Migne Reading Room

PL 1 · cols. 1143–1148

Muratori, Prolegomena to De oratione, and Panciroli's preface to the reader

Editors' preface

PL 1:1143
Series secunda.
Second series.
LIBRI DOGMATICI
Dogmatic books
ANTE SUSCEPTUM AB AUCTORE MONTANISMUM.
[written] before the author embraced Montanism.
DE ORATIONE. DE BAPTISMO. DE POENITENTIA. DE PATIENTIA. AD UXOREM LIBRI II. DE CULTU FOEMINARUM LIBRI II.
On Prayer. On Baptism. On Penance. On Patience. To His Wife, Books I–II. On the Apparel of Women, Books I–II.
QUINTI SEPTIMII FLORENTIS TERTULLIANI
Of Quintus Septimius Florens Tertullian
LIBER DE ORATIONE.
The Book on Prayer.
Prolegomena.
Prolegomena.
Plurimos Tertulliani editos libros, paucos vero manuscriptos in bibliothecis numeramus. Hinc factum ut ne adhuc quidem accuratissime typis descripta illius opera habeamus: quaedam mutila, foedisque vulneribus horrentia in publicum prodierint: nonnulla e⟨t⟩iam desiderantur quae a Tertulliano evulgata scimus, at nobis ab edacitate temporum omnino erepta aeque
We count very many printed books of Tertullian, but few manuscript ones in the libraries. Hence it has come about that not even yet do we have his works set down in type with full accuracy: some have come out in public mutilated and bristling with foul wounds; some, too, are missing which we know were published by Tertullian, but which we both suspect
Editors' notes and page, col. 1143

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  • marginal letters: A aut potius daemonis ingenio; B (none); C (none); D (none)
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  • other: page shared with PL001/ed_lenourry_4; this file is a copy of its notes (QA keeps this unit's own)
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suspicamur, et dolemus. Melioribus fatis hucusque gavisus non est liber de Oratione, quem primus omnium Parisiis e vetustissimo codice evulgavit Joannes Gagneius parisiensis theologus anno Christi 1545, at minime integrum, at illustri coronide destitutum. Neque huic editioni reliquae subsecutae opem tulere prae codicum inopia. Unus tantum Rigaltius vetustum codicem mutilum esse librum animadvertit, et aliquot duntaxat lineis in calce additis, medicinam aliis propinandam reliquit. Cum itaque ego inciderim in
and lament [as] wholly snatched from us by the voracity of time. The book On Prayer has not so far enjoyed better fortunes; it was first of all published at Paris from a very old codex by Jean Gagnée, theologian of Paris, in the year of Christ 1545, but by no means whole, but lacking its illustrious conclusion. Nor did the remaining editions that followed bring help to this one, for want of codices. Rigault alone noticed that the old codex was a mutilated book, and, having added only a few lines at the end, left the remedy for others to administer. Since, therefore, I have come upon
Editors' notes and page, col. 1144

Footnotes

(1) ‹anchor: Prolegomena› · call in col 1144

Ex tomo tertio Anecdotor. quae Ludov. Anton. Muratorius ex ambrosianae bibliothecae codicibus eruit evulgavitque Patavii, ann. 1715.

From the third volume of the Anecdota which Ludovico Antonio Muratori brought to light from the manuscripts of the Ambrosian Library and published at Padua in the year 1715.

(printed under page 616)

