PL 16 · cols. 25–194
Ambrose, On the Duties of the Clergy (De officiis ministrorum)
Book I
Migne Reading Room
PL 16 · cols. 25–194
Book I
(1) ‹anchor: DE OFFICIIS› · call in col 25
Vox ministrorum deerat in superioribus edit. ac recentioribus aliquot mss.; nos vero eam ex optimis quibusque ac frequentissimis reposuimus. Qua de re vide quae supra in admonitione dicta sunt.
The word ministrorum was missing in the earlier editions and in some of the more recent manuscripts; but we have restored it from all the best and the most numerous ones. On this matter see what was said above in the Admonition.
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Quod ad aetatem ipsius operis, volunt nonnulli Ambrosium nostrum ipso episcopatus sui exordio ad illud scribendum manum admovisse. Videtur quidem Baronius huic sententiae patrocinari, cum ad annum 377 de eodem ita loquitur: Tres illos libros egregios scribere postea est aggressus, cum aliquandiu populum docuisset. Verum si fuisset in hac opinione magnus cardinalis, secum ipse non consensisset; quippe qui annos praedictum illum 377 non modico intervallo secutos ipse adjudicat factis quibusdam, quorum in hoc opere mentio exstat. Exempli gratia, quod Ambrosius de vasis Ecclesiae in captivorum redemptionem a se venditis ibi memorat (lib. II, cap. 15 et 28), idem Baronius refert ad bellum tyranni Maximi anno 387 gestum; tametsi nobis probabilius hoc pertineat ad eam barbarorum inundationem, qui anno 379 post Valentis mortem, direptis Thracia atque Illyria, usque in Italiam, unde innumeros captivos abduxere, vastando pervenerunt. Eamdem circa hos libros opinionem et hoc refellit, quod in iisdem satis perspicue librum suum De Noe et Arca, anno 379, ut ostensum est, in lucem emissum, consuli jubet. Eo accedit quod frequentius illic repetit ad eos clericos, quibus ipse manus imposuerat, verba se facere; unde cognoscitur clerum ei jam tunc fuisse satis numerosum, proindeque per annos aliquot initiatum. Deinde persecutionem Justinae annos etiam aliquammultos bacchatam significat, ubi se propter viduarum deposita multos regales impetus perpessum dicit (Ibid. cap. 29, num. 150). Non aliam quoque persecutionem, nisi Justinae anni circiter 386 spectare videtur narratio de duobus clericis Arianae infestationis (lib. I, cap. 18, num. 72) tempore a fide lapsis. Queritur praeterea sanctus Antistes per insolitam annonae penuriam Roma exactos esse omnes exteros: hanc autem famem anno 383 contigisse Baronius auctor est. Alii tamen semel et iterum inopia frumenti laborasse Romanos volunt, primo nimirum sub extremam vitam Damasi pontificis, qui ab Ambrosio senex sanctissimus appellatur (lib. III, cap. 7); secundo post ejusdem obitum, qui anno 384 ponitur: Baronium autem de sola priori fame locutum esse, cum utramque indicaverit Ambrosius noster. Quod etiam dicitur de Ticinensis viduae deposito nulli alii aptius accommodari posse videtur (lib. II, cap. 29, num. 150), quam legi cuidam a Valentiniano juniore in urbe Papia XV Kal. Mart. datae; ex loco enim, ubi lata est, colligitur, imperatorem cum per eam urbem iter haberet, a Justina matre catholicis episcopis nunquam non infesta, inductum esse, ut tantum molestiae Ticinensi praesuli creare niteretur.
As to the date of the work itself, some will have it that our Ambrose set his hand to writing it at the very beginning of his episcopate. Baronius indeed seems to favour this view, since under the year 377 he speaks of the same thus: "He afterwards undertook to write those three excellent books, when he had taught the people for some while." But if the great cardinal had held this opinion, he would not have agreed with himself; for he himself assigns to years following that said 377 by no small interval certain events which are mentioned in this work. For example, what Ambrose there records of the vessels of the Church sold by him for the redemption of captives (bk. II, chs. 15 and 28), the same Baronius refers to the war of the tyrant Maximus waged in the year 387; although to us it more probably belongs to that flood of barbarians who in the year 379, after the death of Valens, having plundered Thrace and Illyricum, came laying waste as far as Italy, whence they carried off countless captives. That same opinion about these books is also refuted by this, that in them he quite plainly bids the reader consult his book On Noah and the Ark, published, as has been shown, in the year 379. To this is added that he there rather often repeats that he is speaking to those clerics on whom he himself had laid hands; whence it is known that his clergy was even then fairly numerous, and accordingly had been ordained over a number of years. Next he indicates the persecution of Justina, which had raged for a good many years as well, where he says that on account of the deposits of widows he suffered many royal assaults (ibid., ch. 29, no. 150). The account of the two clerics who fell from the faith at the time of the Arian harassment (bk. I, ch. 18, no. 72) seems likewise to look to no other persecution than Justina's, of about the year 386. The holy Bishop complains, moreover, that through an unwonted scarcity of corn all foreigners were driven out of Rome; and Baronius is the authority that this famine happened in the year 383. Others, however, hold that the Romans suffered from want of corn once and again: first, namely, towards the end of the life of Pope Damasus, who is called by Ambrose "a most holy old man" (bk. III, ch. 7); secondly after his death, which is placed in the year 384; and that Baronius spoke only of the former famine, though our Ambrose pointed to both. What is said also of the deposit of the widow of Ticinum (bk. II, ch. 29, no. 150) seems to fit nothing more aptly than a certain law given by Valentinian the younger in the city of Pavia on the fifteenth day before the Kalends of March; for from the place where it was issued it is gathered that the emperor, while making his journey through that city, was induced by his mother Justina, ever hostile to the catholic bishops, to try to cause so much trouble to the prelate of Ticinum.
Isthaec omnia eo mentem nobis impellunt, ut hosce libros nonnisi post Justinae infestationes, et Maximi tyranni bellum ac brevissimo spatio secutam ipsius caedem credamus factos, id est circiter annum 391, quo tempore pacatiorem Ecclesiae suae statum expertus, ea praecepta in legitimi Operis corpus digesta, clericis suis assidua manu volvenda tradere constituit, quibus eosdem e sacro pulpito primis ipsis annis episcopatus sui informaverat. Nullus enim est dubitandi locus quin sermonibus publice habitis maximam partem constent hi libri; quandoquidem in eorum primo Scripturae loci edisseruntur, quos in synaxi lectos fuisse ipse memorat: quosque iterum illic tractare forsan voluit, quod cum jam olim motos eis vidisset auditorum animos, hinc quoque eumdem peruret [?] fructum, si ab his ipsis non sine attentione perlegerentur.
All these things move our mind to believe that these books were made only after Justina's harassments and the war of the tyrant Maximus and his death which followed within a very short space, that is, about the year 391; at which time, enjoying a more peaceful state of his Church, he resolved to hand over to his clergy, to be turned over by them with diligent hand, those precepts, digested into the body of a regular Work, with which he had formed them from the sacred pulpit in the very first years of his episcopate. For there is no room for doubt that these books consist for the greatest part of sermons publicly delivered; since in the first of them passages of Scripture are expounded which he himself records were read in the synaxis; and these perhaps he wished to treat again there because, having once seen the minds of his hearers moved by them, he might [?] reap the same fruit from them here too, if they were read through by these same men not without attention.
