Tertullian, Apology (Apologeticus adversus gentes pro Christianis)

TOTIUS OPERIS ARGUMENTUM.

ARGUMENT OF THE WHOLE WORK.

Imperante Septimio Severo, et cum Antonino filio res Romanas administrante, Tertullianus, verae religionis ardore flagrans, illius utpote sacris initiatus, moleste, pro eo ac debuit, patiebatur religionem, quae efferre sese quodammodo coeperat, opprimi, sub initium persecutionis quintae, qua saeviente, insontes passim Christiani, nulla sexus aut aetatis habita ratione, inauditis ante illam diem suppliciis cruciabantur. Pro summa qua tunc pollebat facundia, Christianorum patrocinium suscepit, quorum adeo deplorata erat conditio, ut indicta caussa, et solius nominis praejudicio damnarentur. Communi malo ac publico occurrere, et erumpentem in dies tempestatem, quantum in se erat, compescere, partes suas duxit, missaque hanc ob caussam ad antistites romanos apologia, effraenatos adversariorum impetus fregit tantisper ac debilitavit. Eo quippe vigore eaque eruditione caussam egit, ut si rationibus et veritate disceptandum fuisset, gentiles

When Septimius Severus was emperor, and was administering the Roman state together with his son Antoninus, Tertullian, burning with zeal for the true religion, as one initiated into its sacred rites, was grieved, as he was bound to be, that the religion, which had in some measure begun to raise itself up, was being crushed at the beginning of the fifth persecution, during whose fury innocent Christians everywhere, with no regard had to sex or age, were tortured with punishments unheard of before that day. With the consummate eloquence in which he then excelled, he took up the defence of the Christians, whose condition was so desperate that they were condemned with their cause unheard, and by prejudice against the name alone. He considered it his part to meet the common and public evil, and, so far as lay in him, to check the storm that was breaking out more each day; and by the apology sent for this reason to the Roman magistrates he for a time broke and weakened the unbridled onslaughts of the adversaries. For he pleaded the cause with such vigour and such learning that, if the matter had had to be decided by reasons and truth, the gentiles

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(a) ‹anchor: Romani imperii antistites› · call in col 258

CAP. I. — (a) Imperii antistites. Antistites vero ap- (continues)

Chapter I. — (a) Rulers of the empire. But "antistites" [i.e. those who preside] … (continues)

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omnes redegisset ad incitas. Justini martyris et Aristidis vestigia premere poterat, verum ita eloquentiam est imitatus, ut et dicendi charactere, et argumentorum pondere ac doctrinae varietate, utrumque superasse videatur.

would all have been reduced to a standstill. He could have trodden in the footsteps of Justin the martyr and of Aristides; but he so imitated their eloquence that he seems to have surpassed them both, in the character of his style, in the weight of his arguments, and in the variety of his learning.

ARGUMENTUM. — Cum sub Severo negatum esset Christianis in judicio se defendere, scriptum hoc praesidibus Romani imperii obtulit auctor, ostendens hoc capite iniquam istam judicandi formulam, per quam defensio negatur insontibus, et veritas absconditur; cum interim tot tantique, qui quotidie ad hanc sectam transeant, illam aliqua consideratione dignam faciant, qui sane omnes, remoti ab aliqua perversitatis culpae, ostendant sese longe alium affectum induisse, quam istum qui in maleficis semper deprehenditur.

ARGUMENT. — Since under Severus the Christians had been denied the right to defend themselves in court, the author presented this writing to the governors of the Roman empire, showing in this chapter the iniquity of that form of judging by which defence is denied to the innocent and the truth is hidden; whereas meanwhile so many and such great persons, who pass over daily to this sect, make it worthy of some consideration; and all of them, being far removed from any guilt of perversity, show that they have put on a disposition far other than that which is always detected in evil-doers.

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LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 152)

(1) ‹anchor: edito ipso› · call in col 259

(printed under page 152) (1) Et in ipso loco Paris. Et edito, in ipso Rigalt.

(1) "And in the very place" in the Paris edition; "and lofty, in the very" in Rigault.

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(2) ‹anchor: palam dispicere› · call in col 259

(printed under page 152) (2) Describere Barr. MS. L. B. Despicere. Rhenan. Jun.

(2) "Describe" in the Barraeus manuscript, L. B.; "despicere" in Rhenanus and Junius.

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(3) ‹anchor: Christianorum; si› · call in col 259

(printed under page 152) (3) Sed ad hanc alii.

(3) "But to this" in others.

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(4) ‹anchor: domesticis judiciis› · call in col 259

(printed under page 152) (4) Ita Herald. Rigalt. Haverc. Indiciis cod. F. vell edition de G.

(4) So Hérault, Rigault, Havercamp; "by informations" (indiciis) in codex F. or the edition of G.

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(5) ‹anchor: nimis operata› · call in col 259

(printed under page 152) (5) Onerata Paris. Animis M. F.

(5) "Burdened" in the Paris edition; "in spirits" (animis) in M. F.

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(6) ‹anchor: obstruit viam› · call in col 259

(printed under page 152) (6) Ita Pamelius, La Cerda, Rhen. Viam del. Jun. Herald. Rig. Haverc. ex MS. os defensioni MS. F.

(6) So Pamelius, La Cerda, Rhenanus. Junius, Hérault, Rigault and Havercamp, from a manuscript, delete "viam"; "the mouth (os) for defence" in manuscript F.

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(7) ‹anchor: pervenire. Nihil› · call in col 259

(printed under page 152) (7) Nilus de causa Junius.

(7) "Nilus de causa" in Junius.

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(8) ‹anchor: sua deprecatur› · call in col 259

(printed under page 152) (8) Deprecaretur Rhen. Paris.

(8) "Would plead" (deprecaretur) in Rhenanus and the Paris edition.

(printed under page 152) (9) Hic Paris. Venet.

(9) "Here" (hic) in the Paris and Venice editions.

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(a) ‹anchor: fere vertice› · call in col 259

(printed under page 152) (a) In ipso fere vertice civitatis praesidentibus ad judicandum. Capitolium significat. Et Chalcidius in Tim. Plat. rationem dicit suam obtinere sedem in capite, tamquam totius corporis Capitolio. RIGALTIUS.

(a) Presiding for judgement on almost the very summit of the city. He means the Capitol. Chalcidius too, on Plato's Timaeus, says that reason holds its seat in the head, as in the Capitol of the whole body. RIGAULT.

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(b) ‹anchor: solam speciem› · call in col 259

(printed under page 152) (b) Ad hanc solam speciem. Quoniam deplorata videtur caussa Christianorum, propter praejudicia et varia decreta, adeo ut nemo pro iisdem loqui non reformidet, sicque aperto patrocinio indigeant, nobis saltem privatim pro Christianis disceptare concedatur, datisque ad vos literis, doloris nostri testibus et amoris, linguis subsidium aliquot reservate. LE PRIEUR.

(b) For this one case. Since the cause of the Christians seems past hope, because of prejudgments and various decrees, so that no one dares to speak for them and they thus lack open advocacy, let us at least be allowed to argue privately for the Christians, and, by letters given to you as witnesses of our grief and our love, keep some help in reserve for [their] tongues. LE PRIEUR.

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(c) ‹anchor: auctoritas› · call in col 259

(printed under page 152) (c) Auctoritas vestra. Per auctoritatem intelligit actum summum administrationis, summam in administrando imperio potentiam atque auctoritatem. Itaque auctoritas est institutoris, dispensatoris, procuratoris. Ut ergo isti indigent auctoritate summa, ita de praesidibus istis, inquit, auctoritatem esse illorum, neminem timere et erubescere, quominus tuto possint judicare. LA CERDA.

(c) Your authority. By "authority" he means the supreme act of administration, supreme power and authority in governing the empire. Authority thus belongs to one who institutes, dispenses, manages. As these need supreme authority, so of these governors he says that it belongs to their authority to fear and be ashamed before no one, so that they may judge safely. LA CERDA.

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(d) ‹anchor: domesticis› · call in col 259

(printed under page 152) (d) Proxime accidit, domesticis judiciis. Innuit recentem historiam saevitiae quorumdam ex iis quos imperii Romani antistites vocat, qui scilicet domestico judicio in liberos aut servos suos, eo quod Christianorum sectae nomen dedissent, aliquid atrocius statuerant, quasi inde contracta asperitate, allatis domo praejudiciis, ad ipsa tribunalia caussis Christianorum judicandis infestiores accederent. LAC.

(d) Has lately happened, by domestic judgements. He hints at a recent story of the cruelty of some of those he calls rulers of the Roman empire, who in a domestic judgement had decreed something rather savage against their children or slaves for having given their names to the sect of the Christians; as though, having acquired harshness there and bringing prejudgments from home, they came to the very tribunals more hostile in judging the Christians' cases. LA CERDA.

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(e) ‹anchor: nimis operata› · call in col 259

(printed under page 152) (e) Operata. Hellenice et Virgilius, I Georgic., Laetis operatus in herbis. Dicit autem ethnicos conatos ab iis qui familiariter cum Christianis versabantur, a famulis, inquam, et ancillis investigare crimina, de quibus vulgo infamabantur, nihilque umquam deprehensum esse. LAC.

(e) Busied. A Greek construction, as Virgil, Georgics I, "busied amid the glad grasses". He says the heathen tried to search out, from those who lived familiarly with the Christians — from manservants, I mean, and maidservants — the crimes with which they were commonly defamed, and that nothing was ever discovered. LA CERDA.

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(f) ‹anchor: hujus infestatio› · call in col 259

(printed under page 152) (f) Sectae hujus infestatio. Eodem sensu Chalcidius in Tim. Plat. sectam sanctiorem dixit, ex Hebraea Christianam significans. Quod quidem, inquit, verum esse testatur eminens quaedam doctrina sectae sanctioris. LAC.

(f) The harassing of this sect. In the same sense Chalcidius, on Plato's Timaeus, spoke of "the holier sect", meaning the Christian, sprung from the Hebrew. "That this is true," he says, "is attested by a certain eminent teaching of the holier sect." LA CERDA.

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(g) ‹anchor: vel occulta› · call in col 259

(printed under page 152) (g) Occulta via tacitarum literarum. Similiter de eadem hac re loquitur in lib. ad Scapulam, cap. 1 : Necesse est vel hoc modo erumpere ad proponenda vobis ea quae palam non vultis audire. Et huic affine illud Martialis in Praefatione lib. XI Epigr. : Video quare tragoedi epistolam accipiant, quibus pro se loqui non licet. HAVERCAMPUS.

(g) By the hidden way of silent letters. He speaks similarly of this same matter in the book To Scapula, ch. 1: "It is necessary to break out at least in this way, to set before you what you will not hear openly." Akin to this is Martial in the Preface to Book XI of the Epigrams: "I see why tragedians receive a letter, who are not allowed to speak for themselves." HAVERCAMP.

(printed under page 152) (h) Sic se peregrinam in terris. Prosper Aquitanus in lib. Epigramm., ubi exprimit illud Augustini : Omnis qui ad supernam pertinet civitatem, peregrinus est mundi ; et dum temporali utitur vita, in patria vivit aliena ; ita canit : Coelestem ad patriam, Christo redimente, vocatus, / Vitam labentis temporis hospes agit : / Dumque ad promissam requiem non per sua tendit, / Mundanae patitur multa pericla viae : / Quae nunc obsessa adversis, nunc plena secundis, / Aut frangit trepidos, obligat aut dubios : / Inter quos laqueos currentem ad gaudia vitae, / Non capiet mundus cui via Christus erit. HAVERC.

(h) So [she knows] she is a stranger on earth. Prosper of Aquitaine in his book of Epigrams, where he renders Augustine's saying, "Everyone who belongs to the city above is a stranger to the world, and while he uses temporal life he lives in a homeland not his own", sings thus: "Called, by Christ's redemption, to the heavenly homeland, / he lives the life of passing time as a guest; / and while he makes for the promised rest by paths not his own, / he suffers the many perils of the worldly road, / which, now beset with adversity, now full of prosperity, / either breaks the fearful or ensnares the wavering. / Amid these snares the world will not catch the one running to the joys of life, / whose way shall be Christ." HAVERCAMP.

(printed under page 152) (i) Sedem. Id est patriam ; quam quaerit, quam curat, exoptat. Anaxagoras philosophus summus, cum rei publicae et privatae valde esset negligens, compellatus a quodam hoc modo : Nullane tibi patriae cura est? respondit, ἐμοὶ γὰρ καὶ σφόδρα μέλει τῆς πατρίδος, δείξας τὸν οὐρανὸν, i. e. Mihi vero patriae cura, et quidem summa est; digitum in coelum intendens Narrat Diogenes in Vita ejus. Chrysost. Homel. de SS. Bernice et Prosdoce : At mulieres alta tranquillitate fruebantur : siquidem undique illas spes futurorum muniebat, quoniam et peregre cum degerent, peregre non degebant : veram enim patriam fidem habebant ; civitatem propriam habebant confessionem, et cum optima spe alerentur, nullis rebus praesentibus afficiebantur, futuras namque solum spectabant. Adeo cum Graecorum omnium liberrimo Diogene gloriari poterant. Ἔχειν πατρίδα ἀδοξίαν καὶ πενίαν ἀνάλωτον τῇ τύχῃ. i. e. Habere se patriam, contemptum gloriae et paupertatem, quae in potestatem fortunae numquam sint cessura. HAV.

(i) A seat. That is, a homeland, which she seeks, cares for, longs for. Anaxagoras, a very great philosopher, being much neglectful of public and private affairs, was challenged by someone thus: "Have you no care for your homeland?" He answered, "I care for my homeland, and greatly," pointing to the sky — that is, I do indeed care for my homeland, and supremely; pointing his finger at heaven. Diogenes tells it in his Life. Chrysostom, Homily on Saints Bernice and Prosdoce: "But the women enjoyed a deep tranquillity, for the hope of things to come fortified them on every side; for though they lived abroad, they did not live abroad: they had faith as their true homeland, confession as their own city; and nourished by the best of hopes they were moved by nothing present, for they looked only to the things to come." So they could boast with Diogenes, freest of all the Greeks, "that they had as homeland obscurity and poverty, which fortune cannot capture" — that is, that their homeland was contempt of glory and poverty, which would never pass into the power of fortune. HAVERCAMP.

(printed under page 152) (k) Deperit legibus. Rarum verbum, et quod vix apud alios invenias. Est tamen apud Lucretium, quem studiose legit noster Septimius. Is., lib. XI, 296 : Nam neque adaugescit quidquam neque deperit inde. Quod si quaedam testimonia collegerit Festus, ea perierunt, truncatumque hoc solum nobis reliquit epitomator ejus Paulus, deperire significat valde perire. HAV.

(k) Is lost to the laws. A rare word, hardly to be found in others. It is, however, in Lucretius, whom our Septimius read with care. He [writes], book XI [as printed], 296: "For nothing grows greater from it, nor is anything lost from it." If Festus collected some instances, they have perished, and his epitomator Paul has left us only this fragment: "deperire means to perish utterly." HAVERCAMP.

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(9) ‹anchor: Quid hinc› · call in col 260

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(10) ‹anchor: etiam auditam› · call in col 260

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(h) ‹anchor: se peregrinam› · call in col 260

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(i) ‹anchor: sedem› · call in col 260

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(k) ‹anchor: deperit› · call in col 260

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LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 153)

(1) ‹anchor: iniquitatem› · call in col 261

(printed under page 153) (1) Iniquitatis. Rigalt. Semler. Leopold. Haver. odium Pamel. Barr.

(1) "Of injustice" in Rigault, Semler, Leopold, Havercamp; "hatred" in Pamelius and Barraeus.

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(2) ‹anchor: etenim meretur› · call in col 261

(printed under page 153) (2) Mereretur. Pamel. Fran. Semler.

(2) "Would deserve" in Pamelius, Franeker [edition], Semler.

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(3) ‹anchor: propterea oderint› · call in col 261

(printed under page 153) (3) Fatentur. Paris.

(3) "They confess" in the Paris edition.

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(4) ‹anchor: homines› · call in col 261

(printed under page 153) (4) Performamur. Rhen. Herald. Rigalt. Haverc. Praeformantur. Pamel. Barr.

(4) "We are formed" in Rhenanus, Hérault, Rigault, Havercamp; "they are preformed" in Pamelius and Barraeus.

(printed under page 153) (5) Wouwer mavult scribi ex MSS. Quis negat tamen quod vere malum est quos capit defendere.

(5) Wouwer prefers, from manuscripts, to write: "Yet who denies that what is truly evil defends those whom it takes hold of."

(printed under page 153) (6) Pamelius, Semler, aliis christianus vero quid simile? Rhen. in edit. christianis v. quid simile? Cod. Lugd. B. christianorum, sed recte statuit Havercamp. cod. fuld. scripturam restituendam esse, nec repugnant quae sequuntur.

(6) Pamelius, Semler and others: "but the Christian — what is like this?"; Rhenanus in his edition: "but to the Christians — what is like this?"; the Leiden codex B.: "of the Christians"; but Havercamp rightly decided that the reading of the Fulda codex should be restored, and what follows does not conflict with it.

(printed under page 153) (7) Naturam mali. Rhen. Barr. Semler. Leopold.

(7) "The nature of evil" in Rhenanus, Barraeus, Semler, Leopold.

(printed under page 153) (8) Denotantur Paris. Barr. Rhen. Herald. Lacerd. Gangnaeus-Gelenius.

(8) "They are marked" in the Paris edition, Barraeus, Rhenanus, Hérault, La Cerda, Gangneius–Gelenius.

COMMENTARIUS. (printed under page 153)

(a) ‹anchor: apud vos collocamus› · call in col 261

(printed under page 153) (a) Quam potiorem sequimur prae aliis lectionem, inquit de Gourcy, ea sane prae aliis nitide, obvioque sensu sonat et egregio. Collocare caussam apud judices, idem est enim ac diem coram judice dicere, rem sigillatim explicare, minime vero rei caussam afferre. Nec totus eo loci est Tertullianus in assignandis odii in Christianos causis, quin potius praecipua eorum causae capita recenseat. Summae esse injuriae eos damnare in hoc primo capite asserere aggreditur. Ineunte vero postea capite IV jam quinam sit genuinus ibidem sensus ipsemet aperte patefacit cum ait : « Atque adeo quasi praefatus haec ad suggillandum odii erga nos publici iniquitatem, etc. » EDD.

(a) The reading we follow in preference to others, says de Gourcy, certainly sounds more clearly than the rest, with a plain and excellent sense. For "to lay a case before judges" is the same as to plead before a judge, to set out the matter point by point, and not at all to bring the cause of the matter. Nor is Tertullian at that point wholly taken up with assigning the causes of the hatred against the Christians; rather he reviews the chief heads of their case. In this first chapter he sets out to assert that to condemn them is the height of injustice. And at the opening of chapter IV he himself plainly reveals what the true sense here is, when he says: "And so, having as it were said this by way of preface, to brand the injustice of the public hatred against us, etc." EDITORS.

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(5) ‹anchor: dum› · call in col 262

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(6) ‹anchor: simul ut› · call in col 262

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(7) ‹anchor: cessent› · call in col 262

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(8) ‹anchor: et denotamur› · call in col 262

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(b) ‹anchor: et sunt tanti› · call in col 262

b Et sunt tanti. Perinde ac si dixisset, Tanta est eorum multitudo, quanta vos non praeterit, sed judicatis ac deploramini multa proclamatione dolentes sub praetextu justitiae, et quasi accepto detrimento obsideri orbem hac Christiana religione, et ad hoc nomen omnes homines confugere, ut merito de Ecclesia Horatianum illud decantari posset : Merges profundo, pulchrior evenit. PAM.

(b) And they are so many. As if he had said: their multitude is so great as does not escape you; rather you judge and lament with much outcry, grieving under pretext of justice, as though a loss had been suffered, that the world is besieged by this Christian religion and that all men flee to this name, so that Horace's line might rightly be sung of the Church: "Plunge it in the deep, it comes out fairer." PAMELIUS.

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(c) ‹anchor: vociferantur civitatem› · call in col 262

c Obsessam vociferantur civitatem, etc.), Barr. Civitatem obsessam vocif. Ex multitudine hominum undique ad veritatem confluentium probare conatur Septimius non tam iniquam Christianorum esse religionem ac illi suspicarentur, ad quam ubique et ab omni sexu et conditione tantus fieret concursus, adeoque non vulgus tantum instabile, sed et viri claritate natalium et existimatione insignes ad illam sectam transirent. Infra cap. III. Bonus vir Caius Seius, tantum quod Christianus, et ibidem : Ego Lucium sapientem virum repente factum christianum demiror. Illud pati non poterant tenebris Gentilium addicti, unde vel Taciti illa indignatio, lib. xv. Annal. cap. xliv. Repressaque in praesens (supplicio scil. Christi a Pontio Pilato necati) exitiabilis superstitio rursus erumpebat, non modo per Judaeam originem ejus mali, sed per urbem etiam, quo cuncta undique atrocia aut pudenda confluunt celebranturque, loquitur de tempore Neronis. Plinius, lib. x. epist. 97. Multi enim omnis aetatis, omnis ordinis, utriusque sexus etiam, vocantur in periculum, et vocabuntur. Neque enim civitates tantum, sed vicos etiam, atque agros superstitionis istius contagio pervagata est. Hinc Rutilii, qui Honorii temporibus floruit, in Itinerario versu 395, amarulentum illud : Atque utinam nunquam Judaea subacta fuisset / Pompeii bellis imperioque Titi. / Latius excisae gentis contagia serpunt, / Victoresque suos natio victa premit. Illi enim utriusque religionis ignari Judaeos et Christianos confundebant. Unde Dion in Domitiano dicit ipsum Clementem et Domitillam, necessarios suos, illum capitis supplicio, hanc deportatione in insulam Pandatariam punisse, εἰς τὰ τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἤθη ἐξοκέλλοντας, i. e. prolapsos in ritus Judaeorum : erant vero Christiani. Idem de Nerva successore tyranni refert vetuisse illum quemquam οὔτε ἀσεβείας οὔτε ἰουδαϊκοῦ καταιτιᾶσθαι i. e. neque contemptus Deorum, neque Judaici ritus crimine in posterum accusare. Sulpitius Severus, lib. II. Hist. sacrae : Qua tempestate Hadrianus existimans se Christianam fidem loci injuria perempturum, in templo ac loco Dominicae passionis simulacra constituit. Et quia Christiani ex Judaeis potissimum putabantur (namque tum Hierosolymae non nisi ex circumcisione habebat Ecclesia sacerdotem) militum cohortem custodias in perpetuum agitare jussit, quae Judaeos omnes Hierosolymae aditu arceret. Quod quidem Christianae fidei proficiebat, quia tum pene omnes Christum Deum sub legis observatione credebant. Nimirum id Domino ordinante dispositum, ut legis servitus a libertate fidei atque Ecclesiae tolleretur. Unde forsan nec Arrianus illos discernit Dissert. Epictet. II. 9. ubi taxat illos qui philosophi personam sumunt : cum revera non sint. Τί σὺ, inquit, στωϊκὸν λέγεις σεαυτόν; τί ἐξαπατᾷς τοὺς πολλούς; τί ὑποκρίνῃ ἰουδαῖος ὢν, ἕλληνας; οὐχ ὁρᾷς, πῶς ἕκαστος λέγεται ἰουδαῖος; πῶς σύρος; πῶς αἰγύπτιος; καὶ ὅταν τινὰ ἐπαμφοτερίζοντα ἴδωμεν, εἰώθαμεν λέγειν· Οὐκ ἔστιν ἰουδαῖος, ἀλλ' ὑποκρίνεται. ὅταν δὲ ἀναλάβῃ τὸ πάθος, τὸ τοῦ βεβαμμένου, τότε καὶ ἔστι τῷ ὄντι, καὶ καλεῖται ἰουδαῖος. i. e. Quid appellas te Stoicum? quare decipis et fallis tam multos? quam ob causam vis haberi inter Graecos, cum sis Judaeus? an nescis quam ob causam quis habeatur pro Judaeo, pro Syro, pro Aegyptio? At quando conspexerimus aliquem incertarum partium, atque ancipite fide, dicere solemus : Judaeus non est, sed simulat. Quum autem affectum induit baptizati et inter sectatores adsciti, tum revera et est et appellatur Judaeus. Quamvis etiam Judaeorum proselyti non incogniti illi fuerint ex furore illo quem Pharisaeis adscribit Christus, Matth. xxiii. 15. Elegans vero verbum usurpat ἐπαμφοτερίζειν, quod notat ita ad utramque partem propendere, ut quo pertineat nescias. Aristoteles de Anima, lib. II. 8. ἔνια δὲ τῶν ζώων ἐπαμφοτερίζει τὴν φύσιν, τῷ τε ἀνθρώπῳ καὶ τοῖς τετράποσιν, οἷον πίθηκοι. i. e. Sunt quae natura ancipite, partim hominem, partim quadrupedem imitentur, ut simiae; et rursus iv. 10. ὁ δὲ πίθηκος, διὰ τὸ τὴν μορφὴν ἐπαμφοτερίζειν, καὶ μηδετέρων τ' εἶναι καὶ ἀμφοτέρων, διὰ τοῦτο οὔτε οὐρὰν ἔχει, οὔτε ἰσχία. i. e. Simius vero, quod controversa sit inter bipedes et quadrupedes, (continues)

(c) They cry out that the state is besieged, etc.; Barraeus: "they cry out that the state is besieged." From the multitude of men flowing together to the truth from every side, Septimius tries to prove that the religion of the Christians is not so wicked as they suspected, since there was such a concourse to it everywhere, of every sex and condition, so that not only the fickle crowd but men distinguished by noble birth and reputation went over to that sect. Below, ch. III: "A good man, Gaius Seius, only that he is a Christian," and in the same place: "I wonder that Lucius, a wise man, has suddenly become a Christian." Those bound to the darkness of the Gentiles could not bear this; hence also Tacitus's indignation, Annals XV, ch. 44: "And the deadly superstition, checked for the moment (that is, by the punishment of Christ, put to death by Pontius Pilate), was breaking out again, not only through Judaea, the origin of that evil, but through the City as well, where all things atrocious or shameful flow together from every side and are celebrated" — he is speaking of the time of Nero. Pliny, book X, letter 97: "For many of every age, every rank, and of both sexes too, are being called into danger and will be. For the contagion of that superstition has spread not only through the cities but through the villages and the countryside." Hence Rutilius, who flourished in the time of Honorius, in his Itinerary, line 395, that bitter saying: "Would that Judaea had never been subdued / by Pompey's wars and the rule of Titus! / The contagion of the uprooted race creeps wider, / and the conquered nation presses on its conquerors." For they, ignorant of both religions, confused Jews and Christians. Hence Dio says in his Domitian that he punished Clemens and Domitilla, his own kin, the one with death, the other with deportation to the island of Pandataria, as "drifting into the customs of the Jews" — that is, fallen into the rites of the Jews; but they were Christians. He also relates of Nerva, the tyrant's successor, that he forbade anyone to be accused "either of impiety or of a Jewish [way of life]" — that is, thenceforth to be accused of the charge either of contempt of the gods or of the Jewish rite. Sulpicius Severus, Sacred History book II: "At which time Hadrian, thinking he would destroy the Christian faith by injuring the place, set up images in the temple and in the place of the Lord's passion. And because the Christians were thought to be chiefly from the Jews (for at that time the Church at Jerusalem had a priest only from the circumcision), he ordered a cohort of soldiers to keep guard perpetually, to bar all Jews from access to Jerusalem. This indeed profited the Christian faith, since at that time almost all believed in Christ as God while observing the law. Doubtless this was arranged by the Lord's ordering, that the servitude of the law might be taken away from the freedom of the faith and of the Church." Hence perhaps Arrian too does not distinguish them, Discourses of Epictetus II. 9, where he reproaches those who assume the character of a philosopher when they are not one in truth: "Why," he says, "do you call yourself a Stoic? Why do you deceive the many? Why do you play the Greek when you are a Jew? Do you not see how each is called a Jew, how a Syrian, how an Egyptian? And when we see someone wavering between the two, we are wont to say, 'He is not a Jew, he is acting the part.' But when he takes on the condition of the baptised, then he both is in truth and is called a Jew" — that is [Latin rendering of the same]. Although proselytes of the Jews too were not unknown to him, from that zeal which Christ ascribes to the Pharisees, Matthew 23:15. He uses an elegant word, ἐπαμφοτερίζειν, which denotes leaning towards both sides so that you cannot tell where one belongs. Aristotle, On the Soul [as printed], book II. 8: "Some animals are of a doubtful nature, between man and the quadrupeds, such as apes" — that is, there are some which, of a doubtful nature, imitate partly man, partly the quadruped, such as apes; and again IV. 10: "The ape, because its form is doubtful, and it is neither of the two and both, therefore has neither tail nor hips" — that is, But the ape, because it is disputed between bipeds and quadrupeds, … (continues)

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LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 154)

(a) ‹anchor: etiam dignitatem› · call in col 263

a Et jam dignitatem) Recte ita Rigalt. et MS. Lugd. Bat. Alii etiam. quomodo MS. Fuld. Xiphilinus in epitome Dionis de crudelitate Domitiani. Καὶ τῷ αὐτῷ ἔτει ἄλλους τε πολλοὺς, καὶ τὸν Φάβιον Κλήμεντα, ὑπατεύοντα, καίπερ ἀνεψιὸν ὄντα, καὶ γυναῖκα καὶ αὐτὴν συγγενῆ ἑαυτοῦ Φαβίαν Δομιτίλλαν ἔχοντα, κατέσφαξεν ὁ Δομιτιανός· ἐπηνέχθη δὲ ἀμφοῖν ἔγκλημα ἀθεότητος, ὑφ' ἧς καὶ ἄλλοι ἐς τὰ τῶν ἰουδαίων ἤθη ἐξοκέλλοντες πολλοὶ κατεδικάσθησαν. Ἡ δὲ Δομιτίλλα ὑπερωρίσθη μόνον εἰς Πανδατερίαν. i. e. Eodem anno Domitianus cum alios multos, tum vero Fabium Clementem Consulem [ etsi patruelis ejus erat, et Flaviam Domitillam Domitiani consanguineam uxorem habebat] morte affecit, illato ambobus crimine atheismi [ ita enim Christiana religio vocabatur quae Deos irridebat ] Cujus rei causa multi, qui in mores Judaeorum transierant, damnati sunt : quorum pars occisa est, pars spoliata facultatibus : Domitilla tantummodo in Pandatariam relegata est. Nota etiam hic Judaeos et Christianos confundi, et repone pro φάβιον φλάβιον, ut expresse dicitur a Suetonio in Domit. c. xv. nec alias patruelis principis esse potuit nisi ex gente Flavia non Fabia. Uxor ejus videtur hoc nomen adepta in honorem matris Domitiani, quae ita vocabatur et cum cognomine filia mature periit. Addit ibidem Xiphilin. virum clarissimum Glabrionem ob idem crimen periisse. Τὸν δὲ δὴ Γλαβρίωνα τὸν μετὰ τοῦ Τραϊανοῦ ἄρξαντα, κατηγορηθέντα τά τε ἄλλα καὶ οἷα οἱ πολλοὶ, καὶ ὅτι καὶ θηρίοις ἐμάχετο ἀπέκτεινεν. i. e. Glabrionem quoque, qui cum Trajano magistratum gesserat, accusatum praeter caetera superioris criminis, etiam cum bestiis quando pugnasset, interfici jussit. objectus enim fuerat ab illo leoni ferocissimo, quem ope Dei et virtute sua confecerat. Singularis quoque est inscriptio quae reperitur in coemeterio D. Agnetis via Nomentana, referente Aringio Romae Subterra. lib. III. cap. 22. p. 340. SIC PREMIA SERVAS VESPASIANE DIRE / CIVITAS VBI GLORIE TUE AUTORI / PREMIATUS ES MORTE GAUDENTI LETARE / PROMISIT ISTE DAT KRISTUS OMNIA TIBI / QUI ALIUM PARAVIT THEATRUM IN CELO. Refert Aringius ad Domitianum qui Gaudentio architecto theatri aedificandi curam commiserat, eique, cum alia, tum civitatem dono daturum promiserat; hunc autem re perfecta, cum velut Christianus delatus esset ad principem, martyrium putat pro mercede sortitum esse. Quam conjecturam impugnat Reinesius in inscript. p. 955. legens VE. PASIANI. DIRE. CIVILITAS. UBI. ut sit interjectio minantis et detestantis, et refert ad Antonium Bassianum Caracallam, qui sextae persecutionis auctor fuit. negatque Vespasiani nomine insignitum unquam Domitianum, quod tamen probant, quae citat Hermolaus Barbarus ad Plinii Praefat. monumenta prisci aeris, in quibus ita scriptum est, IMP. CAeS. DOMITIANUS VESP. AUG. GERM. JOVI VICTORI. Unde dubium ad quem referri debeat illud nomen in rarissimo magni aeris nummo apud Patinum in Thes. p. 148. ubi ab una parte superbissimi amphitheatri structura, ab altera figura spoliis insidens, cum ramo olivae, et hac inscriptione DIVO AUG. DIVI VESP. F. VESPASIAN. Etenim ad Titum referri potest, ut sit Vespasiano, et ad Domitianum qui id memoriae fratris tribuerit; quamvis ad priorem potius pertinere arbitrer; cum aliter nomen imperatoris non exprimatur. Cuicunque Imperatori tribuenda sint verba, satis obscure certe theatri structura intelligitur per illa GLORIE TUE AUTORI ex oppositione theatri in coelo. Quod si ad Domitianum referas, malim secundo versu legere CIVILITAS UBI GLORIE TUE AUTORIS. ita enim de illo Svetonius, cap. XVIII. Commendari se verecundia oris adeo sentiebat, ut apud Senatum sic quondam jactaverit, Usque adhuc certe animum meum probastis et vultum. Vox ALIUM quoque offendit me in ultimo versu male forsan descripta pro AGION. i. e. Sanctorum. HAV.

(a) And now rank) So Rigault rightly, and the Leiden manuscript. Others have "etiam" [also], as does the Fulda manuscript. Xiphilinus, in his epitome of Dio, on Domitian's cruelty: [Greek, rendered in the Latin that follows] "In the same year Domitian put to death many others and in particular the consul Fabius Clemens [though he was his cousin, and had as wife Flavia Domitilla, Domitian's kinswoman], bringing against both the charge of atheism [for so the Christian religion, which mocked the gods, was called]. For this cause many who had gone over to the customs of the Jews were condemned, some killed, some stripped of their property; Domitilla was only banished to Pandataria." Note that here too Jews and Christians are confused; and for "Fabius" read "Flavius", as Suetonius expressly says, Domitian ch. 15; nor could the emperor's cousin have been of any but the Flavian, not the Fabian, family. His wife seems to have got this name in honour of Domitian's mother, who was so called, and a daughter of the same name who died early. Xiphilinus adds in the same place that the most distinguished Glabrio perished for the same crime: "Glabrio too, who had held office with Trajan, accused, among other things, of the former crime, and also of having fought with beasts, he ordered to be killed." For he had been thrown by him to a most ferocious lion, which he had despatched by God's help and his own courage. Remarkable also is the inscription found in the cemetery of St Agnes on the Via Nomentana, reported by Aringhi, Roma Subterranea book III, ch. 22, p. 340: "THUS DO YOU KEEP YOUR REWARDS, CRUEL VESPASIAN: / THE CITY, WHERE FOR THE AUTHOR OF YOUR GLORY / YOU ARE REWARDED WITH DEATH. REJOICE, GAUDENTIUS: / THAT MAN PROMISED, CHRIST GIVES ALL THINGS TO YOU, / WHO HAS PREPARED ANOTHER THEATRE IN HEAVEN." Aringhi refers it to Domitian, who had entrusted the building of the theatre to the architect Gaudentius and had promised to give him, among other things, the citizenship; but when the work was finished and Gaudentius was denounced to the prince as a Christian, he thinks he received martyrdom as his wage. Reinesius attacks this conjecture in his Inscriptions, p. 955, reading "VE. PASIANI. DIRE. CIVILITAS. UBI." as an interjection of threat and execration, and refers it to Antoninus Bassianus Caracalla, author of the sixth persecution; and he denies that Domitian was ever styled by the name Vespasian — which, however, is proved by the bronze monuments cited by Ermolao Barbaro on Pliny's Preface, inscribed "IMP. CAES. DOMITIANUS VESP. AUG. GERM. JOVI VICTORI." Hence it is doubtful to whom that name should be referred on a very rare large bronze coin in Patin's Thesaurus, p. 148, which shows on one side the structure of a most magnificent amphitheatre, on the other a figure seated on spoils with an olive branch, and the inscription "DIVO AUG. DIVI VESP. F. VESPASIAN." For it can be referred to Titus, so as to be "to Vespasian", and to Domitian, who might have struck it to his brother's memory; though I judge it belongs rather to the former, since otherwise the emperor's name is not expressed. To whichever emperor the words are to be assigned, the structure of a theatre is certainly meant, obscurely enough, by "THE AUTHOR OF YOUR GLORY", in contrast with the theatre in heaven. If you refer it to Domitian, I would rather read in the second line "CIVILITY, WHERE [IS IT], OF THE AUTHOR OF YOUR GLORY". For so Suetonius says of him, ch. 18: "He felt himself so commended by the modesty of his countenance that he once boasted thus before the Senate: Up to now at least you have approved my mind and my face." The word ALIUM in the last line also troubles me, perhaps wrongly copied for AGION, i.e. "of the saints". HAVERCAMP.

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(1) ‹anchor: alicujus latentis› · call in col 264

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(b) ‹anchor: Nec tamen hoc› · call in col 264

c Nec tamen hoc etc.) Acer ad inquirendum stimulus, tot ac tales homines ad sectam illam tran- (continues)

(b, printed "c") Yet not this, etc.) A sharp spur to inquiry, that so many men, and such men, to that sect … (continues)

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LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 155)

(1) ‹anchor: non libet› · call in col 265

(1) Libet Paris. licet... libet Rig.

(1) "It pleases" in the Paris edition; "it is permitted ... it pleases" in Rigault.

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(2) ‹anchor: humana› · call in col 265

(2) Rhen. : Hic t. urbana, al. Sic t. urbana.

(2) Rhenanus: "Here only urbane [curiosity]"; others: "So only urbane."

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(3) ‹anchor: quam immusicos› · call in col 265

(3) Non musicos Paris.

(3) "Not musicians" in the Paris edition.

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(4) ‹anchor: nesciunt, praejudicant› · call in col 265

(4) Praejudicandi esse Rig.

(4) "To be prejudged" in Rigault.

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(5) ‹anchor: non poterant› · call in col 265

(5) Poterunt Jun.

(5) "Will be able" in Junius.

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(6) ‹anchor: inquit› · call in col 266

(6) Inquiunt Jun.

(6) "They say" in Junius.

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(7) ‹anchor: praeformantur› · call in col 266

(7) Rhen., Herald., Rigalt. et Haverc. e codd. Put., Bong. et Lugd. performantur; cod. Fuld. reformantur; Pamel. et Barraeus : praeformantur.

(7) Rhenanus, Hérault, Rigault and Havercamp, from the codices of Puteanus, Bongars and Leiden: "performantur"; the Fulda codex: "reformantur"; Pamelius and Barraeus: "praeformantur".

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(8) ‹anchor: Quis negat› · call in col 266

(8) Wouwer. mavult scribi ex MS. Quis negat tamen quod vere malum est...... quos capit defendere.

(8) Wouwer prefers, on the authority of a manuscript, to write: "Who, though, denies that what is truly evil ... those whom it seizes, to defend."

(printed under page 155) COMMENTARIUS. (printed under page 155) (b, printed "c", continued from col. 264) ‹anchor: Nec tamen hoc› · call in col 264 sire. quare augetur ignorantiae crimen, quod non hisce exemplis ad penitius inquirendum moveatur, non enim ut vulgus, cujus aures et oculi saepe testes mali sunt, ut ait Publius, ita et qui sapere existimantur et in bonis quod perdant habent, tam repente transirent, nisi occultum et ignotum quoddam antea bonum sese ipsis obtulisset. Infra cap. ult. Illa ipsa obstinatio quam exprobratis magistra est. Quis enim non contemplatione ejus concutitur ad inquirendum quid intus in re sit? quis non ubi requisivit accedit? ubi accessit, pati exoptat?

(continued) … pass over; so that the charge of ignorance is made heavier, that a man is not moved by these examples to inquire more deeply. For men who are thought wise and have something to lose among their goods would not pass over so suddenly, as the common crowd does, whose ears and eyes are often bad witnesses, as Publius says, unless some hidden good, unknown before, had presented itself to them. Below, in the last chapter: "That very obstinacy which you reproach is a teacher. For who is not stirred by the sight of it to inquire what lies within the matter? Who, when he has inquired, does not draw near? Who, when he has drawn near, does not long to suffer?"

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(a) ‹anchor: de musicis› · call in col 265

(a) Anacharsis. Laertius in ejus vita : Θαυμάζειν δὲ ἔφη πῶς τοῖς ἕλλησιν ἀγωνίζονται μὲν οἱ τεχνῖται, καὶ κρίνουσι δὲ οἱ μὴ τεχνῖται, hoc est, interprete Rhenano : Mirari autem se dixit, quomodo apud Graecos, artifices quidam certarent, verum judicarent qui non essent artifices. PAM.

(a) Anacharsis. Laertius in his life: "He said he wondered how among the Greeks craftsmen compete, but those who are not craftsmen judge" — that is, in Rhenanus's rendering, "he said he wondered how among the Greeks certain craftsmen competed, but those judged who were not craftsmen." PAMELIUS.

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(b) ‹anchor: Malunt nescire› · call in col 265

(b) Malunt nescire. Causam ostendit cur in illis exemplum aliorum et curiositas humana non ultra progrediantur, quia malunt nescire, etc. Minucius p. 51. ut ante incipiant homines odisse quam nosse : ne cognitos aut imitari possint, aut damnare non possint. Quo facit et illud Senecae Epist. XXIX, de quodam Marcellino : Raro ad nos venit, non alia ex causa, quam quia verum audire timet. a quo periculo jam abest : nulli enim nisi audituro dicendum est. HAV.

(b) They prefer not to know. He shows why, in them, the example of others and human curiosity go no further: because they prefer not to know, etc. Minucius, p. 51: "so that men begin to hate before they know, lest, once they know, they either be able to imitate or be unable to condemn." To which also belongs Seneca, Letter 29, of a certain Marcellinus: "He seldom comes to us, for no other reason than that he fears to hear the truth; from which danger he is now free: for one should speak only to him who will listen." HAVERCAMP.

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(c) ‹anchor: odii detrahatur› · call in col 266

(c) Odii detrahatur. Ms. Fuld. legit odio detrahatur. Non dissimile valde est argumentum, quo utitur Prometheus ad Jovem, apud Lucianum, vinculis solvi et a Caucaso liberari cupiens. Οὐ γὰρ ἀγνοήσεις αὖθις ἔνθα ὁ Καύκασός ἐστιν. οὐδ' ἀπορήσεις δεσμῶν ἤν τι τεχνάζων ἁλίσκωμαι. i. e. Non enim ignoras rursus ubi Caucasus est? neque indigebis vinculis, si quo modo versutias agens deprehendar. Fictusque ille latro apud Apuleium in Asino lib. vii. praesertim vobis, si sententia haec mea displicuerit, liceat rursus ad asinum redire. Sensus est, cognosci utique debere causam Christianorum, quae si insons, illi tamen eam odisse si velint possunt, quamvis bene meritis non insidiari debere ille apud Curtium ait lib. vi. 10. sin secus accidat in criminis examinatione, justa odii causa est, ut quae etiam justitiae auctoritate nitatur. Idem Curtius vi. ii. in fine : Itaque anceps quaestio fuit : dum inficiatus est facinus, crudeliter torqueri videbatur, post confessionem, Philotas ne amicorum quidem misericordiam meruit. HAV.

(c) Be taken from the hatred. The Fulda manuscript reads "be taken from by hatred". Very like is the argument Prometheus uses to Jupiter in Lucian, wishing to be loosed from his chains and freed from the Caucasus: "For you will not forget again where the Caucasus is, nor will you lack chains if I am caught at some trick" — that is, "For you are not ignorant where the Caucasus is again? nor will you lack chains, if I am somehow caught playing tricks." And that pretended robber in Apuleius, The Ass, book VII: "especially for you, if this opinion of mine displeases, it may be allowed to go back to the ass." The sense is that the case of the Christians must certainly be examined; if it is innocent, they may still hate it if they wish, although, as that man in Curtius says, book VI. 10, one ought "not to plot against the well-deserving"; but if it turns out otherwise in the examination of the charge, there is a just cause for hatred, since it rests on the authority of justice itself. Curtius again, VI. 11, at the end: "So the inquiry cut both ways: while he denied the crime he seemed to be cruelly tortured; after his confession, Philotas did not deserve the pity even of his friends." HAVERCAMP.

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(d) ‹anchor: multos convertit› · call in col 266

(d) Quia multos convertit) Hanc superius causam in praerogativam suam traxerat Auctor, tot omnis generis, sexus, locorum, ad Christianos transire : sed quia juxta Publii illud verf. 148. Est turba semper argumentum pessimi, ideo diluit hanc objectionem egregie in sequentibus ex virtute Christianorum. Dixerat ante quoque, non tantum omnem sexum, sed et dignitatem ad hoc nomen transgredi, facilem inde quoque viam defensioni monstrante eodem Publio versu 489. Non qua multis placeas, sed qualibus, stude (HAV.).

(d) Because it converts many) Above, the Author had turned this cause to his own advantage: that so many of every kind, sex and place were going over to the Christians. But since, according to Publilius's line 148, "A crowd is always the proof of the worst", he therefore admirably refutes this objection in what follows from the virtue of the Christians. He had also said before that not only every sex but rank too passes over to this name, the same Publilius, line 489, showing an easy road for the defence from this also: "Strive not to please many, but to please the right kind" (HAVERCAMP).

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(e) ‹anchor: ad malum› · call in col 266

(e) Ad malum praeformantur. Editio Barraei et Pamelii praeformantur, quasi illos respiciat quos Cebes ex poculo Erroris et Ignorantiae ab Impostura propinatae largius haurire dicit, atque ita ad malum praeformari, quum ii quos Tertullianus vocat transfugas, sint qui ibidem ab Opinionibus, Voluptatibus, etc. in transversum a recta via rapiuntur. Sed ipse Cebes dignus est cujus verba adscribantur. Ὁρᾷς, inquit ibi monstrator tabulae, παρὰ τὴν πύλην θρόνον τοῦτον, καθ' ὃν εἰσπορεύεται ὁ ὄχλος, ἐφ' οὗ κάθηται γυνὴ πεπλασμένη τῷ ἤθει, καὶ πιθανὴ φαινομένη, καὶ ἐν τῇ χειρὶ ἔχουσα ποτήριόν τι; Ὁρῶ. Ἀλλὰ τίς ἐστιν αὕτη, ἔφην. Ἀπάτη καλεῖται, φησὶν, ἡ πάντας τοὺς ἀνθρώπους πλανῶσα. Εἶτα τί πράττει αὕτη; Τοὺς εἰσπορευομένους εἰς τὸν βίον ποτίζει τῇ ἑαυτῆς δυνάμει. Τοῦτο δὲ τί ἐστι τὸ ποτόν; Πλάνη, ἔφην, καὶ Ἄγνοια. Εἶτα τί; Πιόντες τοῦτο, πορεύονται εἰς τὸν βίον. Πότερον οὖν πάντες πίνουσι τὸν πλάνον, ἢ οὔ; Πάντες πίνουσιν ἔφην. ἀλλ' οἱ μὲν πλεῖον, οἱ δὲ ἧττον. Ἔτι δὲ οὐχ ὁρᾷς ἔνδον τῆς πύλης πλῆθός τι γυναικῶν, ἑταιρῶν παντοδαπὰς μορφὰς ἐχουσῶν; Ὁρῶ. Αὗται τοίνυν, Δόξαι καὶ Ἐπιθυμίαι, καὶ Ἡδοναὶ καλοῦνται. Ὅταν οὖν εἰσπορεύεται ὁ ὄχλος, ἀναπηδῶσιν αὐτὰ, καὶ πλέκονται πρὸς ἕκαστον, εἶτα ἀπάγουσι. Ποῦ δὲ ἀπάγουσιν αὐτούς; Αἱ μὲν εἰς τὸ σώζεσθαι, ἔφη, αἱ δὲ εἰς τὸ ἀπόλλυσθαι διὰ τὴν Ἀπάτην, i. e. Videsne, inquit, juxta portam solium positum, qua turba ingreditur, cui mulier insidet, ficto vultu, argutaque specie, et manu poculum quoddam tenens? Video, inquam, sed quae illa est? Impostura, inquit, quae omnes homines deducit. Et quid agit illa? iis qui in vitam ingrediuntur, facultatem suam propinat. Quae vero est illa potio? Error, inquit, et ignorantia. Quid tum? Hac pota veniunt in vitam. Num ergo omnes Errorem bibunt? Omnes bibunt, inquit; sed alii plus, alii minus. Nonne praeterea intra portam vides turbam quandam mulierum praeditarum variis meretricum formis? Video. Hae ergo opiniones, cupiditates et voluptates appellantur, turbaque ingrediente exilientes, amplectuntur singulos, atque abducunt. Quo vero abducunt eos? Aliae ad salutem, inquit, aliae ad interitum ob imposturam. Sequitur ibidem : Οἱ δὲ διὰ τὴν ἄγνοιαν, καὶ τὸν πλάνον, ὃν πεπώκασι παρὰ τῆς Ἀπάτης, οὐχ εὑρίσκουσι ποία ἐστὶν ἡ ἀληθινὴ ὁδὸς ἡ ἐν τῷ βίῳ, ἀλλὰ πλανῶνται. i. e. Illi vero propter ignorantiam et errorem, quem apud imposturam hauserunt, veram degendae vitae viam non inveniunt : sed temere oberrant. Et hanc quidem tabulam veteres sapientes saepe respiciunt, ita ut Paulo Apostolo haud incognitam fuisse appareat cum aliis in locis, tum Ephes. iv. 22. Τὸν παλαιὸν ἄνθρωπον τὸν φθειρόμενον διὰ τὰς Ἐπιθυμίας τῆς Ἀπάτης. Hinc illud Lucretii lib. ii, 9. Despicere unde queas alios, passimque videre / Errare, atque viam palantes quaerere vitae. Quomodo lectio haec praeformantur augeret sensum apud Tertull. nostrum, cum non tantum multi a bona via quam ingressi sunt avocentur ab opinionibus, etc. sed etiam plerique nimis poti de Imposturae poculo tota via vel a principio aberrent. HAV.

(e) Are preformed for evil. The edition of Barraeus and Pamelius has "praeformantur", as if he had in view those whom Cebes says drink too freely from the cup of Error and Ignorance offered by Deceit, and are thus preformed for evil; whereas those Tertullian calls "deserters" are those who in the same place are swept aside from the right road by Opinions, Pleasures and the rest. But Cebes himself deserves to have his words set down. "Do you see," says the expounder of the picture there, "beside the gate this throne, by which the crowd goes in, on which sits a woman feigned in manner and seeming persuasive, holding a cup in her hand?" "I see it. But who is she?" I said. "She is called Deceit," he says, "who leads all men astray." "Then what does she do?" "She gives those entering into life to drink of her own power." "And what is this drink?" "Error," I said [as printed], "and Ignorance." "Then what?" "Having drunk this, they go on into life." "Do all, then, drink error, or not?" "All drink," I said [as printed], "but some more, some less. And besides, do you not see within the gate a crowd of women, courtesans of every kind of form?" "I see them." "These, then, are called Opinions, Desires and Pleasures. When the crowd enters, they leap up and twine themselves about each one, then lead them away." "And where do they lead them?" "Some to be saved," he said, "others to perish through Deceit" — [then the Latin rendering of the same]. It follows in the same place: "But they, through ignorance and the error they drank from Deceit, do not find what the true road in life is, but wander about" — that is, "they through ignorance and the error they drank from Deceit do not find the true way of living, but stray at random." The ancient sages often have this picture in view, so that it seems not to have been unknown to the Apostle Paul, both in other places and in Ephesians 4:22: "the old man, corrupted through the desires of deceit." Hence Lucretius II, 9: "Whence you may look down on others and see them everywhere / wandering, and straying as they seek the way of life." How this reading "praeformantur" would increase the sense in our Tertullian, since not only are many called away by opinions etc. from the good road they had entered, but most, having drunk too deep of Deceit's cup, stray from the whole road or from the very beginning. HAVERCAMP.

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(f) ‹anchor: natura perfudit› · call in col 266

(f) Natura perfudit. MS. Lugd. Bat. perfundit. Ele- (continues)

(f) Nature has steeped. The Leiden manuscript: "steeps". … (continues)

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(6) ‹anchor: inquit› · call in col 266

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(7) ‹anchor: praeformantur› · call in col 266

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(8) ‹anchor: Quis negat› · call in col 266

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(c) ‹anchor: odii detrahatur› · call in col 266

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(d) ‹anchor: multos convertit› · call in col 266

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(e) ‹anchor: ad malum› · call in col 266

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(f) ‹anchor: natura perfudit› · call in col 266

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LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 156) (1) Damnati Semler. Condemnati Paris. et alii.

(1) "Damnati" in Semler; "condemnati" in the Paris edition and others.

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(a) ‹anchor: gestiunt latere› · call in col 267

(printed under page 156) (a) Gestiunt latere. Prout pulchre preces illorum describit Horatius lib. Epist. i, xvi, 60. Pulcra Laverna, / Da mihi fallere; da justo sanctoque videri : / Noctem peccatis, et fraudibus objice nubem. Impii poetae Lucretii pii versus sunt v. 1153. in improbos : Nec facile est placidam, ac pacatam degere vitam, / Qui violat factis communia foedera pacis. / Etsi fallit enim Divum genus humanumque : / Perpetuo tamen id fore clam diffidere debet. Quare salubre illud Ciceronis consilium : Satis persuasum esse debet, si omnes Deos hominesque celare possimus, nihil tamen avare, nihil injuste, nihil libidinose, nihil incontinenter esse faciendum. HAV.

(a) They are eager to hide. As Horace beautifully describes their prayers, Epistles I. 16, 60: "Fair Laverna, / grant me to deceive; grant me to seem just and holy; / cast night over my sins and a cloud over my frauds." Pious are the lines of the impious poet Lucretius, V. 1153, against the wicked: "Nor is it easy to live a calm and peaceful life / for one who by his deeds violates the common bonds of peace. / For though he deceive the race of gods and men, / yet he must doubt that it will stay hidden for ever." Hence Cicero's wholesome counsel: "We ought to be fully persuaded that, even if we could hide from all gods and men, nothing should be done avariciously, unjustly, lustfully, or intemperately." HAVERCAMP.

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(b) ‹anchor: ne torti› · call in col 267

(printed under page 156) (b) Ne torti quidem. Idem scelus ibidem apud Apuleium revalescente prorsus astutia, constantissime negare et accersere mendacii medicum non desiit. Et paulo post, evidentius etiam convicto nec rota vel equuleus, more Graecorum tormentis ejus apparata jam deerant : sed obfirmatus mira praesumptione, nullis verberibus ac ne ipso quidem succubuit igni. Cicero Partit. Orat. c. L. ubi torturam dissuadet : Alii autem, inquit, aut natura corporis, aut consuetudine dolendi, aut metu supplicii, aut mortis, vim tormentorum pertulerunt. HAV.

(b) Not even under torture. The same villain, in the same place in Apuleius: "his cunning reviving entirely, he did not cease most steadfastly to deny and to charge the physician with lying." And a little later, when he was even more plainly convicted: "nor were the wheel or the rack, prepared for his torments in the Greek manner, now lacking; but, hardened with wondrous presumption, he yielded to no blows, not even to the fire itself." Cicero, Partitiones Oratoriae ch. 50, where he argues against torture: "But others," he says, "whether by the nature of their body, or by habit of pain, or by fear of punishment or of death, have endured the force of the torments." HAVERCAMP.

(printed under page 156) (c) Dinumerant in semetipsos. Id est, recolunt collustrant et recensent intus semetipsos, hoc est, acta sua, vere semetipsos scrutantur. Numerare enim est recensere, teste Virg., IV Georg. Atque chao densos divum numerabat amores. Quod si penitius explices dinumerant, esse poterit, aestimant se; nam qui numeratur et censetur, in pretio aliquo est et censu. LAC.

(c) They reckon within themselves. That is, they review, survey and go over themselves inwardly — that is, their deeds — they truly search themselves. For "to number" is to review, as Virgil witnesses, Georgics IV: "and from Chaos he numbered the crowded loves of the gods." If you explain "dinumerant" more deeply, it may be "they value themselves"; for whoever is numbered and assessed is of some value and rating. LA CERDA.

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(d) Vel fato. Primum objectum, in quod homo culpam a se removens conjicit. Zeno Stoicus olim servum, in furto deprehensum, cum castigaret, atque ille se purgans reclamaret, fatale mihi erat furari, tangens doctrinam magistri, ille non inscite, et caedi καὶ δαρῆναι inquit. Illa enim natura hominis; objurgamus quotidie fatum, dicit Seneca in praestantissima illa epist. xciii. Idem de Provid. c. v. ex illorum mente : Quare tamen Deus tam iniquus in distributione Fati fuit, ut bonis viris paupertatem, vulnera, et acerba funera adscriberet? Idque ex disciplina Aristotelis, ut docet nos Theodoretus in pulcherrimo libello, qui inscribitur, Graecarum affectionum curatio, vel, Evangelicae veritatis ex Graeca Philosophia cognitio. p. edit. Sylburg. 86. Adde Lucianum Dialog. xxv. cujus oratio cum minus sit religiosa, succedat illi Prosper Aquitanus, cujus verba sunt : Fati enim opinio vana est, et de falsitate concepta; praedestinationis autem fides multa sanctarum auctoritate Scripturarum munita est : cui nullo modo fas est ea, quae ab hominibus male aguntur, adscribi : qui in proclivitatem cadendi non ex conditione Dei, sed ex primi patris praevaricatione venerunt. in responsionib. ad capitula Gallorum c. I. et ibid. Praedestinationem Dei nullus Catholicus negat : fatalem aut necessitatem, multi, etiam non christiani, refutant. Ipse enim Tertullianus de Anima c. xx. Super haec si et alia quae praesunt potestates : enim vero praesunt. Secundum nos quidem Dominus Deus, et Diabolus aemulus, secundum communem autem opinionem et Providentia et Fatum et Necessitas et arbitrii Libertas. Nam haec et Philosophi distinguunt, et nos secundum fidem disserenda suo jam novimus titulo. sapienter itaque ad Auctoris mentem magnus ille Homerus Odyss. A. versu 32. apud quem Jupiter. Ὦ πόποι, οἷον δή νυ Θεοὺς βροτοὶ αἰτιόωνται. / Ἐξ ἡμῶν γάρ φασι κάκ' ἔμμεναι· οἱ δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ / Σφῇσιν ἀτασθαλίῃσιν ὑπὲρ μόρον ἄλγε' ἔχουσιν. Va Prob, quam nunc homines injuste Numine culpant ! / Ex nobis namque esse mala ajunt : at sibi ipsi. / Nequitia propria, praeter Fatum, mala gignunt HAV.

(d) Or to fate. The first object on which a man throws the blame, removing it from himself. Zeno the Stoic was once punishing a slave caught in theft; when the slave, excusing himself, protested "It was my fate to steal", touching on his master's teaching, Zeno said, not unwittily, "and to be beaten." For that is the nature of man: "we rebuke fate daily", says Seneca in that most excellent Letter 93. The same, On Providence ch. 5, speaking their mind: "Why, then, was God so unjust in the distribution of Fate as to assign to good men poverty, wounds and bitter deaths?" And this from the school of Aristotle, as Theodoret teaches us in that most beautiful little book entitled The Cure of Greek Maladies, or The Knowledge of Gospel Truth from Greek Philosophy, p. 86 of Sylburg's edition. Add Lucian, Dialogue 25. Since his discourse is less religious, let Prosper of Aquitaine follow him, whose words are: "The opinion of fate is vain and conceived of falsehood; but faith in predestination is fortified by much authority of the holy Scriptures; to it the evil that men do may in no way be ascribed, for they came into their proneness to fall not by God's ordaining but by the transgression of the first father" — in the Answers to the Chapters of the Gauls, ch. 1; and in the same place: "No Catholic denies the predestination of God; many, even non-Christians, refute fatal necessity." For Tertullian himself, On the Soul ch. 20: "Besides these, there are also other powers that preside — for indeed they do preside. According to us, the Lord God and his rival the Devil; according to common opinion, Providence and Fate and Necessity and Free Will. For the philosophers distinguish these too, and we know they are to be discussed according to the faith under their own heading." Wisely then, to the Author's mind, the great Homer, Odyssey I, line 32, where Jupiter [says]: "Alas, how mortals now blame the gods! / For they say evils come from us; but they themselves / by their own recklessness have woes beyond their lot." [Latin verse rendering:] "Alas [printed 'Va Prob'], how unjustly men now blame the Deity! / For they say evils come from us; but they themselves, / by their own wickedness, beyond Fate, beget their evils." HAVERCAMP.

(printed under page 156) (e) Vel astris. Significat vanam eorum opinionem, qui vitae suae casus prosperos et adversos ab astris dependere credebant, quae ars Genethliaca dicebatur vulgo, de qua etiamnum exstat vetustissimum carmen Manethonis Aegyptii, cujus Apotelesmatica primus luce donavit et ab interitu vindicavit praeceptor meus, vir summus, Jacobus Gronovius : multa quoque apud Manilium Fulgentium et alios in hanc rem passim legas. Merito autem pro ridiculo habitum hoc a Christianis, melius edoctis, quorum passim scripta perstringunt vanissimam hanc opinionem. Noster de Idololatria c. ix. De astrologis ne loquendum quidem est. Sed quoniam quidam istis diebus provocavit, defendens sibi perseverantiam professionis istius, paucis utar. Non allego, quod idola honoret, quorum nomina coelo inscripsit, quibus omnem Dei potestatem addixit : quod propterea homines non putant Deum requirendum, praesumentes stellarum nos immutabili arbitrio agi, etc. quos ibidem ex Suetonio Urbe et Italia expulsos quondam narrat. Valerius Maximus lib. i. c. 4. C. Cornelius Hispallus praetor peregrinus M. Popillio Laenate, Cn. Calpurnio consulibus edicto Chaldaeos intra decimum diem abire ex Urbe, atque Italia jussit : levibus et ineptis ingeniis fallaci siderum interpretatione, quaestuosam mendaciis suis caliginem injicientes. Eximii ex veteribus Theologi, Prosperi Aquitani, versus ad hanc vanitatem pertinentes adscribendos duxi, sunt autem ex aureo poemate de Providentia Dei. Sed, quo te praeceps rapit orbita? vis bonus esse / Absque labore tuo? credis hoc cedere posse, / Si tibi mutentur natalia sidera, quorum / Te pravum decursus agit, quid vana vetusti / Perfugia erroris Chaldaeis quaeris in astris? / Quamvis sollicitis adeas coelestia curis, / Et penitus causas rerum scruteris apertas, / Non renuit mage nosse Deum, quam cuique elemento / Naturam dederit : qua pontum lege moveri / Jusserit : aut teneris quam vim conseverit auris : / Sidereosque ignes in quae momenta creavit. / Qui cum sincerus sit fons aequique bonique, / Immitem jussis legem praescripsit iniquis, / Si prius ipse hominum mores constrinxerat astris. / Namque adversa sibi sunt haec, nimiumque repugnant, / Exigere insontes actus : delictaque poenis / Afficere, et cunctos eadem ad promissa vocare : (continues)

(e) Or to the stars. He means the vain opinion of those who believed that the fortunes, good and bad, of their life depended on the stars — the art commonly called genethlialogy, on which there still survives the very ancient poem of Manetho the Egyptian, whose Apotelesmatica my teacher, that great man Jacob Gronovius, first brought to light and rescued from destruction; you may read much on this subject here and there in Manilius, Fulgentius and others. Rightly was this held ridiculous by the Christians, better taught, whose writings everywhere censure this most vain opinion. Our author, On Idolatry ch. 9: "Of astrologers one should not even speak. But since one of them lately challenged us, defending his persistence in that profession, I will say a few words. I do not allege that he honours idols, whose names he has written in the sky and to whom he has assigned all God's power; that on this account men think God need not be sought, presuming that we are driven by the unchangeable will of the stars," etc.; and he relates there, from Suetonius, that they were once expelled from the City and from Italy. Valerius Maximus book I, ch. 4 [3]: "Gaius Cornelius Hispallus, praetor peregrinus, in the consulship of Marcus Popillius Laenas and Gnaeus Calpurnius, ordered by edict the Chaldaeans to leave the City and Italy within ten days, since by a deceitful interpretation of the stars they were casting a profitable fog of lies over light and foolish minds." I thought fit to set down the verses on this vanity by an eminent theologian of the ancients, Prosper of Aquitaine; they are from his golden poem On the Providence of God: "But where is the headlong track sweeping you? Do you wish to be good / without labour of your own? Do you think this could happen / if the stars of your birth were changed, whose / course drives you to wickedness? Why seek the vain / refuges of an old error in the Chaldaeans' stars? / Though you approach heavenly things with anxious cares / and search deeply into the open causes of things, / he does not refuse to know God the better — what nature / he gave to each element, by what law he bade / the sea be moved, what force he sowed in the gentle breezes, / and for what moments he created the starry fires. / Since he is the pure fountain of the just and the good, / he would have prescribed a cruel law with unjust commands / if he had first himself bound men's characters to the stars. / For these things are contrary to each other and clash too much: / to demand innocent acts, to visit faults with punishment, / and to call all to the same promises" … (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: condemnati› · call in col 268

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(2) ‹anchor: mentis malae impetus› · call in col 268

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(c) ‹anchor: dinumerant in semetipsos› · call in col 268

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(d) ‹anchor: vel fato› · call in col 268

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(e) ‹anchor: vel astris› · call in col 268

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LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 157)

(1) ‹anchor: nihil simile› · call in col 269

(printed under page 157) (1) Pamel., Semler., all. : Christianus v. quid simile? Rhenanus in ed. I. Christianis v. quid s. Cod. Lugd. B. Christianorum v. q. s. sed recte statuit Havercampus cod. Fuld. scripturam restituendam esse; nec repugnant quae sequuntur.

(1) Pamelius, Semler and others: "but the Christian — what is like this?"; Rhenanus in his first edition: "but to the Christians — what is like this?"; the Leiden codex B.: "of the Christians"; but Havercamp rightly decided that the reading of the Fulda codex should be restored, and what follows does not conflict with it.

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(2) ‹anchor: interrogatus› · call in col 269

(printed under page 157) (2) Interrogatur Paris.

(2) "He is questioned" in the Paris edition.

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(3) ‹anchor: mali est› · call in col 269

(printed under page 157) (3) Quod hoc malum est Cod. Agob Lugd.

(3) "What evil is this" in the Agobardine codex and the Leiden codex.

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(4) ‹anchor: naturalia mali› · call in col 269

(printed under page 157) (4) Naturam mali Rhen. Semler. Leopold.

(4) "The nature of evil" in Rhenanus, Semler, Leopold.

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(5) ‹anchor: mali est› · call in col 269

(printed under page 157) (5) Quod hoc malum est alii.

(5) "What evil is this" in others.

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(6) ‹anchor: poena felicitas› · call in col 269

(printed under page 157) (6) Cod. Fuld. poena victoria.

(6) Fulda codex: "punishment a victory".

(printed under page 157) (7) Noxietatis Rigalt. Haverc.

(7) "Of guilt" (noxietatis) in Rigault and Havercamp.

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(a) ‹anchor: neminem pudet› · call in col 269

(printed under page 157) (a) Neminem pudet n. p. Plinius in celebratissima ista epist. Interrogavi ipsos, an essent christiani; confitentes iterum ac tertio interrogavi, supplicium minatus : perseverantes duci jussi. Neque enim dubitabam, qualecumque esset quod faterentur : pervicaciam certe, et inflexibilem obstinationem debere puniri. Quam potius animi constantiam prae se fert noster etiam Tertullian. in libro ad Scapulam c. i. Nos quidem neque expavescimus, neque pertimescimus ea, quae ab ignorantibus patimur : cum ad hanc sectam utique suscepta conditione ejus pacti venerimus, ut etiam animas nostras auctorati in has pugnas accedamus, ea quae Deus repromittit, consequi optantes, et ea quae diversae vitae comminatur, pati timentes. Denique cum omni saevitia vestra concertamus, etiam ultro erumpentes : magisque damnati, quam absoluti gaudemus. HAV.

(a) No one is ashamed, no one regrets. Pliny in that most famous letter: "I asked them whether they were Christians; those who confessed I asked a second and a third time, threatening punishment; those who persisted I ordered to be led away. For I did not doubt that, whatever it was they confessed, their stubbornness at least and inflexible obstinacy ought to be punished." Which constancy of mind, rather, our Tertullian too displays in the book To Scapula, ch. 1: "We neither dread nor fear what we suffer from the ignorant, since we have come to this sect having accepted the terms of its covenant, so that we enter these combats having pledged even our lives, longing to obtain what God promises and fearing to suffer what he threatens to a different life. In short, we contend with all your savagery, even breaking out of our own accord, and rejoice more when condemned than when acquitted." HAVERCAMP.

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(printed under page 157) (b) Nisi plane retro non fuisse. Tantum abest, ut omnino moereant non ante et olim tales factos esse. Ita Lucretius dixit de plano pro certe vel omnino, i, 412. Hoc tibi de plano possum promittere, Memmi. HAV.

(b) Except indeed not to have been so before. So far are they from grieving that they did not become such earlier, long ago. So Lucretius used "de plano" for "certainly" or "altogether", I, 412: "This I can promise you plainly, Memmius." HAVERCAMP.

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(c) ‹anchor: quod naturalia› · call in col 269

(printed under page 157) (e) Naturalia mali. Ita MS. Fuld. et Pamelius, quem sequitur Junius, et Rigaltius. alii MSS. Barr. et Rhen. habent naturam mali, quam lectionem malit Scriverius, non ego. Noster enim ita singulare naturale usurpavit, C. XLI. de anima. Malum igitur animae, praeter quod ex obventu spiritus nequam superstruitur, ex originis vitio antecedit, naturale quodammodo. Nam, ut diximus, naturae corruptio alia natura est, habens suum Deum et patrem, ipsum scilicet corruptionis auctorem : ut tamen insit et bonum animae, illud principale, illud divinum atque germanum, et proprie naturale. MS. L. B. natura alia mali n. h. HAV.

(c, printed "e") The natural marks of evil. So the Fulda manuscript and Pamelius, followed by Junius and Rigault. Other manuscripts, Barraeus and Rhenanus have "the nature of evil", a reading Scriverius would prefer, but not I. For our author used the singular "naturale" in this way, On the Soul ch. 41: "The evil of the soul, then, besides what is built upon it by the onset of the wicked spirit, comes first from the fault of origin, natural in a certain way. For, as we have said, the corruption of nature is another nature, having its own god and father, namely the author of corruption himself; yet so that there is also in the soul the good — that principal, divine, kindred and properly natural good." The Leiden manuscript: "another nature of evil, n. h." HAVERCAMP.

(printed under page 157) (d) Cum alii dicuntur. Sensus est, cum alii rei accusentur ejus criminis, quod nobis imponitur, qualecumque id sit, datur illis proprio ore, etc. HAV.

(d) When others are said to be. The sense is: when other defendants are accused of the crime laid on us, whatever it may be, they are allowed with their own mouth, etc. HAVERCAMP.

(printed under page 157) (e) Et mercenaria advocatione utuntur. Barr. mercenarii. Cic. lib. vii. Ep. ii. hoc consilii dederim, ut a singulis interregibus binas advocationes postulent. vide Senecam in Controv. in prooemio et in lusu de morte Claudii. MS. Fuld. et proprio et mercenario ore, et advocatione utuntur. Est enim advocatio id quod jam consultatio dicitur. Cic. ad Trebat. lib. vii. Ep. 13. In re militari multo est cautior, quam in advocationibus. et iii. Verr. c. 12 p. Quo saepenumero senatus convocatur, quo maximarum rerum quotidie advocationes fiunt. Triplex itaque praesidium reis, vel in eloquentia sua, nam ut Publius 71. Qui pro innocente dicit, satis est eloquens. Suetonius de censura Claudii c. xvi. Nec quemquam nisi sua voce, utcumque quis posset, ac sine patrono, rationem vitae passus est reddere. Diogenes Laertius de Aristippo narrat objurgatum illum, quod in causa propria rhetorem conduxisset, respondisse, et coquum conducere solere dum coenam faceret; vel in lingua advocati conducta, cujus [moestos] Defensura reos vocem facundia mittit, ut de Pisone auctor panegyrici ad eum, qui nec Ovidius nec Lucanus, sed alius quispiam non ineptus poeta, ut alias ostendam; vel denique in advocatione, quum instruitur reus argumentis, quibus causam suam defendat. Talis mercenarius Tertullus Act. xxiv, i. cum Paulus proprio ore se defenderet. HAV.

(e) And they use hired advocacy. Barraeus: "hired [advocates]". Cicero, Letters book VII, 2: "I would give this counsel, that they demand two adjournments from each interrex." See Seneca in the preface to the Controversiae and in the skit on the death of Claudius. The Fulda manuscript: "they use both their own and a hired mouth, and advocacy." For "advocatio" is what is now called "consultation". Cicero to Trebatius, book VII, letter 13: "In military matters he is much more cautious than in consultations." And Verrines III, ch. 12: "where the senate is often convened, where consultations on the greatest matters take place daily." So defendants had a threefold defence: either in their own eloquence — for, as Publilius says, 71: "He who speaks for the innocent is eloquent enough." Suetonius on Claudius's censorship, ch. 16: "Nor did he allow anyone to give account of his life except in his own voice, as best he could, and without a patron." Diogenes Laertius relates of Aristippus that, reproached for hiring a rhetor in his own case, he replied that one also hires a cook when giving a dinner; or in the hired tongue of an advocate, whose "eloquence sends forth its voice to defend [sad: printed above the line] defendants", as the author of the panegyric to Piso says of him — who was neither Ovid nor Lucan but some other poet, not unskilled, as I shall show elsewhere; or lastly in "advocacy", when the defendant is furnished with arguments to defend his case. Such a hireling was Tertullus, Acts 24:1, while Paul defended himself with his own mouth. HAVERCAMP.

(printed under page 157) (f) Respondendi, altercandi. Quod semper fere in judiciis Romanorum obtinebat, eratque [ut veteres testantur] in istis altercationibus mordacis joci mirus artifex Tullius Cicero. Apuleius haec quoque ita conjunxit lib. x. Aurei Asini : Quibus autem verbis accusator invenerit, quibus rebus diluerit reus, ac prorsus orationes altercationesque, neque absens ipse apud praesepium scire, neque ad vos, quae ignoravi, possum enuntiare. Nemo vero melius describit quam ipse Quintilianus, qui ex professo de hac arte agit Inst. Orat. vi, 5. Neque alia dicuntur n altercatione, quam sc. in oratione ipsa, sed aliter, aut interrogando, aut respon- (continues)

(f) Of replying, of disputing. This almost always obtained in Roman trials, and in these altercations (as the ancients attest) Tullius Cicero was a wonderful master of the biting jest. Apuleius also joined these words, Golden Ass book X: "With what words the accuser pressed, with what points the defendant refuted, and in short the speeches and altercations, I, absent at the manger, could neither know myself nor report to you what I did not know." But no one describes it better than Quintilian himself, who treats this art expressly, Institutio Oratoria VI, 5 [4]: "Nor are other things said in altercation" — than, that is, in the speech itself — "but differently, either by questioning or by answer- … (continues)

(printed under page 157)

Jam vero, si ut maleficos tractare velint Christianos, oportuit saltem eodem modo in Jure cum utrisque agi, nec facultas quocunque modo se defendendi, illis abnegari, cum crimen ex circumstantiis vel dilui, vel

Now indeed, if they wish to treat the Christians as evil-doers, it was at least fitting that both should be dealt with in the same way at law, and that the opportunity of defending themselves in any way whatever should not be denied to them, since a charge may from its circumstances be either washed away or

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(7) ‹anchor: cum ejusdem› · call in col 270

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(8) ‹anchor: Quodcumque dicimur› · call in col 270

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(d) ‹anchor: alii dicuntur› · call in col 270

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(e) ‹anchor: mercenaria advocatione› · call in col 270

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(f) ‹anchor: Respondendi, altercandi› · call in col 270

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probari soleat. Imo ostendit vel inde Sectae hujus innocentiam, quod olim Trajanus inquiri eos prohibuerit, licet oblatos damnari voluerit, cujus videt censuram sibi ipsi contrariam, pergitque, cum in illa explodenda, tum in reprehendendis perversis judicum, in emendandis Christianis, actibus, simul in causam hujus mali inquirens, quod illos cum nudo Nomine Christianorum facit praeliari.

be proved. Nay, he shows the innocence of this Sect even from the fact that Trajan formerly forbade them to be sought out, although he willed that those brought forward should be condemned; and he sees that this ruling contradicts itself, and proceeds, both in exploding it and in rebuking the perverse acts of the judges in correcting the Christians, at the same time inquiring into the cause of this evil, which makes them do battle with the bare Name of the Christians.

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LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 158)

(1) ‹anchor: solum exspectatur› · call in col 271

(printed under page 158) (1) Spectatur corrigit Avercamp.

(1) Havercamp corrects to "spectatur" (is looked for).

(printed under page 158)

(2) ‹anchor: si de› · call in col 271

(printed under page 158) (2) Alio Semler.

(2) "Another" (alio) in Semler.

(printed under page 158)

(3) ‹anchor: de nostris› · call in col 271

(printed under page 158) (3) Semler aliique : vestris.

(3) Semler and others: "your".

(printed under page 158)

(4) ‹anchor: elogiis› · call in col 271

(printed under page 158) (4) De nostris eclogiis Parisin.

(4) "Of our eclogia" in the Paris edition.

(printed under page 158) (5) Numerum abest Par. Rig.

(5) "Number" is absent in the Paris edition and Rigault.

(printed under page 158) (6) Rhenanus in ed. I. et Gelenius : concelebrasset.

(6) Rhenanus in his first edition and Gelenius: "concelebrasset" (had celebrated together).

(printed under page 158)

(a) ‹anchor: omnino damnari› · call in col 271

(printed under page 158) (a) Quando nec liceat etc. Apud Livium Titus Quintius clamitat, reum capitis indemnatum indicta caussa non debere violari. Ita tamen cum christianis actum. Vide. c. xxxi Admittitis enim probare, quodcumque defendimus. Ironice. HAV.

(a) Since it is not even allowed, etc. In Livy, Titus Quinctius cries out that "a man on a capital charge, uncondemned, his case unheard, ought not to be harmed." Yet so it was done with the Christians. See ch. 31: "For you admit us to prove whatever we defend." Ironically. HAVERCAMP.

(printed under page 158)

(b) ‹anchor: faciat injustum› · call in col 271

(printed under page 158) (b) Judicem non faciat injustum. Eleganter dictum, sic supra c. i. Caeterum inauditam si damnent, praeter invidiam iniquitatis, etiam suspicionem merebuntur alicujus conscientiae, nolentes audire quod auditum damnare non possint. Alexander apud Curtium vii. 2. Nisi quae delata essent excussissem; valde dissimulatio mea suspecta esse potuisset. Ipse quoque Se damnat judex, innocentem qui opprimit. Publius vers. 602. HAV.

(b) Does not make the judge unjust. Elegantly said; so above, ch. 1: "But if they condemn it unheard, besides the odium of injustice they will earn the suspicion of some guilty knowledge, unwilling to hear what, once heard, they could not condemn." Alexander in Curtius VII. 2: "Had I not examined what was reported, my dissembling could have been gravely suspect." He too [says]: "The judge who crushes the innocent condemns himself" — Publilius, line 602. HAVERCAMP.

(printed under page 158)

(c) ‹anchor: exspectatur› · call in col 271

(printed under page 158) (c) Exspectatur. Meliori sensu, ut puto, legas spectatur. simile mendum obsedit codices Augustini de Civitate Dei, lib. vi. c. 10. Doctus Archimimus, senex jam, decrepitus, quotidie in Capitolio Mimum agebat, quasi Dii libenter exspectarent, quem illi homines deriserant. ubi ita lego : quasi Dii libenter spectarent, quem illi forte olim, homines, etc. sed neque sic sanus locus : lege itaque ultima ex collatione optimi codigis MS. litteris Longobardicis exarati, Bibliothecae Fuldensis, quae penes me est, quem illis homines desierant, sc. spectare, erat enim jam decrepitus, haec verissima est lectio. Apud Virgil. lib. ii, 102. Sinon : si omnes uno ordine habetis Achivos / Idque audire sat est. Illud vult dicere Tertullianus, non curam gerere legum judices, ut illae observentur, sed vulgi amentis et vecordis, ne illud irritetur, hinc in principio Apolog. hujus, si non licet vobis, Antistites : odium enim contra christianos erat publicum. Sane Pontii Pilati similes judices hic mihi contemplari videor, et fateberis, si conferas Joh. xix. 12. HAV.

(c) Is awaited. In a better sense, I think, read "is looked for". A similar error has beset the manuscripts of Augustine's City of God, book VI, ch. 10: "A learned arch-mime, now old and decrepit, performed a mime daily on the Capitol, as if the gods gladly awaited one whom men had laughed at." There I read: "as if the gods gladly watched one whom" perhaps "once men", etc. But even so the passage is not sound; so read the last words from the collation of the excellent manuscript codex written in Lombardic letters, of the Fulda library, which I have: "whom men had ceased" — that is, to watch, for he was already decrepit; this is the truest reading. In Virgil, book II, 102, Sinon: "if you hold all the Achaeans in one rank, / and it is enough to hear that." Tertullian means that the judges take no care for the laws, that they be observed, but for the mad and frenzied mob, lest it be provoked; hence at the beginning of this Apology, "if you, O rulers, are not permitted": for the hatred against the Christians was public. Truly I seem to see here judges like Pontius Pilate, and you will agree if you compare John 19:12. HAVERCAMP.

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(d) ‹anchor: elogiis› · call in col 271

(printed under page 158) (d) Nostris elogiis. Recte iidem : non, vestris, haec enim elogia erant christianorum, ut satis ex sequentibus apparebit. Gaudet autem saepius Tertull. hanc vocem repetere eo significatu, quem in re judiciaria obtinebat; moris enim erat, ut nominibus damnatorum adjiceretur brevis quaedam scriptura, seu titulus demonstrans, cujus potissimum criminis rei essent, quod clarissime apparet ex Suetonio in Callig. c. 27. custodiarum seriem recognoscens, nullius inspecto elogio, stans, tantummodo intra porticum medium, a calvo ad calvum duci imperavit. Et insigni loco apud Vulcatium Gallicanum in Vita Avidii Cassii : Vides multis opus esse gladiis, multis elogiis, ut in antiquum statum publica forma reddatur. Et optime Spartianus de Severo : In qua legatione, quum quidam municipum suorum Leptitanus, praecedentibus fascibus, ut antiquum contubernalem ipse plebeius complexus esset, fustibus eum sub elogio ejusdem praeconis cecidit, Legatum P. R. homo plebeius temere amplecti noli. Hinc Noster intelligendus, cum scribit ad Scapulam c. iv. Pudens etiam missum ad se christianum, in elogio concussione ejus intellecta, dimisit, scisso eodem elogio, sine excusatore negans se auditurum hominem. Et de Corona militis c. v. Omne autem quod contra naturam est, monstri meretur notam omnes penes, penes nos vero etiam elogium sacrilegii, in Deum naturae dominum et auctorem; de Anima c. xvii. Imo jam ne ipsis quidem caussis adscribendum est fallaciae elogium. HAV.

(d) Our charge-sheets. The same rightly read so, not "your"; for these were the charge-sheets of the Christians, as will be clear enough from what follows. Tertullian often likes to repeat this word in the sense it had in judicial matters; for it was the custom that to the names of the condemned some short writing was added, or a label showing of what crime chiefly they were guilty. This appears most clearly from Suetonius, Caligula ch. 27: "reviewing the line of prisoners, without inspecting anyone's charge-sheet, standing in the middle of the colonnade, he ordered them led off 'from bald-head to bald-head'." And in a notable passage of Vulcacius Gallicanus, Life of Avidius Cassius: "You see there is need of many swords, many charge-sheets, for the public order to be restored to its old state." And excellently Spartianus on Severus: "During this legation, when a fellow-townsman of his from Lepcis, a plebeian, embraced him as an old comrade while the fasces went before him, he had him beaten with rods, the same herald proclaiming the charge: 'Do not, a plebeian, rashly embrace a legate of the Roman people.'" Hence our author is to be understood when he writes To Scapula ch. 4: "Pudens too dismissed a Christian sent to him, having perceived from the charge-sheet that it was extortion, tearing up the charge-sheet and saying he would not hear the man without an accuser." And On the Soldier's Crown ch. 5: "Everything against nature deserves among all men the mark of a monstrosity, but among us also the charge of sacrilege against God, Lord and author of nature"; On the Soul ch. 17: "Nay, not even to the causes themselves is the charge of deceit to be ascribed." HAVERCAMP.

(printed under page 158) (e) Plinius enim secundus. Magni istius naturae Indagatoris ex sorore nepos, omnibus jam satis notus, cujus etiamnum exstant tersi et elegantes epistolarum libri x. quorum ultimus rescripta quoque Trajani Caesaris continet, in quibus et divinus, ut vocabat Scaliger, ad Imperatorem Trajanum Panegyricus. Hujus epist. 97. lib. x. et Trajani responsum ep. 91. dignissimae sunt legi et non tantum ad hanc veteris Christianismi notitiam memoriter tenendae. Nam eas legisse suo tempore Hieronymum notat Scaliger in laboribus Eusebianis. Orosius lib. vii. Histor. c. 8. de Trajano : In persequendis christianis errore deceptus tertius a Nerone cum passim repertos cogi ad sacrificandum idolis, ac detrectantes interfici praecepisset plurimique interficerentur; Plinii Secundi, qui inter caeteros judices persecutor datus erat, relatu admonitus eos homines praeter confessionem Christi honestaque conventicula nihil contrarium Romanis legibus facere, fiducia sane innocentis confessionis nemini mortem gravem ac formidolosam videri, rescriptis illico levioribus temperavit edictum. Hieronymi verba ex Eusebio et Tertulliano conflata sunt in Chronico suo Eusebiano (continues)

(e) For Pliny the Younger. Nephew, by his sister, of that great investigator of nature; well known to all by now; there still survive his ten polished and elegant books of letters, the last of which also contains the rescripts of Trajan Caesar, among which is also the "divine" (as Scaliger called it) Panegyric to the Emperor Trajan. His letter 97 of book X and Trajan's answer, letter 91 [as printed], are most worthy to be read and remembered, and not only for this knowledge of ancient Christianity. For Scaliger notes in his Eusebian labours that Jerome read them in his time. Orosius, History book VII, ch. 8 [12], on Trajan: "Deceived by error in persecuting the Christians, third after Nero, when he had ordered that those found anywhere be forced to sacrifice to idols and those refusing be killed, and very many were being killed, he was advised by the report of Pliny the Younger, who had been appointed persecutor among the other judges, that these men did nothing contrary to Roman law beyond confessing Christ and holding decent assemblies, and that, in the confidence of an innocent confession, death seemed to none of them grievous or fearful; whereupon he at once tempered the edict by milder rescripts." Jerome's words, put together from Eusebius and Tertullian, are in his Eusebian Chronicle … (continues)

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(5) ‹anchor: locum› · call in col 272

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(6) ‹anchor: incesta contenebrasset› · call in col 272

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(7) ‹anchor: si eruisset› · call in col 272

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(e) ‹anchor: Plinius enim Secundus› · call in col 272

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LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 159)

(1) ‹anchor: consuluit tunc› · call in col 273

(printed under page 159) (1) Tunc abest Parisin.

(1) "Then" is absent in the Paris edition.

(printed under page 159)

(2) ‹anchor: de sacramentis› · call in col 273

(printed under page 159) (2) Heraldus e MS. et Haverc. e cod. Fuld. sacramentis; Semler all.: sacris. Cf. Plinii epp. 10, 96.

(2) Hérault from a manuscript and Havercamp from the Fulda codex: "sacramentis"; Semler and others: "sacris". Compare Pliny, Letters 10, 96.

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(3) ‹anchor: Christo ut› · call in col 273

(printed under page 159) (3) Ita cod. Fuld.; Rhen. et Ch. et Deo; alii : Ch et deo.

(3) So the Fulda codex; Rhenanus: "both to Christ and to God"; others: "to Christ and God".

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(4) ‹anchor: ad confoederandam› · call in col 273

(printed under page 159) (4) Conferendam Paris.

(4) "Conferendam" in the Paris edition.

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(5) ‹anchor: mandat puniendos› · call in col 273

(printed under page 159) (5) Puniri Paris.

(5) "To be punished" (puniri) in the Paris edition.

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(6) ‹anchor: Quid temetipsum› · call in col 273

(printed under page 159) (6) Wouw., Rig. et Haverc. temetipsam.

(6) Wouwer, Rigault and Havercamp: "temetipsam" [yourself, feminine, with censura].

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(7) ‹anchor: cur non et› · call in col 273

(printed under page 159) (7) Et abest Fran.

(7) "Et" is absent in the Franeker edition.

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(8) ‹anchor: vestigandis› · call in col 273

(printed under page 159) (8) Investigandis Paris.

(8) "Investigandis" in the Paris edition.

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(9) ‹anchor: quam oblationem› · call in col 273

(printed under page 159) (9) Oblatio Semler.

(9) "Oblatio" in Semler.

(printed under page 159) (10) Est abest aliis.

(10) "Est" is absent in others.

(printed under page 159) (11) Non putaretis requirenda Rig.

(11) "Non putaretis requirenda" in Rigault.

(printed under page 159) (12) De confesso Latin.

(12) "De confesso" in Latinius.

(printed under page 159) (13) Homicidas Fran.

(13) "Homicidas" in the Franeker edition.

(printed under page 159)

(a) ‹anchor: gradu pulsis› · call in col 273

(printed under page 159) (a) Quibusdam gradu pulsis. Ex iis sc. qui ex honestiore ordine ad istam sectam inclinabant, nam ad hoc nomen omnis conditio, etiam dignitas transgrediebatur, ut supra dixit. Quod cum Severi etiam temporibus accideret, principis ejus clementiam et justitiam praedicat Tertull. noster ad Scapulam c. iv. Sed et clarissimas foeminas et clarissimos viros Severus sciens hujus sectae esse, non modo non laesit, verum et testimonio exornavit, et populo furenti in eos palam restitit. HAV.

(a) Some removed from their rank. That is, of those who from a more honourable order inclined to that sect; for every condition, even rank, was passing over to this name, as he said above. Since this happened also in the time of Severus, our Tertullian praises that prince's clemency and justice, To Scapula ch. 4: "But Severus, knowing that most illustrious women and most illustrious men were of this sect, not only did not harm them but also honoured them with his testimony, and openly withstood the people raging against them." HAVERCAMP.

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(b) ‹anchor: coetus antelucanos› · call in col 273

(printed under page 159) (b) Coetus antelucanos. De coetu est quod notes, solitam dari vocem hanc rebus sacris. Hinc Meursius illud Constantini Manassae in annalibus : Οὗτοι καὶ γὰρ ἀθροίσαντες ἄνδρας θεοφορήτους. ita reddit : nam hi religiosorum hominum coetu coacto Dionysius Exiguus hanc vocem dat interpretans in Vita S. Pachomii : Monachorum coetibus aggregabat. LAC.

(b) Assemblies before dawn. Note of "coetus" that this word was customarily applied to sacred things. Hence Meursius renders that line of Constantine Manasses in his annals, "For these, having gathered God-inspired men", thus: "for these, having assembled a gathering of religious men". Dionysius Exiguus gives this word in translating the Life of St Pachomius: "he joined [him] to the assemblies of the monks." LA CERDA.

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(c) ‹anchor: ad canendum› · call in col 273

(printed under page 159) (c) Ad canendum. Pium exercitium, de quo et ad Uxorem lib. ii. c. 9. Non furtiva signatio, non trepida gratulatio, non muta benedictio : sonant inter duos Psalmi et Hymni, et mutuo provocant, quis melius Deo suo canet. scribe cantet vel canat. et exhortat. ad Castitat. c. x. Si orationem facit ad Dominum, prope est coelo. Si Scripturae incumbit, totus illic est. Si Psalmum canit, placet sibi. HAV.

(c) To sing. A devout exercise, of which also To his Wife book II, ch. 9: "No furtive signing, no fearful greeting, no silent blessing: psalms and hymns resound between the two, and they challenge each other as to who will sing better to their God." Write "cantet" or "canat". And Exhortation to Chastity ch. 10: "If he prays to the Lord, he is near heaven. If he applies himself to Scripture, he is wholly there. If he sings a psalm, he pleases himself." HAVERCAMP.

(printed under page 159) (d) Ideo non putaretis. La Cerda sic legit : Neque enim ideo non putatis requirenda quaestionibus scelera, quia certi essetis admitti ea ex nominis confessione. Qui hodie, de confesso homicida, scientes homicidium quod sit, n. o. q. admissi? addita nota interrogationis et explicans qui per quomodo. Affinis huic valde est locus in lib. Ad Nat. ii. cap. 13. quem in gratiam JCtorum illustrabo, et emendabo. Scriptura male per injuriam temporis habita haec est. Quomodo..... de fugitivo palam factum solemus et operam ejus percon..... abusu nundinare : Summi viri Rig. et Gothofredus attingere non sunt ausi. Supple meo periculo et scribe : Quomodo, quando de fugitivo palam factum, solemus et operam ejus percontando abusui nundinare. Nullus dubitabit, qui locum inspexerit. Ut enim nos JCti, inquit, male nimis inquirendo agimus, modum patrandae fugae docentes, ita et poetae fabulis suis de Diis. Dixit supra hoc eodem capite : Quando si de aliquo nocente cognoscitis, non statim confesso eo nomen homicidae, vel sacrilegi, vel incesti, etc., contenti sitis ad pronuntiandum, nisi et consequentia exigatis, qualitatem facti, locum, modum, etc. HAV.

(d) Therefore you would not think. La Cerda reads thus: "For you do not therefore think crimes need not be investigated by interrogation because you are sure they are committed from the confession of the name. How [qui] today, about a confessed murderer, knowing what murder is, do you nevertheless [extort] the order of the deed?" — adding a question mark and explaining "qui" by "how". Very akin to this is a passage in To the Nations book II, ch. 13, which I shall illustrate and emend for the benefit of the jurists. The text, badly treated by the injury of time, is this: "How ..... about a fugitive made public we are wont also his service by inquir..... to traffic in abuse." Those great men Rigault and Godefroy did not dare touch it. Supply at my own risk and write: "As, when it has been made public about a fugitive, we are wont also, by inquiring, to put his service up for sale to misuse." No one who has looked at the passage will doubt it. For as we jurists, he says, do very ill by inquiring, teaching the way to accomplish flight, so do the poets too with their fables about the gods. He said above in this same chapter: "Since, if you are trying any guilty person, you are not at once content, when he has confessed the name of murderer or sacrilegious or incestuous, etc., to pronounce sentence, unless you also exact the consequent details, the nature of the deed, the place, the manner", etc. HAVERCAMP.

(printed under page 159) (e) Sic enim soletis dicere homicidae, Nega. Laniari jub. sacr. Qui torquendo christiano praesidebat, dicere solebat, Nega te esse christianum : quasi suggereret per quod evadere ille posset. Idem Christianum confitentem torqueri nihilominus jubebat : cum tamen frustra torqueatur qui confitetur. Itaque perversam et absurdam judiciorum formam carpit Tertullianus; Nempe, inquit, sic soletis dicere homicidae confitenti, Nega te esse homicidam : nempe sacrilego fatenti se sacrilegum admoveri jubetis tormenta. Ipse Tertullianus lib. I. ad nationes : sane caeteros ad hoc tenditis et excarnificatis, ut negent esse quod esse dicuntur, etc. Hic vero in sequentibus legendum videtur : Si non ita agitis circa nocentes. PAM.

(e) For so you are wont to say to a murderer, Deny it. To order the sacrilegious to be torn. The one who presided over the torture of a Christian used to say, "Deny that you are a Christian", as if suggesting the means by which he could escape. Yet he ordered the confessing Christian to be tortured all the same, although it is useless to torture one who confesses. So Tertullian attacks the perverse and absurd form of the trials: "Is it thus," he says, "you are wont to say to a confessing murderer, Deny that you are a murderer? Is it thus you order torments applied to a sacrilegious man who admits himself sacrilegious?" Tertullian himself, To the Nations book I: "the others, to be sure, you stretch and torture so that they deny being what they are said to be", etc. Here, in what follows, it seems one should read: "If you do not deal thus with the guilty." PAMELIUS.

(printed under page 159) (f) Laniari. Tormentis nempe, qualibus Philotas apud Curtium vi. ii. Sed postquam intumescens corpus (continues)

(f) To be torn. By torments, that is, such as Philotas suffered in Curtius VI. 11: "But after his swelling body …" (continues)

(printed under page 159)

(10) ‹anchor: inventus est› · call in col 274

(printed under page 159)

(11) ‹anchor: putaretis non› · call in col 274

(printed under page 159)

(12) ‹anchor: nominis confessione› · call in col 274

(printed under page 159)

(13) ‹anchor: dicere homicidae› · call in col 274

(printed under page 159)

(14) ‹anchor: Nega› · call in col 274

(printed under page 159)

(d) ‹anchor: requirenda› · call in col 274

(printed under page 159)

(e) ‹anchor: Nega› · call in col 274

(printed under page 159)

(f) ‹anchor: laniari› · call in col 274

(printed under page 159)

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 160)

(1) ‹anchor: Suspecta sit vobis› · call in col 275

(printed under page 160) (1) Barraeus : sit nobis, Pamel. et Semler : fit nobis, caeteri omnes : sit vobis;] legendum fortasse : sit in vobis.

(1) Barraeus: "let it be to us"; Pamelius and Semler: "it becomes to us"; all the others: "let it be to you"; perhaps read: "let it be in you".

(printed under page 160) (2) Infestet Wouwer.

(2) "Infestet" (assails) in Wouwer.

(printed under page 160) (3) Definiunt. Hoc... dominatio est Rigalt.

(3) "They define. This ... is a dominion" in Rigault.

(printed under page 160) (a) Ne qua vis lateat in occulto. Satanam intelligit. Pariter Lactantius Instit. Divin. ii. i. Quanam istud ex caussa fieri putemus? nisi esse aliquam perversam potestatem, quae veritati sit super inimica, etc. Noster infra vocat rationem aemulae operationis. HAV.

(a) Lest some force lie hidden in secret. He means Satan. So too Lactantius, Divine Institutes II. 1: "For what cause shall we think this happens, unless there is some perverse power ever hostile to the truth?" etc. Our author below calls it "the working of a rival operation". HAVERCAMP.

(printed under page 160) (b) Quae vos contra ipsas quoque leges ministret. Hoc est, Quae contra ipsas leges vestro ministerio utatur. PAM.

(b) Which makes you its ministers against the very laws. That is, which uses your ministry against the very laws. PAMELIUS.

(printed under page 160) (c) Erui jubent. Amat hoc verbum Tertullianus in disquisitione judiciaria de maleficis. Supra : o quanta illius praesidis gloria, si eruisset aliquem, qui centum jam infantes comedisset. Et infra c. vii. dicimur tamen semper, nec vos, quod tam diu dicimur eruere curatis. Ergo aut eruite, si creditis, aut nolite credere, qui non eruistis. HAV.

(c) Order to be dug out. Tertullian loves this word in judicial inquiry into evildoers. Above: "O how great the glory of that governor, if he had dug out someone who had already eaten a hundred infants!" And below, ch. 7: "We are always spoken of, yet you take no care to dig out what we are so long spoken of. So either dig it out, if you believe it, or cease to believe, you who have not dug it out." HAVERCAMP.

(printed under page 160)

(d) Confessos damnari. Ex vetustissima lege. Sallust. Catil. LII. de confessis, sicuti de manifestis rerum capitalium, more majorum supplicium sumendum. Curtius supra. adde Suetonii locum mox adductum inde illud Matth. xxvi, 65. Ὅτι ἐβλασφήμησε· τί ἔτι χρείαν ἔχομεν μαρτύρων; nam ut recte Publius vers. 473. Nisi vindices delicta improbitatem, adjuvas. et eodem teste vers. 642. Qui culpae ignoscit uni, suadet pluribus. imo vers. 99. Bonis nocet quisquis pepercit malis. denique vers. 215. Felix improbitas, optimorum est calamitas. Tertull. Ad Scap. cap. iv. Quid enim amplius tibi mandatur, quam nocentes confessos damnare, negantes autem ad tormenta revocare? Nam ut idem De Spectac. cap. xix. Bonum est cum puniuntur nocentes. HAV.

(d) That the confessed be condemned. From a most ancient law. Sallust, Catiline 52: "on those who have confessed, as on those caught in the act of capital crimes, punishment is to be exacted according to the custom of our ancestors." Curtius above. Add the passage of Suetonius just cited, and hence that of Matthew 26:65: "He has blasphemed; what further need have we of witnesses?" For, as Publilius rightly says, line 473: "Unless you punish offences, you aid wickedness." And by the same witness, line 642: "Who pardons one fault invites more." Indeed line 99: "Whoever spares the bad harms the good." Finally line 215: "Wickedness prospering is the calamity of the best." Tertullian, To Scapula ch. 4: "For what more is required of you than to condemn the guilty who confess, and to recall those who deny to torture?" For, as he also says, On the Shows ch. 19: "It is good when the guilty are punished." HAVERCAMP.

(printed under page 160) (e) Ultra confessionem itaque quaestio non procedit. Cicero Orat. pro Milone cap. LVII. Quid opus est tortore? quid quaeris? occideritne? occidit. Jure, an injuria? nihil ad tortorem. Facti enim in equuleo quaestio est, juris in judicio. Commendatur interim hic nobis consuetudo mitis et humana imperii Romani; quam laudans Livius lib. i. cap. 18. ubi crudele Metti Fuffeti proditoris supplicium descripsit, addit : Primum ultimumque illud supplicium apud Romanos exempli parum memoris legum humanarum fuit. In aliis gloriari licet, nulli gentium mitiores placuisse poenas. Ut vero noster dixit quaestioni temperare, ita Sallustius etiam videtur locutus esse, dum dicit victoriae temperare, neque enim illud, ut fit vulgo, explicare ausim, quasi esset scriptum obtemperare, prout pejoris notae codices nonnulli exhibent. Locus est Catil. cap. xi. Igitur ii milites, postquam victoriam adepti sunt, nihil reliqui victis fecere. Quippe secundae res sapientium animos fatigant. Ne illi, corruptis moribus, victoriae temperarent, i. e. tantum abest, ut nequissimi illi et perditi moderentur victoriae, non ut victores, sed ut latrones grassatoresque se gerentes. HAV.

(e) So the interrogation does not go beyond confession. Cicero, Speech for Milo ch. 57: "What need of a torturer? What do you ask? Whether he killed? He killed. Rightly or wrongly? That is nothing to the torturer. For on the rack the question is of fact, in court of right." Meanwhile the mild and humane custom of the Roman empire is commended to us here; praising it, Livy, book I ch. 18 [28], having described the cruel punishment of the traitor Mettius Fufetius, adds: "That was the first and last punishment among the Romans of a kind too little mindful of human laws. In other things we may boast that no nation has favoured milder penalties." And as our author said "to be applied [only] to interrogation", so Sallust too seems to have spoken when he says "to restrain [themselves in] victory"; nor would I dare explain it, as is commonly done, as if "obtemperare" were written, as some codices of inferior stamp show. The passage is Catiline ch. 11: "So those soldiers, once they had won the victory, left nothing to the vanquished. For prosperity wearies the minds even of the wise; much less would those men, their morals corrupted, restrain themselves in victory" — that is, so far were those most worthless and abandoned men from using victory with moderation, behaving not as victors but as robbers and highwaymen. HAVERCAMP.

(printed under page 160) (f) Expungendus est. Hoc verbum et Tertulliano proprium. Adv. Judaeos c. iv. Sequitur itaque, ut quatenus circumcisionis carnalis, et legis veteris abolitio expuncta suis temporibus demonstratur, ita sabbati quoque observatio temporalis fuisse demonstretur. Significat apud illum passim explere, perficere. hic vero eamdem significationem habet, quam apud Persium Sat. ii. vers. 12. Pupillumve utinam, quem proxime haeres / Impello, expungam! Namque est scabiosus, et acri / Bile tumet : ubi vetus Scholiastes notat tractum a militibus, qui (continues)

(f) Must be struck off. This word too is proper to Tertullian. Against the Jews ch. 4: "It follows, therefore, that as the abolition of carnal circumcision and of the old law is shown to have been accomplished in its own times, so the observance of the sabbath too is shown to have been temporary." With him it commonly means "to fulfil, to complete". Here, however, it has the same meaning as in Persius, Satire II, line 12: "Or, would that I might strike off my ward, whom I press close as next heir! For he is scabby and swells with sharp bile." Where the old scholiast notes that it is "taken from soldiers, who …" (continues)

(printed under page 160)

(2) ‹anchor: leges ministret› · call in col 276

(printed under page 160)

(3) ‹anchor: tyrannica dominatio› · call in col 276

(printed under page 160)

(4) ‹anchor: et si› · call in col 276

(printed under page 160)

(a) ‹anchor: lateat in occulto› · call in col 276

(printed under page 160)

(b) ‹anchor: ministret› · call in col 276

(printed under page 160)

(c) ‹anchor: malos erui› · call in col 276

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(d) ‹anchor: confessos damnari› · call in col 276

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(e) ‹anchor: quaestioni temperantur› · call in col 276

(printed under page 160)

(f) ‹anchor: debito› · call in col 276

(printed under page 160)

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 161)

(1) ‹anchor: nocens expungendus› · call in col 277

Expugnandus Parisin. Rhenan.

"Expugnandus" ("to be stormed/overcome"): the Paris edition, Rhenanus.

(printed under page 161)

(2) ‹anchor: nemo gestit absolvere› · call in col 277

Vobis addit Wouwer.

Wouwer adds "vobis" ("for you").

(printed under page 161)

(3) ‹anchor: nisi negaverit› · call in col 277

Ita Wouw.

So Wouwer.

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(a) ‹anchor: nocens expungendus› · call in col 277

Debito Poenae nocens expungendus est. Noxii quique debent poenas. Damnati dicuntur servi poenae: supplicio sumpto, dedisse poenas intelliguntur. Itaque in peragenda cognitione, exactor poenarum de tabella seu matricula, damnati cujusque nomen cum elogio seu caussa citatum, simul supplicio sumpto expungebat. Sic peracta cognitione, damnatorum omnium nomina in catalogo cernebantur expuncta, et debito poenae nocentes expuncti. RIG.

"The guilty man is to be struck off as a debtor to punishment." All the guilty owe penalties. The condemned are called slaves of punishment; once the punishment has been inflicted, they are understood to have paid the penalty. So in carrying out the trial, the exactor of penalties struck off from the tablet or register the name of each condemned man, cited with its charge or cause, as soon as the punishment had been inflicted. Thus when the trial was finished, the names of all the condemned were seen struck off in the list, and the guilty struck off as debtors to punishment. RIGAULT.

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(b) ‹anchor: non eximendus› · call in col 277

Non eximendus. Alexander Severus, referente Lampridio in Vita ejus, praefectis suis semper detulit, asserens eum, qui mereatur injuriam pati, ab imperatore damnandum esse, non dimittendum. Graviter quoque Pythagoras, seu quis alius apud Stob. Serm. XLIV. Καὶ οἱ φυγῆς ἄξια, etc. i. e. Damnandi, non absolvendi sunt, qui aliquid dignum exilio, aut vinculis, aliave poena committunt. Si quis vero temere absolverit, lucri aut voluptatis gratia, injuste facit: et injustitiam ei cordi esse necessarium est. Usus est verbo eximere Tertull. perinde ut et Livius, apud quem Papirius, de Quinto Fabio, Maximo postea, ita insit: non noxae eximitur Q. Fabius; sed noxae damnatus donatur Populo Romano. Horat. II. Carm. II, 21. Redditum Cyri solio Phraaten / Dissidens plebi, numero beato- / Rum eximit Virtus. HAV.

"Not to be exempted." Alexander Severus, as Lampridius reports in his Life, always laid it down to his prefects, asserting that one who deserves to suffer harm must be condemned by the emperor, not let go. Weightily too Pythagoras, or whoever it is, in Stobaeus, Sermo XLIV: "And those who [commit] things deserving exile", etc., that is: "Those who commit something deserving exile, or chains, or some other penalty, are to be condemned, not acquitted. But if anyone acquits rashly, for the sake of gain or pleasure, he acts unjustly; and injustice must needs be dear to his heart." Tertullian used the verb "eximere" just as Livy did, in whom Papirius says of Quintus Fabius, later Maximus: "Q. Fabius is not exempted from guilt; but, condemned of guilt, he is granted to the Roman People." Horace, Odes II.2.21: "Phraates, restored to the throne of Cyrus, / Virtue, at odds with the crowd, removes from the number / of the blessed." HAVERCAMP.

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(c) ‹anchor: omnium scelerum reum› · call in col 277

Omnium scelerum reum. De quibus omnibus insigniter eos purgat Tertull. In hoc Apolog. naturae inimicos vocat, quia infanticidae, incesti, infructuosi negotiis, ut putabant. Ita de Dolabella, quondam amico sibi, Cicero ait Philipp. XI. cap. 10. se neque nunc fortasse alienum ab eo fore, nisi super alia multa scelera denique naturae et humanitati inventus esset inimicus. Imperatorum, quoniam crimen perduellionis et laesae majestatis iis intentabatur. Genus hominum superstitionis novae ac maleficae appellat Sueton. cap. XVI. Ut tales persecuti fuere principes impii. Vetus inscriptio ex Diocletiani et Maximiani aevo apud Gruter. p. 280. SUPERSTITIONE CHRIST. UBIQ. DELETA. Unde et eorumdem apud Baronium in Annal. et Spanhem. in lib. De Usu et Praest. Num. Diocletiani et Maximiani Impp. inscriptio, NOMINE CHRISTIANORUM DELETO, QUI REMP. EVERTERANT. Legum et morum, quia festivitates publicas et idolorum cultum negligebant. Tacitus XV. Annal. 44. Igitur primi correpti qui fatebantur, haud perinde in crimine incendii, quam odio humani generis convicti sunt. Hoc odium unde illis ut crimen fuerit objectum, quare hostes publici dicebantur, disces ex Tertull. Cap. XXXV. Pone comma post christianum. HAV.

"Guilty of every crime." Of all of which Tertullian clears them signally in this Apology. He calls them enemies of nature because, as people thought, they were child-killers, incestuous, and unprofitable in business. So Cicero says of Dolabella, once his friend (Philippics XI, ch. 10), that he would perhaps not even now be estranged from him, had he not, on top of many other crimes, been found at last an enemy of nature and humanity. "Of the emperors", because the charge of high treason and lèse-majesté was brought against them. Suetonius, ch. XVI, calls them "a race of men of a new and evil-working superstition". As such the impious princes persecuted them. An old inscription from the age of Diocletian and Maximian in Gruter, p. 280: "THE CHRISTIAN SUPERSTITION EVERYWHERE DESTROYED." Hence also the inscription of the same emperors Diocletian and Maximian in Baronius's Annals and in Spanheim's book On the Use and Excellence of Coins: "THE NAME OF THE CHRISTIANS, WHO HAD OVERTURNED THE STATE, DESTROYED." "Of the laws and customs", because they neglected the public festivals and the worship of idols. Tacitus, Annals XV.44: "So first those who confessed were seized, and were convicted not so much of the crime of arson as of hatred of the human race." Whence this hatred was laid against them as a crime, and why they were called public enemies, you will learn from Tertullian, ch. XXXV. Put a comma after "christianum". HAVERCAMP.

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(d) ‹anchor: Praevaricaris in leges› · call in col 277

Praevaricaris in leges. Ita leges V. C. quem consuluit Scriverius, non male. Festus, Praevaricatores a praetergrediendo sunt vocati. itaque praevaricari leges est praetergredi. Asconius Pedianus in libello, qui est inter veteres Grammaticos, Rejiciens malos et retinens bonos, verus accusator intelligitur. Qui vero contra facit, ut sit impedimento caeteris, astuque tegat, de hoc intelligitur, quod praevaricator. quae sensum Tertull. optime illustrant. Pro vis ergo Cod. Fuld. mox vis ut neget. Barraei editio delet jam. HAV.

"You transgress against the laws." So "leges" in the old codex consulted by Scriverius, not badly. Festus: "Praevaricatores are so called from stepping past (praetergredi)." So "praevaricari leges" is to step past them. Asconius Pedianus, in the booklet that is among the old Grammarians: "One who rejects the bad and retains the good is understood to be a true accuser. But of one who does the opposite, so as to be a hindrance to the others and to cover up by craft, it is understood that he is a praevaricator." Which illustrate Tertullian's sense excellently. For "vis ergo" the Fulda codex, soon after, has "vis ut neget". Barré's edition deletes "jam". HAVERCAMP.

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(e) ‹anchor: non ex fide› · call in col 277

Non ex fide negarit. Falso simulavit se non christianum, supplicando diis, quos corde abneget. Trajanus Imperator ad Plinium epist. XCVIII. Ita tamen, ut qui negaverit se Christianum esse, idque reipsa manifestum fecerit, id est supplicando Diis nostris, quamvis suspectus in praeteritum fuerit, veniam ex poenitentia impetret. Nec gentiles tantum ita christianos Deum suum abnegare persuadere conati sunt, ut latius apparebit, sed et inventa est perversa Ossenorum haeresis, quam ob hoc crimen in jus vocat Epiphanius lib. I. haeres. 19. ὑποκρίτας δὲ διδάσκει, etc. Hypocritas autem docet, dicens non esse peccatum, etiamsi simulacra ipsos adorare contingat, persecutionis tempore instante, si solum in conscientia non adorent: et si tantum confiteantur in ore, non autem in corde. Talis Hippolytus apud Euripidem, cujus exsecranda vox: Ἡ γλῶσσ' ὀμώμοχ', ἡ δὲ φρὴν ἀνώμοτος. quod vertit Grotius in Excerpt. p. 214. Jurata lingua est, mente juravi nihil. Sed improbum hoc consilium. Vere Tertull. et ex meliori mente De Idol. cap. XIII. Cur enim lateas, cum ignorantia alterius tuam conscientiam contamines. Non si ignoraris quod sis christianus (ita scribe) tentaris? Et contra conscientiam alterius agis, tanquam non christianus? Enimvero etsi simulaveris, tentatus addictus es. HAV.

