Migne Reading Room

PL 16 · cols. 25–194

Ambrose, On the Duties of the Clergy (De officiis ministrorum)

Book I

PL 16:25
SANCTI AMBROSII MEDIOLANENSIS EPISCOPI DE OFFICIIS MINISTRORUM LIBRI TRES
Of Saint Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, On the Duties of the Ministers, Three Books
LIBER PRIMUS
Book One
CAPUT PRIMUM.
Chapter One.
Episcopi proprium munus, docere: sibi autem discendum esse, ut doceat: imo etiam docendum quod non didicerit, aut saltem et discendum simul et docendum.
The proper office of a bishop is to teach; but he himself must learn in order to teach; nay more, he must teach what he has not learned, or at least must both learn and teach at the same time.
1. Non arrogans videri arbitor si inter filios suscipiam
1. I do not think I shall seem arrogant if among my sons I take up
Editors' notes and page, col. 25

Footnotes

(1) ‹anchor: DE OFFICIIS› · call in col 25

Vox ministrorum deerat in superioribus edit. ac recentioribus aliquot mss.; nos vero eam ex optimis quibusque ac frequentissimis reposuimus. Qua de re vide quae supra in admonitione dicta sunt.

The word ministrorum was missing in the earlier editions and in some of the more recent manuscripts; but we have restored it from all the best and the most numerous ones. On this matter see what was said above in the Admonition.

(printed under page 16)

Editors' prose

Quod ad aetatem ipsius operis, volunt nonnulli Ambrosium nostrum ipso episcopatus sui exordio ad illud scribendum manum admovisse. Videtur quidem Baronius huic sententiae patrocinari, cum ad annum 377 de eodem ita loquitur: Tres illos libros egregios scribere postea est aggressus, cum aliquandiu populum docuisset. Verum si fuisset in hac opinione magnus cardinalis, secum ipse non consensisset; quippe qui annos praedictum illum 377 non modico intervallo secutos ipse adjudicat factis quibusdam, quorum in hoc opere mentio exstat. Exempli gratia, quod Ambrosius de vasis Ecclesiae in captivorum redemptionem a se venditis ibi memorat (lib. II, cap. 15 et 28), idem Baronius refert ad bellum tyranni Maximi anno 387 gestum; tametsi nobis probabilius hoc pertineat ad eam barbarorum inundationem, qui anno 379 post Valentis mortem, direptis Thracia atque Illyria, usque in Italiam, unde innumeros captivos abduxere, vastando pervenerunt. Eamdem circa hos libros opinionem et hoc refellit, quod in iisdem satis perspicue librum suum De Noe et Arca, anno 379, ut ostensum est, in lucem emissum, consuli jubet. Eo accedit quod frequentius illic repetit ad eos clericos, quibus ipse manus imposuerat, verba se facere; unde cognoscitur clerum ei jam tunc fuisse satis numerosum, proindeque per annos aliquot initiatum. Deinde persecutionem Justinae annos etiam aliquammultos bacchatam significat, ubi se propter viduarum deposita multos regales impetus perpessum dicit (Ibid. cap. 29, num. 150). Non aliam quoque persecutionem, nisi Justinae anni circiter 386 spectare videtur narratio de duobus clericis Arianae infestationis (lib. I, cap. 18, num. 72) tempore a fide lapsis. Queritur praeterea sanctus Antistes per insolitam annonae penuriam Roma exactos esse omnes exteros: hanc autem famem anno 383 contigisse Baronius auctor est. Alii tamen semel et iterum inopia frumenti laborasse Romanos volunt, primo nimirum sub extremam vitam Damasi pontificis, qui ab Ambrosio senex sanctissimus appellatur (lib. III, cap. 7); secundo post ejusdem obitum, qui anno 384 ponitur: Baronium autem de sola priori fame locutum esse, cum utramque indicaverit Ambrosius noster. Quod etiam dicitur de Ticinensis viduae deposito nulli alii aptius accommodari posse videtur (lib. II, cap. 29, num. 150), quam legi cuidam a Valentiniano juniore in urbe Papia XV Kal. Mart. datae; ex loco enim, ubi lata est, colligitur, imperatorem cum per eam urbem iter haberet, a Justina matre catholicis episcopis nunquam non infesta, inductum esse, ut tantum molestiae Ticinensi praesuli creare niteretur.

As to the date of the work itself, some will have it that our Ambrose set his hand to writing it at the very beginning of his episcopate. Baronius indeed seems to favour this view, since under the year 377 he speaks of the same thus: "He afterwards undertook to write those three excellent books, when he had taught the people for some while." But if the great cardinal had held this opinion, he would not have agreed with himself; for he himself assigns to years following that said 377 by no small interval certain events which are mentioned in this work. For example, what Ambrose there records of the vessels of the Church sold by him for the redemption of captives (bk. II, chs. 15 and 28), the same Baronius refers to the war of the tyrant Maximus waged in the year 387; although to us it more probably belongs to that flood of barbarians who in the year 379, after the death of Valens, having plundered Thrace and Illyricum, came laying waste as far as Italy, whence they carried off countless captives. That same opinion about these books is also refuted by this, that in them he quite plainly bids the reader consult his book On Noah and the Ark, published, as has been shown, in the year 379. To this is added that he there rather often repeats that he is speaking to those clerics on whom he himself had laid hands; whence it is known that his clergy was even then fairly numerous, and accordingly had been ordained over a number of years. Next he indicates the persecution of Justina, which had raged for a good many years as well, where he says that on account of the deposits of widows he suffered many royal assaults (ibid., ch. 29, no. 150). The account of the two clerics who fell from the faith at the time of the Arian harassment (bk. I, ch. 18, no. 72) seems likewise to look to no other persecution than Justina's, of about the year 386. The holy Bishop complains, moreover, that through an unwonted scarcity of corn all foreigners were driven out of Rome; and Baronius is the authority that this famine happened in the year 383. Others, however, hold that the Romans suffered from want of corn once and again: first, namely, towards the end of the life of Pope Damasus, who is called by Ambrose "a most holy old man" (bk. III, ch. 7); secondly after his death, which is placed in the year 384; and that Baronius spoke only of the former famine, though our Ambrose pointed to both. What is said also of the deposit of the widow of Ticinum (bk. II, ch. 29, no. 150) seems to fit nothing more aptly than a certain law given by Valentinian the younger in the city of Pavia on the fifteenth day before the Kalends of March; for from the place where it was issued it is gathered that the emperor, while making his journey through that city, was induced by his mother Justina, ever hostile to the catholic bishops, to try to cause so much trouble to the prelate of Ticinum.

Isthaec omnia eo mentem nobis impellunt, ut hosce libros nonnisi post Justinae infestationes, et Maximi tyranni bellum ac brevissimo spatio secutam ipsius caedem credamus factos, id est circiter annum 391, quo tempore pacatiorem Ecclesiae suae statum expertus, ea praecepta in legitimi Operis corpus digesta, clericis suis assidua manu volvenda tradere constituit, quibus eosdem e sacro pulpito primis ipsis annis episcopatus sui informaverat. Nullus enim est dubitandi locus quin sermonibus publice habitis maximam partem constent hi libri; quandoquidem in eorum primo Scripturae loci edisseruntur, quos in synaxi lectos fuisse ipse memorat: quosque iterum illic tractare forsan voluit, quod cum jam olim motos eis vidisset auditorum animos, hinc quoque eumdem peruret [?] fructum, si ab his ipsis non sine attentione perlegerentur.

All these things move our mind to believe that these books were made only after Justina's harassments and the war of the tyrant Maximus and his death which followed within a very short space, that is, about the year 391; at which time, enjoying a more peaceful state of his Church, he resolved to hand over to his clergy, to be turned over by them with diligent hand, those precepts, digested into the body of a regular Work, with which he had formed them from the sacred pulpit in the very first years of his episcopate. For there is no room for doubt that these books consist for the greatest part of sermons publicly delivered; since in the first of them passages of Scripture are expounded which he himself records were read in the synaxis; and these perhaps he wished to treat again there because, having once seen the minds of his hearers moved by them, he might [?] reap the same fruit from them here too, if they were read through by these same men not without attention.

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Page

  • running head: 25 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRORUM LIBER I. 26 (spans cols 25/26)
  • marginal letters: A ‹1 CAPUT PRIMUM.› (beside the chapter heading; no B, C, D on this column)
  • old-edition numerals: 1 before ‹CAPUT PRIMUM›
PL 16:26
affectum docendi; cum ipse humilitatis magister dixerit: Venite, filii, audite me: timorem Domini docebo vos (Psal. XXXIII, 12). In quo licet et humilitatem verecundiae ejus spectare et gratiam. Dicendo enim, timorem Domini, qui communis videtur
the desire of teaching, since the Master of humility Himself said: Come, children, hear me: I will teach you the fear of the Lord (Ps. 33:12). In this one may behold both the humility of His modesty and His grace. For in saying, the fear of the Lord, which seems to be common
Editors' notes and page, col. 26

Footnotes

(2) ‹anchor: LIBRI TRES› · call in col 26

Scripti circ. an. 391.

Written about the year 391.

(printed under page 16)

(3) ‹anchor: enim, timorem› · call in col 26

Mss. aliquot docendo enim timorem, etc. Plures autem ac potiores, necnon edit. omnes, ut (continues)

Some manuscripts read docendo enim timorem, etc. But the greater number and the better, and also all the editions, as (continues)

(printed under page 16)

Editors' prose

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Page

  • running head: 25 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRORUM LIBER I. 26 (spans cols 25/26)
  • marginal letters: A ‹cipiam affectum docendi›
  • old-edition numerals: 2 after ‹qui›
PL 16:27
esse omnibus, expressit insigne verecundiae. Et tamen cum ipse timor initium sapientiae sit, et effector beatitudinis (quoniam timentes Deum beati sunt), praeceptorem se sapientiae edocendae, et demonstratorem beatitudinis adipiscendae, evidenter significavit.
to all, He expressed a mark of modesty. And yet, since this very fear is the beginning of wisdom and the maker of blessedness (for those who fear God are blessed), He plainly showed Himself to be the teacher of wisdom to be learned and the guide to blessedness to be attained.
2. Et nos ergo ad imitandam verecundiam seduli, ad conferendam gratiam non usurpatores, quae illi Spiritus infudit sapientiae, ea per illum nobis manifestata, et visu comperta atque exemplo, vobis quasi liberis tradimus; cum jam effugere non possimus officium docendi, quod nobis refugientibus imposuit sacerdotii necessitudo: Dedit enim Deus quosdam quidem apostolos, quosdam autem prophetas, alios vero evangelistas, alios autem pastores et doctores (Ephes. IV, 11).
2. We too, then, eager to imitate His modesty, but not usurping the grace He confers, hand on to you as to children the things of wisdom which the Spirit poured into Him, things made manifest to us through Him and learned by sight and by example; since we can no longer escape the duty of teaching, which the bond of the priesthood laid upon us when we shrank from it: For God gave some indeed as apostles, and some as prophets, and others as evangelists, and others as pastors and teachers (Eph. 4:11).
3. Non igitur mihi apostolorum gloriam vindico. Quis enim hoc, nisi quos ipse Filius elegit Dei? Non prophetarum gratiam, non virtutem evangelistarum, non pastorum circumspectionem, sed tantummodo intentionem et diligentiam circa Scripturas divinas opto assequi, quam ultimam posuit Apostolus inter officia sanctorum, et hanc ipsam ut docendi studio possim discere. Unus enim verus magister est, qui solus non didicit quod omnes doceret: homines autem discunt prius quod doceant, et ab illo accipiunt quod aliis tradant.
3. I do not, therefore, claim for myself the glory of the apostles. For who may do this, save those whom the Son of God Himself chose? Not the grace of the prophets, not the power of the evangelists, not the watchfulness of the pastors; I desire only to attain the attention and diligence about the divine Scriptures which the Apostle set last among the duties of the saints, and this very thing, that through zeal for teaching I may be able to learn. For there is one true Master, who alone did not learn what He was to teach all; but men learn first what they are to teach, and receive from Him what they are to hand on to others.
4. Quod ne ipsum quidem mihi accidit. Ego enim raptus de tribunalibus atque administrationis infulis ad sacerdotium, docere vos coepi, quod ipse non didici. Itaque factum est ut prius docere inciperem, quam discere; Discendum igitur mihi simul et docendum est; quoniam non vacavit ante discere.
4. Yet not even this has befallen me. For I, snatched from the tribunals and the insignia of public administration into the priesthood, began to teach you what I myself had not learned. So it came about that I began to teach before I began to learn. I must therefore learn and teach at the same time, since there was no leisure to learn beforehand.
Editors' notes and page, col. 27

Footnotes

(3) (continued) ‹anchor: not visible› · call on the previous page, col 26

in textu. Rursus ubi vet. edit. cum mss. nonnullis, insigne documentum verecundiae; melius Rom. cum longe maxima parte mss., insigne verecundiae, hoc est, signum et quasi vexillum verecundiae.

(continued) in the text. Again, where the old editions with some manuscripts have insigne documentum verecundiae, the Roman edition with by far the greater part of the manuscripts has, better, insigne verecundiae, that is, the sign and as it were the banner of modesty.

(printed under page 17)

(4) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 27

Vat. cod. unus, et effectae beatitudinis.

One Vatican codex: et effectae beatitudinis.

(printed under page 17)

(5) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 27

Ita edit. ant. et scripti cod. magno numero: Rom. vero et plures ex eisdem aut, in margine, pudenter significavit: edit. ultimae Paris. ac mss. non pauci, prudenter; unus etiam, potenter significavit.

So the old editions and written codices in great number; but the Roman edition, and several of the same either in the text or in the margin, pudenter significavit; the last Paris editions and not a few manuscripts, prudenter; one also, potenter significavit.

(printed under page 17)

(6) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 27

Mss. aliquot, quae ille Spiritus.

Some manuscripts: quae ille Spiritus.

(printed under page 17)

(7) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 27

Era. et seq. edit. cum tribus aut quatuor mss., usu comperta: melius Amerb. cum mss., ut minimum, viginti quinque, visu comperta. Quomodo enim sibi usu, id est, experientia, comperta diceret, eo loci quo se adeo in scientia ecclesiastica tironem profitetur? sed visu, id est legendo, comperta indicat videlicet exempla virtutum quae consignata in Scripturis animadvertit, se traditurum. Sed praeterea non obscure significat vix aliud quidpiam esse quod arctius sanctiusve astringat episcopos, quam docendi munus. Verum quidem est jam inde a primis Ecclesiae saeculis hanc provinciam a quibusdam praesulibus demandatam fuisse presbyteris, inter quos illud officium Augustinus et Chrysostomus tanta cum ecclesiae utilitate obierunt, quanta cum ejusdem pernicie infamis Arius: attamen S. Ambrosius has episcopatus sui partes ipse per se nunquam non implevit, qui non solum clericos, sed etiam populum suum erudiebat, publice singulis dominicis verba faciens; ut Confess. lib. VI, cap. 3, testatum reliquit Augustinus, et nos superiore tomo, admonit. in exposit. Evang. sec. Lucam observavimus.

Erasmus and the following editions, with three or four manuscripts, read usu comperta; better Amerbach, with at least twenty-five manuscripts, visu comperta. For how could he call things found out by use, that is, by experience, at the very place where he professes himself so much a novice in the Church's learning? Rather, by visu comperta (found out by sight, that is, by reading) he indicates that he will pass on the examples of the virtues that he has observed set down in the Scriptures. But besides, he plainly signifies that scarcely anything binds bishops more closely or more sacredly than the office of teaching. It is true that from the first centuries of the Church this charge was entrusted by some prelates to presbyters, among whom Augustine and Chrysostom discharged that office with as much profit to the church as the infamous Arius did with ruin to it; yet St Ambrose never failed to fulfil this part of his episcopate himself, in person, instructing not only his clergy but his people too, preaching publicly every Sunday, as Augustine left on record in the Confessions, book VI, chapter 3, and as we observed in the previous volume, in the Admonition to the Exposition of the Gospel according to Luke.

(printed under page 17)

(8) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 27

Nonnulli mss. et Gill. in margine, vigilantiam apostolorum.

Some manuscripts, and Gillot in the margin: vigilantiam apostolorum.

(printed under page 17)

(9) ‹anchor: omnes doceret› · call in col 27

Non pauci mss., quod homines doceret.

Not a few manuscripts: quod homines doceret.

(printed under page 17)

(10) ‹anchor: administrationis infulis› · call in col 27

Infula erat capitis ornamentum e laneo filo, quod non solum magistratibus conveniebat, sed etiam supplicibus oratoribus, sacerdotibus, imo vero et victimis ipsis. Quod porro Ambrosius raptum se a tribunalibus ad sacerdotium dicit, id fusius explicat Paulinus in ejus Vita: unde eamdem rem alii postea mutuati sunt.

The infula was a head-ornament of woollen thread, proper not only to magistrates but also to suppliant envoys, to priests, and indeed to the sacrificial victims themselves. Ambrose's saying that he was snatched from the tribunals to the priesthood is explained more fully by Paulinus in his Life, from whom others afterwards borrowed the same account.

(printed under page 17)

(11) ‹anchor: ante discere› · call in col 27

Omnes edit. post verbum discere, sic prosequuntur, Et quantumlibet quisque profecerit, nemo est qui doceri non egeat, dum vivit. Sed cum isthaec omnino in mss. desiderentur, si Laudinum unum excipias, at vix edit. ipsis antiquiorem, nec paucis interpolatum hujuscemodi laciniis: manifestum est non aliud nisi marginalem aliquam notam esse, quae incogitanter in textum inducta est.

All the editions continue after the word discere thus: "And however far anyone has advanced, there is no one who does not need to be taught as long as he lives." But since these words are wholly wanting in the manuscripts, except only the Laon codex, which is scarcely older than the editions themselves and interpolated with not a few such patches, it is plain that they are nothing but some marginal note carelessly brought into the text.

(printed under page 17)

Page

  • running head: 27 S. AMBROSII MEDIOLANENSIS EPISCOPI 28 (spans cols 27/28; left half seen)
  • marginal letters: A ‹esse omnibus, expressit›; B ‹pastores et doctores (Ephes.›; C ‹4. Quod ne ipsum quidem›; D (beside the footnotes, no text line)
  • old-edition numerals: 3 after ‹vindico.›
PL 16:28
CAPUT II.
Chapter II.
Multiplex loquendo incurri periculum, cujus remedium Scriptura in silentio demonstrat esse positum.
Manifold is the danger incurred by speaking; Scripture shows that its remedy is placed in silence.
5. Quid autem prae caeteris debemus discere, quam tacere, ut possimus loqui? ne prius me vox condemnet mea, quam absolvat aliena; scriptum est enim: Ex verbis tuis condemnaberis (Matth. XII, 37). Quid opus est igitur ut properes periculum suscipere condemnationis, loquendo, cum tacendo possis esse tutior? Quamplures vidi loquendo peccatum incidisse, vix quemquam tacendo: ideoque tacere nosse quam loqui difficilius est. Scio loqui plerosque, cum tacere nesciant. Rarum est tacere quemquam, cum sibi loqui nihil prosit. Sapiens est ergo qui novit tacere. Denique Sapientia Dei dixit, Dominus dedit mihi linguam eruditionis, quando oporteat sermonem dicere (Isa. L, 4). Merito ergo sapiens qui a Domino accipit, quo tempore sibi loquendum sit. Unde bene ait Scriptura: Homo sapiens tacebit usque ad tempus (Eccli. XX, 7).
5. But what ought we to learn before all else, if not to keep silent, so that we may be able to speak? lest my own voice condemn me before another's acquits me; for it is written: By your words you shall be condemned (Matt. 12:37). What need is there, then, for you to hasten to undergo the danger of condemnation by speaking, when by keeping silent you could be safer? I have seen very many fall into sin by speaking, scarcely anyone by keeping silent; and so to know how to keep silent is harder than to know how to speak. I know that most people speak, though they do not know how to keep silent. It is rare for anyone to keep silent, even when speaking does him no good. He, then, is wise who knows how to keep silent. Thus the Wisdom of God said, The Lord has given me a tongue of learning, to know when I ought to speak a word (Isa. 50:4). Rightly, then, is he wise who receives from the Lord the knowledge of when he ought to speak. Hence Scripture says well: A wise man will keep silent until the time (Sir. 20:7).
6. Ideo sancti Domini, qui scirent quia vox hominis plerumque peccati annuntiatio est, et initium erroris humani, sermo est hominis, amabant tacere. Denique sanctus Domini ait: Dixi custodiam vias meas, ut non delinquam in lingua mea (Psal. XXXVIII, 2). Sciebat enim et legerat divinae esse protectionis, ut homo a linguae suae flagello absconderetur, et a conscientiae suae testimonio (Job V, 21). Verberamur enim tacito cogitationis nostrae opprobrio et judicio conscientiae: verberamur etiam vocis nostrae verbere, cum loquimur ea quorum sono caeditur animus noster, et mens consauciatur. Quis autem est qui mundum cor a peccatorum habeat colluvione, aut non delinquat
6. Therefore the saints of the Lord, knowing that a man's voice is for the most part the announcement of sin, and that the beginning of human error is a man's speech, loved to keep silent. Thus a saint of the Lord says: I said, I will guard my ways, that I may not offend with my tongue (Ps. 38:2). For he knew, and had read, that it belongs to the divine protection that a man should be hidden from the scourge of his own tongue and from the witness of his own conscience (Job 5:21). For we are scourged by the silent reproach of our thought and by the judgement of conscience; we are scourged also by the lash of our own voice, when we speak things by whose sound our soul is struck and our mind wounded. But who is there that has a heart clean of the filth of sins, or does not offend
Editors' notes and page, col. 28

Footnotes

(12) ‹anchor: peccati annuntiatio est› · call in col 28

Vet. edit. cum mss. aliquot, peccati annuntia est, eadem edit. in margine, ac Rom. in textu cum mss. uno vel altero, peccato adjuncta est; alii codd. frequentissimi nobiscum faciunt.

The old editions with some manuscripts: peccati annuntia est; the same editions in the margin, and the Roman in the text with one or two manuscripts: peccato adjuncta est; the other codices, very many, agree with us.

(printed under page 17)

Page

  • running head: 27 S. AMBROSII MEDIOLANENSIS EPISCOPI 28 (spans cols 27/28; right half seen as "S. AMBROSII.")
  • marginal letters: A ‹CAPUT II.›; B ‹re quemquam, cum sibi loqui›; C ‹flagello absconderetur›; D (beside the footnotes, no text line)
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 16:29
in lingua sua? Et ideo quia neminem videbat sanctum os servare posse ab immunditia sermonis, ipse sibi silentio legem imposuit innocentiae; ut tacendo culpam declinaret, quam vix effugere posset loquendo.
with his tongue? And so, because he saw that no one could keep his mouth holy from the uncleanness of speech, he laid upon himself the law of innocence by silence, that by keeping silent he might avoid the fault which he could scarcely escape by speaking.
7. Audiamus ergo cautionis magistrum: Dixi custodiam vias meas, hoc est, dixi mihi, tacito cogitationis praecepto indixi mihi, ut custodirem vias meas. Aliae sunt viae quas debemus sequi, aliae quas custodire: sequi vias Domini, custodire nostras; ne in culpam dirigant. Potes autem custodire, si non cito loquaris, Lex dicit, Audi, Israel, †Dominus Deus tuus (Deut. VI, 3). Non dixit, loquere, sed audi. Ideo Eva lapsa est, quia locuta est viro, quod non audierat a Domino Deo suo. Prima vox Dei dicit tibi, Audi. Si audias, custodis vias tuas: et si lapsus es, cito corrigis. In quo enim corrigit junior vitam suam, nisi in custodiendo verba Domini (Psal. CXVIII, 9)? Tace ergo prius, et audi, ut non delinquas in lingua tua.
7. Let us hear, then, the master of caution: I said, I will guard my ways; that is, I said to myself, by the silent command of my thought I enjoined on myself, that I should guard my ways. Some ways there are which we must follow, others which we must guard: we must follow the ways of the Lord, guard our own, lest they lead into fault. And you can guard them if you do not speak hastily. The Law says, Hear, Israel, the Lord your God (Deut. 6:3). It did not say, speak, but hear. Eve fell for this reason, that she spoke to her husband what she had not heard from the Lord her God. The first word of God says to you, Hear. If you hear, you guard your ways; and if you have fallen, you quickly correct yourself. For wherein does a young man correct his life, if not in keeping the words of the Lord (Ps. 118:9)? Be silent first, therefore, and hear, so that you may not offend with your tongue.
8. Grave malum ut aliquis ore suo condemnetur. Etenim si pro otioso verbo reddet unusquisque rationem (Matth. XII, 36), quanto magis pro verbo impuritatis et turpitudinis? Graviora enim sunt verba praecipitationis quam otiosa. Ergo, si pro otioso verbo ratio poscitur, quanto magis pro sermone impietatis poena exsolvitur!
8. It is a grievous evil that someone should be condemned by his own mouth. For if each one will render an account for an idle word (Matt. 12:36), how much more for a word of impurity and shamefulness? For words of rashness are graver than idle ones. If, then, an account is demanded for an idle word, how much more is a penalty paid for speech of impiety!
CAPUT III.
Chapter III.
Non perpetuum nec otiosum esse debere silentium: et quo pacto custodia cordi ac ori contra †inordinatos affectus adhibenda sit.
That silence ought to be neither perpetual nor idle; and in what way a guard is to be set upon heart and mouth against disordered passions.
9. Quid igitur? Mutos nos esse oportet? Minime. Est enim tempus tacendi, et est tempus loquendi (Eccle. III, 7). Deinde si pro otioso verbo reddimus rationem, videamus ne reddamus et pro otioso silentio. Est enim et negotiosum silentium; ut erat Susannae, quae plus egit tacendo, quam si esset locuta (Dan. XIII, †3). Tacendo enim apud homines, locuta est Deo, nec ullum majus indicium suae castitatis invenit, quam silentium. Conscientia loquebatur, ubi vox non audiebatur; nec quaerebat pro se hominum judicium, quae habebat Domini testimonium. Ab illo igitur volebat absolvi, quem sciebat nullo modo posse falli. Ipse Dominus in Evangelio (Matth. XXVI, 63) tacens
9. What then? Must we be mute? By no means. For there is a time to keep silent, and a time to speak (Eccl. 3:7). Moreover, if we render an account for an idle word, let us see that we do not render one also for an idle silence. For there is also a busy silence, such as was Susanna's, who achieved more by keeping silent than if she had spoken (Dan. 13:3). For by keeping silent before men she spoke to God, and found no greater proof of her chastity than silence. Her conscience spoke where her voice was not heard; nor did she seek the judgement of men on her behalf, who had the testimony of the Lord. By Him, therefore, she wished to be acquitted, whom she knew could in no way be deceived. The Lord Himself in the Gospel (Matt. 26:63), keeping silent,
Editors' notes and page, col. 29

Footnotes

<!-- scan of this page foot is faint; words in [?] are uncertain readings --> (printed under page 18)

(13) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 29

Erasm. et seq. edit. cum paucis mss., castimonias [?] servare.

Erasmus and the following editions, with a few manuscripts: castimonias [?] servare.

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(14) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 29

Erasm. et seq. edit., hoc est [?] tacito.

Erasmus and the following editions: hoc est [?] tacito.

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(15) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 29

Ita mss., exceptis duobus, quorum unus legit custodias, alter autem, cito corrigas; edit. vero cum mss. Full., si [?] custodis [?]; Rom. et Full., custodi vias tuas; et si laesus es, cito corrige. Infra autem ubi ex mss. fere omnibus reposuimus, ut non delinquas, edit. cum paucis mss. legunt, et non delinquo.

So the manuscripts, except two, of which one reads custodias and the other cito corrigas; but the editions, with the Fulda manuscripts [?], si [?] custodis [?]; the Roman and the Fulda [?]: custodi vias tuas; et si laesus es, cito corrige. Below, where we have restored ut non delinquas from almost all the manuscripts, the editions with a few manuscripts read et non delinquo.

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(16) ‹anchor: et negotiosum› · call in col 29 (the call reads like "(15)" on this scan)

Gill. ac Rom. edit., est enim magnum [?] et negotiosum.

Gillot's and the Roman editions: est enim magnum [?] et negotiosum.

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(17) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 29

Scripti codd. magno numero, salutem omnium [?]: aliqui tamen et omnes edit., salutem hominum.

Written codices in great number: salutem omnium [?]; some, however, and all the editions: salutem hominum.

(printed under page 18)

Page

  • running head: 29 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRORUM LIBER I. 30 (spans cols 29/30; left half seen)
  • marginal letters: A ‹linquat in lingua sua›; B ‹est viro, quod non audierat›; C ‹et quo pacto custodiae cordi› (second line of the chapter summary); D ‹Dominus in Evangelio›
  • old-edition numerals: 4 after ‹innocentiae;›
PL 16:30
operabatur salutem hominum. Recte ergo David non silentium sibi indixit perpetuum, sed custodiam.
was working the salvation of men. Rightly, then, did David enjoin on himself not perpetual silence, but a guard.
10. Custodiamus ergo cor nostrum, custodiamus os nostrum; utrumque enim scriptum est: hic, ut os custodiamus, alibi tibi dicitur, Omni custodia serva cor tuum (Prov. IV, 23). Si custodiebat David, tu non custodies? Si immunda labia habebat Isaias, qui dixit: O miser ego, quoniam compunctus sum, quia cum sim homo, et immunda labia habeam (Isa. VI, 5), si propheta Domini immunda habebat labia, quomodo nos munda habemus?
10. Let us guard, then, our heart; let us guard our mouth; for both are written: here, that we should guard our mouth; elsewhere it is said to you, With all watchfulness keep your heart (Prov. 4:23). If David kept guard, will you not keep guard? If Isaiah had unclean lips, who said: O wretched man that I am, for I am pierced to the heart, since I am a man and have unclean lips (Isa. 6:5); if the prophet of the Lord had unclean lips, how do we have clean ones?
11. Et cui, nisi unicuique nostrum scriptum est: Sepi possessionem tuam spinis... et argentum et aurum tuum alliga, et ori tuo facito ostium et vectem, et verbis tuis jugum et stateram (Eccli. XXVIII, 28, 29)? Possessio tua mens tua est: aurum tuum cor tuum est: argentum tuum eloquium tuum est: Eloquia Domini, eloquia casta, argentum igne examinatum (Psal. XI, 7). Bona etiam possessio mens bona. Denique possessio pretiosa homo mundus. Sepi ergo hanc possessionem, et circumvallato cogitationibus, munito spinis, sollicitudinibus, ne in eam irruant, et captivam ducant irrationabiles corporis passiones, ne incursent motus graves, ne diripiant vindemiam ejus, transeuntes viam. Custodi interiorem hominem tuum. Noli eum quasi vilem negligere ac fastidire, quia pretiosa possessio est. Et merito pretiosa, cujus fructus non caducus et temporalis, sed stabilis atque aeternae salutis est. Cole ergo possessionem tuam, ut sint tibi agri.
11. And to whom, if not to each one of us, is it written: Hedge your possession with thorns... and bind up your silver and your gold, and make for your mouth a door and a bar, and for your words a yoke and a balance (Sir. 28:28, 29)? Your possession is your mind; your gold is your heart; your silver is your speech: The words of the Lord are chaste words, silver tried by fire (Ps. 11:7). A good mind, too, is a good possession. In short, a pure man is a precious possession. Hedge, then, this possession, and wall it round with thoughts, fortify it with thorns, with cares, lest the irrational passions of the body rush in upon it and lead it captive, lest heavy impulses assail it, lest those who pass along the road plunder its vintage. Guard your inner man. Do not neglect and disdain him as worthless, for he is a precious possession. And rightly precious, since his fruit is not perishable and temporal, but stable and of eternal salvation. Cultivate, then, your possession, that you may have fields.
12. Alliga sermonem tuum, ne luxuriet, ne lasciviat, et multiloquio peccata sibi colligat. Sit restrictior, et ripis suis coerceatur. Cito lutum colligit amnis exundans. Alliga sensum tuum, non sit remissus ac †defusus, ne dicatur de te: Non est malagma apponere, neque oleum, neque alligaturam (Isa. I, 6). Habet suas habenas mentis sobrietas, quibus regitur et gubernatur.
12. Bind up your speech, lest it run riot, lest it grow wanton and gather sins to itself by much talking. Let it be more restrained, and kept within its banks. A river that overflows quickly gathers mud. Bind up your understanding; let it not be slack and spread abroad, lest it be said of you: There is no plaster to apply, nor oil, nor bandage (Isa. 1:6). Sobriety of mind has its own reins, by which it is ruled and governed.
13. Sit ori tuo ostium, ut claudatur ubi oportet: et obseretur diligenter, ne quis in iracundiam excitet vocem tuam, et contumeliam rependas contumeliae. Audisti hodie lectum: Irascimini et nolite peccare (Psal. IV, 5). Ergo etsi irascimur, quia affectus naturae est, non potestatis: malum sermonem non proferamus de ore nostro, ne
13. Let there be a door to your mouth, that it may be shut where it ought, and let it be carefully bolted, lest anyone rouse your voice to anger and you repay insult with insult. You have heard read today: Be angry and do not sin (Ps. 4:5). Therefore, even if we are angry, because this is a movement of nature, not of our power, let us not bring forth an evil word from our mouth, lest
Editors' notes and page, col. 30

Footnotes

(18) ‹anchor: spinis, sollicitudinibus› · call in col 30

Ant. edit., spinis sollicitudinum; quaedam [?] et pauci mss. in corp., piis sollicitudinibus, quod Rom. in textum admisit. Mss. autem alii non pauci, spinis sollicitudinis; plures tamen et probatiores, spinis, sollicitudinibus. Big. vero utrumque, spinis, piis sollicitudinibus, non male.

The old editions: spinis sollicitudinum; some [?] and a few manuscripts in the body of the text: piis sollicitudinibus, which the Roman edition admitted into the text. Not a few other manuscripts: spinis sollicitudinis; but more, and better attested: spinis, sollicitudinibus. The Bigot codex has both, spinis, piis sollicitudinibus, not badly.

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(19) ‹anchor: diripiant vindemiam› · call in col 30

Mss. aliquot et Gill. in marg., ne disrumpant vindemiam.

Some manuscripts, and Gillot in the margin: ne disrumpant vindemiam.

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(20) ‹anchor: tibi agri› · call in col 30

Ita vet. edit. ac prope omnes mss. At Rom. cum codd. aliis nonnullis, ut sint tibi agri, quod etiam annotat in marg. Prov. XXVII [?], nempe vers. 26 [?], verum eone respexerit sanctus Praesul, haud satis patet.

So the old editions and almost all the manuscripts. But the Roman edition, with some other codices, has ut sint tibi agri, and notes in the margin Proverbs 27 [?], namely verse 26 [?]; but whether the holy bishop had that in view is not clear enough.

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(21) ‹anchor: naturae est› · call in col 30

Edit. ultimae Paris. ac mss. aliquot, Ergo et irascimur, quia affectus naturae est.

The last Paris editions and some manuscripts: Ergo et irascimur, quia affectus naturae est.

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Page

  • running head: 29 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRORUM LIBER I. 30 (spans cols 29/30; right half seen)
  • marginal letters: A ‹operabatur salutem hominum›; B ‹aurum tuum alliga›; C ‹et temporalis, sed stabilis›; D ‹quia affectus naturae est›
  • old-edition numerals: 5 after ‹argentum›
PL 16:31
in culpam ruamus: sed jugum sit verbis tuis et statera, hoc est humilitas atque mensura; ut lingua tua menti subdita sit. Restringatur †habenae vinculis, frenos habeat suos, quibus revocari possit ad mensuram, sermones proferat libra examinatos justitiae, ut sit gravitas in sensu, in sermone pondus, atque in verbis modus.
we fall into fault; but let there be a yoke and a balance for your words, that is, humility and measure, so that your tongue may be subject to your mind. Let it be held in by the bonds of the rein, let it have its own bridles by which it can be called back to measure; let it bring forth speeches weighed in the scale of justice, so that there may be gravity in the sense, weight in the speech, and measure in the words.
CAPUT IV.
CHAPTER IV.
Eadem custodia prospicitur, ne a pravis mentibus, sed a recta ratione prodeat oratio: in qua potissimum nobis diabolus insidiatur.
By the same guard it is provided that speech should proceed not from depraved minds but from right reason: in speech above all the devil lies in wait for us.
14. Haec si custodiat aliquis, fit mitis, mansuetus, modestus. Custodiendo enim os suum, et retinendo linguam suam, nec prius loquendo quam interroget, et expendat atque examinet verba sua, si dicendum hoc, si dicendum adversus hunc, si tempus sermonis hujus est, is profecto exercet modestiam, ac mansuetudinem, et patientiam; ut non ex indignatione et ira in sermonem erumpat, non alicujus passionis judicium det in verbis suis, non ardorem libidinis flammare in sermone suo indicet, et inesse dictis suis stimulos iracundiae, ne sermo postremo qui commendare interiora debet, vitium aliquod esse in moribus, aperiat et prodat.
14. If anyone keeps these things, he becomes gentle, mild, modest. For by guarding his mouth and holding back his tongue, and by not speaking before he has questioned, and weighed and examined his words, whether this should be said, whether it should be said against this man, whether it is the time for this speech, he truly exercises modesty and mildness and patience; so that he does not break out into speech from indignation and anger, does not give in his words any sign of some passion, does not show in his speech that the heat of lust is blazing, or that there are goads of wrath in what he says, lest in the end his speech, which ought to commend what is within, should lay open and betray that there is some fault in his character.
15. Tunc enim maxime insidiatur adversarius, quando videt nobis passiones aliquas generari: tunc fomites movet, laqueos parat. Unde non immerito, sicut audisti hodie legi. Propheta dicit: Quia ipse liberavit me de laqueo venantium et a verbo aspero (Psal. XC, 3). Symmachus irritationis verbum dixit, alii perturbationis. Laqueus adversarii est sermo noster: sed etiam ipse non minus adversarius nobis. Loquimur plerumque quod excipiat inimicus, et quasi nostro gladio nos vulneret. quanto tolerabilius est alieno gladio, quam nostro perire!
15. For the adversary lies in wait most of all when he sees some passions being engendered in us: then he stirs up the tinder, then he prepares snares. Hence not without reason, as you heard read today, the Prophet says: For He Himself has delivered me from the snare of the hunters and from the harsh word (Ps. 90:3). Symmachus said "a word of provocation", others "of disturbance". Our speech is the snare of the adversary; but it is itself no less an adversary to us. We often say what the enemy may catch up, and so wound us as it were with our own sword. How much more bearable it is to perish by another's sword than by our own!
16. Explorat ergo adversarius nostra arma, et concutit sua tela. Si viderit moveri me, inserit aculeos suos, ut seminaria jurgiorum excitet. Si emisero verbum indecorum, laqueum suum stringit. Interdum mihi quasi escam proponit vindictae possibilitatem; ut dum vindicari cupio, ipse me inseram laqueo, et nodum mortis astringam mihi. Si quis ergo hunc adversarium sentit praesentem esse, tunc magis custodiam adhibere debet
16. The adversary therefore searches out our arms and brandishes his own weapons. If he sees that I am moved, he thrusts in his stings, so as to stir up the seeds of quarrels. If I let slip an unseemly word, he draws his snare tight. Sometimes he sets before me, as a bait, the possibility of revenge, so that while I desire to be avenged I may put myself into the snare and tighten the knot of death upon myself. If anyone therefore perceives that this adversary is present, then he ought all the more to apply a guard
Editors' notes and page, col. 31

Footnotes

(22) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 31

Mss. aliquot. ac edit. Era. et Gill. in marg., cor suum. Rursus post pauca, ubi nos cum ant. edit. ac mss. prope omnibus, quam interroget, Rom. edit. cum paucis mss. atque Era. in marg., quam interrogetur; sed interroget hoc loco refertur ad verba sua, estque synonymum cum duobus verbis illic adjunctis.

Some manuscripts, and the editions of Erasmus and Gillot in the margin: cor suum. Again a little further on, where we read quam interroget with the old editions and almost all the manuscripts, the Roman edition with a few manuscripts, and Erasmus in the margin, has quam interrogetur; but interroget here refers to verba sua, and is synonymous with the two verbs joined to it there.

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(23) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 31

Mss. non pauci, verba sua, si custodiendum hoc.

Not a few manuscripts: verba sua, si custodiendum hoc.

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(24) ‹anchor: ipse liberavit me› · call in col 31

Sic omnes edit. ac plures probatioresque mss. cum Psalterio Rom. et Vulg.; nonnulli tamen, liberabit me; quibus accedunt plurima e vet. Psalt. et Augustinus. Hierom. autem ex aliquot Graecis cod., liberabit te. At vero pro quod, verbo aspero, Symmachus quidem scripsit λόγου ἐπηρείας, sermonem violenti insultus, contumeliae, injuriae; Theodoretus, τὸν λόγον ταραχώδη, sermonem turbulentum, ac perturbationis.

So all the editions and the more numerous and better manuscripts, with the Roman Psalter and the Vulgate; some, however, read liberabit me, and with them go very many of the old Psalters and Augustine. Jerome, from some Greek codices, liberabit te. And for verbo aspero, Symmachus wrote λόγου ἐπηρείας, a word of violent insult, of affront, of injury; Theodoret, τὸν λόγον ταραχώδη, a turbulent word, a word of agitation.

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(25) ‹anchor: Symmachus irritationis› · call in col 31

Tres mss., Symmachus a verbo irritationis.

Three manuscripts: Symmachus a verbo irritationis.

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(26) ‹anchor: concutit sua tela› · call in col 31

Rom. edit. ac pauci mss., et acuit tela sua.

The Roman edition and a few manuscripts: et acuit tela sua.

(printed under page 19)

Page

  • running head: 31 S. AMBRO[SII] (page head cut at the image edge)
  • marginal letters: A ‹in culpam ruamus›; B ‹nendo linguam suam›; C ‹tunc fomites movet›; D ‹possibilitatem›
  • old-edition numerals: 6 after ‹indicet,›
PL 16:32
ori suo, ne det locum adversario, sed non multi hunc vident.
to his mouth, so as not to give place to the adversary; but not many see him.
CAPUT V.
CHAPTER V.
Contra visibilem etiam adversarium, cum nos instigat, utendum silentio, cujus unius ope superiores evadimus, et humilitatem quae exhibenda adversus omnes, conservamus.
Against the visible adversary too, when he goads us, silence must be used; by its help alone we come off the better, and keep the humility which is to be shown towards all.
17. Sed etiam ille cavendus est, qui videri potest, quicunque irritat, quicunque incitat, quicunque exasperat, quicunque incentiva luxuriae aut libidinis suggerit. Quando ergo aliquis nobis conviciatur, lacessit, ad violentiam provocat, ad jurgium vocat, tunc silentium exerceamus, tunc muti fieri non erubescamus. Peccator est enim qui nos provocat, qui injuriam facit, et nos similes sui fieri desiderat.
17. But that one too must be guarded against who can be seen: whoever provokes, whoever incites, whoever exasperates, whoever suggests the incitements of luxury or lust. When therefore someone reviles us, harasses us, provokes us to violence, calls us to a quarrel, then let us practise silence, then let us not blush to become mute. For he who provokes us, who does us injury, is a sinner, and desires that we should become like him.
18. Denique si taceas, si dissimules, solet dicere: Quid taces? Loquere, si audes. Sed non audes, mutus es, ⟨e⟩linguem te feci. Si ergo taceas, plus rumpitur: victum sese putat, irrisum, posthabitum atque illusum. Si respondeas, superiorem se factum arbitratur, quia parem invenit. Si enim taceas, dicetur: Ille conviciatus est, hunc contempsit iste. Si referas contumeliam, dicetur: Ambo conviciati sunt. Uterque condemnatur, nemo absolvitur. Ergo illius est studium, ut irritet, ut similia illi loquar, similia agam; justi est autem dissimulare, nihil loqui, tenere bonae fructum conscientiae, plus committere bonorum judicio, quam criminantis insolentiae, contentum esse gravitate morum suorum. Hoc est enim silere a bonis; quia bene sibi conscius, falsis non debet moveri: nec aestimare plus ponderis in alieno esse convicio, quam in suo testimonio.
18. Indeed, if you are silent, if you let it pass, he is wont to say: "Why are you silent? Speak, if you dare. But you do not dare; you are mute; I have made you tongueless." If therefore you are silent, he bursts the more: he thinks himself beaten, mocked, set aside and made sport of. If you answer, he reckons that he has been made the superior, because he has found an equal. For if you are silent, it will be said: "That man reviled, this man despised him." If you return the insult, it will be said: "Both reviled each other." Each is condemned, no one is acquitted. So it is his aim to provoke, so that I may speak as he does, act as he does; but it belongs to the just man to let it pass, to say nothing, to hold fast the fruit of a good conscience, to entrust himself more to the judgement of the good than to the insolence of the accuser, to be content with the gravity of his own character. For this is to keep silence from good things: because one who is well conscious of himself ought not to be moved by falsehoods, nor to reckon that there is more weight in another's reviling than in his own testimony.
19. Ita fit ut etiam humilitatem custodiat. Si autem nolit humilior videri, talia tractat, et dicit ipse secum: Hic ergo ut me contemnat, et in conspectu meo loquatur talia adversum me, quasi non possim ego ei aperire os meum? Cur non etiam ego dicam, in quibus eum moestificare possim? Hic ergo ut mihi injurias faciat, quasi vir non sim, quasi vindicare me non possim? Hic ut me criminetur, quasi ego non possim graviora in eum componere?
19. So it comes about that he also keeps humility. But if he is unwilling to appear the humbler, he turns over such thoughts and says within himself: "Is this man, then, to despise me and speak such things against me to my face, as though I could not open my mouth against him? Why should I not also say things by which I can grieve him? Is this man, then, to do me injuries, as though I were not a man, as though I could not avenge myself? Is this man to accuse me, as though I could not put together heavier charges against him?"
20. Qui talia dicit, non est mitis atque humilis, non est sine tentatione. Tentator eum exagitat, ipse ei tales opiniones inserit. Plerumque adhibet hominem
20. He who says such things is not gentle and humble, he is not without temptation. The tempter stirs him up; he himself puts such notions into him. Often he brings in a man
Editors' notes and page, col. 32

Footnotes

(27) ‹anchor: Hic ergo ut› · call in col 32

Hinc edit. Gill. ac Rom. unius aut alterius mss. auctoritate triplicem particulam ut sustulerant: quam tamen aliae edit. ac mss. frequentissimi elegantius exhibent. Est autem ibi quaedam ellipsis supplenda per verbum patiar, ferendum est, aut quid simile.

From this place Gillot's and the Roman editions, on the authority of one or two manuscripts, had removed the particle ut in its three occurrences; the other editions and very many manuscripts, however, give it, more elegantly. There is an ellipsis there, to be supplied by the verb patiar, "is it to be borne", or something similar.

(printed under page 19)

Page

  • running head: S. AMBROSII 32
  • marginal letters: A ‹ori suo, ne det locum›; B ‹provocat, qui injuriam facit›; C ‹mittere bonorum judicio›; D ‹ponere ?›
  • old-edition numerals: 7 after ‹insolentiae,›
PL 16:33
atque apponit nequam spiritus, qui haec illi dicat: sed tu in petra fixum vestigium tene. Etsi servus convicium dicat, justus tacet; etsi infirmus contumeliam faciat, justus tacet: etsi pauper criminetur, justus non respondet. Haec sunt arma justi, ut cedendo vincat. Sicut periti jaculandi cedentes solent vincere, et fugientes gravioribus sequentem vulnerare ictibus.
and puts forward wicked spirits, someone to say these things to him; but do you keep your foot fixed on the rock. Even if a slave speaks abuse, the just man is silent; even if a weak man offers insult, the just man is silent; even if a poor man accuses, the just man does not answer. These are the arms of the just man, that he conquers by yielding. Just as those skilled in throwing the javelin are wont to conquer by giving ground, and, as they flee, to wound their pursuer with heavier blows.
CAPUT VI.
CHAPTER VI.
Hac in re silentium atque humilitatem David imitanda esse, ne digni videamur injuria.
In this matter the silence and humility of David are to be imitated, lest we seem deserving of injury.
21. Quid enim opus est moveri, cum audimus convicia? Cur non imitamur dicentem: Obmutui, et humiliatus sum, et silui a bonis (Psal. XXXVIII, 3)? An hoc dixit tantummodo, non etiam fecit David? Imo et fecit (II Reg. XVI, 9 et seq.). Nam cum ei conviciaretur Semei filius Jemini, tacebat David: et quamvis septus armatis, non retorquebat convicium, non ultionem quaerebat, eousque ut dicendi sibi Sarviae filio quod vindicare in eum vellet, non permiserit. Ibat ergo tanquam mutus et humiliatus, ibat tacens, nec movebatur, cum vir appellaretur sanguinis, qui erat conscius propriae mansuetudinis. Non ergo movebatur conviciis, cui abundabat bonorum operum conscientia.
21. For what need is there to be moved when we hear abuse? Why do we not imitate him who says: I was dumb, and was humbled, and kept silence from good things (Ps. 38:3)? Or did David only say this, and not also do it? Nay, he did it too (II Kgs. 16:9 ff.). For when Shimei, the son of Jemini, reviled him, David was silent; and though he was hedged about with armed men, he did not throw back the abuse, he did not seek vengeance, so much so that he did not permit the son of Zeruiah, who said to him that he wished to take vengeance on him, [to do it]. He went on therefore as one mute and humbled, he went on in silence, and was not moved when he was called a man of blood, he who was conscious of his own gentleness. He was not moved by abuse, then, who had in abundance the consciousness of good works.
22. Itaque is qui cito injuria movetur, facit se dignum videri contumelia, dum vult ea indignus probari. Melior est itaque qui contemnit, injuriam quam qui dolet; qui enim contemnit, quasi non sentiat, ita despicit: qui autem dolet, quasi senserit, torquetur.
22. Thus he who is quickly moved by injury makes himself seem deserving of insult, while he wishes to be proved undeserving of it. He therefore who despises an injury is better than he who grieves at it; for he who despises it looks down on it as though he did not feel it, but he who grieves is tormented as though he had felt it.
CAPUT VII.
CHAPTER VII.
Quam pulchre prooemii loco usurpatus fuerit psalmus XXXVIII, quo inductus Vir sanctus de Officiis scribere constituit; idque potiori jure quem olim Cicero ad filium, et quam ob causam.
How fittingly Psalm 38 was taken as a preface, moved by which the holy man resolved to write on Duties; and that with better right than Cicero once [wrote] to his son, and for what reason.
23. Neque improvide ad vos filios meos scribens, hujus psalmi prooemio (Psal. XXXVIII, 1) usus sum. Quem psalmum propheta David sancto Idithun canendum dedit, ego vobis tenendum suadeo,
23. Nor was it without forethought that, writing to you, my sons, I made use of the opening of this psalm (Ps. 38:1). The psalm which David the prophet gave to holy Idithun to be sung, I urge you to hold fast,
Editors' notes and page, col. 33

Footnotes

(28) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 33

Rom. edit. sola, adhibet hominem nequam spiritus.

The Roman edition alone: adhibet hominem nequam spiritus.

(printed under page 20)

(29) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 33

Mss. non pauci hic et infra, justus taceat: et post pauca, justus non respondeat.

Not a few manuscripts, here and below: justus taceat; and a little after: justus non respondeat.

(printed under page 20)

(30) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 33

Mss. non pauci, Semei filius, tacebat David; alii aliquot, Semei filius Gera, tacebat David. Rom. edit., Semei filius Gera, filii Gemeni, etc.

Not a few manuscripts: Semei filius, tacebat David; some others: Semei filius Gera, tacebat David. The Roman edition: Semei filius Gera, filii Gemeni, etc.

(printed under page 20)

(31) ‹anchor: operum conscientia› · call in col 33

Cod. Theod., cui abundabat honor et operum conscientia.

The Theodosian [?] codex: cui abundabat honor et operum conscientia.

(printed under page 20)

(32) ‹anchor: quasi senserit› · call in col 33

Plerique mss., post quasi senserit, omittunt torquetur; cujus loco legit cod. Laud., est quasi senserit.

Most manuscripts omit torquetur after quasi senserit; in its place the Laon codex reads est quasi senserit.

(printed under page 20)

(33) ‹anchor: propheta David› · call in col 33

Confer hunc locum et ea quae priori tomo pag. 841, num. 1 et 2, in titulum hujus ipsius psalmi dicuntur, et affinitatem non parvam utrobique animadvertes.

Compare this passage with what is said in the previous volume, page 841, nos. 1 and 2, on the title of this same psalm, and you will notice no small affinity between the two.

(printed under page 20)

Page

  • running head: 33 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRO[RUM] (page head cut at the image edge)
  • marginal letters: A ‹minem, atque apponit›; B ‹3)? An hoc dixit›; C ‹sentiat, ita despicit›; D beside the footnotes (no text line of this column)
  • old-edition numerals: 8 before ‹CAPUT VII.›
PL 16:34
delectatus ejus sensu profundo et virtute sententiarum. Advertimus enim ex his quae breviter libavimus, et silendi patientiam, et opportunitatem loquendi, et in posterioribus (Ibid. 8) contemptum divitiarum, quae maxima virtutum fundamenta sunt, hoc psalmo doceri. Dum igitur hunc psalmum considero, successit animo de Officiis scribere.
delighted by its profound sense and the force of its sayings. For we observe from what we have briefly tasted that this psalm teaches the patience of keeping silence and the right time for speaking, and, in what follows (ibid. 8), contempt of riches, which are the greatest foundations of the virtues. While therefore I was pondering this psalm, it came into my mind to write on Duties.
24. De quibus etiamsi quidam Philosophiae studentes scripserint, ut Panaetius, et filius ejus apud Graecos, Tullius apud Latinos; non alienum duxi a nostro munere, ut etiam ipse scriberem. Et sicut Tullius ad erudiendum filium, ita ego quoque ad vos informandos filios meos; neque enim minus vos diligo quos in Evangelio genui, quam si conjugio suscepissem. Non enim vehementior est natura ad diligendum, quam gratia. Plus certe diligere debemus quos perpetuo nobiscum putamus futuros, quam quos in hoc tantum saeculo. Illi degeneres nascuntur frequenter, qui dedeceant patrem: vos ante elegimus, ut diligamus. Itaque illi necessitate diliguntur, quae non satis idonea atque diuturna est ad perpetuitatem diligendi magistra: vos judicio, quo magnum charitatis pondus ad vim diligendi adjungitur, probare quos diligas, et diligere quos elegeris.
24. Although some students of philosophy have written on these, such as Panaetius and his son among the Greeks, and Tully among the Latins, I did not think it foreign to our office that I too should write. And as Tully [wrote] to instruct his son, so I too [write] to form you, my sons; for I love you whom I have begotten in the Gospel no less than if I had received you in marriage. For nature is not stronger for loving than grace. Surely we ought to love more those whom we think will be with us for ever than those [who will be with us] only in this world. Those are often born degenerate, such as to disgrace their father; you we chose first, so that we might love you. Thus they are loved by necessity, which is not a sufficiently fit and lasting teacher for perpetual love; you [are loved] by judgement, by which a great weight of charity is joined to the force of loving: to approve those whom you love, and to love those whom you have chosen.
CAPUT VIII.
CHAPTER VIII.
Nomen officii, non solum philosophis, sed etiam scriptoribus sacris usitatum esse; et unde hoc deductum.
That the name of duty has been in use not only among the philosophers but also among the sacred writers; and whence it is derived.
25. Ergo quoniam personae conveniunt, videamus utrum res ipsa conveniat scribere de Officiis: et utrum hoc nomen philosophorum tantummodo scholae aptum sit, an etiam in Scripturis reperiatur divinis. Pulchre itaque dum legimus hodie Evangelium (quasi adhortaretur ad scribendum) Spiritus sanctus obtulit nobis lectionem, qua confirmaremur etiam in nobis Officium dici posse. Nam cum Zacharias sacerdos obmutuisset in templo et loqui non posset: Factum est, inquit, ut impleti sunt dies officii ejus, abiit in domum suam (Luc. I, 23). Legimus igitur Officium dici a nobis posse
25. Since therefore the persons are suited, let us see whether the matter itself is suited to writing on Duties, and whether this name is fitting only for the school of the philosophers, or is found also in the divine Scriptures. Fittingly, then, while we were reading the Gospel today, the Holy Spirit (as though urging us to write) offered us a lesson by which we might be confirmed that "duty" can be spoken of among us too. For when Zachary the priest had become dumb in the temple and could not speak: It came to pass, it says, when the days of his duty were fulfilled, he departed to his own house (Luke 1:23). We read therefore that "duty" can be spoken of by us
Editors' notes and page, col. 34

Footnotes

(34) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 34

Panaetium, cujus mentionem non uno loco Tullius facit, Rhodium fuisse ex Strabone refert Vossius lib. de Phil. sectis, cap. 19, pag. 103, quem consule. De filio autem ejus qui scripserit aliquid, praeter Ambrosium forte reperias neminem, nisi quis aut Possidonium ejus discipulum et successorem intelligat, de quo Tull. lib. III de Offic. et epist. 16 ad Attic., vel Hecanotem [sic] Panaetii quoque auditorem, quem idem Tull. sex libros de hoc ipso argumento scripsisse auctor est.

That Panaetius, whom Tully mentions in more than one place, was a Rhodian, Vossius reports from Strabo in his book On the Sects of the Philosophers, chapter 19, page 103; consult him. But of a son of his who wrote anything you will perhaps find no one besides Ambrose, unless one understands either Posidonius, his disciple and successor, of whom Tully speaks in On Duties book III and in letter 16 to Atticus, or Hecaton, also a hearer of Panaetius, who on the same Tully's report wrote six books on this very subject.

(printed under page 20)

(36) [as printed; the sequence requires (35)] ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 34

Lib. I de offic. page 351, tom. IV ejusdem Cic. operum Genevae apud Jer. des Planches an. 1584 editorum (quam edit. in sequentibus semper laudabimus), lin. 3: « Sed cum statuissem aliquid hoc tempore ad te scribere, » etc. Item ad Attic. epist. 327, lib. XV.

On Duties book I, page 351, in volume IV of the works of the same Cicero published at Geneva by Jérémie des Planches in 1584 (the edition we shall always cite in what follows), line 3: "But since I had resolved to write something to you at this time," etc. Likewise to Atticus, letter 327, book XV.

(printed under page 20)

(36) ‹anchor: charitatis pondus› · call in col 34

Vet. edit. cum paucis mss., charitati pondus.

The old editions with a few manuscripts: charitati pondus.

(printed under page 20)

(37) ‹anchor: dies officii› · call in col 34

Ita edit. Vulg. Graecus autem textus τῆς λειτουργίας αὐτοῦ, ministrationis, seu ministerii ejus. Sed cum officium sit id quod cuique convenit, unde dicitur Graece καθῆκον: nihil vero sacro ministro aeque conveniat atque ipsa ministratio hinc intelligas haud absurde Ambrosianam hanc officii acceptionem defendi posse

So the Vulgate edition. The Greek text, however, has τῆς λειτουργίας αὐτοῦ, "of his ministration", or "ministry". But since an office (officium) is what befits each person, whence it is called in Greek καθῆκον, and nothing so befits a sacred minister as the ministration itself, you will see from this that Ambrose's understanding of officium here can be defended, not absurdly.

(printed under page 20)

Page

  • running head: [DE OFFICIIS] MINISTRORUM LIBER I. 34
  • marginal letters: A ‹delectatus ejus sensu›; B ‹conjugio suscepissem›; C ‹deductum.› (caption line); D beside the footnotes (no text line of this column)
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 16:35
26. Nec ratio ipsa abhorret, quandoquidem Officium ab efficiendo dictum putamus, quasi efficium: sed propter decorem sermonis una immutata littera, officium nuncupari: vel certe, ut ea agas, quae nulli officiant, prosint omnibus.
26. Nor is the reasoning itself out of keeping, since we think that officium is named from efficere ("to effect"), as if efficium, but that for the sake of seemliness of speech, with one letter changed, it is called officium; or at any rate, that you should do those things which harm (officiant) no one and profit all.
CAPUT IX.
CHAPTER IX.
Officium ab honesto et utili, nec non ab amborum inter se comparatione desumi: sed a Christianis quod ad futuram vitam non conferat, honestum aut utile agnosci; atque adeo non supervacaneum fore hunc de Officio tractatum.
That duty is drawn from the honourable and the useful, and also from the comparison of the two with each other; but that Christians recognize nothing as honourable or useful which does not contribute to the future life; and that therefore this treatise on Duty will not be superfluous.
27. Officia autem ab honesto et utili duci existimaverunt, et de iis duobus eligere quid praestet: deinde incidere ut duo concurrant honesta, et duo utilia; et quaeretur quid honestius, et quid utilius. Primum igitur in tres partes Officium dividitur: honestum, et utile, et quid praestantius. Deinde haec tria in quinque genera diviserunt, in duo honesta, et duo utilia, et eligendi judicium. Prima pertinere dicunt ad decus honestatemque vitae, secunda ad vitae commoda, copias, opes, facultates: de iis eligendis subesse judicium. Haec illi.
27. Now they held that duties are derived from the honourable and the useful, and from choosing which of these two is preferable; then, that it happens that two honourable things meet, and two useful ones, and it will be asked which is more honourable and which more useful. First, then, duty is divided into three parts: the honourable, the useful, and which is preferable. Then they divided these three into five kinds: two honourable, two useful, and the judgement of choosing. The first, they say, pertain to the comeliness and honourableness of life, the second to the advantages of life, resources, wealth, means; and that judgement is applied to choosing among them. So they.
28. Nos autem nihil omnino nisi quod deceat et honestum sit, futurorum magis quam praesentium metimur formula: nihilque utile nisi quod ad vitae illius aeternae prosit gratiam definimus, non quod ad delectationem praesentis. Neque aliqua commoda in facultatibus et copiis opum constituimus: sed incommoda haec putamus, si non rejiciantur; eaque oneri cum sit aestimari magis, quam dispendio cum erogantur.
28. But we measure nothing at all [as duty] except what is seemly and honourable, and by the rule of things to come rather than of things present; and we define nothing as useful except what profits towards the grace of that eternal life, not what [profits] towards the delight of the present. Nor do we place any advantages in means and abundance of wealth; rather we think these disadvantages if they are not cast off, and that they are to be reckoned a burden when they are [kept] rather than a loss when they are paid out.
29. Non superfluum igitur scriptionis nostrae est opus, quia Officium diversa aestimamus regula atque illi aestimaverunt. Illi saeculi commoda in bonis ducunt, nos haec etiam in detrimentis: quoniam qui hic recipit bona, ut ille dives, illic cruciatur: et Lazarus, qui mala hic pertulit, illi consolationem
29. The work of our writing, then, is not superfluous, because we reckon duty by a different rule from that by which they reckoned it. They count the advantages of the world among goods, we count them even among losses: since he who receives good things here, like that rich man, is tormented there; and Lazarus, who endured evil things here, consolation there
Editors' notes and page, col. 35

Footnotes

(38) ‹anchor: Officium ab efficiendo› · call in col 35

Hanc Officii etymologiam probat Franc. Sanctius, Minervae lib. IV, De antiphrasi, § 4, et Donati auctoritate confirmat: secundam refellit hoc ipso D. Ambrosii testimonio. Sed male, cum utramque perinde amplectatur S. Antistes.

This etymology of officium is approved by Francisco Sánchez, Minerva book IV, On Antiphrasis, § 4, who confirms it by the authority of Donatus; the second he refutes by this very testimony of St Ambrose. But wrongly, since the holy bishop embraces both alike.

(printed under page 21)

(39) ‹anchor: officium nuncupari› · call in col 35

Plures mss., dici existimaverunt, non recte,

Several manuscripts: dici existimaverunt, not rightly.

(printed under page 21)

(40) ‹anchor: Officia autem› · call in col 35

Cic. lib. I de Offic. pag. 351: Triplex igitur est, etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 351: "Threefold, then, is", etc.

(printed under page 21)

(41) ‹anchor: deinde incidere› · call in col 35

Mss. non pauci, deinde indicere; quidam, incedere.

Not a few manuscripts: deinde indicere; some: incedere.

(printed under page 21)

(42) ‹anchor: Nos autem› · call in col 35

Sententiam hanc non nihil impeditam ita explica: Nos autem sola decentia et honesta tractamus ac definimus, idque facimus magis regula futurorum, quam praesentium.

Explain this somewhat tangled sentence thus: "But we treat and define only what is seemly and honourable, and we do so by the rule of things to come rather than of things present."

(printed under page 21)

(43) ‹anchor: aestimari magis› · call in col 35

Erasm. et seq. edit. cum uno vel altero mss., eaque oneri magis cum sint aestimari, quam, etc. Sed ea transpositio, quae reliquis mss. et Amerb. edit. contraria est, loci non tollit obscuritatem. Hanc ergo ut amoveas, subintellige verbum putamus, et interpretare, cum sint, positum pro, cum adsint; ut opponatur sequenti membro, cum erogantur.

Erasmus and the following editions, with one or two manuscripts: eaque oneri magis cum sint aestimari, quam, etc. But that transposition, which is contrary to the other manuscripts and to Amerbach's edition, does not remove the obscurity of the passage. To remove it, then, understand the verb putamus, and take cum sint as put for cum adsint, so that it is set against the following member, cum erogantur.

(printed under page 21)

(44) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 36

Lib. I Offic. pag. 363: Hoc loco continetur id, quod dicit Latine decorum, » etc.

On Duties book I, page 363: "In this place is contained what is called in Latin the decorum," etc.

(printed under page 21)

(45) ‹anchor: Panaetius› · call in col 36

Quod Aristoteles disputasse de officio dicitur, non ita accipimus quasi peculiarem sub hoc titulo ediderit commentationem: sed quod multa quae ad singulorum officia pertineant, tradiderit in lib. Politic. Oeconom., maxime vero in tribus Moralium suorum voluminibus, quae manibus omnium evolvuntur. Quod vero David hisce philosophis asseritur esse antiquior, id cum chronologia consentire jam observavimus tomo I, pag. 766 et 982. Et certe Panaetius florebat tantum an. ab Urbe condita circ. 625, id est 126 an. ante salutis reparationem; Aristoteles an. ab Orbe condito circ. 3570, id est an. ferme 380 ante Christum: Socrates anno mundi 3525; Pythagoras denique ante Virginis partum circ. 550, hoc est an. 500 post Davidem. Porro qui plura de his philosophis desideraverit, adeat de Pythagora Laertium, Porphyrium, Anonymum apud Photium; August. De civit. Dei lib. XVIII, cap. 37; Vayerium, De virtute paganorum et Naudeum, Apologia illustrium Virorum; de Socrate autem, praeter plures e memoratis, Diodorum Sicul., Aristidem orat. 2, Eusebium, Suidam et alios. Nam de Panaetio jam quantum sufficiat, attigimus.

That Aristotle is said to have discussed duty we do not take to mean that he published a particular treatise under this title, but that he set down many things bearing on the duties of individuals in his books of Politics and Economics, and above all in the three volumes of his Ethics, which are in everyone's hands. That David is asserted to be older than these philosophers agrees with chronology, as we have already observed in volume I, pages 766 and 982. Certainly Panaetius flourished only about the year 625 from the founding of the City, that is, 126 years before the restoration of salvation; Aristotle about the year 3570 from the founding of the world, that is, about 380 years before Christ; Socrates in the year of the world 3525; Pythagoras, finally, about 550 before the Virgin's childbearing, that is, 500 years after David. Whoever wants more on these philosophers may go, on Pythagoras, to Laertius, Porphyry, and the Anonymous in Photius; to Augustine, City of God book XVIII, chapter 37; to La Mothe le Vayer, On the Virtue of the Pagans, and to Naudé, Apology for Illustrious Men; and on Socrates, besides several of those mentioned, to Diodorus of Sicily, Aristides oration 2, Eusebius, the Suda and others. Of Panaetius we have already said enough.

(printed under page 21)

Editors' prose

(none) <!-- note (Q6a, 2026-10-05): §29 "illi consolationem" is set as printed (sic, for illic); the English translates the intended word. In §28 the scan seems to read "omnius" for "omnino"; the lean image cannot settle it, so "omnino" is kept (UNSURE, check at higher zoom). Footnotes (44) and (45) are printed in the foot of col 35 but are called in col 36. -->

Page

  • running head: 35 S. AMBROS[II] (page head cut at the image edge)
  • marginal letters: A ‹26. Nec ratio ipsa›; B ‹sta, et duo utilia›; C ‹mus: sed incommoda›; D beside the footnotes (no text line of this column)
  • old-edition numerals: 9 before ‹26. Nec ratio›
PL 16:36
invenit (Luc. XVI, 25). Deinde qui illa non legunt, nostra legent si volent: qui non sermonum supellectilem, neque artem dicendi; sed simplicem rerum exquirunt gratiam.
found (Luke 16:25). Further, those who do not read their writings will read ours if they wish: those who seek out not the furniture of words, nor the art of speaking, but the simple grace of things.
CAPUT X.
CHAPTER X.
Prius in sacris Litteris decorum quam in philosophorum libris frequentatum esse: Pythagoram silentii sui legem mutuatum a Davide: sed hujus tamen praestare disciplinam; cum primum officium sit loquendi modus.
That the seemly was in frequent use in the sacred Letters before it was in the books of the philosophers; that Pythagoras borrowed his law of silence from David, but that David's discipline is nevertheless superior; since the first duty is the measure of speaking.
30. Decorum autem in nostris Scripturis primo constitui loco (quod Graece πρέπον dicitur) instruimur et docemur, legentes: Te decet hymnus, Deus, in Sion (Psal. LXIV, 2): vel Graece, Σοὶ πρέπει ὕμνος, ὁ Θεὸς, ἐν Σιών. Et Apostolus ait: Loquere quae decent sanam doctrinam (Tit. II, 1). Et alibi: Decebat autem eum per quem omnia, et propter quem omnia, multis filiis in gloriam adductis, ducem salutis eorum per passionem consummari (Hebr. I, 10).
30. Now we are instructed and taught that the seemly (which in Greek is called prepon) is set in the first place in our Scriptures, when we read: A hymn befits Thee, O God, in Sion (Ps. 64:2); or in Greek: Soi prepei hymnos, ho Theos, en Siōn. And the Apostle says: Speak the things that befit sound doctrine (Titus 2:1). And elsewhere: For it befitted Him, through whom are all things and for whom are all things, having brought many sons into glory, to make the leader of their salvation perfect through suffering (Heb. 2:10).
31. Numquid prior Panaetius, numquid Aristoteles, qui et ipse disputavit de Officio, quam David; et ipse Pythagoras, qui legitur Socrate antiquior, prophetam secutus David (Psal. XXXVIII, 2 et seqq.), legem silentii dederit suis? Sed ille ut per quinquennium discipulis usum inhiberet loquendi: David autem non ut naturae munus imminueret: sed ut custodiam proferendi sermonis doceret. Et Pythagoras quidem ut non loquendo loqui doceret, David ut loquendo magis disceremus loqui. Quomodo enim sine exercitio doctrina, aut sine usu profectus?
31. Was Panaetius earlier, was Aristotle, who himself also discoursed on duty, earlier than David? And did not Pythagoras himself, who is read to be older than Socrates, follow the prophet David (Ps. 38:2 ff.) in giving his disciples a law of silence? But he [did it] so as to forbid his disciples the use of speech for five years; David, however, not so as to diminish a gift of nature, but so as to teach a guard over the uttering of speech. And Pythagoras indeed [did it] to teach speaking by not speaking; David, that by speaking we might rather learn to speak. For how is there teaching without exercise, or progress without practice?
32. Qui disciplinam bellicam vult assequi, quotidie exercetur armis, et tanquam in procinctu positus praeludit praelium, et velut coram posito praetendit hoste: atque ad peritiam viresque jaculandi vel suos explorat lacertos, vel adversariorum declinat ictus, et vigilanti exit obtutu. Qui navim in
32. He who wishes to attain the discipline of war is exercised daily in arms, and, as if set in battle array, rehearses the battle, and holds out [his guard] as though the enemy were set before him; and for skill and strength in throwing the javelin he either tries his own arms or avoids the blows of his adversaries and escapes them with a watchful eye. He who [wishes to steer] a ship in
Editors' notes and page, col. 36

Footnotes

(46) ‹anchor: vigilanti exit obtutu› · call in col 36

Ita vet. edit. ac mss. fere ad unum: Rom. autem edit., vigilanti excipit obtutu. Sed nihil mu- (continues)

So the old editions and the manuscripts almost to a man; but the Roman edition: vigilanti excipit obtutu. But nothing … (continues)

(printed under page 21)

Page

  • running head: [S.] AMBROSII. 36
  • marginal letters: A ‹nem invenit›; B ‹Σοὶ πρέπει›; C ‹doceret, David›; D beside the footnotes (no text line of this column)
  • old-edition numerals: 10 after ‹πρέπον›
PL 16:37
mari regere gubernaculis studet, vel remis ducere, prius in fluvio praeludit. Qui canendi suavitatem et vocis affectant praestantiam, prius sensim canendo vocem excitant. Et qui viribus corporis, legitimoque luctandi certamine coronam petunt, quotidiano usu palaestrae durantes membra, nutrientes patientiam laborem assuescunt.
the sea is eager to steer with the rudder or to drive with oars first practises on a river. Those who aim at sweetness in singing and excellence of voice first rouse the voice by singing gently. And those who seek the crown by bodily strength and the lawful contest of wrestling, hardening their limbs by daily use of the wrestling-ground and nourishing their endurance, grow accustomed to toil.
33. Haec ipsa natura nos in parvulis docet, quod prius sonos meditantur loquendi, ut loqui discant. Itaque sonus exercitatio quaedam et palaestra vocis est. Ita ergo et qui volunt discere cautionem loquendi, quod naturae est, non negent: quod custodiae est, exerceant; ut qui in specula sunt, speculando intendant, non dormiendo. Omnis enim res propriis ac domesticis exercitiis augetur.
33. Nature herself teaches us this in little children: they first practise the sounds of speaking so that they may learn to speak. So sound is a kind of exercise and wrestling-ground of the voice. Thus, then, let those who wish to learn caution in speaking not deny what belongs to nature, [but] exercise what belongs to guarding; as those who are on the watch-tower attend by watching, not by sleeping. For everything is increased by its own proper and domestic exercises.
34. Ergo David tacebat non semper, sed pro tempore: non jugiter, neque omnibus; sed irritanti adversario, provocanti peccatori non respondebat. Et, sicut alibi ait (Psal. XXXVII, 13, 14), loquentes vanitatem, et cogitantes dolum, non audiebat quasi surdus, et quasi mutus non aperiebat illis os suum; quia et alibi habes: Noli respondere imprudenti ad imprudentiam ejus, ne similis illi fias (Prov. XXVI, 4).
34. So David was silent, not always, but according to the time; not continually, nor to everyone; but to the adversary who provoked him, to the sinner who challenged him, he did not answer. And, as he says elsewhere (Ps. 37:13–14), he did not hear, as one deaf, those who spoke vanity and devised deceit, and as one dumb he did not open his mouth to them; because elsewhere too you have: Answer not a fool according to his folly, lest you become like him (Prov. 26:4).
35. Primum igitur officium est loquendi modus. Hoc sacrificium laudis Deo dependitur, hoc reverentia exhibetur, cum Scripturae divinae leguntur, hoc honorantur parentes. Scio loqui plerosque, cum tacere nesciant. Rarum est tacere quemquam, cum sibi non prosit loqui. Sapiens ut loquatur, multa prius considerat, quid dicat, aut cui dicat, quo in loco, et tempore. Est ergo et tacendi et loquendi modus: est etiam facti modus. Pulchrum igitur tenere mensuram officii.
35. The first duty, then, is the measure in speaking. By this the sacrifice of praise is paid to God, by this reverence is shown when the divine Scriptures are read, by this parents are honoured. I know that most people speak because they do not know how to be silent. It is rare for anyone to be silent when speaking does him no good. The wise man, in order to speak, first considers many things: what he is to say, or to whom he is to say it, in what place and at what time. There is therefore a measure both in being silent and in speaking; there is also a measure in deed. It is a fine thing, then, to keep the measure of duty.
CAPUT XI.
CHAPTER XI.
Officium omne, aut medium, aut perfectum esse Scripturae testimoniis ostenditur: cui subjungitur misericordiae laus, atque ad eam exhortatio.
It is shown by the testimonies of Scripture that every duty is either middle or perfect; to which is added the praise of mercy, and an exhortation to it.
36. Officium autem omne aut medium, aut perfectum est, quod aeque Scripturarum auctoritate probare possumus. Habemus etenim in Evangelio dixisse Dominum: Si vis in vitam aeternam venire, serva mandata. Dixit ille: Quae? Jesus autem dixit illi: Non homicidium facies, non adulterabis, non facies furtum, non falsum testimonium dices: honora patrem et matrem: et, Diliges proximum tuum sicut te ipsum (Matth. XIX, 17 et seq.). Haec sunt media officia, quibus aliquid deest.
36. Now every duty is either middle or perfect, which we can likewise prove by the authority of the Scriptures. For we have it in the Gospel that the Lord said: If you will enter into eternal life, keep the commandments. He said: Which? And Jesus said to him: You shall do no murder, you shall not commit adultery, you shall not steal, you shall not bear false witness; honour your father and mother; and, You shall love your neighbour as yourself (Matt. 19:17 ff.). These are middle duties, to which something is lacking.
Editors' notes and page, col. 37

Footnotes

(46) (continued) ‹anchor: vigilanti exit obtutu› · call on the previous page, col 36

tandum. Quidni enim recte dicatur, exire ictum vel exire extra ictum, quemadmodum e contrario dicimus, venire intra jactum aut ictum teli?

(continued) is to be changed. For why should one not rightly say exire ictum, or exire extra ictum, "to get out of the blow", or "beyond the blow's reach", just as conversely we say "to come within the cast or the blow of a missile"?

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(47) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 37

Mss. aliquot, Nec ipsa natura; edit. vet., Nec non ipsa natura.

Some manuscripts: Nec ipsa natura; the old editions: Nec non ipsa natura.

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(48) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 37

Mss. nonnulli, sonus excitatio [?].

Some manuscripts: sonus excitatio [?].

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(49) ‹anchor: Scio› · call in col 37

Hanc sententiam jam legimus cap. 2, num. 5, eisdem verbis. Et eam quidem hoc loco non habet ms. Vat. unus et Tellerianus: verum cum in aliis omnibus atque edit. reperiatur, ipsam loco movere noluimus; praesertim cum Ambrosio insolens non sit easdem sententias subinde repetere.

We have already read this sentence in chapter 2, no. 5, in the same words. One Vatican manuscript and the Tellier manuscript do not have it in this place; but since it is found in all the others and in the editions, we did not wish to move it from its place, especially as it is not unusual for Ambrose to repeat the same sentences now and then.

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(50) ‹anchor: perfectum est› · call in col 37

Cic. lib. I Offic., pag. 351 [?], lin. 36: « Atque etiam alia divisio est, » etc. Adverte interim Ambrosii doctrinam de praeceptorum et consiliorum distinctione, quae tam pertinaciter ab heterodoxis neotericis impugnatur et rejicitur.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 351 [?], line 36: "And there is also another division," etc. Note meanwhile Ambrose's teaching on the distinction between precepts and counsels, which the modern heterodox attack and reject so stubbornly.

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Page

  • running head: 37 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRO[RUM] (page head cut at the image edge)
  • marginal letters: A ‹mari regere gubernaculis›; B ‹getur.›; C ‹rosque, cum tacere›; D ‹tibi: Non homicidium› (approximate)
  • old-edition numerals: 11 after ‹dependitur,›
PL 16:38
37. Denique dicit illi adolescens: Omnia haec custodivi a juventute mea, quid adhuc mihi deest? Ait illi Jesus: Si vis perfectus esse, vade, vende omnia bona tua, et da pauperibus, et habebis thesaurum in coelo, et veni, sequere me (Matth. XX, 21). Et supra (Matth. V, 44, 45) ita est scriptum, ubi diligendos inimicos, et orandum dicit pro calumniantibus et persequentibus nos, et benedicere maledicentes; hoc nos facere debemus, si volumus perfecti esse, sicut Pater noster qui in coelo est, qui super bonos et malos solem jubet radios suos fundere, et pluvia et rore terras universorum sine ulla discretione pinguescere. Hoc est igitur perfectum officium, quod κατόρθωμα dixerunt Graeci, quo corriguntur omnia, quae aliquos potuerunt lapsus habere.
37. Then the young man says to Him: All these I have kept from my youth; what do I still lack? Jesus said to him: If you will be perfect, go, sell all your goods, and give to the poor, and you shall have treasure in heaven; and come, follow Me (Matt. 19:21). And earlier (Matt. 5:44–45) it is written thus, where He says that enemies are to be loved, and that we must pray for those who slander and persecute us, and bless those who curse: this we ought to do if we wish to be perfect, as our Father who is in heaven, who bids the sun pour its rays upon the good and the bad, and makes the lands of all grow rich with rain and dew without any distinction. This, then, is the perfect duty, which the Greeks called katorthōma, by which all things are set right that could have had any lapses.
38. Bona etiam misericordia, quae et ipsa perfectos facit, quia imitatur perfectum Patrem. Nihil tam commendat Christianam animam quam misericordia. Primum in pauperes, ut communes judices partus naturae, quae omnibus ad usum generat fructus terrarum; ut quod habes, largioris pauperi, et consortem et conformem tuum adjuves. Tu nummum largiris, ille vitam accepit: tu pecuniam das, ille substantiam suam aestimat. Tuus denarius, census illius est.
38. Good too is mercy, which itself also makes men perfect, because it imitates the perfect Father. Nothing so commends a Christian soul as mercy. First towards the poor, that you may judge the produce of nature to be common, which brings forth the fruits of the earth for the use of all; that you may bestow what you have on the poor, and help your fellow and one formed like yourself. You bestow a coin, he has received life; you give money, he reckons it his substance. Your penny is his whole estate.
39. Ad haec plus ille tibi confert, cum sit debitor salutis. Si nudum vestias, te ipsum induis justitiam. Si peregrinum sub tectum inducas tuum, si suscipias egentem: ille tibi acquirit sanctorum amicitias et aeterna tabernacula. Non mediocris ista gratia. Corporalia seminas, et recipis spiritalia. Miraris judicium Domini de sancto Job? Mirare virtutem ejus, qui poterat dicere: Oculus eram caecorum, pes claudorum. Ego eram infirmorum pater, velleribus agnorum meorum calefacti sunt humeri eorum. Foris non habitabat peregrinus: ostium autem meum omni venienti patebat (Job. XXIX, 15, 16). Beatus plane, de cujus domo nunquam vacuo sinu pauper exivit: neque enim quisquam magis beatus, quam qui intelligit super pauperis necessitatem et infirmi atque inopis aerumnam. In die judicii habebit salutem a Domino, quem habebit suae debitorem misericordiae.
39. Besides this, he confers more on you, since he is a debtor for your salvation. If you clothe the naked, you clothe yourself with justice. If you bring the stranger under your roof, if you take in the needy, he wins for you the friendship of the saints and the eternal tabernacles. No small grace is that. You sow bodily things and reap spiritual. Do you wonder at the Lord's judgement concerning holy Job? Wonder at his virtue, who could say: I was an eye to the blind, a foot to the lame. I was a father to the weak; their shoulders were warmed with the fleeces of my lambs. The stranger did not lodge outside; my door was open to everyone who came (Job 29:15–16). Blessed indeed is he from whose house a poor man never went out with an empty lap; for no one is more blessed than he who has understanding of the poor man's need and of the hardship of the weak and destitute. In the day of judgement he will have salvation from the Lord, whom he will have as debtor for his mercy.
CAPUT XII.
CHAPTER XII.
Ne quis ab exercenda misericordia revocetur, ostenditur Deum curare actus hominum, et quemlibet improbum in ipsa opum affluentia miserum esse Jobi auctoritate demonstratur.
That no one may be called back from practising mercy, it is shown that God cares for the acts of men; and it is proved by the authority of Job that every wicked man is wretched in the very abundance of his wealth.
40. Sed plerique revocantur ab officio dispensatricis
40. But many are called back from the duty of dispensing
Editors' notes and page, col. 38

Footnotes

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Ibid., pag. 351, lin. 37: « Perfectum autem officium, » etc.

Ibid., page 351, line 37: "But the perfect duty," etc.

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Lib. II Offic., pag. 3[?]3, lin. 12: « In illo autem altero genere, etc.

On Duties book II, page 3[?]3, line 12: "But in that other kind," etc.

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Page

  • running head: [M]INISTRORUM LIBER I. 38
  • marginal letters: A ‹37. Denique dicit›; B ‹quo corriguntur omnia›; C ‹pias egentem›; D ‹CAPUT XII.›
  • old-edition numerals: 12 before ‹Oculus eram›
PL 16:39
misericordiae, dum putant hominis actus non curare Dominum, aut nescire eum quid in occultis geramus, quid teneat nostra conscientia: aut judicium ejus nequaquam justum videri, quando peccatores divitiis abundare vident, gaudere honoribus, sanitate, liberis: contra autem, justos inopes degere, inhonoros, sine liberis, infirmos corpore, luctu frequenti.
mercy, while they think that the Lord does not care for the acts of man, or does not know what we do in secret, what our conscience holds; or that His judgement seems by no means just, when they see sinners abound in riches, rejoice in honours, health, children, while on the other hand the just live in want, without honour, without children, infirm in body, in frequent mourning.
41. Nec mediocris ea quaestio, quandoquidem tres illi reges amici Job, propterea eum peccatorem pronuntiabant, quia inopem factum ex divite, orbatum liberis ex fecundo parente, perfusum ulceribus, inhorrentemque vibicibus, exaratum vulneribus a capite usque ad pedes videbant (Job IV, 3, 11, 14 et seq.). Quibus hanc sanctus Job proponit assertionem: Si ego propter peccata mea haec patior, Cur impii vivunt? Inveteraverunt autem, et in divitiis semen eorum secundum voluntatem, filii eorum in oculis, domus ipsorum abundant, timor autem nusquam: flagellum autem a Domino non est in ipsis (Job XXI, 7-9).
41. Nor is that a small question, since those three kings, the friends of Job, pronounced him a sinner for this reason, that they saw him made poor from rich, bereft of children from a fruitful parent, covered with sores, bristling with weals, furrowed with wounds from head to foot (Job 4:3, 11, 14 ff.). To them holy Job puts forward this assertion: If I suffer these things because of my sins, why do the wicked live? They have grown old, and their seed is in riches according to their will, their children before their eyes, their houses abound, and fear is nowhere; the scourge from the Lord is not upon them (Job 21:7–9).
42. Haec videns infirmus corde exagitatur, et studium avertit suum. Cujus dicturus sermones, ante sanctus praemisit Job, dicens: Portate me, ego autem loquar, deinde ridete me. Nam et si arguor, quasi homo arguor. Portate ergo onus sermonum meorum (Job 1 et seq.). Dicturus enim sum quod non probo: sed ad vos redarguendos proferam sermonis iniquos. Aut certe; quia ita est versus. Quid autem? Numquid ab homine arguor? hoc est, homo me non potest redarguere quia peccavi, et si argui dignus sum; quia non ex evidenti culpa me arguitis, sed ex injuriis aestimatis merita delictorum. Videns ergo infirmus abundare injustos successibus prosperis, se autem atteri, dicit Domino: Discede a me, vias tuas scire nolo (ibid. 14). Quid prodest quia servivimus ipsi: aut quae utilitas, quia occurrimus ipsi? In manibus ipsorum omnia bona, opera autem impiorum non videt.
42. Seeing this, the weak man is troubled in heart and turns away his zeal. Before uttering his words, holy Job said first: Bear with me, and I will speak; then laugh at me. For even if I am reproved, I am reproved as a man. Bear, then, the burden of my words (Job 1 ff.). For I am going to say what I do not approve; but to refute you I will bring forth unjust words. Or else, because the verse runs thus: What then? Am I reproved by man? That is: a man cannot convict me of having sinned, even if I deserve to be reproved; because you reprove me not from evident guilt, but you reckon the deserts of my offences from my injuries. Seeing, then, the unjust abound in prosperous successes, while he himself is worn down, the weak man says to the Lord: Depart from me; I do not wish to know Thy ways (ibid. 14). What does it profit that we have served Him, or what advantage that we have gone to meet Him? In their hands are all good things, but He does not see the works of the wicked.
43. Laudatur in Platone, quod in Politia sua posuit eum qui contra justitiam disputandi partes recepisset, postulare veniam dictorum quae non probaret, et veri inveniendi atque examinandae disputationis gratia, illam sibi impositam personam dicere. Quod eousque Tullius probavit, ut
43. Plato is praised because in his Republic he made the one who had taken up the part of arguing against justice ask pardon for words he did not approve, and say that he had had that role laid upon him for the sake of finding the truth and of examining the argument. Tully approved this so far that
Editors' notes and page, col. 39

Footnotes

(53) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 39

Mss. aliquot, inhorrentemque vili cibo: quidam... varicibus: neutri satis commode, nec mutanda vox Auctori nostro familiaris.

Some manuscripts: inhorrentemque vili cibo; some … varicibus; neither suits well, and a word familiar to our Author is not to be changed.

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(54) ‹anchor: ita est versus› · call in col 39

Versus hoc loco ponitur pro conversus; aliam enim ejusdem loci Ambrosius, ut alibi saepe, versionem proponit.

Versus is put here for conversus, "translated"; for Ambrose, as often elsewhere, puts forward another version of the same passage.

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(55) ‹anchor: potest redarguere› · call in col 39

Cod. Tell., homo mentiens non potest redarguere.

The Tellier codex: homo mentiens non potest redarguere.

(printed under page 23)

(56) ‹anchor: successibus prosperis› · call in col 39

Quidam mss., injustos successionibus prosperis.

Some manuscripts: injustos successionibus prosperis.

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(57) ‹anchor: in Platone› · call in col 39

Plato lib. II de Rep. Glauconem in eorum qui justitiae praeferendam injustitiam dicebant, loquentem inducit, atque impositum sibi munus ita excusantem: Ἐπεὶ ἔμοιγε, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἔτι οὐ δοκεῖ οὕτως. Et infra: Μὴ ἐμὲ οἴου λέγειν, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἀλλὰ τοὺς ἐπαινοῦντας πρὸ δικαιοσύνης ἀδικίαν· ἐροῦσι δὲ τάδε,

Plato, Republic book II, brings in Glaucon speaking in the person of those who said that injustice is to be preferred to justice, and excusing the part laid on him thus: "For to me, Socrates, it does not yet seem so." And below: "Do not think that it is I who speak, Socrates, but those who praise injustice above justice; and they will say this,"

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Page

  • running head: 39 S. AMBROSI[I] (page head cut at the image edge)
  • marginal letters: A ‹tricis misericordiae›; B ‹IV, 3, 11, 14 et seq.). Quibus›; C ‹(54). Quid autem?›; D ‹non probaret, et veri›
  • old-edition numerals: 13 before ‹posuit eum›
PL 16:40
ipse in libris quos scripsit de Republica, in eam sententiam dicendum putaverit.
he himself, in the books which he wrote On the Republic, thought that one should speak to that effect.
44. Quanto antiquior illis Job, qui haec primus reperit, nec eloquentiae phalerandae gratia, sed veritatis probandae, praemittenda aestimavit? Statimque ipse quaestionem enodem reddidit, subjiciens quod exstinguatur lucerna impiorum, et futura sit eorum eversio (Job XXI, 17): non falli Deum doctorem sapientiae et disciplinae, sed esse veritatis judicem (Ibid. 22): et ideo non secundum forensem abundantiam aestimandam beatitudinem singulorum: sed secundum interiorem conscientiam, quae innocentium et flagitiosorum merita discernit, vera atque incorrupta poenarum praemiorumque arbitra. Moritur innocens in potestate simplicitatis suae, in abundantia propriae voluntatis, sicut adipe repletam animam gerens (Ibid. 23 et seq.). At vero peccator, quamvis foris abundet, deliciis diffluat, et odoribus fragret, in amaritudine animae suae vitam exigit, et ultimum diem claudit, nihil secum eorum quae epulatus fuerit, boni referens: nihil secum auferens nisi scelerum suorum pretia.
44. How much older than they is Job, who first discovered these things and judged that they should be set out beforehand, not for the sake of adorning eloquence but of proving the truth? And at once he himself untied the knot of the question, adding that the lamp of the wicked is put out and that their overthrow is to come (Job 21:17); that God, the teacher of wisdom and discipline, is not deceived, but is the judge of truth (ibid. 22); and that therefore the happiness of each is to be reckoned not by outward abundance but by the inner conscience, which discerns the deserts of the innocent and the wicked, the true and incorruptible arbiter of punishments and rewards. The innocent man dies in the power of his simplicity, in the abundance of his own will, bearing a soul as it were filled with fatness (ibid. 23 ff.). But the sinner, though he abounds outwardly, overflows with delights and is fragrant with perfumes, spends his life in the bitterness of his soul, and closes his last day carrying back with him nothing good of the things on which he feasted, taking nothing away with him except the wages of his crimes.
45. Haec cogitans nega, si potes, divini esse judicii remunerationem. Ille suo affectu beatus, hic miser: ille suo judicio absolutus, hic reus: ille in exitu laetus, hic moerens. Cui absolvi potest, qui nec sibi innocens est? Dicite, inquit, mihi, ubi est protectio tabernaculorum ejus (Job XXI, 28)? Signum ejus non invenietur. Vita enim facinorosi, ut somnium. Aperuit oculos, transivit requies ejus, evanuit delectatio: licet ipsa quae videtur, etiam dum vivunt, impiorum requies in inferno sit: viventes enim in inferna descendunt.
45. Thinking on these things, deny, if you can, that there is a requital by divine judgement. The one is blessed in his own feeling, the other wretched; the one acquitted by his own judgement, the other guilty; the one glad at his end, the other mourning. By whom can he be acquitted who is not innocent even to himself? Tell me, he says, where is the shelter of his tents (Job 21:28)? No sign of him will be found. For the life of the evildoer is like a dream. He opened his eyes, his rest has passed, his delight has vanished; although that very rest of the wicked which is seen, even while they live, is in hell: for living they go down into hell.
46. Vides convivium peccatoris, interroga conscientiam ejus. Nonne gravius omnibus fetet sepulcris? Intueris laetitiam ejus, et salubritatem miraris corporis filiorum atque opum abundantiam: introspice ulcera et vibices animae ejus, et cordis moestitudinem. Nam de opibus quid loquar, cum legeris: Quia non in abundantia est vita ejus (Luc. XII, 15): cum scias, quia, etsi tibi videatur dives, sibi pauper est, et tuum judicium suo refelli? De multitudine quoque filiorum, et de indolenta quid loquar; cum se ipse lugeat, et sine haerede futurum judicet, cum imitatores sui successores suos esse nolit? Nulla enim haereditas peccatoris. Ergo impius
46. You see the sinner's banquet: question his conscience. Does it not stink more foully than all sepulchres? You gaze at his gladness, and you admire the health of his body, [the number] of his children and the abundance of his wealth: look within at the sores and weals of his soul and the sorrow of his heart. For what am I to say of his wealth, when you have read: For his life is not in abundance (Luke 12:15); when you know that, though he seems rich to you, he is poor to himself, and that your judgement is refuted by his own? And what am I to say of the number of his children and their promise, when he mourns for himself and judges that he will be without an heir, since he does not wish his imitators to be his successors? For a sinner has no inheritance. So the wicked man
Editors' notes and page, col. 40

Footnotes

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Job scriptorum omnium antiquissimus vulgo creditur, natusque anno post orbem conditum circiter 2330, cum Plato vix ante annum 3550 floruerit. Non desunt tamen a quibus liber qui ipsius nomine inscribitur, non ei, sed Moysi attribuatur. Videsis Jobi Historiam multa cum eruditione a Spanhemio elucubratam.

Job is commonly believed the most ancient of all writers, born about the year 2330 after the creation of the world, whereas Plato scarcely flourished before the year 3550. There are some, however, who attribute the book inscribed with his name not to him but to Moses. See the History of Job worked out with great learning by Spanheim.

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(59) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 40

Pauci mss., animae suae ille victum accipit.

A few manuscripts: animae suae ille victum accipit.

(printed under page 23)

(60) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 40

Vet. edit. et quidam mss., epulatus fuerit, referens: bonorum nihil, etc.

The old editions and some manuscripts: epulatus fuerit, referens: bonorum nihil, etc.

(printed under page 23)

Page

  • running head: [S.] AMBROSII 40
  • marginal letters: A ‹ipse in libris›; B ‹tatis suae, in abundantia›; C ‹somnium. Aperuit›; D ‹loquar; cum se ipse›
  • old-edition numerals: 14 before ‹suo refelli›
PL 16:41
ipse sibi poena est: justus autem ipse sibi gratia; et utrique aut bonorum aut malorum operum merces ex se ipso solvitur.
is himself his own punishment, but the just man is himself his own grace; and to each the wage of his works, whether good or evil, is paid out of himself.
CAPUT XIII.
CHAPTER XIII.
Refelluntur philosophorum opiniones qui Deo vel mundi totius, vel alicujus ex partibus curam abjudicant.
The opinions of the philosophers who deny to God the care either of the whole world or of any of its parts are refuted.
47. Sed revertamur ad propositum, ne divisionem factam praeteriisse videamur, quia occurrimus opinioni eorum qui videntes sceleratos quosque divites, laetos, honoratos, potentes, cum plerique justorum egeant, atque infirmi sint, putant vel nihil Deum curare de nobis, ut Epicurei dicunt: vel nescire actus hominum, ut flagitiosi putant: vel si scit omnia, iniquum esse judicem; ut bonos egere patiatur, abundare improbos. Nec superfluus velut quidam excursus fuit, ut opinioni hujusmodi ipsorum affectus responderet, quos beatos judicant, cum ipsi se miseros putent. Arbitratus enim sum quod ipsi sibi facilius quam nobis crederent.
47. But let us return to our purpose, lest we seem to have passed over the division we made; for we met the opinion of those who, seeing every wicked man rich, glad, honoured, powerful, while very many of the just are in want and weak, think either that God cares nothing about us, as the Epicureans say; or that He does not know the acts of men, as the shameless think; or, if He knows all things, that He is an unjust judge, in that He suffers the good to be in want and the wicked to abound. Nor was it a superfluous digression, as it were, that their own feelings should answer such an opinion, since the men they judge happy think themselves wretched. For I judged that they would more readily believe themselves than us.
48. Quo decurso, proclive aestimo, ut refellam caetera. Et primo eorum assertionem, qui Deum putant curam mundi nequaquam habere, sicut Aristoteles asserit usque ad lunam ejus descendere providentiam. Et quis operator negligat operis sui curam? Quis deserat et destituat quod ipso condendum putavit? Si injuria est regere,
48. This being run through, I reckon it easy to refute the rest. And first the assertion of those who think that God has no care at all of the world, as Aristotle asserts that His providence comes down only as far as the moon. And what workman would neglect the care of his own work? Who would desert and abandon what he himself thought fit to found? If it is a wrong to govern,
Editors' notes and page, col. 41

Footnotes

(61) ‹anchor: ipse sibi gratia› · call in col 41

Edit. et mss. aliquot, ipse sibi gloria: plurimi vero et optimi quique, ipse sibi gratia; id est, quies atque oblectatio.

The editions and some manuscripts: ipse sibi gloria; but very many, and all the best: ipse sibi gratia, that is, rest and delight.

(printed under page 24)

(62) ‹anchor: ut Epicurei dicunt› · call in col 41

Cum providentia et mundi administratione non solum felicitatem divinam stare non posse docuit Epicurus, sed multo minus humanam. Quocirca omni modo conatus est ex hominum animis Numinis metum evellere; ut videre licet apud cl. Petrum Gassendum in Syntagm. Epic. Phil., II part., sect. 2, c. 5 et 6, nec non III part., cap. 20 et 21, quam ob impietatem discipulus ejus Lucretius eumdem miris laudibus extollit tum in ipso limine lib. I ac II, tum maxime III, ubi ipsum ob eam causam in deos referendum canit.

Epicurus taught that not only the divine happiness but, much less, human happiness could not stand together with providence and the governing of the world. Therefore he tried in every way to tear the fear of the Deity out of men's minds, as may be seen in the celebrated Pierre Gassendi, Syntagma of the Philosophy of Epicurus, part II, section 2, chapters 5 and 6, and part III, chapters 20 and 21; for which impiety his disciple Lucretius extols him with wonderful praises, both at the very threshold of books I and II and above all in book III, where he sings that for this reason he is to be counted among the gods.

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(63) ‹anchor: Aristoteles› · call in col 41

Diog. Laertius in vita hujus philosophi eamdem opinionem ipsi attribuit, hisce verbis, διατείνει δὲ αὐτοῦ (Θεοῦ) τὴν πρόνοιαν μέχρι τῶν οὐρανίων, τὰ δὲ ἐπίγεια κατὰ πρὸς ταῦτα συμπάθειαν οἰκονομεῖσθαι. Sed ea sententia in iis, quae restant, Aristotelis scriptis non legitur.

Diogenes Laertius, in the life of this philosopher, attributes the same opinion to him in these words: "his (God's) providence extends as far as the heavenly bodies, while earthly things are governed by their sympathy with these." But that opinion is not read in the surviving writings of Aristotle.

(printed under page 24)

Editors' prose

(none) <!-- note (Q6a, 2026-10-05): in (63) "κατὰ πρὸς ταῦτα" is set as printed (sic; Laertius has κατὰ τὴν πρὸς ταῦτα); the English translates the intended text. Footnotes (64) and (65) are printed in the foot of col 41 but called in col 42; they belong with n42 (not checked here). -->

Page

  • running head: DE OFFICIIS MINISTRO[RUM …] (right part of the head cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹ipse sibi poena est›; B ‹vel si scit omnia›; C ‹(61) Edit. et mss. aliquot› (footnote); D ‹scriptis non legitur› (footnote)
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 16:42
nonne est major injuria fecisse; cum aliquid non fecisse nulla injustitia sit, non curare quod feceris, summa inclementia?
is it not a greater wrong to have made? For whereas not to have made something is no injustice, not to care for what you have made is the height of unkindness.
49. Quod si aut Deum creatorem suum abnegant, aut ferarum et bestiarum se haberi numero censent: quid de illis dicamus, qui hac se condemnant injuria? Per omnia Deum ire ipsi asserunt, et omnia in virtute ejus consistere, vim et majestatem ejus per omnia elementa penetrare, terras, coelum, maria: et putant injuriam ejus, si mentem hominis qua nihil nobis ipse praestantius dedit, penetret, et divinae majestatis ingrediatur scientia?
49. But if they either deny God their creator, or reckon that they are to be held in the number of wild beasts and brutes, what are we to say of those who condemn themselves with this injury? They themselves assert that God goes through all things, and that all things subsist in His power, that His might and majesty penetrate all the elements, the lands, the heaven, the seas: and do they think it a wrong to Him if the knowledge of the divine majesty penetrates and enters the mind of man, than which He Himself has given us nothing more excellent?
50. Sed horum magistrum velut ebrium, et voluptatis patronum, ipsi qui putantur sobrii, irrident philosophi? Nam de Aristotelis opinione quid loquar, qui putat Deum suis contentum esse finibus, et praescripto regni modo degere, ut poetarum loquuntur fabulae, qui mundum inter tres ferunt esse divisum; ut alii coelum, alii mare, alii inferna coercenda imperio, sorte obvenerint: eosque cavere ne usurpata alienarum partium sollicitudine, inter se bellum excitent. Similiter ergo asserit quod terrarum curam non habeat, sicut maris vel inferni non habet. Et quomodo ipsi excludunt quos sequuntur, poetas?
50. But do not the philosophers themselves, who are thought sober, deride the master of these men as a drunkard and the patron of pleasure? For what shall I say of the opinion of Aristotle, who thinks that God is content with His own bounds and lives within a prescribed measure of rule, as the fables of the poets tell, who relate that the world was divided among three, so that to one the heaven, to another the sea, to another the lower regions fell by lot to be held in check by their rule; and that they take care lest, by usurping the charge of another's portion, they stir up war among themselves? In like manner, then, he asserts that God has no care of the lands, just as He has none of the sea or of the lower world. And how do they shut out the poets, whom they follow?
CAPUT XIV.
CHAPTER XIV.
Dei cognitionem nihil fugere et Scripturarum testimoniis, et solis comprobatur exemplo, quilicet
That nothing escapes the knowledge of God is proved both by the testimonies of the Scriptures and by the example of the sun, which, although
Editors' notes and page, col. 42

Footnotes

(64) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 42

Epicuro Deum neque creatorem mundi, neque, uti supra diximus, gubernatorem esse, ignorat nemo: qua de re adiri potest cl. Gassendus Phil. Epic. Syntagm. parte II, sect. 1, cap. 3, et sect. 2, cap. 2, 3, 4, 5 et 6. Porro quod Epicurei esse in ea opinione dicuntur, ut Deum asserant rebus admisceri omnibus, videtur istud respicere ad Lucretium qui lib. I, initio haec ipsa sub Veneris nomine atque involucro significat. Hinc autem desumptos constat celebres duos Virgilii locos, alterum Georg. IV, alterum [?] Aeneid.; quos consule.

Everyone knows that for Epicurus God is neither the creator of the world nor, as we said above, its governor; on which the celebrated Gassendi may be consulted, Syntagma of the Philosophy of Epicurus, part II, section 1, chapter 3, and section 2, chapters 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6. Further, the statement that the Epicureans hold the opinion that God is mingled with all things seems to look to Lucretius, who at the beginning of book I signifies this very thing under the name and veil of Venus. From him, it is agreed, two celebrated passages of Virgil were taken, the one in Georgics IV, the other in [?] Aeneid; consult them.

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(65) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 42

Epicurum ebrium hic vocat, quippe qui ter in die, ut quidam tradidere, crapulam evomere consueverit, et priusquam in balneo voluntariam obiret mortem: Τὸν ἄκρατον ἔσπασεν, ut loquitur Diog. Laert. in ejus vita. Quod vero spectat ad susceptum ab eo voluptatis patrocinium, frustra sunt qui eum de animae voluptate intelligendum aiunt; cum ejus verba ab eodem Diog. memorata contrarium demonstrent; sudt [sic] autem hujusmodi: Οὐ γὰρ ἔγωγε ἔχω τι νοήσω τἀγαθὸν, ἀφαιρῶν μὲν τὰς διὰ χυλῶν ἡδονάς, ἀφαιρῶν δὲ τὰς δι' ἀφροδισίων, καὶ τὰς δι' ἀκροαμάτων καὶ τὰς διὰ μορφῆς. Et hoc non minus evincit ejusdem cum perditissimis adolescentibus ac mulierculis consuetudo. Neque tamen dissimulandum eumdem Laertium ibidem scribere hanc dementiam illi ab aemulis invidiae conflandae ergo fuisse attributam; nec defuisse magnos viros, qui se defensores Epicuri profiterentur, quorum antesignanum doctissimum Gassendum propter ejusdem philosophi vitam erudite admodum ab eo scriptam jure nominamus. Verum cum Tullius lib. III Tusc. Quaest. haec ipsa in libro Epicuri De summo bono, quem ejus esse negabat eamdem, ipsi de voluptate sententiam tribuant; credibilius est, ut indicat idem Tullius, Epicuri dicipulos [sic] invidiae levandae causa ad animi voluptatem tanquam ad sacram anchoram, cum urgerentur, confugisse.

He calls Epicurus drunken here, since, as some have recorded, he was accustomed to vomit up his debauch three times a day, and before he met a voluntary death in the bath "he drank off the unmixed wine", as Diogenes Laertius says in his life. As for the patronage of pleasure that he undertook, those who say he is to be understood of the pleasure of the soul are mistaken, since his own words, recorded by the same Diogenes, show the contrary; they are these: "For I do not know how I am to conceive the good if I take away the pleasures of taste, take away those of sex, and those of things heard and of beauty of form." And his familiarity with the most abandoned youths and loose women proves this no less. Yet it must not be concealed that the same Laertius writes in the same place that this madness was attributed to him by rivals in order to stir up ill will against him, and that there were great men who professed themselves defenders of Epicurus, the foremost of whom we rightly name the most learned Gassendi, for the life of that philosopher he wrote with great erudition. But since Tully, in book III of the Tusculan Disputations, [shows that] these very things in Epicurus's book On the Highest Good, which [some] denied was his, attribute to him the same opinion on pleasure, it is more credible, as the same Tully indicates, that Epicurus's disciples, when they were pressed, took refuge in the pleasure of the mind as in a sacred anchor, in order to lighten the ill will.

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(66) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 42

Cunctae edit. ac mss. haud pauci, in tres ferunt, etc. Melius alii, inter tres, etc. Iterum eadem edit. ac mss. aliquot, coercenda imperii sorte obvenerint: mss. plures et antiquiores, coercenda imperio, etc. Melius, ut vox imperio referatur ad coercenda. De divisione autem illa qua mundus inter tres, Jovem nimirum, Neptunum ac Plutonem divisus fertur, opera philosophi ad nos transmissa nihil habent.

All the editions and not a few manuscripts: in tres ferunt, etc. Others better: inter tres, etc. Again the same editions and some manuscripts: coercenda imperii sorte obvenerint; more numerous and older manuscripts: coercenda imperio, etc. Better, so that the word imperio is referred to coercenda. But of that division by which the world is said to have been divided among three, namely Jupiter, Neptune and Pluto, the philosopher's works that have come down to us say nothing.

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(67) ‹anchor: excludunt› · call in col 42

Aristoteles quidem lib. I Metaph. cap. 2, poetas de diis indigna fabulantes negat audiendos, eorumque fabulas ibidem lib. XIV, cap. 8, exagitat: sed hoc multo uberius tractatum reperias apud Platonem cum alibi, tum praecipue libris, II, III, et X de Rep.

Aristotle indeed, in Metaphysics book I, chapter 2, says that poets who tell tales unworthy of the gods are not to be listened to, and attacks their tales in the same work, book XIV, chapter 8; but you will find this treated much more fully in Plato, both elsewhere and especially in books II, III and X of the Republic.

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Page

  • running head: DE OFFICIIS MINISTRORUM LIBER I.
  • marginal letters: A ‹nonne est major injuria›; B ‹dent philosophi? Nam de›; C ‹sunt qui eum de animae› (footnote); D ‹Tullius, Epicuri dicipulos› (footnote)
  • old-edition numerals: 15 after ‹ebrium, et›
PL 16:43
creatura sit, tamen vel lumine, vel calore cuncta penetrat.
it is a creature, yet penetrates all things either by its light or by its heat.
51. Sequitur illa responsio, utrum Deum, si operis sui cura non praeterierit, praetereat scientia. Ergo qui plantavit aurem, non audit: qui finxit oculum, non videt, non considerat?
51. There follows that answer, whether, if the care of His work has not passed God by, knowledge passes Him by. Does He then Who planted the ear not hear; does He Who formed the eye not see, not consider?
52. Non praeterit haec vana opinio sanctos prophetas. Denique David inducit eos loquentes, quos superbia inflatos asserit. Quid enim tam superbum, quam cum ipsi sub peccato sint, alios indigne ferant peccatores vivere, dicentes: Usquequo peccatores, Domine, usquequo peccatores gloriabuntur (Psal. XCIII, 3)? Et infra: Et dixerunt. Non videbit Dominus, neque intelliget Deus Jacob. Quibus respondet Propheta dicens: Intelligite nunc insipientes in populo, et stulti aliquando sapite. Qui plantavit aurem, non audit? et qui finxit oculum, non considerat? Qui corripit gentes: non arguit, qui docet hominem scientiam? Dominus scit cogitationes hominum, quoniam vanae sunt (Ibid. 7 et seq.). Qui ea quaecunque vana sunt deprehendit, ea quae sancta sunt, nescit, et ignorat quod ipse fecit? Potest opus suum ignorare artifex? Homo est, et in opere suo latentia deprehendit; et Deus opus suum nescit? Altius ergo profundum in opere, quam in auctore. Et fecit aliquid quod supra se esset, cujus meritum ignoraret auctor, cujus affectum nesciret arbiter? Haec illis.
52. This vain opinion did not escape the holy prophets. Indeed David brings in as speaking those whom he declares puffed up with pride. For what is so proud as that, when they themselves are under sin, they should take it ill that other sinners live, saying: How long shall sinners, O Lord, how long shall sinners glory? (Ps. 93:3). And below: And they said, The Lord shall not see, nor shall the God of Jacob understand. To whom the Prophet answers, saying: Understand now, you senseless among the people, and you fools, be wise at last. He Who planted the ear, does He not hear? And He Who formed the eye, does He not consider? He Who chastises the nations, does He not rebuke, He Who teaches man knowledge? The Lord knows the thoughts of men, that they are vain (Ps. 93:7 ff.). Does He Who detects whatever things are vain not know the things that are holy, and is He ignorant of what He Himself made? Can a craftsman be ignorant of his own work? A man detects what lies hidden in his work; and does God not know His own work? Is the depth then deeper in the work than in its author? And did He make something that was above Himself, whose merit its author should be ignorant of, whose disposition its judge should not know? So much for them.
53. Caeterum nobis satis est ipsius testimonium, qui ait: Ego sum scrutans corda et renes (Jerem. XVII, 10). Et in Evangelio ait Dominus Jesus: Quid cogitatis mala in cordibus vestris (Luc. V, 22)? Sciebat enim quod cogitarent mala. Denique evangelista testatur dicens: Sciebat enim Jesus cogitationes eorum (Luc. VI, 8).
53. But for us His own testimony is enough, Who says: I am He Who searches the hearts and the reins (Jer. 17:10). And in the Gospel the Lord Jesus says: Why do you think evil in your hearts? (Luke 5:22). For He knew that they were thinking evil. Indeed the evangelist bears witness, saying: For Jesus knew their thoughts (Luke 6:8).
54. Quorum non poterit satis movere opinio, si facta eorum consideremus. Nolunt supra se esse judicem, quem nihil fallat: nolunt ei dare occultorum scientiam, qui metuunt occulta sua prodi. Sed etiam Dominus sciens opera eorum, tradidit eos in tenebras. In nocte inquit, erit fur. Et oculus adulteri servabit tenebras, dicens: Non considerabit me oculus: et latibulum personae posuit suae (Job. XXIV, 14, 15). Omnis enim qui lucem fugit diligit tenebras, studens latere, cum Deum latere non possit, qui intra profundum abyssi, et intra hominum mentes non solum tractata, sed etiam volvenda cognoscit. Denique et ille qui dicit in Ecclesiatico: Quis videt me? Et tenebrae cooperiunt me, et parietes, quem vereor (Eccli. XXIII, 25, 26)? quamvis in lecto suo positus haec cogitet, ubi non putaverit, comprehenditur. Et erit, inquit, dedecus quod non intellexerit timorem Dei. (Ibid. 31.)
54. The opinion of these men will not be able to move us much if we consider their deeds. They do not want a judge over them whom nothing deceives; they who fear that their hidden things will be betrayed do not want to grant Him knowledge of hidden things. But the Lord too, knowing their works, has delivered them up to darkness. In the night, it says, the thief will be. And the eye of the adulterer will keep watch for darkness, saying: No eye shall consider me; and he has put a hiding place over his face (Job 24:14–15). For everyone who flees the light loves darkness, striving to lie hidden, when he cannot lie hidden from God, Who knows within the depth of the abyss, and within the minds of men, not only what has been dealt with but even what is yet to be turned over. Indeed he too who says in Ecclesiasticus: Who sees me? Darkness covers me, and walls; whom do I fear? (Sir. 23:25–26), although he thinks these things while lying on his bed, is caught where he did not expect. And it shall be, it says, a disgrace, because he did not understand the fear of God (Sir. 23:31).
55. Quid autem tam stolidum, quam putare quod Deum quidquam praetereat; cum sol qui minister luminis est, etiam abdita penetret, et in fundamenta
55. But what is so foolish as to think that anything passes God by, when the sun, which is the minister of light, penetrates even hidden places, and into the foundations
Editors' notes and page, col. 43

Footnotes

(68) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 43

Edit. cum mss. aliquod [sic], quae facta sunt. Sed in plurimis ac probatissimis legitur quae sancta sunt in aqua [sic] lectione inest antithesis non inelegans,

The editions with some manuscripts: quae facta sunt. But in very many, and the best attested, we read quae sancta sunt, a reading in which there is a not inelegant antithesis.

(printed under page 25)

(69) ‹anchor: lucem fugit› · call in col 43

Rom. edit. qui male agit, lucem fugit, etc.

The Roman edition: qui male agit, lucem fugit, etc.

(printed under page 25)

Page

  • running head: S. AMBRO[SII …] (right part of the head cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹creatura sit, tamen›; B ‹tes in populo›; C ‹qui ait: Ego sum›; D ‹diligit tenebras›
  • old-edition numerals: 16 after ‹(Job. XXIV, 14, 15).›
PL 16:44
domus vel secreta conclavia vis caloris ejus irrumpat? Quis neget, verna temperie tepefieri interiora terrarum, quas glacies hiberna constrinxerit? Norunt ergo arborum occultam vim caloris vel frigoris, adeo ut radices arborum aut urantur frigore, aut fotu solis virescant. Denique ubi clementia coeli arriserit, varios terra se fundit in fructus.
of a house or into secret chambers the force of its heat bursts in? Who would deny that in the mild weather of spring the inner parts of the earth grow warm, which the winter ice had bound fast? They know, then, the hidden force of heat or cold upon trees, so much that the roots of trees are either burnt by the cold or grow green by the warmth of the sun. Indeed, when the mildness of the sky has smiled, the earth pours itself forth into various fruits.
56. Si igitur radius solis fundit lumen suum super omnem terram, et in ea quae clausa sunt, se inserit, nec vectibus ferreis aut gravium valvarum obicibus, quominus penetret, impeditur; quomodo non potest intelligibilis Dei splendor in cogitationes hominum et corda semet quae ipse creavit, inserere: sed ea quae ipse fecit, non videt, et fecit ut meliora sint quae facta sunt, et potentiora, quam ipse est qui ea fecit, ut possint quando volunt, cognitionem sui operatoris latere? Tantam ergo virtutem et potestatem inseruit mentibus nostris; ut eam comprehendere cum velit, ipse non possit?
56. If therefore the ray of the sun pours its light over all the earth, and thrusts itself into things that are shut, and is not hindered from penetrating by iron bars or the bolts of heavy doors, how can the intelligible splendour of God not thrust itself into the thoughts and hearts of men, which He Himself created? Does He rather not see the things He Himself made, and has He made the things that are made better and more powerful than He Himself is Who made them, so that they can, when they will, lie hidden from the knowledge of their maker? Did He then put such power and might into our minds that He Himself could not grasp it when He wished?
CAPUT XV.
CHAPTER XV.
Quibus displicet quod bonis male, et malis bene sit, eis Lazari exemplo et Pauli auctoritate ostenditur post vitam poenas ac praemia reservari
To those who are displeased that it goes ill with the good and well with the wicked, it is shown by the example of Lazarus and by the authority of Paul that punishments and rewards are reserved for after this life
55. Duo absolvimus et, ut arbitramur, non incongrue nobis hujusmodi cecidit disputatio. Tertium genus quaestionis residet hujusmodi; cur peccatores abundent opibus et divitiis, epulentur jugiter, sine moerore, sine luctu; justi autem egeant, et afficiantur aut conjugum amissione, aut liberorum? Quibus satisfacere debuit illa Evangelii parabola, quod dives bysso et purpura induebatur, et epulas copiosas exhibebat quotidie; pauper autem plenus ulcerum de mensa ejus colligebat reliquias. Post obitum vero ultriusque, pauper erat in sinu Abrahae requiem habens, dives in suppliciis (Luc. XVI, 25). Nonne evidens est meritorum aut praemia aut supplicia post mortem manere?
57. We have settled two points, and, as we judge, a discussion of this kind has not fallen out unfittingly for us. There remains the third kind of question, of this sort: why sinners abound in wealth and riches, feast continually, without grief, without mourning, while the just are in want and are afflicted with the loss either of their spouses or of their children? To them that parable of the Gospel ought to have given satisfaction, that the rich man was clothed in fine linen and purple and set out abundant banquets every day, while the poor man, full of sores, gathered the leavings from his table. But after the death of both, the poor man was in the bosom of Abraham having rest, the rich man in torments (Luke 16:25). Is it not evident that either rewards or punishments, according to deserts, await us after death?
58. Et recte, quia in certamine labor est, post certamen aliis victoria, aliis ignominia. Numquid priusquam cursus conficiatur, palma cuiquam datur, aut defertur corona? Merito Paulus: Certamen, inquit, bonum certavi, cursum consummavi, fidem servavi: quod reliquum est, reposita est mihi corona justitiae, quam reddet mihi Dominus in illa die, justus judex: non solum autem mihi, sed etiam his qui dilligunt adventum ejus (II Tim. VI, 7, 8). In illa, inquit, die reddet, non hic. Hic autem in laboribus, in periculis, in naufragiis, quasi athleta bonus decertabat; quia sciebat quoniam per multas tribulationes oportet nos introire in regnum Dei. Ergo non potest quis praemium accipere, nisi legitime certaverit; nec est gloriosa victoria, nisi ubi fuerint laboriosa certamina.
58. And rightly, because in the contest there is toil, and after the contest victory for some, disgrace for others. Is the palm given to anyone, or the crown bestowed, before the race is finished? Rightly Paul says: I have fought the good fight, I have finished the course, I have kept the faith; for the rest, there is laid up for me a crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the just judge, will render to me on that day; and not to me only, but also to those who love His coming (2 Tim. 4:7–8). On that day, he says, He will render, not here. But here, in labours, in perils, in shipwrecks, he strove like a good athlete, because he knew that through many tribulations we must enter into the kingdom of God. Therefore no one can receive the prize unless he has striven lawfully; nor is victory glorious except where the contests have been laborious.
CAPUT XVI.
CHAPTER XVI.
Confirmato quod supra de praemiis et poenis dictum fuerat, subjungitur non mirum esse si quibus merces in futuro non destinatur, hic illi non loborent
Having confirmed what was said above about rewards and punishments, it is added that it is no wonder if those for whom no wage is appointed in the future should not toil here
Editors' notes and page, col. 44

Footnotes

(70) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 44

Mss. aliquot, varios terras effundit in fructus

Some manuscripts: varios terras effundit in fructus.

(printed under page 25)

Page

  • running head: S. AMBROSII
  • marginal letters: A ‹domus vel secreta›; B ‹est qui ea fecit›; C ‹rabola, quod dives›; D ‹his qui dilligunt›
  • old-edition numerals: 17 after ‹reddet mihi Dominus›
PL 16:45
neque confligant: additurque ideo temporalia bona ipsis concedi, ne qua relinquatur excusatio.
nor join battle; and it is added that temporal goods are granted to them for this reason, that no excuse may be left.
59. Nonne injustus est, qui ante dat praemium, quam certamen fuerit absolutum? Ideoque Dominus in Evangelio ait: Beati pauperes spiritu, quoniam ipsorum est regnum coelorum (Matth. V, 2). Non dixit: Beati divites, sed pauperes. Inde incipit beatitudo judicio divino, ubi aerumna aestimatur humana. Beati qui esuriunt, quia ipsi saturabuntur. Beati qui lugent, quoniam ipsi consolationem habebunt. Beati misericordes, quoniam ipsis miserebitur Deus. Beati mundo corde, quoniam ipsi Deum videbunt. Beati qui persecutionem patiuntur propter justitiam, quoniam ipsorum est regnum coelorum. Beati estis, cum vobis maledicent, et persequentur, et dicent omne malum adversum vos, propter justitiam. Gaudete et exsultate quoniam merces vestra copiosa est in coelo (Matth. 5 et seq.). Futuram, non praesentem: in coelo, non in terra mercedem promisit esse reddendam. Quid alibi poscis, quod alibi debetur? quid praepropere coronam exigis, antequam vincas? quid detergere pulverem? quid requiescere cupis? quid epulari gestis, antequam stadium solvatur? Adhuc populus spectat, adhuc athletae in scammate sunt, et tu jam otium petis.
59. Is he not unjust who gives the prize before the contest has been completed? And therefore the Lord says in the Gospel: Blessed are the poor in spirit, for theirs is the kingdom of heaven (Matt. 5:2). He did not say: Blessed are the rich, but the poor. Blessedness by the divine judgement begins there where human judgement reckons hardship. Blessed are they who hunger, for they shall be filled. Blessed are they who mourn, for they shall have consolation. Blessed are the merciful, for God will have mercy on them. Blessed are the clean of heart, for they shall see God. Blessed are they who suffer persecution for justice' sake, for theirs is the kingdom of heaven. Blessed are you when they shall curse you and persecute you and say all evil against you for justice' sake. Rejoice and exult, for your reward is plentiful in heaven (Matt. 5:5 ff.). He promised that the reward would be paid in the future, not in the present; in heaven, not on earth. Why do you demand in one place what is owed in another? Why do you claim the crown too hastily, before you conquer? Why do you desire to wipe off the dust? Why to rest? Why are you eager to feast before the games are dismissed? The people are still watching, the athletes are still in the arena, and you already seek leisure.
60. Sed forte dicas: Cur impii laetantur? cur luxuriantur? cur etiam ipsi non mecum laborant? Quoniam qui non subscripserint ad coronam, non tenentur ad laborem certaminis; qui in stadium non descenderint, non se perfundunt oleo, non oblinunt pulvere. Quos manet gloria, exspectat injuria. Unguentati spectare solent, non decertare; non solem, aestus, pulverem, imbresque perpeti. Dicant ergo et ipsis athletae: Venite, nobiscum laborate. Sed respondebunt spectatores: Nos hic interim de vobis judicamus: vos autem sine nobis coronae, si viceritis, gloriam vindicabitis.
60. But perhaps you say: Why do the ungodly rejoice? Why do they live in luxury? Why do they too not toil with me? Because those who have not entered their names for the crown are not bound to the toil of the contest; those who have not gone down into the stadium do not drench themselves with oil, do not smear themselves with dust. Those whom glory awaits, ill-usage expects. The anointed are accustomed to watch, not to strive; not to endure sun, heat, dust and rain. Let the athletes, then, say to them too: Come, toil with us. But the spectators will answer: We meanwhile judge of you here; but you, without us, will claim the glory of the crown, if you conquer.
61. Isti igitur qui in deliciis, qui in luxuria, rapinis, quaestibus, honoribus, studia posuerunt sua, spectatores magis sunt quam praeliatores. Habent lucrum laboris, fructum virtutis non habent. Fovent otium, astutia et improbitate aggerant divitiarum acervos; sed exsolvent, seram licet, nequitiae suae poenam. Horum requies in infernis, tua vero in coelo; horum domus in sepulcro, tua in paradiso. Unde pulchre vigilare eos in tumulo Job dixit (Job XXI, 32); quia soporem quietis habere non possunt, quem ille dormivit, qui resurrexit.
61. These, then, who have set their pursuits in delights, in luxury, plunder, gains and honours, are spectators rather than fighters. They have the profit of toil; the fruit of virtue they do not have. They cherish ease; by cunning and wickedness they heap up piles of riches; but they will pay, late though it be, the penalty of their wickedness. Their rest is in the lower regions, but yours in heaven; their home is in the tomb, yours in paradise. Hence Job finely said that they keep watch in the grave (Job 21:32), because they cannot have the slumber of rest which He slept Who rose again.
Editors' notes and page, col. 45

Footnotes

(71) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 45

Erasm. et sequentes edit., qui ante quaerat praemium. Amerb. et mss. omnes, qui ante dat praemium. Non male; utrumque enim injustitiae ascribi debet.

Erasmus and the following editions: qui ante quaerat praemium. Amerbach and all the manuscripts: qui ante dat praemium. Not badly; for both must be ascribed to injustice.

(printed under page 26)

(72) ‹anchor: in scammate› · call in col 45

Ante. edit. cum paucis mss., in stemmate: Rom. cum aliis pluribus, in scammate. Quid sit autem scamma, dictum est ad lib. de Elia et jejunio, cap. 13, pag. 550.

The earlier editions with a few manuscripts: in stemmate; the Roman with several others: in scammate. What a scamma is has been said on the book On Elijah and Fasting, chapter 13, page 550.

(printed under page 26)

(73) ‹anchor: spectare solent› · call in col 45

Nonnulli mss., Unguentati spectatores solent. Et continuo post quidam alii, non solent aestus, etc.

Some manuscripts: Unguentati spectatores solent. And immediately after, some others: non solent aestus, etc.

(printed under page 26)

(74) ‹anchor: lucrum laboris› · call in col 45

Lucrum laboris, id est, immunitatem laboris; non vero lucrum quod ex labore gignitur.

Lucrum laboris, that is, exemption from labour; not the gain that is produced by labour.

(printed under page 26)

Page

  • running head: DE OFFICIIS MINISTRO[RUM …] (right part of the head cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹neque confligant›; B ‹estis, cum vobis maledicent›; C ‹tenentur ad laborem›; D ‹quitiae suae poenam›
  • old-edition numerals: 18 after ‹fructum virtutis›
PL 16:46
62. Noli igitur ut parvulus sapere, ut parvulus loqui, ut parvulus cogitare, ut parvulus vindicare ea quae sunt posterioris aetatis. Perfectorum est corona. Exspecta, ut veniat quod perfectum est, quando non per speciem in aenigmate, sed facie ad faciem formam ipsam redopertae veritatis possis agnoscere. Tunc qua causa ille dives fuerit, qui erat improbus et raptor alieni, qua causa potens alius, qua causa ille abundaverit liberis, ille fultus honoribus, revelabitur.
62. Do not, then, as a little child be wise, as a little child speak, as a little child think, as a little child lay claim to the things that belong to a later age. The crown belongs to the perfect. Wait until that which is perfect comes, when not through an appearance in a riddle, but face to face, you may recognize the very form of truth uncovered. Then it will be revealed for what reason that man was rich who was wicked and a robber of another's goods, for what reason another was powerful, for what reason one abounded in children, another was propped up with honours.
63. Fortasse ut dicatur raptori: Dives eras, qua causa aliena rapiebas? Egestas non compulit, inopia non coegit. Nonne ideo te divitem feci, ut excusationem habere non possis? Dicatur etiam potenti; Cur non adfuisti viduae, orphanis quoque injuriam patientibus? Numquid tu infirmus eras? Numquid non poteras subvenire? Ideo te feci potentem, ut non inferres violentiam, sed repelleres. Non tibi scriptum est: Eripe injuriam accipientem (Eccli. IV, 9)? Non tibi scriptum est: Pauperem, et egenum de manu peccatoris liberate (Psal. LXXXI, 4)? Dicatur etiam abundanti: Liberis, et honoribus cumulavi te, salubritatem corporis concessi tibi; cur non secutus es praecepta mea? Famule meus, quid feci tibi, aut quid contristavi te? Nonne ergo tibi liberos dedi, honores contuli, salutem donavi; cur me negabas? Cur aestimabas quod ad scientiam meam quae gereres non pervenirent: cur tenebas dona mea, despiciebas mandata mea (Mich. VI, 3 et seq.)
63. Perhaps so that it may be said to the robber: You were rich; for what reason did you seize what belonged to others? Want did not drive you, need did not compel you. Did I not make you rich for this very reason, that you might have no excuse? Let it be said also to the powerful man: Why did you not stand by the widow, and the orphans too, when they suffered wrong? Were you weak? Were you unable to come to their help? I made you powerful for this reason, that you should not inflict violence but repel it. Is it not written for you: Rescue him who suffers wrong (Sir. 4:9)? Is it not written for you: Deliver the poor and the needy out of the hand of the sinner (Ps. 81:4)? Let it be said also to the man who abounds: I heaped children and honours upon you, I granted you health of body; why did you not follow My precepts? My servant, what have I done to you, or in what have I grieved you? Did I not then give you children, confer honours, bestow health? Why did you deny Me? Why did you reckon that the things you did would not come to My knowledge? Why did you keep My gifts and despise My commandments? (Mic. 6:3 ff.)
64. Denique de Juda proditore haec colligere licet, qui et apostolus inter duodecim electus est, et loculos pecuniarum quas pauperibus erogaret, commissos habebat, ne videretur aut quasi inhonorus, aut quasi egenus Dominum prodidisse. Et ideo ut justificaretur in eo Dominus, haec ei contulit; ut non quasi injuria exasperatus, sed quasi praevaricatus gratiam, majori esset offensae obnoxius.
64. Indeed these things may be gathered from Judas the traitor, who was both chosen an apostle among the twelve and had entrusted to him the purse of money which he was to pay out to the poor, lest he should seem to have betrayed the Lord as one unhonoured or as one in want. And therefore, that the Lord might be justified in his case, He conferred these things on him, so that, not as one embittered by a wrong but as one who had betrayed grace, he should be liable to a greater guilt.
CAPUT XVII.
CHAPTER XVII.
Adolescentis officia, et exempla eidem aetati accommoda proponuntur.
The duties of a young man, and examples suited to that age, are set forth.
65. Quoniam igitur et poenam improbitati, et virtuti fore praemium satis claruit, de Officiis aggrediamur dicere; quae nobis ab adolescentia spectanda sunt, ut cum aetate accrescant simul. Est igitur bonorum adolescentium timorem Dei habere, deferre parentibus, honorem habere
65. Since, then, it has become clear enough that there will be punishment for wickedness and a reward for virtue, let us set about speaking of Duties, which are to be attended to by us from youth onwards, so that they may grow together with our age. It belongs, then, to good young men to have the fear of God, to defer to their parents, to show honour
Editors' notes and page, col. 46

Footnotes

(75) ‹anchor: spectanda sunt› · call in col 46

Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 368, lin. 4: « Et quoniam officia non eadem disparibus aetatibus tribuuntur, aliaque sunt juvenum », etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 368, line 4: "And since the same duties are not assigned to unequal ages, and some belong to the young," etc.