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  • other: This paragraph ends Le Nourry's Dissertatio. Below it the page is FULL WIDTH (settle: full_width), the title block of Series secunda / LIBER DE ORATIONE / Prolegomena (1); then the right column of Muratori's Prolegomena ('suspicamur, et dolemus. Melioribus fatis ...'). All of it belongs to unit ed_muratori: pointer only, not set.
  • other: page shared with PL001/ed_lenourry_4; this file is a copy of its notes (QA keeps this unit's own)
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vetustum Ambrosianae bibliothecae codicem, ubi legebantur quae in caeteris desunt, continuo anecdotis meis addidi veluti gemmas litterariae reipublicae in primis gratas. Quaecumque enim e Tertulliano, omnium certe sui temporis eruditissimo, litteris consignata sunt, eaque praesertim, quae in castris catholicorum scripsit, quanti sint apud omnes ecclesiasticae rei cultores, vel ipsis tyronibus patet. Ambrosianus autem codex non ab orationis dominicae expositione, ut in editis habemus, sed ab iis, quae hujusmodi expositionem subsequuntur, opusculum exordiebatur cum hocce titulo: Incipit Tertulliani diversarum rerum necessariarum. Tum caput primum, cujus initium est: Compendiis pauculorum verborum, etc., ita praenotabatur: Anacephalaeosis. Posse nos superadjicere, titulus erat sequentis capitis. Reliqua etiam capita suos titulos praeferebant, quos itidem in hac nostra editione retinendos censuimus. Quod superest opusculum istud quibus ⟨j⟩am exornare ac illustrare annotationibus placuit, ne quod reliquis Tertulliani libris eruditissimi viri praestitere, huic desit, et ne tenebras et ferreum asperumque scriptoris hujus stylum delicatuli quidam caussantes, ab ejus lectione avertantur. Nullum denique inter veteres Christianos auctorem ostendas, cui eruditionis et scholiorum lumina magis admovenda videantur, quam Tertulliano, a quo obscuritas in dicendo nescio utrum evitari ullo pacto posset an in deliciis haberetur.
an ancient codex of the Ambrosian Library, in which were read the things that are lacking in the others, I at once added to my unpublished pieces, as jewels especially welcome to the republic of letters. For how highly all who cultivate ecclesiastical learning value whatever was committed to writing by Tertullian, certainly the most learned of all men of his time, and especially what he wrote in the camp of the Catholics, is plain even to beginners. The Ambrosian codex, however, began the little work not with the exposition of the Lord's Prayer, as we have it in the printed editions, but with the matter that follows such an exposition, under this title: Here begins Tertullian's [book] of divers necessary matters. Then the first chapter, whose beginning is "By a compendium of a very few words", etc., was headed thus: Anacephalaeosis. "That we may add over and above" was the title of the following chapter. The remaining chapters also bore their titles, which we have likewise judged should be kept in this edition of ours. As for the rest, it has been decided now to adorn and illustrate this little work with annotations, so that what most learned men have done for the other books of Tertullian may not be lacking to this one, and so that certain over-delicate people, pleading the obscurities and the iron, rough style of this writer, may not be turned away from reading him. In short, you could show no author among the ancient Christians to whom the lights of learning and of scholia seem more needful to be brought than to Tertullian, by whom obscurity in speaking, I know not whether it could by any means be avoided or whether it was held a delight.
Quae quidem omnia cum digessissem pro viribus meis, subiit non ingratum eruditis futurum, si notis meis illas quoque subjicerem, quas Guido Pancirolus jurisconsultus regiensis in eumdem de Oratione librum conscripserat. Eoque libentius consilium meum probatum iri sperabam, quod animadverterem potiorem clarissimi viri curam in obscuris Tertulliani sensibus exponendis positam, cum contra ego historicas potius ac eruditas libelli hujus reliquias mihi illustrandas proposuissem. Dolendum autem est, neminem adhuc in Italia fuisse, qui ad nostrae gentis gloriam caeteros Panciroli in Tertullianum commentarios edendos curaverit. Vix brevem de iis mentionem a Thomasino in Panciroli Vita, a Dupinio, Guillelmo Cave, aliisque paucis scriptoribus habemus; imo vix iis constabat, eorum quidquam superesse. Meliore profecto sorte dignus erat labor ille Panciroli viri celeberrimi, qui non jurisprudentiae solum, sed sacrae etiam et profanae eruditionis laude eximium inter litteratos sibi comparavit locum. Et quidem opinor, ut et Possevinus in Apparatu opinabatur, uberrimos illos in Tertullianum commentarios, quos B. Rhenanus, Pamelius, La Cerda, Salmasius, atque alii doctissimi viri luci mandarunt, obstitisse ne isti prodirent; putantibus nimirum iis, quibus posthuma Panciroli fama condi futura erat, se parum utilem operam lusuros, si easdem dapes eruditorum palato exhiberent. Verum non is est Tertullianus, qui paucis contentus sit interpretibus; et cum recentiores ejus interpretes ab antiquiorum conatibus minime deterriti sint, quominus et suos illi producerent, cur Panciroli studiosos de tam nobili consilio dejicere debuit