"Should not deny in good faith": he falsely pretended not to be a Christian, by sacrificing to the gods whom he denies in his heart. The Emperor Trajan to Pliny, letter XCVIII: "Yet so that whoever denies he is a Christian, and makes this plain in deed, that is, by sacrificing to our gods, though he has been suspected in the past, shall obtain pardon by repentance." Nor did the pagans alone try to persuade Christians thus to deny their God, as will appear more fully, but the perverse heresy of the Osseni was also found, which Epiphanius arraigns for this crime, book I, heresy 19: "He teaches hypocrites", etc.: "He teaches hypocrites, saying it is no sin even if they happen to worship idols when a time of persecution presses, provided they do not worship in conscience; and if they confess only with the mouth, but not in the heart." Such is Hippolytus in Euripides, whose accursed saying is: "My tongue has sworn, but my mind is unsworn", which Grotius rendered in his Excerpts, p. 214: "The tongue has sworn; in mind I swore nothing." But this is a wicked counsel. Tertullian truly and from a better mind, On Idolatry ch. XIII: "For why do you hide, when you defile your conscience by another's ignorance? If you are not known to be a Christian (so write), are you not tempted? And do you act against another's conscience, as if not a Christian? Indeed, even if you have dissembled, being tempted you are condemned." HAVERCAMP.

(printed under page 161)

(e) ‹anchor: non ex fide› · call in col 277

Non ex fide negarit. Notanda unice hujus viri proprietas; est enim in jure, non ego, medium quiddam inter negantem, et vere affirmantem. Ideo illam tradit christiano, non neganti ex animo. LAC.

"Should not deny in good faith." The singular precision of this man is to be noted; for in law "non ego" ("not I") is something midway between one who denies and one who truly affirms. So he gives it to the Christian who does not deny from the heart. LA CERDA.

(printed under page 161)

(4) ‹anchor: A Christianus› · call in col 278

Alii, inter Christianos.

Others read "inter Christianos" ("among Christians").

(printed under page 161)

(5) ‹anchor: quam caeteros nocentes› · call in col 278

Semler aliique: in nos aliter disponitis (Rhen. disponatis), quam in caet. Sed tuenda est scriptura cod. Fuld. respondet enim voc. disponere gr. διατίθεσθαι.

Semler and others: "in nos aliter disponitis" ("you deal otherwise with us"; Rhenanus "disponatis") "than with the rest". But the reading of the Fulda codex is to be defended, for the word "disponere" answers to the Greek διατίθεσθαι.

(printed under page 161)

(6) ‹anchor: hoc primum agens› · call in col 278

Agentes Paris.

"Agentes": the Paris edition.

(printed under page 161)

(7) ‹anchor: aemulae rationis› · call in col 278

Aemulationis Franeq.

"Aemulationis": the Franeker edition.

COMMENTARIUS.

(continued) · col 277

expuncti dicuntur, dum foras a militia emittuntur. Item metaphora a bello, in quo, cadente qui primus est, succenturiatur alius. Itaque expungi est deleri, de medio conferri. Adde notam Rigaltii, qui recte docet a rationibus desumptum. HAV.

are said to be "expuncti" when they are discharged from military service. Again it is a metaphor from war, in which, when the man in front falls, another is brought up in his place. So "expungi" is to be erased, removed from the midst. Add Rigault's note, who rightly teaches that it is taken from accounts. HAVERCAMP.

(printed under page 161)

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 162)

(1) ‹anchor: Christianum, cur non et homicidam? Si› · call in col 279

Et addit Wouwer.

Wouwer adds "et" ("and/also").

(printed under page 162)

(2) ‹anchor: Christianus si nullius› · call in col 279

Nomine addit Paris. nomen est Rig.

The Paris edition adds "nomine"; Rigault reads "nomen est".

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(3) ‹anchor: nominis crimen est› · call in col 279

Haec est lect. vulg.; Rhen. si nullius criminis nomine reus est, valde infestum, etc. Cod. Fuld. Chr. si nullius criminis nomen est, valde ineptum; codd. Pal. et Bong. incestum, codd. Agobardi et Lugd. ineptum incestus) si sol. nom. crimen est. Recepit hanc lect. Haverc. additis in fine verbis: valde infestum, eumque secutus est Ios. Ign. Ritter.

This is the common reading. Rhenanus: "if he is guilty under the name of no crime, very hostile", etc. The Fulda codex and Christian [?]: "if it is the name of no crime, very foolish"; the Palatine and Bongars codices "incestum"; the codices of Agobard and Lyon "ineptum incestus") "if the crime is of the name alone". Havercamp adopted this reading, adding at the end the words "valde infestum", and Jos. Ign. Ritter followed him.

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(a) ‹anchor: de tabella› · call in col 279

Quid de tabella. Olim, inquit Rhenanus, sententia animadversionis capitalis de tabella recitabatur. Quod confirmatur ex vita D. Cypriani per Pontium et Paulum Diaconum. PAM.

"Why from the tablet." Formerly, says Rhenanus, the sentence of capital punishment was read out from a tablet. This is confirmed from the Life of St Cyprian by Pontius and by Paul the Deacon. PAMELIUS.

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(b) ‹anchor: rum pronuntiare› · call in col 279

Ipsis nominibus scelerum. Cicero de Legibus II. Legum leges voce proponam. Cum autem reliqui nocentes suum in tabella habent elogium, sacrilegi, homicidae, etc., cur Christiani, inquit, quos et istorum et omnium criminum reos habetis, soli isto tantum nomine, nullo addito crimine, proponuntur? hinc istud nomen ut peculiaris illius titulus noxae occurrit in elegantissimo Auctoris loco c. XLIV. Vestros enim contestamur actus, qui quotidie judicandis custodiis praesidetis, qui sententiis elogia dispungitis: tot a vobis nocentes variis criminum elogiis recensentur. Quis illic sicarius? quis manticuliarius? quis sacrilegus, aut corruptor aut lavantium praedo? quis ex illis etiam Christianus adscribitur? aut cum Christiani suo titulo offeruntur, quis ex illis etiam talis quales tot nocentes? Post pronuntiare notam interrogationis ponunt Pam. et Rhenan. Rigalt. vero Barr. Fuld. et Herald punctum. Utrumque rectum, sed posteriori modo cum ironia proferri debet, quasi scripsisset, In nobis solis scilicet. HAV.

"By the very names of the crimes." Cicero, On the Laws II: "I shall set forth the laws of the laws in words." While the other guilty have their charge on the tablet — sacrilegious, murderers, etc. — why, he says, are Christians, whom you hold guilty of these and of all crimes, alone posted under that name only, with no crime added? Hence this name, as the peculiar title of that offence, occurs in a most elegant passage of the Author, ch. XLIV: "For we call to witness your own records, you who daily preside over the trial of prisoners, who check off the charges against the sentences: so many guilty are listed by you under various charges of crime. Who there is an assassin? who a cutpurse? who sacrilegious, or a corrupter, or a thief of bathers' clothes? which of them is entered also as a Christian? or when Christians are brought forward under their own title, which of them is also such as so many guilty are?" After "pronuntiare" Pamelius and Rhenanus put a question mark; but Rigault, Barré, the Fulda codex and Hérault a full stop. Both are right, but in the latter way it must be uttered with irony, as if he had written "In us alone, forsooth". HAVERCAMP.

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Odii eorum caecitatem ostendit, qui quos vituperant eo ipso elogio laudare coguntur, sed qui tam sunt efferati, ut malint uxorem familiamque probris onustam pati, quam Christianam, id est emendatam. Cum itaque nudum illud Nomen tantas concitet rixas, inquirit in illud, quod nusquam spernendum, vel perperam ab illis pronuntiatum, amabile quid continet, et id commune habet cum reliquis Sectis, quod Nomen ab Auctore mutuetur, cum tamen nunquam Secta quaedam ob Nomen solum persequatur. At Christiani, et quoad Sectam, et quoad Nomen probi, justi, ob Nominis tantum odium, inauditi, incogniti condemnantur.

He shows the blindness of the hatred of those who are compelled to praise, by the very term of reproach, those whom they revile, yet who are so savage that they would rather endure a wife and household laden with disgraces than a Christian one, that is, a reformed one. Since, then, that bare Name stirs up such great quarrels, he inquires into it: that it is nowhere to be despised, or is wrongly pronounced by them; that it contains something lovable; and that it has this in common with the other Sects, that it borrows its Name from its Founder, although no Sect is ever persecuted for its Name alone. But the Christians, upright and just both as to their Sect and as to their Name, are condemned unheard and unknown, out of hatred of the Name alone.

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(4) ‹anchor: Ego miror› · call in col 280

Rigalt. et Haverc. e cod. Fuld. Ego miror Luc., etc.; caeteri: Ego Lucium... Chr. de fero, quod v. in plurimis codd. non magis desideratur, quam v. miror. Sed cf. ad Nat. c. 4. Haec Leop.

Rigault and Havercamp, from the Fulda codex: "Ego miror Luc[ium]", etc.; the rest: "Ego Lucium …". Christian [?]: "de fero", because the word is no more wanting in most codices than the word "miror". But compare Ad Nationes ch. 4. So Leopold.

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Codd. plerique: Lucius s. Lutius s. Lusius; codd. Ursini et Scriverii: lascivus.

Most codices: "Lucius" or "Lutius" or "Lusius"; the codices of Ursinus and Scriverius: "lascivus".

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(6) ‹anchor: quo laudant› · call in col 280

Wouwer ex vett. lib. sic legit: ex ipso quo denotant laudant; c. o. i. s. i. Quod mulier, quod lasciva, quod festiva. Quod juvenis, quod lascivus, quod amasius, facti sunt Christiani.

Wouwer reads thus from old books: "they praise by the very thing by which they brand", c. o. i. s. i. [caecitate odii in suffragium impingunt]. "That the woman, that the wanton, that the merry one; that the young man, that the wanton, that the lover, have become Christians."

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(7) ‹anchor: Uxorem jam› · call in col 280

Jam abest Paris.

"Jam" is absent in the Paris edition.

COMMENTARIUS. (printed under page 162)

(c) ‹anchor: Caïus Seius› · call in col 280

Caïus Seius. Verba sunt Jureconsultis frequentissima, ubi exempli gratia, aliquid inculcare volunt de personis in genere. LAC.

"Gaius Seius." These are words very frequent with the jurists when, by way of example, they wish to drive home something about persons in general. LA CERDA.

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(d) ‹anchor: tantum quod› · call in col 280

Tantum quod. Familiaris Auctori nostro locutio: Suetonius quoque in Nerone c. VI. de tempore nativitatis ejus: tantum quod exoriente sole, paene ut radiis priusquam terra contingeretur. Sensus est Neronem intercepisse radios solares, qui prius ipsum quam terram luce sua perfuderunt: sumpsit, ut plura, ab Lucretio. Ille lib. II. 220. tantum quod nomen mutatum dicere possis. Veteres excusi habent hic sed malus tantum quod, quod putidum nulli meliores libri MSS. agnoscunt, et Salmasius, Rigalt. la Cerda et Scaliger delent. Tantum quod idem quod graecis πλὴν ὅσον vel πλὴν ὅτι. Synesius, citante Stephano πλὴν ὅσον ηὐξάμην. Sic quoque Aristophanes Nubibus dixit πλὴν ὅτι. HAV.

"Only that." A phrase familiar to our Author; Suetonius too, Nero ch. VI, of the time of his birth: "just as the sun was rising, so that he was touched by its rays almost before the earth." The sense is that Nero caught the sun's rays, which bathed him with their light before the earth: he took it, like much else, from Lucretius, who has in book II.220: "only so much that you could call it a changed motion [name]". The old printed editions have here "sed malus tantum quod", a rotten reading which none of the better manuscripts recognizes, and which Salmasius, Rigault, La Cerda and Scaliger delete. "Tantum quod" is the same as the Greek πλὴν ὅσον or πλὴν ὅτι ("except that"). Synesius, as cited by Stephanus: "except so far as I prayed". So too Aristophanes said πλὴν ὅτι in the Clouds. HAVERCAMP.

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(e) ‹anchor: vagos, viles, improbos› · call in col 280

Vagos, viles, improbos. Vagos ob libidinem, viles ob copiam sui vilifactam, improbos ob mores malos: vagos istos per ambulare expressit Adrianus Caesar in illo ad Florum epigr. apud Spartian. Ego nolo Florus esse, / Ambulare per tabernas, / Latitare per popinas, / Culices pati rotundos.

"Vagrants, worthless, wicked." Vagrant for lust, worthless because they had cheapened themselves by their availability, wicked for their bad morals. These vagrants the Emperor Hadrian expressed by "ambulare" in that epigram to Florus in Spartianus: "I don't want to be a Florus, / to stroll about the taverns, / to lurk about the cookshops, / to suffer the round gnats."

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(f) ‹anchor: ex ipso denotant› · call in col 280

Ex ipso donotant, etc. Pamelius et Rig. legunt: ex ipso denotant, quo laudant, caecitate odii in suffragium impingunt. Quae mulier! quam lasciva! quam festiva! Qui juvenes! qui Lucius! Rigalt. quam lusius! quam amasius, facti sunt Christiani. MS. Fuld. ex hoc ipso denotant, quo laudant, caecitate odii, in suffragium enarrantes, quae mulier, quam lasciva, quam festiva! qui juvenes, quam Lusius, quam amasius, etc. Rhenan. ex ipso denotant, collaudant c. o. MS. quem consuluit Scriverius: ex ipso quo denotant, laudant, al. collaudant, et mox, quod mulier, quod lasciva, quod festiva, quod juvenis, quod lascivus, quod amasius, etc., approbante illo. Scaliger denique ex ingenio corrigebat rotundius, eo ipso quo denotant, laudant. Diogenes Laertius pariter de Aristophane et Comicis dicit illos, dum Socratem traducere et vituperare conantur, eo ipso laudare. Verba ejus sunt in Socratis vita: οἳ λανθάνουσιν ἑαυτοὺς, δι' ὧν σκώπτουσιν ἐπαινοῦντες αὐτὸν, et de Zenone: οἵ γε μὴν κωμικοὶ ἐλάνθανον ἐπαινοῦντες αὐτὸν διὰ τῶν σκωμμάτων, i. e. comici tamen imprudentes, hunc dum vituperant, laudant. Spectant ad sequentia illa Nostri ad Scap. cap. II. nec aliunde noscibiles quam de emendatione vitiorum pristinorum. HAV.

"From the very thing they brand", etc. Pamelius and Rigault read: "they brand by the very thing by which they praise, and in the blindness of hatred they thrust it into a vote [of censure]. What a woman! how wanton! how merry! What young men! what a Lucius!" (Rigault "how lusius!") "how amorous — they have become Christians." The Fulda manuscript: "by this very thing they brand, by which they praise, in the blindness of hatred, recounting it as a vote: what a woman, how wanton, how merry! what young men, how Lusius, how amorous", etc. Rhenanus: "they brand by it, they praise together, in blindness of hatred." The manuscript consulted by Scriverius: "by the very thing by which they brand, they praise" (another reading "praise together"), and soon after, "that the woman, that the wanton, that the merry one, that the young man, that the wanton, that the lover", etc., with his approval. Scaliger finally corrected by conjecture, more roundly: "by the very thing by which they brand, they praise." Diogenes Laertius likewise says of Aristophanes and the comic poets that, while they try to expose and abuse Socrates, they praise him by that very thing. His words in the Life of Socrates: "who unawares praise him by the very things with which they mock him"; and of Zeno: "the comic poets, however, unwittingly praised him through their jibes", that is, the comic poets, unawares, praise him while they abuse him. To this belong those words of our Author, To Scapula ch. II: "nor recognizable from anything other than the amendment of their former vices." HAVERCAMP.

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(g) ‹anchor: jam pudicam› · call in col 280

Jam pudicam. Rhen. et MS. Lugd. Bat. uxorem (continues)

"Now chaste." Rhenanus and the Leiden manuscript: "uxorem" (continues)

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LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 163)

(1) ‹anchor: quanti est odium› · call in col 281

Jam addit Paris.

The Paris edition adds "jam".

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(2) ‹anchor: Sed et› · call in col 281

Et abest Paris.

"Et" is absent in the Paris edition.

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(3) ‹anchor: nec nominis certa› · call in col 281

Certa abest Par.

"Certa" is absent in the Paris edition.

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(a) ‹anchor: Christianus vero› · call in col 281

Chrestianus. Ita viri Docti docuerunt jam olim hanc appellationem fuisse immutatam, et novissime elegantem doctumque de hac immutatione libellum edidit Groningae Michael Rossal. Nota sunt, quae protulerunt Suetonius et Tacitus. Ille in Claudio c. XXV. Judaeos, impulsore Chresto assidue tumultuantes, Roma expulit. Dubitat Orosius an et Christiani sint expulsi: Me magis, inquit lib. VII. cap. 4. Suetonius movet, qui utrum contra Christum tumultuantes Judaeos coerceri et comprimi jusserit, an etiam Christianos simul, velut cognatae religionis homines voluerit expelli, nequaquam discernitur. Causa tumultus (ut vocat Suetonius) fuit compulsatio inter hos et illos, dum venisse Christum negant Judaei, affirmant Christiani. Sed Orosius frustra dubitat: huc est enim referendum edictum Claudii Act. XVIII. 2. διὰ τὸ διατεταχέναι Κλαύδιον χωρίζεσθαι πάντας τοὺς Ἰουδαίους ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης. Tacitus iterum Annal. XV. 44. quos per flagitia invisos vulgus Christianos appellabat. Auctor nominis Chrestus, etc. Lucianus denique in Philopatride aperte Χρηστὸν appellat. Imo idem Lucianus ita blasphemo ore latrat in Philopatr. p. 1003. εἰ τύχοι γε Χρηστὸς καὶ ἐν ἔθνεσι, siquidem et inter gentes Chrestus fuerit. Nec mirum hanc appellationem apud Gentiles invaluisse, cum plurimos Chrestos apud illos sit invenire, nullos vero Christos. Libet etiam aliquos apponere. Apud Appianum in Mithridaticis non longe a principio memoratur Socrates quidam cognomine Chrestus, quem Bithyniae regno imposuit Mithridates, Ponti rex, expulso Nicomede. Imo et Chrestus quidam memoratur Aurelio Victori in Annibaliano: conspiravere aliquanti militares in ejus necem, autoribus Chresto et Marcellino, simulque Magnentio. Exstantque Martialis epigrammata in Chrestum quemdam lib. VII. 54. et IX. 28. ut et in Chrestillum, lib. XI. 91. Fit et Chrestae mentio in Iscrip. antiqua quae est in vineis Vall. Hoc, virtus, fatique decus, et amabile nomen, / Dote pudicitiae, celebrata laboribus actis / Vitae Chresta jacet condita nunc tumulo. Fulgentius quoque in libello, quem composuit de Sermone Prisco, in voce injuges boves, meminit cujusdam Manilii Chresti, quem librum de Deorum hymnis scripsisse ait, ibidemque fragmentum inde adducit. Ausonius denique eleganter in significatione vocabuli lusit epigr. XXXIX. Χρῆστος, Ἀκίνδυνος, εἰσὶν ἀδελφοὶ, [?] δὲ τέκνα. / Moribus ambo malis nomina falsa gerunt. / Οὐδὲ οὗτος χρηστὸς, οὐδὲ οὗτος ἀκίνδυνός ἐστιν. / Una potest ambos littera corrigere. / Αἴκεν Χρῆστος ἔλῃ, καὶ Ἀκίνδυνος ἄλφ' ἀπολέσῃ, / Κίνδυνος hic fiet, frater Ἄχρηστος erit. et epigr. XL. Germani fratres sunt: Chrestos, Acindynos alter. / Falsum nomen utrique, sed ut verum sit utrique, / Alpha suam Christo det Acindynos ipse sine alpha / Permaneat: verum nomen uterque geret. Male in edit. Rig. est aut Christianus. Quamvis et ms. L. B. perperam Christianus. In eodem ms. quantum interpretatione pro interpretatio est. Rhen. Sed cum perperam christianus. HAV.

"Chrestianus." Learned men have long since taught that this name was altered, and most recently Michael Rossal published at Groningen an elegant and learned booklet on this alteration. What Suetonius and Tacitus put forward is well known. The former, Claudius ch. XXV: "He expelled from Rome the Jews, who were constantly rioting at the instigation of Chrestus." Orosius doubts whether the Christians too were expelled: "Suetonius," he says, book VII ch. 4, "troubles me more, since it is in no way clear whether he ordered the Jews rioting against Christ to be restrained and suppressed, or wished the Christians to be expelled along with them as men of a kindred religion." The cause of the "riot" (as Suetonius calls it) was the clash between the two, the Jews denying that the Christ had come, the Christians affirming it. But Orosius doubts in vain, for to this must be referred Claudius's edict, Acts 18:2: "because Claudius had ordered all the Jews to leave Rome." Tacitus again, Annals XV.44: "whom, hated for their crimes, the crowd called Christians. The author of the name, Chrestus", etc. Finally Lucian in the Philopatris openly calls him "Chrestus". Indeed the same Lucian barks thus with blasphemous mouth in the Philopatris, p. 1003: "if indeed Chrestus should also be among the nations", that is, if Chrestus has been among the Gentiles too. Nor is it surprising that this name prevailed among the Gentiles, since one finds very many Chresti among them, but no Christi. It is pleasant to add some. In Appian's Mithridatica, not far from the beginning, a certain Socrates surnamed Chrestus is mentioned, whom Mithridates king of Pontus set over the kingdom of Bithynia after expelling Nicomedes. Indeed a Chrestus is mentioned by Aurelius Victor in the Hannibalianus: "a number of soldiers conspired for his death, led by Chrestus and Marcellinus, and with them Magnentius." And there are Martial's epigrams against a certain Chrestus, book VII.54 and IX.28, as also against Chrestillus, book XI.91. Chresta too is mentioned in an ancient inscription in the Valle vineyards: "Here, the virtue, glory of fate and lovely name, / with the dowry of chastity, celebrated for the labours of her life, / Chresta lies, now laid in the tomb." Fulgentius too, in the booklet he composed On Ancient Speech, under the word "injuges boves", mentions a certain Manilius Chrestus, who he says wrote a book on hymns of the gods, and there quotes a fragment from it. Finally Ausonius played elegantly on the meaning of the word, epigram XXXIX: "Chrestus and Acindynus are brothers, [?] children. / Both, of bad morals, bear false names. / Neither is this one 'good', nor that one 'safe'. / One letter can correct them both. / If Chrestus takes [an alpha], and Acindynus loses his alpha, / this one will become Cindynus ('Danger'), the brother Achrestus ('Useless')." And epigram XL: "They are true brothers: Chrestos, the other Acindynos. / A false name for each; but that it may be true for each, / let Acindynos give his alpha to Christus, and himself without alpha / remain: each will bear a true name." In Rigault's edition it is wrongly "aut Christianus", although the Leiden manuscript too wrongly has "Christianus". In the same manuscript "quantum interpretatione" for "interpretatio est". Rhenanus: "Sed cum perperam christianus." HAVERCAMP.

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(4) ‹anchor: Plane si qui› · call in col 282

Probavit Paris.

"Probavit": the Paris edition.

COMMENTARIUS.

(continued) · col 281

pudicam. Ita lib. Ad Scap. cap. III. Claudius Herminianus indigne fert uxorem suam ad hanc sectam transisse. Fiebat id prava praesumptione, quae patere potest ex sacrilegis Apuleii verbis As. Aur. lib. IX. Tunc spretis atque calcatis Divinis Numinibus, in vicem certae religionis, mentitae sacrilega praesumptione Dei, quem praedicaret unicum, confictis observationibus vacuis, fallens omnes homines, et miserum maritum decipiens, matutino mero et continuo stupro corpus manciparat. Loquitur ibi de matutinis Christianorum conventibus, sacris illis et innocuis, sed a Gentilibus mendaciis et calumniis oneratis. Omnia vero haec per hyphen juxta antiquitatis morem sunt scribenda jam-pudicam retro-patiens, jam-fidelis, olim-mitis. ut apud Virgil. Eccl. I. Namque erit ille mihi semper. Deus, et Georg. III. 92. de nobili equo, qui ut Ennius senio confectu, quiescit. Hunc quoque ubi aut morbo gravis, aut jam segnior annis / Deficit, abde domo nec-turpi ignosce senectae. In cujus interpretatione turpiter se dat Gifanius in indice Lucretiano, qui ipse quoque I. 125. Unde sibi exortam semper-florentis Homeri / Commemorat speciem. nec alio modo Publius, vers. 731. Suum sequitur lumen semper innocentia. Quomodo acclamatio Senatus apud Vopiscum, probo Imperatori facta, accipi etiam debet: Probe Auguste, dii te servent. Olim-dignus, et fortis, et justus, etc. Denique ille dominus olim-mitis est Terentio afro heri semper-lenitas. Quod non observatum et infra, ut suo loco dicetur, elegantiam auctori nostro abstulit, et nitorem Lucano magnifico Poetae, qui lib. IX. 158. ita legendus: Evolvam busto jam-numen gentibus Isim HAV.

"now chaste". So in the book To Scapula ch. III: "Claudius Herminianus resents that his wife has gone over to this sect." This came about through a perverse presumption, as can be seen from Apuleius's sacrilegious words, Golden Ass book IX: "Then, scorning and trampling the divine powers, in place of a sure religion, with the sacrilegious presumption of a counterfeit God whom she proclaimed as the only one, inventing empty observances, deceiving all men and cheating her wretched husband, she had given her body over to morning wine and continual lewdness." He speaks there of the Christians' morning assemblies, holy and harmless, but loaded by the Gentiles with lies and slanders. All these should be written with a hyphen, after the ancient custom: "jam-pudicam", "retro-patiens", "jam-fidelis", "olim-mitis"; as in Virgil, Eclogue I: "For he shall ever be a God to me"; and Georgics III.92, of the noble horse which, like Ennius worn out with age, rests: "This one too, when heavy with sickness or now slower with years / he fails, shut him up at home and pardon a not-shameful old age." In interpreting which Gifanius disgraces himself in his index to Lucretius, who himself too, I.125: "whence he recalls that the image of ever-flourishing Homer rose for him." In the same way Publius [Syrus], verse 731: "Innocence ever follows its own light." So too must the acclamation of the Senate in Vopiscus, made to the Emperor Probus, be taken: "Probus Augustus, may the gods preserve you; ever worthy, and brave, and just", etc. Finally that "once-gentle" master is in Terence the African "the master's ever-mildness". Not observing this, below too, as will be said in its place, has robbed our author of elegance, and the magnificent poet Lucan of his polish, who in book IX.158 should be read thus: "I will unroll from the tomb Isis, now a god to the nations." HAVERCAMP.

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(b) ‹anchor: At enim secta› · call in col 282

At enim secta oditur, etc. Et hic et passim apud Auct. nostrum secta, ut Graecorum αἵρεσις, in bonam accipitur partem, quod semel monuisse sufficiat. pari modo ut Act. XXVI. 5. Apostolus Paulus ὅτι κατὰ τὴν ἀκριβεστάτην αἵρεσιν τῆς ἡμετέρας θρησκείας ἔζησα Φαρισαῖος. Hunc vero locum paulo amplificat noster c. XLVI. Cur ergo, quibus comparamur de disciplina, proinde illis non adaequamur ad licentiam impunitatemque disciplinae? vel cur et illi ut pares nostri non urgentur ad officia, quae nos non obeuntes, periclitamur? etc. Itaque Donatus proprium locutum esse Terentium in Phormione I. II. Sectari, in ludum ducere et reducere, docet, annotans: Bene cavillatus est et jaculariter in adolescentem, cui aetas ad sectandos philosophos apta erat. HAV.

"But the sect is hated", etc. Here and throughout our Author "secta", like the Greek αἵρεσις, is taken in a good sense, which it is enough to have pointed out once; in the same way as in Acts 26:5 the Apostle Paul: "that according to the strictest sect of our religion I lived a Pharisee." Our Author enlarges this passage a little in ch. XLVI: "Why then are we not put on a level, in licence and impunity of discipline, with those to whom we are compared in discipline? or why are not they too, as our equals, pressed to the duties which we, failing to perform, are endangered for?" etc. So Donatus teaches that Terence spoke properly in the Phormio I.2, "to follow, to escort to school and back", noting: "He jested well and pointedly at the young man, whose age was fit for following philosophers." HAVERCAMP.

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(c) ‹anchor: coci etiam ab Apicio› · call in col 282

Apicio, Notissimo helluone. Exstant etiamnum de (continues)

"From Apicius", the most notorious glutton. There still survive on (continues)

(printed under page 163)

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 166)

(a) ‹anchor: At nunc› · call in col 283

Nomen detinetur. Non assentior De la Cerdae Junioque legentibus denotatur. Nomen enim solum in jus rapi ostendit, et quasi maleficum et parricidam collo inserta catena trahi, ut depinxit nobis Bessum interfectorem Darii a Spitamene adductum Curtius VII. 5. HAV.

"The name is detained." I do not agree with La Cerda and Junius, who read "denotatur" ("is branded"). For he shows that the name alone is haled to court and, like a criminal and parricide, dragged with a chain put round its neck, as Curtius VII.5 has pictured for us Bessus, the murderer of Darius, brought in by Spitamenes. HAVERCAMP.

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Praeparat jam se ad defensionem criminum quibus Christiani onerabantur. Sed, cum vel post justissimam defensionem tamen violentia legis obsequium exigat, artificiose et valide ostendit, leges, ut condi, ita reprobari et mutari posse, imo debere nonnunquam, nec id sine exemplo; cum scilicet vel crudeles, vel injustae sint deprehensae. Lex enim justa esse colligitur, postquam in valorem ejus inquisitio facta est; improba vero, non jam lex, sed tyrannis invenitur.

He now prepares himself for the defence against the crimes with which the Christians were burdened. But since, even after the most just defence, the force of the law nevertheless demands obedience, he shows skilfully and forcefully that laws, as they can be made, so can be rejected and changed, nay sometimes ought to be, and that not without precedent: namely, when they have been found to be either cruel or unjust. For a law is inferred to be just after inquiry has been made into its validity; but a wicked one is found to be no longer a law, but tyranny.

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(1) ‹anchor: retorquebo qui› · call in col 284

Quae Paris.

"Quae": the Paris edition.

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(2) ‹anchor: palam admittentes invenimus› · call in col 284

Ita Mst. Biblioth. regiae. 2616 — quae palam adinvenirentur. Rig.

So the manuscript of the Royal Library, 2616. "which were found [being done] openly": Rigault.

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(3) ‹anchor: prius concurram› · call in col 284

Consistam Rig.

"Consistam": Rigault.

COMMENTARIUS.

(continued) · col 283

Re Culinaria libri Apici, non hujus [ita etiam falsum habemus Macrum de herbis aliosque], sed qui, quod facit ad confirmationem sententiae Auctoris nostri, ad istius palatum et ex ipsius sententia sunt conscripti. Hujus vero non tantum meminit in libro de Pallio c. V. Taceo Nerones, et Apicios, et Rufos. Sed et Adv. Psychicos c. XII. Quid ergo cessatis Paracletum, quem in Montano negatis, in Apicio credere? unde condimenta Apiciana in lib. de Anima c. XXXIII. Nonne illa anima plus solatii quam supplicii relatura est? quod funus inter coquos pretiosissimos invenit, quod condimentis Apicianis et Lurconianis humatur, quod mensis Ciceronianis infertur, quod lancibus splendidissimis Syllanis effertur; etc. Pro aeque modici Barr. et L. B. et Rh. atque: Herald, neque, sed melius MS. Fuld. Rig. et Pam. aeque. HAV.

the Art of Cookery, books of Apicius — not of this man (just as we also have a spurious Macer On Herbs, and others), but books which, and this goes to confirm our Author's judgement, were written for his palate and after his own taste. He mentions him not only in the book On the Pallium ch. V: "I say nothing of the Neros, the Apiciuses and the Rufuses", but also Against the Psychics ch. XII: "Why then do you not go on to believe in Apicius the Paraclete whom you deny in Montanus?" Hence "Apician seasonings" in the book On the Soul ch. XXXIII: "Will not that soul bring away more comfort than punishment, which finds its funeral among the most costly cooks, which is buried in Apician and Lurconian seasonings, which is served up on Ciceronian tables, which is carried out on the most splendid Sullan dishes?" etc. For "aeque modici" Barré, the Leiden manuscript and Rhenanus have "atque"; Hérault "neque"; but better the Fulda manuscript, Rigault and Pamelius, "aeque". HAVERCAMP.

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(b) ‹anchor: ad suggillandam› · call in col 284

Ad suggillandam. Id est convincendam non tantum, sed turpitudinem, livorem et vibicem inurendam, ut publice ostentui sit. Ita suggillationem dicit cap. XI. suggillatio est in coelo vestra justitia. Minus recte MS. I. B. et conjectura Junii item ex MSS. sigillandam. Eodem modo licet invenias in Fabulis Aesopicis Anonymi apud Neveletum Fab. XVI. de Leone jam sene, Saevit asellus iners et frontem calce sigillat. id est notat. HAV.

"To bruise." That is, not only to convict, but to brand with disgrace, a livid bruise and weal, so that it may be publicly displayed. So he speaks of "suggillatio" in ch. XI: "your justice is an affront to heaven." Less correctly the Leiden manuscript and Junius's conjecture, likewise from manuscripts, "sigillandam". In the same way you may find in the Aesopic Fables of the Anonymous in Nevelet, Fable XVI, of the lion now old: "The sluggish ass rages and seals [stamps] his forehead with its hoof", that is, marks it. HAVERCAMP.

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(c) ‹anchor: consistam› · call in col 284

Consistam. Amat ita loqui Tertullianus. Sic de Idol. c. XIII. De hoc quidem primo consistam; et in Apol. c. XLVI. Constitimus ut opinor adversus omnium criminum intentionem, quae Christianorum sanguinem flagitat. Est autem genus loquendi tractum ab athletis et gladiatoribus, qui pedem in arena figunt, ne facile supplantari vel dejici possint. In re quoque militari, cum jam ad manus est veniendum, subsistere, vel consistere agmen, dicitur. Lucretius eodem modo lib. VI 454. ubi rationem reddit, quomodo nubes condensentur et coelum obscuretur. Haec faciunt primum parvas consistere nubes. et paulo post: Propterea quia cum consistant nubila primum. vel denique a judiciis translatum. Psalmo I. vers ult. ideo peccator non consistet in judicio, neque improbus in coetu justorum. HAV.

"I shall take my stand." Tertullian loves to speak so. Thus On Idolatry ch. XIII: "On this first I shall take my stand"; and in the Apology ch. XLVI: "We have stood, I think, against the charge of all the crimes which demands the blood of Christians." It is a manner of speaking drawn from athletes and gladiators, who plant their foot in the arena so that they cannot easily be tripped or thrown. In military matters too, when it comes to close quarters, the column is said to halt or take its stand. Lucretius in the same way, book VI.454, where he explains how clouds condense and the sky darkens: "These first make small clouds take their stand"; and a little after: "Therefore, because when the clouds first take their stand." Or, finally, it is transferred from the courts: Psalm 1, last verse: "therefore the sinner shall not stand in judgement, nor the wicked in the assembly of the just." HAVERCAMP.

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(d) ‹anchor: non nesciunt esse› · call in col 284

In se non nesciunt esse. Ut sciant adversarii nostri nos non tantum immunes esse istorum scelerum, sed illos ipsos illa palam perpetrare, si verum inspicere velint. Ita vero ex Coll. Mod. Rigalt. alii, in se nesciunt esse. HAV.

"They are not unaware are in themselves." That our adversaries may know not only that we are free of those crimes, but that they themselves commit them openly, if they will look at the truth. So indeed Rigault, from the Modius collation; others, "they are unaware are in themselves". HAVERCAMP.

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(e) ‹anchor: compares› · call in col 284

Compares. Ideo compares i. e. similes, qui Christianis illa objiciunt, falso quamvis, quae ipsi revera faciunt. Acer autem Tertull. est in perstringendis falso scommate Gentilibus. Ita quod cum hoc loco valde congruit c. XVI. Sed et qui crucis nos religiosos putat, consecraneus erit noster. Utitur rursus Auctor hac voce compar pro pari lib. de Orat. c. X. Nemo adversarium recipit, nemo nisi comparem suum admittit. Et adv. Marcionem I. I. c. XVI. Alia membra fortia, alia infirma: alia honesta, alia inhonesta: alia gemina, alia unica: alia comparia, alia disparia. HAV.

"Their equals": "compares", that is, alike, because they charge Christians, though falsely, with what they themselves really do. Tertullian is sharp in lashing the Gentiles for a false jibe. So, very much in keeping with this passage, ch. XVI: "But whoever thinks us worshippers of the cross will be our fellow-devotee." The Author again uses this word "compar" for "par", On Prayer ch. X: "No one receives an adversary, no one admits any but his equal." And Against Marcion book I ch. XVI: "Some members strong, others weak; some honourable, others dishonourable; some double, others single; some paired, others unpaired." HAVERCAMP.

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(f) ‹anchor: irridendi deputamur› · call in col 284

Deputamur. Id est valde putamur, ducimur, illud enim de in compositione auget. Alias deputari Auctori notro est detruncare. Sic exhort. ad Castit. c. VI. Erat Vetus dispositio, quae in Evangelio Novo deputatur; in quo, etc., securis ad radicem arboris posita est. HAV.

"We are reckoned": that is, we are firmly thought, held, for the "de" in composition intensifies. Elsewhere "deputari" in our Author means to lop off. So Exhortation to Chastity ch. VI: "There was the Old dispensation, which is lopped off in the New Gospel; in which, etc., the axe is laid to the root of the tree." HAVERCAMP.

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(g) ‹anchor: legum obstruitur› · call in col 284

Legum obstruitur auctoritas. Pam. et Rhen. adstruatur, quod minus elegans. MS. L. B. obstruatur, quod necesse non est. Dicit autem eleganter obstrui leges defensioni, ut molem invictam, quam fas non sit veritati perrumpere, est enim inde desumpta similitudo, ita apud Lucanum lib. II. versu 495. Obstruitis campos fluviisque arcere paratis: et 661: Sed molibus undas / Obstruit, et latum dejectis rupibus aequor. Et planius etiam noster c. I. obstruit defensioni, simili locutione. Ut hunc locum imitatus sit Lactantius Instit. Div. II. 20. Nunc vero major nobis ac difficilior cum philosophis proposita luctatio est, quorum summa doctrina et eloquentia, quasi moles aliqua mihi opponitur. HAV.

"The authority of the laws is set as a barrier." Pamelius and Rhenanus "adstruatur", which is less elegant; the Leiden manuscript "obstruatur", which is not necessary. He says elegantly that the laws are built up as a barrier against the defence, like an unconquerable mole which truth may not break through; for the comparison is taken from that. So in Lucan book II, verse 495: "You block the plains, ready to bar them with rivers"; and 661: "But with moles he blocks the waves, and the broad sea with rocks thrown down." And more plainly still our Author, ch. I, "obstructs the defence", with a like phrase. So that Lactantius imitated this passage, Divine Institutes II.20: "Now indeed a greater and harder struggle is set before us with the philosophers, whose consummate learning and eloquence is set against me like a sort of mole." HAVERCAMP.

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(h) ‹anchor: nihil dicatur retractandum› · call in col 284

Nihil dicatur retractandum. Quasi dicat, Vana defensio; aut enim respondebit judex, nihil contra leges fieri debere, illasque reformari non licere, ideoque inauditum, ut lex jubet, ablegabit, aut si defensionem audiat pronus etiam, facilis, imo convictus, velit nolit, sibi tamen dicet legibus obtemperandum. Vocibus retractare et ingratis vel ingratiis, Gr. ἀκουσίως, saepe utitur Auctor. adv. Hermogenem (continues)

"Nothing is said to be open to revision." As if he were to say: a vain defence. For either the judge will answer that nothing may be done against the laws and they may not be reformed, and so will dismiss [the accused] unheard, as the law orders; or if he hears the defence, even well disposed, compliant, indeed convinced, willy-nilly he will still tell himself that the laws must be obeyed. The words "retractare" and "ingratis" or "ingratiis", Greek ἀκουσίως ("unwillingly"), are often used by the Author: Against Hermogenes (continues)

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LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 167)

(1) ‹anchor: primum› · call in col 285

Al. cum dure; Rhen., Fr. Junius et Wouwer: quam dure; Havercamp. cum jure.

Others "cum dure"; Rhenanus, Fr. Junius and Wouwer: "quam dure"; Havercamp: "cum jure".

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(2) ‹anchor: ex arce dominationem› · call in col 285

Ex arce Paris. Rig.

"Ex arce": the Paris edition, Rigault.

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(3) ‹anchor: quod male fit› · call in col 285

Quod male fit delet Paris.

The Paris edition deletes "quod male fit".

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(4) ‹anchor: prohibere me non potest› · call in col 285

Sic cod. Lugd., Herald. et Semler.; Gelenius: prohibuit nomen, ex illo prohibere me non potest; Rigalt. et Haverc.: n. e. i. praejudico prohibere eam non posse.

So the Lyon codex, Hérault and Semler; Gelenius: "has forbidden the name, from that it cannot forbid me"; Rigault and Havercamp: "n[onne] e[x] i[llo] praejudico it cannot forbid".

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(a) ‹anchor: ex arce dominationem› · call in col 285

Iniquam ex arce dominationem. Phaedrus, Arcem tyrannus occupat Pisistratus. Juvenalis, X, Nullus ephebum / Deformem saeva castravit in arce tyrannus. RIG.

"Unjust domination from the citadel." Phaedrus: "The tyrant Pisistratus seizes the citadel." Juvenal X: "No tyrant ever gelded an ugly youth in his cruel citadel." RIGAULT.

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(b) ‹anchor: de coelo ruit› · call in col 285

De coelo ruit. Διοπετής ut notant Interpr. Evidenter vero tangit et irridet ancilia Romanorum, et Trojae originis Aeneadarum Palladium; ex quorum imitatione illud, quod legimus in Act. Ap. XIX, 35. de urbe Epheso aeditua: τῆς μεγάλης θεᾶς Ἀρτέμιδος καὶ τοῦ Διοπετοῦς. Nimphae quoque Egeriae cum Numa Pompilio colloquium sugillare pariter videtur. HAV.

"Fell from heaven": Διοπετής ("fallen from Zeus"), as the interpreters note. Clearly he touches and mocks the Romans' sacred shields (ancilia), and the Palladium of the Aeneadae of Trojan origin; in imitation of which is what we read in Acts 19:35 of the city of Ephesus as temple-warden "of the great goddess Artemis and of the image that fell from Zeus". He seems likewise to jeer at the nymph Egeria's conversation with Numa Pompilius. HAVERCAMP.

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(5) ‹anchor: aut errare› · call in col 286

Aut delet Paris.

The Paris edition deletes "aut".

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(6) ‹anchor: aut resipuisse› · call in col 286

Recepisse se Paris.

"Recepisse se": the Paris edition.

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(7) ‹anchor: Nonne et ipsius› · call in col 286

Non enim Rig.

"Non enim": Rigault.

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(8) ‹anchor: securibus truncatis› · call in col 286

Pamel., Heraldus aliique: truncatis; Scaliger et Scriver.: runcatis; Rigalt. rustatis; Haverc. ruscatis.

Pamelius, Hérault and others: "truncatis" ("lopped"); Scaliger and Scriverius: "runcatis" ("weeded"); Rigault "rustatis"; Havercamp "ruscatis".

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(9) ‹anchor: quam Juliae› · call in col 286

Wouwer. e MS. quam Juliae permittunt matr. etc.

Wouwer, from a manuscript: "than the Julian [laws] permit marriage", etc.

COMMENTARIUS.

(continued) · col 285

c. XVI. Igitur in praestructione hujus articuli, et alibi forsitan retractandi, equidem definio, etc., statim, hoc sine ullo retractatu humaniore praescribitis. Infra in Apolog. c. XXVI. ingratis resistimus. Adde Plautum, Terentium, Lucretium denique, qui tum alibi, tum lib. III. vers. 1082 quasi hunc nostrum judicem describat: Effugere haud potis est, ingratis haeret et angit. HAV.

ch. XVI: "So, in laying the groundwork of this point, and one perhaps to be revisited elsewhere, I define", etc.; and just now, "this you lay down without any more humane reconsideration". Below in the Apology ch. XXVI: "we resist unwillingly". Add Plautus, Terence, and finally Lucretius, both elsewhere and in book III, verse 1082, as if describing this judge of ours: "He cannot escape; against his will it clings and chokes." HAVERCAMP.

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(c) ‹anchor: in secessu› · call in col 286

Ut in secessu, etc. Quod verum Plutarchus affirmat, sed propter aliam caussam, cum nempe, quasi denuo ad Oraculum profecturus, Lacedaemonios obstrinxisset jurejurando leges suas incorruptas ad reditum servaturos, quae ut semper immotae manerent, nunquam rediit, sed in Crissa inedia mortem sibi conscivit. Post vero multas alias leges legibus Lycurgi adjectas fuisse demonstrat idem Cragius III. 1.

"That in retirement", etc. Plutarch affirms this to be true, but for another cause: namely that, having bound the Lacedaemonians by oath to keep his laws unaltered until his return, as if he were setting out again for the Oracle, he never came back, so that they might remain for ever unmoved, but brought death on himself by starvation at Crissa. That many other laws were afterwards added to the laws of Lycurgus the same Cragius shows, III.1.

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(d) ‹anchor: Nonne et vos› · call in col 286

Nonne et vos, etc. Ab exteris ad ipsos Rom. transitionem facit, quos quotidie docet veteres abrogare, corrigere, novas superinducere et sancire leges. Huc faciunt quae legas apud Auctorem nostrum exhort. ad Castitatem c. VI. Puto autem humanam constitutionem atque decretum postea pristinis praevalere. Notum etiam est S. C. Orfitianum, factum Orfito et Vetto Coss. de quo intelligendus Hieronymus ad a. CLXXIX. Imperatores multis multa largiti sunt: et pecuniam, quae fisco debebatur, provinciis concedentes tabulas debitorum in medio Romanae urbis foro incendi fecerunt: ac ne quid [ita lege] bonitati deesset, duras quasque leges novis constitutionibus temperarunt.

"Do not you too", etc. He passes from foreigners to the Romans themselves, whom he shows daily abrogating and correcting old laws, bringing in and sanctioning new ones. To this belongs what you may read in our Author, Exhortation to Chastity ch. VI: "But I think that a human constitution and decree afterwards prevails over the earlier ones." Well known also is the Senatus consultum Orfitianum, made in the consulship of Orfitus and Vettus, of which Jerome must be understood at the year 179: "The emperors bestowed much on many: and, remitting to the provinces the money owed to the treasury, they had the tablets of the debts burned in the middle of the Forum of the city of Rome; and that nothing [so read] might be lacking to their kindness, they tempered every harsh law with new constitutions."

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(e) ‹anchor: principalium rescriptorum› · call in col 286

Principalium rescriptorum. Rursum Jureconsultorum phrasis. D., l. I, de Orig. jur., l. II, de qua Zephyrus: Rescripta principalia, mandata principis dicebantur, quibus sponte sua precibus exoratus imperator, alicui privatae personae vel communitati aliquid aut concedebat, aut excluebat, quae ex eo nomen traxerunt, quia [ut Tacitus scribit] moris fuit Principem quemquam praesentem scripto adire, quae scripta libelli supplices a Martiale dicuntur, nostra tempestate supplicationes. PAM.

"Imperial rescripts." Again a phrase of the jurists: Digest book I, On the Origin of Law, law II, on which Zephyrus says: Imperial rescripts were the name for the prince's mandates by which the emperor, of his own accord, moved by petitions, either granted something to some private person or community or excluded [it]; they took their name from this, that (as Tacitus writes) it was the custom to approach the prince, even when present, in writing; these writings are called by Martial "suppliant petitions", in our time "supplications". PAMELIUS.

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(f) ‹anchor: Papias› · call in col 286

Vanissimas Papias Leges. Ad quas in deorum etiam generatione lepide alludit, lib. II. cap. 12. Erant unde caelibes diu et orbi, antequam mariti et parentes? Quum vero clarissimus et doctiss. Gothofredus in Notis suis ad finem cap. 6. lib. II. Ad Nat. scribat in hunc modum Severum Imp. legibus Papiis derogasse, non etiam eas abrogasse, quod, inquit, falso plerisque traditum alibi jam refutare memini, gratam positurum me operam putavi, si maximi viri notam ex commentariis ad legem Juliam de Maritandis Ordinibus hic insererem. Ita scribit ad cap. XXIII. Legis Juliae et Papiae. « Orbitatis poenis conjuges non tenebantur, si vir nondum annorum viginti quinque, uxor nondum viginti essent: Aliquando (ait Ulpianus de L. Papia fragm. tit. XVI. in princip. agens) vir et uxor inter se solidum capere possunt, veluti si uterque vel alteruter eorum nondum ejus aetatis sit, quae liberos exigit, id est, si vir minor annorum viginti quinque sit, aut uxor annorum viginti. Ac ne quis dubitare deinceps possit aetatem certe lege Papia suscipiendis liberis definitam, Tertullianus cum Ulpiano collatus Apologetici IV. faciet: Nonne vanissimas, etc. Suscipiendis igitur liberis ea, quam dixi, aetas Lege Papia praefinita fuit. Verum laxior a Severo constituta, nempe illa, quam Ulpianus ait. Et ad nuptiarum contrahendarum aetatem id Sozomenus de L. Julia et Papia agens lib. I. cap. 9. errore transtulit. Νόμος, inquit, ἦν Ῥωμαίοις παλαιὸς, ἀπὸ εἴκοσι καὶ πέντε ἐτῶν, τοῦ ἴσου ἀξιοῦσθαι κωλύων τοὺς ἀγάμους μὴ τοιούτοις, dicere debuit Zozomenus ἀτέκνους seu ἄπαιδας, non ἀγάμους. Definita itaque Lege Papia suscipiendis liberis aetas fuit; nempe vigesimus quintus annus in masculo, vigesimus in foemina: intra quam aetatem leges Juliae antea ne quidem matrimonium contrahi cogebant, ut superiori loco Tertullianus docet. A qua autem aetate matrimonium Leges Juliae contrahi, vel Papiae liberos suscipere coegerint, dici liquido non potest. Proinde tertium quod in Tertulliani verbis dubium haeret, quidnam videlicet sit illud, quod Severum Leges Papias, quae premature liberos suscipi cogebant, exclusisse scribit, sensum hunc habet perspicuum [qui tamen vel sagacissimos hactenus fugit]: Severum videlicet laxiorem ad suscipiendos liberos aetatem, quam Lex Papia fecerat, indulsisse, definivisse, reducto (ut puto) Legum juliarum jure. Et ita quidem tria, quae superiore Tertulliani loco non caeteris tantum, sed et Apologetici Scoliastis doctissimis, incomperta fuerunt hactenus, accipienda censeo. » HAV.

"The most futile Papian laws." To these he wittily alludes also in the begetting of the gods, book II ch. 12: "Whence were they long unmarried and childless, before they were husbands and parents?" Since the most illustrious and learned Godefroy, in his notes at the end of ch. 6 of book II To the Nations, writes to this effect, that the Emperor Severus derogated from the Papian laws but did not also abrogate them — which, he says, I remember having refuted elsewhere as falsely handed down by most — I thought I should do a welcome service if I inserted here that great man's note from his commentaries on the Julian law on the Marrying of the Orders. He writes thus on ch. XXIII of the Julian and Papian Law: "Spouses were not held to the penalties of childlessness if the husband was not yet twenty-five years old, the wife not yet twenty. 'Sometimes', says Ulpian, treating of the Papian law, fragments title XVI at the beginning, 'husband and wife can take the whole from each other, for instance if both or either of them is not yet of the age which requires children, that is, if the husband is under twenty-five, or the wife under twenty.' And lest anyone should be able to doubt thereafter that an age was certainly fixed by the Papian law for the begetting of children, Tertullian compared with Ulpian, Apology IV, will settle it: 'Do not the most futile', etc. For the begetting of children, then, the age I said was fixed beforehand by the Papian law; but a laxer one was established by Severus, namely the one Ulpian names. And Sozomen, treating of the Julian and Papian law, book I ch. 9, mistakenly transferred this to the age for contracting marriage. 'There was', he says, 'an ancient law among the Romans forbidding those unmarried from twenty-five years of age to be treated equally with those who were not so'; Sozomen ought to have said 'childless' (ἀτέκνους or ἄπαιδας), not 'unmarried'. The age was therefore fixed by the Papian law for begetting children: the twenty-fifth year in a male, the twentieth in a female; below which age the Julian laws previously did not even compel marriage to be contracted, as Tertullian teaches in the passage above. But from what age the Julian laws compelled marriage, or the Papian laws compelled the begetting of children, cannot be said clearly. Accordingly the third point that remains doubtful in Tertullian's words — namely what it is that he writes Severus excluded, the Papian laws which compelled children to be begotten prematurely — has this plain sense (which has nonetheless escaped even the most sagacious so far): that Severus granted and defined a laxer age for begetting children than the Papian law had, restoring (I think) the rule of the Julian laws. And so the three things which in Tertullian's passage above have hitherto been unknown, not only to the rest but to the most learned scholiasts of the Apology, I judge to be taken thus." HAVERCAMP.

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(g) ‹anchor: matrimonium› · call in col 286

Juliae matrimonium contrahi. La Cerda et Scriver. ex Wouw. Coll. addi volunt permittunt, perperam; sensus enim est, Legem Papiam coegisse liberos suscipere ante illud tempus, quo matrimonium et (continues)

"Than marriage is contracted [under the] Julian [laws]." La Cerda and Scriverius, from Wouwer's collation, would add "permittunt", wrongly; for the sense is that the Papian law compelled the begetting of children before the time at which marriage and (continues)

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LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 168)

(a) ‹anchor: tantae auctoritatis› · call in col 287

Tantae auctoritatis senectutem. Cicero de Legibus I. 21. Sunt certa legum verba, Quinte, neque ita prisca, ut in veteribus ex iis sacratisque legibus: et tamen, quo plus auctoritatis habeant, paulo antiquiora, quam hic sermo est. Arnobius similiter inveteratas religiones dixit in princip. libri primi.

"The old age of such great authority." Cicero, On the Laws I.21: "There are fixed words of laws, Quintus, not so ancient as in the old sacred laws taken from them; and yet, that they may have more authority, a little more antique than our present speech." Arnobius similarly spoke of "inveterate religions" at the beginning of his first book.

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(b) ‹anchor: constantissimus› · call in col 287

Constantissimus principum. Quem hoc elogio, ut arbitror, ornavit quia ille ipse est, in quo laudat in lib. ad Scapulam c. IV. hanc animi virtutem, quam Horatius in constanti sibi requirit, cum dicit: Justum et tenacem propositi virum / Non civium ardor prava jubentium... / Mente quatit Solida. Et elegantissimus locus est apud Aelium Lampridium quo nullus melius hoc auctoris dictum illustrare potest. Ille de Alexandro Imperatore Mammaeae filio, cui Severi cognomen fuit, ita disserit: ob ingentem vigorem animi et mirandam singularemque constantiam contra militum insolentiam, Severi nomen a militibus eidem inditum est, quod illi ingentem in praesentia reverentiam, magnam apud posteros gloriam peperit, quum eo accessisset, ut de animi virtute nomen accepérit. De nostro Severo Victor: Acer ingenio, ad omnia quae intendisset in finem perseverans. Benevolentia quo inclinasset mirabili ac perpetua; ad quaerendum diligens, ad largiendum liberalis; in amicos inimicosque pariter vehemens. Quod vero ex Spartiano adducit Rigalt. id non tam ad laudem quam infamiam et crudelitatem Severi pertinet; ita enim locus integer: damnabantur autem plerique, cur jocati essent, alii cur tacuissent, alii cur pleraque figurate dixissent, ut esset Imperator vere nominis sui, vere Pertinax, vere Severus. Capitolinus quoque de Macrino: Nam et Severum se Pertinacem voluerat nuncupari: quae duo illi asperitatis nomina videbantur. At nomen, in quo alii asperitatem notarunt, ab aliis virtuti animi dari potuit. HAV.

"Most steadfast of princes." He adorned him with this praise, I think, because he is the very one in whom, in the book To Scapula ch. IV, he praises that virtue of mind which Horace requires in the steadfast man when he says: "The man just and firm of purpose / not the heat of citizens bidding wrong things … / shakes in his solid mind." And there is a most elegant passage in Aelius Lampridius than which nothing can better illustrate this saying of the author. He discourses thus of the Emperor Alexander, son of Mammaea, who had the surname Severus: "Because of his great vigour of mind and his wonderful and singular steadfastness against the insolence of the soldiers, the name Severus was given him by the soldiers, which brought him great reverence at the time and great glory with posterity, since it had come to this, that he received a name for the virtue of his mind." Of our Severus, Victor: "Keen of intellect, persevering to the end in all he had undertaken. His goodwill, wherever it had inclined, was wonderful and lasting; diligent in acquiring, liberal in giving; vehement alike towards friends and enemies." But what Rigault adduces from Spartianus concerns not so much the praise as the infamy and cruelty of Severus; for the whole passage runs thus: "Many were condemned, some for having joked, others for having kept silent, others for having said many things figuratively, so that the Emperor was truly of his name, truly Pertinax, truly Severus." Capitolinus too, of Macrinus: "For he had wished to be called Severus Pertinax, which two seemed to him names of harshness." But the name in which some marked harshness could be given by others to virtue of mind. HAVERCAMP.

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Retro in partes secari. Vocem retro i. e. ante, olim, ex MS. Fuld. inseruit Rigaltius. Extra crepidam nostram est, definire, an olim revera tam crudele exemplum fuerit exhibitum, an vero ipse homo venundatus et quod ex illo redibat, inter creditores fuerit dissectum. Praeter nobilem JCtum, qui singulari capite de hac lege agit, videri etiam potest Salmasius de Usuris p. 544. Noster natura austerus severiori adhaesit sententiae. Itaque hinc rursus eundem illustro et explico, cum scribit in lib. De patientia cap. VII. Jam qui minutum sibi aliquid aut furto, aut vi, aut etiam ignavia, non constanter sustinere constituit: nescio an facile, vel ex animo, ipse rei suae manum inferre posset in caussa eleemosynae. Quis enim ab alio secari omnino non sustinens, ipse ferrum in corpore suo ducit? Admonet me nobilis hic locus, ut ex eo illustrem id quod legitur apud Matthaeum, c. XXIV. 51. et Luc XII. 46. καὶ διχοτομήσει αὐτὸν καὶ τὸ μέρος αὐτοῦ μετὰ τῶν ὑποκριτῶν θήσει: ubi omnino ad corporis ex hac lege supplicium respici puto, quamvis inde ad spiritualem sensum transferri posse non negem, adeoque ad hanc legem alludi; quod supplicium certe gravius, quam vel dimensum ejus diurnum minuere, ut vult Beza, eumque a reliquis separare, aut etiam flagellis caedere et dilacerare, quod habet Casaubonus ad Suetonii Aug. c. XIII. qui ibidem legem ipsam (quod et hic facit Junius) ex notissimo Gellii loco affert, sed tantum ut doceat dissecari homines jam olim fuisse in usu, non ut inde locum S. S. illustret, quem alter, ut puto, ita nondum explicuit. Servus hic perfidus apud Evangelistas quis alius, quam bonorum domini sui, quibus illum absente se praefecerat decoctor? patet, quia absente illo ἄρξηται ἐσθίειν τε καὶ πίνειν μετὰ τῶν μεθυόντων, et ex vinolentia in violentiam versus, conservos suos, qui recta monebant τύπτειν. Quid inde nisi grande aes alienum domino suo contrahere potuit? Jam vero, regresso domino, vel rigidissimae legis poenam mereri potuit ille famae bonorumque domini sui prodigus. Si quoque haec ad mentem solam transferri debent, cur non elegantissimo verbo διχοθυμέω (ita vero scripsisse dicere non ausim) usi sunt? quod formare poterant a διχόθυμος quod notum est apud Lexicographos. Denique si quo modo ab antiquitate adjuvari possem, lubens ea quae sequuntur ita explicarem καὶ τὸ μέρος αὐτοῦ μετὰ τῶν ὑποκριτῶν θήσει, i. e. dissectas ejus partes [ut hodieque fit in Anglia] in illo loco suspendet, ubi facinorosorum et ex lege dissectorum hypocritarum, Qui Curios simulant et Bacchanalia vivunt, adeoque creditores suos aere emungunt, corpora sepeliuntur. Prout servus ille apud Plautum de cruce, consueto servorum supplicio, in quo pater, avus, abavus, tritavus sepulti erant jocabatur, certe pro rostris caesa cervix dextraque Ciceronis pependit, ibidemque capita proscriptorum; ut et aliis in locis, proponebantur: mos ex Appiano praecipue satis notus. Scio hoc postremum tamen aliter posse accipi, sed nec haec contemnenda videntur; ita enim de ipso Severo noster: Sed et clarissimas foeminas et clarissimos viros Severus sciens hujus sectae esse, non modo non laesit, verum et testimonio exornavit, et populo furenti in os palam restitit. HAV.

"Formerly to be cut in pieces." The word "retro", i.e. before, formerly, Rigault inserted from the Fulda manuscript. It is beyond our last to decide whether so cruel an example was really once exhibited, or whether the man himself was sold and what came of him was divided among the creditors. Besides the noble jurist who treats this law in a special chapter, Salmasius On Usury p. 544 may also be consulted. Our Author, austere by nature, held to the severer opinion. So from here I again illustrate and explain him, where he writes in the book On Patience ch. VII: "Now he who has resolved not to bear steadily some small loss by theft, or force, or even by negligence, I doubt whether he could readily, or from the heart, lay hand on his own property in the cause of almsgiving. For who, quite unable to bear being cut by another, himself draws the knife through his own body?" This noble passage prompts me to illustrate from it what is read in Matthew 24:51 and Luke 12:46: "and will cut him in two and assign his portion with the hypocrites." There I think the bodily punishment under this law is certainly in view, though I would not deny that it can be transferred thence to a spiritual sense, and so that this law is alluded to; a punishment certainly heavier than either reducing his daily ration, as Beza will have it, and separating him from the rest, or even beating and lacerating him with scourges, as Casaubon has it on Suetonius, Augustus ch. XIII, who there cites the law itself (as Junius does here) from the well-known passage of Gellius, but only to show that men were already cut in pieces of old, not to illustrate the scriptural passage from it — which no one else, I think, has yet explained thus. Who else is this faithless servant in the Evangelists than the squanderer of his master's goods, over which he had set him in his absence? It is plain, since in his absence "he begins to eat and drink with the drunken", and, turning from wine-bibbing to violence, "to beat" his fellow servants who gave right counsel. What could come of that but a great debt incurred to his master? And now, his master returned, that prodigal of his master's reputation and goods could deserve the penalty of even the most rigid law. If these things too must be transferred to the mind alone, why did they not use the most elegant verb διχοθυμέω ("to be of two minds") (though I would not dare say it was so written)? which they could have formed from διχόθυμος, which is known in the lexicographers. Finally, if I could in any way be helped by antiquity, I would gladly explain what follows, "and assign his portion with the hypocrites", thus: that is, he will hang his dismembered parts (as is still done today in England) in that place where the bodies of criminals and of hypocrites dismembered under the law are buried, "who play the Curii and live Bacchanalia", and so fleece their creditors of their money. Just as that slave in Plautus joked about the cross, the usual punishment of slaves, on which his father, grandfather, great-grandfather and great-great-grandfather had been buried; certainly Cicero's severed neck and right hand hung before the Rostra, and there too the heads of the proscribed, as in other places, were displayed: a custom well enough known chiefly from Appian. I know this last can nonetheless be taken otherwise, but these points do not seem to be despised either; for so our Author says of Severus himself: "But Severus, knowing that most illustrious women and most illustrious men belonged to this sect, not only did not harm them but even honoured them with his testimony, and openly withstood the raging populace to its face." HAVERCAMP.

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(1) ‹anchor: bonorum adhibita proscriptione› · call in col 288

Proscriptio Rig.

"Proscriptio": Rigault.

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(2) ‹anchor: vobis repurgandae› · call in col 288

Repugnandae Paris.

"Repugnandae": the Paris edition.

COMMENTARIUS.

(continued) · col 287

congressus nuptialis jam ante desponsatis indicebatur per Legem Juliam, adeoque illam rogasse orbitatis poenas τοῖς ἀτέκνοις, ante illud tempus. quo haec poenas caelibatus irrogabat τοῖς ἀγάμοις: quas Leges Papias ideo vanissimas potuit appellare, cum praesertim Christiani jam tum finem saeculi exspectarent. Scilicet cum mature sponsalia fierent inter Romanos, annos aliquot indulserat Lex Julia, antequam necessario nuptiae et congressus fierent, cum interim desponsati fruerentur jure maritorum. At per Legem Papiam coacti fuerunt maturius dare operam liberis, cujus rei longior vacatio dabatur per Legem Juliam. Quod bene est tenendum, cum huc rursus respiciat in lib. de Monogamia c. XCI. Aliud est si et apud Christum legibus Juliis agi credunt, et existimant caelibes et orbos ex testamento Dei solidum non posse capere. Adde de hisce legibus Lipsium ad Tacitum Annal. III. 25. HAV.

nuptial intercourse was enjoined on those already betrothed by the Julian law; and so that it [the Papian] imposed the penalties of childlessness on the childless before the time at which this [the Julian] imposed the penalties of celibacy on the unmarried. These Papian laws he could therefore call most futile, especially since the Christians even then were expecting the end of the world. That is, since betrothals took place early among the Romans, the Julian law had allowed some years before marriage and intercourse had necessarily to take place, while meanwhile the betrothed enjoyed the rights of husbands. But by the Papian law they were compelled to attend to children earlier, a matter for which a longer exemption was given by the Julian law. This should be well held, since he looks back here again in the book On Monogamy ch. XCI: "It is another matter if they believe that under Christ too things are done by the Julian laws, and think that the unmarried and childless cannot take the whole under God's testament." Add on these laws Lipsius on Tacitus, Annals III.25. HAVERCAMP.

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(d) ‹anchor: capitis poena conversa› · call in col 288

Et in pudoris notam capitis poena conversa est. Totum hoc abest a MS. Lugd. Bat. nec vacat suspicione. Redolet enim nescio quid alienae manus, in alieno opere male sedulae.

"And the capital penalty was turned into a mark of shame." This whole phrase is absent from the Leiden manuscript, and is not free from suspicion; for it smells somehow of another hand, ill-officious in another's work.

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(e) ‹anchor: leges latent› · call in col 288

Suffundere maluit hominis sanguinem quam effundere. Optatus, lib. II. Fundentes sanguinem, non corporis, sed pudoris. At quis alius pudoris sanguis, quam corporis? Gregorius Baeticus, sive quis alius auctor libri de Fide adversus Arianos: Impudens eorum frons illa, quae est sine signo Domini, crebris testimoniorum lapidibus elidenda est, ut si non caro illorum effundit cruorem multis effossa vulneribus, tamen vel pudor suffusione sanguinis erubescat. RIG.

"It preferred to make a man's blood mantle [in his face] rather than to shed it." Optatus, book II: "shedding blood, not of the body but of shame." But what other blood of shame is there than that of the body? Gregory of Baetica, or whoever else is the author of the book On the Faith against the Arians: "That shameless brow of theirs, which is without the Lord's sign, must be crushed with frequent stones of testimonies, so that, if their flesh, dug with many wounds, does not shed its blood, yet at least their shame may blush with the suffusion of blood." RIGAULT.

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(f) ‹anchor: annorum numerus› · call in col 288

Quas neque annorum numerus. Τὸ quas, non ad leges repurgandas referri debet praecise, sed generaliter ad leges: Quasi diceret: Leges, neque annorum numerus, neque conditorum dignitas commendat, sed (continues)

"Which neither the number of years." The word "quas" should not be referred strictly to the laws to be purged, but generally to laws: as if he said: Laws are commended neither by the number of years nor by the dignity of their founders, but (continues)

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LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 169)

(1) ‹anchor: licet damnent› · call in col 289

Damnentur Paris.

"Damnentur": the Paris edition.

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(2) ‹anchor: facta, cur› · call in col 289

In nobis addit Wouwer.

Wouwer adds "in nobis".

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(3) ‹anchor: probata defendunt› · call in col 289

Wouver. et Rigalt.: probanda definiunt, Haverc.: probanda defendunt, Heraldus: probata defendunt.

Wouwer and Rigault: "probanda definiunt"; Havercamp: "probanda defendunt"; Hérault: "probata defendunt".

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(4) ‹anchor: cur non audior› · call in col 289

Cur non audior, si quid habeo, Wouw.

"Why am I not heard, if I have anything": Wouwer.

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(5) ‹anchor: quo purger› · call in col 289

Purgem Par.

"Purgem": the Paris edition.

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Inquirit in ejusmodi legum originem, et occasione Alburni, quem Aemilius in Deorum numerum referri volebat, ostendit, per illas divinitatem hominum pla-

He inquires into the origin of laws of this kind and, on the occasion of Alburnus, whom Aemilius wished to have enrolled among the number of the Gods, he shows that through them divinity [is made subject to] the pleasure of men

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(6) ‹anchor: Ut de origine› · call in col 290

At Par.

"At": the Paris edition.

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(7) ‹anchor: a senatu probatus. (c)› · call in col 290

Probaretur Par.

"Probaretur": the Paris edition.

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(8) ‹anchor: Scit M. Aemilius› · call in col 290

Heraldus et Haverc. Scit; Pamel. et Seml.: Ut; Rhen.: Ut — Alburno fecit; Gangnaeus: Ut — Alburno facit. Et etc.

Hérault and Havercamp "Scit"; Pamelius and Semler: "Ut"; Rhenanus: "Ut … Alburno fecit"; Gagnée: "Ut … Alburno facit. Et", etc.

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(9) ‹anchor: veritatem illius divinitatis revelaverat› · call in col 290

Heraldus: annuntiatum — quae — revelarat; Rig. et Haverc.: annuntiato — quae — revelarant.

Hérault: "annuntiatum … quae … revelarat"; Rigault and Havercamp: "annuntiato … quae … revelarant".

COMMENTARIUS.

(continued) · col 289

aequitas sola. Ideoque apud Livium, lib. XXXIV. L. Valerius trib. pl. leges dicit alias esse mortales, alias aeternas: Ex his legibus quae non in tempus aliquod, sed perpetuae utilitatis causa in aeternum latae sunt, nullam abrogari debere fateor, nisi quam aut usus arguit, aut status aliquis reipublicae inutilem fecit: sic quas tempora aliqua desiderant leges, mortales ut ita dicam, et temporibus ipsis mutabiles esse video. Idem.

equity alone. And so in Livy, book XXXIV, L. Valerius, tribune of the plebs, says that some laws are mortal, others eternal: "Of these laws which were passed not for some particular time but for ever, for the sake of lasting benefit, I grant that none ought to be repealed unless experience has condemned it or some state of the commonwealth has made it useless; while the laws which particular times require are, so to speak, mortal, and I see they are changeable with the times themselves." The same.

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(a) ‹anchor: vetus erat decretum› · call in col 290

Ne qui Deus ab Imperatore consecraretur nisi a senatu probatus. Ejusdem sensus est quod in fragmentis Ulpiani legimus, Deos haeredes institui non posse, praeter eos, quos senatusconsulto, constitutionibus principum instituere concessum est. RIGALT. Vetus decretum. Habes legem ipsam apud Ciceronem II. de Legib. SEPARATIM NEMO HABESSIT DEOS, NEVE NOVOS: SED NE ADVENAS, NISI PUBLICE ADSCITOS, PRIVATIM COLUNTO.

"That no god should be consecrated by the emperor unless approved by the senate." Of the same sense is what we read in the fragments of Ulpian, that gods cannot be instituted heirs, except those whom it has been granted by decree of the senate or constitutions of the emperors to institute. RIGAULT. "An old decree." You have the law itself in Cicero, On the Laws II: "LET NO ONE HAVE GODS SEPARATELY, NOR NEW ONES; NOR LET THEM WORSHIP FOREIGN ONES PRIVATELY, UNLESS PUBLICLY ADMITTED."

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(b) ‹anchor: ab imperatore consecraretur› · call in col 290

Ab imperatore. Infra exemplum ponit in Tiberio, ipsum Christum in deorum numerum inferre conato. HAV.

"By the emperor." Below he gives the example of Tiberius, who tried to bring Christ himself into the number of the gods. HAVERCAMP.

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(c) ‹anchor: nisi a senatu probatus.› · call in col 290

Nisi a Senatu probatus. Et hanc illorum stultitiam eleganter taxat Prudentius lib. I. in Symmachum versu 223. Vera ratus, quaecumque fiant auctore Senatu, / Contulit ad simulacra fidem, dominosque putavit / Aetheris, horrifico qui stant ex ordine vultu. Illic Alcides, etc. Rhen. proburetur. De auctoritate Senatus et Imperatorum postea consensu in recipiendo aliquo inter Deos consule Petrum Fabrum lib. III. Semestrium cap. 1. Exstat apud Dionem Cassium elegans locus de fanis Serapidis demolitis, quia privato consilio exstructa erant. Protulimus illum ad finem, cap. 6. HAV.

"Unless approved by the senate." Prudentius elegantly censures this folly of theirs too, book I against Symmachus, verse 223: "Thinking true whatever is done on the Senate's authority, / he gave his faith to the images, and thought them lords / of the heavens who stand in a row with dreadful face. / There Alcides", etc. Rhenanus "proburetur" [sic]. On the authority of the Senate, and later the consent of the emperors, in receiving anyone among the gods, consult Pierre du Faur, Semestria book III ch. 1. There is in Dio Cassius an elegant passage on the shrines of Serapis demolished because they had been built by private decision. We have quoted it at the end of ch. 6. HAVERCAMP.

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(d) ‹anchor: Deus non erit› · call in col 290

Nisi homini Deus, etc. Elegans illud, cui par quod habet c. XIII. Nam ut supra perstrinximus, status Dei cujusque in Senatus aestimatione pendebat. Deus non erat, quem homo consultus noluisset, et nolendo damnasset. Copiose Lactantius Instit. Div. I. 15. Quis enim tam demens, qui consensu, et placito innumerabilium stultorum, aperiri coelum mortuis arbitretur? aut aliquid quod ipse non habeat, dare alteri posse? apud Romanos Deus Julius, quia hoc scelerato homini placuit Antonio: Deus Quirinus, quia hoc pastoribus visum est: cum alter germani fratris exstiterit, alter patriae parricida: quod si Consul non fuisset Antonius. C. Caesar pro suis in Rempublicam meritis, etiam defuncti hominis honore caruisset. HAV.

"Unless God pleases man", etc. An elegant saying, matched by what he has in ch. XIII: "For, as we touched on above, the standing of each god depended on the Senate's assessment. He was no god whom man, when consulted, had refused, and by refusing had condemned." Lactantius at length, Divine Institutes I.15: "For who is so mad as to think that heaven is opened to the dead by the consent and decision of countless fools? or that one can give another what he does not have himself? Among the Romans Julius is a god because it pleased the wicked man Antony; Quirinus is a god because the shepherds thought so; though the one was the murderer of his own brother, the other of his fatherland. And if Antony had not been consul, Gaius Caesar, for all his services to the Republic, would have lacked even the honour of a dead man." HAVERCAMP.

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(e) ‹anchor: detulit ad senatum› · call in col 290

Tiberius. Totum hoc descripsit Eusebius et Historiae suae Ecclesiasticae II. 2. inseruit, cujus verba Graeca citat Junius, prout ex Tertulliano se vertisse testatur Eusebius, qui haec ante illa est praefatus: Interea cum per omnem jam locum, etc. Inprimis vero memorabile illud, quod legimus apud Aelium Lampridium in Vita Alexandri Severi, ita de illo: Christo templum facere voluit, eumque inter Deos recipere. Quod et Adrianus cogitasse fertur, qui templa in omnibus civitatibus sine simulacris jusserat fieri: quae hodie idcirco quia non habent numina, dicuntur Adriani, quae ille ad hoc parasse dicebatur: sed prohibitus est ab iis, qui consulentes sacra, repererant omnes Christianos futuros, si id optato evenisset, et templa reliqua deserenda. Imo idem Severus, quum Christiani quemdam locum qui publicus fuerat, occupassent, contra popinarii dicerent, sibi eum deberi, rescripsit, melius esse ut quandocumque illic Deus colatur, quam popinariis dedatur. Narrat idem Lampridius. Sed de Tiberio nostro operae pretium est conferre Tanaquillum Fabrum tomo II. Epist. XII, qui multis evincere conatur deceptum esse Tertullianum, veritatemque hujus rei elevat. Argumentis quatuor utitur: quod historia ex libro supposito sit hausta, Actis Pilati scilicet. Quod religionis curam nullam gesserit Tiberius, unde Suetonio dicitur circa Deos ac religiones negligentior; quod Senatus Romanus sub Tiberio ad vilissimam adulationem prolapsus, ne hiscere quidem contra Principem ausus fuisset; quod ex chronologia pateat, Christianum nomen eo tempore vix notum Romae fuisse. Quibus addo infensum potius Tiberium ut Judaeo, ita et Christiano nomini fuisse, ut clare patet ex Sueton. cap. 36: Externas caeremonias, Aegyptios, Judaicosque (continues)

"Tiberius." Eusebius copied out this whole passage and inserted it in his Ecclesiastical History II.2; Junius cites his Greek words, as Eusebius testifies he translated them from Tertullian, having prefaced them with: "Meanwhile, when in every place now", etc. Especially memorable is what we read in Aelius Lampridius, Life of Alexander Severus, of him: "He wished to build a temple to Christ and receive him among the gods. Hadrian too is said to have contemplated this, who had ordered temples without images to be made in all the cities; which today, because they have no deities, are called Hadrian's, and which he was said to have prepared for this purpose; but he was prevented by those who, consulting the sacred rites, had found that all would become Christians if that came about as desired, and the other temples would be deserted." Indeed the same Severus, when the Christians had taken over a certain place which had been public, and the cookshop-keepers claimed it was owed to them, wrote in reply that it was better that God be worshipped there in whatever way than that it be given over to cookshop-keepers. So Lampridius likewise relates. But on our Tiberius it is worth comparing Tanneguy Le Fèvre, tome II, Letter XII, who tries at length to prove that Tertullian was deceived, and makes light of the truth of this matter. He uses four arguments: that the story is drawn from a spurious book, namely the Acts of Pilate; that Tiberius took no care for religion, whence Suetonius calls him "rather negligent of the gods and religion"; that the Roman Senate under Tiberius, sunk into the basest flattery, would not have dared even to open its mouth against the Prince; that it is plain from chronology that the Christian name was scarcely known at Rome at that time. To which I add that Tiberius was rather hostile to the Christian name as to the Jewish, as is clear from Suetonius ch. 36: "Foreign ceremonies, the Egyptian and Jewish (continues)

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cito subjectam. Inde Tiberii de Christo sententiam pronuntiat, senatusque refragationem: ostendit nullos, nisi Neronem, illique simillimos, nomen christianum afflixisse, cum contra M. Aurelius, miraculo etiam monitus, cum illo Verus, et ante illos Vespasianus, Trajanus, Hadrianus, Pius, christianos esse passi sint. Concludit denique, illos, ut a bonis probatos, a malis afflictos, bonos, non malos, ex similitudine morum, putari debere.

[the divinity of men to be] subject to [their] pleasure. Then he sets forth the opinion of Tiberius concerning Christ, and the opposition of the senate: he shows that none but Nero, and those most like him, afflicted the Christian name, whereas on the contrary Marcus Aurelius, warned even by a miracle, and with him Verus, and before them Vespasian, Trajan, Hadrian and Pius, suffered Christians to exist. He concludes, finally, that they, as approved by the good and afflicted by the wicked, ought to be thought good, not wicked, from the likeness of their manners.

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COMMENTARIUS.

(continued) · col 291

ritus compescuit. Judaeorum juventutem per speciem sacramenti in provincias gravioris coeli distribuit, reliquos gentis ejusdem, vel similia sectantes Urbe submovit, sub poena perpetuae servitutis, nisi obtemperassent. Hic per similia sectantes nulli nisi Christiani intelligi possunt. Si vero aliquando curiosior Tiberius, privatus adhuc Rhodi agens, Diogenem, Grammaticum, disputare Sabbatis solitum, ut narrat Sueton. cap. 32, audire fuit avidus, huic de Christo opinioni nihil [ut quidem putabat Torrentius) conferre potest. Contrarium enim docet Suetonius. Et sane creduli nimis fuerunt et simplices prisci illi Patres, qui oblata quaecumque avide arripientes plumbeis saepe gladiis pugnarunt. HAV.

rites he suppressed. The Jewish youth, under pretext of military oath, he distributed into provinces of harsher climate; the rest of that nation, or those following similar practices, he removed from the City under penalty of perpetual slavery if they did not comply." Here by "those following similar practices" none but Christians can be understood. And if Tiberius, being more curious at some time, while still a private man living at Rhodes, was eager to hear Diogenes the grammarian, "who was accustomed to dispute on the Sabbaths", as Suetonius relates ch. 32, this can contribute nothing (as Torrentius indeed thought) to this opinion about Christ; for Suetonius teaches the contrary. And truly those ancient Fathers were too credulous and simple, who, eagerly seizing on whatever was offered, often fought with leaden swords. HAVERCAMP.

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Haec audacior subinde ac praeter solitum vi repentina altercandi in veteres Patres abreptus, Havercampius intendere non dubitavit. Quonam amabo jure? Sub lectore judice lis esto. Porro multa sunt ac praeclara Veterum, nec jam ulla sane credulitate vel simplicitate nimia, plumbeove gladio despicabilium testimonia, quibus haec a Tiberio ad Senatum de morte stupenda Christi relatio confirmatur. Exstat enimvero testis in memoria hominum primus S. Justinus martyr in Apologia ad Imperatores prima, Romae et propemodum ante fores Curiae data, oculis subjecta hostium sedula invidia audientium, quibus hanc facillimam redarguendi ac in falsum revocandi ansam dare non potuit tantus eximiaque rerum notitia Auctor commendatus. Testis est ab ipso secundus nec impar hic noster Tertullianus, accuratus ex omnium confesso rerum vetustarum indagator, ac praefatae traditionis adeo peculiariter certior, ut semel et iterum idem in scriptis quam latissime evulgandis, invidia quam infensissima legendis conscripserit (cf. S. Justin Apol. 1. n. 35. Tertull. apologet. v. id. XXI.). Testes praeterea habuimus sibi continuo succedentes, albumque suum singulis saeculis calculum adjicientes, Eusebium nempe Caesariensem, S. Joannem Chrysostomum, Orosium Augustini disciplina edoctum, Gregorium nostrum Turonensem, tum Cedrenum, Nicephorumque, caeterosque inferioris aevi permultos. (Cf. Euseb. Hist. eccles. lib. V. c. 2. S. Jo. Chrys. hom. 26. Ep. II. ad Cor. et alios vett. collatos apud Nat. Alex. sect. I. c. IV. et J. C. Otton. I. de S. Justin. scriptis et doctrina, p. 110. not. 45:).— Imo ipsimet suffragantur gentium scriptores, Plinius nempe cum ex illius epistola ad Trajanum constat id praesidibus moris fuisse quaecumque in provincia sua acciderant memoranda ad imperatorem deferre; tum Suetonium, a quo Tiberium, licet circa Deos ac religionem negligentiorem, fuisse nihilominus audiendi Judaeos Christianosve disputantes avidum accepimus; tum demum Lampridium ab ipso Havercampio laudatum, nec obscure innuentem quam sollicite plures Caesares, quae Christianis interessent, investigaverint.— Nec insuper arduum est quaelibet praeallata Tanaquilli Fabri Havercampique argumenta rescindere. Nam ad primum, subinde occurrit, id hanc Tertulliani sententiam, nullam erui ex ementitis Pontii Pilati actis quae circumferuntur, imo vero ab instrumentis Senatus publicis ac diurnis depromi: quod sane tam audacter, nisi habuisset penitus in compertum, afferre non sustinuisset. — Satis ad secundum, praelaudatis modo auctoribus paganis, factum fuisse videtur et insuper ex eodem Suetonio noverimus, nihil, vel imperante Tiberio, accidisse sive parvum sive magnum, ut publicis, privatisve rebus, quod non fuerit ad Senatum continuo relatum. Ad tertium, memineris velim jam Tiberium, secus licet consulente senatu ac deprecante, respuisse templa, juraque Divina quae nemini proinde, ipso superstite, a Senatu conferri par erat. Nihil vero eo loci facere chronologiam liquet, cum de ipso Christo in Judaea passo et coram tot testibus redivivo, minime vero de nomine Christianorum serius ociusve nuncupato agitetur. — Nec demum de grato infensove Tiberii inquirendum est animo, dummodo et reipsa constat varium fuisse, ad nova insolitaque pronum, nec proinde a stupenda rerum in Judaea gestarum relatione arrectis auribus audienda alienum. An vero, inquit Doctissimus Mansi, scripta haec Pilati ad Tiberium modo supersint, incertum. Neque enim Pseudo Hegesippus qui litteras Pilati ad Tiberium recitat in sua epitome libri Josephi de bello Judaico tam asserta auctoritas est ut a nobis fidem extorqueat. Multo vero incertissimum si forte supersint inter multa et varia id generis scripta et ex mss. vetustis codicibus evulgata, genuinum quid sit, quidve spurium. Horum actorum exempla plura collegit Jo. Albert. Fabricius in codice apocrypho Nov. Testament. part. I, p. 298 et part. IV, p. 456. Aliud ego ab his fabricianis plane diversum (quantum fugienti oculo inspicere potui) nactus sum in vetustissimo codice saeculi VIII, quod, Deo dante, cum per otium licebit mihi, describam et in anecdotis quae meditor, suo tempore evulgabo. EDD.

These things Havercamp did not hesitate to urge, carried away at times more boldly than usual by a sudden impulse to dispute against the ancient Fathers. By what right, pray? Let the reader judge the case. Moreover there are many excellent testimonies of the Ancients, not at all to be despised for any credulity or excessive simplicity or leaden sword, by which this report of Tiberius to the Senate on the astounding death of Christ is confirmed. The first witness in men's memory is St Justin Martyr, in his First Apology to the Emperors, delivered at Rome and almost before the doors of the Curia, set before the eyes of enemies listening with diligent ill-will, to whom an author so great and commended by such remarkable knowledge of affairs could not have given this very easy handle for refuting him and exposing him as false. The second witness after him, and not unequal, is our Tertullian, by universal admission an accurate investigator of ancient things, and so particularly sure of this tradition that he wrote the same thing once and again in writings to be published as widely as possible and read with the most hostile ill-will (cf. St Justin, Apology 1 n. 35; Tertullian, Apology v and also XXI). We have besides witnesses succeeding one another continuously and adding their white stone in each century: namely Eusebius of Caesarea, St John Chrysostom, Orosius, schooled by Augustine, our Gregory of Tours, then Cedrenus and Nicephorus, and very many others of a later age (cf. Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History book V ch. 2; St John Chrysostom, Homily 26 on 2 Corinthians; and other ancients collected in Natalis Alexander, section I ch. IV; and J. C. Otto, On the Writings and Doctrine of St Justin, p. 110, note 45). Indeed the pagan writers themselves give their vote: Pliny, since it is clear from his letter to Trajan that it was the custom for governors to report to the emperor whatever memorable things had happened in their province; then Suetonius, from whom we learn that Tiberius, though rather negligent of the gods and religion, was nonetheless eager to hear Jews or Christians disputing; and finally Lampridius, cited by Havercamp himself, who hints plainly how anxiously several Caesars investigated what concerned the Christians. Nor, further, is it hard to refute all the arguments advanced by Tanneguy Le Fèvre and Havercamp. For to the first it occurs at once that Tertullian's statement is drawn not from the spurious Acts of Pontius Pilate that are in circulation, but from the public and daily records of the Senate: which he would surely not have dared to put forward so boldly had he not known it thoroughly. To the second, enough seems to have been done by the pagan authors just cited, and besides we know from the same Suetonius that nothing, even under Tiberius, happened, small or great, in public or private affairs, that was not at once reported to the Senate. To the third, I would have you remember that Tiberius, even when the Senate advised and begged otherwise, refused temples and divine honours, which accordingly it was proper for the Senate to confer on no one while he lived. That chronology is nothing to the point there is plain, since the question is of Christ himself, who suffered in Judaea and rose again before so many witnesses, and not at all of the name of Christians, given sooner or later. Nor, finally, need we inquire into Tiberius's favourable or hostile disposition, so long as it is established that he was in fact changeable, inclined to new and unusual things, and therefore not disinclined to hear with pricked-up ears a report of the astounding events in Judaea. "But whether these writings of Pilate to Tiberius survive at all", says the most learned Mansi, "is uncertain. For Pseudo-Hegesippus, who recites Pilate's letter to Tiberius in his epitome of Josephus's book on the Jewish War, is not of such established authority as to extort our belief. And it is far more uncertain whether, if any happen to survive among the many and various writings of this kind published from old manuscript codices, anything is genuine or spurious. Johann Albert Fabricius collected several copies of these Acts in his Apocryphal Codex of the New Testament, part I p. 298 and part IV p. 456. I have come upon another, quite different from these of Fabricius (as far as I could see with a passing eye), in a very old codex of the eighth century, which, God willing, I will copy when I have leisure and publish in due time among the anecdota I am preparing." EDITORS.

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(a) ‹anchor: praerogativa suffragii sui› · call in col 291

Cum praerogativa suffragii sui. Sane quam mirandum [si verum] in hoc principe, qui omnia ex Senatus auctoritate facere velle videretur, simulandi mirus artifex, ut passim describit Tacitus III. et IV. Annal. cujusque sententia in simili casu de libris Sibyllinis praevaluit. Relatum inde ad Patres a Quintiliano Tribuno plebi de libro Sibyllae, quem Caninius Gallus Quindecim vir recipi inter caeteros ejusdem vatis, et ea de re Senatusconsultum postularat. Quo per discessionem facto, misit litteras Caesar modice Tribunum increpans, ignarum antiqui moris ob juventam. Gallo exprobrabat, quod scientiae, caeremoniarumque vetus, incerto auctore, ante sententiam collegii, non ut assolet, lecto per magistros aestimatoque carmine, apud infrequentem Senatum egisset. VI. Annal. 12. Tertulliano adhaeret. Christoph. Cellarius Dissert. XIV. HAV.

"With the prerogative of his own vote." Truly most remarkable (if true) in this prince, who seemed to wish to do everything on the Senate's authority, a wonderful master of dissimulation, as Tacitus describes throughout Annals III and IV, and whose opinion prevailed in a similar case concerning the Sibylline books: "A motion was then brought before the Fathers by Quintilianus, tribune of the plebs, concerning a book of the Sibyl, which Caninius Gallus, one of the Fifteen, had asked to be received among the others of the same prophetess, and a decree of the Senate on the matter. This having been passed by division, Caesar sent a letter mildly rebuking the tribune, as ignorant of ancient custom because of his youth. Gallus he reproached because, an old hand in the lore and ceremonies, he had brought the matter before a thinly attended Senate on uncertain authority, before the opinion of the college, and without the poem being read and assessed by the masters, as is customary." Annals VI.12. Christoph Cellarius, Dissertation XIV, sides with Tertullian. HAVERCAMP.

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(b) ‹anchor: primum Neronem› · call in col 292

Primum Neronem. Et haec quoque ad verbum descripsit Eusebius et in Commentarios suos de Hist. Eccles. contulit, ut notavit Junius, addito insigni de auctore nostro testimonio, qui postquam omnibus flagitiis infamem Neronem ostendit, ita orditur: His igitur omnibus deerat, ut ipse primus ex Imperatoribus romanis etiam in ipsum Deum impietatis arma converteret, sicut Tertullianus vir scriptorum nobilissimus, refert, dicens: Consulite, etc. Hieronymus in Chronico Eusebiano. Primus Nero super omnia scelera sua etiam persecutionem inter Christianos facit. Noster quoque iterum c. XV. adv. Gnosticos: Vitas Caesarum legimus; orientem fidem Romae primus Nero cruentavit. Inde intellige istud Orosii, qui ubi lib. VII. cap. 8. de persecutione sub Trajano facta verba fecit, addit: Veruntamen continuo Romae aurea domus a Nerone tot privatis publicisque rebus impensis condita, repentino conflagravit incendio: ut intelligeret missa etiam ab alio persecutio in ipsis potissime monumentis, a quo primum exorta esset, atque in ipso auctore puniri. fecit vero amoliendae invidiae causa, quam incensa Roma conflari sibi videbat. HAV.

"Nero first." This too Eusebius copied word for word and brought into his Commentaries on Church History, as Junius noted, adding a signal testimony about our author: having shown Nero infamous for every crime, he begins thus: "To all these things, then, this was lacking, that he should be the first of the Roman emperors to turn the arms of impiety against God himself, as Tertullian, a most noble writer, reports, saying: 'Consult', etc." Jerome in the Eusebian Chronicle: "Nero, on top of all his crimes, was the first to make a persecution among the Christians." Our Author too again, Scorpiace ch. XV, against the Gnostics: "We read the Lives of the Caesars: Nero was the first to stain with blood the rising faith at Rome." From this understand that remark of Orosius, who, having spoken in book VII ch. 8 of the persecution under Trajan, adds: "Yet at once at Rome the Golden House, built by Nero at the cost of so much private and public wealth, burned in a sudden fire, so that it might be understood that the persecution, even when launched by another, was punished chiefly in the very monuments of him from whom it first arose, and in its author himself." But he did it [the persecution] to divert the odium which he saw was being stirred against him by the burning of Rome. HAVERCAMP.

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Cum maxime Romae. MS. Fuld. maxime Romae. Rhen. et Pam. tum maxime Romae, id est tempore Neronis. Non placet; sensus est, non alibi magis, quam Romae hanc sectam suos sectatores invenisse: quod innuere videtur Tacitus XV. Annal. 44. Repressaque in praesens exitiabilis superstitio rursus erumpebat, non (continues)

"Then especially at Rome." The Fulda manuscript: "maxime Romae". Rhenanus and Pamelius: "tum maxime Romae", that is, in Nero's time. I do not like it; the sense is that this sect found its followers nowhere more than at Rome, which Tacitus seems to hint, Annals XV.44: "And the deadly superstition, checked for the moment, was breaking out again, not (continues)

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LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 171)

(1) ‹anchor: portio› · call in col 293

Praenomine Ner. Paris.

"Praenomine Ner[onis]": the Paris edition.

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(2) ‹anchor: Neronis› · call in col 293

Praemonitu Neronis Wouw.

"Praemonitu Neronis" ("at Nero's prompting"): Wouwer.

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(3) ‹anchor: de crudelitate› · call in col 293

Eamdem crudelitatem Wouw.

"Eamdem crudelitatem": Wouwer.

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(4) ‹anchor: sed qua› · call in col 293

Quia Paris. quid? Wouwer.

"Quia": the Paris edition; "quid?": Wouwer.

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(5) ‹anchor: facile coeptum› · call in col 293

Receptum Paris.

"Receptum": the Paris edition.

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(a) ‹anchor: gladio› · call in col 293

Caesariano gladio. Certe gladius hoc loco pro omni instrumento accipitur, quo mors infertur. Nam non dubium quin Tertullianus loquatur, cum respectu ad Petrum et Paulum: atqui Petrus non gladio vitam finiit. LAC.

"With the Caesarian sword." Certainly "sword" here is taken for any instrument by which death is inflicted. For there is no doubt that Tertullian speaks with regard to Peter and Paul; and Peter did not end his life by the sword. LA CERDA.

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Tali dedicatore damnationis nostrae. Dixit dedicatorem auctorem, institutore primum. Ita poenitentiam dedicaverit, i. e. primus instituit, lib. de Poenit., c. 2. et in hoc apolog., cap. 12. in patibulo primum corpus Dei vestri dedicatur, id est inchoatur. Ad Septimii nostri verba respexit Sulpitius Severus, cum scribit in Historia Sacra lib. II. Pauli deductionem Romam factam Nerone imperante: qui non dicam Regum, sed omnium hominum et vel immanium bestiarum sordidissimus, dignus exstitit, qui persecutionem in Christianos primus inciperet. Et mox: Hic primus Christianum nomen tollere aggressus est: quippe semper inimica virtutibus vitia sunt, et optimi quique ab improbis quasi exprobrantes aspiciuntur: namque eo tempore divina apud Urbem religio invaluerat. HAV.

"With such an inaugurator of our condemnation." He called the author, the first institutor, "dedicator". So "he inaugurated (dedicaverit) penitence", that is, first instituted it, in the book On Penitence ch. 2; and in this Apology ch. 12: "on the gibbet the body of your god is first dedicated", that is, begun. Sulpicius Severus looked to the words of our Septimius when he writes in the Sacred History book II that Paul was brought to Rome in the reign of Nero: "who, I will not say of kings, but of all men and even of savage beasts the most foul, proved worthy to be the first to begin a persecution against the Christians." And soon after: "He was the first to attempt to abolish the Christian name; for vices are always hostile to virtues, and all the best men are looked upon by the wicked as a reproach to them; for at that time the divine religion had gained strength in the City." HAVERCAMP.

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Non nisi grande. Qui nihil laudabat, nisi grande malum. Suetonius de eo c. XXIX. Ex nonnullis comperi, persuasissimum habuisse eum, neminem pudicum, aut ulla corporis parte purum esse: verum plerosque dissimulare vitium, et calliditate obtegere: ideoque professis apud se obscoenitatem, caetera quoque concessisse delicta. Imo de quo portento recens nato, ominosa vox Domitii patris excepta est, inter gratulationes amicorum negantis, quidquam ex se et Agrippina, nisi detestabile, et malo publico nasci potuisse, ut narrat idem ibid. cap. 6. HAV.

"Only something great." He who praised nothing but a great evil. Suetonius of him, ch. XXIX: "I have learned from several that he was fully persuaded that no one was chaste or pure in any part of his body, but that most dissembled the vice and covered it with cunning; and so to those who professed their obscenity before him he pardoned their other offences too." Indeed, of this monster when newly born an ominous saying of his father Domitius was caught, who amid his friends' congratulations denied that anything could have been born of himself and Agrippina but what was detestable and to the public harm, as the same relates, ibid. ch. 6. HAVERCAMP.

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(d) ‹anchor: Neronis (2) (d)› · call in col 293

De crudelitate. Haec vera est et germana lectio, quam confirmat noster c. XI. Quot tamen potiores viros apud inferos reliquistis: aliquem de sapientia Socratem, de justitia Aristidem, de militia Themistoclem, de sublimitate Alexandrum, de felicitate Polycratem, de eloquentia Demosthenem, et aliis locis. Haud vero frustra addidit de crudelitate, in illa enim se ostendit portionem Neronis, in reliquis vitiis magis homo, ut mox subjecit. Naturam hanc ejus evidenter docet in illo muscarum captandarum Horario. Suetonius cap. 3. qui etiam cap. 10. ita de eo loquitur. Sed neque inclementiae, neque in abstinentiae tenore permansit: et tamen aliquanto celerius ad saevitiam descivit quam ad cupiditatem. Et cap. 11. Erat autem non solum magnae sed et callidae inopinataeque saevitiae, etc. HAV.

"In cruelty." This is the true and genuine reading, which our Author confirms in ch. XI: "Yet how many better men you have left among the dead: some Socrates in wisdom, Aristides in justice, Themistocles in war, Alexander in greatness, Polycrates in good fortune, Demosthenes in eloquence", and in other places. Not for nothing did he add "in cruelty", for in that he showed himself a portion of Nero, in his other vices more of a man, as he adds soon after. This nature of his is plainly shown in that hour of fly-catching. Suetonius ch. 3; who also in ch. 10 speaks thus of him: "But he did not persist in the course either of clemency or of self-restraint; and yet he lapsed somewhat more quickly into cruelty than into greed." And ch. 11: "He was of a cruelty not only great but also cunning and unexpected", etc. HAVERCAMP.

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(e) ‹anchor: et homo› · call in col 293

Qua et homo. Haec est optima lectio quam editi et MSS. meliores agnoscunt, etiam L. B. cum in Fuld. sit quia homo et apud Rhen. quia et homo, minus sincere. Hanc enim scripturam confirmat ipse infra cap. 30. Sciunt quis illis dederit imperium, sciunt qua homines. Petron. nam et homo sum. Vult dicere Tertullianus Domitianum, qui non instar Neronis omnem plane humanitatem exuerat, tandem mutasse sententiam. HAV.

"Being also a man." This is the best reading, which the better editions and manuscripts recognize, including the Leiden one, while the Fulda has "quia homo" and Rhenanus "quia et homo", less soundly. For he himself confirms this reading below, ch. 30: "They know who gave them the empire; they know, as men." Petronius: "for I too am a man." Tertullian means that Domitian, who had not, like Nero, put off all humanity entirely, at length changed his mind. HAVERCAMP.

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Persecutores Wouwer.

"Persecutores": Wouwer.

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(7) ‹anchor: [usque› · call in col 294

Usque abest Paris.

"Usque" is absent in the Paris edition.

COMMENTARIUS.

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modo per Judaeam originem ejus mali; sed per Urbem etiam: quo cuncta undique atrocia atque pudenda confluunt, celebranturque. HAV.

only through Judaea, the origin of that evil, but through the City also, where all things atrocious and shameful from everywhere flow together and are celebrated." HAVERCAMP.

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(f) ‹anchor: quos relegaverat› · call in col 294

Restitutis etiam quos relegaverat. Ex Egesippo (ex quo noster) pariter et Tertullianus repetit; haec Eusebius Hist. eccl. III. 20. Ad haec Domitianus, cum neque in eis quicquam criminis inveniret, et utilitatem eorum cum maxime contemneret, abire eos libere jubet. Sed et persecutionem, quam adversum Ecclesias agitari jusserat, datis rursum compescuit edictis: Haec quidem Egesippus. Cujus verba recoquunt post Eusebium Zonaras atque Nicephorus, scribentes Domitianum καταπαῦσαι διὰ προστάγματος τὸν κατὰ τῆς Ἐκκλησίας διωγμόν i. e. edicto edito Ecclesiae persecutionem repressisse. Inter hos relegatos quoque Eusebius et ex illo Hieronymus narrant Flaviam Domitillam Flavii Clementis Consulis ex sorore neptem in insulam Pontiam relegatam, quia se Christianam testata sit. ad annum MMCX. de quo Flavio Clemente et ipso a Christi sacris haud alieno, patrueli vero Imperatoris nos plura ad c. XL. II. At Nervae rectius tribuit Orosius lib. VII. cap. 7. Hic primo edicto suo cunctos exules revocavit. Unde et Joannes Apostolus hac generali indulgentia liberatus Ephesum rediit. Et Xiphilinus in Nerva: ὁ Νερούας τούς τε κρινομένους ἐπ' ἀσεβείᾳ ἀφῆκε, καὶ τοὺς φεύγοντας κατήγαγε, i. e. Nerva eos, qui rei facti erant impietatis (intelligit Christianos, ut supra ex Dione alicubi notamus) absolvit, exulesque restituit. Cum itaque constet non Domitianum, saevum illum et sanguinarium, sed mitissimum senem Nervam Cocceium revocasse relegatos, non immerito summus Scaliger in N. ad Euseb. p. 205. Tertulliani hoc σφάλμα μνημονικὸν notat, aut illorum quos sequitur: a qua culpa doctissimum Patrem liberabis, si cum Codice Vaticano totum hoc expungas. Si vero mihi aliquid deferendum, scripsit potius auctor restituistis; non, restitutis: quod sequentia confirmant: a quibus damnatos restituere soliti estis. Ut ita dicat Domitianum non ad finem usque aeque acriter Christianos esse persecutum; imo Pop. Rom. postea reditum exulibus indulsisse. Res certe clara esset, si ita in MSS. exstaret, sed Nerva bonus facile coeptum repressit, restitutis etiam quos relegaverat. Ille certe laudatissimus Princeps fuit, qui cuncta in melius mutavit, placidus et mitissimus appellatus a Martiale lib. VIII. ep. 70. Quanta quies placidi, tanta est facundia Nervae, et XII, 6. Contigit Ausoniae procerum mitissimus aulae / Nerva, licet toto nunc Helicone frui. Expresse bonus Nerva dicitur Symmacho I. 13. Ad quae felicia tempora aspirat mente idem poeta, dum in casu columbae quae delapsa erat in sinum Arctullae inter alia haec ludit lib. VIII. 32. Si meliora piae fas est sperare sorori, / Et dominum mundi flectere vota valent. / Haec a Sardois tibi forsitan exulis oris, / Fratre reversuro, nuntia venit avis. HAV.

"Restoring even those he had banished." Tertullian likewise takes this from Hegesippus (from whom our Author has it); Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History III.20: "At this Domitian, finding no crime in them and despising their condition utterly, ordered them to go free. And he checked by fresh edicts the persecution he had ordered to be waged against the Churches." So far Hegesippus. His words are served up again after Eusebius by Zonaras and Nicephorus, who write that Domitian "stopped by decree the persecution against the Church", that is, repressed the persecution of the Church by publishing an edict. Among these banished, too, Eusebius and Jerome after him relate that Flavia Domitilla, niece by his sister of Flavius Clemens the consul, was banished to the island of Pontia because she had declared herself a Christian; at the year 2110 [of Abraham]. Of this Flavius Clemens, himself no stranger to the rites of Christ, and the Emperor's cousin, we say more at ch. XLII. But Orosius more correctly attributes it to Nerva, book VII ch. 7: "He by his first edict recalled all exiles. Hence the Apostle John too, freed by this general indulgence, returned to Ephesus." And Xiphilinus on Nerva: "Nerva released those on trial for impiety and brought back the exiles", that is, Nerva acquitted those who had been made defendants for impiety (he means Christians, as we note somewhere above from Dio) and restored the exiles. Since therefore it is established that not Domitian, that cruel and bloodthirsty man, but the most gentle old man Nerva Cocceius recalled the banished, the great Scaliger, in his notes on Eusebius p. 205, not undeservedly marks this as a slip of memory of Tertullian, or of those he follows: from which fault you will free the most learned Father if, with the Vatican Codex, you strike out this whole passage. But if I am to be allowed anything, the author rather wrote "restituistis", not "restitutis"; which what follows confirms: "whom, condemned by them, you have been accustomed to restore." So that he would say that Domitian did not persecute the Christians equally fiercely to the end; indeed that the Roman people afterwards granted return to the exiles. The matter would certainly be clear if the manuscripts had: "but the good Nerva easily checked what had been begun, restoring even those whom he [Domitian] had banished." He was certainly a most praised Prince, who changed everything for the better, called "placid" and "most gentle" by Martial, book VIII ep. 70: "As great as is the calm of placid Nerva, so great is his eloquence"; and XII.6: "Nerva, gentlest of the nobles of the Ausonian court, is now granted to enjoy the whole of Helicon." Nerva is expressly called "good" by Symmachus I.13. The same poet aspires in mind to these happy times when, on the occasion of a dove that had fallen into Arctulla's lap, he plays among other things thus, book VIII.32: "If the devoted sister may hope for better things, and prayers can bend the master of the world, perhaps this bird has come to you from the Sardinian shores of the exile, a messenger that your brother will return." HAVERCAMP.

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(g) ‹anchor: humanumque sapientibus› · call in col 294

Divinum humanumque sapientibus. Summa laus, quam Josepho quoque Jacobi Patriarchae filio ausus est tribuere Trogus Pompeius, nobilissimus scriptor, si ejus sunt verba, quae leguntur apud Justinum, XXXVI. 2. Nam et prodigiorum sagacissimus erat, et somniorum primus intelligentiam condidit, nihilque divini juris humanique ei incognitum videbatur. HAV.

"Wise in things divine and human." The highest praise, which Trogus Pompeius, a most noble writer, dared to give also to Joseph son of the Patriarch Jacob, if his are the words read in Justin XXXVI.2: "For he was most shrewd in prodigies, and first founded the understanding of dreams, and nothing of divine or human law seemed unknown to him." HAVERCAMP.

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(h) ‹anchor: debellatorem› · call in col 294

Debellatorem. Ex opposito protectorem ostendit quid per debellatorem intelligi velit, non scil. extinctorem, sed aggressorem, persecutorem. Eodem vero (continues)

"Vanquisher." By the contrasting "protector" he shows what he means by "debellator": not, that is, an exterminator, but an assailant, a persecutor. In the same (continues)

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LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 172)

(1) ‹anchor: quibus› · call in col 295

Illam abest Paris.

"Illam" is absent in the Paris edition.

(printed under page 172)

(a) ‹anchor: litterae› · call in col 295

Litterae M. Aurelii. Hieronymus ad ann. Christianae aerae CLXXIV. Imperator Antoninus multis adversum se nascentibus bellis saepe ipse intererat, saepe duces nobillissimos destinebat, in quibus semel Pertinaci, et exercitui, qui cum eo in Quadorum regione pugnabat, siti oppresso, pluvia divinitus missa est: quum e contrario Germanos et Sarmatas fulmina persequerentur, et plurimos eorum interficerent. Exstant litterae M. Aurelii gravissimi Imperatoris, quibus illam Germanicam sitim Christianorum forte militum precationibus impetrato imbri discussam testatur. Ad quem locum omnino videndus Scaliger, et judicium ejus de suppositis quae hujus Imperatoris nomine ad finem Apologetici Justini circumferuntur. p. 222 et 223. qui et hunc Orosii locum adducit: Exstare etiam nunc apud plerosque litterae Imperatoris Antonini ubi invocatione nominis Christi, per milites Christianos et sitim illam depulsam, et collatam fatetur fuisse victoriam. HAV.

"The letters of Marcus Aurelius." Jerome at the year 174 of the Christian era: "The Emperor Antoninus, in the many wars that arose against him, was often present himself, often appointed the noblest generals; among which once, when Pertinax and the army fighting with him in the territory of the Quadi were overcome by thirst, rain was sent from heaven, while on the contrary thunderbolts pursued the Germans and Sarmatians and killed very many of them. There are extant letters of Marcus Aurelius, a most grave emperor, in which he testifies that that German thirst was dispelled by rain obtained by the prayers of soldiers who chanced to be Christians." On this passage Scaliger must by all means be seen, and his judgement on the spurious [letters] circulated under this emperor's name at the end of Justin's Apology, pp. 222 and 223; who also adduces this passage of Orosius: "There still exist with many people letters of the Emperor Antoninus, in which he confesses that through the invocation of the name of Christ by Christian soldiers both that thirst was driven off and victory was granted." HAVERCAMP.

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(b) ‹anchor: germanicam sitim› · call in col 295

Germanicam sitim. Inimicum exercitui malum, quod tamen saepe contingit, Curtius non uno loco, Lucanus lib. IX. de exercitu Catonis in desertis Libyae, apud quem Afranius et Petreius in Hispania ob idem infortunium castra tradere victori Caesari coacti sunt, ut latius poeta exequitur lib. IV. Germanicae hujus sitis, cum Marcus adversus Marcomannos copias duceret, meminit rursus Auctor in lib. ad Scapulam c. 4. Marcus quoque Aurelius in Germanica expeditione Christianorum militum orationibus ad Deum factis, imbres in siti illa impetravit. Quomodo non geniculationibus et jejunationibus nostris etiam siccitates sunt depulsae; Tunc et populus acclamant Deo Deorum, et qui solus potens, in Jovis nomine Deo nostro testimonium reddidit. Invidentes tamen gloriae Christianorum gentiles, ab illis hoc decus amoliri conati sunt. Itaque moribus sanctis Aurelii ipsius tribuit in Vita ejus Capitolinus: Fulmen de coelo precibus suis contra hostium machinamentum extorsit, suis pluvia impetrata, quum siti laborarent. Huc pertinet Jupiter ille Pluvius, cujus iconem ex Columna Antoniana dedimus et de quo propediem singularem Dissertationem praelo subjiciemus, quam confer, si placet (Iconem hunc passim editum videas velim nempe apud Baron.). HAV.

"The German thirst." An evil hostile to an army, yet one that often occurs: Curtius in more than one place; Lucan book IX, of Cato's army in the deserts of Libya; in whom also Afranius and Petreius in Spain were forced by the same misfortune to surrender their camp to the victorious Caesar, as the poet relates more fully in book IV. Of this German thirst, when Marcus was leading his forces against the Marcomanni, the Author again makes mention in the book To Scapula ch. 4: "Marcus Aurelius too, in the German expedition, obtained rain in that thirst by the prayers of Christian soldiers made to God. How often have not droughts been driven off by our kneelings and fastings! Then the people too, crying out 'To the God of gods, who alone is mighty', gave testimony to our God under the name of Jupiter." But the Gentiles, envying the Christians' glory, tried to take this honour away from them. So Capitolinus in his Life attributes it to the holy character of Aurelius himself: "By his prayers he drew a thunderbolt from heaven against an engine of the enemy, and obtained rain for his men when they were suffering from thirst." To this belongs that Jupiter Pluvius whose image we have given from the Antonine Column, and on which we shall shortly put to press a special Dissertation, which compare, if you will (I should like you to see this image, published in many places, namely in Baronius). HAVERCAMP.

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(c) ‹anchor: non palam› · call in col 295

Non palam. Marcus Aurelius et conscientiae suae satisfacere et legibus nihil detrahere voluit. Itaque ne accusarentur facile, crucem delatoribus constituit, cum tamen accusatos et convictos, fidemque abnuere recusantes per leges mors certa maneret. Pessime itaque τὸ non sustulerunt nonnulli, ut Rhen. Huic rei valde affine est, quod occurrit in libro Esther. cap. VIII. 8. II. in perditissimo Judaeorum statu et felici exitu periculi, ut et Daniel. III. 29. HAV.

"Not openly." Marcus Aurelius wished both to satisfy his conscience and to take nothing from the laws. So, that [Christians] might not easily be accused, he appointed the cross for informers, while yet certain death awaited, under the laws, those accused and convicted who refused to deny the faith. Very wrongly, then, some, such as Rhenanus, removed the "non". Closely akin to this is what occurs in the book of Esther ch. VIII.8, 11, in the most desperate state of the Jews and the happy outcome of the danger; as also Daniel 3:29. HAVERCAMP.

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(2) ‹anchor: soli exsequuntur impii› · call in col 296

Exsequuntur Haverc.

"Exsequuntur": Havercamp.

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(3) ‹anchor: truces, vani› · call in col 296

Varii Paris. truces abest Haverc.

"Varii": the Paris edition. "Truces" is absent in Havercamp.

COMMENTARIUS.