(printed under page 26)

(76) ‹anchor: bonorum› · call in col 46

Omnes edit., simul studia bonorum actuum: sed quae resecavimus, a mss. absunt, nec videntur sensui ullo modo necessaria. Rursus edit. et pauci recentioresque mss., deferre parentibus honorem, habere senioribus reverentiam: plures autem ac potiores mss. jugulata voce reverentiam, verbum deferre absolute ponunt; nec non et infra duobus (continues)

All the editions: simul studia bonorum actuum; but the words we have cut out are absent from the manuscripts and do not seem in any way necessary to the sense. Again, the editions and a few, more recent, manuscripts: deferre parentibus honorem, habere senioribus reverentiam; but more numerous and better manuscripts drop the word reverentiam and put the verb deferre absolutely; and also below, two (continues)

(printed under page 26)

Page

  • running head: [DE OFFICIIS] MINISTRORUM LIBER I.
  • marginal letters: A ‹62. Noli igitur›; B ‹injuriam patientibus›; C ‹(Mich. VI, 3 et seq.)›; D ‹virtuti fore praemium›
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 16:47
senioribus, castitatem tueri, non aspernari humilitatem, diligere clementiam ac verecundiam, quae ornamento sunt minori aetati. Ut enim in senibus gravitas, in juvenibus alacritas; ita in adolescentibus verecundia, velut quadam dote commendatur naturae.
to their elders, to guard chastity, not to spurn humility, to love gentleness and modesty, which are an ornament to the younger age. For as gravity in the old, briskness in the young, so in youths modesty is commended as a kind of dowry of nature.
66. Erat Isaac Dominum timens, utpote Abrahae indoles, deferens patri usque adeo, ut adversus paternam voluntatem nec mortem recusaret (Gen. XXII, 9 et seq.). Joseph quoque cum somniasset quod sol et luna et stellae adorarent eum, sedulo tamen obsequio deferebat patri (Gen. XXXVII, 6 et seq.). castus ita ut ne sermonem quidem audire vellet nisi pudicum; humilis usque ad servitutem, verecundus usque ad fugam, patiens usque ad carcerem, remissor injuriae usque ad remunerationem. Cujus tanta verecundia fuit, ut comprehensus a muliere, vestem in manibus ejus fugiens mallet relinquere, quam verecundiam deponere (Gen. XXXIX, 8 et seq.). Moyses quoque et Jeremias electi a Domino, ut oracula Dei praedicarent populo, quod poterant per gratiam excusabant per verecundiam (Exod. IV, 10; Jerem. I, 6).
66. Isaac feared the Lord, as befitted the offspring of Abraham, deferring to his father to such a degree that he would not refuse even death against his father's will (Gen. 22:9 ff.). Joseph too, though he had dreamt that the sun and the moon and the stars worshipped him, yet deferred to his father with diligent obedience (Gen. 37:6 ff.); chaste, so that he would not even hear talk unless it was modest; humble even to servitude, modest even to flight, patient even to prison, forgiving of injury even to the point of repaying it with kindness. So great was his modesty that, when seized by a woman, he chose rather to flee and leave his garment in her hands than lay aside his modesty (Gen. 39:8 ff.). Moses too and Jeremiah, chosen by the Lord to proclaim the oracles of God to the people, through modesty declined what through grace they were able to do (Exod. 4:10; Jer. 1:6).
CAPUT XVIII.
CHAPTER XVIII.
De partibus verecundiae: quemadmodum sermonem ac silentium temperet, pudicitiam comitetur, preces nostras Deo commendet, motibus corporeis moderetur; ubi refertur historia de duobus clericis observatu minime indigna: tum subnectitur qua ratione componendus ex eadem virtute incessus, quantave cautio ne quid inverecundum ore proferatur, aut detegatur in corpore, adhibenda sit: et haec omnia exemplis appositissimis illustrantur.
On the parts of modesty: how it tempers speech and silence, accompanies chastity, commends our prayers to God, governs the movements of the body; where a story of two clerics, by no means unworthy of note, is related; then is added in what way the gait is to be ordered by the same virtue, and how much caution is to be used lest anything immodest be uttered by the mouth or uncovered in the body; and all these things are illustrated with most apt examples.
67. Pulchra igitur virtus est verecundiae, et suavis gratia, quae non solum in factis, sed etiam in ipsis spectatur sermonibus; ne modum progrediaris loquendi, ne quid indecorum sermo resonet tuus. Speculum enim mentis plerumque in verbis refulget. Ipsum vocis sonum librat modestia, ne cujusdam offendat aurem vox fortior. Denique in ipso canendi genere prima disciplina verecundia est: imo etiam in omni usu loquendi; ut sensim quis aut psallere, aut canere, aut postremo loqui incipiat; ut verecunda principia commendent processum.
67. Beautiful, then, is the virtue of modesty, and a sweet grace, which is seen not only in deeds but even in our very words: that you go not beyond measure in speaking, that your speech sound nothing unseemly. For the mirror of the mind for the most part shines out in words. Modesty weighs the very sound of the voice, lest a louder voice offend anyone's ear. Indeed, in the very matter of singing the first discipline is modesty; nay, even in every use of speech: that one should begin gradually to sing psalms, or to sing, or lastly to speak, so that modest beginnings may commend what follows.
68. Silentium quoque ipsum, in quo est reliquarum virtutum otium, maximus actus verecundiae est. Denique si aut infantiae putatur aut superbiae, probro datur: si verecundiae, laudi ducitur. Tacebat
68. Silence too itself, in which the other virtues are at rest, is the greatest act of modesty. Indeed, if it is thought to come either from want of speech or from pride, it is laid to one's reproach; if from modesty, it is counted for praise. Susanna was
Editors' notes and page, col. 47

Footnotes

(76) (continued) ‹anchor: bonorum› · call on the previous page, col 46

locis, quorum e primo expungunt vocem honorem, quae in edit. posita erat ante, deferens: in altero autem scribunt sedulo tamen obsequio, pro sedulum tamen obsequium, editionum.

(continued) places, from the first of which they strike out the word honorem, which in the editions stood before deferens; and in the other they write sedulo tamen obsequio for the editions' sedulum tamen obsequium.

(printed under page 27)

(77) ‹anchor: igitur virtus› · call in col 47

Nonnulli mss., virtus est misericordiae et suavis gratiae.

Some manuscripts: virtus est misericordiae et suavis gratiae.

(printed under page 27)

(78) ‹anchor: est verecundiae› · call in col 47

Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 369, lin. 43: « In primis provident, ne sermo vitium aliquod indicet inesse moribus, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 369, line 43: "Above all let them take care that their speech does not show some fault present in their character," etc.

(printed under page 27)

Page

  • running head: S. AMBROS[II] (right part of the head cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹senioribus, castitatem tueri›; B ‹carcerem, remissor injuriae›; C ‹sus, quantave cautio› (in the Cap. XVIII sub-caption); D ‹68. Silentium quoque ipsum›
  • old-edition numerals: 19 after ‹castitatem tueri,›
PL 16:48
in periculis Suzanna, et gravius verecundiae, quam vitae damnum putabat, nec arbitrabatur periculo pudoris tuendam salutem. Deo soli loquebatur (Dan. XIII, 35), cui poterat casta verecundia eloqui: refugiebat ora intueri virorum; est enim et in oculis verecundia, ut nec videre viros femina, nec videri velit.
silent in her perils, and she thought the loss of modesty heavier than the loss of life, nor did she judge that her safety was to be preserved at the peril of her chastity. She spoke to God alone (Dan. 13:35), to Whom chaste modesty could speak out; she shrank from looking on the faces of men; for there is modesty in the eyes too, so that a woman wishes neither to see men nor to be seen.
69. Neque vero quisquam solius hanc laudem castitatis putet. Est enim verecundia pudicitiae comes, cujus societate castitate ipsa tutior est. Bonus enim regendae castitatis pudor est comes: qui si se praetendat ad ea quae prima pericula sunt, pudicitiam temerari non sinat. Hic primus in ipso cognitionis ingressu, Domini matrem commendat legentibus, et tanquam testis locuples, dignam quae ad tale munus eligeretur, astruit: quod in cubiculo, quod sola, quod salutata ab angelo tacet, et mota est introitu ejus, quod ad virilis sexus speciem peregrinam turbatur aspectus Virginis Luc. I, 29 et seq). Itaque quamvis esset humilis, prae verecundia tamen salutantem non resalutavit, nec ullum responsum retulit, nisi ubi de suscipienda Domini generatione cognovit; ut qualitatem effectus disceret, non ut sermonem referret.
69. But let no one think that this praise belongs to chastity alone. For modesty is the companion of purity, and in its fellowship chastity itself is safer. For shame is a good companion for the guarding of chastity: if it sets itself before the first approaches of danger, it does not allow purity to be violated. This, at the very entrance of our knowledge of her, commends the Mother of the Lord to those who read, and like a trustworthy witness affirms that she was worthy to be chosen for so great an office: in that she is in her chamber, in that she is alone, in that when greeted by the angel she is silent and was moved at his coming in, in that the Virgin's gaze is troubled at the unfamiliar appearance of the male sex (Luke 1:29 ff.). And so, though she was humble, yet out of modesty she did not return the greeting of him who greeted her, nor did she give any answer until she learned of the Lord's conceiving which she was to receive; so that she might learn the nature of what was to be done, not so that she might bandy words.
70. In ipsa oratione nostra multum verecundia placet, multum conciliat gratiae apud Deum nostrum. Nonne haec praetulit publicanum, et commendavit eum qui nec oculos suos audebat ad coelum levare? Ideo justificatur magis Domini judicio, quam ille Pharisaeus, quem deformavit praesumptio (Luc. XVIII, 13, 14). Ideoque oremus in incorruptione quieti et modesti spiritus, qui est ante Deum locuples, ut ait Petrus (I Petr. III). Magna igitur modestia, quae cum sit etiam sui juris remissior, nihil sibi usurpans, nihil vindicans, et quodammodo intra vires suas contractior, dives est apud Deum, apud quem nemo dives. Dives est modestia, quia portio Dei est. Paulus quoque orationem deferri praecepit cum verecundia et sobrietate. Primam hanc et quasi praeviam vult esse orationis futurae, ut non glorietur peccatoris oratio: sed quasi colore pudoris abducta, quo plus defert verecundiae de recordatione delicti, hoc uberiorem mereatur gratiam (I Tim. II, 1-9).
70. In our prayer itself modesty pleases much, and wins much favour with our God. Was it not this that set the publican above the other and commended him who did not dare to lift his eyes to heaven? Therefore he is justified by the Lord's judgement rather than that Pharisee whom presumption disfigured (Luke 18:13–14). And so let us pray in the incorruption of a quiet and modest spirit, which is rich before God, as Peter says (1 Pet. 3). Great, then, is modesty, which, though it yields even its own rights, claiming nothing for itself, laying hold of nothing, and in a manner drawn in within its own strength, is rich before God, before Whom no one is rich. Modesty is rich, because it is the portion of God. Paul too commanded that prayer be offered with modesty and sobriety. He wishes this to be first, and as it were the forerunner of the prayer that is to follow, so that the sinner's prayer may not boast, but, drawn over as it were with the colour of shame, may earn grace the more abundantly the more modesty it brings from the remembrance of its fault (1 Tim. 2:1–9).
71. Est etiam in ipso motu, gestu, incessu tenenda verecundia. Habitus enim mentis in corporis statu cernitur. Hinc homo cordis nostri absconditus, aut levior, aut jactantior, aut turbidior:
71. Modesty is to be kept also in our very movement, gesture and gait. For the disposition of the mind is seen in the bearing of the body. From this the hidden man of our heart is judged either too light, or too boastful, or too disordered:
Editors' notes and page, col. 48

Footnotes

(79) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 48

Ita edit. ac mss. perpauci: alii frequentissimi, qui si praetendat, et quae prima... tentari non sinat: unus, qui sibi praetendat, et quae prima, etc., alius, quasi praetendat, etc., quae lectio satis arridet.

So the editions and very few manuscripts; very many others: qui si praetendat, et quae prima … tentari non sinat; one: qui sibi praetendat, et quae prima, etc.; another: quasi praetendat, etc., a reading that is quite attractive.

(printed under page 27)

(80) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 48

Mss. nec pauci, nec inferioris notae, speciem peregrinatur, quidam, peregrinatus, aspectus, etc. Intra [as printed] vero ubi edit. ac pauci mss. sermonem refelleret; reliqui legunt partim, sermonem praeferret, aliqui, proferret: partim, sermonem referret, quod ultimum sensui videtur esse magis congruum.

Manuscripts neither few nor of lesser note: speciem peregrinatur; some: peregrinatus, aspectus, etc. Further on, where the editions and a few manuscripts have sermonem refelleret, the rest read partly sermonem praeferret, some proferret, and partly sermonem referret, the last of which seems more suited to the sense.

(printed under page 27)

(81) ‹anchor: pudoris abducta› · call in col 48 (printed there as "(18)")

Mss. haud pauci, colorem pudoris obducat.

Not a few manuscripts: colorem pudoris obducat.

(printed under page 27)

(82) ‹anchor: ipso motu› · call in col 48

Cic. lib. I Offic., pag. 368, lin. 28: « Sed quoniam decorum illud in omnibus factis et dictis, in corporis denique motu et statu cernitur. »

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 368, line 28: "But since that seemliness is seen in all deeds and words, and finally in the movement and bearing of the body."

(printed under page 27)

Page

  • running head: [S.] AMBROSII.
  • marginal letters: A ‹bat in periculis Suzanna›; B ‹legentibus, et tanquam›; C ‹Ideo justificatur›; D ‹71. Est etiam in ipso motu›
  • old-edition numerals: 20 after ‹hanc laudem›
PL 16:49
aut contra gravior, et constantior, et purior, et maturior aestimatur. Itaque vox quaedam est animi, corporis motus.
or, on the contrary, more grave, more steadfast, purer and more mature. And so the movement of the body is a kind of voice of the soul.
72. Meministis, filii, quemdam amicum, cum sedulis se videretur commendare officiis; hoc solo tamen in clerum a me non receptum, quod gestus ejus plurimum dedeceret: alterum quoque cum in clero reperissem, jussisse me ne unquam praeiret mihi; quia velut quodam insolentis incessus verbere oculos feriret meos. Idque dixi, cum redderetur post offensam muneri. Hoc solum excepi, nec fefellit sententia; uterque enim ab Ecclesia recessit, ut qualis incessu prodebatur, talis perfidia animi demonstraretur. Namque alter Arianae infestationis tempore, fidem deseruit; alter pecuniae studio, ne judicium subiret sacerdotale, se nostrum negavit. Lucebat in illorum incessu imago levitatis, species quaedam scurrarum percursantium.
72. You remember, my sons, a certain friend who, though he seemed to commend himself by diligent services, was nevertheless not received by me into the clergy for this one reason, that his bearing was most unbecoming; and another, too, whom I had found among the clergy, that I ordered never to walk before me, because he struck my eyes as with the lash of an insolent gait. And I said so when he was restored to his office after an offence. This alone I excepted, and my judgement did not deceive me; for both withdrew from the Church, so that the faithlessness of their soul was shown to be such as was betrayed by their gait. For the one deserted the faith at the time of the Arian assault; the other, out of love of money, so as not to undergo the judgement of the bishops, denied that he was ours. In their gait there shone out the image of levity, a kind of likeness of buffoons running about.
73. Sunt etiam qui sensim ambulando imitantur histrionicos gestus, et quasi quaedam fercula pomparum, et statuarum motus nutantium, ut quoties cunque gradum transferunt, modulos quosdam servare videantur.
73. There are also those who, walking slowly, imitate the gestures of actors, and, as it were, the litters of processions and the movements of nodding statues, so that whenever they move a step they seem to keep a kind of measured rhythm.
74. Nec cursim ambulare honestum arbitror, nisi cum causa exigit alicujus periculi, vel justa necessitas. Nam plerumque festinantes anhelos videmus torquere ora, quibus si causa desit festinationis necessariae, naevus est justae offensionis. Sed non de his dico, quibus rara properatio ex causa nascitur: sed quibus jugis et continua in naturam vertitur. Nec in illis ego tanquam simulacrorum effigies probo, nec in istis tanquam excussorum ruinas.
74. Nor do I think it seemly to walk in a hurry, unless the cause of some danger or a just necessity requires it. For we often see those who hurry panting and twisting their faces; and if they lack a cause for necessary haste, it is a blemish that gives just offence. But I am not speaking of those in whom a rare hastening arises from a cause, but of those in whom it is constant and continual and turns into nature. I do not approve in the former the appearance, as it were, of images, nor in the latter the tumbling, as it were, of men thrown from their seats.
75. Est etiam gressus probabilis, in quo sit species auctoritatis, gravitatisque pondus, tranquillitatis vestigium; ita tamen si studium desit atque affectatio, sed motus sit purus ac simplex; nihil enim fucatum placet. Motum natura informet. Si quid sane in natura vitii est, industria emendet; ut ars desit, non desit correctio.
75. There is also a commendable gait, in which there is the appearance of authority, the weight of gravity, the footprint of tranquillity; yet only if effort and affectation are absent, and the movement is pure and simple; for nothing painted over pleases. Let nature shape our movement. If indeed there is any fault in nature, let diligence amend it; so that, though art be lacking, correction is not lacking.
Editors' notes and page, col. 49

Footnotes

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Mirare quantam in corporeo ipso Clericorum habitu perfectionem requirebat sanctus praesul; et hinc collige quas et quantas in eisdem animi virtutes expetebat.

Marvel at how great a perfection the holy bishop required in the very bodily bearing of the clergy; and gather from this what virtues of soul, and how great, he looked for in them.

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Sic mss. magno consensu, si duos excipias qui perinde ac vet. edit. habent: subiret, sacerdotem se nostrum, etc. Sola edit. Rom., subiret sacerdotum, se nostrum, etc., sensu a lectione nostra non alieno. Videtur autem hic acceptae administrationis aut furti cujuspiam rationem reddere defugiens, transfugisse ad Arianos. Porro de judiciis ecclesiasticis, ac bonorum Ecclesiae oeconomia alio loco dicetur commodius.

So the manuscripts with great agreement, except two which, like the old editions, have subiret, sacerdotem se nostrum, etc. The Roman edition alone: subiret sacerdotum, se nostrum, etc., in a sense not foreign to our reading. He seems here, fleeing from rendering account of an administration he had received or of some theft, to have deserted to the Arians. Of ecclesiastical judgements and of the stewardship of the Church's goods it will be more fitting to speak elsewhere.

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Cic. lib. I offic. pag. 369, lin. 8: « Nam et palaestrici motus. » etc. Et infra 14: « Cavendum est autem ne aut tarditatibus, » etc. Varii generis erant fercula apud antiquos, alia enim in triumphis usurpabantur, cum devictarum gentium spolia, vestem pretiosam, aurum sive factum sive signatum, coronas, arma, machinas, ipsas denique urbium captarum imagines in plaustris ante currum triumphantium portabantur: alia erant ludorum ac spectaculorum, non multum prioribus illis absimilia: alia denique sacrorum, in quibus gestabantur deorum simulacra; et de ultimis hisce ferculis maxime hic loqui Ambrosium ipse videtur declarare in sequentibus. Caeterum ab istis parum admodum abhorruisse constat funerum gestamina, quibus defuncti cadaver dum efferretur, avorum ejus praemittebantur imagines. Quae omnia cum non sine magna gravitate veherentur atque incessus tarditate, locum dare Ambrosianae Ciceronianaeque comparationi facile potuerunt.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 369, line 8: "For palaestric movements too," etc. And below, line 14: "But one must beware lest either by slowness," etc. The fercula (litters) of the ancients were of various kinds. Some were used in triumphs, when the spoils of conquered peoples, precious garments, gold worked or coined, crowns, arms, engines, and finally pictures of the captured cities themselves were carried on wagons before the chariot of those triumphing; others belonged to the games and shows, not much unlike the former; others again to sacred rites, in which the images of the gods were borne; and Ambrose himself seems to declare in what follows that it is chiefly of these last litters that he speaks here. For the rest, it is agreed that the biers of funerals differed very little from these, in which, as the body of the deceased was carried out, the images of his ancestors were sent before. Since all these were borne with great solemnity and slowness of pace, they could easily give occasion for Ambrose's and Cicero's comparison.

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Mss. aliquot, vel justae necessitatis.

Some manuscripts: vel justae necessitatis.

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Page

  • running head: DE OFFICIIS MINISTRO[RUM …] (right part of the head cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹aut contra gravior›; B ‹ne judicium subiret›; C ‹causa nascitur›; D ‹(84) Sic mss. magno consensu› (footnote)
  • old-edition numerals: 21 after ‹se nostrum negavit.›
PL 16:50
76. Quod si etiam ista spectantur altius, quanto magis cavendum est ne quid turpe ore exeat; hoc enim graviter coinquinat hominem. Non enim cibus coinquinat, sed injusta obtrectatio, sed verborum obscoenitas. Haec etiam vulgo pudori sunt. In nostro vero officio nullum verbum quod inhoneste cadat, non incutiat verecundiam. Et non solum nihil ipse indecorum loqui, sed ne aurem quidem debemus hujusmodi praebere dictis: sicut Joseph ne incongrua suae audiret verecundiae, veste fugit relicta (Gen. XXXIX, 12); quoniam quem delectat audire, alterum loqui provocat.
76. But if even these things are looked into more deeply, how much more must we beware lest anything shameful come out of the mouth; for this defiles a man grievously. For it is not food that defiles, but unjust disparagement, and obscenity of words. These things are a cause of shame even among the common people. But in our office no word that falls out unseemly should fail to strike us with shame. And not only ought we ourselves to say nothing unbecoming, but we ought not even to lend an ear to words of this kind: as Joseph, so as not to hear what was unfitting to his modesty, fled leaving his garment behind (Gen. 39:12); for he who delights in hearing provokes another to speak.
77. Intelligere quoque quod turpe sit, pudori maximo est. Spectare vero si quid hujusmodi fortuitu accidat, quanti horroris est! Quod ergo in aliis displicet, numquid potest in se ipso placere? nec ipsa natura nos docet? quae perfecte quidem omnes partes nostri corporis explicavit; ut et necessitati consuleret, et gratiam venustaret. Sed tamen eas quae decorae ad aspectum forent, in quibus formae apex quasi in arce quadam locatus, et figurae suavitas, et vultus species emineret, operandique usus esset paratior, obvias atque apertas reliquit: eas vero in quibus esset naturalis obsequium necessitatis, ne deforme sui praeberent spectaculum, partim tanquam in ipso amandavit atque abscondit corpore, partim docuit et suasit tegendas.
77. To understand what is shameful is also a cause of the greatest shame. But to look on anything of the kind, if it should happen by chance, how great a horror it is! What, then, displeases in others, can it please in oneself? Does not nature itself teach us? She has indeed fashioned all the parts of our body perfectly, so as both to provide for necessity and to adorn them with grace. But those that would be comely to the sight, in which the crown of beauty, placed as it were in a kind of citadel, and the sweetness of form and the beauty of the countenance might stand out, and in which the use of working might be readier, she left exposed and open; but those in which there was the service of natural necessity, lest they should present an unsightly spectacle of themselves, she partly banished, as it were, and hid within the body itself, and partly taught and persuaded us to cover.
78. Nonne igitur ipsa natura est magistra verecundiae? Cujus exemplo modestia hominum (quam a modo scientiae quid deceret appellatam arbitror) id quod in hac nostri corporis fabrica abditum reperit, operuit et texit; ut ostium illud quod ex transverso faciendum in arca illa Noe justo dictum est (Gen. VI, 16); in qua vel Ecclesiae, vel nostri figura est corporis: per quod ostium egeruntur reliquiae ciborum. Ergo naturae opifex sic nostrae studuit verecundiae, sic decorum illud et honestum in nostro custodivit corpore, ut ductus quosdam,
78. Is not nature itself, then, the teacher of modesty? Following her example the modesty of men (which I judge to be named from the measure of knowing what is becoming) covered and veiled what it found hidden in this structure of our body; like that door which righteous Noah was told to make in the side of that ark (Gen. 6:16), in which there is a figure either of the Church or of our body: through which door the remains of food are carried out. The maker of nature, then, so took thought for our modesty, so guarded that seemliness and honour in our body, that certain passages,
Editors' notes and page, col. 50

Footnotes

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Cic. lib. I Offic., pag. 368, lin. 39: « Quarumque partium corporis usus sunt necessarii eas neque partes, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 368, line 39: "And those parts of the body whose uses are necessary, those parts neither," etc.

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Ibid., lin. 32: « Principio corporis nostri magnam natura ipsa videtur habuisse rationem, » etc. Hic autem in Ambrosii contextu Era. et seq. edit. praeferunt: Haec ipsa natura nos docet, mss. vero constantissime, nec ipsa natura, Amerb., nec hoc ipsa natura, etc. Non male; est enim coeptae interrogationis continuatio.

Ibid., line 32: "In the first place, nature herself seems to have had great regard for our body," etc. Here in Ambrose's text Erasmus and the following editions offer Haec ipsa natura nos docet; the manuscripts very consistently nec ipsa natura; Amerbach nec hoc ipsa natura, etc. Not badly, for it continues the question begun.

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Ibid., pag. 372, lin. 47: « Itaque ut eamdem nos modestiam, » etc.

Ibid., page 372, line 47: "And so, that we [may call] the same modesty," etc.

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Page

  • running head: [DE OFFICIIS] MINISTRORUM LIBER I.
  • marginal letters: A ‹76. Quod si etiam›; B ‹tuitu accidat›; C ‹78. Nonne igitur›; D ‹abhorruisse constat› (footnote)
  • old-edition numerals: 22 after ‹figurae suavitas, et›
PL 16:51
atque exitus cuniculorum nostrorum post tergum relegaret, atque ab aspectu nostro averteret, ne purgatio ventris visum oculorum offenderet. De quo pulchre Apostolus ait: Quae videntur, inquit, membra corporis infirmiora, necessariora sunt: et quae putamus ignobiliora esse membra corporis, his abundantiorem honorem circumdamus: et quae inhonesta sunt nostra, honestatem abundantiorem habent (I Cor. XII, 23). Etenim imitatione naturae industria auxit gratiam. Quod alio loco etiam altius interpretati sumus (lib. I de Noe et arca, cap. 8), ut non solum abscondamus ab oculis, verum etiam quae abscondenda accepimus, eorum indicia ususque membrorum suis appellationibus nuncupare indecorum putemus.
and might banish the outlets of our channels behind the back and turn them away from our sight, so that the purging of the belly should not offend the eyes' view. Of this the Apostle speaks finely: Those members of the body, he says, which seem to be weaker are more necessary; and those which we think to be the less noble members of the body, upon these we bestow more abundant honour; and our uncomely parts have more abundant comeliness (1 Cor. 12:22–23). For indeed by imitation of nature, human care has increased the grace. This we have also interpreted more deeply in another place (On Noah and the Ark, Book I, chapter 8): that not only should we hide from the eyes what we have received as things to be hidden, but we should also think it unbecoming to name the signs and uses of those members by their own names.
79. Denique si casu aperiantur hae partes, confunditur verecundia: si studio, impudentia aestimatur. Unde et filius Noe Cham offensam retulit, quia nudatum videns patrem risit: qui autem operuerunt patrem, acceperunt benedictionis gratiam (Gen. IX, 22 et seq.). Ex quo mos vetus et in urbe Roma, et in plerisque civitatibus fuit, ut filii puberes cum parentibus, vel generi cum soceris non lavarent, ne paternae reverentiae auctoritas minueretur: licet plerique se et in lavacro quantum possunt tegant; ne vel illic ubi nudum totum est corpus, hujusmodi intecta sit portio.
79. Accordingly, if these parts are uncovered by chance, modesty is confounded; if on purpose, it is reckoned shamelessness. Hence also Ham, the son of Noah, brought offence upon himself, because, seeing his father uncovered, he laughed; but those who covered their father received the grace of a blessing (Gen. 9:22 ff.). From this came the old custom, both in the city of Rome and in most cities, that grown sons did not bathe with their parents, nor sons-in-law with their fathers-in-law, lest the authority of paternal reverence be lessened; although most people cover themselves as far as they can even in the bath, so that even there, where the whole body is naked, a part of this kind should not be uncovered.
80. Sacerdotes quoque veteri more, sicut in Exodo legimus, brachas accipiebant, sicut ad Mosen dictum a Domino: Et facies illis brachas lineas, ut tegatur turpitudo pudoris. A lumbis usque ad femora erunt, et habebit eas Aaron et filii ejus, cum intrabunt in tabernaculum Testimonii: et cum accedent sacrificare ad aram Sanctuarii, et non inducent super se peccatum, ne moriantur (Exod.
80. The priests too, by the old custom, as we read in Exodus, received breeches, as was said to Moses by the Lord: And you shall make for them linen breeches, that the shame of their nakedness may be covered. They shall reach from the loins to the thighs, and Aaron and his sons shall have them when they enter into the tabernacle of the Testimony, and when they approach to sacrifice at the altar of the Sanctuary, and they shall not bring sin upon themselves, lest they die (Exodus
Editors' notes and page, col. 51

Footnotes

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Edit., ut velut ductus quosdam aquae, exitus cuniculorum, etc. Mss. vero prope ad unum ut nos in textu.

The editions: ut velut ductus quosdam aquae, exitus cuniculorum, etc. But the manuscripts almost to a man as we have it in the text.

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Cic. lib. I Offic. pag. 369, lin. 3: « Nostro quidem more cum parentibus puberes filii, » etc. Laudabilem hanc consuetudinem in Africa non obtinuisse indicat sanctus Augustinus Confess. lib. II, cap. 3. Nam alioqui antiquis Christianis publicarum balnearum usu interdictum neutiquam fuisse non solum inde intelligimus, quod Marcianus aliique Christiani ac pii imperatores thermas construxere, verum etiam ex eo quod legamus apud Irenaeum lib. III, cap. 3, nec non apud alios scriptores ecclesiasticos Joannem apostolum cum aliquando lavatum ivisset, ac intus Cerinthum reperisset, illotum discessisse, ne videlicet corrueret balneum in quo veritatis inimicus lavaret. Et certe usque adeo usum balnei, dummodo necessitatis non luxuriae causa adhiberetur, vitiosum non putavit Gregorius Magnus, ut lib. XI, epist. 3, responderit eo ne Dominica quidem die abstinendum. Porro valetudinem in causa fuisse cur eodem Joannes evangelista uteretur, auctor est Theodoretus lib. II Haeret. Fabul., quamvis rem totam aliter narret Epiphanius haeres. 30, quem consule. Augustinus etiam ut moestitudinem sibi allatam ex matris obitu deliniret, balneum se petiisse commemorat lib. IX Confess. cap. 12. Sola igitur luxuria in balneis interdicitur; unde DD. Athanasius, lib. de Virginibus, et Leander, de Instit. virginum cap. 10, illas virginibus non omnibus quidem, sed sanis prohibuit, sicut e contrario easdem sanctus Benedictus Reg. cap. 36, monachis concessit aegrotis. Fuere tamen qui nec infirmi quidem iis uti vellent, ut Hegesippus et Hieronymus narrant de Jacobo apostolo, Palladius de Isidoro atque Evagrio, de Basilio Gregor. Nazianzenus. Imo nec defuere inter philosophos qui hanc eamdem laudem sibi vindicarent, quemadmodum Seneca epist. 108, de seipso, et de Plotino Porphyrius tradidere.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 369, line 3: "By our custom, indeed, grown sons [do not bathe] with their parents," etc. That this praiseworthy custom did not prevail in Africa St Augustine indicates, Confessions book II, chapter 3. For otherwise, that the use of the public baths was by no means forbidden to the ancient Christians we understand not only from the fact that Marcian and other Christian and pious emperors built baths, but also from what we read in Irenaeus, book III, chapter 3, and in other ecclesiastical writers: that the apostle John, having once gone to bathe and found Cerinthus inside, left unwashed, lest the bath in which the enemy of the truth was bathing should fall in. And Gregory the Great certainly thought the use of the bath, provided it was taken for necessity and not for luxury, so far from blameworthy that he replied, book XI, letter 3, that one need not abstain from it even on the Lord's day. Further, that ill health was the reason the same John the Evangelist used it Theodoret states, book II of the Compendium of Heretical Fables, although Epiphanius tells the whole story differently, Heresy 30; consult him. Augustine too records, Confessions book IX, chapter 12, that he went to the bath to soothe the grief brought on him by his mother's death. Only luxury, therefore, is forbidden in baths; hence the holy Athanasius, in the book On Virgins, and Leander, On the Instruction of Virgins, chapter 10, forbade them to virgins, not indeed to all, but to the healthy, just as, conversely, St Benedict, Rule chapter 36, allowed them to sick monks. There were some, however, who would not use them even when ill, as Hegesippus and Jerome relate of the apostle James, Palladius of Isidore and Evagrius, and Gregory Nazianzen of Basil. Indeed there were even among the philosophers some who claimed this same praise for themselves, as Seneca recorded of himself in letter 108, and Porphyry of Plotinus.

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(92) ‹anchor: turpitudo pudoris› · call in col 51

Mss. aliquot, turpitudo sudoris: melius alii longe plurimi, ac vet. edit., turpitudo pudoris; ubi reposuit Rom. . . . . corporis; nimirum ex LXX, apud quos: Καλύψαι ἀσχημοσύνην χρωτὸς αὐτῶν. Vulg. vero, ut operiant carnem turpitudinis: text. Hebr., . . nuditatis.

Some manuscripts: turpitudo sudoris; better, by far the most others, and the old editions: turpitudo pudoris; where the Roman edition restored … corporis, evidently from the Septuagint, which has "to cover the shame of their flesh". The Vulgate: ut operiant carnem turpitudinis; the Hebrew text: … nuditatis.

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Page

  • running head: 51 S. AMBROS[...] (right part of the head cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A atque exitus cuniculorum; B 79. Denique si casu (letter set between "pare indecorum" and "79."); C dictum a Domino; D in footnotes (beside "struxere, verum etiam")
  • old-edition numerals: 23 after ad (before Mosen)
PL 16:52
XXVIII, 42, 43). Quod nonnulli nostrorum servare adhuc feruntur: plerique spiritali interpretatione ad cautionem verecundiae et custodiam castitatis, dictum arbitrantur.
28:42–43). This some of our people are said still to observe; most think it was said, by a spiritual interpretation, for the safeguarding of modesty and the keeping of chastity.
CAPUT XIX.
CHAPTER XIX.
Decorum quomodo describatur ab Oratore: an et quantum ad virtutem conferat formositas: postremo qua cura ne quid affectatum aut effeminatum in nobis appareat, efficiendum?
How seemliness is described by the Orator; whether and how far good looks contribute to virtue; finally, with what care we must ensure that nothing affected or effeminate appear in us.
81. Delectavit me diutius in partibus demorari verecundiae; quia ad vos loquebar, qui aut bona ejus ex vobis recognoscitis, aut damna ignoratis. Quae cum sit omnibus aetatibus, personis, temporibus et locis apta, tamen adolescentes, juvenilesque annos maxime decet.
81. It has pleased me to linger rather long on the parts of modesty, because I was speaking to you, who either recognize its goods from your own selves or do not know its losses. Although it is fitting for all ages, persons, times and places, yet it most becomes young men and the years of youth.
82. In omni autem servandum aetate, ut deceat quod agas et conveniat, et quadret sibi ordo vitae tuae. Unde Tullius etiam ordinem putat in illo decore servari oportere: idque positum dicit in formositate, ordine, ornatu ad actionem apto: quae difficile ait loquendo explicari posse, et ideo satis esse intelligi.
82. But in every age care must be taken that what you do is seemly and fitting, and that the order of your life squares with itself. Hence Tullius too thinks that order ought to be kept in that seemliness, and he says it consists in good looks, order, and an adornment suited to action; these, he says, can hardly be set out in speech, and therefore it is enough that they be understood.
83. Formositatem autem cur posuerit, non satis intelligo; quamvis ille etiam vires corporis laudet. Nos certe in pulchritudine corporis locum virtutis non ponimus, gratiam tamen non excludimus; quia verecundia et vultus ipsos solet pudore obfundere, gratioresque reddere. Ut enim artifex in materia commodiore melius operari solet, sic verecundia in ipso quoque corporis decore plus eminet: ita tamen ut etiam ipse non sit affectatus decor corporis: sed naturalis, simplex, neglectus magis quam expetitus non pretiosis et albentibus adjutus vestimentis sed communibus; ut honestati vel necessitati nihil desit, nihil accedat nitori.
83. Why he included good looks, however, I do not well understand, although he also praises bodily strength. We, certainly, do not place the seat of virtue in the beauty of the body; yet we do not exclude grace, because modesty is wont to suffuse the very face with shame and to make it more gracious. For as a craftsman usually works better in more suitable material, so modesty too stands out more in the very comeliness of the body; yet in such a way that the comeliness of the body itself is not affected, but natural, simple, neglected rather than sought after, aided not by costly and gleaming white garments but by ordinary ones; so that nothing be lacking to propriety or need, and nothing be added for show.
Editors' notes and page, col. 52

Footnotes

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Cic. lib. I Offic. pag. 368, lin. 29: « Idque positum est in tribus rebus formositate, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 368, line 29: "And this consists in three things: beauty," etc.

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(94) ‹anchor: vestimentis› · call in col 52

Ibid., lin. 49: « Quibus in rebus duo sunt maxime fugienda, » etc. Albas vestes laetitiae indices olim fuisse in confesso est. Hinc non solum Romanos in festis et in coenis eum colorem indui solitos frequentissima scriptorum testimonia prodidere: verum etiam sacri interpretes, quod Christi vestimenta in transfiguratione alba facta sint, quodque angeli post resurrectionem albati apparuerint, ad eamdem trahunt significationem: quo etiam non absurde id referatur, quod recens (continues)

Ibid., line 49: "In which things two are chiefly to be avoided," etc. It is admitted that white garments were once tokens of joy. Hence very many testimonies of writers have shown not only that the Romans were accustomed to put on that colour at festivals and banquets, but also the sacred interpreters draw to the same meaning the fact that Christ's garments became white at the Transfiguration and that the angels appeared in white after the Resurrection; to which it may also, not absurdly, be referred that the newly (continues)

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Page

  • running head: AMBROSII. 52 (left part of the head cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A xxviii, 42, 43). Quod nonnulli; B 82. In omni autem (letter set between "annos maxime decet." and "82."); C in ipso quoque corporis; D in footnotes (beside "seipso, et de Plotino")
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 16:53
84. Vox ipsa non remissa, non fracta, nihil femineum sonans, qualem multi gravitatis specie simulare consuerunt, sed formam quamdam et regulam ac succum virilem reservans. Hoc est enim pulchritudinem vivendi tenere, convenientia cuique sexui et personae reddere. Hic ordo gestorum optimus, hic ornatus ad omnem actionem accommodus. Sed ut mollicullum et infractum aut vocis sonum, aut gestum corporis non probo: ita neque agrestem ac rusticum. Naturam imitemur: ejus effigies, formula disciplinae, forma honestatis est.
84. The voice itself [should be] not slack, not broken, sounding nothing womanish, such as many are accustomed to feign under a show of gravity, but preserving a certain form and rule and a manly vigour. For this is to keep the beauty of living: to render what befits each sex and person. This is the best order of deeds, this the adornment suited to every action. But just as I do not approve a soft and broken sound of the voice or bearing of the body, so neither do I approve a boorish and rustic one. Let us imitate nature: its likeness is the pattern of discipline, the form of propriety.
CAPUT XX.
CHAPTER XX.
Ad observandam verecundiam intemperantium hominum consortia, convivia extraneorum, ac mulierum commercia vitanda: sed otium nostrum domi in piis †honestisque studiis insumendum.
To preserve modesty, the company of intemperate men, the banquets of outsiders, and dealings with women are to be avoided; but our leisure at home is to be spent in pious and honourable studies.
85. Habet sane suos scopulos verecundia, non quos ipsa invehit, sed quos saepe incurrit; si intemperantium incidamus consortia, qui sub specie jucunditatis venenum infundunt bonis. Hi si assidui sunt, et maxime in convivio, ludo ac joco, enervant gravitatem illam virilem. Caveamus itaque ne dum relaxare animum volumus, solvamus omnem harmoniam, quasi concentum quemdam bonorum operum; usus enim cito inflectit naturam.
85. Modesty indeed has its own rocks, not ones it brings in itself, but ones it often runs upon: if we fall into the company of intemperate men, who under a show of pleasantness pour poison into the good. If these are constant companions, especially at a banquet, in play and jest, they enervate that manly gravity. Let us therefore beware lest, while we wish to relax the mind, we dissolve all the harmony, as it were a kind of concord of good works; for habit quickly bends nature.
86. Unde quam prudenter factis convenire ecclesiasticis, et maxime ministrorum officiis arbitror, declinare extraneorum convivia: vel ut ipsi hospitales sitis peregrinantibus, vel ut ea cautione nullus sit approbrio locus. Convivia quippe extraneorum occupationes habent, tum etiam epulandi produnt cupiditatem. Subrepunt etiam fabulae frequenter de saeculo ac voluptatibus: claudere
86. Hence I judge it most prudently fitting for the acts of churchmen, and above all for the duties of ministers, to decline the banquets of outsiders: either so that you yourselves may be hospitable to travellers, or so that by this caution there may be no room for reproach. For the banquets of outsiders bring engagements, and they also betray a craving for feasting. Tales of the world and its pleasures also frequently creep in: to close
Editors' notes and page, col. 53

Footnotes

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baptizati per octavam Paschalis in alba veste incedere soliti erant; in quo tamen innocentiae quoque demonstrabatur indicium. Sed nec adeo laetitiae addictus erat candidus color, ut non luctui etiam inserviret; novimus enim quondam mulieres apud Romanos albatas fuisse in funeribus: quem morem etiam in Gallia servatum a reginis viduis fuisse volunt nonnulli. Alius tristitiae niger seu pullus color convenire existimabatur; unde sibi eum monachi, quorum est tum sua tum aliorum peccata flere delegerunt. Quapropter Magnus Antonius, martyrii desiderio incensus, ne coloris monastici cognitus indicio, ab accessu judicis prohiberetur, album induit, ut disserit in ejusdem vita Rosveidus. Eo similiter colore sacras virgines indui solitas Baronius ad an. 57 scribit. Idem vero e quodam loco epistolae Hieronymi ad Nepotianum, quam ad annum 393 refert, clericos antiquitus non pulla nec alba, sed castanea veste ac violacea usos colligens, addit in Ecclesiam tunc primum irrepsisse colorem nigrum, cum monachismus in nonnullis Ecclesiis a clericis receptus est, et ex monachis episcopi creati sunt. Certe quidem in hac posteriori parte cum doctissimo Cardinali facere videtur, quod scribitur in Vita sancti Martini, eum postquam ad episcopalem sedem evectus esset, nigrum pallium, quo prius monachum agens utebatur, retinuisse: verum ille in exponendo Hieronymi loco dissentit a Petro Cluniacensi; hic enim eum ita interpretatur, ac si tantum admoneatur Nepotianus, in utriusque coloris usu fastum caveat. Sed quamvis minus coacta videatur Baronii expositio, certum tamen est ab Ambrosio hoc loci aliud nihil clericis prohiberi, nisi candorem vestium affectatum ac nimis lucentem; ut quae sequuntur satis ostendunt, nihil accedat nitori. Et hoc profecto mirifice convenit cum iis quae Basilius epist. I, ad Gregorium Nazian., praecipit. Sed illam ipse consulas licet.

(continued) baptized were accustomed to go about in white garments through the octave of Easter, in which, however, a sign of innocence was also shown. Yet the white colour was not so given over to joy that it did not also serve mourning; for we know that among the Romans women were once dressed in white at funerals, a custom which some hold was kept in Gaul too by widowed queens. Black or dark colour was thought to suit sadness; hence the monks, whose part it is to weep for their own sins and those of others, chose it for themselves. For this reason Antony the Great, burning with desire for martyrdom, put on white, lest, recognized by the mark of the monastic colour, he be kept from approaching the judge, as Rosweyde relates in his life. Baronius writes, at the year 57, that sacred virgins were likewise accustomed to wear that colour. The same writer, gathering from a passage of Jerome's letter to Nepotian, which he assigns to the year 393, that the clergy of old wore neither dark nor white but chestnut and violet clothing, adds that the black colour first crept into the Church when monasticism was taken up by clerics in some Churches and bishops were made from monks. Certainly, on this latter point, what is written in the Life of St Martin seems to agree with the most learned Cardinal: that after he had been raised to the episcopal see he kept the black cloak he used before when living as a monk. But in explaining Jerome's passage he differs from Peter of Cluny, who interprets it as though Nepotian were only warned to avoid pride in the use of either colour. But although Baronius's explanation seems less forced, it is certain that in this place Ambrose forbids the clergy nothing other than an affected and too shining whiteness of dress, as the words that follow show clearly enough: nihil accedat nitori, "let nothing be added for show". And this agrees wonderfully with what Basil enjoins in letter I, to Gregory Nazianzen. But you may consult it yourself.

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Ita edit. ac mss. nonnulli: alii vero partim, unde prudenter facilis convenire; partim, unde quod prudenter agitis, convenire, etc., non incongrue.

So the editions and some manuscripts; but others partly unde prudenter facilis convenire, partly unde quod prudenter agitis, convenire, etc., not unfittingly.

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Mss. aliquot, epulandi producunt cupiditatem.

Some manuscripts: epulandi producunt cupiditatem.

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Page

  • running head: 53 DE OFFICIIS MINISTROR[UM] (right part cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A 24 84. Vox ipsa non remissa; B 85. Habet sane suos (letter set near the caption's last line); C neorum occupationes habent; D in footnotes (beside "Eo similiter colore")
  • old-edition numerals: 24 before 84.
PL 16:54
aures non potes, prohibere, putatur superbiae. Subrepunt etiam praeter voluntatem pocula. Melius est tuae domui semel excuses, quam alienae frequenter: et ut ipse sobrius surgas, tamen ex alieno insolentia condemnari non debet praesentia tua.
your ears you cannot, and to forbid [them] is thought pride. Cups, too, creep in beyond one's will. It is better to excuse yourself once to your own house than often to another's; and even if you yourself rise sober, still your presence ought not to be condemned for another's insolence.
87. Viduarum ac virginum domos, nisi visitandi gratia, juniores adire non est opus: et hoc cum senioribus, hoc est, vel cum episcopo, vel si gravior est causa, cum presbyteris. Quid necesse est ut demus saecularibus obtrectandi locum? Quid opus est ut illae quoque visitationes crebrae accipiant auctoritatem? Quid si aliqua illarum forte labatur? cur alieni lapsus subeas invidiam? Quam multos etiam fortes illecebra decepit? Quanti non dederunt errori locum, et dederunt suspicioni!
87. There is no need for the younger men to go to the houses of widows and virgins except for the sake of visiting, and this with the elders, that is, either with the bishop or, if the cause is weightier, with the presbyters. What need is there for us to give worldly people occasion for detraction? What need is there that those frequent visits too should gain weight? What if one of those women should chance to fall? Why should you incur the odium of another's fall? How many, even strong men, has allurement deceived! How many have given no room to sin, and yet have given room to suspicion!
88. Cur non illa tempora, quibus ab Ecclesia vacas, lectioni impendas? Cur non Christum revisas, Christum alloquaris, Christum audias? Illum alloquimur cum oramus, illum audimus cum divina legimus oracula. Quid nobis cum alienis domibus? Una est domus, quae omnes capit. Illi potius ad nos veniant, qui nos requirunt. Quid nobis cum fabulis? Ministerium altaribus Christi, non obsequium hominibus deferendum recepimus.
88. Why do you not spend on reading those times when you are free from the church? Why do you not visit Christ again, speak with Christ, hear Christ? We speak with Him when we pray; we hear Him when we read the divine oracles. What have we to do with other people's houses? There is one house which holds all. Let those rather come to us who seek us. What have we to do with tales? We have received a ministry to be rendered to the altars of Christ, not a duty of attendance to be paid to men.
89. Humiles nos esse decet, mites, mansuetos, graves, patientes, modum tenere in omnibus; ut nullum vitium esse in moribus vel tacitus vultus, vel sermo annuntiet.
89. It becomes us to be humble, gentle, mild, grave, patient, to keep measure in all things, so that neither the silent countenance nor speech may announce any fault in our character.
CAPUT XXI.
CHAPTER XXI.
Iracundiam priusquam oriatur, praecavendam; si oborta fuerit, reprimendam ac mitigandam: si nec id assequi valuerimus linguam saltem a conviciis coercendam; ut sint motus nostri puerilium
That anger is to be guarded against before it arises; if it has arisen, it is to be checked and calmed; if we cannot achieve even that, the tongue at least is to be restrained from abuse; so that our emotions may be [like those] of children's
Editors' notes and page, col. 54

Footnotes

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Magnam semper gessit Ecclesia existimationis ministrorum suorum curam. Hinc est quod Ambrosius hoc loco tot conditionibus clericorum adolescentiorum cum viduis ac sacris virginibus congressum circumscribit. Qua etiam prudentia inducti quartae synodi Carthaginensis antistites, ut significarent omnem hujusmodi familiaritatis occasionem tollendam e medio, definierunt can. 102: « Ad reatum episcopi pertinere... si sustentandae vitae praesentis causa (qua tamen vix alia justior esse potest) viduae vel sanctimoniales clericorum familiaritatibus subjiciantur. » Cum autem qua ratione a clericis hujusmodi feminae accedentes excipiendae sint, S. Doctor nequaquam praecipiat: inde conjicias haud ita frequenter eas domo egredi ad invisendum quempiam consuevisse. Ab Ecclesia tamen universim provisum reperimus, ne mulier sine diaconissa ad diaconum debeat accedere. Quod si tanta cautione de simplici feminae ad diaconum aditu constitutum sit, quis miretur presbyterorum cum mulieribus contubernium tot canonibus proscriptum esse?

The Church has always taken great care for the good name of her ministers. That is why Ambrose here hedges the meeting of the younger clergy with widows and sacred virgins with so many conditions. Led by the same prudence, the bishops of the Fourth Council of Carthage, to signify that every occasion of such familiarity was to be removed, laid down in canon 102: "It falls to the bishop's guilt … if, for the sake of sustaining the present life (than which, however, scarcely any other reason can be more just), widows or nuns are made subject to the familiarity of clerics." And since the holy Doctor nowhere prescribes how such women who come to the clergy are to be received, you may conjecture from this that they were not very often accustomed to leave home to visit anyone. Yet we find it provided by the Church generally that a woman ought not to approach a deacon without a deaconess. And if the mere approach of a woman to a deacon was regulated with such caution, who would wonder that the living together of presbyters with women was proscribed by so many canons?

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Page

  • running head: [DE OFFICIIS M]INISTRORUM LIBER I. 54 (left part cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A aures non potes, prohibere; B 88. Cur non illa tempora; C Iracundiam priusquam oriatur; D in footnotes (beside "lescentiorum cum viduis")
  • old-edition numerals: 25 after gratia, (before juniores)
PL 16:55
commotionum similes. Dictum Archytae memoratur, ostenditurque Davidem ipsi hac in re factis et scriptis praeivisse.
outbursts. A saying of Archytas is recalled, and it is shown that David went before him in this matter by deeds and writings.
90. Caveatur iracundia, aut si praecaveri non potest, cohibeatur; mala enim illex peccati indignatio est: quae ita animum perturbat, ut rationi non relinquat locum. Primum est igitur, si fieri potest, ut morum tranquillitatis usu quodam, affectione, proposito, in naturam vertatur. Deinde quoniam ita plerumque motus infixus est naturae ac moribus, ut evelli atque evitari non queat: si praevideri potuerit, ratione reprimatur. Aut si prius occupatus fuerit animus ab indignatione, quam consilio prospici ac provideri potuerit, ne occuparetur: meditare quomodo motum animi tui vincas, iracundiam temperes. Resiste irae, si potes: cede, si non potes; quia scriptum est: Date locum irae (Rom. XII).
90. Let anger be guarded against, or, if it cannot be guarded against beforehand, let it be restrained; for indignation is an evil enticer to sin: it so disturbs the mind that it leaves no room for reason. The first thing, then, if it can be done, is that tranquillity of character be turned into nature by a kind of practice, disposition and purpose. Next, since the impulse is for the most part so fixed in nature and character that it cannot be torn out and avoided, if it can be foreseen, let it be checked by reason. Or if the mind has been seized by indignation before it could be foreseen and provided against by counsel, so that it should not be seized, consider how you may overcome the impulse of your mind and temper your anger. Resist anger if you can; give way if you cannot; for it is written: Give place to wrath (Rom. 12:19).
91. Jacob fratri indignanti pie cessit (Gen. XXVII, 42 et seq.), et Rebeccae, id est, patientiae instructus consilio, abesse maluit et peregrinari, quam excitare fratris indignationem; et tunc redire, cum fratrem mitigatum putaret. Et ideo tantam apud Deum invenit gratiam. Quibus deinde obsequiis, quantis muneribus fratrem ipsum reconciliavit sibi; ut ille praereptae benedictionis non meminisset, meminisset delatae satisfactionis (Gen. XXXII, 3 et seq.)!
91. Jacob dutifully gave way to his angry brother (Gen. 27:42 ff.), and, instructed by the counsel of Rebecca, that is, of patience, he preferred to be away and to live abroad rather than to stir up his brother's indignation, and to return only when he thought his brother had been softened. And therefore he found such great favour with God. With what attentions afterwards, with what great gifts did he reconcile his brother to himself, so that the latter did not remember the blessing snatched from him, but remembered the amends offered (Gen. 32:3 ff.)!
92. Ergo si praevenerit et praeoccupaverit mentem tuam iracundia, et ascenderit in te, non relinquas locum tuum. Locus tuus patientia est, locus tuus sapientia est, locus tuus ratio est, locus tuus sedatio indignationis est. Aut si te contumacia respondentis moverit, et perversitas impulerit ad indignationem: si non potueris mitigare mentem, reprime linguam tuam. Sic enim scriptum est: Cohibe linguam tuam a malo, et labia tua ne loquantur dolum. Deinde inquire pacem, et sequere eam (Psal. XXXIII, 14, 15). Pacem illam sancti Jacob vide, qua tu primum sedato animum: si non praevalueris, frenos linguae impone tuae: deinde reconciliationis studium non praetermittas. Haec oratores saeculi de nostris usurpata in suis posuere libris: sed ille sensus hujus habet gratiam, qui prior dixit.
92. So if anger has forestalled and seized your mind beforehand, and has risen up against you, do not leave your place. Your place is patience, your place is wisdom, your place is reason, your place is the calming of indignation. Or if the stubbornness of someone answering you has stirred you, and perversity has driven you to indignation: if you cannot calm your mind, check your tongue. For so it is written: Keep your tongue from evil, and let your lips not speak guile. Then: seek peace, and pursue it (Ps. 33:14–15). See that peace of holy Jacob, by which first calm your mind; if you do not prevail, put a bridle on your tongue; then do not neglect the effort at reconciliation. These things the orators of the world took over from ours and set down in their books; but he who said it first has the credit for this thought.
93. Vitemus ergo, aut temperemus iracundiam; ne sit ejus aut in laudibus exceptio, aut in vitiis exaggeratio. Non mediocre est mitigare iracundiam:
93. Let us therefore avoid or temper anger, so that it may be neither a reservation in our praises nor an aggravation among our faults. It is no small thing to calm anger;
Editors' notes and page, col. 55

Footnotes

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Cic. lib. I Offic. pag. 363, lin. 12: « Prohibenda maxime ira, » etc. Hic porro dissidet a Cicerone noster Ambrosius; quandoquidem ille virtutem more Stoicorum in affectuum vacuitate, hic autem ex Christianorum scitis in moderatione constituit.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 363, line 12: "Anger above all is to be checked," etc. Here, moreover, our Ambrose differs from Cicero, since the latter, in the Stoic manner, places virtue in freedom from the passions, but the former, from the teachings of the Christians, in their moderation.

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Vet. edit. ac mss. aliquot, mala enim lex peccati.

The old editions and some manuscripts: mala enim lex peccati.

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Quidam mss., affectione propositi in naturam vertat.

Some manuscripts: affectione propositi in naturam vertat.

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Nonnulli mss. et edit. Gill. in marg. ac Rom. in corp., atque evinci non queat.

Some manuscripts, and Gillot's edition in the margin and the Roman in the body of the text: atque evinci non queat.

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(3) ‹anchor: sedato animum› · call in col 55

Rom. edit. sola, Jacob vide. Quanta primum sedatio animi. Vet. edit. et pauci mss., Jacob vide qua primum sedato animum: alii nonnulli, Jacob. Vide quanta: primum, etc.; caeteri denique ut in textu, nisi quod pro, qua tu, legunt aliqui, quanto: perperam.

The Roman edition alone: Jacob vide. Quanta primum sedatio animi. The old editions and a few manuscripts: Jacob vide qua primum sedato animum; some others: Jacob. Vide quanta: primum, etc.; the rest, finally, as in the text, except that for qua tu some read quanto: wrongly.

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Page

  • running head: 55 S. AMBROSI[I] (right part cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A commotionum similes; B vincas, iracundiam temperes; C sapientia est, locus tuus; D exaggeratio. Non mediocre
  • old-edition numerals: 26 after patientia est, (before locus tuus sapientia)
PL 16:56
non inferius quam omnino non commoveri. Hoc nostrum est, naturae illud. Denique commotiones in pueris innoxiae sunt, quae plus habent gratiae, quam amaritudinis. Et si cito pueri inter se moventur, facile sedantur, et majori suavitate in se recurrunt. Nesciunt se subdole artificioseque tractare. Nolite hos contemnere pueros, de quibus Dominus ait: Nisi conversi fueritis, et efficiamini sicut puer iste, non intrabitis in regnum coelorum (Matth. XVIII, 3). Itaque et ipse Dominus, hoc est, Dei virtus, sicut puer, cum malediceretur, non remaledixit: cum percuteretur non repercussit (I Petr. II, 73]. Ita ergo te compara, ut quasi puer injuriam non teneas, malitiam nen exerceas: omnia a te innocenter proficiscantur. Non consideres quid ab aliis in te revertatur. Locum tuum serva, simplicitatem et puritatem tui pectoris custodi. Noli respondere irato ad iracundiam ejus, sive imprudenti ad imprudentiam. Cito culpa culpam excutit. Si lapides teras, nonne ignis erumpit.
no less than not to be moved at all. The latter is ours, the former is nature's. Indeed, the outbursts of children are harmless, having more of charm than of bitterness. And if children quickly fall out among themselves, they are easily calmed and run back to one another with greater sweetness. They do not know how to deal with one another craftily and artfully. Do not despise these children, of whom the Lord says: Unless you are converted and become like this child, you shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven (Matt. 18:3). And so the Lord Himself too, that is, the power of God, like a child, when He was reviled, did not revile in return; when He was struck, He did not strike back (1 Pet. 2:23). So prepare yourself, then, that like a child you do not hold on to an injury and do not practise malice: let everything proceed from you innocently. Do not consider what returns to you from others. Keep your place; guard the simplicity and purity of your heart. Do not answer an angry man according to his anger, nor an imprudent man according to his imprudence. Fault quickly strikes out fault. If you rub stones together, does not fire burst out?
94. Ferunt gentiles, ut in majus omnia verbis extollere solent Archytae Tarentini dictum philosophi, quod ad villicum suum dixerit: O te infelicem, quem afflictarem, nisi iratus essem! Sed jam David et armatam dexteram in indignatione compresserat (I Reg. XXV, 32). Et quanto plus est non remaledicere, quam non vindicare? Et bellatores adversus Nabal ad ultionem paratos, Abigail deprecatione revocaverat. Unde advertimus tempestivis quoque intercessionibus non solum cedere nos, sed etiam delectari oportere. Eo usque autem delectatus est, ut benediceret intervenientem, quod ab studio vindictae revocatus foret.
94. The gentiles, as they are wont to magnify everything in words, report a saying of Archytas of Tarentum, the philosopher, which he said to his steward: O unhappy man, how I would punish you if I were not angry! But David had already restrained even his armed right hand in indignation (1 Kgs. 25:32). And how much more is it not to revile in return than not to take vengeance? Abigail, too, by her entreaty had called back the warriors ready for revenge against Nabal. From this we observe that we ought not only to yield to timely intercessions but even to be delighted by them. And he was so delighted that he blessed the woman who intervened, because he had been called back from his eagerness for vengeance.
95. Jam dixerat de inimicis suis: Quoniam declinaverunt in me iniquitatem, et in ira molesti erant mihi (Psal. LIV, 4). Audiamus turbatus in ira quid dixerit: Quis dabit mihi, pennas sicut columbae, et volabo, et requiescam (Ibid. 7)? Illi ad iracundiam provocabant, hic tranquillitatem eligebat.
95. He had already said of his enemies: For they turned aside iniquity upon me, and in anger they were troublesome to me (Ps. 54:4). Let us hear what he said when troubled in anger: Who will give me wings like a dove, and I will fly and be at rest (ibid. 7)? They provoked him to anger; he chose tranquillity.
96. Jam dixerat: Irascimini, et nolite peccare (Psal. IV, 5). Moralis magister, qui naturalem affectum inflectendum magis ratione doctrinae, quam extirpandum noverat, moralia docet; hoc est. Irascimini ubi culpa est, cui irasci debeatis, Non potest enim fieri, ut non rerum indignitate moveamur: alioquin non virtus, sed lentitudo et
96. He had already said: Be angry, and sin not (Ps. 4:5). A teacher of morals, who knew that a natural feeling must be bent by the reasoning of teaching rather than rooted out, teaches morals; that is: Be angry where there is a fault at which you ought to be angry. For it cannot be that we are not moved by the unworthiness of things; otherwise not virtue but sluggishness and
Editors' notes and page, col. 56

Footnotes

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Vet. edit. ac mss. nonnulli, in te referatur.

The old editions and some manuscripts: in te referatur.

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Val. Maximus eadem refert de Archyta lib. IV, cap. 1. Hunc autem fuisse constat Davide multo posteriorem; ejus enim praeceptorem Pythagoram vixisse anno demum 3389 post mundum conditum communior chronologorum calculus sensit; cum David jam inde ab anno 2887 floruerit. Alii tamen aliis haec ipsa attribuerunt, ut Laertius Platoni, Plutarchus Charillo, Theanoni Stobaeus.

Valerius Maximus relates the same of Archytas, book IV, chapter 1. But he is known to have been much later than David; for the more common reckoning of the chronologers holds that his teacher Pythagoras lived only in the year 3389 after the creation of the world, whereas David flourished from the year 2887. Others, however, have attributed these very words to others: Laertius to Plato, Plutarch to Charillus, Stobaeus to Theano.

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Cic. lib. I Offic. pag. 370, lin. 4: « Objurgationes etiam nonnunquam incidunt necessariae, etc. »

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 370, line 4: "Rebukes too are sometimes necessary," etc.

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Ant. edit. cum parte mss., sed lenitudo: Gill. (continues)

The old editions with part of the manuscripts: sed lenitudo; Gillot (continues)

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Page

  • running head: [S.] AMBROSII. 56 (left part cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A non inferius quam omnino; B in te revertatur. Locum tuum; C nos, sed etiam delectari (letter set between "pestivis quoque" and "nos, sed"); D Non potest enim fieri
  • old-edition numerals: 27 after extirpandum
PL 16:57
remissio judicatur. Irascimini ergo ita, ut a culpa abstineatis. Vel sic: Si irascimini, nolite peccare, sed vincite ratione iracundiam. Vel certe sic: Si irascimini, vobis irascamini, quia commoti estis, et non peccabitis. Qui enim sibi irascitur, quia cito commotus est, desinit irasci alteri: qui autem vult iram suam justam probare, plus inflammatur, et cito in culpam cadit. Melior est autem secundum Salomonem (Prov. XVI, 32), qui iracundiam continet, quam qui urbem capit; quia ira etiam fortes decipit.
slackness is judged [to be in us]. Be angry, then, in such a way that you abstain from fault. Or thus: If you are angry, do not sin, but overcome anger by reason. Or certainly thus: If you are angry, be angry with yourselves because you have been stirred, and you will not sin. For he who is angry with himself because he was quickly stirred ceases to be angry with another; but he who wishes to prove his anger just is inflamed the more and quickly falls into fault. And better, according to Solomon (Prov. 16:32), is he who restrains anger than he who takes a city; for anger deceives even the strong.
97. Cavere igitur debemus, ne in perturbationes prius incidamus, quam animos nestros ratio componat; exanimat enim mentem plerumque aut ira, aut dolor, aut formido mortis, et improviso percellit ictu. Ideo praevenire pulchrum est cogitatione, quae volvendo mentem exerceat: ne repentinis excitetur commotionibus, sed jugo quoddam rationis et habenis astricta mitescat.
97. We ought therefore to beware lest we fall into disturbances before reason has composed our minds; for most often anger, or grief, or the fear of death deprives the mind of breath and strikes it down with an unforeseen blow. Therefore it is a fine thing to forestall this by reflection, which by pondering may exercise the mind, so that it be not roused by sudden commotions, but, bound by a sort of yoke and reins of reason, may grow gentle.
CAPUT. XXII.
CHAPTER XXII.
De cogitationibus, et appetitu: deque decoro sermonis in confabulatione ac disceptatione servando.
On thoughts and appetite; and on keeping seemliness of speech in conversation and in debate.
98. Sunt autem gemini motus, hoc est, cogitationum et appetitus: alteri cogitationum, alteri appetitus: non confusi, sed discreti et dispares. Cogitationes verum exquirere, et quasi emolere muneris habent: appetitus ad aliquid impellit agendum atque excitat. Itaque ipso genere naturae suae et cogitationes tranquillitatem sedationis infundunt, et appetitus motum agendi excutit. Ita ergo informati simus, ut bonarum rerum subeat animum cogitatio: appetitus rationi obtemperet (si vere ut illud decorum custodiamus, animum volumus intendere) ne rationem excludat rei alicujus affectus: sed ratio quid honestati conveniat, examinet.
98. There are, moreover, twin motions, that is, of thoughts and of appetite: the one of thoughts, the other of appetite; not confused, but distinct and unlike. Thoughts have as their office to search out the truth and, as it were, to grind it out; appetite drives and rouses one to do something. And so, by the very kind of their nature, thoughts pour in the tranquillity of calm, and appetite strikes out the impulse to act. Let us therefore be so formed that the thought of good things comes into the mind, and appetite obeys reason (if we truly wish to direct our mind to keeping that seemliness), lest the feeling for some thing shut out reason; but let reason examine what befits propriety.
99. Et quoniam ad conservationem decori spectare diximus, ut sciamus in factis dictisve quis modus: prior autem ordo loquendi quam faciendi est, sermo in duo dividitur, in colloquium familiare, et in tractatum, disceptationemque fidei
99. And since we have said that it belongs to the preservation of seemliness that we know what measure there is in deeds or words, and the order of speaking comes before that of doing, speech is divided into two: into familiar conversation, and into the treatment and discussion of the faith
Editors' notes and page, col. 57

Footnotes

(7) (continued) ‹anchor: sed lentitudo› · call on the previous page, col 56

in marg. ac Rom. in textu, cum aliis mss., sed lentitudo: commodius; haec siquidem in vitiis est: at non alia.

(continued) in the margin, and the Roman edition in the text, with other manuscripts: sed lentitudo; more fittingly, since this is counted among the vices, but not the other.

(printed under page 32)

(8) ‹anchor: et appetitus› · call in col 57

Cic. lib. I, pag. 369, lin. 19: « Motus autem animorum duplices sunt, alteri cogitationis, alteri appetitus, » etc.

Cicero, book I, page 369, line 19: "The movements of the mind are twofold, the one of thought, the other of appetite," etc.

(printed under page 32)

(9) ‹anchor: quasi emolere› · call in col 57

Mss. aliquot. et quasi emoliri.

Some manuscripts: et quasi emoliri.

(printed under page 32)

(10) ‹anchor: spectare diximus› · call in col 57 (printed there as "(s0)")

Cic. lib. I Offic. pag. 369, lin. 23: « Et quoniam magna vis orationis. » etc. Infra etiam lin. 30: « Sit igitur hic sermo, in quo Socratici excellunt, lenis, » etc. Item lin. 40: « Sed quoniam in omni vita, » etc. Universam autem concionum ecclesiasticarum materiam duobus membris comprehensam proponit Ambrosius; aut enim ea circa fidem versatur, aut circa mores sive morales virtutes: has autem sub justitia, virtute scilicet universali, complectitur. Sic ipse Christus ad Joannem Baptistam, Oportet nos implere omnem justitiam, id est, omnem virtutem; et sanctus praesul eamdem justitiam generalem infra quasi in propria membra distribuit, minimum in continentiam quae ad nos ipsos, in justitiam particularem quae ad proximum, denique in diligentiam quae maxime ad Dei cultum atque obsequium pertinet. Quod autem subdit non unum tractatum esse oportere, sed prout se dederit peracta in Ecclesiae conventu lectio, arripiendum; praecipit quidem aliter sermonem cum in Scriptura de continentia agitur, aliter cum de justitia vel de pietate instituendum: non tamen meditationem seu praeparationem removet; imo potius eam requirit, ubi orationem aequo breviorem vetans fieri, causam hanc reddit, ne desidiam prodat atque incuriam. Sed forte iterum hac de re dicendi nascetur locus.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 369, line 23: "And since the power of speech is great," etc. Also below, line 30: "Let this conversation, then, in which the followers of Socrates excel, be gentle," etc. Likewise line 40: "But since in all of life," etc. Ambrose sets out the whole matter of the Church's preaching as comprised in two members: it is concerned either with faith or with morals, that is, the moral virtues; and these he embraces under justice, namely the universal virtue. So Christ himself to John the Baptist: "It behoves us to fulfil all justice", that is, all virtue; and the holy bishop below divides this same general justice as into its proper members: namely into continence, which concerns ourselves; into particular justice, which concerns our neighbour; and finally into diligence, which belongs chiefly to the worship and service of God. As for his adding that there ought not to be one single treatise, but that it must be taken up as the reading completed in the Church's assembly offers it: he does direct that a sermon be framed one way when Scripture treats of continence and another when of justice or piety, yet he does not remove meditation or preparation; rather he requires it, when, forbidding a discourse to be shorter than is fitting, he gives this reason: "lest it betray sloth and carelessness". But perhaps there will be occasion to speak of this matter again.

(printed under page 32)

Page

  • running head: 57 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRO[RUM] (right part cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A remissio judicatur; B cellit ictu. Ideo praevenire; C et appetitus motum agendi excutit. Ita ergo infor-; D in footnotes (beside "animorum duplices sunt")
  • old-edition numerals: 28 after decori
PL 16:58
atque justitiae. In utroque servandum, ne sit aliqua perturbatio: sed tanquam mitis et placidus, et benevolentiae plenus et gratiae, sine ulla sermo ducatur contumelia. Absit pertinax in familiari sermone contentio; quaestiones enim magis excitare inanes, quam utilitatis aliquid afferre solet. Disceptatio sine ira, suavitas sine amaritudine sit, monitio sine asperitate, hortatio sine offensione. Et sicut in omni actu vitae id cavere debemus, ne rationem nimius animi motus excludat, sed teneamus consilii locum: ita etiam in sermone formulam eam teneri convenit, ne aut ira excitetur, aut odium, aut cupiditatis nostrae, aut ignaviae aliqua exprimamus indicia.
and of justice. In both care must be taken that there be no disturbance; but let speech be conducted as something gentle and calm, full of goodwill and grace, without any insult. Let obstinate contention be absent from familiar conversation; for it is wont rather to stir up empty questions than to bring anything of use. Let discussion be without anger, pleasantness without bitterness, admonition without harshness, exhortation without offence. And as in every act of life we ought to beware of this, that too great an emotion of the mind shut out reason, but should keep a place for counsel, so also in speech it is fitting that this rule be kept: that neither anger nor hatred be roused, nor that we show any signs of our greed or of sloth.
100. Sit igitur sermo hujusmodi de Scripturis maxime. Quid enim magis nos oportet loqui, quam de conversatione optima; adhortatione observationis, disciplinae custodia. Habeat caput ejus rationem et finis modum. Sermo enim taedosius iram excitat. Quam vero indecorum, ut cum omnis confabulatio habere soleat incrementum gratiae, habeat naevum offensionis.
100. Let speech of this kind, then, be above all about the Scriptures. For what ought we to speak of more than of the best manner of life, of exhortation to observance, of the keeping of discipline? Let its beginning have reason and its end measure. For speech that is too tedious stirs up anger. And how unseemly it is that, when every conversation is wont to bring an increase of grace, it should bear the blemish of offence!
101. Tractatus quoque de doctrina fidei, de magisterio continentiae, de disceptatione justitiae. adhortatione diligentiae, non unus semper, sed ut se dederit lectio, nobis et arripiendus est, et prout possumus, prosequendus: neque nimium prolixus, neque cito interruptus; ne vel fastidium derelinquat, vel desidiam prodat atque incuriam. Oratio pura, simplex, dilucida, atque manifesta, plena gravitatis et ponderis: non affectata elegantia, sed non intermissa gratia.
101. Treatment too, of the teaching of the faith, of instruction in continence, of the discussion of justice, of exhortation to diligence, is not always to be one and the same, but must be taken up by us as the reading presents itself, and pursued as far as we can: neither too long-drawn-out nor broken off too soon, lest it either leave disgust behind or betray sloth and carelessness. Let the language be pure, simple, clear and plain, full of gravity and weight; not with affected elegance, yet not without grace.
CAPUT XXIII.
CHAPTER XXIII.
Jocos etsi nonnunquam honesti sint, tamen in ecclesiasticis viris omnino proscribendos: vocem autem puram ac simplicem esse oportere.
That jests, although they are sometimes honourable, are nevertheless to be wholly banished among churchmen; and that the voice ought to be pure and simple.
102. Multa praeterea de ratione dicendi dant praecepta saeculares viri, quae nobis praetereunda arbitror, ut de jocandi disciplina. Nam licet interdum honesta joca ac suavia sint, tamen
102. Worldly men give many precepts besides on the method of speaking, which I think we should pass over, such as that on the art of jesting. For although jests are at times honourable and pleasant, yet
Editors' notes and page, col. 58

Footnotes

(11) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 58

Ibid., lin. 49: « Et ut incipiendi ratio fuerit, ita sit desinendi modus. »

Ibid., line 49: "And as there was a reason for beginning, so let there be a measure for ending."

(printed under page 32)

(12) ‹anchor: saeculares viri› · call in col 58

Supra, lin. 25: « Contentionis praecepta Rhetorum sunt multa. » etc.

Above, line 25: "The rhetoricians' precepts for debate are many," etc.

(printed under page 32)

(13) ‹anchor: jocandi disciplina› · call in col 58

Pag. 365, lin. [?]: « Ludo autem et joco uti illis quidem licet, » etc. S. Thomas 2-2, quaest. 168, art. 2, ad 1. Ambrosii verbis nihil aliud vult significari, nisi jocos Christianis oratoribus populo sacram doctrinam exponentibus abjiciendos esse. At bona cum venia tanti doctoric [sic?], jocos ab ecclesia- (continues)

Page 365, line [?]: "To use play and jest is indeed permitted," etc. St Thomas, II-II, question 168, article 2, reply to the first objection, holds that Ambrose's words mean nothing other than that Christian preachers, when expounding sacred doctrine to the people, must cast jests aside. But, with all respect to so great a doctor, jests … from churchmen (continues)

(printed under page 32)

Page

  • running head: [DE OFFICIIS M]INISTRORUM LIBER I. 58 (left part cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A atque justitiae. In utroque; B maxime. Quid enim magis; C pura, simplex, dilucida; D in footnotes (beside "dum; praecipit quidem")
  • old-edition numerals: 29 after disciplina. (before Nam)
PL 16:59
ab ecclesiastica abhorrent regula; quoniam quae in Scripturis sanctis non reperimus, ea quemadmodum usurpare possumus?
they are at variance with the rule of the Church; for how can we make use of things that we do not find in the holy Scriptures?
103. Cavenda enim etiam in fabulis, ne inflectant gravitatem severioris propositi. Vae vobis, qui ridetis, quia flebitis (Luc. VI, 21.)! ait Dominus: et nos ridendi materiam requirimus, ut hic ridentes, illic fleamus? Non solum profusos, sed omnes etiam jocos declinandos arbitror; nisi forte plenum suavitatis et gratiae sermonem esse, non indecorum est.
103. For care must be taken even in conversation, lest [jests] bend the gravity of a stricter purpose. Woe to you who laugh, for you shall weep (Luke 6:25)! says the Lord; and do we seek matter for laughter, so that laughing here we may weep there? I think that not only unrestrained jests but all jests whatever are to be avoided; unless perhaps it is not unseemly for speech to be full of pleasantness and grace.
104. Nam de voce quid loquar, quam simplicem et puram esse satis arbitror: canoram autem esse naturae est, non industriae. Sit sane distincta pronuntiationis modo, et plena succi virilis: ut rhythmum affectet scenicum, sed mysticum servet.
104. For what shall I say of the voice, which I think it enough to be simple and pure? To be melodious is a matter of nature, not of effort. Let it indeed be distinct in its manner of pronunciation and full of manly vigour; so that it may affect the rhythm of the stage [so printed, perhaps “may not affect”], but keep that of the mysteries.
CAPUT XXIV.
CHAPTER XXIV.
Tria in vitae actibus observanda, nimirum ut rationi appetitus subjiciatur, ut in studiis justa servetur moderatio, denique ut suo quaeque tempore atque ordine gerantur. Quae omnia in sanctis Veteris Testamenti viris adeo praefulserunt, ut manifestum sit eos cardinalibus, quas vocant, virtutibus egregie instructos fuisse.
Three things to be observed in the actions of life: namely, that appetite be subject to reason; that due moderation be kept in our pursuits; finally, that each thing be done in its own time and order. All of these shone forth so brightly in the holy men of the Old Testament that it is plain they were excellently furnished with the virtues called cardinal.
105. De ratione dicendi satis dictum puto, nunc de actione vitae quid congruat, consideremus. Tria autem in hoc genere spectanda cernimus: unum, ut rationi appetitus non reluctetur; hoc enim solummodo possunt officia nostra illi decoro convenire. Si enim appetitus rationi obediat, facile id quod deceat in omnibus officiis conservari potest. Deinde ne majore studio quam res ipsa est quae suscipitur, vel minore: aut parvam magno ambitu suscepisse, aut magnam inferiore destituisse videamur. Tertium de moderatione studiorum, operumque nostrorum: de ordine quoque rerum et de opportunitate temporum, non dissimulandum puto,
105. I think enough has been said about the method of speaking; now let us consider what befits the conduct of life. In this kind we discern three things to be looked to: one, that appetite should not struggle against reason; for only so can our duties accord with that seemliness. For if appetite obeys reason, what is seemly can easily be preserved in all duties. Next, that we should not seem, with greater or lesser eagerness than the matter undertaken is worth, either to have taken up a small matter with great display or to have abandoned a great one with lesser [effort]. The third, concerning the moderation of our pursuits and works, and also concerning the order of things and the fitness of times, I think should not be passed over.
106. Sed primum illud quasi fundamentum est
106. But the first is, as it were, the foundation
Editors' notes and page, col. 59

Footnotes

(13) (continued) ‹anchor: jocandi disciplina› · call on the previous page, col 58

stica regula abhorrere non idem videtur ac jocis abstinendum in tradenda sacra doctrina, sed nullam esse in sacris paginis aut canonibus regulam, qua jocari clericis permittatur. Sed ut maxime de tradenda populo doctrina Christiania intelligatur hic locus, non tamen vim solvit objectionis; sibi enim ille opposuerat ejusdem doctoris verba ex num. seq. ubi de fabulis, id est, familiari confabulatione agens, proposita Christi adversus ridentes comminatione, nullum omnino jocum non damnat. Neque vero virum est Ambrosium jocorum usu clericis indicere, cum universim ridere homini Christiano fas esse neget Basilius, Reg. brevior. inter. 31. Hunc etiam consule epist. 411, et Constit. monastic., cap. 12, quem in hac quoque doctrina S. Benedictus Regulae suae cap. 6 est imitatus. Quae quidem ita pertinent ad ascetas, ut etiam omnibus quotquot virtutis studiosi fuerint, conveniant, et maxime sacerdotibus, de quibus vere juxta ac pie Bernardus lib. II de Consid. cap. 13: « Inter saeculares, inquit, nugae, nugae sunt: in ore sacerdotis, blasphemiae. » Adi similiter tract. de Ordinae vitae et morum Instit. inter opera S. Bernardo male ascripta, ubi cap. 3 textus Ambrosii, quo de agimus, ad verbum exscribitur. Caeterum fatendum in hoc genere omnium gravissime peccare eos qui theatrales facetias ad sacrum transferrunt suggestum, et histrionica scurrilique dicacitate gravitatem evangelicam solvunt et conspurcant. Vide Mabillonii nostri notam ad Bernardi locum supra laudatum, J. B. Thiers et alios.

(continued) [that jests] are abhorrent to the Church's rule seems not to mean the same as that one must abstain from jests in handing on sacred doctrine, but that there is no rule in the sacred pages or the canons by which clerics are permitted to jest. And even if this passage is understood chiefly of handing on Christian doctrine to the people, it still does not dissolve the force of the objection; for he had set against himself the same doctor's words from the next number, where, treating of fabulae, that is, familiar conversation, and setting out Christ's threat against those who laugh, he condemns every jest without exception. Nor is it any wonder that Ambrose forbids clerics the use of jests, since Basil denies that it is lawful for a Christian to laugh at all, Shorter Rules, question 31. Consult him also in letter 411 and the Monastic Constitutions, chapter 12, whom St Benedict imitated in this teaching too, in chapter 6 of his Rule. These things belong to ascetics, yet in such a way that they also suit all who are devoted to virtue, and above all priests, of whom Bernard says, as truly as piously, in book II of On Consideration, chapter 13: "Among laymen trifles are trifles; in the mouth of a priest they are blasphemies." See likewise the treatise On the Ordering of Life and the Instruction of Morals, wrongly ascribed to St Bernard among his works, where in chapter 3 the text of Ambrose under discussion is copied word for word. For the rest, it must be admitted that in this kind those sin most gravely of all who carry the jokes of the theatre into the sacred pulpit and dissolve and defile the gravity of the Gospel with an actor's buffoonish wit. See our Mabillon's note on the passage of Bernard cited above, J.-B. Thiers, and others.

(printed under page 33)

(14) ‹anchor: plenum suavitatis› · call in col 59

Vet. edit. et quidam mss., plenum tamen suavitatis.

The old editions and some manuscripts: plenum tamen suavitatis.

(printed under page 33)

(15) ‹anchor: non industriae› · call in col 59

Cic. lib. I Offic., pag. 369, lin. 29: « In voce autem duo sequamur, ut clara sit et suavis, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 369, line 29: "In the voice let us pursue two things, that it be clear and pleasant," etc.

(printed under page 33)

(16) ‹anchor: mysticum servet› · call in col 59

Mysticum servet. id est, mysteriorum sanctitati congruum.

Mysticum servet, that is, what befits the holiness of the mysteries.

(printed under page 33)

(17) ‹anchor: spectanda› · call in col 59

Cic. lib. I, pag. 370, lin. 37: In omni autem actione suscipienda, tria sunt tenenda, » etc.

Cicero, book I, page 370, line 37: "In undertaking every action three things are to be held to," etc.

(printed under page 33)

(18) ‹anchor: magno ambitu› · call in col 59

Mss. non pauci, vel minorem ac parvam magno ambitu, etc.

Not a few manuscripts: vel minorem ac parvam magno ambitu, etc.

(printed under page 33)

Editors' prose

(none) <!-- note (Q6a, 2026-10-05): in (13), misprints are set as printed (sic): "Christiania" (for Christiana), "virum" (for mirum), "Ordinae" (for Ordine), "transferrunt"; the English translates the intended words. "epist. 411" is read as printed but the numeral is doubtful in the scan (UNSURE). -->

Page

  • running head: 59 S. AMBROS[II] (right part cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A ab ecclesiastica abhorrent; B rhythmum affectet scenicum (letter beside the line before "(16)."); C convenire. Si enim appetitus; D in footnotes (beside "hic locus, non tamen")
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 16:60
omnium, ut appetitus rationi pareat: secundum et tertium idem est, hoc est, in utroque moderatio, Vacat enim apud nos speciei liberalis, quae pulchritudo habetur, et dignitatis contemplatio. Sequitur de ordine rerum, et de opportunitate temporum. Ac per hoc tria sunt, quae videamus utrum in aliquo sanctorum consummata possimus docere.
of all: that appetite obey reason. The second and the third are the same, that is, moderation in both. For with us the consideration of a gentlemanly appearance, which is held to be beauty, and of dignity has no place. There follows [the matter] of the order of things and of the fitness of times. And so there are three things, and let us see whether we can show them perfected in any one of the saints.
107. Primum ipse pater Abraham qui ad magisterium futurae successionis informatus et instructus est, jussus, exire de terra sua, et de cognatione sua, et de domo patris sui (Gen. XII, 1 et seq.): nonne multiplicatae. necessitudinis praestrictus affectu, tamen appetitum rationi obedientem praebuit? Quem enim terrae suae, cognationis, domus quoque propriae gratia non delectaret? Et hunc ergo mulcebat suorum suavitas, sed imperii coelestis et remunerationis aeternae consideratio movebat amplius. Nonne considerabat uxorem imbecillem ad labores, teneram ad injurias, decoram ad incentiva insolentiam, sine summo non posse duci periculo? Et tamen subire omnia, quam excusare consultius dijudicavit. Deinde cum descenderet in Aegyptum, monuit ut diceret se sororem esse, non uxorem ipsius.
107. First, father Abraham himself, who was formed and instructed for the teaching of the succession to come, being bidden to go out from his land and from his kindred and from his father's house (Gen. 12:1 ff.): though bound by the affection of manifold ties, did he not nevertheless show his appetite obedient to reason? For whom would the charm of his own land, his kindred and his own house not delight? This man too, then, was soothed by the sweetness of his own people, but the consideration of the heavenly command and of the eternal reward moved him more. Did he not consider that his wife, weak for toils, tender against injuries, comely enough to provoke insolence, could not be taken along without the greatest danger? And yet he judged it wiser to undergo everything than to excuse himself. Then, when he was going down into Egypt, he advised her to say that she was his sister, not his wife.
108. Adverte, quanti appetitus. Timebat uxoris pudori, timebat propriae saluti, suspectas habebat Aegyptiorum libidines: et tamen praevaluit apud eum ratio exsequendae devotionis. Consideravit enim quod Dei favore ubique tutus esse posset, offenso autem Domino, etiam domi non posset illaesus manere. Vicit igitur appetitum ratio, et obedientem sibi praestitit.
108. Observe how great [were] the appetites. He feared for his wife's chastity, he feared for his own safety, he held the lusts of the Egyptians in suspicion; and yet the reason of fulfilling his devotion prevailed with him. For he considered that by God's favour he could be safe everywhere, but that if the Lord were offended he could not remain unharmed even at home. Reason therefore overcame appetite and rendered it obedient to itself.
109. Capto nepote, non perterritus neque tot regum turbatus populis, bellum repetit: victoria potitus, praedae partem cujus ipse fuit auctor, recusavit (Gen. XIV, 14 et seq.) Promisso quoque sibi filio, cum consideraret emortui corporis sui vires depositas, sterilitatem conjugis. et supremam senectutem, etiam contra usum naturae Deo credidit. (Gen. XV, 6).
109. When his nephew was captured, not terrified nor troubled by the peoples of so many kings, he renewed the war; having won the victory, he refused the share of the spoil of which he himself had been the author (Gen. 14:14 ff.). When a son too was promised him, though he considered the spent strength of his own body, now as good as dead, his wife's barrenness and his extreme old age, he believed God even against the course of nature (Gen. 15:6).
Editors' notes and page, col. 60

Footnotes

(19) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 60

Nonnulli mss. ac edit., multiplicatae: quaedam, multiplici necessitudinis perstrictus affectu.

Some manuscripts and editions: multiplicatae; some: multiplici necessitudinis perstrictus affectu.

(printed under page 33)

(20) ‹anchor: Capto nepote› · call in col 60

Rom. edit. cum uno vel altero mss., Captum nepotem, bello repetit.

The Roman edition with one or two manuscripts: Captum nepotem, bello repetit.

(printed under page 33)

Page

  • running head: [S.] AMBROSII. 60 (left part cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A omnium, ut appetitus; B ergo mulcebat suorum suavitas; C fenso autem Domino; D in footnotes (beside "histrionica scurrilique")
  • old-edition numerals: 30 before et remunerationis (at line start, after coelestis)
PL 16:61
110. Adverte convenire omnia. Appetitus non defuit, sed repressus est: animus aequalis gerendis, qui nec magna pro vilibus, nec minora pro magnis duceret, moderatio pro negotiis, ordo rerum, opportunitas temporum, mensura verborum. Fide primus, justitia praecipuus, in praelio strenuus, in victoria non avarus, domi hospitalis, uxori sedulus.
110. Notice that everything fits together. Desire was not lacking, but it was held in check; there was a mind equal to what had to be done, which would neither count great things as cheap nor lesser things as great; moderation suited to the business, order in affairs, fitness of times, measure of words. First in faith, outstanding in justice, vigorous in battle, not greedy in victory, hospitable at home, attentive to his wife.
111. Sanctum quoque ejus nepotem Jacob delectabat domi secretum degere: sed mater voluit peregrinari, ut daret fraternae iracundiae locum (Gen. XXVII, 21 et seq.). Vicit appetitum consilii salubritas. Exsul domo, profugus a parentibus, ubique tamen convenientem mensuram negotiis tenuit, et temporibus opportunitatem reservavit. Acceptus domi parentibus, ut alter maturitate provocatus obsequii benedictionem daret, alter amore pio propenderet (Gen. XXV, 31). Fraterno quoque judicio praelatus, cum cibum suum fratri cedendum putasset: delectabatur utique alimento secundum naturam, sed secundum pietatem cessit petito. Pastor domino gregis fidus, socero gener sedulus, impiger in labore, in convivio parcus, in satisfactione praevius, in remuneratione largus (Gen. XXXI, 6 et seq.). Denique sic fraternam mitigavit iracundiam; ut cujus verebatur inimicitias, adipisceretur gratiam (Gen. XXXIII, 1).
111. His holy grandson Jacob too delighted to live in seclusion at home; but his mother wished him to go abroad, so as to give way to his brother's anger (Gen. 27:21 ff.). The soundness of the counsel overcame his desire. An exile from home, a fugitive from his parents, he nevertheless everywhere kept a fitting measure in his affairs, and reserved opportunity to its proper times. He was so welcome to his parents at home that the one, moved by his ripeness in dutiful service, gave him the blessing, and the other inclined to him with a dutiful love (Gen. 25:31). He was preferred by his brother's own judgement too, when he thought he should yield his food to his brother: he certainly took pleasure in the food according to nature, but according to dutiful affection he gave way to the one who asked. A faithful shepherd to the master of the flock, an attentive son-in-law to his father-in-law, untiring in labour, sparing at table, forward in making amends, generous in repaying (Gen. 31:6 ff.). Finally he so softened his brother's anger that he won the favour of the man whose enmity he feared (Gen. 33:1).
112. Quid de Joseph loquar, qui utique habebat cupiditatem libertatis, et suscepit servitii necessitatem? Quam subditus in servitute, quam in virtute constans, quam benignus in carcere, sapiens in interpretatione, in potestate moderatus, in ubertate providus, in fame justus, ordinem laudis rebus adjungens, et opportunitatem temporibus, aequitatem populis officii sui moderatione dispensans (Gen. XXXIX, 1 et seq.)?
112. What shall I say of Joseph, who certainly had a longing for freedom, and yet accepted the necessity of servitude? How submissive in servitude, how constant in virtue, how kind in prison, wise in interpretation, moderate in power, provident in plenty, just in famine, joining to affairs the order that wins praise, and to times their fitness, dispensing fairness to the peoples by the moderation of his office (Gen. 39:1 ff.)?
113. Job quoque juxta secundis, atque adversis rebus irreprehensibilis, patiens, gratus Deo atque acceptus, vexabatur doloribus, sed se consolabatur (Job II, 3 et seq.).
113. Job too, blameless alike in prosperity and in adversity, patient, pleasing and acceptable to God, was racked with pains, but he comforted himself (Job 2:3 ff.).
114. David etiam fortis in bello, patiens in adversis, in Hierusalem pacificus, in victoria mansuetus
114. David too, brave in war, patient in adversity, peaceable in Jerusalem, gentle in victory
Editors' notes and page, col. 61

Page

  • running head: 61 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRO[RUM …] (cut at image edge)
  • marginal letters: A ‹110. Adverte convenire omnia›; B ‹obsequii benedictionem daret›; C ‹interpretatione, in potestate moderatus›; D ‹quod honestum est, id quatuor (footnote area)›
  • old-edition numerals: 31 before ‹114. David›
  • footnotes (21)–(24) printed under this column belong to calls in col 62: see notes/n62.md
PL 16:62
in peccato dolens, in senectute providus, rerum modos, vices temporum per singularum sonos servavit aetatum; ut mihi videatur non minus vivendi genere, quam canendi suavitate praedulcis immortalem Deo sui fudisse meriti cantilenam (I Reg. XVII).
sorrowful in sin, provident in old age, kept the measures of things and the changes of the times through the notes of each stage of life; so that he seems to me, no less by his manner of living than by the sweetness of his singing, to have poured out to God, most sweetly, an immortal song of his own merit (1 Sam. 17).
115. Quod his viris principalium virtutum officium defuit? Quarum primo loco constituerunt prudentiam, quae in veri investigatione versatur, et scientiae plenioris infundit cupiditatem; secundo justitiam, quae suum cuique tribuit, alienum non vindicat, utilitatem propriam negligit, ut communem aequitatem custodiat: tertio fortitudinem, quae et in rebus bellicis excelsi animi magnitudine, et domi eminet, corporisque praestat viribus: quarto temperantiam, quae modum, ordinemque servat omnium, quae vel agenda, vel dicenda arbitramur.
115. What duty of the principal virtues was lacking to these men? Of these they placed in the first rank prudence, which is occupied in the search for truth and instils the desire for fuller knowledge; second, justice, which gives each his own, does not claim what is another's, and neglects its own advantage so as to guard the common fairness; third, fortitude, which stands out both in matters of war and at home by the greatness of a lofty mind, and excels in strength of body; fourth, temperance, which keeps measure and order in all things that we judge are to be done or said.
CAPUT XXV.
CHAPTER XXV.
Exposito cur ductum non fuerit a memoratis virtutibus exordium, easdem in veteribus Patribus exstitisse pressius demonstratur.
Having explained why the beginning was not taken from the virtues mentioned, it is shown more closely that these same virtues existed in the Fathers of old.
116. Haec forsitan aliquis dicat primo loco poni oportuisse, quoniam ab his quatuor virtutibus nascuntur officiorum genera. Sed hoc artis est, ut primo officium definiatur, postea certa in genera dividatur. Nos autem artem fugimus, exempla majorum proponimus: quae neque obscuritatem afferunt ad intelligendum, neque ad tractandum versutias. Sit igitur nobis vita majorum disciplinae speculum, non calliditatis commentarium: imitandi reverentia, non disputandi astutia.
116. Perhaps someone may say that these things ought to have been put in the first place, since it is from these four virtues that the kinds of duties are born. But it belongs to an art that duty should first be defined, and afterwards divided into fixed kinds. We, however, shun art; we set forth the examples of our forefathers, which bring neither obscurity to the understanding nor subtleties to the treatment. Let the life of our forefathers, then, be for us a mirror of discipline, not a handbook of cunning: a reverence for imitating, not a craftiness in disputing.
117. Fuit igitur in sancto Abraham primo loco prudentia, de quo dicit Scriptura: Credidit Abraham Deo, et reputatum est illi ad justitiam (Gen. XV, 6). Nemo enim prudens, qui Deum nescit. Denique insipiens dixit quia non est Deus (Psal. XIII, 1); nam sapiens non diceret. Quomodo enim sapiens qui non requirit auctorem suum, qui dicit lapidi: Pater meus es tu (Jerem. II, 27): qui dicit diabolo ut Manichaeus: Auctor meus es tu? Quomodo sapiens Arianus, qui mavult imperfectum auctorem habere
117. In holy Abraham, then, there was prudence in the first place, of whom Scripture says: Abraham believed God, and it was reckoned to him for righteousness (Gen. 15:6). For no one is prudent who does not know God. Finally, the fool said that there is no God (Ps. 13:1); for a wise man would not say it. For how is he wise who does not seek his own Maker, who says to a stone: You are my father (Jer. 2:27); who says to the devil, like the Manichaean: You are my maker? How is the Arian wise, who prefers to have an imperfect maker
Editors' notes and page, col. 62

Footnotes

(21) ‹anchor: immortalem Deo sui› · call in col 62

Ita mss. frequentissimi, ac edit. Era. et Gill. in marg. Alii tamen nonnulli et omnes edit. in contextu, moralem Deo: Benig., immortali Deo sui, etc.

So the great majority of the manuscripts, and the editions of Erasmus and Gillot in the margin. Some others, however, and all the editions in the text read "moralem Deo"; Benignus, "immortali Deo sui", etc.

(printed under page 34)

(22) ‹anchor: in veri investigatione versatur› · call in col 62

Cic. lib. I, pag. 352, lin. 35: « Sed omne quod honestum est, id quatuor partium oritur ex aliqua. » etc.

Cicero, book I, page 352, line 35: "But all that is honourable arises from some one of four parts," etc.

(printed under page 34)

(23) ‹anchor: in genera dividatur› · call in col 62

Pag. 351, lin. 27: « Placet igitur, quoniam omnis disputatio de officio futura est, ante definire. » etc.

Page 351, line 27: "It is agreed, then, since the whole discussion is to be about duty, first to define," etc.

(printed under page 34)

(24) ‹anchor: qui dicit diabolo› · call in col 62

Plana sunt quae hic tribuuntur Manichaeo atque Ario; hunc enim imperfectionem Christo, quem in creaturarum ordinem dejecit, affinxisse, illum vero corporalium rerum creationem diabolo adjudicasse, nemo est qui nesciat. At vero id fortasse cuipiam moveat difficultatem, quod Marcioni potius quam Ario jungatur Eunomius. Constat siquidem hunc Aetii fuisse discipulum cum Arianis, ut Socrates lib. II, cap. 15, testatur, idem et dicentis et sentientis, cujus etiam sectae postea nomen dedit ipse Eunomius, ut idem Socrates loco citat., sicut et lib. I, cap. 7 et 13 significat. Cui jungere licet Sozomenum lib. IV, cap. 25, et lib. VI, cap. 26, atque alios. Sed nodum solvit Theodoretus; hic enim cum lib. II Hist. cap. 29, tantum scripsissset Eunomium Arii blasphemiam nova impietatis accessione cumulasse, in lib. IV Haer. fabul. rem evolvit enucleatius ita inquiens: « Baptizantes usque ad pectus aqua madefaciunt, reliquis autem partibus tanquam exsecrandis aquam adhibere prohibent.... Sed et aliud audere illos dicunt, quod scriptis committere non ausim, etc. Hinc profecto aperte colligitur eum admisisse duplex principium, bonum alterum a quo partes corporis superiores quas bonas esse non negabant, procederent: malum alterum a quo inferiores, quas malas esse iidem contendebant. Unde miramur eos qui collectos ejusdem Eunomii errores scripto prodiderunt, ut puta ex antiquis Epiphanium et Augustinum, e recentioribus vero Baronium, Petavium aliosque omnes, impietatem de qua hic loquitur beatus Doctor, non advertisse. Porro in causa forte fuit ejusdem erroris atrocitas, cur in quibusdam imperatorum legibus, qualis ea Gratiani fuit, cujus meminit Sozomenus lib. VII, c. 1, cum liberum cuique relinquatur quamcunque religionem aut coetum sectari pro libito, adjectum fuerit, exceptis Manichaeis, Photinianis et Eunomianis. Non videtur certe dubium quin Ambrosius ipse ad hancce blasphemiam respexerit lib. II Hexaem, cap. 5, ubi nominantur Eunomiani radicis degeneris, Arianorum scilicet, fructus deterior.

What is here attributed to the Manichaean and to Arius is plain: for no one is unaware that the latter ascribed imperfection to Christ, whom he cast down into the rank of creatures, and the former assigned the creation of bodily things to the devil. But it may perhaps cause someone difficulty that Eunomius is joined to Marcion rather than to Arius. For it is well established that he was the disciple of Aetius together with the Arians, as Socrates testifies in book II, chapter 15, saying and thinking the same as they, and that Eunomius himself afterwards gave his name to their sect, as the same Socrates says at the place cited, and as he also indicates in book I, chapters 7 and 13. To him one may add Sozomen, book IV, chapter 25, and book VI, chapter 26, and others. But Theodoret unties the knot; for although in book II of his History, chapter 29, he had written only that Eunomius heaped up the blasphemy of Arius with a new addition of impiety, in book IV of the Compendium of Heretical Fables he unfolds the matter more precisely, saying: "In baptizing they wet with water only as far as the breast, and forbid water to be applied to the remaining parts as if they were accursed.... But they are also said to dare another thing, which I would not venture to commit to writing," etc. From this it is plainly gathered that he admitted a twofold principle: one good, from which the upper parts of the body, which they did not deny to be good, proceeded; the other evil, from which the lower parts proceeded, which the same men maintained to be evil. Hence we wonder that those who have set down in writing the collected errors of this same Eunomius — for example, among the ancients Epiphanius and Augustine, and among the more recent Baronius, Petavius and all the others — did not notice the impiety of which the blessed Doctor speaks here. Moreover, the atrocity of this same error was perhaps the reason why, in certain laws of the emperors, such as that of Gratian which Sozomen mentions in book VII, chapter 1, while each is left free to follow whatever religion or assembly he pleases, there was added: except the Manichaeans, the Photinians and the Eunomians. It certainly seems beyond doubt that Ambrose himself had this blasphemy in view in book II of the Hexaemeron, chapter 5, where the Eunomians are called the worse fruit of a degenerate root, that is, of the Arians.

(printed under pages 34 and 35)

Page

  • running head: [DE OFFICIIS] MINISTRORUM LIBER I. 62
  • marginal letters: A ‹suetus, in peccato dolens›; B ‹domi eminet, corporisque praestat›; C ‹reverentia, non disputandi astutia›; D ‹Eunomium Arii blasphemiam (footnote area)›
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 16:63
atque degenerem, quam verum atque perfectum? Quomodo sapiens Marcion atque Eunomius, qui malunt Deum malum quam bonum habere? Quomodo sapiens, qui Deum suum non timet? Initium enim sapientiae timor Domini (Psal. CX, 9). Et alibi habes: Sapientes non declinant de ore Domini, sed tractant in confessionibus suis (Prov. XXIV,) 7. Simul quoque dicente Scriptura: Reputatum est ei ad justitiam; alterius virtitutis ei gratiam detulit.
and degenerate, rather than one true and perfect? How are Marcion and Eunomius wise, who prefer to have a God evil rather than good? How is he wise who does not fear his God? For the fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom (Ps. 110:9). And elsewhere you have: The wise do not turn aside from the mouth of the Lord, but treat of it in their confessions (Prov. 24:7). At the same time too, when Scripture says: It was reckoned to him for righteousness, it bestowed on him the grace of another virtue.
118. Primi igitur nostri definierunt prudentiam in veri consistere cognitione. Quis enim illorum ante Abraham, David, Salomonem? Deinde justitiam spectare ad societatem generis humani. Denique David ait: Dispersit, dedit pauperibus, justitia ejus manet in aeternum. Justus miseretur, justus commodat (Psal. CXI, 9). Sapienti et justo totus mundus divitiarum est. Justus communia pro suis habet, sua pro communibus. Justus se ipsum, priusquam alios, accusat. Ille enim justus, qui nec sibi parcit, et occulta sua latere non patitur. Vide quam justus Abraham. In senectute susceperat filium per repromissionem (Gen. XXII, 3 et seq.), reposcenti Domino negandum ad sacrificium, quamvis unicum, non putavit.
118. It was our own, then, who first defined prudence as consisting in the knowledge of the truth. For which of those [philosophers] was before Abraham, David, Solomon? Next, [they defined] justice as having regard to the fellowship of the human race. Thus David says: He has scattered, he has given to the poor, his righteousness remains for ever. The righteous man shows mercy, the righteous man lends (Ps. 111:9). To the wise and just man the whole world is a world of riches. The just man holds common things as his own, his own as common. The just man accuses himself before others. For he is just who does not spare even himself, and does not suffer his hidden faults to lie concealed. See how just Abraham was. In old age he had received a son through the promise (Gen. 22:3 ff.); when the Lord asked for him back for sacrifice, he did not think he should be refused, though he was his only son.
119. Adverte hic omnes virtutes quatuor in uno facto. Fuit sapientiae, Deo credere, nec filii gratiam anteferre auctoris praecepto: fuit justitiae, acceptum reddere: fuit fortitudinis, appetitum ratione cohibere. Ducebat hostiam pater, interrogabat filius, tentabatur affectus patrius, sed non vincebatur. Repetebat filius appellationem paternam, compungebat paterna viscera, sed non minuebat devotionem. Accedit et quarta virtus, temperantia. Tenebat justus et pietatis modum, et exsecutionis ordinem. Denique dum sacrificio necessarla vehit, dum ignem adolet, dum filium ligat, dum gladium educit, hoc immolandi ordine meruit, ut filium reservaret.
119. Notice here all four virtues in a single deed. It belonged to wisdom to believe God, and not to set his love for his son before the command of his Maker; it belonged to justice to give back what he had received; it belonged to fortitude to restrain desire by reason. The father led the victim, the son questioned him; a father's affection was tried, but it was not overcome. The son repeated the name of father, he pierced his father's heart, but he did not lessen his devotion. The fourth virtue, temperance, is added as well. The just man kept both the measure of dutiful love and the order of carrying it out. Thus while he carried what was needed for the sacrifice, while he kindled the fire, while he bound his son, while he drew the sword, by this order of sacrificing he merited to keep his son.
120. Quid sapientius sancto Jacob, qui Deum vidit facie ad faciem, et meruit benedictionem (Gen. XXXII, 1 et seq.)? Quid justius, qui ea quae acquisierat, oblatis muneribus cum fratre divisit? Quid fortius, qui cum Deo luctatus est? Quid modestius eo qui modestiam ita et locis et temporibus deferebat, ut filiae injuriam mallet praetexere conjugio, quam vindicare: eo quod inter alienos positus amori potius consulendum, quam odia colligenda censebat?
120. What is wiser than holy Jacob, who saw God face to face and merited the blessing (Gen. 32:1 ff.)? What more just than he who, by offering gifts, shared with his brother what he had acquired? What braver than he who wrestled with God? What more modest than he who so yielded modesty both to places and to times that he preferred to cover his daughter's wrong with marriage rather than avenge it, because, placed as he was among strangers, he judged that regard should rather be had for love than that hatreds should be gathered?
121. Noe quam sapiens, qui tantam fabricavit arcam (Gen. VI, 14 et seq.)! Quam justus, qui ad semen omnium reservatus, solus ex omnibus et praeteritae generationis superstes est factus, et auctor futurae, mundo potius et universis magis quam sibi
121. How wise was Noah, who built so great an ark (Gen. 6:14 ff.)! How just, he who, kept back to be the seed of all, alone out of all became both the survivor of the past generation and the author of the one to come, born rather for the world and for all than for himself
Editors' notes and page, col. 63

Footnotes

(25) ‹anchor: Quomodo sapiens Marcion› · call in col 63

Mss. non pauci, Quomodo sapiens, ut Arianus.... ut Marcion.

Not a few manuscripts: "How is he wise, as the Arian.... as Marcion."

(printed under page 35)

Page

  • running head: 63 S. AMBROS[II …] (cut at image edge)
  • marginal letters: A ‹atque degenerem, quam verum›; B ‹commodat (Psal. CXI, 9)›; C ‹Repetebat filius appellationem›; D ‹quam vindicare : eo quod inter alienos›
  • old-edition numerals: 32 after ‹tractant›
  • under this column: the end of footnote (24) (call in col 62; set whole in notes/n62.md); footnote (26) printed under col 64 belongs to a call in col 64
PL 16:64
natus! Quam fortis, ut diluvium vinceret! Quam temperans, ut diluvium toleraret! quando introiret, qua moderatione degeret, quando corvum, quando columbam dimitteret, quando reciperet revertentes, quando exeundi opportunitatem captaret, agnosceret?
born! How brave, to overcome the flood! How temperate, to endure the flood! when to go in, with what moderation to live, when to send out the raven, when the dove, when to take them back as they returned, when to seize the opportunity of going out: he knew!
CAPUT. XXVI.
CHAPTER XXVI.
In inquirenda veritate contra sua praecepta peccasse philosophos: Moysen vero illis sapientiorem se praebuisse. Eo majori studio enitendum ad comparandam sapientiam, quo major est ipsius dignitas, ad quam omnes ipsa natura impelluntur.
That in seeking the truth the philosophers sinned against their own precepts, but that Moses showed himself wiser than they. That one must strive to acquire wisdom with the greater zeal, the greater is its dignity, towards which all are impelled by nature itself.
122. Itaque tractant in veri investigatione tenendum illud decorum, ut summo studio requiramus quid verum sit, non falsa pro veris ducere, non obscuris vera involvere, non superfluis vel implexis atque ambiguis occupare animum. Quid tam indecorum, quam venerari ligna, quod ipsi faciunt? Quid tam obscurum, quam de astronomia et geometria tractare, quod probant: et profundi aeris spatia metiri, coelum quoque et mare numeris includere: relinquere causas salutis, errores quaerere.
122. So they argue that in the search for truth that seemliness must be kept, so that we seek with the utmost zeal what is true, not take false things for true, not wrap true things in obscurities, not occupy the mind with superfluous or tangled and ambiguous matters. What is so unseemly as to worship pieces of wood, which they themselves do? What is so obscure as to treat of astronomy and geometry, which they approve; and to measure the spaces of the deep air, to enclose the heaven too and the sea in numbers; to leave aside the causes of salvation, and to seek out errors?
123. At non ille eruditus in omni sapientia Aegyptiorum Moyses probavit ista: sed illam sapientiam detrimentum et stultitiam judicavit, et aversus ab ea, intimo Deum quaesivit affectu: ideoque vidit, interrogavit, audivit loquentem. Quis magis sapiens quam ille quem docuit Deus, qui omnem sapientiam Aegyptiorum, omnesque artium potentias operis sui virtute evacuavit (Exod. III, 1 et seq.)? Non hic incognita pro cognitis habebat, hisque temere assentiebatur: quae duo in hoc maxime naturali atque honesto loco vitanda discant, qui sibi nec contra naturam esse, nec turpe judicant saxa adorare, et a simulacris auxilium petere, quae nihil sentiant.
123. But Moses, learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians, did not approve those things; rather he judged that wisdom loss and folly, and turning away from it he sought God with his inmost affection; and so he saw Him, questioned Him, heard Him speaking. Who is wiser than he whom God taught, who by the power of his work brought to nothing all the wisdom of the Egyptians and all the powers of their arts (Exod. 3:1 ff.)? He did not hold things unknown as known, and rashly assent to them: let those learn that these two things are to be avoided, especially in this natural and honourable subject, who judge it neither against nature nor shameful for them to adore stones and to seek help from images, which feel nothing.
124. Quanto igitur excelsior virtus est sapientia, tanto magis enitendum arbitror, ut assequi eam possimus. Itaque ne quid contra naturam, ne quid turpe atque indecorum sentiamus, duo haec, id est, et tempus et diligentiam ad considerationem rerum examinandi gratia referre debemus. Nihil est enim quo magis homo caeteris animantibus praestet, quam quod rationis est particeps, causas rerum requirit, generis sui auctorem investigandum putat, in cujus potestate vitae necisque nostrae potestas sit, qui mundum hunc suo nutu regat, cui sciamus rationem esse reddendam nostrorum actuum. Nihil est enim quod magis proficiat ad vitam honestam, quam ut credamus eum judicem futurum, quem et occulta non fallant et indecora offendant, et honesta delectent.
124. The loftier a virtue wisdom is, then, the more, I think, we must strive to be able to attain it. And so, that we may think nothing against nature, nothing shameful and unseemly, we ought to bring these two things, that is, both time and diligence, to the consideration of things for the sake of examining them. For there is nothing in which man excels the other living creatures more than that he shares in reason, seeks the causes of things, and thinks the Author of his kind must be searched out, in Whose power lies the power over our life and death, Who rules this world by His nod, to Whom we know an account of our actions must be rendered. For there is nothing that profits more towards an honourable life than that we believe He will be our Judge, Whom hidden things do not deceive, and Whom unseemly things offend, and honourable things delight.
Editors' notes and page, col. 64

Footnotes

(26) ‹anchor: tenendum illud decorum› · call in col 64

Cic. lib. I Offic., pag. 352, lin. 42: « Velut ex ea parte, quae primo descripta est... inest indagatio atqae inventio veri, etc. » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 352, line 42: "As in that part which was described first... there lies the search for and discovery of the truth, etc." etc.

(printed under page 35)

Page

  • running head: [S.] AMBROSII. 64
  • marginal letters: A ‹natus! Quam fortis›; B ‹obscuris vera involvere›; C ‹seq.)? Non hic incognita›; D ‹potestate vitae necisque nostrae›
  • old-edition numerals: 33 after ‹quando›
  • under this column, above (25): the last lines of footnote (24) (call in col 62; set whole in notes/n62.md)
PL 16:65
125. Omnibus igitur hominibus inest secundum naturam humanam verum investigare, quae nos ad studium cognitionis et scientiae trahit, et inquirendi infundit cupiditatem. In quo excellere universis pulchrum videtur, sed paucorum est assequi: qui volvendo cogitationes, consilia examinando, non mediocrem impendunt laborem; ut ad illud beate honesteque vivendum pervenire possint, atque operibus appropinquare. Non enim qui dixerit, inquit, mihi: Domine, Domine, intrabit in regnum coelorum, sed qui fecerit ea quae dico (Matth. VII, 21). Nam studia scientiae sine factis, haud scio an etiam involvant magis.
125. It is in all men, then, according to human nature, to search out the truth, [a nature] which draws us to the pursuit of knowledge and learning and instils the desire of inquiring. To excel in this seems a fine thing to all, but it belongs to few to attain it: those who, by turning over their thoughts and weighing counsels, spend no ordinary labour, so that they may be able to arrive at that living happily and honourably, and to come near it in their works. For not he who says to Me, He says, Lord, Lord, shall enter into the kingdom of heaven, but he who does the things that I say (Matt. 7:21). For studies of learning without deeds, I am not sure that they do not rather entangle a man the more.
CAPUT XXVII.
CHAPTER XXVII.
Primum officii fontem esse prudentiam, ex qua derivatae tres aliae virtutes, ita cum ea atque inter se conexae sunt, ut ab invicem divelli ac separari nequeant.
That the first source of duty is prudence, from which the three other virtues are derived, and are so bound up with it and with one another that they cannot be torn apart and separated from each other.
126. Primus igitur Officii fons prudentia est. Quid enim tam plenum officii, quam deferre Auctori studium atque reverentiam? Qui tamen fons et in virtutes derivatur caeteras; neque enim potest justitia sine prudentia esse, cum examinare quid justum quidve injustum sit, non mediocris prudentiae sit; summus in utroque error. Qui enim justum judicat injustum, injustum vero justum, exsecrabilis apud Deum. Utquid abundant justitiae imprudenti? Salomon ait (Prov. XVII, 15, 16). Neque iterum prudentia sine justitia est pietas enim in Deum initium intellectus. Quo advertimus illud ab hujus saeculi translatum magis quam inventum sapientibus; quia pietas fundamentum est omnium virtutum.
126. The first source of Duty, then, is prudence. For what is so full of duty as to render zeal and reverence to the Author [of our being]? Yet this source flows out into the other virtues as well; for justice cannot exist without prudence, since to examine what is just or what is unjust belongs to no ordinary prudence; the error either way is very great. For he who judges the just man unjust and the unjust man just is accursed before God. Why do riches of justice abound to the imprudent? says Solomon (Prov. 17:15–16). Nor again is there prudence without justice: for piety towards God is the beginning of understanding. From which we perceive that this was rather borrowed than discovered by the wise of this world: that piety is the foundation of all the virtues.
127. Justitiae autem pietas est prima in Deum, secunda in patriam, tertia in parentes, item in omnes: quae et ipsa secundum naturae est magisterium. Siquidem ab ineunte aetate ubi primum sensus infundi coeperit, vitam amamus tanquam Dei munus, patriam, parentesque diligimus, deinde aequales quibus sociari cupimus. Hinc charitas
127. Now the piety of justice is first towards God, second towards one's country, third towards one's parents, and likewise towards all: and this too accords with the teaching of nature. For from our earliest years, as soon as understanding begins to be poured in, we love life as the gift of God, we love our country and our parents, then our equals, with whom we desire to be joined in fellowship. Hence charity
Editors' notes and page, col. 65

Footnotes

(27) ‹anchor: Officii fons prudentia est› · call in col 65

Ibidem pag. 353, lin. 4: « Ex quatuor autem locis in quos, » etc.

In the same place, page 353, line 4: "But of the four heads into which," etc.

(printed under page 36)

(28) ‹anchor: abundant justitiae imprudenti› · call in col 65

Sic vet. edit. cum mss. pluribus nec non antiquioribus; Rom. vero cum aliis, pecuniae imprudenti. LXX Interp., Ἵνα τί ὑπῆρξε χρήματα ἄφρονι: a quibus non abludunt caeterae versiones; nisi quod Aq. et Theod. scribunt, ἵνα τί τοῦτο ἀντάλλαγμα ἐν χειρὶ ἄφρονος, magis ad textum Hebraicum.

So the old editions, with most manuscripts and the more ancient ones; but the Roman edition with others reads "pecuniae imprudenti" (money to the imprudent). The Septuagint translators: "Why should the fool have money?"; from which the other versions do not differ, except that Aquila and Theodotion write "Why is this price in the hand of a fool?", closer to the Hebrew text.

(printed under page 36)

(29) ‹anchor: prima in Deum› · call in col 65

Cic. ibid. lin 22: « De tribus autem reliquis, latissime patet ea ratio, » etc. Docet hoc loco sanctus Ambrosius pietatem justitiae annexam esse, quod etiam astruit Angelicus Doctor, 2-2, q. 8, a 1. Et haec pietas donum est Spiritus sancti, ut docet idem Thomas 2-2, q. 121, art. 1, de illa vero quae ad parentes, quamque virtutem ipse vocitat, in eo dissentit ab Ambrosio, quod parentes patriae, Ambrosius autem patriam parentibus praeponi jubet. Praeivit autem sancto Praesuli Cicero lib. Offic. pag. 353, lin. 32: « Sed quoniam, ut praeclare scriptum est a Platone, non nobis solum nati sumus, ortusque nostri partem patria vindicat, partem parentes, partem amici, » etc. Item pag, 358, lin. 35: « Sed cum omnia ratione animoque lustraveris, omnium societatum nulla est gratior, nulla charior, quam ea quae cum Rep. est unicuique nostrum. Chari sunt parentes, chari liberi, » etc. Lib. quoque III, pag. 400, lin. 30: « Quid si tyrannidem occupare, si patria prodere conabitur pater?... Ad extremum si ad perniciem patriae res spectabit, patriae salutem anteponet saluti patris. » Caeterum quae verba ex Platone a se translata dicit Orator, ea reperiuntur epist. 9 ejusdem philosophi, quae est ad Archytam I, hunc in modum: Ἀλλὰ κἀκεῖνο δεῖ σε ἐνθυμεῖσθαι ὅτι ἕκαστος ἡμῶν οὐχ αὑτῷ μόνον γέγονεν, ἀλλὰ τῆς γενέσεως ἡμῶν τὸ μέν τι ἡ πατρὶς μερίζεται, τὸ δέ τι οἱ γεννήσαντες, τὸ δὲ οἱ λοιποὶ φίλοι.

Cicero, ibid., line 22: "Of the three remaining, that principle extends most widely," etc. Saint Ambrose teaches in this place that piety is joined to justice, which the Angelic Doctor also affirms, II-II, q. 8, a. 1. And this piety is a gift of the Holy Spirit, as the same Thomas teaches, II-II, q. 121, art. 1; but concerning the piety towards parents, which he himself calls a virtue, he differs from Ambrose in that he would have parents set before country, whereas Ambrose bids country be set before parents. Cicero went before the holy bishop in this, On Duties, page 353, line 32: "But since, as Plato has finely written, we are not born for ourselves alone, and our country claims a share of our being, our parents a share, our friends a share," etc. Likewise page 358, line 35: "But when you have surveyed all things with reason and mind, of all fellowships none is more pleasing, none dearer, than that which each of us has with the commonwealth. Dear are parents, dear are children," etc. Also book III, page 400, line 30: "What if a father should try to seize a tyranny, to betray his country?... In the end, if the matter tends to the ruin of the country, [the son] will set the safety of the country before the safety of his father." For the rest, the words which the Orator says he translated from Plato are found in Letter 9 of that philosopher, which is the first to Archytas, in this form: "But you must also bear in mind that each of us is not born for himself alone; rather, of our being, our country claims one share, our parents another, and our other friends another."

(printed under page 36)

(30) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 66, not col 65 (col 65 carries only calls 27–29)

Cic. lib. I Offic. pag. 352, lin. 1: « Principio generi animantium omni est a natura tributum, ut se vitam, corpusque tueatur, declinetque ea, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 352, line 1: "In the first place, nature has given to every kind of living creature that it should protect itself, its life and its body, and avoid those things," etc.

(printed under page 36)

(31) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 66, not col 65 (col 65 carries only calls 27–29)

Nonnulli mss., equos vel arietes gregibus.

Some manuscripts: "horses or rams for the flocks."

(printed under page 36)

Page

  • running head: 65 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRO[RUM …] (cut at image edge)
  • marginal letters: A ‹125. Omnibus igitur hominibus›; B ‹rivatae tres aliae virtutes (caption)›; C ‹intellectus. Quo advertimus›; D ‹antiquioribus; Rom. vero (footnote area)›
  • old-edition numerals: 34 after ‹quae›
PL 16:66
nascitur, quae alios sibi praefert, non quaerens quae sua sunt, in quibus est principatus justitiae.
is born, which prefers others to itself, not seeking its own things; and in these lies the chief place of justice.
128. Omnibus quoque animantibus innascitur, primum salutem tueri, cavere quae noceant, expetere quae prosint, ut pastum, ut latibula quibus se a periculo, imbribus, sole defendant, quod est prudentiae. Succedit quoque ut omnium genera animantium congregabilia natura sint: primo generis sui ac formae consortibus, tum etiam caeteris; ut videmus boves armentis, equos gregibus, et maxime pares paribus delectari: cervos quoque cervis et plerumque hominibus adjungi. Jam de procreandi studio et sobole, vel etiam generantium amore, quid loquar, in quo est forma justitiae praecipua?
128. It is inborn in all living creatures too, first to protect their safety, to beware of what harms, to seek what helps, such as food, such as hiding-places in which to shelter themselves from danger, rain and sun; and this belongs to prudence. It follows too that the kinds of all living creatures are by nature disposed to herd together: first with the fellows of their own kind and shape, then also with the rest; as we see oxen delight in herds and horses in droves, and above all like in like; and stags too joining stags, and often men. And what shall I say of the zeal for begetting and of offspring, or again of the love of parents, in which there is a chief pattern of justice?
129. Liquet igitur et has, et reliquas cognatas sibi esse virtutes. Siquidem et fortitudo (23, quaest. 2, c. Fortitudo) quae vel in bello tuetur a barbaris patriam, vel domi defendit infirmos, vel a latronibus socios, plena sit justitiae; et scire quo consilio defendat atque adjuvet, captare etiam temporum et locorum opportunitates, prudentiae ac modestiae sit: et temperantia ipsa sine prudentia modum scire non possit: opportunitatem noscere, et secundum mensuram reddere, sit justitiae: et in omnibus istis magnanimitas necessaria sit, et quaedam fortitudo mentis, plerumque et corporis; ut quis quod velit, possit implere.
129. It is clear, then, that both these and the remaining virtues are akin to one another. For fortitude (C. 23, q. 2, c. Fortitudo), which either in war protects the country from barbarians, or at home defends the weak, or companions from robbers, is full of justice; and to know by what counsel it should defend and give help, and also to seize the opportunities of times and places, belongs to prudence and modesty; and temperance itself cannot know measure without prudence; to recognize the opportunity, and to render according to measure, belongs to justice; and in all of these greatness of soul is necessary, and a certain fortitude of mind, and often of body too, so that one may be able to carry out what one wills.
CAPUT XXVIII.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
Societatem constare justitia et beneficentia: illius partes duas ultionem et privatam possessionem a Christianis non agnosci: quod vero de rerum communitate ac mutuo auxilio tradunt Stoici, hoc eos et Scripturis sacris mutuatos esse. Quantus justitiae splendor, et quinam scopuli accessum ad illam praepediant.
That fellowship consists of justice and beneficence; that two parts of the former, vengeance and private possession, are not acknowledged by Christians; but that what the Stoics teach about the community of goods and mutual help, they borrowed from the sacred Scriptures. How great is the splendour of justice, and what rocks hinder the approach to it.
130 Justitia igitur ad societatem generis humani, et ad communitatem refertur. Societatis enim ratio dividitur in duas partes, justitiam et beneficentiam, quam eamdem liberalitatem et benignitatem
130. Justice, then, has reference to the fellowship of the human race and to the community. For the principle of fellowship is divided into two parts, justice and beneficence, which [men call] also liberality and kindness
Editors' notes and page, col. 66

Footnotes

(32) ‹anchor: Societatis enim ratio› · call in col 66

Cic. lib, I Offic, pag. 353, lin. 22; « De tribus autem reliquis latissime patet ea ratio, » etc,

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 353, line 22: "Of the three remaining, that principle extends most widely," etc.

(printed under page 36)

Page

  • running head: [DE OFFICIIS] MINISTRORUM LIBER I. 66
  • marginal letters: A ‹ritas nascitur, quae alios›; B ‹tiae praecipua? / 129. Liquet igitur›; C ‹Societatem constare justitia (caption)›; D ‹que III, pag. 400 (footnote area)›
  • old-edition numerals: 35 after ‹plerumque›
PL 16:67
vocant: justitia mihi excelsior videtur, liberalitas gratior: illa censuram tenet, ista bonitatem.
they call: justice seems to me the loftier, liberality the more pleasing; the one holds to strictness, the other to goodness.
131. Sed primum ipsum quod putant philosophi justitiae munus, apud nos excluditur. Dicunt enim illi eam primam esse justitiae formam, ut nemini quis noceat, nisi lacessitus injuria: quod Evangelii auctoritate vacuatur (Luc. IX, 56); vult enim Scriptura, ut sit in nobis spiritus Filii hominis, qui venit conferre gratiam, non inferre injuriam.
131. But that very thing which the philosophers think the first office of justice is excluded among us. For they say that the first pattern of justice is that one should harm no one unless provoked by a wrong; and this is made void by the authority of the Gospel (Luke 9:56); for Scripture wills that the spirit of the Son of Man be in us, Who came to bestow grace, not to inflict wrong.
132. Deinde formam justitiae putaverunt, ut quis communia, id est, publica pro publicis habeat, privata pro suis. Ne hoc quidem secundum naturam, natura enim omnia omnibus in commune profudit. Sic enim Deus generari jussit omnia ut pastus omnibus communis esset, et terra foret omnium quaedam communis possessio. Natura igitur jus commune generavit, usurpatio jus fecit privatum Quo in loco aiunt placuisse Stoicis, quae in terris gignatur, omnia ad usus hominum creari: homines autem hominum causa esse generatos, ut ipsi inter se aliis alii prodesse possint.
132. Next they thought it a pattern of justice that one should hold common things, that is, public things, as public, and private things as one's own. Not even this is according to nature, for nature has poured out all things for all in common. For God ordered all things to be brought forth in such a way that food should be common to all, and that the earth should be a kind of common possession of all. Nature, therefore, begot common right; usurpation made private right. On this point they say the Stoics held that all things that are produced on the earth are created for the uses of men, but that men were begotten for the sake of men, so that they might be able to be of help to one another.
133. Unde hoc, nisi de nostris Scripturis dicendum assumpserunt? Moyses enim scripsit, quia dixit Deus: Faciamus hominem ad imaginem nostram et secundum similitudinem, et habeat potestatem piscium maris et volatilium coeli, et pecorum, et omnium repentium super terram (Gen. I, 26). Et David ait: Omnia subjecisti sub pedibus ejus, oves et boves universas, insuper et pecora campi: voluces coeli, et pisces maris (Psal. VIII, 8, 9). Ergo omnia subjecta esse homini de nostris didicerunt, et ideo censent propter hominem esse generata.
133. Whence did they take this up to say it, if not from our Scriptures? For Moses wrote that God said: Let us make man after Our image and according to [Our] likeness, and let him have power over the fish of the sea and the birds of the sky, and the cattle, and all creeping things upon the earth (Gen. 1:26). And David says: Thou hast subjected all things under his feet, all sheep and oxen, and moreover the beasts of the field; the birds of the sky, and the fish of the sea (Ps. 8:8–9). So they learned from our writers that all things are subject to man, and therefore they hold that they were brought forth for man's sake.
134 Hominem quoque hominis causa generatum esse in libris Moysi reprimus, dicente Domino: Non est bonum esse hominem solum, faciamus ei adjutorium simile sibi (Gen II, 18). Ad adjumentum ergo mulier data est viro, quae generaret; ut homo homini adjumento foret. Denique antequam mulier formaretur, dictum est de Adam: Non est inventus adjutor similis illi (Ibid. 20); adjumentum enim homo nisi de homine habere non poterat. Ex omnibus igitur animantibus nullum animal simile, et ut absolute dicamus, nullus adjutor hominis inventus est: muliebris igitur sexus adjutor exspectabatur.
134. That man too was brought forth for the sake of man we find in the books of Moses, where the Lord says: It is not good for the man to be alone; let Us make him a help like himself (Gen. 2:18). So the woman was given to the man as a help, to bear children, so that man should be a help to man. Thus, before the woman was formed, it was said of Adam: There was not found a helper like him (ibid. 20); for man could not have help except from man. Out of all living creatures, then, no animal like him, and, to speak absolutely, no helper of man was found: so a helper of the female sex was awaited.
135. Ergo secundum Dei voluntatem, vel naturae
135. So according to the will of God, or the bond of nature
Editors' notes and page, col. 67

Footnotes

(33) ‹anchor: justitiae munus› · call in col 67

Ibid., lin. 25: « Sed justitiae primum munus est ut ne cui, » etc.

Ibid., line 25: "But the first office of justice is that no one," etc.

(printed under page 37)

(34) ‹anchor: ut quis communia› · call in col 67

Ibid., lin. 26: « Deinde ut communibus utatur pro communibus, privatis ut suis. Sunt autem, » etc.

Ibid., line 26: "Next, that he use common things as common, private things as his own. But there are," etc.

(printed under page 37)

(35) ‹anchor: omnibus communis esset› · call in col 67

Mss. aliquot, ut partus omnibus communis esset, Et terra ergo foret, etc. Melius alii ac edit. ut in textu.

Some manuscripts: "that the offspring might be common to all, And the earth therefore would be," etc. Better, the others and the editions, as in the text.

(printed under page 37)

(36) ‹anchor: aiunt placuisse Stoicis› · call in col 67

Cic. lib. I Offic., pag. 353, lin. 32: « Sed quoniam, ut praeclare scriptum est, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 353, line 32: "But since, as has been finely written," etc.

(printed under page 37)

(37) ‹anchor: secundum Dei voluntatem› · call in col 67

Ibid., lin. 36: « In hoc naturam debemus ducem sequi, » et. Item pag. 357, lin. 37: « Optime autem societas hominum, » etc.

Ibid., line 36: "In this we ought to follow nature as our guide," etc. Likewise page 357, line 37: "But the fellowship of men [is preserved] best," etc.

(printed under page 37) (Footnotes 38–41, printed under page 37, have their calls in col 68 and are set in notes/n68.md.)

Page

  • running head: 67 S. AMBROS[II …] (cut at image edge)
  • marginal letters: A ‹vocant : justitia mihi excelsior›; B ‹stus omnibus communis esset›; C ‹et boves universas›; D ‹est : muliebris igitur sexus›
  • old-edition numerals: 36 after ‹pecorum,›
PL 16:68
copulam, invicem nobis esse auxilio debemus, certare officiis, velut in medio omnes utilitates ponere, et ut verbo Scripturae utar, adjumentum ferre alter alteri, vel studio, vel officio, vel pecunia, vel operibus, vel quolibet modo, ut inter nos societatis augeatur gratia. Nec quisquam ab officio vel periculi terrore revocetur: sed omnia sua ducat, vel adversa vel prospera. Denique sanctus Moyses pro populo patriae bella suscipere gravia non reformidavit, nec regis potentissimi trepidavit arma, nec barbaricae immanitatis expavit ferociam: sed abjecit salutem suam, ut plebi redderet libertatem.
we ought to be a help to one another, to vie in kind offices, to set all advantages as it were in the common stock, and, to use the word of Scripture, to bring help one to another, whether by zeal, or by service, or by money, or by works, or in any way at all, so that the grace of fellowship may be increased among us. Nor let anyone be called back from duty even by the terror of danger, but let him count all things his own, whether adverse or prosperous. Thus holy Moses did not shrink from undertaking grievous wars for the people of his fatherland, nor did he tremble at the arms of a most powerful king, nor dread the ferocity of barbaric savagery; but he cast aside his own safety in order to give the common people back their freedom.
136. Magnus itaque justitiae splendor, quae aliis potius nata quam sibi, communitatem et societatem nostram adjuvat: excelsitatem tenet; ut suo judicio omnia subjecta habeat, opem aliis ferat, pecuniam conferat, officia non abnuat, pericula suscipiat aliena.
136. Great, then, is the splendour of justice, which, born for others rather than for itself, aids our community and fellowship; it holds the heights, so as to have all things subject to its judgement, to bring help to others, to contribute money, not to refuse services, to take on the dangers of others.
137. Quis non cuperet hanc virtutis arcem tenere, nisi prima avaritia infirmaret atque inflecteret tantae virtutis vigorem? Etenim dum augere opes, aggregare pecunias, occupare terras possessionibus cupimus, praestare divitiis; justitiae formam exuimus, beneficentiam communem amisimus. Quomodo enim potest justus esse, qui studet eripere alteri, quod sibi quaerat.
137. Who would not desire to hold this citadel of virtue, did not avarice first weaken and bend the vigour of so great a virtue? For while we desire to increase our wealth, to pile up money, to take up lands with our possessions, to excel in riches, we have stripped off the pattern of justice, we have lost the common beneficence. For how can he be just who is eager to snatch from another what he may get for himself?
138. Potentiae quoque cupiditas, formam justitiae virilem effeminat? Quomodo enim potest pro aliis intervenire, qui alios sibi subjicere conatur: et infirmo adversus potentes opem ferre, qui ipse gravem libertati affectat potentiam.
138. Does not the desire of power too unman the manly pattern of justice? For how can he intercede for others who tries to subject others to himself; and how bring help to the weak against the powerful, who himself aims at a power oppressive to freedom?
CAPUT XXIX.
CHAPTER XXIX.
Justitiam in bello etiam atque ipsis hostibus servari oportere Moysis ac Elisaei exemplis ostenditur! ab Hebraeis mutuo veteres accepisse, ut hostes appellarent nomine molliori; denique justitiae fundamentum in fide esse, ac formam in Ecclesia.
It is shown by the examples of Moses and Elisha that justice must be kept even in war and towards enemies themselves; that the ancients borrowed from the Hebrews the practice of calling enemies by a milder name; finally, that the foundation of justice is in faith, and its pattern in the Church.
139. Quanta autem justitia sit ex hoc intelligi potest, quod nec locis, nec personis, nec temporibus excipitur, quae etiam hostibus reservatur: ut si constitutus sit cum hoste aut locus aut dies praelio, adversus justitiam putetur aut loco praevenire, aut tempore. Interest enim utrum aliquis pugna aliqua et confictu gravi capiatur, an superiore gratia, vel aliquo eventu. Siquidem vehementioribus hostibus et infidis, et his qui amplius laeserint,
139. How great justice is can be understood from this, that it is not set aside for places, or persons, or times, since it is kept even towards enemies: so that if a place or a day has been fixed with an enemy for battle, it would be thought against justice to forestall him either in place or in time. For it makes a difference whether someone is taken in some fight and heavy conflict, or by a superior advantage, or by some chance. Indeed, on enemies more violent and faithless, and on those who have done more wrong,
Editors' notes and page, col. 68

Footnotes

(38) ‹anchor: periculi terrore revocetur› · call in col 68

Cic. lib. I Offic., p. 354. lin. 35: « Est enim difficilis cura rerum alienarum; quanquam Terentianus, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 354, line 35: "For care for the affairs of others is difficult; although Terence's [Chremes]," etc.

