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Pamelius, Vita Q. Sept. Florent. Tertulliani

Editors' preface

VITA Q. SEPTIMII FLORENTIS TERTULLIANI CARTHAGINIENSIS PRESBYTERI; AUCTORE JACOBO PAMELIO, QUAE EJUS AETATIS VIGINTI QUATUOR ANNORUM HISTORIAM CONTINET.

THE LIFE OF Q. SEPTIMIUS FLORENS TERTULLIAN, PRIEST OF CARTHAGE; BY JACOBUS PAMELIUS, WHICH CONTAINS THE HISTORY OF TWENTY-FOUR YEARS OF HIS AGE.

§ I. Exponitur praevia controversia duplex.

§ I. A twofold preliminary controversy is set out.

1. TERTULLIANI vitam Deo auspice descripturis, qui (quod memoratu dignum est) sub Afro Romano Pontifice S. Victore, Imperatore item Afro sibi cognomine Septimio Severo, Afer et ipse floruit; duae occurrunt controversiae, aeque difficillimae. Prior, de Tertullo Consule, TERTULLIANO nostro, Tertyliano JC. et S. Tertullino Martyre, e quibus quatuor hallucinatione quadam unum conficere quidam conati sunt. Altera, de tempore et aetate Auctoris, qua fidei Sacramentis novus Christi Tyro initiatus est.

1. As we are about to describe, under God's auspices, the life of TERTULLIAN, who (a thing worth recording) flourished, himself an African, under an African Roman Pontiff, St Victor, and likewise under an African Emperor who shared his own name, Septimius Severus, two controversies present themselves, both equally very difficult. The first concerns Tertullus the Consul, our TERTULLIAN, Tertylianus the jurisconsult, and St Tertullinus the Martyr, out of which four certain people, through some delusion, have tried to make one. The second concerns the time and age of the Author at which he was initiated, a new recruit of Christ, into the Sacraments of the faith.

2. Ac primo, de Tertullo consule, TERTULIANO nostro, Tertyliano JC. et S. Tertullino Martyre.

2. And first, of Tertullus the consul, our TERTULLIAN, Tertylianus the jurisconsult, and St Tertullinus the Martyr.

Ad priorem quod attinet, imprimis fefellit Rhenanum corrupta lectio apud Reginonem, quae castiganda etiam apud Hermannum Contractum in Chronicis, ut pro Tertullino Martyre, quem recensent Martyrologia ex Actis passionis S. Stephani Papae pridie Nonas Augusti, TERTULLIANUM legerit. Deinde non minus hallucinati sunt hactenus, qui Tertullum Romanum Consulem cum Jureconsulto Tertyliano confundunt, occasione Senatusconsulti Tertulliani, ad quod complura Rescripta sunt edita, quae recitantur D. L. 38. T. 17. et Cod. L. 6. T. 55. Neque enim reperiri poterit aliquis Consul Tertullianus, seu Tertylianus, sed Q. Flavius Tertellus cum Licinio Sacerdote anno U. C. DCCCCX. ad cujus relationem jam antea, imperante Hadriano Augusto, dictum Senatusconsultum publicatum est. Utpote quum D, dicto Titulo lib. 21. D. Pius decreverit, in quadam facti specie cessare Senatusconsultum Tertullianum, quod proinde eo constat esse antiquius; Tertylianus vero JC. sicuti mox latius, sub Alexandro Imperatore multis post annis claruit, cum aliis plerisque Papiniani discipulis, qui Juri dicundo operam dedere, cujus Constitutiones ex Libris Quaestionum et Libro singulari de Castrensi peculio, ne quid hic desit, post Vitam hanc Auctoris nostri subjecimus. Quae solae quum supersint; nec quisquam alius librorum aliorum ab hoc

As to the first, in the first place a corrupt reading in Regino, which is to be corrected also in Hermannus Contractus in his Chronicles, misled Rhenanus into reading TERTULLIAN in place of Tertullinus the Martyr, whom the Martyrologies record, from the Acts of the passion of St Stephen the Pope, on the day before the Nones of August. Next, no less deluded until now have been those who confuse Tertullus the Roman Consul with Tertylianus the Jurisconsult, on account of the Tertullian Decree of the Senate, concerning which very many Rescripts were issued, which are cited at D. L. 38. T. 17. and Cod. L. 6. T. 55. For no Consul Tertullianus, or Tertylianus, can be found, but rather Q. Flavius Tertellus with Licinius Sacerdos in the year of the City DCCCCX, on whose motion the said Decree of the Senate had already been published earlier, in the reign of Hadrian Augustus. Inasmuch as, in the Digest, under the said Title, book 21, the deified Pius decreed that in a certain set of facts the Tertullian Decree of the Senate should not apply, it is therefore clear that the Decree is older than he; but Tertylianus the jurisconsult, as [will be shown] more fully shortly, flourished many years later under the Emperor Alexander, with most of the other disciples of Papinian who devoted themselves to declaring the law; his Constitutions, from the Books of Questions and from the single Book on the camp peculium, so that nothing may be lacking here, we have appended after this Life of our Author. And since these alone survive, and no other of the editors of other books than this

Editors' notes and page, col. 41bis

Footnotes

(1) ‹anchor: et Cod. L. 6. T. 55› · call in col 10041

Vid. ad calcem illius dissertationis Pamelii Responsa Tertyliani JC. quae extant in libr. Digestor. Cf. Joh. Blumembach de Senatusconsulto Q. Septimio Flor. presbytero et Jureconsulto Tertullianis lib. Lips., 1735. in-4°. — Just. C. Wiesenhauer disput. de Jureconsulto et Q. Sept. Flor. Tertullianus, Hildes. 1743. 4. Maiau. lib. IV. epist. ii. Valent. 1732, in-4°. Edd.

See, at the end of that dissertation, Pamelius's "Responsa of Tertylianus the jurisconsult, which survive in the books of the Digest." Compare Joh. Blumembach, On the Senatusconsultum, Q. Septimius Florens the presbyter and Tertullian the jurisconsult, Leipzig, 1735, in quarto; Just. C. Wiesenhauer, Disputation on the jurisconsult and Q. Sept. Flor. Tertullian, Hildesheim, 1743, quarto; Mayans, book IV, letter 2, Valencia, 1732, in quarto. The Editors.

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running head: (none; unnumbered first page of the Vita, p41)
marginal letters: A ‹§ I. Exponitur praevia controversia›; B ‹2. Ac primo, de Tertullo consule›; C ‹T. 17. et Cod. L. 6. T. 55›; D ‹annis claruit, cum aliis plerisque›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Q4a 2026-10-05: italic markup removed from the footnote (unit rule: no italic markup).

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Tertyliano editorum meminerit, falsus videtur Conradus Gesnerus, dum illi praeterea adscribit legum Rescripta ex Libris, de Senatusconsultis, ac ad SC. Libonianum et Orphitianum. Atque in his satis consentiunt Doctiores. Verum an idem sit ille Tertylianus cum nostro hoc TERTULLIANO, adhuc sub judice lis est, praesertim id asserentibus quibusdam magni nominis et eruditionis JC. Nos certe, salvo saniori judicio, diversum censemus, tum quod ille juxta veriorem ex Pandectis Florentinis lectionem, teste Augustino Justiniano, ubique Tertylianus vocetur, noster vero TERTULLIANUS, tum quod etiam Francisc. Balduinus datis ad me litteris stylum, et orationem dissimilem confessus sit, tum denique, quod tempora non satis conveniant. Si enim cum Bernardino Rutilio Tertylianum suos edidisse Libros dicamus sub Imperio Hadriani et Antonini, quum Hadrianus Imp. obierit an. U. C. DCCCLXXXX. et Severus Imp. sub quo noster TERTULLIANUS, primum coeperit imperare anno U. C. DCCCCXLV. et sic intercesserint anni LV. oportebit hunc fuisse aetate quinquagenario majorem, quum ex JC. Christianus factus est, maxime si responsa illa illi attribuamus, quae nonnisi in auctoritate magna constituti dare solent JC. cujus tamen contrarium ex S. Hieronymo constat, qui media illum aetate, quum antea diu Presbyter fuisset, ad haeresim scribit defecisse. Sin vero, juxta alios (quorum supra secuti sumus sententiam) sub Alexandro Imp. cum caeteris JC. quorum responsa in Pandectas relata sunt, jam luce clarius est, eumdem non esse. Nam noster TERTULLIANUS ante Alexandrum annis plus minus xxx. Christi fidem amplexus, eo tempore si adhuc superstes fuerit, in haeresi volutabatur. Neque vero argumenta contra sentientium tanti sunt ponderis, ut in partes suas me potuerint pertrahere. Quod enim Ulpianus (qui locus fortassis occasionem huic dedit controversiae) D. L. 38. T. 17. ad SC. Tertullianum lib. 1. Rescripti meminit Imperatoris et D. Patris (id est Antonini et Severi) ad Tertullianum quemdam; imprimis aut Junius, aut Ovinius juxta MS. cod. Tertullianus ille praenominatur, quum noster Q. SEPTIMIUS TERTULLIANUS appelletur, deinde Pandectae Florentinae Tertullum legunt, fortassis eumdem, qui etiam d⟨i⟩ctus

makes mention of Tertylianus, Conrad Gesner seems mistaken when he further ascribes to him Rescripts of the laws from Books on Decrees of the Senate, and on the Libonian and Orphitian Decrees of the Senate. And on these points the more learned agree well enough. But whether that Tertylianus is the same as this our TERTULLIAN, the case is still before the judge, especially since certain jurisconsults of great name and learning assert it. We for our part, saving a sounder judgement, hold him to be different: first because the former, according to the truer reading from the Florentine Pandects, on the testimony of Augustinus Justinianus, is everywhere called Tertylianus, but ours TERTULLIANUS; next because Franciscus Balduinus too, in a letter sent to me, has acknowledged that the style and diction are dissimilar; and finally because the dates do not fit well enough. For if we say with Bernardinus Rutilius that Tertylianus published his Books under the rule of Hadrian and Antoninus, since the Emperor Hadrian died in the year of the City DCCCLXXXX, and the Emperor Severus, under whom our TERTULLIAN [lived], first began to reign in the year of the City DCCCCXLV, and thus LV years intervened, this man must have been more than fifty years of age when from a jurisconsult he became a Christian, above all if we attribute to him those responses which jurisconsults are not wont to give unless placed in great authority; yet the contrary of this is clear from St Jerome, who writes that he fell away into heresy in middle age, after he had long been a Priest. But if, according to others (whose opinion we have followed above), [Tertylianus lived] under the Emperor Alexander with the other jurisconsults whose responses were taken into the Pandects, it is now clearer than daylight that he is not the same. For our TERTULLIAN embraced the faith of Christ more or less XXX years before Alexander, and at that time, if he was still alive, was wallowing in heresy. Nor indeed are the arguments of those who think otherwise of such weight that they could draw me over to their side. For as to Ulpian (which passage perhaps gave occasion to this controversy), D. L. 38. T. 17., on the Tertullian Decree of the Senate, book 1, mentioning a Rescript of the Emperor and the deified Father (that is, of Antoninus and Severus) to a certain Tertullianus: in the first place that Tertullianus is given the forename either Junius or, according to a manuscript codex, Ovinius, whereas ours is called Q. SEPTIMIUS TERTULLIANUS; next, the Florentine Pandects read Tertullus, perhaps the same man who is also called

Editors' notes and page, col. 42bis

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running head: (none; unnumbered first page of the Vita, p41)
marginal letters: A ‹Tertyliano editorum meminerit›; B ‹noster vero TERTULLIANUS, tum quod›; C ‹si responsa illa illi attribuamus›; D ‹batur. Neque vero argumenta›
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other: Column continues the paragraph begun in 10041 and ends mid-sentence ('qui etiam dictus'). The i of 'dictus' is lost to damaged type. Foot of page carries '(Deux.)' only, omitted. Title above is full width across p41, set once in 10041.

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Q. Flavius Tertullus, cum T. Flavio Clemente Consulatum gessit anno Severi III. Altera vero ratio, qua potissimum nituntur illi, quod Juris verborum retinentissimus atque adeo JC. Romanus fuerit, vel Eusebio teste, noster TERTULLIANUS, non magis convincit, quam si dicamus, Caecilium Oratorem quem introducit secum colloquentem in suo Octavio Minutius Felix, eumdem esse cum Caecilio Cypriano nostro, quod uterque Oratoriam exercuerit. Aut (quod ad institutum facit magis) si Septimium Severum Imp. eumdem esse existimemus cum Septimio altero Severo, quod uterque Afer et Historicus fuerit, quorum ille suam, hic Alexandri Imp. vitam conscripsit. Aut denique, si Septimium illum cujus versus extant apud Crinitum in Jani laudes, aut Quintum Septimium Romanum, qui Dyctis Cretensis de bello Trojano Libros sex Latinos fecit confundamus cum nostro SEPTIMIO TERTULLIANO, quod ambo et Afri et Poetae fuerint. Ad quorum fortassis distinctionem, Auctor noster, Q. SEPTIMII FLORENTIS TERTULLIANI CARTHAGINIENSIS appellationes Libris praefixit suis, non contentus duabus illis SEPTIMII TERTULLIANI, quemadmodum reliqui post eum scriptores Afri, Minutius Felix, Caecilius Cyprianus, Lactantius Firmianus, Marius Victorinus, et Aurelius Augustinus.

Q. Flavius Tertullus, who held the Consulship with T. Flavius Clemens in the III year of Severus. And the other reason, on which they chiefly rely, that our TERTULLIAN was most tenacious of the terms of the Law and so a Roman jurisconsult, on the testimony even of Eusebius, proves no more than if we were to say that Caecilius the Orator, whom Minucius Felix introduces conversing with him in his Octavius, is the same as our Caecilius Cyprian, because each practised oratory. Or (which is more to the purpose) if we were to reckon the Emperor Septimius Severus the same as the other Septimius Severus, because each was an African and an Historian, of whom the former wrote his own life, the latter the life of the Emperor Alexander. Or finally, if we were to confuse with our SEPTIMIUS TERTULLIAN that Septimius whose verses in praise of Janus are extant in Crinitus, or Quintus Septimius the Roman, who made the six Books of Dictys of Crete on the Trojan war into Latin, because both were Africans and Poets. Perhaps to distinguish himself from these our Author prefixed to his Books the appellations Q. SEPTIMIUS FLORENS TERTULLIANUS OF CARTHAGE, not content with those two, SEPTIMIUS TERTULLIANUS, as the other African writers after him did: Minucius Felix, Caecilius Cyprian, Lactantius Firmianus, Marius Victorinus, and Aurelius Augustine.

§ II. De tempore quo ad fidem conversus est TERTULLIANUS noster.

§ II. Of the time at which our TERTULLIAN was converted to the faith.

3. Porrò (quod ad alteram pertinet controversiam) de tempore quo ad fidem conversus est TERTULLIANUS noster, major multo se difficultas offert. Quosdam qui claruisse putant circa annum Christi nati CLX. fefellit illud Auctoris Lib. de Monogamia, annis circiter CLX. exinde productis (de Monog. III.); verum illi quomodo computandi sint a passo Christo, an potius ab aetate qua Apostolus Paulus Epistolam scripsit ad Corinthios primam, infra latius ad annum Domini CCXIIII. Multo itaque rectius Eusebius, Ven. Beda, Freculphus Lexoviensis, Martinus Polonus, Conradus a Lichtenaw Abb. Urspergensis, Vincentius Bellovacensis, Hermanus Contractus, et Trithemius, circa annum plus minus Christi nati CC. TERTULLIANUM claruisse scribunt. Atqui de anno, quo Christo nomen dederit, silent omnes praeter ipsum TERTULLIANUM, sed verbis longe obscurissimis. Illud quidem perspicuum est, statim a baptismo conscriptum ab eo Librum de Pallio, ea nempe occasione, quod, quum pro more Christiano Toga dimissa Pallium indutus esset, amicus

3. Moreover (as to the second controversy), concerning the time at which our TERTULLIAN was converted to the faith, a much greater difficulty presents itself. Some who think he flourished about the CLX year from the birth of Christ were misled by that phrase of the Author in the Book On Monogamy, "about CLX years having passed since then" (On Monogamy III); but how these are to be reckoned, from the passion of Christ, or rather from the time at which the Apostle Paul wrote the first Epistle to the Corinthians, [will be shown] more fully below, at the year of the Lord CCXIIII. Much more correctly, therefore, Eusebius, the Venerable Bede, Freculphus of Lisieux, Martinus Polonus, Conrad of Lichtenau, Abbot of Ursperg, Vincent of Beauvais, Hermannus Contractus and Trithemius write that TERTULLIAN flourished about the year CC, more or less, from the birth of Christ. Yet concerning the year in which he gave his name to Christ, all are silent except TERTULLIAN himself, and he in words that are by far the most obscure. This much indeed is clear, that the Book On the Pallium was written by him immediately after baptism, namely on this occasion: that when, after the Christian custom, he had put off the Toga and put on the Pallium, a friend

Editors' notes and page, col. 43bis

Footnotes

(1) ‹anchor: Libris praefixit suis› · call in col 10043

Sic praeter libros mstos. jam Angelus Politianus auctorem nostrum signavit lib. IV. epist. V. de Nominibus. Sic ipsemet auctor noster, de Virginibus velandis, c. ultimo: Haec cum bona pace legentibus utilitatem consuetudini praeponentibus, pax et gratia a Domino nostro Jesu redundet, cum SEPTIMIO TERTULLIANO cujus hoc opusculum est. Similis est clausula libri de Baptismo: Tantum oro ut cum petitis etiam TERTULLIANI peccatoris memineritis. Similis est clausula libri de exhortatione castitatis. Memento in orationibus tuis TERTULLIANI exhortantis. Ita edit. Paris. Frank. Venetan. Rigaltius autem ultima haec verba omisit; hinc ab alia manu fuisse adjecta, nullo tamen favente msto, tum Salom. Semler, tum E. F. Leopold visum est prorsus indubium. Cf. Lumper. hist. theol. crit. SS. PP. pars VI. cap. 1. art. 1. not. b). Edd.

So, besides the manuscript books, Angelo Poliziano long ago designated our author, book IV, letter 5, On Names. So too our author himself, On the Veiling of Virgins, last chapter: "To those who with good peace read this, preferring usefulness to custom, may peace and grace from our Lord Jesus abound, with SEPTIMIUS TERTULLIAN, whose little work this is." Like it is the close of the book On Baptism: "Only I pray that, when you ask, you remember also TERTULLIAN the sinner." Like it is the close of the book On the Exhortation to Chastity: "Remember in your prayers TERTULLIAN, who exhorts you." So the Paris, Frankfurt and Venetian editions. Rigaltius, however, left out these last words; hence it seemed beyond all doubt, both to Salom. Semler and to E. F. Leopold, that they had been added by another hand, though no manuscript supports this. Compare Lumper, Historia theologico-critica of the Holy Fathers, part VI, chapter 1, article 1, note b). The Editors.

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running head: 43 TERTULLIANI VITA (running head, left part seen in this crop)
marginal letters: A ‹Q. Flavius Tertullus, cum T. Flavio›; B ‹Quintum Septimium Romanum, qui Dyctis›; C ‹cultas offert. Quosdam qui›; D ‹statim a baptismo conscriptum›
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quispiam objecit: Ita a Toga ad Pallium? Cui inter caetera respondet: At ego jam illi etiam divinae sectae ac disciplinae commercium confero. Gaude Pallium et exulta, melior jam te Philosophia dignata est, ex quo Christianum vestire coepisti (Lib. de Pall. c. 5. Ibid. c. 6. Ibid. c. 3.). Verum non perinde intelligi potest, quid sibi velint ejusdem Libri verba: Sed vanum jam antiquitas, quando curricula nostra coram. Quantum reformavit orbis saeculum istud! Quantum urbium aut produxit aut auxit aut reddidit praesentis Imperii triplex virtus, Deo tot Augustis in unum favente! Quot census transcripti! Quot populi repugnati! Quot ordines illustrati! Quot barbari exclusi! Revera orbis cultissimum hujus Imperii rus est, eradicato omni aconito hostilitatis et cacto et rubo subdolae familiaritatis, consitum et amoenum super Alcinoi pometum et Midae rosetum. Id quidem Rhenanus, Magdeburgenses, aliique eum secuti ita interpretantur; ut per Triplicem Imperii virtutem, intelligant Severum Augustum, et Pescennium Nigrum, ac Claudium Albinum Caesares, quorum illi ab exercitibus in Pannoniis et Oriente, hic in Gallia Caesar dictus est. Sed ipse sibi contradicit Rhenanus, quum fatetur invito Severo id factum de Pescennio, et utrumque ab illo hostem judicatum, et e vivis sublatum postea. Non poterit igitur in tanta trium Caesarum simultate accommodari illud: Deo tot Augustis in unum favente, multo vero minus illud: eradicato omni aconito hostilitatis. Imo quum illa trium Caesarum variis in Provinciis delectio contigerit statim initio Imperii Severi, minime convenire potest cum verbis sequentibus: Quot census transcripti! etc. quot barbari exclusi! Quorum postremum majorem scrupulum injicit, quod inde constat, non nisi post exclusos barbaros hunc librum conscriptum, id est, post devictos Arabas, Parthos et Adiabenos. Quod itaque, in Argumento et Annotationibus nostris, ad annum fere quintum retulimus Imperii Severi, ad annum tertium potius applicari oportere postea deprehendimus, quum anno quarto a Severo deficere Albinus coeperit, et anno quinto interfectus sit. Itaque Imperantibus tunc una Severo Augusto, Antonino ejus filio, et dicto Albino, pacato jam Imperio, utpote devictis jam ac occisis, et Juliano, qui occiso Pertinace illud invaserat, et Pescennio Nigro.

objected to him: "So, from the Toga to the Pallium?" To whom among other things he answers: "But I now confer upon it also the fellowship of a divine sect and discipline. Rejoice, Pallium, and exult: a better Philosophy has now deigned to have you, since you began to clothe a Christian" (On the Pallium V; ibid. VI; ibid. III). But it cannot equally be understood what the words of the same Book mean: "But antiquity is now vain, since our own courses are before us. How much this age has reformed the world! How many cities the threefold power of the present Empire has either brought forth or enlarged or restored, God favouring so many Augusti as one! How many censuses transcribed! How many peoples driven back! How many orders made illustrious! How many barbarians shut out! Truly this Empire is the most cultivated estate of the world, every aconite of hostility rooted out, and the cactus and bramble of treacherous familiarity, planted and pleasant beyond the orchard of Alcinous and the rose-garden of Midas." Rhenanus, the Magdeburg Centuriators and others following him interpret this so as to understand by "the threefold power of the Empire" Severus Augustus, and Pescennius Niger and Clodius Albinus, the Caesars, of whom the former was declared [Caesar] by the armies in Pannonia and in the East, the latter Caesar in Gaul. But Rhenanus contradicts himself, since he admits that this was done in Pescennius's case against Severus's will, and that both were judged enemies by him and afterwards put to death. That phrase, therefore, "God favouring so many Augusti as one", cannot be fitted to so great an enmity among three Caesars, and much less that other, "every aconite of hostility rooted out". Indeed, since that choice of the three Caesars in various Provinces happened right at the beginning of the reign of Severus, it can by no means agree with the words that follow: "How many censuses transcribed!" etc., "how many barbarians shut out!" The last of these raises the greater scruple, because it shows from it that this book was written only after the barbarians had been shut out, that is, after the Arabs, Parthians and Adiabenians had been conquered. Accordingly, what in our Argument and Annotations we referred to about the fifth year of the reign of Severus, we afterwards found ought rather to be applied to the third year, since Albinus began to revolt from Severus in the fourth year and was killed in the fifth. Therefore [the book was written] when Severus Augustus, Antoninus his son, and the said Albinus were then reigning together, the Empire being now at peace, since both Julianus, who had seized it on the killing of Pertinax, and Pescennius Niger had by then been conquered and slain.

4. Et vero de Albino Imperii consorte consentiunt omnes. Nam juxta Fastos Consulares, statim post acceptos omnes Imperii titulos, D. CLAUDIUS ALBINUS AB IMP. CAES. L. SEPTIMIO SEVERO AUG. CAESAR APPELLATUS EST: et anno sequenti Consulatum iniit Severus cum Albino, qui jam inde etiam SEPTIMIUS dictus est, quantum apparet, in Severi gratiam. Qui eo etiam honore illum prosecutus est ut nummos ejus imagine (teste Spartiano) insigniri jusserit, qui etiamnum extant cum inscriptionibus tam Graecis quam Latinis apud Generosos Dominos Marcum et Gnidonem Laurinos Watrefleti Toparchas, cum aliis compluribus, quorum infra fiet mentio. E quibus pro

4. And indeed concerning Albinus as partner in the Empire all agree. For according to the Consular Fasti, immediately after [Severus] had received all the titles of Empire, D. CLODIUS ALBINUS WAS NAMED CAESAR BY THE EMP. CAES. L. SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS AUG.; and in the following year Severus entered upon the Consulship with Albinus, who from then on was also called SEPTIMIUS, as it appears, by way of compliment to Severus. He also honoured him to the point of ordering coins to be stamped with his image (on the testimony of Spartianus), which are still extant, with inscriptions both Greek and Latin, in the possession of the noble Lords Marcus and Guido Laurin, Toparchs of Watervliet, together with very many others, which will be mentioned below. From which, for

Editors' notes and page, col. 44bis

Footnotes

(1) ‹anchor: qui etiamnum› · call in col 10044

Scilicet circa annum 1579, quo primum edita fuit a Pamelio Vita haec Tertulliani.

That is, about the year 1579, in which this Life of Tertullian was first published by Pamelius.

(printed under page 44)

Footnotes

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Scripsisse videtur Eusebius Tertullianum fuisse Romanum et nobilem, Hist. Eccl. lib. II, cap. 2. Ταῦτα Τερτουλλιανὸς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους νόμους ἠκριβωκὼς, ἀνήρ τε ἄλλα ἔνδοξος, καὶ τῶν μάλιστα ἐπὶ Ῥώμης λαμπρῶν. Quod tradit Tertullianum Romanorum legum fuisse peritum, quosdam ad credendum induxit, eum auctorem fuisse Jurisconsultum, et revera quidam est Jurisconsultus ejusdem nominis; at constat alium esse a nostro Tertulliano, nec tradit Eusebius fuisse Jurisconsultum, sed legum Romanarum peritum. Quod de ejus Patria et nobilitate subjicit Eusebius, defendi nequit, ni de Romanis Scriptoribus capiatur, et sensus sit, Tertullianum unum fuisse ex Clarissimis latinis auctoribus. Rufinus hoc sensu hunc Eusebii locum accepit vertendo, inter nostros Scriptores admodum clarus.

Eusebius seems to have written that Tertullian was a Roman and a nobleman, Ecclesiastical History, book II, chapter 2: "This Tertullian, who had an exact knowledge of the Roman laws, a man famous in other respects and among the most distinguished at Rome." His statement that Tertullian was skilled in the Roman laws has led some to believe that our author was a jurisconsult; and indeed there is a jurisconsult of the same name, but it is certain that he is another man than our Tertullian, and Eusebius does not say that he was a jurisconsult, only that he was skilled in the Roman laws. What Eusebius adds about his country and nobility cannot be defended, unless it is taken of Roman writers, and the sense is that Tertullian was one of the most illustrious Latin authors. Rufinus took this passage of Eusebius in this sense, translating it "very distinguished among our writers."

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Ipsemet suis diserte testatur Tertullianus verbis se una cum gentilium superstitionibus libidini inserviisse, in libro de Resurrect. cap. 59.: Ego me scio, neque alia carne adulteria commisisse, neque nunc alia carne ad continentiam eniti: quo etiam tempore spectaculis delectabatur, de quibus, malo, inquit (Tert., de Spect. c. 19.), non implere, quam meminisse, id est, pauca de iisdem dicere, quam eorum, quae vidi, meminisse; ac libro de poenitentia se omnium peccatorum maximum fuisse fatetur, lapsisque poenitentiam suadens, ait (Idem de Poenitent. c. 4. et c. 12.): eam tu peccator mei similis (imo me minor, ego enim praestantiam in delictis meam agnosco) poenitentiam ita invade, ita amplexare, ut naufragus alicui tabulae fidens. Cap. vero 12, de vita in vitiis transacta: Quid ego ultra de istis (id est, de poenitentia), peccator omnium notarum cum sim, nec ulli rei nisi poenitentiae natus.

Tertullian himself testifies in so many words that, together with the superstitions of the heathen, he served lust, in the book On the Resurrection, chapter 59: "I know that I committed adulteries in no other flesh, and that in no other flesh do I now strive after continence." At that time he also delighted in the shows, of which he says (Tertullian, On the Shows, chapter 19), "I would rather not fill up than remember," that is, rather say little about them than recall the things I saw; and in the book On Penitence he confesses that he was the greatest of all sinners, and, urging penitence on the fallen, says (the same, On Penitence, chapters 4 and 12): "You, a sinner like me (nay, less than me, for I acknowledge my pre-eminence in offences), lay hold of penitence, embrace it, as a shipwrecked man trusts to some plank." And in chapter 12, of a life spent in vices: "What more should I say of these things" (that is, of penitence), "since I am a sinner of every mark, and born for nothing but penitence."

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vicatim epulari, civitatem tabernae habitu obole facere, vino lutum cogere. Ad hunc praeterea annum pertinere censemus illud lib. ad Scapulam: Ipse etiam Severus pater Antonini Christianorum memor fuit. Nam et Proculum Christianum, qui Torpacion cognominabatur, Euhodiae procuratorem, qui eum per oleum aliquando curaverat, requisivit, et in palatio suo habuit usque ad mortem ejus: quem et Antoninus optime noverat Christiano lacte educatus (L. ad Scap. c. 4.). Nam morbum illi gravem contigisse initio Imperii, ex ⟨Ael⟩io Lampr. vel inde patet, quod quum filii sui id aetatis non haberent ut imperare possent, Severum id in animo habuisse scripserit, ut, si quid sibi forte humanitus accidisset, Niger Pescennius et Claudius Albinus succederent; quorum ille occisus fuit anno sequenti. Et quum (sicuti infra latius) anno ipsius 4. Antoninus annum agens 15. Caes. Aug. appellatus sit, oportebit huc referre quod de illius scribit educatione Auctor. Cui simile est illud de illo Spartiani: « Si quando feris objectos damnatos vidit, flevit, aut oculos avertit. Septennis puer, quum collusorem suum puerum ob Judaicam religionem gravius verberatum audisset, neque patrem suum, neque patrem pueri, neque auctorem verberum diu respexit. » Christiano vero lacte educatum, ex eo confirmatur, quod Lugduni natus sit, ubi vigebat fides Christiana.

to feast street by street, to give the city the reek of a tavern, to make mud with wine. To this year, moreover, we judge that this passage of the book To Scapula belongs: "Severus himself too, the father of Antoninus, was mindful of the Christians. For he sought out Proculus, a Christian who was surnamed Torpacion, the steward of Euhodia, who had once cured him by means of oil, and kept him in his palace until his death; and Antoninus too knew him very well, having been reared on Christian milk" (To Scapula, ch. 4). For that a grave illness befell him at the beginning of his reign is clear from Aelius Lampridius, if only from this: that he wrote that, since his sons were not yet of an age to be able to rule, Severus had it in mind that, if anything should by chance befall him in the way of mortals, Pescennius Niger and Claudius Albinus should succeed; of whom the former was killed in the following year. And since (as below, more fully) in his fourth year Antoninus, in his fifteenth year of age, was named Caesar Augustus, it will be proper to refer to this point what the Author writes about his upbringing. Like it is what Spartianus says of him: "If ever he saw condemned men thrown to the beasts, he wept or turned away his eyes. As a boy of seven, when he heard that a playmate of his, a boy, had been rather severely beaten for the Jewish religion, he would not look at his own father, nor at the boy's father, nor at the author of the beating, for a long time." That he was reared on Christian milk is confirmed by the fact that he was born at Lyons, where the Christian faith flourished.

Anno Domini CXCV.

The Year of the Lord CXCV.