(continued) · col 295

ordine hos a Tertulliano nominatos Imperatores collocat Theodoretus, nisi quod contrario censu hos omnes persecutores Ecclesiae vocet, quam tamen debellare et exstinguere nequiverint. Convenient autem, si dicas id, quod res est, tecte quidem omnes, non vero aperta vi, ut Nero, ut Domitianus, fuisse grassatos. Is itaque p. 126. Τῶν δὲ ἁλιέων τε καὶ τελωνῶν, etc., i. e. At leges quas nostri piscatores et publicani, quasque sutor tentoriorum tulerunt ac promulgarunt, non Caïus, non Claudius dissolvere potuerunt, nec qui eis successit Nero. hic enim tametsi duos optimos legislatores sua immanitate prostraverit; Petrum namque ac Paulum interfici jussit; at certe, quas illi promulgarunt leges, minime sustulit. Non denique Vespasianus, non Titus, non Domitianus; quanquam multis ac variis machinationibus eas oppugnare contenderit, multos enim de medio sustulit, qui se legibus illis addixerant, omne tormentorum genus contra eos intendens. Trajanus insuper atque Adrianus, magno se apparatu contra eas leges instruxerunt. Ac Trajanus quidem Persarum potentatum dissolvit, Armeniosque Romanorum fraeno subjecit; Scythicas praeterea nationes compulit sceptris suis parere: piscatorum tamen nostrique sutoris leges abolere non potuit. Adrianus vero, urbem Judaeorum, a quibus crucifixus est Christus, totam diruit et evertit: at eos, qui in Christum crediderunt, abducere a Christi servitute non potuit. HAV.

order Theodoret places these emperors named by Tertullian, except that by the opposite reckoning he calls them all persecutors of the Church, which nonetheless they could not vanquish and extinguish. They will agree, however, if you say what is the fact: that they all raged, covertly indeed, but not by open force like Nero and Domitian. He says, then, p. 126: "But of the fishermen and tax-collectors", etc., that is: "But the laws which our fishermen and publicans, and the tent-maker, brought in and promulgated, neither Gaius nor Claudius could dissolve, nor Nero who succeeded them. For though by his savagery he struck down two excellent lawgivers — he ordered Peter and Paul to be killed — yet the laws they promulgated he did not abolish at all. Nor, finally, Vespasian, nor Titus, nor Domitian, though he strove to attack them with many and various machinations; for he removed many who had devoted themselves to those laws, directing every kind of torment against them. Trajan and Hadrian besides armed themselves with great preparation against those laws. And Trajan indeed broke the power of the Persians and subjected the Armenians to the Roman bridle; he also compelled the Scythian nations to obey his sceptre; yet he could not abolish the laws of the fishermen and of our tent-maker. Hadrian destroyed and overthrew the whole city of the Jews, by whom Christ was crucified; but those who believed in Christ he could not draw away from the service of Christ." HAVERCAMP.

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(d) ‹anchor: palam dispersit› · call in col 296

Dispersit. Id est frustratus est, annihilavit, in ventos disjecit. HAV.

"Scattered": that is, frustrated, annihilated, threw to the winds. HAVERCAMP.

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(e) ‹anchor: adjecta etiam› · call in col 296 (the note's letter is printed "(c)")

Adjecta etiam. Exstat hujus Imperatoris rescriptum ad Asianos apud Euseb. in lib. IV. Hist. Eccl. cap. 13. quod quoniam longinsculum, inde petant studiosi, in fine haec habentur: Quod si quis persistit hujus modi hominibus absque ullo crimine movere negotia, ille quidem qui delatus pro hoc nomine fuerit, absolvatur, etiamsi probetur id esse quod ei objicitur, Christianus. Is autem qui crimen obtendit, reus poena ipsius, quam objecit, existat. Adde epistolam Adriani, quae mox repraesentabitur. In illo Rescripto vero Aurelii falso ponitur absolutio Christiani. Ille enim non absolvebatur, si constanter fidem defenderet, sed necabatur, ut patet exemplo Apollonii apud eumdem Eusebium Hist. Eccl. V. 21. et videre est apud Heraldum, at non facile accusabatur, metuente delatore certissimam poenam. Sed in istis Rescriptis multa fraus dominatur. Itaque, ut Plinii utar verbis ex insigni illo Panegyrico Trajano dicto: At tu, Caesar, quam pulchrum spectaculum nobis exhibuisti, cum contigit desuper intueri delatorum supina ora retortasque cervices. Agnoscebamus et fruebamur, cum velut piaculares publicae sollicitudinis victimae, supra sanguinem noxiorum ad lenta supplicia gravioresque poenas ducerentur, etc. Verius hic princeps quam apud Sueton. In Cal. cap. 16. perditus ille negavit se delatoribus aures habere. Nam ut pulchre apud eumdem Domitianus, sed nondum efferatus, cap. 9. Princeps, qui delatorem non castigat, irritat. De quibus vere affirmat Tacitus esse genus hominum publico exitio repertum, et poenis quidem nunquam satis coercitum. Annal. IV, 30 HAV.

"Adding even." There is a rescript of this emperor to the people of Asia in Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History book IV ch. 13; since it is rather long, let the studious look for it there; at the end it has this: "But if anyone persists in bringing charges against such men without any crime, let the one who has been informed against under this name be acquitted, even if it be proved that he is what he is charged with, a Christian; and let the one who brings the charge be liable to the very penalty he alleged." Add the letter of Hadrian, which will be presented shortly. In that Rescript of Aurelius the acquittal of the Christian is falsely stated. For he was not acquitted if he defended the faith steadfastly, but was put to death, as is plain from the example of Apollonius in the same Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History V.21, and as may be seen in Hérault; but he was not easily accused, since the informer feared a most certain penalty. But in these Rescripts much fraud prevails. So, to use the words of Pliny from that remarkable Panegyric delivered to Trajan: "But you, Caesar, what a fine spectacle you showed us, when we were able to look down on the upturned faces and twisted necks of the informers! We recognized them and enjoyed it, when, like expiatory victims of public anxiety, they were led over the blood of the guilty to slow tortures and heavier punishments", etc. This prince [spoke] more truly than, in Suetonius, Caligula ch. 16, that abandoned man who denied that he had ears for informers. For, as Domitian finely says in the same author, before he had grown savage, ch. 9: "A prince who does not punish an informer encourages him." Of whom Tacitus truly affirms that they are "a race of men invented for the public ruin, and never sufficiently restrained even by punishments." Annals IV.30. HAVERCAMP.

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(f) ‹anchor: nullus Adrianus› · call in col 296

Nullus Adrianus. Hunc post Vespasianum collocat Modiana Collatio, approbante Junio. Non vero sunt divellendi, qui ab antiquitate, ut insigne bonorum par, semper fuerunt conjuncti. Gregorius Nazianzenus invectiva secunda in Julianum ait, illum Trajanos illos et Adrianos sibi proposuisse, quorum pariter et cautio in periculis vitandis et animi magnitudo in contemnendis admirationi esse solebat. πρὸς τοὺς, inquit, βλέπων ἐκείνους, καὶ τοὺς Ἀδριανοὺς, ὧν οὐχ ἧττον τῆς ἀνδρείας, τὸ ἀσφαλὲς ἐθαυμάζετο. Et ita passim junguntur. Metius Falconius Nicomachus in oratione ad Tacitum, Imperatorem electum: Imitare Nervas, Trajanos, Adrianos, apud Flavium Vopiscum in Vita Tacit. de quo et in Floriani Vita de Probo: vir Aureliano, Trajano, Adriano, Antoninis, Alexandro, Claudioque praeferendus. Imo si Lampridio fides a sa- (continues)

"No Hadrian." The Modius collation puts him after Vespasian, with Junius's approval. But they are not to be torn apart who from antiquity have always been joined, as a notable pair of good men. Gregory Nazianzen, in his second invective against Julian, says that he set before himself those Trajans and Hadrians, whose caution in avoiding dangers and greatness of mind in despising them were alike wont to be admired: "looking", he says, "to those [Trajans] and the Hadrians, whose safety was admired no less than their courage." And so they are joined throughout. Metius Falconius Nicomachus, in his speech to Tacitus, the newly elected emperor: "Imitate the Nervas, the Trajans, the Hadrians", in Flavius Vopiscus, Life of Tacitus; of whom also, in the Life of Florian, of Probus: "a man to be preferred to Aurelian, Trajan, Hadrian, the Antonines, Alexander and Claudius." Indeed, if Lampridius is to be believed (continues)

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LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 173)

(1) ‹anchor: nullus Verus› · call in col 297

Severus. Paris.

Severus: Paris edition.

(printed under page 173)

(2) ‹anchor: Facilius› · call in col 297

Itaque Seml.

Itaque ("and so"): Semler.

(printed under page 173)

(a) ‹anchor: omnium explorator› · call in col 297

Curiositatum omnium explorator. Quale studium in Bruto quoque laudat Appianus in extremo l. IV, ὁ μὲν Κάσσιος, etc. Cassius quidem in unum bellum intentus, sicut gladiator in adversarium, nihil spectabat aliud: Brutus vero, ubicumque erat, visendarum rerum et audiendi fuit cupidus, quippe qui et Philosophiam liberaliter attigerat. Quae certe curiositas Adriani observatur ab Epiphanio, in libello de Mensuris et Ponderibus, qui ubi de itineribus ejus in Syriam, Phoenicem et Palaestinam agit, illum ἄνδρα φιλοΐστορα vocat. Hac voce utitur Auctor rursus lib. de Testim. Animae cap. 1. Nonnulli, quibus de pristina litteratura et curiositatis labor et memoriae tenor perseveravit. Glossae MSS. quibus usus Barthius Advers. XIX, 1. Curiosus, Facilis, dicax, facetus, docilis, urbanus. quae cuncta Adrianus. Si vero talis Adrianus, exploratam quoque habuit Christianorum religionem, quam non persequendo tacitus collaudavit. Imo si fides Orosio, aliisque lib. VII. 13. per Quadratum discipulum Apostolorum et Aristidem Atheniensem, virum fide sapientiaque plenum, et per Granium legatum (de quo supra) libris de Christiana religione compositis instructus atque eruditus praecepit per epistolam, ad Minucium Fundanum Proconsulem Asiae datam, ut nemini liceret Christianos sine objectu criminis aut probatione damnare. HAV.

"Explorer of every curiosity." Appian praises such a zeal in Brutus too, at the end of book IV, "Cassius," etc.: "Cassius, intent on the one war, like a gladiator on his opponent, looked at nothing else; but Brutus, wherever he was, was eager to see things and to hear, since he had also taken up Philosophy liberally." This curiosity of Hadrian's is certainly remarked by Epiphanius in his little book On Measures and Weights, who, where he treats of his journeys into Syria, Phoenicia and Palestine, calls him "a man fond of inquiry." Our author uses this word again in the book On the Testimony of the Soul, ch. 1: "Some, in whom both the labour of curiosity and the steady hold of memory about ancient literature have persisted." The manuscript glosses used by Barth, Adversaria XIX, 1: "Curiosus: affable, witty, facetious, teachable, urbane" — all of which Hadrian was. If Hadrian was such a man, he also had the religion of the Christians examined, and by not persecuting it he silently praised it. Indeed, if Orosius and others are to be believed, book VII, 13: "instructed and taught by books composed on the Christian religion by Quadratus, a disciple of the Apostles, and by Aristides of Athens, a man full of faith and wisdom, and by the legate Granius" (on whom see above), "he ordered by a letter sent to Minucius Fundanus, Proconsul of Asia, that no one should be allowed to condemn Christians without a charge being brought or proved." Havercamp.

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(b) ‹anchor: impressit› · call in col 297

Impressit. A re militari desumptum, ubi impressionem facere dicuntur cohortes, cum in hostium aciem procursant, eamque turbant. Loci apud historicos, et praecipue Caesarem, sunt obvii. HAV.

"Pressed upon [it]." Taken from military usage, where cohorts are said "to make an impression" when they charge the enemy's line and throw it into disorder. Passages in the historians, and especially in Caesar, are everywhere. Havercamp.

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ARGUMENTUM. — Quin ipsos illos legum et antiqui crepatores quam longissime a paternis institutis descivisse, ostendit: Utpote prodigos, sumptuosos, voluptuarios, immodestos, superbos, vinosos, conjugii osores factos: qui nec in ipsis religionibus veterum decreta servarint, sed peregrinas religiones Romam advexerint, damnatasque restituerint: qui in omnibus novitati

ARGUMENT. — Nay, he shows that those very men who are forever prating of the laws and of antiquity have departed as far as possible from the institutions of their fathers: as men become prodigal, extravagant, given to pleasure, immoderate, proud, winebibbing, haters of marriage; who have not kept the decrees of the ancients even in their very religions, but have brought foreign religions to Rome, and restored those that had been condemned; who in all things [are given] to novelty

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(3) ‹anchor: et cultores› · call in col 298

Herald., Rig., Haverc. : cultores; codd. Fuld., Agob. et Lugd. : ultores.

Hérault, Rigault, Havercamp: cultores ("upholders"); the Fulda, Agobard and Lyon manuscripts: ultores ("avengers").

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(4) ‹anchor: si in nullo› · call in col 298

Illo Parisin.

Illo: Paris edition.

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(5) ‹anchor: Quonam› · call in col 298

Quomodo Jun.

Quomodo ("how"): Junius.

COMMENTARIUS

(continued)

cris Christi non omnino abhorruit Adrianus; ut alibi in hoc Commentario ostendimus, qui et idem cum optimis principibus, ut Noster, conjungit in Heliogabalo: compensationem sibi lector diligens faciet, quum legerit Augustum, Vespasianum, Titum, Trajanum, Adrianum, Pium, Marcum, contra hos prodigiosos tyrannos. Rursusque Flavius Vopiscus inter acclamationes a Senatu Tacito datas et hanc numerat: Et Trajanus ad imperium senex venit: et Adrianus ad imperium senex venit: et Antoninus ad imperium senex venit. Sextus Aurelius Victor denique in Cocceio Nerva: Quid enim Nerva prudentius aut moderatius? quid Trajano divinius? quid praestantius Adriano? Quod quidem et famae litteratissimi principis vellicatae a nonnullis, et lectioni Tertulliani verae fuit dandum. HAV.

…[sa]cred things of Christ Hadrian was not altogether averse, as we show elsewhere in this Commentary; and the same writer joins him with the best princes, as our author does, in the Heliogabalus: "the careful reader will make up the balance for himself when he reads of Augustus, Vespasian, Titus, Trajan, Hadrian, Pius, Marcus, as against these monstrous tyrants." And again Flavius Vopiscus, among the acclamations given by the Senate to Tacitus, counts this one too: "Trajan too came to the throne an old man; and Hadrian came to the throne an old man; and Antoninus came to the throne an old man." Finally Sextus Aurelius Victor, on Cocceius Nerva: "For what was more prudent or more moderate than Nerva? what more godlike than Trajan? what more excellent than Hadrian?" This much was owed both to the reputation of a most learned prince, which some have picked at, and to the true reading of Tertullian. Havercamp.

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(c) ‹anchor: Nunc religiosissimi› · call in col 298

CAP. VI. — Nunc religiosissimi. Postquam leges ipsas ostendit pro utilitate et commodo publico corrigi, mutari, deleri, pergit, ut doceat, eas ipsas, quae laudandae sint, male passim observari, adeoque illos ipsos contra illas leges, quas tantopere crepent, peccare. Illud religiosissimi ironice pronuntiandum est, quomodo cap. IX. religiosissimam urbem Aeneadarum vocat Romam.

Chapter VI. — "Now most scrupulous." Having shown that the laws themselves are corrected, changed and abolished for the public benefit and convenience, he goes on to show that even those laws which deserve praise are badly kept everywhere, and so that these very men sin against the laws they make so much noise about. "Most scrupulous" is to be said ironically, as in ch. IX he calls Rome "the most religious city of the sons of Aeneas."

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(d) ‹anchor: paternorum institutorum protectores› · call in col 298

Nonnulli ut MS. Fuld. legunt ultores, et in MS. L. B. est ut ultores, quod dicet exsecutores poenarum quas lex minatur. Ita ipsa lex ulcisci dicitur, id est punire: nesciens quid sit quod ulciscitur lex; atque ita videre maleficum et ultore oculo observare. Publius Syrus versu 348. Lex videt iratum, iratus legem non videt.

Some, like the Fulda manuscript, read "ultores" (avengers), and in the Leiden manuscript there is "ut ultores", which would mean the executors of the penalties the law threatens. So the law itself is said "to avenge", that is, to punish: "not knowing what it is that the law avenges"; and so to see the wrongdoer and watch him with an avenging eye. Publilius Syrus, line 348: "The law sees the angry man; the angry man does not see the law."

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(e) ‹anchor: exorbitaverunt› · call in col 298

Exorbitaverunt. Commodum occurrit mihi, quod est in Plauti Trinummo IV. 3. 30. Mores leges perduxerunt jam in potestatem suam, / Magis qui sunt obnoxiosi quam parentes liberis. / Eae miserae etiam ad parietem sunt fixae clavis ferreis, / Ubi malos mores affigi nimio fuerat aequius. Qui idem nimis lepide calidae comparat, mox frigidae, Curcul. IV, II. 25. Quasi aquam ferventem frigidam esse, ita vos putatis leges. Sensus est: leges cum primum feruntur, ut ferventem aquam timeri, post ut eamdem aquam frigere, et absque noxa transgredi. Exorbitaverunt vero, id est a recta via deflexerunt. Ita rursus cap. IX. per quod exorbitare eos vultis. et cap. XVI. exorbitantes et ipsi a Judaico more. et libro de Pallio cap. V. si quid exorbitavit, reformato. et passim. Fuit scilicet tempus, quo Florus diceret lib. II. cap. 19. Hactenus Populus Romanus pulcher, egregius, pius, sanctus, atque magnificus. Rhen. exorbitarunt.

"Have strayed from the track." What comes to my mind just now is the passage in Plautus, Trinummus IV, 3, 30: "Morals have now brought the laws under their own power, / and they are more subject to them than parents to their children. / The poor laws are even fastened to the wall with iron nails, / where it would have been far fairer for bad morals to be nailed up." The same poet very wittily likens laws to hot water, and then to cold, Curculio IV, 2, 25: "As if boiling water turned cold, so you think of the laws." The sense is: when laws are first passed, they are feared like boiling water; afterwards, like the same water gone cold, they are transgressed without harm. "Exorbitaverunt" means they turned aside from the right road. So again in ch. IX, "by which you want them to stray"; and ch. XVI, "themselves straying from Jewish custom"; and in the book On the Cloak ch. V, "if anything has strayed, set it right"; and passim. There was, to be sure, a time when Florus could say, book II, ch. 19: "Up to this point the Roman People was fine, outstanding, dutiful, holy and magnificent." Rhenanus: "exorbitarunt."

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(f) ‹anchor: illae leges› · call in col 298

Quoniam illae leges. Alludit ad leges sumptuarias, et de ambitu, quas partim retractasse, partim ex integro sanxisse Augustum Imp. testis est Suetonius in Octavio, cap. 34. Ex quibus de Licinia sive centussi satis apte Zephyrus in sua paraphrasi, sicut et de Censoria, quae ex censura Fabricii Licinii, juxta Valer. Max., lib. II. cap. 4. decem argenti libras Senatori duntaxat concedebat, et ea qua spectacula interdicta sunt, ac de dignitatum ingenuorumque insignibus, ut pluribus non sit opus, quod ad eas 4. leges attinet. PAM.

"Where are those laws." He alludes to the sumptuary laws and the laws on canvassing, which, as Suetonius witnesses in the Octavius, ch. 34, the Emperor Augustus partly revised and partly enacted anew. Of these Zephyrus in his paraphrase treats aptly enough of the Licinian or "hundred-as" law, as also of the Censorian law, which, from the censorship of Fabricius Licinius according to Valerius Maximus, book II, ch. 4, allowed a Senator no more than ten pounds of silver, and of that by which spectacles were forbidden, and of the insignia of rank and of the freeborn; so that nothing more is needed as far as these four laws are concerned. Pamelius.

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(g) ‹anchor: unam inferri› · call in col 298

Unam inferri gallinam. Cum postea nec phoenicopteris sua raritas, nec psittacis imitandi ars verba nostra, nec pavoni sua pulchritudo quidquam profuerit. Quid mirum itaque, si veteribus et sanctis viris indigna romano imperio visa est Metelli luxuria? quam taxat Sallust. apud Macrob. II. Serm. 9. epulae vero exquisitissimae; neque per omnem modo provinciam, sed trans maria ex Mauritania volucrum et ferarum incognita antea plura genera. Ubi et pontificis vetus coena vituperatur, recenseturque inter multa gulae irritamenta gallina altilis. Videndus Suetonius de in- (continues)

"That one hen be served." Whereas afterwards neither their rarity helped the flamingos, nor their art of mimicking our words the parrots, nor his beauty the peacock. What wonder, then, if to the ancient and holy men the luxury of Metellus seemed unworthy of the Roman empire? Sallust censures it, in Macrobius II, Serm. 9: "and most exquisite feasts; and not only from every province, but from beyond the seas, from Mauretania, many kinds of birds and beasts unknown before." There too the old dinner of the pontiff is censured, and among the many incitements of gluttony a fattened hen is listed. See Suetonius on the in- (continues)

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studentes, magis quam ipsi christiani, Deos suos neglexerint; quod ultimum cum latius alibi sit executurus, in fine se praeparat ad diluendas occultorum facinorum objectiones falsas.

[who in all things,] being eager for novelty, have neglected their Gods more than the Christians themselves have; and since he will treat this last point more fully elsewhere, at the end he prepares himself to wash away the false charges of secret crimes.

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LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 174)

(a) ‹anchor: eam non saginatam› · call in col 299

Non saginatam. Cujus gulae primus artifex Aufidius Lurco. Noster de Pallio cap. V. qua Aufidius Lurco primus sagina corpora vitiavit, et coactis alimentis in adulterinum provexit saporem. Itaque Martialis lib. XIII. ep. 62. Pascitur et dulci facilis gallina farina, / Pascitur et tenebris. Ingeniosa gula est. Docent rem Varro et Columella. Joannes etiam Sarisberiensis in Policratico, sive de Nugis Curialium, Varronis ista considerans, de temporum suorum incontinentia addit: Nihil autem eorum luxus jam habet notam, sed est civilitatis insigne, quicquid incentivum est gulae. Dicitur vero Caius Annius Fannius Romae lege prohibuisse. Temporibus vero Caesarum pro munere habitum est; unde Vetus Inscriptio Romae in Via Appia, quam produxit Reinesius. p. 554. CINNAMVS / TI. CAESARIS / AVIVM FARTOR / C. SVLPICIO NYMPHALI / FILIO FECIT. Et apud Gruterum DLXXX. 15. cognoscitur Antigonus Drusi Caesaris AVIUM FARTOR. Imo ad privatos hunc luxum transiisse docemur ibidem apud Reinesium XXXIII. 11. ubi L. Vavi Ambibuli memoratur AVIARIVS ALTILIARIVS.

"And that one not fattened." The first master of this gluttony was Aufidius Lurco. Our author, On the Cloak ch. V: "the cramming by which Aufidius Lurco first spoiled bodies, and by forced feeding brought them on to a counterfeit flavour." So Martial, book XIII, epigram 62: "The docile hen is fattened on sweet meal, and fattened in the dark too. Gluttony is ingenious." Varro and Columella explain the practice. John of Salisbury too, in the Policraticus or On the Trifles of Courtiers, reflecting on these words of Varro, adds of the intemperance of his own times: "Their luxury now bears no mark of disgrace; whatever stirs the appetite is a badge of good breeding." Caius Annius Fannius is said to have forbidden it at Rome by law. In the times of the Caesars, however, it was held to be an office; hence the old inscription at Rome on the Appian Way, published by Reinesius, p. 554: "CINNAMUS, BIRD-FATTENER OF TIBERIUS CAESAR, MADE THIS FOR C. SULPICIUS NYMPHALIS, HIS SON." And in Gruter DLXXX, 15, Antigonus, BIRD-FATTENER of Drusus Caesar, is known. Indeed we learn from the same Reinesius, XXXIII, 11, that this luxury passed to private men, where L. Vavius Ambibulus' FATTENER OF POULTRY is recorded.

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(b) ‹anchor: quae patricium› · call in col 299

Quae Patricium. Refert Valer. Max. Censorem Fabricium, Senatu movisse Cornelium Ruffinum, duobus consulatibus et dictatura speciosissima functum, quod tanquam malo exemplo luxuriosus, decem pondo vasa argentea comparasset: ad hoc exemplum adspirat Tertullianus. LAC.

"Which [removed] a patrician." Valerius Maximus relates that the Censor Fabricius removed from the Senate Cornelius Rufinus, who had held two consulships and a most distinguished dictatorship, because, as one luxurious and of bad example, he had acquired ten pounds' weight of silver vessels: Tertullian alludes to this instance. La Cerda.

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(c) ‹anchor: theatra stuprandis› · call in col 299

Theatra stuprandis moribus orientia. Unde consistorium impudicitiae vocat lib. de Spectac. cap. XVI. et cap. X. sacrarium Veneris. In quae spurca, saeva, vilia voluptatis genera acriter declamarunt scriptores Christiani. Salvianus: In theatris nihil bonum reatu vacat, quia et concupiscentiis animus et auditu aures, et aspectu oculi polluuntur. Cyprianus Ep. II. Ad Donatum: Deinde morum quanta labes? quae probrorum fomenta? quae alimenta vitiorum? histrionis gestibus inquinari. Joannes Chrysostomus in Cap. Matthaei X. Hom. XXXIX. Malefici autem nonne a theatralibus ludis multi constituuntur? Nam ut universum populum ad haec possint inflammare, ut tripudiantes suas consequantur voluptates, ut modestas mulieres meretricibus commixtas corrumpant, ad tantum maleficii genus perveniunt, ut nec ab ossibus quidem mortuorum abstineant. Quid dicam, quod ad diabolicas has sodalitates innumeras multi consumunt pecunias? quid de lascivia; quid de aliis malis? Animadvertis te illum esse, qui universam vitam hominum evertis, cum ad haec caeteros trahis, non me qui hujuscemodi omnes ludos omittendos censeo. Revera enim pestis haec et interius bene moratae Reipublicae, ut bene notat Zosimus in Theodosio: tantum, inquit, complures in Urbe mimi ridiculorum, et quidquid ad obscoenitatem et flagitiosam dissolutamque musicam pertinet, ac tantum ad corruptelam praecipitavit, ideo in Repub. quod essent, qui horum dementiam imitarentur. Facinus enim illos, quos inquinat, aequat, et parem noxam contrahunt aures et linguae secundum Lactantium, scilicet ut definit Apuleius lib. ult. Miles. Quod facere vetitum est, idem et adspicere vetitum est. Peccare videlicet et peccato favere perinde est. Ideo noster Tertull. qui in lib. de Spect. eodem facinore obstrictum spectatorem cum actore dicit, ita de carcere loquitur in lib. Ad Martyr. cap. II. Non vides alienos Deos, non imaginibus eorum incurris, non solemnes nationum dies ipsa commixtione participas, non nidoribus spurcis verberaris, non clamoribus spectaculorum, atrocitate vel furore, vel impudicitia celebrantium caederis: non in loca libidinum publicarum oculi tui impingunt: vacas a scandalis, a tentationibus, a recordationibus malis. Quae ipsa ante oculos habuit Chrysost. cum dixit Hom. LXII. ad Pop. Antioch. In theatro autem omnia contraria, risus, ineptitudo, diabolicus fastus, effusio, temporis impendium, et superflua dierum consumptio, malae cupiditatis inductio, adulterii meditatio, fornicationis gymnasium, intemperantiae schola, turpitudinis exhortatio, risus materia, inhonestatis exempla. HAV.

"Theatres arising to debauch morals." Hence in the book On the Shows ch. XVI he calls the theatre "the council-chamber of unchastity", and in ch. X "the shrine of Venus." Christian writers declaimed sharply against these foul, cruel, base kinds of pleasure. Salvian: "In the theatres no good thing is free of guilt, because the mind is defiled by lusts, the ears by hearing and the eyes by sight." Cyprian, Ep. II, To Donatus: "Then what a ruin of morals! what fuel for disgraceful acts! what nourishment for vices! to be defiled by the gestures of the actor." John Chrysostom on Matthew ch. X, Hom. XXXIX: "Are not many made sorcerers by the theatrical shows? For, to be able to inflame the whole people to these things, to obtain their pleasures by dancing, to corrupt modest women by mixing them with harlots, they come to such a kind of sorcery that they do not keep their hands even from the bones of the dead. What shall I say of the countless sums many spend on these devilish fellowships? what of the lewdness, what of the other evils? You see that it is you who overturn the whole life of men when you draw others to these things, not I, who judge that all games of this kind should be given up." For this is truly a plague even to a commonwealth well ordered within, as Zosimus well remarks in his Theodosius: "So many mimes of buffoonery in the City, and whatever belongs to obscenity and shameful, dissolute music, so far hurried it to corruption, because there were men in the commonwealth to imitate their madness." For crime makes equal those whom it defiles, and "ears and tongues incur equal guilt," according to Lactantius, that is, as Apuleius defines it in the last book of the Milesian Tales: "What is forbidden to do is equally forbidden to look at. To sin and to favour sin are plainly the same." Therefore our Tertullian, who says in the book On the Shows that "the spectator is bound by the same crime as the actor," speaks thus of prison in the book To the Martyrs, ch. II: "You do not see strange gods, you do not run into their images, you do not share by mingling in them the feast-days of the nations, you are not beaten by the foul fumes, nor struck by the shouts of the shows, by the cruelty or frenzy or shamelessness of those who celebrate them; your eyes do not strike upon places of public lust; you are free from stumbling-blocks, from temptations, from evil memories." Chrysostom had these very words before his eyes when he said in Hom. LXII to the People of Antioch: "But in the theatre everything is the contrary: laughter, foolishness, devilish pomp, extravagance, waste of time and needless squandering of days, the bringing in of wicked desire, the rehearsal of adultery, a gymnasium of fornication, a school of intemperance, an exhortation to shamefulness, matter for laughter, examples of indecency." Havercamp.

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(1) ‹anchor: quae› · call in col 300

Dignitatem Paris.

Dignitatem ("rank", accusative singular): Paris edition.

COMMENTARIUS

(continued)

gluvie Caesarum quorumdam. Martialis etiam. lib. XIII. Epigr. 70. Miraris quoties gemmantes explicat alas, / Et potes hunc saevo tradere, dure, coquo. Et Publius Syrus in magnificis illis apud Petronium versibus: Tuo palato clausus pavo pascitur, / Plumato amictus auro Babylonico. / Gallina tibi Numidica, tibi gallus spado. / Ciconia etiam grata, peregrina, hospita, / Pietatis cultrix, gracilipes, crotalis tria, / Avis exul hiemis, titulus tepidi temporis, / Nequitiae nidum in cacabo fecit tuo.

…gluttony of certain Caesars. Martial too, book XIII, epigram 70: "You marvel whenever he spreads his jewelled wings, and can you, hard man, hand him over to the cruel cook?" And Publilius Syrus in those splendid verses in Petronius: "For your palate the peacock is penned and fed, clad in a feathered Babylonian gold; for you the Numidian hen, for you the capon. The stork too, welcome, foreign, a guest, devotee of filial duty, slender-legged, rattle-player, bird exiled by winter, token of the warm season, has made her nest in your cooking-pot, for your wickedness."

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(d) ‹anchor: statim destruebant› · call in col 300

Statim destruebant. Tertull. de Spect. cap. X. Hoc denique modo id genus operis in saeculo evasit. Nam saepe censores renascentia cum maxime theatra destruebant, moribus consulentes, quorum scilicet periculum ingens de lascivia providebant; ut jam hinc ethnicis in testimonium cedat sententia ipsorum nobiscum faciens, et nobis in exaggerationem disciplinae etiam humanae praerogativa. Itaque Pompeius Magnus, solo theatro suo minor, cum illam arcem omnium turpitudinum extruxisset, veritus quandoque memoriae suae censoriam animadversionem, Veneris aedem superposuit, et ad dedicationem edicto populum vocans, non theatrum, sed Veneris templum nuncupavit, cui subjecimus, inquit, gradus spectaculorum: ita damnatum et damnandum opus templi titulo praetexuit, et disciplinam superstitione delusit. Et Augustinus de Civ. Dei, II. 13. laudans veterem Romam, addit: Illas theatrales artes diu virtus romana non noverat, quae etsi ad oblectamentum voluptatis humanae quaererentur, et vitio morum irreperent humanorum, Dii sibi eas exhiberi petiverunt. Quid igitur fecerunt Christiani? Audi Joannem Chrysostomum in cap. Matth. X. Hom. 39. Diruemus igitur omnium loca ludorum, inquies? Utinam jam diruta essent, quamvis, quantum ad nos attinet, jampridem desolata jacent. Nihil tamen facere horum vos jubeo, quippe cum aedificiorum magnificentia permanere possit, et ludi et tripudia omnino cessare: quod majori vobis laudi erit, quam si cuncta funditus everteretis. HAV.

"Straightway pulled down." Tertullian, On the Shows ch. X: "In this way, in short, that kind of building came about in the world. For the censors often pulled down theatres just as they were rising again, out of care for morals, whose great danger from lewdness they of course foresaw; so that from this point the heathen's own judgement, agreeing with ours, may serve as testimony to them, and to us the pre-eminence even of human discipline may serve to heighten our own. And so Pompey the Great, lesser only than his theatre, when he had built that citadel of all foulnesses, fearing some day a censor's rebuke to his memory, set a temple of Venus on top of it, and, summoning the people by edict to its dedication, called it not a theatre but a temple of Venus, 'beneath which,' he said, 'we have placed the tiers of seats for the shows': so he cloaked a condemned and damnable work with the title of a temple, and cheated discipline with superstition." And Augustine, City of God II, 13, praising ancient Rome, adds: "Roman virtue long did not know those theatrical arts, which, though they were sought for the delight of human pleasure and crept in through the corruption of human morals, the gods demanded to have shown to themselves." What then did the Christians do? Hear John Chrysostom on Matthew ch. X, Hom. 39: "'Shall we then pull down all the places of the games?' you will say. Would that they were already pulled down; though, as far as we are concerned, they have long lain deserted. Yet I bid you do none of these things, since the splendour of the buildings can remain and the games and dances cease altogether: which will be a greater praise to you than if you overturned everything to the ground." Havercamp.

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(e) ‹anchor: dignitatum› · call in col 300

Quae dignitatum. Erant enim apud veteres Romanos, non modo ingenuorum, quae enumerat Zephyr. sed etiam consularia, senatoria, quaestoria, et equestria insignia, de quibus late tractat Pet. Faber praeses Tolosanus Semestr., lib. II, cap. 6. ac 22. usque ad 129, et praesertim de annulis aureis, quos jam a tempore Augusti libertinis concedi coeptos tradit. PAM.

"Which [the insignia] of rank." For among the ancient Romans there were not only the insignia of the freeborn, which Zephyrus lists, but also consular, senatorial, quaestorian and equestrian insignia, of which Pierre du Faur, president at Toulouse, treats at length in his Semestria, book II, ch. 6 and 22 up to 129, and especially of the gold rings, which he reports began to be granted to freedmen from the time of Augustus. Pamelius.

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(f) ‹anchor: centenarias coenas› · call in col 300

Centenarias coenas. Sumptuosissimas, ut in quibus tot sestertia quam olim aera consumebantur. Ita vero in lib. De Corona Militis rosas centum folia habentes vocat centenarias cap. XIV. centenariis quoque rosis ex horto Midae lectis. Ita in lib. de Pallio centenarium pondus. Adde Salm. de Foen. Trapez. p. 641. HAV.

"Hundred-sesterce dinners." Most costly ones, as those in which as many sesterces were spent as once copper asses. So in the book On the Soldier's Crown, ch. XIV, he calls roses with a hundred petals "centenariae": "with hundred-petalled roses too, picked from the garden of Midas." So in the book On the Cloak, "a hundredweight." Add Salmasius, De foenore trapezitico, p. 641. Havercamp.

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(g) ‹anchor: in lances› · call in col 300

In lances. Cujus luxuriae meminit cap. V. de (continues)

"Into dishes." A luxury which he mentions in ch. V of (continues)

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LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 175)

(1) ‹anchor: parum est› · call in col 301

Etiam Jun.

Etiam ("even"): Junius.

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(2) ‹anchor: senatorum et› · call in col 301

Et delet Jun.

Junius deletes "et".

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(3) ‹anchor: odium penulae› · call in col 301

Sic Rig. et Hav. e cod. Fuld.; Her., Seml. aliique: Lacedaemonii penulam, etc.; Rhen. penulam nudis, etc.

So Rigault and Havercamp from the Fulda manuscript; Hérault, Semler and others: "the Lacedaemonians [devised] the cloak", etc.; Rhenanus: "the cloak for the naked", etc.

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(a) ‹anchor: libertinorum› · call in col 301

Libertinorum. Inter quos excelluerunt Pompeiani et Claudiani. De Pallio cap. V. Vereor sane ne parva sit iste trutina, cum Drusillanus, equidem servus Claudii, quinquenariam promulsidem aedificat, supra scriptis fortasse mensis necessariam, cui si officina exstructa est, debuit et triclinium. Rhen. legit parum est enim, addito enim.

"Of freedmen." Among whom those of Pompey and of Claudius stood out. On the Cloak ch. V: "I fear indeed this balance may be too small, when Drusillanus, a mere slave of Claudius, builds a five-hundred-pound appetizer dish, needed perhaps for the tables written of above; and if a workshop was built for it, a dining-room should have been too." Rhenanus reads "parum est enim", adding "enim".

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(b) ‹anchor: flagra rumpentium› · call in col 301

Vel adhuc flagra rumpentium. Nuperam admodum servitutem significat, in quorum tergis vestigia recentia exstent disruptorum in caedendo flagellorum. Quos lepide hesternos Quirites vocat Persius Sat. III. 106. At illum / Hesterni capite induto subiere Quirites. Ubi vetus Scoliastes: Hesterni: a defuncto pridie manumissi, liberti et cives Romani facti. Quia vero hic cibus fere atque potus erat miserrimae conditionis hominibus, inde servi dicti plagipatidae et flagitribae Plauto Mostell. II, 9, et Pseud. I, II, 5. Iidem apud Juvenalem Sat. VI. versu 378. Hic frangit ferulas, rubet ille flagello. De mulieribus quoque servorum amore captis Chrysis ancilla Circes ad Eumolpum apud Petronium: Viderint matronae, quae flagellorum vestigia osculantur. Sed imprimis luculentus est locus apud Eunapium in Vita Aedesii, ubi irridet anxiam illam veterum Christianorum curam in sanctorum mortuorum reliquiis sibi conquirendis, pag. 65. Ii namque, inquit, condita et salita eorum capita, qui ob scelerum multitudinem a judicibus extremo supplicio fuerant affecti, pro Divis ostendebant: iis genua submittebant, eos in Deorum numerum receptabant, ad illorum sepulcra pulvere sordibusque conspurcati: in his nonnulli martyres, diaconi alii, et legati arbitrique precum apud Deos nominabantur. ἀνδράποδα δεδουλευκότα κακῶς, καὶ μάστιξι καταδεδαπανημένα, καὶ τὰς τῆς μοχθηρίας ὠτειλὰς ἐν τοῖς εἰδώλοις φέροντα· ἀλλ' ὅμως ἡ γῆ φέρει τούτους τοὺς θεούς. i. e. cum fuerint servitia infida et flagris pessime subacta, et quae cicatrices scelerum ac nequitiae vestigia corporibus circumferrent: ejusmodi tamen Deos fert tellus. HAV.

"Or still breaking the whips." He means a very recent slavery, on whose backs fresh marks remain of whips broken in the beating. Persius wittily calls them "yesterday's Quirites," Satire III, 106: "But yesterday's Quirites, with capped heads, carried him out." Where the old scholiast: "Yesterday's: freed the day before by the dead man, made freedmen and Roman citizens." And because this was almost the food and drink of men of the most wretched condition, slaves were called "blow-sufferers" and "whip-wearers" by Plautus, Mostellaria II, 9, and Pseudolus I, 2, 5. The same in Juvenal, Satire VI, line 378: "This one breaks the canes, that one goes red under the whip." Of women too taken with love of slaves, Chrysis, Circe's maid, says to Eumolpus in Petronius: "Let the matrons see to it, who kiss the marks of the whips." But above all there is a striking passage in Eunapius' Life of Aedesius, where he mocks that anxious care of the early Christians for collecting the relics of the holy dead, p. 65: "For they displayed as gods the preserved and salted heads of men who for the multitude of their crimes had been put to death by the judges; they bent the knee to them, they received them into the number of the gods, befouled with dust and filth at their tombs; among them some were called martyrs, others deacons, and envoys and arbiters of prayers before the gods" — "slaves who had served badly, worn out with lashes, and bearing the scars of their wickedness on their images; yet the earth bears these gods." That is: "though they were faithless slaves, cruelly broken by whips, and carried about on their bodies the scars of their crimes and the marks of their wickedness, yet the earth bears gods of this sort." Havercamp.

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(c) ‹anchor: nec nuda› · call in col 301

Nec nuda. Ut plurimum theatra sine tecto et nuda fuere: quare velis et carbasis tegi necesse fuit, ad arcendum vel frigus, vel calorem. LAC.

"Nor bare." Theatres were for the most part roofless and open: so they had to be covered with awnings and canvas to keep off cold or heat. La Cerda.

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(d) ‹anchor: primi Lacedaemonii› · call in col 301

Primi Lacedaemonii odium penulae ludis excogitaverunt. Lacedaemonii dura et bellica gens, ad militares potius expeditiones etiam hieme obeundas, quam ad ludos aut theatra, penulas graves ac prae pondere odiosas excogitassent. Itaque Tertullianus ridendo dicit, Nam ne vel hieme voluptas impudica frigeret, primi Lacedaemonii odium penulae ludis excogitaverunt. Odium penulae, ut initio libri de Corona, Gravissimas penulas posuit, revelari auspicatus. Etiam gausapinas illas ponderosas fuisse, innuunt illa Martialis XIII, 145. Lemmata Penulae gausapinae. Is mihi candor inest, villorum gratia tanta est; Ut me vel media sumere messe velis. RIG.

"The Lacedaemonians first devised the loathsome cloak for the games." The Lacedaemonians, a hard and warlike race, would have devised heavy cloaks, hateful for their weight, rather for military campaigns undertaken even in winter than for games or theatres. So Tertullian says mockingly: "For lest shameless pleasure should freeze even in winter, the Lacedaemonians first devised the loathsome cloak for the games." "Loathsome cloak", as at the start of the book On the Crown: "he put off his very heavy cloaks, beginning to be unwrapped." That those frieze cloaks too were heavy is hinted by Martial XIII [XIV], 145, the heading "Frieze cloaks": "Such is my whiteness, such the charm of my nap, that you would wish to wear me even in mid-harvest." Rigault.

(printed under page 175)

(e) ‹anchor: odium penulae› · call in col 301

Odium penulae. Cum ironia pronuntianda haec omnia, habent enim cuncta suam emphasim. Hanc vero lectionem primus ex praestantissimo MS. Fuld. revocavit Rigalt. reliqui enim omnes et editi penulam, nonnulli etiam penulam nudis ut MS. L. B. et Rhen. ridicule. Eleganter odium penulae etiam dicit pro penula odiosa, et quia gravis materia crassa et pondere, et quia nova Romanis moribus. Tempore Augusti nondum invaluisse ostendit Suetonius, ubi de Claudio cap. 11. Ob hanc eamdem valetudinem et gladiatorio munere, quod simul cum fratre memoriae patris edebat, palliolatus novo more praesedit. De usu penulae hoc Martialis XIV, 137. Amphitheatrales nos commendamur ad usus, / Cum tegit algentes nostra lacerna togas.

"The loathsome cloak." All this is to be said with irony, for every word has its emphasis. Rigault first restored this reading from the most excellent Fulda manuscript; all the others, the printed ones too, have "penulam", and some even "penulam nudis", like the Leiden manuscript and Rhenanus, absurdly. He also says elegantly "the loathing of the cloak" for "a loathsome cloak", both because it was heavy, of thick material and weight, and because it was new to Roman ways. Suetonius shows it had not yet come into use in Augustus' time, where he says of Claudius, ch. 11 [2]: "Because of this same ill health, at the gladiatorial show which he gave together with his brother in memory of their father, he presided wearing a cloak, a new fashion." On the use of the cloak, Martial XIV, 137: "We are recommended for use in the amphitheatre, when our cloak covers chilly togas."

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(4) ‹anchor: aurum nulla› · call in col 302

Rhenanus: cum aurum nulla membra norant praeter unicum digitum, quem, etc.

Rhenanus: "when no limbs knew gold except the one finger, which", etc.

(printed under page 175)

(5) ‹anchor: unico digito› · call in col 302

Unicum digitum Par.

Unicum digitum (accusative): Paris edition.

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(6) ‹anchor: a vino› · call in col 302

Abstinerent Par.

Abstinerent (active): Paris edition.

COMMENTARIUS

(continued)

Pallio: item quas lances centenarii ponderis Sulla molitur! et de Anima cap. XXXIII. quod lancibus splendidissimis Sullanis effertur. Imo Maximini Imperatoris temporibus celebratissimam istiusmodi lancem adhuc superfuisse docet Trebellius Pollio in familia Censorinorum vel Pisonum, ubi de Calphurnia Titi tyranni uxore agit: Haec uniones Cleopatranas habuisse perhibetur: haec lancem centum librarum argenti, cujus plerique poetae meminerunt, in qua majorum ejus expressa ostenditur historia. Sed maxime tangit animum Juvenalis acre ingenium, graphice describentis lancem vel patinam potius Domitiani, ingentis rhombi capacem. Is Sat. IV. 130. Quidnam igitur censes? conciditur? Absit ab illo / Dedecus hoc, Montanus ait. Testa alta paretur, / Quae tenui muro spatiosum colligat orbem. / Debetur magnus patinae subitusque Prometheus. / Argillam atque rotam citius properate: sed ex hoc / Tempore jam, Caesar, figuli tua castra sequantur. Hic est rhombus ille, ad quem alludit Martialis lib. XIII. ep. 81. Quamvis lata gerat patella rhombum, / Rhombus latior est tamen patella. HAV.

…the Cloak: "and what dishes of a hundredweight Sulla builds!" and On the Soul ch. XXXIII: "what is brought out on Sulla's most splendid dishes." Indeed Trebellius Pollio shows, in the family of the Censorini or Pisos, where he treats of Calpurnia, wife of the usurper Titus, that a most celebrated dish of this kind still survived in the times of the Emperor Maximinus: "She is said to have had Cleopatra's pearls; and a dish of a hundred pounds of silver, which many poets mention, on which the history of her ancestors is shown in relief." But the sharp wit of Juvenal touches the mind most, describing vividly the dish, or rather platter, of Domitian, big enough for a huge turbot. He says, Satire IV, 130: "'What then do you advise? Is it to be cut up?' 'Far from it be this disgrace,' says Montanus. 'Let a deep vessel be made, to gather the wide round within a thin wall. A great and instant Prometheus is owed to the platter. Make haste with the clay and the wheel; but from this time on, Caesar, let potters follow your camp.'" This is the turbot Martial alludes to, book XIII, ep. 81: "Though the platter carries a broad turbot, the turbot is yet broader than the platter." Havercamp.

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(f) ‹anchor: nulla norat› · call in col 302

Aurum nulla norat. Atqui pronubus ille annulus ex ferro erat, ut docet Plinius XXX. I. hoccine ignoravit Tertullianus, an pro aevi sui more locutus est? ut putat Kippingius Antiq. Rom. IV. 2. an potius male intellexerunt Plinium, qui non de annulo pronubo est locutus, sed de symbolo frugalitatis et modestiae, qua ad veteres illas horridasque Sabinas sponsa seu nova nupta revocaretur. Rhenani editiones ita legunt, cum aurum nulla membra norant praeter unicum digitum, quem, etc.

"No [woman] knew gold." Yet that betrothal ring was of iron, as Pliny teaches, XXX [XXXIII], 1. Did Tertullian not know this, or did he speak according to the custom of his own age, as Kipping thinks, Roman Antiquities IV, 2? Or have they rather misunderstood Pliny, who spoke not of the betrothal ring but of a token of frugality and modesty, by which the bride or new wife was recalled to those old, rough Sabine women? Rhenanus' editions read: "when no limbs knew gold except the one finger, which", etc.

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(g) ‹anchor: abstinerent› · call in col 302

A vino abstinerentur. Ita reposui ex MS. Fuld. cui lectioni succinit MS. L. B. in quo ut et apud Herald. vino obstinerentur. Quomodo etiam Rigalt. sed non in omnibus editionibus: memini enim me in aliqua Prioriana invenisse vino abstinerent, quomodo passim reliquae editiones. Sed optime Fuldanus, ita enim Theodorus Priscianus medicus et archiater lib. II. cap. 40. ab omnibus carnosis sibi et multum nutrientibus abstinendi sunt, ab odoribus bonis vel thymiamatibus, ab aspectu vel commotione pulchrarum penitus figurarum, ut neque tangendi neque visendi eis copia praebeatur. Amavit novitatem hanc passivorum Tertullianus, ut clare in lib. Ad Nat. I. 12. in marmor, in lutum, vel aes, vel quodcumque placuit Deum fieri, transmigratur. Hoc etiam libro cap. IX. sed et nunc in occulto persevera- (continues)

"Were kept from wine." So I have restored from the Fulda manuscript, with which the Leiden manuscript agrees, in which, as also in Hérault, it is "vino obstinerentur." So too Rigault, but not in all editions: for I remember finding in one of Priorius' "vino abstinerent", as the other editions have throughout. But the Fulda reading is best; for so Theodorus Priscianus, physician and court physician, book II, ch. 40: "they are to be kept from all fleshy and very nourishing foods, from sweet scents or incense, from the sight or stirring of beautiful forms altogether, so that no opportunity of touching or seeing them be given them." Tertullian loved this novel use of passives, as clearly in the book To the Nations I, 12: "it is transferred into marble, into clay, or bronze, or whatever it pleased that God should become." In this book too, ch. IX: "but even now in secret it [is] continu- (continues)

(printed under page 175)

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 176)

(1) ‹anchor: trucidata est› · call in col 303

Est Paris.

Est: Paris edition.

(printed under page 176)

(2) ‹anchor: oscula propinquis› · call in col 303

Etiam add. Fran.

Franeker adds "etiam".

(printed under page 176)

(3) ‹anchor: spiritu judicarentur› · call in col 303

Indicarentur Fr.

Indicarentur ("be disclosed"): Franeker.

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(a) ‹anchor: gnatos› · call in col 303

Resignatos. Id est apertos, effractos, Sera enim non tantum, sed et sigillo muniebant cellas in quibus vina atque esculenta condiebant, quo de more elegantem lusum legere est alicubi de Pyrrhonio philosopho, qui cum obsignata janua clavem et annulum per foramen intus jacere solitus esset, servus ejus hoc more observato, semper inde quantum libebat rapiebat, rejecto intus annulo, mira interim arte deludens herum, qui secundum suae sectae opinionem nihil pro certo credere tenebatur. Utitur hoc verbo Adv. Marcion. cap. XXVIII. signat igitur hominem nunquam apud se resignatum.

"Unsealed." That is, opened, broken into. For they secured the cellars where they stored wine and food not only with a bolt but also with a seal; about which custom one may read somewhere an elegant jest about a Pyrrhonist philosopher who, having sealed the door, used to throw the key and the ring inside through a hole; his slave, having noticed this habit, always took from there as much as he pleased, throwing the ring back in, meanwhile tricking his master with wonderful skill, since the master, by the tenet of his sect, was bound to believe nothing as certain. He uses this verb in Against Marcion ch. XXVIII: "he seals, therefore, a man never unsealed in his presence."

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(b) ‹anchor: a Mecenio› · call in col 303

Mecenio marito. Egnatio Metello adscribit et fuste necasse narrat Valerius Maximus VI. III. 9. Sed Mecennio constanter Plinius lib. XIV. cap. 13. et quidem Egnatio vindicat, quem fuste etiam uxorem interfecisse narrat, ut, quum de uno eodemque homine hisce tribus sermo sit, videatur Plinio magis et Tertulliano adhaerendum, vitiatosque esse MSS. Valerii, prout hic in MS. L. B. in Tertull. legitur Metenino, pariter mendose. At quid si illud Clodii succurrisset, in ipsam Deam Fatuam, sive Bonam Deam, quod notavit nobis Lactantius Inst. Div. I. 22. Sextus Clodius in eo libro, quem Graece scripsit, refert Fauni hanc uxorem fuisse; quae quia contra morem decusque regium clam vini ollam ebiberat, et ebria facta erat, virgis myrteis a viro usque ad mortem caesa: postea vero cum eum facti sui poeniteret, et desiderium ejus ferre non posset, divinum illi honorem detulisse, idcirco in sacris ejus obvolutam vini amphoram poni. MS. L. B. a Metenino marito; Barr. Mecennio. Attigit exemplum hoc Varro in lib. de Vita Pop. Rom. ut hoc docet fragmentum: Quantopere abstemias mulieres voluerint esse, vel ex uno exemplo potest videri.

"By her husband Mecenius." Valerius Maximus VI, 3, 9 attributes this to Egnatius Metellus and says he killed her with a cudgel. But Pliny, book XIV, ch. 13, consistently has Mecennius, and indeed claims it for Egnatius, who he says also killed his wife with a cudgel; so that, since these three are speaking of one and the same man, it seems better to follow Pliny and Tertullian, and the manuscripts of Valerius are corrupt, as here in the Leiden manuscript of Tertullian "Metenino" is read, equally faultily. But what if that tale of Clodius' had come to mind, about the Fatuous Goddess herself, or the Good Goddess, which Lactantius records for us, Divine Institutes I, 22: "Sextus Clodius, in the book he wrote in Greek, relates that she was the wife of Faunus; and because, against custom and royal decorum, she had secretly drunk up a jar of wine and become drunk, she was beaten to death by her husband with myrtle rods; but afterwards, when he repented of his deed and could not bear his longing for her, he conferred divine honour on her, and therefore a covered jar of wine is set at her rites." The Leiden manuscript: "a Metenino marito"; Barraeus: "Mecennio." Varro touched on this example in his book On the Life of the Roman People, as this fragment shows: "How greatly they wanted women to be abstinent from wine can be seen even from one example."

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(c) ‹anchor: per annos› · call in col 303

Qua per annos. Carbilius Spurius primus uxorem suam ob sterilitatem dimisit, cum per 520. annos ab Urbe condita inauditum illud fuisset. LE PR.

"In which, for years." Spurius Carvilius was the first to put away his wife, for barrenness, when for 520 years from the founding of the City such a thing had been unheard of. Le Prieur.

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(4) ‹anchor: quae prospecte› · call in col 304

Rhen. : perspecte. Rig., Hav., Seml. : prospecte, cod. Fuld. specte.

Rhenanus: perspecte; Rigault, Havercamp, Semler: prospecte; the Fulda manuscript: specte.

(printed under page 176)

(5) ‹anchor: cum mysteriis› · call in col 304

Suis delet Parisin.

The Paris edition deletes "suis".

COMMENTARIUS

(continued)

tur hoc sacrum facinus. Ita et abstinere aliquos dixerunt. Martial. lib. IX. ep. 87. Languidior noster si quando Paulus Athini est, / Non se convivas abstinet ille suos.

…-ed, this sacred crime." So some have also used "abstinere" [transitively]. Martial, book IX, ep. 87: "If ever our Paulus is too languid at Athinus', he does not keep himself from his guests."

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(d) ‹anchor: prae auro› · call in col 304

Prae auro nullum leve est membrum. Ut appareat quasi triumphata aliqua Zenobia, quae in pompam Romae producebatur ita ut ornamentorum onere laboraret, prout de illa scribit Trebellius Pollio, utique saepe totum patrimonium majorum, minimis corporis partibus gestet. Splendide Tertullianus describit de Hab. Muliebri cap. IX. Saltus et insulas tenera cervix fert. Graciles aurium cutes kalendarium expendunt, et sinistra per singulos digitos de saccis singulis ludit. Hae sunt vires ambitionis, tantarum usurarum substantiam uno et muliebri corpusculo bajulare. Hisce itaque rebus cum obnoxius sit mulierum animus, ita in illas invehitur Cato apud Livium lib. XXXIV. Quid honestum dictu saltem seditioni praetenditur muliebri? ut auro et purpura fulgeamus inquiunt, et mox: ne ullus modus sumptibus nec luxuriae sit. In quibus idem ferendum censet ibidem L. Valerius: Munditiae, et ornatus, et cultus, haec foeminarum insignia sunt: his gaudent et gloriantur, hunc mundum muliebrem appellarunt majores nostri. Irridet nimias Gregorius Nazianz. Adv. mulieres, nihil venustatis accedere affirmans, quod Manus ac pedes aureo vinculo constringant, servilique gloria fruantur. Docente Paulo I. ad Timoth. II. 9. cultum foeminarum spectabilem esse ἐν καταστολῇ κοσμίῳ, μετὰ αἰδοῦς καὶ σωφροσύνης κοσμεῖν ἑαυτὰς, μὴ ἐν πλέγμασιν, ἢ χρυσῷ, ἢ μαργαρίταις. Unde, ut christianis praesertim indecora, execratur illa ornamenta Zeno Martyr, Serm. II. de Avar. Ancilla Christi falsum idolum respuis? Mihi crede, in te colis, cujus ornatum, cujus imaginem non deponit. Ad Ecclesiam Dei opere vario totum inaurata corpus, execrabili metallo procedis onusta, ubique delicata, sub molibus fortis (ita corrigo pro eo quod in meo est mollibus, id enim sequentia satis evincunt) deque ipso cultus rigore in oratione non flecteris: non manus tendis: tumidum monilibus pectus prosternere dedignaris: sane cervicem curvas non religione, sed pondere, quando ἐξομολόγησιν facies, quae plus pro ornatu es, quam pro salute sollicita? Et tamen vecordia haec viros quoque incessit, prout Micyllus de se apud Lucianum in Gallo p. 245. ἐγὼ δὲ, τὴν ἐσθῆτα τὴν ἐκείνου ἔχων, καὶ δακτυλίους βαρεῖς, ὅσον, ἑκκαίδεκα ἐξημμένους, τῶν δακτύλων. i. e. Me interim illius veste amictum, annulosque graves, circiter sexdecim digitis insertos, gerentem. Imo annuli cuderentur leviores et graviores, aestivi et hyemales.

"Because of gold no limb is light." So that she looks like some Zenobia led in triumph, who was brought out in procession at Rome so as "to labour under the weight of her ornaments," as Trebellius Pollio writes of her, so often does she carry the whole inheritance of her ancestors on the smallest parts of her body. Tertullian describes it splendidly, On Women's Dress ch. IX: "A tender neck carries woodlands and blocks of houses. The thin skin of the ears spends a whole ledger of loans, and on the left hand every finger plays with a separate purse. This is the strength of vanity: to carry on one small woman's body the capital of such great interest." Since women's minds are in thrall to these things, Cato in Livy, book XXXIV, inveighs against them thus: "What, at least honest to say, is put forward as pretext for this women's sedition? 'That we may shine with gold and purple,' they say"; and soon: "that there be no limit to expense or luxury." In which matters L. Valerius, in the same place, thinks they should be borne with: "Elegance and ornament and dress, these are women's insignia; in these they delight and glory; this our ancestors called the woman's world." Gregory Nazianzen, Against Women [who adorn themselves], mocks excess, declaring that no charm is added by binding hands and feet in a golden chain and enjoying a slave's glory. As Paul teaches, 1 Timothy 2:9, women's attire should be seemly: "in modest apparel, to adorn themselves with reverence and sobriety, not with braided hair, or gold, or pearls." Hence Zeno the Martyr, Sermon II On Avarice, execrates those ornaments as especially unbecoming to Christians: "Handmaid of Christ, you spit out the false idol? Believe me, you worship in yourself the one whose ornament, whose image you do not lay aside. You go to the Church of God with your whole body gilded with varied work, loaded with accursed metal, everywhere delicate, strong under the masses" (so I correct what is in my copy, "mollibus", for what follows proves it well enough) "and from the very stiffness of your dress you do not bend in prayer: you do not stretch out your hands: you disdain to lay down a breast swollen with necklaces: you bow your neck, indeed, not from religion but from weight, when you make confession, you who are more anxious for your ornament than for your salvation?" And yet this madness has taken hold of men too, as Micyllus says of himself in Lucian's Cock, p. 245: "and I, wearing his clothes, and heavy rings, about sixteen, hung on my fingers" — that is, "I meanwhile clothed in his garment, and wearing heavy rings, about sixteen, put on my fingers." Indeed rings were struck lighter and heavier, for summer and for winter.

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(e) ‹anchor: nullum liberum est osculum› · call in col 304

Prae vino nullum liberum est osculum. Quod quam turpe in muliere eloquentissime exequitur Chrysostomus Hom. XXVII. ad cap. XIII. Act. Apostol. Nihil foedius muliere quae in deliciis agit, nihil turpius ea quae ebria est: obscuratur illi flos visus, turbatur serenitas et puritas oculorum, quasi nube quadam radiis solaribus succedente. Opus illiberale ac servile, et omni ignobilitate plenum. Quam insuavis est mulier vinum spirans, quod olet ac corruptum est, dum eructat carnium corruptarum humorem, gravata et excitari non valens, rubicunda quam opus, plena oscitatione et magna nebula. Quae totidem verbis invenias in excerpta inde homilia LIV. ad Pop. Antioch. Vere certe Valerius Maximus VI, III. 9. Et sane quaecunque foemina vini usum immoderate appetit, omnibus et virtutibus januam claudit, et deliciis aperit. Nam Luciano etiam auctore de Dea Syria p. 892. Ἅμα δὲ οἴνῳ, etc., i. e. Pariter cum vino ingrediente et loquendi fiducia accedit: nec admodum turpe est non impetrasse, sed eorum quae aguntur singula oblivioni traduntur.

"Because of wine no kiss is free." How shameful this is in a woman Chrysostom sets out most eloquently in Hom. XXVII on ch. XIII of the Acts of the Apostles: "Nothing is fouler than a woman who lives in pleasures, nothing more shameful than one who is drunk: the bloom of her face is darkened, the serenity and clearness of her eyes is troubled, as when a cloud passes over the rays of the sun. A low and servile business, full of every baseness. How unpleasant is a woman breathing wine, which smells and is gone bad, while she belches the juice of rotten meats, heavy and unable to be roused, redder than she should be, full of yawning and a great fog." You will find this word for word in the homily LIV to the People of Antioch excerpted from it. Valerius Maximus says truly, VI, 3, 9: "And indeed any woman who seeks the use of wine immoderately shuts the door to all the virtues and opens it to pleasures." For on Lucian's authority too, On the Syrian Goddess p. 892: "And together with wine," etc., that is: "As wine goes in, boldness of speech comes with it; and it is not very shameful not to have succeeded, but each of the things done is consigned to forgetfulness."

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(f) ‹anchor: matrimonii fructus› · call in col 304

Repudium vero jam. Mirum ni ad illa Senecae aspiraverit lib. III. De Benefic. c. 16. Nunquid jam ulla repudio erubescit, postquam illustres quaedam ac nobiles foeminae, non Consulum numero, sed maritorum annos suos computant, et exeunt matrimonii caussa, nubunt repudii. Sic fiunt octo mariti, / Quinque per autumnos. inquit Juvenalis VI. 20. Imo judicio Martialis VI. 7. Toties quae nubit, adultera lege est. / Offendor moecha simpliciter minus. Sed ita apud gentes olim Lusus erat sacrae connubia fallere taedae. (continues)

"But divorce now." It would be a wonder if he did not have in mind those words of Seneca, book III On Benefits, ch. 16: "Does any woman now blush at divorce, since certain illustrious and noble women reckon their years not by the number of consuls but of husbands, and leave home for the sake of marriage, and marry for the sake of divorce?" "So there come to be eight husbands in five autumns," says Juvenal VI, 20. Indeed in Martial's judgement, VI, 7: "She who marries so often is an adulteress by law; I am less offended by a plain harlot." But so among the nations of old "it was a game to cheat the marriage of the sacred torch," (continues)

(printed under page 176)

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 177)

(1) ‹anchor: instructu (f), sensu› · call in col 305

Sic libri mss. omnes, Rig. : censu; et addit Paris.

So all the manuscript books and Rigault: censu ("wealth"); and the Paris edition adds "et".

(printed under page 177)

(2) ‹anchor: antiquitatem, et› · call in col 305

Antiquos, sed Rig.

"Antiquos, sed": Rigault.

(printed under page 177)

(3) ‹anchor: non custodistis› · call in col 305

Custoditis Haverc.

Custoditis ("you keep"): Havercamp.

(printed under page 177)

(a) ‹anchor: Harpocratem› · call in col 305

Serapidem et Isidem et Harpocratem. Prius illud et delent MS. Fuld. et editio Barraei. Haec peregrina numina conjuncta hoc modo apparent in gemmis apud Gorlaeum tom. II. num. 468, et 470. Et duo priora ibidem num. 466.

"Serapis and Isis and Harpocrates." The Fulda manuscript and Barraeus' edition delete the first "et". These foreign gods appear joined in this way on gems in Gorlaeus, vol. II, nos. 468 and 470; and the first two in the same, no. 466.

(printed under page 177)

(b) ‹anchor: suo Cynocephalo› · call in col 305

Cynocephalo. Qui passim in gemmis, marmoribus et nummis adjungitur Isidi.

"Their Dog-headed one." Who is joined to Isis everywhere on gems, marbles and coins.

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(c) ‹anchor: Capitolio prohibitos› · call in col 305

Capitolio prohibitos inferri. Templis extra pomoeria positis. Dio Cassius lib. XL. καὶ ὅτι γε, etc., i. e. Ubi ea sententia obtinuit, ut publice jam coli inciperent, extra pomoerium eos deos collocaverunt. Unde de Serapid. Avienus apud Macrobium lib. I. cap. 7. aegre a vobis admissum audio. Inferri vero deest in lib. Ad Nat. I. 10. ut et hic in MS. Fuld. et abesse potest. Omnino vide hic Gothofredi notam ad lib. Ad Nationes.

"Forbidden to be brought onto the Capitol." Their temples were placed outside the pomerium. Dio Cassius, book XL: "and that indeed," etc., that is: "When that opinion prevailed, that they should now begin to be worshipped publicly, they placed those gods outside the pomerium." Hence Avienus in Macrobius, book I, ch. 7, on Serapis: "I hear he was admitted by you reluctantly." "Inferri" is missing in To the Nations I, 10, as here also in the Fulda manuscript, and it can be left out. By all means see here Godefroy's note on the book To the Nations.

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(d) ‹anchor: eversis› · call in col 305

Eversis etiam aris eorum. Quod plus semel accidit. Dio Cassius loco memorato: τοὺς γὰρ ναοὺς αὐτῶν, etc., i. e. Eorum divorum fana, quae privatim nonnulli exstruxerant, senatus demoliri jussit, quod eos non magnopere inter numina numerabat. Idem lib. XLII. ἔδοξε γνώμη, etc., i. e. Itaque aruspices omnia templa Isidis Serapidisque demoliri jusserunt. Valerius Max. I. III. 3. L. Aemilius Paulus Consul, cum Senatus Isidis et Serapidis fana diruenda censuisset, eaque nemo opificum attingere auderet: posita praetexta securim arripuit, templique ejus foribus affixit.

"Overturning their altars too." Which happened more than once. Dio Cassius in the place cited: "for their temples," etc., that is: "The senate ordered the shrines of those gods which some had built privately to be demolished, because it did not count them much among the deities." The same, book XLII: "it was resolved," etc., that is: "And so the soothsayers ordered all the temples of Isis and Serapis to be demolished." Valerius Maximus I, 3, 3: "When the Senate had decreed that the shrines of Isis and Serapis be pulled down, and none of the workmen dared touch them, the Consul L. Aemilius Paulus laid aside his bordered toga, seized an axe and drove it into the doors of the temple."

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(e) ‹anchor: restitutis› · call in col 305

His vos restitutis. Meminit Augustin. de Civ. Dei II, 14. Certe vel Priapo vel alicui Cynocephalo: postremo vel Febri, quae Romani numina partim peregrina receperunt, partim sua propria sacraverunt. Factum id temporibus Caesaris, ut notat Dio lib. XLVII. καὶ νεὼν τῷ τε Σεράπιδι, καὶ τῇ Ἴσιδι ἐψηφίσαντο; i. e. templum Serapidi Isidique decreverunt. Multa ibi nefaria Ovid. de Arte I. 77. Neu fuge Niliacae Memphitica sacra juvencae, / Multas illa facit, quod fuit ipsa Jovi. Et III. 635. Cum sedeat Phariae sistris operata Juvencae, / Quoque sui comites ire vetentur, eat. Indignabundus itaque Lucanus VII. 83. ad Aegyptum: Nos in templa tuam Romana recepimus Isim: / Semideosque canes, et sistra jubentia luctus: / Et quem tu plangens hominem testaris Osirim. ubi secundo versu potius legerim, semicanesque deos. Nescio an Ovidius de Pane, Semideusque caper, semicaperque Deus. De Minotauro certe II. de Arte Amandi, 24. Daedalus ut clausit conceptum crimine matris / Semibovemque virum, semivirumque bovem.

"These you have restored." Augustine mentions it, City of God II, 14: "Surely to Priapus or to some Dog-headed one; or lastly even to Fever, deities which the Romans partly received as foreign, partly consecrated as their own." This was done in Caesar's times, as Dio notes, book XLVII: "and they voted a temple to Serapis and to Isis." Ovid has many wicked things there, Art of Love I, 77: "Nor shun the Memphian rites of the Nile heifer; she makes many [women] what she herself was to Jove." And III, 635: "When she sits busy with the sistra of the Pharian Heifer, let her go where her companions are forbidden to go." So Lucan, indignant, VII [VIII], 83 [831], addressing Egypt: "We have received your Isis into Roman temples, and dogs half-divine, and the sistra that command mourning, and Osiris, whom you, mourning, declare to be a man." Where in the second line I would rather read "and gods half-dog." I am not sure whether Ovid [said it] of Pan: "a goat half-god, and a god half-goat." Certainly of the Minotaur, Art of Love II, 24: "When Daedalus had shut up the one conceived by his mother's crime, the man half-bull and the bull half-man."

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(f) ‹anchor: instructu› · call in col 305

Instructu. Intelligit splendidum apparatum et instrumentum domesticum invidiosum. Isidorus Orig. V. 25. Instructum, quod per instrumentum efficitur: ut baculus, codex, tabula. Barraeus et Rhen. et instructu.

"In equipment." He means splendid furnishings and household equipment that invites envy. Isidore, Etymologies V, 25: "Instructum: what is effected by means of an instrument, such as a staff, a book, a tablet." Barraeus and Rhenanus: "et instructu."

(printed under page 177)

(4) ‹anchor: maxime erravit› · call in col 306

Curavit Jun.

Curavit ("took care"): Junius.

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(5) ‹anchor: proinde despici› · call in col 306

Perinde Paris.

Perinde: Paris edition.

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(6) ‹anchor: manifestiora purgem› · call in col 306

Ut viam mihi ad manifestoria purgem Jun. ex MS. Haverc. — Ita e codd. locum restituerunt Herald., Rig., Hav. all. Edd. vett. : ut jam inde ad manifestiora pergam.

"That I may clear my way to the more evident [charges]": Junius from a manuscript, Havercamp. — So Hérault, Rigault, Havercamp and others restored the passage from the manuscripts; the old editions: "that I may go on from there to the more evident ones."

(printed under page 177)

(7) ‹anchor: et pabulo› · call in col 306

De Jun.

"De": Junius.

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(8) ‹anchor: pabulo inde› · call in col 306

Rhen. : pabulo crudae.

Rhenanus: "pabulo crudae" ("and with the food of raw [flesh]").

COMMENTARIUS

(continued)

ut est apud Martial. VI, 2. At ut vere aureus noster Publius versu 425. Mulier quae multis nubit, multis non placet.

…as it is in Martial VI, 2. But as our truly golden Publilius says, line 425: "A woman who marries many, pleases not many."

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(g) ‹anchor: Serapidi› · call in col 306

Serapidi jam-Romano. Ita restituendus est nativus antiquitatis splendor Auctori nostro, quod et supra docui: lege mox, ut editum, jam-Italico. Eleganter Lucanus lib. I. 63. ad Neronem: Sed mihi jam-Numen: et lib. IX. 158. ferox Pompeius patrios ulturus cineres, minatur in haec verba: Evolvam busto Numen-jam Gentibus Isim; ita enim hi loci sunt corrigendi et passim multi alii eodem modo apud omnes veteres scriptores. Seneca quoque Tragicus in Hercule furente versu 2. semper-alienum Jovem. Huc spectat, quod de Adriano refert in Vita ejus Spartianus: sacra Romana diligentissime curavit: peregrina contempsit. Contra ac idem de Bassiano Caracallo, in Vita ejus: Sacra Isidis Romam deportavit, et templa ubique magnifica eidem deae fecit. Sacra etiam majore reverentia celebravit, quam ante celebrabantur. In quo quidem mihi mirum videtur, quemadmodum sacra Isidis primum per hunc Romam venisse dicantur, quum Antoninus Commodus ita ea celebraverit, ut et Anubin portaret, et pausa cederet: nisi forte iste addidit celebritati, non eam primus invexit. Et Lampridius item de Alexandro Severo: Isim et Serapim decenter ornavit additis signis et deliacis, et omnibus mysticis.

"To Serapis, now Roman." So the native brilliance of antiquity must be restored to our author, as I also showed above: read shortly after, as printed, "now-Italian." Lucan elegantly, book I, 63, to Nero: "But to me already a god." And book IX, 158, fierce Pompey, about to avenge his father's ashes, threatens in these words: "I will roll out of her tomb Isis, now a god to the nations"; for so these passages are to be corrected, and many others everywhere in the same way in all the old writers. Seneca the Tragedian too, Hercules Furens line 2: "Jove, ever another's." To this points what Spartianus relates of Hadrian in his Life: "he cared for the Roman rites most diligently; the foreign he despised." By contrast the same writes of Bassianus Caracalla in his Life: "He brought the rites of Isis to Rome, and made magnificent temples everywhere for that goddess. He also celebrated the rites with greater reverence than they were celebrated before. In which it seems strange to me how the rites of Isis are said to have come to Rome first through him, when Antoninus Commodus celebrated them so that he even carried Anubis and made the stations: unless perhaps this man added to their celebration rather than first bringing it in." And Lampridius likewise of Alexander Severus: "He adorned Isis and Serapis fittingly, adding Delian statues and all the mystic objects."

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(h) ‹anchor: pabulo (7) inde› · call in col 306

CAP. VII. — Et pabulo inde. In quibusdam libris legitur, Et pabulo crudae, quasi objectum fuerit christianis, crudas infantis jugulati carnes pabulo fuisse, quod quidem significare videtur ipse Tertullianus lib. I. ad Nationes, cum ait: Quis unquam tamen semeso puero su- (continues)

Chapter VII. — "And the food from it." In some books is read "and with the food of raw [flesh]", as if it had been charged against the Christians that the raw flesh of a slaughtered infant was their food; which Tertullian himself seems to indicate in book I To the Nations, when he says: "Yet who ever, with a half-eaten boy, … (continues)

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ARGUMENTUM. — Itaque provocat illos, ut quos gravissimorum criminum reos putant, infanticidas, puerorum voratores, incestos denique, probent, neque famae, cujus origo saepe mendax, et rumor incertus, amplius inconsiderate credant.

ARGUMENT. — Accordingly he challenges them to prove those whom they think guilty of the gravest crimes to be such, infanticides, devourers of children, and finally incestuous; and no longer to believe inconsiderately in report, whose origin is often lying, and rumour uncertain.

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LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 178)

(1) ‹anchor: libidinum impiarum› · call in col 307

Rigalt. e Ms. emendavit : tenebras, tum et libidinum impiarum inverecundiam procurent. — Impiarum delet Jun.

Rigault emended from a manuscript: "procure darkness, and then the shamelessness of impious lusts." — Junius deletes "impiarum".

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(2) ‹anchor: procurent› · call in col 307

Tenebras, tum et libidinum imp. inverecundiam p. Wauwer. Haverc.

"Darkness, and then the shamelessness of impious lusts, procure": Wouwer, Havercamp.

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(a) ‹anchor: quod eversores› · call in col 307

Eversores luminum canes. Quibus putabant annexa candelabra, quae, saltu illis in objecta ossa se proripientibus, evertebantur. Vide cap. sequens. Apud posterioris aevi christianos legimus candelas projectas et extinctas in excommunicationibus, prout multis illustrat Dom. Du Cange in gloss. mediae et inf. Latinitatis. Sed hunc morem Tertulliani aevo non puto fuisse in usu.

"Dogs, overturners of the lights." To which they supposed lampstands were tied, which were overturned when the dogs leapt at bones thrown to them. See the next chapter. Among Christians of a later age we read of candles thrown down and extinguished at excommunications, as Du Cange illustrates at length in his Glossary of Middle and Late Latinity. But I do not think this custom was in use in Tertullian's time.

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(b) ‹anchor: inverecundia› · call in col 307

Inverecundiam procurent. Lucianus in Lapithis: ἀλλὰ πολλὰ ἐπράχθη, καὶ δεινὰ ἐν τῷ σκότῳ, etc., i. e. et multa ac gravia in tenebris commissa sunt. Et cum tandem aliquis lucernam afferret, deprehensus est Alcidamas (erat vero ille philosophus Cynicus) quidem tibicinae vestem attollens, et per vim cum ea congredi properans.

"Procure shamelessness." Lucian in the Lapiths: "but many things were done, and dreadful ones, in the dark," etc., that is: "and many grave things were committed in the dark. And when at last someone brought a lamp, Alcidamas" (he was a Cynic philosopher) "was caught lifting the flute-girl's dress and hastening to have her by force."

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(c) ‹anchor: ut negent› · call in col 307

Ut negent quod sunt. Atqui, inquit, Tertullianus, ne objiciatis, confessos turpitudinem suam damnari Christianos; adeo illud falsum est, ut cogatis tormentis negare hoc nomen, quod si sceleris participes, omnibus modis extorquenda erat ejus confessio. Cyprianus Septimii magistri sui vestigiis insistens ad Demetrianum p. 256. Torquentur rei, qui se negant crimine, quo accusantur, teneri, ut facinoris veritas, quae indice voce non promitur, dolore corporis exprimatur. Nunc vero, cum sponte profitear ac clamem, et crebris ac repetitis identidem vocibus christianum me esse contester, quid tormenta adhibes confitenti. Torqueri debui, si negarem. HAV.

"That they deny what they are." But, says Tertullian, do not object that Christians are condemned after confessing their foulness; that is so false that you compel them by torture to deny this name, whereas if they were partners in crime, the confession of it should have been wrung from them by every means. Cyprian, treading in the footsteps of Septimius his master, To Demetrian, p. 256: "The accused are tortured who deny that they are guilty of the crime of which they are accused, so that the truth of the deed, which is not brought out by the informing voice, may be pressed out by the body's pain. But now, when I freely profess and cry out, and testify again and again with frequent and repeated words that I am a Christian, why do you apply tortures to one who confesses? I should have been tortured if I denied." Havercamp.

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(d) ‹anchor: Census› · call in col 307

Census istius d. Origo, aestimatio, professio, et sic saepe Noster. Lege c. V.

"The registration of this discipline." Origin, valuation, declaration; and so our author often. Read ch. V.

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(e) ‹anchor: inimica esse› · call in col 307

Cum odio sui, etc. Sensus est: veritas, simul atque apparuit, coepit cum odio sui et inimica fuit. Odio itaque non tantum habent, sed ut hostes etiam persequuntur. Junius ita distinguit, a Tiberio est cum odio sui; Coll. Mod. cum odio sui coepit simul veritas atque inimica est. Barraeus, cepit veritas: simul atque apparuit esse. Membranae Lugd. Bat.: a Tiberio; delet τὸ est. Cum odio sui coepit simul veritas, atque apparuit inimica est. Lego Cum odio suo coepit veritas: simul atque apparuit, inimica est; i. e. quamprimum apparuit. Potest et sic distingui cum odio sui coepit sc. disciplina veritas simul atque apparuit, inimica est.

"With hatred of itself," etc. The sense is: truth, as soon as it appeared, began with hatred of itself, and was an enemy. So they not only hold it in hatred but also persecute it as enemies. Junius punctuates thus: "is from Tiberius, with hatred of itself"; the Modius collation: "truth began with hatred of itself at once, and is an enemy." Barraeus: "truth began: as soon as it appeared, to be…" The Leiden parchments: "from Tiberius", deleting the "est": "With hatred of itself truth began at once, and as it appeared it is an enemy." I read: "With its own hatred truth began: as soon as it appeared, it is an enemy," that is, the moment it appeared. It can also be punctuated thus: "with hatred of itself began" — that is, the discipline — "truth, as soon as it appeared, is an enemy."

(printed under page 178)

(3) ‹anchor: quidem proprii› · call in col 308

Proprie Par.

Proprie ("properly"): Paris edition.

(printed under page 178)

(4) ‹anchor: et Sirenum› · call in col 308

Sirenarum Paris.

Sirenarum: Paris edition.

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(5) ‹anchor: judici reseravit› · call in col 308

Codd. Agob. et Lugd. judicium reservavit; Her., Rig. et Hav. judici reservavit; Rhen. judicium reservavit; Gangnaeus et Seml. judici reseravit.

The Agobard and Lyon manuscripts: "judicium reservavit" ("kept for judgement"); Hérault, Rigault and Havercamp: "judici reservavit" ("kept for the judge"); Rhenanus: "judicium reservavit"; Gagny and Semler: "judici reseravit" ("opened to the judge").

(printed under page 178)

(6) ‹anchor: aliqua immunda› · call in col 308

Forte : aliqua unquam Haverc.

Perhaps "aliqua unquam" ("ever any"): Havercamp.

(printed under page 178)

(7) ‹anchor: trahens homines› · call in col 308

Vendens Paris.

Vendens ("selling"): Paris edition.

COMMENTARIUS

(continued)

pervenit? Hic tamen tantum de sanguinis pabulo, et pane quo sanguinis jurulentia colligatur, nec inter illa quae subjungit patris sacrorum dictata, de crudis carnibus vorandis quicquam: nec ibidem etiam, in illo ad Nationes; sed panis qui in sanguine infringitur, et sanguis in quo panis satiatur. Imo ad convincendos Christianos produci debuisse ait non solum infantarios, sed et coquos. Producerentur, inquit, infantarii et coqui, ipsi canes pronubi; emendata res esset. RIG.

…came upon [it]?" Here, however, he speaks only of feeding on blood, and of bread with which the juice of the blood is soaked up; nor, among the things he adds as the father of the rites' instructions, is there anything about devouring raw flesh; nor even there, in the passage To the Nations; but of bread broken into blood, and blood with which the bread is sated. Indeed he says that to convict the Christians not only the child-dealers but the cooks too should have been produced. "Let the child-dealers and cooks be produced," he says, "the very dogs that played bridesmaid; the matter would be set right." Rigault.

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(f) ‹anchor: ex concussione milites› · call in col 308

Ex concussione milites. Qui gratum se facere arbitrati imperatoribus suis commilitones suos tradunt, produnt, et deferunt. Ita rursus concussoris vocabulo utitur de Fuga in perseq. c. XII. Quid enim dicit ille concussor? Da mihi pecuniam. Certe ne eum tradat. Et ibid. c. XIII. dum scias verisimile non esse, ut concussores nostri in amicitiam redacti per mammonam, recipiant tunc nos in tabernacula aeterna. Item ut hic concussionis, ad Scapulam c. IV. Pudens etiam missum ad se christianum, in elogio concussione ejus intellecta, dimisit, scisso eodem elogio. Florus quoque lib. III. in epitome belli Jugurthini: Atqui non leviter se Numidia concussit. Et Flavius Vopiscus in Tacito imp. Hac oratione et Tacitus ipse vehementer est motus, et totus Senatorius ordo concussus. Imo ipse Sallustius Catil. c. XXII. quod factum primo populares conjurationis concusserat. Ita aemulatione pro odio est usus, ut supra declaratum. Pro quot extranei, Mod. Coll. habet tot extr. manifesto vitio. HAV.

"Soldiers, by extortion." Who, thinking they do their commanders a favour, hand over, betray and denounce their fellow-soldiers. So again he uses the word "extortioner" in On Flight in Persecution ch. XII: "For what does that extortioner say? 'Give me money.' Surely so that he does not hand him over." And ibid. ch. XIII: "while you know it is not likely that our extortioners, made friends by means of mammon, will then receive us into the eternal tabernacles." Likewise "extortion", as here, To Scapula ch. IV: "Pudens too, when a Christian was sent to him, perceiving the extortion in the charge-sheet, released him, tearing up the charge-sheet." Florus too, book III, in the epitome of the Jugurthine war: "And yet Numidia shook itself not lightly." And Flavius Vopiscus on the Emperor Tacitus: "By this speech Tacitus himself was greatly moved and the whole Senatorial order shaken." Indeed Sallust himself, Catiline ch. XXII: "which deed had at first shaken the members of the conspiracy." So he used "emulation" for "hatred", as explained above. For "quot extranei" the Modius collation has "tot extr." by an obvious error. Havercamp.

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(g) ‹anchor: domestici nostri› · call in col 308

Ex natura. Naturali simultate, quae illis nobiscum est, ut ait Zephyrus. Nam certe servus erepta libertate iratus domino passim et malevolo in illum animo concipitur. Naturale est enim et odisse, quem timeas, et quem metueris infestare, si possis, inquit Minucius Felix p. 31. edit. Ouzelianae. Quod ante illum olim dixerat Seneca IV. De benef. 19. Nec quisquam amat quos timet. Videri potest respexisse ad illud Servatoris nostri effatum, quo sortem Evangelii ostendit, Matth. X. 36. Καὶ ἐχθροὶ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου οἱ οἰκιακοὶ αὐτοῦ. Pertinent huc etiam verba Chrysostomi, Homilia de SS. Bernice et Prosdoce, quas ipse pater una cum uxore sua illarum matre Domnina prodidit. Verba ejus sunt: Duplex enim erat hoc bellum (loquitur de statu Ecclesiae): unum quidem intus, alterum vero foris exortum; hoc a domesticis, illud ab hostibus; unum ab alienis, a familiaribus illatum alterum, etc.

"By nature." By the natural enmity they have towards us, as Zephyrus says. For certainly a slave, robbed of his freedom, is commonly angry with his master and conceives a malevolent mind towards him. "For it is natural both to hate the one you fear and to attack, if you can, the one you have feared," says Minucius Felix, p. 31 of Ouzel's edition. Which Seneca had said long before him, On Benefits IV, 19: "Nor does anyone love those he fears." He may seem to have looked to that saying of our Saviour by which he shows the lot of the Gospel, Matthew 10:36: "And a man's enemies shall be those of his own household." Here belong also the words of Chrysostom in the Homily on Saints Bernice and Prosdoce, whom their own father betrayed together with his wife Domnina, their mother. His words are: "For this war was twofold" (he speaks of the state of the Church): "one arising within, the other without; this from those of the household, that from enemies; one brought on by strangers, the other by intimates," etc.

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(h) ‹anchor: ora› · call in col 308

Reservavit. Ita MS. Pulean. et Coll. Mod. quam veram esse lectionem docent illa praecedentia: cruenta ut invenerat; quamvis et reseravit, quod Barraeus et Pamelius et la Cerda habent, omnino non damnem; significare enim potest ferinum illum hominis belluae similis rictum, dentium ordine quasi sera clausum, vi diffractum et apertum, quomodo nondum ad stomachum missae particulae carnis humanae in ore deprehendantur. Cyclopibus Sirenas junxit, quoniam et mares et foeminas hoc scelere confoederari inter christianos putabat. Mendose apud Rhen. indicium pro judicii.

"Kept." So the Puteanus manuscript and the Modius collation; that this is the true reading is shown by the preceding words, "bloody as he had found them"; though I do not altogether condemn "reseravit" ("opened"), which Barraeus, Pamelius and La Cerda have; for it can signify that savage gape of a man like a beast, shut as with a bolt by the row of teeth, broken and forced open, so that bits of human flesh not yet passed to the stomach might be caught in the mouth. He joined Sirens to Cyclopes because he thought that both men and women were leagued in this crime among the Christians. Rhenanus wrongly has "indicium" for "judicii".

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(i) ‹anchor: aut vendidit› · call in col 308

Quis talia facinora cum invenisset celavit aut vendidit. Quaesitores criminum facinora vendere dicuntur, qui scelera vestigando deprehensa pretio corrupti non deferunt ad tribunalia. Quis autem credat faci- (continues)

"Who, having found such crimes, concealed or sold them?" Investigators of crimes are said to sell crimes when, bribed, they do not report to the courts the misdeeds they have uncovered by tracking them down. But who would believe that crim- (continues)

(printed under page 178)

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 179)

(1) ‹anchor: omnibus mysteriis› · call in col 309

Omnium mysterium Semler.

"The mystery of all": Semler.

(printed under page 179)

(2) ‹anchor: prodita interim› · call in col 309

Interiment, jam Paris.

"Interiment, jam": Paris edition.

(printed under page 179)

(3) ‹anchor: divina servatur› · call in col 309

Servantur Fran.

Servantur (plural): Franeker.

(printed under page 179)

(4) ‹anchor: etiam piae› · call in col 309

Impie Fran.

Impie ("impiously"): Franeker.

(printed under page 179)

(5) ‹anchor: ab arbitris› · call in col 309

Et arbitros Fran.

"Et arbitros": Franeker.

(printed under page 179)

(6) ‹anchor: Fama› · call in col 309

N. f. o. nota est vestrum. Est fama m. — Paris.

"The nature of rumour is known to all of you. 'Rumour is an evil…'": Paris edition.

(printed under page 179)

(7) ‹anchor: malum fama› · call in col 309

Famae malum. Semler.

"Famae malum": Semler.

(printed under page 179)

(a) ‹anchor: ex forma› · call in col 309

Cum vel ex forma. MS. L. Bat. exhibet, cum vetus ex forma, ut referatur ad id quod sequitur, fides. Julius Firmicus Astron. lib. VII, in Praef.: Cum ignotis hominibus Orpheus sacrorum caeremonias aperiret, nihil aliud ab iis quos initiabat, in primo vestibulo, nisi jurisjurandi necessitatem, et cum terribili quadam auctoritate religionis exigit, ne profanis auribus inventae ac compositae religionis secreta proderentur. Sed et Plato Timaeum perpetuo apud se frequenter continuit, ne secretarum disputationum veneranda commenta imperitis aliquando intimaret, patiuntur enim haec omnia jacturam, cum perditis et desperatis animis ingeruntur. Apud Pythagoraeos noster Porphyrius religiosa epulantem animum nostrum silentium consecravit. HAV.

"Since even by rule." The Leiden manuscript gives "since an old [faith] by rule," so as to refer to what follows, "faith". Julius Firmicus, Astronomica book VII, in the Preface: "When Orpheus opened the ceremonies of the rites to men who did not know them, he demanded nothing else from those he initiated, at the very threshold, than the obligation of an oath, and with a certain fearful authority of religion, that the secrets of the religion he had found and composed should not be betrayed to profane ears. Plato too kept Timaeus constantly with him, lest he should ever disclose the venerable reasonings of his secret discussions to the unlearned; for all these things suffer loss when they are pressed on lost and desperate minds. Among the Pythagoreans our Porphyry consecrated silence, as religious food for our mind." Havercamp.

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(b) ‹anchor: Samothracia› · call in col 309

Samothracia. « In Samothrace insula, inquit Zeph., initiationes quaedam fuisse dicuntur, ad remedia nonnullarum periclitationum, ubi et Corybantum mysteria et Hecates sacra celebrabantur, cui canes ad antrum Zerinthum immolabant. » PAM.

"Samothracian." "On the island of Samothrace," says Zephyrus, "there are said to have been certain initiations, as remedies against various dangers, where the mysteries of the Corybantes and the rites of Hecate were celebrated, to whom they sacrificed dogs at the Zerinthian cave." Pamelius.

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(c) ‹anchor: Eleusinia› · call in col 309

Eleusinia reticentur. Nihil notum magis, praesertim postquam Meursii Eleusinia notiora facta sunt, qui de hoc silentio pluribus c. XX, quo de fonte omnes potant. Hinc tritum illud Horatii III, Od. 2: Vetabo qui Cereris sacrum / Vulgarit arcanae, sub iisdem / Sit trabibus fragilem mecum / Solvat phaselum. Noster vero pudori adscribit, detegens eorum nuditatem ad Valentin. c. I: Nam et illa Eleusinia, haeres et ipsa Atticae superstitionis, quod tacent, pudor est. HAV. — Patres fere omnes de hisce sacris meminerunt. Erant autem sacra Cereri et Proserpinae dicata, quae a Musaeo instituta fuerunt, et celebrari solita in pago quodam Attidis qui Eleusis dicebatur. LE PR.

"The Eleusinian rites are kept silent." Nothing is better known, especially since Meursius' Eleusinia became more widely known, who treats of this silence at length in ch. XX, a spring from which all drink. Hence that well-worn line of Horace, Odes III, 2: "I will forbid the man who has divulged the rite of secret Ceres to be under the same roof-beams, or to launch a frail boat with me." Our author, however, ascribes it to shame, laying bare their nakedness, Against the Valentinians ch. I: "For those Eleusinian rites too, themselves heirs of Attic superstition, are silent from shame." Havercamp. — Almost all the Fathers mention these rites. They were rites dedicated to Ceres and Proserpina, instituted by Musaeus, and customarily celebrated in a village of Attica called Eleusis. Le Prieur.

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(d) ‹anchor: initiationes› · call in col 309

Piae initiationes. Ita Rigalt. ex MS. Fuld. et ante illum Heraldus et la Cerda, ipseque Tertull. Ad Nat. I, 7, et os sit ferreum, cor plumbeum, cui non probetur. Legebatur impiae in. Cum vero, inquit, piae initiationes, i. e. quae piae et sacrosanctae habentur apud vos, extraneos arceant, an non multo magis impiis id facere convenit, metu legis etiam territis? in extremo Coll. Mod. legit, nisi impii, deleto τὸ si, non recte; nam et sic supra eleganter est locutus cap. III. nisi si aut barbaram sonat aliqua vox nominis, aut infaustum: ubi etiam τὸ si redundat, quemadmodum in loco quem ex Ovidii Metam. lib. V, 20, adduxit ibi La Cerda, Nisi si crudelis idipsum / Exigis, ut pereat. Item alio ex Plinio, qui ibidem videri potest. Mox in MS. Fuld. nisi si inconsideratus. HAV.

"Pious initiations." So Rigault from the Fulda manuscript, and before him Hérault and La Cerda, and Tertullian himself, To the Nations I, 7; and one must have a face of iron and a heart of lead not to approve it. The reading was "impiae in…". "Since," he says, "pious initiations, that is, those held pious and sacrosanct among you, keep outsiders away, is it not much more fitting for the impious to do so, frightened as well by fear of the law?" At the end the Modius collation reads "nisi impii", deleting the "si" — wrongly; for he spoke elegantly so above too, ch. III: "unless [si] some sound of the name rings barbarous or ill-omened"; where the "si" is also redundant, as in the passage La Cerda cited there from Ovid's Metamorphoses book V, 20: "Unless, cruel one, you demand this very thing, that she perish." Likewise another from Pliny, which can be seen in the same place. Shortly after, the Fulda manuscript: "nisi si inconsideratus." Havercamp.

(printed under page 179)

(8) ‹anchor: factum est Romae› · call in col 310

Fama est, hoc Romae factum Paris.

"It is rumoured that this was done at Rome": Paris edition.

(printed under page 179)

(9) ‹anchor: credit incerto› · call in col 310

Ita hunc locum emendavit Haverc.; alii quia sapiens non credit incerto.

So Havercamp emended this passage; others: "because a wise man does not believe what is uncertain."

(printed under page 179)

(10) ‹anchor: Omnium est› · call in col 310

Erit Rig.

Erit ("it will be"): Rigault.

(printed under page 179)

(11) ‹anchor: aestimare› · call in col 310

Existimare Par.

Existimare: Paris edition.

(printed under page 179)

(12) ‹anchor: illa› · call in col 310

Illa delet Par.

The Paris edition deletes "illa".

(printed under page 179)

(13) ‹anchor: rumoris obscurat› · call in col 310

Obscurant Paris.

Obscurant (plural): Paris edition.

COMMENTARIUS

(continued)

norosos potuisse facinora sua redimere, cum ipsi quotidie ad Proconsulem pertraherentur? PAM. — Aut vendidit, ipsos trahens homines. Interpretes silent, vel praeter Rigalt. turbantur varie et aestuant, ut Heraldus, cujus notam, ut saepe, suam fecit La Cerda. Sensus tamen est simplicissimus. Dicit Tertullianus, Quis talia facinora, cum invenisset, celavit aut vendidit? scilicet non homines, ut absurde in explicatione, quam notis suis praeire fecit La Cerda, sed ita facinora illa accepto pretio celans, ipsos trahens homines? i. e. cum tamen reos ipsos eorum in judicium raperet? Pro invenerat alii habent invenisset. Minucius huc respiciens: Nec intelligebamus ab his fabulas istas semper ventilari, et numquam vel investigari vel probari, nec tanto tempore aliquem existere, qui proderet, non tantum facti veniam, verum etiam judicii gratiam consecuturum. Rhen. ipsos vendens homines. HAV.

…-inals could have bought off their crimes, when they themselves were being dragged daily before the Proconsul? Pamelius. — "Or sold them, dragging the men themselves." The interpreters are silent, or, apart from Rigault, are variously confused and at a loss, like Hérault, whose note La Cerda, as often, made his own. Yet the sense is very simple. Tertullian says: "Who, having found such crimes, concealed or sold them?" — not the "men," as in the absurd explanation La Cerda set before his notes, but: concealing those crimes for a price, in such a way as to be "dragging the men themselves"? That is, while all the same hauling their guilty authors to court? For "invenerat" others have "invenisset". Minucius, looking to this: "Nor did we understand that these tales were always being bandied about by them and never investigated or proved, nor that in so long a time anyone had appeared to betray them, who would obtain not only pardon for the deed but even favour for the information." Rhenanus: "selling the men themselves." Havercamp.

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(e) ‹anchor: aestimare (11)› · call in col 310

Omnium est aestimare, etc. Id teneri vult, quantumvis magno apparatu dispersa sit fama, quantumvis adseveretur palam, unum tamen tantum habere auctorem, nec omnes illos magis curandos, quam si unus loquatur, imo dilatando, immutando, abjiciendo, addendo, veritas amittitur. HAV.

"It is for all to weigh," etc. He wants this held fast: however great the show with which a rumour is spread, however openly it is asserted, it still has only one author, and all those people are no more to be heeded than if one were speaking; indeed by spreading, changing, dropping and adding, the truth is lost. Havercamp.

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(f) ‹anchor: traduces linguarum› · call in col 310

Traduces linguarum. Ita eleganter illam appellat, quam Hebraei vocabant alteram linguam, hinc tradux incesti, c. I, et de Praescript. adv. Haeret., c. XXXII, discipuli et successores Apostolorum traduces vocantur eorum quos ab Apostolis in episcopatum constitutos, apostolici seminis traduces habent.

"Layers of tongues." So he elegantly names what the Hebrews called "the other tongue"; hence "a layer of incest", ch. I [IX], and in On the Prescription of Heretics ch. XXXII the disciples and successors of the Apostles are called "layers" of those "whom, appointed to the episcopate by the Apostles, they have as layers of the apostolic seed."

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(g) ‹anchor: tempus revelat› · call in col 310

Tempus omnia revelat, testibus etiam proverbiis vestris. Agellius, lib. XII, cap 2. Alius quidam veterum poetarum, cujus nomen mihi nunc memoriae non (continues)

"Time reveals all things, as even your proverbs witness." Aulus Gellius, book XII, ch. 2 [11]: "Another of the old poets, whose name I do not now remember… (continues)

(printed under page 179)

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 180)

(a) ‹anchor: scelerum Christianorum› · call in col 311

Christianorum. Sequuntur loco haec: Quid dicitur semper est, quia quod est, desinit dici. Suppeditat vero solum MS. Fuld.; adscripsit Scioppius, argute dictum et ungue Tertulliani dignum. Rigalt. praeteriit, La Cerda improbat, et fatetur sensum se non capere, qui hic potest esse, illud esse semper quod dicitur, i. e. Christianos semper pro impiis haberi, quia dicuntur; quod vero est, non dici, sed esse. Sed est insigne sophisma. Ut apud Aristophanem in Ranis, Act. V. sc. I, ubi Euripidem captat Aeschylus: ΕΥ. Εἶτ' ἐγένετ' αὖθις ἀθλιώτατος βροτῶν. ΑΙ. Μὰ τὸν Δί' οὐ δῆτ' ἐπαύσατο. EU. Postea hominum repente fuit miserrimus. AES. Non per Jovem: nam haud umquam miser esse desiit. Loquuntur de Oedipo. Praeterquam quod sensus hic sit nimis contortus. Itaque, post aliquam cogitationis moram, intrepide pronuntio pertinere haec ad illa quae superius hoc cap. reperiuntur: Et tam diu vivit, quam diu non probat. HAV.

"Of the Christians." In this place there follow the words: "What is said, always is, because what is, ceases to be said." Only the Fulda manuscript supplies them; Scioppius noted beside them, "cleverly said and worthy of Tertullian's touch." Rigault passed over it; La Cerda disapproves and confesses he does not grasp the sense, which may here be: what is said always is — that is, the Christians are always held to be impious because they are said to be; but what really is is not said but is. But it is a notable sophism. As in Aristophanes' Frogs, Act V, sc. 1, where Aeschylus catches Euripides out: "EU. Then he became again the most wretched of mortals. AE. No, by Zeus, he never stopped being so." [Latin version:] "EU. Afterwards he suddenly became the most wretched of men. AES. No, by Jove: for he never ceased to be wretched." They are speaking of Oedipus. Besides which, the sense here is too contorted. So, after some delay for thought, I declare boldly that these words belong to what is found earlier in this chapter: "And it lives just so long as it does not prove." Havercamp.

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(b) ‹anchor: appellem› · call in col 311

CAP. VIII. — Ut fidem naturae ipsius appellem. Postquam rumori vano et saepissime falso non esse credendum demonstravit, conatur ex ipsa hominis natura docere id quod illis ut crimen imponitur in nullum hominem cadere posse. HAV.

Chapter VIII. — "That I may appeal to the faith of nature itself." Having shown that a vain and very often false rumour is not to be believed, he tries to show from human nature itself that what is laid on them as a crime cannot befall any human being. Havercamp.

(printed under page 180)

ARGUMENTUM. — Nec falsa tantum, sed, ut contra naturae fidem, haud credenda ostendit, idque oratione vehementi. Tollit dein objectiones, quasi recentes Christiani per ignorantiam et imposturam seducantur, nec postea metu poenae proclamare ausint; cum e contrario tales sint, qui mortem pudendis anteferant.

ARGUMENT. — He shows that these things are not only false but, as being against the credit of nature, not to be believed, and that in vehement language. He then removes the objections that new Christians are led astray through ignorance and imposture, and afterwards dare not cry out for fear of punishment; whereas on the contrary they are such as prefer death to shameful things.

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(1) ‹anchor: animam novam exspecta› · call in col 312

Specta Paris.

Specta ("watch"): Paris edition.

(printed under page 180)

(2) ‹anchor: nisi incestum feceris› · call in col 312

Piaculum enim nisi incestum feceris vel admiseris conjic. Havercamp.

"For it is a sin unless you commit incest", reading feceris or admiseris: Havercamp's conjecture.

(printed under page 180)

(3) ‹anchor: Alia nos› · call in col 312

Vos Wouw.

Vos ("you"): Wouwer.

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(4) ‹anchor: natura;› · call in col 312

Cyclopes Wouw. Cynophanes Fran.

"Cyclopes": Wouwer; "Cynophanes": Franeker.

COMMENTARIUS

(continued)

est, Veritatem Temporis filiam esse dixit. Et sunt in eam sententiam versus Sophoclis. Πρὸς ταῦτα κρύπτε μηδὲν, ὡς ἅπανθ' ὁρῶν / Καὶ πάντ' ἀκούων, πάντ' ἀναπτύσσει χρόνος. RIG.

…said that "Truth is the daughter of Time." And there are verses of Sophocles to that effect: "Therefore hide nothing; for Time, seeing all and hearing all, unfolds all things." Rigault.

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(c) ‹anchor: demerge ferrum› · call in col 312

Veni, demerge ferrum. Hanc quasi legem christianismi proponit, qua initiandus ejus sacris praeformatur; demergere ferrum dixit respectu vulnerum, quae acubus fieri arbitrabantur in infantem per farris superficiem impressis. HAV.

"Come, plunge in the steel." He sets this out as if it were a law of Christianity by which one to be initiated into its rites is first trained; he said "plunge the steel" with regard to the wounds which they supposed were made with needles pressed into the infant through a surface of meal. Havercamp.

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(d) ‹anchor: omnium filium› · call in col 312

Omnium filium. Ex communi incerto natum. Disce ex Epiphanio de Gnosticis, Haeresi XXVI: ἐὰν δὲ καὶ προληφθῇ τις αὐτῶν, etc. Si vero etiam quis praeoccupatus fuerit, ut immittat dejectionem defluxus naturalis, et praegnans facta fuerit mulier, quid gravius ac horribilius designent tales, audi; detractum enim foetum quocumque tandem tempore id adgressi fuerint, accipiunt, et in mortario quodam pistido tundunt, et admixto melle et pipere, et aliis quibusdam aromatis et unguentis, ad avertendam nauseam, sic congregati omnes, porcorum ac canum horum sodales, participes fiunt contusi pueri, atque sic humanae carnis esu peracto, deinceps preces fundunt ad Deum. Quod non illusum est nobis, inquiunt, a principe concupiscentiae, sed collegimus delictum fratris. HAV.

"Everyone's son." Born of uncertain common parentage. Learn from Epiphanius on the Gnostics, Heresy XXVI: "and if one of them is overtaken," etc.: "But if anyone has been overtaken so as to let in the discharge of the natural flow, and the woman has become pregnant, hear what more grievous and horrible thing such people do: they take the foetus, drawn out at whatever time they have set about it, and pound it in a kind of mortar with a pestle, and, mixing in honey and pepper and certain other spices and perfumes to prevent nausea, they all gather together, these companions of swine and dogs, and partake of the pounded child; and so, having finished eating human flesh, they then pour out prayers to God, saying: 'We have not been mocked by the prince of lust, but we have gathered up our brother's fault.'" Havercamp.

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(e) ‹anchor: antequam vixit› · call in col 312

Morienti homini antequam vixit. Crebra tela, acuta, instat, urget. Lucanus quoque II, 109: Crimine quo parvi caedem potuere mereri? / Sed satis est jam posse mori. In marmore antiquo, ubi anus et pueruli defletur funus; haec est clausula: Vix lucem vidisse satis, qui vivere posset. / Vivere quae nollet, vix potuisse mori. Nec longe abit dira Jobi imprecatio, X, 18 et 19: Ex utero cur me protulisti? utinam animam efflassem, nec oculus me vidisset! essem quasi non fuissem, ex utero matris migrassem ad sepulcrum. HAV.

"To a man dying before he has lived." Shafts thick and sharp; he presses, he drives on. Lucan too, II, 109: "By what crime could the little ones deserve slaughter? But it is enough that they can now die." On an ancient marble, where the death of an old woman and a little boy is lamented, this is the closing couplet: "He who could have lived scarcely had time to see the light; she who did not wish to live could scarcely die." Not far from this is Job's dreadful imprecation, 10:18–19: "Why did you bring me out of the womb? Would that I had breathed out my soul and no eye had seen me! I should have been as though I had not been, carried from my mother's womb to the grave." Havercamp.

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(f) ‹anchor: cynopaene› · call in col 312

Cynopaene. Magno consensu libri veteres. Cynopenne: pro Cynopaene, id est Cynopesne. Cynopes Tertulliano Cynopae, ut Sirenae p. 308, A, et Amazonae t. II, advers. Marc. l. IV. Cynopes autem sive Cynopae, sunt Cynocephali, homines caninis capitibus, de quibus ex Indicis Ctesiae Plinius, lib. VII, cap. 2; atque his subjungit etiam Sciapodas. Habet autem Tertullianus a Plinio non pauca. Augustinus quoque, lib. XVI de Civitate Dei, cap. 8, Sciapodas recenset, et mox Cynocephalos. Notandum obiter, quod idem Augustinus tradidit hujusmodi hominum, vel quasi hominum genera, in maritima platea Carthaginis, musivo picta fuisse, ex libris, ut ipse ait, de prompta velut curiosioris historiae. RIG.

"Dog-faces." So, with great agreement, the old books. "Cynopenne": for Cynopaene, that is, "Cynopesne". The Cynopes are Cynopae for Tertullian, as Sirenae p. 308, A, and Amazonae, vol. II, Against Marcion book IV. The Cynopes or Cynopae are the Cynocephali, men with dogs' heads, of whom Pliny writes from Ctesias' Indica, book VII, ch. 2; and to them he joins the Sciapodes as well. Tertullian takes not a little from Pliny. Augustine too, City of God book XVI, ch. 8, lists the Sciapodes and soon after the Cynocephali. Note in passing that the same Augustine reports that kinds of men of this sort, or quasi-men, were painted in mosaic in the seaside square of Carthage, from books, as he says, drawn as it were from the store of a more curious history. Rigault.

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(g) ‹anchor: aut sciapodes› · call in col 312

Sciapodes. Plinius lib. VII, cap. 2: eosdem Sciapodes vocari, quod in majore aestu humi jacentes supini umbra se pedum protegant. Hesychius: Σκιάποδες· οἱ ἐν Λιβύῃ πλατεῖς ἔχουσι τοὺς πόδας καὶ ποιοῦσι σκιὰν αὐτοῖς ἐν τῷ καύματι. Sciapodes populi in Libya, habentes latas pedum plantas, et iis umbram sibi in calore facientes. De iisdem Stephanus Bysantinus: Σκιάποδες, ἔθνος Αἰθιοπικὸν, ὡς Ἑκαταῖος ἐν περιηγήσει Αἰγύπτου; Sciapodes, gens Ethiopica, ut Hecateus in periegesi Egypti. HAV.

"Shade-feet." Pliny, book VII, ch. 2: "the same are called Sciapodes because, in great heat, lying on their backs on the ground, they shield themselves with the shade of their feet." Hesychius: "Sciapodes: those in Libya have broad feet and make shade for themselves in the heat" — "the Sciapodes, peoples in Libya, having broad soles of the feet and making shade for themselves with them in the heat." Of the same Stephanus of Byzantium: "Sciapodes, an Ethiopian people, as Hecataeus in the Periegesis of Egypt." Havercamp.

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(h) ‹anchor: ordines dentium› · call in col 312

Alii ordines dentium. Quasi dracones Cadmaeii. Ovid. Metam. lib. III. in princip.: Triplici stant ordine dentes. Idem vero dicit quod Solinus c. LII. de capite canino praeditis: Megasthenes per diversos Indiae montes esse scribit nationes capitibus caninis, armatas unguibus, amictas vestitu tergorum, ad sermonem humanum nul- (continues)

"Other rows of teeth." Like Cadmus' dragons. Ovid, Metamorphoses book III, at the beginning: "The teeth stand in a triple row." He says the same as Solinus, ch. LII, of those endowed with a dog's head: "Megasthenes writes that throughout various mountains of India there are nations with dogs' heads, armed with claws, clothed in a covering of hides, with no … to human speech (continues)

(printed under page 180)

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 181)

(1) ‹anchor: jurulentiam colligas› · call in col 313

Rhen., Barraeus et cod. Agob. virulentiam.

Rhenanus, Barraeus and the Agobard manuscript: virulentiam ("venom").

COMMENTARIUS

(continued)

la voce, sed latratibus tantum sonantes, asperis rictibus. Ita enim Solinum scripsisse contendo, non ut emendat Salmasius, ritibus, sunt enim alia catellis Melitensibus, alia Molossis ora. Clarissime Lucretius V. 1062. Inritata canum cum primum magna Molossum / Mollia ricta fremunt, duros nudantia dentis: / Longe alio sonitu rabie districta minantur: / Et quum jam latrant, et vocibus omnia complent. Mollia ricta Lucretio dicuntur respectu cutis et carnis quae ora Molossorum tegunt, si tangas sunt mollissimae, at asperis rictibus Solinus respectu dentium. In eodem loco apud Solinum, ubi vir maximus valde anxie versatur, non dubito, quin sit legendum: amictas vestitu tigrium vel pantherarum, id est enim, quod Plinius dicit ferarum pelles.

…no voice, but sounding only with barks, with rough gaping jaws." For I maintain that Solinus wrote this, not "ritibus" ("customs") as Salmasius emends; for Maltese lapdogs have one kind of mouth, Molossian hounds another. Most clearly Lucretius V, 1062: "When the great soft jaws of Molossian dogs, provoked, first snarl, baring their hard teeth, they threaten, drawn back in rage, with a sound far different from when they are barking now and filling everything with their voices." Lucretius speaks of "soft jaws" with regard to the skin and flesh that cover the mouths of Molossians, which are very soft if you touch them; but Solinus of "rough jaws" with regard to the teeth. In the same passage of Solinus, where that very great man [Salmasius] is very anxiously engaged, I do not doubt that one should read "clothed in a covering of tigers'" or "of panthers'" [skins], for that is what Pliny calls "the pelts of wild beasts."

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(a) ‹anchor: patrem illum sacrorum› · call in col 313

Patrem illum sacrorum. Qui ἱεροφάντης dicebatur; de quo multa scitu digna vide in aureolo Meursii libello Eleus. c. XIII. In libro ad Nat. I. 7. ad Magistrum sacrorum vel Patrem adire.

"That father of the rites." He who was called the hierophant; on whom see many things worth knowing in Meursius' golden little book Eleusinia, ch. XIII. In the book To the Nations I, 7: "to go to the Master of the rites, or the Father."

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(b) ‹anchor: describere› · call in col 313

Describere. Ex libris nempe ritualibus, qui continebantur lapidibus duobus quam aptissime coagmentatis, quod πέτρωμα appellabant, ut discere est itidem ex Eleusinis Meursii c. X. Pausanias Arcadicis p. m. Ed. Wech. 249. ubi agit de Pheneatis, quibus omnia cum Atheniensibus communia: Φενεάταις δὲ καὶ Δήμητρός ἐστιν ἱερὸν Ἐλευσινίας, etc., i. e.: Est apud Pheneatas etiam Cereris cognomento Eleusiniae fanum; cui initia eodem ritu, quo apud Eleusinem peraguntur, cum ipsi tamen ea sacra apud se primum instituta autument. Et statim: Prope fanum Eleusiniae, lapides eminent praegrandes duo, alter apte alteri impositus: Petroma vocant eos lapides; ubi anniversarii sacri, quae majora nominant initia, dies appropinquant, disjungunt, atque inde litteras educunt, quibus pompae ritus, et quae fieri oportet omnia consignata sunt. Eum commentarium cum sacrificulis audientibus recitandum curarint, ea ipsa nocte in pristinam sedem reponunt.

