts of the Synod of Palestine, by which Pelagius falsely boasted that he had been acquitted, he reports and approves in the book On Original Sin, Chapter 8.

« Apostolatus Petri principatum, cuilibet episcopatui praeferendum » judicat libro secundo De baptismo, capite primo.

"That the primacy of the apostolate of Peter is to be preferred to any episcopate whatever," he judges in the second book On Baptism, first chapter.

Solius Ecclesiae Romanae successiones a beato Petro ad suam aetatem usque, ut ingentis virtutis molem, schismati Donatistarum opponit, epist. 165.

The successions of the Roman Church alone from blessed Peter right down to his own age, like a mass of vast power, he opposes to the schism of the Donatists, Epistle 165.

Totius Numidiae ad Milevitanum concilium coacti episcopi, Innocentium summum pontificem demisse precantur, ut magnis periculis membrorum Christi pastoralem diligentiam adhibere dignetur, et haereticos Coelestium in Asia, Pelagium vero Jerosolymis constitutos, auctoritate sanctitatis suae, de sanctarum Scripturarum auctoritate deprompta, cohibeat, aliisque instanter et celeriter provideat, auctore eod. Augustin., epist. 92.

The bishops of all Numidia assembled at the Council of Milevis humbly pray the supreme pontiff Innocent to deign to apply his pastoral diligence to the great dangers of the members of Christ, and by the authority of his holiness, drawn from the authority of the sacred Scriptures, to restrain the heretics Caelestius in Asia and Pelagius at Jerusalem, and urgently and speedily to provide for the others, on the testimony of the same Augustine, Epistle 92.

Hujus et paulo superius nominati concilii Carthaginensis relationes, ad apostolicae sedis antistitem missas, simulque ab eodem responsiones ad Afros directas, agnoscit probatque idem Augustinus epist. 106 et lib. I Contra Julianum Pelag., et libro secundo Contra Pelagium et Coelestium, cap. 7.

The reports of this council and of the Council of Carthage named a little above, sent to the bishop of the apostolic see, and at the same time the replies directed by the same to the Africans, the same Augustine acknowledges and approves in Epistle 106, and Book 1 Against Julian the Pelagian, and the second book Against Pelagius and Caelestius, Chapter 7.

At, ne in re evidentissima sim effusior, relictis Fulgentii Ruspensis, Eugypii abbatis, Eulalii, et Eugenii Carthag., Primasii, Optati, Lactantii, Arnobii, Africanorum doctorum testimoniis, ad Alexandrinam sedem, quam in Aegyptum, Pentapolim, et Libyam, juxta antiquam consuetudinem, τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἔχειν, id est excellentiam summamque potestatem et dignitatem habere, sancta synodus Nicaena sanxit, oculos convertamus. Hanc gloriari, quod Romanae Ecclesiae fidei, ore apostolico laudatae, sit particeps, scribit Hieronymus epist. ad Theophilum.

But lest I be too diffuse in a most evident matter, leaving aside the testimonies of the African doctors Fulgentius of Ruspe, Abbot Eugippius, Eulalius and Eugenius of Carthage, Primasius, Optatus, Lactantius, and Arnobius, let us turn our eyes to the see of Alexandria, which the holy Synod of Nicaea sanctioned should, according to ancient custom, τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἔχειν, that is, have pre-eminence and supreme power and dignity over Egypt, Pentapolis, and Libya. That she glories in being a partaker of the faith of the Roman Church, praised by the apostolic mouth, Jerome writes in his Epistle to Theophilus.

Xisti Romani episcopi consilium quaerit, sententiamque vehementer exposcit in anabaptismi causa antiquiss. et sanctiss. ille Dionysius Alexandrinus, veritus ne per errorem ipse laberetur. Idem, Stephanum Xisti antecessorem eadem de causa, prolixa satis epistola, totius Orientis Ecclesiarum commemorata concordia, consuluerat, ut primum sine dubio pastorem Ecclesiae, cujus sententiam audire et attendere omnes deberent.

That most ancient and most holy Dionysius of Alexandria seeks the counsel of Xystus the Roman bishop, and earnestly requests his judgement in the case of rebaptism, fearing lest he himself should slip through error. The same man, for the same cause, in a rather lengthy epistle, recounting the concord of the Churches of the whole East, had consulted Stephen the predecessor of Xystus, as without doubt the first pastor of the Church, whose judgement all ought to hear and heed.

Dionysio antiquior Origenes, et ipse Alexandrinus catechistes, Petro summam rerum de pascendis ovibus traditam, et super ipsum velut super terram, fundatam esse Ecclesiam docuerat, ipsumque meruisse Ecclesiae fieri fundamentum.

More ancient than Dionysius, Origen, himself also catechist of Alexandria, had taught that the supreme charge of feeding the sheep was handed over to Peter, and that upon him, as upon the earth, the Church was founded, and that he merited to become the foundation of the Church.

Et ad Zephirinum Romanum praesulem scribit, ideo se Romam iter suscepisse, quod sibi admodum in optatis esset Ecclesiam Romanam, plane antiquissimam, videre.

And he writes to Zephyrinus the Roman prelate that he undertook his journey to Rome for this reason, because he greatly desired to see the Roman Church, altogether most ancient.

Magnus Athanasius, et una cum eo totius Aegypti episcopi, Marcum, « sanctae Romanae apostolicae

The great Athanasius, and together with him the bishops of all Egypt, name Mark "pope of the holy Roman apostolic

Editors' notes and page, col. 1611

Footnotes

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Rom. I.

Romans 1.

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(59) ‹anchor: ipse laberetur› · call in col 1611

Euseb., lib. VII Hist., cap. 8.

Eusebius, History book VII, ch. 8.

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(60) ‹anchor: attendere omnes deberent› · call in col 1611

Ibid., cap. 2, 3, 4.

Same work, chs. 2, 3, 4.

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(61) ‹anchor: Ecclesiæ fieri fundamentum› · call in col 1611

L. V in Epist. ad Rom. et in cap. XVI Matth.

Book V on the Letter to the Romans, and on chapter 16 of Matthew.

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Epistol. ad Marcum papam.

The letter to Pope Mark.

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Epist. ad vitam solitariam agentes.

The letter to those leading the solitary life.

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Lib. IV Instit., cap. 7, sect. 5.

Institutes book IV, ch. 7, sect. 5.

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marginal letters: A suae decretis contra; B patui praeferendum » judicat; C et libro secundo; D prolixa satis epistola,
old-edition numerals: (none)
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sedis atque universalis Ecclesiae papam nominant ; sanctamque ejus sedem, matrem et caput omnium Ecclesiarum agnoscunt ; cui cum omnibus sibi commissis, perpetuo se futuros obedientes pollicentur. »

see and of the universal Church; and acknowledge his holy see as the mother and head of all the Churches; to whom, with all those entrusted to them, they promise that they will perpetually be obedient."

Alibi Athanasius idem Ursacii et Valentis Arianorum antistitum sycophantiis graviter succenset, quod ne Liberio quidem Romano episcopo pepercerint, nulla reverentia ducti, cujus sedes apostolica erat, in qua nullius, nisi Dei metus resideret.

Elsewhere the same Athanasius is gravely indignant at the slanders of the Arian bishops Ursacius and Valens, because, led by no reverence, they did not spare even Liberius the Roman bishop, whose see was apostolic, in which fear of none save God resided.

Idem rursus Alexandria Romam usque se aliquando navigasse scribit, « ut seipsum suaque illi Ecclesiae commendaret, » quemadmodum sibi ipsi testis est Apologia ad Constantium imperatorem : vel, ut etiam Calvino placet, Romanae sedis auctoritate tum hostium suorum rabiem reprimeret, tum pios laborantes confirmaret.

The same again writes that he once sailed all the way from Alexandria to Rome "in order to commend himself and his affairs to that Church," as his Apology to the Emperor Constantius is witness for himself: or, as even Calvin pleases to say, that by the authority of the Roman see he might both repress the rage of his enemies and strengthen the pious who were in distress.

Jam vero Orientem petentibus nobis, Syriae universae, Palaestinae et Arabiae celebres occurrunt Ecclesiae, quibus Stephanum papam et martyrem sua doctrina, consilio et epistolis, semper magno adjumento fuisse congratulatur apud Eusebium libr. VII, cap. 4 Histor., Dionysius ille Alexandrinus.

And now, as we make for the East, there meet us the celebrated Churches of all Syria, Palestine, and Arabia, which that famous Dionysius of Alexandria, in Eusebius, Book 7, Chapter 4 of the History, congratulates because Pope and martyr Stephen by his teaching, counsel, and epistles was always of great assistance to them.

In Jerosolymorum dioecesi degens Hieronymus, epistola ad Damasum papam, haec praesenti animo vociferatur : « Cum successore piscatoris et discipulo crucis loquor. Ego nullum nisi Christum sequens, beatitudini tuae, id est cathedrae Petri communione consocior : super illam petram aedificatam Ecclesiam scio. Quicunque extra hanc domum agnum comederit, profanus est. Si quis in arca Noe non fuerit, peribit regnante diluvio. Quicunque tecum non colligit, spargit ; hoc est, qui Christi non est, Antichristi est. »

Dwelling in the diocese of Jerusalem, Jerome, in his Epistle to Pope Damasus, cries out these words with resolute spirit: "With the successor of the fisherman and the disciple of the cross I speak. Following none save Christ, I am joined in communion to your Beatitude, that is, to the chair of Peter: upon that rock I know the Church is built. Whoever eats the lamb outside this house is profane. If anyone be not in the ark of Noah, he will perish when the flood reigns. Whoever does not gather with you, scatters; that is, he who is not of Christ is of Antichrist."

Et sequenti ad eumdem epistola : « Si quis cathedrae Petri jungitur, meus est. » Alibi etiam : Si quid parum caute scripsisset, ab eodem Damaso emendari postulat, « ut ab eo qui Petri fidem et sedem teneret. »

And in the following epistle to the same: "If anyone is joined to the chair of Peter, he is mine." Elsewhere also, if he had written anything with too little caution, he demands that it be emended by the same Damasus, "as by him who held the faith and see of Peter."

Idem rursus, totius Orientis et Occidentis synodicas consultationes ad episcopum Romanum deferri solitas docet, cum ad eas se respondisse scribit, quando in chartis ecclesiasticis Damasum juvabat.

The same again teaches that the synodical consultations of the whole East and West were accustomed to be referred to the Roman bishop, when he writes that he replied to them when he was assisting Damasus in ecclesiastical papers.

Et epistola ad Principiam, se Romam cum sanctis pontificibus Paulino et Epiphanio, quorum alter Antiochenam Syriae, alter Salaminiam Cypri rexit Ecclesiam, « necessitate ecclesiastica tractum, » memoriae mandavit.

And in the Epistle to Principia, he has committed to memory that he went to Rome with the holy pontiffs Paulinus and Epiphanius, of whom the one governed the Church of Antioch in Syria and the other that of Salamis in Cyprus, "drawn by ecclesiastical necessity."

Sed audiatur ipse clarissimus Jerosolymorum antistes Cyrillus. Petrum Romanae Eccles. praesulem, principem apostolorum excellentissimum appellat, catech. 2 ; clavium regni coelorum portitorem, catech. 6 ; supremum Ecclesiae praeconem, catech. 11 ; principem apostolorum et regni coelorum clavigerum, catech. 17.

But let the most illustrious bishop of Jerusalem himself, Cyril, be heard. He calls Peter prelate of the Roman Church and most excellent prince of the apostles, Catechesis 2; bearer of the keys of the kingdom of heaven, Catechesis 6; supreme herald of the Church, Catechesis 11; prince of the apostles and key-bearer of the kingdom of heaven, Catechesis 17.

Omitto Sophonium, Pachymerem, et Michaelem Syngelum, qui postea huic Ecclesiae praefuerunt, ut alias percurram.

I omit Sophronius, Pachymeres, and Michael Syncellus, who afterwards presided over this Church, that I may run through others.

In Palaestina Caesariensi doctissimus ille episcopus Eusebius, Petrum Christianorum primum pontificem vocat in Chronicis ; additque illum Romae viginti quinque annis perseverasse ; et quoties in historiis praecipuarum Ecclesiarum, episcoporum successiones recenset, toties Romano primum locum tribuit.

In Caesarea of Palestine that most learned bishop Eusebius calls Peter the first pontiff of Christians in his Chronicles, and adds that he persevered at Rome twenty-five years; and as often as in his histories he recounts the successions of the bishops of the chief Churches, so often he assigns the first place to the Roman.

Orientis quasdam Ecclesias jam percurramus. Caesareae Cappadociae Ecclesia, Romani praesulis legatos Luciferum et Eusebium, qui ad seditionem, quae ibi orta fuerat, compescendam venerant, lubentissime accepit et audivit.

Let us now run through certain Churches of the East. The Church of Caesarea in Cappadocia most gladly received and heard the legates of the Roman prelate, Lucifer and Eusebius, who had come to quell the sedition that had arisen there.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1612

Footnotes

(65) ‹anchor: accepit et audivit› · call in col 1612

Nazianzen. in mon. B. Basilii.

Nazianzen, in the funeral oration [monodia] for St Basil.

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Page

running head: VARIORUM NOTAE 1612
marginal letters: A sedis atque universalis; B versae, Palaestinae et; C emendari postulat, « ut; D Omitto Sophonium, Pachymerem,
old-edition numerals: 116 after antistes
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: sedis atque universalis

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Basilius modis omnibus magnus, optat petitque Romanum episcopum « res Orientis considerare, judicii sui decretum interponere, et sua auctoritate usum, Orientem visitare, » diligenti illius examini semetipsum sistere paratus.

Basil, great in all ways, desires and requests the Roman bishop "to consider the affairs of the East, interpose the decree of his judgement, and using his authority, visit the East," prepared to present himself to his diligent examination.

In tres diversas sententias de Spiritus sancti divinitate distractae Ecclesiae Orientales, acceptis episcopi Romani litteris, quibus ut una cum episcopis Occidentis Trinitatem et consubstantialem esse, et gloria aequalem suadebat, in unitatem redierunt : « singulis rebus ab Ecclesia Romana semel judicatis acquiescentibus ; » auctore Sozomeno libro secundo, capite vicesimo secundo Histor.

The Eastern Churches, torn into three diverse opinions concerning the divinity of the Holy Spirit, having received the letters of the Roman bishop, in which he persuaded them that together with the bishops of the West the Trinity is both consubstantial and equal in glory, returned to unity, "all acquiescing in the things once judged by the Roman Church;" on the testimony of Sozomen in the second book, twenty-second chapter of his History.

Paulum Constantinopoleos, Asclepam Gazae, Lucium Adrianopolis, Marcellum Ancyrae Galatiae minoris, episcopos, ab improbis et haereticis sedibus ejectos restituit Julius episcopus Romanus, litteris ad Orientales liberius scriptis, eos a quibus temere abdicati fuerant graviter arguens, « quoniam Ecclesia Romana (ait Socrates) privilegium praeter caeteras obtinet : atque (adjicit Sozomenus) propter sedis dignitatem, cura omnium ad ipsum Julium spectabat. »

Paul of Constantinople, Asclepas of Gaza, Lucius of Adrianople, and Marcellus of Ancyra in Galatia Minor, bishops cast out from their sees by wicked and heretical men, Julius the Roman bishop restored, writing letters rather freely to the Easterns and gravely reproving those by whom they had been rashly deposed, "since the Roman Church (says Socrates) holds a privilege beyond the rest: and (adds Sozomen) on account of the dignity of his see, the care of all belonged to Julius himself."

Illi, licet decreta sua infringi graviter ferrent, litteris tamen suis ad eumdem Julium, Ecclesiam Romanam primas apud omnes ferre, utpote quae apostolorum schola et pietatis metropolis jam ab initio fuisset, agnoverunt.

They, although they bore it ill that their decrees were infringed, nevertheless in their letters to the same Julius acknowledged that the Roman Church holds the first place among all, inasmuch as she had been from the very beginning the school of the apostles and the metropolis of piety.

Chrysostomus, Theophili, Epiphanii, et multorum Orientis episcoporum factionibus sede pulsus et relegatus, epistola ad Innocentium papam ipsum obsecrat, « ut auctoritate sua acta illorum robur nullum habere decernat ; sed eos qui inique egerunt poenarum ecclesiasticarum legibus subjiciat. » Innocentius autem Atticum Chrysostomi loco suffectum supersedere jubet ; et Proclum Cyzici episcopum, Constantinopolitanam Ecclesiam tantisper pascere, donec causa perpenderetur. Idemque Arcadium Orientis imperatorem, Eudoxiamque imperatricem, quos relegationis tanti doctoris reos comperit, a communione Ecclesiae et sacrorum submovit, ac poenitentes postmodum absolvit.

Chrysostom, driven from his see and banished by the factions of Theophilus, Epiphanius, and many bishops of the East, in an epistle to Pope Innocent beseeches him "by his authority to decree that their acts have no force, and to subject those who have acted unjustly to the laws of ecclesiastical penalties." And Innocent commands Atticus, substituted in the place of Chrysostom, to desist; and Proclus, bishop of Cyzicus, to feed the Church of Constantinople in the meantime, until the case should be weighed. And the same removed from the communion of the Church and of sacred things Arcadius, Emperor of the East, and the Empress Eudoxia, whom he found guilty of the banishment of so great a doctor, and afterwards absolved them when penitent.

Interea Anysius Thessalonicensis se Romanae Ecclesiae judicium sequi fatebatur : Antiochenae sedis presbyteri ejusdem disciplinam se agnoscere scribebant ; Syriacus Apamaeensis Bythiniae, Palladius Helenopoleos, Demetrius Pisinuntis, totius Cariae episcopi, et Mesopotamiae monasteria, nefariam Chrysostomi depositionem et relegationem exsecrantes, Romanae sedis judicio adhaerebant.

Meanwhile Anysius of Thessalonica confessed that he followed the judgement of the Roman Church; the presbyters of the see of Antioch wrote that they acknowledged her discipline; Syriacus of Apamea in Bithynia, Palladius of Helenopolis, Demetrius of Pessinus, the bishops of all Caria, and the monasteries of Mesopotamia, execrating the nefarious deposition and banishment of Chrysostom, clave to the judgement of the Roman see.

Verum his omissis, Antiochenae Ecclesiae, quam totius Orientis metropolim fuisse, docent ex Latinis Hieronymus ; ex Graecis Theodoretus libro quinto, capite secundo ; et ex Hebraeis Hegesippus libro tertio, capite quinto, reverentiam obedientiamque erga Petri successores consideremus. Socrates, Theodoretus, Sozomenus uno consensu memoriae prodiderunt Flavianum ejusdem sedis antistitem, per legationem, precibus Chrysostomi et Theophili, Ecclesiae Romanae episcopo, a quo ob violatum jusjurandum communione privatus fuerat, reconciliatum fuisse et communioni restitutum.

But omitting these, let us consider the reverence and obedience towards the successors of Peter of the Church of Antioch, which Jerome among the Latins, Theodoret in the fifth book, second chapter, among the Greeks, and Hegesippus in the third book, fifth chapter, among the Hebrews teach to have been the metropolis of the whole East. Socrates, Theodoret, and Sozomen with one consent have handed down to memory that Flavian, bishop of the same see, through an embassy, by the prayers of Chrysostom and Theophilus, was reconciled to the bishop of the Roman Church, by whom he had been deprived of communion on account of a violated oath, and was restored to communion.

Eadem, Paulinum patriarcham lubens amplexa

The same Church gladly embraced Paulinus as patriarch,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1613

Footnotes

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Epist. 52.

Letter 52.

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Lib. II Hist., cap. 2.

History book II, ch. 2.

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Lib. III, cap. 7.

Book III, ch. 7.

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Palladius, Sozom., lib. VIII, cap. 28, Theod., lib. V, cap. 33; Socrates, l. VI; Georg. Alex. in Vita Chrysostom.; Nicephor., lib. XIII, cap. 15, 16, 18, 31, 32, 33, 34.

Palladius; Sozomen, book VIII, ch. 28; Theodoret, book V, ch. 33; Socrates, book VI; George of Alexandria in the Life of Chrysostom; Nicephorus, book XIII, chs. 15, 16, 18, 31, 32, 33, 34.

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Advers. Jo. Jerosolym.

Against John of Jerusalem.

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Socrat. lib. III; Theod. lib. III; Sozom. lib. V.

Socrates, book III; Theodoret, book III; Sozomen, book V.

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Nazianz. in Monodia. Basil., Hieronym. epist. ad Principiam.

Nazianzen in the funeral oration [monodia]; Basil; Jerome, letter to Principia.

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Niceph., lib. XIV, cap. 34; tomo I Concil., pag. 601; Evagr., lib. I Histor.

Nicephorus, book XIV, ch. 34; Councils vol. I, p. 601; Evagrius, History book I.

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est, quod per pontificis Romani legatum Luciferum nomine, sibi traditus et ordinatus esset : qui postea et ipse una cum Epiphanio et Hieronymo, de rebus ecclesiasticis consulturus ad Romanum pontificem profectus est.

because he had been handed over and ordained for her through the legate of the Roman pontiff, Lucifer by name: who afterwards himself also, together with Epiphanius and Jerome, set out to the Roman pontiff to consult concerning ecclesiastical affairs.

Sed quid in singulis recensendis immoror ? Praestat synodorum, in quibus omnes convenerunt, de Ecclesiae supremo post Petrum capite sententias colligere. Ex Occidente et toto Oriente episcopi supra sexcentos ad Chalcedonensem, « quae solius sedis Romanae, » ait Gelasius, « decreto coacta est, » coierant ; qui omnes, ne uno quidem reclamante, Romanam Ecclesiam caput omnium dictitantem Paschasinum, Leonis papae legatum audiunt, ejusque mandata capessunt, actione 1.

But why do I tarry in recounting individual cases? It is better to gather the judgements of the synods, in which all came together, concerning the supreme head of the Church after Peter. From the West and the whole East above six hundred bishops had assembled at the Synod of Chalcedon, "which by the decree of the Roman see alone," says Gelasius, "was convened;" all of whom, without even a single one protesting, hear Paschasinus, the legate of Pope Leo, repeatedly calling the Roman Church the head of all, and carry out his commands, in Session 1.

Deinde Leo, « universalis archiepiscopus, universalis Ecclesiae papa, universalis Ecclesiae episcopus, » omnium consensu appellatur, actione 3.

Next Leo is called by the consent of all "universal archbishop, pope of the universal Church, bishop of the universal Church," in Session 3.

Postea omnem primatum et honorem praecipuum, secundum canones, antiquae Romae archiepiscopo conservari voluit, actione 16.

Afterwards it willed that all primacy and chief honour, according to the canons, should be preserved for the archbishop of Old Rome, in Session 16.

Concilium hoc praecesserat aliud, quod Ephesi contra Nestorium, « jussu et auctoritate, » aiunt Nicephorus, Evagrius, et Justinus imperator, « Coelestini papae indictum fuit. » In eo ex toto Oriente adunati ducenti Patres, imposita sibi necessitate a canonibus, et sanctissimi Patris Coelestini Romanae Ecclesiae episcopi epistola, diu multumque lacrymantes se ad tristem anathematis contra Nestorium ferendam sententiam adigi protestantur.

Another council had preceded this one, which at Ephesus against Nestorius "was proclaimed by the command and authority," say Nicephorus, Evagrius, and the Emperor Justin, "of Pope Celestine." In it two hundred Fathers assembled from the whole East, necessity being laid upon them by the canons and by the epistle of the most holy Father Celestine, bishop of the Roman Church, weeping long and much, protest that they are compelled to pronounce the sad sentence of anathema against Nestorius.

Epistola quoque ad eumdem Coelestinum, sanctitatis illius pietatem, zelum et curam de recta fide cum omni admiratione suspiciunt : episcopos Romanos in omnibus celebres esse, et eorum studia ecclesiarum fulcra, constituta agnoscunt : et quoniam necessitas postulabat, ut quae facta fuerant in sancta illa synodo, omnia ad sanctitatis ejus cognitionem referrentur, eidem ipsi, scripto illo necessario, ea universa sese indicare scribunt.

In an epistle also to the same Celestine, they look up with all admiration to the piety, zeal, and care for the right faith of his holiness; they acknowledge that the Roman bishops are celebrated in all things, and that their endeavours are established as the props of the churches; and since necessity demanded that all the things that had been done in that holy synod should be referred to the cognizance of his holiness, they write that by that necessary document they are making all those things known to him.

Demum, Joannis Antiocheni patriarchae, qui ut synodum in gratiam Nestorii turbaret, Ephesiorum et Alexandrinorum episcopos deposuerat, temeritatem plectendam differunt pietatis ejusdem Coelestini judicio. Qui vero multis ante annis, ad secundam universalem synodum, quae prima Constantinopolitana fuit, juxta litteras Damasi papae convenerant 150 episcopi, epistola ad eumdem Ecclesiae Romanae praesulem, membra ejus propria sese profitentur, simulque ut ordinationibus Nectarii, Flaviani et Cyrilli, quibus Constantinop. Antiochenam, et Jerosolym. Ecclesias commiserant, sua pietate et charitate spiritali acquiesceret, hortanti.

Finally, they defer the punishment of the rashness of John, patriarch of Antioch, who in order to disturb the synod in favour of Nestorius had deposed the bishops of the Ephesians and Alexandrians, to the judgement of the piety of the same Celestine. Moreover, the 150 bishops who many years before had assembled at the Second Universal Synod, which was the First of Constantinople, in accordance with the letters of Pope Damasus, in an epistle to the same prelate of the Roman Church profess themselves his own proper members, and at the same time exhort him that in his piety and spiritual charity he should acquiesce in the ordinations of Nectarius, Flavian, and Cyril, to whom they had entrusted the Churches of Constantinople, Antioch, and Jerusalem.

Jam vero tantam confessorum coronam, quae ex Palaestina, Phoenicia, utraque Syria, Arabia, Mesopotamia, Perside, Cilicia, Cappadocia, utraque Armenia, et Ponto, Galatia, Asia, Lydia, Phrygia, Pisidia, Pamphilia, Isauria, et aliis Orientis partibus majori ex parte contexta est, celebrem et omnibus observandam Nicaenam synodum primam consideremus. Hanc non tantum Sylvestri episcopi Romani consensu coactam apud Damasum legimus, verum et ejusdem vocatione regulariter convocatam fuisse, docet concilium Romanum eadem tempestate celebratum : Vitumque et Vincentium

And now let us consider so great a crown of confessors, which was woven together for the greater part from Palestine, Phoenicia, both Syrias, Arabia, Mesopotamia, Persia, Cilicia, Cappadocia, both Armenias, and Pontus, Galatia, Asia, Lydia, Phrygia, Pisidia, Pamphylia, Isauria, and other parts of the East, the celebrated First Synod of Nicaea, to be observed by all. We read in Damasus not only that it was assembled with the consent of Sylvester the Roman bishop, but the Roman council celebrated at the same time teaches that it was also regularly convoked by his summons; and that Vitus and Vincentius

Editors' notes and page, col. 1614

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Tom. I Concil., pag. 694, 695 edit. Col.

Councils vol. I, pp. 694, 695, Cologne edition.

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Tom. I Concil., pag. 485 et 486.

Councils vol. I, pp. 485 and 486.

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Tom. I Concil., pag. 355.

Councils vol. I, p. 355.

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Sylvestri episcopi Romani nomine illi praefuisse testantur ex Latinis Marianus, Regino, Platina ; et ex Graecis Cedrenus in Compend. hist., et Photius Constantinop. Eadem jussit Asiaticos Paschatis observationem, quam ab apostolicis viris Polycarpo, Polycrate et aliis acceperant, missam facere, et Ecclesiae Romanae celebrandi tempus amplecti ; quod ut praestarent, cum Constantinus imperator esset adhortatus, facturos se libenter receperunt. Haec ipsa quoque synodus, communi omnium episcoporum nomine, epistola ad eumdem Sylvestrum, precatur, ut quidquid in tanto coetu et consensu visum esset, oris illius consortio confirmaretur. Quid ergo evidentius, firmius, aut amplius ad confirmationem summae in omnes Ecclesias potestatis, in Petri successore haberi potest ? En totius Occidentis, Meridiei et Orientis Ecclesiarum pastores, verbis, scriptis, operibus ; et singuli, et in maximis synodis congregati, Ecclesiam eam a Petro, cui prae caeteris Dominicas oves pascendi cura commissa est, fundatam esse docent ; ipsi obedientiam reverentiamque exhibent ; extorres ab ejus communione, profanos, haereticos et Antichristos censent ; in omni controversia judicium ejus exspectant ; decreta ejus ut Christi voces audiunt, amplectuntur, exosculantur ; praecipui patriarchae ab illa confirmari expetunt ; conciliis suis calculum adjicere rogant ; injuria affecti eam appellant ; et ad eam sedibus pulsi, ut ad tutissimum asylum confugiunt ; quos in communionem receperit, catholici ; quos non admiserit, schismatici ab omnibus existimantur : et, ut hic Irenaei clausula finiam, « quotquot sunt, » undequaque sint, « in toto orbe fideles, ob potentiorem principalitatem, et conservatas traditiones apostolicas, ad eam conveniunt. » Atque de his satis.

presided over it in the name of Sylvester the Roman bishop, Marianus, Regino, and Platina among the Latins, and Cedrenus in his Compendium of History and Photius of Constantinople among the Greeks, bear witness. The same synod commanded the Asiatics to dismiss the observance of Easter which they had received from the apostolic men Polycarp, Polycrates, and others, and to embrace the time of celebration of the Roman Church; and when the Emperor Constantine exhorted them to perform this, they gladly undertook to do so. This very synod also, in the common name of all the bishops, in an epistle to the same Sylvester, prays that whatever had seemed good in so great an assembly and agreement might be confirmed by the fellowship of his mouth. What, therefore, can be had more evident, firmer, or fuller for the confirmation of the supreme power over all the Churches in the successor of Peter? Behold, the pastors of the Churches of the whole West, South, and East, by words, writings, and deeds, both individually and gathered in the greatest synods, teach that that Church was founded by Peter, to whom beyond the rest the care of feeding the Lord's sheep was entrusted; they show obedience and reverence to her; those banished from her communion they account profane, heretics, and Antichrists; in every controversy they await her judgement; her decrees they hear, embrace, and kiss as the utterances of Christ; the chief patriarchs desire to be confirmed by her; they ask her to add her vote to their councils; when wronged they appeal to her; and when driven from their sees they flee for refuge to her as to the safest asylum; those whom she receives into communion are accounted by all Catholics, and those whom she does not admit, schismatics: and, to end here with the closing words of Irenaeus, "all the faithful who are in the whole world," from wherever they may be, "on account of her more powerful pre-eminence, and the apostolic traditions preserved in her, agree with her." And of these things enough.

Petro et Paulo. Hujus libri cap. 1 disertis verbis testatur Petrum et Paulum Romae evangelizasse, et fundasse Ecclesiam : quod cum et ipso superiores Hegesippus, Caius, Linus, Clemens, Anacletus, Papias ; et quotquot postea sive in Oriente, sive in Occidente, sive in Meridie, sive in Septentrione secuti sunt orthodoxi et clari scriptores, miro consensu confirment : non possum non mirari Veleni, Illyrici, Funccii, Molinaei, Gallasii, et quorumdam aliorum Hugnosticorum profligatam impudentiam, qua Petrum nunquam Romae fuisse audeant blatterare. Praesertim cum etiam Lutherus, quemadmodum ex colloquiis ejus scribit Rebenstock, sponte fassus sit : « Omnes historias affirmare Petrum fuisse primum papam Romae ; » et Calvinus profiteatur, « Propter scriptorum consensum se nolle pugnare, quin illic mortuus fuerit. »

By Peter and Paul. In Chapter 1 of this book he testifies in express words that Peter and Paul preached the Gospel at Rome and founded the Church: and since those earlier than he himself, Hegesippus, Caius, Linus, Clement, Anacletus, and Papias, and all the orthodox and illustrious writers who afterwards followed, whether in the East, or in the West, or in the South, or in the North, confirm this with wonderful agreement, I cannot but marvel at the shameless impudence of Velenus, Illyricus, Funck, Dumoulin, des Gallars, and certain other Huguenot-Gnostics, whereby they dare to babble that Peter was never at Rome. Especially since Luther also, as Rebenstock writes from his Table Talk, of his own accord confessed "that all histories affirm that Peter was the first pope at Rome;" and Calvin professes "that on account of the agreement of writers he is unwilling to contest that he died there."

Observandum quoque hoc loco, Petrum Paulo praemitti, quod ille Romanis longe prius annuntiasset, quam iste ad eos vel scriberet, vel accederet. Etenim ipsemet Paulus ad Romanos, quos nondum viderat, aut docuerat, scribens, testatur ndem illorum annuntiari in universo mundo, seque ingenti desiderio eos visendi, et in eadem fide confirmandi teneri. Ergo jam illic, Petri laboribus, coaluerat amplissima et florentissima Ecclesiae Christianae atque catholicae facies : quod etiam alii ab Irenaeo primae notae scriptores testificantur. Eusebius namque ait : « Salutaris praedicationis verbo Petrus primus in urbe Roma Evangelii sui clavibus januam regni coelestis aperuit. » Consentiunt Epiphanius cont. haeres. 27 ; Chrysostomus in ps. XLVIII ; Nicephorus lib. II ; et ut Graecis Latinos jungamus, Leo Magnus serm. 1 de natali apostolorum, Orosius lib. I, cap. 6 ; Arnobius lib. II Contra gentes, aliique plurimi.

It is also to be observed in this place that Peter is put before Paul because the former had preached to the Romans long before the latter either wrote to them or came to them. For Paul himself, writing to the Romans, whom he had not yet seen or taught, testifies that their faith is proclaimed in the whole world, and that he is held by an immense desire to see them and strengthen them in the same faith. Therefore already there, through the labours of Peter, a most ample and flourishing form of a Christian and Catholic Church had grown together: which other writers of the first rank after Irenaeus also testify. For Eusebius says: "By the word of saving preaching Peter first in the city of Rome opened the gate of the heavenly kingdom with the keys of his Gospel." With him agree Epiphanius against Heresy 27; Chrysostom on (Ps. 48); Nicephorus, Book 2; and, to join Latins to Greeks, Leo the Great in Sermon 1 on the natal day of the apostles; Orosius, Book 1, Chapter 6; Arnobius, Book 2 Against the Heathen, and very many others.

Per successiones episcoporum. Continuam episcoporum

Through the successions of the bishops. That the continuous succession

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Tom. I Concil., pag. 354.

Councils vol. I, p. 354.

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Tom. II, pag. 63.

Vol. II, p. 63.

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Lib. IV Instit., c. 6, sect. 15.

Institutes book IV, ch. 6, sect. 15.

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Lib. II Histor., cap. 14.

History book II, ch. 14.

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Cyprian., Optat.

Cyprian; Optatus.

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successionem, praesertim Romanorum, quos postea ad aetatem suam usque numerat, per cunctas Ecclesias esse veram manifestamque sponsae Christi notam, ex qua Scripturarum interpretatio, legitima sacramenta, veritasque fidei petenda sit, cum Irenaeo senserunt, ac haereticis ut firmissimum murum objecerunt Tertull. lib. Praescr. ; Cyprianus lib. I, epist. 6 ; Optatus lib. II Contra Parmen. ; Epiph. contra haeres. 27 ; August. tom. VII, Ps. contra partem Donati, et alii deinceps omnes orthodoxi.

of bishops, especially of the Roman bishops, whom he afterwards enumerates right down to his own age, throughout all the Churches is a true and manifest mark of the spouse of Christ, from which the interpretation of the Scriptures, legitimate sacraments, and the truth of the faith are to be sought, Tertullian in the book On Prescription, Cyprian in Book 1, Epistle 6, Optatus in Book 2 Against Parmenian, Epiphanius against Heresy 27, Augustine in vol. 7, Psalm against the Party of Donatus, and all the orthodox thereafter held along with Irenaeus, and set against the heretics like the strongest wall.

At vero, istiusmodi perpetua successio in Romana sede tam certa et perspicua est, ut nulli Lutherani, nulli Calviniani, nulli Anabaptistae, nulli Ariani, Samosateniani, Trideitae, aut Trinitarii possint negare : contra vero, hi omni successione episcoporum carent ; nuncque majori ex parte ministri eorum sunt laici, ex profanis turbis et negotiis, sine ulla sacra initiatione, in Ecclesias irrumpentes, et aut veteres haereses Simonis, Marcionis, Donati, Vigilantii, Berengarii, etc., instaurantes, aut a novis haeresiarchis inventas seminantes, in totius orbis Christiani extremam perniciem. Sunt ergo, ut loquuntur orthodoxi, a seipsis ordinati, sine magistro discipuli, filii sine patre, sine capite membra, et prodigiose natae creaturae.

Now indeed, a perpetual succession of this sort in the Roman see is so certain and perspicuous that no Lutherans, no Calvinists, no Anabaptists, no Arians, Samosatenians, Trideites, or Trinitarians can deny it; whereas on the contrary, these men lack all succession of bishops, and now for the greater part their ministers are laymen, bursting into the Churches out of profane crowds and occupations without any sacred initiation, and either renewing the old heresies of Simon, Marcion, Donatus, Vigilantius, Berengar, etc., or sowing those invented by new heresiarchs, to the utter ruin of the whole Christian world. They are therefore, as the orthodox say, ordained by themselves, disciples without a master, sons without a father, members without a head, and monstrosities of birth.

Praeterquam oportet colligunt. Billius non dubitat quin interpres Graecam vocem παρασυνάγειν reddere studuerit : quam tamen dilucidius vertisset, « praeter jus fasque conventus agere. » Unde Socrates in Hist. eccl., lib. V, c. 21 (in Latina vers. 20), Sabbatium Novatianum, quando cum relictis suis, privatos conventus agere coepisset, παρασυνάξαι eum dicit. Quid autem inter haeresim, schisma, et παρασυναγωγήν, vel παρασύναξιν intersit, vide Basilium in Canon. ad Amphilochium, can. 1.

They gather otherwise than is right. Billy does not doubt that the translator endeavoured to render the Greek word παρασυνάγειν: which nevertheless he would have translated more clearly, "to hold assemblies contrary to human and divine law." Whence Socrates in the Ecclesiastical History, Book 5, Chapter 21 (in the Latin version 20), when Sabbatius the Novatian, having left his own people, had begun to hold private assemblies, says of him παρασυνάξαι ("that he held a rival assembly"). Now as to what difference there is between heresy, schism, and παρασυναγωγήν, or παρασύναξιν ("unlawful assembly"), see Basil in the Canons to Amphilochius, Canon 1.

Pag. 176. Lino episcopatum. Quod non conveniant omnes, quis primus beato Petro successerit in sede Romana, parum refert, cum constet eam Ecclesiam nunquam pastore caruisse : sed a principe apostolorum successionem suam manifestam jugemque retinere. Irenaeus primum a Petro enumerat Linum, quod Hieronymo, Epiphanio, Chrysostomo, Dorotheo, Optato et Augustino probatur. Astipulatur Eusebius libro tertio Hist., cap. 2 et 4, lib. V, cap. 6 ; in Chronico quoque sub anno Domini 70, Neronis 14, post Petrum Romanam Ecclesiam rexisse Linum 12 annis asserit. Contra, Clemens se a beato Petro successorem constitutum scribit libro septimo Constit. apost., cap. 45, et epist. 1 ad Jacobum, quam ante mille et ducentos fere annos Latinam fecit Ruffinus ; ei subscribunt Epiphanius, Damasus, Marianus, Sabellicus. Mihi perplacet Sanderi doctissimi theologi conciliatio, Petrum quidem Clementem ordinasse, sed huic Linum et Cletum in catalogo episcoporum Romanorum praeponi quod eos Petrus sibi coadjutores adscivisset,

Page 176. The episcopate to Linus. That not all agree as to who first succeeded blessed Peter in the Roman see matters little, since it is established that that Church never lacked a pastor, but retains from the prince of the apostles her manifest and continual succession. Irenaeus enumerates Linus first after Peter, which is approved by Jerome, Epiphanius, Chrysostom, Dorotheus, Optatus, and Augustine. Eusebius agrees in the third book of the History, Chapters 2 and 4, and Book 5, Chapter 6; in the Chronicle also, under the year of the Lord 70, the 14th of Nero, he asserts that Linus governed the Roman Church for 12 years after Peter. On the contrary, Clement writes that he was appointed successor by blessed Peter in the seventh book of the Apostolic Constitutions, Chapter 45, and in Epistle 1 to James, which Rufinus turned into Latin nearly twelve hundred years ago; Epiphanius, Damasus, Marianus, and Sabellicus subscribe to him. The reconciliation of Sanders, a most learned theologian, pleases me greatly: that Peter indeed ordained Clement, but Linus and Cletus are placed before him in the catalogue of Roman bishops because Peter had taken them to himself as coadjutors.

Ergo, ut Epiphanius ex priscis etiam recte colligit, primus a morte S. Petri Romanae Ecclesiae praefuit Linus, secundus Cletus, tertius Clemens : qui Christiana raraque moderatione sedem Petri capere recusavit, dum viverent Linus et Cletus summi apostolorum Petri Romae cooperatores, cum hic urgente proximorum salute in alias provincias excurreret, tametsi fuisset ab eodem Petro designatus.

Therefore, as Epiphanius also rightly gathers from the ancients, first after the death of St. Peter Linus presided over the Roman Church, second Cletus, third Clement: who with rare Christian moderation refused to take the see of Peter while Linus and Cletus lived, the fellow-workers at Rome of Peter, the chief of the apostles, when the salvation of his neighbours urged him to journey out into other provinces, although he had been designated by the same Peter.

Caeterum, ex hac etiam Irenaei sententia notandum apostolorum et successorum eorum esse episcopos legitimos Ecclesiis praeficere ; non regum, magistratuum civilium, minus autem popularium. Quam ergo monstrosum ac propudiosum, mulierem, cui nec in Ecclesia quidem loqui divina jura permittunt, verbi Calviniani ministros, decanos,

For the rest, from this statement of Irenaeus also it must be noted that it belongs to the apostles and their successors to set legitimate bishops over the Churches; not to kings, civil magistrates, and still less to the populace. How monstrous and shameful, therefore, is it for a woman, whom divine laws do not permit even to speak in the Church, to appoint ministers of the Calvinist word, deans,

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episcopos, archiepiscopos in Ecclesiis alicubi constituere ! « Purpura certe facit imperatores, non sacerdotes, » inquit Ambrosius. Idemque ad Valentinianum : « Noli te gravare, imperator, ut putes te in ea quae divina sunt aliquod imperiale jus habere. Publicorum tibi moenium jus commissum est, non sacrorum. »

bishops, and archbishops in the Churches somewhere! "The purple certainly makes emperors, not priests," says Ambrose. And the same to Valentinian: "Do not burden yourself, Emperor, with the thought that you have any imperial right over those things which are divine. To you has been entrusted the right over public walls, not over sacred things."

Succedit autem ei Anacletus. Hunc plerique post Clementem constituunt, et in epistola eidem inscripta, Clementem suum praedecessorem vocat ; sed et Epiphanius, Ruffinus, Damasus, Sabellicus Cletum, non Anacletum, Lino subjungunt : at huic Irenaei enumerationi, quae Cletum nescit, nisi cum Anacleto eumdem faciat, subscribit Eusebius lib. III, cap. 13 Histor., « Titi, inquiens, altero imperii anno, Linus Romanae Ecclesiae ministerium, cum in eo duodecim annis praefuisset, Anacleto tradidit. » Similia habet lib. V, cap. 6, ac demum in Chronico ; Ignatius quoque epistola prima, Clementem scribit Anacleto successisse.

And Anacletus succeeds him. Most place him after Clement, and in the epistle inscribed to him he calls Clement his predecessor; moreover, Epiphanius, Rufinus, Damasus, and Sabellicus subjoin Cletus, not Anacletus, to Linus: yet to this enumeration of Irenaeus, which knows not Cletus unless it makes him the same as Anacletus, Eusebius subscribes in Book 3, Chapter 13 of the History, saying: "In the second year of the reign of Titus, Linus, after presiding twelve years over the ministry of the Roman Church, handed it over to Anacletus." He has similar words in Book 5, Chapter 6, and finally in the Chronicle; Ignatius also, in his first epistle, writes that Clement succeeded Anacletus.

Clemens, qui et vidit apostolos. Barnabae concione primum fidei elementa didicisse, et ejus ministerio se ad Petrum apostolum adductum fuisse ; ac deinceps variarum peregrinationum et certaminum comitem se adjunxisse, locupletissimus sibi ipse testis est, in libris Recognitionum. Hunc esse, cujus Paulus in quadam epistola meminit, putant Clemens Alex., Eusebius, Epiphanius.

Clement, who also saw the apostles. That he first learned the elements of the faith from the preaching of Barnabas, and by his ministry was brought to the Apostle Peter, and thereafter joined himself to him as a companion of his various journeys and struggles, he himself is the most trustworthy witness for himself in the books of the Recognitions. That this is he of whom Paul makes mention in a certain epistle, Clement of Alexandria, Eusebius, and Epiphanius think.

Sub hoc igitur Clemente, dissensione non modica. Si exstaret Clementis epistola qua schisma hoc compescuit, et Corinthiorum nutantem fidem confirmavit, tantae divisionis occasiones facile explicarentur : sed nec Eusebius, nec Nicephorus plura quam hic Irenaeus tradiderunt.

Under this Clement, therefore, no small dissension. If the epistle of Clement by which he quelled this schism and strengthened the wavering faith of the Corinthians were extant, the occasions of so great a division would easily be explained; but neither Eusebius nor Nicephorus has handed down more than Irenaeus does here.

Potentissimas litteras. Hinc observa Romanam Ecclesiam, etiam ab initio, auctoritatem suam interposuisse in moderandis quoque Graecorum Ecclesiis, quod adeo gratum fuit illarum episcopis, ut hic commemoratam epistolam, non tam Clementis quam Romanae Ecclesiae nomine, sua ipsius memoria, plurimis in Ecclesiis publice lectam scribat Eusebius lib. II, cap. 12 Hist. Porro fragmenta non contemnenda hujus epistolae reperias apud Justinum martyrem, quaest. 47 ad orth. ; Clementem Alex., lib. I Strom., et lib. IV, et lib. VI ; Basilium Magn., lib. De Spiritu sancto, capite 29 ; Athanasium in disput. contra Arium in synodo Nicaena ; Epiphanium contra haer. 27 ; Eusebium, lib. III Hist., cap. 16 et 37 ; Hieronymum, lib. I Cont. Jovin. et Commentariis in I et IV cap. ad Ephes. quorum lectorem tantum admonere visum est.

Most powerful letters. Hence observe that the Roman Church, even from the beginning, interposed her authority in governing the Churches of the Greeks also, which was so welcome to their bishops that Eusebius writes in Book 2, Chapter 12 of the History, that the epistle commemorated here, in the name not so much of Clement as of the Roman Church, was within his own memory publicly read in very many Churches. Furthermore, fragments of this epistle not to be despised you may find in Justin Martyr, Question 47 to the Orthodox; Clement of Alexandria, Book 1 of the Stromata, and Book 4, and Book 6; Basil the Great, the book On the Holy Spirit, Chapter 29; Athanasius in the disputation against Arius in the Synod of Nicaea; Epiphanius against Heresy 27; Eusebius, Book 3 of the History, Chapters 16 and 37; Jerome, Book 1 Against Jovinian and in his Commentaries on the 1st and 4th chapters to the Ephesians; of which it has seemed good merely to remind the reader.

Huic autem Clementi succedit Evaristus. Augustinus epist. 165, Optatus Milevitanus lib. II, Evaristum Anacleto successisse scribunt, quos secuti sunt Damasus et Platina ; sed cum hic reclamet Irenaeus, eique subscribat Eusebius plurimis in locis, illi potius credendum. Totum hunc locum transcripsit Eusebius lib. V Hist., cap. 6.

And Evaristus succeeds this Clement. Augustine in Epistle 165 and Optatus of Milevis in Book 2 write that Evaristus succeeded Anacletus, whom Damasus and Platina have followed; but since Irenaeus protests against this, and Eusebius subscribes to him in very many places, credit is rather to be given to him. Eusebius transcribed this whole passage in Book 5 of the History, Chapter 6.

Qui etiam gloriosissime. Eusebius, Damasus, Metaphrastes, Nicephorus, Platina, aliique rerum ecclesiasticarum scriptores, huic consentiunt : adeoque antiquissimus scriptor Tertullianus his versibus :

Who also most gloriously. Eusebius, Damasus, Metaphrastes, Nicephorus, Platina, and other writers of ecclesiastical affairs agree with him; and indeed the most ancient writer Tertullian in these verses:

Post expleta sui qui lustri tempora tradit / Telesphoro ; excellens hic erat, martyrque fidelis.

Who after the completed times of his lustrum hands over to Telesphorus; excellent was he, and a faithful martyr.

Et Polycarpus. Etiam locum istum reperias apud Eusebium, lib. IV Histor., cap. 13. Deinde constantissimum ejusdem Polycarpi martyrium graphice depingit cap. 15. Meminit et Polycarpi frequenter in epistolis Ignatius, ad eumque nominatim unam dirigit. Idem rursus ad Antiochenses suos, ex Philippis scribens, salutat eos Polycarpi nomine, cui tanquam fidissimo tutori, Ecclesiam Antiochenam, ad martyrium proficiscens, impensius commendat.

And Polycarp. This passage also you may find in Eusebius, Book 4 of the History, Chapter 13. Next in Chapter 15 he vividly depicts the most steadfast martyrdom of the same Polycarp. Ignatius also frequently makes mention of Polycarp in his epistles, and directs one to him by name. The same again, writing from Philippi to his Antiochenes, greets them in the name of Polycarp, to whom, as to a most faithful guardian, setting out for martyrdom, he earnestly commends the Church of Antioch.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1617

Footnotes

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Ambr., epist. 33.

Ambrose, letter 33.

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Theodoret., lib. V Histor., cap. 17.

Theodoret, History book V, ch. 17.

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Lib. III Carm. advers. Marcion.

Book III of the Poem against Marcion.

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marginal letters: A episcopos, archiepiscopos in; B tem scribit Anacleto; C hic commemoratam epistolam,; D cripsit Eusebius lib.
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Irenaeus quoque in Epistola ad Florinum, pietatem, doctrinam, formam Polycarpi, et caeteras animi et corporis dotes, apprime commendat. Fragmentum habet Eusebius lib. V, cap. 19 Hist.

Irenaeus also, in his Epistle to Florinus, especially commends the piety, teaching, and appearance of Polycarp, and the other gifts of his mind and body. Eusebius has the fragment in Book V, Chapter 19 of the History.

Multum enim perseveravit. Eusebius in Chronico tradit Polycarpum coronam martyrii suscepisse circa annum Christi 169, imperii autem Antonini Veri septimo ; insuper, illum instante morte dixisse proconsuli, se jam octoginta sex annos Christo inservivisse : quibus eum revera grandaevum fuisse, ac Ecclesiae Smyrnensi multis annis praefuisse constat.

For he persevered long. Eusebius in his Chronicle hands down that Polycarp received the crown of martyrdom around the year of Christ 169, the seventh of the reign of Antoninus Verus; moreover, that when death was at hand he said to the proconsul that he had already served Christ eighty-six years: from which it is established that he was indeed of great age, and had presided over the Church of Smyrna for many years.

Pag. 177. Et fidelior veritatis est testis. Eusebii auctoritate, et Billii commonitione sic ocum restituimus, expuncto « fidelioris, » quod habebant omnes codices.

Page 177. And is a more faithful witness of the truth. On the authority of Eusebius, and at the reminder of Billy, we have thus restored the passage, having expunged "of a more faithful," which all the codices had.

Is enim est qui sub Aniceto. Peregrinationis hujus rationes, ex Irenaei epistola ad Victorem papam abundantius refert Eusebius lib. V Hist., cap. 24. Hinc vero observandum quanti Romani pontificis auctoritatem fecerint totius Orientis Ecclesiae, quarum primas, apostolorum auditor, ab ipso Joanne evangelista Smyrnae pastor constitutus Polycarpus, confecta jam aetate, Romam pergit, successorem Petri variis de rebus consulit ; pacis communionem postulat et assequitur.

For this is he who under Anicetus. The reasons for this journey Eusebius reports more abundantly from the epistle of Irenaeus to Pope Victor in Book V of the History, Chapter 24. Now hence it is to be observed how highly the Churches of the whole East valued the authority of the Roman pontiff, when their primate, a hearer of the apostles, appointed pastor of Smyrna by John the Evangelist himself, Polycarp, already worn out with age, proceeds to Rome, consults the successor of Peter on various matters, and requests and obtains the communion of peace.

Et sunt qui audierunt eum. Isthaec transcripserunt ex Irenaeo Eusebius lib. IV Histor., cap. 13 ; Epiphanius contra haeresim 30 ; Theodoret. libr. Haeretic. fab. ; Nicephorus lib. II. Plurimos autem et sanctissimos, praeter Irenaeum, discipulos et auditores Polycarpum habuisse in ecclesiasticis libris refertur, qui tum adhuc et in Asia et in Gallia supererant : inter quos numerant Andochium, Tyrsum, Felicem et Benignum, qui in Galliis martyrio consummati sunt.

And there are those who heard him. These things Eusebius, Book IV of the History, Chapter 13; Epiphanius against Heresy 30; Theodoret, the book of Heretical Fables; and Nicephorus, Book II, transcribed from Irenaeus. Moreover, it is reported in ecclesiastical books that besides Irenaeus Polycarp had very many and most holy disciples and hearers, who at that time still survived both in Asia and in Gaul: among whom they number Andochius, Thyrsus, Felix, and Benignus, who were consummated by martyrdom in the Gauls.

Cerinthum. Epiphanius contra haeresim 30 semel et iterum istud de Ebione, non de Cerintho, refert. Quid si uterque, id est Cerinthus ac Ebion, ut ejusdem ferme impietatis professores, tum in balneum aut ex condicto, aut praeter spem, simul convenissent ? Hieronymus Advers. Luciferianos asserit, post Joannis recessum, balnei ruina Cerinthum cum asseclis oppressum fuisse. Ac Eusebius quidem lib. IV Hist., cap. 22 ; Nicephorus lib. IV, cap. 22, et Theodoretus lib. II Haereticarum fabularum, Joannis accessum et recessum cum Irenaeo referunt, sed balnei ruinae ac haeretici oppressionis non meminerunt.

Cerinthus. Epiphanius against Heresy 30 once and again reports this of Ebion, not of Cerinthus. What if both, that is, Cerinthus and Ebion, as professors of almost the same impiety, had at that time come together into the bath either by appointment or unexpectedly? Jerome, Against the Luciferians, asserts that after John's withdrawal Cerinthus with his followers was crushed by the collapse of the bath. And Eusebius indeed in Book IV of the History, Chapter 22, Nicephorus in Book IV, Chapter 22, and Theodoret in Book II of the Heretical Fables report John's arrival and withdrawal along with Irenaeus, but do not make mention of the collapse of the bath and the crushing of the heretic.

Post unam correptionem. Tertullian. lib. De praescript. ; Cyprianus libr. III Ad Quirinum, cap. 78, item epist. 55 ; Lucifer Calar. et Ambrosius Com. in hunc Pauli locum, hanc Irenaei vet. cod. lectionem sequentes, non habent : « et alteram ; » habent vero Athanas. orat. 5 contra Arian., orat. ad Max., epist. ad Serapionem ; Leo Magnus serm. contra haeresim Eutychetis ; Hieronym., Theodoretus, Primasius.

After one rebuke. Tertullian in the book On Prescription; Cyprian in Book III To Quirinus, Chapter 78, likewise Epistle 55; Lucifer of Cagliari and Ambrose in his Commentary on this passage of Paul, following this reading of the ancient codex of Irenaeus, do not have "and a second;" whereas Athanasius in Oration 5 against the Arians, the Oration to Maximus, and the Epistle to Serapion; Leo the Great in his sermon against the heresy of Eutyches; Jerome, Theodoret, and Primasius have it.

Est autem et epistola Polycarpi. Hanc agnoscunt Eusebius lib. V Histor., capite vicesimo ; Hieronymus in Catalogo, Nicephorus lib. II, cap. 39. Prodiit autem nostra aetate in lucem, ut multorum aliorum priscorum monumenta, quae temporum injuria diu latuerant. Quinetiam testis est Irenaeus, Epistola ad Florinum, cujus egregium fragmentum exstat apud Eusebium lib. V Histor., cap. 18, et Nicephorum lib. IV, cap. 30, eumdem beatissimum et apostolicum virum, alias quoque epistolas, vel vicinis Ecclesiis confirmationis gratia, vel fratribus quibusdam, ut eos admoneret et hortaretur, scripsisse, ex quibus puritas doctrinae ejus colligi potest. Harum porro quinque non aspernanda fragmenta, a me superioris Quadragesimae tempore Virduni, in quadam vetustissimis characteribus

There is also an epistle of Polycarp. Eusebius in Book V of the History, twentieth chapter, Jerome in the Catalogue, and Nicephorus in Book II, Chapter 39, acknowledge this. And in our age it has come forth into the light, like the monuments of many other ancients which through the injury of time had long lain hidden. Moreover, Irenaeus is witness in his Epistle to Florinus, an excellent fragment of which is extant in Eusebius, Book V of the History, Chapter 18, and Nicephorus, Book IV, Chapter 30, that the same most blessed and apostolic man wrote other epistles also, either to neighbouring Churches for the sake of confirmation, or to certain brethren to admonish and exhort them, from which the purity of his doctrine can be gathered. Furthermore, five fragments of these, not to be spurned, by me, during the season of last Lent, at Verdun, in a certain [...] in most ancient characters

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marginal letters: A Irenaeus quoque in; B cap. 24. Hinc; C Quid si uterque,; D retus, Primasius.
old-edition numerals: 118 after annum
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Irenaeus quoque in
misprint: "ocum" (for locum) after "Billii commonitione sic", set as printed (QA Q1a)
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manu descripta super quatuor evangelistas Catena, inventa, ut a Victore episcopo Capuano, ante mille et centum annos ibidem laudantur, hoc loco inserere operae pretium visum fuit. (Haec fragmenta jam edidimus hujusce Patrologiae tom. V, in Polycarpo. EDIT.)

as they are cited there by Victor, bishop of Capua, eleven hundred years ago, it has seemed worthwhile to insert in this place. (These fragments we have already published in vol. 5 of this Patrologia, under Polycarp. — Ed.)

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 4.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardent on Chapter 4.

Pag. 178. Tantae igitur ostensionis cum sint haec. Auctoritate vet. cod. expunximus, « ostensiones : » atque ita colligit Irenaeus, quae supra dixit, de Scripturis, successionibus episcoporum, maxime in Ecclesia Romana, et traditionibus apostolorum, vim habere manifestissimae ac firmissimae demonstrationis adversus omnes haereses. Infert autem non esse veritatem fidei quaerendam a tam impuris et dissectis Gnosticorum sectis : sed a sola Ecclesia catholica, cui ut sacrum ac coeleste pignus, servanda ab apostolis commissa est. Confirmatio prima est, ex eo quod obortis novis disceptationibus semper ad antiquiores Ecclesias, velut ad puriores fontes recurritur. Secunda, quod si nullae essent Scripturae nobis relictae, ad earum Ecclesiarum traditiones omnino confugiendum esset. Tertia, multas per orbem gentes, viva solum voce traditam sibi veram fidem Christianam constanter tenere et servare. Quarta, Spiritum sanctum, ut a prophetis praenuntiatum fuit, in cordibus fidelium, potius quam in chartis, veram et salutarem pietatem inserere ac infigere. Paulo post, « in eam, » pro, « in ea, » deinde, « cum summa diligentia, » pro, « cum magna, » docente vetere codice, substituimus.

Page 178. Since therefore these things are of so great proof. On the authority of the ancient codex we have expunged "proofs:" and thus Irenaeus gathers that the things he said above concerning the Scriptures, the successions of the bishops, especially in the Roman Church, and the traditions of the apostles, have the force of a most manifest and most firm demonstration against all heresies. And he infers that the truth of the faith is not to be sought from such impure and divided sects of the Gnostics, but from the Catholic Church alone, to which, as a sacred and heavenly pledge, it was entrusted by the apostles to be preserved. The first confirmation is from the fact that when new disputes arise recourse is always had to the more ancient Churches, as to purer fountains. The second, that if no Scriptures had been left to us, we would altogether have to flee for refuge to the traditions of those Churches. The third, that many nations throughout the world constantly hold and preserve the true Christian faith handed down to them by the living voice alone. The fourth, that the Holy Spirit, as was foretold by the prophets, implants and fixes true and saving piety in the hearts of the faithful rather than on paper. A little after, as the ancient codex teaches, we have substituted "into her" in place of "in her," and next "with the utmost diligence" in place of "with great."

Diligere. Billius « deligere » mallet quam « diligere, » ob verbum « devitare, » quod antecedit.

To love. Billy would prefer "to choose" rather than "to love," on account of the word "to avoid," which precedes.

Quid autem si neque. Vehemens certe telum in eos qui nihil credendum clamitant quod non dilucide et aperte Scriptura dicat. Num ergo Deum unum esse, universaque suo Verbo condidisse credidissent, si Moysis aetatem praecessissent ? Atheismumve professi fuissent, si universa Biblia sacra Babylonicis flammis exuri vidissent ? Neque igitur Domini nostri incarnationem, mortem, resurrectionem, et universam oeconomiam peractam ab eo vere existimassent, antequam Matthaeus, Marcus, Lucas, Joannes, haec scriptis mandassent ? Et quid ad hanc rationem Irenaei respondebunt, si tantum et solum apertis scriptis credunt, traditione omni abnegata ?

What then if neither. A vehement dart certainly against those who cry out that nothing is to be believed which Scripture does not clearly and openly state. Would they therefore have believed that God is one, and created all things by His Word, if they had preceded the age of Moses? Or would they have professed atheism if they had seen the whole sacred Bible burned up by Babylonian flames? Would they therefore not have judged that the incarnation, death, resurrection, and the whole dispensation wrought by our Lord truly took place before Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John committed these things to writing? And what will they reply to this argument of Irenaeus, if they believe only and solely express writings, with all tradition denied?

Multae gentes barbarorum. Divinis jussionibus, quibus Christus apostolos et discipulos delegavit, ut euntes in universum mundum, felix faustumque Evangelii verbum profiterentur omni creaturae, incipientes a Judaea usque ad ultimum terrae, tanto fervore paruerunt, ut omnem terrarum orbem intra 40 aut 50 annos peragrarint. Hoc plane Paulus indicat, Romanorum fidem dicens annuntiari in universo mundo ; et Apocalypsis, inter eucharistias beatorum referens eos dicere : « Redemisti nos ex omni tribu, lingua, populo et natione. » Non fuerunt autem scripta apostolorum evulgata statim per tot linguas et provincias ; quae tamen recta in Deum fide, solo verbo Dei tradito, non autem scripto innixae credebant, uti docet Irenaeus.

Many nations of barbarians. The divine commands by which Christ commissioned the apostles and disciples to go into the whole world and proclaim the happy and auspicious word of the Gospel to every creature, beginning from Judaea even to the uttermost part of the earth, they obeyed with such fervour that within 40 or 50 years they traversed the whole world. Paul plainly indicates this when he says that the faith of the Romans is proclaimed in the whole world; and the Apocalypse, when among the thanksgivings of the blessed it reports them as saying: "Thou hast redeemed us out of every tribe, tongue, people, and nation." Now the writings of the apostles were not immediately published through so many tongues and provinces; which nevertheless believed with right faith in God, relying solely upon the word of God handed down, and not written, as Irenaeus teaches.

Quorum qui in Christum credunt, sine charta et atramento. Ita ex veteri codice restituimus : codices excusi, « eorum qui in Christum credunt, sine charactere vel atramento. »

Of whom those who believe in Christ, without paper and ink. Thus we have restored from the ancient codex; the printed codices have, "of those who believe in Christ, without character or ink."

Ante Valentinum enim. Eisdem argumentis, ab origine scilicet recentiori tum haeresiarcharum, tum haereseos, validissime pugnat Tertullianus adversus hosce Gnosticos lib. Praescript. et lib. I Contra Marcionem. Valet quoque plurimum hujusmodi argumentum adversus hujus aevi Hugnosticos : quandoquidem constet Lutheranismum anno Domini

For before Valentinus. With the same arguments, namely from the more recent origin both of the heresiarchs and of the heresy, Tertullian fights most powerfully against these Gnostics in the book On Prescription and Book 1 Against Marcion. An argument of this sort is also of very great force against the Huguenot-Gnostics of this age: since it is established that Lutheranism in the year of the Lord

Editors' notes and page, col. 1619

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running head: 1619 VARIORUM NOTAE
marginal letters: A manu descripta super; B bus semper ad; C didissent, si Moysis; D omni tribu, lingua,
old-edition numerals: 119 after constanter
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: manu descripta super; Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 4.

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1517 ab excucullato apostata Luthero initium habuisse ; sacramentariam factionem circa annum 1524 ; Carolstadii et Zuinglii opera pullulasse ; Anabaptistarum vero colluviem 1522, per Nicolaum Storck, deinde Thomam Muntzerum prima furorum suorum fundamenta jecisse. Nam si omnes ecclesiasticas historias percurramus, nullam provinciam, nullamque gentem comperiemus, quae confessionem fidei Augustanae, Witembergicae, Mansfeldicae, Saxonicae, Bohemicae, Wandalicae, Suedicae, Anglicae, Belgicae, Francicae, Helveticae, aut Bezanicae similem unquam ediderit. Hoc in primis satis fatetur Beza, quando in libro Imaginum scribit Cnoxum, Bucerum, Farellum, Calvinum, Zuinglium, ac Oecolampadium primos fuisse in Scotia, Anglia, Francia, Sabaudia Helvetiaque apostolos ac evangelistas ; item, Calvini in sacras Litteras monimentis « nihil judiciosius, nihil enucleatius, nihil magnificentius a quoquam verbi divini interprete adhuc scriptum fuisse ; » et in hujus Vita, universos verecundiae fines transiliens, tam impudenter quam nequiter scribit : « Doctrinam de coena Dominica, a nullo post apostolos recte intellectam et traditam hactenus fuisse, quam a Calvino. » Constat ergo etiam propriis illorum testimoniis, Calvinismum et Zuinglianismum recentissimum esse : nosque illis optimo jure objicere posse, quod nuper in colloquio Frankentalensi Anabaptistis nepotibus suis objecerunt : « Si vos Ecclesia Dei estis, sequitur Deum sine populo et Ecclesia fuisse usque ad annum 1524. in quo Carolstadius doctrinae vestrae fundamenta posuit. Nam si vel omnes historias perlegatis, nullum ab exordio mundi populum invenietis, qui confessionem fidei vestrae similem habuerit, » etc.

1517 took its beginning from the unfrocked apostate Luther; that the Sacramentarian faction sprouted around the year 1524 through the work of Karlstadt and Zwingli; and that the cesspool of the Anabaptists in 1522 laid the first foundations of its madnesses through Nikolaus Storch and next Thomas Müntzer. For if we run through all the ecclesiastical histories, we shall find no province and no nation that ever put forth a confession of faith similar to that of Augsburg, Wittenberg, Mansfeld, Saxony, Bohemia, Vandalia, Sweden, England, Belgium, France, Switzerland, or Beza. This in the first place Beza sufficiently confesses when in his book of Portraits he writes that Knox, Bucer, Farel, Calvin, Zwingli, and Oecolampadius were the first apostles and evangelists in Scotland, England, France, Savoy, and Switzerland; likewise, that than Calvin's monuments upon sacred Scripture "nothing more judicious, nothing more exact, nothing more magnificent has hitherto been written by any interpreter of the divine word;" and in his Life of him, overstepping all bounds of modesty, he writes as impudently as wickedly: "That the doctrine concerning the Lord's Supper had hitherto been rightly understood and handed down by no one after the apostles save by Calvin." It is established, therefore, even by their own testimonies, that Calvinism and Zwinglianism are most recent, and that with the best right we can object to them what they recently objected in the Colloquy of Frankenthal to their grandsons the Anabaptists: "If you are the Church of God, it follows that God was without a people and a Church until the year 1524, in which Karlstadt laid the foundations of your doctrine. For even if you read through all histories, you will find no people from the beginning of the world that had a confession similar to your faith," etc.

Lutheranismum quoque recentissimum esse, et ipse Lutherus palam significat et contestatur his verbis : « Audemus gloriari Christum esse primo a nobis vulgatum. » Et in Colloquiis ejus per Rebenstock collectis refertur, quod frequenter labores suos apostolorum etiam laboribus praeferens, diceret : « Tempore Pauli, Evangelium non publice, sed privatim propositum est. » Et Joannes Aurifaber in aliis ejusdem Lutheri praeceptoris sui Colloquiis, eo usque effert illum super omnes Patres, doctores, martyres, discipulos, ac evangelistas, et apostolos Christi, ut vix divinissimum Paulum ei praeferendum judicet, ac secundum ab eodem Christo locum omnino tribuat, ut superius ex versibus ejus notavimus. Wigandus denique libro De bonis et malis Germaniae, ascribit eidem Luthero « articulorum fidei illustrationem, qualis ab apostolorum temporibus hucusque in mundo non fuit cognita. » Et reipsa, ne unum, ne unum quidem ab apostolorum temporibus ad hanc usque aetatem nostram, doctorem ac episcopum nominare possunt, aut poterunt unquam, qui Lutheranam vel Melanchthonianam doctrinam professus, aut confessionem fidei Augustanae similem amplexus fuerit. Sed neque ullam provinciam, ullam civitatem, ullum oppidum, ullum totius orbis angulum designare possunt, in quo vel baptizatum vel coenatum, vel praedicatum sit recentium Hugnosticorum more. Est igitur horum doctrina plane nova, et hactenus inter Christianos nec audita nec recepta.

That Lutheranism also is most recent, Luther himself openly signifies and attests in these words: "We dare to boast that Christ was first made known by us." And in his Table Talk collected by Rebenstock it is reported that, frequently preferring his own labours even to the labours of the apostles, he used to say: "In the time of Paul, the Gospel was set forth not publicly, but privately." And Johannes Aurifaber, in other Table Talk of the same Luther his teacher, exalts him so far above all the Fathers, doctors, martyrs, disciples, evangelists, and apostles of Christ that he judges the most divine Paul scarcely to be preferred to him, and altogether assigns him the second place after Christ Himself, as we noted above from his verses. Finally, Wigand, in the book On the Goods and Evils of Germany, ascribes to the same Luther "an illustration of the articles of faith such as from the times of the apostles hitherto was not known in the world." And in fact, not one, not even a single doctor and bishop from the times of the apostles right down to this our age can they name, or will they ever be able to name, who professed the Lutheran or Melanchthonian doctrine, or embraced a confession of faith similar to that of Augsburg. Nor can they point out any province, any city, any town, any corner of the whole world, in which baptism, or the Supper, or preaching was practised after the manner of the recent Huguenot-Gnostics. Their doctrine is therefore altogether new, and hitherto neither heard nor received among Christians.

Valentinus enim venit Romam. Haec, usque ad illud : « Marcion autem illi succedens, » transcripsit Eusebius lib. IV Hist., cap. 10. Sectam quoque Valentinianorum ortam sub tempore Antonini Pii, et Telesphori papae, qui Hyginum praecesserat, memoriae tradiderunt Theodoretus et Sabellicus.

For Valentinus came to Rome. These words, down to that clause: "And Marcion succeeding him," Eusebius transcribed in Book 4 of the History, Chapter 10. Theodoret and Sabellicus have also handed down to memory that the sect of the Valentinians arose in the time of Antoninus Pius, and of Pope Telesphorus, who had preceded Hyginus.

Pag. 179. Modo quidem latenter docens. Observandum quam incerta, vacillante, et ad omnem flatum fluctuante, imo et repugnante, et perpetuo verbere flagellante eos misera conscientia, errores

Page 179. At one time indeed teaching secretly. It is to be observed with how uncertain, wavering, and at every breeze fluctuating, nay even resisting a wretched conscience that lashes them with a perpetual whip, both the old and the new heresiarchs

Editors' notes and page, col. 1620

Footnotes

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Præfat. in corpus doctrinæ, editum Lipsiæ, 1561.

Preface to the Corpus doctrinae, published at Leipzig, 1561.

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Tom. II, pag. 145.

Vol. II, p. 145.

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running head: VARIORUM NOTAE 1620
marginal letters: A 1517 ab excucullato; B cundiae fines transiliens,; C suos apostolorum etiam; D Sed neque ullam
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: 1517 ab excucullato

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suos adinveniant, retineant, et spargant tam veteres quam novi haeresiarchae. Ac de veteribus sufficiat praesens Irenaei testimonium : de novis juvat quidpiam adjicere. Lutherus de seipso certissimus testis, scribit « se initio per ignorantiam et imprudentiam, imo repugnante animo, in hanc causam detrusum esse. » Unde et discipuli ejus referunt eum in colloquiis saepe dixisse : « Ego ita credere non possum, sicut doceo : attamen homines alii fidem me habere firmissimam judicant. » Item : « Si junior essem, nollem praedicare : aliud negotium inciperem. Ego si vidissem meum incoeptum in tantum dilatari, os meum certe obturassem. » Et in aliis colloquiis ab Aurifabro commensali collectis recitatur, eumdem de seipso cum suspiriis aliquoties exclamasse : « O quam magnam hominum multitudinem per doctrinam tuam seduxisti ! Omnem hunc tumultum concitasti ! » Et postea : « Nunquam eas cogitationes ex animo dimitto, nimirum quod optarem negotium hoc a me incoeptum non esse. In hac tentatione saepenumero ad ipsum infernum demersus sum. Quia tamen causam hanc ingressus sum, videndum mihi nunc est, et dicendum, eam justam esse. » Quin etiam remordentis, dies noctesque flagellantis, tumultuantis, et reclamantis miserabilis animae suae stimulos et cruciatus cunctis manifestans scribit : « Quoties cor meum palpitavit, meque reprehendit et objecit : Nunquid tu solus sapis ? An vero credibile est reliquos omnes errare, et tanto tempore errasse ? Quid, si tu erres, et tot homines in errorem inducas, qui omnes in perpetuum damnentur ? » Luthero tot procellis agitato, fluctuanti, et de doctrinae suae veritate penitus incerto, commilitonem et Achatem ejus jungamus Melanchthonem, confessionis Augustanae, omniumque Lutheranorum, et nunc quoque Calvinianorum symboli et acropoleos conditorem.

devise, retain, and scatter their errors. And concerning the old let the present testimony of Irenaeus suffice; concerning the new it is helpful to add something. Luther, the most certain witness concerning himself, writes "that in the beginning he was thrust into this cause through ignorance and imprudence, nay with a reluctant mind." Whence his disciples also report that in his conversations he often said: "I cannot believe thus, as I teach; yet other men judge that I have the firmest faith." Likewise: "If I were younger, I would not wish to preach; I would begin another occupation. If I had seen my undertaking spread so far, I would certainly have stopped my mouth." And in other conversations collected by Aurifaber his table-companion it is recited that the same man several times exclaimed concerning himself with sighs: "O how great a multitude of men have you seduced through your teaching! You have stirred up all this tumult!" And afterwards: "I never dismiss those thoughts from my mind, namely that I could wish this business had not been begun by me. In this temptation I have oftentimes been plunged down to hell itself. Yet because I have entered upon this cause, I must now see to it, and say that it is just." Nay more, manifesting to all the stings and torments of his wretched soul, biting back, lashing day and night, in uproar, and protesting, he writes: "How often has my heart throbbed, and rebuked me, and objected: Are you alone wise? Is it indeed credible that all the rest err, and have erred for so long a time? What if you err, and lead so many men into error, who shall all be damned for ever?" To Luther, tossed by so many storms, wavering, and utterly uncertain of the truth of his teaching, let us join his fellow-soldier and Achates, Melanchthon, the founder of the Augsburg Confession, the creed and citadel of all the Lutherans, and now also of the Calvinists.