11. IMP. CAES. L. SEP. SEV. PERT. AVG. II. ET D. CLAUDIO SEPT. ALBINO CAES. II. COSS. anno 9. S. Victoris Rom. Pont. et ipsius Severi II. adhuc Carthagine causarum fuisse advocatum TERTUL. verisimile est. Ad hunc autem annum referri debet illud ipsius lib. ad Scapulam: Sic et circa Majestatem Imperatoris infamamur, tamen nunquam Albiniani nec Nigriani vel Cassiani inveniri potuerunt Christiani; sed iidem ipsi qui per Genios eorum in pridie usque juraverant, qui pro salute eorum hostias et fecerant et voverant, hostes eorum sunt reperti (Ad Scap. 2.). Hoc enim anno Imper. Caes. C. Pescennius Niger Justus August. occisus est apud Cyzicum, sive Isicum juxta Herodianum, quo facto mox Severus eos Senatores occidit qui Nigri partes secuti fuerant et cum Nigro militaverant Ducum aut Tribunorum nomine, aliosque omnes exceptis Militibus, quos impunitate proposita recepit; Antiochenis privilegi⟨a⟩ et Neapolitanis jus civitatis eadem de causa ademit. Aliquot deinde Barbarorum Reges (juxta Onuphrium), qui Nigro fuerant auxilio, a Severo victi sunt; quare ipse IMP. II. III. et IIII. appellatus est: quos omnes Nigrianos Auctor noster appellat. Quod postremum confirmat nostram sent. de Arabibus, Parthis et Adiabenis hoc anno devictis; atque adeo huc pertinent inscriptiones Nummorum et Marmorum antiquae supra citatae; et proinde illud Auctoris: barbari exclusi (De Pall. c. 2.). Et vero Constitutiones his Coss. editae titulo Severi et Antonini Augg. datae V. Kal. Martii, XI. Kal. Maii, Nonis Julii VI. Kal. Oct. et XI. Kal. Novemb. confirmant quod supra diximus de Antonino

11. In the consulship of IMP. CAES. L. SEP. SEV. PERT. AUG. for the II time AND D. CLAUDIUS SEPT. ALBINUS CAES. for the II time, in the 9th year of St Victor, Roman Pontiff, and the IInd of Severus himself, it is likely that TERTULLIAN was still an advocate of cases at Carthage. To this year, however, must be referred this passage of his book To Scapula: "So too we are defamed with regard to the Majesty of the Emperor; yet Christians could never be found to be Albinians, or Nigrians, or Cassians; but those very men who up to the day before had sworn by their Genii, who had both offered and vowed victims for their safety, were found to be their enemies" (To Scapula 2). For in this year the Emperor Caesar C. Pescennius Niger Justus Augustus was killed near Cyzicus, or Isicum according to Herodian; upon which Severus soon put to death those Senators who had followed Niger's party and had served with Niger under the title of Generals or Tribunes, and all the others except the Soldiers, whom he received with the offer of impunity; for the same cause he took away their privileges from the people of Antioch and their rights as a city from the people of Neapolis. Then several Kings of the Barbarians (according to Onuphrius), who had given help to Niger, were conquered by Severus; for which reason he was named IMP. for the II, III and IIII time: all of whom our Author calls Nigrians. This last point confirms our opinion about the Arabians, Parthians and Adiabenians being conquered in this year; and so to this point belong the inscriptions of the ancient Coins and Marbles cited above; and accordingly that phrase of the Author: "the barbarians shut out" (On the Pallium, ch. 2). And indeed the Constitutions issued in this consulship under the title of Severus and Antoninus, Augusti, dated on the 5th day before the Kalends of March, the 11th before the Kalends of May, the Nones of July, the 6th before the Kalends of October and the 11th before the Kalends of November, confirm what we said above about Antoninus

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marginal letters: A ‹vicatim epulari, civitatem›; B ‹Et quum (sicuti infra latius)›; C ‹S. Victoris Rom. Pont.›; D ‹posita recepit; Antiochenis›
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other: "ex ⟨Ael⟩io Lampr." — the first letters of Aelio are under an ink blot. "privilegi⟨a⟩" — final letter blotted. "agens 15." — set as 15 (Q4a re-read 15); the numeral could be read 13; UNSURE. The last word "An-" is hyphenated at the column foot; completed "Antonino" from the top of the facing column on the same page ("tonino").

PL 1:52bis

Imp. consorte ab initio; quae extant Cod. Lib. 8. T. 14. l. 1. l. 6. T. 2, l. 2. lib. 2. Tit. 1. l. 2. lib. 2. T. 24. l. 1. et lib. 8. T. 16. l. 1. Ad hunc annum pertinere censemus, cujus ex Eusebio supra meminimus, bellum Judaicum et Samariticum, de quo etiam Freculphus Lexoviensis, unde et Judaicum (cognomen) ei oblatum fuisse. Quo videtur ex parte respicere Auctor de Judaeis agens: Dispersi (inquit), palabundi, et coeli et soli sui extorres vagantur per orbem, sine homine, sine Deo Rege, quibus nec advenarum jure terram patriam saltem vestigio salutare conceditur (Apolog. c. 21.). Unde conjicio belli illius occasionem, quod Judaeam vellent repetere, quia illis ab Hadriano Imp. interdictum fuerat. Huc etiam referendum quod scribit Niceph. Eccl. hist. l. 5, cap. 2. Severi im⟨p⟩erii initio satis bono loco res nostrae fuere, in diesque fidei professio augmenta sua cepit, eorum quos recensuimus Ecclesiasticorum doctorum scriptis atque doctrinis eam provehentibus, idque in maximis quibusque potissimum urbibus, nimirum Alexandriae, Antiochiae, Aeliae, et per Palaestinam omnem, Ephesi, Caesareae, et Occidentem versus, Thessalonicae, Athenis, Corinthi, in Galliis, et Romae maxime. Universae enim multitudines et domus totae ad fidem accedebant, quidvis facere et pati paratae, quam ut quidquam contra religionem nostram agerent aut novarent. Qua occasione etiam recensendi hic veniunt, quorum tum ille, tum Eusebius, meminerunt; hujus aetatis Ecclesiastici scriptores, maxime quum ipsorum scriptis et doctrinis haud dubie acceptam debeat suam conversionem Auctor noster. Apud Alexandriam Demetrius Episcopus 12. ac Presbyteri Panthenus et ejus discipulus Clemens Alexand. Antiochiae 9. Episc. Serapio, Hierosolymorum 34. Gordius, Caesareae Palaestinae Theophilus, Ephesius Polycrates, Ponticus Palmas, Berillus et Bachilus Corinthii, in Africa Carthagine Agrippinus, Lugduni Galliarum S. Irenaeus, Romae denique S. Victor Pont. Atque adeo hinc confirmatur nostra ex MS. cod. lectio apud Auct. Quales ergo Leges istae, quas adversum nos soli exercent impii, injusti, turpes, truces, vani, dementes; quas nullus Pius, nullus Verus impressit? (Ibid. c. 5.) nempe usque ad id temporis quo Apologeticum edidit.

[Antoninus] the Emperor as his partner from the beginning; these are extant in the Code, Book 8, Title 14, law 1, law 6; Title 2, law 2; Book 2, Title 1, law 2; Book 2, Title 24, law 1; and Book 8, Title 16, law 1. To this year we judge belongs the Jewish and Samaritan war, which we mentioned above from Eusebius, of which Freculphus of Lisieux also [speaks], whence too the surname "Judaicus" was offered to him. To this the Author seems in part to look when he deals with the Jews: "Scattered," he says, "wandering, exiles from their own sky and soil, they roam through the world, without man, without God as King, and to them it is not granted, even by the right of strangers, to greet their native land even with a footstep" (Apology, ch. 21). Whence I conjecture that the occasion of that war was that they wished to regain Judaea, because it had been forbidden to them by the Emperor Hadrian. To this point too must be referred what Nicephorus writes, Ecclesiastical History, Book 5, chapter 2: "At the beginning of the reign of Severus our affairs were in a fairly good position, and the profession of the faith took its increase from day to day, the writings and teachings of those Ecclesiastical doctors whom we have reviewed advancing it, and that chiefly in all the greatest cities, namely at Alexandria, Antioch, Aelia, and through all Palestine, at Ephesus, Caesarea, and towards the West, at Thessalonica, Athens, Corinth, in the Gauls, and most of all at Rome. For whole multitudes and entire households came to the faith, ready to do and suffer anything rather than do or innovate anything against our religion." On this occasion there also come to be reviewed here the Ecclesiastical writers of this age whom both he and Eusebius mention, especially since our Author doubtless owes his conversion to their writings and teachings. At Alexandria, Demetrius, the 12th Bishop, and the Presbyters Panthenus and his disciple Clement of Alexandria; at Antioch, Serapion, the 9th Bishop; at Jerusalem, Gordius, the 34th; at Caesarea in Palestine, Theophilus; Polycrates of Ephesus; Palmas of Pontus; Berillus and Bachilus of Corinth; in Africa at Carthage, Agrippinus; at Lyons in the Gauls, St Irenaeus; at Rome, lastly, St Victor, Pontiff. And so from this is confirmed our reading from a manuscript codex in the Author: "What sort of laws then are these, which against us only the impious, unjust, base, savage, vain, mad exercise; which no Pius, no Verus has enforced?" (ibid., ch. 5), that is, up to the time at which he published the Apology.

Anno Domini cxcvi.

The Year of the Lord CXCVI.

§ VI. Quandonam, quave occasione ac quibus momentis Christianus evaserit.

§ VI. When, and on what occasion, and by what impulses he became a Christian.

12. Q. FLAVIO TERTULLO SCAPULA et T. FLAVIO CLEMENTE COSS⟨.⟩ S. Victoris Rom. Pont. anno x. et Severi iii. TERTULLIANUS fidei Christianae, mea quidem sententia, nomen dedit, Imperio jam prorsus pacato, cum Severo imperantibus

12. In the consulship of Q. FLAVIUS TERTULLUS SCAPULA and T. FLAVIUS CLEMENS, in the X year of St Victor, Roman Pontiff, and the III of Severus, TERTULLIAN, in my opinion at least, gave his name to the Christian faith, the Empire being now wholly at peace, since Severus was ruling

Editors' notes and page, col. 52bis

Footnotes

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Hanc Jac. Pamelii sententiam Petrus Allixius in dissert. de Tertull. vita et script. Paris 1680. et Tillemontius, mémoires, t. III. art. 2, p. 87. rejiciunt. Quidam, ut refert Cl. P. Berti, Dissert. Hist. tom. 2. saecul. 3. dissert. 4. § 2. p. 413. ad fidem christianam conversum putant circa ea tempora, quibus scripsit librum de Pallio, post annum scilicet 208. Sed plura extant Tertulliani opera antea conscripta quae nostram ab eo professam fidem exhibent. Ad annum 196 Tertulliani conversionem refert Fabricius, ad annum 170 Oudinus, ad annum 185 Caveus, haesitantes tamen et solis conjecturis innixi. Vide Lumper, ibid. Edd.

This opinion of Jac. Pamelius is rejected by Pierre Allix, in his dissertation on Tertullian's life and writings, Paris 1680, and by Tillemont, Mémoires, volume III, article 2, page 87. Some, as the learned P. Berti reports (Historical Dissertations, volume 2, third century, dissertation 4, § 2, page 413), think he was converted to the Christian faith about the time he wrote the book On the Pallium, that is, after the year 208. But there are many works of Tertullian written before then which show the faith he professed to be ours. Fabricius puts Tertullian's conversion in the year 196, Oudin in 170, Cave in 185, though hesitantly and resting on conjecture alone. See Lumper, in the same place. The Editors.

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Antonino ejus filio et Claud. Albino Caesaribus, quod adeo Triplex Imperium vocat verbis supra citatis, quo Lectorem remittimus; complura enim illic reperiuntur quae ad hunc annum pertinent. Id tamen non initio, sed sub hujus anni finem: eradicato jam omni aconito hostilitatis (Ad Scap. c. 3; Apolog. c. 23), utpote post excidium Byzantinum, quae urbs, Herodiano, Zonara et Michaele Glyca testibus, post triennii obsidionem, coeptam anno i. Severi, adhuc vivente Nigro, tandem fame capta est, et libertate omni adempta Perinthiis (qui multa a Nigro passi fuerant), adjudicata est, etiam moenibus eversis, in vici formam redacta. Cujus etiam Auct. meminit: Caelius, inquit, Lapella in exitu Byzantino, Christiani gaudete, exclamavit (Ibid. c. 19.). Occasionem suae conversionis ipse, quantum apparet, indicat ex testimonio alicujus Dei qui a Christianis adjuratus daemonem se confitebatur (Ibid., c. 20). Haec testimonia (inquit) Deorum vestrorum Christianos facere consueverunt, quia plurimum illis credendo, in Christo Domino credimus. Ipsi litterarum nostrarum fidem accendunt, ipsi spei nostrae fidentiam aedificant. Neque tamen inde solummodo, sed et ex fide scripturarum sacrarum, quarum fidem dii suo testimonio approbant. Maxime quod illarum auctoritatem (vel ipso teste jam Christiano) summa antiquitas vindicaret, utpote quum: omnes substantias, omnesque materias, origines, ordines, venas veterani cujusque styli, gentes etiam plerasque et urbes, insignes historiarum causas et memoriarum, ipsas denique effigies litterarum, indices custodesque rerum; ipsos Deos, ipsa templa et oracula et sacra unius Prophetae Moysei scrinium seculis aliquot anteverterit. Quum etiam illarum Majestatem divinam praedictionum veritas comprobaret: Quidquid enim, inquit, agitur, praenuntiabatur. Quod terrae vorant urbes, quod insulas maria fraudant, quod externa atque interna bella dilaniant, quod regnis regna compulsant, quod fames et lues, et locales quaeque clades, et frequentiae plerumque mortium vastant, et quod etiam officia temporum et elementorum munia exorbitant, quod et monstris et portenti, naturalium forma turbatur, providenter scripta sunt (Nempe Matth. 23). Dum patimur, leguntur; dum recognoscimus, probantur. De quibus omnibus latius et

with Antoninus his son and Claudius Albinus as Caesars, which is why he calls it the "Threefold Empire" in the words cited above, to which we refer the Reader; for many things are found there which belong to this year. This, however, was not at the beginning but towards the end of this year: "every aconite of hostility having now been rooted out" (To Scapula, ch. 3; Apology, ch. 23), that is, after the destruction of Byzantium; which city, by the testimony of Herodian, Zonaras and Michael Glycas, after a siege of three years begun in the 1st year of Severus while Niger was still alive, was at last taken by famine, and, all its liberty taken away, was assigned to the Perinthians (who had suffered much from Niger), and, its walls too being overthrown, was reduced to the form of a village. Of this the Author also makes mention: "Caelius Lapella," he says, "at the Byzantine downfall, cried out, 'Christians, rejoice!'" (ibid., ch. 19). The occasion of his own conversion he himself, so far as appears, indicates from the testimony of some god who, adjured by the Christians, confessed himself a demon (ibid., ch. 20). "These testimonies of your gods," he says, "are accustomed to make Christians, since by believing them very greatly we believe in Christ the Lord. They themselves kindle faith in our writings, they themselves build up the confidence of our hope." Yet not from this alone, but also from faith in the sacred scriptures, whose trustworthiness the gods approve by their testimony. Above all because the highest antiquity vindicated their authority (as he himself, by then a Christian, testifies), seeing that "the chest of the one Prophet Moses has by some ages preceded all substances and all materials, the origins, orders, veins of every ancient style of writing, most nations and cities too, the notable matters of histories and records, the very shapes of letters, the indicators and guardians of things; the gods themselves, the very temples and oracles and rites." Since too the truth of their predictions proved their divine Majesty: "For whatever is done," he says, "was foretold. That earth swallows cities, that seas rob us of islands, that external and internal wars tear apart, that kingdoms clash with kingdoms, that famines and plagues and every local disaster and mostly crowds of deaths lay waste, and that even the offices of the seasons and the functions of the elements go out of their course, that by monsters and portents the form of natural things is thrown into confusion, has been written providentially" (namely Matt. 23). "While we suffer them, they are read; while we recognize them, they are proved." Of all which more fully and

Editors' notes and page, col. 53bis

Footnotes

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Quam oraculi responso tribuit Pamelius Tertulliani conversionem, eam visioni Georgius Ambianensis, uterque fabulam subodoratur. Ex ipsius auctoris testimonio tres praecipuas lubet eruere hujusce rei causas, nempe 1° invictam martyrum in crudelissimis tormentis constantiam. Quisque, inquit, tantam tolerantiam spectans, ut aliquo scrupulo percussus, et inquirere accenditur, quid sit in causa, et ubi cognoverit veritatem et ipse statim sequitur. Liber ad Scapul. cap. ultim. 2° Potestatem eorumdem stupendam in daemones eorumque simulacra et oracula. Quid isto opere manifestius? quid hac probatione fidelius? simplicitas veritatis in medio est: etiam de corporibus nostro imperio excedunt inviti et dolentes et vobis praesentibus erubescentes. Apologet. XXIII. 3° Metum judiciorum divinorum. Ad istam disciplinam, ait in libro de Anima II. metu praedicti judicii transvolamus. Quibus et addas velim, quae supra in Pamelio, auctoritatem scripturarum, divinamque praedictionum majestatem veritate comprobatam, imo et imperii calamitates eo magis saevientes quo vesanior in christianos immanitas grassaretur, ac demum rerum vi graves non secus ac verborum acumine Apologeticos sermones a pluribus qui ea Ecclesiae tempestate florebant doctoribus evulgatos. Edd.

The conversion of Tertullian which Pamelius ascribes to the answer of an oracle, Georgius of Amiens ascribes to a vision; both smack of fable. From the author's own testimony we may draw out three chief causes of the matter: first, the unconquered constancy of the martyrs under the cruellest torments. "Everyone," he says, "who beholds such endurance, struck as it were by some misgiving, is fired to inquire what lies behind it, and when he has learned the truth he himself at once follows it." Book to Scapula, last chapter. Second, their astonishing power over the demons and over their images and oracles. "What is plainer than this work? What more trustworthy than this proof? The simplicity of truth is set in the open: they go out even from bodies at our command, unwilling and in pain, and blushing in your presence." Apology XXIII. Third, fear of the divine judgements. "To this discipline," he says in the book On the Soul II, "we fly over through fear of the judgement foretold." To these I would have you add what is said above in Pamelius: the authority of the Scriptures, and the divine majesty of the prophecies proved by their truth; indeed also the calamities of the empire, raging the more as a madder savagery ran riot against the Christians; and lastly the Apologetic discourses, weighty in substance no less than in keenness of word, published by many of the teachers who flourished in the Church at that time. The Editors.

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running head: 53 TERTULLIANI VI[TA] (page head runs across both columns; right half cut by the crop)
marginal letters: A ‹perantibus Antonino ejus filio›; B ‹versionis ipse, quantum apparet›; C ‹phetae Moysei scrinium›; D ‹fabulam subodoratur (in the foot note)›
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PL 1:54bis

l. de Pallio c. 2, et ejusdem Apolog. cap. 40, quo et ad Annotat. nostras Lectorem remittimus.

Book On the Pallium, ch. 2, and his Apology, chapter 40, to which also, and to our Annotations, we refer the Reader.

13. Hic duntaxat addemus, alludere illum inter caetera ad luem maximam Romae et in multis Provinciis, ac terrae motum quo corruit Smyrna urbs Asiae, quae recenset Euseb. in Chronicis sub Marco et Vero Impp. et fulmen quod sub Commodo in Capitolium ruens Bibliothecam inflammavit, et bella ejus aetatis civilia, quorum jam meminimus. Item ad famem, de qua l. ad Scap. in haec verba, (L. ad Scap. c. 3.): Sicut et sub Hilariano praeside, quum de areis sepulturarum nostrarum acclamassent: Areae non sint, areae ipsorum non fuerunt; messes enim suas non egerunt. Denique ad portentum, de quo ibidem: Nam et sol ille in conventu Uticensi, extincto pene lumine adeo portentum fuit, ut non potuerit ex ordinario deliquio hoc pati, positus in suo hypsomate et domicilio. (L. de Testim. animae cap. 1.). Et vero, scripta quoque multorum a Christo Patrum adv. Gentes conversioni causam dedisse sentimus, ad quae alludit alibi: Nonnulli, inquit, quibus de pristina litteratura, et curiositatis labor, et memoriae tenor perseveraverit, opuscula penes nos condiderunt, commemorantes et contestificantes in suggillationem et originem et traditionem et sententiarum argumenta per quae recognosci possit, nihil nos aut novum, aut portentosum, suscepisse, de quo non etiam communes litterae ad suffragium nobis patrocinentur, si quid aut erroris ejecimus, aut aequitatis admisimus. (L. adv. Valent. c. 5.). Inter quos commemorandi Quadratus, Aristides, Anaxagoras, Melito, Theophilus Antiochenus, Apollinarius, Tatianus, Clemens Alexand. et Apollonius Senator, denique ab Auct. alicubi citati Justinus Philosophus et Martyr, Miltiades Eccles. Sophista, et Irenaeus omnium doctrinarum curiosissimus explorator. Quibus omnibus evolvendis et ante et post fidem susceptam ipsum allaborasse, vel ex Apolog. patet, in quo subinde illos ad verbum fere imitatur. His omnibus adminiculis ad Christi fidem conversus et jam initiatus, quum pallium Christianum indutus (sicuti antea etiam attigimus) inconstantiae notaretur ab amico, quod a Toga transisset ad Pallium, Orationem habuit Carthagine (quam LIB. DE PAL. inscripsit), qua et Pallii vetustatem, simplicitatem, facilitatem, libertatem sine cura, Philosophicam gravitatem et sanctitatem commendat; et vitio sibi dari non debere variis exemplis ostendit, quod habitum verterit. Qua occasione et libidinum varia genera, quibus natura mutetur, et Matronarum cultum indecentem insectatur, et fori Judicum et militum vitiis, tum ambitioni et gulae cauterem adigit. Atqui his Coss. data Constitutio Severi et Antonini v. Idus Martias, quae extat D. Lib. 9, Tom. i. lib. i. iterum confirmat nostram sententiam de Antonino filio Imperii consorte.

13. Here we shall only add that among other things he alludes to the very great plague at Rome and in many Provinces, and to the earthquake by which Smyrna, a city of Asia, fell, which Eusebius records in the Chronicle under the Emperors Marcus and Verus; and to the thunderbolt which under Commodus fell upon the Capitol and set the Library on fire; and to the civil wars of that age, which we have already mentioned. Likewise to the famine, of which [he speaks] in the book To Scapula in these words (To Scapula, ch. 3): "As also under the governor Hilarianus, when they had shouted about the areas of our burial-grounds, 'Let there be no areas!', their own threshing-floors were no more; for they gathered no harvest." Lastly to the portent, of which [he speaks] in the same place: "For the sun too, at the assize at Utica, its light almost extinguished, was so great a portent that it could not have suffered this from an ordinary eclipse, standing as it was in its exaltation and its house." (Book On the Testimony of the Soul, chapter 1.) And indeed we judge that the writings too of many Fathers after Christ against the Gentiles gave cause for his conversion, to which he alludes elsewhere: "Some," he says, "in whom the labour of curiosity and a steady memory of their former literature have persisted, have composed small works among us, recording and bearing witness, to the shame [of our opponents], to the origin and tradition and the proofs of opinions, by which it may be recognized that we have taken up nothing either new or monstrous on which even common literature does not plead for us in support, whether we have cast out anything of error or admitted anything of equity." (Book Against the Valentinians, ch. 5.) Among whom must be mentioned Quadratus, Aristides, Anaxagoras, Melito, Theophilus of Antioch, Apollinarius, Tatian, Clement of Alexandria and Apollonius the Senator; and lastly, cited somewhere by the Author, "Justin, Philosopher and Martyr, Miltiades, Sophist of the Church, and Irenaeus, most curious explorer of all teachings." That he laboured at the reading of all these both before and after receiving the faith is clear even from the Apology, in which he now and again imitates them almost word for word. Converted to the faith of Christ by all these aids and now initiated, when, having put on the Christian pallium (as we also touched on before), he was charged by a friend with inconstancy because he had passed from the Toga to the Pallium, he delivered an Oration at Carthage (which he entitled BOOK ON THE PALLIUM), in which he commends the antiquity of the Pallium, its simplicity, its ease, its freedom from care, its Philosophic gravity and holiness; and shows by various examples that it ought not to be imputed to him as a fault that he had changed his dress. On which occasion he also attacks the various kinds of lusts by which nature is altered, and the indecent adornment of Matrons, and applies the cautery to the vices of the Judges of the forum and of the soldiers, and then to ambition and gluttony. And moreover a Constitution of Severus and Antoninus given in this consulship on the 5th day before the Ides of March, which is extant in the Digest, Book 9, Tome I, book I, again confirms our opinion about Antoninus his son being partner in the Empire.

Anno Domini cxcvii.

The Year of the Lord CXCVII.

§ VII. Unde suam hauserit omnimodam disciplinae christianae scientiam.

§ VII. Whence he drew his knowledge of Christian teaching in every respect.

14. C. DOMITIO DEXTRO II. ET L. VALERIO MESSALA THRASEA PRISCO COSS.

14. In the consulship of C. DOMITIUS DEXTER for the II time AND L. VALERIUS MESSALA THRASEA PRISCUS,

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S. Victoris Papae Romani anno ii. et Severi iv. TERTULLIANUS jam Christianus quibus se occupationibus totum dediderit, scripta ejus, de quibus postea, plus satis suo confirmant testimonio. Ex quibus imprimis constat ita versatum fuisse in sacrarum lectione litterarum, ita memoriae omnia et singula scripturarum loca commendasse, ut vel unica periodo subinde complura complexus sit; sicuti ex Scripturarum Indice nostro, collatione cum Auctore facta, facile est deprehendere. In illis autem citandis editionem sequitur ubique 70. Interpr. quod ad Vetus Instrumentum attinet, quod per Esdram (vel ipso teste) constat restauratum (L. de Hab. mul. c. 3. Apolog. c. 18), idque non in Pentateucho Moysi duntaxat, aliisque libris historicis, sed et in Prophetarum vaticiniis: Quos enim (inquit) diximus praedicatores, Prophetae de officio praefandi dicuntur. Voces eorum, itemque virtutes, quas ad fidem Divinitatis edebant, in thesauris litterarum manent, nec istae nunc latent. Ptolemaeorum eruditiss. (quem Philadelphum supernominant) et omnis litteraturae sagacissimus, quum studio Bibliothec. Pisistratum (ut opinor) aemularetur; inter caetera memoriarum, quibus aut vetustas, aut curiositas aliqua ad famam patrocinabatur, ex suggestu Demetrii Phalerii Grammaticorum tunc probatissimi, cui praefecturam mandaverat, libros a Judaeis quoque postulavit, proprias scilicet atque vernaculas Litteras, quas soli habebant. Ex ipsis enim et ad ipsos semper Prophetae peroraverant, scilicet ad domesticam Dei gentem ex patrum gratia. Hebraei retro, qui nunc Judaei. Igitur et litterae Hebraeae, et eloquium. Sed ne notitia vacaret, hoc quoque Ptolemaeo a Judaeis subscriptum est, Septuaginta duobus Interpr. indultis; quos Menedemus quoque philosophus, Providentiae vindex de sententiae communione suspexit. Affirmavit haec vobis etiam Aristaeas. Ita in Graecum stylum ex aperto monumenta reliquit. Hodie apud Serapaeum Ptolemaei Bibliothecae cum ipsis Hebraicis Litteris exhibentur. Quae paulo prolixius citavimus, adversus eos qui auctoritatem 70. Interp. elevare non verentur. In Novo vero Testamento non tam Latinis Translatis, quam Graecis veteribus codicibus usum Auctorem, Graece doctissimum, ex versione ejus peculiari, ab aliis omnibus multum subinde diversa, manifestum fit; quam adeo discrepantiam in gratiam Professorum sacrarum Litterarum ubique annotavimus. Quam jam olim etiam indicavit B. Ambr. sive quisquis Auctor est Comment. in Epist. Pauli ad c. 5. Rom. « Constat (inquit) quosdam Latinos olim de veteribus

In the IInd year of St Victor, Pope of Rome, and the IVth of Severus, to what occupations TERTULLIAN, now a Christian, gave himself wholly, his writings, of which [we shall speak] later, confirm more than enough by their own testimony. From them it is evident above all that he was so versed in the reading of the sacred writings, and had so committed to memory each and every passage of the scriptures, that now and again he took in very many of them within a single period; as it is easy to discover from our Index of Scriptures, once a comparison has been made with the Author. In citing them, moreover, he everywhere follows the edition of the 70 Interpreters as far as the Old Instrument is concerned, which (by his own testimony too) is known to have been restored through Esdras (Book On the Dress of Women, ch. 3; Apology, ch. 18), and that not only in the Pentateuch of Moses and the other historical books, but also in the oracles of the Prophets: "For those whom we have called preachers," he says, "are called Prophets from their office of speaking beforehand. Their utterances, and likewise the mighty works which they performed to win faith in the Divinity, remain in the treasuries of literature, nor are these now hidden. The most learned of the Ptolemies (whom they surname Philadelphus) and the most discerning in all literature, since he rivalled, I think, Pisistratus in zeal for libraries, among the other records which either antiquity or some curiosity commended to fame, at the suggestion of Demetrius of Phalerum, then the most approved of the Grammarians, to whom he had entrusted the charge [of it], asked the Jews too for books, that is, their own and native Writings, which they alone possessed. For from among themselves and to themselves the Prophets had always spoken, that is, to the household nation of God by the favour of the fathers. Hebrews formerly, who are now Jews. Therefore both the writings are Hebrew, and the speech. But lest knowledge [of them] should be wanting, this too was supplied to Ptolemy by the Jews, seventy-two Interpreters being granted; whom Menedemus too, the philosopher, the champion of Providence, looked up to for their sharing of his opinion. Aristaeus too has affirmed these things to you. So he left the monuments open in the Greek style. To this day in the Serapeum the Libraries of Ptolemy are displayed with the Hebrew Writings themselves." This we have cited somewhat at length against those who are not afraid to lessen the authority of the 70 Interpreters. In the New Testament, however, it becomes manifest from his own particular version, often differing greatly from all others, that the Author, most learned in Greek, used not so much the Latin Translations as the ancient Greek codices; and this discrepancy we have noted everywhere for the convenience of Professors of the sacred Writings. Which long ago blessed Ambrose too indicated, or whoever is the Author of the Commentary on the Epistles of Paul, at chapter 5 of Romans: "It is agreed," he says, "that certain Latins formerly, from the old

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Footnotes

(1) ‹anchor: clevare non verentur› · call in col 10055

Dissertationem de varia et incerta Indole librorum Tertulliani Joh. Salomo Semler, vir tantisper consilii audax ac tritae viae non nihil impatiens, ad calcem suae editionis in lucem protulit, ac imprimis videre est quo animi impetu haec statuere audeat, nempe Tertullianum nec adhibuisse graecos codices, nec adhibere voluisse; totum vero in eo esse ut suam latinam cuilibet extraneae lectionem anteponat, quasi graeci libri isto jam tempore fuerint per haereticos depravati; eoque facilius id in latinorum mente haesisse, libris nempe latinis accedere praecipuam praestantiam; poliorem vetustatem, quod exemplaria latina antiquius sua prima habeant initia et recentia rudimenta; imo et superesse varias novas interpretationes et glossas quarum primus et certus auctor est Tertullianus, ab illoque in omnes codices latinos dimanavisse. Ut ut sit, sedulo cavendum est a duplici quem sibi proponit auctor iste scopo, vulgatam nempe sacrorum librorum lectionem diffamare, praeteresque asserere ex una eademque officina quosdam prodiisse veterum libros, Irenaei videlicet, aut Clementis, nec jam satis esse causae cur eos diversis auctoribus, utpote ab uno confectos, dividere amplius perseveremus. Vid. Tertull. opera recens. Semler, Halae, 1828, t. V, p. 185-211. Edd.

Joh. Salomo Semler, a man somewhat bold in his views and rather impatient of the beaten path, published at the end of his edition a dissertation On the varied and uncertain character of Tertullian's books; and one can see above all with what vehemence of mind he dares to lay down that Tertullian "neither used Greek manuscripts nor wished to use them"; that his whole concern was to prefer his own Latin reading to any foreign one, as though "the Greek books had already at that time been" corrupted by heretics; and that this stuck the more easily in the minds of the Latins because the Latin books had, it was held, a special excellence, a more polished antiquity, since the Latin copies "have their first beginnings and fresh rudiments" from older times; and indeed that various new interpretations and glosses survive of which Tertullian is the first and certain author, and that from him they spread into all the Latin manuscripts. However that may be, one must carefully beware of the twofold aim this author sets himself: namely, to discredit the received reading of the sacred books, and besides to assert that certain books of the ancients, those of Irenaeus, for instance, or of Clement, came out of one and the same workshop, and that there is no longer sufficient reason for us to persist in dividing them among different authors, as having been composed by one. See Tertullian's works, edited by Semler, Halle, 1828, volume V, pages 185–211. The Editors.

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Graecis translatis codicibus, quos incorruptos simplicitas temporum servavit et probat. Postquam autem discordia animis dissidentibus et haereticis perturbantibus torquere quaestiones coeperunt, multa immutata sunt ad sensum humanum, ut hoc contineretur in litteris, quod homini videretur. Unde et ipsi Graeci diversos codices habent. Illud autem verum arbitror, quando et ratio, et historia, et auctoritas observabatur. Nam hodie quae in Latinis reprehenduntur codicibus, sic inveniuntur a veteribus posita, TERTULLIANO, Victorino, et Cypriano. » Hactenus ille. At qui versabatur praeterea noctu diuque Auctor noster in perscrutandis non modo quos supra adduximus Apologiarum pro fide Christiana Auctoribus, sed et aliis haud dubie Scriptoribus Ecclesiast. praeter Apollonium Senatorem et B. Victorem Graecis omnibus; Philonem dico, Josephum (quem vocat Antiquitatum Judaicarum vernaculum vindicem) (Apolog. c. 19. l. de Praesc. adv. haeret. c. 32. l. adv. Valent. c. 5. carm. adv. Marc. C. 9. l. de Praesc. adv. haer. c. 38. t. i. Apolog. c. 35.), Appionem et Hegesippum, Judaeos, Clementem Romanum, ac S. Polycarpum (quorum illum Romanorum a Petro, hunc a Joanne Smyrneorum Episcopos ordinatos agnoscit), S. Ignatium Antiochenum, S. Dionysium Areopag. Galliarum, Papiam Hierapolitanum Episcopos; Agrippam Castorem, Dionysium Corinthiorum, Plinitum ac Philippum Cretenses Episcopos; Musanum, Modestum, Panthenum Alexandrinum, Rhodonem Asianum, Serapionem et Proculum quemdam, quem vocat eloquentiae Christianae dignitatem, de quo postea latius; Sextum denique Appionem, Candidum, Arabianum, Maximum, et Heraclitum. Quibus adjicio primos illos caeteros. Pont. Rom. in Petri cathedra successores, quorum extant Decretales, quorumque cum Lino et Cleto Auctor meminit, Anacletum, Evaristum, Alexandrum, Sixtum, Telesphorum, Hyginum, Pium, Anicetum, Soterem item (quem, quod occasio sese non offerret, praetermisit) et Eleutherum, quem Benedictum nuncupat. Quos omnes Graece scripsisse, ex eodem stylo Latino, qui interpretis ejusdem videtur, censeo; ut pote, qui melius Graece noverint, sicut etiam S. Iren. quam Latine. Quo fit, ut (vel Rhenano annotante) nemo mirari debeat Graecam Auctoris loquendi consuetudinem, quum etiam si qui in Latinam linguam translati essent, mallet ex fontibus bibere (quod aiunt) quam ex lacunis. Atqui hoc primum anno quidam scribunt Idib. Maii die Natalitio Imperii a Severo Imp. appellatum Caesarem Aug. filium ejus Antoninum apud Viminatium, priusquam in bellum contra Albinum proficisceretur. Verumtamen etiam ab initio Augustum olim fuisse nuncupatum,

Greek codices, translated, which the simplicity of the times preserved uncorrupted and approves. But after, through discord, with minds at variance and heretics disturbing [things], they began to twist questions, many things were changed to suit human sense, so that what seemed [right] to man was contained in the writings. Whence even the Greeks themselves have differing codices. But I judge that to be true when reason and history and authority were all observed. For the things which today are faulted in the Latin codices are found so set down by the ancients, TERTULLIAN, Victorinus and Cyprian." Thus far he. But besides, our Author was occupied night and day in searching through not only the Authors of Apologies for the Christian faith whom we adduced above, but doubtless other Ecclesiastical Writers as well, all of them Greek apart from Apollonius the Senator and blessed Victor; I mean Philo, Josephus (whom he calls "the native vindicator of Jewish Antiquities") (Apology, ch. 19; Book On the Prescription against Heretics, ch. 32; Book Against the Valentinians, ch. 5; Poem against Marcion, ch. 9; Book On the Prescription against Heretics, ch. 38, tome I; Apology, ch. 35), Appion and Hegesippus, Jews; Clement of Rome and St Polycarp (of whom he acknowledges that the former was ordained Bishop of the Romans by Peter, the latter of the Smyrnaeans by John); St Ignatius of Antioch, St Dionysius the Areopagite of the Gauls, Papias of Hierapolis, Bishops; Agrippa Castor; Dionysius of the Corinthians, Plinitus and Philip, Bishops of Crete; Musanus, Modestus, Panthenus of Alexandria, Rhodo of Asia, Serapion and a certain Proculus, whom he calls "the dignity of Christian eloquence", of whom more fully later; and lastly Sextus, Appion, Candidus, Arabianus, Maximus and Heraclitus. To whom I add those first other Roman Pontiffs, successors in the chair of Peter, whose Decretals are extant, and whom the Author mentions together with Linus and Cletus: Anacletus, Evaristus, Alexander, Sixtus, Telesphorus, Hyginus, Pius, Anicetus, Soter likewise (whom he passed over because the occasion did not offer itself) and Eleutherus, whom he calls Benedictus. That all these wrote in Greek I judge from the same Latin style, which seems to be that of the same interpreter; as being men who knew Greek better than Latin, as St Irenaeus also did. Whence it comes that (as Rhenanus too notes) no one should wonder at the Greek manner of speaking of the Author, since, even if some of them had been translated into the Latin tongue, he preferred to drink from the springs (as they say) rather than from the pools. And indeed some write that in this year, on the Ides of May, the Birthday of his Reign, his son Antoninus was first named Caesar Augustus by the Emperor Severus at Viminatium, before he set out for the war against Albinus. Nevertheless, that he had once been named Augustus even from the beginning,

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patet ex Rescriptis praecedentium annorum nomine Severi et Antonini Augg. Conspirationis interim Albini adversus Severum hoc anno factae meminit etiam Auctor in haec verba, Unde Cassi, Nigri, et Albini.

is clear from the Rescripts of the preceding years in the name of Severus and Antoninus, Augusti. Meanwhile the conspiracy of Albinus against Severus, made in this year, the Author also mentions in these words: "Whence [come] the Cassii, Nigri and Albini?"