"To write out." That is, from the ritual books, which were kept in two stones very closely joined, which they called the "petroma", as one may learn likewise from Meursius' Eleusinia ch. X. Pausanias in the Arcadica, p. 249 of my copy, Wechel edition, where he treats of the Pheneates, who had everything in common with the Athenians: "The Pheneates also have a sanctuary of Demeter Eleusinia," etc., that is: "Among the Pheneates there is also a shrine of Ceres surnamed Eleusinia; at which the initiations are performed with the same rite as at Eleusis, though they claim these rites were first instituted among themselves." And straight after: "Near the shrine of the Eleusinian goddess two very large stones stand out, one fitted upon the other: they call these stones the Petroma; when the days of the annual rite which they call the greater initiations draw near, they separate them and take out from there writings in which the ritual of the procession and everything that must be done is recorded. When they have had that book read aloud in the hearing of the priests, they put it back in its former place that same night."

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(c) ‹anchor: extendant› · call in col 313

Extendebant. Cogitabam primo incendant; sed omnino ita scripsit Tertullianus. Extendi enim dicit canes, quum in pedes se conjicientes, spe praedae internodia corporis laxant et spiras extendunt, significat enim mensuram corporis canini, quae in motu dilatatur. Clarissime Ovidius Metamorph. lib. XII. vers. 476. de Latreo Centauro a Caeneo interfecto. Jactanti talia Coeneus / Extentum cursu missa latus eruit hasta, / Qua vir equo commissus erat.

"Stretched them." I first thought of "incendant" ("inflame"); but Tertullian certainly wrote so. For he says dogs are "stretched" when, throwing themselves onto their feet in hope of prey, they loosen the joints of the body and extend its coils; for it signifies the length of a dog's body, which is lengthened in motion. Most clearly Ovid, Metamorphoses book XII, line 476, of the Centaur Latreus killed by Caeneus: "As he boasted thus, Caeneus, with a spear thrown, tore open his side, stretched in his course, where the man was joined to the horse."

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(a) ‹anchor: editors' note to the Commentarius, below a rule; call in the Commentarius (asperis rictibus / vestitu tergorum), not seen› · col 313

Mirum quantum facillimis in rebus desudent quandoque commentatores, cum rictus asperi nihil sint aliud quam ingratus quidam ridendi modus vel parum liberalis oris contractio, et vestitus tergorum idem sonit ac pellium. EDD.

It is a wonder how much commentators sometimes sweat over the easiest things, since "rough gapes" are nothing other than an unpleasant way of laughing or an ungracious contraction of the mouth, and "a covering of hides" sounds the same as "of pelts." The Editors.

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(d) ‹anchor: ostendam› · call in col 314

CAP. IX. — A vobis fieri ostendam. Porphyrius apud Theodoret. p. 108. et 109. Graec. Aff. cur. Ἐθύετο γὰρ, φησὶν, ἐν Ῥόδῳ, etc. Mactabatur enim, inquit, XVI. kalend. Novembris homo apud Rhodios in honorem Saturni: quod, cum perdiu servatum fuisset, in consuetudinem abiit. quemdam enim ex iis, qui publica sententia damnati essent ad capitale supplicium, adusque Saturnalia vivum asservabant: addit ibidem alios populos, qui in infandum hunc ritum consenserint. Imo notat Lactantius Inst. div. I. 13. in Historia sacra Ennii olim fuisse scriptum: Saturnum et Opem, caeterosque tunc homines, humanam carnem solitos esitare; verum primum Jovem leges hominibus moresque condentem edicto prohibuisse, ne liceret eo cibo vesci. Itaque cujus est pudoris, quin imo inverecundiae, cujus quod agere te videas, in eo alterum reprehendere? Maledicti et criminis loco dare ea, quae in te possint reciprocata vicissitudine retorqueri? ut loquitur Arnobius lib. II. HAV.

Chapter IX. — "I will show that it is done by you." Porphyry in Theodoret, pp. 108 and 109, Cure of Greek Maladies: "For at Rhodes, he says, a man was sacrificed," etc.: "For among the Rhodians, he says, a man was slain on the sixteenth day before the Kalends of November in honour of Saturn; which, having been kept up very long, passed into custom. For they kept alive until the Saturnalia one of those condemned by public sentence to capital punishment." He adds in the same place other peoples who agreed in this unspeakable rite. Indeed Lactantius notes, Divine Institutes I, 13, that it was once written in Ennius' Sacred History: "that Saturn and Ops and the other men of that time used to eat human flesh; but that Jupiter, first laying down laws and customs for men, forbade by edict that this food be eaten." So, as Arnobius says in book II: "What sense of shame is it — nay, what shamelessness — to blame another for what you see yourself doing? To bring as a reproach and a charge things which can be turned back on you in reciprocal exchange?" Havercamp.

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(e) ‹anchor: penes Africam› · call in col 314

Infantes penes Africam. Testimonia Veterum si quis desideret, adeat Elmenhorstium et alios ad illud Minucii p. 34. Merito in nonnullis Africae partibus infantes immolabantur, blanditiis et osculo comprimente vagitum, ne flebilis hostia immoletur. Et Plutarchus in Apophthegmat. narrat Gelonem tyrannum victis Carthaginiensibus ad Himeram coegisse inscribere foederibus, quod cessarent immolare filios Saturno. HAV.

"Infants in Africa." If anyone wants the testimonies of the ancients, let him go to Elmenhorst and others on that passage of Minucius, p. 34: "Rightly in some parts of Africa infants were sacrificed, their wailing stifled by caresses and kisses, lest a tearful victim be offered." And Plutarch, in the Apophthegms, relates that the tyrant Gelon, having defeated the Carthaginians at Himera, compelled them to write into the treaty that they would cease sacrificing their sons to Saturn. Havercamp.

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(f) ‹anchor: proconsulatum› · call in col 314

Proconsulatum Tiberii. Nodum, qui eruditos multum torserat, solvisse vel scidisse potius Scaligerum, testatur Heraldus in Notis. Et sane digna legi est Epistola ejus ad Casaub. LXVI. ubi disputat a Propraetore vel Proconsule Tiberii (qui et sacrificia cruenta Gallorum, teste Plinio, sustulerat) et haec sublata (continues)

"The proconsulate of Tiberius." Hérault testifies in his Notes that Scaliger untied, or rather cut, a knot that had greatly tormented the learned. And indeed his Letter LXVI to Casaubon is worth reading, where he argues that by a propraetor or proconsul of Tiberius (who, on Pliny's testimony, had also abolished the bloody sacrifices of the Gauls) these too were abolished (continues)

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ARGUMENTUM. — At vero cuncta illa crimina, quae falso Christianis objiciuntur, vera in Gentibus accusatoribus deprehendi; apud illos sacrificia humana, et olim in aperto, et nunc in occulto committi; homicidia laetis in theatro oculis spectari; infanticidia quotidie abjecto, necato etiam partu, vel abortu coacto perpetrari; sanguinem quoque gladiatorum recens necatorum sitiri; humanum pabulum de ferinis quaeri; imo in seipsos invicem incendi: Christianos contra, ab omni cruore, animalium etiam, abhorrere; apud illos incestum quotidie committi, cum, per scortationem vagam et gnatorum abjectionem, liberi etiam a parentibus ignorentur; quae cuncta a Christianis, utpote castis, continentibus, veneris etiam licitae (prout nonnulli apud illos) expertibus, longissime abesse; neque haec de Christianis ab ullis credi posse, nisi qui credant, et ipsi illa faciant, et ex se de aliis judicent.

ARGUMENT. — But in truth [he shows] that all those crimes which are falsely laid against the Christians are found to be true among their Gentile accusers: that among them human sacrifices are committed, formerly in the open and now in secret; that murders are watched in the theatre with delighted eyes; that infanticides are perpetrated daily, the offspring being cast out or even killed, or by forced abortion; that the blood also of gladiators newly slain is thirsted for; that human food is sought from the flesh of wild beasts; nay, that they are inflamed against one another; whereas the Christians shrink from all bloodshed, even of animals; that among them incest is committed daily, since, through promiscuous whoring and the casting out of their offspring, children are not known even by their parents; all of which things are as far as possible from the Christians, as being chaste, continent, and (as are some among them) without experience even of lawful love; and that these things cannot be believed of the Christians by any, save those who, in believing them, do those very things themselves and judge others from themselves.

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LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 182)

(1) ‹anchor: votivis crucibus› · call in col 315

Vivos addit. Haverc. e cod. Fuld.

Havercamp adds "vivos" ("alive") from the Fulda manuscript.

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(a) ‹anchor: obumbratricibus› · call in col 315

Arboribus templi sui obumbratricibus scelerum. Arbores dicit tenebris suis obscurasse scelera templi et sacrorum, quae ita ut cap. VII. de canibus dixit fuerint lenones tenebrarum. Unde apparet vetustissimus mos templa arboribus obumbrare, et propter horrorem religionis, et ad ventorum vim arcendam, ut fit hodie. Prout vero sua cuique Deo dicata erat arbor, ita illa Dei sui templum obumbrabat. Virgil. II. Aeneid. 713. Aeneas ait ad suos: Est urbe egressis tumulus templumque vetustum. / Desertae cereris, juxtaque antiqua cupressus; ubi docte notat Servius poetam funebrem arborem bene ante templum Deae lugentis induxisse. Cujus antiquitatis nobile monumentum exhibet sculptura gemmae, quae spectanda proponitur Dactyl. Gorl. tom. II. num. 521. ubi sacra, et ad latus arbor, statimque a nobis ad notam decimam repraesentabitur. Ut vero noster dicit iisdem arboribus, ita de obscoena cujusdam libidine Seneca verba faciens Nat. Quaest. lib. I. cap. 17. de monstro illo dicit, ad speculum suum immolandus fuit. Et Nazianzenus de illis, qui christianas exenteratas et hordeo fartas porcis objiciebant, dignos qui ipsi Daemones suos pascerent. Locum ipsum vide infra ad illa: cruditantes adhuc; hoc cap. Pam. comma post scelerum neglexit. HAV.

"On the trees of his temple that shaded their crimes." He says the trees had hidden in their darkness the crimes of the temple and the rites, so that they were, as he said of the dogs in ch. VII, "panders of darkness." Hence it appears that it was a most ancient custom to shade temples with trees, both for the awe of religion and to keep off the force of the winds, as is done today. And as each god had his own tree dedicated to him, so that tree shaded the temple of its god. Virgil, Aeneid II, 713, Aeneas says to his people: "As you leave the city there is a mound and an old temple of deserted Ceres, and beside it an ancient cypress"; where Servius learnedly notes that the poet fittingly brought in "a funereal tree before the temple of a mourning goddess." A noble monument of this antiquity is given by the carving of a gem, set out for viewing in Gorlaeus' Dactyliotheca, vol. II, no. 521, where there are rites and a tree at the side; it will be shown by us directly at the tenth note. And as our author says "on the same trees", so Seneca, speaking of someone's obscene lust, Natural Questions book I, ch. 17, says of that monster, "he should have been sacrificed at his own mirror." And Nazianzen of those who threw disembowelled Christian women, stuffed with barley, to swine, [that they were] worthy to feed their own demons. See the passage itself below at the words "still glutting themselves", in this chapter. Pamelius ignored the comma after "scelerum". Havercamp.

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(b) ‹anchor: crucibus (1)› · call in col 315

Votivis crucibus vivos exposuit. Vocem vivos ex Cod. Fuld. apposuimus, quam sane non debuerat ita negligere Rigaltius. Votivas cruces cum eodem Rigaltio ita explico: Tiberium istum ex votivis arboribus votivas fecisse cruces, in quibus scelerati isti sacerdotes pulchre pendebant, tanquam anathemata ex voto. Narrat Lucianus sacrificii quemdam ritum, qui hinc non longe abit in Dea Syria p. 910. Δένδρα μεγάλα ἐκκόψαντες, etc. Magnas arbores excisas in atrio collocant: postea adductas capras, oves, aliasque vivas pecudes, ex arboribus sc. illis suspendunt: inter quae sunt etiam aves, vestes, et aurea argenteaque opera. Ac postquam omnia perfecte composuerunt, et simulacra deorum circa arbores tulerunt, pyram accendunt, et omnia repente cremantur. HAV.

"He exposed them alive on votive crosses." We have added the word "vivos" from the Fulda manuscript, which Rigault certainly ought not to have neglected so. With the same Rigault I explain "votive crosses" thus: that this Tiberius made votive crosses out of the votive trees, on which those criminal priests hung handsomely, like offerings made by vow. Lucian describes a certain rite of sacrifice not far removed from this, On the Syrian Goddess, p. 910: "Cutting down great trees," etc.: "They set up great felled trees in the forecourt; then they bring goats, sheep and other live animals and hang them from" — that is, those — "trees; among them are also birds, garments, and works of gold and silver. And when they have arranged everything perfectly and carried the images of the gods around the trees, they light the pyre, and everything is burned at once." Havercamp.

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(c) ‹anchor: patriae nostrae› · call in col 315

Militia patriae nostrae. Quoniam Tertullian. patre centurione proconsulari fuit prognatus, suspicari quis possit reponi debere patris nostri, quomodo certe prae se ferre dicitur Cod. Fuld. Sed cum ille Tiberii Imperatoris tempora attingere non potuerit, diversus ab isto proconsul quidem Tiberius foret statuendus, de quo hic loqueretur, quod non puto. Mox idem Cod. quae ad ipsum manus. id est apud ipsum, vide indicem; cum vero mox sequatur illi hic: locum non potest habere. Solebant vero Proconsules majoresque magistratus per centuriones vel tribunos talia exsequi. In simili fere casu luculentum exstat testimonium apud Prosperum Aquitanicum De Promiss. et Praedict. Dei, parte III. cap. 38. Sub Constantio et Augusta Placidia; quorum nunc filius Valentinus pius et christianus imperat, Urso insistente tribuno, omnia illa ad solum usque perducta, agrum reliquit in sepulturam scilicet mortuorum: ipsamque viam sine memoria sui nunc Vandalica manus evertit. HAV.

"The soldiery of our country." Since Tertullian was the son of a proconsular centurion, someone might suspect that "of our father" should be restored, as the Fulda manuscript is indeed said to show. But since his father cannot have reached the times of the Emperor Tiberius, a proconsul Tiberius different from that one would have to be supposed as the one spoken of here, which I do not think. Shortly after, the same manuscript: "quae ad ipsum manus", that is, "in his presence" — see the index; but since "illi" follows here directly, it cannot stand. Proconsuls and the higher magistrates were accustomed to carry out such things through centurions or tribunes. In an almost similar case there is a striking testimony in Prosper of Aquitaine, On the Promises and Predictions of God, part III, ch. 38: "Under Constantius and the Augusta Placidia, whose son Valentinian, pious and Christian, now reigns, at the urging of the tribune Ursus, all those things were brought down to the ground, and it left a field — for the burial of the dead, that is; and the Vandal hand has now overturned the very road without memory of itself." Havercamp.

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(d) ‹anchor: in occulto› · call in col 315

In occulto perseveratur. Pueruli ejusmodi oblatio super pateram, quam Pythia sacerdos tenet, ante oculos ponitur in sculptura gemmae hujus, quam produxit olim Leonard. Augustinus, tom. I. num. 107. ubi simile Apollini sacrificium apud Cretenses, exhibitum fuisse docetur. Vid. tab. 1. n° 1. HAV.

"It is continued in secret." The offering of such a little boy on a dish held by the Pythian priestess is set before our eyes in the carving of this gem, which Leonardo Agostini once published, vol. I, no. 107, where it is shown that a similar sacrifice was offered to Apollo among the Cretans. See plate 1, no. 1. Havercamp.

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(e) ‹anchor: Christiani, (e) nec ullum› · call in col 315

Non soli vos c. C. Sensus est, non solos Christianos religioni suae, spretis idolis adhaerere, cum etiam occulta illa Saturni sacrificia licet eradicata publice et prohibita, apud quosdam durent. HAV.

"Christians do not despise you alone." The sense is: not only Christians hold to their own religion, despising the idols, since even those secret sacrifices of Saturn, though publicly rooted out and forbidden, persist among some. Havercamp.

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(2) ‹anchor: libentes respondebant› · call in col 316

Vocem in rebus sacris solemnem habent codd. Put., Bong., Fuld., Lugd., edd. Rhen., Pam. et Seml., exponebant. Sed in cod. Agob. et in altero Lugd. desunt voces: et libentes resp. et inf. blandiebantur.

The word customary in sacred matters is in the Puteanus, Bongars, Fulda and Lyon manuscripts and the editions of Rhenanus, Pamelius and Semler: "exponebant" ("they exposed"). But in the Agobard manuscript and in the other Lyon manuscript the words "and gladly answered" and "fondled the infants" are missing.

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(3) ‹anchor: Mercurio prosecabatur› · call in col 316

Prosecatur. Rig. Semler.

Prosecatur (present): Rigault, Semler.

COMMENTARIUS

(continued)

esse. Quod ut verum puto, tamen non possum illustr. viri emendationem probare, usque ad Proconsulem Tiberii; ita enim legit, licet operae expresserint Proconsulatum, contra sententiam ejus. Peccavit enim in Genium Tertulliani, qui omnino Proconsulatum voluit, sed ita, ut illo Proconsulem exprimeret, quemadmodum in hoc libro saepe locutus est, ut cum dixit naufragiis pro ipsis naufragis, cap. 39. et ministeriis alibi pro ministris. HAV.

…[abolished]. Though I think this true, I cannot approve the illustrious man's emendation, "up to the Proconsul of Tiberius"; for so he reads, although the printers set "Proconsulatum", against his view. For he sinned against Tertullian's genius, who certainly meant "Proconsulatum", but so as to express the proconsul by it, as he often speaks in this book, as when he said "shipwrecks" for the shipwrecked themselves, ch. 39, and elsewhere "ministries" for "ministers." Havercamp.

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(f) ‹anchor: libentes respondebant› · call in col 316

Libentes respondebant. Vox nota in sacris, quaeque in optimis MSS. Herald. Fuld. L. B. invenitur male Barr. et Rhen. et Pam. Exponebant significat votum misellorum istorum parentum. Plutarchus in lib. de Superstitione, in fine, ubi taxat hunc Carthaginiensium morem, Empedoclis hos profert versus: Μορφὴν δ' ἀλλάξαντα πατὴρ, φίλον υἱὸν ἀείρας, / Σφάζει ἐπευχόμενος μέγα νήπιος. ἀλλ' εἰδότες, addit, καὶ γινώσκοντες αὐτοὶ τὰ αὐτῶν τέκνα καθιέρευον. HAV.

"They gladly answered." A word known in sacred rites, found in the best manuscripts, Hérault's, the Fulda and the Leiden; Barraeus, Rhenanus and Pamelius wrongly have "exponebant". It signifies the vow of those wretched parents. Plutarch, at the end of the book On Superstition, where he censures this custom of the Carthaginians, quotes these verses of Empedocles: "The father lifts up his dear son, changed in form, and slays him with a prayer, the great fool." "But they," he adds, "knowing and understanding, themselves sacrificed their own children." Havercamp.

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(g) ‹anchor: immolarentur› · call in col 316

Ne lacrymantes immolarentur. Notum est id in sacrificiis maxime quaesitum, ne reluctantes immolarentur. Generosa itaque ad tyrannum vox Romani martyris, quam refert Chrysost. Hom. de S. Romano in fine: Cervices meas incide, nec aram commacula: habes victimam voluntariam, cur captivum taurum colligas reluctantem? Et ipse Tertullianus ad Scap. cap. II. Ita etsi nos compuleritis ad sacrificandum, nihil praestabitis Diis vestris: ab invitis enim sacrificia non desiderabant, nisi contentiosi sunt. Adde infra. cap. XXVIII.

"Lest they be sacrificed weeping." It is well known that in sacrifices this was especially sought, that the victims not be sacrificed struggling. Hence the noble word of the martyr Romanus to the tyrant, which Chrysostom reports at the end of his Homily on St Romanus: "Cut my neck, and do not defile the altar: you have a willing victim; why tie up a captive bull struggling?" And Tertullian himself, To Scapula ch. II: "So, even if you compel us to sacrifice, you will do your gods no service; for they did not want sacrifices from the unwilling, unless they are quarrelsome." Add below, ch. XXVIII.

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(h) ‹anchor: prosecabatur (3)› · call in col 316

Mercurio prosecabatur. Et de hoc satis interpretes ad Minucium. Ita vero edidit Rigalt. ex Coll. Mod. Prosecta in sacrificando dicebantur exta, quae aris dabantur ex fibris pecudum dissecta, teste Nonio, prociciem extorum Varro dixit apud eumdem, et hinc prosecare pro sacrificando Deo offerre apud Nostrum passim, ita enim c. XLVI. de Socrate: Aesculapio tamen gallinaceum prosecari jam in fine jubebat. Quomodo et c. XXIII. alia vis pronuntietur in eo, qui genitalia vel lacertos, alia qui sibi gulam prosecat. Firmant lectionem Modianam illa Suetonii in Claudio. c. XXV. Druidarum religionem apud Gallos dirae immanitatis, et tantum civibus sub Augusto interdictam penitus abolevit. Nam certe desiisse testatur etiam Pomponius Mela lib. III. c. 2. Aliquando adeo immanes Galli, ut hominem gratissimam Diis victimam crederent: manent vestigia feritatis jam abolitae, atque ut ab ultimis caedibus temperant, ita nihilominus ubi devotas altaribus admovere, delibant. Unde etiam Gallograeci ab his orti, et ritus cum nomine retinentes, apud Justinum XXVI. 2. in auspicia pugnae hostias caedunt: quarum extis cum magna caedes, interitusque omnium praedice- (continues)

"Was cut up as an offering to Mercury." On this too the interpreters on Minucius say enough. Rigault so printed it from the Modius collation. "Prosecta" in sacrificing were the entrails cut from the vitals of the beasts and given to the altars, as Nonius witnesses; Varro, in the same author, said "prociciem extorum", and hence "prosecare" for "to offer in sacrifice to a god" throughout our author; thus ch. XLVI, of Socrates: "yet at the very end he bade a cock be offered to Aesculapius." So too ch. XXIII: "let one force be declared in the man who cuts his genitals or his arms, another in him who cuts his own throat." The Modian reading is confirmed by Suetonius' words in the Claudius, ch. XXV: "He utterly abolished the religion of the Druids among the Gauls, of dreadful savagery, and under Augustus only forbidden to citizens." For Pomponius Mela too, book III, ch. 2, testifies that it had certainly ceased: "At one time the Gauls were so savage as to believe a man the most acceptable victim to the gods; traces remain of the savagery now abolished, and while they refrain from outright slaughter, they nonetheless, when they bring the devoted to the altars, take a taste [of their blood]." Hence also the Gallo-Greeks, descended from them and keeping the rites with the name, in Justin XXVI, 2: "for the auspices of battle they slaughter victims; and when by their entrails great slaughter and the death of all was foretold… (continues)

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LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 183)

(1) ‹anchor: An hoc› · call in col 317

Forte ut hoc Haverc.

Perhaps "ut hoc" (Havercamp).

(printed under page 183)

(a) ‹anchor: mitto Tauricas› · call in col 317

Tauricas fabulas. Huc pertinet ille scriptus et in tergo, necdum finitus Orestes. De his sat multa ad Minucium. Nec carpere cessat Lucian. in Dial. Junonis et Latonae et Apoll. et Bacchi. HAV.

"The Taurian tales." Here belongs that Orestes "written on the back too, and not yet finished". Enough has been said of these on Minucius. Nor does Lucian cease to carp at them in the Dialogue of Juno and Latona, and of Apollo and Bacchus. Havercamp.

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(b) ‹anchor: Aeneadarum piorum› · call in col 317

Aeneadarum piorum. Ita eos vocat ratione auctoris generis et originis (qui nullibi non hac commendatione apud Poetam introducitur), sed ut simul impietatem illorum sub tali nomine flagellet. Imitatur autem Lucret. qui ita lib. VI. 1277. Atheniensium populum pium vocat, sed absque ironia: Nec mos ille sepulturae remanebat in urbe, / Ut pius hic populus semper consuerat humari.

"Of the pious sons of Aeneas." He calls them so on account of the author of their race and origin (who is nowhere introduced by the Poet without this commendation), but so as at the same time to lash their impiety under such a name. He imitates Lucretius, who in Book VI, 1277, thus calls the Athenian people pious, but without irony: "Nor did that custom of burial remain in the city, / By which this pious people had always been wont to be buried."

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(c) ‹anchor: Jupiter quidam› · call in col 317

Jupiter quidam. Postremam vocem non agnoscit MS. L. B. Intelligit vero Latiarem, de quo satis multa alii. Insignem vero Cypriani locum producit in notis suis doctissimus vir Desiderius Heraldus. videsis plura apud Minucianos interpretes. Et revera id olim in more fuisse docet pluribus Scaliger ad Eusebium p. 56. et qui ex Plinio docet, quando ab hac crudelitate sit temperatum, in cujus sacrificii locum sanguis deinde bestiariorum successit effusus. Prudentius vers. 379. lib. I. Contra. Symm. Respice terrifici scelerata sacraria Ditis, / Cui cadit infausta fusus gladiator arena, / Heu male lustratae Phlegetontia victima Romae! Quidni igitur usurpemus illa Senecae in extremo Octaviae vers. 978. Urbe est nostra mitior Aulis, / Et Taurorum barbara tellus. / Hospitis illic caede litatur / Numen superum: civis gaudet / Romae cruore.

"A certain Jupiter." The Leiden manuscript does not recognize the last word. He means Jupiter Latiaris, of whom others have said a great deal. The most learned Desiderius Herald cites a notable passage of Cyprian in his notes; see more in the interpreters of Minucius. And that this was indeed once the custom Scaliger shows at length on Eusebius, p. 56, as does he who shows from Pliny when this cruelty was given up, the blood of the beast-fighters afterwards being shed in place of that sacrifice. Prudentius, Against Symmachus, Book I, line 379: "Look on the accursed shrines of dread Dis, / To whom the gladiator falls, poured out on the ill-omened sand, / Alas, a Phlegethontic victim of ill-purified Rome!" Why then should we not use those lines of Seneca at the end of the Octavia, line 978: "Aulis is milder than our city, / And the barbarous land of the Tauri. / There the power of the gods is appeased / By a stranger's slaughter: Rome's god / Rejoices in a citizen's blood."

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(d) ‹anchor: Sed bestiarii› · call in col 317

Sed Bestiarii. Bestiarorium, Ed. Barraei. Hi sunt qui cum bestiis congrediebantur in arena, sive nocentes, sive inopia illorum, alii cum immanibus feris comparati. Hisce ultimum coenantibus liberaliter apponebatur mensa. Apol. c. XLII. Non in publico liberalibus discumbo, quod bestiariis suprema coenantibus mos est.

"But beast-fighters." "Bestiarorium", Barraeus's edition. These are those who met the beasts in the arena, either the guilty or, for want of them, others matched against savage wild animals. A generous table was set before them as they dined for the last time. Apology ch. 42: "I do not recline in public at the Liberalia, as is the custom of beast-fighters dining their last."

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(e) ‹anchor: patris filium› · call in col 317

O Jovem christianum et solum patris filium de crud. Objiciebantur Christianis initia quaedam sacramento infanticidii cruenta, quasi Deus ac Dominus noster sanguine gauderet, homicidioque coleretur. Quod Tertullianus primo falsissimum esse ostendit, deinde crimen ipsum in accusatores retorquet. Etenim Saturno suo infantes immolari, ipsumque adeo propriis filiis non pepercisse, unico Jove patris impii dentibus erepto fuga. Sed et Jovem Romae quoque humano sanguine coli. Unde colligit, jocaturque exclamando, O Jovem christianum, qui scilicet humano sanguine placari velit ut Christus: nam hoc de Christo fama calumniosissime vulgaverat; et, solum patris filium, quasi hoc sit etiam Jovi commune cum Christo, et quemadmodum Christum unigenitum Patris filium christiana fide credimus, sic et Jupiter solus et unicus Saturni filius habeatur. Utrumque autem de crudelitate. Jupiter christianus, quia Christo sanguine humano litari mentiebantur, ut Jovi suo Latiali. Jupiter solus Patris filius, quia solus patri superstes, ceteris ab Saturno illo manduco crudelissime devoratis. RIG.

"O Christian Jupiter, and only son of his father, in cruelty." Certain rites bloody with the sacrament of infanticide were charged against the Christians, as if our God and Lord delighted in blood and were worshipped with murder. Tertullian first shows this to be utterly false, then turns the charge itself back on the accusers. For infants were sacrificed to their Saturn, and he himself did not spare even his own sons, Jupiter alone being snatched by flight from his impious father's teeth. And Jupiter too was worshipped at Rome with human blood. Hence he concludes, and jests with the exclamation, "O Christian Jupiter!", one, that is, who would be appeased by human blood as Christ was, for rumour had spread this most slanderously about Christ; and "only son of his father", as if this too were common to Jupiter with Christ, and as we believe by Christian faith that Christ is the only-begotten Son of the Father, so Jupiter too were held the sole and only son of Saturn. Both, however, refer to cruelty. Jupiter is Christian, because they falsely said that Christ was propitiated with human blood, as their Latian Jupiter was. Jupiter is the only son of his father, because he alone survived his father, the rest having been most cruelly devoured by that glutton Saturn. Rigault.

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(2) ‹anchor: parricidium homicidio› · call in col 318

Sic ed. Rhen., Her., Seml.; cod. Agob. homicidium parricidio. Rig. et Hav. licet de parricidio intersit. Sed tota sententia videtur non a Tertull. profecta esse.

So the editions of Rhenanus, Herald and Semler; the Agobard codex has "homicidium parricidio". Rigault and Havercamp: "licet de parricidio intersit". But the whole sentence seems not to have come from Tertullian.

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(3) ‹anchor: necis differt› · call in col 318

Haverc. e collatione Modiana: Si quid et de genere necis? Differt. Utique, etc. Quam scripturam servato eodem ordine verborum Semlerus quoque praetulit caeterorum librorum auctoritati.

Havercamp, from the Modius collation: "Si quid et de genere necis? Differt. Utique," etc. This reading, keeping the same order of words, Semler too preferred to the authority of the other books.

COMMENTARIUS

(continued)

tur, non in timorem, sed in furorem versi, sperantesque Deorum minas expiari caede suorum posse, conjuges et liberos suos trucidant. Ante legebatur, prosecant. HAV.

…turned not to fear but to frenzy, and hoping that the threats of the gods could be expiated by the slaughter of their own, they butcher their wives and children. Formerly the reading was "prosecant". Havercamp.

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(f) ‹anchor: liberos enecent› · call in col 318

Natos sibi liberos enecent. O crudele, o inhumanum facinus, in infantes ferrum stringere, nullius inimicos, nullius reos, qui vel ad hostes sub cultro rideant! et tamen nihil magis tritum apud illos. Unde admiratio simul et locus Germanorum apud Tacitum c. XIX. Numerum liberorum finire, aut quemquam ex agnatis necare, flagitium habetur. Graviterque impietatem istam taxat Lactant. lib. VI. 20. Ergo ne illud quidem concedi aliquis existimet, ut recentes natos liceat oblidere: quae vel maxima est impietas. Ad vitam enim Deus inspirat animas, non ad mortem. Verum homines, ne quod sit facinus, quo manus suas non polluant, rudibus adhuc, et simplicibus animi abnegant lucem non a se datam. Clare vero Barr. et hinc MS. Fuld. praeferunt enectent.

"Kill the children born to them." O cruel, O inhuman deed, to draw the sword on infants, enemies of no one, guilty towards no one, who would smile under the knife even at foes! And yet nothing was more common among them. Hence both the wonder and the passage on the Germans in Tacitus, ch. 19: "To limit the number of children, or to kill any of those born after the heir, is held a crime." And Lactantius, Book VI, 20, sharply censures this impiety: "Let no one think, then, that even this is allowed, that newborns may be strangled, which is the very greatest impiety. For God breathes souls in for life, not for death. But men, lest there be any crime with which they do not pollute their hands, deny to souls still raw and simple a light not given by themselves." Barraeus clearly, and hence the Fulda manuscript, display "enectent".

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(g) ‹anchor: utique crudelius› · call in col 318

Siquid et de genere necis, etc., Ita Coll. Modiana, omnino melius quam alii, siquidem et de genere necis differt, utique, etc. Cum utique quocumque modo perpetratum sit parricidium et homicidium, tamen si et necis genus consideres, aliud alio est crudelius; ferrum quod cito absumit hominem, quodque ideo majores natu, occidentes se eligunt, lenius mortis genus est quam longa in aquis jactatio, aut frigore fameve consumptio, aut denique viva vivo sepeliri corpora busto, ut loquitur Lucretius. In sequentibus nonnullae editiones legunt: Spiritum extorquetis, aut frigori et f. et c. e. ferro enim mori aetas q. m. optavit. Ita vero distinguo: et siquid et de genere necis? differt. Utique crudelius in aqua, etc. HAV.

"If anything too about the manner of killing," etc. So the Modius collation, altogether better than the others' "siquidem et de genere necis differt, utique", etc. Though parricide and homicide are committed in whatever way, yet if you consider the manner of death as well, one is crueller than another: the sword, which quickly ends a man, and which elders therefore choose when they kill themselves, is a gentler kind of death than long tossing in the waters, or wasting by cold or hunger, or finally "living bodies buried in a living tomb", as Lucretius says. In what follows some editions read: "spiritum extorquetis, aut frigori et f. et c. e. ferro enim mori aetas q. m. optavit." But I punctuate thus: "et siquid et de genere necis? differt. Utique crudelius in aqua," etc. Havercamp.

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(h) ‹anchor: canibus› · call in col 318

Frigori et fami et canibus exponitis. Lactant. l. V. Qui natos ex se pueros aut strangulant, aut si nimium pii fuerint, exponunt. iterum VI. 20. Quid illi, quos falsa pietas cogit exponere? Non possunt innocentes existimari, qui viscera sua in praedam canibus objiciunt: et quantum in ipsis est, crudelius necant, quam si strangulassent. Itaque merito de Saturno lib. II. Ad Nat. cap. 12. Itaque filios virili sex devorabat: melius ipse, quam lupi, si exponeret. Notatu vero dignum est, quod observavi in lectione Isidori, apud quem haec Tertullianaea inveniuntur, sed more suo auctores, unde profecerit, nomine abscondito, et verbis paulum inversis. Is itaque de poenis in legibus constitutis. lib. V. c. 27. In ipso quoque genere necis differt. Crudelius est enim in aqua spiritum torquenti extingui: ignibus uri, frigore et fame necari, canibus et bestiis exponi. Nam ferro mori, aetas quoque major optavit, additque aliunde, gladius enim sine graviori cruciatu compendiosa morte vitam finire novit. Pertinet huc fragmentum illud Sallustii ex lib. Histor. Sin vis obsistat, ferro quam fame aequius perituros, quam Pompeius ibidem mortem vocat omnium miserrimam. lib. III. HAV.

"You expose them to cold and hunger and dogs." Lactantius, Book V: "Who either strangle the boys born of them or, if they are excessively pious, expose them." Again, VI, 20: "What of those whom a false piety drives to expose them? They cannot be thought innocent who throw their own flesh to the dogs as prey, and, as far as lies in them, kill more cruelly than if they had strangled." So, fittingly, of Saturn in Book II To the Nations, ch. 12: "So he devoured his sons, six males: better that he do it himself than the wolves, if he exposed them." It is worth noting what I observed in reading Isidore, in whom these Tertullianic words are found, though, after his manner, with the name of the author he drew on concealed and the words a little turned about. He, on the penalties laid down in the laws, Book V, ch. 27: "In the very manner of killing there is a difference. For it is crueller to be extinguished in water, with the breath tormented; to be burned by fire, to be killed by cold and hunger, to be exposed to dogs and beasts. For to die by the sword even a riper age has wished," and he adds from elsewhere, "for the sword knows how to end life by a short death without heavier torment." Here belongs that fragment of Sallust from the Histories: "But if force should resist, it is fairer that they perish by the sword than by hunger", a death which Pompey in the same place calls the most wretched of all; Book III. Havercamp.

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LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 184)

(a) ‹anchor: ferro enim mori› · call in col 319

Ferro enim mori. Unde Aeneae illa indignatio apud Virgilium lib. I, 150. O Danaum fortissime gentis / Tydide, mene Iliacis occumbere campis / Non potuisse! tuaque animam hanc effundere dextra! Mortem hanc ferro inventam, Romanam appellatam, quasi fortem et virilem collige ex istis Martialis, lib. I, 79. de Festo, qui laborabat faucium morbo. HAV.

"For to die by the sword." Hence that indignation of Aeneas in Virgil, Book I, 150: "O bravest of the race of the Danaans, / Son of Tydeus, that I could not fall on the fields of Ilium, / And pour out this life by your right hand!" That this death found by the sword was called Roman, as brave and manly, gather from these lines of Martial, Book I, 79, on Festus, who suffered from a disease of the throat. Havercamp.

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(b) ‹anchor: homicidio semel interdicto› · call in col 319

Semel interdicto. Elegans hujus vocis, sed non ita passim notus, multa loca apud bonos auctores corrupit, ita hic ante meliores MSS, semper legebatur; et apud Lucretium in simul hodieque est mutatum, apud quem a bene multis illum aliquando mendis, quae adhuc resident, vindicaturi ex MSS. Vossianis Biblioth. Lug. B. reponimus ita: Admistum quoniam semel est in rebus. et ego ante jam ita correxeram, adductus loco Lucani VIII. 707. ubi de Pompeio. Simul impulit illum / Dilata Fortuna manu, pulsatur arenis, / Carpitur in scopulis, hausto per vulnera fluctu / Ludibrium pelagi. Noster denique rursus c. X. Sequetur ut eadem ratione pro aliis non sacrificemus, quia nec pro nobismetipsis, semel deos non colendo. HAV.

"Once forbidden." The elegant use of this word, but one not commonly known, has corrupted many passages in good authors: so here, before the better manuscripts, "semper" was read; and in Lucretius it has even today been changed to "simul". In him, intending one day to free him from a great many faults that still remain, we restore from the Vossius manuscripts of the Leiden library thus: "Since it has once been mixed in things." And I had already corrected it so before, led by the passage of Lucan VIII, 707, where, of Pompey: "As soon as Fortune drove him off with her hand / Withdrawn, he is beaten on the sands, / Torn on the rocks, the waves drunk in through his wounds, / The sport of the sea." Finally our author again in ch. 10: "It will follow that by the same reasoning we do not sacrifice for others, because not for ourselves either, having once ceased to worship the gods." Havercamp.

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(c) ‹anchor: conceptum utero› · call in col 319

Conceptum utero. Accepta potatione ad abortum. Juvenalis Sat. VI. 594. quem vide. Ovidius idem abominatur lib. II. etc. ut et versu 29. Fit itaque in formae lenocinium et scortis est familiare. Hinc Prosper Aquitan. De Prom. et Praedict. lib. II. cap. 15. ut sit jam uxor, quae paulo ante fuerat meretrix, habeatque filios, quae studebat filios non habere, nec jam libidini, sed suscipiendae serviat proli. At vero nulla mulier, ut bene Augustinus, potationes ad abortum accipiat, nec conceptos aut natos occidat. Quae mortiferas potiones accipit, ut non concipiat, quantoscumque parere potuisset, tantorum homicidiorum est rea: est vero tantorum, tot, tam multorum, ut saepe apud Nostrum etiam. Res sane medicis prohibita. Theodorus Priscianus in Victoriam libro III. Abortum dare nulli unquam fas est: ut enim Hippocratis testatur oratio, tam duri reatus conscientia medicorum innocens officium non debet maculare. Imo lege prohibita: Paulus I. Si quis aliquid. §. Qui abortionis. § ne poenis. Qui abortionis aut amatorium poculum dant, etsi dolo non faciant, tamen quia mali exempli res est, humiliores in metallum, honestiores in insulam, amissa bonorum parte, relegantur. Quod si eo mulier aut homo perierit, summo supplicio afficiuntur. Similis lex Mosis Exodi XXI, 22. Codex Fuld. legit conceptum uterum, notatque Scioppius ex jure phrasin esse. HAV.

"Conceived in the womb." By a draught taken for abortion: Juvenal, Satire VI, 594, which see. Ovid too abhors it, Book II, etc., as also at line 29. It is done to enhance beauty, and is common among harlots. Hence Prosper of Aquitaine, On the Promises and Predictions, Book II, ch. 15: "so that she is now a wife who a little before had been a harlot, and has sons who strove not to have sons, and serves no longer lust but the raising of offspring." But "let no woman," as Augustine well says, "take draughts for abortion, nor kill those conceived or born. She who takes deadly draughts so as not to conceive is guilty of as many homicides as the children she could have borne": "tantorum", that is, so many, as often in our author too. The thing was indeed forbidden to physicians. Theodorus Priscianus, To Victoria, Book III: "It is never lawful for anyone to give an abortion; for, as the oath of Hippocrates testifies, the consciousness of so hard a guilt must not stain the innocent office of physicians." Indeed it was forbidden by law: Paulus, l. Si quis aliquid, § Qui abortionis, § ne poenis: "Those who give a draught for abortion or a love-potion, even if they do not do it with malice, yet because the thing is of bad example, are banished, the humbler to the mines, the more honourable to an island with loss of part of their goods. But if a woman or a man has died of it, they suffer the extreme penalty." A like law of Moses, Exodus 21:22. The Fulda codex reads "conceptum uterum", and Scioppius notes that the phrase is a legal one. Havercamp.

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(d) ‹anchor: in hominem delibatur› · call in col 319

In hominem delib atur. Deliberatur Jun. male, aliae editiones melius delibatur. Delibari in hominem dicitur sanguis, dum ex praestantissimo hominis succo embryo nutritur. Lucretius. Floriferis ut apes in saltibus omnia libant. Estque id ipsum quod Jobus c. X. vers. 13. Nonne sicut lac mulsisti me, et caseum me coagulasti! Theodoret. p. 78. quo alludit rex David Ps. CXXXIX. 15. nonne occultatum est os meum in abdito, et artificiose acupictus sum in imis partibus terrae? Rigaltius tamen ex MS. Puteano edidit deliberatur, quod et ego feci ex L. B. et non est improbandum. Lucem haud parvam accipit ex notissimo Ausonii disticho: Dum dubitat Natura marem faceretne puellam, / Factus es, o pulcher, pene puella, puer. Sed omnium instar elegantissimus ille Varronis locus sit de Origine humana apud Censorinum de Die Natali cap. IX. ex sententia Pythagorae. Quae quidem fragmenta, reconditae antiquitatis plena, emendata auctaque et notis illustrata, adjecto omnium verborum vocabulario, ad editionem habemus parata. Sed ipse Varro: numeros, qui in unoquoque partu aliquid adferunt mutationis, dum aut semen in sanguinem; aut sanguis in carnem, aut caro in hominis figuram convertitur. Denique ipse rursus Tertullianus lib. IV. Adv. Marcionem cap. 21. non decem mensium cruciatu deliberatus. Ita et ibi enim meliores MSS. pro quo alii delibatus. Sensus est, dum deliberat Natura in utero, velitne conceptum semen commixtumque in hominem formare, an sinere ut effluat, naturalemque patiatur abortum. HAV.

"Is drawn off into a man." Junius reads "deliberatur", wrongly; other editions better "delibatur". The blood is said to be drawn off into a man while the embryo is nourished from the choicest sap of the human being. Lucretius: "As bees in flowery glades sip at everything." And it is the very thing Job says, ch. 10, v. 13: "Have you not milked me out like milk, and curdled me like cheese?" (Theodoret, p. 78); to which King David alludes, Ps. 139:15: "Was not my bone hidden in secret, and was I not skilfully embroidered in the lowest parts of the earth?" Rigault, however, published "deliberatur" from the Puteanus manuscript, as I too did from the Leiden one, and it is not to be rejected. It receives no small light from Ausonius's very well-known couplet: "While Nature was in doubt whether to make a male or a girl, / You were made, fair boy, almost a girl." But worth all of them is that most elegant passage of Varro on human origin, in Censorinus, On the Birthday, ch. 9, from the teaching of Pythagoras. These fragments, full of recondite antiquity, emended, enlarged and illustrated with notes, with a vocabulary of all the words added, we have ready for publication. But Varro himself: "the numbers which bring some change in each birth, while either seed is turned into blood, or blood into flesh, or flesh into the shape of a man." Finally Tertullian himself again, Against Marcion Book IV, ch. 21: "non decem mensium cruciatu deliberatus"; for there too the better manuscripts read so, where others have "delibatus". The sense is: while Nature deliberates in the womb whether she will form the seed conceived and mingled into a man, or let it flow away and suffer a natural miscarriage. Havercamp.

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(1) ‹anchor: nuncubi relatum sit› · call in col 320

Edd. omnes: legite necubi rel. sit (cod. Agob. et Lugd. est), praeter unum Scriverium, qui recte habet: nuncubi. Verba uncis inclusa, quae desunt in Rhenani ed., nescio an debeantur manui librarii male sedulae. Ritum autem istum Scytharum describit Herodot. 4, 70.

All editions: "legite necubi rel. sit" (the Agobard and Lyon codices "est"), except Scriverius alone, who rightly has "nuncubi". The words enclosed in brackets, which are missing in Rhenanus's edition, may perhaps be owed to the hand of an over-zealous copyist. That rite of the Scythians is described by Herodotus 4.70.

(printed under page 184)

(2) ‹anchor: opinor› · call in col 320

Diffusum Seml.

"Diffusum", Semler.

COMMENTARIUS (printed under page 184)

(e) ‹anchor: homo est› · call in col 320

Homo est et qui est futurus. Martialis lib. IX. ep. 42. Ipsam crede tibi naturam dicere verum. / Istud quod digitis, Pontice, perdis, homo est. Licet enim JCtis partus nundum editus nondum homo dicatur, recte tamen Paulus § de statu hominum testatur, qui in utero est, perinde ac si in rebus humanis esset, custodiri. Quomodo enim prius a JCtis dicatur, patet ex collatione verborum Papiniani ad Legem Falcidiam Dig. XXXV. tir. 2. § 9. In Falcida placuit, ut fructus postea percepti, qui maturi mortis tempore fuerunt, augeant haereditatis aestimationem fundi nomine, qui videtur illo in tempore fuisse pretiosior. Circa ventrem ancillae nulla tempori admissa distinctio est, nec immerito, quia partus nondum editus, homo non recte fuisse dicitur. Sermo est de legato et haereditatibus. Pecus appellat informe illud nondum hominem Tertull. lib. de Anima cap. 25. et membrana foetum involvens ἀμνίον, quasi pellem agnelli dicas, veteribus nuncupata fuit. Itaque nec audiendus est Aristoteles, qui nimiam civium multitudinem in una civitate dissuasurus, semen vult corrumpi et abortivum reddi, antequam homo possit nominari. Verba ejus sunt lib. VII. Politicorum cap. 16.

"He is a man who is to be one." Martial, Book IX, epigram 42: "Believe that Nature herself tells you the truth: / What you waste with your fingers, Ponticus, is a man." For though to the jurists a birth not yet delivered is not yet called a man, yet Paulus rightly testifies (§ de statu hominum) that he who is in the womb is protected just as if he were among human beings. How it was said earlier by the jurists appears from comparing the words of Papinian on the Falcidian Law, Digest XXXV, title 2, § 9: "In the Falcidian reckoning it was held that fruits gathered later, which were ripe at the time of death, increase the valuation of the inheritance under the head of the estate, which seems to have been more valuable at that time. Regarding the womb of a slave-woman no distinction of time is admitted, and not without reason, since a birth not yet delivered is not rightly said to have been a man." The passage concerns legacies and inheritances. Tertullian, On the Soul ch. 25, calls that shapeless not-yet-man "pecus", and the membrane enfolding the foetus was called by the ancients ἀμνίον, as if you were to say a lamb's skin. So Aristotle is not to be heeded either, who, to dissuade an excessive multitude of citizens in one city, wants the seed destroyed and made to miscarry before it can be called a man. His words are in Politics Book VII, ch. 16.

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(f) ‹anchor: etiam fructus omnis› · call in col 320

Etiam fructus omnis, jam in semine est. De Zenone Stoico Theodoret. p. 73. τὸν γάρ τοι ἀνθρώπινον σπορὸν, ὑγρὸν ὄντα καὶ μετέχοντα πνεύματος, τῆς ψυχῆς ἔφησεν εἶναι μέρος τε καὶ ἀπόσπασμα. Genitale siquidem hominis semen, quod humore ac spiritu praeditum esse cernitur, partem esse animae, quamdamque veluti abscissionem putavit. Impiae itaque Platonis leges apud eumdem p. 131. ὅταν δὲ αἱ γυναῖκες, etc. Ubi autem viri et mulieres gignendi tempus excesserint, liberos eos sinemus conversari ut velint; hoc solum praemonentes, ne quem amplius conceptum foetum in lucem edant: si quis autem institutum hoc ita violarit, ut foetum ad partum perducat, ita eum denique exponat, ut omni prorsus alimonia careat. Alii, et fructus o. jam in s. e. Rhen. et fructus hominis.

"Even all the fruit is already in the seed." Of Zeno the Stoic, Theodoret p. 73: "For the human seed, being moist and partaking of breath, he said was a part and an offshoot of the soul." That is, he held that the generative seed of man, which is seen to be endowed with moisture and breath, is a part of the soul, a kind of cutting from it. Impious, then, are the laws of Plato in the same author, p. 131: "When the women," etc.: "But when men and women have passed the time of begetting, we shall let them consort freely as they will, warning them only of this, that they bring no further conceived foetus to the light; and if anyone violates this rule so as to carry a foetus to birth, let him expose it in such a way that it lacks all nourishment whatever." Others read "et fructus o. jam in s. e."; Rhenanus "et fructus hominis".

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(g) ‹anchor: sanguinis pabulo› · call in col 320

De sanguinis pabulo. Retorquet in adversarios crimen de pabulo crudae et sanguinis haustu; de quo more multa congesserunt Interpretes Minuciani.

"Of a meal of blood." He turns back on his opponents the charge of raw food and the drinking of blood; on which custom the interpreters of Minucius have gathered much.

(printed under page 184)

(h) ‹anchor: defusum› · call in col 320

Defusum brachiis sanguinem. Vide Lydii Syntagma sacrum de Re Mil. p. 203. et notas ad Minu- (continues)

"Blood poured from the arms." See Lydius's Syntagma sacrum on military matters, p. 203, and the notes on Minu[cius] (continues)

(printed under page 184)

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 185)

(1) ‹anchor: Hodie istic› · call in col 321

Et hic Wouw.

"Et hic", Wouwer.

(printed under page 185)

(2) ‹anchor: sacratos sanguis› · call in col 321

Sacratur Wouw. Succatus Barr.

"Sacratur", Wouwer; "Succatus", Barraeus.

(printed under page 185)

(3) ‹anchor: proscisso parmula› · call in col 321

In palmulam Fran.

"In palmulam", Franeker edition.

(printed under page 185)

(4) ‹anchor: suis datus signat› · call in col 321

Cod. Lugd. Hodie istic Bellonae sacratus sanguis de fem. proscisso in palmulam exceptus et sui datus signat. Cod. Fuld. Hodie i. B. secator s. de f. pr. palmula exceptus et usui datus signat. Cod. Put. et Bong. exceptus et sui datus signat. Rhen.: parmula.

The Lyon codex: "Hodie istic Bellonae sacratus sanguis de fem. proscisso in palmulam exceptus et sui datus signat." The Fulda codex: "Hodie i. B. secator s. de f. pr. palmula exceptus et usui datus signat." The Puteanus and Bongars codices: "exceptus et sui datus signat." Rhenanus: "parmula".

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(5) ‹anchor: noxiorum jugulatorum› · call in col 321

Rigulatorum Cod. Fuld. Forte: vigilatorum Haverc.

"Rigulatorum", Fulda codex. Perhaps "vigilatorum", Havercamp.

(printed under page 185)

(a) ‹anchor: sub Catilina› · call in col 321

Nescio quid et. Addit hoc tale Coll. Mod. et recte dubitantis more expressit Auctor, quoniam nec ipse Sallustius asseverat, sed ut rumorem ponit. Fuere ea tempestate, qui dicerent, Catilinam, etc. ubi videndus doctissimus Putschius. Simile contigisse fertur sub tyranno Magnentio.

"Something too." The Modius collation adds "tale", and the author rightly expressed it in the manner of one in doubt, since Sallust himself does not assert it but sets it down as a rumour: "There were at that time those who said that Catiline," etc., where the most learned Putschius should be consulted. Something similar is said to have happened under the tyrant Magnentius.

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(b) ‹anchor: a suis comedi› · call in col 321

A suis comedi. Adv. Marcionem lib. I. Parentum cadavera cum pecudibus caesa convivio convorant. Qui non ita decesserint, ut escatiles fuerint, maledicta mors est. Similis Massagetarum ingluvies. Hieron. adversus Jovian. II. Massagetae miserrimos putant, qui aegrotatione moriantur, et parentes cognatos, propinquos, cum ad senectam venerint, jugulatos devorant: τὸ et non agnoscebat Edit. Barraena.

"Eaten by their own." Against Marcion Book I: "They devour at a feast the corpses of their parents, slaughtered along with the cattle. For those who have not died so as to be fit for eating, death is a curse." Like is the gluttony of the Massagetae; Jerome, Against Jovinian II: "The Massagetae think those most wretched who die of sickness, and they slaughter and devour their parents, kinsmen and relatives when they have come to old age." Barraeus's edition did not recognize the "et".

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(c) ‹anchor: parmula› · call in col 321

Parmula exceptus. Ita Rhenan. editio, et recte, quid enim illud quod omnes alii substituunt palmula? an vola manus, an palmae arboris lignum? Rem ipsam, ipsum sacrum, in ipso actu Bellonarium vide ad aram Deae in sculptura gemmae hujus insignis, in Dactyl. Gorlaeana tom. II. num. 664. et hic pag. 91. ubi velim notes clypeolum vel parmulam arae innixam et ad sanguinis exceptionem destinatam. Sed et palmulam adhibitam in his sacris patet ex notabili hac gemmae sculptura, quam produxit doctiss. Leon. Augustin. 1. 171. ubi nudus talis Bellonarius conspicitur, qui latus ferro sibi, quod sinistra gerit, fodit, cruore qui de femore proscisso labitur, dextram plenam ante Bellonae signum sublevans. Sed accuratius intuenti diversus hujus sacri ritus apparet, et ut sanguinis esus in prima, ita devotio in secundae gemmae sculptura.

"Caught in a small shield." So Rhenanus's edition, and rightly; for what is that "palmula" which all the others substitute? the hollow of the hand, or the wood of a palm tree? See the thing itself, the very rite, with the priests of Bellona in the act, at the goddess's altar, in the carving of this notable gem in the Dactyliotheca of Gorlaeus, vol. II, no. 664, and here p. 91, where I would have you note the little shield or parmula leaning on the altar and meant for catching the blood. But that a palmula too was used in these rites is plain from this remarkable gem-carving produced by the most learned Leonardo Agostini, 1. 171, where such a priest of Bellona is seen naked, stabbing his side with the blade he holds in his left hand, and raising before the image of Bellona his right hand full of the blood that runs from the gashed thigh. But to one looking more closely the rite of this sacrifice appears different: as the eating of blood in the first gem's carving, so the self-offering in the second's.

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(d) ‹anchor: noxiorum jugulatorum› · call in col 321

Jugulatorum. Rigulatorum Cod. Fuld. pro in omnibus aliis est jugulatorum. Probat Scioppius et de fascia explicat, qua obvolvebant vulnus sanguinemque sistebant. Itaque Nonium in partes adducit in voce rica. Posset et Festum. Is: ricae et riculae vocantur parva vicinia, ut palliola ad usum capitis facta. Granius quidem ait esse muliebre cingulum capitis, quo pro vittae Flaminica redimatur. Et Isidorum XIX. 31. Rigula est mitra virginalis capitis; non enim placet repetitio illa jugulatorum et mox jugulo. Quid si ex vestigiis MS. lectionis facias rigidulorum, ut innuat gladiatores noxiosve jam ex disciplina jugulum praebere fortiter jussos, ex vulnere pallere et rigere, qui status corporis animae fugam comitatur. Adrianus Caesar moribundus apud Spartianum in Vita ejus, hos versus effundit: Animula vagula, blandula, / Hospes, comesque corporis, / Quae nunc abibis in loca / Pallidula, rigida, nudula, / Nec, ut soles, dabis jocos. Ipse denique Tertullian. Rigere et pallere post lavacrum mortuus possum, infra c. XLII. Frustra enim obligatur jugulum in arena, ubi vulnus est, mortiferum, et quem, ut notum est, victi praebere debebant. Eadem Collatio mox delet exceptum, quod et abesse potest. Sed quod Rigaltius quoque inducat in Edit. sua haec, de jugulo decurrentem, ferre non possum, nempe concursus iste repetiti vocabuli non placuit, nec inventa est medicina, nisi atrox urendo, secando. HAV.

"Of the slaughtered." The Fulda codex has "rigulatorum" where all the others have "jugulatorum". Scioppius approves it and explains it of the bandage with which they wrapped the wound and stanched the blood. So he brings in Nonius on the word "rica". He could have brought Festus too: "Ricae and riculae are the name of small … , like little cloaks made for wearing on the head. Granius indeed says it is a woman's head-band, with which the Flaminica is bound in place of the fillet." And Isidore XIX, 31: "Rigula is a maiden's head-mitre." For that repetition, "jugulatorum" and soon "jugulo", is not pleasing. What if, from the traces of the manuscript reading, you made "rigidulorum", to suggest that the gladiators or condemned men, already trained to offer their throats bravely, grow pale and stiff from the wound, the bodily state that accompanies the flight of the soul? The Emperor Hadrian, dying, poured out these verses, in Spartianus's Life of him: "Little soul, wandering, charming, / Guest and companion of the body, / Into what places will you now depart, / Pale little thing, stiff, naked, / Nor will you make your jokes as you used to?" Finally Tertullian himself, below, ch. 42: "After the bath I can be stiff and pale as a dead man." For it is pointless to bind the throat in the arena, where the wound is mortal, and which, as is known, the vanquished had to offer. The same collation soon deletes "exceptum", which can also be absent. But that Rigault too brings these words into his edition, "de jugulo decurrentem", I cannot bear; evidently that meeting of the repeated word did not please him, and no remedy was found except a savage one, by burning and cutting. Havercamp.

(printed under page 185)

(6) ‹anchor: ubi› · call in col 322

Auferunt Par.

"Auferunt", Paris edition.

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(7) ‹anchor: colluctando› · call in col 322

Conculcando Paris.

"Conculcando", Paris edition.

(printed under page 185)

(8) ‹anchor: Ipsorum› · call in col 322

Jacuit Paris. Cervus ille se glad. sanguine jactavit Haverc.

"Jacuit", Paris edition. "Cervus ille se glad. sanguine jactavit", Havercamp.

(printed under page 185)

(9) ‹anchor: crudi tantes› · call in col 322

Trucidantibus Jun. Tuditantibus vel truditantibus Havercamp.

"Trucidantibus", Junius. "Tuditantibus" or "truditantibus", Havercamp.

COMMENTARIUS

(continued)

cium. Athenaeus Carmanorum morem narrat lib. II. solitos illos mutuum sanguinem in compotationibus propinare firmandae amicitiae. In Cod. Fuld. est alterutro. MS. L. B. et Pam. diffusum.

…cius. Athenaeus, Book II, tells the custom of the Carmanians, that at their drinking-bouts they used to pledge each other's blood to strengthen friendship. The Fulda codex has "alterutro". The Leiden manuscript and Pamelius have "diffusum".

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(e) ‹anchor: siti comitiali› · call in col 322

Comitiali morbo. Minucius: Ipsum credo Jovem Saturni filium comitialem morbum hominis sanguine, id est, morbo graviore, sanare. Ubi Wouwerius ex Scribonio Largo medico notat c. XII. ex jecinore gladiatoris jugulati particulam aliquam novies datam consumant. Nota quoque historia Faustinae Antonini Philosophi Imperatoris uxoris, cui gladiatorem amanti in remedium amoris sanguis ipsius occisi oblatus est, ut narrat Julius Capitolinus. HAV.

"The comitial disease." Minucius: "I believe Jupiter himself, Saturn's son, heals the comitial disease with a man's blood, that is, with a graver disease." Where Wouwer notes from the physician Scribonius Largus, ch. 12: "that they consume some small piece of the liver of a slaughtered gladiator, given nine times." Well known too is the story of Faustina, wife of the Emperor Antoninus the Philosopher, to whom, being in love with a gladiator, his blood, when he had been killed, was offered as a remedy for love, as Julius Capitolinus tells. Havercamp.

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(f) ‹anchor: ferinis obsoniis› · call in col 322

Ferinis obsoniis coenant. Totum locum adumbravit Minucius, p. 34. Non dissimiles et qui de arena devorant illitas cruore, vel membris hominis et viscere saginatas. Quos quomodo notabit Ovidius, apud quem brutorum etiam esum dissuadentis Pythagorae oratio est Metam. lib. XV. vers. 88. Heu! quantum scelus est, in viscera viscera condi, / Congestoque avidum pinguescere corpore corpus, / Alteriusque animantem animantis vivere letho!

"Dine on game." Minucius sketched the whole passage, p. 34: "Not unlike them are those who devour from the arena [beasts] smeared with gore, or fattened on the limbs and flesh of a man." How Ovid would brand them, in whom there is the speech of Pythagoras dissuading even from eating animals, Metamorphoses Book XV, line 88: "Alas, how great a crime it is to bury flesh in flesh, / For a greedy body to grow fat on a body heaped in, / And for one living thing to live by the death of another!"

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(g) ‹anchor: colluctando› · call in col 322

Colluctando. MS. Fuld. conluctando. Barr. luctando. At vero Rhenan. et MS. Lugd. Bat. legunt conculcando, quod magis rectum puto, ut magis proprium apris. Itaque ex natura illorum loquitur Christus Matth. VII. 6. μήποτε καταπατήσωσιν αὐτοὺς ἐν τοῖς ποσὶν αὐτῶν. HAV.

"By wrestling with it." The Fulda manuscript "conluctando"; Barraeus "luctando". But Rhenanus and the Leiden manuscript read "conculcando", which I think more correct, as more proper to boars. So Christ speaks from their nature, Matthew 7:6: "lest they trample them under their feet." Havercamp.

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(h) ‹anchor: Ipsorum› · call in col 322

In gladiatoris sanguine jacuit. Ita MS. L. B. et editiones Rhen. et Rigaltii. At vero Barr. et Herald. Pameliusque jactavit: quomodo fere MS. Fuld. seu Coll. Mod. sanguinem jactavit. Puto reponi debere: cervus ille se glad. sanguine lactavit. Caecil. apud Nonium in lactare: Quid proluvium, quae voluptas; quae te lactat largitas? i. e. mulcet, delectat, afficit, vel in g. s. lactavit. Cicero ibid. Malevolentia lactans malo alieno, et hoc verissimum. Si enim jactavit vel jacuit tantum, detracta pelle cruenta nihil sceleris remanet; nec humani sanguinis vestigium, sed si hauserit cruorem, jam alia res est. Non ingratum fore judico hic inserere, quare Aegyptii a quibusdam dicantur suilla abstinuisse. Aelianus in libro de Animalib. X. c. 16. ingluviem suum vel ab esu humanae carnis non abstinentium notat. ἡ ὗς καὶ τῶν ἰδίων τέκνων, etc., i. e. Suillum pecus tantopere explendo abdomini deditum est, ut ne propriis quidem suis foetibus parcat, neque helluationem suam ab humano corpore abstineat Quae causa est, cur hujusmodi animal, ut impurum, detestabile et voracissimum, apud Aegyptios in summo odio habeatur. (continues)

"Lay in the gladiator's blood." So the Leiden manuscript and the editions of Rhenanus and Rigault. But Barraeus, Herald and Pamelius have "jactavit", as, nearly, the Fulda manuscript or Modius collation, "sanguinem jactavit". I think one should restore: "cervus ille se glad. sanguine lactavit". Caecilius in Nonius under "lactare": "What flood, what pleasure, what largesse allures you?", that is, soothes, delights, affects; or "in g. s. lactavit". Cicero in the same place: "malevolence delighting in another's harm"; and this is most true. For if it only tossed or lay there, once the bloody hide is stripped off no crime remains, nor any trace of human blood; but if it drank the gore, that is another matter. I judge it will not be unwelcome to insert here why the Egyptians are said by some to have abstained from pork. Aelian, On Animals X, ch. 16, notes the gluttony of swine, which do not abstain even from eating human flesh: "The sow even [of] its own young," etc., that is: "The swinish beast is so given to filling its belly that it spares not even its own offspring, nor keeps its gorging from the human body. This is why such an animal, as impure, detestable and most voracious, is held in the utmost hatred among the Egyptians." (continues)

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LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 186)

(1) ‹anchor: proinde› · call in col 323

Deinde Paris.

"Deinde", Paris edition.

(printed under page 186)

(2) ‹anchor: inhiant, quia› · call in col 323

Qua Jun.

"Qua", Junius.

(printed under page 186)

(3) ‹anchor: ad spurcitiam› · call in col 323

A spurcitia Paris.

"A spurcitia", Paris edition.

(printed under page 186)

(4) ‹anchor: ne quo› · call in col 323

Quo modo Fran. quoque MS. L. Bat.

"Quo modo", Franeker edition; "quoque", Leiden manuscript.

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(a) ‹anchor: caro pasta› · call in col 323

Pasta de homine. Utitur et hac locutione Prudentius contra Symm. I. vers. 383. increpans voluptatem oculorum in caedibus gladiatorum: Quid sanguine pasta voluptas. Intellige ex illis Senecae Nat. Quaest. II, 3. Pars est nostri, manus, ossa, nervi, oculi: materia, succus retenti cibi, iturus in partes. HAV.

"Fed on man." Prudentius too uses this expression, Against Symmachus I, line 383, rebuking the pleasure of the eyes in the slaughter of gladiators: "What pleasure fed on blood." Understand it from these words of Seneca, Natural Questions II, 3: "Part of us are the hand, bones, sinews, eyes; the material is the juice of food retained, about to pass into the parts." Havercamp.

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(b) ‹anchor: sanguinem lambunt› · call in col 323

Futurum sanguinem lambunt. Epiphanius de Gnosticis, Haeresi XXVI. Οἱ δὲ τάλανες, μιγέντες ἀλλήλοις, καὶ ὡς ἐπὶ ἀληθείας αἰσχύνομαι εἰπεῖν τὰ παρὰ τοῖς αὐτοῖς αἰσχρὰ πραττόμενα, κατὰ τὸν ἅγιον Ἀπόστολον, καὶ τὰ παρ' αὐτοῖς γινόμενα αἰσχρόν ἐστι καὶ λέγειν· ὅμως οὐκ αἰσχυνῶ λέγειν, ἃ αὐτοὶ ποιεῖν οὐκ αἰσχύνονται, ἵνα κατὰ πάντα τρόπον φρίξιν ἐργάσωμαι τοῖς ἀκοοῦσι τὰ παρ' αὐτῶν γενόμενα αἰσχρουργήματα. μετὰ γὰρ τὸ μιγῆναι πάθει πορνείας, προσεπιτούτοις ἀνατείνοντες τὴν ἑαυτῶν βλασφημίαν εἰς οὐρανὸν, δέχεται μὲν τὸ γύναιον καὶ ὁ ἀνὴρ τὴν ῥύσιν τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ ἄρρηνος εἰς ἰδίας αὐτῶν χεῖρας, etc., καὶ οὕτως αὐτὸ ἐσθίουσι, μεταλαμβάνοντες τὴν ἑαυτων ἀκαθαρσίαν, καὶ φασι· Τουτό ἐστι τὸ σῶμα τοῦ Χριστοῦ. Supra: homo est, et qui est futurus, et fructus omnis jam in semine est. HAV.

"They lick up blood that is to be." Epiphanius on the Gnostics, Heresy 26: "And the wretches, having mingled with one another (and truly I am ashamed to tell the shameful things done among them, for, as the holy Apostle says, the things done among them it is shameful even to speak of; yet I shall not be ashamed to speak of what they are not ashamed to do, so that in every way I may make those who hear of the obscenities done by them shudder): for after they have mingled in the passion of fornication, lifting up besides their blasphemy to heaven, the woman and the man take the emission from the male into their own hands," etc., "and so they eat it, partaking of their own uncleanness, and they say: This is the body of Christ." Above: "he is a man who is to be one, and all the fruit is already in the seed." Havercamp.

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(c) ‹anchor: epulis esculentis› · call in col 323

Sanguinem in epulis esculentis. Multis haec illustravit Elmenhorstius ad Minucii locum, hinc explicans illud Act. XV, 27. quod nos superius aliter exposuimus. Ibidem docet sequiores christianos in totum nonnunquam carnibus abstinuisse ex hoc Prudentiano Cathemer. Absit enim procul illa fames, etc. / Caedibus ut pecudum libeat / Sanguineas lacerare dapes. / Sint fera gentibus indomitis / Prandia de nece quadrupedum, / Nos oleris coma, nos siliqua / Foeta legumine multimodo / Paverit innocuis epulis. unde Blandina apud Euseb. Hist. Eccl. V, 1. Ruffini verbis: Multum erratis, o viri, quod putatis infantum visceribus vesci eos, qui ne mutorum quidem animalium carnibus utuntur. Nota vero illud, epulis esculentis, Minucius edulium dicit, quae significant lautiores epulas, quibus nonnunquam pro temporis ratione Christiani se invitabant, qui itaque ne in deliciis quidem suis sanguine vel bestiarum vescerentur, quomodo humanum ingurgitarent? Clementiae hinc quoque laudem apud Romanos sibi peperit Domitianus, sed initio imperii, proferens Virgilii versum: Impia quam caesis gens est epulata juvencis. adeo ut edicere destinaverit, ne boves immolarentur, prout in Vita ejus c. IX. narrat Suetonius. Scripsit libellum de hac re Evanthius Abbas, scriptor pius et vetustus. HAV.

"Blood in dishes for eating." Elmenhorst illustrated this at length on the passage of Minucius, explaining from it Acts 15:27 [sic], which we expounded otherwise above. In the same place he shows that later Christians sometimes abstained from meat altogether, from this passage of Prudentius's Cathemerinon: "Far be that hunger, etc. / That it should please us, by the slaughter of cattle, / To tear bloody feasts. / Let untamed nations have savage / Meals from the death of four-footed beasts; / Us let the leafy herb, the pod / Teeming with many kinds of pulse, / Feed with harmless dishes." Hence Blandina in Eusebius, Church History V, 1, in Rufinus's words: "You are much mistaken, men, in thinking that they feed on the flesh of infants who do not even use the flesh of dumb animals." Note too "epulis esculentis"; Minucius says "edulium": they signify the more sumptuous meals to which Christians sometimes invited one another as the season allowed. Since, then, they did not eat even the blood of beasts in their delicacies, how would they gulp down human blood? Domitian too won himself praise for clemency among the Romans on this account, though at the beginning of his reign, quoting Virgil's line: "Before the impious race feasted on slaughtered bullocks", so that he resolved to issue an edict that oxen should not be sacrificed, as Suetonius tells in his Life, ch. 9. The Abbot Evanthius, a pious and ancient writer, wrote a little book on this subject. Havercamp.

(printed under page 186)

(5) ‹anchor: certissimi› · call in col 324

Certissimi — Porro abest Paris.

"Certissimi … Porro" is absent in the Paris edition.

(printed under page 186)

(6) ‹anchor: humano inhiare› · call in col 324

Initiare legit Wouwerius ad Minucium p. 39.

Wouwer, on Minucius p. 39, reads "initiare".

(printed under page 186)

(7) ‹anchor: Proinde› · call in col 324

Perinde Par.

"Perinde", Paris edition.

(printed under page 186)

(8) ‹anchor: si gustassent› · call in col 324

Sic Her., Wouw., Rig., Hav. e MS.; Cod. Fuld. necandi (Pamel. aliique: negandi) si non gustassent, qu. si immolassent.

So Herald, Wouwer, Rigault, and Havercamp from a manuscript; the Fulda codex "necandi (Pamelius and others: negandi) si non gustassent, qu. si immolassent".

COMMENTARIUS

(continued)

Oratio Septimii nostri ita intelligi debet: Animalia ista, quorum carnes vos avide devoratis, priusquam in arena a bestiariis strata sunt, multos ante adversariorum occiderunt, ita aper cruorem, quem e vulnere dentibus elicuit, dum conculcat semimortuum hominem, detersit et hausit; cervus potum defessus sitiens avide ingurgitavit, ursus hominem ipsum intra viscera sua etiam sepelivit. Martialis I, ep. 44. Ponatur tibi nullus aper post talia facta; / Sed tu ponaris, cui Charidemus, apro. Tertull. de Spectac. cap. XII. nisi et feris humana corpora dissiparentur. Et cap. XXI. idem in amphitheatro derosa et dissipata, et in suo sanguine squallentia corpora patientissimis oculis desuper incubat.

The words of our Septimius should be understood thus: those animals whose flesh you greedily devour had, before they were laid low in the arena by the beast-fighters, killed many of their adversaries: thus the boar wiped off and drank the gore he drew from the wound with his tusks while trampling a half-dead man; the stag, worn out and thirsty, greedily gulped it as drink; the bear even buried the man himself within its belly. Martial I, epigram 44: "Let no boar be served to you after such deeds; / But may you be served to the boar, Charidemus." Tertullian, On the Shows ch. 12: "unless human bodies were also torn apart by beasts." And ch. 21: "the same man in the amphitheatre broods from above with most patient eyes over bodies gnawed and torn and filthy in their own blood."

(printed under page 186)

(d) ‹anchor: Christianorum botulos› · call in col 324

Botulos etiam cruore distentos. De his omnino videndus Leo Imperator in Constitutione LVIII. quae botulorum et omnino sanguinis esum vetat. Jamque Homeri tempore hoc genus edulii notum fuit, ut patet ex Odyss. Σ. vers. 44 et 117. Ut vero Graeci γαστέρες et γαστριμάργους appellarunt belluones, quod loco citato latius exsequitur Eustathius, ita etiam Noster tales botulos vocat adversus Psychicos c. 1. exteriores et interiores botuli Psychicorum. Lego vero hic ex Modiana collatione efficacius: in tormenta christianorum botulos etiam cruore, etc.; quo enim vexarent miseros, botulos in os infarciebant, habentes exploratum, sanguine omnino abstinere. HAV.

"Sausages even stuffed with gore." On these the Emperor Leo should by all means be consulted, in Constitution 58, which forbids the eating of sausages and of blood altogether. This kind of food was already known in Homer's time, as is clear from Odyssey 18, lines 44 and 117. And as the Greeks called gluttons "bellies" and "belly-mad", which Eustathius pursues more fully at the passage cited, so our author too calls such people sausages, Against the Psychics ch. 1: "the outer and inner sausages of the Psychics." But here, from the Modius collation, I read more forcefully: "in tormenta christianorum botulos etiam cruore," etc.; for to torment the wretches they stuffed sausages into their mouths, having found out that they abstained from blood altogether. Havercamp.

(printed under page 186)

(e) ‹anchor: ut acerram› · call in col 324

Ut foculum, ut acerram. Quibus nonnunquam vitam suam redimebant, qui eam anima cariorem habebant. Adv. Marc. I, 27. Quid non et in persecutionibus statim oblata acerra animam negatione lucraris? MS. L. B. transponit, adhiberi oportebat ut foculum, ut acerram. Pietatem meram spirant illa, quae Ausonii carmina inter leguntur. Sunt in Parecbasi: Nec thus cremandum postulo, / Nec liba crusti mellei: / Foculumque vivi cespitis / Vanis relinquo altaribus.

"Like the brazier, like the incense-box." With these some ransomed their life, who held it dearer than their soul. Against Marcion I, 27: "Why, in persecutions too, when the incense-box is offered, do you not at once gain your life by denial?" The Leiden manuscript transposes: "adhiberi oportebat ut foculum, ut acerram". Pure piety breathes in the lines read among the poems of Ausonius, in the Parecbasis: "I ask for no incense to be burned, / Nor cakes of honeyed crust; / The little hearth of living turf / I leave to the empty altars."

(printed under page 186)

(f) ‹anchor: respuendo› · call in col 324

Quemadmodum sacrificium. Praetulerim lectionem MS. Fuld. appetendo christiani, qui sacrificium respuendo. Sensus est, iis qui recusatione sacrificii probantur christiani, magis illius sectae probarentur esu sanguinis, quod illis solemne. Sed hanc, et multas alias ejus Codicis lectiones praetermisit Rigaltius. HAV.

"As [by refusing] sacrifice." I should prefer the reading of the Fulda manuscript, "appetendo christiani, qui sacrificium respuendo". The sense is: those who are proved Christians by refusing sacrifice would be proved more of that sect by eating blood, since that is customary for them. But Rigault passed over this and many other readings of that codex. Havercamp.

(printed under page 186)

(g) ‹anchor: necandi› · call in col 324

Necandi si gustassent. Hanc lectionem praeferunt Herald. Wouwerius et Rigalt. ad quam aspirat MS. Fuld. in quo necandi si non gustassent. Sed et altera non infirmo tibicine nixa est, negandi si non gustassent, quemadmodum si immolassent; quam receperunt Pam. et la Cerda et Junius, et ante illos Barraeus et Gelenius, tutatur etiam MS. Lugd. Bat. Negandi scilicet christiani, qui sanguinem non appetent, aeque ut nunc qui sacrificent. Priorem lectionem ita explico, tum demum morte puniri debere ut patratores infanticidii et humani sanguinis appetentes, si degu- (continues)

"To be killed if they had tasted." Herald, Wouwer and Rigault prefer this reading, to which the Fulda manuscript approaches, having "necandi si non gustassent". But the other too rests on no weak prop, "negandi si non gustassent, quemadmodum si immolassent", which Pamelius, de la Cerda and Junius adopted, and before them Barraeus and Gelenius; the Leiden manuscript also supports it. That is, those who do not desire blood would have to be denied to be Christians, just as now those who sacrifice. The former reading I explain thus: that they ought to be punished with death as perpetrators of infanticide and lusters after human blood only if they had tas[ted] (continues)

(printed under page 186)

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 187)

(1) ‹anchor: εἰς τὴν μητέρα› · call in col 325

In codd. μίμηνε, ἔμινε, ἔμηνε vel ἔμειν dic. εἰς τὴν μητέρα; Gothofredus in lib. ad Nat. I, 16. ἤλαυνε dic. τὴν μητέρα, et ita Hav., Seml., Ritt. Sed v. εἰς non est delendum.

In the codices "μίμηνε", "ἔμινε", "ἔμηνε" or "ἔμειν dic. εἰς τὴν μητέρα"; Gothofredus, on To the Nations I, 16, "ἤλαυνε dic. τὴν μητέρα", and so Havercamp, Semler, Rittershausen. But the word "εἰς" is not to be deleted.

(printed under page 187)

(2) ‹anchor: luxuriae› · call in col 325

Rhen.: suppeditare materias passim invitante luxuria.

Rhenanus: "suppeditare materias passim invitante luxuria".

(printed under page 187)

(3) ‹anchor: misericordia› · call in col 325

Matre extranea Paris; misericordiae extraneae Fran.

"Matre extranea", Paris edition; "misericordiae extraneae", Franeker edition.

(printed under page 187)

(a) ‹anchor: non deesset› · call in col 325

Non deesset vobis. Tacitam diluit objectionem, unde iste sanguis petatur; quasi homicidium vel ob id, vel venarum incisio necessaria essent, cum semper apud illos aestuaret noxiis carcer, et quotidie hominum, vel christianorum, sanguis funderetur. HAV.

"You would not lack." He disposes of an unspoken objection, where this blood should be sought; as if murder or the cutting of veins were needed for that purpose, when among them the prison always seethed with the guilty and the blood of men, or of Christians, was shed daily. Havercamp.

(printed under page 187)

(b) ‹anchor: Jupiter docuit› · call in col 325

Ipse Jupiter docuit. Seneca in Apocolocynt. de Claudio: Illum Deum ab Jove? quem, quantum quidem in illo fuit, damnavit incesti. L. Silanum enim generum suum occidit. Oro per quod? Sororem festivissimam omnium puellarum, quam omnes Venerem vocarent, maluit Junonem vocare. Ita interpungo, et explico: potestne ille fieri Deus Jovialis, ut ita dicam (locutio est ut apud Lucretium Ceres ab Iaccho, id est Iacchi mater, et apud Tertullianum saepius de prudentia, de justitia, etc.) qui Jovem incesti damnavit in Silano, quem occidit, quoniam sororem suam Juniam Calvinam, ut Jupiter Junonem, id est, pro uxore habere dicebatur. Et quemadmodum Noster non Persarum adjungit exemplum, ita lepide Lucianus Jovem dicit uxores quidem complures duxisse alias, sed postremo loco Junonem germanam suam, idque juxta Persarum et Assyriorum institutum. Verba ejus sunt in Dialogo de Sacrificiis, Ἔγημε δὲ πολλὰς μὲν ἄλλας, ὑστάτην δὲ, τὴν Ἥραν τὴν ἀδελφὴν, κατὰ τοὺς Περσῶν τοῦτο, καὶ Ἀσσυρίων νόμους. HAV.

"Jupiter himself taught." Seneca in the Apocolocyntosis, of Claudius: "Is he to be a god from Jove? He whom, as far as lay in him, he condemned for incest. For he killed his son-in-law L. Silanus. For what, pray? His sister, the merriest of all girls, whom everyone called Venus, he preferred to call Juno." So I punctuate and explain: can he become a Jovial god, so to speak (the idiom is as in Lucretius "Ceres ab Iaccho", that is, the mother of Iacchus, and in Tertullian often "de prudentia, de justitia", etc.), who condemned Jupiter for incest in Silanus, whom he killed because he was said to have his sister Junia Calvina, as Jupiter had Juno, that is, as a wife? And just as our author adds the example of the Persians, so Lucian wittily says that Jupiter married many other wives, but last of all Juno his own sister, and that according to the custom of the Persians and Assyrians. His words are in the Dialogue on Sacrifices: "He married many others, and last Hera his sister, according to the laws of the Persians and Assyrians." Havercamp.

(printed under page 187)

(c) ‹anchor: εἰς τὴν μητέρα› · call in col 325

Ἤλαυνε dicebant τὴν μητέρα. Cum locus hic in MSS. hujus Apologetici varie sit conceptus, ridiculos multos foetus eruditi commentatores inde extraxerunt, prout in illorum notis videri potest. Scriptura codicum quidem illa est. Barraeus μίμηνε dicebant, etc. Aldus et MS. Bongars. ἔμινε. Rhen. aliique ἔμηνε vel ἔμειν dicebant εἰς τὴν μητέρα, alii aliter. Tandem Rigalt. finxit suum ἔλαυνε dicebant εἰς τὴν μητέρα, quasi ad OEdipum ut ducem et regem clamassent, age duc in matrem, ut urbem vel castellum expugnaturus; eamdemque lectionem contra MS. Agobardini fidem in lib. Ad Nat. I. cap. 16. intrusit. Priorius denique, cum de suo etiam afferre aliquid vellet, nihilque haberet, suffuratus est conjecturam Heraldi, omnium pessimam, ἐμίηνε, i. e. incestavit, tam oscitabundus, ut velut MSS. lectionem nobis obtruderet, quorum ille ne uno quidem unquam usus videtur. Illa sola vera lectio est, quam suppeditat liber Ad nationes, quamque ibi probavit Gothofredus: Atque exinde alter ad alterum, elaune ten matera, dicebatis. Id est si vertas, agitavit matrem, prout verbum illud passim de equorum agitatione et incitatione sumitur. Confirmaturque MS. Fuld. in quo τὸ εἰς non invenias; nam Lugd. Bat. hic nihil sani, dolorem, dicebant epala. Nec potuisse aliter dicere Macedones patet inde, quia conversi alter ad alterum ita locuti sunt, non ad tragoedum sive OEdipum ipsum conversi, ut putavit Rigaltius. Scilicet illi, qui tanto cachinno spectaculum trucidati oculos OEdipi exceperant, improbam hanc causam derisus sui assessoribus suis in eodem theatro dederunt. Huc spectare possit illud Minucii, Memoriae et tragoediae vestrae incestis gloriantur, quas vos libenter et legitis et auditis. In Fuld. MS. erat ἐλάγται aiebant μετέραν. HAV.

"They said, 'He drove at his mother.'" Since this passage is variously framed in the manuscripts of this Apology, learned commentators have drawn many ridiculous offspring from it, as may be seen in their notes. The codices' text indeed is this: Barraeus "μίμηνε dicebant", etc.; Aldus and the Bongars manuscript "ἔμινε"; Rhenanus and others "ἔμηνε" or "ἔμειν dicebant εἰς τὴν μητέρα"; others otherwise. At length Rigault devised his "ἔλαυνε dicebant εἰς τὴν μητέρα", as though they had shouted to Oedipus as leader and king, "Come, lead on against your mother!", as if he were about to storm a city or fort; and he thrust the same reading, against the evidence of the Agobard manuscript, into To the Nations I, ch. 16. Finally Priorius, wishing to contribute something of his own too and having nothing, filched Herald's conjecture, the worst of all, "ἐμίηνε", that is, "he defiled by incest", so drowsily as to foist it on us as a manuscript reading, though he seems never to have used even one manuscript. The only true reading is the one supplied by the book To the Nations, and approved there by Gothofredus: "And thereupon you said one to another, elaune ten matera." That is, if you translate it, "he drove his mother", as that word is commonly used of driving and urging on horses. It is confirmed by the Fulda manuscript, in which you will not find the "εἰς"; for the Leiden one has nothing sound here: "dolorem, dicebant epala". And that the Macedonians could not have spoken otherwise is plain from this, that they said it turned one to another, not turned to the tragic actor or to Oedipus himself, as Rigault thought. That is, those who had greeted with such laughter the spectacle of Oedipus's gouged eyes gave this shameless cause of their mockery to those sitting beside them in the same theatre. To this may refer that saying of Minucius: "Your records and tragedies glory in incests, which you gladly both read and hear." In the Fulda manuscript was "ἐλάγται aiebant μετέραν". Havercamp.

(printed under page 187)

(d) ‹anchor: passivitate› · call in col 325

Passivitate luxuriae. Ita appellat Venerem istam erroneam et passim per licita et illicita vagam. Quomodo cum saepe, tum etiam vox illa occurrit lib. Adv. Hermogenem cap. XLI. Haec inquies non est, haec turbulentia et passivitas non est, sed moderatio et modestia. Male itaque Rhen. suppeditare materias passim invitante luxuria. Graecis εἰκαιότης, unde εἰκαῖα πρόβατα, passales oves. vide Scaligerum ad Manilium p. 68. HAV.

"The promiscuity of lust." So he calls that straying Venus, wandering everywhere through things lawful and unlawful. The word occurs often, and in particular in Against Hermogenes ch. 41: "This is not restlessness, this is not turbulence and promiscuity, but moderation and modesty." So Rhenanus is wrong with "suppeditare materias passim invitante luxuria". The Greeks say εἰκαιότης, whence εἰκαῖα πρόβατα, "stray sheep". See Scaliger on Manilius, p. 68. Havercamp.

(printed under page 187)

(e) ‹anchor: extranea› · call in col 325

Misericordia extranea. Ita passim libri MSS. longe melius quam editi quidam misericordiae extraneae, aut Rhenani matre extranea: quomodo etiam Barraeus. Eleganter Paulus JCtus, citante Wouw. ad Minuc. Necare videtur non tantum is qui partum praefocat, sed et is qui publicis locis misericordiae causa exponit, quam ipse non habet. Non possum quin Lactantii locum adducam, sed ita ut emendatior legatur. Is VI. 20. ut vulgati libri habent. Quis dubitet, quin impius sit, qui alienae misericordiae locum non tribuit? quin etiam si contingat ei quod voluit, ut alatur, addixit certe sanguinem suum, vel ad servitutem, vel ad lupanar. Nihil minus dicit, quam quod videtur velle, in meo certe exemplari. Repone, qui alienae misericordiae locum, non suae tribuunt, id exigunt quae ibi sequuntur. Extraneam talem misericordiam videre licet Charicleae evenisse apud Heliodorum Aethiop. lib. II. p. 118. edit. Commel. Sed nos de crudelitate hac plura in initio hujus capitis, quibus addi potest Kippingius lib. I. cap. I. p. 15. novae editionis. HAV.

"By a stranger's pity." So the manuscripts throughout, far better than some printed books' "misericordiae extraneae", or Rhenanus's "matre extranea", as Barraeus also has. Elegantly the jurist Paulus, cited by Wouwer on Minucius: "Not only he who smothers the newborn is held to kill, but also he who exposes it in public places for the sake of a pity which he himself does not have." I cannot help adducing a passage of Lactantius, but so that it may be read in more correct form. He says, VI, 20, as the common books have it: "Who would doubt that he is impious who does not give place to another's pity? Indeed, even if what he wished befalls it, that it be reared, he has certainly consigned his own blood either to slavery or to the brothel." It says nothing less than what it seems to mean, in my copy at least. Restore: "who give place to another's pity, not to their own"; what follows there requires it. Such a stranger's pity may be seen to have befallen Charicleia in Heliodorus, Aethiopica Book II, p. 118 of Commelin's edition. But we said more on this cruelty at the beginning of this chapter, to which Kipping may be added, Book I, ch. 1, p. 15 of the new edition. Havercamp.

(printed under page 187)

(4) ‹anchor: seminis portione› · call in col 326

Rig. et Hav. pangere, velut ex al. sem. sparsione, etc.

Rigault and Havercamp: "pangere, velut ex al. sem. sparsione", etc.

(printed under page 187)

(5) ‹anchor: ut ita› · call in col 326

Uti aspersum Franeq.

"Uti aspersum", Franeker edition.

COMMENTARIUS

(continued)

stando fidem fecerint, quemadmodum sacrificare negantes, interficiuntur. HAV.

…ted and so given proof, just as those who refuse to sacrifice are put to death. Havercamp.

(printed under page 187)

(f) ‹anchor: melioribus parentibus› · call in col 326

Adoptandos melioribus parentibus. Qui alienos liberos amore paterno complectantur, quos parentes ipsi ablegando a se odisse professi sunt. Interim tamen laudibus apud Scriptores hic adoptandi mos non caruit. Notabilis locus est apud Philonem Judaeum in initio libelli de Agricultura, quem vide. HAV.

"To be adopted by better parents." Who embrace with a father's love other people's children, whom their own parents, by sending them away, professed to hate. Meanwhile, however, this custom of adoption did not lack praise among writers. There is a notable passage in Philo the Jew at the beginning of the little book On Agriculture, which see. Havercamp.

(printed under page 187)

(g) ‹anchor: Nos ab isto› · call in col 326

Nos ab isto. Pulcherrimum christianae continentiae encomium. Minucius p. 85. At nos pudorem non facie, sed mente praestamus, unius matrimonii vinculo libenter inhaeremus; cupiditatem procreandi aut unam scimus, aut nullam. Et mox ibid. Tantum denique abest incesti cupido, ut nonnullis rubori sit etiam pudica conjunctio. Sed maxime huc facit locus Origenis contra Celsum lib. I. quem quum me docuerit Elmenhorstius, religio est nomen ejus reticere. Οἱ δ' ὑπ' αὐτῶν ἐπὶ ἰδιωτίᾳ ἐξουθενούμενοι, etc., id est: Caeterum, homines idiotae ab illis pro nihilo habiti, ut stulti et il- (continues)

"Us from that." A most beautiful encomium of Christian continence. Minucius p. 85: "But we show modesty not in face but in mind; we gladly cleave to the bond of a single marriage; the desire of procreating we know either as one or as none." And soon after in the same place: "So far indeed is the desire of incest from us that to some even chaste union is a cause of blushing." But most to the point is a passage of Origen, Against Celsus Book I, which, since Elmenhorst taught it me, I scruple to keep his name silent: "But those despised by them for their want of learning," etc., that is: "But unlearned men, held of no account by them as foolish and un[learned]" (continues)

(printed under page 187)

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 188)

(1) ‹anchor: manifestioribus dicam› · call in col 327

Vv. Sic per omnia ostendam desunt in ed. Rhenani, et quae sequuntur: Nunc de manifestioribus dicam, c. X. adscripta. Rig. de Hav. Nunc et manifestis.

The words "Sic per omnia ostendam" are missing in Rhenanus's edition, and what follows, "Nunc de manifestioribus dicam", is assigned to ch. 10. Rigault [and] Havercamp: "Nunc et manifestis".

(printed under page 188)

(a) ‹anchor: Deos, inquitis› · call in col 327

CAP. X. — Deos, inquitis, non colitis. Passim apud Arnob. ut lib. I. Ergone impiae religionis sumus apud vos rei, et quod caput rerum et columen venerabilibus adimus obsequiis (ut convicio utamur vestro) infausti et athei nuncupamur. Lib. V. Audere vos dicere ex his atheum, irreligiosum, sacrilegum, qui Deos esse, omnino aut negant, aut dubitent. Et lib. VI. In hac enim consuestis parte invidias nobis tumultuosissimas concitare, appellare nos atheos, et quod minimum tribuamus Diis. Vide plura apud Interpretes Arnobianos. HAV.

Ch. 10. "You do not worship the gods, you say." Often in Arnobius, as in Book I: "Are we then accused among you of an impious religion, and because we approach with reverent homage the head and pillar of things, are we called (to use your own abuse) ill-omened and atheists?" Book V: "That you dare to call atheist, irreligious, sacrilegious, any of these who either deny altogether or doubt that the gods exist." And Book VI: "For on this score you are wont to stir up the most tumultuous odium against us, to call us atheists, and to say that we pay the gods the least." See more in the interpreters of Arnobius. Havercamp.

(printed under page 188)

ARGUMENTUM. — Progreditur jam ad crimen irreligiositatis, aitque Christianos Deorum cultum recusare, quia Dii non sunt, colendi, si Divinitas eorum demonstrari possit. Provocat itaque ad conscientiam Gentilium, quae negare non potest omnes illos Deos homines olim fuisse, quod jam unius Saturni exemplo liquido demonstrat.

ARGUMENT. — He now proceeds to the charge of irreligion, and says that the Christians refuse the worship of the Gods because they are not Gods, [and that they would be] to be worshipped if their Divinity could be demonstrated. He therefore appeals to the conscience of the Gentiles, which cannot deny that all those Gods were once men; and this he now plainly demonstrates by the example of Saturn alone.

<!-- note: the italic Argumentum of Cap. X stands in the left half of the column under the heading CAPUT X (not set), after the close of Cap. IX's text, and is complete here; Cap. X's text follows ("Deos, inquitis, non colitis"), then the Lectiones variantes and Commentarius (not set). "non sunt, colendi" punctuated as printed. -->

(2) ‹anchor: quae desperat› · call in col 328

Desperet Paris.

"Desperet", Paris edition.

(printed under page 188)

(3) ‹anchor: quae recusat› · call in col 328

Recuset Paris.

"Recuset", Paris edition.

COMMENTARIUS

(continued)

liberales, si modo committant se in fidem Dei, et doctrinam Jesu recipiant, tantum absunt ab omni lascivia, spurcitia, turpitudine libidinum, ut in morem perfectorum sacerdotum ab omni coitu abhorrentium, multi eorum in totum caste pureque vivant, alieni a congressu mulierum etiam legitimo. Mox a Rhen. abest et fidelissima. HAV.

…learned, if only they commit themselves to faith in God and receive the teaching of Jesus, are so far from all wantonness, filth and shamefulness of lusts that, after the manner of perfect priests who shrink from all intercourse, many of them live wholly chastely and purely, strangers even to lawful union with women." Just after, "et fidelissima" is absent in Rhenanus. Havercamp.

(printed under page 188)

(b) ‹anchor: sacrilegii› · call in col 328

Sacrilegii. Convicium quod confestim christianis ingerebatur, supra c. II. quando de aliquo nocente cognoscitis, etc.; et ibid. laniari jubere sacrilegum, si confiteri perseveraverit. et ad Scapulam c. II. Tamen nos, quos sacrilegos existimatis, nec in furto unquam deprehendistis, nedum in sacrilegio. Imo solita populi erat acclamatio in deposcendis innocentum suppliciis, Tolle sacrilegos. Rufinus ex Eusebio Eccl. Hist. IV. Judex ad Polycarpum: habeto aetatis tuae reverentiam, et parce ultimae senectuti tuae, jura fortunam Caesaris, gerens de prioribus poenitudinem, et conclama etiam tu: Tolle sacrilegos. Ibidem, de morte Policarpi: Cum ex hujus tam insignis morte stuporem cepisset astantis populi multitudo et totius christianorum gentis mirari virtutem de contemnenda morte coepissent, conclamant omnes: Tolle sacrilegos. Ex quorum comparatione lucem capere possunt, quae de Judaeorum in Servatorem clamore legimus apud Lucam XXIII. 18. Ἀνέκραξαν δὲ παμπληθεὶ, λέγοντες· Αἶρε τοῦτον. Quod idem in Paulo accidit Act. XXI, 36. Ἠκολούθει γὰρ τὸ πλῆθος τοῦ λαοῦ κρᾶζον· αἶρε αὐτὸν, et multo magis XXII, 22. Αἶρε ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς τὸν τοιοῦτον· οὐ γὰρ καθῆκον αὐτὸν ζῆν. HAV.

"Of sacrilege." An insult at once hurled at Christians: above, ch. 2, "when you hear the case of some guilty man," etc.; and there, "to order the sacrilegious man to be torn if he persists in confessing". And To Scapula ch. 2: "Yet us, whom you think sacrilegious, you have never caught even in theft, much less in sacrilege." Indeed the people's customary cry when demanding the punishment of the innocent was "Away with the sacrilegious!" Rufinus from Eusebius, Church History IV, the judge to Polycarp: "Have respect for your age, and spare your extreme old age; swear by the fortune of Caesar, repenting of what went before, and cry out you too: Away with the sacrilegious!" There too, of the death of Polycarp: "When the multitude of the people standing by had been struck with amazement at so notable a death and had begun to marvel at the courage of the whole Christian race in despising death, they all cry out: Away with the sacrilegious!" From comparing these, light can be thrown on what we read of the Jews' cry against the Saviour in Luke 23:18: "And they all cried out together, saying: Away with this man." The same happened to Paul, Acts 21:36: "For the multitude of the people followed, crying: Away with him", and much more 22:22: "Away with such a fellow from the earth, for it is not fit that he should live." Havercamp.

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(c) ‹anchor: colere desinimus› · call in col 328

Colere desinimus. Egregia oratio resipiscentiae, cui par audax libertas Subrii Flavii Tribuni, conspirationis in Neronem convicti, apud Tacit. XV. Ann. 67. qui interrogatus a Nerone, quibus causis ad oblivionem sacramenti processisset: Oderam te, inquit, nec quisquam tibi fidelior militum fuit, dum amari meruisti; odisse coepi, postquam parricida matris et uxoris, auriga, histrio et incendiarius exstitisti. HAV.

"We cease to worship." A fine speech of one who has come to his senses, matched by the bold frankness of Subrius Flavus the tribune, convicted of conspiracy against Nero, in Tacitus, Annals XV, 67, who, asked by Nero for what reasons he had come to forget his oath, said: "I hated you; yet none of your soldiers was more loyal to you while you deserved to be loved. I began to hate you after you became the murderer of your mother and wife, a charioteer, an actor and an incendiary." Havercamp.

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(d) ‹anchor: homines fuisse› · call in col 328

Homines fuisse. Haec habet Tullius Tuscul. I, 12. Quid totum prope coelum, ne plures persequar, nonne humano genere completum est? Si vero scrutari vetera et ex his ea quae scriptores Graeciae prodiderunt eruere coner, ipsi illi majorum gentium dii qui habentur, hinc a nobis profecti in coelum reperiuntur. Quaere quorum demonstrantur sepulchra in Graecia: reminiscere quoniam es initiatus quae traduntur mysteriis, tum denique quam hoc late pateat intelliges. Haec similiter de diis Egyptiorum, caeterorumque populorum tradit Diodorus Sicul. lib. I, p. 17: Περὶ μὲν οὖν τῶν ἐν οὐρανῷ θεῶν, καὶ γένεσιν ἀΐδιον ἐσχηκότων τοιαῦτα λέγουσιν Αἰγύπτιοι. Ἄλλους δὲ ἐκ τούτων ἐπιγείους γενέσθαι φασί· ὑπάρξαντας μὲν θνητοὺς, διὰ δὲ σύνεσιν καὶ κοινὴν ἀνθρώπων εὐεργεσίαν τετυχηκότας τῆς ἀθανασίας. [ὧ]ν ἐνίους καὶ βασιλεῖς γεγονέναι κατὰ τὴν Αἴγυπτον. Μεθηρμηνευομένων δ' αὐτῶν τινὰς μὲν ὁμωνύμους ὑπάρχειν τοῖς οὐρανίοις, τινὰς δὲ ἰδίαν ἐσχηκέναι προσηγορίαν, Ἥλιόν τε, καὶ Κρόνον, καὶ Ῥέαν, ἔτι δὲ καὶ Δία τὸν ὑπό τινων Ἄμμωνα προσαγορευόμενον. Haec autem de diis qui in coelo sunt et quorum aeternum est genus Aegyptii commemorant. Ex iis aiunt e terra ortos, mortalesque primum fuisse, tunc ob ingenium collataque omnibus hominibus beneficia immortalitatem adeptos; quorum nonnullos in Aegypto reges extitisse; quorumdam nomina vel ita mutata fuisse, ut cum coelestibus voce consimiles fierent, vel ad priorem normam servata, absque mutatione, videlicet Solis, Saturnique et Reae ac ipsiusmet Jovis quem quidam Ammonem appellarunt. EDD.

"Were men." Cicero has this, Tusculans I, 12: "Why, is not almost the whole sky, not to go through more, filled with the human race? And if I should try to search the ancient records and dig out from them what the writers of Greece have handed down, those very gods who are reckoned of the greater families will be found to have set out from here, from us, into heaven. Ask whose tombs are shown in Greece; recall, since you are initiated, what is handed down in the mysteries; then at last you will understand how widely this extends." Diodorus Siculus, Book I, p. 17, relates the like of the gods of the Egyptians and other peoples: [the Greek, then in Latin:] "This is what the Egyptians record of the gods who are in heaven and whose race is eternal. From these, they say, others were born of the earth and were at first mortal, then gained immortality for their intelligence and the benefits they conferred on all men; some of them were kings in Egypt; the names of some were either so altered as to become like the heavenly ones in sound, or kept to the former pattern without change, namely those of the Sun, of Saturn and Rhea, and of Jupiter himself, whom some have called Ammon." The editors.

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(e) ‹anchor: nati sunt› · call in col 328

In quibus nati sunt. Non tantum Apollo, Diana, Bacchus, Hercules, alii, sed Jupiter ipse Divum pater atque hominum, aeternus rex, de cujus ipse noster natali solo c. XXV. solita irrisione. Sed non statim et Jupiter Cretam suam romanis fascibus concuti sineret, oblitus antrum illud Idaeum et aera Corybantia, et jucundissimum illic nutricis suae odorem. HAV.

"In which they were born." Not only Apollo, Diana, Bacchus, Hercules and others, but Jupiter himself, father of gods and men, eternal king, of whose native soil our author himself speaks in ch. 25 with his usual mockery: "But would not Jupiter too at once have let his Crete be shaken by the Roman fasces, forgetting that Idaean cave and the Corybantian bronzes and the most pleasant smell of his nurse there?" Havercamp.

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(f) ‹anchor: etiam sepulti› · call in col 328

Sepulti demonstrantur. Hinc illud infra c. XII. In insulas relegamur? Solet et insulis aliquis deus vester aut nasci, aut mori. Jovis certe incunabula quis nescit (continues)

"Are shown to be buried." Hence that saying below, ch. 12: "Are we banished to islands? Some god of yours is wont to be born or to die on islands too." Who indeed does not know Jupiter's cradle (continues)

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LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 189)

(1) ‹anchor: si quantum› · call in col 329

Cod. Lugd. si quantum; caeteri: quantum; atque in altera periodi parte pro eo, quod Gelenius aliique substituerant: si quaeras rer. arg., e codd. Herald. et Rig. restituerunt: si quantum rer. argumenta, etc.

The Lyon codex "si quantum"; the others "quantum"; and in the other part of the period, in place of what Gelenius and others had substituted, "si quaeras rer. arg.", Herald and Rigault restored from the codices "si quantum rer. argumenta", etc.

(printed under page 189)

(a) ‹anchor: tot ac tantos› · call in col 329

Tot ac tantos, etc. De his ex professo agit Augustinus de Civ. Dei lib. III. c. 12. Sub hoc tot Deorum praesidio, quos numerare quis potest? indigenas et alienigenas, coelestes, terrestres, infernos, marinos, fontanos, fluviales, et ut Varro dicit, certos atque incertos, in omnibusque generibus Deorum, sicut in animalibus, mares et foeminas, ubi etiam forte melius legas, tot ac tanto, quomodo ex Cod. MS. ad exemplar Augustini mei, ab ipso Vive, ut puto, est adscriptum. Minucius Felix quoque p. 6. Dum undique hospites Deos quaerunt, et suos faciunt: dum aras exstruunt etiam ignotis numinibus. HAV.

"So many and so great," etc. Augustine treats of these expressly in City of God Book III, ch. 12: "Under the protection of so many gods (who can count them?), native and foreign, heavenly, earthly, infernal, of the sea, of springs, of rivers, and, as Varro says, certain and uncertain, and in all kinds of gods, as in animals, male and female," where perhaps you might better read "tot ac tanto", as has been written in from a manuscript codex in the margin of my copy of Augustine, by Vives himself, I think. Minucius Felix too, p. 6: "While they seek foreign gods from every side and make them their own; while they build altars even to unknown deities." Havercamp.

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(b) ‹anchor: barbaros› · call in col 329

Barbaros, Graecos. Antisthenes Thracia matre et inde irrisus a Graecis, dixisse fertur, Καὶ ἡ μήτηρ τῶν θεῶν, Φρυγία ἐστιν. i. e. Et Deorum mater Phrygia est. Laertius in Vita ejus. HAV.

"Barbarians, Greeks." Antisthenes, whose mother was Thracian and who was therefore mocked by the Greeks, is said to have said: "The mother of the gods too is Phrygian." Laertius in his Life. Havercamp.

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(c) ‹anchor: captivos, adoptivos› · call in col 329

Captivos. Quod ut turpe quum amovere a se vellent miseri, prius evocare conabantur, obsessaque urbe aliqua transferre in se favorem Deorum tutelarium. Notat Servius ad illud Virgil. II. Aeneid. 351. Excessere omnes, adytis arisque relictis / Di, quibus imperium hoc steterat. Quia, inquit, ante expugnationem evocabantur ab hostibus numina, propter vitanda sacrilegia. Et ex illo Macrobius III, 9. ut cum obsiderent urbem hostium eamque jam capi posse confiderent, certo carmine evocarent tutelares Deos: quod aut aliter urbem capi posse non crederent, aut si posset, nefas aestimarent Deos habere captivos. Quo refero consilium forsan Balaci et Bileami, Numeror. XXIII. 3. 23. Notabile illud est Livii lib. V. cap. 22. quod vide. At quid confidere poterant caeci gentiles istis Diis, qui impotentes erant sua defendere, ut infra ostendet Auctor; quare etiam paruit consilio Philotae Alexander apud Curtium V, 2. cum jam in eo esset, ut sacram Diis mensam, qua vesci solitus Darius, et e re nata pro scabello sibi in regia sede altiore substratam, subduci juberet, monitus his verbis: Minime vero haec fecerit rex, sed omen quoque accipe: mensam, ex qua libavit hostis epulas, suis pedibus esse subjectam. Quare in dubio est, utrum Philistaei ut tropaeum de hoste victo, an vero divinae existimationis ergo et opis, arcam foederis in templo Dagonis Dei sui collocarint, de quo I. Sam. c. V. Certe non levia de Israelitarum Deo sensisse, constat ex vers. 7. c. IV et 6. cap. VI. Gravissime vero tulit Deus, quos vicerant, et populorum quos eradicarant, in numina sua reciperent, ut patet ex II. Reg. XVI, 3, et XVII. 7. 8. HAV.

"Captives." Since the wretches wished to put this disgrace from themselves, they first tried, when a city was besieged, to call out the tutelary gods and transfer their favour to themselves. Servius notes it on Virgil, Aeneid II, 351: "All the gods by whom this empire had stood have departed, leaving shrines and altars": "Because," he says, "before the storming, the deities were called out by the enemy, to avoid sacrilege." And from him Macrobius III, 9: "so that when they besieged an enemy city and were confident it could now be taken, they called out the tutelary gods with a set formula, because either they did not believe the city could otherwise be taken, or, if it could, they thought it impious to hold gods captive." To this I refer, perhaps, the plan of Balak and Balaam, Numbers 23:3, 23. Notable is the passage of Livy, Book V, ch. 22, which see. But what trust could the blind gentiles put in these gods, who were powerless to defend their own, as the author will show below? Which is why Alexander too, in Curtius V, 2, followed Philotas's advice when he was on the point of ordering the removal of the table sacred to the gods, at which Darius used to eat, and which, as it happened, had been placed under the higher royal seat as a footstool for him, being warned in these words: "The king should by no means do this, but take it rather as an omen: the table from which the enemy offered his feasts is set beneath your feet." So it is doubtful whether the Philistines placed the ark of the covenant in the temple of their god Dagon (1 Samuel 5) as a trophy over a conquered enemy, or rather out of regard for its divinity and power. Certainly that they thought no light things of the God of the Israelites is clear from 4:7 and 6:6. And God took it most grievously that those they had conquered, and the gods of the peoples they had uprooted, should be received among their own deities, as appears from 2 Kings 16:3 and 17:7–8. Havercamp.

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(d) ‹anchor: colligam in compendium› · call in col 329

Colligam in compendium. Notetur locutio Hincmari Rhemensis arch. qui in epist. ait, ut cuncta breviter cingulo perstringamus; unde allucet locutionem istam breviter perstringere, usitatam Latinis auctoribus, sumptam a re vestiaria, et praesertim a cingulo. Unde hic Tertullianus signate, colligam in compendium, quasi vestes cingulo, ne diffluant. Neque a vestibus abit locutio Senecae ep. 76. ut in arctum quae dicta sunt, contraham. LAC.

"I will gather it into a summary." Note the expression of Hincmar, archbishop of Reims, who says in a letter: "that we may briefly bind everything with a girdle"; whence it dawns that the expression "breviter perstringere", common in Latin authors, is taken from clothing, and especially from the girdle. Hence Tertullian here pointedly says "I will gather it into a summary", as clothes are gathered with a girdle so that they do not flow loose. Nor does Seneca's expression, letter 76, depart from clothing: "to draw what has been said into a narrow compass." De la Cerda.

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(2) ‹anchor: cognominabatur› · call in col 330

Rhen. et Gelen.: Mons quem coluerat Saturnius dictus, civitas quam debellaverat Saturnia cognominabatur.

Rhenanus and Gelenius: "Mons quem coluerat Saturnius dictus, civitas quam debellaverat Saturnia cognominabatur."

COMMENTARIUS

(continued)

et illum / Vagitum, in Creta quondam occultasse feruntur. quem olim Curetes, quum / Armati in numerum pulsarent aeribus aera, / Ne Saturnus eum malis mandaret adeptus, / Aeternumque daret matri sub pectore volnus, ut cecinit Lucret. lib. II. vers. 633. Epiphanium adde in lib. Ancoratus aliquanto ante finem: Οὗ τὸ μνῆμα οὐκ ὀλίγοις ἐστὶ δῆλον, ἐν Κρήτῃ γὰρ τῇ νήσῳ, ἐν τῷ ὄρει τῷ λεγομένῳ Λασίῳ, ἕως δεῦρο δακτυλοδεικτεῖται, id est: Cujus monumentum non paucis notum est, in Creta enim insula, in monte Lasio appellato, usque huc digito ostenditur. Quod indignatus Callimachus, veterem tamen famam confirmat hymno I. vers. 8. HAV.

"…and that wailing they are said once to have hidden in Crete", whom once the Curetes, "when, armed, they beat bronze on bronze in rhythm, lest Saturn should catch him and give him to his jaws, and deal the mother an everlasting wound in her breast", as Lucretius sang, Book II, line 633. Add Epiphanius in the book Ancoratus, somewhat before the end: "whose tomb is known to not a few; for in the island of Crete, on the mountain called Lasius, it is pointed out to this day." Callimachus, indignant at this, nevertheless confirms the old report, Hymn I, line 8. Havercamp.

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(e) ‹anchor: in qua Saturnus› · call in col 330

In quo Saturnus. Prudentius in Symmachum lib. I. vers. 42. hic inspiciendus, ubi incipit. Num melius Saturnus avos rexisse Latinos / Creditur? edictis qui talibus informavit / Agrestes animos, et barbara corda virorum. HAV.

"In which Saturn." Prudentius, Against Symmachus Book I, line 42, should be looked at here, where he begins: "Is Saturn believed to have ruled our Latin forefathers better, he who with such edicts shaped the rustic minds and barbarous hearts of men?" Havercamp.

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(f) ‹anchor: quem incoluerat› · call in col 330

Mons quem incolueral. Hunc locum videtur desumpsisse ex Varrone l. IV. de lingua latina, citatum etiam a D. August. l. VII. de Civ. Dei cap. 2. Mons, inquit, in quo Capitolium est, ante Tarpeius dictus est. Hunc antea montem Saturnium appellatum prodiderunt, et ab eo late Saturniam terram, ut etiam Ennius appellat. Antiquum oppidum in hoc fuisse Saturnium scribitur. Ejus vestigia etiam nunc manent tria; quod Saturni fanum in faucibus, quod Saturnia porta quam Junius scribit, quam nunc vocant Pandanum, quod post aedem Saturni, in aedificiorum legibus, parietes postici, muri, sunt scripti. In quem locum affert Scaliger ipsos Ennii et similes Maronis versus de Janiculo. PAM.

"The hill he had dwelt on." He seems to have taken this passage from Varro, On the Latin Language Book IV, also cited by St Augustine, City of God Book VII, ch. 2. "The hill," he says, "on which the Capitol stands was formerly called Tarpeian. They have handed down that it was earlier called the Saturnian hill, and from it the land widely Saturnian, as Ennius too calls it. An ancient town, Saturnium, is recorded to have been on it. Three traces of it remain even now: that the shrine of Saturn is at the entrance; that there is a Saturnian gate, which Junius writes of, now called Pandana; and that behind the temple of Saturn, in the building regulations, the rear walls are written down as 'walls'." On this passage Scaliger cites the very verses of Ennius and similar verses of Virgil on the Janiculum. Pamelius.

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(g) ‹anchor: post OEnotriam› · call in col 330

OEnotriam. Italia dicta est OEnotria ὑπὸ τοῦ οἴνου, a vino, non ab aliquo rege hujus nominis: quae opinio consentit cum Aristotele lib. VII. Politic. et cum Strabone lib. VI. qui nulla facta OEnotorii mentione, illam indigitant. LAC.