inconsultus hic metus? Facile vero est, ut coeuntibus in unius auctoris explicationem pluribus diversisque ingeniis, ejus mens ac scripta clariora in dies fiant, atque a tenebris liberentur aut ex antiquitate temporum, aut ex incuria librariorum, aut e scriptoris austeritate manantibus. Quae quanquam de singulis veteribus vere dici possunt, imprimis tamen de Tertulliano sunt affirmanda, quem post tot interpretum curas habemus adhuc obscurum. Eodem autem tempore, quo Pamelius in Tertulliano explicando exercebatur, Pancirolus nobisque plenos reliquit commentarios in omnia illius scripta ad mortem usque suam evulgata. Horum autem autographon Regii Lepidi in ejus patria latet. Mihi videre ac describere contigit ejus tantummodo exemplar, quod accuratissime scriptum in sua bibliotheca servat P. Joannes Baptista Cattaneus, Franciscani ordinis, ut vocant, de Observantia, ornamentum. Et quoniam hujus munere factum est, ut quod mihi de ms. illo opere placet, haurire possem, hic epistolam quoque dare statui iisdem commentariis praepositam, inde enim palam fiet, quae in Tertullianum Pancirolus praestiterit. Ita ergo scribit ille:
When I had arranged all these things as well as my strength allowed, it occurred to me that it would not be unwelcome to the learned if beneath my notes I also set those which Guido Panciroli, jurisconsult of Reggio, had written on this same book On Prayer. And I hoped the more readily that my plan would be approved because I observed that the chief care of that most distinguished man was given to expounding the obscure meanings of Tertullian, whereas I, on the contrary, had set myself rather to illustrate the historical and learned remains of this little book. It is to be lamented, however, that there has as yet been no one in Italy who, for the glory of our nation, has seen to the publishing of Panciroli's other commentaries on Tertullian. Of them we have scarcely a brief mention from Tomasini in his Life of Panciroli, from Dupin, William Cave and a few other writers; indeed it was scarcely established among them that anything of them survived. That labour of Panciroli, a most celebrated man, who won for himself a distinguished place among the learned by the praise not of jurisprudence alone but also of sacred and profane learning, was surely worthy of a better fate. And indeed I think, as Possevino too thought in his Apparatus, that those most copious commentaries on Tertullian which B. Rhenanus, Pamelius, La Cerda, Salmasius and other most learned men brought to light stood in the way of these coming forth; those, namely, by whom Panciroli's posthumous fame was to be established thought that they would spend useless labour if they set the same dishes before the palate of the learned. But Tertullian is not one to be content with few interpreters; and since his more recent interpreters were in no way deterred by the efforts of the older ones from producing their own as well, why ought this ill-advised fear to have turned the students of Panciroli from so noble a plan? It is indeed easy, when many and diverse minds come together in explaining one author, for his mind and writings to become clearer day by day, and to be freed from the darknesses flowing either from the antiquity of the times, or from the carelessness of copyists, or from the austerity of the writer. Although these things can truly be said of each of the ancients, yet they must be affirmed above all of Tertullian, whom after so many interpreters' labours we still have obscure. At the same time as Pamelius was occupied in explaining Tertullian, Panciroli too left us full commentaries on all his writings published up to his own death. Their autograph lies hidden at Reggio (Regium Lepidi), in his native city. It fell to me to see and copy only a copy of it, most accurately written, which Fr Giovanni Battista Cattaneo, an ornament of the Franciscan order of the Observance, as they call it, keeps in his library. And since it came about through his kindness that I could draw from that manuscript work whatever I pleased, I have resolved to give here also the letter prefixed to those same commentaries, for from it will be made plain what Panciroli accomplished on Tertullian. Thus, then, he writes:
AD LECTOREM PANCIROLI Praefatio.
Panciroli's Preface to the Reader
Felicem mihi adventum Patavio Taurinum ex eo potissimum fuisse existimo, quod inter alios, quos inveni doctissimos viros, imprimis Vincentius Laurus Montisregalis episcopus et S. D. N. Gregorii XIII Pont. Max. apud Sereniss. Emmanuelem Philibertum Sabaudiae ducem nuntius apostolicus, ac cardinalis in omni disciplinarum genere versatus occurrit, qui dum me domesticis colloquiis suis dignum putavit, doctrina meliorem semper fecit; et sicut M. Tullius
I judge my coming from Padua to Turin to have been fortunate chiefly for this reason, that among the other most learned men whom I found, there met me above all Vincenzo Lauro, bishop of Mondovì and apostolic nuncio of our Most Holy Lord Gregory XIII, Supreme Pontiff, to the Most Serene Emmanuel Philibert, Duke of Savoy, and a cardinal versed in every kind of learning, who, while he thought me worthy of his private conversations, always made me better in learning; and just as Marcus Tullius
Editors' notes and page, col. 1145