Anno Domini cxcviii.

The Year of the Lord CXCVIII.

§ VIII. Quandonam, et in qua rerum tempestate carmina quaedam libaverit.

§ VIII. When, and in what season of affairs, he tried his hand at certain poems.

15. T. SEXTIO LATERANO ET M. MARIO M. F. CUSPIO RUFINO COSS. S. Victoris Rom. Pontif. anno 12. Severi Imp. v. TERTULLIANUM verisimile est memoriae exercendae gratia conscripsisse Carmine GENESIM ET SODOMAM, imo mea sententia integram sacrorum Bibliorum Veteris Testamenti historiam; ut pote quum et prius illorum mutilum sit, et ex initio posterioris satis videatur etiam descripsisse orbis universi diluvium; atque adeo etiam Carmen illud AD SENATOREM EX CHRISTIANA FIDE AD IDOLORUM SERVITUTEM REVERSUM, et libros quinque ADVER. MARC. carmine, ac DE JUDICIO DOMINI librum. Hoc vero anno ad xi. Kal. Martias Imp. Caes. D. Claudius Septimius Albinus Augustus praelio ab Imp. Severo victus et occisus est, idque apud Lugdunum; quae quod illum antea recepisset (Herodiano teste) et direpta et incensa est; in qua expeditione, uti ex variis Inscript. constat, Imp. viii. ix. et x. appellatus est. Quo jamjam expugnato, omnes imprimis Galliarum, Hispaniarum, Britanniaeque proceres qui illum juverant, deinde Romam reversus amicos ejus undique conquisitos, et inter eos Senatores 40. Severus interfici jussit, tum et eos omnes qui in Pertinacem conspiraverant: Quos adeo Auctor Albinianos appellat verbis supra citatis. Ad ann. Domini 195. et per aliquot annos perdurasse hanc illorum inquisitionem significat: Sed et qui nunc, inquit, scelestarum partium socii aut plausores quotidie revelantur, post vindemiam parricidarum racematio superstes; nempe, quantum apparet, ad triumphum usque Parthicum, atque adeo novum Severi annum, quemadmodum ibi latius. Alibi etiam ad Senatores occisos alludit: Nemo non, inquit, etiam hominis causa pati potest quod in causa Dei pati dubitat. Ad hoc quidem vel praesentia nobis tempora documenta sint; quantae, qualesque personae inopinatos, Natalibus et Dignitatibus et Corporibus, et aetatibus suis exitus referunt, hominis causa: aut ab ipso, si contra eum fecerint, aut ab adversariis ejus si pro eo steterint. (Ad. Sc. c. 2. Apolog. c. 35. l. ad. Marc. cap. ult.) Fuit autem dictorum consulum alter Lateranus tantopere amicus Severo Imp. ut illi magnificentissimas aedes Romae aedificaverit, quas etiamnum Palatium Lateranense appellamus, quem postea scribit B. Hierony. Epitaphio Fabiolae, Caesariano obtruncatum gladio, fortassis Antonini Caracallae, qui in plerosque amicos patris sui animadvertit. Atqui cum his Coss. scripta sit Epist. ii. S. Victoris Rom. Pont. ad Afros Episcopos data Kal. Septemb. et Epist. S. Eleutherii Decessoris ejus. v. Id. Julii Materno et Bradua Coss. necessario hunc annum, non praecedentem xii. Pontif.

15. In the consulship of T. SEXTIUS LATERANUS AND M. MARIUS CUSPIUS RUFINUS, son of Marcus, in the 12th year of St Victor, Roman Pontiff, and the Vth of the Emperor Severus, it is likely that TERTULLIAN, for the sake of exercising his memory, wrote in Verse GENESIS AND SODOM, or rather, in my opinion, the whole history of the Old Testament of the sacred Bible; seeing that the former of these is mutilated, and from the beginning of the latter he seems quite clearly to have described also the flood of the whole world; and so too that Poem TO A SENATOR WHO HAD TURNED BACK FROM THE CHRISTIAN FAITH TO THE SERVICE OF IDOLS, and the five books AGAINST MARCION in verse, and the book ON THE JUDGEMENT OF THE LORD. In this year, on the 11th day before the Kalends of March, the Emperor Caesar D. Claudius Septimius Albinus Augustus was defeated in battle by the Emperor Severus and killed, and that near Lyons; which city, because it had previously received him (as Herodian testifies), was both plundered and burned; in which campaign, as is established from various Inscriptions, he was named IMP. for the VIII, IX and X time. He having now been overcome, Severus ordered to be put to death first all the chief men of the Gauls, the Spains and Britain who had helped him, and then, having returned to Rome, his friends sought out from every side, and among them 40 Senators, and then also all those who had conspired against Pertinax: whom accordingly the Author calls Albinians in the words cited above. That this inquisition of theirs lasted to the year of the Lord 195 and for some years he indicates: "But those too," he says, "who are now daily revealed as associates or applauders of the wicked parties, the gleaning that survives after the vintage of parricides"; that is, so far as appears, up to the Parthian triumph, and so to the new year of Severus, as more fully there. Elsewhere too he alludes to the Senators put to death: "There is no one," he says, "who cannot suffer even for a man's sake what he hesitates to suffer for God's sake. To this indeed let even the present times be proofs to us; how great and what kind of persons, in their birth and Dignities and Bodies and ages, meet unexpected ends for the sake of a man: either from him himself, if they have acted against him, or from his adversaries, if they have stood for him." (To Scapula, ch. 2; Apology, ch. 35; Book Against Marcion, last chapter.) Of the said consuls, moreover, the one, Lateranus, was so great a friend of the Emperor Severus that he built for him a most magnificent house at Rome, which we still call the Lateran Palace; who, as blessed Jerome writes later in the Epitaph of Fabiola, was cut down by the Caesar's sword, perhaps that of Antoninus Caracalla, who punished most of his father's friends. And moreover, since in this consulship was written the IInd Epistle of St Victor, Roman Pontiff, to the African Bishops, dated on the Kalends of September, and the Epistle of St Eleutherius his Predecessor on the 5th day before the Ides of July in the consulship of Maternus and Bradua, of necessity this year, not the preceding, [is] the XIIth of the Pontificate

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ejus designavimus, maxime quod B. Damasius in Pont. sedisse Victorem scribat a Consulatu Commodi v. et Glabrionis (quibus Coss. xiii. Kal. Aug. data est prior ejus Epist. ad Theoph. Alexand.), usque ad Lateranum et Rufinum. A Kal. autem Juniis dicti consulatus, quo die creatus Pont. usque ad v. Kal. Augusti anni sequentis, conficiuntur anni 12. mensis 1. dies 28. Is dicta 2. Epist. discrepantiam Afrorum in Sacramentis increpans, mihi videtur ad celebritatem diei Paschae alludere (quam Epistola priori die Dominica celebrari debere, juxta quod et praedecessores sui statuerunt, mandaverat, quaecumque incideret a xiv. Luna primi mensis, usque ad xxi. in quo fortassis initio Afri quidam cum Polycrate Asiano contrariam sequebantur consuetudinem, quanquam postea in unum consenserint. Nam de Blasto haeretico quartodecimano, sic Auctor: Est praeterea his omnibus etiam Blastus accedens, qui latenter Judaismum vult introducere; Pascha enim dicit non aliter custodiendum, nisi secundum legem Moysi 14. mensis. Quis autem nesciat, quoniam Evangelica gratia evacuatur, si ad legem Christum redigit? (L. de Praesc. adv. haer. c. 53, haer. 22. l. de Jejun. c. 14. Ib. c. 13.) Ad eamdem observationem pertinet illud ejusdem: Pascha celebramus annuo circulo, mense i; atque adeo etiam illud: Aguntur praeterea per Graecias illas certis in locis Concilia ex universis Ecclesiis. Id enim etsi generatim loquatur, existimamus potissimum intelligi de Conciliis paulo ante celebratis Palestinae a Theophylo Caesariensi, Ponti a Palma, Corinthio a Bachylo, et Ecclesiarum apud Osroenum, Alexandrino quoque a Theophilo, denique Asiano, in quo scribit Niceph. hist. Eccl. L. 4. c. ult. Patres dictam sententiam B. Victoris Concil. Romani secutos esse, cui etiam consentit Concil. Galliarum sub Irenaeo.

of his, as we have designated it, chiefly because blessed Damasus writes that Victor sat in the Pontificate from the Vth Consulship of Commodus and that of Glabrio (in which consulship, on the 13th day before the Kalends of August, his former Epistle to Theophilus of Alexandria was dated) up to Lateranus and Rufinus. And from the Kalends of June of the said consulship, the day on which he was created Pontiff, to the 5th day before the Kalends of August of the following year, there are completed 12 years, 1 month, 28 days. He, rebuking in the said 2nd Epistle the disagreement of the Africans in the Sacraments, seems to me to allude to the celebration of the day of Easter (which in the former Epistle he had commanded must be celebrated on the Lord's Day, according to what his predecessors also had decreed, on whatever day it fell from the XIV moon of the first month up to the XXI; in which perhaps at first certain Africans followed, with Polycrates of Asia, the contrary custom, although afterwards they came to agreement in one. For of Blastus, the quartodeciman heretic, the Author speaks thus: "There is besides, added to all these, Blastus too, who wishes covertly to introduce Judaism; for he says that the Pasch is to be kept in no other way than according to the law of Moses on the 14th of the month. But who would not know that the grace of the Gospel is made void if he brings Christ back to the law?" (Book On the Prescription against Heretics, ch. 53, heresy 22; Book On Fasting, ch. 14; ibid., ch. 13.) To the same observance belongs that saying of his: "We celebrate the Pasch in the yearly cycle, in the 1st month"; and so too this: "Moreover, throughout those Greek lands, Councils from all the Churches are held in fixed places." For although he speaks of this in general, we think it is to be understood chiefly of the Councils celebrated a little before: of Palestine by Theophilus of Caesarea, of Pontus by Palmas, the Corinthian by Bachylus, and of the Churches in Osroene, the Alexandrian too by Theophilus, and lastly the Asian; in which, as Nicephorus writes, Ecclesiastical History, Book 4, last chapter, the Fathers followed the said opinion of blessed Victor's Roman Council, with which the Council of the Gauls under Irenaeus also agrees.

Anno Domini cxcix.

The Year of the Lord CXCIX.

§ IX. De libris adversus Judaeos in lucem editis.

§ IX. On the books brought to light against the Jews.

16. T. HATVRIO T. F. SATURNIO, ET C. ANNIO APP. F. TREBONIANO GALLO COSS. S. Zephyrini Papae Romae i. ac Severi Imp. vi. videtur nobis contigisse discrepatio illa TERTULLIANI cum Judaeo quodam, cujus occasione scripsisse se significat librum ADVER. JUDAEOS. Proxime accidit, inquit, (l. ad. Jud. C. i.), disputatio habita est Christiano et Proselyto Judaeo. Alternis vicibus contentioso fune uterque diem in vesperam traxerunt. Obstrepentibus etiam quibusdam spectantibus, singulorum nubilo quodam veritas obumbrabatur. Placuit ergo, quod per concentum disputationis minus plene potuit elucidari, inspici curiosius, et lectionis stylo quaestiones retractatas terminare. In quo inter caetera annotandum venit, quod de dilatatione fidei per universum pene orbem jam ab ea aetate pulchre deducit. In quem enim, inquit, alium universae gentes crediderunt, nisi Christum qui jam venit?... Parthi, Medi, Elamitae, etc. (ibid., c. 7.), sicuti legitur Act. 2. et caeterae gentes, ut jam Getulorum varietates, et Maurorum multi fines, Hispaniarum omnes termini, et Galliarum diversae nationes,

16. In the consulship of T. HATURIUS SATURNINUS, son of Titus, AND C. ANNIUS TREBONIANUS GALLUS, son of Appius, in the I year of St Zephyrinus, Pope of Rome, and the VI of the Emperor Severus, there seems to us to have occurred that dispute of TERTULLIAN with a certain Jew, on the occasion of which he indicates that he wrote the book AGAINST THE JEWS. "It happened lately," he says (Book Against the Jews, ch. I), "[that] a disputation was held between a Christian and a Jewish Proselyte. By turns, with contentious rope, each dragged the day out into the evening. With some of the onlookers also making an uproar, the truth was overshadowed by a sort of cloud of individuals. It was resolved therefore that what could be less fully cleared up through the clamour of the disputation should be examined more carefully, and that the questions, handled again, should be settled by the pen for reading." In which, among other things, it comes to be noted that he finely draws out the spreading of the faith through almost the whole world already from that age. "For in what other," he says, "have all nations believed, but in Christ who has already come?... Parthians, Medes, Elamites," etc. (ibid., ch. 7), as is read in Acts 2, "and the other nations, as now the varieties of the Gaetulians, and the many territories of the Moors, all the bounds of the Spains, and the diverse nations of the Gauls,

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et Britannorum inaccessa Romanis loca, Christo vero subdita, et Sarmatarum, et Dacorum et Germanorum, et Scytharum, et abditarum multarum gentium, et provinciarum et insularum multarum nobis ignotarum, et quae enumerare minus possumus; in quibus omnibus locis Christi nomen qui jam venit regnat? Est et illud de finibus Imperii Rom. tum temporis memoria dignum: Germani adhuc usque limites transgredi non sinuntur. Britanniae intra Oceani ambitum conclusae sunt. Maurorum gens, et Getulorum barbaries a Romanis obsidentur, ne regionum suarum fines excedant. Quid de Romanis dicam, qui de legionum suarum praesidiis Imperium suum muniunt, nec trans istas gentes porrigere vires regni sui possunt? Quod ipsum attingit de Germanis Herodianus, hist. l. 2. dum Severum electum dicit per exercitus omnes, qui pro ripis Danubii Rhenique coercendis barbaris excubantes Rom. tuebantur Imp. Et vero hunc annum 1. collocamus Pontif. S. Habundii Zephyrini Habundii F. natione Romani, quod defuncto S. Victore, postquam sedes vacasset diebus 12. ipse creatus fuerit 4. Idus Augusti, his ipsis Coss. vel Damaso teste, qui sedisse eum scribit temporibus Severi et Antonini, a Consulatu Saturnini et Galli, usque ad Praesentem et Extricatum Consules. Quomodo interim nondum incoepta persecutione Christianorum quinta inter Martyres S. Victor collocetur, difficultate non caret, quae et Eusebium et alios Chronographos movit, ut in annum 8. et 9. aut. 10. Severi ejus Pontificatum protendant. Verum dicta mea et S. Damasi de utriusque temporibus sententia confirmatur per Epist. Decret. Zephyrini datas his ipsis Saturnino et Gallo Coss. priorem 12. Kal. Octob. posteriorem 7. Idus Novemb. et in primitiva Eccl. non fuit insolitum persecutionem a populo Rom. aut praefectis Urbis initium sumere. Quid? quod de hoc tempore id disertis verbis Auctor asserit: Sed et clarissimas, inquit, foeminas et clarissimos viros Severus sciens hujus sectae esse, non modo non laesit, verum et testimonio exornavit, et populo furenti in os palam restitit (Ad Scap. c. 4. Apol. c. 1. 2.). Atqui ante annum sequentem oportet latam fuisse legem Divorum Severi et Antonini, ne quis absens puniatur, cujus fit mentio lib. 1. ff. de Requir. reis; nam ad eam haud dubie alludit in haec verba Auctor; Quid hic, inquit, Legibus deperit in suo regno dominantibus, si audiatur? An hoc magis gloriabitur potestas earum, si inauditam damnabunt veritatem? et rursum: quando nec liceat indefensos et inauditos omnino damnari.

and the places of the Britons inaccessible to the Romans, but subject to Christ, and of the Sarmatians, and of the Dacians, and of the Germans, and of the Scythians, and of many hidden nations, and of many provinces and islands unknown to us, and which we are less able to enumerate; in all which places the name of Christ, Who has already come, reigns?" There is also this, worthy of record, about the boundaries of the Roman Empire at that time: "The Germans are not allowed even yet to cross their frontiers. The Britains are shut in within the circuit of the Ocean. The nation of the Moors and the barbarism of the Gaetulians are hemmed in by the Romans, lest they go beyond the bounds of their regions. What shall I say of the Romans, who fortify their Empire with the garrisons of their legions, and cannot stretch the forces of their reign beyond these nations?" This very thing Herodian touches on concerning the Germans, History, Book 2, when he says that Severus was chosen by all the armies which, keeping watch along the banks of the Danube and the Rhine to restrain the barbarians, guarded the Roman Empire. And indeed we place this year as the 1st of the Pontificate of St Habundius Zephyrinus, son of Habundius, a Roman by nation, because, St Victor having died, after the see had been vacant for 12 days, he was created on the 4th day before the Ides of August in this very consulship, as Damasus too testifies, who writes that he sat in the times of Severus and Antoninus, from the Consulship of Saturninus and Gallus up to the Consuls Praesens and Extricatus. How, meanwhile, St Victor is placed among the Martyrs when the fifth persecution of the Christians had not yet begun is not without difficulty, which moved both Eusebius and other Chronographers to extend his Pontificate into the 8th and 9th or 10th year of Severus. But my statement, and the opinion of St Damasus about the times of both, is confirmed by the Decretal Epistles of Zephyrinus dated in this very consulship of Saturninus and Gallus, the former on the 12th day before the Kalends of October, the latter on the 7th day before the Ides of November; and in the primitive Church it was not unusual for persecution to take its beginning from the Roman people or from the prefects of the City. What [more]? The Author affirms this of this time in express words: "But Severus too," he says, "knowing that most illustrious women and most illustrious men were of this sect, not only did not harm them, but even honoured them with his testimony, and openly withstood the raging people to their face" (To Scapula, ch. 4; Apology, ch. 1, 2). And moreover, before the following year must have been passed the law of the Deified Severus and Antoninus, that no one should be punished in his absence, of which mention is made in Book 1 of the Digest, On Accused Persons Sought; for to it the Author doubtless alludes in these words: "What," he says, "do the Laws, ruling in their own realm, lose here if [truth] is heard? Or will their power glory the more in this, if they condemn the truth unheard?" and again: "since it is not lawful that the undefended and unheard be condemned at all."

Anno Domini cc.

The Year of the Lord CC.

§ X. De Apologetico, Testimonio animae et Fato, adversus gentes, ac de TERTULLIANI sacerdotio, librisque inde obortis de Poenitentia, de Oratione, de Circumcisione, de Vestibus Aaron, de Mundis et immundis animalibus, de Trinitate, de Baptismo.

§ X. On the Apology, the Testimony of the Soul and Fate, against the gentiles; and on TERTULLIAN's priesthood, and the books arising from it, on Penance, on Prayer, on Circumcision, on the Vestments of Aaron, on Clean and unclean animals, on the Trinity, on Baptism.

17. P. CORNELIO ANULLINO II. ET M. AUFIDIO. M. F. FRONTONE COSS. S. Zephyrini Rom. Pont. anno ii. Severi Imp. vii. quum, Imp. cum filiis suis Antonino et Geta ante discessum suum declaratis Caesaribus Augustis.

17. In the consulship of P. CORNELIUS ANULLINUS for the II time AND M. AUFIDIUS FRONTO, son of Marcus, in the II year of St Zephyrinus, Roman Pontiff, and the VII of the Emperor Severus, when, the Emperor with his sons Antoninus and Geta having been declared Caesars Augusti before his departure.

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et Imperat. Congiario iterum populo dato et Donativo militibus, in secundum bellum Arabicum, Parthicum et Adiabenicum profecto (de quo supra latius) Antistites Romani Sacrorumque Pont. religionem Christianam initio sumpto a S. Victore Pont. persequi pergerent, TERTULLIANUS ad imitationem aliorum qui ante se id fecerant, et praesertim B. Justini Mart. APOLOGETICUM PRO CHRISTIANIS Romam misit, in quo, vel Lactantio teste, plene hanc causam peroravit. Jam ante tamen discessum suum multas Leges a Severo et emendatas et publicatas vel ipse auctor indicat: Nonne, inquit, et vos quotidie experimentis illuminantibus tenebras antiquitatis, totam illam veterem et squalentem sylvam Legum novis Principalium Rescriptorum et Edictorum securibus truncatis et caeditis? Nonne vanissimas Papias Leges (ubi alludit ad Legem Papiam Poppaeam, ita dictam a suis latoribus M. Papio M. F. M. N. Mutilo et Q. Poppaeo Q. F. Q. N. Secundino Goss.), quae ante liberos suscipi cogunt, quam Juliae matrimonium contrahi, post tantae auctoritatis senectutem, heri Severus constantissimus Caesarum exclusit? (Apol. c. 4.). Quae dictarum legum abolitio quomodo Severo possit attribui et tamen postea Constantino Imper. tribuatur, latius in Annotat. ad hunc locum nostris tractavimus; in quibus si placeat conjectura nostra de l. i. D. de Stupro et adult. qua definitur etiam in sponsa stuprum et adulterium accusari et vindicari posse, oportebit eam Legem his Coss. latam fuisse. Et vero pro bello secundo Parthico nondum completo (quod his Coss. Cassiodorum etiam incoeptum tradit) facit Auctor, dum inter hostes Imper. Romani enumerat Mauros et Marcomannos, ipsosque Parthos (Ibid. c. 37.). Iterum vero Christianae fidei dilatationem his verbis celebrat: hesterni sumus, et vestra omnia complevimus, urbes, insulas, castella, municipia, conciliabula, castra ipsa, tribus, decurias, palatium, Senatum, Forum; et paulo ante, quod anno praecedenti diximus de populari persecutione confirmat: Quoties, inquit, etiam praeteritos a vobis, suo jure nos inimicum vulgus invadit lapidibus et incendiis? Ipsis Bacchanalium furiis, nec mortuis parcunt Christianis, quin illos de requie sepulturae, de asylo quodam mortis, jam alios, jam nec totos, avellant, dissecent, distrahant (Ib. c. 57.). Eodem pertinet illud: nec ulli magis depostulatores Christianorum quam vulgus, et toties citata ab Auct. popularis vox illa: Christianos ad leonem. Complura sunt alia in Apologetico memoratu digna; sed ne hic prolixiores simus, ad Annotat. nostras Lectorem remittimus. Hic duntaxat addemus occasionem persecutionis ortam ex falsis calumniis, quas pulcherrime refutat, potissimum tribus infanticidii, sanguinis humani pabuli, et incesti: Dicimur, inquit, sceleratissimi de sacram. infanticidii, et pabulo inde, et post convivium incesto; quod eversores luminum canes, lenones scilicet tenebrarum, tum et libidinum impiarum inverecundiam procurent (Ibid., c. 7.).

and Emperors, a Largess having again been given to the people and a Donative to the soldiers, he having set out for the second Arabian, Parthian and Adiabenian war (of which more fully above), the Roman Prelates and Pontiffs of the Sacred Rites went on persecuting the Christian religion, a beginning having been made from St Victor, Pontiff; TERTULLIAN, in imitation of others who had done this before him, and especially of blessed Justin Martyr, sent to Rome the APOLOGY FOR THE CHRISTIANS, in which, as Lactantius too testifies, he pleaded this cause fully. Already before his departure, however, the author himself indicates that many Laws had been both amended and published by Severus: "Do you not too," he says, "daily, as your experiments light up the darkness of antiquity, lop and cut down with the new axes of Imperial Rescripts and Edicts that whole old and overgrown forest of Laws? Did not Severus, the most steadfast of the Caesars, only yesterday repeal the most empty Papian Laws (where he alludes to the Papia Poppaea Law, so called from its proposers M. Papius Mutilus, son of Marcus, grandson of Marcus, and Q. Poppaeus Secundinus, son of Quintus, grandson of Quintus, Consuls), which compel children to be taken up before the Julian [laws compel] marriage to be contracted, after an old age of such great authority?" (Apology, ch. 4). How this abolition of the said laws can be attributed to Severus, and yet is afterwards ascribed to the Emperor Constantine, we have treated more fully in our Annotations on this passage; in which, if our conjecture about law i of the Digest, On Debauchery and Adultery, is accepted, by which it is laid down that debauchery and adultery can be charged and punished even in the case of a betrothed woman, that Law will have to have been passed in this consulship. And indeed the Author supports the second Parthian war being not yet completed (which Cassiodorus too relates was begun in this consulship) when he enumerates among the enemies of the Roman Empire "the Moors and Marcomanni, and the Parthians themselves" (ibid., ch. 37). Again he celebrates the spreading of the Christian faith in these words: "We are of yesterday, and we have filled all that is yours, cities, islands, forts, towns, meeting-places, the camps themselves, tribes, decuries, the palace, the Senate, the Forum"; and a little before, he confirms what we said in the preceding year about the popular persecution: "How often," he says, "even passing you by, does the hostile mob attack us by its own right with stones and fires? With the very frenzies of the Bacchanals they do not spare even dead Christians, but tear them from the rest of the tomb, from that sort of asylum of death, already changed, already not even whole, cut them up, pull them apart" (ibid., ch. 37). To the same belongs that saying: "nor are any more urgent demanders of the Christians than the mob", and that popular cry so often cited by the Author: "The Christians to the lion!" There are many other things in the Apology worth recording; but lest we be too lengthy here, we refer the Reader to our Annotations. Here we shall only add that the occasion of the persecution arose from false calumnies, which he refutes most finely, chiefly the three of infanticide, of a meal of human blood, and of incest: "We are called," he says, "most wicked, from the sacrament of infanticide, and the meal from it, and the incest after the banquet, because dogs, overturners of the lamps, that is, panders of darkness, procure the shamelessness of impious lusts too" (ibid., ch. 7).

Anno Domini CCI.

The Year of the Lord CCI.

18. TI. CLAUDIO SEVERO (non autem severo Imp.

18. In the consulship of TI. CLAUDIUS SEVERUS (not, however, Severus the Emperor

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iii. ut quidam non recte) ET C. AUFIDIO VICTORINO COSS. S. Zephyrini Papae Romani ANNO III. Severi VIII: quanquam Imperatore absente adhuc in expeditione Parthica et Adiabenica, Arabibus et Persarum Rege Abagaro in deditione anno praecedenti receptis, persecutio Christianorum Romae aliquantulum cessare videretur, fortassis Apologetici sui adminiculo; videns tamen TERTULLIANUS et se et alios Scriptores Apologiis suis pro Christianis nihil aut parum profecisse ad conversionem Gentium; alio genere scripti eos aggressus, ab ipsa anima adhuc ethnica adversus idola testimonium flagitat; atque adeo librum DE TESTIMONIO ANIMAE inscripsit. In quo urget illas vulgi voces: Quod Deus dederit; Si Deus voluerit; Benedicat te Deus; Deus videt omnia; Deo commendo; Deus reddet; et, Deus inter nos judicabit. Fit mihi multum verisimile hoc etiam anno conscriptum librum DE FATO, cujus fragmentum unicum extat, et tamen ab ipso Auctore commemoratur in haec verba: Potestates enimvero praesunt: secundum nos quidem, inquit, Dominus Deus, et Diabolus aemulus; secundum communem autem opinionem et providentia, et Fatum, et necessitas, et arbitrii libertas. Nam haec et Philosophi distinguunt, et nos secundum fidem disserenda suo jam novimus titulo. Atqui in hunc annum etiam rejicimus statum vitae novum Auctoris, quo in Presbyterorum ordinem allectus sit, fortassis ab Agrippino Carthaginiensi episcopo. Eum enim alium fuisse ab Agrippino

iii, as some have it, not rightly) AND C. AUFIDIUS VICTORINUS CONSULS, in the III year of St Zephyrinus, Roman Pope, and the VIII of Severus: although, with the Emperor still absent on the Parthian and Adiabenian expedition, the Arabs and Abgar, King of the Persians, having been received in surrender the year before, the persecution of the Christians at Rome seemed to abate somewhat, perhaps with the help of his Apology; yet TERTULLIAN, seeing that both he and other writers had achieved nothing, or little, by their Apologies for the Christians towards the conversion of the Gentiles, attacked them with another kind of writing, and demands from the soul itself, still heathen, a testimony against idols; and so he entitled the book ON THE TESTIMONY OF THE SOUL. In it he presses those sayings of the common people: "What God may have given"; "If God will"; "God bless you"; "God sees all things"; "I commend it to God"; "God will repay"; and, "God will judge between us." It seems to me very likely that in this year too was composed the book ON FATE, of which a single fragment survives, and which is yet mentioned by the Author himself in these words: "Powers indeed preside: according to us, he says, the Lord God, and the Devil His rival; but according to common opinion both providence, and Fate, and necessity, and freedom of choice. For these things the philosophers also distinguish, and we, according to the faith, already know them as matters to be discussed under their own title." Moreover, we also assign to this year the new state of life of the Author, by which he was admitted to the order of Presbyters, perhaps by Agrippinus, bishop of Carthage. For that he was other than Agrippinus

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Footnotes

(1) ‹anchor: in Presbyterorum ordinem› · call in col 10061

In Tertulliani equidem scriptis nullus est locus, ex quo concludi possit, eum in Ecclesia catholica fuisse Presbyterum. Locum quidem proferunt ex lib. de anima cap. 9, ubi auctor de sorore quadam in extasim rapi, ac prophetare solita, loquitur. Ex quo loco elici, quanquam operose, posset, Tertullianum praedicasse (quod utique tunc non nisi Episcoporum, aut saltem Presbyterorum fuerat) in Ecclesia, sed nonnisi Montanistarum, in qua nimirum facile id juris erat, prophetiae dona jactantibus, et Tertulliano maxime, quippe in cujus viri, alias celebratissimi, nomen ferme tota Ecclesiae illius auctoritas jam incubuerat. Verum D. Hieronymus Tertulliano Presbyterale munus ita asseverat, ut nullus sit amplius dubitandi locus super.

In Tertullian's writings, indeed, there is no passage from which it could be concluded that he was a presbyter in the Catholic Church. They do cite a passage from the book On the Soul, ch. 9, where the author speaks of a certain sister who was wont to be rapt into ecstasy and to prophesy. From that passage it could be drawn out, though laboriously, that Tertullian preached (which at that time was certainly the office only of bishops, or at least of presbyters) in a church, but only that of the Montanists, in which that right was of course easily had by those who boasted the gifts of prophecy, and by Tertullian above all, since almost the whole authority of that church had by then come to rest on the name of this man, otherwise most celebrated. But St Jerome affirms the presbyteral office of Tertullian in such a way that there is no further room for doubt on the matter.