Is animi sui fluctus et consternationes satis in comitiis Augustanis patefecit, quando « episcopis catholicis jurisdictionem, auctoritatem atque obedientiam, etiam inter Lutheranos restituendam esse concedebat. » Et in subsignandis articulis Smalcaldicis addendum volebat, « ut Romano pontifici jurisdictio in episcopos catholicos, et concionatores Lutheranos sarta tectaque relinqueretur. » Verum Lutheri furoribus cedere coactus est. Virum tamen adeo semper torsit et arsit tot errorum conscia mens, ut Joanni Bartholomaeo a Velberg, eum de religione mutanda consulenti, responderit, ut « catholicum communicandi et orandi ritum constanter retineret. » Addiditque : « Nullum habeo digitum in manu, cujus jactura non optarim me nunquam ad scribendum de rebus theologicis accessisse ; sed vacasse philosophiae ut feci a principio. » Praeterea, propriae matri in extremis agenti, et eum per sacra omnia adjuranti, ut ei diceret, « quaenam magis salutaris esset religio ? » coram multis respondisse fertur, « Romanam catholicam securiorem esse, Lutheranam carni faciliorem. » Ex quibus satis est manifestum, quam semper lubricus et inconstans fuerit : denique, etiam reclamante intus conscientia, illum nunc partes Lutheranorum, nunc catholicorum, postremo et Sacramentariorum propugnasse. De Pomerano, Ambsdorfio, et aliis Lutheranae factionis ducibus etiam dicerem, nisi me novi Sacramentarii, ut et suis anxietatibus et trepidationibus locum hic designem, vehementer incitarent.

He sufficiently laid open the waves and consternations of his mind at the Diet of Augsburg, when he granted "that jurisdiction, authority, and obedience ought to be restored to the Catholic bishops even among the Lutherans." And in subscribing the Smalcald Articles he wished it to be added "that jurisdiction over the Catholic bishops and the Lutheran preachers should be left whole and intact to the Roman pontiff." Yet he was forced to yield to the furies of Luther. Nevertheless, a mind conscious of so many errors always so tortured and burned the man that, when Johann Bartholomäus von Vellberg consulted him about changing his religion, he replied that "he should constantly retain the Catholic rite of communicating and praying." And he added: "I have not a finger on my hand at the loss of which I would not wish that I had never set about writing on theological matters, but had devoted myself to philosophy as I did from the beginning." Moreover, when his own mother was at the point of death, and adjured him by all sacred things to tell her "which religion was more salutary?" he is reported to have replied before many "that the Roman Catholic was safer, the Lutheran easier for the flesh." From which it is sufficiently manifest how slippery and inconstant he always was; and finally that, even with his conscience protesting within, he championed now the party of the Lutherans, now of the Catholics, and lastly also of the Sacramentarians. Of Bugenhagen, Amsdorf, and other leaders of the Lutheran faction I would also speak, did not the new Sacramentarians vehemently urge me to assign a place here to their anxieties and trepidations as well.

Andreas Carolstadius eorum antesignanus anno 1525 scripsit ad Lutherum, « se tantum exercitii gratia, de eucharistia contra eum disputasse : et

Andreas Karlstadt, their standard-bearer, in the year 1525 wrote to Luther "that he had disputed against him concerning the Eucharist only for the sake of exercise, and

Editors' notes and page, col. 1621

Footnotes

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Tomo I Op., sparsim.

Works vol. I, here and there.

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Tomo I Colloq., pag. 34 et 95, et tom. II, p. 15.

Colloquies vol. I, pp. 34 and 95, and vol. II, p. 15.

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Fol. 158, 241 et 271.

Fols. 158, 241 and 271.

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Præfat. libr. de missæ abol.

Preface to the book on the abolition of the Mass.

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Vlembergius, causa 15.

Ulenberg, cause 15.

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Wolfangus Agricola, conc. de matrim.

Wolfgang Agricola, sermon on matrimony.

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Schlusselburgius, l. II, art. 9.

Schlüsselburg, book II, art. 9.

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Secunda defens. contr. Westphal., pag. 54.

Second defence against Westphal, p. 54.

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Schutz, causa 15. Schlusselburgius lib. II, art. 9.

Schütz, cause 15; Schlüsselburg, book II, art. 9.

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Lib. de vera et fals. relig., fol. 249 et 257.

The book On True and False Religion, fols. 249 and 257.

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marginal letters: A suos adinveniant, retineant,; B non esse. In; C comitiis Augustanis patefecit,; D fertur, « Romanam catholicam
old-edition numerals: 120 after novi
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: suos adinveniant, retineant,

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non velle in ea sententia, quae realem corporis Christi praesentiam non agnoscit, pertinaciter persistere. » Idem ad Tigurinos pergens dixit Cyringio : « Ab istis Helveticis theologis mea fides et sententia de coena Domini stabit et cadet. » Eadem inconstantia et trepidatione Calvinus paratus sententiam suam sacramentariam mutare atque deserere, scripsit : « Si Philippus Melanchthon verbulo declaret me a sua mente deflectere, protinus desistam. » Annon levissimi prophetae et inconstantissimi apostoli, qui a nutu mendacium et mortalium hominum, in praecipuis fidei Christianae capitibus, stant et cadunt ? Suorum dogmatum tabulas figere ac refigere sunt parati. Oecolampadius, alter hujus sectae parens, per Ficinum cancellarium admonitus a landgravio Hassiae 1529, ne verbis Christi neglectis, commentis hominum peregrinis et incertis fideret, his verbis respondit : « Utinam, princeps illustriss., abscissa mihi fuisset haec dextera, cum primum inciperem de negotio coenae Dominicae scribere ! » Annon apertum et certum oppressae, reprobatae damnataeque conscientiae testimonium ? Zuinglius et ipse de suo dogmate anceps et dubius scripsit : « Confiteor ingenue, quod ad hunc sensum verborum Christi, quem proferemus : « Hoc « significat corpus meum, » propensior sim quam ad alium quem hactenus tenuimus, quamvis nihil temere affirmem. Sed si quis clariora protulerit, cum gratiarum actione amplexurum polliceor. » Rursumque incertitudinem doctrinae sacramentariae, et inconstantiam suam declarans ait : « Vereor multos errare in certamine περὶ τῆς εὐχαριστίας, nisi ego magis quam omnes errem, » etc. Nec mirum profecto si trepident, tremant, totique tam impiam causam agentes perhorrescant ; quando relictis aut depravatis clarissimis Christi verbis, vel Satanica somnia, vel glossemata ab impuris hominibus conficta et invecta consectentur ; quae imbecilles atque timidas hominum mentes nunquam possunt tranquillare. Ecquis hujusmodi Proteis ac Vertumnis salutem suam tuto committere posset ? Sed de his pro occasione jam satis.

did not wish stubbornly to persist in that opinion which does not acknowledge the real presence of the body of Christ." The same man, proceeding to the people of Zurich, said to Cyringius: "By those Swiss theologians my faith and opinion concerning the Lord's Supper will stand and fall." With the same inconstancy and trepidation Calvin, prepared to change and abandon his Sacramentarian opinion, wrote: "If Philipp Melanchthon should declare by a single word that I swerve from his mind, I will forthwith desist." Are they not the lightest of prophets and most inconstant of apostles, who stand and fall at the nod of lying and mortal men in the chief heads of the Christian faith? They are prepared to fix and unfix the tablets of their dogmas. Oecolampadius, the other parent of this sect, admonished through Chancellor Feige by the Landgrave of Hesse in 1529 not to neglect the words of Christ and trust in strange and uncertain figments of men, replied in these words: "Would, most illustrious Prince, that this right hand of mine had been cut off when I first began to write on the business of the Lord's Supper!" Is not this an open and certain testimony of a crushed, reprobate, and condemned conscience? Zwingli himself also, wavering and doubtful concerning his dogma, wrote: "I frankly confess that I am more inclined to this sense of the words of Christ which we shall bring forward: 'This signifies My body,' than to the other which we have hitherto held, although I affirm nothing rashly. But if anyone shall bring forward clearer things, I promise that I will embrace them with thanksgiving." And again, declaring the uncertainty of the Sacramentarian doctrine and his own inconstancy, he says: "I fear that many err in the contest περὶ τῆς εὐχαριστίας ('concerning the Eucharist'), unless I err more than all," etc. And no wonder assuredly if they tremble, quake, and shudder all over while pleading so impious a cause, when, having abandoned or corrupted the clearest words of Christ, they pursue either Satanic dreams or glosses forged and brought in by impure men, which can never quiet weak and timid minds of men. Who could safely entrust his salvation to Proteuses and Vertumnuses of this sort? But of these things enough now for the occasion.

Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 5.

Annotations of the same on Chapter 5.

Pag. 179. Traditione igitur. Expleto argumento a traditionibus, nunc ex apertis Scripturis adversus Gnosticos disputationem instituit : hisque unicum Deum universorum Creatorem, eumdemque Patrem Domini nostri Jesu Christi esse demonstrat.

Page 179. By tradition therefore. Having completed the argument from traditions, he now enters upon a disputation against the Gnostics from the express Scriptures, and by these demonstrates that there is one God, Creator of all things, and that the same is the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ.

Veritas de terra. Locum hunc post Irenaeum, Arnobius sic interpretatur : « Veritas qui est Christus, de terra, id est de Maria orta est. » Lactantius autem libro quarto, capite duodecimo : « Veritas, inquit, de terra orta est, quia Deus in quo veritas est, terrenum corpus accepit, ut terrenis viam salutis aperiret. » Et Augustinus : « Veritas de terra orta est, Christus de femina natus, Filius Dei de carne Christi processit. » Nec ab hac interpretatione dissentiunt Hieronymus Comment. in Psal., Fulgentius lib. III Ad Trasimundum ; et lib. De incarnatione et gratia Domini nostri Jesu Christi, cap. 6.

Truth from the earth. After Irenaeus, Arnobius interprets this passage thus: "Truth, which is Christ, has sprung from the earth, that is, from Mary." And Lactantius in the fourth book, twelfth chapter: "Truth," he says, "has sprung from the earth, because God, in Whom is truth, received an earthly body, that He might open the way of salvation to earthly men." And Augustine: "Truth has sprung from the earth: Christ was born of a woman, the Son of God came forth from the flesh of Christ." Nor do Jerome in his Commentaries on the Psalms, and Fulgentius in Book 3 To Thrasamund and in the book On the Incarnation and Grace of Our Lord Jesus Christ, Chapter 6, dissent from this interpretation.

Pag. 180. Et sine personae acceptione. Vocem « personae » addidimus, expunximusque « acceptatione ; » deinde « constabiliret, et, » pro « constabiliter ; » et non ita post, pro « descensurus, descensurum, » substituimus auctor. vet. cod.

Page 180. And without respect of person. We have added the word "of person," and expunged "acceptance;" next, on the authority of the ancient codex, we have substituted "might establish, and" in place of "firmly;" and not long after, "about to descend" (accusative) in place of "about to descend" (nominative).

Dilatans Japhet. Alludit ad benedictionem eam qua Noe Japhet filium primogenitum honestavit ac decoravit. Locum hunc illustrabit amplior haec Justini interpretatio : « Praedixit Noe, posteros Semi occupaturos agros Chananaeorum et habitacula, ejiciendos mox a Japheti progenie, quod ita

Enlarging Japheth. He alludes to that blessing wherewith Noah honoured and adorned Japheth his firstborn son. This fuller interpretation of Justin will illustrate this passage: "Noah foretold that the descendants of Shem would occupy the fields and dwellings of the Canaanites, and would presently be cast out by the progeny of Japheth, which

Editors' notes and page, col. 1622

Footnotes

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Epist. de cœn. Domin. ad Matth. Alberum, 1525.

Letter on the Lord's Supper to Matthäus Alber, 1525.

(printed under page 819)

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In Dialog.

In the Dialogue.

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old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: non velle in; Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 5.

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factum docebo. Vos enim (Judaeos alloquitur) qui a Semo ducitis originem, occupastis Dei jussu terram filiorum Chanaam, deinde filii Japhet, aeque justo Dei judicio tenuerunt eam, et vos illinc profligaverunt, » Romanos intelligens.

I will show was so done. For you (he is addressing the Jews), who derive your origin from Shem, occupied at God's command the land of the sons of Canaan; afterwards the sons of Japheth, by an equally just judgement of God, held it, and routed you from there," understanding the Romans.

Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 6.

Annotations of the same on Chapter 6.

Pag. 180. Neque igitur Dominus. Ex multis clarisque Scripturarum locis demonstrat unicum et solum esse Deum et Dominum hujus mundi creatorem et rectorem ; et hoc nomine non solum Patrem (ut veteres et novi Ariani impie contendunt), sed et Filium, et Spiritum sanctum, id est tres simul divinas hypostases comprehendi. Hinc emanavit ista non modo Augustini, sed et omnium veterum theologorum regula : « Quoties in Scripturis Deus absolute ac indefinite nominatur, tres simul divinas personas toties significari. »

Page 180. Neither therefore the Lord. From many clear passages of the Scriptures he demonstrates that there is one and only God and Lord, Creator and Ruler of this world; and that under this name not only the Father (as the old and new Arians impiously contend), but also the Son and the Holy Spirit, that is, the three divine hypostases together, are comprehended. Hence flowed that rule not only of Augustine, but also of all the ancient theologians: "As often as God is named in the Scriptures absolutely and indefinitely, so often the three divine Persons together are signified."

Patrem enim Filio collocutum. Hunc locum de Patre, ac de seipso interpretatur Christus, Matth. XXII, 44, quod et Paulus constanter praedicat, I Cor. XV, 25, et Hebr. I, 13, hincque probant Patrem et Filium duas esse distinctas inter se personas, sed in una prorsusque eadem divinitate et coaeterna majestate venerandas. Ac idcirco Justinus martyr in Dialogo, Tryphonem et similes Judaeos jure optimo reprehendit, quod hunc psalmum non de Patre et F⟨i⟩lio, sed de Ezechia rege intelligendum contenderent : quandoquidem nec iste ad dexteram Dei Patris sedet, nec est, aut fuit unquam sacerdos secundum ordinem Melchisedech, nec denique ante luciferum a Patre genitus. Subscribunt Justino ac Irenaeo Tertull. lib. Adver. Praxean ; lib. IV et V Adv. Marcionem ; Cyprianus lib. II Adv. Judaeos, cap. 26 ; Athanasius Orat. contra Arianos, etc.

For the Father conversed with the Son. Christ interprets this passage of the Father and of Himself, (Matt. 22:44), which Paul also constantly proclaims, (1 Cor. 15:25) and (Heb. 1:13), and hence they prove that the Father and the Son are two Persons distinct from one another, yet to be venerated in one and altogether the same divinity and coeternal majesty. And on that account Justin Martyr in the Dialogue with the best right reproves Trypho and similar Jews because they contended that this psalm was to be understood not of the Father and the Son, but of King Hezekiah: since he neither sits at the right hand of God the Father, nor is or ever was a priest according to the order of Melchizedek, nor finally was begotten by the Father before the morning star. Tertullian in the book Against Praxeas and Books 4 and 5 Against Marcion; Cyprian in Book 2 Against the Jews, Chapter 26; Athanasius in the Orations against the Arians, etc., subscribe to Justin and Irenaeus.

Et pluit Dominus super Sodomam. Ex hoc loco, cum Irenaeo gravissimi et antiquissimi auctores, Justinus in Dialog., Tertullianus Contra Prax., Cyprianus libro tertio Ad Quirinum, Cyrillus libro primo in Joannem, Hieronymus in quadragesimum quintum Isaiae, Hilarius libro De synodis, Athanasius Contra gregalos Sabellii, et epistol. de synodis, Ambrosius libro primo De fide, capite 2 ; Chrysostomus homil. de sancta et consub. Trinitate, probant plures esse hypostases divinas, adversus pervicaciam Judaeorum : quos potius imitari, quam suggillare deberent Calvinus et Gallasius, quasi Jehovae repetitio mysterio vacaret, aut sine Filio Pater quidquam operaretur.

And the Lord rained upon Sodom. From this passage, along with Irenaeus, the weightiest and most ancient authors, Justin in the Dialogue, Tertullian Against Praxeas, Cyprian in the third book To Quirinus, Cyril in the first book on John, Jerome on the forty-fifth chapter of Isaiah, Hilary in the book On the Synods, Athanasius Against the Followers of Sabellius and in the Epistle on the Synods, Ambrose in the first book On the Faith, Chapter 2, and Chrysostom in the homily on the holy and consubstantial Trinity, prove that there are several divine hypostases, against the obstinacy of the Jews: whom Calvin and des Gallars ought rather to imitate than to taunt, as if the repetition of Jehovah were devoid of mystery, or the Father wrought anything without the Son.

Et de his qui adoptionem perceperunt. Tertull. lib. Adv. Praxean, cap. 13, hinc post Irenaeum ostendit, et Christum vere naturaque Deum esse ; simulque pios omnes per ipsum effectos adoptione filios Dei. « Recordare, inquit, scriptum esse : « Ego dixi : Dii estis, et filii Altissimi. » Et : « Stetit Deus « in ecclesia deorum ; » ut si homines per fidem filios Dei factos, deos Scriptura pronuntiare non timuit, scias illam multo magis vero et unico Dei Filio Dei nomen jure contulisse.

And of those who have received adoption. Tertullian, in the book Against Praxeas, Chapter 13, after Irenaeus shows from this both that Christ is truly and by nature God, and at the same time that all the pious have been made through Him sons of God by adoption. "Remember," he says, "that it is written: 'I said: You are gods, and sons of the Most High.' And: 'God stood in the assembly of the gods;' so that if Scripture did not fear to pronounce men made sons of God through faith to be gods, you may know that much more did it rightly confer the name of God upon the true and only Son of God."

Et iterum. Sex hasce voculas ex veteri codice adjecimus, verbum « descendit, » in « descendi » mutantes ; ut Filius ipse sit qui loquatur ad Moysen, sicut legendum indicant textus Bibliorum, Exod. III, consentiente vet. nostro cod.

And again. We have added these six little words from the ancient codex, changing the verb "He came down" into "I came down;" so that it may be the Son Himself Who speaks to Moses, as the texts of the Bibles indicate it should be read, (Exod. 3), with our ancient codex agreeing.

Pag. 181. Gentes autem verum Deum nesciunt. Ita vet. cod. Excusi, « verbum Domini. » Et mox, « abstulit qui non sunt dii, » ex eodem vet. codic. legimus, pro eo quod excusi, « quod sint dii. »

Page 181. But the nations do not know the true God. Thus the ancient codex. The printed editions have, "the word of the Lord." And presently we read from the same ancient codex, "took away those that are not gods," in place of what the printed editions have, "that they are gods."

In ambabus suffraginibus. Locus est III Regum XVIII, ubi vet. translatio : « Usquequo claudicatis in duas partes ? » Sanctes ex Hebraeo : « Usquequo claudicatis in duas cogitationes ? » Graeci, ἐπ’ ἀμφοτέραις ἰγνύαις, « in duobus poplitibus : » atque « poplites » vertit interpr. Theod. q. 55 in lib. Reg. Suffragines, sinus curvaturarum dicuntur Rhodigino lib. IV, c. 11. Plin. lib. VIII, c. 45 : « Aves et quadrupedes

Upon both hams. The passage is (1 Kgs. 18:21), where the ancient translation has: "How long do you limp into two parts?" Pagninus from the Hebrew: "How long do you limp into two thoughts?" The Greeks, ἐπ’ ἀμφοτέραις ἰγνύαις, "upon both hams:" and the translator of Theodoret, Question 55 on the Books of Kings, renders it "hams." Suffragines ("hocks") are called the hollows of the bends by Rhodiginus, Book 4, Chapter 11. Pliny, Book 8, Chapter 45: "Birds and quaquadrupeds

Editors' notes and page, col. 1623

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Lib. VI de Trin., cap. 9.

On the Trinity book VI, ch. 9.

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alas in priora curvant, suffragines in posteriora. » Idem lib. XXX, cap. 6 : « Aquilae pedes evellunt in adversum a suffragine. »

bend their wings forwards, their hocks backwards." The same, Book 30, Chapter 6: "Eagles wrench their feet in the opposite direction from the hock."

Et ego igitur invoco te. Ut certe fervens ac memorabilis est haec beatissimi martyris oratio, qua lectoribus horum librorum in vera fide constantiam perpetuam bene precatur : sic impia simulque exsecranda Valentini gentilis sententia, qua ex hoc loco constituere voluit, solum Deum Patrem esse Deum Israelis, non autem simul Filium ac Spiritum sanctum. At, non videt homo nequam, sic se tres deos ethnico plane more confingere. Nec attendit Irenaeum initio hujus capitis asserentem unum tantum esse definite et absolute Deum ac Dominum omnium, nimirum Patrem et Filium ejus. Deinde paulo post inferentem, Patrem et Filium vere esse illum unum Dominum ; Filium Abrahae collocutum ; a Davide quoque appellatum Deum, et Deum deorum ; Filium esse Deum, qui Ecclesiam per semetipsum collegit ; Filium Deum venturum ad judicium : Filium locutum esse ad Moysen ; ex quibus manifestissimum et clarissimum evadit, hunc una cum Patre vere esse atque vocari Deum Israelis, Deumque Abrahae, Isaac et Jacob. De Spiritus sancti eadem et consubstantiali divinitate et superius diximus, et infra quoque opportunis locis dicetur.

And I therefore invoke Thee. Just as this prayer of the most blessed martyr is certainly fervent and memorable, in which he prays well for perpetual constancy in the true faith for the readers of these books, so too is the opinion of Valentine Gentile impious and at the same time execrable, by which he wished to establish from this passage that God the Father alone is the God of Israel, and not at the same time the Son and the Holy Spirit. Yet the worthless man does not see that he thus fashions for himself three gods in an altogether pagan manner. Nor does he heed Irenaeus at the beginning of this chapter asserting that there is only one Who is definitely and absolutely God and Lord of all, namely the Father and His Son. Then a little later inferring that the Father and the Son truly are that one Lord; that the Son conversed with Abraham; that He was also called God, and God of gods, by David; that the Son is God, Who gathered the Church through Himself; that the Son is God Who will come to judgement; that the Son spoke to Moses; from which it turns out most manifest and most clear that He together with the Father truly is and is called the God of Israel, and the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. Concerning the same and consubstantial divinity of the Holy Spirit we have both spoken above, and will also speak below in the fitting places.

Bene sensisti in nobis. Τὸ εὐδοκεῖν vertit interpres, « bene sentire, » quod alibi redditur, « sibi complacere ; » quasi dicat : « Nos gratos et acceptos habuisti. »

Thou hast thought well in us. The translator renders τὸ εὐδοκεῖν as "to think well," which elsewhere is rendered "to be well pleased with oneself"; as if he were saying: "Thou hast held us pleasing and accepted."

Qui dominaris omnium. Addidimus, « qui, » ex vet. cod. expuncta conjunctione « et ; » et proxima linea, « per Dominum, » ubi codices habebant, « praeter Dominum. »

Who hast dominion over all. We have added "Who" from the ancient manuscript, having expunged the conjunction "and"; and in the next line, "through the Lord," where the manuscripts had "besides the Lord."

Dominatione. Vetus codex, « dominationem quoque donas Spiritus sancti. » Fortasse, dicendum esset « donationem. » Caeterum, sive hoc, sive illud legas, confirmatam semper habes Spiritus sancti aeternam ac consubstantialem Patri ac Filio divinitatem, majestatem et dominationem, contra veteres ac novos Arianos.

By domination. The ancient manuscript reads, "Thou also grantest the domination of the Holy Spirit." Perhaps one should say "the gift." For the rest, whether you read the one or the other, you always have confirmed the eternal divinity, majesty, and domination of the Holy Spirit, consubstantial with the Father and the Son, against the old and new Arians.

Super omne. Theophylactus hanc Irenaei sequitur interpretationem, illud ἐπὶ πάντα (sic enim habent codices Graeci), referens ad daemones, et omnes homines, qui pro diis habiti sunt ; σέβασμα vero ad simulacra, lucos, aut fana idolorum.

Above every. Theophylact follows this interpretation of Irenaeus, referring that ἐπὶ πάντα (for so the Greek manuscripts have it) to demons and all men who have been held as gods; and σέβασμα to images, groves, or shrines of idols.

Ex Jo. Ern. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 6.

From the annotations of Jo. Ern. Grabe on Chapter 6.

Pag. 180. Neque igitur Dominus. Iisdem Scripturae dictis ad propositum suum utitur, quibus Justinus in Dialogo cum Tryphone, pag. 277 edit. Paris., adeo ut hunc locum Irenaeo prae oculis fuisse, cum haec scriberet, mihi nullum sit dubium.

Page 180. Neither therefore the Lord. He uses the same sayings of Scripture for his purpose as Justin in the Dialogue with Trypho, page 277 of the Paris edition, so that there is no doubt to me that Irenaeus had this passage before his eyes when he wrote these things.

Utrosque enim Dei appellatione significavit spiritus, etc. Ita et Justinus M. in Dial. cum Tryph., p. 277, citatis iisdem Davidis verbis subdit : Εἰ οὖν καὶ ἄλλον τινὰ θεολογεῖν καὶ κυριολογεῖν τὸ Πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον φατὲ ὑμεῖς, παρὰ τὸν Πατέρα τὸν (leg. τῶν) ὅλων καὶ τὸν Χριστὸν αὐτοῦ ; « Utrum ergo aliquem alium vos asseritis a Spiritu S. Deum et Dominum dictum, praeter Patrem universorum et Christum ejus ? »

For the Spirit signified both by the appellation of God, etc. So too Justin Martyr in the Dialogue with Trypho, page 277, having cited the same words of David, subjoins: Εἰ οὖν καὶ ἄλλον τινὰ θεολογεῖν καὶ κυριολογεῖν τὸ Πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον φατὲ ὑμεῖς, παρὰ τὸν Πατέρα τὸν (read τῶν) ὅλων καὶ τὸν Χριστὸν αὐτοῦ; "Do you therefore assert that someone else is called God and Lord by the Holy Spirit, besides the Father of all and His Christ?"

Omnium Deus et Dominus. Mirari subit Irenaeum versum 14 capitis III Exodi Deo Patri tribuere, sed versum 8 Deo Filio ; cum tamen integer contextus planissime ostendat, eamdem esse personam, quae utrobique loquitur.

God and Lord of all. One cannot help wondering that Irenaeus attributes verse 14 of chapter 3 of Exodus to God the Father, but verse 8 to God the Son; whereas the entire context most plainly shows that it is the same person Who speaks in both places.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 7.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardent on Chapter 7.

Pag. 183. Quod autem dicunt. Vel ex unico Pauli loco demonstrat haereticos nec Paulum recte legere, nec intelligere : quandoquidem propter impetum Spiritus S. in se loquentis, aliquando hyperbatis utatur, et obscurus sit. Caeterum, ex citata ejusdem Pauli sententia plurimum negotii exhibuerunt Patribus haeretici, ut post Irenaeum indicat

Page 183. But as to what they say. Even from a single passage of Paul he demonstrates that the heretics neither read Paul rightly nor understand him: seeing that because of the impulse of the Holy Spirit speaking in him, he sometimes uses hyperbatons and is obscure. For the rest, from the cited sentence of the same Paul the heretics gave very great trouble to the Fathers, as after Irenaeus indicates

Editors' notes and page, col. 1624

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Tertullianus lib. V Contra Marcion. « Distinguebat Marcion, inquit ille, Deus hujus aevi, ut suggereret Deum alterius aevi ; nos contra sic distinguendum dicimus : in quibus Deus ; dehinc, aevi hujus excaecavit mentes infidelium. » Subinde admittit etiam alteram lectionem, ut dicere possimus hujus aevi Deum, id est diabolum. Priorem lectionem testatur August. multis placuisse, et iis praecipue, qui contra Manichaeos, vel Marcionitas rem habuerunt : at idem aliquando post, negat absurdum videri debere, si diabolus dicatur deus hujus saeculi, id est hominum impiorum ; ut Paulo illud dictum est : « Quorum Deus venter est. » Placet et ea prior lectio per hyperbaton Chrysostomo, Theophylacto, et scholiis Graecis ; posteriorem amplectuntur Cyrillus et Ambrosius.

Tertullian, Book 5 Against Marcion. "Marcion punctuated it," says he, "'the God of this age,' so as to suggest a God of another age; we on the contrary say that it should be punctuated thus: 'in whom God,' and then, 'has blinded the minds of the unbelievers of this age.'" Thereafter he also admits the other reading, so that we may call the devil the god of this age. Augustine testifies that the former reading pleased many, and especially those who contended against the Manichaeans or the Marcionites: yet the same writer somewhat later denies that it ought to seem absurd if the devil is called the god of this age, that is, of impious men; just as that saying was spoken by Paul: "Whose God is their belly." That former reading by hyperbaton also pleases Chrysostom, Theophylact, and the Greek scholia; Cyril and Ambrose embrace the latter.

Incorruptelae. Ita vet. cod. Excusi habebant « incorruptibile. »

Of incorruption. Thus the ancient manuscript. The printed editions had "incorruptible."

Ostendemus. Expunxi « ostendimus, » auct. vet. cod.

We shall show. I have expunged "we show," on the authority of the ancient manuscript.

Ut non nunc in multum avocemus mentem. Sic vetus codex legendum docuit : excusi legebant, « et non nunc in multum mutemus, » etc. Et nos obiter dicimus, ex multis beati Augustini locis, Deum improbos excaecare, non immittendo caecam malitiam : sed non impertiendo gratiam, cujus seipsos reddunt indignos. August. epist. 105, Comment. in psalm. LXXI, lib. De praedest. et gratia, cap. 4.

That we may not now divert our mind at great length. Thus the ancient manuscript taught that it should be read: the printed editions read, "and let us not now change at great length," etc. And we say in passing, from many passages of the blessed Augustine, that God blinds the wicked, not by infusing blind malice, but by not imparting grace, of which they render themselves unworthy. Augustine, Epistle 105, Commentary on Psalm 71, book On Predestination and Grace, Chapter 4.

Quoniam autem hyperbatis. Hyperbaton describit Quintilianus, verbi transgressionem, quam frequenter ratio comparationis et decor poscit. Origenes explicans Epist. ad Rom. non semel conqueritur, Graecam Pauli dictionem esse perplexam, hyperbatis obscuratam, et e Cilicum idiomate quaedam parum Graeca peregrinitatem resentire.

But since by hyperbatons. Quintilian describes hyperbaton as a transposition of a word, which the logic of comparison and elegance frequently demand. Origen, explaining the Epistle to the Romans, complains more than once that Paul's Greek diction is intricate, obscured by hyperbatons, and that certain expressions little Greek from the dialect of the Cilicians savour of foreignness.

Disposita. Delevimus « dispositum, » auct. vet. cod.

Disposed. We have deleted "disposed [neuter]," on the authority of the ancient manuscript.

Ex Joan. Ern. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 7.

From the annotations of Joan. Ern. Grabe on Chapter 7.

Pag. 128. Lex factorum posita est usquequo. Interpres videtur Italicam versionem potius quam Graecum Irenaei textum hoc loco, ut et infra lib. V, cap. 21 secutus esse. Irenaeum enim Galat. III, 19, non πράξεων, sed παραβάσεων χάριν, perinde ut nos, legisse puto, quia nullus datur Graecus codex, qui priorem lectionem habeat ; posteriorem autem confirmat Irenaei coaevus Clemens Alexandr. lib. I Strom., pag. 350 ; Origenes Comment. in Joan., pag. 427, alios ut taceam. De diversa quoque hujus textus distinctione, qua alii interrogationem post « ergo » claudunt, alii ulterius differunt, vide doctissimi D. Millii notas ad hunc locum.

Page 128. The law of works was laid down until. The translator seems to have followed the Old Latin version rather than the Greek text of Irenaeus in this passage, as also below in Book 5, Chapter 21. For I think that Irenaeus in Galatians 3:19 read not πράξεων, but παραβάσεων χάριν, just as we do, because there is no Greek manuscript that has the former reading; whereas Irenaeus's contemporary Clement of Alexandria confirms the latter, Book 1 of the Stromata, page 350; Origen, Commentary on John, page 427, to say nothing of others. Concerning the diverse punctuation of this text as well, whereby some close the question after "therefore" and others defer it further, see the notes of the most learned Dr Mill on this passage.

Ex adnotationibus Nic. Gallasii in cap. 8.

From the annotations of Nic. des Gallars on Chapter 8.

Pag. 183. Mammonas autem secundum Judaicam loquelam, qua et Samaritae utuntur, cupidus, et plusquam oportet habere volens. Secundum autem Hebraicam adjunctive dicitur mam, vel significat gulosum, id est qui non possit a gula se continere. Hanc dictionem Mammona Syriacam esse, variis locis testatur Hieronymus. Primum in Matthaeum, cap. VI, deinde ad Algasiam, quaestione sexta. « Mammona, inquit, non Hebraeorum, sed Syrorum lingua, divitiae nuncupantur, quod de iniquitate collectae sint. » Item ad Eustochium : « Nam gentili Syrorum lingua, mammona divitiae nuncupantur. » Huic interpretationi cum docti omnes Hebraei consentiant, miratus sum hic ab Irenaeo pro cupido et avaro, item pro guloso capi, atque existimavi μετωνυμίαν fieri oportere. Dubitabam etiam quid illud sibi vellet, « secundum Hebraicam adjunctive dicitur mam. » Tali enim voce Hebraei in hac significatione non utuntur. Samaritana porro lingua haud dubie intelligit Syriacam et Chaldaicam, qualis tunc vulgo usitata fuit ; Hebraica vero, puram illam et genuinam, qua sacrae Litterae scriptae sunt, ut jam antea in cap. 67 lib. II observavimus. Minime ergo dubium est initium hujus dictionis mammon, nempe

Page 183. Now Mammonas according to the Jewish speech, which the Samaritans also use, is a covetous man, and one wishing to have more than is fitting. But according to the Hebrew it is called mam by addition, or signifies a gluttonous man, that is, one who cannot restrain himself from gluttony. That this word Mammona is Syriac, Jerome testifies in various places. First on Matthew, Chapter 6, then to Algasia, Question 6. "Mammona," says he, "in the tongue not of the Hebrews, but of the Syrians, is the name for riches, because they are gathered from iniquity." Likewise to Eustochium: "For in the native tongue of the Syrians, riches are called mammona." Since all learned Hebrews agree with this interpretation, I wondered that here it is taken by Irenaeus for a covetous and avaricious man, and likewise for a gluttonous man, and I considered that there must be a μετωνυμία. I also doubted what that meant, "according to the Hebrew it is called mam by addition." For the Hebrews do not use such a word in this signification. Moreover, by the Samaritan tongue he doubtless understands the Syriac and Chaldaic, such as was then commonly used; by the Hebrew, however, that pure and genuine tongue in which the sacred Letters were written, as we have already observed before in Chapter 67 of Book 2. There is therefore no doubt at all that the beginning of this word mammon, namely

Editors' notes and page, col. 1625

Footnotes

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Lib. XXII contra Faust., cap. 2 et 9.

Against Faustus book XXII, chs. 2 and 9.

(printed under page 821)

(2) ‹anchor: venter est› · call in col 1625, para 1, after "Quorum Deus venter est"

Phil. III, 19.

Philippians 3:19.

(printed under page 821)

(3) ‹anchor: Quintilianus› · call in col 1625, para "Quoniam autem hyperbatis", after "describit Quintilianus"

Lib. VIII, cap. 6.

Book VIII, ch. 6.

(printed under page 821)

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mam, adjunctum esse, ideoque dici ab Irenaeo adjunctive, hoc est μετὰ προσθέσεως, vel προσθετικῶς. Vocant enim Graeci πρόσθεσιν, qua additur aliquid initio syllabae aut dictionis. Haec vero cum me torquerent, nec mihi satisfacerem, Cornelium nostrum (de quo antea mentionem fecimus) non vulgariter in his linguis versatum, rogavi ut locum istum expenderet. Quem cum attente diligenterque examinasset, hanc sententiam protulit, quam doctis omnibus spero probatum iri : Quod dicit Irenaeus mammonam significare cupidum, id longius petitum esse. Proprie enim apud Chaldaeos idem denotare, quod apud Latinos « pecunia. » Sed quoniam paraphrastae Chaldaei interdum Hebraicam vocem בצע per ממון reddunt, בצע vero proprie quaestum, item πλεονεξίαν, seu φιλοκερδίαν, atque etiam αἰσχροκερδίαν significat, inde factum esse, ut ממון seu ממונה non solum acceptum sit pro quaestu, sed etiam pro lucri, atque adeo pro turpis lucri cupiditate, neque in abstracto solum extensam esse illius nominis significationem, sed etiam in concreto pro cupido et avido acceptum esse. Quod autem ait secundum Hebraeos adjunctive dici mam, hoc quidem obscurum esse, vixque aliter intelligi posse, quam dictioni הון, vel etiam און, quae Hebraea est, adjici מם, atque ita vocem effici Chaldaicam ממון. Adjectione ergo syllabae מם, atque una junctae cum Hebraea voce און, composita fuit haec dictio. הון vero et און idem significare apud Hebraeos, quod Chaldaeis ממון, satis notum est, praesertim ex XII cap. Os., 8, ac proprie און divitias illas denotat, quae partae sunt iniquis artibus : de quibus Christus Matth. VI, et Luc. XVI, quas exprimit hac voce mammonae. Nec certe desunt etiamnum, qui dictionem און deducunt a verbo אוה, id est concupivit. Idque spectasse videri possit Irenaeus, cum dixit ממון significare cupidum et gulosum, sive avidum et voracem. Nam et grammatici Hebraei aliquot locis hanc vocem און nomen toar, id est, adjectivum, esse volunt.

mam, is added, and therefore is said by Irenaeus "by addition," that is, μετὰ προσθέσεως, or προσθετικῶς. For the Greeks call πρόσθεσις that whereby something is added to the beginning of a syllable or word. Now when these things tormented me and I could not satisfy myself, I asked our Cornelius (of whom we have made mention before), a man uncommonly versed in these tongues, to weigh that passage. When he had attentively and diligently examined it, he brought forward this opinion, which I hope will be approved by all the learned: That what Irenaeus says, that mammona signifies covetous, is fetched from further off. For properly among the Chaldeans it denotes the same thing as "money" among the Latins. But since the Chaldean paraphrasts sometimes render the Hebrew word בצע by ממון, and בצע properly signifies gain, likewise πλεονεξία, or φιλοκερδία, and even αἰσχροκερδία, hence it came about that ממון or ממונה was taken not only for gain, but also for the desire of gain, and indeed of base gain, and the signification of that noun was extended not only in the abstract, but was also taken in the concrete for a covetous and greedy man. As to what he says, that according to the Hebrews it is called mam by addition, this is indeed obscure, and can scarcely be understood otherwise than that to the word הון, or even און, which is Hebrew, מם is added, and thus the Chaldaic word ממון is formed. By the addition, therefore, of the syllable מם, and joined together with the Hebrew word און, this word was compounded. Now that הון and און signify the same thing among the Hebrews as ממון to the Chaldeans is well enough known, especially from Hosea 12:8, and properly און denotes those riches that have been acquired by wicked arts: of which Christ speaks in Matthew 6 and Luke 16, which He expresses by this word mammona. Nor certainly are there lacking even now those who derive the word און from the verb אוה, that is, "he coveted." And Irenaeus might seem to have had this in view when he said that ממון signifies covetous and gluttonous, or greedy and voracious. For the Hebrew grammarians also in several places hold this word און to be a noun toar, that is, an adjective.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 8.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardent on Chapter 8.

Pag. 182. Soluta igitur. Pergit porro tam ex ipsius Christi, quam prophetarum et apostolorum verbis comprobare, Deum verum solum absolute et simpliciter Deum et appellari ac revera esse. Caeterum, negantem conjunctionem adjecimus ex veteri codice, etsi superflua videatur, quoniam prisci auctores etsi Latine scribunt, Graecorum tamen more duplicem negationem connectunt, quo magis pernegent.

Page 182. Being loosed therefore. Furthermore, he proceeds to prove both from the words of Christ Himself and from those of the prophets and apostles that the true God alone is both called and in reality is God absolutely and simply. For the rest, we have added the negative conjunction from the ancient manuscript, even though it may seem superfluous, since ancient authors, although they write in Latin, nevertheless after the manner of the Greeks connect a double negation in order to deny more strongly.

Pag. 183. Non Deum. Ita vet. cod. Excusi habebant « Dominum, » quod fortasse etiam retinendum esset.

Page 183. Not God. Thus the ancient manuscript. The printed editions had "Lord," which perhaps ought also to be retained.

Mammonas autem. Mammona vocem Hebraicam proprie non esse, sed Syriacam, in cap. VI Matth. et quaest. 6 ad Algasiam, affirmat Hieronymus, idemque significare, quod Graecis πλοῦτος, quem poetae deum finxerunt. Consentit Tertull. lib. IV Contra Marcion., cui subscribit Origenes in calce dialog. 1 contra Marcion. Caeterum, quod D. Irenaeus dicit, in hac dictione mere Syriaca, mam esse adjectitium, illud vix linguae utriusque, Hebraicae nempe et Syriacae perito persuaderi potest. Notum est enim vel mediocriter in Chaldaeis versatis, ממונה mammona, vocabulum esse primigenium, non deductum ab ullo themate Hebraeo. Quod si quis hoc in loco liberius vellet ludere, et vocabulum Syrum ex duobus integris Hebraeis conflare, forsan non longius aberraret a scopo, deducendo, ממונה mammona, a מם mam, vel mum, quod maculam sonat, et הון hon, potentiam, sive divitias ; ita ut per syncopen pro ממהון mamhon, dicatur mamon resecta littera ה.

Now Mammonas. That Mammona is not properly a Hebrew word, but Syriac, Jerome affirms on Chapter 6 of Matthew and in Question 6 to Algasia, and that it signifies the same thing as πλοῦτος to the Greeks, whom the poets fashioned into a god. Tertullian agrees in Book 4 Against Marcion, with whom Origen concurs at the end of Dialogue 1 Against Marcion. For the rest, what St Irenaeus says, that in this purely Syriac word mam is adventitious, can scarcely be persuaded to one skilled in both tongues, namely Hebrew and Syriac. For it is known even to those moderately versed in Chaldaic that ממונה mammona is a primitive word, not derived from any Hebrew root. Yet if anyone wished to play more freely in this place, and weld the Syriac word out of two whole Hebrew words, perhaps he would not stray much further from the mark in deriving ממונה mammona from מם mam, or mum, which means "blemish," and הון hon, "power," or "riches"; so that by syncope for ממהון mamhon, it is called mamon with the letter ה cut away.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1626

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running head: IN LIB. III S. IRENAEI. 1626
marginal letters: A mam, adjunctum esse,; B lucri cupiditate, neque; C losum, sive avidum; D quem poetae deum
old-edition numerals: 122 after ludere,
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: mam, adjunctum esse,, Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii

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Fortassis Irenaeus metonymicῶs accepit mammonam, videlicet causam pro effectu, id est, pecunias et opes, pro earum desiderio.

Perhaps Irenaeus took mammona metonymically, namely the cause for the effect, that is, money and wealth for the desire of them.

De manu fortioris. Ita veter. cod. Excusi, « de manu Pharaonis. »

From the hand of the stronger. Thus the ancient manuscript. The printed editions have, "from the hand of Pharaoh."

Sed et adjecit. Expunximus « objecit, » auct. vet. cod.

But he also added. We have expunged "he objected," on the authority of the ancient manuscript.

Sed nec quidquam. Delevimus « quidem, » auctor. vet. cod. Probat autem, tam ex Evangelio, quam ex Psalmis, omnia per Verbum condita esse, adeoque cunctos ordines angelorum : solum autem non factum, et sine ullo aut fine, aut principio creante : quibus satis docet Patri coaeternum et consubstantiale omnino credendum et confitendum esse.

But neither anything. We have deleted "indeed," on the authority of the ancient manuscript. Now he proves, both from the Gospel and from the Psalms, that all things were created through the Word, and therefore all the orders of angels: whereas He alone was not made, and is without any either end or creating beginning: whereby he sufficiently teaches that He must altogether be believed and confessed coeternal and consubstantial with the Father.

Et dissolutionem possunt. Tres has dictiones desiderabant excusi codices.

And are capable of dissolution. The printed editions lacked these three words.

Ex Jo. Er. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 8.

From the annotations of Jo. Er. Grabe on Chapter 8.

Pag. 183. Secundum autem Hebraicam. Per « Hebraicam » linguam intelligere videtur non puram illam et genuinam, qua S. Litterae scriptae sunt, uti quidem hoc loco notat Gallasius ; sed Syriacam, qualis tunc vulgo usitata fuit, quae et a sacris N. Test. scriptoribus Hebraica dicta est.

Page 183. But according to the Hebrew. By the "Hebrew" tongue he seems to understand not that pure and genuine one in which the Sacred Letters were written, as des Gallars indeed notes in this place; but the Syriac, such as was then commonly used, which was also called Hebrew by the sacred writers of the New Testament.

Adjunctive dicitur mamuel, et significat gulosum. Irenaeo Hebraeae linguae ignaro certe quidam imposuit : neque enim dicta significatio ad vocem « mamuel » ullo modo quadrat. Quando vero Irenaeus ait adjunctive dici « mamuel, » id ita accipio, quasi mamon cum προσθέσει el dictum velit.

By addition it is called mamuel, and signifies gluttonous. Certainly someone imposed upon Irenaeus, who was ignorant of the Hebrew tongue: for the said signification in no way fits the word "mamuel." But when Irenaeus says that it is called "mamuel" by addition, I take it as if he meant that mamon is said with the πρόσθεσις of el.

Vasa autem ejus et domus nos eramus, etc. Ita et S. Barnabas in Epistola cathol., § 16, cujus verba ex antiqua solum Latina versione apponam : « Antequam crederemus Deo, erat habitatio nostra corrupta et infirma, sicut templum quod per manus aedificatur, quia pleni eramus adorationibus idolorum ; et erat domus daemoniorum. » Quae Barnabae citans Clemens Alexandr. lib. II Strom., plura ad eorum explicationem addit. Valentino quoque haeretico cor eorum, qui negligenter vivunt, dicitur, πολλῶν δαιμόνων οἰκητήριον. Verba ejus ex dicto Clemente citata et emendata vide tom. I Spicilegii Patrum et haereticorum saeculi II, pag. 59, seqq.

Now we were his vessels and house, etc. So too St Barnabas in his Catholic Epistle, § 16, whose words I shall set down from the ancient Latin version alone: "Before we believed in God, our habitation was corrupt and weak, like a temple that is built by hands, because we were full of the adorations of idols; and it was a house of demons." Citing these words of Barnabas in Book 2 of the Stromata, Clement of Alexandria adds more for their explanation. By Valentinus the heretic as well, the heart of those who live negligently is called πολλῶν δαιμόνων οἰκητήριον. See his words cited from the said Clement and emended in Tome 1 of the Spicilegium of the Fathers and Heretics of the Second Century, page 59 and following.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 9.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardent on Chapter 9.

Pag. 183. Ostenso hoc igitur. Auctoritate vet. cod. expunximus, « ostensio. » Et mox « ostendetur, » pro « ostendatur » substituimus. Docet autem apostolos, unum eumdemque Deum atque Dominum universorum per orbem praedicasse ; et eum ipsum, quem veteres prophetae quondam celebraverant ; quos et nos imitari oporteat.

Page 183. This therefore having been shown. On the authority of the ancient manuscript we have expunged "showing." And shortly after we have substituted "it will be shown" for "let it be shown." Now he teaches that the apostles preached one and the same God and Lord of all throughout the world; and that very One Whom the ancient prophets had once celebrated; whom we also ought to imitate.

Hic autem pios lectores celare nolo, cum hunc librum et locum secundo recognoscerem, incidisse in manus meas libellum Genevae excusum, in officina Francisci Perrini, 1567, inscriptum, « Valentini Gentilis, » etc., in cujus paginis 9, 10, 11, 12 et 13, ex scriptis ejusdem Valentini, referuntur decem Irenaei testimonia, quibus nequam ille conatur efficere solum Patrem esse verum ac unicum Deum ac Dominum Israelis ; non autem una cum eo Filium, atque Spiritum sanctum. Illico certe exhorrui tantam hominis blasphemiam ac impudentiam, simulque accuratius coepi Irenaei scripta, quae habebam in manibus, excutere, et in his perquirere quid de re proposita sentiret.

Here, however, I do not wish to conceal from pious readers that when I was revising this book and passage a second time, there fell into my hands a little book printed at Geneva, in the workshop of François Perrin, 1567, entitled "Of Valentine Gentile," etc., on pages 9, 10, 11, 12, and 13 of which, from the writings of the same Valentine, ten testimonies of Irenaeus are adduced, by which that worthless man endeavours to make out that the Father alone is the true and only God and Lord of Israel, and not together with Him the Son and the Holy Spirit. Straightway indeed I shuddered at such great blasphemy and impudence of the man, and at the same time began more accurately to examine the writings of Irenaeus that I had in my hands, and to inquire thoroughly in them what he thought concerning the matter proposed.

Comperi autem locos a Gentili pro sua impietate citatos, qualis est iste, in quem haec adnotamus, nihil minus quam tam impia et blasphema resipere. Urget enim Irenaeus et frequenter inculcat unicum esse Deum verum, hujus mundi conditorem, in Israele praedicatum a prophetis, cognitum et invocatum a patriarchis, legis veteris auctorem, et eumdem esse Patrem Domini nostri Jesu Christi. Sed non negat, imo constanter asseverat eumdem Christum, quatenus est Verbum, id est Filius Dei, eidem Patri suo coaeternum, coaequalem, consubstantialem, denique et cum illo eum unicum verum Deum esse, qui et hunc mundum, et angelos, et

Now I found that the passages cited by Gentile on behalf of his impiety, such as this one on which we note these things, savour of nothing less than such impious and blasphemous things. For Irenaeus urges and frequently inculcates that there is one true God, the founder of this world, preached in Israel by the prophets, known and invoked by the patriarchs, the author of the old law, and that the same is the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ. Yet he does not deny, nay rather he constantly asserts that the same Christ, inasmuch as He is the Word, that is, the Son of God, is coeternal, coequal, consubstantial with His same Father, and finally that together with Him He is that one true God Who both this world, and the angels, and

Editors' notes and page, col. 1627

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running head: 1627 VARIORUM NOTAE
marginal letters: A Fortassis Irenaeus metonymicῶs; B uti quidem hoc; C dicitur, πολλῶν δαιμόνων; D ac Dominum Israelis
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Fortassis Irenaeus metonymicῶs, Ex Jo. Er. Grabii, Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii; hybrid printing metonymicῶs in line 1

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cuncta creaverit, et Israeli notus fuerit : tantumdem et de Spiritu sancto ex ipsius effectis ac operibus recte pieque colligens, ut nunc patefaciemus.

all things, and was known to Israel: rightly and piously gathering just as much concerning the Holy Spirit as well from His effects and works, as we shall now make plain.

Exclusivae itaque particulae « solum, tantum, praeterquam, nullus, alius, unicus, solus, solummodo, » etc., quae in scriptis Irenaei occurrunt, et a Gentilianis et Servetianis in perversum sensum torquentur, illos tantummodo a divinitate secludunt Aeones Pleromatis, Bythos, Propatoras, Proarchontas, Aoratos, Anonomastos, Ageratos, Autophyes, Choicos, Carpistes, Ennoeas, Enthymeses, Achamothas, et caetera id genus monstra et portenta, quae per octonarios, decades, duodecades, et triacontades distributa, unius in deitate, et trini in personis veri ac omnipotentis Dei loco substituere Gnostici conabantur. Nunquam vero a veri Dei Israelis nomine et ratione eximuntur Filius ac Spiritus sanctus, imo comprehenduntur et signantur : ut ex subjectis quinquaginta integris et apertis locis, quos ex singulis libris ejus colligimus, et decem a Gentili depravatis et mutilatis constanter opponimus, cunctis facile innotescet.

Therefore the exclusive particles "only, alone, besides, none, other, sole, single, solely," etc., which occur in the writings of Irenaeus, and are twisted into a perverse sense by the Gentilians and Servetians, exclude from divinity only those Aeons of the Pleroma, the Bythuses, Propators, Proarchons, Aoruses, Anonomastuses, Ageratuses, Autophyeses, Choicuses, Carpisteses, Ennoeas, Enthymeses, Achamoths, and the rest of the monsters and portents of that kind, which, distributed by ogdoads, decades, dodecads, and triacontads, the Gnostics endeavoured to substitute in the place of the true and almighty God, one in deity and triune in persons. Never, however, are the Son and the Holy Spirit exempted from the name and nature of the true God of Israel, nay rather they are comprised and signified therein: as will easily become known to all from the subjoined fifty whole and plain passages, which we gather from his individual books and constantly oppose to the ten depraved and mutilated by Gentile.

Primo itaque Irenaeus lib. I cap. 1, Valentinianos coarguit, quod « Christum nollent Dominum (quo titulo passim in sacris verus Deus Israelis, et mundi creator ac rector designatur) appellare. » 2. Ejusdem libri I cap. 2, eumdem Christum vocat, « Dominum, Deum, Salvatorem, et regem nostrum, cui flectitur omne genu coelestium, terrestrium, et infernorum. » Insuper, eamdem esse totius Ecclesiae catholicae « fidem in unum Deum Patrem, Filium, et Spiritum sanctum ; » ut etiam ibidem observamus. 3. Capite 4, carpit Gnosticos, quod « alium Deum, alium Christum, et alium unigenitum esse fingerent, » non unum crederent. 4. Capite 19, profitetur « eumdem esse creatorem coeli, terrae, rerumque omnium visibilium et invisibilium ; » quod vere pertinet ad Deum verum et sempiternum. 5. Capitibus 24, 25 et 26, damnat Carpocratianos, Cerinthianos ac Ebionitas, « quod eumdem Christum filium Joseph esse censerent ; et a Maria ortum habuisse » docerent ; Patri vero coaeternum confiteri nollent. 6. Capitibus 28 et 29, Cerdonem et Marcionem persequitur et confodit, propterea quod negarent eumdem Filium esse Dei, qui a lege et prophetis praedicabatur.

First, therefore, Irenaeus in Book I, Chapter 1, refutes the Valentinians because "they refused to call Christ Lord" (by which title throughout the sacred Scriptures the true God of Israel, and the creator and ruler of the world, is designated). 2. In Chapter 2 of the same Book I, he calls the same Christ "our Lord, God, Saviour, and King, to Whom every knee of heavenly, earthly, and infernal beings bends." Moreover, he says that the same is of the whole Catholic Church "the faith in one God, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit"; as we also observe in the same place. 3. In Chapter 4, he rebukes the Gnostics because "they feigned that there was one God, another Christ, and another Only-begotten," and did not believe in One. 4. In Chapter 19, he professes "that the same is the creator of heaven, earth, and all things visible and invisible"; which truly belongs to the true and everlasting God. 5. In Chapters 24, 25, and 26, he condemns the Carpocratians, Cerinthians, and Ebionites, "because they held that the same Christ was the son of Joseph, and taught that He had His origin from Mary," while they refused to confess Him coeternal with the Father. 6. In Chapters 28 and 29, he pursues and pierces through Cerdo and Marcion, because they denied that He was the same Son of God Who was preached by the law and the prophets.

7. Libri secundi capitibus 1, 2 et 3, reprobans duos Marcionis deos, unicum autem asserens, « qui cum Verbo suo, » id est, Christo filio « cuncta condiderit ; » hunc et natura consubstantialem, et potentia coaequalem et coaeternum agnoscit. 8. Capite 41, affirmat « nomen Jesu eum significare Dominum, qui continet coelum et terram. » 9. Capite 47, Verbum, id est, Filium Dei, sacras prophetis et apostolis dictasse Scripturas affirmans, unum esse cum Patre Deum comprobat. 10. Capitibus 48 et 49, scribit « Λόγον esse Deum simplicem, nulla ex parte compositum, » a Patre ineffabili modo genitum, nulla ex parte ab eo diversum. 11. Capit. 56 et 57, ex miraculis per invocationem nominis Christi per apostolos et alios servos ejus factis, confirmat eum esse unum cum Patre Deum omnipotentem, qui facit quaecunque vult in coelo, et in terra, et in omnibus abyssis.

7. In Chapters 1, 2, and 3 of the second book, rejecting the two gods of Marcion, and asserting one alone, "Who with His Word," that is, Christ the Son, "created all things," he acknowledges Him as both consubstantial in nature, and coequal in power, and coeternal. 8. In Chapter 41, he affirms that "the name of Jesus signifies that Lord Who holds together heaven and earth." 9. In Chapter 47, affirming that the Word, that is, the Son of God, dictated the sacred Scriptures to the prophets and apostles, he proves that He is one God with the Father. 10. In Chapters 48 and 49, he writes that "the Λόγος is simple God, in no part composite," begotten by the Father in an ineffable manner, in no part different from Him. 11. In Chapters 56 and 57, from the miracles wrought through the invocation of the name of Christ by the apostles and His other servants, he confirms that He is one almighty God with the Father, Who does whatsoever He wills in heaven, and on earth, and in all the depths.

12. Praefatione in lib. III affirmans eum esse Dominum omnium ac Filium Dei, quem qui spernit, ipsum quoque Patrem aspernari : satis indicat unam utriusque esse majestatem et deitatem. 13. Ejusdem libri cap. 1, referens omnes prophetas et apostolos « annuntiasse unum Deum, et unum Christum Filium Dei ; » Patri aequalem eum agnoscit. 14. Capitibus 4 et 5, eamdem in Christum orbis Salvatorem fidem habendam, quae est in unum et verum Deum suadens ; et in ipsum ut verum Deum credit. 15. Capite 6, « Patrem et Filium ejus in sacris Litteris definite et absolute Deum nominari » probat. 16. Capite 8, eum, qui omnia fecit, « cum

12. In the Preface to Book III, affirming that He is the Lord of all and the Son of God, and that whoever spurns Him spurns the Father Himself as well, he sufficiently indicates that the majesty and deity of both are one. 13. In Chapter 1 of the same book, relating that all the prophets and apostles "announced one God, and one Christ the Son of God," he acknowledges Him as equal to the Father. 14. In Chapters 4 and 5, persuading that the same faith is to be held in Christ the Saviour of the world as is held in the one and true God, he also believes in Him as true God. 15. In Chapter 6, he proves that "the Father and His Son are definitely and absolutely named God in the sacred Letters." 16. In Chapter 8, Him Who made all things "with

Editors' notes and page, col. 1628

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running head: VARIORUM NOTAE 1628
marginal letters: A cuncta creaverit, et; B quos ex singulis; C 5. Capitibus 24,; D cem, nulla ex
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: cuncta creaverit, et

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Verbo suo juste Deum et Dominum vocari ; » Verbum a principio, et in Patre, et sine initio, et sine fine exstitisse, et angelos omnes condidisse affirmat. 17. Capite 9, prophetas et apostolos « Patrem et Filium confiteri, alterum autem neminem neque Deum nominare, neque Dominum profiteri » docens, unum cum Patre esse probat. 18. Capite 10, Dominum Jesum « secundum quod Deus est, remissam peccatorum dedisse, peccatoresque a vinculis solvisse, » quod plane divinum opus est, scribit. 19. Capite undecimo, Jesum Filium Altissimi, Salvatorem, « Dominum Deum Israelis, Deum Salvatorem, aeternumque Regem » agnoscit. 20. Capite duodecimo, apostolos « unum Deum Patrem et Christum Jesum aeternum Dei Filium ac regem, » et eam, quae est in eum, fidem annuntiasse. 21. Capite tertiodecimo, Petrum in circumcisione, et Paulum in gentibus, « unum Patrem, et Dei Filium, qui est in Patre, ut et Pater in ipso. » 22. Capite 16, apostolos aliosque veritatis praecones neminem alium Deum vocasse, « nisi solum verum Deum Patrem et Verbum ejus. » 23. Capite 18, Paulum ubique docere Jesum pro salute nostra incarnatum, « esse unigenitum Filium Dei, et Deum super omnia benedictum in saecula. » 24. Capite vigesimo, Joanne scribente quod in principio Verbum exsistit apud Deum, excluditur omnis contradictio dicentium : Non erat ante Christus, quam ex Virgine natus sit. 25. Capite vigesimo primo, « est Filius Dei vivi, Deus et Dominus, rex aeternus, Dominus sanctus, Deus fortis, » super nubes venturus universorum judex. 26. Capite 22, « potentissimus omnium Deus, » qui omnibus ut sint praestitit, in similitudine peccati factus est, ut assuesceret homo portare Deum. 27. Capite 23, Christus non tantum homo, sed juxta Isaiam, « Dominus salvans nos, Dominus sanctus Israelis, Filius Dei qui Deus est, » in Bethlehem natus, Deus homo factus. 28. Capite 26 : De Christo dictum est : Non consentiet nequitiae ut eligat bonum, « quod est proprium Dei. » 29. Capite 29, « Digitus Dei, id est Filius Dei vivi » salutem operatus est populo suo, et non Josephi filius. 30. Capitibus 30 et 31, Christus est rex aeternus, per quem Adam formatus est, et idem cum Patre Deus ac Dominus.

His Word is justly called God and Lord"; that the Word existed from the beginning, and in the Father, and without beginning, and without end, and created all the angels. 17. In Chapter 9, teaching that the prophets and apostles "confess the Father and the Son, and neither name anyone else God nor profess anyone else Lord," he proves that He is one with the Father. 18. In Chapter 10, he writes that the Lord Jesus "according as He is God, granted remission of sins, and loosed sinners from bonds," which is plainly a divine work. 19. In the eleventh chapter, he acknowledges Jesus the Son of the Most High, the Saviour, as "the Lord God of Israel, God the Saviour, and eternal King." 20. In the twelfth chapter, that the apostles announced "one God the Father and Christ Jesus the eternal Son of God and King," and the faith that is in Him. 21. In the thirteenth chapter, that Peter in the circumcision, and Paul among the Gentiles, preached "one Father, and the Son of God, Who is in the Father, as the Father also is in Him." 22. In Chapter 16, that the apostles and other heralds of the truth called no one else God, "save the only true God the Father and His Word." 23. In Chapter 18, that Paul everywhere teaches that Jesus, incarnate for our salvation, "is the only-begotten Son of God, and God blessed above all forever." 24. In the twentieth chapter, when John writes that in the beginning the Word exists with God, every contradiction is excluded of those who say: Christ did not exist before He was born of the Virgin. 25. In the twenty-first chapter, "He is the Son of the living God, God and Lord, eternal King, holy Lord, mighty God," coming upon the clouds as judge of all. 26. In Chapter 22, "the most mighty God of all," Who granted to all things that they should exist, was made in the likeness of sin, so that man might become accustomed to bear God. 27. In Chapter 23, Christ is not only man, but according to Isaiah, "the Lord Who saves us, the holy Lord of Israel, the Son of God Who is God," born in Bethlehem, God made man. 28. In Chapter 26: Of Christ it was said: He shall not consent to iniquity, that He may choose the good, "which is proper to God." 29. In Chapter 29, "the Finger of God, that is, the Son of the living God," wrought salvation for His people, and not the son of Joseph. 30. In Chapters 30 and 31, Christ is the eternal King, through Whom Adam was formed, and the same God and Lord with the Father.

Libri quarti Praefatione, arguuntur qui alium Deum esse putant, « praeter Patrem omnium, et Filium ejus. » Filius ergo unus et idem numero Deus cum Patre. Firmum item et constans est, neminem alterum Deum et Dominum a Spiritu praedicatum, « nisi eum qui dominatur omnium Deus, cum Verbo suo. » 33. Capitibus 2, 3 et 4, Filius ejus, qui fecit coelum et terram Christus, dedit verba sua Moy⟨s⟩i, « et in eum Abraham et prophetae crediderunt. » 34. Capite 5, expurgans templum « ut domum suam et Patris, » se unum cum eo Deum Israelis manifestavit. 35. Capite 10, Isaias ejus Dei, qui est super omnia, verba refert : « Ego testis, dicit Dominus Deus, et puer quem elegi. » 36. Capite 11 : Qui locutus est Moysi in rubo et a prophetis adorabatur Deus vivus, « hic est vivorum Deus, et Verbum ejus. » Ipse igitur Christus cum Patre vivorum est Deus, qui et Patribus manifestatus est. 37. Capite 14 : Christus non tunc incoepit esse, quando secundum carnem ad nos venit ; ideo fidem nostram in eum dirigimus, sicut dilectionem in Patrem ejus : et ille per legem et prophetas semetipsum et Patrem praedicabat, et propter hoc omnes Christum Deum nominabant : « quoniam vere Deus » a Patre, a Spiritu, ab angelis, ab ipsa conditione, ab hominibus, et ab apostaticis spiritibus, et ab ipsa morte agnoscebatur. Et ideo in omnibus et per omnia « unus Deus Pater, et unum Verbum, et unus Filius, et unus Spiritus, » et una fides, et salus omnibus credentibus

In the Preface of the fourth book, those are refuted who think that there is another God, "besides the Father of all, and His Son." Therefore the Son is one and the same God in number with the Father. Likewise it is firm and constant that no other God and Lord was preached by the Spirit, "save the God Who has dominion over all, with His Word." 33. In Chapters 2, 3, and 4, His Son, Christ Who made heaven and earth, gave His words to Moses, "and in Him Abraham and the prophets believed." 34. In Chapter 5, cleansing the temple "as His own house and His Father's," He manifested Himself as one God of Israel with Him. 35. In Chapter 10, Isaiah reports the words of that God Who is above all: "I am a witness, says the Lord God, and the servant whom I have chosen." 36. In Chapter 11: The living God Who spoke to Moses in the bush and was adored by the prophets, "this is the God of the living, and His Word." Therefore Christ Himself with the Father is the God of the living, Who was also manifested to the Fathers. 37. In Chapter 14: Christ did not begin to exist at the time when He came to us according to the flesh; therefore we direct our faith towards Him, just as our love towards His Father: and He through the law and the prophets preached Himself and the Father, and on account of this all named Christ God: "since He was truly recognized as God" by the Father, by the Spirit, by the angels, by the creation itself, by men, and by the apostate spirits, and by death itself. And therefore in all and through all there is "one God the Father, and one Word, and one Son, and one Spirit," and one faith, and salvation for all who believe

Editors' notes and page, col. 1629

Footnotes

(4) ‹anchor: puer quem elegi› · call in col 1629

Isa. XLIII, 10.

Isaiah 43:10.

(printed under page 823)

(5) ‹anchor: call not visible in the page-foot crop› · call in col 1629 or 1630 (not seen)

Exod. III, 7.

Exodus 3:7.

(printed under page 823)

Page

running head: 1629 IN LIB. III S. IRENAEI.
marginal letters: A Verbo suo juste; B stolos aliosque veritatis; C pite 26 :; D testis, dicit Dominus
old-edition numerals: 123 after Filium
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Verbo suo juste; numbering jumps from 30 to 33 in Libri quarti Praefatione

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in eum. 38. Capite 17 : Qui locutus est ad Moysen, « Videns vidi vexationem populi mei in Aegypto, » etc., hic est Filius, qui est Verbum Dei. Christus ergo verus et unus cum Patre Deus et Dominus Israelis. 39. Capite vigesimo primo, utrumque testamentum unus et idem paterfamilias produxit, Verbum Dei, Dominus noster Jesus Christus. 40. Capite 22, Christum Dei Filium exspectamus, in quem credimus, de quo Isaias ait : « Ecce Dominus Deus noster, in quem speravimus, » etc. Reliquis hujus libri testimoniis supersedeo, ut aliqua ex libro quinto subjiciam.

in Him. 38. In Chapter 17: He Who spoke to Moses, "Seeing I have seen the affliction of My people in Egypt," etc., this is the Son, Who is the Word of God. Therefore Christ is the true and one God and Lord of Israel with the Father. 39. In the twenty-first chapter, one and the same householder brought forth both testaments, the Word of God, our Lord Jesus Christ. 40. In Chapter 22, we await Christ the Son of God, in Whom we believe, of Whom Isaiah says: "Behold our Lord God, in Whom we have hoped," etc. I pass over the remaining testimonies of this book, so that I may subjoin some from the fifth book.

41. Ejus enim mox primo et secundo capite, non solum Verbum Dei, « sed et Deum in carne manifestatum » Christum appellat, damnatque aliter sentientes Valentinianos ac Ebionitas. 42. Capite 5, Christum agnoscit Filium Dei, omnipotentem, et Patris manum (id est, consubstantialem et coaeternum illi). 43. Capite 6, Christus et Spiritus sanctus ut manus Patris (id est ei consubstantiales), « creant et sanctificant hominem ; qui et dicitur templum Dei, id est, Filii et Spiritus sancti. » 44. Capite 8, aeque in Patrem et Filium fidem et salutis nostrae anchoram jaciendam esse docet. 45. Eodem capite et proximo sequente tanta perspicuitate Spiritus sancti divinitatem ex operibus ac effectis ejus comprobat, ut in eumdem finem Basilius magnus, ante 1000 et 200 annos, sententias ejus semel et iterum laudaverit. 46. Capite 11, « justitiae atque salutis humanae auctorem docet esse Christum, ac Spiritum sanctum : » ergo unus Deus sunt cum Patre. 47. Capite 12, Spiritum sanctum esse proprie in Deo, et sempiternum ; » Verbum quoque Dei cuncta fabricasse docens, utrumque verum ac aeternum Deum praedicat. 48. Capite 13, Christum affirmans datorem incorruptelae, « et Spiritum S. vitae aeternae largitorem, » utrumque ex effectis unum Deum confitetur. 49. Capite 14, Christum Deum et hominem agnoscendum esse docet. 50. Capite 15, Dominus ostendit se, et Patrem discipulis, « ne scilicet quaererent alterum Deum. » Et qui plasmavit hominem ab initio, in novissimis temporibus oculos nati caeci formavit, et perditos exquisivit nos. Capite 17, Dominus remittens hominibus peccata, manifeste ostendit, quod sit idem cum Patre Deus, Dei Patris Filius, et filius hominis factus. Capite 18, unus ostenditur Deus Pater, qui est super omnia : Verbum per omnia : et in omnibus Spiritus, qui est aqua viva. His testimonium perhibet Joannes dicens : « In principio erat Verbum, » etc. Capite 20. Omnium qui sunt ab Ecclesia, una et eadem est fides, omnibus unum et eumdem Deum Patrem recipientibus ; et eamdem dispositionem incarnationis Filii Dei credentibus ; et eamdem donationem Spiritus scientibus, etc.

41. For presently in its first and second chapters, he calls Christ not only the Word of God, "but also God manifested in the flesh," and condemns the Valentinians and Ebionites who think otherwise. 42. In Chapter 5, he acknowledges Christ as the Son of God, almighty, and the hand of the Father (that is, consubstantial and coeternal with Him). 43. In Chapter 6, Christ and the Holy Spirit as the hands of the Father (that is, consubstantial with Him) "create and sanctify man; who is also called the temple of God, that is, of the Son and of the Holy Spirit." 44. In Chapter 8, he teaches that our faith and the anchor of our salvation must be cast equally upon the Father and the Son. 45. In the same chapter and the next following one, he proves with such great perspicuity the divinity of the Holy Spirit from His works and effects that to the same end Basil the Great, 1200 years ago, praised his sentences again and again. 46. In Chapter 11, "he teaches that Christ and the Holy Spirit are the author of righteousness and human salvation": therefore they are one God with the Father. 47. In Chapter 12, teaching that the Holy Spirit is properly in God, and everlasting, and also that the Word of God fashioned all things, he preaches that each is true and eternal God. 48. In Chapter 13, affirming that Christ is the giver of incorruption, "and the Holy Spirit the bestower of eternal life," from their effects he confesses that each is one God. 49. In Chapter 14, he teaches that Christ must be acknowledged as God and man. 50. In Chapter 15, the Lord showed Himself and the Father to the disciples, "to the end, namely, that they might not seek another God." And He Who fashioned man from the beginning, in the last times formed the eyes of the man born blind, and sought us out when we were lost. In Chapter 17, the Lord, remitting sins to men, manifestly shows that He is the same God with the Father, the Son of God the Father, and made the son of man. In Chapter 18, one God the Father is shown, Who is above all: the Word through all: and in all the Spirit, Who is living water. To these John bears witness, saying: "In the beginning was the Word," etc. In Chapter 20: Of all who are of the Church, the faith is one and the same, since all receive one and the same God the Father; and believe the same dispensation of the incarnation of the Son of God; and know the same gift of the Spirit, etc.

Quid his, quaeso, apertius, firmius, densius, pro confessione sanctiss. Trinitatis, id est, tribus distinctis in una deitate personis ; adeoque Christi atque Spiritus sancti, qua cum Patre coaeterna sempiternaque divinitate posset vel dici vel cogitari ? Fuit igitur hic antiquissimus Pater, sanctissimus antistes, doctissimus scriptor et fortissimus martyr beatissimae Trinitatis, ac unitatis Dei religiosissimus cultor, praedicator et assertor : Gentilis autem, Servetus, ac ejusdem furfuris nebulones, sceleratissimi sycophantae, et levissimorum hominum suis blasphemiis ac haeresibus profligatissimi proditores atque perditores.

What, I ask, could either be said or thought more open, more firm, more compact than these things on behalf of the confession of the most holy Trinity, that is, three distinct persons in one deity; and accordingly of the coeternal and everlasting divinity which Christ and the Holy Spirit share with the Father? Therefore this most ancient Father, most holy bishop, most learned writer, and most brave martyr was a most religious worshipper, preacher, and champion of the most blessed Trinity and of the unity of God: whereas Gentile, Servetus, and the scoundrels of the same bran are most wicked sycophants, and by their blasphemies and heresies the most profligate betrayers and destroyers of the most light-minded men.