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  • running head: 1145 LIBER DE ORATIONE. (page head spans 1145–1146)
  • marginal letters: A ‹vetustum Ambrosianae bibliothecae›; B ‹lus erat sequentis capitis›; C ‹meis illas quoque subjicerem›; D ‹Felicem mihi adventum›
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
  • running head: 1145 LIBER DE ORATIONE. 1146
  • marginal letters: A beside "vetustum Ambrosianae bibliothecae codicem" / "Cave, aliisque paucis"; B beside "lus erat sequentis capitis" / "interpretes ab antiquiorum"; C beside "meis illas quoque subjicerem" / "scripta ad mortem usque"; D beside "Felicem mihi adventum" / "lius Cicero a Q. Mutii"
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 1:1146
Cicero a Q. Mutii Scevolae latere doctior discedebat (in Laelio, sive de Amicit.), ita ego ex eruditissimis sermonibus suis non pauca exhauriens locupletior abii. Modo enim res ab orbe condito gestas enarrabat, modo philosophiae arcana depromebat, aut obscuros
Cicero used to come away more learned from the side of Quintus Mucius Scaevola (in the Laelius, or On Friendship), so I, drawing not a little from his most learned discourses, went away the richer. For now he would recount the deeds done since the world was founded, now bring forth the secrets of philosophy, or obscure
Editors' notes and page, col. 1146