"Oenotria." Italy was called Oenotria from οἶνος, wine, not from any king of that name: an opinion which agrees with Aristotle, Politics Book VII, and with Strabo, Book VI, who name it without any mention of an Oenotrius. De la Cerda.

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(h) ‹anchor: signatus numus› · call in col 330

Imagine signatus numus. Isidorus Orig. l. XVI. c. 17. Postea a Saturno aereus nummus inventus est. Ipse enim signari nummos et scribi constituit. Propterea et aerarium Saturno a gentilibus consecratum est. vide plura apud Elmenhorst. in N. ad Min. ut et apud Lipsii excerpta, quae novae editioni Kippingianae adjecta sunt p. 597. et grande litterarum decus, suaeque Germaniae verum hodie splendorem Jo. Alb. Fabricium in Bibliographia Antiquaria p. 525. Non est vero reticendum, quod ita exhibeat Collatio MSS. Fuld. et imagine et signatus nummus. unde conjeceram, scriptum forte, et imagines, et signatus nummus. Minucius certe, qui gnaviter nostrum descripsit, tantum habet nummos signare, ut et reliqui. Quum vero alii de putatione arborum, de coronis, de navigiis addant, potuit Noster inventum statuariae et sculptoriae (continues)

"A coin stamped with an image." Isidore, Etymologies Book XVI, ch. 17: "Afterwards the bronze coin was invented by Saturn. For he ordained that coins be stamped and inscribed. Therefore the treasury too was consecrated to Saturn by the gentiles." See more in Elmenhorst's notes on Minucius, as also in the excerpts of Lipsius added to the new edition of Kipping, p. 597, and in that great ornament of letters and true glory of his Germany today, J. A. Fabricius, Bibliographia Antiquaria p. 525. It should not be kept silent that the Fulda manuscript collation presents it thus: "et imagine et signatus nummus"; whence I had conjectured that perhaps "et imagines, et signatus nummus" was written. Minucius at least, who diligently copied our author, has only "to stamp coins", as do the rest. But since others add pruning of trees, crowns and ships, our author could [have meant] the invention of statuary and sculpture (continues)

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LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 190)

(1) ‹anchor: Saturno repentino› · call in col 331

Ita Her. et Hav. e codd.; Wouw.: Saturno de repentino adventu.

So Herald and Havercamp from the codices; Wouwer: "Saturno de repentino adventu".

(printed under page 190)

(2) ‹anchor: rudes tunc› · call in col 331

odd. Fuld. tunc.; cf. ad Nat. II, 12. Caeteri adhuc.

[C]odex Fulda "tunc"; compare To the Nations II, 12. The others "adhuc".

COMMENTARIUS

(continued)

artis Saturno adscribere, quum ante simulacra rudi et informi palo constarent. HAV.

…ascribe to Saturn the art, since before that images consisted of a rough, shapeless stake. Havercamp.

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(a) ‹anchor: possumus videri› · call in col 331

Quorum et omnes possumus videri. Hinc patet quomodo locus, qui luxatus est in lib. II. Ad Nat. cap. XII, sit restituendus, ibi: sed cui parentes.... quibusdam facile fuit illum Deorum filium dici, quorum poss.... videri. suppleront per ignoti, et possunt vel possumus omnes, recte. Sed et τὸ Deorum prima littera minui oportebat. Sequitur et ibi enim, quis enim Coelum et Terram, etc. HAV.

"Whose children we can all be thought." From this it is clear how the dislocated passage in To the Nations Book II, ch. 12, should be restored, where: "sed cui parentes.... quibusdam facile fuit illum Deorum filium dici, quorum poss.... videri." They filled the gaps with "ignoti" and "possunt" or "possumus omnes", rightly. But the word "Deorum" too ought to have been given a small initial letter. There too there follows: "quis enim Coelum et Terram," etc. Havercamp.

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(b) ‹anchor: Saturno repentino› · call in col 331

Repentino ubique. Ita MS. L. B. Herald. et Rigalt. Intruserunt alii minus recte vocem adventu. Itaque nec illud Wouwerianum probandum de repentino adventu utique. Dicit enim de Saturno Tertull. id quod de subornato falsoque Agrippa Tacitus II. Annal. 39. relinquebat famam, aut praeveniebat. Notat similiter Laertius in Empedoclis Vita, a Selinuntiis illum repentina sua apparitione divinos honores impetrasse. Sed et qui pro desperato ab aliis relictus est locus lib. II. Ad Nat. cap. XIII. una opera sanabo. Ibi de eodem Summo: Proinde... semper eg... repentino, ubique inolevit Coelitem dici, Scripserat Tertullianus, Proinde Saturno semper egeno et repentino. Ille enim pulsus regno a Jove filio, dicitur ibidem plurimas terras peragrasse; quare illum mendico, qui nusquam diu manet, assimilat. HAV.

"Sudden, everywhere." So the Leiden manuscript, Herald and Rigault. Others, less rightly, thrust in the word "adventu". So Wouwer's "de repentino adventu utique" is not to be approved either. For Tertullian says of Saturn what Tacitus, Annals II, 39, says of the suborned false Agrippa: "he left the rumour behind, or outran it." Laertius likewise notes in the Life of Empedocles that by his sudden appearance he obtained divine honours from the Selinuntians. And with the same effort I shall heal the passage given up as hopeless by others, To the Nations Book II, ch. 13. There, of the same Supreme: "Proinde... semper eg... repentino, ubique inolevit Coelitem dici". Tertullian had written "Proinde Saturno semper egeno et repentino". For he, driven from his kingdom by his son Jupiter, is said there to have wandered over very many lands; which is why he likens him to a beggar who stays nowhere long. Havercamp.

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(c) ‹anchor: quasi divino› · call in col 331

Quasi divino. Apud Justinum V. 4. Athenienses Alcibiadem cum victore exercitu subito sibi redditum mirantur: in hunc oculos civitas universa, in hunc suspensa ora convertit: hunc quasi de coelo missum, et ut ipsam Victoriam contuentur. Lactantius loco supra memorato: Minucius Felix in eo libro, qui Octavius inscribitur, sic argumentatus est: Saturnum, cum fugatus esset a filio in Italiamque venisset, Coeli filium dictum: quod soleamus eos quorum virtutem miremur, aut eos, qui repentine advenerint, de coelo cecidisse dicere. Hinc illud vulgatum: Tertius e coelo cecidit Cato. Nec jam mirum amplius, cur Paulum et Barnabam, Mercurium esse Jovemque, et coelites descendisse putaverint Lystrenses Act. Apost. XIV. 12. quomodo ibidem XXVII, 6. Paulum nihil a vipera laesum Deum crediderunt Melitenses, et barbari et insulani. HAV.

"As if divine." In Justin V, 4, the Athenians marvel at Alcibiades suddenly restored to them with a victorious army: "on him the whole city turned its eyes, on him its rapt faces; they gaze on him as if sent from heaven, and as on Victory herself." Lactantius, in the passage mentioned above: "Minucius Felix, in the book entitled Octavius, argued thus: that Saturn, when he had been put to flight by his son and had come to Italy, was called the son of Heaven, because we are wont to say that those whose virtue we admire, or those who have arrived suddenly, have fallen from heaven." Hence the common saying: "A third Cato has fallen from heaven." Nor is it any longer surprising why the people of Lystra thought Paul and Barnabas were Mercury and Jupiter and that gods had come down, Acts 14:12; just as, in the same book, 27:6 [sic], the Maltese, barbarians and islanders, believed Paul a god when the viper did him no harm. Havercamp.

(printed under page 190)

(d) ‹anchor: mortuos› · call in col 331

Luctu publico mortuos. Codex Fuld. postrema ita concipit: humatos mortuos, quod referri possit ad morem descriptorum qui ita variam lectionem invenientes utramque connectentes reponebant; nisi malis ita scribere: mortuos et humatos. Videre facile licet, quod acri aceto Caesarum consecratio et adoratio hic a Tertulliano perfunditur, non enim mortui tantum, sed et conclamati, sed et sepulti. Possis etiam legere humane mortuos, i. e. more hominum, quibus opposuerit in deos consecrent. Similis irrisio peregrinorum numinum, quorum cultus Romae invaluerat, apud Lucanum lib. VIII. versu 833. Et quem tu plangens hominem testaris Osirim. Male mox Rhen. ostendimus. HAV.

"Dead, with public mourning." The Fulda codex frames the last words thus: "humatos mortuos", which could be put down to the habit of copyists who, finding a variant reading, set back both joined together; unless you prefer to write "mortuos et humatos". It is easy to see that Tertullian here drenches the consecration and worship of the Caesars with sharp vinegar: for they were not only dead, but mourned aloud, and buried too. You could also read "humane mortuos", that is, dead in the manner of men, to which he would have opposed "in deos consecrent". A like mockery of foreign deities, whose cult had grown strong at Rome, in Lucan Book VIII, line 833: "And Osiris, whom by mourning him you attest a man." Just after, Rhenanus wrongly reads "ostendimus". Havercamp.

(printed under page 190)

(e) ‹anchor: tam hominem› · call in col 332

Tam hominem, etc. Sanchoniathon, vetustissimus scriptor, apud Theodoret. Serm. III. p. 42. Saturnum fuisse hominem, Ream mulierem, Saturni conjugem tradit, qui Jovem et Junonem filios procrearint, quique omnes, ob beneficia collata, postea ab Phoenicibus pro Diis sunt habiti. Totam quoque Jovis genealogiam cum ex sacris libris Ennii retulisset Lactantius, ita concludit lib. I. c. 14. Haec (ut scripta sunt) Jovis fratrumque ejus stirps, atque cognatio, in hunc modum ex sacra scriptione tradita est. HAV.

"As much a man," etc. Sanchuniathon, a most ancient writer, in Theodoret, Discourse III, p. 42, records that Saturn was a man and Rhea a woman, Saturn's wife, who begot Jupiter and Juno as their children, and that all of them, for the benefits they conferred, were afterwards held to be gods by the Phoenicians. And Lactantius, having related the whole genealogy of Jupiter from the Sacred History of Ennius, concludes thus, Book I, ch. 14: "This, as it is written, is the lineage and kinship of Jupiter and his brothers, handed down in this way from the sacred writing." Havercamp.

(printed under page 190)

(f) ‹anchor: sublimiorem Deum› · call in col 332

CAP. XI. — Sublimiorem Deum. Qui non tantum sit Ἀρχαιότατος, ut de Jano Herodianus lib. I. cap. 16. sed et Αὐτοκράτωρ, ut in nummo, quem ad cap. XXXIV. proferemus, vocatur Caius respectu scil. ad Solem et Lunam, qui θεοὶ αὐτοκράτορες vocantur apud Philonem de Monarch. lib. I. p. 812. adeoque Deorum Deus, ut Macrobio rursus Janus vocatur, lib. I. cap. 9. Δημιουργὸς καὶ θεὸς θεῶν, quomodo Hierocles in Aur. Carm. describit summum Deum, Creatorem solum Deum, quem Deum Deorum dixerit aliquis, et Deum summum et optimum. τὸν δημιουργὸν μόνον ὃν θεὸν θεῶν ἂν εἴποι τις, καὶ θεὸν ὕπατον καὶ ἄριστον. HAV.

Ch. 11. "A more sublime God." One who is not only "most ancient", as Herodian says of Janus, Book I, ch. 16, but also "sovereign", as Caius is called on the coin we shall bring forward at ch. 34, with reference, that is, to the Sun and Moon, who are called "sovereign gods" in Philo, On the Monarchy Book I, p. 812; and so the God of gods, as Janus again is called by Macrobius, Book I, ch. 9: "Creator and God of gods", as Hierocles on the Golden Verses describes the supreme God: "the Creator, the only God, whom one might call the God of gods, and the highest and best God." Havercamp.

(printed under page 190)

(g) ‹anchor: mancipem› · call in col 332

Mancipem. Qualem intelligere dat Luctatius vel Lactantius Statii Scoliastes ad lib. IV. Thebaid. cum scribit: Infiniti autem Philosophorum, Magorum, Persae item confirmant, revera esse praeter hos Deos cognitos qui coluntur in templis, alium principem, et maxime Deum, caeterorum Numinum ordinatorem. Tertull. rursus lib. De Spectac. c. X. Quae vero voce et modis et organis et lyriae transiguntur, Apollines et Musas et Minervas et Mercurios mancipes habent. HAV. — Mancipem quemdam divinitatis. Quasi magnarium quemdam divinitatis negotiatorem. Mancipes Asconius interpretatur Principes publicanorum Redemptores. Sic apud Auctores juris, Mancipes Viarum, Salinarum, etc. Sic et Tertullianus lib. de Idololatria dixit, Mancipes idolorum. RIG. — Mancipem quemdam. Venuste, inquit Rhenanus, mancipem divinitatis vocat Deum illum superiorem, ac potiorem, qui reliquis divinitatem communicarit, sicuti Sutrinae (continues)

"Contractor." Such a one as Luctatius or Lactantius, the scholiast of Statius, gives to understand on Thebaid Book IV, when he writes: "Countless philosophers and magi, and the Persians too, affirm that besides these known gods who are worshipped in temples there is in truth another, chief and greatest God, the orderer of the other deities." Tertullian again, On the Shows ch. 10: "But what is performed with voice and measures and instruments and lyres has Apollos and Muses and Minervas and Mercuries as its contractors." Havercamp. — "A certain contractor of divinity." As it were a wholesale dealer in divinity. Asconius interprets "mancipes" as the chiefs of the publicans, the contractors. So in the writers on law, contractors of roads, of salt-works, etc. So Tertullian too said in the book On Idolatry, "contractors of idols". Rigault. — "A certain contractor." Charmingly, says Rhenanus, he calls that higher and superior God a contractor of divinity, who would have shared divinity with the rest, just as Sutrinae (continues)

(printed under page 190)

ARGUMENTUM. — At cum post mortem homines ob meritorum praestantiam in Deos adlecti dicantur, inquirit hoc capite in caussas quae hoc exegerint: quae quidem respectu summi Dei inveniri nequeunt, cum ille aliorum ope non indigeat: respectu ipsorum, vel vanae sunt, vel tales, ut mereantur potius ob illas cum maleficis in imum tartarum detrudi, ubi collocarunt eos viros, qui et inventis, et meritis illos longe superarunt.

ARGUMENT. — But since men are said after death to have been chosen into the number of the Gods for the excellence of their merits, he inquires in this chapter into the causes which demanded this: these indeed cannot be found with respect to the supreme God, since He needs no help from others; with respect to the men themselves, they are either empty, or such that on account of them they rather deserve to be thrust down with evil-doers into the lowest Tartarus, where they have placed those men who far surpassed them both in their discoveries and in their merits.

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LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 191)

(1) ‹anchor: proprie possidebat› · call in col 333

Possidebant Paris.

"Possidebant", Paris edition.

(printed under page 191)

(2) ‹anchor: nisi si› · call in col 333

Mysteria Paris.

"Mysteria", Paris edition.

(printed under page 191)

(3) ‹anchor: in ista› · call in col 333

In ipsa dispositione Haverc.

"In ipsa dispositione", Havercamp.

(printed under page 191)

(a) ‹anchor: quemdam› · call in col 333

Quemdam. Ed. Barr. quidem. ut et MS. L. B. HAV.

"A certain." Barraeus's edition "quidem", as also the Leiden manuscript. Havercamp.

(printed under page 191)

(b) ‹anchor: sumere divinitatem› · call in col 333

Sumere divinitatem. Infra c. XXII. aemulantur divinitatem, dum furantur divinationem. ubi vide quae notamus. HAV.

"To take up divinity." Below, ch. 22: "they rival divinity while they steal divination"; see what we note there. Havercamp.

(printed under page 191)

(c) ‹anchor: ministeria› · call in col 333

Nisi si ministeria. Adverte Tertullianum dilemma conficere. Idcirco magnus Deus adjutorem sibi postulavit, vel quia indigeret auxilio et ministerio alicujus, sine quo non posset haec machina mundi fieri: vel quia hoc petebant merita alicujus Dei. Non primum, quia nullus locus merito attollendi in coelum, cum sint multa merita supprimendi ad Tartarum, et haec vis tota hujus capitis. LAC.

"Unless perhaps services." Note that Tertullian builds a dilemma. The great God asked for a helper either because he needed someone's aid and service, without which this fabric of the world could not be made, or because the merits of some god required it. Not the first; [and not the second,] because there is no room for merit raising anyone to heaven, since there are many merits for thrusting down to Tartarus; and this is the whole force of this chapter. De la Cerda.

(printed under page 191)

(4) ‹anchor: fulmina timuisse› · call in col 334

In Rhen. et Gel. desunt vv. et ipsum — timuisse.

In Rhenanus and Gelenius the words "et ipsum … timuisse" are missing.

COMMENTARIUS

(continued)

magistrum Plinius mancipem vocat, et in qualibet re qui summi sunt, mancipes dicuntur. PAM.

…Pliny calls the master [of Sutrium] "manceps", and in any matter those who are chief are called "mancipes". Pamelius.

(printed under page 191)

(d) ‹anchor: Imperfectum› · call in col 334

Imperfectum non potuit esse. Docet la Cerda haec non de Deo isto mancipe, sed mundo esse accipienda, quo facto seu creato omnia erant consummata; id itaque imperfectum censeri non potest, quod perfecit omnia, i. e. quod finem omni creaturae de novo faciendae dedit, neque ulla ejus pars Saturnum aut alios expectabat, a quibus ut diis crearetur, jam in initio sui perfecta; cui explicationi et ego assentior: nam istam abunde exigunt illa quae praecedunt, sed nec operae locum video, et quae mox sequentur jam, a primordio et pluvias de coelo ruisse, etc. HAV.

"It could not be imperfect." De la Cerda teaches that this is to be understood not of that contractor God but of the world, which once made or created, all things were complete; so that cannot be held imperfect which completed all things, that is, which put an end to any creature still to be made anew, nor did any part of it wait for Saturn or others to create it as gods, being complete already at its beginning. I too assent to this explanation, for what precedes amply requires it, "but neither do I see room for any service", and what soon follows, "from the beginning both rains poured from the sky", etc. Havercamp.

(printed under page 191)

(e) ‹anchor: nisi certi› · call in col 334

Nisi certi sint, a primordio, etc., Manilius lib. I. cap. 5. Jam tum cum Graiae verterunt Pergama gentes, / Arctos et Orion adversis frontibus ibant. / Haec contenta suos in vertice flectere gyros, / Ille ex diverso vertentem surgere contra / Obvius, et toto semper decurrere mundo. Semel scilicet posuit Deus ordinem rerum, qui cum mundo constitutus et observari coeptus, durabit cum illo, Hippodamus Pythagor. in fragmento, quod superest nobis, de Felicitate: Αἴτε γὰρ μὴ ἦ ὁ κόσμος, οὐδ' ἂν ὁ ἥλιος ἦν, οὐδ' ἁ σελάνα, οὐδ' οἱ πλανᾶτες ἀστέρες οὐδ' οἱ ἀπλανέες. Ὄντος δὲ γε τοῦ κοσμοῦ, καὶ τούτων ἕκαστον ἔστι. i. e. Si enim mundus non esset, nec sol, nec luna, nec vel fixae vel errantes exstarent stellae: Postquam vero mundus est, horum quoque singula cernuntur. HAV.

"Unless they are certain that from the beginning," etc. Manilius, Book I, ch. 5: "Already when the Greek nations overthrew Pergamum, / The Bear and Orion went with fronts opposed: / She content to turn her circles at the pole, / He from the other side to rise against her as she turns, / Meeting her, and ever to run down across the whole sky." God, that is, set the order of things once for all, which, established with the world and beginning to be observed, will last with it. Hippodamus the Pythagorean, in the fragment that survives to us, On Happiness: "For if the world did not exist, there would be neither sun nor moon, nor wandering stars nor fixed ones; but since the world exists, each of these exists too." Havercamp.

(printed under page 191)

(f) ‹anchor: de coelo ruisse› · call in col 334

Lumina floruisse. Lucretium, ut saepe alias, est imitatus. is lib. IV. vers. 451. HAV.

"The lights bloomed." He imitated Lucretius, as often elsewhere: Book IV, line 451. Havercamp.

(printed under page 191)

(g) ‹anchor: item omnem› · call in col 334

Item omnem frugem. Aut alludit ad aetatem Saturni, quem scribit Macrobius in Latio primum agriculturam docuisse, et vini quoque usum demonstrasse, Servius in VIII. Aeneid. Virg. Aut certe ad historiam Geneseos ubi c. III. dicitur emissus Adam de paradiso voluptatis ut operaretur terram, et cap. 2. Abel pastor ovium fuisse dicitur et Cain agricola, cui consentiens Josephus. I. antiq. Jud. PAM.

"Likewise all produce." Either he alludes to the age of Saturn, who, Macrobius writes, first taught agriculture in Latium, and who also showed the use of wine (Servius on Virgil, Aeneid VIII); or certainly to the history in Genesis, where in ch. 3 Adam is said to have been sent out of the paradise of pleasure to till the ground, and in ch. 2 [sic] Abel is said to have been a shepherd and Cain a farmer, with which Josephus agrees, Jewish Antiquities I. Pamelius.

(printed under page 191)

(h) ‹anchor: principem hominem› · call in col 334

Hominem. Coll. Mod. hominum. Non probo; sed breviter locum explicabo. Omne etiam frugum genus, inquit, debuit ex terra provenire, ante Bacchum, Cererem, Minervam. imo etiam ante primum hominem, quicumque ille fuerit, quia nihil, quo homini, ut in vita perduraret, prospiceretur, postquam jam fuit homo, creari potuit vel debuit.

"Man." The Modius collation "hominum". I do not approve it; but I shall explain the passage briefly. Every kind of produce too, he says, had to come forth from the earth before Bacchus, Ceres, Minerva; indeed before the first man, whoever he was, because nothing by which provision was made for man to last in life could or should be created after man already existed.

(printed under page 191)

(i) ‹anchor: autem invenitur› · call in col 334

Quod autem invenitur, fuit. Nimis premit Septimius etymon ejus quod inventum dicitur. Nam in ista disputatione, inventum, idem est quod commentum, et inventores artium dicuntur, qui primi excogitaverunt artes, et machinas: verbi gratia arandae telluris, panis pinsendi, coquendi: vitis pastinandae, propagandae: vini factitandi, condendi, servandique, et caetera hujusmodi ad vitam necessaria, sive utilia et jucunda. RIG.

"But what is found already was." Septimius presses too hard the etymology of what is called "found". For in this argument "found" is the same as "devised", and those are called inventors of the arts who first thought out arts and devices: for example of ploughing the earth, of pounding bread and baking it, of trenching the vine and propagating it, of making, storing and keeping wine, and the other things of this kind necessary for life, or useful and pleasant. Rigault.

(printed under page 191)

(j) ‹anchor: cum Lucullo› · call in col 334 (the text prints the call as (i))

Male cum Lucullo. Non minus lepide quam vere idipsum D. Hieronymus ad Marcellam [Plin. haud dubie secutus lib. XV. Natur. hist. c. 25.]: Accepimus, inquit, et canistrum cerasis refertum talibus et tam virginali verecundia rubentibus, ut ea nunc Lucullo delata existimarem. Siquidem hoc genus pomi, Ponto et Armenia (bello nempe Mithridatico, an. u. c. 680.) subjugatis, de Cerasunte primus Romam pertulit, unde et de patria, arbor nomen accepit. Ostensor et inventor, a Puteani libro absunt. PAM.

"Badly with Lucullus." St Jerome to Marcella says this very thing no less wittily than truly [doubtless following Pliny, Natural History Book XV, ch. 25]: "We have received," he says, "a basket full of cherries, such and blushing with so maidenly a modesty that I thought they had just now been brought to Lucullus." For he first brought this kind of fruit to Rome from Cerasus, when Pontus and Armenia had been subdued (in the Mithridatic War, in the year of the City 680), whence the tree also took its name from its homeland. "Ostensor et inventor" are absent from the Puteanus book. Pamelius.

(printed under page 191)

(k) ‹anchor: qui primus› · call in col 334

Qui primus cerasa ex Ponto. MS. Fuld. legit, qui primus Romanis c. e. P. quod cum non poterat tolerari, ob id quod mox sequitur, Italiae, plausum non invenit. Forsitan scripsit, qui primus Romanus cerasa, etc. quomodo Lucretius, quem exprimit saepe, locutus est quondam de magnifico poeta Ennio, qui primus Romanorum laurum meruit lib. I. versu 118. Ennius ut noster cecinit qui primus amoeno / Detulit ex Helicone perenni fronde coronam; i. e. primus nostrum; sic primus Romanus est primus Romanorum. Idem Lucretius lib. V. vers. 37. Quo neque noster adit quisquam, neque barbarus audet. Pompeio tribuitur hoc ipsum ab ipso nostro Tertul- (continues)

"Who first [brought] cherries from Pontus." The Fulda manuscript reads "qui primus Romanis c. e. P.", which, since it could not be tolerated because of "Italiae" which soon follows, found no favour. Perhaps he wrote "qui primus Romanus cerasa", etc., as Lucretius, whom he often echoes, once spoke of the magnificent poet Ennius, who first of the Romans earned the laurel, Book I, line 118: "As our Ennius sang, who first brought down from lovely Helicon a crown of unfading leaf"; that is, first of us; so "primus Romanus" is "first of the Romans". Lucretius again, Book V, line 37: "Where none of ours goes, nor any barbarian dares." This very thing is attributed to Pompey by our Tertul[lian] himself (continues)

(printed under page 191)

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 192)

(1) ‹anchor: merita recensere› · call in col 335

Vultis Rig.

"Vultis", Rigault.

(printed under page 192)

(a) ‹anchor: collationem› · call in col 335

Collationem divinitatis meritorum remunerandorum fuisse rationem. Plinius libro II. Hic est vetustissimus referendi bene merentibus gratiam mos, ut tales numinibus adscribantur. RIG.

"That the conferring of divinity was a way of rewarding merits." Pliny, Book II: "This is the most ancient custom of repaying those who deserve well, that such men be enrolled among the deities." Rigault.

(printed under page 192)

(b) ‹anchor: abstrudi› · call in col 335

Abstrudi solent impii, etc. Enumerat ibi pariter hos Lucianus in Necromantia: ἑτέρωθεν δὲ, inquit, προσήγοντο, etc., i. e. Ex altera vero parte adducebantur ordine multi longa catena vincti, qui dicebantur adulteri, lenones, publicani, adulatores, sycophantae, atque istiusmodi turbae quidvis in vita turbantium. Respicit noster Tertullianus satis evidenter majestatem Virgilianam, quae in describendo poenarum infernalium loco, inter alia, haec edisserit: lib. VI, vers. 608. 614. et 621, 24 Vide.

"The impious are wont to be thrust down," etc. Lucian likewise lists these in the Necromancy: "And from the other side," he says, "were brought," etc., that is: "And from the other side there were led in, in order, many bound with a long chain, who were said to be adulterers, pimps, tax-farmers, flatterers, informers, and the crowd of that kind who throw everything in life into confusion." Our Tertullian quite evidently has in view the majesty of Virgil, who in describing the place of infernal punishments sets out, among other things, these: Book VI, lines 608, 614 and 621–24. See them.

(printed under page 192)

(2) ‹anchor: quem neminem› · call in col 336

Rhen. et Gelen.: Quem hominem negaveritis?

Rhenanus and Gelenius: "Quem hominem negaveritis?"

(printed under page 192)

(3) ‹anchor: in coelo› · call in col 336

Cod. Fuld. et Hav.: in coelum.

The Fulda codex and Havercamp: "in coelum".

(printed under page 192)

(4) ‹anchor: Deos› · call in col 336

Deos facitis Seml.

"Deos facitis", Semler.

COMMENTARIUS

(continued)

liano in lib. Ad. Nat. II. 16. Cerasium Cn. Pompeius, de Ponto primus Italiae provulgavit. HAV.

…lian, in To the Nations II, 16: "Gnaeus Pompey first made the cherry known to Italy from Pontus." Havercamp.

(printed under page 192)

(c) ‹anchor: quem neminem› · call in col 336

Quem neminem. Non debuit hanc lectionem sollicitare Latinius, nec depravatam alii laudare. Latinissime enim locutus est Afer noster, et plane ut Suetonius de Nerone c. XXXIX. in Vita ejus: Ex nonnullis comperi, persuasissimum habuisse eum, neminem hominem pudicum, aut ulla corporis parte purum esse; verum plerosque dissimulare vitium, et calliditate obtegere. Eodem modo supra dixit cap. X. Ante Saturnum Deus penes vos nemo est. Quod vero Ed. Aldina habet et Rhen. hominem, quasi novum hic Tertulliani argumentum incipiat, probare non possum, nec enim cum interrogandi signo, ut facit Barraeus, est scribendus locus, apud quem frustra quaeras illa verba: atquin ut homines illos fuisse non potestis negare. HAV.

"Of whom none." Latinius ought not to have tampered with this reading, nor others to have praised the corrupt one. For our African spoke in the best Latin, and just as Suetonius in his Life of Nero, ch. 39 [sic]: "I have learned from some that he was fully persuaded that no man was chaste or pure in any part of his body, but that most concealed the vice and covered it with cunning." In the same way he said above, ch. 10: "Before Saturn there is no god among you." But that the Aldine edition and Rhenanus have "hominem", as if a new argument of Tertullian began here, I cannot approve; nor is the passage to be written with a question mark, as Barraeus does, in whom you will look in vain for the words "atquin ut homines illos fuisse non potestis negare". Havercamp.

(printed under page 192)

(d) ‹anchor: collegas› · call in col 336

Collegas. Ut infra: nihil aliud deprehendo, quam materias sorores esse vasculorum, instrumentorumque communium. Psellus ad Nazianz. p. 1084. Quonam pacto derideam tales cultus? idolorum sc. et simulacrorum, et subsannabo eos qui talia colunt? et qui attribuunt cultus et honores creaturae et materiei: si ipse adorem conservos, et quae nihil vel parum distant ab his, qui apud illos habentur Dii. Loquitur de figmento circa Filium Dei, ut creaturarum primum. HAV.

"Colleagues." As below: "I find nothing else than that the materials are sisters of vessels and common implements." Psellus on Nazianzen, p. 1084: "How shall I deride such worships" (that is, of idols and images) "and mock those who worship such things and who give worship and honours to the creature and to matter, if I myself adore fellow servants, and things that differ little or not at all from those held as gods among them?" He speaks of the invention about the Son of God as the first of creatures. Havercamp.

(printed under page 192)

(e) ‹anchor: Suggillatio› · call in col 336

Suggillatio est in c. j. v. Ita coll. Mod. quam probissimam expertam passim sequor. Alii omnes, pari fere sensu, in coelo. Non abludit hinc illud ex lib. II. Ad Nat. cap. 7 sepulcris Regum vestrorum coelum infamatis. Caeterum elegans est locus, et plenus acri scommate. Cum enim maleficos, adulteros, homicidas, fures, juste in terris puniant, non vident eodem judicio se Deos suos, quos in coelis collocarunt, damnare, quorum certe nullum esse probat, quod et passim constabat apud omnes, quin sit incestus, adulter, fur, homicida, virginum et puerorum raptor atque corruptor; quare quum pares Deorum suorum atque in sceleribus collegas puniant, hoc certe contumeliam ab illis deputabunt Dii sui, ut loquitur in fine c. XIII. HAV.

"Your justice is an affront in c[oelum]." So the Modius collation, which I follow throughout, having found it most sound. All the others, with almost the same sense, "in coelo". Not unlike this is that passage of To the Nations Book II, ch. 7: "you disgrace heaven with the tombs of your kings". The passage is elegant and full of sharp gibe. For while they justly punish evildoers, adulterers, murderers and thieves on earth, they do not see that by the same judgement they condemn their own gods, whom they have placed in heaven, none of whom, he proves (and it was commonly agreed among all), is not incestuous, an adulterer, a thief, a murderer, a ravisher and corrupter of maidens and boys; so, since they punish the equals and colleagues in crime of their gods, their gods will surely count this an insult from them, as he says at the end of ch. 13. Havercamp.

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(f) ‹anchor: Deos facite› · call in col 336

Deos facite, etc. Ut unda undam, sic telum telum apud Nostrum excipit. Quasi jam patronus impietati factus, defendet eam, quo certe auxilio vel defensore non gaudeat. Par sarcasmus, quem invenies c. XIII. Sed digne Imperatoribus defunctis honorem divinitatis dicatis, quibus et viventibus eum addicitis, accepto ferent Dii vestri, imo gratulabuntur, quod pares eis fiant domini sui. Pessime vero editio Pamelii exhibet Deos facitis. Diis enim, cur non ex vinctis pessimos nocentes Deos facitis, hoc facto rem gratam Diis vestris praestabitis, par enim pari gaudet. Recte itaque scribunt facite Membr. L. B. Herald. La Cerda, Rigal. Rhenan. et reliqui. HAV.

"Make gods," etc. As wave follows wave, so in our author dart follows dart. As if now become impiety's advocate, he will defend it, an aid or defender in which it can hardly rejoice. A like sarcasm you will find in ch. 13: "But you rightly dedicate the honour of divinity to dead emperors, to whom you assign it even while they live; your gods will take it kindly, indeed will rejoice that their masters become their equals." Pamelius's edition very badly presents "Deos facitis". For [he is saying] to the gods: why do you not make the worst criminals from among those in chains gods? By doing this you will do your gods a favour, for like delights in like. So rightly the Leiden parchment, Herald, de la Cerda, Rigault, Rhenanus and the rest write "facite". Havercamp.

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(g) ‹anchor: criminosissimos quosque› · call in col 336

Criminosissimos quosque. Arnobius lib. V. Si contemptor aliquis Numinum, et sacrilegi pectoris immanitate furiosus, intendisset animum maledicere Diis vestris: auderet in eos quidquam gravius dicere, quam ista prodit historia, quam, velut quiddam mirabile, commentarii contulistis in formulam? ac ne illam vis temporis, et vetustatis obsolefaceret longitudo. perpetuitatis honore mactastis. Quid est enim de Diis in ea positum, quidve conscriptum, quod non, si in hominem dixeris pudibundis moribus, et disciplinis horridioribus educatum, et contumeliae reus sis, et injuriae, et offensionis odium simultatibus subeas inexpiabilibus comparatum? HAV.

"All the most criminal." Arnobius, Book V: "If some despiser of the deities, maddened by the savagery of a sacrilegious heart, had set his mind on reviling your gods, would he dare say anything graver against them than this history sets forth, which, as something wonderful, you have cast into the form of a record, and, lest the force of time and the length of age should make it obsolete, have honoured with the honour of perpetuity? For what is set down or written in it about the gods which, if you said it of a man brought up in modest ways and stricter disciplines, would not make you guilty of insult and injury, and bring on you the hatred of offence armed with inexpiable enmities?" Havercamp.

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(h) ‹anchor: retractatum› · call in col 336

Potiores vivos apud inferos reliquistis. Libera pariter vox Diogenis, qui rogantibus Atheniensibus ut initiaretur, atque dicentibus, quod apud inferos ii qui initiati sunt, praesident, Γελοῖον, ἔφη, εἰ Ἀγησίλαος μὲν καὶ Ἐπαμινώνδας ἐν τῷ βορβόρῳ διάξουσιν, εὐτελεῖς δέ τινες μεμυημένοι ἐν ταῖς μακάρων νήσοις ἔσονται; i. e. Perridiculum, respondit, siquidem Agesilaus et Epaminondas in coeno degent, viles autem quiqui initiati in beatorum insulis erunt. HAV.

"Better men you have left below." Equally frank was the saying of Diogenes, who, when the Athenians asked him to be initiated and said that those who are initiated hold first place below, said: "It is ridiculous if Agesilaus and Epaminondas are to spend their time in the mire, while certain worthless people, because initiated, are to be in the Islands of the Blest." Havercamp. (The note's lemma reads "vivos", and its call (h) stands in the text after "retractatum"; the text itself reads "viros" further on.)

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(i) ‹anchor: sapientia Socratem› · call in col 336

Socratem. Cui recte inter sapientes primas partes assignat, ab ipso Apolline sapientissimus mortalium dicto. HAV.

"Socrates." To whom he rightly assigns first place among the wise, since Apollo himself called him the wisest of mortals. Havercamp.

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(j) ‹anchor: justitia Aristidem› · call in col 336

Aristidem. Cujus tanta in tolerandis adversis pa- (continues)

"Aristides." Whose so great pa[tience] in bearing adversity (continues)

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(continued) · col 337

tientia, ut cum suffragia comportarentur, quibus ille in exsilium mitteretur, ignoto cuidam ignotus ipse petenti, ut nomen Aristidis illiterato sibi in calculo scriberet, paruerit, nihil aliud causanti, quam non placere sibi nimis justum audire Aristidem. Cujus tanta integritas, ut post reditum ab exsilio, quum semper maximis in Rep. muneribus functus esset, in re tenui defunctus, publice sit elatus et filiabus de publico dos sit data. Laudatus hoc nomine cum ab aliis, tum a Nazianzeno in carm. Cygneis. O saeculi felicitatem. Hav.

…patience: when the votes were being brought in by which he was to be sent into exile, and an unknown man who did not know him asked him to write the name of Aristides on his ballot, since he could not write himself, he obeyed, the man giving no other reason than that it did not please him to hear Aristides called "the Just" too often. So great was his integrity that after his return from exile, though he had always held the highest offices in the commonwealth, he died in poverty, was buried at public expense, and his daughters were given dowries from the public treasury. He is praised on this account both by others and by Nazianzen in his Swan-songs (Carmina). O the happiness of that age! Havercamp.

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(a) ‹anchor: de militia Themistoclem› · call in col 337

De militia Themistoclem. Themistoclis gloria eminuit bello Medico, pugna Marathonia, sub auspiciis Miltiadis, et mox ipse aliquot annis post, dux Atheniensium, adversus Xerxis navales copias ad Salaminam memorabili cum laude conflixit. Lac.

"Themistocles for soldiering." Themistocles' glory shone out in the Median war, at the battle of Marathon under Miltiades' command; and soon, some years later, as general of the Athenians he himself fought against Xerxes' naval forces at Salamis with memorable renown. Lacerda.

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(b) ‹anchor: de sublimitate Alexandrum› · call in col 337

Alexandrum. Cujus μεγαλοψυχία omnem paginam apud Arrianum et Curtium implet. Hav.

"Alexander." His greatness of soul (megalopsychia) fills every page of Arrian and Curtius. Havercamp.

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(c) ‹anchor: de felicitate Polycratem› · call in col 337

Polycratem. Non is pari passu ambulat, in fine vitae ab omni fortuna deturbatus, et misere in cruce necatus, felicis tamen nomen vindicavit illi nimia Fortunae indulgentia, et a pisce reportatus abjectus in mare annulus. Hav.

"Polycrates." He does not keep pace with the others, since at the end of his life he was cast down from all his fortune and wretchedly put to death on a cross; yet the excessive indulgence of Fortune, and the ring he had thrown into the sea being brought back by a fish, won him the name of "the fortunate." Havercamp.

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(d) ‹anchor: de copia Croesum› · call in col 337

De copia Croesum. Miror haec in Ed. Juniana non comparere, cum etiam Aldus agnoscat, ubi perperam Crassum ponitur. Delubra vero Deorum Lydiae hujus auro ditata opulentiam ejus ostenderunt. Omisit quoque Rhenanus. Hav.

"Croesus for wealth." I am surprised these words do not appear in the Junius edition, since even Aldus recognizes them, where "Crassus" is wrongly printed. The temples of the gods, enriched with the gold of this Lydian, displayed his opulence. Rhenanus also omitted them. Havercamp.

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(e) ‹anchor: de eloquentia Demosthenem› · call in col 337

Demosthenem. Cujus volubilis linguae fulmina attonita stupuit Graecia. Hav.

"Demosthenes." At the thunderbolts of his fluent tongue Greece stood thunderstruck. Havercamp.

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(f) ‹anchor: sapientior Catone› · call in col 337

Catone. Illo, qui de coelo cecidisse dicebatur, qui bonus esse quam videri malebat. Hav.

"Cato." That Cato who was said to have fallen from heaven, who preferred to be good rather than to seem so. Havercamp.

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(g) ‹anchor: militarior Scipione› · call in col 337

Scipione. In quo duas istas virtutes conjungit, quemque Aristidi et Themistocli opponit, quantis viris! et certe in laude militiae omnibus ab Luciano anteponitur, uno Alexandro excepto, in jucunda ista altercatione Annibalis et Alexandri, inter Dialogos Mortuorum, qui etiam in recensione imperatorum romanorum primas obtinet apud Theodoret. Ad Graecos p. 121. Οὐχ οἱ Ῥωμαίων περιφανέστατοι στρατηγοὶ, ὁ Σκιπίων ὁ πρῶτος, etc. i. e. Non Romanorum praeclarissimi imperatores, Scipionum major, etc. Etiam justi elogium meruit Scipionis nomen insigni isto facto, quo de praeda virginem omnium formosissimam intactam sponso suo restituit. Historiam narrant Livius lib. xxvi. in fine, et Valerius Maximus lib. iv. cap. iii. Factum hoc (nam Tertullianus Scipiones, omnes sui simillimos, confundit, ut et Catones duos) etiamnum loquitur insignis raritate clypeus antiquus, cujus ectypon nunc passim est notum, et ut alibi sic in Bibl. Lugd. Bat. pendet. Hav.

"Scipio." In him he joins those two virtues, and sets him against Aristides and Themistocles: such great men! And certainly in the praise of soldiership he is preferred by Lucian to all except Alexander alone, in that pleasant dispute of Hannibal and Alexander among the Dialogues of the Dead; and he also holds first place in the list of Roman generals in Theodoret, To the Greeks p. 121: "Were not the most illustrious generals of the Romans, the first Scipio," etc., that is, "Were not the most renowned commanders of the Romans, the elder of the Scipios," etc. The name of Scipio also earned the praise of a just man by that famous deed in which he restored to her betrothed, untouched, the most beautiful of all the maidens taken in the spoil. The story is told by Livy, book XXVI at the end, and Valerius Maximus, book IV, chapter III. This deed (for Tertullian confuses the Scipios, all very like one another, as he does the two Catos) is still proclaimed by an ancient shield remarkable for its rarity, a cast of which is now widely known, and which hangs in the Leiden Library as it does elsewhere. Havercamp.

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(h) ‹anchor: sublimior Pompeio› · call in col 337

Pompeio. Magno illo, factorum omnium dictorumque Alexandri aemulo. Testis Sallustius in fragm. quae de iii. Hist. libro supersunt. Sed Pompeius a prima adolescentia, sermone fautorum, similem fore se credens Alexandro regi, facta, consultaque ejus quidem aemulus erat. Hav.

"Pompey." Pompey the Great, the rival of all Alexander's deeds and words. Witness Sallust in the fragments that survive of the third book of the Histories: "But Pompey from his earliest youth, believing through the talk of his supporters that he would be like King Alexander, was indeed a rival of his deeds and plans." Havercamp.

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(i) ‹anchor: felicior Sylla› · call in col 337

Syllae. Inde cognomine Felix appellatus, et quod raro sanguinariis contingit, placida morte ablatus, nam, Sine caede et vulnere pauci / Descendunt reges, et sicca morte tyranni. Lucanus de illo lib. ii, vers. 221. Hisne salus rerum? Felix his Sulla vocari? / His meruit tumulum medio sibi tollere campo?

"Sulla." Hence he was given the surname Felix ("the Fortunate"), and, what rarely befalls bloodthirsty men, he was carried off by a peaceful death; for "Few kings go down without slaughter and wounds, and few tyrants by a dry death." Lucan of him, book II, line 221: "Is this the salvation of the state? Was it for these that Sulla is called the Fortunate? For these that he earned the raising of his tomb in the midst of the Campus?"

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(j) ‹anchor: eloquentior Tullio› · call in col 337

Tullio. Juvenal. Sat. x. vers. 114. Eloquium ac famam Demosthenis aut Ciceronis / Incipit optare, etc.

"Tully." Juvenal, Satire X, line 114: "He begins to long for the eloquence and fame of Demosthenes or Cicero," etc.

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(k) ‹anchor: apud inferos mussitantibus› · call in col 337

Mussitantibus. Scribendum forte musinantibus, quod propius accedit ad scripturam MS. L. B. et Aldinam, quae est musitantibus. Ut vero docet Isidorus Orig. lib. xii. c. 1. musino est animal natum ex capra et ariete; unde hoc verbum formari potuit, atque ita satirice dicit fortes illas animas, apud inferos coniscare, et quasi arietes, cornibus ob illatam injuriam minitari, concursuras, si copia detur, cum inferioribus sibi diis coelestibus. Respexit puto, ut saepe illa Luciani in Bis Accus. p. 309 ubi Mercurius ad Patrem Jovem: Πάνυ ἀγανακτοῦσιν, ὦ πάτερ, καὶ σχετλιάζουσιν. καὶ ἐς τὸ φανερὸν μὲν οὐ τολμῶσι λέγειν, ὑπογογγύζουσι δὲ συγκεκυφότες; i. e. Valde indignantur, pater, et animo iniquo ferunt; nec palam profiteri audent, sed apud se submurmurant inclinati. Vel certe illud Senecae in lepidissimo illo de Claudii Apotheosi lusu? Nuntiantur Jovi venisse quemdam bonae staturae, bene canum, nescio quid illum minari: assidue enim caput movere. Si vero tutior cui vetus videatur lectio, sciat pari modo mussitare suum fabricasse Tertullianum, quo μύζειν Homerus Iliad. Δ αἱ δὲ τὶ μύξαν Ἀθηναίη τε καὶ Ἥρη. et mussare hinc Lucretius lib. ii, vers. 658. Sed quia multa sibi vident contraria mussant. et lib. vi, vers. 1177. Mussabat tacito medicina dolore. nec Virg. imitari puduit. is Aen. xii. Mussat rex ipse Latinus. mussare itaque valet hic non audere hiscere, ne μῦ quidem proferre audere, ut ex Varrone recte vir Graece Latineque doctissimus Dionysius Lambinus.

"Mumbling." Perhaps one should write musinantibus, which comes closer to the reading of the Leiden manuscript and the Aldine, which is musitantibus. For, as Isidore teaches (Etymologies, book XII, chapter 1), the musino is an animal born of a she-goat and a ram; from which this verb could have been formed, and so he would be saying satirically that those brave souls butt among the dead and, like rams, threaten with their horns over the injury done them, ready to charge, given the chance, at the heavenly gods who are their inferiors. He had in view, I think, as he often does, that passage of Lucian in The Double Indictment, p. 309, where Mercury says to Father Jupiter: "They are very indignant, father, and complain; they dare not say it openly, but they grumble, stooping down," that is, "They are greatly indignant, father, and take it ill; they dare not declare it openly, but murmur to themselves with heads bowed." Or certainly that passage of Seneca in his most witty skit on the Apotheosis of Claudius: "It is announced to Jupiter that someone has come, of good stature, quite grey, threatening something or other, for he kept shaking his head." But if the old reading seems safer to anyone, let him know that Tertullian made his mussitare in the same way, as Homer uses myzein (Iliad IV): "but Athena and Hera muttered"; and hence Lucretius' mussare, book II, line 658: "But because they see many things against them, they mutter"; and book VI, line 1177: "Medicine muttered in silent grief"; nor was Virgil ashamed to imitate it, Aeneid XII: "King Latinus himself mutters." So mussare here means not daring to open one's mouth, not daring to utter even "mu," as that man most learned in Greek and Latin, Denis Lambin, rightly explains from Varro.

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ARGUMENTUM. — Jam porro ostendit, Numina illa nihil esse, nisi inania mortuorum nomina, quorum simulacra, respectu materiae fabricaeque, maxime contemni mereantur, ut adeo in solatium sint

ARGUMENT. — Next he shows that those divinities are nothing but the empty names of dead men, whose images, in respect of their material and workmanship, chiefly deserve to be despised, so that they serve indeed as a consolation

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ipsis Christianis, qui propter illa puniuntur. Ut enim Dii fiant, crucibus, velut Christiani, figuntur, asciis edolantur, truncantur denique. Leonibus etiam cinguntur, et in lapicidinis habitant, atque ex insulis proveniunt. Quae sicut ipsi non sentiunt, ita nec honores, qui ipsis fiunt. Non itaque magis damnandi Christiani, qui illos respuunt, quam ipse olim Seneca, qui similiter inanes superstitiones improbavit: Ridiculos enim esse Deos, qui injuriae vilissimarum etiam bestiolarum pateant, imo qui, cum non sint, nec illis qui sunt benefacere, nec ab illis laedi possunt.

to the very Christians who are punished on their account. For in order that they may become gods, they are fixed to crosses, like Christians, are hewn with adzes, and are in the end cut down. They are also encircled with lions, and dwell in the quarries, and come forth from the islands. And as they themselves feel these things not, so neither do they feel the honours that are paid to them. Christians, therefore, who reject them, are no more to be condemned than was Seneca himself of old, who likewise disapproved of empty superstitions: for, he says, those gods are ridiculous who lie open to injury even from the vilest little beasts; nay, who, since they do not exist, can neither do good to those who do exist, nor be harmed by them.

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LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 194)

(1) ‹anchor: quam materias› · call in col 339

Her. et Rig.: materias sorores, Haverc. ex uno cod. Ald.: matres sorores, Seml.: matre sorores.

Herald and Rigault: materias sorores ("materials, sisters"); Havercamp from one manuscript and the Aldine: matres sorores ("mothers, sisters"); Semler: matre sorores.

COMMENTARIUS (printed under page 194)

(a) ‹anchor: quorundam veterum› · call in col 339

Cap. XII. — Veterum mortuorum. Similiter Lactantius Inst. div. lib. II. c. 2. et ideo simulacra constituunt, quae quia mortuorum sunt imagines, similia mortuis sunt, omni enim sensu carent. Et apud eumdem versus Sibyllini I. c. 11. Δαίμονας ἀψύχους, νεκύων εἴδωλα καμόντων, / Ὧν Κρήτη καύχημα τάφους ἡ δύσμορος ἴσχει· i. e. Daemones inanimes, cadaverum simulacra mortuorum, quorum Creta in jactantiam sepulcra misera habet. Prudentius quoque I, contra Symmachum: Et tot templa Deum Romae quot in orbe sepulcra / Heroum numerare licet. Hav.

Chapter XII. "Of certain dead men of old." Similarly Lactantius, Divine Institutes, book II, chapter 2: "and so they set up images which, because they are likenesses of the dead, are like the dead, for they lack all sense." And in the same author, the Sibylline verses (I, chapter 11): "Lifeless demons, images of the worn-out dead, whose tombs wretched Crete keeps as her boast," that is, "lifeless demons, images of dead corpses, whose sepulchres wretched Crete holds for her boasting." Prudentius too, Against Symmachus I: "And one may count as many temples of the gods at Rome as there are tombs of heroes in the world." Havercamp.

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(b) ‹anchor: quam materias› · call in col 339

Materias sorores esse. Ex eadem quippe materia et dii et vasa domestica fingi solebant, atque etiam quae vasa prius fuerant in deos mutabantur contrita et pistillo aliquo contusa, unde materia soror hoc est συγγενὴς, atque ut habetur apud Georgium Palamam: ἀδελφά φασι, καὶ ὁμόχωρα, καὶ τῆς αὐτῆς κεραμείας. Le Pr.

"That the materials are sisters." For both gods and household vessels used to be fashioned from the same material, and even what had formerly been vessels were changed into gods, ground up and crushed with a pestle; hence "sister material," that is, "kindred," and as it is found in George Palamas: "they call them sisters, of the same place, and of the same pottery." Le Prieur.

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(c) ‹anchor: Crucibus et stipitibus› · call in col 340

Crucibus et stipitibus. Pulchre deducit iisdem suppliciis affici ab illis deos suos, quibus in Christianos animadvertebant, quae erant cruces, stipites, ungulae, capitis poena, bestiae, ignes, et in metalla relegatio. Imitatur autem etiam hic per omnia Tertullianum Minucius, distinguens inter simulacra; ut in ligneum competat suspendi, caedi, dolari, runcinare, construi; in aereum vel argenteum conflari, fundi, plumbari, tundi malleis, et incudibus figurari; in lapideum denique caedi, sculpi, laevigari et erigi. Atqui illud argilla deformat cruci et stipiti superstructa, ita explicat Josephus Scaliger in Festum, ut alludat auctor ad derivationem stipitis a stipa, quae proprie crux est cui argillam imponunt plastae. Pam.

"On crosses and stakes." He finely shows that they inflict on their own gods the same punishments with which they punished the Christians, namely crosses, stakes, claws, beheading, the beasts, fire, and banishment to the mines. Here too Minucius imitates Tertullian throughout, distinguishing among the images: to a wooden one it belongs to be hung up, cut, hewn, planed and put together; to a bronze or silver one to be melted, cast, soldered with lead, beaten with hammers and shaped on anvils; to a stone one, finally, to be cut, carved, smoothed and set up. But the phrase "the clay, built upon a cross and a stake, gives it shape" Joseph Scaliger, on Festus, explains as the author alluding to the derivation of stipes from stipa, which is properly the cross on which modellers lay their clay. Pamelius.

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(d) ‹anchor: cruci et stipiti› · call in col 340

Cruci et Stipiti. Plastae enim cum simulacrum aliquod deformare velint, necesse habent erectum ponere stipitem, cui corpus circumstruatur, et lignum transversum, ut brachia formentur. Totum hoc argumentum Minucius quoque similiter exsequitur p. 26. Quod si in animum quis inducat, tormentis quibus, et quibus machinis simulacrum omne formetur, erubescet timere se materiem, ab artifice, ut Deum faceret, illusam. Deus enim ligneus, rogi fortasse, vel infelicis stipitis portio, suspenditur, caeditur, dolatur, runcinatur, et Deus aereus vel argenteus, de immundo vasculo, ut saepius factum Aegyptio regi, conflatur, tunditur malleis, et incudibus figuratur: et lapideus caeditur, scalpitur, et ab impurato homine laevigatur. Ubi vide Elmenhorst. Arnobius lib. VI. Fornacibus incocta figulinis, ex incudibus et malleis, tormis rasa, descobinata limis; serris, perforaculis, asciis, secta, dolata, effossa; terebrarum excavata vertigine, runcinarum laevigata de planis. Hav.

"To a cross and a stake." For when modellers wish to shape an image, they must set up an upright stake around which the body is built, and a crosspiece so that the arms may be formed. Minucius pursues this whole argument in the same way, p. 26: "But if anyone considers with what tortures and with what machines every image is formed, he will blush to fear material that the craftsman has mocked in order to make a god. For a wooden god, perhaps a piece of a pyre or of an ill-omened stake, is hung up, cut, hewn and planed; and a god of bronze or silver, from some unclean little vessel, as was often done for the Egyptian king, is melted, beaten with hammers and shaped on anvils; and a stone one is cut, carved and smoothed by some defiled man." See Elmenhorst there. Arnobius, book VI: "baked in potters' furnaces, from anvils and hammers, scraped on lathes, rasped with files; cut, hewn, dug out with saws, borers and adzes; hollowed out by the whirl of augers, smoothed by the flat of planes." Havercamp.

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(e) ‹anchor: dei vestri dedicatur› · call in col 340

Dei vestri dedicatur. Sic supra Neronem dixit dedicatorem damnationis Christianorum, accipiens dedicare pro incipere, in quo illum imitatur etiam D. Cyprianus, ep., 33. Pam.

"Of your god is dedicated." So above he called Nero the "dedicator" of the condemnation of the Christians, taking dedicare for "to begin"; in this St Cyprian also imitates him, Letter 33. Pamelius.

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(f) ‹anchor: Ungulis deraditis› · call in col 340

Ungulis eraditis. Ita malim cum MS. Fuld. quam deraditis. Chrysostomus Hom. de S. Romano martyre, Tanquam enim belluae quaedam immanes corpus ejus circumcidentes carnifices latera effodiebant, carnem deradebant, ossa denudabant, viscera ipsa interiora pervadebant. Haec vero poenarum genera recenset etiam Theodoret. adv. Graecos Serm. VIII. p. 112. Καὶ οὐχ ἁπλῶς ἔπεισεν, etc., id est: Neque vero tenuem ut superinnatantem fidem fecerunt, sed adeo profundis nixam radicibus, ut magna hominum multitudo pro hisce retinendis doctrinis mortem libentissime sustinuerit, eaque inficiari volentibus, non linguas ad defensionem objecerit, sed flagris humeros, sed lampadibus latera ferreisque ungulis, et cervices gladiis supposuerit, tympanis ac fidiculis extenta fuerit, palis infixa constiterit, ab immanibus se feris laniari conspexerit, vivique sunt inflammati. Unde patet, stipitibus imponere, hic esse crudelissimum illud supplicii genus, quo inferiora hominis acuto palo in terra erecto imponuntur, ita ut fere per humeros et ad cervicem emineat, hoc Graecis erat ἀνασκινδυλεύεσθαι, quod Hesychius exponit ἀνασκολοπισθῆναι, in festucam tolli. Idem, σκινδαλάμος vel σκινδάλμος, σχίδιον, i. e. festuca. Seneca quoque inter terribilem suppliciorum apparatum recenset Ep. XIV. Ingens alterius mali pompa est, ferrum circa se et ignes habet, et catenas, et turbam ferarum, quam in viscera immittat humana. Cogita hoc loco carcerem, et cruces, et equuleos, et uncum, et adactum per medium hominem, qui per os emergat, stipitem, et distracta in diversum actis curribus membra; illam tunicam alimentis ignium et illitam et intentam; et Consol. ad Marciam c. XX. Video istic cruces non unius quidem generis, sed aliter ab aliis fabricatas, alii capite conversos in terram suspendere, alii per obscoena stipitem egerunt, alii brachia patibulo explicuerunt; et refero mollissimos effoeminati Maecenatis versus apud eumdem Ep. CI. Vita dum superest, bene est. / Hanc mihi, vel acuta / Si sedeam cruce, sustine. Graeci recentiores πατταλεύειν dixerunt. Hujus etiam supplicii meminit Procopius lib. III, Belli Gothici. Hav.

"With claws scraped clean." I would rather read eraditis with the Fulda manuscript than deraditis. Chrysostom, Homily on St Romanus the martyr: "For like some savage beasts the executioners, cutting round his body, dug into his sides, scraped off his flesh, laid bare his bones, and pierced into his very inner organs." Theodoret too lists these kinds of punishment, Against the Greeks, Discourse VIII, p. 112: "And not merely did he persuade," etc., that is: "Nor did they produce a thin faith, floating, as it were, on the surface, but one resting on roots so deep that a great multitude of men most willingly endured death to keep these teachings, and, when men wished them to deny them, offered not their tongues in defence, but their shoulders to the scourges, their sides to torches and iron claws, and their necks to the sword; were stretched on drums and cords, stood fixed on stakes, watched themselves torn by savage beasts, and were burned alive." From this it is clear that "setting on stakes" here is that most cruel kind of punishment in which a man's lower parts are set on a sharp stake fixed upright in the ground, so that it comes out almost through the shoulders and at the neck. The Greeks called this anaskindyleuesthai, which Hesychius explains as anaskolopisthenai, "to be raised on a splinter." He also gives skindalamos or skindalmos, schidion, that is, "a splinter." Seneca too lists it among the terrible array of punishments, Letter XIV: "The pageant of the other evil is huge: it has steel about it and fire, and chains, and a crowd of beasts to let loose on human entrails. Picture here the prison, the crosses, the racks, the hook, the stake driven through the middle of a man to come out at his mouth, the limbs torn apart by chariots driven different ways, that tunic smeared and woven with the food of fire"; and Consolation to Marcia, chapter XX: "I see crosses there, not of one kind only but made differently by different men: some hang their victims head down towards the ground, some drive a stake through their private parts, some stretch out their arms on a gibbet"; and I quote the most unmanly verses of the effeminate Maecenas in the same author, Letter CI: "So long as life remains, it is well. Keep this for me, even if I sit on a sharp cross." The later Greeks called it pattaleuein. Procopius also mentions this punishment, book III of the Gothic War. Havercamp.

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(g) ‹anchor: et scobinae› · call in col 340

Scobinae. Et haec instrumenta erant ad politiorem ornatum, Glossarium Κοσμητήριον, scoba dicebant enim ita pro scopa, et hinc scobina, et verbum scobere. Guido II. prior Cartusiensis, qui obiit a. 1188, et editus est a Chifletio in statutis ejusdem ordinis c. XX. § 2. Habeat itaque Martha laudabile quidem, sed tamen non sine sollicitudine et perturbatione ministerium: nec sororem sollicite Christi vestigiis inhaerentem, et quoniam ipse est Deus, vacando videntem, spiritum suum scobentem, suamque orationem in sinum suum convertentem. Hav.

"Rasps." These too were tools for a more polished finish. The Glossary gives "kosmeterion, scoba"; for so they said scoba for scopa ("broom"), and hence scobina and the verb scobere. Guigo II, prior of the Carthusians, who died in 1188, published by Chifflet in the statutes of the same order, chapter XX, § 2: "Let Martha therefore have her ministry, praiseworthy indeed, yet not without care and trouble; nor let her trouble her sister, who clings to Christ's footsteps and, being at leisure, sees that he is God, sweeping out her spirit and turning her prayer back into her own bosom." Havercamp.

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(h) ‹anchor: Cervices ponimus› · call in col 340

Cervices ponimus. Respicit morem veterum eum, ut hodieque in Anglia, securi percutiebantur decollandi: nam apud antiquissimos, ut Lucanus lib. VIII. Nondum artis erat caput ense rotare. Quae mortis conditio honoratior visa est postea, ut patet ex indignatione Bassiani apud Spartianum in Vita Getae: Ut et Papianus ipse securi percussus sit, improbante Bassiano, quod non gladio res peracta sit. Hav.

"We lay down our necks." He has in view that custom of the ancients by which, as still today in England, those to be beheaded were struck with the axe; for among the most ancient, as Lucan says in book VIII, "It was not yet the art to send the head spinning with the sword." This manner of death afterwards came to be thought more honourable, as appears from the indignation of Bassianus in Spartian's Life of Geta: "so that Papinian himself was struck with the axe, Bassianus disapproving because the thing had not been done with the sword." Havercamp.

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(i) ‹anchor: et gomphos› · call in col 340

Gomphos. Scaliger ad oram libri sui emendavit ita: Cervices ponimus ante plumbum: glutinum et gomphosis capiti sunt Diis vestris: hancque proponit in no- (continues)

"Pegs." Scaliger in the margin of his copy emended it thus: "We lay down our necks before the lead: glue and pegging are for the heads of your gods"; and he proposes this in his… (continues)

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LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 195)

(1) ‹anchor: et Coelesti› · call in col 341

Rhen. et Seml.: Cereri.

Rhenanus and Semler: Cereri ("to Ceres").

COMMENTARIUS (printed under page 195)

(i) (continued) · col 341

tis ad Manilium p. 509, adeo sibi placens, ut cum encomio repetat in notis ad Euseb. p. 226. Sed fallitur vir illustriss. Ita enim, ut editi Rhen. Jun. la Cerdae et Rig. et omnes, scribendum est; sensus est simplex et elegans. Quod et in ora codicis mei notavit P. Scriverius, scribens: « Scaliger ad Manilium, Cervices, etc. Improbat Epistola ad me sua Heribertus Rosweyd a. 1602, et in libello edito a. 1607. Cervices, etc. Ita distinguendum videtur, quae minima mutatio est. Rogo, utique cum sic optimo sensu legatur, quid fluctus in simpulo excitamus? Hactenus ille. » Tria vero, quae circa capita Deorum, quae statuis imponebantur, fiebant, recenset Tertullianus, plumbum, soudeerzel vel soldarzel nobis, quod et a solidare, quod in aureis, argenteis, stanneis, plumbeis fiebat simulacris; glutinum, quod in ligneis et ex argilla confectis, gomphos, quod in colossis, ubi caput cervicibus, quod quidem ob longitudinem prospectus non ita incurreret in oculos, clavis ferreis affigebatur, vel plumbeis binis aut ternis, ut hodieque est videre Romae in antiquissimis statuis, teste Scaligero ad Euseb. vers. 226. Quo respicit Jeremias propheta, cum de illis dicit x. 4. affigunt gomphis et malleis, ne fatiscant, confer Isaiam cap. XLI, 7. Modum vero conjungendi per glutinum et plumbum, plus uno in loco docet insignis artifex Pomponius Gauricus, in eleganti libello de sculptura seu statuaria, qui, post repetitam bis terve editionem, novissime accessit Vitruvio. Glossarium Gr. Lat. H. Steph. Γόμφος, ἐπίουρος, Compages, Sudis. Insignis locus est in Actis S. Thyrsi n. 21, de simulacris: Quia ipsa magis teguntur gomphis ferreis, et plumbo et saxo. Coll. Mod. Glutini et correptos nescio quid sibi velit. Aldus et Herald. ita, sed male distinguit, c. p. a. plumbum, et glutinum, etc. Hav.

…notes on Manilius, p. 509, so pleased with it that he repeats it with praise in his notes on Eusebius, p. 226. But that most illustrious man is mistaken. For it is to be written as in the editions of Rhenanus, Junius, la Cerda, Rigault and all the rest; the sense is simple and elegant. P. Scriverius too noted this in the margin of my copy, writing: "Scaliger on Manilius, Cervices, etc. Heribert Rosweyde disapproves it in his letter to me of 1602, and in a booklet published in 1607: 'Cervices, etc. It seems it should be punctuated so, which is the smallest change. I ask, since it reads so in an excellent sense, why do we raise waves in a ladle?' So far he." Tertullian lists three things that were done about the heads of the gods that were set on statues: lead, our soudeerzel or soldarzel (solder), from solidare, which was used on images of gold, silver, tin and lead; glue, which was used on those of wood and of clay; pegs, which were used on colossi, where the head was fastened to the neck (which, because of the height from which it is seen, would not so catch the eye) with iron nails, or with two or three of lead, as may still be seen today at Rome on the most ancient statues, according to Scaliger on Eusebius, line 226. To this the prophet Jeremiah alludes when he says of them (10:4), "they fasten them with nails and hammers so that they may not come apart"; compare Isaiah chapter XLI, 7. The method of joining by glue and lead is taught in more than one place by the distinguished craftsman Pomponius Gauricus in his elegant little book on sculpture or statuary, which, after being published two or three times, has most recently been added to Vitruvius. The Greek-Latin Glossary of H. Estienne: "gomphos, epiouros: a joint, a stake." There is a notable passage on images in the Acts of St Thyrsus, no. 21: "Because they are rather covered with iron pegs, and lead and stone." What the Modius collation's "Glutini et correptos" means I do not know. Aldus and Herald read thus, but punctuate badly: "c. p. a. plumbum, et glutinum," etc. Havercamp.

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(a) ‹anchor: pite sunt› · call in col 341

Sine capite. Demere enim solebant caput alicujus dei, ut aliud imponerent, ita Vespasianus caput Neronis colosso ejus ademit et caput Solis habens septem radios imposuit, quo rursus dempto sacrilege suum caput imposuit Commodus, ut narrat Spartianus in Vita ejus. Apud Suetonium in Tiberio cap. LVIII. Statuae quidem Augusti caput dempserat, ut alterius imponeret. Ubi summus Casaubonus notat frequens illud apud Rhodios fuisse, de quorum statuis urbani homines dicere sint soliti, eas esse histrionibus similes, adducitque hunc Dionis Chrysostomi in Rhodiaca oratione locum: ὥσπερ γὰρ ἐκείνων ἕκαστον ἄλλοτ' ἄλλον εἰσιέναι, καὶ τοὺς ἀνδριάντας αὐτοῖς ἄλλοτε ἄλλα λαμβάνειν πρόσωπα, καὶ μικροῦ δεῖν ὑποκρινομένους ἱστάναι. Et apposite ad hunc locum citat Scaliger loco supra notato illum Hieronymi in cap. III. Habacuci: Si quando tyrannus detruncatur, imagines quoque ejus deponuntur, et statuae: et vultu tantummodo commutato, ablatoque capite, ejus qui vicerit facies superponitur; ut manente corpore, capitibus praecisis, caput aliud commutetur. Quamdiu igitur caput dei commutetur, est sine capite, imo a prima fabrica, antequam vel plumbo, vel glutino, vel gomphis, caput humeris et cervicibus aptetur. Hav.

"Without a head." For they used to remove the head of some god in order to put on another: thus Vespasian took the head off Nero's colossus and put on a head of the Sun with seven rays, and Commodus, removing that in turn, sacrilegiously put on his own head, as Spartian relates in his Life. In Suetonius, Tiberius chapter LVIII: "He had removed the head of a statue of Augustus in order to put on another's." There the great Casaubon notes that this was common among the Rhodians, of whose statues witty men used to say that they were like actors, and he adduces this passage of Dio Chrysostom in the Rhodian oration: "for just as each of those comes on stage now as one person, now as another, so the statues among them take now one face, now another, and they all but set them up as playing parts." And Scaliger, at the place noted above, aptly cites on this passage that of Jerome on Habakkuk chapter III: "Whenever a tyrant is cut down, his images and statues too are taken down; and, the face only being changed and the head removed, the face of the one who conquered is set on top, so that while the body remains, the heads are cut off and another head substituted." So long, then, as the god's head is being exchanged, he is without a head; indeed, from his first making, before the head is fitted to the shoulders and neck with lead, glue or pegs. Havercamp.

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(b) ‹anchor: Libero› · call in col 341

Libero et Cybele. Bacchi enim currum tigrides et lynces trahunt, de Cybele vero Lucret. lib. II, vers. 600. Hanc veteres Grajum docti cecinere poetae / Sedibus in curru bijugos agitare leones. Apparet res ex Boissardi tabula Antiq. III, 47. Grut. Thes. I, 27, et nummis praeclaris, quos olim in Thesauro suo vulgavit Patinus p. 82 et 158, sed nota quod ibi quadrijugi appareant leones. Nomen Coelesti apud Asios, tutelare Carthaginis numen: et hodieque in nummis Severi et Caracallae, qui ex Africa oriundi visitur currenti insidens leoni, dextra fulmen, laeva sceptrum tenens, caput cincta diademate, prout etiam repraesentatur in gemma cornal. Dactyliothecae Goleo Gronov. n. 566, quae sculptura notari debet, quoniam in nummis pro fulmine crotalum suspicabatur Antonius Augustinus. Hujus deae etiam duobus leonibus cinctae statua valde memorabilis occurrit apud Boissard. Antiq. IV, pag. 95, quae eadem conspicienda praebetur in Thesauro Gruteri, novae editionis tom. I, p. 86. Plura de hac dea ad cap. XXIV. Male aliae Edit. Cereri.

"Liber and Cybele." For tigers and lynxes draw the chariot of Bacchus; and of Cybele Lucretius, book II, line 600: "Her the learned old poets of the Greeks sang as driving a pair of lions from her seat in a chariot." The thing appears from Boissard's plate, Antiquities III, 47; Gruter's Thesaurus I, 27; and the splendid coins that Patin once published in his Thesaurus, pp. 82 and 158, but note that there the lions appear as a team of four. The name Caelestis among the Asians, the tutelary deity of Carthage: still today on coins of Severus and Caracalla, who came from Africa, she is seen sitting on a running lion, holding a thunderbolt in her right hand and a sceptre in her left, her head bound with a diadem, as she is also shown on a cornelian gem in the Dactyliotheca of Goleus, Gronovius' no. 566, an engraving to be noted because on the coins Antonio Agustín supposed a rattle in place of the thunderbolt. A very remarkable statue of this goddess with two lions beside her is found in Boissard, Antiquities IV, p. 95, and the same is shown in Gruter's Thesaurus, new edition, vol. I, p. 86. More on this goddess at chapter XXIV. Other editions wrongly have Cereri.

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(c) ‹anchor: a prima quidem massa› · call in col 341

A prima. Certe dum rudis adhuc materia de monte effossa igni colliquatur, non tantum quum formis infunditur. Hav.

"From the first." Certainly while the material, still raw and dug from the mountain, is melted by fire, not only when it is poured into the moulds. Havercamp.

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(d) ‹anchor: In metalla damnamur› · call in col 341

In metalla damnamur. Hoc quidem queritur Hilarius contra Constantium Augustum, qui ipsos adhuc episcopos huic operi damnavit. Verba ejus; Jussos a te Episcopos, quos condemnare nullus audebat, etiam nunc Ecclesiasticis frontibus scriptos metallicae damnationis titulos recensere. Et Lucifer Calaritanus Episcopus lib. i. pro Athanasio ad eumdem Constantium. Lac.

"We are condemned to the mines." Hilary indeed complains of this against the emperor Constantius, who condemned even bishops to this labour. His words: "that bishops, whom no one dared condemn, were ordered by you even now to read over the titles of their sentence to the mines written on churchmen's foreheads." So too Lucifer, bishop of Cagliari, book I For Athanasius, to the same Constantius. Lacerda.

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(e) ‹anchor: inde censentur› · call in col 341

Dii vestri. Sunt enim vel ex metallo quaedam, vel saxo, vel marmore. Lucianus de Sacrificiis: ὅμως δ' οὖν οἱ παριόντες, etc., i. e. Attamen qui templa ingrediuntur, non jam arbitrantur, se videre, vel ebur ab Indis advectum, vel e Thracum venis effossum aurum: verum ipsum Saturni Rheaeque filium a Phidia in terram hospitem adductum. Noster infra cap. XXIX, de statuis Deorum: Puto autem et hae ipsae materiae de metallis Caesarum veniunt. Hav.

"Your gods." For some are of metal, or stone, or marble. Lucian, On Sacrifices: "Yet those who enter," etc., that is, "Yet those who go into the temples no longer think they see ivory brought from India or gold dug from the veins of Thrace, but the very son of Saturn and Rhea, brought down to earth as a guest by Phidias." Our author below, chapter XXIX, on the statues of the gods: "And I think these very materials come from the mines of the Caesars." Havercamp.

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(f) ‹anchor: In insulas relegamur› · call in col 341

In insulas. Ita Fuld. et Rig. sed Ald. in insula; Herald. in insulis. Alii mox aliquis, non pro more Nostri. Solebant olim damnatis quibusdam igni et aqua interdicere, quo modo, nemine necessaria haec vitae praebere auso, peribant misere. Successit in hujus crudelitatis locum relegatio in insulam, sive, ut loquuntur JCti, deportatio, sterilem plerumque, utpote ibidem necessariis ad vitam rebus deficientibus plerisque: non dissimilis valde poena. Lege II. Digest. de Poenis: deportatio in locum aquae et ignis interdictionis successit. Lege I. Cod. de Repudiis si Matrimonium quidem deportatione, vel aqua et ignis interdictione non solvitur. Tacitus de Cassio Severo IV. Annal. 21. bonis exutus, interdicto igni atque aqua, saxo Seriphio consenuit. Hav.

"To islands." So the Fulda manuscript and Rigault; but Aldus has in insula, Herald in insulis. Others then have aliquis, not in our author's manner. Formerly they used to forbid certain condemned men fire and water, and in this way, since no one dared provide them with these necessaries of life, they perished miserably. In place of this cruelty came relegation to an island, or, as the jurists say, deportation, usually to a barren one, since most things needed for life were lacking there: a penalty not very different. Digest, law II, On Penalties: "deportation took the place of interdiction from water and fire." Code, law I, On Repudiations: "if indeed a marriage is not dissolved by deportation, or by interdiction from water and fire." Tacitus of Cassius Severus, Annals IV, 21: "stripped of his goods and forbidden fire and water, he grew old on the rock of Seriphos." Havercamp.

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(g) ‹anchor: aut nasci aut mori› · call in col 342

Aut nasci aut mori. In Delo Apollo et Diana, in Samo, ad Imbrasum fluvium Juno, sub vitice planta, prout patet ex singularissimo apud Seguin. nummo p. 171, in Creta ipse Jupiter supra c. x. et infra c. XXV. Sed non statim Jupiter Cretam suam Romanis fascibus, etc. Lactantius quoque Inst. Div. lib. I. c. ii. Aetate pessumata, in Creta, vitam commutavit, et ad deos abiit. Eumque curetes filii sui curaverunt, decoraveruntque eum. Et sepulcrum ejus est in Creta in oppido Gnosso: et dicitur Vestam hanc urbem creavisse, In qua sepulcro ejus est inscriptum, ὁ Ζεὺς τοῦ Κρόνου, id est Latine, Jupiter Saturni. Quamobrem etiam Cretae urbs Ierapyrna in signum nati atque educati Jovis, aquilae typum in nummis signavit, ut videre est apud Patin. in Thes. p. 22. et Spanh. de Usu et Pr. N. p. 475. qui etiam inde ex Tristano Jovis ΚΡΗΤΑΓΕΝΟΥΣ meminit. Hav.

"Either be born or die." Apollo and Diana on Delos; Juno on Samos, by the river Imbrasus, under a chaste-tree, as appears from a most singular coin in Seguin, p. 171; Jupiter himself in Crete, above, chapter X, and below, chapter XXV: "But Jupiter did not at once [give] his Crete to the Roman fasces," etc. Lactantius too, Divine Institutes, book I, chapter ii: "His age worn out, he exchanged life in Crete and went off to the gods. His sons the Curetes cared for him and honoured him. And his tomb is in Crete in the town of Gnossus; and Vesta is said to have founded this city; on his tomb is inscribed 'Zeus son of Kronos,' that is in Latin, 'Jupiter, son of Saturn.'" For this reason the Cretan city of Hierapytna also stamped the figure of an eagle on its coins as a sign of Jupiter born and reared there, as may be seen in Patin's Thesaurus, p. 22, and Spanheim, On the Use and Excellence of Coins, p. 475, who also, following Tristan, mentions from it Jupiter "Cretan-born." Havercamp.

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(h) ‹anchor: non sentiunt› · call in col 342

Non sentiunt. Jeremias in libro Barachi cap. VI. 25. neque sentiebant cum funderentur. Ridicule (continues)

"They do not feel." Jeremiah in the book of Baruch, chapter VI, 25: "nor did they feel it when they were cast." Ridiculously… (continues)

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LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 196)

(1) ‹anchor: amarioribus de vestra superstitione perorantem reprehendistis› · call in col 343

Herald. e codd. Put. et Borg.: quam pluribus et amarioribus — reprehendistis. Wouwer. e codd. Pithoei et F. Ursini: non reprehendistis. Cod. Lugd., ed. Rhen. et Ald.: plur. et a majoribus — reprehendistis vel reprehenditis. Cod. Fuld.: perorantem probetis. Rig. et Havec.: aliquem — peror. probatis.

Herald, from the Dupuy and Borghese manuscripts: quam pluribus et amarioribus … reprehendistis; Wouwer, from the manuscripts of Pithou and F. Orsini: non reprehendistis ("did not censure"); the Leiden manuscript and the editions of Rhenanus and Aldus: plur. et a majoribus … reprehendistis or reprehenditis; the Fulda manuscript: perorantem probetis; Rigault and Havercamp: aliquem … peror. probatis ("approve … declaiming").

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(2) ‹anchor: quia non est› · call in col 343

Ab eo patitur qui non est, Semler.

Semler: "it suffers from him who is not."

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(h) (continued) · col 342

aeque, sed alio sensu, de Baccho vapulante Aeacus apud Aristophanem in Ranis Act. ii. sc. vi. Εἴπερ θεὸς γάρ ἐστιν, οὐκ αἰσθήσεται, i. e. Si enim deus est, nihil plagarum sentiet. Hav.

…in the same way, but in another sense, Aeacus says of Bacchus being beaten in Aristophanes' Frogs, act II, scene VI: "For if he is a god, he will not feel it," that is, "For if he is a god, he will feel none of the blows." Havercamp.

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(a) ‹anchor: qui Senecam› · call in col 343

Iidem estis qui Senecam aliquem pluribus et amarioribus de vestra superstitione perorantem probatis. In libris scilicet quos de superstitione Romanorum composuit, qui libri citantur ab Augustino lib. VI. de Civ. Dei. Dixit autem Septimius, aliquem Senecam, ut alibi passim, aliqua Dido, aliquis Licianus, aliquis Lazarus. Itaque non est quod movere nos debeat auctoritas codicis Pithoeani quem laudavit Nic. Faber praefatione ad Senecam editum Lutetiae M.D.LXXXVII. Credo quia tunc temporis, cum editio illa Senecae prodiret, adhuc in Tertulliano legebatur, pluribus et majoribus perorantem reprehendistis; quae scriptura vitio non carebat. In vetustissimo exemplari bibliothecae Puteanae disertissime scriptum legimus, Idem estis qui Senecam aliquem pluribus et amarioribus perorantem reprehendistis; omissa perperam in postremis istis dictione, quam servavit Pithoeanus, eoque sane praestat. In Fuld. legitur probatis. Rig. — Qui Senecam aliquem. Seneca volumen scripsit de superstitione gentilium cujus meminit Aurelius Augustinus. Rhenanus. — Senecam aliquem. Exstat hujus de superstitione fragmentum, quod affert Lipsius lib. II. Elect. cap. 18. et sumpsit ex August. lib. VI. de Civit. Dei cap. 10. Lac.

"You are the same who approve a certain Seneca declaiming at greater length and more bitterly against your superstition." That is, in the books he composed on the superstition of the Romans, which are cited by Augustine, book VI of the City of God. Septimius said "a certain Seneca," as elsewhere throughout "a certain Dido," "a certain Licianus," "a certain Lazarus." So there is no reason why we should be moved by the authority of the Pithou manuscript, which Nicolas Le Fèvre praised in his preface to Seneca, published at Paris in 1587. I believe that at that time, when that edition of Seneca came out, the reading in Tertullian was still pluribus et majoribus perorantem reprehendistis, a text not free of fault. In a very old copy in the Dupuy library we read, written most clearly, "You are the same who censured a certain Seneca declaiming at greater length and more bitterly," the phrase in those last words, which the Pithou manuscript preserved, being wrongly omitted; and in that respect it is certainly better. The Fulda manuscript reads probatis. Rigault. — "Who … a certain Seneca." Seneca wrote a volume on the superstition of the pagans, which Aurelius Augustine mentions. Rhenanus. — "A certain Seneca." A fragment of his work on superstition survives, which Lipsius cites in book II of his Electa, chapter 18, taking it from Augustine, City of God, book VI, chapter 10. Lacerda.

(printed under page 196)

(b) ‹anchor: quas milvi› · call in col 343

Quas milvi, et mures, et araneae intelligunt. Hoc est, Sciunt non esse deos; sed aera, vel saxa, vel ligna. In iis ergo nidulantur. immo haec ipsa quae pro Diis colitis, inquinare omni contumelia non verentur. Nempe id sibi per ipsos impune fore intelligunt. Huc pertinet lepida illa Priapi Horatiani dejeratio, Mentior at si quid, merdis caput inquiner albis / Corvorum. Rig. — Milvus, et mures, et araneae. Clemens Alex., Arnobius, aliique vetustissimi christianae religionis defensores, deorum apud gentiles stultitiam arguebant ex incuria et sordibus quibus scatebant, cum mures in iis nidularentur, et araneae telas extenderent. Sicque romanus ille imperator qui seniorum opera decem millium pondo aranearum coegerat, satis significavit, quantum in idolis squalloris resideret, quandoquidem araneae in ipsis habitare solerent. Le Pr.

"Which kites and mice and spiders understand." That is, they know them to be not gods but bronze, stone or wood. So they nest in them; indeed they do not shrink from fouling with every insult the very things you worship as gods, understanding, of course, that they can do it with impunity as far as the gods are concerned. To this belongs that witty oath of Horace's Priapus: "But if I lie in anything, may my head be fouled with the white droppings of crows." Rigault. — "Kites, and mice, and spiders." Clement of Alexandria, Arnobius and other very ancient defenders of the Christian religion exposed the folly of the gods among the pagans from the neglect and filth with which they swarmed, since mice nested in them and spiders spread their webs. And so that Roman emperor who had collected ten thousand pounds of spiders by the labour of old men showed well enough how much squalor lay in the idols, since spiders were accustomed to dwell in them. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 196)

ARGUMENTUM. — Si tamen haec numina censeri velint, colere utique oportebat, non spernere, quod tamen passim facere illos ostendit, cum singuli plures colant, cum divinitas ab humano pendeat arbitrio, cum simulacra eorum, ut domestica instrumenta pignerentur, venditentur, nec privata tantum, sed et publica, ut adeo majestas quaestuaria efficiatur: mortuis quoque id honoris quod diis habeatur, qui tanto dignius scilicet imperatoribus etiamnum viventibus tribuitur, quoniam

ARGUMENT. — If, however, they wish these to be reckoned divinities, they ought by all means to have worshipped them, not scorned them; yet he shows that they do this everywhere, since each man worships several, since godhead hangs on human choice, since their images are pawned and offered for sale like household utensils, and not private ones only but public ones too, so that majesty is made a thing of gain: that the same honour as is paid to the gods is paid also to the dead, and is bestowed, forsooth, all the more worthily on emperors while they are still living, since

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(3) ‹anchor: supra perstrinximus› · call in col 344

praestruximus, Seml.

Semler: praestruximus ("we laid down beforehand").

(printed under page 196)

(4) ‹anchor: de Saturno› · call in col 344

In edd. Rhen. et Gelenii desunt vv. aliquando in cac. de Saturno. codd. Fuld. et Lugd.: caccabulum.

In the editions of Rhenanus and Gelenius the words "sometimes into a cooking-pot from Saturn" are missing. The Fulda and Leiden manuscripts: caccabulum.

COMMENTARIUS (printed under page 196)

(c) ‹anchor: non colitis offenditis› · call in col 344

Cap. XIII. — Non colitis, offenditis. Quorum itaque iram miseri et vindictam exspectare habebant. Curtius de Alexandro in nece Cliti l. VIII. c. 2. Scrutantemque, num ira deorum ad tantum nefas actus esset, subit, anniversarium sacrum Libero patri non esse redditum statuto tempore, itaque inter vinum et epulas caede commissa, iram dei fuisse manifestam. Quae eadem cum narrasset Arrianus lib. IV. p. 163. edit. Gronov. prudenter, ut philosophus, addit: Ἐπεὶ οὐδ' αὐτῷ ἄκοντι ἦν ἐς μῆνιν τοῦ θείου, μᾶλλον ἢ τὴν αὐτοῦ κακότητα, ἀναφέρεσθαι τὴν συμφοράν. Siquidem non ingratum ei erat, casum illum ad iram numinis potius quam ad suum maleficium referri. Ingens itaque admiratio virtutis C. Fabii Dorsonis apud Livium lib. V. c. 46. qui Capitolio a Gallis obsesso sacrificium genti suae in colle Quirinali solemne, per medias hostium stationes vadens peregit. Sed vanos hos metus non immerito ridet Lactantius lib. XI. c. 17. Quoties autem pericula impendent, ob aliquam ineptam et levem caussam se profitentur iratos: sicut Juno Varroni, quod formosum puerum in templo Jovis ad exuvias tenendas collocarat: et ob hanc caussam Romanum nomen apud Cannas pene deletum est. Cum etiam satis ridicule apud Lucianum in Philopseude aereus aliquis Hippocrates neglecto soleum sacrificio omnes pixides et cuncta medicamenta perturbet, ut narratur ibi pag. 483. Pro procedere MS. Fuld. mox habet esse. Hav.

Chapter XIII. "You do not worship, you offend." Whose anger and vengeance, therefore, the wretches had to expect. Curtius on Alexander at the killing of Clitus, book VIII, chapter 2: "And as he searched whether he had been driven to so great a crime by the anger of the gods, it came to him that the yearly rite to Father Liber had not been paid at the appointed time; so, the killing having been done amid wine and feasting, the god's anger had been plain." Arrian, telling the same story (book IV, p. 163, Gronovius' edition), adds prudently, as a philosopher: "Since it was not unwelcome to him to have the calamity put down to the wrath of the divine rather than to his own wickedness"; that is, it was not displeasing to him that the misfortune should be ascribed to the anger of a deity rather than to his own misdeed. Hence the great admiration for the courage of C. Fabius Dorso in Livy, book V, chapter 46, who, while the Capitol was besieged by the Gauls, went through the midst of the enemy's posts and performed his clan's customary sacrifice on the Quirinal hill. But Lactantius deservedly laughs at these empty fears, book XI [sic], chapter 17: "But whenever dangers threaten, they declare themselves angry for some foolish and trivial reason: as Juno with Varro, because he had placed a handsome boy in the temple of Jupiter to hold the spoils; and for this reason the Roman name was almost wiped out at Cannae." And quite absurdly, in Lucian's Lover of Lies, a bronze Hippocrates, when his customary sacrifice is neglected, throws all the pill-boxes and medicines into confusion, as is told there, p. 483. For procedere the Fulda manuscript has esse a little further on. Havercamp.

(printed under page 196)

(d) ‹anchor: Domesticos deos› · call in col 344

Domesticos deos. Quomodo Lares etiam appellat Hieronymus in Isaiae cap. LVIII. Nullus fuerit locus, qui non idololatriae sordibus inquinetur, sed in tantum, ut post fores domorum idola ponerent, quos domesticos appellant Lares, et tam publice quam privatim animalium suorum sanguinem funderent. Vide Ill. Cuperum in Inscript. et Marmorib. Antiq. Homeri Apotheosi subnexis p. 279. ubi de Sylvano, Phoebo, et Jove ipso domestico erudite disserit, et hoc Auctoris in partes vocat. Hav.

"Household gods." This is also what Jerome calls the Lares, on Isaiah chapter LVIII: "There was no place that was not fouled with the filth of idolatry, and to such a degree that they set up idols behind the doors of their houses, which they call the household Lares, and poured out the blood of their animals both publicly and privately." See the illustrious Cuper on the ancient inscriptions and marbles appended to the Apotheosis of Homer, p. 279, where he discusses learnedly Silvanus, Phoebus, and Jupiter himself as household gods, and calls in this passage of our author in support. Havercamp.

(printed under page 196)

(e) ‹anchor: in cacabulum› · call in col 344

Caccabulum. Ita manifeste Membr. Fuld. et Lugd. Bat. non cacabulum. Quae vox etiamsi notione (continues)

"Cooking-pot." So the Fulda and Leiden parchments clearly read, not cacabulum. This word, even if in meaning… (continues)

(printed under page 196)

et ipsi deos faciunt; at certe meretricibus, cinaedis, similibusque publicae libidinis victimis, non sine insigni deorum contumelia, licet ii ipsi nihilo nobiliores sint, addici potest.

they themselves also make gods; but certainly it can be assigned to harlots, catamites and the like victims of public lust, not without signal insult to the gods, although these gods themselves are in no way nobler.

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LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 197)

(1) ‹anchor: ut quisque› · call in col 345

Dominum, Paris, Deum, Hav.

The Paris edition: Dominum ("master"); Havercamp: Deum ("god").

(printed under page 197)

(e) (continued) · col 344

spurca passim non occurrat, ultro tamen patet adhibita esse cum altera voce trulla, ut instrumenta, quibus ventris et vesicae onus excipiatur, notet, ut vero deos in vasa immundis usibus destinata commutari dicit noster, ita et Minucius inde illos ipsos derivat p. 26. Deus aereus vel argenteus de immundo vasculo, ut saepius factum Aegyptio regi, conflatur. Horum certe sorores esse elegans doceat locus ab Elmenhorstio adductus Philonis de Vita Contemplat. p. 610. ὧν τὰ ἀδελφὰ μέρη καὶ συγγενῆ λουτροφόροι γεγόνασι καὶ ποδονίπτρα, καὶ ἄλλα ἄττα τῶν ἀτιμοτέρων, ἃ πρὸς τὰς ἐν σκότῳ χρείας ὑπηρετεῖ μᾶλλον, ἢ τὰς ἐν φωτί; i. e. quorum [sc. simulacrorum) cognatae partes versae sunt in serias et pelluvia, caeteraque vasa sordida adhibenda secretis usibus. Desunt haec in Rhenano. Hav.

…is not found everywhere with a foul sense, it is nevertheless quite clear that, being used together with the other word trulla, it denotes the vessels in which the burden of the belly and bladder is received; and as our author says the gods are changed into vessels meant for unclean uses, so Minucius too derives those very gods from them, p. 26: "A god of bronze or silver is melted down from an unclean little vessel, as was often done for the Egyptian king." That they are certainly sisters of these is shown by an elegant passage of Philo, On the Contemplative Life, p. 610, adduced by Elmenhorst: "whose sister and kindred pieces have become bath-jars and foot-basins, and some others of the meaner sort, which serve the needs of darkness rather than those of light"; that is, "whose [namely, the images'] kindred parts have been turned into jars and foot-basins and other filthy vessels to be used for private needs." These words are missing in Rhenanus. Havercamp.

(printed under page 197)

(a) ‹anchor: dominus› · call in col 345

Ut quisque Deum) Ita ex MS. Fuld. Rigaltius. At Latinius, Rhen. Aldus, Pamelius unius malunt, ut vel et (prout Aldus) quisque dominum sanctiorem expertus est domesticam necessitatem. Quod quamvis bonum et aptum faciat sensum, longe tamen Fuldensem scripturam praefero. Viderat et Scalig. qui Dominum emendat. Ait enim revera illos cognoscere nihil sibi boni a diis istis accedere, qui majori vi subjecti sunt, necessitati nempe domesticae. Itaque Martialis ad Priapum suum VIII. 40. Non horti neque palmitis beati, / Sed rari nemoris, Priape, custos, / Ex quo natus es, et potes renasci, / Furaces moneo manus repellas, / Et sylvam domini focis reserves. / Si defecerit hoc, et ipse lignum es. Huc facit et Diagorae illud scomma apud Epiphanium in libro Ancoratus, qui in penuria ligni Herculem suum ligneum excussit, et per ludibrium ad ipsum dixit: Age Hercules, decimum tertium laborem subiturus adesto, obsonium nobis cocturus. Et sane, inquit Epiph. acceptum ipsum in scandulas fidit, peridens proprium Deum, velut qui nullus esset, et apposito illi prandio, illudens pascebatur. In Graeca ed. mihi p. 512. Οὐκ ἀκούουσι γὰρ Διαγόρου, etc., Aldus habet, et quisque dominum. Pamelius, Herald. et la Cerda, ut quisque dominus sanctiorem e. d. n. Sed forsan olim ita scriptum, ut quisque Dominus-Deum etc. Hav.

"As each [found] the god." So Rigault from the Fulda manuscript. But Latini, Rhenanus, Aldus and Pamelius prefer, with one voice, "as either" or (as Aldus has) "and each has found his master holier than household need." Although this gives a good and fitting sense, I much prefer the Fulda reading. Scaliger too had seen it, emending to Dominum. For he says that they in fact recognize that no good comes to them from those gods, who are subject to a greater power, namely household need. So Martial to his Priapus, VIII, 40: "Guardian, Priapus, not of a garden nor of a happy vine, but of a sparse wood, from which you were born and can be born again, I warn you to drive off thieving hands and to keep the wood for your master's hearth. If this fails, you yourself are wood." To the same point is that jibe of Diagoras in Epiphanius' book the Ancoratus: being short of firewood, he knocked down his wooden Hercules and said to him in mockery: "Come, Hercules, be here to undertake your thirteenth labour, and cook our dinner." "And indeed," says Epiphanius, "he took him and split him into kindling, mocking his own god as one who was nothing, and, with dinner set before him, he fed on it in derision." In the Greek edition I have, p. 512: "For do they not hear of Diagoras," etc. Aldus has "and each his master." Pamelius, Herald and la Cerda: "as each master holier [found] household need." But perhaps it was once written "as each master … the god," etc. Havercamp.

(printed under page 197)

(b) ‹anchor: in hastario› · call in col 345

Quos in hastario vectigales habetis. Ipse lib. i. ad Nationes dixerat. Quos in hastarium regessistis. Hastarium igitur est Liber hastarius, seu Tabularium et Regestum vectigaliorum, quae sub hasta et voce praeconis quinquennio quoque addici redemptoribus solebant. Sic foricae conducebantur: sic forum olitorium, et alia hujusmodi publica; nam et Serapea et Capitolia eodem jure proscripta. Denique sub eadem hasta Capitolium et Olitorium addicebatur petenti redemptori. Sed quid transibat ad redemptorem ea addictione? Hoc videlicet, ut olitorio foro in quinquennium addicto, ex mercimoniis quae inibi toto eo tempore proponerentur, certas stipes cogeret; similiter, Capitolio conducto, exigeret mercedes pro iis quae notat ipse Tertullianus lib. i. ad Nationes, cap. 10, pro solo templi, pro aditu sacri, pro stipitibus, pro ostiis. Rig.

"Whom you hold as tax-paying in the auction-register." He himself had said in book I To the Nations: "whom you have entered in the auction-register." The hastarium, then, is the auction-book, or record office and register of the revenues which were customarily knocked down to contractors every fifth year under the spear and the crier's voice. So the public latrines were leased, so the vegetable market and other public things of this kind; for Serapea and Capitols too were put up for sale on the same terms. In short, under the same spear the Capitol and the vegetable market were knocked down to the contractor who bid. But what passed to the contractor by that sale? This, evidently: that when the vegetable market was knocked down to him for five years, he would collect fixed dues from the wares displayed there during that whole time; likewise, having leased the Capitol, he would exact fees for the things Tertullian himself notes in book I To the Nations, chapter 10: for the floor of the temple, for entry to the sanctuary, for the posts, for the doors. Rigault.

(printed under page 197)

(c) ‹anchor: sic olitorium› · call in col 345

Sic Olitorum. Ita recte Rigaltius, cui adstipulatur MS. L. B. et lib. ad Nat. et edit. Aldina, alii, si Capitolium, si Olitorium. Totum hunc locum male perceptum ab Interpretibus, qui multis insudant, ut sensum idoneum eliciant, solus recte explicavit Nicolaus Rigaltius, quem vide. Atqui Tertullianus hic non de venditione deorum vel statuarum ex praeda et manubiis hostium partarum agit, ut somniat la Cerda, sed de conductione seu locatione, unde vectigal fisci publici augebatur. Scilicet non attenderunt viri docti eximiam antiquitatis notitiam nobis hic indagari. Nam ut ubique omnia Romae statuarum erant plena, ita ut quasi alter populus esset, adeoque non immerito ille apud Petronium dicat: utique nostra regio tam praesentibus plena est numinibus, ut facilius possis deum quam hominem invenire; totque deorum aedes, ut et hic potuisset exclamare Graeculus ille, Audite templa; ita Capitolium illius maxime ornatum erat, quod a publicanis conducebatur, ut pro aditu sacri, pro solo templi et similibus, unde gratis deos non licere nosse ait, aeditius et custodibus ingens proveniret emolumentum. Eodem itaque modo ut olitorium forum, ubi olera vendebant, petebatur, etiam Capitolium et templa sacra maxime licitabantur ab aliis in commodum suum et publicum. Hav.

"So the vegetable market." So Rigault rightly, supported by the Leiden manuscript, the book To the Nations and the Aldine edition; others have "if the Capitol, if the vegetable market." This whole passage was badly understood by the interpreters, who sweat hard to draw out a suitable sense; Nicolas Rigault alone explained it rightly: see him. Tertullian is not dealing here with the sale of gods or statues acquired from the plunder and spoils of the enemy, as la Cerda dreams, but with leasing or letting, by which the revenue of the public treasury was increased. The learned men did not notice that a remarkable piece of ancient knowledge is to be traced here. For as everywhere at Rome everything was full of statues, so that they were almost a second population, and so not without reason that man in Petronius says, "our district is certainly so full of present deities that you could more easily find a god than a man"; and there were so many temples of the gods that here too that little Greek could have cried out, "Hear, O temples!"; so the Capitol in particular was so richly adorned that it was leased by the tax-farmers, so that from the entry to the sanctuary, the floor of the temple and the like (hence he says one may not know the gods for nothing) a huge profit came to the temple-keepers and guards. In the same way, then, as the vegetable market, where vegetables were sold, was bid for, so the Capitol and the sacred temples were especially bid for by others, for their own profit and the public's. Havercamp.

(printed under page 197)

(d) ‹anchor: sub eadem hasta› · call in col 345

Sub eadem hasta. De hastarum et auctionum origine ac ritu videri possunt Alexander Ab Alexandro 111. 16. et Junius Rabirius, cujus liber ex editione Parisiensi A. 1554. 4. insertus est tomo V. Thes. Graeviani. Conferri cum his debent verba ex lib. Ad Nat. 1. 10. quae totum hoc unice illustrant. Jam primum quos in hastarium regessistis, publicanis subditatis, omni quinquennio inter vectigalia vestra proscriptos addicitis: sic Serapeum, sic Capitolium petitur, addicitur, conducitur Divinitas sub eadem voce praeconis, eadem exactione quaestoris. Ubi egregie etiam ante Rigaltium, quaecumque huc pertinent docuit doctissimus JCtus Gothofredus, ostenditque in quinquennium a publicanis fuisse conductum. Hav.

"Under the same spear." On the origin and ritual of spear-auctions and sales, see Alexander ab Alexandro, III [printed 111], 16, and Junius Rabirius, whose book, from the Paris edition of 1554 in quarto, is included in volume V of Graevius' Thesaurus. With these should be compared the words of the book To the Nations, I, 10, which uniquely illuminate this whole passage: "First, those whom you have entered in the auction-register you subject to the tax-farmers, and every fifth year you knock them down, advertised among your revenues: so the Serapeum, so the Capitol is bid for, knocked down, leased; divinity under the same voice of the crier, the same exaction of the quaestor." There, even before Rigault, that most learned jurist Godefroy taught excellently everything pertaining to this, and showed that it was leased by the tax-farmers for five years. Havercamp.

(printed under page 197)

(2) ‹anchor: nam hae› · call in col 346

Haec Paris.

The Paris edition: haec.

COMMENTARIUS (printed under page 197)

(e) ‹anchor: Circuit cauponas› · call in col 346

Circuit cauponas. Gentilium turpissimum lucrum arguit, apud quos sacerdotes Cybeles stipem ostiatim exigebant, unde sat. 8. Juvenalis: Inter carnifices, et fabros sandapilarum, / Et resupinati cessantia tympana Galli. Le Pr.

"Goes round the taverns." He exposes the most shameful gain of the pagans, among whom the priests of Cybele begged alms from door to door; hence Juvenal, Satire 8: "among executioners and makers of paupers' biers, and the idle drums of the sprawling Gallus." Le Prieur.

(printed under page 197)

(f) ‹anchor: religio mendicans› · call in col 346

Religio mendicans. Coll. Mod. religio m. Lucretius non sine aculeo lib. II. vers. 624. Ergo, cum primum magnas invecta per urbes / Munificat tacita mortales muta salute, / Aere atque argento sternunt iter omne viarum, / Largifica stipe ditantes. Noster rursus c. XLII. non enim sufficimus, et hominibus, et diis vestris mendicantibus opem ferre. Minucius p. 26. mendicantes vicatim deos ducunt; ubi vide Interpretes. Hunc tamen locum intelligi debere non de circumforaneis sacerdotibus et ostiatim mendicante religione, sed de invitatione publica ad locationem, abunde ostenditur in lib. Ad Nat. i. 10. Negotiatio religione proscribitur, sanctitas locationem mendicat. Fallitur itaque Pamelius. Hav.

"Religion goes begging." The Modius collation: religio m. Lucretius, not without a sting, book II, line 624: "So, as soon as she is borne through great cities and silently blesses mortals with unspoken salvation, they strew every road of her way with bronze and silver, enriching her with bountiful alms." Our author again, chapter XLII: "for we are not able to bring help both to men and to your begging gods." Minucius, p. 26: "they lead begging gods from street to street"; see the interpreters there. Yet that this passage must be understood not of wandering priests and religion begging from door to door, but of the public invitation to lease, is abundantly shown in the book To the Nations, I, 10: "Trade is advertised by religion; holiness begs for a lessee." Pamelius, therefore, is mistaken. Havercamp.

(printed under page 197)

(g) ‹anchor: Exigitis mercedem› · call in col 346

Exigitis mercedem. Quam publicanis pendere (continues)

"You exact a fee." Which … to pay to the tax-farmers… (continues)

(printed under page 197)

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 198)

(1) ‹anchor: aras proinde› · call in col 347

Aedes perinde aras. Paris.

The Paris edition: "temples likewise, altars."

(printed under page 198)

(2) ‹anchor: a simpulo› · call in col 347

Rhen. et Gelen.: simpuvio.

Rhenanus and Gelenius: simpuvio.

(printed under page 198)

(3) ‹anchor: eum addicitis› · call in col 347

Adjicitis, Paris.

The Paris edition: adjicitis ("you add").

(printed under page 198)

(4) ‹anchor: quum Larentinam› · call in col 347

Rhen., Ald., Scaliger: Larentiam. Cf. Minutii Fel. Oct. c. 25.

Rhenanus, Aldus, Scaliger: Larentiam. Compare Minucius Felix, Octavius, chapter 25.

(printed under page 198)

(g) (continued) · col 346

necesse erat, nam de locatione ut apparet ex lib. Ad Nat. 1. 10. Majestas constituitur in quaestum: negotiatio religione proscribitur, sanctitas locationem mendicat: exigitis mercedem pro solo templi, pro aditu sacri, pro stipibus, pro hostiis, venditis totam divinitatem, non licet eam gratis coli: plus denique publicanis reficitur, quam sacerdotibus. Pro sacri Cod. Fuld. legit sacrarii, et pro honorandos ibidem inhonorandos. Hav.

…was necessary; for it concerns leasing, as appears from the book To the Nations, I, 10: "Majesty is set up for gain; trade is advertised by religion; holiness begs for a lessee; you exact a fee for the floor of the temple, for entry to the sanctuary, for alms, for victims; you sell the whole of divinity; it may not be worshipped for nothing; in short, more is taken in by the tax-farmers than by the priests." For sacri the Fulda manuscript reads sacrarii, and for honorandos in the same place inhonorandos. Havercamp.

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(a) ‹anchor: pro aditu sacri› · call in col 347

Pro aditu sacri. Quid itaque mirum, si et Judaei annuam pensionem dare coacti fuerint pro loco in quo sacra sua transigebant? Vide infra cap. XVIII. ad illud: vectigalis liber scilicet, ut Juvenal. Sat. iii. 15. Omnis enim populo mercedem pendere jussa est / Arbor, et ejectis mendicat sylva camaenis. Mendicat poeta dicit, ut Noster supra, circuit cauponas religio mendicans. Hav.

"For entry to the sanctuary." What wonder, then, if the Jews too were compelled to pay a yearly rent for the place in which they performed their rites? See below, chapter XVIII, at the words "a book paying tax," namely, as Juvenal, Satire III, 15: "For every tree has been ordered to pay rent to the people, and the wood goes begging now the Muses are thrown out." The poet says "goes begging," as our author above: "religion goes round the taverns begging." Havercamp.

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(b) ‹anchor: silicernium› · call in col 347

Ab epulo Jovis, etc. Epulum coena est Jovi jam grandi deo sacra, silicernium proprie erat convivium funebre senibus exhibitum. Simpulum vel simpuvium vas erat quo in sacrificiis vinum libabatur, obba vero erat vasis ventricosi genus, quo diis manibus litabatur. Le Pr.

"From the feast of Jupiter," etc. The epulum is a dinner sacred to Jupiter, now a great god; the silicernium was properly a funeral banquet given for old men. The simpulum or simpuvium was a vessel with which wine was poured in libation at sacrifices; the obba was a kind of big-bellied vessel with which offerings were made to the gods of the dead. Le Prieur.

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(c) ‹anchor: a simpulo› · call in col 347

A simpulo obba. Diligenter de hisce egerunt Interpretes. Nihil differre ait epulum Jovis jam natu grandis a funebri senum convivio, nec vasa et utensilia in utroque, nec ministeria, quae cuncta suo nomine appellat. Dicebant vero simpulum et simpuvium, quomodo est apud Rhenanum. Inde forsan diversa, quod hoc ex ligno esset, illud fictile. Nonius: simpuvium est vas ligneum. Festus: simpulum vas parvum non dissimile cyatho, quo vinum in sacrificiis libabatur. Apuleius: In hodiernum populus romanus Diis immortalibus simpulo et catino fictili sacrificat. Plurima congessit Kippingius Antiq. Rom. p. 209. novae editionis. De Silicernio vide Donatum ad Terent. Adelph. p. 299. Hav.

"From the ladle, the jug." The interpreters have dealt with these carefully. He says that the feast of Jupiter, now advanced in years, differs in nothing from the funeral banquet of old men, neither in the vessels and utensils of each nor in the services, all of which he calls by their own names. They said both simpulum and simpuvium, as in Rhenanus. Perhaps they differ in that the latter was of wood, the former of clay. Nonius: "the simpuvium is a wooden vessel." Festus: "the simpulum is a small vessel not unlike a cyathus, with which wine was poured in libation at sacrifices." Apuleius: "To this day the Roman people sacrifices to the immortal gods with an earthenware ladle and dish." Kipping has collected a great deal, Roman Antiquities, p. 209 of the new edition. On the silicernium see Donatus on Terence's Adelphoe, p. 299. Havercamp.

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(d) ‹anchor: mortuis apparet› · call in col 347

Apparet. Hinc patet quomodo hoc verbum debeat accipi in lib. II. Ad Nat. c. 5. quem locum una opera emendabo: cui (deo) apparere videatur universa negotiatio mundalis proveniens ad humani generis utilitatem, et.... onem. Supplet Gotofredus seu accessionem? ego vero et laesionem? Docent id quae praecedunt, quae sequuntur. Hav.

"Attends." Hence it is clear how this word should be taken in book II To the Nations, chapter 5, a passage I shall emend at the same time: "to whom (the god) the whole business of the world, which turns out to the benefit of the human race, would seem to attend, and … -ion." Godefroy supplies "or accession"? I, however, "and injury"? What precedes and what follows shows it. Havercamp.

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(e) ‹anchor: domini sui› · call in col 347

Domini sui. Admirabiliter! Ipsi enim jam in numinum ordinem rediguntur, qui ante et diis imperabant, et faciebant deos. Manilius lib. IV. de Aug. Jam facit ipse Deos, mittitque ad sidera numen / Majus, et Augusto crescit sub principe coelum, ob consecrationem divi Julii; quem hinc formatorem puparum ridens appellat imperator idem et philosophus Julianus in Caesaribus, quod quemadmodum plastae nymphas, ita ille deos formaret. Impia quoque, sed diis talibus digna Neronis vox apud Senecam in Octavia vers. 450. Stulte verebor, ipse cum faciam Deos. Claud. boletum innuens. Ald. pro fer. hab. ferrent. Hav.

"Their masters." Admirable! For those who before both commanded the gods and made gods are now themselves reduced to the rank of deities. Manilius, book IV, of Augustus: "Now he himself makes gods, and sends a greater deity to the stars, and heaven grows under Augustus as its prince," on account of the consecration of the divine Julius; whom for this reason the emperor and philosopher Julian, in the Caesars, mockingly calls "the doll-maker," because as modellers fashion nymphs, so he fashioned gods. Impious too, but worthy of such gods, is Nero's saying in Seneca's Octavia, line 450: "Foolish would I be to fear, when I myself make gods," alluding to Claudius' mushroom. For fer[ent] Aldus has ferrent. Havercamp.

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(f) ‹anchor: Simonem Magum statua› · call in col 347

Eamdem statuam commemorat S. Justinus, Apol. i. 26. etiam c. 56., eumque praeter Eusebium secuti sunt Irenaeus adv. haeres, i. c. 23. §. 1. p. 99. ed. Massuet. — Coll. Clement. Recogn. ii. c. 9. — Cyrill. Hieros. Catech. vi. c. 14. — Alios. Hujus rei narrationem defendere conati sunt Thirlbius, Maranus (Praefat. p. iii. p. lxxxvi. sq.), Braunius et prae caeteris Fogginius (De romano D. Petri itinere et episcopatu. Florent. 1741. 4. p. 247. sq.). — Contra dixerunt Grabius, van Dale (De oraculis vett. ethnicorum ed. 2 Amstelod. 1700. 4. p. 579. sqq.), Simson (l. c. p. 36. sqq.) aliique permulti. — Anno 1574. lapis, statuae olim basis, in insula Tiberina e ruderibus effossus est (vid. Baron. Annall. ad. ann. 44. tom. i. Colon. 1624. p. 363. sq.; coll. Montefalcon. Diarium italic. etc. p. 268.) hacce notatus inscriptione: Semoni sanco Deo Fidio sacrum, etc. (apud Gruter. inscript. antiq. totius orbis Rom. ed. Graev. tom. i. p. xcvi. n. 5.). Hic Semo dici etiam poterat Simo, ut saepe Mircurius, Camina, Gimina al. Saucus (vel Sangus, ut apud Gruter. l. c. n. 6., et Sanctus, ut Ovid. Fast. vi. 213. sq.) Sabinorum erat Deus (cf. Ovid. l. c. 217 et Lactant. Institt. divin. I. c. 15. ed. Le Brun et Dufresn. tom. i.) qui pactis et foederibus praeerat, a sanciendo dictus; quapropter etiam Deus Fidius (Ovid. l. c. 213. et Gruter. ll. cc.) appellabatur, a fide. Edd.

St Justin mentions the same statue, Apology I, 26, and also chapter 56; and besides Eusebius, Irenaeus followed him, Against Heresies I, chapter 23, § 1, p. 99 of Massuet's edition. Compare the Clementine Recognitions II, chapter 9; Cyril of Jerusalem, Catechesis VI, chapter 14; and others. The account has been defended by Thirlby, Maran (Preface, part III, p. lxxxvi ff.), Braun and above all Foggini (On St Peter's Roman Journey and Episcopate, Florence 1741, quarto, p. 247 ff.). Against it have spoken Grabe, van Dale (On the Oracles of the Ancient Pagans, 2nd ed., Amsterdam 1700, quarto, p. 579 ff.), Simson (as cited, p. 36 ff.) and very many others. In 1574 a stone, once the base of a statue, was dug out of the rubble on the Tiber island (see Baronius, Annals, at the year 44, vol. I, Cologne 1624, p. 363 f.; compare Montfaucon, Italian Diary, etc., p. 268), marked with this inscription: "Sacred to Semo Sancus, the god Fidius," etc. (in Gruter, Ancient Inscriptions of the Whole Roman World, Graevius' edition, vol. I, p. xcvi, no. 5). This Semo could also be called Simo, as often Mircurius, Camina, Gimina and the like. Sancus [printed Saucus] (or Sangus, as in Gruter, as cited, no. 6, and Sanctus, as in Ovid, Fasti VI, 213 f.) was a god of the Sabines (compare Ovid, as cited, 217, and Lactantius, Divine Institutes I, chapter 15, edition of Le Brun and Dufresnoy, vol. I) who presided over pacts and treaties, named from sancire ("to ratify"); for which reason he was also called the god Fidius (Ovid, as cited, 213, and Gruter, at the places cited), from fides ("good faith"). The Editors.

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aut addit Paris.

The Paris edition adds aut ("or").

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Cinoedum, Semler.

Semler: cinoedum ("a catamite").

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Hav. e cod. Fuld.: quod soli ab antiquitate praeceperant. Rig.: perceperant.

Havercamp from the Fulda manuscript: "which they alone had received in advance from antiquity"; Rigault: perceperant ("had received").