Pag. 184. Fructum dignum poenitentiae. Vetus codex, « fructum dignae poenitentiae. » Graeci codic. καρποὺς ἀξίους τῆς μετανοίας, id est, « fructus dignos poenitentiae. »

Page 184. Fruit worthy of repentance. The ancient manuscript reads, "fruit of worthy repentance." The Greek manuscripts read καρποὺς ἀξίους τῆς μετανοίας, that is, "fruits worthy of repentance."

Et vocabunt. Καλέσουσιν, id est, « vocabunt, » habet Graecus Matthaei contextus, ut hic legit Irenaeus ; quem imitantur Origenes, Chrysostomus,

And they shall call. Καλέσουσιν, that is, "they shall call," is what the Greek text of Matthew has, as Irenaeus reads here; whom Origen, Chrysostom,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1630

Page

running head: IN LIB. III S. IRENAEI. 1630
marginal letters: A in eum. 38.; B ctus ut manus; C Deum et hominem; D atque Spiritus sancti,
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: in eum. 38.

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Theophylactus. Vetus editio, « vocabitur. » Deinde ex vet. cod. « Emmanuel » pro « Emanuel » restituimus : quod rectius esse, ipsa vox Hebraea, habens mem daghes affectam, aperte docet.

and Theophylact imitate. The old edition has "he shall be called." Then from the ancient manuscript we have restored "Emmanuel" for "Emanuel": that this is more correct, the Hebrew word itself, having mem affected with dagesh, openly teaches.

Non dispernet. Septuaginta, καὶ οὐ μὴ ἀθετήσει, id est, « non reprobabit, spernet, rejiciet. » Sanctes ex Hebraeo, « non avertetur ab ea. » Vetus noster cod. Vulgatam editionem secutus, « frustrabitur » habebat.

He will not despise. The Septuagint has καὶ οὐ μὴ ἀθετήσει, that is, "he will not reject, spurn, cast off." Sanctes from the Hebrew has, "he will not turn away from it." Our ancient manuscript, following the Vulgate edition, had "he will frustrate."

Cujus et stellam. Hoc vaticinium de Christo editum fuisse, cum Irenaeo interpretantur Basilius homil. de humana Christi generatione ; auctor serm. de stella et magis, apud Cyprianum ; Hieronymus Comment. in II cap. Matth.

Whose star also. That this prophecy was uttered concerning Christ is interpreted with Irenaeus by Basil in his homily on the human generation of Christ; the author of the sermon on the star and the Magi, in Cyprian; and Jerome in his Commentary on Chapter 2 of Matthew.

Tertullianus porro lib. IV, advers. Marc. nihil cunctatur Balaam semel et iterum prophetam appellare, inquiens : « Balaam prophetes in Arithmis, accersitus a Balac, Spiritu implebatur, non ad quam venerat maledictionem ; sed quam illi ipsa hora Spiritus suggerebat, benedictionem pronuntiabat. » Et longe postea, de Spiritu sancto disputans, subdit : « Qui et Balae quod non cognoverat, suggessit ; imo contra quam cogitaverat, suggessit, » etc. De eodem quoque ait Origenes homil. 13 in Num. : « Si a Moyse prophetiae Balaam sacris insertae sunt voluminibus, quanto magis descriptae sunt ab his qui habitabant Mesopotamiam, apud quos magnificus habebatur, quosque artis ejus constat fuisse discipulos ? Ex illo denique fertur magorum genus et institutio in partibus Orientis vigere. Qui descripta apud se habentes omnia quae prophetaverat Balaam, etiam hoc habuerunt scriptum, quod « orietur stella ex Jacob, et exsurget homo ex Israel, » etc. Haec et ampliora ex Origene accepta, etiam videre licet apud auctorem Operis imperfecti, in Operibus Chrysostomi ad cap. II Matthaei.

Moreover, Tertullian in Book 4 Against Marcion does not hesitate at all to call Balaam a prophet again and again, saying: "Balaam the prophet in Numbers, summoned by Balak, was filled with the Spirit, not for the curse for which he had come; but he pronounced the blessing which the Spirit suggested to him at that very hour." And long after, disputing concerning the Holy Spirit, he subjoins: "Who also suggested to Balaam what he had not known; nay rather, suggested contrary to what he had thought," etc. Concerning the same man Origen also says in Homily 13 on Numbers: "If the prophecies of Balaam were inserted by Moses into the sacred volumes, how much more were they transcribed by those who dwelt in Mesopotamia, among whom he was held in great esteem, and who are known to have been disciples of his art? From him, finally, the race and institution of the Magi is reported to flourish in the regions of the East. Having transcribed among themselves all that Balaam had prophesied, they also had this written, that 'a star shall rise out of Jacob, and a man shall spring up out of Israel,'" etc. These and fuller things taken from Origen may also be seen in the author of the Opus Imperfectum, in the Works of Chrysostom on Chapter 2 of Matthew.

Ex Joan. Ern. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 9.

From the annotations of Joan. Ern. Grabe on Chapter 9.

Pag. 184. Fructum dignum poenitentiae. In vulgatis quidem S. Matthaei codd. Graecis nunc legimus καρποὺς ἀξίους. Olim autem in singulari numero scriptum fuisse καρπὸν ἄξιον, praeter hunc Irenaei locum, et varias versiones, aperte docet Origenes tom. VII Commentar. in Joannem, pag. 119, ubi postquam dixerat a S. Matthaeo Joannem Baptistam introduci loquentem ad Pharisaeos et Sadducaeos ; a Luca vero narrari, quod turbis ad baptismum confluentibus poenitentiam praedicaverit, porro id quoque observat : Πρὸς μὲν τοὺς Φαρισαίους καὶ Σαδδουκαίους, « Ποιήσατε, εἴρηται ἑνικῶς, κάρπον ἄξιον τῆς μετανοίας · » πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ὄχλους πληθυντικῶς, « ἀξίους κάρπους τῆς μενανοίας. » Ad Pharisaeos quidem et Sadducaeos (apud Matthaeum) numero singulari dictum est : « Facite fructum dignum poenitentiae ; » turbis vero (apud Lucam) numero plurium : « fructus dignos poenitentiae. » Vide Huetii adnotationem ad hunc locum.

Page 184. Fruit worthy of repentance. In the common Greek manuscripts of St Matthew we now indeed read καρποὺς ἀξίους. That formerly, however, it was written in the singular number καρπὸν ἄξιον, besides this passage of Irenaeus and various versions, Origen openly teaches in Tome 7 of his Commentary on John, page 119, where after he had said that John the Baptist is introduced by St Matthew speaking to the Pharisees and Sadducees, while by Luke it is narrated that he preached repentance to the crowds flocking to baptism, he further observes this as well: Πρὸς μὲν τοὺς Φαρισαίους καὶ Σαδδουκαίους, « Ποιήσατε, εἴρηται ἑνικῶς, κάρπον ἄξιον τῆς μετανοίας · » πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ὄχλους πληθυντικῶς, « ἀξίους κάρπους τῆς μενανοίας. » "To the Pharisees and Sadducees indeed (in Matthew) it was said in the singular number: 'Make fruit worthy of repentance'; but to the crowds (in Luke) in the plural number: 'worthy fruits of repentance.'" See Huet's annotation on this passage.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 10.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardent on Chapter 10.

Pag. 184. Myrrha quidem. Mirum in modum haec mystica donorum intelligentia Patribus universis placuit, Justino, Tertulliano, Cypriano, Origeni. Celebrat Hieronymus pulcherrimum Juvenci presbyteri versiculum, quo munerum istorum sacramenta comprehendit his verbis :

Page 184. Myrrh indeed. In a wonderful manner this mystical understanding of the gifts pleased all the Fathers, Justin, Tertullian, Cyprian, and Origen. Jerome celebrates the most beautiful verse of the presbyter Juvencus, in which he comprised the mysteries of those gifts in these words:

Thus, aurum, myrrham, regique, hominique, Deoque. Huic unico, duos alios ex Sedulio adjungere non erit injucundum :

Frankincense, gold, myrrh, for King, and man, and God. To this single verse, it will not be unpleasant to add two others from Sedulius:

Aurea nascenti fuderunt munera regi,

They poured forth golden gifts to the newborn King,

Thura dedere Deo, myrrham tribuere sepulcro.

Frankincense they gave to God, myrrh they bestowed upon the sepulchre.

Hos autem omnes solita impudentia audet ridere impius Ecclesiae desertor Calvinus, Com. in Matth.

Yet all these the impious deserter of the Church, Calvin, in his Commentary on Matthew, dares with his usual impudence to mock.

Non enim Christus. Probat adversus fabulas Gnosticorum, quas recensuit lib. I, non esse alium Jesum, et alium Christum ; nec Christum descendisse

For Christ did not. He proves against the fables of the Gnostics, which he recounted in Book 1, that there is not one Jesus and another Christ; nor did Christ descend

Editors' notes and page, col. 1631

Footnotes

(6) ‹anchor: homo ex Israel› · call in col 1631

Num. XXIV, 17.

Numbers 24:17.

(6*) ‹anchor: hominique, Deoque› · call in col 1631 Evang. histor., lib. I, v. 285.

Gospel History, book I, line 285.

(printed under page 824)

(7) ‹anchor: myrrham tribuere sepulcro› · call in col 1631

Carm. pasch. lib. II, v. 95, 96.

Paschal Poem book II, lines 95, 96.

(7*) ‹anchor: call not visible in the page-foot crop› · call in col 1631 or 1632 (not seen) Catech. 10.

Catechesis 10.

(printed under page 824)

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running head: 1631 VARIORUM NOTAE
marginal letters: A Theophylactus. Vetus editio,; B tans, subdit :; C Pag. 184. Fructum; D Pag. 184. Myrrha
old-edition numerals: 124 after quo
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Theophylactus. Vetus editio,, Ex Joan. Ern. Grabii, Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii; ends mid-word descen- (continues in col. 1632)
other: the word descendisse was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 1632

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in Jesum dum baptizaretur. Quod et Cyrillus Hierosolym. his verbis attingit : « Multae sunt Salvatoris appellationes : et ne propterea multos putemus esse filios, et propter errores haereticorum dicentium alium esse Christum, alium Jesum, profitere bene : Credo in unum Dominum Jesum Christum. Quamvis enim multae sint appellationes, sed unum tamen subjectum, » etc. Paulo post, ex veteri codice restituimus, « qui est Salvator omnium, et dominator, » etc. Item : « Spiritus consilii et fortitudinis, Spiritus timoris Domini : » quae aliter et corrupte in excusis habebantur.

upon Jesus while He was being baptized. Which Cyril of Jerusalem also touches upon in these words: "Many are the appellations of the Saviour: and lest on that account we should think that there are many sons, and because of the errors of the heretics who say that Christ is one and Jesus another, profess well: I believe in one Lord Jesus Christ. For although the appellations are many, yet the subject is one," etc. A little later, from the ancient manuscript we have restored, "Who is the Saviour of all, and ruler," etc. Likewise: "The Spirit of counsel and might, the Spirit of the fear of the Lord": which were held otherwise and corruptly in the printed editions.

Non secundum gloriam. Vulgata editio, « non secundum visionem oculorum, » quae conformis est veritati Hebraicae. Septuaginta, quos sequitur ut plurimum Irenaeus : « Non secundum gloriam judicabit, neque juxta sermonem arguet. »

Not according to glory. The Vulgate edition has, "not according to the vision of the eyes," which is conformable to the Hebrew truth. The Septuagint, whom Irenaeus for the most part follows, has: "Not according to glory shall He judge, nor according to speech shall He reprove."

Pag. 185. Nam secundum id. Docet Christum non secundum id quod Deus est, unctum esse in tempore oleo spiritali, id est omnis scientiae et gratiae plenitudine : verum, secundum id quod homo est. Unde et Tertull. lib. De baptismo : « Christus dicitur a chrismate, quod est unctio, quae Domino nomen accommodavit, facta spiritalis, quia Spiritu unctus est a Deo Patre, » etc. De hoc rursus infra, capite 20.

Page 185. For according to that. He teaches that Christ was anointed in time with spiritual oil, that is, with the fullness of all knowledge and grace, not according to that which He is as God, but according to that which He is as man. Whence also Tertullian in the book On Baptism: "Christ is so called from chrism, which is anointing, which lent its name to the Lord, having become spiritual, because He was anointed with the Spirit by God the Father," etc. Concerning this again below, in Chapter 20.

Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 11.

Annotations of the same on Chapter 11.

Pag. 185. Ante Deum. Ita vetus codex. Et Graeca Luc., ἔναντι τοῦ Θεοῦ : itaque expunximus « Dominum. » Scopus porro totius hujus loci est, B. Lucam affirmare unicum et solum esse utriusque Testamenti Deum ac Dominum, qui sit Pater Domini nostri Jesu Christi : sicut idem supra probatum est ex B. Matthaeo.

Page 185. Before God. Thus the ancient manuscript. And the Greek of Luke has ἔναντι τοῦ Θεοῦ: therefore we have expunged "the Lord." Moreover, the aim of this entire passage is that St Luke affirms that there is one and only God and Lord of both Testaments, Who is the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ: just as the same was proved above from St Matthew.

Sed et de Joanne Novem hae voces, quae apertissime desiderabantur, ex vet. cod. restitutae, mire quadrant.

But also concerning John. These nine words, which were most manifestly lacking, restored from the ancient manuscript, fit wonderfully.

Et in cujus. Ita vetus codex : excusi habebant, « et cujus in conspectu Domini. »

And in whose. Thus the ancient manuscript: the printed editions had, "and of whose in the sight of the Lord."

Pro Ecclesia prophetans. Nihil insolens est, quod donum simul ac exercitium prophetandi B. Deiparae hoc loco tribuat Irenaeus ; cum omnibus modis sanctitate et donorum Dei copia superaverit Moysis sororem, Deboram, Judith, Elisabetham, Annam, et Philippi quatuor filias, quibus in populo Dei prophetare datum fuit. Deinde, angelus affirmans eam « gratia plenam, et inter omnes mulieres benedictam, » hoc quoque donum Dei haudquaquam ei defuisse satis indicat. Adde quod in sancta Pentecoste sacro coetui intererat, in quem Spiritu sancto abunde effuso repleti sunt omnes divinis illius charismatibus, utpote donis linguarum, interpretationis sermonum, sanitatum, prophetiae, sapientiae, fortitudinis, ac caeteris, quae per Apostolum enumerantur. Postremo, idipsum quoque tam ex hoc Isaiae loco, « accessi ad mulierem prophetissam ; » quam ex verbis illius cantici solide comprobat Basilius magnus : « Si animum accommodaveris universis verbis ejus, inquit, non contentiose negaveris, eam fuisse prophetissam. » Cui subscribens Ambrosius, ait : « Quo major persona, eo plenior prophetia. » Nec dubitant Hildephonsus et Rupertus illam, sancto Luca exscribente, dictasse canticum Magnificat : eumque iisdem apicibus ac verbis, quo ipsam proprio ore loquentem audivit, collegisse, ac Evangelio suo illud inseruisse. In hoc autem et difficillima et plurima veterum prophetarum loca clarius explicari ; et hoc saltem versu, « Beatam me dicent omnes generationes, » illustrissimam prophetiam contineri, etiam pugnacissimi quique fateri compelluntur.

Prophesying on behalf of the Church. It is nothing unusual that Irenaeus in this place attributes both the gift and the exercise of prophesying to the Blessed Mother of God; since in every way by holiness and abundance of the gifts of God she surpassed the sister of Moses, Deborah, Judith, Elizabeth, Anna, and the four daughters of Philip, to whom it was given to prophesy among the people of God. Next, the angel affirming that she is "full of grace, and blessed among all women," sufficiently indicates that this gift of God was by no means lacking to her either. Add that at holy Pentecost she was present in the sacred assembly, upon which, when the Holy Spirit had been abundantly poured out, all were filled with His divine charisms, namely with the gifts of tongues, of the interpretation of speeches, of healings, of prophecy, of wisdom, of fortitude, and the rest that are enumerated by the Apostle. Lastly, Basil the Great solidly proves this very thing as well both from this passage of Isaiah, "I approached the prophetess," and from the words of that canticle: "If you apply your mind to all her words," says he, "you will not contentiously deny that she was a prophetess." Concurring with him, Ambrose says: "The greater the person, the fuller the prophecy." Nor do Ildefonsus and Rupert doubt that she, with St Luke writing it down, dictated the canticle Magnificat: and that he gathered it in the very same letters and words in which he heard her speaking with her own mouth, and inserted it into his Gospel. Now that in this both very difficult and very many passages of the ancient prophets are more clearly explained, and that at least in this verse, "All generations shall call me blessed," a most illustrious prophecy is contained, even the most contentious are compelled to confess.

Nove benedicebat. Delevimus « novum dicebat : » et paulo post « abierat, » pro « ubi erat » reposuimus auct. vet. cod.

He blessed in a new manner. We have deleted "he said a new thing:" and a little later we have restored "he had departed" for "where he was," on the authority of the ancient manuscript.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1632

Footnotes

(8) ‹anchor: Apostolum enumerantur› · call in col 1632

I Cor. XII, 28.

1 Corinthians 12:28.

(8*) ‹anchor: comprobat Basilius magnus› · call in col 1632 In cap. VIII Isaiæ.

On chapter 8 of Isaiah.

(printed under page 824)

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marginal letters: A disse in Jesum; B tempore oleo spiritali,; C « et cujus; D comprobat Basilius magnus
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: disse in Jesum, Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 11.; begins mid-word disse (from descendisse in col. 1631)

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Pag. 186. Populo suo. Graeca Lucae τῷ λαῷ αὐτοῦ, in dandi casu, id est populo suo. Valla sic maluit, quod populus universos civitatis ordines complectatur ; plebs autem infima pars sit.

Page 186. To His people. The Greek of Luke has τῷ λαῷ αὐτοῦ, in the dative case, that is, "to His people." Valla preferred it thus, because populus comprises all the orders of a state, whereas plebs is the lowest part.

Uti det nobis. Graecam lectionem imitatur, τοῦ δοῦναι ἡμῖν, ἀφόβως ἐκ χειρὸς τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἡμῶν ῥυσθέντας λατρεύειν αὐτῷ.

That He may grant to us. He imitates the Greek reading, τοῦ δοῦναι ἡμῖν, ἀφόβως ἐκ χειρὸς τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἡμῶν ῥυσθέντας λατρεύειν αὐτῷ.

Aufert. Adnotat Chrysostomus dictum esse, « Tollit, » verbo praesentis temporis, non « tulit, » aut « tollet, » quod ab eo semper proficiscatur omnis ablutio criminum. Itaque « aufert » reposuimus, pro « auferet. »

Takes away. Chrysostom notes that it was said, "He takes away," with a verb of the present tense, not "He took away," or "He will take away," because from Him there always proceeds every washing away of sins. Therefore we have restored "takes away" for "will take away."

Peccatum. Τὴν ἁμαρτίαν κόσμου, id est, peccatum mundi, placet singulariter legendum esse, post Irenaeum, Orig. hom. 10 in Numeros ; Theoph., Augustino lib. X Contra Faustum, capit. 30 ; Cyprian. lib. De dup. martyrio.

Sin. Τὴν ἁμαρτίαν κόσμου, that is, the sin of the world, is preferred to be read in the singular after Irenaeus by Origen, Homily 10 on Numbers; Theophylact; Augustine, Book 10 Against Faustus, Chapter 30; and Cyprian in his book On Double Martyrdom.

Est enim. Codices excusi, « et enim. »

For he is. The printed editions have, "and indeed."

Bonae voluntatis. Ut Hieronymus, Ambrosius, Augustinus, genitivo casu post Irenaeum constantissime legunt : sic Epiphanius, Chrysostomus, Andreas Jerosolymitanus, Eusebius lib. IV Demonstr. evang., cap. 10, et Theophylactus, Graeci auctores, ἐν ἀνθρώποις εὐδοκία, « in hominibus bona voluntas, » recte. Erasmus residuum cantici hujus a Telesphoro adjectum putat, et plus habere verborum, quam sententiae : sed eum ab omni veritate deflexisse et prorsus aberrasse constat, cum ad verbum illud complectatur B. Jacobi apostoli liturgia, et Clemens Pauli collega, Petrique successor Constitut. apost. lib. VII, cap. 47, et lib. VIII, cap. 20. Auctores igitur apostolos habuit, ex quorum officina nihil nisi pietatem et virtutem Spiritus sancti spirans prodire potuit.

Of good will. Just as Jerome, Ambrose, and Augustine most constantly read in the genitive case after Irenaeus, so Epiphanius, Chrysostom, Andrew of Jerusalem, Eusebius in Book 4 of the Demonstration of the Gospel, Chapter 10, and Theophylact, Greek authors, read ἐν ἀνθρώποις εὐδοκία, "good will among men," rightly. Erasmus thinks that the remainder of this canticle was added by Telesphorus, and that it has more words than meaning: but it is established that he swerved from all truth and went utterly astray, since the liturgy of the blessed Apostle James comprises it word for word, as does Clement, the colleague of Paul and successor of Peter, in the Apostolic Constitutions, Book 7, Chapter 47, and Book 8, Chapter 20. It therefore had the apostles as its authors, from whose workshop nothing could come forth save what breathed piety and the power of the Holy Spirit.

Quid autem in civitate David. Theodoretus dialog. 1 locum hunc nominatim ex Irenaeo exprimit, ut suo loco posuimus.

Why then in the city of David. Theodoret in Dialogue 1 expressly quotes this passage by name from Irenaeus, as we have set down in its own place.

Adimpletam. Expunximus « quod adimpleatur, » auctor. vet. cod.

Fulfilled. We have expunged "that it may be fulfilled," on the authority of the ancient manuscript.

Pag. 187. Ne erraveritis. Delevimus « enarraveritis, » auctor. vet. cod.

Page 187. Do not err. We have deleted "you have recounted," on the authority of the ancient manuscript.

Hoc idem. Quod hactenus ex verbis Zachariae, Deiparae et Joannis ostendit unicum esse Legis ac Evangelii auctorem et Deum ; hoc idem nunc verbis angelorum, pastorum, Simeonis et Annae prophetissae confirmat. Quod autem superius scripsit, « Gloria in excelsis Deo, » nunc vero ex vet. cod., « Gloria in altissimis ; » utramque lectionem probat. Paulo post, « factor et conditor, » reposuimus ex vet. cod. pro, « factorem et conditorem, » tametsi haec loquendi forma frequens sit huic auctori.

This same thing. What he has hitherto shown from the words of Zechariah, the Mother of God, and John, that there is one author and God of the Law and the Gospel, this same thing he now confirms by the words of the angels, the shepherds, Simeon, and Anna the prophetess. And whereas above he wrote, "Glory to God in the highest [in excelsis]," and now from the ancient manuscript, "Glory in the highest [in altissimis]," he approves both readings. A little later, we have restored "maker and founder" [nominative] from the ancient manuscript for "maker and founder" [accusative], even though this form of speaking is frequent in this author.

Et hi iniqui. Vetus cod. sine inciso legit, « Hi qui erant ab ogdoade angeli ; » priorem lectionem sequuntur omnes editiones.

And these wicked men. The ancient manuscript reads without a clause break, "These angels who were from the ogdoad"; all the editions follow the former reading.

Astare. Παραστῆσαι, ad verbum reddidit : quod alii, « ut exhiberent, » sive « sisterent » dicunt.

To stand before. He rendered παραστῆσαι word for word: which others express as "that they might present," or "set before."

Nunc dimittis. Ἀπολύεις, in praesenti, non ἀπολύσεις, in futuro, habet Evangelium : Vetus cod., « dimittit, » inde suspicor « dimittis » Irenaei litteram olim habuisse, cum infra cap. 18 ita scribit ; atque nunc sic constituimus.

Now Thou dost dismiss. The Gospel has ἀπολύεις, in the present, not ἀπολύσεις, in the future: the ancient manuscript has "he dismisses," whence I suspect that the text of Irenaeus formerly had "Thou dost dismiss," since below in Chapter 18 he writes thus; and now we have so established it.

Jerusalem. Latini codices habent « Israel : » sed Graeci omnes cum Irenaeo « Jerusalem » legunt, quod in adnotationibus suis signavit Erasmus, hunc Irenaei locum adducens.

Jerusalem. The Latin manuscripts have "Israel": but all the Greek ones with Irenaeus read "Jerusalem," which Erasmus noted in his annotations, adducing this passage of Irenaeus.

Unus Deus. Codices excusi, « visus Deus. »

One God. The printed editions have, "God was seen."

Quapropter et Marcus. Aliquot ex Marci Evangelio sumptis testimoniis unum Deum utriusque Testamenti comprobat, eumque Patrem Domini nostri Jesu Christi, et a prophetis, nominibus ac titulis multis praedicatum. Vocat autem Marcum, comitem ac interpretem Petri, secutus Papiam, cujus verba recitantur ab Eusebio, lib. III Histor., cap. ultimo. Attingit et Hieronymus in Catalogo.

Wherefore Mark also. Having taken several testimonies from the Gospel of Mark, he proves that there is one God of both Testaments, and that He is the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, and preached by the prophets under many names and titles. Moreover, he calls Mark the companion and interpreter of Peter, following Papias, whose words are recited by Eusebius, Book 3 of the History, last chapter. Jerome also touches upon it in his Catalogue.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1633

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marginal letters: A Pag. 186. Populo; B Augustinus, genitivo casu; C Pag. 187. Ne; D λύσεις, in futuro,
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other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Pag. 186. Populo

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In prophetis. Sic Graeci, ἐν προφήταις. Vulgata lectio « Isaia propheta, » quam et in fine hujus capitis agnoscit quoque Irenaeus, ut videatur gratam habuisse utramque lectionem.

In the prophets. Thus the Greeks, ἐν προφήταις. The Vulgate reading is "in Isaiah the prophet," which Irenaeus also acknowledges at the end of this chapter, so that he seems to have held both readings acceptable.

Pag. 188. Hanc fidem. Jam per quartum evangelistam, id est divum Joannem, idem asserit, quod ex aliis tribus paulo ante praestitit : nimirum, unicum verumque Deum annuntiari a prophetis et apostolis.

Page 188. This faith. Now through the fourth evangelist, that is, the divine John, he asserts the same thing that he established a little before from the other three: namely, that the one and true God is announced by the prophets and apostles.

Qui a Cerintho. Nicolaum, Ebionem et Cerinthum, vivis ipsis apostolis ab Ecclesia defecisse, eamque nefandis erroribus perturbasse certum est. Ac de Nicolao referunt Acta et Apocalypsis ; de Ebione supra lib. I, cap. 26, et lib. III, cap. 3, dictum est. Cerinthum autem ex iis fuisse aestimat Epiphanius, qui coram apostolis turbationem operati sunt, quando Jacobus scripsit ad Antiochenam Ecclesiam : « Novimus quosdam ex nobis ad vos venisse, et turbasse sermonibus, quos non narravimus. » Ex eorum etiam numero eum facit, qui B. Petro restiterunt, quando rediit e domo Cornelii, Actor. XII et XV. Hos Joannes etiam in epistolis atro carbone notare certum est, sicut prius Evangelio suo in eosdem dimicarat. Porro eorum falsas opiniones habes supra lib. I, c. 25, 26, 27.

Those from Cerinthus. It is certain that Nicolas, Ebion, and Cerinthus fell away from the Church while the apostles themselves were still alive, and troubled her with nefarious errors. And concerning Nicolas the Acts and the Apocalypse relate; concerning Ebion it has been spoken above in Book 1, Chapter 26, and Book 3, Chapter 3. Now Epiphanius reckons that Cerinthus was one of those who wrought disturbance before the apostles, when James wrote to the Church of Antioch: "We know that certain men from among us have come to you, and have troubled you with words that we did not recount." He also makes him one of the number of those who withstood Blessed Peter when he returned from the house of Cornelius, Acts 11 and 15. It is certain that John also marks these men with black charcoal in his epistles, just as he had previously fought against the same in his Gospel. Moreover, you have their false opinions above in Book 1, Chapters 25, 26, 27.

Sine ipso factum est nihil quod factum est. Puncto istiusmodi sententiam hanc terminare, post Irenaeum perplacet Chrysostomo et Theophylacto, ut sensus sit : Nihil omnino creatum, quod non sit creatum a Patre per Filium. Consuetam vero distinctionem sequuntur ex Latinis Tertullianus Adversus Praxean, Hilarius, Augustinus, Hieronymus, quam Irenaeus quoque paulo post conservat. Ex Graecis Origenes, Cyrillus, et Nazianzenus Latinorum lectionem probant.

Without Him was made nothing that was made. To terminate this sentence with a full stop of this sort pleases Chrysostom and Theophylact very much after Irenaeus, so that the sense is: Nothing at all was created that was not created by the Father through the Son. The customary punctuation, however, is followed among the Latins by Tertullian Against Praxeas, Hilary, Augustine, and Jerome, which Irenaeus also preserves a little later. Among the Greeks, Origen, Cyril, and Nazianzen approve the reading of the Latins.

In sua propria venit. Pronomen « sua » habent post Irenaeum Cyprianus lib. I Adversus Jud., cap. 3, et De orat. Domin. Graec., εἰς τὰ ἴδια ἦλθε, quod etiam Augustinus tractatu 2 in Joan. reddit : « In sua propria venit. »

He came unto His own. Cyprian after Irenaeus has the pronoun "His" in Book 1 Against the Jews, Chapter 3, and On the Lord's Prayer. The Greek has εἰς τὰ ἴδια ἦλθε, which Augustine also renders in Tractate 2 on John: "He came unto His own."

Pag. 189. Cognovit Israelites. Quatuor has dictiones desiderabant omnes excusi codices.

Page 189. An Israelite knew. All the printed editions lacked these four words.

Pag. 190. Quoniam enim quatuor. Pia admodum et erudita est haec speculatio, qua Evangelia quatuor adumbrari philosophatur per quatuor mundi plagas, quatuor principes spiritus, cherubin quadriformia, quatuorque testamenta ; idque adversus Marcionitas, qui unicum duntaxat evangelistam volebant esse, ut indicat Origenis primus contra eosdem dialogus. Irenaeo astipulatur Hieronymus epist. ad Paulinum ; Matthaeum, Marcum, Luc. et Joan. vocans « quadrigam Domini, et verum cherubim. Rursus, per illos quatuor, Ecclesiam instar paradisi quatuor flumina eructare ; quatuorque angulos et annulos habere, per quos, quasi arca testamenti et custos legis Domini, lignis immobilibus vehitur ; insuper quatuor haec Evangelia Ezechielis volumen, in quatuor animantibus, Apocalypsimque probare. » Haec autem addenda censui, ut Gallasii maledicendi libidinem notarem, qui, ut Marcionitis et Manichaeis avis suis obsequatur, hanc Irenaei theoriam vituperat. Sed quid mirum si martyribus insultet, cum etiam probationes et refutationes, quibus Dominus et magister noster Jesus Christus in Judaeos utitur, Calvinus, Gallasii antistes et praeceptor, imbecillas et parum solidas judicet, eumdemque improprie saepe locutum clamitet ? In VI et XII cap. Matth.

Page 190. For since there are four. Very pious and learned is this speculation, whereby he philosophizes that the four Gospels are foreshadowed by the four quarters of the world, the four principal spirits, the four-formed cherubim, and the four covenants; and this against the Marcionites, who wished there to be only a single evangelist, as Origen's first dialogue against the same indicates. Jerome agrees with Irenaeus in his epistle to Paulinus, calling Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John "the four-horse chariot of the Lord, and the true cherubim. Again, through those four, the Church like paradise pours forth four rivers; and has four corners and rings, through which, like the ark of the covenant and guardian of the law of the Lord, she is borne upon immovable staves; moreover, the volume of Ezekiel, in the four living creatures, and the Apocalypse prove these four Gospels." Now I thought these things should be added in order to mark the lust for railing of des Gallars, who, to humour his ancestors the Marcionites and Manichaeans, disparages this contemplation of Irenaeus. Yet what wonder if he insults martyrs, when even the proofs and refutations which our Lord and Master Jesus Christ uses against the Jews, Calvin, the bishop and preceptor of des Gallars, judges weak and little solid, and cries out that the Same often spoke improperly? On Chapters 6 and 12 of Matthew.

Imagines sunt. Christi Domini mysteriis has quoque animalium formas eleganter accommodat Hieronymus, Comment. in I cap. Ezechielis. De eisdem copiose disserit et Dionysius Areopagita lib. De coelesti hierarch., cap. 1, 2, 13, 15, et lib. De eccles. hierarch., cap. 4, itemque Andreas Cappadox in Apocal. Ad idem pertinent ii non inelegantes Sedulii

Are images. Jerome also elegantly accommodates these forms of the living creatures to the mysteries of Christ the Lord, Commentary on Chapter 1 of Ezekiel. Concerning the same Dionysius the Areopagite also discourses copiously in his book On the Celestial Hierarchy, Chapters 1, 2, 13, 15, and in his book On the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, Chapter 4, and likewise Andrew of Cappadocia on the Apocalypse. To the same belong those not inelegant verses of Sedulius

Editors' notes and page, col. 1634

Footnotes

(9) ‹anchor: Apocalysimque probare› · call in col 1634

Prooem. in Matth.

Prologue on Matthew.

(printed under page 825)

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running head: IN LIB. III S. IRENAEI. 1634
marginal letters: A In prophetis. Sic; B mus. » Ex; C sua propria venit.; D Haec autem addenda
old-edition numerals: 125 after 27.
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: In prophetis. Sic; ends mid-word Se- (continues in col. 1635)

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presbyteri versus, quibus Christum ita alloquitur :

the presbyter, in which he addresses Christ thus:

Hoc Matthaeus agens, hominem generaliter implet,

Matthew, doing this, generally fulfils the man,

Marcus ut alta fremit vox per deserta leonis,

Mark roars as the loud voice of a lion through the deserts,

Jura sacerdotii Lucas tenet ore juvenci,

Luke holds the rights of the priesthood with the mouth of a bullock,

More volans aquilae verbo petit astra Joannes.

John, flying after the manner of an eagle, seeks the stars with the word.

Quattuor hi proceres una te voce canentes,

These four chiefs, singing Thee with one voice,

Tempora ceu totidem latum sparguntur in orbem.

Like so many seasons are spread abroad into the wide world.

Inciperet mactari. Billius : « inciperet mactari, » pro, « mactandus erat, » dictum est ; quemadmodum cap. 17, « inciperent dicere, » pro, « dicturi erant, » et cap. 20, « qui inciperet occidere peccatum, » pro, « qui peccatum occisurus erat ; » et plerisque aliis locis.

Was about to be slain. Billy says: "he was beginning to be slain" is said for "he was about to be slain"; just as in Chapter 17, "they were beginning to say," for "they were about to say," and in Chapter 20, "who was beginning to slay sin," for "who was about to slay sin"; and in very many other places.

Pag. 191. Et pennatam. Expunximus « pennatum. »

Page 191. And winged [feminine]. We have expunged "winged [masculine/neuter]."

Colloquebatur. Ita pro « colloquebantur ; » ut mox loco « praebebant, » substituimus « praebebat, » auct. vet. cod.

He conversed. Thus for "they conversed"; just as shortly after in place of "they furnished," we have substituted "he furnished," on the authority of the ancient manuscript.

Pag. 192. Et indocti. Indoctos recte hic et alibi saepe censet omnes haereticos : quantumlibet enim verae theologiae, aut etiam philosophiae laudem venentur, reipsa tamen indocti manent, et cortici litterae, aucupioque verborum tantum insistentes, ad verae sapientiae fundum nequaquam perveniunt. Hinc Apostolus haereticum describens, ait : « Superbus est nihil sciens ; sed languens circa quaestiones et pugnas verborum. » Et ne de uno tantum, vel altero id eum asseruisse putaremus, de omnibus ait : « Semper discentes, et nunquam ad scientiam veritatis pervenientes. Sed ultra non proficient. Insipientia enim eorum manifesta erit in omnibus. » Nam ut mali angeli cum bonis, et pseudoprophetae ac seductores cum divinis prophetis et apostolis collati, plane rudes sunt ac caeci : ita etiam si omnium saeculorum haeresiarchas cum sanctis Ecclesiae Patribus et doctoribus comparaveris, illos non injuria inertes, ignavos, et ventosos, impudentes tamen et audaces homines censebis. Quid enim Valentinus, Cerinthus, Basilides, Marcion, aut alius ex hoc furfure, prae Dionysio, Clemente, Ignatio, Polycarpo, Justino, Irenaeo, Tertulliano, Cypriano, aut hujusmodi Ecclesiae cathol. proceribus ?

Page 192. And unlearned. Rightly here and often elsewhere does he reckon all heretics unlearned: for however much they may hunt after the praise of true theology, or even of philosophy, in reality nevertheless they remain unlearned, and insisting only upon the bark of the letter and the catching at words, they by no means reach the bottom of true wisdom. Hence the Apostle, describing a heretic, says: "He is proud, knowing nothing, but doting about questions and strifes of words." And lest we should think that he asserted this of one or two only, he says of them all: "Ever learning, and never attaining to the knowledge of the truth. But they shall proceed no further: for their folly shall be manifest unto all." For just as the evil angels when compared with the good, and false prophets and seducers with the divine prophets and apostles, are plainly ignorant and blind: so too if you compare the heresiarchs of all ages with the holy Fathers and doctors of the Church, you will not unjustly reckon them shiftless, slothful, and windy, yet impudent and audacious men. For what are Valentinus, Cerinthus, Basilides, Marcion, or another of this bran, in comparison with Dionysius, Clement, Ignatius, Polycarp, Justin, Irenaeus, Tertullian, Cyprian, or such chiefs of the Catholic Church?

Ac praetermissa de cunctis haeresiarchis prolixiore disquisitione, unius tantum et alterius hujus saeculi propudiosam, et plurimis, scio, incredibilem inscitiam patefaciamus. Scribit Petrus Rehenstock commensalis Lutheri, hunc aliquando ad se redeuntem, ac proprio seipsum metientem pede, saepe dixisse : « Ego neque Hebraice, neque Graece calleo ; attamen Hebraeo ac Graeco mediocriter respondebo. » Quo etiam pacto plurima calluisset, qui rursus de se aiebat : « Ego non audeo integra latera folii sine intermissione legere, neque duas aut tres lineas in Psalmo, aut aliam rem diu intueri. Mox enim venit mihi tinnitus aurium, ut saepius ad scamnum me demittere cogar. » Fontem vero hujus mali sui aperiens, scribit ad electorem Saxoniae : « Diabolus interdum per cerebrum meum ita permeat, ut nec scribere possim, nec legere. »

And passing over a more prolix disquisition concerning all the heresiarchs, let us lay open the shameful—and to very many, I know, incredible—ignorance of only one and another of this age. Peter Rehenstock, a table-companion of Luther, writes that the latter, sometimes coming back to his senses and measuring himself by his own foot, often said: "I am skilled neither in Hebrew nor in Greek; yet I shall answer a Hebrew and a Greek moderately well." How indeed could he have been skilled in very many things, who again used to say of himself: "I dare not read whole sides of a leaf without intermission, nor look long at two or three lines in a Psalm, or at any other thing. For presently a ringing in the ears comes upon me, so that I am oftentimes compelled to let myself down onto a bench." And laying open the fountain of this malady of his, he writes to the Elector of Saxony: "The devil sometimes passes through my brain in such a way that I can neither write nor read."

Et ne catholici soli odio incitati videamur, sic de illo, ex propriis ejus testimoniis, decernere ; accedat Tigurinorum apostolus, et Sacramentariorum dux Zuinglius, haec ad eumdem Lutherum scribens : « Facile videmus, te vel imperitum, vel nimis rudem esse theologum, cum de utraque in Christo natura disputans, inter has distinguere nondum novisti. Vel si illud non ignoras, interim vero hac confusa utriusque permistione, simplices fallis et decipis ; te seductorem, impostorem et Christi

And lest we Catholics alone should seem, incited by hatred, to pass such judgement upon him from his own testimonies, let the apostle of the men of Zurich and leader of the Sacramentarians, Zwingli, come forward, writing these things to the same Luther: "We easily see that you are either an unskilled or an overly rude theologian, since in disputing concerning both natures in Christ, you do not yet know how to distinguish between them. Or if you are not ignorant of that, and yet in the meantime by this confused mingling of both you deceive and beguile the simple, we judge you to be a seducer, an impostor, and a

Editors' notes and page, col. 1635

Footnotes

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Carm. pasch. lib. I, v. 355 seqq.

Paschal Poem book I, line 355 and following.

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I Tim. VI, 4.

1 Timothy 6:4.

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II Tim. III, 7, 9.

2 Timothy 3:7, 9.

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Tom. I Colloq., pag. 187, et tomo II, pag. 22.

Colloquies vol. I, p. 187, and vol. II, p. 22.

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Tomo V Jenens. Germ., fol. 485.

Vol. V of the Jena German [edition], fol. 485.

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Epist. ad Lutherum, anno 1526.

Letter to Luther, in the year 1526.

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Tom. I Colloq., fol. 51 et 149.

Colloquies vol. I, fols. 51 and 149.

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negatorem, ipso Marcione deteriorem esse judicamus. Sed ignorantiam tuam in te potius agnosco, quam ut nequitiam et impietatem hoc esse existimem. » Atque hoc Helveticorum ministrorum de Lutheri ignorantia judicium. Qui fit ergo, ut tanta scripserit et vulgaverit ? Respondeo, quidquid in buccam occurreret, mox chartis mandabatur : atque hoc ab hominibus rerum novarum cupidis avide rapiebatur, ac Evangelii splendido titulo venditabatur. Caeterum, libri ejus sacci sunt verborum : ex quibus si scommata, calumnias, obscena verba, inanes jactantias et gloriationes, denique Satanas, diabolos, quos passim efflat, detraxeris ; longe pauciora quam fortasse crederes, sunt in his remansura. Eant ergo nunc Germani, et cum suo Taburno, Lutherum clamitent « virum mirabilem, divinum, angelum volantem per medium coeli, habentem Evangelium aeternum, summum postremi saeculi doctorem ; » ac etiamnum, quod illis objicit Sturmius, « crepidas Lutheri adorandas putent. » Aut, quod etiam longe turpissimum ac foedissimum solo relatu, ut illos sibi aliquando Smalcaldiae decumbenti fecisse gloriatur, « pudenda propriis labiis exsugant ; aut certe stercora venerentur, » tam foedi ac reprobi catholicae fidei professionisque desertoris.

denier of Christ, worse than Marcion himself. Yet I rather acknowledge your ignorance in you than think that this is wickedness and impiety." And this is the judgement of the Swiss ministers concerning Luther's ignorance. How does it happen, therefore, that he wrote and published so much? I answer: whatever came into his mouth was straightway committed to paper: and this was eagerly snatched up by men greedy for novelties, and cried up under the splendid title of the Gospel. For the rest, his books are sacks of words: from which if you take away the jeers, calumnies, obscene words, empty boastings and vauntings, and finally the Satans and devils that he breathes forth everywhere, far fewer things than you would perhaps believe will remain in them. Let the Germans go now, therefore, and with their Taburnus cry up Luther as "a wonderful, divine man, an angel flying through the midst of heaven, having the eternal Gospel, the supreme doctor of the last age"; and even now, as Sturm casts in their teeth, "think that Luther's slippers ought to be adored." Or, what is even by far the most shameful and foul merely to relate, as he boasts that they once did to him when he lay ill at Schmalkalden, "suck his privy parts with their own lips; or at least venerate the dung" of so foul and reprobate a deserter of the Catholic faith and profession.

Luthero succedat Calvinus, Beza judicio, « summus ille maximusque theologus, quo nemo docuit doctius, nemo judiciosius, nemo enucleatius, nemo magnificentius hactenus scripsit. » Is quoque certe totius antiquitatis rudissimum, ac historiae ecclesiasticae ignorantissimum se cunctis prodidit, quando scripsit, « beatum Athanasium magno illi concilio Nicaeno primo praefuisse ; » quandoquidem tum solummodo diaconus erat, episcopum suum ad id concilium proficiscentem consecutus. Ad eamdem quoque inscitiam pertinet, « quod judicavit Arianos aliquanto tempore praecessisse Manichaeorum haeresim ; » cum hi sub Aureliano imperatore, ad annum Christi 277 furere incoeperint, illi vero tantum sub Constantino, circa annum Christi 322, habuerint initium. Praeterea, innumerae contradictiones, quibus seipsum implicat ; sexcenta sacrorum Bibliorum loca ab eodem male reddita et intellecta ; frequentissimae veterum Patrum nunc mutilatae, mox perperam tortae, et falso denique eis impositae sententiae omnibus manifestant eum isthaec, nec satis diligenter legisse, nec bene intellexisse. Ad haec successor ejusdem Beza et versiones, et interpretationes, et plerasque illius sententias erroneas scriptis publicis corrigens, eisdemque contradicens, aut profecto illius ignorantiam coram toto mundo coarguit, aut suam propriam manifeste prodit. Quando insuper, in gravissimis disputationibus statum controversae quaestionis aut mutare, aut fugere tam saepe conatur, falsis principiis innititur, stupide argutatur, cavillatur, extra chorum saltitat, probationum loco bacchatur et conviciatur, similibus utitur ineptissimis, metonymias confingit absurdissimas, ambiguis verbis ludit, principium petit, paralogismis rem suam conficit, etc. ; verioris dialecticae, philosophiae atque theologiae fundum se nunquam attigisse ac penetrasse demonstrat. Quicunque enim ad rectam in modo et forma disserendi rationem omnia illius argumenta reduxerit ac expenderit, comperiet tandem inanissima esse, quae prima specie magnificentissima et valentissima videntur imperitis. Quoniam vero hujus hominis technas, fraudes, versutias, ac ineptissimas disputationes in suis perdoctis Promptuariis catholicis, et Antidotis vir eruditissimus et clarissimus docto⟨r⟩ Stapletonus planissime detexit :

Let Calvin succeed Luther—in Beza's judgement, "that supreme and greatest theologian, than whom no one has hitherto taught more learnedly, no one more judiciously, no one more clearly, no one has written more magnificently." He too certainly betrayed himself to all as most rude in all antiquity and most ignorant of ecclesiastical history when he wrote "that the blessed Athanasius presided over that great first Council of Nicaea"; seeing that he was then only a deacon, having followed his bishop going to that council. To the same ignorance also belongs "that he judged that the Arians preceded the heresy of the Manichaeans by some time"; whereas the latter began to rage under the Emperor Aurelian, around the year of Christ 277, while the former had their beginning only under Constantine, around the year of Christ 322. Besides, the innumerable contradictions in which he entangles himself; six hundred passages of the sacred Bibles badly rendered and understood by the same; the most frequent sentences of the ancient Fathers now mutilated, now perversely twisted, and finally falsely imposed upon them, make manifest to all that he neither read these things diligently enough nor understood them well. In addition to these things, his successor Beza, correcting in public writings both his versions, and his interpretations, and very many of his erroneous opinions, and contradicting the same, either assuredly refutes his ignorance before the whole world, or manifestly betrays his own. When moreover, in the weightiest disputations, he so often endeavours either to change or to flee the state of the disputed question, relies on false principles, stupidly splits hairs, cavils, dances outside the chorus, raves and rails in place of proofs, uses the most absurd comparisons, devises the most preposterous metonymies, plays with ambiguous words, begs the question, accomplishes his business by paralogisms, etc., he demonstrates that he never touched or penetrated the bottom of truer dialectic, philosophy, and theology. For whosoever reduces and weighs all his arguments according to the right method of disputing in mood and figure will find at length that those things are most empty which at first sight appear most magnificent and most forceful to the unskilled. Since, however, the most learned and most illustrious Doctor Stapleton has most plainly uncovered the tricks, frauds, wiles, and most absurd disputations of this man in his thoroughly learned Catholic Promptuaries and Antidotes,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1636

Footnotes

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In Vita Calv., et Iconibus.

In the Life of Calvin, and in the Icones.

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Lib. contr. Valent. Gentil.

The book against Valentino Gentile.

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Institut.

Institutes.

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hoc aequissimo sane Stancari de his haeresiarchis judicio, huic observationi finem imponam : « Plus valet unus Augustinus, quam centum Lutheri, ducenti Melanchthones, trecenti Bullingeri, quadringenti Petri martyres, et quingenti Calvini : qui si omnes in mortario contunderentur, non exprimeretur una uncia verae theologiae. »

I shall put an end to this observation with this truly most equitable judgement of Stancaro concerning these heresiarchs: "One Augustine is worth more than a hundred Luthers, two hundred Melanchthons, three hundred Bullingers, four hundred Peter Martyrs, and five hundred Calvins: if all of them were pounded together in a mortar, not one ounce of true theology would be squeezed out."

Ut plus. Codices excusi, « ut plures. »

That more [neuter]. The printed editions have, "that more [masculine]."

Partem gloriatur se habere Evangelii. Ita vetus codex, cui consentit Erasmi conjectura : excusi cod. habebant « pariter gloriatur se habere Evangelium. »

Boasts that it has a part of the Gospel. Thus the ancient manuscript, with which the conjecture of Erasmus agrees: the printed editions had, "equally boasts that it has the Gospel."

Joannis. Codices excusi « Joannem. »

Of John. The printed editions have "John."

Veritatis Evangelium titulent. Vides perpetuum haereticorum morem, ut haereseon suarum foeditatem et turpitudinem specioso Evangelii titulo adornent. Ut ergo veteres Gnostici suas delirationes Evangelium vocabant, Manichaei suos furores, Ariani suas blasphemias eodem fuco venditabant : ita et nunc Hugnostici quidquid Lutherus edidit, etiamsi : « Non esse bellandum contra Turcas ; ancillam, pro uxore concubitum differente, a viro sumendam ; omnino servum esse hominis arbitrium ; solam fidem justificare et salvare ; magistratum non debere impedire quominus quilibet doceat et credat quidquid lubet, sive Evangelium, sive mendacium, » et quaevis similia, quantumvis absurda, inflatis buccis Evangelium concrepant. Calviniani impiissimas Calvini et Bezae hypotheses, « quod Deus sit auctor omnium peccatorum, potiorem hominum partem destinato creaverit ut damnet, praedestinet ad peccandum : quod etiam Christus ignorans fuerit, quod in cruce desperaverit, quod omnia damnatorum supplicia senserit, et sanguis ejus pro nobis effusus, jamdudum in terra computruerit, » aliaque plane horrenda et blasphema proposita, Evangelium esse dictitant et praedicant. Anabaptistae docentes promiscuos concubitus, Christum filium Joseph non fuisse, antequam ex Maria gigneretur, publicam verbi Dei praedicationem omnino tollendam, magistratum politicum nullum esse ferendum, etc., omnium evangelicorum evangelicissimos se esse vociferantur. Annon eadem impudentia Trinitarii, novi Ariani, Ebionitae, et Samosateniani instructi et muniti nunc quoque prodeunt ? Sic itaque teterrimus Satanas hoc omnium maxime saeculo transformat se in angelum lucis, ut minus cautis imponat.

Entitle it the Gospel of Truth. You see the perpetual custom of heretics, to adorn the foulness and baseness of their heresies with the specious title of the Gospel. Therefore, just as the ancient Gnostics called their ravings the Gospel, the Manichaeans cried up their frenzies, and the Arians their blasphemies with the same rouge: so too now the Huguenot-Gnostics with puffed-out cheeks trumpet forth as the Gospel whatsoever Luther published, even if it be: "That war must not be waged against the Turks; that a maidservant is to be taken by a husband in place of a wife who puts off marital intercourse; that man's will is altogether enslaved; that faith alone justifies and saves; that the magistrate ought not to prevent anyone from teaching and believing whatsoever he pleases, whether the Gospel or a lie," and anything similar, however absurd. The Calvinists repeatedly assert and preach that the most impious hypotheses of Calvin and Beza—"that God is the author of all sins, that He purposely created the greater part of men in order to damn them, that He predestines them to sin: that Christ also was ignorant, that He despaired upon the cross, that He felt all the torments of the damned, and that His blood shed for us has long since rotted away upon the earth"—and other plainly horrendous and blasphemous propositions, are the Gospel. The Anabaptists, teaching promiscuous intercourse, that Christ was not the son of Joseph before He was born of Mary, that the public preaching of the word of God must be altogether abolished, that no political magistrate is to be tolerated, etc., bawl out that they are the most evangelical of all evangelicals. Do not the Trinitarians, the new Arians, the Ebionites, and the Samosatenians come forth now too equipped and fortified with the same impudence? Thus, therefore, most hideous Satan in this age most of all transforms himself into an angel of light, so that he may impose upon the less cautious.

Ex Jo. Ern. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 11.

From the annotations of Jo. Ern. Grabe on Chapter 11.

Pag. 186. Omnes dies nostros. Ex hoc loco, ut et lib. IV, cap. 37, ante medium, colligere fere licet, Irenaeum Luc. I, 75, simpliciter legisse πάσας τὰς ἡμέρας ἡμῶν, uti codex Alexandrinus et versio Vulgata Latina, nec non Syr., Copt., Persic., Aethiop. habent, cum excusa Graeca sonent πάσας τὰς ἡμέρας τῆς ζωῆς ἡμῶν. Non tamen definio priorem lectionem genuinam esse : quin potius per scribarum incuriam, ob recurrentem in hoc commate articulum, duas voces τῆς ζωῆς, omissas puto.

Page 186. All our days. From this passage, as also Book 4, Chapter 37, before the middle, one may almost gather that Irenaeus in Luke 1:75 read simply πάσας τὰς ἡμέρας ἡμῶν, as the Codex Alexandrinus and the Latin Vulgate version, as well as the Syriac, Coptic, Persian, and Ethiopic have it, whereas the printed Greek editions read πάσας τὰς ἡμέρας τῆς ζωῆς ἡμῶν. Yet I do not determine that the former reading is genuine: nay rather, I think that through the carelessness of scribes, on account of the recurring article in this clause, the two words τῆς ζωῆς were omitted.

Bonae voluntatis. Feuardentius in h. l. notat, Graecos quidem Patres Epiphanium, Chrysostomum, Andream Jerosolymitanum, quique primo loco nominari debebat, Eusebium, una cum aliis Luc. II, 14, citare : ἐν ἀνθρώποις εὐδοκία ; contra vero « Hieronymus, inquit, Ambrosius, Augustinus genitivo casu post Irenaeum constantissime. » Sed multum vereor, ne Graecus Irenaei textus habuerit εὐδοκία in nominativo, perinde ut omnibus antedictis Graecis antiquior Origenes tom. I Comment. in Joannem, pag. 14, neve Latinus interpres, vel potius scriba quispiam, Latinae Vulgatae auctoritate ductus, posuerit in genitivo « bonae voluntatis. »

Of good will. Feuardent on this passage notes that the Greek Fathers indeed—Epiphanius, Chrysostom, Andrew of Jerusalem, and he who ought to have been named in the first place, Eusebius, together with others—cite Luke 2:14 as ἐν ἀνθρώποις εὐδοκία; whereas on the contrary "Jerome," says he, "Ambrose, and Augustine most constantly read in the genitive case after Irenaeus." But I greatly fear that the Greek text of Irenaeus had εὐδοκία in the nominative, just like Origen, who is more ancient than all the aforesaid Greeks, in Tome 1 of his Commentary on John, page 14, and that the Latin translator, or rather some scribe, led by the authority of the Latin Vulgate, put "of good will" in the genitive.

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Libro de Trinitate et Mediatore.

In the book On the Trinity and the Mediator.

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Tom. III German., Ienæ, fol. 319.

German [works] vol. III, Jena, fol. 319.

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Pag. 187. Marcus interpres et sectator Petri. Similiter Papias ex ratione presbyteri, sive Aristionis, sive Joannis, scripsit apud Euseb., lib. III Hist. eccl., cap. 39 : Μάρκος μὲν ἑρμηνευτὴς Πέτρου γενόμενος, ὅσα ἐμνημόνευσεν, ἀκριβῶς ἔγραψεν.... Οὔτε γὰρ ἤκουσε τοῦ Κυρίου, οὔτε παρηκολούθηκεν αὐτῷ, ὕστερον δὲ, ὡς ἔφην, Πέτρῳ. « Marcus, utpote Petri interpres, quaecunque memoriae mandaverat, accurate perscripsit.... Neque enim ipse Dominum audierat, vel sectatus fuerat, sed postea, uti dixi, Petrum. » Lege, si placet, de interpretis hoc in loco notione, Nourrii Apparatum ad Bibliothecam Patrum, tom. II, pag. 641.

Page 187. Mark the interpreter and follower of Peter. Similarly Papias, from the account of the presbyter, whether Aristion or John, wrote in Eusebius, Book III of the Ecclesiastical History, Chapter 39: Μάρκος μὲν ἑρμηνευτὴς Πέτρου γενόμενος, ὅσα ἐμνημόνευσεν, ἀκριβῶς ἔγραψεν.... Οὔτε γὰρ ἤκουσε τοῦ Κυρίου, οὔτε παρηκολούθηκεν αὐτῷ, ὕστερον δὲ, ὡς ἔφην, Πέτρῳ. "Mark, as being the interpreter of Peter, wrote down accurately whatsoever he had committed to memory.... For he had neither heard the Lord nor followed Him, but afterwards, as I said, Peter." Read, if you please, concerning the notion of interpreter in this passage, Nourry's Apparatus to the Library of the Fathers, Tome II, page 641.

In prophetis. Facile quispiam suspicaretur, duas has voces, non ab Irenaei, vel interpretis ejus, manu profluxisse, sed scribam quempiam, quod in quibusdam Marci exemplaribus, uti nunc in Vulgatis Graecis, legisset, ἐν τοῖς προφήταις, emendandi licentia abusum esse. Nam hoc ipso capite infra, ubi eadem S. Marci verba recitantur, in Graeco pariter ac Latino Irenaei textu exstat : ἐν Ἠσαΐᾳ τῷ προφήτῃ, « in Isaia propheta, » Origenes quoque ita legit tom. I Comment. in Joan., pag. 14, et tom. VII, pag. 117, nec non lib. II Contra Celsum, pag. 60, recentiores Patres ut taceam. Omnes insuper versiones, Vulgata Latin., Syr., Copt., Persic., Arab., lectionem istam confirmant. Unde ex hoc loco jam olim ansam cepit Porphyrius lib. XIV contra Christianam fidem objectandi, quod evangelistae adeo rudes fuerint, ut nequidem prophetarum scripta recte citare noverint ; siquidem prima, quae Marcus hic allegat, verba, non in Isaiae, sed Malachiae prophetia reperiuntur, prout testatum reliquit auctor homiliae 1 in Marcum, inter Latina Chrysostomi opera : et ad hanc objectionem respondit, sicut et Hieronymus in cap. III Matthaei ac recentiores commentatores in Marc. I fecere. Verum quo minus dictam suspicionem admittam, facit iterata citatio eodem modo sonans cap. 18 hujus libri, et ea quae utroque loco subjungit verba. Hic enim ex citato Marci loco immediate infert : « Manifeste initium Evangelii dicens S. prophetarum voces. » Et post multa inferius : « Qui (Deus) et per prophetas promisit angelum suum missurum, » etc. Similiter cap. 18 continuo post allegata Marci verba addidit : Unum et eumdem sciens Filium Dei Jesum Christum, qui a prophetis annuntiatus est. » Ἐν τοῖς προφήταις itaque Irenaeus omnino legit, prout et codex Alexandrinus habet ; sed et alteram lectionem in quibusdam exemplaribus invenisse, eamque in progressu capitis ideo expressisse videtur, ut lectori pateret, et ipsam ei cognitam fuisse.

In the prophets. Anyone might easily suspect that these two words did not flow from the hand of Irenaeus or his translator, but that some scribe, because in certain copies of Mark, as now in the common Greek editions, he had read ἐν τοῖς προφήταις, abused the licence of emending. For in this very chapter below, where the same words of St Mark are recited, in the Greek as well as the Latin text of Irenaeus there stands: ἐν Ἠσαΐᾳ τῷ προφήτῃ, "in Isaiah the prophet." Origen also reads thus in Tome I of his Commentary on John, page 14, and Tome VII, page 117, as well as Book II Against Celsus, page 60, to say nothing of more recent Fathers. Moreover, all the versions—the Latin Vulgate, Syriac, Coptic, Persian, and Arabic—confirm that reading. Whence from this passage Porphyry long ago in Book XIV against the Christian faith took occasion to object that the evangelists were so ignorant that they did not even know how to cite the writings of the prophets rightly; seeing that the first words that Mark alleges here are found not in the prophecy of Isaiah, but in that of Malachi, as the author of Homily 1 on Mark, among the Latin works of Chrysostom, left on record: and he answered this objection, just as Jerome on Chapter 3 of Matthew and more recent commentators on Mark 1 have done. Yet what prevents me from admitting the said suspicion is the repeated citation sounding in the same way in Chapter 18 of this book, and the words that he subjoins in both places. For here from the cited passage of Mark he immediately infers: "Manifestly calling the words of the holy prophets the beginning of the Gospel." And after many things lower down: "Who (God) also promised through the prophets that He would send His angel," etc. Similarly in Chapter 18 immediately after the alleged words of Mark he added: "Knowing one and the same Son of God, Jesus Christ, Who was announced by the prophets." Therefore Irenaeus altogether read ἐν τοῖς προφήταις, just as the Codex Alexandrinus also has it; yet he seems also to have found the other reading in certain copies, and therefore to have expressed it in the course of the chapter so that it might be clear to the reader that it too was known to him.

Viam tuam. Nota Irenaeum non legisse ἔμπροσθέν σου, « ante te, » quod additum exstat in modernis Vulgatis Graecis, nec non Latinis Bibliorum codicibus, cum contra duae hae voces desint in Syr., Copt., Persic., Aethiop. versionibus. Neque Origenis codicem eas habuisse, ex ante dictis tomis in Joannem patet, praesertim ex posteriori, ubi non solum pag. 117 verba Marci sine istis allegat, sed et sequenti pag. 118 de evangelista addit : Ἐπιτομὴν πεποίηται καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ· « Ἰδοὺ ἐγὼ ἀποστέλλω τὸν ἄγγελόν μου πρὸ προσώπου σου, ὃς κατασκευάσει τὴν ὁδόν σου ἔμπροσθέν σου. » Παρέθετο γὰρ τὸ προκείμενον τὸ, ἔμπροσθέν σου. « Compendium fecit illorum quoque verborum : « Ecce, ego mitto angelum meum ante faciem tuam, qui praeparabit viam tuam ante te ; » additum quippe erat (a propheta scilicet) quod positum est : Ante te. » Unde, ut id obiter moneam, corrigenda omnino est, quandoquidem a clariss. Huetio non fuit correcta versio Ambrosii Ferrariensis, ita sonans : « Addens » (nempe evangelista, « ante te »), quod positum non fuerat a propheta. » Res contra se habet : addidit quippe propheta, juxta

Thy way. Note that Irenaeus did not read ἔμπροσθέν σου, "before Thee," which stands added in the modern common Greek as well as Latin manuscripts of the Bibles, whereas on the contrary these two words are lacking in the Syriac, Coptic, Persian, and Ethiopic versions. And that Origen's manuscript did not have them is clear from the aforesaid tomes on John, especially from the latter, where not only on page 117 does he allege the words of Mark without them, but also on the following page 118 adds concerning the evangelist: Ἐπιτομὴν πεποίηται καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ· « Ἰδοὺ ἐγὼ ἀποστέλλω τὸν ἄγγελόν μου πρὸ προσώπου σου, ὃς κατασκευάσει τὴν ὁδόν σου ἔμπροσθέν σου. » Παρέθετο γὰρ τὸ προκείμενον τὸ, ἔμπροσθέν σου. "He made an abridgement of those words also: 'Behold, I send My angel before Thy face, who shall prepare Thy way before Thee'; for there had been added (namely by the prophet) what is set down: 'Before Thee.'" Whence, that I may mention this in passing, the version of Ambrose of Ferrara must altogether be corrected, seeing that it was not corrected by the most illustrious Huet, sounding thus: "Adding" (namely the evangelist, "before Thee"), "which had not been set down by the prophet." The matter is the other way round: for the prophet added it, according to

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LXX Interpretum versionem ; omisit evangelista, ex sententia scilicet Origenis, et fide codicum, quos vidit. Nescio autem utrum revera omissae fuerint ab evangelista voces ἔμπροσθέν σου, an potius a scribis, ob recurrens pronomen σου. Quare absit ut e codice S. Marci eas delendas censeam. Auferendas tamen puto ex textu Origenis lib. II Contra Celsum, pag. 60, utpote quem eas non agnovisse, ex citatis ipsius verbis sole clarius elucet.

the version of the Seventy Interpreters; the evangelist omitted it, according to the opinion of Origen, namely, and the testimony of the manuscripts that he saw. Now I do not know whether the words ἔμπροσθέν σου were in reality omitted by the evangelist, or rather by scribes on account of the recurring pronoun σου. Wherefore far be it from me to think that they ought to be deleted from the text of St Mark. Nevertheless, I think that they should be removed from the text of Origen in Book 2 Against Celsus, page 60, inasmuch as from his own cited words it shines forth clearer than the sun that he did not recognize them.

Semitas ante Deum nostrum. Τὰς τρίβους αὐτοῦ vulgati codices Graeci et Latini habent, ac olim quoque habuerunt, uti patet ex Origene, qui loco supra citato pag. 177 seq. scribit : Ὅπερ δὲ ἐποίησεν ὁ Ἰωάννης ἐπιτεμνόμενος ὃ παρέθετο ῥητὸν, τοῦτο ἐπ' ἄλλης λέξεως ὁ Μάρκος καὶ αὐτὸς ἐνέφηνεν. Ὁ μὲν γὰρ προφήτης φησίν· « Ἑτοιμάσατε τὴν ὁδὸν Κυρίου, εὐθείας ποιεῖτε τὰς τρίβους τοῦ Θεοῦ ἡμῶν. » Ὁ δὲ Μάρκος· « Ἑτοιμάσατε τὴν ὁδὸν Κυρίου, εὐθείας ποιεῖτε τὰς τρίβους αὐτοῦ. » Hoc est : « Quod autem fecit Joannes abbrevians textum a se citatum, id Marcus etiam ipse in alio dicto repraesentavit ; quandoquidem dicente propheta : Parate viam Domini, rectas facite semitas Dei nostri, scripserit ipse : « Parate viam Domini, rectas facite semitas ejus. » Irenaeus autem, vel saltem ejus interpres, in suo Evangeliorum codice ita fere legit, prout nunc in ms. Cantabrigiensi exstat : τὰς τρίβους τοῦ Θεοῦ ὑμῶν, loco ἡμῶν, quod errori scribae imputandum.

The paths before our God. The common Greek and Latin manuscripts have τὰς τρίβους αὐτοῦ, and formerly had it too, as is clear from Origen, who in the passage cited above, page 177 and following, writes: Ὅπερ δὲ ἐποίησεν ὁ Ἰωάννης ἐπιτεμνόμενος ὃ παρέθετο ῥητὸν, τοῦτο ἐπ' ἄλλης λέξεως ὁ Μάρκος καὶ αὐτὸς ἐνέφηνεν. Ὁ μὲν γὰρ προφήτης φησίν· « Ἑτοιμάσατε τὴν ὁδὸν Κυρίου, εὐθείας ποιεῖτε τὰς τρίβους τοῦ Θεοῦ ἡμῶν. » Ὁ δὲ Μάρκος· « Ἑτοιμάσατε τὴν ὁδὸν Κυρίου, εὐθείας ποιεῖτε τὰς τρίβους αὐτοῦ. » That is: "Now what John did in abridging the text cited by him, this Mark himself also represented in another saying; seeing that whereas the prophet says: Prepare the way of the Lord, make straight the paths of our God, he himself wrote: 'Prepare the way of the Lord, make straight His paths.'" Irenaeus, however, or at least his translator, in his manuscript of the Gospels read almost as now stands in the Cambridge manuscript: τὰς τρίβους τοῦ Θεοῦ ὑμῶν, in place of ἡμῶν, which is to be imputed to the error of a scribe.

Pag. 188. Ejus quae falso cognominatur scientiae. Ex hoc textu Pearsonius loco citato recte probat, jam apostolica tempora peste Gnosticorum infecta fuisse. Si enim S. Joannes ad retundendum Cerinthi errorem promulgavit Evangelium, et si eumdem multo prius tenuerunt Nicolaitae, horumque parentes fuere Gnostici ; certe apostolis coaevi fuerint, necesse est.

Page 188. Of that which is falsely called knowledge. From this text Pearson in the place cited rightly proves that already the apostolic times were infected with the plague of the Gnostics. For if St John promulgated his Gospel to beat back the error of Cerinthus, and if the Nicolaitans held the same much earlier, and the parents of these were the Gnostics, certainly they must needs have been contemporary with the apostles.

Quod factum est, in ipso vita erat. Ita S. Joannis textum juxta Codd. Arundel. ac Voss. distinguere placuit, ex mente non solum Tertulliani, Origenis, Hilarii, Gregorii Nazianzeni, Cyrilli, Augustini, Hieronymi, sed et ipsius Irenaei : quam satis expressam vides supra lib. I, cap. 19, et lib. II, cap. 2, prope finem, nec non infra in hoc ipso capite. Unde non recte in editt. periodus istis clauditur verbis, « quod factum est ; » ac frustra est Feuard. qui utramque distinctionem Irenaeo ascribit in Notis ad hunc locum.

That which was made, in Him was life. Thus it has pleased us to punctuate the text of St John according to the Arundel and Vossian manuscripts, after the mind not only of Tertullian, Origen, Hilary, Gregory Nazianzen, Cyril, Augustine, and Jerome, but also of Irenaeus himself: which you see sufficiently expressed above in Book 1, Chapter 19, and Book 2, Chapter 2, near the end, as well as below in this very chapter. Whence in the editions the period is not rightly closed with those words, "that which was made"; and Feuardent is in vain when he ascribes both punctuations to Irenaeus in his Notes on this passage.

Non enim concedetur eis, omnia dici ea, quae sunt infra Pleroma ipsorum. » Sic Heracleon, γνώριμος Valentini, in suo ad haec Joannis verba Commentario, voce « omnia » exclusit, τὰ τοῦ κόσμου καὶ τῶν ἐν αὐτῷ διαφέροντα, « ista quae mundo, inque eo exsistentibus sunt praestantiora, » teste Origene in Comment. ad Joannem ; vel, ut ipsius Heracleonis verba sonant, τὸν αἰῶνα ἢ τὰ ἐν αἰῶνι, « saeculum et quae in saeculo sunt ; » id est, Bythum cum Sige, et Nun cum Alethia. Plura tam Heracleonis, quam Origenis eum perstringentis verba habes in nostro Spicilegio Patrum et haereticorum saec. II, tom. I, pag. 86.

For it will not be granted to them that "all things" means those things that are below their Pleroma. Thus Heracleon, a disciple of Valentinus, in his Commentary on these words of John, excluded from the word "all things" τὰ τοῦ κόσμου καὶ τῶν ἐν αὐτῷ διαφέροντα, "those things that are superior to the world and to the things existing in it," as Origen testifies in his Commentary on John; or, as the words of Heracleon himself sound, τὸν αἰῶνα ἢ τὰ ἐν αἰῶνι, "the Aeon and the things that are in the Aeon"; that is, Bythus with Sige, and Nus with Alethia. You have more words both of Heracleon and of Origen censuring him in our Spicilegium of the Fathers and Heretics of the Second Century, Tome 1, page 86.

Hic enim operabatur similitudines tales fieri, etc... Demiurgus autem perficiebat, etc. Videtur Irenaeus respexisse Heracleonis, in citatum S. Joannis locum commentantis, verba in dicto Spicilegio, pag. 87 recitata : Οὐχ ὡς ὑπ' ἄλλου ἐνεργοῦντος αὐτὸς ἐποίει ὁ Λόγος..... ἀλλ' αὐτοῦ ἐνεργοῦντος ἕτερος ἐποίει. « Non faciebat ipsum Verbum tanquam alio operante... sed ipso operante, alius faciebat ; » nempe Demiurgus. Ibidem enim affirmabat Heracleon, τὸν τὴν αἰτίαν παρασχόντα τῆς γενέσεως τοῦ κόσμου τῷ δημιουργῷ, τὸν Λόγον ὄντα ; « Verbum illud esse, quod causam generationis mundi praebuerit opifici. » Confer notas Spicilegio subnexas pag. 234, et ipsum Irenaeum lib. I, § 8 et 9 (cap. 4 et 5).

For He wrought that such likenesses should be made, etc... Whereas the Demiurge completed them, etc. Irenaeus seems to have had in view the words of Heracleon commenting on the cited passage of St John, recited in the said Spicilegium, page 87: Οὐχ ὡς ὑπ' ἄλλου ἐνεργοῦντος αὐτὸς ἐποίει ὁ Λόγος..... ἀλλ' αὐτοῦ ἐνεργοῦντος ἕτερος ἐποίει. "The Word Himself did not make them as though another were working... but while He Himself was working, another made them"; namely the Demiurge. For in the same place Heracleon affirmed τὸν τὴν αἰτίαν παρασχόντα τῆς γενέσεως τοῦ κόσμου τῷ δημιουργῷ, τὸν Λόγον ὄντα, "that the Word was He Who furnished the cause of the generation of the world to the framer." Compare the notes subjoined to the Spicilegium, page 234, and Irenaeus himself in Book 1, §§ 8 and 9 (Chapters 4 and 5).

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Footnotes

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Isa. xl, 3; Marc. I, 3; Matth. III, 3; Luc. III, 4.

Isa. 40:3; Mark 1:3; Matt. 3:3; Luke 3:4.

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Pag. 189. Joannes quemadmodum poterat testificari, etc. Similem in modum argumentatur Origenes in Comment. ad Joannem, pag. 14, cujus verba Latine solum ascribere placet : « Subit mihi admirari, inquit, quomodo qui ab Ecclesiae decretis dissentiunt, duorum Testamentorum duos asserant deos... Qui enim fieri potest, ut Joannes Evangelii sit initium, ad alterum, ut ipsi putant, pertinens Deum, opificis mundi homo, et ignorans, ut asserunt, novam Deitatem ? »

Page 189. How could John bear witness, etc. In a similar manner Origen argues in his Commentary on John, page 14, whose words it pleases me to set down in Latin alone: "It occurs to me to wonder," says he, "how those who dissent from the decrees of the Church assert two gods of the two Testaments... For how can it be that John is the beginning of the Gospel, belonging, as they think, to another God, when he is a man of the framer of the world, and ignorant, as they assert, of the new Deity?"

A quo et Nathanael discens cognovit... A quo et Petrus edoctus cognovit, etc. Nathanaelis et Petri cognitionem, atque confessionem Christi Filii Dei inter se compararunt post Irenaeum Tertullianus et Augustinus ; ille lib. Contra Praxean, cap. 21 ; hic tract. 7 in Joannem. Verba hujus sunt : « Talem vocem protulit : Tu es Filius Dei ; qualem tanto post Petrus, quando ei Dominus ait : Beatus es, Simon Bar-Jona. » Quae observanda sunt contra eos qui cognitionem Christi, tanquam Filii Dei, S. Petro propriam faciunt ac peculiarem.