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(2) ‹anchor: LIBRI TRES› · call in col 26
Scripti circ. an. 391.
Written about the year 391.
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(3) ‹anchor: enim, timorem› · call in col 26
Mss. aliquot docendo enim timorem, etc. Plures autem ac potiores, necnon edit. omnes, ut (continues)
Some manuscripts read docendo enim timorem, etc. But the greater number and the better, and also all the editions, as (continues)
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(3) (continued) ‹anchor: not visible› · call on the previous page, col 26
in textu. Rursus ubi vet. edit. cum mss. nonnullis, insigne documentum verecundiae; melius Rom. cum longe maxima parte mss., insigne verecundiae, hoc est, signum et quasi vexillum verecundiae.
(continued) in the text. Again, where the old editions with some manuscripts have insigne documentum verecundiae, the Roman edition with by far the greater part of the manuscripts has, better, insigne verecundiae, that is, the sign and as it were the banner of modesty.
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Vat. cod. unus, et effectae beatitudinis.
One Vatican codex: et effectae beatitudinis.
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Ita edit. ant. et scripti cod. magno numero: Rom. vero et plures ex eisdem aut, in margine, pudenter significavit: edit. ultimae Paris. ac mss. non pauci, prudenter; unus etiam, potenter significavit.
So the old editions and written codices in great number; but the Roman edition, and several of the same either in the text or in the margin, pudenter significavit; the last Paris editions and not a few manuscripts, prudenter; one also, potenter significavit.
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Mss. aliquot, quae ille Spiritus.
Some manuscripts: quae ille Spiritus.
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(7) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 27
Era. et seq. edit. cum tribus aut quatuor mss., usu comperta: melius Amerb. cum mss., ut minimum, viginti quinque, visu comperta. Quomodo enim sibi usu, id est, experientia, comperta diceret, eo loci quo se adeo in scientia ecclesiastica tironem profitetur? sed visu, id est legendo, comperta indicat videlicet exempla virtutum quae consignata in Scripturis animadvertit, se traditurum. Sed praeterea non obscure significat vix aliud quidpiam esse quod arctius sanctiusve astringat episcopos, quam docendi munus. Verum quidem est jam inde a primis Ecclesiae saeculis hanc provinciam a quibusdam praesulibus demandatam fuisse presbyteris, inter quos illud officium Augustinus et Chrysostomus tanta cum ecclesiae utilitate obierunt, quanta cum ejusdem pernicie infamis Arius: attamen S. Ambrosius has episcopatus sui partes ipse per se nunquam non implevit, qui non solum clericos, sed etiam populum suum erudiebat, publice singulis dominicis verba faciens; ut Confess. lib. VI, cap. 3, testatum reliquit Augustinus, et nos superiore tomo, admonit. in exposit. Evang. sec. Lucam observavimus.
Erasmus and the following editions, with three or four manuscripts, read usu comperta; better Amerbach, with at least twenty-five manuscripts, visu comperta. For how could he call things found out by use, that is, by experience, at the very place where he professes himself so much a novice in the Church's learning? Rather, by visu comperta (found out by sight, that is, by reading) he indicates that he will pass on the examples of the virtues that he has observed set down in the Scriptures. But besides, he plainly signifies that scarcely anything binds bishops more closely or more sacredly than the office of teaching. It is true that from the first centuries of the Church this charge was entrusted by some prelates to presbyters, among whom Augustine and Chrysostom discharged that office with as much profit to the church as the infamous Arius did with ruin to it; yet St Ambrose never failed to fulfil this part of his episcopate himself, in person, instructing not only his clergy but his people too, preaching publicly every Sunday, as Augustine left on record in the Confessions, book VI, chapter 3, and as we observed in the previous volume, in the Admonition to the Exposition of the Gospel according to Luke.
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Nonnulli mss. et Gill. in margine, vigilantiam apostolorum.
Some manuscripts, and Gillot in the margin: vigilantiam apostolorum.
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(9) ‹anchor: omnes doceret› · call in col 27
Non pauci mss., quod homines doceret.
Not a few manuscripts: quod homines doceret.
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(10) ‹anchor: administrationis infulis› · call in col 27
Infula erat capitis ornamentum e laneo filo, quod non solum magistratibus conveniebat, sed etiam supplicibus oratoribus, sacerdotibus, imo vero et victimis ipsis. Quod porro Ambrosius raptum se a tribunalibus ad sacerdotium dicit, id fusius explicat Paulinus in ejus Vita: unde eamdem rem alii postea mutuati sunt.
The infula was a head-ornament of woollen thread, proper not only to magistrates but also to suppliant envoys, to priests, and indeed to the sacrificial victims themselves. Ambrose's saying that he was snatched from the tribunals to the priesthood is explained more fully by Paulinus in his Life, from whom others afterwards borrowed the same account.
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(11) ‹anchor: ante discere› · call in col 27
Omnes edit. post verbum discere, sic prosequuntur, Et quantumlibet quisque profecerit, nemo est qui doceri non egeat, dum vivit. Sed cum isthaec omnino in mss. desiderentur, si Laudinum unum excipias, at vix edit. ipsis antiquiorem, nec paucis interpolatum hujuscemodi laciniis: manifestum est non aliud nisi marginalem aliquam notam esse, quae incogitanter in textum inducta est.
All the editions continue after the word discere thus: "And however far anyone has advanced, there is no one who does not need to be taught as long as he lives." But since these words are wholly wanting in the manuscripts, except only the Laon codex, which is scarcely older than the editions themselves and interpolated with not a few such patches, it is plain that they are nothing but some marginal note carelessly brought into the text.
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(12) ‹anchor: peccati annuntiatio est› · call in col 28
Vet. edit. cum mss. aliquot, peccati annuntia est, eadem edit. in margine, ac Rom. in textu cum mss. uno vel altero, peccato adjuncta est; alii codd. frequentissimi nobiscum faciunt.
The old editions with some manuscripts: peccati annuntia est; the same editions in the margin, and the Roman in the text with one or two manuscripts: peccato adjuncta est; the other codices, very many, agree with us.
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Erasm. et seq. edit. cum paucis mss., castimonias [?] servare.
Erasmus and the following editions, with a few manuscripts: castimonias [?] servare.
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Erasm. et seq. edit., hoc est [?] tacito.
Erasmus and the following editions: hoc est [?] tacito.
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Ita mss., exceptis duobus, quorum unus legit custodias, alter autem, cito corrigas; edit. vero cum mss. Full., si [?] custodis [?]; Rom. et Full., custodi vias tuas; et si laesus es, cito corrige. Infra autem ubi ex mss. fere omnibus reposuimus, ut non delinquas, edit. cum paucis mss. legunt, et non delinquo.
So the manuscripts, except two, of which one reads custodias and the other cito corrigas; but the editions, with the Fulda manuscripts [?], si [?] custodis [?]; the Roman and the Fulda [?]: custodi vias tuas; et si laesus es, cito corrige. Below, where we have restored ut non delinquas from almost all the manuscripts, the editions with a few manuscripts read et non delinquo.