(printed under page 37)

(39) ‹anchor: justitiae splendor› · call in col 68

Ibid., pag. 553, lin. 23: « In qua virtutis splendor est maximus. »

Ibid., page 553 [so printed; read 353], line 23: "In which the splendour of virtue is greatest."

(printed under page 37)

(40) ‹anchor: excelsitatem tenet› · call in col 68

Ibid., pag, 352, lin. 25: « Ex quo animi magnitudo, » etc.

Ibid., page 352, line 25: "From which greatness of mind," etc.

(printed under page 37)

(41) ‹anchor: tantae virtutis vigorem› · call in col 68

Ibid.; pag. 353, lin 46: Maximam autem partem ad injuriam faciendam aggrediuntur nonnulli. » etc.

Ibid., page 353, line 46: "But for the most part some set about doing injury," etc.

(printed under page 37)

(42) ‹anchor: virilem effeminat› · call in col 68

Ibid., pag. 354, lin. 7: « Maxime autem adducuntur plerique, » etc.

Ibid., page 354, line 7: "But most men are chiefly led," etc.

(printed under page 37)

(43) ‹anchor: hostibus reservatur› · call in col 68

Cic. lib. I Offic. pag. 355, lin. 23: Atque in republica maxime conservanda jura belli, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 355, line 23: "And in the commonwealth the laws of war are above all to be kept," etc.

(printed under page 37)

(46) [so printed; the call in the text is (44)] ‹anchor: an superiore gratia› · call in col 68

Superiore gratia, id est, majori aliqua temporis aut loci opportunitate, ut contextus clare demonstrat.

"Superiore gratia", that is, by some greater advantage of time or place, as the context clearly shows.

(printed under page 37)

Page

  • running head: [S.] AMBROSII. 68
  • marginal letters: A ‹rae copulam, invicem nobis›; B ‹ut suo judicio omnia subjecta›; C ‹tur : et infirmo adversus›; D ‹gratia (44), vel aliquo eventu›
  • old-edition numerals: 37 before ‹CAPUT XXIX.›
PL 16:69
vehementior refertur ultio; ut de Madianitis qui per mulieres suas plerosque peccare fecerant ex plebe Judaeorum, unde et Dei in populum patrum iracundia effusa est. Et ideo factum est ut nullum Moyses victor superesse pateretur (Num. XXXI, 3 et seq.): Gabaonitas autem qui fraude magis quam bello tentaverant plebem patrum, non expugnaret Jesus; sed conditionis impositae afficeret injuria (Josue IX, 20 et seq.). Syros vero Elisaeus, quos obsidentes in civitatem induxerat, momentanea caecitate percussos, ut quo ingrederentur videre non possent, volenti regi Israel percutere non acquiesceret dicens: Non percuties quos non captivasti in lancea et in gladio tuo: pone eis panem et aquam, ut manducent et bibant, et remittantur et eant ad dominum suum (IV Reg. VI, 11 et seq.); ut humanitate provocati gratiam repraesentarent. Denique postea in terram Israel venire piratae Syriae destiterunt.
a more vehement vengeance is repaid; as in the case of the Midianites, who through their women had made very many of the people of the Jews sin, whence the anger of God too was poured out upon the people of the fathers. And so it came about that Moses, as victor, suffered none of them to survive (Num. 31:3 ff.); but the Gibeonites, who had tried the people of the fathers by fraud rather than by war, Joshua did not storm, but punished them with the injury of a condition imposed (Josh. 9:20 ff.). And Elisha, when the king of Israel wished to strike the Syrians, whom, as they besieged him, he had led into the city struck with a momentary blindness so that they could not see where they were entering, would not consent, saying: You shall not strike those whom you have not taken captive with your spear and your sword: set bread and water before them, that they may eat and drink, and let them be sent back and go to their master (2 Kgs. 6:11 ff.); so that, moved by kindness, they might return the favour. Thus afterwards the raiders of Syria ceased to come into the land of Israel.
140. Si ergo etiam in bello justitia valet, quanto magis in pace servanda est? Et hanc gratiam propheta his detulit, qui ad eum corripiendum venerant. Sic enim legimus, quod in obsidionem ejus miserat rex Syriae exercitum suum, cognito quod Elisaeus esset, qui consiliis et argumentationibus ejus obviaret omnibus. Quem videns exercitum Giezi servus prophetae, de salutis periculo trepidare coepit. Cui dixit propheta: Noli timere, quoniam plures nobiscum sunt, quam cum illis. Et rogante propheta ut aperirentur oculi servo suo, aperti sunt. Et vidit itaque Giezi totum montem equis repletum et curribus in circuitu Elisaei. Quibus descendentibus ait propheta: Percute, Deus, caecitate exercitum Syriae. Quo impetrato, dixit ad Syros: Venite post me, et ducam vos ad hominem quem quaeritis. Et viderunt Elisaeum, quem corripere gestiebant; et videntes, tenere non poterant. Liquet igitur etiam in bello fidem et justitiam servari oportere, nec illud decorum esse posse, si violetur fides.
140. If, then, justice prevails even in war, how much more must it be kept in peace? And the prophet showed this favour to those who had come to seize him. For so we read, that the king of Syria had sent his army to besiege him, having learned that it was Elisha who was thwarting all his plans and contrivances. Seeing that army, Gehazi, the prophet's servant, began to tremble for the danger to his life. The prophet said to him: Do not fear, for there are more with us than with them. And when the prophet asked that the eyes of his servant be opened, they were opened. And so Gehazi saw the whole mountain filled with horses and chariots round about Elisha. As they came down, the prophet said: Strike, O God, the army of Syria with blindness. When this was granted, he said to the Syrians: Come after me, and I will lead you to the man whom you seek. And they saw Elisha, whom they were eager to seize; and seeing him, they could not lay hold of him. It is clear, then, that faith and justice must be kept even in war, and that it cannot be seemly if faith is violated.
141. Denique etiam adversarios molli veteres appellatione nominabant, ut peregrinos vocarent; hostes enim antiquo ritu peregrini dicebantur. Quod atque etiam ipsum de nostris assumptum dicere possumus; adversarios enim suos Hebraei Allophylos, hoc est, alienigenas Latino appellabant vocabulo
141. Thus the ancients used to call even their adversaries by a mild name, so as to call them strangers; for by ancient custom enemies were called strangers. And this too we can say was taken from our writers; for the Hebrews called their adversaries Allophyli, that is, in the Latin word, foreigners
Editors' notes and page, col. 69

Footnotes

(45) ‹anchor: consiliis et argumentationibus› · call in col 69

Argumentatio non idem hic sonat atque argumenti seu rationis explicatio; sed idem prorsus valet, atque argute sive acute excogitata machinatio.

"Argumentatio" does not here mean the setting out of an argument or reasoning; it means exactly a cleverly or shrewdly devised stratagem.

(printed under page 38)

(46) ‹anchor: adversarios molli veteres› · call in col 69

Cic. lib. I Offic., pag. 355, lin. 46: « Equidem illud etiam animadverto quod qui proprio nomine perduellis esset, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 355, line 46: "I also observe this, that he who by his proper name would be a 'perduellis' [enemy in arms]," etc.

(printed under page 38)

Page

  • running head: 69 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRO[RUM …] (cut at image edge)
  • marginal letters: A ‹rint, vehementior refertur ultio›; B ‹num suum (IV Reg. VI, 11›; C ‹bus in circuitu Elisaei›; D ‹(45) Argumentatio (footnote area)›
  • old-edition numerals: 38 after ‹Liquet›
  • note: footnotes (47) and (48), printed under page 38, have their calls in col 70 and are listed in n70 (moved by Q8a).
PL 16:70
Denique in libro Regnorum primo sic legimus: Et factum est in diebus illis, convenerunt alienigenae in pugnam ad Israel (I Reg. IV, 1).
Thus in the first book of Kingdoms we read: And it came to pass in those days, the foreigners gathered to battle against Israel (1 Sam. 4:1).
142. Fundamentum ergo est justitiae fides; justorum enim corda meditantur fidem; et qui se justus accusat, justitiam supra fidem collocat; nam tunc justitia ejus apparet, si vera fateatur. Denique et Dominus per Isaiam: Ecce, inquit, mitto lapidem in fundamentum Sion (Isa. XXVIII, 18), id est, Christum in fundamenta Ecclesiae. Fides enim omnium, Christus; Ecclesia autem quaedam forma justitiae est. Commune jus omnium in commune orat, in commune operatur, in commune tentatur. Denique qui se ipsum sibi abnegat; ipse justus, ipse dignus Christo est. Ideo et Paulus fundamentum posuit Christum (I Cor. III, 11), ut supra eum opera justitiae locaremus, quia fides fundamentum est: in operibus autem aut malis iniquitas, aut bonis justitia est.
142. Faith, then, is the foundation of justice; for the hearts of the just meditate on faith; and the just man who accuses himself sets justice upon faith; for then his justice appears, if he confesses true things. Thus the Lord too says through Isaiah: Behold, I lay a stone for the foundation of Zion (Isa. 28:18), that is, Christ for the foundations of the Church. For Christ is the faith of all; and the Church is a kind of pattern of justice. The common right of all, it prays in common, works in common, is tried in common. Thus he who denies himself to himself, he is just, he is worthy of Christ. Therefore Paul too laid Christ as the foundation (1 Cor. 3:11), that we might place the works of justice upon Him, because faith is the foundation; and in works there is either iniquity, if they are evil, or justice, if they are good.
CAPUT XXX.
CHAPTER XXX.
De beneficentia et ejus partibus benevolentia et liberalitate; quomodo illae simul jungendae sint; quaenamve adjuncta, ut liberalitatem cum laude ac merito quis exerceat, requirant?
On beneficence and its parts, benevolence and liberality; how they are to be joined together; and what accompaniments they require, that one may exercise liberality with praise and merit.
143. Sed jam de beneficentia loquamur, quae dividitur etiam ipsa in benevolentiam et liberalitatem. Ex his igitur duobus constat beneficentia, ut sit perfecta. Non enim satis est bene velle (Dist. 86, c. Non satis), sed etiam bene facere: nec satis est iterum bene facere, nisi id ex bono fonte, hoc est, bona voluntate proficiscatur: Hilarem enim datorem diligit Deus (II Cor. IX, 7). Nam si invitus facias, quae tibi merces est? Unde Apostolus generaliter: Si volens hoc ago, mercedem habeo; si invitus, dispensatio mihi credita est (I Cor. IX, 17). In Evangelio quoque multas disciplinas accepimus justae liberalitatis.
143. But now let us speak of beneficence, which is itself also divided into benevolence and liberality. Of these two, then, beneficence consists, if it is to be perfect. For it is not enough to wish well (Dist. 86, c. Non satis), but also to do well; nor again is it enough to do well, unless it proceeds from a good source, that is, from a good will: For God loves a cheerful giver (2 Cor. 9:7). For if you act unwillingly, what reward is there for you? Hence the Apostle says in general terms: If I do this willingly, I have a reward; if unwillingly, a stewardship has been entrusted to me (1 Cor. 9:17). In the Gospel too we have received many lessons in just liberality.
144. Pulchrum est igitur bene velle, et eo largiri consilio, ut prosis, non ut noceas. Nam si luxurioso ad luxuriae effusionem, adultero ad mercedem adulterii largiendum putes; non est beneficentia ista, ubi nulla est benevolentia. Officere enim istud est, non prodesse alteri, si largiaris ei qui conspiret adversus patriam, qui congregare cupiat tuo sumptu perditos, qui impugnent Ecclesiam.
144. It is a fine thing, then, to wish well, and to give with the purpose of helping, not of harming. For if you think you should give to a profligate for the squandering of profligacy, or to an adulterer for the wages of adultery, that is not beneficence, where there is no benevolence. For that is to hurt another, not to help him, if you give to one who conspires against his country, who desires to gather at your expense desperate men who would attack the Church.
Editors' notes and page, col. 70

Footnotes

(47) ‹anchor: Fundamentum ergo est justitiae fides› · call in col 70

Ibid. pag. 353, lin. 39: « Fundamentum autem est justitiae fides, » etc.

Ibid., page 353, line 39: "But the foundation of justice is good faith," etc.

(printed under page 38)

(48) ‹anchor: Commune jus omnium in commune orat› · call in col 70

Ad frequentandas Ecclesiae synaxes precesque in communi apud Deum fundendas maximo semper opere populum Christianum exhortati sunt antiqui Patres, ut cognoscimus non modo ex vetustissima illa epistola nomine beati Barnabae promulgata, verum etiam ex Ignatii epist. ad. Ephes ex Apologet. Tertulliani cap. 39, aliisque innumeris tum Patrum testimoniis, tum canonibus conciliorum. Verumtamen non de publicis hisce precibus hic agi verisimilius est: sed cum dicitur, in commune orat, etc., hoc tantummodo significari, pro omnibus, si in omnium utilitatem orat, operatur, ac tentatur: in quo sanctorum communio posita est. Neque tamen in Ecclesia orat in commune, ut non etiam preces nuncupet pro singulis: vidimus quippe tomo superiori Ambrosium peccatoribus, ut ad Ecclesiae orationes confugerent, non semel suasisse: at vero hae ipsae preces pro singulorum utilitatibus conceptae, etiam in commodum universorum charitatis beneficio derivantur. Juvat etiam hic adnotare sanctum doctorem continuo post, non uni fidei, quod heterodoxi faciunt, sed etiam operibus ex fide atque charitate profectis justificationem attribuere.

The ancient Fathers always exhorted the Christian people with the greatest effort to frequent the Church's assemblies and to pour out prayers to God in common, as we learn not only from that very ancient epistle published under the name of blessed Barnabas, but also from Ignatius's letter to the Ephesians, from Tertullian's Apology chapter 39, and from countless other testimonies of the Fathers as well as canons of councils. Yet it is more probable that these public prayers are not what is treated here, but that when it is said "it prays in common," etc., this alone is meant: "for all", if one prays, works and is tried for the benefit of all — in which the communion of saints consists. Nor, however, does one pray in common in the Church in such a way as not also to offer prayers for individuals: for we saw in the previous volume that Ambrose more than once urged sinners to take refuge in the prayers of the Church; but these very prayers, conceived for the benefit of individuals, flow also, by the kindness of charity, to the advantage of all. It is also worth noting here that the holy doctor, immediately after, attributes justification not to faith alone, as the heterodox do, but also to works proceeding from faith and charity.

(printed under page 38)

(49) ‹anchor: consilio, ut prosis› · call in col 70

Cic. lib. I Offic., pag. 356, lin. 37: « Videndum est enim primum ne obsit benignitas et iis ipsis quibus, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 356, line 37: "For it must first be seen that kindness does not harm the very people to whom," etc.

(printed under page 38)

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  • running head: [DE OFFICIIS M]INISTRORUM LIBER I. 70
  • marginal letters: A ‹bulo. Denique in libro›; B ‹se dignus Christo est›; C ‹rem diligit Deus (II Cor.›; D ‹hic agi verisimilius (footnote area)›
  • old-edition numerals: 39 after ‹si›
PL 16:71
Non est haec probabilis liberalitas, si adjuves eum qui adversus viduam et pupillos gravi decernit jurgio, aut vi aliqua possessiones eorum eripere conatur.
That is no commendable liberality, if you help him who goes to law against a widow and orphans with a grievous suit, or tries by some violence to snatch away their possessions.
145. Non probatur largitas, si quod alteri largitur, alteri quis extorqueat: si injuste quaerat, et juste dispensandum putet; nisi forte ut ille Zacchaeus (Luc. XIX, 8), reddas prius quadruplum ei quem fraudaveris: et gentilitatis vitia fidei studio et credentis operatione compenses. Fundamentum igitur habeat liberalitas tua.
145. Largess is not approved if what one bestows on one man he extorts from another: if he gets it unjustly and thinks it should be dispensed justly; unless perhaps, like the famous Zacchaeus (Luke 19:8), you first restore fourfold to him whom you have defrauded, and make up for the vices of heathenism by zeal for the faith and the working of a believer. Let your liberality, then, have a foundation.
146. Hoc primum quaeritur, ut cum fide conferas, fraudem non facias oblatis; ne dicas te plus conferre, et minus conferas. Quid enim opus est dicere? Fraus promissi est: in tua potestate est largiri quod velis. Fraus fundamentum solvit, et opus corruit. Numquid Petrus ita indignatione efferbuit, ut Ananiam exstingui vellet, vel uxorem ejus (Act. V, 3 et seq.)? Sed exemplo eorum noluit perire caeteros.
146. This is asked first, that you give in good faith, that you commit no fraud in what is offered; that you do not say you are giving more and give less. For what need is there to say it? It is a fraud upon the promise: it is in your power to bestow what you will. Fraud loosens the foundation, and the work collapses. Did Peter boil over with indignation so as to wish Ananias to be struck dead, or his wife (Acts 5:3 ff.)? No, but he did not wish the rest to perish by their example.
147. Nec illa perfecta est liberalitas, si jactantiae causa magis quam misericordiae largiaris. Affectus tuus nomen imponit operi tuo: quomodo a te proficiscitur, sic aestimatur. Vides quam moralem judicem habeas. Te consulit, quomodo opus tuum suscipiat, mentem tuam prius interrogat. Nesciat, inquit, sinistra tua, quid faciat dextera tua (Matth. VI, 3). Non de corpore loquitur, sed etiam unanimus tuus, frater tuus quod facis nesciat; ne dum hic mercedem quaeris jactantiae, illic remunerationis fructum amittas. Perfecta autem est liberalitas, ubi silentio quis tegit opus suum, et necessitatibus singulorum occulte subvenit: quem laudat os pauperis, et non labia sua.
147. Nor is that liberality perfect if you bestow for the sake of boasting rather than of mercy. Your disposition puts its name upon your work: as it proceeds from you, so it is valued. You see what a moral judge you have. It consults you how it should receive your work; it first questions your mind. Let not your left hand know, He says, what your right hand does (Matt. 6:3). He is not speaking of the body, but [means] that even your one-minded friend, your brother, should not know what you do; lest, while you seek here the reward of boasting, you lose there the fruit of recompense. But that liberality is perfect where a man covers his work with silence and secretly relieves the needs of individuals: whom the mouth of the poor man praises, and not his own lips.
148. Deinde perfecta liberalitas (Dist. 86, c. Non satis § Perfecta liberalitas) fide, causa, loco, tempore commendatur: ut primum opereris circa domesticos fidei. Grandis culpa si, sciente te, fidelis egeat: si scias eum sine sumptu esse, famem tolerare, aerumnam perpeti, qui praesertim egere erubescat: si in causam ceciderit aut captivitatis suorum, aut calumniae, et non adjuves; si sit in carcere, et poenis, et suppliciis propter debitum
148. Next, perfect liberality (Dist. 86, c. Non satis § Perfecta liberalitas) is commended by good faith, cause, place, time: that you work first towards those of the household of faith. It is a great fault if, with your knowledge, a believer is in want: if you know that he is without means, endures hunger, suffers hardship, especially one who is ashamed to be in want: if he has fallen into trouble through either the captivity of his own people or false accusation, and you do not help; if he is in prison, and in pains and punishments on account of a debt
Editors' notes and page, col. 71

Footnotes

(50) ‹anchor: juste dispensandum putet› · call in col 71

Cic. lib. I Offic., pag. 356, lin. 42: « Et qui aliis nocent, ut in alios liberales sint, in eadem sunt injustitia, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 356, line 42: "And those who harm some in order to be generous to others are in the same injustice," etc.

(printed under page 39)

(51) ‹anchor: misericordiae largiaris› · call in col 71

Ibid., pag. 357, lin. 3: « Videre etiam licet plerosque non tam natura liberales, quam quadam gloria ductos, » etc.

Ibid., page 357, line 3: "One may also see that many are not so much generous by nature as led by a kind of desire for glory," etc.

(printed under page 39)

(52) ‹anchor: Deinde perfecta liberalitas› · call in col 71

Ibid., lin. 6: « Tertium est propositum ut in liberalitate delectus, » etc. Item lin. 33: « Sed in collocando beneficio, » etc.

Ibid., line 6: "The third point set down is that in generosity a choice [be made]," etc. Likewise line 33: "But in bestowing a kindness," etc.

(printed under page 39)

(53) ‹anchor: sumptu esse, famem tolerare› · call in col 71

Mss. aliquot et vet. edit., fame laborare.

Some manuscripts and the old editions: "to suffer from hunger."

(printed under page 39)

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  • running head: 71 S. AMBROS[II] (right portion cut off in image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹Non est haec probabilis liberalitas, si adjuves eum›; B ‹corruit. Numquid Petrus ita indignatione efferbuit›; C ‹fructum amittas. Perfecta autem est liberalitas, ubi›; D ‹(beside footnote 51; no text line of this column)›
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
  • note: footnotes (54) and (55), printed under page 39, have their calls in col 72 and are listed in n72 (moved by Q8a).
PL 16:72
aliquod justus excrucietur (nam et ⟨s⟩i omnibus debetur misericordia, tamen justo amplius) si tempore afflictionis suae nihil a te impetret: si tempore periculi quo rapitur ad mortem, plus apud te pecunia tua valeat, quam vita morituri. De quo pulchre Job dixit: Benedictio perituri in me veniat (Job XXIX 13).
some just man is tormented (for even though mercy is owed to all, yet more fully to the just man), if in the time of his affliction he obtains nothing from you: if in the time of danger, when he is being hurried to death, your money weighs more with you than the life of one about to die. Of which Job finely said: Let the blessing of him that was about to perish come upon me (Job 29:13).
149. Personarum quidem Deus acceptor non est, quia novit omnia. Nos autem omnibus quidem debemus misericordiam: sed quia plerique fraude eam quaerunt, et affingunt aerumnam; ideo ubi causa manifestatur, persona cognoscitur, tempus urget, largius se debet profundere misericordia. Non enim avarus Dominus est, ut plurimum quaerat. Beatus quidem qui dimittit omnia, et sequitur eum: sed et ille beatus est, qui quod habet, ex affectu facit. Denique duo aera viduae illius divitum muneribus praetulit (Luc. XXI, 3); quia totum illa quod habuit, contulit: illi autem ex abundantia partem exiguam centulerunt. Affectus igitur divitem collationem aut pauperem facit, et pretium rebus imponit. Caeterum Dominus non vult simul effundi opes, sed dispensari (Dist. 86, c. Dominus non vult): nisi forte ut Elisaeus boves suos occidit, et pavit pauperes ex eo quod habuit (III Reg. XIX, 21); ut nulla cura teneretur domestica, sed relictis omnibus, in disciplinam se propheticam daret.
149. God indeed is no respecter of persons, for He knows all things. We, however, owe mercy to all indeed: but since many seek it by fraud and feign hardship, therefore where the cause is made plain, the person is known, the time presses, mercy ought to pour itself out more largely. For the Lord is not greedy, that He should seek the utmost. Blessed indeed is he who leaves all things and follows Him: but he too is blessed who does what he has with [good] disposition. Thus He preferred the two coins of that widow to the gifts of the rich (Luke 21:3), because she gave all that she had, while they gave a small part out of their abundance. It is the disposition, then, that makes a contribution rich or poor, and sets the value on things. For the rest, the Lord does not wish wealth to be poured out all at once, but to be dispensed (Dist. 86, c. Dominus non vult): unless perhaps, as Elisha slew his oxen and fed the poor from what he had (1 Kgs. 19:21), so that he might be held by no domestic care, but, leaving all things, might give himself to the prophetic discipline.
150. Est etiam illa probanda liberalitas (Dist. 86, c. Est probanda), ut proximos seminis tui non despicias, si egere cognoscas. Melius est enim ut ipse subvenias tuis, quibus pudor est ab aliis sumptum deposcere, aut alicui postulare subsidium necessitati: non tamen ut illi ditiores eo fieri velint, quod tu potes conferre inopibus: causa enim praestat, non gratia. Neque enim propterea te Domino dicasti, ut tuos divites facias: sed ut vitam tibi perpetuam fructu boni operis acquiras, et pretio miserationis peccata redimas tua. Putant se parum poscere? Pretium tuum quaerunt, vitae tuae fructum adimere contendunt, et se juste facere putant. Et accusat quod eum divitem non feceris, cum te ille velit aeternae vitae fraudare mercede.
150. That liberality too is to be approved, that you do not despise those nearest to you of your own seed, if you learn that they are in want. For it is better that you yourself help your own, who are ashamed to ask means from others or to beg anyone for aid in their need: yet not so that they should wish to become richer by what you can give to the needy: for the cause takes precedence, not favour. For you did not dedicate yourself to the Lord for this, to make your own people rich: but to gain for yourself everlasting life by the fruit of good work, and to redeem your sins by the price of compassion. Do they think they ask little? They seek your price, they strive to take away the fruit of your life, and they think they are acting justly. And he accuses you because you have not made him rich, when he would cheat you of the reward of eternal life.
Editors' notes and page, col. 72

Footnotes

(54) ‹anchor: qui quod habet› · call in col 72

Edit. ultimae Paris. cum uno aut altero mss., quid quod debet: melius aliae ac reliqui cod., qui quod habet, supple, in potestate: ut Marci XIV, 8, quod habuit haec fecit.

The latest Paris editions with one or two manuscripts: "quid quod debet"; better, the other editions and the remaining manuscripts: "qui quod habet", supply "in his power": as in Mark 14:8, "she has done what she could."

(printed under page 39)

(55) ‹anchor: simul effundi opes› · call in col 72

Cic. lib I pag. 356 lin. 49: Alter erat locus cautionis, » etc. Item pag. 358 lin. 9: « Sed quoniam copiae parvae sunt, » etc.

Cicero, book I, page 356, line 49: "The second point was one of caution," etc. Likewise page 358, line 9: "But since resources are small," etc.

(printed under page 39)

(56) ‹anchor: si egere cognoscas› · call in col 72

Ibid., pag. 358, lin. 40: Sed si contentio quaedam et comparatio fiat, » etc.

Ibid., page 358, line 40: "But if some contest and comparison be made," etc.

(printed under page 39)

(57) ‹anchor: se juste facere putant› · call in col 72

Et se juste facere putant, absunt isthaec ab ant. edit. ac maximo numero mss. ea tamen non solum in edit. Rom. Sed etiam in mss. quatuor invenire est. Infra vero ubi edit, omnes, Consilium praemisimus: mss. fere ad unum legunt, Consilium prompsimus. Obiter autem animadverte quanta Ambrosii prudentia hic innotescat, quae ita pietati quod suum est, ascribit, ut nihil detrahat justitiae. Etenim pietatis est cognatos affinesque in beneficentia collocanda non praeterire, sed eos primorum pauperum habere loco: justitiae vero, non illos ex eo quod aliis debetur pauperibus, ditare. Nec vero existimandum est hoc veluti majoris cujusdam perfectionis esse consilium, alioqui enim neutiquam adderetur, et accusat quod eum divitem non feceris, cum te ille velit aeternae vitae fraudare mercede. Facessant igitur inepta cupiditatis humanae tegumenta. Ecclesiae nunquam fuit hoc propositum vel sacerdotis luxui, vel consanguineorum ejus ambitioni satisfacere.

"And they think they act justly": these words are absent from the old editions and from the great majority of manuscripts; yet they are found not only in the Roman edition but also in four manuscripts. Further on, where all the editions read "Consilium praemisimus", the manuscripts almost to a man read "Consilium prompsimus". Note in passing how great a prudence of Ambrose shows itself here, which so ascribes to piety what is its own as to take nothing from justice. For it belongs to piety not to pass over kinsmen and relations in bestowing kindness, but to hold them in the place of the first among the poor; but to justice, not to enrich them out of what is owed to other poor people. Nor is this to be thought a counsel, as it were, of some greater perfection; otherwise there would by no means be added: "and he accuses you of not having made him rich, when he would cheat you of the reward of eternal life." Away, then, with the foolish cloaks of human greed. It was never the purpose of the Church to satisfy either the luxury of the priest or the ambition of his kindred.

(printed under page 39)

Page

  • running head: [S.] AMBROSII. 72
  • marginal letters: A ‹aliquod justus excrucietur (nam et si omnibus debe-›; B ‹eum: sed et ille beatus est, qui quod habet›; C ‹picias, si egere cognoscas. Melius est enim ut›; D ‹(beside footnote continuation, no text line of this column)›
  • old-edition numerals: 40 after ‹aerumnam;›
  • note: footnotes (54) and (55) have their calls in this column (after ‹qui quod habet› and ‹effundi opes›); moved here from n71 by Q8a.
PL 16:73
151. Consilium prompsimus, auctoritatem petamus. Primum neminem debet pudere, si ex divite pauper fiat, dum largitur pauperi; quia Christus pauper factus est, cum dives esset, ut omnes sua inopia ditaret. Dedit regulam quam sequamur, ut bona ratio sit exinaniti patrimonii; si quis pauperum famem repulit, inopiam sublevavit. Unde et consilium in hoc do, Apostolus dicit: Hoc enim vobis utile est, ut Christum imitemini (II Cor. VIII, 10). Consilium bonis datur, correptio errantes coercet. Denique quasi bonis dicit: Qui non tantum facere, sed et velle coepistis ab anno praeterito (Ibid.). Perfectorum utrumque est, non partis. Itaque docet et liberalitatem sine benevolentia, et benevolentiam sine liberalitate non esse perfectam. Unde ad perfectum hortatur, dicens: Nunc ergo et facere consummate, ut quemadmodum prompta est in vobis voluntas faciendi, ita sit et perficiendi ex eo quod habetis. Si enim voluntas prompta est, secundum id quod habet, acceptum est, non secundum quod non habet. Non enim ut aliis refectio sit, vobis autem angustia: sed ex aequalitate in hoc tempore, vestra abundantia ad illorum inopiam, ut illorum abundantia sit ad vestram inopiam, ut fiat aequalitas, sicut scriptum est: Qui multum, non abundavit; et qui modicum, non minoravit (Ibid. 11 et seq.).
151. We have put forward the counsel; let us seek authority. First, no one ought to be ashamed if from rich he becomes poor while he gives to the poor man; for Christ became poor though He was rich, that by His poverty He might enrich all. He gave a rule for us to follow, that there should be a good account of an emptied patrimony: if a man has driven off the hunger of the poor, he has relieved want. Hence the Apostle says: And herein I give counsel: for this is profitable for you, that you imitate Christ (2 Cor. 8:10). Counsel is given to the good; rebuke restrains those who go astray. Thus he says, as to good men: You who began not only to do but also to will, a year ago (ibid.). Both belong to the perfect, not to a part. And so he teaches that neither liberality without goodwill nor goodwill without liberality is perfect. Hence he exhorts them to perfection, saying: Now therefore perform the doing fully, that as there is in you a ready will to do, so there may be also to perform out of that which you have. For if the will is ready, it is accepted according to what a man has, not according to what he has not. For not that others should have relief and you distress: but by equality at this time, your abundance [may serve] for their want, that their abundance also may be for your want, that there may be equality, as it is written: He that had much did not have over; and he that had little did not have less (ibid. 11 ff.).
152. Advertimus quemadmodum et benevolentiam, et liberalitatem, et modum comprehendit, et fructum, atque personas. Ideo modum quia imperfectis dabat consilium, non enim patiuntur angustias, nisi imperfecti. Sed et si quis Ecclesiam nolens gravare in sacerdotio aliquo constitutus aut ministerio, non totum quod habet, conferat; sed operetur cum honestate quantum officio sat est, non mihi imperfectus videtur. Et puto quod hic angustiam non animi, sed rei familiaris dixerit.
152. We observe how he includes goodwill, and liberality, and measure, and fruit, and persons. [He speaks of] measure because he was giving counsel to the imperfect, for none suffer distress except the imperfect. But if someone placed in some priesthood or ministry, not wishing to burden the Church, does not give all that he has, but works with honour so far as suffices for his office, he does not seem to me imperfect. And I think that here he spoke of distress not of mind but of household means.
153. De personis autem puto dictum: Ut vestra abundantia sit ad illorum inopiam, et illorum abundantia ad vestram inopiam; id est, ut populi abundantia sit bonae operationis ad illorum sublevandam alendi inopiam; et illorum abundantia spiritalis adjuvet in plebe inopiam meriti spiritalis, et conferat ei gratiam.
153. And of persons, I think, it is said: That your abundance may be for their want, and their abundance for your want; that is, that the abundance of the people in good work may serve to relieve their want of sustenance; and that their spiritual abundance may help the want of spiritual merit in the people, and confer grace upon it.
154. Unde exemplum optimum posuit: Qui multum, non abundavit: et qui modicum, non minuit. Bene hortatur ad officium misericordiae omnes homines istud exemplum; quoniam et qui plurimum auri possidet, non abundat; quia nihil est quidquid
154. Hence he set down a most excellent example: He that had much did not abound, and he that had little did not lessen. This example well exhorts all men to the duty of mercy; since even he who possesses a great deal of gold does not abound; for whatever
Editors' notes and page, col. 73

Footnotes

(58) ‹anchor: nisi imperfecti› · call in col 73

Ne quis crederet modum omnem in largiendo semper esse imperfectioni conjunctum, ex eo nimirum quod proxime dixerat, Ideo modum, quia imperfectis dabat consilium; clarius mentem suam exponit, asserens qui sibi partem aliquam patrimonii retinuerit, ne oneri sit Ecclesiae, eum nequaquam imperfectum existimandum. Hinc cognoscimus ad Ambrosii nostri sententiam Augustinum severitatis aliquid adjecisse, qui clericos omnino patrimonio suo spoliatos volebat communem vitam simul agere, ut discere est e compluribus ejusdem operum locis, sed maxime ex lib. de Comm. Vita clericorum.

Lest anyone should think, from what he had just said — "a measure, therefore, because he was giving counsel to the imperfect" — that every measure in giving is always joined to imperfection, he sets out his mind more clearly, declaring that one who has kept back some part of his patrimony for himself, so as not to be a burden to the Church, is by no means to be thought imperfect. From this we learn that Augustine added something of severity to the view of our Ambrose, since he wished clerics, wholly stripped of their patrimony, to live the common life together, as may be learned from many passages of his works, but chiefly from the book On the Common Life of Clerics.

(printed under page 40)

(59) ‹anchor: Si abundet in te gratia› · call in col 74 (belongs in n74; left here pending, Q8a may not write n74)

Negatio non deest in edit. omnibus et mss. nonnullis; ea tamen in longe pluribus potioribusque cod. reperitur. Si per interrogationem sententiam nobiscum acceperis, non incongrue.

The negative "non" is missing in all the editions and in some manuscripts; yet it is found in far more and better manuscripts. If you take the sentence with us as a question, it is not unfitting.

(printed under page 40)

Page

  • running head: 73 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRO[RUM] (right portion cut off in image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹151. Consilium prompsimus, auctoritatem peta-›; B ‹fectum hortatur, dicens: Nunc ergo et facere con-›; C ‹ministerio, non totum quod habet, conferat; sed›; D ‹auri possidet, non abundat; quia nihil est quidquid›
  • old-edition numerals: 41 after ‹abundantia sit ad›
PL 16:74
in hoc saeculo est: et qui exiguum habet, non minuit; quia nihil est, quod amittit. Res sine dispendio est, quae tota dispendium est.
is in this world is nothing: and he who has little does not lessen, for what he loses is nothing. A thing that is wholly loss is without loss.
155. Est etiam sic intellectus bonus: Qui plurimum habet, et si non donat, non abundat; quia quantumvis acquirat, eget semper, qui plus concupiscit: et qui exiguum habet, non minuit; quia non multum est quod pauperem pascit. Similiter ergo et ille pauper qui confert spiritalia pro pecuniariis, et si plurimum habeat gratiae, non abundat; non enim onerat gratia, sed allevat mentem.
155. There is also this good understanding of it: He who has a great deal, even if he does not give, does not abound; for however much he acquires, he who covets more is always in want: and he who has little does not lessen, for it is not much that feeds a poor man. Likewise, then, that poor man too who bestows spiritual things in return for money, even if he has very much grace, does not abound; for grace does not burden the mind but lightens it.
156. Sed etiam sic potest intelligi: Non abundas, o homo. Quantum est enim quod accepisti, etsi tibi multum est? Joannes quo nemo major est inter natos mulierum, inferior tamen erat eo, qui minor est in regno coelorum.
156. But it can also be understood thus: You do not abound, O man. For how much is it that you have received, even if to you it is much? John, than whom none is greater among those born of women, was yet lower than him who is least in the kingdom of heaven.
157. Potest et sic: Non abundat Dei gratia corporaliter, quia spiritalis est. Qui potest ejus aut magnitudinem aut latitudinem comprehendere, quam non videt? Fides si fuerit sicut granum sinapis, montes transferre potest, et non tibi datur ultra granum sinapis. Si abundet in te gratia, non est verendum ne mens tua tanto munere incipiat extolli; quia multi sunt qui ab altitudine cordis sui gravius corruerunt, quam si nullam habuissent Domini gratiam? Et qui parum habet, non minuit; quia non est corporeum ut dividatur: et quod parum videtur habenti, plurimum est cui nihil deest.
157. It can also be [taken] thus: the grace of God does not abound bodily, for it is spiritual. Who can grasp either its greatness or its breadth, which he does not see? Faith, if it be as a grain of mustard seed, can remove mountains, and it is not given you beyond a grain of mustard seed. If grace abounds in you, is there no fear that your mind may begin to be lifted up by so great a gift, since there are many who have fallen more heavily from the height of their heart than if they had had no grace of the Lord? And he who has little does not lessen; for it is not bodily, so as to be divided: and what seems little to the one who has it is very much to him who lacks nothing.
158. Consideranda etiam in largiendo (Dist. 86, c. Consideranda) aetas atque debilitas, nonnunquam etiam verecundia, quae ingenuos prodit natales; ut senibus plus largiaris, qui sibi labore jam non queunt victum quaerere. Similiter et debilitas corporis, et haec juvanda promptius. Tum si quis ex divitiis cecidit in egestatem: et maxime si non vitio suo, sed aut latrociniis, aut proscriptione, aut calumniis, quae habebat, amisit.
158. In giving, age and infirmity must also be considered (Dist. 86, c. Consideranda), and sometimes also modesty, which betrays freeborn birth; so that you give more to the old, who can no longer seek their living by labour. Likewise infirmity of body too, and this is to be helped more promptly. Then, if someone has fallen from riches into need: and especially if he has lost what he had not by his own fault, but through robberies, or proscription, or false accusations.
159. Sed forte dicat aliquis: Caecus uno loco sedet et praeteritur, et juvenis validus frequenter accipit. Et verum est, quia obrepit per importunitatem. Non est illud judicii, sed taedii. Nam et Dominus ait in Evangelio (Luc. XI, 8) de eo qui jam clauserat ostium suum, si quis ostium ejus procacius pulset, quia surgit et dat illi propter importunitatem.
159. But perhaps someone may say: The blind man sits in one place and is passed by, and the strong young man often receives. And it is true, for he creeps in through importunity. That is not a matter of judgement but of weariness. For the Lord too says in the Gospel (Luke 11:8), of him who had already shut his door, that if someone knocks at his door too boldly, he gets up and gives to him because of his importunity.
CAPUT XXXI.
CHAPTER XXXI.
Acceptum beneficium largiori manu remetiendum terrae praecipitur exemplo: nec non adductus ad
A benefit received is enjoined, by the example of the earth, to be repaid with a more generous hand: and also, adduced for
Editors' notes and page, col. 74

Footnotes

(59) ‹anchor: in te gratia› · call in col 74

Negatio non deest in edit. omnibus et mss. nonnullis; ea tamen in longe pluribus potioribusque cod. reperitur. Si per interrogationem sententiam nobiscum acceperis, non incongrue.

The negative "non" is lacking in all the editions and in some manuscripts; yet it is found in far more and better codices. If you take the sentence, with us, as a question, it is not unfitting.

(printed under page 40)

(60) ‹anchor: Consideranda› · call in col 74

Cic. lib. I, pag. 357, lin. 6: « Tertium est propositum, ut in beneficentia, » etc. Item lib. II, pag. 382, lin. 12: « In illo autem altero genere largiendi, » etc.

Cicero, book I, page 357, line 6: "The third point set down is that in kindness," etc. Likewise book II, page 382, line 12: "But in that other kind of giving," etc.

(printed under page 40)

Page

  • running head: [DE OFFICIIS M]INISTRORUM LIBER I. 74
  • marginal letters: A ‹in hoc saeculo est: et qui exiguum habet, non mi-›; B ‹est in regno coelorum.›; C ‹dit natales; ut senibus plus largiaris, qui sibi la-›; D ‹Acceptum beneficium largiori manu remetiendum›
  • old-edition numerals: 42 before ‹158. Consideranda›
PL 16:75
eamdem rem Salomonis de convivio locus, postea spiritali sensu exponitur.
the same matter, the passage of Solomon on the banquet, which is afterwards expounded in a spiritual sense.
160. Pulchrum quoque est propensiorem ejus haberi rationem, qui tibi aut beneficium aliquod, aut munus contulit, si ipse necessitatem incidit. Quid enim tam contra officium, quam non reddere quod acceperis? Nec mensura pari, sed uperiore reddendum arbitror, et usum pensare beneficii; ut et tu subvenias, quantum ejus aerumnam repellas. Etenim superiorem non esse in referendo quam in conferendo beneficio, hoc est minorem esse, quoniam qui prior contulit, tempore superior est, humanitate prior.
160. It is fine also to have a readier regard for him who has conferred on you some benefit or gift, if he himself has fallen into need. For what is so contrary to duty as not to give back what you have received? I judge that it should be repaid not in equal measure but in fuller, and the benefit of the use [of it] weighed in; so that you too give help, as far as you may drive off his hardship. For not to be superior in returning a benefit than in conferring one is to be inferior, since he who gave first is superior in time, foremost in kindness.
161. Unde imitanda nobis est in hoc quoque natura terrarum, quae susceptum semen multiplicatiori solet numero reddere quam acceperit. Ideo tibi scriptum est: Sicut agricultura est homo insipiens, et tanquam vinea homo egens sensu. Si reliqueris eum, desolabitur (Prov. XXIV, 30, 31). Sicut agricultura ergo etiam sapiens, ut tanquam fenerata sibi majore mensura semina suscepta restituat. Terra ergo aut spontaneos fructus germinat, aut creditos uberiore cumulo refundit ac reddit. Utrumque debes quodam haereditario usu parentis, ne relinquaris sicut infecundus ager. Esto tamen ut aliquis excusare possit quod non dederit, quomodo excusare potest quod non reddiderit? Non dare cuiquam vix licet, non reddere vero non licet.
161. Hence in this too we must imitate the nature of the earth, which is wont to return the seed it has received in more multiplied number than it received. Therefore it is written for you: The foolish man is like tillage, and the man lacking sense like a vineyard. If you leave him, he will become desolate (Prov. 24:30, 31). The wise man, then, is like tillage too, that he may restore the seeds he has received in greater measure, as though lent to him at interest. The earth therefore either puts forth fruits of its own accord, or pours back and returns what was entrusted to it in a richer heap. Both you owe, by a kind of hereditary custom of your parent, lest you be left like an unfruitful field. Grant, however, that someone can excuse his not having given; how can he excuse his not having repaid? Not to give to someone is scarcely allowed; but not to repay is not allowed.
162. Ideo pulchre Salomon ait: Si sederis coenare ad mensam potentis, sapienter intellige ea quae apponuntur tibi: et mitte manum tuam sciens quod oportet talia praeparare. Si autem insatiabilis es, noli concupiscere escas ejus; haec enim obtinent vitam fallacem (Prov. XXIII, 1 et seq.). Quas nos imitari cupientes sententias, scripsimus. Conferre gratiam bonum est: at qui referre nescit, durissimus. Humanitatis exemplum ipsa terra suggerit. Spontaneos fructus ministrat quos non severis, multiplicatum quoque reddit quod acceperit. Negare tibi pecuniam numeratam non licet, quomodo licet acceptam non referre gratiam? In proverbiis quoque habes, quod ita plurimum redhibitio ista gratiae apud Deum consuevit valere, ut etiam in die ruinae inveniat gratiam quando possunt praeponderare peccata. Et quid aliis utar exemplis, cum Dominus ipse remunerationem uberiorem
162. Therefore Solomon finely says: If you sit to dine at the table of a mighty man, consider wisely what is set before you: and put forth your hand knowing that you must prepare such things. But if you are insatiable, do not covet his meats; for these hold a deceitful life (Prov. 23:1 ff.). Wishing to imitate these sentences, we have written. To confer a favour is good: but he who does not know how to return it is most hard. The earth itself suggests an example of kindness. It supplies fruits of its own accord which you have not sown; it also gives back multiplied what it has received. You may not deny money counted out to you; how may you fail to return a favour received? In the Proverbs too you have it that this repayment of a favour is wont to avail so very much with God that even in the day of ruin it finds favour, when sins may outweigh. And why should I use other examples, when the Lord Himself promises a richer reward
Editors' notes and page, col. 75

Footnotes

(61) ‹anchor: beneficium aliquod› · call in col 75

Cic. lib. I Offic., pag. 357, lin. 20: « Sin autem erunt merita, ut non ineunda, sed referenda sit gratia, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 357, line 20: "But if there are merits, so that thanks are not to be begun but returned," etc.

(printed under page 41)

(62) ‹anchor: usum pensare beneficii› · call in col 75

Edit. ac pauci mss., usum pensandum beneficii, ut tanto subvenias, quanto, etc.

The editions and a few manuscripts: "the use of a kindness is to be weighed, so that you help as much as," etc.

(printed under page 41)

(63) ‹anchor: superiorem non esse in referendo› · call in col 75

Quam in conferendo, desunt in duobus mss. et Rom. edit.; sed in reliquis exstant, nec sensum ullo modo impediunt.

"Quam in conferendo" (than in bestowing) is missing in two manuscripts and the Roman edition; but it stands in the rest and in no way hinders the sense.

(printed under page 41)

(64) ‹anchor: quod non dederit› · call in col 75

Cic. lib. I Offic., pag. 357, lin. 24: « Annon imitari agros fertiles qui multo plus afferunt quam acceperunt. »

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 357, line 24: "Or [ought we] not to imitate fertile fields, which bring back much more than they have received?"

(printed under page 41)

(65) ‹anchor: dare cuiquam vix licet› · call in col 75

Ibid., lin. 27: » Demus necne in nostra potestate est: non reddere viro bono non licet. »

Ibid., line 27: "Whether we give or not is in our power; not to repay is not permitted to a good man."

(printed under page 41)

(66) ‹anchor: obtinent vitam fallacem› · call in col 75

Omnes edit. et pauci mss., vitam falsam. Alii multo plures, vitam fallacem. LXX, ταῦτα γὰρ ἔχεται ζωῆς ψευδοῦς. Aq. et Th., Καὶ αὐτὸς ἄρτος ψευσμάτων. Et continuo post edit. Amerb., quam nos; aliae, quem nos, etc.; mss. prope ad unum, quas nos, etc.

All the editions and a few manuscripts: "a false life". Many more others: "a deceitful life". The Septuagint: "for these things hold to a false life." Aquila and Theodotion: "And it is the bread of lies." And immediately after, Amerbach's edition reads "quam nos"; the others "quem nos", etc.; the manuscripts almost to a man "quas nos", etc.

(printed under page 41)

(67) ‹anchor: In proverbiis quoque habes› · call in col 75 (printed "(6«)")

Rom edit. sola. In Salomone quoque habes: sed aut Ambrosius locum memoriter citavit, aut non libri titulum, sed materiam designavit; constat enim proverbialibus sententiis Ecclesiasticus. Infra vero eadem edit., illud convivium in proverbiis non de cibis, etc.

The Roman edition alone: "In Solomon also you have"; but either Ambrose quoted the passage from memory, or he indicated not the title of the book but its matter; for Ecclesiasticus consists of proverbial sayings. Further on, the same edition: "that banquet in Proverbs not of foods," etc.

(printed under page 41)

(68) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 75 or 76 (not visible on the page foot)

Rom. edit. sola, Mensuram bonam confertam,

The Roman edition alone: "good measure, pressed down."

(printed under page 41)

Page

  • running head: 75 S. AMBROS[II] (right portion cut off in image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹eamdem rem Salomonis de convivio locus, pas-›; B ‹catiori solet numero reddere quam acceperit. Ideo›; C ‹nare ad mensam potentis, sapienter intellige ea quae›; D ‹ut etiam in die ruinae inveniat gratiam quando›
  • old-edition numerals: 43 before ‹noli concupiscere›
PL 16:76
sanctorum meritis in Evangelio polliceatur, atque exhortetur ut operemur bonum opus, dicens: Dimittite et dimittetur vobis, date et dabitur vobis; mensuram bonam, commotam, superfluentem dabunt in sinum vestrum (Luc. VI, 38, 38)?
to the merits of the saints in the Gospel, and exhorts us to work a good work, saying: Forgive and you shall be forgiven; give and it shall be given to you; good measure, shaken together, running over, shall they give into your bosom (Luke 6:37, 38)?
163. Itaque et illud convivium Salomonis non de cibis, sed de operibus est bonis. Quo enim melius epulantur animi, quam bonis factis? Aut quid aliud tam facile potest justorum explere mentes, quam boni operis conscientia? Qui autem jucundior cibus, quam facere voluntatem Dei? Quem cibum sibi solum Dominus abundare memoravit, sicut scriptum est in Evangelio: Meus cibus est, ut faciam voluntatem Patris mei qui est in coelo (Joan. IV, 34).
163. And so that banquet of Solomon too is not about foods but about good works. For on what do souls feast better than on good deeds? Or what else can so readily fill the minds of the just as the consciousness of a good work? And what food is more pleasant than to do the will of God? This is the food which the Lord said alone was abundant for Him, as it is written in the Gospel: My food is to do the will of My Father who is in heaven (John 4:34).
164. Hoc cibo delectemur, de quo ait Propheta: Delectare in Domino (Psal. XXXVI, 4). Hoc cibo delectantur, qui superiores delectationes mirabili ingenio comprehenderunt, qui possunt scire qualis sit illa munda et intelligibilis mentis delectatio. Edamus ergo panes sapientiae; et saturemur in verbo Dei; quia non in solo pane, sed in omni verbo Dei vita est hominis facti ad imaginem Dei. De poculo vero satis expresse dicit sanctus Job: Sicut terra exspectans pluviam, sic et isti sermones meos (Job. XXXIX, 23).
164. Let us delight in this food, of which the Prophet says: Delight in the Lord (Ps. 36:4). In this food they delight who have grasped with wonderful understanding the higher delights, who can know what that pure and intelligible delight of the mind is. Let us eat, then, the loaves of wisdom, and be filled with the word of God; for the life of man, made to the image of God, is not in bread alone but in every word of God. And of the cup holy Job speaks clearly enough: As the earth awaiting the rain, so these too [awaited] my words (Job 29:23).
CAPUT XXXII.
CHAPTER XXXII.
Praemisso quid gratiae ob memorati convivii fercula sit referendum, variae reddendi beneficii rationes recensetur; ubi et de benevolentiae laude, effectis atque ordine disseritur.
Having first set out what thanks are to be returned for the dishes of the banquet mentioned, the various ways of repaying a benefit are reviewed; where there is discussion also of the praise of goodwill, its effects and its order.
165. Pulchrum est ergo ut divinarum Scripturarum humescamus alloquio, et quasi ros sic in nos Dei verba descendant. Cum igitur sederis ad illam mensam potentis, intellige quis sit iste potens: et in paradiso delectationis positus, atque in convivio sapientiae locatus, considera quae apponuntur tibi. Scriptura divina convivium sapientiae est: singuli libri singula sunt fercula. Intellige prius quae habeant ferculorum dapes, et tunc mitte manum; ut ea quae legis vel quae accipis a Domino Deo tuo, operibus exsequaris, et collatam in te gratiam officiis repraesentes: ut Petrus et Paulus, qui evangelizando vicem quamdam largitori muneris reddiderunt, ut possent singuli dicere: Gratia autem Dei sum quod sum, et gratia ejus egena in me non
165. It is fine, then, that we be moistened by the address of the divine Scriptures, and that the words of God descend upon us like dew. When therefore you sit at that table of the mighty man, understand who that mighty one is: and, set in the paradise of delight and placed at the banquet of wisdom, consider what is set before you. Divine Scripture is the banquet of wisdom: the several books are the several dishes. Understand first what fare the dishes hold, and then put forth your hand; that what you read or receive from the Lord your God you may carry out in works, and render back in duties the grace bestowed on you: as Peter and Paul, who by preaching the Gospel made a kind of return to the giver of the gift, so that each could say: But by the grace of God I am what I am, and His grace in me was not
Editors' notes and page, col. 76

Footnotes

(68) ‹anchor: mensuram bonam› · call in col 76

Rom. edit. sola, Mensuram bonam confertam.

The Roman edition alone [reads] "Good measure, pressed down."

(printed under page 41)

Page

  • running head: [S.] AMBROSII. 76
  • marginal letters: A ‹riorem sanctorum meritis in Evangelio polliceatur,›; B ‹164. Hoc cibo delectemur, de quo ait Propheta:›; C ‹tiones recensetur; ubi et de benevolentiae laude,›; D ‹gelizando vicem quamdam largitori muneris red-›
  • old-edition numerals: 44 before ‹Intellige prius›
PL 16:77
fuit: sed abundantius illis omnibus laboravi (I Cor. XV, 10).
void: but I laboured more abundantly than they all (1 Cor. 15:10).
166. Alius ergo fructum accepti beneficii, ut aurum auro, argentum argento rependit: alius laborem, alius, haud scio an etiam locupletius, solum restituit affectum. Quid enim si reddendi nulla facultas suppetit? In beneficio referendo plus animus quam census operatur: magisque praeponderat benevolentia, quam possibilitas referendi muneris. Gratia enim in eo ipso quod habetur, refertur. Magna igitur benevolentia, quae etiam si nihil conferat, plus exhibet: et cum in patrimonio nihil habeat, largitur pluribus; idque facit sine ullo sui dispendio, et lucro omnium. Et ideo praestat benevolentia supra ipsam liberalitatem. Ditior haec moribus, quam illa muneribus; plures enim sunt qui indigent beneficio, quam qui abundant.
166. One man, then, repays the fruit of a benefit received as gold for gold, silver for silver: another [repays it with] labour; another, perhaps even more richly, returns only his affection. For what if no means of repaying is at hand? In returning a benefit the mind does more than the purse: and goodwill weighs more than the ability to return a gift. For gratitude is returned in the very fact that it is felt. Great, then, is goodwill, which even if it confers nothing, shows forth more: and though it has nothing in its patrimony, it bestows on many; and it does this without any loss to itself and to the gain of all. And therefore goodwill excels even liberality itself. The one is richer in character than the other in gifts; for there are more who need a benefit than who abound.
167. Est autem benevolentia etiam conjuncta liberalitati, a qua ipsa liberalitas proficiscitur, cum largitatis affectum sequitur largiendi usus: et separata atque discreta. Ubi enim deest liberalitas, benevolentia manet, communis quaedam parens omnium, quae amicitiam connectit et copulat: in consiliis fidelis, in prosperis laeta, in tristibus moesta; ut unusquisque benevolentis se magis quam sapientis credat consilio: ut David cum esset prudentior, Jonathae tamen junioris consiliis acquiescebat. Tolle ex usu hominum benevolentiam, tanquam solem e mundo tuleris, ita erit: quia sine ea usus hominum esse non potest ut peregrinanti monstrare viam, revocare errantem, deferre hospitium, non igitur mediocris virtus, de qua sibi plaudebat Job dicens (Job XXXI, 32): Foris autem non habitabat hospes, janua mea omni venienti patebat), aquam de aqua profluenti dare lumen de lumine accendere. Benevolentia itaque in his est
167. Goodwill, moreover, is both joined to liberality, being that from which liberality itself proceeds, when the practice of giving follows the disposition to give; and it is also separate and distinct. For where liberality is lacking, goodwill remains, a kind of common parent of all, which binds and couples friendship: faithful in counsels, glad in prosperity, sorrowful in sadness; so that each man trusts himself rather to the counsel of one who wishes him well than to that of a wise man: as David, though he was the wiser, yet acquiesced in the counsels of the younger Jonathan. Take goodwill out of human intercourse, and it will be as though you had taken the sun from the world: for without it there can be no human intercourse, such as to show the way to a traveller, to call back one who wanders, to offer hospitality (no mean virtue, then, on which Job congratulated himself, saying (Job 31:32): But the stranger did not lodge outside, my door was open to everyone who came), to give water from flowing water, to kindle light from light. Goodwill, then, is in these
Editors' notes and page, col. 77

Footnotes

(69) ‹anchor: solum restituit affectum› · call in col 77

Cic. Offic. lib. II, p. 384, lin. 26: « Nimirum enim inops ille, si bonus est vir, etiamsi referre gratiam non potest, habere certe potest, commode autem, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book II, page 384, line 26: "For surely that poor man, if he is a good man, even if he cannot return thanks, can certainly feel them; but conveniently," etc.

(printed under page 42)

(70) ‹anchor: in consiliis fidelis› · call in col 77

Cic. Offic. lib. I, p. 358, lin. 46: « Consilia, sermones, cohortationes, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 358, line 46: "Counsels, conversations, exhortations," etc.

(printed under page 42)

(71) ‹anchor: hominum benevolentiam› · call in col 77

Translata est haec sententia ex Cic. lib. de Amicitia, p. 425, lin. 18, ubi habetur: « Solem enim e mundo tollere videtur, qui amicitiam e vita tollunt. »

This saying is translated from Cicero's book On Friendship, page 425, line 18, where it reads: "For they seem to take the sun out of the world who take friendship out of life."

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(72) ‹anchor: monstrare viam› · call in col 77

Cic. lib. I, Offic. p. 358, lin.: « Ex quo sunt illa communia: non prohibere aquam profluentem: pati ab igne, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 358, line [number not printed]: "Hence those common [duties]: not to forbid running water; to allow [fire to be taken] from fire," etc.

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(73) ‹anchor: deferre hospitium› · call in col 77

Post voces, deferre hospitium, edit. Rom. continuo subjungit, aquam de aqua profluenti dare, lumen de lumine accendere. Verum non satis attenderunt qui ei praefuerunt, viri doctissimi, verba ista, Non igitur, etc., quamdam esse parenthesin quae per causam verborum, deferre hospitium, introducta est.

After the words "deferre hospitium", the Roman edition immediately adds "aquam de aqua profluenti dare, lumen de lumine accendere". But the very learned men who directed it did not sufficiently observe that the words "Non igitur", etc., are a kind of parenthesis, introduced on account of the words "deferre hospitium".

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(74) ‹anchor: a domesticis› · call in col 78 (printed under col 77; belongs with col 78's notes)

Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 357, lin. 37: « Optime autem societas hominum, » etc. Item, pag. 358, lin. 16: « Arctior vero colligatio societatis propinquorum...... prima societas in ipso est conjugio, » etc. Nec non lin. 40: « Sed si contentio quaedam, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 357, line 37: "But the fellowship of men [is preserved] best," etc. Likewise page 358, line 16: "But a closer bond is the fellowship of kinsmen...... the first fellowship is in marriage itself," etc. And also line 40: "But if some contest," etc.

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  • running head: 77 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRO[RUM] (right portion cut off in image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹fuit: sed abundantius illis omnibus laboravi (I Cor.›; B ‹ribus, quam illa muneribus; plures enim sunt qui›; C ‹monstrare viam, revocare errantem, deferre›; D ‹(beside footnote 72; no text line of this column)›
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
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omnibus, tanquam fons aquae reficiens sitientem, et tanquam lucem quod etiam in aliis luceat, nec illis desit, qui de suo lumine aliis lumen accenderint.
all things, like a fountain of water refreshing the thirsty, and like a light, in that it shines in others too and is not lacking to those who have kindled light for others from their own light.
168. Est etiam illa benevolentiae liberalitas, ut si quod habes debitoris chirographum, scindens restituas, nihil a debitore consecutus debiti. Quod exemplo sui facere nos debere Job sanctus admonet (Ibid., 35 et seq.). Nam qui habet, non mutuatur; qui non habet non liberat syngrapham. Quid igitur etiam si ipse non exigas, avaris haeredibus reservas, quam potes cum benevolentiae laude sine damno pecuniae repraesentare?
168. There is also that liberality of goodwill, that if you hold a debtor's bond, you tear it up and give it back, having obtained nothing of the debt from the debtor. Holy Job admonishes by his own example that we ought to do this (ibid., 35 ff.). For he who has does not borrow; he who has not does not discharge the bond. Why, then, even if you yourself do not exact it, do you keep for greedy heirs what you can hand over with the praise of goodwill and without loss of money?
169. Atque ut plenius discutiamus; benevolentia a domesticis primum profecta personis, id est a filiis, parentibus, fratribus, per conjunctionum gradus in civitatum pervenit ambitum, et de paradiso egressa mundum replevit. Denique cum in viro et femina benevolentem Deus posuisset affectum, dixit: Erunt ambo in una carne (Gen. II, 24), et in uno spiritu. Unde Eva serpenti credidit; quoniam quae benevolentiam acceperat, esse malevolentiam non opinabatur.
169. And that we may discuss it more fully: goodwill, setting out first from the persons of the household, that is, from children, parents, brothers, has come through the degrees of kinship to the compass of cities, and going forth from paradise has filled the world. Thus when God had placed a well-wishing affection in man and woman, He said: The two shall be in one flesh (Gen. 2:24), and in one spirit. Hence Eve believed the serpent; since she who had received goodwill did not suppose that ill will existed.
CAPUT XXXIII.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
Benevolentiam in Ecclesia maxime, et earumdem aut affinium virtutum hominibus perseverare.
That goodwill endures most of all in the Church, and among men of the same or kindred virtues.
170. Augetur benevolentia coetu Ecclesiae, fidei consortio, initiandi societate, percipiendae gratiae necessitudine, mysteriorum communione. Haec enim etiam appellationes necessitudinum, reverentiam filiorum, auctoritatem et pietatem patrum, germanitatem fratrum sibi vindicant. Multum igitur ad cumulandam spectat benevolentiam necessitudo gratiae.
170. Goodwill is increased by the assembly of the Church, by fellowship in the faith, by partnership in being initiated, by the bond of receiving grace, by communion in the mysteries. For these also claim for themselves the names of kinship: the reverence of sons, the authority and devotion of fathers, the brotherhood of brothers. The bond of grace, then, contributes much to heaping up goodwill.
171. Adjuvant etiam parium studia virtutum.
171. The pursuits of equal virtues also help.
Editors' notes and page, col. 78

Footnotes

(75) ‹anchor: coetu Ecclesiae› · call in col 78

Ibid., pag. 358, lin. 24: « Magnum est enim eadem habere, » etc. Videtur autem per voces percipiendae gratiae necessitudine potissimum ea signari necessitudo quae inter ordinantem atque ordinatum, baptizantem, et baptizatum, nec non inter catechizantem et catechizatum contrahitur, quo etiam referri potest quae inter susceptores atque susceptos nascitur sacra cognatio. Quarum autem appellationum Ecclesiae societas origo est, primam dicit reverentiam filiorum, qua videlicet non solum Christiani laici, sed et clerici quoque episcopos patris nomine salutabant, ut infra, cap. 41, beatum Sixtum ter compellat ea nomine sanctus Laurentius. Secundum vero statuit auctoritatem et pietatem patrum, qua nempe ibidem Sixtus vicissim appellat Laurentium, et Ambrosius cum passim hoc in opere clericos suos, tum alibi pluribus locis sacras virgines atque viduas filias nominat, quod quidem non minus pietatis esse quam auctoritatis ipsemet satis indicavit cap, 7, ubi ait: « Neque enim minus vos diligo, quos in Evangelio genui, quam si in conjugio suscepissem, » etc. Tertio demum loco germanitatem fratrum collocat, quo vocabulo primos Christianos nominari consuevisse ex beno multis intelligitur Actuum apostolorum, canonicarumque epistolarum locis.

Ibid., page 358, line 24: "For it is a great thing to have the same," etc. By the words "the bond of receiving grace" seems chiefly to be meant the bond contracted between the one ordaining and the one ordained, the one baptizing and the one baptized, and also between the catechist and the catechumen; to which may also be referred the sacred kinship that arises between sponsors and those they sponsor. Of the names of which the fellowship of the Church is the origin, he puts first the reverence of sons, by which not only Christian lay people but clerics too greeted bishops by the name of father, as below, chapter 41, Saint Laurence three times addresses blessed Sixtus by that name. Second he sets the authority and affection of fathers, by which in the same place Sixtus in turn addresses Laurence, and Ambrose both throughout this work calls his clergy, and elsewhere in many places calls consecrated virgins and widows, his children — which he himself showed clearly enough to be a matter no less of affection than of authority in chapter 7, where he says: "For I do not love you less, whom I have begotten in the Gospel, than if I had received you in marriage," etc. In the third place, finally, he sets the brotherhood of brothers, the word by which the first Christians were commonly named, as is understood from a good many passages of the Acts of the Apostles and the canonical epistles.

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(76) ‹anchor: parium studia virtutum› · call in col 78

Cic. Offic. lib. I, p. 358, lin. 25: « Sed omnium societatum nulla praestantior est, » etc. Item lin. 30: Nihil autem est amabilius, etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 358, line 25: "But of all fellowships none is more excellent," etc. Likewise line 30: "But nothing is more lovable," etc.

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  • running head: [DE OFFICIIS M]INISTRORUM LIBER I. 78
  • marginal letters: A ‹omnibus, tanquam fons aquae reficiens sitientem, et›; B ‹id est a filiis, parentibus, fratribus, per conjunc-›; C ‹enim etiam appellationes necessitudinum, reveren-›; D ‹(beside footnote 75; no text line of this column)›
  • old-edition numerals: 45 before ‹169. Atque›
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Siquidem benevolentia etiam morum facit similitudinem. Denique Jonathas filius regis imitabatur sancti David mansuetudinem, propter quod diligebat eum (I Reg. XIX, 2 et seq.). Unde et illud: Cum sancto sanctus eris (Psal. XVII, 29), non solum ad conversationem videtur, sed etiam ad benevolentiam derivandum videtur. Nam utique et filii Noe simul habitabant, et non erat in his morum concordia (Gen. IX, 22 et seq.). Habitabant etiam in domo patria Esau et Jacob, sed discrepabant (Gen. XXV, 27). Non enim erat benevolentia inter eos quae sibi praeferret alterum: sed magis contentio, quae praeriperet benedictionem (Gen. XXVII, 14 et seq.). Nam cum alter praedurus, alter mansuetus esset, inter dispares mores, et studia compugnantia, benevolentia esse non poterat. Adde quia sanctus Jacob paternae de generem domus virtuti praeferre non poterat.
For goodwill also produces likeness of character. Thus Jonathan, the king's son, imitated the meekness of holy David, because he loved him (1 Sam. 19:2 ff.). Hence that saying too: With the holy you will be holy (Ps. 17:26), seems to apply not only to manner of life but also to be extended to goodwill. For indeed the sons of Noah lived together, and there was no concord of character among them (Gen. 9:22 ff.). Esau and Jacob also lived in their father's house, but they were at variance (Gen. 25:27). For there was no goodwill between them, such as would prefer the other to oneself: but rather contention, which would snatch the blessing first (Gen. 27:14 ff.). For since the one was very hard and the other gentle, between unlike characters and conflicting pursuits there could be no goodwill. Add that holy Jacob could not prefer the degenerate one of his father's house to virtue.
172. Nihil autem tam consociabile, quam cum aequitate justitia: quae velut compar et socia benevolenti⟨ae⟩, facit ut eos quos pares nobis credimus, diligamus. Habet autem in se benevolentia, etiam fortitudinem; nam cum amicitia ex benevolentiae fonte procedat, non dubitat pro amico gravia vitae sustinere pericula: Et si mala mihi, inquit, evenerint per illum, sustineo (Eccli. XXII, 31).
172. But nothing is so apt for fellowship as justice joined with equity: which, as the mate and companion of goodwill, makes us love those whom we believe to be our equals. Goodwill, moreover, has fortitude also within it; for since friendship proceeds from the fountain of goodwill, it does not hesitate to undergo grave dangers to life for a friend: And if evils befall me through him, he says, I bear them (Sir. 22:31).
CAPUT XXXIV.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
Alia nonnulla benevolentiae commoda memorantur.
Some other advantages of goodwill are recounted.
173. Benevolentia etiam gladium iracundiae extorquere consuevit. Benevolentia facit ut amici vulnera utilia quam voluntaria inimici oscula sint (Prov. XXVII, 6). Benevolentia facit, ut unus fiat ex pluribus; quoniam si plures amici sint, unus fiunt, in quibus unus spiritus et una sententia est. Simul advertimus etiam correptiones in amicitia
173. Goodwill is wont also to wrest away the sword of anger. Goodwill makes the wounds of a friend more profitable than the willing kisses of an enemy (Prov. 27:6). Goodwill makes one out of many; since if there are many friends, they become one, in whom there is one spirit and one mind. At the same time we notice that rebukes in friendship also
Editors' notes and page, col. 79

Footnotes

(77) ‹anchor: tam consociabile› · call in col 79

Cic. Offic. lib. I, p. 358: « Et quanquam omnis virtus nos ad se allicit, facitque ut eos diligamus, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 358: "And although every virtue draws us to itself and makes us love those [in whom it seems to be]," etc.

(printed under page 43)

(78) ‹anchor: unus fiat ex pluribus› · call in col 79

Ibid., lin. 32: « Efficiturque id quod Pythagoras, » etc.

Ibid., line 32: "And there comes about what Pythagoras [wants in friendship]," etc.

(printed under page 43)

(79) ‹anchor: gratas esse› · call in col 80 (printed under col 79; belongs with col 80's notes)

Ibid., lin. 46: « Interdum etiam objurgationes in amicis, » etc.

Ibid., line 46: "Sometimes even rebukes among friends," etc.

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(80) ‹anchor: officia debentur› · call in col 80 (printed under col 79; belongs with col 80's notes)

Ibid., lin. 43: « Sed his omnibus officiis tribuendis. » etc.

Ibid., line 43: "But in assigning all these duties," etc.

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(81) ‹anchor: de fortitudine tractemus› · call in col 80 (printed under cols 79–80; belongs with col 80's notes)

Ibid,. pag. 359, lin. 11: « Intelligendum est autem, cum proposita, » etc. Quod Ambrosius armorum tractationem clericis illicitam esse patefaciens, particulam jam semel et iterum hic adhibeat, manifestum est hoc modo eos distingui vel ab antiqui foederis sacerdotibus ac Levitis quibus arma ferre nefas non erat, vel potius a laicis Christianis, quos quidem Evangelica lex non prohibet a militia. Scimus tamen Erasmum traduci a Sixto Sen. lib. VI Biblioth,.. annot. 156, nec non ab aliis nonnullis, quasi in suis Annot. in cap. II, maxime vero in XXII Evang. secundum Lucam voluerit licitum non esse Christianis bellum gerere; adversaeque opinioni notam inusserit impietatis. Verum ispsemet ita mentem explicat suam, ut sola Christianorum in Christianos bella penitus damnet, Christianorum autem contra Barbaros eatenus dicat se approbare cum Ambrosio, ut simul admoneat haec ipsa puritatis evangelicae non esse. Attamen hoc non ita habere vel hinc intelligas quod hi Cesares quos ob gesta bella laudatos ab Ambroisio Erasmus narrat, non omnes semper pugnavere contra Barbaros. Etenim qui inter illos principes ordinem ducit Theodosius, bello Maximum atque Eugenium tyrannos, Christianos tamen, est persecutus. Et certe infra lib. III, cap. 3, bellum a se non improbari S. Doctor palam indicat, ubi ait: « Cum gloriosum unicuique ducatur, si periculis propriis quaerat universorum tranquillitatem, » etc. Quod igitur sanctus Martinus ubi primum Christianus factus est, militiam, Sulpitio Severo teste, abdicare cogitans, « Christi, inquit, ego sum, pugnare non mihi licet; » hoc ad singularem Spiritus sancti impulsum, quo ille ad perfectius vocabatur pugnandi genus, referri debet. Hinc est quod imperatores, qui suis edictis milites spiritali hac militia interdixere, a sanctis Patribus liberius objurgati sunt. Alias aute meis qui Christo nomen dedissent, liberum semper fuisse armorum usum vel hoc evincit, quod primis temporibus referti erant militibus christianis exercitus etiam ethnicorum imperatorum. Vide Tertullianum de Corona militis, cap. 17; Aug. de Lib. Arbit., cap. 5; serm. 303, de S. Laurentio; de Civ. Dei lib. I, cap. 21, et alibi pluribus locis, et praeteros S. Thomam 2-2, q. 40.

Ibid., page 359, line 11: "But it must be understood, when [the things] set forth," etc. Since Ambrose, in showing that the handling of arms is unlawful for clerics, uses the particle "jam" (now, any longer) once and again here, it is plain that in this way they are distinguished either from the priests and Levites of the old covenant, for whom it was not unlawful to bear arms, or rather from Christian lay people, whom the law of the Gospel does not forbid military service. We know, however, that Erasmus is censured by Sixtus of Siena, Bibliotheca book VI, annotation 156, and by some others, as though in his Annotations on chapter 2, and especially on chapter 22 of the Gospel according to Luke, he had held that it is not lawful for Christians to wage war, and had branded the contrary opinion with the mark of impiety. But he himself so explains his mind as to condemn utterly only wars of Christians against Christians, while saying that he approves, with Ambrose, wars of Christians against barbarians only so far as to warn at the same time that these very things do not belong to evangelical purity. Yet that this is not so you may understand even from this: that those Caesars whom Erasmus relates were praised by Ambrose for the wars they waged did not all always fight against barbarians. For Theodosius, who leads the line among those princes, pursued in war the usurpers Maximus and Eugenius, who were nevertheless Christians. And certainly below, in book III, chapter 3, the holy Doctor openly shows that he does not disapprove of war, where he says: "Since it is counted glorious for anyone to seek the peace of all at his own peril," etc. As for Saint Martin, who, as soon as he became a Christian, thinking to renounce military service, said, on the testimony of Sulpicius Severus, "I am Christ's; it is not lawful for me to fight": this must be referred to a singular impulse of the Holy Spirit, by which he was called to a more perfect kind of fighting. Hence it is that emperors who by their edicts forbade soldiers this spiritual warfare were rebuked rather freely by the holy Fathers. Otherwise, that the use of arms was always free to those who had given their name to Christ is proved even by this, that in the earliest times the armies even of heathen emperors were full of Christian soldiers. See Tertullian, On the Soldier's Crown, chapter 17; Augustine, On Free Will, chapter 5; Sermon 303, on Saint Laurence; City of God book I, chapter 21, and elsewhere in many places; and besides these, Saint Thomas, II-II, q. 40.

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  • running head: 79 S. AMBROS[II] (right portion cut off in image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹Siquidem benevolentia etiam morum facit simili-›; B ‹Nam cum alter praedurus, alter mansuetus esset,›; C ‹173. Benevolentia etiam gladium iracundiae extor-›; D ‹(beside footnote 81; no text line of this column)›
  • old-edition numerals: 46 before ‹benevolentiae, facit›
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gratas esse, quae aculeos habent, dolorem non habent. Compungimur enim censoriis sermonibus, sed benevolentiae delectamur sedulitate.
are welcome, which have stings but have no pain. For we are pricked by censorious words, but we delight in the zeal of goodwill.
174 Ad summam, non omnibus eadem semper officia debentur, nec personarum semper, sed plerumque causarum et temporum praelationes sunt, ut vicinum quis interdum magis quam fratrem adjuverit. Quoniam et Salomon dicit: Melior vicinus in proximo, quam frater longe habitans (Ibid. 10). Et ideo plerumque amici se benevolentiae quisque committit, quam fratris necessitudini. Tantum valet benevolentia, ut plerumque pignora vincat naturae.
174. In sum, the same duties are not always owed to all, nor are the preferences always of persons, but more often of causes and times, so that a man may sometimes help a neighbour more than a brother. For Solomon too says: Better is a neighbour near at hand than a brother living far off (ibid. 10). And therefore each man often commits himself to the goodwill of a friend rather than to the bond of a brother. So much can goodwill do, that it often prevails over the pledges of nature.
CAPUT XXXV.
CHAPTER XXXV.
De fortitudine, quae dividitur in bellicam atque domesticam: primam sine justitia et prudentia virtutem non esse: alteram maxime in tolerantia esse positam.
On fortitude, which is divided into the warlike and the domestic: that the first is no virtue without justice and prudence: that the other lies chiefly in endurance.
175. Satis copiose justitiae loco honesti naturam et vim tractavimus. Nunc de fortitudine tractemus, quae velut excelsior caeteris, dividitur in res bellicas et domesticas. Sed bellicarum rerum studium a nostro officio jam alienum videtur, quia animi magis quam corporis officio intendimus: nec ad arma jam spectat usus noster, sed ad pacis negotia. Majores autem nostri, ut Jesus Nave, Hierobaal, Samson, David, summam rebus quoque bellicis retulere gloriam.
175. We have treated fully enough of the nature and force of the honourable under the head of justice. Now let us treat of fortitude, which, as being loftier than the rest, is divided into warlike and domestic matters. But the pursuit of warlike affairs now seems foreign to our office, because we attend to the duty of the soul rather than of the body: nor does our practice now look to arms, but to the business of peace. Yet our forefathers, such as Jesus son of Nave, Jerubbaal, Samson, David, won the highest glory in warlike affairs too.
176, Est itaque fortitudo velut excelsior caeteris, sed nunquam incomitata virtus; non enim seipsam committit sibi: alioquin fortitudo sine justitia iniquitatis materia est. Quo enim validior est, eo promptior ut inferiorem opprimat; cum in ipsis rebus bellicis justa bella an injusta sint, spectandum putetur.
176. Fortitude, then, is as it were loftier than the rest, but never a virtue unaccompanied; for it does not entrust itself to itself: otherwise fortitude without justice is the material of iniquity. For the stronger it is, the readier it is to oppress the weaker; whereas even in warlike matters themselves it is held that one must consider whether wars are just or unjust.
177. Nunquam David nisi lacessitus bellum intulit.
177. Never did David, unless provoked, make war.
Editors' notes and page, col. 80

Footnotes

(22) [so printed; read (82)] ‹anchor: iniquitatis materia est› · call in col 80

Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 359, lin 22: Sed ea animi elatio quae cernitur in periculis et laboribus, si justitia vacat, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 359, line 22: "But that loftiness of mind which is seen in dangers and labours, if it is empty of justice," etc.

(printed under page 43)

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  • running head: [S.] AMBROSII. 80
  • marginal letters: A ‹gratas esse, quae aculeos habent, dolorem non›; B ‹De fortitudine, quae dividitur in bellicam atque do-›; C ‹sed nunquam incomitata virtus; non enim seipsam›; D ‹(beside footnote 81 continuation; no text line of this column)›
  • old-edition numerals: 47 before ‹videtur, quia animi›
PL 16:81
Itaque prudentiam fortitudinis comitem habuit in praelio. Nam et adversus Goliam immani mole corporis virum singulari certamine dimicaturus, arma quibus oneraretur, respuit (I Reg. XVII, 40); virtus enim suis lacertis magis quam alienis integumentis nititur. Deinde eminus, quo gravius feriret, ictu lapidis hostem interemit. Postea nunquam nisi consulto Domino (II Reg. V, 19 et seq.), bellum adorsus. Ideo in omnibus victor praeliis, usque ad summam senectutem manu promptus; bello adversum Titanas suscepto, ferocibus bellator miscebatur agminibus (II Reg. XXI, 15 et seq.), gloriae cupidus, incuriosus salutis.
So he had prudence as the companion of fortitude in battle. For when he was about to fight in single combat against Goliath, a man of huge bulk of body, he refused the arms with which he would have been burdened (1 Sam. 17:40); for valour relies on its own arms rather than on another's coverings. Then from a distance, so as to strike the more heavily, he slew the enemy with the blow of a stone. Afterwards he never undertook a war except after consulting the Lord (2 Sam. 5:19 ff.). Therefore he was victor in all battles, ready of hand even to extreme old age; and when war was undertaken against the Titans, he mingled as a warrior with their fierce ranks (2 Sam. 21:15 ff.), eager for glory, careless of his safety.
178. Sed non haec sola praeclara fortitudo est; sed etiam illorum gloriosam fortitudinem accipimus, qui per fidem magnitudine animi obstruxerunt leonum ora, exstinxerunt virtutem ignis, effugerunt aciem gladii, convaluerunt de infirmitate fortes (Hebr. XI, 33, 34): qui non comitatu et legionibus succincti communem cum multis victoriam, sed nuda virtute animi singularem de perfidis retulerunt triumphum. Quam insuperabilis Daniel, qui circa latera sua rugientes non expavit leones! Fremebant bestiae, et ille epulabatur (Dan. XIV, 38).
178. But this alone is not splendid fortitude; we also take as glorious the fortitude of those who through faith, by greatness of soul, stopped the mouths of lions, quenched the power of fire, escaped the edge of the sword, out of weakness were made strong (Heb. 11:33, 34): who, not girt about with retinue and legions, carried off no victory shared with many, but by the bare valour of the soul a singular triumph over the faithless. How unconquerable was Daniel, who did not fear the lions roaring about his sides! The beasts were raging, and he was feasting (Dan. 14:38).
CAPUT XXXVI.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
Fortitudinis officium aliud esse, ut injuriam a debiliori depellamus: aliud ut non rectos animi motus coerceamus: aliud demum tum ut aspernemur humilia, tum ut honesta infracto animo prosequamur. Quae ab universis quidem Christianis, sed potissimum ab ecclesiasticis viris praestanda demonstrantur.
That one duty of fortitude is to ward off injury from the weaker; another, to restrain the wrong motions of the soul; another, lastly, both to despise low things and to pursue honourable things with unbroken spirit. These are shown to be things to be performed by all Christians indeed, but above all by men of the Church.
178. Non igitur in viribus corporis et lacertis tantummodo fortitudinis gloria est, sed magis in virtute animi: neque in inferenda (23, q. 2, c. Non in inferenda), sed in depellenda injuria lex virtutis est. Qui enim non repellit a socio injuriam, si potest, tam est in vitio, quam ille qui facit. Unde (Exod. II, 11 et seq.) sanctus Moyses hinc prius orsus est tentamenta bellicae fortitudinis. Nam cum vidisset Hebraeum ab Aegyptio injuriam accipientem, defendit; ita ut Aegyptium sterneret, atque in arena absconderet. Salomon quoque ait: Eripe eum qui ducitur ad mortem (Prov. XXIV, 10).
178. The glory of fortitude, then, lies not only in strength of body and of arms, but rather in valour of soul; nor does the law of virtue lie in inflicting injury (23, q. 2, c. Non in inferenda), but in warding it off. For he who does not repel injury from his fellow, if he can, is as much at fault as he who does it. Hence (Exod. 2:11 ff.) holy Moses began from this point his first essays in warlike fortitude. For when he had seen a Hebrew receiving injury from an Egyptian, he defended him, so that he struck down the Egyptian and hid him in the sand. Solomon also says: Deliver him who is led to death (Prov. 24:10).
179. Unde igitur hoc vel Tullius, vel etiam Panaetius, aut ipse Aristoteles transtulerint, apertum est satis. Quanquam etiam his duobus antiquior dixerit Job: Salvum feci pauperem de manu
179. From where, then, Tully, or Panaetius too, or Aristotle himself, took this over is plain enough. And yet Job, more ancient than these two, said: I saved the poor man from the hand
Editors' notes and page, col. 81

Footnotes

(83) ‹anchor: effugerunt aciem gladii› · call in col 81

Ita Gill. et Rom. edit. cum parte mss.; ant. vero cum alia, effugarunt aciem gladii. Sed in Graeco textu habetur, ἔφυγον στόματα μαχαίρας, effugerunt, etc., cui consentiunt variae translationes. At infra ubi omnes edit. ac. mss. aliquot, legionibus succincti; legunt alii mss., legionibus subjecti, quidam, legionibus subjectis, etc.

So Gillot's and the Roman edition with part of the manuscripts; but the old editions with another part read "effugarunt aciem gladii" (they put to flight the edge of the sword). But the Greek text has "they escaped the edge of the sword", "effugerunt", etc., with which the various translations agree. Further on, where all the editions and some manuscripts read "legionibus succincti" (girt with legions), other manuscripts read "legionibus subjecti", and one "legionibus subjectis", etc.

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(84) ‹anchor: sua rugientes› · call in col 81 (printed "(31)")

Plures mss., circa latera sua rudentes.

Several manuscripts: "roaring [rudentes] about his sides."

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(85) ‹anchor: fortitudinis gloria est› · call in col 81

Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 361, lin. 38: « Omnino autem illud honestum, quod ex animo excelso, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 361, line 38: "But altogether that which is honourable, which [we seek] from a lofty mind," etc.

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(86) ‹anchor: in virtute animi› · call in col 81

Ibid., pag. 353, lin. 42: « Sed injustitiae duo genera sunt, » etc.

Ibid., page 353, line 42: "But there are two kinds of injustice," etc.

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(87) ‹anchor: se ipsum vincit› · call in col 82 (printed under col 82; belongs with col 82's notes)

Ibid., pag. 360, lin. 13: « Non est autem consentaneum, qui metu non frangitur, eum frangi cupiditate, » etc.

Ibid., page 360, line 13: "But it is not consistent that one who is not broken by fear should be broken by desire," etc.

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Page

  • running head: 81 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRORUM (right part cut off in image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹tulit. Itaque prudentiam›; B ‹mus, qui per fidem›; C ‹potissimum ab ecclesiasticis›; D ‹179. Unde igitur hoc›
  • old-edition numerals: 48 before 179.
PL 16:82
potentis, et pupillum cui adjutor non erat, adjuvi. Benedictio perituri in me veniat (Job XXIX, 12, 13). Nonne hic fortissimus, qui tam fortiter pertulit impetus diaboli, et vicit eum virtute mentis suae? Neque vero de ejus dubitandum fortitudine, cui dicit Dominus: Accinge sicut vir lumbos tuos, suscipe altitudinem et virtutem: omnem autem injuriosum humiliato (Job XL, 2). Apostolus quoque ait: Habetis fortissimam consolationem (Hebr. VI, 18). Est ergo fortis qui se in dolore aliquo consolatur.
of the mighty, and the orphan who had no helper I helped. Let the blessing of him who was about to perish come upon me (Job 29:12, 13). Is not he most brave, who so bravely bore the assaults of the devil, and conquered him by the valour of his mind? Nor indeed is his fortitude to be doubted, to whom the Lord says: Gird up your loins like a man; take up loftiness and power; and bring low every one who does injury (Job 40:2). The Apostle also says: You have the strongest consolation (Heb. 6:18). He, therefore, is brave who consoles himself in some grief.
180. Et re vera jure ea fortitudo vocatur, quando unusquisque se ipsum vincit, iram continet, nullis illecebris emollitur atque inflectitur, non adversis perturbatur, non extollitur secundis, et quasi vento quodam, variarum rerum circumfertur mutatione. Quid autem excelsius et magnificentius, quam exercere mentem, afficere carnem et in servitudinem redigere; ut obediat imperio, consiliis obtemperet, ut in adeundis laboribus impigre exsequatur propositum animi ac voluntatem?
180. And in truth that is rightly called fortitude when each one conquers himself, restrains his anger, is softened and bent by no allurements, is not disturbed by adversity, is not lifted up by prosperity, and is not carried about, as though by some wind, by the change of various things. And what is loftier and more magnificent than to exercise the mind, to discipline the flesh and bring it into servitude, so that it obeys command, complies with counsel, and in undertaking labours carries out unweariedly the purpose and will of the soul?
181. Haec igitur prima vis fortitudinis, quoniam in duobus generibus fortitudo spectatur animi. Primo, ut externa corporis pro minimis habeat, et quasi superflua despicienda magis quam expetenda ducat. Secundo, ut ea quae summa sunt, omnes quae res in quibus honestas et illud πρέπον cernitur, praeclara animi intentione usque ad affectum persequatur. Quid enim tam praeclarum, quam ut ita animum informes tuum, ut neque divitias, neque voluptates, neque honores in maximis constituas, neque in his studium omne conteras? Quod cum ita affectus animo fueris, necesse est illud honestum ac decorum praeponendum putes, illique mentem ita intendas tuam, ut quidquid acciderit quo frangi animi solent, aut patrimonii amissio, aut honoris imminutio, aut obtrectatio infidelium, quasi superior non sentias. Deinde ut te salutis ipsius pericula pro justitia suscepta non moveant.
181. This, then, is the first force of fortitude, since the fortitude of the soul is seen in two kinds. First, that it should hold the external things of the body as of least account, and reckon them as superfluous, rather to be despised than sought after. Second, that it should pursue with a splendid intentness of soul, even to the point of desire, those things which are highest, and all things in which honourableness and that πρέπον [that which is fitting] is seen. For what is so splendid as so to shape your soul that you set neither riches, nor pleasures, nor honours among the greatest things, nor wear out all your zeal upon them? When you are so disposed in soul, you must needs think that what is honourable and becoming is to be preferred, and so bend your mind upon it that whatever happens by which souls are wont to be broken, whether loss of patrimony, or diminution of honour, or the disparagement of the unbelieving, you do not feel it, as one standing above it. Then, that the dangers to your very safety, undertaken for justice, should not move you.
182. Haec vera fortitudo est, quam habet Christi athleta, qui, nisi legitimo certamine, non coronatur. An mediocre tibi videtur praeceptum fortitudinis: Tribulatio patientiam operatur, patientia probationem, probatio autem spem (II Cor. VII, 5)? Vide quot certamina, et una corona. Quod praeceptum non dat, nisi qui est confortatus in Christo Jesu, cujus caro requiem non
182. This is true fortitude, which the athlete of Christ has, who is not crowned except by a lawful contest. Or does the precept of fortitude seem slight to you: Tribulation works patience, patience proof, and proof hope (2 Cor. 7:5)? See how many contests, and one crown. This precept none gives but he who is strengthened in Christ Jesus, whose flesh had no rest
Editors' notes and page, col. 82

Footnotes

(88) ‹anchor: fortitudo spectatur› · call in col 82

Mss. aliquot, fortitudo flectatur; quidam, flectitur animi. Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 359, lig. 49: « Omnino fortis animus et magnus duabus rebus maxime cernitur, » etc.

Some manuscripts: "fortitudo flectatur"; one: "flectitur animi". Cicero, On Duties book I, page 359, line 49: "Altogether a brave and great mind is seen chiefly in two things," etc.

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(89) ‹anchor: illud πρέπον cernitur› · call in col 82

In mss. dictio πρέπον varias peperit ineptias: in quibusdam enim legitur, honestum cernitur; in aliis, proponi cernitur; in nonnullis, praeponderare; in aliquibus, praepotens cernitur.

In the manuscripts the word πρέπον (the fitting) has produced various absurdities: in some it reads "honestum cernitur"; in others, "proponi cernitur"; in some, "praeponderare"; in certain ones, "praepotens cernitur".

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(90) ‹anchor: frangi animi solent› · call in col 82

Mss. aliquot, frangi homines solent.

Some manuscripts: "men are wont to be broken."

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(91) ‹anchor: nisi legitimo certamine› · call in col 82

Nonnulli ms., nisi qui legitime certaverit.

Some manuscripts: "unless he who has striven lawfully."

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Page

  • running head: MINISTRORUM LIBER I. 82 (left part cut off in image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹potentis, et pupillum›; B ‹versis perturbatur, non›; C ‹animum informes tuum›; D ‹tia probationem, probatio›
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 16:83
habebat. Afflictio undique: foris pugnae, intus timores. Et quamvis in periculis, in laboribus plurimis, in carceribus, in mortibus positus; animo tamen non frangebatur, sed praeliabatur, adeo ut potentior suis fieret infirmitatibus.
Affliction on every side: fightings without, fears within. And although he was set in dangers, in very many labours, in prisons, in deaths, yet he was not broken in spirit, but did battle, so that he became more powerful through his infirmities.
183. Itaque considera quemadmodum eos qui ad officia Ecclesiae accedunt, despicientiam rerum humanarum habere debere doceat. Si ergo mortui estis cum Christo ab elementis hujus mundi, quid adhuc velut viventes de hoc mundo decernitis? Ne tetigeritis, ne attaminaveritis, ne gustaveritis quae sunt omnia ad corruptelam ipso usu (Coloss. II, 20 et seq.). Et infra: Si ergo consurrexistis cum Christo, quae sursum sunt quaerite, non quae super terram (Coloss. III, 1). Et iterum: Mortificate ergo membra vestra, quae sunt super terram (Ibid. 5). Et haec quidem adhuc omnibus fidelibus: tibi autem, fili, contemptum divitiarum, profanarum quoque et anilium fabularum suadet declinationem, nihil permittens nisi quod te exerceat ad pietatem; quia corporalis exercitatio nulli rei usui est: pietas autem ad omnia utilis.
183. Consider, then, how he teaches that those who come to the offices of the Church ought to have a contempt for human things. If then you are dead with Christ from the elements of this world, why do you still make decrees about this world as though living? Touch not, defile not, taste not, things which are all for corruption by their very use (Col. 2:20 ff.). And below: If then you are risen with Christ, seek the things that are above, not those that are upon the earth (Col. 3:1). And again: Mortify therefore your members which are upon the earth (ibid. 5). And these things indeed are as yet for all the faithful; but to you, son, he urges contempt of riches, and the avoidance also of profane and old wives' fables, allowing nothing except what exercises you unto piety; because bodily exercise is of use for nothing, but piety is profitable for all things.
184. Exerceat ergo te pietas ad justitiam, continentiam, mansuetudinem; ut fugias juvenilia opera, confirmatus et radicatus in gratia bonum fidei subeas certamen: non te implices negotiis saecularibus, quoniam Deo militas. Etenim si is qui imperatori
184. Let piety, then, exercise you unto justice, continence, gentleness; so that you may flee youthful works, and, strengthened and rooted in grace, undergo the good contest of faith; that you may not entangle yourself in worldly business, since you are a soldier of God. For if he who serves the emperor as a soldier
Editors' notes and page, col. 83

Footnotes

(92) ‹anchor: corruptelam ipso› · call in col 83

Quidam mss., ad corruptelam ipsorum, et infra, fili, inquit, Timothee, contemptum divitiarum... suadeo, etc.

Some manuscripts: "to their corruption", and below, "son Timothy, he says, I urge contempt of riches...", etc.

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(93) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 84 (col 83 carries only call 92)

Tria olim prohibita militibus fuisse ostendit Ambrosius, nimirum alienarum causarum defensionem aut procurationem, negotiorum etiam propriorum, nedum alienorum, in foro prosecutionem, distractionem rerum venalium. Et de mercatura quidem, quam per leges vetitam fuisse militibus Chrysostomus quoque in Epist. I ad Timotheum prodit, plana sunt auctoris nostri verba: duas vero priores partes non alio, quam quo eas interpretamur, sensu explicandas esse ex iis legibus, quae plures in eamdem materiam supersunt, intelligere est. Etenim quas ille litium susceptiones vocat, quis non videat hoc ipsum esse quod lege 6 de Cognitor. et Procur. Olybrio et Probino coss. ab Arcadio atque Honorio sancita exprimitur in illa verba: « Nemo militantium fiat susceptor defensorve causarum, nec ad cognitionem alieni jurgii suffragator, etc. Quam vero conveniunt hae voces, actu negotiorum forensium cum lege 3 de Commeatu, iisdem coss. atque ab iisdem principibus data, ubi legimus: « Hi qui vacationem temporariam... impetrarint, nihil sibi necessitatis usurpent, nullorum actibus misceantur, » etc.: item cum seq. 15 et 17 de Re militari: quarum in priore quae Arcadium IV, Honorium III coss. praefert, sic habetur: « Si quis posthac militem in privato negotio repertus fuerit retinere, » etc.; in posteriore autem quae Honor. IV et Eutych. coss., ita scriptum est: « Si quis miles... repertus fuerit vel sibi vacans, vel alieno negotio intentus, nobis illico nuntietur, » etc. Quibus sane militem perinde a domesticis atque exteris arceri negotiis manifestum est. Neque tamen crediderimus Ambrosium respexisse ad eas leges, utpote multo posteriores hocce tractatu: sed ipsas in aliarum similium quae postea interciderint, confirmationem scriptas arbitramur. Qusd etiam colligere licet ex Vegetio lib. II, cap. 19. Caeterum Ambrosius ipsos forenses actus satis proscribit his verbis, ab omni usu negotiationis; cum ea respondeant superioribus illis, non te implices negotiis saecularibus, quibus contentiosa quoque fori negotia planum est contineri. De aliis vero negotiationis generibus ejusdem verba non tam rigide atque ad apices exponenda sunt. Constat siquidem non modo presbyteris et diaconis bonorum Ecclesiae solitam committi administrationem: sed et sanctum Felicem omnibus pro Christo facultatibus exutum tria, ut scribit Paulinus, agri jugera conduxisse, unde suae nec non aliorum seipso pauperiorum vitae consuleret: praeterea cau. 3 synodi IV Carthag. praecipitur ut clerici victum vestitumque sibi comparent, vel artificioli vel agriculturae beneficio. Quae omnia perfici sine quadam negotiatione poterant. Videsis hac de re Sozom. lib. III, cap. 17, edit. Vales.: Decr. dist. 88 et 89: Godefridum ad legem 6 imperatorum Arcadii et Honorii supra indicatam; Spencaeum lib. II Digress. cap. 15; Ren. a Valle in Hipparcho sive lib. de Relig. negot., Thaumassinum atque alios.

Ambrose shows that three things were once forbidden to soldiers: namely, the defence or management of other people's cases; the pursuit in the courts of business even of their own, let alone of others'; and the selling of merchandise. As to trade, which Chrysostom too, on the First Epistle to Timothy, reports was forbidden to soldiers by the laws, our author's words are plain; but that the two former parts are to be explained in no other sense than that in which we interpret them may be understood from the laws on the same matter, of which several survive. For who does not see that what he calls "the undertaking of lawsuits" is the very thing expressed in law 6 "On Advocates and Agents", enacted by Arcadius and Honorius in the consulship of Olybrius and Probinus, in these words: "Let no one serving as a soldier become an undertaker or defender of cases, nor a supporter in the hearing of another's dispute," etc.? And how well these words, "the conduct of business in the courts", agree with law 3 "On Leave", given in the same consulship and by the same princes, where we read: "Those who have obtained temporary leave... shall take upon themselves no obligation, shall be mixed up in no one's affairs," etc.; and likewise with the following laws 15 and 17 "On Military Matters": in the former of which, bearing the consulship of Arcadius for the fourth time and Honorius for the third, it reads: "If anyone hereafter is found to detain a soldier in private business," etc.; and in the latter, of the consulship of Honorius for the fourth time and Eutychianus, it is written: "If any soldier... is found either at leisure for himself or busy with another's business, let it be reported to us at once," etc. By these it is plain that the soldier is kept alike from domestic and from outside business. Yet we should not think that Ambrose had these laws in view, since they are much later than this treatise; rather we judge that they were written to confirm other similar laws which have since perished. This may also be gathered from Vegetius, book II, chapter 19. For the rest, Ambrose proscribes these court proceedings sufficiently in the words "from all practice of trading", since they correspond to those earlier words, "do not entangle yourself in worldly affairs", in which it is plain that the contentious business of the courts is also included. But as to other kinds of trading, his words are not to be expounded so rigidly and to the letter. For it is well established not only that the administration of the Church's goods was customarily entrusted to priests and deacons, but also that Saint Felix, stripped of all his means for Christ, rented three acres of land, as Paulinus writes, from which to provide for his own life and for that of others poorer than himself; moreover, canon 3 of the Fourth Synod of Carthage directs that clerics should procure their food and clothing by the help either of a small craft or of farming. All of which could be done without some trading. See on this matter Sozomen, book III, chapter 17, in Valois's edition; the Decretum, distinctions 88 and 89; Godefroy on the law 6 of the emperors Arcadius and Honorius indicated above; Spencaeus, Digressions book II, chapter 15; Renatus a Valle in the Hipparchus, or the book On the Business of Religious; Thomassin, and others.

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(94) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 84 (col 83 carries only call 92)

Stipendium ad significandam pensionem viris ecclesiasticis ad victum atque vestitum praeberi solitam e castris translatum; quando non solum Ambrosium hic, Augustinum, serm. 19 de verbis Domini Hincmarum de archid. et presbyt. eo usos reperias: verum etiam conc. Carth. IV, can. 18; Agath. can. 36; Aquisgr. can. 119, et alia non pauca.

"Stipendium" was transferred from the camp to signify the allowance customarily given to churchmen for food and clothing; since you may find it used thus not only by Ambrose here, by Augustine, Sermon 19 on the Words of the Lord, and by Hincmar, On Archdeacons and Priests, but also by the Fourth Council of Carthage, canon 18; Agde, canon 36; Aachen, canon 119, and not a few others.

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(95) ‹anchor: dicitur vacuitas› · call in col 84

Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 360, lin. 20: « Vacandum autem est omni animi perturbatione, » etc. Item pag. 363, lin. 17: « Atque etiam in rebus prosperis et ad voluntatem nostram fluentibus, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 360, line 20: "But one must be free of every disturbance of the mind," etc. Likewise page 363, line 17: "And also in prosperity, when things flow according to our wish," etc.

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(96) ‹anchor: haec praecepta dant› · call in col 84

Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 360, lin. 45: « Capessentibus autem rempublicam nihilominus quam philosophis, » etc. Item, pag. 362, lin. 34: « Omnino qui reip. profuturi sunt, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 360, line 45: "But to those who take up public affairs no less than to philosophers," etc. Likewise page 362, line 34: "Altogether, those who are to be of service to the commonwealth," etc.

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Page

  • running head: 83 S. AMBROSII (right part cut off in image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹habebat. Afflictio undique›; B ‹ergo membra vestra›; C and D fall beside the footnotes, not the text
  • old-edition numerals: 49 after ergo
PL 16:84
militat, a susceptionibus litium, actu negotiorum forensium, venditione mercium prohibetur humanis legibus; quanto magis qui fidei exercet militiam, ab omni usu negotiationis abstinere debet, agelli sui contentus fructibus, si habet: si non habet, stipendiorum suorum fructu! Siquidem bonus testis est qui dicit: Juvenis fui, et senui, et non vidi justum derelictum, nec semen ejus quaerens panem (Psal. XXXVI, 25). Ea est enim tranquillitas animi et temperantia, quae neque studio quaerendi afficitur, neque egestatis metu angitur.
is forbidden by human laws the undertaking of lawsuits, the conduct of business in the courts, and the selling of wares, how much more ought he who exercises the warfare of faith to abstain from every practice of trading, content with the fruits of his own little field, if he has one; if he has not, with the fruit of his stipends! For he is a good witness who says: I have been young, and have grown old, and I have not seen the just forsaken, nor his seed seeking bread (Ps. 36:25). For that is tranquillity of soul and temperance, which is neither touched by the eagerness of getting nor tormented by the fear of want.
CAPUT XXXVII.
CHAPTER XXXVII.
Servandam ut in prosperis, ita et in adversis mentis aequalitatem: mala tamen interdum declinanda.
That evenness of mind is to be kept in adversity as in prosperity; yet that evils are sometimes to be avoided.
185. Ea est etiam quae dicitur vacuitas animi ab angoribus; ut neque in doloribus molliores simus, neque in prosperis elatiores. Quod si hi qui ad capessendam rempublicam adhortantur aliquos, haec praecepta dant, quanto magis nos qui ad officium Ecclesiae vocamur, talia debemus agere quae placeant Deo; ut praetendat in nobis virtus Christi, et ita simus nostro probati imperatori, ut membra nostra arma justitiae sint, arma non carnalia in quibus peccatum regnet, sed arma fortia Deo quibus peccatum destruatur: moriatur caro nostra, ut in ea omnis culpa moriatur: et quasi ex
185. This too is what is called the freedom of the soul from anxieties, so that we are neither softer in griefs nor more elated in prosperity. But if those who urge some men to take up public affairs give these precepts, how much more ought we, who are called to the office of the Church, to do such things as please God, so that the power of Christ may stand forth in us, and that we may so be approved by our commander that our members may be arms of justice, not carnal arms in which sin may reign, but arms strong for God by which sin may be destroyed; let our flesh die, that in it every fault may die; and as though out of
Editors' notes and page, col. 84

Page

  • running head: AMBROSII 84 (left part cut off in image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹ratori militat›; B ‹185. Ea est etiam›; C and D fall beside the footnotes, not the text
  • old-edition numerals: 50 after ut
PL 16:85
mortuis viventes, novis resurgamus operibus ac moribus!
the dead living, let us rise again to new works and ways!
186. Haec sunt plena honesti et decori officii stipendia fortitudinis. Sed quia in omnibus quae agimus, non solum quid honestum, sed etiam quid possibile sit quaerimus, ne forte aggrediamur aliquid quod non possumus exsequi. Unde nos tempore persecutionis de civitate in civitatem concedere, imo, ut verbo ipso utar, fugere (Matth. X, 23) vult Dominus; ne temere aliquis dum martyrii desiderat gloriam, offerat se periculis, quae fortasse caro infirmior, aut remissior animus ferre ac tolerare non queat.
186. These are the full wages of fortitude, of an honourable and becoming duty. But since in all that we do we ask not only what is honourable but also what is possible, lest perhaps we undertake something which we cannot carry through. Hence the Lord wills that in time of persecution we withdraw from city to city, nay, to use the very word, flee (Matt. 10:23); lest anyone, while he desires the glory of martyrdom, rashly offer himself to dangers which perhaps a weaker flesh or a slacker spirit cannot bear and endure.
CAPUT XXXVIII.
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
Adversus futura incommoda mentem exercitatione roborandam, nec non confirmandam providentia: et quae hic incurrant difficultates?
That the mind is to be strengthened by exercise against troubles to come, and also made firm by foresight: and what difficulties befall us here?
187. Nec rursus propter ignaviam cedere quis ac deserere fidem debet metu periculi. Qua gratia praeparandus est animus, exercenda mens, stabilienda ad constantiam, ut nullis perturbari animus possit terroribus, nullis frangi molestiis, nullis suppliciis cedere. Quae difficile quidem sustinentur: sed quia omnia supplicia graviorum suppliciorum vincuntur formidine, ideo si consilio firmes animum tuum, nec a ratione discedendum putes, et proponas divini judicii metum, perpetui supplicii tormenta, potes animi subire tolerantiam.
187. Nor again ought anyone through cowardice to give way and desert the faith from fear of danger. For this reason the soul must be prepared, the mind exercised and established in constancy, so that the soul can be disturbed by no terrors, broken by no troubles, give way to no torments. These are indeed borne with difficulty; but since all torments are overcome by the dread of heavier torments, therefore if you strengthen your soul with counsel, and think that you must not depart from reason, and set before yourself the fear of the divine judgement, the torments of everlasting punishment, you can take on endurance of soul.
188. Hoc igitur diligentiae est, ut quis ita se comparet: illud ingenii si quis potest vigore mentis praevidere quae futura sunt, et tanquam ante oculos locare quid possit accidere, et quid agere debeat, si ita acciderit, definire; interdum duo et tria simul volvere animo, quae conjiciat aut singula aut conjuncta accidere posse et aut singulis aut conjunctis disponere actus quos intelligat profuturos.
188. This, then, belongs to diligence, that one should so prepare oneself; that belongs to ability, if one can by vigour of mind foresee what is to come, and set as it were before one's eyes what may happen, and determine what one ought to do if it should so happen; sometimes to turn over in the mind two or three things at once, which one conjectures may happen either singly or together, and to arrange for them, singly or together, the actions one understands will be of use.
189. Fortis ergo est viri non dissimulare cum aliquid immineat, sed praetendere, et tanquam explorare de specula quadam mentis, et obviare cogitatione provida rebus futuris, ne forte dicat postea: Ideo ista incidi, quia non arbitrabar posse evenire. Denique nisi explorentur adversa, cito occupant. Ut in bello improvisus hostis vix sustinetur,
189. It is the part of a brave man, then, not to ignore it when something threatens, but to reach out ahead, and as it were to scout from some watch-tower of the mind, and to go to meet future things with provident thought, lest perhaps he should say afterwards: I fell into these things because I did not think they could happen. In short, unless adversities are scouted out, they quickly seize upon us. As in war an unforeseen enemy is scarcely withstood,
Editors' notes and page, col. 85

Footnotes

(97) ‹anchor: quid possibile sit quaerimus› · call in col 85

Hic Rom. edit. jugulaverat voculam quia, et pro quaerimus, posuerat quaeramus: quod videlicet sensum quodammodo suspensum efficiat antiqua lectio: verum eamdem cum aliae edit. ac mss. omnes exhibeant, nobis visa est in integrum restituenda. Quare periodum ita interpreteris, ut ejus pars ultima sit, ne forte aggrediamur, etc., quae verba tantumdem valent, ac si scriberetur, caveamus ne aggrediamur, etc.

Here the Roman edition had cut out the little word "quia", and for "quaerimus" had put "quaeramus", evidently because the old reading leaves the sense somewhat in suspense; but since the other editions and all the manuscripts give that reading, we thought it should be restored in full. Therefore you should interpret the period so that its last part is "ne forte aggrediamur", etc., which words mean as much as if it were written "let us beware lest we undertake", etc.

(printed under page 46)

(98) ‹anchor: non possumus exsequi› · call in col 85

Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 361, lin. 3: « Ad rem gerendam autem qui accedit, caveat ne id modo consideret, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 361, line 3: "But he who comes to the conduct of affairs, let him take care not to consider only this," etc.

(printed under page 46)

(99) ‹anchor: metu periculi› · call in col 85

Ibid., lin. 4: « In quo ipso considerandum est, » etc. Ibid., lin. 6: « In omnibus autem negotiis, » etc. Item lin. 17. « Fortis vero animi et constantis est non perturbari, » etc.

Ibid., line 4: "In which very matter it must be considered," etc. Ibid., line 6: "But in all business," etc. Likewise line 17: "But it belongs to a brave and steadfast mind not to be disturbed," etc.

(printed under page 46) (1-2) ‹anchor: posse evenire› · call in col 85 Ibid., pag. 362. lin. 1: « Nec committere ut aliquando dicendum sit: Non putaram. »

Ibid., page 362, line 1: "Nor to act so that one must some day say, 'I had not thought of it.'"

(printed under page 46)

(3) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 86 (col 85 carries no such call)

In edit. Bed. numerum 189 sequuntur numeri 200, 201, etc., evidenti mendo. Edd.

In the Benedictine [?] edition the number 189 is followed by the numbers 200, 201, etc., an evident error. The editors.

(printed under page 46)

(4) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 86 (col 85 carries no such call)

Tres mss., perturbatur cogitationibus.

Three manuscripts: "is disturbed by thoughts."

(printed under page 46)

(5) ‹anchor: nudus exibo› · call in col 86

Cod. Fisc., Nudus egressus sum de utero matris meae.

The Fiscamp manuscript: "Naked I came out of my mother's womb."

(printed under page 46)

Page

  • running head: 85 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRORUM (right part cut off in image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹mortuis viventes›; B ‹roborandam, nec non›; C ‹praevidere quae futura sunt›; D falls beside the footnotes, not the text
  • old-edition numerals: 51 after interdum
PL 16:86
et si imparatos inveniat, facile opprimit: ita animum mala inexplorata plus frangunt.
and if it finds men unprepared it easily overwhelms them, so evils not scouted out break the soul the more.
190. In his igitur duobus illa est animi excellentia, ut primum animus tuus bonis exercitus cogitationibus, mundo corde quod verum et honestum est videat: Beati enim mundo corde, quia ipsi etiam Deum videbunt (Matth. V, 8): atque id quod honestum est solum bonum judicet: deinde nullis perturbetur occupationibus, nullis cupiditatibus fluctuet.
190. In these two things, then, lies that excellence of soul: first, that your soul, exercised by good thoughts, should see with a clean heart what is true and honourable (for blessed are the clean of heart, because they also shall see God (Matt. 5:8)), and should judge that which is honourable to be the only good; next, that it should be disturbed by no occupations, and toss on no desires.
191. Neque vero id facile quisquam facit. Quid enim tam difficile quam despicere tanquam ex arce aliqua sapientiae opes, aliaque omnia quae plerisque videntur magna et praecelsa? Deinde ut judicium tuum stabili ratione confirmes, et quae judicaveris levia, tanquam nihil profutura contemnas? Deinde ut si quid acciderit adversi, idque grave et acerbum putetur, ita feras, ut nihil praeter naturam accidisse putes, cum legeris: Nudus sum natus, nudus exibo. Quae Dominus dedit, Dominus abstulit (Job I, 21); utique et filios amiserat et facultates. Servesque in omnibus personam sapientis et justi, sicut ille servavit qui ait: Sicut Domino placuit, ita factum est: sit nomen Domini benedictum (Ibid.). Et infra: Sicut una insipientium mulierum locuta es. Si bona suscepimus de manu Domini, quae mala sunt non sustinebimus (Job II, 10)?
191. But no one does this easily. For what is so difficult as to look down, as from some citadel of wisdom, upon wealth and all the other things which seem great and lofty to most men? Then to confirm your judgement with steady reason, and to despise what you have judged light as things that will profit nothing? Then, if anything adverse should happen, and it be thought heavy and bitter, so to bear it as to think nothing has happened contrary to nature, when you read: Naked I was born, naked I shall go out. What the Lord gave, the Lord has taken away (Job 1:21); and he had indeed lost both his sons and his means. And that you should keep in all things the character of the wise and just man, as he kept it who says: As it pleased the Lord, so it was done; blessed be the name of the Lord (ibid.). And below: You have spoken as one of the foolish women. If we have received good things from the hand of the Lord, shall we not bear the things that are evil (Job 2:10)?
CAPUT XXXIX.
CHAPTER XXXIX.
Fortitudinem adversus omnia vitia dimicare debere, praecipue adversus avaritiam: quod in sancto Job docetur factum.
That fortitude ought to fight against all vices, especially against avarice: which is shown to have been done in holy Job.
192. Non est igitur mediocris nec discreta a caeteris animi fortitudo, quae bellum cum virtutibus gerat: sed quae sola defendat ornamenta virtutum omnium, et judicia custodiat: et quae inexpiabili praelio adversus omnia vitia decernat, invicta ad labores, fortis ad pericula, rigidior adversus voluptates, dura adversus illecebras, quibus aurem deferre nesciat, nec (ut dicitur) ave dicat; pecuniam negligat, avaritiam fugiat tanquam labem quandam, quae virtutem effeminet. Nihil enim tam contrarium fortitudini, quam lucro vinci. Frequenter pulsis hostibus, et inclinata in fugam adversariorum acie, dum exuviis caesorum capitur
192. The fortitude of the soul, then, is not a slight thing, nor one separated from the rest, as though it waged war with the virtues; but it is that which alone defends the ornaments of all the virtues and guards their judgements, and which contends in implacable battle against all vices: unconquered in labours, brave in dangers, sterner against pleasures, hard against allurements, to which it knows not how to lend an ear, nor (as the saying is) to say good day; it disregards money, flees avarice as a kind of stain which unmans virtue. For nothing is so contrary to fortitude as to be conquered by gain. Often, when the enemy has been driven back and the line of the adversaries turned to flight, while one is taken by the spoils of the slain
Editors' notes and page, col. 86

Footnotes

(6) ‹anchor: inexpiabili praelio› · call in col 86

Benign. et alii nonnulli, inexplebili praelio: Fisc., insuperabili.

Benignus and some others: "in insatiable battle"; the Fiscamp manuscript: "insuperable".

(printed under page 46)

(7) ‹anchor: tanquam labem quandam› · call in col 86

Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 360 lin. 15: « Quamobrem et haec vitanda sunt, et pecuniae, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 360, line 15: "Therefore these things too are to be avoided, and [the desire] of money," etc.

(printed under page 46)

(8) ‹anchor: adversariorum acie› · call in col 86

Eodem sensu Polybius lib. X Histor.: Καὶ πολλοὶ δέ τινες κατορθώσαντες τὰς ἐπιβολάς... οὐ μόνον ἐξέπεσον, ἀλλὰ τοῖς ὅλοις ἐσφάλησαν. Exemplum ejus rei ipsemet suggerit lib. V. In Xenaeta Antiochi praefecto Molonis perduellis arte ad internecionem deleto. Alia suppeditant Justinus lib. I in Cyro Tomyris astutia profligato, atque truncato; Corn. Tacitus libro I Annalium in Arminio Germanorum (continues)

In the same sense Polybius, Histories book X: "And many, having succeeded in their undertakings... have not only lost [the fruit of them], but have been utterly overthrown." He himself supplies an example of this in book V, in Xenoetas, Antiochus's general, destroyed to the last man by the craft of the rebel Molon. Others are supplied by Justin, book I, in Cyrus, routed and beheaded by the cunning of Tomyris; by Cornelius Tacitus, Annals book I, in Arminius [leader] of the Germans (continues)

(printed under page 46)

Page

  • running head: MINISTRORUM LIBER I 86 (left part cut off in image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹netur, et si imparatos›; B ‹levia, tanquam nihil›; C ‹Job docetur factum.›; D falls beside the footnotes, not the text
  • old-edition numerals: 52 after quae
PL 16:87
proeliator, inter ipsos quos stravit, miserandus occubuit: et triumphis suis dejectae legiones dum spoliis occupantur, hostem in se revocaverunt, qui fugerat.
the warrior has fallen, pitiably, among the very men he laid low; and legions cast down by their own triumphs, while they are busy with the spoils, have called back upon themselves the enemy who had fled.
193. Fortitudo igitur tam immanem pestem repellat et proterat, nec tentetur cupiditatibus, nec frangatur metu; quia virtus sibi constat, ut fortiter omnia persequatur vitia, tanquam virtutis venena: iracundiam velut quibusdam propulset armis, quae tollat consilium, et tanquam aegritudinem vitet. Gloriae quoque caveat appetentiam, quae frequenter nocuit immoderatius expetita, semper autem usurpata.
193. Let fortitude, then, drive back and trample down so monstrous a plague, and let it be neither tempted by desires nor broken by fear; because virtue is consistent with itself, so as to pursue bravely all vices as the poisons of virtue: let it repel anger as with certain arms, since anger takes away counsel, and let it shun it as a sickness. Let it beware also of the craving for glory, which has often done harm when sought too immoderately, and always when usurped.
194. Quid horum sancto Job vel in virtute defuit, vel in vitio obrepsit? Quomodo laborem aegritudinis, frigoris, famis pertulit? Quomodo despexit salutis periculum? Numquid rapinis divitiae coacervatae, de quibus tanta inopibus affluebant? Nunquid avaritiam census, aut voluptatis studia cupiditatesque excitavit? Numquid trium regum injuriosa contentio, vel servorum contumelia in iram excussit? Nunquid gloria sicut levem extulit, qui imprecabatur gravia sibi, si unquam vel non voluntariam celavisset culpam, vel reveritus esset multitudinem plebis, quominus annuntiaret eam in conspectu omnium? Neque enim consentaneae sunt vitiis virtutes, sed sibi constant. Quis igitur tam fortis quam sanctus Job: cui secundus adjudicari potest, qui parem vix reperit?
194. Which of these was lacking to holy Job in virtue, or crept upon him in vice? How he bore the toil of sickness, cold and hunger! How he despised danger to his life! Were his riches, from which so much flowed out to the needy, heaped up by plunder? Did his wealth stir up avarice in him, or the pursuits and desires of pleasure? Did the injurious contention of the three kings, or the insult of his servants, drive him into anger? Did glory lift him up as a light man, who called down heavy things upon himself if ever he had concealed even an involuntary fault, or had stood in awe of the multitude of the people so as not to declare it in the sight of all? For the virtues are not in agreement with the vices, but are consistent with themselves. Who, then, is so brave as holy Job? Who can be judged second to him who scarcely finds an equal?
CAPUT XL.
CHAPTER XL.
Virtutem bellicam nostris etiam non defuisse, veterum exemplis, maximeque praeclaro Eleazari facto demonstratur.
That warlike valour was not lacking to our people either is shown by the examples of the ancients, and above all by the splendid deed of Eleazar.
195. Sed fortasse aliquos bellica defixos gloria tenet, ut putent solam esse praeliarem fortitudinem, et ideo me ad haec deflexisse, quia illa nostris deforet. Quam fortis Jesus Nave, ut uno praelio quinque reges captos sterneret cum populis suis (Josue X, 5 et seq.)! Deinde cum adversum Gabaonitas urgeret prelium, et vereretur ne nox impediret victoriam, magnitudine mentis et fidei clamavit: Stet sol; et stetit, donec victoria consummaretur. Gedeon in trecentis viris de ingenti
195. But perhaps warlike glory holds some men fixed, so that they think the only fortitude is that of battle, and that I have turned aside to these things because that was lacking to our people. How brave was Jesus the son of Nave, so that in one battle he laid low five kings, taken with their peoples (Josh. 10:5 ff.)! Then, when he was pressing the battle against the Gibeonites and feared that night would hinder the victory, with greatness of mind and of faith he cried out: Let the sun stand still; and it stood still until the victory was complete. Gideon with three hundred men over a huge
Editors' notes and page, col. 87

Footnotes

(8, continued) ‹anchor: adversariorum acie› · call in col 86 (note begins under page 46; see n86) duce a Caecina Germanici legato, et alii in aliis. Quae quidem haud annotaremus, nisi Christianorum, qui patrum memoria Turcas apud Erlam in Hungaria fusos ac stratos aviditate praedae in se revocarunt, lugenda simul et erubescenda clades admoneret imperatores nostros alieno damno nihilo fieri cautiores. Prudenter ergo rex Israel. IV Reg., c. VIII, ne sibi praedae occasione fraus strueretur, prospicibat. Similiter etiam Romani observatione illius moris de quo Polybius l. X, jam allegato.

... [leader] of the Germans, by Caecina, the legate of Germanicus; and others in other cases. We would not have noted these things, were it not that the disaster of the Christians, who within our fathers' memory called back upon themselves, through greed for plunder, the Turks routed and laid low near Erlau in Hungary, a disaster at once to be mourned and to be blushed for, warned our commanders that they are made no more cautious by another's loss. Prudently, then, the king of Israel (2 Kgs 8) took care that no trap should be laid for him through the occasion of plunder. So too the Romans, by observing that custom of which Polybius speaks in book X, already cited.

(printed under page 47)

(9) ‹anchor: caveat appetentiam› · call in col 87

Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 359, lin. 46: « Facillime autem ad res injustas, » etc. Item pag. 360, lin. 18: « Cavenda est etiam gloriae cupiditas, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 359, line 46: "But most easily to unjust deeds," etc. Likewise page 360, line 18: "The desire for glory too must be guarded against," etc.

(printed under page 47)

(10) ‹anchor: aut voluptatis› · call in col 87

Ita mss. fere ad unum: edit. vero, « Nunquid avaritia, census, aut voluptatis, » etc.

So the manuscripts almost to a man; but the editions: "Is it of avarice, of wealth, or of pleasure," etc.

(printed under page 47)

(11) ‹anchor: sed sibi constant› · call in col 87

Mss. aliquot, Sed sibi consistunt; Bening., Sed sibi contra sistunt: quae lectio, si vox sibi dispungeretur, non displiceret.

Some manuscripts: "Sed sibi consistunt"; Benignus: "Sed sibi contra sistunt" — a reading which would not be displeasing if the word "sibi" were struck out.

(printed under page 47)

(12) ‹anchor: defixos gloria tenet› · call in col 87

Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag, 361. lin. 7: « Sed cum plerique arbitrantur res bellicas majores esse, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 361, line 7: "But since most people think that the affairs of war are greater," etc.

(printed under page 47)

(13) ‹anchor: solam esse praeliarem fortitudinem› · call in col 87

Mss. aliquot, praeliatorum fortitudinem.

Some manuscripts: "the courage of warriors."

(printed under page 47)

(14) ‹anchor: Gabaonitas urgeret prelium› · call in col 87

Vet. edit. ac mss. non pauci, surgeret praelium.

The old editions and not a few manuscripts: "the battle arose."

(printed under page 47)

(15) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 87 or 88 (not visible on the page foot)

Rom. edit. sola, virtutem magnam fecit in praelio.

The Roman edition alone: "he did a great deed of valour in battle."

(printed under page 47)

Page

  • running head: 87 S. AMBROSII (right part cut off in image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹praeliator, inter ipsos›; B ‹nis, frigoris, famis›; C ‹CAPUT XL.›; D falls beside the footnotes, not the text
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 16:88
populo et acerbo hoste revexit triumphum (Judic. VII, 8 et seq.) Jonathas adolescens virtutem fecit in magno praelio (I Reg. XIV, 1 et seq.). Quid de Machabaeis loquar (I Mach. II, 35 et seq.)?
people and a bitter enemy, brought back a triumph (Judg. 7:8 ff.). Jonathan as a youth did a deed of valour in a great battle (1 Sam. 14:1 ff.). What shall I say of the Maccabees (1 Macc. 2:35 ff.)?
196. Sed prius de populo dicam patrum, qui cum essent parati ad repugnandum pro templo Dei, et pro legitimis suis, dolo hostium die lacessiti sabbati, maluerunt vulneribus offerre nuda corpora, quam repugnare, ne violarent sabbatum. Itaque omnes laeti se obtulerunt morti. Sed Machabaei, considerantes quod hoc exemplo gens omnis posset perire, Sabbato etiam, cum ipsi in bellum provocarentur, ulti sunt innocentium necem fratrum suorum. Unde postea stimulatus rex Antiochus, cum bellum accenderet per duces suos Lysiam, Nicanorem, Gorgiam, ita cum Orientalibus suis et Assyriis attritus est copiis, ut quadraginta et octo millia in medio campi a tribus millibus prosternerentur.
196. But first I shall speak of the people of the fathers, who, though they were ready to fight back for the temple of God and for their laws, when by the guile of the enemy they were attacked on the sabbath day, chose rather to offer their bare bodies to wounds than to fight back, lest they should violate the sabbath. And so they all gladly offered themselves to death. But the Maccabees, considering that by this example the whole nation might perish, even on the Sabbath, when they themselves were challenged to war, avenged the slaughter of their innocent brethren. Whence afterwards King Antiochus, provoked, when he kindled war through his generals Lysias, Nicanor and Gorgias, was so worn down together with his Eastern and Assyrian forces that forty-eight thousand were laid low in the midst of the plain by three thousand.
197. Virtutem ducis Judae Machabaei de uno ejus milite considerate (I Mach. VI, 43 et seq.) Namque Eleazarus cum supereminentem caeteris elephantum, loria vestitum regia, adverteret, arbitratus quod in eo esset rex, cursu concitus in medium legionis se proripuit, et abjecto clypeo, utraque manu interficiebat, donec pervenit ad bestiam, atque intravit sub eam, et subjecto gladio interemit eam. Itaque cadens bestia oppressit Eleazarum, atque ita mortuus est. Quanta igitur virtus animi! Primo, ut mortem non timeret: deinde, ut circumfusus legionibus inimicorum, in confertos raperetur hostes, medium penetraret agmen, et contempta morte ferocior, abjecto clypeo, utraque manu vulneratae molem bestiae subiret ac sustineret: post infra ipsam succederet, quo pleniori feriret ictu; cujus ruina inclusus magis quam oppressus, suo est sepultus triumpho.
197. Consider the valour of the leader Judas Maccabaeus from one of his soldiers (1 Macc. 6:43 ff.). For when Eleazar noticed an elephant towering above the rest, clad in royal mail, judging that the king was on it, he rushed at the run into the midst of the legion, and, casting away his shield, slew with both hands until he reached the beast, and went in under it, and with his sword thrust upward killed it. So the beast in falling crushed Eleazar, and thus he died. How great, then, was his valour of soul! First, that he did not fear death; next, that, surrounded by the legions of the enemy, he hurled himself upon the close-packed foe, pierced the middle of their column, and, the fiercer for despising death, with his shield thrown away, with both hands went under the mass of the wounded beast and bore it up; then went in beneath it, to strike with a fuller blow; and, shut in rather than crushed by its fall, he was buried in his own triumph.
198. Nec fefellit opinio virum, quamvis regius fefellerit habitus; tanto enim virtutis spectaculo defixi hostes inermem, occupatum incursare non ausi, post casum ruentis bestiae sic trepidaverunt, ut impares se omnes unius virtuti arbitrarentur. Denique rex Antiochus Lysiae filius, qui cum centum viginti millibus hominum armatis
198. Nor did his judgement deceive the man, though the royal attire deceived him; for the enemy, transfixed by so great a spectacle of valour, did not dare to attack him unarmed and busied as he was, and after the fall of the collapsing beast they were so alarmed that they all thought themselves unequal to the valour of one man. Then King Antiochus, son of Lysias, who with a hundred and twenty thousand armed men
Editors' notes and page, col. 88

Footnotes

(16) ‹anchor: legionis se proripuit› · call in col 88

Edit. Gill. ac Rom. cum mss. aliquot, se prorupit: melius aliae cum mss. pluribus ac potioribus, se proripuit. Rursus vero ubi ant. edit. et plures mss., interficiebat bestiam, elegantius edit. Rom. atque alii mss. licet pauciores, interficiebat, donec pervenit (Rom. edit., perveniret) ad bestiam.

Gillot's and the Roman edition with some manuscripts: "se prorupit" (burst forth); better, the other editions with more and better manuscripts: "se proripuit" (rushed forth). Again, where the old editions and several manuscripts read "he slew the beast", more elegantly the Roman edition and other manuscripts, though fewer, read "he kept slaying, until he came" (Roman edition, "perveniret") "to the beast".

(printed under page 47)

(17) ‹anchor: defixi hostes inermem› · call in col 88

Quomodo inermem, qui gladio armatus utraque manu hostes interficiebat? Sed hoc ad abjectum clypeum referendum est, juxta illud Ciceronis orat. pro Cecina, pag. 45: « Arma esse suis nominibus alia ad tegendum, alia ad nocendum: quae qui non habuerint, eos inermes fuisse, » etc.

How "unarmed", when, armed with a sword, he was slaying the enemy with both hands? But this is to be referred to the shield he had thrown away, according to Cicero's speech For Caecina, page 45: "That arms, by their proper names, are some for covering, some for harming; and those who did not have them were unarmed," etc.

(printed under page 47)

(18) ‹anchor: Antiochus Lysiae filius› · call in col 88

Sic edit. Gill. et Amerb. in marg. cum mss. longe plurimis: aliae vero cum mss. nonnullis (continues)

So Gillot's edition and Amerbach's in the margin, with by far the most manuscripts; but the other editions with some manuscripts (continues)

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Page

  • running head: AMBROSII. 88 (left part cut off in image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹populo et acerbo hoste›; B ‹rem, Gorgiam, ita cum›; C ‹fusus legionibus inimicorum›; D falls beside the footnotes, not the text
  • old-edition numerals: 53 after templo
PL 16:89
venerat et cum triginta duobus elephantis; ita ut ab ortu solis per singulas bestias velut montes quidam splendor armorum corusco, tanquam lampadibus ardentibus refulgeret, unius territus fortitudine, pacem rogaret. Itaque Eleazarus haeredem virtutis suae pacem reliquit. Sed haec triumphorum sint.
had come, and with thirty-two elephants, so that, though from the rising of the sun the splendour of arms on each beast, like mountains, flashed with its glitter as with burning lamps, he was terrified by the fortitude of one man and sued for peace. So Eleazar left peace as the heir of his valour. But let these things belong to triumphs.
CAPUT XLI.
CHAPTER XLI.
Laudata Judae ac Jonathae magnitudine animi, martyrum in tolerando constantia, quae pars, non minima fortitudinis, ob oculos ponitur.
The greatness of soul of Judas and Jonathan having been praised, the constancy of the martyrs in enduring, which is no small part of fortitude, is set before the eyes.
199. Verum quia fortitudo non solum secundis rebus, sed etiam adversis probatur; spectemus nunc Judae Machabaei exitum (I Mach. IX, 8 et seq.). Is enim post victum Nicanorem regis Demetrii ducem, securior adversus viginti millia exercitus regis, cum nongentis viris bellum adorsus, volentibus his cedere, ne multitudine opprimerentur, gloriosam magis mortem, quam turpem fugam suasit: Ne crimen, inquit, nostrae relinquamus gloriae. Itaque commisso praelio, cum a primo ortu diei in vesperam dimicaretur, dextrum cornu, in quo validissimam manum advertit hostium, aggressus facile avertit. Sed dum fugientes sequitur, a tergo vulneri locum praebuit: ita gloriosiorem triumphis locum mortis invenit.
199. But since fortitude is proved not only in prosperity but also in adversity, let us now look at the end of Judas Maccabaeus (1 Macc. 9:8 ff.). For after he had conquered Nicanor, the general of King Demetrius, he engaged, the more confidently, with nine hundred men against twenty thousand of the king's army; and when they wished to give way lest they be overwhelmed by the multitude, he urged a glorious death rather than a shameful flight: Let us not, he said, leave a reproach to our glory. And so, battle having been joined, and the fight going on from the first rising of the day until evening, he attacked the right wing, in which he observed the strongest band of the enemy, and easily turned it. But while he was pursuing the fugitives, he gave an opening for a wound from behind; thus he found a place of death more glorious than triumphs.
200. Quid Jonatham fratrem ejus attexam: qui cum parva manu adversus exercitus regios pugnans, desertus a suis, et cum duobus tantum relictus, reparavit bellum, avertit hostem, fugitantes suos ad societatem revocavit triumphi?
200. Why should I add his brother Jonathan, who, fighting with a small band against the royal armies, deserted by his own men and left with only two, renewed the battle, turned back the enemy, and called back his fleeing men to a share in the triumph?
201. Habes fortitudinem bellicam, in qua non mediocris honesti ac decori forma est: quod mortem servituti praeferat ac turpitudini. Quid autem de martyrum dicam passionibus? Et ne longius evagemur, non minores de superbo rege Antiocho Machabaei pueri revexerunt triumphos, quam parentes
201. You have warlike fortitude, in which there is no slight form of the honourable and becoming, in that it prefers death to slavery and disgrace. But what shall I say of the sufferings of the martyrs? And not to wander further afield: the Maccabee boys brought back no lesser triumphs over the proud king Antiochus than their own fathers.
Editors' notes and page, col. 89

Footnotes

(19) ‹anchor: triumphis locum mortis› · call in col 89

Erasm. ac. seq. edit. cum mss. duobus, gloriosiorem triumphis mortem.