Learning from which Nathanael also knew... Instructed by which Peter also knew, etc. After Irenaeus, Tertullian and Augustine compared with one another the knowledge of Nathanael and of Peter, and their confession of Christ the Son of God; the former in his book Against Praxeas, Chapter 21, the latter in Tractate 7 on John. The words of the latter are: "He uttered such a voice: 'Thou art the Son of God,' as Peter uttered so long afterwards, when the Lord said to him: 'Blessed are you, Simon Bar-Jona.'" Which things are to be observed against those who make the knowledge of Christ as the Son of God proper and peculiar to St Peter.

Ecce Filius meus dilectissimus, etc. Irenaeus hanc Isaiae prophetiam eodem tenore allegat quo S. Matthaeus cap. XII, 18 seqq. Sed hodie aliter in LXX interpretum versione legitur ; imo jam Irenaei aevo, ea isto loco corrupta fuisse videtur.

Behold My most beloved Son, etc. Irenaeus alleges this prophecy of Isaiah in the same tenor as St Matthew in Chapter 12:18 and following. But today it is read otherwise in the version of the Seventy Interpreters; nay rather, already in the age of Irenaeus it seems to have been corrupted in that place.

Ebionei etenim eo Evangelio, quod est secundum Matthaeum solo utentes. Cum Eusebius lib. III Hist. eccles., cap. 27, de Ebionitis testetur, eos « solo Evangelio secundum Hebraeos dicto uti ; » cumque Hieronymus itidem in cap. XII Matthaei scribat : « In Evangelio (secundum Hebraeos) quo utuntur Nazaraei et Ebionitae, quod nuper in Graecum de Hebraeo sermone transtulimus ; » hinc in Spicilegio Patrum saec. I, pag. 21, conjeci, Irenaeum fraude haereticorum deceptum, istud apocryphum pro canonico S. Matthaei Evangelio accepisse, quod hoc eadem lingua scriptum esset, prout ipsemet cap. 1 hujus libri memoriae prodidit, et quod plerique istud pro S. Matthaei authentico jactarent, teste Hieronymo, loco ante dicto, et lib. III Contra Pelagianos, cap. 1. Verum sicut conjecturae mortalium incertae, et quandoque falsae esse solent ; ita et hanc meam, aliorumque de Irenaeo suspicionem talem esse, jam deprehendo. Re quippe iterum iterumque considerata, non tam Irenaeum, quam Eusebium, saltem Hieronymum, omnesque modernos scriptores in errore versatos deprehendo, dum Evangelium secundum Hebraeos, quod Nazarenos habuisse Hieronymus saepius perhibet, et istud quo Ebionaei abusi sunt, pro uno eodemque habuerunt : ac miror, me non olim hunc errorem animadvertisse, dum fragmenta apocrypha colligerem ; quorum uno alteroque inter se comparato, diversitas utriusque sole clarius elucet. Nam in historia baptismi Servatoris, Evangelium Nazaraeorum ita sonabat : « Factum est autem, cum ascendisset Dominus de aqua, descendit fons omnis Spiritus sancti, et requievit super eum, et dixit illi : Fili mi, in omnibus prophetis exspectabam te, ut venires, et requiescerem in te. Tu es enim requies mea, tu es Filius meus primogenitus, qui regnas in sempiternum ; » prouti haec verbatim descripsit Hieronymus lib. IV Comment. super Isaiae cap. XI, 2. Sed nihil fere horum profert Evangelium Ebionitarum apud Epiphanium haeres. 30, § 13. Ibi enim vox de coelo bis sonuisse dicitur : « Tu es Filius meus dilectus, in te mihi complacui ; » additis priore vice ex psal. II, 7, his : « Ego hodie genui te. » Quae propius ad S. Matthaei verba accedunt. Hujus itaque Evangelio Ebionitas usos esse, jam cum Irenaeo censeo ; non tamen incorrupto atque integro, sed variis interpolationibus factis, et resecta in primis genealogia ac historia nativitatis Christi, ut ex Epiphanii loco citato apparet. Atque id ipsum Irenaeus forte subindicavit,

For the Ebionites, using only that Gospel which is according to Matthew. Since Eusebius in Book 3 of the Ecclesiastical History, Chapter 27, testifies concerning the Ebionites that they "use only the Gospel called according to the Hebrews"; and since Jerome likewise on Chapter 12 of Matthew writes: "In the Gospel (according to the Hebrews) which the Nazarenes and Ebionites use, which we have lately translated into Greek from the Hebrew speech"; hence in the Spicilegium of the Fathers of the First Century, page 21, I conjectured that Irenaeus, deceived by the fraud of the heretics, took that apocryphal work for the canonical Gospel of St Matthew, because the latter was written in the same tongue, just as he himself handed down to memory in Chapter 1 of this book, and because very many boasted of that work as the authentic Gospel of St Matthew, as Jerome testifies in the aforesaid place and in Book 3 Against the Pelagians, Chapter 1. Yet just as the conjectures of mortals are wont to be uncertain and sometimes false, so too I now discover that this suspicion of mine and of others concerning Irenaeus is such. For having considered the matter again and again, I discover that not so much Irenaeus as Eusebius, or at least Jerome, and all modern writers have been in error in holding the Gospel according to the Hebrews, which Jerome often states that the Nazarenes had, and that which the Ebionites abused, for one and the same: and I wonder that I did not notice this error long ago while I was collecting the apocryphal fragments; for when the one and the other of these are compared with each other, the diversity of the two shines forth clearer than the sun. For in the history of the baptism of the Saviour, the Gospel of the Nazarenes sounded thus: "Now it came to pass, when the Lord had come up out of the water, the whole fountain of the Holy Spirit descended, and rested upon Him, and said to Him: My Son, in all the prophets I was waiting for Thee, that Thou shouldst come, and that I might rest in Thee. For Thou art My rest, Thou art My firstborn Son, Who reignest forever"; just as Jerome transcribed these things word for word in Book 4 of his Commentary on Isaiah, Chapter 11:2. Yet the Gospel of the Ebionites in Epiphanius, Heresy 30, § 13, brings forward almost nothing of these things. For there a voice from heaven is said to have sounded twice: "Thou art My beloved Son, in Thee I am well pleased"; with these words added the first time from Psalm 2:7: "This day have I begotten Thee." Which come closer to the words of St Matthew. Therefore I now judge with Irenaeus that the Ebionites used his Gospel; not, however, uncorrupted and entire, but with various interpolations made, and with the genealogy and history of the nativity of Christ above all cut away, as appears from the cited passage of Epiphanius. And this very thing Irenaeus perhaps hinted

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dum simpliciter eo, « quod est secundum Matthaeum, Evangelio utentes » illos dicit, non addens « plenissime, » uti mox de Valentinianis. Nazaraei vero Evangelium secundum Hebraeos legerunt : quos ipsos forte indigitavit, loco ante dicto, Eusebius, siquidem Ebionitas duorum generum memorat, ac posteriores Christum ex Spiritu S. et Virgine natum credidisse ait, quod et de Nazaraeis Epiphanius haeres. 29 haud abnuit. Plura hac de re, Deo volente, dicam in addendis ad Spicilegium Patrum.

at when he says simply that they "use that Gospel which is according to Matthew," without adding "most fully," as he does presently concerning the Valentinians. The Nazarenes, however, read the Gospel according to the Hebrews: whom Eusebius himself perhaps pointed to in the aforesaid place, seeing that he mentions Ebionites of two kinds, and says that the latter believed that Christ was born of the Holy Spirit and the Virgin, which Epiphanius in Heresy 29 by no means denies of the Nazarenes as well. More concerning this matter, God willing, I shall say in the addenda to the Spicilegium of the Fathers.

Pag. 190. Qui autem Jesum separant a Christo, etc. Cerinthum, ejusque sequaces indicat ; adeo ut hos Marci Evangelium recepisse constet.

Page 190. But those who separate Jesus from Christ, etc. He indicates Cerinthus and his followers; so that it is established that they received the Gospel of Mark.

Neque autem plura numero quam haec sunt, etc. Ut haec Irenaei argumentatio de quaternario S. Evangeliorum numero haud in sinistram accipiatur partem, observandum, priscos tam ethnicorum, quam Judaeorum et Christianorum philosophos, nixos isto Sapientiae XI, 21 effato, quod Deus « omnia in mensura et numero disposuerit, » rationes numerorum, quibus quaecunque res determinarentur, inivisse : adeo ut integri de mysteriis numerorum libri ab antiquis et recentioribus viris doctis exarati sint, superstites partim, partim deperditi ; atque inter hos Philonis Judaei Tractatus de numeris, qui loco mox citando et alibi passim ab eo allegatur, sed injuria temporum periit. Praesertim vero Judaei in ista fuere opinione, structuram sancti tabernaculi, instinctu Dei, ita comparatam fuisse, ut integram totius mundi, et praesertim hominis fabricam repraesentaret, quemadmodum partim ex Josepho, lib. III Antiquit., cap. 5, 7, 9, magis autem ex Philonis lib. III De vita Mosis patet, ubi generatim pag. 667 hanc in rem ait : Ἦν γὰρ ἀναγκαῖον, ἱερὸν κατασκευάζοντας (sive ut in ms. Lincolniensis collegii legitur κατασκευάζοντα, ita ut ad Moysem, velut architectum referatur) χειροποίητον τῷ Πατρὶ (Lincoln. addit τῶν ὅλων) καὶ ἡγεμόνι τοῦ παντὸς, τὰς ὁμοίας λαβεῖν οὐσίας, αἷς τὸ ὅλον ἐδημιούργει. « Nam necesse erat, ut qui sanctum manufactum, Parenti rerum omnium et principi hujus universi pararent, materias iis, ex quibus mundus conditus est, similes ad id opus sumerent. » Unde in sequentibus hoc argumentum per singulas partes prolixe prosequitur, ac inter alia, pag. 670, de nomine Dei, laminae aureae pontificis quatuor litteris insculpto, disserens, quaternarii, quem Irenaeus hic tractat, numeri dignitatem extollit, deque eo ἐν τῇ Περὶ ἀριθμῶν πραγματείᾳ in tractatu De numeris se accurate egisse ait. Sed et ulterius processere, ac tabernaculum istud manufactum res coelestes adumbrasse persuasi fuere. Cui rei fidem facit ipse Apostolus in Epist. ad Hebraeos, cap. VIII, ubi vers. 5 sacerdotes in templo Jerosolymitano ministrantes « deservire » scribit ὑποδείγματι καὶ σκιᾷ τῶν ἐπουρανίων, « exemplari et umbrae coelestium ; » et vers. 2, mentionem facit « tabernaculi veri, quod Deus fixit et non homo. » Quod sequenti cap. IX, vers. 11, vocat « amplius et perfectius tabernaculum, non manufactum, id est non hujus structurae. » Et vers. 24, χειροποίητα ἅγια, « manufacta sancta, » appellat ἀντίτυπα τῶν ἀληθινῶν, « exemplaria verorum, » id est ἐπουρανίων, uti praecedenti vers. 23 loquitur. Neque solum tabernaculum supernum, sed et « Jerusalem coelestem » memorat cap. XII hujus Epistolae, vers. 22, illam scilicet, « quae sursum est Jerusalem, quae est mater omnium nostrum, » prout scribit Galat. IV, 26, quam S. Joannes in spiritu vidit « descendentem de coelo, a Deo paratam, sicut sponsam ornatam viro suo. » Apocal. XXI, 2. Nihil itaque mirum, si prisci quoque Christiani suam Ecclesiam, quaeque ad eam pertinerent, ex una parte cum coelesti Jerusalem, rebusque supernis, ex altera parte cum mundo, ejusque conditione compararint ; rati tam

Nor can the Gospels be either more in number than these are, etc. So that this argumentation of Irenaeus concerning the quaternary number of the holy Gospels may by no means be taken in an unfavourable sense, it must be observed that the ancient philosophers both of the pagans and of the Jews and Christians, relying upon that utterance of Wisdom 11:21, that God "has ordered all things in measure and number," entered into the proportions of numbers whereby all things whatsoever were determined: so much so that entire books concerning the mysteries of numbers were composed by ancient and more recent learned men, partly surviving, partly lost; and among these the Treatise on Numbers of Philo the Jew, which in the passage soon to be cited and everywhere else is alleged by him, but perished through the injury of time. Above all, however, the Jews held that opinion, that the structure of the holy tabernacle, by the inspiration of God, was so framed as to represent the entire fabric of the whole world, and especially of man, as is clear partly from Josephus, Book 3 of the Antiquities, Chapters 5, 7, 9, and still more from Philo, Book 3 On the Life of Moses, where in general on page 667 he says to this effect: Ἦν γὰρ ἀναγκαῖον, ἱερὸν κατασκευάζοντας (or as is read in the manuscript of Lincoln College, κατασκευάζοντα, so that it refers to Moses as architect) χειροποίητον τῷ Πατρὶ (the Lincoln manuscript adds τῶν ὅλων) καὶ ἡγεμόνι τοῦ παντὸς, τὰς ὁμοίας λαβεῖν οὐσίας, αἷς τὸ ὅλον ἐδημιούργει. "For it was necessary that those who were preparing a sanctuary made with hands for the Parent of all things and ruler of this universe should take for that work materials similar to those out of which the world was founded." Whence in what follows he pursues this argument at length through its individual parts, and among other things, on page 670, discoursing concerning the name of God engraved in four letters upon the golden plate of the high priest, he extols the dignity of the quaternary number, which Irenaeus treats here, and says that he has treated accurately concerning it ἐν τῇ Περὶ ἀριθμῶν πραγματείᾳ, in his treatise On Numbers. Nay, they went even further, and were persuaded that that tabernacle made with hands foreshadowed heavenly things. To which matter the Apostle himself gives credence in the Epistle to the Hebrews, Chapter 8, where in verse 5 he writes that the priests ministering in the temple at Jerusalem "serve" ὑποδείγματι καὶ σκιᾷ τῶν ἐπουρανίων, "unto the example and shadow of heavenly things"; and in verse 2 makes mention of "the true tabernacle, which the Lord has pitched, and not man." Which in the following Chapter 9, verse 11, he calls "a greater and more perfect tabernacle, not made with hands, that is, not of this building." And in verse 24 he calls χειροποίητα ἅγια, "the holy places made with hands," ἀντίτυπα τῶν ἀληθινῶν, "copies of the true," that is, ἐπουρανίων, as he speaks in the preceding verse 23. And not only the supernal tabernacle, but also "the heavenly Jerusalem" does he mention in Chapter 12 of this Epistle, verse 22, that namely "Jerusalem which is above, which is the mother of us all," as he writes in Galatians 4:26, which St John saw in the spirit "coming down out of heaven, prepared by God, as a bride adorned for her husband," Revelation 21:2. It is no wonder at all, therefore, if the ancient Christians also compared their Church, and whatsoever belonged to her, on the one hand with the heavenly Jerusalem and supernal things, and on the other hand with the world and its creation; reckoning that both

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inter opera, quam operationes Dei in regno potentiae, gratiae, et gloriae, uti theologi nunc loqui amant, mutuam intercedere similitudinem, et altera alteris apte repraesentari. Hac itaque hypothesi nixus Irenaeus, congruum esse statuit, ut quatuor numero essent Evangelia. Quippe Evangelium pro « columna et firmamento Ecclesiae » atque fidei habebatur, sicuti non modo hic, sed et cap. 1 hujus libri testatur ; dicebatur quoque « Spiritus vitae, » quod scilicet verba Christi recenseret, de quibus ipse Joannis VI, 63, ait, quod « Spiritus et vita sint. » Quemadmodum igitur aedificia quatuor habent columnas, et mundi machina quatuor cardines, ac quatuor etiam principales spiritus, sive ventos, quibus perflatur ; ita Ecclesiam quoque, tanquam amplam Dei domum, per totum orbem diffusam, quatuor Evangeliis, tanquam quatuor sacris columnis inniti, ac quadripartito hoc divinitus inspirato codice, veluti quadruplici spiritu recreari decebat. Neque catholici solum, sed et haeretici hac similitudine delectabantur, ipsique horum antesignani, Simonis Magi sectatores ; de quibus auctor praefationis Arabicae ad concilium Nicaenum, quam ex Arabicis Orientalium codicibus descriptam Latine vertit Abrahamus Ecchellensis, tom. II Concil. Labbei, col. 386, haec habet verba : « Sibi autem perfidi isti Evangelium effinxerunt, quod in quatuor tomos secantes, librum quatuor angulorum et cardinum mundi appellarunt. » Neque tamen Irenaeus haec instar demonstrationum proposuit, sed εἰκότως, id est merito, convenienter, Evangelia quaternario numero contineri dixit : item, « non capit, » id est « non congruum erat, » plura aut pauciora esse Evangelia. Si vero et plus justo ejusmodi speculationibus indulsissent atque tribuissent S. Patres, absit tamen, ut instar Chami propterea eos rideamus, sed tempori quo illi vixere, ac consuetudini tunc receptae talia demus. Saepe una aetas postulat quae altera repudiat : unde vel intra unius saeculi spatium, in uno eodemque loco, scribendorum librorum, perorandarum homiliarum, et aliorum hujusmodi ratio adeo diversa initur, ut quae prius admirationi erant, postea contemptui habeantur. Atque Christiana insuper modestia requirit, ut haud nimium nostro tribuamus judicio : sed cogitemus, aliquando accidere, ut sapientia Dei stultitia videatur mundo ac mundanis, cum tamen « quod stultum est Dei, sapientius sit hominibus. » I Cor. I, 25. Cui vero haec non sufficiunt, sed nihilominus Irenaeus, aliique Patres, velut simplicissimi idiotae spernuntur, is illud Irenaei lib. V, c. 20, dictum sibi putet, quod « pluris sit idiota religiosus, blasphemo et impudente sophista. »

between the works and the operations of God in the kingdom of power, of grace, and of glory, as theologians now love to speak, a mutual likeness intervenes, and the one is aptly represented by the other. Relying, therefore, upon this hypothesis, Irenaeus determined that it was congruous that the Gospels should be four in number. For the Gospel was held as the "pillar and ground of the Church" and of the faith, just as he testifies not only here, but also in Chapter 1 of this book; it was also called the "Spirit of life," because namely it recounted the words of Christ, concerning which He Himself says in John 6:63 that "they are Spirit and life." Just as buildings, therefore, have four pillars, and the fabric of the world four cardinal points, and also four principal spirits, or winds, by which it is blown through; so too it was fitting that the Church, like an ample house of God spread abroad throughout the whole world, should rest upon four Gospels as upon four sacred pillars, and be refreshed by this fourfold divinely inspired book as by a fourfold spirit. And not Catholics only, but heretics as well took delight in this comparison, and the very ringleaders of these, the followers of Simon Magus; concerning whom the author of the Arabic preface to the Council of Nicaea, which, transcribed from the Arabic manuscripts of the Orientals, Abraham Ecchellensis translated into Latin, in Tome 2 of Labbe's Councils, col. 386, has these words: "Now those faithless men fashioned for themselves a Gospel, which, cutting into four tomes, they called the Book of the Four Corners and Cardinal Points of the World." Yet Irenaeus did not propose these things as demonstrations, but said that εἰκότως, that is, deservedly, fittingly, the Gospels are comprised in the quaternary number: likewise, "it does not admit," that is, "it was not congruous," that there should be more or fewer Gospels. And even if the holy Fathers had indulged in and attributed more than was just to speculations of this kind, nevertheless far be it from us to mock them like Ham on that account, but let us grant such things to the time in which they lived and to the custom then received. Often one age demands what another repudiates: whence even within the space of a single century, in one and the same place, so diverse a method of writing books, delivering homilies, and other things of this sort is entered upon, that what previously was held in admiration is afterwards held in contempt. And Christian modesty moreover requires that we attribute not too much to our own judgement: but reflect that it sometimes happens that the wisdom of God seems foolishness to the world and to worldly men, whereas "the foolishness of God is wiser than men," 1 Corinthians 1:25. As for him to whom these things do not suffice, and who nevertheless spurns Irenaeus and the other Fathers as the simplest ignoramuses, let him consider that saying of Irenaeus in Book 5, Chapter 20, spoken to himself, that "a religious simpleton is worth more than a blasphemous and impudent sophist."

Pag. 192. Alii vero, etc. Cataphryges sive Montanistas procul dubio perstringit, qui docuerunt, « in apostolis quidem Spiritum S. fuisse, Paracletum non fuisse, et Paracletum plura in Montano dixisse, quam Christum in Evangelio protulisse ; nec tantum plura, sed etiam meliora atque majora, » prout auctor Appendicis ad Tertulliani lib. De Praescript. adversus haereticos, cap. 52, scribit. Isti itaque Paracletum, ejusque praecipuam virtutem, quae erat, « futura annuntiare » Joan. XVI, 13, in apostolis atque Ecclesia fuisse negabant, sed Montano demum, ac Priscillae atque Maximillae datum falso jactabant, adeo ut in pseudoprophetarum numerum merito referantur, tam hic, quam infra lib. IV, cap. 61, ubi aliqua de his addam. Hoc vero loco notandum, istos Evangelium S. Joannis, in quo Servator aliquoties se Paracletum apostolis missurum pollicitus est, repudiasse ; siquidem vix a quoquam alio id memoriae proditum reperias.

Page 192. But others, etc. Without doubt he censures the Cataphrygians or Montanists, who taught "that in the apostles indeed was the Holy Spirit, but not the Paraclete, and that the Paraclete said more things in Montanus than Christ brought forth in the Gospel; and not only more, but also better and greater things," as the author of the Appendix to Tertullian's book On the Prescription of Heretics, Chapter 52, writes. Those men, therefore, denied that the Paraclete, and His chief power, which was "to announce things to come," John 16:13, had been in the apostles and the Church, and falsely boasted that He was given at last to Montanus, and to Priscilla and Maximilla, so that they are deservedly reckoned in the number of false prophets, both here and below in Book 4, Chapter 61, where I shall add some things concerning them. In this place, however, it must be noted that those men repudiated the Gospel of St John, in which the Saviour several times promised that He would send the Paraclete to the apostles; seeing that you will scarcely find this handed down to memory by anyone else.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 12.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardent on Chapter 12.

Pag. 193. Petrus igitur apostolus. Decenti librorum Novi Testamenti servato ordine, nunc ex Acto

Page 193. Peter the apostle therefore. Having kept the fitting order of the books of the New Testament, now from the book of the Acts

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rum apostol. libro persequitur institutam contra Gnosticos, de Deo uno et vero mundi creatore, ac Patre Domini nostri Jesu Christi disputationem.

of the Apostles he pursues the disputation undertaken against the Gnostics concerning the one and true God, the creator of the world and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ.

Eligere. Vet. cod. « allegere, » vocabulum jurisconsultis usitatum, quo in coetum adjungere, ascribere et quasi cooptare significant. Nam et legi dicebantur, qui in senatorum numerum ascribebantur. Suetonius : « Instanti saepius ut civitate donatum in decurias allegeretur, Tiberius negavit se allecturum. » Ulpianus de decur. lege : « Generaliter Allegi, est per electionem in ordinem assumi. » Utitur eodem Lucifer Calaritanus, libro primo pro S. Athanasio.

To choose. The ancient manuscript has "to elect into a body [allegere]," a word customary among jurists, whereby they signify to join to an assembly, to enroll, and as it were to co-opt. For those also were said to be "chosen [legi]" who were enrolled in the number of senators. Suetonius: "When one urged him repeatedly that a man presented with citizenship should be elected into the decuries, Tiberius declared that he would not elect him." Ulpian on the law of decurions: "In general, to be elected [allegi] is to be received into an order by election." Lucifer of Cagliari uses the same word in his first book on behalf of St Athanasius.

Oportebat. Cum Graece sit ἔδει, melius redditur ab Irenaeo, « oportebat, » vel « oportuit, » ut est in nostro vet. cod. quam « oportet, » cum vulgari. Nam de re jam peracta loquitur Petrus.

It behoved. Since in Greek it is ἔδει, it is better rendered by Irenaeus "it behoved [oportebat]," or "it behoved [oportuit]," as it is in our ancient manuscript, than "it behoves [oportet]," with the common edition. For Peter is speaking of a matter already accomplished.

In coelos. Hanc vet. cod. emendationem lubentius secuti sumus, quod Graecus Lucae contextus εἰς τοὺς οὐρανούς habeat.

Into the heavens. We have the more gladly followed this emendation of the ancient manuscript because the Greek text of Luke has εἰς τοὺς οὐρανούς.

Suppedaneum. Sic etiam libro II, cap. 49, reddidit ὐποπόδιον ; et Tertullianus, Cyprianus, Augustinus Latini Patres non raro loquuntur.

Footstool. Thus also in Book 2, Chapter 49, he rendered ὐποπόδιον; and the Latin Fathers Tertullian, Cyprian, and Augustine not infrequently speak thus.

Pag. 194. Saliens. Cum sanus factus fuit, semel exsiliit, postea vero identidem saliit. Illud Graece dictum est ἐξαλλόμενος, hoc autem ἁλλόμενος, quod recte animadvertit Irenaeus, ut etiam observat illic Erasmus.

Page 194. Leaping. When he was made whole, he leaped up once, and afterwards leaped repeatedly. The former in Greek is called ἐξαλλόμενος, the latter ἁλλόμενος, which Irenaeus rightly noticed, as Erasmus also observes there.

Aggravastis. Graece ἠρνήσασθε, quod cum veteri interprete passim omnes convertunt, « negastis, repudiastis. »

You burdened. In Greek ἠρνήσασθε, which all everywhere with the ancient translator render, "you denied, you repudiated."

Et veniant vobis. Paulo aliter hunc locum exprimunt et littera Graeca et editio Vulgata. Tertullian. lib. De resurr. carn. : « Ut tempora vobis superveniant refrigerii ex persona Dei ; » quae non multum recedunt ab Irenaei lectione.

And there may come to you. Both the Greek letter and the Vulgate edition express this passage a little differently. Tertullian in the book On the Resurrection of the Flesh: "That times of refreshing may come upon you from the person of God"; which do not depart much from the reading of Irenaeus.

Deus vester de fratribus vestris. Expunximus « noster » et « nostris, » docente Latina Graecaque Actorum lectione, cum vet. cod. Caeterum, hoc Moysis testimonio Christum promissum fuisse, cum apostolis et Irenaeo docent Justinus Resp. ad quaest. 101 orth. ; Tertull. lib. IV Advers. Marc., cap. 22 ; Cyprianus lib. I Advers. Judaeos, cap. 18 ; Clemens Alex. lib. I Paedagogi, cap. 7, paulo diversis licet tralationibus : ex quibus refellitur Calvinianorum Judaica plane impietas, illud alibi detorquentium.

Your God from your brethren. We have expunged "our" and "our," as the Latin and Greek reading of Acts teaches, together with the ancient manuscript. For the rest, that Christ was promised by this testimony of Moses is taught with the apostles and Irenaeus by Justin, Answer to Question 101 to the Orthodox; Tertullian, Book 4 Against Marcion, Chapter 22; Cyprian, Book 1 Against the Jews, Chapter 18; and Clement of Alexandria, Book 1 of the Paedagogus, Chapter 7, albeit in slightly different translations: whereby the plainly Jewish impiety of the Calvinists, who twist it elsewhere, is refuted.

Pag. 195. Quoniam autem. Refutat Gnosticorum sycophantiam et cavillationem, quam recensuit supra cap. 5.

Page 195. Since however. He refutes the sophistry and cavilling of the Gnostics, which he recounted above in Chapter 5.

Quem hominem. Delevimus, « quemadmodum ; » infra quoque pro « ipsis, ipsi ; » pro, « putabant, putabat ; » et pro, vobis, nobis, » reposuimus auct. vet. cod.

Whom a man. We have deleted "how"; below also for "to them, they themselves"; for "they thought, he thought"; and for "to you, to us," we have restored on the authority of the ancient manuscript.

Pag. 196. Praedestinatis a Deo. Sustulimus, « ab eo, » docente vet. cod. et Graeca lectione, ὑπὸ τοῦ Θεοῦ.

Page 196. Predestined by God. We have removed "by Him," as the ancient manuscript and the Greek reading, ὑπὸ τοῦ Θεοῦ, teach.

Imperfectus igitur secundum hos Petrus. Expende quo pacto paulo superius asseruit, apostolos post ascensionem Domini, per adventum Spiritus sancti perfectos factos fuisse : hic quoque tanquam absurdum et impium Gnosticis objiciat, quod Petrum imperfectum, et caeteros apostolos censerent imperfectos. Quanto magis hujus aevi Hugnosticos damnasset, et verbis et scriptis eosdem incessentes et traducentes, velut « schismaticos, apostatas et idololatras ? » Paulum accusantes « temeritatis, contemptus Dei, ac Epicureismi ? » Petrum denique dicentes, « gratiam Christi abolevisse, Evangelium deformasse, et libertatem Christianam sepelivisse. »

Peter therefore was imperfect according to these men. Weigh how a little above he asserted that the apostles after the ascension of the Lord were made perfect through the coming of the Holy Spirit: here too he objects against the Gnostics as absurd and impious that they reckoned Peter imperfect, and the rest of the apostles imperfect. How much more would he have condemned the Huguenot-Gnostics of this age, who both in words and in writings assail and traduce the same as "schismatics, apostates, and idolaters"? Accusing Paul "of rashness, contempt of God, and Epicureanism"? Saying finally that Peter "abolished the grace of Christ, deformed the Gospel, and buried Christian liberty"?

Philippus autem. Hunc volunt diaconum fuisse,

Now Philip. They hold that this man was the deacon,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1643

Footnotes

(23) ‹anchor: Christianam sepelivisse› · call in col 1643

Vide septimum Dialogum nostrum.

See our seventh Dialogue.

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non apostolum. Reginam vero Aethiopum, quae nomine publico regni eunuchum Jerosolymam miserat, proprio nomine (nam Candaces Aethiopibus, ut Caesares Romanis commune nomen fuit), Lacasam appellatam, Baazenae regis filiam, quae quatuor annis Christo supervixerit, et Christianam religionem istius eunuchi opera publice receperit : quae ad hoc usque tempus illic utcunque perseveret, ut ex legationibus regum Aethiopiae ad summos pontifices Clementem, Leonem, et reges Portugalliae, librisque Damiani a Goes, Osorii, Alvari, Jovii et Maffaei certissimum est.

not the apostle. And they hold that the Queen of the Ethiopians, who in the public name of the kingdom had sent the eunuch to Jerusalem, was called by her own name (for Candace was a common name to the Ethiopians, as Caesar to the Romans) Lacasa, the daughter of King Baazena, who survived Christ by four years, and publicly received the Christian religion through the agency of that eunuch: which religion perseveres there in some fashion even to this time, as is most certain from the embassies of the kings of Ethiopia to the supreme pontiffs Clement and Leo, and to the kings of Portugal, and from the books of Damião de Góis, Osório, Álvares, Giovio, and Maffei.

Missus est in regiones Aethiopiae. Ut hunc locum ex Irenaeo mutuati sunt postea Eusebius lib. II Hist., cap. 1, et Hieronymus Com. in LIII Isa., sic videtur Irenaeus eumdem decerpsisse ex lib. VII Const. apost. Clementis, cap. 47. Omnes siquidem uno ore, iisdemque ferme verbis, hunc indigenis suis Christi Evangelium et baptisma annuntiasse, ut ei a Philippo traditum fuerat, affirmant. Additque Abdias, Matthaeum apostolum in Aethiopiam profectum, ibidem illum invenisse ; Sophronius autem tanto eum studio promulgandae religionis Christianae exarsisse testatur, ut in Arabia felici et Taprobana insula evangelizaverit, ac glorioso certamine pro Christi nomine obierit.

He was sent into the regions of Ethiopia. Just as Eusebius afterwards in Book 2 of the History, Chapter 1, and Jerome in his Commentary on Isaiah 53 borrowed this passage from Irenaeus, so Irenaeus seems to have culled the same from Book 7 of the Apostolic Constitutions of Clement, Chapter 47. For all with one mouth, and in almost the same words, affirm that this man announced the Gospel of Christ and baptism to his countrymen, as it had been delivered to him by Philip. And Abdias adds that Matthew the apostle, having set out for Ethiopia, found him in the same place; while Sophronius testifies that he burned with such great zeal for promulgating the Christian religion that he preached the Gospel in Arabia Felix and on the island of Taprobane, and died in a glorious contest for the name of Christ.

Pag. 197. Quidam secundum vos. Ut hic omittit mentionem poetarum, quae tamen in codice Graeco Lucae habetur, sic fecit postea et Augustinus, explicans aliquot quaestiones in Epistolam ad Romanos.

Page 197. Certain among you. Just as here he omits the mention of the poets, which nevertheless is held in the Greek text of Luke, so too Augustine did afterwards, explaining several questions on the Epistle to the Romans.

Poeniteri in ipsum. Pro « poenitere, » dixit. Communis editio : « Ut omnes ubique poenitentiam agant, » πανταχοῦ μετανοεῖν. Poeniteri forte dixit, ut Graece μεταμελεῖσθαι, forma passivi vel deponentis. Est enim locus Act. XVII, 31, et Apocalypsis XI, 18, et ad utrumque auctor respexit.

To be repented towards Him. He said this for "to repent [poenitere]." The common edition has: "That all everywhere should do penance," πανταχοῦ μετανοεῖν. Perhaps he said poeniteri, like μεταμελεῖσθαι in Greek, in the form of the passive or deponent. For the passage is Acts 17:31 and Revelation 11:18, and the author had both in view.

Angelorum Dei. Versionem LXX sequitur, ut Basilius l. III Contra Eunom., Chrysostomus hom. 60 in Matth., Cyrillus in LIII Isa., Rufinus in Symbol. et plerique Graecorum et Latinorum. Hebraica sic ad verbum reddit Sanctes : « Statuit terminos populorum, juxta numerum filiorum Israel. »

Of the angels of God. He follows the version of the Seventy, as do Basil in Book 3 Against Eunomius, Chrysostom in Homily 60 on Matthew, Cyril on Isaiah 53, Rufinus on the Creed, and most of the Greeks and Latins. Sanctes renders the Hebrew word for word thus: "He set the bounds of the peoples according to the number of the children of Israel."

Uti ab eis vanis. Septem has voces ex veteri cod. adjecimus, quas etiam agnoscit Lucae contextus Act. XIV, et linea superiore « nos, » pro « nomine » reposuimus.

That from these vain things. We have added these seven words from the ancient manuscript, which the text of Luke in Acts 14 also acknowledges, and in the line above we have restored "us" for "name."

Utraque apta temporibus. Augustinus lib. XXXII Contra Faustum, cap. 14, et epist. 5, quae est ad Marcell., idem explicat venusta similitudine sumpta a medico, qui aliud cras, aliud hodie aegrotis observandum praecipit, quandoque etiam prohibens quod ante praeceperat. Origenes idem antea praestiterat, ducta similitudine a matre, quae nunc mammis suaviter, postea solidiore cibo liberos pascit, dialogo 1 contra Marcion.

Both suited to the times. Augustine in Book 32 Against Faustus, Chapter 14, and in Epistle 5, which is to Marcellinus, explains the same thing by a charming comparison taken from a physician, who enjoins one thing to be observed by the sick today and another tomorrow, sometimes even forbidding what he had previously enjoined. Origen had previously done the same, drawing a comparison from a mother, who now feeds her children sweetly with her breasts, and afterwards with more solid food, in Dialogue 1 Against Marcion.

Pag. 198. Quasdam quidem. Utramque Epistolam ad Timotheum, et eam quae est ad Titum, Marcionem penitus rejecisse scribit lib. V in eumdem Tertull. Caeteras ejus corruptiones uberrime suppeditabit Epiphanius contra haeresim 42.

Page 198. Certain of them indeed. That Marcion utterly rejected both Epistles to Timothy, and that which is to Titus, Tertullian writes in Book 5 against the same. Epiphanius against Heresy 42 will most abundantly supply his remaining corruptions.

In altera conscriptione. Librum specialem adversus Marcionem promittit : quem si ediderit, nunc tamen haudquaquam exstare certum est.

In another treatise. He promises a special book against Marcion: even if he published it, nevertheless it is certain that it by no means exists now.

Blasphemant fabricatorem. Blasphemiam adeo horrendam esse in verum Deum, existimaverunt Patres universi, eum cujusquam mali auctorem censere ; ut liquet ex hoc loco, et libro altero adversus Florinum, cui titulum fecit : Quod Deus non sit auctor malorum ; ut nullum nisi sacrilegum haec dicere pronuntiarint. Prophetarum autem verba ista : « Non est malum in civitate, quod non fecerit Dominus. » Et : « Ego Deus creans

They blaspheme the Framer. All the Fathers considered it to be so horrendous a blasphemy against the true God to reckon Him the author of any evil—as is clear from this passage, and from his other book against Florinus, to which he gave the title: That God is Not the Author of Evils—that they pronounced that no one save a sacrilegious man says these things. As for those words of the prophets: "There is no evil in the city which the Lord has not done"; and: "I am God creating

Editors' notes and page, col. 1644

Footnotes

(24) ‹anchor: fecerit Dominus› · call in col 1644

Amos iii, 6.

Amos 3:6.

(printed under page 830)

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running head: VARIORUM NOTAE 1644
marginal letters: A non apostolum. Reginam; B ut ei a; C silius l. III; D Pag. 198. Quasdam
old-edition numerals: 129 after Contra
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: non apostolum. Reginam

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mala ; » Augustinus interpretatur non de peccato, sed de poena, Tertullianum secutus, qui de malo supplicii, non autem delicti intellexit.

evils"; Augustine interprets them not of sin, but of punishment, following Tertullian, who understood them of the evil of punishment, and not of transgression.

Quoniam autem. Redit ad institutas ex Actis apostol. probationes, quod unus sit Deus creator omnium et Pater Domini nostri Jesu Christi.

Since however. He returns to the proofs undertaken from the Acts of the Apostles, that there is one God, the creator of all things and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ.

Discentes. Hanc vocem pro discipulis et auditoribus, non raro usurpat, ut infra cap. 16 et 20, quod et Tertull. frequenter fecit lib. De patientia, lib. De carne Christi, lib. Praescript. et lib. De poenitentia.

Learners. He not infrequently uses this word for disciples and hearers, as below in Chapters 16 and 20, which Tertullian also frequently did in his book On Patience, his book On the Flesh of Christ, his book On Prescription, and his book On Repentance.

A dextris. Vulgata editio addit, « virtutis : » sed Graeci codices, quos sequitur Irenaeus, hanc vocem ignorant.

At the right hand. The Vulgate edition adds "of power": but the Greek manuscripts, which Irenaeus follows, do not know this word.

Implevi. Vulgata editio, « multiplicavi ; » cui et consentit Hebraica littera.

I have filled. The Vulgate edition has "I have multiplied"; with which the Hebrew letter also agrees.

Pag. 199. A fornicatione. Nec hic, nec infra meminit « suffocatorum, » quod tamen exstat apud Graecos ; sed et paulo ante addidit : « super eos, » et « secundum me, » quibus penitus carent Graec. cod. et editio Vulgata. Quae sequuntur : « Et quaecunque nolunt, » etc., verbis apostolorum adjicit Irenaeus, quoniam a Graecis et Latinis nunc editis absunt : tametsi non desint, qui testentur in quodam codice Graeco vetustissimo, et duobus manuscriptis addi, καὶ ὅσα μὴ θέλωσιν αὑτοῖς γενέσθαι, ἑτέροις μὴ ποιεῖν. Ut et apud Cyprianum lib. III Testimoniorum, cap. 119 : « Et quaecunque vobis fieri non vultis, aliis ne feceritis ; » quae etiam postea repetit Irenaeus.

Page 199. From fornication. Neither here nor below does he make mention of "things strangled," which nevertheless stands in the Greek copies; and a little before he also added: "upon them," and "according to me," which the Greek manuscripts and the Vulgate edition utterly lack. What follows: "And whatsoever things they do not wish," etc., Irenaeus adds to the words of the apostles, since they are absent from the Greek and Latin editions now published: although there are not lacking those who testify that in a certain most ancient Greek manuscript, and in two manuscripts, there is added, καὶ ὅσα μὴ θέλωσιν αὑτοῖς γενέσθαι, ἑτέροις μὴ ποιεῖν. As also in Cyprian, Book 3 of the Testimonies, Chapter 119: "And whatsoever things you do not wish to be done to you, do not do to others"; which Irenaeus also repeats afterwards.

Cum ipsis. Vetus cod., « Ethnicis ; » utrumque legendum proposuimus.

With them. The ancient manuscript has "with the Gentiles"; we have proposed that both be read.

Cum allophylo. Sic quoque Graecos et alienigenas omnes appellat Tertull. lib. Adv. Judaeos, c. 6, et lib. IV Adv. Marc., cap. 37, ex LXX versione.

With a foreigner [allophylo]. Thus Tertullian also calls Greeks and all foreigners in his book Against the Jews, Chapter 6, and Book 4 Against Marcion, Chapter 37, from the version of the Seventy.

Pag. 200. Hi autem qui circa Jacobum. Billius judicat hic merum Graecanismum esse, pro, « Jacobus apostolus. » Graeci enim οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἰάκωβον dicunt, pro ὁ Ἰάκωβος. Intelligit autem hoc loco Irenaeus concionem eam, quam Act. XV, post Petrum Jacobus habuit, in qua quibusdam exceptis, ἀδιαφορεῖν, quod hic vertitur, « libere agere, » gentibus permisit.

Page 200. Now those around James. Billy judges that here there is a pure Graecism for "James the apostle." For the Greeks say οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἰάκωβον for ὁ Ἰάκωβος. Now in this place Irenaeus understands that speech which James delivered after Peter in Acts 15, in which, with certain exceptions, he permitted the Gentiles ἀδιαφορεῖν, which is here translated "to act freely."

Non fecissent. Cod. ex., « non fecisset, » habebant.

They would not have done. The printed editions had "he would not have done."

Ex Jo. Ernesti Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 12.

From the annotations of Jo. Ernst Grabe on Chapter 12.

Pag. 191. Meos. Μου in nostris N. Test. exemplaribus non legimus ; legit autem Chrysostomus homil. 6 in Acta.

Page 191. My. We do not read μου in our copies of the New Testament; Chrysostom, however, reads it in Homily 6 on Acts.

Traditum. Λαβόντες non agnoscit Irenaeus, uti nec cod. Alexandr. neque Latina et Arab. versiones.

Delivered up. Irenaeus does not acknowledge λαβόντες, just as neither the Codex Alexandrinus nor the Latin and Arabic versions do.

Inferorum. Vocem ᾅδου loco θανάτου ante Irenaeum habet Polycarpus ad Philipp. ; Epiphan. in Ancorato, § 34, Vulgat. et Syr. interpretes.

Of hell. Polycarp to the Philippians before Irenaeus has the word ᾅδου in place of θανάτου; as do Epiphanius in the Ancoratus, § 34, and the Vulgate and Syriac translators.

De fructu ventris ejus sedere. Nota Irenaeum verba ista, τὸ κατὰ σάρκα ἀναστήσειν τὸν Χριστόν, quae in modernis exemplaribus vers. 30 exstant, non agnovisse : uti nec in cod. Alexandrino, neque in Latina Vulgata, Syriaca, atque Aethiopica versionibus reperiuntur.

Of the fruit of his loins to sit. Note that Irenaeus did not acknowledge those words, τὸ κατὰ σάρκα ἀναστήσειν τὸν Χριστόν, which stand in modern copies in verse 30: just as they are found neither in the Codex Alexandrinus, nor in the Latin Vulgate, Syriac, and Ethiopic versions.

Neque derelictus est apud inferos. Nostra Graeca exemplaria habent : οὐ κατελείφθη ἡ ψυχὴ αὐτοῦ εἰς ᾅδου. Verum ἡ ψυχή omittitur non solum ab Irenaeo, sed et Didymo lib. III De Spiritu S., inque cod. Alex. nec non Latina Vulgata et Syriaca versionibus.

Neither was He left in hell. Our Greek copies have: οὐ κατελείφθη ἡ ψυχὴ αὐτοῦ εἰς ᾅδου. Yet ἡ ψυχή is omitted not only by Irenaeus, but also by Didymus in Book 3 On the Holy Spirit, and in the Codex Alexandrinus as well as the Latin Vulgate and Syriac versions.

Donationem hanc. Irenaei codex non solum τοῦτο, uti nos legimus, sed τοῦτο δῶρον, sive δώρημα habuisse videtur, quomodo et Didymus Alexandrinus loco citato ; Rufinus in expositione articuli, « Ascendit in coelos ; » atque ex recentioribus Rupertus lib. VI De operibus Spiritus S. allegarunt. Beda insuper in Comment. ad hunc Actorum apostolicorum

This gift. The manuscript of Irenaeus seems to have had not only τοῦτο, as we read, but τοῦτο δῶρον, or δώρημα, just as Didymus of Alexandria in the place cited, Rufinus in his exposition of the article "He ascended into the heavens," and among more recent writers Rupert in Book 6 On the Works of the Holy Spirit alleged it. Bede moreover in his Commentary on this passage of the Acts of the Apostles

Editors' notes and page, col. 1645

Footnotes

(25) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot crops; continues the quotation "Ego Deus creans" from p. 830› · call in col 1645

Isa. xlv, 7.

Isa. 45:7.

(printed under page 831)

(26) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot crops› · call in col 1645

Lib. de duabus animab. cap. 6, et lib. contra Adimantum c. 26 et 27.

The book On the Two Souls, chapter 6, and the book Against Adimantus, chapters 26 and 27.

(printed under page 831)

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running head: 1645 IN LIB. III S. IRENAEI.
marginal letters: A mala ; »; B me, » quibus; C dicunt, pro ὁ; D quae in modernis
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: mala ; », Ex Jo. Ernesti Grabii

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locum expresse testatur, in Graeco textu nunc fuisse : « Effudit hoc donum, quod vos nunc videtis et auditis. »

expressly testifies that in the Greek text there then stood: "He has poured out this gift, which you now see and hear."

Et Dominum. Καὶ Κύριον legit Irenaeus aut ejus interpres, perinde ut Amphilochius in oratione περὶ Υἱοῦ λόγου, apud Theodoretum dialogo 3, pag. 166, ac Epiphanius haeres. 69, Arian., § 42, pag. 764

And Lord. Irenaeus or his translator reads καὶ Κύριον, just like Amphilochius in his discourse περὶ Υἱοῦ λόγου, in Theodoret, Dialogue 3, page 166, and Epiphanius, Heresy 69, of the Arians, § 42, page 764.

Pag. 196. Credo Filium Dei esse, etc. Ex hoc, et parallelo loco lib. IV, cap. 40, patet, Irenaeum versum 37 cap. VIII Act. apostol. in Alexandrino aliisque mss. codd. ipsiusque Chrysostomi Commentario omissum, in suo codice legisse.

Page 196. I believe that the Son of God is, etc. From this, and the parallel passage in Book 4, Chapter 40, it is clear that Irenaeus read in his manuscript verse 37 of Chapter 8 of the Acts of the Apostles, which is omitted in the Alexandrian and other manuscript codices and in the Commentary of Chrysostom himself.

Pag. 197. Genus. Non ἔθνος, sed γένος legisse videtur Irenaeus ; perinde ut Vulgatus interpres et Clemens Alexand. lib. I Stromat., pag. 315.

Page 197. Race. Irenaeus seems to have read not ἔθνος, but γένος; just like the Vulgate translator and Clement of Alexandria, Book 1 of the Stromata, page 315.

Praefiniens tempora secundum determinationem inhabitationis eorum. Fallor, an Irenaeus legerit, κατὰ ὁροθεσίαν τῆς κατοικίας αὐτῶν, prout et in ms. Cantabrigiensi codice Actorum exstat. Miror autem προτεταγμένους vel προστεταγμένους hoc loco excidisse.

Foreordaining the times according to the determination of their habitation. Am I mistaken, or did Irenaeus read κατὰ ὁροθεσίαν τῆς κατοικίας αὐτῶν, just as it also stands in the Cambridge manuscript codex of Acts? Yet I wonder that προτεταγμένους or προστεταγμένους dropped out in this place.

Illud quod est divinum, si quo modo tractare possint... non longe sit. Τὸ θεῖον quoque habet Clemens Alex. loco citato, et cod. Cantabrig. in quo etiam legitur, ψηλαφήσειαν αὐτοῦ pro αὐτόν, et ὑπάρχοντος, non ὑπάρχοντα.

That which is divine, if haply they might feel after it... is not far off. Clement of Alexandria in the place cited also has τὸ θεῖον, as does the Cambridge manuscript, in which there is also read ψηλαφήσειαν αὐτοῦ for αὐτόν, and ὑπάρχοντος, not ὑπάρχοντα.

Quidam secundum vos. Omissa quoque « poetarum » mentio in ms. Cantabrig. et Aethiopica versione.

Certain among you. The mention "of the poets" is also omitted in the Cambridge manuscript and the Ethiopic version.

Diem judicari. Ex his videri posset, Irenaei codicem Actorum apost. non habuisse, ἐν ᾗ μέλλει, quae etiam in Cantabrig. ms. desiderantur.

A day to be judged. From these things it might seem that Irenaeus's manuscript of the Acts of the Apostles did not have ἐν ᾗ μέλλει, which are also lacking in the Cambridge manuscript.

In viro Jesu, in quo statuit fidem, excitans. Ἀνδρὸς Ἰησοῦ quoque scriptum in cod. Cantabrig. Sed in solo Irenaeo desunt duo verba παρέχων πᾶσιν, quae exciderunt forte occasione praecedentis vocis πίστιν, quae iisdem litteris terminatur ac πᾶσιν.

In the man Jesus, in Whom He has appointed faith, raising Him up. Ἀνδρὸς Ἰησοῦ is also written in the Cambridge manuscript. But in Irenaeus alone the two words παρέχων πᾶσιν are lacking, which perhaps dropped out on occasion of the preceding word πίστιν, which ends in the same letters as πᾶσιν.

Stephanus autem. Idem ex hoc Stephani sermone argumentum contra haereticos nectit Origenes tom. XIX Comment. in Joannem, pag. 263, cujus verba Latine solum dare placet : « Quod ipse (Pater Christi) quidem sit Deus prophetarum, mundique creator, multis ex locis videre possumus ; sed in praesentia sufficiat concionem Stephani ex Actis ad populum hunc in modum dicentis videre : Viri fratres, etc., et quae sequuntur ; per totam enim orationem citra contradictionem cernere licet, prophetarum Deum Patrem esse Christi Jesu. »

Now Stephen. Origen weaves the same argument against the heretics from this speech of Stephen in Tome 19 of his Commentary on John, page 263, whose words it pleases me to give in Latin alone: "That He Himself (the Father of Christ) is indeed the God of the prophets and creator of the world, we can see from many passages; but for the present let it suffice to see the speech of Stephen from Acts speaking to the people in this manner: Men, brethren, etc., and what follows; for throughout the whole discourse one may discern beyond contradiction that the God of the prophets is the Father of Christ Jesus."

Pag. 198. Quasdam quidem in totum non cognoscentes. Utramque Epistolam ad Timotheum, et eam quae est ad Titum, Marcionem penitus rejecisse scribit lib. V in eumdem Tertullianus. FEUARD. Sed et S. Lucae Acta apostolica, atque Apocalypsin S. Joannis « quasi falsa rejecisse » scribit, non modo auctor Appendicis ad lib. Tertulliani De praescript. adversus haereticos, cap. 51, sed ipse quoque Tertullianus idem testatur ; de Apocalypsi quidem lib. IV Adversus Marcionem, cap. 5, de Actis apostolorum vero lib. V contra ipsum, cap. 2, ex quo loco illustrandus alter lib. De praescript. adversus haereticos, cap. 22 et 23. Imo de Actis res clara est, ex ipsius Irenaei mox sequenti cap. 14.

Page 198. Not acknowledging certain of them at all. That Marcion utterly rejected both Epistles to Timothy, and that which is to Titus, Tertullian writes in Book 5 against the same. FEUARDENT. Nay, that he also "rejected as false" the Apostolic Acts of St Luke and the Apocalypse of St John, not only the author of the Appendix to Tertullian's book On the Prescription of Heretics, Chapter 51, writes, but Tertullian himself also testifies the same; concerning the Apocalypse indeed in Book 4 Against Marcion, Chapter 5, and concerning the Acts of the Apostles in Book 5 against him, Chapter 2, from which passage the other book On the Prescription of Heretics, Chapters 22 and 23, is to be illustrated. Nay, concerning Acts the matter is clear from Irenaeus's own soon following Chapter 14.

Secundum Lucam autem Evangelium et Epistolas Pauli decurtantes. Qui decurtationes hasce atque corruptiones Evangelii Lucae ac Epistolarum Pauli omnes et singulas cognoscere cupit, legat Epiphanii haeresin 42, Marcionitarum, atque Tertulliani lib. IV et V Contra Marcionem, in quorum priori ex eis Evangelii S. Lucae partibus, quas Marcion agnoverat, eumdem refellit ; posteriori autem ex reliquiis Epistolarum Pauli adversus eum disputat. Praesertim ex lib. IV, cap. 7, patet, hunc haereticum tribus prioribus Lucae capitibus integris, et maxima quarti parte resectis, ita Evangelium suum incoepisse

And curtailing the Gospel according to Luke and the Epistles of Paul. Whoever desires to know each and all of these curtailments and corruptions of the Gospel of Luke and the Epistles of Paul, let him read Epiphanius, Heresy 42, of the Marcionites, and Books 4 and 5 of Tertullian Against Marcion, in the former of which he refutes the same from those parts of the Gospel of St Luke which Marcion had acknowledged, while in the latter he disputes against him from the remnants of the Epistles of Paul. Especially from Book 4, Chapter 7, it is clear that this heretic, having cut away the first three whole chapters of Luke and the greatest part of the fourth, began his Gospel

Editors' notes and page, col. 1646

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old-edition numerals: (none)
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: « Anno quinto decimo principatus Tiberiani Deus descendit in civitatem Galilaeae Capharnaum. » Unde Irenaeo lib. I, cap. 29, dicitur, « id quod est secundum Lucam Evangelium circumcidens, et omnia quae sunt de generatione (nativitate) Domini conscripta, auferens. » Dum vero mox addidit : « Et de doctrina sermonum Domini multa auferens, in quibus manifestissime conditorem hujus universitatis suum Patrem confitens Dominus conscriptus est ; » respexit praecipue ad versum 21 capitis X Lucae : « Confiteor tibi, Pater, Domine coeli et terrae, » etc., ubi vocem « Patris » expunxit Marcion, ut ex Tertulliani lib. IV, cap. 25, liquet ; cum quo conf. Epiphan. in dicta haeresi 42, confutat. 22.

: "In the fifteenth year of the principate of Tiberius, God came down into Capharnaum, a city of Galilee." Whence in Irenaeus, Book 1, Chapter 29, he is described as "circumcising that Gospel which is according to Luke, and taking away all that is written concerning the generation (nativity) of the Lord." And when he presently added: "And taking away many things from the teaching of the discourses of the Lord, in which the Lord is written as most manifestly confessing the founder of this universe to be His Father"; he had in view especially verse 21 of Chapter 10 of Luke: "I confess to Thee, O Father, Lord of heaven and earth," etc., where Marcion expunged the word "Father," as is clear from Tertullian, Book 4, Chapter 25; with whom compare Epiphanius in the said Heresy 42, Refutation 22.

In altera conscriptione. Respexit hunc locum Eusebius lib. V Hist., cap. 8, ita de Irenaeo scribens : Ἐπήγγελται δὲ ὁ αὐτὸς, ἐκ τῶν Μαρκίωνος συγγραμμάτων ἀντιλέξειν αὐτῷ ἐν ἰδίῳ σπουδάσματι. « Idem vero pollicitus est, se ex propriis Marcionis libris eum peculiari opere refutaturum esse. »

In another treatise. Eusebius had this passage in view in Book 5 of the History, Chapter 8, writing thus concerning Irenaeus: Ἐπήγγελται δὲ ὁ αὐτὸς, ἐκ τῶν Μαρκίωνος συγγραμμάτων ἀντιλέξειν αὐτῷ ἐν ἰδίῳ σπουδάσματι. "And the same man promised that he would refute him in a special work out of Marcion's own writings."

Pag. 199. In vobis. Edita Actorum apost. exemplaria habent ἡμῖν. Sed ms. Alex. ὑμῖν, quomodo et lib. VI Constit. apost., cap. 12, atque apud Chrysostomum legitur.

Page 199. In you. The published copies of the Acts of the Apostles have ἡμῖν. But the Alexandrian manuscript has ὑμῖν, as is also read in Book 6 of the Apostolic Constitutions, Chapter 12, and in Chrysostom.

Domini nostri... nos posse. Ὑμῶν in nostris Bibliis Graecis non legimus ; legit autem post Irenaeum interpres Syrus et Aethiops. Reliquae duae voces « nos posse » explicationis ergo additae sunt.

Of our Lord... that we are able. We do not read Ὑμῶν in our Greek Bibles; the Syriac and Ethiopic translators, however, read it after Irenaeus. The remaining two words "that we are able" were added for the sake of explanation.

Deus excogitavit accipere ex gentibus populum nomini suo. Omissae sunt duae, quae in editt. Act. apost. exstant, voces πρῶτον et ἐπί, quarum posteriorem nec collector Constit. apostol. loco citato, nec Chrysostomus et Theophylactus in Comment. agnoscunt, neque manuscript. Alex. habet.

God devised to take from the Gentiles a people for His name. Two words that stand in the editions of the Acts of the Apostles, πρῶτον and ἐπί, are omitted, the latter of which neither the compiler of the Apostolic Constitutions in the place cited, nor Chrysostom and Theophylact in their Commentaries acknowledge, nor does the Alexandrian manuscript have it.

Et sic. Pro τούτῳ Irenaeus vel interpres ejus legit οὕτος, quomodo etiam primitus in cod. Cantabrig. scriptum fuit, sed recentiori manu correctum.

And thus. For τούτῳ Irenaeus or his translator reads οὕτος, just as was also originally written in the Cambridge manuscript, though corrected by a more recent hand.

Faciens haec. Ταῦτα πάντα sonant nostra Actorum apost. exemplaria. Sed τὰ πάντα non legerunt Vulgatus et Aethiops interpretes, nec auctor Constit. apost., neque exstat in cod. Alexandr.

Doing these things. Our copies of the Acts of the Apostles read ταῦτα πάντα. But the Vulgate and Ethiopic translators did not read τὰ πάντα, nor did the author of the Apostolic Constitutions, nor does it stand in the Codex Alexandrinus.

Cognitum a saeculo est Deo opus ejus. Similiter ms. Cantabrig., γνῶστον ἀπ' αἰῶνός ἐστι τῷ Κυρίῳ τὸ ἔργον αὐτοῦ.

Known from of old to God is His work. Similarly the Cambridge manuscript has γνῶστον ἀπ' αἰῶνός ἐστι τῷ Κυρίῳ τὸ ἔργον αὐτοῦ.

A sanguine ; et quaecunque nolunt, etc. Quemadmodum Irenaeus, vel ejus interpres, hic et paulo post ; ita et cod. Cantabrig. utroque in loco omittit, καὶ πνικτοῦ, atque addit : καὶ ὅσα μὴ θέλωσιν ἑαυτοῖς γίνεσθαι, ἑτέροις μὴ ποιεῖτε, posteriori loco, ποιεῖν. Agnoscit quoque hanc appendicem Cyprianus lib. III Ad Quirinum, cap. 119, non autem Clemens Alex. lib. II Paedagogi, cap. 7, pag. 172, neque pseudo-Clemens Romanus loco ante citato.

From blood; and whatsoever things they do not wish, etc. Just as Irenaeus, or his translator, does here and a little later, so too the Cambridge manuscript in both places omits καὶ πνικτοῦ, and adds: καὶ ὅσα μὴ θέλωσιν ἑαυτοῖς γίνεσθαι, ἑτέροις μὴ ποιεῖτε, and in the latter place, ποιεῖν. Cyprian also acknowledges this addition in Book 3 To Quirinus, Chapter 119, but not Clement of Alexandria in Book 2 of the Paedagogus, Chapter 7, page 172, nor pseudo-Clement of Rome in the place cited before.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 13.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardent on Chapter 13.

Pag. 200. Eos autem qui dicunt. Ostendit non solum Paulum veritatem agnovisse, sed hujus cognitionem ac professionem cunctis apostolis fuisse communem : alias frustra in universum mundum ad eam propagandam missi fuissent.

Page 200. But as for those who say. He shows that not only did Paul know the truth, but the knowledge and profession of it was common to all the apostles: otherwise they would have been sent in vain into the whole world to propagate it.

Falsa testantium. Ita vetus codex, cujus auctoritate loco movimus « falsum testimonium. »

Of those bearing false witness. Thus the ancient manuscript, on whose authority we have displaced "false witness."

Ad horam cessimus. Ita legunt omnes codices ; nunc Pauli littera Graeca, et editio Vulg. cum negatione : « Neque ad horam cessimus ; » sicque interpretantur Augustinus, Chrysostomus, Theod. et Hieronym. in posterioribus Comment. ad Galatas. At idem ipse in prioribus Commentariis, et postmodum Primasius, indicant quaedam exemplaria non habere οὐδέ ; quod et omittit Ambrosius. Tertullianus libro quinto Advers. Marc., cap. 4, velut nodum dissolvens, et utramque probans lectionem, fatetur Paulum ad aliquod tempus cessisse, Timotheum circumcidendo, et rasos introducendo in

We yielded for an hour. Thus all the manuscripts read; now the Greek letter of Paul and the Vulgate edition read with a negation: "Not even for an hour did we yield"; and thus Augustine, Chrysostom, Theodoret, and Jerome in his later Commentaries on Galatians interpret it. Yet the same writer himself in his earlier Commentaries, and afterwards Primasius, indicate that certain copies do not have οὐδέ; which Ambrose also omits. Tertullian in his fifth book Against Marcion, Chapter 4, as if untying the knot and approving both readings, confesses that Paul yielded for some time, by circumcising Timothy, and by introducing shorn men into

Editors' notes and page, col. 1647

Footnotes

(27) ‹anchor: Timotheum circumcidendo› · call in col 1647

Act. XVI, 3.

Acts 16:3.

(printed under page 832)

(28) ‹anchor: not in col 1647› · call in col 1648 (col 1647 carries only call 27; the left foot runs across the page)

Act. XXI, 24.

Acts 21:24.

(printed under page 832)

(29) ‹anchor: not in col 1647› · call in col 1648 (col 1647 carries only call 27; the left foot runs across the page)

I Cor. IX, 20.

1 Cor. 9:20. [The numeral is blurred in the scan (it could be read as "iv"); "ix" fits the context of Timothy's circumcision.]

(printed under page 832)

Page

running head: 1647 VARIORUM NOTAE
marginal letters: A pisse : «; B cionis libris eum; C gatus et Aethiops; D gnitionem ac professionem
old-edition numerals: 130 after ἰδίῳ
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: pisse : «, Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii; begins mid-word pisse (from incoepisse in col. 1646)
misprints kept as printed (Q2a, for misprints.tsv): para "Domini nostri... nos posse": Ὑμῶν (sense requires Ἡμῶν); para "Et sic": οὕτος (for οὕτως)

PG 7:1648

templum, faciendo se Judaeis Judaeum, ut Judaeos lucrifaceret ; non autem in perpetuum.

the temple, making himself a Jew to the Jews in order to gain the Jews; not, however, in perpetuity.

Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 14.

Annotations of the same on Chapter 14.

Quoniam autem. Docet beatum Lucam Pauli comitem individuum, et sedulum cooperatorem, Gnosticorum Aeonum, aut Pleromatis nunquam meminisse, quandoquidem nec a Paulo de his quidquam audivisset vel didicisset.

Since however. He teaches that the blessed Luke, the inseparable companion and diligent coworker of Paul, never made mention of the Aeons of the Gnostics or of the Pleroma, seeing that he had neither heard nor learned anything concerning these things from Paul.

Festinaret. Sic habebat vet. cod. ; ideo ejus auctoritate delevimus « festinavit. »

He was hastening. Thus the ancient manuscript had it; therefore on its authority we have deleted "he hastened."

Pag. 202. Post discessum meum. Ita vetus codex, et lectio Graeca, μετὰ τὴν ἄφιξίν μου. Itaque delevimus « nostrum. » Et continuo, λύκοι βαρεῖς, recte Irenaeus reddit « lupi graves ; » Vulg. edit., « rapaces. »

Page 202. After my departure. Thus the ancient manuscript, and the Greek reading, μετὰ τὴν ἄφιξίν μου. Therefore we have deleted "our." And immediately after, Irenaeus rightly renders λύκοι βαρεῖς as "grievous wolves"; the Vulgate edition has "ravening."

Sic apostoli. In eos haec dicuntur, qui apostolos diversa et pugnantia pro variis auditoribus annuntiasse, aut minus instructos a Spiritu sancto praecones missos fuisse volebant : quos acerrime refellit etiam Tertullianus libro De praescriptionibus, cap. 6 et 7.

Thus the apostles. These things are said against those who held that the apostles announced diverse and conflicting things according to their various hearers, or were sent forth as heralds less instructed by the Holy Spirit: whom Tertullian also most sharply refutes in his book On Prescriptions, Chapters 6 and 7.

Contemplatores. Graece, αὐτόπται τοῦ Λογοῦ, a pronomine αὐτός, ipse, et ὄπτω, video, qui ipsi viderant et contemplati fuerant.

Eyewitnesses [contemplatores]. In Greek, αὐτόπται τοῦ Λογοῦ, from the pronoun αὐτός, self, and ὄπτω, I see: those who themselves had seen and contemplated.

Si quis autem refutet. Praeoccupatione usus, docet Lucam non ignorasse altissima divinaque mysteria ; quippe qui praecipua tam Evangelio, quam Actorum libro memoriae mandaverit, ut ex subjectis manifestum quoque facit.

But if anyone rejects. Using anticipation, he teaches that Luke was not ignorant of the highest and divine mysteries; inasmuch as he committed the chief ones to memory both in his Gospel and in the book of Acts, as he also makes manifest from the things subjoined.

Et pseudoprophetis. Nam Graece legitur ψευδοπροφήταις : Vulgata editio, « prophetis. »

And to the false prophets. For in Greek it is read ψευδοπροφήταις: the Vulgate edition has "to the prophets."

Expostulabunt animam. Cyprianus in orationem Dominic. : « Stulte, hac nocte expostulatur anima tua. » Tertullianus libro quarto Adversus Marcion., « reposcent. » Graece est ἀπαιτοῦσι.

They shall demand your soul. Cyprian on the Lord's Prayer: "Fool, this night your soul is demanded of you." Tertullian in his fourth book Against Marcion has "they shall require." In Greek it is ἀπαιτοῦσι.

Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 15.

Annotations of the same on Chapter 15.

Pag. 203. His qui Paulum. Ebionaeos intelligit, quos Paulum, ut legis apostatam, recusasse recensuit, lib. I, cap. 26. Persequitur autem alteram partem superioris dilemmatis. Si Gnostici universum ac integrum B. Lucae scriptum admiserint, jam ex eo discent Deum unum et verum cum B. Paulo locutum, et hunc ab eodem electum et missum ad erudiendas gentes de Christo vero Dei Filio. Propterea etenim multa ab aliis evangelistis praetermissa nuntiavit, ut et ipsi de Pauli vocatione et laboribus testificanti, fides haberetur.

Page 203. To those who [reject] Paul. He understands the Ebionites, whom he recounted as having rejected Paul as an apostate from the law, Book 1, Chapter 26. Now he pursues the other part of the preceding dilemma. If the Gnostics admit the whole and entire writing of Blessed Luke, they will at once learn from it that the one and true God spoke with Blessed Paul, and that the latter was chosen and sent by the Same to instruct the Gentiles concerning Christ the true Son of God. For on this account he announced many things passed over by the other evangelists, so that credence might also be given to him testifying concerning the calling and labours of Paul.

Hoc enim fictorum. Quam vere isthaec cunctis haereticis conveniant, cum historiis ecclesiasticis testantur Patrum omnium monumenta. Marcionitas carnis resurrectionem imaginaria significatione distorquentes, hacque specie catholicos in colloquiis decipere solitos scripsit Tertull., quasi et ipsi resurrectionem admitterent. Nota est Arii scelerata vafricies, qui imperatori Constantino fidei confessionem, verbis quidem catholicorum consarcinatam, at sensu longe a mente eorum abhorrentem, exhibuit. Sed de his jam quaedam in lib. I observavimus.

For this is the way of feigners. How truly these things fit all heretics, the monuments of all the Fathers together with the ecclesiastical histories testify. Tertullian wrote that the Marcionites, twisting the resurrection of the flesh into an imaginary signification, were wont under this guise to deceive Catholics in conferences, as though they themselves also admitted the resurrection. Well known is the wicked cunning of Arius, who presented to the Emperor Constantine a confession of faith patched together indeed out of the words of Catholics, yet in sense far abhorrent from their mind. But concerning these things we have already observed something in Book 1.

Et illiciunt eos, simulantes nostrum tractatum. Delevimus « in deliciis. » Caeterum, notanda est ista omnium quidem haereticorum in perversis et blasphemis erroribus suis fucandis, palliandis et incrustandis calliditas et malitia ; Sacramentariorum autem omnium maxime. Nam Lutherani et Anabaptistae magis ingenue et aperte quod sentiunt, proferunt ; illi vero in tam varias figuras instar Protei sese vertunt, ut multis etiam magnis et sapientibus hominibus imponant, idque mira et inenarrabilia vafritie. « Quemadmodum hyena, » ut ante me etiam observat ex Plinio Schlusselburgius, « volens suam in aliquem exercere feritatem, solet sermonem humanum inter pastorum stabula assimulare, nomenque alicujus addiscere ; quod

And they entice them, counterfeiting our manner of discourse. We have deleted "in delights." For the rest, one must note that craftiness and malice of all heretics indeed in painting, cloaking, and varnishing over their perverse and blasphemous errors, but of the Sacramentarians most of all. For the Lutherans and Anabaptists bring forward what they think more frankly and openly; whereas those men turn themselves like Proteus into such various shapes that they impose upon many even great and wise men, and that with wonderful and unspeakable cunning. "Just as the hyena," as Schlüsselburg before me also observes from Pliny, "wishing to exercise its ferocity against someone, is wont to counterfeit human speech among the stalls of shepherds, and to learn someone's name; which

Editors' notes and page, col. 1648

Footnotes

(28) ‹anchor: templum, faciendo› · call in col 1648

Act. XXI, 24.

Acts 21:24.

(printed under page 832, foot of the left column; also entered in n1647 with the call misattributed to col 1647)

(29) ‹anchor: ut Judaeos lucrifaceret› · call in col 1648

I Cor. IX, 20.

1 Cor. 9:20.

(printed under page 832, foot of the left column; also entered in n1647 with the call misattributed to col 1647)

(30) ‹anchor: resurrectionem admitterent› · call in col 1648

Lib. de resurr. carn.

The book On the Resurrection of the Flesh.

(printed under page 832)

(31) ‹anchor: abhorrentem, exhibuit› · call in col 1648

Ruffinus, lib. x Hist., cap. 11.

Rufinus, History, book 10, chapter 11.

(printed under page 832)

Page

running head: VARIORUM NOTAE 1648
marginal letters: A templum, faciendo se; B lit etiam Tertullianus; C suit, lib. I,; D rentem, exhibuit. Sed
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin with Greek quoted (μετὰ τὴν ἄφιξίν μου, λύκοι βαρεῖς, αὐτόπται τοῦ Λογοῦ, ψευδοπροφήταις, ἀπαιτοῦσι); editors' matter: templum, faciendo se, Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 14., Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 15.

PG 7:1649

cum assecuta est, illum foras evocatum protinus lacerat, discerpit, devorat ; » ita Calviniani volentes suos promovere errores, sermonem addiscunt divinum, nomen veteris tam Graecae quam Latinae sumunt Ecclesiae, confessionem fidei suae, quantum possunt, catholicae attemperant, in eos invehuntur et scribunt qui vacua panis et vini signa esse dicunt, Christi carnem et sanguinem vere, realiter, et substantialiter per eucharistiae sacramentum, nobis offerri ac exhiberi ampullosis verbis profitentur. Sed reapse merae sunt praestigiae, illusiones et aucupia, quibus incautos capiant ; imo et voragines horrendae, verborum pergulis et cespitibus opertae, quibus in simplicitate sua incedentes secum in aeternam perditionis foveam abripiant : quandoquidem vera Christi hominis substantia ab illis tantum absit, ut et ipsi tandem affirmant, quantum distat coelum a terra.

when it has attained, it straightway tears, rends, and devours him when he has been called outside"; so the Calvinists, wishing to promote their errors, learn divine speech, take the name of the ancient Church, both Greek and Latin, adapt the confession of their faith, as much as they can, to the Catholic confession, inveigh and write against those who say that there are empty signs of bread and wine, and profess in bombastic words that the flesh and blood of Christ are truly, really, and substantially offered and exhibited to us through the sacrament of the Eucharist. Yet in reality they are mere juggleries, illusions, and snares, whereby they catch the unwary; nay, horrendous chasms covered over with trellises and turf of words, whereby they drag off with themselves into the eternal pit of perdition those who walk in their simplicity: seeing that the true substance of the man Christ is as far removed from them, as they themselves also affirm at last, as heaven is distant from earth.

Se putant posse discernere. Linea superiore « et non, » pro « necnon, » vet. cod. auctoritate legimus : hoc autem loco « discernere, » pro, « discere, » Billii secuti judicium. Vult enim Irenaeus, ait ille, proclive non esse τὸν ἐν λόγοις πιθανὸν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀληθείας διακρίνειν. Id est, « hoc quod verborum tanquam lenociniis quibusdam fucatum est, a vero internoscere. »

Think that they can discern. In the line above we read "and not" for "and also," on the authority of the ancient manuscript: in this place, however, "to discern" for "to learn," following the judgement of Billy. For Irenaeus means, says he, that it is not easy τὸν ἐν λόγοις πιθανὸν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀληθείας διακρίνειν. That is, "to distinguish from the truth that which is painted over as it were with certain allurements of words."

Sine fuco autem. Proverbium simile ex Euripide citatur a Seneca epist. 49. « Veritatis simplex est oratio. Impostorum est enim verborum lenociniis mendacia fucare ; simplex autem veritas ficus, ficus ; ligonem, ligonem appellat. » Basilius hom. de Mamante martyre : « Nuda est veritas, absque patrocinio ipsa seipsam declarans. » De his plura in praefationem lib. I.

Without rouge however. A similar proverb from Euripides is cited by Seneca in Epistle 49: "The speech of truth is simple. For it belongs to impostors to paint over lies with the allurements of words; whereas simple truth calls figs, figs, and a spade, a spade." Basil in his homily on Mamas the Martyr: "Naked is the truth, declaring herself by herself without advocacy." Concerning these things more on the Preface of Book 1.