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(16) ‹anchor: et negotiosum› · call in col 29 (the call reads like "(15)" on this scan)
Gill. ac Rom. edit., est enim magnum [?] et negotiosum.
Gillot's and the Roman editions: est enim magnum [?] et negotiosum.
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Scripti codd. magno numero, salutem omnium [?]: aliqui tamen et omnes edit., salutem hominum.
Written codices in great number: salutem omnium [?]; some, however, and all the editions: salutem hominum.
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(18) ‹anchor: spinis, sollicitudinibus› · call in col 30
Ant. edit., spinis sollicitudinum; quaedam [?] et pauci mss. in corp., piis sollicitudinibus, quod Rom. in textum admisit. Mss. autem alii non pauci, spinis sollicitudinis; plures tamen et probatiores, spinis, sollicitudinibus. Big. vero utrumque, spinis, piis sollicitudinibus, non male.
The old editions: spinis sollicitudinum; some [?] and a few manuscripts in the body of the text: piis sollicitudinibus, which the Roman edition admitted into the text. Not a few other manuscripts: spinis sollicitudinis; but more, and better attested: spinis, sollicitudinibus. The Bigot codex has both, spinis, piis sollicitudinibus, not badly.
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(19) ‹anchor: diripiant vindemiam› · call in col 30
Mss. aliquot et Gill. in marg., ne disrumpant vindemiam.
Some manuscripts, and Gillot in the margin: ne disrumpant vindemiam.
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(20) ‹anchor: tibi agri› · call in col 30
Ita vet. edit. ac prope omnes mss. At Rom. cum codd. aliis nonnullis, ut sint tibi agri, quod etiam annotat in marg. Prov. XXVII [?], nempe vers. 26 [?], verum eone respexerit sanctus Praesul, haud satis patet.
So the old editions and almost all the manuscripts. But the Roman edition, with some other codices, has ut sint tibi agri, and notes in the margin Proverbs 27 [?], namely verse 26 [?]; but whether the holy bishop had that in view is not clear enough.
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(21) ‹anchor: naturae est› · call in col 30
Edit. ultimae Paris. ac mss. aliquot, Ergo et irascimur, quia affectus naturae est.
The last Paris editions and some manuscripts: Ergo et irascimur, quia affectus naturae est.
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Mss. aliquot. ac edit. Era. et Gill. in marg., cor suum. Rursus post pauca, ubi nos cum ant. edit. ac mss. prope omnibus, quam interroget, Rom. edit. cum paucis mss. atque Era. in marg., quam interrogetur; sed interroget hoc loco refertur ad verba sua, estque synonymum cum duobus verbis illic adjunctis.
Some manuscripts, and the editions of Erasmus and Gillot in the margin: cor suum. Again a little further on, where we read quam interroget with the old editions and almost all the manuscripts, the Roman edition with a few manuscripts, and Erasmus in the margin, has quam interrogetur; but interroget here refers to verba sua, and is synonymous with the two verbs joined to it there.
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Mss. non pauci, verba sua, si custodiendum hoc.
Not a few manuscripts: verba sua, si custodiendum hoc.
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(24) ‹anchor: ipse liberavit me› · call in col 31
Sic omnes edit. ac plures probatioresque mss. cum Psalterio Rom. et Vulg.; nonnulli tamen, liberabit me; quibus accedunt plurima e vet. Psalt. et Augustinus. Hierom. autem ex aliquot Graecis cod., liberabit te. At vero pro quod, verbo aspero, Symmachus quidem scripsit λόγου ἐπηρείας, sermonem violenti insultus, contumeliae, injuriae; Theodoretus, τὸν λόγον ταραχώδη, sermonem turbulentum, ac perturbationis.
So all the editions and the more numerous and better manuscripts, with the Roman Psalter and the Vulgate; some, however, read liberabit me, and with them go very many of the old Psalters and Augustine. Jerome, from some Greek codices, liberabit te. And for verbo aspero, Symmachus wrote λόγου ἐπηρείας, a word of violent insult, of affront, of injury; Theodoret, τὸν λόγον ταραχώδη, a turbulent word, a word of agitation.
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(25) ‹anchor: Symmachus irritationis› · call in col 31
Tres mss., Symmachus a verbo irritationis.
Three manuscripts: Symmachus a verbo irritationis.
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(26) ‹anchor: concutit sua tela› · call in col 31
Rom. edit. ac pauci mss., et acuit tela sua.
The Roman edition and a few manuscripts: et acuit tela sua.
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(27) ‹anchor: Hic ergo ut› · call in col 32
Hinc edit. Gill. ac Rom. unius aut alterius mss. auctoritate triplicem particulam ut sustulerant: quam tamen aliae edit. ac mss. frequentissimi elegantius exhibent. Est autem ibi quaedam ellipsis supplenda per verbum patiar, ferendum est, aut quid simile.
From this place Gillot's and the Roman editions, on the authority of one or two manuscripts, had removed the particle ut in its three occurrences; the other editions and very many manuscripts, however, give it, more elegantly. There is an ellipsis there, to be supplied by the verb patiar, "is it to be borne", or something similar.
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Rom. edit. sola, adhibet hominem nequam spiritus.
The Roman edition alone: adhibet hominem nequam spiritus.
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Mss. non pauci hic et infra, justus taceat: et post pauca, justus non respondeat.
Not a few manuscripts, here and below: justus taceat; and a little after: justus non respondeat.
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Mss. non pauci, Semei filius, tacebat David; alii aliquot, Semei filius Gera, tacebat David. Rom. edit., Semei filius Gera, filii Gemeni, etc.
Not a few manuscripts: Semei filius, tacebat David; some others: Semei filius Gera, tacebat David. The Roman edition: Semei filius Gera, filii Gemeni, etc.
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(31) ‹anchor: operum conscientia› · call in col 33
Cod. Theod., cui abundabat honor et operum conscientia.
The Theodosian [?] codex: cui abundabat honor et operum conscientia.
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(32) ‹anchor: quasi senserit› · call in col 33
Plerique mss., post quasi senserit, omittunt torquetur; cujus loco legit cod. Laud., est quasi senserit.
Most manuscripts omit torquetur after quasi senserit; in its place the Laon codex reads est quasi senserit.
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(33) ‹anchor: propheta David› · call in col 33
Confer hunc locum et ea quae priori tomo pag. 841, num. 1 et 2, in titulum hujus ipsius psalmi dicuntur, et affinitatem non parvam utrobique animadvertes.
Compare this passage with what is said in the previous volume, page 841, nos. 1 and 2, on the title of this same psalm, and you will notice no small affinity between the two.
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Panaetium, cujus mentionem non uno loco Tullius facit, Rhodium fuisse ex Strabone refert Vossius lib. de Phil. sectis, cap. 19, pag. 103, quem consule. De filio autem ejus qui scripserit aliquid, praeter Ambrosium forte reperias neminem, nisi quis aut Possidonium ejus discipulum et successorem intelligat, de quo Tull. lib. III de Offic. et epist. 16 ad Attic., vel Hecanotem [sic] Panaetii quoque auditorem, quem idem Tull. sex libros de hoc ipso argumento scripsisse auctor est.