Footnotes

(a) ‹anchor: habemus adhuc obscurum› · call in col 1146

Hinc novis item editoribus visum est lectoribus fore pergratum annotationibus clarissim. vv. Panciroli et Muratorii selectas ex Rigaltio, Pamelio, Lacerda, Albaspineo, Priorio notas subjungere.

Hence it seemed good to the new editors as well, as something very welcome to readers, to add to the annotations of those most distinguished men, Panciroli and Muratori, notes selected from Rigault, Pamelius, La Cerda, Aubespine and Priorius.

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  • running head: LIBER DE ORATIONE. 1146
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  • running head: 1145 LIBER DE ORATIONE. 1146
  • marginal letters: D beside "lius Cicero a Q. Mutii"
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aliquos auctores explicabat, vel mendosam lectionem ex probatis exemplaribus emendabat, vel ex suo pio instituto aliqua ex sacris litteris interpretabatur. Cum vero Tertulliani scriptis mirifice delectatus (S. Hier., de Script. eccl. in Tertull.), eum velut alter Cyprianus quotidie in manibus haberet, valde dolebat, ita obscurum inveniri, ut nullus quandoque ex illo sensus erui posset. Sed cum multis obrutus negotiis, quae sibi Montisregalis antistiti ex sua ditione imminebant, et tanquam summi pontificis legato, vel Roma demandata, vel ex Subalpinis, undique emergentia occurrebant, hunc auctorem explanandi otium non haberet, aliquem alium quaerebat, qui tanto oneri subeundo posset sufficere. Videbat ad hominem omnibus disciplinis imbutum, ac linguae graecae, historiarumque peritissimum interpretandum opus esse viro, qui plurium rerum, et imprimis juris civilis notitiam haberet, cum Tertullianus ipse, ut scribit Eusebius Hist. eccl., lib. I, cap. 2., jurisconsultus plurima ex jure civili deprompta passim scriptis inserat. Sed etsi alii doctores non deerant, qui id exactius praestare potuissent, plura tamen sibi de me, quam ferre possem, pollicitus ad hoc munus aptum esse existimavit. Dum enim me diu Patavii, et aliquot annis Taurinorum Augustae jus civile professum esse animadvertit, ac nondum ingenii mei tenuitatem agnoscens, publico profitendi, ut arbitror, mihi munere demandato deceptus, ad tantum onus subeundum idoneum judicavit, ut qui non modo tanquam juris interpres, hunc jurisconsultum, sed etiam plura ejus obscuriora possem interpretari.
authors he would explain, or he would correct a faulty reading from approved copies, or, in keeping with his pious calling, interpret some passages of the sacred scriptures. Now since he was wonderfully delighted with the writings of Tertullian (St Jerome, On Ecclesiastical Writers, on Tertullian), and, like a second Cyprian, had him daily in his hands, he grieved greatly that he was found so obscure that at times no sense at all could be drawn out of him. But since, overwhelmed by the many affairs that pressed upon him as bishop of Mondovì from his own jurisdiction, and that met him, arising on every side, as legate of the Supreme Pontiff, whether committed to him from Rome or coming from the Subalpine lands, he had no leisure for explaining this author, he sought someone else who could be equal to taking up so great a burden. He saw that to interpret a man steeped in all disciplines and most expert in the Greek language and in histories there was need of a man who had knowledge of many things, and above all of the civil law, since Tertullian himself, as Eusebius writes, Ecclesiastical History, book I, chapter 2, being a jurisconsult, inserts here and there in his writings a great many things drawn from the civil law. But although other learned men were not lacking who could have performed this more exactly, he nevertheless, promising himself more of me than I could bear, judged me fit for this task. For when he observed that I had long professed the civil law at Padua, and for some years at Turin, and not yet recognizing the slenderness of my talent, deceived, as I think, by the public office of professing entrusted to me, he judged me suitable for taking up so great a burden, as one who could interpret not only this jurisconsult, as an interpreter of the law, but also many of his more obscure passages.
Hanc itaque provinciam mihi primo obtulit, et semel iterumque recusanti institit demum, et pro sua auctoritate impetravit, ut mandata susciperem. Cernebam quidem multa mihi tenuioris doctrinae homini ad tantum auctorem explanandum deesse, et mediocrem legum cognitionem ad plura, quae ex reconditis historiis, philosophia, medicina ac sacris litteris accipit, explananda non sufficere; nec id tempus pluribus fori negotiis implicito permittebat: sed quod me non posse dicebam ille nolle credebat:
This charge, then, he first offered to me; and when I refused once and again he at last pressed me, and by his authority obtained that I should take up his commission. I saw indeed that much was lacking to me, a man of slenderer learning, for explaining so great an author, and that a middling knowledge of the laws did not suffice for explaining the many things that he takes from recondite histories, from philosophy, medicine and the sacred scriptures; nor did the time permit it to one entangled in many affairs of the courts. But what I said I could not do, he believed I would not:
Quid facerem? neque servitio me exire licebat, Nec tam praesentes fas non cognoscere divos. (Virg., Ecl. 1.)
What was I to do? Neither was I allowed to go out from servitude, nor was it right not to acknowledge gods so present. (Virgil, Eclogues I)
Illi itaque resistere non licuit, parendoque malui ab illo ingenium meum, quam voluntatem quaeri, et imbecillitatem quam contumaciam reprehendi.
It was not permitted, then, to resist him; and by obeying I preferred that he should find fault with my talent rather than my will, and that my weakness rather than my obstinacy should be blamed.
Collum igitur jugo subjeci, et quod nec meae vires patiebantur, nec tempus commode permittebat, subsecivis horis agere coepi. Sed dum illi morem gero, vereor ne mihi eveniat, quod Sergio Galbae contigit, qui privatus imperio dignus est judicatus, princeps vero factus ad illud ineptus apparuit (Tacit. lib. I, Hist., seu Annal. l. XVII). Ego quoque dubito, ut qui tacens illi aliquid scire videbar, loquens indoctissimus omnibus detegar. Quidquid tamen futurum sit, jus⟨s⟩a capiendo, quid possim sua
So I put my neck under the yoke, and what neither my strength allowed nor my time conveniently permitted, I began to do in spare hours. But while I humour him, I fear lest there befall me what happened to Sergius Galba, who as a private man was judged worthy of empire, but once made emperor proved unfit for it (Tacitus, Histories I, or Annals XVII). I too fear that I, who while silent seemed to him to know something, may when I speak be exposed to all as most unlearned. Yet whatever is to come, taking up his commands, what I could do by his
Editors' notes and page, col. 1147