Quasi parvum ovum. Per « parvum ovum, » οὔρινον ὠόν, quod « urinum ovum » aptius transferretur, interpretem reddidisse Billius existimat. Qui enim se haereticorum commentis totos tradunt, hi subventaneis et inutilibus ovis comparari non immerito queant. « Deditum autem seipsum praebere, » pro, sese totum tradere ac mancipare, ad Graecorum morem accedit, qui ἔκδοτον ποιεῖσθαι dicere consueverunt.

Like a small egg. Billy considers that the translator rendered οὔρινον ὠόν, which would more aptly be translated "a wind-egg," by "a small egg." For those who deliver themselves wholly over to the figments of heretics may not undeservedly be compared to wind-eggs and useless eggs. Moreover, "to present oneself given up," for delivering and surrendering oneself wholly, approaches the manner of the Greeks, who were accustomed to say ἔκδοτον ποιεῖσθαι.

Neque in coelo. Proverbium est, cujus ferme simile legitur apud Lucianum in Pseudomante : Ὀκτώ μοι χρησμοὺς ἔπεμψεν, οὔτε γῆς, φασιν, οὔτε οὐρανοῦ ἁπτομένους. Id est : « Octo ad me misit oracula, sed quae neque coelum, ut aiunt, neque terram attingerent, » metaphora assumpta ab his qui in aere pendent.

Neither in heaven. It is a proverb, almost the like of which is read in Lucian in the False Prophet: Ὀκτώ μοι χρησμοὺς ἔπεμψεν, οὔτε γῆς, φασιν, οὔτε οὐρανοῦ ἁπτομένους. That is: "He sent me eight oracles, but such as touched neither heaven, as they say, nor earth," a metaphor taken from things that hang in the air.

Gallinacei elationem habens. Proverbium hoc ex alio natum est : « Gallus in suo sterquilinio plurimum potest ; » sic enim et isti, ob faeces suarum quisquiliarum, spiritus atque animos tollebant.

Having the strutting of a cock. This proverb sprang from another: "A cock is most mighty on his own dunghill"; for so too those men, on account of the dregs of their rubbish, lifted up their spirits and airs.

Pag. 204. Sunt autem apud eos. Hos nunc referunt illi Anabaptistae, qui apostolici et separati vocantur. Jactant enim se pressis vestigiis apostolorum vestigia sequi, ac se more ipsorum omnino vivere. Austerum vultum prae se ferunt, crebros ducunt gemitus, gaudia aversantur, neque conviviis laetioribus interesse volunt. Vestiuntur ad simplicitatem, nullum armorum genus portant, ad praescriptum tantum edunt, dormiunt, incedunt, laborant, atque severam vitam cunctis ducendam praedicant, qui salvi esse cupiunt.

Page 204. Now there are among them. Those Anabaptists who are called Apostolic and Separated now reproduce these men. For they boast that they follow closely in the footsteps of the apostles, and live altogether after their manner. They display an austere countenance, heave frequent sighs, shun joys, and refuse to be present at merrier banquets. They dress with simplicity, carry no kind of weapons, eat, sleep, walk, and labour only by rule, and preach that a severe life must be led by all who desire to be saved.

Plurimi autem. Et hi parentes sunt horum Anabaptistarum, quos novos Catharos appellant. Negant quoddam esse peccatum originale, quo parvuli fidelium maculentur ; ideoque illos sine baptismo salvari ; quod a Calvinianis didicerunt. Quin seipsos quoque a cunctis peccatis immunes et puros esse praedicant : particulam istam orationis Dominicae, « Dimitte nobis debita nostra, » penitus intermittunt ; Christianam libertatem in omnem carnis

Very many however. And these are the parents of those Anabaptists whom they call the new Cathari. They deny that there is any original sin whereby the infants of the faithful are stained; and therefore say that they are saved without baptism; which they learned from the Calvinists. Nay, they also proclaim that they themselves are immune and pure from all sins: they utterly omit that clause of the Lord's Prayer, "Forgive us our debts"; they turn Christian liberty into all

Editors' notes and page, col. 1649

Page

running head: 1649 IN LIB. III S. IRENAEI.
marginal letters: A cum assecuta est,; B mus : hoc; C rito queant. «; D vivere. Austerum vultum
old-edition numerals: 131 after Pag. 204.
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: cum assecuta est,

PG 7:1650

lasciviam convertunt, mulieribus communiter utuntur ; nec ullis delictis Spiritum sanctum (quem semel se accepisse jactitant) a se recedere gloriantur ; quod etiam Beza in colloquio Mompelgartensi palam de se suisque asserere non erubuit.

lasciviousness of the flesh, and use women in common; and they boast that the Holy Spirit (Whom they vaunt that they have once received) departs from them by no transgressions; which Beza also at the Colloquy of Montbéliard did not blush to assert openly of himself and his followers.

Ex Jo. Ern. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 15.

From the annotations of Jo. Ern. Grabe on Chapter 15.

Pag. 203. In gentibus. Videtur interpres in Irenaeo, vel Irenaeus in S. Luca, male legisse ἐν pro ἐνώπιον.

Page 203. Among the Gentiles. The translator in Irenaeus, or Irenaeus in St Luke, seems to have misread ἐν for ἐνώπιον.

Ex ipso. Hae duae voces, aut ab Irenaeo ex memoria hunc librum allegante, aut in ejus codice a scholiaste quodam additae fuerunt, quibus significaretur, ἐκ τούτου, scilicet χρόνου, « ex illo ipso tempore, » passiones Pauli initium sumpsisse. Quippe mox post conversionem, persecutionibus huc illuc jactatus fuit.

From that very [time]. These two words were added either by Irenaeus alleging this book from memory, or in his manuscript by some scholiast, to signify that ἐκ τούτου, namely χρόνου, "from that very time," the sufferings of Paul took their beginning. For presently after his conversion he was tossed hither and thither by persecutions.

Simulantes nostrum tractatum. « Tractatum » intellige « sermonem, » et haec explica per ista in prooemio lib. I, pag. 3, lin. 2 : Ὅμοια μὲν λαλοῦντας, ἀνόμοια δὲ φρονοῦντας : necnon illa cap. 17 hujus libri : « Lingua quidem unum Christum Jesum confitentes, divisi vero sententia. »

Counterfeiting our manner of discourse. Understand "tractatum" as "speech," and explain these things through those words in the Preface of Book 1, page 3, line 2: Ὅμοια μὲν λαλοῦντας, ἀνόμοια δὲ φρονοῦντας: as well as those in Chapter 17 of this book: "With the tongue indeed confessing one Christ Jesus, but divided in opinion."

Institorio. Id est superbia et elatione animi. Nam « institorium » dicitur omne quod ad « institores, » id est praefectos, pertinet. Atqui hi cum sublati plerumque animi esse soleant, hinc inter alios Quintilianus lib. XI, cap. 1, « tumidum, ac sui jactantem, et ambitiosum institorem eloquentiae » dixit.

Pedlar-like [institorio]. That is, with pride and elation of mind. For everything is called "institorium" that pertains to "institores," that is, overseers or factors. And since these men are wont for the most part to be of a haughty mind, hence Quintilian among others in Book 11, Chapter 1, spoke of "a swollen, self-vaunting, and ambitious pedlar of eloquence."

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 16.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardent on Chapter 16.

Pag. 204. Nos autem revertamur. Absoluta de Paulo ac cooperatore ejus Luca disputatione, quae velut obiter instituenda fuerat, redit ad praecipuum caput, nimirum, apostolos unicum Deum mundi creatorem toto orbe praedicasse, qui Moysi legem dederat, et populum Hebraicum in peculium sibi assumpserat : qua doctrina universi Gnosticorum Aeones, cunctaeque fabulae evanescebant.

Page 204. Let us however return. Having completed the disputation concerning Paul and his coworker Luke, which had to be undertaken as it were in passing, he returns to the chief head, namely, that the apostles preached throughout the whole world the one God, the creator of the world, Who had given the law to Moses, and had taken the Hebrew people to Himself for a peculiar possession: by which teaching all the Aeons of the Gnostics and all their fables vanished away.

Nisi solum verum Deum Patrem et Verbum ejus. Primum ex hoc et sexcentis similibus locis observa Irenaeum nunquam a divinitate secludere Filium, aut Spiritum sanctum, quando de uno et solo vero Deo loquitur, cum Pater, Filius, ac Spiritus sanctus sint ille unus et solus verus Deus. Frustra ergo novi Ebionitae, Samosateniani, et Ariani ab hoc auctore impietatum suarum patrocinium petunt. Deinde, omnium rerum principatum et dominationem, utpote Creatori, Verbo, id est eidem Filio Dei tribui, quemadmodum etiam Scripturae testificantur : « Omnia mihi tradita sunt a Patre meo. Pater dedit ei omnia in manus. Data est mihi omnis potestas in coelo et in terra. Est caput omnis principatus et dominationis, » etc. ; quibus sempiterna et una cum Patre ejus potestas eademque majestas significatur et asseritur.

Save the only true God the Father and His Word. First, from this and six hundred similar passages observe that Irenaeus never excludes the Son or the Holy Spirit from divinity when he speaks of the one and only true God, since the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit are that one and only true God. In vain, therefore, do the new Ebionites, Samosatenians, and Arians seek patronage for their impieties from this author. Next, observe that the principality and dominion of all things are attributed, as to the Creator, to the Word, that is, to the same Son of God, just as the Scriptures also testify: "All things are delivered unto Me by My Father. The Father has given all things into His hands. All power is given unto Me in heaven and on earth. He is the head of all principality and dominion," etc.; whereby His everlasting power, one with the Father, and the same majesty are signified and asserted.

Et discentium. Id est discipulorum et auditorum, cujusmodi fuerunt Timotheus, Titus, Clemens, Polycarpus, Ignatius, Dionysius, etc. Sic enim discipulos appellat etiam Tertullianus libro De patientia, capite tertio, et libro Praescript., capite tertio, vigesimo, et vigesimo secundo.

And of the learners. That is, of the disciples and hearers, such as were Timothy, Titus, Clement, Polycarp, Ignatius, Dionysius, etc. For thus Tertullian also calls the disciples in his book On Patience, third chapter, and in his book On Prescription, chapters three, twenty, and twenty-two.

Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 17.

Annotations of the same on Chapter 17.

Pag. 204. Quoniam. Cerinthum et asseclas ejus intelligit, quorum deliria lib. I, cap. 25 et 34, tradidit. Affirmat autem Christum a Gnosticis velut in quatuor partes impie distrahi ; cum vere unicus sit Dei et hominis Filius, natus ex Maria Virgine, passusque pro nobis ; et qui aliter sentiunt, excaecatos et summissos esse a Satana omnium mendaciorum parente.

Page 204. Since. He understands Cerinthus and his followers, whose ravings he handed down in Book 1, Chapters 25 and 34. Now he affirms that Christ is impiously torn as it were into four parts by the Gnostics; whereas He is truly the one Son of God and man, born of the Virgin Mary, and having suffered for us; and that those who think otherwise have been blinded and suborned by Satan, the parent of all lies.

Alii vero. Basilidis sectatores, de quibus lib. I, cap. 23. Hos acerrime impugnaverat ante Irenaeum

But others. The followers of Basilides, concerning whom see Book 1, Chapter 23. Before Irenaeus,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1650

Footnotes

(32) ‹anchor: a Patre meo› · call in col 1650

Matth. XI, 27.

Matt. 11:27.

(printed under page 833)

(33) ‹anchor: omnia in manus› · call in col 1650

Joan. XIII, 3.

John 13:3.

(printed under page 833)

(34) ‹anchor: et in terra› · call in col 1650

Matth. XXVIII, 18.

Matt. 28:18.

(printed under page 833)

(35) ‹anchor: principatus et dominationis› · call in col 1650

Coloss. I, 10.

Col. 1:10 [as printed; the words quoted are Col. 2:10].

(printed under page 833)

Page

running head: IN LIB. III S. IRENAEI. 1650
marginal letters: A lasciviam convertunt, mulieribus; B prooemio lib. I,; C Aeones, cunctaeque fabulae; D cujusmodi fuerunt Timotheus,
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: lasciviam convertunt, mulieribus, Ex Jo. Ern. Grabii, Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii, Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 17.

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Ignatius et ipse martyr, Epist. ad Trallian., Tarsen., Philip., Philadelp., Polycarp.

Ignatius, himself also a martyr, had most sharply attacked these men in his Epistles to the Trallians, Tarsians, Philippians, Philadelphians, and Polycarp.

Lingua quidem. Et hic rursus observanda, imo detestanda Gnosticorum fraus, qua verbis quidem aliquantisper recte discere videbantur, interpretatione vero impure blasphemabant. Eamdem impietatem Sacramentarii, illorum progenies, pleno ore spirant, sive de Dei omnipotentia, sive de descensu Christi ad inferos, de multisque aliis fidei capitibus, adversus eos disputatio instituatur.

With the tongue indeed. Here too again must be observed, nay detested, the fraud of the Gnostics, whereby in words indeed they seemed for a little while to teach rightly, while in interpretation they impurely blasphemed. The Sacramentarians, their progeny, breathe forth the same impiety with full mouth, whether a disputation be undertaken against them concerning the omnipotence of God, or concerning the descent of Christ into hell, and concerning many other heads of the faith.

Adhibere. Expunximus « habere, » auct. vet. cod.

To apply. We have expunged "to have," on the authority of the ancient manuscript.

Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 18.

Annotations of the same on Chapter 18.

Pag. 204. Et quoniam Joannes. Toto praesertim hujus libri cap. 11 ex Joannis Evangelio asseruit Christum esse aeternum Dei Filium, eumdemque mere hominem factum : et non alium esse Jesum, alium Christum ; nec alium Filium Altissimi, alium vero Filium Virginis.

Page 204. And since John. Especially throughout the whole of Chapter 11 of this book from the Gospel of John he asserted that Christ is the eternal Son of God, and that the Same was truly made man: and that Jesus is not one, and Christ another; nor is the Son of the Most High one, and the Son of the Virgin another.

Sed praevidens. Expunximus « providens. » Item tam in hoc capite, quam omnibus aliis locis « Emmanuel » reposuimus, pro « Emanuel : » quod semel dixisse sufficit.

But foreseeing. We have expunged "providing." Likewise both in this chapter and in all other places we have restored "Emmanuel" for "Emanuel": which it suffices to have said once.

Pag. 205. Voluntates. Vet. cod. « voluptate ; » sed quia infra cap. 21 rursus habet « voluntate, » nihil mutare libuit.

Page 205. Wills. The ancient manuscript has "by pleasure"; but because below in Chapter 21 it again has "by will," it pleased us to change nothing.

Alterum autem. Quatuor has voces ex vet. cod. adjecimus, et illius auct. delevimus « suspicemur. »

And another. We have added these four words from the ancient manuscript, and on its authority have deleted "let us suspect."

Praedestinatus. Vulgata editio, « segregatus, » et ita legunt Hieronymus, Ambrosius, Theodoretus, August., Primasius ; Graece est ἀφωρισμένος.

Predestined. The Vulgate edition has "separated," and thus read Jerome, Ambrose, Theodoret, Augustine, and Primasius; in Greek it is ἀφωρισμένος.

Qui est Deus super omnes. Vulgata editio Latina, « super omnia ; » Graeci ἐπὶ πάντων, communiter ad utramque lectionem. Caeterum, Erasmus non sine manifesta malitia et impietate in Christum, conatus est hujus apostolici loci, « quo Christi aeterna deitas et majestas adversus Arianam impietatem (inquit Theophylactus) aperte refellitur, » auctoritatem elevare. Primo scribens Cyprianum lib. II Adv. Judaeos, cap. 6, Dei mentionem omittere ; quod tamen codices a Morelio et Pamelio ex vet. manuscriptis emendati et vulgati, insuper et Tertullianus lib. Advers. Praxean, cap. 13 et 15, et Novatianus lib. De Trinit. cap. 13 et 30, et hic Irenaei locus manifestae imposturae coarguunt. Deinde, conjectatur particulam illam, « Deus, » additam fuisse ab Origenis interprete, aut aliis quibusdam ; quod falsissimum esse convincunt superiora Patrum testimonia, cunctorumque Latinorum et Graecorum vetustissima monumenta. Stat igitur, stabitque firmissimum et apertissimum pro Christi vera sempiternaque divinitate, adversus Arianos, horumque fautores, hoc beati Apostoli testimonium.

Who is God over all [masculine]. The Latin Vulgate edition has "over all things"; the Greeks have ἐπὶ πάντων, commonly admitting both readings. For the rest, Erasmus, not without manifest malice and impiety against Christ, endeavoured to disparage the authority of this apostolic passage, "whereby the eternal deity and majesty of Christ (says Theophylact) is openly established against Arian impiety." First, writing that Cyprian in Book 2 Against the Jews, Chapter 6, omits the mention of God; which nevertheless the editions emended from ancient manuscripts and published by Morel and Pamelius, and moreover Tertullian in his book Against Praxeas, Chapters 13 and 15, and Novatian in his book On the Trinity, Chapters 13 and 30, and this passage of Irenaeus convict of manifest imposture. Next, he conjectures that that word "God" was added by the translator of Origen, or by certain others; which the testimonies of the Fathers above, and the most ancient monuments of all the Latins and Greeks, prove to be most false. There stands, therefore, and will stand most firm and most plain on behalf of the true and everlasting divinity of Christ, against the Arians and their partisans, this testimony of the blessed Apostle.

Natum ex muliere. Graece est γεννώμενον. August. lib. De trinitate et unitate Dei, cap. 3 ; Cyprianus lib. II Adversus Judaeos, cap. 8, constanter cum Irenaeo « natum » interpretantur ; « factum » legunt Tertull. lib. De velandis virg. et Ambrosius lib. I De fide, cap. 6, et epist. 32, serm. 5, in psalm. CXVIII.

Born of a woman. In Greek it is γεννώμενον. Augustine in his book On the Trinity and Unity of God, Chapter 3, and Cyprian in Book 2 Against the Jews, Chapter 8, constantly with Irenaeus translate it "born"; Tertullian in his book On the Veiling of Virgins and Ambrose in Book 1 On the Faith, Chapter 6, and Epistle 32, Sermon 5 on Psalm 118, read "made."

Portante. His agnoscit ineffabilem eam unitionem, qua duplex natura, omni confusione semota, constat Domini nostri Jesu Christi unica hypostasis ; ut unus sit Filius Dei, et hominis filius.

Bearing. By these words he acknowledges that ineffable union whereby the twofold nature, with all confusion removed, subsists in the single hypostasis of our Lord Jesus Christ; so that He is one Son of God, and son of man.

Velociter. Vulgata editio, quae et litterae Hebraicae conformis est : « Accelera spolia detrahere, festina praedari. » Non possum hoc loco silentio praetermittere Calvini impietatem, qua caeco furore in Patres sanctos debacchatur, dum Christianos omnes scriptores nimis crasse hallucinatos esse scribit, qui vaticinium hoc ad Christum traxerunt. Siccine Judaicae caecitati faves ? haeccine omnium Scripturarum ad fidei analogiam accommodatio ?

Speedily. The Vulgate edition, which is also conformable to the Hebrew letter, has: "Make haste to take away the spoils, hasten to take prey." I cannot in this place pass over in silence the impiety of Calvin, whereby in blind fury he rages against the holy Fathers, when he writes that all the Christian writers who referred this prophecy to Christ blundered too grossly. Is it thus that you favour Jewish blindness? Is this the accommodation of all the Scriptures to the analogy of faith?

Editors' notes and page, col. 1651

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running head: 1651 VARIORUM NOTAE
marginal letters: A Ignatius et ipse; B tam in hoc; C auctoritatem elevare. Primo; D ter cum Irenaeo
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Ignatius et ipse, Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 18.

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Sed velint nolint spurii Synagogae filii, hanc interpretationem Patrum, Justini, Tertulliani, Hieronymi, Basilii, huic Irenaei omnino conformem, ambabus ulnis excipiemus.

Yet whether the spurious sons of the Synagogue wish it or not, we shall embrace with both arms this interpretation of the Fathers—Justin, Tertullian, Jerome, and Basil—altogether conformable to this one of Irenaeus.

Propter hoc et pueros. Parvulos innocentes intelligit, quorum quatuordecim millia, ut in liturgia sibi a B. Matthaeo relicta notant Aethiopes, et Graeci observant in Calendario suo, nefanda Herodis immanitate, Christus et ipse puer martyres consecravit. Hos namque Cyprianus et Augustinus appellant « Martyrum flores ; » nec diffitentur tyrannum plus eis profuisse odio, quam profuisset obsequio. Et Tertullianus ait : « Eos testimonium Christo sanguine suo litasse. »

On account of this also the children. He understands the innocent infants, fourteen thousand of whom, as the Ethiopians note in the liturgy left to them by Blessed Matthew, and as the Greeks observe in their Calendar, through the nefarious savagery of Herod, Christ, Himself also a child, consecrated as martyrs. For Cyprian and Augustine call these the "flowers of the martyrs"; nor do they deny that the tyrant profited them more by his hatred than he would have profited them by his favour. And Tertullian says: "That they offered testimony to Christ with their blood."

Et omnia in semetipso recapitulans. Alludit ad hunc Pauli locum Ephes. I, 10 : « Instaurare omnia in Christo ; » ubi Graecum verbum ἀνακεφαλαιώσασθαι, id est universam hominum et angelorum salutem, adeoque cunctam omnium rerum coelestium et terrestrium summam, ad unum Christum revocare, ac in eo unico comprehendere. Hieronymus Comm. in illum locum, verbum « recapitulare » post Irenaeum usurpans, miratur quamobrem in Latinis codicibus habeatur, « instaurare. »

And recapitulating all things in Himself. He alludes to this passage of Paul, Ephesians 1:10: "To restore all things in Christ"; where the Greek word is ἀνακεφαλαιώσασθαι, that is, to recall the universal salvation of men and angels, and accordingly the whole sum of all things heavenly and earthly, to the one Christ, and to comprehend them in Him alone. Jerome in his Commentary on that passage, using the word "to recapitulate" after Irenaeus, wonders why in the Latin manuscripts there is held "to restore [instaurare]."

Intempestivam festinationem. Non est, quod ex hoc loco putent Gnostici posteriores, Irenaeum B. Virginem Mariam alicujus vitii arguere ; cujus integritatis, pietatis, et fidei tantus assertor et vindex esse apparet infra lib. III, cap. 24, 25, 26, 27, 32, 33, et lib. IV, cap. 40, et lib. V. Nec enim culpat illius humanitatem, qua egentibus subventum cupiebat ; nec matrem esse abnegat Filius, cui subjici et parere non detrectavit : « Sed ille singulariter natus de patre sine matre, de matre sine patre, miraculum quod facturus erat, secundum divinitatem, quam non genuerat mater, facturus erat, non secundum infirmitatem ; ideo operaturus facta divina, » ait Augustinus, « non agnoscit viscera humana. » Et Justinus martyr responsione ad 136 quaest. orth. ait : « Illud : « Quid tibi et « mihi est, mulier ? » non ad objurgationem dictum est matri a Servatore, sed quasi hoc demonstrare vellet. Non nos ii sumus, qui curam suscepimus vini quod in nuptiis consumitur ; tamen prae amore si vis ne deficiat eos vinum, dic ministris ut faciant quae ego eis dixero, et videbis eis non deesse vinum ; id quod etiam accidit. Non ergo verbis matrem objurgavit, cum eam factis honorarit. » Sunt itaque Chrysostomi, Theophylacti ac Euthymii in hunc locum commentaria, quibus intempestivos affectus B. Mariae tribuere videntur, prudenter legenda ; cum praesertim sancta synodus Tridentina eos anathemate percusserit, qui eamdem in tota vita sua, omnia peccata, etiam venialia, ex speciali Dei privilegio vitasse, non asseruerint.

Untimely haste. There is no reason why later Gnostics should think from this passage that Irenaeus accuses the Blessed Virgin Mary of any fault; of whose integrity, piety, and faith he appears so great a champion and defender below in Book 3, Chapters 24, 25, 26, 27, 32, 33, and Book 4, Chapter 40, and Book 5. For neither does he blame her kindness, whereby she desired help to be given to those in need; nor does the Son deny that she is His mother, to whom He did not refuse to be subject and to obey: "But He, singularly born of the Father without a mother, of a mother without a father, was about to work the miracle that He was going to do according to the divinity, which His mother had not borne, not according to the infirmity; therefore, being about to work divine deeds," says Augustine, "He does not acknowledge human bowels." And Justin Martyr in his Answer to Question 136 to the Orthodox says: "That saying: 'What is it to you and to Me, woman?' was not spoken by the Saviour to His mother by way of rebuke, but as if He wished to show this: We are not the ones who have undertaken the care of the wine that is consumed at the wedding; nevertheless, out of love, if you wish that wine should not fail them, tell the servants to do whatsoever I shall say to them, and you shall see that wine is not lacking to them; which very thing also came to pass. Therefore He did not rebuke His mother in words, since He honoured her in deeds." Therefore the commentaries of Chrysostom, Theophylact, and Euthymius on this passage, in which they seem to attribute untimely affections to Blessed Mary, must be read prudently; especially since the holy Synod of Trent smote with anathema those who do not assert that throughout her whole life she avoided all sins, even venial ones, by a special privilege of God.

Deminoratione. Auctor. vet. cod. delevimus « Demiurgi ratione. »

By diminution. On the authority of the ancient manuscript we have deleted "by the reason of the Demiurge."

Deos quidem plures. Irenaeum imitatus Cyrillus Jeros. Valentinum triginta « Deorum praedicatorem » vocat, catech. 6.

Many gods indeed. Imitating Irenaeus, Cyril of Jerusalem calls Valentinus "the preacher of thirty gods," Catechesis 6.

Propter quod rursus. Locum hunc e Theodoreto Graece et Latine suo loco inseruimus.

Wherefore again. We have inserted this passage in Greek and Latin from Theodoret in its own place.

Habitat in nobis. Graeca Pauli lectio, ἐν ὑμῖν : et Vulgata Latina, « in vobis. » Et postea, « corpora vestra. » Sed Irenaeus seipsum aliis connumerans, personam ad institutum suum inflectit.

Dwells in us. The Greek reading of Paul is ἐν ὑμῖν: and the Latin Vulgate, "in you." And afterwards, "your bodies." But Irenaeus, numbering himself with the others, adapts the person to his purpose.

Ex Jo. Ern. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 18.

From the annotations of Jo. Ern. Grabe on Chapter 18.

Pag. 204. Christi autem. Ex hac citatione, indeque deducto argumento patet, Irenaeum nomen Ἰησοῦ, quod in nostris N. Test. exemplaribus Graecis expressum exstat, haud legisse, uti nec Vulgata Latina, neque Persica versio illud habet.

Page 204. Now of Christ. From this citation, and the argument deduced thence, it is clear that Irenaeus by no means read the name Ἰησοῦ, which stands expressed in our Greek copies of the New Testament, just as neither the Latin Vulgate nor the Persian version has it.

Pag. 205. Non enim ex voluntate.... Verbum caro

Page 205. For not from the will.... The Word was made flesh

Editors' notes and page, col. 1652

Footnotes

(36) ‹anchor: scera humana› · call in col 1652

Tract. 8 in Joan.

Tractate 8 on John.

(printed under page 834)

Page

running head: VARIORUM NOTAE 1652
marginal letters: A Sed velint nolint; B coelestium et terrestrium; C scera humana. »; D Deos quidem plures.
old-edition numerals: 132 after Christum
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Sed velint nolint, Ex Jo. Ern. Grabii

PG 7:1653

factum est. Ex hoc loco et cap. 21 hujus libri liquet, Irenaeum Joan. I, 13 legisse, ἐγεννήθη pro οἳ ἐγεννήθησαν : quomodo et Tertullianus lib. De carne Christi, cap. 19 et 24, allegavit.

From this passage and Chapter 21 of this book it is clear that Irenaeus in John 1:13 read ἐγεννήθη for οἳ ἐγεννήθησαν: just as Tertullian also alleged it in his book On the Flesh of Christ, Chapters 19 and 24.

Pag. 206. Aeternam. Vocem αἰώνιον, quae in nostris evangelicis codd. non exstat, Irenaeus in suo additam habuisse videtur, ut et Syrus, Arabs, aliique Orientales interpretes.

Page 206. Eternal. Irenaeus seems to have had the word αἰώνιον, which does not stand in our evangelical manuscripts, added in his own, as do the Syriac, Arabic, and other Oriental translators.

Non sunt ex nobis. Cognoscite ergo, etc. Haec Irenaeus ex memoria allegasse videtur.

They are not of us. Know therefore, etc. Irenaeus seems to have alleged these things from memory.

Derident. Id est ridendos propinant. Conjicio autem Irenaeum hic in Graeco lusisse paronomasia, in verbis καταγελῶσι, « derident, » et καταγγέλλουσι, « annuntiant, » quod mox sequitur.

They mock. That is, they set them forth to be laughed at. Now I conjecture that Irenaeus here in the Greek played upon a paronomasia in the words καταγελῶσι, "they mock," and καταγγέλλουσι, "they announce," which follows presently.

Consparsus. Graece πεφυρμένος, uti conjicio, « commistus, » id est « intime unitus, » quomodo Plutarcho in Romulo dicitur πεφυρμένη σώματι ψυχή.

Mingled together. In Greek πεφυρμένος, as I conjecture, "mingled together," that is, "intimately united," just as in Plutarch in the Romulus it is called πεφυρμένη σώματι ψυχή.

Invisibilis visibilis factus, etc. Ita plane et S. Ignatius in Epist. ad Polycarpum, pag. 12, scribit, τὸν ἀόρατον, τὸν δὲ δι' ἡμᾶς ὁρατόν· τὸν ἀψηλάφητον (supple ex interpolato exemplari, δι' ἡμᾶς δὲ ψηλαφητόν)· τὸν ἀπάθητον, τὸν δὲ δι' ἡμᾶς παθητόν.

The invisible made visible, etc. Quite thus St Ignatius also writes in his Epistle to Polycarp, page 12: τὸν ἀόρατον, τὸν δὲ δι' ἡμᾶς ὁρατόν· τὸν ἀψηλάφητον (supply from the interpolated copy, δι' ἡμᾶς δὲ ψηλαφητόν)· τὸν ἀπάθητον, τὸν δὲ δι' ἡμᾶς παθητόν.

Pag. 207. Extra dispositionem sunt. Id est alieni sunt a gratiosa Dei erga homines oeconomia, nec mysterium incarnationis Dei intelligentes, nec fructum ejus percipientes.

Page 207. Are outside the dispensation. That is, they are strangers to the gracious economy of God towards men, neither understanding the mystery of the incarnation of God, nor receiving its fruit.

Exierunt. Εἰσῆλθον habent nostra Novi Testam. exemplaria. Sed ἐξῆλθον cum Vulgato interprete legit Irenaeus ; aut hujus interpres illius auctoritatem secutus est.

Have gone out. Our copies of the New Testament have εἰσῆλθον. But Irenaeus reads ἐξῆλθον with the Vulgate translator; or the translator of the former followed the authority of the latter.

Videte eos. Irenaeus βλέπετε αὐτούς, non ἑαυτούς, legisse videtur, ita ut haereticos respicere, eosque vitare praeceperit S. Joannes, quomodo Paulus Phil. III, 2 : βλέπετε τοὺς κύνας, βλέπετε τοὺς κακοὺς ἐργάτας.

Look at them. Irenaeus seems to have read βλέπετε αὐτούς, not ἑαυτούς, so that St John commanded to beware of the heretics and to shun them, just as Paul says in Philippians 3:2: βλέπετε τοὺς κύνας, βλέπετε τοὺς κακοὺς ἐργάτας.

Ne perdatis quod operati estis. Hinc colligas, Irenaeum iterum contra quam in nostris exemplaribus in suo habuisse : ἵνα μὴ ἀπολέσητε, ἃ vel ὃ ἠργάσασθε, quomodo et Vulgatus, Syrus, Aethiops interpretes, atque Oecumenius in Comment. ad hunc locum expresserunt, et quomodo in codice Alex. scriptum est, alios ut taceam.

Lest you lose what you have wrought. Hence you may gather that Irenaeus again had in his copy, contrary to what is in our copies: ἵνα μὴ ἀπολέσητε, ἃ or ὃ ἠργάσασθε, just as the Vulgate, Syriac, and Ethiopic translators, and Oecumenius in his Commentary on this passage expressed it, and as is written in the Codex Alexandrinus, to say nothing of others.

De saeculo. Ex memoria Irenaeum ita allegasse puto, siquidem omnia exemplaria habent, εἰς τὸν κόσμον.

From the world. I think that Irenaeus alleged it thus from memory, seeing that all the copies have εἰς τὸν κόσμον.

Qui solvit Jesum Christum. Dubium est, utrum interpres ex Vulgata Latina ita reposuerit, an ipse Irenaeus jam in suo exemplari legerit, ὃ λύει τὸν Ἰησοῦν, quod sane in vetustissimis codd. locum habuisse fidem facit Socrates lib. VII Hist. eccles., cap. 32, nec dubitare nos sinit post Vulgatum interpretem Tertullianus lib. V Contra Marcionem, cap. 16, ubi memorat « Antichristi spiritus, negantes Christum in carne venisse, et solventes Jesum. » Ubi utramque lectionem jungere videtur, tam modo dictam, quam alteram in nostris exempl., ὃ μὴ ὁμολογεῖ τὸν Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν ἐν σαρκὶ ἐληλυθότα, quae maxime confirmatur per Epist. Polycarpi ad Philippenses, § 8.

Every spirit that dissolves Jesus Christ. It is doubtful whether the translator restored it thus from the Latin Vulgate, or whether Irenaeus himself already read in his copy ὃ λύει τὸν Ἰησοῦν, which Socrates in Book 7 of the Ecclesiastical History, Chapter 32, certainly gives credence to having had a place in the most ancient manuscripts, nor does Tertullian after the Vulgate translator allow us to doubt it in Book 5 Against Marcion, Chapter 16, where he mentions "spirits of Antichrist, denying that Christ has come in the flesh, and dissolving Jesus." Where he seems to join both readings, both the one just mentioned and the other in our copies, ὃ μὴ ὁμολογεῖ τὸν Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν ἐν σαρκὶ ἐληλυθότα, which is strongly confirmed by the Epistle of Polycarp to the Philippians, § 8.

Gratiae et justitiae. Χάριτος καὶ τῆς δωρεᾶς τῆς δικαιοσύνης, habent nostra Graeca. Irenaeus autem, perinde ut Origenes Comment. in Joan., pag. 354, τῆς δωρεᾶς haud agnoscunt, quod hae duae voces forte ob recurrentem articulum τῆς in illorum codd. per negligentiam scribae essent omissae. Nisi potius dicendum, quod interpres Irenaei, aut scriba eas omiserit, utpote desideratas in antiqua Latina Bibliorum versione, sicut ex Augustini lib. I De baptismo, cap. 13, colligitur.

Of grace and of righteousness. Our Greek copies have χάριτος καὶ τῆς δωρεᾶς τῆς δικαιοσύνης. Irenaeus, however, just like Origen in his Commentary on John, page 354, by no means acknowledges τῆς δωρεᾶς, because these two words had perhaps been omitted in their manuscripts through the negligence of a scribe on account of the recurring article τῆς. Unless rather one must say that the translator of Irenaeus, or a scribe, omitted them as being lacking in the ancient Latin version of the Bibles, as is gathered from Augustine, Book 1 On Baptism, Chapter 13.

In vitam. Haud puto Irenaeum legisse εἰς ζωήν, sed scribam ita exarasse, quod suum Latinorum Bibliorum exemplar ita haberet, prout hodienum

Unto life. I by no means think that Irenaeus read εἰς ζωήν, but that a scribe wrote it thus because his copy of the Latin Bibles had it so, just as I

Editors' notes and page, col. 1653

Page

running head: 1653 IN LIB. III S. IRENAEI.
marginal letters: A factum est. Ex; B tius in Epist.; C bus in suo; D tur, tam modo
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: factum est. Ex; ends mid-word ho- (continues in col. 1654)
other: the word hodienum was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 1654

PG 7:1654

in ms. Claromontano legi, ex doctissimi D. Millii N. T. didici.

have learned from the New Testament of the most learned Dr Mill that it is read even today in the Clermont manuscript.

A mortuis. Haud additur, « per gloriam Patris ; » sicut et in Tertull. lib. De resurrectione carnis, cap. 47, desideratur : unde ab Italica versione ita posuit interpres, vel potius scriba. Neque enim dubito, Irenaeum ἔτι scripsisse, ut nostri Novi Test. codd. habent, non εἴς τι, prouti Latinus interpres vitiose legisse videtur.

From the dead. There is not added, "through the glory of the Father"; just as it is also lacking in Tertullian, book On the Resurrection of the Flesh, Chapter 47: whence the translator, or rather a scribe, put it thus from the Old Latin version. For I do not doubt that Irenaeus wrote ἔτι, as our manuscripts of the New Testament have it, not εἴς τι, as the Latin translator seems faultily to have read.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 19.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardent on Chapter 19.

Pag. 208. Etenim potuerunt. Apostoli nihil unquam de duplici, aut etiam quadruplici Christo Salvatore tradiderunt, quale Gnostici comminiscebantur : sed disertis verbis referunt Spiritum sanctum in specie columbae super eum descendisse et permansisse, velut a prophetis praedictum fuerat. Eumdem quoque et apostolis, et Ecclesiae, et sacramento baptismi efficaciter adfuisse, quemadmodum iidem prophetae, et postea Christus ipse promiserat. Paulo post, « requiescet super eum, » pro « requiescet super me, » restituimus ex vet. cod. et Isaiae contextu.

Page 208. For they could. The apostles never handed down anything concerning a twofold, or even a fourfold Christ the Saviour, such as the Gnostics devised: but in express words they relate that the Holy Spirit descended upon Him in the form of a dove and remained, just as had been foretold by the prophets. And that the Same was also efficaciously present to the apostles, and to the Church, and to the sacrament of baptism, just as the same prophets, and afterwards Christ Himself, had promised. A little later, we have restored "shall rest upon Him" for "shall rest upon me," from the ancient manuscript and the text of Isaiah.

Et sicut arida. Aptissima similitudine necessarium esse gratiae divinae auxilium libero hominum arbitrio ostendit, quam secutus est alicubi Chrysostomus.

And as dry ground. By a most apt comparison he shows that the help of divine grace is necessary for the free will of men, which Chrysostom followed somewhere.

Corpora enim nostra. Caput hoc diligenter excutienti et perpendenti, inter caetera multa occurrunt tria, quae de baptismi sacramento Irenaeus affirmat. Primum, formam ejus omnino per Christum demandatam esse discipulis, dicentem eis : « Baptizate in nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti. » Ergo in Christum plane blasphemi sunt Hugnostici affirmantes magicum esse sacramentorum administrationem certis verbis alligare ; verbumque sacramentorum non esse aliud a verbo praedicationis ministri ex suggestu.

For our bodies. To one who diligently examines and weighs this chapter, among many other things there occur three which Irenaeus affirms concerning the sacrament of baptism. First, that its form was altogether enjoined upon the disciples by Christ, saying to them: "Baptize in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit." Therefore the Huguenot-Gnostics are plainly blasphemous against Christ when they affirm that it is magical to bind the administration of the sacraments to fixed words, and that the word of the sacraments is no different from the word of the preaching of a minister from the pulpit.

Secundum, hoc sacramentum tantae necessitatis esse, ut sine eo, nec Christo adhaerescere, nec in vitam aeternam pervenire valeamus : quod hic aliquot similibus exemplis, ac figuris comprobat Irenaeus. Cui subscribens Tertullianus ait : « Lex tinguendi proposita est, et forma praescripta : Ite, docete nationes, tinguentes eas, » etc. D. Augustinus vero scribit : « Dominus Christus apertissime dixit : « Nisi quis renatus fuerit ex aqua et « Spiritu sancto, non intrabit in regnum coelo« rum. » Exempla Cornelii, discipulorum Joannis Baptistae, et aliorum ante susceptum hoc lavacrum sanctificatorum, necessitatem ejus comprobant. Hinc rursum Augustinus : « Noli credere, noli dicere, noli docere, infantes, antequam baptizentur, morte praeventos, pervenire posse ad originalium indulgentiam peccatorum, si vis esse catholicus. » Turpissime rursum ergo fallunt et falluntur Hugnostici, sectatorum suorum parvulis sine baptismo decedentibus pro certo salutem repromittentes.

Second, that this sacrament is of such great necessity that without it we can neither cleave to Christ nor attain to eternal life: which Irenaeus here proves by several comparisons, examples, and figures. Concurring with him, Tertullian says: "The law of baptizing has been laid down, and the form prescribed: Go, teach the nations, baptizing them," etc. And St Augustine writes: "The Lord Christ most openly said: 'Unless a man be born again of water and the Holy Spirit, he shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven.'" The examples of Cornelius, of the disciples of John the Baptist, and of others sanctified before receiving this laver, prove its necessity. Hence Augustine says again: "Do not believe, do not say, do not teach that infants prevented by death before they are baptized can attain to the pardon of original sins, if you wish to be a Catholic." Most shamefully again, therefore, do the Huguenot-Gnostics deceive and are deceived, when they promise salvation for certain to the infants of their followers who die without baptism.

Tertium, quod constanter asserit Irenaeus, est hujus sacramenti multiplex virtus ac efficientia. Est enim in eo potestas regenerationis et renovationis humanae, unum efficit cum Christo, eo ut coelesti pluvia rigamur et fecundamur, facitque salire in vitam aeternam, etc. Itaque etiam atque etiam foede hallucinantur iidem Hugnostici, omnem ab eo efficaciam subtrahentes, ac ita suffurantes, ut evanidum tantum symbolum prius acceptae gratiae remaneat.

The third thing that Irenaeus constantly asserts is the manifold power and efficacy of this sacrament. For in it is the power of human regeneration and renewal; it makes us one with Christ; by it as by heavenly rain we are watered and made fruitful; and it makes us spring up into eternal life, etc. Therefore again and again those same Huguenot-Gnostics foully blunder, withdrawing all efficacy from it, and so pilfering it away that only a vanishing symbol of grace previously received remains.

Sed fornicata est. Non secundas, vel tertias damnat nuptias ; sed multorum adulteriorum ream Samaritidem intelligit, licet Athanasius quaest. 59 ad Antioch. quinque priores maritos legitimos putet.

But she committed fornication. He does not condemn second or third marriages; but understands the Samaritan woman as guilty of many adulteries, although Athanasius in Question 59 to Antiochus thinks that the first five husbands were lawful.

Hanc muneris. Concinna est haec allusio roris

This [grace] of the gift. Neat is this allusion of that dew

Editors' notes and page, col. 1654

Footnotes

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Joan. I.

John 1.

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Luc. III; Matth. III.

Luke 3; Matt. 3.

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(39) ‹anchor: Spiritus sancti› · call in col 1654

Matth. XXVIII, 19.

Matt. 28:19.

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(40) ‹anchor: tinguentes eas› · call in col 1654

Lib. De bapt.

The book On Baptism.

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(41) ‹anchor: vero scribit› · call in col 1654

Epist. 10.

Letter 10.

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Joan. III.

John 3.

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Lib. iii De origine animae, cap. 9.

On the Origin of the Soul, book 3, chapter 9.

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illius, ad gratiam coelestem et charitatem, quae per Spiritum sanctum diffunditur in corda credentium, alias plus satis arida et sterilia. Id autem praevisum et praesignatum olim a Patribus, nullus inficiabitur, qui Paulo crediderit, affirmanti omnia in figuram antiquis contigisse, legemque umbram fuisse futurorum bonorum. Quod vero ad hanc Gedeonis velleris piam accommodationem attinet, Irenaeum imitatur Augustinus quaest. 49 in lib. Judicum ; lib. XII Contra Faustum, cap. 32 ; lib. De unitate Eccles., cap. 5 ; Comment. in psal. XLV et LXXI ; serm. 2, de verbis Apostoli ; et serm. 108, de tempore ; Ambros. prologo in librum I De Spiritu sancto ; Hieronymus epist. ad Paulinum, de instit. monachi ; et ex Graecis Theodoretus quaest. 14 in Judic. Origenes hom. 1 in Judic. Haec adnotare visum est in Gallasii malevolentiam, qui, ut perpetuo Patrum auctoritati detrahat, hic levitatis accusare non veretur beatum hunc martyrem.

to the heavenly grace and charity which is poured forth through the Holy Spirit into the hearts of believers, otherwise more than sufficiently dry and barren. And that this was foreseen and foresignified of old by the Fathers, no one will deny who believes Paul when he affirms that all things happened to the ancients in figure, and that the law was a shadow of the good things to come. Now as regards this pious accommodation of Gideon's fleece, Augustine imitates Irenaeus in Question 49 on the book of Judges; Book 12 Against Faustus, Chapter 32; his book On the Unity of the Church, Chapter 5; his Commentary on Psalms 45 and 71; Sermon 2 on the Words of the Apostle; and Sermon 108 on the Season; Ambrose in the prologue to Book 1 On the Holy Spirit; Jerome in his epistle to Paulinus on the institution of a monk; and among the Greeks Theodoret in Question 14 on Judges, and Origen in Homily 1 on Judges. It seemed good to note these things against the malevolence of des Gallars, who, in order perpetually to detract from the authority of the Fathers, is not afraid here to accuse this blessed martyr of levity.

Et super vellus lanae. Ita vet. cod., excusi habebant, « e superiori vellus lanam. »

And upon the fleece of wool. Thus the ancient manuscript; the printed editions had, "from the upper the fleece wool."

Ut per Spiritum imaginem et inscriptionem, etc. Quid si nomine imaginis et inscriptionis in baptismo susceptae, hoc loco signum illud spirituale ac perpetuum animis Christianis impressum Irenaeus intelligat, quod alii « characterem » appellant ? Libenter enim ad illum etiam refero, quod ejusdem saeculi scriptor Tertullianus dicit : « Caro (in baptismo sacro chrismatis et crucis signo) signatur, ut anima muniatur. » Sed nullam mihi cavillationem admittere posse videntur haec Cyrilli Jerosolym. de eodem charactere verba : « Accede ad baptismum, non tantum vultum istum visibilem baptizantium respiciens, sed memineris Spiritus sancti. Hic enim paratus adest obsignare animam tuam, et dare tibi signaculum, quod daemones tremunt, coeleste quoddam et divinum, sicut scriptum est : « In quo etiam credentes signati estis « Spiritu sancto promissionis, » etc.

That through the Spirit the image and superscription, etc. What if under the name of the image and superscription received in baptism, Irenaeus in this place understands that spiritual and perpetual mark impressed upon Christian souls, which others call the "character"? For I gladly refer to it also what Tertullian, a writer of the same century, says: "The flesh (in baptism by the sacred sign of chrism and the cross) is signed, so that the soul may be fortified." Yet these words of Cyril of Jerusalem concerning the same character seem to me capable of admitting no cavilling: "Approach baptism, looking not only at this visible countenance of those who baptize, but remember the Holy Spirit. For He is present ready to seal your soul, and to give you the seal at which the demons tremble, a heavenly and divine one, as it is written: 'In Whom also believing you were sealed with the Holy Spirit of promise,'" etc.

Spiritu itaque descendente. Isthaec, usque ad illud, « et subdivisiones excogitaverunt, » transcripsit Theodoretus dial. 1, quae et nos apponi curavimus.

The Spirit therefore descending. Theodoret in Dialogue 1 transcribed these things down to those words, "and devised subdivisions," which we also have taken care to set down.

Pag. 209. Et oportebit. Expunximus « oportebat ; » et aliquanto post « assectionis » delevimus, et « affectionis » reposuimus auct. vet. cod.

Page 209. And it will behove. We have expunged "it behoved"; and somewhat later we have deleted "of accompanying [assectionis]," and restored "of affection," on the authority of the ancient manuscript.

Lacte gypsum miscetur. Proverbium est, non hinc dissimile : « Lethale mulsum ; » id omne significans, quod boni specie, perniciem affert. Gypsum enim praesens venenum habere docet Plinius libro XXXVI, cap. 24, quod cum lacte mistum fuerit, fallit.

Gypsum is mixed with milk. It is a proverb, not unlike this one: "Deadly honeyed wine"; signifying everything that under the guise of good brings destruction. For Pliny in Book 36, Chapter 24, teaches that gypsum contains an immediate poison, which when mixed with milk escapes detection.

Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 20.

Annotations of the same on Chapter 20.

Pag. 209. Ostenso. Sic ex veteri cod. restituimus, ut sit anacephaleosis eorum, quae superioribus dixerat. Expunximus itaque « ostensio. » Scribit autem Filium Dei nequaquam tunc incoepisse esse, cum carnem nostram assumpsit ; sed Patri semper coexstitisse ; hominem vero factum esse, ut id repararetur, quod in Adam amissum erat. Item, unum ac eumdem esse Filium Dei et hominis, salutis nostrae auctorem, vere passum pro nobis, ut et apostoli vere passi sunt pro nomine ipsius.

Page 209. Having been shown. Thus we have restored from the ancient manuscript, so that it is a recapitulation of the things that he had said in the preceding chapters. Therefore we have expunged "showing." Now he writes that the Son of God by no means began to exist at the time when He assumed our flesh; but always coexisted with the Father; and was made man so that what had been lost in Adam might be repaired. Likewise, that the Son of God and of man is one and the same, the author of our salvation, having truly suffered for us, just as the apostles also truly suffered for His name.

Ut quod perdideramus in Adam. Videtur asserere, peccato Adae perditam esse in eo ac posteris ejus imaginem Dei, quod et Origenes dicitur postea sensisse, scribens tomo III in Genes. : « Homo imaginem Dei, ad quam conditus fuerat, peccando amisit. » Augustinus quoque, lib. VI De Genesi ad litteram, cap. 27 et 28, scribit : « Adam per peccatum perdidit imaginem Dei in spiritu mentis impressam, secundum quam creatus est. » Hoc ipsum ante illos tradere videtur Philo Judaeus, De opificio sex dierum.

That what we had lost in Adam. He seems to assert that by the sin of Adam the image of God was lost in him and his posterity, which Origen also is said to have held afterwards, writing in Tome 3 on Genesis: "Man by sinning lost the image of God, to which he had been created." Augustine also, in Book 6 On Genesis according to the Letter, Chapters 27 and 28, writes: "Adam through sin lost the image of God impressed in the spirit of his mind, according to which he was created." Philo the Jew before them seems to hand down this very thing, On the Creation of the Six Days.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1655

Footnotes

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Lib. de resur. carn., cap. 8.

On the Resurrection of the Flesh, chapter 8.

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(45) ‹anchor: eodem charactere verba› · call in col 1655

Catech. 17.

Catechesis 17.

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(46) ‹anchor: Spiritu sancto promissionis› · call in col 1655

Ephes. I, 13.

Eph. 1:13.

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L. vi de Gen., c. 24 et 27.

On Genesis [On the Literal Meaning of Genesis], book 6, chapters 24 and 27.

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Sed bene habet, quod Epiphanius ante mille et trecentos annos istam Origenis opinionem inter errores ejus recensuit, et Augustinus libro secundo Retractation., cap. 24, priorem sententiam illam emolliens et mitigans scribat, eam non sic accipiendam esse, tanquam nulla remaneat imago : sed quod tam deformis et obscura facta sit, ut reformatione opus habeat. Perditam ergo illam scribit Irenaeus, quantum ad gratiae, justitiae et pietatis infusa initio clarissima ornamenta, quibus Deum referre debuit ; non quantum ad substantiam, ipsumque fundamentum imaginis, ut ex libri quinti capite sexto promptum est colligere. Hoc velut explicans et comprobans ait Augustinus : « Recipimus justitiam, ex qua per peccatum lapsus est homo. » Et rursum : « Hanc imaginem in spiritu mentis impressam, amisit Adam per peccatum, quam recipimus per gratiam justitiae. »

Yet it is well that Epiphanius thirteen hundred years ago reckoned that opinion of Origen among his errors, and that Augustine in the second book of his Retractations, Chapter 24, softening and mitigating that former opinion, writes that it is not to be taken as though no image remained: but that it has become so deformed and obscured that it has need of reformation. Therefore Irenaeus writes that it was lost as regards the most bright ornaments of grace, righteousness, and piety infused in the beginning, whereby he ought to have reflected God; not as regards the substance and the very foundation of the image, as it is easy to gather from the sixth chapter of the fifth book. As if explaining and proving this, Augustine says: "We receive back the righteousness from which man fell through sin." And again: "This image impressed in the spirit of his mind Adam lost through sin, which we receive back through the grace of righteousness."

Quia enim non erat possibile. Duas voces « impossibile » et « obedientiam, » auctoritate veteris codicis removere non dubitavimus, oppositasque « possibile » et « inobedientiam » substituere, ut sensus sit : necessarium fuisse hominibus Christum redemptorem, cum tanto muneri facere satis nequivisset ullus alius ab eo. Atque hanc esse Irenaei mentem manifestissime indicant ea, quae in calce hujus capitis habentur. Irenaeo subscribit Athanasius orat. 3 contra Arianos, et initio libri De incarnatione Verbi ; sed accurate disputationem hanc pertractat Anselmus duobus libris, quibus nomen dedit : Cur Deus homo. D. Petrus apud Clementem lib. I Recogn. asserit, « impossibile fuisse mortalium mala purgari per alium. » Consentit his verbis Augustinus : « Necesse erat illum hominem esse, qui occidi posset ; et Deum, qui mori nequiret. »

For because it was not possible. On the authority of the ancient manuscript we have not hesitated to remove the two words "impossible" and "obedience," and to substitute their opposites "possible" and "disobedience," so that the sense is: that Christ the Redeemer was necessary for men, since no one else besides Him could have satisfied so great an office. And that this is the mind of Irenaeus, the things that are held at the end of this chapter most manifestly indicate. Athanasius concurs with Irenaeus in Oration 3 Against the Arians, and at the beginning of his book On the Incarnation of the Word; and Anselm treats this disputation accurately in two books, to which he gave the name: Why God Became Man. St Peter in Clement, Book 1 of the Recognitions, asserts "that it was impossible for the evils of mortals to be purged through another." Augustine agrees in these words: "It was necessary that He should be man, Who could be slain; and God, Who could not die."

Et incarnatus. Octo has voces ex vet. cod. restituimus.

And made incarnate. We have restored these eight words from the ancient manuscript.

Affingitur. Expunximus « affigitur ; » et mox « Horo, id est fini » reposuimus pro « loro, id est funi, » auct. vet. cod.

Is fashioned unto. We have expunged "is fastened to"; and shortly after we have restored "to Horos, that is, the limit," for "to a thong, that is, a rope," on the authority of the ancient manuscript.

Manifestum est igitur. Haec Theodoretus in dialogo 3 ex Irenaeo nominatim transcribit, usque ad illud : « et iterum, et periet infirmus, » etc., ut suo loco posuimus.

It is manifest therefore. Theodoret in Dialogue 3 transcribes these things by name from Irenaeus, down to those words: "and again, and the weak shall perish," etc., as we have set down in its own place.

Pag. 210. Et periet. Veter. cod. auctoritate sic pro « pereat » non dubitavimus reponere, cum et Graece sit καὶ ἀπολεῖται, et hujusmodi verborum formas prisci scriptores ecclesiastici frequenter usurparint. Arnobius Comment. in psal. XX : « Fructus eorum qui increduli perseverant, a terra perient. » Et in psal. LXXI., in tribus lineis, quater « floriet » usurpat. Lucifer Calarit. lib. I, pro Athanasio : « Memoria impiorum periet. » Conqueritur Augustinus, quod de ore cantantium suae dioeceseos populorum auferre non potuerit ; « Super ipsum autem floriet sanctificatio mea ; » adeo huic voci assueverant. Paulo post etiam « decubuit, » loco « discubuit » substituimus, ex vet. cod.

Page 210. And shall perish [periet]. On the authority of the ancient manuscript we have not hesitated to restore this for "may perish [pereat]," since both in Greek it is καὶ ἀπολεῖται, and the ancient ecclesiastical writers frequently used forms of verbs of this sort. Arnobius in his Commentary on Psalm 20: "The fruit of those who persevere in unbelief shall perish [perient] from the earth." And on Psalm 71, within three lines, he uses "shall flourish [floriet]" four times. Lucifer of Cagliari, Book 1 on behalf of Athanasius: "The memory of the impious shall perish [periet]." Augustine complains that he could not take away from the mouth of the singing peoples of his diocese, "But upon him shall My sanctification flourish [floriet]"; so accustomed had they become to this word. A little later we have also substituted "lay down [decubuit]" in place of "reclined at table [discubuit]," from the ancient manuscript.

In Christi nomine. Eadem fere ad verbum docet Ambrosius lib. I De Spiritu sancto, cap. 3.

In the name of Christ. Ambrose teaches almost the same things word for word in Book 1 On the Holy Spirit, Chapter 3.

Salvaverit. Delevimus « salvabit ; » et infra « timete, » pro « timentes » vet. cod. auct. substituimus.

Shall have saved. We have deleted "shall save"; and below we have substituted "fear ye" for "fearing," on the authority of the ancient manuscript.

Qui flagellari et occidi haberent. Id est flagellandi et occidendi erant. Sic et infra, « et nos eum incipiemus vere pati, » incipere pati, est passurum esse, ut Joan. IV, 47 : ἤμελλε γὰρ ἀποθνήσκειν, « incipiebat enim mori ; » et Lucae VII, 2, δοῦλος ἤμελλε τελευτᾶν, « servus erat moriturus. »

Who were to be scourged and slain. That is, who were about to be scourged and slain. So too below, "and we shall begin truly to suffer Him," to begin to suffer is to be about to suffer, as in John 4:47: ἤμελλε γὰρ ἀποθνήσκειν, "for he was beginning to die"; and Luke 7:2, δοῦλος ἤμελλε τελευτᾶν, "a servant was about to die."

Qui confunderentur. Vetus cod. simpliciter habet, « confunderent confessionem ejus. » Atque ita fere legit Tertullianus : « Salvus sum, ait, si non confundar

Who would be ashamed. The ancient manuscript has simply, "would confound the confession of Him." And almost thus reads Tertullian: "I am saved, says he, if I be not ashamed

Editors' notes and page, col. 1656

Footnotes

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Lib. xiii de Trinit., cap. 14.

On the Trinity, book 13, chapter 14.

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de Domino meo. Qui me (inquit) confusus fuerit, et ego ejus, » etc.

be ashamed of my Lord. Whoever (he says) shall have been ashamed of me, I also of him," etc.

Ut etiam martyres spernant. Observa quam graviter priorum Gnosticorum temeritatem damnet, qui prae se nihilo faciebant beatissimos martyres, qui Christianae pietatis ergo tot labores subierant. Quid ergo dixisset, si posteriorum Gnosticorum censuras, cachinnos, sacrilegia et saevitias vidisset; quibus illorum scripta damnant, pietatem exsibilant, memorias diruunt, et venerandas reliquias, effossis sepulcris, ignibus, cloacis, vel feris tradunt; pientissima scripta, aut damnant, aut lacerant, aut corrumpunt; miracula daemonum praestigiis tribuunt; studiosa exercitia, periculosas superstitiones vocant; exempla, disciplinam, et doctrinam, idololatriae seminaria, et Antichristi notas appellant; necnon damnatos esse omnes, si ab istis ante supremam horam non resipuerint, non verentur vociferari et scribere?

That they even despise the martyrs. Observe how gravely he condemns the rashness of the earlier Gnostics, who in comparison with themselves accounted as nothing the most blessed martyrs, who on account of Christian piety had undergone so many labours. What then would he have said, if he had seen the censures, jeers, sacrileges, and cruelties of the later Gnostics; whereby they condemn their writings, hiss off their piety, demolish their memorials, and hand over their venerable relics, after digging up their tombs, to fires, sewers, or wild beasts; either condemn, or tear up, or corrupt their most pious writings; attribute their miracles to the juggleries of demons; call their zealous exercises dangerous superstitions; term their examples, discipline, and doctrine seminaries of idolatry and marks of Antichrist; and moreover do not fear to shout aloud and write that all are damned if they have not repented of these things before their last hour?

Et ne videar haec illis gratis affingere, ecce ab aliquot discipulis Lutheri, novissimorum Gnosticorum parentis, collecta et publicata tam diversa, quam adversa et perversa illius de cunctis fere Patribus, martyribus et antiquis Ecclesiae catholicae doctoribus judicia : « Dionysius multa garrit de nominibus divinis, de coelesti et Eccles. hierarchia. Ita eum appellaverunt Diviniloquum : sed sunt mera somnia, nec fuit Pauli discipulus, nec martyr. Tertullianus horridus, ferus, sine ingenio, sine doctrina, sine sensu communi. Cyprianus est infirmus theologus. Cypriani et Tertulliani aetate coepit degenerare Ecclesia. Origenem jampridem excommunicavi. In toto Origene non est unum verbum de Christo. In Athanasio nihil singulare fuit. Basilius nihil plane valet. Totus est monachus. Illum ne pili quidem facio. Nazianzenus in sua poesi versatus, nihil sincere de Deo scripsit. Hieronymus inter Ecclesiae doctores censeri non debet : fuit enim haereticus. Homo fuit nullius judicii aut diligentiae. Multa impie scribit. Ea fuit oscitantia et hebetudo ejus in Scripturis intelligendis, more suo Judaicas caecitates pro historico sensu, deinde suas ineptias pro allegoria obtrudit. De fide, veraque religione et doctrina, ne verbum quidem in ipsius scriptis exstat. Nullum inter Patres scio, cui ita sim inimicus, atque Hieronymo. Nihil enim scribit nisi de jejunio, de delectu ciborum, et de virginitate. Multi libri Augustini nihil sunt. Chrysostomum nullo loco habeo, nihil est nisi loquaculus. Nihil prope scribit, quod purum sit. Libri ejus nihil aliud sunt, quam chaos, et saccus plenus verborum, ubi nihil est in recessu. Gregorii conciones ne teruncium quidem valent. Diabolus eum in dialogo suo crasse decepit, » etc. Obsecro, quis tam patiens ac mitis, cui tam diabolica maledicta et infernalia probra in sanctos Dei servos jacta, stomachum non moverent? Quis tantas calumnias, tetrasque injurias in sanctissima sanctissimi Spiritus Dei organa, vivaque instrumenta, aequo animo ferret? Quis non ab ipsomet Satana, quem sibi frequenter locutum esse Lutherus gloriatur et scribit, in pectore oreque Lutheri immissas pro certo sibi persuadebit? O si adhuc hic nobiscum versaretur B. martyr Irenaeus, quam jure, quam merito Lutherum cum Marcione, appellaret os diaboli! Quoties, si haec nobiscum sanctissimus Polycarpus audiret, cum gemitibus suum illud ingeminaret : « O Deus bone, in quaenam servasti me tempora, ut isthaec blasphema sustineam? » Sed aderit procul dubio, aderit brevi tempore Christus judex vivorum et mortuorum, qui et sanctorum servorum suorum gloriam vindicabit, et haeresiarcharum ora blasphema sempiternis ignibus obturabit.

And lest I should seem gratuitously to fasten these things upon them, behold the judgements of Luther, the parent of the latest Gnostics, concerning almost all the Fathers, martyrs, and ancient doctors of the Catholic Church, as diverse as they are adverse and perverse, collected and published by several of his disciples: "Dionysius prattles much about the divine names, about the heavenly and ecclesiastical hierarchy. Thus they called him the Divine Speaker: but they are mere dreams, nor was he a disciple of Paul, nor a martyr. Tertullian is rough, wild, without genius, without learning, without common sense. Cyprian is a weak theologian. In the age of Cyprian and Tertullian the Church began to degenerate. Origen I have long since excommunicated. In the whole of Origen there is not one word about Christ. In Athanasius there was nothing remarkable. Basil is worth nothing at all. He is wholly a monk. I do not value him even at a hair. Nazianzen, busied in his poetry, wrote nothing sincerely about God. Jerome ought not to be reckoned among the doctors of the Church: for he was a heretic. He was a man of no judgement or diligence. He writes many things impiously. Such was his drowsiness and dullness in understanding the Scriptures, after his manner he obtrudes Jewish blindnesses for the historical sense, and then his own follies for allegory. Concerning faith, and true religion and doctrine, not even a word is extant in his writings. I know none among the Fathers to whom I am so hostile as to Jerome. For he writes nothing except about fasting, about the choice of meats, and about virginity. Many books of Augustine are nothing. Chrysostom I hold in no account, he is nothing but a prater. He writes almost nothing that is pure. His books are nothing else than a chaos, and a sack full of words, where there is nothing in the background. The sermons of Gregory are not worth even a farthing. The devil grossly deceived him in his dialogue," etc. I beseech you, who is so patient and mild that such diabolical curses and infernal reproaches cast against the holy servants of God would not move his indignation? Who could bear with an even mind such great calumnies and foul injuries against the most holy organs and living instruments of the most holy Spirit of God? Who will not persuade himself for certain that they were put into the breast and mouth of Luther by Satan himself, who Luther boasts and writes frequently spoke with him? O if the blessed martyr Irenaeus were still conversing here with us, how justly, how deservedly would he call Luther, along with Marcion, the mouth of the devil! How often, if the most holy Polycarp heard these things with us, would he repeat with groans that saying of his: "O good God, unto what times hast Thou kept me, that I should endure these blasphemous things?" But without doubt Christ the Judge of the living and the dead will be present, will be present in a short time, Who will both vindicate the glory of His holy servants and stop the blasphemous mouths of the heresiarchs with everlasting fires.

Et substent omnia. Billius legendum putat, « substant; » quod verbum quidem barbarum est, sed de Graeco ὑφίστανται, id est sustinent, expressum. Quae

And all things endure. Billy thinks we should read "substant"; which word indeed is barbarous, but rendered from the Greek ὑφίστανται, that is, sustinent [they endure]. What

Editors' notes and page, col. 1657

Footnotes

(49) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot crops› · call in col 1657

Lib. de carne Christi.

The book On the Flesh of Christ.

(printed under page 837)

(50) ‹anchor: crasse decepit› · call in col 1657

Pet. Rebenstock lib. Colloq.; Aurifaber l. Colloq. mensalium Lutheri.

Peter Rebenstock, book of the Colloquies; Aurifaber, book of Luther's Table Talk.

(printed under page 837)

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autem sequuntur, « quos et concedimus ipsis martyribus, » mendum plane olere : sed quod citra melioris exemplaris opem deleri nequeat.

follows, however, "whom we also grant to the martyrs themselves," plainly savours of a fault: yet one which cannot be removed without the aid of a better copy.

Pag. 211. Si enim non vere passus. Hunc errorem ante Irenaeum refellit passim in epistolis Ignatius : postea omnium acerrime Tertullianus toto libro De carne Christi ; et in calce libri IV Contra Marcionem.

Page 211. For if He did not truly suffer. This error before Irenaeus is refuted everywhere in his epistles by Ignatius: afterwards most sharply of all by Tertullian in his whole book On the Flesh of Christ; and at the end of Book 4 Against Marcion.

Haerere itaque fecit. Adorandum mysterium de duabus in Christo conjunctis naturis, illiusque causas, hoc loco erudite describit ; quod et Justinus martyr non minus eleganter quam acute praestiterat lib. De confessione fidei et Trinit. Isthaec nominatim ex Irenaeo desumit Theodoretus dialogo 2, usque ad illud : « qua enim ratione filiorum adoptionis, » etc.

He therefore caused to cleave. The adorable mystery concerning the two natures conjoined in Christ, and the causes thereof, he learnedly describes in this passage; which Justin Martyr also had performed no less elegantly than acutely in his book On the Confession of Faith and the Trinity. These things Theodoret takes from Irenaeus, citing him by name, in Dialogue 2, down to that passage: "for in what way of the adoption of sons," etc.

Esset. Delevimus « esse. »

Might be. We deleted "to be."

In carne natum. Expunximus « incarnatum. »

Born in the flesh. We expunged "incarnate."

Non enim Spiritu. Tres has voces adjecimus.

For not by the Spirit. We added these three words.

Qui inciperet occidere. Id est qui peccatum occisurus et omnino deleturus erat.

Who was about to kill. That is, Who was about to kill and utterly destroy sin.

Sic igitur. Excusi codices, « si igitur. »

So therefore. The printed codices have "if therefore."

Antiquam. Ita pro « antequam, » veteris cod. auct. restituimus.

Ancient. Thus for "before," we restored on the authority of the old codex.

Ex Joan. Ern. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 20.

From the annotations of Joan. Ern. Grabe on chap. 20.

Pag. 209. Christum Jesum crucifixum. Ἰησοῦν in nostris N. Testam. codd. non legimus ; unde et haec verba Irenaeum memoriter citasse dicerem, nisi Clemens Alex. quoque lib. I Strom. pag. 313, cum hac additione illa allegasset.

Page 209. Christ Jesus crucified. We do not read Ἰησοῦν [Jesus] in our New Testament codices; whence I would say that Irenaeus cited these words too from memory, had not Clement of Alexandria also in Book 1 of the Stromata, page 313, alleged them with this addition.

Propheta. Nec nomen, neque locum prophetae indicarunt Irenaei editores. Est autem Jeremiae cap. XVII, vers. 9, ubi LXX habent : καὶ ἄνθρωπός ἐστι καὶ τίς γνώσεται αὐτόν; legentes nempe אנוש non אנש, uti modo Masoreticus codex habet. Ad Christum autem haec verba applicarunt prisci Patres, inde probantes, « quod homo sit Dominus atque Salvator, secundum dispensationem carnis assumptae, » teste Hieronymo in Comment. ad hunc locum, et animadvertente, « id bono voto eos, sed non secundum scientiam fecisse. » Atqui post Irenaeum nostrum ita fecerunt Tertullianus lib. Contra Judaeos, cap. 14, lib. De carne Christi, cap. 15, lib. III Contra Marcionem, cap. 7, et Cyprianus lib. II Testim. contra Judaeos, cap. 10.

The prophet. The editors of Irenaeus have indicated neither the name nor the place of the prophet. Now it is Jeremiah chap. 17, verse 9, where the Septuagint has: καὶ ἄνθρωπός ἐστι καὶ τίς γνώσεται αὐτόν; [and he is a man, and who shall know him?], reading namely אנוש [enosh, man] not אנש [anush, desperate], as the Masoretic codex now has. Now the ancient Fathers applied these words to Christ, proving thence "that the Lord and Saviour is a man, according to the dispensation of the flesh assumed," as Jerome witnesses in his Commentary on this passage, while observing "that they did this with good desire, yet not according to knowledge." And yet after our Irenaeus there did thus Tertullian in his book Against the Jews, chap. 14, his book On the Flesh of Christ, chap. 15, Book 3 Against Marcion, chap. 7, and Cyprian in Book 2 of Testimonies against the Jews, chap. 10.

Pag. 110. Servare eas, quae ad eum essent, confessiones. Id est « observare, » ne eum coram hominibus negent.

Page 110. To keep those confessions which were towards Him. That is, "to observe," lest they deny Him before men.

Concedimus. Id est « committimus, » uti lib. II, cap. 49, et alibi. Explicat autem Irenaeus semetipsum, dum addit, Christum hanc S. martyribus illatam injuriam vindicaturum, quando una cum illis secundo venerit ad gloriam ; ubi non solum ipse, sed et hi sedebunt judicaturi mundum, juxta Apocal. XX, 4. Quem sensum, cum non assequeretur Billius, textum corruptum esse frustra suspicatus est, lib. II Observat. sacr., cap. 5.

We grant. That is, "we commit," as in Book 2, chap. 49, and elsewhere. Moreover Irenaeus explains himself when he adds that Christ will avenge this injury inflicted upon the holy martyrs, when together with them He shall come a second time to glory; where not only He Himself, but they also shall sit to judge the world, according to Apocalypse 20:4. Which sense, since Billy did not grasp it, he in vain suspected the text to be corrupt, in Book 2 of Sacred Observations, chap. 5.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 21.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardent on chap. 21.

Pag. 212. Rursus autem. Carpocratem et asseclas oppugnat hoc loco ; uberius autem infra cap. 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, quorum haereses descripserat lib. I, cap. 24. Adversus hanc haeresim nominatim confligit Justinus martyr in Dialogo, et postea Tertull., Epiph., Theodoretus.

Page 212. And again. He attacks Carpocrates and his followers in this passage; and more fully below in chaps. 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, whose heresies he had described in Book 1, chap. 24. Against this heresy Justin Martyr contends by name in the Dialogue, and afterwards Tertullian, Epiphanius, and Theodoret.

Contendit autem hoc capite Irenaeus, illos nec peccatorum remissionem, nec adoptionem filiorum Dei, imo nec jus beatae resurrectionis assequi, qui Christum filium Joseph constituunt. Duplex igitur in eo agnoscenda et profitenda est nativitas, duplex natura, et substantia in unitate personae.

Now Irenaeus contends in this chapter that those obtain neither the remission of sins, nor the adoption of sons of God, nay nor the right of a blessed resurrection, who make Christ the son of Joseph. A twofold nativity, therefore, must be acknowledged and professed in Him, a twofold nature, and substance in unity of person.

Observandum quoque non modo Irenaei, sed et omnium theologorum sententiam esse, purum nudumque hominem non potuisse redemptionis humanae officium adimplere ; sed necesse fuisse, ut id

It must also be observed that it is the opinion not only of Irenaeus, but also of all theologians, that a mere and bare man could not fulfil the office of human redemption; but that it was necessary that

Editors' notes and page, col. 1658

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marginal letters: A autem sequuntur, « quos; B surus et omnino; C teste Hieronymo in; D Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin with Greek (Ἰησοῦν; the LXX of Jer. 17:9) and Hebrew (אנוש, אנש) quoted; editors' matter: autem sequuntur,; Ex Joan. Ern. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 20.; Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 21.; the foot line under this column (lib. Colloq.; Aurifaber ...) is the tail of footnote 40, called in col 1657

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Deus simul et homo perficeret. « Nullatenus, » inquit Fulgentius, « humana natura ad auferendum peccatum mundi sufficiens atque idonea fieret, nisi unione Verbi Dei. » Et August. cap. 108 Enchir. : « Neque per ipsum liberaremur mediatorem hominum Christum, nisi esset Deus. » Ambrosius quoque in caput IX ad Haebreos ait : « Tantum fuit peccatum nostrum, ut salvari non possemus aliquando, nisi unigenitus Filius Dei moreretur pro nobis. » Et Basilius in psal. XLVIII : « Non homo nudus, sed homo Deus Jesus Christus nos redemit : quia nullus alius poterat condignum afferre pretium. » Plura istiusmodi testimonia comperiet studiosus lector apud Chrysostomum hom. 10 in Joan. ; Cyrillum Alexand. lib. V Thesauri, cap. 7, et lib. I De fide ad reginas ; Cyrillum Jerosolym. catechesi 13 ; Damascenum lib. III De fide, c. 15 et 19 ; Leonem papam epist. 13, 81 et 95 ; serm. 1, 4, et 10 de Nativitate, serm. 7 et 8, de Epiphania ; et serm. 1 et 12 de Passione Domini ; Anselmum denique duobus libris Cur Deus homo.