That Panaetius, whom Tully mentions in more than one place, was a Rhodian, Vossius reports from Strabo in his book On the Sects of the Philosophers, chapter 19, page 103; consult him. But of a son of his who wrote anything you will perhaps find no one besides Ambrose, unless one understands either Posidonius, his disciple and successor, of whom Tully speaks in On Duties book III and in letter 16 to Atticus, or Hecaton, also a hearer of Panaetius, who on the same Tully's report wrote six books on this very subject.
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Lib. I de offic. page 351, tom. IV ejusdem Cic. operum Genevae apud Jer. des Planches an. 1584 editorum (quam edit. in sequentibus semper laudabimus), lin. 3: « Sed cum statuissem aliquid hoc tempore ad te scribere, » etc. Item ad Attic. epist. 327, lib. XV.
On Duties book I, page 351, in volume IV of the works of the same Cicero published at Geneva by Jérémie des Planches in 1584 (the edition we shall always cite in what follows), line 3: "But since I had resolved to write something to you at this time," etc. Likewise to Atticus, letter 327, book XV.
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(36) ‹anchor: charitatis pondus› · call in col 34
Vet. edit. cum paucis mss., charitati pondus.
The old editions with a few manuscripts: charitati pondus.
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(37) ‹anchor: dies officii› · call in col 34
Ita edit. Vulg. Graecus autem textus τῆς λειτουργίας αὐτοῦ, ministrationis, seu ministerii ejus. Sed cum officium sit id quod cuique convenit, unde dicitur Graece καθῆκον: nihil vero sacro ministro aeque conveniat atque ipsa ministratio hinc intelligas haud absurde Ambrosianam hanc officii acceptionem defendi posse
So the Vulgate edition. The Greek text, however, has τῆς λειτουργίας αὐτοῦ, "of his ministration", or "ministry". But since an office (officium) is what befits each person, whence it is called in Greek καθῆκον, and nothing so befits a sacred minister as the ministration itself, you will see from this that Ambrose's understanding of officium here can be defended, not absurdly.
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(38) ‹anchor: Officium ab efficiendo› · call in col 35
Hanc Officii etymologiam probat Franc. Sanctius, Minervae lib. IV, De antiphrasi, § 4, et Donati auctoritate confirmat: secundam refellit hoc ipso D. Ambrosii testimonio. Sed male, cum utramque perinde amplectatur S. Antistes.
This etymology of officium is approved by Francisco Sánchez, Minerva book IV, On Antiphrasis, § 4, who confirms it by the authority of Donatus; the second he refutes by this very testimony of St Ambrose. But wrongly, since the holy bishop embraces both alike.
(printed under page 21)
(39) ‹anchor: officium nuncupari› · call in col 35
Plures mss., dici existimaverunt, non recte,
Several manuscripts: dici existimaverunt, not rightly.
(printed under page 21)
(40) ‹anchor: Officia autem› · call in col 35
Cic. lib. I de Offic. pag. 351: Triplex igitur est, etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 351: "Threefold, then, is", etc.
(printed under page 21)
(41) ‹anchor: deinde incidere› · call in col 35
Mss. non pauci, deinde indicere; quidam, incedere.
Not a few manuscripts: deinde indicere; some: incedere.
(printed under page 21)
(42) ‹anchor: Nos autem› · call in col 35
Sententiam hanc non nihil impeditam ita explica: Nos autem sola decentia et honesta tractamus ac definimus, idque facimus magis regula futurorum, quam praesentium.
Explain this somewhat tangled sentence thus: "But we treat and define only what is seemly and honourable, and we do so by the rule of things to come rather than of things present."
(printed under page 21)
(43) ‹anchor: aestimari magis› · call in col 35
Erasm. et seq. edit. cum uno vel altero mss., eaque oneri magis cum sint aestimari, quam, etc. Sed ea transpositio, quae reliquis mss. et Amerb. edit. contraria est, loci non tollit obscuritatem. Hanc ergo ut amoveas, subintellige verbum putamus, et interpretare, cum sint, positum pro, cum adsint; ut opponatur sequenti membro, cum erogantur.
Erasmus and the following editions, with one or two manuscripts: eaque oneri magis cum sint aestimari, quam, etc. But that transposition, which is contrary to the other manuscripts and to Amerbach's edition, does not remove the obscurity of the passage. To remove it, then, understand the verb putamus, and take cum sint as put for cum adsint, so that it is set against the following member, cum erogantur.
(printed under page 21)
(44) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 36
Lib. I Offic. pag. 363: Hoc loco continetur id, quod dicit Latine decorum, » etc.
On Duties book I, page 363: "In this place is contained what is called in Latin the decorum," etc.
(printed under page 21)
(45) ‹anchor: Panaetius› · call in col 36
Quod Aristoteles disputasse de officio dicitur, non ita accipimus quasi peculiarem sub hoc titulo ediderit commentationem: sed quod multa quae ad singulorum officia pertineant, tradiderit in lib. Politic. Oeconom., maxime vero in tribus Moralium suorum voluminibus, quae manibus omnium evolvuntur. Quod vero David hisce philosophis asseritur esse antiquior, id cum chronologia consentire jam observavimus tomo I, pag. 766 et 982. Et certe Panaetius florebat tantum an. ab Urbe condita circ. 625, id est 126 an. ante salutis reparationem; Aristoteles an. ab Orbe condito circ. 3570, id est an. ferme 380 ante Christum: Socrates anno mundi 3525; Pythagoras denique ante Virginis partum circ. 550, hoc est an. 500 post Davidem. Porro qui plura de his philosophis desideraverit, adeat de Pythagora Laertium, Porphyrium, Anonymum apud Photium; August. De civit. Dei lib. XVIII, cap. 37; Vayerium, De virtute paganorum et Naudeum, Apologia illustrium Virorum; de Socrate autem, praeter plures e memoratis, Diodorum Sicul., Aristidem orat. 2, Eusebium, Suidam et alios. Nam de Panaetio jam quantum sufficiat, attigimus.
That Aristotle is said to have discussed duty we do not take to mean that he published a particular treatise under this title, but that he set down many things bearing on the duties of individuals in his books of Politics and Economics, and above all in the three volumes of his Ethics, which are in everyone's hands. That David is asserted to be older than these philosophers agrees with chronology, as we have already observed in volume I, pages 766 and 982. Certainly Panaetius flourished only about the year 625 from the founding of the City, that is, 126 years before the restoration of salvation; Aristotle about the year 3570 from the founding of the world, that is, about 380 years before Christ; Socrates in the year of the world 3525; Pythagoras, finally, about 550 before the Virgin's childbearing, that is, 500 years after David. Whoever wants more on these philosophers may go, on Pythagoras, to Laertius, Porphyry, and the Anonymous in Photius; to Augustine, City of God book XVIII, chapter 37; to La Mothe le Vayer, On the Virtue of the Pagans, and to Naudé, Apology for Illustrious Men; and on Socrates, besides several of those mentioned, to Diodorus of Sicily, Aristides oration 2, Eusebius, the Suda and others. Of Panaetius we have already said enough.