Erasmus's and the following editions, with two manuscripts: "a death more glorious than triumphs."

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(20) ‹anchor: revexerunt triumphos› · call in col 89

Non pigeat conferre hanc narrationem de martyrio fratrum Machabaeorum cum eorumdem historia lib II de Jacob et Vita beata, cap. 11, latius exposita, nec non cum illis cap. seq. num. 55, verbis: « Quae cithara dulciores ederet cantus, » etc.: videbisque alteram alteri exemplaris loco fuisse propositam.

It will be worth comparing this account of the martyrdom of the Maccabee brothers with their story set out more fully in book II of On Jacob and the Happy Life, chapter 11, and also with these words of the following chapter, number 55: "What lyre would give forth sweeter songs," etc.; and you will see that the one served as the model for the other.

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(21) ‹anchor: bimulis loquar› · call in col 90

Infantes intelligit a bimatu et infra Herodis jussu trucidatos, quos Ecclesiae traditio semper numeravit inter martyres. Non incongruum scilicet esse creditum est, ut, quibus ad peccati debitum aliena voluntas suffecerat, eis etiam sufficeret ad gloriae meritum aliena, id est Christi voluntas, et parentum, dolor: « Quando Rachel ploravit filios suos, ut lacrymis ablutos suis pro Christo offerret infantes, » ut Ambrosius ipse loquitur epist. ad Horontianum. olim in vet. edit. 39, quam inde avulsam Rom. edit, inter Enarrationes in Genesin collocarunt. Habuerunt varii SS. Patres sermones in natalem SS. Innocentium, maxime vero Augustinus atque Bernardus; quos consule.

He means the infants of two years old and under slaughtered at Herod's command, whom the tradition of the Church has always numbered among the martyrs. It was thought not unfitting, namely, that those for whom another's will had sufficed for the debt of sin should also find another's will — that is, the will of Christ — and their parents' grief sufficient for the merit of glory: "When Rachel wept for her children, that she might offer for Christ infants washed in her own tears," as Ambrose himself says in the letter to Horontianus, formerly number 39 in the old editions, which the Roman edition tore from there and placed among the Expositions on Genesis. Various holy Fathers had sermons on the feast of the Holy Innocents, especially Augustine and Bernard; consult them.

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  • running head: 89 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRORUM (right part cut off in image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹venerat et cum triginta›; B ‹ducem, securior adversus›; C ‹suos ad societatem›; D falls beside the footnotes, not the text
  • old-edition numerals: 54 before Is enim
PL 16:90
proprii. Siquidem illi armati, isti sine armis vicerunt (Mach. VII, 1 et seq.). Stetit invicta septem puerorum cohors, regiis cincta legionibus: defecerunt supplicia, cesserunt tortores, non defecerunt martyres. Alius corium capitis exutus, speciem mutaverat, virtutem auxerat. Alius linguam jussus amputandam promere, respondit: Non solum Dominus audit loquentes, qui audiebat Moysen tacentem (Exod. XIV, 15). Plus audit tacitas cogitationes suorum, quam voces omnium. Linguae flagellum times, flagellum sanguinis non times? Habet et sanguis vocem suam, qua clamat ad Deum, sicut clamavit in Abel (Gen. IV, 10).
For those conquered armed, these without arms (2 Macc. 7:1 ff.). The band of seven boys stood unconquered, girt about by the royal legions: the torments failed, the torturers gave way, the martyrs did not fail. One, stripped of the skin of his head, had changed his appearance but increased his valour. Another, ordered to put out his tongue to be cut off, answered: The Lord does not hear only those who speak, He who heard Moses when he was silent (Exod. 14:15). He hears the silent thoughts of His own more than the voices of all. Do you fear the scourge of the tongue, and not fear the scourge of the blood? Blood too has its own voice, with which it cries to God, as it cried in Abel (Gen. 4:10).
202. Quid matre loquar, quae spectabat laeta filiorum quot funera tot trophaea, et morientium vocibus tanquam psallentium cantibus delectabatur, pulcherrimam ventris sui citharam in filiis cernens, et pietatis harmoniam omni lyrae numero dulciorem (II Mach. VII, 20 et seq.)?
202. What shall I say of the mother, who gladly beheld as many trophies as there were deaths of her sons, and delighted in the voices of the dying as in the songs of psalmists, seeing in her sons the most beautiful harp of her womb, and a harmony of piety sweeter than every measure of the lyre (2 Macc. 7:20 ff.)?
203. Quid de bimulis loquar, qui ante palmam victoriae acceperunt, quam sensum naturae? Quid de sancta Agne, quae in duarum maximarum rerum posita periculo, castitatis et salutis, castitatem protexit, salutem cum immortalitate commutavit?
203. What shall I say of the little two-year-olds, who received the palm of victory before they received the sense of nature? What of holy Agnes, who, placed in peril of the two greatest things, chastity and life, protected her chastity and exchanged her life for immortality?
204. Non praetereamus etiam sanctum Laurentium, qui cum videret Xystum episcopum suum ad martyrium duci, flere coepit, non passionem illius, sed suam remansionem. Itaque his verbis appellare coepit: Quo progrederis sine filio, pater: quo, sacerdos sancte, sine diacono properas tuo? Nunquam sacrificium sine ministro offerre consueveras, quid in me ergo displicuit, pater? Num degenerem probasti? Experire certe utrum idoneum ministrum elegeris. Cui commisisti Dominici sanguinis consecrationem, cui consummandorum consortium sacramentorum, huic sanguinis tui
204. Let us not pass over holy Lawrence either, who, when he saw Xystus his bishop led to martyrdom, began to weep, not for his suffering, but for his own being left behind. And so he began to address him in these words: Where are you going without your son, father? Where are you hastening, holy priest, without your deacon? You were never wont to offer sacrifice without a minister; what then has displeased you in me, father? Have you found me unworthy? Test, at least, whether you have chosen a fit minister. To him to whom you entrusted the consecration of the Lord's blood, to whom you entrusted fellowship in the completing of the sacraments, to him, of your blood
Editors' notes and page, col. 90

Footnotes

(22) ‹anchor: Dominici sanguinis consecrationem› · call in col 90

Ita vet. edit. quibus consentiunt omnes mss. nisi quod unus e Vat. et decem e Gall. habent Dominici corporis et sanguinis consecrationem. At Rom. edit. ab omnibus et scriptis et excusis Ambr. cod. discedens pro consecrationem reposuit dispensationem. Ex qua mutatione causam legitimam habere se sibi visi sunt heterodoxorum non pauci, ut corruptionem ac malam editorum fidem clamarent invidiosissime. Sed non satis consulta isthaec accusatio; meminisse enim ipsos oportuerat Hospinianum lib. V Hist. Sacram. cap. 6, non editioni Rom. quae jam multis ab annis vulgata fuerat, verum Eutropio corruptionem hanc attribuere. Nec forte vacat etiam temeritate haec ipsa Hospiniani insimulatio. Etenim non solum in vita beati Sixti apud Lipomanum, Venetae edit. an. 1554, verum etiam in vita sancti Laurentii, ut habetur in legenda Lombardica Jac. Genuensis excusa Nuremburgi an. 1487, legimus Dominici sanguinis dispensationem; quod quidem haud levi indicio est, alicubi exstare exemplar aliquod, in quo sic legatur. Veruntamen antiquiori atque genuinae, minimeque, ut cum card. Bona dicamus, formidandae lectioni standum est. Enimvero sumitur consecratio vel pro ipso consecranti actu, vel pro ejusdem effectu, id est jam peracta consecratione, quorum neutrum a sensu ca- (continues)

So the old editions, with which all the manuscripts agree, except that one of the Vatican and ten of the French manuscripts have "the consecration of the Lord's body and blood". But the Roman edition, departing from all the written and printed copies of Ambrose, replaced "consecrationem" with "dispensationem" (dispensing). From this change not a few of the heterodox thought they had a legitimate ground to cry out most odiously against corruption and the bad faith of the editors. But this accusation was not well considered; for they ought to have remembered that Hospinian, History of the Sacrament book V, chapter 6, attributed this corruption not to the Roman edition, which had already been in circulation for many years, but to Eutropius. Nor perhaps is this very charge of Hospinian's free of rashness. For not only in the life of blessed Sixtus in Lipomanus, Venice edition of 1554, but also in the life of Saint Laurence as found in the Lombardic Legend of James of Genoa [Voragine], printed at Nuremberg in 1487, we read "the dispensing of the Lord's blood"; which is no slight sign that somewhere there exists a copy in which it is so read. Nevertheless one must stand by the older and genuine reading, which — to say it with Cardinal Bona — is by no means to be feared. Indeed, "consecratio" is taken either for the very act of consecrating, or for its effect, that is, the consecration already completed; neither of which [is foreign] to the sense (continues)

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  • running head: MINISTRORUM LIBER I. 90 (left part cut off in image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹rentes proprii›; B ‹bus tanquam psallentium›; C ‹coepit: Quo progrederis›; D falls beside the footnotes, not the text
  • old-edition numerals: 55 after properas
PL 16:91
consortium negas? Vide ne periclitetur judicium tuum, dum fortitudo laudatur. Abjectio discipuli detrimentum est magisterii. Quid! quod illustres et praestantes viri discipulorum certaminibus quam suis vincunt. Denique Abraham filium obtulit (Gen. XXII, 9). Petrus Stephanum praemisit (Act. 57). Et tu, pater, ostende in filio virtutem tuam, offer quem erudisti, ut securus judicii tui comitatu nobili pervenias ad coronam.
do you deny fellowship? See that your judgement be not put in jeopardy while your fortitude is praised. The casting off of the disciple is a loss to the mastership. What of this, that illustrious and eminent men conquer more by the contests of their disciples than by their own? Abraham, for instance, offered his son (Gen. 22:9). Peter sent Stephen before him (Acts 7:57). And you, father, show your virtue in your son, offer him whom you have taught, that, secure of your judgement, you may come to the crown with a noble escort.
205. Tunc Xystus ait: Non ego te, fili, relinquo ac desero: sed majora tibi debentur certamina. Nos quasi senes levioris pugnae cursum recipimus: te quasi juvenem manet gloriosior de tyranno triumphus. Mox venies, flere desiste, post triduum me sequeris. Sacerdotem et Levitam hic medius numerus decet. Non erat tuum sub magistro vincere, quasi adjutorem quaereres. Quid consortium passionis meae expetis? Totam tibi haereditatem ejus dimitto. Quid praesentiam meam requiris? Infirmi discipuli magistrum praecedant, fortes sequantur, ut vincant sine magistro, qui jam non indigent magisterio. Sic et Elias Elisaeum reliquit. Tibi ergo mando nostrae virtutis successionem.
205. Then Xystus said: I do not leave and forsake you, my son; but greater contests are owed to you. We, as old men, take up the course of a lighter fight; for you, as a young man, there waits a more glorious triumph over the tyrant. Soon you will come; cease weeping; after three days you will follow me. This interval of number befits a priest and a Levite. It was not for you to conquer under your master, as though you sought a helper. Why do you seek a share in my passion? I leave to you the whole inheritance of it. Why do you require my presence? Let weak disciples go before their master, let the strong follow, that they may conquer without a master, since they no longer need a master's teaching. So too Elijah left Elisha. To you therefore I commit the succession of our virtue.
206. Talis erat contentio, digna sane de qua certarent sacerdos et minister, quis prior pateretur pro Christi nomine. In fabulis ferunt tragicis excitatos theatri magnos esse plausus, cum se Pylades Orestem diceret; Orestes, ut erat, Orestem se esse
206. Such was the contention, one truly worthy for a priest and a minister to strive over: which should suffer first for the name of Christ. In the tragic plays, they say, great applause was roused in the theatre when Pylades declared himself Orestes, and Orestes, as he was, declared himself to be Orestes,
Editors' notes and page, col. 91

Footnotes

(22, continued) ‹anchor: Dominici sanguinis consecrationem› · call in col 90 (note begins under page 48; see n90) tholico abhorret. Nam si placeat prima ratio, quid mirum diacono consecrationem attribui, cum Guerricus abbas serm. 5, de Purif., etiam populum asserat consecrare? Sane diacono competit non tanquam uni e fidelium conventu, sed tanquam primario consecrantis sacerdotis ministro illius actioni cooperari per modum cujusdam, ut sic loquamur, concelebrationis; quo spectat synodi Rom. can. 3, ad episcop. Gall., apud Sirmond. tom. I Conc. Gall. Et hoc sensu accipiendos putamus locos duos, alterum Petri Blesensis epist. 123, ad episc. Londin., alterum Petri Cant. lib. de Verbo Mirif. cap. 41, quorum utrumque Hallerius lib. III Hierar. pag. 375, de sola dispensatione, priorem vero de sola praesentia cardin. Bona lib. I Rer. Liturg. cap. 25 num. 4, interpretatur, quos consule, sicut et Menardum nostrum in Sacrament. S. Gregorii. Porro secunda consecrationis acceptio, nimirum pro rei consecratae distributione, omni prorsus caret offendiculo, maximeque nobis arridet: tum quia vox commisisti atiquid jam perfectum signat, et aliae illae consummandorum consortium sacramentorum, pulchre ad eamdem dispensationem referuntur: tum quia proprium diaconorum officium erat plebi Dominicum sanguinem administrare, quemadmodum conc. Aquisgr. cap. 7: « Nam sicut in sacerdote, inquit, consecratio, ita in ministro dispensatio sacramenti est. Ille oblata sanctificat, hic sanctificata dispensat. « Quae verba etiam reperire est apud Isidorum lib. II Off. Eccl.. cap. 8, et veterem auctorem qui Hieronymi titulum falso praefert. Coactior autem haec ei non videbitur explicatio, qui cum Ant. Godello Historiae Eccl. tom. I, pag. 579, perpenderit in ipso missae sacrificio dum in calice particula hostiae sacrae immittitur, consecrationem sumi pro re consecrata. Huc adde quod ait cardinalis Bona loco laudato, dici diaconum consecrare, quatenus sanguinem dispensat, qui est consecatio et sanctificatio nostra, et fons atque essentia omnis sanctificationis. » Apage ergo vanum quorumdum cum Hospiniano commentum, qui loco citato et lib. I ejusdem Hist. Sacr. cap. 23, ex his Ambrosii verbis exprimere conatur licuisse olim diaconis in sacerdotum absentia eucharistiam conficere. Nam praeterquam quod in mss. plusquam 24, et in omnibus scriptoribus a quibus hic idem locus citatur, corporis Dominici omittitur mentio; ipsemet sanctus Levita non sacrificantem, sed sacrificantis ministrum se profitetur, nec de sacerdotis abseotia loquitur, sed de consortio. Quapropter sicubi diaconos alio sensu legimus consecrasse, id superbae ac temerariae ascribendum est usurpationi.

... Catholic. For if the first explanation be preferred, what wonder is it that consecration is attributed to the deacon, when Abbot Guerric, in Sermon 5 On the Purification, asserts that even the people consecrate? Certainly it belongs to the deacon, not as to one of the assembly of the faithful, but as to the chief minister of the consecrating priest, to cooperate in his action by way of a kind of concelebration, so to speak; and to this the third canon of the Roman synod to the bishops of Gaul looks, in Sirmond, Councils of Gaul volume I. And in this sense we think two passages are to be taken, one of Peter of Blois, letter 123, to the bishop of London, the other of Peter the Chanter, book On the Wonderful Word, chapter 41: Hallier, Hierarchy book III, page 375, interprets both of them of the dispensing alone, and Cardinal Bona, Liturgical Matters book I, chapter 25, number 4, the former of presence alone; consult them, as also our Ménard on the Sacramentary of Saint Gregory. Further, the second sense of "consecratio", namely the distribution of the consecrated thing, is entirely free of offence, and pleases us most: both because the word "commisisti" (you entrusted) signifies something already completed, and those other words, "consummandorum consortium sacramentorum", refer finely to the same dispensing; and because it was the proper office of deacons to administer the Lord's blood to the people, as the Council of Aachen, chapter 7, says: "For as consecration is in the priest, so the dispensing of the sacrament is in the minister. The one sanctifies the offerings, the other dispenses what has been sanctified." These words are also to be found in Isidore, On Ecclesiastical Offices book II, chapter 8, and in the ancient author who falsely bears the title of Jerome. Nor will this explanation seem too forced to one who, with Antoine Godeau, Ecclesiastical History volume I, page 579, has weighed that in the sacrifice of the Mass itself, while a particle of the sacred host is put into the chalice, "consecratio" is used for the consecrated thing. Add to this what Cardinal Bona says in the place cited: that the deacon is said to consecrate inasmuch as he dispenses the blood, "which is our consecration and sanctification, and the fount and essence of all sanctification." Away, then, with the empty fabrication of certain people, Hospinian among them, who in the place cited and in book I of the same History of the Sacrament, chapter 23, tries to wring from these words of Ambrose that deacons were once permitted to confect the Eucharist in the absence of priests. For besides the fact that in more than 24 manuscripts, and in all the writers by whom this same passage is cited, there is no mention of the Lord's "body", the holy Levite himself professes himself not the one who sacrifices but the minister of the one who sacrifices, and speaks not of the priest's absence but of fellowship with him. Wherefore, wherever we read that deacons consecrated in another sense, it is to be ascribed to proud and rash usurpation.

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(23) ‹anchor: Sacerdotem et Levitam› · call in col 91

Omnes edit. et mss. aliquot, Inter Sacerdotem, etc. At plures mss. omittunt inter. Cum autem per sacerdotem episcopus intelligatur, et per levitam diaconus (nam ut postea syn. Aquisgr. cap. 7, ex lib. II Constit. Apost. cap. 25, et epist. 85 sancti Hieron. definivit: « Diaconorum ordo a tribu Levi accepit exordium » apte asseritur inter utrumque tridui interstitium convenire; sunt enim tres in hierarchia distincti gradus, episcopi, presbyteri ac diaconi, ut Patres Tridentini majorum traditioni adhaerentes. confirmarunt.

All the editions and some manuscripts: "Inter Sacerdotem," etc. But more manuscripts omit "inter". Since, however, by "priest" the bishop is understood, and by "Levite" the deacon (for, as the Synod of Aachen, chapter 7, later laid down from book II of the Apostolic Constitutions, chapter 25, and from Saint Jerome's letter 85: "The order of deacons took its beginning from the tribe of Levi"), it is aptly asserted that an interval of three days falls between the two; for there are three distinct grades in the hierarchy, bishops, priests and deacons, as the Fathers of Trent, adhering to the tradition of their forebears, confirmed.

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(24) ‹anchor: alter qui fecisset› · call in col 92

Alter qui fecisset, id est, Orestes qui matrem Clytaemnestram in ultionem occisi ab ea patris Agamemnonis interemerat. Alter qui adjuvisset, Pylades nimirum ejusdem Orestis cognatus atque amicus adeo fidelis, ut uterque pro verae amicitiae forma fuerit habitus. Hic autem locus desumptus translatusque est, non ex Euripidis Iphigenia in Tauride, ut in margine notavit Rom. edit., sed ex Cicer. lib. V. de Fin. Bon. et mal., pag. 109, et Dial. de Amic. pag. 422, ubi hos plausus in M. Pacuvii tragoedia excitatos narrat.

"The one who had done it", that is, Orestes, who had killed his mother Clytemnestra in vengeance for his father Agamemnon, slain by her. "The other who had helped", namely Pylades, kinsman of the same Orestes and a friend so faithful that the two were held as the pattern of true friendship. This passage is taken and translated not from Euripides's Iphigenia in Tauris, as the Roman edition noted in the margin, but from Cicero, On the Ends of Good and Evil book V, page 109, and the dialogue On Friendship, page 422, where he relates that this applause was raised at a tragedy of Marcus Pacuvius.

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(25) ‹anchor: adulantibus aperiamus aurem› · call in col 92

Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 363, lin. 30: « Cavendum est ne assentatoribus patefaciamus aures, nec adulari nos sinamus, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 363, line 30: "We must beware of opening our ears to flatterers, or allowing ourselves to be flattered," etc.

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  • running head: 91 S. AMBRO[SII …] (right part of the head cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹consortium negas? Vide ne periclitetur judicium›; B ‹dius numerus decet. Non erat tuum sub magistro›; C (footnote area); D (footnote area)
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 16:92
asseveraret: ille ut pro Oreste necaretur, Orestes ne Pyladem pro se pateretur necari. Sed illis non licebat vivere, quod uterque esset parricidii reus: alter qui fecisset, alter qui adjuvisset. Hic Laurentium sanctum ad hoc nullus urgebat, nisi amor devotionis; tamen et ipse post triduum, cum illuso tyranno, impositus super craticulam exureretur: Assum est, inquit, versa et manduca. Ita animi virtute vincebat ignis naturam.
insisted: the one that he might be put to death for Orestes, Orestes that he might not suffer Pylades to be put to death for him. But it was not permitted them to live, because each was guilty of parricide: the one as having done it, the other as having helped. Here no one urged holy Lawrence to this but the love of devotion; yet he too, after three days, when, the tyrant having been mocked, he was laid upon the gridiron and was being burnt, said: It is roasted; turn it and eat. So by the virtue of his soul he overcame the nature of fire.
CAPUT XLII.
CHAPTER XLII.
Potestates non irritandas, neque adulationi praebendas aures.
That the powers are not to be provoked, nor ears to be lent to flattery.
207. Cavendum etiam reor, ne dum aliqui nimia gloriae ducuntur cupiditate, insolentius abutantur potestatibus, et plerumque aversos a nobis animos gentilium in studia persecutionis excitent, atque inflamment ad iracundiam. Itaque ut illi perseverare possint, et supplicia vincere, quantos perire faciunt?
207. I think we must also take care lest, while some are led by an excessive desire of glory, they misuse the powers too insolently, and often rouse the minds of the Gentiles, already turned against us, to eagerness for persecution, and inflame them to anger. And so, that they themselves may persevere and overcome tortures, how many do they cause to perish?
208. Prospiciendum etiam ne adulantibus aperiamus aurem; emolliri enim adulatione, non solum fortitudinis non esse, sed etiam ignaviae videtur.
208. We must also see to it that we do not open our ear to flatterers; for to be softened by flattery seems not only to be no part of fortitude, but even to belong to cowardice.
CAPUT XLIII..
CHAPTER XLIII.
De temperantia et praecipuis ejus partibus, nimirum animi tranquillitate ac moderatione, honestatis cura, et decoris consideratione.
On temperance and its chief parts, namely tranquillity and moderation of mind, care for what is honourable, and regard for what is seemly.
209. Quoniam de tribus virtutibus diximus, restat ut de quarta virtute dicamus, quae temperantia
209. Since we have spoken of three virtues, it remains that we speak of the fourth virtue, which [is called] temperance
Editors' notes and page, col. 92

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  • running head: [S.] AMBROSII. 92
  • marginal letters: A ‹asseveraret: ille ut pro Oreste necaretur, Orestes›; B ‹gentilium in studia persecutionis excitent, atque›; C (footnote area); D (footnote area)
  • old-edition numerals: 56 after ‹uterque›
PL 16:93
ac modestia vocatur: in qua maxime tranquillitas animi, studium mansuetudinis, moderationis gratia, honesti cura, decoris consideratio spectatur et quaeritur.
and modesty is called: in which above all tranquillity of mind, the pursuit of gentleness, the grace of moderation, care for what is honourable, and regard for what is seemly are looked for and sought.
210. Ordo igitur quidam vitae nobis tenendus est, ut a verecundia prima quaedam fundamenta ducantur: quae socia ac familiaris est mentis placiditati, protervitae fugitans, ab omni aliena luxu, sobrietatem diligit, honestatem fovet, decorum illud requirit.
210. A certain order of life, then, must be kept by us, so that certain first foundations may be drawn from modesty: which is the companion and familiar of calmness of mind, shunning wantonness, a stranger to all luxury; it loves sobriety, cherishes what is honourable, and seeks after that which is seemly.
211. Sequatur conversationis electio, ut adjungamur probatissimis quibusque senioribus. Namque ut aequalium usus dulcior, ita senum tutior est, qui magisterio quodam et ductu vitae colorat mores adolescentium, et velut murice probitatis inficit. Namque si hi qui sunt ignari locorum, cum solertibus viarum iter adoriri gestiunt; quanto magis adolescentes cum senibus debent novum sibi iter vitae aggredi, quo minus errare possint, et a vero tramite virtutis deflectere! Nihil enim pulchrius quam eosdem et magistros vitae et testes habere.
211. Let there follow the choice of company, that we may join ourselves to all the most approved of our elders. For as the society of equals is sweeter, so that of old men is safer, since by a kind of teaching and guidance of life it colours the manners of the young, and dyes them as it were with the purple of uprightness. For if those who do not know a country are eager to set out on the journey with men skilled in the roads, how much more ought young men to enter upon the new road of life with old men, that they may be the less able to go astray and turn aside from the true path of virtue! For nothing is more beautiful than to have the same persons as both teachers and witnesses of one's life.
212. Quaerendum etiam in omni actu quid personis, quid temporibus conveniat atque aetatibus, quid etiam singulorum ingeniis sit accommodum. Saepe enim quod alterum decet, alterum non decet. Aliud juveni aptum, aliud seni: aliud in periculis, aliud in rebus secundis.
212. We must also ask in every action what befits persons, what befits times and ages, and what too is suited to the character of each. For often what becomes one does not become another. One thing is fitting for a young man, another for an old man; one thing in dangers, another in prosperity.
213. Saltavit ante arcam Domini David (II Reg. VI, 14); non saltavit Samuel; nec ideo ille reprehensus, sed magis iste laudatus. Mutavit vultum contra regem, cui nomen Achis (I Reg. XXI, 13): ut hoc si fecisset remota formidine quo minus cognosceretur, nequaquam levitatis reprehensione carere potuisset. Saul quoque vallatus choro prophetarum, etiam ipse prophetavit; et de solo quasi indigno memoratum est: Et Saul inter prophetas (I Reg. XIX, 24).
213. David danced before the ark of the Lord (2 Sam. 6:14); Samuel did not dance; yet the one was not blamed for that, but the other was rather praised. He changed his countenance before the king whose name was Achish (1 Sam. 21:13): whereas, had he done this without any fear, in order to be the less recognized, he could by no means have escaped the reproach of levity. Saul too, surrounded by a band of prophets, himself also prophesied; and of him alone, as of one unworthy, it was recorded: Is Saul also among the prophets? (1 Sam. 19:24).
Editors' notes and page, col. 93

Footnotes

(26) ‹anchor: ac modestia vocatur› · call in col 93

Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 363. lin. 41: « Sequitur ut de illa reliqua parte honestatis dicendum sit, in qua verecundia, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 363, line 41: "It follows that we must speak of that remaining part of the honourable, in which modesty," etc.

(printed under page 50)

(27) ‹anchor: probatissimis quibusque senioribus› · call in col 93

Ibid. p. 368, lin. 5. « Est igitur adolescentis majores natu, » etc. Item lib. II, pag. 380, lin. 38. « Facillime autem, et in optimam partem cognoscuntur adolescente, » etc.

Ibid., page 368, line 5: "It is therefore the part of a young man [to respect] his elders," etc. Likewise book II, page 380, line 38: "But young men are most easily, and in the best light, made known," etc.

(printed under page 50)

(28) ‹anchor: ingeniis sit accommodum› · call in col 93

Ibid. pag. 365, lin. 42: « Altera autem quae proprie singulis est attributa: ut enim in corporibus, » etc.

Ibid., page 365, line 42: "But the other, which is assigned to each individually: for as in bodies," etc.

(printed under page 50)

(29) ‹anchor: vultum contra regem› · call in col 93

Edit. et mss. non pauci coram rege: alii vero non pauciores, sed iidem antiquiores, contra regem, id est, ex adverso regis.

The editions and not a few manuscripts: "before the king"; but others, no fewer and older, "contra regem", that is, facing the king.

(printed under page 50)

(30) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 94 (col 93 carries calls 26–29 only)

Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 366, lin. 16: « Admodum autem tuenda sunt sua cuique, » etc. Et infra, lin. 40: « Suum igitur quisque noscat ingenium, » etc. Item pag. 367, lin. 30: « In qua deliberatione ad suam cujusque naturam, consilium est omne revocandum, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 366, line 16: "But each man must hold firmly to what is his own," etc. And below, line 40: "Let each man, then, know his own nature," etc. Likewise page 367, line 30: "In which deliberation the whole plan must be referred to each one's own nature," etc.

(printed under page 50)

(31) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 94 (col 93 carries calls 26–29 only)

Pauci mss. et vet. edit., Non solum noverit, etc.

A few manuscripts and the old editions: "Non solum noverit," etc.

(printed under page 50)

(32) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 94 (col 93 carries calls 26–29 only)

Quamvis hic nulla fiat mentio acolythi et ostiarii, minime tamen hinc sequitur eorum ordines in Ecclesia tum temporis non exstitisse, cum illi quatuor qui recensentur, tantum exempli causa memorentur. Quod autem cum lectore atque exorcista numerantur psalmista et sacrarii custos, quorum apud nos jam nulli sunt ordines; hoc inde putamus factum quod cum minores illi clericatus ecclesiasticae tantum institutionis sint, pro variis necessitatibus modo aucti, modo imminuti ab Ecclesia reperiuntur. De psalmista quidem sive cantore loquitur conc. Carthag. III, can. 21; item IV, can. 10; Gregorius Magnus, lib. XI, 51; Ordo Rom. et alii: de custode vero sacrarii atque ipsius officio dicemus ad caput hujus libri L. Observa interim non omnes omnibus, sed singulis singulos ordines tribui solitos: nec non in episcopi positum fuisse arbitrio quem cui ordini destinaret.

Although no mention is made here of the acolyte and the porter, it by no means follows that their orders did not exist in the Church at that time, since the four that are listed are mentioned only by way of example. As for the psalmist and the keeper of the sacristy being numbered with the reader and the exorcist — orders of which there are now none among us — we think this came about because, since those minor grades of the clergy are of ecclesiastical institution only, they are found to have been now increased, now reduced by the Church according to various needs. Of the psalmist or cantor speak the Third Council of Carthage, canon 21, and the Fourth, canon 10; Gregory the Great, book XI, 51; the Roman Ordo, and others; of the keeper of the sacristy and his office we shall speak at chapter 50 of this book. Note meanwhile that it was customary to confer not all the orders on all, but single orders on single men; and that it lay in the bishop's judgement whom he would appoint to which order.

(printed under page 50)

(33) ‹anchor: majore impletur gratia› · call in col 94

Ita mss. melioris notae: alii vero et edit., majore implet gratia, parum admodum diverso sensu.

So the manuscripts of better note; but others and the editions read "majore implet gratia" (fills with greater grace), in a sense differing very little.

(printed under page 50)

(34) ‹anchor: sequi vitam parentum› · call in col 94

Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag 367, lin. 5: « Quorum vero patres aut majores aliqua gloria praestiterunt, eorum plerique in hoc genere, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 367, line 5: "But those whose fathers or forebears excelled in some glory, most of them in this kind," etc.

(printed under page 50)

Page

  • running head: 93 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRO[RUM …] (right part cut off)
  • marginal letters: A ‹ac modestia vocatur: in qua maxime tranquil-›; B ‹solertibus viarum iter adoriri gestiunt; quanto ma-›; C ‹contra regem, cui nomen Achis (I Reg. XXI,›; D (footnote area)
  • old-edition numerals: 57 after ‹mentis›
PL 16:94
CAPUT XLIV.
CHAPTER XLIV.
Officio sibi congruo quemque studere oportere: sed multos impediri paternorum imitatione studiorum, contra quam ecclesiastici viri faciunt.
That each ought to apply himself to the office suited to him; but that many are hindered by imitating their fathers' pursuits, contrary to what men of the Church do.
214. Unusquisque igitur suum ingenium noverit, et ad id se applicet, quod sibi aptum elegerit. Itaque quid sequatur, prius consideret. Noverit bona sua, sed etiam vitia cognoscat: aequalemque se judicem sui praebeat, ut bonis intendat, vitia declinet.
214. Let each one, then, know his own bent, and apply himself to that which he has chosen as suited to him. And so let him first consider what he is to follow. Let him know his good points, but let him also recognize his faults; and let him show himself a fair judge of himself, so as to give his mind to his good points and avoid his faults.
215. Alius distinguendae lectioni aptior, alius psalmo gratior, alius exorcizandis qui malo laborant spiritu, sollicitior, alius sacrario opportunior habetur. Haec omnia spectet sacerdos, et quid cuique congruat, id officii deputet. Quo etenim unumquemque suum ducit ingenium, aut quod officium decet, id majore impletur gratia.
215. One is held to be better fitted for reading the lesson distinctly, another more pleasing in the psalm, another more careful in exorcizing those who suffer from an evil spirit, another more suitable for the sacristy. Let the priest look to all these things, and assign to each the office that suits him. For that to which his own bent leads each one, or which office becomes him, is fulfilled with greater grace.
216. Sed id cum in omni vita difficile, tum in nostro actu difficillimum est. Amat enim unusquisque sequi vitam parentum. Denique plerique ad militiam feruntur, quorum militaverunt parentes, alii ad actiones diversas.
216. But while this is difficult in every way of life, in our calling it is most difficult of all. For each one loves to follow the life of his parents. Thus most of those whose parents served as soldiers are drawn to soldiering, others to various other pursuits.
217. In ecclesiastico vero officio nihil rarius invenias quam eum qui sequatur institutum patris: vel quia gravis deterret actus, vel quia in lubrica aetate difficilior abstinentia, vel quia alacri adolescentiae videtur vita obscurior; et ideo ad ea convertuntur studia, quae plausibiliora arbitrantur. Praesentia quippe plures quam futura praeferunt. Illi autem praesentibus, nos futuris militamus. Unde quo praestantior causa, eo debet esse cura attentior.
217. But in the ecclesiastical office you would find nothing rarer than one who follows his father's way of life: either because its weighty duty deters them, or because in the slippery age abstinence is harder, or because to lively youth the life seems too obscure; and so they turn to those pursuits which they think will win more applause. For most prefer the present to the future. But they serve as soldiers for the present, we for the future. Hence, the more excellent the cause, the more attentive ought our care to be.
CAPUT XLV.
CHAPTER XLV.
De pulchro et honesto; quid sit inter illa discriminis tam apud profanos auctores, quam sacros.
On the beautiful and the honourable; what difference there is between them, in the profane authors as well as in the sacred.
218. Teneamus igitur verecundiam, et eam quae totius vitae ornatum attollit modestiam. Non
218. Let us hold fast, then, to modesty, and to that restraint which enhances the adornment of the whole of life. It is not
Editors' notes and page, col. 94

Footnotes

(35) ‹anchor: institutum patris› · call in col 94

Patris, spiritalis scilicet, id est, institutoris ac magistri: aut si contenderis patrem naturalem intelligendum, minime sane repugnabimus, modo intellexeris de patre in minoribus tantum gradibus constituto, et eatenus de initiato majoribus, quatenus eos liberos ante ordinationem suam sustulerit. Etenim ab hoc ultimo necessario servandam continentiam Ambrosium nostrum docuisse postea suo loco evidentissime ostendemus.

"Of the father", that is, the spiritual father — the founder and teacher; or if you contend that the natural father is to be understood, we shall certainly not object, provided you understand a father placed only in the minor grades, and one initiated into the major grades only so far as he begot those children before his ordination. For we shall show later, in its place, most clearly, that our Ambrose taught that continence must necessarily be kept by this last.

(printed under page 50)

Page

  • running head: [DE OFFICIIS] MINISTRORUM LIBER I. 94
  • marginal letters: A ‹CAPUT XLIV.›; B ‹quemque suum ducit ingenium, aut quod officium›; C ‹de quo praestantior causa, eo debet esse cura at-›; D (footnote area)
  • old-edition numerals: 58 after ‹in› (before ‹nostro actu›)
PL 16:95
enim mediocre est robus singulis modum servare, atque impertiri ordinem, in quo vere praelucet illud quod decorum dicitur: quod ita cum honesto jungitur, ut separari non queat. Siquidem et quod decet, honestum est, et quod honestum est, decet; ut magis in sermone distinctio sit, quam in virtute discretio. Differre enim ea inter se intelligi potest, explicari non potest.
a slight strength to keep measure in each thing and to assign order, in which there truly shines forth that which is called the seemly: which is so joined with the honourable that it cannot be separated from it. For indeed what is seemly is honourable, and what is honourable is seemly; so that the distinction lies in the word rather than any difference in the virtue. For that they differ from one another can be understood, but it cannot be explained.
219. Et ut conemur aliquid eruere distinctionis, honestas velut bona valetudo est, et quaedam salubritas corporis: decus autem tanquam venustas et pulchritudo. Sicut ergo pulchritudo super salubritatem ac valetudinem videtur excellere, et tamen sine his esse non potest, neque ullo separari modo; quoniam nisi bona valetudo sit, pulchritudo esse ac venustas non potest: sic honestas decorum illud in se continet, ut ab ea profectum videatur, et sine ea esse non possit. Velut salubritas igitur totius operis actusque nostri honestas est, et sicut species est decorum, quod cum honestate confusum, opinione distinguitur. Nam etsi in aliquo videatur excellere, tamen in radice est honestatis, sed flore praecipuo, ut sine ea decidat, in ea floreat. Quid enim est honestas, nisi quae turpitudinem quasi mortem fugiat? Quid vero inhonestum, nisi quod ariditatem ac mortem afferat? Virente igitur substantia virtutis, decorum illud tanquam flos emicat, quia radix salva est: at vero propositi nostri radice vitiosa, nihil germinat.
219. And that we may try to draw out something of a distinction: the honourable is like good health and a certain soundness of body; the seemly, like grace and beauty. As, then, beauty seems to surpass soundness and health, and yet cannot exist without them, nor be separated from them in any way, since unless there be good health there can be no beauty and grace: so the honourable contains the seemly within itself, so that the latter seems to proceed from it and cannot exist without it. The honourable, then, is as it were the soundness of our whole work and action, and the seemly is as it were its outward form, which, though blended with the honourable, is distinguished from it in thought. For though it seems to excel in some respect, yet it lies in the root of the honourable, but as its choicest flower, so that without the honourable it withers, and in it it flourishes. For what is the honourable but that which flees from baseness as from death? And what is the dishonourable but that which brings dryness and death? When, then, the substance of virtue is green, the seemly shines forth like a flower, because the root is sound; but when the root of our purpose is corrupt, nothing springs up.
220. Habes hoc in nostris aliquanto expressius. Dicit enim David: Dominus regnavit, decorem induit (Psal. XCII, 1). Et Apostolus ait: Sicut in die, honeste ambulate (Rom. XIII, 13). Quod Graeci dicunt εὐσχημόνως, hoc autem proprie significat, bono habitu, bona specie. Deus ergo primum hominem cum conderet, bona habitudine, bona membrorum compositione formavit, et optimam ei speciem dedit. Remissionem non dederat peccatorum: sed posteaquam renovavit eum spiritu, et infudit ei gratiam, qui venerat in servi forma, et in hominis specie assumpsit decorem redemptionis humanae. Et ideo dixit Propheta: Dominus regnavit, decorem induit. Deinde alibi dicit: Te decet hymnus, Deus, in Sion (Psal. LXIV, 2); hoc est dicere: Honestum est ut te timeamus, te diligamus, te precemur, te honorificemus;
220. You have this somewhat more expressly in our own writers. For David says: The Lord has reigned, He has put on comeliness (Ps. 92:1). And the Apostle says: As in the day, walk honestly (Rom. 13:13). What the Greeks call εὐσχημόνως properly means this: in good bearing, in good form. God, then, when He made the first man, formed him with a good habit of body and a good arrangement of the limbs, and gave him the best form. He had not given him remission of sins; but after He had renewed him by the Spirit and poured grace into him, He who had come in the form of a servant and in the likeness of man took on the comeliness of man's redemption. And therefore the Prophet said: The Lord has reigned, He has put on comeliness. Then elsewhere he says: A hymn becomes Thee, O God, in Sion (Ps. 64:2); that is to say: It is honourable that we fear Thee, love Thee, pray to Thee, honour Thee;
Editors' notes and page, col. 95

Footnotes

(36) ‹anchor: quod decorum dicitur› · call in col 95

Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 363, lin. 47: « Hoc loco continetur id quod dici Latine decorum potest, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 363, line 47: "Under this head is contained what in Latin may be called 'decorum' (the seemly)," etc.

(printed under page 51)

(37) ‹anchor: quaedam salubritas corporis› · call in col 95

Ibid., pag. 364, lin. 10: « Ut enim venustas et pulchritudo corporis secerni non potest a valetudine, » etc.

Ibid., page 364, line 10: "For as the grace and beauty of the body cannot be separated from its health," etc.

(printed under page 51)

(38) ‹anchor: propositi nostri› · call in col 95

Mss. aliquot, in virtute propositi nostri; at commodius in aliis, nec non in edit. deest, in virtute.

Some manuscripts: "in the virtue of our purpose"; but more conveniently, in the others and in the editions, "in virtute" is absent.

(printed under page 51)

(39) ‹anchor: Quod Graeci dicunt› · call in col 95

Edit. et quidam mss., Quod Graece dicitur.

The editions and some manuscripts: "What is said in Greek."

(printed under page 51)

(40) ‹anchor: in habitu ornato› · call in col 96

Rom. edit., in habitu ordinato: caeterae non modo cum mss. sed etiam cum vulg., vers. in habitu ornato ex Graeco scilicet, ἐν καταστολῇ κοσμίῳ. Rursus vero eadem edit. Rom pro eo quod aliae, ac mss. plures habent, cum bona conversatione reposuit cum nonnullis, per bonam conversationem, respiciens scilicet ad illud Apostoli ex loco citato, ἀλλὰ (ὃ πρέπει γυναιξὶν ἐπαγγελλομέναις θεοσέβειαν) δι' ἔργων ἀγαθῶν, promittentes pietatem per bona opera: ubi Ambrosius pietatem etiam mutavit in castitatem.

The Roman edition: "in ordered dress"; the others, not only with the manuscripts but also with the Vulgate version: "in seemly dress", that is, from the Greek "in modest apparel". Again, where the other editions and most manuscripts have "cum bona conversatione" (with good conduct), the same Roman edition, with some [manuscripts], put "per bonam conversationem" (through good conduct), with an eye, namely, to the Apostle's words at the place cited, "but (as befits women professing godliness) through good works", "promising piety through good works" — where Ambrose also changed "piety" into "chastity".

(printed under page 51)

(41) ‹anchor: decorum quasi generale› · call in col 96

Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 364, lin. 13: « Est autem ejus descriptio duplex. Nam et generale quoddam decorum, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 364, line 13: "Its description is twofold. For there is a certain general seemliness," etc.

(printed under page 51)

Page

  • running head: 95 S. AMBROS[II …] (right part cut off)
  • marginal letters: A ‹enim mediocre est robus singulis modum servare,›; B ‹esse ac venustas non potest: sic honestas decorum›; C ‹us. Dicit enim David: Dominus regnavit, decorem in-›; D ‹timeamus, te diligamus, te precemur, te honorifi-›
  • old-edition numerals: 59 before ‹220.›
PL 16:96
scriptum est enim: Omnia vestra honeste fiant (I Cor. XIV, 40). Sed possumus et hominem timere, diligere, rogare, honorare: hymnus specialiter Deo dicitur. Hoc tanquam excellentius caeteris credere est decorum, quod deferimus Deo. Mulierem quoque in habitu ornato orare convenit: sed specialiter eam decet orare velatam, et orare promittentem castitatem cum bona conversatione (I Tim. II, 9, 10).
for it is written: Let all your things be done honestly (1 Cor. 14:40). But we can also fear, love, entreat and honour a man; a hymn is said specially to God. It is seemly to believe that this which we offer to God is, as it were, more excellent than the rest. It is fitting, too, that a woman should pray in becoming attire; but especially does it become her to pray veiled, and to pray professing chastity with good conduct (1 Tim. 2:9–10).
CAPUT XLVI.
CHAPTER XLVI.
Proponitur bifida decori divisio: tum postquam ostensum est quod secundum naturam sit, honestum: quod secus, turpe consendum; exemplis illustratur haec ipsa divisio.
A twofold division of the seemly is set out; then, after it has been shown that what is according to nature is honourable, and that what is otherwise is to be judged base, this same division is illustrated by examples.
221. Est igitur decorum quod praeeminet, cujus divisio gemina est. Nam est decorum quasi generale, quod per universitatem funditur honestatis, et quasi in toto spectatur corpore: est etiam speciale, quod in parte aliqua enitet. Illud generale ita est, ac si aequabilem formam atque universitatem honestatis in omni actu suo habeat concinentem: cum omnis sibi ejus vita consentit, nec in ulla aliqua re discrepat: hoc speciale, cum aliquem actum in suis habet virtutibus praeeminentem.
221. There is, then, a seemliness which stands pre-eminent, and its division is twofold. For there is a seemliness that is as it were general, which is spread through the whole of the honourable and is seen as it were in its whole body; there is also a special one, which shines out in some one part. The general is such as when a man has an even form and the whole of the honourable in harmony in every act of his: when his whole life agrees with itself and is at variance in no single thing; the special, when he has some one act pre-eminent among his virtues.
222. Simul illud adverte quod et decorum est secundum naturam vivere, secundum naturam degere, et turpe est quod sit contra naturam. Ait enim Apostolus quasi interrogans: Decet mulierem non velatam orare Deum? Nec ipsa natura docet vos quod vir quidem si comam habeat, ignominia est illi; quoniam contra naturam est (I Cor. XI, 13)? Et iterum dicit: Mulier vero si capillos habeat, gloria est illi (Ibid. 15). Est enim secundum naturam, quoniam quidem capilli pro velamine sunt; hoc est enim naturale velamen. Personam igitur nobis et speciem natura ipsa dispensat, quam servare debemus: utinamque et innocentiam ejus custodire possimus, nec acceptam nostra malitia mutaret!
222. At the same time notice this too, that it is seemly to live according to nature, to pass one's life according to nature, and that what is contrary to nature is base. For the Apostle says, as though asking: Is it seemly for a woman to pray to God unveiled? Does not nature itself teach you that if a man has long hair it is a disgrace to him, since it is contrary to nature (1 Cor. 11:13)? And again he says: But if a woman has long hair, it is a glory to her (ibid. 15). For it is according to nature, since hair is given for a covering; for this is a natural covering. Nature herself, then, assigns to us a character and a form which we ought to keep; and would that we could also guard her innocence, and that our wickedness did not change what we received!
223 Habes hoc decorum generale, quia fecit Deus mundi istius pulchritudinem. Habes et per partes, quia cum faceret Deus lucem, et diem noctemque distingueret (Gen. I, 3 et seq.), cum conderet coelum, cum terras et maria separaret, cum solem et lunam et stellas constitueret lucere super terram, probavit singula. Ergo decorum hoc, quod
223. You have this general seemliness in that God made the beauty of this world. You have it also in its parts, in that when God made the light and divided the day and the night (Gen. 1:3 ff.), when He founded the heaven, when He separated the lands and the seas, when He set the sun and the moon and the stars to give light upon the earth, He approved each one. Therefore this seemliness, which
Editors' notes and page, col. 96

Footnotes

(42) ‹anchor: secundum naturam vivere› · call in col 96

Ibid., lin. 15: « Decorum id esse quod consentaneum sit hominis excellentiae, » etc. Item infra lin. 40: « Officium autem quod ab eo ducitur, hunc primum. » etc. Ibid., pag. 367, lin. 31: « Nam cum in omnibus quae aguntur, » etc.

Ibid., line 15: "That the seemly is what accords with man's excellence," etc. Likewise below, line 40: "But the duty which is derived from it, [has] this first," etc. Ibid., page 367, line 31: "For since in all that is done," etc.

(printed under page 51)

(43) ‹anchor: docet vos quod vir› · call in col 96

Omnes edit., nos docet quod vir, etc., sed contra mss. auctoritatem, quibus etiam suffragatur textus Apostolicus, διδάσκει ὑμᾶς ὅτι ἀνὴρ, etc. non vero διδάσκει ἡμᾶς, etc.

All the editions: "teaches us that a man," etc., but against the authority of the manuscripts, which the Apostle's text also supports: "teaches you that a man," etc., not "teaches us," etc.

(printed under page 51)

(44) ‹anchor: hoc decorum generale› · call in col 96

Nonnulli mss. et vet. edit., « Habes hunc decorem generalem. ».

Some manuscripts and the old editions: "You have this general comeliness."

(printed under page 51)

Page

  • running head: [S.] AMBROSII. 96
  • marginal letters: A ‹cemus; scriptum est enim: Omnia vestra honeste›; B ‹rale, quod per universitatem funditur honesta-›; C ‹nia est illi; quoniam contra naturam est (I Cor.›; D ‹terram, probavit singula. Ergo decorum hoc, quod›
  • old-edition numerals: 60 after ‹debemus:›
PL 16:97
in singulis mundi partibus elucebat, in universitate resplenduit, sicut probat Sapientia, dicens: Ego eram cui applaudebat... cum laetaretur orbe perfecto (Prov. VIII, 30, 31). Similiter ergo et in fabrica humani corporis grata est uniuscujusque membri portio: sed plus in commune compositio membrorum apta delectat, quod ita sibi quadrare et convenire videantur.
shone forth in the several parts of the world, was resplendent in the whole, as Wisdom proves when it says: I was he in whom He rejoiced... when He was glad at the finished world (Prov. 8:30–31). So likewise in the frame of the human body each limb's share is pleasing; but the fit arrangement of the limbs taken together delights more, because they seem so to square and agree with one another.
CAPUT XLVII.
CHAPTER XLVII.
Ut in vita nostra eluceat decorum illud, quid praestare nos oporteat, quosve appetitus refrenare?
That the seemly may shine out in our life, what ought we to show, and what appetites restrain?
224. Si quis igitur aequabilitatem universae vitae, et singularum actionum modos servet, ordinem quoque, et constantiam dictorum atque operum, moderationemque custodiat, in ejus vita decorum illud, excellit et quasi in quodam speculo elucet.
224. If anyone, then, keeps evenness in his whole life and due measure in his several actions, and guards order also, and consistency and moderation in his words and deeds, in his life the seemly stands out and shines as it were in a kind of mirror.
225. Accedat tamen suavis sermo, ut conciliet sibi affectum audientium, gratumque se vel familiaribus, vel civibus, vel, si fieri potest, omnibus praebeat. Neque adulantem se, neque adulandum cuiquam exibeat; alterum enim calliditatis est, vanitatis alterum.
225. Let there be added, however, a pleasant speech, so that he may win for himself the goodwill of his hearers, and show himself agreeable to friends, or to fellow citizens, or, if it can be, to all. Let him show himself to no one either as a flatterer or as one to be flattered; for the one belongs to craftiness, the other to vanity.
226. Non despiciat quid de se unusquisque et maxime vir optimus sentiat; hoc enim modo discit bonis deferre reverentiam. Nam negligere bonorum judicia, vel arrogantiae vel dissolutionis est: quorum alterum superbiae ascribitur, alterum negligentiae.
226. Let him not disregard what each person, and above all the best of men, thinks of him; for in this way he learns to show reverence to the good. For to neglect the judgements of the good belongs either to arrogance or to laxity: of which the one is ascribed to pride, the other to negligence.
227. Caveat etiam motus animi sui; ipse enim sibi et observandus et circumspiciendus est: et ut adversum se cavendus, ita etiam de se tuendus. Sunt enim motus, in quibus est appetitus ille, qui quasi quodam prorumpit impetu; unde Graece ὁρμὴ dicitur quod vi quadam se repente proripiat. Non mediocris in his vis quaedam animi atque naturae est. Quae tamen vis gemina est, una in appetitu, altera in ratione posita, quae appetitum refrenet, et sibi obedientem praestet, et ducat quo velit: et tanquam sedulo magisterio edoceat quid fieri, quid evitari oporteat, ut bonae domitrici obtemperet.
227. Let him also beware of the motions of his own mind; for he must watch himself and look about him, and as he must be on guard against himself, so too he must be defended from himself. For there are motions in which lies that appetite which bursts out as it were with a kind of onrush; whence in Greek it is called ὁρμή, because it hurls itself forth suddenly with a certain force. In these there is no small force of mind and nature. Yet this force is twofold, the one set in appetite, the other in reason, which is to rein in the appetite and keep it obedient to itself and lead it where it will, and, as by careful teaching, instruct it what ought to be done and what avoided, so that it may obey a good tamer.
228. Solliciti enim debemus esse, ne quid temere aut incuriose geramus aut quidquam omnino cujus probabilem non possimus rationem reddere. Actus enim nostri causa, etsi non omnibus redditur, tamen ab omnibus examinatur. Nec vero
228. For we ought to be careful that we do nothing rashly or carelessly, or anything at all for which we cannot give a credible reason. For the reason for our action, even if it is not rendered to all, is yet examined by all. Nor indeed
Editors' notes and page, col. 97

Footnotes

(45) ‹anchor: speculo elucet› · call in col 97

Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 364, lin. 33: « Sic hoc decorum quod elucet in vita, movet, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 364, line 33: "So this seemliness which shines out in life moves [approval]," etc.

(printed under page 52)

(46) ‹anchor: affectum audientium› · call in col 97

Ibid., pag. 370, lin. 3. « Maximeque curandum, eos quibuscum sermonem conferimus et vereri et diligere videamur. »

Ibid., page 370, line 3: "And we must take the greatest care to seem both to respect and to love those with whom we converse."

(printed under page 52)

(47) ‹anchor: vir optimus sentiat› · call in col 97

Ibid., pag. 364, lin. 35: « Adhibenda est igitur quaedam reverentia adversus homines, » etc.

Ibid., page 364, line 35: "A certain reverence, therefore, must be shown towards men," etc.

(printed under page 52)

(48) ‹anchor: motus animi sui› · call in col 97

Ibid., pag. 365, lin. 44: « Neque enim solum corporis... sed multo etiam magis animi, » etc.

Ibid., page 365, line 44: "For not only of the body... but much more of the mind," etc.

(printed under page 52)

(49) ‹anchor: se repente› · call in col 97

Mss. aliquot, vi quadam serpente.

Some manuscripts: "by a kind of creeping force."

(printed under page 52)

(50) ‹anchor: bonae domitrici› · call in col 97

Omnes edit. ac mss. aliquot ut bonae dominatrici, alii plures potioresque, ut bonae domitrici. Aptius id quidem; refertur enim ad superiora, quae appetitum refrenet, etc.

All the editions and some manuscripts: "as to a good mistress"; others, more and better: "as to a good tamer". This is indeed more apt, for it refers to the words above, "which curbs appetite", etc.

(printed under page 52)

(51) ‹anchor: aut incuriose geramus› · call in col 97

Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 364, lin. 48: « Omnis autem actio vacare debet temeritate et negligentia, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, page 364, line 48: "But every action ought to be free of rashness and carelessness," etc.

(printed under page 52)

Editors' prose

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Page

  • running head: 97 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRO[RUM …] (right part cut off)
  • marginal letters: A ‹in singulis mundi partibus elucebat, in universitate›; B ‹derationemque custodiat, in ejus vita decorum il-›; C ‹sibi et observandus et circumspiciendus est: et ut›; D ‹redditur, tamen ab omnibus examinatur. Nec vero›
  • old-edition numerals: 61 after ‹quidquam›
PL 16:98
habemus, in quo nos possimus excusare. Nam etsi vis quaedam naturae in omni appetitu sit; tamen idem appetitus rationi subjectus est legi naturae ipsius, et obedit ei. Unde boni speculatoris est ita praetendere animo, ut appetitus neque praecurrat rationem, neque deserat; ne praecurrendo perturbet atque excludat, eamque deserendo destituat. Perturbatio tollit constantiam, destitutio prodit ignaviam, accusat pigritiam. Perturbata enim mente latius se ac longius fundit appetitus, et tanquam efferato impetu frenos rationis non suscipit, nec ulla sentit aurigae moderamina, quibus possit reflecti. Unde plerumque non solum animus exagitatur, amittitur ratio; sed etiam inflammatur vultus, vel iracundia, vel libidine: pallescit timore, voluptate se non capit, et nimia gestit laetitia.
have we anything in which we can excuse ourselves. For although there is a certain force of nature in every appetite, yet the same appetite, being subject to reason, is subject to the law of nature itself, and obeys it. Hence it is the part of a good watchman so to keep guard over the mind that appetite neither runs ahead of reason nor forsakes it; lest by running ahead it throw reason into confusion and shut it out, and by forsaking it leave it destitute. Confusion takes away constancy; destitution betrays cowardice and convicts of sloth. For when the mind is confused the appetite pours itself out more widely and further, and, as with a savage onrush, does not accept the reins of reason, nor feels any guiding hand of a charioteer by which it might be turned back. Hence for the most part not only is the mind agitated and reason lost, but the face too is inflamed either with anger or with lust: it grows pale with fear, cannot contain itself for pleasure, and exults with excessive joy.
229. Haec cum fiunt, abjicitur illa naturalis quaedam censura, gravitasque morum: nec teneri potest illa quae in rebus gerendis atque consiliis sola potest auctoritatem suam, atquo illud quod deceat tenere, constantia.
229. When these things happen, that natural self-censure, as it were, and gravity of manners are cast aside; nor can that constancy be maintained which alone, in affairs and in counsels, can hold to its own authority and to that which is seemly.
230. Gravior autem appetitus ex indignatione nimia nascitur, quam acceptae plerumque accendit injuriae dolor. De quo satis nos psalmi quem in praefatione posuimus (cap. II, 6, 7), praecepta instruunt. Pulchre autem et hoc accidit, ut scripturi de Officiis, ea praefationis nostrae assertione uteremur quae et ipsa ad officii magisterium pertineret.
230. But a heavier appetite is born of excessive indignation, which the pain of an injury received usually kindles. On this the precepts of the psalm which we set in the preface (ch. II, 6–7) instruct us sufficiently. And it has fallen out well that, being about to write on Duties, we used in our preface a statement which itself also belonged to the teaching of duty.
231. Sed quia supra, ut oportebat, perstrinximus quemadmodum unusquisque cavere possit ne excitetur accepta injuria, verentes ne praefatio prolixior fieret, nunc de eo uberius disputandum arbitror. Locus enim opportunus est, ut in partibus temperantiae dicamus quemadmodum reprimatur iracundia.
231. But since above, as was fitting, we touched briefly on how each one can take care not to be roused by an injury received, fearing lest the preface should become too long, I now think it should be discussed more fully. For this is the fitting place to say, among the parts of temperance, how anger is to be checked.
CAPUT XLVIII.
CHAPTER XLVIII.
Repetito compescendae iracundiae argumento, tres eorum qui lacessuntur injuriis, ordines explicantur; ad quorum perfectissimum Apostolus ac David dicuntur pervenisse: ubi ex occasione quaedam hujus ac futurae vitae traduntur discrimina.
The subject of restraining anger being taken up again, three classes of those who are provoked by injuries are explained, to the most perfect of which the Apostle and David are said to have attained; where, as occasion offers, certain differences between this life and the life to come are set out.
232. Tria itaque genera esse hominum injuriam accipientium in Scripturis divinis demonstrare volumus, si possumus. Unum est eorum quibus peccator insultat, conviciatur, inequitat. Iis quia deest justitia, pudor crescit, augetur dolor. Horum
232. We wish, then, to show from the divine Scriptures, if we can, that there are three kinds of men who receive injury. One is of those whom the sinner insults, reviles, rides over. Because these lack justice, their shame grows and their pain increases. Of these
Editors' notes and page, col. 98

Footnotes

(52) ‹anchor: appetitus rationi› · call in col 98

Cic. lib. I Offic., lin. 1: « Efficiendum autem est ut appetitus rationi obediant, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, line 1: "But it must be brought about that the appetites obey reason," etc.

(printed under page 52)

(53) ‹anchor: amittitur ratio› · call in col 98

Ibid., pag. 365, lin. 6: « A quibus non modo animi perturbantur, sed etiam corpora. Licet ora ipsa cernere, » etc.

Ibid., page 365, line 6: "By which not only minds but bodies too are disturbed. One may see the very faces," etc.

(printed under page 52)

(54) ‹anchor: quaedam censura› · call in col 98

Ibid., lin. 11: « Neque enim ita generati... sed ad severitatem potius, » etc.

Ibid., line 11: "For we were not so made... but rather for seriousness," etc.

(printed under page 52)

(55) ‹anchor: injuriae dolor› · call in col 98

Ibid., pag. 370, lin. 12: « Rectum est autem etiam in illis contentionibus quae cum inimicissimis fiunt, » etc.

Ibid., page 370, line 12: "But it is right, even in those contests that are waged with our bitterest enemies," etc.

(printed under page 52)

(56) ‹anchor: Sed quia supra› · call in col 98

In superior, edit. hoc erat initium cap. 48, sed incommode.

In the earlier editions this was the beginning of chapter 48, but inconveniently.

(printed under page 52)

(57) ‹anchor: conviciatur, inequitat› · call in col 98

Mss. aliquot, conviciator iniquus: unus, conviciator iniquitatis: alii non pauci, conviciatur iniquitas: aliqui et edit. Amerb., conviciatur iniquitate: nonnulli. ac Eras et Gil., conviciatur, inquietat: duo, conviciatur, iniquitates incitat: caeteri (continues)

Some manuscripts: "an unjust reviler"; one: "a reviler of iniquity"; not a few others: "iniquity reviles"; some, and Amerbach's edition: "reviles with iniquity"; some, and Erasmus and Gillot: "reviles, disquiets"; two: "reviles, stirs up iniquities"; the rest (continues)

(printed under page 52)

Editors' prose

(none) <!-- note (Q11a, 2026-10-05): (52)–(54) moved here from n97 (printed under col 98, called in col 98). The end of (57) is printed under col 99 and set in n99. -->

Page

  • running head: [DE OFFICIIS] MINISTRORUM LIBER II. 98 (head prints "LIBER II" though the text is still Book I)
  • marginal letters: A ‹habemus, in quo nos possimus excusare. Nam etsi-›; B ‹voluptate se non capit, et nimia gestit laetitia.›; C ‹mus quemadmodum unusquisque cavere possit ne›; D ‹deest justitia, pudor crescit, augetur dolor. Horum›
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 16:99
similes plurimi de meo ordine, de meo numero. Nam mihi infirmo si quis injuriam faciat, forsitan licet infirmus, donem injuriam meam. Si crimen objiciat, non sum tantus, ut sim contentus conscientia mea, etiamsi me ejus objecti alienum noverim: sed cupio abluere ingenui pudoris notam tanquam infirmus. Ergo oculum pro oculo et dentem pro dente exigo, et convicium convicio rependo.
there are very many like them, of my order, of my number. For if anyone does an injury to me, weak as I am, perhaps, weak though I am, I may forgive the injury done to me. If he charges me with a crime, I am not so great as to be content with my conscience, even though I know myself free of the thing charged; but, being weak, I desire to wash off the mark on my honest name. Therefore I exact an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth, and repay abuse with abuse.
233. Si vero is sum qui proficiam, et si nondum perfectus, non retorqueo contumeliam: etsi influat ille convicium, et inundet aures meas contumeliis, ego taceo, et nihil respondeo.
233. But if I am one who is making progress, even if not yet perfect, I do not throw back the insult: even though he pour in abuse and flood my ears with insults, I keep silent and answer nothing.
234. Si vero perfectus sim (verbi gratia loquor, nam veritate infirmus sum) si ergo perfectus sim, benedico maledicentem, sicut benedicebat et Paulus; qui ait: Maledicimur, et benedicimus (I Cor. IV, 12). Audierat enim dicentem: Diligite inimicos vestros, orate pro calumniantibus et persequentibus vos (Matth. V, 44). Ideo ergo Paulus persecutionem patiebatur et sustinebat, quia vincebat et mitigabat humanum affectum propositae mercedis gratia: ut filius Dei fieret, si dilexisset inimicum.
234. But if I were perfect (I speak by way of example, for in truth I am weak), if, then, I were perfect, I bless him who curses, as Paul too blessed; who says: We are cursed, and we bless (1 Cor. 4:12). For he had heard Him saying: Love your enemies, pray for those who slander and persecute you (Matt. 5:44). Therefore Paul suffered and endured persecution, because he overcame and softened human feeling for the sake of the reward set before him: that he might become a son of God if he had loved his enemy.
235. Tamen et sanctum David in hoc quoque genere virtutis imparem Paulo non fuisse edocere possumus. Qui primo quidem cum malediceret ei filius Semei (II Reg. XVI, 7 et seq.), et crimina objiceret, tacebat et humiliabatur, et silebat a bonis suis (Psal. XXXVIII, 3), hoc est bonorum operum conscientia: deinde expetebat maledici sibi, quia maledicto illo divinam acquirebat misericordiam.
235. Yet we can show that holy David too was not unequal to Paul in this kind of virtue as well. He first, when the son of Shimei cursed him (2 Sam. 16:7 ff.) and threw charges at him, was silent and humbled himself, and kept silence even from his good things (Ps. 38:3), that is, from the consciousness of good works; then he even sought to be cursed, because by that curse he was gaining the mercy of God.
236. Vide autem quomodo et humilitatem et justitiam et prudentiam emerendae a Domino gratiae reservaverit. Primo dixit: Ideo maledicit mihi, quia Dominus dixit illi ut maledicat (II Reg. XVI, 10). Habes humilitatem; quia ea quae divinitus imperantur, aequanimiter quasi servulus ferenda arbitrabatur. Iterum dixit: Ecce filius meus qui exivit de ventre meo, quaerit animam meam (Ibid. 11).
236. See, too, how he kept humility and justice and prudence, so as to earn grace from the Lord. First he said: He curses me because the Lord has told him to curse (2 Sam. 16:10). You have humility; for he thought that what is commanded by God must be borne calmly, like a humble servant. Again he said: Behold, my son, who came forth from my womb, seeks my life (ibid. 11).
Editors' notes and page, col. 99

Footnotes

(57) (continued) ‹anchor: conviciatur, inequitat› · call in col 98

denique atque edit. Rom., conviciatur, inequitat: quod verbum a scribis minime intellectum tantam peperit diversitatem; cum hic inequitat, nihil aliud sit, quam veluti calcaribus incitat exagitatque.

(continued) finally, and the Roman edition: "reviles, rides over"; a word which, little understood by the scribes, produced so much variety, since "rides over" here means nothing other than "spurs on and harries, as it were with spurs".

(printed under page 53)

(58) ‹anchor: crimen objiciat› · call in col 99

Cod. Big., Sciens me non egisse quae objiciat, non sum tantus. etiamsi mei objecti alienum noverim.

The Bigot manuscript: "Knowing that I have not done what he charges, I am not so great, even if I know myself free of the charge."

(printed under page 53)

(59) ‹anchor: pudoris notam› · call in col 99

Mss. nonnulli, injecti pudoris notam.

Some manuscripts: "the mark of shame cast upon [me]."

(printed under page 53)

(60) ‹anchor: ille convicium› · call in col 99

Edit. et pauci mss. influat ille conviciis; alii mss. longe plurimi.., convicium. Rursus vero ubi edit. et mss. plerique, nihil respondeo; mss. nonnulli habent, nihil rependo.

The editions and a few manuscripts: "let him pour in with insults"; by far the most other manuscripts: "insult". Again, where the editions and most manuscripts read "I answer nothing", some manuscripts have "I pay back nothing".

(printed under page 53)

(61) ‹anchor: et benedicimus› · call in col 99

Duo mss., et benedicimus; persecutionem patimur, et sustinemus.

Two manuscripts: "and we bless; we suffer persecution, and we endure."

(printed under page 53)

(62) ‹anchor: maledicto illo› · call in col 99

Mss. unus, quia maledictio illa.

One manuscript: "because that cursing."

(printed under page 53)

(63) ‹anchor: pro maledicto hoc› · call in col 100

Duo mss., Dominus benedictionem pro maledicto hoc.

Two manuscripts: "the Lord [will return] blessing for this curse."

(printed under page 53)

(64) ‹anchor: vincebat quasi› · call in col 100

Ita mss. plures ac probatiores: alii nonnulli, atque edit., Sed vincebat spiritu quasi, etc.

So most and the more approved manuscripts; some others, and the editions: "But he was conquering in spirit as it were," etc.

(printed under page 53)

Editors' prose

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  • running head: 99 S. AMBROS[II …] (right part cut off)
  • marginal letters: A ‹similes plurimi de meo ordine, de meo numero.›; B ‹lus; qui ait: Maledicimur, et benedicimus (I Cor.›; C ‹maledicto illo divinam acquirebat misericor-›; D (footnote area)
  • old-edition numerals: 62 after ‹objiciat,›
PL 16:100
Habes justitiam; si enim a nostris graviora patimur, cur indigne ferimus quae inferuntur ab alienis? Tertio ait: Dimitte illum ut maledicat; quoniam dixit illi Dominus, ut videat humiliationem meam, et retribuat mihi Dominus pro maledicto hoc (Ibid. 12). Nec solum conviciantem pertulit, sed etiam lapidantem et sequentem illaesum reliquit (II Reg. XIX, 22), quin etiam post victoriam petenti veniam libenter ignovit.
You have justice; for if we suffer heavier things from our own, why do we take it ill when things are inflicted by strangers? Thirdly he says: Let him alone, that he may curse; for the Lord has told him, that He may see my humiliation, and the Lord may repay me for this cursing (ibid. 12). And not only did he bear with him as he reviled, but he also left him unharmed when he stoned him and followed him (2 Sam. 19:22); nay more, after the victory he gladly pardoned him when he asked forgiveness.
237. Quod ideo inserui, ut Evangelico spiritu sanctum David non solum inoffensum, sed etiam gratum fuisse convicianti docerem, et delectatum potius quam exasperatum injuriis, pro quibus mercedem sibi reddendam arbitrabatur. Sed tamen quamvis perfectus, adhuc perfectiora quaerebat. Incalescebat injuriae dolore, quasi homo: sed vincebat quasi bonus miles: tolerabat quasi athleta fortis. Patientiae autem finis, promissorum exspectatio, et ideo dicebat: Notum fac mihi, Domine, finem meum, et numerum dierum meorum, quis est, ut sciam quid desit mihi (Psal. XXXVIII, 5). Finem illum quaerit promissorum coelestium, vel illum, quando unusquisque surget in suo ordine: Primitiae Christus, deinde hi qui sunt Christi, qui in adventum ejus crediderunt, deinde finis (I Cor. XV, 25). Tradito enim regno Deo et Patri, et evacuatis omnibus potestatibus, ut Apostolus dixit, perfectio incipit. Hic ergo impedimentum, hic infirmitas etiam perfectorum, illic plena perfectio. Ideo et dies illos requirit vitae aeternae, qui sunt, non qui praetereunt; ut cognoscat quid sibi desit, quae terra sit repromissionis perpetuos fructus ferens, quae prima apud patrem mansio, quae secunda, quae tertia, in quibus pro ratione meritorum unusquisque requiescet.
237. I have put this in so as to show that holy David, in the spirit of the Gospel, was not only not offended at the man who reviled him but even grateful to him, and delighted rather than exasperated by the injuries, for which he thought a reward would be paid him. Yet although he was perfect, he still sought what was more perfect. He grew hot with the pain of injury, as a man; but he overcame it as a good soldier; he endured it as a strong athlete. The end of patience, however, is the expectation of the promises, and so he said: Lord, make known to me my end, and the number of my days, what it is, that I may know what is lacking to me (Ps. 38:5). He seeks that end of the heavenly promises, or that one when each shall rise in his own order: Christ the firstfruits, then those who are Christ's, who believed at His coming, then the end (1 Cor. 15:23). For when the kingdom has been delivered to God and the Father, and all powers have been brought to nothing, as the Apostle said, perfection begins. Here, then, is hindrance, here weakness even of the perfect; there, full perfection. Therefore he also asks for those days of eternal life which are, not those which pass away; that he may know what is lacking to him, what is the land of promise bearing everlasting fruits, which is the first mansion with the Father, which the second, which the third, in which each shall rest according to the measure of his merits.
238. Illa igitur nobis expetenda, in quibus perfectio, in quibus veritas est. Hic umbra, hic imago, illic veritas. Umbra in Lege, imago in Evangelio, veritas in coelestibus (Hebr X, 1 et seq.). Ante
238. Those things, then, are to be sought by us in which there is perfection, in which there is truth. Here is the shadow, here the image; there, the truth. The shadow in the Law, the image in the Gospel, the truth in heavenly things (Heb. 10:1 ff.). Formerly
Editors' notes and page, col. 100

Footnotes

(65) ‹anchor: illic veritas› · call in col 100

Thuan. cod. ac tres alii, hic imago, veritas in coelestibus. Verum alia lectio non solum multo pluribus mss. omnibusque edit. nititur, verum etiam consensione alterius loci ex Expos. psal XXXVIII, num. 25, ubi haec eadem verba sine ulla diversitate legere est. Porro Edm. Albertinus lib. II, cap. 2, pag. 505, his Ambrosii verbis, imago in Evangelio, et nunc in imagine, etc., hunc sensum affingit, quasi neget Vir sanctus Christum jam hic offerri, nisi in imagine, cum e contra in coelis offerat se in veritate; atque ita imago et veritas invicem opponantur, ut altera alteram excludat. Verum nisi partium studio obcaecatus esset, pervidisset utique Christum non alia de causa in imagine offerri dictum, nisi quia offertur quasi homo, quasi passionem recipiens. Quapropter, ut clare sancti Doctoris mens pateat, advertendum est his verbis, Hic umbra, hic imago, etc Ecclesiam ab eo sic describi, ut sit status quidam medius inter Synagogam et coelum: quod videlicet in illa fuerit sola umbra, in hoc autem sola veritas: at in Ecclesia utraque res simul conjuncta. Et certe adeo verum est ab Ambrosio veritatem cum imagine in evangelico foedere copulatam significari, ut eas sejungere non potuerit, quin ipsiusmet cruenti sacrificii, atque adeo Dominicae incarnationis veritatem funditus everteret: cum haec mysteria ex mente ipsius non ad Synagogum, neque ad coelum referri queant, sed ad Ecclesiam. Sed ipse Ambrosius mentem suam loco citato Expos. psal. XXXVIII, tam claris verbis exprimit, et nullam cavillis relinquat ansam: « Videmus nunc, inquit, per imaginem bona, et tenemus (continues)

The de Thou manuscript and three others: "here the image, the truth in the heavenly places." But the other reading rests not only on far more manuscripts and all the editions, but also on the agreement of another passage, from the Exposition of Psalm 38, number 25, where these same words may be read without any variation. Moreover, Edme Aubertin, book II, chapter 2, page 505, fastens on these words of Ambrose, "the image in the Gospel", and "now in the image", etc., this sense: as though the holy man denied that Christ is now offered here except in an image, whereas on the contrary in heaven He offers Himself in truth; and so that image and truth are opposed to each other, the one excluding the other. But had he not been blinded by partisanship, he would certainly have seen that Christ is said to be offered in an image for no other reason than that He is offered as man, as receiving the passion. Therefore, so that the holy Doctor's mind may be clear, it must be noted that in the words "Here the shadow, here the image," etc., the Church is described by him as a kind of middle state between the Synagogue and heaven: namely, that in the former there was the shadow alone, in the latter the truth alone, but in the Church both things joined together. And it is certainly so true that Ambrose signifies the truth joined with the image in the Gospel covenant, that he could not have separated them without utterly overthrowing the truth of the bloody sacrifice itself, and indeed of the Lord's incarnation, since in his mind these mysteries can be referred neither to the Synagogue nor to heaven, but to the Church. But Ambrose himself expresses his mind at the place cited, Exposition of Psalm 38, in words so clear as to leave no handle for quibbles: "Now, he says, we see good things through an image, and we hold (continues)

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Editors' prose

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Page

  • running head: [S.] AMBROSII. 100
  • marginal letters: A ‹Habes justitiam; si enim a nostris graviora pati-›; B ‹quamvis perfectus, adhuc perfectiora quaerebat.›; C ‹perfectio. Ideo et dies illos requirit vitae aeternae,›; D (footnote area)
  • old-edition numerals: 63 after ‹(Psal. XXXVIII, 5).› (before ‹Finem›)
PL 16:101
agnus offerebatur, offerebatur et vitulus, nunc Christus offertur: sed offertur quasi homo, quasi recipiens passionem: et offert se ipse quasi sacerdos, ut peccata nostra dimittat: hic in imagine, ibi in veritate, ubi apud Patrem pro nobis quasi advocatus intervenit. Hic ergo in imagine ambulamus, in imagine videmus: illic facie ad faciem, ubi plena perfectio, quia perfectio omnis in veritate est.
a lamb was offered, a calf too was offered; now Christ is offered: but He is offered as man, as one undergoing suffering; and He offers Himself as priest, to forgive our sins: here in image, there in truth, where with the Father He intercedes for us as an advocate. Here, then, we walk in an image, we see in an image: there face to face, where there is full perfection, because all perfection is in the truth.
CAPUT XLIX.
CHAPTER XLIX.
Hic servandam in nobis virtutum imaginem, diaboli vero et vitiorum eradendam, ac in primis avaritiae quae libertatem nobis adimit, variisque turbatos vanitatibus imagine Dei spoliat.
That here we must keep in ourselves the image of the virtues, but root out that of the devil and of the vices, and above all of avarice, which takes our freedom from us and, when we are troubled by various vanities, strips us of the image of God.
239. Ergo dum hic sumus, servemus imaginem, ut ibi perveniamus ad veritatem. Sit in nobis imago justitiae, sit imago sapientiae: quia venientur ad illum diem, et secundum imaginem aestimabimur.
239. So while we are here, let us keep the image, so that there we may come to the truth. Let there be in us the image of justice, let there be the image of wisdom: for that day will come, and we shall be assessed according to the image.
240. Non inveniat in te adversarius imaginem suam, non rabiem, non furorem, in his enim imago nequitiae est. Adversarius enim diabolus sicut leo rugiens quaerit quem occidat, quem devoret. Non inveniat auri cupiditatem, non argenti acervos, non vitiorum simulacra: ne auferat tibi vocem libertatis. Vox enim libertatis illa est, ut dicas: Veniet hujus mundi princeps, et in me inveniet nihil (Joan. XIV, 30). Itaque si securus es quod nihil in te inveniat, cum venerit perscrutari, dices illud quod dixit ad Laban Jacob patriarcha: Cognosce si quid tuorum apud me est (Gen. XXXI, 32). Merito beatus Jacob apud quem nihil Laban suum potuit reperire! Absconderat enim Rachel simulacra deorum ejus aurea et argentea.
240. Let the adversary not find his own image in you, not rage, not fury, for in these is the image of wickedness. For the adversary, the devil, like a roaring lion seeks whom he may kill, whom he may devour. Let him not find greed for gold, not heaps of silver, not the idols of the vices: lest he take from you the voice of freedom. For this is the voice of freedom, that you say: The prince of this world will come, and in me he will find nothing (John 14:30). So if you are sure that he will find nothing in you when he comes to search, you will say what the patriarch Jacob said to Laban: Recognize whether anything of yours is with me (Gen. 31:32). Rightly blessed was Jacob, with whom Laban could find nothing of his own! For Rachel had hidden his gods' idols of gold and silver.
241. Itaque si sapientia, si fides, si contemptus saeculi, si gratia tua abscondat omnem perfidiam, beatus eris; quia non respicis in vanitates et insanias falsas (Psal. XXXIX, 5). An mediocre est tollere vocem adversario, ut arguendi te non possit habere auctoritatem? Itaque qui non respicit in vanitates, non conturbatur: qui enim respicit, conturbatur, et vanissime quidem. Quid est enim congregare opes, nisi †vanam: quam caduca quaerere vanum
241. So if wisdom, if faith, if contempt of the world, if your grace hides away all faithlessness, you will be blessed; because you do not look upon vanities and false follies (Ps. 39:5). Is it a small thing to take away the adversary's voice, so that he can have no warrant to accuse you? So he who does not look upon vanities is not troubled: for he who does look is troubled, and most vainly indeed. For what is it to gather riches, if not vain: than to seek perishable things vain
Editors' notes and page, col. 101

Footnotes

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Mss. Thuan., Hic ergo in imagine videmur.

The Thou (de Thou) manuscripts: "Here, then, we are seen in an image."

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Mss. aliquot, quo aggregare; quidam, augere possit.

Some manuscripts: "by which to gather"; certain ones: "may be able to increase."

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Edit. ac pauci mss. merces congerat.

The editions and a few manuscripts: "may heap up wares."

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Mss. unus, in se vindices amor negotiationis excitet.

One manuscript: "the love of trade may rouse avengers against itself."

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Mss. nonnulli, naufragium patiens mare; unus, mortem incidat.

Some manuscripts: "the sea suffering shipwreck"; one: "may fall into death."

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Quidam mss. et edit., dilapidat hæres luxuriosus.

Certain manuscripts and editions: "a dissolute heir squanders it."

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Nonnulli mss., partitæ acquirit hæreditatis.

Some manuscripts: "acquires [a share] of a divided inheritance."

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Rom. edit sola. Quid ergo telam araneæ texis.

The Roman edition alone: "Why then do you weave a spider's web?"

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Page

  • running head: 101 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRO[RUM] (left half of page head)
  • marginal letters: A agnus offerebatur; B ut ibi perveniamus; C 32). Merito beatus Jacob; D (beside footnote (65) text, pro nobis sanguinem)
  • old-edition numerals: 64 after venerit
PL 16:102
est satis? Cum autem congregaveris, qui scias an possidere liceat tibi?
is enough? And when you have gathered, how do you know whether it will be granted you to possess it?
342. Nonne vanum est ut mercator noctibus ac diebus conficiat iter, quo aggregare possit thesauri acervos, merces congreget, conturbetur ad pretium, ne forte minoris vendat quam emerit, aucupetur locorum pretia, et subito aut latrones in se invidia famosae negotiationis excitet, aut non exspectatis serenioribus flatibus, dum lucrum quaerit, naufragium impatiens morae incidat?
242. Is it not vain that a merchant should make his journey by night and by day, so that he may amass heaps of treasure, gather goods, be troubled about the price, lest perhaps he sell for less than he bought, hunt out the prices in different places, and suddenly either stir up robbers against himself through envy of his well-known trading, or, not waiting for calmer winds, while he seeks gain, impatient of delay, fall into shipwreck?
243. Annon conturbatur etiam ille vane, qui summo labore concervat, quod nesciat, cui haeredi relinquat? Saepe quod avarus summa congesserit sollicitudine, praecipiti effusione dilacerat haeres luxuriosus: et diu quaesita turpis helluo, praesentium caecus, futuri improvidus, quadam absorbet voragine. Saepe etiam speratus successor invidiam partae acquirit haereditatis, et celeri obitu extraneis aditae successionis transcribit compendia.
243. Is not he also vainly troubled who with the greatest labour heaps up what he does not know to which heir he will leave? Often what the miser has amassed with the utmost anxiety a spendthrift heir tears apart in headlong squandering: and the foul glutton, blind to the present, improvident of the future, swallows in a kind of whirlpool what was long sought. Often too the hoped-for successor acquires the envy that attends the inheritance gained, and by a swift death transfers the profits of the succession he entered upon to strangers.
244. Quid ergo vane araneam texis, quae inanis et sine fructu est, et tanquam casses suspendis inutiles divitiarum copias: quae etsi fluant, nihil prosunt; imo exuunt te imaginem Dei, et induunt terreni imaginem? Si tyranni aliquis imaginem habeat, nonne obnoxius est damnationi? Tu deponis imaginem aeterni imperatoris, et erigis in te imaginem mortis. Ejice magis de civitate animae tuae imaginem diaboli, et attolle imaginem Christi. Haec in te fulgeat, in tua civitate, hoc est anima, resplendeat, quae oblitterat vitiorum imagines. De quibus ait David: Domine, in civitate tua, ad nihilum deduces imagines eorum (Psal. LXXII, 20). Cum enim depinxerit Jerusalem Dominus ad imaginem suam, tunc adversariorum omnis imago deletur.
244. Why then do you vainly weave a spider's web, which is empty and fruitless, and hang up, like nets, useless stores of riches: which, even if they flow in, profit nothing; nay rather, they strip you of the image of God and clothe you with the image of the earthly? If anyone keeps the image of a tyrant, is he not liable to condemnation? You lay aside the image of the eternal Emperor, and set up in yourself the image of death. Rather cast out from the city of your soul the image of the devil, and raise up the image of Christ. Let this shine in you, let it glow in your city, that is, the soul, for it blots out the images of the vices. Of them David says: O Lord, in Thy city Thou shalt bring their images to nothing (Ps. 72:20). For when the Lord has painted Jerusalem after His own image, then every image of the adversaries is wiped out.
CAPUT L.
CHAPTER L.
Levitas a terrenis cupiditatibus maxime alienos esse debere. Quae sint illorum virtutes ex Apostolo, quantave in ipsis castimonia requiratur: item quae dignitas eorum atque officium, ad quod primariae virtutes sunt necessariae. Hasce ignotas
That Levites ought above all to be strangers to earthly desires. What their virtues are, from the Apostle, and how great a chastity is required in them: likewise what their dignity and office are, for which the principal virtues are necessary. These, unknown
Editors' notes and page, col. 102

Footnotes

(74) ‹anchor: ginem habeat› · call in col 102

Confert, si lubet, quæ hic dicuntur cum iis quæ tom. I, lib. IV de Interpell. num. 24, et Expos. in Psal. XXXVIII, num. 27, Sed præter hos duos locos ad quos hic respexisse Ambrosium ipsa res loquitur, alibi quoque non semel ut puta lib. VI Hexaem, cap. 9, num. 57, et serm. 10, Expos. in psal. CXVIII. num. 25, meminit imaginum imperatoriarum. Neque mirum id quidem; certum enim est non alio honoris genere Romanes principes ambitiosius coli solitos. Namque, ut omittamus imagunculas illas, quas privatim nonnulli secum ferebant, et quibus, deprompits, eos qui sibi mali quidpiam minitarentur, absterebant, ut Corn. Tacitus, lib. III Annal. auctor est; iisdem imperatoribus maxime postquam recens proclamati fuerant, aut insignem aliquam victoriam adepti, statuas aureas, argenteas, aut ex alia pretiosa materia, non modo in earum urbium ubi erat imperii sedes, privatis ac publicis ædibus erigi, verum etiam ad remotiores provincias mitti consuesse ex multis veterum monumentis colligere est. Videsis Zosimi Hist. lib. IV, Libanii epist. 841, ad Sever., et quæ nos superiori tomo pag. 1095 adnotavimus.

Compare, if you like, what is said here with what is said in vol. I, On the Interpellation [of Job and David] book IV, no. 24, and the Exposition of Psalm 38, no. 27. But besides these two places, to which the matter itself shows Ambrose was looking here, elsewhere too, more than once — for instance Hexaemeron book VI, ch. 9, no. 57, and sermon 10 of the Exposition of Psalm 118, no. 25 — he mentions the emperors' images. Nor is that surprising; for it is certain that the Roman princes were accustomed to be honoured by no kind of honour more ambitiously. For, to pass over those little images which some carried about privately, and by producing which they frightened off those who threatened them with any harm, as Cornelius Tacitus, Annals book III, reports; it can be gathered from many monuments of the ancients that to these same emperors, especially when newly proclaimed or after winning some notable victory, golden, silver, or other statues of precious material were customarily not only set up in private and public buildings of the cities where the seat of empire was, but also sent to the more remote provinces. See Zosimus, History book IV, Libanius, letter 841, to Severus, and what we noted in the previous volume, p. 1095.

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(75) ‹anchor: imaginem Christi› · call in col 102

Cod Big.. et attollere in imaginem Christi, (continues)

The Bigot codex: "and to raise up into the image of Christ," (continues)

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Page

  • running head: [DE OFFICIIS] MINISTRORUM LIBER I 102
  • marginal letters: A est satis? Cum autem; B sentium caecus, futuri; C Christi. Haec in te fulgeat; D (beside footnote (74) text, tur, alibi quoque)
  • old-edition numerals: 65 after tua,
PL 16:103
non fuisse philosophis, sed in ordine illos peccavisse: nonnulla esse natura secundum officium, quae ob adjuncta fiunt contra officium; unde colligitur quantas dotes postulet dignitas Levitarum: quae sequitur verborum Moysis tribui leviticae benedicentis expositio.
to the philosophers, but that they went wrong in their order: that some things are by nature in accordance with duty which through attendant circumstances become contrary to duty; whence it is gathered how great endowments the dignity of the Levites demands: there follows an exposition of the words of Moses blessing the Levitical tribe.
245. Quod si Evangelio Domini etiam populus ipse ad despicientiam opum informatus atque institutus est; quanto magis vos Levitas oportet terrenis non teneri cupiditatibus, quorum Deus portio est? Nam cum divideretur a Moyse possessio terrena populo patrum, excepit Levitas Dominus a terrenae possessionis consortio, quod ipse illis esset funiculus haereditatis (Num. XVIII, 23). Unde ait David: Dominus pars haereditatis meae et calicis mei (Psal. XV, 5). Denique sic appellatur Levita ipse meus, vel ipse pro me. Magnum ergo munus ejus, ut de eo Dominus dicat: Ipse meus; vel quemadmodum Petro dixit de statere in ore piscis reperto: Dabis eis pro me et pro te (Matth. XVII, 26). Unde et Apostolus cum episcopum dixisset debere esse sobrium, pudicum, ornatum, hospitalem, docibilem, non avarum, non litigiosum, domui suae bene praepositum, addidit: Diaconos similiter oportet esse graves, non bilingues, non multo vino deditos, non turpe lucrum sectantes, habentes mysterium fidei in conscientia pura (I Tim. III, 8). Et hi autem probentur primum, et sic ministrent, nullum crimen habentes.
245. But if by the Gospel of the Lord even the people itself has been formed and instructed to despise wealth, how much more ought you Levites not to be held by earthly desires, you whose portion is God? For when the earthly possession was divided by Moses among the people of the fathers, the Lord excluded the Levites from a share in earthly possession, because He Himself was to be the cord of their inheritance (Num. 18:23). Hence David says: The Lord is the portion of my inheritance and of my cup (Ps. 15:5). Then again, Levite is so called: he is Mine, or he is for Me. Great, then, is his office, that the Lord should say of him: He is Mine; or as He said to Peter of the stater found in the fish's mouth: You shall give it to them for Me and for you (Matt. 17:26). Hence also the Apostle, when he had said that a bishop must be sober, chaste, orderly, hospitable, apt to teach, not covetous, not quarrelsome, ruling his own house well, added: Deacons likewise must be grave, not double-tongued, not given to much wine, not pursuing base gain, holding the mystery of the faith in a pure conscience (1 Tim. 3:8). And let these also first be proved, and so let them minister, having no charge against them.
246. Advertimus quanta in nobis requirantur
246. We observe how many things are required in us
Editors' notes and page, col. 103

Footnotes

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Mss. duo, æternæ possessionis consortio; sed minus commode.

Two manuscripts: "by fellowship of an eternal possession"; but less suitably.

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(77) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 103 (presumably)

Hanc eamdem interpretationem habes tomo I, col. 210, num. 11, et fusius col. 1056, num. 4.

You have this same interpretation in vol. I, col. 210, no. 11, and more fully at col. 1056, no. 4.

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Mss. aliquot, sed etiam infidelium, id est, eorum qui foris sunt.

Some manuscripts: "but also of unbelievers, that is, of those who are outside."

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(79) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 103 or 104

Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 368, lin. 8: Maxime autem hæc ætas a libidinibus, etc. Ob verba autem Ambrosiana Magdeburgenses Cent. IV, cap. 10, Doctorem nostrum insimularunt, quod secundas nuptias videatur damnare. Sed illa vel de quibuslibet christianis dicto putaverunt, et sic auctoris mentem non pervidere; vel de solis clericis acceperunt, ut re vera accipienda sunt, atque ita non in unum Ambrosium, sed in Ecclesiam universam recidit ea criminatio. Siquidem digamiæ impedimentum ad sacros ordines antiquissimum est omnium, ut pote in ipsis Apostoli ad Timotheum ac Titum præceptis stabilitum. At enim mirum profecto videatur illud ita intelligi non tantum ab heterodoxis, sed quibusdam etiam catholicis, quasi nihil aliud sacris ministris interdicatur, nisi plurimarum eodem tempore uxorum usus. Quasi vero in Ecclesia unquam vel ipsis laicis permissa fuerit hujusmodi polygamia? Sed non est immorandum in eo errore refutando, qui tota ecclesiasticæ traditionis serie invictissime profligatur. Est autem aliud quod doctores antiquos in opiniones diversas scidit, nimirum utrum qui aliam conjugem ante baptismum, aliam jam baptizatus accepisset, digamiæ lege teneretur. Affirmat hic et epist. ad Vercell. Ambrosius. Hieronymus vero lib. I in Jovin., epist. 83, ad Ocean., et in cap. I ad Titum negat. Primum secuti sunt fidelissimus ejus discipulus Augustinus lib. de Bono conjug. cap. 18, num. 21: Innoc. I. epist. ad Maced., quæ in codice canonum Quesnellii cura edito exhibetur et Leo etiam I, duabus epist. quarum altera est ad Anast. Thessal, episc., altera ad episc. Metropol. per Illyr. Quæ quidem horum summorum pontificum definitio in Ecclesia occidentali apud omnes (si unum aut alterum excipias) deinceps obtinuit. Sunt autem viri eruditi qui apud Orientales Hieronymi valuisse sententiam autument, ducti potissimum adnotationibus Zonaræ ac Balsamonis in can. 17 apostolorum, quem ipsum aperte Hieronymo favere existimant. Verumtamen idem ille canon nullam conjugii ante susceptum baptisma initi facit mentionem. Et ut demus eorumdem auctorum, qui etiam non de conjugio, sed de peccatis regenerationis sacramentum antecedentibus loquuntur, eam quæ ipsis tribuitur, mentem esse; tamen quid ipsi sentiant, non quid universa Orientis Ecclesia, eos testari contendemus. Quis enim credat memoratum Doctorem si tot auxiliaribus copiis fuisset succinctus, adeo timide in priore adversus Rufinum Apologia responsurum, ut cum ad Oceanum adversam sententiam Cainitarum hæresi tantum non accenseret, in allegato opere animos demittens ita scriberet: « Sed interrogati a fratribus quid nobis videretur, respondimus, nulli præjudicantes sequi quod velit. nec alterius decretum nostra sententia subvertentes. » Neque vero cum omnem mundum plenum esse hujusmodi ordinationibus prius asseverasset, hic verba sua ad sacerdotes nonnullos restringeret. Nihil autem agit Franciscus a Messana, dum hoc Ambrosii atque Hieronymi dissidium metaphysicis quibusdam distinctionibus nititur conciliare: non enim argutiis tam manifesta tollitur discrepantia. Cæterum haud facile alium in Patribus Ambrosio vetustiorem qui de hac digamia scripserit, invenimus. Nam quo jure ad Tertullianum revocaverit Spincæus hanc quæstionem, non satis constat, cum e contrario digamiam ex marito ante baptismum contractam viduis obesse noluerit idem ille Pater lib. de Monogamia cap. 11.

Cicero, On Duties book I, p. 368, line 8: "But this age especially [must be kept] from lusts," etc. Because of Ambrose's words, the Magdeburg Centuriators, Cent. IV, ch. 10, accused our Doctor of seeming to condemn second marriages. But either they thought these words were said of any Christians whatever, and so failed to see the author's meaning; or they took them of clerics alone, as in truth they are to be taken, and then that charge falls not on Ambrose alone but on the whole Church. For the impediment of digamy to holy orders is the most ancient of all, being established in the Apostle's very precepts to Timothy and Titus. Yet it may well seem strange that this is so understood not only by the heterodox but even by certain Catholics, as if nothing else were forbidden to sacred ministers except having several wives at the same time — as though polygamy of that sort had ever been permitted in the Church even to laymen! But we need not linger in refuting that error, which is overthrown most invincibly by the whole course of ecclesiastical tradition. There is, however, another question which divided the ancient doctors into differing opinions: whether a man who had taken one wife before baptism and another after being baptized was bound by the law of digamy. Ambrose affirms it here and in the letter to the Vercellians. Jerome denies it in Against Jovinian book I, letter 83, to Oceanus, and on Titus ch. 1. The first view was followed by his most faithful disciple Augustine, On the Good of Marriage ch. 18, no. 21; by Innocent I, letter to Macedonius, which is given in the code of canons edited by Quesnel; and also by Leo I in two letters, one to Anastasius bishop of Thessalonica, the other to the metropolitan bishops throughout Illyricum. This ruling of these supreme pontiffs thereafter prevailed among all in the Western Church (one or two excepted). There are, however, learned men who hold that Jerome's opinion prevailed among the Easterners, led chiefly by the annotations of Zonaras and Balsamon on the 17th Apostolic Canon, which they think openly favours Jerome. Yet that canon makes no mention of a marriage contracted before baptism was received. And even granting that the meaning attributed to those same authors — who speak not of marriage but of sins preceding the sacrament of regeneration — is theirs, we shall still maintain that they witness to what they themselves think, not to what the whole Church of the East thinks. For who would believe that the said Doctor [Jerome], had he been girded with so many auxiliary forces, would have answered so timidly in his first Apology against Rufinus that, whereas to Oceanus he all but counted the contrary opinion with the heresy of the Cainites, in the work cited he lowered his tone and wrote thus: "But asked by the brethren what we thought, we answered, prejudging no one from following what he wishes, nor overturning another's decree by our opinion." Nor, having earlier asserted that the whole world was full of ordinations of this kind, would he here restrict his words to some priests. Francis of Messina achieves nothing when he strives to reconcile this disagreement of Ambrose and Jerome by certain metaphysical distinctions: so manifest a discrepancy is not removed by subtleties. For the rest, we do not easily find any other among the Fathers older than Ambrose who wrote of this digamy. For by what right Spincaeus referred this question back to Tertullian is not clear enough, since on the contrary that same Father, On Monogamy ch. 11, would not have a digamy contracted by a husband before baptism count against widows.

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Page

  • running head: 103 S. AMBROSI[I] (left half of page head)
  • marginal letters: A non fuisse philosophis; B meus, vel ipse pro me; C (beside footnote (76)); D (beside footnote (79) text, illud ita intelligi)
  • old-edition numerals: 66 before 246.
PL 16:104
ut abstinens sit a vino minister Domini, ut testimonio bono fulciatur non solum fidelium, sed etiam ab his qui foris sunt. Decet enim actuum operumque nostrorum testem esse publicam existimationem ne derogetur muneri; ut qui videt ministrum altaris congruis ornatum virtutibus, auctorem praedicet, et Dominum veneretur, qui tales servulos habeat. Laus enim Domini, ubi munda possessio, innocens familiae disciplina.
that the minister of the Lord should abstain from wine, that he should be supported by good testimony not only of the faithful but also from those who are outside. For it is fitting that public esteem should be the witness of our acts and works, so that no slight be done to the office; so that he who sees a minister of the altar adorned with fitting virtues may praise their Author, and venerate the Lord who has such servants. For it is the Lord's praise where there is clean possession and blameless discipline in the household.
247. De castimonia testimonia autem quid loquar, quando una tantum (Dist. 26, Una tantum), nec repetita permittitur copula? Et in ipso ergo conjugio lex est non iterare conjugium, nec secundae conjugis sortiri conjunctionem. Quod plerisque mirum videtur, cur etiam ante baptismum iterari conjugii ad electionem muneris et ordinationis praerogativam impedimenta generentur; cum etiam delicta obesse non soleant, si lavacri remissa fuerint sacramento. Sed intelligere debemus quia baptismo culpa dimitti potest, lex aboleri non potest. In conjugio non culpa, sed lex est. Quod culpae est igitur in baptismate relaxatur: quod legis est in conjugio non solvitur. Quomodo autem potest hortator esse viduitatis qui ipse conjugia frequentaverit?
247. But what am I to say of the testimonies to chastity, when only one union is permitted, and not a repeated one (Dist. 26, Una tantum)? So in marriage itself the law is not to repeat marriage, nor to take to oneself union with a second wife. It seems strange to many why impediments to election to the office and to the privilege of ordination should arise from a marriage repeated even before baptism, when even sins are not usually a hindrance if they have been remitted by the sacrament of the washing. But we ought to understand that by baptism a fault can be forgiven, a law cannot be abolished. In marriage there is no fault, but there is a law. So what belongs to fault is released in baptism: what belongs to law in marriage is not loosed. And how can he be an encourager of widowhood who has himself frequented marriages?
248. Inoffensum autem exhibendum et immaculatum ministerium, nec ullo conjugali coitu violandum cognoscitis, qui integri corpore, incorrupto pudore, alieni etiam ab ipso consortio conjugali,
248. And you know that the ministry is to be presented unoffending and unstained, and not to be violated by any conjugal intercourse, you who, whole in body, with modesty uncorrupted, strangers even to the very partnership of marriage,
Editors' notes and page, col. 104

Footnotes

(80) ‹anchor: cognoscitis› · call in col 104

Ambrosiamus hic locus pro clericali conti- (continues)

This passage of Ambrose, for clerical conti[nence] (continues)

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Page

  • running head: [S.] AMBROSII. 104
  • marginal letters: A tur: ut abstinens; B iterari conjugii ad electionem; C (beside footnote (79) cont., ad episc. Metropol.); D (beside footnote (79) cont., ut cum ad Oceanum)
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 16:105
sacri ministerii gratiam recepistis? Quod eo non praeterii, quia in plerisque abditioribus locis cum ministerium gererent, vel etiam sacerdotium, filios susceperunt: et id tanquam usu veteri defendunt, quando per intervalla dierum sacrificium deferebatur; et tamen castificabatur etiam populus per biduum aut triduum, ut ad sacrificium purus accederet, ut in Veteri Testamento legimus (Exod. XIX, 10); et lavabant vestimenta sua. Si in figura tanta observantia, quanta in veritate? Disce, sacerdos atque Levita, quid sit lavare vestimenta tua, ut mundum corpus celebrandis exhibeas sacramentis. Si populus sine ablutione vestimentorum suorum prohibebatur accedere ad hostiam suam, tu illotus mente pariter et corpore audes pro aliis supplicare, audes aliis ministrare?
have received the grace of the sacred ministry? I have not passed this over, because in many more remote places, while exercising the ministry, or even the priesthood, men have begotten children: and they defend it as by ancient usage, when the sacrifice was offered at intervals of days; and yet even the people were purified for two or three days, so as to come clean to the sacrifice, as we read in the Old Testament (Exod. 19:10); and they washed their garments. If there was such observance in the figure, how much in the truth? Learn, priest and Levite, what it is to wash your garments, that you may present a clean body for celebrating the sacraments. If the people were forbidden to approach their victim without washing their garments, do you, unwashed in mind and body alike, dare to make supplication for others, dare to minister to others?
249. Non mediocre officium Levitarum, de quibus dicit Dominus: Ecce elegi Levitas de medio filiorum Israel pro omni primogenito aperiente vulvam filiis Israel; redemptiones eorum erunt isti, et erunt mihi Levitae. Mihi enim sanctificavi primogenitum in terra Aegypti (Num. III, 12 et 13). Cognovimus quia non inter caeteros Levitae computantur, sed omnibus praeferuntur, qui eliguntur ex omnibus, et sanctificantur: ut primogenita fructuum atque primitiae quae Domino deputantur, in quibus est votorum solutio et redemptio peccatorum. Non accipies, inquit, eos inter filios Israel; sed constitues Levitas super tabernaculum testimonii, et super omnia vasa ejus astare,
249. No ordinary office is that of the Levites, of whom the Lord says: Behold, I have chosen the Levites from the midst of the children of Israel in place of every firstborn that opens the womb among the children of Israel; these shall be their redemption, and the Levites shall be Mine. For I sanctified to Myself the firstborn in the land of Egypt (Num. 3:12–13). We recognize that the Levites are not counted among the rest, but are preferred to all, being chosen out of all and sanctified: like the firstborn of the fruits and the firstfruits which are assigned to the Lord, in which lies the paying of vows and the redemption of sins. You shall not take them, He says, among the children of Israel; but you shall appoint the Levites over the tabernacle of the testimony, and to stand over all its vessels,
Editors' notes and page, col. 105

Footnotes

(80) (continued) ‹anchor: cognoscitis› · call in col 104

nentia tam clarus tamque apertus est, ut Centuriatores iisdem Cent. et cap. supra cit. ad solitas artes confugere coacti fuerint, id est, auctorem ipsum in falsi dogmatis crimen vocare. Atqui hoc loco non legislatorem agit sanctus praesul, qui novum clericorum cervicibus jugum imponat: sed receptae atque inclitae consuetudini praebet testimonium. Enimvero quam universalis illa fuerit quamque firma vel hoc satis indicat, quod non nisi in abditioribus locis, quo solent vitia quaerere perfugium, invenirentur, qui institutum illud violare attentarent. Accedit praeterea quod isti non ullam novi foederis auctoritatem, non cujusquam concilii canonem, non usum quarumdam Ecclesiarum in defensionem afferebant suam: sed tantum Veteris Testamenti morem. Hoc autem incontinentium clericorum integumentum egregie discutit sanctus Doctor. Confer etiam quae idem super hoc ipso argumento disputat epist. ad Vercellenses.

(continued) [conti]nence is so clear and so plain that the Centuriators, in the same Century and chapter cited above, were forced to resort to their usual arts, that is, to charge the author himself with false doctrine. Yet in this place the holy bishop does not act as a lawgiver laying a new yoke on the necks of the clergy, but bears witness to a received and renowned custom. Indeed, how universal and how firm it was is shown well enough by this alone: that only in the more remote places, where vices are wont to seek refuge, were men found who tried to violate that institution. Add to this that these men brought forward in their defence no authority of the New Covenant, no canon of any council, no usage of any Churches, but only the custom of the Old Testament. This cloak of incontinent clergy the holy Doctor tears away admirably. Compare also what he argues on this very subject in the letter to the Church of Vercelli.

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(81) ‹anchor: aliis ministrare› · call in col 105

Edit. cum mss. aliquot, laudes pro aliis ministrare. Melius in aliis pluribus potioribusque omittitur praepositio. Et post duos versus ubi vet. edit. cum mss. omnibus, Ecce eligo Levitas, etc., sola Rom. edit., Ecce tuli ego Levitas in medio filiorum Israel; redemptiones eorum erunt, et erunt mihi Levitae. Mihi enim ex quo die percussi primogenita in terra Aegypti, sanctificavi omne primogenitum in omni Israel. Nobiscum autem satis consentiunt paginae sacrae, nisi quod ultimam partem quam contractam exhibet Ambrosius, illae paulo fusius dilatant in haec verba: Mihi enim omne primogenitum. In qua die percussi omne primogenitum in terra Aegypti, sanctificavi mihi omne primogenitum in Israel.

The editions with some manuscripts: "to minister praises for others." In several other and better ones the preposition is better omitted. And two lines later, where the old editions with all the manuscripts read "Behold, I choose the Levites," etc., the Roman edition alone has: "Behold, I have taken the Levites from the midst of the children of Israel; they shall be their ransom, and the Levites shall be mine. For from the day I struck the firstborn in the land of Egypt, I sanctified every firstborn in all Israel." The sacred pages agree well enough with us, except that the last part, which Ambrose gives contracted, they spread out a little more fully in these words: "For every firstborn is mine. On the day I struck every firstborn in the land of Egypt, I sanctified to myself every firstborn in Israel." [The faint opening words "laudes pro aliis ministrare" read with some uncertainty.]

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(82) ‹anchor: vasa ejus› · call in col 106

Erasm. in marg. et Gill. in corp. cum mss. nonnullis, vasa ejus, altare, et super; Rom. edit., vasa ejus, et super.

Erasmus in the margin and Gillot in the text, with some manuscripts: "its vessels, the altar, and over"; the Roman edition: "its vessels, and over."

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(83) ‹anchor: servaverunt mysterium› · call in col 106

Duo mss., ut bono Levitae servaretur myste- (continues)

Two manuscripts: "that for the good Levite the myste[ry] (continues)

(printed under page 56)

Editors' prose

(none) <!-- note (Q11a, 2026-10-05): the end of (80), printed at the head of the foot under col 105, was missing and is set here; the print is faint and was read with care. (83) is printed here only to "myste-"; its continuation (printed under col 106) is in n106, and the earlier full text here, which read "sub tegmine" for the printed "suae tegmine", is replaced. (82) and (83) are called in col 106. -->

Page

  • running head: 105 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRO[RUM] (left half of page head)
  • marginal letters: A gali, sacri ministerii; B dicit Dominus: Ecce elegi; C (beside footnote (80) cont., confugere coacti); D (beside footnote (81) text, omittitur praepositio)
  • old-edition numerals: 67 after quanta
PL 16:106
et super quaecunque sunt in ipso. Ipsi tollant tabernaculum et omnia vasa ejus, et ipsi ministrent in eo, et in circuitu tabernaculi castra ipsi constituant, et promovendo, tabernaculum ipsi deponant Levitae: et constituendo castra, rursum ipsum tabernaculum ipsi statuant. Alienigena quicunque accesserit, morte moriatur (Num. I, 49 et seq.).
and over whatever things are in it. Let them carry the tabernacle and all its vessels, and let them minister in it, and let them set up their camp round about the tabernacle; and when it moves on, let the Levites themselves take down the tabernacle: and when the camp is pitched, let them themselves set up the tabernacle again. Whatever stranger comes near, let him die the death (Num. 1:49 ff.).
250. Tu ergo electus es ex omni numero filiorum Israel, inter sacros fructus quasi primogenitus aestimatus, praepositus tabernaculo, ut praetendas in castris sanctitatis et fidei, ad quae si alienigena accesserit, morte morietur, positus ut operias arcam Testamenti. Non enim omnes vident alta mysteriorum, quia operiuntur a Levitis; ne videant qui videre non debent, et sumant qui servare non possunt. Moyses denique circumcisionem vidit spiritualem: sed operuit eam, ut in signo circumcisionem praescriberet. Vidit azyma veritatis et sinceritatis, vidit passionem Domini: operuit azymis corporalibus azyma veritatis, operuit passionem Domini, agni vel vituli immolatione. Et boni Levitae servaverunt mysterium, fidei suae tegmine; et tu mediocre putas quod commissum est tibi? Primum ut alta Dei videas, quod est sapientiae: deinde ut excubias pro populo deferas, quod est justitiae; castra defendas, tabernaculumque tuearis, quod est fortitudinis: teipsum continentem ac sobrium praestes, quod est temperantiae.
250. You, then, have been chosen out of the whole number of the children of Israel, reckoned among the holy fruits as a firstborn, set over the tabernacle, to keep watch in the camp of holiness and faith, to which, if a stranger comes near, he shall die the death; appointed to cover the ark of the Testament. For not all see the depths of the mysteries, because they are covered by the Levites; lest those see who ought not to see, and those take who cannot keep. Moses, in short, saw the spiritual circumcision: but he covered it, so as to prescribe circumcision in a sign. He saw the unleavened bread of truth and sincerity, he saw the passion of the Lord: he covered the unleavened bread of truth with bodily unleavened bread, he covered the passion of the Lord with the sacrifice of a lamb or a calf. And the good Levites kept the mystery under the covering of their faith; and do you think lightly of what has been entrusted to you? First, that you should see the deep things of God, which belongs to wisdom: next, that you should keep watch on behalf of the people, which belongs to justice; that you should defend the camp and guard the tabernacle, which belongs to fortitude: that you should show yourself continent and sober, which belongs to temperance.
251. Haec virtutum genera principalia constituerunt
251. These principal kinds of virtues [those outside] have constituted
Editors' notes and page, col. 106

Footnotes

(83) (continued) ‹anchor: servaverunt mysterium› · call in col 106

rium fidei suae tegmine; unus, et boni Levitae... servaverunt et tegmina: reliqui nosbiscum faciunt, exceptis paucis illisque junioris manus, qui cum edit. legunt, Et boni Levitae... sub hoc tegmine.

(continued) [ut bono Levitae servaretur myste]rium fidei suae tegmine; one: et boni Levitae... servaverunt et tegmina; the rest agree with us, except a few, and those of a later hand, which read with the editions: Et boni Levitae... sub hoc tegmine.

(printed under page 56)

(84) ‹anchor: pro populo deferas› · call in col 106

Mss. non pauci, ut excubias populo deferas.

Not a few manuscripts: "that you may offer watches to the people."

(printed under page 56)

(85) ‹anchor: genera principalia› · call in col 106

Cic. lib. I Offic., pag. 372, lin. 22: « Nam cum omnis honestas... Placet igitur aptiora esse naturae ea officia quae ex communitate, » etc. Culpat autem philosophos Ambrosius noster, quod justitiam quae ad communitatem societatemque hominum refertur, anteposuerint sapientiae: cum hujus initium sive pars prima ad fidem divinumque cultum pertineat. Verumtamen hoc loco S. Ambrosius nequaquam videtur Ciceronis doctrinam satis expendisse. Hic enim illi soli prudentiae, quam Graeci φρόνησιν dicunt, justitiam praefert, non vero illi principi omnium virtutum, quam σοφίαν Graeci vocant: quae rerum est divinarum atque humanarum scientia, in qua continetur deorum et hominum communitas, et societas inter ipsos. Ubi vides Divinitatis cognitionem ac religionis officia sapientiae ab oratore accenseri. Quod poro illam φρόνησιν jubet postponi justitiae, non mirum id cuiquam videatur; cum ad hanc etiam referat cultum divinum, etc. Et sane ipsemet Ambrosius supra cap. 27, pietatem in Deum justitiae subjicit. Quod autem prudentiae dignitatem supra justitiam ex eo extollit, quod hujus illa sit fundamentum, fundamentum autem Christus, pie et christiane id quidem; non absurde tamen Tullius, pag. 372, lin. 50 et seq., societatem omnibus officiis antecellere ita colligit: « Etenim, inquit, cognitionem prudentiamque sequitur considerata actio: ita fit ut considerate agere pluris sit, quam cogitare prudenter. » Sed facile conciliabitur illud dissidium, si dixerimus originis ac necessitatis in prudentia, in justitia vero dignitatis ac utilitatis esse praestantiam.

Cicero, On Duties book I, p. 372, line 22: "For since all honourableness... It is agreed, then, that those duties which arise from community are more suited to nature," etc. Our Ambrose blames the philosophers for having set justice, which concerns the community and fellowship of men, before wisdom, since the beginning or first part of wisdom pertains to faith and the worship of God. Yet in this place St Ambrose seems by no means to have weighed Cicero's teaching sufficiently. For Cicero prefers justice only to that prudence which the Greeks call phronesis, not to that chief of all virtues which the Greeks call sophia: "which is the knowledge of things divine and human, in which is contained the community of gods and men and the fellowship among them." There you see that the orator counts the knowledge of the Godhead and the duties of religion as belonging to wisdom. That he orders that phronesis to be placed after justice need surprise no one, since to justice too he refers divine worship, etc. And indeed Ambrose himself, above in ch. 27, places piety towards God under justice. As for his raising the dignity of prudence above justice on the ground that it is justice's foundation — "and the foundation is Christ" — that is pious and Christian indeed; yet Tully, p. 372, line 50 ff., not absurdly concludes thus that fellowship surpasses all duties: "For," he says, "considered action follows knowledge and prudence; so it comes about that to act considerately is worth more than to think prudently." But that disagreement will easily be reconciled if we say that prudence excels in origin and necessity, justice in dignity and usefulness.

(printed under page 56)

Editors' prose

(none) <!-- note (Q6a, 2026-10-05): (83) begins in the foot of col 105 ("Duo mss., ut bono Levitae servaretur myste-") and its call is in col 106; the continuation printed under col 106 is set here, carrying the word tail as n59 does for (13). (82) is printed under col 105 but called in col 106 ("vasa ejus (82)"); it belongs with n105 (not checked here). In (85) "poro" is set as printed (sic, for porro). --> <!-- note (Q17b, 2026-10-05): in (83) "nosbiscum" is set as printed (sic, for nobiscum). -->

Page

  • running head: [DE OFFICIIS] MINISTRORUM LIBER I. 106
  • marginal letters: A et super quaecunque; B tualem: sed operuit eam; C (beside footnote (83) cont., exceptis paucis); D (beside footnote (85) cont., tore accenseri)
  • old-edition numerals: 68 after tabernaculumque
PL 16:107
etiam hi qui foris sunt: sed communitatis superiorem ordinem quam sapientiae judicaverunt; cum sapientia fundamentum sit, justitia opus sit, quod manere non potest, nisi fundamentum habeat. Fundamentum autem Christus est (I Cor. III, 11).
even those who are outside: but they judged the order of fellowship higher than that of wisdom; whereas wisdom is the foundation, and justice the work, which cannot stand unless it has a foundation. And the foundation is Christ (1 Cor. 3:11).
252. Prima ergo fides, quae est sapientiae, ut Salomon dicit, secutus patrem: Initium sapientiae timor Domini (Prov. IX, 10). Et lex dicit: Diliges Dominum Deum tuum, diliges proximum tuum (Deut. VI, 5). Pulchrum est enim ut gratiam tuam atque officia in societatem humani generis conferas. Sed primum illud decorum est, ut quod habes pretiosissimum, hoc est, mentem tuam, qua nihil habes praestantius, Deo deputes. Cum solveris auctori debitum, licet ut opera tua in beneficentiam et adjumenta hominum conferas, atque opem feras necessitatibus, aut pecunia, aut officio, aut etiam quocunque munere; quod late patet in vestro ministerio: pecunia, ut subvenias: debito, ut obligatum liberes; officio, ut servanda suscipias, quae metuat amittere, qui deponenda credidit.
252. First, then, is faith, which belongs to wisdom, as Solomon says, following his father: The fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom (Prov. 9:10). And the law says: You shall love the Lord your God, you shall love your neighbour (Deut. 6:5). For it is a fine thing that you should bestow your favour and good offices upon the fellowship of the human race. But this is the first point of seemliness, that what you have most precious, that is, your mind, than which you have nothing more excellent, you should assign to God. When you have paid the debt to its Author, you may bestow your labours on kindness and on help for men, and bring aid to their needs, whether by money, or by service, or indeed by any office whatever; and this extends widely in your ministry: by money, so that you may relieve; by a debt, so that you may set free one who is bound; by service, so that you may take into keeping things to be kept, which he who has entrusted them as deposits fears to lose.
253. Officium est igitur depositum servare ac reddere. Sed interdum commutatio fit, aut tempore, aut necessitate, ut non sit officium reddere quod acceperis; ut si quis contra patriam, opem Barbaris ferens, pecuniam apertus hostis reposcat: aut si cui reddas, cum adsit qui extorqueat: si furienti restituas, cum servare non queat; si insanienti gladium depositum non neges, quo se ille
253. It is, then, a duty to keep a deposit and to return it. But sometimes a change comes about, through time or through necessity, so that it is not a duty to return what you have received; as if someone, bringing help to the barbarians against his country, as an open enemy should demand his money back: or if you return it to someone when there is one at hand to extort it: if you restore it to a madman, when he cannot keep it; if you do not refuse a deposited sword to a man out of his mind, with which he
Editors' notes and page, col. 107

Footnotes

(86) ‹anchor: superiorem ordinem quam› · call in col 107

Mss. aliquot, sed commutavimus superiorem ordinem, quem, etc. Minus commode. At continuo post, ubi edit. cum paucis mss., fundamentum sit, justitia opus sit, quod. etc. alii partim fundamentum sit, justitiæ opus sit; quod etc. partim fundamentum sit justitiæ, opus sit; tria, et opus sit quod etc.

Some manuscripts: "but we have changed the order above, which," etc. Less suitably. But immediately after, where the editions with a few manuscripts read "is the foundation, justice is the work, which," etc., others read partly "is the foundation, is the work of justice; which," etc., partly "is the foundation of justice, is the work"; three: "and is the work which," etc.

(printed under page 57)

(87) ‹anchor: quae est sapientiae› · call in col 107

Era. et seq. edit. cum paucis mss., quæ est sapientia.

Erasmus and the following editions, with a few manuscripts: "which is wisdom."

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(88) ‹anchor: Deo deputes› · call in col 107

Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 373: « In ipsa autem communitate sunt gradus officiorum... ut prima diis immortalibus, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, p. 373: "But within community itself there are degrees of duties... so that the first are owed to the immortal gods," etc.

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Ibid.. pag. 352. lin. 41: « Sed incidunt sæpe tempora, cum ea quæ maxime, » etc.

Ibid., p. 352, line 41: "But times often arise when those things which most," etc.

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Ibid., lin. 47: « Potest etiam accidere promissum aliquod, » etc.

Ibid., line 47: "It can also happen that some promise," etc.

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Ultimæ edit. Paris., quidquid petitura esset.

The latest Paris editions: "whatever she would ask."

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Jam dixerat supra, cap. 44, sanctus Ambrosius, alius sacrario opportunior: quæ verba magnis viris qui vel non legerant hunc locum, vel se legisse non meminerant, haud parum negotii facessivere. Nonnulli secretarii custodiam rati sunt illis etiam quandoque demandatam, qui nullum ordinem ne minorem quidem accepissent; quidam vero et si ordinis alicujus ab aliis distincti nomen non esse arbitrarentur, hoc tamen officium hypodiaconis aut ostiariis committi solitum contenderunt. Cum autem sacrarii nomine secretarium seu sacristia, et sanctuarium præcipue intelligantur, essent forte qui objicerent synodi Laudic., can. 20, quo hypodiaconis et eorumdem locorum ingressu et sacrorum vasorum tactu interdicitur. Responderi tamen poterat cum Balsamone ac Zonara, ingressum in sacrarium non nisi cum sacra mysteria illic celebrarentur, tactum vero vasorum initiatorum nonnisi cum Christi sanguinem continebant aut in supplicationibus ferebantur, illis prohibitum: si locus hic rem non decideret in eorum gratam qui sacrarii curam diaconis impositam volunt. Hinc sacrarium idem esse docent atque apud Græcos διακονικὸν et σκευοφυλάκιον; licet huic officio non solum diaconos, verum etiam presbyteros et chorepiscopos Constantinopoli præfectos fuisse reperiamus. Sacrarium autem etiam idem erat, quod in orientali Ecclesia martyrium, sive cœmeterio accipias extra basilicas posito, ubi martyrum corpora sepulta essent, sive pro ipsis basilicis quæ non nisi super martyrum reliquiis ædificabantur, sive pro ipso sanctuario atque adeo sancto altari, sub quo cum sanctorum reconderentur sacri cineres, proprie martyrum confessio atque memoria vocitabatur. Vide plura Hallerium, de Eccl. Hierar., cap. de num. Eccles. Ordin.; Moritium, de Sacr. Ordin., exercit. II, cap. 1; cardin. Bonam, lib. I Rer Liturgic., c. 24; Thomassinum, parte I Discipl. Eccl., lib I, c. 36, et cl. Cangium, verbo Sacrarium. Porro dubium non est quin sanctus noster provinciam hanc potissimum diaconis commissam voluerit, ut locum sanctum majori auctoritate prohiberent ab injuria, maxime vero a profanis illis conviviis, de quibus nos aliquid lib. de Elia et Jejunio jam attigimus, et forte in posterum, ubi se dederit occasio, non nihil adjiciemus.

St Ambrose had already said above, ch. 44, "another is better suited to the sacristy": words which have given no little trouble to great men who either had not read this passage or did not remember having read it. Some thought the custody of the sacristy was sometimes entrusted even to those who had received no order, not even a minor one; others, though they did not think it the name of an order distinct from the rest, contended that this duty was usually committed to subdeacons or doorkeepers. And since by the name sacrarium the secretarium or sacristy, and especially the sanctuary, are understood, some might perhaps object canon 20 of the synod of Laodicea, by which subdeacons are forbidden both entry into those places and the touching of the sacred vessels. Yet one could answer, with Balsamon and Zonaras, that entry into the sacrarium was forbidden them only when the sacred mysteries were being celebrated there, and touching the consecrated vessels only when they held the blood of Christ or were carried in processions — if this passage did not settle the matter in favour of those who hold that the care of the sacrarium was laid on deacons. Hence they teach that the sacrarium is the same as what the Greeks call the diakonikon and skeuophylakion; though we find that not only deacons but also priests and chorbishops were set over this office at Constantinople. The sacrarium was also the same as what in the Eastern Church was called the martyrium, whether you take it of a cemetery placed outside the basilicas, where the bodies of the martyrs were buried, or of the basilicas themselves, which were built only over relics of martyrs, or of the sanctuary itself and indeed the holy altar, which, since the sacred ashes of the saints were laid up beneath it, was properly called the confession and memorial of the martyrs. See more in Hallier, On the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, chapter on the number of the Church's orders; Morin, On Sacred Orders, exercise II, ch. 1; Cardinal Bona, Liturgical Matters book I, ch. 24; Thomassin, Ecclesiastical Discipline part I, book I, ch. 36; and the famous Du Cange, under the word Sacrarium. Further, there is no doubt that our saint wished this charge committed chiefly to deacons, so that with greater authority they might keep the holy place from injury, and above all from those profane banquets, which we have already touched on somewhat in the book On Elijah and Fasting, and on which perhaps, when occasion offers, we shall add something hereafter.

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Page

  • running head: 107 S. AMBROS[II] (left half of page head)
  • marginal letters: A tuerunt etiam hi; B et adjumenta hominum conferas; C (beside footnote (86) text, ordinem, quem); D (beside footnote (92) cont., quandoque demandatam)
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 16:108
interimat, nonne solvisse contra officium est? Si furto quaesita sciens suscipias, ut fraudetur qui amiserat, nonne contra officium est?
may kill himself, is it not contrary to duty to have paid it back? If you knowingly take in things got by theft, so that he who had lost them is cheated, is it not contrary to duty?
254. Est etiam contra officium (22, quaest. 4, c. Est etiam) nonnunquam solvere promissum; sacramentum custodire: ut Herodes qui juravit quoniam quidquid petitus esset, daret filiae Herodiadis, et necem Joannis praestitit, ne promissum negaret (Matth. XIV, 7 et seq.). Nam de Jephte quid dicam, qui immolavit filiam, quae sibi victori prima occurrerat, quo votum impleret, quod spoponderat, ut quidquid sibi primum occurrisset, offerret Deo (Judic. XI, 39)? Melius fuerat nihil tale promittere, quam promissum solvere parricidio.
254. It is also sometimes contrary to duty (22, q. 4, c. Est etiam) to fulfil a promise; to keep an oath: like Herod, who swore that he would give the daughter of Herodias whatever he was asked, and carried out the killing of John so as not to deny what he had promised (Matt. 14:7 ff.). For what shall I say of Jephthah, who sacrificed his daughter, who had been the first to meet him as victor, so as to fulfil the vow he had made, that he would offer to God whatever first met him (Judg. 11:39)? It had been better to promise no such thing than to fulfil the promise by the murder of his own kin.
255. Haec quanti consilii sit prospicere, non ignoratis. Et ideo eligitur Levita, qui sacrarium custodiat, ne fallatur consilio, ne fidem deserat, ne mortem timeat, ne quid intemperantius gerat, ut specie ipsa gravitatem praeferat; nec solum animum, sed etiam oculos continentes habere quem deceat; ne vel ipse frontem sobrietatis fortuitus violet occursus; quoniam: Qui viderit mulierem ad concupiscendum eam, adulteravit eam in corde suo (Matth. V, 28). Ita adulterium non solum facti colluvione, sed etiam aspectus intentione committitur.
255. You are not unaware how much judgement it takes to foresee these things. And therefore a Levite is chosen to guard the sacristy, one who may not be misled in judgement, may not abandon faith, may not fear death, may not do anything intemperately, so as to show gravity in his very bearing; one whom it befits to keep not only his mind but also his eyes continent; so that not even a chance encounter may violate the brow of sobriety; for: Whoever looks at a woman to desire her has committed adultery with her in his heart (Matt. 5:28). So adultery is committed not only by the filth of the deed but also by the intent of the look.
256. Magna haec videntur, ac nimis severa, sed in magno munere non superflua; quando tanta est Levitarum gratia, ut de his Moyses in benedictionibus diceret: Date Levi viro ejus, date Levi manifestos ejus, date Levi sortem suffragii sui et veritatem
256. These things seem great and too severe, but in a great office they are not superfluous; since the grace of the Levites is so great that Moses said of them in the blessings: Give to Levi his man, give to Levi his manifest ones, give to Levi the lot of his suffrage and [his] truth
Editors' notes and page, col. 108

Footnotes

(93) ‹anchor: gravitatem praeferat› · call in col 108

Cic. Offic. lib. I, p. 357, lin. 10: « Bene Pericles... At enim prætorem, Sophocles, decet non solum manus, sed etiam oculos abstinentes habere. »

Cicero, On Duties book I, p. 357, line 10: "Pericles said well... 'But a magistrate, Sophocles, ought to have not only his hands but also his eyes under restraint.'"

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(94) ‹anchor: viro ejus› · call in col 108

Edit. omnes, veros ejus: mss. e contrario, viros ejus. Potuit quidem fieri ut mss. recentiores antiquum aliquod exemplar secuti sint, in quo i pro e fuerit positum, ut advertimus in Thuaneo plusquam 1000 an. scriptum esse docit, studit, quodlibit, mercidem, et similia: veri tamen similius est viros ejus germanum esse, repositumque ab editoribus veros, ut esset quasi synonymum voci manifestos, cum LXX tantummodo habeant Δότε Λευὶ (continues)

All the editions: "his true ones"; the manuscripts on the contrary: "his men." It could indeed be that the later manuscripts followed some ancient exemplar in which i was put for e, as we noticed that in the de Thou manuscript, written more than 1000 years ago, docit, studit, quodlibit, mercidem and the like are written; yet it is likelier that "his men" is genuine, and that the editors substituted "true ones" so as to be a kind of synonym of the word "manifest," since the Septuagint has only "Give to Levi (continues)

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Page

  • running head: [S.] AMBROSII. 108
  • marginal letters: A interimat, nonne solvisse; B diat, ne fallatur consilio; C (beside footnote (92) cont., esse docent atque); D (beside footnote (92) cont., jori auctoritate)
  • old-edition numerals: 69 after fuerat
PL 16:109
ejus viro sancto, quem tentaverunt in tentationibus, maledixerunt super aquam contradictionis. Qui dicit patri suo et matri: Non novi te: et fratres suos non cognovit, et filios suos abdicavit: hic custodit verba tua, et testamentum tuum observavit (Deut. XXXIII, 8 et seq.).
to his holy man, whom they tempted in temptations, they cursed over the water of contradiction. He who says to his father and mother: I do not know you; and he did not acknowledge his brothers, and he disowned his sons: this one keeps Thy words, and has observed Thy covenant (Deut. 33:8 ff.).
257. Illi ergo viri ejus, et manifesti ejus, qui nihil in corde doli habeant, nihil fraudis occultent, sed verba ejus custodiant, et in corde suo conferant, sicut conferebat et Maria (Luc. II, 19): qui suos parentes officio suo non noverint praeferendos, qui
257. These, then, are his men and his manifest ones, who have no guile in their heart, hide no fraud, but keep His words and ponder them in their heart, as Mary too pondered them (Luke 2:19): who know that their parents are not to be preferred to their office, who
LIBER SECUNDUS.
BOOK II.
CAPUT PRIMUM.
CHAPTER I.
Vitae beatitudinem acquiri honestate, quippe qua Christianus gloriam et favores hominum spernens, opera sua Deo soli placere in votis habet.
That the blessedness of life is acquired by what is honourable, since by it the Christian, spurning glory and the favours of men, makes it his aim that his works should please God alone.
1. Superiore libro de Officiis tractavimus, quae convenire honestati arbitraremur, in qua vitam beatam positam esse nulli dubitaverunt, quam Scriptura appellat vitam aeternam. Tantus enim splendor honestatis est, ut vitam beatam efficiant tranquillitas conscientiae, et securitas innocentiae. Et ideo sicut exortus sol lunae globum et caetera stellarum abscondit lumina, ita fulgor honestatis, ubi vero et incorrupto vibrat decore, caetera quae putantur bona secundum voluptatem corporis, aut secundum saeculum clara et illustria, obumbrat.
1. In the former book on Duties we treated of what we judged to befit the honourable, in which no one has doubted that the blessed life is placed, which Scripture calls eternal life. For so great is the splendour of the honourable that tranquillity of conscience and the security of innocence make life blessed. And therefore, as the sun when it has risen hides the moon's orb and the other lights of the stars, so the brightness of the honourable, where it flashes with true and uncorrupted beauty, overshadows the other things which are reckoned good according to the pleasure of the body, or bright and illustrious according to the world.
2. Beata plane, quae non alienis aestimatur judiciis, sed domesticis percipitur sensibus, tanquam sui judex. Neque enim populares opiniones pro mercede aliqua requirit, neque pro supplicio pavet. Itaque quo minus sequitur gloriam, eo magis super eam eminet. Nam qui gloriam requirunt, his ea merces praesentium, umbra futurorum est, quae impedit vitam aeternam: quod in Evangelio scriptum est: Amen dico vobis, perceperunt mercedem
2. Blessed indeed is that life which is not valued by the judgements of others, but is perceived by one's own inward senses, as its own judge. For it does not seek popular opinion as any reward, nor does it dread it as a punishment. So the less it pursues glory, the more it rises above it. For to those who seek glory, this reward in present things is a shadow of the things to come, which hinders eternal life: as is written in the Gospel: Amen I say to you, they have received their reward
Editors' notes and page, col. 109

Footnotes

(94) (cont.) ‹anchor: viro ejus› · call in col 108

δήλους αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἀλήθειαν, etc. Sed fallacem esse eam conjecturam vel hinc intelligas, quod cum sanctus Ambrosius, lib. de Benedict. Patriarch., cap. 3, tantum posuerit, Date Levi sortem suffragii sui et veritatem, etc., hinc conjecerit Flam. Nobilius S. Doctorem legisse κλήρους, loco δήλους; cum tamen eum utrumque legisse hic locus demonstret. Textus autem Hebraicus præfert, Perfectiones et illuminationes tuæ viro pio tuo. Vulg.: Perfectio tua et doctrina tua viro sancto tuo. Chald. paraph.: Perfectione et lumine induisti virum, qui inventus est sanctus coram te (a).

his manifest ones, and truth," etc. But you may see that this conjecture is mistaken from this alone: because St Ambrose, in the book On the Blessings of the Patriarchs, ch. 3, put only "Give to Levi the lot of his choice and truth," etc., Flaminius Nobilius conjectured from this that the holy Doctor read klērous (lots) in place of dēlous (manifest ones); whereas this passage shows that he read both. The Hebrew text has: "Your perfections and your illuminations to your pious man." The Vulgate: "Your perfection and your teaching to your holy man." The Chaldee paraphrase: "With perfection and light you clothed the man who was found holy before you" (a).