One who is at once God and man should accomplish it. "In no way," says Fulgentius, "would human nature become sufficient and fit for taking away the sin of the world, save by the union of the Word of God." And Augustine in chap. 108 of the Enchiridion: "Nor should we be set free through Christ Himself the Mediator of men, unless He were God." Ambrose also on chapter 9 to the Hebrews says: "So great was our sin, that we could never be saved, unless the only-begotten Son of God died for us." And Basil on Psalm 48: "Not a bare man, but the God-man Jesus Christ redeemed us: because no other could bring a worthy price." More testimonies of that sort the studious reader will find in Chrysostom, Homily 10 on John; Cyril of Alexandria, Book 5 of the Thesaurus, chap. 7, and Book 1 On the Faith to the Queens; Cyril of Jerusalem, Catechesis 13; Damascus, Book 3 On the Faith, chaps. 15 and 19; Pope Leo, Epistles 13, 81, and 95; Sermons 1, 4, and 10 on the Nativity, Sermons 7 and 8 on the Epiphany; and Sermons 1 and 12 on the Passion of the Lord; and finally Anselm in his two books Why God Became Man.

Commistum Verbum. Id est ex Virgine reipsa incarnatum : aut « commisti Verbo, » si vet. cod. lectio placet, id est fide, spe et charitate, necdum Christo adhaerentes. Mox « percipientes, » pro « perficientes » restituimus, auct. vet. cod.

The intermingled Word. That is, in reality incarnate of the Virgin: or "intermingled with the Word," if the reading of the old codex pleases, that is, not yet cleaving to Christ by faith, hope, and charity. Presently we have restored "receiving" for "perfecting," on the authority of the old codex.

Manumiserit. Ἐλευθερώσῃ, id est soluto miserrimae omnium captivitatis jugo, in libertatem filiorum Dei asseruerit. Ut enim mancipium dicitur Augustino, qui manu captus, belli jure occidi poterat ; sic manumissus, cui libertatis copia fiebat, certis ritibus et verbis istis : « Hunc hominem liberum esse volo. »

Should emancipate. Ἐλευθερώσῃ, that is, having loosed the yoke of the most wretched captivity of all, should claim them into the liberty of the sons of God. For as in Augustine a slave [mancipium] is so called who, taken by hand [manu captus], could by the right of war be slain; so one emancipated [manumissus] is he to whom the grant of liberty was made, with certain rites and these words: "I will this man to be free."

Ego dixi : Dii estis. Haec Theodoretus dialogo 1, ex Irenaeo citat usque ad illud : « Non enim poteramus, » etc. Ejus porro auctoritate, et veteris cod. consensu mox pro « Verbum Dei, Verbi Dei » reposuimus.

I have said: You are gods. These things Theodoret in Dialogue 1 cites from Irenaeus down to that passage: "For we could not," etc. Moreover, on his authority and by the agreement of the old codex, we have presently replaced "the Word of God" with "of the Word of God."

Commistus Verbo Dei. Tres has voces Theodoretus desiderat, indeque forsan alicui viderentur aliunde invectae, nisi codices omnes constanter illas servarent, et non raro infra iisdem verbis uteretur lib. IV, cap. 37. His autem perfectam illam unitionem divinae et humanae naturae in Christo, tanto studio docere et explicare studet, ut verbis aduniendi, adhaerendi, conjungendi, couniendi, assumendi, et communicandi, quibus superiori capite usus est, non contentus : nunc et commistionis vocem usurpet, sed ad superiorum significationem. Ne quis vero hac phrasi offendatur, quasi confusionem quamdam naturarum in Domino nostro Irenaeus induceret, animadvertat et bene sentientes alios Patres ab ea non abhorruisse. Dionysius Areopag. : « Jesus simplex ex carne humiliatis nostrae ineffabiliter compositus est. » Tertullianus lib. II Contra Marcionem : « Miscentem in seipso hominem et Deum ; » et cap. 12 Apologet. : « Nascitur homo, Deo mistus. » Cyprianus, tractatu De vanitate idolorum : « Deus cum homine miscetur. » Vigilius martyr lib. I Contra Eutychen : « Filius Dei ostendere voluit nostri generis naturam per commistionis individuam unitatem. » Augustinus IV De Trinit., cap. 20 : « Verbo Dei, ad unitatem personae quodammodo commistus est homo. » Alios multo plures praetereo, quos legendo notes licet.

Intermingled with the Word of God. Theodoret lacks these three words, and thence perhaps they might seem to someone brought in from elsewhere, did not all the codices constantly preserve them, and did he not rarely use the same words below in Book 4, chap. 37. Now by these words he strives with such great zeal to teach and explain that perfect union of the divine and human nature in Christ, that not content with the words uniting, cleaving, conjoining, co-uniting, assuming, and communicating, which he used in the preceding chapter, he now also employs the word intermingling, yet according to the meaning of the preceding words. But lest anyone be offended by this phrase, as though Irenaeus introduced some confusion of natures in our Lord, let him observe that other right-thinking Fathers also did not shrink from it. Dionysius the Areopagite: "Jesus, simple, was ineffably compounded out of the flesh of our lowliness." Tertullian, Book 2 Against Marcion: "Mingling in Himself man and God"; and chap. 12 of the Apologeticum: "Man is born, mingled with God." Cyprian, in the treatise On the Vanity of Idols: "God is mingled with man." Vigilius the Martyr, Book 1 Against Eutyches: "The Son of God wished to show the nature of our race through the undivided unity of intermingling." Augustine, On the Trinity Book 4, chap. 20: "Man was in a certain measure intermingled with the Word of God unto unity of person." Very many others I pass over, whom you may note in reading.

Ut adoptionem percipiens. Erasmus praefatione in hos libros, existimavit hunc locum prudenter legendum, propterea quod Christum juxta conditionem humanam adoptivum esse Filium Dei videatur asserere Iren. Et certe hanc sententiam in Elipando Toletanae sedis episcopo, aliquot postea saeculis damnaverunt Paulus Aquilegiensis, Adrianus papa, et synodus Francofordiensis, ad quam, imperante Carolo Magno, ex Gallia, Germania, Italia episcopi circiter trecenti convenerant. Elipandus

That receiving adoption. Erasmus, in his preface to these books, thought that this passage must be read with caution, because Irenaeus seems to assert that Christ according to His human condition is the adoptive Son of God. And certainly this opinion in Elipandus, bishop of the see of Toledo, was condemned some centuries afterwards by Paulinus of Aquileia, Pope Hadrian, and the Synod of Frankfort, to which, under the reign of Charlemagne, about three hundred bishops from Gaul, Germany, and Italy had assembled. Elipandus

Editors' notes and page, col. 1659

Footnotes

(51) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot crops› · call in col 1659

L. de incarn. et grat., c. 4.

The book On the Incarnation and Grace, chapter 4.

(printed under page 838)

(52) ‹anchor: Augustino› · call in col 1659

Lib. xix de civit. Dei, cap. 15.

The City of God, book 19, chapter 15.

(printed under page 838)

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cum asseclis, libello edito volebat Hilarium, Hieronymum, Augustinum, deinde Eugenium, Hildefonsum, et Julianum Toletanos olim antistites, a suis partibus stetisse : verum, Patrum illorum sententias partim depravasse, partim fictitias supposuisse convictus fuit ; et ejus error, sanctarum Scripturarum, et gravissimorum theologorum Athanasii, Nazianzeni, Cyrilli, Hilarii, Hieronymi, Augustini, Ambrosii, Isidori, Paschasii, ibidem adductis sententiis, quibus pernegant Christum ullo pacto adoptatum Filium dicendum esse, penitus oppressus.

with his followers, in a published tract, maintained that Hilary, Jerome, Augustine, and then Eugenius, Ildefonsus, and Julian, formerly bishops of Toledo, had stood on his side: but he was convicted of having partly corrupted the opinions of those Fathers, and partly substituted fictitious ones; and his error was utterly crushed by the sentences adduced in the same place from the sacred Scriptures and the weightiest theologians, Athanasius, Nazianzen, Cyril, Hilary, Jerome, Augustine, Ambrose, Isidore, and Paschasius, wherein they flatly deny that Christ is in any way to be called an adopted Son.

Superest ergo ut hic aut voce adoptionis, quam usurpat Irenaeus, eam gratiam, donum, beneficiumve intelligamus, quibus in unitatem personae, sine ullis suis praecedentibus meritis, humanam nostram naturam ex Virgine Filius Dei assumpsit. Hoc fusius tibi explicabunt post Augustinum lib. Contra Secundinum, cap. 5, Petrus Lombardus lib. III Sent., dist. 10, et quotquot quaestionibus suis eum locum illustrarunt patres scholastici. Aut, quod acutis et doctis viris longe rectius videtur, illa Irenaei verba non ad ipsum Christum, sed ad coetum piorum hominum referenda sunt, quos passionis, sanguinis et mortis suae beneficio atque efficacitate in adoptionem filiorum Dei misericorditer assumpserit. Istud enim confirmant haec Irenaei verba : « Filius Dei factus est homo, ut homo, percipiens adoptionem, fiat filius Dei. » Et paulo superius : « Ad eos dicit, qui non recipiunt munus adoptionis. » Spectans igitur B. martyr haec apostolorum verba : « Dedit potestatem filios Dei fieri, his qui credunt in nomine ejus ; Accepistis spiritum adoptionis filiorum Dei ; » de nostra in Christo et per Christum adoptione loquitur.

It remains therefore that here, by the word adoption which Irenaeus employs, either we understand that grace, gift, or benefit whereby the Son of God assumed our human nature from the Virgin into unity of person, without any preceding merits of its own. This will be explained to you more at large, after Augustine in the book Against Secundinus, chap. 5, by Peter Lombard in Book 3 of the Sentences, dist. 10, and by all the Scholastic fathers who have illustrated that passage with their questions. Or, what seems far more correct to acute and learned men, those words of Irenaeus are to be referred not to Christ Himself, but to the company of pious men, whom by the benefit and efficacy of His passion, blood, and death He mercifully assumed into the adoption of sons of God. For this is confirmed by these words of Irenaeus: "The Son of God was made man, that man, receiving adoption, may become the son of God." And a little above: "He speaks to those who do not receive the gift of adoption." Looking therefore to these words of the apostles: "He gave power to become sons of God, to those who believe in His name; You have received the spirit of adoption of sons of God," the blessed martyr speaks of our adoption in Christ and through Christ.

Possemus. Sex voces has inseruimus, erasimus vero « possimus, nisi » veteris cod. auct.

We might be able. We have inserted these six words, and erased "we may be able, unless," on the authority of the old codex.

Propter hoc. Expunximus « quod per hoc : » et non ita multum post, « aut » pro « ut » reposuimus auct. vet. cod.

On account of this. We have expunged "because through this:" and not so much later, we have replaced "in order that" with "or" on the authority of the old codex.

Sicut enim homo erat. Theodoretus in dialogo 3 haec ex Irenaeo transcribit usque ad illud : « Hic igitur Filius Dei, » etc., quae supra Graece et Latine adjecimus.

For just as He was man. Theodoret in Dialogue 3 transcribes these things from Irenaeus down to that passage: "This Son of God therefore," etc., which we have added above in Greek and Latin.

Requiescente quidem Verbo. Apertissime docet divinae naturae nihil doloris in illa Dominica perpessione illatum, quippe quae mutationum universarum expers, his subjici non potest. Hoc idem multis scripturis confirmat concilium Hispalense, actione 13, et clarissimis exemplis illustrat Euseb. lib. IV Demonstr. evang., cap. 13.

The Word indeed resting. He most openly teaches that no pain was inflicted upon the divine nature in that passion of the Lord, inasmuch as, being devoid of all changes, it cannot be subjected to them. This same thing the Council of Seville, in Action 13, confirms by many Scriptures, and Eusebius, in Book 4 of the Demonstration of the Gospel, chap. 13, illustrates with most clear examples.

Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 23.

Annotations of the same on chap. 23.

Pag. 213. Magnanimus. Vet. cod. « magnanimis. » Sic vocem Graecam μακρόθυμος, puto reddidisse interpretem, quam alii « patientem et longanimem » redderent. Irenaeum porro imitantur Tertullianus lib. De patientia, Cypr. De oratione Dominica, eadem voce utentes.

Page 213. Magnanimous. The old codex has "magnanimis." Thus I think the translator rendered the Greek word μακρόθυμος, which others would render "patient and long-suffering." Moreover Tertullian in the book On Patience, and Cyprian On the Lord's Prayer, imitate Irenaeus, using the same word.

Ostendit autem hoc capite Irenaeus, Deum ex lapsu hominis huic mundo patefecisse, quam sit patiens, benignus, misericors, et potens ad salvandum. Hoc ipsum etiam Jonae exemplo comprobat : atque idcirco gravissimam esse hominum ingratitudinem, si tantum beneficium pro dignitate non agnoverint et suspexerint, etc. « Verbum » autem fere semper masculino genere effert, attendens Graecam vocem λόγος, quae masculina est.

Now Irenaeus shows in this chapter that God from the fall of man made manifest to this world how patient, benign, merciful, and powerful to save He is. This very thing he also proves by the example of Jonah: and that therefore most grievous is the ingratitude of men, if they have not acknowledged and looked up to so great a benefit according to its worth, etc. Moreover he almost always utters "Verbum" [Word] in the masculine gender, attending to the Greek word λόγος, which is masculine.

Ninivitis. Ita vet. cod., excusi « inimicis. »

To the Ninevites. Thus the old codex; the printed ones have "to the enemies."

Conterritos ab eo signo. Indicat Jonam praedicasse Ninivitis mira, quae sibi in mari, in ceto, et in terra contigerant ; quod etiam quibusdam Hebraeorum interpretibus placet, uti nostris in eam prophetiam Commentariis signavimus.

Terrified by that sign. He indicates that Jonah preached to the Ninevites the wonderful things that had happened to him in the sea, in the whale, and on land; which also pleases certain interpreters of the Hebrews, as we have noted in our Commentaries on that prophecy.

Ut insperabilem. Ita et capitis initio, « glorificaret Deum, qui insperabilem salutem ei donasset. » Expunximus ergo « inseparabilem. »

As unhoped-for. So also at the beginning of the chapter, "might glorify God, Who had granted him an unhoped-for salvation." We have therefore expunged "inseparable."

Editors' notes and page, col. 1660

Footnotes

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Joan. I, 12.

John 1:12.

(printed under page 838)

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Rom. VIII, 15.

Rom. 8:15. [The verse numeral is blurred at the crop's edge; it could read 25. Verse 15 fits the words quoted.]

(printed under page 838)

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Ingratus enim. Vet. cod. : « Ingratum enim magis eum hoc, etc., et dilectionem, quam habebat Deus in hominem, offuscabat sensum suum, » etc.

For ungrateful. The old codex has: "For this made him more ungrateful, etc., and the love which God had towards man, he darkened his own sense," etc.

Cognoscat autem. Delevimus « cognoscant, » auct. vet. cod.

Might know, however. We deleted "they might know," on the authority of the old codex.

Pag. 214. Factus est. Vertendum erat, « factum est, » propter antecedens « Verbum, » nisi λόγος masculinam vocem respexisset interpres : quod et alibi frequenter facit. Paulo post, « assuesceret, » ponitur pro, « assuefaceret. »

Page 214. He was made. It ought to have been translated "it was made," on account of the preceding "Verbum" [neuter], had not the translator looked to the masculine word λόγος: which he also frequently does elsewhere. A little after, "might grow accustomed" is put for "might accustom."

Non habebant salvari. Graece οὐκ εἶχον σωθῆναι, non poterant salvari ; ut ἔχω λέγειν, possum dicere.

They had not how to be saved. In Greek οὐκ εἶχον σωθῆναι, they could not be saved; as ἔχω λέγειν, I am able to say.

Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 23.

Annotations of the same on chap. 23.

Pag. 214. Rursus, quoniam neque homo. Oportuit Salvatorem mundi esse verum hominem, qui pro nobis pateretur et moreretur ; item et Deum, qui peccata remitteret atque salvaret a morte.

Page 214. Again, since neither man. It behoved the Saviour of the world to be true man, Who should suffer and die for us; and likewise God, Who should remit sins and save from death.

Sine carne. Angelis corpora propria tribuunt multi antiquorum, ut ex Justino, Tatiano, Tertulliano, Cypriano, Origene, et plerisque aliis apertum est. Alii vero ut Dionysius, Cyrillus, Theodoretus, Damascenus, volunt illos omnino incorporeos, et non materiatos esse ; quibus accedere videtur hoc loco Irenaeus, licet cap. 70 lib. IV aliud indicare videatur. Ignatius item, Epist. ad Trallianos, vocat angelos « incorporeas creaturas. » Basil. hom. Quod Deus non est auctor malorum, cacodaemonis naturam ait esse incorpoream. Nazianzen. orat. 2 de theologia, de angelorum natura scribit : « Ne hanc quidem, tametsi corporis expertem, incorporeo modo cernere possumus. » Greg. Nyssenus lib. De vita Moysis, censet angelos natura incorporeos. Epiphanius contra haeres. 26, appellat daemonem spiritum incorporeum. Chrysostomus homil. 22, in Genes. affirmat impossibile esse incorpoream angelorum naturam concupiscentia carnis teneri. Hieronymus denique, epist. ad Avitum, in erroribus ponit Origenis, quod dixerit daemones ob delicta sua aeriis corporibus vestiri.

Without flesh. Many of the ancients attribute bodies of their own to the angels, as is clear from Justin, Tatian, Tertullian, Cyprian, Origen, and most others. Others, however, as Dionysius, Cyril, Theodoret, and Damascus, will have them to be altogether incorporeal and immaterial; to whom Irenaeus seems to accede in this passage, although in chap. 70 of Book 4 he seems to indicate otherwise. Ignatius likewise, in the Epistle to the Trallians, calls the angels "incorporeal creatures." Basil, in the homily That God Is Not the Author of Evils, says that the nature of an evil demon is incorporeal. Nazianzen, in Oration 2 on Theology, writes concerning the nature of angels: "Not even this, although devoid of body, can we discern in an incorporeal manner." Gregory of Nyssa, in the book On the Life of Moses, judges angels to be incorporeal by nature. Epiphanius, against Heresy 26, calls a demon an incorporeal spirit. Chrysostom, in Homily 22 on Genesis, affirms that it is impossible for the incorporeal nature of angels to be held by the concupiscence of the flesh. Finally Jerome, in the Epistle to Avitus, places among the errors of Origen that he said demons on account of their offences are clothed with aerial bodies.

Neque senior. Sententia est Isa. LXIII juxta tralationem LXX ; quae iisdem fere verbis citatur quoque a Cypriano lib. II Adversus Judaeos, cap. 7.

Nor an elder. The sentence is Isaiah 63 according to the translation of the Septuagint; which in almost the same words is cited also by Cyprian in Book 2 Against the Jews, chap. 7.

Isaias ait : Et commemoratus est. Non dubito nomen Isaiae pro nomine Jeremiae in hunc locum irrepsisse, quoniam dixisset ut paulo antea : « Et Isaias rursus ; » insuper, lib. VI, cap. 39, hunc eumdem locum ascribit Jeremiae ; lib. item V, cap. 31, eumdem locum, paulo licet aliter citans, Isaiae non meminit. Sed et Justinus martyr in Dialogo, velut ex Jeremia locum allegat. Scribit porro, Judaeos odio Christianorum sententiam istam, pluresque alias e sacris Bibliis sustulisse. Et revera hic locus nec apud LXX, nec apud Vulgatam lectionem Latinam nunc occurrit.

Isaiah says: And He remembered. I do not doubt that the name of Isaiah crept into this passage in place of the name of Jeremiah, because he had said a little before: "And Isaiah again"; moreover, in Book 4, chap. 39, he ascribes this same passage to Jeremiah; likewise in Book 5, chap. 31, citing the same passage, though a little differently, he makes no mention of Isaiah. Moreover Justin Martyr also in the Dialogue alleges the passage as from Jeremiah. He writes further that the Jews out of hatred for the Christians removed that sentence, and several others, from the sacred Bibles. And in fact this passage now occurs neither in the Septuagint nor in the Vulgate Latin reading.

Deus ab Africo veniet. Sic cum Irenaeo legit Novatianus lib. De Trin. cap. 12, apud Tertull., idque ex editione Theodotionis, quem testatur Hieronymus vertisse : « Deus ab Austro veniet, et Sanctus de monte Pharan, » ut nunc legit editio Latina Vulgata. Docet idem Hieronymus Pharan locum esse vicinum monti Sina, et Bethlehem sitam esse ad Austrum, in qua natus est Salvator. Montes autem Ephraim sive Effrem, urbi Jerusalem non sunt ad austrum, sed ad septentrionem. Ideo hic melius legi videretur, « de monte Pharan, » quam, « Effrem. » Novatianus habet, « de monte umbroso. »

God shall come from the south. Thus with Irenaeus reads Novatian in the book On the Trinity, chap. 12, in Tertullian, and that from the edition of Theodotion, whom Jerome testifies to have translated: "God shall come from the south, and the Holy One from Mount Pharan," as the Latin Vulgate edition now reads. The same Jerome teaches that Pharan is a place near to Mount Sinai, and that Bethlehem, in which the Saviour was born, is situated towards the south. Now the mountains of Ephraim or Effrem are not to the south of the city of Jerusalem, but to the north. Therefore here it would seem better to read "from Mount Pharan" than "Effrem." Novatian has "from the shady mountain."

Cooperuit coelum. Haec nova est lectio ex variis translationibus concinnata, et ferme ei similis, quam in iisdem sententiis usurpat Cyprian. lib. III Adv. Judaeos, cap. 21, quod prudenter animadvertit diligentissimus et doctissimus ejus scholiastes Pamelius.

Covered the heaven. This is a new reading put together from various translations, and almost like that which Cyprian employs in the same sentences, Book 3 Against the Jews, chap. 21, as his most diligent and learned scholiast Pamelius prudently observed.

Pag. 215. Deus igitur homo factus est. Euseb. lib. V Hist., cap. 8, haec nominatim ex Irenaeo transcribit,

Page 215. God therefore was made man. Eusebius, in Book 5 of the History, chap. 8, transcribes these things word for word from Irenaeus,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1661

Footnotes

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Habac. iii, 3.

Hab. 3:3.

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quae Graece et Latine insequenti capite adjicientur.

which will be added in Greek and Latin in the following chapter.

Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 24.

Annotations of the same on chap. 24.

Pag. 215. Non ergo vera est quorumdam interpretatio. Judaeos hujus pravae interpretationis auctores una cum Ebionitis, Theodotione et Aquila intelligit : quibus Tryphonem et Carpocratem Justinus adjungit ; Symmachum ex Samaritano proselytum et circumcisum, Eusebius et Epiphanius. Et de illis quidem nihil mirum, cum vel Christum nunquam susceperint, vel susceptum semel penitus postea abnegarint. At, nostra tempestate, in ipso Christianarum regionum meditullio, quosdam, qui se gloriae Christi omnium maximos et sincerissimos assertores venditarunt, exstitisse qui Judaicam et Gnosticam hanc impietatem, tanto martyrum sanguine exstinctam, ab Orco revocarent, apud posteros fidem vix inveniet. Calvinum intelligo, qui Judaeis de nomine עלמה Haalmah, concedit, quod postulant, videlicet de adolescentula viro cognita intelligendum : Oecolampadium Judaice et Gnostice transferentem : « Ecce, adolescentula illa praegnans, et pariens filium ; » atque impurum Castalionem communi voce ad corruptam et incorruptam interpretantem : « Ecce, puella praegnans filium pariet ; » quos omnes sequentibus rationibus coarguemus.

Page 215. Therefore the interpretation of some is not true. By the authors of this perverse interpretation he understands the Jews together with the Ebionites, Theodotion, and Aquila: to whom Justin adds Trypho and Carpocrates; Eusebius and Epiphanius add Symmachus, a proselyte from the Samaritans and circumcised. And concerning them indeed it is no wonder, since either they never received Christ, or after receiving Him once they afterwards utterly denied Him. But that in our time, in the very heart of Christian lands, there have existed certain men who cried themselves up as the greatest and most sincere defenders of all of the glory of Christ, who recalled from hell this Jewish and Gnostic impiety, extinguished by so much blood of the martyrs, will scarcely find credence among posterity. I mean Calvin, who grants to the Jews concerning the noun עלמה Haalmah what they demand, namely that it is to be understood of a young woman known by a man; Oecolampadius translating in a Jewish and Gnostic manner: "Behold, that young woman is pregnant, and bearing a son"; and the impure Castellio translating by a common word applicable to a corrupted and an uncorrupted woman: "Behold, a girl pregnant shall bear a son"; all of whom we shall refute by the following arguments.

1. Tribus diversis vocabulis Hebraei eamdem fere rem significant, נערה, naarah adolescentulam, sed tam virginem, quam corruptam : בתולה bethulah, virginem duntaxat designant, sive anus decrepita, sive adolescentula fuerit ; עלמה, haalmah, quo matrem Messiae hoc loco vocat propheta, solummodo adolescentulam virginem, eamque cum ἐπιτάσει intactam, hominibus absconditam et occultam, ut ipsum etymon indicat.

1. By three different words the Hebrews signify almost the same thing: נערה, naarah, a young woman, whether a virgin or corrupted; בתולה, bethulah, designates a virgin only, whether she be a decrepit old woman or a young girl; עלמה, haalmah, by which the prophet in this passage calls the mother of the Messiah, designates only a virgin young woman, and her with intensity [ἐπιτάσει] untouched, hidden from men and concealed, as the etymology itself indicates.

2. Deinde tribus tantum locis in sacris Hebraeorum litteris, העלמה, haalmah, cum littera seu articulo ה, he, invenitur : Genes. XXIV, 13, cum de Rebecca dicitur : « Ecce, sto juxta fontem aquae, et erit haalmah, » id est virgo « egrediens ad hauriendum, » etc. ; secundo, Exod. II, 8, cum de Maria sorore Moysis scribitur : « Et perrexit haalmah, » id est virgo, « et vocavit matrem infantis ; » tertio demum apud Isaiam hoc in loco : « Ecce haalmah. » Si igitur duae priores hoc nomine vocantur, quod intactae, absconditae, et viris non cognitae essent, procul dubio et tertia haec, de qua agitur.

2. Next, in only three places in the sacred letters of the Hebrews is העלמה, haalmah, found with the letter or article ה, he: Genesis 24:13, when it is said of Rebecca: "Behold, I stand by the spring of water, and haalmah," that is, the virgin, "shall be coming forth to draw," etc.; secondly, Exodus 2:8, when it is written of Miriam the sister of Moses: "And haalmah," that is, the virgin, "went and called the mother of the infant"; thirdly at length in Isaiah in this passage: "Behold haalmah." If therefore the first two are called by this name because they were untouched, concealed, and not known by men, without doubt this third one also, of whom the question is.

3. Accedit, quod Septuaginta seniores illi, genere et conversatione Hebraei, Hebraicae et Graecae linguae peritia clari in primis, pro haalmah (ut cum Irenaeo Justinus martyr, Hieronymusque prudenter observant), hoc loco transtulerunt ἡ παρθένος, quod omnibus, circa controversiam, virginem significat : et non ἡ νεᾶνις, quod adolescentulam, nec παιδίσκη, quod puellam simpliciter denotat.

3. Added to this is the fact that those Seventy elders, Hebrews by race and manner of life, eminent above all for their skill in the Hebrew and Greek languages, for haalmah (as Justin Martyr and Jerome along with Irenaeus prudently observe) in this passage translated ἡ παρθένος, which to all, beyond controversy, signifies a virgin: and not ἡ νεᾶνις, which denotes a young woman, nor παιδίσκη, which simply denotes a girl.

4. Nec parum partes nostras confirmat Jonathan Usielis filius, paraphrastes Chaldaeus, vir inter Hebraeos summi nominis et auctoritatis, qui locum hunc reddidit, « Ecce virgo. » Consentit etiam Evangelium Matthaei Syriaca lingua, id est Hebraica, dialecto vulgari primo scriptum, Isaiae locum ita reddens : « Ecce enim virgo. » Lingua quoque Punica, quae profecto Arabica est, haalmah proprie virgo appellatur : ut non sine mysterio, totius mundi Redemptoris genitricis integritas omnium linguis celebretur.

4. Nor does Jonathan the son of Uzziel, the Chaldee paraphrast, a man of the highest name and authority among the Hebrews, confirm our side a little, who rendered this passage, "Behold a virgin." There agrees also the Gospel of Matthew, written first in the Syriac language, that is, the Hebrew, in the vulgar dialect, rendering the passage of Isaiah thus: "For behold, a virgin." In the Punic language also, which Assuredly is Arabic, haalmah is properly called a virgin: so that not without a mystery the integrity of the Mother of the Redeemer of the whole world is celebrated by the tongues of all.

5. Demum, ut quod tanquam inexpugnabile munimentum in hac re aestimarunt cum Irenaeo, Justinus, Tertullianus, Basilius, Cyrillus, Chrysostomus, Hieronymus, non omittam ; insigne prodigium, miraculum retro actis saeculis inauditum, signumque non vulgare, sed Deo dignum, ac, ut Tertulliani verbis utar, « monstruosam aliquam novitatem, divinus vates Judaeis pollicebatur ; cujus nullam prorsus rationem habet juvenculae desponsatae quotidianus

5. Finally, not to omit what Justin, Tertullian, Basil, Cyril, Chrysostom, and Jerome along with Irenaeus esteemed as an impregnable bulwark in this matter: a signal prodigy, a miracle unheard of in ages past, and a sign not common, but worthy of God, and, to use the words of Tertullian, "some portentous novelty, the divine prophet promised to the Jews; of which the daily pregnancy and childbirth of a betrothed young girl has no account at all."

Editors' notes and page, col. 1662

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praegnatus et partus. » Caeterum partem hujus capitis in suam Historiam transtulit Euseb., lib. V cap. 8, ut supra adjecimus.

For the rest, Eusebius transferred part of this chapter into his History, Book 5, chap. 8, as we added above.

Theodotion. Hunc circa secundi Commodi imperium agnitum Epiphanius scribit ; Nauclerus, Bergomas, Sabellicus et Platina sectatorem Tatiani, antequam in haeresim incideret, initio constituunt. Marcionis furores deinde insecutum tradit Epiphanius, sed postremo infensum et ipsum illius haeresi, ad Judaeos declinasse ; detractoque praeputio, eorum linguae, deinde et privatae Bibliorum interpretationi dedisse operam. Ebionaeum appellat eumdem Eusebius lib. III Hist., cap. 8. Quem secutus Hieronymus inter haereticos judaizantes annumerat, illumque multa mysteria Salvatoris, subdola interpretatione celasse prodit. Refert in catalogum haereticorum Aug., quod Christum solummodo hominem dixerit.

Theodotion. Epiphanius writes that he became known around the reign of the second Commodus; Nauclerus, Bergomas, Sabellicus, and Platina at the beginning make him a follower of Tatian, before he fell into heresy. Epiphanius relates that he next followed the frenzies of Marcion, but at last, hostile himself also to that man's heresy, turned aside to the Jews; and having drawn back his foreskin, devoted his labour to their language, and then also to a private translation of the Bible. Eusebius calls the same man an Ebionite in Book 3 of the History, chap. 8. Following whom, Jerome numbers him among the Judaizing heretics, and records that he concealed many mysteries of the Saviour by a crafty translation. Augustine enters him in the catalogue of heretics because he said that Christ was a mere man.

Aquila. Hic duodecimo Adriani anno ab Ecclesia proscriptus fuit ; quod, auctore Epiphanio, astrologicis impensius quam Christianum decebat addictus esset. Ignominiam hanc impotenti animo ferens, abnegato Christo, factusque proselytus, circumcidi se passus est, atque inde contentioso studio, linguam Hebraeam didicit, et primus post Septuaginta, qui ante eum quadringentis et triginta annis apud Ptolemaeum regem sacra Biblia traduxerant, interpretari et ipse tentavit, et in Christianorum odium ex recepta lectione multa pervertit et corrupit ; quale est hoc, quod adducit Irenaeus. Idem exemplum ex Irenaeo nominatim recitat Euseb. lib. V Hist., cap. 8, additque hanc interpretationem ansam sui erroris praebuisse Ebionitis. Hunc Aquilam diligentem et curiosum interpretem alicubi vocat Hieronymus, alibi vero contentiosum appellat, nec verba solum, sed etymologias quoque verborum transferre conatum, atque ita jure rejiciendum.

Aquila. This man in the twelfth year of Hadrian was expelled from the Church because, on the authority of Epiphanius, he was more devoted to astrology than befitted a Christian. Bearing this disgrace with an ungoverned mind, having denied Christ and become a proselyte, he suffered himself to be circumcised, and thence with contentious zeal learned the Hebrew language, and first after the Seventy, who four hundred and thirty years before him under King Ptolemy had translated the sacred Bibles, himself also attempted to translate them, and out of hatred for the Christians perverted and corrupted many things from the received reading; such as is this which Irenaeus adduces. The same example Eusebius recites word for word from Irenaeus in Book 5 of the History, chap. 8, and adds that this translation furnished the Ebionites with a handle for their error. This Aquila Jerome somewhere calls a diligent and careful translator, but elsewhere calls him contentious, and one who tried to translate not words only, but the etymologies of words as well, and so is justly to be rejected.

Suas ipsi comburere Scripturas. Tanto odio Christiani nominis Judaeos flagrasse scribit Justinus martyr, ut ex sacris Bibliis plurima deleverint, quibus Christum crucifixum, Deum verum et hominem esse, unicumque orbis redemptorem, et Messiam promissum, adeo diserte docebatur, ut ea nullis glossematibus possent alio detorquere, qualia sunt quae ibidem subnectit de Esdra, Jeremia, et psalm. XCV, e cujus versu decimo deleverunt « a ligno, » cum prius esset : « Dicite in gentibus, quia Dominus regnavit a ligno. »

That they themselves burn their own Scriptures. Justin Martyr writes that the Jews burned with so great a hatred of the Christian name that they deleted very many things from the sacred Bibles whereby it was taught so expressly that Christ crucified is true God and man, and the only Redeemer of the world, and the promised Messiah, that they could by no glosses twist them elsewhere, such as are the things which he subjoins in the same place concerning Esdras, Jeremiah, and Psalm 95, from the tenth verse of which they deleted "from the wood," whereas before it was: "Say among the nations, that the Lord has reigned from the wood."

Reliquas omnes gentes. Tres has voces ex vet. cod. adjecimus, expungendo « reliquos omnes. »

All the other nations. We have added these three words from the old codex, expunging "all the others."

Ex Jo. Ern. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 24.

From the annotations of Jo. Ern. Grabe on chap. 24.

Pag. 215. Τολμώντων μεθερμηνεύειν. Eamdem audaciam notat Justinus M. in Dial. cum Tryphone p. 262, his verbis : Ὑμεῖς καὶ οἱ διδάσκαλοι ὑμῶν τολμᾶτε λέγειν, μηδὲ εἰρῆσθαι ἐν τῇ προφητείᾳ τοῦ Ἡσαΐου, Ἰδοὺ ἡ παρθένος ἐν γαστρὶ ἕξει, ἀλλ' Ἰδοὺ ἡ νεᾶνις ἐν γαστρὶ λήψεται, καὶ τέξεται υἱόν. Confer ibid. pag. 310.

Page 215. Τολμώντων μεθερμηνεύειν [Daring to translate otherwise]. Justin Martyr notes the same audacity in the Dialogue with Trypho, p. 262, in these words: "You and your teachers dare to say that it was not even said in the prophecy of Isaiah, Behold, the virgin shall conceive, but, Behold, the young woman shall conceive, and shall bear a son." Compare ibid., page 310.

Θεοδοτίων. Crassus est error Feuardentii, Theodotionem, cujus hoc Irenaei loco mentio fit, confundentis cum Theodotione Augustini, qui idem est cum Theodoto haeretico, de quo Epiphan. haeres. 54, et Euseb. lib. V Hist., cap. 28.

Θεοδοτίων [Theodotion]. Gross is the error of Feuardent in confounding Theodotion, of whom mention is made in this passage of Irenaeus, with the Theodotion of Augustine, who is the same as Theodotus the heretic, concerning whom see Epiphanius, Heresy 54, and Eusebius, Book 5 of the History, chap. 28.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 25.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardent on chap. 25.

Pag. 215. Prius enim quam Romani. Ab hoc Ptolemaeo, usque ad obsidionem primam Jerosolymorum ab exercitu Romano, duce Pompeio, olympiadas 54, quae annos 136 efficiunt, numerat Euseb. in Chron.

Page 215. For before the Romans. From this Ptolemy down to the first siege of Jerusalem by the Roman army under the command of Pompey, Eusebius in his Chronicle reckons 54 Olympiads, which make 136 years.

Regnum suum. Vet. cod., « regnum Dei, » id est terram toties beatorum patriarcharum posteritati promissam. Eusebius habet : « Antequam Romani summum totius orbis obtinerent imperium, » etc., usque ad illud : « Cum tanta igitur veritate, »

Their kingdom. The old codex has "the kingdom of God," that is, the land so often promised to the posterity of the blessed patriarchs. Eusebius has: "Before the Romans obtained the supreme empire of the whole world," etc., down to that passage: "With so great truth therefore,"

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Footnotes

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Praef. in Job.

Preface to Job.

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Lib. de Pond.

The book On Weights [and Measures].

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Comm. in c. ii Ose. et epist. ad Pammachium.

Commentary on Hosea, chapter 2, and the letter to Pammachius.

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In Dialog.

In the Dialogue.

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Lib. v Hist.

History, book 5.

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etc. Ejus porro auctoritate, et consensu vet. cod., « ornare, » pro « compleri ; » — « Jerosolymitis, » pro « Jerosolymis ; » — « obediebant enim, » pro « qui obaudiebant, » restituimus et immutavimus.

etc. Moreover, on his authority and by the agreement of the old codex, we have restored and changed "to adorn" for "to be fulfilled"; "to the Jerusalemites" for "at Jerusalem"; "for they obeyed" for "who obeyed."

Ptolemaeus Lagi filius. Tertull. hunc Philadelphum cognominat, simulque appellat Ptolemaeorum eruditissimum. Epiphanius notat hoc factum fuisse anno regni ejus decimo septimo : etenim Nicephorus Constantinop. eum 38 annis imperasse scribit in Chronologia.

Ptolemy the son of Lagus. Tertullian surnames this man Philadelphus, and at the same time calls him the most learned of the Ptolemies. Epiphanius notes that this took place in the seventeenth year of his reign: for Nicephorus of Constantinople writes in his Chronology that he reigned 38 years.

Omnium hominum. Josephus 50,000 voluminum eam bibliothecam habuisse scribit, l. XII Antiq., c. 2, ubi et totam historiam accurate persequitur. Aristaeas apud Eusebium lib. VIII De praeparatione evangelica, cap 1, refert Demetrium Phalereum bibliothecae praefectum regium interrogatum a rege, quot jam libri in bibliothecis essent, respondisse : « Plures quam ducenta millia, sed brevi tempore non fore pauciores quingentis millibus. »

Of all men. Josephus writes that that library had 50,000 volumes, in Book 12 of the Antiquities, chap. 2, where he also accurately traces the whole history. Aristeas in Eusebius, Book 8 On the Preparation for the Gospel, chap. 1, relates that Demetrius Phalereus, the royal prefect of the library, on being asked by the king how many books there already were in the libraries, answered: "More than two hundred thousand, and in a short time there will not be fewer than five hundred thousand."

Septuaginta seniores. Non defuerunt qui litem moverint de horum numero, dicentes tantum septuaginta fuisse, non septuaginta duo, propterea quod ita recenseantur, tum ab Irenaeo, tum a plurimis aliis auctoribus. Verum, attendant velim illud brevitatis causa fieri, quemadmodum septuaginta duo discipuli, praeter apostolos, a Christo missi, communius septuaginta dicuntur : cum tamen ex Evangelio, Augustini et Bedae interpretatione, ac Epiphanio hos nominatim recensente, Clementis denique, qui horum partem vidit, Constitutionum apost. lib. II, cap. 59, vere septuaginta et duo fuisse extra omnem dubitationem sit. Ad haec, cum Eleazarus tum summus Jerosolymorum pontifex, ex qualibet gentis suae tribu, sex viros ad hoc elegerit ac miserit, senarius autem numerus duodecies multiplicatus, septuaginta duo conficiat, certus est septuaginta et duorum interpretum numerus. Aristaeas denique ejusdem Ptolemaei a secretis, tot se vidisse, admisisse, fovisse scriptis testatur : quinetiam singulorum nomina per tribus suas ita perscribit. « Ex tribu Juda, inquit, Joseph, Ezechias, Zacharias, Joannes, Ezechias, Eliseus. Ex tribu Ruben, Judas, Simon, Samuel, Adeus, Mathias, Eschemias. Ex tribu Gad, Nehemias, Joseph, Theodosius, Baseas, Ornias, Datis. Ex tribu Aser, Jonathas, Auxeas, Eliseus, Ananias, Chabrias, Sachus. Ex tribu Nephtalim, Isaac, Jacob, Jesus, Gabareus, Simon, Levi. Ex tribu Manasse, Judas, Joseph, Simon, Zacharias, Joannes, Jonathas. Ex tribu Simeon, Sabatheus, Jason, Jesus, Theodorus, Jonas, Jonathan. Ex tribu Levi, Theodosius, Jason, Jesus, Theodorus, Jonas, Jonathas. Ex tribu Issachar, Theophilus, Abraham, Arsamis, Endemias, Daniel, Some. Ex tribu Zabulon, Jeremias, Eleazar, Zacharias, Baneas, Eliseus, Datheus. Ex tribu Ephraim, Samuel, Josephus, Judas, Joathes, Chabel, Dositheus. Ex tribu Benjamin, Israel, Joannes, Theodosius, Arsamenes, Abietas, Ezecel. » Et de his hactenus.

Seventy elders. There have not been wanting those who raised a dispute about their number, saying that there were only seventy, not seventy-two, because they are so reckoned both by Irenaeus and by very many other authors. However, I would have them attend to the fact that that is done for the sake of brevity, just as the seventy-two disciples sent by Christ besides the apostles are more commonly called seventy: whereas from the Gospel, the interpretation of Augustine and Bede, and Epiphanius reckoning them by name, and finally from Book 2, chap. 59, of the Apostolic Constitutions of Clement, who saw part of them, it is beyond all doubt that they were truly seventy and two. In addition to this, since Eleazar, then high priest of Jerusalem, chose and sent six men for this purpose from each tribe of his nation, and the number six multiplied twelve times makes seventy-two, the number of the seventy and two translators is certain. Finally Aristeas, secretary of the same Ptolemy, testifies in his writings that he saw, admitted, and cherished so many: nay more, he writes out the names of each according to their tribes thus: "From the tribe of Judah, he says, Joseph, Ezechias, Zacharias, Joannes, Ezechias, Eliseus. From the tribe of Reuben, Judas, Simon, Samuel, Adeus, Mathias, Eschemias. From the tribe of Gad, Nehemias, Joseph, Theodosius, Baseas, Ornias, Datis. From the tribe of Asher, Jonathas, Auxeas, Eliseus, Ananias, Chabrias, Sachus. From the tribe of Naphtali, Isaac, Jacob, Jesus, Gabareus, Simon, Levi. From the tribe of Manasseh, Judas, Joseph, Simon, Zacharias, Joannes, Jonathas. From the tribe of Simeon, Sabatheus, Jason, Jesus, Theodorus, Jonas, Jonathan. From the tribe of Levi, Theodosius, Jason, Jesus, Theodorus, Jonas, Jonathas. From the tribe of Issachar, Theophilus, Abraham, Arsamis, Endemias, Daniel, Some. From the tribe of Zebulun, Jeremias, Eleazar, Zacharias, Baneas, Eliseus, Datheus. From the tribe of Ephraim, Samuel, Josephus, Judas, Joathes, Chabel, Dositheus. From the tribe of Benjamin, Israel, Joannes, Theodosius, Arsamenes, Abietas, Ezecel." And of these thus far.

Sunt quoque etiam hoc saeculo, qui contendunt eos tantummodo legem, id est quinque libros Moysis, ex Hebraeis Graecos fecisse ; istudque sensisse putant Aristaeam, Josephum, et quosdam Talmudicos. Falluntur porro quoniam hi nomine legis universam Veteris Testamenti Scripturam intelligunt, sicut et Christus Dominus noster de ea loquitur, Joannis X, 34, et XV, 25. Praeterea Philo ac Epiphanius, hujus rei diligentissimi indagatores, diserte testantur universum Vetus Testamentum, quod apud Judaeos 22 sacris libris servabatur, ab his in linguam Graecam translatum esse. Neque est verisimile regem omnium librorum tam avidum et curiosum, tot reliquorum clarissimorum prophetarum libros neglexisse, solis quinque unius Moysis contentum. Postremo, cum nulli ab his LXXII

There are also even in this age those who contend that they turned only the Law, that is, the five books of Moses, from Hebrew into Greek; and they think that Aristeas, Josephus, and certain Talmudists held that opinion. Now they are mistaken, because these by the name of the Law understand the whole Scripture of the Old Testament, just as Christ our Lord also speaks of it, John 10:34 and 15:25. Besides, Philo and Epiphanius, most diligent investigators of this matter, expressly testify that the whole Old Testament, which among the Jews was preserved in 22 sacred books, was translated by them into the Greek language. Nor is it likely that a king so eager and curious for all books neglected so many books of the remaining most illustrious prophets, content with the five alone of Moses only. Lastly, since no translators of the Old Testament are found after these Seventy-two

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Apol. c. 18.

Apology, chapter 18.

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reperiantur Veteris Testamenti interpretes, usque ad Aquilam, qui sub Adriano imperatore vixit : et ante hunc apostoli, aliique apostolici viri, alios a Moyse prophetas, tanquam ex Graeca tralatione citent frequentissime ; non est profecto dubitandum, universum Vetus Testamentum ab illis LXXII Graeco sermone donatum esse.

down to Aquila, who lived under the Emperor Hadrian, and before him the apostles and other apostolic men most frequently cite the other prophets besides Moses as from a Greek translation, it is assuredly not to be doubted that the whole Old Testament was endowed with Greek speech by those Seventy-two.

Neque praetermittendum, tantam olim fuisse hujus translationis LXXII, etiam inter Judaeos auctoritatem, ut, Philone teste, plurimi eorum singulis annis in insulam Pharum trajicerent, et celebri solemnitate locum honorarent, in quo primum edita esset tam mirabilis legis divinae interpretatio. Ideo et in horum calendario, die octava mensis Tebet, id est Decembris, signatur jejunium : quod illo die lex in Graecum versa sit tempore Ptolemaei regis, et tenebrae, ut aiunt, triduo totum mundum occupaverint.

Nor must it be passed over that so great was formerly the authority of this translation of the Seventy-two even among the Jews, that, as Philo witnesses, very many of them every year crossed over to the island of Pharos, and with a famous solemnity honoured the place in which so wonderful a translation of the divine Law had first been published. Therefore in their calendar also, on the eighth day of the month Tebeth, that is, December, a fast is marked: because on that day the Law was turned into Greek in the time of King Ptolemy, and darkness, as they say, occupied the whole world for three days.

Denique prisci Ecclesiae doctores, Justinus, Tertull., Epiphanius, Augustinus, una cum Irenaeo, nihil dubitarunt affirmare hos LXXII seniores Spiritu prophetico hac in re instructos atque munitos fuisse, quando tam stupendo miraculo omnes in easdem dictiones, periodos, et sententias convenerint, oracula obscuriora de Christo tam apte expresserint, et ab apostolis, tota demum prisca Ecclesia Christiana admissi probatique fuerint. Tametsi non diffiteamur, tam vetustate, quam exscribentium plurimorum oscitantia vel ignorantia, multis in locis illorum interpretationem postea vitiatam esse, adeo ut a Luciano, Hesychio, Origene, dein beato Hieronymo exinde emendanda fuerit. Divina tandem Providentia, et doctissimorum virorum nunquam satis laudandis laboribus, novissime correctam, auctoritateque Ecclesiae Romanae probatam, et excusam, in lucem gratulantur pii omnes hoc tempore exivisse. Atque haec pro loco sufficiant.

Finally, the ancient doctors of the Church, Justin, Tertullian, Epiphanius, and Augustine, together with Irenaeus, did not hesitate at all to affirm that these Seventy-two elders were instructed and fortified in this matter with the prophetic Spirit, seeing that by so stupendous a miracle they all agreed upon the same words, periods, and sentences, expressed so aptly the more obscure oracles concerning Christ, and were admitted and approved by the apostles, and at length by the whole ancient Christian Church. Although we do not deny that both by antiquity and by the drowsiness or ignorance of very many copyists, their translation was afterwards corrupted in many places, so that it had thereafter to be emended by Lucian, Hesychius, Origen, and then the blessed Jerome. At length by Divine Providence, and by the never sufficiently to be praised labours of most learned men, all pious men rejoice that in this time it has come forth into the light newly corrected, approved by the authority of the Roman Church, and printed. And let these things suffice for the passage.

Separans eos ab invicem. Justinus martyr scribit, septuaginta cellularum vestigia, in quibus separatim transtulerunt, Alexandriae sese conspexisse, a quo non dissentiunt Cyrillus Jeros. catechesi 4, Tertullianus cap. 19 Apolog. ; Eusebius lib. VIII De praeparat. evangel., cap. 1 ; Hilarius, Chrysostomus, Theodoretus, Augustinus II De doctrina Christ., cap. 15, et lib. XVIII De civitate, cap. 42. Quin et prophetico, id est divino Spiritu praeditos fuisse hos interpretes, non dubitat idem Augustinus XV De civitate, capite 14, et lib. XVIII, capite 43 : licet interdum, Hebraicae veritatis amore, sit illis infestior Hieronymus.

Separating them from one another. Justin Martyr writes that he himself beheld at Alexandria the traces of the seventy cells in which they translated separately, from whom there do not dissent Cyril of Jerusalem in Catechesis 4, Tertullian in chap. 19 of the Apologeticum, Eusebius in Book 8 On the Preparation for the Gospel, chap. 1, Hilary, Chrysostom, Theodoret, and Augustine in On Christian Doctrine Book 2, chap. 15, and On the City Book 18, chap. 42. Nay more, that these translators were endowed with the prophetic, that is, the divine Spirit, the same Augustine does not doubt in On the City Book 15, chapter 14, and Book 18, chapter 43: although sometimes, out of love for the Hebrew truth, Jerome is more hostile to them.

Pag. 216. Restituere populo eam legem. Magno consensu antiquissimi scriptores hanc sententiam suis calculis probant, velut Basilius epist. ad Chilonem, Clemens lib. I Strom., Hieronymus lib. Adv. Helvidium, Isidorus lib. VI Etymol. Sed unius Tertulliani verba hic adnotasse sufficiet : « Jerosolymis, ait, Babylonica expugnatione deletis, omne instrumentum Judaicae litteraturae per Esdram constat restauratum, » lib. De habitu muliebri, cap. 3.

Page 216. To restore that Law to the people. With great agreement the most ancient writers approve this opinion by their votes, such as Basil in the Epistle to Chilo, Clement in Book 1 of the Stromata, Jerome in the book Against Helvidius, and Isidore in Book 6 of the Etymologies. But it will suffice to have noted here the words of Tertullian alone: "When Jerusalem, he says, had been destroyed by the Babylonian storming, it is established that the whole instrument of Jewish literature was restored through Esdras," in the book On Female Dress, chap. 3.

Circa primum. Subscribit Tertull. lib. Contra Judaeos ; Euseb. in Histor. et Chronico, anno 42, quem sequitur Epiph. contra haeres. 78. Ptolemaeus ergo trecentis plus minus annis hoc tempus praecesserat.

About the first. Tertullian subscribes in the book Against the Jews; Eusebius in the History and Chronicle, in the 42nd year, whom Epiphanius follows against Heresy 78. Ptolemy therefore had preceded this time by three hundred years more or less.

Et Matthaeus. Hieronymus veritati Hebraicae impense devotus, submonet, Matthaeum aliquando non sequi LXX translatorum auctoritatem, sed Hebraicam, ut illa duo : « Ex Aegypto vocavi filium meum ; » et « Nazaraeus vocabitur, » indicant ; libro De viris illustr., et Comment. in II cap. Matth.

And Matthew. Jerome, earnestly devoted to the Hebrew truth, admonishes that Matthew sometimes does not follow the authority of the Seventy translators, but the Hebrew, as those two passages: "Out of Egypt have I called My Son," and "He shall be called a Nazarene," indicate; in the book On Illustrious Men, and in the Commentary on the 2nd chap. of Matthew.

Ex Jo. Er. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 25.

From the annotations of Jo. Er. Grabe on chap. 25.

Pag. 215. Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Λάγου. Clemens Alex., lib. I Strom., pag. 341 seq., hanc Irenaei de LXX

Page 215. Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Λάγου [Ptolemy the son of Lagus]. Clement of Alexandria, in Book 1 of the Stromata, page 341 f., being about to recite this history of Irenaeus concerning the Seventy

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In Dialogo, et Apol. 2.

In the Dialogue, and Apology 2.

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Ose. xi, 1.

Hos. 11:1.

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Matth. II, 23.

Matt. 2:23.

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other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: reperiantur Veteris Testamenti; Ex Jo. Er. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 25.

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interpretibus historiam recitaturus, istud sententiarum divortium prius memorat : Ἑρμηνευθῆναι τὰς Γραφὰς, τάς τε τοῦ νόμου, καὶ τὰς προφητικὰς, ἐκ τῆς τῶν Ἑβραίων διαλέκτου εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα γλῶτταν φασὶν ἐπὶ βασιλέως Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Λάγου· ἢ, ὥς τινες, ἐπὶ τοῦ Φιλαδέλφου ἐπικληθέντος, τὴν μεγίστην φιλοτιμίαν εἰς τοῦτο προσενεγκαμένου Δημητρίου τοῦ Φαληρέως, καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν ἑρμηνείαν ἀκριβῶς πραγματευσαμένου. « Versas autem esse Scripturas, et legis, et prophetarum, ex Hebraeo sermone in linguam Graecam aiunt tempore Ptolemaei Lagi filii ; aut, ut dicunt nonnulli, tempore ejus qui fuit cognominatus Philadelphus, cum maximam ad eam rem contulisset diligentiam Demetrius Phalereus, et, ut verterentur, vehementer procurasset. » Posterioris sententiae auctor fuisse videtur sive genuinus, sive spurius, uti videtur, Aristaeas ; sectatores Philo Judaeus lib. II De vita Moysis, pag. 658 ; Josephus l. XII Antiq. Jud., cap. 2 ; Tertullianus in Apologetico, cap. 18, ad Aristeae historiam provocans, ac alii Patres recentiores. Sed Irenaeus alterum, nescio quem, auctorem secutus, Ptolemaeo Lagi id tribuit, quod illi Philadelpho. De Justino martyre res est incerta, siquidem is Ptolemaeum sine addito nominat ; ac quamvis in Paraenesi ad Graecos, pag. 14, Philonem ac Josephum alleget, addit tamen « et alios, » tacitis licet eorum nominibus : ex quibus procul dubio hausit, quod de duplici legatione ipse solus memorat Apol. 2, pag. 72. Utrum igitur quoad auctorem legationis cum Philone et Josepho, an cum aliis senserit, dubium manet. Forte autem istud sententiarum divortium exinde natum est, quod legatio ad Judaeos acquirendorum sacrorum librorum causa isto facta sit tempore, quo Ptolemaeus Lagi filium Philadelphum in regni societatem assumpserat ; adeo ut utrique ascribi potuerit, et reapse a diversis auctoribus ascripta sit. Quae opinio uti plurimorum recentiorum calculo approbatur, ita etiam confirmatur testimonio Anatolii episcopi Laodiceni saec. III, cujus « multiplicem eruditionem » laudans Eusebius lib. VII Hist. eccl., cap. 32, fragmentum Canonum paschalium ejusdem ibi conservavit, in quo Philonem, Josephum, Musaeum, suam in rem citat, aliosque antiquiores scriptores Judaicos nominat, nempe duos Agathobulos, quibus Magistrorum cognomen haesit, atque Aristobulum, quem ista occasione ita describit loco citato pag. 234 : Ὃς ἐν τοῖς Ἑβδομήκοντα κατειλεγμένος, τοῖς τὰς ἱερὰς καὶ θείας Ἑβραίων ἑρμηνεύσασι Γραφὰς Πτολεμαίῳ τῷ Φιλαδέλφῳ καὶ τῷ τούτου πατρὶ, καὶ βίβλους ἐξηγητικὰς τοῦ Μωϋσέως νόμου τοῖς αὐτοῖς προσεφώνησε βασιλεῦσιν, « Qui unus fuit ex illis Septuaginta viris, qui sacra et divina Hebraeorum volumina in Ptolemaei Philadelphi et patris ejus gratiam (Graece) interpretati sunt ; et libros explanationum legis Mosicae iisdem regibus dedicavit. » Ubi in eo quidem forte erravit, quod Aristobulum multo juniorem, explanationum legis Mosaicae auctorem a Clemente Alexand. et Eusebio De praeparat. evangel. allegatum, cum illo seniore, uno τῶν Ο' confundit (nisi duo Aristobuli diversos in Moysem commentarios scripserint) ; ast in eo recte omnino sentire videtur, quod versio librorum biblicorum regnante Ptolemaeo Lagi et filio ejus Philadelpho facta sit. Atque id vel inde quoque probatur, quod opus istud procuraverit Demetrius Phalereus, teste ipso Aristobulo juniore apud Clementem Alex. lib. I Strom., pag. 342, et Euseb. lib. XIII Praeparat. evang., cap. 12. Atqui illum defuncto Ptolemaeo Lagi a filio ejus Ptolemaeo Philadelpho ab aula relegatum fuisse, celebratissimo illo Hermippi apud Diogenem Laertium testimonio constat. Necesse igitur est, ut, cum Ptolemaeus Lagi adhuc in vivis, et Demetrius inter amicos regis esset, versio τῶν Ο' si non ad

translators, first mentions that divergence of opinions: "They say that the Scriptures, both of the Law and of the prophets, were translated from the dialect of the Hebrews into the Greek tongue under King Ptolemy the son of Lagus; or, as some say, under him who was surnamed Philadelphus, Demetrius Phalereus having brought the greatest zeal to this matter, and having accurately managed the affairs concerning the translation." "Now they say that the Scriptures, both of the Law and of the prophets, were translated from the Hebrew speech into the Greek language in the time of Ptolemy the son of Lagus; or, as some say, in the time of him who was surnamed Philadelphus, Demetrius Phalereus having contributed the greatest diligence to that matter, and having earnestly procured that they should be translated." Of the latter opinion the author seems to have been either the genuine or, as it seems, the spurious Aristeas; its followers, Philo Judaeus in Book 2 On the Life of Moses, page 658; Josephus in Book 12 of the Jewish Antiquities, chap. 2; Tertullian in the Apologeticum, chap. 18, appealing to the history of Aristeas, and other more recent Fathers. But Irenaeus, following some other author, I know not whom, attributes to Ptolemy the son of Lagus what those attribute to Philadelphus. Concerning Justin Martyr the matter is uncertain, since he names Ptolemy without addition; and although in the Paraenesis to the Greeks, page 14, he alleges Philo and Josephus, yet he adds "and others," though their names are kept silent: from whom without doubt he drew what he alone mentions concerning a double embassy in Apology 2, page 72. Whether therefore as regards the author of the embassy he agreed with Philo and Josephus, or with others, remains doubtful. Now perhaps that divergence of opinions arose from the fact that the embassy to the Jews for the sake of acquiring the sacred books was made at that time when Ptolemy the son of Lagus had assumed his son Philadelphus into partnership of the kingdom; so that it could be ascribed to either, and in fact was ascribed by different authors. Which opinion, as it is approved by the vote of very many moderns, so also is confirmed by the testimony of Anatolius, bishop of Laodicea in the 3rd century, praising whose "manifold erudition" Eusebius in Book 7 of the Ecclesiastical History, chap. 32, preserved there a fragment of his Paschal Canons, in which he cites Philo, Josephus, and Musaeus for his purpose, and names other more ancient Jewish writers, namely the two Agathobuli, to whom the surname of Masters clave, and Aristobulus, whom on that occasion he thus describes at the place cited, page 234: "Who, being reckoned among the Seventy who translated the sacred and divine Scriptures of the Hebrews for Ptolemy Philadelphus and his father, also dedicated books of explanations of the Law of Moses to the same kings," "Who was one of those Seventy men who translated the sacred and divine volumes of the Hebrews (into Greek) for the sake of Ptolemy Philadelphus and his father; and dedicated books of explanations of the Mosaic Law to the same kings." Wherein indeed he perhaps erred in this, that he confounds Aristobulus, much younger, the author of the explanations of the Mosaic Law alleged by Clement of Alexandria and Eusebius On the Preparation for the Gospel, with that elder one, one of the Seventy (unless two Aristobuli wrote different commentaries on Moses); yet in this he seems to think altogether rightly, that the version of the biblical books was made while Ptolemy the son of Lagus and his son Philadelphus were reigning. And this is proved even from this fact also, that Demetrius Phalereus procured that work, as the younger Aristobulus himself witnesses in Clement of Alexandria, Book 1 of the Stromata, page 342, and Eusebius, Book 13 of the Preparation for the Gospel, chap. 12. And yet that after the death of Ptolemy the son of Lagus he was banished from the court by his son Ptolemy Philadelphus, is established by that most celebrated testimony of Hermippus in Diogenes Laertius. It is necessary, therefore, that while Ptolemy the son of Lagus was still among the living, and Demetrius was among the friends of the king, the version of the Seventy, if not

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finem perducta, saltem coepta fuerit. Confer sequentem adnotationem, quae alia adhuc ad hujus sententiae confirmationem suppeditabit.

brought to an end, was at least begun. Compare the following annotation, which will supply still other things in confirmation of this opinion.

Φιλοτιμούμενος τὴν ὑπ' αὐτοῦ κατεσκευασμένην βιβλιοθήκην, etc. Dices, Philadelpho plurimos istud amplissimae bibliothecae condendae studium tribuere scriptores, non autem Ptolemaeo Lagi. Respondeo, utrique idem fuisse studium, licet forte in illo, adhuc juvene, magis ardens. Cum enim Ptolemaeum Lagi apprime eruditum non solum plurimas epistolas, easque ad viros doctos datas, sed et Historiam de expeditionibus Alexandri Magni scripsisse constet, adeo ut « pacis artibus, quam militiae, major et clarior » dicatur a Curtio, lib. IX, cap. 8, nullum est dubium, quin et libris undique conquirendis fuerit intentus. Et sane eo regnante bibliothecam Alexandriae fuisse, eique praefuisse Zenodotum Ephesium, versificatorem et grammaticum, refert Suidas in voce Ζηνόδοτος. Quod non parum confirmatur e Strabonis lib. XIII Geogr., p. 608, ubi memoriae proditum est, quod Aristoteles docuerit τοὺς ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ βασιλέας βιβλιοθήκης σύνταξιν. Atqui Aristoteles non ultra Ptolemaei Lagi regnum vitam produxit ; adeo ut ipsi primus forte auctor condendae bibliothecae fuerit. Fuit sane, licet non primus, Demetrius Phalereus, de quo Plutarchus in Apophthegmatibus, p. 189, ait : Πτολεμαίῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ παρῄνει τὰ περὶ βασιλείας καὶ ἡγεμονίας βιβλία κτᾶσθαι καὶ ἀναγινώσκειν. Quae vix de alio quam Ptolemaeo Lagi accipi possunt ; et licet ad Philadelphum referantur, Ptolemaeo tamen Lagi adhuc vivo istud Demetrii consilium datum est, ut ex praecedenti adnotatione liquet.

Φιλοτιμούμενος τὴν ὑπ' αὐτοῦ κατεσκευασμένην βιβλιοθήκην [Being ambitious to adorn the library prepared by him], etc. You will say that very many writers attribute that zeal for founding a most ample library to Philadelphus, and not to Ptolemy the son of Lagus. I answer that both had the same zeal, though perhaps in the former, while still a young man, more ardent. For since it is established that Ptolemy the son of Lagus, being exceedingly learned, wrote not only very many epistles, and those addressed to learned men, but also a History of the Expeditions of Alexander the Great, so that he is called "greater and more illustrious in the arts of peace than of war" by Curtius, Book 9, chap. 8, there is no doubt that he was also intent upon collecting books from all quarters. And indeed that while he was reigning there was a library at Alexandria, and that Zenodotus of Ephesus, a versifier and grammarian, presided over it, Suidas relates under the word Ζηνόδοτος. Which is confirmed in no small degree from Strabo's Geography Book 13, p. 608, where it is handed down to memory that Aristotle taught the kings in Egypt the arrangement of a library. And yet Aristotle did not prolong his life beyond the reign of Ptolemy the son of Lagus; so that he was perhaps the first adviser to him of founding a library. Assuredly Demetrius Phalereus was such, though not the first, concerning whom Plutarch in the Apophthegms, p. 189, says: "He advised King Ptolemy to acquire and read the books on kingship and leadership." Which things can scarcely be understood of another than Ptolemy the son of Lagus; and although they be referred to Philadelphus, yet that counsel of Demetrius was given while Ptolemy the son of Lagus was still alive, as is clear from the preceding annotation.

Μεταβεβλημένας τὰς Γραφάς. Sic etiam Clemens Alexandrinus loco citato ait, libros omnes, tam legis quam prophetarum, a LXX senioribus in Graecum sermonem conversos fuisse. Cui subscribit Theodoretus in praefat. Commentariorum in Psalmos, et Olympiodorus in Comm. ad librum Job, et reliqui fere omnes. Aristobulus tamen et Josephus, ambo Judaei scriptores, legem duntaxat ab illis Graece interpretatam fuisse innuunt. Aristobuli quidem haec verba sunt apud Eusebium in lib. XIII Praeparat. evangel. : Ἡ δὲ ὅλη ἑρμηνεία τῶν διὰ τοῦ νόμου πάντων ἐπὶ τοῦ προσαγορευθέντος Φιλαδέλφου, etc. Josephus vero in prooemio librorum De antiquitate Judaica ita scribit : Εὗρον τοίνυν, ὅτι Πτολεμαῖος μὲν ὁ δεύτερος βασιλεὺς περὶ παιδείαν καὶ βίβλων συναγωγὴν σπουδάσας, ἐξαιρέτως ἐφιλοτιμήθη τὸν ἡμέτερον νόμον καὶ τὴν κατ' αὐτὸν διάταξιν τῆς πολιτείας εἰς τὴν ἑλλάδα μεταβαλεῖν. Et paulo post id ipsum declarat apertius his verbis : Οὐδὲ γὰρ πᾶσαν ἐκεῖνος ἔφθη λαβεῖν τὴν ἀναγραφὴν, ἀλλ' αὐτὰ μόνα τὰ τοῦ νόμου παρέδοσαν οἱ πεμφθέντες ἐπὶ τὴν ἐξήγησιν πρὸς τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν. Idem scribit in lib. XII Antiquitatum, cap. 2 et lib. II Contra Apionem non procul ab initio. Haec Valesius ad hunc Irenaei locum adnotavit in suis ad Eusebium Animadversionibus, pag. 94, col. 1 et 2. Addit quidem (quod et Feuard. adnotat) responderi posse, Judaeos legis nomine prophetas interdum comprehendere, ut notat Drusius in cap. 2 Responsionis ad Minerval Serarii ; atque pro hac explicatione affert verba quaedam Josephi ex lib. II Contra Apionem. Sed Josephi de sola Mosaicorum librorum versione sententia ex ante citatis verbis, quibus lex toti Scripturae opponitur, adeo clare elucet, ut frustraneum sit alium venari sensum. Aliter autem res se habet cum Aristobulo, cujus verba non de solius Mosaicae legis, sed totius Scripturae interpretatione commode accipi possunt, et forte etiam debent. Quippe in antedicto libro, pag. 664, Eusebius haec ejus recitat verba : Διηρμήνευται γὰρ πρὸ Δημητρίου τοῦ Φαληρέως δι' ἑτέρων πρὸ τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου καὶ Περσῶν ἐπικρατήσεως τά τε κατὰ τὴν ἐξαγωγὴν τὴν ἐξ Αἰγύπτου των

Μεταβεβλημένας τὰς Γραφάς [That the Scriptures had been translated]. Thus also Clement of Alexandria at the place cited says that all the books, both of the Law and of the prophets, were turned into Greek speech by the Seventy elders. To whom Theodoret subscribes in the preface of his Commentaries on the Psalms, and Olympiodorus in his Commentary on the Book of Job, and almost all the rest. Yet Aristobulus and Josephus, both Jewish writers, intimate that the Law alone was translated into Greek by them. Now the words of Aristobulus in Eusebius, in Book 13 of the Preparation for the Gospel, are these: "And the whole translation of all the things in the Law was made under him who was surnamed Philadelphus," etc. And Josephus in the proem of the books On Jewish Antiquity writes thus: "I found, therefore, that Ptolemy the second king, being zealous concerning learning and the collecting of books, was especially ambitious to turn our Law and the constitution of the state according to it into Greek." And a little after he declares the very same thing more openly in these words: "For neither did he succeed in receiving the whole record, but those who were sent to Alexandria for the interpretation handed over only the very things of the Law." He writes the same thing in Book 12 of the Antiquities, chap. 2, and in Book 2 Against Apion not far from the beginning. These things Valesius noted on this passage of Irenaeus in his Animadversions on Eusebius, page 94, cols. 1 and 2. He adds indeed (what Feuardent also notes) that it can be answered that the Jews under the name of the Law sometimes include the prophets, as Drusius notes in chap. 2 of his Response to the Minerval of Serarius; and for this explanation he brings forward certain words of Josephus from Book 2 Against Apion. But the opinion of Josephus concerning the version of the Mosaic books alone shines forth so clearly from the words cited above, in which the Law is opposed to the whole Scripture, that it is in vain to hunt for another sense. The case stands otherwise, however, with Aristobulus, whose words can conveniently, and perhaps even ought to, be understood of the translation not of the Mosaic Law alone, but of the whole Scripture. For in the aforesaid book, page 664, Eusebius recites these words of his: "For before Demetrius Phalereus there had been translated through others, before the mastery of Alexander and the Persians, both the things concerning the going forth out of Egypt of the

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Lib. i Strom., p. 341, seq.

Stromata, book 1, p. 341 and following.

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Ἑβραίων, ἡμετέρων δὲ πολιτῶν καὶ ἡ τῶν γεγονότων ἁπάντων αὐτοῖς ἐπιφάνεια, καὶ κράτησις τῆς χώρας, καὶ τῆς ὅλης νομοθεσίας ἐπεξήγησις. Atque paulo post in oppositione adversum haec scribere pergit : Ἡ δὲ ὅλη ἑρμηνεία τῶν διὰ νόμου πάντων, ἐπὶ τοῦ προσαγορευθέντος Φιλαδέλφου βασιλέως, etc. Sed de hoc prolixius disputandi hic non est locus.

Hebrews, our fellow-citizens, and the manifestation of all the things that happened to them, and the mastery of the land, and the detailed exposition of the whole legislation." And a little after, in opposition against these things, he proceeds to write: "But the whole translation of all the things through the Law was made under the king surnamed Philadelphus," etc. But this is not the place for disputing at greater length concerning this.

Χωρίσας αὐτοὺς ἀπ' ἀλλήλων. Justinus non in Apologia 2, ut scribit Feuardentius, neque in Dialogo cum Tryphone testatur, se LXX cellularum vestigia vidisse, sed in Paraenesi ad Graecos, pag. 14. Cum quo Irenaeus consentit ; non autem Epiphanius, lib. De ponderibus et mensuris memorans, binos in singulis cellis constitutos fuisse. Caeterum Hieronymi censuram quod attinet, haec Praefat. in Pentateuchum ita sonat : « Et nescio quis primus auctor septuaginta cellulas Alexandriae mendacio suo exstruxerit, quibus divisi eadem scriptitarunt ; cum Aristaeas ejusdem Ptolemaei ὑπερασπιστὴς, et multo post tempore Josephus nihil tale retulerint. Retulit tamen, aut saltem non obscure innuit, Philo Judaeus lib. II De vita Moysis, p. 659, ubi de LXX interpretibus ait : Καθάπερ ἐνθουσιῶντες προεφήτευον, οὐκ ἄλλα ἄλλοι, τὰ δὲ αὐτὰ πάντες ὀνόματα καὶ ῥήματα, ὥσπερ ὑποβολέως ἑκάστοις ἀοράτως ἐνηχοῦντος. Unde corrigenda animadversio Valesii ad Euseb. pag. 94, col. 2, scribentis, nullam cellularum apud Philonem fieri mentionem.

Χωρίσας αὐτοὺς ἀπ' ἀλλήλων [Having separated them from one another]. Justin testifies that he saw the traces of the seventy cells not in Apology 2, as Feuardent writes, nor in the Dialogue with Trypho, but in the Paraenesis to the Greeks, page 14. With whom Irenaeus agrees; not however Epiphanius, who mentions in the book On Weights and Measures that they were placed two by two in each cell. For the rest, as regards the censure of Jerome, this in the Preface to the Pentateuch runs thus: "And I know not what author first built by his falsehood the seventy cells at Alexandria, divided in which they wrote out the same things; whereas Aristeas, the bodyguard [ὑπερασπιστὴς] of the same Ptolemy, and long after in time Josephus, related nothing of the sort." Yet Philo Judaeus related it, or at least not obscurely intimated it, in Book 2 On the Life of Moses, p. 659, where concerning the Seventy translators he says: "As if inspired, they prophesied, not some one thing and others another, but all of them the very same nouns and verbs, as though an unseen prompter were sounding them in the ears of each." Whence the observation of Valesius on Eusebius, page 94, col. 2, must be corrected, who writes that no mention of cells is made in Philo.

Τῶν πάντων τὰ αὐτὰ ταῖς αὐταῖς λέξεσι. Post Philonem Justinus M. loco modo dicto similiter ait, τοὺς Ἑβδομήκοντα ἄνδρας μὴ μόνον τῇ αὐτῇ διανοίᾳ, ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐταῖς λέξεσι χρησαμένους, καὶ μηδὲ ἄχρι μιᾶς λέξεως τῆς πρὸς ἀλλήλους συμφωνίας διημαρτηκότας, ἀλλὰ τὰ αὐτὰ (καὶ) περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν γεγραφότας.

Τῶν πάντων τὰ αὐτὰ ταῖς αὐταῖς λέξεσι [All of them the same things in the same words]. After Philo, Justin Martyr in the passage just mentioned similarly says that the Seventy men used not only the same meaning, but also the same words, and did not fail of agreement with one another even to a single word, but wrote the same things (and) concerning the same things.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 26.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardent on chap. 26.