(printed under page 21)
(none) <!-- note (Q6a, 2026-10-05): §29 "illi consolationem" is set as printed (sic, for illic); the English translates the intended word. In §28 the scan seems to read "omnius" for "omnino"; the lean image cannot settle it, so "omnino" is kept (UNSURE, check at higher zoom). Footnotes (44) and (45) are printed in the foot of col 35 but are called in col 36. -->
(46) ‹anchor: vigilanti exit obtutu› · call in col 36
Ita vet. edit. ac mss. fere ad unum: Rom. autem edit., vigilanti excipit obtutu. Sed nihil mu- (continues)
So the old editions and the manuscripts almost to a man; but the Roman edition: vigilanti excipit obtutu. But nothing … (continues)
(printed under page 21)
(46) (continued) ‹anchor: vigilanti exit obtutu› · call on the previous page, col 36
tandum. Quidni enim recte dicatur, exire ictum vel exire extra ictum, quemadmodum e contrario dicimus, venire intra jactum aut ictum teli?
(continued) is to be changed. For why should one not rightly say exire ictum, or exire extra ictum, "to get out of the blow", or "beyond the blow's reach", just as conversely we say "to come within the cast or the blow of a missile"?
(printed under page 22)
(47) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 37
Mss. aliquot, Nec ipsa natura; edit. vet., Nec non ipsa natura.
Some manuscripts: Nec ipsa natura; the old editions: Nec non ipsa natura.
(printed under page 22)
(48) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 37
Mss. nonnulli, sonus excitatio [?].
Some manuscripts: sonus excitatio [?].
(printed under page 22)
(49) ‹anchor: Scio› · call in col 37
Hanc sententiam jam legimus cap. 2, num. 5, eisdem verbis. Et eam quidem hoc loco non habet ms. Vat. unus et Tellerianus: verum cum in aliis omnibus atque edit. reperiatur, ipsam loco movere noluimus; praesertim cum Ambrosio insolens non sit easdem sententias subinde repetere.
We have already read this sentence in chapter 2, no. 5, in the same words. One Vatican manuscript and the Tellier manuscript do not have it in this place; but since it is found in all the others and in the editions, we did not wish to move it from its place, especially as it is not unusual for Ambrose to repeat the same sentences now and then.
(printed under page 22)
(50) ‹anchor: perfectum est› · call in col 37
Cic. lib. I Offic., pag. 351 [?], lin. 36: « Atque etiam alia divisio est, » etc. Adverte interim Ambrosii doctrinam de praeceptorum et consiliorum distinctione, quae tam pertinaciter ab heterodoxis neotericis impugnatur et rejicitur.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 351 [?], line 36: "And there is also another division," etc. Note meanwhile Ambrose's teaching on the distinction between precepts and counsels, which the modern heterodox attack and reject so stubbornly.
(printed under page 22)
(51) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 38
Ibid., pag. 351, lin. 37: « Perfectum autem officium, » etc.
Ibid., page 351, line 37: "But the perfect duty," etc.
(printed under page 22)
(52) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 38
Lib. II Offic., pag. 3[?]3, lin. 12: « In illo autem altero genere, etc.
On Duties book II, page 3[?]3, line 12: "But in that other kind," etc.
(printed under page 22)
(53) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 39
Mss. aliquot, inhorrentemque vili cibo: quidam... varicibus: neutri satis commode, nec mutanda vox Auctori nostro familiaris.
Some manuscripts: inhorrentemque vili cibo; some … varicibus; neither suits well, and a word familiar to our Author is not to be changed.
(printed under page 23)
(54) ‹anchor: ita est versus› · call in col 39
Versus hoc loco ponitur pro conversus; aliam enim ejusdem loci Ambrosius, ut alibi saepe, versionem proponit.
Versus is put here for conversus, "translated"; for Ambrose, as often elsewhere, puts forward another version of the same passage.
(printed under page 23)
(55) ‹anchor: potest redarguere› · call in col 39
Cod. Tell., homo mentiens non potest redarguere.
The Tellier codex: homo mentiens non potest redarguere.
(printed under page 23)
(56) ‹anchor: successibus prosperis› · call in col 39
Quidam mss., injustos successionibus prosperis.
Some manuscripts: injustos successionibus prosperis.
(printed under page 23)
(57) ‹anchor: in Platone› · call in col 39
Plato lib. II de Rep. Glauconem in eorum qui justitiae praeferendam injustitiam dicebant, loquentem inducit, atque impositum sibi munus ita excusantem: Ἐπεὶ ἔμοιγε, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἔτι οὐ δοκεῖ οὕτως. Et infra: Μὴ ἐμὲ οἴου λέγειν, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἀλλὰ τοὺς ἐπαινοῦντας πρὸ δικαιοσύνης ἀδικίαν· ἐροῦσι δὲ τάδε,
Plato, Republic book II, brings in Glaucon speaking in the person of those who said that injustice is to be preferred to justice, and excusing the part laid on him thus: "For to me, Socrates, it does not yet seem so." And below: "Do not think that it is I who speak, Socrates, but those who praise injustice above justice; and they will say this,"
(printed under page 23)
(58) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 40
Job scriptorum omnium antiquissimus vulgo creditur, natusque anno post orbem conditum circiter 2330, cum Plato vix ante annum 3550 floruerit. Non desunt tamen a quibus liber qui ipsius nomine inscribitur, non ei, sed Moysi attribuatur. Videsis Jobi Historiam multa cum eruditione a Spanhemio elucubratam.
Job is commonly believed the most ancient of all writers, born about the year 2330 after the creation of the world, whereas Plato scarcely flourished before the year 3550. There are some, however, who attribute the book inscribed with his name not to him but to Moses. See the History of Job worked out with great learning by Spanheim.
(printed under page 23)
(59) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 40
Pauci mss., animae suae ille victum accipit.
A few manuscripts: animae suae ille victum accipit.
(printed under page 23)
(60) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 40
Vet. edit. et quidam mss., epulatus fuerit, referens: bonorum nihil, etc.
The old editions and some manuscripts: epulatus fuerit, referens: bonorum nihil, etc.
(printed under page 23)
(61) ‹anchor: ipse sibi gratia› · call in col 41
Edit. et mss. aliquot, ipse sibi gloria: plurimi vero et optimi quique, ipse sibi gratia; id est, quies atque oblectatio.
The editions and some manuscripts: ipse sibi gloria; but very many, and all the best: ipse sibi gratia, that is, rest and delight.
(printed under page 24)
(62) ‹anchor: ut Epicurei dicunt› · call in col 41
Cum providentia et mundi administratione non solum felicitatem divinam stare non posse docuit Epicurus, sed multo minus humanam. Quocirca omni modo conatus est ex hominum animis Numinis metum evellere; ut videre licet apud cl. Petrum Gassendum in Syntagm. Epic. Phil., II part., sect. 2, c. 5 et 6, nec non III part., cap. 20 et 21, quam ob impietatem discipulus ejus Lucretius eumdem miris laudibus extollit tum in ipso limine lib. I ac II, tum maxime III, ubi ipsum ob eam causam in deos referendum canit.