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Cic., lib. I Offic. pag. 372, lin. 20: Eorum (continues; no continuation visible in these images)

Cicero, On Duties book I, p. 372, line 20: "Of these" (continues)

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(a) ‹anchor: sanctus coram te, at the end of note (94)› · call in note (94)

Infra, col. 361, not. 31, Adnotator quæ hic dixit coreigenda monet. EDIT.

Below, col. 361, note 31, the annotator advises that what he said here is to be corrected. EDITOR.

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(97) ‹anchor: de Officiis tractavimus› · call in col 109

Cic. Offic., lib. II, pag. 373, lin. 43: « Quemadmodum officia ducerentur ab honestate... explicatum arbitror libro superiore. »

Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 373, line 43: "How duties are derived from honourableness... I think was explained in the preceding book."

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(98) ‹anchor: honestatis est› · call in col 109

Ultimæ edit. Paris., honestati arbitrabamur... positam esse minime dubitabamus.

The latest Paris editions: "we judged [to suit] honourableness... we did not at all doubt to be placed."

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Page

  • running head: 109 DE OFFICIIS MINISTROR[UM] (left half of page head)
  • marginal letters: A ritatem ejus viro sancto; B (beside footnote (94) cont., veritatem, etc., hinc conjecerit); C (beside the CAP. I caption, Vitae beatitudinem); D cius, sed domesticis
  • old-edition numerals: 70 before CAPUT PRIMUM; 70 after corporis, (a second bold 70 in the line, as printed)
PL 16:110
violatores oderint castitatis, pudicitiae ulciscantur injuriam, noverint officiorum tempora: quod majus, quod minus sit, quod cui aptum tempori est, et ut id solum sequantur quod honestum est; sane ubi duo honesta, id quod honestius est, praeponendum putent: hi jure benedicti.
who hate the violators of chastity, avenge wrongs done to modesty, know the seasons of duties: what is greater, what is less, what is suited to what time, and that they should follow only what is honourable; and indeed, where there are two honourable things, think that the more honourable is to be preferred: these are rightly blessed.
258. Si quis ergo manifestet justitias Dei, incensum imponat: Benedic, Domine, virtutem ipsius, opera manuum ejus suscipe (Deut. XXXIII, 10); ut gratiam propheticae benedictionis inveniat apud eum qui vivit et regnat in saecula saeculorum. Amen.
258. If anyone, then, makes manifest the justices of God, let him lay on incense: Bless, O Lord, his strength, accept the works of his hands (Deut. 33:10); that he may find the grace of the prophetic blessing with Him who lives and reigns for ever and ever. Amen.
suam (Matth. VI, 2); de his scilicet qui velut tuba canente, vulgare liberalitem suam quam faciunt circa pauperes, gestiunt. Similiter et de jejunio quod ostentationis causa faciunt: Habent, inquit, mercedem suam.
(Matt. 6:2); that is, of those who, as though with a trumpet sounding, are eager to publish the generosity they show towards the poor. Likewise also of the fasting which they do for show: They have, He says, their reward.
3. Honestatis igitur est vel misericordiam facere, vel jejunium deferre in abscondito: ut mercedem videaris a solo Deo tuo quaerere, non etiam ab hominibus. Nam qui ab hominibus quaerit, habet mercedem suam: qui autem a Deo, habet vitam aeternam: quam praestare non potest nisi auctor aeternitatis, sicut illud est: Amen dico tibi, hodie mecum eris in paradiso (Luc. XXIII, 43). Unde expressius Scriptura vitam aeternam appellavit eam quae sit beata: ut non hominum opinionibus aestimandum relinqueretur, sed divino judicio committeretur.
3. It belongs to the honourable, then, either to show mercy or to keep a fast in secret: so that you may be seen to seek your reward from your God alone, and not from men as well. For he who seeks it from men has his reward: but he who seeks it from God has eternal life: which none can grant but the Author of eternity, as in that saying: Amen I say to you, today you shall be with Me in paradise (Luke 23:43). Hence Scripture has more expressly called that life eternal which is blessed: so that it should not be left to be assessed by the opinions of men, but be entrusted to the divine judgement.
CAPUT II.
CHAPTER II.
Variae philosophorum de beatitudine opiniones: eam in Dei cognitione ac bonorum operum studio consistere primum probatur ex Evangelio: tum ne a philosophis videatur hoc sumptum, prophetarum testimoniis confirmatur.
The various opinions of the philosophers on blessedness: that it consists in the knowledge of God and the pursuit of good works is first proved from the Gospel: then, lest this seem taken from the philosophers, it is confirmed by the testimonies of the prophets.
4. Itaque philosophi vitam beatam, alii in non dolendo posuerunt, ut Hieronymus: alii in rerum
4. So the philosophers placed the blessed life, some in freedom from pain, like Hieronymus: others in the
Editors' notes and page, col. 110

Footnotes

(99) ‹anchor: velut tuba canente› · call in col 110

Edit. et quidam mss., tuba canendo: alii, tuba canentes.

The editions and certain manuscripts: "by sounding the trumpet"; others: "sounding the trumpet" (plural participle).

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(1) ‹anchor: æstimandum relinqueretur› · call in col 110

Edit., æstimanda relinqueretur; mss., æstimandum relinqueretur; supple negotium.

The editions: "should be left to be valued" (feminine); the manuscripts: "should be left to be valued" (neuter); supply "the matter."

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(2) ‹anchor: vitam beatam› · call in col 110

Quæ de variis philosophorum opinionibus circa naturalem beatitudinem hic referuntur, ea desumpta sunt a Cicerone, non quidem ex Officiorum, sed ex aliis ejusdem philosophicis libris, puta ex iis qui supersunt Academ. quæst., e quinque li- (continues)

What is reported here about the various opinions of the philosophers on natural happiness is taken from Cicero — not from On Duties, but from his other philosophical books, for instance from what survives of the Academic Questions, from the five bo[oks] (continues)

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Page

  • running head: [DE OFFICIIS MI]NISTRORUM LIBER II. 110
  • marginal letters: A violatores oderint; B (beside footnote (96) text, et alii aliquot); C suam (Matth. VI, 2); D mandum relinqueretur
  • old-edition numerals: 71 before vel jejunium
PL 16:111
scientia, ut Herillus, qui audiens ab Aristotele et Theophrasto mirabiliter laudatam esse rerum scientiam, solam eam quasi summum bonum posuit: cum illi eam quasi bonum, non quasi solum bonum laudaverint. Alii voluptatem dixerunt, ut Epicurus: alii, ut Callipho, et post eum Diodorus, ita interpretati sunt, ut alter ad voluptatem, alter ad vacuitatem doloris, consortium honestatis adjungerent, quod sine ea non possit esse beata vita. Zenon Stoicus solum et summum bonum quod honestum est: Aristoteles autem vel Theophrastus et caeteri peripatetici in virtute quidem, hoc est honestate, vitam beatam esse, sed compleri ejus beatitudinem etiam corporis atque externis bonis asseruerunt.
knowledge, as Herillus did, who, hearing that the knowledge of things had been wonderfully praised by Aristotle and Theophrastus, set it down alone as if it were the highest good, whereas they had praised it as a good, not as the only good. Others have said pleasure, as Epicurus; others, like Callipho and after him Diodorus, interpreted it so that the one joined to pleasure, the other to freedom from pain, the fellowship of the honourable, because without it there could be no happy life. Zeno the Stoic [said] the sole and highest good is what is honourable; but Aristotle, or Theophrastus, and the other Peripatetics asserted that the happy life lies indeed in virtue, that is, in the honourable, but that its happiness is completed also by the goods of the body and external goods.
5. Scriptura autem divina vitam aeternam in cognitione posuit Divinitatis, et fructu bonae operationis. Denique utriusque assertionis Evangelium suppetit testimonium. Nam et de scientia ita dixit Dominus Jesus: Haec est autem vita aeterna, ut cognoscant te solum verum Deum, et quem misisti Jesum Christum (Joan. XVII, 3). Et de operibus ita respondit: Omnis qui reliquerit domum, vel fratres, aut sorores, aut patrem, aut matrem, aut uxorem, aut filios, aut agros, propter nomen meum centuplum accipiet, et vitam aeternam possidebit (Matth. XIX, 29).
5. But divine Scripture has placed eternal life in the knowledge of the Godhead and in the fruit of good working. In short, the Gospel supplies testimony for both assertions. For of knowledge the Lord Jesus spoke thus: "And this is eternal life, that they may know Thee, the only true God, and Jesus Christ, Whom Thou hast sent" (John 17:3). And of works He answered thus: "Everyone who has left house, or brothers, or sisters, or father, or mother, or wife, or children, or lands, for My name's sake shall receive a hundredfold, and shall possess eternal life" (Matt. 19:29).
6. Sed ne aestimetur hoc recens esse, et prius tractatum a philosophis, quam in Evangelio praedicatum (anteriores enim Evangelio philosophi, id est, Aristoteles et Theophrastus, vel Zenon atque Hieronymus, sed posteriores prophetis), accipiant quam longe antequam philosophorum nomen audiretur, per os sancti David utrumque aperte videatur expressum. Scriptum est enim: Beatus quem tu erudieris, Domine; et de lege tua docueris eum (Psal. XCIII, 12). Habemus et alibi: Beatus vir qui timet Dominum, in mandatis ejus cupiet nimis (Psal. CXI, 1). Docuimus de cognitione, cujus praemium aeternitatis fructum esse memoravit, adjiciens Propheta, quia in domo hujus timentis Dominum, vel eruditi in Lege, et cupientis in mandatis divinis: Gloria et divitiae, et justitia ejus manet in saeculum
6. But lest this be thought to be new, and treated by the philosophers before it was preached in the Gospel (for the philosophers were earlier than the Gospel, that is, Aristotle and Theophrastus, or Zeno and Hieronymus, but later than the prophets), let them learn how long before the name of philosophers was heard both were plainly expressed through the mouth of holy David. For it is written: "Blessed is he whom Thou instructest, O Lord, and teachest him out of Thy law" (Ps. 93:12). We have also elsewhere: "Blessed is the man who fears the Lord; he shall greatly desire His commandments" (Ps. 111:1). We have shown concerning knowledge, whose reward the Prophet declared to be the fruit of eternity, adding that in the house of this man who fears the Lord, or is instructed in the Law, and desires the divine commandments, "glory and riches, and his justice remains for ever
Editors' notes and page, col. 111

Footnotes

(3) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 111 (presumably)

Voluptatem hanc non tam corpoream quam spiritalem intelligi debere, sunt qui contendant: qua de re satis diximus ad cap. 13, num. 50.

There are those who contend that this "pleasure" should be understood as spiritual rather than bodily: on which matter we have said enough at ch. 13, no. 50.

(printed under page 59)

(4) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 111 (presumably)

Edit. ac pauci mss., corporis voluptatibus atque externis bonis; alii nonnulli, corporis egregiis voluptatibus.. etc. Sed Thuan., duo Vatic., totidem Laudun. et alii aliquot, corporis, atque externis bonis. Optime, siquidem vox corporis congruit cum bonis, ut infra clarius exprimitur. Et post duos versus ubi edit., vitam beatam in cognitione, unus ms., in conjunctione, etc.; omnes alii legunt vitam æternam, etc. Idque ita legendum esse declarant quæ continuo post adducuntur Scripturæ testimonia, tum quod infra dicitur, Habet ergo vitam æternam fides. Porro ex tota serie facile intelligas non hic agi de illa æterna vita quæ resurrectionem secutura est, sed quæ per hanc etiam lucis usuram a justis vivitur; ac proinde vitam æternam appellari eam quæ sit beata, ut supra sub finem cap. 1, declaratur, propereaque in sensu non errasse editiones.

The editions and a few manuscripts: "the pleasures of the body and external goods"; some others: "the excellent pleasures of the body," etc. But the de Thou manuscript, two Vatican, as many Laon manuscripts, and some others: "of the body, and external goods." Best so, since the word "of the body" goes with "goods," as is expressed more clearly below. And two lines later, where the editions read "the happy life in knowledge," one manuscript has "in conjunction," etc.; all the others read "eternal life," etc. That it should be read so is shown by the testimonies of Scripture brought in immediately after, and also by what is said below: "Faith, then, has eternal life." Moreover, from the whole sequence you will readily understand that the subject here is not that eternal life which will follow the resurrection, but the one which the just live even in this enjoyment of the light; and accordingly that the life which is happy is called eternal, as is stated above near the end of ch. 1, and that therefore the editions did not err in sense. [Printed "propereaque" as it appears; possibly "propterea".]

(printed under page 59)

(5) ‹anchor: in domo› · call in col 111

Ita mss. multo plures potioresque; alii autem atque edit., quæ sint in domo... Gloria, inquit, et divitiæ in domo ejus, etc.

So read far more and better manuscripts; but others and the editions: "which are in the house... Glory, he says, and riches are in his house," etc.

(printed under page 59)

(6) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 111 (presumably)

Edit. ac mss. aliquot, factis repellit.

The editions and some manuscripts: "repels by deeds."

(printed under page 59)

Page

  • running head: 111 S. AMBROSII … (cut at image edge)
  • marginal letters: A ‹scientia, ut Herillus›; B ‹5. Scriptura autem divina›; C ‹est, Aristoteles et Theophrastus›; D ‹beside the footnotes, at 'et maxime etiam ex ultimo'›
  • old-edition numerals: 72 after ‹posteriores prophetis),›
PL 16:112
saeculi (Ibid. 3). De operibus quoque in eodem psalmo subjunxit vitae aeternae suppetere praemium viro justo. Denique ait: Beatus vir qui miseretur et commodat, disponet sermones suos in judicio: quia in saeculum non commovebitur. In memoria aeterna erit justus (Ibid. 5-7). Et infra: Dispersit, dedit pauperibus, justitia ejus manet in aeternum (Ibid. 7-9).
of ages" (Ps. 111:3). Concerning works also, in the same psalm, he added that the reward of eternal life is in store for the just man. In short, he says: "Blessed is the man who shows mercy and lends; he shall order his words in judgement; for he shall not be moved for ever. The just shall be in everlasting remembrance" (Ps. 111:5–7). And further on: "He has dispersed, he has given to the poor; his justice remains for ever" (Ps. 111:7–9).
7. Habet ergo vitam aeternam fides, quia fundamentum est bonum: habent et bona facta, quia vir justus et dictis et rebus probatur. Nam si exercitatus sit in sermonibus, et desidiosus in operibus, prudentiam suam factis refellit: et gravius est scire quid facias, nec fecisse quod faciendum cognoveris. Contra quoque strenuum esse in operibus, affectu infidum, ita est ac si vitioso fundamento pulchra culminum velis elevare fastigia: quo plus exstruxeris, plus corruit; quia sine munimento fidei bona opera non possunt manere. Infida statio in portu navem perforat, et arenosum solum cito cedit, nec potest impositae aedificationis sustinere onera. Ibi ergo plenitudo praemii, ubi virtutum perfectio, et quaedam in factis atque dictis aequalitas sobrietatis.
7. Faith, then, has eternal life, because it is a good foundation; good deeds have it too, because the just man is proved both by words and by deeds. For if he is practised in speaking and slothful in working, he refutes his own prudence by his deeds; and it is graver to know what you should do and not to have done what you knew was to be done. On the other hand, to be energetic in works but unfaithful in disposition is as if you wished to raise the fair pinnacles of a roof upon a faulty foundation: the more you build up, the more it falls; for without the defence of faith good works cannot stand. An untrustworthy anchorage in a harbour holes the ship, and sandy ground quickly gives way and cannot bear the loads of a building set upon it. There, then, is the fullness of reward, where there is the perfection of the virtues, and a certain evenness of sobriety in deeds and words.
CAPUT III.
CHAPTER III.
Petita e Scripturis beatitudinis definitio expenditur, demonstraturque nihil ipsi vel propter externa bona accedere, vel decedere propter incommoda.
The definition of happiness drawn from the Scriptures is weighed, and it is shown that nothing is added to it on account of external goods, nor taken from it on account of misfortunes.
8. Et quoniam sola rerum scientia explosa est, vel quasi inanis secundum Philosophiae disputationes superfluas, vel quasi semiperfecta sententia: consideremus quam enodem de eo divina Scriptura absolvat sententiam, de quo tam multiplices et implicatas atque confusas videmus esse quaestiones philosophiae. Nihil enim bonum Scriptura nisi quod honestum asserit, virtutemque in omni rerum statu beatam judicat, quae neque augeatur bonis corporis, vel externis, neque minuatur adversis: nihilque tam beatum, nisi quod a peccato alienum sit, plenum innocentiae, repletum gratiae Dei. Scriptum est enim: Beatus vir qui non abiit in consilio impiorum, et in via peccatorum non stetit, et in cathedra pestilentiae non sedit: sed in lege Domini fuit voluntas
8. And since knowledge of things alone has been rejected, either as empty, according to the superfluous disputations of Philosophy, or as a half-finished opinion, let us consider how clear a judgement the divine Scripture delivers on that matter about which we see the questions of philosophy to be so manifold, entangled and confused. For Scripture affirms nothing to be good except what is honourable, and judges virtue happy in every state of affairs, since it is neither increased by goods of the body or external goods, nor diminished by adversities; and [it holds] nothing so happy as what is a stranger to sin, full of innocence, filled with the grace of God. For it is written: "Blessed is the man who has not walked in the counsel of the ungodly, nor stood in the way of sinners, nor sat in the chair of pestilence; but his will was in the law of the Lord
Editors' notes and page, col. 112

Footnotes

(7) ‹anchor: quæstiones philosophiæ› · call in col 112

Tullius in libris De fin. bon. et mal., nec non in Tuscul. quæst. tam multas opiniones circa naturalem hujus vitæ beatitudinem esse agnoscit, ut confusionis vitandæ causa cogatur illas ad certum quemdam ordinem atque capita revocare. Sanctus autem Augustinus lib. XIX de Civ. Dei, cap. 1, a Varrone proditum scribit easdem usque ad 288 posse perduci. Adeundum hoc idem caput sicut duo proxime sequentia, ex quibus non parum lucis his quæ traduntur ab Ambrosio, adjici potest.

Tully, in the books On the Ends of Goods and Evils and also in the Tusculan Questions, recognizes so many opinions about the natural happiness of this life that, to avoid confusion, he is forced to bring them back to a definite order and headings. St Augustine, City of God book XIX, ch. 1, writes that Varro reported they could be carried as far as 288. This same chapter should be consulted, as well as the two immediately following, from which no little light can be added to what Ambrose teaches.

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Page

  • running head: S. AMBROSII 112
  • marginal letters: A ‹saeculi (Ibid. 3)›; B ‹pulchra culminum velis›; C ‹considerenus quam enodem›; D ‹beside the footnotes, at 'cutura est, sed quae per hanc'›
  • old-edition numerals: 73 after ‹a peccato alienum sit,›
PL 16:113
ejus (Psal. I, 1, 2). Et alibi: Beati immaculati in via, qui ambulant in lege Domini (Psal. CXVIII, 1).
" (Ps. 1:1–2). And elsewhere: "Blessed are the undefiled in the way, who walk in the law of the Lord" (Ps. 118:1).
9. Innocentia igitur et scientia beatum faciunt. Bonae quoque operationis mercedem esse beatitudinem vitae aeternae superius advertimus (Sup., cap. 2). Restat igitur ut spreto patrocinio voluptatis, aut doloris metu [quorum alterum quasi infractum et molliculum, alterum quasi eviratum et infirmum despuit], in ipsis doloribus vitam beatam eminere demonstret. Quod facile doceri potest, cum legerimus: Beati estis, cum vobis maledicent, et persequentur, et dicent omne malum adversus vos propter justitiam. Gaudete et exsultate, quoniam merces vestra copiosa est in coelo. Sic enim persecuti sunt et prophetas, qui erant ante vos (Matth. V, 11, 12). Et alibi: Qui vult venire post me, tollat crucem suam, et sequatur me (Matth. XVI, 24).
9. Innocence, then, and knowledge make a man happy. We noted above (above, chapter II) that the reward of good working also is the happiness of eternal life. It remains, then, that [Scripture], having spurned the patronage of pleasure, or the fear of pain [of which it rejects the one as broken and effeminate, the other as unmanned and weak], should show that the happy life stands out in the very midst of pains. This can easily be shown, since we read: "Blessed are you when they shall revile you, and persecute you, and say all evil against you for justice' sake. Rejoice and exult, for your reward is very great in heaven. For so they persecuted the prophets also, who were before you" (Matt. 5:11–12). And elsewhere: "He who wishes to come after Me, let him take up his cross and follow Me" (Matt. 16:24).
CAPUT IV.
CHAPTER IV.
Idem argumentum, scilicet rebus externis non minui neque augeri beatitudinem, veterum exemplis illustratur.
The same argument, namely that happiness is neither diminished nor increased by external things, is illustrated by examples from the men of old.
10. Est ergo beatitudo et in doloribus, quos plena suavitatis virtus comprimit et coercet, ipsa sibi honestatis opibus abundans, vel ad conscientiam, vel ad gratiam. Neque enim parum beatus Moyses, cum Aegyptiorum vallatus populis, et mari clausus, per fluctus sibi et populo patrum pedestrem viam piis meritis invenisset (Exod. XIV, 22). Quando autem fortior, quam tunc cum extremis circumventus periculis non desperabat salutem, sed exigebat triumphum?
10. There is, then, happiness even in pains, which virtue, full of sweetness, checks and restrains, being itself abundant to itself in the riches of the honourable, whether for conscience or for grace. For Moses was not a little happy when, hemmed in by the peoples of the Egyptians and shut in by the sea, he had by his holy merits found a way on foot through the waves for himself and for the people of the fathers (Exod. 14:22). And when was he braver than then, when, surrounded by extreme dangers, he did not despair of safety but demanded triumph?
11. Quid Aaron, quando se beatiorem credidit, quam tunc quando medius stetit inter vivos ac mortuos, et objectu sui statuit mortem, ne ad vivorum transiret agmina a cadaveribus mortuorum (Num. XVI, 48)? Quid de puero Daniele loquar, qui tam sapiens erat, ut inter leones fame exasperatos, nulla bestialis saevitiae formidine frangeretur: ita alienus a metu, ut posset epulari, nec vereretur ne ad pastum exemplo sui feras provocaret (Dan. XIV, 38)?
11. What of Aaron? When did he think himself happier than then, when he stood in the midst between the living and the dead, and by the interposing of himself stayed death, lest it pass from the corpses of the dead to the ranks of the living (Num. 16:48)? What shall I say of the boy Daniel, who was so wise that among lions maddened by hunger he was broken by no dread of bestial savagery: so far a stranger to fear that he could feast, and was not afraid that by his example he might provoke the beasts to feeding (Dan. 14:38)?
12. Est ergo et in dolore virtus, quae sibi bonae suavitatem exhibeat conscientiae; et ideo indicio est, quod non minuat dolor virtutis voluptatem. Sicut ergo nulla virtuti decessio beatitudinis per dolorem, ita etiam nulla accessio per voluptatem corporis aut commodorum gratiam. De quibus pulchre Apostolus ait: Quae mihi lucra fuerunt, haec duxi propter Christum detrimenta esse (Phil. III, 7). Et addidit: Propter quem omnia damna duxi, et
12. There is, then, even in pain a virtue which provides for itself the sweetness of a good conscience; and so it is a sign that pain does not diminish the pleasure of virtue. As, then, there is no loss of happiness to virtue through pain, so too there is no gain through the pleasure of the body or the charm of advantages. Of these the Apostle says finely: "What things were gain to me, these I have counted loss for Christ" (Phil. 3:7). And he added: "For Whom I have counted all things loss, and
Editors' notes and page, col. 113

Footnotes

[The left-column image is faint; notes (8) and (9) are read with some uncertainty.] (printed under page 60)

(8) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 113 (presumably, above the visible text)

Edit. cum uno aut altero mss., despuitur... demonstratur; alii mss. magno numero et consensu, despuit... demonstrat. Non incommode, si modo ista duo verba referas ad Scripturam de qua numero superiori.

The editions with one or two manuscripts: "is spat upon... is shown"; other manuscripts, in great number and agreement: "spits upon... shows." Not unsuitably, provided you refer these two verbs to Scripture, spoken of in the preceding number.

(printed under page 60)

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Edit., post me, abneget semetipsum, tollat; mss., post me, tollat.

The editions: "after me, let him deny himself, let him take up"; the manuscripts: "after me, let him take up."

(printed under page 60)

(10) ‹anchor: vel ad conscientiam› · call in col 113

Mss. nonnulli, vel ad constantiam.

Some manuscripts: "or for constancy."

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Page

  • running head: 113 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRO[RUM] … (cut at image edge)
  • marginal letters: A ‹luntas ejus (Psal.›; B ‹Sic enim persecuti sunt et prophetas›; C ‹23). Quando autem fortior›; D ‹est, quod non minuat dolor›
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 16:114
aestimo ut stercora, ut Christum lucrifaciam (Ibid. 8).
I esteem them as dung, that I may gain Christ" (Phil. 3:8).
13. Denique Moyses damnum suum credidit thesauros esse Aegyptiorum, et opprobrium Dominicae crucis praetulit: nec tunc dives cum abundaret pecunia, nec postea pauper cum egeret alimento; nisi forte tunc alicui minus beatus videretur fuisse, cum in deserto quotidiana alimonia sibi et populo suo deforet. Sed quod summum boni ac beatitudinis nemo negare audeat, manna ei, hoc est panis angelorum, ministrabatur e coelo: carnis quoque quotidiana pluvia totius plebis epulis redundabat (Exod. XVI, 13 et seq.).
13. In short, Moses believed the treasures of the Egyptians to be his loss, and preferred the reproach of the Lord's cross; he was neither rich then, when he abounded in money, nor poor afterwards, when he lacked food; unless perhaps he might seem to someone to have been less happy then, when in the desert daily nourishment was wanting to himself and his people. But—what no one would dare deny to be the height of good and of happiness—manna, that is, the bread of angels, was supplied to him from heaven; a daily rain of flesh also overflowed in feasts for the whole people (Exod. 16:13 ff.).
14. Eliae quoque sancto panis ad victum deerat, si quaereretur (III Reg. XVII, 6): sed non videbatur deesse, quia non quaerebatur. Itaque diurno corvorum obsequio mane panis, caro ad vesperam deferebatur. Numquid ideo minus beatus, quia pauper erat sibi? Minime. Imo eo magis beatus, quia erat Deo dives. Aliis enim quam sibi divitem esse praestat, ut iste erat, qui tempore famis cibum a vidua petebat, largiturus ut hydria farinae per triennium et sex menses non deficeret, et quotidianos usus olei vas viduae inopi sufficeret ac ministraret (Ibid. 14). Merito ibi volebat Petrus esse, ubi istos videbat (Matth. XVII, 4). Merito in monte cum Christo in gloria apparuerunt; quia et ipse pauper factus est, cum dives esset.
14. To holy Elijah also bread for sustenance was lacking, if it were sought (III Kgs. 17:6); but it did not seem to be lacking, because it was not sought. And so by the daily service of ravens bread was brought in the morning, flesh towards evening. Was he therefore less happy because he was poor for himself? By no means. Rather, all the more happy, because he was rich towards God. For it is better to be rich for others than for oneself, as he was who in time of famine asked food of a widow, being about to grant that the jar of meal should not fail for three years and six months, and that the vessel of oil should suffice and supply the daily needs of the needy widow (III Kgs. 17:14). With good reason Peter wished to be there, where he saw these men (Matt. 17:4). With good reason they appeared in glory with Christ on the mount, since He too became poor, though He was rich.
15. Nullum ergo adminiculum praestant divitiae ad vitam beatam. Quod evidenter Dominus in Evangelio demonstravit dicens: Beati, pauperes, quoniam vestrum est regnum Dei. Beati qui nunc esuriunt et sitiunt, quia saturabuntur. Beati qui nunc fletis, quia ridebitis (Luc. VI, 20, 21). Itaque paupertatem, famem, dolorem, quae putantur mala, non solum impedimento non esse ad vitam beatam, sed etiam adjumento evidentissime pronuntiatum est.
15. Riches, then, give no support towards the happy life. This the Lord plainly showed in the Gospel, saying: "Blessed are you poor, for yours is the kingdom of God. Blessed are they who now hunger and thirst, for they shall be filled. Blessed are you who now weep, for you shall laugh" (Luke 6:20–21). Thus it has been most plainly declared that poverty, hunger and pain, which are thought evils, are not only no hindrance to the happy life but even a help.
CAPUT V.
CHAPTER V.
Quae putantur bona, plerumque impedimento esse ad beatam vitam: et quae mala, materiam esse virtutum: quod †beatitudinis ac aliis exemplis confirmatur.
That the things thought good are for the most part a hindrance to the happy life, and the things thought evil are the material of the virtues: which is confirmed by examples of happiness and others.
16. Sed et illa quae videntur bona, divitias, satietatem, laetitiam expertem doloris, detrimento esse ad fructum beatitudinis, Dominico declaratum judicio liquet, cum dicitur: Vae vobis divitibus, quia habetis consolationem vestram? Vae vobis qui saturati estis, quia esurietis (Ibid. 24, 25)! Et illis qui rident, quia lugebunt. Sic ergo non solum adminiculo non sunt ad vitam beatam corporis aut externa bona, sed etiam dispendio sunt.
16. But that those things also which seem good—riches, fullness, gladness free from pain—are a loss to the fruit of happiness is clear, being declared by the Lord's judgement, when it is said: "Woe to you rich, for you have your consolation! Woe to you who are filled, for you shall hunger" (Luke 6:24–25)! And to those who laugh, for they shall mourn. So, then, the goods of the body or external goods are not only no support towards the happy life, but are even a loss.
17. Inde enim beatus Nabuthe etiam cum lapidaretur a divite (III Reg. XXI, 13), quia pauper et
17. For it is from this that Naboth was happy even when he was being stoned by the rich man (III Kgs. 21:13), because poor and
Editors' notes and page, col. 114

Footnotes

(11) ‹anchor: Beati, pauperes› · call in col 114

Mss. aliquot, Beati pauperes spiritu; sequenti autem versu edit. solæ, et sitiunt justitiam.

Some manuscripts: "Blessed are the poor in spirit"; and in the following verse the editions alone: "and thirst for justice."

(printed under page 60)

(12) ‹anchor: beatam corporis› · call in col 114

Mss. quatuor, corporis voluptates aut externa bona; melius alii, corporis aut externa bona; uti supra, 7[?].

Four manuscripts: "the pleasures of the body or external goods"; others better: "[goods] of the body or external goods"; as above, 7[?]. [The final reference is blurred in the image; it likely points back to note (4) on col. 111.]

(printed under page 60)

Page

  • running head: [DE OFFICIIS] MINISTRORUM LIBER II. 114
  • marginal letters: A ‹aestimo ut stercora›; B ‹corvorum obsequio mane panis›; C ‹quoniam vestrum est regnum Dei›; D ‹habetis consolationem vestram›
  • old-edition numerals: 74 after ‹minus beatus›
PL 16:115
infirmus adversus opes regias, solo erat affectu et religione dives, ut pecunia regali non commutaret paternae vineae haereditatem: eoque perfectus, quia sanguine proprio defenderet jura majorum suorum. Inde quoque miser Achab, etiam suo judicio, quia pauperem necari fecerat ut ejus possideret vineam.
weak against royal wealth, he was rich only in affection and piety, so that he would not exchange the inheritance of his father's vineyard for the king's money; and he was perfect in this, that he defended the rights of his forefathers with his own blood. From this too Ahab was wretched, even by his own judgement, because he had caused a poor man to be put to death so that he might possess his vineyard.
18. Certum est solum et summum bonum esse virtutem, eamque abundare solam ad vitae fructum beatae: nec externis aut corporis bonis, sed virtute sola vitam praestari beatam, per quam vita aeterna acquiritur. Vita enim beata fructus praesentium: vita autem aeterna spes futurorum est.
18. It is certain that virtue is the sole and highest good, and that it alone abounds for the fruit of a happy life; and that a happy life is secured not by external goods or those of the body, but by virtue alone, through which eternal life is acquired. For the happy life is the fruit of things present; but eternal life is the hope of things to come.
19. Sunt tamen qui in hoc corpore tam infirmo, tam fragili, impossibilem vitam beatam putent, in quo necesse est angi, dolere, deplorare, aegrescere: quasi vero ego in corporis exultatione dicam vitam beatam consistere, et non altitudine sapientiae, suavitate conscientiae, virtutis sublimitate. Non enim in passione esse, sed victorem esse passionis beatum est, nec frangi temporalis motu doloris.
19. Yet there are some who think a happy life impossible in this body, so weak, so frail, in which one must be distressed, suffer pain, lament, fall sick: as if indeed I were to say that the happy life consists in the exultation of the body, and not in the height of wisdom, the sweetness of conscience, the loftiness of virtue. For it is not being in suffering, but being the victor over suffering, that is happy, and not being broken by the stirring of temporal pain.
20. Pone accidere haec quae gravia ad vim doloris feruntur, caecitatem, exsilium, famem, stuprum filiae, amissionem liberorum. Quis neget beatum Isaac, qui non videbat in senectute, et beatitudines suis benedictionibus conferebat (Gen. XXVII, 1 et seq.)? Annon beatus Jacob qui profugus patria domo, mercenarius pastor exsilium sustinuit, filiae pudicitiam ingemuit esse temeratam (Gen XXXIV, 1 et seq.), famem pertulit (Gen. XXXI, 42)? Non ergo beati quorum fide Deus accipit testimonium, cum dicitur: Deus Abraham, Deus Isaac, Deus Jacob (Exod. III, 6)? Misera est servitus, sed non miser Joseph; imo plane beatus, cum dominae libidines in servitute positus coerceret (Gen. XXXIX, 8 et seq.) Quid de sancto David loquar, qui trium filiorum deploravit obitum (II Reg. XVIII, 33), et quod his durius, incestum filiae (II Reg. XIII, 3)? Quomodo non beatus de cujus successione beatitudinis auctor exortus est, qui plurimos fecit
20. Suppose that there befall those things which are reckoned grievous in the force of their pain: blindness, exile, hunger, the violation of a daughter, the loss of children. Who would deny that Isaac was happy, who did not see in his old age, and by his blessings bestowed blessednesses (Gen. 27:1 ff.)? Was not Jacob happy, who, a fugitive from his father's house, endured exile as a hired shepherd, groaned that his daughter's chastity had been violated (Gen. 34:1 ff.), and bore hunger (Gen. 31:42)? Are they not, then, happy, by whose faith God receives testimony, when it is said: "The God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, the God of Jacob" (Exod. 3:6)? Slavery is wretched, but Joseph was not wretched; rather he was plainly happy when, placed in slavery, he restrained the lusts of his mistress (Gen. 39:8 ff.). What shall I say of holy David, who lamented the death of three sons (II Kgs. 18:33), and, what was harder than these, the incest of his daughter (II Kgs. 13:3)? How was he not happy, from whose line was born the Author of happiness, Who made very many
Editors' notes and page, col. 115

Footnotes

(13) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 115 (presumably)

Nonnulli mss,, angi dolore, deplorare.

Some manuscripts: "to be tormented by grief, to lament."

(printed under page 61)

(14) ‹anchor: motu doloris› · call in col 115

Paris, quædam edit., metu doloris; aliæ ac mss., motu doloris. Continuo autem ubi omnes edit. cum duobus omnino mss., metuentem accidere, mss. aliquot, pœnæ accidere, perperam; alii nonnulli, nec pœnæ accidere hæc. Melius quidem; sed omnium optime Thuan. et alii longe plurimi: Pone accidere, id est, fac, esto, finge: quæ verba rhetoricæ concessioni inserviunt.

Paris and certain editions: "by fear of pain"; others and the manuscripts: "by the movement of pain." Immediately after, where all the editions with just two manuscripts read "fearing to happen," some manuscripts read "to happen to punishment," wrongly; some others: "nor that these things happen to punishment." Better indeed; but best of all the de Thou manuscript and very many others: "Suppose these things happen," that is, "grant it, let it be so, imagine it": words that serve a rhetorical concession.

(printed under page 61)

(15) ‹anchor: deploravit obitum› · call in col 115

Ita mss. summo consensu; edit. vero subdunt, interitum Ammon et Absalon atque infantuli ex ea quæ fuit Uriæ nati.... filiæ Thamar.

So the manuscripts with the greatest agreement; but the editions add: "the death of Amnon and Absalom and of the little child born of her who had been Uriah's... of his daughter Tamar."

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Mss. nonnulli, in domorum incendio: sed cum nullam Jobi domum incendio consumptam in sacris paginis reperiamus, non deerunt forte qui suspectam habeant utramque lectionem. Attamen recte dici potest domus incendium, pro clade illius ac ruina.

Some manuscripts: "in the burning of houses"; but since we find in the sacred pages no house of Job consumed by fire, there will perhaps be some who hold both readings suspect. Yet "the burning of the house" may rightly be said for its disaster and ruin.

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Ex Ciceronis lib. V De fin. bon. et mal. sub finem, ubi hæc habentur: « At enim qua in vita est aliquid mali, ea beata esse non potest. Ne seges quidem igitur spicis uberibus et crebris, si avenam uspiam videris: nec mercatura quæstuosa, si in maximis lucris parum aliquid damni contraxerit. An hoc usquequaque aliter in vita, et non ex maxima parte de tota judicabis? » etc.

From Cicero, On the Ends of Goods and Evils book V, near the end, where we read: "But, [they say,] a life in which there is any evil cannot be happy. Then neither is a crop [fruitful] with rich and thick ears if you see wild oats anywhere; nor is trade profitable if amid the greatest gains it has incurred some small loss. Or will you judge otherwise in life in every respect, and not judge the whole from its greatest part?" etc.

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  • running head: 115 S. AMBROS[II] … (cut at image edge)
  • marginal letters: A ‹infirmus adversus opes regias›; B ‹tent, in quo necesse est angi›; C ‹citiam ingemuit esse temeratam›; D ‹beside the footnotes, at 'cum duobus omnino mss.'›
  • old-edition numerals: 75 before ‹19. Sunt tamen›
PL 16:116
beatos? Beati enim qui non viderunt et crediderunt (Joan. XX, 29). Fuerunt et ipsi in sensu infirmitatis, sed evaluerunt de infirmitate fortes. Quid laboriosius autem sancto Job vel in domus incendio, vel filiorum decem interitu momentaneo, doloribus corporeis (Job I, 16, 18)? Numquid minus beatus, quam si illa non pertulisset, in quibus magis probatus est:
happy? For "blessed are they who have not seen and have believed" (John 20:29). They too were in the experience of weakness, but out of weakness they grew strong. And what more toilsome than for holy Job, whether in the burning of his house, or in the sudden death of his ten children, or in the pains of his body (Job 1:16, 18)? Was he any less happy than if he had not borne those things, in which he was the more approved?
21. Esto tamen fuisse in illis aliquid acerbitatis, quem virtus animi non abscondit dolorem. Neque enim profundum mare negaverim, quia vadosa sunt littora; neque coelum lucidum, quia interdum obtexitur nubibus; neque terram fecundam, quia aliquibus locis jejuna glarea est; aut laetas segetes, quia intermistam solent habere sterilem avenam. Similiter puta beatae messem conscientiae interpellari aliquo acerbo doloris. Nonne totius manipulis vitae beatae, si quid forte accidit adversis atque amaritudinis, tanquam sterilis avena absconditur, aut tanquam lolii amaritudo frumenti suavitate obducitur? Sed jam ad proposita pergamus.
21. Granted, however, that there was in those things something of bitterness, a pain which the virtue of the mind does not hide. For I would not deny that the sea is deep because its shores are shallow; nor that the sky is bright because at times it is covered with clouds; nor that the earth is fruitful because in some places there is barren gravel; or that crops are glad because they are wont to have sterile wild oats mixed in. In the same way, suppose that the harvest of a happy conscience is interrupted by some bitterness of pain. If perchance anything of adversity and bitterness has befallen, is it not hidden in the whole sheaf of the happy life like the sterile wild oat, or is not the bitterness of the darnel covered over by the sweetness of the wheat? But now let us go on to what we set before us.
CAPUT VI.
CHAPTER VI.
De utili non quaestuoso illo, sed justo et honesto, quod etiam damnis quaeritur: ac dividitur in utile corporeum et petatis.
On the useful—not that which brings gain, but the just and honourable, which is sought even through losses; and it is divided into the useful of the body and that of piety.
22. Superiore libro ita divisionem fecimus, ut primo loco esset honestum ac decorum, a quo officia ducerentur, secundo loco quid utile. Et quemadmodum in primo diximus quia inter honestum et decorum est quaedam distinctio, quae magis intelligi quam explicari possit: sic et cum utile tractamus, considerandum videtur quid utilius.
22. In the former book we made our division thus: that in the first place should be the honourable and the seemly, from which duties are derived, and in the second place what is useful. And as in the first we said that there is a certain distinction between the honourable and the seemly, which can be understood rather than explained, so also when we treat of the useful, it seems we must consider what is more useful.
23. Utilitatem autem non pecuniarii lucri aestimatione subducimus, sed acquisitione pietatis; sicut Apostolus ait: Pietas autem ad omnia utilis est, promissionem habens vitae praesentis et futurae (I Tim. IV, 8). Itaque in Scripturis divinis, si diligenter quaeramus, saepe invenimus quod honestum est utile vocari: Omnia mihi licent, sed non omnia utilia sunt (I Cor. VI, 12). Supra de vitiis loquebatur.
23. But we reckon usefulness not by the valuation of money gain, but by the acquiring of piety; as the Apostle says: "But piety is useful for all things, having the promise of the life that now is and of that which is to come" (I Tim. 4:8). And so in the divine Scriptures, if we search diligently, we often find that what is honourable is called useful: "All things are lawful to me, but not all things are useful" (I Cor. 6:12). Above he was speaking of vices.
Editors' notes and page, col. 116

Footnotes

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Glarea, terra est arenosa, minutisque scrupis et calculis referta: de qua Virg. lib. II Georg., versus 212: Nec jejuna quidem clivosi glarea ruris. / Vix humiles apibus casias roremque ministrat.

Glarea is sandy earth, full of small sharp stones and pebbles: of which Virgil, Georgics book II, line 212: "Nor indeed the hungry gravel of the sloping field: it scarcely furnishes lowly cassia and rosemary for the bees."

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Sic edit. omnes, ac plerique mss.; alii tamen aliquot partim, beatam conscientiam, partim beatæ esse conscientiæ. Ubi vero eædem edit. ac pauci mss., acerbo dolore, alii plures legunt acervo, partim, beatam conscientiam, partim beatæ esse doloris: commodius vero Thuan. et reliqui, acerbo doloris.

So all the editions and most manuscripts; yet some others read partly "a happy conscience," partly "to be of a happy conscience." And where the same editions and a few manuscripts read "with bitter pain," several others read "with a heap," partly "a happy conscience," partly "to be [one] of happy pain"; but more suitably the de Thou manuscript and the rest: "with the bitterness of pain." [The note is printed as here; its second half seems to repeat matter from the first.]

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Cic. Offic. lib. II, pag. 374, lin. 40: « Sed jam ad instituta pergamus. »

Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 374, line 40: "But now let us proceed with what we set out to do."

(printed under page 61)

(21) ‹anchor: honestum ac decorum› · call in col 116

Ibid. « Quinque igitur rationibus propositis officii persequendi. quarum duæ ad decus, » etc.

Ibid.: "Five principles, then, having been set forth for pursuing duty, two of which [pertain] to seemliness," etc.

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(22) ‹anchor: æstimatione subducimus› · call in col 116

Ibid.. pag. 375, lin. 4: « Quod utile appellatur: in quo verbo lapsa consuetudo, » etc.

Ibid., p. 375, line 4: "What is called useful: in which word usage has gone astray," etc.

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Page

  • running head: [S.] AMBROSII. 116
  • marginal letters: A ‹beatos? Beati enim›; B ‹lem avenam. Similiter›; C ‹admodum in primo diximus›; D ‹beside the footnotes, at 'xima parte de tota judicabis'›
  • old-edition numerals: 76 before ‹CAPUT VI.›
PL 16:117
Hoc ergo dicit: Licet peccare, sed non decet. In potestate sunt peccata sed non sunt honesta. Luxuriari promptum, sed non justum. Non enim Deo esca, sed ventri colligitur.
This, then, is what he says: It is lawful to sin, but it is not seemly. Sins are within our power, but they are not honourable. To live in luxury is easy, but not just. For food is gathered not for God but for the belly.
24. Ergo quia quod utile, id etiam justum: justum est ut serviamus Christo qui nos redemit; ideo justi, qui pro ejus nomine morti se obtulerunt: injusti qui declinaverunt, de quibus dicit: Quae utilitas in sanguine meo (Psal. XXIX, 10); id est, qui justitiae meae profectus? Unde et illi: Alligemus justum, quia inutilis est nobis (Sap. II, 12), id est, injustus qui nos arguit, condemnat, corripit. Licet hoc possit etiam ad avaritiam hominum impiorum derivari, quae perfidiae vicina est; sicut in Juda proditore legimus, qui avaritiae studio et pecuniae cupiditate, laqueum proditionis incurrit atque incidit.
24. Since, then, what is useful is also just, it is just that we serve Christ, Who redeemed us; therefore they are just who offered themselves to death for His name, and unjust who turned aside, of whom He says: "What usefulness is there in my blood?" (Ps. 29:10); that is, what advance of My justice? Hence they too [say]: "Let us bind the just one, for he is useless to us" (Wis. 2:12), that is, he is unjust who rebukes, condemns and reproves us. Though this may also be applied to the avarice of ungodly men, which is neighbour to faithlessness; as we read of Judas the traitor, who through his zeal for avarice and his desire for money ran into and fell into the snare of betrayal.
25. De hac igitur tractandum est utilitate, quae sit plena honestatis, sicut ipsis verbis definivit Apostolus dicens: Hoc autem ad utilitatem vestram dico, non ut laqueum injiciam vobis, sed ad id quod honestum est (I Cor. VII, 25). Liquet igitur quod honestum est, utile esse; et quod utile, honestum: et quod utile justum; et quod justum, utile. Neque enim mihi ad mercatores lucri cupidine avaros, sed ad filios sermo est, et sermo de officiis, quae vobis quos elegi in ministerium Domini, inculcare gestio atque infundere; ut ea quae mentibus ac moribus vestris usu atque institutione inolita atque impressa sunt, etiam sermone ac disciplina aperiantur.
25. We must, then, treat of that usefulness which is full of the honourable, as the Apostle defined it in so many words, saying: "And this I say for your usefulness, not to cast a snare upon you, but for that which is honourable" (I Cor. 7:35). It is clear, then, that what is honourable is useful, and what is useful is honourable; and what is useful is just, and what is just is useful. For my discourse is not to merchants greedy with desire of gain, but to sons; and it is a discourse on duties, which I long to impress upon and pour into you whom I have chosen for the ministry of the Lord; so that the things which have been implanted and impressed upon your minds and characters by practice and training may also be laid open by discourse and teaching.
26. Itaque de utilitate dicturus, utar illo versiculo prophetico: Declina cor meum in testimonia tua, et non in avaritiam (Psal. CXVIII, 36): ne utilitatis sonus excitet pecuniae cupiditatem. Denique aliqui habent: Declina cor meum in testimonia tua, et non ad utilitatem: hoc est, illam quaestuum nundinas aucupantem utilitatem, illam usu hominum ad pecuniae studia inflexam ac derivatam. Vulgo enim hoc solum dicunt utile, quod quaestuosum: nos autem de ea tractamus utilitate, quae damnis quaeritur; ut Christum lucremur, cujus quaestus est pietas cum sufficientia (I Tim. VI, 6). Magnus profecto quaestus, quo pietatem acquirimus, quae apud Deum dives est, non caducis facultatibus, sed
26. And so, being about to speak of usefulness, I shall use that prophetic verse: "Incline my heart to Thy testimonies, and not to avarice" (Ps. 118:36), lest the sound of "usefulness" stir up the desire for money. Indeed some have: "Incline my heart to Thy testimonies, and not to usefulness"—that is, that usefulness which hunts the markets of gain, that which by men's usage has been bent and diverted to the pursuit of money. For commonly they call only that useful which brings gain; but we treat of that usefulness which is sought through losses, that we may gain Christ, Whose gain is piety with sufficiency (I Tim. 6:6). Great indeed is the gain by which we acquire piety, which is rich with God, not in perishable means, but
Editors' notes and page, col. 117

Footnotes

[The left-column image is faint; notes (23)–(25) are read with some uncertainty.] (printed under page 62)

(23) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 117 (presumably)

Alluditur ad id quod ibidem, pag. 376, lin. 48, dicitur: « Atque etiam subjiciunt se homines imperio alterius et potestati, » etc.

Allusion to what is said in the same place, p. 376, line 48: "And men even submit themselves to the command and power of another," etc.

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Edit., de quibus dicitur.., dum descendo in corruptionem, id est, quis, etc.

The editions: "of which it is said..., while I go down into corruption, that is, who," etc.

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Sex mss., id est injustis: cui lectioni conjecturæ suæ calculum adjecit vir non indoctus: alii tamen 28 et omnes edit., id est, injustus. Magis apposite; non enim ad vocem nobis, sed ad inutilis referenda est vox injustus: cum id agat hoc loco sanctus Doctor, ut et utile pro justo, et contra inutile pro injusto sumi demonstret.

Six manuscripts: "that is, to the unjust"; to which reading a not unlearned man added the vote of his own conjecture. Yet 28 others and all the editions: "that is, unjust." More fittingly; for the word "unjust" is to be referred not to the word "to us" but to "useless," since the holy Doctor's aim in this place is to show that "useful" is taken for "just" and, conversely, "useless" for "unjust."

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(26) ‹anchor: quod justum, utile› · call in col 117

Ita mss. omnes, duobus exceptis, in quibus est aliquid confusionis: edit. vero, quod honestum est, utile et justum esse: et quod utile, honestum et justum: et quod justum, utile et honestum.

So all the manuscripts except two, in which there is some confusion; but the editions: "that what is honourable is useful and just; and what is useful, honourable and just; and what is just, useful and honourable."

(printed under page 62)

(27) ‹anchor: pietatem acquirimus› · call in col 117

Cic. lib. II, pag. 375, lin. 18: « Deos placatos pietas efficiat et sanctitas, » etc.

Cicero, book II, p. 375, line 18: "Piety and holiness will make the gods appeased," etc.

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Page

  • running head: 117 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRO[RUM] … (cut at image edge)
  • marginal letters: A ‹Hoc ergo dicit›; B ‹dio et pecuniae cupiditate›; C ‹26. Itaque de utilitate›; D ‹beside the footnotes, at '(23) Alluditur'›
  • old-edition numerals: 77 after ‹inolita atque›
PL 16:118
muneribus aeternis: in quibus non tentatio lubrica, sed constans et perpetua sit gratia.
in eternal gifts, in which there is no slippery temptation, but grace constant and perpetual.
27. Est igitur utilitas alia corporalis, alia pietatis, sicut divisit Apostolus: Corporalis enim exercitatio ad modicum, inquit, utilis est, pietas autem ad omnia utilis est (I Tim. IV, 8). Quid autem tam honestum, quam integritas? Quid tam decorum, quam immaculatum servare corpus, et inviolatum atque intaminatum pudorem? Quid etiam tam decorum, quam ut vidua uxor defuncto conjugi fidem servet? Quid etiam hoc utilius, quo regnum coeleste acquiritur? Sunt enim qui se castraverunt propter regnum coelorum (Matth. XIX, 12).
27. There is, then, one usefulness of the body and another of piety, as the Apostle divided it: "For bodily exercise," he says, "is useful for a little, but piety is useful for all things" (I Tim. 4:8). And what is so honourable as integrity? What so seemly as to keep the body unstained, and modesty inviolate and undefiled? What, again, so seemly as that a widowed wife should keep faith with her dead husband? What, again, more useful than this, by which the kingdom of heaven is acquired? For "there are some who have made themselves eunuchs for the kingdom of heaven" (Matt. 19:12).
CAPUT VII.
CHAPTER VII.
Utilitatem idem esse ac honestatem: nihil autem utilius dilectione, quae mansuetudine, affabilitate, beneficentia; justitia aliisque virtutibus comparatur: quemadmodum ex Moysis atque Davidis historia datur intelligi: postremo et e dilectione fidem nasci, et rursus e fide dilectionem.
That usefulness is the same as the honourable; and that nothing is more useful than love, which is won by gentleness, affability, beneficence, justice and the other virtues, as may be understood from the history of Moses and of David; lastly, that faith is born of love, and in turn love of faith.
28. Est igitur non solum familiare contubernium honestatis et utilitatis, sed eadem quoque utilitas, quae honestas. Ideo et ille qui regnum coelorum volebat omnibus aperire, non quod sibi utile quaerebat, sed quod omnibus. Unde ordo quidam nobis et gradus faciendus est, etiam ab his usitatis et communibus ad ea quae sunt praecellentia; ut ex pluribus utilitatis colligamus profectum.
28. There is, then, not only a close fellowship between the honourable and the useful, but usefulness is also the same as the honourable. Therefore he too who wished to open the kingdom of heaven to all sought not what was useful to himself but what was useful to all. Hence we must make a certain order and progression, from these ordinary and common things to those which are pre-eminent, so that from many things we may gather the advance of usefulness.
29. Ac primum noverimus nihil tam utile, quam diligi: nihil tam inutile, quam non amari; nam odio haberi exitiale ac nimis capitale arbitror. Itaque id agamus, ut omni sedulitate commendemus existimationem opinionemque nostram, ac primum placiditate mentis et animi benignitate influamus in affectum hominum. Popularis enim et grata est omnibus bonitas, nihilque quod tam facile illabatur humanis sensibus. Ea si mansuetudine morum ac facilitate, tum moderatione praecepti, et affabilitate sermonis, verborum honore, patienti quoque sermonum vice, modestiaeque adjuvetur gratia, incredibile quantum procedit ad cumulum dilectionis.
29. And first let us know that nothing is so useful as to be loved, nothing so useless as not to be loved; for to be hated I judge deadly and all too fatal. Let us therefore make it our aim to commend our reputation and good name with all diligence, and first to flow into men's affection by calmness of mind and kindness of spirit. For goodness is popular and pleasing to all, and there is nothing that so easily glides into human feelings. If it is helped by gentleness and easiness of manners, then by moderation in command, affability of speech, courtesy of words, a patient give-and-take in conversation, and the grace of modesty, it is incredible how far it advances towards the fullness of love.
30. Legimus enim non solum in privatis sed etiam in ipsis regibus, quantum facilitas blandae affabilitatis profecerit, aut superbia verborumque
30. For we read, not only of private persons but even of kings themselves, how much the easiness of a winning affability has profited, or how much pride and the swelling of words
Editors' notes and page, col. 118

Footnotes

(28) ‹anchor: quam diligi› · call in col 118

Cic. lib. II, pag. 377, lin. 2: « Rerum autem omnium nec aptius est quidquam ad opes tuendas quam diligi, » etc.

Cicero, book II, p. 377, line 2: "Of all things, nothing is better suited to safeguarding one's resources than to be loved," etc.

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(29) ‹anchor: affectum hominum› · call in col 118

Edit, ac facilitate animi, moderatione præcepti, et affabilitate sermonis, verborumque honore. Cic lib. II, pag. 378, lin. 21: « Sed est alius quidam aditus ad multitudinem, ut in universorum animos tanquam influere, » etc.

The editions: "and by ease of mind, moderation of command, and affability of speech, and courtesy of words." Cicero, book II, p. 378, line 21: "But there is another approach to the multitude, so as to flow, as it were, into the minds of all," etc.

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(30) ‹anchor: cumulum dilectionis› · call in col 118

Ibid., pag. 380, lin. 18: « Sed tamen difficile dictu est quantopere conciliet animos hominum, » etc.

Ibid., p. 380, line 18: "But yet it is hard to say how greatly it wins men's minds," etc.

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(31) ‹anchor: in ipsis regibus› · call in col 118

Ibid., lin. 19: « Exstant epistolæ et Philippi ad Alexandrum.. quibus præcipiunt ut oratione benigna multitudinis animos, » etc.

Ibid., line 19: "There are extant letters of Philip to Alexander... in which they instruct that by kindly speech [he should win] the minds of the multitude," etc.

(printed under page 62)

(32) ‹anchor: affabilitatis profecerit› · call in col 118

Rom. edit sola, affabilitatis profuerit. Et infra, a populo Dei illatas, etc.

The Roman edition alone: "of affability has profited." And below: "brought by the people of God," etc.

(printed under page 62)

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  • running head: [DE OFFICIIS] MINISTRORUM LIBER II 118
  • marginal letters: A ‹muneribus aeternis›; B ‹Utilitatem idem esse› (caption); C ‹nam odio haberi exitiale›; D ‹beside the footnotes, at 'los pietas efficiat'›
  • old-edition numerals: 78 before ‹30. Legimus enim›
PL 16:119
obfuerit tumor; ut regna ipsa labefactaret, et potestatem solveret. Jam si quis consilio, usu, ministerio, officiis popularem comprehendat gratiam: aut si quis periculum suum pro universa plebe offerat; non est dubium quod tantum charitatis a plebe in eum refundatur, ut populus salutem ejus et gratiam sibi praeferat.
has done harm, so as to shake kingdoms themselves and dissolve their power. Further, if anyone wins popular favour by counsel, by experience, by service, by good offices, or if anyone offers his own danger on behalf of the whole people, there is no doubt that so much affection is poured back upon him by the people that the people prefer his safety and favour to themselves.
31. Quantas Moyses a populo illatas absorbebat contumelias: et cum Dominus in insolentes vindicare vellet; se tamen pro populo offerebat frequenter (Exod. XXXII, 11 et seq.): ut indignationi divinae plebem subduceret! Quam miti sermone post injurias appellabat populum, consolabatur in laboribus, delinibat oraculis, fovebat operibus: et cum Deo constanter loqueretur (Exod. XXXIII, 8 et seq.), homines tamen humili et grata appellatione affari selebat! Merito aestimatus est supra homines, ut et vultum ejus non possent intendere (Hebr. III, 7), et sepulturam ejus non repertam crederent (Deut. XXXIV, 6); quia sic sibi totius plebis mentes devinxerat, ut plus eum pro mansuetudine diligerent, quam pro factis admirarentur.
31. How many insults brought upon him by the people Moses swallowed! And when the Lord wished to punish the insolent, he nevertheless offered himself often for the people (Exod. 32:11 ff.), that he might withdraw the people from the divine indignation! With what mild speech he addressed the people after injuries, consoled them in their labours, soothed them with oracles, cherished them with works; and though he spoke constantly with God (Exod. 33:8 ff.), yet he was wont to address men with a humble and gracious form of address! Rightly was he esteemed above men, so that they could not even fix their gaze on his face (Heb. 3:7), and believed that his tomb was not found (Deut. 34:6); for he had so bound to himself the minds of the whole people that they loved him more for his gentleness than they admired him for his deeds.
32. Quid ejus imitator sanctus David, electus ex omnibus ad plebem regendam (I Reg. XVI, 13), quam mitis et blandus, humilis spiritu, sedulus corde, facilis affectu! Ante regnum se pro omnibus offerebat: rex cum omnibus aequabat suam militiam, et partiebatur laborem: fortis in praelio, mansuetus in imperio, patiens in convicio, ferre magis promptus quam referre injurias. Ideo tam charus erat omnibus, ut juvenis ad regnum etiam invitus peteretur, resistens cogeretur, senex ne praelio interesset a suis rogaretur: quod mallent omnes pro ipso periclitari, quam illum pro omnibus.
32. What of his imitator, holy David, chosen out of all to rule the people (I Kgs. 16:13)? How mild and gentle he was, humble in spirit, diligent in heart, easy in disposition! Before his reign he offered himself for all; as king he made his soldiering equal with all and shared their labour: brave in battle, gentle in command, patient under abuse, readier to bear injuries than to return them. Therefore he was so dear to all that as a young man he was sought for the kingdom even against his will, and was compelled when he resisted; as an old man he was begged by his own not to take part in battle, because all preferred to be in danger for him rather than that he should be for all.
33. Ita sibi gratis officiis plebem obligaverat primum, ut in discordiis populi exsulare in Hebron mallet, quam in Hierusalem regnare (II Reg. II, 2 et seq.). deinde ut etiam in hoste positam virtutem diligeret: justitiam etiam his qui arma contra se tulerant aeque ac suis praestandam putaret; denique fortissimum adversae partis propugnatorem Abner ducem et inferentem praelia miratus est, et orantem pacis gratiam non aspernatus, honoravit convivio: interemptum insidiis doluit et flevit, prosecutus exequias honestavit (II Reg. III, 32 et seq.), mortem ultus, conscientiae fidem praestitit, quam filio inter haereditaria jura transcripsit, magis sollicitus, ne innocentiis mortem inultam relinqueret, quam quo suam mortem doleret.
33. So by kindly services he had first bound the people to himself, so that in the people's discords he preferred to live in exile in Hebron rather than to reign in Jerusalem (II Kgs. 2:2 ff.); then, that he loved virtue even when it was found in an enemy; that he thought justice was to be rendered to those who had borne arms against him just as to his own; and finally, he admired Abner, the bravest champion of the opposing side, leader and bringer of battles, and when he begged the favour of peace he did not spurn him but honoured him with a banquet; when he was slain by treachery he grieved and wept, followed and honoured his funeral (II Kgs. 3:32 ff.), avenged his death, and kept faith with his conscience, which he handed on to his son among the rights of inheritance, more anxious not to leave the death of an innocent man unavenged than [moved by the thought] of how he might lament his own death.
34. Non mediocre istud, praesertim in rege, sic obire humilitatis munia, ut communem se exhiberet etiam infimis, alieno periculo cibum non quaerere,
34. It is no small thing, especially in a king, so to perform the duties of humility as to show himself on a level even with the lowest; not to seek food at another's danger;
Editors' notes and page, col. 119

Footnotes

(33) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 119 (presumably)

Quidam mss., consilii usus ministerio.

Certain manuscripts: "using the service of counsel."

(printed under page 63)

(34) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 119 (presumably)

Nonnulli mss., absolvebat contumelias.

Some manuscripts: "he absolved insults."

(printed under page 63)

(35) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 119 (presumably)

Ult. edit. Paris., quam mitis in sermone.

The latest Paris editions: "how gentle in speech."

(printed under page 63)

(36) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 119 or 120

Edit. ac mss. duo, fugitans arrogantiam; alii paulo plures, conventicula fugiens: reliqui maximo numero et auctoritate neque arrogantiam agnoscunt, neque conventicula: sed nec ulli omnino verbum exstitit, quod in editis legitur post sectator.

The editions and two manuscripts: "shunning arrogance"; a few more others: "fleeing gatherings"; the rest, of the greatest number and authority, recognize neither "arrogance" nor "gatherings"; nor does any at all have the word "existed," which is read in the editions after "follower."

(printed under page 63)

Page

  • running head: 119 S. AMBROS[II] … (cut at image edge)
  • marginal letters: A ‹obfuerit tumor› (line 'borumque obfuerit tumor'); B ‹bus: et cum Deo constanter›; C ‹ptus quam referre injurias›; D ‹emptum insidiis doluit›
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 16:120
potum recusare (II Reg. XII, 13 et seq.), peccatum fateri, seque ipsum pro populo offerre morti, ut in se divina indignatio converteretur, cum ferienti angelo offerre se diceret: Ecce sum, ego peccavi, et ego pastor malum feci, et iste grex quid fecit? Fiat manus tua in me (II Reg. XXIV, 17).
to refuse drink (II Kgs. 12:13 ff.), to confess his sin, and to offer himself to death for the people, so that the divine indignation might be turned upon himself, when he said that he offered himself to the striking angel: "Behold, here I am; I have sinned, and I the shepherd have done evil; and this flock, what has it done? Let Thy hand be upon me" (II Kgs. 24:17).
35. Nam quid alia dicam, quod dolum meditantibus os suum non aperiebat, et, tanquam non audiens, nullum sermonem referendum putabat: non respondebat conviciis: cum sibi derogaretur, orabat: cum malediceretur, benedicebat! Ambulans in simplicitate, et superborum fugitans, sectator immaculatorum, qui cinerem miscebat alimentis suis, cum peccata propria deploraret, et potum suum temperabat fletibus (Psal. CI, 10). Merito sic expetitus est ab universo populo, ut venirent ad eum omnes tribus Israel dicentes: Ecce nos ossa tua et caro tua sumus: heri et nudiustertius cum esset Saul, et regnaret super nos; tu eras qui producebas et inducebas Israel. Et dixit tibi Dominus: Tu pasces populum meum (II Reg. V, 1, 2). Et quid plura de eo dicam, de quo hujusmodi Dei processit sententia, ut de eo diceret: inveni David secundum cor meum (Psal. LXXXVIII, 21)? Quis enim in sanctitate cordis et justitia sicut iste ambulavit, ut impleret voluntatem Dei: propter quem et delinquentibus posteris ejus venia data, et praerogativa est reservata haeredibus (III Reg. XI, 12, 13).
35. For why should I speak of other things: that he did not open his mouth to those who plotted deceit, and, as if not hearing, thought no word should be returned; he did not answer insults; when he was disparaged, he prayed; when he was cursed, he blessed! Walking in simplicity, shunning the proud, a follower of the spotless, he mingled ashes with his food when he lamented his own sins, and tempered his drink with weeping (Ps. 101:10). Rightly was he so sought after by the whole people that all the tribes of Israel came to him, saying: "Behold, we are your bone and your flesh; yesterday and the day before, when Saul was alive and reigned over us, you were he that led out and brought in Israel. And the Lord said to you: You shall feed My people" (II Kgs. 5:1–2). And why should I say more of him, concerning whom such a sentence of God went forth that He said of him: "I have found David according to My heart" (Ps. 88:21)? For who walked as he did in holiness of heart and in justice, so as to fulfil the will of God? For his sake pardon was given even to his descendants when they transgressed, and their prerogative was reserved for his heirs (III Kgs. 11:12–13).
36. Quis igitur non diligeret eum, quem videbat ita charum amicis; ut quia ipse sincere amicos diligebat, aeque diligi se a suis amicis arbitraretur? Denique parentes eum filiis suis, filii praeferebant parentibus. Unde graviter indignatus Saul, percutere Jonathan filium hasta voluit: quia pluris apud eum valere David amicitiam judicabat, quam vel pietatem, vel auctoritatem paternam (I Reg. XVIII, 1, 10).
36. Who, then, would not love him whom he saw so dear to his friends, that, because he himself loved his friends sincerely, he thought himself loved equally by his friends? In short, parents preferred him to their own sons, and sons to their parents. Hence Saul, gravely angered, wished to strike his son Jonathan with a spear, because he judged that David's friendship counted for more with him than either filial duty or a father's authority (I Kgs. 18:1, 10).
27. Etenim ad incentivum charitatis communis plurimum proficit, si quis vicem amantibus reddat, nec minus radamare se probet, quam ipse amatur, idque amicitiae fidelis pateat exemplis. Quid enim tam populare, quam gratia? Quid tam insitum naturae, quam ut diligentem diligas? Quid tam inolitum atque impressum affectibus humanis, quam ut eum amare inducas in animum, a quo te amari velis? Merito sapiens dicit: Perde pecuniam propter fratrem et amicum (Eccli. XXIX, 13). Et alibi: Amicum salutare non erubescam, et a facie illius non me abscondam (Eccli. XXII, 31). Siquidem vitae et immortalitatis medicamentum in amico esse ecclesiasticus sermo testatur (Eccli. VI, 16): et summum in charitate praesidium nemo dubitaverit, cum Apostolus dicat: Omnia suffert, omnia credit, omnia
37. For it does a great deal to kindle mutual charity if a man returns love to those who love him, and proves that he loves in return no less than he himself is loved, and shows this by examples of faithful friendship. For what is so popular as kindness? What so implanted in nature as that you love one who loves you? What so ingrained and impressed upon human affections as that you set your mind to love him by whom you wish to be loved? Rightly does the wise man say: "Lose money for a brother and a friend" (Sir. 29:13). And elsewhere: "I will not be ashamed to greet a friend, and I will not hide myself from his face" (Sir. 22:31). Indeed the word of Ecclesiasticus testifies that the medicine of life and immortality is in a friend (Sir. 6:16); and no one will doubt that the highest safeguard lies in charity, since the Apostle says: "It bears all things, believes all things,
Editors' notes and page, col. 120

Footnotes

(37) ‹anchor: fidelis pateat exemplis› · call in col 120

Mss. nonnulli, faciat exemplis. quidam, exemplum.

Some manuscripts: "let him make [it plain] by examples"; certain ones: "an example."

(printed under page 63)

Page

  • running head: [S.] AMBROSII. 120
  • marginal letters: A ‹potum recusare›; B ‹suum temperabat fletibus›; C ‹36. Quis igitur non diligeret›; D ‹litum atque impressum affectibus›
  • old-edition numerals: 79 after ‹ego peccavi,›
PL 16:121
sperat, omnia sustinet; charitas nunquam cadit (I Cor. XIII, 7 et seq.).
hopes all things, endures all things; charity never falls (1 Cor. 13:7 ff.).
38. Ideo David non cecidit, quia charus fuit omnibus, et diligi a subjectis quam timeri maluit. Timor enim temporalis tutaminis servat excubias, nescit diuturnitatis custodiam. Itaque ubi timor decesserit, audacia obrepit; quoniam fidem non timor cogit, sed affectus exhibet.
38. Therefore David did not fall, because he was dear to all, and preferred to be loved by his subjects rather than feared. For fear keeps the watches of a temporary protection; it knows nothing of a lasting guard. And so, where fear has departed, boldness creeps in; since fear does not compel loyalty, but affection displays it.
39. Prima ergo ad commendationem nostri est charitas. Bonum est ergo testimonium habere de plurimorum dilectione. Hinc nascitur fides, ut committere se tuo affectui non vereantur etiam alieni, quem pluribus charum adverterint. Similiter etiam per fidem ad charitatem pervenitur; ut qui uni aut duobus praestiterit fidem, tanquam influat in animos universorum, et omnium acquirat gratiam.
39. First, then, in commending us is charity. It is good, then, to have the testimony of the love of very many. From this trust is born, so that even strangers are not afraid to entrust themselves to your affection, when they have observed that you are dear to many. In like manner also one comes through trust to charity; so that he who has kept faith with one or two flows, as it were, into the minds of all, and gains the favour of all.
CAPUT VIII.
CHAPTER VIII.
Nihil ad conciliandam gratiam magis valere quam consilia; sed eis confidere posse neminem, nisi justitia utantur ac prudentia: quantum autem hae duae virtutes eluxerint in Salomone, ex ipsius celeberrimo judicio palam fieri.
That nothing avails more for winning favour than counsel; but that no one can trust counsels unless they employ justice and prudence: and how greatly these two virtues shone forth in Solomon is made plain from his most celebrated judgement.
40. Duo igitur haec ad commendationem nostri plurimum operantur, charitas et fides; et tertium hoc, si habeas quod in te admiratione dignum plerique existiment, et jure honorandum putent.
40. These two things, then, work most for our commendation, charity and trust; and this third, if you have something in you which most people judge worthy of admiration and think rightly to be honoured.
41. Et quia consiliorum usus maxime conciliat homines, ideo prudentia et justitia in unoquoque desideratur, et ea exspectantur a pluribus: ut in quo ea sint, illi deferatur fides, quod possit utile consilium ac fidele desideranti dare. Quis enim ei se committat, quem non putet plus sapere, quam ipse sapiat qui quaerit consilium? Necesse est igitur ut praestantior sit a quo consilium petitur, quam ille est qui petit. Quid enim consulas hominem, quem non arbitreris posse melius aliquid reperire, quam ipse intelligis?
41. And because the giving of counsel wins men over most of all, therefore prudence and justice are looked for in each person, and these are expected by most: so that to him in whom they are, trust is accorded, because he can give useful and faithful counsel to one who desires it. For who would entrust himself to one whom he does not think wiser than he who seeks counsel is himself? It is necessary, therefore, that he from whom counsel is sought be more excellent than he who seeks it. For why would you consult a man whom you do not think able to find something better than what you yourself understand?
42. Quod si eum inveneris qui vivacitate ingenii, mentis vigore atque auctoritate praestet, et accedat eo ut exemplo et usu paratior sit, praesentia solvat pericula, prospiciat futura, denuntiet imminentia, argumentum expediat, remedium ferat in tempore, paratus sit non solum ad consulendum, sed etiam ad subveniendum; huic ita fides habetur, ut dicat qui consilium petit: Et si mala mihi evenerint per illum, sustineo (Eccli. XXII, 31).
42. But if you find one who excels in liveliness of talent, vigour of mind and authority, and to this is added that he is readier through example and experience, that he resolves present dangers, foresees things to come, points out what is impending, sets out the reasoning, brings a remedy in good time, and is ready not only to counsel but also to give help; such trust is placed in him that he who seeks counsel says: And if evils come upon me through him, I bear them (Sir. 22:31).
43. Hujusmodi igitur viro salutem nostram et existimationem committimus, qui sit, ut supra diximus,
43. To a man of this kind, then, we entrust our safety and our reputation, one who is, as we said above,
Editors' notes and page, col. 121

Footnotes

[WARNING: both images of this page foot are very faint. The readings below are uncertain throughout; words that could not be read are marked […]. Line and page numbers marked [?] are doubtful. This page needs re-reading from a higher-resolution render before it counts as set.] (printed under page 64)

(38) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 121 (presumably)

Cic. Off. lib. II, pag. 377, lin. 8: « Malus enim custos diuturnitatis metus, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 377, line 8: "For fear is a poor guardian of lasting power," etc.

(printed under page 64)

(39) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 121 (presumably)

Ibid., pag. 378[?], lin. 13[?]: « Certum igitur hoc sit, idque et primum et maxime necessarium familiaritates habere fidas, » etc.

Ibid., p. 378[?], line 13[?]: "Let this, then, be settled — and it is the first and most necessary thing — to have faithful friendships," etc.

(printed under page 64)

(40) ‹anchor: charitas et fides› · call in col 121

Ibid., pag. 379[?], lin. 2[?]: « Quaecunque igitur homines, » etc. Item pag. 37[?], lin. 21: « Summa igitur et perfecta gloria constat, » etc.

Ibid., p. 379[?], line 2[?]: "Whatever things, then, men," etc. Also p. 37[?], line 21: "The highest and perfect glory, then, consists," etc.

(printed under page 64)

(41) ‹anchor: deferatur fides› · call in col 121

Ibid., pag. 378, lin. 5[?]: « Fides autem ut habeatur, duabus rebus effici potest, » etc.

Ibid., p. 378, line 5[?]: "That trust may be had can be brought about by two things," etc.

(printed under page 64)

(42) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 121 or 122

Ibid., lin. 40[?]: « Justis autem et fidis hominibus, id est bonis... Harum igitur duarum ad fidem faciendam justitia plus pollet, » etc.

Ibid., line 40[?]: "But to just and trustworthy men, that is, good men... Of these two, then, justice is the stronger for creating trust," etc.

(printed under page 64)

Editors' prose

(38) Cic. Off. lib. II, pag. 377, lin. 8: « Malus enim [custos] diuturnitatis metus, » etc.

(38) Cicero, De officiis, book II, p. 377, line 8: 'For fear is a poor [guardian] of lastingness,' etc.

(39) Ibid., pag. 378, lin. 13: « Certum igitur hoc sit, idque et primum et maxime necessarium familiaritates habere fidas. » etc.

(39) Ibid., p. 378, line 13: 'Let this then be certain, and both first and most necessary: to have faithful friendships.' etc.

(40) Ibid., pag. 37[9?], lin. 2[?]: « Quaecumque igitur homines, » etc. Item pag. 37[?], lin. 21: « Summa igitur et perfecta gloria constat, » etc.

(40) Ibid., p. 37[9?], line 2[?]: 'Whatever things, therefore, men,' etc. Likewise p. 37[?], line 21: 'The highest and perfect glory, therefore, consists,' etc.

(41) Ibid., pag. 378, lin. [3?]: « [Fides autem ut] habeatur, duabus rebus effic[i] potest, » etc.

(41) Ibid., p. 378, line [3?]: '[But that trust] be placed in one can be brought about by two things,' etc.

(42) Ibid., lin. [3?]: « Justis autem et fidis hominibus, id est bonis... Harum igitur duarum ad fidem faciendam justitia plus pollet, » etc.

(42) Ibid., line [3?]: 'But to just and faithful men, that is, to the good... Of these two, then, justice is the more powerful for winning trust,' etc.

(43) Ibid., lin. [3?]: « Sed ne quis sit admiratus cur cum inter omnes philosophos constet.... qui unam haberet, » etc.

(43) Ibid., line [3?]: 'But lest anyone wonder why, since it is agreed among all philosophers.... who had one,' etc.

(44) Omnes edit. ac pauci mss., in quo occulta sunt Dei; alii sex aut septem, quoniam quae occulta sunt Dei, manifesta facta sunt ei. [Gemet.?] ferme, quoniam quae occulta sunt Deo patent. Sed cum verbum patent o[…] in antiquioribus, qui sententiae interrogationis tamen sensum non perspexere, de suo quisque quod sensui necessarium visum est, addiderunt.

(44) All the editions and a few manuscripts read in whom are the hidden things of God; six or seven others, since the things that are hidden of God were made manifest to him; [the Jumièges manuscript?] almost, since the things that are hidden lie open to God. But since the word lie open [is missing?] in the more ancient [manuscripts], those who nonetheless did not perceive the sense of an interrogative sentence each added from his own what seemed necessary to the sense.

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Page

  • running head: 121 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRO[RUM LIBER II.] (head spans the page; this crop shows only its left part)
  • marginal letters: A ‹sperat, omnia sustinet›; B ‹uni aut duobus praestiterit fidem›; C ‹quo ea sint, illi deferatur fides›; D ‹qui consilium petit: Et si mala›
  • old-edition numerals: 80 after ‹nascitur›
PL 16:122
ximus, justus et prudens. Facit enim justitia, ut nullus sit fraudis metus: facit etiam prudentia, ut nulla sit erroris suspicio. Promptius tamen nos justo viro quam prudenti committimus, ut secundum usum vulgi loquar. Caeterum sapientium definitione, in quo una virtus est, concurrunt caeterae, nec potest sine justitia esse prudentia. Quod etiam in nostris invenimus; dicit enim David: Justus miseretur et fenerat (Psal. XXXVI, 21). Quid feneret justus, alibi dicit: Jucundus vir qui miseretur et commodat, disponet sermones suos in judicio (Psal. CXI, 5).
just and prudent. For justice brings it about that there is no fear of fraud; prudence too brings it about that there is no suspicion of error. Yet we entrust ourselves more readily to a just man than to a prudent one, to speak according to common usage. But by the definition of the wise, in whom one virtue is, the rest concur, nor can prudence exist without justice. This we also find in our own writings; for David says: The just man is merciful and lends (Ps. 36:21). What the just man lends he says elsewhere: Pleasant is the man who is merciful and lends; he will order his words in judgement (Ps. 111:5).
44. Ipsum illud nobile Salomonis judicium nonne sapientiae plenum ac justitiae est? Itaque spectemus illud si ita est. Duae, inquit, mulieres in conspectu regis Salomonis steterunt, et dixit una ad eum: Audi me, domine. Ego et haec mulier in uno habitantes cubiculo, ante diem tertium partu edito, singulos filios suscepimus, et eramus una, arbiter nullus domi, nec ulla alia nobiscum femina, nisi nos solae: et mortuus est filius ejus hac nocte, ut obdormivit super eum: et surrexit media nocte, et accepit filium meum de sinu meo, et collocavit eum in gremio suo, et filium suum mortuum posuit in sinu meo. Et surrexi mane, ut lactarem parvulum, et inveni mortuum. Et consideravi illum diluculo, et non erat filius meus. Et respondit altera: Non, sed filius meus est, qui vivit: filius autem tuus, qui mortuus est (III Reg. III, 16 et seq.).
44. Is not that famous judgement of Solomon itself full of wisdom and justice? So let us look at it, whether it is so. Two women, it says, stood in the sight of King Solomon, and one said to him: Hear me, my lord. I and this woman, living in one chamber, gave birth three days apart and each received a son, and we were together, with no witness in the house nor any other woman with us but ourselves alone: and her son died this night, as she slept upon him: and she rose at midnight, and took my son from my bosom, and laid him in her lap, and put her own dead son in my bosom. And I rose in the morning to suckle my little one, and found him dead. And I looked at him closely at daybreak, and he was not my son. And the other answered: No, but the one who lives is my son; it is your son who is dead (3 Kgs. 3:16 ff.).
45. Et haec erat contentio, cum utraque filium sibi vindicarent superstitem: defunctum autem suum negarent. Tunc rex jussit afferri machaeram, et infantem dividi, ac singulas partes dari singulis: dimidiam uni, et dimidiam alteri. Exclamabat mulier quae erat vero affectu percita: Nequaquam, Domine, infantem dividas: detur potius illi, et vivat, et non interficias eum. At illa respondit altera: Neque meus, neque hujus sit infans, dividite eum. Et statuit rex dari infantem ei mulieri quae dixerat: Nolite interficere eum, sed date eum illi mulieri; quia mota sunt, inquit, viscera ejus in filio suo (Ibid. 24 seq.).
45. And this was the dispute, since each claimed the surviving son as her own, and denied that the dead one was hers. Then the king ordered a sword to be brought, and the infant to be divided, and the parts to be given one to each: half to one and half to the other. The woman who was moved by true affection cried out: By no means, my lord, divide the infant: let him rather be given to her, and let him live, and do not kill him. But the other answered: Let the infant be neither mine nor hers; divide him. And the king decreed that the infant be given to the woman who had said: Do not kill him, but give him to that woman; for her bowels, he said, were moved over her son (ibid. 24 ff.).
46. Itaque non immerito aestimatus est intellectus Dei in eo esse: quoniam quae occulta sunt Deo? Quid autem occultius internorum viscerum testimonio, in quae sapientis intellectus velut quidam pietatis descendit arbiter, et velut quamdam genitalis alvi vocem eruit: qua maternus patuit affectus,
46. And so not without reason was the understanding of God judged to be in him: for what things are hidden from God? And what is more hidden than the testimony of the inward bowels, into which the understanding of the wise man descended like a judge of natural affection, and drew out, as it were, a voice from the womb that bore: by which the mother's affection was laid open,
Editors' notes and page, col. 122

Footnotes

(43) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 122 (presumably)

Ibid., lin. 4[?]: « Sed ne quis sit admiratus cur cum inter omnes philosophos constet.... qui unam haberet, » etc.

Ibid., line 4[?]: "But lest anyone wonder why, since it is agreed among all philosophers... whoever had one," etc.

(printed under page 64)

(44) ‹anchor: occulta sunt Deo?› · call in col 122

Omnes edit. ac pauci mss., in quo occulta sunt Dei; alii sex aut septem, quoniam quæ occulta sunt Dei, […] ferme, quoniam quæ occulta sunt Deo patebant[?], sed cum verbum patebat […] qui contenti […] non perspexere, de suo quisque quod sensui necessarium visum est, addiderunt.

All the editions and a few manuscripts: "in whom are the hidden things of God"; six or seven others: "since the things that are hidden of God," […] nearly, "since the things that are hidden were plain to God"[?]; but since the word "were plain" […] who, content […], did not perceive [it], each added from his own what seemed necessary to the sense. [Largely illegible; the reconstruction is tentative.]

(printed under page 64)

Page

  • running head: [DE OFFICIIS] MINISTRORUM LIBER II. 122 (left part of the head falls in the col. 121 crop)
  • marginal letters: A ‹ximus, justus et prudens›; B ‹illud si ita est. Duae, inquit›; C ‹45. Et haec erat contentio›; D ‹(44) Quid autem occultius›
  • old-edition numerals: 81 after ‹Ego et›
PL 16:123
qui eligeret filium suum vel apud alienam vivere, quam in conspectu matris necari.
which chose that her son should live even with another woman rather than be killed in his mother's sight.
47. Sapientiae igitur fuit latentes distinguere conscientias, ex occultis eruere veritatem; et velut quadam machaera, ita spiritus gladio penetrare non solum uteri, sed etiam animae et mentis viscera: justitiae quoque, ut quae suum necaverat, alienum non tolleret; sed vera mater reciperet suum. Denique etiam Scriptura hoc pronuntiavit: Audivit, inquit, omnis Israel hoc judicium, quod judicavit rex: et timuerunt a facie regis, eo quod intellectus Dei in eo esset, ut faceret justitiam (III Reg. III, 28). Denique et ipse Salomon ita poposcit sapientiam, ut daretur sibi cor prudens audire et judicare cum justitia (Ibid. 9).
47. It belonged, then, to wisdom to discern hidden consciences, to dig the truth out of secret places, and as with a kind of sword, so with the sword of the Spirit to pierce not only the bowels of the womb but also those of the soul and mind: and to justice also, that she who had killed her own should not take away another's, but the true mother should receive her own. And so Scripture too declared this: All Israel heard, it says, this judgement which the king had judged; and they feared before the king, because the understanding of God was in him to do justice (3 Kgs. 3:28). And so Solomon himself also asked for wisdom in such a way that there might be given him a prudent heart to hear and to judge with justice (ibid. 9).
CAPUT IX.
CHAPTER IX.
Quamvis individuae sint justitia atque prudentia, vulgi tamen cardinales virtutes distinguentis ingenio serviendum esse.
That although justice and prudence are inseparable, yet we must accommodate ourselves to the way of thinking of the common people, who distinguish the cardinal virtues.
48. Liquet igitur etiam secundum Scripturam divinam, quae antiquior est, sapientiam sine justitia esse non posse; quia ubi una earum virtutum, ibi utraque est. Daniel quoque quam sapienter alta interrogatione fraudulentae accusationis deprehendit mendacium, ut calumniatorum sibi responsio non conveniret! Prudentiae igitur fuit vocis suae testimonio reos prodere: justitiae quoque, nocentes supplicio dare, innocentem subducere (Dan. XIII, 43 et seq.).
48. It is clear, then, also according to divine Scripture, which is older, that wisdom cannot exist without justice; for where one of these virtues is, there both are. Daniel too, how wisely, by a profound questioning, he detected the lie of the fraudulent accusation, so that the answers of the slanderers did not agree with each other! It belonged, then, to prudence to expose the guilty by the testimony of their own voice; and to justice also, to deliver the guilty to punishment and to rescue the innocent (Dan. 13:43 ff.).
49. Est ergo individuum sapientiae atque justitiae contubernium: sed vulgi usu dividitur una quaedam forma virtutum, ut temperantia sit in despiciendis voluptatibus: fortitudo spectetur in laboribus et periculis: prudentia in delectu bonorum, sciens commoda et adversa distinguere: justitia quae sit bona custos juris alieni, et vindex proprietatis, suum cuique conservans. Sit ergo nobis communis opinionis gratia quadripartita haec facta divisio, ut ab illa subtili disputatione philosophicae sapientiae, quae limandae veritatis causa quasi ex adyto quodam eruitur, retrahentes pedem, forensem usum ac popularem sensum sequamur. Hac igitur divisione servata, revertamur ad propositum.
49. Inseparable, then, is the companionship of wisdom and justice; but by common usage a single form of the virtues is divided, so that temperance lies in despising pleasures, fortitude is seen in labours and dangers, prudence in the choice of goods, knowing how to distinguish advantages from adversities, and justice as the good guardian of another's right and the defender of property, preserving to each his own. Let this fourfold division, then, be made by us for the sake of common opinion, so that, drawing back our foot from that subtle disputation of philosophic wisdom which, for the sake of refining the truth, is dug out as if from some inner sanctuary, we may follow the usage of the forum and the popular sense. Keeping, then, to this division, let us return to our subject.
CAPUT X.
CHAPTER X.
Salutem justi viri quam prudentis consilio magis committi: eum autem qui justitiam ac prudentiam in se conjunxerit, ab omnibus expeti solere: hujus rei exemplum fuisse tum Salomonem, de quo verba
That one's safety is entrusted to the counsel of a just man rather than of a prudent one: but that he who has joined justice and prudence in himself is usually sought out by all: that an example of this was, first, Solomon, about whom the words
Editors' notes and page, col. 123

Footnotes

(45) ‹anchor: forma virtutum› · call in col 123

Cic. lib. II, pag. 378, lin 50: « Quamobrem ut vulgus, ita nos hoc loco loquimur, ut alios fortes, » etc.

Cicero, book II, p. 378, line 50: "Therefore in this place we speak as the common people do, [calling] some brave," etc.

(printed under page 65)

(46) ‹anchor: adyto quodam eruitur› · call in col 123

Paris edit. nonnulle, quæ eliminandæ veritatis causa. Non satis recte.

Some Paris editions: "which, for the sake of banishing the truth." Not correctly enough.

(printed under page 65)

(47) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 123 or 124

Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 378, lin. 41: « Harum igitur duarum ad fidem faciendam justitia plus pollet, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 378, line 41: "Of these two, then, justice is the stronger for creating trust," etc.

(printed under page 65)

(48) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 123 or 124

Edit. cum mss. pauculis, Utiliora (Amerb., utilia) enim vulnera amici, quam alienorum oscula. Mss. vero multo plures ac vetustiores, Utilia . . . quam aliorum oscula. Hunc versiculum, qui habetur apud solos LXX crebo citari ab Ambrosio advertas licet; semper autem illum ita exprimit, ut pro utiliora mss. probatiores exhibeant utilia, ubi subintellige adverbium magis; at vero pro aliorum oscula, quod hic scribitur, nusquam non invenias voluntaria oscula inimici, ut LXX, nimirum ἑκούσια φιλήματα ἐχθροῦ.

The editions with a very few manuscripts: "For more useful (Amerbach: useful) are the wounds of a friend than the kisses of strangers." But far more and older manuscripts: "Useful... than the kisses of others." You may notice that this little verse, which is found only in the Septuagint, is often quoted by Ambrose; and he always expresses it so that, for "more useful," the better manuscripts give "useful," where the adverb "more" is to be understood; but instead of "the kisses of others," which is written here, you will find everywhere "the voluntary kisses of an enemy," as in the Septuagint, namely hekousia philēmata echthrou. [Printed "crebo" for "crebro", and "nusquam non" as printed.]

(printed under page 65)

Page

  • running head: 123 S. AMBROS[II.] (head spans the page; right part falls in the col. 124 crop)
  • marginal letters: A ‹ctus, qui eligeret filium suum›; B ‹CAPUT IX.›; C ‹49. Est ergo individuum›; D ‹Salutem justi viri quam prudentis›
  • old-edition numerals: 82 after ‹Daniel quoque›
PL 16:124
reginae Sabae exponuntur; tum Josephum, et Danielem.
of the queen of Sheba are set out; then Joseph and Daniel.
50. Prudentis imo cuique causam nostram committimus, et ab eo consilium promptius quam a caeteris poscimus. Praestat tamen fidele justi consilium viri, et sapientissimi ingenio frequenter praeponderat. Utilia enim vulnera amici quam aliorum oscula (Prov. XXVII, 6). Deinde quia justi judicium est, sapientis autem argumentum: in illo censura disceptationis, in hoc calliditas inventionis.
50. To any prudent man, indeed, we entrust our cause, and we ask counsel of him more readily than of others. Yet the faithful counsel of a just man is better, and often outweighs the talent of the wisest. For more useful are the wounds of a friend than the kisses of others (Prov. 27:6). Then, because judgement belongs to the just man, but argument to the wise: in the former is the strictness of deliberation, in the latter the cleverness of invention.
51. Quod si utrumque connectas, erit magna consiliorum salubritas, quae ab universis spectatur admiratione sapientiae et amore justitiae; ut omnes quaerant audire sapientiam ejus viri, in quo utriusque virtutis copula sit: sicut quaerebant omnes reges terrae videre faciem Salomonis, et audire sapientiam ejus; ita ut et Saba regina veniret ad eum, et tentaret eum in quaestionibus: Et venit, et omnia locuta est quae habebat in corde suo, et audivit omnem sapientiam Salomonis, nec ullum verbum praeterivit eam (III Reg. X, 2 et 3).
51. But if you join both, there will be great wholesomeness of counsel, which is regarded by all with admiration for its wisdom and love for its justice; so that all seek to hear the wisdom of that man in whom the bond of both virtues is found: just as all the kings of the earth sought to see the face of Solomon and to hear his wisdom; so that even the queen of Sheba came to him and tested him with questions: And she came, and spoke of all that she had in her heart, and heard all the wisdom of Solomon, and not one word escaped her (1 Kgs. 10:2–3).
52. Quae sit ista, quam nihil praetereat, nec sit aliquid quod ei non annuntiaverit verus Salomon, cognosce, o homo, ex his quae audis loquentem: Verus est, inquit, sermo quem audivi in terra mea de sermonibus tuis et de prudentia tua, et non credidi his qui dicebant mihi, donec veni, et viderunt oculi mei: et nunc non est nec dimidia quidem pars secundum ea quae annuntiabant mihi. Apposuisti bona super omnia quae audivi in terra mea. Beatae mulieres tuae, et beati pueri tui qui assistunt tibi, qui audiunt omnem prudentiam tuam (Ibid. 6 et seq.). Intellige convivium veri Salomonis, et quae apponuntur in eo convivio, intellige sapienter, et considera in qua terra congregatio nationum audierit famam sapientiae verae atque justitiae, et quibus eum viderit oculis, contemplantibus utique ea quae non videntur. Quoniam quae videntur, temporalia sunt; quae autem non videntur, aeterna (II Cor. IV, 18).
52. Who she is, whom nothing escapes and to whom there is nothing that the true Solomon has not declared, learn, O man, from what you hear her say: True, she says, is the word that I heard in my land about your words and about your prudence, and I did not believe those who told me, until I came and my eyes saw: and now it is not even half of what they declared to me. You have added good things beyond all that I heard in my land. Blessed are your women, and blessed your servants who stand by you, who hear all your prudence (ibid. 6 ff.). Understand the banquet of the true Solomon, and understand wisely what is set out at that banquet; and consider in what land the gathering of the nations has heard the fame of true wisdom and justice, and with what eyes it has seen Him, eyes that contemplate, surely, the things that are not seen. For the things that are seen are temporal; but the things that are not seen are eternal (2 Cor. 4:18).
53. Quae sunt beatae mulieres, nisi illae de quibus dicitur, quia multae verbum Dei audiunt et pariunt (Luc. XI, 28)? Et alibi: Quicunque enim verbum Dei fecerit, ipse meus frater et soror et mater est (Matth. XII, 50). Qui etiam pueri tui beati qui assistunt, nisi Paulus qui dicebat: Usque in hunc diem sto protestans minori ac majori (Act.
53. Who are the blessed women, if not those of whom it is said that many hear the word of God and bring it forth (Luke 11:28)? And elsewhere: For whoever does the word of God, he is My brother and sister and mother (Matt. 12:50). And who are your blessed servants who stand by you, if not Paul, who said: To this day I stand bearing witness to small and great (Acts
Editors' notes and page, col. 124

Footnotes

(47) ‹anchor: Praestat tamen fidele› · call in col 124

Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 378, lin. 41 : « Harum igitur duarum ad fidem faciendam justitia plus pollet, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 378, line 41: "Of these two, then, justice is the stronger for creating trust," etc.

(printed under page 65)

(48) ‹anchor: Utilia enim vulnera› · call in col 124

Edit. cum mss. pauculis, Utiliora (Amerb., utilia) enim vulnera amici, quam alienorum oscula. Mss. vero multo plures ac vetustiores, Utilia . . . quam aliorum oscula. Hunc versiculum, qui habetur apud solos LXX crebo citari ab Ambrosio advertas licet; semper autem illum ita exprimit, ut pro utiliora mss. probatiores exhibeant utilia, ubi subintellige adverbium magis; at vero pro aliorum oscula, quod hic scribitur, nusquam non invenias voluntaria oscula inimici, ut LXX, nimirum ἑκούσια φιλήματα ἐχθροῦ.

The editions with a very few manuscripts: "For more useful (Amerbach: useful) are the wounds of a friend than the kisses of strangers." But far more and older manuscripts: "Useful... than the kisses of others." You may notice that this little verse, which is found only in the Septuagint, is often quoted by Ambrose; and he always expresses it so that, for "more useful," the better manuscripts give "useful," where the adverb "more" is to be understood; but instead of "the kisses of others," which is written here, you will find everywhere "the voluntary kisses of an enemy," as in the Septuagint, namely hekousia philēmata echthrou. [Printed "crebo" for "crebro", and "nusquam non" as printed.]

(printed under page 65)

(49) ‹anchor: sapientis autem argumentum› · call in col 124

Huc usque cap. 9 in vet. edit. protendebatur: quam autem recte, quivis lectorum facile judicabit.

In the old editions chapter 9 was extended as far as this: how rightly, any reader will easily judge.

(printed under page 65)

(50) ‹anchor: verbum Dei› · call in col 124

Rom. edit. sola, Beatae cum verbum Dei, etc. Sed hic Scripturae sensum, potius quam verba, citari manifestum est.

The Roman edition alone: "Blessed when the word of God," etc. But it is plain that here the sense of Scripture, rather than its words, is cited.

(printed under page 65)

Page

  • running head: [S. AMBROS]II. 124 (left part of the head falls in the col. 123 crop)
  • marginal letters: A ‹reginae Sabae exponuntur›; B ‹que virtutis copula sit›; C ‹dum ea quae annuntiabant›; D ‹verbum Dei fecerit›
  • old-edition numerals: 83 after ‹quae audivi›
  • note: footnotes (47) and (48) have their calls in this column (after ‹fidele› and ‹Utilia›); n123 also lists them as "call in col 123 or 124" and should drop them.
PL 16:125
XXVI, 22), Simeon qui exspectabat in templo ut videret consolationem Israel (Luc. II, 25)? Quomodo enim dimitti posceret, nisi quia assistens Domino, discedendi habere facultatem non poterat, nisi voluntatem Domini adeptus esset? Exempli causa propositus est nobis Salomon, a quo certatim ut audiretur ejus sapientia, postulabatur.
26:22), Simeon, who waited in the temple to see the consolation of Israel (Luke 2:25)? For how would he ask to be dismissed, except that, standing by the Lord, he could not have leave to depart unless he had obtained the Lord's will? Solomon has been set before us as an example, of whom men eagerly begged that his wisdom might be heard.
54. Joseph quoque nec in carcere feriatus erat, quo minus de rebus incertis consuleretur. Cujus consilium Aegypto universae profuit; ut non sentiret septem annorum sterilitatem, aliosque populos miserae famis levaret jejunio (Gen. XLI, 10 et seq.).
54. Joseph too was not left idle even in prison, but was consulted on uncertain matters. His counsel profited the whole of Egypt, so that it did not feel the seven years of barrenness, and it relieved other peoples of the fasting of wretched famine (Gen. 41:10 ff.).
55. Daniel ex captivis, regalium consultorum arbiter factus, consiliis suis emendavit praesentia, annuntiavit futura. Ex his enim quae frequenter interpretatus ostenderat veri se esse annuntium, fides ei in omnibus deferebatur (Dan. II, 10 et seq.).
55. Daniel, from among the captives made arbiter of the royal counsellors, by his counsels set right the present and foretold the future. For from those things in which, by his frequent interpretations, he had shown himself a herald of the truth, trust was accorded him in all things (Dan. 2:10 ff.).
CAPUT XI.
CHAPTER XI.
Tertia conditio quae ad fidem alicui conciliandam valet, in Moyse, Daniele ac Josepho fulsisse ostenditur.
That the third condition which avails to win trust for someone is shown to have shone forth in Moses, Daniel and Joseph.
56. Sed etiam tertius locus de his qui admiratione digni aestimarentur, Joseph, Salomonis et Danielis exemplo decursus videtur. Nam quid de Moyse loquar, cujus omnis Israel quotidie consilia praestolabatur, quorum vita fidem faciebat prudentiae, admirationemque ejus augebat? Quis se non committeret consilio Moysi, cui seniores, si qua supra suum intellectum et virtutem esse arbitrarentur, adjudicanda servabant?
56. But the third head too, concerning those who were judged worthy of admiration, seems to have been run through by the example of Joseph, Solomon and Daniel. For what shall I say of Moses, whose counsels all Israel awaited daily, and whose life gave credit to his prudence and increased the admiration for it? Who would not entrust himself to the counsel of Moses, to whom the elders kept for judgement whatever they thought to be beyond their own understanding and strength?
57. Quis Danielis consilium refugeret, de quo Deus ipse dixit: Quis Daniele sapientior (Ezech. XXVIII, 3)? Aut quomodo homines de eorum dubitare mentibus possent, quibus Deus tantam conferebat gratiam? Moysi consilio bella conficiebantur: Moysi meritis de coelo affluebat alimonia, potus e petra.
57. Who would shun the counsel of Daniel, of whom God Himself said: Who is wiser than Daniel (Ezek. 28:3)? Or how could men doubt the minds of those on whom God conferred such grace? By the counsel of Moses wars were brought to an end; by the merits of Moses nourishment flowed down from heaven, and drink from the rock.
58. Quam purus Danielis animus, ut mulceret barbaros mores, mitigaret leones (Dan. XIV, 39)! Quae in illo temperantia! Quanta animi et corporis continentia! Nec immerito mirabilis factus omnibus, quando (quod vehementer admirantur homines) regalibus fultus amicitiis, aurum non quaerebat, nec delatum sibi honorem pluris faciebat quam fidem. Quin etiam periclitari malebat pro lege Domini, quam pro gratia hominis inflecti.
58. How pure was Daniel's soul, so that he softened barbarous manners and tamed lions (Dan. 14:39)! What temperance was in him! How great a continence of soul and body! Nor without reason was he made an object of wonder to all, since (a thing men greatly admire), though supported by the friendship of kings, he did not seek gold, nor did he value the honour conferred on him more than faithfulness. Rather, he preferred to be imperilled for the law of the Lord than to be bent for the favour of man.
59. Nam de sancti Joseph quem pene praeterieram
59. For of holy Joseph, whom I had almost passed over,
Editors' notes and page, col. 125

Footnotes

[The left-column image is faint; notes (51)–(54) are read with some uncertainty.] (printed under page 66)

(51) ‹anchor: Joseph quoque› · call in col 125

In superioribus edit. hic incipiebat cap. 11, sed male. Namque hoc et sequens exemplum ad cap. 10 spectare constat: postea vero de tertia illa parte agi, quae capitis 8[?] initio proposita est.

In the earlier editions chapter 11 began here, but wrongly. For it is clear that this example and the next belong to ch. 10, and that afterwards that third part is treated which was set out at the beginning of ch. 8[?].

(printed under page 66)

(52) ‹anchor: veri se esse annuntium› · call in col 125

Mss. aliquot, vera se esse annuntiatam.

Some manuscripts: "that true things had been announced to her."

(printed under page 66)

(53) ‹anchor: Joseph› · call in col 125

Cic. Off. lib. II, pag. 379, lin. 3: « Erat igitur ex tribus, quae ad gloriam pertinent, hoc tertium, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 379, line 3: "Of the three things, then, that pertain to glory, this was the third," etc.

(printed under page 66)

(54) ‹anchor: not in this column (variant "frugalitatis / facilitatis gratia")› · call not in col 125; presumably col 126

Omnes edit. frugalitatis gratia. Elegantius mss. prope ad unum, facilitatis gratia; nam frugalitas in vitae probitate supra continetur, de facilitate vero infra etiam acturus est S. Ambrosius.

All the editions: "for the sake of frugality." More elegantly the manuscripts almost to a man: "for the sake of affability"; for frugality is included above under uprightness of life, while St Ambrose is also going to treat of affability below.

(printed under page 66)

Page

  • running head: 125 DE OFFICIIS MINISTROR[UM LIBER II.] (head spans the page; this crop shows only its left part)
  • marginal letters: A ‹XXVI, 22), Simeon›; B ‹terpretatus ostenderat›; C ‹supra suum intellectum›; D ‹quaerebat, nec delatum›
  • old-edition numerals: 84 after ‹animi et corporis›
  • note: col 125 carries the calls (51), (52), (53) only; (54) has no call in this column and belongs with the column that prints the frugalitatis/facilitatis variant (n126 should carry it).
PL 16:126
castimonia et justitia quid dicam; quarum altera illecebras heriles respuit, refutavit praemia: altera mortem contempsit, metum repulit, carcerem praeoptavit (Gen. XXXIX, 8 et seq.)? Quis hunc privatae causae ad consulendum idoneum non judicaret, cujus ferax animus et mens fertilis, temporis sterilitatem quodam consiliorum et cordis ubere fecundavit (Gen. XLI, 25 et seq.)?
his chastity and justice what shall I say? Of these the one spurned the enticements of his mistress and rejected her rewards; the other despised death, drove back fear, and chose prison instead (Gen. 39:8 ff.). Who would not judge him fit to give counsel in a private cause, whose fruitful spirit and fertile mind made the barrenness of the time fruitful by a kind of richness of counsel and of heart (Gen. 41:25 ff.)?
CAPUT XII.
CHAPTER XII.
Neminem ab homine vitiis contaminato consilium poscere; nec rursus a moroso et difficili; sed ab eo cujusmodi exemplar habemus in Scripturis.
That no one asks counsel of a man defiled by vices; nor again of one who is morose and difficult; but of one whose like we have as a pattern in the Scriptures.
60. Advertimus igitur quod in acquirendis consiliis plurimum adjungat vitae probitas, virtutum praerogativa, benevolentiae usus, facilitatis gratia. Quis enim in coeno fontem requirat? Quis et turbida aqua potum petat? Itaque ubi luxuria est, ubi intemperantia, ubi vitiorum confusio; quis inde sibi aliquid hauriendum existimet? Quis non despiciat morum colluvionem? Quis utilem causae alienae judicet, quem videt inutilem vitae suae? Quis iterum improbum, malevolum, contumeliosum non fugiat, et ad nocendum paratum; quis non eum omni studio declinet?
60. We observe, then, that in gaining the giving of counsel very much is added by uprightness of life, pre-eminence in the virtues, the practice of goodwill, and the grace of affability. For who would look for a spring in the mud? Who would seek a drink from muddy water? And so, where there is luxury, where intemperance, where a confusion of vices, who would think that anything should be drawn from there for himself? Who would not despise a sink of morals? Who would judge useful to another's cause a man whom he sees to be useless to his own life? Again, who would not flee the wicked, the malevolent, the insolent, and the man ready to do harm; who would not avoid him with all care?
61. Quis vero quamvis instructum ad consilii opem, difficili tamen accessu, ambiat; in quo sit illud, tanquam si quis aquae fontem praecludat? Quid enim prodest habere sapientiam, si consilium neges? Si consulendi intercludas copiam, clausisti fontem; ut nec aliis influat, nec tibi prosit.
61. And who would court a man, however well equipped to help with counsel, if he is hard of access; in whom it is as if someone shut off a spring of water? For what does it profit to have wisdom if you refuse counsel? If you shut off the opportunity of consulting, you have closed the spring, so that it neither flows into others nor profits you.
62. Pulchre autem et de illo convenit, qui habens prudentiam, commaculat eam vitiorum sordibus, eo quod aquae exitum contaminet. Degeneres animos vita arguit. Quomodo enim eum potes judicare consilio superiorem, quem videas inferiorem moribus? Supra me debet esse, cui me committere paro. An vero idoneum eum putabo, qui mihi det consilium, quod non det sibi: et mihi eum vacare credam, qui sibi non vacet: cujus animum voluptates occupent, libido devincat, avaritia subjuget, cupiditas perturbet, quatiat metus? Quomodo hic consilii locus, ubi nullus quieti?
62. And it fits well also with him who, having prudence, stains it with the filth of vices, in that he pollutes the outflow of the water. A life convicts base spirits. For how can you judge a man superior in counsel whom you see to be inferior in morals? He to whom I am preparing to entrust myself ought to be above me. Or shall I think him fit to give me counsel who does not give it to himself, and believe that he has leisure for me who has none for himself; whose mind pleasures occupy, lust conquers, avarice subjugates, greed disturbs and fear shakes? How is there room here for counsel, where there is none for quiet?
63. Admirandus mihi et suspiciendus consiliarius (Isa. III, 3), quem propitius Dominus patribus dedit, offensus abstulit. Hujus imitator debet esse qui potest consilium dare, et alienam a vitiis custodire prudentiam, quoniam nihil inquinatum in illam incurrit.
63. Admirable to me and worthy of reverence is the counsellor (Isa. 3:3) whom the Lord, when gracious, gave to the fathers and, when offended, took away. He who can give counsel ought to be his imitator, and to keep his prudence free from vices, since nothing defiled comes into it.
Editors' notes and page, col. 126

Footnotes

(54) ‹anchor: facilitatis gratia› · call in col 126

Omnes edit. frugalitatis gratia. Elegantius mss. prope ad unum, facilitatis gratia; nam frugalitas in vitae probitate supra continetur, de facilitate vero infra etiam acturus est S. Ambrosius.

All the editions: "for the sake of frugality." More elegantly the manuscripts almost to a man: "for the sake of affability"; for frugality is included above under uprightness of life, while St Ambrose is also going to treat of affability below.

(printed under page 66; in the left foot, under col 125, where n125 also sets it)

(55) ‹anchor: vitiorum confusio› · call in col 126

Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 379, lin. 8: « Despiciunt autem eos et contemnunt in quibus nihil virtutis, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 379, line 8: "But they look down on and despise those in whom there is no virtue," etc.

(printed under page 66)

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Ibid., lin. 10: « Nam quos improbos, maledicos, » etc.

Ibid., line 10: "For those whom [they think] wicked, slanderous," etc.

(printed under page 66)

(57) ‹anchor: vitiorum sordibus› · call in col 126

Ibid., lin. 15: « Nam et voluptates, blandissimae dominae, » etc.

Ibid., line 15: "For pleasures too, most seductive mistresses," etc.

(printed under page 66)

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Translatum ex illo Virg. Aeneid. IV: Degeneres animos timor arguit... ...

Taken over from that line of Virgil, Aeneid IV: "Fear proves souls base-born..."

(printed under page 66)

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Edit. ac pauci mss., libido devinciat.

The editions and a few manuscripts: "lust binds fast."

(printed under page 66)

Page

  • running head: [DE OFFICIIS M]INISTRORUM LIBER II. 126 (left part of the head falls in the col. 125 crop)
  • marginal letters: A ‹ram castimonia et justitia›; B ‹praerogativa, benevolentiae usus›; C ‹ti fontem; ut nec aliis›; D ‹dit, offensus abstulit›
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 16:127
CAPUT XIII.
CHAPTER XIII.
Declarata divinis testimoniis sapientiae pulchritudine, ad probandam ejus, cum virtutibus aliis societatem transit oratio.
The beauty of wisdom having been declared by divine testimonies, the discourse passes on to proving its fellowship with the other virtues.
64. Quis igitur tanquam vultu speciem praeferat pulchritudinis, et belluinis posterioribus ac ferinis unguibus formae superioris dehonestet gratiam; cum tam admirabilis et praeclara forma virtutum sit, et specialiter pulchritudo sapientiae, sicut series Scripturae indicat? Est enim haec speciosior sole, et super omnem stellarum dispositionem luci comparata invenitur prior. Lucem etenim hanc suscipit nox, sapientiam autem non vincit malitia (Sap. VII, 30).
64. Who, then, would display, as it were in his face, an appearance of beauty, and disfigure the grace of the upper form with the hindquarters of a beast and the claws of a wild animal; when the form of the virtues is so admirable and splendid, and especially the beauty of wisdom, as the course of Scripture shows? For she is more beautiful than the sun, and above all the order of the stars; compared with light she is found before it. For night succeeds this light, but malice does not overcome wisdom (Wis. 7:30).
65. Diximus de ejus pulchritudine, et Scripturae testimonio comprobavimus: superest ut doceamus Scripturae auctoritate nullum ei contubernium cum vitiis esse, sed individuam cum caeteris virtutibus conjunctionem: cujus spiritus est disertus, sine inquinamento, certus, sanctus, amans bonum, acutus, qui nihil vetet benefacere, benignus, stabilis, securus, omnem habens virtutem, omnia prospiciens (Sap. VII, 22 et seq.). Et infra: Sobrietatem docet, et justitiam et virtutem (Sap. VIII, 7)
65. We have spoken of her beauty and proved it by the testimony of Scripture: it remains for us to show, by the authority of Scripture, that she has no companionship with vices, but an inseparable union with the other virtues: her spirit is eloquent, undefiled, sure, holy, loving the good, keen, forbidding nothing in doing good, kind, steadfast, secure, having every virtue, foreseeing all things (Wis. 7:22 ff.). And below: She teaches sobriety, and justice and virtue (Wis. 8:7)
CAPUT XIV.
CHAPTER XIV.
Prudentiam cum omnibus virtutibus conjunctam esse, maxime vero cum opum despicientia.
That prudence is joined with all the virtues, but above all with contempt of riches.
66. Omnia igitur operatur prudentia, cum omnibus bonis habet consortium. Nam quomodo potest utile consilium dare, nisi habeat justitiam, ut induat constantiam, mortem non formidet, nullo terrore, nullo revocetur metu, nulla adulatione a vero deflectendum putet: exsilium non refugiat, quae noverit sapienti patriam mundum esse; egestatem non timeat, quae nihil deesse sapienti sciat, cui totus mundus divitiarum est? Quid
66. Prudence, then, works all things; it has fellowship with all good things. For how can it give useful counsel unless it has justice, so as to put on constancy, not to dread death, to be held back by no terror and no fear, to think that it must not be turned aside from the truth by any flattery; not to flee exile, knowing that for the wise man the world is his fatherland; not to fear poverty, knowing that the wise man lacks nothing, for whom the whole world is his wealth? For what
Editors' notes and page, col. 127

Footnotes

(60) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 127 (presumably)

Era. et seq. edit., tantam vultu speciem; Amerb. autem cum mss. fere omnibus, tanquam vultu speciem. Non incommode. Confer hunc locum cum initio tract. Horatiani de Arte Poet.

Erasmus and the following editions: "so great a beauty in the face"; but Amerbach with almost all the manuscripts: "as it were a beauty in the face." Not unsuitably. Compare this passage with the beginning of Horace's treatise On the Art of Poetry.

(printed under page 67)

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Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 379, lin. 19: « Quis non admiretur splendorem pulchritudinem que virtutis, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 379, line 19: "Who would not admire the splendour and beauty of virtue," etc.

(printed under page 67)

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Erasm. et seq. edit. cum mss. quibusdam, invenitur parior.

Erasmus and the following editions, with certain manuscripts: "is found more equal."

(printed under page 67)

(63) ‹anchor: justitiam et virtutem› · call in col 127

Ita Amerb. et mss., excepto quod nonnulli, veritatem legunt, non virtutem. Cum autem eam sententiam Era. et Gill. resecuissent, illam edit. Rom. restitueral sic immutatam: Et alibi: Sobrietatem enim et prudentiam edocet, justitiam et fortitudinem.

So Amerbach and the manuscripts, except that some read "truth," not "virtue." When Erasmus and Gillot had cut out that sentence, the Roman edition restored it, altered thus: "And elsewhere: For she teaches sobriety and prudence, justice and fortitude." [Printed "restitueral" for "restituerat".]

(printed under page 67)

(64) ‹anchor: operatur prudentia› · call in col 127

Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 379, lin. 25: « Itaque illa tria omnia justitia conficit, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 379, line 25: "And so justice accomplishes all those three things," etc.

(printed under page 67)

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Erasm. et seq. edit. ac mss. aliquot, habeat justitiam induat constantiam.

Erasmus and the following editions, and some manuscripts: "have justice, put on constancy."

(printed under page 67)

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Cic. lib. II Offic. p. 379, lin. 22: « Nemo enim justus esse potest, qui mortem, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 379, line 22: "For no one can be just who [fears] death," etc.

(printed under page 67)

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Paris. aliquot edit., Docet igitur omnes; et infra, Illud magis docet. etc.

Some Paris editions: "She teaches, then, all"; and below: "That she teaches more," etc.

(printed under page 67)

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Omnes edit., calculari compendio: contra vero mss., calculari compendia, multo commodius.

All the editions: "to be reckoned by saving"; but on the contrary the manuscripts: "that savings are reckoned," much more suitably.

(printed under page 67)

Page

  • running head: 127 S. AMBROS[II.] (head spans the page; right part falls in the col. 128 crop)
  • marginal letters: A ‹85 CAPUT XIII.›; B ‹Scripturae auctoritate nullum›; C ‹(66), nullo terrore›; D (beside the footnotes; no text line)
  • old-edition numerals: 85 before ‹CAPUT XIII.›
PL 16:128
enim praecelsius illo viro, qui auro moveri nesciat, contemptum habeat pecuniarum, et velut ex arce quadam despiciat hominum cupiditates? Quod qui fecerit, hunc homines supra hominem esse arbitrantur: Quis est, inquit, hic, et laudabimus eum? Fecit enim mirabilia in vita sua (Eccli. XXXI, 9). Quomodo enim non admirandus, qui divitias sprevit, quas plerique saluti propriae praetulerunt?
is more exalted than that man who knows not how to be moved by gold, holds money in contempt, and looks down as from a citadel on the greed of men? Whoever does this, men think him to be above man: Who is this, it says, and we will praise him? For he has done wonderful things in his life (Sir. 31:9). For how is he not to be admired, who has spurned riches, which very many have preferred to their own salvation?
67. Decet igitur omnes censura frugalitatis, continentiae auctoritas, et maxime eum qui honore praestet, ne praeeminentem virum thesauri possideant sui, et pecuniis serviat, qui praeest liberis. Illud magis decet, ut supra thesaurum sit animo, et infra amicum obsequio. Humilitas enim gratiam auget. Haec plena laudis et digna primario viro, non communem cum Tyriis negotiatoribus et Galaaditis mercatoribus habere turpis lucri cupidinem, nec omne bonum locare in pecunia, et tanquam mercenario munere quotidianos numerare quaestus, calculari compendia.
67. It befits all, then, to have the strictness of frugality and the authority of continence, and above all him who excels in honour, lest his own treasures possess a pre-eminent man, and he who rules over free men be a slave to money. It befits him rather to be above his treasure in spirit, and below his friend in obligingness. For humility increases favour. These things are full of praise and worthy of a leading man: not to share with the merchants of Tyre and the traders of Gilead the desire for shameful gain, nor to place all good in money, and, as if in a hireling's office, to count up daily profits and reckon up gains.
CAPUT XV.
CHAPTER XV.
De liberalitate. Quibusnam potissimum impartienda: et qua ratione illam tenuioris census homines opera et consiliis exerceant.
On liberality. To whom especially it is to be bestowed; and in what way men of slender means may exercise it by their work and counsel.
68. Quod si ab his sobrium gerere animum laudabile est, quanto illud praestantius si dilectionem multitudinis liberalitate acquiras, neque superflua circa importunos, neque restricta circa indigentes!
68. But if it is praiseworthy to keep a sober mind with respect to these things, how much more excellent it is if you gain the love of the multitude by liberality, neither lavish towards the importunate nor tight-fisted towards the needy!
69. Plurima autem genera liberalitatis sunt, non solum quotidiano sumptu egentibus, quo vitam sustinere suam possint, disponere ac dispensare alimoniam; verum etiam his qui publice egere verecundantur, consulere ac subvenire, quatenus communis egenorum alimonia non exhauriatur. De eo enim loquor qui praeest alicui muneri, ut si officium
69. There are, moreover, very many kinds of liberality: not only to arrange and dispense sustenance by daily outlay to the needy, so that they may be able to sustain their life; but also to take thought for and come to the help of those who are ashamed to be seen in want, so far as the common sustenance of the poor is not exhausted. For I am speaking of him who presides over some office, so that if he holds the office
Editors' notes and page, col. 128

Footnotes

(69) ‹anchor: liberalitate acquiras› · call in col 128

Cic. lib. I Offic., pag. 378, lin. 26: « Quæ quidem benevolentia beneficiis capitur maxime. » Item pag. 382, lin. I: « Nonnunquam tamen est largiendum, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book I, p. 378, line 26: "This goodwill is won chiefly by kindnesses." Also p. 382, line 1: "Sometimes, however, one must be generous," etc. [The book number is printed "I", though the page belongs to book II.]

(printed under page 67)

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Ibid,, pag. 383, lin. 12: « In illo autem genere largiendi, » etc. Multa sunt in Ambrosiano textu quæ non perfunctorie, sed attentius videntur observanda; primo enim hinc cognoscitur antiquis illis episcopis haud mediocri curæ fuisse ne quis, vel manifesto vel clanculum ac secreto, indigentium necessario ad sustentandam vitam subsidio destitueretur: deinde constitui solitos quibus ea demandaretur provincia, sive illi e sacerdotum numero eligerentur, quod etsi frequentius erat in Ecclesia orientali, tamen in occidentali quoque nonnunquam usu venisse ex hoc et sequenti capite intelligimus; sive assumerentur ex ordine diaconorum, quod fere obtinuisse per Occidentem non modo quæ sanctus præsul frequenter hoc in opere de beato Laurentio, nec non et Prudentius in hymno de eodem martyre, tradunt, palam faciunt; verum etiam quod Sulp. Severus in Vita sancti Martini ab eo archidiaconum suum ei muneri præfectum fuisse commemorat. Postremum autem illud est quod hinc advertas, dispensatores illos non pro libito, sed ex episcopi, ad quem omnia referre consueverant, nutu et voluntate cuncta gessisse: ita ut nihil in ejus potestate non esset positum. Et hoc sane oppido quadrat cum apostolorum can. 39, 40 et 41, synodi Laodic. can. 57, et sequentium conc. definitionibus prope innumeris.

Ibid., p. 383, line 12: "But in that kind of giving," etc. There are many things in Ambrose's text that seem to call for close rather than cursory attention. First, we learn from it that those ancient bishops took no small care that no one, whether openly or covertly and in secret, should be left without the help needed by the poor to sustain life. Next, that persons were regularly appointed to whom this charge was entrusted: whether they were chosen from among the priests — which, though more frequent in the Eastern Church, we gather from this and the following chapter sometimes happened in the Western too; or were taken from the order of deacons — which generally prevailed throughout the West, as is made plain not only by what the holy prelate often relates in this work of the blessed Lawrence, and Prudentius too in his hymn on the same martyr, but also by Sulpicius Severus's record in the Life of St Martin that Martin set his archdeacon over this office. Last, you may note from it that those stewards did everything not at their own pleasure but at the nod and will of the bishop, to whom they were accustomed to refer everything, so that nothing was outside his power. And this accords exactly with the Apostolic Canons 39, 40 and 41, canon 57 of the synod of Laodicea, and the almost innumerable rulings of later councils.

(printed under page 67)

Page

  • running head: [S. AMBROS]II. 128 (left part of the head falls in the col. 127 crop)
  • marginal letters: A ‹enim praecelsius illo viro›; B ‹mercatoribus habere turpis›; C ‹sustinere suam possint›; D (beside the footnotes; no text line)
  • old-edition numerals: 86 after ‹qui divitias sprevit,›
PL 16:129
sacerdotis gerat, aut dispensatoris, ut de his suggerat episcopo, nec reprimat si quem positum in necessitate aliqua cognoverit, aut dejectum opibus ad inopiae necessitatem redactum: maxime si non effusione adolescentiae, sed direptione alicujus et amissione patrimonii in eam reciderit injuriam, ut sumptum exercere diurnum non queat.
of a priest or of a steward, he should make suggestions to the bishop about these people, and not hold back if he has learned of anyone placed in some need, or cast down from his wealth and reduced to the necessity of want: above all if, not through the extravagance of youth but through someone's plundering and the loss of his patrimony, he has fallen into such misfortune that he cannot meet his daily expense.
70. Summa etiam liberalitas, captos redimere, eripere ex hostium manibus, subtrahere neci homines, et maxime feminas turpitudini, reddere parentibus liberos, parentes liberis, cives patriae restituere. Nota sunt haec nimis Illyrici vastitate et Thraciae: quanti ubique venales erant toto captivi orbe, quos si revoces, unius provinciae numerum explere non possint! Fuerunt tamen qui et quos Ecclesiae redemerunt, in servitutem revocare vellent, ipsa graviores captivitate, qui inviderent alienam misericordiam. Ipsi si in captivitatem venissent, servirent liberi: si venditi fuissent, servitutis ministerium non recusarent; et volunt alienam libertatem rescindere, qui suam servitutem non possent rescindere, nisi forte pretium recipere emptori placeret: in quo tamen non rescinditur servitus, sed redimitur.
70. The highest liberality, too, is to redeem captives, to snatch men from the hands of enemies, to rescue men from death and above all women from dishonour, to give back children to parents and parents to children, to restore citizens to their country. These things are all too well known from the devastation of Illyricum and Thrace: how many captives were everywhere for sale throughout the whole world, who, if you were to call them back, could not make up the number of a single province! Yet there were some who wished to drag back into slavery even those whom the churches had redeemed, men harsher than captivity itself, who begrudged the mercy of others. Were they themselves to have come into captivity, they would serve as free men; were they to have been sold, they would not refuse the service of slavery; and they wish to annul another's freedom, who could not annul their own slavery, unless perhaps the buyer were pleased to accept the price: in which case, however, slavery is not annulled but redeemed.
71. Praecipua est igitur liberalitas, redimere captivos, et maxime ab hoste barbaro, qui nihil deferat humanitatis ad misericordiam, nisi quod avaritia reservaverit ad redemptionem: aes alienum subire, si debitor solvendo non sit, atque arctetur ad solutionem, quae sit jure debita, et inopia destituta: enutrire parvulos, pupillos tueri.
71. Chief, then, is the liberality of redeeming captives, and above all from a barbarian enemy, who grants nothing of humanity to mercy except what avarice has reserved for ransom; of taking on another's debt if the debtor is not able to pay and is pressed for a payment that is due by right and that he, left destitute by want, cannot make; of rearing little children and protecting orphans.
72. Sunt etiam qui virgines orbatas parentibus tuendae pudicitiae gratia connubio locent, nec solum studio, sed etiam sumptu adjuvent. Est etiam genus illud liberalitatis quod Apostolus docet: Ut si quis fidelis habet viduas, subministret illis, ut earum alimoniis Ecclesia non gravetur, ut his quae vere viduae sunt, sufficiat (I Tim. V, 16).
72. There are also those who place in marriage virgins bereft of their parents, for the sake of guarding their chastity, and help not only with their zeal but also with their means. There is also that kind of liberality which the Apostle teaches: That if any of the faithful has widows, let him provide for them, so that the Church may not be burdened with their maintenance, so that it may suffice for those who are widows indeed (1 Tim. 5:16).
Editors' notes and page, col. 129

Footnotes

[The left-column image is faint; notes (71)–(73) are read with some uncertainty.] (printed under page 68)

(71) ‹anchor: pupillos tueri› · call in col 129

Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 378, lin. 14: « Propensior benignitas .. nisi forte erunt digni, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 378, line 14: "A readier kindness... unless perhaps they are worthy," etc.

(printed under page 68)

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Ibid., lin. 25: « Atque hæc benignitas etiam reip. utilis est, redimi e servitute captos, » etc.

Ibid., line 25: "And this kindness is useful to the state as well, that captives be redeemed from slavery," etc.

(printed under page 68)

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Hanc Illyrici Thraciæque populationem Baronius auctor est anno reparatæ salutis 387 contigisse. Verum hoc loco non satis cohærentia loquitur cardinalis eruditissimus. Etenim si hoc eodem anno confracta et venundata fuerint ab Ambrosio vasa sacra, necessario hinc eruitur non nisi post memoratum annum hosce libros Officiorum editos esse: cum tamen ipsos toto decennio prius in lucem prodiisse, ad annum 377 affirmaverit. Cæterum multo probabilius videtur cladem hanc, cujus hoc loco meminit sanctus Ambrosius, atrocem Valentis imperatoris exitum secutam esse; cum, ipsius ducibus Trajano et Sebastiano cæsis, omnique adeo exercitu internecione deleto, Gotthi aliique barbari, vastato Illyrico usque ad Alpes Julianas ac Venetorum regionem, omnia igne ferroque populati sunt, ut post Ammianum Marc., Socratem, Sozomenum atque Theodoretum Baronius ipse scripto prodidit. Adi etiam cl. v. Hermantum, in Ambrosii Vita, lib. II, cap. 12.

Baronius states that this devastation of Illyricum and Thrace happened in the year of restored salvation 387. But here the most learned cardinal does not speak consistently. For if in that same year the sacred vessels were broken up and sold by Ambrose, it necessarily follows that these books of the Offices were not published until after that year; yet under the year 377 he affirmed that they came out a whole decade earlier. In any case it seems much more probable that this disaster, which St Ambrose mentions here, followed the terrible end of the emperor Valens; when, his generals Trajan and Sebastian having been slain and his whole army destroyed in a massacre, the Goths and other barbarians laid Illyricum waste as far as the Julian Alps and the territory of the Veneti, and ravaged everything with fire and sword, as Baronius himself recorded in writing after Ammianus Marcellinus, Socrates, Sozomen and Theodoret. See also the famous Hermant, in his Life of Ambrose, book II, ch. 12.

(printed under page 68)

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Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 382, lin. 15: « Liberales autem qui facultatibus aut captos a prædonibus redimunt... aut in filiarum collocatione adjuvant, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 382, line 15: "But the liberal are those who with their means either redeem captives from pirates... or help in the marrying of daughters," etc.

(printed under page 68)

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Ibid., pag. 381, lin. 33: « Deinceps de beneficentia dicendum: cujus est ratio duplex, » etc.

Ibid., p. 381, line 33: "Next we must speak of beneficence, whose principle is twofold," etc.

(printed under page 68)

(76) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 129 or 130

Erasm. et seq. edit., Quæ operum collatione.

Erasmus and the following editions: "Which by the contribution of works."

(printed under page 68)

(77) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 129 or 130

Gill. in marg. et Rom. edit. in corpore, per septennium. Sed cum aliæ omnes ac mss. præferant quinquennium, credibile est sanctum antistitem ita posuisse, quod putaverit populum Ægyptium, saltem primis duobus annis, victitasse privatis fructibus, antequam eum ad regia horrea confugere fames cogeret. Sane huic sensui videtur favere quod legitur, καὶ ἐγένετο λιμὸς ἐν πάσῃ τῇ γῇ, ἐν δὲ πάσῃ τῇ γῇ Αἰγύπτου ἦσαν ἄρτοι. Licet dissimulandum non sit haberi in mss. nonnullis, οὐκ ἦσαν ἄρτοι, cui etiam concinit Syriaca versio. Sed aliarum omnium, ipsiusque textus Hebraici consensus, nec non orationis ipsa series, aliam astruit lectionem.

Gillot in the margin and the Roman edition in the text: "for seven years." But since all the others and the manuscripts prefer "five years," it is credible that the holy bishop put it so because he thought the Egyptian people lived on their private produce, at least for the first two years, before famine drove them to take refuge in the royal granaries. Certainly what is read seems to favour this sense: "and there was famine in all the land, but in all the land of Egypt there was bread." Though it must not be concealed that some manuscripts have "there was no bread," with which the Syriac version also agrees. But the agreement of all the others and of the Hebrew text itself, as well as the very sequence of the passage, supports the other reading. [The Greek is small and partly blurred in the image; accents set from the clearest reading.]

(printed under page 68)

Page

  • running head: 129 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRO[RUM LIBER II.] (head spans the page; this crop shows only its left part)
  • marginal letters: A ‹cium sacerdotis gerat›; B ‹care vellent, ipsa graviores›; C ‹72. Sunt etiam qui virgines›; D (beside the footnotes; no text line)
  • old-edition numerals: 87 after ‹quanti ubique venales›
PL 16:130
73. Utilis igitur hujusmodi liberalitas, sed non communis omnibus. Sunt enim plerique etiam viri boni, qui tenues sunt censu, contenti quidem exiguo ad sui usum, sed non idonei ad subsidium levandae paupertatis alienae; tamen suppetit aliud beneficentiae genus, quo juvare possint inferiorem. Est enim duplex liberalitas: una quae subsidio rei adjuvat, id est, usu pecuniae; altera quae operum collatione impenditur, multo frequenter splendidior, multoque clarior.
73. Liberality of this kind, then, is useful, but not open to all. For there are very many good men too who are of slender means, content indeed with a little for their own use, but not able to give help in relieving another's poverty; yet another kind of beneficence is at hand, by which they can help one lower than themselves. For liberality is twofold: one kind helps by the support of property, that is, by the use of money; the other is spent in the contribution of labour, and is often much more splendid and much more illustrious.
74. Quanto illustrius Abraham captum armis victricibus recepit nepotem (Gen. XIV, 16), quam si redemisset? Quanto utilius regem Pharaonem sanctus Joseph consilio providentiae juvit, quam si contulisset pecuniam! Pecunia enim unius civitatis non redemit ubertatem: prospicientia totius Aegypti per quinquennium famem repulit (Gen. XLI, 33 et seq.).
74. How much more gloriously did Abraham recover his captured nephew by victorious arms (Gen. 14:16) than if he had ransomed him? How much more usefully did holy Joseph help King Pharaoh by the counsel of his foresight than if he had contributed money! For money did not buy back the plenty of a single city: foresight drove off the famine of all Egypt for five years (Gen. 41:33 ff.).
75. Facile autem pecunia consumitur, consilia exhauriri nesciunt. Haec usu augentur: pecunia minuitur, et cito deficit, atque ipsam destituit benignitatem; ut quo pluribus largiri volueris, eo pauciores adjuves, et saepe tibi desit quod aliis conferendum putaveris. Consilii autem operisque collatio, quo in plures diffunditur, eo redundantior manet, et in suum fontem recurrit. In se enim refluit ubertas prudentiae: et quo pluribus fluxerit, eo exercitius fit omne quod remanet.
75. Money, moreover, is easily spent; counsels know not how to be exhausted. These are increased by use: money is diminished and quickly fails, and leaves kindness itself destitute; so that the more people you wish to give to, the fewer you help, and often you yourself lack what you had thought should be given to others. But the contribution of counsel and labour, the more widely it is spread among many, the more abundant it remains, and it runs back to its own source. For the richness of prudence flows back into itself: and the more people it has flowed to, the more exercised becomes all that remains.
CAPUT. XVI.
CHAPTER XVI.
Modum in liberalitate servandum, ne profundatur in indignos quod dignioribus debebatur; non tamen nimis parce ac timide ministrandas eleemosynas: sed imitandum beatum Joseph, cujus prudentia prolixioribus verbis commendatur.
That moderation must be kept in liberality, lest what was owed to the more worthy be poured out on the unworthy; yet that alms are not to be ministered too sparingly and timidly: but that blessed Joseph is to be imitated, whose prudence is commended at greater length.
76. Liquet igitur debere esse liberalitatis modum, ne fiat inutilis largitas. Sobrietas tenenda est, maxime sacerdotibus, ut non pro jactantia, sed pro justitia dispensent. Nusquam enim major aviditas
76. It is clear, then, that there ought to be a measure in liberality, lest the bounty become useless. Sobriety must be kept, above all by priests, so that they dispense not for display but for justice. For nowhere is there greater greediness
Editors' notes and page, col. 130

Footnotes

(78) ‹anchor: exhauriri nesciunt› · call in col 130

Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 381, lin. 37: « Largitioque quæ fit ex re familiari, fontem ipsum benignitatis exhaurit, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 381, line 37: "And giving that is made from one's private estate drains the very fountain of kindness," etc.