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(2) ‹anchor: Carthaginiensi episcopo› · call in col 10061

Hic porro Tertullianus cum divinis humanisque litteris apprime excelleret, Presbyter deinde est ordinatus, Romanae an Carthaginensis Ecclesiae, inter se veteres dissident, neque recentiores critici conveniunt; post Ceillerium (Rem. Ceillier. t. 2. Hist. génér. des auteurs, p. 376.) Semlerus communem heic defendit opinionem, quod scilicet Romae sit allectus inter Presbyteros sequentibus ex rationum momentis (Semler. tom. 5. opp. Tertull. dissertat. 1. in Tertull. § 2. pag. 222-227): Tertullianus, ut scribit Hieronymus, usque ad mediam aetatem Presbyter Ecclesiae (Africanae? an vero Romanae? Romanae putamus, ut statim pluribus illustrabimus) permansit; postea vero invidia et contumeliis Clericorum Romanae Ecclesiae (scilicet impetitus, atque ab ista Ecclesia expulsus), ad Montani dogma delapsus est, etc. Haec narratio Hieronymi videri omnino potest historiam insi non ignotam involvere, etsi verbosius atque accuratius eam describere noluit. Nisi quidem putemus talia Hieronymum ipsum conjecturis reperisse, ex variis horum scriptorum locis; ut e libro contra Praxeam, ab initio, e quibus sententiis videri possit, quod Tertullianus Romae et ipse tum fuerit, cum Praxeas Romam ex Asia veniens de Montanistis talia episcopo Romano narravit, ut hic statuerit, esse e re Romanae Societatis ecclesiasticae, si nihil commercii porro cum Montanistis contineretur. Scribit certe Tertullianus (Tertull. contra Praxeam. cap. 1.): «Episcopum Romanum, agnoscentem jam prophetias Montani, Priscae, Maximillae, et ex ea agnitione pacem Ecclesiis Asiae, et Phrygiae inferentem, falsa de ipsis prophetis et Ecclesiis eorum asseverando, et praecessorum ejus auctoritates defendendo, coegit et litteras pacis revocare jam emissas et a proposito recipiendorum charismatum concessare. Ita duo negotia diaboli Praxeas Romae procuravit: prophetiam expulit (i. e. Montani fautores, qui ibi apud Episcopum illas Ecclesias Asiae commendatum ibant; quos inter haud dubie hic Tertullianus ipse fuit); et haeresin intulit (jam Tertullianus putat Romanam Ecclesiam ipsam in haeresin incidisse; itaque ab illa ipse secessit). Paracletum fugavit, et patrem crucifixit.» Addit luculenter paulo post: «Et nos quidem postea agnitio Paracleti atque defensio disjunxit a Psychicis» Hic, ut opinamur, non obscure indicat Tertullianus, quod antea cum istis Romanis in conjunctione ecclesiastica vixerit, quos hic nominat Psychicos. Ex isto igitur loco potuit Hieronymus ad historiae instar reperire invidia et contumeliis Clericorum romanae Ecclesiae factum esse, ut Tertullianus ad Montanistas ipse transierit; nec enim ulla species historiae accuratioris apud alios scriptores superest, quae persuadeat nobis Hieronymum talia aliunde accepisse. Illud expellere, fugare, significat non obscure, contumelia affectum fuisse ecclesiastica, seu loco atque ordine sacro, Presbyteri scilicet, hunc scriptorem motum atque dejectum, a romanis Clericis, sic mitius loquitur Hieronymus; ab ipso enim Episcopo Romano id factum esse, Clericorum studiis improbis, facile intelligimus (a). Forte hanc causam postea licet diligentius excutere. Hieronymum per Ecclesiae Presbyterum, intelligere romanae Ecclesiae Presbyterum, vel ex Eusebii illa narratione, Lib. 2. Cap. 2. satis certum est. Ita enim ille de Tertulliano scribit: fuisse eum Τῶν μάλιστα ἐπὶ Ῥώμης λαμπρῶν. Sed et clarissime ipse Tertullianus scribit, Romae se vixisse (b): «Gemmarum quoque nobilitatem vidimus Romae, de fastidio Parthorum et Medorum caeterorumque gentilium suorum coram matronis erubescentem.» Lubet addere hoc loco alias sententias, quae id comprobant, Tertullianum in Ecclesia Romana vixisse Clericum. Huc maxime pertinet ille locus (Tertullian. De Praescript. Cap. 30.): «Ubi tunc Marcion, Ponticus Nauclerus, Stoicae studiosus? ubi tunc Valentinus, Platonicae sectator? Nam constat neque adeo olim fuisse illos Antonini fere principatu, et in catholicam primo doctrinam credidisse apud Ecclesiam Romanensem; donec sub Episcopatu Eleutheri Benedicti, ob inquietam semper eorum curiositatem, qua fratres quoque vitiabant, semel et iterum ejecti. Marcion quidem cum ducentis sestertiis suis, quae Ecclesiae intulerat; novissime in perpetuum discidium relegati, venena doctrinarum suarum disseminarunt. Postmodum Marcion poenitentiam confessus, cum conditioni datae sibi occurrit, ita pacem recepturus, si caeteros quoque, quos perditioni erudisset, Ecclesiae (scil. Romanae) restitueret, morte praeventus est.» Hic satis patet, eum, qui haec tam accurate sciret, fuisse Romae ipsum; fuisse inter Clericos, qui rebus istis sic gestis interfuerant. Nempe si adhuc Romae fuisset, cum hunc librum scripsit, illam sententiam, apud Ecclesiam Romanensem non sic perscripsisset, quasi ipse non sit apud istam Ecclesiam; fuit igitur jam Roma expulsus, et vixit in Africa. Id clarius patet ex capite 36. hujus ejusdem Libri: «Percurre Ecclesias apostolicas — proxima est Achaia. Habes Corinthum — si autem Italiae adjaces, habes Romam; unde nobis quoque auctoritas praesto est. Nempe Africanos describit, latina lingua utentes. — Ista Ecclesia (Romana) — videamus, quid didicerit, quid docuerit, cum Africanis quoque Ecclesiis contesserarit.» Hic est longe clarissimum, scriptorem jam in Africa versari, cum haec scribit; eum igitur antea oportet Romae fuisse, in ista Ecclesia Romanensi, inter Clericos; neque enim scire istas ecclesiasticas interiores res atque historias potuerant alii, quam Clerici. Hujus generis sunt et plurima alia, τοπικά, historica et politica, quae hominem Romae multum versatum inter alios Clericos facile produnt. Haec Semlerus pro Presbyteratu Tertulliani Romano. Dupinius, Schroeckius oppositam propugnant sententiam. Sed, ut mihi videtur, nec horum criticorum sat firma; siquidem unice innititur testimonio Praedestinati auctoris, cujus apud plerosque emunctioris naris criticos, propter innumeros errores, vix ulla est auctoritas. Verum nostra parum interest, an Romae vel Carthagine, vel ut mavult Cl. Jo. Georg. Walchius (Jo. Georg. Walck. Hist. Eccl. Sect. II. Cap. I, pag. 643.), nullius certe Ecclesiae fuerit Presbyter.

Now this Tertullian, since he excelled exceedingly in divine and human letters, was afterwards ordained presbyter; whether of the Roman or the Carthaginian Church, the ancients disagree among themselves, nor do the more recent critics agree. After Ceillier (Rem. Ceillier, vol. 2, Histoire générale des auteurs, p. 376), Semler here defends the common opinion, namely that he was chosen among the presbyters at Rome, on the following weighty reasons (Semler, vol. 5 of the works of Tertullian, Dissertation 1 on Tertullian, § 2, pp. 222–227): "Tertullian, as Jerome writes, remained a presbyter of the Church (the African? or rather the Roman? The Roman, we think, as we shall presently show at more length) until middle age; but afterwards, through the envy and insults of the clergy of the Roman Church (that is, assailed, and expelled from that Church), he fell away into the doctrine of Montanus, etc." This account of Jerome's may well seem to wrap up a history not unknown to him [printed insi], even if he did not care to describe it more wordily and precisely. Unless indeed we suppose that Jerome himself found such things by conjecture from various passages of these writings; for instance from the book Against Praxeas, at the beginning, from whose sentences it could appear that Tertullian too was at Rome at the time when Praxeas, coming to Rome from Asia, told the Roman bishop such things about the Montanists that he decided it was in the interest of the Roman ecclesiastical society that there should be no further dealings with the Montanists. Tertullian certainly writes (Tertullian, Against Praxeas, ch. 1): "The Roman bishop, who was already acknowledging the prophecies of Montanus, Prisca and Maximilla, and in consequence of that acknowledgement was bestowing peace on the churches of Asia and Phrygia, he [Praxeas], by asserting falsehoods about these prophets themselves and their churches, and by defending the authority of his predecessors, compelled both to recall the letters of peace already issued and to desist from his purpose of receiving the gifts. So Praxeas managed two pieces of the devil's business at Rome: he drove out prophecy (that is, the partisans of Montanus, who were going there to the bishop to commend those churches of Asia; among whom without doubt Tertullian himself was one); and he brought in heresy (Tertullian now thinks that the Roman Church itself has fallen into heresy; and so he himself withdrew from it). He put the Paraclete to flight and crucified the Father." He adds clearly a little later: "And us indeed the acknowledgement and defence of the Paraclete afterwards separated from the Psychics." Here, as we think, Tertullian indicates not obscurely that he had previously lived in ecclesiastical communion with these Romans, whom he here calls Psychics. From this passage, then, Jerome could have found, by way of history, that it came about through the envy and insults of the clergy of the Roman Church that Tertullian himself went over to the Montanists; for no semblance of a more exact history survives in other writers to persuade us that Jerome received such things from elsewhere. That "drive out", "put to flight", signifies not obscurely that he was affected with an ecclesiastical insult, that is, that this writer was removed and cast down from his sacred place and order, namely that of presbyter, by the Roman clergy, as Jerome more mildly puts it; for we readily understand that it was done by the Roman bishop himself, through the wicked efforts of the clergy (a). Perhaps this question may later be examined more carefully. That by "presbyter of the Church" Jerome means a presbyter of the Roman Church is certain enough, if only from that account of Eusebius, Book 2, Chapter 2. For he writes thus of Tertullian, that he was "among the most distinguished at Rome". And Tertullian himself writes most clearly that he lived at Rome (b): "We have seen at Rome too the nobility of gems blushing before the matrons at the disdain of the Parthians and Medes and the rest of their countrymen." It is pleasing to add here other sentences that prove this, that Tertullian lived at Rome as a cleric in the Roman Church. To this especially belongs that passage (Tertullian, De Praescriptione, Chapter 30): "Where then was Marcion, the shipmaster of Pontus, the student of Stoicism? Where then was Valentinus, the follower of Platonism? For it is established that they were not so very long ago, about the reign of Antoninus, and that at first they believed in the Catholic doctrine in the Roman Church, until under the episcopate of the blessed Eleutherus, on account of their ever restless curiosity, with which they corrupted the brethren too, they were expelled once and again; Marcion indeed with the two hundred sesterces of his which he had brought into the Church; at last, banished into perpetual separation, they spread abroad the poisons of their doctrines. Afterwards Marcion, having professed penitence, when he agreed to the condition given him, that he would receive peace if he also restored to the Church (that is, the Roman) the rest whom he had trained for perdition, was prevented by death." Here it is clear enough that he who knew these things so exactly was himself at Rome; that he was among the clergy who had been present at these events as they took place. For if he had still been at Rome when he wrote this book, he would not have written that sentence, "in the Roman Church", in such a way, as though he himself were not in that Church; he had therefore already been expelled from Rome and was living in Africa. This appears more clearly from chapter 36 of this same book: "Run through the apostolic churches — Achaia is nearest. You have Corinth — but if you are near Italy, you have Rome, whence authority is at hand for us too. (He is plainly describing the Africans, who use the Latin tongue.) — That Church (the Roman) — let us see what it has learned, what it has taught, what fellowship it has shared with the African churches too." Here it is by far most clear that the writer is already living in Africa when he writes these things; he must therefore previously have been at Rome, in that Roman Church, among the clergy; for none but clerics could have known these inner ecclesiastical affairs and histories. Of this kind are very many other things too, local, historical and political, which readily betray a man much conversant at Rome among other clerics. So much from Semler for Tertullian's Roman presbyterate. Dupin and Schröckh defend the opposite opinion. But, as it seems to me, the opinion of these critics is not firm enough either, since it rests solely on the testimony of the author of the Praedestinatus, who for most critics of keener scent has scarcely any authority, on account of his countless errors. But it matters little to us whether he was presbyter at Rome or at Carthage, or, as the learned Johann Georg Walch prefers (Jo. Georg. Walck [sic], Hist. Eccl., Sect. II, Ch. I, p. 643), certainly of no Church.

(printed under page 53)

Footnotes

(a) ‹anchor: facile intelligimus› · call in col 10062 (within note 2)

Cum Hieronymus istum Catalogum scripserit serius, istam in Romanos clericos sententiam, sine verae historiae luce, ipse scripsisse videtur, ut se ulcisceretur ab eis, quorum maligna judicia, post Damasi mortem, ipse expertus fuerat.

Since Jerome wrote this Catalogue rather late, he seems to have written that judgement against the Roman clergy himself, without the light of true history, to avenge himself on those whose malicious judgements he had himself experienced after the death of Damasus.

(printed under page 53)

(b) ‹anchor: Romae se vixisse› · call in col 10062 (within note 2)

De cultu feminar. libr. 1. cap. 6. His locis jam usus est Ceillier (Histoire générale des auteurs ecclésiastiques, Tome 2. pag. 376) contra Praedestinatum, qui Tertullianum adversus Montanistas scripsisse dicit, presbyterum Carthaginensem.

On the Apparel of Women, book 1, ch. 6. Ceillier has already used these passages (Histoire générale des auteurs ecclésiastiques, vol. 2, p. 376) against the Praedestinatus, which says that Tertullian, a presbyter of Carthage, wrote against the Montanists.

(printed under page 53)

Page

running head: TERTULLIANI VITA. 62
marginal letters: A ‹sive Agrippa episcopo, cujus meminit sub M. Aurel.›; B ‹(footnote) a romanis Clericis, sic mitius loquitur Hieronymus›; C ‹(footnote) intulerat; novissime in perpetuum discidium relegati›; D ‹(footnote) alii, quam Clerici. Hujus generis sunt et plurima alia›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: The author's (editors') text in this column is only the three lines at the top, ending mid-sentence at "Uspergensis" (continued in col. 10063). The rest of the column is foot matter: the continuation of numbered note (2) from col. 10061 ("fautores, qui ibi apud Episcopum ... nullius certe Ecclesiae fuerit Presbyter", with Semler on Tertullian's Roman presbyterate, quoting Adv. Praxeam 1, De praescr. 30 and 36, Eusebius HE II.2 in Greek), and the lettered notes (a) "Cum Hieronymus istum Catalogum scripserit serius..." and (b) "De cultu feminar. libr. 1. cap. 6..."; these are calls from inside note (2). Not set here; to be set in notes/n10062.md (TWO SERIES on this page: numbered and lettered). "Uspergensis" as printed (= Urspergensis); kept, not marked as misprint, uncertain whether intended.

PL 1:63bis

Abbas; inde mihi videtur, quod B. Cyprianus Epist. 70 ad Januar. ex antecessoribus suis Agrippinum fuisse significet, et B. Augustinus lib. 2. contra Donatum cap. 7. ipsum B. Cypriani praedecessorem nuncupet. Maxime cum alia esset ab Africa Aegypti provincia, in qua Alexandrinus ille episcopatum agebat, et B. Cypr. Epist. 71. ad Quintum scribat Agrippinum bonae memoriae virum cum suis coepiscopis (quos etiam antecessores suos nuncupat Epist. 70.), decretum de haereticis baptizandis fecisse. Et vero statim accepto sacerdotio continuisse Auctorem a matrimonii usu pari consensu cum sua conjuge, mihi fit verisimile ex consuetudine Ecclesiae latinae, jam inde a decreto S. Clementis PP. maxime cum propendere eo videantur haec ejus ad Uxorem verba: Ne me putes propter carnis tuae integritatem mihi reservandam de contumeliae dolore suspectum, insinuare jam hinc tibi viduitatis consilium; item: Tempus, inquit, in collecto est; superest ut qui matrimonia habent, tanquam non habentes agant. Quod si habentes, oblitterare debent quod habent, quanto magis non habentes? (Ad Uxor. c. 1. c. 5. et 6.) Certe id multis eo tempore fuisse usitatum ibidem indicat: Quot enim sunt, inquit, qui statim a lavacro carnem suam obsignant? Quot item, qui consensu pariter inter se matrimonii debitum tollunt? Voluntariis spadonibus, pro cupiditate coelesti, salvo matrimonio, abstinentia toleratur (De Bapt. c. 15. l. 1. ad Scap. c. 3.). Jam vero Presbyter factus, potestatis sibi concessae et de absolvendis Poenitentibus, et de sacrificiis offerendis haud immemor, libros DE POENITENTIA ET DE ORATIONE conscripsit, quibus et poenitendi modum tum Catechumenis, tum Christianis Lapsis, et quos ritus servare debeant in sacrificio fideles, praescribit. Possunt etiam in hunc annum rejici scripta, quorum B. Hieron. meminit hodie desiderata: DE CIRCUMCISIONE, DE VESTIBUS AARON, DE MUNDIS ET IMMUNDIS ANIMALIBUS; denique DE TRINITATE; fortassis etiam liber DE BAPTISMO graecus; utpote qui videatur conscriptus post Concilium Agrippini. Nam ejusdem fuisse argumenti Auctor indicat: Sed circa haereticos sane, inquit, quid custodiendum sit, digne quis retractet. Ad nos enim editum est. Haeretici autem nullum habent consortium nostrae disciplinae, etc. Sed de isto plenius jam in Graeco digestum est. Verum de hoc et Agrippini, et ipsius Paradoxo

Abbot; hence it seems to me that Blessed Cyprian, Epist. 70 to Januarius, indicates that Agrippinus was among his predecessors, and Blessed Augustine, book 2 against the Donatists, chap. 7, calls him the predecessor of Blessed Cyprian himself. Especially since the province of Egypt, in which that Alexandrian held the episcopate, was other than Africa, and Blessed Cyprian, Epist. 71 to Quintus, writes that Agrippinus, a man of good memory, with his fellow bishops (whom he also calls his predecessors, Epist. 70), made a decree on the baptizing of heretics. And indeed, that immediately on receiving the priesthood the Author abstained from the use of marriage by equal consent with his wife seems likely to me from the custom of the Latin Church, from the very decree of St Clement, Pope, especially since these words of his to his Wife seem to lean that way: "Do not think that, out of concern for keeping the integrity of your flesh for myself, I am suspicious from the pain of an affront, and so am already from now instilling in you the counsel of widowhood"; again: "The time," he says, "is drawn short; it remains that those who have marriages should act as not having them. But if those who have must blot out what they have, how much more those who do not have?" (Ad Uxor. c. 1. c. 5. et 6.) Certainly he indicates in the same place that this was customary for many at that time: "For how many are there," he says, "who straight from the font seal their flesh? How many, likewise, who by mutual consent between themselves remove the debt of marriage? Abstinence is borne by voluntary eunuchs, out of heavenly desire, with the marriage kept intact" (De Bapt. c. 15. l. 1. ad Scap. c. 3.). Now, having been made a Presbyter, and not unmindful of the power granted to him both of absolving Penitents and of offering sacrifices, he wrote the books ON PENANCE AND ON PRAYER, in which he prescribes the manner of doing penance both for Catechumens and for lapsed Christians, and what rites the faithful ought to observe in the sacrifice. To this year may also be assigned the writings, lost today, which Blessed Jerome mentions: ON CIRCUMCISION, ON THE VESTMENTS OF AARON, ON CLEAN AND UNCLEAN ANIMALS; and lastly ON THE TRINITY; perhaps also the Greek book ON BAPTISM, inasmuch as it seems to have been written after the Council of Agrippinus. For the Author indicates that it was of the same argument: "But as to what is to be observed concerning heretics," he says, "someone may worthily treat it again. For it was published for us. Heretics, however, have no fellowship in our discipline," etc. "But of this it has already been set out more fully in Greek." But concerning this, and the Paradox of Agrippinus and of him himself

Editors' notes and page, col. 63bis

Footnotes

(1) ‹anchor: ad Scap. c. 3.)› · call in col 10063

Tertulliani Matrimonium supra dubitationem positum est. Rem conficiunt, uti jam diximus, libri ejus ad uxorem, usque ad hanc aetatem conservati. An autem Sacerdotali munere fungeretur eo tempore, quo ad continentiam in viduitate servandam iis libris uxorem hortatus est, inter se scriptores dissident. A maritali autem officio eum tunc omnino non abhorruisse, haec verba indicant: Facultatem continentiae, quantum possumus, diligamus: quam primum obvenerit, imbibamus, ut quod in Matrimonio non valuimus, in viduitate sectemur (l. I. ad Uxorem. c. 7.). Et sane non [di]xisset: quod in matrimonio non valuimus, si perpetuam in eo continentiam sibi injunxisset, ut bene observat Cl. Samuel Basnagius (Annal. politico-eccles., t. II. p. 215.). Quare continentiae vinculis, tunc temporis Presbyteros nondum adstrictos fuisse, nonnulli contendunt: sed quamvis id verum esset, quod adhuc non constat; inaniter tamen Tertulliani exemplo cum Dallaeo Novatores triumpharent, catholicae Ecclesiae insultantes, quod Sacerdotibus continentiam praecipiat. Nam cum moribus magis, et usu, quam legibus continentiae disciplina inducta fuerit, uno, aut altero ejus aetatis exemplo nullatenus impugnatur.

Tertullian's marriage is placed beyond doubt. His books To His Wife, preserved down to our own age, settle the matter, as we have already said. But whether he was exercising the priestly office at the time when in those books he exhorted his wife to keep continence in widowhood, writers disagree among themselves. That he was not at all averse at that time to the duty of a husband these words show: "Let us love the opportunity of continence as far as we can; as soon as it comes, let us drink it in, so that what we could not achieve in marriage we may pursue in widowhood" (bk. I To His Wife, ch. 7). And surely he would not have said "what we could not achieve in marriage" if he had laid perpetual continence upon himself within it, as the learned Samuel Basnage rightly observes (Annales politico-ecclesiastici, vol. II, p. 215). Hence some contend that at that time presbyters were not yet bound by the bonds of continence; but even if that were true, which is not yet established, the innovators, with Daillé, would still triumph in vain on Tertullian's example, insulting the Catholic Church because she enjoins continence on priests. For since the discipline of continence was introduced by custom and usage rather than by laws, it is in no way overthrown by one or two examples from that age.

(printed under page 54)

Page

running head: 63 TERTULLIANI VITA.
marginal letters: A ‹Abbas; inde mihi videtur, quod B. Cyprianus Epist.›; B ‹propter carnis tuae integritatem mihi reservandam de›; C ‹mor, libros DE POENITENTIA ET DE ORATIONE conscrip-›; D ‹(footnote 1) Tertulliani Matrimonium supra dubitationem positum›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PL 1:64bis

inter Prolegomena latius. Porro hoc anno etiam oportet contigisse, quod scripsit lib. ad Scapulam anno seq. Caeterum et imbre anni praeteriti, quid commeruerit genus humanum apparuit; cataclysmum scilicet et retro fuisse propter incredulitates et iniquitates hominum. Fortassis et illud: Et ignes qui super moenia Carthaginis proxime pependerunt per noctem, quid minati sint, sciunt qui viderunt, et pristina tonitrua quid sonarint, sciunt qui obduruerunt. Omnia haec signa sunt imminentis irae Dei, quam necesse est, quoquo modo possumus, ut et annuntiemus et praedicemus, et deprecemur localem esse. Universalem enim et supremam suo tempore sentient, qui exempla ejus aliter interpretantur.

more fully among the Prolegomena. Further, there must also have happened in this year what he wrote in the book to Scapula in the following year: "For the rest, by the rain of the past year too it appeared what the human race has deserved; namely, that there was a deluge in former times also because of the unbelief and iniquities of men." Perhaps also this: "And the fires which lately hung over the walls of Carthage by night, what they threatened, those who saw them know; and what the former thunders sounded, those who were hardened know. All these are signs of the imminent wrath of God, which we must, in whatever way we can, both announce and proclaim, and pray that it may be local. For the universal and supreme wrath they will feel in its own time, who interpret its examples otherwise."

Anno Domini CCII.

The Year of the Lord CCII.

§ XI. De aliis bona fide scriptis ad Scapulam, ad martyras, de Patientia, de Praescriptionibus adversus haereticos. — 19. L. ANNIO FABIANO, ET M. NONIO M. F. MUTIANO COSS. S. Zephyrini Pontificis Romani anno III. Severi Imper. IX. quum Scapula vir Consularis Ordinis, Praeses Carthaginis, et proinde Africae Proconsul, nondum adhuc decreta ab Imperatore persecutione, imo fortassis Romae prohibita, crudelius tamen caeteris Carthagine grassaretur in Christianos, librum AD SCAPULAM scripsit TERTULLIANUS (Ad Scap. c. 2. Ibid. c. 3. Ibid. c. 4.). In quo imprimis benevolentiam captat a Christianorum innocentia, et non solum oratione, sed et sacrificiis suis pro salute Imperatoris, ex quo jam Presbyterum fuisse constat. Deinde sanguinis Christiani effusioni imputat portenta ejus temporis et exitium Byzantinum, quorum ante mentionem fecimus, et exempla punitionis affert, tum Valgii Saturnini, Hilariani, et ipsius Scapulae in Africa; tum Claudii Herminiani in Cappadocia, Persecutorum fidei Christianae. Post haec hortatur ad dissimulationem ab hujusmodi causis, exemplis tum Severi et Antonini Impp. supra adductis, M. Aurel. Imp. in expeditione Germanica; tum Praesidum et Proconsulum Servilii Prudentis sub Antonino Vero Imp. Vespronii Candidi sub Imp. Commodo, Cincii Severi, qui postmodum a Severo Imp. interfectus est, Apri quoque et Arii Antonini (hic a Lampridio Arius, ab aliis Brusius Praeses appellatur) qui sub Anton. Imper. Consules fuerunt. Denique conqueritur quod, quum a primordio mandatum sit gladio tenus animadverti, et id observaretur a Praesidibus Legionis et Mauritaniae, jussu ipsius Scapulae etiam cremarentur Christiani. Quo pertinet et illud Apolog. Sarmentitios et Semaxios appellatis, quia ad stipitem dimidii axis revincti sarmentorum ambitu exurimur. Ubi etiam recenset illud damnationis genus, quod ad Lenonem damnata fuit Christ. potius quam ad leonem (Apol. cap. ult.). Idem libro AD MARTYRAS in carcere constitutos, quem eadem tempestate conscripsit, praeter gladium et summam ignium poenam, addit etiam: trucem rabiem bestiarum, et omne carnificis ingenium in tormentis (Lib. ad Mart. c. 4.). Ubi etiam meminit consuetudinis, qua

§ XI. On the other writings, in good faith, to Scapula, to the martyrs, on Patience, on the Prescriptions against heretics. — 19. L. ANNIUS FABIANUS AND M. NONIUS MUTIANUS, SON OF MARCUS, CONSULS, in the III year of St Zephyrinus, Roman Pontiff, and the IX of the Emperor Severus: when Scapula, a man of Consular Rank, Governor of Carthage and therefore Proconsul of Africa, though no persecution had yet been decreed by the Emperor, and indeed perhaps it had been forbidden at Rome, nevertheless raged against the Christians at Carthage more cruelly than the rest, TERTULLIAN wrote the book TO SCAPULA (Ad Scap. c. 2. Ibid. c. 3. Ibid. c. 4.). In it he first seeks goodwill from the innocence of the Christians, and from their offering not only prayer but also their sacrifices for the Emperor's welfare, from which it is clear that he was already a Presbyter. Next he lays to the charge of the shedding of Christian blood the portents of that time and the destruction of Byzantium, which we mentioned before, and brings examples of punishment, both of Vigellius Saturninus, Hilarianus and Scapula himself in Africa, and of Claudius Herminianus in Cappadocia, persecutors of the Christian faith. After this he exhorts him to look the other way in causes of this kind, by the examples both of the Emperors Severus and Antoninus, adduced above, and of the Emperor M. Aurelius in the German expedition; and of the Governors and Proconsuls Servilius Prudens under the Emperor Antoninus Verus, Vespronius Candidus under the Emperor Commodus, Cincius Severus, who was afterwards killed by the Emperor Severus, and also Asper and Arrius Antoninus (the latter is called Arius by Lampridius, by others Governor Brusius), who were Consuls under the Emperor Antoninus. Finally he complains that, although from the beginning it had been commanded that punishment should go no further than the sword, and this was observed by the Governors of Legio and of Mauretania, by order of Scapula himself Christians were even burned. To this belongs also that passage of the Apology: "You call us faggot-men and half-axle-men, because, bound to a stake of half an axle, we are burned with a ring of faggots." There too he recounts that kind of condemnation by which a Christian woman was condemned to the pander rather than to the lion (Apol. cap. ult.). In the book TO THE MARTYRS set in prison, which he wrote at the same time, the same author, besides "the sword and the supreme penalty of fire," adds also: "the savage fury of beasts, and every device of the executioner in tortures" (Lib. ad Mart. c. 4.). There too he mentions the custom by which

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running head: TERTULLIANI VITA. 64
marginal letters: A ‹inter Prolegomena latius. Porro hoc anno etiam opor-›; B ‹§ XI. De aliis bona fide scriptis ad Scapulam,›; C ‹Deinde sanguinis Christiani effusioni imputat por-›; D ‹Denique conqueritur quod, quum a primordio manda-›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: No foot notes under this column. "anno III." for Zephyrinus as printed (small-cap numeral read III; col. 10061 also gives III for the year before; UNSURE whether IIII was meant or printed). "Valgii" as printed; English renders the governor's usual name Vigellius, UNSURE whether to keep "Valgius". "Apri" taken as Asper. "interfectus est" followed by a blotched point, read as a comma. The section caption "§ XI. De aliis ... adversus haereticos." runs on into the text in one printed paragraph and is kept with it.

PL 1:65bis

pacem in Ecclesia non habentes, utpote lapsi, a Martyribus in carcere exorare consueverunt (c. I.), quam etsi sub finem vitae jam haereticus non probet, in Ecclesia permansit usque ad B. Cypriani tempora, juxta quod tractavimus in Vita illius latius. Eadem omnia Martyrum supplicia repetit libro DE PATIENTIA (L. de Patient. c. 13. l. ad Scap. c. 3., l. de haer. mult. c. 7.), quem etiam hujus persecutionis occasione conscripsit. Ubi fugam quoque in persecutione patientiae bono imputat, atque adeo nondum Montanistis addictus fuit, ex quorum sententia librum de Fuga in persecutione contrarium postea, sed frustra scripsit. Et vero sub Scapula damnatum fuisse ad bestias S. Manilium Adrumeticum, disertis verbis attestatur Auctor. Porro Romae hoc anno fuisse Auctorem ex illis verbis apparet: Gemmarum quoque nobilitatem vidimus Romae, de fastidio Parthorum et Medorum, caeterorumque gentilium suorum coram matronis erubescentem, nisi quod nec ad ostensionem fere habentur. Latent in singulis smaragdi, et cylindros vaginae suae solus gladius sub sinu novit, et in peronibus uniones emergere de luto cupiunt. Quod factum interpretamur in triumpho Severi Imper. de quo in Fastos Consulares hujus anni sic relatum invenimus: IMP. CAES. L. SEPTIMIUS M. F. SEVERUS, PIUS, PERT. AUG. ARABICUS, ADIABENICUS, PARTHICUS, MAXIMUS, PONT. MAX. TRIB. POT. VIII. COS. II. P. P. PROCOS. IMP. XI. ET IMP. CAES. M. AURELIUS, SEV. AUG. F. ANTONINUS, PIUS FELIX, AUG. TRIB. POT. III. COS. DESIGNATUS IMP. UNA DE ARABIBUS, PARTHEIS, ADIBENEIS Q. ET REGE ARTBANO, TRIUMPHARUNT. Cujus triumphi etiam meminerunt Spartianus et Herodianus. Facit pro hac nostra sententia, quod etiam morem in Triumphis usitatum describat Auctor tanquam testis oculatus: Hominem, inquit, se esse etiam triumphans in illo sublimissimo curru, admonetur. Suggeritur enim ei a tergo: Respice post te, hominem te memento (L. Apol. c. 33.).

those who did not have peace in the Church, being lapsed, were accustomed to beg it from the Martyrs in prison (c. I), a custom which, although at the end of his life, now a heretic, he does not approve, remained in the Church until the times of Blessed Cyprian, as we treated more fully in his Life. All the same punishments of the Martyrs he repeats in the book ON PATIENCE (L. de Patient. c. 13. l. ad Scap. c. 3., l. de haer. mult. c. 7.), which he also wrote on the occasion of this persecution. There he also credits flight in persecution to the good of patience, and so he was not yet given over to the Montanists, in accordance with whose opinion he afterwards wrote, though in vain, the contrary book On Flight in Persecution. And indeed the Author attests in express words that St Manilius of Hadrumetum was condemned to the beasts under Scapula. Further, that the Author was at Rome in this year appears from these words: "We have also seen at Rome the nobility of gems blushing before the matrons at the disdain of the Parthians and Medes and the rest of their countrymen, except that they are hardly kept even for display. Emeralds lie hidden in their belts, and only the sword under the fold knows the cylinders of its scabbard, and pearls on their boots long to emerge from the mud." This we interpret as having happened at the triumph of the Emperor Severus, of which we find it thus recorded in the Consular Fasti of this year: THE EMPEROR CAESAR L. SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS, SON OF MARCUS, PIUS, PERTINAX, AUGUSTUS, ARABICUS, ADIABENICUS, PARTHICUS, MAXIMUS, PONTIFEX MAXIMUS, IN THE VIII YEAR OF TRIBUNICIAN POWER, CONSUL II, FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY, PROCONSUL, IMPERATOR XI, AND THE EMPEROR CAESAR M. AURELIUS ANTONINUS, SON OF SEVERUS AUGUSTUS, PIUS FELIX, AUGUSTUS, IN THE III YEAR OF TRIBUNICIAN POWER, CONSUL DESIGNATE, IMPERATOR, TRIUMPHED TOGETHER OVER THE ARABS, THE PARTHIANS AND THE ADIABENI, AND OVER KING ARTABANUS. This triumph Spartianus and Herodian also mention. In favour of this opinion of ours is the fact that the Author also describes the custom used in Triumphs as an eyewitness: "Even in triumph," he says, "on that most lofty chariot, he is reminded that he is a man. For it is suggested to him from behind: Look behind you, remember that you are a man" (L. Apol. c. 33.).

Anno Domini CCIII.

The Year of the Lord CCIII.