Epicurus taught that not only the divine happiness but, much less, human happiness could not stand together with providence and the governing of the world. Therefore he tried in every way to tear the fear of the Deity out of men's minds, as may be seen in the celebrated Pierre Gassendi, Syntagma of the Philosophy of Epicurus, part II, section 2, chapters 5 and 6, and part III, chapters 20 and 21; for which impiety his disciple Lucretius extols him with wonderful praises, both at the very threshold of books I and II and above all in book III, where he sings that for this reason he is to be counted among the gods.
(printed under page 24)
(63) ‹anchor: Aristoteles› · call in col 41
Diog. Laertius in vita hujus philosophi eamdem opinionem ipsi attribuit, hisce verbis, διατείνει δὲ αὐτοῦ (Θεοῦ) τὴν πρόνοιαν μέχρι τῶν οὐρανίων, τὰ δὲ ἐπίγεια κατὰ πρὸς ταῦτα συμπάθειαν οἰκονομεῖσθαι. Sed ea sententia in iis, quae restant, Aristotelis scriptis non legitur.
Diogenes Laertius, in the life of this philosopher, attributes the same opinion to him in these words: "his (God's) providence extends as far as the heavenly bodies, while earthly things are governed by their sympathy with these." But that opinion is not read in the surviving writings of Aristotle.
(printed under page 24)
(none) <!-- note (Q6a, 2026-10-05): in (63) "κατὰ πρὸς ταῦτα" is set as printed (sic; Laertius has κατὰ τὴν πρὸς ταῦτα); the English translates the intended text. Footnotes (64) and (65) are printed in the foot of col 41 but called in col 42; they belong with n42 (not checked here). -->
(64) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 42
Epicuro Deum neque creatorem mundi, neque, uti supra diximus, gubernatorem esse, ignorat nemo: qua de re adiri potest cl. Gassendus Phil. Epic. Syntagm. parte II, sect. 1, cap. 3, et sect. 2, cap. 2, 3, 4, 5 et 6. Porro quod Epicurei esse in ea opinione dicuntur, ut Deum asserant rebus admisceri omnibus, videtur istud respicere ad Lucretium qui lib. I, initio haec ipsa sub Veneris nomine atque involucro significat. Hinc autem desumptos constat celebres duos Virgilii locos, alterum Georg. IV, alterum [?] Aeneid.; quos consule.
Everyone knows that for Epicurus God is neither the creator of the world nor, as we said above, its governor; on which the celebrated Gassendi may be consulted, Syntagma of the Philosophy of Epicurus, part II, section 1, chapter 3, and section 2, chapters 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6. Further, the statement that the Epicureans hold the opinion that God is mingled with all things seems to look to Lucretius, who at the beginning of book I signifies this very thing under the name and veil of Venus. From him, it is agreed, two celebrated passages of Virgil were taken, the one in Georgics IV, the other in [?] Aeneid; consult them.
(printed under page 24)
(65) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 42
Epicurum ebrium hic vocat, quippe qui ter in die, ut quidam tradidere, crapulam evomere consueverit, et priusquam in balneo voluntariam obiret mortem: Τὸν ἄκρατον ἔσπασεν, ut loquitur Diog. Laert. in ejus vita. Quod vero spectat ad susceptum ab eo voluptatis patrocinium, frustra sunt qui eum de animae voluptate intelligendum aiunt; cum ejus verba ab eodem Diog. memorata contrarium demonstrent; sudt [sic] autem hujusmodi: Οὐ γὰρ ἔγωγε ἔχω τι νοήσω τἀγαθὸν, ἀφαιρῶν μὲν τὰς διὰ χυλῶν ἡδονάς, ἀφαιρῶν δὲ τὰς δι' ἀφροδισίων, καὶ τὰς δι' ἀκροαμάτων καὶ τὰς διὰ μορφῆς. Et hoc non minus evincit ejusdem cum perditissimis adolescentibus ac mulierculis consuetudo. Neque tamen dissimulandum eumdem Laertium ibidem scribere hanc dementiam illi ab aemulis invidiae conflandae ergo fuisse attributam; nec defuisse magnos viros, qui se defensores Epicuri profiterentur, quorum antesignanum doctissimum Gassendum propter ejusdem philosophi vitam erudite admodum ab eo scriptam jure nominamus. Verum cum Tullius lib. III Tusc. Quaest. haec ipsa in libro Epicuri De summo bono, quem ejus esse negabat eamdem, ipsi de voluptate sententiam tribuant; credibilius est, ut indicat idem Tullius, Epicuri dicipulos [sic] invidiae levandae causa ad animi voluptatem tanquam ad sacram anchoram, cum urgerentur, confugisse.
He calls Epicurus drunken here, since, as some have recorded, he was accustomed to vomit up his debauch three times a day, and before he met a voluntary death in the bath "he drank off the unmixed wine", as Diogenes Laertius says in his life. As for the patronage of pleasure that he undertook, those who say he is to be understood of the pleasure of the soul are mistaken, since his own words, recorded by the same Diogenes, show the contrary; they are these: "For I do not know how I am to conceive the good if I take away the pleasures of taste, take away those of sex, and those of things heard and of beauty of form." And his familiarity with the most abandoned youths and loose women proves this no less. Yet it must not be concealed that the same Laertius writes in the same place that this madness was attributed to him by rivals in order to stir up ill will against him, and that there were great men who professed themselves defenders of Epicurus, the foremost of whom we rightly name the most learned Gassendi, for the life of that philosopher he wrote with great erudition. But since Tully, in book III of the Tusculan Disputations, [shows that] these very things in Epicurus's book On the Highest Good, which [some] denied was his, attribute to him the same opinion on pleasure, it is more credible, as the same Tully indicates, that Epicurus's disciples, when they were pressed, took refuge in the pleasure of the mind as in a sacred anchor, in order to lighten the ill will.
(printed under page 24)
(66) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 42
Cunctae edit. ac mss. haud pauci, in tres ferunt, etc. Melius alii, inter tres, etc. Iterum eadem edit. ac mss. aliquot, coercenda imperii sorte obvenerint: mss. plures et antiquiores, coercenda imperio, etc. Melius, ut vox imperio referatur ad coercenda. De divisione autem illa qua mundus inter tres, Jovem nimirum, Neptunum ac Plutonem divisus fertur, opera philosophi ad nos transmissa nihil habent.
All the editions and not a few manuscripts: in tres ferunt, etc. Others better: inter tres, etc. Again the same editions and some manuscripts: coercenda imperii sorte obvenerint; more numerous and older manuscripts: coercenda imperio, etc. Better, so that the word imperio is referred to coercenda. But of that division by which the world is said to have been divided among three, namely Jupiter, Neptune and Pluto, the philosopher's works that have come down to us say nothing.
(printed under page 24)
(67) ‹anchor: excludunt› · call in col 42
Aristoteles quidem lib. I Metaph. cap. 2, poetas de diis indigna fabulantes negat audiendos, eorumque fabulas ibidem lib. XIV, cap. 8, exagitat: sed hoc multo uberius tractatum reperias apud Platonem cum alibi, tum praecipue libris, II, III, et X de Rep.
Aristotle indeed, in Metaphysics book I, chapter 2, says that poets who tell tales unworthy of the gods are not to be listened to, and attacks their tales in the same work, book XIV, chapter 8; but you will find this treated much more fully in Plato, both elsewhere and especially in books II, III and X of the Republic.