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Codd. excepto Lugd. omnes: Volo; illum Lugd.

All manuscripts except the Leiden: Volo ("I wish"); the Leiden: illum.

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(g) ‹anchor: synodi› · call in col 348

Sinodi Deum. Vel hinc praestantia MS. L. B. apparet, qui sicut antiquus non est, tamen ex optimo exemplari derivatus apparet. In eo plane erat sinodi, ut in Fuld. antiquiore scriptura Cinhqthi. Male omnes praeter Rigalt. edunt cinaedum. Alludit, non ad Romanorum Consentes deos seu συμβουλεύοντας et Graecorum Παρέδρους, sed ad illos superioris ordinis et dignationis, qui σύνθρονοι dicebantur. Inscriptio vetus satis superque rem docet, et lectionem confirmat: ΑΝΤΙΝΟΩ ΣΥΝΘΡΟΝΩ ΤΩΝ ΕΝ ΑΙΓΥΠΤΩ ΘΕΩΝ Μ. ΟΥΛΠΙΟΣ ΑΠΟΛΛΩΝΙΟΣ ΠΡΟΦΗΤΗΣ. Hav.

"A god of the synod." Even from this the excellence of the Leiden manuscript appears, which, though it is not old, appears to be derived from an excellent exemplar. In it there was plainly sinodi, as in the Fulda manuscript, in older script, Cinhqthi. All but Rigault wrongly print cinaedum. He alludes not to the Romans' Consentes gods, the "counsellors," nor to the Greeks' "assessors," but to those of higher rank and standing who were called "throne-sharers." An old inscription teaches the matter more than enough and confirms the reading: "To Antinous, throne-sharer of the gods in Egypt, M. Ulpius Apollonius, prophet." Havercamp.

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ARGUMENTUM. — Obiter inde avaritia in victimis probis offerendis taxata, Homerum reliquosque vates aggreditur, docetque quam turpia doctores hi de diis loquantur, qui tamen ut exemplar linguae et morum juventuti proponuntur: Tragicos item et Comicos, imo et Philosophos, quorum princeps Socrates, cum Diogene et Varrone, deos irrisit, destruxit.

ARGUMENT. — Then, having in passing censured their avarice in offering sound victims, he attacks Homer and the other poets, and shows what shameful things these teachers say of the gods, who are nevertheless set before the young as a pattern of language and of morals: likewise the tragic and comic poets, nay the philosophers too, whose chief, Socrates, together with Diogenes and Varro, mocked and overthrew the gods.

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scripturam. Nolo Haverc. auctore probarunt Semler et Ritter.

…reading. Nolo ("I do not wish"), on Havercamp's authority, was approved by Semler and Ritter.

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Cap. XIV. — Enecta. Tantum deorum contemptum notat, ut vel pessimas diis victimas offerrent, vel pessimas et spernendas partes, cum ex lege et ritu antiquo optima quaeque Diis donari conveniret. Qua de re multa collegit Hieron. Magius Miscell. lib. IV. cap. 4. et alii. Debebat enim esse Victima labe carens et praestantissima forma, ut indignatur Pythagoras apud Ovid. Metam. XV. 130. Diligenter itaque inquirebant popae et sacrificuli, victimam a capite ad calcem perscrutantes. Lucianus in sacrif. Καὶ πολύ γε πρότερον ἐξετάσαντες εἰ ἐντελὴς εἴη ἵνα μὴ δὲ τῶν ἀχρήστων τι κατασφάττωσι; i. e. Multoque ante explorant, num legitima sit, et sacris idonea: ne quid forte mactent ex his, quae religio repudiat. Unde in Passione S. Victoris Massil. quam MS. exstare docet Du Cange in Bib. Vaticana, ubi in Glossario tom. III. explicat verbum Occare, ita martyrem alloquitur gentilis: Surge deosque voca, sumensque per occiput occa / De grege quidquid ames. Quae victima ita lecta et justa appellabatur mystica. Tibullus lib. I. Eleg. ii. At nobis aerata, Lares, depellite tela. / Hostia erit plena mystica porcus hara. Indignatur itaque Pan apud Lucianum in Bis Accus. p. 515. vetulum hircum sibi offerri. Verba ejus sunt: ὅμως δὲ δὶς ἢ τρὶς τοῦ ἔτους ἀνιόντες, ἐπιλεξάμενοι τράγον ἔνορχον θύουσί μοι, πολλῆς τῆς κινάβρας ἀπόζοντα; i. e. Sed tamen bis terve quotannis ascendentes, segregato ab hoc hirco aliquo coleato, multum grave olenti, mihi sacrificant. Et magis ipse Jupiter frustratus hecatombis quas promiserat Mnesitheus diis, si navem suam Capharei scopulis eriperent, at ille ἑκκαίδεκα θεοὺς ἑστιῶν, ἀλεκτρυόνα μόνον κατέθυσε, γέροντα κἀκεῖνον, ἤδη καὶ κορυζῶντα, i. e. Sedecim Diis epulum praebens, gallum unicum immolavit, eumque senem, et gravedine jam laborantem. Infra cap. XXX. Nec sanguinem reprobi bovis mori optantis. Imo vero Deo apud Israelitas nihil nisi omnibus partibus absolutum offerri decebat: unde justa indignatio Malach. 1, 8. cum caecum qui ad sacrificandum adducitis, non videtur vobis malum, cumque claudum quid morbidumve affertis, nec illud vobis malum videtur. Quo spectat illud quod dicit in eos Chrysostomus, qui eleemosynas ex rapto tribuunt, in cap. XXVI. Matth. Hom. LXXXVI. Si enim accusabantur, qui claudicantes offerebant hostias, cum tu pejora facias, quomodo veniam impetrabis? Quod obtinuisse etiam temporibus paganismi, apud avaros certe, est colligere, cum supra, tum ex simili loco Athenaei lib. XII. cap. 13. p. 551. ubi Hermippus ita Bacchum alloquitur: νῦν οἱ γὰρ πενόμενοι / Ἀνάπηρά σοι θύουσιν ἤδη βοίδια / Λεωτρεφίδου λεπτότερα καὶ Θουμάντιδος; i. e. Nunc vero pauperculi tibi mutilas sacrificant buculas, Leotrephide ac Thaumantide exiliores. Scribunt quoque fabulatores inde infandum Pasiphaes amorem in taurum esse natum, quod Minos maritus, quum pulcherrimum taurum Jovi patri vovisset, ipso armentis praefecto, alium immolaverit. Hav.

Chapter XIV. "Half-dead." He marks such contempt for the gods that they offered them either the worst victims or the worst and most despicable parts, whereas by law and ancient rite it was fitting that all the best should be given to the gods. On this Girolamo Maggi has collected much, Miscellanies, book IV, chapter 4, and others too. For the victim ought to be "without blemish and of most excellent form," as Pythagoras complains indignantly in Ovid, Metamorphoses XV, 130. So the attendants and sacrificers inquired carefully, examining the victim from head to heel. Lucian, On Sacrifices: "And long beforehand they examine whether it is perfect, so that they may not slaughter anything unfit," that is, "And long beforehand they examine whether it is lawful and fit for the rites, lest they should perhaps slay something that religion rejects." Hence in the Passion of St Victor of Marseilles, which Du Cange shows exists in manuscript in the Vatican Library (where, in his Glossary, vol. III, he explains the verb occare), the pagan addresses the martyr thus: "Rise and call on the gods, and taking by the back of the neck strike down whatever you love from the flock." A victim chosen so, and proper, was called "mystic." Tibullus, book I, Elegy II [sic]: "But ward off from us, O Lares, the bronze-tipped weapons; a pig from a full sty shall be your mystic victim." So Pan, in Lucian's Double Indictment, p. 515, is indignant that an old he-goat is offered to him. His words are: "Yet twice or three times a year they come up, pick out an uncastrated he-goat reeking strongly of its stench, and sacrifice it to me," that is, "But two or three times a year they come up and, choosing some entire he-goat that stinks badly, sacrifice it to me." And still more was Jupiter himself cheated of the hecatombs Mnesitheus had promised the gods if they would save his ship from the rocks of Caphareus; but he, "feasting sixteen gods, sacrificed only a cock, and that an old one, and already suffering from a cold," that is, "giving a banquet to sixteen gods, sacrificed a single cock, and that one old and already suffering from catarrh." Below, chapter XXX: "Nor the blood of a worthless ox that longs to die." Rather, among the Israelites nothing was fit to be offered to God that was not perfect in every part: hence the just indignation of Malachi 1:8: "When you bring the blind to be sacrificed, it does not seem evil to you; and when you bring the lame or sick, that does not seem evil to you either." To this points what Chrysostom says against those who give alms out of plunder, on chapter XXVI of Matthew, Homily LXXXVI: "For if those were accused who offered lame victims, when you do worse, how will you obtain pardon?" That this prevailed even in the times of paganism, at least among the greedy, may be gathered both from the above and from a similar passage of Athenaeus, book XII, chapter 13, p. 551, where Hermippus addresses Bacchus thus: "For now the poor sacrifice to you crippled little calves, thinner than Leotrephides and Thoumantis," that is, "But now the poor sacrifice to you maimed heifers, leaner than Leotrephides and Thaumantis." The storytellers also write that the unspeakable love of Pasiphae for a bull arose from this: that her husband Minos, having vowed a most beautiful bull to Father Jupiter, sacrificed another, though he himself was in charge of the herds. Havercamp.

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Supervacua quaeque. Huc spectat fabella elegans Aesopica inter veras illas, quas Neveletus vulgavit, non Planudeas, num. XLVII. ubi viator Mercurio dimidium rei inveniundae vovet, inventaque pera cariotarum et amygdalarum plena, comedit eas, τὰ δὲ τῶν φοινίκων ὀστᾶ, καὶ τὰ τῶν ἀμυγδάλων κελύφη ἐπί τινος ἀνέθηκε βωμοῦ, φήσας· ἀπέχεις, ὦ Ἑρμῆ, τὴν εὐχήν· τοῦ γὰρ εὑρηθέντος τὰ ἐκτὸς καὶ ἐντὸς πρὸς σὲ διανενέμημαι; i. e. Sed cariotarum ossa et amygdalarum cortices super altari quodam imposuit, inquiens: Habes, ô Mercuri, votum; nam rei inventae exteriora et interiora tecum partior. Notatque Adfabulatio dictum in avaros καὶ τοὺς Θεοὺς διὰ πλεονεξίαν κατασοφιζομένους, i. e. qui ipsos Deos ob cupiditatem fallunt. Hav.

"Whatever is useless." To this points an elegant little Aesopic fable among those genuine ones that Nevelet published, not the Planudean, no. XLVII, where a traveller vows to Mercury half of whatever he should find, and having found a bag full of dates and almonds, he ate them, "but laid the date-stones and the almond-shells on an altar, saying: You have your vow, Hermes; for I have shared with you the outside and the inside of what was found," that is, "But he set the stones of the dates and the shells of the almonds on an altar, saying: You have your vow, O Mercury, for I share with you the outer and inner parts of what was found." And the moral notes that it is said against the greedy "who out of covetousness outwit even the gods," that is, who cheat the gods themselves out of greed. Havercamp.

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Capitula et ungulas. Capitulum pro parvo capite etiam Plauto usitatum in Curcul. et Terentio in Eunuc. et ipsi Tertulliano lib. de Pallio. Elegantissime autem, ut ante me annotavit Josephus Scaliger, circumloquitur, quae Festus et antiqui vocant ablegmina, id est partes quae diis porrigebantur. Pam.

"Little heads and hooves." Capitulum for a small head is used also by Plautus in the Curculio, by Terence in the Eunuch, and by Tertullian himself in the book On the Cloak. Most elegantly, as Joseph Scaliger noted before me, he describes in a roundabout way what Festus and the ancients call ablegmina, that is, the parts that were offered to the gods. Pamelius.

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(1) ‹anchor: aram ejus imponitis› · call in col 350

Laudaboo Seml.

Semler: Laudaboo [sic].

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(2) ‹anchor: aliquid eripitis› · call in col 350

Deripitis Jun.

Junius: deripitis ("you snatch away").

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(d) ‹anchor: decima Herculis› · call in col 350

Decima Herculis. In frac. XXXIX. Herculanarum decimarum sumptus tabularii supputabunt; ubi vide Junium. Patet vero hinc decimam lucri partem Herculi vovisse, ut et festivo ex joco servi Plautini Getae in Truculento Act. ii. sc. vii. vers. 10. qui ex illa sportula, quam ad meretricem ferri jusserat dominus, sibi quoque benefaciebat. Nam jam de hoc obsonio, de mina una deminui / Modo quinque nummos: mihi detraxi partem Herculaneam. Sed et ad hunc pertinet inscriptio Reatina apud Gruterum p. XCVI. num. 7. sub Semonis Sanci nomine, quae talis est. SANCO. FIDIO. SEMOPATRI. DE. DECVMA. VICTOR. TIBEI. LVCIVS. MVMIVS. DONVM. MORIBVS. ANTIQVEIS. PRO. VSVRA. HOC. DARE. SEMPER. VISVM ANIMO. SVO. PERFECIT. TVA. OPE. ROGANS. TE. COGENDEI. DISSOLVENDEI. TV. VT. FACILIA. FAXSEIS. PERFICIASQ. DECVMAM. VT. FACIAT. VERAe. RATIONIS. PROQVE. HOC. ADQVE. ALIEIS. DONIS. DES. DIGNA. MERENTI. Sumptuosus certe Deus, qui tam grandi dispendio coli necesse habebat. Quam in rem elegantissimi simul et veracissimi versus sunt Antipatri Anthologiae libro I. Εὔβολος Ἑρμείας ὦ ποιμένες, ἐν δὲ γάλακτι / Χαίρων, καὶ δρυΐνῳ σπενδόμενος μέλιτι. / Ἀλλ' οὐχ Ἡρακλέης· ἕνα δὲ κτίλον, ἢ παχὺν ἄρνα / Αἰτεῖ, καὶ πάντως ἓν θύος ἐκλέγεται. / Ἀλλὰ λύκους εἴργει· Τί δὲ τὸ πλέον, εἰ τὸ φυλαχθὲν / Ὄλλυται, εἴτε λύκοις, εἴθ' ὑπὸ τοῦ φύλακος. Versus Graecos hoc modo eleganter Josephus Scaliger Latinos fecit: Mercurius, pueri, minimo placabilis, illo / Lacte, vel agresti melle litatus erit. / Non sic Alcides: aries aut agnus opimus / Poscitur, aut aliquo de grege lecta pecus. / Dicis, at ille lupos arcet, quasi referat, utrum / Custos, anne rapax perdat ovile lupus. Hav.

"The tithe of Hercules." In fragment XXXIX: "the clerks will reckon up the expense of the tithes of Hercules"; see Junius there. From this it is clear that they vowed a tenth of their profit to Hercules, as appears also from the witty joke of Plautus' slave Geta in the Truculentus, act II, scene vii, line 10, who did himself a favour out of the basket his master had ordered carried to the courtesan: "For just now, out of this provision money, out of one mina, I have docked only five coins: I have taken off Hercules' share for myself." To this also belongs the inscription of Reate in Gruter, p. XCVI, no. 7, under the name of Semo Sancus, which runs: "To Sancus Fidius, Father Semo, from the tithe, Victor, Tibei Lucius Mumius [made this] gift, according to ancient custom; he resolved in his mind always to give this as interest. Through your help, asking you, that you may make the gathering and the discharging easy, and that he may complete the tithe of a true reckoning; and for this and other gifts, give him what he deserves." A costly god indeed, who had to be worshipped at so great an expense. On this point there are most elegant and at the same time most truthful verses of Antipater in book I of the Anthology: "Hermes, shepherds, is easily pleased, delighting in milk and in libations of oak-honey. But not so Heracles: he asks for one ram or a fat lamb, and always picks a single victim. 'But he keeps off the wolves.' What is the gain, if what is guarded perishes, whether by wolves or at the guard's hands?" Joseph Scaliger elegantly turned the Greek verses into Latin thus: "Mercury, lads, is appeased with very little: he will be satisfied with milk or wild honey. Not so Alcides: a ram or a fat lamb is demanded, or a beast chosen from the flock. You say, 'But he keeps off the wolves,' as if it mattered whether the guardian or the greedy wolf destroys the fold." Havercamp.

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(e) ‹anchor: de perdito› · call in col 350

c De perdito. Idem ille Plautinus servus istis versibus qui praecedunt, increpans heri stultitiam: Domi quidquid habet, verritur ἔξω, quandoquidem ipsius perditum se it, / Secreto hercle equidem illum adjutabo, neque mea quidem (continues)

"From what is lost" (the call is printed "c"). That same slave of Plautus, in the verses that precede, rebuking his master's folly: "Whatever he has at home is being swept out of doors; since it is going to ruin of its own accord, by Hercules I shall secretly help it along, nor indeed shall my… (continues)

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LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 200)

(1) ‹anchor: rapere vellet› · call in col 351

Cod. Fuld.: cum filium suum Aeneam, ne interimeretur rapere voluisset. Quae Scripturae diversitas movit Rigaltium, ut haec verba prorsus deleret. Haec habet Mscr. codex Bibl. Reg. Paris. 2616.

The Fulda manuscript: "since she had wished to snatch away her son Aeneas so that he should not be killed." This difference of reading moved Rigault to delete these words altogether. The manuscript codex of the Royal Library at Paris, 2616, has them.

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(e) (continued) · col 350

Opera numquam nihilominus propere, quam potest peribit. et qui pone sequuntur. Nam hoc assimile est, quasi de fluvio qui aquam derivat sibi, / Nisi derivetur; tamen omnis ea aqua abeat in mare, / Nam hoc in mare abit, misereque perit sine omni bona gratia. Huc quoque spectant Lactantii verba in lib. II, cap. 4. His aurum et argentum consecrant, quae tam non habent, qui accipiunt, quam qui illa donarunt, ubi et Dionysii sacrilegi verba adverte. Hi Dii scilicet sunt ex illis mortuis, de quibus sapiens ille Mimus, Publium dico versu 608. Mortuo munus qui mittit, nil dat illi, adimit sibi. Non injucunda igitur altercatio Carionis cum Mercurio apud Aristoph. in Plaut. Act. v. sc. i. ΕΡ. Καὶ μὴν ὁπότε τι σκευάριον τοῦ δεσπότου / Ὑφείλου, ἐγώ σε λανθάνειν ἐποίουν ἀεί. / ΚΑ. Ἐφ' ᾧτε μετέχειν αὐτὸς, ὦ τοιχωρύχε, / Ἧκεν γὰρ ἄν σοι ναστὸς εὖ πεπεμμένος / ΕΡ. Ἔπειτα τοῦτόν γ' αὐτὸς ἂν κατήσθιες / ΚΑ. Οὐ γὰρ μετεῖχες τὰς ἴσας πληγὰς ἐμοὶ, / Ὁπότε τι ληφθείην πανουργήσας ἐγώ. MER. At tu cum vasculum aliquod surriperes hero, / Faciebam ego, ne quis te in furto deprehenderet. / CA. Hoc ideo faciebas, perfossor parietum, / Quod sperares te furti participem fore. / Nam panis mellitus eo cedebat tibi. / MER. Sed eum panem tute ipse edebas postea. / CA. Recte, neque enim tu eorumdem mecum verberum / Fiebas particeps, sicubi deprehenderer / Aliquod committens flagitium. Et eamdem ob caussam Diogenes ἀγᾶσθαι τῶν δούλων, οἳ λαβροφαγοῦντας ὁρῶντες τοὺς δεσπότας, μηδὲν ἁρπάζοιεν τῶν ἐσθιομένων, i. e., servos mirabatur, qui, quum edaces dominos cernerent, nihil deriperent ciborum, ut narrat Laertius. Hav.

…effort, it will nonetheless perish no more quickly than it can"; and the lines that follow: "For this is just like a man who draws off water from a river for himself: even if it were not drawn off, all that water would still go off to the sea; for this goes off to the sea and perishes miserably without any thanks." To this point too look Lactantius' words in book II, chapter 4: "To these they consecrate gold and silver, which those who receive them possess no more than those who gave them"; note there also the words of Dionysius the temple-robber. These gods, of course, are of those dead of whom that wise mime-writer speaks, Publilius I mean, line 608: "He who sends a gift to the dead gives him nothing and takes from himself." Not unpleasant, then, is the dispute of Carion with Mercury in Aristophanes' Plutus, act V, scene i: "HERMES: And yet whenever you pilfered some little vessel of your master's, I always made you go unnoticed. CARION: On condition that you got a share yourself, you housebreaker; for a well-baked cake would come your way. HERMES: And then you would eat it up yourself. CARION: Yes, for you did not share equal blows with me whenever I was caught at some knavery." [Latin version:] "MER. But when you filched some little vessel from your master, I saw to it that no one caught you in the theft. CA. You did it, you wall-breaker, in the hope of sharing the theft; for the honey-cake went to you for it. MER. But afterwards you ate that cake yourself. CA. Rightly, for you did not become a sharer with me in the same beatings whenever I was caught committing some offence." And for the same reason Diogenes "admired those slaves who, seeing their masters gorging, snatched nothing of what was being eaten," that is, he admired the slaves who, seeing their gluttonous masters, carried off none of the food, as Laertius relates. Havercamp.

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(2) ‹anchor: fulmine vindicatum› · call in col 352

Rig. et Hav. e cod. Fuld.: judicatum (i. e. punitum).

Rigault and Havercamp, from the Fulda manuscript: judicatum (that is, "punished").

COMMENTARIUS (printed under page 200)

(a) ‹anchor: jampridem amicarum› · call in col 352

Non ita dilectarum amicarum. Ita malim cum optimo Fuldano codice, quam cum aliis omnibus: non ita dilectarum jampridem amicarum. Siquidem istum in vetitum nisum et negatum a natura situm ipsa abunde Juno norat, quapropter nonnunquam se Jovi sub pellicis specie substituisse narrat Philostrat., p. 911, ἰδεῖν αὐτὸν τότε ἡδέως, ὅτι αὐτῇ σύνεστι λάθρᾳ, τὴν γὰρ αἰδεσσίαν τίθεικεν εἰς κλοπὴν μοιχείας. Et satis bella excusatio amorum Aeliae suae Vero videbatur apud Spartian., c. v. cum diceret ad uxorem: Patere me per alias exercere cupiditates meas; uxor enim dignitatis nomen est, non voluptatis. Sed locus, quem respexit auctor, et cum illo Minucius, est apud Homerum Iliad., Ξ. vers. 314, ubi Jupiter Trojano bello intentus, revocatus vero inde blanditiis uxoris, acrem stimulum Veneris prodit, longamque amicarum seriem pertexit, non unquam erga illas ita, ut tunc erga Junonem affectus. Unde expressius etiam ad Homerum et lectionem nostram in lib. Ad Nat., I, 10, aut luxuriantem cum Junone foedissime inducit, commendato libidinis desiderio per commemorationem et enumerationem amicarum. De Marte suo Venus apud Martialem in epithalamio Iliantidis et Stellae, lib. VI, 21. Sed postquam meus est, nulla me pellice laesit: / Tam frugi Juno vellet habere Jovem. Possis hunc locum ita etiam reformare, non ita dilectarum quidem amicarum, vel, non ita dilectarum haud pridem amicarum. Quod stultitiam illius Jovis magis arguit, ut qui Junonis suae recentia foderet vulnera. Hav.

"Of mistresses not so loved." So I would rather read with the excellent Fulda manuscript than with all the others: "of mistresses not so loved long since." For Juno herself knew well enough that thrust towards the forbidden, set aside by nature; and so Philostratus, p. 911, relates that she sometimes substituted herself for Jupiter in the guise of a concubine, "to see him then with pleasure, because he is with her secretly; for he has made reverence into the stealth of adultery." And Verus thought it quite a pretty excuse for his loves to his Aelia, in Spartian, chapter v, when he said to his wife: "Let me exercise my desires with other women; for 'wife' is a name of dignity, not of pleasure." But the passage the author had in view, and Minucius with him, is in Homer, Iliad XIV, line 314, where Jupiter, intent on the Trojan war but called away from it by his wife's blandishments, reveals the sharp goad of desire and weaves through a long list of mistresses, towards none of whom was he ever so affected as he then was towards Juno. Hence, more expressly following Homer and our reading, in the book To the Nations, I, 10: "or he brings him on most foully wantoning with Juno, commending his lustful desire by recalling and listing his mistresses." Venus says of her Mars in Martial's wedding-poem for Ianthis and Stella, book VI, 21: "But since he has been mine, he has wronged me with no concubine: Juno would wish to have so well-behaved a Jupiter." One could also reshape this passage thus: "of mistresses not so loved indeed," or "of mistresses not so loved not long since." This shows up that Jupiter's folly the more, as one who reopened his Juno's fresh wounds. Havercamp.

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(b) ‹anchor: pecoribus addicit› · call in col 352

Addicit. Propria praetoris vox in peculium alicujus servitutemque quemquam detrudentis, quod in obaeratis et mancipiis fieri solebat. Livius de provocatione Appii Claudii post scelus intentatum in Virginiam: Rapique in vincula egentem jure libertatis, qui liberum corpus in servitutem addixisset, lib. III, c. 56, supra: Divinitas addicta conducitur; de venditionibus et locationibus. Vocem regi delet Cod. Fuld. Hav.

"Assigns." The proper word of the praetor who thrusts someone into another's ownership and slavery, as used to be done with debtors and bought slaves. Livy on the appeal of Appius Claudius after the crime attempted against Verginia: "and that he who had adjudged a free person to slavery should be dragged to prison lacking the right of liberty," book III, chapter 56. Above: "Divinity, knocked down, is leased," of sales and lettings. The Fulda manuscript deletes the word regi. Havercamp.

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(c) ‹anchor: Pindarum dico› · call in col 352

Quia medicinam nocenter exercebat. Etenim fabulantur, Aesculapium adversus Fata, hoc est, adversus voluntatem Jovis, mortuos quosdam, ingenti pretio captum, ad vitam revocasse. Ἄνδρα ἐκ θανάτου κομίσσαι ἤδη ἁλωκότα. Pindarus Pyth. od. iii. ἀντιστρ. κωλ. η. Rig.

"Because he practised medicine harmfully." For they tell the tale that Aesculapius, against the Fates, that is, against the will of Jupiter, was bribed with a huge price and called certain dead men back to life: "to bring back from death a man already taken." Pindar, Pythian Ode III, antistrophe, colon 8. Rigault.

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(d) ‹anchor: nocenter exercebat› · call in col 352

d Nocenter.) Quia ne secundum Platonem ex Pindaro avarum senem sanitati restituit, et secundum alios deorum jura violavit, mortuos ad vitam revocando? Innuit certe malam famam Theodoret., Sermon. VIII, p. 114, scribens: Καὶ ὁ κεραυνὸς δὲ, καὶ ὁ γενόμενος ἐμπρησμὸς, δηλοῖ τῆς φύσεως τὸ ἐπίκηρον, i. e. Illud vero incussum fulmen, illaque insequuta combustio, haud penitus sincerae vitae impollutique ingenii argumenta sunt. An potius, secundum lepidam istam Nostri in lib. II, Ad Nat., cap. 14, notam, quae quidem ille vivos ad mortem, non mortuos ad vitam, praevaricatione venalis medicinae agebat, quod casu matris Epidaurii illustrat, quam dicit eodem casu obiisse, merito jure, quae tam malam bestiam ediderat? Hav.

"Harmfully" (the call is printed "d"). Is it because, according to Plato following Pindar, he restored a greedy old man to health, and according to others violated the rights of the gods by recalling the dead to life? Theodoret certainly hints at an evil reputation, Discourse VIII, p. 114, writing: "And the thunderbolt, and the burning that followed, show the perishability of his nature," that is, "But that thunderbolt hurled at him, and the burning that followed, are proofs of a life not wholly sincere and a mind not undefiled." Or rather, following that witty remark of our author in book II To the Nations, chapter 14, that he drove the living to death, not the dead to life, by the malpractice of a medicine for sale; which he illustrates by the fate of the Epidaurian's mother, who, he says, died by the same fate, and deservedly, since she had brought forth so evil a beast? Havercamp.

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(e) ‹anchor: si fulmen illius est› · call in col 352

Si fulmen illius est. Egregie. Nam non tantum ante Jovem fuere fulmina, quae ipse homo timuit, sed et alii dii gestabant, vel saltem a pictoribus et poetis illis tribuuntur. Ita passim Juno Coelestis Africae praeses occurrit in nummis et sculpturis dextra fulmen tenens, ut supra observabamus, et clypeus Alcibiadis notatur caelatura Cupidinis fulmen vibrantis. Athenaeus, lib. XII, c. I, p. 534. Ἀσπίδα γοῦν εἶχεν ἐκ χρυσίου καὶ ἐλέφαντος πεποιημένην, ἐφ' ἧς ἦν ἐπίσημον Ἔρως κεραυνὸν ἠγκυλημένος, i. e. Itaque scutum ex ebore et auro confectum ille habuit, et pro eo in insigni, Cupidinem, qui fulmen vibraret cubito elato, ita enim explicandus locus, quem male vertit interpres, qui ulnis fulmen amplecteretur. Inde de nece Ajacis minoris Valerius Flaccus Argon., lib. I, vers. 372. Et tortum non a Jove fulmen Oileus / Qui gemet, Euboicas nato stridente per undas. a Pallade enim fuit interfectus, ut ostendit indignabundae Junonis oratio apud Virgil., lib. I, vers. 43. Pallasne exurere classem / Argivum, atque ipsos potuit submergere ponto, / Unius ob noxam et furias Ajacis Oilei? / Ipsa Jovis rapidum jaculata e nubibus ignem. et quae sequuntur, ubi omnino videndus Servius, qui (continues)

"If the thunderbolt is his." Excellent. For not only were there thunderbolts before Jupiter, which he himself feared as a man, but other gods too carried them, or at least they are attributed to them by painters and poets. Thus Juno Caelestis, the patron of Africa, is met everywhere on coins and carvings holding a thunderbolt in her right hand, as we observed above; and the shield of Alcibiades is noted for its engraving of Cupid brandishing a thunderbolt. Athenaeus, book XII, chapter I, p. 534: "So he had a shield made of gold and ivory, on which the device was Eros poising a thunderbolt," that is, "So he had a shield made of ivory and gold, and on it as his device Cupid brandishing a thunderbolt with his arm raised"; for so the passage is to be explained, which the translator rendered badly as "who clasped a thunderbolt in his arms." Hence Valerius Flaccus on the death of the lesser Ajax, Argonautica, book I, line 372: "And Oileus, who will groan at the thunderbolt hurled not by Jove, as his son hisses through the Euboean waves." For he was killed by Pallas, as the speech of the indignant Juno in Virgil shows, book I, line 43: "Could Pallas burn the Argive fleet and sink the men themselves in the sea, for the guilt and frenzy of one man, Ajax son of Oileus? She herself hurled Jove's swift fire from the clouds," and what follows, where Servius must by all means be consulted, who… (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: dei praefentur› · call in col 353

Prae se ferant Paris. praeferant Jun. et — praefantur Haverc.

The Paris edition: prae se ferant ("display"); Junius: praeferant; and Havercamp: praefantur.

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(e) (continued) · col 352

ex Varrone quatuor Deos fulmina sua vibrasse docet, quum ostendat etiam, cur nonnunquam non suum sed Jovis fulmen adhibuerint. Quare etiam fulmen vibrans occurrit Pallas in nummo Antigoni Tutoris, quem exhibet Spanhemius de Us. et Praest. Num., p. 376, illaque clarius Patin. in Thes., p. 26, et Noctua illi idem officium, quod aquila Jovi praestat, unguibus fulmen tenens, ut in aliis nummis videri potest. Exhibetur ab eodem Hercules fulmine armatus, in nummo Herenni, p. 593. Et apud me in veteris gemmae ectypo olere vecta fulmen quatit Ceres sinistra, dextra spicas gerens. Atque ex illa Thuscorum disciplina Lucretius, lib. VI, vers. 386: Quod si Jupiter, atque alii fulgentia Divi / Terrifico quatiunt sonitu coelestia templa, / Et jaciunt ignes, quo quoique est cumque voluntas. Quae quidem fulmina colore distare ex Acrone ad Horatium docet Nanmus Alcmar., Miscell., iii, 3. Minatur certe Juno quoque magnum malum Argonautis apud Val. Flaccum, lib. I, versu 114: Imbrem ego, et tenebras, saevumque tridentem / Jamjam ego, et inviti torsissem conjugis ignem. Seneca, Nat. Qu., lib. II, cap. 43. Quare ergo id fulmen quod solus Jupiter mittit (MS. Lugd. Bat., antiquissimus legit, quare id solum fulmen, quod Jupiter mittit) placabile est: perniciosum id de quo deliberavit, et quod aliis quoque Diis auctoribus misit? Quia Jovem, id est, Regem prodesse etiam solum oportet (Recte itaque apud Nostrum, malus Jupiter, si fulmen illius est) nocere non, nisi cum pluribus visum est. Denique Arnobius, lib. III, ex Plinio docet Novensiles, secundum Manilium Deos novem esse, quibus solis Jupiter potestatem jaciendi sui permiserit fulminis. Ibid. Quod sibi sunt, quos Cincius praedicat, Manilius dicere reperietur falsum, qui alieni fulminis jaculatores sub istius vocaminis appellatione concludit. Malum hunc Jovem, nihiloque Saturno patre meliorem, porro dicit impium in nepotem, Jovis enim filius Apollo, Apollonis Aesculapius. Oraculum infanti datum apud Ovidium Metam., l. II, versu 646. Animas tibi reddere ademptas / Fas erit; idque semel Diis indignantibus ausus, / Posse dare hoc iterum flamma prohibere avita. / Eque Deo corpus fies exsangue, Deusque, / Qui modo corpus eras, et bis tua fata novabis. Hav.

…shows from Varro that four gods hurled their thunderbolts, while also showing why they sometimes used not their own thunderbolt but Jupiter's. For this reason Pallas too appears brandishing a thunderbolt on a coin of Antigonus the Guardian, which Spanheim shows, On the Use and Excellence of Coins, p. 376, and Patin more clearly in his Thesaurus, p. 26; and the owl performs the same service for her that the eagle does for Jupiter, holding a thunderbolt in its talons, as may be seen on other coins. The same author shows Hercules armed with a thunderbolt on a coin of Herennius, p. 593. And in my possession, on a cast of an ancient gem, Ceres, riding on [?] olere [sic], shakes a thunderbolt in her left hand, holding ears of grain in her right. And from that Etruscan lore Lucretius, book VI, line 386: "But if Jupiter and other gods shake the shining temples of heaven with terrifying sound, and hurl fires wherever each one's will may be." That these thunderbolts differ in colour, Nanning of Alkmaar teaches from Acro on Horace, Miscellanies III, 3. Juno too certainly threatens the Argonauts with great harm in Valerius Flaccus, book I, line 114: "I would even now have hurled the rain and darkness and the cruel trident, and my unwilling husband's fire." Seneca, Natural Questions, book II, chapter 43: "Why then is the thunderbolt that Jupiter alone sends (the very old Leiden manuscript reads: why is that thunderbolt alone, which Jupiter sends) placable, while the one on which he has deliberated, and which he has sent with other gods also as authors, is destructive? Because it befits Jupiter, that is, the king, to do good even alone (rightly, then, our author says, 'Jupiter is evil, if the thunderbolt is his'), but not to do harm except when it has seemed good to several." Finally Arnobius, book III, teaches from Pliny that the Novensiles, according to Manilius, are nine gods to whom alone Jupiter permitted the power of hurling his thunderbolt. In the same place: "What Cincius declares them to be, Manilius will be found to call false, who includes under the name of this word the hurlers of another's thunderbolt." He then calls this evil Jupiter, no better than his father Saturn, impious towards his grandson; for Apollo was Jupiter's son, and Aesculapius Apollo's. The oracle given to the infant in Ovid, Metamorphoses, book II, line 646: "It will be lawful for you to give back souls that have been taken away; and having dared this once, to the gods' indignation, you will be prevented by your grandfather's flame from being able to give it again. And from a god you will become a bloodless body, and a god, you who were lately a body, and twice you will renew your fate." Havercamp.

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(a) ‹anchor: vera prodi› · call in col 353

Vera prodi. Coll. Mod. vero proinde. Graviter Aeschylus apud Aristophanem in Ranis, Act. IV, sc. 2, in altercatione cum Euripide, ibi Euripides: Πότερον δ' οὐκ ὄντα λόγον τοῦτον περὶ τῆς Φαίδρας συνέθηκα; / ΑΙ. Μὰ Δί', ἀλλ' ὄντ'· ἀλλ' ἀποκρύπτειν χρὴ τὸ πονηρόν γε ποιητήν. / Καὶ μὴ παράγειν, μηδὲ διδάσκειν. τοῖς μὲν γὰρ παιδαρίοισιν. / Ἐστὶ διδάσκαλος, ὅστις φράζει, τοῖς δ' ἡβῶσι ποιηταὶ, Quid? egone primus de Phaedra scripsi haec quasi nova, o Aeschyle? dic dum. / AeS. Imo trita: sed haec quae sunt mala, decet occultare poetam, / Non producere, non condocefacere: non pueris solet aequa / Dictare magister: adultis instillant praecepta poetae. Hav.

"That true things be published." The Modius collation: vero proinde. Aeschylus speaks weightily in Aristophanes' Frogs, act IV, scene 2, in his dispute with Euripides, where Euripides says: "Did I compose this story about Phaedra when it was not true? AESCHYLUS: No, by Zeus, it was true; but the poet must hide what is wicked, and not bring it on or teach it. For little boys there is a teacher who tells them things; for grown men, the poets." [Latin version:] "What? Was I the first to write these things about Phaedra as if new, Aeschylus? Tell me. AES. No, they were well worn; but things that are evil the poet should hide, not bring forward, not teach: the master does not usually dictate the same things to boys; the poets instil their precepts into grown men." Havercamp.

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(b) ‹anchor: falsa confingi› · call in col 353

Confingi. Lactant., lib. I, cap. 19, Sed homines ingeniosi hanc secum habebunt fortasse rationem, quia Deus fulminari non potest, apparet non esse factum. Imo vero quia factum est, apparet hominem fuisse. Notatur Chrysippus apud Laertium, ut qui in Physiologicis foeda de Junone et Jove finxerit. Αἰσχροτάτην γὰρ (φασὶ) ταύτην ἀναπλάττει ἱστορίαν, εἰ καὶ ἐπαινεῖ ὡς φυσικὴν, χαμαιτύπαις μᾶλλον πρέπουσα ἢ Θεοῖς, i. e. Turpissimam enim (aiunt) hanc fingit historiam, etsi ut naturalem laudat; lustris tamen magis convenientem quam Diis. Hav.

"Be invented." Lactantius, book I, chapter 19: "But clever men will perhaps reason thus with themselves: since a god cannot be struck by lightning, it is clear that it did not happen. On the contrary, because it did happen, it is clear that he was a man." Chrysippus is censured in Laertius as one who in his Physics invented foul things about Juno and Jupiter: "For (they say) he fashions this most shameful story, even if he praises it as physical, fitting for harlots rather than gods," that is, "For (they say) he invents this most shameful tale, though he praises it as natural; more suited, however, to the brothels than to the gods." Havercamp.

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(2) ‹anchor: afflixerint› · call in col 354

Cod. Fuld. Tamen cum poenitet sententiae Athenienses, ut criminatores Socr. efflixerint, et — rescissa damnatione test. Socr. reddiderunt.

The Fulda manuscript: "Yet since the Athenians repented of the sentence, so that they destroyed Socrates' accusers, and … rescinding the sentence, they restored Socrates' …" [the abbreviation "test." left unexpanded].

COMMENTARIUS (printed under page 201)

(c) ‹anchor: et canem› · call in col 354

Quercum et hircum et canem. Hujus exemplo Zeno per capparim jurabat, ait Laertius. De hisce juramentis agit Lydius de Juram., cap. III, § 23, 21. Quoniam vero in MS. Fuld., media vox abest, suspicatur Rigalt. ex sono praecedentis querquum vitiatis auribus irrepsisse. Sed docte notavit Heraldus ex Scoliaste Aristophanis etiam per hircum dejerasse, imo per anserem et alia quaecumque, ut fuse idem observat. Faciebat vero id docere volens per Deos non esse jurandum. Nos quoniam nihil habemus, quod addamus diligentiae Heraldinae, nostra enim proferre volumus, non aliena, symbolum damus ex gemmis Gorlaeanis, tom. II, num. 305, 306, 307, 313, 316, 317, 322, 323, ubi conspici possunt capita anseris aquilae, canis galli, arietis sive hirci, equi, et folium querqus; sunt ibidem, ubi proboscis elephantina occurrit. Hav.

"The oak, the he-goat and the dog." Following his example Zeno swore by the caper, says Laertius. Lydius deals with these oaths, On Oaths, chapter III, § 23, 21. Since the middle word is missing in the Fulda manuscript, Rigault suspects it crept in through faulty hearing from the sound of the preceding querquum. But Herald learnedly noted from the scholiast on Aristophanes that he swore also by the he-goat, indeed by the goose and anything else, as he observes at length. He did this wishing to teach that one should not swear by the gods. Since we have nothing to add to Herald's diligence (for we wish to bring forward what is our own, not another's), we give our contribution from Gorlaeus' gems, vol. II, nos. 305, 306, 307, 313, 316, 317, 322, 323, where may be seen the heads of a goose, an eagle, a dog, a cock, a ram or he-goat, a horse, and an oak-leaf; they are in the same place where an elephant's trunk appears. Havercamp.

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Deos destruebat. Ita de Platone judicat Theodoretus, Serm., p. III, p. 50, eum non ausum totam idolorum fabricam tollere, metu populi Atheniensis, sed jussisse ne ex alia materia quam ligno vel saxo fierent, quam putaret contemptui obnoxiam facile vilitatem suo populo persuasuram. Lactantius quoque de omnibus poetis, lib. I, c. 12: Metuebant enim malum, si contra publicam persuasionem faterentur, quod erat verum. Et de Cicerone inprimis, lib. II, c. 3: Intelligebat Cicero falsa esse, quae homines adorarent. Nam cum multa dixisset, quae ad eversionem religionum valerent, ait tamen non esse ea vulgo disputanda, ne susceptas publice religiones disputatio talis extinguat. Ubi egregie de Christianis ille Cicero in Marcum Tullium invehitur plenis eloquentiae velis, dicens inter alia: Sed nimirum Socratis carcerem times: ideoque patrocinium veritatis suscipere non audes. At mortem, ut sapiens, contemnere debuisti, et quae sequuntur. Hav.

"He destroyed the gods." So Theodoret judges of Plato, Discourse III [printed "p. III"], p. 50: that he did not dare to do away with the whole fabric of idols for fear of the Athenian people, but ordered that they be made of no other material than wood or stone, which he thought, being open to contempt, would easily persuade his people of their worthlessness. Lactantius too, of all the poets, book I, chapter 12: "For they feared harm if, against public belief, they confessed what was true." And of Cicero especially, book II, chapter 3: "Cicero understood that the things men worshipped were false. For after saying many things that tended to overthrow religions, he says nevertheless that they are not to be argued before the common people, lest such argument extinguish the religions publicly received." Where that Christian Cicero [Lactantius] inveighs excellently against Marcus Tullius with full sails of eloquence, saying among other things: "But no doubt you fear the prison of Socrates, and so you do not dare to undertake the defence of the truth. Yet as a wise man you should have despised death," and what follows. Havercamp.

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Poenitentiae sententia. Diogenes Laertius in Vita ejus: Ἀθηναῖοι δ' εὐθὺς μετέγνωσαν, ὥστε κλεῖσαι καὶ παλαίστρας καὶ γυμνάσια, i. e. Atheniensibus statim tanta ejus facti poenitentia incessit, ut palaestras et gymnasia clauderent. Hav.

"Repentance of the sentence." Diogenes Laertius in his Life: "The Athenians at once repented, so that they closed the wrestling-schools and gymnasia," that is, "so great a repentance for that deed at once came upon the Athenians that they closed the wrestling-schools and gymnasia." Havercamp.

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Afflixerint. Laertius, ibid.: καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἐφυγάδευσαν, Μελίτου δὲ θάνατον κατέγνωσαν, Ἄνυτόν τε ἐπιδημήσαντα αὐθημερὸν ἐξεκήρυξαν Ἡρακλεῶται, i. e., ut alios quidem exilio, Melitum vero morte damnarent, Anytum ipsa die, dum peregre esset, Heracleotae exterminarunt. Ad hanc opinionem de mortuo Socrate apud judices ipsos alludit Phaedrus, nominis et famae ambitiosus, lib. III, fab. 9. Cujus non fugio mortem, si famam assequar, / Et cedo invidiae, dummodo absolvar cinis. In MS. Fuld. ita scribebatur: Poenitet sententiae Athenienses, ut criminatores Socratis postea efflixerint, et (continues)

"Struck down." Laertius, in the same place: "and they banished some, condemned Meletus to death, and the people of Heraclea expelled Anytus on the very day he visited," that is, so that they condemned some to exile and Meletus to death, and the Heracleots banished Anytus on the very day, while he was abroad. Phaedrus, ambitious of name and fame, alludes to this opinion about the dead Socrates among his very judges, book III, fable 9: "Whose death I do not flee, if I may attain his fame; and I yield to envy, provided I am acquitted as ashes." In the Fulda manuscript it was written thus: "The Athenians repent of the sentence, so that they afterwards destroyed Socrates' accusers, and… (continues)

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imaginem ejus auream in templo collocarint, rescissa damnatione testimonium Socrati reddiderunt, et sic usurpatur effligendi verbum, lib. IV., Adv. Marc., c. 12, addit Scioppius. Criminatores hi Socratis rursus apud Gorlaeum eodem tomo occurrunt nobis, modo dependentes a vultu Socratis et Palladis, num. 301, modo aliter, num. 330, fueruntque Anytus, Melitus et Lycon. de statua aurea quae sequuntur, alias copiosius. Locus hic ob angustiam non patitur. Hav.

…set up his golden image in a temple, and, the sentence being rescinded, they gave testimony to Socrates"; and the verb effligere is used in this way in book IV Against Marcion, chapter 12, adds Scioppius. These accusers of Socrates meet us again in Gorlaeus, in the same volume, now hanging from the face of Socrates and Pallas, no. 301, now otherwise, no. 330; they were Anytus, Meletus and Lycon. What follows about the golden statue, more fully elsewhere; this place does not allow it for lack of room. Havercamp.

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In templo. Suspecta quodammodo lectio. Narrat quidem Flavius Vopiscus Tacitum imperatorem statuam argenteam divo Aureliano in templo Solis dedicare voluisse, itemque divorum templum fieri jussisse, in quo essent statuae principum bonorum. Sed ista erant numina Romanorum quibus et hostiae et vota fiebant. Laertius dicit fuisse statuam ἐν Πομπείῳ erectam, publico aedificio ut notat Casaubonus ex Polluce, in quo ut putat, τὰ πομπεῖα, i. e., pomparum choragia asservabantur. Unde etiam forsan pretiosiores imagines conditas ibi festis diebus proferri potuerunt ad solemnitatem amplificandam. Scripsit itaque extemplo Tertullianus, quod probo ex Laertio, qui dicit poenitentia correptos Athenienses εὐθὺς, mox atque inde publicum luctum indixisse, accusatores perdidisse, Socratem statua honorasse. Sed et in templis Deorum statuas illustrium virorum esse erectas docet Leontino Gorgiae honos iste in templo Apollinis Pythii habitus, prout sane statuae illustrium mulierum etiam in loco aliquo numini cuidam dedicato excitabantur. Ita testamento suo non tantum voluit Theophrastus ut Aristotelis imago in simili sacrario reponeretur. In Vita ejus Diogenes Laert., ἔπειτα τὴν Ἀριστοτέλους εἰκόνα τεθῆναι εἰς τὸ ἱερόν. Sed idem ipse Aristoteles de matris suae statua fieri voluit, ut in Vita ejus eidem scriptor: καὶ τὴν τῆς μητρὸς τῆς ἡμετέρας τῇ Δήμητρι ἀναθεῖναι εἰς Νεμέαν, i. e., matris quoque nostrae sc. statuam Cereri quae in Nemea est dicari volo. Adde quae de Calphurnia modo diximus. Hav.

"In a temple." The reading is somewhat suspect. Flavius Vopiscus does relate that the emperor Tacitus wished to dedicate a silver statue to the deified Aurelian in the temple of the Sun, and likewise ordered a temple of the deified emperors to be built, in which there should be statues of the good emperors. But those were deities of the Romans to whom victims and vows were offered. Laertius says the statue was set up "in the Pompeion," a public building, as Casaubon notes from Pollux, in which, as he thinks, "the pompeia," that is, the equipment for processions, were kept. Hence perhaps the more precious images stored there could be brought out on feast days to enhance the solemnity. So Tertullian wrote extemplo ("forthwith"), which I support from Laertius, who says that the Athenians, seized with repentance, "at once," soon and thereupon proclaimed public mourning, destroyed the accusers and honoured Socrates with a statue. But that statues of illustrious men were set up in the temples of the gods too is shown by that honour paid to Gorgias of Leontini in the temple of Pythian Apollo, just as statues of illustrious women also were raised in some place dedicated to a deity. So Theophrastus in his will wished, not only this, that Aristotle's image be placed in a similar shrine (Diogenes Laertius in his Life: "then that the image of Aristotle be set up in the shrine"); but Aristotle himself made the same wish about a statue of his mother, as the same writer says in his Life: "and to dedicate that of our mother to Demeter at Nemea," that is, "I wish the statue of our mother also to be dedicated to Ceres who is at Nemea." Add what we said just now about Calpurnia. Havercamp.

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Diogenes nescio quid. Respicit Laertii illud in Vita ejus, quo gloriabatur Diogenes Herculis vitam vivere, μηδὲν ἐλευθερίας προκρίνων, πάντα τῶν σοφῶν εἶναι λέγων, i. e., nihil libertate ducere praestantius, et omnia sapientium esse praedicans. Dicit autem nescio quid, quia ultima illa subobscure vim et injurias Herculis innuebant, quas imitabantur illi Cynici, vi capientes si quis petentibus negaret, nec baculo aliter quam Hercules clava utentes, ut passim videri potest apud Lucianum. Quomodo apud illum in Vitarum Auctione interrogatus a mercatore Diogenes, quem imitaretur? Herculem respondit. Sic de Hercule legimus apud Lactantium loco quem non longe hinc producemus, Hercules, solita violentia usus, quia unum accipere non potuit utrumque sustulit: Imo hunc conditorem sectae suae gloriabantur. Lepidissima est confabulatio Diogenis et Herculis inter Dialogos Mortuorum Samosatensis Luciani. Ubi Herculi illudit Cynicus: q. vide, et quae sequuntur facta sane. Itaque nihil mirum si inter tot Herculis effigies, juvenis, senis, barbati, imberbis, etiam Cynici locum habeat, cujus nudum, squalidum, barba capilloque hirsutum caput ex veteri gemma profert nobilissimus antiquarius Leon. Augustin. in Gemm. Antiq., p. I, N. 6. Hav.

"Diogenes … something or other." He has in view that passage of Laertius in his Life, where Diogenes boasted that he lived the life of Hercules, "preferring nothing to freedom, saying that all things belong to the wise," that is, holding nothing more excellent than liberty and declaring that all things belong to the wise. He says "something or other" because those last words hinted somewhat obscurely at the violence and outrages of Hercules, which those Cynics imitated, taking by force if anyone refused their requests, and using their staff just as Hercules used his club, as may be seen throughout Lucian. So in him, in the Sale of Lives, Diogenes, asked by the buyer whom he imitated, answered, "Hercules." So we read of Hercules in Lactantius, in a passage we shall bring forward not far from here: "Hercules, using his usual violence, because he could not get one, carried off both." Indeed they boasted of him as the founder of their sect. Most witty is the conversation of Diogenes and Hercules among the Dialogues of the Dead of Lucian of Samosata, where the Cynic mocks Hercules: see it, and the things that follow, done indeed. So it is no wonder if among so many effigies of Hercules, young, old, bearded, beardless, there is room for the Cynic too, whose naked, unkempt head, shaggy with beard and hair, the most noble antiquary Leonardo Agostini produces from an ancient gem, Ancient Gems, part I, no. 6. Havercamp.

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Romanus Cynicus. Ita dictus ob Satyras Menippeas, quas conscripsit, quarum fragmenta collegit et notis illustravit Ausonius Popma, Aulus Gellius Noct. Att., lib. II, c. 18: Ex quibus ille Menippus fuit, cujus libros M. Varro in Satiris aemulatus est: quas alii Cynicas, ipse appellat Menippeas. Ipse inde Menippeus dictus a Symmacho in epistola quam primus edidit et correxit Lud. Carrio Emendat., l. II, c. 14: Studium quidem Menippei Varronis imitaris, sed vincis ingenium, et ab Arnobio, lib. VI, Varro ut dicit Menippus, non ut dicit Menippeis, ex ejusdem emendatione, c. 17. Hav. Romanus Cynicus. Libere inquit Rhenanus, Varro locutus est de diis gentium, id quod vel ea sententia satis arguat, quae citari solet de exstispiciis: Non solum otiosos, sed sordidissimos Deos, si in jecorum et viscerum sterquilinio sua occuluerunt consilia, hominibus ab insanis sacerdotibus manifestanda. Idem Satyras suas Menippaeas a Cynico cognominavit. Pam.

"The Roman Cynic." So called because of the Menippean Satires he wrote, whose fragments Ausonius Popma collected and illustrated with notes. Aulus Gellius, Attic Nights, book II, chapter 18: "Among these was that Menippus whose books M. Varro emulated in his Satires, which others call Cynic, he himself Menippean." Hence he himself is called Menippeus by Symmachus, in a letter first published and corrected by Louis Carrion, Emendations, book II, chapter 14: "You imitate the zeal of Varro the Menippean, but you surpass his genius"; and by Arnobius, book VI: "as Varro the Menippus says," not "as he says in the Menippeans," by the same man's emendation, chapter 17. Havercamp. "The Roman Cynic." Varro, says Rhenanus, spoke freely of the gods of the pagans, as even that saying commonly quoted about entrail-inspection sufficiently shows: "Gods not only idle but most sordid, if they have hidden their counsels in the dunghill of livers and entrails, to be revealed to men by mad priests." He also named his Satires Menippean after the Cynic. Pamelius.

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Introduxit Paris.

The Paris edition: introduxit ("introduced").

COMMENTARIUS (printed under page 202)

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Jupiteres. Vide Priscianum. Nam Jovis non est genitivus τοῦ Jupiter, sed antiqui nominativi Jovis, ut passim videre est ex exemplis poetarum apud Grammaticos. Unde Varro diserte, lib. VII, de L. L. Nunc in consuetudine aliter dicere, pro Jovis, Jupiter: pro bovis et bus, bos: pro struis, strues. Jupiter vero est quasi juvans pater, ut Marspiter et rectos modo casus habet secundum eumdem. De quo videri potest Ger. Joh. Vossius ille pansophus in addendis ad lib. II, c. 8, de Analogia, MS. Lugd. Bat. legit Jupitros dicendos. Fuld., Jupiteros. Hav.

"Jupiters." See Priscian. For Jovis is not the genitive of Jupiter but of an ancient nominative Jovis, as may be seen everywhere from examples of the poets in the grammarians. Hence Varro expressly, On the Latin Language, book VII: "Now in usage they say differently: Jupiter for Jovis; bos for bovis and bus; strues for struis." Jupiter is, as it were, juvans pater ("helping father"), as Marspiter, and it has only nominative cases, according to the same author. On this one may consult Gerhard Johann Vossius, that man of universal learning, in the addenda to book II, chapter 8, On Analogy. The Leiden manuscript reads Jupitros dicendos; the Fulda, Jupiteros. Havercamp.

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Capitibus. Locus difficilis, tanto magis, quia nec vola nec vestigium ejus apud Varronem, cujus pleraque et longe optima interciderunt, quorum naufragas tabulas collegerunt Riccobonus, Stephanus, Popma, nos etiam in iis operam aliquam posuimus. Junius ex Festo aliquid affert, sed in quo acquiescere non possim. Qui non immerito inde deridetur a la Cerda, cujus la Cerdae nota est, sine capitibus, id est, minuti capite, quorum nec conditionem nec familiam, nec civitatem commemorat, quibus triplex diminutio capitis exprimitur. Haec ille, Oblique vero etiam Varro taxavit, ut ego quidem puto, Deum Stoicum, mundum, rotundum, globosum, Seneca, Epist. XCVI, si rotundam illis, qualem Deo dederint formam. Idem in ridicula illa Apocolocyntosi, quam sine cachinno lego nunquam, de Claudio: Qualem Deum istum fieri velis? Stoicum. Quomodo potest rotundus esse (ut ait Varro) sine capite sine praeputio? Est aliquid in eo Stoici Dei: jam video, nec cor, nec caput habet. Prout autem nonnulli innumerabiles dixere mundos, ita Varro trecentos Deos sive Jupiteres introduxit, in illo scripto quod ambo, et Seneca et Tertullianus, respexisse videntur. Est adhuc quae morari nos potest lectio Cod. Ad Nat., 1-10, ubi est inducit, quo, nisi usurparit pro introducit, videtur notari expunctio horum Deorum, qui ut la Cerda ait deminuti sint capite, quasi ibi examinarit Varro soliditatem et valorem Divinitatis cujusque Jupiteris inveneritque trecentos, quos ab illo nomine excluserit, quod si placet et hic scribi debuerat inducit. Favit huic conjecturae, quod in eodem libro legitur, cap. XII, de multitudine Deorum. Tot enim familiae, tot nationes census bona fide quaerunt, ut dispici et distingui describique non possint. Imo ita clare hoc loco etiam MS. Fuld., ut vix dubitationi locus sit. Aldinus praefert capidibus. At vero Capis ut notat Festus Pompeius, erat poculi genus, dictum a capiendo. Nonius Marcellus jungit cum armillo, apud quem Varro de Vita P. R., lib. I, Etiam nunc copula, quae vocant capulas, ac capides, quod est copuli genus, item armillum, quod est urceoli genus vinarii. Ut vero armillum inde dictum, quod armo, id est, humero portetur, ut Festus, ita capis vasculum minoris formae, quod manu capi tollique posset, Varro de L. L. lib. (continues)

"Heads." A difficult passage, all the more because there is neither trace nor track of it in Varro, most of whose works, and by far the best, have perished; their shipwrecked planks were collected by Riccoboni, Estienne and Popma, and we too have spent some labour on them. Junius brings something from Festus, but I cannot rest content with it. He is not undeservedly mocked for it by la Cerda, whose own note is: "without heads, that is, diminished in civil status (capite), men whose condition, family and citizenship he does not mention, by which the threefold diminution of status is expressed." So he. But Varro also, as I at least think, obliquely censured the Stoic god, the world, round and globular; Seneca, Letter XCVI: "if [they gave him] a round one, such a form as they gave to God." The same, in that ridiculous Pumpkinification, which I never read without a guffaw, of Claudius: "What sort of god would you have him become? A Stoic one? How can he be 'round' (as Varro says) without head, without foreskin? There is something of the Stoic god in him: now I see it: he has neither heart nor head." And as some have spoken of innumerable worlds, so Varro introduced three hundred gods or Jupiters, in that work to which both Seneca and Tertullian seem to have had regard. There is still a reading that may detain us, in the book To the Nations, I, 10, where it is inducit; by which, unless he used it for introducit, the striking-out of these gods seems to be meant, who, as la Cerda says, were diminished in status, as if Varro had there examined the soundness and worth of the divinity of each Jupiter and found three hundred whom he excluded from that name; if this is accepted, inducit should have been written here too. This conjecture is favoured by what is read in the same book, chapter XII, about the multitude of the gods: "For so many families, so many nations seek a census in good faith that they cannot be discerned, distinguished and enrolled." Indeed the Fulda manuscript too is so clear at this place that there is hardly room for doubt. The Aldine prefers capidibus. But the capis, as Festus Pompeius notes, was a kind of cup, named from capere ("to take"). Nonius Marcellus joins it with armillum, in whom Varro, On the Life of the Roman People, book I: "Even now there are cups, which they call capulae, and capides, which is a kind of cup; likewise the armillum, which is a kind of little wine-jug." As armillum is so named "because it is carried on the armus, that is, the shoulder," as Festus says, so the capis is a vessel of smaller shape that could be taken and lifted by the hand; Varro, On the Latin Language, book… (continues)

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LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 203)

ARGUMENTUM. — Demonstrat porro, quam indecore Deorum facta et nomina, ad oculorum et aurium voluptatem, ab ipsis in scenicis voluptatibus inflectantur, ut divinitas plaudente populo constupretur; ut et quam crudeliter in cavea et ludis theatralibus adhibeantur, ubi vilissime majestas illa tractatur; denique quam irreverenter Dii ab ipsis habeantur, dum coram illis libidinem suam explent. Qualis quidem religio cultores

ARGUMENT. — He shows further how unbecomingly the deeds and names of the gods are twisted by them in their stage entertainments, for the pleasure of eyes and ears, so that godhead is debauched while the people applaud; and also how cruelly they are brought into the arena and the theatrical games, where that majesty is most vilely handled; and lastly how irreverently the gods are treated by them, while they satisfy their lust in their very presence. Such a religion, indeed, its worshippers

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Ridcatis abest Paris.

"Rideatis" ("you laugh at") is absent in the Paris edition.

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Rhen. : latera; sed cf. Ad Nat. I, 10.

Rhenanus: "latera"; but compare Ad Nationes I, 10.

COMMENTARIUS.

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IV : Et minores, capides, a capiendo; quod ansatae, ut prehendi possint, id est capi. Harum figuras in vaseis sacreis ligneas et fictiles antiquas etiam nunc videmus. Cum lituis conjungit etiam Livius, lib. X, c. 7, de habitu Pontificio loquens, si conspiciatur cum capide ac lituo, capite velato victimam caedat, auguriumve ex arce capiat. Apparet itaque fuisse instrumentum ad sacra pertinens, nam et armillum, teste Festo, vas vinarium in sacris. Quasi alicubi in Satyris Menippeis ingentem hanc Jupiterum phalangem introduxisset irrisam quia nullus sacer ornatus circa illos apparebat. Sed ego lectioni MS. Fuld. et libri ad Nat. potius acquiesco. Adde quod hic de abolitione divinitatis agatur quae non magis apte potest exprimi, quam per verbum induci. Hav.

IV: "And the smaller ones, capides, from capere [to take], because they have handles so that they can be grasped, that is, taken. Their shapes we still see today in the old wooden and earthenware sacred vessels." Livy too joins it with the lituus, Book X, ch. 7, speaking of the pontiff's dress: "should he be seen with the capis and the lituus, sacrifice a victim with head veiled, or take the augury from the citadel." It appears, then, to have been an instrument belonging to the rites, for the armillum too, as Festus attests, was a wine vessel used in the rites. As if somewhere in the Menippean Satires he had brought in this huge phalanx of Jupiters to be laughed at because no sacred ornament was to be seen about them. But I prefer to rest on the reading of the Fulda manuscript and of the book Ad Nationes. Add that the subject here is the abolition of a divinity, which cannot be expressed more aptly than by the verb induci [to be struck out]. Havercamp.

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CAP. XV.—(a) Lentulorum. De Pallio, c. IV, meritoque Mimographo Lentulo in Catinensibus commemoratus. Hujus etiam Hieronymus meminit non semel. Hav.

Chapter XV. Of the Lentuli. On the Pallium, ch. IV: "and deservedly mentioned by the mime-writer Lentulus in his Catinenses." Jerome also mentions him more than once. Havercamp.

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Hostiliorum. Nobilissima inter Romanos familia, et quorum nomina nonnulla nobis reliqua fecit antiquitas. Primus est Hostius Hostilius, qui cum Romulo contra Sabinos pugnavit, memoratus Livio, lib. I. Meminit et Hostilianarum actionum Cicero, lib. I, de Oratore, c. 245, et C. Hostilii Mancini, ibid., c. 238. Apud Reinesium quoque occurrunt, C. Hostilius, qui cum C. Popilio Lenate legatus in Syriam est missus ad Syriae et Aegypti regnum bellum componendum. Inscript. IV, 8, et L. Hostilius Fortunatus, cum filia Hostilia Januaria, XII, 45. Apud eumdem, XVI, 24. C. HOSTILIO. C. F. FRUGIONI / C. HOSTILIO. C. F. NEPOTI. Et rursus, XVII. 154. HOSTILIAE ATTHIDI. Quis vero hic Hostilius mihi non liquet et Mimi una cum ipsis inscriptionibus dudum perierunt, Hostius vocatur in lib. ad Nationes. De Hostii cujusdam libidine Seneca, N. II, 1. 16. Hav.

Of the Hostilii. A most noble family among the Romans, several of whose names antiquity has left us. The first is Hostius Hostilius, who fought with Romulus against the Sabines, mentioned by Livy, Book I. Cicero too mentions the Hostilian actions, De Oratore Book I, c. 245, and Gaius Hostilius Mancinus, ibid., c. 238. In Reinesius there also occur Gaius Hostilius, who was sent as envoy to Syria with Gaius Popilius Laenas to settle the war between the kingdoms of Syria and Egypt, Inscriptions IV, 8; and Lucius Hostilius Fortunatus with his daughter Hostilia Januaria, XII, 45. In the same, XVI, 24: "To Gaius Hostilius Frugio, son of Gaius / To Gaius Hostilius Nepos, son of Gaius." And again, XVII, 154: "To Hostilia Atthis." But who this Hostilius is I cannot make out, and the mimes have long since perished together with the inscriptions themselves; in the book Ad Nationes he is called Hostius. On the lust of a certain Hostius, Seneca, Natural Questions I, 16. Havercamp.

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Mimos an Deos vestros. Lactant., lib. V. cap. 21. Num pejus? quam iidem ipsi, qui, cum Deos se colere dicant, tamen eos publice turpiterque derident: de quibus etiam per mimos agi, cum risu et voluptate patiuntur? qualis haec religio, aut quanta majestas putanda est, quae adoratur in templis, illuditur in theatris. Tertull., de Spectac., cap. XXVII. Illic nomen Dei blasphematur. Hav.

Your mimes or your gods. Lactantius, Book V, ch. 21: "Is it any worse than these same people who, though they say they worship the gods, yet mock them publicly and shamefully, and suffer them to be acted in mimes with laughter and pleasure? What sort of religion is this, or how great a majesty must it be thought, that is adored in the temples and made sport of in the theatres?" Tertullian, On the Shows, ch. XXVII: "There the name of God is blasphemed." Havercamp.

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(d) ‹anchor: jocis et strophis› · call in col 358

Strophis. Patet quid per hanc vocem intelligat Auctor, conjungens illam cum jocis. Dicit enim proprie callidam in fallendo versutiam, Martialis de moecha, XI, 8. Jam stropha talis abit. a verbo στρέφω, cui affine est nostrum proverbium de re callide surrepta, yts donker groen verwem, Nam certe quod de strophis et antistrophis in carmine lyrico notat la Cerda, hic in mimo innui vix quidem puto. Cum potius a subjecta materia genus ludi tam stropha quam mimus appellatum fuisse videatur. Hieronymus, Apol. II, adv. Rufin. Et quasi mimum Philistionis vel Lentuli ac Marulli stropham eleganti sermone confictam. Fuit enim ille Marullus insignis Mimographus, cujus exstat dictum hoc ad parasitum gulosum: Tu Hectorem imitaris, ab ilio nunquam recedis, ludentis in duplici significatione Ilii, qua et urbem et intestinum denotat. Refert Servius ad Virgil., Eclog. VII. 26, et Aeneid. VII. 499. Notat passim id quod vulgo dicitur raillerie, een loop je. Utitur hac voce rursus in lib. de Anima, c. XXVII, deridens Panthoidem Pythagoram: Nam qui talem commentus est stropham, etc., ut adv. Marcion., lib. III, c. 10: Quanto dignus necessitas fidem, quam stropham administrasset? Hieronymus quoque contra Ruff.: Vis scire totas argutiarum tuarum strophas, vel specularum insidias? Et hinc voces illae apud Papiam: Strophus, tortus, fraudator, Stropha, nequitia, fraus. Stropharius, impostor, fraudator. Cod. Agobard., initio strophis. Hav.

Tricks. It is plain what the Author means by this word, joining it with jests. It properly means cunning craft in deceiving; Martial on the adulteress, XI, 8: "Now such a trick won't pass." From the verb strephō [to twist], to which our proverb about a thing cunningly filched is akin, "yts donker groen verwem" [Dutch: to paint something dark green]. For what la Cerda notes about strophes and antistrophes in a lyric poem I hardly think is hinted at here in a mime, since it seems rather that a kind of play was called both stropha and mimus from its subject matter. Jerome, Apology II against Rufinus: "And like a mime of Philistion, or a trick of Lentulus and Marullus, composed in elegant speech." For that Marullus was a notable mime-writer, whose saying to a gluttonous parasite survives: "You imitate Hector, you never leave Ilium [the gut]", playing on the double sense of Ilium, which denotes both the city and the intestine. Servius reports it on Virgil, Eclogue VII, 26, and Aeneid VII, 499. It commonly denotes what is vulgarly called raillerie, "een loopje" [Dutch: a prank]. He uses this word again in the book On the Soul, ch. XXVII, mocking Pythagoras the son of Panthous: "For he who devised such a trick," etc., as in Against Marcion, Book III, ch. 10: "How much more would necessity deserve belief than the trick he would have played?" Jerome too against Rufinus: "Do you want to know all the tricks of your quibbles, or the snares of your look-outs?" And hence those words in Papias: "Strophus, twisted, cheat; Stropha, wickedness, fraud; Stropharius, impostor, cheat." The Agobard codex has "strophis" at the beginning. Havercamp.

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(e) ‹anchor: moechum Anubim› · call in col 358

Moechum Anubim. Idem est Deus Anubis et Cynocephalus, unde Virg. dixit, et latrator Anubis. Et utriusque forma colebatur Mercurius, sunt autem istae inscriptiones fabularum. Itaque Anubis moechus edebatur, sicut Luna masculus, etc. Lac.

Anubis the adulterer. The god Anubis is the same as the Dog-headed one, whence Virgil said, "and barking Anubis." And Mercury was worshipped in the form of both; these, however, are titles of plays. So "Anubis the Adulterer" was staged, like "The Male Moon," etc. La Cerda.

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(f) ‹anchor: masculum Lunam› · call in col 358

Masculam Lunam. Ita omnes MSS. et editi. Meursius Lunum mavult, quo non opus est. Quae vero de notitia hujus Numinis et cultu dici possunt, ex lapidibus, nummis, aliisque veteribus monumentis collecta, dabimus in Dissertatione peculiari, de Deo Luno et Diis Hermaphroditis. Hav.

The male Moon. So all the manuscripts and editions. Meursius prefers "Lunum", which is unnecessary. What can be said about the knowledge and worship of this deity, gathered from stones, coins and other ancient monuments, we shall give in a special dissertation, On the God Lunus and the Hermaphrodite Gods. Havercamp.

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(g) ‹anchor: Dianam flagellatam› · call in col 358

Dianam flagellatam. Istud agnomen, inquit La Cerda invenit poeta in contumeliam Dianae. Ego potius puto titulum seu inscriptionem mimi fuisse, ideoque ut reliquas litteras majusculis efferendos. Hav.

Diana flogged. This surname, says La Cerda, a poet invented to insult Diana. I rather think it was the title or heading of a mime, and so to be printed, like the rest, in capital letters. Havercamp.

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(h) ‹anchor: tres Hercules famelicos› · call in col 358

Hercules famelicos. Quidquid fuerit, jam ignotum, non absimile tamen illud videtur, quod legere est apud Lactantium, lib. I, c. 21, ubi sacrorum Herculis, quae apud Lindum, oppidum Rhodi, maledictis et exsecrationibus celebrantur, hanc ex Gentium scriptis rationem narrat: Hercules quum eo delatus esset, famemque pateretur, aratorem quemdam aspexit operantem: ab eoque petere coepit, ut sibi unum bovem venderet. Enimvero ille negavit fieri posse: quia spes sua omnis colendae terrae, duobus illis jumentis niteretur. Hercules, solita violentia usus, quia unum accipere non potuit, utrumque sustulit. At ille infelix, cum boves suos mactari videret, injuriam suam maledictis ultus est: quod homini eleganti et urbano gratissimum fuit. Nam dum comitibus suis epulas apparat, dumque alienos boves devorat, illum sibi amarissime convicianlem cum risu et cachinnis audiebat. Sed postquam Herculi divinos honores ad admirationem virtutis deferri placuit, a civibus ei ara posita est, quam de facto βουζύγον, id est, boris jugum nominavit. Ad quam duo juncti boves immolarentur, sicut illi, quos abstulerat aratori, eumque ipsum sibi constituit sacerdotem, ac praecepit ut iisdem maledictis semper in celebrandis sacrificiis uteretur, quod negaret se unquam epulatum esse jucundius. Hae vero mimorum inscriptiones de Jove et Hercule a Codice MS. Fuldano aberant. Hav.

Hungry Herculeses. Whatever it was is now unknown; yet not unlike it seems what we read in Lactantius, Book I, ch. 21, where he relates, from the writings of the Gentiles, this account of the rites of Hercules that are celebrated at Lindus, a town of Rhodes, with curses and execrations: "When Hercules had been carried there and was suffering hunger, he saw a ploughman at work, and began to ask him to sell him one ox. But the man said it could not be done, because all his hope of tilling the land rested on those two beasts. Hercules, using his usual violence, since he could not get one, took both. But the unhappy man, seeing his oxen slaughtered, avenged his wrong with curses; which was most welcome to that refined and witty fellow. For while he prepared a feast for his companions and devoured another man's oxen, he listened with laughter and guffaws to the man abusing him most bitterly. But after it was resolved that divine honours be paid to Hercules in admiration of his prowess, an altar was set up to him by the citizens, which from the deed he named Bouzygon, that is, the ox-yoke, at which two yoked oxen should be sacrificed, like those he had taken from the ploughman; and he appointed that very man his priest, and commanded that he should always use the same curses in celebrating the sacrifices, because he said he had never feasted more pleasantly." These titles of mimes about Jupiter and Hercules were absent from the Fulda manuscript. Havercamp.

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(i) ‹anchor: histrionum litterae› · call in col 358

Histrionum litterae. Adumbravit omnia haec Ar- (continues)

The players' writings. He [Ar…] sketched all this (continues)

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suos stultos, insanos, osores vero cordatos et sapientes ostendit.

shows to be fools and madmen, but its haters to be prudent and wise.

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LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 204)

(1) ‹anchor: et Cybele› · call in col 359

Et Cybele post.— non erubescentibus vobis abest Paris.

After "Et Cybele" … "non erubescentibus vobis" is absent in the Paris edition.

COMMENTARIUS.

(continued)

nobius in fine libri V. Sed poetis tantummodo licere voluistis indignas de Diis fabulas, et flagitiosa ludibria comminisci. Quid pantomimi vestri, quid histriones, quid illa mimorum atque exoleti generis multitudo? Nonne ad usum quaestus sui abutuntur Diis vestris, et lenocinia voluptatum ex injuriis attrahunt contumeliisque divini? Notanda est lectio Rhenani latera, ut ad effoeminationem productum corpus et famosam laterum inflexionem respiciat; in lib. tamen ad Nat., I, 10, leges, ut hic, histrionicas litteras.

[Ar]nobius at the end of Book V: "But you wanted only the poets to be allowed to devise unworthy fables about the gods and shameful mockeries. What of your pantomimes, what of your actors, what of that crowd of mimes and of the debauched sort? Do they not misuse your gods for the purpose of their gain, and draw the allurements of pleasure from insults and outrages to the divine?" Note Rhenanus's reading "latera" [flanks], referring to the body trained to effeminacy and the notorious bending of the flanks; yet in the book Ad Nationes I, 10, you will read, as here, "histrionicas litteras" [players' writings].

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(a) ‹anchor: omnem foeditatem› · call in col 359

Foeditatem eorum. Amores, adulteria, rixas, et similia. Huc pertinet, quod ibidem apud Arnobium sequitur: Quod nefarium esset auditu, gentis illa genitrix Marciae, regnatoris et populi procreatrix amans saltatur Venus et per affectus omnes meretriciae vilitatis impudica exprimitur imitatione bacchari. Hav.

Their foulness. Loves, adulteries, quarrels and the like. To this belongs what follows at the same place in Arnobius: "What would be wicked even to hear: Venus, the mother of the Marcian race, the begetter of the ruler and of the people, is danced as a lover, and is shown, by a shameless imitation, raving through all the passions of harlotry's baseness." Havercamp.

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(b) ‹anchor: filium jactatum› · call in col 359

Jactatum. Cod. Fuld. habet detractum de coelo, quasi rideret Septimius modum etiam quo fulminatio Phaethontis figurabatur, qui machina aliqua ut in curru sublimis sursum erat evectus, ita rursus alia detraheretur et sic in terram praecipitaretur. Reliqui vero, ut et Agobard, jactatum. Hav.

Hurled. The Fulda codex has "dragged down from heaven", as if Septimius were mocking even the way the thunderbolting of Phaethon was represented: as he was carried up on high by one machine as though in a chariot, so he was dragged down again by another and thus flung headlong to the earth. The rest, however, like the Agobard codex, have "jactatum". Havercamp.

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(c) ‹anchor: et Cybele› · call in col 359

Cybele) Eodem tenore Arnobius ibidem: Saltatur et magna sacris compta cum infulis Mater: et contra decus aetatis illa Pessinunti a Dindymene, in bubulci unius amplexu flagitiosa fingitur appetitione gestire. Quibus ridendi materiam praebuit Deorum ille subsannator Lucianus, et quo et hoc et complura alia mutuatum esse Septimium nostrum agnosco. Is ita loquentem inducit Venerem ad Cupidinem suum in Deorum dialogis: Ἀλλὰ σὺ, ὦ τολμηρότατε, etc., i. e. Verum etiam, tu audacissime, ipsam Rheam, jam anum, totque Deorum matrem, ad pusionis amorem compulisti, et ad Phrygii illius adolescentis desiderium. Eaque jam a te acta est in insaniam, junctisque leonibus, et assumptis Corybantibus, quippe qui ipsi quoque furore quodam afflati sunt, sursum ac deorsum per Idam oberrant: Haec quidem propter Attidem ejulans, etc. Hav.

Cybele. In the same strain Arnobius in the same place: "The great Mother too, adorned with her sacred fillets, is danced; and, against the dignity of her age, she of Pessinus, the Dindymene, is represented as wantonly longing with shameful desire for the embrace of one herdsman." The matter for this mockery was supplied by Lucian, that scoffer at the gods, from whom I recognise that our Septimius borrowed both this and many other things. He brings Venus in, speaking thus to her Cupid in the Dialogues of the Gods: "But you, most audacious one," etc., that is: "But you, most audacious one, have driven Rhea herself, an old woman now and mother of so many gods, to love of a boy and to longing for that Phrygian youth. And she has been driven mad by you, and having yoked her lions and taken up the Corybants, who are themselves also inspired by a kind of frenzy, they wander up and down over Ida: she, wailing for Attis," etc. Havercamp.

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(d) ‹anchor: pastorem suspirat› · call in col 359

Pastorem suspirat. Quod nobis eleganter ante oculos ponitur in gemma pulcherrima, quae notanda venit habitu Endymionis pastorali, tomo Dact. Gorl. II. 498. Describit vero in insigni impostore Alexandro Lucianus in Pseudomante. Καὶ ὁ μὲν καθεύδων δῆθεν, etc., i. e. Cum hic dormiens scilicet in medio jaceret: descenderet autem in eum e tecti fastigio, tanquam e coelo, Lunae vicem agens, Rutilia quaedam formosissima cujusdam e Caesareae domus praefectis uxor, quae nimirum ut amabat Alexandrum, ita vicissim ab illo amabatur. Ac sub oculis perditissimi illius mariti tum complexus agebantur, tum oscula, idque in propatulo. Quod nisi complures fuissent taedae, forsan nonnihil et eorum, quae fieri solent infra sinum, patratum fuisset. Ita vero dictum est hoc pastorem suspirat, id est desiderat, ut suspirat amorem in Diris, quae Valerio Catoni assignantur, ibi: Invideo vobis agri, formosaque prata: / Hoc formosa magis, mea quod formosa puella / Est vobis. Tacite vestrum suspirat amorem; ut recte ibi observavit Lindenbrogius, nisi quod malim ex Manutii editione, Tacite et vestrum suspirat amorem. Longe vero aliud Lucani VI, 370. Nec tenues ventos suspirat Anauros. Hav.

Sighs for the shepherd. This is elegantly set before our eyes on a most beautiful gem, notable for showing Endymion in shepherd's dress, Gori's Dactyliotheca, vol. II, 498. Lucian describes it in the case of the notorious impostor Alexander, in the Pseudomantis: "And he, supposedly asleep," etc., that is: "While he lay in the middle as if asleep, there came down upon him from the roof, as from heaven, playing the Moon, a certain Rutilia, a most beautiful woman, wife of one of the officers of the imperial household, who, as she loved Alexander, so was loved by him in turn. And before the eyes of that most abandoned husband there were embraces and kisses, and that in the open; and had there not been many torches, perhaps something too of what is usually done under the cloak would have been carried out." So "pastorem suspirat" is said, that is, longs for, as "suspirat amorem" in the Dirae ascribed to Valerius Cato: "I envy you, fields and lovely meadows, this the more lovely, that my lovely girl is yours. Silently she sighs for your love;" as Lindenbrog rightly observed there, except that I would prefer, from Manutius's edition, "Silently she sighs for your love too." Quite different is Lucan VI, 370: "Nor does the Anaurus breathe out light winds." Havercamp.

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(e) ‹anchor: suspirat fastidiosum› · call in col 359

Fastidiosum. Spernentem amores suos. Virgil. in fine Eclogae II. Invenies alium, si te hic fastidit, Alexin. Ita enim non Alexis legi debere, nota quoque Servii indicat. Alium Alexim, alium puerum formosissimum, qui te minime spernat. Hav.

Disdainful. Scorning her love. Virgil at the end of Eclogue II: "You will find another Alexis, if this one disdains you." For that one should read thus, and not "Alexis", Servius's note also shows: "Another Alexis, another most beautiful boy, who will not scorn you at all." Havercamp.

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(f) ‹anchor: Jovis elogia› · call in col 359

Jovis elogia. Quae vox supra a me explicata est. Arnobius loco saepius memorato: Quin et ille in fabulis maximus ipse regnator poli, sine ulla numinis majestatisque formidine, adulterorum agere introducitur partes; atque ut fallere castitatem alienarum possit familias matrum, ora immutare pellacia, et in species conjugum subditivi corporis simulatione succedere. Jovis itaque elogia sunt hi tituli: Jupiter Amphitryo, aurum vel imber aureus, pluma vel cygnus, taurus, et quae sunt plures furtivorum amorum ejus species. Imo recenset elogia haec Arnobius iterum lib. VII. Ponit animos Jupiter, si Amphitryo fuerit actus pronuntiatusque Plautinus? Aut si Europa, si Leda, Ganymedes fuerit saltatus, aut Danae, motum compescet irarum? quodque ad suspirantem Attin Cybelem attinet, ibidem ait: Tranquillior, lenior, mater magna efficitur, is Atydis conspexerit priscam refricari ab histrionibus fabulam? (Id.)

Jupiter's titles. A word I have explained above. Arnobius in the place often cited: "Nay, in the fables that very greatest ruler of the sky himself is brought on, without any fear for his godhead and majesty, playing the part of adulterers; and, to be able to deceive the chastity of other men's wives, changing his features with wiles and taking the husbands' place in the likeness of a counterfeit body." So Jupiter's "elogia" are these titles: Jupiter Amphitryon, gold or the golden shower, the feather or swan, the bull, and the many other forms of his stolen loves. Arnobius indeed lists these titles again in Book VII: "Does Jupiter lay aside his anger if Plautus's Amphitryon has been acted and declaimed? Or if Europa, if Leda, if Ganymede has been danced, or Danae, will he check the stirring of his wrath?" And regarding Cybele sighing for Attis, he says in the same place: "Is the great Mother made calmer, gentler, if she has seen the old fable of Attis rubbed afresh by actors?" (The same.)

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(g) ‹anchor: et Junonem› · call in col 359

Junonem. Vide hoc judicium inter Samosatensis Luciani Dialogos. Ipsa Venus hinc occurrit ut victrix aureum ostentans malum, idque gaudendi similis inspiciens. Dact. Gorl. tom. II. num. 24. 77. 79. 166. 272. et in nummis Plautillae et Faustinae. Verum ipsa judicii scena clarissime apparet ex ectypo hoc veteris gemmae et nummo quem olim protulit Morellius. (Vid. ad Hug. tom. frontem.)

Juno. See this judgement among the Dialogues of Lucian of Samosata. Venus herself appears from it as victor, displaying the golden apple and gazing on it as one rejoicing: Gori's Dactyliotheca, vol. II, nos. 24, 77, 79, 166, 272, and on coins of Plautilla and Faustina. But the scene of the judgement itself appears most clearly from this cast of an ancient gem and from the coin that Morel once published. (See at the front of Hugo's volume.)

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(h) ‹anchor: ignominiosum caput› · call in col 360

Imago dei vestri ignominiosissimum caput et famosum vestit. Haec verba, totum histrionis caput, ipsius Dei quem repraesentabat, persona convestitum fuisse significant, quod apertissime declarat Gabius Bassus apud Gellium, cap. 7. lib. V. Nam caput, inquit, et os cooperimento personae tectum undique, unaque tantum vocis emittendae via pervium, et videmus in antiquis Comicorum exemplaribus personas in hanc omnino formam depictas. Boethius lib. de duabus Christi Nat. ubi de personae vocabulo. Quod si acuatur antepenultima, inquit, apertissime a sono dicta videbitur. Idcirco autem a sono, quia concavitate ipsa major necesse est volvatur sonus. Rig. — Ignominiosissimum caput, et famosum vestit. Respicit scenicum apparatum et inprimis larvas quibus caput suum inserebant histriones. Illae enim non tantum Socratem aliosque repraesentabant, ut videri potest in gemmis Gorl. t. II. n. 205. 311. 509. 539. sed et ipsorum Deorum facies. Ita larva Panos spectabilis est ibidem n. 505. Ad hunc ritum etiam respicit eloquens ille Gregorius Nazianzenus Orat. Adv. Mulieres: ubi docet indignum esse honestis mulieribus fuco faciem tingere. Ignominiosum legit Cod. Agobard. et pro quid, ipsum. Hav.

The image of your god clothes a most disgraced and infamous head. These words mean that the actor's whole head was covered with the mask of the very god he represented, which Gabius Bassus states most plainly in Gellius, Book V, ch. 7: "For the head and face, covered on every side by the mask's covering and open by one way only for emitting the voice," and we see masks painted in exactly this form in the ancient copies of the comic poets. Boethius, in the book On the Two Natures of Christ, where he treats the word persona: "If the antepenult is accented," he says, "it will appear most plainly to be named from sound (sonus); and from sound for this reason, that by its very hollowness the sound must roll out greater." Rigault. — Clothes a most disgraced and infamous head. He refers to the stage apparatus and above all to the masks into which actors put their heads. For these represented not only Socrates and others, as may be seen on gems in Gori, vol. II, nos. 205, 311, 509, 539, but also the faces of the gods themselves. So a mask of Pan is to be seen there, no. 505. To this custom also that eloquent Gregory Nazianzen refers in his Oration against Women, where he teaches that it is unworthy of honest women to paint the face. The Agobard codex reads "ignominiosum", and "ipsum" for "quid". Havercamp.

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(i) ‹anchor: artem effeminatione› · call in col 360

Artem effoeminatione prod. Pariter Hieronymus ad Marcellam tom. I. ep. 8. In theatralibus scenis idem histrio nunc Herculem robustus ostendit, nunc mollis in Venerem frangitur. Quem locum ut et alios Cypriani, Lactantii, Augustini adducit Elmenhorstius (continues)

Trained to the art by effeminacy. Likewise Jerome to Marcella, vol. I, ep. 8: "On the theatre stage the same actor now shows a sturdy Hercules, now melts softly into Venus." This passage, like others of Cyprian, Lactantius and Augustine, Elmenhorst adduces (continues)

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COMMENTARIUS.

(continued)

ad illud Arnobii lib. VII. in foemineas mollitudines enervantes se viros. Coll. Mod. arcem vitiose. Scriptura in MS. L. B. compendiosa videbatur velle scenicam artem. Hav.

on that passage of Arnobius, Book VII: "men unmanning themselves into womanish softnesses." The Modius collation has "arcem", wrongly. The abbreviated writing in the Leiden manuscript seemed to intend "scenicam artem" [the stage art]. Havercamp.

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(a) ‹anchor: constupratur› · call in col 361

Plaudentibus vobis. Ita edidit Rig. ex MS. Fuld. ita et Cod. Agobard. Antea legebatur laudantibus vobis. Exprimit hoc ita Arnob. l. IV. Sedent et in spectaculis publicis sacerdotum omnia magistratuumque collegia, Pontifices Maximi, et Maximi curiones: sedent Quindecimviri laureati, et quae sequuntur. Cyprianus etiam: Homo fractus omnibus membris, et vir ultra muliebrem mollitiem dissolutus, cui ars sit verba manibus expedire, et propter unum nescio quem, nec virum nec foeminam, commovetur civitas tota, ut desaltentur fabulosae antiquitatum libidines. Hav.

While you applaud. So Rigault printed from the Fulda manuscript, and so too the Agobard codex. Formerly it read "laudantibus vobis" [while you praise]. Arnobius expresses this thus, Book IV: "In the public shows sit all the colleges of priests and magistrates, the chief pontiffs and the chief curiones; the laurelled Fifteen sit," and what follows. Cyprian too: "A man broken in every limb, and a male dissolved beyond a woman's softness, whose art is to utter words with his hands; and for the sake of some one person, neither man nor woman, the whole city is stirred, that the fabled lusts of antiquity may be danced out." Havercamp.

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(b) ‹anchor: saepe noxii› · call in col 361

Noxii induunt. Vult dicere noxios illos ex more Romanorum non tantum personas Deorum sustinere, sed saepe etiam in poenam ad vivum repraesentare id quod de Diis istis fingitur, castrari, comburi. Huc facit illud Martialis [quem vide lib. I. 5. 7. XI. X. 25.] Non falsa pendens in cruce Laureolus. Ausonius etiam alludit illuc Epist. XXXIII. Deceptae felix casus se miscuit arti. / Histrio saltavit qui Capanaea ruit, / Idem qui Nioben saltavit saxeus, ut tum / Spectator veram crediderit Nioben. / In Canace visus multo felicior ipsa: / Quod non hic gladio viscera dissecuit.

Criminals put on. He means that, by Roman custom, those criminals not only sustained the masks of the gods but often, as punishment, also represented to the life what is told of those gods: being castrated, being burned. To this point is that line of Martial [see him, Book I. 5. 7. XI. X. 25]: "Laureolus hanging on no sham cross." Ausonius too alludes to it, Epistle XXXIII: "A lucky chance has mingled with deceived art. The actor danced who rushed as Capaneus; the same who danced Niobe turned to stone, so that the spectator then believed her the real Niobe. In Canace he seemed far luckier than she: for here he did not cut open his bowels with the sword."

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(c) ‹anchor: castratum Atyn› · call in col 361

Illum Deum ex Pessinunte. Ubi primo divinitatem adeptus est, et corpus ejus est consecratum. Historiam vel fabulam vide apud Arnob. lib. V. Cod. Fuld. Deum vestrum e Pessinunte. Rhen. Atten. Hav.

That god from Pessinus. Where he first obtained divinity and his body was consecrated. For the story or fable see Arnobius, Book V. The Fulda codex: "your god from Pessinus." Rhenanus: "Atten". Havercamp.

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(d) ‹anchor: Herculem induerat› · call in col 362

Herculem. Arnob. lib. IV. Nec non et illa proles Jovis a Sophocle in Trachiniis Hercules pestiferi tegminis circumretitus indagine miserabiliter edere inducitur ejulatus, violentia doloris frangi, atque in ultimam tabem diffluentium viscerum maceratione consumi. Idem lib. VII. Indignatio relanguescet Alcidae, si tragoedia Sophoclis, cui Trachiniae nomen est, Euripidis aut Hercules actitetur? Merito itaque irrisus a Lactantio lib. I. c. 9. Hunc homines Deum putant. Sed Philoctetes ejus haeres non putavit, qui facem supposuit arsuro, qui artus suos et nervos cremari ac dissolvi vidit, qui ossa ejus ac cineres in Oeta monte sepelivit. Itaque false irridetur ab Aesculapio in Dialogis apud Lucian. et frustratur priori loco, ut serius mortuus. Lucianus ipse ita Aesculapium inducit: Εὖ λέγεις, etc., i. e. Recte dicis, quoniam et inustiones tuas curavi, quando paulo ante ascendisti ad nos semiustulatus, corpore utrimque corrupto et perdito, et a tunica ista, et post etiam a flamma. Litem dirimit Jupiter jubens priori loco accumbere Aesculapium non ut prius Deum factum; sed ut πρότερον ἀποθανόντα. Hav.

Hercules. Arnobius, Book IV: "That offspring of Jove too, Hercules, is brought on by Sophocles in the Trachiniae, entangled in the snare of the poisoned robe, pitifully uttering wails, broken by the violence of pain, and consumed to the final wasting by the rotting of his dissolving bowels." The same, Book VII: "Will the indignation of Alcides relax if the tragedy of Sophocles called the Trachiniae, or Euripides' Hercules, is acted?" Deservedly, then, he is mocked by Lactantius, Book I, ch. 9: "Men think this one a god. But Philoctetes his heir did not think so, who put the torch under him as he was to burn, who saw his limbs and sinews burned and dissolved, who buried his bones and ashes on Mount Oeta." So too he is wittily mocked by Aesculapius in the Dialogues in Lucian, and cheated of the first place as having died later. Lucian himself brings in Aesculapius thus: "You say well," etc., that is: "You are right, for I also treated your burns, when a little while ago you came up to us half-roasted, your body ruined and destroyed on both sides, both by that tunic and afterwards by the flame." Jupiter settles the dispute, bidding Aesculapius recline in the first place, not as having been made a god first, but as "having died first". Havercamp.

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(e) ‹anchor: meridianorum crudelitates› · call in col 362

Meridianorum crudelitates. Non erat hi legitimi gladiatores, sed fere ii qui ex spectaculo matutino et bestiariis reliqui facti erant, quibus, quamvis bestias evasissent, tamen missio non dabatur, inter se enim committebantur post prandium ad internecionem nudi ad mortem concursuri, nefandum humanis oculis spectaculum, meritoque a Seneca exagitatum. De his vide Lipsium in egregio illo opusculo, quod inscripsit Serm. Saturnal. l. II. c. 15. et Leonard. Augustin. in Gemm. Antiq. tom. I. N. 167. et 168. ubi tales exhibere putat. Ex hoc vero unico Tertulliani loco possumus colligere, quod si vel nulli vel pauci ex matutinis depugnatoribus superfuissent, talia in cadaveribus etiam fuisse perpetrata. Hav.

The cruelties of the midday men. These were not regular gladiators, but generally those left over from the morning show and the beast-fighters, to whom, though they had escaped the beasts, no discharge was given; for after the midday meal they were matched against one another to the death, to run naked at each other until killed, a spectacle abominable to human eyes and rightly denounced by Seneca. On them see Lipsius in that excellent little work which he entitled Saturnalian Discourses, Book II, ch. 15, and Leonardo Agostini, Ancient Gems, vol. I, nos. 167 and 168, where he thinks he shows such men. From this single passage of Tertullian we can gather that, if none or few of the morning fighters had survived, such things were done even on corpses. Havercamp.

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(f) ‹anchor: cauterio examinantem› · call in col 362

Mercurium mortuos cauterio examinantem. Jovis fratrem cadavera cum malleo deducentem. Et Mercurio et Diti, seu Plutoni, virgam tribuunt Poetae. Animas autem ille deducebat; iste cadavera. Itaque per jocum et risum, qui Mercurium induerat, mortuos explorabat virga ferrea candenti, hoc illi cauterium, excitandis animarum reliquiis, languentibus fortean et pigris. Qui vero Plutonem, cum virga quidem incedebat, sed armata malleo, quo facilius contunderet, si quid animae latentis in illis gladiatorum a pugna recentium cadaveribus inter eundum forte rebellaret. Malleum et clavam Graeci ῥάβδον, vocant et νάρθηκα, etc. Rig. Cauterio examinantem. Quae partes Mercurio dabantur, quia illius erat defunctorum animas ad tristia tartara mittere, quod dogma ut Pythagoricum etiam, sed restrictius, recenset Laertius in Vita ejus: Τὸν δὲ Ἑρμῆν, ταμίαν εἶναι τῶν ψυχῶν καὶ διὰ τοῦτο Πομπέα λέγεσθαι, καὶ Πυλαῖον, καὶ Χθόνιον, ἐπειδήπερ οὗτος εἰσπέμπει, etc., i. e. Mercurium porro animarum quaestorem esse, atque ideo Ductorem dici, Janitorem et Terrenum, quod is ex corporibus, et ex terra, et mari animas immittat, et puras quidem atque purgatas in excelsum ducat, impuras vero illis ne appropinquare quidem, neque invicem sibi ipsis, caeterum vinciri a Furiis insolubilibus noxibus. Plurimi vero omnium animarum curam Mercurio dicarunt. Lepidum exstat Epigramma lib. 2. Anthol. Nicarchi in Zopyrum medicum, enumerat enim animas aliquot quas ille sub tristia tartara misit, nihilque mirum dicit, quoniam ut Mercurius caduceo et talaribus instructus, eos quos curandos suscepit, ad inferos deducit: Κηρύκιον γὰρ ἔχων ξύλινον, καὶ πλαστὰ πέδιλα, / ὡς Ἑρμῆς κατάγει τοὺς θεραπευομένους. At vero quoniam Corpora viva nefas Stygia vectare carina, Mercurius prius cauterio an recte essent mortui examinare introducebatur. Aldus cauterio. Hav.

Mercury testing the dead with a branding-iron; Jupiter's brother leading off corpses with a hammer. The poets give a rod both to Mercury and to Dis, or Pluto. But the former led down souls, the latter corpses. So, in jest and laughter, the one who had put on Mercury probed the dead with a red-hot iron rod; this was his cautery, for rousing any remnants of souls that might be languid and sluggish. The one who played Pluto walked with a rod indeed, but armed with a hammer, the more easily to crush whatever of a soul lurking in those corpses of gladiators fresh from the fight might chance to rebel on the way. The Greeks call the hammer and club rhabdos and narthēx, etc. Rigault. Testing with a branding-iron. This part was given to Mercury because it was his office to send the souls of the dead to gloomy Tartarus; this doctrine Laertius records as Pythagorean too, though more restrictedly, in his Life: "Hermes is the steward of souls, and for that reason is called Escort, Gatekeeper and Underworld god, since he sends in," etc., that is: "Mercury, moreover, is the steward of souls, and is therefore called Guide, Doorkeeper and Earthly, because he sends souls out of bodies, from the land and the sea, and leads the pure and cleansed on high, while the impure may not even approach them, nor one another, but are bound by the Furies in bonds that cannot be loosed." Very many indeed have dedicated the care of all souls to Mercury. There is a witty epigram of Nicarchus in Book 2 of the Anthology against Zopyrus the physician; for it lists several souls he sent down to gloomy Tartarus, and says it is no wonder, since, like Mercury, equipped with caduceus and winged sandals, he leads down to the dead those he has taken in hand to cure: "For, having a wooden herald's staff and moulded sandals, like Hermes he leads down those he treats." But since "it is unlawful to carry living bodies in the Stygian boat", Mercury was brought on first to test with the cautery whether they were truly dead. Aldus has "cauterio". Havercamp.

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(g) ‹anchor: malleo deducentem› · call in col 362

Jovis fratrem. Illustrat hunc locum lib. Ad Nat. I, 10, ubi ita concipitur. Quod Dis Pater, Jovis frater gladiatorum exequias cum malleo deducit, quod Mercurius, in calvitio pennatulus, in caduceo ignitulus, corpora exanimata jam mortemve simulantia e cauterio probat. Unde patet extremitatem caducei ignitum et candentem huic crudelitati inserviisse: ut et recte deducere esse retinendum contra Junium qui vult diducere, quod et probabat Scaliger. Et hinc intelligi potest clausula illa mimi et gestus histrionis, demonstrato senatu, illud pronuntiantis apud Sueton. in Nerone cap. 39. Orcus vobis ducit pedes. Licet enim diduceret forsan illa cadavera Pluto contundendo virga sua malleata, tamen prius pedibus arrepta deducebat. Credo scenam ideo repraesentatam, quia fingebant nihil nostri nisi tenues umbras quasdam et simulacra. Modis palleptia miris. permanare ad Orcum. Jam vero Pluto cum malleo fuit introductus, qui tam diu nitida et saginata ista gladiatorum corpora, praesertim si animae quid a cauterio Mercurii fuisset excitatum et latentis spiritus appareret, tunderet, atque, ut aurifabri metalla, diduceret, donec nihil nisi trama figurae, ut cum Persio loquar, reliquum esset, quod expedite Plutonium suum regnum subire posset. Vir Doctus qui locum hunc corrigere vult in operosissimo Antiq. Rom. (continues)

Jupiter's brother. The book Ad Nationes I, 10 throws light on this passage, where it is put thus: "that Father Dis, Jupiter's brother, leads off the funeral procession of the gladiators with a hammer; that Mercury, winged on his bald head, fiery in his caduceus, tests with the cautery bodies already lifeless or feigning death." Whence it is clear that the tip of the caduceus, fiery and glowing, served this cruelty; and that "deducere" is rightly to be kept against Junius, who would read "diducere", which Scaliger also approved. And from this can be understood that closing line of the mime and the gesture of the actor who, pointing to the senate, uttered in Suetonius, Nero ch. 39: "Orcus leads you by the feet." For although Pluto may perhaps have spread those corpses out by beating them with his hammered rod, he first seized them by the feet and dragged them off. I believe the scene was represented thus because they imagined that nothing of us but certain thin shades and phantoms, "pale in wondrous wise", passes down to Orcus. Now Pluto was brought on with a hammer, to pound those gladiators' bodies, for so long sleek and fattened, especially if anything of a soul had been roused by Mercury's cautery and some hidden breath appeared, and to beat them out, as goldsmiths do metals, until nothing remained but the "web of a figure", to speak with Persius, which could enter his Plutonian realm unhindered. A learned man who wishes to correct this passage in his most laborious Roman Antiquities (continues)

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LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 206)

(1) ‹anchor: vestigia obsoletant› · call in col 363

Rig. et Hav. e cod. Fuld. : majestatis fastigium adsolant, uti etiam scriptum est in lib. I. ad Natt. cap. 10. extr.

Rigault and Havercamp, from the Fulda codex: "majestatis fastigium adsolant" [they level the summit of majesty to the ground], as is also written in Ad Nationes Book I, end of ch. 10.

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(a) ‹anchor: in templis adulteria› · call in col 363

In templis. Expressit hoc quoque Minucius p. 28. Ubi autem magis a sacerdotibus, quam inter aras et delubra conducuntur stupra, tractantur lenocinia, adulteria meditantur? frequentius denique in aedituorum cellulis, quam in ipsis lupanaribus flagrans libido defungitur. Vide ibi Elmenhorstium, et notis ejus adde hoc Ovidii lib. I. de Arte amandi versu 77. Nec fuge Niliacae Memphitica sacra Juvencae. / Multas illa facit, quod fuit ipsa Jovi. Scilicet ut idem ait lib. III. 635. Cum sedent Phariae sistris operata juvencae? / Quoque sui comites ire vetentur, eat? / Cum fuget a templis oculos bona Diva virorum? / Praeterquam si quos illa venire jubet. Nota vero orationis gradationem a templis ad aras, ab aris ad tabernacula aedituorum, inde ad ipsum sacrum habitum sacrique administrationem, dum data puris quasi manibus thura ardent in foculo. Nota est historia Clodii, qui uxorem Caesaris in sacris Bonae Deae vitiavit, nec dissimile factum, propter quod Dei ira contra familiam Eli accensa est, narratur I. Samuelis II. 22. Hav.

In the temples. Minucius also expressed this, p. 28: "Where are debaucheries bargained for by the priests more than among the altars and shrines, where are pimpings carried on, adulteries plotted? In short, burning lust is satisfied more often in the sacristans' little rooms than in the brothels themselves." See Elmenhorst there, and add to his notes this from Ovid, Art of Love Book I, line 77: "Nor shun the Memphian rites of the Nilotic heifer; she makes many what she herself was to Jove." That is, as the same says in Book III, 635: "When she sits busy with the sistrums of the Pharian heifer? And goes where her companions are forbidden to go? When the Good Goddess drives men's eyes from her temples, except those she bids come?" Note the climax of the sentence: from temples to altars, from altars to the sacristans' rooms, thence to the very sacred dress and the performance of the rite, while incense, given as if by clean hands, burns in the brazier. Well known is the story of Clodius, who violated Caesar's wife at the rites of the Good Goddess; and a not unlike deed, for which God's wrath was kindled against the house of Eli, is told in 1 Samuel 2:22. Havercamp.

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(b) ‹anchor: libidinem expungi› · call in col 363

Libidinem expungi, i. e. perfici, consummari. De Tiberio Suetonius in Vita ejus c. XLIV. Fertur etiam in sacrificando quondam captus facie ministri, acerram praeferentis, nequisse abstinere, quin poene vixdum re divina peracta, ibidem statim seductum constupraret, simulque fratrem ejus tibicinem. Hav.

Lust is discharged, that is, accomplished, consummated. Suetonius on Tiberius in his Life, ch. XLIV: "It is said too that once, while sacrificing, he was taken with the face of the attendant carrying the incense box, and could not restrain himself, but, the rite barely finished, took him aside on the spot and violated him, and his brother the flute-player as well." Havercamp.

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ARGUMENTUM. — Ostensurus jam, quem Deum, et quomodo illum colant Christiani, antea accingit se ad convellendas opiniones de isto cultu falsas: de capite

ARGUMENT. — Being now about to show what God the Christians worship, and how they worship Him, he first girds himself to overthrow the false opinions concerning that worship: concerning the head

<!-- note: begins below the heading CAPUT XVI, after the close of ch. XV (author's text, ending "repercussis ante tamen opinionibus falsis."), and fills the last three lines of the column's text above the Lectiones variantes; it breaks off mid-phrase at "de capite" and continues in col. 364 (not set here). -->

(2) ‹anchor: ejusmodi inseruit› · call in col 364

Rhen., Ald., Barraeus, Gangnaeus : Nam quidam, etc. ; Gelen., Fr. Junius, la Cerda : jam ut quidam ; Haverc. et Rig. : Nam et quidam (ed. a. 1754. Nam et quidem). Haverc. Nam, ut quidam somniastis, caput — nostrum, hanc — ejusmodi inseruit. Fr. Junius : Judaismo inseruit. Sed antiquiorem verborum distinctionem retinuimus, quo facto v. hanc non delendum est, ut voluerunt Heinrichius et Ritter, sed insevit pro inseruit scribendum.

Rhenanus, Aldus, Barraeus, Gangnaeus: "Nam quidam", etc.; Gelenius, Franciscus Junius, la Cerda: "jam ut quidam"; Havercamp and Rigault: "Nam et quidam" (edition of 1754: "Nam et quidem"). Havercamp: "Nam, ut quidam somniastis, caput — nostrum, hanc — ejusmodi inseruit." Franciscus Junius: "Judaismo inseruit." But we have kept the older division of the words; that done, the word "hanc" is not to be deleted, as Heinrich and Ritter wished, but "insevit" [implanted] is to be written for "inseruit" [inserted].

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(3) ‹anchor: argumentatus› · call in col 364

Argutatus Jun.

Junius: "argutatus" [having prated].

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(4) ‹anchor: Judaeos refert› · call in col 364

Infert Paris.

The Paris edition: "infert".

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(5) ‹anchor: extorres› · call in col 364

Exterminatos Havercamp.

Havercamp: "exterminatos" [banished].

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(6) ‹anchor: judaicae religionis› · call in col 364

Religionis abest Parisin.

"Religionis" is absent in the Paris edition.

COMMENTARIUS.

(continued)

Lexico, infelicem adhibet medicinam, quoniam non contulit Tertulliani Librum ad Nationes, nec constanti MSS. lectioni attendit. Hav.

Lexicon, applies an unhappy remedy, because he did not compare Tertullian's book Ad Nationes nor attend to the consistent reading of the manuscripts. Havercamp.

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(c) ‹anchor: deum nostrum› · call in col 364

CAP. XV. — (c) Caput asininum. Praeclara et docte congesta videri hoc loco apud interpretes Taciti possunt quibus addendus Lydius de Re Milit. lib. II. in fine capitis secundi. Pro ejusmodi Cod. Fuld. hujusmodi. Hav.

Chapter XV [so printed]. An ass's head. Excellent and learnedly gathered material on this place can be seen in the commentators on Tacitus, to whom add Lydius, On Military Matters, Book II, at the end of chapter two. For "ejusmodi" the Fulda codex has "hujusmodi". Havercamp.

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(d) ‹anchor: Aegypto expeditos› · call in col 364

Aegypto expeditos. In libro ad Nationes scripserat, Judaeos refert in expeditione, etc.; et in Glossis, Expeditio dicitur ἔξοδος εἰς πόλεμον In aliis, ἔξοδος ἐκδημητικὴ στρατιωτῶν. Hic tamen expeditos Aegypto Judaeos dicit, quasi de tristis Aegyptiorum jugo liberatos: non extortes aut exules, ut putavit Tacitus. Rig.

Set free from Egypt. In the book Ad Nationes he had written, "he relates that the Jews on an expedition," etc.; and in the Glosses expeditio is rendered "a going out to war"; in others, "a going abroad of soldiers". Here, however, he calls the Jews "expediti" from Egypt, as if freed from the grim yoke of the Egyptians; not outcasts or exiles, as Tacitus thought. Rigault.

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(e) ‹anchor: mendaciorum loquacissimus› · call in col 364

Mendaciorum loquacissimus. Quod non mirum ubi de Judaeis agit, cum omnes, quotquot sunt, in ista historia coecutiverint, et eadem erroris chorda oberraverint, lege Tacitum et Justinum, et ridebis. In caussa erat mos Judaeorum, de quibus ipse Tacitus V. Histor. c. 5. Sed adversus omnes alios hostile odium. Separati epulis, discreti cubilibus. Liberius Juvenalis Sat. XIV. versu 101. Romanas autem soliti contemnere leges, / Judaicum ediscunt, et servant, ac metuunt jus; / Tradidit arcano quodcumque volumine Moses, / Non monstrare vias, eadem nisi sacra colenti: / Quaesitum ad fontem solos deducere verpos. Quare ridiculum et intolerabile illud quod la Cerda Tacito affinxit, quasi in multiloquium ejus dixerit Sidonius: Qua pompa Tacitus, nunquam sine fine loquendus: ubi quum Varroni, Sallustio, Plauto conjungatur, vel coeco appareat laudes ejus contineri, et legendum: sine laude loquendus. Quanquam de omnibus scriptoribus ita pronuntiat Vopiscus in Aureliano. Nemo scriptorum, quantum ad historiam pertinet, non est aliquid mentitus, in quo Livius, in quo Sallustius, in quo Cornelius Tacitus, in quo denique Trogus, manifestis erroribus convincerentur. Inter quos Tacitum quidem ab utriusque Vopisci et Tertulliani calumnia acriter, (continues)

Most talkative of liars. No wonder, where he treats of the Jews, since all of them, however many, were blind in that history and strayed on the same string of error; read Tacitus and Justin, and you will laugh. The cause was the way of the Jews, of whom Tacitus himself says, Histories V, ch. 5: "But towards all others hostile hatred. Separate at meals, apart in their beds." More freely Juvenal, Satire XIV, line 101: "But, accustomed to despise the Roman laws, they learn by heart, keep and fear the Jewish law, whatever Moses handed down in his secret volume: not to show the way except to one who keeps the same rites, to lead only the circumcised to the fountain they seek." Hence ridiculous and intolerable is what la Cerda fastened on Tacitus, as though Sidonius had said against his wordiness: "With what pomp Tacitus, never to be spoken of without end"; where, since he is joined with Varro, Sallust and Plautus, it would be plain even to a blind man that praise of him is meant, and one should read: "never to be spoken of without praise." Although Vopiscus, in the Aurelian, pronounces thus about all writers: "No writer, so far as history goes, has not told some lie, in which Livy, in which Sallust, in which Cornelius Tacitus, in which, finally, Trogus are convicted of manifest errors." Among whom Tacitus indeed, from the slander of both Vopiscus and Tertullian, sharply, (continues)

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scilicet asinino, de cruce, de sole, de ficto isto Numine biformi, quod inscribebatur ONOKOITIS. Haec omnia non sine risu morsuque diluit, inque illos ipsos accusatores magis quadrare ostendit. quo pacto sibi viam ad demonstrationem religionis nostrae purgat.

that is, the ass's head; concerning the cross; concerning the sun; concerning that feigned two-formed deity which bore the inscription ONOKOITES. All these he refutes, not without laughter and a sting, and shows that they fit those very accusers better; and in this way he clears for himself the road to the demonstration of our religion.

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LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 207)

(1) ‹anchor: nec verebatur› · call in col 365

Veretur Jun.

Junius: "veretur" [fears].

(printed under page 207)

(2) ‹anchor: extraneos arbitros› · call in col 365

Arbitros abest Par.

"Arbitros" is absent in the Paris edition.

(printed under page 207)

(3) ‹anchor: velo oppanso interdicebatur (call printed (6) in the text)› · call in col 365

Oppanso Paris; alii, oppanso intercidebatur.

The Paris edition: "oppanso"; others: "oppanso intercidebatur".

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(4) ‹anchor: cum sua Epona› · call in col 365

Rhen. aliique : Hippona; cf. ad Natt. I, 11.

Rhenanus and others: "Hippona"; compare Ad Nationes I, 11.

(printed under page 207)

(5) ‹anchor: forsitan improbamur (call printed (3) in the text)› · call in col 365

Improbandum se Semler.

Semler: "improbandum se".