Pag. 216. Quemadmodum et ipsi. Non fuisset hoc initium capitis nisi colo dirimendum a superiore : quod tamen ne lectoribus, praecedentibus sectionibus assuetis, molestum esset, maluimus indicare, quam transponere. Confirmat autem oraculum Isaiae de virgine Emmanuelem paritura, in beatissima Maria Christum nostrum enixa, completum esse. Miraculum porro repromissum nullum fuisset, nisi plane virgo integra inviolataque peperisset. Caeterum, Helvidii nefarium errorem, ex hujus Evangelii loco perperam intellecto, natum, docte et acriter refellunt Hieronymus, Chrysostomus, et Hildephonsus Toletanus.

Page 216. Just as they also. This beginning of the chapter ought not to have been separated from what goes before save by a colon: which however, lest it should be troublesome to readers accustomed to the preceding sections, we preferred to indicate rather than to transpose. Now he confirms that the oracle of Isaiah concerning the virgin who should bear Emmanuel was fulfilled in the most blessed Mary when she brought forth our Christ. Moreover, the promised miracle would have been none at all, unless she had given birth while plainly a virgin entire and inviolate. For the rest, the nefarious error of Helvidius, sprung from this passage of the Gospel wrongly understood, is learnedly and sharply refuted by Jerome, Chrysostom, and Ildefonsus of Toledo.

In utero. Hoc ex vet. cod. addidimus, cum idem aperte habeat Evangelium Matth. cap. I.

In the womb. We added this from the old codex, since the Gospel of Matthew chap. 1 openly has the same.

In profundum inferni. Vet. cod. « In profundum deorsum, aut in altitudinem sursum. » Quam putarim germanam esse Irenaei lectionem, cum ita habere LXX indicet Hieronymus : quorum lectionem hanc cum Irenaeo amplexantur veteres, Justinus in Dial. ; Cyprianus lib. II Adv. Judaeos, cap. 9 ; Basilius, et Cyrillus in hunc Isaiae locum, et Ambrosius sermone 8 in psalm. CXVIII.

Unto the depth of hell. The old codex has: "Unto the depth beneath, or unto the height above." Which I should think to be the genuine reading of Irenaeus, since Jerome indicates that the Septuagint has it thus: which reading of theirs the ancients embrace along with Irenaeus, Justin in the Dialogue; Cyprian in Book 2 Against the Jews, chap. 9; Basil and Cyril on this passage of Isaiah, and Ambrose in Sermon 8 on Psalm 118.

Pag. 217. Num pusillum vobis. Quia sic habebant omnes codices, nihil immutavimus. Sanctes ex Hebraeo : « Nunquid parum est vobis labore afficere homines, quia labore afficitis et Deum meum? » Tertull. lib. Contra Judaeos : « Non pusillum vobis certamen cum hominibus, quoniam Deus praestat certamen? » Cyprianus libro secundo Adversus Judaeos, capite nono : « Num pusillum vobis certamen cum hominibus, quoniam Deus praestat agonem? » Eadem etiam habet epistol. ad martyres et confessores de Mappalico.

Page 217. Is it a small thing for you. Because all the codices had it thus, we have changed nothing. Sanctes from the Hebrew: "Is it a small thing for you to weary men, that you weary my God also?" Tertullian in the book Against the Jews: "Is it not a small contest for you with men, since God affords a contest?" Cyprian in the second book Against the Jews, chapter the ninth: "Is it a small contest for you with men, since God affords an agony?" He has the same things also in the epistle to the martyrs and confessors concerning Mappalicus.

Communicabit bonum. Sex has voces ex veteri codice restituimus : delevimus unicam, « commutavit. » Justinus martyr ita habet : « Butyrum et mel edet, priusquam dignoscat malum, eliget bonum ; quia priusquam dignoscat malum a bono,

He shall communicate the good. We have restored these six words from the old codex: we deleted the single word, "he changed." Justin Martyr has it thus: "Butter and honey shall He eat; before He knows evil, He shall choose the good; because before He knows evil from good,

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In Dialogo.

In the Dialogue.

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other: Latin with long Greek quotations (Aristobulus, Philo, Justin); editors' matter: Ἑβραίων, ἡμετέρων δὲ; Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 26.

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rejiciet malum ut bonum eligat. » Praeclara est hujus loci, alioqui satis obscuri, periphrasis apud Hieronymum, Commentariis in VII Isaiae, qua monet infantiam humani corporis divinae Christi scientiae non praejudicasse.

He shall reject evil to choose the good." Admirable is the paraphrase of this passage, otherwise obscure enough, in Jerome, in his Commentaries on Isaiah 7, whereby he admonishes that the infancy of the human body did not prejudice the divine knowledge of Christ.

Emmanuel enim nomen. Hebraicum nomen est compositum ex עמנו himmanu, id est nobiscum, et אל el, Deus : unde constat Christum Deum esse in carne manifestatum. Quo pacto autem Christo Jesu hoc nomen conveniat, et quid Judaeis ea de re obstrepentibus respondendum sit, disserunt Justinus martyr quaest. 135 ad orthod. et Tert. lib. Contra Judaeos.

For the name Emmanuel. The Hebrew name is compounded of עמנו himmanu, that is, with us, and אל el, God: whence it is established that Christ is God manifested in the flesh. Now in what way this name suits Christ Jesus, and what must be answered to the Jews clamouring against it on that score, Justin Martyr in Question 135 to the Orthodox and Tertullian in the book Against the Jews discuss.

Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 27.

Annotations of the same on chap. 27.

Pag. 217. Et in eo quod dicit. Hic locus ex Irenaeo habetur apud Theodor. dialog. 1. Demonstrat autem facta Davidi de Christo promissa in Virgine Maria completa esse, et Christum per eam verum esse filium David ; Ebionitarum labefactata impia interpretatione.

Page 217. And in that he says. This passage from Irenaeus is found in Theodoret, Dialogue 1. Now he demonstrates that the promises made to David concerning Christ were fulfilled in the Virgin Mary, and that Christ through her is the true son of David; the impious interpretation of the Ebionites being overthrown.

Dabit signum. Expunximus « dedit, » auct. vet. cod.

Shall give a sign. We have expunged "gave," on the authority of the old codex.

Quid enim magnum. Rabbinorum quidam de rege Ezechia hoc Isaiae vaticinium exponunt : sed jam tunc annos circiter quindecim natus erat. Alii fingunt obscuro cuipiam filiorum Achaz, alii vero ejusdem prophetae filio illud convenire ; sed nullus eorum fuit Himmanuel, nec terram universam suo imperio subjectam habuit, sicuti puer ille, quem paulo post idem propheta constituit terrae Dominum. Laudat igitur propheta insigne et inusitatum Dei miraculum, quod de vulgari mulierum conceptu (ut acute vidit Irenaeus) nequaquam faceret. Eadem ratione Tryphonem cum asseclis urget Justinus : « Si vulgari more primogenitorum, ait, nasciturus erat ex coitu, cur tanquam prodigium pollicetur, quod commune est primogenitis omnibus? » Eodem modo Tertull. lib. Contra Judaeos, Basil. hom. de Natali Domini, Cyrillus Jeros. catech. 12.

For what great thing. Certain of the Rabbis expound this prophecy of Isaiah concerning King Hezekiah: but he was already at that time about fifteen years old. Others feign that it suits some obscure son of Ahaz, and others a son of the same prophet; but none of them was Emmanuel, nor had the whole earth subject to his empire, like that Child Whom a little after the same prophet establishes as Lord of the earth. The prophet therefore praises a signal and unwonted miracle of God, which he would by no means do concerning the common conception of women (as Irenaeus acutely saw). By the same reasoning Justin presses Trypho and his followers: "If after the common manner of the firstborn, he says, He was to be born from intercourse, why does he promise as a prodigy that which is common to all the firstborn?" In the same manner Tertullian in the book Against the Jews, Basil in the Homily on the Nativity of the Lord, and Cyril of Jerusalem in Catechesis 12.

Ex Jo. Ern. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 27.

From the annotations of Jo. Ern. Grabe on chap. 27.

Pag. 217. De fructu ventris ejus regem promisit.... et non de fructu lumborum ejus. Similiter Tertullianus argumentatur lib. III Contra Marcionem, cap. 20, ubi citata ista promissione, subjungit : « Quis iste venter est? ipsius David? utique non : neque enim pariturus esset David. Sed nec uxoris ejus : non enim dixisset : Ex fructu ventris tui ; sed potius : Ex fructu ventris uxoris tuae. Ipsius ergo dicendo ventrem, superest ut aliquem de genere ejus ostenderit, cujus ventris futurus esset fructus caro quae ex utero Mariae floruit. Ideoque et fructum ventris tantum nominavit, ut proprie ventris ; quasi solius ventris, non etiam viri : et ipsum ventrem ad David redegit, ad principem generis, et familiae patrem. Nam quia viro deputare non poterat virginis ejus ventrem, patri deputavit. » Sed parum soliditatis videtur habere haec argumentatio, praesertim distinctio « ventris » et « lumborum ; » siquidem ipse apostolorum coryphaeus Actor. II, 30, hanc prophetiam recitans ait : ἐκ καρποῦ τῆς ὀσφύος αὐτοῦ. Unde nil mirum est, Tryphonem Judaeum quoque in Dialogo, pag. 293, ἀπὸ τῆς ὀσφύος αὐτοῦ dixisse, quamvis male interpretatus sit.

Page 217. Of the fruit of his belly He promised a king.... and not of the fruit of his loins. Similarly Tertullian argues in Book 3 Against Marcion, chap. 20, where after citing that promise he subjoins: "What belly is this? David's own? Assuredly not: for neither was David about to give birth. Nor yet his wife's: for He would not have said: Of the fruit of your belly; but rather: Of the fruit of your wife's belly. By saying therefore his own belly, it remains that He pointed out someone of his race, the fruit of whose belly was to be the flesh which flowered from the womb of Mary. And therefore He also named the fruit of the belly only, as properly of the belly; as though of the belly alone, not also of the man: and He referred the belly itself back to David, to the head of the race, and the father of the family. For because He could not reckon the belly of that virgin to a husband, He reckoned it to the father." But this argumentation seems to have little solidity, especially the distinction between "belly" and "loins"; since the chief of the apostles himself in Acts 2:30, reciting this prophecy, says: ἐκ καρποῦ τῆς ὀσφύος αὐτοῦ [of the fruit of his loins]. Whence it is no wonder that Trypho the Jew also in the Dialogue, page 293, said ἀπὸ τῆς ὀσφύος αὐτοῦ [from his loins], although he interpreted it wrongly.

Signellantis fuit, quoniam qui descendebat, etc. Ita et Hieronymus ad ista Isaiae verba : « Utrumque, inquit, ad typum pertinet mortis Domini et ascensionis. Qui enim descendit, ipse est qui et ascendit. » Theodoreti verba gemina recitavi et supplevi in notis ad Spicileg. Patrum saec. I, p. 364.

It was the part of One signifying that He Who descended, etc. Note: printed Signellantis or Significantis? In the image it is `Significantis fuit, quoniam qui descendebat, etc.`! Thus also Jerome on those words of Isaiah: "Both, he says, pertain to the type of the death of the Lord and of His ascension. For He Who descended, the same is also He Who ascended." I have recited and supplied the twin words of Theodoret in the notes to the Spicilegium of the Fathers of the 1st Century, p. 364.

Quid enim magnum, etc. Maxime consona hisce Irenaei sunt ista Justini in dicto Dialogo, pag. 310 : Ὡς μεγάλων πραγμάτων σημαινομένων, εἰ γυνὴ ἀπὸ συνουσίας τίκτειν ἔμελλεν· ὅπερ πᾶσαι αἱ νεάνιδες γυναῖκες ποιοῦσι, πλὴν τῶν στειρῶν.

For what great thing, etc. Most consonant with these words of Irenaeus are those of Justin in the said Dialogue, page 310: "As though great things were signified, if a woman was about to give birth from intercourse: which all young women do, save the barren."

Editors' notes and page, col. 1669

Footnotes

(66) ‹anchor: urget Justinus› · call in col 1669

In Dialogo.

In the Dialogue. [Printed numeral as it appears; it repeats the number used on p. 842.]

(printed under page 843)

Page

running head: 1669 IN LIB. III S. IREN
marginal letters: A rejiciet malum ut; B esse filium David ;; C Natali Domini, Cyrillus; D sertim distinctio « ventris »
old-edition numerals: 139 after enim
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: rejiciet malum ut; Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 27.; Ex Jo. Ern. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 27.

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Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 28.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardent on chap. 28.

Pag. 217. Hoc est enim quod sine manibus. Ita Danielis admirabile vaticinium, ante Irenaeum Justinus in Dialogo ; et post utrumque Tertullianus lib. Adv. Judaeos, et lib. III et IV Adversus Marcion., Hieronymus in II caput Danielis, Augustinus tractatu 7 et 9 in Joannem ; et ex Graecis Origenes, et Basilius, ad Christi Domini ex intacta Virgine nativitatem, non minus pie quam eleganter accommodarunt. Quibus fit, ut satis nequeam mirari detestarique Calvini Judaicam plane impietatem, scribentis, haec verba prorsus absurde de Filii Dei nativitate ex Maria Virgine intelligi.

Page 217. For this is why without hands. Thus before Irenaeus Justin in the Dialogue, and after both of them Tertullian in the book Against the Jews, and Books 3 and 4 Against Marcion, Jerome on the 2nd chapter of Daniel, Augustine in Tractates 7 and 9 on John, and among the Greeks Origen and Basil, accommodated the admirable prophecy of Daniel to the nativity of Christ the Lord from the untouched Virgin no less piously than elegantly. Whereby it comes to pass that I cannot sufficiently wonder at and detest the plainly Jewish impiety of Calvin, who writes that these words are altogether absurdly understood of the nativity of the Son of God from the Virgin Mary.

Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 29.

Annotations of the same on chap. 29.

Pag. 217. Propter hoc autem. Virgae Mosaicae transformationem, adventum Filii Dei in carnem praesignificasse cum Irenaeo sentiunt etiam plerique antiquorum ; quorum verba hunc locum explicabunt. Isidorus : « Virga in serpente, Christus in morte ; expavit et fugit Moyses, mortuus est Christus, et expaverunt discipuli, et fugerunt. » Ambrosius lib. De Salomone : « Moyses virgam projecit in terram ; quae et ipsa imago erat corporis Domini, ideo omnium Aegyptiorum potestatem absorbuit. » Pluribus verbis adhuc isthaec persequitur in psal. CXVIII, et lib. III Offic., cap. 14. Subscribunt ei Augustin. serm. 86 de tempore ; Gregor. Nyssen. lib. De vita Moysis ; Gregorius Roman., Prosper Aquitanicus, Beda, Rupertus.

Page 217. On this account, moreover. That the transformation of the Mosaic rod prefigured the coming of the Son of God into the flesh, most of the ancients also hold along with Irenaeus; whose words will explain this passage. Isidore: "The rod in the serpent, Christ in death; Moses was terrified and fled, Christ died, and the disciples were terrified and fled." Ambrose in the book On Solomon: "Moses cast the rod upon the earth; which itself also was an image of the body of the Lord, and therefore swallowed up the power of all the Egyptians." In still more words he pursues these things on Psalm 118, and in Book 3 On Duties, chap. 14. There subscribe to him Augustine in Sermon 86 On the Season; Gregory of Nyssa in the book On the Life of Moses; Gregory of Rome, Prosper of Aquitaine, Bede, and Rupert.

Quemadmodum. Hunc locum ita videtur aemulari Tertull. : « Non competebat ex semine humano Dei Filium nasci, nisi totus esset filius hominis, non esset et Dei Filius, nihilque haberet amplius Salomone, et amplius Jona, et de Ebionis opinione credendus erat. »

Just as. Tertullian seems thus to emulate this passage: "It was not fitting that the Son of God should be born from human seed, lest if He were wholly the son of a man, He should not also be the Son of God, and should have nothing more than Solomon, and more than Jonah, and would have had to be believed according to the opinion of Ebion."

Pag. 218. Super haec autem. Hoc est, praeterea, adhaec, πρὸς τούτοις.

Page 218. And besides these things. That is, moreover, in addition to these things, πρὸς τούτοις.

Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 30.

Annotations of the same on chap. 30.

Pag. 218. Jechonias autem. Sixtus Senensis, vir perdoctus et accuratus, scribit Anabaptistas hoc tam Jeremiae quam Irenaei testimonio abuti, ut probent Matthaeum evangelistam aberrasse in recensenda Christi genealogia, quasi a regibus Juda et Davide ortus esset per Jechoniam, Salathielem et Zorobabelem : quando ex superioribus Jeremiae ac Irenaei locis constet Jechoniam, qui et Joacim, in captivitate Babylonica sine liberis mortuum ; in eodemque exstinctam omnem stirpem regiam. Respondet vero illos tantummodo loqui de abdicatione a regno, seu orbitate imperii : non de omnimoda sterilitate seu orbitate prolis, quod ex ejusdem Jeremiae verbis istis clarum evadit : « Scribe hunc virum, abdicatum hominem, quoniam non augebit de semine ejus sedens super thronum David, princeps in Juda. » Quod autem in Babylone genuerit Salathielem, unde natus sit Zorobabel, praeter quod ex lib. I Esdrae cap. III, versic. 2, et Matthaei cap. I, 12, constanter asseritur, Philo in secundo Chronographiae testatur, Evilmerodach eduxisse Joacim cognomento Jechoniam de carcere, et in honorem habuisse. Datum autem ei filium Mesezebeel, cognomento Salathiel, qui anno decimo septimo post solutam captivitatem dux fuit populi, a quo et Zorobabel.

Page 218. Now Jechonias. Sixtus of Siena, a thoroughly learned and accurate man, writes that the Anabaptists abuse this testimony both of Jeremiah and of Irenaeus to prove that Matthew the Evangelist erred in recounting the genealogy of Christ, as though He had sprung from the kings of Judah and David through Jechonias, Salathiel, and Zorobabel: seeing that from the preceding passages of Jeremiah and Irenaeus it is established that Jechonias, who is also Joacim, died without children in the Babylonian captivity, and that in the same man all the royal stock was extinguished. He answers, however, that they speak only of abdication from the kingdom, or bereavement of rule: not of entire sterility or bereavement of offspring, which becomes clear from these words of the same Jeremiah: "Write this man, a disowned man, because there shall not prosper of his seed a man sitting upon the throne of David, a prince in Judah." Moreover, that in Babylon he begot Salathiel, from whom Zorobabel was born, besides the fact that it is constantly asserted from Book 1 of Esdras chap. 3, verse 2, and Matthew chap. 1:12, Philo in the second book of his Chronography testifies that Evil-Merodach brought Joacim surnamed Jechonias out of prison, and held him in honour; and that there was given to him a son Mesezebeel, surnamed Salathiel, who in the seventeenth year after the loosing of the captivity was leader of the people, from whom also was Zorobabel.

Regem Judaeae. Id est tribus Judae et Benjamin, non totius Israelis.

King of Judaea. That is, of the tribe of Judah and Benjamin, not of the whole of Israel.

Mortificatum ejus. Cadaver ipsius Joacim, de quo Jerem. XXII, 19 : « Sepultura asini sepelietur, et putrefactus, et projectus extra portas Jerusalem. » Vult autem Irenaeus, quia praedictum erat neminem ex semine Joacim, ex quo Joseph sponsus beatae Mariae oriundus erat, sessurum super solium Davidis ; Jesum Christum, si ab illo genitus fuisset, non potuisse in eo sedere, juxta verbum angeli, Luc. I.

His dead body. The corpse of Joacim himself, concerning whom Jeremiah 22:19 says: "With the burial of an ass shall he be buried, rotted and cast forth outside the gates of Jerusalem." Now Irenaeus means that, because it had been foretold that no one of the seed of Joacim, from whom Joseph the spouse of the blessed Mary was descended, should sit upon the throne of David, Jesus Christ, if He had been begotten by him, could not have sat upon it, according to the word of the angel, Luke 1.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1670

Footnotes

(67) ‹anchor: Tertull.› · call in col 1670

Lib. de carn. Christi.

The book On the Flesh of Christ.

(printed under page 843)

(68) ‹anchor: princeps in Juda› · call in col 1670

Jerem. xxii, 30.

Jer. 22:30.

(printed under page 843)

Page

running head: LIB. III S. IRENAEI. 1670
marginal letters: A Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii; B morte ; expavit et; C Pag. 218. Jechonias; D 12, constanter asseritur,
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 28.; Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 29.; Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 30.

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Paulo post « inhabitantes » posuimus, pro « inhabitantem, » auct. vet. cod.

A little after we have put "inhabiting" [plural] for "inhabiting" [singular], on the authority of the old codex.

Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 31.

Annotations of the same on chap. 31.

Pag. 218. Et antiquam plasmationem. Docet oportuisse Christum redemptorem ex virgine nasci, quoniam Adam praevaricator ex terra virgine formatus fuerat : quod paulo apertius et fusius docet his adversus Judaeos verbis Cyrillus Jerosol. : « Ex corporibus corpora gigni, possibile ; sed pulverem terrae hominem fieri, hoc multo mirabilius. Lutum confusum, oculorum tunicas et splendores, movere, aedificare, loqui, docere, parere, regnare, hoc admirandum. Itaque, o indoctissimi Judaei, unde Adam factus est? Nonne Deus accepit pulverem de terra, et creavit creaturam hanc admirandam? Quid igitur? Lutum in oculum mutatur, et virgo non generabit? Quod apud homines est impossibile, Deus praestare non poterit? » etc.

Page 218. And the ancient formation. He teaches that it behoved Christ the Redeemer to be born of a virgin, because Adam the transgressor had been formed from virgin earth: which Cyril of Jerusalem teaches a little more openly and at large in these words against the Jews: "That bodies should be begotten from bodies is possible; but that the dust of the earth should become a man, this is much more wonderful. That mingled clay should become the coats and brightnesses of the eyes, should move, build, speak, teach, obey, reign, this is wonderful. Therefore, O most unlearned Jews, whence was Adam made? Did not God take dust from the earth, and create this wonderful creature? What then? Clay is changed into an eye, and shall a virgin not bring forth? What is impossible with men, shall God not be able to perform?" etc.

Et quemadmodum. Sententiam hanc fere ad verbum videtur Tertullianus transcripsisse lib. De carne Christi : « Virgo adhuc erat terra, nondum opere compressa, nondum sementi subacta ; ex ea hominem factum accepimus a Deo in animam vivam. Igitur si primus Adam ita traditur, merito sequens, » etc. Melliflua B. Bernardi verba huic loco accommoda praeterire non potui : « Deum, » ait ille hom. 2 super Missus est, « hujusmodi decebat nativitas, qua non nisi de virgine nasceretur : talis congruebat et virgini partus, ut non pareret nisi Deum. Voluit esse virginem, de qua immaculata immaculatus procederet, omnium maculas purgaturus, » etc.

And just as. Tertullian seems to have transcribed this sentence almost word for word in the book On the Flesh of Christ: "The earth was still a virgin, not yet compressed by labour, not yet subdued for seed; out of it we have received that man was made by God into a living soul. Therefore if the first Adam is thus handed down, deservedly the following," etc. The honey-flowing words of the blessed Bernard suited to this passage I could not pass over: "Such a nativity," says he in Homily 2 on Missus est, "befitted God, whereby He should be born of none save a virgin: such a childbirth also suited a virgin, that she should bear none save God. He willed her to be a virgin, from whom, immaculate, He should proceed immaculate, about to purge away the stains of all," etc.

Si igitur primus Adam. Totus hic locus exprimitur a Theodoreto, dialog. 1, usque ad illud proximi capitis : « Si enim ille quidem de terra, » etc.

If therefore the first Adam. This whole passage is copied out by Theodoret, Dialogue 1, down to that passage of the next chapter: "For if he indeed from the earth," etc.

Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 32.

Annotations of the same on chap. 32.

Pag. 218. Erant igitur. Simonis Magi, Saturnini, Valentini, Cerdonis et Marcionis sectatores intelligit ; qui omnes diversis licet errorum anfractibus, eamdem tamen in blasphemiam delapsi sunt, Christum aut non veram carnem, aut non ex Virgine conceptam et natam cepisse. In his refellendis pugnacissimus est Tertull. lib. De carne Christi, lib. III et IV Contra Marcionem. Probat vero Irenaeus carnem nostram vere conceptam, natam, crucifixam, passam, et resuscitatam esse in Christo, ex eo quod homo et filius hominis dicitur ; insuper, vere esurierit, comederit, fatigatus et vulneratus fuerit, doluerit, lacrymarit, sudarit, demum crucifixus et mortuus sit. Infra, « sustinuit » collocavimus, pro « suscitavit, » docente vet. cod.

Page 218. They were, therefore. He understands the followers of Simon Magus, Saturninus, Valentinus, Cerdo, and Marcion; who all, though by different windings of errors, yet slipped down into the same blasphemy, that Christ took either not true flesh, or flesh not conceived and born of the Virgin. In refuting these Tertullian is most strenuous in the book On the Flesh of Christ, and Books 3 and 4 Against Marcion. Now Irenaeus proves that our flesh was truly conceived, born, crucified, suffered, and raised again in Christ, from the fact that He is called man and the Son of Man; moreover, that He truly hungered, ate, was wearied and wounded, grieved, wept, sweated, and finally was crucified and died. Below, we have placed "endured" for "raised up," as the old codex teaches.

Filium hominis se confitetur. Tertull. : « Cur homo Christus, et filius hominis, si nihil hominis, et nihil ex homine? Nisi si aut aliud est homo quam caro ; aut aliunde caro hominis, quam ex homine, aut aliud est Maria, quam homo. »

Confesses Himself the Son of Man. Tertullian: "Why is Christ man, and the Son of Man, if there is nothing of man, and nothing from man? Unless either man is something other than flesh; or the flesh of man is from elsewhere than from man; or Mary is something other than a human being."

Hinc autem apparet concilium Ephesinum recte ex Patribus adversus Nestorium collegisse et statuisse, D. Virginem Mariam censendam esse Deiparam, non tantum Christiparam, quandoquidem constat illum quem utero concepit, fovit, genuit, simul Deum et hominem exstitisse ; quod postea quoque sexta et septima synodus confirmarunt. Hoc tantum Nazianzeni proloquium subnectam : « Si quis sanctam Mariam Deiparam non credit, extra divinitatem est. »

Now hence it appears that the Council of Ephesus rightly gathered and established from the Fathers against Nestorius that the blessed Virgin Mary is to be accounted Mother of God [Deiparam], not merely Mother of Christ [Christiparam], seeing that it is established that He Whom she conceived in the womb, cherished, and brought forth, existed at once God and man; which afterwards the Sixth and Seventh Synods also confirmed. I shall subjoin only this maxim of Nazianzen: "If anyone does not believe holy Mary to be the Mother of God, he is outside the Godhead."

Pag. 219. Caeterum supervacua est. Isthaec omnia ad finem usque capitis hujus transcripsit Theodoret. dial. 1.

Page 219. Otherwise it is superfluous. All these things down to the end of this chapter Theodoret transcribed in Dialogue 1.

Si nihil incipiebat sumere. Hoc est, si nihil sumpturus erat, ἔμελλε λαμβάνειν.

If He was not about to take anything. That is, if He was going to take nothing, ἔμελλε λαμβάνειν.

Aut si nihil sumpsisset. Tertul. Marcionem eodem etiam pacto alloquitur : « Quid dicis coelestem carnem, quam unde coelestem intelligas non habes?

Or if He had taken nothing. Tertullian addresses Marcion in the same way also: "Why do you call the flesh heavenly, which you have no ground to understand as heavenly?

Editors' notes and page, col. 1671

Footnotes

(69) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot crops› · call in col 1671

Catech. 12.

Catechesis 12.

(printed under page 844)

(70) ‹anchor: quam homo› · call in col 1671

Lib. de carne Christi, et lib. iv contra Marcionem.

The book On the Flesh of Christ, and Against Marcion, book 4.

(printed under page 844)

(71) ‹anchor: extra divinitatem est› · call in col 1671

Epist. ad Cledonium.

Letter to Cledonius.

(printed under page 844)

(72) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot crops› · call in col 1671

Lib. de carne Christi.

The book On the Flesh of Christ.

(printed under page 844)

Page

running head: 1671 VARIORUM NOTA
marginal letters: A Paulo post « inhabitantes »; B bum videtur Tertullianus; C eamdem tamen in; D ram, non tantum
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Paulo post « inhabitantes »; Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 31.; Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 32.

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Quid terrenam negas, quam unde terrenam agnoscas habes? Esuriit sub diabolo, sitiit sub Samaritide, lacrymatur super Lazarum, trepidat ad mortem. Caro, inquit, infirma. Sanguinem fudit postremo : haec sunt, opinor, signa coelestia. »

Why do you deny it to be earthly, which you have ground to recognize as earthly? He hungered under the devil, He thirsted under the Samaritan woman, He weeps over Lazarus, He trembles at death. The flesh, He says, is weak. Lastly He shed blood: these, I suppose, are heavenly signs."

Nutritur. Expunximus « nutriretur, » auct. vet. cod., probante quoque Theodoreto.

Is nourished. We have expunged "would be nourished," on the authority of the old codex, Theodoret also approving.

Ex. Jo. Ern. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 32.

From the annotations of Jo. Ern. Grabe on chap. 32.

Pag. 219. Οὐδ' ἂν ἵδρωσε θρόμβους αἵματος. Hunc Irenaei locum respexit Epiphanius in Ancorato, § 31, ubi citaturus verba Lucae de sudore Christi sanguineo, haec sua praefatur : Κεῖται ἐν τῷ κατὰ Λουκᾶν Εὐαγγελίῳ, ἐν τοῖς ἀδιορθώτοις ἀντιγράφοις, καὶ κέχρηται τῇ μαρτυρίᾳ ὁ ἅγιος Εἰρηναῖος ἐν τῷ Κατὰ (ita enim legendum pro μετὰ, ut in editione novissima expressum reperio) αἱρέσεων, πρὸς τοὺς δοκήσει τὸν Χριστὸν πεφηνέναι λέγοντας· Ὀρθόδοξοι δὲ ἀφείλοντο τὸ ῥητὸν, φοβηθέντες, καὶ μὴ νοήσαντες αὐτοῦ τὸ τέλος καὶ ἰσχυρότατον. Unde textus Lucae de sudore sanguineo sequitur ; ad quem modo recitata Epiphanii verba omnino pertinent, male a Petavio hujus loci interprete et commentatore, ac Grotio in Comment. ad Luc. XIV, aliisque viris doctis relata ad id quod de fletu Christi praecessit ex Luc. XIX.

Page 219. Οὐδ' ἂν ἵδρωσε θρόμβους αἵματος [Neither would He have sweated clots of blood]. Epiphanius looked to this passage of Irenaeus in the Ancoratus, § 31, where being about to cite the words of Luke concerning the bloody sweat of Christ, he prefaces these words of his own: "It stands in the Gospel according to Luke, in the uncorrected copies, and Saint Irenaeus has used the testimony in the work Against (for so must we read for μετὰ [with], as I find printed in the latest edition) Heresies, against those who say that Christ appeared in semblance: but the orthodox removed the saying, being afraid, and not understanding its end and mightiest force." Whence the text of Luke concerning the bloody sweat follows; to which the words of Epiphanius just recited altogether pertain, wrongly referred by Petavius the translator and commentator of this passage, and by Grotius in his Commentary on Luke 14, and other learned men, to that which preceded concerning the weeping of Christ from Luke 19.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 33.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardent on chap. 33.

Pag. 219. Propter hoc Lucas. Ex genealogia Christi ostendit eum vere hominem, et universorum hominum redemptorem, eumdemque ex B. Virgine Maria conceptum et natum ; ut sicut virgo Eva sibi et nobis causa mortis facta est, sic B. Maria vitae et salutis per Filium suum nobis esset.

Page 219. On this account Luke. From the genealogy of Christ he shows that He is truly man, and the Redeemer of all men, and that the same was conceived and born of the blessed Virgin Mary; so that just as the virgin Eve became the cause of death to herself and to us, so the blessed Mary might be to us the cause of life and salvation through her Son.

Paulo ante. Delevimus « paulo attestante, » auctor. vet. cod.

A little before. We deleted "Paul witnessing," on the authority of the old codex.

Pag. 220. Maria et sibi, et universo generi humano causa facta est salutis. Hoc capite, et infra non raro, multis elogiis laudes et virtutes beatissimae Dei genitricis praedicat Irenaeus : quod illi cum omnibus qui Christianam pietatem excoluerint, adeo commune est, ut nullum invenias ex catholicis scriptoribus, qui non vel singulari opere in eum finem edito, vel sparsim hinc inde, in ejus recensendis encomiis libenter exspatietur. Haec autem male habent Gnosticos posteriores, qui, opinor, ut ei strenue viam parent, qui postremum funestissimumque bellum illaturus est sanctis omnibus, universos nervos intendunt, ut laudes ejus elevent, vel ipsam gravioribus criminibus onerent. Aliquando enim importunitatis eam accusant, « qua praepostere cursum doctrinae Christi abrumpere tentarit. » Alias « Dominum ne matrem quidem illam agnovisse, sed apud se intercedentem rejecisse. » Quidam « salutationem angelicam quasi magicum exorcismum aestimant ; sanctamque Virginem non minus maligne restrinxisse Dei potentiam, quam antea Zacharias. Votum quoque perpetuae virginitatis ab ea emissum, absurdum, ridiculum, imo perfidiam gravi reprehensione dignam » non verentur appellare. Alii « maximam ei inferri injuriam » dicunt, cum appellatur « Regina coeli et domina mundi. » Quidam rursus « omni dignitate abdicatam, vilis et abjectae conditionis mulierculam, ingloriam, pannosam, pauperculam, et omnium ludibrio expositam » appellant. Alii « naturali ratione ipsam Dominum peperisse volunt. » Quidam rursum illam « per incogitantiam eo delapsam garriunt, ut se Deo aliquando praeferret. » Alii « graviter eam peccasse in Filii triduana amissione fingentes, peccatum illud comparant cum delicto Evae, quo salutem hominum initio evertit. » Eamdem denique impii Magdeburgenses « ita cum Josepho fuisse affectam » (utor eorum omnium verbis) non erubuerunt scribere, « ut statuto tempore, more aliorum conjugum,

Page 220. Mary became both to herself and to the whole human race a cause of salvation. In this chapter, and not rarely below, Irenaeus proclaims with many eulogies the praises and virtues of the most blessed Mother of God: which is so common to him with all who have cultivated Christian piety, that you may find none among Catholic writers who does not gladly expatiate in recounting her praises, either in a special work published to that end, or here and there in scattered passages. Now these thingsvex the later Gnostics, who, I suppose, in order strenuously to prepare the way for him who is about to wage the last and most deadly war against all the saints, strain every nerve to disparage her praises, or to load her with heavier charges. For sometimes they accuse her of importunity, "whereby she preposterously tried to break off the course of the doctrine of Christ." At other times they say "that the Lord did not even acknowledge her as mother, but rejected her when interceding with Him." Some "esteem the angelic salutation as if a magical exorcism; and say that the holy Virgin no less maliciously restricted the power of God than Zacharias had done before. Moreover, the vow of perpetual virginity uttered by her" they do not fear to call "absurd, ridiculous, nay a perfidy worthy of grave reproof." Others say "that the greatest injury is done to her" when she is called "Queen of heaven and Mistress of the world." Certain others again call her "stripped of all dignity, a little woman of vile and abject condition, inglorious, ragged, a poor creature, and exposed to the mockery of all." Others "will have it that she bore the Lord in a natural manner." Certain others again prattle "that through thoughtlessness she slipped so far as sometimes to prefer herself to God." Others, "feigning that she sinned gravely in the three days' loss of her Son, compare that sin with the transgression of Eve, whereby in the beginning she overthrew the salvation of men." Finally the impious Centuriators of Magdeburg did not blush to write concerning the same Virgin (I use the words of them all) "that she was so disposed with Joseph that at the appointed time, after the manner of other married couples,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1672

Page

running head: VARIORUM NOTAE 1672
marginal letters: A Quid terrenam negas,; B de sudore sanguineo; C nibus qui Christianam; D fidiam gravi reprehensione
old-edition numerals: 140 after interprete
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Quid terrenam negas,; Ex. Jo. Ern. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 32.; Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 33.

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voluerit liberos procreare. » Bezae vesanias, et Vireti virulenta in eam convicia, quod adhuc impudentiora sint, consulto praetereo.

she wished to beget children." The frenzies of Beza, and the virulent revilings of Viret against her, because they are still more shameless, I purposely pass over.

At his magno animo opponenda sunt elegantissimae patriarcharum figurae, aperta prophetarum vaticinia et evangelistarum scripta : quibus copiosissimos gratiae Dei proventus, immensa beneficia et stupenda opera in ea edita fuisse omnibus obvium est. Opponenda et Patrum Graecorum et Latinorum erudita scripta ; quibus summis et amplissimis honorum titulis merito exornatur. Ac ut Anselmum, Rupertum, Bernardum, Andream Jerosolymitanum, Fulgentium, aliosque plures beatae Virginis summos laudatores, qui abhinc mille annis vixerunt, taceam ; Petrum Chrysologum, qui sub Martiano imperatore, id est anno Domini 450, floruit, primo loco proferam : « Quantus sit Deus, ait ille, satis ignorat ille, qui hujus Virginis mentem non stupet, animum non miratur ; pavet coelum, tremunt angeli, creatura non sustinet, natura non sufficit ; et una puella sic Deum in sui pectoris capit, recipit, oblectat hospitio, ut pacem terris, coelis gloriam, salutem perditis, vitam mortuis, terrenis cum coelestibus parentelam, ipsius Dei cum carne commercium, pro ipsa domus exigat pensione. » Et iterum : « Ipse angelus miratur, aut feminam tantum, aut omnes homines vitam meruisse per feminam ; stupet angelus totum Deum venire intra virginalis uteri angustias, cui tota simul angusta est creatura. » Et alibi : « Ave, gratia plena : Haec est gratia, quae dedit coelis gloriam, terris Deum, fidem gentibus, finem vitiis, vitae ordinem, moribus disciplinam. Hanc gratiam detulit angelus, accepit Virgo, salutem saeculis redditura. » Et post pauca : « Vere benedicta Virgo, quae et virginitatis possidet decus, et matris dignitatem. Vere benedicta, quae et superni conceptus meruit gratiam, et sustulit integritatis coronam. Vere benedicta, quae et divini germinis suscepit gloriam, et regina exstitit totius castitatis. Vere benedicta, quae fuit major coelo, fortior terra, orbe latior ; nam Deum quem mundus non capit, sola cepit, » etc.

But to these must be opposed with a great mind the most elegant figures of the patriarchs, the open prophecies of the prophets, and the writings of the evangelists: whereby it is obvious to all that the most copious harvests of the grace of God, immense benefits, and stupendous works were put forth in her. There must be opposed also the learned writings of the Greek and Latin Fathers; whereby she is deservedly adorned with the highest and amplest titles of honour. And to pass over in silence Anselm, Rupert, Bernard, Andrew of Jerusalem, Fulgentius, and many other supreme praisers of the blessed Virgin who have lived within the last thousand years, I shall bring forward in the first place Peter Chrysologus, who flourished under the Emperor Marcian, that is, in the year of the Lord 450: "How great God is, says he, that man little knows who is not amazed at the mind of this Virgin, who does not wonder at her soul; heaven is struck with awe, the angels tremble, creation does not endure it, nature does not suffice; and one girl so holds, receives, and delights God in the lodging of her breast, that for the very rent of the house she claims peace for the earth, glory for the heavens, salvation for the lost, life for the dead, kinship of earthly things with heavenly, the commerce of God Himself with flesh." And again: "The angel himself wonders that a woman was able to do so much, or that all men merited life through a woman; the angel is amazed that the whole God comes within the narrow limits of a virginal womb, for Whom the whole creation together is narrow." And elsewhere: "Hail, full of grace: This is the grace which gave glory to the heavens, God to the earth, faith to the nations, an end to vices, order to life, discipline to morals. This grace the angel brought down, the Virgin received, about to restore salvation to the ages." And after a few words: "Truly blessed Virgin, who possesses both the beauty of virginity and the dignity of a mother. Truly blessed, who both merited the grace of a supernal conception and bore off the crown of integrity. Truly blessed, who both received the glory of a divine offspring and stood forth queen of all chastity. Truly blessed, who was greater than heaven, stronger than earth, wider than the world; for God, Whom the world does not contain, she alone contained," etc.

Augustinus cum de peccatis agit, nullam protestatur de beata Maria habere velle quaestionem : scit enim, quod plus ei gratiae collatum fuerit ad vincendum omni ex parte peccatum, quae concipere ac parere meruit eum, quem constat nullum habuisse peccatum. Idem alibi : « Videamus, ait, quae est illa virgo tam sancta, ad quam Spiritus sanctus venire dignatus est ; quae tam speciosa, quam Dominus elegit sponsam ; quae tam copiosa, cujus generationem totus orbis excipiat ; quae tam casta, ut possit virgo esse post partum. Haec est immaculata concubitu, fecunda partu Virgo et casta perpetuo. Haec concipit, non viro, sed Spiritu ; haec parit, non dolore, sed gaudio. Haec est sponsa Christi, et gentium magistra, quae se plenam miratur, et fetam laetatur. » Idem rursus : « Dicat Maria : Porta facta sum coeli, janua facta sum Filio Dei. Illa porta facta clausa, quam Ezechiel vidit. » Et iterum idem : « Facta est Maria scala coelestis, quia per ipsam Deus descendit ad terras, ut per ipsam homines ascendere mereantur ad coelos. » Rursum idem : « Etsi omnium nostrum membra verterentur in linguas, eam laudare sufficeret nullus. Altior coelo est, abysso profundior, cujus laudes dicere conamur. Haec est enim, quae sola meruit mater et sponsa vocari. Haec primae matris damna resolvit, haec homini perdito salutem adduxit, » etc. Et post pauca : « Sed quid dicam pauper ingenio, cum de te quidquid dixero, minor laus est, quam dignitas tua meretur? Si coelum te vocem, altior

Augustine, when he treats of sins, protests that concerning the blessed Mary he wishes to have no question at all: for he knows that more grace was conferred upon her to overcome sin in every part, who merited to conceive and bear Him Who it is established had no sin. The same elsewhere: "Let us see, says he, who is that virgin so holy, to whom the Holy Spirit deigned to come; who so fair, whom the Lord chose as spouse; who so fruitful, whose generation the whole world receives; who so chaste, that she can be a virgin after childbirth. This is the Virgin immaculate in wedlock, fruitful in childbirth, and perpetually chaste. She conceives, not by a man, but by the Spirit; she brings forth, not in sorrow, but in joy. She is the spouse of Christ, and the teacher of the nations, who wonders to find herself full, and rejoices to find herself with child." The same again: "Let Mary say: I have been made the gate of heaven, I have been made a door for the Son of God. Made that closed gate which Ezekiel saw." And again the same: "Mary has been made a heavenly ladder, because through her God descended to the earth, that through her men might merit to ascend to the heavens." Again the same: "Even if the members of us all were turned into tongues, none would suffice to praise her. Higher than heaven, deeper than the abyss is she whose praises we endeavour to speak. For she it is who alone merited to be called mother and spouse. She loosed the losses of the first mother, she brought salvation to lost man," etc. And after a few words: "But what shall I say, poor in wit, when whatever I shall have said of you is less praise than your dignity deserves? If I call you heaven, higher

Editors' notes and page, col. 1673

Footnotes

(73) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot crops› · call in col 1673

Calvin. et Muscul. in xii cap. Matth.; Gualter. in i Marc.; Calvin. et Marlor. in i cap. Luc.; Brent. in i Lucae; Bucer et Molin. in ii Lucae; Calvin. in ii Lucae, cent. i, cap. 10.

Calvin and Musculus on Matthew 12; Gualther on Mark 1; Calvin and Marlorat on Luke 1; Brenz on Luke 1; Bucer and Molinaeus on Luke 2; Calvin on Luke 2; Century 1, chapter 10.

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(74) ‹anchor: Et alibi› · call in col 1673

Serm. 140.

Sermon 140.

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Serm. 142.

Sermon 142.

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Serm. 143.

Sermon 143.

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(77) ‹anchor: habere velle quaestionem› · call in col 1673

Lib. de natura et gratia, cap. 36.

On Nature and Grace, chapter 36. [The chapter numeral is faint; it could read 35.]

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Serm. 6 de tempore.

Sermon 6 de tempore.

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(79) ‹anchor: Idem rursus› · call in col 1673

Serm. 18.

Sermon 18.

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Serm. 15.

Sermon 15.

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Serm. 35 de sanctis.

Sermon 35 de sanctis.

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(82) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot crops› · call in col 1673

Luc. I, 48.

Luke 1:48.

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Page

running head: 1673 IN LIB. III S. IREN
marginal letters: A voluerit liberos procreare. »; B non sufficit ; et; C exstitit totius castitatis.; D et fetam laetatur. »
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: voluerit liberos procreare. »; de re printed for de te in cum de re quidquid dixero

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es. Si matrem gentium dicam, praecedis. Si formam Dei appellem, digna exsistis. Si dominam angelorum vocitem, per omnia te esse probaris, » etc. Et iterum : « O vere beata Mariae humilitas, quae Deum hominibus peperit, vitam mortalibus dedit, coelos innovavit, mundum purificavit, paradisum aperuit, et hominum animas ab inferis liberavit. O quam vere gloriosa Mariae humilitas, quae porta paradisi efficitur, scala coeli constituitur! Facta est certe humilitas Mariae scala coelestis, per quam descendit Deus ad terras. Quia respexit, inquit, humilitatem ancillae suae, » etc.

are you. If I say mother of the nations, you surpass it. If I call you the form of God, you are worthy. If I name you mistress of the angels, in all things you are proved so to be," etc. And again: "O truly blessed humility of Mary, which bore God to men, gave life to mortals, renewed the heavens, purified the world, opened paradise, and delivered the souls of men from hell. O how truly glorious the humility of Mary, which is made the gate of paradise, is established the ladder of heaven! Assuredly the humility of Mary has been made a heavenly ladder, by which God descended to the earth. Because He has regarded, she says, the humility of His handmaid," etc.

Patiatur, quaeso, Christianus et pius lector, dum eam, quam ex recitatis impiorum Gnosticorum conviciis justam animi indignationem jam contraxit, lenire studeo, piorum et priscorum Patrum nostrorum aliquot adhuc, sed contractiora scripta me adducere. Ambrosius : « Sit nobis tanquam in imagine descripta virginitas, vitaque beatae Mariae, de qua velut speculo refulget species castitatis et forma virtutis. Quid nobilius Dei matre? Quid splendidius Dei matre? Quid splendidius ea, quam splendor elegit? Quid castius ea, quae corpus sine corporis contagione generavit? Virgo erat non solum corpore, sed etiam mente, corde humilis, verbis gravis, animi prudens, loquendi parcior, legendi studiosior, intenta operi, verecunda sermone : arbitrum mentis solita non hominem, sed Deum quaerere ; ullum laedere, bene velle omnibus, assurgere majoribus natu, aequalibus non invidere, fugere jactantiam, rationem sequi, amare virtutem. Quando ista vel vultu laesit parentes? quando dissensit propinquis? quando fastidivit humilem? quando derisit debilem? quando vitavit inopem? Nihil torvum in oculis, nihil in verbis procax, nihil in actu inverecundum, non gestus fractior, non incessus stultior, non vox petulantior ; ut ipsa corporis species simulacrum fuerit mentis, figura probitatis. » Et aliquanto post : « Haec est imago virginitatis : talis enim fuit Maria, ut ejus unius vita omnium disciplina sit. »

Let the Christian and pious reader suffer me, I pray, while I strive to soothe that just indignation of mind which he has already contracted from the recited revilings of the impious Gnostics, to adduce still a few, yet briefer writings of our pious and ancient Fathers. Ambrose: "Let the virginity and life of the blessed Mary be described for us as if in a picture, from which as from a mirror shines forth the beauty of chastity and the form of virtue. What is nobler than the Mother of God? What is more splendid than the Mother of God? What is more splendid than she whom Brightness chose? What is chaster than she who brought forth a body without contagion of body? She was a virgin not only in body, but also in mind, humble in heart, grave in words, prudent in soul, sparing of speech, studious of reading, intent on work, modest in discourse: accustomed to seek not man, but God as the judge of her mind; to injure none, to wish well to all, to rise up before elders, not to envy equals, to flee boasting, to follow reason, to love virtue. When did she hurt her parents even by a look? when did she disagree with kinsfolk? when did she disdain the lowly? when did she mock the weak? when did she shun the needy? Nothing stern in her eyes, nothing forward in her words, nothing immodest in her action, no gesture too effeminate, no gait too foolish, no voice too petulant; so that the very appearance of her body was an image of her mind, a figure of probity." And a little after: "This is the image of virginity: for such was Mary, that the life of her alone is the discipline of all."

Prodeat in medium acerrimus integritatis ejus assertor contra Helvidium Hieronymus : « Propone tibi, » ait epistola ad Eustochium, « beatam Mariam, quae tantae exstitit puritatis, ut mater Domini esse mereretur. » Et rursus ibidem : « Postquam Virgo concepit in utero, soluta maledictio est. Mors per Evam, vita per Mariam. » Et ad Principiam : « Sancta Maria, quia conceperat eum in quo omnis plenitudo divinitatis habitat, plena gratia salutatur. » Et libro Contra Jovinianum : « Hortus conclusus, soror mea sponsa, hortus conclusus, fons signatus. Quod clausum est atque signatum, similitudinem habet matris Domini, matris et virginis. » Et lib. Contra Helvidium : « Joseph, qui miracula tanta cognoverat in beata Virgine, Dei templum, Spiritus sancti sedem, Domini sui matrem, audebat attingere? » Et in Apologia pro libris adversus Jovinianum, ipsam vocat matrem et virginem perpetuam, hortum conclusum, fontem signatum, portam orientalem semper clausam.

Let Jerome step forth into the midst, the keenest defender of her integrity against Helvidius: "Set before yourself," says he in the Epistle to Eustochium, "the blessed Mary, who was of so great purity that she merited to be the Mother of the Lord." And again in the same place: "After the Virgin conceived in the womb, the curse was loosed. Death through Eve, life through Mary." And to Principia: "Holy Mary, because she had conceived Him in Whom all the fullness of the Godhead dwells, is saluted as full of grace." And in the book Against Jovinian: "A garden enclosed, my sister, my spouse, a garden enclosed, a fountain sealed. That which is closed and sealed bears the likeness of the Mother of the Lord, mother and virgin." And in the book Against Helvidius: "Did Joseph, who had known so great miracles in the blessed Virgin, dare to touch the temple of God, the seat of the Holy Spirit, the mother of his Lord?" And in the Apology for the Books against Jovinian, he calls her mother and perpetual virgin, a garden enclosed, a fountain sealed, the eastern gate ever closed.

Cypriani, quem ob eloquentiam et fortissimum martyrium merito omnes celebramus, aliquot sententias adjiciam : « Maria genitrix est et obstetrix, » inquit serm. de Nat. Christi ad Corn., « et devotam dilectae soboli exhibet clientelam, attrectat, amplectitur, jungit oscula, porrigit mammam ; totum negotium plenum gaudio, nullus dolor, nulla naturae contumelia in puerperio. Nihil in hac re potuit ultio, nec praecedens delectatio aliquam expetiit poenarum usuram. Spiritu sancto obumbrante incendium originale exstinctum est : Ideoque innoxiam

Of Cyprian, whom on account of his eloquence and most valiant martyrdom we all deservedly celebrate, I shall add a few sentences: "Mary is both mother and midwife," says he in the Sermon on the Nativity of Christ to Cornelius, "and renders devoted service to her beloved offspring, touches, embraces, joins kisses, offers the breast; the whole business is full of joy, no pain, no indignity of nature in childbirth. Vengeance had no power in this matter, nor did preceding pleasure exact any interest of penalties. By the overshadowing of the Holy Spirit the original conflagration was extinguished: and therefore it was not fitting that the innocent one

Editors' notes and page, col. 1674

Footnotes

(82) ‹anchor: humilitatem ancillae suae› · call in col 1674, para 1, after "ancillae suae"

Luc. I, 48.

Luke 1:48.

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(83) ‹anchor: Ambrosius› · call in col 1674, para 2, after "Ambrosius"

Lib. ii de Virg.

On Virgins, book 2.

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Page

running head: LIB. III S. IRENAEI. 1674
marginal letters: A es. Si matrem; B riae, de qua; C bitatis. » Et aliquanto; D tingere? » Et in
old-edition numerals: 141 after potuit
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: es. Si matrem; ullum laedere printed with missing initial n at line start in col. 1674_2
misprints kept as printed (Q2a, for misprints.tsv): para "Patiatur": ullum laedere (for nullum laedere); the English renders the sense

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affligi non decuit, nec sustinebat justitia, ut illud vas electionis communibus lassaretur injuriis, quoniam plurimum a caeteris differens, natura communicabat, non culpa. Eratque ei proprium privilegium, quod nulla mulierum, nec ante, nec deinceps meruit obtinere, quod erat simul mater et virgo, singulis titulis insignita. Unde et matri plenitudo gratiae debebatur, et virgini abundantior gloria, quae carnis et mentis integritate insignis, spiritali et corporali intus et extra Christi praesentia fruebatur, » etc.

should be afflicted, nor did justice suffer that that vessel of election should be wearied with common injuries, seeing that differing very greatly from the rest, she shared in nature, not in guilt. And she had a privilege of her own, which no woman either before or thereafter merited to obtain, that she was at once mother and virgin, distinguished by both titles. Whence both fullness of grace was due to the mother, and more abundant glory to the virgin, who, distinguished by integrity of flesh and mind, enjoyed within and without the spiritual and bodily presence of Christ," etc.

Idiotae, pii et docti viri, quem volunt anno Dom. 850 vixisse, praeclara aliquot verba praetermittere nec debui, nec potui. « Trahe me post te, » scribit Virginem alloquens, lib. Contempl. de Virgine Maria, cap. 1, « o benedicta Virgo Maria, benedicta ante ortum, in ortu, et post ortum ; ante saeculum, in saeculo, et post saeculum, » etc., et cap. 2 : « Tota pulchra es in anima, per virtutum et charismatum omnium perfectam pulchritudinem ; tota pulchra es in tua conceptione, ad hoc solum effecta, ut templum esses Dei altissimi. » Et aliquanto post : « Tota pulchra es non in parte, sed in toto : et macula peccati sive mortalis, sive venialis, sive originalis, non est in te, nec unquam fuit, nec erit. » Et capite sexto : « Invenisti, Virgo Maria, gratiam coelestem, quia fuerunt in te ab originis labe praeservatio, angelica salutatio, Spiritus sancti superventio, » etc.

A few admirable words of Idiota, a pious and learned man, who they will have it lived in the year of the Lord 850, I neither ought nor could pass over. "Draw me after you," writes he, addressing the Virgin, in the book of Contemplations on the Virgin Mary, chap. 1, "O blessed Virgin Mary, blessed before your birth, in your birth, and after your birth; before the world, in the world, and after the world," etc., and chap. 2: "You are all fair in soul, through the perfect beauty of all virtues and charismatic gifts; you are all fair in your conception, made for this alone, that you might be the temple of the Most High God." And a little after: "You are all fair, not in part, but in the whole: and stain of sin, whether mortal, or venial, or original, is not in you, nor ever was, nor shall be." And in the sixth chapter: "You have found, O Virgin Mary, heavenly grace, because there were in you preservation from the stain of origin, the angelic salutation, the coming upon you of the Holy Spirit," etc.

Sedulius presbyter ante annos 1140, si Trithemio credimus, B. Virginem a peccato communi intactam his versibus cecinit, lib. II Carm. pasch., v. 28 seqq. :

Sedulius the presbyter, 1140 years ago, if we believe Trithemius, sang of the blessed Virgin as untouched by the common sin in these verses, Book 2 of the Paschal Song, v. 28 ff.:

Et velut in spinis mollis rosa surgit acutis, Nil quod laedat habens, matremque obscurat honore : Sic Evae de stirpe sacra veniente Maria, Virginis antiquae facinus nova virgo piaret.

And as among sharp thorns the soft rose rises up, having nothing that can hurt, and eclipses its mother in honour: so when holy Mary came from the stock of Eve, the new virgin might expiate the deed of the ancient virgin.

Et paulo post, 35, 36 :

And a little after, 35, 36:

Haec ventura senes postquam dixere prophetae, Angelus intactae cecinit properata Mariae.

After the aged prophets foretold that these things should come, the angel sang of them as hastened to the untouched Mary.

Et qui anno 540 a Christo nato vixisse dicitur Arator diaconus, lib. I in Acta apost., v. 56 seqq. :

And Arator the deacon, who is said to have lived in the year 540 after the birth of Christ, in Book 1 on the Acts of the Apostles, v. 56 ff.:

.....Qua tunc statione sedebat, Porta Maria, Dei genitrix intacta creantis, A nato formata suo ; mala criminis Evae Virgo secunda fugat : nulla est injuria sexus.

.....In which station then sat Mary the gate, the untouched Mother of the creating God, formed by her own Son; the second Virgin puts to flight the evils of the crime of Eve: there is no injury of sex.

Claudat porro hunc Latinorum Patrum ordinem B. Hildephonsus Toletanus praesul, ac Hispaniarum ante nongentos annos dignissimus primas. « Beata Virgo Maria, inquit, nisi in utero matris sanctificata fuisset, minime ejus nativitas colenda esset. Nunc autem quia auctoritate totius Ecclesiae digne veneratur, constat eam ab omni peccato originali fuisse immunem, per quam non solum maledictio Evae matris soluta est, verum etiam benedictio omnibus condonata. Nullis ergo, quando nata est, delictis subjacuit, nec originale peccatum in utero sanctificata contraxit. » Haec ille ; quae cum ante viginti circiter annos, Lutetiae, cuidam Hispano, perdocto sane viro, sed immaculatae conceptionis B. Deiparae hosti acerrimo, objecissem, aliud respondere non potuit, quam supposititium, et a me confictum esse hoc testimonium : quod probrum, mox prolatus a me Hildephonsi vetustissimus et manuscriptus codex, deinde alius a Petro Comestore ante 400 annos conscriptus, quo haec ad verbum citantur, diluentes, ille penitus obmutuit.

Moreover let the blessed Ildefonsus, bishop of Toledo, and nine hundred years ago the most worthy primate of Spain, close this rank of the Latin Fathers. "The blessed Virgin Mary, says he, unless she had been sanctified in her mother's womb, by no means ought her nativity to be venerated. But now, because she is worthily venerated by the authority of the whole Church, it is established that she was immune from all original sin, through whom not only was the curse of mother Eve loosed, but also blessing was bestowed upon all. When she was born, therefore, she was subject to no offences, nor did she, sanctified in the womb, contract original sin." Thus far he; which words when about twenty years ago, at Paris, I had objected to a certain Spaniard, a thoroughly learned man indeed, but a most bitter enemy of the immaculate conception of the blessed Mother of God, he could answer nothing else than that this testimony was spurious and fabricated by me: which reproach when a most ancient manuscript codex of Ildefonsus presently produced by me, and then another written 400 years ago by Peter Comestor, in which these words are cited word for word, washed away, he was utterly struck dumb.

Latinis aliquot Graeci accedant : Chrysostomus in liturgia non raro haec verba usurpat : « Sanctissimae, incontaminatae, super omnes benedictae, gloriosae dominae nostrae Deiparae et semper virginis Mariae, cum omnibus sanctis memoriam agentes,

To the Latins let a few Greeks be added: Chrysostom in his liturgy not rarely employs these words: "Making commemoration of our most holy, unblemished, blessed above all, glorious Lady, the Mother of God and ever-virgin Mary, with all the saints,

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Lib. contra eos qui disputant de virginitate et parturitione B. Virginis.

The book Against Those Who Dispute the Virginity and Childbearing of the Blessed Virgin.

(printed under page 846)

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omnem vitam nostram Christo Deo nostro commendemus. » Et postea : « Vere dignum et justum est glorificare te Deiparam, et semper beatissimam, et penitus incontaminatam matrem Dei nostri, » etc.

let us commend all our life to Christ our God." And afterwards: "It is truly meet and right to glorify you the Mother of God, the ever most blessed and altogether unblemished Mother of our God," etc.

Nazianzenus sub finem tragoediae, Virginem sic alloquitur :

Nazianzen, towards the end of his tragedy, addresses the Virgin thus:

Veneranda o Virgo, casta, felicissima, Quando beata nunc beatorum in polo, Exuta quidquid faecis humanae sedes Aeternitatis pallio ornata, ut dea Habita, senectae expers, supremo ex aethere Benigna adesto vocibus meis, preces Admitte, Virgo, etc. O puella, gratia Aequanda nullis, mater et Virgo supra Omnes decora virgines, et maxima, Quae vincis omnes coelitum ordines, Regina, domina, generis humani bonum, Amica semper esto tu mortalibus, Maxima quae quovis in loco mihi salus.

O venerable Virgin, chaste, most happy, since now blessed in the heaven of the blessed, stripped of all human dregs, you sit adorned with the mantle of eternity, held as a goddess, exempt from old age, from the highest ether be kindly present to my words, admit my prayers, O Virgin, etc. O maiden, in grace to be equalled by none, Mother and Virgin comely and greatest above all virgins, who surpass all the orders of the heavenly ones, Queen, mistress, good of the human race, be ever a friend to mortals, you who in every place are my greatest safety.

Basilius, modis omnibus magnus, quinquies in liturgia his verbis utitur : « Sanctissimae et intemeratae, dominatricis nostrae, Dei genitricis, et semper virginis Mariae, cum omnibus sanctis memorantes, nos ipsos et ad invicem, atque omnem vitam nostram Christo Deo commendemus. » Omittam ea quae tradit homilia de humana Christi generatione.

Basil, great in all ways, five times in his liturgy uses these words: "Making mention of our most holy and undefiled Sovereign Lady, the Mother of God and ever-virgin Mary, with all the saints, let us commend ourselves and one another, and all our life to Christ God." I shall omit the things which he delivers in his homily on the human generation of Christ.

Nulla ex parte inferiorem superioribus Athanasium Magnum audiamus. Epist. ad Epictetum, B. Mariam vocat Virginem « impollutam, in qua novum hujusmodi conditum fuit, quale in nulla alia femina. » Et serm. in Evangel. de sanctissima nostra Deipara : « Quandoquidem ipse rex est, qui natus est ex Virgine, idemque et Dominus, et Deus ; eapropter et mater, quae eum genuit, et regina, et domina, et Deipara proprie et vere censetur. » Et postea : « Ad te clamamus, recordare nostri, sanctissima Virgo, quae etiam a partu virgo permansisti, et retribue nobis pro istis eloquiis, magna dona ex divitiis tantarum gratiarum, » etc.

Let us hear Athanasius the Great, in no respect inferior to the preceding. In the Epistle to Epictetus, he calls the blessed Mary a Virgin "undefiled, in whom was created a new thing of such a sort as in no other woman." And in the Sermon on the Gospel concerning our most holy Mother of God: "Seeing that He Himself Who was born of the Virgin is King, and the same is both Lord and God; on that account the mother also who bore Him is properly and truly accounted both Queen, and Mistress, and Mother of God." And afterwards: "To you we cry, remember us, O most holy Virgin, who even after childbirth remained a virgin, and render to us in return for these words great gifts out of the riches of so great graces," etc.

Scientes et prudentes omittimus quae habent Damascenus, Isychius, Andreas Cretens., Metaphrastes ; quae etiam B. Ephrem Basilii discipulus, in orat. de laudibus sanctiss. Deiparae, Orig. hom. 1, in diversos, Clemens Alex. VII Strom., Tertull. lib. De carne Christi, numer. 3, 14, 15 et 18. Justinus martyr, passim in Dial., lib. De Trinitate, quaest. 66 et 136 ad orthod., Dionysius cap. 3 De divinis nom., et epist. 4, Ignatius Epist. ad Trallianos, ad Philip. et ad Ephesios, Martialis Epist. ad Tolosanos, Jacobus in liturgia, in hanc rem disserunt.

Knowingly and purposely we omit the things which Damascene, Hesychius, Andrew of Crete, and Metaphrastes have; which also the blessed Ephrem the disciple of Basil in his Oration on the Praises of the Most Holy Mother of God, Origen in Homily 1 on Diverse Texts, Clement of Alexandria in Book VII of the Stromata, Tertullian in the book On the Flesh of Christ, nos. 3, 14, 15, and 18, Justin Martyr everywhere in the Dialogue, in the book On the Trinity, and in Questions 66 and 136 to the Orthodox, Dionysius in chap. 3 On the Divine Names and Epistle 4, Ignatius in the Epistles to the Trallians, to the Philippians, and to the Ephesians, Martial in the Epistle to the Tolosans, and James in his liturgy discourse to this purpose.

Unum tantum superest, de quo pios lectores hic commonitos velim : nimirum, quod cum haec in prima Irenaei nostri editione 1575 scriberemus, Lutetiaeque per quemdam (cujus nomini parco) minus prudenter magnum fuisset adversus immaculatam conceptionem beatiss. Virignis Deiparae excitatum dissidium, nos, tametsi continuis publicisque scholae Sorbonicae tunc occupati ac distracti exercitiis, quot potuimus raptim nancisci, pro sempiterna Virginis tuenda laude ac innocentia, veterum theologorum huc congessimus testimonia. Inter haec unum velut ex Cyrillo Alexand. lib. VI in Joan. cap. XV addidimus ; quod vix excuso per typographos folio, deprehendimus vere non esse Cyrilli, sed Iodoci Clicthovei, qui quatuor Commentariorum suorum libros Cyrillinis Commentariis interseruit. Hujus mendae, cum tunc praestantius remedium non daretur, ad finem libri congestis, ut fieri solet, erratorum emendationibus, lectores sedulo tempestiveque monuimus : hoc contenti boni viri officio, tantisper dum hujus secundae

One thing only remains, whereof I would have pious readers admonished here: namely, that when we were writing these things in the first edition of our Irenaeus in 1575, and at Paris through a certain man (whose name I spare) a great dissension had been less prudently stirred up against the immaculate conception of the most blessed Virgin Mother of God, we, although then occupied and distracted by the continual and public exercises of the school of the Sorbonne, gathered hither as many testimonies of the ancient theologians as we could hastily lay hold of for defending the everlasting praise and innocence of the Virgin. Among these we added one as if from Cyril of Alexandria, Book VI on John, chap. XV; which, when the sheet had scarcely been printed off by the printers, we discovered to be truly not Cyril's, but Josse Clichtove's, who inserted four books of his own Commentaries among the Commentaries of Cyril. Of this fault, since no better remedy was then available, when the corrections of errata had been gathered at the end of the book, as is wont to be done, we carefully and seasonably admonished the readers: content with this duty of an honest man, until the opportunity of this second

Editors' notes and page, col. 1676

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misprints kept as printed: Virignis (for Virginis), para "Unum tantum superest"

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editionis tempus accederet. Exactis porro decem et octo annis, exierunt in lucem ex officina Juntarum Lugduni 1594 Disputationes Francisci Suarez in tertiam partem divi Thomae Aquinatis, in quibus acerbiore censura nos hac de causa perstringens, et in fraudis, quantum in ipso est, suspicionem adducens scripsit, pagina 28, col. 1 : « Notavit quidem hunc locum Feuardentius, in lib. III Irenaei cap. 23, ne quemquam tamen minus doctum deciperet, adnotare debuisset, illum librum non esse Cyrilli, sed Clicthovei. »

edition should arrive. Moreover, after eighteen years had elapsed, there came forth into the light from the press of the Juntas at Lyons in 1594 the Disputations of Francisco Suarez on the Third Part of Saint Thomas Aquinas, in which, censuring us more bitterly on this account, and bringing us, so far as in him lies, into suspicion of fraud, he wrote on page 28, col. 1: "Feuardent indeed noted this passage in Book 3 of Irenaeus, chap. 23; yet lest he should deceive anyone less learned, he ought to have noted that that book is not Cyril's, but Clichtove's."

At hoc ipsum etiam viginti annis antequam hanc tuam castigationem, mi Francisce, legissem, a me praestitum fuit ; quod ex correctionibus erratorum potuisses animadvertere ; atque sic imposturae crimen conservo, consacerdoti, et confratri tuo, tam male, quam maligne non impingere. Caeterum, dum scripta illa tua quatuor diebus, quibus tantum a tuae societatis Patribus (quos ex animo colo ac veneror), volvenda mihi commodata fuerunt, obiter percurrerem, aliquot obviam facta sunt errata, quae ut vel in tertia illorum saltem editione corrigas, te candide admonendum censui. Praetermitto quod una mecum Clicthovei Commentarios ascribas Cyrillo pag. 511, col. 2, quodque Justino martyri ad finem Apologiae 2 aliquid tribuas, cujus nunquam meminit, pagin. 256, col. 1, ut de meo duntaxat Irenaeo loquar. Falleris inprimis, quando, ut me coarguas, cap. 23 citas, pro capite 3, sed hoc calchographorum oscitantiae deputetur. Verum, ubi, te quaeso, invenisti apud Irenaeum, in Expositione fidei d. (ita enim citas pag. 130 editionis 1592, col. 2) : « Vos qui ad baptismum aspirare fingitis, qui ut tollatis duas naturas, » etc.? Quo libro, et capite comperisti eumdem censuisse, Melchisedech fuisse hominem gentilem, ex Chananaeis ortum, ut ei ascribis pag. 607, columna prima? Ad haec, scribis, pag. 256, col. 1, apud Irenaeum lib. I, cap. 5, Gnosticos tribuere Christo corpus coeleste : sed de hoc ibi ne gry quidem. Pari quoque lapsu ais pag. 4, col. 2, illum lib. III, c. 3, dicere, « quod Eva alligavit per incredulitatem, » etc., et pag. 47, col. 1, eumdem libro III, cap. 1, exponere haec verba : « Nondum venit hora mea. » Denique, pagina 407, col. 2, Irenaeum libro IV, cap. 32, contra negantes veritatem carnis Christi, illud incommodum inferre, « quod globos sanguinis non sudasset, » etc., de quibus in illis locis ne verbum quidem, etc. Nequaquam vero pius ac prudens ego, si ut minus doctos deciperes isthaec te confinxisse ac notasse existimem, tamque temerarie ac perverse de proximo judicarem. Verum, mortales sumus, qui non bene sapimus omnibus horis. Immortalium vero tantum est omnium et semper reminisci. Alter ergo alterius onera portemus, et sic adimplebimus legem Christi. Τὸ λοιπὸν οὖν, ἀγαπητὲ συστρατιώτη καὶ σύνεργε, ἔκλαβε πρῶτον τὴν δοκὸν ἐκ τοῦ ὀφθαλμοῦ σου, καὶ τότε διαβλέψεις ἐκβαλεῖν τὸ κάρφος τὸ ἐν τῷ ὀφθαλμῷ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ σου.

But this very thing, my Francis, was performed by me even twenty years before I read this castigation of yours; which you might have noticed from the corrections of the errata; and thus not have fastened the charge of imposture upon your fellow-servant, fellow-priest, and brother, as wrongly as maliciously. For the rest, while during the four days for which alone those writings of yours were lent to me to peruse by the Fathers of your Society (whom from my heart I cherish and venerate), I was cursorily running through them, several errata met my eye, which that you may correct at least in their third edition, I have thought fit candidly to admonish you. I pass over the fact that along with me you ascribe the Commentaries of Clichtove to Cyril on page 511, col. 2, and that you attribute something to Justin Martyr towards the end of Apology 2 of which he never makes mention, on page 256, col. 1, that I may speak only of my own Irenaeus. You are mistaken, in the first place, when, in order to convict me, you cite chap. 23 instead of chapter 3 [33], though let this be imputed to the drowsiness of the printers. But where, I pray you, did you find in Irenaeus, in the Exposition of Faith d. (for so you cite on page 130 of the edition of 1592, col. 2): "You who feign to aspire to baptism, who in order to take away the two natures," etc.? In what book and chapter did you discover that the same author held that Melchisedech was a Gentile man, sprung from the Canaanites, as you ascribe to him on page 607, first column? In addition to this, you write on page 256, col. 1, that in Irenaeus Book 1, chap. 5, the Gnostics attribute a heavenly body to Christ: whereas of this there is not even a syllable there. By a like slip also you say on page 4, col. 2, that in Book 3, chap. 3, he says, "what Eve bound through unbelief," etc., and on page 47, col. 1, that in Book 3, chap. 1, the same author expounds these words: "My hour is not yet come." Finally, on page 407, col. 2, that Irenaeus in Book 4, chap. 32, against those who deny the truth of the flesh of Christ, brings forward that difficulty, "that He would not have sweated clots of blood," etc., of which things in those passages there is not even a word, etc. Yet I should by no means be pious and prudent if I thought that you had fabricated and noted down these things in order to deceive the less learned, and judged so rashly and perversely of my neighbour. Truly, we are mortals, who are not wise at all hours. And it belongs to immortals alone to remember all things and always. Let us therefore bear one another's burdens, and so we shall fulfil the law of Christ. For the rest, therefore, beloved fellow-soldier and fellow-worker, take first the beam out of your own eye, and then you shall see clearly to cast out the mote that is in your brother's eye.

Quae est a Maria in Evam. Sic vetus codex ; excusi, « quae et Maria in Eva. »

Which is from Mary unto Eve. Thus the old codex; the printed ones have, "which also Mary in Eve."

Alligationis. Ita pro « alligationi » restituimus ; sicuti paulo post, « primae » pro « primum » substituimus vet. cod. auct.

Of the binding. Thus we have restored for "to the binding"; just as a little after we have substituted "of the first" for "first," on the authority of the old codex.

Sic autem et Evae inobedientiae nodus. Piae huic comparationi Mariae cum Eva, tanto consensu subscribunt Patres omnes orthodoxi, ut Gallasius alio coelo natus videatur, qui nesciat ; vel frontem impudentiamque meretricis indutus, qui audeat contradicere et damnare. Sed obganniat licet os impudens, quantum volet : nos pietati et doctrinae Patrum pressis vestigiis nihilo secius semper inhaerebimus. Hieronymus epistol. ad Eustoch. :

And thus also the knot of Eve's disobedience. To this pious comparison of Mary with Eve all the orthodox Fathers subscribe with so great agreement, that Gallasius seems born under another sky to be ignorant of it; or to have put on the brow and shamelessness of a harlot to dare to contradict and condemn it. But let the shameless mouth snarl against it as much as it will: we shall none the less ever cleave closely to the footsteps of the piety and doctrine of the Fathers. Jerome in the Epistle to Eustochium:

Editors' notes and page, col. 1677

Footnotes

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Tom. I.

Volume 1.

(printed under page 847)

(86) ‹anchor: editionis 1592, col. 2› · call in col 1677

Tom. I.

Volume 1.

(printed under page 847)

(87) ‹anchor: pag. 4, col. 2› · call in col 1677

Tom. II.

Volume 2.

(printed under page 847)

(88) ‹anchor: venit hora mea› · call in col 1677

Joan. II, 4.

John 2:4.