(printed under page 24)
(68) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 43
Edit. cum mss. aliquod [sic], quae facta sunt. Sed in plurimis ac probatissimis legitur quae sancta sunt in aqua [sic] lectione inest antithesis non inelegans,
The editions with some manuscripts: quae facta sunt. But in very many, and the best attested, we read quae sancta sunt, a reading in which there is a not inelegant antithesis.
(printed under page 25)
(69) ‹anchor: lucem fugit› · call in col 43
Rom. edit. qui male agit, lucem fugit, etc.
The Roman edition: qui male agit, lucem fugit, etc.
(printed under page 25)
(70) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 44
Mss. aliquot, varios terras effundit in fructus
Some manuscripts: varios terras effundit in fructus.
(printed under page 25)
(71) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 45
Erasm. et sequentes edit., qui ante quaerat praemium. Amerb. et mss. omnes, qui ante dat praemium. Non male; utrumque enim injustitiae ascribi debet.
Erasmus and the following editions: qui ante quaerat praemium. Amerbach and all the manuscripts: qui ante dat praemium. Not badly; for both must be ascribed to injustice.
(printed under page 26)
(72) ‹anchor: in scammate› · call in col 45
Ante. edit. cum paucis mss., in stemmate: Rom. cum aliis pluribus, in scammate. Quid sit autem scamma, dictum est ad lib. de Elia et jejunio, cap. 13, pag. 550.
The earlier editions with a few manuscripts: in stemmate; the Roman with several others: in scammate. What a scamma is has been said on the book On Elijah and Fasting, chapter 13, page 550.
(printed under page 26)
(73) ‹anchor: spectare solent› · call in col 45
Nonnulli mss., Unguentati spectatores solent. Et continuo post quidam alii, non solent aestus, etc.
Some manuscripts: Unguentati spectatores solent. And immediately after, some others: non solent aestus, etc.
(printed under page 26)
(74) ‹anchor: lucrum laboris› · call in col 45
Lucrum laboris, id est, immunitatem laboris; non vero lucrum quod ex labore gignitur.
Lucrum laboris, that is, exemption from labour; not the gain that is produced by labour.
(printed under page 26)
(75) ‹anchor: spectanda sunt› · call in col 46
Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 368, lin. 4: « Et quoniam officia non eadem disparibus aetatibus tribuuntur, aliaque sunt juvenum », etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 368, line 4: "And since the same duties are not assigned to unequal ages, and some belong to the young," etc.
(printed under page 26)
(76) ‹anchor: bonorum› · call in col 46
Omnes edit., simul studia bonorum actuum: sed quae resecavimus, a mss. absunt, nec videntur sensui ullo modo necessaria. Rursus edit. et pauci recentioresque mss., deferre parentibus honorem, habere senioribus reverentiam: plures autem ac potiores mss. jugulata voce reverentiam, verbum deferre absolute ponunt; nec non et infra duobus (continues)
All the editions: simul studia bonorum actuum; but the words we have cut out are absent from the manuscripts and do not seem in any way necessary to the sense. Again, the editions and a few, more recent, manuscripts: deferre parentibus honorem, habere senioribus reverentiam; but more numerous and better manuscripts drop the word reverentiam and put the verb deferre absolutely; and also below, two (continues)
(printed under page 26)
(76) (continued) ‹anchor: bonorum› · call on the previous page, col 46
locis, quorum e primo expungunt vocem honorem, quae in edit. posita erat ante, deferens: in altero autem scribunt sedulo tamen obsequio, pro sedulum tamen obsequium, editionum.
(continued) places, from the first of which they strike out the word honorem, which in the editions stood before deferens; and in the other they write sedulo tamen obsequio for the editions' sedulum tamen obsequium.
(printed under page 27)
(77) ‹anchor: igitur virtus› · call in col 47
Nonnulli mss., virtus est misericordiae et suavis gratiae.
Some manuscripts: virtus est misericordiae et suavis gratiae.
(printed under page 27)
(78) ‹anchor: est verecundiae› · call in col 47
Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 369, lin. 43: « In primis provident, ne sermo vitium aliquod indicet inesse moribus, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 369, line 43: "Above all let them take care that their speech does not show some fault present in their character," etc.
(printed under page 27)
(79) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 48
Ita edit. ac mss. perpauci: alii frequentissimi, qui si praetendat, et quae prima... tentari non sinat: unus, qui sibi praetendat, et quae prima, etc., alius, quasi praetendat, etc., quae lectio satis arridet.
So the editions and very few manuscripts; very many others: qui si praetendat, et quae prima … tentari non sinat; one: qui sibi praetendat, et quae prima, etc.; another: quasi praetendat, etc., a reading that is quite attractive.
(printed under page 27)
(80) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 48
Mss. nec pauci, nec inferioris notae, speciem peregrinatur, quidam, peregrinatus, aspectus, etc. Intra [as printed] vero ubi edit. ac pauci mss. sermonem refelleret; reliqui legunt partim, sermonem praeferret, aliqui, proferret: partim, sermonem referret, quod ultimum sensui videtur esse magis congruum.
Manuscripts neither few nor of lesser note: speciem peregrinatur; some: peregrinatus, aspectus, etc. Further on, where the editions and a few manuscripts have sermonem refelleret, the rest read partly sermonem praeferret, some proferret, and partly sermonem referret, the last of which seems more suited to the sense.
(printed under page 27)
(81) ‹anchor: pudoris abducta› · call in col 48 (printed there as "(18)")
Mss. haud pauci, colorem pudoris obducat.
Not a few manuscripts: colorem pudoris obducat.
(printed under page 27)
(82) ‹anchor: ipso motu› · call in col 48
Cic. lib. I Offic., pag. 368, lin. 28: « Sed quoniam decorum illud in omnibus factis et dictis, in corporis denique motu et statu cernitur. »
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 368, line 28: "But since that seemliness is seen in all deeds and words, and finally in the movement and bearing of the body."
(printed under page 27)
(83) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 49
Mirare quantam in corporeo ipso Clericorum habitu perfectionem requirebat sanctus praesul; et hinc collige quas et quantas in eisdem animi virtutes expetebat.
Marvel at how great a perfection the holy bishop required in the very bodily bearing of the clergy; and gather from this what virtues of soul, and how great, he looked for in them.
(printed under page 28)
(84) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 49
Sic mss. magno consensu, si duos excipias qui perinde ac vet. edit. habent: subiret, sacerdotem se nostrum, etc. Sola edit. Rom., subiret sacerdotum, se nostrum, etc., sensu a lectione nostra non alieno. Videtur autem hic acceptae administrationis aut furti cujuspiam rationem reddere defugiens, transfugisse ad Arianos. Porro de judiciis ecclesiasticis, ac bonorum Ecclesiae oeconomia alio loco dicetur commodius.
So the manuscripts with great agreement, except two which, like the old editions, have subiret, sacerdotem se nostrum, etc. The Roman edition alone: subiret sacerdotum, se nostrum, etc., in a sense not foreign to our reading. He seems here, fleeing from rendering account of an administration he had received or of some theft, to have deserted to the Arians. Of ecclesiastical judgements and of the stewardship of the Church's goods it will be more fitting to speak elsewhere.