20. IMP. CAES. L. SEPT. M. F. ARAB. ADIAB. PART. III. ET IMP. CAES. M. AUREL. SEV. AUG. F. ANTONIN. AUG. COS. Sancti Zephyrini Papae Romani anno IV. ipsius Severi Imper. X. aut certe praecedenti, jam grassantibus non solum antiquis, sed et recentioribus aliquot haeresibus vel in ipsa Africa, edidit TERTULLIANUS vere aureum illud opus DE PRAESCRIPT. ADVERS. HAERETICOS, utpote quod ante alios omnes scriptum ejusdem argumenti libros, ex his Auctoris verbis constat: Sed nunc quidem generaliter actum est a nobis adversus haereseis omneis, certis et justis et necessariis praescriptionibus repellendas a collatione scripturarum. De reliquo, si Dei gratia annuerit, etiam specialiter quibusdam respondebimus, (L. de Praescr. adv. haer. c. 45. n. 293 et 294.). In eo sub finem Catalogum haereticorum recenset, qui ad id temporis Ecclesiam dilacerarunt, Beatum Irenaeum

20. THE EMPEROR CAESAR L. SEPTIMIUS [SEVERUS], SON OF MARCUS, ARABICUS, ADIABENICUS, PARTHICUS, [CONSUL] III, AND THE EMPEROR CAESAR M. AURELIUS ANTONINUS AUGUSTUS, SON OF SEVERUS AUGUSTUS, CONSULS. In the IV year of St Zephyrinus, Roman Pope, the X of the Emperor Severus himself, or at any rate in the preceding one, when not only ancient but also some more recent heresies were already raging even in Africa itself, TERTULLIAN published that truly golden work ON THE PRESCRIPTION AGAINST HERETICS, which, as is clear from these words of the Author, was written before all the other books of the same argument: "But now indeed we have dealt in general against all heresies, which are to be driven from the comparison of the scriptures by sure and just and necessary prescriptions. For the rest, if the grace of God permits, we shall also answer certain of them specifically" (L. de Praescr. adv. haer. c. 45. n. 293 et 294.). In it, towards the end, he goes through a Catalogue of the heretics who up to that time had torn the Church apart, Blessed Irenaeus

Editors' notes and page, col. 65bis

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running head: 65 TERTULLIANI VITA.
marginal letters: A ‹pacem in Ecclesia non habentes, ut pote lapsi, a›; B ‹fuisse Auctorem ex illis verbis apparet: Gemmarum›; C ‹COS. DESIGNATUS IMP. UNA DE ARABIBUS,›; D ‹Romani anno IV. ipsius Severi Imper. X. aut certe›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: No foot notes under this column. "ut pote" printed with a space across the line; set "utpote". "P. P. PROCOS." first letter of PROCOS damaged, read as P. "(c. I.)" with small-cap numeral. In the inscription "Q." is the enclitic -que. The English of the 1844 consular formula "PART. III." supplies [CONSUL] as the sense; UNSURE.

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imitatus, quanquam ordine temporum non satis observato, quem nos adeo, quantum fieri potuit, expressimus. Imprimis Judaismi I. haereticorum genera quatuor, Dositheum Samaritanum, Sadducaeos, Pharisaeos et Herodianos. Deinde eos 2. qui ex Evangelio haeretici esse voluerunt (C. 46. haer. 1. 2. 5. 10. et 11), in universum numero XXV. Simonem Magum, Menandrum, Nicolaum, Cerinthum et Hebionem (C. 46. haer. 3. et 4. et cap. 47. haer. 6. 7. 8. et c. 48. haer. 6.), qui sub Apostolis suas sparserunt haereseis, atque adeo sub Tiberio, Claudio, Nerone, et Trajano. Item 3. Saturninum et Basilidem, Ophitas, Caineos, Sethoitas, et Carpocratem, sub Apostolorum discipulis usque ad Hadrianum Imperatorem. 4. Valentinum deinceps, ejusque asseclas Ptolomaeum ac Secundum, Heracleonem, et Marcum ac Colorbasum, quorum coryphaeum illum in Catholicam primo doctrinam apud Romanenses credidisse sub Hygino Papa, Antonini fere Principatu tradit Auctor, et sub Episcopatu Eleutheri ob inquietam semper curiositatem, una cum Marcione semel et iterum ejectum esse ab Ecclesia (Ibid. c. 30. c. 49. haer. 12. 13. 14. 50. haer. 13. Ibid. c. 51. haer. 16. 17. 18. et 19. 6. Ibid. c. 52. haer. 20. 7. Ib. haer. 21. c. 53. haer. 22. 23. 24. ac 25. 9. Ib. c. 3. 10. Ib. c. 30. de Spect. c. 27. Ibid. l. de Idol. c. 23.); sectatores vero ejus sub Piis Pont. et Imper. 5. Cerdonem deinde ejusque discentem Marcionem, illiusque ex discipulis magistros Lucanum et Appellem, quorum prior cum Valentino coepit, Marcion et alii sub Aniceto, Sotere, et Eleuthero, Imperantibus Pio et Aurelio. 6. Tatianum post haec, quem etiam scholam suam erexisse scribit Clemens Alexand. sub annum XII. Antonini Pii. Quid? quod Cataphrygas quoque, in quorum haeresim postea incautus incidit, haereticos nominatim appellet, 7. quorum quidam dicuntur κατὰ Proclum (de quo infra latius), alii secundum Aeschinem, quibus non modo haeresim, sed et blasphemiam impingit, qua in Apostolis dicebant Spiritum sanctum fuisse; Paracletum non fuisse, et Paracletum plura, meliora atque majora in Montano dixisse, quam Christum in Evangelio protulisse, de cujus temporibus mox latius 8. Blastum denique, de quo supra; Theodotum Byzantium ac Theodotum Coriarium Melchisedechianum sub S. Victore Pontifice, et Commodo Imperatore, et Praxeam de quo postea, ac Victorium qui illius haeresin corroborare conatus est. Fit eodem lib. etiam mentio ex Apost. Paulo aliorum haereticorum, nempe 9. Phygelli et Hermogenis, Hymenaei et Phileti. Item 10. Nigidii, nescio cujus, et Hermogenis. Sed de hoc quoque paulo post latius. Porro ad eodem anno indictam persecutionem Christianorum a Severo Imp. alludit Auctor in haec verba de Amphitheatro loquens: 12. Illic quotidiani in nos leones expostulantur, inde persecutiones decernuntur, inde tentationes emittuntur. Item illud: Scire volunt scilicet tempus persecutionis, et locum tribunalis, et personam praesidis. Aliaque complura in lib. quos infra recensebimus. Hic duntaxat probavimus, non in annum VII. aut XI. sed in

following, although without sufficiently observing the order of times, which we have accordingly set out as far as could be done. First, I. the four kinds of heretics of Judaism: Dositheus the Samaritan, the Sadducees, the Pharisees and the Herodians. Then 2. those who chose to be heretics from the Gospel (C. 46. haer. 1. 2. 5. 10. et 11), XXV in number in all: Simon Magus, Menander, Nicolaus, Cerinthus and Ebion (C. 46. haer. 3. et 4. et cap. 47. haer. 6. 7. 8. et c. 48. haer. 6.), who spread their heresies under the Apostles, and so under Tiberius, Claudius, Nero and Trajan. Likewise 3. Saturninus and Basilides, the Ophites, the Cainites, the Sethoites, and Carpocrates, under the disciples of the Apostles up to the Emperor Hadrian. 4. Next Valentinus and his followers Ptolemy and Secundus, Heracleon, and Marcus and Colorbasus; the Author relates that their chief at first believed in the Catholic doctrine among the Romans under Pope Hyginus, about the Principate of Antoninus, and that under the Episcopate of Eleutherus, because of his ever restless curiosity, he was cast out of the Church once and again together with Marcion (Ibid. c. 30. c. 49. haer. 12. 13. 14. 50. haer. 13. Ibid. c. 51. haer. 16. 17. 18. et 19. 6. Ibid. c. 52. haer. 20. 7. Ib. haer. 21. c. 53. haer. 22. 23. 24. ac 25. 9. Ib. c. 3. 10. Ib. c. 30. de Spect. c. 27. Ibid. l. de Idol. c. 23.); and his followers under the Pontiffs and Emperors called Pius. 5. Then Cerdo and his pupil Marcion, and from among the latter's disciples the masters Lucanus and Apelles, of whom the former began with Valentinus, Marcion and the others under Anicetus, Soter and Eleutherus, while Pius and Aurelius reigned. 6. After these Tatian, who, Clement of Alexandria writes, also set up his school about the XII year of Antoninus Pius. What of the fact that he also calls by name as heretics the Cataphrygians, into whose heresy he afterwards incautiously fell? 7. Of these some are called "after Proclus" (of whom more fully below), others "after Aeschines", on whom he fastens not only heresy but also blasphemy, in that they said that the Holy Spirit was in the Apostles, but not the Paraclete, and that the Paraclete said more, better and greater things in Montanus than Christ put forth in the Gospel; of whose times more fully presently. 8. Lastly Blastus, of whom above; Theodotus of Byzantium and Theodotus the Tanner, the Melchizedekian, under St Victor, Pontiff, and Commodus, Emperor; and Praxeas, of whom later, and Victorinus, who tried to strengthen his heresy. In the same book mention is also made, from the Apostle Paul, of other heretics, namely 9. Phygelus and Hermogenes, Hymenaeus and Philetus. Likewise 10. Nigidius, I know not who, and Hermogenes. But of him too more fully a little later. Further, the Author alludes to the persecution of the Christians proclaimed by the Emperor Severus in the same year, speaking of the Amphitheatre in these words: 12. "There daily lions are demanded against us, from there persecutions are decreed, from there trials are sent out." Likewise this: "They wish, of course, to know the time of the persecution, and the place of the tribunal, and the person of the governor." And many other things in the books which we shall review below. Here we have only proved that not in the VII or XI year, but in

Editors' notes and page, col. 66bis

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running head: TERTULLIANI VITA. 66
marginal letters: A ‹imitatus, quanquam ordine temporum non satis›; B ‹Heracleonem, et Marcum ac Colorbasum, quorum›; C ‹rantibus Pio et Aurelio. 6. Tatianum post haec, quem›; D ‹postea, ac Victorium qui illius haeresin corroborare›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: No foot notes under this column. The arabic numerals 2.–12. and the small-cap "I." in the running text are printed in the text (Pamelius's own enumeration keyed to the reference parenthesis) and are kept; no 11. is printed. "Victorium" as printed (English gives Victorinus, the usual name; UNSURE). "ad eodem anno" as printed (probably for "ab eodem" or "eodem"); not marked a misprint. "Hebionem", "Ptolomaeum", "Caineos" as printed.

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hunc potius X. imperii Severi annum referendum dictae persecutionis initium. Imprimis B. Hieron. Cat. Script. Eccles. in Origene et post eum Sophronius ac Nicephorus Graecus scribunt, X. Severi Pertinacis anno adversus Christianos persecutione commota, Leonidem ipsius Patrem, Christi martyrio coronatum; ille vero inter primos martyras recensetur ab Eusebio hist. Eccles. lib. 5. qui Alexandriae, ubi maxime persecutio abundat, passi sunt. Deinde Judas ad hunc usque annum Chronographiam perduxit; quod instare putaret adventum Antichristi ob hanc persecutionem gravissimam. Denique disertis verbis Spartianus significat, non nisi post Consulatum cum filio in Syria initum (qui in hunc annum incidit) Alexandriam profectum, peregrinatione ea suscepta propter religionem Dei Serapidis: in quo (inquit) itinere, Judaeos fieri sub gravi poena vetuit; idem etiam de Christianis sanxit. Qua persecutione passi sunt quam plurimi martyres Alexandriae sub Laeto praefecto; ac in Aegypto, Libya et Thebaide sub Aquila tyranno, in Galliis denique SS. Irenaeus, Andeolus, Benignus, Andochianus, et Tyrsus. Porro ad hunc annum referunt plerique inscriptionem illam: M. AGRIPPA L. F. COS. III. FECIT, IMP. CAES. M. AUR. ANTON. COS. PANTHEON. VETUSTATE CORRUPTUM CUM OMNI CULTU RESTITUERUNT. Quod nunc adducendum putavimus ad memoriam Ecclesiae.

this X year of the reign of Severus, rather, the beginning of the said persecution is to be assigned. First, Blessed Jerome in the Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers, under Origen, and after him Sophronius and the Greek Nicephorus write that, a persecution having been stirred up against the Christians in the X year of Severus Pertinax, Leonides, Origen's Father, was crowned with the martyrdom of Christ; and he is reckoned by Eusebius, Eccl. Hist. book 5, among the first of the martyrs who suffered at Alexandria, where the persecution most abounded. Next, Judas brought his Chronography down to this very year, because he thought the coming of Antichrist was at hand on account of this most grievous persecution. Finally, Spartianus indicates in express words that it was only after the Consulate entered upon with his son in Syria (which falls in this year) that he set out for Alexandria, undertaking that journey on account of the worship of the god Serapis: "on which journey," he says, "he forbade under heavy penalty that anyone become a Jew; he decreed the same also concerning the Christians." In this persecution very many martyrs suffered at Alexandria under Laetus the prefect, and in Egypt, Libya and the Thebaid under Aquila the tyrant; in the Gauls, finally, Saints Irenaeus, Andeolus, Benignus, Andochius and Thyrsus. Further, most refer to this year that inscription: M. AGRIPPA, SON OF LUCIUS, CONSUL III, MADE IT; THE EMPEROR CAESAR [SEVERUS AND THE EMPEROR CAESAR] M. AURELIUS ANTONINUS, CONSULS, RESTORED THE PANTHEON, DECAYED WITH AGE, WITH ALL ITS ADORNMENT. This we have thought fit to adduce now for the memory of the Church.

Anno Domini CCIV.

The Year of the Lord CCIV.

§ XII. De Baptismo adversus Quintillam. — 21. P. SEPTIMIO M. F. GETA, ET L. SEPTIMIO PLAUTIANO II. COSS. S. Zephyrini Pontificis Romani anno V. Severi Imper. XI. etsi persecutione jam vigente, non tamen destitit TERTULLIANUS a scribendis adversus haereseis libris. Inter quos primo loco collocandum censemus DE BAPTISMO ADVERSUS QUINTILLAM, utpote quem scriptum constat antequam aliquo modo ad haeresim propendere coepisset, ex eo quod factionis fuerit Montanistarum Quintilla, a qua dictos Quintillianos ex Epiphanio illic deduximus. An aliud quid adversus Montanum ipsum scripserit Auctor, non aeque probari potest, sed verisimile fit, tum ex illius B. Augustini verbis lib. de haeres: Ad Cataphrygas transiit, quos ante destruxit, tum maxime ex Niceph. lib. 4. cap. 34. qui tradit Auctorem ad statam mediamque aetatem in Ecclesia Catholica Presbyterum plura adversus Montani dogma conscripsisse, postea vero in illius delapsum errorem, plures rursus libros pro illo composuisse. Qui quum Montani haereseos historiam lib. ejusdem c. 18. 20. 22. 23. 24. et 25. late tractet, ex Apollinari Hierapolitano, Rhodone, Miltiade, Serapione et Apollonio, qui adversus illum scriptis suis disputarent, secutus Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 3. 4. 14. 15. 16. 17. et 18. nos (praeter ea quae ad lib. de Praescript. advers. haeret. annotavimus) eam, uti promissis satisfaciamus, in compendium hic redigendam putavimus (Lib. de Baptis. n. 2.).

§ XII. On Baptism against Quintilla. — 21. P. SEPTIMIUS GETA, SON OF MARCUS, AND L. SEPTIMIUS PLAUTIANUS FOR THE II TIME, CONSULS. In the V year of St Zephyrinus, Roman Pontiff, and the XI of the Emperor Severus, although the persecution was already in force, TERTULLIAN nevertheless did not cease from writing books against the heresies. Among them we judge that the first place should be given to ON BAPTISM AGAINST QUINTILLA, inasmuch as it is clear that it was written before he had begun in any way to lean towards heresy, from the fact that Quintilla was of the faction of the Montanists, from whom, following Epiphanius, we derived there the name Quintillians. Whether the Author wrote anything else against Montanus himself cannot be proved as well, but it becomes likely, both from those words of Blessed Augustine in the book on heresies: "He passed over to the Cataphrygians, whom he had earlier destroyed," and most of all from Nicephorus, book 4, chap. 34, who relates that the Author, at his settled and middle age, a Presbyter in the Catholic Church, wrote much against the doctrine of Montanus, but afterwards, having fallen into his error, composed again more books in its favour. Since he treats at length the history of the heresy of Montanus in book [4] of the same, c. 18, 20, 22, 23, 24 and 25, from Apollinaris of Hierapolis, Rhodo, Miltiades, Serapion and Apollonius, who disputed against him in their writings, following Euseb. book 5, chap. 3, 4, 14, 15, 16, 17 and 18, we (besides what we have noted on the book on the Prescription against heretics) have thought fit, so as to fulfil our promises, to reduce it here to a summary (Lib. de Baptis. n. 2.).

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running head: 67 TERTULLIANI VITA.
marginal letters: A ‹hunc potius X. imperii Severi annum referendum›; B ‹propter religionem Dei Serapidis: in quo (inquit)›; C ‹§ XII. De Baptismo adversus Quintillam. — 21. P.›; D ‹destruxit, tum maxime ex Niceph. lib. 4. cap. 34.›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: No foot notes under this column. The Pantheon inscription is printed as given, without the name of Severus; the English supplies the usual reading in brackets, UNSURE whether to keep that supplement. "Andochianus" as printed (English Andochius). "lib. ejusdem" rendered "book [4] of the same" (i.e. Nicephorus).

PL 1:68bis

Excursus fit in Montanismum quem scriptis primo lacessit TERTULLIANUS. — 22. Pagus quidam esse dicitur in Mysia Phrygiae, quae nuncupatur Ardabam, ubi ferunt quemdam Montanum nomine (Lib. de Praescr. adv. haer. c. 52. haer. 21), qui nuper ad fidem venerat, Grato tum Proconsule Asiae, primum insatiabili quadam animi cupiditate in primatu ambiendo incensum, simul atque aditum diabolo ad se patefecerat, spiritu quodam maligno abreptum, et de repente furore et mentis insania exagitatum, peregrinas quasdam voces fundere, et contra quam Ecclesiae consuetudo ex traditione et successione Apostolorum derivata postulabat prophetare coepisse. Quas etsi adulterinas voces quidam agnoscentes, ne deinceps ita garriret, increparent, inter quos Episcopi Zoticus Comanae sive Ostrenus, et Julianus Apameae, et Martyres quoque Gajus et Alexander cum illo sensu ejusque insanis vatibus Maximilla et Priscilla, quas antea meretrices eodem spiritu daemon impleverat, ad extremum usque spiritum communicare recusarent: pauci tamen ex Phrygibus illi coeperunt adhaerere, et Theodotus ille, de quo supra, ejus commentitiae Prophetiae quasi procurationem suscepit. Qui inde in Galatiam, Pontum et Asiam, progressi, etiam Alexandrum quemdam sibi adjunxerunt convivio familiariter a Maximilla excipi solitum, Alcibiadem quemdam et Themisionem, qui falso se confessores et Martyras Christi jactitabant. Idque (vel B. Hieron. cum illis consentiente) sub Imperio M. Aurelii Imperatoris initio Pontificatus S. Eleutherii. Nam ad hunc ex Galliis litteras tulerat B. Irenaeus, a Lugdunensibus cum litteris S. Attali, aliorumque Martyrum tum adhuc carcere conclusorum, in Asiam et Phrygiam missus, uti judicium Ecclesiae Gallicanae de Pseudoprophetia illorum eo perferret. Idem etiam, mea quidem sententia, Romanus Episcopus litteras pacis, praedecessorum suorum auctoritate nixus, illis recusavit (Tom. 3. lib. ad Praxeam. c. 1.). An ad hoc cooperatus fuerit Praxeas tunc adhuc Catholicus, penes auctorem fides esto. Certe non solum Romae et in Galliis Episcopi, sed etiam qui Asiam incolebant saepenumero et multis in locis in unum convenientes, Prophetiam illorum falsam explorarunt, detestabilem ostenderunt, et Montanistas communione privarunt. Et vero Montanus insanaeque ejus prophetides in Judae mortem suspendio interierunt, non Martyrio; et Alexander ille Ephesi ab Aemilio Frontino Proconsule propter latrocinia in judicio condemnatus, quum falso se Martyrem praetexuisset, ne a suis quidem, qui latro, receptus est. Denique Theodotus ille sublimis in coelum a daemone elatus, Simonis Magi instar, de repente praeceps delapsus, ita misere vitam finiit. Atqui de erroribus Montani, in quos postea Auctor incidit, inter paradoxa ejus latius. Porro hoc anno ante Kalendas Junias, ad quas incipiebat annus XI. Severi censeo accidisse quod scribit Auctor: Agonas istos, contentiosa solemnia et superstitiosa certamina Graecarum et religionum et voluptatum quanta gratia

A digression is made on Montanism, which TERTULLIAN first assailed in his writings. — 22. There is said to be a village in the Mysia of Phrygia which is called Ardabau, where they say that a certain man named Montanus (Lib. de Praescr. adv. haer. c. 52. haer. 21), who had lately come to the faith, Gratus being then Proconsul of Asia, first inflamed by a certain insatiable greed of mind in seeking pre-eminence, as soon as he had opened an entrance to himself to the devil, was carried away by a certain evil spirit and, suddenly agitated by frenzy and madness of mind, began to pour out strange utterances and to prophesy contrary to what the custom of the Church, derived from the tradition and succession of the Apostles, required. Although some, recognizing these utterances as spurious, rebuked him so that he should not babble so thereafter, among them the Bishops Zoticus of Comana or Otrous and Julian of Apamea, and also the Martyrs Gaius and Alexander, who refused to the very last breath to hold communion with that mind and with his mad prophetesses Maximilla and Priscilla, harlots whom the demon had earlier filled with the same spirit: yet a few of the Phrygians began to cleave to him, and that Theodotus, of whom above, undertook as it were the management of his fabricated Prophecy. These, going on from there into Galatia, Pontus and Asia, also joined to themselves a certain Alexander, who was accustomed to be received familiarly at table by Maximilla, a certain Alcibiades and Themiso, who falsely boasted themselves confessors and Martyrs of Christ. And this (Blessed Jerome too agreeing with them) under the reign of the Emperor M. Aurelius, at the beginning of the Pontificate of St Eleutherus. For to him Blessed Irenaeus had brought letters from the Gauls, sent by the people of Lyons with the letters of St Attalus and other Martyrs then still shut up in prison, into Asia and Phrygia, to convey there the judgement of the Gallican Church on their False Prophecy. The same Roman Bishop too, in my opinion at least, relying on the authority of his predecessors, refused them letters of peace (Tom. 3. lib. ad Praxeam. c. 1.). Whether Praxeas, then still a Catholic, worked together towards this, let the credit rest with the author. Certainly not only the Bishops at Rome and in the Gauls, but also those who lived in Asia, coming together often and in many places, examined their Prophecy and found it false, showed it to be detestable, and deprived the Montanists of communion. And indeed Montanus and his mad prophetesses perished by hanging, in the death of Judas, not by Martyrdom; and that Alexander, condemned at Ephesus in court by Aemilius Frontinus the Proconsul for robberies, when he had falsely put himself forward as a Martyr, was not received even by his own people, being a robber. Finally that Theodotus, lifted on high into heaven by a demon like Simon Magus, suddenly fell headlong, and so wretchedly ended his life. But of the errors of Montanus, into which the Author afterwards fell, more fully among his paradoxes. Further, I judge that it happened in this year, before the Kalends of June, at which the XI year of Severus began, what the Author writes: "Those contests, contentious solemnities and superstitious competitions of the Greeks, both of religions and of pleasures, with what favour

Editors' notes and page, col. 68bis

Page

running head: TERTULLIANI VITA. 68
marginal letters: A ‹Excursus fit in Montanismum quem scriptis primo›; B ‹inter quos Episcopi Zoticus Comanae sive Ostrenus,›; C ‹S. Eleutherii. Nam ad hunc ex Galliis litteras tulerat›; D ‹vero Montanus insanaeque ejus prophetides in Judae›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: No foot notes under this column. The italic caption "Excursus fit in Montanismum ... TERTULLIANUS." runs on into the paragraph and is kept with it (as § XI in col. 10064). "Ardabam", "Ostrenus" (= Otrous), "Gajus" as printed.

PL 1:69bis

istud saeculum celebret, etiam Africae liquit. Adhuc Carthaginem singulae civitates gratulando inquietant donatam Pythico agone post stadii senectutem (Ibid. lib. ad Gnost. c. 6.). Nam eo pertinere videtur illa nummi vetus inscriptio: SEVER. PIUS AUG. PONT. MAX. TRIB. POT. X. sive: ANTON. PIUS, una ex parte, et ex altera: INDULGENTIA AUG. SC. IN CARTHAGINE; item et Graeca illa: ΑΥ. ΚΑΙ ΖΕΟΥΑΡΟΣ ΠΕΡΤ. ΚΑΡΤΑΓ ΜΗΤΡΟΠΟΛΙΟΣ; utpote qua significetur institutos ludos illos Carthagine a Severo et Antonino Impp.

this age celebrates, it is plain to Africa too. Still the several cities trouble Carthage with congratulations, endowed with the Pythian contest after the old age of its stadium" (ibid., book Against the Gnostics, ch. 6). For to this there seems to belong that old inscription of a coin: SEVERUS PIUS AUGUSTUS, PONTIFEX MAXIMUS, IN THE X YEAR OF TRIBUNICIAN POWER, or: ANTONINUS PIUS, on one side, and on the other: THE INDULGENCE OF AUGUSTUS, BY DECREE OF THE SENATE, AT CARTHAGE; and likewise that Greek one: THE EMPEROR CAESAR SEVERUS PERT[INAX]; OF CARTHAGE THE METROPOLIS; inasmuch as by it is signified that those games were instituted at Carthage by the Emperors Severus and Antoninus.

Anno Domini CCV.

The Year of the Lord CCV.

§ XIII. De quibusdam sublestae fidei libris, de Spectaculis, de Idololatria, de Habitu muliebri et de cultu feminarum, duobus ad Uxorem, adversus Apelletianos, adversus Hermogenem, de Materia Deo coaeterna, de Censu animae ex eadem materia, adversus Valentinianos, de Anima, de Spe fidelium. — 23. L. FABIO M. F. SEPTIMIANO II. ET M. ANNIO M. F. LIBONE COSS. S. Zephyrini Papae Romani anno VI. Severi Imper. XII. partim occasione dicti Pythici agonis, aliorumque certaminum Carthagine exhibitorum, partim quod jam indicti essent Ludi Seculares Romae, ad quos per praecones convocare solebant omnes, utpote qui nec spectati nec spectandi iterum forent, ut Christianos ab ea profectione deterreret, scripsit TERTULL. et Graece et Latine insignem illum librum DE SPECTACULIS (Lib. de Spect. n. 1 et deinceps.), quo pulcherrime deducit, quidquid ad 4. Spectaculorum genera pertinet, ab Idololatria suam habere originem, atque adeo Christianis interdicta. Certe hoc anno octavorum Ludorum secularium a Severo celebratorum non modo meminerunt Censorinus lib. de Die natali, et Dion et Herodianus, quorum hic eos vidisse se scribit, sed etiam, testibus Fastis Consularibus: LUDI SAECULARES OCTAVI EX. SC. FACTI, et invenitur haec nummi inscriptio: M. AUR. ANTONINUS PIUS AUG. SAECULARIA SACRA SC. Existimant etiam Arcum Severi triumphalem, qui etiamnum extat, ea occasione hoc anno erectum, Politianus et Onuphrius, cujus inscriptionem habes supra, quorum uterque latissime et originem et omnes ritus Saecularium Ludorum prosequitur. Et vero tam late de omnibus Ludorum Spectaculis in illis exhiberi solitis Auctor tractat, ut alio Commentario Lectori curioso non sit opus, maxime si consulat et Annotationes nostras. Eodem pene tempore conscriptum constat librum DE IDOLOLATRIA, utpote in quo et hujus libri ac persecutionis meminerit (Lib. 2. de Idol. c. 13. n. 164. lib. 1. ad Uxor. c. 7. n. 44. l. 2. ad Uxor. c. 1.), et Solemnia Caesrrum ad Idololatriam pertinere astruit, sicuti etiam multa alia, in quibus directe consistit Idolorum cultus. In eumdem quoque annum referimus libros, DE HABITU MULIEBRI et DE CULTU FEMINARUM, quorum priori nimium ornatum, posteriori magis capilli et cutis curam superfluam reprehendit. Videntur eodem anno etiam conscripti

§ XIII. On certain books of doubtful authenticity, on the Shows, on Idolatry, on Women's Dress and on the adornment of women, the two to his Wife, against the Apelletians, against Hermogenes, on Matter co-eternal with God, on the Origin of the soul from that same matter, against the Valentinians, on the Soul, on the Hope of the faithful. — 23. L. FABIUS SEPTIMIANUS, SON OF MARCUS, FOR THE II TIME, AND M. ANNIUS LIBO, SON OF MARCUS, CONSULS. In the VI year of St Zephyrinus, Roman Pope, and the XII of the Emperor Severus, partly on the occasion of the said Pythian contest and other competitions put on at Carthage, partly because the Secular Games had already been proclaimed at Rome, to which they used to summon everyone by heralds, as games which had neither been seen nor would be seen again, TERTULLIAN, to deter the Christians from going to them, wrote in both Greek and Latin that remarkable book ON THE SHOWS (On the Shows, n. 1 and following), in which he shows most beautifully that whatever belongs to the 4 kinds of Shows has its origin from Idolatry, and is therefore forbidden to Christians. Certainly in this year the eighth Secular Games, celebrated by Severus, are mentioned not only by Censorinus in the book On the Birthday, and by Dio and Herodian, the latter of whom writes that he saw them, but also, as the Consular Fasti witness: THE EIGHTH SECULAR GAMES HELD BY DECREE OF THE SENATE; and this inscription of a coin is found: M. AURELIUS ANTONINUS PIUS AUGUSTUS, THE SECULAR SACRED RITES, BY DECREE OF THE SENATE. Politian and Onuphrius also judge that the triumphal Arch of Severus, which still stands, whose inscription you have above, was erected on that occasion in this year; each of them follows out most fully both the origin and all the rites of the Secular Games. And indeed the Author treats so fully of all the Shows of the Games customarily put on at them that the curious Reader has no need of another Commentary, especially if he also consults our Annotations. It is clear that the book ON IDOLATRY was written at almost the same time, inasmuch as in it he mentions both this book and the persecution (book 2, On Idolatry, ch. 13, n. 164; book 1, To his Wife, ch. 7, n. 44; book 2, To his Wife, ch. 1), and maintains that the Solemnities of the Caesars belong to Idolatry, as also many other things in which the worship of Idols directly consists. To the same year we also assign the books ON WOMEN'S DRESS and ON THE ADORNMENT OF WOMEN, of which in the former he rebukes excessive ornament, in the latter rather a superfluous care of the hair and skin. In the same year there seem also to have been written

Editors' notes and page, col. 69bis

Page

running head: 69 TERTULLIANI VITA.
marginal letters: A ‹istud saeculum celebret, etiam Africae liquit. Adhuc›; B ‹de cultu feminarum, duobus ad Uxorem, adversus›; C ‹quidquid ad 4. Spectaculorum genera pertinet, ab›; D ‹Dorum Spectaculis in illis exhiberi solitis Auctor (beside "Lu-dorum Spectaculis ... Auctor")›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: No foot notes under this column. Greek coin legend set as seen: the first letter of ΖΕΟΥΑΡΟΣ looks like Z (intended ΣΕΟΥΗΡΟΣ / Severus; UNSURE whether Z or a damaged Σ), and the letter read Λ in ΜΗΤΡΟΠΟΛΙΟΣ prints like A in this capital fount. "significetur" hyphenated across a line, read as significetur. Damaged type read without marks: "testibus" (prints testibns), "directe" (prints direcie). The italic caption § XIII runs on into the paragraph and is kept with it. Last word "conscripti" sits at the column foot, slightly broken but complete.

PL 1:70bis

libri AD UXOREM duo. Nam quum priori a nuptiis secundis tantum dehortetur, et posteriori saltem nuptias cum Gentilibus interdicat, apparet eos conscriptos ante haeresin Auctoris, fortassis Romae, quo frequenter discurrere solet saltem ad absentem, et quantum apparet a valetudinario, quippe qui priorem admonitionem tanquam jam moriturus Legatum ac Fidei commissum nuncupet.

the two books TO HIS WIFE. For since in the former he only dissuades from second marriages, and in the latter at least forbids marriages with Gentiles, it appears that they were written before the Author's heresy, perhaps at Rome, to which he is accustomed often to travel, at least to someone absent, and, as far as appears, from a sickbed, inasmuch as he calls the former admonition, as one already about to die, a Legacy and a Trust.

ANNO DOMINI CCVI.

THE YEAR OF THE LORD CCVI.