(printed under page 847)

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old-edition numerals: 142 after Melchisedech
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« Mors per Evam, vita per Mariam. » Bernardus homil. 2, de laudibus Virg., « Curre, Eva, ad Mariam ; curre, mater, ad filiam ; filia pro matre respondeat, ipsa opprobrium matris auferat, ipsa patri pro matre satisfaciat : quia ecce, si vir cecidit per feminam, jam non erigitur nisi per feminam. » Innocentius III, serm. 2 de Assumpt. : « Oportebat ut sicut per feminam mors intravit in orbem, ita per feminam vita rediret in orbem ; et ideo quod damnavit Eva, salvavit Maria, ut unde mors oriebatur, inde vita resurgeret, » etc.

"Death through Eve, life through Mary." Bernard in Homily 2 on the Praises of the Virgin: "Run, Eve, to Mary; run, mother, to the daughter; let the daughter answer for the mother, let her take away the reproach of the mother, let her make satisfaction to the father for the mother: because behold, if man fell through a woman, now he is not raised up save through a woman." Innocent III in Sermon 2 on the Assumption: "It behoved that just as through a woman death entered into the world, so through a woman life should return into the world; and therefore what Eve condemned, Mary saved, so that whence death arose, thence life might rise again," etc.

Pag. 220. Solutus est autem. Vetus codex, « Solutum est autem condemnationis vinculum, quo captivus ductus fuerat homo. »

Page 220. And it was loosed. The old codex has, "And the bond of condemnation was loosed, whereby man had been led captive."

Ex J. Er. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 33.

From the annotations of J. Er. Grabe on chap. 33.

Pag. 219. Septuaginta duas. In manu exaratis codicibus, quos inspexi, numerus ille non integris vocibus concipitur, ut vulgo, sed sic, LXXV, ut nescias utrum 72 an potius 75 iste Irenaei interpres exprimere voluerit. Ego postremum probo. Sequentia vero, cum dicit totidem quoque gentes ac linguas esse, non adversantur, imo confirmant potius. Clemens Stromatum I : Εὔφορος δὲ, καὶ ἄλλοι πολλοὶ τῶν ἱστορικῶν, καὶ ἔθνη, καὶ γλώσσας πέντε καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα λέγουσιν εἶναι. « Euphorus autem, et alii multi historici, gentes et linguas septuaginta quinque esse dicunt. » Haec habet Isaacus Vossius, p. 323 Castigationum ad cap. IV Hornii. Et mss. quidem codices quod attinet, optarem eos nominasset. Sane proprium Vossii exemplar clariss. Dn. Dodwellus summa diligentia cum editione Feuardentii contulit ; sed haud diversum a recepto 72 numerum deprehendit : neque Mercerus in aliis duobus, quibus usus est. Codicem Arundelianum ipse perlustrans, et modo, dum haec Londini scribo, iterum inspiciens, video quidem duas virgulas, quibus binarius numerus exprimitur, junctas, sed non ita ut figuram quinarii efficiant, omnino diversa forma alibi in codice exarati. Clementis vero locus Vossii sententiam tantum abest ut confirmet, ut potius eam confutet mox sequentibus disertis verbis infra not. seq. allegatis, quibus ex Christianorum sententia 72 linguas facit. Vix igitur dubito, 72 tantum generationes Irenaeum in Evangelio S. Lucae cap. III legisse (omissis versu 24 τοῦ Ματθὰτ et τοῦ Λευὶ ac vers. 36, τοῦ Καϊνᾶν), perinde ut Julium Africanum, citatum ab Eusebio lib. I Hist. eccl., cap. 7, Gregorium Nazianzenum carm. 38, de genealogia Christi, Ambrosium in Comment. ad dictum Lucae locum, aliosque.

Page 219. Seventy-two. "In the manuscript codices which I have inspected, that number is not written out in full words, as commonly, but thus, LXXV, so that you cannot tell whether that translator of Irenaeus wished to express 72 or rather 75. I approve the latter. And what follows, when he says that there are also just so many nations and languages, does not oppose it, nay rather confirms it. Clement, Stromata 1: 'Now Ephorus, and many others of the historians, say that there are seventy-five nations and languages.' 'Now Euphorus, and many other historians, say that the nations and languages are seventy-five.'" These things Isaac Vossius has, p. 323 of his Castigations on chap. 4 of Hornius. And as regards the manuscript codices indeed, I could wish he had named them. Assuredly the most illustrious Mr. Dodwell collated Vossius's own copy with the utmost diligence with the edition of Feuardent; yet he found a number no different from the received 72: nor did Mercier in the other two which he used. Examining the Arundel codex myself, and now, while I write these things at London, inspecting it again, I see indeed the two strokes by which the number two is expressed joined together, yet not so as to form the figure of five, which is written in an altogether different form elsewhere in the codex. Moreover the passage of Clement is so far from confirming the opinion of Vossius, that it rather refutes it in the express words immediately following, alleged below in the next note, whereby according to the opinion of the Christians he makes 72 languages. I scarcely doubt, therefore, that Irenaeus read only 72 generations in the Gospel of St. Luke chap. 3 (omitting in verse 24 τοῦ Ματθὰτ [of Matthat] and τοῦ Λευὶ [of Levi] and in verse 36 τοῦ Καϊνᾶν [of Cainan]), just like Julius Africanus, cited by Eusebius in Book 1 of the Ecclesiastical History, chap. 7, Gregory Nazianzen in Poem 38 on the Genealogy of Christ, Ambrose in his Commentary on the said passage of Luke, and others.

Significans, quoniam ipse est, qui omnes gentes... et universas linguas... in semetipso recapitulatus est. Ut Irenaei consequentiam seu illationem mysticam intelligas, scito a S. Patribus, praecipue Graecis, duas supra septuaginta gentes et linguas olim numeratas fuisse. Sic Clemens Alex. lib. I Stromatum, pag. 338, scribit : Φαίνονται δὲ εἶναι καὶ κατὰ τὸν ἀληθῆ λόγον αἱ γενικαὶ διάλεκτοι δύο καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα, ὡς αἱ ἡμέτεραι παραδιδόασι γραφαί. Et, alios ut praeteream, Epiphanius in Panario contra haereses, lib. I, tom. I, § 5, pag. 6, de Deo ait : Διεσκέδασε γὰρ αὐτῶν τὰς γλώσσας καὶ ἀπὸ μιᾶς εἰς ἑβδομήκοντα δύο διένειμε, κατὰ τῶν τότε ἀνδρῶν ἀριθμὸν εὑρεθέντα. Confer haeres. 39 Sethianorum. Neque ab hoc numero alieni fuere quidam ethnici, praecipue Aegyptii, de quibus insignia sunt Hori Apollinis verba lib. I Hieroglyphicon, cap. 14 : Οἰκουμένην δὲ γράφοντες, κυνοκέφαλον ζωγραφοῦσι, ἐπειδὴ ἑβδομήκοντα δύο χώρας τὰς ἀρχαίας φασὶ τῆς οἰκουμένης εἶναι. « Terrarum orbem delineantes, cynocephalum pingunt, quia septuaginta duas ferunt fuisse jam olim orbis habitati regiones. » Lege Bochartum lib. I Phaleg, cap. 15, ubi plura de hisce invenies.

Signifying that He it is Who has recapitulated in Himself all nations... and all languages. That you may understand the consequence or mystical inference of Irenaeus, know that by the holy Fathers, especially the Greeks, seventy-two nations and languages were formerly reckoned. Thus Clement of Alexandria in Book 1 of the Stromata, page 338, writes: "And according to the true account also the generic dialects appear to be seventy-two, as our Scriptures hand down." And, to pass over others, Epiphanius in the Panarion against Heresies, Book 1, Tome 1, § 5, page 6, says of God: "For He scattered their tongues and divided them from one into seventy-two, according to the number of the men then found." Compare Heresy 39 of the Sethians. Nor were certain heathens strangers to this number, especially the Egyptians, concerning whom remarkable are the words of Horapollo in Book 1 of the Hieroglyphics, chap. 14: "And in writing the habitable world, they paint a dog-headed ape, because they say that the ancient regions of the habitable world are seventy-two." "In delineating the world, they paint a dog-headed ape, because they relate that even of old there were seventy-two regions of the inhabited world." Read Bochart in Book 1 of Phaleg, chap. 15, where you will find more about these things.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1678

Page

running head: LIB. III S. IRENAEI. 1678
marginal letters: A « Mors per Evam,; B pres exprimere voluerit.; C omnino diversa forma; D τὸν ἀληθῆ λόγον
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin with Greek quoted (Clement, Luke's genealogy, Epiphanius, Horapollo); editors' matter: « Mors per Evam,; Ex J. Er. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 33.

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Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 34.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardent on chap. 34.

Pag. 220. Hic est autem Adam. Ratione et exemplo contendit adversus Tatiani errorem, divinae aequitati ac misericordiae convenientissimum fuisse, ut primus parens prae cunctis liberis ejus salvaretur : quod alii postea theologi pluribus asseruerunt. Ac de poenitentia ejus cap. 37 dicetur. Vide etiam cap. 31, lib. I.

Page 220. Now this is Adam. By reason and example he contends against the error of Tatian that it was most agreeable to divine equity and mercy that the first parent above all his children should be saved: which other theologians afterwards asserted at greater length. And of his repentance mention will be made in chap. 37. See also chap. 31, Book 1.

Cum autem salvatur homo. Contendit, quantis potest argumentis, Adamum salvatum esse, quod et postea Augustinus persequitur epist. 99, quia Sapientiae X, 1, 2, scriptum est : « Illum, qui primus factus est pater orbis terrarum, sapientia custodivit, et eduxit illum a delicto suo. » Deinde, quod constans sit Ecclesiae haec sententia. Quin et ipsum Adam post tam varios casus, et tot discrimina rerum, tandem in Golgothae seu Calvariae montem pervenisse, ibique vita functum, sepultum fuisse, ubi Dominus et Salvator noster cruci affixus est, magno consensu, et ex antiqua Patrum traditione docent Origenes, tract. 35 in Matth., Cyprianus serm. de Resur. Domini, Athanasius lib. De passione Dominic., Basil. in V cap. Isaiae, Chrysostom. homil. 84 in Joan., Epiphanius contra haeres. 46, August. serm. 71 de tempore, Moses Barcepha lib. De paradiso. Hanc sententiam Hieronym. in XXVII Matth. non probat, in V cap. ad Ephes. damnare non audet ; sed epist. ad Marcellam eam amplectitur.

Now when man is saved. He contends, with as strong arguments as he can, that Adam was saved, which Augustine also afterwards pursues in Epistle 99, because in Wisdom 10:1, 2, it is written: "Him that was first made father of the world, wisdom guarded, and brought him out of his offence." Next, because this is the constant opinion of the Church. Nay more, that Adam himself after so many varied fortunes, and so many hazards of affairs, at length arrived at the mount of Golgotha or Calvary, and having departed this life there, was buried where our Lord and Saviour was fastened to the cross, Origen in Tractate 35 on Matthew, Cyprian in the Sermon on the Resurrection of the Lord, Athanasius in the book On the Passion of the Lord, Basil on the 5th chap. of Isaiah, Chrysostom in Homily 84 on John, Epiphanius against Heresy 46, Augustine in Sermon 71 On the Season, and Moses Bar-Cepha in the book On Paradise teach with great agreement and from the ancient tradition of the Fathers. This opinion Jerome on Matthew 27 does not approve, on the 5th chap. to the Ephesians he does not dare to condemn; but in the Epistle to Marcella he embraces it.

Parebit. Expunximus « parebat » vet. cod. auct.

Shall appear. We have expunged "appeared," on the authority of the old codex.

Pag. 221. Sed non relictis. Omnia haec paucis attigit Tertull. lib. Praescript. « Tatianus doctrinae Valentini adjecit, Adam nec salutem consequi posse, quasi si non rami salvi fiunt, et radix salva sit. »

Page 221. But not left behind. All these things Tertullian touched upon in a few words in the book On Prescriptions: "Tatian added to the doctrine of Valentinus that Adam could not even obtain salvation, as if the root were not saved when the branches are saved."

Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 35.

Annotations of the same on chap. 35.

Pag. 221. Propter hoc et in initio. Ostendit maledictionem divinam non proprie in homines latam fuisse, sed in terram et serpentem : quapropter nec ignem aeternum illis praesertim paratum esse, sed diabolo principi omnis defectionis. Isthaec sapienter expendens Rupertus ait : « Neque mulieri, maledicta es ; neque viro, maledictus es, dixit Dominus ; sed tantum hoc : « Maledicta terra in « opere tuo ; » cujus videlicet terrae maledictio, non aliud est, quam multimoda et frequens afflictio qua per varios eventus terrae ex eo corruptae et deterioratae affligitur homo. Soli vero serpenti dixit : « Maledictus eris, » quo videlicet dicto, firma et immutabilis intelligenda est sententia aeternae damnationis. » Tertullianus libro II Adversus Marc. hunc Irenaei locum his paucis contrahit : « Deus ideo non maledixit ipsum Adam et Evam, ut restitutionis candidatos, ut confessione revelatos, sicut maledixit serpenti, cujus salus omnino deplorata erat, » etc.

Page 221. On this account in the beginning also. He shows that the divine curse was not properly pronounced against men, but against the earth and the serpent: wherefore neither was everlasting fire prepared primarily for them, but for the devil, the prince of all apostasy. Weighing these things wisely, Rupert says: "Neither to the woman did the Lord say, Cursed are you; nor to the man, Cursed are you; but only this: 'Cursed is the earth in your work;' the curse of which earth, namely, is nothing else than the manifold and frequent affliction wherewith man is afflicted through the various events of the earth corrupted and deteriorated thereby. But to the serpent alone He said: 'Cursed shall you be,' by which saying, namely, is to be understood the firm and immutable sentence of eternal damnation." Tertullian in Book 2 Against Marcion contracts this passage of Irenaeus into these few words: "God therefore did not curse Adam and Eve themselves, as candidates for restoration, as revealed by confession, just as He cursed the serpent, whose salvation was altogether desperate," etc.

Similiter autem et mulier. Triplici poena punita est mulier, quia triplo majus fuit peccatum ejus, quam Adami. Primo, quia credendo serpenti plusquam Deo, seducta est. Secundo, quia ligni vetiti pulchritudinem concupivit. Tertio, quia et virum ad transgressionem induxit. Merito igitur triplex vindicta ei reddita est, praeter communem sibi cum viro mortem. Nam mortuorum mater esse meruit. Omnes enim conceptus ejus anima et corpore in peccato moriuntur : et nemo eorum vivit, nisi vivificetur per Christum. Et quia intemperanter fructum arboris expetivit, redditur uteri dolor, dicente Domino : « In dolore paries. » Tertio, quia virum importunitate muliebri ad comedendum illexit, idcirco sub viri potestate redacta est.

And similarly the woman also. The woman was punished with a threefold penalty, because her sin was thrice greater than Adam's. First, because by believing the serpent more than God, she was seduced. Secondly, because she coveted the beauty of the forbidden tree. Thirdly, because she also induced her husband to transgression. Deservedly therefore a threefold vengeance was rendered to her, besides the death common to her with her husband. For she merited to be the mother of the dead. For all her conceptions die in sin both in soul and in body: and none of them lives, unless he be made alive through Christ. And because she intemperately desired the fruit of the tree, the pain of the womb is rendered to her, the Lord saying: "In sorrow you shall bring forth." Thirdly, because by womanly importunity she enticed her husband to eat, therefore she was brought under the power of her husband.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 36.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardent on chap. 36.

Quemadmodum Cain. Cain ob neglectum Dei consilium,

Just as Cain. Cain, on account of neglecting the counsel of God,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1679

Footnotes

(89) ‹anchor: Rupertus ait› · call in col 1679

L. II de vict. Verbi Dei, cap. 15.

Book II, On the Victory of the Word of God, chapter 15.

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(90) ‹anchor: opere tuo› · call in col 1679

Gen. III, 17.

Genesis 3:17.

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(91) ‹anchor: Maledictus eris› · call in col 1679

Ibid. 14.

Ibid., verse 14.

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(92) ‹anchor: quam Adami› · call in col 1679

Ruper. lib. III de Trin., cap. 22.

Rupert, On the Trinity, book III, chapter 22.

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(93) ‹anchor: In dolore paries› · call in col 1679

Gen. III, 16.

Genesis 3:16.

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(94) ‹anchor: call not in the visible lines of the page foot› · call in col 1679 or 1680 (not seen)

Hom. 19 in Genes.

Homily 19 on Genesis.

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marginal letters: A Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii; B traditione docent Origenes,; C ignem aeternum illis; D quam Adami. Primo,
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 34.; Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 35.; Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 36.; word split at end of column: con-
other: the word consilium, was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 1680
misprints kept as printed: revelatos (Tertullian, Adv. Marc. II, reads relevatos), in para 6; the English follows the printed word

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invidentiam, caedem fraternam, et maximam in Deum irreverentiam, juste maledictus et reprobatus est.

envy, fratricide, and the greatest irreverence towards God, was justly cursed and reprobated.

Uti quiesceret in eo. Chrysostomus, Cyrillus, Graeci omnes ita hunc locum reddunt, LXX versionem istam secuti : Οὐκ ἐὰν ὀρθῶς προσενέγκῃς, ὀρθῶς δὲ οὐ διέλῃς, ἥμαρτες· Ἡσύχασον. Hoc est : « Annon si recte obtuleris, recte autem non distribueris, peccasti? Quiesce. » Sicque volunt Cain his verbis admonitum a Deo, ut recte divideret in fratrem dilectionis officia ; non autem felicitati invideret. Hieronym. in Quaest. Hebr. testatur illa verba in fonte Hebraico non haberi ; Eugubinus vero copiose docet unde processerint.

That he should rest in it. Chrysostom, Cyril, and all the Greeks render this passage thus, following that version of the Septuagint: Οὐκ ἐὰν ὀρθῶς προσενέγκῃς, ὀρθῶς δὲ οὐ διέλῃς, ἥμαρτες· Ἡσύχασον. That is: "If you offer rightly, but do not divide rightly, have you not sinned? Be still." And thus they will have it that Cain was admonished by God in these words to divide rightly the offices of love towards his brother, and not to envy his happiness. Jerome in Hebrew Questions testifies that those words are not found in the Hebrew original; while Eugubinus copiously teaches whence they proceeded.

Extendens et multiplicans malum. Irenaeo consentit Chrysostomus his verbis : « Quid ad haec ingratus et impudens? Debebat cogitare quod Deus non ignarus rei rogaret, sed ab ipso confessionem criminis exigeret, etc. Verum, ille iterum auget vulnus, et ulcus increscere facit, et dicit : Haud scio. Vide responsi impudentiam, » etc.

Extending and multiplying the evil. Chrysostom agrees with Irenaeus in these words: "What says the ungrateful and shameless man to these things? He ought to have reflected that God did not ask as being ignorant of the matter, but was exacting from him a confession of the crime, etc. However, he again increases the wound, and makes the ulcer grow, and says: I know not. See the shamelessness of the answer," etc.

Propter hoc et ipse. Urget Cain grave peccatum, maledictionem, et perditionem aeternam, ut vel obiter Caianorum, quorum meminit lib. I, cap. 35, amentiam furoremque refellat. Hi enim Cainum, Core, Sodomitas, in primis autem Judam proditorem, tanquam ex superiori quadam virtute progenitos, sanctis omnibus praeferebant, ut ex Tertull. lib. Praescript., Epiphanio contra haer. 38, et Theodoreto, in primo libro indicavimus.

On this account he himself also. He presses the grave sin, curse, and eternal perdition of Cain, in order even in passing to refute the madness and frenzy of the Cainites, whom he mentions in Book I, chap. 35. For these preferred Cain, Korah, the Sodomites, and above all Judas the traitor, as being sprung from a certain higher power, to all the saints, as we indicated in the first book from Tertullian in the book On Prescriptions, Epiphanius against Heresy 38, and Theodoret.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 37.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardent on chap. 37.

Pag. 221. Procopius Gazaeus Commentariis in tertium caput Genes. hunc Irenaei locum citans, notat caput esse quinquagesimum nonum : quo fit, ut alias apud Graecos fuisse horum librorum sectiones a nostris putem.

Page 221. Procopius of Gaza, in his Commentaries on the third chapter of Genesis, citing this passage of Irenaeus, notes that it is the fifty-ninth chapter: whereby it comes to pass that I think the sections of these books among the Greeks were different from ours.

Circa Adam autem. Jure quidem maledictus est Cain : quoniam vero Adam statim post admissum peccatum timore perculsus fugit, seque divina praesentia judicavit indignum, atque poenitere se ficulneo cinctorio manifestavit, tandem servatus est. Seductus porro fuit Adam, non a serpente, sed ab uxore : putans item peccatum suum tantum veniale futurum, nec ob id se moriturum. Ideo et Ignatius Ep. ad Trallianos scribit : « Diabolus per mulierem seduxit Adam patrem generis nostri. » Epiphanius quoque contra haeres. 38 : « Diabolus per mendacium decepit Adam et Evam. » Ambrosius denique lib. De paradiso, cap. 4 : « Mulier primo decepta est, et virum ipsa decepit. » Hinc Theodoretus haec Apostoli verba : « Adam non est seductus, » intelligit, pro eo quod est : non primus, nec immediate a serpente.

Concerning Adam, however. Justly indeed was Cain cursed: whereas because Adam immediately after committing the sin fled struck with fear, and judged himself unworthy of the divine presence, and manifested his repentance by the girdle of fig-leaves, he was at length saved. Moreover Adam was seduced, not by the serpent, but by his wife: thinking likewise that his sin would be only venial, and that he would not die on account of it. Therefore Ignatius also in the Epistle to the Trallians writes: "The devil through the woman seduced Adam the father of our race." Epiphanius also against Heresy 38: "The devil through a lie deceived Adam and Eve." Finally Ambrose in the book On Paradise, chap. 4: "The woman was first deceived, and she herself deceived the man." Hence Theodoret understands these words of the Apostle: "Adam was not seduced," for what is equivalent to: not first, nor immediately by the serpent.

Quae minus corpus. Plinius lib. II, cap. 5, quasdam ficus adeo ramis et foliis diffundi scribit, ut umbra bina stadia operiant, et quasi fornicato ambitu pastoribus decoram opacamque sepem praestare. Rhodiginus fici folium ex scabritie dici a Graecis θρίον docet : quod Plutarcho probari asserit Erasmus in Chiliad. indeque proverbium emanasse, τῷ θρίῳ τὴν ἔγχελιν, id est folio ficulneo anguillam tenes, eo quod scabrum sit et asperum, ob idque ad retinendam anguillam natura lubricam, maxime idoneum. Ad id pertinet et istud Alciat. emblema :

Which less the body. Pliny in Book II, chap. 5, writes that certain fig-trees spread out so far with their branches and leaves that they cover two furlongs with their shade, and as if with a vaulted circuit afford a comely and shady hedge for shepherds. Rhodiginus teaches that the leaf of the fig-tree from its roughness is called by the Greeks θρίον: which Erasmus in his Chiliads asserts to be approved by Plutarch, and that thence came forth the proverb, τῷ θρίῳ τὴν ἔγχελιν, that is, you hold an eel with a fig-leaf, because it is rough and harsh, and on that account most suitable for holding fast an eel, which is slippery by nature. To this pertains also that emblem of Alciati:

Jamdudum quacunque fugis te prosequor, at nunc Cassibus in nostris denique captus ades. Amplius haud poteris vires eludere nostras, Ficulno anguillam strinximus in folio.

Long since, whithersoever you flee, I pursue you, but now at length you are here caught in our nets. No longer shall you be able to elude our strength; we have bound the eel in a fig-leaf.

Horum foliorum occasione permoti doctissimi et gravissimi auctores, aestimarunt arborem, ex cujus fructu deliquerunt primi parentes, ficum fuisse, eamque antiquam dixerunt traditionem, atque ea de re Christum ficulneae aliquando maledixisse. Theodoretus

Moved by the occasion of these leaves, most learned and weighty authors have esteemed that the tree from the fruit of which our first parents transgressed was the fig-tree, and have said that that is an ancient tradition, and that on that account Christ once cursed the fig-tree. Theodoret,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1680

Footnotes

(94) ‹anchor: Chrysostomus his verbis› · call in col 1680

Hom. 19 in Genes.

Homily 19 on Genesis.

(95) ‹anchor: Adam non est seductus› · call in col 1680

I Tim. II, 14.

1 Timothy 2:14.

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Page

running head: VARIORUM NOTAE 1680
marginal letters: A silium, invidentiam, caedem; B nus, et ulcus increscere; C sentia judicavit indignum,; D θρίον docet : quod
old-edition numerals: 143 after secuti :
other: Latin with Greek quoted (LXX Gen. 4:7; the proverb τῷ θρίῳ …); editors' matter: silium, invidentiam,; Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 37.; word split at start of column: con-silium; word split at end of column: Theodo-
misprints kept as printed: ἔγχελιν (for ἔγχελυν), para "Quae minus corpus"

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quaest. 28 in Genes. eos qui aliam arborem opinantur, censet errare nimia simplicitate. Athanasius quaest. 58 ad Antioch. ; Isidorus Pelusiota apud Lippomanum in III cap. Genes. ; Moses Barcepha lib. De parad., Oleaster Lusitanus in III cap. Genes.

in Question 28 on Genesis, judges that those who opine it to have been another tree err through excessive simplicity. Athanasius in Question 58 to Antiochus; Isidore of Pelusium in Lippomanus on the 3rd chap. of Genesis; Moses Bar-Cepha in the book On Paradise, and Oleaster the Portuguese on the 3rd chap. of Genesis.

Notandum porro hunc locum manifeste solideque probare, poenas corporeas hic a poenitentibus, vel sponte susceptas, vel injunctas, inflictasve aequo animo perferendas esse, ut, illis cum Christi passionibus conjunctis, voluptatem ex peccatis conceptam compensent, satisque faciant suppliciis ac multis illis, quae ut fructus digni poenitentiae, a solutis culpis, et poenae aeternae reatu condonato, vel in hoc mundo, vel in erebo expiatorio sunt alias ad extremum usque quadrantem exsolvendae. Adam etenim, abjecta omni mollitie, indumentum asperrimum induit, petulantis carnis impetum retundit, frenum continentiae sibi circumdat, et quam demisse potest, coram Deo judice semetipsum abjicit et humiliat. Annon haec manifesta de peccatis admissis satisfactio? Hinc Tertullianus ait : « Ipse stirpis humanae et offensae in Dominum princeps Adam, exhomologesi restitutus in paradisum suum, non tacet. » Qui et ante haec verba scripserat : « Habes cui satisfacias ; confessio satisfactionis consilium est ; satisfactio confessione disponitur ; Domino offenso satisfacere, » etc. Et Cyprianus eos reprehendens, qui hanc poenitentiae partem negligebant, scribit : « Datur opera, ne satisfactionibus et lamentationibus justis delicta redimantur, ne vulnera lacrymis abluantur. » Et serm. de lapsis : « Dominus orandus est, et nostra satisfactione placandus, » etc. Augustin. ad eamdem satisfactionem cunctos hortatur, et densis argumentis perurget, Enchiridii cap. 65, 70 et 71 ; epistola ad Macedonium ; libro L Homiliarum, hom. 50 ; Commentariis in psalm. L, et lib. De eccles. dogm., cap. 53. Confundantur ergo et convertantur haeretici, qui satisfactionis nomen et opera, id est hanc sacramenti poenitentiae tertiam partem, cum incredibili animarum jactura, conantur e medio tollere.

Moreover it must be noted that this passage manifestly and solidly proves that bodily penalties here, whether willingly undertaken by penitents, or enjoined, or inflicted, ought to be borne with an even mind, so that, these being conjoined with the sufferings of Christ, they may compensate for the pleasure conceived from sins, and make satisfaction by punishments and those penalties which, as worthy fruits of penance, after the faults have been loosed and the guilt of eternal punishment pardoned, must otherwise be paid even to the last farthing either in this world or in the expiatory underworld. For Adam, casting away all softness, puts on a most rough garment, blunts the impulse of petulant flesh, puts the bridle of continence around himself, and as humbly as he can casts himself down and humbles himself before God the Judge. Is not this a manifest satisfaction for sins committed? Hence Tertullian says: "Adam himself, the author of the human stock and of the offence against the Lord, restored by exomologesis into his paradise, is not silent." Who even before these words had written: "You have One to Whom you may make satisfaction; confession is the counsel of satisfaction; satisfaction is arranged by confession; to make satisfaction to the offended Lord," etc. And Cyprian, reproving those who neglected this part of penance, writes: "Care is taken that offences be not redeemed by just satisfactions and lamentations, that wounds be not washed away with tears." And in the Sermon on the Lapsed: "The Lord must be prayed to, and appeased by our satisfaction," etc. Augustine exhorts all to the same satisfaction, and presses it home with close arguments, in the Enchiridion chaps. 65, 70, and 71; in the Epistle to Macedonius; in the book of Fifty Homilies, Homily 50; in the Commentaries on Psalm 50, and in the book On Ecclesiastical Dogmas, chap. 53. Let the heretics therefore be confounded and converted, who strive, with incredible loss of souls, to take away out of the midst the name and works of satisfaction, that is, this third part of the sacrament of penance.

Quoniam inquit, eam. Hac paraphrasi significatur Adamum et justitiam originalem et gratiam gratum facientem, seu charitatem, quam initio acceperat, peccato suo perdidisse : qua de re et supra dictum est, cap. 20 : « Nos autem in Christo recuperasse, quod in Adam perdidimus. » Quod et Cyprianus postea docuit, scribens illum acceptam divinitus gratiam non custodisse, serm. de bono patientiae. Ambrosius quoque ait : « Angelos tenebrarum velut latrones, indumentis gratiae salutaris hominem spoliasse, cum in eos incidit. » Turpiter igitur aberrant, qui aut justitiam originalem donum supernaturale fuisse negant, aut gratiam divinam per mortale peccatum amitti pervicaciter inficiantur.

Because, he says, it. By this paraphrase it is signified that Adam by his sin lost both original justice and sanctifying grace, or charity, which he had received in the beginning: concerning which matter mention was also made above, chap. 20: "And that we have recovered in Christ what we lost in Adam." Which Cyprian also afterwards taught, writing that he did not keep the grace divinely received, in the Sermon on the Good of Patience. Ambrose also says: "That the angels of darkness, like robbers, stripped man of the garments of saving grace, when he fell among them." Base therefore is the error of those who either deny that original justice was a supernatural gift, or obstinately deny that divine grace is lost through mortal sin.

Et nunc. Sic vetus codex ; excusi, « et tunc. »

And now. Thus the old codex; the printed ones have, "and then."

Pag. 222. Quemadmodum quidam. His consona scribit Theophilus Antioch., lib. II Ad Autolycum : « Non invidens, ut quidam sentiunt, Deus Adamo eum ab arbore cognitionis abstinere jussit ; sed hominem probare volebat, an dicto audiens esse vellet, » etc. Marcionem ac ejusdem disciplinae comprobatores designari mihi persuaserim ; quoniam Theodoretus scribit eos docuisse serpentem meliorem esse et praestantiorem Creatore ; quod hic quidem arboris cognitionis participes esse vetuerit, et ille permiserit. Gregorius Nyssen. putat ideo arborem illam prohibitam ; quod vim haberet generandi in animo rerum malarum scientiam, quam habere hominem non expediebat. Veteres alii, ut Theophilus, August. XIV De civit., cap. 12, et VIII De Genesi, cap. 106 ; Chrysost. hom. 16 in Genes. ; Theodor. quaest. 26, in materiam obedientiae exercendae vetitam volunt.

Page 222. As some. Things consonant with these Theophilus of Antioch writes in Book 2 To Autolycus: "Not out of envy, as some think, did God command Adam to abstain from the tree of knowledge; but He wished to prove man, whether he would be obedient to His word," etc. I am persuaded that Marcion and the approvers of the same teaching are designated; because Theodoret writes that they taught that the serpent was better and more excellent than the Creator, in that the Latter forbade them to partake of the tree of knowledge, while the former permitted it. Gregory of Nyssa thinks that that tree was forbidden for this reason, that it had the power of generating in the mind the knowledge of evil things, which it was not expedient for man to have. Other ancients, as Theophilus, Augustine in On the City Book 14, chap. 12, and On Genesis Book 8, chap. 106, Chrysostom in Homily 16 on Genesis, and Theodoret in Question 26, will have it that it was forbidden as matter for exercising obedience.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1681

Footnotes

(96) ‹anchor: Hinc Tertullianus ait› · call in col 1681

Lib. de poen. cap., 22.

Book On Penance, chapter 22.

(printed under page 849)

(97) ‹anchor: Domino offenso satisfacere› · call in col 1681

Ibid., cap. 7, 8, 9 et 10.

Ibid., chapters 7, 8, 9 and 10.

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(98) ‹anchor: Ambrosius quoque ait› · call in col 1681

In cap. x Luc.

On chapter 10 of Luke.

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Et insanabile. Delevimus « insensibile » auct. v. c.

And incurable. We deleted "insensible" on the authority of the old codex.

Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 38.

Annotations of the same on chap. 38.

Pag. 222. Quapropter inimicitiam. Τὴν ἔχθραν, quae dicitur ira tempus ulciscendi observans. Disseritur autem de Christo, semine mulieris promisso, ut serpentis caput, id est mortem, Antichristum, diabolum, peccatum, infernumque homine salvo superaret. Atque ita illum Geneseos locum intelligendum ac explicandum esse docent, quae sequuntur Gen. XII, 3, et XVIII, 18, et XXII, 4, ut et Paulus indicat Gal. III, 8. Adeo quoque manifestum est illius promissi sacri seminis nomine, Christum significatum esse ; nomine autem serpentis, diabolum, ex Isaiae cap. VII et IX, Joannis III, Rom. I, 6, 16, Hebr. II, 1, Petri V, Apocalyps. XII et XIII, et sanctorum Patrum unanimi consensu, ut nunquam satis mirari possim Calvini et Marlorati plusquam Judaicam impietatem, qua locum illum non de Christi ac Satanae dissidio, sed de communi odio, vulgarique horrore, quo naturae sensu universi a cunctis serpentibus abhorremus, malunt interpretari.

Page 222. Wherefore enmity. Τὴν ἔχθραν, which is called anger watching for a time of taking vengeance. Now the discourse is of Christ, the promised seed of the woman, that He should overcome the head of the serpent, that is, death, Antichrist, the devil, sin, and hell, man being saved. And that that passage of Genesis is thus to be understood and explained is taught by the things that follow in Genesis 12:3, and 18:18, and 22:4 [18], as Paul also indicates in Galatians 3:8. So manifest also is it that by the name of that promised holy seed Christ was signified, and by the name of the serpent, the devil, from Isaiah chaps. 7 and 9, John 3, Romans 1, 6, 16, Hebrews 2, 1 Peter 5, Apocalypse 12 and 13, and the unanimous consent of the holy Fathers, that I can never sufficiently wonder at the more than Jewish impiety of Calvin and Marlorat, whereby they prefer to interpret that passage not of the strife between Christ and Satan, but of the common hatred and vulgar horror whereby through the instinct of nature we all shrink from all serpents.

Super aspidem. Augustinus et Cassiod. hunc quoque locum de Christi et servorum ejus e diabolo victoria interpretantur. Diabolus, inquiunt, est aspis, dum occulte percutit ; basiliscus, cum palam venena disseminat ; leo, dum violenter persequitur innocentes ; draco, cum negligentes impia voracitate deglutit. Vel, draco, dum occulte insidiatur per haereticos ; et leo, dum aperte saevit per tyrannos ; quae omnia per adventum Domini, pedibus ejus, id est a sanctis prostrata jacuerunt.

Upon the asp. Augustine and Cassiodorus interpret this passage also of the victory of Christ and His servants over the devil. The devil, they say, is an asp when he strikes secretly; a basilisk when he openly scatters poisons; a lion when he violently persecutes the innocent; a dragon when with impious voracity he swallows up the negligent. Or, a dragon when he secretly lays snares through heretics; and a lion when he openly rages through tyrants; all which things through the coming of the Lord lay prostrate under His feet, that is, laid low by the saints.

Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 39.

Annotations of the same on chap. 39.

Pag. 222. Mentiuntur ergo. Eamdem, quam hic confutat Tatiani et Encratitarum haeresim, repetivit lib. I, cap. 31, ubi et multa, quae hunc locum expediunt, ex aliis auctoribus collegimus. Caeterum, Nicodemus Christi discipulus, et historia, quae fertur nomine ejus, de passione et resurrectione Domini, refert Dominum Jesum, cum secundum animam descendisset ad inferos, manum Adami tenuisse et dixisse : « Pax tibi cum omnibus filiis tuis justis meis. » Ipsum autem Adam Christi genibus advolutum lacrymabiliter deprecatum eum voce magna, his verbis : « Exaltabo te, Domine, quoniam suscepisti me, nec delectasti inimicos meos super me : Domine Deus meus, clamavi ad te, et sanasti me. Eduxisti ab inferis animam meam, salvasti me a descendentibus in lacum, » etc.

Page 222. They lie, therefore. The same heresy of Tatian and the Encratites which he here refutes, he repeated in Book 1, chap. 31, where we also collected from other authors many things which clear up this passage. For the rest, Nicodemus the disciple of Christ, and the history which is current under his name concerning the passion and resurrection of the Lord, relates that the Lord Jesus, when according to the soul He had descended into hell, took the hand of Adam and said: "Peace be to you with all your just sons who are Mine." And that Adam himself, falling at the knees of Christ, tearfully entreated Him with a loud voice in these words: "I will extol Thee, O Lord, for Thou hast upheld me, and hast not made my foes to rejoice over me: O Lord my God, I cried unto Thee, and Thou hast healed me. Thou hast brought forth my soul from hell, Thou hast saved me from them that go down into the pit," etc.

Et concertant de. Expunximus « concertante ; » et paulo post « profecit, » loco « proficit » substituimus, auctor. vet. cod.

And contend about. We have expunged "contending"; and a little after we have substituted "profited" in place of "profits," on the authority of the old codex.

Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 40.

Annotations of the same on chap. 40.

Pag. 222. Traductis igitur omnibus. Brevi recapitulatione concludit, quae hactenus adversus varias Gnosticorum impietates disseruit ; nimirum de uno Deo, Christi oeconomia, et mundi creatione, deinde illorum sectis opponit Ecclesiae catholicae ubique constantem consonamque praedicationem, Spiritum sanctum in ea perpetuo residentem ; ac idcirco summopere ab omnibus expetendam ejus communionem, ne ad omnem ventum doctrinae fluctuemus.

Page 222. All therefore having been exposed. With a brief recapitulation he concludes the things which he has thus far discoursed against the various impieties of the Gnostics; namely concerning the one God, the economy of Christ, and the creation of the world; then to their sects he opposes the everywhere constant and consonant preaching of the Catholic Church, and the Holy Spirit perpetually residing in her; and shows that therefore her communion is to be most earnestly sought by all, lest we be tossed to and fro with every wind of doctrine.

Pag. 223. Aspiratio. Vet. cod., « ab inspiratione plasmationi, » ut alias forte fuerit, « ab inspiratione, » id est divina revelatione, « plasmatio, » id est hominis primi creatio, innotuerit ; aut si excusa lectio placet, per « aspirationem » animam rationis capacem, quae divino afflatu corpori infusa est, intelligit.

Page 223. The breathing. The old codex has, "from the inspiration to the formation," as though elsewhere perhaps it was that "from inspiration," that is, divine revelation, "the formation," that is, the creation of the first man, became known; or if the printed reading pleases, by "the breathing" he understands the soul capable of reason, which was infused into the body by the divine breath.

Et in eo disposita. Sic ex vet. cod. reposuimus, ut intelligatur in eo munere praedicationis et fidei, quod Ecclesiae creditum est, communicationem Christi dispositam esse ; nisi forte alias fuerit, « deposito, » cujus loco subrepsisset « disposito, » quod excusi codices habebant.

And arranged in it. Thus we have restored from the old codex, that it may be understood that in that office of preaching and faith which has been entrusted to the Church, the communication of Christ has been arranged; unless perhaps elsewhere it was, "in that deposit," in place of which had crept in "arranged," which the printed codices had.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1682

Footnotes

(99) ‹anchor: in lacum› · call in col 1682

Psalm. xxix, 2, 3, 4.

Psalm 29:2, 3, 4 (Vulgate numbering).

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old-edition numerals: 144 after mam
other: Latin with two Greek words (Τὴν ἔχθραν) in para 3; editors' matter: Et insanabile.; Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 38.; Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 39.; Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 40.

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Cujus non sunt participes. Idem canit vulgata ore omnium, nec ideo tamen minus gravis, beatissimi martyris Cypriani sententia : « Habere jam non potest Deum Patrem, qui Ecclesiam non habet matrem. » Haec digna quae frequenter suis scriptis insereretur visa est Augustino, tomo VII, libro De unitate Ecclesiae, et libro II Contra litteras Petiliani, cap. 38, et tomo IX, tract. 118 in Joan., et tomo II, epist. 50.

Of which they are not partakers. The same thing is proclaimed by the sentence of the most blessed martyr Cyprian, current in the mouths of all, yet not on that account less weighty: "He can no longer have God for his Father, who has not the Church for his mother." This seemed to Augustine worthy to be frequently inserted in his writings, in Tome 7, in the book On the Unity of the Church, and in Book 2 Against the Letters of Petilian, chap. 38, and in Tome 9, Tractate 118 on John, and in Tome 2, Epistle 50.

Super arenam. Alludit ad Christi verba Matth. VII, per arenam, varias, pugnantes et inconstantes haeresiarcharum sententias, quibus nitebantur, intelligens. Relatum est autem inter adagia : « In arena aedificas, » in eos, qui negotium inutile futurum, aggrediuntur. Similis paroemia est :

Upon the sand. He alludes to the words of Christ in Matthew 7, understanding by the sand the various, conflicting, and inconstant opinions of the heresiarchs on which they leaned. Moreover, it has been recorded among the adages: "You build on sand," against those who enter upon a business that will be useless. Similar is the proverb:

Arenae semina mandas.

You commit seeds to the sand.

quae non tantum inania opera, sed quae simul jacturam quamdam gravem adjunctam habent, significat.

which signifies not only vain works, but such as at the same time have some grave loss joined with them.

Epicuri Deum. Id est otiosum, et qui curam nullam habeat rerum creatarum. Talem enim Deum finxisse Epicurum, testes sunt Clemens, Theophilus, Justinus, Lactantius, Laertius, Plutarchus, et M. Tullius. Deum qualem fingebat Marcion, Tertullianus quoque vocat « Deum Epicuri, » libr. quarto ; et libro primo « Epicurum Marcionis consiliarium appellat.

The God of Epicurus. That is, idle, and one who has no care for created things. For that Epicurus fashioned such a God, Clement, Theophilus, Justin, Lactantius, Laertius, Plutarch, and M. Tullius are witnesses. Such a God as Marcion fashioned, Tertullian also calls "the God of Epicurus," in the fourth book; and in the first book he calls Epicurus "the counsellor of Marcion."

Ex. J. Ern. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 40.

From the annotations of J. Ern. Grabe on chap. 40.

Pag. 222. Per initia, et medietates et finem. Intelligo ea quae inter ipsa temporum initia, in creatione gesta sunt, quaeque postea intermediis saeculis prophetarum, in fine denique, Christi, et apostolorum aevo contigerunt. Haec enim omnia percurrens Irenaeus, undique argumenta pro fide Ecclesiae deprompsit.

Page 222. Through the beginnings, the midst, and the end. I understand the things which were done amid the very beginnings of times, in the creation, and those which happened afterwards in the intermediate ages of the prophets, and finally in the end, in the age of Christ and the apostles. For running through all these things, Irenaeus drew forth arguments from all quarters for the faith of the Church.

Pag. 223. Lacus detritos. Graece, λάκκους συντετριμμένους, per quos hoc loco illegitima conventicula eorum qui ab Ecclesia separantur, innuere videtur.

Page 223. Broken cisterns. In Greek, λάκκους συντετριμμένους, by which in this passage he seems to intimate the unlawful conventicles of those who separate themselves from the Church.

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 41.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardent on chap. 41.

Pag. 223. Providentiam habet Deus. Mundum divina providentia, id est paterna Dei sollicitudine et ratione gubernari, etiam ethnicorum testimonio confirmat, adversus Epicureos Gnosticorum tum errores, tum mores. Hujus exstant praeclara apud Tullium testimonia. « In mundo Deus est aliquis, » ait lib. I De nat. deor., « qui regit, qui gubernat, qui cursus astrorum, qui mutationes temporum, rerum vicissitudines, ordinesque conservat, terras et mare contemplans ; hominum commoda, vitasque tuetur, etc. Ut hominum membra nulla contentione, mente ipsa et voluntate moventur, sic numine deorum omnia finguntur, moventur, atque mutantur. » Et oratione Pro Roscio : « Commoda quibus utimur, lucem qua fruimur, spatium quod ducimus, a Deo nobis dari et impartiri videmus, » etc.

Page 223. God exercises providence. That the world is governed by divine providence, that is, by the fatherly solicitude and reason of God, he confirms even by the testimony of the heathens, against the Epicurean errors as well as morals of the Gnostics. Of this there are extant admirable testimonies in Tully. "In the world there is some God," says he in Book 1 On the Nature of the Gods, "Who rules, Who governs, Who preserves the courses of the stars, the changes of the seasons, and the vicissitudes and orders of things, beholding the lands and the sea; Who protects the advantages and lives of men, etc. As the members of men are moved without any effort by the mind itself and the will, so by the deity of the gods all things are fashioned, moved, and changed." And in the Oration for Roscius: "The advantages which we use, the light which we enjoy, the breath which we draw, we see to be given and imparted to us by God," etc.

Ethnicorum quidam. Inter hos, Aratum, Simonidem, Euripidem, Menandrum, Thestium et Dionysium numerat Theophilus Antiochenus, libro secundo Ad Autolycum ; quibus libro tertio Aristotelem adjungit. Justinus libro De monarchia, quamplurimos alios enumerat. Augustinus de Seneca scribit lib. VI De civit., cap. 10 : « Colebat quod reprehendebat ; agebat quod arguebat ; quod culpabat adorabat. » Tertullianus, cap. 45 Apol., Platonicos Deum intra mundum constituisse refert, qui gubernatoris exemplo, intra illud sedeat, quod regat.

Certain of the heathens. Among these Theophilus of Antioch, in the second book To Autolycus, reckons Aratus, Simonides, Euripides, Menander, Thestius, and Dionysius; to whom in the third book he adds Aristotle. Justin, in the book On the Monarchy, enumerates very many others. Augustine writes of Seneca in Book 6 On the City, chap. 10: "He worshipped what he reproved; he practised what he censured; what he blamed he adored." Tertullian, in chap. 45 of the Apologeticum, relates that the Platonists placed God within the world, Who after the example of a pilot sits within that which He rules.

Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 42.

Annotations of the same on chap. 42.

Pag. 223. Rursus ut increpativum Hoc capite paucis absolvit, quae copiose et ornate disputavit postea Lactantius libro integro De ira Dei, et Tertullian., passim lib. I Contra Marcionem, Origenesque in calce dialogi primi, et initio secundi contra Marcionitas. Probat autem Irenaeus fortissimo dilemmate, non esse alium Deum mundi judicem,

Page 223. Again as reproving. In this chapter he dispatches in a few words the things which Lactantius afterwards copiously and ornately discussed in an entire book On the Anger of God, and Tertullian everywhere in Book 1 Against Marcion, and Origen at the end of the first dialogue and the beginning of the second against the Marcionites. Now Irenaeus proves by a most strong dilemma that one God is not to be established as judge of the world,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1683

Footnotes

(1) ‹anchor: call not in the visible lines of the page foot› · call in col 1683 (by position of the note; call not seen)

Ovid., Her. V, v. 115.

Ovid, Heroides V, line 115.

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alium vero Salvatorem constituendum ; quandoquidem unicus sit, infinita simul praeditus justitia, ut malos plectat, atque bonitate, ut piis benefaciat, et salutem impertiatur. Vocat autem increpativum et judiciale, quod Graecis est τὸ ἐλεγκτικὸν καὶ κριτικὸν, id est potestatem seu vim redarguendi et judicandi. Vel τὸ ἐπιτιμητικὸν, id est vis puniendi.

and another as Saviour; seeing that He is one only, endowed at the same time with infinite justice to punish the wicked, and with goodness to do good to the pious and impart salvation. Moreover he calls "reproving and judicial" what in the Greek is τὸ ἐλεγκτικὸν καὶ κριτικὸν, that is, the power or force of convicting and judging. Or τὸ ἐπιτιμητικὸν, that is, the force of punishing.

Indignum id Deo. Sic vet. cod. ; excusi, « ideo. »

That unworthy of God. Thus the old codex; the printed ones have, "therefore."

Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 43.

Annotations of the same on chap. 43.

Pag. 224. Marcion igitur. De hoc, libro primo, cap. 29, ostenditur porro unicum esse Deum, summe bonum, summe justum, summe sapientem, summe patientem et longanimum, qui denique reddet unicuique juxta opera sua, judicans orbem in aequitate.

Page 224. Marcion therefore. Concerning him see Book 1, chap. 29; moreover it is shown that there is one only God, supremely good, supremely just, supremely wise, supremely patient and long-suffering, Who finally will render to every man according to his works, judging the world in equity.

Quia Deus non est, cui bonitas desit. Argumentis hujusmodi, ad absurda et inopinabilia ducentibus, eumdem Marcionem saepe urget Tertullianus lib. I : « Deus, si non unus est, non est ; quia dignius credimus non esse, quodcunque non ita fuerit, ut esse debebit. » Et rursus : « Ex hoc quoque negabimus Deum, in quo non omnia, quae Deo digna sint, constent, » etc.

Because He is not God, to Whom goodness is wanting. With arguments of this sort, leading to absurd and inconceivable conclusions, Tertullian in Book 1 often presses the same Marcion: "God, if He is not one, is not; because we more worthily believe that not to be, whatever is not such as it ought to be." And again: "From this also we shall deny Him to be God, in Whom not all things that are worthy of God hold good," etc.

Ex J. Ern. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 43.

From the annotations of J. Ern. Grabe on chap. 43.

Pag. 224. Dividens Deum in duo. Ast tria principia Marcionem statuisse a quibusdam memoria proditum est. Vide Athanasium de synodi Nicaenae decretis tom. I, pag. 422 ; Cyrillum Hieros. catech. 16, Epiphanium haeres. 42, Damascenum De haeresibus, etc. Hinc in dialogo Origenis, vel Maximi contra Marcionitas, sect. 1, pag. 3, Megethius horum partes agens ait : Ἐγώ φημι εἶναι τρεῖς ἀρχὰς, Θεὸν τὸν πατέρα τοῦ Χριστοῦ ἀγαθὸν, καὶ ἄλλον, τὸν δημιουργὸν, καὶ ἕτερον τὸν πονηρόν. « Ego tria principia esse statuo, Deum Patrem Christi bonum, et alium conditorem mundi, ac ab his diversum, malum. » Et pag. 4 : Ἡ ἀγαθὴ ἀρχὴ τῶν Χριστιανῶν ἄρχει· ἡ δὲ δημιουργικὴ τῶν Ἰουδαίων· ἡ δὲ πονηρὰ τῶν ἐθνικῶν. « Principium illud bonum praeest Christianis ; mundi autem opifex Judaeis ; et malum ethnicis. » Imo vero Theodoretus lib. I Haeret. fabul., cap. 24, quatuor ἀγεννήτους οὐσίας, « ingenitas substantias, » Marcionem statuisse refert, tres scilicet modo dictas, et « materiam, quae malo subsit. » Sed hi scriptores, aut memoriae lapsu, aut inadvertentia, ipsi Marcioni attribuerunt quod quibusdam ejus sequacibus, vel corrivalibus, praesertim cuidam nomine Synero, competit, ut ex Rhodonis libro contra Marcionem, sive potius fragmento ejus apud Eusebium lib. V Hist. eccl., cap. 13, discimus, sequentia ibi legentes : Ἀπὸ τῆς τούτων ἀγέλης Ἀπελλῆς μὲν μίαν ἀρχὴν ὁμολογεῖ· ἕτεροι δὲ, καθὼς καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ ναύτης Μαρκίων, δύο ἀρχὰς εἰσηγοῦνται· ἄλλοι δὲ πάλιν αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον ἐξοκείλαντες, οὐ μόνον δύο, ἀλλὰ καὶ τρεῖς ὑποτίθενται φύσεις· ὧν ἐστὶν ἀρχηγὸς καὶ προστάτης Συνέρως, καθὼς οἱ τὸ διδασκάλιον αὐτοῦ προβαλλόμενοι λέγουσιν. « Ex illorum (Marcionitarum) grege Apelles unum fatetur esse principium. Alii vero, perinde ac Marcion nauta ille, duo introducunt principia. Alii rursum ab his, tanquam tempestate in pejus abrepti, non duas solum, sed tres supponunt naturas ; quorum princeps et antesignanus fuit Synerus, ut disciplinae illius sectatores memorant. » Quem Eusebii, vel potius Rhodonis ab Eusebio citati, locum respiciens Augustinus lib. De haeresibus ad Quodvultdeum, cap. 22, scribit : « Marcio, a quo Marcionitae sunt, qui Cerdonis secutus est dogmata de duobus principiis, quamvis Epiphanius eum tria dicat asseruisse principia, bonum, justum, pravum. Sed Eusebius Synerum quemdam, non Marcionem, trium principiorum, atque naturarum scribit auctorem. » Synero praeivit, aut astipulatus est Ptolemaeus in epist. ad Floram tom. I Spicilegii Patrum et haeretic. saeculi II, p. 78 seq. De Marcione autem rem confirmat,

Page 224. Dividing God into two. Yet it has been handed down to memory by some that Marcion established three principles. See Athanasius On the Decrees of the Nicene Synod, Tome 1, page 422; Cyril of Jerusalem, Catechesis 16; Epiphanius, Heresy 42; Damascus On Heresies, etc. Hence in the dialogue of Origen, or Maximus, against the Marcionites, sect. 1, page 3, Megethius, taking their side, says: "I say that there are three principles: God the Father of Christ, who is good; and another, the Demiurge; and another, the evil one." "I establish that there are three principles, God the Father of Christ, who is good, and another the Creator of the world, and diverse from these, the evil one." And on page 4: "The good principle rules over the Christians; the demiurgic over the Jews; and the evil over the heathens." "That good principle presides over the Christians; the Maker of the world over the Jews; and the evil one over the heathens." Nay more, Theodoret in Book 1 of Heretical Fables, chap. 24, relates that Marcion established four ἀγεννήτους οὐσίας, "unbegotten substances," namely the three just mentioned, and "matter, which is subject to the evil one." But these writers, either by a slip of memory or through inadvertence, attributed to Marcion himself what belongs to certain of his followers or rivals, especially to a certain man named Synerus, as we learn from the book of Rhodo against Marcion, or rather his fragment in Eusebius, Book 5 of the Ecclesiastical History, chap. 13, reading there what follows: "From the herd of these Apelles indeed confesses one principle; while others, just as the sailor Marcion himself also, introduce two principles; and others again of them, having drifted away for the worse, suppose not two only, but three natures; of whom the leader and chief is Syneros, as those who put forward his school say." "From the herd of those (the Marcionites) Apelles confesses that there is one principle. Others, however, just like that sailor Marcion, introduce two principles. Others again from among them, carried away for the worse as if by a storm, suppose not two only, but three natures; of whom the chief and standard-bearer was Synerus, as the followers of that teaching relate." Looking to which passage of Eusebius, or rather of Rhodo cited by Eusebius, Augustine in the book On Heresies to Quodvultdeus, chap. 22, writes: "Marcion, from whom the Marcionites are, who followed the dogmas of Cerdo concerning two principles, although Epiphanius says that he asserted three principles, the good, the just, and the depraved. But Eusebius writes that a certain Synerus, not Marcion, was the author of three principles and natures." Ptolemy preceded or agreed with Synerus in the Epistle to Flora, Tome 1 of the Spicilegium of the Fathers and Heretics of the 2nd Century, p. 78 f. Now concerning Marcion, besides Irenaeus, Tertullian confirms the matter

Editors' notes and page, col. 1684

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other: Latin only, no Greek printed; editors' matter: alium vero Salvatorem; Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 43.; Ex J. Ern. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 43.; word split at end of column: confir-
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praeter Irenaeum, Tertullianus lib. I contra illum, cap. 6, dicens : « Marcionem dispares deos constituere, alterum judicem, ferum, bellipotentem ; alterum mitem, placidum, et tantummodo bonum, atque optimum. » Confer Origenem jamjam citandum.

in Book 1 against him, chap. 6, saying: "That Marcion establishes unequal gods, the one a judge, fierce, mighty in war; the other mild, placid, and solely good and best." Compare Origen, about to be cited immediately.

Alterum quidem bonum, et alterum judicialem dicens. Ita et Origenes in Exodum, tom. I Comment., pag. 17 seq. Marcionitas innuens, ait : Οἱ δὲ ἕτερον Θεὸν φάσκοντες παρὰ τὸν δημιουργὸν, δίκαιον μὲν αὐτὸν θέλουσι, καὶ οὐκ ἀγαθὸν, σφόδρα ἰδιωτικῶς ἅμα καὶ ἀσεβῶς ἐνεχθέντες, ἐν τῷ χωρίζειν δικαιοσύνην ἀγαθότητος, καὶ ἀγαθότητα δίχα δικαιοσύνης. « Quidam vero alium Deum asserentes praeter mundi opificem, hunc quidem justum esse volunt, sed non bonum : stulte id quidem et impie, cum justitiam a bonitate separant, et a justitia bonitatem. » Et Comment. in Joannem, pag. 38, de iisdem loquitur tanquam οἰηθεῖσι δίκαιον μὲν εἶναι τὸν δημιουργὸν, ἀγαθὸν δὲ τὸν τοῦ Χριστοῦ Πατέρα, « existimantibus justum quidem creatorem mundi, bonum vero patrem Christi. »

Calling the one indeed good, and the other judicial. Thus also Origen on Exodus, Tome 1 of the Commentaries, page 17 f., intimating the Marcionites, says: "And those who allege another God besides the Demiurge, will have the latter indeed to be just, and not good, being carried away at once very ignorantly and impiously in separating justice from goodness, and goodness apart from justice." "Now certain men, asserting another God besides the Maker of the world, will have the latter indeed to be just, but not good: foolishly indeed and impiously, since they separate justice from goodness, and goodness from justice." And in the Commentary on John, page 38, he speaks of the same men as "supposing the Demiurge indeed to be just, and the Father of Christ good," "thinking the Creator of the world indeed to be just, and the Father of Christ good."

Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 44.

Annotations of Fr. Feuardent on chap. 44.

Pag. 224. Qui igitur solem. Ex effectis coelestibus docet providentiam et beneficentiam Dei in omnes nunc extendi ; futurum autem grave judicium in ingratos et blasphemos, cujusmodi erant Marcionitae et Gnostici.

Page 224. Who therefore the sun. From heavenly effects he teaches that the providence and beneficence of God is now extended unto all; but that there will be a heavy judgement against the ungrateful and blasphemous, of which sort were the Marcionites and Gnostics.

Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 45.

Annotations of the same on chap. 45.

Pag. 224. Quibus religiosior Plato ostenditur. Platonis philosophiam a vera Christianorum religione non ita multum abhorrere, quantis potest testimoniis, ex illius scriptis adductis, et cum praecipuis fidei nostrae capitibus collatis, ostendit Eusebius posterioribus sex lib. De praepar. evang. Augustinus cum decem capitibus libri octavi De civit. Dei multa praeclara de Platone disseruisset, undecimo investigat, unde, a quibusve didicerit tanta, quae religioni nostrae congruunt. Eorum rejicit sententiam, qui opinantur Platonem in sua apud Aegyptios peregrinatione, Jeremiam prophetam audivisse, et cum eo congressum : quam tamen lib. II De doctrin. Christ., cap. 28, ut sui in Christo patris (ita enim de eo loquitur, a quo sacro fonte lotus fuerat) B. Ambrosii ex animo probaverat. Contendit postea Platonem sacras Scripturas legere non potuisse, quippe quae in Graecam linguam necdum translatae essent : quod de LXX translatione verum quidem ostendit chronologia. At aliam fuisse ante Alexandri, imo et Persarum imperia, unde quidquid veri et recti docuerunt, hauserint philosophi, contendit Eusebius lib. IX De praeparat., cap. 3, et lib. XIII, cap. 7. Libenter autem admittit Augustinus, Platonem, acerrimi judicii virum, sicut Aegyptias, sic et Hebraeas litteras per interpretem didicisse.

Page 224. Than whom Plato is shown to be more religious. That the philosophy of Plato is not so very far removed from the true religion of the Christians, Eusebius shows in the latter six books On the Preparation for the Gospel, by as many testimonies as he can, adduced from his writings and compared with the chief heads of our faith. Augustine, after he had in ten chapters of the eighth book On the City of God discoursed many admirable things concerning Plato, in the eleventh investigates whence, or from whom, he learned such great things as agree with our religion. He rejects the opinion of those who opine that Plato in his sojourn among the Egyptians heard Jeremiah the prophet and met with him: which opinion, however, in Book 2 On Christian Doctrine, chap. 28, he had heartily approved as that of his father in Christ (for so he speaks of him by whom he had been washed in the sacred font), the blessed Ambrose. Afterwards he contends that Plato could not have read the sacred Scriptures, inasmuch as they had not yet been translated into the Greek language: which chronology indeed shows to be true concerning the translation of the Seventy. But that there was another before the empires of Alexander, nay even of the Persians, whence the philosophers drew whatever true and right things they taught, Eusebius contends in Book 9 On the Preparation, chap. 3, and Book 13, chap. 7. Moreover Augustine gladly admits that Plato, a man of the keenest judgement, learned the Hebrew letters, just as the Egyptian, through an interpreter.

Et Deus quidem. Locus hic Platonis, etc. Vide infra notam Ern. Grabii in eumdem locum.

And God indeed. This passage of Plato, etc. See below the note of Ern. Grabe on the same passage.

Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 46.

Annotations of the same on chap. 46.

Pag. 224. Et iterum. Rursum ex Platone docet, mundum istum non ex ignorantia, labe, aut Aeonis aberrantis virtute conditum esse ; sed divina, coelestique virtute atque bonitate : quod etiam Cicero eumdem Platonem asseruisse testatur lib. I De natura deor. et libro De universo.

Page 224. And again. Again from Plato he teaches that this world was not founded from ignorance, defect, or the power of an erring Aeon; but by divine and heavenly power and goodness: which Cicero also testifies that the same Plato asserted, in Book 1 On the Nature of the Gods and in the book On the Universe.

Nec labis fructum. Sic ex vet. cod. restituimus ; excusi « nec de his. » Paucis autem ea Gnosticorum figmenta constringit, quae latius lib. I, cap. 1 descripserat.

Nor the fruit of defect. Thus we have restored from the old codex; the printed ones have "nor of these." Now in a few words he compresses those figments of the Gnostics which he had described more at large in Book 1, chap. 1.

Digna enim commentati et commentiti sunt. Duas voculas ex vet. cod. addidimus, quae mire conveniunt. Alludere porro videtur ad haec verba Danielis ad alterum impurorum Susannae judicum : « Recte et tu mentitus es in caput tuum. » Etenim ut illi, suis adulteriis, ejus castitatem contaminare,

For worthy things have they devised and feigned. We have added two words from the old codex, which suit wonderfully. Moreover he seems to allude to these words of Daniel to the second of the impure judges of Susanna: "Rightly have you also lied against your own head." For just as they, by their adulteries, strove to contaminate her chastity,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1685

Footnotes

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Dan. XIII, 55.

Daniel 13:55.

(printed under page 851)

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old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Latin with Greek printed in para 2 (Origen: Οἱ δὲ ἕτερον … δικαιοσύνης; οἰηθεῖσι … Πατέρα); editors' matter: mat, praeter Irenaeum,; Adnotationes Fr. Feuardentii in cap. 44.; Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 45.; Ejusdem adnotationes in cap. 46.; word split at start of column: confir-mat; word split at end of column: conta-
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sic haeretici Ecclesiae sponsae Christi fidem doctrinamque temerare nituntur.

so the heretics strive to violate the faith and doctrine of the Church, the spouse of Christ.

Recepit. Delevimus « recipit » auctor. vet. cod.

Received. We deleted "receives," on the authority of the old codex.

Nos autem precamur. Magna Patrum pietas, qui nec pro infestissimis Ecclesiae hostibus orare desinebant. Sic Ignatius Smyrnenses hortatur pro haereticis orare, si quovis modo eos poeniteat.

But we pray. Great was the piety of the Fathers, who did not cease to pray even for the most hostile enemies of the Church. Thus Ignatius exhorts the Smyrnaeans to pray for the heretics, if in any way they may repent.

Prorogavimus autem. Id est distulimus opportuniore loco : sic legendum ex vet. cod. proponimus, cujus auctoritate expunximus, « praerogavimus. »

And we have deferred. That is, we have put off to a more opportune place: thus we propose that it should be read from the old codex, on the authority of which we have expunged "we have paid beforehand."

Ex J. Ern. Grabii adnotationibus in cap. 46.

From the annotations of J. Ern. Grabe on chap. 46.

Pag. 224. Et Deus quidem. Locus hic Platonis exstat dialogo quarto De legibus ; in quo pro « recte perficit, » quod hic habetur, Ficinus, « recta peragit ; » ego forsan melius dixerim, « recta pergit, » cum Graece legatur εὐθεῖαν περαίνει. Deinde quod Plato veterem de Deo sermonem usurpat, respexisse arbitror ad veteris Orphei carmina, quae apud Proclum leguntur :

Page 224. And God indeed. This passage of Plato is extant in the fourth dialogue On the Laws; in which for "rightly accomplishes," which is had here, Ficino has "carries through right things"; I might perhaps better say, "proceeds straight on," since in Greek it is read εὐθεῖαν περαίνει. Next, in that Plato employs an ancient saying concerning God, I think he looked to the verses of the ancient Orpheus, which are read in Proclus:

Ζεὺς πρῶτος γένετο, Ζεὺς ὕστατος ἀργικέραυνος, Ζεὺς κεφαλὴ, Ζεὺς μέσσα. Διὸς δ' ἐκ πάντα τέτυκται.

Zeus was first, Zeus last, of the bright lightning; Zeus the head, Zeus the middle; and from Zeus all things have been made.

Id est,

That is,

Jupiter primus est, Jupiter ultimus fulminator, Jupiter caput, Jupiter medium : ab Jove autem omnia [facta sunt.

Jupiter is first, Jupiter last, the thunderer; Jupiter the head, Jupiter the middle: and from Jove all things have been made.

FEUARD. Placet Graeca Platonis verba, ex edit. Serrani tom. II, pag. 715 seq. transcribere, ita sonantia : Ὁ μὲν δὴ Θεὸς (ὥσπερ καὶ ὁ παλαιὸς λόγος) ἀρχήν τε τελευτὴν καὶ μέσα τῶν ὄντων ἀπάντων ἔχων, εὐθεῖαν περαίνει, κατὰ φύσιν περιπορευόμενος. Τῷ δὲ ἀεὶ ξυνέπεται δίκη, τῶν ἀπολειπομένων τοῦ θείου νόμου τιμωρός.

FEUARDENT. It pleases us to transcribe the Greek words of Plato, from the edition of Serranus, Tome II, page 715 f., sounding thus: "God indeed (as the ancient saying also is), holding both the beginning and the end and the middle of all things that are, accomplishes a straight course, revolving according to nature. And upon Him ever attends Justice, the avenger of those who fall short of the divine law."

Et iterum. Dicere debebat Feuardentius, ubi Plato hoc docuerit, et indicare locum ex quo Irenaeus citata verba deprompsit. Id vero opus, is labor erat, quem, perinde ut Erasmus et Gallasius, subterfugit. Atqui locus est in Timaeo, tom. III edit. Serrani, pag. 29, ubi expresse ait, quod ὁ δημιουργὸς ἀγαθὸς, « mundi opifex bonus » sit, quoque contrarium « dictu nefas » exsistat, μηδ' εἰπεῖν τινι θέμις. Et post alia, in fine dictae paginae sequentia habet verba, quibus et ista ab Irenaeo allegata continentur : Λέγωμεν δὴ, δι' ἣν αἰτίαν γένεσιν καὶ τὸ πᾶν τόδε ὁ ξυνιστὰς ξυνέστησεν. Ἀγαθὸς ἦν, ἀγαθῷ δὲ οὐδεὶς περὶ οὐδενὸς οὐδέποτε ἐγγίγνεται φθόνος. Τούτου δ' ἐκτὸς ὢν, πάντα ὅτι μάλιστα ἐβουλήθη γενέσθαι παραπλήσια αὐτῷ. Ταύτην δὲ γενέσεως κόσμου μάλιστ' ἄν τις ἀρχὴν κυριωτάτην παρ' ἀνδρῶν φρονίμων ἀποδεχόμενος, ὀρθότατα ἀποδέχοιτ' ἄν. Quae Joannes Serranus ita Latine reddidit ampliora : « Quaeramus igitur causam, quae eum impulerit, qui haec machinatus est, ut originem rerum et molitionem hujus admirabilis universi constitueret. Bonitate videlicet praestabat ; in bonum autem nulla de ulla unquam re cadit invidia (id est nullam rem ulli unquam invidet). Cum ab illa igitur liber et immunis esset, omnia voluit quam maxime sui similia generari. Hanc gignendi mundi principem primariamque causam, qui e sapientum hominum sententia statuerit, rectissime profecto statuerit. » Possem plura Platonis loca addere ; sed brevitatis ergo unicum, eumque Latine tantum, ex versione Serrani recitabo. Ita vero sonat dialogo II De republica, tom. II, pag. 379 : « Constanter attribuenda sunt consentanea Dei naturae ; sive in heroico carmine, sive in lyrico, sive in tragoedia inducatur. Consentaneum est sane. Nonne constituendum est, Deum revera esse bonum, et ita constanter dicendum est? Quidni?..... Neque igitur Deus, inquam, quandoquidem bonus est, omnium rerum causa fuerit, quemadmodum aiunt multi..... Bonarum quidem rerum causa nulla alia statuenda est, praeter Deum ; malarum autem aliae quaepiam causae investigandae sunt ; sed

And again. Feuardent ought to have said where Plato taught this, and to have indicated the passage from which Irenaeus drew the words cited. But that was the work, that was the labour, which, just like Erasmus and Gallasius, he shirked. And yet the passage is in the Timaeus, Tome III of the edition of Serranus, page 29, where he expressly says that ὁ δημιουργὸς ἀγαθὸς, "the Maker of the world is good," and that the contrary is "impious to say," μηδ' εἰπεῖν τινι θέμις. And after other things, at the end of the said page he has the following words, in which those also alleged by Irenaeus are contained: "Let us state, then, for what cause He Who framed generation and this universe framed it. He was good, and in the good no envy concerning anything ever arises. Being free from this, then, He willed that all things should become as like Himself as possible. And if anyone accepts from wise men this as above all the most sovereign principle of the generation of the world, he would accept it most rightly." Which words Jean de Serres rendered more amply in Latin thus: "Let us seek therefore the cause which impelled Him Who contrived these things to establish the origin of things and the fabric of this admirable universe. Namely, He excelled in goodness; now upon the good no envy concerning anything ever falls (that is, He never envies anything to anyone). Since therefore He was free and immune from it, He willed all things to be generated as like Himself as possible. Whoever according to the judgement of wise men shall establish this as the chief and primary cause of begetting the world, will assuredly establish it most rightly." I could add more passages of Plato; but for the sake of brevity I shall recite a single one, and that in Latin only, from the version of Serranus. Now it runs thus in dialogue II On the Republic, Tome II, page 379: "There must constantly be attributed things agreeable to the nature of God, whether He be introduced in heroic song, or in lyric, or in tragedy. It is agreeable, assuredly. Must it not be established that God is in truth good, and must we not constantly speak thus? Why not?..... Neither therefore, say I, will God, seeing that He is good, be the cause of all things, as many say..... Of good things indeed no other cause is to be established beside God; whereas of evil things some other causes must be investigated;

Editors' notes and page, col. 1686

Footnotes

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Virg. Aeneid. VI, vers. 129.

Virgil, Aeneid VI, line 129.

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nullo modo Deus mali auctor existimandus est. » Et post aliqua, sequenti pag. 380, ita pergit : « Dicendum est, Deum bene et juste egisse, atque eas illis poenas inflixisse, ut ex iis utilitatem aliquam reportarent. Verum et eos miseros esse, qui dent poenas, et Deum illum esse, qui haec agat ; hoc vero minime concedendum est poetae ut dicat. Sed si diceret malos homines, utpote per se miseros, suppliciis indigere, dum autem poenas dant, a Deo juvari ; illud quidem permittendum est, ab illis hactenus dici. Deum autem, quippe qui bonus est, cuiquam auctorem causamque exstitisse mali,

but in no way is God to be esteemed the author of evil." And after some words, on the following page 380, he proceeds thus: "It must be said that God acted well and justly, and inflicted those punishments upon them in order that from them they might reap some benefit. But that those who suffer punishments are miserable, and that it is God Who does these things, this by no means must the poet be allowed to say. Yet if he should say that wicked men, inasmuch as they are miserable of themselves, stand in need of punishments, and that while they suffer punishments they are helped by God, that indeed must be permitted to be said by them thus far. But that God, inasmuch as He is good, has been to anyone the author and cause of evil,

hoc vero omni contentione refutandum est, neque concedendum, ut quisquam haec vel dicat, vel audiat in civitate, si illam bene constitutam optamus..... utpote quae dicta, neque pia sunt, neque utilia, neque ipsa sibi ipsis consentanea, atque congruentia..... Haec igitur una lex sanciatur, et formula religionis constituendae..... Deum bonarum rerum esse causam ; non omnium indifferenter, ut malarum, quae ab illo plane removeantur. » Ex quibus sole clarius elucet, Platoni eumdem Deum, et justum, et maxime bonum fuisse ; non autem duos eum cum haereticis commentum esse.

this must with all effort be refuted, nor must it be allowed that anyone should either say or hear these things in the state, if we wish it to be well ordered..... inasmuch as such sayings are neither pious, nor useful, nor consistent and congruous with themselves..... Let this one law therefore be enacted, and this rule for establishing religion..... that God is the cause of good things; not of all things indifferently, such as evil things, which must be plainly removed from Him." From which things it shines forth clearer than the sun that to Plato the same God was both just and supremely good; and that he did not, along with the heretics, devise two Gods.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1687

Footnotes

(4) ‹anchor: absumendos traderent› · call in col 1687

Sozom. l. I Hist., c. 20.

Sozomen, History, book I, chapter 20.

(printed under page 852)

(5) ‹anchor: apud Eusebium› · call in col 1687

Lib. VII Hist., cap. 6.

History, book VII, chapter 6.

(printed under page 852)

(6) ‹anchor: Manichaeorum› · call in col 1687

Catech. 6.

Catechesis 6.

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