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  • running head: 1147 TERTULLIANI (page head spans 1147–1148)
  • marginal letters: A ‹aliquos auctores explicabat›; B ‹graecae, historiarumque peritissimum›; C ‹sultum, sed etiam plura›; D ‹Nec tam praesentes / (Virg., Ecl. 1.)›
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auctoritate experiri volui. Inveni autem Tertullianum suo stylo, ut et Lactantius Firmianus, et D. Hieronymus indicant (Lact. Firm., Div. Inst. l. V, c. 1; S. Hier. ep. 13 ad Paulin.), obscurum, dum aut omissa verba vult subaudiri, vel minus usitata usurpat, et novam etiam phrasim sibi format. Ego ut legentes sublevarem, horum proprium indicem composui, ut in quo sensu dictiones, aut verba accipiat, cuique appareat. Cum vero majorem depravati codices difficultatem afferant, plura emendavi, sed ex his tantum, quae idem auctor saepe repetit vel D. Hieronymus aliique post eum recitant. Ex meo vero capite praeter litteram, aut syllabam nihil mutare sum ausus, maluique ambiguos permanere, quam falsos aut extraneos sensus inducere, et aliquid potius desiderari quam corrumpi. Nihil tamen intactum omisi, ac in magnis obscuritatibus satius esse duxi, ingenium meum periclitari, quam confusos lectores dimitti. Et sicut Protogenes, quanquam egregius pictor, cum anhelantis equi spumam, rem tamen levem exprimere non posset, indignatus arti, spongia omnibus coloribus impacta, et animantis labiis admota, casu quod optabat perfecit (Plin., l. XXXV, c. 10): sic ipse, dum mentem pluribus involvo, aliquo conatu evenire posse putavi, ut aliquem forte auctoris sensum assequerer. quod et apud philosophos Averroes in Aristotelem, et apud nostros Angelus Ubaldus in novellis Constitutionibus Justiniani explicandis male in aliam linguam versis effecisse censentur. Historias quoque omnes, quas attingit potius quam narrat, ubi opus fuit, ex probatis auctoribus enarravi, ne cui dubitandi scrupulum relinquerem. In quibus liber de Corona militis, ad Martyres, de Cultu foeminarum, de Spectaculis, et Apologeticus, sed imprimis opusculum de Pallio non mediocre mihi negotium exhibuerunt. Quaedam ex his aliqui explicarunt; sed quid illi, et ipse praestiterim, aliorum erit judicium. Caeterum levioribus quibuscumque, et iis quae facilia visa sunt, praetermissis, difficilia tantum explicui, ipsaque opera Tertulliani, mutato ipsius ordine, in tres partes in gratiam studiosorum pro materiae varietate distribui.
authority I wished to try. I found, moreover, that Tertullian, as both Lactantius Firmianus and St Jerome indicate (Lactantius Firmianus, Divine Institutes V.1; St Jerome, Letter 13 to Paulinus), is obscure in his style, since he either wants omitted words to be understood, or uses less customary ones, and even forms a new phrasing for himself. To relieve readers, I composed an index of these peculiarities, so that it may be plain to everyone in what sense he takes expressions or words. And since corrupt manuscripts bring a greater difficulty, I emended many passages, but only from those things that the same author often repeats, or that St Jerome and others after him quote. From my own head, however, I dared to change nothing beyond a letter or a syllable, and I preferred that the senses remain ambiguous rather than bring in false or foreign ones, and that something be missed rather than corrupted. Yet I left nothing untouched, and in great obscurities I thought it better to put my talent at risk than to send readers away confused. And just as Protogenes, though