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(a) ‹anchor: reperisse simulacrum› · call in col 365

Nullum illic reperisse simulacrum. Quod verum est vel ipsa caecitate teste. Unquamne quis gentilium majus de Mose et judaica religione, primisque illorum institutoribus ausus est proferre testimonium quam hoc est? δικαιοπραγοῦντες καὶ θεοσεβεῖς ὡς ἀληθῶς ὄντες, justi et vere religiosi. Verba sunt Strabonis, ex libro ejus XVI. Cujus testimonium de Mose et cultu Numinis ibidem praecedit, in hunc modum: Μωσῆς γὰρ, etc., i. e. Nam Moses unus ex Aegyptiis sacerdotibus, cum partem quamdam regionis haberet, ac moleste ferret praesentem statum, inde huc commigravit, multis eum comitantibus, quibus divina cordi erant. Affirmabat enim docebatque, Aegyptios non recte sentire, qui bestiarum ac pecorum imagines deo tribuerent, itemque Afros, nec Graecos, qui Diis hominum naturam affingerent. Id vero solum esse Deum, quod nos et terram et mare continet, quod coelum et mundum et rerum omnium naturam appellamus, cujus profecto imaginem nemo sanae mentis alicujus earum rerum quae penes nos sunt similem audeat effingere. Proinde omni simulacrorum effictione repudiata, dignum ei templum ac delubrum statuendum, ac sine aliqua figura colendum. Hav.

That he found no image there. Which is true, blindness itself bearing witness. Did any of the Gentiles ever dare to bear greater testimony to Moses and the Jewish religion and its first founders than this: "acting justly and being truly god-fearing", just and truly religious? The words are Strabo's, from his Book XVI. His testimony on Moses and the worship of the Deity precedes in the same place, in this manner: "For Moses," etc., that is: "For Moses, one of the Egyptian priests, holding a certain part of the country and being displeased with the state of things, migrated from there to here, accompanied by many who honoured the divine. For he asserted and taught that the Egyptians did not think rightly in attributing the images of wild beasts and cattle to God, nor the Africans, nor the Greeks, who fashioned the gods in human form. That alone is God which encompasses us and the earth and the sea, which we call heaven and the world and the nature of all things; and surely no one of sound mind would dare to fashion an image of it like any of the things among us. Therefore, all making of images being rejected, a worthy temple and shrine should be set up for it, and it should be worshipped without any figure." Havercamp.

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(b) ‹anchor: sacerdotibus adire licitum› · call in col 365

Solis enim sacerdotibus. Notanda sunt quae de Simili Orientali templo et sacrorum ritu scribit Lucianus in Dialogo de Syria Dea p. 901. in quo cum sanctius conclave atque interiorem thalamum esse narravit, addit haec: Εἰς μὲν οὖν τὸν μέγαν νηὸν πάντες εἰσέρχονται, εἰς δὲ τὸν θάλαμον οἱ ἱερέες μοῦνον. οὐ μὲν τοὶ πάντες ἱερέες, ἀλλὰ τοὶ μάλιστα ἀγχίθεοί τέ εἰσι, καὶ τοῖσι πᾶσα εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν μέλεται θεραπείη; i. e. Itaque in magnam aedem ingrediuntur omnes: in thalamum soli sacerdotes, nec tamen omnes, sed qui ad Deum proxime accedunt, et quibus omnis in templum cura impenditur. Hav.

For to the priests alone. Note what Lucian writes of a similar Eastern temple and its rite in the dialogue On the Syrian Goddess, p. 901, where, having told that there is a holier chamber and an inner bedchamber, he adds: "Into the great temple, then, all enter, but into the chamber the priests only; and not all the priests, but those who are nearest the gods and to whom the whole service of the shrine is committed"; that is: "So all enter the great temple; the chamber only the priests, and not all of them, but those who approach the god most nearly and who bestow all care on the temple." Havercamp.

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(c) ‹anchor: Epona coli› · call in col 365

Cum sua Epona. Sic habent veteres membranae, non solum Tertulliani, sed etiam Minucii Felicis, et Apuleii; sic et lapides antiqui; denique apud Juvenalem legimus —— jurat Solam Eponam et facies olida ad praesepia pictas. Haec tam fatua vulgus induxit, simul et vocabula prave indidit. Illud obiter dixerim, in Minucio legendum videri. Vos et totos asinos in stabulis cum vestra bella Epona consecratis. In cod. Reg. Bib. vetustiss. legitur, Cum vestra vel Epona. Rig. — Legunt nonnulli Hippona, sic apud Minutium; censerem tamen cum Rigaltio legendum Eponam, est autem inquit Juvenalis scholiastes, dea mulionum. Id omne ex Plutarcho patet, in parallelis, καὶ ὠνόμασεν Ἔποναν· ἔστι δὲ ἡ θεὸς πρόνοιαν ποιουμένη ἵππων. Le Pr.

With their Epona. So the old parchments have, not only of Tertullian but also of Minucius Felix and Apuleius; so too the ancient inscriptions; and in Juvenal we read: "he swears by Epona alone and the faces painted at the reeking mangers." The common people brought in these follies and gave them misshapen names as well. I would say in passing that in Minucius one should apparently read: "You consecrate whole asses in the stables, with your pretty Epona." In a very old codex of the Royal Library one reads: "Cum vestra vel Epona." Rigault. — Some read "Hippona", and so in Minucius; yet I would judge with Rigault that "Epona" is to be read; she is, says the scholiast on Juvenal, the goddess of muleteers. All this is clear from Plutarch in the Parallels: "and he named her Epona; she is the goddess who has the care of horses." Le Prieur.

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(6) ‹anchor: religiosos putat› · call in col 366

Consectaneus Paris. Consacraneus Wouw. Jun.

The Paris edition: "consectaneus". Wouwer and Junius: "consacraneus".

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(7) ‹anchor: Ceres Pharia› · call in col 366

Rhen., Ger. et Semler. : farrea; Rig. et Hav. Pharia, nam in codd. Faria, Fariam, Farina.

Rhenanus, Gelenius and Semler: "farrea"; Rigault and Havercamp: "Pharia", for in the manuscripts "Faria", "Fariam", "Farina".

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(8) ‹anchor: ligno prostat› · call in col 366

Prostat Paris.

The Paris edition: "prostat".

COMMENTARIUS.

(continued)

large, et ex professo defendit eloquentissimus Muretus Oper. tom. I. Orat. 14. Recte vero idem Cerda observat argutiam nostri cum Tacitum illum ut loquacissimum et linguae minimae continentis denotet, secus ac ipsum nomen prae se fert. Hav.

at length and expressly defended by the most eloquent Muretus, Works vol. I, Oration 14. The same Cerda rightly observes our author's wit in branding that Tacitus as most talkative and least able to hold his tongue, contrary to what his very name declares. Havercamp.

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(d) ‹anchor: consecraneus› · call in col 366

Consecraneus. Non male emendat Junius, consacraneus. Ita enim clare scriptum fuit in lib. Ad Nat.; ita aliquot inscriptiones apud Gruterum, ut 18. 6. 867. 5. SACRANEA DEAE CERERIS. Ita quoque Capitolini locus est legendus consacranei, non consecranei, ubi Maximini verba ad milites refert. Denique ut recte emendat vir illustris Car. du Fresne, Anonymus Barensis in Chron. an. 1048. Rebellavit Tornikei cum Makedonis, et Botazzi consacraneo suo perrexit Constantinopolim, ut faceret se Imperatorem. Pro consocraneo. Ed. Ald. noster erit. Rhen. consectaneus. Hav.

Fellow-devotee. Junius emends, not badly, "consacraneus". For so it was clearly written in the book Ad Nationes; so too several inscriptions in Gruter, e.g. 18, 6; 867, 5: "Sacranea of the goddess Ceres". So also the passage of Capitolinus where he reports Maximinus's words to the soldiers is to be read "consacranei", not "consecranei". Finally, as the illustrious Charles du Fresne rightly emends, the Anonymous of Bari in his Chronicle, year 1048: "Tornikios rebelled with the Macedonians, and with Botazzi his fellow-sworn went on to Constantinople to make himself emperor": for "consocraneo". The Aldine edition: "noster erit". Rhenanus: "consectaneus". Havercamp.

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(e) ‹anchor: Pallas Attica› · call in col 366

Pallas Attica. Quae Graecis Ἀθηναίη. Sed quam hac forma prostitisse nemo hactenus docere potuit, certe interpretes Septimii nostri ignorare se profitentur. Puto autem innui illam, quae a Graecis Ἐργάνη dicta est, cujus simulacrum ex lapide quadrato (quales fere lapides, ut in Atheniensium Mercuriis videre est, rudiores in longitudinem aliquam desinebant) memorat solus Pausanias, insignis Graecanicarum antiquitatum vindex, in Arcadicis, hisce verbis: Εἰσὶ δὲ ὑποκαταβάντι ὀλίγον θεοί· παρέχονται δὲ καὶ οὗτοι σχῆμα τετράγωνον. Ἐργάται δὲ ἔστιν αὐτοῖς ἐπίκλησις, Ἀθηνᾶ τε Ἐργάνη, καὶ Ἀπόλλων Ἀγυιεὺς, i. e. Pauxillum descendentibus Dii se ostendunt e quadratis lapidibus, cognominantur vero Ergatae, seu Operarii: Minerva Ergane, et Agyeus Apollo. Illa ipsa, cujus meminit Plutarchus περὶ Τύχης, ubi nescio cujus iambi: Βᾶτ' εἰς ὁδὸν δὴ, πᾶς ὁ χειρῶναξ λεὼς, / Οἱ τὴν Διὸς γοργῶνιν Ἐργάνην στατοῖς / Λίκνοισι προστρέπεσθε; i. e. Procedite vos turba operaria qui manibus victum quaeritis qui Deam Gorgoniam Erganen canistris colitis. Et subjungit: τὴν γὰρ Ἐργάνην καὶ τὴν Ἀθηνᾶν αἱ τέχναι πάρεδρον ἔχουσιν. Erganen enim, quae et Minerva est, artes patronam sortitae sunt. Hav.

Attic Pallas. Whom the Greeks call Athenaie. But no one has yet been able to show that she stood in this form; at any rate the interpreters of our Septimius confess they do not know. I think, however, that the one meant is she whom the Greeks called Ergane, whose image of squared stone (such stones, as may be seen in the Athenians' Herms, usually ended rather roughly in some length) Pausanias alone records, that notable champion of Greek antiquities, in the Arcadica, in these words: "A little further down there are gods; these too have a square shape. They are surnamed Workers: Athena Ergane and Apollo Agyieus"; that is: "As you go down a little, gods appear made of squared stones; they are surnamed Ergatae, or Workers: Minerva Ergane and Apollo Agyieus." She is the very one Plutarch mentions in On Fortune, where there are iambics of I know not whom: "Go forth on the road, all you handicraft folk, who worship Zeus's Gorgon-eyed Ergane with standing winnowing-baskets"; that is: "Come forth, you crowd of workers who seek your living with your hands, who worship the Gorgon goddess Ergane with baskets." And he adds: "for the crafts have Ergane, that is Athena, as their assessor"; that is, the arts have taken Ergane, who is also Minerva, as their patroness. Havercamp.

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(f) ‹anchor: Ceres Pharia› · call in col 366

Ceres Pharia. Quamvis contemnenda sunt, quae nonnulli afferunt ex Aeliano et nummis pro Cerere Farrea, quibuscum facit Meursius, tamen altera lectio melior longe, vel inde quod confirmetur ab optimo MS. Fuld. nec Minucius aliam agnoscat, nec ipse denique Tertullianus in libro ad Nationes I. Quod si de hoc differentia intersedit, quanto distinguitur a crucis stipite Pallas Attica, et Ceres Pharia, qua sine forma, rudi palo, et solo staticulo ligni informis dedicatur, quae postrema ita lege cum magno Salmasio ad Solin. p. 94. MS. L. B. Farina, ut dubium sit an voluerit Fariam dicere an Farinaceam. Hav.

Pharian Ceres. Although what some adduce from Aelian and from coins for a "Ceres Farrea" [Ceres of spelt], with whom Meursius sides, is not to be despised, yet the other reading is far better, if only because it is confirmed by the excellent Fulda manuscript, and Minucius knows no other, nor finally does Tertullian himself in the book Ad Nationes I: "But if a difference has come between on this point, how far is Attic Pallas distinguished from the stake of the cross, and Pharian Ceres, who is dedicated without form, as a rough stake and a mere little standing post of shapeless wood"; read these last words so, with the great Salmasius on Solinus, p. 94. The Leiden manuscript: "Farina", so that it is doubtful whether he meant to say "Fariam" or "Farinaceam". Havercamp.

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(g) ‹anchor: erecta statione› · call in col 366

Erecta statione defigitur. Adv. Judaeos cap. X. vel XI. Nam et in antemna navis, quae crucis pars est, extremitates cornua vocantur. unicornis autem medio stipata palus. Hav.

Is fixed in an upright position. Against the Jews, ch. X or XI: "For in the yard of a ship too, which is part of a cross, the ends are called horns; but the unicorn is the pole fixed in the middle." Havercamp.

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(h) ‹anchor: de cruce induci› · call in col 366

A plastis de cruce. Lectio Mod. Coll. in cruce, potest etiam comma poni post vestrorum. Diximus Deo- (continues)

From the modellers, from the cross. The reading of the Modius collation is "in cruce"; a comma can also be placed after "vestrorum". We have said [that the origin] of the gods (continues)

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LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 208)

(1) ‹anchor: intestina sint tropaeorum› · call in col 367

Haverc. emend. cum in eis cruces int. sed tr. Sed maluerim singula vocabula ita transponere, ut legatur: Sed et vict. ador. in tropaeis, cum cruces int. sint trop.

Havercamp emends: "cum in eis cruces int. sed tr." But I would rather transpose the individual words so as to read: "Sed et vict. ador. in tropaeis, cum cruces int. sint trop." [and you adore Victories in trophies, though crosses are the inner parts of the trophies].

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(a) ‹anchor: Victorias adoratis› · call in col 367

Sed et Victorias adoratis. Quod certe ridiculum, cum ita venerarentur arma victorum hostium. Et tamen ut rem indubiam ponit in lib. Ad Nat. I. 12. Ad manifesta jam, ita lege, non at. Victorias, ut numina, et quidem angustiora quanto laetiora, veneramini: Contignatione quid melius extollant, cruces erunt intestina, quodammodo tropaeum. Victoriae ipsius signum una cum tropaeis aliquando in nummis conspicimus, ut in nummis Hostilii et Aurelii, aliorumque. Hav.

But you also adore Victories. Which is certainly ridiculous, since thus they venerated the arms of conquered enemies. And yet he states it as a thing beyond doubt in Ad Nationes I, 12: "To what is now manifest" (read so, not "at"): "Victories you venerate as deities, and the more confined the more joyful: what could better raise them up than a framework? Crosses will be their inner parts, in a way a trophy." The emblem of Victory herself we sometimes see together with trophies on coins, as on coins of Hostilius and Aurelius and others. Havercamp.

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(b) ‹anchor: signa veneratur› · call in col 367

Signa veneratur. Sequitur in Coll. Mod. signa adorat. Vocat ideo Tacitus propria legionum Numina. lib. I. Annalium c. 19. Quin non ornabant tantum, de quo mox Auctor, sed ut Deorum imagines inungebant etiam. Quod ut barbarum et molle detestatur Plinius Hist. Nat. lib. XIII. c. 3. Maxime tamen mirum est, hanc gratiam penetrasse et in castra. Aquilae certe ac signa, pulverulenta illa et custodiis horrida: inunguntur festis diebus: utinamque dicere possemus, quis primus instituisset. Ita est, nimirum hac mercede corruptae terrarum orbem devicere aquilae. Hunc ritum, ut notum sane, cum multis demonstrent Interpretes, tum docet insignis locus Sozomeni Eccl. Hist. l. I. c. 4. ubi de Labaro Σημεῖον δὲ τοῦτο τιμιώτατον, καθότι ἀεὶ τοῦ βασιλέως ἡγεῖσθαι, καὶ προσκυνεῖσθαι νενόμιστο παρὰ στρατιωτῶν. i. e. Hoc signum venerabile maxime, quia et principem antecedere, et adorari etiam a militibus solebat. Videndus Lipsius ad Tacitum qui de cultu, religione et forma eorum agit lib. IV. de Re Mil. Rom. cap. 3. 5. 9. et Causeum Tom. X. A. R. p. 1528. Unde aquila insistens arae vel fulmini occurrit inter duo signa apud Gorlaeum II. 44. et I. 161. et 122. et notabili cultu apud Seguin p. 109. de quo mox. Hav.

Venerates the standards. There follows in the Modius collation "signa adorat". That is why Tacitus calls them "the legions' own deities", Annals Book I, ch. 19. Indeed they not only adorned them, of which the Author speaks shortly, but even anointed them like images of the gods. Which Pliny denounces as barbarous and effeminate, Natural History Book XIII, ch. 3: "Most remarkable of all, however, is that this indulgence has made its way even into the camp. The eagles at least and the standards, dusty as they are and bristling with guard-duty, are anointed on feast days: would that we could say who first introduced it. So it is: corrupted, no doubt, by this reward, the eagles conquered the world." This rite, well known as it is, the commentators show with many passages, and especially a notable place of Sozomen, Ecclesiastical History Book I, ch. 4, on the Labarum: "This standard was most honoured, because it was customary for it always to go before the emperor and to be worshipped by the soldiers"; that is, "this standard was most venerable, because it was wont both to precede the prince and to be adored by the soldiers." See Lipsius on Tacitus, who treats of their cult, religion and form, On the Roman Military, Book IV, ch. 3, 5, 9, and La Chausse, vol. X of the Roman Antiquities, p. 1528. Hence an eagle standing on an altar or a thunderbolt appears between two standards in Gorlaeus II, 44, and I, 161 and 122, and with notable cult in Seguin, p. 109, of which shortly. Havercamp.

(printed under page 208) (e) Omnibus Diis. Nihil aliud innuit Auctor, quam milites facilius sacra omnia et profana polluere, quam militare sacramentum fallere. Eodem modo infra c. XXVII. Citius denique apud vos per omnes Deos, quam per unum Genium Caesaris pejeratur. Laelius ad Scipionem apud Livium lib. XXXVI. in certamine de corona murali inter Q. Trebellium et Sex. Digitium: Stare hinc Legionarios milites, hinc classicos, per omnes Deos paratos jurare magis quae velint, quam quae sciant vera esse, et obstringere perjurio non se solum suumque caput, sed signa militaria et aquilas sacramentique religionem. Vocem signa hic neglexit Rhenanus. Hav.

To all the gods. The Author means nothing other than that soldiers would more readily defile everything sacred and profane than break the military oath. In the same way below, ch. XXVII: "In short, among you perjury by all the gods comes sooner than by the one Genius of Caesar." Laelius to Scipio in Livy, Book XXXVI, in the contest over the mural crown between Quintus Trebellius and Sextus Digitius: "That on one side stood the legionaries, on the other the marines, ready to swear by all the gods to what they wished rather than to what they knew to be true, and to bind by perjury not only themselves and their own heads but the military standards and eagles and the sanctity of the oath." Rhenanus overlooked the word "signa" here. Havercamp.

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(2) ‹anchor: in signis› · call in col 368

In signis emendat Lips. Ep. Qu. V, 15.

Lipsius emends to "in signis", Epistolicae Quaestiones V, 15.

COMMENTARIUS.

(continued)

rum vestrorum origine supra, inquit; et quam habent originem? a plastis de cruce induci, ibi: quod simulacrum non prius argilla deformat cruci et stipiti superstructa? in patibulo primum corpus Dei vestri dedicatur. c. XII. ubi vide quae notavimus. Sed vulgata is bona quae dicit, Deos vestros diximus, cum formantur a plastis, de cruce incipere. Ad Nat. I. 12. plasta autem lignum crucis in primo statuit, quoniam ipsi quoque corpori nostro tacita et secreta linea crucis situs est. Ibidem: Si igitur in genere Deorum crucem originem colitis. Ald. a plaustris, pessime. Scaliger emendat didicimus. Hav.

[We have said above, he says, about the origin of your go]ds; and what origin do they have? That they are brought in from the cross by the modellers, there: "What image does not clay first shape when built up on a cross and stake? It is on a gibbet that the body of your god is first dedicated," ch. XII, where see what we noted. But the received text is good, which says: "We have said that your gods, when they are formed by the modellers, begin from a cross." Ad Nationes I, 12: "But the modeller first sets up the wood of the cross, since in our own body too the line of the cross lies silent and hidden." Ibid.: "If then in the kind of the gods you worship the cross as their origin." Aldus: "a plaustris" [from wagons], very badly. Scaliger emends "didicimus". Havercamp.

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(c) ‹anchor: omnibus diis praeponit (note printed with letter (e))› · call in col 368

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(d) ‹anchor: suggestus in signis› · call in col 368

In signis. Palmaria haec est emendatio Lipsii Epist. Quaest. l. V. ep. 15. quam omnino inspicias velim. Antea inepte legabatur insignes. Sed insignis illa Coll. Mod. quoque in signis, quod tamen editiones Rigaltii neglexerunt. Hav.

On the standards. This is a prize emendation of Lipsius, Epistolicae Quaestiones Book V, ep. 15, which I would have you look at in full. Before, it was read ineptly as "insignes". But that notable Modius collation also has "in signis", which, however, Rigault's editions neglected. Havercamp.

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(e) ‹anchor: monilia crucum› · call in col 368

Monilia crucum. Pulcherrimus est locus Greg. Nazienzeni Orat I. In Julianum: Τολμᾷ δὲ ἤδη καὶ κατὰ τοῦ μεγάλου συνθήματος, etc., i. e. Quin eo quoque audaciae prorupit, ut adversus magnum illud vexillum praeceps ferretur. Loquitur de labro, cruce insignito, de quo Prudentius contra Symmachum I. 487, Christus purpureum gemmato textus in auro / Signabat labarum: clypeorum insignia Christus / Scripserat. Quod simul cum cruce magnifice et cum insigni pompa exercitum ducit, in sublime evectum, quod laborum solvendorum vim habet, ab eoque apud Latinos nomen trahit, principatumque, ut ita dicam, in reliqua omnia vexilla tenet, tam quae Imperatorum imaginibus, atque expassis texturis in variis tinctionibus litterarumque picturis illustrantur quasique gestiunt, quam quae horrendis draconum hiatibus super summas hastas elatis involantia ac per tractus contextis squammis distinctos ventilata, jucundissimum simul et formidolosum spectaculum oculis praebent. Hinc venuste intelligas quare pulchritudini Sponsae horrorem signorum militarium addat Salomon Cant. VI. 10. Imo quod Tertullianus hic ait, monilia crucum, est sane dictum pulchre, et quod Sacras Litteras etiam juvare potest. Suggestus imaginum vocat Noster parmulas sive clypeolos qui in orbem signis appendebantur, ita aut multae essent gradationes, altiores depressioresve, velut tabulata et circuitus in turribus visuntur, in illis depictae erant imagines imperatorum qui consecrati et inter divos relati erant, vel etiamnum adhuc imperabant, ut ex Lipsiano loco de Vitellii imagine liquet, nam hoc etiam incunculis aureis et argenteis fiebat, ut passim adhuc ex marmoribus et picturis et gemmis, etc., videre est. Adeoque magnifica et regia est illa computatio, quae in elaboratissimo Salomonis Epithalamio occurrit cap. IV. 4. Sicut turris Davidis collum tuum, aedificata ad propugnandum, mille clypei protenduntur ab ea, omnes parmae heroum. Ita enim locus iste verti debet, ubi mire errant interpretes. Non enim teretem tantum rotundamque altitudinem in collo amatae suae laudat, sed in hac comparatione ab ornatu etiam describit et commendat, quod nempe sicut turris Davidis, cum stant undique validi protectores in transtris, per orbem fulgentibus clypeis cincta nitet, ita pretiosa monilia ingens decus nativae pulchritudini addant. Qualis apud Lucanum formam fucata nocentem, lib. X. versu 140. Plena Maris Rubri spoliis, colloque comisque / Divitias Cleopatra gerit, cultuque laborat. Non itidem Catonis Marcia, cujus / Baltheus haud fluxos gemmis adstrinxit amictus, / Colla monile decens, apud eumd. lib. II. 362. Eadem opera, dum aliud ago, explicabo superioris Cantic. c. VII. 5. Caput tuum super te, ut mons Carmelus, lemniscus comae tuae purpureus, rex ligatus est in ejus suggestis; ita Latine dicas. Graeci vocant, πλοκάμους. Hesychius exponit, κονδύλους τῶν τριχῶν πεπλεγμένων, i. e. cincinnos capillorum, qui digitis crispantur. Quomodo Juno sese ornat Jovem illectura in amorem sui apud Homerum Iliad. ξ. versu 176. ἰδὲ χαίτας / Πεξαμένη, χερσὶ πλοκάμους ἔπλεξε φαεινοὺς, i. e. et pectens crines, manibus cincinnos disposuit pulchros. Ita Noster imaginum suggestus. Hisce locos Statii et Juvenalis possis addere, notos omnibus. Non perinde ille Nazianzeni, qui Invectivam suam in mulieres ita orditur: Cavete, o mulieres, ne caput vestrum nothis et adulterinis crinibus, tanquam turribus quibusdam muniatis, mollia colla e scopulis delicate ostentantes; scripsimus vero crucum non crucium, secuti MSS. Fuld. et L. B. et lib. Ad Nationes. Suggestus vero illi (continues)

Necklaces of crosses. Very fine is the passage of Gregory Nazianzen, Oration I against Julian: "He dares now even against the great token," etc., that is: "Nay, he broke out into such audacity as to rush headlong against that great standard." He speaks of the labarum marked with the cross, of which Prudentius, Against Symmachus I, 487: "Christ, woven in jewelled gold, marked the purple labarum; Christ had written the devices on the shields." "Which, together with the cross, leads the army magnificently and with notable pomp, raised on high; which has the power of releasing from toils, and from that takes its name among the Latins, and holds, so to say, primacy over all other banners, both those adorned with the emperors' images and spread fabrics in various dyes and painted letters, and as it were exulting, and those which, with dreadful gaping mouths of dragons raised above the tops of the spears, flutter and wave through their length, marked out with interwoven scales, offering the eyes a sight at once most delightful and fearful." Hence you may understand nicely why Solomon adds to the Bride's beauty the terror of military standards, Song 6:10. Indeed what Tertullian says here, "necklaces of crosses", is finely said, and can help the Sacred Scriptures too. Our author calls "stands of images" the small bucklers or little shields that were hung round the standards, so that there were many tiers, higher and lower, as storeys and galleries are seen in towers; on them were painted images of emperors who had been consecrated and enrolled among the gods, or who were still reigning, as is clear from Lipsius's passage on Vitellius's image; for this was done also with little gold and silver images, as may still be seen everywhere from marbles, paintings, gems, etc. So magnificent and royal, then, is that comparison which occurs in Solomon's most elaborate Epithalamium, ch. 4:4: "Your neck is like the tower of David, built for defence; a thousand shields are hung out from it, all the bucklers of heroes." For so that place should be translated, where the interpreters err wonderfully. He does not praise only the smooth and round height of his beloved's neck, but in this comparison describes and commends it also from its adornment: that, just as David's tower, when strong defenders stand all round on the crossbeams, shines girt about with gleaming shields, so precious necklaces add great grace to native beauty. Such as, in Lucan, "the painted one, harmful in her beauty", Book X, line 140: "Full of the spoils of the Red Sea, Cleopatra wears riches on neck and hair, and labours under her finery." Not so Cato's Marcia, "whose girdle bound no loose robes with gems, nor became her neck a necklace", in the same, Book II, 362. With the same effort, while about something else, I will explain the earlier verse of the Song, ch. 7:5: "Your head upon you is like Mount Carmel, the ribbon of your hair purple; the king is bound in its tresses"; so you might say in Latin. The Greeks call them plokamoi. Hesychius explains "knots of plaited hair", that is, curls of the hair crisped with the fingers. As Juno adorns herself to entice Jove to love of her in Homer, Iliad XIV, line 176: "and combing her hair, with her hands she plaited the shining tresses", that is, "and combing her hair, she arranged the fair curls with her hands." So our author's "stands of images". To these you could add passages of Statius and Juvenal, known to all. Not so apt is that of Nazianzen, who begins his invective against women thus: "Beware, O women, of fortifying your heads with false and adulterous hair, as with towers, delicately displaying soft necks from crags." We have written "crucum", not "crucium", following the Fulda and Leiden manuscripts and the book Ad Nationes. But those stands (continues)

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LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 209)

(1) ‹anchor: illa vexillorum› · call in col 369

Rhen. : Sypara illa vex. et candelabrorum, etc.

Rhenanus: "Sypara illa vex. et candelabrorum", etc.

(printed under page 209)

(a) ‹anchor: vexillorum et cantabrorum› · call in col 369

Cantabrorum. Ita et Minucius, et Noster rursus ad Nationes, quare frustra litigant Viri docti, mutando vel in candes labarorum, ut Scaliger, vel cantabrorum, vel candelabrorum, vel labarorum, ut alii et Barr. et Aldus, cum fuerit vexilli genus cujus nominis origo ignota est, quae forsan ad Persas, Romanos vel Hispanos non magis referri potest, quam ad ipsos Afros, qui quoniam multa cum Hebraeis communia vocabula habuerunt, vocem habuerunt forsan similem Persico Kanatb vel Hebr. Kendes, quaeque magis hisce cantabris appropinquaverit. Inveni quoque apud posteriores inter vexilliferos recenseri cantabrarios, ut docet me Dom. du Cange ex l. 2. C. Th. de Collegiat. Sypara passim editiones, sed recte Rig. Sypharaut Cod. Fuld. et Agobard. quod et vult L. B. ubi Sifara. Id.

Of the cantabra. So too Minucius, and our author again in Ad Nationes; hence learned men dispute in vain, changing it either into "candes labarorum", as Scaliger, or "cantabrorum", or "candelabrorum", or "labarorum", as others and Barraeus and Aldus, since it was a kind of banner whose name's origin is unknown, and which can perhaps be traced no more to the Persians, Romans or Spaniards than to the Africans themselves, who, since they had many words in common with the Hebrews, perhaps had a word like the Persian Kanatb or the Hebrew Kendes, which came closer to these cantabra. I have found too that among later writers cantabrarii are counted among the standard-bearers, as Lord du Cange teaches me from law 2 of the Theodosian Code, On Collegiati. The editions generally have "Sypara", but Rigault rightly "Syphara", as do the Fulda and Agobard codices, which the Leiden manuscript also intends, where "Sifara". The same.

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(b) ‹anchor: stolae crucum› · call in col 369

Stolae crucum sunt. Quod belle oculis sese exhibet in nummis quibusdam, qui passim inveniri inter Arschotanos possunt, Augusti aureus, ubi egregie crucis apparet figura, Argenteus Maxentii, ubi aquilae figura stolae intexta conspicitur. Constantis item argenteus ipsam labari sed christiani et sacro nomine insignitam ostendit formam. Id.

Are the robes of crosses. This shows itself prettily to the eye on certain coins that can be found here and there among the Aerschot collection: a gold piece of Augustus, where the figure of a cross appears excellently; a silver piece of Maxentius, where the figure of an eagle is seen woven into the robe. Likewise a silver piece of Constans shows the very form of the labarum, but Christian and marked with the sacred name. The same.

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(c) ‹anchor: deum nostrum› · call in col 369

Deum nostrum. Juvenal. de Judaeis, quos cum christianis confundebant: Nihil praeter nubes et coeli numen adorant. Unde Noster infra cap. XXIV. Colat alius Deum, alius Jovem, alius ad coelum supplices manus tendat: alius ad aram fidei, alius, si hoc putatis, nubes numeret orans, alius lacunaria. Hav.

Our god. Juvenal on the Jews, whom they confused with the Christians: "They adore nothing but the clouds and the deity of the sky." Whence our author below, ch. XXIV: "Let one worship God, another Jove; let one stretch suppliant hands to heaven, another to the altar of Faith; let one, if you think this, count the clouds as he prays, another the ceiling panels." Havercamp.

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(2) ‹anchor: si forte› · call in col 370

Sic. Paris.

The Paris edition: "sic".

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(3) ‹anchor: ipsum ubique› · call in col 370

Utique V. C.

"Utique" in a manuscript (V. C.).

COMMENTARIUS.

(continued)

imaginum ut monialia crucum egregie apparent, in nummo Tiberii quem vulgavit clariss. Seguinus inter Select. Num. p. 109. quemque modo, ubi de aquila sermo erat exhibuimus. Cui simillimi duo, quorum alter Germanici Caesaris est, occurrunt apud Illustr. Spanh. de Usu et Pr. Num. p. 120. Imo ab his diversus apud eumdem p. 558. in denario Gentis Valeriae. Hav.

of images, as necklaces of crosses, appear excellently on a coin of Tiberius published by the most distinguished Seguin among his Select Coins, p. 109, which we showed just now where the eagle was discussed. Two very like it, one of them of Germanicus Caesar, occur in the illustrious Spanheim, On the Use and Excellence of Coins, p. 120. And one different from these in the same, p. 558, on a denarius of the Valerian family. Havercamp.

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(d) ‹anchor: in linteo depictum› · call in col 370

In linteo depictum. De cultu Solis apud Persas multa Interpretes, quibus digna addi sunt quae collegit ampliss. Brissonius in libello de Regno Persarum lib. II. c. I. Pro diverso vero cultu diversus habitus depicti Solis erat, quod disco ex memorabili loco Flavii Vopisci in Vita Aureliani, cui inter alia et hoc prodigium futuri imperii obvenisse observat: Datus est ei praeterea, quum Legatus ad Persas isset, qualis solet Imperatoribus dari a Rege Persarum, in qua insculptus erat Sol eo habitu quo colebatur in templo in quo mater ejus fuerat sacerdos. Itaque verba in linteo depictum, non tantum de vexillis Persarum accipio, sed de quibuscumque tabulis et lino in quibus Numen illud depictum intra templi sui moenia ab illis colebatur. Apud Aegyptios certe varia forma Sol pingebatur, infans, puer, juvenis, vir, senex, ut notat Macrobius lib. I. Sat. XVIII. Cujus verba sunt: Hae autem aetatum diversitates ad Solem referuntur, ut parvulus videatur hiemali solstitio qualem Aegyptii proferunt ex adyto die certa: quod tunc brevissimo die veluti parvus et infans videatur: exinde autem procedentibus augmentis aequinoctio vernali similiter atque adolescentis adipiscitur vires, figuraque juvenis ornatur. Postea statuitur ejus aetas plenissima effigie barbae solstitio aestivo; quo tempore summum sui consequitur augmentum. Exinde per deminutiones dierum veluti senescenti quarta forma Deus figuratur. Sed et Paeones Solem colere Maximus Tyrius scribit Orat. XXXVIII. Solisque simulacrum apud illos esse discum brevem perticae supra longissimae affixum. Quod ipsum in Trajani Decii aureo nummo exhiberi suspicatus est Hemelarius, illo scil. cui inscribitur PANNONIAE. Hav.

Painted on linen. On the worship of the Sun among the Persians the commentators say much, to which is worth adding what the most eminent Brisson collected in his little book On the Kingdom of the Persians, Book II, ch. I. According to the different cult the painted Sun had a different dress, as I learn from a memorable place of Flavius Vopiscus in the Life of Aurelian, to whom he notes that, among other things, this omen of future empire befell: "Besides, when he had gone as envoy to the Persians, there was given him [a dish] such as is usually given to emperors by the King of the Persians, on which was engraved the Sun in the dress in which he was worshipped in the temple where his mother had been priestess." So I take the words "painted on linen" not only of the banners of the Persians but of any panels and linen on which that deity was painted and worshipped by them within the walls of his temple. Among the Egyptians, certainly, the Sun was painted in various forms: infant, boy, youth, man, old man, as Macrobius notes, Saturnalia Book I, ch. XVIII. His words are: "These differences of age are referred to the Sun, so that he appears a little child at the winter solstice, such as the Egyptians bring out of the shrine on a fixed day, because then, on the shortest day, he appears as it were small and an infant; then, as the increases proceed, at the spring equinox he likewise gains the strength of a youth and is adorned with a young man's figure. Afterwards his fullest age is represented with the likeness of a beard at the summer solstice, at which time he reaches his greatest increase. Thereafter, as the days diminish, the god is figured in a fourth form, as one growing old." Maximus of Tyre too writes, Oration XXXVIII, that the Paeonians worship the Sun, and that the Sun's image among them is a small disc fixed above a very long pole. Hemelarius suspected that this very thing is shown on a gold coin of Trajan Decius, namely the one inscribed "PANNONIAE". Havercamp.

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(e) ‹anchor: in suo clypeo› · call in col 370

Ubique in suo clypeo. Locus notabilis, quemque cum priores interpretes non intellexissent la Cerda primus recte non ad Persas, sed ad ipsos christianos pertinere demonstravit. Sed et a nobis lucem accipere non dedignabitur. Nam in illo assentiri doctissimis viris la Cerdae et Rigaltio non possum, quod per voces in clypeo suo ipsum solis orbem, quasi clypeum Dei, ut vocat Ovid. Metam. XV. 192. intelligit: nam coelum hic intelligi debet, in cujus orbe praeter lunam stellasque minores, insignis Sol eminet. Quot ipsum coelum, quasi dimidia sua parte clypei imaginem referens poetico artificio clypeo Achillis insculpens Homerus, solem etiam in eo non neglexit. Versus ejus sunt Il. Σ. versu 483. Ἐν μὲν γαῖαν ἔτευξ', ἐν δ' οὐρανὸν, ἐν δὲ θάλασσαν· / Ἠέλιόν τ' ἀκάμαντα, σελήνην τε πλήθουσαν, / Ἐν δὲ τὰ τείρεα πάντα τά τ' οὐρανὸς ἐστεφάνωται. i. e. In eo quidem (scuto Vulcanus) terram effinxit, et coelum, et mare, solemque indefessum, lunamque plenam, syderaque omnia, quibus coelum coronatum est. Et quae sequuntur, in compendium collecta ab Ovidio Metam. XIII. versu 110. Nec clypeus vasti coelatus imagine mundi. Jam tibi clypei vocabulo coelum occurrit in antiquissimis illis Ennii versibus ex Iphigenia Euripidis, quos reliquit nobis latinissimus Varro in medio fere lib. VI. de L. L. Quid nocti videtur! In altisono / Coeli clupeo temo superat / Stellas, cogens sublime etiam / Atque etiam noctis iter. Hic multam noctem ostendere vult a temonis motu, inquit Varro. Quare suspiciendi veniunt hi duo nummi Trajani et Alexandri Imperatorum, in quibus Sol et luna cum duodecim zodiaci signis in clypeo quasi coeli insculpti apparent. Denique hinc patet, non utique, quod vult Wouvverius, sequiturque in editione sua Rigaltius, sed ubique quomodo cum alii MSS. tum etiam Agobard. exhibet, legendum esse. Quia inquit Septimius, non illum solem in tabella aliqua suspicimus manu hominis depictum, sed ipsum Dei digitum, in suo loco, et ubique terrarum, quoniam ubique lucet. Imo ubique, inquam, legendum est, quod ipsa Luciani verba docere possunt; quem quidem ego deprehendi mirabiliter Septimio nostro in multis placuisse, impietatem et blasphemias excludo. Ille itaque de Dea Syria p. 904. hanc rationem reddit, cur ibi aliis Diis effigiatis Solis et Lunae imagines non reperiantur: Λέγουσι, inquit, τοῖσι μὲν ἄλλοισι θεοῖσι, ὅσιον ἔμμεναι ξόανα ποιέεσθαι· οὐ γὰρ σφέων ἐμφανέα πάντι τὰ εἴδεα. Ἠέλιος δὲ, καὶ σεληναίη πάμπαν ἐναργέες, καὶ σφέας πάντες ὁρέουσι, ποίη οὖν αἰτίη ξοανουργίης, τοῖσι ἐν τῷ ἠέρι φαινομένοισι· i. e. Caeteris quidem diis fas esse aiunt simulacra facere, quorum species non sunt omnibus conspicuae. Sol autem et luna plane sunt manifesti, illosque nemo non videt. Quorsum igitur eorum cum in aere appareant effigiem effinxissem? De caelatura clypeorum praeter ea quae in digressionibus ad hunc auctorem Heraldus habet, videri potest promuscondus antiquitatis et omnis litteraturae elegantioris liber Jo. Alberti Fabricii, qui inscribitur Bibliographia Antiquaria p. 562. Hav.

Everywhere on his shield. A notable passage, which the earlier commentators did not understand; la Cerda was the first to show rightly that it refers not to the Persians but to the Christians themselves. But he will not disdain to receive light from us too. For in this I cannot agree with those most learned men la Cerda and Rigault, that by the words "on his shield" he means the very disc of the sun, as it were God's shield, as Ovid calls it, Metamorphoses XV, 192: for heaven is to be understood here, in whose round, besides the moon and the lesser stars, the Sun stands out conspicuous. Homer, carving that very heaven, which with its half presents the image of a shield, on the shield of Achilles with poetic art, did not neglect the sun in it either. His verses are Iliad XVIII, line 483: "On it he made the earth, and on it the heaven, and on it the sea, and the unwearying sun and the full moon, and on it all the constellations with which heaven is crowned"; that is: "On it (the shield) Vulcan fashioned the earth, and heaven, and sea, and the tireless sun, and the full moon, and all the stars with which heaven is crowned." And what follows, gathered into brief by Ovid, Metamorphoses XIII, line 110: "Nor the shield engraved with the image of the vast world." Now you meet heaven under the word "shield" in those most ancient verses of Ennius from Euripides' Iphigenia, which the most Latin Varro left us about the middle of Book VI On the Latin Language: "What does night think? In the high-sounding shield of heaven the Wain outpasses the stars, driving on high, again and again, the journey of night." "Here he means to show it is deep night from the motion of the Wain," says Varro. Hence these two coins of the emperors Trajan and Alexander are to be regarded, on which the Sun and moon, with the twelve signs of the zodiac, appear engraved as on the shield of heaven. Finally it is clear from this that one should read, not "utique", as Wouwer wishes and Rigault follows in his edition, but "ubique", as other manuscripts and the Agobard codex too present. For, says Septimius, we do not look up to that sun painted by man's hand on some panel, but to God's very finger, in its own place and in every land, since it shines everywhere. Indeed "ubique", I say, is to be read, as Lucian's own words can show; who, I have found, wonderfully pleased our Septimius in many things, impiety and blasphemies excepted. In On the Syrian Goddess, p. 904, he gives this reason why, though the other gods are portrayed there, images of the Sun and Moon are not found: "They say," he says, "that for the other gods it is lawful to make images, for their forms are not manifest to all; but the Sun and the Moon are altogether visible and all see them; what reason, then, is there for image-making of those who appear in the air?"; that is: "They say it is lawful to make images of the other gods, whose forms are not visible to all. But the sun and moon are plainly manifest, and there is none who does not see them. To what end, then, should I have fashioned their likeness when they appear in the air?" On the carving of shields, besides what Heraldus has in his digressions on this author, one may see the storehouse of antiquity and of all more elegant letters, the book of Johann Albert Fabricius entitled Bibliographia Antiquaria, p. 562. Havercamp.

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(f) ‹anchor: orientis regionem› · call in col 370

Ad orientis regionem. Exstat de hoc ritu singula- (continues)

Towards the region of the east. There is on this rite a remark[able] (continues)

(printed under page 209)

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 210)

(a) ‹anchor: labia vibratis› · call in col 371

Labia vibratis. Tacito murmure. Horat. Epist. I. 16. 60. Jane pater, clare, clare cum dixit, Apollo, / Labra movet, metuens audiri, pulchra Laverna, / Da mihi fallere, etc. Sed satis multa la Cerda, ut et de Persis Brouorius de Adorat. Vet. P. 195. et 199. diligens vir et eruditus. Hav.

You quiver your lips. With a silent murmur. Horace, Epistles I, 16, 60: "When he has said aloud, 'Father Janus,' aloud, 'Apollo,' he moves his lips, afraid to be heard: 'Fair Laverna, grant me to deceive,'" etc. But la Cerda says plenty, as does, on the Persians, Brouwer, On the Adoration of the Ancients, pp. 195 and 199, a careful and learned man. Havercamp.

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(b) ‹anchor: religione solis› · call in col 371

De religione solis. Ita restitue, non religione S. idque auctoritate optimi Fuldensis, de religione ut supra de justitia, de sapientia et saepissime apud Nostrum pro propter sapientiam, vel ob justitiam. Non vero gravati sunt christiani hoc nomen mutuatum licet ab Ethnicis, in istius diei appellatione retinere, quoniam, ut Ambrosius scribit Serm. LXI. in ea die Salvator veluti Sol oriens, discussis infernorum tenebris, luce resurrectionis emicuit. Hav.

From the worship of the sun. Restore it so, not "religione S.", and that on the authority of the excellent Fulda codex: "de religione", as above "de justitia", "de sapientia", and very often in our author for "propter sapientiam" or "ob justitiam". Christians did not object to keeping this name in the designation of that day, though it was borrowed from the heathen, since, as Ambrose writes, Sermon LXI, "on that day the Saviour, like the rising Sun, having scattered the darkness of the underworld, shone forth with the light of the resurrection." Havercamp.

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(c) ‹anchor: ab eis sumus› · call in col 371

Secundo loco. Dicit septimius nos solem, ut Persae faciunt, colere evinci non posse inde, quod status precantis Christiani ad orientem sit conversus (quod obtinebat in prima Ecclesia, quia Soli orienti comparatur Christus, Malach. IV. 2. inde etiam suprema die apparitorus in judicio, ut putabant). Nec inde, quod is dies qui festus est nobis, soli sit sacratus apud gentes. Quod forsan stulte suspicarentur, quomodo in jocularium erratum Tacitus incidit de Saturno cogitans Hist. V. c. 4. Alii honorem eum Saturno haberi; seu principia religionis tradentibus Idaeis, quos cum Saturno pulsos, et conditores gentis accepimus; seu quod e septem sideribus, quis mortales reguntur, altissimo orbe et praecipua potentia stella Saturni feratur: ac pleraque coelestium, vim suam et cursum septimos per numeros conficiant. Quod vero, jam sequitur, secundo loco ab eis sumus, qui diem Saturni, etc. Id etiam egregie sale satyrico aspersum est. Tangit enim, non Judaeos, ut passim sibi persuaserunt Interpretes, sed ipsos hic gentiles, qui ita a majorum institutis degeneraverant, ut nulla gens esset, quorum ritus non decerpta aliqua portione suos fecissent, ut pulcre demonstrat Gothofredus in notis suis pereruditis ad Tertulliani librum Ad Nat. quem virum sane doctum non pluris passim fieri indignor. Operae pretium erit apponere hic locum ex lib. Ad Nat. quia inde hic Noster intelligi debet. Ibi lib. I cap. XIII. Vos certe estis quis etiam in laterculum septem dierum solem recepistis, ex diebus ipsorum praelegistis, quo die lavacrum subtrahatis, aut in vesperam differatis, aut otium et prandium curetis: Quod quidem facitis exorbitantes et ipsi a vestris ad alienas religiones: Judaei enim festi, Sabbata et coena pura, et Judaici ritus lucernarum, et jejunia cum azymis, et orationes littorales quae utique aliena sunt a Diis vestris. Quare, ut ab excessu revertar, qui Solem et diem ejus nobis exprobratis, agnoscite vicinitatem: non longe a Saturno et Sabbatis vestris sumus. Quod itaque ibi dicit agnoscite vicinitatem, etc., id hoc loco ita exprimi secundo loco ab iis sumus. Nam quod ad lectionem MS. Agobardini attinet, in quo Ebreis legitur, illam probare non possum, nec ulli, speciosa licet primo intuitu, ut puto, placebit. Hav.

In second place. Septimius says that it cannot be proved that we worship the sun, as the Persians do, from the fact that the Christian at prayer stands turned to the east (which obtained in the early Church, because Christ is compared to the rising Sun, Malachi 4:2, and hence too he was to appear at the last day for judgement, as they thought); nor from the fact that the day which is our feast is sacred to the sun among the Gentiles. This they might perhaps foolishly suspect, as Tacitus fell into a laughable error when thinking of Saturn, Histories V, ch. 4: "Others say this honour is paid to Saturn, either because the principles of the religion were handed down by the Idaeans, who we are told were driven out with Saturn and were founders of the race; or because, of the seven stars by which mortals are ruled, the star of Saturn moves in the highest orbit and with chief power, and most of the heavenly bodies complete their force and course by sevens." But what follows now, "we are in second place after those who [give] the day of Saturn," etc., is also excellently sprinkled with satiric salt. For he touches, not the Jews, as the commentators commonly persuaded themselves, but the Gentiles themselves here, who had so degenerated from their ancestors' institutions that there was no nation whose rites they had not made their own by plucking some portion of them, as Godefroy finely shows in his very learned notes on Tertullian's book Ad Nationes; a truly learned man, whom I am indignant is not more generally esteemed. It will be worth setting down here the passage from Ad Nationes, since our author here must be understood from it. There, Book I, ch. XIII: "You certainly are the ones who have even received the sun into the calendar of the seven days, and from among its days have preferred it as the day on which you omit the bath or put it off till evening, or devote yourselves to rest and feasting. This you do, departing yourselves from your own to foreign religions: for the Jewish feasts, the Sabbaths and the pure supper, and the Jewish rites of lamps, and the fasts with unleavened bread, and the prayers on the shore, are certainly foreign to your gods. Wherefore, to return from the digression, you who reproach us with the Sun and its day, recognise the nearness: we are not far from your Saturn and your Sabbaths." So what he says there, "recognise the nearness", etc., is expressed here thus: "we are in second place after them." As for the reading of the Agobard manuscript, in which "Ebreis" is read, I cannot approve it, nor, I think, will it please anyone, however attractive at first sight. Havercamp.

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(d) ‹anchor: otio et victui› · call in col 371

Otio et victui. Hoc quidem vitio Judaeis dabatur a gentibus, quomodo certe violasse sua sacra tanquam sibi non Deo vacarent, saepe ille summus eorum Legislator per Prophetas suos est questus. Juvenalis Sat. V. versu 106. Sed pater in causa: cui septima quaeque fuit lux / Ignava, et partem vitae non attigit ullam. Ex eodem forte Tacitus Hist. V. 4. Septimo die otium placuisse ferunt; quia is finem laborum tulerit, dein blandiente inertia septimum quoque annum ignaviae datum. Sed hic ad gentes ipsos pertinet ad quos referenda et illa Persii Sat. V. versu 18. At cum / Herodis venere dies, unctaque fenestra / Dispositae pinguem nebulam vomuere lucernae, / Portantes violas, rubrumque amplexa catinum / Cauda natat thynni, tumet alba fidelia vino. Nam certe ipsi gentiles aliquot dies, quasi ex Judaico ritu otio transigebant, nihil nisi victum curantes, Id in lib. Ad Nat. dixit, quo die lavacrum subtrahatis, aut in vesperam differatis, aut otium et prandium curetis. Seneca, Josephus contra Appionem et Clemens Alexandrinus idem tradunt. Hav.

To rest and food. This was indeed charged as a fault against the Jews by the Gentiles; and that they profaned their holy days in this way, as though keeping holiday for themselves and not for God, their supreme Lawgiver often complained through his Prophets. Juvenal, Satire [XIV], line 106: "But the father is to blame, for whom every seventh day was idle and took no part in life." From the same source perhaps Tacitus, Histories V, 4: "They say they chose rest on the seventh day because it brought an end of their labours; then, inertia charming them, the seventh year too was given to idleness." But here it concerns the Gentiles themselves, to whom also those lines of Persius, Satire V, line 18 [180], are to be referred: "But when Herod's days have come, and the lamps set out on the greasy window-sill have spewed their thick fog, wreathed with violets, and the tunny's tail swims, embracing the red dish, and the white jar swells with wine." For certainly the Gentiles themselves spent some days in rest, as if by Jewish rite, caring for nothing but food. He said this in Ad Nationes: "on which day you omit the bath or put it off till evening, or devote yourselves to rest and feasting." Seneca, Josephus Against Apion, and Clement of Alexandria report the same. Havercamp.

(printed under page 210) (c) A Judaico more. Depravatum censet locum Gothofredus, vultque illud a deleri. Non assentior. Hic enim sensus est: Quid cavillari nos gaudetis, quasi diem solis hilari et voluptate diffluentes transigamus, pedem vestrum premimus, non longe absumus a vobis, vos enim ipsi diem Saturni qui nostrum praecedit, a Judaeis, quos non intelligitis, recepto more, laetiori gulae et inertiae dicatis, ita a majorum moribus et institutis, peregrinos ritus invehi noluerunt, non tantum discedentes, sed et exorbitantes a vero Judaeorum scopo, qui quietem illa die, non inertiam exigit. Nam, ut est in lib. Ad Nat. Judaei isti dies sunt festi, sabbata et coena pura, et Judaici ritus lucernarum, et jejunia cum azymis, et orationes littorales, quae utique aliena sunt a Diis vestris. Hav.

From the Jewish custom. Godefroy thinks the passage corrupt and wants that "a" deleted. I do not agree. For this is the sense: why do you delight in jeering at us, as if we spent the day of the sun cheerful and dissolved in pleasure? We tread in your footsteps, we are not far from you; for you yourselves, having taken the custom from the Jews, whom you do not understand, devote the day of Saturn, which precedes ours, to more cheerful gluttony and idleness; [though your ancestors,] by their customs and institutions, would not have foreign rites brought in; not only departing from, but even straying from, the true aim of the Jews, which requires rest on that day, not idleness. For, as it says in Ad Nationes: "These are the Jews' feast days: the Sabbaths and the pure supper, and the Jewish rites of lamps, and the fasts with unleavened bread, and the prayers on the shore, which are certainly foreign to your gods." Havercamp.

(printed under page 210)

(1) ‹anchor: ex quo quidam› · call in col 372

Quidam Par.

The Paris edition: "quidam".

(printed under page 210)

(2) ‹anchor: in frustrandis› · call in col 372

Infrustrandus la Cerda.

La Cerda: "infrustrandus".

(printed under page 210)

(3) ‹anchor: ONOKOITHS› · call in col 372

Rhen., Ger., Gangnaeus : Ononychites; codd. Bong. et Lugd. : Onochotasis; cod. Vatic. : Onochorsites; codd. Agob., Put. Fuld. et Lugd. alter : Onochoitis; Rig. : Onochoetes; Hav. : Onokoitis.

Rhenanus, Gelenius, Gangnaeus: "Ononychites"; the Bongars and Leiden manuscripts: "Onochotasis"; the Vatican manuscript: "Onochorsites"; the Agobard, Puteanus, Fulda and the other Leiden manuscripts: "Onochoitis"; Rigault: "Onochoetes"; Havercamp: "Onokoitis".

COMMENTARIUS.

(continued)

ris disputatio Jac. Thomasii Lipsiae edita 1670. Viderique possunt Cosmas Indopleustes V. p. 202. Menardus et alii, quos citat Jo. Alb. Fabricius Bibliogr. Antiqu. pag. 361. Quod vero Gentiles etiam ad coelum suspexerint, et orientem versus precati fuerint, cum alii multi, tum docere potest Kippingius, p. 178 et 180. Hav.

[a remarka]ble disputation of Jakob Thomasius, published at Leipzig in 1670. One may also see Cosmas Indicopleustes V, p. 202, Ménard and others, whom Johann Albert Fabricius cites, Bibliographia Antiquaria p. 361. That the Gentiles too looked up to heaven and prayed towards the east, many others can show, and especially Kipping, pp. 178 and 180. Havercamp.

(printed under page 210)

(e) ‹anchor: a Judaico more (note printed with letter (c))› · call in col 372

(printed under page 210)

(f) ‹anchor: mercenarius noxius› · call in col 372

Mercenarius noxius. Nec Gothofredi placet interpretatio, nec Rigaltii, multo minus aliorum. Primus noxium pro obnoxio capit. Secundus non bona fide ait versatum, quia toties dentes bestiarum eluserat, ideoque noxium. At quid simplicius quam intelligere talem, qui cum nullam habuisset necessitatem pugnandi cum bestiis, inter noxios illis non addictus, tamen lucelli cupiditate, mercede pacta, ipse se lanistae tradiderat. Pugnam cum bestiis vero eleganter frustrationem dicit, quoniam audacis illius artis maxima pars erat impetum bestiarum eludere. Noxiis Cod. Agobard. quasi ad Gentes pertineat, quos noxios vocet, quod non puto. Hav.

A hired criminal. Neither Godefroy's interpretation pleases me, nor Rigault's, much less the others'. The first takes "noxium" for "obnoxium" [liable]. The second says he had dealt in bad faith, because he had so often eluded the beasts' teeth, and therefore "noxium". But what is simpler than to understand a man who, though under no necessity of fighting the beasts, not condemned to them among the criminals, yet from desire of a little gain, at an agreed fee, had handed himself over to the trainer? He elegantly calls the fight with the beasts "frustratio" [baffling], since the greatest part of that bold art was to elude the beasts' onslaught. The Agobard codex has "noxiis", as if it referred to the Gentiles, whom he would call criminals, which I do not think. Havercamp.

(printed under page 210)

(g) ‹anchor: CHRISTIANORUM ONOKOITHS› · call in col 372

DEUS CHRISTIANORUM ONOKOITHS. Monstrum hoc vario deformarunt monstra lectionum. Nonnullae editiones onochoisitis, quod Baptista Pius emendat, in ononychites reformans, placuitque id Barraeo, Pamelio aliisque. Hariolatur tamen adhuc ononychotitis, ab asino, ungue et aure sic dictum, vel ononychottis Annot. Post c. XIX. Junius ex MS. Vatic. (continues)

THE GOD OF THE CHRISTIANS, ONOKOITES. This monster has been disfigured by various monsters of readings. Some editions have "onochoisitis", which Baptista Pius emends, reshaping it into "ononychites", and this pleased Barraeus, Pamelius and others. Yet he still guesses at "ononychotitis", so called from ass, hoof and ear, or "ononychottis", Annotations after ch. XIX. Junius, from the Vatican manuscript, (continues)

(printed under page 210)

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 211)

(1) ‹anchor: illi debebant› · call in col 373

Debuerant Haverc.

Havercamp: "debuerant".

(printed under page 211)

(a) ‹anchor: auribus asininis› · call in col 373

Auribus asininis. Unde Petronius in epigrammate: Judaeus licet et porcinum numen adoret, / Et cilli summas advocet auriculas. Ita emendavit Pithoeus pro coeli κιλλὸς ὄνος apud Hesychium. Hominem fere talem describit Martialis Epigr. VI. 39. Hunc vero acuto capite, et auribus longis, / Quae sic moventur, ut solent asellorum, / Quis morionis filium neget Gurthae? Sunt insignes duo loci apud Epiphanium contra Gnosticos l. I. haeresi 26. φασὶ δὲ τὸν Σαβαὼθ οἱ μὲν, ὄνου μορφὴν ἔχειν, οἱ δὲ χοίρου. i. e. Deum Sabaoth alii asini formam, alii porci habere dicunt. Et paulo post: Ἐκ τούτου γάρ φασι τὸν Ζαχαρίαν, etc., i. e. Ex hac enim causa inquiunt Zacharium occisum in templo, quoniam visionem vidit, et ex timore volens narrare visionem, oris obturationem pertulit. Vidit enim, inquiunt, in hora suffitus faceret, hominem quemdam stantem, asini formam habentem, et quum egressus esset, ac dicere vellet: vae vobis! quem adoratis! obturavit ipsius os ille qui visus est ab ipso in templo, ut loqui non posset. Quum vero aperiret os suum ut loqueretur, tunc revelavit ipsis, et occiderunt ipsum. Hav.

With ass's ears. Hence Petronius in an epigram: "Though the Jew adore even a swine-god, and invoke the highest ears of the cillus." So Pithou emended, for "coeli", from Hesychius's "cillos: ass". Martial describes almost such a man, Epigrams VI, 39: "But this one, with pointed head and long ears that move as asses' do, who would deny he is the son of Gurtha the fool?" There are two notable passages in Epiphanius against the Gnostics, Book I, heresy 26: "Some say that Sabaoth has the form of an ass, others of a pig"; that is, "some say the god Sabaoth has the form of an ass, others of a pig." And a little after: "For for this reason they say that Zachariah," etc., that is: "For this reason, they say, Zachariah was killed in the temple: because he saw a vision, and, wishing out of fear to tell the vision, suffered the stopping of his mouth. For he saw, they say, at the hour when he was offering incense, a man standing, having the form of an ass; and when he had gone out and wished to say, 'Woe to you! whom do you adore!', he who had been seen by him in the temple stopped his mouth so that he could not speak. But when he opened his mouth to speak, then he revealed it to them, and they killed him." Havercamp.

(printed under page 211)

(b) ‹anchor: altero pede ungulatus› · call in col 373

Altero pede ungulatus. Cur non utroque, prout in auriculis? mixturam hominis enim reliquum corpus docere potuit. An respexit Empusam? Fuit enim spectrum Hecates meridianae hoc nomine, altero pede ut homo incedens, altero ut asinus. Docent Philostratus lib. II. et IV. De Vita Apollonii Tyanaei. Scholiastes Apollonii Rhodii ad lib. III. Argonaut. Etiam Aristophanes in Ranis, ubi Xanthus et Bacchus ad Inferos descendunt. Act. I. Sc. VI. καὶ βολίτινον θάτερον, i. e. alterum crus asininum. ubi doctus Scholiastes spectrum illud explicans inde vocari dicit ὀνόκωλον; i. e. altero pede asinum. Idem Scholiastes appellat ὀνοσκελίδα crure asinino ad Concionatr. non longe a fine. Ipsam illam Empusam conspicor ex Aristophanis descriptione inter Gemmas Gorl. Dact. tom. II. n. 41, quam, ut puto, hactenus Viri Docti ibi denotari non intellexerunt. Hav.

Hoofed on one foot. Why not on both, as with the ears? For the rest of the body could show the mixture with a man. Did he have Empusa in view? For a midday spectre of Hecate went by this name, walking on one foot like a man, on the other like an ass. So Philostratus teaches, Life of Apollonius of Tyana, Books II and IV; the scholiast of Apollonius of Rhodes on Argonautica Book III; Aristophanes too in the Frogs, where Xanthias and Bacchus go down to the underworld, Act I, Scene VI: "and the other [leg] of dung", that is, the other leg an ass's; where the learned scholiast, explaining that spectre, says it is therefore called onokōlos, that is, ass-footed on one foot. The same scholiast calls it onoskelis, with ass's leg, on the Ecclesiazusae, not far from the end. I see that very Empusa, from Aristophanes' description, among the gems of Gorlaeus's Dactyliotheca, vol. II, no. 41, which, I think, learned men have not hitherto understood to be represented there. Havercamp.

(printed under page 211)

(2) ‹anchor: biforme numen› · call in col 374

Nomen Paris.

The Paris edition: "nomen".

COMMENTARIUS.

(continued)

mavult Onocorsites. Denique Rigaltius edidit Deus christianorum Onochoetes. Is erat, etc. Qui quoque in notis onocoitis explicat quasi ex asino et homine conceptum, optime. Itaque in textum recepimus. Vult enim illam lectionem clare MS. Lugd. Bat. in quo legi Onochoitissis erat. Et Aldin in quo Onochoitis erat, ut et ipse praestans Codex Agobard. in quo clare Onochoitis. Is erat, etc. Denique MS. Fuld. qui male tamen ita distinguit: DEUS CHRISTIANORUM Onochoites is erat. Unde putaret forsan quis vocem Onochoites non pertinere ad inscriptionem ipsam a scurra inditam, sed esse explicationem quam ipse Tertullianus adjungat, eam quoniam Graece uno vocabulo apte expresserat, ob Latini sermonis egestatem pluribus circumscribere coactus, nisi mox adderet, Risimus et nomen et formem. Verbum tamen ὀνοκοίτης quod Latinis, ut mos olim descriptoribus, repraesentabatur, nusquam illo sensu apud graecos scriptores invenias ut foetum ex asino et alio animali conceptum notet, sed quidem concumbentem asino, ut παρακοίτης dicitur qui uxori suae concumbit, et ἀκοίτης vel ἄκοιτις quae marito latus tegit, sed invenitur tamen simile apud LXX. Interpretes, qui voce κοίτης pro prole, saepius usi sunt, unde explicat Grotius locum Pauli ad Romanos c. IX. versu 10. Ἀλλὰ καὶ Ῥεβέκκα ἐξ ἑνὸς κοίτην ἔχουσα Ἰσαὰκ τοῦ πατρὸς ἡμῶν. Qui ipse locus nondum satis perspectus mihi videtur: illud enim ἐξ ἑνὸς non refero ad Isaacum, ut fit passim, absurdum enim in tam casta conjuge Rebecca peregrinam opem cogitare, sed ad congressum maritalem, ipsum concubitum; et certe inde augetur vis argumentationis Apostolicae qui de sterili hactenus Rebecca agens, notat illam uno congressu gemellos in utero concepisse, ut omnem superfoetationem excludat, de qua agit Hippocrates in libro de Diaeta et quam Medicorum filii norunt. Imo multo magis ut ostendat Jacobum et Esavum uno utero progressos, uno eodemque tempore conceptos et editos, dissimillimam tamen fortunam apud Deum invenisse. Adeo verissimum illud Persii est sano sensu receptum Sat. VI. versu 18. Geminos horoscope varo / Producis genio. Praeterea vox Ἰσαὰκ non referenda est ad ἐξ ἑνὸς, sed ad Ῥεβέκκα, ut ita comma ponatur ante et Ἰσαὰκ, quasi esset scriptum Ῥεβέκκα, Ἰσαὰκ τοῦ πατρὸς ἡμῶν ἐξ ἑνὸς κοίτην ἔχουσα, i. e. Rebecca, uxor patris nostri Isaaci ex una congressione prolem [quam binam laudat in sequentibus] quum suscepisset. Hunc itaque Deum fictum ex habitu corporis quasi ὀνοκοίτην denotavit scurra Judaeus, turpi quasi moecha prognatum, qualis ferina libido apud Juvenalem Sat. VI. versu 330. Si nihil est, servis incurritur, abstuleris spem / Servorum, veniet conductus aquarius, hic si / Quaeritur, et desunt homines: mora nulla per ipsam, / Quo minus imposito clunem submittat asello. Tale quid in Pasiphaes fabula ad vivum repraesentata spectasse ausos Romanorum oculos, sub impurissimis belluis Nerone et Domitiano, auctores Sueton. cap. XII. Martial. I. 5. Hav.

prefers "Onocorsites". Finally Rigault printed "Deus christianorum Onochoetes. Is erat," etc.; who also in his notes explains "onocoitis" as conceived of an ass and a man, excellently. So we have received it into the text. For the Leiden manuscript clearly intends that reading, in which I read "Onochoitissis erat"; and the Aldine, in which "Onochoitis erat", as also the excellent Agobard codex itself, in which clearly "Onochoitis. Is erat," etc. Finally the Fulda manuscript, which, however, divides it wrongly thus: "THE GOD OF THE CHRISTIANS Onochoites is erat". From which someone might perhaps think that the word "Onochoites" did not belong to the inscription put up by the buffoon, but was an explanation that Tertullian himself adds, which, since he had aptly expressed it in Greek in one word, he was forced by the poverty of the Latin tongue to paraphrase in several, had he not added immediately, "We laughed at both the name and the form." Yet the word onokoitēs, which was rendered for Latins as copyists were once wont, you will nowhere find in Greek writers in the sense of denoting an offspring conceived of an ass and another animal, but rather one who lies with an ass, as parakoitēs is said of one who lies with his wife, and akoitēs or akoitis of her who covers her husband's side; yet something similar is found in the Seventy Interpreters, who often used the word koitē for offspring; whence Grotius explains the passage of Paul to the Romans, ch. 9, verse 10: "But also Rebecca, having conceived by one, Isaac our father." This passage itself seems to me not yet sufficiently understood: for I refer that "by one" not to Isaac, as is commonly done (for it is absurd to imagine outside help in so chaste a wife as Rebecca), but to the marital union, the very act of lying together; and certainly the force of the Apostle's argument is increased thereby, who, treating of Rebecca, hitherto barren, notes that she conceived twins in the womb by one union, so as to exclude all superfetation, of which Hippocrates treats in his book On Regimen and which the sons of the physicians know. Much more, to show that Jacob and Esau, issuing from one womb, conceived and born at one and the same time, yet found very different fortune with God. So very true is that line of Persius, taken in a sound sense, Satire VI, line 18: "Horoscope, you bring forth twins of diverse genius." Moreover the word "Isaac" is not to be referred to "by one" but to "Rebecca", so that a comma is placed before "and Isaac", as if it were written: "Rebecca, [wife] of Isaac our father, having conceived by one union," that is, "when Rebecca, wife of our father Isaac, had received offspring from one union" [which he praises as twofold in what follows]. So the Jewish buffoon branded this god, fashioned from the form of the body, as an onokoitēs, born as it were of a shameful adulteress; such as the bestial lust in Juvenal, Satire VI, line 330: "If there is nothing [else], they rush at slaves; take away hope of slaves, a hired water-carrier will come; if he is sought and men are lacking, no delay on her part from offering herself to a donkey placed upon her." That the eyes of the Romans dared to watch something of the kind, in the fable of Pasiphae represented to the life under those most impure brutes Nero and Domitian, is attested by Suetonius, ch. XII, and Martial I, 5. Havercamp.

(printed under page 211)

(c) ‹anchor: capite commistos› · call in col 374

Commixtos. Quod captavit olim jam Porphyrius in subtilissimo scripto suo de Abstin. ab Animal. lib. IV. docens quodlibet animal cum homine olim assumptum ad simulacrorum compositionem, veluti cum humano corpori facies avis cujuspiam, aut leonis jungeretur, atque inde nefas tale quid edere, aut manducare. Hav.

Mixed together. Which Porphyry long ago seized on in his most subtle work On Abstinence from Animals, Book IV, teaching that any animal at all was once taken together with man for the composition of images, as when the face of some bird, or of a lion, was joined to a human body, and that hence it was unlawful to eat or devour any such thing. Havercamp.

(printed under page 211)

(d) ‹anchor: ariete cornutos› · call in col 374

Ariete cornutos. Lucan. lib. IX. de Jove Lybico Stat certior illic / Jupiter, ut memorant, sed non aut fulmina vibrans / Aut similis nostro, sed tortis cornibus Ammon; ita lege ex optimi MS. emendatione. Reliqui sunt Panes, Satyri, Cynocephali, Mithrae. Adde Spanhemium de Usu et Praest. Num. p. 349. Hav.

Horned from a ram. Lucan, Book IX, on Libyan Jove: "There stands, as they relate, a surer Jupiter, but not brandishing thunderbolts nor like ours, but Ammon with twisted horns"; read so, from the emendation of the best manuscript. The rest are Pans, Satyrs, Dog-heads, Mithras. Add Spanheim, On the Use and Excellence of Coins, p. 349. Havercamp.

(printed under page 211)

(e) ‹anchor: a cruribus serpentes› · call in col 374

A cruribus serpentes. An innuit Palladis crimen Vulcani filium Erichthonium? de quo multa Lactantius l. I. c. 17. cuique apporrectum draconem affingit Ovid. Met. II. 563. Quem per serpentem ad pedes Minervae Phidiacae innui putat Pausanias. Cui ob originis sublimitatem et factorum claritatem templa et arae signaque erecta fuerint, quamvis de illo nihil legisse memini, ut Deo culto. Tamen id fieri potuit, cum etiam Euripides notet in ejus honorem mansisse morem Atheniensibus mulierculis, ubi regnavit, ut parvulos aureis serpentibus ornent. Verba ejus sunt in Ione: ὅθεν Ἐρεχθείδαις ἐκεῖ / Νόμος τίς ἐστιν, ὄφεσιν χρυσηλάτοις / Τρέφειν τέκνα. Hunc sculptura quadam innui apud Gorl. Dact. tom. II. n. 489. putant nonnulli. sed magister meus Gronovius, vir summus, rectius ad gigantem serpentipedem pertinere docuit. An potius innuit Serapin? cujus caput est in postico Antonini Pii, corpore serpentino cum multis spiris, quibus spicam involvit (continues)

Serpents from the legs. Does he hint at Pallas's offence, Vulcan's son Erichthonius? On whom Lactantius says much, Book I, ch. 17, and to whom Ovid assigns a serpent stretched beside him, Metamorphoses II, 563. Pausanias thinks he is meant by the serpent at the feet of Phidias's Minerva. To him, for the loftiness of his origin and the fame of his deeds, temples, altars and statues may have been set up, though I do not recall having read anything of him as a god worshipped. Yet it could have happened, since Euripides too notes that in his honour a custom remained among the women of Athens, where he reigned, of adorning their little ones with golden serpents. His words are in the Ion: "whence among the Erechtheids there is a custom of rearing their children with golden-wrought serpents." Some think he is meant by a certain carving in Gorlaeus's Dactyliotheca, vol. II, no. 489; but my master Gronovius, a man of the first rank, taught more rightly that it belongs to the serpent-footed giant. Or does he rather hint at Serapis? whose head is on the reverse of Antoninus Pius, with a serpentine body of many coils, in which he wraps an ear of corn (continues)

(printed under page 211)

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 212)

(1) ‹anchor: rumoris irrepercussum› · call in col 375

Impercussum Paris.

The Paris edition: "impercussum".

(printed under page 212)

(2) ‹anchor: conversi jam› · call in col 375

Conversari jam Jun.

Junius: "conversari jam".

(printed under page 212)

(3) ‹anchor: religionis nostrae, repurgavimus› · call in col 375

Repurgabimus Paris.

The Paris edition: "repurgabimus" [we shall clear away].

(printed under page 212)

(4) ‹anchor: Quod colimus [nos]› · call in col 375

Nos abest Paris.

"Nos" is absent in the Paris edition.

(printed under page 212)

(5) ‹anchor: Invisibilis est› · call in col 375

Et si Paris.

The Paris edition: "et si".

(printed under page 212)

(a) ‹anchor: et planta› · call in col 375

A planta. Mercurium innuit Cyllenium illum, qui pedibus talaria nectit / Aurea, quae sublimem alis, sive aequora supra, / Seu terram rapido pariter cum flamine portant; Apud Virg. IV. Aen. versu 244. Id.

From the sole of the foot. He means that Cyllenian Mercury, who "binds on his feet the golden sandals that carry him aloft on wings, over sea or over land, swift as the wind," in Virgil, Aeneid IV, line 244 [241]. The same.

(printed under page 212)

(b) ‹anchor: tergo alites› · call in col 375

Tergo alites. Cupidinem intelligit et agmen Amorum, ipse πτερόεις ὅσον ὄρνις, sicut pennipotens avis circumvolat, describente matre apud Moschum Eidyl. I. Horum omnium pleniorem notitiam dabit spectatae eruditionis vir Matth. Brouerius qui de Diis Alatis syntagma promisit in praefatione ad libellum de Adorationibus Veterum. Id.

Winged on the back. He means Cupid and the troop of Loves, himself "winged like a bird", flying about like a strong-winged bird, as his mother describes him in Moschus, Idyll I. A fuller account of all these will be given by a man of proven learning, Matthaeus Brouwer, who promised a treatise On the Winged Gods in the preface to his little book On the Adorations of the Ancients. The same.

(printed under page 212)

ARGUMENTUM. — Deum verum, qui omnia fecit, cujus, et naturam describit, Christianos colere asserit: hujus notitiam et agnitionem naturaliter homini insitam docet, ita ut magnitudinem ejus, bonitatem, benignitatem, auxilium et justitiam non ignoret, inque coelis agere, non in terra, credat.

ARGUMENT. — He declares that the Christians worship the true God, who made all things, whose nature also he describes; he teaches that the knowledge and acknowledgement of Him is naturally implanted in man, so that man is not ignorant of His greatness, goodness, kindness, help and justice, and believes that He dwells in the heavens, not on earth.

<!-- note: the Argumentum of Caput XVII stands complete in this column, under the CAPUT XVII heading, after the end of Caput XVI ("... repurgavimus (3).") and before the author's text of Caput XVII ("Quod colimus [nos] (4), Deus unus est ..."). Variant readings and commentary below not set. -->

(6) ‹anchor: humanis sensibus› · call in col 376

Sensibilis Paris.

The Paris edition: "sensibilis".

(printed under page 212)

(7) ‹anchor: aestimetur; ideo› · call in col 376

Adeo Fran.

Franeker edition: "adeo".

(printed under page 212)

(8) ‹anchor: Ita eum vis› · call in col 376

Sobjicit Sun.

"Sobjicit" [so printed], Junius [printed "Sun."].

(printed under page 212)

(9) ‹anchor: Et haec est summa› · call in col 376

Est delet Paris.

The Paris edition deletes "est".

(printed under page 212)

(10) ‹anchor: quibus sustinemur› · call in col 376

Quibus sustinemur abest Paris.

"Quibus sustinemur" is absent in the Paris edition.

(printed under page 212)

(11) ‹anchor: falsis diis exancillata› · call in col 376

Exanculata Jun.

Junius: "exanculata".

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(12) ‹anchor: sanitatem suam› · call in col 376

Et add. Paris.

The Paris edition adds "et".

COMMENTARIUS.

(continued)

recensente Montfauconio in Diario Italico p. 443. An vero draconem illum cum humano capite? qualem depictum in nummo quodam Amphipolitarum, vidisse se memorat Ill. Spanhem. de Usu et Pr. N. p. 174. quemque ibidem p. 181. in Nicomediae nummo sub Caracalla signato a Tristano vulgatum docet: eumdem scilicet quem describit Lucianus in Pseudomanti, et cujus jam a tempore Antoninorum magna sub Glauconis nomine, divinitatis, apud imperitum vulgus, fama erat. Cui fere cuncta applicari possint, nullum aliud Numen video quam Mithrae, de quo Deo egit singulari opere Ph. a Turre. Etiam apud Gorlaeum in Abraxeis semper fere anguibus comitatur, capite etiam leonino ut videre est. Eminent vero icones, quas publicavit et contemplatus est antiquitatis studiosissimus Bernh. de Montfaucon in Diario Ital. p. 198. Hav.

as Montfaucon records in his Diarium Italicum, p. 443. Or rather that dragon with a human head? such as the illustrious Spanheim, On the Use and Excellence of Coins, p. 174, records that he saw depicted on a certain coin of the Amphipolitans, and which, he shows in the same place, p. 181, was published by Tristan on a coin of Nicomedia struck under Caracalla: namely the same one Lucian describes in the Pseudomantis, of whose divinity, under the name of Glycon, there was already from the time of the Antonines a great report among the ignorant crowd. To which almost everything could be applied; I see no other deity than Mithras, of which god Filippo della Torre treated in a special work. In Gorlaeus too, among the Abraxas gems, he is almost always accompanied by snakes, with a lion's head too, as may be seen. Outstanding are the images that that most zealous student of antiquity, Bernard de Montfaucon, published and considered in his Diarium Italicum, p. 198. Havercamp.

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(c) ‹anchor: humanis sensibus› · call in col 376

CAP. XVII. — (c) Humanis sensibus. Tacitus V. Hist. Judaei mente sola, unumque Numen intelligunt. Profanos, qui Deum imagines, mortalibus materiis, in species hominum effingant. Facit huc locus Pauli ad Ephesiosc. V. versu 17. Διὰ τοῦτο μὴ γίνεσθε ἄφρονες, ἀλλὰ συνιέντες τί τὸ θέλημα τοῦ Κυρίου. Hav.

Chapter XVII. By human senses. Tacitus, Histories V: "The Jews conceive of one deity, and with the mind alone. They hold profane those who fashion images of gods from mortal materials in the likeness of men." To this point is the passage of Paul to the Ephesians, ch. 5, verse 17: "Therefore do not be foolish, but understand what the will of the Lord is." Havercamp.

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(d) ‹anchor: aestimari potest› · call in col 376

Minus est. Pulcherrima oratio, qua docemur nolle nimis altum sapere, cum sibi arcanorum suorum solus conscius sit Deus, nobis ex iis quae revelavit et secundum ea (Taciti verbis utar) gloria obsequii sola relicta sit. Imo inde gloriam futuri aevi praestantiamque perfectioris naturae nostrae deducit Apostolorum coryphaeus, quod plenior et perspicacior Dei notitia nobis sit seposita. Ita enim ille I. ad Corinth. XIII. 12. Βλέπομεν γὰρ ἄρτι δι' ἐσόπτρου ἐν αἰνίγματι, τότε δὲ πρόσωπον πρὸς πρόσωπον· ἄρτι γινώσκω ἐκ μέρους, τότε δὲ ἐπιγνώσομαι καθὼς καὶ ἐπεγνώσθην. Hav.

Is less. A most beautiful sentence, by which we are taught not to be wise above measure, since God alone is privy to his secrets, and to us, from what he has revealed and according to it, "the glory of obedience alone" (to use Tacitus's words) is left. Indeed the chief of the Apostles derives from it the glory of the age to come and the excellence of our more perfect nature, because a fuller and clearer knowledge of God is laid up for us. For so he says, 1 Corinthians 13:12: "For now we see through a mirror in a riddle, but then face to face; now I know in part, but then I shall know fully, even as I have been fully known." Havercamp.

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(e) ‹anchor: aestimari non capit› · call in col 376

Capit. Ita graecissat Noster saepe. De Spect. c. III. Generaliter dictum intelligamus, cum quid etiam specialiter interpretari capit. Adv. Marc. l. V. c. 10. animale dici capit. capit est ἐνδέχεται ut recte la Cerda. Hav.

Admits. So our author often writes in the Greek manner. On the Shows, ch. III: "Let us understand a thing said generally, when it admits of being interpreted specially too." Against Marcion Book V, ch. 10: "it admits of being called animal." "Capit" is endechetai [it is possible], as la Cerda rightly says. Havercamp.

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(f) ‹anchor: summa delicti› · call in col 376

Summa delicti. Ἀνακεφαλαίωσις, redactio in summam, breve compendium, ita potius explico, quam ut alii, summum delictum. Hav.

The sum of the offence. Anakephalaiōsis, a reduction to a sum, a brief summary: so I prefer to explain it, rather than, as others, "the greatest offence". Havercamp.

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(g) ‹anchor: institutionibus pravis› · call in col 376

Institutionibus pravis. Multa bona docte Interpretes congesserunt ad hanc capitis partem; sed omnino animadvertendum est nihil tam ab Nostro spectari, quam pulcherrimam illam Cebetis tabellam, ubi hae pravae Institutiones, quibus homo circumscribitur, i. e. fallitur, sunt Δόξαι, Opiniones, et ψευδοπαιδεία, falsi nominis eruditio. Poetae, Oratores, Dialectici, Musici et quicumque ibi recensentur. Libidines et concupiscentiae ibi Ἐπιθυμίαι, καὶ Ἡδοναὶ, Cupiditates et Voluptates appellantur. Tandem ex crapula resipiunt ii, quibus in afflictis rebus forte Μετάνοια, Poenitentia fit obviam, quae illis comites dans alias Opiniones et Cupiditates εἰς τὴν Ἀληθινὴν Παιδείαν, ad Veram eruditionem perducit. Quem libellum cum hisce conferre, si quis dignetur, operae non poenitebit. Statim Aldus et concup. non vero ac; sed non est tanti. Hav.

By depraved teachings. The commentators have learnedly gathered much that is good on this part of the chapter; but it must above all be noticed that nothing is so much in our author's view as that most beautiful Tablet of Cebes, where these depraved teachings by which man is circumscribed, that is, deceived, are Doxai, Opinions, and pseudopaideia, learning falsely so called: poets, orators, dialecticians, musicians and whoever else are listed there. Lusts and desires are there called Epithymiai and Hēdonai, Desires and Pleasures. At last they come to their senses from the drunkenness, those whom, in their afflictions, Metanoia, Repentance, perhaps meets, who, giving them other Opinions and Desires as companions, leads them "to True Learning". Whoever deigns to compare that little book with these words will not regret the effort. Immediately after, Aldus has "et concup.", not "ac"; but it is not worth much. Havercamp.

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(h) ‹anchor: ex somno› · call in col 376

Ex somno. Prosper Sentent. lib. ex Augustino c. CCXV. Sic sunt, qui colunt idola, quomodo qui in somnis vident vana. Si autem evigilet anima ipsorum, intelligit a quo facta sit, et non colit quod ipsa fecit. Idem Lucianus in Bis Accus. p. 323. Καὶ ὥσπερ ἐξ ὕπνου βαθέος ἀνεγειρόμενος, etc., i. e. Ac velut e profundo somno experrectus, cum se aspiciebat quo pacto esset affectus, tum vitam anteactam damnabat, et rubor ille ex temulentia coortus deflorescebat, evanescebatque: ipse autem prae pudore eorum quae fecerat, erubescebat. Hav.

From sleep. Prosper, Book of Sentences from Augustine, ch. CCXV: "Those who worship idols are like those who see empty things in dreams. But if their soul awakes, it understands by whom it was made, and does not worship what it made itself." Likewise Lucian in the Double Indictment, p. 323: "And as if waking from a deep sleep," etc., that is: "And as if roused from a deep sleep, when he looked at himself and saw what state he was in, he condemned his past life; and that flush that had come from drunkenness faded and vanished, while he himself blushed for shame at what he had done." Havercamp.

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(i) ‹anchor: suam patitur› · call in col 376

Et sanitatem suam patitur. Mirabar potitur (continues)

And experiences its own health. I used to wonder that "potitur" [obtains] (continues)

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LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 213)

(a) ‹anchor: animae naturaliter christianae› · call in col 377

Naturaliter Christianae. De Testim. Animae c. 1. Sed non eam te advoco (animam) quae scholis formata, bibliothecis exercitata, academiis et porticibus Atticis pastam sapientiam ructas. Te simplicem et rudem et impolitam, et idioticam compello, qualem habent, qui te solum habent etc.

"Naturally Christian." On the Testimony of the Soul, ch. 1: "But I do not summon you (the soul) as you are when, formed in the schools, trained in libraries, you belch up a wisdom fed in the academies and Attic porches. I address you simple and rude and unpolished and unlettered, such as they have you who have you alone," etc.

(printed under page 213)

ARGUMENTUM. — Istum Deum, non contentum insita sui hominibus notitia, aberrantes verbo et scriptura docere voluisse ostendit: itaque prophetas misisse Spiritu divino inundatos, qui populum suum de se suoque cultu et potentia edocerent. Haec, quoniam praerogativa erat Judaeorum, hebraicam requirebant linguam; sed quoniam jussu Ptolemaei in graecam linguam monumenta ita versa erant, facile adiri posse, tanta quidem veritatis vi coruscantia, ut qui legerit vel audierit, etiam credere cogatur.

ARGUMENT. — He shows that this God, not content with the knowledge of Himself implanted in men, willed to teach them, when they went astray, by word and by writing; and that He therefore sent prophets overflowing with the divine Spirit, to instruct His people concerning Himself and His worship and power. These writings, since they were the prerogative of the Jews, required the Hebrew tongue; but since by command of Ptolemy the records had been turned into the Greek tongue, they could easily be approached, flashing indeed with such force of truth that whoever reads or hears them is compelled even to believe.

<!-- note: the Argumentum of Caput XVIII stands complete in this column, under the CAPUT XVIII heading, after the end of Caput XVII ("... et inde descendit.") and before the author's text of Caput XVIII ("Sed quo plenius et impressius ..."). Variant readings and commentary below not set. -->

(1) ‹anchor: hic enim est› · call in col 378

Non est Franeq.

"Is not": Franeker edition.

(printed under page 213)

(2) ‹anchor: sed et observantibus› · call in col 378

Observationibus Paris.

"Observationibus": Paris edition.

(printed under page 213)

(3) ‹anchor: ut qui› · call in col 378

Producto Fran.

"Producto": Franeker edition.

(printed under page 213)

(4) ‹anchor: Quos diximus› · call in col 378

Dicimus Jun.

"Dicimus" (we call): Junius.

(printed under page 213)

(5) ‹anchor: de officio praefandi› · call in col 378

Prophetandi Paris.

"Prophetandi" (of prophesying): Paris edition.

COMMENTARIUS.

(continued)

Rigaltio in editionibus placuisse, sed postea vidi Priorii esse, quod forsan habet a Latinio, sed patitur etiam Codex L. Bat. et editi omnes. Pro et mavult dum Latinius, Fuld. MS. delet. Pati vero et de re laeta et adversa dicitur, ut Graecum, quod imitari voluit, πάσχειν. Suam hic emphasi non caret, sed est ut contrario et tristiori sensu in notissimo illo dictum, Quisque suos patimur manes, apud Virgil. lib. VI. In Codice Agobard. est pascitur, quod probare non possum. Hav.

... pleased Rigault in the editions, but afterwards I saw that it was Prior's, which he perhaps has from Latinius; but the Leiden Codex and all the printed editions also have "patitur". For "et" Latinius prefers "dum"; the Fulda MS deletes it. "Pati" is said of a thing both happy and adverse, like the Greek πάσχειν, which he meant to imitate. "Suam" here is not without emphasis, but it is as in that most famous saying, in a contrary and sadder sense, "Each of us suffers his own ghost," in Virgil, book VI. In the Agobard Codex it is "pascitur", which I cannot approve. Havercamp.

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(b) ‹anchor: exinde qui signa› · call in col 378

CAP. XVIII. — Exinde qui signa. Locus varie ab doctis interpretibus sollicitatus, prout apud Wouwerium, La Cerdam, aliosque videre est. Pamelius, MS. Lugd. Bat. Agob. Herald. et denique Rhenanum, Exinde quae signa majestatis suae judicantis ediderit p. i., etc.; quomodo etiam Ald. nisi quod is habet indicantis. Rigalt. melius, Exinde qui s. m. s. judicantis ediderit. Barr. majestati suae vindicandae, quod sequitur Wouwerius. Optimus Fuldanus: majestatis suae ediderit, judicando ediderit. Unde apparet lectionem eam voluisse: Exinde qui signa majestatis suae ediderit, judicando per imbres, etc. Forsitan legendum, Exinde qui signa majestati suae vindicandae ediderit, judicando per imbres, etc. Dicit hic exinde, etc., quod cap. XIX. et mox ultricem iniquitatis illius aevi vim cataclysmi. Hav.

CHAP. XVIII. — "Thereafter who [gave] signs." A passage variously tampered with by learned interpreters, as may be seen in Wouwer, La Cerda and others. Pamelius, the Leiden MS, Agobard, Hérault and finally Rhenanus have "Thereafter what signs of his judging majesty he gave by rains," etc.; so too the Aldine, except that it has "indicantis" (showing). Rigault better: "Thereafter who gave signs of his judging majesty." Barraeus: "majestati suae vindicandae" (for vindicating his majesty), which Wouwer follows. The excellent Fulda MS: "majestatis suae ediderit, judicando ediderit". Whence it appears that it meant this reading: "Thereafter who gave signs of his majesty, judging by rains," etc. Perhaps read: "Thereafter who gave signs for vindicating his majesty, judging by rains," etc. He says "exinde" etc. here as in ch. XIX, and soon after, "the avenging force of the deluge on the iniquity of that age." Havercamp.

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(c) ‹anchor: per imbres, per ignes› · call in col 378

Per imbres. Respicit judicium primi mundi, et poenam Sodomae: quae duo plane ita conjunguntur etiam a Petro, Epist. II. 2. 5. 6. καὶ ἀρχαίου κόσμου οὐκ ἐφείσατο, ἀλλ' ὄγδοον Νῶε δικαιοσύνης κήρυκα ἐφύλαξε, κατακλυσμὸν κόσμῳ ἀσεβῶν ἐπάξας. Καὶ πόλεις Σοδόμων καὶ Γομόῤῥας τεφρώσας καταστροφῇ κατέκρινεν, ὑπόδειγμα μελλόντων ἀσεβεῖν τεθεικώς. Hav.

"By rains." He has in view the judgement of the first world and the punishment of Sodom: two things joined in just this way by Peter too, 2 Pet. 2:5–6: "and spared not the ancient world, but kept Noah, the eighth, a herald of righteousness, bringing a flood on the world of the ungodly; and turning the cities of Sodom and Gomorrah to ashes he condemned them with an overthrow, making them an example to those who would afterwards live ungodly." Havercamp.

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(d) ‹anchor: quas ignoratis aut deseritis› · call in col 378

Quas ignoratis aut. Rectissime ita Rigalt. Perperam alii, quae ignoratis et deseritis, vel quibus ignoratis aut desertis. Aut enim ignorarunt gentes disciplinas has, ut verbum Dei Judaeis suis traditum, aut deseruerunt; illas scilicet non tantum, quas ex mundi opificio et mirabili rerum omnium ordine colligere debuerant, prout hinc argumentatur Apostolus Paulus Act. XVII. 27. collato c. XIV. 16. 17. quod Moses Israeli inculcat. l. V. c. 17. 19. docens praerogativam ipsorum, quos sibi per se ipsum docendos assumpserat Deus, reliquis populis coelum, solem, lunam, stellas distribuens, ut ita per longas demum ambages ruditer tantum notitiam Deitatis cujusdam haberent; sed et, quod hic praecipue respicit, jam sibi etiam per Novi Testamenti indulgentiam oblatas. Hav.

"Which you do not know or." So Rigault, most rightly. Others wrongly: "which you do not know and desert", or "which being unknown or deserted". For the nations either did not know these disciplines, like the word of God handed to his Jews, or deserted them: not only, that is, those which they ought to have gathered from the making of the world and the wonderful order of all things, as the Apostle Paul argues from this in Acts 17:27, compared with ch. 14:16–17 (which Moses impresses on Israel, book V, ch. 17, 19 [Deut. 4:17, 19], teaching the prerogative of those whom God had taken to himself to be taught by himself, while distributing to the other peoples the heavens, sun, moon and stars, so that only thus, at last, through long windings, they might crudely have knowledge of some Deity); but also, and this is what he chiefly has in view here, those now offered them by the indulgence of the New Testament. Havercamp.

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(e) ‹anchor: reformatis et recensitis› · call in col 378

Recensitis. Cod. Fuld. recensis. Quod sequitur dispungere a re nummaria est sumptum, tabulisque accepti et expensi. Unde et illa locutio Apoc. III. 5. μὴ ἐξαλείψω τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ ἐκ τῆς Βίβλου τῆς ζωῆς. Hav.

"Reviewed." The Fulda Codex has "recensis". What follows, "dispungere", is taken from money matters and from the ledgers of receipts and expenses. Hence also that expression in Rev. 3:5: "I will not blot out his name from the book of life." Havercamp.

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(f) ‹anchor: De vestris fuimus› · call in col 378

De vestris fuimus. Diogenes Laertius de Diogene Cynico. Ille exprobranti sibi, quod aliquando falso pecuniam signasset, ἦν ποτε, inquit, χρόνος ἐκεῖνος ὅτ' ἤμην ἐγὼ τοιοῦτος ὁποῖος σὺ νῦν· ὁποῖος δ' ἐγὼ νῦν, σὺ οὐδέποτε; i. e. tempus fuit quum talis eram, qualis tu modo: qualis autem ego modo sum, nunquam tu eris. Hav.

"We were of yours." Diogenes Laertius on Diogenes the Cynic. To one who reproached him with having once struck false coin, he said: "There was a time when I was such as you are now; but such as I am now, you never will be"; that is, there was a time when I was what you are now; but what I am now, you will never be. Havercamp.

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(g) ‹anchor: non nascuntur christiani› · call in col 378

Fiunt, non nascuntur. De Anima c. 1. Fieri enim, non nasci soles christiana. Nam christianos non facit generatio, sed regeneratio, secundum Augustin. l. III. de peccat. Mer. et Rem. c. 9. scilicet aliter ac poetae, qui nascuntur, non fiunt. Exstat ad dictum hoc Tertulliani commentariolus Matth. Zimmermanni Lipsiae 1662. 4. Hav.

"Are made, not born." On the Soul, ch. 1: "For you are wont to be made a Christian, not born one." For not generation but regeneration makes Christians, according to Augustine, On the Merits and Remission of Sins, book III, ch. 9; otherwise, that is, than poets, who are born, not made. There is a little commentary on this saying of Tertullian by Matthias Zimmermann, Leipzig 1662, in quarto. Havercamp.

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(h) ‹anchor: eorum itemque virtutes› · call in col 378

Virtutes. De moribus intelligunt interpretes, cum potius miracula per illos edita, quae passim virtutes in S. S. audiunt, innuantur. Mox pro ad fidem ed. Ald. Herald. et Rhen. ad finem. male. Hav.

"Powers." The interpreters understand this of their morals, whereas rather the miracles worked through them, which are everywhere called "virtutes" in Holy Scripture, are meant. Just after, for "ad fidem" the Aldine edition, Hérault and Rhenanus have "ad finem", wrongly. Havercamp.

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(i) ‹anchor: Ptolemaeorum eruditissimus› · call in col 378

Ptolemaeorum eruditissimus. Haec si vera scriptura est, quomodo hactenus omnes editiones prae se ferunt, innuere vult totam Ptolemaeorum gentem in studiis valde fuisse deditam: quomodo omnis etiam Caesarum stirps a Julio descendens satis litterata fuisse traditur. Et certe non tantum imperii formator (continues)

"The most learned of the Ptolemies." If this is the true reading, as all editions up to now display it, he means that the whole line of the Ptolemies was much given to studies, just as the whole stock of the Caesars descended from Julius is also said to have been fairly lettered. And certainly not only the founder of the empire (continues)

(printed under page 213)

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 214)

(1) ‹anchor: litteras, proprias› · call in col 379

Scilicet delet Jun. Haverc.

Junius and Havercamp delete "scilicet".

(printed under page 214)

(a) ‹anchor: omnis litteraturae sagacissimus› · call in col 379

Sagacissimus. Hoc epiphonemate ex vero illum ornat, innuens quasi canem venaticum omnes angulos bibliothecarum, quae in Graecia et alibi exstabant, perscrutasse, ingentemque inde praedam asportasse. Athenaeus quoque de illo lib. XII. p. 536. παιδείας, εἴ τις ἄλλος, καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπιμεληθείς; i. e. litteraturae, si quis alius, studiosissimus. Qui eumdem summo elogio. πάντ' ἄριστον, i. e. undequaque optimum, lib. V. cap. 5. et lib. XII. πάντων σεμνότατον γινόμενον τῶν δυναστῶν. i. e. omnium principum gravissimum appellat. Eumdem virtutibus regiis supra omnes aetatis suae superiorumque saeculorum principes nobilem, praedicat Philo Judaeus lib. II. de Vita Mosis. Hav.

"Most keen-scented." With this exclamation he truly adorns him, hinting that like a hunting dog he searched out every corner of the libraries existing in Greece and elsewhere, and carried off a huge prey from them. Athenaeus too says of him, book XII, p. 536: "having cared for learning, if anyone did"; that is, most devoted to letters, if anyone was. He also calls him with the highest praise "best in all things", that is, excellent in every respect, book V, ch. 5, and in book XII "become the most august of all rulers", that is, the most dignified of all princes. Philo the Jew, On the Life of Moses, book II, proclaims him renowned in royal virtues above all the princes of his own and earlier ages. Havercamp.

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(b) ‹anchor: studio bibliothecarum› · call in col 379

Studio bibliothecarum. Quas pater ejus Lagides comportare Alexandriam coeperat. Persuasus ab Aristotele vel instituto ejus motus Strabo lib. XIII. Ὁ Ἀριστοτέλης, πρῶτος ὧν ἴσμεν, συναγαγὼν βιβλία, καὶ διδάξας τοὺς ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ Βασιλέας Βιβλιοθήκης σύνταξιν, i. e. Aristoteles primus omnium, qui nobis sunt noti, Bibliothecam composuit, idque Aegypti reges facere docuit. Aegyptiorum vero studium, ut omnis sapientiae avidum, ita etiam Bibliothecarum, commendat lib. II. cap. 49. Diodorus Siculus, ubi narrat Osymandiam antiquissimum Aegyptiorum Regem, praeter monumenta alia condidisse Bibliothecam, super cujus limen praescribi jusserit ΨΥΧΗΣ ΙΑΤΡΕΙΟΝ, i. e., ut Lipsius vertit, ANIMI OFFICINA MEDICA. Ptolemaeorum vero uterque Lagides et Philadelphus, ille cum Berenice, hic cum Arsinoe sorore eadem et conjuge, veteribus nummis aureis, quos Spanhemius publicavit, se conspiciendos praebeant. Exhibet hos in lib. praestantissimo de Usu et Praest. Num. p. 406. et p. 404. et ante illum tertium item Seguin. in Sel. Num. p. 47. sed quod illud Spanh. male verti putat Deorum Fratrum, in eo fallitur: ita enim distincte nobili loco Tertull. lib. II. ad Nat. cap. 13. Incesto jam junctos Opem et Saturnum fratres recepistis. Mox Cod. Agobard. aemulatur. Hav.

"With zeal for libraries." Which his father, the son of Lagus, had begun to gather to Alexandria, persuaded by Aristotle or moved by his example. Strabo, book XIII: "Aristotle, the first of whom we know to collect books, and who taught the kings in Egypt the arrangement of a library"; that is, Aristotle first of all known to us formed a library, and taught the kings of Egypt to do so. Diodorus Siculus, book II [I], ch. 49, commends the zeal of the Egyptians, as eager for all wisdom, so also for libraries, where he relates that Osymandias, the most ancient king of the Egyptians, besides other monuments founded a library over whose threshold he ordered "PSYCHES IATREION" to be inscribed, that is, as Lipsius translates, THE SOUL'S SURGERY. Both the Ptolemies, the son of Lagus and Philadelphus, the former with Berenice, the latter with Arsinoe, his sister and also his wife, are to be seen on the ancient gold coins that Spanheim published. He shows them in his most excellent book On the Use and Excellence of Coins, p. 406 and p. 404, and before him Seguin likewise showed a third in his Select Coins, p. 47; but where Spanheim thinks "of the Brother Gods" wrongly translated, he is mistaken: for so Tertullian says distinctly in a notable passage, To the Nations book II, ch. 13: "You have received Ops and Saturn, brothers already joined in incest." Just after, the Agobard Codex has "aemulatur". Havercamp.

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(c) ‹anchor: ex suggestu› · call in col 379

Ex suggestu Demetrii. Disertis verbis hoc habent etiam Josephus, et ante illum ni fallor Aristaeas locis supra citatis. Vives in D. Aug. de Civ. Dei, addit, Demetrium hunc Athenis antea maximis dignitatibus functum, civium invidia pulsum a Ptolomaeo fuisse susceptum, et bibliothecae praefectum, quod ex Diogene Laertio sumpsit in Vita ejusdem Demetrii, ubi librum ab eo etiam conscriptum dicit qui Ptolomaeus inscribebatur, et alterum de Rhetorica, qui fortassis occasionem dedit Tertulliano, ut vocet eum Grammaticorum tunc probatissimum, quem interim tanquam Antiquitatum scriptorem citat infra cap. seq. Pamel.

"At the suggestion of Demetrius." Josephus too has this in express words, and before him, unless I am mistaken, Aristeas, in the places cited above. Vives, on St Augustine's City of God, adds that this Demetrius, having previously held the highest offices at Athens, was driven out by the citizens' envy and received by Ptolemy and put in charge of the library; this he took from Diogenes Laertius in the Life of that Demetrius, where he says that a book was also written by him entitled Ptolemy, and another on Rhetoric, which perhaps gave Tertullian occasion to call him "the most approved of the grammarians of the time", whom meanwhile he cites below, in the next chapter, as a writer of Antiquities. Pamelius.

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(d) ‹anchor: Demetrii Phalerei› · call in col 379

Demetrii Phalerei. De insigni hoc viro omnino inspici merentur notae Eusebianae maximi eruditorum Josephi Scaligeri p. 133. qui ibidem putat jejune nimis hoc nomine de illo locutum Tertull. cum tamen tempore illius in summa laude vocabulum illud poneretur, ut nobilem illam criticam significaret, qua de scriptis veterum judicamus. Itaque maxime proprie locutus est: unde Donatus lib. II. litteratum explicat. Melius Scaliger, falsam docet esse hanc opinionem, quoniam ab hoc Philadelpho statim ut regnare incoepit relegatus est, quippe Patri ejus auctor fuerat transferendi jus regium in filium alia matre natum. Itaque in exsilio morsu aspidis periit. Sed studium suum patri Lagidae praestare potuit et in nomine fuisse erratum. De hoc viro elegantissimi Mureti testimonium nobis sit instar omnium. Ille Orat. XXIII. ait: « Trecentas sexaginta Demetrio Phalereo statuas aereas populus Atheniensis anno uno eoque non toto posuerat: quibus omnibus ipse Demetrius superstes fuit. At quae ipse sibi monumenta ingenii ac doctrinae magnitudine exstruxerat, ea et multis post ipsum saeculis viguerunt; et, cum postea densa quaedam et opaca nox omnem prope disciplinarum lucem exstinxisset, ex oculis erepta, incredibile desiderium sui in omnium eruditorum animis reliquerunt. » Hav.

"Of Demetrius of Phalerum." On this distinguished man the notes on Eusebius by Joseph Scaliger, greatest of the learned, p. 133, by all means deserve to be consulted; he thinks there that Tertullian spoke of him too meagrely with this name, though in his time that word was set in the highest praise, to signify that noble criticism by which we judge of the writings of the ancients. So he spoke most properly: whence Donatus, book II, explains it as "litteratus" [man of letters]. Scaliger better teaches that this opinion is false, since he was banished by this Philadelphus as soon as he began to reign, because he had advised his father to transfer the royal right to a son born of another mother. So he died in exile from the bite of an asp. But he could have rendered his service to the father, the son of Lagus, and there may have been an error in the name. On this man let the testimony of the most elegant Muretus stand for all. He says in Oration XXIII: "The Athenian people had set up three hundred and sixty bronze statues to Demetrius of Phalerum in one year, and that not a full one: all of which Demetrius himself outlived. But the monuments he had built himself by the greatness of his genius and learning flourished for many centuries after him; and when afterwards a thick and dark night had put out almost all the light of learning, they were snatched from sight and left an incredible longing for themselves in the minds of all the learned." Havercamp.

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(e) ‹anchor: mandaverat, libros› · call in col 379

LIBROS a Judaeis postulavit. Josephus lib. XII. τὰ τῆς Ἰουδαίων νομοθεσίας βιβλία. Ac deinceps semper hos libros vocat Νόμον, ut ab illis Septuaginta nihil praeter Pentateuchum allatum, aut in Graecam linguam translatum fuisse videatur. Hilarius quoque Prologo in Psal. ait Septuaginta senioribus a rege Ptolomaeo transferendae ex Hebraeo in Graecum sermonem totius Legis curam mandatam fuisse. At Clemens Alex. Strom. I. conversas ab iis in Latinum sermonem fuisse refert τὰς γραφὰς, τὰς τοῦ νόμου καὶ τὰς προφητικάς. Irenaeus quoque Apostolos tradit, ac deinceps horum sectatores prophetica omnia ita annuntiavisse quemadmodum seniorum interpretatio continet. Et tamen ab Apostolis citata quaedam ex prophetis Hieronymus notavit, quae in illa Septuaginta interpretum versione non reperiuntur; qua de re gravis est viri illius doctissimi querela, Praefationibus in Pentateuchum et Tradit. Heb. Rig.

"He asked BOOKS of the Jews." Josephus, book XII: "the books of the legislation of the Jews". And thereafter he always calls these books "the Law", so that it seems nothing but the Pentateuch was brought by those Seventy, or translated into the Greek tongue. Hilary too, in the Prologue to the Psalms, says that the care of translating the whole Law from Hebrew into Greek was entrusted by King Ptolemy to seventy elders. But Clement of Alexandria, Stromata I, relates that there were turned by them into the Latin [sic] tongue "the scriptures, both those of the law and the prophetic ones". Irenaeus too reports that the Apostles, and after them their followers, proclaimed all the prophetic writings just as the elders' translation contains them. And yet Jerome noted certain things cited by the Apostles from the prophets which are not found in that version of the Seventy translators; on which matter there is a weighty complaint of that most learned man in the Prefaces to the Pentateuch and the Hebrew Traditions. Rigault.

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(2) ‹anchor: Graecum stylum ex aperto› · call in col 380

Exaperto Haverc. exaperta conj Sciopp.

"Exaperto": Havercamp; "exaperta": conjecture of Scioppius.

COMMENTARIUS.

(continued)

Ptolemaeus Lagi, etiam Regis et Imperatoris sui Alexandri res gestas litteris consignavit, unde profecisse se Arrianus testatur, sed in qua nomen regium defecit vel foemina Cleopatra cognitione linguarum strenue fuit imbuta. Aliam tamen lectionem suppeditat codex Fuld. Ptolemaeus [quem Philadelphum supernominant] eruditissimus rex et omnis, etc., ita Scioppius corrigit quod ibi vitiosum rexit omni. Hujus fuit praeceptor Strato philosophus, donatus ab eo LXXX. talentis. Diogenes Laertius in Vita Stratonis. Hav.

... Ptolemy son of Lagus also set down in writing the deeds of his king and commander Alexander, from which Arrian testifies that he profited; and in this line, in which the royal name failed, even a woman, Cleopatra, was vigorously imbued with knowledge of languages. Yet the Fulda codex supplies another reading: "Ptolemy [whom they surname Philadelphus], a most learned king, and of all," etc.; so Scioppius corrects what is corrupt there, "rexit omni". His teacher was Strato the philosopher, rewarded by him with 80 talents. Diogenes Laertius in the Life of Strato. Havercamp.

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(f) ‹anchor: providentiae vindex› · call in col 380 (printed "(o)" in the text)

Providentiae vindex. Nimirum divinam ex his Dei providentiam intuens, quod omnes in eamdem sententiam convenissent: quod certe non fuisset mirum, nisi separatim eamdem Scripturam essent interpretati. Itaque separati fuerunt Septuaginta interpretes: id quod tradit Irenaeus lib. III. c. 25. Lac.

"Champion of providence." That is, seeing in these men the divine providence of God, because they had all agreed on the same rendering: which would certainly not have been remarkable unless they had translated the same Scripture separately. So the Seventy translators were kept apart, as Irenaeus relates, book III, ch. 25. La Cerda.

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(g) ‹anchor: Hodie apud Serapaeum› · call in col 380

Hodie apud Serapaeum. Locus hic aut est Serapides templum, de quo Theodoritus lib. V. cap. 22. aut locus Serapidis templo et Alexandriae vicinus, in quo Ptolomaei asservatur bibliotheca. Le pr.

"Today at the Serapeum." This place is either the temple of Serapis, of which Theodoret speaks, book V, ch. 22, or a place near the temple of Serapis and Alexandria in which the library of Ptolemy is kept. Le Prieur.

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(h) ‹anchor: cum ipsis Hebraicis› · call in col 380

Ipsis Hebraicis. Unde patet biglosson fuisse hoc (continues)

"With the Hebrew [letters] themselves." Whence it is clear that this was bilingual (continues)

(printed under page 214)

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 215)

(1) ‹anchor: litteris exhibentur› · call in col 381

Litteris abest cod. fuld.

"Litteris" is absent from the Fulda codex.

(printed under page 215)

(2) ‹anchor: instrumentis istis› · call in col 381

Istis abest Paris.

"Istis" is absent from the Paris edition.

(printed under page 215)

(3) ‹anchor: summa antiquitas vindicat› · call in col 381

Vindicat Jun.

"Vindicat": Junius.

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(a) ‹anchor: Sed et Judaei palam› · call in col 381

Sed et Judaei palam. Quoniam longa via erat ad Serapidis templum in Aegypto, docet propiorem, publicam, cuique opportunam. Unde patet Carthagine etiam et alibi, persoluta annua pensione, libere synagogas suas frequentasse Judaeos. Romae certe et in Italia mansionem suam redimere debuisse puto, cum singuli etiam ex imperio Titi δίδραχμον Jovi Capitolino inferrent, gravius etiam et durius a Domitiano habiti, lenius a Nerva, ut docet ejus nummus inscriptus FISCI. IVDAICI. CALVMNIA SVBLATA. apud Clariss. Patin. in Thesauro. p. 155. Hav.

"But the Jews too, openly." Since it was a long way to the temple of Serapis in Egypt, he points to a nearer one, public and convenient to everyone. Whence it is clear that at Carthage too and elsewhere, having paid an annual tax, the Jews freely frequented their synagogues. At Rome certainly and in Italy I think they had to buy their right of residence, since each of them by order of Titus paid a didrachm to Capitoline Jupiter; they were treated more heavily and harshly by Domitian, more gently by Nerva, as his coin inscribed "THE ABUSE OF THE JEWISH TAX REMOVED" shows, in the most distinguished Patin's Thesaurus, p. 155. Havercamp.

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(b) ‹anchor: vectigalis libertas› · call in col 381

Vectigalis libertas. Ita recte distinguunt Aldus et Rigalt. Alii: vectigalis libertas vulgo [La Cerda vulgi] aditur, sabbatis omnibus. Vide quae notat Is. Casaub. ad Sueton. Domitian. c. 12. Nos addimus Juvenalem Sat. III, 13. Nunc sacri fontis nemus et delubra locantur Judaeis. Ut vere in simili fere conquestus fuerit Jeremias in Thren. V. 4. aquam nostram mercede bibimus: et lignum nostrum pretio nobis venit. Hav.

"A taxed liberty." So Aldus and Rigault rightly punctuate. Others: "a taxed liberty is commonly [La Cerda: of the people] resorted to, on all sabbaths." See what Isaac Casaubon notes on Suetonius, Domitian ch. 12. We add Juvenal, Satire III, 13: "Now the grove and shrines of the sacred spring are let out to Jews." So that Jeremiah truly complained of almost the same thing in Lamentations 5:4: "We have drunk our water for money: and our wood comes to us at a price." Havercamp.

(printed under page 215)

ARGUMENTUM. — Hujus Dei veram cognitionem, scriptis proditam, antiquiorem omni litteratura saeculari ostendit, imo omnibus illorum diis ipsis, utpote qui postea in deorum numerum sint relati. Cum enim Moses ipso Inacho aetate fere par sit, Danaum igitur, bellum Trojanum, Homerum, et siquid antiquum audit, longe post se relinquit: quod, si velit, se ex chronologis confirmare posse, satis superque ostendit.

ARGUMENT. — He shows that the true knowledge of this God, handed down in writings, is older than all secular literature, nay than all their gods themselves, inasmuch as these were afterwards brought into the number of the gods. For since Moses is almost equal in age to Inachus himself, he therefore leaves far behind him Danaus, the Trojan war, Homer, and whatever is reputed ancient; and he shows more than sufficiently that he could, if he wished, confirm this from the chronologers.

<!-- note: the Argumentum of Caput XIX stands complete in this column, under the CAPUT XIX heading, after the end of Caput XVIII ("... cogetur et credere.") and before the author's text of Caput XIX ("Primam igitur instrumentis istis (2) auctoritatem ..."). Variant readings and commentary below not set. -->

(4) ‹anchor: est instar, fidem› · call in col 382

Finem fran.

"Finem": Franeker edition.

COMMENTARIUS.

(continued)

monumentum, quamvis fere sola Graeca interpretatione Judaei Alexandrini postea ut et alii fuerint contenti. Adde Scaligeri notam Eusebianam p. 134. ed. optimae. Cod. Fuld. delet vocem litteris, cui facile accedo. Delet et MS. L. Batav. imo et Agobard. qui insuper inducit cum ipsis. Hav.

... monument, although the Alexandrian Jews afterwards, like others too, were content with the Greek translation almost alone. Add Scaliger's note on Eusebius, p. 134 of the best edition. The Fulda Codex deletes the word "litteris", with which I readily agree. The Leiden MS deletes it too, and indeed the Agobard, which besides strikes out "cum ipsis". Havercamp.