(printed under page 68)

(79) ‹anchor: inutilis largitas› · call in col 130

Ibid.. pag. 382, lin. 7: « Quamobrem nec ita claudenda est res familiaris, ut eam benignitas aperire non possit, » etc.

Ibid., p. 382, line 7: "Therefore one's estate should not be so shut up that kindness cannot open it," etc.

(printed under page 68)

Page

  • running head: [DE OFFICIIS M]INISTRORUM LIBER II. 130 (left part of the head falls in the col. 129 crop)
  • marginal letters: A ‹73. Utilis igitur›; B ‹tis non redemit ubertatem›; C ‹in indignos quod dignioribus›; D (beside the footnotes; no text line)
  • old-edition numerals: 88 after ‹Consilii›
PL 16:131
petitionis. Veniunt validi, veniunt nullam causam nisi vagandi habentes, et volunt subsidia evacuare pauperum, exinanire sumptum: nec exiguo contenti, majora quaerunt, ambitu vestium captantes petitionis suffragium, et natalium simulatione licitantes incrementa quaestuum. His si quis facile deferat fidem, cito exhaurit pauperum alimoniis profutura compendia. Modus largiendi adsit, ut nec illi inanes recedant, neque transcribatur vita pauperum in spolia fraudulentorum. Ea ergo mensura sit, ut neque humanitas deseratur, nec destituatur necessitas.
of their begging. They come strong, they come having no reason save wandering, and they wish to drain away the resources of the poor and to empty the provision; and not content with a little, they seek more, angling for support for their begging by the show of their clothes, and by pretending to good birth bidding up the increase of their gains. If anyone readily gives them credit, he quickly exhausts the savings that would have served for the nourishment of the poor. Let there be measure in giving, so that neither do these go away empty, nor is the livelihood of the poor transferred into the spoils of the fraudulent. Let the measure, then, be such that neither is kindness abandoned nor need left destitute.
77. Plerique simulant debita. Sit veri examen. Exutos se per latrocinia deplorant: aut injuria fidem faciat, aut cognitio personae, quo propensius juventur. Ab Ecclesia relegatis sumptus impartiendus, si desit eis alendi copia. Itaque qui modum servat, avarus nulli, sed largus omnibus est: non enim solas aures praebere debemus audiendis precantium vocibus, sed etiam oculos considerandis necessitatibus. Plus clamat operatori bono debilitas, quam vox pauperis. Neque vero fieri potest ut non extorquat amplius importunitas vociferantium: sed non semper impudentiae locus sit. Videndus est ille qui te non videt: requirendus ille qui erubescit videri. Ille etiam clausus in carcere occurrat tibi; ille affectus aegritudine mentem tuam personet, qui aures non potest.
77. Many feign debts. Let there be an examination of the truth. They lament that they have been stripped by robberies: let either the injury itself give credence, or knowledge of the person, so that they may be helped the more readily. To those banished from the Church provision is to be imparted, if they lack the means of feeding themselves. So he who keeps measure is miserly to no one, but generous to all: for we ought not to offer only our ears to hear the voices of those who beg, but also our eyes to consider their needs. Infirmity cries louder to the good worker than the voice of the poor man. Nor indeed can it be that the importunity of those who clamour does not wring out more; but let there not always be room for impudence. He is to be seen who does not see you; he is to be sought out who blushes to be seen. Let him too who is shut up in prison come to your mind; let him who is stricken with sickness sound in your mind, he who cannot sound in your ears.
78. Quo plus te operari viderit populus, magis dilliget. Scio plerosque sacerdotes, quo plus contulerunt, plus abundasse; quoniam quicunque bonum operarium videt, ipsi confert quod ille suo officio dispenset, securus quod ad pauperem sua perveniat misericordia: nemo enim vult, nisi pauperi proficere suam collationem. Nam si quem aut immoderatum aut nimis tenacem dispensatorem viderit, utrumque despiciet: si aut superfluis erogationibus dissipet alieni fructus laboris, aut recondat
78. The more the people see you at work, the more they will love you. I know that very many priests have abounded the more, the more they have given away; since whoever sees a good worker bestows on him what he may dispense by his office, confident that his mercy will reach the poor man: for no one wishes his contribution to profit any but the poor. For if he sees a steward either immoderate or too tight-fisted, he will despise both: if he either squanders the fruits of another's labour in superfluous outlays, or stores them up
Editors' notes and page, col. 131

Footnotes

(80) ‹anchor: [avi]ditas petitionis› · call in col 131

Mss. aliquot, major aviditas. Petitionis causa veniunt validi. Et continuo post, alii pauci, nisi vacandi habentes.

Some manuscripts: "greater greed. The able-bodied come for the sake of asking." And immediately after, a few others: "except those having [leisure] to be idle."

(printed under page 69)

(81) ‹anchor: Ab Ecclesia relegatis› · call in col 131

Sic edit. omnes, et major potiorque pars mss. Aliqui tamen: Ab ecclesia relegatis. Quæritur autem in prima lectione, quinam sunt illi, ab Ecclesia relegati? Voluerunt nonnulli eos hoc loco intelligendos qui propter fidem ab Ecclesiis suis exsulare coacti essent. Sed nunquam tam parce ac tenuiter de his locuturus erat sanctus Doctor. Eos ergo intelligimus qui ab Ecclesiæ sacris pœnitentiæ causa fuerant separati; quibus etsi Ecclesiasticas eleemosynas auferri consuevisse testetur Augustinus, tamen in extrema necessitate christiana liberalitas non deerat. Potest etiam ita explicari, ut ab Ecclesia referatur ad impartiendus, minime vero ad relegatis, id est exsulibus.

So all the editions and the larger and better part of the manuscripts. Some, however: "to those banished from the church." In the first reading, the question is who those "banished from the Church" are. Some held that those are meant here who had been forced into exile from their Churches for the faith. But the holy Doctor would never have spoken of them so sparingly and thinly. We therefore understand those who had been separated from the Church's sacred rites for penance; for although Augustine testifies that the Church's alms used to be taken from them, yet in extreme need Christian liberality did not fail them. It can also be explained so that "from the Church" is referred to "to be imparted," and not at all to "banished," that is, exiles.

(printed under page 69)

(82) ‹anchor: impudentiæ locus sit› · call in col 131

Quædam edit. Paris., imprudentiæ locus sit.

Certain Paris editions: "let there be room for imprudence."

(printed under page 69)

(83) ‹anchor: suo officio dispenset› · call in col 131

Non sane properanti oculo transmittenda est laudabilis ea consuetudo, qua prisci illi christiani pecuniam suam œconomo dispensatori Ecclesiæ in manus tradebant, ab eodem postea fidelium pauperum gregibus distribuendam. Insignis hac de re locus est in beati Justini Apologia secunda proxime ante finem, cujus verba non pigebit hic subjicere: « Cæterum qui locupletiores sunt, inquit, et volunt, pro arbitrio quisque suo quod visum est, conferunt: et quod ita colligitur, apud præpositum deponitur: atque ille inde opitulatur pupillis et viduis, et his qui propter morbum aut aliquam aliam causam egent, quique in vinculis sunt, et peregre advenientibus hospitibus: et ut simpliciter dicam, indigentium is omnium curator est. »

That praiseworthy custom should certainly not be passed over with a hasty eye, by which those early Christians handed their money into the hands of the Church's steward and dispenser, to be distributed afterwards by him to the flocks of the faithful poor. There is a notable passage on this in the blessed Justin's second Apology, just before the end, whose words it will not be tiresome to set down here: "Those who are wealthier," he says, "and willing, each contribute what seems good to him at his own discretion; and what is thus collected is deposited with the president; and he from it helps orphans and widows, and those who are in want through sickness or some other cause, and those in bonds, and guests arriving from abroad; and, to put it simply, he is the guardian of all who are in need."

(printed under page 69)

(84) ‹anchor: suam collationem› · call in col 131

Nonnulli mss., suam consolationem. Sed omnino cum aliis atque edit. legendum, suam collationem, id est suam eleemosynam, quam collectam vocat Apostolus. Et infra ubi edit. ac mss. non pauci, utrumque despiciet; Thuan. et alii aliquot præferunt. utrumque displicet.

Some manuscripts: "his consolation." But one should certainly read, with the others and the editions, "his contribution," that is, his alms, which the Apostle calls the collection. And below, where the editions and not a few manuscripts read "he will despise both," the de Thou manuscript and some others prefer "both displease."

(printed under page 69)

Page

  • running head: 131 . S. AMBROSII (page head across both columns; right half reads AMBROSII. 132)
  • marginal letters: A ‹ditas petitionis. Veniunt validi›; B ‹juventur. Ab Ecclesia relegatis›; C ‹operarium videt, ipsi confert quod›; D ‹(footnote area, beside note 81)›
  • old-edition numerals: 89 after ‹quod›
  • other: column opens with the tail of a word broken from col. 130 ('ditas'; note 80 implies 'aviditas'); English supplies [gree]. Last word 'recon-' completed from col. 132 ('dat') as 'recondat'. 'debita' and 'Exutos' read where the worn type looks like 'debila'/'Exulos' (t/l confusion throughout the scan); 'validi', 'bono' likewise read through worn type.
PL 16:132
sacculis. Sicut igitur modus liberalitatis tenendus est, ita etiam calcar plerumque adhibendum videtur. Modus ideo, ut quod benefacis, id quotidie facere possis; ne subtrahas necessitati, quod indulseris effusioni: calcar propterea, quia melius operatur pecunia in pauperis cibo, quam in divitis sacculo. Cave ne intra loculos tuos includas salutem inopum, et tanquam in tumulis sepelias vitam pauperum.
in money-bags. As, then, measure is to be kept in liberality, so too the spur seems often to need applying. Measure for this reason: that what you do in kindness you may be able to do daily; lest you withdraw from need what you have granted to lavishness. The spur for this reason: because money does better work in the poor man's food than in the rich man's bag. Beware lest you shut up the welfare of the needy within your purses, and bury the life of the poor as though in tombs.
79. Potuit donare Joseph totas Aegypti opes, et effundere thesauros regios: noluit tamen de alieno effusus videri: maluit frumenta vendere, quam donare esurientibus: quia si panes donasset, plurimis defuisset. Eam liberalitatem probavit, quo abundaret omnibus. Patefecit horrea, ut omnes emerent subsidium frumentarium (Gen. XLI, 56, 57), ne gratis accipiendo, cultus terrarum relinquerent; quoniam qui alieno utitur, suum negligit.
79. Joseph could have given away the whole wealth of Egypt and poured out the royal treasures; yet he did not wish to seem lavish with what belonged to another: he preferred to sell the corn rather than give it to the hungry, because, had he given away bread, it would have run short for very many. He approved that liberality by which there might be abundance for all. He opened the granaries, so that all might buy their supply of corn (Gen. 41:56–57), lest by receiving it for nothing they should abandon the tilling of their lands; since he who lives on another's goods neglects his own.
80. Itaque primum omnium coacervavit pecunias, deinde instrumenta caetera, ad postremum jura terrarum regi acquisivit, non ut omnes exueret suo, sed fulciret: publicum tributum constitueret, quo sua tutius habere possent. Quod ita fuit gratum omnibus quibus terras ademerat; ut non venditionem sui juris, sed redemptionem salutis putarent. Denique dixerunt: Sanasti nos, invenimus gratiam in conspectu Domini nostri (Gen. XLVII, 25). Nam et de proprietate nihil amiserant, qui jus receperant: et de utilitate nihil perdiderant, qui acquisierant perpetuitatem.
80. So first of all he gathered in their money, then their other goods, and lastly he acquired for the king the rights over their lands, not to strip all men of their own, but to support them: to establish a public tax, by which they might hold their own more securely. This was so welcome to all from whom he had taken the lands that they reckoned it not a sale of their right but a ransoming of their welfare. And so they said: You have healed us; we have found favour in the sight of our lord (Gen. 47:25). For they had lost nothing of ownership who had received back the right; and they had forfeited nothing of profit who had gained permanence.
81. O virum magnum, qui non largitatis superfluae temporalem captavit gloriam, sed perpetuam commoditatem constituit providentiae! Fecit enim ut tributis populi se juvarent suis, nec in tempore necessitatis, aliena subsidia desiderarent. Melius enim fuit conferre aliquid de fructibus, quam totum de jure amittere. Qaintam portionem collationis
81. O great man, who did not snatch at the passing glory of superfluous largesse, but established the lasting benefit of foresight! For he brought it about that the peoples helped themselves by their own taxes, and did not, in time of need, long for the help of others. For it was better to contribute something of the produce than to lose the whole of the right. A fifth part of the contribution
Editors' notes and page, col. 132

Footnotes

(85) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 132 (presumably)

Codex Thuan. et alii non parvo numero, calcar plerumque. Adhibendus videtur modus, etc.

The de Thou codex and others in no small number: "generally a spur. Measure seems to be required," etc.

(printed under page 69)

(86) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 132 (presumably)

Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 382, lin. 3: « Quid autem est stultius, quam quod libenter facias. » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 382, line 3: "But what is more foolish than [to bring it about] that what you gladly do," etc.

(printed under page 69)

(87) ‹anchor: publicum tributum› · call in col 132

Mss. aliquot, sed fulciret publicam, vel publico: tributum, etc.

Some manuscripts: "but should prop up the public [store]," or "by the public: tribute," etc.

(printed under page 69)

(88) ‹anchor: habere possent› · call in col 132

Sic lib. II Offic., pag. 385, lin. 3: « Danda est opera omnino, si possit, » etc. Item lin. 15: « Danda etiam opera est, ne... tributum sit conferendum, » etc.

So On Duties book II, p. 385, line 3: "Effort must by all means be made, if it can be," etc. Also line 15: "Effort must also be made that... tribute need not be paid," etc.

(printed under page 69)

(89) ‹anchor: O virum magnum› · call in col 132

Ibid., pag. 386, lin. 33: O virum magnum, dignumque, etc.

Ibid., p. 386, line 33: "O great man, and worthy," etc.

(printed under page 69)

Page

  • running head: S. AMBROSII. 132 (right half of the page head; left half reads 131 . S. AMBROS-)
  • marginal letters: A ‹dat sacculis. Sicut igitur›; B ‹subsidium frumentarium (Gen.›; C ‹perdiderant, qui acquisierant / 81. O virum›; D ‹(footnote area, beside note 84 'lationem')›
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
  • other: the column's first printed letters 'dat' complete 'recon-dat', set whole at the end of col. 131; this column therefore starts with 'sacculis'. 'quod benefacis': the worn type could be read 'quot'; set 'quod', UNSURE. 'Qaintam' as it appears in the scan, UNSURE whether a true misprint or worn type. Last word 'col-' completed from col. 133 ('lationis') as 'collationis'.
PL 16:133
statuit et in providendo perspicacior, et in tributo liberalior. Denique nunquam postea Aegyptus hujusmodi famem pertulit.
he fixed, both more far-sighted in providing and more liberal in the tax. In short, never afterwards did Egypt endure a famine of this kind.
82. Quam praeclare autem collegit futura! Primum quam argute regalis interpres somnii veritatem expressit! Somnium regis primum hoc fuit: Septem juvencae ascendebant de flumine, visu decorae, et pingues corpore, et ad oram pascebantur fluminis. Aliae quoque vitulae visu deformes ac jejunae corpore, post illas juvencas ascendebant de flumine, et juxta eas in ipso riparum thoro pascebantur: et visae sunt hae vitulae tenues atque exiles devorare illas quae praestabant et forma et gratia. Et somnium secundum hoc fuit: Septem spicae pingues, electae et bonae de terra surgebant: et post eas septem spicae exiles et vento corruptae ac marcidae se subjicere moliebantur: et visum est quod laetas et uberes spicas steriles spicae et tenues devoraverunt.
82. And how splendidly he gathered in the future! First, how shrewdly, as interpreter of the royal dream, he brought out its truth! The king's first dream was this: Seven heifers were coming up out of the river, comely to look upon and fat of body, and they were feeding at the river's edge. Other heifers too, ugly to look upon and lean of body, were coming up out of the river after those heifers, and were feeding beside them on the very bank of the stream: and these thin and meagre heifers were seen to devour those that excelled both in form and in grace. And the second dream was this: Seven fat ears, choice and good, were springing up from the earth: and after them seven ears, meagre and blighted by the wind and withered, were striving to come up beneath them: and it was seen that the barren and thin ears devoured the rich and plump ears.
83. Hoc somnium ita aperuit sanctus Joseph, eo quod septem juvencae septem anni forent, et septem spicae similiter septem anni forent, ex fetu et fructu interpretans tempora. Fetus enim juvencae annum exprimit, et fructus segetis annum consummat integrum. Quae ideo ascendebant de flumine, quod dies, anni, ac tempora fluminum praetereunt modo, et cursim labuntur. Annos itaque septem priores uberis terrae fertiles ac fecundos declarat futuros: posteriores autem alios septem annos steriles atque infecundos, quorum sterilitas absumptura foret ubertatem superiorum. Qua gratia prospiciendum admonuit, ut uberioribus annis congregaretur subsidium frumentarium, quod sustentare posset inopiam futurae infecunditatis.
83. Holy Joseph laid open this dream thus: that the seven heifers were seven years, and the seven ears likewise were seven years, interpreting the times from the young and the crop. For the young of a heifer marks a year, and the crop of the cornfield completes a whole year. And they came up out of the river for this reason, because days, years and seasons pass by in the manner of rivers and glide swiftly away. So he declares that the first seven years would be fertile and fruitful with the richness of the land; but the later seven years barren and unfruitful, and their barrenness would consume the plenty of the former. For this reason he counselled that provision be made, so that in the more plentiful years a supply of corn should be gathered which could sustain the want of the coming barrenness.
84. Quid primum mirer? Ingenium quo in ipsum veritas descendit cubile: an consilium quo tam gravi atque diuturnae prospexit necessistati: an vigilantiam atque justitiam; quarum altera, imposito sibi tanto munere, congregavit tam multiplices commeatus: alteraque aequalitatem per omnes servavit? Nam de magnanimitate quid loquar; quod venditus a fratribus in servitutem, non retulit injuriam, sed famem depulit? Quid de suavitate, qua dilecti fratris praesentiam pia fraude quaesivit, quem simulato per elegantiam furto, reum statuit rapinae, ut obsidem teneret gratiae (Gen. XLIV, 2 et seq.)?
84. What shall I admire first? The understanding by which truth went down into its very lair, or the counsel by which he provided against so grievous and lasting a need, or the vigilance and justice, of which the one, when so great a charge was laid upon him, gathered such manifold stores, and the other kept equality among all? For what shall I say of his magnanimity, that, sold by his brothers into slavery, he did not repay the wrong, but drove off their famine? What of his gentleness, by which with a dutiful deceit he sought the presence of his beloved brother, whom, by a theft cleverly feigned, he made guilty of robbery, so as to hold him as a hostage of his love (Gen. 44:2 ff.)?
Editors' notes and page, col. 133

Footnotes

(90) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 133 (presumably)

Mss. nonnulli, portionem collativam statuit.

Some manuscripts: "he fixed a contributory portion."

(printed under page 70)

(91) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 133 (presumably)

Mss. non pauci, ac jejuno corpore.

Not a few manuscripts: "and with a fasting body."

(printed under page 70)

(92) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 133 (presumably)

Mss. aliquot, de terræ surgebant sinu.

Some manuscripts: "rose from the bosom of the earth."

(printed under page 70)

(93) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 133 (presumably)

Thuan. et alii aliquot mss., corruptæ ac madidæ, alii non pauci, corruptæ ac mucidæ, quod non displicet.

The de Thou and some other manuscripts: "rotten and sodden"; not a few others: "rotten and mouldy," which is not displeasing.

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Hæc duo testimonia e Genesi ac Deuteronomio paulo aliter citantur lib. de Benedict. Patriarch cap. 11, num. 46 et 53. Satis autem hoc loco conveniunt ant. edit. cum mss., nisi quod habent illæ, zelotes filius meus, filius meus adolescentior. Adjuvet te...et benedicat te...in rubo. veniat super caput, etc. Sed eas varietates sicut et quas addidit edit. Rom. ad scriptos cod. et maxime ad Thuan. castigavimus.

These two testimonies from Genesis and Deuteronomy are quoted somewhat differently in the book On the Blessings of the Patriarchs, ch. 11, nos. 46 and 53. In this place, however, the old editions agree well enough with the manuscripts, except that they have "my son is jealous, my youngest son. May he help you... and bless you... in the bush. Let it come upon the head," etc. But we have corrected those variants, as also those which the Roman edition added, by the written codices and especially by the de Thou manuscript.

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(95) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 133 or 134

Rom. edit. sola, ipse decem millia Ephraim, et ipse millia Manasses. At omnes aliæ ac mss. nobiscum faciunt; quibus etiam hebraicus textus patrocinatur. LXX vero præferunt: Αὗται μυριάδες Ἐφραΐμ, καὶ αὗται χιλιάδες Μανασσῆ; et his accedunt reliquæ versiones.

The Roman edition alone: "he the ten thousands of Ephraim, and he the thousands of Manasseh." But all the others and the manuscripts side with us, and the Hebrew text also supports them. The Septuagint, however, has: "These are the myriads of Ephraim, and these the thousands of Manasseh"; and the remaining versions agree with these. [The first word is blurred at the image edge; read as "ipse".]

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Page

  • running head: 133 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRO- (left half of the page head as visible; the rest falls on col. 134)
  • marginal letters: A ‹lationis statuit (90) et in providendo›; B ‹spicae exiles et vento corruptae›; C ‹sidium frumentarium, quod sustentare›; D ‹(footnote area, beside note 90)›
  • old-edition numerals: 90 after ‹juvencas›
  • other: the column's first printed letters 'lationis' complete 'col-lationis', set whole at the end of col. 132; this column therefore starts with 'statuit'. 'perspicacior' read through worn type. 'veritas' as printed (the sense would invite 'veritatis'), kept.
PL 16:134
85. Unde merito ei a patre dicitur: Filius ampliatus meus Joseph, filius ampliatus meus, zelotes filius meus adolescentior... Adjuvit te Deus meus, et benedixit te benedictione coeli a summo, et benedictione terrae, terrae habentis omnia, propter benedictiones patris tui et matris. Praevaluit super benedictiones montium manentium, et desideria collium aeternorum (Gen. XLIX, 22-26), et in Deuteronomio: Qui visus es, inquit, in rubo, ut venias super caput Joseph, et super verticem ipsius. Honorificus inter fratres primitivus tauri decus ejus, cornua unicornis cornua ipsius. In ipsius cornu gentes ventilabit simul usque ad extremum terrae. Ipsi decem millia Ephraem, et ipsi millia Manasses (Deut. XXXIII, 16-17).
85. Hence it is rightly said to him by his father: My son increased, Joseph, my son increased, my jealous son, the younger... My God has helped you, and has blessed you with the blessing of heaven from on high, and with the blessing of the earth, the earth that holds all things, on account of the blessings of your father and mother. He has prevailed over the blessings of the abiding mountains, and the desires of the everlasting hills (Gen. 49:22–26); and in Deuteronomy: You Who were seen, he says, in the bush, that You may come upon the head of Joseph and upon his crown. Honoured among his brothers, the firstborn of the bull is his glory, the horns of the unicorn are his horns. With his horn he will toss the nations together, even to the end of the earth. His are the ten thousands of Ephraim, and his the thousands of Manasseh (Deut. 33:16–17).
CAPUT XVII.
CHAPTER XVII.
Quas virtutes in eo quem consulamus, inesse oporteat: et qua ratione iisdem Joseph ac Paulus ornati fuerint?
What virtues ought to be in him whom we consult; and in what way were Joseph and Paul adorned with them?
86. Talis itaque debet esse qui consilium alteri det, ut se ipsum formam aliis praebeat ad exemplum bonorum operum, in doctrina, in integritate, in gravitate; ut sit ejus sermo salubris atque irreprehensibilis, consilium utile, vita honesta, sententia decora.
86. He, then, who gives counsel to another ought to be such that he offers himself to others as a pattern, for an example of good works, in teaching, in integrity, in seriousness; that his speech may be sound and beyond reproach, his counsel useful, his life honourable, his judgement seemly.
87. Talis erat Paulus, qui consilium dabat virginibus (I Cor. VII, 25) magisterium sacerdotibus (Tit II, 7), ut primum se ipsum formam nobis praeberet ad imitandum. Ideo et humiliari sciebat, sicut scivit et Joseph, qui summo ortus patriarcharum genere, non dedignatus degenerem servitutem, exhibebat eam obsequiis, illustrabat virtutibus. Scivit humiliari, qui et venditorem et emptorem passus est, et dominum appellabat eum. Audi humiliantem se: Si Dominus meus prepter me nihil scit in domo sua, et omnia quaecunque habet, dedit in manus meas, neque subtractum est a me quidquam praeter te, quia uxor illius es; quomodo faciam verbum malum hoc, et peccabo coram Domino (Gen. XXXIX, 8, 9)? Plena vox humilitatis, plena honorificentiae, plena castimoniae: humilitatis, quia domino deferebat; honorificentiae, quia referebat gratiam: plena quoque castimoniae, quia turpi flagitio contaminari grave peccatum putabat.
87. Such was Paul, who gave counsel to virgins (1 Cor. 7:25) and instruction to priests (Titus 2:7), so as first to offer himself to us as a pattern for imitation. So too he knew how to be humbled, as Joseph also knew, who, born of the highest stock of the patriarchs, did not disdain a base slavery, but bore it out with dutiful service and made it illustrious by his virtues. He knew how to be humbled who endured both a seller and a buyer, and called him master. Hear him humbling himself: If my master knows nothing in his house because of me, and has given into my hands all things whatsoever he has, and nothing has been withheld from me except you, because you are his wife, how shall I do this evil thing and sin before the Lord (Gen. 39:8–9)? A word full of humility, full of respect, full of chastity: of humility, because he deferred to his master; of respect, because he returned gratitude; full also of chastity, because he held it a grave sin to be defiled by a foul crime.
88. Talis igitur debet esse consiliarius, qui nihil nebulosum, habeat, nihil fallax, nihil simulatum, quod vitam ejus ac mores refellat;
88. Such, then, ought a counsellor to be, who has nothing murky, nothing deceitful, nothing feigned, that might belie his life and character;
Editors' notes and page, col. 134

Footnotes

(96) ‹anchor: nihil scit in domo sua› · call in col 134

Edit. vet. et quædam Paris., cum paucis mss., præter me nihil scit,.... quæ uxor illius es. Rom cum potiori parte mss. ut in textu: et quidem commodius, cum id reddatur, quod est apud LXX, οὐ γινώσκει δι' ἐμὲ οὐδὲν.... διὰ τὸ σε γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ εἶναι.

The old editions and certain Paris ones, with a few manuscripts: "besides me he knows nothing,... who are his wife." The Roman edition with the better part of the manuscripts, as in the text: and more suitably, since it renders what is in the Septuagint: "because of me he knows nothing... because you are his wife."

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(97) ‹anchor: domino deferebat› · call in col 134

Ita mss. optimi quique ac numerosissimi: aliqui tamen et cunctæ edit., deferebat honorificentiam, quia referebat gratiam.

So all the best and most numerous manuscripts; some, however, and all the editions: "he paid honour, because he returned thanks."

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(98) ‹anchor: nihil simulatum› · call in col 134

Omnes edit., nihil fallax, nihil fabulosum: sed nihil fabulosum in mss. longe plurimis nec non antiquissimis prætermittitur.

All the editions: "nothing deceitful, nothing fabulous"; but "nothing fabulous" is omitted in by far the most manuscripts, and in the most ancient.

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Page

  • running head: MINISTRORUM LIBER II. 134 (right half of the page head; with col. 133: DE OFFICIIS MINISTRORUM LIBER II.)
  • marginal letters: A ‹85. Unde merito ei a patre dicitur›; B ‹Quas virtutes in eo quem consulamus›; C ‹Scivit humiliari, qui et venditorem›; D ‹(footnote area, beside note 95 continuation 'biscum faciunt')›
  • old-edition numerals: 91 before ‹CAPUT XVII.›
  • other: 'prepter' as the scan shows it, UNSURE (worn type possible). 'Tit II, 7' printed without a stop after Tit. 'benedictione coeli' printed with the oe ligature. Column ends at a semicolon; para. 88 continues in col. 135.
PL 16:135
nihil improbum ac malevolum, quod avertat consulentes. Alia sunt enim quae fugiuntur, alia quae contemnuntur. Fugiuntur ea quae possunt nocere, quae malitiose possunt in noxam †recipere; ut si is qui consulitur, dubia sit fide, et pecuniae avidus, ut possit pretio mutari: si injuriosus, hic fugitur ac declinatur. Qui vero voluptuarius, intemperans; etsi alienus a fraude, tamen avarus et cupidior lucri turpis, hic contemnitur. Quod enim specimen industriae, quem fructum laboris edere potest, quam recipere animo curam ac sollicitudinem, qui se torpori dederit atque ignaviae?
nothing wicked or malevolent, that might turn away those who consult him. For some things are shunned, others despised. Those things are shunned which can do harm, which can maliciously turn to injury; as, if he who is consulted is of doubtful faith and greedy for money, so that he can be changed by a price; if he is given to wrongdoing, such a man is shunned and avoided. But he who is pleasure-loving and intemperate, even if a stranger to fraud, yet grasping and too eager for base gain, such a man is despised. For what proof of diligence, what fruit of labour can he show, what care and solicitude can he take up in his mind, who has given himself over to sloth and idleness?
89. Ideo boni vir consilii dicit: Ego enim didici, in quibus sum, sufficiens esse (Philipp. IV, 11). Sciebat enim omnium malorum radicem esse avaritiam (I Tim. VI, 10), et ideo suo contentus erat, alienum non requirebat. Satis mihi est, inquit, quod habeo; sive parum, sive plurimum habeam, mihi plurimum est. Expressius aliquid dicendum videtur. Signato verbo usus est: Sufficit mihi, inquit, in quo sum; id est, nec deest, nec superfluit. Non deest, quia nihil quaero amplius: non superfluit, quia non solum mihi habeo, sed pluribus. Hoc de pecunia.
89. Therefore the man of good counsel says: For I have learned, in whatever state I am, to be content (Phil. 4:11). For he knew that avarice is the root of all evils (1 Tim. 6:10), and therefore he was content with his own and did not seek what was another's. What I have, he says, is enough for me; whether I have little or very much, to me it is very much. Something seems to need saying more expressly. He used a well-marked word: It is enough for me, he says, in the state I am in; that is, it neither falls short nor runs over. It does not fall short, because I seek nothing more; it does not run over, because I have it not for myself alone but for many. This concerning money.
90. Caeterum de omnibus dici potest quia sufficiebant illi praesentia. hoc est, non honorem majorem, non obsequia uberiora desiderabat; non gloriae immodicae cupidus, aut gratiam indebite quaerebat: sed debiti finem certaminis, patiens laboris, securus meriti praestolabatur: Scio, inquit, Et humiliari (Philipp. IV, 12). Non ergo indocta humilitas, sed quae habeat sui modestiam et scientiam, laudi datur. Est enim humilitas formidinis, est imperitiae atque ignorantiae; et ideo Scriptura ait: Et humiles spiritu salvabit (Psal. XXXIII, 19). Praeclare ergo dixit: Scio et humiliari, id est, quo in loco, qua moderatione, quo fine, in quo officio, in quo munere. Nescivit Pharisaeus humiliari, ideo dejectus est: scivit publicanus, ideo justificatus est (Luc. XVIII, 11-14).
90. But it can be said of all things that what he had sufficed him; that is, he did not desire greater honour, nor more abundant deference; he was not covetous of excessive glory, nor did he seek favour unduly: but, patient of toil and secure of his merit, he awaited the end of the contest that was owed. I know, he says, how to be humbled too (Phil. 4:12). So it is not an untaught humility that is given praise, but one that has moderation and knowledge of itself. For there is a humility of fear, there is one of inexperience and ignorance; and therefore Scripture says: And He will save the humble of spirit (Ps. 33:19). Excellently, then, he said: I know how to be humbled too; that is, in what place, with what moderation, to what end, in what duty, in what office. The Pharisee did not know how to be humbled, therefore he was cast down; the publican knew, therefore he was justified (Luke 18:11–14).
91. Sciebat et abundare Paulus, qui animum habebat divitem: etsi thesaurum divitis non habebat. Sciebat abundare, qui non quaerebat datum in pecunia, sed requirebat fructum in gratia. Possumus et sic intelligere, quia sciebat abundare, qui poterat dicere: Os nostrum patet ad vos, o Corinthii, cor nostrum dilatatum est (II Cor. VI, 11).
91. Paul knew also how to abound, for he had a rich mind, even though he had not a rich man's treasure. He knew how to abound, who did not seek a gift in money, but sought fruit in grace. We may understand it thus too: that he knew how to abound who could say: Our mouth is open to you, O Corinthians, our heart is enlarged (2 Cor. 6:11).
92. In omnibus erat imbutus, et saturari et esurire, Beatus qui sciebat saturari in Christo. Non ergo illa
92. He was schooled in all things, both to be filled and to be hungry. Blessed he who knew how to be filled in Christ. Not, then, that
Editors' notes and page, col. 135

Footnotes

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Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 379, lin. 9: « Non enim omnes eos contemnunt, de quibus male existimant, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 379, line 9: "For they do not despise all those of whom they think ill," etc.

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Vetustissimi cod., Efficit mihi, inquit, ... quia efficiebant illis.

The most ancient codices: "It suffices me, he says,... because they sufficed them."

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Omnes edit., esurire et sitire Dominum: mss. nonnulli, esurire Deum, sitiret, aut sitire et Dominum; alii magno numero, esuriret Deum sitiret in Dominum, in quorum tamen aliquibus in non legitur.

All the editions: "to hunger and thirst for the Lord"; some manuscripts: "to hunger for God, he thirsted," or "to thirst and the Lord"; others in great number: "he hungered for God, he thirsted in the Lord," though in some of these "in" is not read.

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Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 385, lin. 40: « Nullum igitur vitium tetrius... quam avaritia, præsertim in principibus, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 385, line 40: "No vice, then, is fouler... than avarice, especially in leading men," etc.

(printed under page 71)

Page

  • running head: 135 S. AMBROS- (left half of the page head as visible; the rest falls on col. 136)
  • marginal letters: A ‹nihil improbum ac malevolum›; B ‹ritiam (I Tim. VI, 10), et ideo›; C ‹humilitas, sed quae habeat sui›; D ‹Corinthii, cor nostrum dilatatum›
  • old-edition numerals: 92 before ‹90. Caeterum›
PL 16:136
corporalis, sed spiritalis est satietas, quam operatur scientia. Et merito scientia opus est: quia non in pane solo vivit homo, sed in omni verbo Dei (Deut. VIII, 3). Ergo qui sic sciebat saturari et sic esurire, sciebat ut semper nova quaereret, esuriret Deum, sitiret in Dominum. Sciebat esurire, qui sciebat quia esurientes manducabunt (Matth. V, 6): sciebat et poterat abundare, qui nihil habebat, et possidebat omnia (II Cor. VI, 10).
the fullness was bodily, but spiritual, which knowledge works. And rightly is there need of knowledge: because man lives not by bread alone, but by every word of God (Deut. 8:3). So he who knew thus how to be filled and thus how to hunger knew how always to seek new things, to hunger for God, to thirst for the Lord. He knew how to hunger, who knew that the hungry shall eat (Matt. 5:6); he knew how, and was able, to abound, who had nothing and possessed all things (2 Cor. 6:10).
CAPUT XVIII.
CHAPTER XVIII.
Quantum iniqui consiliarii damni afferant, exemplo decem tribuum a rege Roboam discedentium sat intelligi.
How much harm wicked counsellors bring is understood well enough from the example of the ten tribes departing from King Rehoboam.
93. Egregie itaque viros †alicui praesidentes muneri commendat justitia: contra iniquitas destituit atque impugnat. Exemplo nobis est Scriptura quae dicit quia cum populus Israel post mortem Salomonis rogasset filium ejus Roboam, ut relevaret cervices eorum a servitute dura, et paterni imperii temperaret austeritatem, illum, spreto senili consilio de suggestione adolescentium responsum dedisse hujusmodi, quia et onus adjiceret super patrium jugum, et leviora gravioribus suppliciis mutaret (III Reg. XII, 1-4).
93. Justice, then, commends excellently men who preside over any office; iniquity, on the contrary, forsakes and assails them. Scripture is an example to us, which says that when the people of Israel, after the death of Solomon, had asked his son Rehoboam to relieve their necks from hard servitude and to temper the severity of his father's rule, he, spurning the counsel of the old men, at the prompting of the young men gave an answer of this kind: that he would both add a burden upon his father's yoke and exchange lighter punishments for heavier (1 Kgs. 12:1–4).
94. Quo responso exasperati responderunt populi: Non est nobis portio cum David, neque haereditas in filiis Jesse. Revertere unusquisque in tabernacula tua, Israel (Ibid. 16); quoniam hic homo neque in principem, neque in ducem erit nobis. Itaque desertus a populo ac destitutus, vix duarum tribuum propter David meritum habere potuit societatem.
94. Exasperated by this answer, the peoples replied: We have no portion with David, nor inheritance in the sons of Jesse. Return, every one, to your tents, Israel (ibid. 16); for this man shall be to us neither for prince nor for leader. So, deserted and forsaken by the people, he could scarcely keep the fellowship of two tribes, for David's merit.
CAPUT XIX.
CHAPTER XIX.
Justitia et benevolentia et affabilitate plurimos conciliari: sed hanc sinceram esse debere.
That very many are won over by justice, benevolence and affability; but that this last must be sincere.
95. Claret ergo quoniam et aequitas imperia confirmet, et injustitia dissolvat. Nam quomodo potest malitia regnum possidere, quae ne unam quidem privatam potest regere familiam? Summa igitur benignitate opus est, ut non solum publica gubernacula, sed etiam privata jura tueamur. Plurimum juvat benevolentia, quae omnes studet beneficiis amplecti, devincere officiis, oppignerare gratia.
95. It is clear, then, that equity strengthens empires and injustice dissolves them. For how can malice possess a kingdom, which cannot rule even a single private household? There is need, therefore, of the utmost kindness, that we may safeguard not only the helm of the state but also private rights. Benevolence helps very greatly, which strives to embrace all with benefits, to bind them with good offices, to pledge them by favour.
96. Affabilitatem quoque sermonis diximus ad conciliandam gratiam valere plurimum. Sed hanc volumus esse sinceram ac sobriam, sine ulla adulatione, ne simplicitatem ac puritatem alloquii dedeceat sermonis adulatio; forma enim esse debemus caeteris non solum in opere, sed etiam
96. We have said too that affability of speech avails very greatly for winning favour. But we wish it to be sincere and sober, without any flattery, lest flattery of speech disgrace the simplicity and purity of address; for we ought to be a pattern to others not only in deed, but also
Editors' notes and page, col. 136

Footnotes

(4) ‹anchor: hic homo› · call in col 136

Quoniam hic homo, etc., non reperiuntur in bibliis; sicut nec ultima verba, erit nobis, in pluribus potioribusque mss., quorum etiam aliqui pro neque in ducem, legunt neque in judicem.

"Since this man," etc., is not found in the Bible; nor are the last words, "shall be to us," in the more numerous and better manuscripts, some of which also read "nor as judge" for "nor as leader."

(printed under page 71)

(5) ‹anchor: injustitia dissolvat› · call in col 136

Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 378, lin. 8: « Quæ si populo Rom. injuste, » etc. Item pag. 379, lin. 43: « Cum igitur tanta vis justitiæ sit, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 378, line 8: "And if [these things] unjustly to the Roman people," etc. Also p. 379, line 43: "Since, then, the force of justice is so great," etc.

(printed under page 71)

(6) ‹anchor: sine ulla adulatione› · call in col 136

Ibid., pag. 380, lin. 9: « Quam præclare Socrates hanc viam... ut qualis haberi vellet, talis esset. Quod si qui simulatione, » etc.

Ibid., p. 380, line 9: "How excellently Socrates [said] that this road... that a man should be such as he wished to be thought. But if any [think] by pretence," etc.

(printed under page 71)

(7) ‹anchor: sermonis adulatio› · call in col 136

Edit ultima Paris. cum pauci mss., deleat sermonis adulatio.

The latest Paris edition with a few manuscripts: "flattery of speech destroys." [The verb is small in the image; read as "deleat".]

(printed under page 71)

Page

  • running head: S. AMBROSII. 136 (right half of the page head; left half reads 135 S. AMBROS-)
  • marginal letters: A ‹corporalis, sed spiritalis est›; B ‹atque impugnat. Exemplo nobis›; C ‹propter David meritum habere›; D ‹latione, ne simplicitatem ac›
  • old-edition numerals: 93 before ‹CAPUT XIX.›
  • other: top third of the column is very faint in the scan. '†alicui' UNSURE: the faint type could read 'alieni'. 'consiliarii' in the caption, 'satietas', 'sitiret in Dominum', and 'puritatem' (the scan suggests 'pluritatem') read through faint or worn type, UNSURE.
PL 16:137
in sermone, in castitate ac fide. Quales haberi volumus, tales simus: et qualem affectum habemus, talem aperiamus. Neque dicamus in corde nostro verbum iniquum, quod abscondi putemus silentio; quia audit in occulto dicta, qui occulta fecit: et cognoscit secreta viscerum, qui sensum visceribus infudit. Ergo tanquam sub oculis constituti judicis, quidquid gerimus, in luce positum putemus, ut omnibus manifestetur.
in speech, in chastity and faith. Let us be such as we wish to be thought, and let us disclose such feeling as we have. Nor let us speak in our heart a wicked word which we think hidden by silence; for He hears what is spoken in secret Who made secret things, and He knows the secrets of the inmost parts Who poured sense into those inmost parts. Therefore, as though set under the eyes of the Judge, let us reckon that whatever we do is placed in the light, so as to be made plain to all.
CAPUT XX.
CHAPTER XX.
Omnibus multum prodesse bonorum familiaritatem, maxime vero adolescentibus: hoc Jesu Nave ac Moysi, aliisque exemplis probari quibus subjicitur qui aetate sunt dispares, virtute interdum pares esse, ut Petrus ac Joannes patefecerunt.
That familiarity with good men profits all greatly, but most of all the young: this is proved by the example of Joshua son of Nun and Moses, and by other examples, to which is added that those who are unequal in age are sometimes equal in virtue, as Peter and John made plain.
97. Plurimum itaque prodest unicuique bonis jungi. Adolescentibus quoque utile, ut claros et sapientes viros sequantur; quoniam qui congreditur sapientibus, sapiens est: qui autem cohaeret imprudentibus, imprudens agnoscitur. Et ad instructionem itaque plurimum proficit, et ad probitatis testimonium. Ostendunt enim adolescentes eorum se imitatores esse, quibus adhaerent: et ea convalescit opinio, quod ab his vivendi acceperint similitudinem, cum quibus conversandi hauserint cupiditatem.
97. It profits everyone very greatly, then, to be joined to the good. For the young too it is useful to follow illustrious and wise men; since he who keeps company with the wise is wise, but he who clings to the foolish is recognized as foolish. So it profits very greatly both for instruction and as a testimony to uprightness. For young men show that they are imitators of those to whom they attach themselves; and the opinion grows strong that they have taken their likeness in living from those with whom they have drunk in the desire of keeping company.
98. Inde tantus Jesus Nave, quod eum non solum erudivit ad Legis scientiam Moysi copula, verum etiam sanctificavit ad gratiam. Denique cum in ejus tabernaculo divina refulgere praesentia videretur majestas Domini, solus erat in tabernaculo Jesus Nave. Moyses cum Deo loquebatur, Jesus pariter nube sacra tegebatur. Presbyteri et populus deorsum stabant; Jesus cum Moyse ad accipiendam Legem ascendebat (Exod. XXIV, 13-18). Omnis populus intra castra erat, Jesus extra castra in tabernaculo testimonii. Cum columna nubis descenderet, et loqueretur cum Moyse, quasi fidus astabat minister: nec exibat de tabernaculo juvenis, cum seniores longe positi divina trepidarent miracula.
98. Hence the greatness of Joshua son of Nun: that his bond with Moses not only schooled him in the knowledge of the Law, but also sanctified him for grace. And so, when in his tabernacle the majesty of the Lord was seen to shine with divine presence, Joshua son of Nun alone was in the tabernacle. Moses spoke with God; Joshua likewise was covered by the sacred cloud. The elders and the people stood below; Joshua went up with Moses to receive the Law (Exod. 24:13–18). All the people were within the camp; Joshua was outside the camp in the tabernacle of the testimony. When the pillar of cloud came down and spoke with Moses, he stood by as a faithful minister; nor did the young man go out of the tabernacle, while the elders, standing far off, trembled at the divine wonders.
99. Ubique igitur inter admiranda opera et reverenda secreta sancto Moysi individuus adhaerebat
99. Everywhere, then, amid works to be wondered at and secrets to be revered, he clung inseparably to holy Moses
Editors' notes and page, col. 137

Footnotes

[The left-column image is faint; notes (8)–(11) and the opening of (13) are read with some uncertainty.] (printed under page 72)

(8) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 137 (presumably, above the visible text)

Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 380, lin. 38: « Facillime autem.. adolescentes qui se ad claros et sapientes, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 380, line 38: "Most easily, however,... young men who [attach] themselves to famous and wise men," etc.

(printed under page 72)

(9) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 137 (presumably, above the visible text)

Superiores Edit., itaque bonis jungi plurimum prodest.

The earlier editions: "and so to be joined to good men is of the greatest benefit."

(printed under page 72)

(10) ‹anchor: videretur majestas› · call in col 137

Edit. cum mss., refulgeret præsentia et videretur majestas, etc.

The editions with manuscripts: "the presence shone and the majesty was seen," etc.

(printed under page 72)

(11) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 137 (presumably)

Cic. lib. de Senectute pag. 409, lin. 9: « Et cum adolescentibus bona indole præditis sapientes senes delectantur, » etc.

Cicero, On Old Age, p. 409, line 9: "And wise old men take delight in young men endowed with a good disposition," etc.

(printed under page 72)

Page

  • running head: 137 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRO- (left half of the page head as visible; the rest falls on col. 138)
  • marginal letters: A ‹in sermone, in castitate ac fide›; B ‹jungi. Adolescentibus quoque›; C ‹culo Jesus Nave. Moyses›; D ‹(footnote area, beside notes 8–13)›
  • old-edition numerals: 94 after ‹Deo›
  • other: the whole column is very faint in the scan; much read through faded type. UNSURE in particular: 'quia audit ... qui occulta fecit', 'subjicitur' in the caption, 'eruditvit/erudivit', 'convalescit opinio', 'fidus astabat'. Printer's signature 'PATROL. XVI.' at the foot, omitted. Column ends mid-sentence; para. 99 continues in col. 138.
PL 16:138
Unde factum est ut qui fuerat socius conversationis, fieret successor potestatis (Deut. XXXIV, 9). Merito vir hujusmodi evasit, ut sisteret fluminum cursus (Josue III, 15-17), diceret: Stet sol, et staret sol quasi ejus spectator victoriae noctem differret, diem produceret (Josue X, 12, 13): quid! (quod Moysi negatum est) solus eligeretur, ut populum introduceret in terram repromissionis. Magnus vir fidei miraculis, magnus triumphis. Illius augustiora opera, hujus prosperiora. Uterque igitur divina subnixus gratia, ultra humanam processit conditionem: ille mari (Exod. XIV, 21), hic coelo imperavit.
Whence it came about that he who had been the companion of his way of life became the successor of his authority (Deut. 34:9). Rightly did such a man turn out so that he stopped the courses of rivers (Josh. 3:15–17), and said: Let the sun stand still, and the sun stood, as though, a spectator of his victory, it put off the night and prolonged the day (Josh. 10:12–13); what more! (a thing denied to Moses) he alone was chosen to lead the people into the land of promise. A great man in the miracles of faith, great in triumphs. The works of the one were more august, those of the other more prosperous. Each, then, upheld by divine grace, went beyond the human condition: the one commanded the sea (Exod. 14:21), the other the heaven.
100. Pulchra itaque copula seniorum atque adolescentium. Alii testimonio, alii solatio sunt; alii magisterio, alii delectationi. Omitto quod Abrahae adhaesit Lot adolescentulus etiam proficiscenti (Gen. XII, 4), ne forte hoc propinquitatis magis fuisse existimetur, et necessariae potius quam voluntariae adjunctionis. Quid Eliam atque Elisaeum loquamur? Licet non expresse Elisaeum juvenem Scriptura significaverit, advertimus tamen et colligimus juniorem fuisse (III Reg. XIX, 21). In actibus apostolorum Barnabas Marcum assumpsit, Paulus Silam, Paulus Timotheum, Paulus Titum (Act. XV, 39, 40; XVI, 3; Galat. II, 1).
100. A fair bond, then, is that of old men and young. Some are for witness, others for comfort; some for teaching, others for delight. I pass over that the young Lot clung to Abraham even when he set out (Gen. 12:4), lest perhaps this be thought to belong rather to kinship, and to a necessary rather than a voluntary association. Why should we speak of Elijah and Elisha? Though Scripture has not expressly said that Elisha was a young man, yet we notice and gather that he was the younger (1 Kgs. 19:21). In the Acts of the Apostles Barnabas took Mark, Paul Silas, Paul Timothy, Paul Titus (Acts 15:39–40; 16:3; Gal. 2:1).
101. Sed illis superioribus videmus divisa officia, ut seniores consilio praevalerent, juniores ministerio. Plerumque etiam virtutibus pares, dispares aetatibus, sui delectantur copula, sicut delectabantur Petrus et Joannes. Nam adolescentem legimus in Evangelio Joannem et sua voce, licet meritis et sapientia nulli fuerit seniorum secundus, erat enim in eo senectus venerabilis morum et cana prudentia. Vita enim immaculata bonae senectutis stipendium est.
101. But in those earlier ones we see the duties divided, so that the elders prevailed in counsel, the younger in service. Often too those equal in virtues, unequal in years, delight in their bond, as Peter and John delighted. For we read in the Gospel, and in his own words, that John was a young man, though in merits and wisdom he was second to none of the elders; for there was in him a venerable old age of character and a hoary prudence. For a spotless life is the wage of a good old age.
CAPUT XXI.
CHAPTER XXI.
Plurimum valere ad commendationem, si defendas infirmos, aut peregrinos suscipias, similiave officia exhibeas, et hoc maxime viris probatis. Ubi injecta avaritiae vituperatione, potissimum prodigalitas in sacerdotibus improbatur.
That it avails very greatly for good repute if you defend the weak, or take in strangers, or perform similar offices, and this especially for approved men. Where, after a censure of avarice has been thrown in, prodigality in priests above all is condemned.
102. Adjuvat hoc quoque ad profectum bonae existimationis, si de potentis manibus eripias inopem, de morte damnatum eruas, quantum sine
102. This also helps towards the advancement of a good name: if you snatch the needy man from the hands of the powerful, if you rescue the condemned man from death, so far as without
Editors' notes and page, col. 138

Footnotes

(11) ‹anchor: seniorum atque adolescentium› · call in col 138

Cic. lib. de Senectute pag. 409, lin. 9: « Et cum adolescentibus bona indole praeditis sapientes senes delectantur, » etc.

Cicero, On Old Age, p. 409, line 9: "And wise old men take delight in young men endowed with a good disposition," etc.

(printed under page 72; in the left foot, under col 137, where n137 also sets it and gives the call as col 137 — the call is printed in col 138, para. 100. 'cum' is faint.)

(12) ‹anchor: et sua voce› · call in col 138

Rom. edit. resecaverat, et sua voce, quod tamen in aliis edit. et cunctis mss. reperimus.

The Roman edition had cut out "and by his own voice," which, however, we find in the other editions and in all the manuscripts.

(printed under page 72)

(13) ‹anchor: eripias inopem› · call in col 138

Cic. lib. II Offic. pag. 381, lin. 29: « Maxime autem et gloria paritur et gratia defensionibus, » etc. Quod autem ait Ambrosius, de morte damnatum eruas, de hoc adeas licet, quae nos tomo I Expos. in psal. CXVIII, serm. 8, num. 41, subnotavimus. Hic vero id unum libet adjicere, cautionem appositam hoc loco hinc promanasse, quod cum interdum episcopi, clerici vel etiam monachi ferventiore quam prudentiore zelo reos suppliciis eripere niterentur, aut seditionibus, aut saltem gravibus judicum imperatorum[?] querelis ansam dabant. Adde quod etiam fieri poterat, ut quos per corruptionem ipsi liberaverant, eos per vim ab episcopis raptos causarentur. Tollendo igitur huic malo leges nonnullae reperiuntur datae ab imperatoribus; ut puta a Theodosio et Arcadio lib. XV et XVI de Poenis. Porro morem hunc quo clerici ac monachi supplicio reos alias eximebant, Cujacius, Paratitlo cod. de Episc. audientia, autumat ortum duxisse ab exemplo paganorum sacrificiorum; hoc enim eo jure potitos esse Taciti, Suetonii et Plutarchi auctoritate idem astruit. Superest autem etiamnum apud nos vestigium quoddam priscae hujus consuetudinis, dum Rothomagi singulis annis, festo Ascensionis die, unus de reis homicidii, postquam solemni ritu sacrum Romani episcopi feretrum humeris subivit (continues)

Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 381, line 29: "But glory and gratitude are won above all by defending others," etc. As for Ambrose's saying "rescue one condemned to death," on this you may consult what we noted in vol. I, Exposition of Psalm 118, sermon 8, no. 41. Here we wish to add only this: that the caution set in this place arose from the fact that bishops, clerics or even monks, when they sometimes strove with a zeal more fervent than prudent to snatch the guilty from punishment, gave occasion either to riots or at least to grave complaints from judges and emperors[?]. Add that it could also happen that those whom they had themselves freed by bribery were alleged to have been carried off by force by the bishops. To remove this evil, then, some laws are found issued by the emperors, for instance by Theodosius and Arcadius, [Code] On Punishments, laws 15 and 16. Further, Cujas, in his Paratitla on the Code title On the Bishop's Hearing, holds that this custom by which clerics and monks otherwise exempted the guilty from punishment took its origin from the example of the pagan priests; for he establishes from the authority of Tacitus, Suetonius and Plutarch that they enjoyed that right. There still survives among us a certain trace of this ancient custom: at Rouen every year, on the feast of the Ascension, one of those accused of homicide, after he has taken on his shoulders, with solemn rite, the sacred reliquary of the bishop Romanus (continues)

(printed under page 72)

Page

  • running head: MINISTRORUM LIBER II. 138 (right half of the page head; with col. 137: DE OFFICIIS MINISTRORUM LIBER II.)
  • marginal letters: A ‹Unde factum est ut qui fuerat›; B ‹adhaesit Lot adolescentulus›; C ‹tis et sapientia nulli fuerit›; D ‹(footnote area, beside the continuation of note 13)›
  • old-edition numerals: 95 after ‹potentis›
  • other: the Genesis reference may be printed 'XII. 4' with a stop; set with the usual comma, UNSURE. A printer's mark at the page foot omitted. Column ends mid-sentence; para. 102 continues in col. 139.
  • QA Q6b: in (13), 'XVI' (could be XVII in the faint scan), 'imperatorum' and 'auctoritate' (could be printed 'autoritate') are UNSURE at this resolution; left as set.
PL 16:139
perturbatione fieri potest; ne videamur jactantiae magis causa facere, quam misericordiae, et graviora inferre vulnera, dum levioribus mederi desideramus. Jam si oppressum opibus potentis, et factione magis quam sceleris sui pretio gravatum liberaveris, egregiae convalescit opinionis testimonium.
disturbance it can be done; lest we seem to act more for the sake of boasting than of mercy, and inflict graver wounds while we desire to heal lighter ones. Again, if you set free one oppressed by the wealth of a powerful man, and weighed down by faction more than by the price of his own crime, the testimony of an excellent reputation grows strong.
103. Commendat plerosque etiam hospitalitas. Est enim publica species humanitatis, ut peregrinus hospitio non egeat, suscipiatur officiose, pateat advenienti janua. Valde id decorum totius est orbis existimatione, peregrinos cum honore suscipi, non desse mensae hospitalitatis gratiam, occurrere officiis liberalitatis, explorare adventus hospitum.
103. Hospitality too commends many. For it is a public form of humanity that the stranger should not lack shelter, should be received with courtesy, that the door should stand open to him who comes. It is very seemly in the esteem of the whole world that strangers be received with honour, that the grace of hospitality be not lacking at table, that one go to meet them with the offices of liberality, that one watch for the arrival of guests.
104. Quod Abrahae laudi est datum, qui ante januam suam speculabatur, ne forte praeteriret peregrinus aliquis: et diligenter praetendebat excubias, ut occurreret, ut praeveniret, ut rogaret, ne transiret hospes, dicens: Domine si inveni gratiam ante te, ne praeterieris puerum tuum (Gen. XVIII, 3). Et ideo pro hospitalitatis mercede fructum posteritatis recepit.
104. This was given to Abraham for praise, who kept watch before his door lest any stranger should perhaps pass by; and he diligently kept up his watch, so as to go to meet him, to be beforehand with him, to beg the guest not to pass on, saying: Lord, if I have found favour before you, do not pass by your servant (Gen. 18:3). And therefore, as the reward of hospitality, he received the fruit of posterity.
105. Lot quoque nepos ejus non solum genere, sed etiam virtute proximus, propter hospitalitatis affectum Sodomitana a se suisque supplicia detorsit (Gen. XIX, 3-9).
105. Lot too, his nephew, nearest to him not only in kin but in virtue, through his love of hospitality turned aside the punishments of Sodom from himself and his own (Gen. 19:3–9).
106. Decet igitur hospitalem esse, benignum, justum, non alieni cupidum: imo de suo jure cedentem potius aliqua, si fuerit lacessitus. quam aliena jura pulsantem, fugitantem litium, abhorrentem a jurgiis, redimentem concordiam et tranquillitatis gratiam. Siquidem de suo jure virum bonum aliquid relaxare, non solum liberalitatis, sed plerumque etiam commoditatis est. Primum dispendio litis carere, non mediocre est lucrum; deinde accedit ad fructum quod augetur amicitia, ex qua oriuntur plurimae commoditates, quae contemnenti aliquo in tempore, postea fructuosae erunt.
106. It befits a man, then, to be hospitable, kind, just, not covetous of what is another's; rather yielding something of his own right, if he has been provoked, than assailing the rights of others; shunning lawsuits, shrinking from quarrels, buying back concord and the boon of tranquillity. For that a good man should relax something of his own right belongs not only to liberality, but often to advantage too. First, to be free of the cost of a lawsuit is no mean gain; then there is added to the profit that friendship is increased, from which spring very many advantages, which, to one who despises them at some time, will afterwards prove fruitful.
Editors' notes and page, col. 139

Footnotes

(14) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 139 (presumably, above the visible text)

Cic. lib. II Offic. pag. 386, lin. 37: « Recte etiam a Theophrasto est laudata hospitalitas, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 386, line 37: "Hospitality too has rightly been praised by Theophrastus," etc.

(printed under page 73)

(15) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 139 (presumably, above the visible text)

Quidam mss., janua. Quanta gratia et merces est, qui hospites et peregrinos suscipit. Valde id, etc.

Certain manuscripts: "door. How great is the favour and reward of one who receives guests and strangers. Very much that," etc.

(printed under page 73)

(16) ‹anchor: fuerit lacessitus› · call in col 139

Ibid., pag. 383, lin. 30: « In omni re contrahenda.... æquum et facilem, multa multis de suo jure decedentem, » etc.

Ibid., p. 383, line 30: "In every contract... fair and easy, yielding much of his own right to many," etc.

(printed under page 73)

(17) ‹anchor: fructuosæ erunt› · call in col 139

Edit. omnes, quæ contemnenti aliquo in tempore. postea fructuosæ sint? mss. vero omnes, ut in contextu; si tamen unum ad alterum excipias, ubi legitur, quæ contemnenti aliquo in tempore, postea fructuosa erunt.

All the editions: "which to one who despises them at some time, may afterwards be fruitful?" But all the manuscripts as in the text; except perhaps one or two, where it reads: "which, to one who despises them at some time, will afterwards be fruitful" (neuter).

(printed under page 73)

Page

  • running head: 139 S. AMBROS- (left half of the page head as visible; the rest falls on col. 140)
  • marginal letters: A ‹perturbatione fieri potest›; B ‹grinus aliquis: et diligenter›; C ‹aliquid relaxare, non solum›; D ‹(footnote area, beside notes 16–17)›
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
  • other: 'lacessitus. quam' stop and lower case as printed.
PL 16:140
107. In officiis autem hospitalibus, omnibus quidem humanitas impartienda est: justis autem uberior deferenda honorificentia: Quicunque enim justum receperit in nomine justi, mercedem justi accipiet (Matth. X, 41), ut Dominus pronuntiavit. Tanta autem est apud Deum hospitalitatis gratia, ut ne potus quidem aquae frigidae a praemiis remunerationis immunis sit. Vides quia Abraham Deum recepit hospitio, dum hospites quaerit? Vides quia Lot angelos recepit? Unde scis ne et tu cum suscipis hominem, suscipias Christum? Licet in hospite sit Christus; quia Christus in paupere est, sicut ipse ait: In carcerem eram, et venistis ad me: nudus eram, et operuistis me (Matth. XXV, 36).
107. In the offices of hospitality, kindness is indeed to be imparted to all, but a fuller honour is to be shown to the just: For whoever receives a just man in the name of a just man shall receive the reward of a just man (Matt. 10:41), as the Lord declared. And so great is the grace of hospitality with God that not even a drink of cold water is left without the rewards of recompense. Do you see that Abraham received God as his guest while he was seeking guests? Do you see that Lot received angels? How do you know that you too, when you take in a man, are not taking in Christ? Christ may be in the guest; for Christ is in the poor man, as He Himself says: I was in prison, and you came to Me; I was naked, and you covered Me (Matt. 25:36).
108. Suave est igitur non pecuniae, sed gratiae studere. Verum hoc malum jamdudum humanis influxit mentibus, ut pecunia honori sit, et animi hominum divitiarum admiratione capiantur. Inde se immersit avaritia, veluti quaedam bonorum ariditas officiorum, ut homines damnum putent quidquid praeter morem impenditur. Sed etiam in hoc adversus avaritiam, ne quod afferre possit impedimentum, prospexit Scriptura venerabilis, dicens: Quia melior est hospitalitas cum oleribus (Prov. XV, 17). Et infra: Melior est panis in suavitate cum pace (Prov. XVII, 1). Non enim prodigos nos docet esse Scriptura, sed liberales.
108. It is sweet, then, to be eager not for money but for goodwill. But this evil has long since flowed into human minds, that money is held in honour and the minds of men are captivated by admiration of riches. Thence avarice has plunged in, like a kind of drought of good offices, so that men think a loss whatever is spent beyond the custom. But even here venerable Scripture has provided against avarice, lest it bring any hindrance, saying: For better is hospitality with herbs (Prov. 15:17). And below: Better is bread in sweetness with peace (Prov. 17:1). For Scripture teaches us to be not prodigal but liberal.
109. Largitatis enim duo sunt genera: unum liberalitatis, alterum prodigae effusionis. Liberale est hospitio recipere, nudum vestire, redimere captivos, non habentes sumptu juvare; prodigum est, sumptuosis effluescere conviviis, et vino plurimo: unde legisti: Prodigum est vinum, et contumeliosa ebrietas Prov. XX, 1). Prodigum est popularis favoris gratia exinanire proprias opes: quod faciunt qui ludis circensibus, vel etiam theatralibus, et
109. For there are two kinds of largesse: one of liberality, the other of prodigal squandering. It is liberal to receive into one's house, to clothe the naked, to ransom captives, to help with expense those who have not; it is prodigal to overflow in costly banquets and in much wine: whence you have read: Wine is a prodigal thing, and drunkenness insolent (Prov. 20:1). It is prodigal to empty out one's own wealth for the sake of popular favour: as those do who on the games of the circus, or even on those of the theatre, and
Editors' notes and page, col. 140

Footnotes

(18) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 140 (presumably, above the visible text)

Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 384, lin. 22: « Itaque vulgo loquuntur se in beneficiis collocandis mores hominum, » etc.

Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 384, line 22: "And so men commonly say that in bestowing kindnesses [they look to] men's characters," etc.

(printed under page 73)

(19) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 140 (presumably, above the visible text)

Plures edit. et quidam mss., Qui scis an et tu cum suspicis hospitem. . . . cum in hospito sit Christus.

Several editions and certain manuscripts: "How do you know whether you too, when you receive a guest... since Christ is in the guest." [Printed "suspicis" and "hospito" as they appear.]

(printed under page 73)

(20) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 140 (presumably, above the visible text)

Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 384, lin. 23: « Sed quis est tandem qui inopis et optimi viri causæ non anteponat, » etc. Item lin. 43: « Sed corrupti mores depravatique sunt admiratione divitiarum. »

Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 384, line 23: "But who is there, after all, who would not put first the cause of a poor and excellent man," etc. Also line 43: "But morals are corrupted and depraved by admiration of riches."

(printed under page 73)

(21) ‹anchor: duo sunt genera› · call in col 140

Ibid., pag. 382, lin. 12: « Omnino duo sunt genera largorum, quorum alteri prodigi dicuntur, » etc. Quæ autem prodigalitatis exempla subjecit sanctus Ambrosius, eadem jam priore tomo sæpius exagitaverat: enimvero conviviorum luxum atque effusionem cum alibi non semel, tum plurimis locis lib. de Elia et Jejunio, suis coloribus descripta reperies: de circi autem ac theatri spectaculis præcipue habes in psal. CXVIII, serm. 5, pag. 1025. Quod autem in gladiatorum munera non ita crebro invehitur, hinc forte merito collexeris, Mediolani parum usitatum fuisse crudele illud oblectationis genus, quod nunquam non summo cum stomacho detestati sunt antiqui Patres. De hujusmodi certaminibus præter veteres auctores e recentioribus accuratissime disputavit J. Lipsius lib. duob. Saturnalium: Rosinus, in Antiq. Rom. nonnulla, Laurentius in Polymathia multa congessit. Ultimum tandem prodigi sumptus exemplum ponit venationes, circenses videlicet, in quibus feras insolitas per totam Africam aliasque dissitissimas regiones maximis impensis conquisitas populo exhibebant: de qua venandi ratione multa sunt apud Martialem epigrammata: nonnulla quoque habet Suetonius, atque alii: sed adeundus præ cæteris Tertull. de Spectaculis, et Cassiod lib. V Var.

Ibid., p. 382, line 12: "There are in all two kinds of open-handed men, of whom the one are called prodigal," etc. The examples of prodigality that St Ambrose sets down he had already attacked repeatedly in the previous volume: the luxury and extravagance of banquets you will find painted in their true colours more than once elsewhere, and especially in many places of the book On Elijah and Fasting; on the shows of the circus and theatre you have chiefly the Psalm 118 commentary, sermon 5, p. 1025. That he does not so often inveigh against gladiatorial shows, you may perhaps rightly infer from this that that cruel kind of entertainment, which the ancient Fathers always detested with the greatest disgust, was little practised at Milan. On contests of this kind, besides the ancient authors, J. Lipsius among the moderns has treated most accurately in two books of Saturnalia; Rosinus collected some things in his Roman Antiquities, and Laurentius many in his Polymathia. Last of all he gives as an example of prodigal expense the wild-beast hunts, namely those of the circus, in which unusual beasts, sought out at the greatest cost throughout all Africa and other very distant regions, were exhibited to the people: on this manner of hunting there are many epigrams in Martial; Suetonius and others also have something; but before all the rest Tertullian, On the Shows, and Cassiodorus, Variae book V, should be consulted.

(printed under page 73)

(22) ‹anchor: unum liberalitatis› · call in col 140

Cod. Big. post vocem genera subjungit, De duobus generibus largitatis. Sed ex margine.

The Bigot codex adds after the word "kinds": "On the two kinds of giving." But [this comes] from the margin.

(printed under page 73)

Page

  • running head: AMBROSII. 140 (right half of the page head; left half reads 139 S. AMBROS-)
  • marginal letters: A ‹107. In officiis autem hospitalibus›; B ‹108. Suave est igitur non pecuniae›; C ‹rale est hospitio recipere›; D ‹(footnote area, beside the continuation of note 21)›
  • old-edition numerals: 96 after ‹Christus›
  • other: '(Prov. XX, 1)' is printed without its opening parenthesis; set as printed. Column ends mid-sentence; para. 109 continues in col. 141.
PL 16:141
muneribus gladiatoriis, vel etiam venationibus patrimonium dilapidant suum, ut vincant superiorum celebritates; cum totum illud sit inane, quod agunt. Quandoquidem etiam bonorum operum sumptibus immoderatum esse non deceat.
on gladiatorial shows, or even on wild-beast hunts, so as to outdo the celebrations of those before them; whereas all that they do is empty. Since it is not fitting to be immoderate even in the expense of good works.
110. Pulchra liberalitas (Dist. 86, cap. Pulchra) erga ipsos quoque pauperes mensuram tenere, ut abundes pluribus: non conciliandi favoris gratia ultra modum fluere. Quidquid ex affectu puro ac sincero promitur, hoc est decorum: non superfluas aedificationes aggredi, nec praetermittere necessarias.
110. It is a fine liberality (Dist. 86, ch. Pulchra) to keep measure even towards the poor themselves, so that you may have enough for more of them; not to overflow beyond measure for the sake of winning favour. Whatever is brought forth from a pure and sincere affection, that is seemly: not to undertake superfluous buildings, nor to neglect necessary ones.
111. Et maxime sacerdoti hoc convenit, ornare Dei templum decore congruo, ut etiam hoc cultu aula Domini resplendeat: impensas misericordiae convenientes frequentare: quantum oporteat largiri peregrinis; non superflua, sed competentia: non redundantia, sed congrua humanitati; ne sumptu pauperum alienam sibi quaerat gratiam, nec restrictiorem erga clericos aut indulgentiorem se praebeat. Alterum enim inhumanum, alterum prodigum; si aut sumptus desit necessitati eorum quos a sordidis negotiationis aucupiis retrahere debeas: aut voluptati superfluat.
111. And this befits a priest most of all: to adorn the temple of God with fitting beauty, so that by this worship too the court of the Lord may shine; to make frequent the expenditures of mercy that are fitting; to give to strangers as much as is right, not what is superfluous but what is suitable, not what is excessive but what befits kindness; so that he may not seek for himself, at the cost of the poor, a favour that belongs to others, nor show himself too sparing or too indulgent towards the clergy. For the one is inhuman, the other prodigal: either if means are lacking for the need of those whom you ought to draw back from the sordid gain-seeking of trade, or if they overflow for pleasure.
CAPUT XXII.
CHAPTER XXII.
Modum inter nimiam remissionem ac severitatem esse statuendum; eos enim qui affectata remissione in aliorum animos irrepere moliuntur, solidum ac diuturnum nihil consequi: quod Abessalonis exemplum satis ostendit.
That a mean is to be set between excessive leniency and severity; for those who strive to creep into the minds of others by affected leniency gain nothing solid and lasting: as the example of Absalom sufficiently shows.
112. Quin etiam verborum ipsorum et praeceptorum esse mensuram convenit; ne aut nimia remissio videatur, aut nimia severitas. Plerique enim remissiores malunt esse, ut videantur boni esse: sed nihil simulatum et fictum verae virtutis esse certum est: quin etiam diuturnum esse non solet. In principio vernat, in processu tanquam flosculus dissipatur et solvitur: quod autem verum ac sincerum, alta radice fundatur.
112. Moreover, it is fitting that there be a measure in our very words and precepts, so that there may seem to be neither too much leniency nor too much severity. For many prefer to be rather lenient, so that they may seem to be good; but it is certain that nothing feigned and counterfeit belongs to true virtue; indeed it is not even wont to be lasting. At the beginning it blooms; as it goes on, like a little flower, it is scattered and falls apart; but what is true and sincere is founded on a deep root.
113. Et ut exemplis assertiones nostras probemus, quoniam quae simulata sunt, diuturna esse non possunt, sed tanquam ad tempus virentia cito decidunt, ex ea familia ex qua nobis plurima ad virtutis profectum exempla accersivimus, unum simulationis et fraudis proferamus testimonium.
113. And that we may prove our assertions by examples, since things that are feigned cannot be lasting but, like things green for a season, quickly fall away, let us bring forward one instance of feigning and fraud from that family from which we have fetched most of our examples for progress in virtue.
114. Abessalom erat David regis filius, decore insignis, egregius forma, praestans juventa; ita ut vir talis in Israel non reperiretur, a vestigiis pedis usque ad verticem immaculatus (II Reg. XIV, 25). Is fecit sibi currus et equos, et viros quinquaginta, qui praecurrerent ante eum. Surgebat diluculo, et stabat ante portam in via,
114. Absalom was the son of King David, remarkable for comeliness, outstanding in form, excelling in youth; so that no such man was found in Israel, without blemish from the soles of his feet to the crown of his head (2 Sam. 14:25). He made himself chariots and horses, and fifty men to run before him. He rose at dawn and stood before the gate in the way,
Editors' notes and page, col. 141

Footnotes

(23) ‹anchor: Pulchra liberalitas› · call in col 141

Gemet., Pulchra etiam liberalitas est in ipso [proprio?] dato mensuram tenere. [first words and fourth word faint in the scan]

The Jumièges manuscript reads: "It is a fine liberality, too, to keep measure in the very thing given" [reading uncertain].

(printed under page 74)

(24) ‹anchor: mensuram tenere› · call in col 141

Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 383, lin. 34 : « Habenda autem est ratio rei familiaris, » etc.

Cicero, De officiis book II, p. 383, line 34: "But account must be taken of one's household estate," etc.

(printed under page 74)

(25) ‹anchor: aedificationes aggredi› · call in col 141

Ibid., lin. 3. « Atque etiam illae impensae meliores sunt, muri, navalia, portus, etc.

Ibid., line 3: "And those expenditures are better too: walls, dockyards, harbours," etc.

(printed under page 74)

(26) ‹anchor: malunt esse› · call in col 141

Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 380, lin. 11 : « Quod si qui simulatione, et inani ostentatione, » etc. Item pag. 382, lin. 27 : « Ipsaque illa delinitio multitudinis, » etc.

Cicero, De officiis book II, p. 380, line 11: "But if any by pretence and empty display," etc. Likewise p. 382, line 27: "And that very soothing of the multitude," etc.

(printed under page 74)

Page

  • running head: 141 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRORUM (right portion of the head cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹muneribus gladiatoriis›; B ‹convenientes frequentare›; C ‹112. Quin etiam›; D ‹simulationis et fraudis›
  • old-edition numerals: 97 before CAPUT XXII.
PL 16:142
et si quem advertisset regis judicia quaerentem accedebat ad eum, dicens: Ex qua civitate es tu? Respondebat ille: Ex una tribu sum de tribubus Israel, servus tuus. Referebat Abessalon: Verba tua bona sunt et directa, et qui te audiat non est tibi datus a rege. Quis constituet me judicem, et quisquis ad me veniet, cuicunque fuerit judicium necessarium, justificabo illum? Talibus delinebat singulos sermonibus. Et cum accederent adorare eum, extendens manus suas, apprehendebat atque osculabatur eos (II Reg. XV, 1-6). Sic convertit in se corda omnium, dum blanditiae hujusmodi intimorum tangunt viscerum sensum.
and if he noticed anyone seeking the king's judgement, he would go up to him, saying: Of what city are you? He would answer: I am of one tribe of the tribes of Israel, your servant. Absalom would reply: Your words are good and right, and there is no one given you by the king to hear you. Who will appoint me judge, so that whoever comes to me, whoever has need of judgement, I may do him justice? With such speeches he soothed them one by one. And when they came near to do him reverence, stretching out his hands he took hold of them and kissed them (2 Sam. 15:1–6). Thus he turned the hearts of all to himself, while blandishments of this kind touch the feeling of the inmost heart.
115. Sed delicati isti et ambitiosi elegerunt honorabilia et grata ad tempus et jucunda: ubi parva processit dilatio, quam prudens omnium propheta paulisper cedendo interponendam putavit, non potuerunt tolerare ac sustinere. Denique non dubitans de victoria David, commendabat filium dimicaturis, ut ei parcerent (II Reg. XVIII, 5). Ideoque nec praelio interesse maluit; ne vel referre arma, parricidae licet, videretur, sed tamen filio.
115. But these pampered and ambitious men chose what was honourable and pleasing for the moment and agreeable: when a little delay came about, which the prophet, wisest of all, thought should be interposed by yielding for a while, they could not bear and endure it. In the end David, not doubting of victory, commended his son to those who were about to fight, that they should spare him (2 Sam. 18:5). And therefore he preferred not even to be present at the battle, lest he should seem even to bear arms back against one who, though a parricide, was nevertheless his son.
116. Liquet igitur ea esse perpetua ac solida, quae vera sunt, et quae sincere potius quam dolo congregantur; ea vero quae simulatione atque assentatione parata sunt, non posse diu perseverare.
116. It is clear, therefore, that those things are lasting and solid which are true, and which are gathered sincerely rather than by guile; but that those which are procured by pretence and flattery cannot long endure.
CAPUT XXIII.
CHAPTER XXIII.
Eorum qui vel pecunia vel ambitu redempti fuerint, fluxam fidem esse.
That the loyalty of those who have been bought either with money or by canvassing is unstable.
117. Quis igitur vel illos qui pecunia ad obedientiam redimuntur, vel eos qui assentatione invitantur, fidos sibi arbitretur? Nam et illi frequenter se vendere volunt, et isti imperia dura ferre non possunt. Levi assentatiuncula facile capiuntur, si perstrinxeris verbo, immurmurant, deserunt, infesti abeunt, indignantes relinquunt, imperare malunt, quam obedire, quasi obnoxios beneficio, subjectos sibi debere esse existimant, quos praepositos sibi habere debeant.
117. Who then would think those faithful to him who are bought into obedience with money, or those who are enticed by flattery? For the former are often willing to sell themselves, and the latter cannot bear hard commands. They are easily caught by a little flattery; if you graze them with a word, they murmur, they desert, they go away hostile, they leave in indignation; they prefer commanding to obeying; they think that those whom they ought to have set over them ought to be subject to them, as though bound by a favour.
118. Quis igitur sibi fideles putet, quos vel pecunia vel adulatione sibi obligandos crediderit? Nam et ille qui pecuniam acceperit, vilem se et despectum judicat, nisi saepe redimatur? Itaque frequenter exspectat pretium suum, et ille qui obsecratione ambitus videtur, vult semper se rogari.
118. Who then would think those faithful to him whom he has believed must be bound to him either by money or by flattery? For does not he too who has taken money judge himself cheap and despised unless he is often bought again? And so he frequently waits for his price; and he who seems to have been courted by entreaty wishes always to be asked.
CAPUT XXIV.
CHAPTER XXIV.
Bonis artibus ad honores nitendum, maxime ecclesiasticos: adeptum vero munus moderate ac sapienter administrandum. Nec inferiores ordines simulatis virtutibus episcopo derogare, nec item
That one must strive for honours, above all ecclesiastical ones, by good means; and that an office once obtained must be administered with moderation and wisdom. Nor should the lower orders disparage the bishop by feigned virtues, nor again
Editors' notes and page, col. 142

Footnotes

(27) ‹anchor: vel referre arma› · call in col 142

Rom. edit., interesse voluit, ne vel inferre arma.

The Roman edition reads: "he wished to be present, lest he seem even to bear arms [against him]."

(printed under page 74)

(28) ‹anchor: ad obedientiam redimuntur› · call in col 142

Ibid., pag. 376, lin. 15 : « Male enim se res habet, cum quod virtute effici debet, » etc. Item pag. 381, lin. 42 : « Praeclare in epistola quadam Alexandrum filium Philippus accusat, » etc.

Ibid., p. 376, line 15: "For things are in a bad way when what ought to be achieved by virtue," etc. Likewise p. 381, line 42: "Philip, in a certain letter, finely rebukes his son Alexander," etc.

(printed under page 74)

Page

  • running head: [DE OFFICIIS M]INISTRORUM LIBER II. 142 (left portion cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹et si quem advertisset›; B ‹va processit dilatio›; C ‹Eorum qui vel pecunia›; D ‹despectum judicat›
  • old-edition numerals: 98 before CAPUT XXIII.
PL 16:143
episcopum cleri invidum esse debere, sed justum in omnibus, atque comprimis in judicando.
should the bishop be envious of the clergy, but just in all things, and above all in judging.
119. Ergo bonis actibus et sincero proposito nitendum ad honorem arbitror, et maxime ecclesiasticum; ut neque resupina arrogantia, vel remissa negligentia sit, neque turpis affectatio, et indecora ambitio. Ad omnia abundat animi directa simplicitas, satisque se ipsa commendat.
119. Therefore I judge that one must strive for honour, and above all for ecclesiastical honour, by good acts and a sincere purpose; so that there be neither supine arrogance nor slack negligence, nor base pretension and unseemly ambition. For all things the straightforward simplicity of the mind is enough, and it commends itself sufficiently.
120. In ipso vero munere neque severitatem esse duram convenit, nec nimiam remissionem, ne aut potestatem exercere, aut susceptum officium nequaquam implere videamur.
120. In the office itself, however, it is fitting that there be neither harsh severity nor too much leniency, lest we seem either to be wielding power, or by no means to be fulfilling the duty we have taken up.
121. Enitendum quoque ut beneficiis atque officiis obligemus plurimos, et collatam reservemus gratiam: ne jure beneficii fiant immemores, qui se graviter laesos dolent. Saepe enim usu venit ut quos gratia foveris, vel aliquo superiore cumulaveris gradu, avertas, si indigne aliquem eis praeponendum judices. Sed et sacerdotem beneficiis suis vel judiciis favere convenit, ut aequitatem custodiat, et presbytero vel ministro deferre, ut parenti.
121. We must strive also to bind very many to us by kindnesses and good offices, and to preserve the goodwill once conferred, lest those who grieve that they have been gravely wronged should with reason become forgetful of a kindness. For it often happens that those whom you have cherished with favour, or loaded with some higher rank, you turn away from you if you unworthily judge that someone should be set over them. But it is fitting too that a bishop, in his kindnesses or his judgements, should show favour so as to keep equity, and should defer to a presbyter or a minister as to a parent.
122. Neque hos quia semel probati sunt, arrogantes esse oportet; sed magis tanquam memores gratiae, humilitatem tenere, neque offendi sacerdotem, si aut presbyter, aut minister, aut quisquam de clero, aut misericordia, aut jejunio, aut integritate, aut doctrina et lectione existimationem accumulet suam. Gratia enim Ecclesiae laus doctoris est. Bonum, opus alicujus praedicari, ita tamen si nullo studio fiat jactantiae. Laudent enim unumquemque proximorum labia, et non os suum, et commendent opera, non studia sua.
122. Nor ought these, because they have once been approved, to be arrogant; but rather, as mindful of the favour, to hold to humility; nor ought the bishop to take offence if a presbyter or a minister or anyone of the clergy increases his own reputation by mercy, or fasting, or integrity, or teaching and reading. For the credit of the Church is the praise of the teacher. It is good that someone's work be proclaimed, provided only that it be done with no desire for boasting. For let the lips of his neighbours praise each one, and not his own mouth, and let his works commend him, not his own efforts.
123. Caeterum si quis non obediat episcopo, extollere atque exaltare sese desideret, obumbrare merita episcopi simulata affectatione doctrinae aut humilitatis, aut misericordiae, is a vero devius superbit; quoniam veritatis ea est regula, ut nihil
123. But if anyone does not obey the bishop, desires to lift himself up and exalt himself, to overshadow the bishop's merits by a feigned affectation of learning or humility or mercy, he has strayed from the truth and is proud; since this is the rule of truth, that nothing
Editors' notes and page, col. 143

Footnotes

(29) ‹anchor: bonis actibus› · call in col 143

Sic Amerb. cum mss, prop. omnibus, Era. autem ac sequentes edit., bonis artibus.

So Amerbach, with nearly all the manuscripts; but Erasmus and the editions after him read bonis artibus ("by good arts").

(printed under page 75)

(30) ‹anchor: duram convenit› · call in col 143

Cic. lib. I Offic., pag. 363, lin. 5 : « In juris aequabilitate exercenda etiam est facilitas... et tamen ita probanda est mansuetudo, » etc.

Cicero, De officiis book I, p. 363, line 5: "In upholding the equity of the law there must also be gentleness... and yet mildness is to be approved only so far," etc.

(printed under page 75)

(31) ‹anchor: obligemus plurimos› · call in col 143

Lib. II, pag. 376, lin. 12 : « Proprium hoc statuo esse virtutis, conciliare sibi animos, » etc. Item pag. 384, lin. 12 : « Licet tamen opera prodesse multis, » etc.

Book II, p. 376, line 12: "I hold this to be the proper mark of virtue, to win men's hearts," etc. Likewise p. 384, line 12: "Yet one may do good to many by one's services," etc.

(printed under page 75)

(32) ‹anchor: Ecclesiae laus› · call in col 143

Mss. aliquot, « Grata enim Ecclesia laus, » etc.

Some manuscripts: "For praise is pleasing to the Church," etc.

(printed under page 75)

(33) ‹anchor: obediat episcopo› · call in col 143

Clericos episcopo suo perinde ac Deo ipsi morem gerere oportere beatus Ignatius multis epistolarum locis praecipit, maxime vero epist. ad Ephes. epist. ad Magnes. et epist. ad Trallian. Cyprianus vero epist. 55 et 65 docet non aliunde exoriri solere haereses atque schismata, nisi ex eo quod praesulibus suis obedire clerici detrectent ac refugiant. Cujus quidem rei exemplum luctuosum in Ario proponit Theodoretus, Hist. Eccl. lib. I, cap. 2, et in aliis alii.

That clerics must obey their bishop as they would God Himself, blessed Ignatius teaches in many places of his letters, above all in the letters to the Ephesians, to the Magnesians and to the Trallians. Cyprian, in letters 55 and 65, teaches that heresies and schisms usually arise from no other source than this, that clerics refuse and shrink from obeying their prelates. Theodoret, Ecclesiastical History book I, ch. 2, sets out a grievous example of this in Arius, and other writers others.

(printed under page 75) (34), (35), (36): printed under page 75, but their calls stand in col 144; see notes/n144.md.

Page

  • running head: 143 S. AMBROS[II] (right portion cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹episcopum cleri invidum›; B ‹qui se graviter laesos›; C ‹ita tamen si nullo›; D (in the footnotes)
  • old-edition numerals: 99 after opus
PL 16:144
facias commendandi tui causa, quo minor alius fiat, neque si quid boni habeas, id ad deformationem alterius et vituperationem exerceas.
you do for the sake of commending yourself, so that another may become less; nor, if you have any good thing, should you exercise it for the disfigurement and blame of another.
124. Ne defendas improbum, et sancta indigno committenda arbitreris, neque iterum urgeas et impugnes, cujus crimen non deprehenderis. Nam cum in omnibus injustitia cito offendat, tum maxime in Ecclesia, ubi aequitatem esse oportet, ubi aequalitatem haberi decet; ut nihil sibi potentior plus vindicet, nihil plus usurpet ditior. Sive enim pauper, sive dives, in Christo unum sunt. Nihil sanctior plus sibi arroget; ipsum enim par est esse humiliorem.
124. Do not defend a wicked man, nor think that holy things are to be entrusted to an unworthy one; nor, again, press hard on and attack a man whose crime you have not detected. For while injustice quickly gives offence in all things, it does so most of all in the Church, where there ought to be equity, where it is fitting that equality be kept; so that the more powerful may claim nothing more for himself, the richer may usurp nothing more. For whether poor or rich, they are one in Christ. Let the holier man claim nothing more for himself; for it is right that he himself be the more humble.
125. Sed nec personam alterius arripiamus in judicio, gratia absit, causae merita decernant. Nihil sic opinionem, imo fidem gravat, quam si in judicando potentiori dones causam inferioris, vel pauperem innocentem arguas, divitem excuses reum culpae. Pronum quidem est genus hominum favere honoratioribus, ne laesos sese putent, ne victi doleant. Sed primum si offensam vereris, non recipias judicium; si sacerdos es, aut si quisquam alius, non lacessas. Licet tibi silere in negotio duntaxat pecuniario: quanquam sit constantiae adesse aequitati. In causa autem Dei, ubi communionis periculum est, etiam dissimulare peccatum est non leve.
125. But neither let us take up any man's person in judgement; let favour be absent, let the merits of the case decide. Nothing so weighs upon one's reputation, nay one's good faith, as if in judging you hand over the case of the lesser man to the more powerful, or accuse the innocent poor man and excuse the rich man guilty of the fault. The human race is indeed inclined to favour those of higher rank, lest they think themselves wronged, lest they grieve at being defeated. But first, if you fear giving offence, do not undertake the judgement; if you are a priest, or if you are anyone else, do not provoke it. You may keep silent in a matter that is merely about money, although it belongs to constancy to stand by equity. But in the cause of God, where there is danger to communion, even to dissemble is no light sin.
CAPUT XXV.
CHAPTER XXV.
Beneficia in pauperes potius conferenda quam in divites: hos enim aut quaesitam a se beneficii vicem putare, aut indignari quod videantur hinc facti debitores: pauperes vero et debitorem pro se Deum ipsum constituere, et libenter accepta beneficia confiteri. Quibus additur ad pecuniae contemptum adhortatio.
That kindnesses are to be bestowed on the poor rather than on the rich: for the latter either think the kindness a return they have earned, or are indignant that they seem thereby to have been made debtors; but the poor set up God Himself as debtor on their behalf, and gladly acknowledge the kindnesses they have received. To which is added an exhortation to contempt of money.
126. Quid autem et tibi prodest favere diviti? An quia citius amantem remuneratur? His enim favemus frequentius, a quibus referendae vicem speramus gratiae. Sed eo magis infirmo et
126. But what profit is it to you, too, to favour a rich man? Is it because he more quickly repays one who loves him? For we favour more often those from whom we hope for a return of gratitude. But all the more on that account [ought we to favour] the weak and
Editors' notes and page, col. 144

Footnotes

(34) ‹anchor: commendandi tui› · call in col 144

Codex Thuan., ut nihil fuci commendandi tui, etc., non male, si verbum aliquod subintelligas, quod forte a scriptore fuerit praetermissum.

The de Thou codex reads ut nihil fuci commendandi tui ("that nothing of pretence in commending yourself"), etc. — not badly, if you understand some word that the scribe perhaps left out.

(printed under page 75)

(35) ‹anchor: defendas improbum› · call in col 144

Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 381, lin. 21 : « Atque etiam hoc praeceptum officii diligenter tenendum est, neque unquam innocentem judicio capitis accersas.... Nec tamen ut hoc fugiendum est, ita habendum est religioni contrarium, » etc.

Cicero, De officiis book II, p. 381, line 21: "And this rule of duty too must be carefully kept: never bring an innocent man to trial on a capital charge.... Yet, while this is to be avoided, it is not to be held contrary to conscience," etc.

(printed under page 75)

(36) ‹anchor: cito offendat› · call in col 144

Ibid., pag. 384, lin. 48 : « Extremum autem praeceptum.... ne quid contendas, » etc.

Ibid., p. 384, line 48: "The last precept.... that you make no contention," etc.

(printed under page 75)

(37) ‹anchor: merita decernant› · call in col 144

Omnes edit. ac mss. aliquot, causam merita decernant; mss. nonnulli, discernant, Thuan. vero et antiquissimi quique, causae merita decernant, id est, confligant, ac decertent.

All editions and some manuscripts read causam merita decernant ("let merits decide the case"); several manuscripts discernant; but the de Thou codex and all the oldest read causae merita decernant, that is, "let the merits of the case contend and fight it out."

(printed under page 75)

(38) ‹anchor: non lacessas› · call in col 144

His verbis non obscure innuere videtur Ambrosius, episcopis licitum fuisse causarum ac litium saecularium recusare arbitrium : cum tamen alii hoc munus ab Apostolo I, Cor. VI, 1 et seq., ipsis impositum fuisse contendant. Verumtamen observat Augustinus lib. de Opere Monach. cap. 15, a Paulo ipso impetrari non potuisse, ut hujusmodi munia exerceret. Quinimo ipsemet Christus Dominus delatam ad se de patrimonio quod fratrum duorum alter cum altero dividere nolebat, querelam non admisit. Quid igitur mirum, si sanctissimos quosque antistites hanc litium decidendarum necessitatem, sibi populorum improbitate obtrusam, tam frequenter, tamque graviter questos reperiamus.

In these words Ambrose seems to hint plainly that bishops were free to decline arbitration of secular cases and lawsuits, although others maintain that this charge was laid on them by the Apostle, 1 Cor. 6:1 ff. Augustine, however, observes (On the Work of Monks, ch. 15) that Paul himself could not be prevailed on to undertake duties of this kind. Indeed Christ the Lord Himself did not entertain the complaint brought to Him about an inheritance which one of two brothers would not divide with the other. What wonder, then, if we find all the holiest prelates complaining so often and so bitterly of this necessity of deciding lawsuits, forced on them by the wickedness of the people?

(printed under page 75)

(39) ‹anchor: vicem speramus gratiae› · call in col 144

Cic. lib. II, pag. 384, lin. 24 : « A quo enim expeditior et celerior remuneratio fore videtur, » etc.

Cicero, book II, p. 384, line 24: "For from whom a readier and quicker recompense seems likely to come," etc.

(printed under pages 75–76)

Page

  • running head: [S.] AMBROSII. 144 (left portion cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹facias commendandi tui›; B ‹Nihil sic opinionem›; C ‹divites: hos enim› (caption, second line); D (in the footnotes)
  • old-edition numerals: 100 after eo
PL 16:145
inopi nos studere convenit; quia pro eo qui non habet, remunerationem speramus a Domino Jesu, qui sub specie convivii generalem virtutum edidit formam, ut his potius nostra conferamus beneficia, qui nobis ea non possunt repraesentare, docens ad convivium atque epulas non eos qui divites sunt, sed pauperes invitandos (Luc. XIV, 12, 13). Divites enim rogari videntur, ut ipsi quoque nobis reddant convivium; pauperes, quia non habent quod restituant, cum acceperint, remuneratorem nobis faciunt Dominum, qui se pro paupere obligandum obtulit.
the needy that it befits us to be zealous; because for one who has nothing we hope for a recompense from the Lord Jesus, Who under the figure of a banquet set forth a general pattern of the virtues, that we should rather bestow our kindnesses on those who cannot repay them to us, teaching that to a banquet and feast we should invite not those who are rich but the poor (Luke 14:12, 13). For the rich seem to be asked so that they too may give us a banquet in return; the poor, since they have nothing to give back, when they have received make the Lord our rewarder, Who offered Himself to be bound as surety for the poor man.
127. Ad ipsum quoque saeculi usum collatio beneficii facta in pauperes magis quam in locupletes plus juvat; quia dives dedignatur beneficium, et pudet eum debitorem esse gratiae. Quin etiam id quod collatum est sibi, meritis suis arrogat, quod velut debitum acceperit, vel ideo datum sit eo quod is qui dedit, reddendum sibi a divite uberius existimaverit. Ita in accipiendo beneficio, eo ipso quod acceperint divites, dedisse se magis quam accepisse existimant: pauper vero etsi non habet unde reddat pecuniam, refert gratiam. In quo certum est quod plus reddat, quam acceperit: pecunia enim nummo solvitur, gratia nunquam exinanitur. Reddendo vacuatur pecunia; gratia autem et habendo solvitur, et solvendo retinetur. Deinde quod dives refugit, pauper fatetur quod sit obligatus debito, sibique subventum, non honori suo delatum putat: donatos sibi arbitratur filios, vitam redditam, servatam familiam. Quanto igitur melius apud bonos, quam apud ingratos locare beneficium?
127. For the very practice of the world, too, the bestowal of a kindness made on the poor rather than on the wealthy is of more help; because the rich man disdains a kindness, and is ashamed to be a debtor for a favour. Indeed, what has been bestowed on him he claims for his own merits, as though he had received it as a debt, or as though it had been given because the giver thought it would be repaid to him more abundantly by the rich man. So in receiving a kindness, by the very fact that they have received it the rich think that they have given rather than received; but the poor man, even if he has nothing from which to repay money, returns gratitude. In this it is certain that he repays more than he received: for money is paid off with coin, but gratitude is never exhausted. Money is emptied by repaying; but gratitude is both paid by being held and retained by being paid. Then, what the rich man shuns, the poor man confesses: that he is bound by a debt; and he thinks that he has been helped, not that something has been paid to his honour: he considers that his children have been given back to him, his life restored, his household saved. How much better, then, to place a kindness with the good than with the ungrateful?
128. Unde Dominus ad discipulos ait: Nolite possidere aurum, neque argentum, neque pecuniam (Matth. X, 9); quia velut falce, pullulantem in pectoribus humanis succidit avaritiam. Petrus quoque claudo, qui ex utero matris suae portabatur, ait: Argentum et aurum non habeo: sed quod habeo, do tibi. In nomine Jesu Christi Nazareni surge et ambula (Act. III, 6). Itaque pecuniam non dedit, sanitatem dedit. Quanto melius est salutem habere sine pecunia, quam pecuniam sine salute! Surrexit claudus, quod non sperabat: pecuniam non accepit, quam sperabat. Sed haec vix in sanctis Domini reperiuntur, ut divitiae contemptui sint.
128. Hence the Lord says to the disciples: Do not possess gold, nor silver, nor money (Matt. 10:9); for as with a sickle He cuts down the avarice that sprouts in human breasts. Peter too says to the lame man, who had been carried from his mother's womb: Silver and gold I have not; but what I have, I give you. In the name of Jesus Christ of Nazareth, rise and walk (Acts 3:6). So he did not give money; he gave health. How much better it is to have health without money than money without health! The lame man rose up, which he did not hope for; he did not receive the money, which he did hope for. But this is scarcely found even among the saints of the Lord, that riches are held in contempt.
CAPUT XXVI.
CHAPTER XXVI.
Quam vetus malum sit avaritia, multis Veteris testa-
How old an evil avarice is, [shown] by many [examples] of the Old Testa-
Editors' notes and page, col. 145

Footnotes

(40) ‹anchor: magis quam in locupletes plus juvat› · call in col 145

Cic. lib. II Offic., p. 384, lin. 29 : « At qui se locupletes honoratos, » etc.

Cicero, De officiis book II, p. 384, line 29: "But those who [think themselves] rich, honoured," etc.

(printed under page 76)

(41) ‹anchor: refert gratiam› · call in col 145

Ibid., lin. 33 : « At vero ille tenuis, cum quidquid factum sit, se spectatum putet, » etc.

Ibid., line 33: "But the poor man, since he thinks that whatever was done was done with regard to himself," etc.

(printed under page 76)

(42) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not found in col 145 (probably in col 146)

Ibid. lin. 43 : « Sed corrupti mores depravatique sunt admiratione divitiarum, » etc.

Ibid., line 43: "But morals are corrupted and depraved by the admiration of riches," etc.

(printed under page 76)

Page

  • running head: 145 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRO[RUM] (right portion cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹inopi nos studere›; B ‹et pudet eum debitorem›; C ‹redditam, servatam familiam›; D ‹pit, quam sperabat›
  • old-edition numerals: 101 before CAPUT XXVI.
PL 16:146
menti exemplis clarum esse; hincque praeterea patere quam inanis sit pecuniarum possessio.
ment, is made plain by many examples of the Old Testament; and that from this it is moreover evident how empty the possession of money is.
129. Caeterum ita incubuerunt mores hominum admiratione divitiarum, ut nemo nisi dives honore dignus putetur. Neque hic recens usus; sed jamdudum, quod pejus est, inolevit hoc vitium humanis mentibus. Siquidem cum Hiericho magna civitas tubarum sacerdotalium sono corruisset, et Jesus Nave potiretur victoria, cognovit infirmatam esse virtutem populi per avaritiam, atque auri cupiditatem. Nam cum de spoliis urbis incensae sustulisset Achar vestem auream, et ducenta argenti didrachmata, et linguam auream, oblatus Domino negare non potuit, sed prodidit furtum (Josue VII, 19 et seq.).
129. But men's ways have so brooded over the admiration of riches that no one but a rich man is thought worthy of honour. Nor is this a recent custom; but long ago, which is worse, this vice grew into human minds. For when Jericho, a great city, had fallen at the sound of the priests' trumpets, and Jesus son of Nave was gaining the victory, he learned that the strength of the people had been weakened through avarice and the lust for gold. For when Achar had carried off from the spoils of the burnt city a golden garment and two hundred didrachms of silver and a golden tongue, being brought before the Lord he could not deny it, but disclosed the theft (Josh. 7:19 ff.).
130. Vetus igitur et antiqua avaritia est, quae cum ipsius divinae legis coepit oraculis, imo propter ipsam reprimendam lex delata est. Propter avaritiam Balach putavit Balaam praemiis posse tentari, ut malediceret populum patrum: et vicisset avaritia, nisi Dominus a maledicto eum abstinere jussisset (Num. XXII, 16, 17). Propter avaritiam praecipitatus Achar, in exitium deduxerat totam plebem parentum. Itaque Jesus Nave, qui potuit solem statuere, ne procederet (Josue X, 12, 13), avaritiam hominum non potuit sistere, ne serperet. Ad vocem ejus sol stetit, avaritia non stetit. Sole itaque stante, confecit Jesus triumphum: avaritia autem procedente, pene amisit victoriam.
130. Avarice, then, is old and ancient: it began together with the very oracles of the divine law; nay, it was on account of curbing it that the law was brought down. On account of avarice Balach thought that Balaam could be tempted with rewards to curse the people of the fathers; and avarice would have won, had not the Lord ordered him to refrain from cursing (Num. 22:16, 17). On account of avarice Achar, cast down headlong, had led the whole people of our fathers into ruin. And so Jesus son of Nave, who could make the sun stand still that it should not go on (Josh. 10:12, 13), could not stop the avarice of men that it should not creep on. At his voice the sun stood still; avarice did not stand still. So with the sun standing still, Jesus achieved his triumph; but with avarice going on, he almost lost the victory.
131. Quid fortissimum omnium Samson, nonne Dalilae mulieris avaritia decepit? Itaque ille qui rugientem leonem manibus discerpsit suis, qui vinctus et alienigenis traditus, sine ullo adjutore solus dissolutis vinculis, mille ex his peremit viros: qui funes intextis nervis velut mollia sparti fila disrupit; is super genua mulieris inflexa cervice truncatus, invicti crinis ornatum, praerogativam suae virtutis amisit. Influxit pecunia in gremium mulieris, et a viro discessit gratia (Judic. XVI, 5, 20).
131. What of Samson, the strongest of all: did not the avarice of the woman Delilah deceive him? So he who tore apart a roaring lion with his own hands, who, bound and handed over to the foreigners, alone without any helper, his bonds loosed, slew a thousand men of them; who broke ropes woven with sinews as though they were soft threads of broom; he, his neck bent upon the woman's knees, was shorn, and lost the adornment of his unconquered hair, the privilege of his strength. Money flowed into the woman's lap, and grace departed from the man (Judg. 16:5, 20).
132. Feralis igitur avaritia, illecebrosa pecunia, quae habentes contaminat, non habentes non juvat. Esto tamen ut aliquando adjuvet pecunia, inferiorem tamen et ipsam desiderantem. Quid ad eum qui non desiderat, qui non requirit, qui auxilio ejus non indiget, studio non flectitur? Quid ad alios, si sit ille copiosior qui habet? Numquid idcirco honestior: quia habet quo honestas plerumque amittitur, quia habet quod custodiat magis quam quod possideat? Illud enim possidemus quo
132. Deadly, then, is avarice, and enticing is money, which defiles those who have it and does not help those who have it not. Grant, however, that money sometimes helps; yet it helps one who is lower, and who himself longs for it. What is it to him who does not long for it, who does not seek it, who has no need of its help, who is not swayed by desire for it? What is it to others if he who has it is the wealthier? Is he for that reason the more honourable, because he has that through which honour is very often lost, because he has what he must guard rather than what he possesses? For we possess that which
Editors' notes and page, col. 146

Footnotes

(43) ‹anchor: linguam auream› · call in col 146

Ita Era. cum sequent. edit. ac potioribus mss. Amerb. vero, lineam : et mss. non pauci, regulam, aliqui, laminam auream. Et infra ubi nos cum melioris aevi cod. lex delata est, alii partim cum ant. edit. lex Dei data est, partim cum Rom. lex Dei lata est.

So Erasmus, with the editions after him and the better manuscripts; but Amerbach has lineam ("a bar"), not a few manuscripts regulam ("a rod"), and some laminam auream ("a gold plate"). And below, where we read lex delata est with the manuscripts of the better age, others read partly lex Dei data est with the old editions, partly lex Dei lata est with the Roman edition.

(printed under page 76)

(44) ‹anchor: abstinere jussisset› · call in col 146

Omnes edit., eum abstinere vetuisset, contrario et inepto sensu, cui tamen etiam omnes mss. patrocinantur, excepto Fulliae. quem hoc loco caeteris ducimus praeponendum.

All the editions read eum abstinere vetuisset ("had forbidden him to abstain"), a contrary and absurd sense, which nevertheless all the manuscripts support too, except the Feuillants' codex, which we judge should here be preferred to the rest.

(printed under page 76)

(45) ‹anchor: solem statuere› · call in col 146

Erasm. et seq. edit., solem sistere.

Erasmus and the following editions: solem sistere ("to halt the sun").

(printed under page 76)

(46) ‹anchor: non habentes non juvat› · call in col 146

Cic. lib. II Offic., p. 384, lin. 45 : « Illum fortasse adjuvat, qui habet, » etc.

Cicero, De officiis book II, p. 384, line 45: "It perhaps helps the one who has it," etc.

(printed under page 76)

Page

  • running head: [DE OFFICIIS M]INISTRORUM LIBER II. 146 (left portion cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹menti exemplis clarum›; B ‹130. Vetus igitur›; C ‹Dalilae mulieris avaritia›; D ‹ejus non indiget›
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 16:147
utimur; quod autem ultra usum est, non utique habet possessionis fructum, sed custodiae periculum.
we use; but what is beyond use certainly has not the fruit of possession, but the danger of keeping guard.
CAPUT XXVII.
CHAPTER XXVII.
In pecuniae contemptu inesse formam justitiae: quam virtutem nec non alias nonnullas sectari debent tam clerici quam antistites: ubi potissimum de non ferenda praecipitanter excommunicatione.
That in the contempt of money lies the pattern of justice: a virtue which, together with certain others, clergy and prelates alike ought to pursue: where especially of not pronouncing excommunication hastily.
133. Ad summam novimus quod pecuniae contemptus justitiae forma sit; et ideo avaritiam declinare debemus, et omni studio intendere, ne quid faciamus unquam adversus justitiam, sed in omnibus gestis et operibus custodiamus eam.
133. In sum, we know that the contempt of money is the pattern of justice; and therefore we ought to turn away from avarice, and strive with all zeal never to do anything against justice, but to keep it in all our deeds and works.
134. Si volumus commendare nos Deo, charitatem habeamus, unanimes simus, humilitatem sequamur, alterutrum existimantes superiorem sibi. Haec est enim humilitas, si nihil sibi quis arroget, et inferiorem se esse existimet. Episcopus ut membris suis utatur clericis, et maxime ministris qui sunt vere filii: quem cuique viderit aptum muneri, ei deputet.
134. If we wish to commend ourselves to God, let us have charity, let us be of one mind, let us follow humility, each esteeming the other above himself. For this is humility, if a man claims nothing for himself and thinks himself to be the lower. Let the bishop make use of the clergy as of his own members, and above all of the ministers, who are truly sons: whomever he sees fitted for each office, to that let him assign him.
135. Cum dolore amputatur etiam quae putruit pars corporis, et diu tractatur, si potest sanari medicamentis: si non potest, tunc a medico bono absciditur. Sic episcopi affectus boni est, ut optet sanare infirmos, serpentia auferre ulcera, adurere aliqua, non abscidere: postremo quod sanari non potest, cum dolore abscidere. Unde pulcherrimum illud praeceptum magis eminet, ut cogitemus non quae nostra sunt, sed quae aliorum (Philipp. II, 4). Hoc enim modo nihil erit, quod vel irati nostro indulgeamus affectui, vel faventes nostrae plus justo tribuamus aliquid voluntati.
135. Even a part of the body that has become putrid is cut off with grief, and it is treated for a long time, if it can be healed by medicines; if it cannot, then it is cut off by a good physician. So it is the disposition of a good bishop to wish to heal the sick, to remove spreading sores, to cauterize some things, not to cut them off; and lastly, what cannot be healed, to cut off with grief. Hence that most beautiful precept stands out the more, that we should consider not the things that are our own but the things that are others' (Phil. 2:4). For in this way there will be nothing in which, when angry, we indulge our own feeling, or, when favouring, grant something more than is just to our own will.
CAPUT XXVIII.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
Misericordiam etiam cum invidia propria largius exercendam: ad quod refertur memorabilis vasorum sacrorum in captivorum redemptionem ab Ambrosio fractorum historia, et pulcherrima de
That mercy is to be practised generously even at the cost of ill-will to oneself: to which is related the memorable story of the sacred vessels broken up by Ambrose for the redemption of captives, and a most beautiful
Editors' notes and page, col. 147

Footnotes

(47) ‹anchor: pars corporis› · call in col 147

Eodem pietatis sensu hic affectum se ostendit Ambrosius noster, quo Ecclesia filiorum suorum mater amantissima moveri sese contestatur, dum generalibus in conciliis a suo corpore quempiam cogitur abscindere. Ephesina synodus act. 1, in sententia contra Nestorium lata loquitur in hunc modum : « Coacti per sacros canones, et epistolam sanctissimi Patris nostri et comministri Coelestini Romanae Ecclesiae episcopi, lacrymis subinde perfusi ad lugubrem hanc contra eum sententiam necessario venimus. » Conc. quoque Chalcedonense act. etiam I, et Constant. 7, adversus Eutychen ita lamentantur : « Unde lacrymantes et gementes perfectam ejus perditionem, decrevimus, » etc. Vide similiter in conc. Chalced., act. 3, Patrum adversus Dioscorum subscriptiones, imprimis vero Maximi, Cyri, Constantini, Patricii atque Epiphanii.

Our Ambrose shows himself moved here by the same sense of tender love by which the Church, most loving mother of her children, declares herself moved when in general councils she is forced to cut someone off from her body. The Synod of Ephesus, session 1, in the sentence passed against Nestorius, speaks thus: "Compelled by the sacred canons and by the letter of our most holy Father and fellow minister Celestine, bishop of the Roman Church, and often bathed in tears, we have of necessity come to this mournful sentence against him." The Council of Chalcedon too, likewise in session 1, and Constantinople in session 7, lament thus against Eutyches: "Wherefore, weeping and groaning, we have decreed his complete perdition," etc. See likewise, in the Council of Chalcedon, session 3, the Fathers' subscriptions against Dioscorus, above all those of Maximus, Cyrus, Constantine, Patricius and Epiphanius.

(printed under page 77)

Page

  • running head: 147 S. AMBROS[II] (right portion cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹utimur; quod autem›; B ‹Haec est enim humilitas›; C ‹indulgeamus affectui›; D (in the footnotes)
  • old-edition numerals: 102 after utimur;
PL 16:148
auri et argenti quae Ecclesia possidet, legitimo usu praecipiuntur. Hinc postquam ex facto sancti Laurentii quinam veri sint Ecclesiae thesauri ostensum est, regulae in conflandis atque impendendis vasis initiatis servandae proponuntur.
lesson is given on the lawful use of the gold and silver which the Church possesses. Hence, after it has been shown from the deed of Saint Laurence which are the true treasures of the Church, rules are set forth to be observed in melting down and spending consecrated vessels.
136. Hoc maximum incentivum misericordiae, ut compatiamur alienis calamitatibus (dist. 86, cap. Pulchra, § Compatiamur), necessitates aliorum, quantum possumus, juvemus: et plus interdum quam possumus. Melius est enim pro misericordia causas praestare, vel invidiam perpeti, quam praetendere inclementiam: ut nos aliquando in invidiam incidimus, quod confregerimus vasa mystica, ut captivos redimeremus, quod Arianis displicere potuerat; nec tam factum displiceret, quam ut esset quod in nobis reprehenderetur. Quis autem est tam durus, immitis, ferreus, cui displiceat quod homo redimitur a morte, femina ab impuritatibus barbarorum, quae graviores morte sunt: adolescentulae, vel pueruli, vel infantes ab idolorum contagiis, quibus mortis metu inquinabantur?
136. This is the greatest incentive to mercy: that we suffer with the calamities of others (dist. 86, ch. Pulchra, § Compatiamur), that we help the needs of others as far as we can, and sometimes more than we can. For it is better for mercy's sake to furnish occasions of complaint, or to endure ill-will, than to put forward harshness: as we once fell into ill-will because we had broken up the mystic vessels to redeem captives, a thing that could displease the Arians; not that the deed itself displeased them so much as that there should be something to find fault with in us. But who is so hard, so pitiless, so iron-hearted, as to be displeased that a man is redeemed from death, a woman from the defilements of the barbarians, which are worse than death, young girls or little boys or infants from the pollutions of idols, with which they were being defiled through fear of death?
137. Quam causam nos etsi non sine ratione aliqua gessimus: tamen ita in populo prosecuti sumus, ut confiteremur, multoque fuisse commodius astrueremus, ut animas Domino quam aurum servaremus. Qui enim sine auro misit apostolos (Matth. X, 9), Ecclesias sine auro congregavit. Aurum Ecclesia habet (12, quaest. 2, cap. Aurum); non ut servet, sed ut eroget, et subveniat in necessitatibus. Quid opus est custodire quod nihil adjuvat? An ignoramus quantum auri atque argenti de templo Domini Assyrii sustulerint (IV Reg. XXIV, 13)? Nonne melius conflant sacerdotes propter alimoniam pauperum, si alia subsidia desint, quam ut sacrilegus contaminata asportet hostis? Nonne dicturus est Dominus: Cur passus es tot inopes fame mori? Et certe habebas aurum, ministrasses alimoniam. Cur tot captivi deducti in
137. Although we did this not without some reason, yet we so pleaded the case before the people as to confess it, and to maintain that it had been much more fitting to preserve souls for the Lord rather than gold. For He Who sent the apostles without gold (Matt. 10:9) gathered the Churches without gold. The Church has gold (12, q. 2, ch. Aurum), not to keep it, but to pay it out and give help in necessities. What need is there to guard what is of no help? Or are we ignorant how much gold and silver the Assyrians carried off from the temple of the Lord (2 Kgs. 24:13)? Is it not better that the priests melt it down for the sustenance of the poor, if other resources fail, than that a sacrilegious enemy should carry it off defiled? Will not the Lord say: Why did you suffer so many needy to die of hunger? And you certainly had gold; you should have supplied sustenance. Why were so many captives led away into
Editors' notes and page, col. 148

Footnotes

(48) ‹anchor: ut captivos redimeremus› · call in col 148

Discimus ex hoc toto capite jam inde a primis saeculis in Ecclesia fuisse vasa pretiosa, quorum alia ad usum sacramentorum initiata et consecrata essent, alia minime, sed tantum ad decus et ornamentum : utraque vero tam multa exstitisse, ut redimendae innumerorum captivorum multitudini sufficerent. Hinc praeterea intelligimus auream illam Ecclesiae supellectilem Ambrosio nullo modo fuisse improbatam, cum non nisi certis ac definitis casibus, et deficientibus aliis subsidiis, eam jure distrahi posse concedat. Itaque sicubi nonnulli sancti Patres, ut Hieronymus epist. 2, ad Nepotianum; Chrysostomus hom. 52 in Matth. et 60 ad populum Antioch.; Isidorus Pelusiota lib. II, epist. 88, et Bernardus, cap. 11 Apologiae, videntur aureorum argenteorumve ornamentorum in ecclesiis usum condemnare; ita mens eorum interpretanda est, ut non usum legitimum, sed abusum proscriptum velint, videlicet aut luxum et fastum plane profanum, aut praeposteram eorum religionem qui multos pauperes perire, quam aureum aliquod vasculum e sacrario decedere levius ferrent. Hoc autem animo fuisse agnoscimus Arianos illos, qui sancto nostro invidiam, hujus nunquam satis laudati facinoris occasione, conflare moliebantur. Huc refer quae supra habentur pag. 86, num. 70, ubi quo tempore ea acciderint subnotavimus, sicut et in Admonit. nostra ad hos de Offic. minist. libros.

We learn from this whole chapter that from the first centuries there were precious vessels in the Church, some initiated and consecrated to the use of the sacraments, others not, but only for beauty and adornment; and that both kinds existed in such numbers that they sufficed to ransom a multitude of countless captives. We understand further that Ambrose by no means disapproved of the Church's golden furnishings, since he grants that they may rightly be sold only in certain defined cases and when other resources fail. So where some of the holy Fathers — Jerome, letter 2, to Nepotian; Chrysostom, homily 52 on Matthew and 60 to the people of Antioch; Isidore of Pelusium, book II, letter 88; and Bernard, Apology ch. 11 — seem to condemn the use of gold or silver ornaments in churches, their meaning is to be interpreted thus: that they would proscribe not the lawful use but the abuse, namely either a plainly profane luxury and pomp, or the perverse piety of those who would more easily bear many poor people perishing than some little golden vessel leaving the sanctuary. We recognize that this was the mind of those Arians who, on the occasion of this never sufficiently praised deed, tried to stir up ill-will against our saint. Refer here to what is found above, p. 86, no. 70, where we noted when these things happened, as also in our Admonition to these books On the Duties of the Clergy.

(printed under page 77)

(49) ‹anchor: alimoniam pauperum› · call in col 148

Erasm. et edit. seq. cum mss. nonnullis, conflat sacerdos propter alimoniam (edit. Rom., pro alimonia) pauperum. . . . quam sacrilegus contaminia asportet : quidam mss., contaminat, asportat hostis. Rom. edit., quam ut sacrilegus contaminet et asportet, etc. Amerb. cum aliis longe plurimis, ut in textu, nisi quod aliqui mss. pro sacrilegus, legunt sacrilegiis.

Erasmus and the following editions, with some manuscripts: conflat sacerdos propter alimoniam (Roman edition pro alimonia) pauperum. . . . quam sacrilegus contaminia asportet ("the priest melts down for the feeding of the poor . . . than that a sacrilegious [enemy] carry off the defiled things"); certain manuscripts: contaminat, asportat hostis ("the enemy defiles, carries off"). Roman edition: quam ut sacrilegus contaminet et asportet ("than that a sacrilegious one defile and carry off"), etc. Amerbach with by far the most others, as in the text, except that some manuscripts read sacrilegiis for sacrilegus.

(printed under page 77)

Page

  • running head: [S.] AMBROSII. 148 (left portion cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹auri et argenti quae Ecclesia›; B ‹est tam durus›; C ‹plo Domini Assyrii›; D (in the footnotes)
  • old-edition numerals: 103 before incidimus
PL 16:149
commercio sunt, nec redempti, ab hoste occisi sunt? Melius fuerat ut vasa viventium servares, quam metallorum.
slavery and, not redeemed, were slain by the enemy? It would have been better to preserve the vessels of the living than those of metal.
138. His non posset responsum referri. Quid enim diceres: Timui ne templo Dei ornatus deesset? Responderet: Aurum sacramenta non quaerunt: neque auro placent, quae auro non emuntur. Ornatus sacramentorum redemptio captivorum est. Vere illa sunt vasa pretiosa, quae redimunt animas a morte. Ille verus thesaurus est Domini, qui operatur quod sanguis ejus operatus est. Tunc vas Dominici sanguinis agnoscitur, cum in utroque viderit redemptionem; ut calix ab hoste redimat, quos sanguis a peccato redimit. Quam pulchrum, ut cum agmina captivorum ab Ecclesia redimuntur, dicatur: Hos Christus redemit! Ecce aurum quod probari potest, ecce aurum utile, ecce aurum Christi quod a morte liberat, ecce aurum quo redimitur pudicitia, servatur castitas.
138. To these words no answer could be returned. For what would you say: I was afraid that the temple of God would lack its adornment? He would answer: The sacraments do not seek gold, nor are those things pleasing by gold which are not bought with gold. The adornment of the sacraments is the redemption of captives. Truly those are precious vessels which redeem souls from death. That is the true treasure of the Lord which works what His blood worked. Then is the vessel of the Lord's blood recognized, when one sees redemption in both: that the chalice should redeem from the enemy those whom the blood redeems from sin. How beautiful that, when troops of captives are redeemed by the Church, it should be said: These Christ has redeemed! Behold the gold that can be approved; behold useful gold; behold the gold of Christ which frees from death; behold the gold by which modesty is redeemed and chastity preserved.
139. Hos ergo malui vobis liberos tradere, quam aurum reservare. Hic numerus captivorum, hic ordo praestantior est quam species poculorum. Huic muneri proficere debuit aurum Redemptoris, ut redimeret periclitantes. Agnosco infusum auro sanguinem Christi non solum irrutilasse, verum etiam divinae operationis impressisse virtutem redemptionis munere.
139. These, then, I preferred to hand over to you free rather than to keep the gold. This number of captives, this array, is more excellent than the beauty of cups. To this service the gold of the Redeemer ought to have been put, that it might redeem those in peril. I recognize that the blood of Christ poured into the gold has not only made it glow red, but has also stamped on it the power of the divine working by the service of redemption.
140. Tale aurum sanctus martyr Laurentius Domino reservavit, a quo cum quaererentur thesauri Ecclesiae, promisit se demonstraturum. Sequenti die pauperes duxit. Interrogatus ubi essent thesauri quos promiserat, ostendit pauperes dicens: Hi sunt thesauri Ecclesiae. Et vere thesauri, in quibus Christus est, in quibus fides est. Denique Apostolus ait: Habemus thesaurum in vasis fictilibus (II Cor. IV, 7). Quos meliores thesauros habet Christus, quam eos in quibus se esse dixit? Sic enim scriptum est: Esurivi, et dedistis mihi manducare: sitivi, et dedistis mihi bibere: hospes eram, et collegistis me (Matth. XXV, 35). Et infra: Quod enim uni horum fecistis, mihi fecistis (Ibid. 40). Quos meliores Jesus habet thesauros, quam eos in quibus amat videri?
140. Such gold the holy martyr Laurence kept for the Lord; when the treasures of the Church were demanded of him, he promised that he would show them. On the following day he brought the poor. Asked where the treasures were that he had promised, he pointed to the poor, saying: These are the treasures of the Church. And truly treasures, in whom Christ is, in whom faith is. So the Apostle says: We have a treasure in earthen vessels (2 Cor. 4:7). What better treasures has Christ than those in whom He said that He is? For so it is written: I was hungry, and you gave Me to eat; I was thirsty, and you gave Me to drink; I was a stranger, and you took Me in (Matt. 25:35). And below: For what you did to one of these, you did to Me (ibid. 40). What better treasures has Jesus than those in whom He loves to be seen?
141. Hos thesauros demonstravit Laurentius, et vicit, quod eos nec persecutor potuit auferre. Itaque Joachim, qui aurum in obsidione servabat, nec dispensabat alimoniae comparandae; et aurum vidit eripi, et se in captivitatem deduci (IV Reg. XXIV, 12, 13). Laurentius, qui aurum Ecclesiae maluit
141. These treasures Laurence showed, and he conquered, because not even the persecutor could take them away. So Joachim, who kept his gold during the siege and did not dispense it for procuring food, saw both his gold snatched away and himself led into captivity (2 Kgs. 24:12, 13). Laurence, who preferred the gold of the Church
Editors' notes and page, col. 149

Footnotes

(50) ‹anchor: commercio sunt› · call in col 149

Edit. ac pauci mss., in commercium, nec redempti? Cur tot ab hoste, etc. [faint in the scan]

The editions and a few manuscripts: "into trade, and not redeemed? Why [were] so many by the enemy," etc. [reading uncertain]

(printed under page 78)

(51) ‹anchor: utroque viderit› · call in col 149

Era. et seq. edit. cum mss. nonnullis, agnosco, cum in utroque videro, etc. [faint in the scan]

Erasmus and the following editions, with some manuscripts: "I recognize, when I see in both," etc. [reading uncertain]

(printed under page 78)

(52) ‹anchor: agmina captivorum› · call in col 149

Codex Thuan. et alii magno numero, agmina p[...]rum. [middle of the word illegible in the scan]

The de Thou codex and a great number of others: "throngs of [...]" [word illegible].

(printed under page 78)

(53) ‹anchor: species poculorum› · call in col 149

Quidam mss., species vasculorum.

Some manuscripts: "the beauty of little vessels."

(printed under page 78)

(54) ‹anchor: demonstravit Laurentius› · call in col 149

Nonnulli mss., Laurentius, et vidit quos [...], etc. [one word illegible]

Some manuscripts: "Laurentius, and he saw those whom [...]," etc.

(printed under page 78)

Page

  • running head: 149 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRO[RUM] (right portion cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹commercio sunt›; B ‹redimuntur, dicatur›; C ‹thesauri quos promiserat›; D ‹nec dispensabat alimoniae›
  • old-edition numerals: 104 after Laurentius (sec. 140, line end)
PL 16:150
erogare pauperibus quam persecutori reservare, pro singulari suae interpretationis vivacitate sacram martyrii accepit coronam. Numquid dictum est sancto Laurentio: Non debuisti erogare thesauros Ecclesiae, vasa sacramentorum vendere?
to be paid out to the poor rather than kept for the persecutor, received the sacred crown of martyrdom for the singular liveliness of his interpretation. Was it said to holy Laurence: You ought not to have paid out the treasures of the Church, to have sold the vessels of the sacraments?
142. Opus est ut quis fide sincera et perspicaci providentia munus hoc impleat. Sane si in sua aliquis derivat emolumenta, crimen est: sin vero pauperibus erogat, captivum redimit, misericordia est. Nemo enim (12, q. 2, cap. Aurum § Nemo potest) potest dicere: Cur pauper vivit? Nemo potest queri, quia captivi redempti sunt: nemo potest accusare, quia templum Dei est aedificatum: nemo potest indignari, quia humandis fidelium reliquiis spatia laxata sunt: nemo potest dolere, quia in sepulturis Christianorum requies defunctorum est. In his tribus generibus vasa Ecclesiae etiam initiata confringere, conflare, vendere licet.
142. There is need that a man fulfil this office with sincere faith and clear-sighted foresight. Certainly if anyone diverts the gains to his own uses, it is a crime; but if he pays them out to the poor, redeems a captive, it is mercy. For no one (12, q. 2, ch. Aurum § Nemo potest) can say: Why does the poor man live? No one can complain that captives have been redeemed; no one can accuse because the temple of God has been built; no one can be indignant because space has been widened for burying the remains of the faithful; no one can grieve because in the burial places of Christians there is rest for the dead. For these three kinds of purpose it is lawful to break up, melt down and sell the vessels of the Church, even consecrated ones.
143. Opus est ut de Ecclesia mystici poculi forma non exeat, ne ad usus nefarios sacri calicis ministerium transferatur. Ideo intra Ecclesiam primum quaesita sunt vasa quae initiata non essent: deinde comminuta, postremo conflata, per minutias erogationis dispensata egentibus, captivorum quoque pretiis profecerunt. Quod si desunt nova, et quae nequaquam initiata videantur, in hujusmodi usus, quos supra diximus, arbitror omnia pie posse converti.
143. There is need that the form of the mystic cup should not go out of the Church, lest the service of the sacred chalice be transferred to wicked uses. Therefore within the Church vessels were first sought which had not been consecrated; then, broken up and finally melted down, dispensed to the needy in small payments, they served also for the ransoms of captives. But if there are no new ones, and none that seem in no way consecrated, I judge that all may be piously turned to uses of the kind we have described above.
CAPUT XXIX.
CHAPTER XXIX.
Deposita viduarum, imo omnium fidelium, in Ecclesia cum sui etiam periculo defendi oportere: quae res Oniae sacerdotis, Ambrosii ac Ticinensis episcopi exemplis lucem capit.
That the deposits of widows, nay of all the faithful, in the Church must be defended even at one's own peril: a matter which takes light from the examples of Onias the priest, of Ambrose, and of the bishop of Ticinum.
144. Illud sane diligenter intuendum est, ut deposita viduarum intemerata maneant, sine ulla serventur offensione, non solum viduarum, sed etiam omnium; fides enim exhibenda omnibus est sed major est viduarum causa et pupillorum.
144. This indeed must be carefully attended to, that the deposits of widows remain inviolate and be kept without any harm, and not only those of widows but those of all; for good faith is to be shown to all, but the cause of widows and orphans is the greater.
145. Denique hoc solo viduarum nomine, sicut in libris Machabaeorum legimus, commendatum templo omne servatum est. Nam cum indicium factum esset pecuniarum, quas in templo Hierosolymis maximas reperiri posse Simon nefarius Antiocho regi prodidit, missus in rem Heliodorus, ad templum venit et summo sacerdoti aperuit indicii invidiam, et adventus sui causam (II Mach., III, 4-9).
145. In short, under this name of widows alone, as we read in the books of the Maccabees, everything entrusted to the temple was preserved. For when information had been laid about the moneys which the wicked Simon betrayed to King Antiochus as able to be found in very great quantity in the temple at Jerusalem, Heliodorus, sent on the business, came to the temple and disclosed to the high priest the odious information and the reason for his coming (2 Macc. 3:4–9).
146. Tunc sacerdos deposita esse dixit viduarum victualia et pupillorum: quaedam autem Hircani Tobiae viri sancti, eaque demonstravit. Argenti
146. Then the priest said that there were deposited the means of living of widows and orphans, and some things of Hircanus son of Tobias, a holy man; and he showed them. Of silver
Editors' notes and page, col. 150

Footnotes

(55) ‹anchor: per minutias erogationis› · call in col 150

Edit. ac multi mss., per minutias erogationes : Thuan. vero et alii aliquot bonae notae, per minutias erogationis.

The editions and many manuscripts: per minutias erogationes ("disbursements in small portions"); but the de Thou codex and some others of good repute: per minutias erogationis ("by small portions of disbursement").

(printed under page 78)

(56) ‹anchor: missus in rem Heliodorus› · call in col 150

Edit. omnes ac plerique mss. missus in Hierusalem : verum potiores antiquioresque constanter legunt, missus in rem, supple praesentem, id est, in ipsum locum.

All editions and most manuscripts: "sent to Jerusalem"; but the better and older ones consistently read missus in rem ("sent to the matter"), supply praesentem ("in hand"), that is, to the very place.

(printed under page 78)

(57) ‹anchor: Tobiae viri sancti› · call in col 150

Quaedam autem.... auri vero ducenta, desunt isthaec omnia in Thuan. aliisque pluribus ac melioris aevi cod. Et proinde nobis majorem in modum suspecta sunt. Attamen cum in nonnullis, atque omnibus edit. habeantur, eis spongiam inducendam non putavimus. Quatuor mss., quaedam autem orphani Tobiae.

Quaedam autem.... auri vero ducenta ("but certain [deposits].... and two hundred [talents] of gold"): all this is missing in the de Thou codex and in many other manuscripts of the better age, and so is highly suspect to us. Yet since it is found in some, and in all the editions, we did not think it should be struck out. Four manuscripts: "but certain [deposits] of the orphan Tobias."

(printed under page 78)

Page

  • running head: [DE OFFICIIS] MINISTRORUM LIBER II. 150 (left portion cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹luit erogare pauperibus›; B ‹Christianorum requies›; C ‹sia cum sui etiam periculo› (caption, second line); D ‹146. Tunc sacerdos›
  • old-edition numerals: 105 before CAPUT XXIX.
PL 16:151
talenta quadraginta erant, auri vero ducenta. Quae cum Heliodorus ereptum ire vellet, et regis vindicare commodis, sacerdotes ante altare jactaverunt se, induti sacerdotales stolas: et Deum vivum qui de depositis legem dederat, flentes invocabant, ut custodem se praeceptorum praestaret suorum. Vultus vero et color summi sacerdotis immutatus declarabat dolorem animi, et mentis intentae sollicitudinem. Flebant omnes, quod in contemptum locus venturus foret, si nec in Dei templo tuta fidei servaretur custodia: accinctaeque mulieres pectus, et clausae virgines pulsabant januam: ad muros alii currebant, per fenestras alii prospectabant, omnes ad coelum tendebant manus, orantes ut suis Dominus adesset legibus.
were forty talents, but of gold two hundred. When Heliodorus wished to go and seize these and claim them for the king's profit, the priests cast themselves down before the altar, clothed in their priestly robes; and with tears they called upon the living God, Who had given the law concerning deposits, that He would show Himself the guardian of His own precepts. The face and colour of the high priest, changed as they were, declared the grief of his soul and the anxiety of a strained mind. All were weeping, because the place would come into contempt if not even in the temple of God the keeping of a trust were preserved safe; and the women, girded about the breast, and the virgins shut away, were beating at the door; some ran to the walls, others looked out through the windows; all stretched out their hands to heaven, praying that the Lord would stand by His own laws.
147. Heliodorus autem nec his territus, quod intenderat, urgebat, et satellitibus suis aerarium sepserat; cum subito apparuit illi terribilis eques armis praefulgens aureis: equus autem ejus erat insigni ornatus opertorio. Alii quoque duo juvenes apparuerunt in virtute inclyta, decore grato, cum splendore gloriae, speciosi amictu, qui circumsteterunt eum, et utraque ex parte flagellabant sacrilegum, sine ulla intermissione continuato verbere. Quid multa? Circumfusus caligine in terram concidit, et evidenti divinae operationis indico exanimatus jacebat, nec ulla spes in eo residebat salutis. Oborta est laetitia metuentibus, metus superbis: dejectique ex amicis Heliodori quidam rogabant Oniam, vitam poscentes ei, quoniam supremum gerebat spiritum.
147. But Heliodorus, not frightened even by these things, pressed on with what he had intended, and had surrounded the treasury with his guards; when suddenly there appeared to him a terrible horseman, shining in golden arms, and his horse was adorned with a splendid covering. Two other young men also appeared, of renowned strength, of pleasing comeliness, with the splendour of glory, fair in their apparel, who stood about him and scourged the sacrilegious man on either side, with continued blows without any pause. Why say more? Wrapped in darkness he fell to the ground, and by the evident sign of the divine working he lay lifeless, and no hope of safety remained in him. Joy arose for those who were afraid, fear for the proud; and certain of Heliodorus's friends, cast down, entreated Onias, begging life for him, since he was drawing his last breath.
148. Rogante itaque sacerdote summo, idem juvenes iterum Heliodoro apparuerunt, iisdem amicti vestibus, et dixerunt ad eum: Oniae summo sacerdoti gratias age, propter quem tibi vita est reddita. Tu autem expertus Dei flagella, vade, et nuntia tuis omnibus, quantam cognoveris templi religionem, et
148. So, at the entreaty of the high priest, the same young men appeared again to Heliodorus, clothed in the same garments, and said to him: Give thanks to Onias the high priest, for whose sake life has been given back to you. And you, having felt the scourges of God, go and tell all your people how great a sanctity of the temple you have come to know, and
Editors' notes and page, col. 151

Footnotes

(58) ‹anchor: dejectique ex amicis› · call in col 151

Quaedam edit., delectique ex amicis. Consequenter autem omnes edit. ac pauci mss., ut vitam posceret ei. Denique, Rom edit sola, agebat spiritum.