an excellent painter, when he could not render the foam of a panting horse, slight thing though it was, being angry with his art, flung a sponge laden with all the colours against the creature's lips and so by chance achieved what he desired (Pliny, [Natural History] XXXV.10): so I myself, while turning my mind about in many directions, thought it could come about by some effort that I might perhaps attain some sense of the author; which, among the philosophers, Averroes is judged to have done on Aristotle, and among our own, Angelo Ubaldi in explaining the Novel Constitutions of Justinian, badly translated into another language. All the histories too, which he touches upon rather than narrates, I have recounted where there was need from approved authors, so as to leave no one a scruple of doubt. Among these the book On the Soldier's Crown, To the Martyrs, On the Apparel of Women, On the Shows and the Apologeticus, but above all the little work On the Pallium, gave me no small trouble. Some of these others have explained; but what they, and what I myself have accomplished, will be for others to judge. For the rest, passing over all lighter matters and those that seemed easy, I have explained only the difficult ones; and I have distributed the works of Tertullian themselves, changing his order, into three parts according to the variety of their matter, for the convenience of students.
Si quid autem legentes adjuvero, Deo omnium vero lumini acceptum; si contra meae imbecillitati, atque facilitati illius, qui malum interpretem elegit, imputabo. Magnum certe, et antiquorum Ecclesiae rituum magistrum ab omnibus legendum auctorem habemus, qui et recentiorum haereticorum errores contundit, dum saepe eucharistiam verum corpus Christi esse tradit (de quo tamen nemo unquam usque ad Berengarium dubitavit aut dubitare potuit), exomologesim peccatorum faciendam monet, pro defunctis oblationes fieri consuevisse indicat, romanae sedis auctoritatam praedicat, animasque defunctorum igne purgari, jejunia, aliaque his similia, quae longum esset recensere comprobat. Sed insanis non facile est rationibus, aut auctoritatibus persuadere. Has igitur meas lucubratiunculas benigne accipies et aequi bonique consules. Vale.
If, however, I shall have helped readers in anything, [let it be] credited to God, the true light of all; if the contrary, I shall impute it to my own weakness and to the easiness of him who chose a bad interpreter. Certainly we have a great author, to be read by all, and a teacher of the ancient rites of the Church, who also crushes the errors of more recent heretics, when he often teaches that the eucharist is the true body of Christ (about which, however, no one ever doubted or could doubt until Berengar), urges that the exomologesis of sins be made, indicates that offerings were customarily made for the dead, proclaims the authority of the Roman see, and confirms that the souls of the dead are purged by fire, [and confirms] fasts and other things like these, which it would be long to recount. But it is not easy to persuade the insane by reasons or authorities. These little night-labours of mine, then, you will receive kindly and take in good part. Farewell.
Editors' notes and page, col. 1148

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  • running head: TERTULLIANI 1148
  • marginal letters: A ‹auctoritate experiri volui›; B ‹quid potius desiderari›; C ‹attingit potius quam narrat›; D ‹imputabo. Magnum certe›
  • old-edition numerals: (none)