24. IMP. CAES. M. AUR. BASSIANO SEV. AUG. F. ANTONINO AUG. II. ET P. SEPT. SEV. AUG. F. GETA COSS. S. Zephyrini Romani Pontificis VII. Severi Imper. XIII. quum haereses variae grassarentur in Africa ad scribendum adversus eos serio se contulit. Inter quos primus occurrit liber ADVERSUS APELLETIANOS, etsi hodie desideratus, id est, Apellis discipuli Marcionis sectatores, de quibus Auctor: Adhuc, inquit, in seculo supersunt, qui meminerint eorum, etiam proprii discentes et successores ipsorum; ne posteriores negare possint. Eodem anno conscriptos putamus libros ADVERSUS HERMOGENEM duos, DE MATERIA DEO COAETERNA unum, DE CENSU ANIMAE EX EADEM MATERIA alterum. Qui quo tempore disseminare suas haereseis coeperit, non ita constat; attamen ex parte id significare videtur B. Hieron. Catal. Script. Eccles. dum contra Haeresin Hermogenis primum scripsisse tradit Theophilum Antiochenum. Qui, etsi sub Imper. Vero floruerit, eidem tamen supervixisse, ex ejus lib. 3, ad Autolycum comprobatur, ubi annos et mundi, et Romani Consulatus, et Caesarum usque ad obitum Veri Imper. computat. Proinde sub Commodo potius Imper. errores illum suos sparsisse censemus; qui tamen aetate Auctoris adhuc vixerit, vel eo teste in haec verba: Hos (inquit de Marcione, Valentino, et Apelle loquens jam mortuis) ut insigniores et frequentiores adulteros veritatis nominamus. Caeterum Nigidius, nescio quis, et Hermogenes, et multi alii, adhuc ambulant subvertentes vias Domini (L. de Praescr. adv. haer. c. 30.). Et vero in Africa Hermogenem floruisse testis est Philastrius lib. de Haeres. cui auctor addit tanquam Magistrum aliquem Nigidium. Quum etiam superessent adhuc Valentinianorum haereticorum examina, ducibus praeter primos illos supra adductos Theotimo, Axionico, Alexandro et Prodico, B. Irenaeum imitatus ad verbum pene, LIBRUM conscripsit ADVERSUS VALENTINIANOS. De prioribus sic Auctor: Multum circa imagines Legis Theotimus operatus est. Ita nusquam Valentinus: et tamen Valentiniani, qui per Valentinum. Solus ad hodiernum Antiochiae Axionicus memoriam Valentini integra custodia regularum ejus consolatur (T. 3. l. ad Valent. c. 4. n. 32. 33. ac 34. Ibid. l. de carit. Christi c. 15. n. 127. Ibid. c. 16. n. 131.). De tertio in haec verba: Nam, ut penes quemdam ex Valentini factione legi, primo non putant terrenam et humanam Christi substantiam informatam (Ib. c. 17. Tom. 3. l. adv. Gnost. c. ul.). De quo vero loquatur subjecit: Insuper argumentandi libidine ac

24. THE EMPEROR CAESAR M. AURELIUS BASSIANUS ANTONINUS AUGUSTUS, SON OF SEVERUS AUGUSTUS, FOR THE II TIME, AND P. SEPTIMIUS GETA, SON OF SEVERUS AUGUSTUS, CONSULS. In the VII year of St Zephyrinus, Roman Pontiff, and the XIII of the Emperor Severus, when various heresies were raging in Africa, he applied himself in earnest to writing against them. Among these the first that meets us is the book AGAINST THE APELLETIANS, though lost today, that is, the followers of Apelles, the disciple of Marcion, of whom the Author says: "There still survive in the world," he says, "those who remember them, even their own pupils and successors, so that the later ones cannot deny it." To the same year we think belong the two books AGAINST HERMOGENES, the one ON MATTER CO-ETERNAL WITH GOD, the other ON THE ORIGIN OF THE SOUL FROM THAT SAME MATTER. At what time he began to sow his heresies is not so clear; yet Blessed Jerome, in the Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers, seems in part to indicate it, when he relates that Theophilus of Antioch first wrote against the Heresy of Hermogenes. That Theophilus, although he flourished under the Emperor Verus, nevertheless outlived him, is proved from his book 3 to Autolycus, where he reckons the years both of the world, and of the Roman Consulate, and of the Caesars down to the death of the Emperor Verus. Accordingly we judge that Hermogenes spread his errors rather under the Emperor Commodus; yet he was still living in the Author's time, by his witness at least, in these words: "These" (he says, speaking of Marcion, Valentinus and Apelles, now dead) "we name as the more notable and more frequent adulterers of the truth. But Nigidius, I know not who, and Hermogenes, and many others still walk about, subverting the ways of the Lord" (L. de Praescr. adv. haer. c. 30.). And indeed Philastrius, in the book on Heresies, is witness that Hermogenes flourished in Africa; to him the author adds a certain Nigidius as it were his Master. Since swarms of the Valentinian heretics also still survived, with leaders, besides those first ones adduced above, Theotimus, Axionicus, Alexander and Prodicus, he wrote, imitating Blessed Irenaeus almost word for word, the BOOK AGAINST THE VALENTINIANS. Of the former the Author speaks thus: "Theotimus laboured much about the images of the Law. Valentinus nowhere did so; and yet they are Valentinians who are so through Valentinus. Axionicus alone at Antioch to this day comforts the memory of Valentinus by an entire keeping of his rules" (T. 3. l. ad Valent. c. 4. n. 32. 33. ac 34. Ibid. l. de carit. Christi c. 15. n. 127. Ibid. c. 16. n. 131.). Of the third, in these words: "For, as I have read in the writings of a certain man of the faction of Valentinus, first they do not think that the earthly and human substance of Christ was formed" (Ib. c. 17. Tom. 3. l. adv. Gnost. c. ul.). And of whom he speaks he added: "Moreover, out of a lust for arguing and

Editors' notes and page, col. 70bis

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running head: TERTULLIANI VITA. 70
marginal letters: A ‹libri AD UXOREM duo. Nam quum priori a nu-›; B ‹Inter quos primus occurrit liber ADVERSUS APEL-›; C ‹cum comprobatur, ubi annos et mundi, et Romani›; D ‹Axionico, Alexandro et Prodico, B. Irenaeum imitatus›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: No foot notes under this column. The caption "ANNO DOMINI CCVI." is printed in small capitals here (other years in upper and lower case). "adversus eos" as printed after "haereses". Last word "ac" is blotted at the column foot (reads ae, or ac followed by a comma); set "ac", UNSURE. "anno" in "Eodem anno" printed with damaged type.

PL 1:71bis

forma ingenii haeretici locum sibi fecit Alexander ille. Et rursum: Sed remisso Alexandro cum suis syllogismis (Ibid. l. adv. Prax. c. 3. Ibid. l. de Praes. adv. haer. c. 21.). Denique de postremo duo concurrunt loci: unus: Quod si jam tunc Prodicus aut Valentinus adsisteret; alter: Quum alius Deus infertur adversus creatorem, tunc male quum plures, secundum Valentinos et Prodicos (Ib. l. adv. Valent. c. 5. Ibid. lib. de Praes. ad haer. c. 3. Ibid. c. 52. haer. 52. n. 327. lib. de Anima cap. 55). Neque enim ibi legi posse Proclos, quod erat in excusis codicibus, praeterquam quod suo loco comprobaverimus, vel eo convincitur quod Proclus seu Proculus non Valentinianus fuerit, sed Montanista, a quo dicti κατὰ Proclum quidam Montani sectatores; quum antea adhuc Catholicus adversus Valentinum scripserit. Et vero quum vocet illum Auctor virginis senectae et Christianae eloquentiae dignitatem, videmur nobis attigisse primum quod aiunt lapidem offensionis, in quem ipse impegit, dum partibus Montani favere coepit; seductus, quantum apparet, admiratione quadam tum virginis senectae Proculi, quem tunc senem fuisse oportuit, utpote vel eodem teste contemporalem haeresiarcharum Valentinianorum, tum eloquentiae Christianae, quam in scriptis ejus deprehendit: parum memor miser ille, quid antea scripsisset, fortassis hujus tanti viri occasione: Solent, inquit, miriones isti etiam de quibusdam personis ab haeresi captis aedificari in ruinam: Quare illa, vel ille, fidelissimi, prudentissimi et usitatissimi in Ecclesia, in illam partem transierunt? Quis hoc dicens, non ipse sibi respondet: neque prudentes, neque fideles, neque usitatos aestimandos, quos haereses potuerint immutare? Quid igitur, si Episcopus, si Diaconus, si vidua, si virgo, si Doctor, si etiam Martyr lapsus a regula fuerit, ideo haereses veritatem videbuntur obtinere? Ex personis probemus fidem, an ex fide personam? Alioqui certe non est verisimile in tam absurdam haeresin lapsum iri Auctorem, nisi ex tali quapiam occasione, fortassis etiam ex frequentatione ipsius familiari, dum subinde Romam inviseret; nam Romae Proclum habitasse postea deducemus, maxime quum antea blasphemiam dixerit, Paracletum quem Christus promisit, in Montano primum apparuisse, et tamen in sequentibus scriptis non vereatur illi nomen Paracleti frequenter ascribere.

by the form of a heretical cast of mind that Alexander made a place for himself. And again: But setting aside Alexander with his syllogisms (Ibid., book Against Praxeas, ch. 3; ibid., book On the Prescription against Heretics, ch. 21). Finally, concerning the last, two passages agree: one: But if Prodicus or Valentinus were already present then; the other: When another God is brought in against the Creator, then it is bad when there are several, according to the Valentinuses and Prodicuses (Ibid., book Against the Valentinians, ch. 5; ibid., book On the Prescription against Heretics, ch. 3; ibid., ch. 52; heresy 52, no. 327; book On the Soul, ch. 55). For "Procluses", which stood in the printed copies, cannot be read there: besides what we shall have proved in its place, it is shown by this too, that Proclus or Proculus was not a Valentinian but a Montanist, after whom certain followers of Montanus were called "those according to Proclus"; whereas earlier, while still a Catholic, he had written against Valentinus. And indeed, since the author calls him "the dignity of virgin old age and of Christian eloquence", we seem to ourselves to have touched upon what they call the first stone of stumbling, against which he struck when he began to favour Montanus's party: seduced, as it appears, by a certain admiration both for the virgin old age of Proculus, who must then have been an old man, being, on the same witness, a contemporary of the heresiarchs of the Valentinians, and for the Christian eloquence which he discovered in his writings; the wretched man little mindful of what he had written earlier, perhaps on the occasion of this very great man: These gawkers, he says, are wont to be built up unto ruin even by certain persons taken by heresy: Why have she, or he, the most faithful, most prudent and most practised in the Church, gone over to that side? Who, saying this, does not himself answer himself: that those whom heresies could change are to be reckoned neither prudent, nor faithful, nor practised? What then, if a bishop, if a deacon, if a widow, if a virgin, if a teacher, if even a martyr has fallen from the rule, will heresies on that account seem to hold the truth? Do we prove the faith by the persons, or the person by the faith? Otherwise it is certainly not likely that the author would fall into so absurd a heresy, except from some such occasion, perhaps even from familiar intercourse with the man himself whenever he visited Rome; for we shall show later that Proclus lived at Rome; above all since he had earlier called it a blasphemy that the Paraclete whom Christ promised first appeared in Montanus, and yet in his subsequent writings does not fear frequently to ascribe to him the name of Paraclete.

Anno Domini CCVII.

The year of the Lord CCVII.

25. NUMMIO SENECIO ALBINO ET FULVIO AEMILIANO COSS. S. Zephirini Papae Romani VIII. Severi Imp. XIV, plerique passas scribunt Perpetuam et Felicitatem, idque juxta Ven. Bedam die natali Severi, quem assignant Martyrologia Usuardi et Romanum Nonis Martiis, illis praeterea annumerantia Revocatum, Saturninum et Secundiolum, simul passos in Mauritania civitate Thuburbitanorum. Quum autem Perpetuae fortissimae Martyris eo libro meminerit Auctor, oportet non ante scriptum fuisse librum DE ANIMA, quem scripsit ADVERSUS PHILOSOPHOS ET HAERETICOS. In quo etiam alludit ad librum DE PARADISO. Quem conjicimus

25. NUMMIUS SENECIO ALBINUS AND FULVIUS AEMILIANUS BEING CONSULS. In the VIII year of St Zephyrinus, Pope of Rome, and the XIV of the Emperor Severus, most writers say that Perpetua and Felicity suffered, and that, according to the Venerable Bede, on the birthday of Severus, which the Martyrologies of Usuard and the Roman assign to the Nones of March, numbering with them besides Revocatus, Saturninus and Secundiolus, who suffered together in Mauretania in the city of the Thuburbitani. But since the author mentions Perpetua, the most valiant martyr, in that book, the book ON THE SOUL, which he wrote AGAINST THE PHILOSOPHERS AND HERETICS, must not have been written earlier. In it he also alludes to the book ON PARADISE. This we conjecture

Editors' notes and page, col. 71bis

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running head: 71 TERTULLIANI VITA (right half of head cut by the crop)
marginal letters: A ‹forma ingenii haeretici locum sibi›; B ‹versus Valentinum scripserit. Et vero quum vocet›; C ‹hoc dicens, non ipse sibi respondet›; D ‹(beside the gap above the caption Anno Domini CCVII)›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: final word printed conji-|cimus across the column break; completed from the "mus" visible at the top of column 10072. "ab haeresi" read from a blurred letter (looks like haerest). Secundiolum is printed; the English gives Secundiolus as printed.

PL 1:72bis

conscriptum fuisse occasione eorum, quae vidisse scribit S. Perpetuam in paradiso. Et vero uti in hac Christianorum per Africam quoque persecutione animos fidelibus adderet, censemus eodem pene tempore scriptum librum DE SPE FIDELIUM. Quanquam interim verissimum comperiamus illud Proverbii, quod Error unus alium trahat, utpote quum paradoxon sit utriusque libri illius argumentum, et haud paucas praeterea reperire sit opiniones non satis sanas in dicto libro de Anima, de quibus inter Paradoxa Auctoris cum Antidoto latius. Hoc unum hic addimus, scriptum illum librum, DE OMNI STATU ANIMAE, vel ipso teste, qui adeo etiam Commentarium animae nuncupat, utpote in quo tractetur quidquid olim a Philosophis et ab haereticis de Anima tractatum fuit, ut neque Philosophis neque Theologis alio hodie commentario sit opus.

to have been composed on the occasion of the things which he writes that St Perpetua saw in paradise. And indeed, to put heart into the faithful in this persecution of the Christians throughout Africa as well, we judge that the book ON THE HOPE OF THE FAITHFUL was written at almost the same time. Although meanwhile we find most true that saying of the proverb, that one error draws another, inasmuch as the argument of both those books is a paradox, and besides one may find not a few opinions not sound enough in the said book On the Soul, about which more at large among the Paradoxes of the author, with their antidote. This one thing we add here, that that book was written ON THE WHOLE STATE OF THE SOUL, even on his own testimony, who indeed calls it also a "Commentary on the soul", inasmuch as in it is treated whatever was once treated by the philosophers and by the heretics concerning the soul, so that neither philosophers nor theologians need any other commentary today.

Anno Domini CCVIII.

The year of the Lord CCVIII.

§ XIV. De libris Montanismum jam redolentibus, de Carne Christi adversus IV. haereses, de Resurrectione carnis, adversus Marcionem V, de Corona Militis, Scorpiacum adversus Gnosticos, adversus Praxeam.

§ XIV. On the books already smelling of Montanism: On the Flesh of Christ against IV heresies, On the Resurrection of the Flesh, against Marcion V, On the Soldier's Crown, Scorpiace against the Gnostics, against Praxeas.

—26. S. Zephirini Romani Pontificis IX. Severi Imp. XV. M. FLAVIO M. F. M. N. AFRO ET Q. ALLIO FABIO CATULLINO MAXIMO COSS. scriptum fuisse a TERTULLIANO librum primum adversus Marcionem ex hisce verbis constat. At nunc quale est ut Dominus a XII. Tiberii Caesaris revelatus sit, substantia vero ad XV. jam Severi Imperatoris annum nulla comperta sit? (L. de Resur. car. c. 2. cap. 45. l. c. adr. Mar. 1. 15. To. 3. lib. de car. Christi, c. 7.) Atque adeo hoc tempore simul editos fuisse oportet libros DE CARNE CHRISTI ADVERSUS IV. HAERESES DE RESURRECTIONE CARNIS, ET ADVERSUS MARCIONEM quinque (Lib. de Res. car. c. 2. Lib. 5. ad. Marc. c. 10. n. 150. l. de Cor. milit. c. ult.), utpote eodem scriptos tempore. Nam sicut etiam alibi diximus, libro de Carne Christi citatur liber quartus adversus Marcionem, libro de Resurrectione carnis II. et III. adv. Marc. et l. 1. adv. Marc, allegatur liber de Resurrect. carnis, quo fit ut existimem primum scriptos adversus Marcionem quatuor; intermedios deinde duos illos; et postremo adversus Marcionem quintum. Porro si hoc anno, uti Onuphrius tradit, celebrata sint Decennalia Antonini Imper. Severi filii, fortassis praeoccupata anno integro ob discessum in bellum Britannicum, quem Cassiodorus his Coss. accidisse scribit; hoc etiam anno scriptus est LIBER DE CORONA MILITIS; sin anno sequenti (quod mihi magis fit verisimile ex illa nummi inscriptione ANTONINUS PIUS AUG. COS. III. VOTA SOLUTA DEO) utrumque contigerit, illuc referre poterit Lector, dummodo nobiscum sentiat, ante expeditionem Britannicam. Ad quam pertinet etiam inscriptio supra posita, cum effigie Equitis manu jaculum tenentis: PROFECTIO AUGG. nam utrumque filium secum duxit Severus, a quo quum P. Septimius Geta anno primum sequenti Imper. Caes. Aug. sit appellatus et Tribunitiam potestatem acceperit, sicuti Fasti habent

—26. That the first book against Marcion was written by TERTULLIAN in the IX year of St Zephyrinus, Roman Pontiff, and the XV of the Emperor Severus, MARCUS FLAVIUS AFER, SON OF MARCUS, GRANDSON OF MARCUS, AND QUINTUS ALLIUS FABIUS CATULLINUS MAXIMUS BEING CONSULS, is established from these words: But now what sort of thing is it that the Lord was revealed from the XII year of Tiberius Caesar, but that no substance has been found up to the XV year of the Emperor Severus? (Book On the Resurrection of the Flesh, ch. 2, ch. 45; book I Against Marcion, ch. 15; vol. 3, book On the Flesh of Christ, ch. 7.) And so the books ON THE FLESH OF CHRIST AGAINST IV HERESIES, ON THE RESURRECTION OF THE FLESH, AND AGAINST MARCION, five, must have been published together at this time (Book On the Resurrection of the Flesh, ch. 2; book V Against Marcion, ch. 10, no. 150; book On the Soldier's Crown, last chapter), as having been written at the same time. For, as we have also said elsewhere, in the book On the Flesh of Christ the fourth book against Marcion is cited; in the book On the Resurrection of the Flesh, the II and III against Marcion; and in book I against Marcion the book On the Resurrection of the Flesh is alleged; whence I judge that the four against Marcion were written first, then those two in between, and last the fifth against Marcion. Further, if in this year, as Onuphrius records, the Decennalia of the Emperor Antoninus, son of Severus, were celebrated, perhaps anticipated by a whole year because of the departure for the British war, which Cassiodorus writes took place under these consuls, then in this year too the BOOK ON THE SOLDIER'S CROWN was written; but if both happened in the following year (which seems to me more likely from that inscription on the coin: ANTONINUS PIUS AUG. COS. III. VOWS PAID TO GOD), the reader will be able to refer it there, provided he agrees with us that it was before the British expedition. To this also belongs the inscription given above, with the figure of a horseman holding a javelin in his hand: THE DEPARTURE OF THE AUGUSTI; for Severus took both sons with him, by whom, since Publius Septimius Geta was first called Imperator Caesar Augustus in the following year and received the tribunician power, as the Fasti have it

Editors' notes and page, col. 72bis

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running head: TERTULLIANI VITA. 72 (left part of head on the other column)
marginal letters: A ‹mus conscriptum fuisse occasione eorum›; B ‹tractatum fuit, ut neque Philosophis›; C ‹Resur. car. c. 2. cap. 45.›; D ‹filii, fortassis praeoccupata anno›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column opens with the end of conji-|cimus, set whole in 10071, so it starts at conscriptum. The § XIV heading is run in with no. 26 in print; set here as its own line. The last word is hyphenated "ha-" at the column foot and is set whole here as "habent" (tail printed at the top of col 10073). Q2a 2026-10-05.

PL 1:73

Consulares, confirmatur dicta nostra conjectura. Conciliari quidem possunt inscriptiones et fasti consulares cum Onuphrio et altera quadam Inscriptione ubi appellatur Antoninus Aug. Trib. Pot. X. Cos. III. desig. ut dicatur coeptus ejus annus X. his Coss. ad Kal. Maias, et finitus anno sequenti Kal. Maiis: sed nos ad annum sequentem referre maluimus, ne hic prolixiores simus.

Consular [Fasti], our said conjecture is confirmed. The inscriptions and the consular Fasti can indeed be reconciled with Onuphrius and with a certain other inscription in which Antoninus is called Aug., Trib. Pot. X, Cos. III designate, so that his X year may be said to have begun under these consuls at the Kalends of May and ended in the following year at the Kalends of May; but we have preferred to refer it to the following year, so as not to be too lengthy here.

Anno Domini CCIX.

The year of the Lord CCIX.

27. S. Zephirini Papae Romani X. Severi Imper. XVI. Imp. CAES. M. AUREL. SEVERI AUG. F. ANTONINO AUG. III. ET P. SEPTIMIO SEVER. AUG. F. GETA COSS. Post celebrata Decennalia Antonini Romae a TERTULLIANO scriptum censemus librum DE CORONA MILITIS. Romae enim scriptum apparet ex verbis illis: Erubescite Romani commilitones ejus, et ad Decennalia videtur referendum illud libri frontispicium: Proxime facta est LIBERALITAS Praestantissimorum IMPERATORUM; cui subjicienda putavimus quae sequuntur, eo quod occasionem scripti hujus libri indicent, utpote in quo, contraquam alii mussitabant, Christianis coronae usum interdictum deducit. Expungebantur, inquit, in castris Milites laureati. Adhibetur quidam illic magis Dei Miles; solus libero capite, coronamento in manu otioso. Singuli designare, eludere eminus, infrendere cominus. Murmur tribuno defertur, et persona jam ex ordine accesserat. Statim tribunus: Cur [inquit] tam diversus habitu? Negavit ille cum caeteris sibi licere. Caussas expostulatus, Christianus sum, respondit. Suffragia exinde, et res ampliata, et reus ad Praefectos. Ibidem penulas posuit, speculatoriam de pedibus absolvit, gladium reddidit (nam militaria omnia insignia in exautoratione militum exui solere, vel ex Herodiano lib. 2. manifestum est, initio Imperii Severi). Et nunc russatus sanguinis sui spe, donativum Christi in carcere expectat. Exinde sententiae super illo, nescio an Christianorum (non enim aliae ethnicorum), ut de abrupto et praecipiti et mori cupido, qui de habitu interrogatus Nomini negotium fecerit. Nec vero omittendum illud: Plane superest, ut etiam martyria recusare meditentur. Mussitant denique tam bonam et longam sibi pacem periclitari. Nec dubito quosdam scripturas emigrare, sarcinas expedire, fugae accingi de civitate in civitatem. Novi et pastores eorum in pace leones, in praelio cervos. Sed de quaestionibus confessionum alibi docebimus. Denotat enim ibi aut librum de Fuga in persecutione, aut quod magis placet, SCORPIACON ADVERSUS GNOSTICOS. (Lib. adv. Gnost. et c. I), nempe Prodicum Scorpianum et alios Valentinianos Martyriorum refragatores, qui jam in Africam irrumpere coeperant: (de quibus videat Lector Annot. nostras) [Ibid. c. I.]. Fortassis etiam Romae scriptum. In eo enim et de quaestionibus confessionum, id est, quod confiteri Christum necesse sit, latissime deducit, et persecutionem omnium gravissimam, quae dicta occasione post longam pacem (utpote quum Romae et in Africa ad id temporis pauci leguntur sub Severo passi martyres) recruduisse videtur, his verbis describat

27. In the X year of St Zephyrinus, Pope of Rome, and the XVI of the Emperor Severus, the Emperor CAESAR ANTONINUS AUGUSTUS, SON OF MARCUS AURELIUS SEVERUS AUGUSTUS, FOR THE III TIME, AND PUBLIUS SEPTIMIUS GETA, SON OF SEVERUS AUGUSTUS, BEING CONSULS. We judge that the book ON THE SOLDIER'S CROWN was written by TERTULLIAN after the Decennalia of Antoninus had been celebrated at Rome. For that it was written at Rome appears from those words: Blush, his fellow soldiers of Rome; and to the Decennalia that opening of the book seems to be referred: Lately there took place a BOUNTY of the most excellent EMPERORS; under which we have thought it right to set what follows, because it points to the occasion of writing this book, in which, contrary to what others were muttering, he shows that the use of the crown is forbidden to Christians. The soldiers, he says, were being called over in the camp wearing laurels. A certain man is brought forward there, more a soldier of God; he alone with head uncovered, the crown idle in his hand. One after another they pointed him out, jeered from a distance, gnashed at him close at hand. The murmur is carried to the tribune, and the person had by now come up from the ranks. At once the tribune: Why [he says] so different in dress? He said that he was not permitted to do as the rest. Asked for his reasons, I am a Christian, he answered. Thereupon the votes, and the case adjourned, and the accused sent to the prefects. There he laid down his cloaks, unloosed the soldier's boots from his feet, gave up his sword (for that all military insignia were commonly stripped off at the cashiering of soldiers is plain even from Herodian, book 2, at the beginning of the reign of Severus). And now, reddened with the hope of his own blood, he awaits in prison the donative of Christ. Thereupon opinions concerning him, I know not whether of Christians (for those of the heathen are no different), as of a headstrong and headlong man, eager to die, who, being questioned about his dress, made trouble for the Name. Nor indeed must this be passed over: It plainly remains that they are planning to refuse martyrdoms too. They mutter, in short, that so good and long a peace is being put at risk for them. Nor do I doubt that some are turning out the Scriptures, making ready their baggage, girding themselves for flight from city to city. I know their pastors too, lions in peace, deer in battle. But concerning the questions of confessions we shall teach elsewhere. For there he points either to the book On Flight in Persecution, or, which pleases more, the SCORPIACE AGAINST THE GNOSTICS (book Against the Gnostics, and ch. I), namely Prodicus the Scorpian and the other Valentinians, opponents of martyrdoms, who had already begun to burst into Africa: (concerning whom the reader may see our annotations) [Ibid., ch. I]. Perhaps it too was written at Rome. For in it he treats at greatest length also of the questions of confessions, that is, that it is necessary to confess Christ, and he describes the persecution, the heaviest of all, which on the said occasion seems to have broken out afresh after a long peace (inasmuch as at Rome and in Africa few martyrs are read of up to that time as having suffered under Severus), in these words

Editors' notes and page, col. 73

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marginal letters: A ‹bent Consulares, confirmatur dicta›; B ‹Romae enim scriptum apparet ex verbis illis: Erubescite›; C ‹respondit. Suffragia exinde, et res ampliata›; D ‹accingi de civitate in civitatem. Novi et pastores eorum›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column opens with "bent", the end of ha-|bent begun at the foot of 10072 (set there as "ha-"); the English supplies the whole phrase here. Final word printed des-|cribat, completed from "cribat" visible at the top of the facing column. "Romae a" after Antonini is blurred (ae ligature faint). Printer's signature TERTULLIANI I. at the foot, not set.

PL 1:74

: In praesentiarum est medius ardor, ipsa canicula persecutionis ab isto scilicet cynocephalo (ubi aut Severum Imperatorem, aut potius urbis Romae praefectum in absentia illius jam in Britanniam profecti, intelligit); alios ignis, alios gladius, alios bestiae Christianos probaverunt, aliis fustibus insuper et ungulis degustato martyrio, in carcere esuriunt. Porro Severum propterea absentem in Britannia diximus, quod expeditionis Britannicae hoc anno, uti antea probavimus, factae meminerint Euseb. in Chronic. Oros. lib. 7. cap. II. Paulus Diaconus lib. 8. cap. I. ante eos Spartianus, Herodianus, et Dio in Severo. Nondum enim Britanniam Romanis paruisse ad id usque temporis, etiam ipse verbis his supra citatis indicat: et Britannorum inaccessa Romanis loca, Christo vero subdita (l. adv. Jud. c. 7), utpote Lucio Britanniarum Rege paulo ante ope S. Eleutheri Papae ad fidem converso, item etiam illis: Britanniae intra Oceani fines conclusae sunt.

: At present the heat is at its height, the very dog-days of persecution, namely from that dog-headed one (where he means either the Emperor Severus, or rather the prefect of the city of Rome in the absence of the former, who had already set out for Britain); some Christians the fire, some the sword, some the beasts have proved; others, having tasted martyrdom besides by clubs and claws, hunger in prison. Further, we have said that Severus was absent in Britain for this reason, that the British expedition, undertaken in this year, as we have proved before, is mentioned by Eusebius in the Chronicle, Orosius book 7, ch. II, Paul the Deacon book 8, ch. I, and before them Spartianus, Herodian, and Dio in Severus. For that Britain had not yet obeyed the Romans up to that time he himself also indicates in these words cited above: and places of the Britons inaccessible to the Romans, but subject to Christ (book Against the Jews, ch. 7), inasmuch as Lucius, King of the Britains, had a little before been converted to the faith through the help of St Eleutherus the Pope; and likewise in these: The Britains are enclosed within the bounds of the Ocean.

Anno Domini CCX.

The year of the Lord CCX.

28. S. Zephyrini Romani Pontificis XI. Severi Imper. XVII. M. AURELIO CLAUDIO M. F. POMPEIANO, ET LOLLIANO AVITO COSS. Romae adhuc existens TERTULLIANUS, scripsisse mihi videtur librum DE VELANDIS VIRGINIBUS, quem Graece quoque scriptum esse his fatetur verbis: Proprium jam negotium passus meae opinionis, Latine quoque ostendam virgines nostras velari oportere. (Lib. de Vel. virg. c. I). De quo argumento anno sequenti latius. Scripsisse etiam verisimile est paulo post, jam Carthaginem reversum, librum ADVERSUS PRAXEAN, de quo Auctor: Iste, inquit, primus ex Asia hoc genus perversitatis intulit Romae; homo et alias inquietus, insuper et de jactatione Martyrii inflatus ob solum et simplex et breve carceris taedium. Fructicaverant avenae Praxeanae hic quoque (nempe in Africa) superseminatae, traductae dehinc per quem Deus voluit (quantum apparet, Zephyrinum Papam, utpote de quo tale qui tradat B. Opt. Milevit. l. I. contra Parmenian.), etiam evulsae videbantur. Denique caverat pristinum doctor de emendatione sua, et manet chirographum apud Psychicos, apud quos tunc res gesta est, exinde silentium. Avenae vero illae ubique tunc semen excusserant. Ita aliquandiu per hypocrisin subdola vivacitate latitavit, et nunc denuo erupit (adv. Prax., c 1.). Ex quibus verbis satis patet, et revocasse suam haeresin aliquando Praxean disputatione alicujus emendatum, sed iterum relapsum denuo erupisse, et dum hic liber scriberetur, adhuc supervixisse. Quanquam interim, si verum sit quod addit de Montani prophetia ejus ope expulsa, quandoquidem illum floruisse constet sub S. Eleuthero Papa, oporteat jam senem fuisse Praxean. Nos certe vixdum in eo quod dictum est, Auctori fidem adhibendam putamus; tum quod S. Pacianus haec vera scribat de haereticis cataphrygibus: « Et primum hi pluribus nituntur Auctoribus; nam puta Graecus Blastus ipsorum est; Theodotus quoque et Praxeas vestros aliquando docuerunt: » tum, quod ipse Auctor

28. In the XI year of St Zephyrinus, Roman Pontiff, and the XVII of the Emperor Severus, MARCUS AURELIUS CLAUDIUS POMPEIANUS, SON OF MARCUS, AND LOLLIANUS AVITUS BEING CONSULS. TERTULLIAN, still being at Rome, seems to me to have written the book ON THE VEILING OF VIRGINS, which he admits in these words was written in Greek also: Having now suffered a dispute proper to my opinion, I shall show in Latin also that our virgins ought to be veiled (book On the Veiling of Virgins, ch. I). About which subject more at large in the following year. It is likely too that a little later, having now returned to Carthage, he wrote the book AGAINST PRAXEAS, of whom the author says: He, he says, first brought this kind of perversity from Asia to Rome; a man restless in other ways too, and moreover puffed up with boasting of martyrdom on account of the mere, single and short tedium of prison. The wild oats of Praxeas had sprouted here too (that is, in Africa), sown over the good seed, and then, exposed through him whom God willed (as far as appears, Pope Zephyrinus, inasmuch as blessed Optatus of Milevis, book I against Parmenian, records something such of him), they even seemed to have been rooted out. In short, the doctor had given a pledge of his amendment from his former [error], and his written bond remains with the Psychics, among whom the matter was then transacted; thereafter, silence. But those wild oats had then shed their seed everywhere. So for some while it lay hidden through hypocrisy with crafty vitality, and now it has broken out again (Against Praxeas, ch. 1). From these words it is plain enough both that Praxeas at one time recanted his heresy, corrected by someone's disputation, and that, having relapsed, he broke out again, and that he was still alive while this book was being written. Although meanwhile, if what he adds be true, about the prophecy of Montanus having been expelled through his help, since it is established that this man flourished under St Eleutherus the Pope, Praxeas must already have been an old man. We certainly think that the author is scarcely to be believed in what has been said; both because St Pacian writes these true things concerning the Cataphrygian heretics: « And first these lean on several authors; for consider: the Greek Blastus is theirs; Theodotus too and Praxeas at one time taught your people: » and because the Author himself

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running head: TERTULLIANI VITA. 74 (left part of head on the other column)
marginal letters: A ‹cribat: In praesentiarum est medius ardor›; B ‹loca, Christo vero subdita (l. adv. Jud. c. 7)›; C ‹mile est paulo post, jam Carthaginem reversum›; D ‹per hypocrisin subdola vivacitate latitavit›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column opens with "cribat", the end of des-|cribat, set whole in 10073, so it starts at the colon. The last word is hyphenated "Au-" at the column foot; set whole as "Auctor" here (tail "ctor" confirmed at the top of col 10075, which should not restore it). Q1 2026-10-05. Printer's signature (Trois.) at the foot, not set. Q2a 2026-10-05: "C. 7" corrected to "c. 7" as printed.

PL 1:75

, praeterquam quod illic subjungat tanquam discipulos Blastum, et Theodotum, et Praxean, cum Victorino, illis qui secundum Aeschinem pronuntiabantur eamdem haeresin attribuit, et hoc libro impugnat.