Some editions: delectique ex amicis ("and chosen men from among the friends"). Next, all editions and a few manuscripts: ut vitam posceret ei ("that he might ask life for him"). Lastly, the Roman edition alone: agebat spiritum ("he was breathing his last").

(printed under page 79)

Page

  • running head: 151 S. AMBROS[...] (right part of the running head cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹talenta quadraginta erant›; B ‹147. Heliodorus autem nec his›; C ‹supremum gerebat spiritum›; D ‹(in the footnotes, beside "sarcam auctoritatem")›
  • old-edition numerals: 106 after ‹sine›
PL 16:152
Dei potestatem. His dictis, non comparuerunt. Heliodorus itaque, recepto spiritu, hostiam Domino obtulit, Oniae sacerdoti gratias egit, et cum exercitu ad regem revertitur dicens: Si quem habes hostem, aut aliquem insidiatorem rerum tuarum, illuc illum dirige, et flagellatum recipies eum.
the power of God. When they had said this, they were seen no more. So Heliodorus, his breath restored, offered a victim to the Lord, gave thanks to Onias the priest, and returned with his army to the king, saying: If you have any enemy, or anyone who lies in wait against your affairs, send him there, and you will receive him back scourged.
149. Servanda est igitur, filii, depositis fides, adhibenda diligentia. Egregie hinc vestrum enitescit ministerium, si suscepta impressio potentis, quam vel vidua vel orphani tolerare non queant, Ecclesiae subsidio cohibeatur: si ostendatis plus apud vos mandatum Domini, quam divitis valere gratiam.
149. Good faith, then, my sons, must be kept with deposits, and diligence applied. Your ministry shines out excellently from this, if an assault by a powerful man, once undertaken, which either a widow or orphans could not withstand, is checked by the help of the Church; if you show that the commandment of the Lord counts for more with you than the favour of a rich man.
150 Meministis ipsi quoties adversus regales impetus pro viduarum, imo omnium depositis certamen subierimus. Commune hoc vobiscum mihi. Recens exemplum Ecclesiae Ticinensis proferam, quae viduae depositum, quod susceperat, amittere periclitabatur. Interpellante enim eo qui sibi illud imperiali rescripto vindicare cupiebat, clerici non tenebant auctoritatem: honorati quoque et intercessores dati non posse praeceptis imperatoris obviari ferebant. Legebatur rescripti forma directior, magistri officiorum statuta, agens in rebus imminebat. Quid plura? Traditum erat.
150. You yourselves remember how often we have entered the contest against royal assaults on behalf of the deposits of widows, nay, of all. This is something I share in common with you. I will bring forward the recent example of the Church of Ticinum, which was in danger of losing a widow's deposit that it had received. For when he who desired to claim it for himself by an imperial rescript brought his suit, the clergy did not hold their authority; the honorati also, and the intercessores who had been assigned, declared that the emperor's commands could not be withstood. The text of the rescript was read out, rather plain-spoken; the ordinances of the master of the offices [were read]; an agens in rebus stood pressing. Why say more? It had been [as good as] handed over.
151. Tamen communicato mecum consilio, obsedit sanctus episcopus ea conclavia, ad quae translatum illuc depositum viduae cognsverat. Quod ubi non potuit auferri, receptum sub chirographo est. Postea iterum flagitabatur ex chirographo; praeceptum imperator iteraverat, ut ipse per semetipsum nos conveniret. Negatum est; et exposita divinae legis auctoritate, et serie lectionis, et Heliodori periculo, vix tandem rationem imperator accepit. Post etiam tentata fuerat obreptio. sed praevenit sanctus episcopus, ut redderet viduae quod acceperat. Fides interim salva est: impressio non est formidini: quia jam res, non fides periclitatur.
151. Nevertheless, having taken counsel with me, the holy bishop occupied those chambers to which he had learned the widow's deposit had been moved there. When it could not be carried off, it was received [by the agent] under a written bond. Afterwards it was demanded again on the strength of the bond; the emperor had repeated his command, that he should meet with us in person. It was refused; and when the authority of the divine law had been set out, and the course of the reading, and the danger of Heliodorus, the emperor at last, with difficulty, accepted the reason. Afterwards a surreptitious attempt had also been made, but the holy bishop forestalled it by giving back to the widow what he had received. Good faith meanwhile is safe; the assault is no cause for fear, since now it is property, not good faith, that is in danger.
Editors' notes and page, col. 152

Footnotes

(59) ‹anchor: non tenebant auctoritatem› · call in col 152

Mss. plures et anti. : Clerici contendebant auctoritatem; qualuor, contemnebant auctoritatem; unus, obtendebant; alius non tenebant, contendebant auctoritatem. Attamen videtur potior aliorum et edit. lectio; nisi quis id velit per contendebant, significari, clericos intendisse ac verbis amplificasse Caesaream auctoritatem, propterea quod ei cederent; quod non male cohaeret cum sequentibus. Infra vero ubi edit. Amerb. et Era. cum mss. aliquot, Legebatur rescripti forma directior; magister officiorum statuta agens in rebus imminebat., Gill. autem ac Rom. cum mss. etiam nonnullis, Legebatur rescripti forma, directio magistri officiorum, etc. Quidam mss..., rescripti forma directi, magister; quidam etiam, rescripti forma, direptio magistri : reliqui tandem in quibus Thuan. et alii probatioris notae, ut nos in textu. Porro quid esset rescriptum, quibusve nominibus diceretur priore tomo jam diximus; de quo etiam videas licet jurisconsulti Bulengeri lib. III de Imperat. Rom. cap. 12. Sunt autem alia quaedam vocabula, quae ne morae sint legenti, explicabimus. Interpellare hoc loco idem est ac compellare, convenire et juridice postulare. Honorati non alii intelliguntur quam qui publicis muneribus ante defuncti, emerito honore pollebant. Sic non solum hic et lib. III, cap. 7, sed etiam apud scriptores Ambrosio aequales supparesve, nec non in Cod. Theod. tit. de Officio jud. ea vox accipienda est. Vide Cassiod. Variorum lib. II, epist. 3, 4, 8, 29, 40. Adi similiter eumdem Bulenger. de Imperio Rom. lib. II, cap. 16. Intercessores, teste Gothofrido in lib. I de Pignoribus, erant ii qui a rectoribus provinciarum exsecutores dabantur. Magister officiorum palatinis praeerat officiis. Agentes autem in rebus dicti sunt, quod sub magistro officiorum agerent, ut docet Gothofridus, tit. de Agentibus in rebus : Bulengerus vero de hoc utroque officio tractat lib. III de imperio Rom., cap. 14, et lib. VI, cap. 42. Postremo dicitur rescripti forma directior, id est plana et aperta, nec ullis ambagibus involuta. De illo autem viduae deposito apud Ecclesiam Ticinensem egimus in Admonit. in hosce de Offic. libros.

Many old manuscripts: Clerici contendebant auctoritatem ("the clergy were pleading the authority"); four, contemnebant auctoritatem ("were despising the authority"); one, obtendebant ("were putting it forward"); another, non tenebant, contendebant auctoritatem. Yet the reading of the others and of the editions seems better — unless one would have contendebant mean that the clergy stressed and magnified the Emperor's authority by words, because they were yielding to it; which fits not badly with what follows. Below, where the editions of Amerbach and Erasmus with some manuscripts read Legebatur rescripti forma directior; magister officiorum statuta agens in rebus imminebat, Gillot and the Roman edition with some manuscripts too read Legebatur rescripti forma, directio magistri officiorum, etc. Some manuscripts: rescripti forma directi, magister; some again, rescripti forma, direptio magistri; the rest, finally, among them the de Thou codex and others of more approved repute, as we have it in the text. What a rescript was, and by what names it was called, we have already said in the earlier volume; on it you may also see the jurist Boulenger, On the Roman Emperor book III, ch. 12. There are some other terms which we shall explain, so that they do not hold up the reader. Interpellare here means the same as to summon, to sue and to make legal demand. By honorati are meant none but those who, having earlier discharged public offices, enjoyed honour as veterans of them. So the word must be taken not only here and in book III, ch. 7, but also in writers contemporary or nearly so with Ambrose, and in the Theodosian Code, title On the Office of the Judge. See Cassiodorus, Variae book II, letters 3, 4, 8, 29, 40; see likewise the same Boulenger, On the Roman Empire book II, ch. 16. Intercessores, on the testimony of Godefroy on book I On Pledges, were those assigned as executors by provincial governors. The magister officiorum was over the palace offices. The agentes in rebus were so called because they acted under the master of offices, as Godefroy teaches under the title On the Agentes in rebus; Boulenger treats of both offices in book III On the Roman Empire, ch. 14, and book VI, ch. 42. Lastly the rescripti forma is called directior, that is, plain and open, not wrapped in any ambiguities. Of that widow's deposit at the Church of Ticinum we have treated in the Admonition to these books On Duties.

(printed under page 79)

(60) ‹anchor: Traditum erat› · call in col 152

Mss. Divion., creditum erat. Mss. Feron. et Laud., tradendum erat. Sed nihil mutandum in lectione aliorum atque edit. saepe enim per praeteritum efferimus, quod statim futurum significamus; ut cum dicimus, hoc factum puta, vel urbs capta erat, nisi auxilio venisset, etc.

The Dijon manuscripts: creditum erat ("it had been entrusted"). The Feron and Laud manuscripts: tradendum erat ("it was to be handed over"). But nothing in the reading of the others and of the editions need be changed; for we often express by a past tense what we mean is about to happen at once, as when we say "consider it done", or "the city was taken, had he not come to its aid", etc.

(printed under page 79)

(61) ‹anchor: est formidini› · call in col 152

Vet. edit. oppressio non est formidini. Rursus vero ubi eaedem cum Rom. et pluribus mss., quia jam res, non fides periclitatur : cod. Thuan. et alii (continues)

The old editions: oppressio non est formidini ("oppression is no cause for fear"). Again, where the same with the Roman edition and many manuscripts read quia jam res, non fides periclitatur ("because now it is property, not faith, that is in danger"), the de Thou codex and others (continues)

(printed under page 79)

Page

  • running head: [S.] AMBROSII. 152 (left part of the running head cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹Dei potestatem. His dictis›; B ‹Recens exemplum Ecclesiae Ticinensis›; C ‹sum nos conveniret. Negatum est›; D ‹(in the footnotes, beside "bus provinciarum exsecutores")›
  • old-edition numerals: 107 after ‹tandem›
PL 16:153
CAPUT XXX.
CHAPTER XXX.
Libri conclusio per exhortationem ad fugiendos invidos, atque ad prudentiam, fidem, aliasque virtutes prosequendas.
The conclusion of the book, by an exhortation to flee the envious, and to pursue prudence, good faith and the other virtues.
152. Filii, fugite improbos, cavete invidos. Inter improbum et invidum hoc interest: improbus suo delectatur bono, invidus torquetur alieno: ille diligit mala, hic bona odit; ut prope tolerabilior sit, qui sibi vult bene, quam qui male omnibus.
152. My sons, flee the wicked, beware of the envious. Between the wicked man and the envious man there is this difference: the wicked man delights in his own good, the envious man is tormented by another's; the one loves evil things, the other hates good things; so that he who wishes well to himself is almost more tolerable than he who wishes ill to all.
153. Filii, ante factum cogitate: et cum diutius cogitaveritis, tunc facite quod probatis. Laudabilis mortis cum occasio datur, rapienda est illico. Dilata gloria fugit, nec facile comprehenditur.
153. My sons, think before the deed; and when you have thought it over for some time, then do what you approve. When the occasion of a praiseworthy death is given, it must be seized at once. Glory put off flees away, and is not easily caught.
154. Fidem diligite, quoniam per fidem et devotionem Josias magnum sibi ab adversariis amorem acquisivit: quoniam celebravit Pascha Domini, cum esset annorum decem et octo, quemadmodum nemo ante eum (IV Reg. XXIII, 21, 25).
154. Love good faith, since through good faith and devotion Josiah won for himself great love from his adversaries; since he celebrated the Pasch of the Lord when he was eighteen years old, as no one before him had (2 Kgs. 23:21, 25).
LIBER TERTIUS.
BOOK III.
CAPUT PRIMUM.
CHAPTER I.
A Davide ac Salomone nobis praeceptum, qua ratione cum corde nostro conversandum sit, proindeque Scipioni dicti, quod ei tribuitur, primum auctorem non reputandum. Quam pulchra in otio suo perpetraverint sancti prophetae: horum atque aliorum otia conferuntur, ostenditurque nunquam solum aut in angusto positum esse.
It is taught us by David and Solomon in what manner we are to converse with our own heart; and therefore Scipio is not to be reckoned the first author of the saying which is attributed to him. What fair deeds the holy prophets accomplished in their leisure; the leisure of these and of others is compared, and it is shown that he was never alone or in straits.
1. David propheta docuit nos tanquam in amplo †domo deambulare in corde nostro, et conversari cum eo tanquam cum bono contubernali; ut ipse sibi diceret, et loqueretur secum, ut est illud: Dixi, custodiam vias meas (Psal. XXXVIII, 2). Salomon quoque filius ejus ait: Bibe aquam de tuis vasis, et de puteorum tuorum fontibus (Prov. V, 15): hoc est, tuo consilio utere. Aqua enim alta, consilium in corde viri (Prov. XX, 5). Nemo, inquit, alienus particeps sit tibi. Fons aquae tuae sit tibi proprius: et jucundare cum uxore, quae est tibi a juventute. Cervus amicitiae et pullus gratiarum confabulentur tecum (Prov. V, 17, 18).
1. David the prophet taught us to walk about in our own heart as in a spacious house, and to converse with it as with a good companion, so that he spoke to himself and talked with himself, as in that saying: I said, I will keep my ways (Ps. 38:2). Solomon his son also says: Drink water from your own vessels, and from the springs of your own wells (Prov. 5:15); that is, use your own counsel. For counsel in the heart of a man is deep water (Prov. 20:5). Let no stranger, he says, share with you. Let the fountain of your water be your own; and rejoice with the wife who is yours from your youth. Let the hart of friendship and the young of graces converse with you (Prov. 5:17, 18).
2. Non ergo primus Scipio scivit solus non
2. It was not, then, Scipio who first knew that he was not alone
Editors' notes and page, col. 153

Footnotes

[The left-column foot is very faint in this scan; doubtful readings are marked.] (printed under page 80) (61, continued) ‹continuation of the note called in col 152› aliquot, quia res non est, fides periclitabatur. Sed forte non est, librarii lapsu scriptum est pro non et, sive non etiam, nisi hic quoque fuerit transpositio pro et non.

(continued) read quia res non est, fides periclitabatur ("because the property is not, good faith was in danger"). But perhaps non est was written by a copyist's slip for non et ("not and"), or non etiam ("not also"), unless here too there has been a transposition for et non ("and not").

(printed under page 80)

(62) ‹anchor: Laudabilis mortis› · call in col 153

Omnes edit cum mss. nonnullis, Laudabilis [...], cum [...], etc. Cod. Thuan. et alii probatores, Laudabilis mortis, etc. Magis apposite : non enim omnis mors laudabilis, nec proinde quaelibet mortis occasio rapienda. [variant words illegible]

All editions with some manuscripts: Laudabilis [...] (illegible), etc. The de Thou codex and other more approved ones: Laudabilis mortis ("of a praiseworthy death"), etc. More fittingly: for not every death is praiseworthy, nor therefore is every occasion of death to be seized.

(printed under page 80)

(63) ‹anchor: ab adversariis› · call in col 153

Ita mss. plures ac potiores : non pauci tamen atque omnes edit., ab universis. Veri tamen similius est hoc loco alludere Ambrosium ad id quod lib. II Paralip. cap. XXXV memoratur cum eo, regem Aegypti non nisi invitum, et postquam amanter eum dissuadere conatus esset, manus conseruisse.

So the more numerous and better manuscripts; but not a few, and all the editions, read ab universis ("from all"). It is more probable, though, that Ambrose here alludes to what is recorded in 2 Chronicles 35: that the king of Egypt joined battle with him only unwillingly, and after he had tried in a friendly way to dissuade him.

(printed under page 80)

(65) ‹anchor: Scipio› · call in col 153

Cic. lib. III Offic., statim initio : « Publium Scipionem, Marce fili, eum qui primus, » etc. De hac autem sententia multo fusius disputat Ambrosius, epist. [49?], ad Sabinum. [letter number faint]

Cicero, De officiis book III, at the very beginning: "Publius Scipio, Marcus my son, the one who first," etc. Ambrose discusses this saying at much greater length in his letter [49?] to Sabinus.

(printed under page 80)

Page

  • running head: 153 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRO[RUM] (right part of the running head cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹(beside the head of the facing column, opposite CAPUT XXX.)›; B ‹amorem acquisivit: quoniam›; C ‹CAPUT PRIMUM.›; D ‹te corde viri (Prov. XX, 5). Nemo›
  • old-edition numerals: 107 after ‹comprehenditur.› (printed at the start of §154; UNSURE whether it reads 107 or 108, since 107 was already printed in col. 152)
PL 16:154
Zelo itaque ut vicit superiores, ita et vos, filii, zelum Dei sumite. Exquirat vos Dei zelus et devoret; ut unusquisque vestrum dicat: Exquisivit me zelus domus tuae (Psal. LXVIII, 10). Apostolus Christi zelotes dictus est (Luc. VI, 15). Quid de Apostolo dico? Ipse Dominus ait: Zelus domus tuae comedit me (Joan. II, 17). Sit ergo Dei zelus, non iste humanus quem invidia generat.
So, as he surpassed those before him in zeal, so you too, my sons, take up the zeal of God. Let the zeal of God seek you out and devour you, so that each one of you may say: The zeal of Thy house has sought me out (Ps. 68:10). An apostle of Christ was called the Zealot (Luke 6:15). Why do I speak of an apostle? The Lord Himself says: The zeal of Thy house has eaten me up (John 2:17). Let it be, then, the zeal of God, not that human zeal which envy begets.
155. Sit inter vos pax, quae superat omnem sensum. Amate vos invicem. Nihil charitate dulcius, nihil pace gratius. Et vos ipsi scitis quod prae caeteris vos semper dilexi et diligo: quasi unius patris filii coaluistis in affectum germanitatis.
155. Let there be among you the peace which surpasses all understanding. Love one another. Nothing is sweeter than charity, nothing more pleasing than peace. And you yourselves know that I have always loved you, and do love you, before others; like sons of one father you have grown together into the affection of brotherhood.
156. Quae bona sunt tenete, et Deus pacis et dilectionis erit vobiscum in Domino Jesu: cui est honor, gloria, magnificentia, potestas, cum Spiritu sancto in saecula saeculorum. Amen.
156. Hold fast what is good, and the God of peace and love will be with you in the Lord Jesus, to Whom be honour, glory, magnificence, power, with the Holy Spirit, for ages of ages. Amen.
esse, cum solus esset; nec minus otiosus, cum otiosus esset: scivit ante ipsum Moyses, qui cum taceret, clamabat (Exod. XIV, 15): cum otiosus staret, praeliabatur: nec solum praeliabatur, sed etiam de hostibus, quos non contigerat, triumphabat. Adeo otiosus, ut manus ejus alii sustinerent (Exod. XVII, 11): nec minus quam caeteri negotiosus, qui otiosis manibus expugnabat hostem, quem non poterant vincere qui dimicabant. Ergo Moyses et in silentio loquebatur, et in otio operabatur. Cujus autem majora negotia, quam hujus otia, qui quadringenta diebus positus in monte (Exod. XXIV, 18), totam legem complexus est, et in illa solitudine qui cum eo loqueretur, non defuit? Unde et David ait: Audiam quid loquatur in me Dominus Deus (Psal. LXXXIV, 9). Et quanto plus est si cum aliquo Deus loquatur, quam ipse secum!
when he was alone, nor less at leisure when he was at leisure: Moses knew it before him, who, while he was silent, was crying out (Exod. 14:15); while he stood at leisure, he was waging battle; and not only waging battle, but even triumphing over enemies whom he had not touched. So much at leisure that others held up his hands (Exod. 17:11); yet no less busy than the rest, he who with hands at leisure overcame the enemy whom those who fought could not conquer. So Moses both spoke in silence and worked in leisure. Whose business was ever greater than this man's leisure, who, set on the mountain for forty days (Exod. 24:18), took in the whole law, and in that solitude did not lack one to speak with him? Hence David too says: I will hear what the Lord God speaks in me (Ps. 84:9). And how much more it is if God speaks with someone than if he speaks with himself!
3. Transibant apostoli, et umbra eorum curabat infirmos (Act. V, 15). Tangebantur vestimenta eorum et sanitas deferebatur.
3. The apostles passed by, and their shadow healed the sick (Acts 5:15). Their garments were touched, and health was conferred.
4. Sermonem locutus est Elias, et pluvia stetit
4. Elijah spoke a word, and the rain stopped
Editors' notes and page, col. 154

Footnotes

(64) ‹anchor: invidia generat› · call in col 154

Cod. Carn., qui invidiam generat.

The Chartres codex: "which breeds envy."

(printed under page 80)

(66) ‹anchor: cum otiosus esset› · call in col 154

Vet. edit., nec minus [...], cum otiosus esset. Rom. cum mss. prope omnibus, nec minus otiosus, cum, etc. Sententiam autem hanc cum non satis assequerentur, qui ultimus Paris. edit. praefuerunt, particulam quam, ante voces, cum otiosus esset, quasi sensui necessariam addidere. Sed ea hoc loco non est opus, cum procul dubio ellipsis quaedam sit ita supplenda : « Nec primus scivit minus otiosus esse, cum otiosus esset. » Duo tamen codices legunt, « nec minus pugnavit quam caeteri, nec otiosus esset », etc. Non satis apte. [several words faint; reading uncertain in places]

The old editions: nec minus [...] cum otiosus esset. The Roman edition with nearly all the manuscripts: nec minus otiosus, cum ("no less at leisure, when"), etc. But since those who oversaw the last Paris edition did not quite grasp this sense, they added the particle quam ("than") before the words cum otiosus esset, as if it were necessary to the sense. But it is not needed here, since without doubt an ellipsis is to be supplied thus: "Nor was he the first to know how to be less at leisure when he was at leisure." Two codices, however, read "nor did he fight less than the others, nor was he at leisure," etc. Not very fittingly.

(printed under page 80)

Page

  • running head: [M]INISTRORUM LIBER III. 154 (left part of the running head cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹Zelo itaque ut vicit›; B ‹lectionis erit vobiscum›; C ‹esse, cum solus esset›; D ‹David ait: Audiam quid›
  • old-edition numerals: 108 after ‹minus›
PL 16:155
nec cecidit super terram tribus annis et sex mensibus (III Reg. XVII, 1). Iterum locutus est, et hydria farinae non defecit, et vas olei toto famis diurnae tempore non est exinanitum (Ibid. 16).
and did not fall upon the earth for three years and six months (III Kgs. 17:1). Again he spoke, and the jar of meal did not fail, and the vessel of oil was not emptied in all the time of the long famine (ibid. 16).
5. Et quoniam plerosque delectant bellica; quid est praestantius, exercitus magni lacertis, an solis meritis confecisse praelium? Sedebat Elisaeus in uno loco, et rex Syriae magnam belli molem inferebat populo patrum, diversique consiliorum acervabat fraudibus, et circumvenire insidiis moliebatur; sed omnes ejus apparatus propheta deprehendebat, et vigore mentis per gratiam Dei ubique praesens, cogitationes hostium suis annuntiabat, et monebat quibus caverent locis. Quod ubi regi Syriae manifestatum est, misso exercitu, clausit prophetam. Oravit Elisaeus, et omnes illos caecitate percuti fecit, et captivos intrare in Samariam, qui venerant obsidere eum (IV Reg. VI, 18).
5. And since warlike things delight most people: which is more excellent, to have finished a battle by the arms of a great army, or by merits alone? Elisha sat in one place, and the king of Syria was bringing a great mass of war upon the people of the fathers, and was heaping up the deceits of various counsels, and striving to surround them with ambushes; but the prophet detected all his preparations, and, present everywhere by the vigour of his mind through the grace of God, he announced the enemies' thoughts to his own people and warned them in what places they should be on their guard. When this was made known to the king of Syria, he sent an army and shut in the prophet. Elisha prayed, and caused all of them to be struck with blindness, and to enter Samaria as captives, they who had come to besiege him (IV Kgs. 6:18).
6. Conferamus hoc otium cum aliorum otio. Alii enim requiescendi causa abducere animum a negotiis solent, et a conventu coetuque hominum subtrahere sese; et aut ruris petere secretum, captare agrorum solitudines, aut intra urbem vacare animo, indulgere quieti et tranquillitati: Elisaeus autem aut in solitudine Jordanem transitu suo dividit ut pars defluat posterior, superior autem in fontem recurrat: aut in Carmelo resoluta difficultate generandi, inopina sterilem, conceptione fecundat: aut resuscitat mortuos: aut ciborum temperat amaritudines, et facit farinae admistione dulcescere: aut decem panibus distributis, reliquias colligit, plebe saturata: aut ferrum securis excussum, et in fluvii Jordanis mersum profundum, misso in aquas ligno, facit supernatare: aut emundatione leprosum, aut siccitatem imbribus, aut famem mutat fecunditate (IV Reg. IV, V, VI).
6. Let us compare this leisure with the leisure of others. For others, for the sake of resting, are accustomed to draw the mind away from business and to withdraw themselves from the gathering and company of men, and either to seek the seclusion of the country and court the solitude of the fields, or within the city to be free in mind and give themselves to quiet and tranquillity. But Elisha either in solitude divides the Jordan by his crossing, so that the lower part flows away while the upper runs back to its source; or on Carmel, the difficulty of bearing being undone, he makes a barren woman fruitful by an unlooked-for conception; or he raises the dead; or he tempers the bitterness of food and makes it grow sweet by the mixing in of meal; or, having distributed ten loaves, he gathers up the leftovers when the people have been filled; or he makes the iron of an axe, struck off and sunk in the depth of the river Jordan, float up when wood is cast into the waters; or he changes the leper by cleansing, the drought by rains, the famine by plenty (IV Kgs. 4, 5, 6).
7. Quando ergo justus solus est, qui cum Deo semper est? Quando solitarius est, qui nunquam separatur a Christo? Quis nos, inquit, separabit a dilectione Christi? Confido quia neque mors, neque vita, neque angelus (Rom. VIII, 35, 38). Quando autem feriatur a negotio, qui nunquam feriatur a merito, quo consummatur negotium? Quibus autem locis circumscribitur, cui totus mundus divitiarum possessio est? Qua aestimatione definitur, qui nunquam opinione comprehenditur? Etenim quasi ignoratur et cognoscitur: quasi moritur, et ecce vivit:
7. When, then, is the just man alone, who is always with God? When is he solitary, who is never separated from Christ? Who, he says, shall separate us from the love of Christ? I am confident that neither death, nor life, nor angel (Rom. 8:35, 38). And when does he take holiday from business, who never takes holiday from merit, by which business is accomplished? By what places is he bounded, for whom the whole world is a possession of riches? By what estimate is he defined, who is never comprehended by opinion? For he is as it were unknown, and yet is known; as it were dying, and behold he lives;
Editors' notes and page, col. 155

Footnotes

(67) ‹anchor: exercitus magni lacertis› · call in col 155

Amerb., Gil. ac mss. non pauci, magni lacertis; melius tamen. magni lacertis, ut in caeteris. Et continuo post Era. et seq. edit. cum paucissimis mss. suis meritis; Amerb. vero cum aliis longe plurimis ac probatissimis, solis meritis. [the two readings appear identical in the scan; one letter probably differs]

Amerbach, Gillot and not a few manuscripts: magni lacertis; better, however, magni lacertis, as in the others [the variant evidently differs by a letter not distinguishable here]. And immediately after, Erasmus and the following editions with very few manuscripts: suis meritis ("by his own merits"); but Amerbach with by far the most and the most approved others: solis meritis ("by merits alone").

(printed under page 81)

(68) ‹anchor: Conferamus› · call in col 155

Cic. lib. III Offic. pag. 387, lin. 47 : « Sed nec otium hoc cum Africani otio, nec haec solitudo, » etc.

Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 387, line 47: "But neither is this leisure [to be compared] with the leisure of Africanus, nor this solitude," etc.

(printed under page 81)

(69) ‹anchor: difficultate generandi› · call in col 155

Mss. aliquot, Difficultate et generandi inopia, sterilem conceptionem; quidam, conceptione fecundat.

Some manuscripts: "by the difficulty and want of begetting, a barren conception"; some, "makes fruitful by conception."

(printed under page 81)

Page

  • running head: 155 S. AMBROS[...] (right part of the running head cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹nec cecidit super terram›; B ‹sit prophetam. Oravit Elisaeus›; C ‹aut decem panibus distributis›; D ‹quam opinione comprehenditur›
  • old-edition numerals: 109 after ‹quibus›
PL 16:156
quasi tristis, et semper laetior: ut egenus, et largus: ut qui nihil habeat, et possideat omnia (II Cor. VI, 8). Nihil enim spectat vir justus, nisi quod constans et honestum est. Et ideo etiamsi aliis videatur pauper, sibi dives est: qui non eorum quae caduca, sed eorum quae aeterna sunt, aestimatione censetur.
as it were sorrowful, and ever more joyful; as needy, and yet bountiful; as one who has nothing, and yet possesses all things (II Cor. 6:8). For the just man looks to nothing but what is steadfast and honourable. And so, even if to others he seems poor, to himself he is rich, being assessed by the valuation not of things that are perishable, but of things that are eternal.
CAPUT II.
CHAPTER II.
Quod philosophi de honesti atque utilis comparatione disputant, hoc apud Christianos locum non habere, quibus nihil utile nisi quod justum. Quae officia perfecta, quaeve media? Easdem voces diversis diverse convenire: postremo virum justum nunquam alieno incommodo commodum suum quaerere, sed contra semper aliorum studere utilitati.
That what the philosophers dispute about the comparison of the honourable and the useful has no place among Christians, for whom nothing is useful except what is just. Which duties are perfect, and which middle? That the same words apply differently to different people; lastly, that the just man never seeks his own advantage at another's disadvantage, but on the contrary always studies the benefit of others.
8. Et quoniam de duobus superioribus locis diximus, in quibus honestum illud et utile tractavimus, sequitur utrum honestatem et utilitatem inter se comparare debeamus, et quaerere quid sit sequendum. Sicut enim supra tractavimus, utrum honestum illud an turpe esset; et secundo loco, utrum utile an inutile: similiter hoc loco, utrum honestum sit an utile nonnulli requirendum putant.
8. And since we have spoken of the two preceding topics, in which we treated the honourable and the useful, it follows whether we ought to compare honourableness and usefulness with each other and inquire which is to be followed. For just as we treated above whether a thing was honourable or base, and in the second place whether it was useful or useless, so in this place some think it must be inquired whether a thing is honourable or useful.
9. Nos autem movemur, ne haec inter se velut compugnantia inducere videamur, quae jam supra unum esse ostendimus: nec honestum esse posse, nisi quod utile: nec utile, nisi quod honestum; quia non sequimur sapientiam carnis, apud quam utilitas pecuniariae istius commoditatis pluris habetur, sed sapientiam quae ex Deo est, apud quam ea quae in hoc saeculo magna aestimantur pro detrimento habentur.
9. But we are troubled lest we seem to bring these in as though fighting against each other, when we have already shown above that they are one: that nothing can be honourable except what is useful, nor useful except what is honourable; for we do not follow the wisdom of the flesh, with which the usefulness of this monetary advantage is held of greater worth, but the wisdom which is from God, with which the things that are reckoned great in this world are counted as loss.
10. Hoc etenim κατόρθωμα, quod perfectum et absolutum officium est, a vero virtutis fonte proficiscitur. Cui secundum est commune officium, quod ipso sermone significatur non esse arduae virtutis ac singularis, quod potest plurimis esse commune. Nam pecuniae compendia captare familiare multis, elegantiori convivio et suavioribus delectari epulis usitatum est; jejunare autem et continentem esse paucorum est: et alieni cupidum non esse, rarum; contra autem detrahere velle alteri, et non esse contentum suo: nam in hoc cum plerisque consortium est. Alia igitur prima alia media officia. Prima cum paucis, media cum pluribus.
10. For this katorthoma, which is the perfect and complete duty, sets out from the true fount of virtue. Second to it is the common duty, which by its very name is shown not to be of an arduous and singular virtue, since it can be common to very many. For to seize on gains of money is familiar to many; to delight in a more elegant banquet and in sweeter dishes is customary; but to fast and to be continent belongs to few; and not to be covetous of another's, is rare; whereas to wish to take something away from another, and not to be content with one's own: in this there is fellowship with most people. Some duties, then, are first, others middle. The first are with few, the middle with more.
11. Denique in iisdem verbis frequenter discretio
11. Indeed, in the same words there is often a distinction
Editors' notes and page, col. 156

Footnotes

(70) ‹anchor: honestum› · call in col 156

Cic. lib. III, pag. 388, lin. 30 : « Panaetius igitur... tribus generibus propositis, » etc.

Cicero, book III, p. 388, line 30: "Panaetius, then... having set out three kinds," etc.

(printed under page 81)

(71) ‹anchor: requirendum putant› · call in col 156

Mss. nonnulli, et ultimae edit. Paris., honestum sit an inutile concinnius reliqui... an utile. Rursus vero ubi omnes edit., Nos autem monemus; mss. fere ad unum praeferunt, Nos autem movemur, haud incommode : idem siquidem est, ac si scriptum sit, Nos autem veremur, etc.

Some manuscripts and the latest Paris editions: honestum sit an inutile ("whether it be honourable or useless"); the rest, more neatly... an utile ("or useful"). Again, where all the editions read Nos autem monemus ("but we warn"), the manuscripts almost to a man give Nos autem movemur ("but we are moved"), not unsuitably, for it is the same as if it were written Nos autem veremur ("but we fear"), etc.

(printed under page 81)

(72) ‹anchor: esse posse› · call in col 156

Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 389, lin. 3 : « Nam sive honestum solum bonum est, ut, Stoicis placet, » etc.

Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 389, line 3: "For whether the honourable is the only good, as the Stoics hold," etc.

(printed under page 81)

(73) ‹anchor: absolutum officium est› · call in col 156

Ibid. lin. 15 : « Etenim quod summum bonum a stoicis dicitur convenienter, » etc.

Ibid., line 15: "For what the Stoics call the highest good, [living] in agreement," etc.

(printed under page 81)

(74) ‹anchor: media officia› · call in col 156

Ibid., lin. 23 : « Haec igitur omnia officia... media Stoici appellant, ea communia, » etc.

Ibid., line 23: "All these duties, then, ... the Stoics call 'middle', these common," etc.

(printed under page 81)

Page

  • running head: [S.] AMBROSII 156 (left part of the running head cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹quasi tristis, et semper laetior›; B ‹ximus, in quibus honestum›; C ‹quam ea quae in hoc saeculo›; D ‹cum pluribus.›
  • old-edition numerals: 110 after ‹supra›
PL 16:157
est. Aliter enim bonum Deum dicimus, aliter hominem; aliter justum Deum appellamus, aliter hominem. Similiter et sapientem Deum aliter dicimus, aliter hominem. Quod et in Evangelio docemus: Estote ergo et vos perfecti, sicut et Pater vester qui in coelis est, perfectus est (Matth. V, 48). Ipsum Paulum lego perfectum et non perfectum. Nam cum dixisset: Non quod jam acceperim, aut jam perfectus sim: sequor autem si comprehendam (Philipp. III, 12), statim subjecit: Quicunque ergo perfecti sumus (Ibid. 15). Duplex enim forma perfectionis: alia medios, alia plenos numeros habens; alia hic, alia ibi; alia secundum hominis possibilitatem, alia secundum perfectionem futuri. Deus autem justus per omnia, sapiens super omnia, perfectus in omnibus.
For we call God good in one sense, a man in another; we call God just in one sense, a man in another. Likewise we call God wise in one sense, a man in another. This we teach in the Gospel too: Be you therefore perfect, as also your Father Who is in heaven is perfect (Matt. 5:48). I read that Paul himself is perfect and not perfect. For when he had said: Not that I have already received, or am already perfect; but I follow, if I may lay hold (Phil. 3:12), he at once added: Let us therefore, as many as are perfect (ibid. 15). For there is a twofold form of perfection: one having middle measures, the other full ones; one here, the other there; one according to man's capacity, the other according to the perfection of what is to come. But God is just through all things, wise above all things, perfect in all things.
12. Inter ipsos quoque homines distantia est. Aliter Daniel sapiens, de quo dictum est: Quis Daniele sapientior (Ezech. XXVIII, 3)? Aliter alii sapientes, aliter Salomon, qui repletus est sapientia super omnem sapientiam antiquorum, et super omnes sapientes Aegypti (III Reg. IV, 29). Aliud est enim communiter sapere, aliud sapere perfecte. Qui communiter sapit, pro temporalibus sapit, pro se sapit: ut alteri aliquid detrahat, et sibi adjungat. Qui perfecte sapit, nescit sua spectare commoda: sed ad illud quod aeternum est, quod decorum atque honestum, toto affectu intendit, quaerens non quod sibi utile est, sed quod omnibus.
12. Among men themselves too there is a difference. Daniel is wise in one way, of whom it was said: Who is wiser than Daniel (Ezek. 28:3)? Other wise men in another way, Solomon in another, who was filled with wisdom above all the wisdom of the ancients and above all the wise men of Egypt (III Kgs. 4:29). For it is one thing to be wise in the common way, another to be wise perfectly. He who is wise in the common way is wise for temporal things, wise for himself, so as to take something away from another and add it to himself. He who is wise perfectly does not know how to look to his own advantage, but with his whole affection strains towards that which is eternal, which is seemly and honourable, seeking not what is useful to himself but what is useful to all.
13. Itaque haec sit formula, ut inter duo illa, honestum atque utile, errare nequeamus, eo quod justus nihil alteri detrahendum putet, nec alterius incommodo suum commodum augeri velit. Hanc formam tibi praescribit Apostolus dicens: Omnia licent, sed non omnia expediunt: omnia licent, sed non omnia aedificant. Nemo quod suum est quaerat, sed quod alterius (I Cor. X, 22-24); hoc est, nemo commodum suum quaerat, sed alterius. Unde et alibi dicit: Alter alterum existimantes superiorem sibi, non quae sua sunt singuli cogitantes, sed quae aliorum (Philipp. II, 3, 4).
13. So let this be the rule, that between those two, the honourable and the useful, we may not go astray: that the just man should think nothing is to be taken from another, nor wish his own advantage to be increased by another's disadvantage. The Apostle prescribes this pattern for you, saying: All things are lawful, but not all things are expedient; all things are lawful, but not all things edify. Let no one seek what is his own, but what is another's (I Cor. 10:22–24); that is, let no one seek his own advantage, but another's. Hence he also says elsewhere: Each esteeming the other better than himself, each thinking not of the things that are his own, but of the things that are others' (Phil. 2:3, 4).
14. Nemo etiam suam gratiam quaerat, nemo suam laudem, sed alterius. Quod evidenter etiam in Proverbiis declaratum possumus advertere, dicente sancto per Salomonem Spiritu: Fili, si sapiens fueris, tibi sapiens eris et proximis, si autem malus evaseris, solus hauries mala (Prov. IX, 12). Sapiens enim aliis consulit, sicut justus; quandoquidem consors sui est, utriusque forma virtutis.
14. Let no one seek his own favour either, no one his own praise, but another's. We may notice that this is plainly declared in Proverbs too, where the Holy Spirit says through Solomon: Son, if you are wise, you will be wise for yourself and for your neighbours; but if you turn out evil, you alone will draw up evils (Prov. 9:12). For the wise man takes thought for others, as the just man does; since each is the partner of the other, the pattern of virtue is common to both.
CAPUT III.
CHAPTER III.
†Promissum de non quaerendo proprio emolumento
As promised, concerning not seeking one's own profit,
Editors' notes and page, col. 157

Footnotes

(75) ‹anchor: justum Deum appellamus› · call in col 157

Ibid., lin. 35 : « Nec vero cum duo Decii, aut duo Scipiones fortes viri commemorantur, aut cum Fabricius, » etc.

Ibid., line 35: "Nor indeed, when the two Decii or the two Scipios are recalled as brave men, or when Fabricius," etc.

(printed under page 82)

(76) ‹anchor: pro se sapit› · call in col 157

Ibid., lin. 48 : « Qui autem omnia metiuntur emolumentis et commodis, neque ea volunt, » etc.

Ibid., line 48: "But those who measure everything by profits and advantages, and do not wish these," etc.

(printed under page 82)

(77) ‹anchor: haec sit formula› · call in col 157

Cic. lib. III Offic., p. 398, lin. 11 : « Itaque ut sine errore dijudicare possimus... formula quaedam constituenda est, » etc. Et infra, lin. 21 : « Detrahere igitur aliquid alteri, et hominem, » etc.

Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 398, line 11: "And so, that we may judge without error... a certain rule must be laid down," etc. And below, line 21: "To take something from another, then, and [for] a man," etc.

(printed under page 82)

Page

  • running head: 157 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRO[RUM] (right part of the running head cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹est. Aliter enim bonum›; B ‹nia, perfectus in omnibus.›; C ‹honestum atque utile›; D ‹piens fueris, tibi sapiens›
  • old-edition numerals: 111 after ‹quod›
PL 16:158
praeceptum urgetur, primum a Christi exemplo, tum ab interpretatione nominis, denique ab ipsa membrorum forma et usibus. Unde ostendit quam flagitiosum sit alienae utilitati detrahere: cum hoc scelere naturalis lex aeque ac divina violetur, atque insuper illud mutiletur quo praestamus caeteris animantibus, ad postremum leges civiles cum summa infamia conculcentur.
the precept is pressed home, first from the example of Christ, then from the interpretation of the name, lastly from the very form and uses of the members. From this he shows how shameful it is to detract from another's benefit: since by this crime the natural law and the divine law alike are violated, and moreover that by which we excel the other living creatures is mutilated, and finally the civil laws are trampled underfoot with the utmost infamy.
15. Si quis igitur vult placere omnibus, per omnia quaerat non quod sibi utile est, sed quod multis, sicut quaerebat et Paulus. Hoc est enim conformari Christo, alienum non quaerere, nihil alteri detrahere, ut acquirat sibi. Christus enim Dominus cum esset in Dei forma, exinanivit se, ut formam susciperet hominis (Philipp. II, 6, 7), quam operum suorum locupletaret virtutibus. Tu ergo spolias, quem Christus induit? Tu exuis, quem vestivit Christus? Hoc enim agis, quando alterius detrimento tua commoda augere expetis.
15. If anyone, then, wishes to please all, let him seek in all things not what is useful to himself but what is useful to many, as Paul too sought. For this is to be conformed to Christ: not to seek what is another's, to take nothing from another in order to gain for oneself. For Christ the Lord, though He was in the form of God, emptied Himself to take up the form of man (Phil. 2:6, 7), which He would enrich with the mighty works of His deeds. Do you, then, strip him whom Christ has clothed? Do you lay bare him whom Christ has dressed? For this is what you do when you seek to increase your own advantage at another's loss.
16. Considera, o homo, unde nomen sumpseris, ab humo utique, quae nihil cuiquam eripit, sed omnia largitur omnibus, et diversos in usum omnium animantium fructus ministrat. Inde appellata humanitas specialis et domestica virtus hominis, quae consortem adjuvet.
16. Consider, O man, whence you took your name: from the earth (humus), surely, which snatches nothing from anyone but bestows all things on all, and supplies various fruits for the use of all living creatures. Hence the special and domestic virtue of man, which helps his fellow, is called humanity.
17. Ipsa te doceat forma tui corporis, membrorumque usus. Numquid membrum tuum alterius membri officia sibi vindicat, aut oculus officium oris, aut os oculi officium sibi vindicat, aut manus pedum ministerium, aut pes manuum? Quid etiam ipsae manus dextera ac sinistra dispartita habent officia pleraque, ut si usum commutes utriusque, adversum naturam sit, priusque totum hominem exuas, quam membrorum tuorum ministeria convertas: si aut de sinistra cibum suggeras, aut de dextera fungaris ministerio sinistrae, ut reliquias ciborum abluas nisi forte poscat necessitas.
17. Let the very form of your body teach you, and the use of its members. Does one member of yours claim for itself the duties of another member, or the eye the duty of the mouth, or the mouth claim for itself the duty of the eye, or the hand the service of the feet, or the foot that of the hands? Why, even the hands themselves, right and left, have most of their duties apportioned, so that if you were to exchange the use of the two it would be against nature, and you would sooner strip off the whole man than reverse the services of your members: if, say, you were to bring food to your mouth with the left hand, or with the right perform the service of the left, so as to wash off the remains of food, unless perhaps necessity demands it.
18. Finge hanc et da oculo virtutem, ut possit detrahere sensum capiti, auditum auribus, menti cogitationes, odoratum naribus, ori saporem, et sibi conferat: nonne omnem statum dissolvet naturae? Unde pulchre Apostolus ait: Si totum corpus oculus, ubi auditus? Si totum auditus, ubi odoratus (I Cor. XII, 17)? Omnes ergo unum corpus sumus et diversa membra, sed omnia corpori necessaria: non enim potest membrum de membro dicere. Non es mihi necessarium. Quin etiam ipsa quae videntur infirmiora membra esse, multo magis necessaria sunt, et majorem plerumque tuendi se requirunt sollicitudinem. Et si quid dolet membrum unum, compatiuntur ei membra omnia.
18. Imagine this, and give the eye the power to take away sense from the head, hearing from the ears, thoughts from the mind, smell from the nostrils, taste from the mouth, and to confer them on itself: would it not dissolve the whole order of nature? Hence the Apostle says finely: If the whole body were an eye, where would the hearing be? If the whole were hearing, where would the smelling be (1 Cor. 12:17)? We are all, then, one body and diverse members, but all necessary to the body; for one member cannot say of another member: You are not necessary to me. Nay more, those very members which seem to be weaker are much more necessary, and for the most part require greater care in protecting them. And if one member suffers anything, all the members suffer with it.
19. Unde quam grave est ut detrahamus aliquid ei, cui nos compati oportet: et cui debemus consortium
19. Hence how grievous it is that we should take anything away from him with whom we ought to suffer, and to whom we owe fellowship
Editors' notes and page, col. 158

Footnotes

(78) ‹anchor: forma tui corporis› · call in col 158

Cic. lib. III Offic. p. 390, lin. 27 : « Ut enim si unumquodque membrum sensum hunc haberet, » etc.

Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 390, line 27: "For just as, if each limb had this feeling," etc.

(printed under page 82)

(79) ‹anchor: membro dicere› · call in col 158

Edit. ac pauci mss., membrum membro dicere : Non est mihi, etc.

The editions and a few manuscripts: "a member say to a member: 'It is not to me'," etc.

(printed under page 82)

Page

  • running head: [M]INISTRORUM LIBER III. 158 (left part of the running head cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹praeceptum urgetur, primum›; B ‹quem Christus induit? Tu exuis›; C ‹bent officia pleraque›; D ‹dicere. Non es mihi necessarium›
  • old-edition numerals: 112 after ‹auribus,›
PL 16:159
ministerii, ei fraudi et noxae simus! Haec utique lex naturae est, quae nos ad omnem astringit humanitatem, ut alter alteri tanquam unius partes corporis invicem deferamus. Nec detrahendum quidquam putemus, cum contra naturae legem sit non juvare. Sic enim nascimur ut consentiant membra membris et alterum alteri adhaereat, et obsequantur sibi mutuo ministerio. Quod si unum desit officio suo, impediantur caetera: ut si eruat oculum manus, nonne sibi operis sui usum negavit? Si pedem vulneret, quantorum sibi actuum profectum inviderit? Et quanto gravius est totum hominem quam unum membrum detrahi? Jam si in uno membro totum corpus violatur, utique in uno homine communio totius humanitatis solvitur; violatur natura generis humani, et sanctae Ecclesiae congregatio, quae in unum connexum corpus atque compactum unitate fidei et charitatis assurgit: Christus quoque Dominus, qui pro universis mortuus est, mercedem sanguinis sui evacuatam dolebit.
in service, that we should be a cheat and a harm to him! This surely is the law of nature, which binds us to all humanity, that we should defer to one another in turn as parts of one body. Nor should we think anything is to be taken away, since it is against the law of nature not to help. For we are so born that members agree with members, and one cleaves to another, and they serve one another with mutual service. But if one fails in its duty, the rest are hindered: if the hand should tear out the eye, has it not denied itself the use of its own work? If it should wound the foot, of how many actions has it begrudged itself the progress? And how much more grievous is it that a whole man be taken away than one member? Now if in one member the whole body is violated, surely in one man the fellowship of all humanity is dissolved; the nature of the human race is violated, and the congregation of holy Church, which rises up into one body, joined and knit together by the unity of faith and charity; Christ the Lord too, Who died for all, will grieve that the price of His blood has been made void.
20. Quid! quod etiam ipsa lex Domini hanc formam tenendam edocet, ut nihil alteri detrahas, tui commodi servandi gratia, cum dicit: Non transferas terminos, quos statuerunt patres tui (Prov. XXII, 28); cum vitulum errantem fratris tui reducendum praecipit (Exod. XXIII, 4), cum furem mori jubet (Exod. XXII, 2), cum vetat mercenarium debita mercede fraudari, cum pecuniam sine usuris reddentam censuit (Levit. XIX, 13). Subvenire enim non habenti humanitatis est: duritiae autem plus extorquere quam dederis (Deut. XXIII, 19). Etenim si ideo auxilio tuo erit opus, quia non habuit unde de suo redderet, nonne impium est ut sub humanitatis simulatione amplius ab eo poscas, qui non habebat unde minus solveret? Absolvis igitur alteri debitorem, ut condemnes tibi: et hanc humanitatem vocas, ubi est iniquitatis auctio?
20. What of this, that the very law of the Lord teaches that this pattern is to be held, that you take nothing from another for the sake of keeping your own advantage, when it says: Do not move the boundaries which your fathers set (Prov. 22:28); when it commands that your brother's straying calf be brought back (Exod. 23:4); when it orders the thief to die (Exod. 22:2); when it forbids the hireling to be cheated of the wage owed; when it ruled that money be repaid without interest (Lev. 19:13)? For to come to the aid of one who has not is humanity; but to extort more than you have given is hardness (Deut. 23:19). For if he will have need of your help because he had nothing of his own to repay with, is it not impious, under the pretence of humanity, to demand more from one who did not have the means to pay less? You release the debtor, then, for another, in order to condemn him for yourself; and do you call this humanity, where there is an increase of iniquity?
21. Hoc praestamus caeteris animantibus, quod alia genera animantium conferre aliquid nesciunt: ferae autem eripiunt, homines tribuunt. Unde et Psalmista ait: Justus miseretur, et tribuit (Psal XXXVI, 21). Sunt tamen quibus et ferae conferant. Si quidem collatione sobolem suam nutriunt, et aves cibo suo pullos satiant suos: homini autem soli tributum est, ut omnes tanquam suos pascat.
21. In this we excel the other living creatures, that other kinds of living creatures do not know how to bestow anything; wild beasts snatch, men give. Hence the Psalmist too says: The just man shows mercy, and gives (Ps. 36:21). Yet there are some to whom even wild beasts give. Indeed, by their contributing they feed their young, and birds satisfy their own nestlings with their own food; but to man alone has it been given to feed all as his own.
Editors' notes and page, col. 159

Footnotes

(80) ‹anchor: natura generis humani› · call in col 159

Cic. lib. III Offic. pag. 390, lin. 32 : « Illud quidem natura non patitur, » etc.

Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 390, line 32: "This indeed nature does not allow," etc.

(printed under page 83)

(81) ‹anchor: tenendam edocet› · call in col 159

Ibid., lin. 37 : « Atque hoc multo magis exigit ipsa naturae ratio, quae est lex divina et humana. » etc.

Ibid., line 37: "And this the very reason of nature, which is law divine and human, demands far more," etc.

(printed under page 83)

(82) ‹anchor: auxilio tuo erit opus› · call in col 159

Ita mss. longe plurimi atque antiquissimi : nonnulli tamen et omnes edit., si ideo inops auxilio tuo eguit, etc.

So by far the most and the oldest manuscripts; but some, and all the editions: "if the needy man lacked your help for this reason," etc.

(printed under page 83)

(83) ‹anchor: iniquitatis auctio› · call in col 159

Mss. aliquot, iniquitatis actio. Minus commode.

Some manuscripts: iniquitatis actio ("an act of iniquity"). Less suitably.

(printed under page 83)

Page

  • running head: 159 S. AMBROS[...] (right part of the running head cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹sortium ministerii, ei fraudi›; B ‹tur natura generis humani›; C ‹usuris reddentam censuit›; D ‹Si quidem collatione sobolem›
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 16:160
Debet istud ipso naturae jure. Quod si non licet non dare, quomodo detrahere licet? Nec ipsae leges nos docent? ea quae detracta sunt alicui, cum injuria personae, aut rei ipsius cumulo, restitui jubent; quo furem a detrahendo, aut poenis deterreant, aut multa revocent.
He owes this by the very law of nature. But if it is not lawful not to give, how is it lawful to take away? Do not the laws themselves teach us? They order that things taken from anyone be restored, with [amends for] the wrong to the person, or with an addition to the thing itself, so as either to deter the thief from taking by penalties, or to call him back by a fine.
22. Pone tamen quod aliquis possit aut poenam non timere, aut multae illudere: numquid dignum est ut aliqui alteri detrahant? Servile hoc vitium, et familiare ultimae conditioni; adeo contra naturam, ut inopia magis hoc extorquere videatur, quam natura suadere. Servorum tamen occulta furta, divitum rapinae publicae.
22. Suppose, however, that someone can either not fear the penalty or make sport of the fine: is it fitting that some should take from another? This is a servile vice, and familiar to the lowest condition; so contrary to nature that want seems to wring it out rather than nature to urge it. Yet the thefts of slaves are hidden, the robberies of the rich are public.
23. Quid autem tam contra naturam quam violare alterum tui commodi causa: cum pro omnibus excubandum, subeundas molestias, suscipiendum laborem naturalis affectus persuadeat: et gloriosum unicuique ducatur, si periculis propriis quaerat universorum tranquillitatem: multo sibi unusquisque arbitretur gratius excidia patriae repulisse, quam propria pericula: praestantiusque esse existimet quod operam suam patriae impenderit, quam si in otio positus tranquillam vitam voluptatum copiis functus egisset.
23. And what is so contrary to nature as to violate another for the sake of your own advantage, when natural affection urges that one must keep watch for all, undergo troubles, take up labour; and it is held glorious for each one if by his own dangers he seeks the tranquillity of all; each should reckon it far more pleasing to himself to have repelled the destruction of his country than his own dangers, and think it more excellent to have spent his effort on his country than if, set in leisure, he had led a tranquil life enjoying an abundance of pleasures?
CAPUT IV.
CHAPTER IV.
Ubi strictus ostensum est eum qui commodi sui causa noceat alteri, graves conscientiae suae poenas luiturum, colligitur uni utile nihil esse, quod itidem non sit omnibus: atque adeo propositae a philosophis de naufragis duobus quaestioni locum non esse apud Christianos, quibus ubique charitas atque humilitas exercendae sunt.
Where, after it has been shown more strictly that he who harms another for the sake of his own advantage will pay heavy penalties to his own conscience, it is concluded that nothing is useful to one which is not likewise useful to all; and so that the question put forward by the philosophers about two shipwrecked men has no place among Christians, by whom charity and humility are to be practised everywhere.
24. Hinc ergo colligitur quod homo, qui secundum naturae formatus est directionem, ut obediat ei, nocere non possit alteri: quod si cui noceat, naturam violet: neque tantum esse commodi quod adipisci sese putet, quantum incommodi, quod ex eo sibi accidat. Quae enim poena gravior, quam interioris vulnus conscientiae? Quod severius judicium; quam domesticum, quo unusquisque sibi est reus, seque ipse arguit quod injuriam fratri indigne fecerit? Quod non mediocriter Scriptura commendat dicens: Ex ore stultorum baculum contumeliae (Prov. XIV, 3). Stultitia igitur condemnatur, quia contumeliam facit. Nonne hoc magis fugiendum, quam mors, quam dispendium, quam inopia, quam exsilium, quam debilitatis dolor?
24. Hence, then, it is concluded that man, who was formed according to the direction of nature so as to obey it, cannot harm another; and if he harms anyone, he violates nature; and that the advantage he thinks he gains is not so great as the disadvantage which befalls him from it. For what penalty is heavier than the wound of the inner conscience? What judgement more severe than the domestic one, in which each man stands accused before himself and convicts himself of having unworthily done a wrong to his brother? Scripture commends this in no small measure, saying: In the mouth of fools is a rod of contumely (Prov. 14:3). Folly, then, is condemned, because it does contumely. Is not this more to be fled than death, than loss, than want, than exile, than the pain of infirmity?
Editors' notes and page, col. 160

Footnotes

(84) ‹anchor: nos docent› · call in col 160

Cic. lib. III Offic. pag. 390, lin. 36 : Hoc enim spectant leges, hoc volunt, etc.

Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 390, line 36: "For this is what the laws look to, this is what they intend," etc.

(printed under page 83)

(85) ‹anchor: alteri detrahant› · call in col 160

Rom. edit., ut alter alturi detrahat.

The Roman edition: "that one take from another."

(printed under page 83)

(86) ‹anchor: contra naturam› · call in col 160

Cic. lib. III Offic. pag. 390, lin. 45 : « Itemque magis est secundum naturam pro omnibus gentibus, » etc.

Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 390, line 45: "And likewise it is more in accord with nature, for the sake of all nations," etc.

(printed under page 83)

(87) ‹anchor: quod homo› · call in col 160

Ibid., pag. 391, lin. 1 : « Ex quo efficitur hominem naturae obedientem homini nocere non posse. »

Ibid., p. 391, line 1: "From which it follows that a man obedient to nature cannot harm a man."

(printed under page 83)

(88) ‹anchor: Scriptura commendat› · call in col 160

Omnes edit. ac pauci mss., Scriptura condemnat; elegantius autem alii, Scriptura commendat. Hoc enim refertur ad domesticum judicium conscientiae, de quo agitur.

All editions and a few manuscripts: Scriptura condemnat ("Scripture condemns"); but others, more elegantly, Scriptura commendat ("Scripture commends"). For this refers to the inner judgement of conscience, which is the subject.

(printed under page 83)

(89) ‹anchor: magis fugiendum› · call in col 160

Cic. lib. III Offic., page 391, lin. 1 : « Sin fugiendum id quidem censet, sed et multo illa pejora, mortem, paupertatem, » etc.

Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 391, line 1: "But if he holds this is indeed to be shunned, yet those things much worse — death, poverty," etc.

(printed under page 83)

(90) ‹anchor: debilitatis dolor› · call in col 160

Nonnulli mss., quam exsilium, debilitas, dolor.

Some manuscripts: "than exile, infirmity, pain."

(printed under page 83)

Page

  • running head: [S.] AMBROSII. 160 (left part of the running head cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹Debet istud ipso naturae jure›; B ‹violare alterum tui commodi›; C ‹philosophis de naufragis duobus›; D ‹tur, quia contumeliam facit›
  • old-edition numerals: 113 after ‹leges›
PL 16:161
Quis enim vitium corporis, aut patrimonii damnum non levius ducat vitio animi, et existimationis dispendio?
For who would not reckon a defect of the body, or a loss of patrimony, lighter than a vice of the soul and the loss of reputation?
25. Liquet igitur id spectandum et tenendum omnibus, quod eadem singulorum sit utilitas, quae sit universorum: nihilque judicandum utile, nisi quod in commune prosit. Quomodo enim potest uni prodesse? Quod inutile sit omnibus, nocet. Mihi certe non videtur, qui inutilis est omnibus, sibi utilis esse posse. Etenim si una lex naturae omnibus, una utique utilitas universorum, ad consulendum utique omnibus naturae lege constringimur. Non est ergo ejus qui consultum velit alteri secundum naturam, nocere ei adversus legem naturae.
25. It is clear, then, that all must look to and hold fast to this: that the advantage of each individual is the same as that of all together, and that nothing is to be judged useful except what profits in common. For how can it profit one? What is useless to all does harm. To me at least it does not seem that one who is useless to all can be useful to himself. For if there is one law of nature for all, there is certainly one advantage for all together, and we are certainly bound by the law of nature to take thought for all. It is not, then, for one who would have another's interest consulted according to nature to harm him against the law of nature.
26. Etenim si hi qui in stadio currunt, ita feruntur praeceptis informari atque instrui, ut unusquisque celeritate non fraude contendat, cursuque, quantum potest, ad victoriam properet: supplantare autem alterum aut manu dejicere non ausit: quanto magis in hoc cursu vitae istius, sine fraude alterius et circumscriptione gerenda nobis victoria est?
26. For if those who run in the stadium are said to be shaped and instructed by precepts such that each contends by speed, not by fraud, and hastens towards victory by running as much as he can, but does not dare to trip up another or throw him down with his hand: how much more in this race of our present life must victory be won by us without fraud and deceit towards another?
27. Quaerunt aliqui, si sapiens in naufragio positus insipienti naufrago tabulam extorquere possit, utrum debeat? Mihi quidem, etsi praestabilius communi videatur usui sapientem de naufragio quam insipientem evadere; tamen non videtur quod vir Christianus, et justus, et sapiens, quaerere sibi vitam aliena morte debeat: utpote qui etiam si latronem armatum incidat, ferientem referire non possit; ne dum salutem defendit, pietatem contaminet. De quo in Evangelii libris aperta et evidens sententia est: Reconde gladium tuum; omnis
27. Some ask whether a wise man, set in a shipwreck, ought to wrench a plank from a foolish man who is shipwrecked, if he can. To me, indeed, although it may seem more advantageous for the common good that a wise man rather than a foolish one escape from shipwreck, yet it does not seem that a Christian man, both just and wise, ought to seek life for himself by another's death: seeing that even if he falls in with an armed robber he may not strike back at the one striking him, lest while he defends his safety he defile his piety. On this there is an open and evident sentence in the books of the Gospel: Put up your sword; for every one
Editors' notes and page, col. 161

Footnotes

(91) ‹anchor: Liquet igitur› · call in col 161

Ibid., lin. 8 : Ergo unum debet esse omnibus. etc.

Ibid., line 8: "Therefore there ought to be one [aim] for all," etc.

(printed under page 84)

(92) ‹anchor: tenendum omnibus› · call in col 161

Mss. aliquot et edit. omnes, id expetendum; alii non pauci, id exspectandum, reliqui tandem etiam multi, id spectandum; quod aliis praestare negabit nemo.

Some manuscripts and all the editions: id expetendum ("this is to be sought"); not a few others, id exspectandum ("this is to be awaited"); finally the rest, also many, id spectandum ("this is to be looked to"), which no one will deny is better than the others.

(printed under page 84)

(93) ‹anchor: uni prodesse› · call in col 161

Edit. omnes, ac pauci nec non recentiores mss., uni prodesse quod inutile sit omnibus? Alii paulo plures, uni prodesse, quod omnibus noceat? Quidam etiam utrumque.... quod inutile est et omnibus nocet? Aptius vero Thuan. ut in contextu. Iterum autem ubi cunctae edit. cum uno aut altero codice junioris manus, utilitas universorum; quod si una utilitas universorum, ad consulendum, etc. caeteri mss. omittunt quae resecuimus.

All editions, and a few more recent manuscripts: "to benefit one by what is useless to all?" Somewhat more others: "to benefit one by what harms all?" Some even have both.... "what is useless and harms all?" But the de Thou codex, as in the text, is more apt. Again, where all the editions with one or two codices of a younger hand read "the advantage of all; but if the advantage of all is one, to consult," etc., the other manuscripts omit what we have cut out.

(printed under page 84)

(94) ‹anchor: in stadio currunt› · call in col 161

Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 394, lin. 26 : Scite Chrysippus... qui stadia, inquit, currunt, etc.

Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 394, line 26: "Chrysippus aptly [says]... 'Those who run in the stadium,' he says," etc.

(printed under page 84)

(95) ‹anchor: victoria est› · call in col 161

Sic Amerb. cum longe plurimis veterrimisque mss. Era. autem et seq. edit. cum aliis, quaerenda nobis, etc.

So Amerbach with by far the most and the oldest manuscripts; but Erasmus and the following editions with others: "to be sought by us," etc.

(printed under page 84)

(96) ‹anchor: in naufragio› · call in col 161

Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 391, lin. 24 : « Forsitan quispiam dixerit : Nonne igitur sapiens, » etc. Item pag. 400, lin. 20 : « Si tabulam de naufragio stultus arripuerit, » etc.

Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 391, line 24: "Someone may perhaps say: Shall not the wise man, then," etc. Likewise p. 400, line 20: "If a fool has seized a plank from a shipwreck," etc.

(printed under page 84)

(97) ‹anchor: referire non possit› · call in col 161

Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 376, lin. 22 : « Si quid importetur nobis incommodi, propulsemus ulciscamurque, » etc. Item pro Milone, « Si vita nostra in aliquas insidias... omnis honesta ratio esset expediendae salutis. » Confer cum hac Ambrosii doctrina quae super eodem argumento tradit Tertullianus in Apologet. : Cyprianus epist. ad Thebanos edit. Priorianae 56 et 57, ad Cornelium papam; synodus Ancyr. can. 22, de homicidio involuntario, et Basilius epist. ad Amphiloch. can. 11. Ex his enim facile intelliges doctorem nostrum non in Ciceronis aliorumque licet honestiorum inter paganos, sed in eadem Christi schola, qua sancti illi Patres edoctum esse.

Cicero, De officiis book II, p. 376, line 22: "If any harm is brought on us, let us repel and avenge it," etc. Likewise For Milo: "If our life [has fallen] into some ambush... every honourable means of securing safety would be right." Compare with this teaching of Ambrose what Tertullian hands down on the same subject in the Apology; Cyprian, letters 56 and 57 of the Priorius edition, to the Thebans and to Pope Cornelius; the Synod of Ancyra, canon 22, on involuntary homicide; and Basil, letter to Amphilochius, canon 11. From these you will easily understand that our doctor was taught not in the school of Cicero and others, however honourable among the pagans, but in the same school of Christ as those holy Fathers.

(printed under page 84)

Page

  • running head: 161 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRORUM
  • marginal letters: A ‹Quis enim vitium corporis›; B ‹26. Etenim si hi qui in stadio currunt›; C ‹tronem armatum incidat›; D ‹(in footnotes) si una utilitas universorum›
  • old-edition numerals: 114 before 25. Liquet
PL 16:162
enim qui gladio percusserit, gladio ferietur (Matth. XXVI, 52). Quis latro detestabilior, quam persecutor qui venerat ut Christum occideret? Sed noluit se Christus persecutorum defendi vulnere, qui voluit suo vulnere omnes sanare.
who strikes with the sword shall be struck by the sword (Matt. 26:52). What robber is more detestable than the persecutor who had come to kill Christ? But Christ did not wish to be defended by the wounding of His persecutors, He Who wished to heal all by His own wound.
28. Cur enim te potiorem altero judices, cum viri sit Chistiani praeferre sibi alterum, nihil sibi arrogare, nullum sibi honorem assumere, non vindicare meriti sui pretium? Deinde cur non tuum tolerare potius incommodum, quam alienum commodum diripere assuescas? Quid tam adversus naturam, quam non esse contentum eo quod habeas, aliena quaerere, ambire turpiter? Nam si honestas secundum naturam, omnia enim fecit Deus bona valde, turpitudo utique contraria est. Non potest ergo honestati convenire et turpitudini, cum haec inter se discreta naturae lege sint.
28. For why should you judge yourself better than another, when it belongs to a Christian man to prefer another to himself, to arrogate nothing to himself, to assume no honour for himself, not to claim the reward of his merit? Then why should you not rather accustom yourself to bear your own disadvantage than to snatch away another's advantage? What is so much against nature as not to be content with what you have, to seek what is another's, to canvass for it basely? For if honourableness is according to nature, for God made all things very good, baseness is certainly contrary to it. There cannot, then, be agreement between honourableness and baseness, since these are set apart from each other by the law of nature.
CAPUT V.
CHAPTER V.
Justum nihil agere quod sit contra officium, etiamsi latendi spem habuerit; ad hoc ipsum significandum fabulam de Gygis annulo excogitatam esse a philosophis, qua explosa, Davidis ac Joannis Baptistae certa et vera exempla proferuntur.
That the just man does nothing that is against duty, even if he has hope of lying hidden; that the fable of the ring of Gyges was devised by the philosophers to signify this very thing; and, it being rejected, the sure and true examples of David and John the Baptist are brought forward.
29. Sed jam ut etiam in hoc libro ponamus fastigium, in quo velut in fine disputationis nostrae dirigamus sententiam: ut nihil expetendum sit, nisi quod honestum. Nihil agit sapiens, nisi quod cum sinceritate, sine fraude sit: neque quidquam facit, in quo se crimine quoquam obliget, etiamsi latere possit. Sibi enim est reus prius quam caeteris: nec tam pudenda apud eum publicatio flagitii, quam conscientia est. Quod non fictis fabulis, ut philosophi disputabant, sed verissimis justorum virorum exemplis docere possumus.
29. But now, so that in this book too we may set a summit, towards which, as at the end of our discussion, we may direct our judgement: that nothing is to be sought except what is honourable. The wise man does nothing except what is done with sincerity, without fraud; nor does he do anything by which he would bind himself to any crime, even if he could lie hidden. For he is guilty in his own eyes before he is in others'; and with him the publication of a disgraceful deed is not so shameful as the consciousness of it. This we can teach, not by feigned fables, as the philosophers used to argue, but by the most true examples of just men.
30. Non igitur ergo simulabo terrae hiatum, quae
30. I shall not, then, feign a chasm of the earth, which
Editors' notes and page, col. 162

Footnotes

(98) ‹anchor: altero judices› · call in col 162

Ibib., pag. 391, lin. 39 : « Modo hoc ita faciat, ut ne ipse de se bene existimans, » etc.

Ibid., p. 391, line 39: "Only let him do this in such a way that, not thinking well of himself," etc.

(printed under page 84)

(99) ‹anchor: ponamus fastigium› · call in col 162

Quidam mss., Sed ne jam in hoc libro ponamus fastidium. Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 392, lin. 2 : « Sed quoniam operi inchoato... tanquam fastigium, » etc.

Some manuscripts: "But let us not now set disgust [fastidium] in this book." Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 392, line 2: "But since to the work begun... as it were a coping-stone," etc.

(printed under page 84)

(1) ‹anchor: nisi quod honestum› · call in col 162

Omnes edit. Nihil namque agit sapiens, nisi quod honestum sit, verum quae omisimus, in omnibus mss. desiderantur. Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 392, lin. 33 : « Quamobrem hoc deliberantium genus pellatur e medio, » etc. Et infra, lin. 37 : « Atque etiam in omni deliberatione celandi et occultandi spes, » etc.

All editions: "For the wise man does nothing except what is honourable"; but what we have omitted is wanting in all the manuscripts. Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 392, line 33: "Wherefore let this kind of deliberator be driven from our midst," etc. And below, line 37: "And also in every deliberation the hope of concealing and hiding," etc.

(printed under page 84)

(2) ‹anchor: quam conscientia› · call in col 162

Rom. edit., quam conscientiae est. Haud satis recte; nec enim hic significatur minus pudendam esse flagitii publicationem, quam conscientiae publicationem, sed quam conscientiam ipsam, id est, interiorem admissi flagitii cognitionem. Infra etiam eadem edit. Rom., quem magna quadam imbrium tempestate exorta, terram fecisse, et in quem, etc. Sed quorsum ea mutatio spectet, non satis assequimur.

The Roman edition: quam conscientiae est. Not quite rightly; for what is meant here is not that the publishing of a crime is less shameful than the publishing of conscience, but than conscience itself, that is, the inward knowledge of a crime committed. Below, too, the same Roman edition reads: "which, when a great storm of rain had arisen, the earth had made, and into which," etc. But what that change aims at, we do not well understand.

(printed under page 84)

Page

  • running head: MINISTRORUM LIBER III. 162
  • marginal letters: A ‹nis enim qui gladio percusserit›; B ‹ergo honestati convenire›; C ‹flagitii, quam conscientia›; D ‹(in footnotes) gium, » etc.›
  • old-edition numerals: 115 before CAPUT V.
PL 16:163
magnis quibusdam dissiluerit soluta imbribus, in quem descendisse Gyges, atque ibi fabularum illum equum aeneum offendisse a Platone inducitur, qui in lateribus suis fores haberet: quas ubi aperuit, animadvertit annulum aureum in digito mortui hominis, cujus illic exanimum corpus jaceret, aurique avarum sustulisse annulum. Sed cum se ad pastores recepisset regios de quorum ipse numero foret, casu quodam, quod palam ejus annuli ad palmam converterat, ipse omnes videbat, atque a nullo videbatur: deinde cum in locum suum revocasset annulum, videbatur ab omnibus. Cujus solers factus miraculi, per annuli opportunitatem reginae stupro potitus, necem regi intulit, caeterisque interemptis, quos necandos putaverat, ne sibi impedimento forent, Lydiae regnum adeptus est.
burst apart, loosened by certain great rains, into which Gyges is represented by Plato as having descended, and there as having come upon that bronze horse of the fables, which had doors in its sides: when he opened them, he noticed a golden ring on the finger of a dead man, whose lifeless body lay there, and, greedy of gold, took away the ring. But when he had gone back to the king's shepherds, of whose number he himself was, by some chance, because he had turned the bezel of that ring towards his palm, he himself saw everyone and was seen by no one; then, when he had turned the ring back to its place, he was seen by all. Made aware of this marvel, through the opportunity of the ring he possessed the queen by debauchery, brought death upon the king, and, having slain the others whom he had thought must be killed lest they be a hindrance to him, he obtained the kingdom of Lydia.
31. Da, inquit, hunc annulum sapienti, ut beneficio ejus possit latere, cum deliquerit: non enim minus fugiet peccatorum contagium, quam si non possit latere. Non enim latebra sapienti spes impunitatis, sed innocentia est. Deinque lex non justo, sed injusto posita est (I Tim. I, 9); quia justus legem habet mentis suae, et aequitatis ac justitiae suae normam: ideoque non terrore poenae revocatur a culpa, sed honestatis regula.
31. Give, he says, this ring to a wise man, so that by its favour he may lie hidden when he has done wrong: he will not shun the contagion of sins any less than if he could not lie hidden. For to the wise man the hope of impunity is not a hiding place, but innocence. Then too, the law is laid down not for the just but for the unjust (1 Tim. 1:9); for the just man has the law of his own mind, and the rule of his own equity and justice: and therefore he is called back from fault not by the terror of punishment but by the rule of honourableness.
32. Ergo, ut ad propositum redeamus, non fabulosa pro veris, sed vera pro fabulosis exempla proferam. Quid enim mihi opus est fingere hiatum terrae, equum aeneum, annulumque aureum in digito defuncti repertum; cujus annuli tanta sit vis, ut pro arbitrio suo qui eum sit indutus annulum, appareat, cum velit: cum autem nolit, e conspectu se praesentium subtrahat, ut praesens non possit videri? Nempe eo tendit istud, utrum sapiens etiam si isto utatur annulo, quo possit propria flagitia celare, et regnum assequi; nolitne peccare, et gravius ducat sceleris contagium poenarum doloribus: an vero spe impunitatis utatur ad perpetrandum scelus? Quid, inquam, mihi opus est figmento annuli, cum possim docere ex rebus gestis quod vir sapiens cum sibi in peccato non solum latendum, sed etiam regnandum videret, si peccatum admitteret: contra autem periculum salutis cerneret, si declinaret flagitium; elegerit tamen magis salutis periculum, ut vacaret flagitio, quam flagitium quo sibi regnum pararet?
32. Therefore, to return to our purpose, I shall bring forward not fabulous examples in place of true ones, but true ones in place of the fabulous. For what need have I to invent a chasm of the earth, a bronze horse, and a golden ring found on the finger of a dead man; a ring of such power that whoever has put it on appears at his own choice, when he wishes, but when he does not wish, withdraws himself from the sight of those present, so that though present he cannot be seen? Surely this is what it aims at: whether the wise man, even if he uses that ring, by which he could hide his own disgraceful deeds and attain a kingdom, would refuse to sin, and would reckon the contagion of crime heavier than the pains of punishment; or would rather use the hope of impunity to commit the crime. What need have I, I say, of the fiction of a ring, when I can teach from deeds done that a wise man, when he saw that in sinning he would not only lie hidden but also reign, if he committed the sin, but on the other hand perceived danger to his life if he declined the disgraceful deed, nevertheless chose rather the danger to his life, so as to be free of the disgraceful deed, than the disgraceful deed by which he would gain a kingdom for himself?
Editors' notes and page, col. 163

Footnotes

(3) ‹anchor: soluta imbribus› · call in col 163

Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 392, lin. 40 : « Hinc ille Gyges inducitur a Platone, qui cum terra decessisset, » etc.

Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 392, line 40: "Hence that Gyges is brought in by Plato, who, when the earth had given way," etc.

(printed under page 85)

(4) ‹anchor: illum equum› · call in col 163

Edit. Amerb. et Erasm., fabularium illum equum : Gill. et Rom., fabularem, etc.

The editions of Amerbach and Erasmus: fabularium illum equum ("that horse of the fable"); Gillot and the Roman edition: fabularem, etc.

(printed under page 85)

(5) ‹anchor: palmam converterat› · call in col 163

Mss. omnes scribunt paleam, tres tamen ex illis explicationis ergo haec habent in margine, Al. « Palam ; sic enim vocat superiorem partem annuli, in qua lapis infixus est. »

All the manuscripts write paleam; but three of them, by way of explanation, have this in the margin: "Another reading: Palam; for so he calls the upper part of the ring, in which the stone is set."

(printed under page 85)

(6) ‹anchor: annulum sapienti› · call in col 163

Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 392, lin. 49 : « Hinc igitur ipsum annulum si habeat sapiens, » etc.

Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 392, line 49: "If, then, the wise man had this very ring," etc.

(printed under page 85)

(7) ‹anchor: utatur annulo› · call in col 163

Ibid., pag. 293, lin. 3 : « Haec est vis hujus anuuli et hujus exempli, » etc.

Ibid., p. 293 [sic; evidently 393], line 3: "This is the force of this ring and of this example," etc.

(printed under page 85)

Page

  • running head: 163 S. AMBROSII
  • marginal letters: A ‹magnis quibusdam dissiluerit›; B ‹ne sibi impedimento forent / tus est›; C ‹defuncti repertum›; D ‹sibi regnum pararet›
  • old-edition numerals: 116 after annulum, (before appareat)
PL 16:164
33. Denique David cum fugeret a facie regis Saul, quod eum rex cum tribus millibus virorum electorum ad inferendam necem in deserto quaereret, ingressus in castra regis, cum dormientem offendisset, non solum ipse non percussit, sed etiam protexit; ne ab aliquo qui simul ingressus fuerat, perimeretur. Nam cum diceret ei Abessa: Conclusit hodie Dominus inimicum tuum in manibus tuis, et nunc occidam eum? respondit: Non consumas eum, quoniam quis injiciet manum suam in christum Domini, et purus erit? Et addidit: Vivit Dominus, quoniam nisi Dominus percusserit illum, aut nisi hora illius venerit ut moriatur, aut in pugna discesserit, et apponatur mihi; non sit a Domino injicere manum meam in Christum Domini (I Reg. XXVI, 8 et seq.)
33. Indeed, David, when he was fleeing from the face of King Saul, because the king was seeking him in the desert with three thousand chosen men to put him to death, entered the king's camp, and when he had found him asleep, not only did he himself not strike him, but he even protected him, so that he should not be slain by anyone who had entered with him. For when Abishai said to him: The Lord has shut up your enemy today in your hands, and now shall I kill him? he answered: Do not destroy him, for who shall lay his hand on the anointed of the Lord and be guiltless? And he added: As the Lord lives, unless the Lord strike him, or unless his hour come that he die, or he depart in battle and be added [to his fathers], far be it from me before the Lord to lay my hand on the Anointed of the Lord (1 Sam. 26:8ff).
34. Itaque non permisit necari eum, sed solam lanceam quae erat ad caput ejus, et lenticulam sustulit. Itaque dormientibus cunctis, egressus de castris transivit in cacumen montis et coarguere coepit stipatores regios, et praecipue principem militiae Abner, quod nequaquam fidam custodiam regi et domino suo adhiberet: denique demonstraret, ubi esset lancea regis, vel lenticula quae erat ad caput ejus. Et appellatus a rege lanceam reddidit: Et Dominus, inquit, restituat unicuique justitias suas, et fidem suam, sicut tradidit te Dominus in manus meas, et nolui vindicare manu mea in christum Domini. Et cum haec diceret, timebat tamen insidias ejus, et fugit, sedem exsilio mutans. Nec tamen salutem praetulit innocentiae, cum jam secundo facultate sibi tributa regis necandi, noluisset uti occasionis beneficio: quae et securitatem salutis metuenti, et regnum offerebat exsuli.
34. And so he did not allow him to be killed, but took away only the spear that was at his head, and the flask. And so, while all were sleeping, he went out of the camp, crossed over to the top of a mountain, and began to reproach the king's bodyguards, and especially Abner the captain of the host, because he kept no faithful guard over the king and his lord; and finally he showed where the king's spear was, and the flask that had been at his head. And when called by the king, he gave back the spear: And may the Lord, he said, render to each man his righteousness and his faithfulness, as the Lord delivered you into my hands, and I would not take vengeance with my hand on the anointed of the Lord. And though he said this, he nevertheless feared his plots, and fled, changing his dwelling for exile. Yet he did not prefer his safety to innocence, since now, when for the second time the opportunity of killing the king had been given him, he had refused to use the benefit of the occasion, which offered both security of life to one in fear and a kingdom to an exile.
35. Ubi opus fuit Joanni Gygeo annulo, qui si tacuisset, non esset occisus ab Herode (Marc. VI, 18)? Praestare hoc illi potuit silentium suum, ut et videretur et non occideretur: sed quia non solum peccare se propter salutis defensionem passus non est, sed ne alienum quidem peccatum ferre ac perpeti potuit; ideo in se causam necis excitavit. Certe hoc negare non possunt potuisse fieri ut taceret, qui de illo Gyge negant potuisse fieri ut annuli beneficio absconderetur,
35. Where did John need the ring of Gyges, who, had he kept silent, would not have been killed by Herod (Mark 6:18)? His own silence could have secured this for him, that he should be seen and not be killed: but because not only did he not suffer himself to sin for the defence of his life, but could not even bear and endure another's sin, for that reason he roused against himself the cause of his death. Certainly those who deny that it could have happened to that Gyges that he was hidden by the benefit of a ring cannot deny that it could have happened that this man kept silent.
36. Sed fabula, etsi vim non habet veritatis, hanc tamen rationem habet, ut si possit celare se
36. But the fable, though it has not the force of truth, yet has this reasoning: that if he could hide himself
Editors' notes and page, col. 164

Footnotes

(8) ‹anchor: Vivit Dominus› · call in col 164

Rom. edit. et ait David Vivit Dominus.

The Roman edition: "and David said: The Lord lives."

(printed under page 85)

(9) ‹anchor: sit a Domino› · call in col 164

Vet. edit. ac Rom., hoc loco non discrepant, nisi quod haec sic interpungit..., et apponatur, mihi non sit a Domino, etc. Nimirum ut respondeat his verbis ex LXX : Καὶ προστῇ, μηδαμῶς μοι, etc. Mss. autem cum veteribus magis faciunt, excepto quod haec praeferunt, vel in pugnam, hi vero, ut in pugnam; et pro descenderit, Thuan. discesserit. Et post pauca, ubi omnes edit., et lenticulam tulit aquae, dormientibusque, etc., scribitur in mss. ut in textu. [Greek small and faint; προστῇ as it appears]

The old editions and the Roman do not differ here, except that the latter punctuates thus: "...and be added, far be it from me by the Lord," etc. — evidently to answer to these words of the Septuagint: "And be added; far be it from me," etc. The manuscripts side rather with the old editions, except that these give vel in pugnam ("or into battle"), those ut in pugnam; and for descenderit ("go down") the de Thou codex has discesserit ("depart"). And a little after, where all the editions read "and he took the cruse of water, and from the sleepers," etc., the manuscripts have it as in the text.

(printed under page 85)

(10) ‹anchor: in christum Domini› · call in col 164

Omnes edit., injicere manum meam in christum Domini, quidam mss., inducere manum, etc.; caeteri omnes ut in textu.

All the editions: "to lay my hand on the Lord's anointed"; some manuscripts, inducere manum ("to bring my hand"), etc.; all the others as in the text.

(printed under page 85)

Page

  • running head: AMBROSII. 164
  • marginal letters: A ‹33. Denique David cum fugeret›; B ‹tum Domini (I Reg. xxvi›; C ‹lit innocentiae, cum jam secundo›; D ‹hanc tamen rationem habet›
  • old-edition numerals: 117 before peccare se propter
PL 16:165
vir justus; tamen ita peccatum declinet, quasi celare non possit: nec personam suam indutus annulum, sed vitam suam Christum indutus abscondat, sicut Apostolus ait: Quia vita nostra abscondita est cum Christo in Deo (Coloss. III, 3). Nemo ergo hic fulgere quaerat, nemo sibi arroget, nemo se jactet (Luc. IX, 36). Nolebat se Christus hic cognosci, nolebat praedicari in Evangelio nomen suum, cum in terris versaretur venit; ut lateret saeculum hoc. Et nos ergo simili modo abscondamus vitam nostram Christi exemplo, fugiamus jactantiam, praedicari non exspectemus. Melius est hic esse in humilitate, ibi in gloria. Cum Christus, inquit, apparuerit, tunc et vos cum illo apparebitis in gloria (Coloss. III, 4).
the just man; yet let him so shun sin as though he could not hide himself: and let him hide, not his person by putting on a ring, but his life by putting on Christ, as the Apostle says: For our life is hidden with Christ in God (Col. 3:3). Let no one, then, seek to shine here, let no one arrogate anything to himself, let no one boast (Luke 9:36). Christ did not wish to be known here, He did not wish His name to be proclaimed in the Gospel while He was living on earth; He came that He might be hidden from this world. Let us too, then, in like manner hide our life after the example of Christ, let us flee boasting, let us not wait to be proclaimed. It is better to be here in humility, there in glory. When Christ, he says, shall appear, then you also shall appear with Him in glory (Col. 3:4).
CAPUT VI.
CHAPTER VI.
Praevalere apud nos emolumentum non oportere. Quid obtendere soleant qui a frumentis lucrum captant, quidve illis debeat responderi? Ubi eisdem evangelica parabola et Salomonis effata sub oculis ponuntur.
That gain ought not to prevail with us. What those who seek profit from grain are wont to plead, and what ought to be answered them? Where the Gospel parable and the sayings of Solomon are set before their eyes.
37. Non vincat igitur honestatem utilitas, sed honestas utilitatem: hanc dico utilitatem, quae aestimatur secundum vulgi opinionem. Mortificetur avaritia, moriatur concupiscentia. Sanctus in negotiationem introisse se negat; quia pretiorum captare incrementa non simplicitatis, sed versutiae est. Et alius ait: Captans pretia frumenti, maledictus in plebe est (Prov. XI, 26).
37. Let not advantage, then, overcome honourableness, but honourableness advantage: I mean that advantage which is valued according to the opinion of the crowd. Let avarice be put to death, let covetousness die. The saint denies that he has entered into trading, because to snatch at increases of prices is a mark not of simplicity but of cunning. And another says: He who snatches at the prices of grain is accursed among the people (Prov. 11:26).
38. Definita, est sententia, nihil disputationi relinquens, quale controversum genus solet dicendi esse, cum alius allegat agriculturam laudabilem apud omnes haberi, fructus terrae simplices esse, plus qui seminaverit eo probatiorem fore, uberiores reditus industriae non fraudari, negligentiam magis et incuriam ruris inculti reprehendi solere.
38. The sentence is definite, leaving nothing to dispute, as that disputed kind of speaking is wont to be, when one alleges that agriculture is held praiseworthy by all, that the fruits of the earth are simple, that he who has sown more will be the more approved for it, that the richer returns of industry are not defrauded, and that it is rather negligence and the carelessness of an untilled field that is usually blamed.
39. Aravi, inquit, studiosius, uberius seminavi, diligentius excolui, bonos collegi proventus, sollicitius recondidi, servavi fideliter, provide custodivi. Nunc in tempore famis vendo, subvenio esurientibus: vendo frumentum non alienum, sed meum: non pluris quam caeteri, imo etiam minore pretio. Quid hic fraudi est, cum multi possent
39. I have ploughed, he says, more zealously, sown more abundantly, tilled more diligently; I have gathered good harvests, stored them more carefully, kept them faithfully, guarded them providently. Now in a time of famine I sell, I come to the help of the hungry: I sell grain not another's but my own; not dearer than others, nay even at a lower price. What fraud is there here, when many could
Editors' notes and page, col. 165

Footnotes

(11) ‹anchor: Apostolus ait› · call in col 165

Mss. aliquot, nec personam suam indutus [...]. Romanus Apostolus ait. [one word faint; reading uncertain]

Some manuscripts: "nor, having put on his own person, [...]. The Roman Apostle says" [reading uncertain].

(printed under page 86)

(12) ‹anchor: non exspectemus› · call in col 165

Era, et seq, edit., praedicari non expetamus; Amerb, et mss. aliquot, praedicari non exspectamus, alii demum elegantius..., non exspectemus.

Erasmus and the following editions: "let us not seek to be proclaimed"; Amerbach and some manuscripts: "we do not expect to be proclaimed"; others, finally, more elegantly: "let us not expect."

(printed under page 86)

(13) ‹anchor: utilitas› · call in col 165

Cic. lib III Offic., pag. 394, lin. 26 : « Maneat ergo, quod turpe sit, id nunquam esse utile. » etc.

Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 394, line 26: "Let it stand, then, that what is shameful is never useful," etc.

(printed under page 86)

(14) ‹anchor: dicendi esse› · call in col 165

Edit. omnes, et mss nonnulli, quale controversiorum genus; alii autem numero et antiquitate praestantiores, quale controversum genus. Infra etiam ubi in iisdem edit. ac mss. paucis habetur, simplices esse triplos; in longe plurimis probatissimisque omittitur, triplos.

All editions and some manuscripts: quale controversiorum genus; but others, superior in number and age: quale controversum genus ("what kind of disputed case"). Below too, where the same editions and a few manuscripts have simplices esse triplos ("that the simple [fruits] are threefold"), triplos is omitted in by far the most and the most approved.

(printed under page 86)

(15) ‹anchor: industriae non fraudari› · call in col 165

Hunc omnem locum ex Cic. lib. Oeconomicon, qui jam non exstant, desumptum esse forsitan haud sine causa quis conjecerit. Etenim quod hic dicitur : Uberiores reditus industriae, etc., id apertissime cum Xenophontis, cujus librum ejusdem argumenti ab Oratore translatum scimus, his verbis quadrat : Τοὺς γὰρ κράτιστα θεραπεύοντας αὐτὴν πλεῖστα ἀγαθὰ ἀντιποιεῖ; et illis, ἄλλο οὐ λαμβάνει σῖτον ἐκ τοῦ ἀγροῦ, οὐ γὰρ ἐπιμελεῖται ὡς αὐτῷ σπείρηται ἢ ὡς κόπρος γίγνηται. Alia similia ipse per te observes licet. [Greek in small type; accents as best read]

One might perhaps conjecture, not without reason, that this whole passage was taken from Cicero's books Oeconomica, which no longer survive. For what is said here, "richer returns for industry," etc., fits most plainly with these words of Xenophon, whose book on the same subject we know the Orator translated: "For to those who tend it best it gives back the most good things"; and with these: "he gets no other grain from the field, for he takes no care that it be sown for him, or that dung be made." You may notice other similar things for yourself.

(printed under page 86)

(16) ‹anchor: tempore famis vendo› · call in col 165

Rom. edit. inde expunxerat verbum, vendo : sed cum aliarum et mss. omnium injuria.

The Roman edition had struck the word vendo ("I sell") out of this place, but wrongly, against the other editions and all the manuscripts.

(printed under page 86)

Page

  • running head: 165 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRORUM
  • marginal letters: A ‹vir justus; tamen ita peccatum›; B ‹CAPUT VI. / Praevalere apud nos›; C ‹lem apud omnes haberi›; D ‹(in footnotes) praedicari non expetamus;›
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 16:166
periclitari, si non haberent quod emerent? Num industria in crimen vocatur? Num diligentia reprehenditur? Num providentia vituperatur? Fortasse dicat: et Joseph frumenta in abundantia collegit, in charitate vendidit. Num carius aliquis emere compellitur? Num vis adhibetur emptori? Omnibus defertur emendi copia, nulli irrogatur injuria.
be in danger if they did not have anything to buy? Is industry called into accusation? Is diligence blamed? Is foresight reproached? Perhaps he may say: Joseph too gathered grain in plenty and sold it in dearth. Is anyone compelled to buy more dearly? Is force applied to the buyer? The opportunity of buying is offered to all; injury is done to none.
40. His igitur quantum cujusque fert ingenium disputatis, exsurgit alius, dicens: Bona quidem agricultura, quae fructus ministrat omnibus, quae simplici industria accumulat terrarum fecunditatem, nihil doli, nihil fraudis interserens. Denique si quid vitii fuerit, plus dispendii est; quia si bene aliquis seminaverit, melius metet: si sincerum tritici granum severit, puriorem ac sinceram messem colligit. Fecunda terra multiplicatum reddit, quod acceperit: fidelis ager feneratos solet restituere proventus.
40. When these things have been argued, as far as each man's wit carries him, another rises up and says: Agriculture is good indeed, which supplies fruits to all, which by simple industry heaps up the fruitfulness of the lands, inserting no guile, no fraud. Indeed, if there is any fault, the loss is greater; for if anyone has sown well, he will reap better: if he has sown a sound grain of wheat, he gathers a purer and sound harvest. The fruitful earth gives back multiplied what it has received: a faithful field is wont to return its yield with interest.
41. De reditibus igitur uberis glebae exspectare debes tui mercedem laboris, de fertilitate pinguis soli justa sperare compendia. Cur ad fraudem convertis naturae industriam? Cur invides usibus hominum publicos partus? Cur populis minuis abundantiam? Cur affectas inopiam? Cur optari facis a pauperibus sterilitatem? Cum enim non sentiunt beneficia fecunditatis, te auctionante pretium, te condente frumentum, optant potius nihil nasci, quam te de fame publica negotiari. Ambis frumentorum indigentiam, alimentorum penuriam, uberes soli partus ingemiscis, fles publicam fertilitatem, horrea frugum plena deploras, exploras quando sterilior proventus sit, quando exilior partus. Votis tuis gaudes arrisisse maledictum, ut nihil cuiquam nasceretur. Tunc messem tuam venisse laetaris, tunc tibi de omnium miseria cogeris opes: et hanc tu industriam vocas, hanc diligentiam nominas, quae calliditatis versutia, quae astutia fraudis est; et hoc tu remedium vocas, quod et cummentum nequitiae. Latrocinium hoc, an fenus appellem? Captantur tanquam latrocinii tempora, quibus in viscera hominum durus insidiator obrepas. Augetur pretium tanquam sorte cumulatum fenoris, quo periculum capitis acervatur.
41. From the returns of the rich soil, then, you ought to expect the reward of your labour, from the fertility of the fat ground to hope for just gains. Why do you turn the industry of nature to fraud? Why do you grudge the common produce to the uses of men? Why do you lessen abundance for the peoples? Why do you court scarcity? Why do you make the poor wish for barrenness? For when they do not feel the benefits of fruitfulness, while you auction up the price, while you store up the grain, they wish rather that nothing should grow than that you should trade on the public hunger. You canvass for a want of grain, a dearth of food; you groan over the rich produce of the soil, you weep over the public fertility, you lament granaries full of crops, you search out when the yield will be more barren, when the produce scantier. You rejoice that a curse has smiled upon your wishes, that nothing should grow for anyone. Then you are glad that your harvest has come, then you gather riches for yourself out of the misery of all: and this you call industry, this you name diligence, which is the cunning of craftiness, the astuteness of fraud; and this you call a remedy, which is also a contrivance of wickedness. Shall I call this robbery or usury? The times are snatched at as if for robbery, in which you, a hard waylayer, creep upon the very vitals of men. The price is increased as though heaped up by the principal of a loan, by which the peril to life is piled up.
Editors' notes and page, col. 166

Footnotes

(17) ‹anchor: sperare compendia› · call in col 166

Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 394, lin. 31 : Si vir bonus Alexandria Rhodum magnum frumenti etc.

Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 394, line 31: "If a good man [had brought] a great [quantity] of grain from Alexandria to Rhodes," etc.

(printed under page 86)

(18) ‹anchor: naturae industriam› · call in col 166

Edit. ac mss. nonnulli, naturae industriam et indulgentiam.

The editions and some manuscripts: "nature's industry and indulgence."

(printed under page 86)

(19) ‹anchor: publicos partus› · call in col 166

Mss. aliquot, hic et infra, non partus sed pastus, scribunt. Iterum vero post pauca nonnulli cod. habent, te auctionante, et propter pretium condente frumentum.

Some manuscripts, here and below, write not partus ("births", i.e. yields) but pastus ("pastures, food"). Again, a little after, some codices have "while you raise the price, and hoard the grain for the price."

(printed under page 86)

Page

  • running head: MINISTRORUM LIBER III. 166
  • marginal letters: A ‹periclitari, si non haberent›; B ‹tritici granum severit›; C ‹blicam fertilitatem›; D ‹(in footnotes) bis quadrat›
  • old-edition numerals: 118 after Joseph
PL 16:167
Tibi conditae frugis multiplicatur usura: tu frumentum quasi fenerator occultas, quasi venditor auctionaris. Quid imprecaris male omnibus, quia major futura sit fames, quasi nihil frugum supersit, quasi infecundior annus sequatur? Lucrum tuum damnum publicum est.
For you the interest on stored grain is multiplied: you hide the grain like a usurer, like a seller you put it up to auction. Why do you call down evil on everyone, because the famine is to be greater, as if nothing of the crops were left, as if a more barren year were to follow? Your gain is the public loss.
42. Joseph sanctus omnibus aperuit horrea, non clausit (Gen. XLI, 56): nec pretia captavit annonae, sed perenne subsidium collocavit, nihil sibi acquisivit, sed quemadmodum fames etiam in posterum vinceretur, provida ordinatione disposuit (Gen. XLVII, 13-35).
42. Holy Joseph opened the granaries to all, he did not close them (Gen. 41:56): nor did he snatch at high prices for the corn, but he set up a lasting supply; he acquired nothing for himself, but by provident arrangement he disposed how the famine might be overcome in time to come as well (Gen. 47:13–35).
43. Legisti quemadmodum hunc frumentarium pretii captatorem exponat in Evangelio Dominus Jesus, cujus possessio divites fructus attulit, et ille quasi egens dicebat. Quid faciam? Non habeo quo congregem, destruam horrea, et majora faciam (Luc. XII, 17, 18); cum scire non posset, utrum sequenti nocte anima sua ab eo reposceretur. Nesciebat quid faceret, quasi ei alimenta deessent, haerebat ambiguo. Non capiebant horrea annonam, et ille se egere credebat.
43. You have read how the Lord Jesus in the Gospel sets forth this corn-dealer, this snatcher at prices, whose estate brought forth rich fruits, and he, as if in want, said: What shall I do? I have nowhere to gather them; I will pull down my barns and make greater ones (Luke 12:17, 18); though he could not know whether on the following night his soul would be demanded back from him. He did not know what to do, as if food were lacking to him; he stuck in doubt. The barns could not hold the corn, and he believed himself in want.
44. Recte igitur Salomon, Qui continet, inquit, frumentum, relinquet illud nationibus (Prov. XI, 26), non haeredibus, quoniam avaritiae emolumentum ad successorum jura non pervenit. Quod non legitime acquiritur, quasi ventis quibusdam, ita extraneis diripientibus dissipatur. Et addidit, Captans annonam maledictus in plebe est: benedictio autem ejus qui participat (Ibid.). Vides ergo quod largitorem frumenti esse deceat, non pretii captatorem. Non est igitur ista utilitas, in qua plus honestati detrahitur, quam utilitati adjungitur.
44. Rightly, then, does Solomon say: He who holds back corn will leave it to the nations (Prov. 11:26), not to his heirs, since the profit of avarice does not come to the rights of successors. What is not lawfully acquired is scattered, as if by certain winds, so by strangers who plunder it. And he added: He who snatches at the corn-price is cursed among the people; but blessing is his who shares it (ibid.). You see, then, that it befits one to be a giver of corn, not a snatcher at its price. That, then, is not utility in which more is taken from honour than is added to utility.
CAPUT VII.
CHAPTER VII.
Peregrinos tempore famis ex urbe neutiquam expellendos. Egregium hac in re Christiani senis consilium refertur: cui opponitur indignum facinus Romanorum, nec non utroque inter se compar† primum cum honestate atque utilitate conjunc†tum ostenditur, secus vero secundum.
That strangers are by no means to be expelled from the city in time of famine. The excellent counsel of a Christian old man in this matter is related; against it is set the unworthy deed of the Romans; and, the two being compared† with each other, the first is shown to be joined with honour and utility alike, but the second otherwise.
Editors' notes and page, col. 167

Footnotes

(printed under page 87)

(20) ‹anchor: hunc frumentarium› · call in col 167

Erasm. et seq. edil., frumentarii pretii agrorum reservari.

Erasmus and the following editions: "of the grain-price of fields to be reserved."

(printed under page 87)

(21) ‹anchor: qui participat› · call in col 167

Omnes edit. ac pauci mss., benedictio autem ejus in capite. Eras. et seq. edit., in capite ejus qui participat Quae lectio cum Hebraeo textu et praecipuis versionibus quadrat : antiquissimi tamen cod. cum Paraphr. Chald. omittunt vocem, in capite, idque sine ullo sententiae incommodo.

All the editions and a few manuscripts: "but a blessing on his head." Erasmus and the following editions: "on the head of him who shares." This reading agrees with the Hebrew text and the chief versions; yet the oldest codices, with the Chaldee Paraphrase, omit the words "on the head", and without any harm to the sense.

(printed under page 87) [Footnotes (22) and (23), printed under col 167, have their calls in col 168 and are set in n168.]

Page

  • running head: 167 S. AMBROSII
  • marginal letters: A ‹tur. Tibi conditae frugis›; B ‹quasi egens dicebat. Quid faciam›; C ‹Non est igitur ista utilitas›; D ‹(23) Mss. non pauci (footnote area)›
  • old-edition numerals: 119 before cum scire non posset
  • running head: 167 S. AMBROSII (right part of the head, with 168, cut off at the image edge)
  • marginal letters: A ‹tur. Tibi conditae frugis›; B ‹congregem, destruam horrea›; C ‹Non est igitur ista utilitas›; D ‹(23) Mss. non pauci (footnote area)›
  • old-edition numerals: 119 after ‹18);›
PL 16:168
45. Sed et illi qui peregrinos urbe prohibent† nequaquam probandi: expellere eo tempore† debent juvare, separare a commerciis commun† parentis, fusos omnibus partus negare, † jam consortia vivendi averruncare: cum qu† fuerint communia jura, cum his nolle in temp† necessitatis subsidia partiri. Ferae non expel† feras, et homo excludit hominem. Ferae ac be† communem putant omnibus victum, quem terra †nistrat. Illae etiam conformem sui generis a†vant, homo impugnat, qui nihil a se alienum d† credere quidquid humani est.
45. But those too who bar strangers from the city† are by no means to be approved: to expel them at the time† they ought to help them, to separate them from the dealings of their common† parent, to deny them the produce poured out for all, † already to cut off the fellowship of living: with those with whom† rights have been held in common, to be unwilling in the time† of necessity to share relief with them. Wild beasts do not expel† wild beasts, and man shuts out man. Wild beasts and beasts† count as common to all the food which the earth †supplies. They even help† those of like kind; man attacks them, he who ought† to believe nothing that is human foreign to himself.
46. Quanto ille rectius, qui cum jam prov† processisset aetate, et famem toleraret civitas, †que (ut in talibus solet) peterent vulgo ut pere†ni urbe prohiberentur, praefecturae urbana†ram caeteris majorem sustinens, convocavit ho†ratos et locupletiores viros, poposcit ut in med† consulerent, dicens quam immane esset peregr† ejici, quam hominem ab homine exui, qu†bum morienti negaret. Canes ante mensam im†tos esse non patimur, et homines excludim† quam inutile quoque tot populos mundo pe† quos dira conficiebat tabes: quantos urbi † perire, qui solerent adjumento esse, † vel in conferendis subsidiis, vel in celebrandis c†merciis: neminem famem alienam juvare, †trahere ut plurimum diem posse, non inopiam †pellere; imo tot cultoribus exstinctis, tot agr†lis occidentibus, occasura in perpetuum subs† frumentaria. Hos igitur excludimus, qui vic† nobis inferre consuerunt: hos nolumus in temp† necessitatis pascere, qui nos omni aetate paver† Quanta sunt quae ab ipsis nobis hoc ipso temp†
46. How much more rightly did he act who, when he had now advanced† in age, and the city was suffering famine, and† (as is usual in such cases) the crowd were demanding that strangers† be barred from the city, bearing the charge of the city prefecture†, greater than the rest, called together the honoured† and wealthier men, and demanded that they take counsel for the common good†, saying how monstrous it was that strangers† should be cast out, how monstrous that man be stripped of man, that one† should deny food to the dying. We do not suffer dogs to be unfed† before our table, and we shut out men. How unprofitable, too, that so many peoples should perish† to the world, whom a dreadful wasting was consuming: how many † perish to their city who were accustomed to be a help, † either in contributing supplies or in carrying on trade†: that another's famine helps no one; that one can at most prolong† the day, not drive† away want; nay rather, with so many cultivators dead, so many farm-workers† dying, the corn supplies† would fail for ever. These, then, we shut out, who have been accustomed to bring us food†; these we will not feed in the time† of necessity, who have fed us at every age†. How many are the things which from these very men for us at this very time†
Editors' notes and page, col. 168

Footnotes

[The right-column foot image is cut at its right edge; line-ends lost there are marked [...] or supplied in brackets where certain.] (printed under page 87)

(22) ‹anchor: peregrinos urbe prohibent› · call in col 168 [call position not legible in the right-cut render; footnote printed under col 167]

Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 394, lin. 6 : Male etiam qui peregrinos urbibus uti prohibent, etc.

Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 394, line 6: "They too do wrong who forbid foreigners the use of their cities," etc.

(printed under page 87)

(23) ‹anchor: communis parentis› · call in col 168

Mss. non pauci, nec infimae notae, communes parentes. Haud ita male; ut referatur ad id quod infra legitur, Plerique etiam nostri parentes sunt; concinnius tamen, communis parentis, id est Romae, quae totius imperii erat quasi mater, vel potius terrae quae communis omnium mater est.

Not a few manuscripts, and of no low repute: communes parentes ("common parents"). Not so badly, as referring to what is read below, "Most are even our kin"; but more neatly communis parentis ("of the common parent"), that is, of Rome, which was as it were the mother of the whole empire, or rather of the earth, which is the common mother of all.

(printed under page 87)

(24) ‹anchor: urbe prohiberentur› · call in col 168

Rom. edit., urbe pellerentur. Qui porro fuerit plus ille senex, cujus consilio Roma exacti non sint peregrini, aegre intelligas. Id tamen certum videri potest, fuisse videlicet eum Christianae religioni addictum, cum ab Ambrosio sanctissimus senex appelletur : ac praeterea non annonae praefectum, sed Urbi exstitisse; illum enim sub hujus auctoritate fuisse, ac utrumque annonae civilis curam gessisse auctor est J. C. Bulengerus lib. VI de Imperio Rom. cap. 2, nec alio spectare dixeremus Ambrosiana verba, praefecturae urbanae curam caeteris majorem sustinens : quibus verbis cum aliae minores, tum [po]tissimum annonae praefectura includitur, sicut e[t ...] frumenti dividenti, de qua idem Bulengerus ibi[dem] lib. V, cap. 13. Quod autem Baronius hoc fac[tum] Graccho ascribendum autumat, quamquam n[ullo] nititur alicujus auctoritatis momento, saltem n[ihil] involvit contrarietatis. Cum enim is secundam i[llam] frumenti penuriam de qua continuo post agitur, [col]locet anno 385, quid prohibeat, quominus prior [...] cidere potuerit an. 376 aut 377, quibus Gracc[hum] praefecturam gessisse tradit Gothofredus lib. [...] Quaestionibus, ubi etiam duos locos, alterum Hi[ero]nymi, Prudentii alterum, de eadem praefectura [ex]plicat. Sed in hoc cum Gothofrido Hermannus [...] Amor. lib. I, cap. 6, non concinit, sicut nec [cum] Baronio de fame anni 383, primam quippe c[...] gisse hoc anno ibidem lib. III, cap. 8, vero [...] simillimum.

The Roman edition: urbe pellerentur ("were driven from the city"). Who that pious old man was, by whose counsel foreigners were not driven out of Rome, you would hardly make out. This much, though, may seem certain: that he was devoted to the Christian religion, since Ambrose calls him a most holy old man; and further, that he was not prefect of the grain supply but [prefect] of the City; for that the former was under the latter's authority, and that both had charge of the civic grain supply, J. C. Boulenger states, On the Roman Empire book VI, ch. 2; nor would we say Ambrose's words "bearing the charge of the city prefecture, greater than the rest" point anywhere else: words which include the lesser [offices], and above all the prefecture of the grain supply, as also [...] distributing grain, on which see the same Boulenger, ibid., book V, ch. 13. As for Baronius's view that this deed should be ascribed to Gracchus — though it rests on the weight of no authority, at least it involves no contradiction. For since he places that second grain shortage, which is treated just after, in the year 385, what prevents the earlier [one from having] happened in 376 or 377, the years in which Godefroy, in book [...] of his Questions, says Gracchus held the prefecture — where he also explains two passages on that same prefecture, one of Jerome, the other of Prudentius? But on this Hermant, [Life of] Ambrose book I, ch. 6, does not agree with Godefroy, nor with Baronius on the famine of the year 383, the first [...] in this year, ibid. book III, ch. 8, [...] most likely. [Right margin lost; sense of the last lines uncertain.]

(printed under page 87)

(25) ‹anchor: peregrinos ejici› · call in col 168

Erasm. et seq. edit., Dicens quam immane e[sset] peregrinos ejici, quam hominem exueret qui, [...] Amerb. et propemodum omnes mss. ut in conte[xtu], nisi quod nonnulli pro, ab homine, habent, ex hom[ine], quidam vero utrumque confodinut.

Erasmus and the following editions: "saying how monstrous it was that foreigners should be cast out, how [it was to] strip off the man who," [...]. Amerbach and nearly all the manuscripts as in the text, except that some have ex homine for ab homine, while some run both together [the last word as printed, probably for confundunt].

(printed under page 87)

(26) ‹anchor: famem alienam juvare› · call in col 168

Sic Amerb. ac mss. majori consensu : [...] vero et seq. edit., neminem fame aliena juv[ari], qua lectione ambiguitas evitatur, sed auctoris ve[rba] non retinentur.

So Amerbach and the manuscripts by a larger consensus; but [Erasmus] and the following editions: "that no one is helped by another's hunger" — a reading that avoids ambiguity but does not keep the author's words.

(printed under page 87)

Page

  • running head: (the right part of the head, with the column number 168, is cut off at the image edge; rail from the page's column pair)
  • marginal letters: A ‹[Romano]rum, nec non utroque (summary)›; B ‹46. Quanto ille rectius›; C ‹trahere ut plurimum diem›; D ‹praefecturam gessisse tradit (footnote area)›
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 16:169
ministrantur! Non in solo pane vivit homo (Deut. VIII, 3). Nostra illic familia, plerique etiam nostri parentes sunt. Reddamus quod accepimus.
are supplied! Not by bread alone does man live (Deut. 8:3). Our own household is there; many are even our kinsfolk. Let us give back what we have received.
47. Sed veremur ne cumulemus inopiam. Primum omnium misericordia nunquam destituitur, sed adjuvatur. Deinde subsidia annonae, quae his impartienda sunt, collatione redimamus, reparemus auro. Numquid his deficientibus, non alii nobis redimendi cultores videntur? Quanto vilius est pascere, quam emere cultorem! Ubi etiam repares, ubi invenias quem reformes? Adde si invenias, quod ignarum, et alieni usus, numero possis substituere, non cultui.
47. But we fear that we may heap up want. First of all, mercy is never left destitute, but is helped. Next, the corn supplies that must be shared with them, let us buy them by a collection, let us make them good with gold. If these men fail, do not other cultivators seem to have to be bought by us? How much cheaper it is to feed a cultivator than to buy one! Where, besides, could you replace him, where find one to put in his place? Add that, if you do find one, you could substitute someone ignorant and used to another's ways in the number, not in the tilling.
48. Quid plura? Collato auro, coacta frumenta sunt. Ita nec abundantiam urbis minuit, et peregrinis alimoniam subministravit. Quantae hoc commendationis apud Deum fuit sanctissimo seni, quantae apud homines gloriae! Hic magnus vere probatus, qui vere potuit imperatori dicere, demonstrans provinciae totius populos: Hos tibi omnes reservavi, hi vivunt beneficio tui senatus, hos tua curia morti abstulit.
48. Why say more? Gold was collected, corn was gathered. So he did not lessen the plenty of the city, and he supplied food to the strangers. How much commendation this won the most holy old man with God, how much glory with men! He was proved truly great who could truly say to the emperor, pointing to the peoples of the whole province: All these I have kept for you; these live by the kindness of your senate; these your council has snatched from death.
49. Quanto hoc utilius quam illud quod proxime Romae factum est, ejectos esse urbe amplissima, qui jam plurimam illic aetatem transegerant, flentes cum filiis abiisse. quibus velut civibus amoliendum exsilium deplorarent, interruptas complurium necessitudines, diremptas affinitates! Et certe arriserat anni fecunditas, invectitio urbs sola egebat frumento: potuisset juvari, si peteretur ab Italis frumentum, quorum filii expellebantur. Nihil hoc turpius, excludere quasi alienum, et exigere quasi suum. Quid illum ejicis, qui de suo pascitur? Quid illum ejicis, qui te pascit? Servum retines, trudis parentem? Frumentum suscipis nec affectum impertis? Victum extorques, nec rependis gratiam?
49. How much more useful is this than what was lately done at Rome, that those who had already spent the greater part of their life there were cast out of that most ample city; that they went away weeping with their sons; for whom, as if for citizens, they lamented an exile to be warded off, the ties of very many broken, kinships severed! And yet the fruitfulness of the year had smiled; the city alone lacked imported corn: it could have been helped if corn had been sought from the Italians whose sons were being expelled. Nothing is more shameful than this: to shut a man out as a stranger, and to exact from him as one's own. Why do you cast him out who is fed from what is his own? Why do you cast him out who feeds you? Do you keep the slave and thrust out the kinsman? Do you take the corn and not bestow affection? Do you extort food, and repay no thanks?
50. Quam deforme hoc, quam inutile! Quomodo enim potest utile esse quod non decet? Quantis corporatorum subsidiis dudum Roma fraudata est? Potuit et illos non amittere, et evadere famem, exspectatis ventorum opportunis flatibus, et speratarum commeatu navium.
50. How unseemly this is, how useless! For how can that be useful which is not fitting? Of how great help from the guildsmen has Rome long since been defrauded? It could both not have lost them and escaped the famine, by waiting for the favourable blowing of the winds and the convoy of the ships it hoped for.
Quam vero illud superius honestum atque utile! Quid enim tam decorum atque honestum, quam collatione locupletum juvari egentes, ministrari victum esurientibus; nulli cibum defore? Quid tam utile, quam cultores agro reservari, non interire plebem rusticanorum?
But how honourable and useful was that earlier deed! For what is so seemly and honourable as that the needy be helped by a collection from the rich, that food be supplied to the hungry; that food be lacking to none? What is so useful as that cultivators be kept for the land, that the people of the countryside not perish?
52. Quod honestum igitur, et utile est: et quod utile, honestum. Et contra quod inutile, indecorum; quod autem indecorum, id etiam inutile.
52. What is honourable, then, is also useful; and what is useful, honourable. And conversely, what is useless is unseemly; and what is unseemly is also useless.
Editors' notes and page, col. 169

Footnotes

(27) ‹anchor: pascere› · call in col 169

Gill. in marg. et quaedam Paris. edit. in corpore, Quanto utilius est etc. Perperam : vilius enim hoc loco idem est, ac minori pretio atque impensis.

Gillot in the margin, and some Paris editions in the body of the text: "How much more useful it is," etc. Wrongly: for vilius ("more cheaply") here means the same as "at less price and cost."

(printed under page 88)

(28) ‹anchor: corporatorum› · call in col 169

Corporati dicuntur in variarum artium societates et collegia cooptati, ut puta sculptorum, pictorum, etc. De his loquitur Symmach. lib. X, epist. 27 et 58. Vid. Gothofrid. in lib. II de Privilegiis corporatorum, Cod. Theod., Scalig. et alios.

Corporati is the name for those co-opted into the societies and guilds of the various crafts — sculptors, for instance, painters, and so on. Symmachus speaks of them in book X, letters 27 and 58. See Godefroy on book II On the Privileges of the Corporati in the Theodosian Code, Scaliger, and others.

(printed under page 88)

(29) ‹anchor: agro reservari› · call in col 169

Edit. et pauci mss., cultores agrorum reservari.

The editions and a few manuscripts: "that the cultivators of the fields be preserved."

(printed under page 88)

Page

  • running head: 169 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRORUM LIBER III (rest of the head on the facing column)
  • marginal letters: A ‹ministrantur! Non in solo pane›; B ‹nis alimoniam subministravit. Quantae hoc com-›; C ‹tum, quorum filii expellebantur›; D ‹ctum esurientibus; nulli cibum defore›
  • old-edition numerals: 121 before Quantis corporatorum
  • foot of column: PATROL. XVI.
  • running head: 169 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRORUM LIBER III 170
  • marginal letters: A ‹ministrantur! Non in solo pane›; B ‹nis alimoniam subministravit. Quantae hoc com-›; C ‹tum, quorum filii expellebantur›; D ‹ctum esurientibus; nulli cibum defore›
  • old-edition numerals: 121 after ‹decet?›
PL 16:170
CAPUT VIII.
CHAPTER VIII.
Eos qui honestum utili anteponant a Deo probari, Josue, Caleb, et aliorum exploratorum patere exemplis.
That those who set the honourable before the useful are approved by God is plain from the examples of Joshua, Caleb and the other spies.
53. Quando majores nostri servitio exire potuissent, nisi id non solum turpe, sed etiam inutile credidissent regi servire Aegyptiorum (Exod. XII, 31)?
53. When could our forefathers have come out of servitude, had they not believed it not only shameful but also useless to serve the king of the Egyptians (Exod. 12:31)?
54. Jesus quoque et Caleb missi ad explorandam terram, uberem quidem terram, sed a ferocissimis inhabitari gentibus nuntiaverunt. Terrore belli populus infractus, recusabat terrae ejus possessionem (Num. XIII, 28, 29). Suadebant missi exploratores Jesus et Caleb terram esse utilem: indecorum putabant cedere nationibus: lapidari potius eligebant, quod minabatur populus, quam decedere de honestate. Dissuadebant alii; plebs reclamabat, dicens adversus diras et asperas gentes bellum fore, cadendum sibi in praelio, mulieres suas et pueros direptioni futuros.
54. Jesus also and Caleb, sent to spy out the land, reported that the land was indeed fertile, but inhabited by most fierce nations. The people, broken by the terror of war, refused the possession of that land (Num. 13:28, 29). Jesus and Caleb, the spies who had been sent, urged that the land was useful: they thought it unseemly to give way to the nations; they chose rather to be stoned, as the people threatened, than to depart from what was honourable. The others urged against it; the common people cried out, saying that there would be war against dread and savage nations, that they must fall in battle, that their wives and children would become plunder.
55. Exarsit Domini indignatio, ut omnes vellet perdere: sed rogante Moyse, temperavit sententiam, ultionem distulit, satis esse perfidis supplicii judicans, et si parceret interim, nec percuteret incredulos, ad eam tamen terram quam recusaverant, propter incredulitatis suae pretium non pervenirent; sed pueri et mulieres qui non immurmuraverant, vel sexu, vel aetate veniabiles, caperent ejus terrae promissam haereditatem. Denique quicunque erant a vicesimo anno et supra in deserto, eorum membra ceciderunt, sed aliorum dilata est poena. Qui autem ascenderunt cum Jesu, et dissuadendum putaverunt, plaga magna statim mortui sunt: Jesus vero et Caleb cum innoxia aetate vel sexu in terram promissionis intraverunt (Deut. I, 36, 38).
55. The indignation of the Lord blazed up, so that He wished to destroy them all: but at the entreaty of Moses He tempered His sentence and put off His vengeance, judging it punishment enough for the faithless that, even if He spared them for the time and did not strike the unbelievers, they should nevertheless not come to that land which they had refused, as the price of their unbelief; but that the children and the women who had not murmured, pardonable by sex or by age, should take the promised inheritance of that land. In the end, all who were from twenty years old and upward, their limbs fell in the desert, but the punishment of the others was put off. Those, however, who had gone up with Jesus and had thought it must be urged against, died at once by a great plague: but Jesus and Caleb, with those innocent by age or sex, entered the land of promise (Deut. 1:36, 38).
56. Pars igitur melior gloriam saluti praetulit, deterior salutem honestati. Divina autem sententia eos probavit, qui honesta utilibus praestare arbitrabantur: eos vero condemnavit, apud quos ea quae videbantur saluti potius quam honestati accommoda, praeponderabant.
56. The better part, then, preferred glory to safety, the worse safety to honour. But the divine sentence approved those who judged honourable things to excel useful ones, and condemned those with whom the things that seemed suited to safety rather than to honour outweighed the rest.
CAPUT IX.
CHAPTER IX.
Fraudes et turpia lucra maxime dedecere clericos, quorum est utilitati omnium inservire: illos in causis pecuniariis intervenire nequaquam debere, secus vero in capitalibus. Eisdem ne cui, etiam lacessiti, noceant, exemplum David; neu autem vitam honestati praeferant, caedes Nabuthe, provenitur.
That frauds and base gains most of all disgrace clerics, whose part it is to serve the advantage of all: that they ought by no means to intervene in money suits, but otherwise in capital ones. That they should harm no one, even when provoked, the example of David [warns]; and that they should not prefer life to honour, the slaying of Naboth.
57. Nihil itaque deformius quam nullum habere amorem honestatis, et usu quodam degeneris mercaturae,
57. Nothing, therefore, is more unseemly than to have no love of honour, and by a certain practice of a degenerate trade,
Editors' notes and page, col. 170

Footnotes

(30) ‹anchor: dicens› · call in col 170

Mss. aliquot, plebes reclamabant dicentes.

Some manuscripts: "the people cried out against it, saying."

(printed under page 88)

(31) ‹anchor: plaga magna statim› · call in col 170

Edit. cum uno vel altero mss., plaga mala statim etc.

The editions with one or two manuscripts: "by an evil plague at once," etc.

(printed under page 88)

Page

  • running head: (DE OFFICIIS) MINISTRORUM LIBER III 170
  • old-edition numerals: 122 before CAPUT IX.
  • foot of column: signature 6
  • running head: 169 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRORUM LIBER III 170
  • marginal letters: A ‹CAPUT VIII.›; B ‹eligebant, quod minabatur populus›; C ‹eorum membra ceciderunt›; D ‹causis pecuniariis intervenire›
  • old-edition numerals: 122 before ‹CAPUT IX.›
PL 16:171
quaestu sollicitari ingobili, avaro aestuare corde, diebus ac noctibus hiare in alieni detrimenta patrimonii, non elevare animum ad honestatis nitorem, non considerare verae laudis pulchritudinem.
to be anxious after ignoble gain, to burn with an avaricious heart, to gape day and night after the ruin of another's patrimony, not to raise the mind to the splendour of honourableness, not to consider the beauty of true praise.
58. Hinc nascuntur aucupio quaesitae haereditates, continentiae atque gravitatis simulatione captatae: quod abhorret a proposito christiani viri; omne enim quod arte elicitum, et fraude compositum est, caret merito simplicitatis. In ipsis qui nullum Ecclesiastici ordinis officium receperint, incongrua judicatur affectatae ambitio haereditatis. In supremo fine vitae positos suum habere judicium, ut libere testentur quod sentiunt, qui postea non sunt emendaturi: cum honestum non sit competentia compendia aliis vel debita, vel parata avertere; cum vel sacerdotis vel ministri sit prodesse, si fieri potest, omnibus, obesse nemini.
58. From this arise inheritances sought by fowling, caught by a pretence of continence and gravity: a thing abhorrent to the purpose of a Christian man; for everything that is drawn out by art and put together by fraud lacks the merit of simplicity. Even in those who have received no office of the Church's order, the courting of an inheritance one has angled for is judged unbecoming. Those set at the last end of life [ought] to have their own judgement, so that they may freely bequeath what they think, since they will not afterwards amend it: for it is not honourable to divert from others the gains that belong to them, whether owed or prepared; since it is the part of a priest or a minister to benefit all, if it can be done, and to harm none.
59. Denique (14, quaest. 5, cap. Denique) si non potest alteri subveniri, nisi alter laedatur, commodius est neutrum juvari, quam gravari alterum. Ideoque in causis pecuniariis intervenire non est sacerdotis: in quibus non potest fieri, quin frequenter laedatur alter qui vincitur, quoniam intercessoris beneficio se victum arbitratur. Sacerdotis est igitur nulli nocere, prodesse velle omnibus: posse autem solius est Dei. Nam in causa capitis nocere ei quem juvare debeas periclitantem, non sine peccato est gravi: in causa autem pecuniae odia quaerere, insipientiae est; cum pro salute hominis graves frequenter fiant molestiae: in quo etiam periclitari gloriosum sit. Proposita igitur forma in sacerdotis officio teneatur; ut nulli noceat, ne lacessitus quidem, et aliqua injuria offensus. Bonus enim est vir qui dixit: Si reddidi retribuentibus mihi mala (Psal. VII, 5). Quae enim est gloria, si eum non laedimus qui nos non laeserit? Sed illa virtus est, si laesus remittas.
59. In short (14, quaest. 5, cap. Denique), if one cannot be helped unless another is harmed, it is more fitting that neither be helped than that the other be burdened. And therefore it is not the part of a priest to intervene in money suits: in which it cannot but happen that the one who loses is often aggrieved, since he thinks he has been beaten through the intercessor's favour. It is the part of a priest, then, to harm no one and to wish to benefit all; but to be able to do so belongs to God alone. For in a capital case, to harm one whom you ought to help when he is in peril is not without grave sin; but in a money case, to seek out enmities is folly; whereas for a man's safety grave troubles are often incurred, and in that it is even glorious to run a risk. Let the pattern set out, then, be held in the priest's office: that he harm no one, not even when provoked and offended by some injury. For he is a good man who said: If I have repaid those who rendered me evil (Ps. 7:5). For what glory is there if we do not harm him who has not harmed us? But that is virtue, if, being harmed, you forgive.
60. Quam honestum, quod cum potuisset regi inimico nocere, maluit parcere (I Reg. XXIV, 5)! Quam etiam utile, quia successori hoc profuit, ut discerent omnes fidem regi proprio servare, nec usurpare imperium, sed vereri! Itaque et honestas utilitati praelata est, et utilitas secuta honestatem est.
60. How honourable it was that, when he could have harmed a king who was his enemy, he chose to spare him (1 Sam. 24:5)! How useful too, since this profited his successor, that all should learn to keep faith with their own king, and not to usurp rule but to revere it! So both was honourableness preferred to usefulness, and usefulness followed upon honourableness.
61. Parum est quod pepercit, addidit quod
61. It is a small thing that he spared him; he added that
Editors' notes and page, col. 171

Footnotes

(32) ‹anchor: Hinc nascuntur› · call in col 171

Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 398, lin. 2 : « Mihi quidem etiam verae haereditates non honestae videntur, » etc.

Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 398, line 2: "To me even genuine inheritances do not seem honourable," etc.

(printed under page 89)

(33) ‹anchor: quaesitae haereditates› · call in col 171

Ita mss. longe plurimi ac vetustissimi : quidam tamen atque omnes edit., aucupia quaesitae haereditatis.

So by far the most and the oldest manuscripts; but some, and all the editions: "the hunting of an inheritance sought."

(printed under page 89)

(34) ‹anchor: competentia compendia› · call in col 171

Era. et seq. expunxerunt, competentia, quae vox tamen in Amerb. ac mss. prope omnibus reperitur. Quae porro de causis tum pecuniariis, tum capitis hic dicuntur, cum his conferenda sunt quae habentur sup. pag. 93 et 100.

Erasmus and the following [editions] struck out competentia ("due"), a word nevertheless found in Amerbach and in nearly all the manuscripts. What is said here about money cases and capital cases is to be compared with what is found above, pp. 93 and 100.

(printed under page 89)

(35) ‹anchor: vel debita› · call in col 171

Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 398, lin. 11 : « Homo autem justus... nihil cuiquam quod in se transferat, detrahet, » etc.

Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 398, line 11: "But a just man... will take nothing from anyone to transfer to himself," etc.

(printed under page 89)

(36) ‹anchor: injuria offensus› · call in col 171

Ibid., lin. 14 : « Jam se ipse doceat eum virum bonum esse qui prosit quibus possit; noceat nemini, nisi lacessitus injuria. » Vide quod hanc in rem annotatum est a nobis pag. 114, ad num. 27.

Ibid., line 14: "Let him teach himself that the good man is one who helps whom he can, and harms no one unless provoked by wrong." See what we have noted on this matter on p. 114, at no. 27.

(printed under page 89)

(37) ‹anchor: maluit parcere› · call in col 171

Ibid., pag. 396, lin. 28 : « Sive vir bonus est qui prodest, quibus potest, nocet nemini, » etc.

Ibid., p. 396, line 28: "Or if the good man is he who helps whom he can and harms no one," etc.

(printed under page 89)

Editors' prose

(none) <!-- note (Q17b, 2026-10-05): italic markup removed from (32)-(35) (unit rule: no italic markup). -->

Page

  • running head: 171 S. AMBRO[SII] (page cropped at right)
  • marginal letters: A ‹caturae, quaestu sollicitari›; B ‹sit competentia compendia›; C ‹ves frequenter fiant›; D ‹est. / 123 61. Parum est›
  • old-edition numerals: 123 before "61. Parum est"
PL 16:172
etiam in bello doluit occisum, et flebiliter deploravit dicens: Montes qui estis in †Gelboe, neque ros, neque pluvia cadat super vos. Montes mortis, quoniam ibi sublata est protectio potentium, protectio Saul. Non est unctus in oleo et sanguine vulneratorum et ex adipe belligerantium. Sagitta Jonathae non est reversa retro, et gladius Saul non est reversus vacuus. Saul et Jonathas speciosi et charissimi, inseparabiles in vita sua, et in morte non sunt separati. Super aquilas leviores, super leones potentiores. Filiae Israel, plorate super Saul, qui vestiebat vos vestimenta coccinea cum ornamento vestro, qui imponebat aurum super vestimenta vestra. Quomodo ceciderunt potentes in media pugna? Jonathas in morte vulneratus est. Doleo in te, frater meus, Jonatha, speciosus mihi valde. Ceciderat amor tuus in me, sicut amor mulierum. Quomodo ceciderunt potentes, et perierunt arma concupiscenda (II Reg. I, 21-25)?
he even grieved for him when he was slain in war, and lamented him tearfully, saying: You mountains that are in Gilboa, let neither dew nor rain fall upon you. Mountains of death, since there the protection of the mighty was taken away, the protection of Saul. He was not anointed with oil, and [he was anointed] with the blood of the wounded and with the fat of the warriors. The arrow of Jonathan did not turn back, and the sword of Saul did not return empty. Saul and Jonathan, beautiful and most dear, inseparable in their life, in death too were not separated. Swifter than eagles, mightier than lions. Daughters of Israel, weep over Saul, who clothed you in scarlet garments with your adornment, who put gold upon your garments. How have the mighty fallen in the midst of the battle? Jonathan was wounded to death. I grieve for you, my brother Jonathan, exceedingly beautiful to me. Your love had fallen upon me as the love of women. How have the mighty fallen, and the desirable weapons perished (2 Sam. 1:21–25)?
62. Quae mater sic unicum defleret filium quemadmodum hic deflevit inimicum? Quis gratiae auctorem tantis prosequeretur laudibus, quantis iste prosecutus est insidiatorem capitis sui? Quam pie doluit, quanto ingemuit affectu! Aruerunt montes prophetico maledicto, et divina vis sententiam maledicentis implevit. Itaque pro regiae necis spectaculo poenam elementa solverunt.
62. What mother would so bewail an only son as this man bewailed an enemy? Who would follow the author of a kindness with such praises as this man followed one who lay in wait for his life? How dutifully he grieved, with what affection he groaned! The mountains withered at the prophetic curse, and the divine power fulfilled the sentence of him who cursed. And so the elements paid the penalty for having witnessed the king's slaying.
63. Quid vero sancto Nabuthe, quae fuit causa mortis, nisi honestatis contemplatio? Nam cum ab eo vineam rex posceret, pecuniam daturum se pollicens, indecorum pretium pro paterna recusavit haereditate, maluitque morte declinare hujusmodi turpitudinem. Non mihi, inquit, faciat Dominus, ut dem tibi haereditatem patrum meorum (III Reg. XXI, 3); hoc est, tantum mihi opprobrium non fiat, non permittat Deus tantum extorqueri flagitium. Non utique de vitibus dicit, neque enim de vittibus cura est Deo, neque de terreno spatio, sed de jure loquitur patrum. Potuit utique alteram vineam de vineis regis accipere, et amicus esse; in quo non me⟨d⟩iocris saeculi hujus utilitas aestimari solet: sed quod turpe erat, judicavit non videri utile: maluitque periculum cum honestate subire, quam utilitatem cum opprobrio: vulgarem utilitatem loquor, non illam in qua etiam honestatis gratia est.
63. And what was the cause of death for holy Naboth, if not regard for honourableness? For when the king asked him for his vineyard, promising to give money, he refused an unseemly price for his father's inheritance, and preferred to avoid such baseness by death. The Lord forbid me, he said, that I should give you the inheritance of my fathers (1 Kgs. 21:3); that is, may so great a reproach not befall me, may God not allow so great a crime to be wrung from me. He does not speak, of course, about vines, for God has no care for vines, nor about a plot of earth, but he speaks of the right of the fathers. He could, certainly, have received another vineyard from among the king's vineyards and been his friend; in which no small advantage of this world is commonly reckoned: but what was base he judged could not seem useful, and he preferred to undergo danger with honourableness rather than advantage with reproach: I speak of common advantage, not of that in which there is also the grace of honourableness.
64. Denique et ipse rex potuit extorquere, sed impudens arbitrabatur, sed occisum doluit. Dominus
64. In short, the king himself could have wrung it from him, but he thought it shameless; yet he grieved for him when slain. The Lord
Editors' notes and page, col. 172

Footnotes

(38) ‹anchor: sanguine vulneratorum› · call in col 172

Ita mss. plures ac potiores, quibus accedunt edit. nisi quod praefertur, sed sanguine; alii, vero aliquot, quasi non sit unctus oleo et a sanguine vulneratorum.