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(c) ‹anchor: [Primus enim› · call in col 382

CAP. XIX. — Nobile hoc fragmentum pertinet ad initium cap. XIX; mox enim post illa fidem de temporibus adserere, totum hoc, quantumcumque est in praestantissimo Codice Fuldano, illoque solo adhibetur, qui et in aliis, ut saepe nobis notatum, multum a reliquis MSS. discedit. Primus Franciscus Modius Brugensis, vir eruditione et studio undique veteres libros MSS. conquirendi clarus, illo Codice accurate collato, et id observavit; quam collationem postea nactus Gaspar Scioppius, vir in latinis apprime doctus, cum Francisco Junio, hic illic emendatiunculis suis adjectis, communicavit. Sed cum jam ad finem Junii labor (qui hinc multo melior in hoc Tertulliani scripto potuisset emergere) esset perductus, ad calcem libri tota collatio illa rejecta est. Quod vero jure mireris, qui Junium secuti sunt, Heraldus, La Cerda, atque adeo ipse Rigaltius, optime de nostro Auctore meriti, nullam plane hujus Fragmenti mentionem fecerunt, ut Parisienses taceam, qui toties hunc Auctorem nobis dederunt. Ego vero arbitror omnino haec omnia ab ipsius Tertulliani manu esse, sed quae in secunda Apologetici sui editione poliverit, mutaverit, quod et nobis alibi in hoc libello, scilicet p. 293 et 315. observatum est. Quoniam vero et haec exstare et legi eruditorum intererat, hic repraesentare voluimus. Hav. Non desunt qui genuinum esse illud fragmentum negant. Semler ab editione sua expunxit. Auctor recentis apud Gallos versionis Apologetici, D. Allard, multa verba potius in eo respuendo, quam argumenta suppeditat: nobis vero quibus cuncta veterum auctorum fragmenta vel dubia servare relligio est, illud ex editione accurata Leopoldi edendum accepimus. Edd.

CHAP. XIX. — This notable fragment belongs to the beginning of ch. XIX; for directly after the words "to assert credibility concerning dates", this whole piece, however long, is found in the most excellent Fulda Codex, and in it alone, which in other places too, as we have often noted, departs much from the other MSS. The first was Franciscus Modius of Bruges, a man renowned for learning and for zeal in seeking out old manuscript books everywhere, who collated that Codex accurately and observed this too; Gaspar Scioppius, a man eminently learned in Latin, later obtained the collation and shared it with Franciscus Junius, adding his little emendations here and there. But since Junius's work (which could have come out much better in this writing of Tertullian on this account) had already been brought to its end, that whole collation was thrown to the end of the book. What you may rightly wonder at is that those who followed Junius, Hérault, La Cerda, and even Rigault himself, who deserved best of our Author, made no mention whatever of this Fragment, not to speak of the Paris editors, who have so often given us this Author. I for my part think all this is altogether from Tertullian's own hand, but polished and changed in the second edition of his Apology, as we have also observed elsewhere in this little book, namely at pp. 293 and 315. Since it mattered to the learned that this too should survive and be read, we wished to present it here. Havercamp. There are some who deny that the fragment is genuine. Semler expunged it from his edition. The author of a recent French version of the Apology, D. Allard, offers many words in rejecting it rather than arguments; but we, who hold it a matter of conscience to preserve all fragments of the ancient authors, even doubtful ones, have taken it for publication from the accurate edition of Leopold. The Editors.

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(d) ‹anchor: [Primus› · call in col 382

Primus enim. Non quidem in numero eorum, qui futura praenuntiarunt, sed qui, ut alibi loquitur, mansurae in perpetuum veritatis famae scriptis patrocinati sunt. Nota graecam Prophetes vocem hic retentam. (Sequentes notae unius sunt Havercampi.)

"For the first." Not indeed in the number of those who foretold the future, but of those who, as he says elsewhere, by their writings upheld the report of a truth to last for ever. Note the Greek word "Prophetes" retained here. (The following notes are Havercamp's alone.)

(printed under page 215)

(e) ‹anchor: qui mundi conditionem› · call in col 382

Conditionem. Hac voce passim utitur pro creatione et creatura. De Corona Militis cap. VI. Quaeris, an conditioni ejus fruendae natura nobis debeat praeire, ne illa rapiamur, qua Dei aemulus universam conditionem certis usibus homini mancipatam, cum ipso homine corrupit. Mox in MS. pullatione vitiose pro pullulationem.

"Founding." He uses this word everywhere for creation and creature. On the Soldier's Crown, ch. VI: "You ask whether nature ought to lead us in enjoying his creation, lest we be carried away by that [nature] by which God's rival corrupted, together with man himself, the whole creation made over to man for fixed uses." Just after, the MS has "pullatione", corruptly for "pullulationem".

(printed under page 215)

(f) ‹anchor: ultricem iniquitatis› · call in col 382

Ultricem iniquitatis. Cap. XXVIII. judicando per imbres, per ignes.

"Avenging the iniquity." Ch. XXVIII [XVIII]: "judging by rains, by fires".

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(g) ‹anchor: cataclysmi de praeterito› · call in col 382

De praeterito. Ea veri vatis laus, secundum Homerum, nosse et praesentia, et futura, et praeterita. Is, de Calchante, Iliad. A. 80. ὃς ᾔδει τά τ' ἐόντα, τά τ' ἐσσόμενα πρό τ' ἐόντα. Quae in se conjungit Apollo apud Ovid. lib. I. Metam. versu 17. Per me quod eritque, fuitque, Estque, patet. Et in Proteo Virgil. IV. Georg. versu 392. Novit namque omnia vates, Quae sint, quae fuerint, quae mox ventura trahantur. Illa quoque ratione tripodem Phoebo dedicatum notant, quia secundum tria tempora vaticinatur, praesens, praeteritum, futurum. Suidas in illa voce: Τρίπους, κατὰ τοὺς τρεῖς χρόνους μαντευόμενος, ἐνεστῶτα, παρεληλυθότα καὶ μέλλοντα. Tria itaque haec in Mose plenissime conjunguntur.

"Of the past." That is the praise of a true seer, according to Homer: to know things present, future and past. He says of Calchas, Iliad 1.80 [70]: "who knew the things that are, that will be, and that were before." Apollo joins these in himself in Ovid, Metamorphoses book I, line 17 [517]: "Through me is revealed what will be, and has been, and is." And of Proteus, Virgil, Georgics IV, line 392: "For the seer knows all things, what are, what have been, what are soon to come." On that ground too they note that the tripod was dedicated to Phoebus, because it prophesies according to three times, present, past, future. Suidas under that word: "Tripod, prophesying according to the three times, present, past and future." So these three are joined most fully in Moses.

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(h) ‹anchor: per res suas› · call in col 382

Per res suas. Puto corrigendum esse verissimas.

"Through his own matters." I think it should be corrected to "verissimas" (most true).

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(i) ‹anchor: supputationem saeculi› · call in col 382

Supputationem saeculi. Quum penes vetustissimos gentilium ultra Danaum et Agamemnona ascendere non liceat, Graeci Olympiadas, Romani conditae Urbis annos numerent. Itaque prudenter opinionem de aeternitate mundi refellit Lucretius lib. V. versu 327. Cur supra bellum Thebanum et funera Trojae, Non alias alii quoque res cecinere poetae? Quo tot facta virum toties cecidere? neque usquam Aeternis famae monumentis insita florent?

"The reckoning of the age." Since among the most ancient of the Gentiles one cannot go back beyond Danaus and Agamemnon, the Greeks count Olympiads, the Romans the years from the founding of the City. So Lucretius, book V, line 327, wisely refutes the opinion of the world's eternity: "Why, before the Theban war and the deaths of Troy, did not other poets sing of other deeds too? Whither have so many deeds of men so often fallen, and nowhere flourish, grafted on eternal monuments of fame?"

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(j) ‹anchor: in Argo transvenisset› · call in col 382

Transvenisset. Legendum videtur transvenit, et.

"Had crossed over." It seems we should read "transvenit, et" (crossed over, and).

(printed under page 215)

(Quae sequuntur uncis inclusa primus e cod. Fuldensi Havercampus publici juris fecit, sed alteri scriptoris recognitioni tribuens sub finem editionis suae exprimenda curavit).

(What follows, enclosed in brackets, Havercamp first made public from the Fulda manuscript; but, attributing it to a second recension by the writer, he had it printed at the end of his edition.)

<!-- note: the editors' italic parenthetic note stands near the top of the column, after the author's text "... fidem (4) de temporibus asserere." and before the Fulda fragment, which opens "(c) [Primus (d) enim prophetes Moyses ...". Only the note is set; variant readings and commentary below not set. -->

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 216)

(1) ‹anchor: Deinceps multa› · call in col 383

Haverc. cont. multi; sed verbum aliquod excidisse veri similius est.

Havercamp conjectures "multi"; but it is more likely that some word has fallen out.

(printed under page 216)

(2) ‹anchor: sciscitanti Croeso› · call in col 383

Cod. Ms. Cyro.

The manuscript codex has "Cyro".

(printed under page 216)

(3) ‹anchor: quam Prophetae› · call in col 383

Ps. XXXIX. 5.

Ps. 39:5.

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(a) ‹anchor: Trojano denique› · call in col 383

Trojano denique. Ita modo male in MS. nos pro vos.

"Than the Trojan [battle], in short." So here; wrongly in the MS, "nos" for "vos".

(printed under page 216)

(b) ‹anchor: historiam Thalli› · call in col 383

Thalli. Celebris Chronographi, quem utinam haberemus! Hujus bis adhuc mentionem facit, in medio hujus capitis XIX. et supra cap. X. Cave autem putes confecisse historiam belli Assyrii, cum tantum mentio ejus necessario in ipsius Chronico debuerit fieri, et ad certum aliquod tempus restringi.

"Of Thallus." The celebrated chronographer; would that we had him! He mentions him twice more, in the middle of this ch. XIX and above in ch. X. But beware of thinking that he composed a history of the Assyrian war, since a mention of it must necessarily have been made in his Chronicle, and limited to some fixed time.

(printed under page 216)

(c) ‹anchor: Saturnum Titanorum regem› · call in col 383

Regem. Pulsus enim a Jove regno et sceptris, ope Titanum, quorum ducem fecit Thallus, recuperare regnum conatus est, victusque profugit in Italiam. Vide Fabulatores. Male in MS. est reges.

"King." For when driven by Jupiter from his kingdom and sceptre, he tried to recover the kingdom with the help of the Titans, whose leader Thallus made him, and being defeated fled to Italy. See the mythographers. Wrongly the MS has "reges".

(printed under page 216)

(d) ‹anchor: ostenditur bellum› · call in col 383

Bellum. Videtur excidisse vox istud, vel mutandum in illum, ut ita ad Saturnum ipsum referatur.

"War." The word "istud" seems to have fallen out, or it should be changed to "illum", so that it refers to Saturn himself.

(printed under page 216)

(e) ‹anchor: Iliacum exitium› · call in col 383

Exitium. Ita manifeste reponendum pro eo, quod in MS. est exitum.

"Destruction." This is plainly to be restored for "exitum", which the MS has.

(printed under page 216)

(f) ‹anchor: Deinceps multa (1)› · call in col 383

Multa. Melius forte multi; vel innuit, quemadmodum Moses varia praedixit futura, ita et reliquos illo posteriores prophetas similia multa praemonstrasse.

"Many things." Perhaps better "multi" (many [prophets]); or he hints that, as Moses foretold various things to come, so the other prophets after him also showed beforehand many similar things.

(printed under page 216)

(g) ‹anchor: sciscitanti Croeso (2)› · call in col 383

Croeso. Vitiose, quod et Scioppius notavit in MS. est Cyro.

"Croesus." The MS has "Cyro", corruptly, as Scioppius also noted.

(printed under page 216)

(h) ‹anchor: quam Prophetae (3)› · call in col 383

Quam prophetae. Davidis respicit votum Ps. XXXIX. 5. Domine, fac mihi cognitum finem meum, quaeque sit mensura dierum mearum, ut sciam ego quam sim caducus. Dixit vero Prophetae illa figura, qua cap. XXI. Proculi solent, quum et propheta unus, et unus dixerit Proculus.

"Than the prophets." He has in view David's prayer, Ps. 39:5: "Lord, make me know my end, and what is the measure of my days, that I may know how frail I am." He said "prophets" by that figure by which in ch. XXI "Proculi are wont", when there was one prophet and he said one Proculus.

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(i) ‹anchor: de lege› · call in col 383

Studia. de lege. Et leges, inquit, quas vobis condidit, et rationem studiorum, quibus sapiens audivit, a Divinis litteris mutuatus est. Harum enim aliqua saltem cognitione imbutos Thaletem et Solonem affirmare Noster videtur, dum mundana et quae terrenorum oculos perstringunt despicientes, veram scrutari virtutem voluisse videntur.

"Studies from the law." Both the laws, he says, that he framed for you, and the method of the studies by which he was heard of as a sage, he borrowed from the Divine writings. For our author seems to affirm that Thales and Solon were imbued with at least some knowledge of these, since, despising worldly things and those that dazzle the eyes of earthly men, they seem to have wished to search out true virtue.

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(4) ‹anchor: cum dispositiones› · call in col 384

Cod. cum dispositione regnorum, etc.

The codex has "cum dispositione regnorum", etc.

COMMENTARIUS. (printed under page 216)

(j) ‹anchor: hoc sit semen› · call in col 384

Sit semen. Theodoretus Graecar. Aff. Cur. p. 6. Φασὶ δὲ αὐτοὺς, etc, i. e. Aiunt vero philosophos illos in Aegypto, non ab ipsis solum Aegyptiis, sed Hebraeis quoque praeceptoribus, Dei veri doctrinam cognitionemque percepisse. Quod idem fere de Platone reliquisque philosophis scribit idem, p. 31. et seqq.

"Let it be the seed." Theodoret, Cure of Greek Maladies, p. 6: "They say that they," etc.; that is, they say those philosophers in Egypt received the doctrine and knowledge of the true God not from the Egyptians alone but also from Hebrew teachers. The same writer says almost the same of Plato and the other philosophers, p. 31 and following.

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(k) ‹anchor: affectatio ejus› · call in col 384

Affectatio ejus. Aemulatio, assimilatio. Affectant veritatem, et affectando corrumpunt. De iisdem cap. XLVII.

"The aping of it." Emulation, imitation. "They ape the truth, and by aping corrupt it." Of the same men, ch. XLVII.

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(l) ‹anchor: vaticinationem deputavit› · call in col 384

Deputavit. Arcessivit, sed ita, ut ramum vi ab arbore avulsum, qui deficiente succo arescit, unde mox dicit adulteraverunt. Exhort. ad Casti. cap. VI. Erat vetus dispositio, quae in Evangelio novo deputatur.

"Pruned off." Drew it away, but as a branch torn by force from a tree, which withers when its sap fails; hence he says just after "they adulterated". Exhortation to Chastity, ch. VI: "There was an old dispensation, which in the new Gospel is pruned away."

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(m) ‹anchor: Gloriae homines› · call in col 384

Gloriae homines. Philosophi praecipue, de quibus eleganter Cicero pro Archia cap. XXVI. Ipsi illi philosophi, etiam in illis libellis, quos de contemnenda gloria scribunt, nomen suum inscribunt: in eo ipso, in quo praedicationem nobilitatemque despiciunt, praedicari se ac nominari volunt. Noster etiam infra, cap. XLVII. Mimice Philosophi affectant veritatem, et affectando corrumpunt, ut qui gloriam captant. Vide ibidem in hunc sensum multo plura.

"Men of glory." The philosophers chiefly, of whom Cicero speaks elegantly in For Archias, ch. 26: "Those very philosophers write their names even on the little books they write on despising glory: in the very thing in which they despise renown and fame, they wish to be proclaimed and named." Our author too, below, ch. XLVII: "The philosophers ape the truth like mimes, and by aping corrupt it, as men who hunt for glory." See there much more to this effect.

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(n) ‹anchor: ut proprium› · call in col 384

Ut proprium. Addendo, detrahendo, immutando. Horatius de Arte Poet. versu 47. Dixeris egregie, notum si callida verbum Reddiderit junctura novum. Sed ubi in ipsa hoc fit veritate et perfectione, naturae ejus deperit.

"As their own." By adding, taking away, altering. Horace, Art of Poetry, line 47: "You will have spoken excellently if a clever joining makes a familiar word new." But where this is done to truth and perfection itself, something of its nature is lost.

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(o) ‹anchor: degenerare contigit› · call in col 384

Contigit. Forte contingit, sed tamen nihil muto.

"It happened." Perhaps "contingit" (it happens), but I change nothing.

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(p) ‹anchor: modis consisterem› · call in col 384

Consisterem. Eadem loquendi formula cap. IV. Jam de causa innocentiae consistam, et alibi. Sensus idem est ac si scripsisset, multis adhuc consisterem modis de vetustate Divinarum litterarum, si non etc.

"I would take my stand." The same turn of speech in ch. IV, "Now I shall take my stand on the case of innocence", and elsewhere. The sense is the same as if he had written, "I would still take my stand in many ways on the antiquity of the Divine writings, if not," etc.

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(q) ‹anchor: nisi dispunctio› · call in col 384

Dispunctio. Saepius hac voce a rationibus desumpta utitur. cap. XVIII. Ad utriusque meriti dispunctionem. de Testim. Animae cap. IV. Affirmamus te manere post vitae dispunctionem; et de Anima. cap. XXXIII. Cum, si quod judicium animas manet, gravius debeat credi in dispunctione vitae quam in administratione. Adde et Judicem nostrum. Est itaque dispunctio quotidiana saeculi ille mundi status et exitus rerum, qui quotidie veritatem praedictionis ipso eventu implet, ut in sequentibus ipse latius persequitur.

"Audit." He often uses this word, taken from accounts: ch. XVIII, "for the audit of either desert"; On the Testimony of the Soul, ch. IV, "We affirm that you remain after the audit of life"; and On the Soul, ch. XXXIII, "Since, if any judgement awaits souls, it must be believed heavier at the audit of life than in its administration." Add our Judge as well. So "the daily audit of the age" is that state of the world and outcome of events which daily fulfils the truth of prophecy by the event itself, as he himself pursues more fully in what follows.

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(r) ‹anchor: dispositiones regnorum› · call in col 384

Dispositione regnorum. Ita reformandus est locus corruptus nisi dispunctio quotidiana saeculi totius? Cum dispositiones regnorum, cum casus urbium, etc. Sunt enim dispositiones regnorum mutationes et successiones eorum, de quibus libere disponit manceps regnorum et Rex regum: Usque fateare, Altissimum dominari supra regna hominum, illaque dare cuicumque velit. minae sunt Danielis IV. 24. ad Nebucadnezarem. Ipsi Imperatores sciunt, quis illis dederit Imperium, infra cap. XXX.

"By the disposition of kingdoms." So the corrupt passage is to be restored: "but the daily audit of the whole age? When the dispositions of kingdoms, when the falls of cities," etc. For the dispositions of kingdoms are their changes and successions, which the owner of kingdoms and King of kings freely disposes: "Until you confess that the Most High rules over the kingdoms of men, and gives them to whomever he will" are the threats of Daniel 4:24 to Nebuchadnezzar. "The Emperors themselves know who gave them the Empire," below, ch. XXX.

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(s) ‹anchor: ante millia annorum› · call in col 384

Millia annorum. Nota locutionem, qualis apud Apuleium ardua montium, et infinita alia apud alios scriptores.

"Thousands of years." Note the expression, like Apuleius's "ardua montium" (heights of mountains), and countless others in other writers.

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(t) ‹anchor: quam praesumptionem› · call in col 384

Praesumptionem. Dum secta quaedam hominis placito innitens creditur christianismus, de quo egit cap. XLVI.

"Presumption." Because Christianity is believed to be a sect resting on a man's opinion, of which he treated in ch. XLVI.

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(u) ‹anchor: Idonea est› · call in col 384

Idonea est. Scilicet tot jam videmus impleta, quae (continues)

"It is sufficient." That is, we now see so many things fulfilled which (continues)

(printed under page 216)

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 217)

(1) ‹anchor: quae supersunt improbata› · call in col 385

Scoppius: jam probata, Haverc. in probato. sed legendum statuo: quae supersunt improbata, probata sunt nobis, etc.

Scioppius: "jam probata"; Havercamp: "in probato". But I decide we should read: "the things that remain unproved are proved to us," etc.

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(2) ‹anchor: et dei vestri› · call in col 385

Cod. Ms. Habetis, quod sciam, et nos Sibyllam, quatenus appellatio ista — dei nostri. Haverc. locum ita restituit: Habemus, quod sciam, et nos Sibyllam, quatenus appellatio ista verae vatis dei veri passim super caeteras, quae vaticinari videbantur, usu probata est. Sciunt vestrae Sibyllae, nomen de veritate mentitae, quemadmodum et dei vestri.

The manuscript codex: "You have, so far as I know, and we have a Sibyl, inasmuch as that name — our gods." Havercamp restores the passage thus: "We too have, so far as I know, a Sibyl, inasmuch as that name of a true prophetess of the true God has been proved by use everywhere above the others who seemed to prophesy. Your Sibyls know it, having falsely taken their name from the truth, as your gods too have."

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(a) ‹anchor: eadem voces› · call in col 385

Voces. Vivae, illaque, addit quae dixerunt, non effluxerunt, sed et scriptis consignata sunt.

"Voices." Living ones; and what they said, he adds, did not flow away but was also set down in writing.

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(b) ‹anchor: utramque partem› · call in col 385

Utramque partem. Et quod jam est impletum, et quod adhuc implebitur.

"Both parts." Both what has already been fulfilled and what is still to be fulfilled.

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(c) ‹anchor: Unum est tempus› · call in col 385

Unum est tempus. Ita intellige, id quod nobis separatim et per diversos temporum tractus occurrit, id Prophetis Spiritus Sanctus uno obtutu et actu repraesentavit. Imo ut apud Deum praesentia, futura nihil in cognitione differunt, ita nec apud illos a Deo inspiratos et illuminatos.

"There is one time." Understand it thus: what comes to us separately and through different stretches of time, the Holy Spirit presented to the Prophets in one glance and act. Indeed, as with God things present and future do not differ at all in knowledge, so neither with those inspired and enlightened by God.

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(d) ‹anchor: improbata (1) sunt› · call in col 385

Improbata sunt. Manifesto vitiosum, correxit itaque Scioppius jam probata sunt. Sed melius ad mentem Septimii et litterarum ductum, si legas in probato sunt, id est, probantur facile. Est vero in eo, ut demonstret, futurum tempus quasi unum et praesens Prophetis apparuisse, quod quidem nobis est diversum, quia partem tantum ex eventu probare possumus, pars probanda ex futuris restat: Sic, inquit, et id, quod jam est impletum, quodque implendum superest, in ipso olim praedictionis tempore, ut futurum considerari debuit, quia nihil adhuc tunc impletum erat. Cujus parti priori quoniam respondit eventus, inde etiam futurorum certitudinem in promptu et probato habemus.

"Are unproved." Plainly corrupt; so Scioppius corrected it to "are already proved". But it is better, according to Septimius's meaning and the traces of the letters, to read "in probato sunt", that is, they are easily proved. He is concerned to show that future time appeared to the Prophets as one and present, which for us indeed is divided, because we can prove only a part from the outcome, and a part remains to be proved from things to come. Thus, he says, both what is already fulfilled and what remains to be fulfilled had to be regarded as future at the very time of the prophecy long ago, because nothing was yet fulfilled then. Since the outcome has answered to the former part, we therefore have the certainty of things to come too ready to hand and proved.

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(e) ‹anchor: Habetis, quod sciam› · call in col 385

Habetis, quod sciam. Totus hic locus mirifice est corruptus, nec ullum sanum sensum admittit, imo quater medicina indiget. Restituo ita: Habemus, quod sciam, et nos Sibyllam, quatenus appellatio ista verae vatis Dei veri, passim super caeteras, quae vaticinari videbantur, usu probata est. Sciunt vestrae sibyllae, nomen de veritate mentitae, quemadmodum et dii vestri. Ita supra cap. V. Scit M. Aemilius de deo suo Alburno. Intelligit vero Chaldaeam vel Erythraeam, quam saepe laudat Lactantius, aliique Patres credulitate nimia decipi faciles. De Sibyllis videri possunt, praeter Suidam, Jo. Alb. Fabricius Bibl. Gr. tom. I. p. 167. Petitus, van Dalen, aliique. Testatur etiam Gesnerus in Bibliotheca Gesneriana, recondi Romae in Bib. Vaticana XIV. libros Sibyllae, diversos forte a Rhapsodia illa quam habemus. Memoratur ibidem hoc titulo volumen. Ἐκ τῶν προφητικῶν, Σιβύλλης λόγος θ. μέχρι τοῦ ιδ. Exstat etiam de Sibyllis oratio humanissimi doctissimique Jensii. Pergit jam Cod. Fuld. ita: Omnes itaque substantiae, etc., quae cap. XIX videri possunt.

"You have, so far as I know." This whole passage is wonderfully corrupt and admits no sound sense; indeed it needs treatment in four places. I restore it thus: "We too have, so far as I know, a Sibyl, inasmuch as that name of a true prophetess of the true God has been proved by use everywhere above the others who seemed to prophesy. Your Sibyls know it, having falsely taken their name from the truth, as your gods too have." So above, ch. V: "M. Aemilius knows it of his god Alburnus." He means the Chaldaean or Erythraean Sibyl, whom Lactantius often praises, and other Fathers easily deceived by too much credulity. On the Sibyls one may consult, besides Suidas, Johann Albert Fabricius, Greek Library vol. I, p. 167, Petit, van Dale and others. Gesner too testifies in the Bibliotheca Gesneriana that fourteen books of the Sibyl are kept at Rome in the Vatican Library, different perhaps from the Rhapsody we have. A volume with this title is recorded there: "From the prophetic writings, the Sibyl's discourse, book 9 to 14" [numeral reading uncertain]. There is also an oration on the Sibyls by the most cultured and learned Jensius. The Fulda Codex now goes on thus: "So all the substances," etc., which can be seen in ch. XIX.

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(3) ‹anchor: historiarum canas› · call in col 386

Rhen. et Gangn. historias et caussas memoriarum, etc.; Ald. historiarum et caussas canas ipsas et mem.; Herald. historiarum causas et memoriarum; cod. Fuld. historiarum et arcana memoriarum; codd. Put. et Lugd. historiarum et canas memoriarum.

Rhenanus and Gagny: "histories and causes of records", etc.; Aldine: "of histories and the hoary causes themselves and of records"; Hérault: "the causes of histories and of records"; Fulda codex: "of histories and the secrets of records"; the Puteanus and Leiden codices: "the hoary [antiquities] of histories and of records".

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(4) ‹anchor: et inde› · call in col 386

Proinde v. c.

"Proinde": an old codex.

COMMENTARIUS.

(continued)

per Prophetias Deus praedixit, ergo et quae restant implementum accipient.

... God foretold through the Prophecies; therefore what remains will also receive fulfilment.

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(f) ‹anchor: ipsas denique effigies› · call in col 386

Effigies litterarum indices. Non inventionem litterarum tantum innuit, quam versutus ille Cadmus ex Phoenicia in Graeciam attulit, cui populo hanc famam constans vindicat opinio, unde apud Lucanum lib. III, 220. Phoenices primi, famae si creditur, ausi Mansuram rudibus vocem signare figuris. Qualesve in Alcumenae sepulcro inventas tradit Plutarchus in lib. de Socratis Genio, vetustissimas, quas vocat τοὺς τύπους seu formas illius grammaticae, quam Proteo regnante didicit Hercules. sed et litterarum usum sculptis et effigiatis animalibus sensum animi efferebant. Porphyrius, qui et Malchus, in Vita Pythagorae, p. 15. novae edit. refert illum linguam Aegyptiorum perdidicisse, triplexque litterarum genus, epistolicum scilicet, hieroglyphicum et symbolicum. Τῶν μὲν κοινολογουμένων κατὰ μίμησιν, τῶν δὲ ἀλληγορουμένων κατά τινας αἰνιγμούς; i. e. Quorum illud proprium et communem loquendi consuetudinem imitatur; reliqua per allegorias, sub quibusdam aenigmatum involucris, sensum exprimunt. Rursus Lucanus: Nondum flumineas Memphis contexere biblos Noverat: et saxis tantum, volucresque, feraeque, Sculptaque servabant magicas animalia linguas. Servabant, Nostro custodes rerum inde dictae. Vocabantur hieroglyphica, de quibus singularem composuit libellum Orus, illustratus a Jo. Mercero et aliis. Quo in studio inter omnes emicat industria Laurentii Pignorii. Hav.

"The likenesses of letters, the tokens [of things]." He hints not only at the invention of letters which the cunning Cadmus brought from Phoenicia into Greece, a people to whom constant opinion assigns this fame; hence in Lucan, book III, 220: "The Phoenicians first, if report is believed, dared to mark the abiding voice in rude figures." Or such as Plutarch, in his book On the Genius of Socrates, relates were found in the tomb of Alcmena, most ancient, which he calls "the characters", or forms of that grammar which Hercules learned when Proteus reigned. But they also expressed the mind's meaning by carved and figured animals in place of letters. Porphyry, also called Malchus, in the Life of Pythagoras, p. 15 of the new edition, relates that he learned the language of the Egyptians thoroughly, and a threefold kind of letters, namely epistolographic, hieroglyphic and symbolic: "of which some express things in common speech by imitation, others allegorically by certain riddles"; that is, of which the first imitates the proper and common usage of speech; the others express the sense through allegories, under certain wrappings of riddles. Lucan again: "Memphis did not yet know how to weave the river papyrus: and only on stones were birds and beasts and carved animals keeping the magic tongues." "Were keeping": hence our author calls them "keepers of things". They were called hieroglyphics, on which Horus composed a separate little book, illustrated by Jean Mercier and others. In that study the industry of Lorenzo Pignoria shines out above all. Havercamp.

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(g) ‹anchor: unius interim prophetae scrinium› · call in col 386

Scrinium. Quomodo Prudentium etiam locutum ostendit La Cerda. Inepta scriptio et insulsa apud Persium Sat. I. versu 106. Nec pluteum caedit, nec demorsos sapit ungues. Ipse Horatius ut Noster pro scriptione I. lib. Sat. I. 120. Ne me Crispini scrinia lippi Compilasse putes, verbum non amplius addam. Cod. Agob. ita legit, intus interim prophetae scrinium saecula vincit. Hav.

"Book-chest." La Cerda shows that Prudentius too spoke so. Of silly and tasteless writing in Persius, Satire I, line 106: "He neither beats his desk nor tastes of bitten nails." Horace himself, like our author, uses it for writing, Satires book I, 1.120: "Lest you think I have plundered the book-chests of blear-eyed Crispinus, I will not add a word more." The Agobard Codex reads thus: "within, meanwhile, the prophet's book-chest outdoes the ages." Havercamp.

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(h) ‹anchor: quadringentis pene› · call in col 386

Quadringentis. Ita etiam Cod. Fuld. per litteras exprimens, ut passim. CCCC. et haec sine distinctione superioribus connectens. Aldus legit, octingentis pene annis ante Urbem conditam, centum septuaginta Danaum, ipsum apud vos vetustissimum, praevenit. Quae profecto haud absurda sunt. Quocumque enim modo computum inieris, Moses et Danaus per quadringentos annos a se invicem discedere non possunt. Et apte Urbis Ro- (continues)

"Four hundred." So too the Fulda Codex, expressing it in letters, as everywhere, CCCC, and joining this to the preceding without punctuation. Aldus reads: "about eight hundred years before the founding of the City, by one hundred and seventy he preceded Danaus, himself the most ancient among you." Which is certainly not absurd. For however you make the reckoning, Moses and Danaus cannot be four hundred years apart. And fittingly of the City of Ro- (continues)

(printed under page 217)

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 218)

(1) ‹anchor: vetustissimum, praevenit› · call in col 387

Rhen. Gangn. et Aldus: Siquidem audistis interim Moysen, Argivo Inacho parem aetate (par est aetate, Franeck.) octingentis pene annis ante Urbem conditam, nam et centum septuaginta Danaum ipsum apud vos vetustissimum praevenit, trecentos circiter cladem Priami antecedit

Rhenanus, Gagny and Aldus: "If indeed you have heard of Moses meanwhile, equal in age to the Argive Inachus (Franeker: 'is equal in age'), about eight hundred years before the founding of the City; for by a hundred and seventy he also preceded Danaus himself, the most ancient among you; by about three hundred he comes before the fall of Priam"

(printed under page 218)

(2) ‹anchor: praevenit (1), mille› · call in col 387

Trecentos. v. c.

"Three hundred": an old codex.

(printed under page 218)

(3) ‹anchor: Caeteri quoque prophetae› · call in col 387

Et si Paris.

"Et si" (and if): Paris edition.

(printed under page 218)

(4) ‹anchor: est; aliqui› · call in col 387

Alioquin Jun. ex MS.

"Alioquin" (otherwise): Junius, from a MS.

(printed under page 218)

(5) ‹anchor: Phoenix Tyri rex› · call in col 387

Hieronymus Fran.

"Hieronymus": Franeker edition.

(printed under page 218)

(a) ‹anchor: mille (2) circiter› · call in col 387

Mille circiter. Ald. trecentos circiter. quod melius cum Chronologis convenit, utpote factum anno 2767. Hav.

"About a thousand." Aldine: "about three hundred", which agrees better with the chronologers, since it [the fall of Priam] happened in the year 2767. Havercamp.

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(b) ‹anchor: quingentis› · call in col 387

Possem etiam dicere quingentis. Cod. Fuld. dicere etiam. Vocem amplius delet Aldus. Eodem vero modo, cum alii, tum etiam Theodoretus argumentatur. Is Graec. Aff. Cur. Serm. II, p. 29. Εἰ τοίνυν τούτων μὲν, etc., i. e. Cum ergo, ut Porphyrius inquit, Moses hisce poetis (Orpheo, Lino, Musaeo, Thamyri, Philammone) sit mille annis antiquior, hi vero poetarum sint antiquissimi (post eos enim et Homerus et Hesiodus nati sunt, qui et Thaletem et alios philosophos multis annorum spatiis praecesserunt), cumque sit Thales, auditoresque Thaletis, vetustior insecutis philosophis: cur non quaeso, his omnibus relictis, ad Mosen, oceanum theologiae, transimus, a quo, ut poetice dicam, fluvii omnes et maria omnia derivantur? Vides eamdem de Thalete, quae supra in fragmento, mentionem. Hav.

"I could also say five hundred." Fulda Codex: "dicere etiam". Aldus deletes the word "amplius". Others argue in the same way, and Theodoret too, Cure of Greek Maladies, Discourse II, p. 29: "If then of these," etc.; that is: "Since then, as Porphyry says, Moses is a thousand years older than these poets (Orpheus, Linus, Musaeus, Thamyris, Philammon), and these are the most ancient of the poets (for after them were born both Homer and Hesiod, who preceded Thales and the other philosophers by long spaces of years), and since Thales and the hearers of Thales are older than the philosophers who followed: why, I ask, do we not leave all these and pass over to Moses, the ocean of theology, from whom, to speak poetically, all rivers and all seas are drawn?" You see the same mention of Thales as above in the fragment. Havercamp.

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(c) ‹anchor: non retrosiores› · call in col 387

Non retrosiores. Meursius retrorsiores. Nam veteres dicebant retrorsus a. um. unde in usu permansit substantivum neutrum, ut vocant grammatici adverbialiter usurpatum, retrorsum. Sicut ἀπὸ τοῦ prorsus a. um. prorsum. Haec ille. Sed et prosum ἀντὶ τοῦ prorsum dicebant. Sic posset et retrosum pro retrorsum dici. Sane Varro prosis lectis dixit. Ita ad oram libri mei Scriverius. Sed tamen cum Junio et La Cerda malim deducere a retro quod passim apud Nostrum occurrit, ut inde etiam deduxerit suum retrosior, qui magis retro, i. e. vetustior, antiquior est. Hinc considerandum relinquo, an non potius τὸ non cum Junio, La Cerda, et Rhenano, sit delendum; ut ita non dicat extremissimos prophetarum non esse posteriores sapientibus eorum et legiferis, sed vero vetustiores. Supra in fragmento in princip. hujus cap. Deinceps multa et alii prophetae, vetustiores litteris vestris. Nam et qui ultimo cecinit, etc., ibi qui vetustiores hic dicuntur retrosiores. Hav.

"Not further back." Meursius: "retrorsiores". For the ancients said "retrorsus, -a, -um", whence there remained in use the neuter substantive, used adverbially as the grammarians say, "retrorsum"; just as from "prorsus, -a, -um", "prorsum". So he. But they also said "prosum" for "prorsum"; so "retrosum" could also be said for "retrorsum". Varro indeed said "prosis lectis". So Scriverius in the margin of my book. Yet with Junius and La Cerda I would rather derive it from "retro", which occurs everywhere in our author, so that from it he derived his "retrosior", one who is further back, that is, older, more ancient. Hence I leave it to be considered whether the "non" should not rather be deleted, with Junius, La Cerda and Rhenanus; so that he does not say that the very last of the prophets are not later than their wise men and lawgivers, but indeed older. Above, in the fragment at the beginning of this chapter: "Thereafter many other prophets too, older than your literature. For even he who sang last," etc.; those called "older" there are called "retrosiores" here. Havercamp.

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(d) ‹anchor: et Iromus› · call in col 387

Iromus. Quomodo, sive Hieromus legendum esse docuit princeps omnis litteraturae Joseph. Scaliger in prolegomenis ad lib. de Emend. Temp, p. 38. et in Fragmentis eidem operi annexis, p. 26. Estque is ipse Hiram, memoratus in historia Sacra (nam et Εἴραμος veteri cuidam Scriptori appellatus est) II. Chron. II. 3. dignissimus amicitia David et Salomonis, quibus non minus ob divitias quam sapientiae studium amabilis fuisse videtur, posteritati etiam scriptis eruditionem suam testatus. Hav. — Iromus Phoenix. In Menandri Ephesii fragmentis a Scaligero editis, ubi de regib. Tyri: Τελευτήσαντος δὲ Ἀβιβάλου διεδέξατο βασιλείαν ὁ υἱὸς αὐτοῦ Εἴρωμος. Rig.

"Iromus." Thus, or "Hieromus", it should be read, as Joseph Scaliger, prince of all learning, taught in the prolegomena to his book On the Emendation of Times, p. 38, and in the Fragments annexed to the same work, p. 26. And he is that very Hiram mentioned in the Sacred history (for he is also called "Eiramos" by a certain ancient writer), 2 Chron. 2:3, most worthy of the friendship of David and Solomon, to whom he seems to have been dear no less for his riches than for his zeal for wisdom; he also bore witness to his learning for posterity by writings. Havercamp. — "Iromus the Phoenician." In the fragments of Menander of Ephesus edited by Scaliger, where he treats of the kings of Tyre: "When Abibalus died, his son Eiromos succeeded to the kingdom." Rigault.

(printed under page 218)

(6) ‹anchor: aut probat aut revincit› · call in col 388

Et Apion et Thallus, et (si qui istos probat aut revincit) Judaeus Jun. ex MS.

"And Apion and Thallus, and (if anyone proves or refutes them) the Jew": Junius, from a MS.

(printed under page 218)

(7) ‹anchor: Et tamen quasi› · call in col 388

Patrem Jun.

"Patrem": Junius.

COMMENTARIUS.

(continued)

mae mentionem facit tam antiquae. Quare cum nec ipse Moses Inachi aetate vixerit, sed aliquanto post, ut constat, ita ex Cod. Fuld. distinguo: Argivo Inacho pariter est aetate quadringentis pene annis. Jam cum Aldina editione, Octingentis ante Urbem conditam. Centum septuaginta Danaum, etc. Condidit enim Inachus regnum Argivum circa annum 2093. natus Moses anno 2373. Israelem ex Aegypto eduxit anno 2450. Hav.

... -me, so ancient, he makes mention. Therefore, since Moses himself did not live in the age of Inachus but somewhat later, as is agreed, I punctuate thus from the Fulda Codex: "He is of like age with the Argive Inachus; by about four hundred years." Then with the Aldine edition: "Eight hundred before the founding of the City. A hundred and seventy Danaus," etc. For Inachus founded the Argive kingdom about the year 2093; Moses was born in the year 2373 and led Israel out of Egypt in 2450. Havercamp.

(printed under page 218)

(e) ‹anchor: vernaculus vindex› · call in col 388 (the note is printed "f")

f Vernaculus vindex. Cave Gorionidem cogites. Vernaculus vindex Josephus, sive ut Scaliger et Cod. Fuld. Josippus a Tertulliano dicitur, quoniam ipse Judaeus Judaeorum suorum origines et bella cum Romanis, graece licet, descripsit. Quod imitatum Hieronymum docet Scaliger ad Euseb. p. 186. Josephus autem vernaculus scriptor. et apud eumdem Paulam et Eustochiam ad Marcellum: Denique etiam Jophum, qui vernaculus est scriptor, et apud eumdem Paulam et Eustochium ad Marcellum: Denique etiam Josephum, qui vernaculus est scriptor Judaeorum. De Judaeorum instrumento supra cap. XVIII propriae scilicet atque vernaculas. Ita genus Trojanum vernaculum deae Cybeles appellatur c. 25. Graeci dixerunt οἰκεῖον. De Proaeresio Sophista celebri Eunapius Sardianus, p. 109. Προαιρεσίῳ δὲ ὁ Πόντος ὅλος καὶ τὰ ἐκείνῳ πρόσοικα τοὺς ὁμιλητὰς ἀνέπεμπον, ὥσπερ οἰκεῖον ἀγαθὸν τὸν ἄνδρα θαυμάζοντες; i. e. Proaeresio vero Pontus universus ac finitimae gentes discipulos submisere, virum illum tanquam vernaculum bonum admirantes. Ubi recte in interpretatione addit Junius et apud se natum. Noster etiam rursus c. XXXV. Romanos appellat vernaculam septem collium plebem. Codex Agob. ita locum effert: et si quis istos approbat, etc.; sed postea correctum et scriptum, reprobat. Hav.

"Native champion." Beware of thinking of the son of Gorion. Josephus, or as Scaliger and the Fulda Codex have it, Josippus, is called by Tertullian "native champion" because, himself a Jew, he described the origins of his own Jews and their wars with the Romans, though in Greek. Scaliger, on Eusebius p. 186, shows that Jerome imitated this: "But Josephus, a native writer"; and in the same author, Paula and Eustochium to Marcella: "Finally Jophus [sic] too, who is a native writer", and in the same, Paula and Eustochium to Marcella: "Finally Josephus too, who is a native writer of the Jews." Of the Jewish scriptures, above, ch. XVIII: "their own, that is, and native". So the Trojan race is called the goddess Cybele's "native" stock, ch. 25. The Greeks said "oikeion". Of Proaeresius, the celebrated Sophist, Eunapius of Sardis, p. 109: "To Proaeresius the whole of Pontus and the neighbouring parts sent their pupils, admiring the man as their own good"; that is, the whole of Pontus and the neighbouring nations sent pupils to Proaeresius, admiring that man as a native good. Where Junius rightly adds in his translation "and born among them". Our author again, ch. XXXV, calls the Romans "the native populace of the seven hills". The Agobard Codex gives the passage thus: "and if anyone approves them", etc.; but afterwards corrected and written "reproves". Havercamp.

(printed under page 218)

(f) ‹anchor: Graecorum etiam censuales› · call in col 388

Censuales. Videtur innuere illos qui diaria et annales et acta publica confecerunt, quos vocabulo sui aevi appellat, ut notant interpretes. Hav.

"Registrars." He seems to hint at those who compiled the day-books, annals and public records, whom he calls by a word of his own age, as the interpreters note. Havercamp.

(printed under page 218)

ARGUMENTUM. — Sed omissa antiquitate, quae errare potest, divinitatem Sacrae Scripturae ostendit, exitu rerum comprobatae: quaecumque enim fiunt, jam in illa praedicta inveniuntur, ut adeo necesse sit credere quae adhuc restant futura, quoniam et in illa comprehensa et praedicta sunt.

ARGUMENT. — But, leaving aside antiquity, which may err, he shows the divinity of Holy Scripture, proved by the outcome of events: for whatever comes to pass is found already foretold in it, so that it is necessary to believe the things still to come, since these too are contained and foretold in it.

<!-- note: the Argumentum of Caput XX stands complete in this column, under the heading "CAPUT. XX." (so printed), after the end of Caput XIX ("... diutius evagemur persequendo.") and before the author's text of Caput XX ("Plus jam offerimus pro ista dilatione ..."). Variant readings and commentary below not set. -->

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 219)

(1) ‹anchor: si non vetustatem› · call in col 389

Vetustate Paris.

"Vetustate": Paris edition.

(printed under page 219)

(2) ‹anchor: si dubitatur antiquas› · call in col 389

Antiquitas Paris.

"Antiquitas": Paris edition.

(printed under page 219)

(3) ‹anchor: antiquas (2). Nec› · call in col 389

Ne Paris.

"Ne": Paris edition.

(printed under page 219)

(4) ‹anchor: frequentiae pleraque montium› · call in col 390

Rhenan. in ed. I. frequentium (in ed. II. et Barraeus: efferventium) plerumque montium, Herald. et cod. Lugd. frequentiae plerumque mortium; Gelen. frequentiae pleraeque mortuae; Gangnaeus: Frequentiae plerumque montium; Wouw., Rig. et Hav. frequentiae pleraque montium.

Rhenanus in his 1st edition: "of crowded [in his 2nd edition and Barraeus: of boiling] mountains for the most part"; Hérault and the Leiden codex: "frequent [visitations] of deaths, for the most part"; Gelenius: "most crowds dead"; Gagny: "the crowds of the mountains for the most part"; Wouwer, Rigault and Havercamp: "the crowds, mostly, of the mountains".

COMMENTARIUS. (printed under page 219)

(a) ‹anchor: locales quaeque clades› · call in col 390

CAP. XX. — Locales quaeque clades. Tales ut puto regiones intelligit quae aeris et paludum inclementia infames, multos mortalium, praesertim illis terris non assuetos, tollunt. Quod latus mundi, nebulae, malusque Jupiter urget. verbis Horat. lib. I. Carm. Od. XXII. Martialis: Medio in Tibure Sardinia est, demonstrans vel in saluberrimis locis mortem inveniri posse, nam A morte homines semper tantumdem absumus. secundum Publium, versu 1. Neque neglexit hoc disertissimus naturae indagator Lucretius, qui ubi demonstravit locos pestilente spiritu avibus et quadrupedibus infestos, docet idem in hominibus obtinere lib. VI, versu 769. Principio hoc dico, quod dixi saepe quoque ante, In terra quojusque modi rerum esse figuras: Multa, homini quae sunt vitalia: multaque morbos Incutere, et mortem quae possunt ac celerare. Intelligi possunt etiam terrae motus, montium eructationes, fluminum inundationes et similia. Hav.

CHAP. XX. — "Every local disaster." He means, I think, such regions as, notorious for the harshness of their air and marshes, carry off many mortals, especially those unused to those lands: "the side of the world that mists and a malign sky oppress", in the words of Horace, Odes book I, 22. Martial: "In the midst of Tibur there is Sardinia", showing that death can be found even in the healthiest places, for "We men are always just as far from death", according to Publilius, line 1. Nor did Lucretius, that most eloquent investigator of nature, neglect this: having shown that places are deadly to birds and beasts through a pestilent breath, he teaches that the same holds for men, book VI, line 769: "First I say this, as I have often said before, that in the earth there are shapes of things of every kind: many that are life-giving to man, and many that can bring on diseases and hasten death." Earthquakes, eruptions of mountains, floods of rivers and the like can also be understood. Havercamp.

(printed under page 219)

(b) ‹anchor: frequentiae pleraque montium› · call in col 390 (the text's call there is (4); no (b) call is printed)

Frequentiae pleraque montium. Intelligit feras bestias frequentes in montibus illorumque incolas, ut leones, ursos, etc., ut recte Wouw. et Rigalt. Nam cum semper Africa feris abundaverit, ita ut Numidas dicat Strabo lib II. οὐ δυναμένους γεωργεῖν, διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν θηρίων τὸ παλαιόν. antiquitus agrum colere non potuisse propter ferarum multitudinem. Ita magis adhuc desertae factae sunt regiones illae assiduis bellorum compulsationibus, feraeque inde multiplicatae late stragem dederunt. Aliae editiones, Geleniana frequentiae pleraeque mortuae. Aldina frequentium plerumque montium. Barr. efferventium plerumque montium. quomodo Rhenan. in edit. secunda, nam in prima frequentium edidit. Quae lectio si plausibilis alicui videtur, ita correctam malim: et efferventiae plerumque montium. Certe c. XL. ubi latius omnia haec exsequitur: Sed nec Tuscia jam tunc atque Campania de Christianis querebatur, quum Volsinios de coelo, Pompeios de suo monte perfudit ignis. Quare et ipse non valde repugno, sed ut aliam praeferam in causa est, quod in conclusione dicat providentiae scripta sunt. Innuens ita omnia ista quae hodie contingant, quaeque enumerat jam, in sacris litteris ante praedicta esse. At ubi ardentes montes ultricem Dei flammam eructantes inquiramus? non certe in Apocalypsi VIII. 8. ubi magnus ille mons ardens igne in mare dejectus. Nec ps. LXXXIII. 15. Velut ignis desertum urit, et velut flamma montes accendit. Ibi enim de arboribus locus est, quae vento in montibus agitatae, aliquando ignem concipiunt. Testis Lucretius lib. I, 896. At saepe in magnis fit montibus, inquis, ut altis Arboribus vicina cacumina summa terantur Inter se, validis facere id cogentibus austris. Donec fulserunt flammai flore coorto. Idem lib. V. 1095. Et ramosa tamen cum ventis pulsa vacillans, Aestuat in ramos incumbens arboris arbor. Exprimitur validis extritus viribus ignis, Et micat interdum flammai fervidus ardor. Et antiquior illo Thucydides. Is lib. II. Ἤδη γὰρ ἐν ὄρεσιν ὕλη τριφθεῖσα ὑπ' ἀνέμων πρὸς αὑτὴν ἀπὸ ταὐτομάτου πῦρ καὶ φλόγα ἀπ' αὐτοῦ ἀνῆκε. i. e. Jam enim in montibus sylva a ventis invicem contrita, sponte sua ex se ignem et flammam sursum extulit. Quem locum et Iamb. ibidem et Casaub. adducit ad Sueton. Tiberium c. 6. ubi Tiberius itinere nocturno, discrimen vitae adit: flamma repente e sylvis undique exorta, adeoque omnem comitatum circumplexa, ut Liviae pars vestis et capilli amburerentur. Locus est et Jes. XXXIV. 9. sed ad terram Chanaan pertinens, terra eorum in picem ardentem conversa erit. Ut et Deut. XXXII. 22. Ignis accensus est in ira mea, et ardebit in infima inferni, terramque cum reditibus suis vorabit, et fundamenta montium inflammabit. Sed hic quidem locutiones ab ardentibus montibus sumuntur; sed ad terram Chanaan pertinent, quam velut ambustam hodie sterilitate Strabo et alii scriptores docent. Euseb. in Demonst. Evang. lib. VI, c. 7. ad verba ps. CVII, 34. haec notat: Ἃ καὶ νοήσεις ἀναδραμὼν, etc., e. i. Quae quidem plane cognita habebis, si percurreris illam Judaicae gentis antiquitus celebratam Hierusalem, ejusque gloriam, ac divinae frugis proventum: eorum utique sanctorum hominum, Deique amicorum, qui in ea vixerint, quam utique in praesenti omnibus his rebus privatam spoliatamque invenies. Nam post Christi adventum facta est vere infructuosa, et sine aqua, et omnino deserta, et ut ait Propheta, in salsuginem, a malitia inhabitantium eam. Nisi forte respiciat Auctor ad illa quae Babeli minatur Jeremias c. LI. 25. ponam te in montem ignis, i. e. convertam te in montem ardentem. At mihi dubium non est, quin respexerit Auctor ad locum Ezech. V. 17. ita omnia haec illic enumerantur, et ipsa quidem ad Judaeos spectantia, sed illustrior locus nullus ad manum erat, quo multiplex Dei vindicta per plagas suas in hostes nominis sui quoscumque exprimeretur, Frequentiae plerumque mortium praeferunt MS. Fuld. et Agob. editiones Heraldi et Pamelii, sed frustra, cum hic singularia recenseantur, ut sunt fames, lues, bestiae, etc. Hav.

"The crowds, mostly, of the mountains." He means the wild beasts that throng the mountains and dwell there, such as lions, bears, etc., as Wouwer and Rigault rightly say. For Africa has always abounded in wild beasts, so that Strabo, book II [XVII], says the Numidians "could not farm in old times because of the multitude of beasts"; that is, anciently they could not till the land because of the number of wild beasts. So those regions became still more deserted through the constant clashes of wars, and the beasts, multiplying from this, made widespread havoc. Other editions: Gelenius's "most crowds dead"; the Aldine "of crowded mountains mostly"; Barraeus "of boiling mountains mostly", as Rhenanus in his second edition, for in the first he printed "frequentium". If this reading seems plausible to anyone, I would rather have it corrected thus: "and the boilings, mostly, of mountains." Certainly in ch. XL, where he treats all this more fully: "But neither Tuscany nor Campania was then complaining of the Christians when fire from heaven drenched Volsinii, and from its own mountain Pompeii." So I do not strongly resist it either; but the reason I prefer another is that in the conclusion he says "they are written of providence", hinting that all these things that happen today, and which he is now listing, were foretold in the sacred writings. But where shall we look for burning mountains belching God's avenging flame? Certainly not in Revelation 8:8, where that great mountain burning with fire is cast into the sea. Nor Ps. 83:15: "As fire burns the wilderness, and as flame kindles the mountains." For there the passage concerns trees which, shaken by the wind on the mountains, sometimes catch fire. Witness Lucretius, book I, 896: "But often, you say, it happens on great mountains that the neighbouring topmost crowns of tall trees rub against each other, the strong south winds compelling it, until they blaze out with a burst of flame." The same, book V, 1095: "And yet a branching tree, tossed and swaying with the winds, grows hot as it presses its branches on another tree's; fire is struck out, wrung forth by the mighty force, and at times the fierce heat of flame flashes out." And Thucydides, older than he, book II: "For already in the mountains a wood rubbed against itself by the winds has of its own accord sent up fire and flame from it"; that is, already in the mountains a forest rubbed together by the winds has of itself raised fire and flame. Iamblichus cites this passage in the same place, and Casaubon on Suetonius, Tiberius ch. 6, where Tiberius, on a night journey, comes into danger of his life: "a flame suddenly sprang up on all sides from the woods and so surrounded the whole company that part of Livia's dress and her hair were burned." There is also a passage in Isaiah 34:9, but it concerns the land of Canaan: "their land shall be turned into burning pitch." As also Deut. 32:22: "A fire is kindled in my anger, and shall burn to the lowest hell, and shall devour the earth with its increase, and shall set on fire the foundations of the mountains." Here indeed the expressions are taken from burning mountains; but they concern the land of Canaan, which Strabo and other writers show is today as if burnt up with barrenness. Eusebius, Demonstration of the Gospel book VI, ch. 7, on the words of Ps. 107:34, notes this: "Which you will understand if you run through," etc.; that is: "Which you will indeed hold plainly known, if you go through that Jerusalem anciently celebrated by the Jewish nation, and its glory, and the yield of divine fruit, namely of those holy men and friends of God who lived in it; which at present you will find deprived and stripped of all these things. For after the coming of Christ it was made truly fruitless, and without water, and altogether desert, and as the Prophet says, into saltness, for the wickedness of those who dwell in it." Unless perhaps the Author has in view what Jeremiah threatens against Babylon, ch. 51:25: "I will make you a mountain of fire", that is, I will turn you into a burning mountain. But I have no doubt that the Author had in view the passage Ezek. 5:17; all these things are listed there, and indeed as concerning the Jews, but no clearer passage was to hand in which the manifold vengeance of God through his plagues against any enemies of his name was expressed. The Fulda and Agobard MSS and the editions of Hérault and Pamelius offer "frequent visitations of deaths, mostly", but in vain, since particular things are listed here, such as famine, plague, beasts, etc. Havercamp.

(printed under page 219)

(c) ‹anchor: officia temporum› · call in col 390

Officia temporum. Cum nec ver, nec aestas, nec autumnus officio suo satis fungantur in producendis frugibus, quae laetiores olim evenire solitae sint, iisque vel nimii imbres, vel solis aestus noceant. De Deo Tertull. in lib. De Patientia cap. II. qui temporum officia, elementorum servitia, totius geniturae tributa dignis simul et indignis patitur occurrere. Insignis locus est apud Flavium Vegetium lib. I. de Re militari. Disserit ibi de mundi interitu, et inter alia ita scribit: Utque de Italia loquar, plurimae in ea partes sunt, quae olim a frequentissimis populis habitabantur, nunc autem ferme desertae videntur. Plurimae item quas veterum Romanorum temporibus pauci admodum incolebant, ita sunt immutatae, ut nihil supra. Quod et aliis omnibus orbis partibus fieri non est ambigendum. Proinde si aerem plerumque, qui olim saluberrimus erat, nostris temporibus (continues)

"The services of the seasons." Since neither spring nor summer nor autumn performs its service well enough in producing the crops, which formerly used to come more abundantly, and either too much rain or the heat of the sun harms them. Of God, Tertullian in the book On Patience, ch. II: "who suffers the services of the seasons, the ministries of the elements, the tributes of all creation to come to worthy and unworthy alike." There is a notable passage in Flavius Vegetius, On Military Matters book I. He discusses there the decline of the world and among other things writes thus: "And to speak of Italy, there are very many parts in it which were once inhabited by very numerous peoples, but now seem almost deserted. Very many likewise, which in the times of the ancient Romans very few inhabited, are so changed that nothing could exceed it. Nor is it to be doubted that this happens in all other parts of the world too. Therefore if the air, which was once mostly most healthy, in our times (continues)

(printed under page 219)

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 220)

(1) ‹anchor: providenter scripta sunt› · call in col 391

Providentiae Semler.

"Providentiae": Semler.

(printed under page 220)

(2) ‹anchor: divinitatis veritas› · call in col 391

Veritatem Paris.

"Veritatem": Paris edition.

(printed under page 220)

(3) ‹anchor: praedicebantur. Eadem› · call in col 391

Eaedem eadem. Jun.

"Eaedem eadem": Junius.

(printed under page 220)

(4) ‹anchor: dum ex futuro› · call in col 391

Futura Paris.

"Futura": Paris edition.

(printed under page 220)

(8) ‹anchor: not visible on this page› · call not found in the text shown

Ut quos Haverc.

"Ut quos": Havercamp.

COMMENTARIUS.

(continued)

pestilentem videmus, cur non multas regiones, quae diu bellica gloria celebratae sunt, immutata aeris, qui a coeli statu qualitatem sumit, conditione, in hominum virtute degenerasse affirmabimus? Hujus rei causam ruenti saeculo adscribit Lucretius dum terram quasi effoetam parentem considerari vult. Versus ejus sunt lib. II, 1149. Jamque adeo affecta est aetas, effoetaque tellus Vix animalia parva creat, quae cuncta creavit Saecla, deditque ferarum ingentia corpora partu. Ita lege cum MSS. Voss. Bib. L. B. Quomodo plane etiam Sallustius Cat. c. LIII. de Rep. Rom. ac velut effoeta parentium, multis tempestatibus haud sane quisquam Romae virtute magnus fuit. Idem Lucret. cum agricolae querelas induxisset versu 1170. ita concludit, Nec tenet, omnia paulatim tabescere: et ire Ad scopulum, spatio aetati defessa vetusto. Et hic scribe ex eleganti istorum MSS. correctione ad capulum, i. e. ad sepulturam. Hav.

... we see pestilent, why shall we not affirm that many regions, long celebrated for glory in war, have declined in men's valour, the condition of the air, which takes its quality from the state of the sky, having changed?" Lucretius ascribes the cause of this to the collapsing age, when he wants the earth to be regarded as a parent worn out by bearing. His verses are in book II, 1149: "And now the age is so broken, and the exhausted earth scarcely creates small animals, she who created all the races and gave birth to the huge bodies of wild beasts." Read so with the Vossius MSS of the Leiden Library. Just as Sallust too, Catiline ch. 53, of the Roman Republic: "and as if exhausted in its parents, for many seasons hardly anyone at Rome was great in virtue." The same Lucretius, having introduced the farmer's complaints, line 1170, concludes thus: "Nor does he grasp that all things little by little waste away and go to the rock, worn out by the long span of age." Here too write, from the elegant correction of those MSS, "ad capulum", that is, to the grave. Havercamp.

(printed under page 220)

(a) ‹anchor: elementorum munia exorbitant› · call in col 391

Exorbitant. Barr. et Ald. exorbitantur. Adumbravit haec omnia pulcre Prosper Aquitanus libro Epigramm. Non idem status est agris, non urbibus ullis, Omniaque in finem praecipitata ruunt. Ferro, peste, fame, vinclis, algore, calore, Mille modis miseros mors rapit una homines. Undique bella fremunt, hominis furor excitat, armis Incumbunt reges regibus innumeris. Impia confuso saevit discordia mundo; Pax abiit terris, ultima quaeque vides. Hav.

"Go off course." Barraeus and the Aldine: "exorbitantur". Prosper of Aquitaine sketched all this beautifully in his book of Epigrams: "Fields and cities alike have lost their former state, and all things rush headlong to their end. By sword, plague, famine, chains, cold and heat, one death in a thousand ways snatches wretched men away. Everywhere wars roar, man's madness rouses them; kings bear down in arms on countless kings. Impious discord rages through a world in confusion; peace has left the earth; you see the last things all." Havercamp.

(printed under page 220)

ARGUMENTUM. — Hoc insigni capite plenissima propinatur Christi, Dei Filii, historia, qui, prout ad salutem animarum debet cognosci, late et nervose describitur. Ostenditur interim, quid Judaeis evenerit, dum in illo

ARGUMENT. — In this notable chapter is served up the fullest history of Christ, the Son of God, who is described at length and with vigour, so far as He must be known for the salvation of souls. It is shown meanwhile what befell the Jews, while in Him

<!-- note: the Argumentum of Caput XXI begins under the CAPUT XXI heading near the foot of the column's text (after the end of Caput XX, "... per duos gradus credere?") and breaks off at the column end at "in illo"; it continues in col. 392. Variant readings and commentary below not set. -->

(5) ‹anchor: plerique sciunt, profitentibus› · call in col 392

Vobis Fran.

"Vobis": Franeker edition.

(printed under page 220)

(6) ‹anchor: religionis, certe licitae› · call in col 392

Certe licentiae Fran.

"Certe licentiae": Franeker edition.

(printed under page 220)

(7) ‹anchor: nos hominis cultores existimaverit› · call in col 392

Qui — existimaverint alii Jun.

"Qui — existimaverint": others, Junius.

(printed under page 220)

(b) ‹anchor: aliquanto novellam› · call in col 392

CAP. XXI. — Aliquanto novellam. Per aliam lectionem, quae in Cod. Fuld. est, alius sensus huic loco datur, ibi legitur, quam scient aliquando, ut ad Judaeos referatur. Puto verius ex sequenti sciunt hic illam vocem duplicatam esse. Secundum Fuld. MS. sensus, qui sese hic alius aperire videtur, ille est: Ipsi illi Judaei scient aliquando hanc sectam, i. e. intelligent et approbabunt, in nostra castra sese conjicientes, secundum dictum Oseae III. 5. tum quum scient et cognoscent ipsum, Jerem. XXXI. 34. clamantes: Deus mi, nos Israel tuus novimus te. Os. VIII. 2. Alii legunt, Barraeus quidem et Ald. et Herald. et Rhen. quam aliquando novellam. La Cerda quam aliquanto novellam, ut et MS. L. B. et Agobard. et Pamelius et Rigalt. Hav.

CHAP. XXI. — "Somewhat new." Through another reading, which is in the Fulda Codex, another sense is given to this passage; there one reads "which they will one day know", so as to refer to the Jews. I think it truer that the word was duplicated here from the following "sciunt". According to the Fulda MS, the different sense that seems to open here is this: those very Jews will one day know this sect, that is, will understand and approve it, throwing themselves into our camp, according to the saying of Hosea 3:5; then when they shall know and recognize him, Jer. 31:34, crying out: "My God, we, your Israel, know you," Hos. 8:2. Others read, namely Barraeus, the Aldine, Hérault and Rhenanus, "which at one time [was] new". La Cerda "which is somewhat new", as do the Leiden MS, the Agobard, Pamelius and Rigault. Havercamp.

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(c) ‹anchor: ut Tiberiani temporis› · call in col 392

Tiberiani temporis. Ita clare MSS. Agobard. et L. B. ita Pam. et Rig. et Rhen. qui cum non distinguant post temporis, videntur intelligere de scriptoribus Tiberiani temporis, quod hic falsum est. Dicit enim plerosque introgressum novae hujus sectae in orbem scire factum tempore Tiberii, fortassis itaque putaturos novam hanc praesumptionem sub illa vetustate sua roborata Judaeorum religione, ut post Ajacis alicujus clypeum, latere velle. Alii legebant, ut Tiberii temporibus, quod cum sine sensu, additum fuit in Fuld. ortam, ita: ut Tiberianis temporibus ortam. In editione Prioriana Rig. ex postremis vitiose legitur Tiberini. Supra cap. V. Tiberius ergo, cujus tempore nomen christianum in saeculum introivit. Hav.

"Of the time of Tiberius." So clearly the Agobard and Leiden MSS; so Pamelius, Rigault and Rhenanus, who, since they put no stop after "temporis", seem to understand it of writers of the time of Tiberius, which is false here. For he says that most people know that the entry of this new sect into the world took place in the time of Tiberius, and so perhaps will think that this new presumption wants to hide under the religion of the Jews, strengthened by its antiquity, as behind the shield of some Ajax. Others read "as in the times of Tiberius", and since that is senseless, "ortam" was added in the Fulda, thus: "as having arisen in the times of Tiberius". In Prior's edition of Rigault, from the last [editions], "Tiberini" is wrongly read. Above, ch. V: "So Tiberius, in whose time the Christian name entered the world." Havercamp.

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(d) ‹anchor: profitentibus (5) nobis› · call in col 392

Nobis quoque. Ita Rig. Ald. Jun. Alii vobis, ut Pam. quod vitiosum est, id enim Judaeis et Gentibus facile concedimus, novam esse sectam, sed tamen antiquissimis vel ipsorum Judaeorum instrumentis suffultam, quae disciplinam Deo gratam non tollit, sed illuminat, sed reformat. La Cerda, nostris.

"We too." So Rigault, the Aldine, Junius. Others "vobis", as Pamelius, which is corrupt; for we readily grant this to Jews and Gentiles, that the sect is new, but supported by the most ancient scriptures, even of the Jews themselves, and that it does not abolish a discipline pleasing to God but illuminates and reforms it. La Cerda: "nostris".

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(e) ‹anchor: de statu ejus retractetur› · call in col 392

Retractetur. Cum vero de statu ejus retractari dicit, puto innui malignitatem et invidiam qua judicabant de religione. Retractare enim apud Nostrum quidem passim significat diligenter tractare et recognoscere, sed quoniam ille qui lippus ipse recta aliorum aspicere non vult, obtrectationis ergo diligenter inquirit, sicubi faculam invidiae et maledicentiae accendere possit, ideo hic pro carpere accipio. Quomodo fere utitur in libro de Jejuniis c. XV. certe in malam partem: Atquin ad Romanos scribens, vos nunc compungit retractatores hujus officii; i. e. detrectatores, inobedientes, irrisores. Hav.

"Should be called in question." When he says its status is questioned, I think the malice and envy with which they judged of the religion are hinted at. For in our author "retractare" everywhere means to handle carefully and review; but since one who is himself blear-eyed will not look at the right things of others, and so inquires diligently for the sake of disparagement, wherever he can light a little torch of envy and slander, I take it here for "to carp at". He uses it almost so in the book On Fasting, ch. XV, certainly in a bad sense: "Yet, writing to the Romans, he now stings you, the decriers of this duty"; that is, the detractors, the disobedient, the mockers. Havercamp.

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(f) ‹anchor: existimaverit (7› · call in col 392

Quis nos. Aldinum exemplar qui nos h. c. existimaverint. Verus sensus est, vel inde humano ingenio tantum rationis debuisse indulgeri, ut si congruum et simile alicujus veri fingere et mentiri illi voluissent, humanam saltem speciem Dei Christianorum finxissent, non ferinam, monstrosam, ut fecerant in Ono- (continues)

"Anyone ... us." The Aldine copy: "who have thought us worshippers of a man". The true sense is that, even from this, human wit ought to have been allowed so much reason that, if they had wished to invent and lie something fitting and like some truth, they would at least have invented a human form for the Christians' God, not a bestial, monstrous one, as they had done in the Ono- (continues)

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verbi Divini implementum agnoscere noluerint: cujus sane divinitate percepta, falsae religioni renuntiare decet, cum etiam ab ipsis malignis spiritibus, quibus imperat, testimonium aliquando potentiae suae exigat.

they refused to acknowledge the fulfilment of the divine word; and, His divinity once perceived, it is fitting to renounce false religion, since He exacts a testimony to His power even from the very evil spirits whom He commands.

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LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 221)

(1) ‹anchor: Necesse est igitur pauca› · call in col 393

Voc. dicamus recepimus auctoritate cod. Fuld.

We have admitted the word "dicamus" on the authority of the Fulda codex.

(printed under page 221)

(2) ‹anchor: de Christo ut Deo› · call in col 393

Ut de Deo totum Fran.

"Ut de Deo totum": Franeker edition.

(printed under page 221)

(3) ‹anchor: insignis justitia et fides› · call in col 393

Rig. et Hav. ob insignem justitiam et fidem, etc.

Rigault and Havercamp: "on account of the notable justice and faith," etc.

(printed under page 221)

(4) ‹anchor: non offendendo, praemonerentur› · call in col 393

Cod. Fuld. et t. fel. de Dei vocibus affuit, quibus docebantur, et promerendo Deo et non off. praemonebantur.

Fulda codex: "and such happiness came from the voices of God by which they were taught, and they were forewarned about deserving well of God and not offending him."

(printed under page 221)

(5) ‹anchor: Sed quanta deliquerint› · call in col 393

Dereliquerint Fran.

"Dereliquerint": Franeker edition.

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(6) ‹anchor: [ad delirandum]› · call in col 393

W. ad delirandum, quae Hav. e cod. Fuld. recepit, delevit Rigaltius. Rhen. et Herald. ad declinandum.

Wouwer: "ad delirandum", which Havercamp admitted from the Fulda codex; Rigault deleted it. Rhenanus and Hérault: "ad declinandum".

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(7) ‹anchor: derivantes› · call in col 393

Derivantes: ita cod. Lugd. et edd. pleraeque; Gelen. declinantes, Rig. et Jun. e cod. Urs. deviantes.

"Derivantes": so the Leiden codex and most editions; Gelenius "declinantes"; Rigault and Junius, from the Orsini codex, "deviantes".

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(a) ‹anchor: regni sublimitas floruit› · call in col 393

Regni sublimitas floruit. Similia Justini historici illa, licet ab errante profecta: Semperque exinde hic mos apud Judaeos fuit ut eosdem, reges et sacerdotes haberent: quorum justitia religione permixta, incredibile quantum coaluere. Ut et Strabonis libro XVI. Οἱ δὲ διαδεξάμενοι, χρόνους μέν τινας ἐν τοῖς αὐτοῖς διέμενον δικαιοπραγοῦντες, καὶ θεοσεβεῖς ὡς ἀληθῶς ὄντες; i. e. Successores (Mosis) aliquandiu in iisdem institutis permansere, justi et vere religiosi. Illa itaque vere fuit Judaeorum gloria, quam falso sibi assignabant Romani pro merito religiositatis diligentissimae in tantum sublimitatis elatos, infra cap. XXV. Hav.

"The loftiness of the kingdom flourished." Similar are those words of Justin the historian, though coming from one in error: "And ever after this was the custom among the Jews, to have the same men as kings and priests: and by their justice mingled with religion it is incredible how much they grew strong." As also in Strabo, book XVI: "Those who succeeded him remained for some time in the same ways, acting justly and being truly god-fearing"; that is, the successors (of Moses) persevered for some while in the same institutions, just and truly religious. That then was truly the glory of the Jews which the Romans falsely assigned to themselves, as raised to such loftiness in reward for their most diligent religiousness, below, ch. XXV. Havercamp.

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(b) ‹anchor: quanta deliquerint (5)› · call in col 393

Deliquerint. Omnes libri, quos ego et Pamelius vidimus, habent dereliquerunt vel dereliquerint. Rigaltius tamen et Scaliger, et vetustae editiones, ut et Rhen. et Aldi deliquerint. Nec temere. Est enim a delinquere, unde seriores formarunt delinquentiam pro delicto, Paschasius Radbertus in Epitaph. Walae l. 1. c. 28. Et in glossario Papiae Deliquio exponitur oblivio. Hav.

"They failed." All the books that Pamelius and I have seen have "dereliquerunt" or "dereliquerint". Rigault, however, and Scaliger, and the old editions, as also Rhenanus and Aldus, have "deliquerint". Not without reason. For it is from "delinquere", from which later writers formed "delinquentia" for "delictum": Paschasius Radbertus in the Epitaph of Wala, book 1, ch. 28. And in the glossary of Papias "deliquio" is explained as forgetfulness. Havercamp.

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(8) ‹anchor: sine Deo rege› · call in col 394

Scaliger emend. sine nomine, sine Deo rege: cod. Lugd. II. sine homine (Lug. I. sine honore), sine Deo, sine rege.

Scaliger emends: "without a name, without God as king"; Leiden codex II: "without a man (Leiden I: without honour), without God, without a king".

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(9) ‹anchor: auctioris capacitatem› · call in col 394

Ita h. locum emend. Fr. Junius, vulgo scriptum: transferret, pl. qu. ob disc. auctoris (cod. Gorz.: altioris, cod. Put. auctoris) capacitatem.

So Franciscus Junius emended this passage; commonly written: "transferret, pleniorem quidem ob disciplinae auctoris (Gorze codex: altioris; Puteanus codex: auctoris) capacitatem".

COMMENTARIUS.

(continued)

choite, de quo paulo superius egit, quasi ex gente Centaurorum, Chimaerarum, Sphingum hybrida quis a nobis coleretur. In quo certe egissent ut Judaei olim, qui Deum ipsum, Jesum nostrum, nihil nisi nudum hominem putaverunt. Prout certe egerunt etiam illi inter gentes, qui Christianos accusarunt ut cultores hominis suspensi. Hav.

... -choetes [Onocoetes], of which he treated a little above, as if we worshipped some hybrid from the race of Centaurs, Chimaeras and Sphinxes. In this they would certainly have acted like the Jews of old, who thought God himself, our Jesus, nothing but a mere man. As indeed those among the gentiles also did who accused the Christians as worshippers of a hanged man. Havercamp.

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(c) ‹anchor: per orbem sine› · call in col 394

Sine homine. Acute Scaliger, qui in libro suo ad marginem emendavit sine nomine. sine Deo rege. Puto illum ita interpretari voluisse Oseae illa III. 4. Nam diebus multis desidebunt Israelitae sine rege, sine principe. Etsi enim rex non sit, potest tamen nomen imperii esse, quale Judicum post Mosen, et Principum temporibus Esdrae: Imperatorum, quum Maccabaei insurrexissent in oppressores Judaeorum. Tamen a vulgata non discedo, quae vehementior est, nec enim jam Deum regem habent, quem olim jam spreverunt ad exemplum gentium hominem sibi regem quaerentes et visibile regnum, in que εἶδος Τυράννου ἄξιον oculis blandiretur, I. Sam. VIII. 5. Nec hominem ipsum, cujus aspectu contra fortuita casuum corroborarentur, quomodo Tacitum fere alicubi loqui puto. Scaligeranam tamen conjecturam adjuvat, sensumque adauget MS. L. B. in quo sine homine, sine Deo, sine Rege. Quae lectio si placet, ita corrigenda est, sine Nomine, sine Rege, sine Deo; id est, nec jam Resp., nec Regnum, nec Theocratia. Hav.

"Without a man." Acutely Scaliger, who emended in the margin of his book "without a name, without God as king". I think he meant so to interpret those words of Hosea 3:4: "For many days the Israelites shall sit without king, without prince." For even if there is no king, there can still be a name of government, such as that of the Judges after Moses, and of the Princes in the times of Ezra, and of the Commanders when the Maccabees rose against the oppressors of the Jews. Yet I do not depart from the common reading, which is more forceful; for they no longer have God as king, whom they long ago spurned, seeking for themselves after the example of the nations a man as king and a visible kingdom, in which "a form worthy of a sovereign" might charm their eyes, 1 Sam. 8:5. Nor the man himself, by the sight of whom they might be strengthened against chance mishaps, as I think Tacitus says somewhere. Yet the Leiden MS supports Scaliger's conjecture and enlarges the sense, reading "without a man, without God, without a King". If this reading is preferred, it should be corrected thus: "without a Name, without a King, without God"; that is, no longer a Commonwealth, nor a Kingdom, nor a Theocracy. Havercamp.

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(d) ‹anchor: saltem vestigio salutare› · call in col 394

Vestigio salutare. Legem horrendi carminis praescripsit Adrianus victor. Hieronymus in Chron. Euseb. MMCL. ex quo tempore etiam introeundi eis Jerosolymam licentia ablata. Eusebius ex Aristone Pellaeo. Τὸ πᾶν ἔθνος ἐξ ἐκείνου, etc., i. e. Omnis haec natio jam ex illo ab omni regione finitima Hierosolymorum penitus arcebatur, cum sanctione divinae legis, tum maxime constitutionibus et decretis Adriani, ita ut ne de excelsiore quidem prospectu eminus eis saltem paternum solum profanis obtutubus liceret inspicere; l. IV. Hist. Eccl. c. 6. Plura ex Justino Martyre, Hilario, Hieronymo et aliis profert summus Scaliger in Animadv. Euseb. p. 216. edit. opt. Hav.

"To greet with a footstep." Hadrian the victor laid down a law of dreadful wording. Jerome in Eusebius's Chronicle, 2150: "from which time also leave to enter Jerusalem was taken from them." Eusebius, from Ariston of Pella: "The whole nation from that time," etc.; that is, this whole nation was from then on entirely kept away from every region bordering on Jerusalem, both by the sanction of divine law and above all by the constitutions and decrees of Hadrian, so that they were not allowed even from a high lookout to gaze from afar with profane eyes at least on their ancestral soil; Church History book IV, ch. 6. The great Scaliger brings more from Justin Martyr, Hilary, Jerome and others in his Notes on Eusebius, p. 216 of the best edition. Havercamp.

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(e) ‹anchor: sanctae voces› · call in col 394

Praeminarentur. Deuteron. XXXII. 26. Ps. LIX. 12. Circumerrare fac per potentiam tuam. Et praesertim versu 15. ganniant ut canis et circumerrent civitatem. Quod certe ex hoc loco quomodo implementum acceperit, jam nemini dubium esse potest. Quandoquidem praesertim ad praefiguratum Davidis regno et casibus Messiae regnum veri theologi oculus respicere debet. Inspice et Es. I. 7. Ezech. V. 10. Oseae III. 10. et X. 3. Amos IX. 9. Theodoretus Gr. Aff. Cur. p. 163. Καὶ ὡς εἰς ἅπασαν τὴν οἰκουμένην, etc., i. e. Fore etiam ut Judaei, qui se crucis ligno affixuri erant, patrio solo extorres, per universum terrae orbem dispergerentur. Agedum itaque videamus, an haec praedictio ad eventum pervenerit. Ac de Judaeis quidem vos dubitaturos non puto. Patria enim urbe expulsi jam sunt, alioque terrarum commigrarunt; et quae sequuntur. Ipse Tertullianus in egregio Ad Judaeos libro, cap. XI. Nam et pro istis meritis vestris cladem vestram futuram Ezechiel nuntiat: et non solum in isto saeculo quae jam evenit, sed in die tribulationis quae subsequetur. Et clarissime cap. XIII. Et alio loco sic per Prophetam dicitur (est Jes. XXXIII. 17.) Regem cum claritate videbitis, id est Christum facientem virtutes in gloria Dei Patris, et oculi vestri videbunt terram de longinquo: quod vobis pro meritis vestris post expugnationem Hierusalem, prohibitis ingredi in terram vestram, de longinquo eam oculis tantum videre permissum est. Ibidem: Quae cum ita commisissent, nec intellexissent Christum in tempore suae visitationis inveniendum, facta est terra eorum deserta, et civitates eorum igni exustae. Hieronymus loco supra allato, primum Dei nutu, sicut prophetae vaticinati (continues)

"Threatened beforehand." Deut. 32:26. Ps. 59:12: "Make them wander by your power." And especially verse 15: "let them snarl like a dog and wander round the city." How this received its fulfilment from this passage can now be doubtful to no one; since especially the eye of the true theologian ought to look to the kingdom of the Messiah prefigured in the reign and fortunes of David. See also Isa. 1:7, Ezek. 5:10, Hos. 3:10 [sic] and 10:3, Amos 9:9. Theodoret, Cure of Greek Maladies p. 163: "And that into the whole inhabited world," etc.; that is: "That the Jews too, who were going to fasten him to the wood of the cross, would be driven from their native soil and scattered through the whole world. Come then, let us see whether this prediction came to pass. About the Jews I do not think you will doubt. For they have now been driven from their native city and have moved to other parts of the earth"; and what follows. Tertullian himself, in his excellent book Against the Jews, ch. XI: "For for these deserts of yours Ezekiel announces your coming disaster: and not only in this age, which has already come, but in the day of tribulation that will follow." And most clearly in ch. XIII: "And in another place it is said thus through the Prophet (it is Isa. 33:17): 'You shall see the King with glory', that is, Christ working mighty works in the glory of God the Father, 'and your eyes shall see the land from afar': which is permitted to you for your deserts, forbidden after the storming of Jerusalem to enter your land, to see it from afar with your eyes only." In the same place: "Since they had committed these things and had not understood that Christ was to be found in the time of his visitation, their land was made desert, and their cities burned with fire." Jerome, in the place cited above: "first by God's will, as the prophets foretold (continues)

(printed under page 221)

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 222)

(1) ‹anchor: Filius dei ]› · call in col 395

Uncis inclusa delent Rig. et Haverc.

Rigault and Havercamp delete the words in brackets.

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(a) ‹anchor: illuminator atque deductor› · call in col 395

Deductor. Quem Graeci hoc sensu δᾳδοῦχον, Litterae Sacrae ἀρχηγὸν vocarent. Dicebatur enim ita proprie in sacris Eleusiniis ille qui facem manu tenens alios praeibat atque viam illuminans deducebat, ut docet Eustath. ad Hom. Il. A. versum 279. Apud Arrianum ad Epictetum l. III. c. 21. aliquis Deorum contemptor: Οἴχημά ἐστι καὶ ἐν Ἐλευσῖνι, ἰδοὺ καὶ ἐνθάδε· ἐκεῖ ἱεροφάντης, καὶ ἐγὼ ποιήσω ἱεροφάντην· ἐκεῖ κήρυξ, καὶ ἐγὼ κήρυκα καταστήσω· ἐκεῖ δᾳδοῦχος, κἀγὼ δᾳδοῦχος; i. e. Aedes est, et quidem in Eleusiniis, etiam apud nos est: illic antistes est sacrorum, et ego efficiam ut hic sit: illic praeco, et ego constituam hic praeconem: illic facem ferens, et ego daduchus. Ἀρχηγὸν τῆς ζωῆς Jesum appellat Petrus Act. III. 15. Quae sequuntur Filius Dei delet MS. L. B. ut et Agobard. Hav.

"Guide." Whom the Greeks in this sense would call "dadouchos" [torch-bearer], the Sacred Scriptures "archegos" [leader]. For in the Eleusinian rites the one was properly so called who, holding a torch in his hand, went before the others and led them, lighting the way, as Eustathius teaches on Homer, Iliad 1, line 279. In Arrian's Epictetus, book III, ch. 21, some despiser of the Gods says: "There is a hall at Eleusis; see, here too; there is a hierophant there, and I will make a hierophant; there is a herald there, and I will appoint a herald; there is a torch-bearer there, and I too a torch-bearer"; that is, there is a temple, and that at Eleusis; there is one with us too: there is a high priest of the rites there, and I will see that there is one here: a herald there, and I will appoint a herald here: a torch-bearer there, and I too a torch-bearer. Peter calls Jesus "the Author of life", Acts 3:15. The Leiden MS, as also the Agobard, deletes the following words "Son of God". Havercamp.

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(b) ‹anchor: de filii nomine› · call in col 395

De filii nomine. Ita repone cum Cod. Fuld. Vulgati in filii nomine. Quantumvis enim gloriarentur apud poetas veteres illi heroes Deos patres et proavos jactantes, debebant tamen post caudae explicationem cum pavone pedes lutulentos et scabros aspicientes, revera de origine sua, quae non alia quam stuprum vel adulterium esse posset, confundi. Neque decorum hic neglexit ut mirabilis doctrinae sic summi artificii poeta Virgilius. Qui quum de origine Aeneae sui merito erubesceret, adulterium specioso nomine conjugii velat, apud quem Helenus lib. III. versu 475. ita senem Trojanum affatur: Conjugio Anchisa Veneris dignate superbo. Atque ita suis ipse verbis sub persona Didonis in Aenea peccantis lib. IV. 172. Conjugium vocat, hoc praetexit nomine culpam. De patris semine. Videtur idem dicere, cum tamen minime sit idem. De modo enim progenerationis jam loquitur, quae monstrosa et pudenda in illis erat: amplexu draconis, insultu tauri, hirci, arietis, crissatione oloris, et quae sunt similia. Unde patet lectionem, quae est in Cod. Fuldano ex glossa marginali esse, de patris semine, sicut de concubitu tauri, ex apta tamen et docta interpretatione. Respexisse simul videri potest ad Coeli et Saturni historiam, sed quasi per transennam. Hav.

"Of the son's name." Restore it so with the Fulda Codex. The printed editions have "in filii nomine". For however much those ancient heroes in the poets gloried, boasting of Gods as fathers and forefathers, they ought nevertheless, like the peacock looking at its muddy and scaly feet after spreading its tail, to be put to shame in truth about their origin, which could be nothing else than fornication or adultery. Nor did Virgil, a poet of wonderful learning as of supreme art, neglect propriety here. Being rightly ashamed of the origin of his Aeneas, he veils the adultery with the fair name of marriage; in him Helenus, book III, line 475, addresses the old Trojan thus: "Anchises, deemed worthy of proud marriage with Venus." And so in his own words, in the person of Dido sinning with Aeneas, book IV, 172: "She calls it marriage; with this name she cloaks her fault." "Of the father's seed." He seems to say the same thing, though it is not at all the same. For he is now speaking of the manner of begetting, which was monstrous and shameful in them: by the embrace of a serpent, the assault of a bull, a goat, a ram, the wriggling of a swan, and the like. Whence it is clear that the reading in the Fulda Codex, "of the father's seed, as of a bull's coupling", comes from a marginal gloss, though from an apt and learned interpretation. He may at the same time seem to have glanced at the story of Caelus and Saturn, but as if in passing. Havercamp.

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(2) ‹anchor: aut in aurum conversum (g)› · call in col 396

Aut in auro conversum Danaidis Fran.

"Aut in auro conversum Danaidis": Franeker edition.

COMMENTARIUS.

(continued)

sunt, deinde Romanis interdictionibus. Et ibi inspice Scaligerum. Hav.

... [as the prophets] foretold, then by Roman prohibitions." And see Scaliger there. Havercamp.

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(c) ‹anchor: de sororis incesto› · call in col 396

Sororis incesto. Junonis, cum et filiae Veneri se miscuerit; Proserpinae item vocatus apud inferos Pluto, cui Jovi nomen apud superos. Imo nec matre Rhea abstinuisse creditur. Theodoret. Gr. Aff. Cur p. 43. Οὐ γὰρ δὴ μόνην τὴν ἀδελφὴν, etc., i. e. Neque enim tantum sororem, sed matrem quoque ac filias sibi uxores adjunxit: praeterque has ipsas, innumeras prope et mulieres et Deas stupri commercio vitiavit. Unde isti justa indignatio in hanc ferinam cogitationum rabiem, p. 53. Οἱ δὲ τῷδε τῷ πάθει, etc., i. e. Si qui vero in adulteria inciderunt, necessariis tamen ac consanguineis foeminis pepercerunt. Quod si quis inventus est qui sororiis amoribus captus fuerit, at in matrem debacchatus non est, neque in filiam insanivit: sed humanae naturae ac dignitatis eam rationem habuit quam debebat, neque induit brutorum animalium fatuitatem. Et mox, Οὗτος δὲ, ὃν Θεῶν, etc., i. e. Iste vero, quem Homerus hominum patrem Deorumque appellavit, Junonem quidem germanam sororem sibi uxorem fecit. Ipsi etiam Rheae, quam et Deonam et Demetram (id est Cererem) vocant quanquam ea sibi mater esset, actus furore libidinis, admixtus est: Phersephattamque (i. e. Proserpinam) ex eo genitam stupro, uxorem duxit; factus filiae suae vir. Merito itaque Noster c. IX. Proinde incesti qui magis, quam quos ipse Jupiter docuit? Hav.

"By a sister's incest." Juno's; as he also coupled with his daughter Venus; likewise with Proserpina, being called Pluto among those below, who among those above is named Jupiter. Indeed he is believed not to have kept even from his mother Rhea. Theodoret, Cure of Greek Maladies p. 43: "For not only his sister," etc.; that is, "For he took to wife not only his sister, but also his mother and daughters; and besides these, he defiled almost countless women and goddesses by intercourse in fornication." Hence his just indignation at this bestial madness of thought, p. 53: "But those who in this passion," etc.; that is, "If any fell into adulteries, they nevertheless spared the women of their family and blood. And if anyone was found who was seized by love for his sister, yet he did not rage against his mother nor go mad for his daughter, but kept the regard for human nature and dignity that he ought, and did not put on the folly of brute beasts." And soon after: "But this one, whom of Gods," etc.; that is, "But he whom Homer called the father of men and Gods made Juno, his own sister, his wife. With Rhea herself too, whom they also call Deo and Demeter (that is, Ceres), though she was his mother, he coupled, driven by the madness of lust; and Phersephatta (that is, Proserpina), born of that fornication, he took as wife, becoming his own daughter's husband." Rightly then our author, ch. IX: "Who, then, are more incestuous than those whom Jupiter himself taught?" Havercamp.

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(d) ‹anchor: conjugis alienae› · call in col 396

Conjugis. Cod. Fuld. de conjugis, mendose. Ille enim omnium mulierum vir. Epiphan. πασῶν γυναικῶν ἀνὴρ, ut de Caesare Suetonius.

"Of a wife." The Fulda Codex has "de conjugis", corruptly. For he was the husband of all women. Epiphanius: "husband of all women", as Suetonius says of Caesar.

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(e) ‹anchor: aut cornutum› · call in col 396

Cornutum. Idem ibidem in lib. Ancoratus: Πηνελόπην μὲν γὰρ φθείρει, δι' ἣν ἦν τράγος γενόμενος· τράγος μὲν οἶμαι, ἐγένετο διὰ τὸ ἀκραῖον τῆς τοῦ γενείου παραπλοκῆς; i. e. Penelopen enim corrupit, propter ipsam hircus factus. Hircus autem ut puto factus est ob similitudinem acuminatae implexeque barbae. Ita enim locus iste verti et intelligi debet. Praesertim taurus. Ibidem: Καὶ πρὸς Πασιφάην δὲ ταῦρος ἐγένετο, ὡσαύτως καὶ πρὸς Εὐρώπην. Et erga Pasiphaen taurus factus est, similiter erga Europam. Unde etiam huc referri meretur Nummus Gortynae in insula Creta urbis, quem produxit et illustravit Clariss. Patinus in Thesauro suo p. 21. Sedet ab una parte Europa virginitatis florem raptum lugens in platano vel sub umbra ejus, ab altera Jupiter raptor lascivientis forma tauri conspicitur. Plinius lib. 12. cap. 10. Est Gortiniae in insula Creta juxta fontem platanus una insignis utriusque linguae monumentis, nunquam folia dimittens, statimque et Graeciae fabulositas superfuit, Jovem sub ea cum Europa concubuisse, Vectam tauro puellam, et eleganter depictam exhibet etiam in gemma Leon. Augustinus tom. I. tab. 185. et in Getae Nummo a Byzantiis percusso rursus Patinus in suo vere Thesauro p. 192. Sidoniorum pariter Nummus apud Spanh. de U. et Pr. N. p. 780. Suavissimum est epigramma Moschi huc respiciens, et cur non addam? Inscriptio, εἰς Ἔρωτα ἀροτριῶντα. Λαμπάδα θεὶς καὶ τόξα, βοηλάτιν εἵλετο ῥάβδον Οὖλος Ἔρως, πήρην δ' εἶχε κατωμαδίην. Καὶ ζεύξας ταλαεργὸν ὑπὸ ζυγὸν αὐχένα ταύρων, Ἔσπειρεν Δηοῦς αὔλακα πυροφόρον. Εἶπε δ' ἄνω βλέψας αὐτῷ Διΐ· Πρῆσον ἀρούρας, Μή σε, τὸν Εὐρώπης βοῦν ὑπ' ἄροτρα βάλω. I. e. Face deposita et arcu, boum agitatricem accepit virgam perniciosus Amor. Pendebat autem illi pera ab humeris: et juncto laborum patienti sub jugum collo taurorum seminavit Cereris sulcum frugiferum: Dixit autem sursum aspiciens ipsi Jovi: Comburc arva, ne te Europae bovem aratro subdam. Ita vulgo vertunt. Sed elegantior usus est dictionis μή σε. significat enim nae ego te sc. rursus a. s. cum diphthongo. Perperam quoque in edit. Ald. et Brod. legitur βοηλάτην et πλῆσον.

"Horned." The same author in the same place, in the book Ancoratus: "For he corrupts Penelope, for whose sake he became a goat; a goat, I think, he became because of the pointed tip of his plaited beard"; that is, for he corrupted Penelope, being made a goat for her sake; and he was made a goat, I think, because of the likeness of a pointed and plaited beard. For so that passage should be translated and understood. Especially a bull. In the same place: "And for Pasiphae he became a bull, and likewise for Europa." And for Pasiphae he was made a bull, similarly for Europa. Hence there also deserves to be referred here the coin of the city of Gortyna in the island of Crete, which the most distinguished Patin produced and illustrated in his Thesaurus, p. 21. On one side Europa sits in a plane tree, or under its shade, mourning the flower of her virginity snatched away; on the other Jupiter the ravisher is seen in the form of a frisking bull. Pliny, book 12, ch. 10 [5]: "At Gortyna in the island of Crete, beside a spring, there is a single plane tree famous in the records of both languages, which never sheds its leaves; and at once the fabling of Greece added that Jupiter lay with Europa under it." Leonardo Agostini also shows the girl carried on the bull, elegantly depicted on a gem, vol. I, plate 185; and Patin again, in his truly treasure-filled Thesaurus, p. 192, on a coin of Geta struck by the Byzantines; likewise a coin of the Sidonians in Spanheim, On the Use and Excellence of Coins, p. 780. There is a most charming epigram of Moschus that looks to this, and why should I not add it? Its title: "On Love Ploughing". "Laying down his torch and bow, mischievous Love took up an ox-goad, and had a wallet slung from his shoulders; and yoking the toiling necks of bulls under the yoke, he sowed Deo's wheat-bearing furrow. And looking up he said to Zeus himself: Burn up the fields, lest I put you, Europa's bull, under the plough." That is: "Torch and bow laid aside, baneful Love took the rod that drives oxen. A wallet hung from his shoulders: and having joined the necks of bulls, patient of labour, under the yoke, he sowed Ceres' fruitful furrow: and looking up he said to Jove himself: Burn the fields, lest I put you, Europa's ox, under the plough." So they commonly translate. But the use of the expression μή σε is more elegant; for it means "truly I [will put] you", that is, again, ... with the diphthong. In the Aldine and Brodaeus editions "βοηλάτην" and "πλῆσον" are also wrongly read.

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(f) ‹anchor: aut plumatum amatorem› · call in col 396

Aut plumatum. Quum cygnus esset factus ob Ledam. De Spectac. cap. VIII. De cygno Jove non erubescunt. Furta illa Jovis passim nobis exhibent Gemmae antiquae. Ledae quidem concubitum, Gorlaeus I. 26. et Leon. Augustinus II. 19. marmorque Musei Justinianaei.

"Or feathered." When he had been made a swan for Leda. On the Shows, ch. VIII: "They do not blush at Jove as a swan." Ancient gems everywhere show us those thefts of Jove: the coupling with Leda, Gorlaeus I. 26 and Leonardo Agostini II. 19, and a marble of the Giustiniani Museum.

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(g) ‹anchor: in aurum conversum› · call in col 396

In aurum conversum. Ald. Pam. et aliae Edit. in auro c. Sed ita Rig. et la Cerda. Vocem quae sequebatur Danaidis expunxi cum Rig. et Rhen; est enim a glossa, quales plures hoc cap. Et cur ipsam Danaen potius auro conjungat, quam plumae Ledam, cornibus Penelopen, Pasiphaen, aut Europam. Ald. legit, et ista sunt numina vestra. Epiphanius eodem loco: Πρὸς Δανάην δὲ χρυσὸς ἐγένετο, etc., i. e. Erga Danaen vero aurum fiebat, ut virginem castam thalamo inclusam corrumperet. At ille aurum fieri nunquam potuit, sed praestigiator fuit, et per auri largitionem virginem decepit. Et apud Ledam rursus cygnus factus est, inflammationem fervoris voluptatis suae significans; (continues)

"Turned into gold." The Aldine, Pamelius and other editions have "in auro c." But Rigault and La Cerda read so. I struck out the following word "Danaidis" with Rigault and Rhenanus; for it comes from a gloss, like several in this chapter. And why should he join Danae herself to the gold rather than Leda to the feather, Penelope, Pasiphae or Europa to the horns? The Aldine reads: "and these are your deities". Epiphanius in the same place: "For Danae he became gold," etc.; that is, "For Danae he became gold, so as to corrupt a chaste virgin shut up in her chamber. But he could never become gold; rather he was a trickster, and deceived the virgin by a gift of gold. And again with Leda he became a swan, signifying the inflaming heat of his lust; (continues)

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LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 223)

(1) ‹anchor: ista sunt numina› · call in col 397

Nomina vestri MS. et numina vestra V. C.

"Nomina vestri" in the manuscript, and "numina vestra" in the Codex V(aticanus?).

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(2) ‹anchor: de impudicitia (b)› · call in col 397

Rhen., Lat., Pam. et Hav. de pudicitia, quam scripturam defendit etiam Rigalt.

Rhenanus, Latinius, Pamelius and Havercamp read "de pudicitia", a reading which Rigault also defended.

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(3) ‹anchor: substantiam edisseram› · call in col 397

Et abest Paris.

"Et" is absent in the Paris edition.

COMMENTARIUS.

(continued) · col 397

ἀναπτεροῦσθαι enim est accendi cupiditate rei alicujus. Theodoret. p. 51. Καὶ τῇ Λήδᾳ ἐν εἴδει κύκνου μιγνύμενον, καὶ μέντοι καὶ εἰς τὸν Δανάης κόλπον χρυσοῦ δίκην φερόμενον. Ledae vero consertum in cygni specie, Danaesque in sinum adinstar auri illapsum. Parmenio epigrammatarius lib. VII. Anthol. Εἰς Δανάην ἐῤῥεύσας, Ὀλύμπιε, χρυσὸς, ἵν' ἡ παῖς / Ὡς δώρῳ πεισθῇ, μὴ τρέσῃ, ὡς Κρονίδην. Id est ex versione Petreii Tiarae, In Danaen aurum fluxisti Jupiter, ut ne / Fulmine terreres, sed caperes pretio. Quare idem poeta sibi eamdem viam quaerendam putat in versiculis, qui proxime sequuntur, quosque ego superioribus connectendos puto. Sunt autem hi: Ὁ Ζεὺς τὴν Δανάην χρυσοῦ, κἀγὼ δέ σε χρυσοῦ. / Πλείονα γὰρ δοῦναι τοῦ Διὸς οὐ δύναμαι. Auro te placem, elim sic Jupiter ipse / [Et tibi quid possum reddere plus] Danaen. Jam scilicet olim, vel Horatio in ipsa hac fabula teste L. III. Carm. Od. XVI. 12. Aurum per medios ire satellites, / Et perrumpere amat saxa, potentius / Ictu fulmineo. HAV.

For "anapterousthai" means to be inflamed with desire for something. Theodoret, p. 51: "And having union with Leda in the form of a swan, and indeed borne into the lap of Danaë in the manner of gold" — "united with Leda in the shape of a swan, and slipping into Danaë's lap like gold." Parmenio the epigrammatist, Anthology book VII: "On Danaë you flowed, Olympian, as gold, that the girl, won over as by a gift, might not tremble as before the son of Cronus." That is, in the version of Petreius Tiara: "Into Danaë you flowed as gold, Jupiter, so as not to terrify her with the thunderbolt but to take her with a price." Hence the same poet thinks he must seek the same road for himself, in the little verses that follow next, which I think should be joined to the ones above. They are these: "Zeus bought Danaë with gold, and I too buy you with gold; for I cannot give more than Zeus." "Let me win you with gold, as once Jupiter himself won Danaë; [and what more can I give you]." So it was long ago, as Horace too witnesses on this very fable, Odes III.16.12: "Gold loves to go through the midst of guards and to burst through rocks, more potent than the lightning's stroke." Havercamp.

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(a) ‹anchor: ista sunt numina (1) vestri› · call in col 397

Jovis enim ista sunt numina vestri. Haec quidem lectio verissima mihi videtur, quam repraesentavi ex Cod. MS. Lugd. Bat. Scriverius in MSS. non longe hinc abeuntem invenit Jovis enim ista sunt nomina vestri. Ita c. VIII. de Spect.: Animadverte, Christiane, quot nomina immunda possederint circum. Quam lectionem si quis praeferre velit, nolim repugnare, est enim acerbo sale plena. Sed alteri et vehementia, varia et MSS. et editorum lectio magis blanditur; Barr. Jovis, et ista sunt numina vestra. Quomodo etiam Aldus. Pam. et Herald. et Rhen. et Cod. Agob. Jovis ista sunt, et numina vestra. Satis concinne Cod. Fuld. ista sunt humana vestri. Rigal. denique edidit quidem Jovis enim ista sunt numina vestri. Sed tamen in Notis legendum putat, Jovis enim ista sunt omnia vestri. Minus valide.

"For these are the divinities of your Jupiter." This reading seems to me the truest; I have given it from the Leiden manuscript. Scriverius found in the manuscripts one not far from it: "For these are the names of your Jupiter." So in On the Shows ch. 8: "Notice, Christian, how many unclean names have taken possession of the circus." If anyone prefers that reading I would not object, for it is full of biting wit. But the other is commended both by its force and by the varied reading of manuscripts and editors: Barraeus, "of Jupiter, and these are your divinities"; so also Aldus. Pamelius, Heraldus, Rhenanus and the Agobard codex: "these are Jupiter's, and your divinities." The Fulda codex, neatly enough: "these are the human things of your [Jupiter]." Finally Rigault printed "For these are the divinities of your Jupiter", yet in his Notes thinks one should read "For these are all of your Jupiter." Less soundly.

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(b) ‹anchor: de impudicitia› · call in col 397

Caeterum Dei filius nullam de impudicitia habet matrem. Quod Latinius et Pamelius in quibusdam exemplaribus scriptum esse testantur: Nullam de pudicitia habet matrem, rectum est, nec debuit mutari. Dei filius Dominus noster non ex ullis nuptiis est natus, ne quidem justis aut legitimis. Itaque non habet de pudicitia matrem. Nempe, Maria virgo facta mater ejus non alicujus matrimonii nexu, quamlibet pudici, sed solo verbo Dei. Vulgo tamen Dominus noster habebatur filius Josephi et Mariae. Unde ait Tertullianus, Etiam quam videtur habere matrem, ea mater non nupserat. RIG. — De pudicitia. Recte adstruit in Notis hanc lectionem Rigalt. praeter enim rationes ab eo allatas, confirmatus Rhenani editione. Vult itaque dicere non tantum ex impuro et illicito concubitu non esse natum Jesum nostrum, sed ne quidem ex puro licitoque matrimonio susceptum, Spiritus scilicet sui vi et divinae naturae capacitate, quae sibi domicilium inter homines exstruxit, et humanae originationis fermentum in utero virginali concitavit. Qui non intellexerunt, substituerunt de impudicitia. Judaei tamen pudicitiam ejus ausi sunt oppugnare, ut patet ex lib. De Spectac. cap. ult. Hic est ille (dicam) fabri aut quaestuariae filius. Quomodo emendavit Rigaltius, quem tamen reprehendere audet Priorius, cum la Cerda eligens vulgatum questuarii; quod quid est aliud, quam post inventas fruges glandibus vesci? Non Rigaltius enim ita tantum in Agobardino exemplari invenit, sed et Josias Mercerus annotavit ad librum suum quem cum isto codice diligentissime contulit, qui liber in Bibl. Lugd. Bat. hodie asservatur. HAV.

"But the Son of God has no mother from unchastity." What Latinius and Pamelius attest is written in certain copies, "He has no mother from chastity", is right and ought not to have been changed. The Son of God, our Lord, was not born of any marriage, not even a just or lawful one. So he has no mother "from chastity" [i.e. from married intercourse]. That is, the virgin Mary was made his mother not by the bond of any marriage, however chaste, but by the word of God alone. Yet commonly our Lord was held to be the son of Joseph and Mary. Hence Tertullian says, "Even she whom he seems to have as mother, that mother had not married." Rigault. — "De pudicitia": Rigault rightly establishes this reading in his Notes, for besides the reasons he brings it is confirmed by Rhenanus's edition. He means, then, that our Jesus was not only not born of an impure and unlawful union, but was not even conceived of a pure and lawful marriage, but by the power of his Spirit and the capacity of the divine nature, which built itself a dwelling among men and stirred the leaven of human origin in the virgin's womb. Those who did not understand substituted "de impudicitia". The Jews, however, dared to attack his chastity, as is clear from On the Shows, last chapter: "This is he (I shall say it), the son of a carpenter or of a harlot." So Rigault emended it; yet Priorius dares to blame him, choosing with la Cerda the common reading "questuarii" [of a money-maker] — and what is that but to eat acorns after grain has been found? For Rigault did not only find this in the Agobard copy; Josias Mercerus also noted it in his own book, which he collated most carefully with that codex, a book kept today in the Leiden library. Havercamp.

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(c) ‹anchor: quam videtur habere› · call in col 397

Non nupserat. Pessime Barr. et Ald. nupserat. Licet enim Matth. I. 19. Josephus dicatur ἀνὴρ αὐτῆς sciendum est id per prolepsin fieri, quomodo Choroebus apud Virg. l. II. Aeneid. 344. Gener auxilium Priamo Phrygibusque ferebat: / Infelix, qui non sponsae praecepta furentis / Audierat. Vocatur jam gener, cum desponsata illi tantum esset Cassandra. Iidem ut Silanus Claudii gener vocatur, cum desponsata ipsi esset Octavia apud Sueton. in Claud. c. X. XVII. Mariam ipsam acerbam adhuc et nondum nubilem plenis annis fuisse vel inde colligi potest, quod cum potuisset respondere angelo οὐκ ἔχω ἄνδρα, quomodo Christo respondebatur a Samaritana ista muliere Joh. IV. 7. maluit dicere ἄνδρα οὐ γινώσκω, vel ipsa aetate partum abnuente. Judaei enim non tantum conjugii vinculo, ut omnibus notum impuberes destinabantur, sed vel apud Romanos exemplum dare potuit Caesar, qui dimissa Cossutia, quae, familia equestri, sed admodum dives, praetextato desponsata fuerat, Corneliam Cinae IV. Cos. filiam, duxit uxorem, teste Sueton. c. 1.

"Had not married." Barraeus and Aldus, very badly, read "had married." For though in Matthew 1:19 Joseph is called "her husband", it must be understood that this is by prolepsis, as with Coroebus in Virgil, Aeneid II.344: "As son-in-law he was bringing help to Priam and the Phrygians: unhappy, who had not heeded the warnings of his raving bride." He is already called son-in-law when Cassandra had only been betrothed to him. Likewise Silanus is called Claudius's son-in-law when Octavia had been betrothed to him, in Suetonius, Claudius ch. 10, 17. That Mary herself was still unripe and not yet of full marriageable age can be gathered from this too: though she could have answered the angel "I have no husband", as the Samaritan woman answered Christ (John 4:7), she preferred to say "I do not know man", her very age refusing childbirth. For the Jews destined minors to the bond of marriage, as all know; and even among the Romans Caesar could furnish an example, who, putting away Cossutia — of an equestrian family but very rich, betrothed to him while he still wore the boy's toga — married Cornelia, daughter of Cinna, four times consul, as Suetonius witnesses, ch. 1.

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(d) ‹anchor: quoque sapientes› · call in col 398

Sapientes Λόγον. Praeter, quos nominat, Plutarchus et Numenius, Plotinus et ipse Plato. Theodoret. Gr. Aff. Cur. p. 96. Plotini verbis: Οὕτω δὴ ἐξ ἑνὸς νοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἀπ' αὐτοῦ λόγου, ἀνέστη τόδε τὸ πᾶν καὶ διέστη; i. e. Ita igitur ex una Mente, atque ex Verbo, quod ab ea prodiit, omne hoc emersit secretumque est. Et rursus p. 39. ubi Trinitatis S. S. veritatem ex libris Veteris Testam. vindicavit prorsus egregie, haec etiam profert: Αὐτίκα τοίνυν τὴν Πλάτωνος, etc., i. e. Plotinus itaque ac Numenius, explicantes Platonis mentem, tria inquiunt a Platone posita fuisse, quae sint supertemporalia et aeterna; ipsum videlicet Bonum, mentemque, et hujus universi animam. Vocat enim BONUM, quem nos dicimus PATREM; MENTEM vero seu Intellectum, quem nos FILIUM VERBUMQUE appellamus: POTENTIAM vero quae animet omnia et vivificet, ANIMAM vocat; eam ipsam videlicet, quam SPIRITUM SANCTUM Litterae Sacrae appellant. Sed et Numenii de Platone dictum exstat apud Hesychium Illustrium Milesium, qui hac nota illum perstrinxit ὡς ἐκ τῶν Μωσαϊκῶν βιβλίων τὰ περὶ Θεοῦ καὶ κόσμου ἀποσυλήσαντα; i. e. quod veluti plagio subripuerit e Mosaicis libris quae de Deo et mundo prodidit; quare ab eodem vocatus fuit Moses Atticisans. Τί γάρ ἐστι Πλάτων, ἢ Μωσῆς ἀττικίζων; quid enim aliud est Plato, quam Moses Atticisans? Vide Illustrium in Vita philosophi Pythagorici Numenii. Plura ibidem profert testimonia.

"The wise [call him] Logos." Besides those he names: Plutarch and Numenius, Plotinus and Plato himself. Theodoret, Cure of the Greek Maladies, p. 96, in Plotinus's words: "Thus from one Mind, and from the Word that came forth from it, this whole universe arose and was set apart"; that is, "So from one Mind, and from the Word which proceeded from it, all this emerged and was distinguished." And again on p. 39, where he vindicated the truth of the Holy Trinity from the books of the Old Testament quite excellently, he also brings forward this: "Plotinus then, and Numenius, explaining Plato's mind," etc., that is: "Plotinus and Numenius, explaining Plato's mind, say that three things were posited by Plato which are above time and eternal: namely the Good itself, Mind, and the Soul of this universe. For he calls GOOD the one we call FATHER; MIND or Intellect the one we call SON and WORD; and the POWER that animates and quickens all things he calls SOUL — that very one, namely, whom Holy Scripture calls the HOLY SPIRIT." Numenius's saying about Plato is also found in Hesychius Illustrius of Miletus, who censured him with this mark: "that he plundered from the books of Moses what he said about God and the world", that is, that he filched as by plagiarism from the Mosaic books what he published about God and the world; for which the same man called him "Moses Atticizing": "For what is Plato but Moses speaking Attic?" See Illustrius in the Life of the Pythagorean philosopher Numenius. He brings further testimonies in the same place.

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(e) ‹anchor: Zeno› · call in col 398

Hunc enim Zeno determinat actitatorem. Zenonem aliquid praeterea dixisse, ex Laertio discimus. Nempe, Duo esse omnium principia, Creatorem et Materiam. τὸ ποιοῦν καὶ τὸ πάσχον. Et Materiam quidem esse qualitatis expertem substantiam. Creatorem vero, τὸν ἐν αὐτῇ λόγον τὸν Θεόν· τοῦτον γὰρ ὄντα ἀΐδιον διὰ πάσης ταύτης δημιουργεῖν ἕκαστα. RIG.

"For Zeno defines him as the maker." That Zeno said something further we learn from Laertius: namely, that there are two principles of all things, the Creator and Matter — "that which acts and that which is acted upon"; and that Matter is substance devoid of quality, while the Creator is "the Reason in it, God; for he, being eternal, fashions each thing throughout the whole of it." Rigault.

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LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 224)

(1) ‹anchor: substantiam spiritum› · call in col 399

Spiritus Paris.

"Spiritus" in the Paris edition.

(printed under page 224)

(2) ‹anchor: sol erit in radio› · call in col 399

Exit Jun.

"Exit" in Junius.

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(3) ‹anchor: de Deo Deus› · call in col 399

Ita de sp. — Deus desunt in cod. Fuld. et ed. Rhen.

"Ita de sp[iritu] … Deus" are missing in the Fulda codex and in Rhenanus's edition.

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(4) ‹anchor: etsi plures› · call in col 399

In Par.

"In" in the Paris edition.

(printed under page 224)

(5) ‹anchor: qualitatum mutueris› · call in col 399

Codd. Fuld. et Pamel. qualitatis; Lugd. II. traducis qualitates.

The Fulda codex and Pamelius read "qualitatis"; the second Leiden codex "traducis qualitates".

(printed under page 224)

(6) ‹anchor: Ita et› · call in col 399

Et abest Paris.

"Et" is absent in the Paris edition.

(printed under page 224)

(7) ‹anchor: gradu, non statu› · call in col 399

Non gradu sed statu Paris. Modulo alternum, numerum gradu, non statu Fran.

"Non gradu sed statu" in the Paris edition; "Modulo alternum, numerum gradu, non statu" in the Franeker edition.

(printed under page 224)

(8) ‹anchor: retro semper praedicabatur› · call in col 399

Praedicebatur cod. vet. Scriverii.

"Praedicebatur" in Scriverius's old codex.

(printed under page 224)