, besides adding there as disciples Blastus and Theodotus and Praxeas, with Victorinus, attributes the same heresy to those who were declared to follow Aeschines, and attacks it in this book.

Anno Domini CCXI.

The year of the Lord CCXI.

§ XV. Ejus defectionis tempus et causa.

§ XV. The time and cause of his defection.

— 29. S. Zephirini Papae Romani XII. Severi XVIII. M. ACILIO M. F. M. N. FAUSTINO ET C. CAESONIO C. F. TRIARIO RUFINIO COSS. completum fuit, quod scribunt post Auctores supracitatos Cassiodorus in Chronico, et Ven. Beda histor. Eccles. lib. I. cap. 5. de Severo, quod vallum crebris turribus communitum in Britannia, per centum et amplius millia passuum de mari ad mare perduxerit, ut partem provinciae gravissimis praeliis receptam a caeteris faceret securiorem, pro quo facit etiam lex Severi et Antonini Augg. Eboraci lata hoc Consulatu Non. Maii, quae extat Cod. lib. 3. Tit. 32. lib. I. Certe tunc primum leguntur Inscriptiones quibus appellatur Severus BRITANNICUS MAX. TRIB. POT. XVIII. ac Antoninus BRITANN. TRIB. POT. XIII. IMP. II. COS. III. denique et illa: P. SEPT. GETA PIUS AUG. BRIT. TRIB. POT. III. COS. II. uno ex latere, et ex adversa parte: VICTORIAE BRITAN. Utpote quum tertius fuerit duntaxat iste annus, ex quo Geta Tribunitiam potestatem cum caeteris Imperii insignibus acceperat. Porro hoc fere anno contigisse censemus, quod de TERTULLIANO scribunt B. Hieron. Sophronius Catal. Scriptor. Eccl. ac Niceph. lib. 4. cap. 12. ac 34. quum usque ad mediam aetatem in Eccl. Catholica presbyter permansit, ad Montani dogma delapsum. Verumtamen magna est difficultas, quomodo scribat B. Hieron. id factum invidia et contumeliis Clericorum Rom. Eccl. ac Sophronius: φθόνῳ καὶ προπηλακισμοῖς τῶν κληρικῶν τῆς ἐν Ῥώμῃ ἐκκλησίας, et interpres Nicephori: « propter Cleri Romani invidiam; » praesertim quum de eo nusquam conqueratur Auctor etiam in lib. adver. Ecclesiam scriptis, maxime quum causam illam reticens Vincentius Lirinensis, etsi B. Hieron. posterior, non aliud dicat, quam TERTULLIANUM Catholici dogmatis et vetustae fidei parum tenacem, ac disertiorem multo quam feliciorem, mutata sententia in errorem delapsum, magnam fuisse in Ecclesia tentationem. Quem imitatur Abbas Trithemius.

— 29. In the XII year of St Zephyrinus, Pope of Rome, and the XVIII of Severus, MANIUS ACILIUS FAUSTINUS, SON OF MANIUS, GRANDSON OF MANIUS, AND GAIUS CAESONIUS TRIARIUS RUFINIUS, SON OF GAIUS, BEING CONSULS, there was completed what, after the authors cited above, Cassiodorus in the Chronicle and the Venerable Bede, Ecclesiastical History book I, ch. 5, write of Severus: that he carried a rampart, fortified with frequent towers, across Britain for a hundred and more thousand paces from sea to sea, to make the part of the province recovered in very heavy battles more secure from the rest; in favour of which there is also the law of the Augusti Severus and Antoninus given at York in this consulship on the Nones of May, which is extant in the Code, book 3, title 32, law I. Certainly then for the first time we read inscriptions in which Severus is called BRITANNICUS MAXIMUS, TRIB. POT. XVIII, and Antoninus BRITANN., TRIB. POT. XIII, IMP. II, COS. III; and finally also that one: P. SEPT. GETA PIUS AUG. BRIT. TRIB. POT. III. COS. II on one side, and on the reverse: TO THE BRITISH VICTORY. Inasmuch as this was only the third year since Geta had received the tribunician power with the other insignia of the Empire. Further, we judge that it was about this year that there happened what blessed Jerome, Sophronius in the Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers, and Nicephorus, book 4, ch. 12 and 34, write of TERTULLIAN: that, after remaining a presbyter in the Catholic Church up to middle age, he fell away to the doctrine of Montanus. Yet there is great difficulty in how blessed Jerome writes that this was done through the envy and insults of the clergy of the Roman Church, and Sophronius: through envy and insults of the clergy of the church in Rome, and the translator of Nicephorus: « on account of the envy of the Roman clergy; » especially since the author nowhere complains of it, even in the books written against the Church; most of all since Vincent of Lérins, keeping silent about that cause, although later than blessed Jerome, says nothing else than that TERTULLIAN, holding too little to Catholic doctrine and the ancient faith, and far more eloquent than fortunate, having changed his opinion and fallen into error, was a great temptation in the Church. Whom Abbot Trithemius imitates.

30. Est quidam qui invidiae causam fuisse putet Auctori eloquentiam. Rhenani conjecturam, quantumvis suspectam, sequuntur etiam Catholici quidam, qui suspicantur illum quum initio favere coepisset haeresi Montani, statim Ecclesiae communione privatum prius quam se totum dederet, quare commotus ille prorsus in Montani partes transierit. Verum non video quomodo Excommunicationem Ecclesiasticam, quam Auctor divinam censuram et futuri judicii praejudicium appellat (Apolog. c. 39.), B. vero Hieron. Epist. ad Heliod. « ante diem judicii judicium quo ejectus de Ecclesia rabido daemonis ore discerpitur, » non solum invidiae

30. There is one who thinks that the cause of the envy was the author's eloquence. The conjecture of Rhenanus, however suspect, is followed even by certain Catholics, who suspect that, when at the beginning he had begun to favour the heresy of Montanus, he was at once deprived of the communion of the Church before he had given himself up wholly, and that, provoked by this, he went over entirely to Montanus's party. But I do not see how Ecclesiastical excommunication, which the author calls a divine censure and a forejudgement of the judgement to come (Apology, ch. 39), and blessed Jerome, in the Letter to Heliodorus, « a judgement before the day of judgement, by which he who is cast out of the Church is torn apart by the rabid mouth of the demon, » not only of envy

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(quam pro zelo etiam in sanctis agnoscit idem B. Hieronymus Epist. ad Damas. de prodigo et frugi filiis), sed et contumeliarum nomenclatura ipse traduceret. Nos itaque, si quid in re incerta divinare liceat, conjicimus Tertullianum, post obitum Agrippini, in obtinendo Episcopatu Carthaginiensi repulsam passum fortassis invidia Clericorum quorumdam Ecclesiae Romanae, a quibus proinde etiam contumeliis affectus, ad partes Montani desciverit. Certe fomitem illis invidiae administrare potuerunt loci aliquot in libris praecedentibus: quibus tacite quorumdam Clericorum, fortassis Romanorum, vitia reprehendit, non aliter atque postmodum BB. Hieronymo et Paulino accidit eadem de causa (L. de Spect. c. 25.); Imprimis de frequentatione spectaculorum: Sed Tragoedo, inquit, vociferante, exclamationes ille (nempe aliquis de Clero) alicujus Prophetae retractabit. Inter effeminationis modos, Psalmum secum comminiscetur; et quum athletae agent, ille dicturus est repercutiendum non esse; poterit et de misericordia moveri defixus in morsus ursorum et spongias retiariorum. Avertat Deus a suis tantam voluptatis exitiosae cupiditatem. Quale est enim, de Ecclesia Dei in Ecclesiam diaboli tendere? de coelo (quod aiunt) in coenum? illas manus quas ad Dominum extuleris, postmodum laudando histrionem defatigare? ex ore quo Amen in sanctum protuleris, gladiatori testimonium reddere? εἰς αἰῶνας aliis omnino dicere, nisi Deo Christo? l. de Idol. c. 7. (L. de Cor. milit. 1.). Item illud in Artifices Idolorum: Tota, inquit, die ad hanc partem zelus fidei perorabit ingemens Christianum ab Idolis in Ecclesiam venire, his manibus adorare, quae foris adversus Deum adorantur, manus admovere corpori Domini, quae daemoniis corpora conferunt. Nec hoc sufficit. Parum sit, si ab aliis manibus accipiant quod contaminant, sed ipsae tradant aliis quod contaminaverunt. Alleguntur in ordinem Ecclesiasticum Artifices Idolorum. Proh scelus! Semel Judaei manus Christo intulerunt, isti quotidie corpus ejus lacessunt. O manus praecidendae! Rursum illud de Pastoribus in persecutione fugientibus: Plane superest ut etiam martyria recusare meditetur, qui Prophetias ejusdem Spiritus sancti respuit: novi et Pastores etiam eorum in pace leones, in praelio cervos. Denique de velandis Virginibus: Illam consuetudinem quae virgines negat, dum ostendit, nemo probasset, nisi aliqui tales quales virgines ipsae. Tales enim oculi volent virginem visam, quales habet virgo quae videri volet. Invicem se eadem oculorum genera desiderant. Ejusdem libidinis est videri et videre (Ibid. l. de Veland. virg. cap. 2.). Auctor commentarii S. Ambrosio ascripti in Epist. Pauli videtur interpretari invidiam illam, quasi fuisset ipsius Auctoris in Clerum Romanum. Sic enim, inquit, Per invidiam charitatem corrumpentes, scientiam ad nihilum deduxerunt. Nam et Tertullianus et Novatianus non parvae scientiae fuerunt; sed quia per zelum charitatis foedera perdiderunt, in schisma versi, ad perditionem sui haereses creaverunt. Ex quibus verbis fit etiam verisimilior mea conjectura ex eo,

(which the same blessed Jerome, in the Letter to Damasus on the prodigal and the thrifty sons, acknowledges as zeal even in the saints), but that he himself would also brand it with the name of insults. We therefore, if it be permitted to divine anything in an uncertain matter, conjecture that Tertullian, after the death of Agrippinus, suffered a rebuff in obtaining the bishopric of Carthage, perhaps through the envy of certain clerics of the Roman Church, and that, being accordingly also treated with insults by them, he went over to Montanus's party. Certainly some passages in the preceding books could have supplied them with the tinder of envy, in which he tacitly rebukes the vices of certain clerics, perhaps Roman ones, just as afterwards befell the blessed Jerome and Paulinus for the same cause (book On the Shows, ch. 25). First of all, concerning attendance at the shows: But while the tragedian, he says, is bawling, he (that is, one of the clergy) will be going over the exclamations of some prophet. Amid the measures of effeminacy, he will be composing a psalm to himself; and when the athletes are at work, he will be saying that one must not strike back; he will be able to be moved to mercy, too, with his gaze fixed on the bites of the bears and the sponges of the net-fighters. May God turn away from His own so great a desire for deadly pleasure. For what sort of thing is it to go from the Church of God into the church of the devil? From heaven (as they say) into the mire? To weary those hands which you have raised to the Lord, afterwards, in applauding an actor? From the mouth with which you have uttered Amen over the holy thing, to give testimony to a gladiator? To say "for ever" to any others at all but to God Christ? Book On Idolatry, ch. 7 (book On the Soldier's Crown, 1). Likewise that against the makers of idols: All day long, he says, the zeal of faith will plead on this point, groaning that a Christian comes from idols into the Church, adores with those hands which outside adore against God, moves to the body of the Lord the hands which confer bodies on demons. Nor is this enough. Let it be a small thing if they receive from other hands what they defile; but those very hands hand on to others what they have defiled. Makers of idols are admitted into the ecclesiastical order. O wickedness! Once did the Jews lay hands on Christ; these men assail His body every day. O hands to be cut off! Again, that concerning pastors fleeing in persecution: It plainly remains that he should plan to refuse martyrdoms too, who has spat out the prophecies of the same Holy Spirit: I know also their pastors, lions in peace, deer in battle. Finally, concerning the veiling of virgins: That custom which denies them to be virgins while it displays them no one would have approved, except some such as the virgins themselves. For such eyes will want a virgin seen as the virgin has who will want to be seen. The same kinds of eyes desire each other. It belongs to the same lust to be seen and to see (Ibid., book On the Veiling of Virgins, ch. 2). The author of the commentary on the Epistles of Paul ascribed to St Ambrose seems to interpret that envy as though it had been the author's own against the Roman clergy. For thus he says: Corrupting charity through envy, they brought knowledge to nothing. For both Tertullian and Novatian were of no small knowledge; but because through jealousy they lost the bonds of charity, turned to schism, they created heresies to their own perdition. From which words my conjecture becomes even more likely, from this,

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quod ob repulsam Episcopatus Rom. in schisma et haeresim inciderit Novatianus. Porro si excommunicatus fuerat justissimis profecto de caussis, etiam fortassis in absentem eam tulit sententiam B. Zephyrinus Pontifex. Primum enim in lib. omnibus scriptis citra 14. imperii Severi Annum, Paracleti novae prophetiae frequenter, Spiritus sancti etiam Montani verbis jam citatis meminit, sicuti etiam mulieris Prophetidis subinde, modo Priscillam, modo Maximillam significans; et similiter de Extasi habet non pauca, locis citatis inter Paradoxa Auctoris (L. ad Prax. c. 1). Deinde Psychicos quoque, id est animales appellare coepit Catholicos, tum advers. Marc. tum advers. Praxean, sicuti etiam ibi latius. Postremo omnia illa simul conjungens lib. adv. Praxean, Romanum Episcopum, quantum apparet, Eleutherium calumniatur, tanquam qui agnoscens jam Prophetias Montani, Priscae et Maximillae, ex ea agnitione pacem Ecclesiis Asiae et Phrygiae inferre paratus fuerit, nisi Praxeas falsa (perperam inquit) de ipsis Prophetis et Ecclesiis eorum asseverando, coegisset litteras pacis revocare jam emissas, et a proposito recipiendorum charismatum concessare. Et insuper diaboli negotium procurasse dicit, qui prophetiam expulit, et paracletum fugavit. Certe ipse Auctor Excommunicationem in haereticos approbat non uno in loco (Scorp. adv. Gnost. c. 1.).

that Novatian fell into schism and heresy because of a rebuff over the bishopric of Rome. Further, if he had been excommunicated, assuredly for most just causes, perhaps the blessed Pontiff Zephyrinus also passed that sentence on him in his absence. For, first, in all the books written after the 14th year of the reign of Severus he frequently mentions the Paraclete of the new prophecy, and the Holy Spirit too, in the words of Montanus already cited, as also, from time to time, the woman prophetess, meaning now Priscilla, now Maximilla; and likewise he has not a little about ecstasy, in the passages cited among the Paradoxes of the author (book Against Praxeas, ch. 1). Next, he began also to call the Catholics Psychics, that is, animal men, both against Marcion and against Praxeas, as also more at large there. Lastly, joining all those things together in the book against Praxeas, he slanders the Roman bishop, as far as appears Eleutherius, as one who, already acknowledging the prophecies of Montanus, Prisca and Maximilla, had from that acknowledgement been ready to bring peace to the Churches of Asia and Phrygia, had not Praxeas, by asserting falsehoods (wrongly, he says) about the prophets themselves and their Churches, compelled him to recall the letters of peace already sent out, and to desist from his purpose of receiving the charisms. And besides, he says that he did the devil's business, who drove out prophecy and put the Paraclete to flight. Certainly the author himself approves of excommunication against heretics in more than one place (Scorpiace against the Gnostics, ch. 1).

Anno Domini CCXII.

The year of the Lord CCXII.

§ XVI. De ultimis Tertulliani montanistae libris, de Fuga in persecutione, de Exhortatione castitatis, de Monogamia, de Jejuniis adversus Psychicos, de Pudicitia, de Extasi, adversus Apollonium Septimum.

§ XVI. On the last books of Tertullian the Montanist: On Flight in Persecution, On the Exhortation to Chastity, On Monogamy, On Fasting against the Psychics, On Modesty, On Ecstasy, against Apollonius, the seventh.

— 31. S. Zephyrini Papae Romani XIII. M. Aurelii Antonini Bassiani Pii Felicis Augusti Britannici Germanici Imperii I. Q. EPIDIO L. F. RUFO LOLLIANO GENTIANO, ET POMPONIO BASSO COSS. conscriptum censemus TERTULLIANI librum DE FUGA IN PERSECUTIONE. Idque ante decessum Imper. L. Sept. Severi Pertin. Augusti qui eo anno pridie Nonas Febr. Eboraci moerore magis quam morbo mortuus est (in hoc adeo punitus a Deo juxta Orosium lib. 7. cap. II.) nondum elapso anno Imperii sui 18. ut pote quum ab Idibus Maiis anni Domini 194. ad dictum usque hujus anni diem computantur duntaxat anni 17. menses 8. dies 21; quo fit ut hunc anni I. Anton. faciamus, aut saltem ante reditum Antonin⟨i⟩ ex Britanniis cum fratre suo P. Sept. Geta Felici Augusto Britannico Imperii consorte, adhuc durante persecutione (L. ad Scap. c. 4.), quam ipse [utpote lacte Christiano imbutus, sicuti supra ex Auctore diximus] vel Severo Sulpitio teste (Sacrae Hist. lib. 2), cessare fecerit, utpote qui scribat ab obitu Severi ad Decium usque pacem Ecclesiis fuisse, praeterquam quod a Maximino in Episcopos saevitum fuerit; quam adeo longam pacem appellat B. Cyprian. lib. de Lapsis. Quanquam interim edicta Severi adhuc aliquandiu viguisse ex his Auctoris verbis videantur: Nisi forte in Senatusconsulta et Principum mandata coitionibus

— 31. In the XIII year of St Zephyrinus, Pope of Rome, and the I of the reign of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Bassianus Pius Felix Augustus Britannicus Germanicus, QUINTUS EPIDIUS RUFUS LOLLIANUS GENTIANUS, SON OF LUCIUS, AND POMPONIUS BASSUS BEING CONSULS, we judge that TERTULLIAN's book ON FLIGHT IN PERSECUTION was composed. And that before the death of the Emperor Lucius Septimius Severus Pertinax Augustus, who in that year, on the day before the Nones of February, died at York of grief rather than of disease (punished by God in this very thing, according to Orosius, book 7, ch. II), the 18th year of his reign not yet having elapsed, inasmuch as from the Ides of May of the year of the Lord 194 up to the said day of this year only 17 years, 8 months, 21 days are counted; whence it comes that we make this year I of Antoninus; or at least before the return of Antoninus from the Britains with his brother Publius Septimius Geta Felix Augustus Britannicus, partner in the Empire, while the persecution was still going on (book To Scapula, ch. 4), which he himself [as having been nourished on Christian milk, as we said above from the author], even on the witness of Sulpicius Severus (Sacred History, book 2), caused to cease, inasmuch as he writes that from the death of Severus up to Decius there was peace for the Churches, except that Maximinus raged against the bishops; which blessed Cyprian, in the book On the Lapsed, calls so long a peace. Although meanwhile the edicts of Severus seem from these words of the author to have remained in force for some while yet: Unless perhaps against the decrees of the Senate and the mandates of the princes by gatherings

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opposita delinquimus. (L. de Jejun. c. 13. l. de Fuga in persec. c. 5.) Hunc quum contra Ecclesiam scriptum asserant, ubi supra, B. Hieronymus, Sophronius et Nicephorus, verisimile fit Fabium illum Romanum fuisse Presbyterum. Certe quod aliquo ministerio Ecclesiastico functus, colligere est ex verbis illis: Sed quum ipsi Auctores, id est, Diaconi, Presbyteri et Episcopi, fugiunt, quomodo laicus intelligere poterit? Quibus interim quando (contraquam sentit Auctor) fugere liceat, in Annotationibus nostris latius. Meminit in eo etiam Rutilii sanctissimi Martyris; porro et sub Severo haud dubie referri debet, quod scribunt Euseb. et Nicephor. de Origenis prima persecutione maxima apud Alexandriam, antequam sese ipse castraret. Atqui ad intellectum Auctoris facit, ubi dicit: Maledictum esse ante ἀποθέωσιν Deum Caesarem nuncupare (I. Apolog. c. 34.); id quod late recenset Herod. lib. tertio de ritu observato in relatione Severi Imper. post mortem in Divos per filios Romae facta, postquam cineres ex Britannia secum allati in urna alabastrina juxta illum, aut aerea juxta Spartianum, in sepulcrum Antonini sunt illati. Hic praeterea praetereundum non putavimus, quod quum pridie Non. Februar. perierit Severus, castigari deberent leges duae Codicis, altera lib. 6. Tit. 45. l. 1. ut legatur V. Kal. Februarii, pro, Januarii: altera ejusdem l. Tit. 37. lib. 3. ut soli Antonino Aug. ascribatur, non Severo et Anton. Augg. utpote quum lata sit. VI. Kal. Maii, diu post illius obitum, maxime quum extet lex Antonini solius Kalend. Maiis lata, et aliae plures his Coss. latae.

we offend against what is opposed. (Book On Fasting, ch. 13; book On Flight in Persecution, ch. 5.) Since blessed Jerome, Sophronius and Nicephorus, in the places above, assert that this was written against the Church, it becomes likely that that Fabius was a Roman presbyter. Certainly, that he held some ecclesiastical ministry may be gathered from those words: But when the leaders themselves, that is, deacons, presbyters and bishops, flee, how will a layman be able to understand? For whom, meanwhile, and when it is permitted to flee (contrary to what the author thinks), more at large in our annotations. In it he also mentions Rutilius, a most holy martyr; further, what Eusebius and Nicephorus write of the first very great persecution of Origen at Alexandria, before he castrated himself, ought without doubt to be referred to the time of Severus. Moreover it helps to the understanding of the author where he says: That it is a curse to call Caesar god before his apotheosis (I, Apology, ch. 34); which Herodian, in the third book, recounts at length, concerning the rite observed in the enrolment of the Emperor Severus among the Divi after his death, made by his sons at Rome after his ashes, brought with them from Britain in an urn of alabaster according to him, or of bronze according to Spartianus, had been laid in the tomb of the Antonines. Here besides we have thought that this must not be passed over: that, since Severus died on the day before the Nones of February, two laws of the Code ought to be corrected; the one, book 6, title 45, law 1, so that it may read the V day before the Kalends of February instead of January; the other, of the same, law, title 37, book 3, so that it may be ascribed to Antoninus Augustus alone, not to the Augusti Severus and Antoninus, inasmuch as it was given on the VI day before the Kalends of May, long after his death; above all since there is extant a law of Antoninus alone given on the Kalends of May, and several others given under these consuls.

Anno Domini CCXIII.

The year of the Lord CCXIII.

32. S. Zephyrini Romani Pontificis XIV. Antonini Imper. II. M. POMPONIO M. F. ASPRO II ET ASPRO COSS. sive duobus Aspris, quibus Coss. Leges Antonini variae datae leguntur (quorum seniorem eumdem illum censemus de quo supra ad annum CCII), solus Antoninus (testibus Herodiano et Spartiano), fratre Geta ad pectus suae matris interfecto postquam imperavit annum unum, dies 21. ac sepulto in septizonio (quod a septem zonis coeli ita dictum Severus, vel Euseb. teste, aedificaverat ac in Divos relato), imperium usurpavit. Insuper et alios plurimos, quantumvis patri sibique antea carissimos, neci tradi jussit, inter quos commemorandi veniunt Papinianus ille, ejus ac Juliani et Tertyliani JC. praeceptor, Juris Asylum cognominatus a Spartiano, et Sammonicus Serenus, cujus libros plurimos extare ille scribit, Gordiani postea Caesaris paedagogus. In hunc annum referimus librum TERTULLIANI DE EXHORTATIONE CASTITATIS, utpote quem Nicephorus, lib. quarto, capite 54, inter eos recenset, qui contra Ecclesiam catholicam conscripti sunt, et in quo eo dementiae videtur venisse, ut apud tres etiam laicos, utpote Montanum et insanas ejus Prophetides Priscam et Maximillam, esse Ecclesiam existimet, quemadmodum latius idipsum alibi inculcat (Lib. de Exhor. castit. c. 7. Lib. de pudic. c. 21.). Huic etiam anno applicamus

32. In the XIV year of St Zephyrinus, Roman Pontiff, and the II of the Emperor Antoninus, MARCUS POMPONIUS ASPER, SON OF MARCUS, FOR THE II TIME, AND ASPER BEING CONSULS, or the two Aspri, under which consuls various laws of Antoninus are read as given (the elder of whom we judge to be that same one of whom above, at the year CCII), Antoninus (on the witness of Herodian and Spartianus), his brother Geta having been killed on his mother's breast after he had reigned one year, 21 days, and buried in the Septizonium (so called from the seven zones of heaven, which Severus, on the witness of Eusebius too, had built; Geta was also enrolled among the Divi), usurped the empire alone. Besides, he ordered very many others to be put to death, however dear before to his father and to himself, among whom are to be mentioned that Papinian, the teacher of himself and of Julian and of Tertylianus the jurists, called by Spartianus the Asylum of Law, and Sammonicus Serenus, of whom he writes that very many books are extant, afterwards tutor of Gordian Caesar. To this year we refer TERTULLIAN's book ON THE EXHORTATION TO CHASTITY, as one which Nicephorus, book four, chapter 54, reckons among those written against the Catholic Church, and in which he seems to have come to such a pitch of madness as to think that the Church exists even among three laymen, namely Montanus and his crazed prophetesses Prisca and Maximilla, as he inculcates that very thing more at large elsewhere (book On the Exhortation to Chastity, ch. 7; book On Modesty, ch. 21). To this year too we apply

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marginal letters: A ‹opposita delinquimus. (L. de Jejun. c. 13.›; B ‹ubi dicit: Maledictum esse ante ἀποθέωσιν›; C ‹(beside the gap above the caption Anno Domini CCXIII)›; D ‹ejus ac Juliani et Tertyliani JC. praeceptor›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: "Tertyliani" is set as printed (perhaps for Tertulliani, the jurist); "quorum seniorem" as printed. A small raised mark after "dies 21." is taken as a stray mark or note call and not set. "Februarii" is read through a damaged r. The last word is hyphenated "ap-" at the column foot and is set whole here as "applicamus" (tail printed at the top of col 10079). The Greek ἀποθέωσιν is small and blurred. Q2a 2026-10-05.

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disputationem illam Caii Scriptoris Ecclesiastici adversus Proclum, cujus meminerunt Euseb. lib. sexto, capite decimo quarto: Beatus Hieronymus, in Catal. scr. eccl., et latius in haec verba Niceph. loco jam citato: « Floruit, inquit, sub Zephyrino Romae Episcopo Caius, Antonino Severi filio imperante. » Is adversus Proclum Montani propugnatorem dissertationem copiosissimam habuit et composuit, temerariae audaciae, quod novam introduxerit Prophetiam, illum redarguens et confutans. Quam quidem nos aliquando existimavimus ansam dedisse Auctori ad Montani partes deficiendi; quod verisimile fit in Proclum hac disputatione convictum, nec resipiscentem, a Zephyrino Excommunicationem latam fuisse, et omnes ejus asseclas, inter quos haud dubie Auctor, utpote Montanistarum κατὰ Proclum sectator, non eorum qui secundum Aeschinem dicebantur, contra quos egit libro adversus Praxean. Verum jam antea illum deficere coepisse, imo contra Ecclesiam scripsisse, ex superioribus manifestum fit. Fortassis etiam hoc tempore contigit Origenis discipuli Clementis Alexandrini et Ammonii Romana sub Zephyrino profectio, cujus meminerunt Eusebius et Nicephorus, quorum ille lib. 6. cap. 12. causam illius eam scribit, quod in optatis illi esset antiquissimam illam Ecclesiam invisere. Quo tempore etiam alii Ecclesiastici scriptores ab illis enumerantur, Berillus Arabiae Bostrenus, Hippolytus juxta quosdam Portuensis, Alexander primum Cappadociae, deinde Hierosolymorum Episcopus, quibus interserit B. Hier. etiam Minutium Felicem, qui Apologeticum Auctoris per multa imitatus est.

that disputation of Caius, the ecclesiastical writer, against Proclus, which Eusebius mentions in book six, chapter fourteen, blessed Jerome in the Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers, and Nicephorus more at large, in these words, in the place already cited: « There flourished, he says, under Zephyrinus, bishop of Rome, Caius, while Antoninus, the son of Severus, was emperor. » He held and composed a most copious dissertation against Proclus, the champion of Montanus, refuting and confuting him for his rash audacity in introducing a new prophecy. This indeed we at one time judged to have given the author the handle for falling away to Montanus's party; for it becomes likely that against Proclus, convicted in this disputation and not repenting, excommunication was passed by Zephyrinus, and against all his followers, among whom without doubt was the author, as a follower of the Montanists "according to Proclus", not of those who were said to follow Aeschines, against whom he acted in the book against Praxeas. But that he had already begun to fall away before, indeed had written against the Church, becomes plain from what has gone before. Perhaps also at this time occurred the journey to Rome under Zephyrinus of Origen, the disciple of Clement of Alexandria and of Ammonius, which Eusebius and Nicephorus mention, of whom the former, book 6, ch. 12, writes that its cause was that it was among his wishes to visit that most ancient Church. At which time other ecclesiastical writers too are enumerated by them: Beryllus of Bostra in Arabia; Hippolytus, according to some, of Portus; Alexander, first bishop of Cappadocia, then of Jerusalem; among whom blessed Jerome inserts also Minucius Felix, who imitated the author's Apologeticum in many things.

Anno Domini CCXV.

The year of the Lord CCXV.

33. S. Zephyrini Papae Romani XV. Antonini Imper. III. IMP. CAES. M. AUREL. DIVI SEVERI. F. ANTONINO AUG. BRITAN. GERMAN. IIII. ET P. CAELIO P. F. BALBINO II. COSS. ipse Antoninus Imp. Trib. potest. XVI. de Britannis triumphavit. Quo anno a TERTULL. scriptum existimamus etiam adversus Ecclesiam librum DE MONOGAMIA. In eo inter caetera sic legitur: Quum magis nunc tempus in collecto factum sit, annis circiter CLX exinde productis (L. de Monog. c. 3.). Quos qui a Passione Domini computandos voluerit, tota via aberrare ex superioribus plus satis manifestum est, etiamsi, juxta erroneum calculum Auctoris a passo Christo usque ad devastationem Hierosolymorum anni duntaxat computarentur 22, quos alii enumerant 25; quia usque ad annum praesentem non solum 160, sed producti essent 188. Sunt etiam qui ab Apostolis hunc computum ineant, eo quod praemittatur: post Apostolos; in qua sententia et nos fuimus, quum Annotationes nostras in eum scriberemus locum. Verum SS. Petrus et Paulus primum passi sunt anno Neronis ultimo, qui in annum incidit Christi 69, a quo adhuc non nisi computantur anni 146. et S. Joannes Evangelista vixit ad Trajanum usque, mortuus primum anno circiter 100, unde non plures sunt anni quam 114. Propius accedunt qui ab Apostoli Pauli aetate computant annos illos circiter

33. In the XV year of St Zephyrinus, Pope of Rome, and the III of the Emperor Antoninus, the EMPEROR CAESAR MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS AUGUSTUS BRITANNICUS GERMANICUS, SON OF THE DEIFIED SEVERUS, FOR THE IIII TIME, AND PUBLIUS CAELIUS BALBINUS, SON OF PUBLIUS, FOR THE II TIME, BEING CONSULS, Antoninus himself, Emperor, in the XVI year of his tribunician power, triumphed over the Britons. In which year we judge that the book ON MONOGAMY, also against the Church, was written by TERTULLIAN. In it, among other things, one reads thus: Since now the time has become all the more drawn in, some CLX years having run on since then (book On Monogamy, ch. 3). That whoever would have these counted from the Passion of the Lord strays by the whole road is more than plain enough from what has gone before, even if, according to the author's erroneous reckoning, only 22 years were counted from the suffering of Christ to the devastation of Jerusalem, which others number at 25; because up to the present year not only 160, but 188 would have run on. There are also those who begin this reckoning from the apostles, because "after the apostles" is put before it; in which opinion we too were, when we were writing our annotations on that place. But Saints Peter and Paul first suffered in the last year of Nero, which falls in the year of Christ 69, from which as yet only 146 years are counted; and St John the Evangelist lived up to Trajan, dying at the earliest about the year 100, whence the years are not more than 114. Those come nearer who count those years from the age of the Apostle Paul, some

Editors' notes and page, col. 79

Page

running head: 79 TERTULLIANI VITA (right half of head cut by the crop; the page number is blurred and could be read as 70)
marginal letters: A ‹plicamus disputationem illam Caii Scriptoris Eccle-›; B ‹tanistarum κατὰ Proclum sectator, non eorum qui›; C ‹qui Apologeticum Auctoris per multa imitatus est.›; D ‹satis manifestum est, etiamsi, juxta erroneum calcu-›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column opens with "plicamus", the end of ap-|plicamus begun at the foot of 10078 (set there as "ap-"); the English of 10078 already carries "To this year too", and "we apply" is given here. The caption is printed "ccx v." with a space; set as CCXV.

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CLX, quorum sententiae accedimus: sed quia ille primum martyrio affectus fuit cum Apostolo Petro (uti jam dictum est), censemus ab eo tempore numerandos quo Epistolam scripsit priorem ad Corinthios, ab anno nempe Domini circiter LIV. Imprimis enim scriptam Epistolam utramque ad Corinthios, postquam ab ipso ad fidem essent conversi, ex eisdem fit manifestum; quae conversio contigisse putatur anno Domini 51, quum ibi haesit ad annum et menses sex. Deinde si Ephesi scripta sit (sicuti quidam et rectius habent Graeci codices) ex historiis Peregrinationis Pauli satis patet dicto anno, qui incidit in duodecimum Claudii Imperatoris, Ephesi illum habitasse. Sive ex Philippis (quod plures prae se ferunt et Latini et Graeci codices), certe anno 55. Per Philippos iter fecisse, postquam Epheso discesserat, sub festum Paschae, testantur Acta Apostolorum capite vigesimo. Et vero sic intelligi debere Auctorem, vel ex illis dictis verbis colligitur quae legerat fere I. Cor. VII, 29: Quum nunc tempus in collecto factum sit. Atqui in hunc annum hoc incidere, non in XV Severi (uti quidam etiam viri eruditi conjecturam faciunt), ex eo perspicuum est, quod ille idem sit cum anno Domini CCVIII, ad quem proinde ab eo quem diximus, non nisi anni CLV. conficiuntur, nec ulterius extendi possunt, quod anno primum 51. fidei catholicae initiati fuerint Corinthii. Porro fuit hic annus nobilitatus Consulatu trium Imperatorii Ordinis virorum; nam praeter Antoninum et Balbinum, qui quartus ab illo imperavit cum Pupieno, etiam suffectus fuit ex Kalend. Martiis M. ANTON. M. F. GORDIANUS, qui postea Imperat. Caes. Aug. appellatus, a Balbino interfectus fuit, sicuti rursum ex Kalend. Maiis P. Helvius D. Pertinacis F. P. N. Pertinax paulo post occisus ab Antonino.