So the more numerous and better manuscripts, with which the editions agree, except that they give sed sanguine ("but with blood"); some others, however: "as though he were not anointed with oil, and from the blood of the wounded."

(printed under page 89)

(39) ‹anchor: cum honestate subire› · call in col 172

Erasm. et seq. edit., cum honestate, quam utilitatem.

Erasmus and the following editions: "with honour, than advantage."

(printed under page 89)

Page

  • running head: S. AMBROSII. 172
  • marginal letters: A ‹etiam in bello doluit›; B ‹frater meus, Jonatha›; C ‹haereditate, maluitque morte›; D ‹64. Denique et ipse rex›
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 16:173
quoque mulieris immanitatem, quae, honestatis immemor, turpe antetulit lucrum, congruo supplicio plectendam annuntiavit.
also announced that the cruelty of the woman, who, unmindful of honourableness, preferred base gain, was to be punished with a fitting penalty.
65. Turpis est itaque omnis fraus. Denique etiam in rebus vilibus exsecrabilis est staterae fallacia, et fraudulenta mensura. Si in foro rerum venalium, in usu commerciorum fraus plectitur, potestne irreprehensibilis videri inter officia virtutum? Clamabat Salomon: Pondus magnum et exiguum, et mensurae duplices immunda sunt coram Domino (Prov. XX, 10). Supra quoque ait: Statera adultera, abominatio est Domino, pondus autem aequum acceptabile est illi (Prov. XI, 1).
65. Every fraud, then, is base. Indeed, even in cheap things a deceitful balance and a fraudulent measure are detestable. If in the market of things for sale, in the practice of trade, fraud is punished, can it seem blameless among the duties of the virtues? Solomon cried out: A great weight and a small, and double measures, are unclean before the Lord (Prov. 20:10). Above, too, he says: A false balance is an abomination to the Lord, but a just weight is acceptable to Him (Prov. 11:1).
CAPUT X.
CHAPTER X.
De fraude in omni contractu fugienda non solum in politico jure cautum esse, verum etiam in sacris Litteris, ut Josue ac Gabaonitarum patet exemplo.
That the avoidance of fraud in every contract is provided for not only in civil law but also in the sacred Scriptures, as is plain from the example of Joshua and the Gibeonites.
66. In omnibus igitur decora est fides, justitia grata, mensura aequitatis jucunda. Quid autem loquar de contractibus caeteris, ac maxime de coemptione praediorum, vel transactionibus, atque pactis? Nonne formulae sunt, dolum malum abesse: eumque cujus dolus fuerit deprehensus, duplici poenae obnoxium fore? Ubique igitur honestatis praeponderat consideratio, quae dolum excludit, fraudem ejicit. Unde recte generalem David propheta prompsit sententiam dicens: Nec fecit proximo suo malum (Psal. XIV, 3). Non solum itaque in contractibus (in quibus etiam vitia eorum quae veneant, prodi jubentur, ac nisi intimaverit venditor, quamvis in jus emptoris transcripserit, doli actione vacuantur), sed etiam generaliter in omnibus dolus abesse debet: aperienda simplicitas, intimanda veritas est.
66. In all things, then, good faith is seemly, justice welcome, the measure of equity pleasing. But what shall I say of other contracts, and above all of the purchase of estates, or of settlements and agreements? Are there not formulas that malicious fraud be absent, and that he whose fraud has been detected shall be liable to a double penalty? Everywhere, then, the consideration of honourableness weighs most, which shuts out deceit and casts out fraud. Hence the prophet David rightly brought forth a general sentence, saying: Nor did he do evil to his neighbour (Ps. 14:3). Not only, therefore, in contracts (in which even the defects of the things sold are ordered to be disclosed, and unless the seller has made them known, even though he has conveyed them into the buyer's ownership, the contracts are voided by an action for fraud), but also generally in all things deceit ought to be absent: simplicity is to be laid open, truth is to be made known.
67. Veterem autem istam de dolo non jurisperitorum formulam, sed patriarcharum sententiam Scriptura divina evidenter expressit in libro Testamenti Veteris qui Jesu Nave inscribitur. Nam cum exisset fama per populos, siccatum esse mare in Hebraeorum transitu, fluxisse aquam de petra, de coelo diurnam ministrari alimoniam tot populi millibus abundantem; corruisse muros Hierico sacro tubarum sono ictu et ululatu plebis arietatos; Hethaeorum quoque regem victum, et
67. Now this ancient formula about deceit, not of the lawyers but a sentence of the patriarchs, divine Scripture has plainly expressed in the book of the Old Testament which is entitled Jesus Nave. For when the report had gone out through the peoples that the sea had been dried up at the crossing of the Hebrews, that water had flowed from the rock, that daily nourishment was supplied from heaven in abundance for so many thousands of the people; that the walls of Jericho had fallen, battered by the sacred sound of the trumpets, by the blow and by the shouting of the people; that the king of the Hittites too had been conquered, and
Editors' notes and page, col. 173

Footnotes

(40) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 173

Edit. Rom., mulieris osus immanitatem : mss. autem aliquammulti, mulieribus ausus immanitatem; alii denique majori numero, necnon edit. Amerb. atque Era. ut in contextu.

The Roman edition: "hating the woman's savagery"; but a good many manuscripts: "having dared savagery against women"; others, finally, in greater number, and the editions of Amerbach and Erasmus, as in the text.

(printed under page 90)

(41) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 173

Cic. lib. III Offic., p. 396, lin. 29 : « Nunquam igitur est utile peccare, quia semper est turpe, » etc.

Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 396, line 29: "It is never useful, then, to sin, because it is always shameful," etc.

(printed under page 90)

(42) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 173

Omnes edit., apud Deum; omnes mss., coram Domino : nonnulli, coram Deo.

All the editions: "with God"; all the manuscripts: "before the Lord"; some, "before God."

(printed under page 90)

(43) ‹anchor: aequitatis jucunda› · call in col 173

Nonnulli mss., mensura aequalitatis.

Some manuscripts: "the measure of equality."

(printed under page 90)

(44) ‹anchor: dolum malum abesse› · call in col 173

In edit. omnibus habetur : Nonne honestatis formulae sunt ; » in cunctis vero mss. desideratur honestatis.

All the editions have "Are there not formulas of honour"; but honestatis ("of honour") is wanting in all the manuscripts.

(printed under page 90)

(45) ‹anchor: dolus fuerit deprehensus› · call in col 173

Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 396, lin. 5 : « Atque iste dolus malus etiam legibus erat vindicatus, » etc. Item infra lin. 31 : « Ac de jure quidem praediorum..... duplicem poenam subiret, » etc.

Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 396, line 5: "And this fraud was punished by the laws too," etc. Likewise below, line 31: "And as for the law of landed property..... he would incur a double penalty," etc.

(printed under page 90)

(46) ‹anchor: quae veneant› · call in col 173

Ibid., lin. 34 : « Quidquid enim inest praedio vitii, id statuerunt.... praestare oportere, » etc.

Ibid., line 34: "For whatever defect is in the property, they laid down.... must be made good," etc.

(printed under page 90)

(47) ‹anchor: dolus abesse debet› · call in col 173

Ibid., pag. 397, lin. 6 : « Ratio igitur hoc postulat, ne quid insidiose, » etc. Item lin. 21 : « Quintus quidem Scaevola.... fideique bonae munus existimabat manare latissime, » etc. Item lin. 29 : « Nec vero in praediis solum jus civile ductum a natura, » etc.

Ibid., p. 397, line 6: "Reason, then, demands that nothing be done craftily," etc. Likewise line 21: "Quintus Scaevola indeed.... thought the office of good faith extended most widely," etc. Likewise line 29: "Nor indeed in landed property only [does] the civil law, derived from nature," etc.

(printed under page 90)

(48) ‹anchor: tubarum sono› · call in col 173

Ita mss. fere ad unum : omnes autem edit., sono ictos, et ululatu, etc., sed ictu ad collisionem lagenarum referendum est.

So the manuscripts almost to a man; but all the editions: "struck by the sound, and by the shout," etc. But ictu ("by the blow") is to be referred to the clashing of the jars.

(printed under page 90)

Page

  • running head: 173 DE OFFICIIS MINISTROR[UM] (page cropped at right)
  • marginal letters: A ‹nus quoque mulieris›; B ‹De fraude in omni contractu›; C ‹intimaverit venditor›; D (beside the footnotes, no text line)
  • old-edition numerals: 124 after "inter officia"
PL 16:174
suspensum in ligno usque ad vesperam: Gabaonitae metuentes validam manum, venerunt cum versutia, simulantes se de terra loginqua esse, diuque peregrinatos dirupisse calceamenta, detrivisse amictus vestium, quarum veterascentium indicia monstrarent; causam autem tanti laboris, emerendae pacis, et ineundae cum Hebraeis esse amicitiae cupiditatem: et coeperunt ab Jesu Nave poscere, ut secum firmaret societatem. Et quia adhuc erat ignarus locorum, atque incolarum inscius, non cognovit fraudes eorum, neque Deum interrogavit: sed cito credidit.
hanged on a tree until evening: the Gibeonites, fearing a strong hand, came with cunning, pretending that they were from a far country, and that, having journeyed long, they had worn out their shoes and worn through the covering of their garments, whose ageing they pointed to as proof; and that the cause of so great a labour was the desire to earn peace and to enter into friendship with the Hebrews: and they began to ask Jesus Nave to confirm an alliance with them. And because he was still unacquainted with the places, and ignorant of the inhabitants, he did not recognize their frauds, nor did he consult God: but he quickly believed.
68. Adeo sancta erat illis temporibus fides eorum, ut fallere aliquos posse non crederetur. Quis hoc reprehendebat in sanctis, qui caeteros de suo affectu aestimant; et quia ipsis amica est veritas, mentiri neminem putant, fallere quid sit ignorant: libenter credunt quod ipsi sunt, nec possunt suspectum habere quod non sunt. Hinc Salomon ait: Innocens credit omni verbo (Prov. XIV, 15. — 22, q. 4, c. Innocens). Non vituperanda facilitas, sed laudanda bonitas. Hoc est innocentem esse ignorare quod noceat: et si circumscribitur ab aliquo; de omnibus tamen bene judicat, qui fidem esse in omnibus arbitratur.
68. So holy in those times was their good faith that it was not believed that any could deceive. Who would blame this in the saints, who judge others by their own disposition; and because truth is their friend, they think that no one lies, and do not know what it is to deceive: they readily believe others to be what they themselves are, and cannot suspect what they themselves are not. Hence Solomon says: The innocent believes every word (Prov. 14:15. — 22, q. 4, c. Innocens). Not a facility to be censured, but a goodness to be praised. This is to be innocent: not to know what may harm; and even if he is cheated by someone, yet he judges well of all, who thinks there is good faith in all.
69. Hac igitur mentis suae devotione inclinatus ut crederet, testamentum disposuit, pacem dedit, confirmavit societatem. Sed ubi in terras eorum ventum est, deprehensa fraude, quod cum essent finitimi, advenas se esse simulaverant, circumscriptum sese populus patrum indignari coepit. Jesus tamen pacem quam dederat, revocandam non censuit: quia firmata erat sacramenti religione: ne dum alienam perfidiam arguit, suam fidem solveret. Multavit tamen eos vilioris obsequio ministerii (Josue IX, 15 et seq.). Clementior sententia, sed diuturnior: manet enim officiis poena veteris astutiae, haereditario in hunc diem ministerio deputata.
69. Inclined, then, by this devotion of his mind to believe, he drew up a covenant, gave peace, and confirmed the alliance. But when they came into their lands, and the fraud was detected, that although they were neighbours they had pretended to be strangers, the people of the fathers began to be indignant at having been cheated. Yet Jesus judged that the peace he had given should not be revoked, because it had been confirmed by the sanctity of an oath: lest, while he exposed another's perfidy, he should break his own faith. Yet he punished them with the service of a meaner ministry (Josh. 9:15 ff.). A milder sentence, but a longer one: for the penalty of their ancient cunning remains in their duties, assigned as a hereditary ministry to this day.
CAPUT XI.
CHAPTER XI.
Inductis per reticentiam rhetoricam fraudum quarumdam exemplis, eas atque alias omnes apertius in Scriptura damnari ostenditur.
Examples of certain frauds having been introduced by rhetorical reticence, it is shown that these and all others are more openly condemned in Scripture.
70. Non ego in haereditatibus adeundis digitorum percussiones, et nudi successoris saltationes notabo;
70. I shall not, in the taking up of inheritances, note the snappings of the fingers and the dancings of a naked heir;
Editors' notes and page, col. 174

Footnotes

(49) ‹anchor: digitorum percussiones› · call in col 174

Cic. lib. III Offic. pag. 398, lin. 7 : « Itaque si vir bonus habeat hanc vim : ut si digitis concrepuerit.... At si daret hanc vim M. Crasso.... in foro mihi crede saltaret. » Ponitur autem digitorum percussio seu crepitus pro re vilissima : unde proverbium, digitorum crepitu non emam.

Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 398, line 7: "So if a good man had this power, that by snapping his fingers.... But if you gave this power to Marcus Crassus.... believe me, he would dance in the forum." The striking or snapping of the fingers stands for a thing of least worth; hence the proverb, "I would not buy it for a snap of the fingers."

(printed under page 90)

Page

  • running head: [DE OFFICIIS MI]NISTRORUM LIBER III. 174 (page cropped at left)
  • marginal letters: A ‹suspensum in ligno›; B ‹aestimant; et quia ipsis›; C ‹pacem quam dederat›; D (beside the footnotes, no text line)
  • old-edition numerals: 125 after "fallere quid sit"
PL 16:175
nam haec etiam vulgo notabilia: non simulatae piscationis compositas copias, ut emptoris illiceretur affectus. Cur enim tam studiosus luxuriae ac deliciarum repertus est, ut hujusmodi fraudem pateretur?
for these things are noteworthy even to the common crowd: nor the abundance laid on by a feigned fishing, so that the buyer's desire might be enticed. For why was he found so eager for luxury and delicacies that he suffered a fraud of this kind?
71. Quid mihi tractare de Syracusano illo amoeno secretoque secessu, et de Siculi hominis calliditate: qui cum peregrinum aliquem reperisset, cognito quod cupidus esset hortorum venalium, ad coenam in hortos rogaverit: promisisse invitatum, postridie venisse: offendisse illic magnam piscatorum multitudinem, exquisitis copiis adornatum convivium, in prospectu coenantium ante hortulos compositos piscatores, ubi nunquam ante jaciebant retia: unusquisque quod ceperat, certatim offerebat epulantibus: supra mensam pisces ingerebantur, oculos recumbentium resilientes verberabant. Mirari hospes tantam copiam, piscium, tantumque numerum cymbarum. Responsum quaerenti, aquationem illic esse, dulcis aquae gratia innumerabiles eo pisces convenire. Quid multa? Pellexit hospitem, ut sibi extorqueret hortos: vendere volens cogitur, pretium gravatus suscipit.
71. Why should I treat of that pleasant and secluded retreat at Syracuse, and of the cunning of the Sicilian: who, having come upon a certain stranger and learned that he was eager for gardens that were for sale, invited him to dinner in the gardens: the guest promised, and came the next day: there he found a great multitude of fishermen, a banquet adorned with exquisite plenty, fishermen set out in view of the diners in front of the little gardens, where they had never before cast their nets: each one vied in offering to the feasters what he had caught: fish were heaped upon the table, and leaping up they struck the eyes of those reclining. The guest marvelled at so great a plenty of fish and so great a number of boats. To his question it was answered that there was a watering-place there, and that for the sake of the fresh water countless fish gathered there. Why say more? He enticed his guest into wresting the gardens from him: the man willing to sell is compelled, and he accepts the price as one burdened.
72. Sequenti die ad hortos emptor cum amicis venit, navigium nullum invenit. Percontanti num aliqua piscatoribus eo esset die feriarum solemnitas, respondetur nulla, nec unquam illic praeter hesternum diem piscari solitos. Quam hic redarguendi haberet auctoritatem doli, qui tam turpe captarit aucupium deliciarum? Qui enim alterum peccati arguit, ipse a peccato debet alienus esse. Non ergo hujusmodi nugas ego in hanc ecclesiasticae censionis auctoritatem vocabo, quae generaliter condemnat omnem lucri turpis appetentiam, brevique sermonis compendio excludit levitatem ac versutiam.
72. The next day the buyer came to the gardens with his friends, and found no boat. When he asked whether the fishermen had some solemnity of holidays on that day, he was answered that there was none, and that they had never been accustomed to fish there except on the day before. What authority would he have to rebuke deceit, who had so basely angled for the catching of delicacies? For he who convicts another of sin ought himself to be a stranger to sin. I shall not, then, call trifles of this kind before this authority of the Church's judgement, which condemns in general every craving for base gain, and in a brief compass of speech shuts out fickleness and cunning.
73. Nam de illo quid loquar, qui de eo testamento quod ab aliis licet factum, falsum tamen cognoverit, haereditatem sibi aut legatum vindicet, et lucrum quaerat alieno crimine: cum etiam leges publicae eum qui sciens falso utitur, tanquam reum facinoris astringant? Regula autem justitiae manifesta est, quod a vero declinare virum non deceat bonum, nec damno injusto afficere quemquam, nec doli aliquid annectere fraudisve componere.
73. For what shall I say of him who, from a will which, though made by others, he nevertheless knew to be false, claims for himself an inheritance or a legacy, and seeks gain by another's crime: when even the public laws bind him who knowingly uses a forgery as guilty of a crime? But the rule of justice is plain, that it does not befit a good man to turn aside from the truth, nor to inflict unjust loss on anyone, nor to attach any deceit or contrive any fraud.
Editors' notes and page, col. 175

Footnotes

(50) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 175

Vet. edit. cum mss. longe plurimis, nudi; mss. aliquot, crudi, successoris salutationes : Rom., nudis successoribus salutationes, Melius alii mss. ut nos in textu.

The old editions with by far the most manuscripts: nudi ("naked"); some manuscripts: "the salutations of a crude successor"; the Roman edition: "salutations by naked successors." Better, other manuscripts, as we have it in the text.

(printed under page 91)

(51) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 175

Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 395, lin. 30 : « Caius Canius eques Romanus..... cum se Syracusas otiandi causa, non negotiandi, » etc.

Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 395, line 30: "Gaius Canius, a Roman knight..... when [he had betaken] himself to Syracuse for leisure, not for business," etc.

(printed under page 91)

(52) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 175

Era. et seq. edit. cum mss. duobus, iisque recentioribus, Promisit invitatus postridie se venire, veniens offendit, etc.

Erasmus and the following editions, with two manuscripts, and those more recent: "Invited, he promised to come the next day; coming, he found," etc.

(printed under page 91)

(53) ‹anchor: numerum cymbarum› · call in col 175

Mss. aliquot, tantorumque numerum convivarum.

Some manuscripts: "and the number of so many guests."

(printed under page 91)

(54) ‹anchor: gravatus suscipit› · call in col 175

Amerb. et mss. non pauci, rogatus suscipit; aliae edit., gravatim, mss., gravatus suscipit.

Amerbach and not a few manuscripts: "being asked, he accepts"; other editions: gravatim ("reluctantly"); the manuscripts: "he accepts, burdened."

(printed under page 91)

(55) ‹anchor: licet factum› · call in col 175

Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 395, lin. 41 : « L. Minuti Basilii, locupletis hominis, falsum testamentum quidam e Graecia, » etc.

Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 395, line 41: "A forged will of Lucius Minucius Basilus, a rich man, certain men from Greece," etc.

(printed under page 91)

Page

  • running head: 175 S. AMBROS[II] (page cropped at right)
  • marginal letters: A ‹tabo; nam haec etiam›; B ‹epulantibus: supra mensam›; C ‹peccati arguit, ipse›; D ‹disve componere›
  • old-edition numerals: 126 after "nec unquam illic"
PL 16:176
74. Quid evidentius eo quod Ananias, qui fraudavit de pretio agri sui, quem ipse vendiderat, et portionem pretii tanquam summae totius numerum ante pedes posuit apostolorum, sicut reus fraudis interiit? Licuit utique illi nihil offerre, et hoc sine fraude fecisset. Sed quia fraudem admiscuit, non liberalitatis gratiam reportavit, sed fallaciae poenam exsolvit (Act. V, 14).
74. What is plainer than that Ananias, who defrauded in the price of his field, which he himself had sold, and laid at the feet of the apostles a portion of the price as though it were the amount of the whole sum, perished as one guilty of fraud? He was certainly free to offer nothing, and that he would have done without fraud. But because he mixed in fraud, he did not carry off the grace of liberality, but paid the penalty of deceit (Acts 5:14).
75. Et Dominus in Evangelio cum dolo accedentes repudiabat, dicens: Vulpes foveas habent (Matth. VIII, 20): quoniam in simplicitate cordis, et innocentia nos jubet vivere, David quoque ait: Sicut novacula acuta fecisti dolum (Psal. LI, 4): nequitiae arguens proditorem, eo quod instrumentum hujusmodi ad hominis adhibetur ornatum, et plerumque ulcerat. Si quis igitur praetendat gratiam et dolum nectat proditoris exemplo, ut eum quem protegere debeat, prodat ad mortem; instrumenti istius comparatione censetur, quod ebriae mentis et titubantis vitio manus vulnerare consuevit. Sicut iste malitiae ebrius vino, per funestae proditionis indicium Abimelech sacerdoti necem detulit (I Reg. XXII, 18), eo quod prophetam hospitio recepisset, quem rex invidiae accensus stimulis persequebatur.
75. And the Lord in the Gospel rejected those who approached with guile, saying: The foxes have holes (Matt. 8:20): since He bids us live in simplicity of heart and in innocence. David too says: Like a sharp razor you have wrought deceit (Ps. 51:4): convicting the traitor of wickedness, because an instrument of this kind is applied to a man's adornment, and often wounds. If, then, anyone puts forward a show of kindness and weaves deceit after the example of the traitor, so as to betray to death him whom he ought to protect, he is judged by comparison with that instrument, which is wont to wound through the fault of a drunken mind and a tottering hand. Just as that man, drunk with the wine of malice, by the information of a deadly betrayal brought death upon Abimelech the priest (1 Sam. 22:18), because he had received in hospitality the prophet whom the king, inflamed by the goads of envy, was pursuing.
CAPUT XII.
CHAPTER XII.
Nihil promittendum quod sit inhonestum, nec si quid injustum juraveris, id observandum; contra quam pecasse Herodes demonstratur Culpatur etiam votum a Jephte nuncupatum, itemque alia omnia quae sibi exsolvi Deus nolit. Denique filia ejusdem Jephte cum duobus Pythagoraeis componitur ac praeponitur.
That nothing dishonourable is to be promised, nor, if you have sworn anything unjust, is it to be kept; against which Herod is shown to have sinned. The vow pronounced by Jephthah is also blamed, and likewise all other [vows] which God does not wish to be paid to Him. Finally, the daughter of the same Jephthah is compared with two Pythagoreans and preferred to them.
76. Purum igitur ac sincerum oportet esse affectum, ut unusquisque (22, q. 4, c. Unusquisque) simplicem sermonem proferat, vas suum in sanctitate possideat, nec fratrem circumscriptione verborum inducat, nihil promittat inhonestum ac si promiserit, tolerabilius est promissum non facere, quam facere quod turpe sit.
76. The disposition, then, must be pure and sincere, so that each one (22, q. 4, c. Unusquisque) may utter simple speech, possess his vessel in holiness, not lead his brother astray by trickery of words, promise nothing dishonourable; and if he has promised, it is more tolerable not to do what was promised than to do what is base.
77. Saepe plerique constringunt seipsos jurisjurandi sacramento; et cum ipsi cognoverint promittendum non fuisse; sacramenti tamen contemplatione faciunt quod spoponderunt: sicut de Herode supra scripsimus (supr. c. 9), qui saltatrici praemium turpiter promisit, credeliter solvit. Turpe quod regnum pro saltatione promittitur: crudele,
77. Often many bind themselves by the sacred obligation of an oath; and though they themselves have recognized that it ought not to have been promised, yet out of regard for the oath they do what they pledged: as we wrote above of Herod (above, ch. IX), who basely promised a reward to a dancing-girl and cruelly paid it. Base, that a kingdom is promised for a dance: cruel,
Editors' notes and page, col. 176

Footnotes

(56) ‹anchor: protegere debeat› · call in col 176

Sic mss. magno consensu, si unum aut alterum exceperis, ubi sicut et in edit. legitur, Doech proditoris.... quem celare et protegere debeat.

So the manuscripts with great agreement, if you except one or two, where, as also in the editions, it reads: "of the traitor Doeg.... whom he ought to hide and protect."

(printed under page 91)

(57) ‹anchor: ebrius vino› · call in col 176

Cod. Laud., Sicut iste idem Doech maligne ebrius vino.

The Laud codex: "As this same Doeg, wickedly drunk with wine."

(printed under page 91)

(58) ‹anchor: Abimelech› · call in col 176

Erasm. et seq. edit., Achimelech.

Erasmus and the following editions: Achimelech.

(printed under page 91)

(59) ‹anchor: promittat inhonestum› · call in col 176

Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 400, lin. 47 : « Quid si sapiens rogatus sit ab eo, qui eum haeredem faciat..... ut ante quam haereditatem adeat, luce palam in foro saltet, » etc.

Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 400, line 47: "What if a wise man were asked by one who makes him his heir..... to dance openly in the forum in daylight before he enters on the inheritance," etc.

(printed under page 91)

(60) ‹anchor: jurisjurandi sacramento› · call in col 176

Ibid., pag. 401, lin. 4 : « Ac ne illa quidem promissa servanda sunt, quae non sunt iis ipsis utilia, » etc.

Ibid., p. 401, line 4: "And not even those promises are to be kept which are not useful to the very persons [to whom they were made]," etc.

(printed under page 91)

Page

  • running head: [S]. AMBROSII. 176 (page cropped at left)
  • marginal letters: A ‹74. Quid evidentius›; B ‹rumque ulcerat›; C ‹Denique filia ejusdem Jephte›; D ‹quod regnum pro saltatione›
  • old-edition numerals: 127 after "si promiserit,"
PL 16:177
quod mors prophetae pro jurisjurandi religione donatur. Quanto tolerabilius tali fuisset perjurium sacramento? Si tamen perjurium posset dici, quod ebrius inter vina juraverat, quod eviratus inter saltantium choros promiserat. Infertur disco prophetae caput: et hoc aestimatum est fidei esse, quod amentiae fuit.
that the death of a prophet is granted for the sake of scruple about an oath. How much more tolerable would perjury have been with such an oath? If indeed it could be called perjury, what a drunken man had sworn amid his wine, what an unmanned one had promised amid the choruses of dancers. The prophet's head is brought in on a dish: and this was reckoned to be a matter of good faith which was a matter of madness.
78. Neque unquam adducar ut credam non incaute principem promisisse Jephte, ut immolaret Deo quidquid sibi revertenti intra limen domus suae occurreret; cum et ipsum voti poenituerit sui, postquam filia occurrit sibi. Denique conscidit vestimenta sua et dixit: Heu me! filia mea, impedisti mihi, stimulus doloris facta es mihi (Judic. XI, 35). Qui licet pio metu ac formidine acerbitatem durae solutionis impleverit: tamen luctum annuum etiam posteris deplorandum statuit ac dereliquit. Dura promissio, acerbior solutio, quam necesse habuit lugere etiam ipse qui fecit. Denique factum est praeceptum et decretum in Israel ex diebus in dies: Ambulabant, inquit, filiae populi Israel, lugentes filiam Jephte Galaaditidis quatuor diebus in anno (Ibid. 40). Non possum accusare virum qui necesse habuit inplere quod voverat: sed tamen miserabilis necessitas, quae solvitur parricidio (22, q. 4, cap. Unusquisque, § Miserabilis).
78. Nor shall I ever be brought to believe that Jephthah the chief did not promise rashly to offer to God whatever should meet him as he returned within the threshold of his house; since he himself repented of his vow after his daughter met him. In short, he tore his garments and said: Alas for me! my daughter, you have hindered me, you have become a goad of sorrow to me (Judg. 11:35). And though out of devout fear and dread he fulfilled the bitterness of a hard payment, yet he appointed and left behind a yearly mourning to be lamented even by posterity. A hard promise, a more bitter payment, which even he who made it was obliged to mourn. In short, it became a precept and decree in Israel from days to days: The daughters of the people of Israel, it says, went about mourning the daughter of Jephthah the Gileadite four days in the year (ibid. 40). I cannot accuse a man who was obliged to fulfil what he had vowed: but yet wretched is the necessity that is discharged by the slaying of a kinsman (22, q. 4, cap. Unusquisque, § Miserabilis).
79. Melius est non vovere, quam vovere id quod sibi cui promittitur, nolit exsolvi. Denique in Isaac habemus exemplum, pro quo arietem Dominus statuit immolari sibi (Gen. XXII, 13). Non semper igitur promissa solvenda omnia sunt (22, q. 4, cap. Non semper). Denique ipse Dominus frequenter suam mutat sententiam, sicut Scriptura indicat. Nam et in eo libro qui inscribitur Numeri, proposuerat percutere morte et perdere populum: sed postea rogatus a Moyse, reconciliatus est populo suo (Num. XVI, 15). Et iterum ad Moysen et Aaron ait: Dividite vos de medio synagogae ejus, et consummabo eos simul (Ibid. XVI, 21). Quibus discedentibus de coetu, Dathan et Abiron subito impios terra praerupto soluta hiatu absorbuit.
79. It is better not to vow than to vow what He to whom it is promised does not wish to be paid to Him. In short, we have an example in Isaac, in whose place the Lord appointed a ram to be sacrificed to Him (Gen. 22:13). Not all promises, then, are always to be paid (22, q. 4, cap. Non semper). In short, the Lord Himself often changes His sentence, as Scripture shows. For in the book which is entitled Numbers He had proposed to strike the people with death and destroy them: but afterwards, entreated by Moses, He was reconciled to His people (Num. 16:15). And again He said to Moses and Aaron: Separate yourselves from the midst of his congregation, and I will consume them together (ibid. 16:21). And when they had departed from the assembly, the earth, loosed by a sudden chasm, swallowed up Dathan and Abiram, the impious.
80. Praecellentius et antiquius istud exemplum de filia Jephte, quam illud quod memorabile habetur apud philosophos de duobus Pythagoraeis quorum alter cum a tyranno Dionysio capitis damnatus esset, praescripto mortis die, poposcit ut domum pergendi ei facultas daretur, quo commendaret suos:
80. This example of Jephthah's daughter is more excellent and more ancient than that which is held memorable among the philosophers concerning the two Pythagoreans, one of whom, when he had been condemned to death by the tyrant Dionysius and the day of his death fixed, asked that leave be given him to go home, so that he might commend his family [to others]:
Editors' notes and page, col. 177

Footnotes

(61) ‹anchor: choros promiserat› · call in col 177

Amerb. cum mss. aliquot, dejeratus; quidam alii, ejuratus.... promiserat; non pauci, prompserat; aliae vero edit. ac mss. nobiscum faciunt, nisi quod pro eviratus, in quibusdam legitur, iratus; prorsus incongrue.

Amerbach with some manuscripts: dejeratus ("having sworn"); some others: ejuratus.... promiserat ("having abjured.... he had promised"); not a few: prompserat ("he had brought out"); but the other editions and manuscripts side with us, except that for eviratus some read iratus ("angry") — quite unfittingly.

(printed under page 92)

(62) ‹anchor: promisisse Jephte› · call in col 177

Cic. lib. III, pag. 401, lin. 11 : « Quid Agamemnon cum devovisset, » etc.

Cicero, book III, p. 401, line 11: "What of Agamemnon, when he had vowed," etc.

(printed under page 92)

(63) ‹anchor: impedisti mihi› · call in col 177

Vet. edit. impedisti mihi, impedisti mihi, in stimulum dolorum facta es mihi. Rom., Decepisti me, impedimentum in oculis meis, in stimulum dolorum facta es mihi. Mss. vero inter se consentiunt, nisi quod aliqui legunt, impedisti mihi, in stimulum, etc., ubi reliqui, impedisti me stimulus, etc.

The old editions: "you have hindered me, you have hindered me, you have become to me a goad of sorrows." The Roman edition: "You have deceived me; [you are] a hindrance in my eyes; you have become to me a goad of sorrows." The manuscripts agree with one another, except that some read "you have hindered me, into a goad," etc., where the rest read "you have hindered me, a goad," etc.

(printed under page 92)

(64) ‹anchor: duobus Pythagoraeis› · call in col 177

Cic. lib. III Offic. pag. 393, lin. 43 : « Damonem et Pythiam Pythagoreos, ferunt hoc animo inter se fuisse, » etc. Vide etiam lib. V Tusc. Quaest., pag. 186, lin. 48, et Val. Max. lib. IV, cap. 7, et rursus Ambr. lib. II de Virgin.

Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 393, line 43: "They say that Damon and Pythias, the Pythagoreans, were of such a mind towards each other," etc. See also Tusculan Disputations book V, p. 186, line 48; Valerius Maximus book IV, ch. 7; and again Ambrose, On Virgins book II.

(printed under page 92)

Editors' prose

(none) <!-- note (Q17b, 2026-10-05): anchors of (61) and (62) supplied from the calls visible in the column; (64) anchor spelling aligned to the text; italic markup removed (unit rule). UNSURE: col 177 "perdere" may carry a stray printed accent (perderé) in the scan; left unaccented. -->

Page

  • running head: 177 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRO[RUM] (page cropped at right)
  • marginal letters: A ‹quod mors prophetae›; B ‹rae solutionis impleverit›; C ‹tur promissa solvenda›; D ‹esset, praescripto mortis die›
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 16:178
ac ne revertendi nutaret fides, vadem mortis obtulit, ea conditione ut si ipse deforet ad constitutum diem, vas ejus sibi pro eo moriendum agnosceret. Nec qualitatem sponsionis qui offerebatur recusavit, constantique animo diem necis praestolabatur. Itaque alter se non subtraxit, alter ad diem recepit. Quod eousque fuit mirabile, ut tyrannus eos sibi in amicitiam adscisceret, quorum urgebat periculum.
and lest his good faith in returning should waver, he offered a surety for his death, on this condition, that if he himself failed [to appear] on the appointed day, his surety should acknowledge that he must die in his stead. Nor did he who was offered refuse the nature of the pledge, and with a steadfast mind he awaited the day of execution. And so the one did not withdraw himself, the other returned on the day. Which was so wonderful that the tyrant took into his friendship those whose peril he was pressing.
81. Quod ergo in spectatis et eruditis viris plenum miraculi est, hoc in virgine multo magnificentius, multoque illustrius deprehenditur, quae ingemiscenti patri ait: Fac mihi ut exivit de ore tuo (Jud. XI, 36). Sed spatium duorum poposcit mensium, ut cum aequalibus conventum ageret in montibus, quae virginitatem ejus praedestinatam neci pio affectu prosequerentur. Nec fletus aequalium movit puellam, nec dolor flexit, nec gemitus retardavit, nec dies praeteriit, nec fefellit hora. Rediit ad patrem, quasi ad votum rediret, et voluntate propria cunctantem impulit, fecitque arbitratu spontaneo, ut quod erat impietatis fortuitum, fieret pietatis sacrificium.
81. What, then, is full of wonder in men of proven worth and learning is found much more magnificently and much more illustriously in a virgin, who said to her groaning father: Do to me as it has gone forth from your mouth (Judg. 11:36). But she asked for a space of two months, that she might hold a gathering on the mountains with her companions, who were to accompany with dutiful affection her virginity, destined for death. Neither the weeping of her companions moved the girl, nor did grief bend her, nor groaning delay her, nor did the day pass by, nor did the hour deceive her. She returned to her father as though she were returning to a vow, and by her own will urged him on as he hesitated, and by her free choice brought it about that what had been a chance of impiety became a sacrifice of piety.
CAPUT XIII.
CHAPTER XIII.
Juditham cum multa pericula pro honestate subiisset, multiplicem reportasse utilitatem.
That Judith, having undergone many dangers for the sake of honourableness, carried off manifold advantage.
82. Ecce tibi Judith se offert mirabilis, quae formidatum populis virum Holophernem adit, Assyriorum triumphali septum caterva. Quem primo formae gratia et vultus decore perculit, deinde sermonis circumscripsit elegantia (Judith X, 14-16). Primus triumphus ejus fuit, quod integrum pudorem de tabernaculo hostis revexit (Judith XII, 20): secundus, quod femina de viro reportavit victoriam, fugavit populos consilio suc (Judith XIII, 10).
82. Behold, wonderful Judith presents herself to you, who goes to Holofernes, a man dreaded by the peoples, surrounded by a triumphal band of Assyrians. Him she first struck with the grace of her form and the beauty of her face, then ensnared with the elegance of her speech (Jdt. 10:14–16). Her first triumph was that she brought back her chastity unharmed from the enemy's tent (Jdt. 12:20): the second, that a woman carried off the victory over a man, and put peoples to flight by her counsel (Jdt. 13:10).
83. Horruerunt Persae audaciam ejus. Utique quod in illis Pythagoraeis duobus mirantur, non expavit mortis periculum, sed nec pudoris, quod est gravius bonis feminis: non unius ictum carnificis, sed nec totius exercitus tela trepidavit. Stetit inter cuneos bellatorum femina, inter victricia arma, secura mortis. Quantum ad molem spectat periculi, moritura processit: quantum ad fidem, dimicatura.
83. The Persians shuddered at her daring. Certainly, as [men] admire in those two Pythagoreans, she did not dread the peril of death, nor even that of her chastity, which is more grievous to good women: she did not tremble at the stroke of one executioner, nor even at the weapons of a whole army. A woman, she stood among the wedges of warriors, among victorious arms, untroubled about death. As far as the weight of the danger is concerned, she went forth to die; as far as her faith, to fight.
84. Honestatem igitur secuta est Judith, et dum
84. Judith, then, followed honourableness, and while
Editors' notes and page, col. 178

Footnotes

(65) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 178

Omnes edit. ac mss. aliquot, alter ad diem repedavit; reliqui autem partim rediit, partim se recepit, partim etiam receptus est; Thuan. vero et alii nonnulli melioris notae, alter ad diem recepit. Haud male, si ad vadem referas : idem enim prorsus erit ac si legeretur : alter spopondit ad diem constitutum, nisi redisset reus, mortem subiturum.

All the editions and some manuscripts: "the other came back on the day"; the rest partly rediit ("returned"), partly se recepit ("betook himself back"), partly even receptus est ("was received back"); but the de Thou codex and some others of better repute: alter ad diem recepit ("the other undertook for the day"). Not badly, if you refer it to the surety; for it will be exactly as if it read: "the other pledged that, by the appointed day, if the accused had not returned, he would undergo death."

(printed under page 92)

(66) ‹anchor: populos consilio› · call in col 178

Mss. aliquot, fugavit populos cum filio suo.

Some manuscripts: "she put the peoples to flight with her son."

(printed under page 92)

Page

  • running head: [DE OFFICIIS M]INISTRORUM LIBER III. 178 (page cropped at left)
  • marginal letters: A ‹ac ne revertendi›; B ‹montibus, quae virginitatem›; C ‹formae gratia et vultus›; D ‹dimicatura.›
  • old-edition numerals: 128 after "ac ne revertendi"
PL 16:179
eam sequitur, utilitatem invenit. Honestatis enim fuit prohibere ne populus Dei se profanis dederet, ne ritus patrios et sacramenta proderet; ne sacras virgines, viduas graves, pudicas matronas barbaricae subjiceret impuritati; ne obsidionem deditione solveret: honestatis fuit se malle pro omnibus periclitari, ut omnes eximeret periculo (Judith. VIII, 31).
following it, found advantage. For it belonged to honourableness to prevent the people of God from surrendering themselves to the profane, from betraying their fathers' rites and sacraments; from subjecting sacred virgins, grave widows, chaste matrons to barbarian impurity; from ending the siege by surrender: it belonged to honourableness that she should prefer to put herself in peril for all, so as to deliver all from peril (Jdt. 8:31).
85. Quanta honestatis auctoritas, ut consilium de summis rebus femina sibi vindicaret, nec principibus populi committeret! Quanta honestatis auctoritas, ut Deum adjutorem praesumeret: quanta gratia, ut inveniret!
85. How great the authority of honourableness, that a woman should claim for herself counsel on matters of the highest moment, and not entrust it to the chiefs of the people! How great the authority of honourableness, that she should count on God as her helper: how great the grace, that she should find Him!
CAPUT XIV.
CHAPTER XIV.
Elisaei factum quam honestum atque utile fuerit. Ejusdem cum decantato Graecorum facinore comparatio. Joannem pro honestate vitam impendisse: nec non Susannam eadem causa se mortis periculo objecisse.
How honourable and useful the deed of Elisha was. A comparison of it with a much-vaunted deed of the Greeks. That John spent his life for honourableness: and that Susanna too exposed herself to the peril of death for the same cause.
86. Quid vero Elisaeus nisi honestatem secutus est, cum exercitum Syriae, qui ad obsidendum eum venerat, captivum introduxit in Samariam, cujus oculos caecitate obduxerat, et dixit: Domine, aperi oculos eorum, ut videant, et viderunt (IV Reg. VI, 18)? Itaque cum rex Israel percutere ingressos vellet, eamque sibi dari a propheta facultatem posceret; respondit non percutiendos, quorum captivitatem non esset manu operatus, armisque bellicis, sed magis subsidio alimentorum juvandos. Denique epularibus refecti copiis, nunquam postea in terram Israel piratae Syriae revertendum putarunt.
86. And what did Elisha follow but honourableness, when he led captive into Samaria the army of Syria which had come to besiege him, whose eyes he had covered with blindness, and said: Lord, open their eyes, that they may see; and they saw (2 Kgs. 6:18)? And so when the king of Israel wished to strike down those who had entered, and asked the prophet that leave be given him for this, he answered that they were not to be struck down, since he had not brought about their captivity by hand and weapons of war, but rather that they were to be helped with the support of food. In short, refreshed with the plenty of a banquet, the raiders of Syria never afterwards thought of returning into the land of Israel.
87. Quanto hoc sublimius, quam illud Graecorum quod cum duo populi adversum se de gloria imperioque decertarent, et alter ex his haberet copiam quemadmodum naves alterius populi clanculo exureret, turpe credidit: maluitque minus posse honeste, quam plus turpiter. Et isti quidem sine flagitio hoc facere nequibant, ut eos qui consummandi belli Persici gratia in societatem convenerant, hac fraude deciperent; quam licet possent negare, non possent tamen non erubescere: Elisaeus autem non fraude, deceptos licet, sed potestate Domini percussos, maluit tamen servare quam perdere; quia decorum foret hosti parcere, et adversario donare vitam, quam potuisset auferre nisi pepercisset.
87. How much more sublime is this than that [deed] of the Greeks, when two peoples were contending against each other for glory and empire, and one of them had the means of secretly burning the ships of the other people, it thought it base, and preferred to have less power honourably than more basely. And they indeed could not have done this without disgrace, deceiving by this fraud those who had come together in alliance for the sake of finishing the Persian war; a fraud which, though they might have denied it, they could not yet have helped blushing for: but Elisha, though they were deceived, yet not by fraud but struck by the power of the Lord, preferred nevertheless to save rather than to destroy them; because it was seemly to spare an enemy and to grant life to an adversary, which he could have taken away had he not spared him.
88. Liquet igitur id quod decorum est, semper esse ⟨u⟩tile. Nam et Judith sancta decoro contemptu propriae salutis solvit obsidionis periculum, et
88. It is clear, then, that what is seemly is always useful. For holy Judith too, by a seemly contempt for her own safety, ended the peril of the siege, and
Editors' notes and page, col. 179

Footnotes

(67) ‹anchor: populi committeret› · call in col 179

Ms. Thuan., nec a principibus populi adjutorem praesumeret.

The de Thou manuscript: "nor would she presume on a helper from the princes of the people."

(printed under page 93)

(68) ‹anchor: imperioque decertarent› · call in col 179

Cic. Offic. lib. III, pag. 394, lin. 17 : « Themistocles post victoriam hujus belli quod cum Persis fuit, » etc. Idem legimus apud Plutarchum in Aristide.

Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 394, line 17: "Themistocles, after the victory in that war which was fought with the Persians," etc. We read the same in Plutarch's Aristides.

(printed under page 93)

(69) ‹anchor: acquisivit utilitatem› · call in col 180

Mss. aliquot, et publicam honestatem, propriam acquisivit utilitatem; alii nonnulli, et publicam honestatem propria acquisivit utilitate. Magis scite reliqui ac edit. ut in textu.

Some manuscripts: "and public honour, she gained her own advantage"; some others: "and she gained public honour by her own advantage." More skilfully, the rest and the editions, as in the text.

(printed under page 93)

Page

  • running head: 179 S. AMBROS[II] (page cropped at right)
  • marginal letters: A ‹eam sequitur, utilitatem›; B ‹Elisaei factum quam honestum›; C ‹Denique epularibus refecti›; D ‹tate Domini percussos›
  • old-edition numerals: 129 after "ut consilium" (at the start of the next line, before "de summis")
PL 16:180
publicam honestate propria acquisivit utilitatem, et Elisaeus gloriosius ignovit, quam perculit; et utilius reservavit hostes quos ceperat.
by her own honourableness won the public advantage; and Elisha pardoned more gloriously than he struck, and more usefully spared the enemies whom he had captured.
89. Quid autem aliud Joannes nisi honestatem consideravit? ut inhonestas nuptias etiam in rege non posset perpeti, dicens: Non licet tibi illam uxorem habere (Marc. VI, 18). Potuit tacere, nisi indecorum sibi judicasset mortis metu verum non dicere, inclinare regi propheticam auctoritatem, adulationem subtexere. Sciebat utique moriturum se esse, quia regi adversabatur: sed honestatem saluti praetulit. Et tamen quid utilius quam quod passionis viro sancto advexit gloriam?
89. And what else did John regard but honourableness? so that he could not endure a dishonourable marriage even in a king, saying: It is not lawful for you to have her as wife (Mark 6:18). He could have kept silent, had he not judged it unseemly for himself, from fear of death, not to speak the truth, to bow prophetic authority to the king, to weave in flattery. He knew, certainly, that he would die, because he was opposing the king: but he preferred honourableness to safety. And yet what is more useful than that which brought the holy man the glory of martyrdom?
90. Sancta quoque Susanna denuntiato falsi testimonii terrore, cum hinc se videret urgeri periculo, inde opprobrio, maluit honesta morte vitare opprobrium, quam studio salutis turpem vitam subire ac sustinere (Dan. XIII, 43). Itaque dum honestati intendit, etiam vitam reservavit: quae si id quod sibi videbatur ad vitam utile praeoptavisset, non tantam reportasset gloriam: imo etiam id quod non solum inutile, sed etiam periculosum foret, poenam criminis forsitan non evasisset. Advertimus igitur quia id quod turpe est, non possit esse utile; neque rursus id quod honestum est, inutile; quia complex honestatis est semper utilitas, et utilitatis honestas.
90. Holy Susanna too, when the terror of false testimony was announced to her, seeing herself pressed on one side by danger, on the other by disgrace, preferred to avoid disgrace by an honourable death rather than, out of eagerness for safety, to take up and endure a base life (Dan. 13:43). And so, while she attended to honourableness, she preserved her life too: whereas, had she preferred what seemed to her useful for life, she would not have carried off so great a glory: nay rather, [choosing] what would have been not only useless but even dangerous, she would perhaps not have escaped the penalty of the crime. We observe, then, that what is base cannot be useful; nor again what is honourable useless; since usefulness is always the companion of honourableness, and honourableness of usefulness.
CAPUT XV.
CHAPTER XV.
Relato Romanorum generoso consilio, maximam fuisse Moysi honestatis curam, ex ejus factis declaratur.
Having related a noble resolve of the Romans, it is shown from his deeds that Moses had the greatest care for honourableness.
91. Memorabile ferunt rhetores, quod dux Romanorum cum ad eum adversarii regis medicus venisset, pollicens daturum se regi venenum, vinctum eum ad hostem remiserit. Et revera praeclarum, ut qui virtutis certamen susceperat nollet fraude vincere. Non enim in victoria honestatem ponebat, sed ipsam, nisi honestate quaesitam victoriam turpem pronuntiabat.
91. The rhetoricians relate as memorable that a general of the Romans, when the physician of the enemy king had come to him promising that he would give the king poison, sent him back to the enemy in chains. And truly it was splendid that he who had taken up a contest of valour would not conquer by fraud. For he did not place honourableness in victory, but declared victory itself base unless sought with honourableness.
92. Redeamus ad nostrum Moysen, atque ad superiora revertamur; ut quanto praestantiora tanto antiquiora promamus. Nolebat Aegypti rex populum dimittere patrum. Dixit Moyses sacerdoti Aaron, ut extenderet virgam suam super omnes aquas Aegypti. Extendit Aaron, et conversa est aqua fluminis in sanguinem (Exod. VII, 20), et nemo poterat bibere aquam, omnesque Aegypti siti peribant: sincera autem fluenta patribus abundabant. Jactaverunt favillam in coelum, et facta sunt
92. Let us return to our Moses, and go back to earlier things; so that we may bring forth things the more ancient as they are the more excellent. The king of Egypt would not let the people of the fathers go. Moses told Aaron the priest to stretch out his rod over all the waters of Egypt. Aaron stretched it out, and the water of the river was turned into blood (Exod. 7:20), and no one could drink the water, and all the Egyptians were perishing of thirst: but pure streams abounded for the fathers. They threw ashes into the sky, and there came
Editors' notes and page, col. 180

Footnotes

(70) ‹anchor: uxorem habere› · call in col 180

Rom. edit., Non licet tibi habere uxorem fratris tui.

The Roman edition: "It is not lawful for you to have your brother's wife."

(printed under page 93)

(71) ‹anchor: adulationem subtexere› · call in col 180

Ita mss. longe plurimi : alii autem aliquot et omnes edit., inclinari regi, propheticam auctoritatem adulatione subtexere.

So by far the most manuscripts; but some others and all the editions: "to bow to the king, to cloak prophetic authority with flattery."

(printed under page 93)

(72) ‹anchor: medicus venisset› · call in col 180

Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 399, lin. 12 : » Quanquam id quidem cum saepe alias, tum Pyrrhi bello... perfuga ab eo venit in castra Fabricii, eique est pollicitus, si praemium, » etc.

Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 399, line 12: "Although this [was shown] often at other times, and especially in the war with Pyrrhus... a deserter came from him into Fabricius's camp and promised him, if a reward," etc.

(printed under page 93)

(73) ‹anchor: turpem pronuntiabat› · call in col 180

Mss. aliquot. turpem renuntiabat.

Some manuscripts: "declared [it] shameful" (renuntiabat for pronuntiabat).

(printed under page 93)

Page

  • running head: [S.] AMBROSII. 180 (page cropped at left)
  • marginal letters: A ‹publicam honestate propria›; B ‹periculo, inde opprobrio›; C ‹Relato Romanorum generoso›; D ‹populum dimittere patrum›
  • old-edition numerals: 130 after "videret urgeri"
PL 16:181
ulcera, et vesicae candentes in hominibus et quadrupedibus (Exod. IX, 10). Deduxerunt grandinem in igne flammeo, contrita erant super terram omnia (Ibid. 25). Rogavit Moyses, et universa in suam gratiam reverterunt: grando sedata est, sanata ulcera, solitos potus flumina praebuerunt (Ibid. 33).
sores, and burning blisters on men and on four-footed beasts (Exod. 9:10). They brought down hail in flaming fire; all things upon the earth were crushed (ibid. 25). Moses prayed, and all things returned to their own favour: the hail was stilled, the sores were healed, the rivers yielded their accustomed drink (ibid. 33).
93. Iterum caligantibus tenebris operta erat terra per triduum, ex quo Moyses manum levaverat, et tenebras infuderat (Exod. X, 22). Moriebatur omne primogenitum Aegypti (Exod. XII, 29), cum Hebraeorum omnis esset inoffensa progenies. Rogatus Moyses, ut his quoque finem exitiis daret, oravit et impetravit. In illo praedicandum, quod a fraudis consortio temperaverit: in hoc mirabile quoniam divinitus intentata supplicia virtute propria etiam ab hoste detorserit, vere nimium, sicut scriptum est, mansuetus et mitis (Num. XII, 3). Sciebat quod fidem rex non servaret promissis; tamen honestum putabat ut rogatus oraret, laesus benediceret, appetitus remitteret.
93. Again the earth was covered for three days with murky darkness, from the moment Moses had raised his hand and poured out the darkness (Exod. 10:22). All the first-born of Egypt were dying (Exod. 12:29), while the whole offspring of the Hebrews was unharmed. Moses, being asked to put an end to these deaths too, prayed and obtained it. In the former he is to be praised because he held back from any partnership in fraud; in the latter it is wonderful that by his own virtue he turned aside even from an enemy the punishments threatened by God: truly, as it is written, exceedingly meek and mild (Num. 12:3). He knew that the king would not keep faith with his promises; yet he thought it honourable that, when asked, he should pray; when wronged, bless; when assailed, forgive.
94. Projecit virgam, et serpens factus est, qui devoravit serpentes Aegyptiorum (Exod. VII, 10, 12): significans quod Verbum caro fieret, quae serpentis diri venena vacuaret per remissionem et indulgentiam peccatorum. Virga est enim Verbum directum, regale, plenum potestatis, insigne imperii. Virga serpens facta est, quoniam qui erat Filius Dei ex Deo Patre natus, Filius hominis factus est, natus ex Virgine: qui quasi serpens exaltatus in cruce, medicinam vulneribus infudit humanis. Unde et ipse Dominus ait Sicut Moyses exaltavit serpentem in deserto, ita exaltari oportet Filium hominis (Joan. III, 14).
94. He cast down his rod, and it became a serpent, which devoured the serpents of the Egyptians (Exod. 7:10, 12): signifying that the Word would become flesh, to empty out the venom of the dread serpent through the remission and pardon of sins. For the rod is the Word, upright, royal, full of power, the ensign of empire. The rod became a serpent, because He Who was the Son of God, born of God the Father, became the Son of man, born of the Virgin: Who, lifted up like a serpent on the cross, poured medicine into human wounds. Hence the Lord Himself also says: As Moses lifted up the serpent in the desert, so must the Son of man be lifted up (John 3:14).
95. Denique et alterum signum ad Dominum Jesum pertinet, quod fecit Moyses: Manum suam misit in sinum, et protulit eam, et facta est manus ejus sicut nix. Iterum misit, et protulit eam, et erat sicut carnis humanae species (Exod. IV, 6, 7); significans Domini Jesu primum fulgorem Divinitatis, postea susceptionem carnis, in qua fide credere omnes gentes populosque oporteret. Merito manum misit, quia dextera Dei Christus est, in cujus divinitate et incarnatione si quis non crediderit, quasi reprobus flagellatur: sicut iste rex qui quoniam signis non credidit evidentibus, postea flagellatus orabat, ut veniam mereretur. Quantus igitur honestatis affectus esse debeat, ex his probatur, et eo maxime quod se objiciebat pro
95. Moreover, the other sign also which Moses performed pertains to the Lord Jesus: He put his hand into his bosom, and brought it out, and his hand became like snow. Again he put it in, and brought it out, and it was like the appearance of human flesh (Exod. 4:6, 7); signifying first the brightness of the Godhead of the Lord Jesus, and afterwards the taking of flesh, in which faith all nations and peoples must believe. Rightly did he put in his hand, because Christ is the right hand of God; and if anyone does not believe in His Godhead and incarnation, he is scourged as one reprobate: as that king, who, because he did not believe evident signs, afterwards, when scourged, prayed that he might obtain pardon. How great, then, the love of what is honourable ought to be is proved by these things, and above all by the fact that he offered himself for
Editors' notes and page, col. 181

Footnotes

(74) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 181

Vet. edit. ac mss. nonnulli, vesicae cadentes, forte calentes; quidam, scatentes.

The old editions and some manuscripts have "vesicae cadentes" (falling blisters), perhaps "calentes" (burning); some, "scatentes" (teeming).

(printed under page 94)

(75) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 181

Mss. ac vet. edit. hoc tantum dissident, quod pro rogatur, plures mss. legunt rogatus, et pro exitus, mss. nonnulli habent exitus. Rom. autem edit. post verbum diceret [?], adjecit et benediceret, sublatis hisce aliis, oravit et impetravit.

The manuscripts and old editions differ only in this: for "rogatur" several manuscripts read "rogatus", and for "exitus" some manuscripts have "exitus" [so the scan, as far as legible]. The Roman edition, however, after the word "diceret" [reading uncertain] added "et benediceret", removing these others, "oravit et impetravit".

(printed under page 94)

Page

  • running head: 181 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRO[RUM …] (head cut off at the image's right edge)
  • marginal letters: A ulcera, et vesicae; B pria etiam ab hoste detorserit; C exaltatus in cruce, medicinam; D qui quoniam signis non credidit
  • old-edition numerals: 131 after venena
PL 16:182
populo, dicens ut remitteret populo Deus, aut certe de libro viventium se deleret.
the people, saying that God should forgive the people, or else blot him out of the book of the living.
CAPUT XVI.
CHAPTER XVI.
Paucis de Tobia injectis, Raguelem honestate philosophis antecelluisse evincitur.
After a few words on Tobit, it is proved that Raguel surpassed the philosophers in honourableness.
96. Tobis quoque formam expressit honestatis evidentius, cum relicto convivio mortuos sepeliret, et ad cibos pauperis mensae invitaret inopes (Tobiae II, 2-4). Raguel praecipue, qui contemplatione honestatis, cum rogaretur ut filiam suam in conjugium daret, vitia quoque filiae non tacebat; ne circumvenire petitorem videretur tacendo. Itaque cum Tobis filius Tobis posceret ut sibi daretur puella, respondit lege quidem ipsi eam deberi tanquam propinquo, sed dedisse se eam jam sex viris, et omnes eos esse mortuos (Tob. VII, 10, 11). Justus itaque vir plus alienis timebat, et malebat innuptam sibi manere filiam, quam propter nuptias ejus extraneos periclitari.
96. Tobit too set forth the pattern of what is honourable quite plainly, when, leaving the banquet, he buried the dead, and invited the needy to the food of a poor man's table (Tobit 2:2–4). Raguel above all, who, out of regard for what is honourable, when he was asked to give his daughter in marriage, did not keep silent even about his daughter's faults, lest he should seem to deceive the suitor by keeping silent. And so, when Tobias the son of Tobit asked that the girl be given to him, he answered that by the law she was indeed owed to him as a kinsman, but that he had already given her to six husbands, and that they were all dead (Tobit 7:10, 11). So the just man feared more for others, and preferred that his daughter remain unmarried with him rather than that strangers should be put in peril because of her marriage.
97. Quam breviter absolvit omnes quaestiones philosophorum. Illi de vitiis tractant domorum, tegenda an prodenda a venditore videantur: noster iste nec filiae vitia celanda arbitratus est. Et certe non ipse affectabat ut eam traderet, sed rogabatur. Quanto utique iste honestior sit illis, dubitare non possumus, si conferamus quanto praestantior sit filiae causa, quam rei venalis pecunia
97. How briefly he settled all the questions of the philosophers! They discuss the faults of houses, whether they should be concealed or disclosed by the seller: this man of ours thought that not even the faults of his daughter should be hidden. And certainly he was not himself eager to hand her over, but was asked. How much more honourable this man is than they, we cannot doubt, if we compare how much more excellent the case of a daughter is than the money of a thing for sale.
CAPUT XVII.
CHAPTER XVII.
Quanto honestatis studio antiqui patres in captivitatem abituri, sacrum ignem occuluerint.
With what zeal for what is honourable the ancient fathers, when about to go into captivity, hid the sacred fire.
98. Consideremus aliud quod, in captivitate gestum, summum tenuit honestatis decorem. Nullis enim adversis honestas impeditur, quae in his eminet, et magis praecellit quam in prosperis. Inter vincula itaque, inter arma, flammas, servitutem, quae liberis omni supplicio gravior est, inter poenas morientium, excidia patriae, vivorum formidinem, sanguinem peremptorum, non excidit tamen cura honestatis majoribus nostris: sed inter eversae patriae cineres et favillas in affectibus piis resplenduit et refulsit.
98. Let us consider another deed which, done in captivity, held the highest grace of what is honourable. For what is honourable is hindered by no adversities; it stands out in them, and excels more than in prosperity. So amid chains, amid arms, flames, slavery, which to free men is heavier than any punishment, amid the pains of the dying, the destruction of their country, the terror of the living, the blood of the slain, yet care for what is honourable did not fall away from our forefathers: but amid the ashes and embers of their overthrown country it shone forth and gleamed in their devout affections.
99. Nam cum in Persidem ducerentur patres nostri, qui tunc Dei omnipotentis cultores erant, acceptum ignem de altari sacerdotes Domini occulte in valle absconderunt. Erat illic velut patens puteus, aquae secessu infrequens, nec populari usui patens, ignoto et ab arbitris remoto loco: ibi
99. For when our fathers, who were then the worshippers of almighty God, were being led into Persia, the priests of the Lord took fire from the altar and hid it secretly in a valley. There was there a kind of open well, little visited because of the water's remoteness, and not open to common use, in a place unknown and removed from witnesses: there
Editors' notes and page, col. 182

Footnotes

(76) ‹anchor: vitiis tractant domorum› · call in col 182

Cic. Offic. lib. III, pag. 395, lin. 4: « Vendat aedes vir bonus propter aliqua vitia, quae ipse norit, » etc.

Cicero, De officiis, book III, p. 395, line 4: "Let a good man sell a house on account of some defects which he himself knows of," etc.

(printed under page 94)

(77) ‹anchor: vivorum formidinem› · call in col 182

Amerb. cum mss. non paucis, virorum formidinem.

Amerbach, with not a few manuscripts, has "virorum formidinem" (the terror of men).

(printed under page 94)

(78) ‹anchor: resplenduit et refulsit› · call in col 182

In affectibus piis resplenduit et refulsit, desunt in mss. pluribus nec inferioris notae, quorum in nonnullis pro sed inter, legitur nec inter, minime male. Aliorum mss. et omnium edit. lectio praeferenda.

"In affectibus piis resplenduit et refulsit" is missing in several manuscripts, and not of the lower class; in some of these, for "sed inter", "nec inter" is read, not at all badly. The reading of the other manuscripts and of all the editions is to be preferred.

(printed under page 94)

(79) ‹anchor: velut patens puteus› · call in col 182

Mss. aliquot, velut patens haudquaquam patens, aquae secessu infrequens: unus, velut patens aqua non patens; alter, haud aquam patiens, atque secessu infrequens.

Some manuscripts have "velut patens haudquaquam patens, aquae secessu infrequens" (as though open, yet by no means open, little visited for its water's seclusion); one, "velut patens aqua non patens"; another, "haud aquam patiens, atque secessu infrequens".

(printed under page 94)

Page

  • running head: [M]INISTRORUM LIBER III. 182 (head begins in the previous column)
  • marginal letters: A populo, dicens ut remitteret; B tanquam propinquo, sed dedisse; C Quanto honestatis studio (caption); D acceptum ignem de altari
  • old-edition numerals: 132 before CAPUT XVII
PL 16:183
obsignaverunt indicio sacro pariter ac silentio ignem reconditum (II Mach. I, 19). Non illis studio fuit aurum defodere, argentum abscondere, quod servarent posteris suis: sed inter extrema sua honestatis curam habentes, sacrum ignem servandum putarunt; ne eum vel impuri contaminarent, vel defunctorum sanguis exstingueret, vel deformium ruinarum acervus aboleret.
they sealed up the hidden fire with a sacred mark and with silence alike (2 Macc. 1:19). Their concern was not to bury gold or hide silver to keep for their descendants: but, having care for what is honourable amid their last extremities, they thought the sacred fire must be preserved, lest either the impure should defile it, or the blood of the dead quench it, or a heap of hideous ruins blot it out.
100. Abierunt itaque in Persidem sola religione liberi; quoniam sola illis per captivitatem extorqueri nequivit. Post vero plurimum temporis, quando placuit Deo, dedit hanc mentem regi Persarum, ut restaurari in Judaea templum, et legitimos reparari Hierosolymis ritus juberet. Cujus gratia muneris Nehemiam sacerdotem rex Persarum direxit. At ille secum deduxit sacerdotum illorum nepotes, qui, profecturi de patrio solo, sacrum, ne periret, ignem absconderant. Venientes autem, ut patrum sermone est proditum, non invenerunt ignem, sed aquam. Et cum deesset ignis quo adolerent altaria, haurire eos aquam Nehemias sacerdos, sibique deferre, et aspergere super ligna jussit. Tunc, visu mirabile! cum esset coelum intextum nubibus, sol repente illuxit, accensus est magnus ignis; ita ut omnes in tam evidenti Domini gratia factum stupentes, laetitia perfunderentur. Orabat Nehemias psallebant sacerdotes hymnum Deo. Utque consumptum est sacrificium, jussit iterum Nehemias residua aqua majores perfundi lapides: quo facto flamma accensa est, lumen autem refulgens ab altari consummatum illico est.
100. So they went away into Persia, free in religion alone, since that alone could not be wrested from them by captivity. But after a very long time, when it pleased God, He put into the mind of the king of the Persians to order that the temple be restored in Judaea and the lawful rites be renewed at Jerusalem. For the sake of this task the king of the Persians sent Nehemiah the priest. And he brought with him the grandsons of those priests who, when about to set out from their native soil, had hidden the sacred fire so that it should not perish. But when they came, as has been handed down by the account of the fathers, they found not fire but water. And since fire was lacking with which to kindle the altars, Nehemiah the priest ordered them to draw the water, bring it to him, and sprinkle it over the wood. Then, wonderful to see! although the sky was overlaid with clouds, the sun suddenly shone out, and a great fire was kindled; so that all, astounded at a deed done by so evident a grace of the Lord, were filled with joy. Nehemiah prayed, the priests sang a hymn to God. And when the sacrifice had been consumed, Nehemiah again ordered the larger stones to be drenched with the remaining water: when this was done a flame was kindled, while the light shining back from the altar was at once consumed.
101. Hoc patefacto indicio, rex Persarum eo loco in quo ignis fuerat absconditus, et postea reperta est aqua, templum fieri mandavit, cui inferebantur dona plurima. Appellaverunt autem illud qui erant cum sancto Nehemia, ephthar, quod interpretationem habet purificationis: a plurimis nephthe vocatur. Invenitur autem in descriptionibus Jeremiae prophetae, quod jusserit accipere de igne eos qui postea essent futuri. Hic est ignis qui cecidit super sacrificium Moysi, et consumpsit illud, sicut scriptum est: Quia exivit ignis a Domino et cunsumpsit universa quae erant super altare holocausta (Levit. IX, 24). Hoc igne oportebat sanctificari sacrificium; ideoque et in filios Aaron qui alienum ignem inferre voluerunt, exivit iterum
101. When this sign had been made known, the king of the Persians ordered a temple to be built in the place where the fire had been hidden and the water afterwards found, and very many gifts were brought into it. Those who were with holy Nehemiah called it ephthar, which has the meaning of purification: by most it is called nephthe. And it is found in the writings of Jeremiah the prophet that he ordered those who should come afterwards to take some of the fire. This is the fire which fell upon the sacrifice of Moses and consumed it, as it is written: For fire came forth from the Lord and consumed all the burnt offerings that were upon the altar (Lev. 9:24). By this fire the sacrifice had to be sanctified; and therefore against the sons of Aaron too, who wished to bring in strange fire, there came forth again
Editors' notes and page, col. 183

Footnotes

(80) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 183

Indicio sacro, id est, nota aliqua mystica cujus ope locus postea dignosci posset.

"Indicio sacro": that is, some mystical mark by whose help the place could later be recognized.

(printed under page 95)

(81) ‹anchor: hymnum Deo› · call in col 183

Edit. et pauci mss., hymnum Deo usquequo consumptum est, etc.

The editions and a few manuscripts: "hymnum Deo usquequo consumptum est" (a hymn to God until it was consumed), etc.

(printed under page 95)

(82) ‹anchor: lumen autem refulgens› · call in col 183

Ita mss. ac vet. edit. magno consensu, nisi quod aliqui et edit. legunt, consumptum est, ubi probatissimi quique, oonsummatum est. Rom. edit. sola, quae tandem lumine refulgente ab altari consumpta illico est.

So the manuscripts and old editions with great agreement, except that some, and the editions, read "consumptum est", where all the most approved have "consummatum est". The Roman edition alone: "quae tandem lumine refulgente ab altari consumpta illico est" (which at length, a light shining from the altar, was at once consumed).

(printed under page 95)

(83) ‹anchor: ephthar› · call in col 183

Rom. edit. ex LXX, nehpthar; vet. autem edit. cum Aldino cod. eorumdem LXX, ephthar, quo etiam accedunt mss., nisi quod eorum complures scriptorum inscitia exhibent, alii epathar, alii ephatar, quidam etiam phatur. Infra vero ubi omnes edit. multique mss. nephthe, mss. aliquot praeferunt nephe. Adisis Plinium lib. II, cap. 118, et lib. XXXV, c. 15.

The Roman edition, from the Septuagint, "nehpthar"; but the old editions, with the Aldine codex of the same Septuagint, "ephthar", and the manuscripts agree with them too, except that several of them, through the ignorance of the scribes, show some "epathar", some "ephatar", and one or two even "phatur". Below, however, where all the editions and many manuscripts have "nephthe", some manuscripts give "nephe". See Pliny, book II, chapter 118, and book XXXV, chapter 15.

(printed under page 95)

Page

  • running head: 183 S. AMBROS[II …] (head cut off at the image's right edge)
  • marginal letters: A obsignaverunt indicio sacro; B ille secum deduxit sacerdotum; C 101. Hoc patefacto indicio; D qui alienum ignem inferre (approximately; letter sits low, level with the first footnote)
  • old-edition numerals: 133 after cui
PL 16:184
ignis a Domino et consumpsit eos, ita ut mortui extra castra projicerentur (Levit. X, 1, 2).
fire from the Lord and consumed them, so that they were cast out dead outside the camp (Lev. 10:1, 2).
101. Veniens autem Jeremias in locum, invenit domum in modum speluncae, et tabernaculum et arcam, et altare incensi intulit illuc, et obstruxit ostium: quod cum hi qui simul venerant, curiosius perscrutarentur, ut notarent sibi locum, nequaquam comprehendere atque invenire potuerunt. Ut autem cognovit Jeremias quod affectassent, dixit: Ignotus erit locus, donec congreget Deus congregationem populi, et propitius fiat. Tunc Deus ostendet haec, et apparebit majestas Domini (II Mach. II, 5-8).
101. Now Jeremiah, coming to the place, found a dwelling in the form of a cave, and he brought the tabernacle and the ark and the altar of incense in there, and blocked up the entrance: and when those who had come with him searched rather inquisitively, so as to mark the place for themselves, they could in no way discover or find it. But when Jeremiah learned what they had attempted, he said: The place shall be unknown until God gathers together the congregation of the people and becomes propitious. Then God will show these things, and the majesty of the Lord will appear (2 Macc. 2:5–8).
CAPUT XVIII.
CHAPTER XVIII.
Superioris eventus, ac potissimum oblati a Nehemia sacrificii, narratione Spiritum sanctum, Christianorumque baptisma significari: et eodem etiam Moysis et Eliae sacrificium, atque historiam Noe referri.
That by the account of the foregoing event, and above all of the sacrifice offered by Nehemiah, the Holy Spirit and the baptism of Christians are signified: and that to the same are referred also the sacrifice of Moses and of Elijah, and the history of Noah.
102. Congregationem populi tenemus, propitiationem Domini Dei nostri agnoscimus, quam propitiator in sua operatus est passione. Arbitror quod nec ignem istum possimus ignorare, cum legerimus quia baptizat Dominus Jesus in Spiritu sancto et igni, sicut in Evangelio dixit Joannes (Joan. I, 33). Merito consumebatur sacrificium, quoniam pro peccato erat. Ille autem ignis typus Spiritus sancti fuit, qui descensurus erat post Domini ascensionem, et remissurus peccata omnium, qui quasi ignis inflammat animum ac mentem fidelem. Unde ait Jeremias accepto Spiritu: Et factum est in corde meo ut ignis ardens, flammigerans in ossibus meis: et dissolutus sum undique, et ferre non possum (Jerem. XX, 9). Sed etiam in Actibus apostolorum cum descendisset super apostolos Spiritus, et plerosque, qui exspectabant promissa Domini, tanquam ignem dispersas esse linguas legimus (Act. II, 4, 15). Denique sic vaporabatur singulorum animus, ut musto repleti esse aestimarentur, qui acceperant linguarum diversitatem.
102. We hold the congregation of the people; we acknowledge the propitiation of the Lord our God, which the Propitiator wrought in His passion. I think that we cannot be ignorant of that fire either, since we have read that the Lord Jesus baptizes in the Holy Spirit and in fire, as John said in the Gospel (John 1:33). Rightly was the sacrifice consumed, since it was for sin. But that fire was a type of the Holy Spirit, Who was to descend after the Lord's ascension and to remit the sins of all, Who like fire sets the faithful soul and mind aflame. Hence Jeremiah, having received the Spirit, says: And it came to pass in my heart like a burning fire, flaming in my bones: and I am dissolved on every side, and cannot bear it (Jer. 20:9). But also in the Acts of the Apostles, when the Spirit had descended upon the apostles and very many who were awaiting the promises of the Lord, we read that tongues as of fire were scattered abroad (Acts 2:4, 15). Indeed, the soul of each was so heated that those who had received the diversity of tongues were thought to be filled with new wine.
103. Quid ergo sibi vult esse quod ignis aqua factus est, et aqua ignem excitavit; nisi quia spiritalis gratia per ignem exurit, per aquam mundat peccata nostra? Eluitur enim peccatum, et exuritur. Unde et Apostolus ait: Uniuscujusque opus quale sit, ignis probabit (I Cor. III, 13); et
103. What then does it mean that fire became water, and water stirred up fire, unless that spiritual grace burns away our sins by fire and cleanses them by water? For sin is both washed away and burned away. Hence the Apostle too says: The fire will test what sort of work each one's is (1 Cor. 3:13); and
Editors' notes and page, col. 184

Footnotes

(84) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 184

Sicubi, ut hic, idem numerus, etiam omisso asterisco, bis continenter occurrerit, sciat lector, nos in his aut similibus casibus nihil mutasse, nisi forte major lacuna inter duos numeros, graviori mendo, irrepsisset. Edit.

Wherever, as here, the same number occurs twice in succession, even with the asterisk omitted, let the reader know that in these or similar cases we have changed nothing, unless perhaps a larger gap had crept in between the two numbers through a more serious error. The Editor.

(printed under page 95)

(85) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 184

Mss. aliquot, propitiationem non cognoscimus. Haud male, si modo per figuram admirationis aut interrogationis efferatur.

Some manuscripts: "propitiationem non cognoscimus" (we do not know the propitiation). Not badly, provided it is uttered as a figure of wonder or of question.

(printed under page 95)

(86) ‹anchor: esse linguas› · call in col 184

Rom. edit., dispertitas apparuisse linguas.

The Roman edition: "dispertitas apparuisse linguas" (that tongues appeared parted).

(printed under page 95)

(87) ‹anchor: linguarum diversitatem› · call in col 184

Cuncti propemodum mss., repleti esse qui acceperant, aestimarentur linquarum diversitate.

Nearly all the manuscripts: "repleti esse qui acceperant, aestimarentur linguarum diversitate" (those who had received [it] were thought to be filled, by the diversity of tongues).

(printed under page 95)

Page

  • running head: [S.] AMBROSII. 184 (head begins in the previous column)
  • marginal letters: A ignis a Domino et consumpsit; B Christianorumque baptisma (caption); C geraus in ossibus meis; D opus quale sit, ignis probabit (letter sits just below the last text line)
  • old-edition numerals: 134 after Uniuscujusque
PL 16:185
infra: Si cujus opus arserit, detrimentum patietur, ipse autem salvus erit, sic tamen quasi per ignem (Ibid. 15).
below: If anyone's work burns, he will suffer loss, but he himself will be saved, yet so as through fire (ibid. 15).
104. Quod ideo posuimus, ut probaremus per ignem exuri peccata. Notum est ergo hunc esse vere ignem sacrum, qui tunc in typo futurae remissionis peccatorum descendit super sacrificium.
104. This we have set down in order to prove that sins are burned away by fire. It is clear, then, that this is truly the sacred fire which then, as a type of the future remission of sins, came down upon the sacrifice.
105. Hic igitur ignis absconditur captivitatis tempore, quo culpa regnat: tempore autem libertatis promitur. Et licet in aquae speciem mutatus, tamen servat ignis naturam, ut consumeret sacrificium. Nec mireris cum legeris, quia Pater Deus dixit: Ego sum ignis consumens (Deut. IV, 24); et alibi: Me dereliquerunt fontem aquae vivae (Jerem. II, 13). Ipse quoque Dominus Jesus quasi ignis inflammabat audientium corda, quasi fons refrigerabat; nam ipse in Evangelio suo dicit quod ideo venerit, ut ignem in terras mitteret (Luc. XII, 49), et potum sitientibus aquae vivae ministraret (Joan. VII, 37, 38).
105. This fire, then, is hidden in the time of captivity, when guilt reigns; but in the time of freedom it is brought forth. And although changed into the appearance of water, yet it keeps the nature of fire, so as to consume the sacrifice. Nor should you wonder when you read that God the Father said: I am a consuming fire (Deut. 4:24); and elsewhere: They have forsaken Me, the fountain of living water (Jer. 2:13). The Lord Jesus Himself also, like a fire, set aflame the hearts of His hearers, and like a fountain refreshed them; for He Himself says in His Gospel that He came for this, to send fire on the earth (Luke 12:49), and to supply a drink of living water to the thirsty (John 7:37, 38).
106. Eliae quoque tempore descendit ignis, quando provocavit prophetas gentium ut altare sine igne accenderent. Et cum illi nequissent facere, hostiam suam tertio ipse perfudit aqua, et manabat aqua in circuitu altaris, et exclamavit, et cecidit ignis a Domino de coelo, et consumpsit holocaustum (III Reg. XVIII, 38).
106. In the time of Elijah also fire came down, when he challenged the prophets of the Gentiles to kindle the altar without fire. And when they had been unable to do it, he himself drenched his victim with water a third time, and the water flowed round about the altar, and he cried out, and fire fell from the Lord out of heaven and consumed the burnt offering (3 Kgs. 18:38).
107. Hostia illa tu es. Considera tacitus singula. In te descendit vapor Spiritus sancti, te videtur exurere, cum tua peccata consumit. Denique quod consumptum est sacrificium Moysi tempore (Num. IX, 24), sacrificium pro peccato erat. Unde Moyses ait, sicut in Machabaeorum scriptum est libro, eo quod non sit manducatum quod erat pro peccato, consumptum est (II Mach. II, 11). Nonne tibi consumi videtur, quando in baptismatis sacramento interit homo totus exterior? Vetus homo noster confixus est cruci, Apostolus clamat (Rom. VI, 6). Illic, sicut Patrum exempla te docent, Aegyptius demergitur, Hebraeus resurgit, sancto renovatus Spiritu, qui etiam mare Rubrum inoffenso transivit vestigio, ubi baptizati sunt patres sub nube, et in mari (I Cor. X, 2).
107. You are that victim. Consider each point in silence. The heat of the Holy Spirit descends upon you; it seems to burn you up when it consumes your sins. Indeed, the sacrifice that was consumed in the time of Moses (Num. 9:24) was a sacrifice for sin. Hence Moses says, as is written in the book of the Maccabees: Because what was for sin was not eaten, it was consumed (2 Macc. 2:11). Does it not seem to you to be consumed, when in the sacrament of baptism the whole outward man perishes? Our old man is nailed to the cross, the Apostle cries (Rom. 6:6). There, as the examples of the Fathers teach you, the Egyptian is drowned, the Hebrew rises again, renewed by the Holy Spirit, who also crossed the Red Sea with unharmed step, where the fathers were baptized under the cloud and in the sea (1 Cor. 10:2).
108. In diluvio quoque Noe tempore mortua est omnis caro (Gen. VII, 21), justus tamen cum sua progenie servatus est (Gen. VIII, 18). Annon consumitur homo, cum absolvitur mortale istud a vita? Denique exterior corrumpitur, sed interior renovatur. Nec solum in baptismate, sed etiam in poenitentia fit carnis interitus ad profectum spiritus; sicut apostolica docemur auctoritate, dicente sancto Paulo: Judicavi ut praesens eum qui sic operatus
108. In the flood too, in the time of Noah, all flesh died (Gen. 7:21), yet the just man was preserved with his offspring (Gen. 8:18). Is not a man consumed when this mortal thing is released from life? Indeed, the outward man is corrupted, but the inward is renewed. And not only in baptism but also in penance there takes place the destruction of the flesh for the advancement of the spirit; as we are taught by apostolic authority, holy Paul saying: I have judged, as though present, him who has so done
Editors' notes and page, col. 185

Footnotes

(88) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 185

Rom. edit., libertatis revelatur.

The Roman edition: "libertatis revelatur" (is revealed of liberty).

(printed under page 96)

(89) ‹anchor: confixus est cruci› · call in col 185

Omnes edit., homo noster exterior crucifixus est.

All the editions: "homo noster exterior crucifixus est" (our outer man is crucified).

(printed under page 96)

(90) ‹anchor: Aegyptius demergitur› · call in col 185

Edit. omnes ac mss. aliquot, Aegyptus demergitur.

All the editions and some manuscripts: "Aegyptus demergitur" (Egypt is drowned).

(printed under page 96)

(91) ‹anchor: cum absolvitur› · call in col 185

Ita mss. plures ac potiores: alii vero et edit., cum absorbetur.

So several and better manuscripts; but others, and the editions, "cum absorbetur" (when it is swallowed up).

(printed under page 96)

Page

  • running head: 185 DE OFFICIIS MINISTROR[UM …] (head cut off at the image's right edge)
  • marginal letters: A infra: Si cujus opus arserit; B ignis inflammabat audientium corda; C consumptum est sacrificium Moysi tempore; D progenie servatus est
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 16:186
est, tradere hujusmodi Satanae in interitum carnis, ut spiritus salvus sit in die Domini nostri Jesu Christi (I Cor. V, 3, 4).
to deliver such a one to Satan for the destruction of the flesh, that the spirit may be saved in the day of our Lord Jesus Christ (1 Cor. 5:3, 4).
109. Prolixior excursus admirandi gratia mysterii factus videtur, dum studemus revelatum plenius sacramentum pandere, quod eo usque plenum honestatis est, ut sit plenum religionis.
109. A rather lengthy digression seems to have been made for the sake of a wonderful mystery, while we are eager to lay open more fully a sacrament now revealed, which is so full of what is honourable that it is full of religion.
CAPUT XIX.
CHAPTER XIX.
Narratur admissum in Levitae cujusdam uxorem a civibus Gabaa flagitium, atque ex illius ultione colligitur quam veteribus illis cordi fuerit honestatis ratio.
The outrage committed by the citizens of Gibeah against the wife of a certain Levite is related, and from the vengeance for it is gathered how much the principle of what is honourable lay at the heart of those men of old.
110. Quanta autem honestatis cura majoribus fuit, ut unius mulieris injuriam stupro illatam intemperantiam bello persequerentur, et victo populo, tribus Benjamin obtestarentur in conjugium se eis proprias filias non daturos! Remanserat tribus sine ullo posteritatis subsidio, nisi fraudis necessariae accepisset licentiam. Quae tamen indulgentia congruo intemperantiae supplicio non videtur vacare, quando illis hoc solum permissum est, ut rapto inirent conjugia, non connubii sacramento. Et revera dignum fuit ut qui alienum contubernium solverant, ipsi nuptiarum amitterent solemnitatem.
110. And how great was our forefathers' care for what is honourable, that they pursued with war the outrage of lust inflicted on one woman by rape, and, when the people was conquered, swore solemnly that they would not give their own daughters to the tribe of Benjamin in marriage! The tribe would have been left without any support of posterity, had it not received leave for a necessary deceit. Yet this indulgence does not seem to lack a fitting punishment of their lust, since this alone was permitted them, to enter upon marriages by seizure, not by the sacrament of wedlock. And truly it was fitting that those who had broken up another's union should themselves lose the solemnity of marriage.
111. Quam plena autem miserationis historia! Vir, inquit (Judic. XIX, 1-30), Levita acceperat sibi jugalem (quam a concubitu concubinam appellatam arbitror) quae aliquanto post quibusdam, ut fieri solet, offensa rebus, ad patrem se contulit, et fuit illic quatuor mensibus. Et surrexit vir ejus, et abiit ad soceri sui domum, ut cum sua jugali repararet gratiam, et revocaret eam, ac reduceret; occurrit ei mulier, atque in domum patris sui introduxit maritum.
111. And how full of pity is the story! A man, it says (Judg. 19:1–30), a Levite, had taken to himself a wife (who, I think, was called a concubine from her lying with him), who some while after, being offended by certain things, as usually happens, betook herself to her father, and was there four months. And her husband arose and went to his father-in-law's house, to restore good will with his wife, and to call her back and bring her home; the woman met him, and brought her husband into her father's house.
112. Laetatus est adolescentulae pater: venit obviam, et sedit cum eo tribus diebus; et epulati sunt, et quieverunt. Et sequenti die surrexit Levita diluculo, et retentus est a socero, ut tam cito non desereret convivii jucunditatem. Et alio et tertio die non permisit pater adolescentulae proficisci generum suum, donec laetitia et gratia inter eos omnis consummaretur. Sed die septimo cum jam ad vesperum declinaret dies, post mensas et laeta convivia, cum praetexeret finitimae noctis viciniam, ut apud suos potius, quam apud extraneos requiescendum putaret, nequivit tenere et dimisit una cum filia sua.
112. The young woman's father rejoiced: he came to meet him, and sat with him three days; and they feasted and rested. And on the following day the Levite rose at daybreak, and was held back by his father-in-law, so as not to leave the pleasure of the feast so soon. And on another day and a third the young woman's father did not allow his son-in-law to set out, until all joy and good will between them should be made complete. But on the seventh day, when the day was already declining towards evening, after the tables and the glad banquets, when he pleaded the nearness of the approaching night, so that he might think it better to rest among his own people than among strangers, he could not keep him, and let him go together with his daughter.
113. Verum ubi facta est aliqua progressio, cum vesper jam propior urgeret, et appropinquatum foret ad urbem Jebusaeorum, dicente servulo, ut ad eam dominus suus deflecteret, non acquievit dominus suus; quia non erat ea civitas filiorum
113. But when some way had been made, as evening was now pressing closer, and they had drawn near to the city of the Jebusites, when the servant said that his master should turn aside to it, his master did not agree; because that city was not of the sons
Editors' notes and page, col. 186

Footnotes

(92) ‹anchor: concubinam appellatam arbitror› · call in col 186

Pauci mss. quam..... concubinam appellabat. — Adverte pulcherrime hinc confirmari, quod observatione in lib. I de Abraham cap. 4, col. 220, volum. I, num. 23, diximus, nimirum legitimam uxorem haud raro concubinae nomine vocitari.

A few manuscripts: "quam ..... concubinam appellabat" (whom ... he called concubine). — Note how finely this confirms what we said in the observation on book I of De Abraham, chapter 4, col. 220, volume I, no. 23: namely, that a lawful wife is not seldom called by the name of concubine.

(printed under page 96)

(93) ‹anchor: appropinquatum foret› · call in col 186

Omnes edit., et appropinquandum foret.

All the editions: "et appropinquandum foret" (and it was necessary to approach).

(printed under page 96)

Page

  • running head: [MI]NISTRORUM LIBER III. 186 (head begins in the previous column)
  • marginal letters: A est, tradere hujusmodi Satanae; B temperantiam bello persequerentur; C illic quatuor mensibus; D potius, quam apud extraneos
  • old-edition numerals: 135 before CAPUT XIX
PL 16:187
Israel: sed intendit pervenire usque Gabaa, quae habitabatur a populo tribus Benjamin. Nec erat quisquam qui advenientes reciperet hospitio, nisi vir peregrinus progressa aetate. Qui cum aspexisset eos, et interrogasset Levitam: Quo vadis, vel unde venis? quo respondente quod esset viator, et repeteret montem Ephraem, et non esset qui colligeret eum, hospitium ei obtulit, et adornavit convivium.
of Israel: but he made for Gibeah, which was inhabited by the people of the tribe of Benjamin. And there was no one to receive the newcomers with hospitality, except a stranger advanced in age. When he had seen them, and had asked the Levite: Where are you going, or whence do you come? and he answered that he was a traveller, and was going back to Mount Ephraim, and there was no one to take him in, he offered him lodging, and prepared a meal.
114. At ubi satietas epulandi facta est, et mensae remotae, irruerunt pestilentes viri, et circumierunt domum Tunc senior filiam suam virginem, et coaequalem ejus cum qua cubitare solita esset, offerebat viris iniquitatis, tantum ne vis irrogaretur hospiti. Verum ubi parum ratio processit, et vis praevaluit, cessit Levites jugali sua: et cognoverunt eam, et tota nocte illuserunt ei. Qua atrocitate, vel dolore victa injuriae, ante ostium hospitis, quo vir suus diverterat, projecit se atque exhalavit spiritum, supremo licet vitae munere affectum, bonae conjugis servans, ut exsequias saltem sui funeris marito reservaret.
114. But when they had had their fill of feasting, and the tables had been removed, pestilent men rushed in and surrounded the house. Then the old man offered to the men of iniquity his own virgin daughter, and her companion of like age with whom she was accustomed to sleep, if only violence should not be done to his guest. But when reason made little headway, and violence prevailed, the Levite gave up his wife: and they knew her, and abused her the whole night. Overcome by this savagery, or by grief at the outrage, she cast herself down before the door of the host with whom her husband had lodged, and breathed out her spirit, keeping, even in the last office of life, the affection of a good wife, so that she might at least reserve for her husband the funeral rites of her burial.
115. Quo cognito (ne multis morer) omnis prope populus Israel in bellum exarsit, dubioque eventu cum anceps maneret praelium, tertia tamen praeliandi vice, traditus est populus Benjamin populo Israel, et divina judicatus sententia, poenas intemperantiae luit. Condemnatus quoque ne quis ei ex numero patrum filiam suam daret in uxorem: idque confirmatum jurisjurandi sacramento est. Sed compuncti quod tam acerbam in fratres tulissent sententiam, ita severitatem ejus temperaverunt, ut orbatas parentibus virgines in conjugium sibi adsciscerent, quorum patres pro delicto perempti forent, vel prato copulam sociarent; quia pro tam turpis commissi facinore, qui alieni matrimonii jus violaverant, indignos se impetrando exhibuere matrimonio. Sed ne periret una populo tribus, fraudis indulta est conniventia.
115. When this became known (not to dwell on many things), almost the whole people of Israel blazed up for war, and while the battle remained doubtful with uncertain outcome, yet at the third time of fighting the people of Benjamin was delivered to the people of Israel, and, judged by the divine sentence, paid the penalty of its lust. It was condemned also, that none of the number of the fathers should give it his daughter as wife: and this was confirmed by the sacrament of an oath. But, stung with remorse at having passed so harsh a sentence on their brothers, they so tempered its severity that they might take to themselves in marriage virgins bereft of their parents, whose fathers had been slain for the offence, or might join in union by seizure; because, for the crime of so shameful a deed, those who had violated the right of another's marriage had shown themselves unworthy of obtaining marriage by asking. But lest one tribe should perish from the people, connivance at a deceit was granted.
116. Quanta igitur honestatis cura majoribus fuerit, hinc proditur, ut quadraginta millia virorum stringerent gladium adversus fratres suos de tribu Benjamin, dum ulcisci volunt injuriam pudicitiae; quia temeratores castitatis non sufferebantur. Itaque eo bello caesa sunt utrinque sexaginta quinque millia bellatorum, et exustae urbes. Et cum inferior primo fuisset populus Israel, tamen nec adversi metu belli percitus, vindicandae casti-
116. How great, then, was our forefathers' care for what is honourable is shown by this, that forty thousand men drew the sword against their brothers of the tribe of Benjamin, wishing to avenge the outrage done to chastity; because violators of chastity were not tolerated. And so in that war sixty-five thousand fighting men were slain on both sides, and cities were burned. And although the people of Israel had at first been the weaker, yet, not stirred by fear of an adverse war, of avenging chas-
Editors' notes and page, col. 187

Footnotes

(94) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 187

Edit, et pauci mss., jugalem ejus..... solitus esset; sed optimi quique, iidemque frequentissimi, ut in textu.

The editions and a few manuscripts: "jugalem ejus ..... solitus esset"; but all the best, and these the most numerous, as in the text.

(printed under page 97)

(95) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 187

Nonnulli mss., ante hospitium hospitis. Erasm. et seq. edit., ante hostium hospitii.

Some manuscripts: "ante hospitium hospitis" (before the lodging of the host). Erasmus and the editions that follow him: "ante hostium hospitii" (before the door of the lodging).

(printed under page 97)

(96) ‹anchor: ex numero patrum› · call in col 187

Cod. Thuan., ex numero pater.

The Thou codex: "ex numero pater".

(printed under page 97)

(97) ‹anchor: injuriam pudicitiae› · call in col 187

Quaedam edit., injuriam impudicitiae; aptius reliquae ac mss., injuriam pudicitiae: nempe quam acceperat pudicitia.

Some editions: "injuriam impudicitiae" (the wrong of unchastity); more fittingly the rest, and the manuscripts, "injuriam pudicitiae" (the wrong done to chastity): that is, the wrong which chastity had received.

(printed under page 97)

(98) ‹anchor: non sufferebantur› · call in col 187

Gill. in marg. et Rom. edit. in corp., castitatis non offerebantur.

Gillot in the margin, and the Roman edition in the body of the text: "castitatis non offerebantur".

(printed under page 97)

(99) ‹anchor: quinque millia› · call in col 187

Ita edit., ac mss. aliquot; alii vero partim quadraginta, partim quadraginta quinque millia. Sed nisi locum Ambrosius memoriter citavit, omnino legendum 65 millia, ut in sacris codicibus haberi, subducta mortuorum in singulis praeliis ratione, cognoscitur.

So the editions and some manuscripts; but others have partly "forty", partly "forty-five thousand". But unless Ambrose cited the passage from memory, one must certainly read 65 thousand, as is found to stand in the sacred books once the dead in each battle are reckoned up.

(printed under page 97)

Page

  • running head: 187 S. AMBROS[II.] (head cut off at the image's right edge)
  • marginal letters: A Israel: sed intendit pervenire; B gnoverunt eam, et tota nocte; C orbatas parentibus virgines; D Et cum inferior primo fuisset
  • old-edition numerals: 136 after virginem,
PL 16:188
tatis sequestravit dolorem. Ruebat in praelium, vel sanguine suo parans commissi flagitii diluere notam.
tity it did not set aside its indignation. It rushed into battle, ready even with its own blood to wash away the stain of the outrage committed.
CAPUT XX.
CHAPTER XX.
Post solutam ex Elisei vaticinio diram Samariae obsidionem, quanta fuerit quatuor leprosis honesti cura, enarratur.
How great a care for what is honourable the four lepers had, after the dire siege of Samaria was lifted according to the prophecy of Elisha, is related.
117. Et quid mirum si populo Dei decorum illud atque honestum curae fuit, quando etiam leprosis, sicut in libris Regnorum legimus (IV Reg. VII, 8) honestatis non defuit consideratio?
117. And what wonder if the people of God cared for what is seemly and honourable, when even lepers, as we read in the books of Kings (4 Kgs. 7:8), did not lack regard for what is honourable?
118. Fames erat magna in Samaria, quia obsederat eam Syrorum exercitus. Rex militares excubias supra murum sollicitus revisebat: interpellavit eum mulier dicens: Persuasit mihi haec mulier ut afferrem filium meum, et attuli, et coximus, et comedimus eum: et promisit ut et ipsa postea filium suum afferret, et carnes illius simul manducaremus: nunc autem filium suum abscondit, et non vult eum afferre. Motus rex quod non solum humanis, sed etiam parricidalibus cadaveribus mulieres pastae viderentur, et tam atrocis calamitatis exemplo percitus, Elisaeo prophetae denuntiavit necem (IV Reg. VI, 25-31), cujus in potestate fore crederet, ut obsidionem solveret, propulsaret famem: vel quia non permiserat regi ut percuteret Syros, quos caecitate perfuderat.
118. There was a great famine in Samaria, because the army of the Syrians had besieged it. The king was anxiously going round the military watches upon the wall: a woman accosted him, saying: This woman persuaded me to bring my son, and I brought him, and we cooked and ate him: and she promised that she too would afterwards bring her son, and we would eat his flesh together: but now she has hidden her son, and will not bring him. The king, moved because women were seen to have fed not only on human but even on parricidal corpses, and roused by the example of so atrocious a calamity, threatened death to Elisha the prophet (4 Kgs. 6:25–31), in whose power he believed it lay to raise the siege and drive off the famine: or else because he had not allowed the king to strike the Syrians, whom he had overspread with blindness.
119. Sedebat Elisaeus cum senioribus in Bethel, et priusquam introiret ad eum regis nuntius, ait ad seniores viros: Si vidistis quoniam filius homicidae illius misit auferre caput meum? Et introivit nuntius, et mandatum regis pertulit, denuntiantis praesens capitis periculum (IV Reg. VI, 32, 33). Cui respondit propheta: Hac hora die crastina mensura similaginis siclo, et duae mensurae hordei siclo in porta Samariae. Et cum missus a rege nuntius non credidisset, dicens: Si pluerit Dominus de coelo abundantiam frumenti, nec sic quidem id posset effici; dixit ad eum Elisaeus: Quia non credidisti, oculis tuis videbis, et non manducabis (IV Reg. VII, 1, 2).
119. Elisha was sitting with the elders in Bethel, and before the king's messenger came in to him, he said to the elders: Have you seen that this son of a murderer has sent to take away my head? And the messenger came in, and delivered the command of the king, who threatened instant peril to his life (4 Kgs. 6:32, 33). To him the prophet answered: At this hour tomorrow a measure of fine flour for a shekel, and two measures of barley for a shekel, in the gate of Samaria. And when the messenger sent by the king did not believe, saying: Even if the Lord should rain an abundance of corn from heaven, not even so could that be brought about; Elisha said to him: Because you have not believed, you shall see it with your eyes, and shall not eat of it (4 Kgs. 7:1, 2).
120. Et factus est subito in castris Syriae velut quadrigarum sonus, et vox multa equitum, et vox magnae virtutis, atque ingens belli tumultus, et arbitrati sunt Syri quod rex Israel in societatem advocasset praelii regem Aegypti, et regem Amorrhaeorum, et fugerunt diluculo relinquentes
120. And suddenly there arose in the camp of Syria as it were the sound of chariots, and a great noise of horsemen, and a noise of a great host, and a huge tumult of war, and the Syrians thought that the king of Israel had called the king of Egypt and the king of the Amorites into alliance for battle, and they fled at daybreak, leaving
Editors' notes and page, col. 188

Footnotes

(1) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 188

Mss. aliquot, filium suum negat, et abscondit eum.

Some manuscripts: "filium suum negat, et abscondit eum" (she denies her son, and hides him).

(printed under page 97)

(2) ‹anchor: in Bethel› · call in col 188

Edit., in domo sua. Et infra post duos versus, filius hic homicidae. Utrobique autem mss. prope ad unum ut in textu.

The editions: "in domo sua" (in his house). And below, two lines on, "filius hic homicidae" (this son of a murderer). In both places, however, the manuscripts almost to a man read as in the text.

(printed under page 97)

(3) ‹anchor: quadrigarum sonus› · call in col 188

Edit. cum uno vel altero mss., et vox multitudinis; alii mss. non multi, et voces multae, quantum et vox magnae virtutis: caeteri nobiscum faciunt. Rursus vero ubi nos cum ant. edit. et cunctis mss. et regem Amorrhaeorum, Rom. edit. substitueral et regem Ethaeorum.

The editions, with one or two manuscripts: "et vox multitudinis" (and the sound of a multitude); other manuscripts, not many: "et voces multae, quantum et vox magnae virtutis"; the rest agree with us. Again, where we, with the old editions and all the manuscripts, have "et regem Amorrhaeorum" (and the king of the Amorites), the Roman edition had substituted "et regem Ethaeorum" (and the king of the Hittites).

(printed under page 97)

Page

  • running head: [S.] AMBROSII. 188 (head begins in the previous column)
  • marginal letters: A tatis sequestravit dolorem; B afferrem filium meum; C illius misit auferre caput; D advocasset praelii regem
  • old-edition numerals: 137 after parricidalibus
PL 16:189
tabernacula sua (Ibid. 6, 7); quoniam verebantur ne improviso adventu novorum opprimerentur hostium, et conjunctis regum viribus non possent resistere. Id incognitum Samariae erat, quoniam, victi metu et fame tabidi, nec praetendere audebant.
their tents (ibid. 6, 7); because they feared they would be overwhelmed by the unforeseen arrival of new enemies, and could not resist the joined forces of kings. This was unknown in Samaria, because, overcome by fear and wasted by famine, they did not dare even to venture out.
121. Erant autem leprosi quatuor ad portam civitatis, quibus vita erat supplicium, et mori lucrum, et dixerunt ad se invicem: Ecce nos hic sedemus, et morimur. Si ingredimur urbem, moriemur fame: si manemus hic, nullum subsidium vivendi suppetit nobis: eamus in castra Syriae, aut compendium mortis erit, aut salutis remedium. Perrexerunt itaque, et intraverunt in castra, et ecce omnia nuda hostium. Ingressi tabernacula, primum repertis alimentis fugaverunt famem, deinde auri et argenti quantum potuerunt, diripuerunt. Et cum soli praedae incumberent, disposuerunt tamen nuntiare regi fugisse Syros (Ibid. 8-11) et quia id honestum arbitrabantur, quam represso indicio fovere fraudis rapinam.
121. Now there were four lepers at the gate of the city, to whom life was a punishment and death a gain, and they said to one another: Look, we sit here and are dying. If we enter the city, we shall die of famine: if we stay here, no means of living is at hand for us: let us go into the camp of Syria; either it will be a short way to death, or a remedy of safety. So they went on, and entered the camp, and behold, everything was bare of the enemy. Entering the tents, they first drove off their hunger with the food they found, then plundered as much gold and silver as they could. And though they were alone in falling upon the spoil, yet they resolved to announce to the king that the Syrians had fled (ibid. 8-11), both because they judged this honourable, rather than, by suppressing the news, to cherish the plunder of fraud.
122. Quo indicio egressus est populus, et diripuit castra Syriae, et commeatus hostium abundantiam fecit, annonae vilitatem reddidit secundum propheticum dictum, ut mensura similaginis siclo, et duae mensurae hordei pari pretio constarent. In hac laetitia plebis nuntius ille in quo requiescebat rex, contritus inter exeuntium festinationem et remeantium exsultationem, conculcatus a plebe, mortuus est (Ibid. 16-20.)
122. At this news the people went out and plundered the camp of Syria, and the provisions of the enemy made abundance and brought the price of corn down according to the prophetic word, so that a measure of fine flour cost a shekel, and two measures of barley the same price. Amid this joy of the people, that messenger on whom the king leaned, crushed between the haste of those going out and the exultation of those coming back, trampled by the people, died (ibid. 16-20).
CAPUT XXI.
CHAPTER XXI.
Esther vitae periculo honestatis decus secutam esse, imo et regem barbarum, illata nece viro amicissimo; amicitiam enim honestati semper conjungendam, ut Jonathae atque Achimelech exempla probant.
That Esther, at the peril of her life, pursued the grace of what is honourable, and indeed so did a barbarian king, by putting to death a man most dear to him; for friendship must always be joined to what is honourable, as the examples of Jonathan and Ahimelech prove.
123. Quid Esther regina, nonne ut populum suum periculo exueret, quod erat decorum atque honestum, morti se obtulit, nec immitis regis trepidavit furorem (Esther IV, 19)? Ipse quoque rex Persarum ferox, atque tumido corde, tamen decorum judicavit indici insidiarum quae sibi paratae forent, gratiam repraesentare (Esther VI, 3), populumque liberum a servitute eripere, eruere neci, nec parcere ei qui tam indecora suasisset. Denique quem secundum a se, ac praecipuum inter omnes amicos haberet, cruci tradidit, quod dehonestatum se ejus fraudulentis consiliis animadvertisset (Esther VII, 9).
123. What of Queen Esther? Did she not, to free her people from peril, which was seemly and honourable, offer herself to death, nor tremble at the fury of a pitiless king (Esth. 4:19)? The king of the Persians himself also, fierce and of swollen heart, yet judged it seemly to repay at once the one who had disclosed the plot prepared against him (Esth. 6:3), and to rescue a free people from slavery, to snatch it from death, and not to spare him who had urged such unseemly things. In the end he gave to the cross the man whom he held second to himself and chief among all his friends, because he perceived that he had been dishonoured by his deceitful counsels (Esth. 7:9).
124. Ea enim amicitia probabilis, quae honestatem tuetur, praeferenda sane opibus, honoribus,
124. For that friendship is commendable which guards what is honourable, to be preferred indeed to wealth, to honours,
Editors' notes and page, col. 189

Footnotes

(4) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 189

Sic mss. longe plurimi, ac notae probatioris: nonnulli tamen et omnes edit., soli possent praedae incubare, elegerunt; etc.

So by far the most manuscripts, and of the more approved class; some, however, and all the editions: "soli possent praedae incubare, elegerunt" (they chose ... that they alone might brood over the plunder), etc.

(printed under page 98)

(5) ‹anchor: contritus inter› · call in col 189

Omnes edit. cum paucis mss., constitutus in porta inter, etc.

All the editions, with a few manuscripts: "constitutus in porta inter" (stationed in the gate among), etc.

(printed under page 98)

(6) ‹anchor: tam indecora suasisset› · call in col 189

Omnes edit., nec parcere neci ejus.

All the editions: "nec parcere neci ejus".

(printed under page 98)

(7) ‹anchor: amicitia probabilis› · call in col 189

Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 393, lin. 30: « Maxime autem perturbantur officia in amicitiis, » etc.

Cicero, De officiis, book III, p. 393, line 30: "But duties are most thrown into confusion in friendships," etc.

(printed under page 98)

Page

  • running head: 189 DE OFFICIIS MINISTRO[RUM …] (head cut off at the image's right edge)
  • marginal letters: A tabernacula sua (Ibid. 6, 7); B dae incumberent, disposuerunt; C Esther vitae periculo (caption); D fraudulentis consiliis animadvertisset
  • old-edition numerals: 138 before CAPUT XXI
PL 16:190
potestatibus: honestati vero praeferri non solet, sed honestatem sequi. Qualis fuit Jonathae, qui pro pietate nec offensam patris, nec salutis periculum refugiebat (I Reg. XX, 29 et seq.). Qualis fuit Abimelech, qui pro hospitalis gratiae officiis necem potius sui, quam proditionem fugientis amici, subeundam arbitrabatur (I Reg. XXI, 6).
to powers: but it is not wont to be preferred to what is honourable; rather it follows what is honourable. Such was the friendship of Jonathan, who for loyalty's sake shrank neither from his father's displeasure nor from peril to his life (1 Kgs. 20:29 ff.). Such was that of Abimelech, who for the duties of hospitable kindness judged that he must rather undergo his own death than the betrayal of a fleeing friend (1 Kgs. 21:6).
CAPUT XXII.
CHAPTER XXII.
Honestatem amici causa non deserendam; si tamen adversus amicum testimonium dicendum fuerit, cautionem adhibendam. Inter amicos quis candor in aperiendo pectore, quae generositas in patiendo, quae in arguendo libertas requiratur. Amicitiam virtutem custodem esse, nec nisi similium morum hominibus inveniri. Eamdem in corripiendo mitem, atque a propriis commodis alienam esse oportere; et inde quam rari divitibus veri amici. Quanta amicitiae dignitas; quae quo major, eo detestabilior amici perfidia, ut Judae atque amicorum Job exemplis cognoscitur.
That what is honourable is not to be abandoned for a friend's sake; yet if testimony must be given against a friend, caution is to be used. What candour in opening the heart, what generosity in bearing, what freedom in reproving is required among friends. That friendship is the guardian of virtue, and is found only among men of like character. That it must be gentle in correcting, and a stranger to its own advantage; and hence how rare true friends are for the rich. How great is the dignity of friendship; and the greater it is, the more detestable is a friend's treachery, as is learned from the examples of Judas and of the friends of Job.
125. Nihil igitur praeferendum honestati, quae tamen ne amicitiae studio praetereatur, etiam hoc Scriptura admonet de amicitia. Sunt enim pleraeque philosophorum quaestiones: utrum amici causa quisquam contra patriam sentire necne debeat, ut amico obediat? utrum oporteat ut fidem deserat, dum indulget atque intendit amici commoditatibus.
125. Nothing, then, is to be preferred to what is honourable; yet, lest it be passed over through zeal for friendship, Scripture gives this admonition too concerning friendship. For there are very many questions of the philosophers: whether or not anyone ought, for a friend's sake, to take a view against his country, in order to obey his friend? whether it is right that he should abandon good faith, while he indulges and attends to his friend's advantages.
126. Et Scriptura quidem ait: Clava, et gladius, et sagitta ferrata, sic homo est testimonium dicens falsum adversus amicum suum (Pro. XXV, 18). Sed considera quid astruat. Non testimonium reprehendit dictum in amicum, sed falsum testimonium. Quid enim si Dei causa, quid si patriae cogatur aliquis dicere testimonium? Numquid praeponderare debet amicitia religioni, praeponderare charitati civium? In his tamen ipsis rebus requirenda est veritas testimonii, ne amicus appetatur amici perfidia, cujus fide absolvi debeat. Amicus itaque neque noxio gratificari debet, neque innocenti insidiari.
126. And Scripture indeed says: A club, and a sword, and an iron-tipped arrow, so is a man who bears false witness against his friend (Prov. 25:18). But consider what it adds. It does not censure testimony spoken against a friend, but false testimony. For what if someone is compelled to give testimony for God's sake, what if for his country's? Ought friendship to outweigh religion, to outweigh love of one's fellow citizens? Yet in these very matters truth of testimony must be required, lest a friend be assailed by the treachery of a friend, by whose good faith he ought to be acquitted. A friend, therefore, ought neither to gratify the guilty nor to lay snares for the innocent.
127. Sane si necesse sit dicere testimonium, si quid in amico vitii cognoverit, corripere occulte; si non audierit, corripere palam. Sunt enim bonae correptiones, et plerumque meliores quam tacita amicitia. Et si laedi se putat amicus, tu tamen corripe; et si amaritudo correctionis animum ejus vulneret, tu tamen corripe, ne verearis: Tolerabilia sunt enim amici vulnera quam adulantium oscula (Prov. XXVII, 6). Errantem igitur amicum corripe, innocentem amicum ne deseras.
127. Certainly, if it be necessary to give testimony, if one has learned of some fault in a friend, let him correct him privately; if he does not listen, correct him openly. For corrections are good, and often better than a silent friendship. And if your friend thinks himself wounded, still correct him; and if the bitterness of the correction wounds his mind, still correct him, do not be afraid: for the wounds of a friend are more bearable than the kisses of flatterers (Prov. 27:6). Correct, then, a friend who errs; do not desert a friend who is innocent.
Editors' notes and page, col. 190

Footnotes

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Ibid., lin. 33: « Atque contra rempublicam, » etc. Item de Amic., pag. 424, lin. 1: Quamobrem videamus, si placet, quatenus amor in amicitia progredi debeat. » etc.

Ibid., line 33: "And against the commonwealth," etc. Likewise De amicitia, p. 424, line 1: "Let us therefore see, if you please, how far love ought to go in friendship," etc.

(printed under page 98)

(9) ‹anchor: charitati civium› · call in col 190

Rom. edit., praeponderare charitati vitium.

The Roman edition: "praeponderare charitati vitium".

(printed under page 98)

(10) ‹anchor: corripere occulte› · call in col 190

Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 358, lin. 46: Interdum etiam objurgationes in amicis vigent maxime » Idem de Amic., pag. 425, lin. 5: Consilium verum dare gaudeamus libere, » etc.

Cicero, De officiis, book I, p. 358, line 46: "Sometimes too rebukes are of the greatest force among friends." The same, De amicitia, p. 425, line 5: "Let us be glad to give true counsel freely," etc.

(printed under page 98)

(11) ‹anchor: amici vulnera› · call in col 190

Rom. edit. sola: Utiliora sunt amici vulnera: vet. autem ac mss., Tolerabilia, seu tolerabiliora; quidam tamen, probabiliora sunt amici vulnera, etc.

The Roman edition alone: "Utiliora sunt amici vulnera" (more useful are the wounds of a friend); but the old editions and the manuscripts: "Tolerabilia" or "tolerabiliora"; some, however: "probabiliora sunt amici vulnera" (more commendable are the wounds of a friend), etc.

(printed under page 98)

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  • running head: [M]INISTRORUM LIBER II[I] (final numeral damaged or blotted in the scan) 190
  • marginal letters: A potestatibus: honestati vero; B nam esse oportere (caption); C enim si Dei causa; D bilia sunt enim amici vulnera
  • old-edition numerals: 139 before In his tamen
PL 16:191
Constans enim debet esse amicitia, perseverare in affectu: non puerili modo amicos mutare vaga quadam debemus sententia.
For friendship ought to be constant, to persevere in affection: we ought not to change friends in a childish manner, by some wandering whim.
128. Aperi pectus tuum amico, ut fidelis sit tibi et capias ex eo vitae tuae jucunditatem. Fidelis enim amicus medicamentum est vitae, et immortalitatis gratia (Eccli. VI, 16). Defer amico ut aequali, nec te pudeat ut praevenias amicum officio: amicitia enim nescit superbiam. Ideo enim Sapiens dicit: Amicum salutare non erubescas (Eccli XXII, 31). Nec deseras amicum in necessitate, nec derelinquas eum, neque destituas; quoniam amicitia vitae adjumentum est. Ideo onera nostra portemus, sicut Apostolus docuit (Galat. VI, 2); dicit enim his quos ejusdem corporis complexa est charitas. Etenim si amici secundae res amicos adjuvant, cur non et in adversis amici rebus amicorum adjumentum suppetat? Juvemus consilio, conferamus studia, compatiamur affectu.
128. Open your heart to a friend, that he may be faithful to you and that you may take from him the delight of your life. For a faithful friend is the medicine of life, and the grace of immortality (Sir. 6:16). Defer to a friend as to an equal, and do not be ashamed to be beforehand with your friend in kindness: for friendship knows no pride. For this reason the Wise Man says: Do not blush to greet a friend (Sir. 22:31). Do not desert a friend in need, nor forsake him, nor abandon him; since friendship is a support of life. Therefore let us bear our burdens, as the Apostle taught (Gal. 6:2); for he says it to those whom the charity of the same body has embraced. For if a friend's prosperity helps his friends, why should not the help of friends also be at hand when a friend's affairs are adverse? Let us help with counsel, let us join our efforts, let us suffer with him in affection.
129. Si necesse est, toleremus propter amicum etiam aspera. Plerumque inimicitiae subeundae sunt propter amici innocentiam, saepe obtrectationes, si restiteris vel responderis, cum amicus arguitur et accusatur. Nec te poeniteat ejusmodi offensionis; justi enim vox est: Et si mala mihi evenerint propter amicum, sustineo (Eccl. XXII, 31). In adversis enim amicus probatur; nam in prosperis amici omnes videntur. Sed ut in adversis amici patientia et tolerantia necessaria, sic in prosperis auctoritas congrua est; ut insolentiam extollentis se amici reprimat et redarguat.
129. If it is necessary, let us endure even harsh things for a friend's sake. Often enmities must be undergone for a friend's innocence, often detractions, if you resist or answer back when a friend is reproved and accused. Do not regret an offence of this kind; for it is the voice of the just man: And if evils befall me for a friend's sake, I bear them (Sir. 22:31). For in adversity a friend is proved; for in prosperity all seem to be friends. But as in a friend's adversity patience and forbearance are necessary, so in prosperity authority is fitting, so as to check and rebuke the insolence of a friend who exalts himself.
130. Quam pulchre in adversis positus Job dicit: Miseremini mei, amici, miseremini (Job. XIX, 21). Non quasi abjecta vox ista est, sed quasi censoria. Nam cum injuste argueretur ab amicis, respondit: Miseremini mei, amici; hoc est, misericordiam debetis facere: opprimitis autem vos et impugnatis hominem, cujus aerumnis compati pro amicitia vos oportebat.
130. How finely Job says, when set in adversity: Have pity on me, friends, have pity (Job 19:21). This is not as it were an abject voice, but as it were a censorious one. For when he was unjustly reproved by his friends, he answered: Have pity on me, friends; that is, you ought to show mercy: but you oppress and assail a man with whose hardships you ought, for friendship's sake, to have suffered with him.
131. Servate igitur, filii, initam cum fratribus
131. Keep, therefore, my sons, the [friendship] entered into with your brothers
Editors' notes and page, col. 191

Footnotes

(12) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 191

Cic. de Amic., pag. 428, lin. 1: « Non enim amicitiarum esse debent, sicut aliarum rerum satietates, » etc.

Cicero, De amicitia, p. 428, line 1: "For there ought not to be satiety of friendships, as there is of other things," etc.

(printed under page 99)

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Ibid., pag. 426, lin. 15: « Tum sit inter eos omnium rerum, consiliorum et voluntatum, » etc.

Ibid., p. 426, line 15: "Then let there be between them [a sharing] of all things, of counsels and of wishes," etc.

(printed under page 99)

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Ibid., pag. 427, lin. 38: « Quid, haec ut omittam, quam graves, quam difficiles plerisque videntur calamitatum societates, » etc.

Ibid., p. 427, line 38: "To pass over these things, how heavy, how hard do most people find it to share in misfortunes," etc.

(printed under page 99)

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Ibid., pag. 428, lin. 20: « Sed maximum est in amicitia, superiorem parem esse inferiori, » etc.

Ibid., p. 428, line 20: "But the greatest thing in friendship is that the superior be on a level with the inferior," etc.

(printed under page 99)

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Edit. ac pauci mss., Quos eadem complexa est charitas.

The editions and a few manuscripts: "Quos eadem complexa est charitas" (whom the same love has embraced).

(printed under page 99)

(17) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 191

Cic. de Amic., p. 421, lin. 39: « Quid dulcius quam habere quicum omnia audeas sic loqui, ut tecum, » etc.

Cicero, De amicitia, p. 421, line 39: "What is sweeter than to have one with whom you may dare to speak of everything as with yourself," etc.

(printed under page 99)

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Lib. III Offic., pag. 393, lin. 41: « Nam si omnia facienda sint quae amici velint, » etc. Item de Amic, pag. 424, lin. 15: « Quod si rectum statuerimus vel concedere amicis, » etc. Item lin. 27: « Haec igitur prima lex in amicitia, » etc.

De officiis, book III, p. 393, line 41: "For if everything is to be done that friends wish," etc. Likewise De amicitia, p. 424, line 15: "But if we lay it down as right either to grant friends," etc. Likewise line 27: "This, then, is the first law in friendship," etc.

(printed under page 99)

(19) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 191

Erasm. et seq. edit. cum mss. nonnullis, propter amicitiam deseratur.

Erasmus and the editions that follow him, with some manuscripts: "propter amicitiam deseratur" (be abandoned for friendship's sake).

(printed under page 99)

Page

  • running head: 191 S. AMBROS[II] (right part of the head cut off in the image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹Constans enim debet esse amicitia›; B ‹ritas (16). Etenim si amici secundae›; C ‹130. Quam pulchre in adversis›; D (none in this column's text; beside the footnotes)
  • old-edition numerals: 140 after ‹compati›
PL 16:192
amicitiam, qua nihil est in rebus humanis pulchrius. Solatium quippe vitae hujus est, ut habeas cui pectus aperias tuum, cum quo arcana participes, cui committas secretum pectoris tui; ut colloces tibi fidelem virum, qui in prosperis gratuletur tibi, in tristibus compatiatur, in persecutionibus adhortetur. Quam boni amici Hebraei pueri, quos a sui amore nec fornacis ardentis flamma divisit (Dan. III, 16 et seq.)! De quo supra diximus (sup. c. 9). Bene ait sanctus David: Saul et Jonathas speciosi et charissimi, inseparabiles in vita sua, et in morte non sunt separati (II Reg. I, 23).
friendship, than which there is nothing more beautiful in human affairs. For it is a solace of this life to have someone to whom you may open your heart, with whom you may share secrets, to whom you may entrust the secret of your breast; to place beside you a faithful man, who will rejoice with you in prosperity, suffer with you in sorrows, encourage you in persecutions. How good friends were the Hebrew youths, whom not even the flame of the burning furnace parted from their love for one another (Dan. 3:16 ff.)! Of this we have spoken above (above, c. 9). Well says holy David: Saul and Jonathan, lovely and most dear, inseparable in their life, and in death they were not separated (2 Sam. 1:23).
132. Hic est amicitiae fructus ut non fides propter amicitiam destruatur. Non potest enim homini amicus esse, qui Deo fuerit infidus. Pietatis custos amicitia est, et aequalitatis magistra: ut superior inferiori se exhibeat aequalem, inferior superiori. Inter dispares enim mores non potest esse amicitia: et ideo convenire sibi utriusque debet gratia. Nec auctoritas desit inferiori, si res poposcerit, nec humilitas superiori. Audiat quasi parem, quasi aequalem: et ille quasi amicus moneat, objurget, non jactantiae studio, sed affectu charitatis.
132. This is the fruit of friendship, that faith not be destroyed for friendship's sake. For he cannot be a friend to a man who has been faithless to God. Friendship is the guardian of piety and the teacher of equality: so that the superior shows himself equal to the inferior, the inferior to the superior. For between unlike characters there can be no friendship: and therefore the goodwill of each ought to suit the other. Let the inferior not lack authority, if the matter demands it, nor the superior humility. Let him listen as to a peer, as to an equal: and let the other, as a friend, admonish, rebuke, not from a desire to boast, but from the affection of charity.
133. Neque monitio aspera sit, neque objurgatio contumeliosa; sicut enim adulationis fugitans amicitia debet esse, ita etiam aliena insolentiae. Quid est enim amicus, nisi consors amoris, ad quem animum tuum adjungas atque applices, et ita misceas, ut unum velis fieri ex duobus, cui te tanquam alteri tibi committas, a quo nihil timeas, nihil ipse commodi tui causa inhonestum petas? Non enim vectigalis amicitia est, sed plena decoris plena gratiae. Virtus est enim amicitia, non quaestus: quia non pecunia paritur, sed gratia: nec licitatione pretiorum, sed concertatione benevolentiae.
133. Let admonition not be harsh, nor rebuke insulting; for as friendship ought to shun flattery, so too it ought to be a stranger to insolence. For what is a friend, but a sharer of love, to whom you join and attach your soul, and so blend it that you wish one to be made out of two, to whom you entrust yourself as to another self, from whom you fear nothing, from whom you yourself seek nothing dishonourable for your own advantage? For friendship is not a source of revenue, but full of comeliness, full of grace. For friendship is a virtue, not a trade: for it is begotten not by money but by grace: not by the bidding of prices, but by a contest of goodwill.
134. Denique meliores amicitiae sunt inopum plerumque quam divitum; et frequenter divites sine amicis sunt, quibus abundant pauperes. Non
134. Indeed, the friendships of the poor are generally better than those of the rich; and the rich are frequently without friends, in whom the poor abound. Not
Editors' notes and page, col. 192

Footnotes

(20) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 192

Cic. de Amic. pag. 425, lin. 45: « Quamobrem hoc quidem.... constat, ut opinor, bonis inter bonos, » etc. Item pag. 429, lin. 49: « Par est autem primum esse virum bonum, tum alterum similem sui quaerere, » etc.

Cicero, De amicitia, p. 425, line 45: "Wherefore this at least .... is settled, I think, for good men among good men," etc. Likewise p. 429, line 49: "It is right first to be a good man oneself, then to seek another like oneself," etc.

(printed under page 99)

(21) ‹anchor: objurgatio contumeliosa› · call in col 192

Lib. I Offic., pag. 370, lin. 9: « Magna autem ex parte clementi castigatione licet uti, » etc. Item de Amic., pag. 430, lin. 48: « Nam et monendi amici saepe sunt et objurgandi, » etc.

De officiis, book I, p. 370, line 9: "For the most part, however, one may use gentle correction," etc. Likewise De amicitia, p. 430, line 48: "For friends must often be both admonished and rebuked," etc.

(printed under page 99)

(22) ‹anchor: atque applices› · call in col 192

Cic. de Amic., pag. 429, lin. 41: « Est enim is amicus quidem, qui est tanquam alter idem..... Et alterum acquirit cujus animum ita cum suo commisceat, » etc.

Cicero, De amicitia, p. 429, line 41: "For a friend is he who is, as it were, a second self ..... And he acquires another whose mind he may so blend with his own," etc.

(printed under page 99)

(23) ‹anchor: vectigalis amicitia est› · call in col 192

Ibid., pag. 425, lin. 50: « Atque etiam mihi quidem videtur, qui utilitatis causa fingunt amicitias, » etc.

Ibid., p. 425, line 50: "And it seems to me, too, that those who feign friendships for the sake of advantage," etc.

(printed under page 99)

(24) ‹anchor: non pecunia paritur› · call in col 192

Edit. ac mss. aliquot, non pecunia quaeritur.

The editions and some manuscripts: "non pecunia quaeritur" (it is not sought with money).

(printed under page 99)

(25) ‹anchor: abundant pauperes› · call in col 192

Cic. de Amic., p. 426, lin. 12: « Haec enim est tyrannorum vita, nimirum in qua nulla fides, nulla charitas..... Coluntur tamen simulatione amicitiae, » etc..... Multorum opes praepotentium excludunt fideles amicitias. »

Cicero, De amicitia, p. 426, line 12: "For this is the life of tyrants, one in which, to be sure, there is no trust, no affection ..... Yet they are courted with a pretence of friendship," etc. ..... "The wealth of many who are very powerful shuts out faithful friendships."

(printed under page 99)

Page

  • running head: AMBROSII. 192 (left part of the head, S., on the facing column's side)
  • marginal letters: A ‹amicitiam, qua nihil est›; B ‹tis custos amicitia est›; C ‹tanquam alteri tibi committas›; D (none in this column's text; beside the footnotes)
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 16:193
est enim vera amicitia, ubi est fallax adulatio, Divitibus itaque plerique assentatorie gratificantur! erga pauperem nemo simulator est. Verum est quidquid defertur pauperi, hujus amicitia invidia vacat.
For there is no true friendship where there is deceitful flattery. So most men gratify the rich by fawning! towards a poor man no one is a pretender. Whatever is offered to a poor man is true; his friendship is free of envy.
135. Quid amicitia pretiosius, quae angelis communis et hominibus est? Unde et Dominus Jesus dicit: Facite vobis amicos de iniquo mammona, qui recipiant vos in aeterna tabernacula sua (Luc. XVI, 9). Ipse nos Deus amicos ex servulis facit, sicut ipse ait: Jam vos amici mei estis, si feceritis quae ego praecipio vobis (Joan. XV, 14). Dedit formam amicitiae quam sequamur, ut faciamus amici voluntatem, ut aperiamus secreta nostra amico quaecunque in pectore habemus, et illius arcana non ignoremus. Ostendamus illi nos pectus nostrum, et ille nobis aperiat suum. Ideo, inquit, vos dixi amicos, quia omnia quaecunque audivi a Patre meo, nota feci vobis (Joan. XV, 15). Nihil ergo occultat amicus, si verus est: effundit animum suum, sicut effundebat mysteria Patris Dominus Jesus.
135. What is more precious than friendship, which is common to angels and to men? Hence the Lord Jesus also says: Make for yourselves friends of the mammon of iniquity, that they may receive you into their eternal tabernacles (Luke 16:9). God Himself makes us friends instead of little servants, as He Himself says: Now you are My friends, if you do what I command you (John 15:14). He has given a pattern of friendship for us to follow: that we do a friend's will, that we open to a friend whatever secrets we have in our breast, and that we be not ignorant of his hidden things. Let us show him our heart, and let him open his to us. Therefore, He says, I have called you friends, because all things whatsoever I have heard from My Father I have made known to you (John 15:15). A friend, then, if he is true, hides nothing: he pours out his soul, as the Lord Jesus poured out the mysteries of the Father.
136. Ergo qui facit mandata Dei, amicus est; et hoc honoratur nomine. Qui est unanimis, ipse amicus est: quod unitas animorum in amicis sit: neque quisquam detestabilior, quam qui amicitiam laeserit. Unde in proditore Dominus hoc gravissimum invenit, quod ejus condemnaret perfidiam, quod gratiae vicem non repraesentaverit, et conviviis amicitiae venenum malitiae miscuerit. Itaque sic ait: Tu
136. Therefore he who does the commandments of God is a friend; and he is honoured with this name. He who is of one mind is himself a friend: because among friends there is a oneness of souls: and no one is more detestable than he who has wounded friendship. Hence in the betrayer the Lord found this the gravest thing, for which He condemned his perfidy: that he did not return grace for grace, and mixed the poison of malice into the banquets of friendship. And so He speaks thus: You
Editors' notes and page, col. 193

Footnotes

(26) ‹anchor: nemo simulator est› · call in col 193

Gil. ac Rom. edit., nemo assentator est.

Gillot and the Roman edition: "nemo assentator est" (no one is a flatterer).

(printed under page 100)

(27) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 193 [column not confirmed]

Cod. Benig., de quo loco, ut supra diximus, bene ait sanctus David: tu vero, etc.

The Benignus codex: "de quo loco, ut supra diximus, bene ait sanctus David: tu vero" (of which passage, as we said above, holy David says well: "But you"), etc.

(printed under page 100)

Page

  • running head: 193 DE VIRGINIBUS. — A[DMONITIO …] (rest of the head on the facing column)
  • marginal letters: A ‹est enim vera amicitia›; B ‹remus. Ostendamus illi nos›; C (not in this column's text); D (not in this column's text)
  • old-edition numerals: 141 after ‹ipse›
  • pointer: below the footnotes and a double rule, the editors' ADMONITIO IN LIBROS DE VIRGINIBUS begins in this column (next unit, De virginibus); not set here.
PL 16:194
vero, homo unanimis, dux meus et notus meus, qui semper mecum dulces capiebas cibos (Psal. LIV, 14)! Hoc est, non potest sustineri istud, quia unanimis appetisti eum, qui tibi donaverat gratiam: Nam si inimicus meus maledixisset mihi, sustinuissem utique (Ibid. 13); et ab eo qui me oderat, absconderem me. Inimicus vitari potest, amicus non potest, si insidiari velit. Illum cavemus cui non committimus consilia nostra: hunc cavere non possumus, cui commisimus. Itaque ad acervandam peccati invidiam non dixit: Tu vero, servus meus, apostolus meus; sed, Unanimis meus; hoc est, non meus, sed etiam tuus proditor es, qui unanimem prodidisti.
indeed, a man of one mind, my guide and my familiar, who always took sweet food with me (Ps. 54:14)! That is, this cannot be borne, that you, being of one mind, have attacked him who had bestowed grace on you: For if my enemy had cursed me, I would surely have borne it (Ps. 54:13); and from him who hated me I would have hidden myself. An enemy can be avoided; a friend cannot, if he wishes to lie in wait. We are on our guard against him to whom we do not entrust our counsels: against him to whom we have entrusted them we cannot be on guard. And so, to heap up the odium of the sin, He did not say: But you, my servant, my apostle; but, My one of one mind; that is, you are not my betrayer only, but your own as well, who have betrayed one of one mind with you.
137. Dominus ipse cum a tribus regibus offensus esset, qui sancto Job non detulissent, ignoscere his per amicum maluit, ut amicitiae suffragium remissio fieret peccatorum. Itaque rogavit Job, et Dominus ignovit (Job XLII, 6, 10). Profuit illis amicitia, quibus obfuerat insolentia.
137. The Lord Himself, when He had been offended by the three kings, who had not deferred to holy Job, chose to pardon them through their friend, so that the intercession of friendship might become the remission of sins. And so Job prayed, and the Lord pardoned (Job 42:6, 10). Friendship profited those whom insolence had harmed.
CONCLUSIO.
CONCLUSION.
138. Haec apud vos deposui, filii, quae custodiatis in animis vestris: quae utrum aliquid profectus habeant, vos probabitis; interim copiam multam exemplorum offerunt: nam prope omnia majorum exempla, plurima quoque dicta his tribus inclusa libris tenentur; ut et si sermo nihil deferat gratiae, series tamen vetustatis quodam compendio expressa plurimum instructionis conferat.
138. These things I have deposited with you, my sons, for you to guard in your souls: whether they bring any profit, you will prove; meanwhile they offer a great abundance of examples: for almost all the examples of our forefathers, and very many of their sayings too, are held enclosed in these three books; so that, even if the style contributes no charm, yet the course of antiquity set out in a kind of compendium may confer a great deal of instruction.
Editors' notes and page, col. 194

Footnotes

(27) ‹anchor: vero, homo unanimis› · call in col 194 (printed "vero(27)" at the head of the column)

Cod. Benig., de quo loco, ut supra diximus, bene ait sanctus David: tu vero, etc.

The Benignus codex: "de quo loco, ut supra diximus, bene ait sanctus David: tu vero" (of which passage, as we said above, holy David says well: "But you"), etc.

(printed under page 100; the same note is also entered in n193 with its column unconfirmed — it belongs here)

Page

  • running head: [DE VIRGIN]IBUS. — ADMONITIO. 194
  • marginal letters: A ‹vero, homo unanimis, dux meus›; B ‹esset, qui sancto Job non detulissent›; C (not in this column's text); D (not in this column's text)
  • old-edition numerals: 142 after ‹eo›
  • pointer: below the footnotes and a double rule, the editors' ADMONITIO IN LIBROS DE VIRGINIBUS continues across this column (next unit, De virginibus); not set here.