CLX, to whose opinion we accede: but because he first suffered martyrdom with the Apostle Peter (as has already been said), we judge that they are to be numbered from the time when he wrote the First Epistle to the Corinthians, that is, from about the year of the Lord LIV. For, first, that both Epistles to the Corinthians were written after they had been converted to the faith by him becomes plain from those same Epistles; which conversion is thought to have taken place in the year of the Lord 51, when he stayed there a year and six months. Next, if it was written at Ephesus (as some Greek manuscripts, and more correctly, have it), it is plain enough from the histories of Paul's travels that in the said year, which falls in the twelfth of the Emperor Claudius, he lived at Ephesus. Or if from Philippi (which more manuscripts, both Latin and Greek, show), certainly in the year 55. That he journeyed through Philippi, after he had left Ephesus, about the feast of Easter, the Acts of the Apostles testify in chapter twenty. And indeed that the author ought to be understood thus is gathered even from those words cited, which he had read almost so in 1 Cor. 7:29: Since now the time has become drawn in. Moreover, that this falls in this year, not in the XV of Severus (as some, even learned men, conjecture), is clear from this, that the latter is the same as the year of the Lord CCVIII, to which accordingly, from the year we have named, only CLV years are made up, nor can they be stretched further, since the Corinthians were first initiated into the Catholic faith in the year 51. Further, this year was ennobled by the consulship of three men of imperial rank; for besides Antoninus and Balbinus, who was the fourth to reign after him, with Pupienus, there was also suffected from the Kalends of March Marcus Antonius Gordianus, son of Marcus, who, afterwards called Emperor Caesar Augustus, was killed by Balbinus; as again from the Kalends of May Publius Helvius Pertinax, son of the deified Pertinax, grandson of Publius, who was killed a little later by Antoninus.

Anno Domini CCXV.

The year of the Lord CCXV.

34. S. Zephirini Romani Pontificis XVI. Antonini Imper. IV, SILIO MESSALA ET Q. AQUILIO SABINO COSS. Imperator ex expeditione Gallica, cujus Spartianus meminit, Romam reversus, a vestis talaris genere inde allatae, quam plebi distribuit, ut eo vestitu sese salutaret, Caracalla nuncupatus est. Hoc fere anno scriptum censemus a TERTULLIANO etiam adversus Ecclesiam librum DE JEJUNIIS ADVERSUS PSYCHICOS (L. de Jejun. c. I. Ibid. c. 13. Ibid. c. 16.). Ex quo imprimis fit verisimile, cum Proclo reliquisque Montanistis post dictam disputationem, etiam Tertullianum a Papa Zephyrino excommunicatum fuisse, ex verbis inquam illis: Dum quaqua ex parte anathema audiamus, qui aliter annuntiamus. Deinde varia tum fuisse celebrata per Graecias concilia, ita testatur: Aguntur praeterea per Graecias illas certis in locis Concilia ex universis Ecclesiis, per quae et altiora quaeque in commune tractantur, et ipsa repraesentatio totius nominis Christiani magna veneratione celebratur. Conventus autem illi stationibus prius et jejunationibus operati. Quae maxime contra Montanistas convenisse, vel inde mihi colligere videor, quod etiam in Episcopos quosdam ea haeresis canceris in morem serpere coepisse videatur, ex his Auctoris

34. In the XVI year of St Zephyrinus, Roman Pontiff, and the IV of the Emperor Antoninus, SILIUS MESSALA AND QUINTUS AQUILIUS SABINUS BEING CONSULS, the Emperor, having returned to Rome from the Gallic expedition which Spartianus mentions, was named Caracalla from a kind of ankle-length garment brought from there, which he distributed to the people so that they might greet him in that dress. About this year we judge that the book ON FASTING AGAINST THE PSYCHICS, also against the Church, was written by TERTULLIAN (book On Fasting, ch. I; ibid., ch. 13; ibid., ch. 16). From which, first of all, it becomes likely that Tertullian too, with Proclus and the rest of the Montanists, was excommunicated by Pope Zephyrinus after the said disputation; from those words, I say: While on every side we hear "anathema", we who proclaim otherwise. Next, he thus testifies that various councils were then held throughout the Greek lands: Besides, throughout those Greek lands, in fixed places, councils are held of all the Churches, by means of which both all the deeper matters are treated in common, and the very representation of the whole Christian name is celebrated with great veneration. And those assemblies first busied themselves with stations and fastings. That these met above all against the Montanists I seem to myself to gather even from this, that this heresy seems to have begun to creep, after the manner of a cancer, even among certain bishops, from these words of the author

Editors' notes and page, col. 80

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running head: TERTULLIANI VITA. 80 (left part of head on the other column)
marginal letters: A ‹clx, quorum sententiae accedimus: sed quia ille pri-›; B ‹quam Epheso discesserat, sub festum Paschae, tes-›; C ‹TON. M. F. GORDIANUS, qui postea Imperat. Caes.›; D ‹(L. de Jejun. c. I. Ibid. c. 13. Ibid. c. 16.). Ex quo›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column opens mid-sentence with the numeral clx (small capitals), continuing "circiter" at the foot of 10079; the English of 10079 ends "some" and this column's English begins with the rest. "canceris" set as printed.

PL 1:81

verbis: Haec erunt exempla, et populo, et episcopis etiam Spiritalibus; nam spiritales Montani assectas Psychicis (ita Catholicos calumniose appellat) opponit (Ibid. c. 15.). Porro si vera sit lectio apud beatum Hieronymum Epistola quinquagesima quarta ad Marcellam de Montanistis, quod illi tres in anno Quadragesimas facerent, quasi tres passi essent Salvatores; incipit ab illis nonnihil dissentire Auctor in duarum duntaxat observatione, siculi ex his verbis, etiam juxta MS. cod. manifestum fit: Duas, inquis, in anno hebdomadas Xerophagiarum, nec totas, exceptis Sabbatis et Dominicis, offerimus Deo, abstinentes ab iis, quae non rejicimus, sed differimus. Verum de hoc latius in Annotationibus nostris.

words: "These will be examples both to the people and to the bishops, even the Spirituals"; for he sets the spiritual followers of Montanus against the Psychics (so he slanderously calls the Catholics) (ibid., ch. 15). Further, if the reading in blessed Jerome, the fifty-fourth Letter, to Marcella, on the Montanists, is true, that they kept three Lents in the year, as though three Saviours had suffered, the Author begins to dissent somewhat from them in observing only two, as is made plain by these words, even according to the manuscript: "Two weeks of Xerophagies in the year," you say, "and not whole ones, Saturdays and Sundays excepted, we offer to God, abstaining from those things which we do not reject but defer." But of this more fully in our Annotations.

Anno Domini ccxvi.

The year of the Lord CCXVI.

35. Sancti Zephyrini Romani Pontificis xvii. Antonini Imper. V. AIMILO LAETO (quem paulo post ab Antonino interfectum scribit Spartianus) ET ANICIO CEREALI COSS. eo ipso quo Antoninus in expeditione Germanica (teste Spartiano) juxta Rhetias multos barbaros interfecit, inde potissimum GERMANICUS appellatus, putatur scripsisse TERTULLIANUS librum DE PUDICITIA (Lib. de Pudicit. c. 7. et cap. 10.). In quo sententiam sancti Damasi in Pontificali de vasis vitreis ad sacrificium ordinatis a sancto Zephyrino, confirmant haec illius verba: Cui ille si forte patrocinabitur Pastor, quem in calice depingis; maxime quod sequitur: At ego ejus Pastoris scripturam haurio qui frangi non potest; frangi enim facillime possunt calices vitrei; quos etiam depingi tum solitos esse, hinc fit manifestum. Hic etiam in hoc a Montanistis dissentit, quod quum, teste B. Hieron. Epist. supracitata, Montanus sensisset non posse renovari per poenitentiam Lapsos, atque adeo illum cum Novatiano conjungat; Auctor duntaxat moechis et fornicatoribus (etsi perperam, et contraquam antea scripserat libro de Poenit.) pacem Ecclesiae neget, oppugnans ex proposito illud Zephyrini (quem Pontificem Maximum etiam jam haereticus et Episcopum Episcoporum appellat): Ego et moechiae et fornicationis delicta poenitentia functis dimitto (Lib. de Pudic. c. 1.). Atque hoc est mea quidem sententia quod de illo scribit B. August. lib de Haeres., postmodum abs Cataphrygibus divisum sua conventicula propagasse, fortassis quod jam defunctis illis qui κατὰ Proclum (cujus ipse sectator) dicebantur, obtinerent palmam illi qui secundum Aeschinem. Utpote contra quos tacite scripserit librum adversus Praxean de Patre et Filio non eisdem. Dissensisse etiam illum annotavimus de duabus duntaxat Quadragesimis. Quare falluntur, qui ex eo loco colligunt eum ad catholicam Ecclesiam rediisse, maxime quum B. August. causam haeres. duplicem assignat, tum quia transiens ad Cataphrygas coepit secundas nuptias damnare, tum quia sua conventicula propagavit.

35. In the seventeenth year of Saint Zephyrinus, Roman Pontiff, and the fifth of the Emperor Antoninus, in the consulship of AIMILUS LAETUS (whom Spartianus writes was killed by Antoninus a little later) AND ANICIUS CEREALIS, in the very year in which Antoninus in the German campaign (on Spartianus's testimony) killed many barbarians near Rhaetia, and was chiefly for that reason called GERMANICUS, TERTULLIAN is thought to have written the book ON MODESTY (On Modesty, ch. 7 and ch. 10). In it these words of his confirm the statement of Saint Damasus in the Pontifical about the glass vessels appointed for the sacrifice by Saint Zephyrinus: "To whom perhaps that Shepherd will give patronage, whom you paint on the chalice"; above all what follows: "But I drink in the scripture of that Shepherd who cannot be broken"; for glass chalices can very easily be broken; and that they were also customarily painted at that time is made plain from this. Here too he dissents from the Montanists in this, that whereas, on the testimony of blessed Jerome in the letter cited above, Montanus held that the Lapsed could not be renewed through penance, and Jerome therefore joins him with Novatian, the Author denies the peace of the Church only to adulterers and fornicators (albeit wrongly, and contrary to what he had previously written in the book On Penance), deliberately attacking that saying of Zephyrinus (whom, even when already a heretic, he calls Supreme Pontiff and Bishop of Bishops): "I remit the sins both of adultery and of fornication to those who have done penance" (On Modesty, ch. 1). And this, in my opinion at least, is what blessed Augustine writes of him in the book On Heresies, that afterwards, separated from the Cataphrygians, he propagated his own conventicles; perhaps because, those who were called "after Proclus" (of whom he himself was a follower) being now dead, those who followed Aeschines won the palm. Against these, as it were, he may have tacitly written the book against Praxeas, on the Father and the Son not being the same. We have also noted that he dissented concerning only two Lents. Therefore those are mistaken who gather from that passage that he returned to the Catholic Church, especially since blessed Augustine assigns a twofold cause of the heresy: both that, passing over to the Cataphrygians, he began to condemn second marriages, and that he propagated his own conventicles.

Anno Domini ccxvii.

The year of the Lord CCXVII.

36. Sancti Zephyrini Papae Romani xviii. et Antonini vi. Q. AQUILIO SABINO. II (ad quem Ulpianus Libros 51. Digestorum scripsit) ET SEXT. AURELIO.

36. In the eighteenth year of Saint Zephyrinus, Roman Pope, and the sixth of Antoninus, in the consulship of Q. AQUILIUS SABINUS for the second time (to whom Ulpian wrote 51 books of the Digest) AND SEXTUS AURELIUS.

Editors' notes and page, col. 81

Page

running head: 81 TERTULLIANI VIT[A] (right edge cropped)
marginal letters: A ‹verbis : Haec erunt exempla›; B ‹35. Sancti Zephyrini Romani›; C ‹quos etiam depingi tum›; D ‹propagasse, fortassis quod›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: "Saneti" at start of §35 read as damaged/blurred "Sancti". "AIMILO" set as printed (sic; consul name). Greek κατὰ is blurred in the scan (looks like χατὰ); set κατὰ per the PG χ/κ confusion rule — UNSURE whether print has χ. Column ends mid-sentence after "AURELIO."

PL 1:82

P. F. ANULLINO COS. censemus scriptos TERTULLIANI LIBROS SEX DE ECSTASI, et ADVERSUS APOLLONIUM SEPTIMUM (Inter fragmenta), quos etiam adversus Ecclesiam scriptos testantur B. Hieronymus, Sophron. et Nicephor. Nec obstat quod Apollonium collocet Beatus Hieronymus Catal. Script. Eccles. ante Auctorem, quia, quod alias facere solet, nullius imperatoris ascribit tempora. Euseb. quoque Eccles. histor. lib. 5. cap. 17. et post eum Nicephorus, eum inter eos quidem recenset qui adversus Montanum scripserunt, sed aliquandiu postea conscriptum satis indicant illa verba: « Porro Apollonius scriptor Ecclesiasticus, quum ea quae Cataphrygum Haeresis nominata est adhuc in Phrygia vigere videretur, Librum separatim ad patronos ejusdem confutandos conscripsit. Deinde convincit illud ejusdem: Idem iste Apollonius in eodem Libro commemorat, quod quadragesimus jam annus, in quo quidem ad hoc opus scribendum se contulit, agebatur, ex quo Montanus confictam et commentitiam prophetiam incoeperit. » Atqui ab initio pontificatus sancti Eleutherii, quo Montanus haeresim sparsit suam, uti supradictum est, ad hunc usque intercedunt anni xlii. Sedit enim Eleutherius post consulatum Cethegi et Clari (utpote creatus pridie Idus Maii, quum exstet illis consulibus Epistola Decretalis sancti Soteris Papae data x. Calend. Junii) usque ad Maternum et Praduam consules, defunctus vii. Cal. Junii, id est ab anno Domini clxxii. usque ad annum clxxxvi. per annos xiv, dies xiii Sanctus Victor, ut supra dictum est, annos xii; mensem i, dies xxviii; cum Sancti Zephyrini xviii fient anni xlii.

P. F. ANULLINUS being consuls, we judge that TERTULLIAN'S SIX BOOKS ON ECSTASY were written, and the SEVENTH, AGAINST APOLLONIUS (among the fragments), which blessed Jerome, Sophronius and Nicephorus also testify were written against the Church. Nor is it an obstacle that blessed Jerome, in the Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers, places Apollonius before the Author, because, as he is otherwise accustomed to do, he ascribes [them] to the times of no emperor. Eusebius also, Ecclesiastical History, book 5, chapter 17, and Nicephorus after him, list him indeed among those who wrote against Montanus, but these words show clearly enough that [his book] was composed some while later: "Further, Apollonius, an ecclesiastical writer, since that which was named the Heresy of the Cataphrygians still seemed to flourish in Phrygia, composed a book separately to refute its patrons. Then this statement of the same proves it: This same Apollonius records in the same book that it was then the fortieth year, in which indeed he betook himself to writing this work, since Montanus began his feigned and fabricated prophecy." But from the beginning of the pontificate of Saint Eleutherius, in which Montanus spread his heresy, as was said above, up to this [year] there intervene forty-two years. For Eleutherius sat from after the consulship of Cethegus and Clarus (being created on the day before the Ides of May, since there exists a Decretal Letter of Saint Soter, Pope, given on the 10th day before the Kalends of June in that consulship) until the consuls Maternus and Pradua, having died on the 7th day before the Kalends of June, that is, from the year of the Lord CLXXII to the year CLXXXVI, for XIV years and XIII days; Saint Victor, as was said above, XII years, I month, XXVIII days; with the XVIII of Saint Zephyrinus it will make XLII years.

Anno Domini ccxviii.

The year of the Lord CCXVIII.

§ XVII. Quonam ultimo tempore floruerit. — 37. S. Zephyrini Papae Romani xix. Antonini vii. utriusque ultimo, BRUTTIO PRAESENTE ET MESSIO EXTRICATO COSS. nos etiam historiae nostrae Tertullianicae finem imponimus. Non quod certo velimus asserere postea non supervixisse TERTULLIANUM, quem Trithemius scribit vixisse usque ad senectam et senium, sed quod saltem a scribendo destiterit. Sentiebamus aliquando, quum in illum Annotationes scriberemus, Librum de Jejuniis, sub S. Calixto papa editum fuisse, quod Jejuniorum meminerit citra illos dies quibus ablatus est sponsus (Lib. de Jejun. c. 13. n. 78. ibid. c. 4), id est extra quadragesimam, existimantes alludi ad jejunia iv. Temporum ab illo instituta. Sed ubi penitus inspeximus, potest referri aut ad id quod sequitur: Et stationum semijejunia interponentes (nempe feriae quartae et sextae ad horam usque nonam) et interdum pane et aqua victitantes, aut ad jejunium Sabbati, quod Romae celebrabatur ex statuto, non in Africa (cujus etiam paulo post meminit) aut ad jejunia Poenitentium etiam Catechumenorum, de quibus ipse in haec verba ante haeresim: Ingressuros baptismum, orationibus crebris, jejuniis et geniculationibus et pervigiliis orare oportet (Lib. de Baptis. c. 20), aut denique ad jejunia in Vigiliis Festivitatum Ecclesiasticarum. Atque adeo placet B. Hieronymi, Sophronii et Nicephori sententia qui non sub Macrino aut Heliogabalo, sed sub Severo principe

§ XVII. At what last time he flourished. — 37. In the nineteenth year of Saint Zephyrinus, Roman Pope, and the seventh of Antoninus, the last of each, in the consulship of BRUTTIUS PRAESENS AND MESSIUS EXTRICATUS, we too put an end to our Tertullianic history. Not that we wish to assert for certain that TERTULLIAN did not survive afterwards, whom Trithemius writes lived into old age and decrepitude, but that at least he ceased from writing. We once held, when we were writing Annotations on him, that the book On Fasting was published under Saint Calixtus, pope, because it mentions Fasts besides those days on which the bridegroom was taken away (On Fasting, ch. 13, n. 78; ibid., ch. 4), that is, outside Lent, supposing an allusion to the fasts of the IV Seasons instituted by him. But when we looked into it thoroughly, it can be referred either to what follows: "And interposing the half-fasts of the stations" (namely of the fourth and sixth weekdays, up to the ninth hour) "and sometimes living on bread and water"; or to the Saturday fast, which was kept at Rome by statute, not in Africa (which he also mentions a little later); or to the fasts of Penitents, and also of Catechumens, of whom he himself [wrote] before his heresy in these words: "Those about to enter baptism must pray with frequent prayers, fasts, kneelings and vigils" (On Baptism, ch. 20); or finally to the fasts on the Vigils of Ecclesiastical Feasts. And so the opinion of blessed Jerome, Sophronius and Nicephorus is to be preferred, who not under Macrinus or Heliogabalus, but under the emperor Severus

Editors' notes and page, col. 82

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running head: [TE]RTULLIANI VITA. 82 (left edge cropped)
marginal letters: A ‹P. F. ANULLINO COS.›; B ‹vincit illud ejusdem›; C ‹xii; mensem i, dies xxviii›; D ‹extra quadragesimam, existimantes›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: The closing guillemet » is printed after "incoeperit"; no opening guillemet is printed before "Deinde convincit", so the quotation is set as printed. "c. 13." in the De jejunio reference is slightly blurred. Column ends mid-sentence ("sub Severo principe").

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et Antonino Caracalla floruisse et scripsisse testantur hunc auctorem nostrum; maxime quum sub S. Zephyrino Pontifice omnes illum claruisse scribant, non sub Calixto; praeter unum aliquem neotericum, qui tamen eum jam antea sub Adriano Caesare eumdem fecerat cum Tertyliano JC. Porro postremum fuisse hunc annum Antonini Caracallae Imp. non sequentem (uti Cassiodorus habet), patet ex Fastis Consularibus emendatioribus, in quibus sic scribitur: « Hoc anno ad vi. Idus April. IMP. CAES. M. Aurelius Divi Severi filius Antoninus Augustus Britannicus Germanicus occisus est (Apolog. cap. 15.). Quum enim (inquit Spartianus) vellet iterum Parthis bellum inferre atque hybernare Edessae, atque inde Carras Luni Dei gratia (de quo, quod insuper addit, ad intellectum facit Auctoris, qui alicubi Masculam Lunam ridet) venisset, die Natalis sui ipsis Megalensibus, insidiis a Macrino Praef. Praet. positis, qui posteum invasit Imperium, interemptus est, ab eodem tamen in Deos relatus, et templo ei aedificato, et Saliis additis. » Confirmatur haec mea sententia, quod nullae extent leges Antonino et Advento Coss. sed Antonini Aug. titulo duae Praesente et Extricato Coss. altera lib. ix. Cod. data viii. Kal. Mart. altera lib. viii. Tit. 38. lib. 3. ex Kal. Martiis paulo ante obitum. Imperavit proinde a pridie Nonas Febr. anni Domini ccxii. usque ad dictum diem, annos vii. menses ii. dies iv. Atqui S. Zephyrino Papae, quem et S. Damasus et alii omnes his consulibus vitam finiisse scribunt, non possunt plures anni tribui quam xix. et dies xvi. quod a iv. Idus Augusti anni Domini clxxxix. usque ad vii. Kal. Septemb., quo defunctus est, totidem computentur. Quem quum Ecclesia inter Martyres celebret, oportet, ut absente jam Antonino, iterum per Pontifices Idolorum excitata fuerit Romae, et fortassis a Macrino continuata (qui proinde etiam post annum, mensem i. dies aliquot, a Deo caede punitus est) Christianorum persecutio, sed quia localis duntaxat, non computata ab historicis.

and Antoninus Caracalla, testify that this author of ours flourished and wrote; above all since all write that he was renowned under Saint Zephyrinus, Pontiff, not under Calixtus; except some one modern writer, who however had already earlier placed him under Hadrian Caesar, making him the same as Tertyllianus the jurist. Further, that this was the last year of the Emperor Antoninus Caracalla, not the following one (as Cassiodorus has it), is plain from the more correct Consular Fasti, in which it is written thus: "In this year, on the 6th day before the Ides of April, the EMPEROR CAESAR M. Aurelius Antoninus Augustus Britannicus Germanicus, son of the Divine Severus, was killed (Apology, ch. 15). For when (says Spartianus) he wished to make war again on the Parthians and to winter at Edessa, and had come from there to Carrhae for the sake of the god Lunus (what he adds concerning this besides helps towards understanding the Author, who somewhere mocks a Male Moon), on his own birthday, at the very Megalensia, he was slain by a plot laid by Macrinus, Praetorian Prefect, who afterwards seized the Empire; yet by the same man he was enrolled among the Gods, a temple being built for him and Salii added." This opinion of mine is confirmed by the fact that no laws exist dated in the consulship of Antoninus and Adventus, but two under the title of Antoninus Augustus in the consulship of Praesens and Extricatus: one in book IX of the Code, given on the 8th day before the Kalends of March, the other in book VIII, title 38, law 3, from the Kalends of March, a little before his death. He reigned therefore from the day before the Nones of February in the year of the Lord CCXII up to the said day, VII years, II months, IV days. But to Saint Zephyrinus, Pope, whom both Saint Damasus and all others write ended his life in this consulship, no more years can be assigned than XIX and XVI days, since so many are reckoned from the 4th day before the Ides of August in the year of the Lord CLXXXIX up to the 7th day before the Kalends of September, on which he died. Since the Church celebrates him among the Martyrs, it must be that, Antoninus being now absent, a persecution of the Christians was stirred up again at Rome by the Pontiffs of the Idols, and perhaps continued by Macrinus (who accordingly, after a year, I month and some days, was also punished by God with slaughter), but, because it was only local, not counted by the historians.

Ac finierit. — 38. Caeterum etiam hic adjiciendum pro historiae veritate, frustra quosdam illum denuo ad Catholicam fidem rediisse opinari. Nam imprimis id ex S. Augustino colligi non posse ad annum abhinc secundum ostendimus. Deinde inter Martyras minime computandum TERTULLIANUM, sed Tertullinum, supra in ipsis auspiciis annotavimus (Lib. de Poenit. in calce Argumenti et suis quibusque locis). Denique S. Pacianus ad Sympronianum contra Novatianos nihil pro eis facit: « Tertullianus, inquit, post haeresin (etiam addendum censuimus) vester est: nam multa inde sumpsistis. Ipsum Epistola sua, et ea ipsa quam Catholicus edidit, audies confitentem, posse Ecclesiam peccata dimittere. » Neque enim loquitur de epistola,

And how he ended. — 38. Moreover, this too must be added here for the truth of the history: that some vainly suppose he returned once more to the Catholic faith. For in the first place we showed, at the year before last, that this cannot be gathered from Saint Augustine. Next, we noted above at the very outset that it is not TERTULLIAN who is to be counted among the Martyrs, but Tertullinus (On Penance, at the end of the Argument, and each in its own place). Finally, Saint Pacian, to Sympronianus against the Novatians, does nothing for them: "Tertullian," he says, "after his heresy" (we have judged that this too must be added) "is yours: for you have taken much from there. You will hear him confessing in his own Letter, and that very one which he published as a Catholic, that the Church can forgive sins." For he does not speak of a letter

Editors' notes and page, col. 83

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running head: 83 TERTULLIANI VIT[A] (right edge cropped)
marginal letters: A ‹et Antonino Caracalla floruisse›; B ‹quod insuper addit›; C ‹a iv. Idus Augusti›; D ‹Poenit. in calce Argumenti›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: settle: full_width — p62 (cols 83/84): below a rule, the next piece's caption "TERTYLIANI JC. ROMANI / RESPONSA QUAE IN LIBRIS DIGESTORUM EXTANT. / EX LIB. I. QUAESTIONUM OCTO." is printed across both columns; the Responsa's first lines ("D. Lib. i. Tit. 3. ..." and "Ideo, quia antiquiores leges ad posteriores trahi,") sit at the foot of THIS column but are set, with the caption, in c10084 after the Vita's end, to keep reading order. The Vita text in this column ends above that rule ("de epistola,"). Upper part of the scan is heavily inked; "Tertyliano JC." set as printed.

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quam post haeresim, sed quam antea adhuc Catholicus ediderat, nempe lib. de Poenitentia, ex quo multa ipsum descripsisse alibi annotavimus. Certe si ita creditum fuisset, non tantopere haeresim hujus boni viri deplorasset S. Vincentius Lirinensis, cujus interim verba Antidoti loco, ne quis forte ex eo scandalizetur, addenda putavimus: « Fuit iste quoque (alludens ad Origenem, de quo similia scripserat, qui a fine imperii Severi ad Decium usque supervixit) in Ecclesia magna tentatio. Sed de hoc nolo plura dicere: hoc tantum commemorabo, quod contra Mosis praeceptum, exurgentes in Ecclesia novellas Montani furias et insana illa insanarum mulierum novitii dogmatis somnia veras prophetias asseverando, meruit ut de se quoque et scripturis suis diceretur: Si surrexerit in medio tui propheta, etc. non audies verba prophetae illius. Quare? Quia, inquit, tentat vos Dominus Deus vester, utrum diligatis eum, an non. His igitur tot ac tantis caeterisque ejusmodi ecclesiasticorum exemplorum molibus, evidenter advertere, ac secundum Deuteronomii leges luce clarius intelligere debemus, quod si quando aliquis ecclesiasticus magister aberraverit, ad tentationem nostram id fieri providentia divina patiatur, utrum diligamus Deum, an non, in toto corde et in tota anima nostra. »

which he published after his heresy, but of one which he had published earlier while still a Catholic, namely the book On Penance, from which we have noted elsewhere that he copied out much. Certainly, if it had been so believed, Saint Vincent of Lérins would not have so greatly lamented the heresy of this good man; whose words, meanwhile, we have thought should be added by way of an Antidote, lest anyone perhaps be scandalized by him: "This man too (alluding to Origen, of whom he had written similar things, who survived from the end of the reign of Severus up to Decius) was a great temptation in the Church. But of him I do not wish to say more: this alone I shall recall, that, by asserting against the precept of Moses that the new frenzies of Montanus rising up in the Church, and those insane dreams of a newfangled doctrine of insane women, were true prophecies, he deserved that it should be said of him and of his writings too: 'If a prophet shall arise in the midst of you,' etc., 'you shall not hear the words of that prophet.' Why? 'Because,' He says, 'the Lord your God is testing you, whether you love Him or not' (Deut. 13:1–3). By these so many and so great masses of ecclesiastical examples, therefore, and others of the kind, we ought plainly to observe, and according to the laws of Deuteronomy to understand more clearly than light, that if at any time some ecclesiastical teacher has gone astray, divine providence permits this to happen for our testing, whether we love God or not, with our whole heart and with our whole soul."

§ XVIII. De Tertullianistis. — 39. Denique coronidis vice, non praetereundum, quod ex B. August. didicimus, durasse adhuc ad sua usque tempora TERTULLIANISTAS Haereticos, et tum primum in Catholicam Ecclesiam transiisse. Quibus etiam magis, quam ipsi Tertulliano, censemus imputandam absurdissimam illam haeresim qua dicebant animas hominum pessimas post mortem in daemonas converti, maxime quum aetate primum Augustini post Donatistas et Jovinianistas collocentur [Tertullianistae, qui id senserint, tum ab ipso, tum a S. Isidoro, Honorio Augustodunensi, Rhabano et Gratiano in Catalogis haereticorum: « Tertullianistae (inquit ille ad Quodvultdeum, lib. de Haeres.) a Tertulliano, cujus leguntur opuscula multa eloquentissime scripta, usque ad nostrum tempus paulatim deficientes, in extremis reliquiis durare non potuerunt (sic enim castigamus) in urbe Carthaginiensi. Me enim ibi posito ante aliquot annos, quod etiam te meminisse arbitror, omni ex parte consumpti sunt. Paucissimi etiam qui remanserunt, in Catholicam transierunt; suamque Basilicam, quae nunc etiam notissima est, Catholicae tradiderunt. » Quod utinam illorum exemplo, jam quoque in nostro Belgio fatiscentes nostrae tempestatis haeretici, propediem faciant, Deo auxiliante, cui honor, potestas et gloria, in saecula saeculorum. Amen.

§ XVIII. On the Tertullianists. — 39. Finally, by way of a colophon, it must not be passed over that we have learned from blessed Augustine that the TERTULLIANIST Heretics lasted even up to his own times, and only then passed over into the Catholic Church. To them, even more than to Tertullian himself, we judge must be imputed that most absurd heresy by which they said that the souls of the worst men are turned into demons after death, above all since it is first in the age of Augustine that [Tertullianists, who held this, are placed after the Donatists and Jovinianists, both by him and by Saint Isidore, Honorius of Autun, Rabanus and Gratian, in the Catalogues of heretics: "The Tertullianists," he says (to Quodvultdeus, book On Heresies), "named from Tertullian, whose many most eloquently written little works are read, dwindling little by little up to our time, could not last in their last remnants (for so we correct it) in the city of Carthage. For when I was placed there some years ago, which I think you also remember, they were wholly consumed. The very few who remained also passed over to the Catholic Church, and handed over their Basilica, which even now is very well known, to the Catholic [Church]." Would that, after their example, the heretics of our own time, now flagging in our Belgium too, may soon do the same, with God's help, to Whom be honour, power and glory, for ever and ever. Amen.

TERTYLIANI JC. ROMANI RESPONSA QUAE IN LIBRIS DIGESTORUM EXTANT.

THE RESPONSES OF TERTULLIANUS, ROMAN JURIST, WHICH SURVIVE IN THE BOOKS OF THE DIGEST.

EX LIB. I. QUAESTIONUM OCTO.

FROM BOOK I OF THE EIGHT [BOOKS] OF QUESTIONS.

D. Lib. i. Tit. 3. de Leg. Senatusque cons. l. 27.

Digest, book I, title 3, On Laws and Decrees of the Senate, law 27.

Ideo, quia antiquiores leges ad posteriores trahi, usitatum est semper, quasi hoc legibus inesse credi oportet, ut ad eas quoque personas et ad eas res pertineant, quae quandoque similes erunt.

Therefore, because it has always been customary for older laws to be drawn to later ones, it must be believed that this is, as it were, inherent in laws: that they also pertain to those persons and those matters which shall at any time be similar.

Editors' notes and page, col. 84

Footnotes

(1) ‹anchor: in nostro Belgio› · call in col 10084

Haec de coaevis et concivibus pius praesul.

This the pious prelate [wrote] of his contemporaries and fellow citizens.

(printed under page 64)

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running head: [TE]RTULLIANI VITA. 84 (left edge cropped)
marginal letters: A ‹quam post haeresim, sed quam›; B ‹quoque et scripturis suis›; C ‹Ecclesiam transiisse. Quibus›; D ‹runt; suamque Basilicam›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Foot note (1), called after "Belgio" (call removed), printed at the foot of this column above the rule: "(1) Haec de coaevis et concivibus pius praesul." — "The pious prelate [says] this of his contemporaries and fellow citizens." To be filed as notes/n10084.md. The opening bracket "[" before "Tertullianistae" is printed (no closing bracket seen). settle: full_width — p64: the Responsa caption is printed across both columns below the rule; set once here. The sub-caption "D. Lib. i. ..." and "Ideo, quia antiquiores leges ad posteriores trahi," are printed at the foot of col 83 (left half); from "usitatum est semper" on in this column. Scripture reference (Deuteronomy 13:1–3) supplied in the English only; none printed.

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Editors' notes and page, col. 85

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