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Cic. lib. I offic. pag. 369, lin. 8: « Nam et palaestrici motus. » etc. Et infra 14: « Cavendum est autem ne aut tarditatibus, » etc. Varii generis erant fercula apud antiquos, alia enim in triumphis usurpabantur, cum devictarum gentium spolia, vestem pretiosam, aurum sive factum sive signatum, coronas, arma, machinas, ipsas denique urbium captarum imagines in plaustris ante currum triumphantium portabantur: alia erant ludorum ac spectaculorum, non multum prioribus illis absimilia: alia denique sacrorum, in quibus gestabantur deorum simulacra; et de ultimis hisce ferculis maxime hic loqui Ambrosium ipse videtur declarare in sequentibus. Caeterum ab istis parum admodum abhorruisse constat funerum gestamina, quibus defuncti cadaver dum efferretur, avorum ejus praemittebantur imagines. Quae omnia cum non sine magna gravitate veherentur atque incessus tarditate, locum dare Ambrosianae Ciceronianaeque comparationi facile potuerunt.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 369, line 8: "For palaestric movements too," etc. And below, line 14: "But one must beware lest either by slowness," etc. The fercula (litters) of the ancients were of various kinds. Some were used in triumphs, when the spoils of conquered peoples, precious garments, gold worked or coined, crowns, arms, engines, and finally pictures of the captured cities themselves were carried on wagons before the chariot of those triumphing; others belonged to the games and shows, not much unlike the former; others again to sacred rites, in which the images of the gods were borne; and Ambrose himself seems to declare in what follows that it is chiefly of these last litters that he speaks here. For the rest, it is agreed that the biers of funerals differed very little from these, in which, as the body of the deceased was carried out, the images of his ancestors were sent before. Since all these were borne with great solemnity and slowness of pace, they could easily give occasion for Ambrose's and Cicero's comparison.
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(86) ‹anchor: justa necessitas› · call in col 49
Mss. aliquot, vel justae necessitatis.
Some manuscripts: vel justae necessitatis.
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Cic. lib. I Offic., pag. 368, lin. 39: « Quarumque partium corporis usus sunt necessarii eas neque partes, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 368, line 39: "And those parts of the body whose uses are necessary, those parts neither," etc.
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Ibid., lin. 32: « Principio corporis nostri magnam natura ipsa videtur habuisse rationem, » etc. Hic autem in Ambrosii contextu Era. et seq. edit. praeferunt: Haec ipsa natura nos docet, mss. vero constantissime, nec ipsa natura, Amerb., nec hoc ipsa natura, etc. Non male; est enim coeptae interrogationis continuatio.
Ibid., line 32: "In the first place, nature herself seems to have had great regard for our body," etc. Here in Ambrose's text Erasmus and the following editions offer Haec ipsa natura nos docet; the manuscripts very consistently nec ipsa natura; Amerbach nec hoc ipsa natura, etc. Not badly, for it continues the question begun.
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Ibid., pag. 372, lin. 47: « Itaque ut eamdem nos modestiam, » etc.
Ibid., page 372, line 47: "And so, that we [may call] the same modesty," etc.
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Edit., ut velut ductus quosdam aquae, exitus cuniculorum, etc. Mss. vero prope ad unum ut nos in textu.
The editions: ut velut ductus quosdam aquae, exitus cuniculorum, etc. But the manuscripts almost to a man as we have it in the text.
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Cic. lib. I Offic. pag. 369, lin. 3: « Nostro quidem more cum parentibus puberes filii, » etc. Laudabilem hanc consuetudinem in Africa non obtinuisse indicat sanctus Augustinus Confess. lib. II, cap. 3. Nam alioqui antiquis Christianis publicarum balnearum usu interdictum neutiquam fuisse non solum inde intelligimus, quod Marcianus aliique Christiani ac pii imperatores thermas construxere, verum etiam ex eo quod legamus apud Irenaeum lib. III, cap. 3, nec non apud alios scriptores ecclesiasticos Joannem apostolum cum aliquando lavatum ivisset, ac intus Cerinthum reperisset, illotum discessisse, ne videlicet corrueret balneum in quo veritatis inimicus lavaret. Et certe usque adeo usum balnei, dummodo necessitatis non luxuriae causa adhiberetur, vitiosum non putavit Gregorius Magnus, ut lib. XI, epist. 3, responderit eo ne Dominica quidem die abstinendum. Porro valetudinem in causa fuisse cur eodem Joannes evangelista uteretur, auctor est Theodoretus lib. II Haeret. Fabul., quamvis rem totam aliter narret Epiphanius haeres. 30, quem consule. Augustinus etiam ut moestitudinem sibi allatam ex matris obitu deliniret, balneum se petiisse commemorat lib. IX Confess. cap. 12. Sola igitur luxuria in balneis interdicitur; unde DD. Athanasius, lib. de Virginibus, et Leander, de Instit. virginum cap. 10, illas virginibus non omnibus quidem, sed sanis prohibuit, sicut e contrario easdem sanctus Benedictus Reg. cap. 36, monachis concessit aegrotis. Fuere tamen qui nec infirmi quidem iis uti vellent, ut Hegesippus et Hieronymus narrant de Jacobo apostolo, Palladius de Isidoro atque Evagrio, de Basilio Gregor. Nazianzenus. Imo nec defuere inter philosophos qui hanc eamdem laudem sibi vindicarent, quemadmodum Seneca epist. 108, de seipso, et de Plotino Porphyrius tradidere.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 369, line 3: "By our custom, indeed, grown sons [do not bathe] with their parents," etc. That this praiseworthy custom did not prevail in Africa St Augustine indicates, Confessions book II, chapter 3. For otherwise, that the use of the public baths was by no means forbidden to the ancient Christians we understand not only from the fact that Marcian and other Christian and pious emperors built baths, but also from what we read in Irenaeus, book III, chapter 3, and in other ecclesiastical writers: that the apostle John, having once gone to bathe and found Cerinthus inside, left unwashed, lest the bath in which the enemy of the truth was bathing should fall in. And Gregory the Great certainly thought the use of the bath, provided it was taken for necessity and not for luxury, so far from blameworthy that he replied, book XI, letter 3, that one need not abstain from it even on the Lord's day. Further, that ill health was the reason the same John the Evangelist used it Theodoret states, book II of the Compendium of Heretical Fables, although Epiphanius tells the whole story differently, Heresy 30; consult him. Augustine too records, Confessions book IX, chapter 12, that he went to the bath to soothe the grief brought on him by his mother's death. Only luxury, therefore, is forbidden in baths; hence the holy Athanasius, in the book On Virgins, and Leander, On the Instruction of Virgins, chapter 10, forbade them to virgins, not indeed to all, but to the healthy, just as, conversely, St Benedict, Rule chapter 36, allowed them to sick monks. There were some, however, who would not use them even when ill, as Hegesippus and Jerome relate of the apostle James, Palladius of Isidore and Evagrius, and Gregory Nazianzen of Basil. Indeed there were even among the philosophers some who claimed this same praise for themselves, as Seneca recorded of himself in letter 108, and Porphyry of Plotinus.
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(92) ‹anchor: turpitudo pudoris› · call in col 51
Mss. aliquot, turpitudo sudoris: melius alii longe plurimi, ac vet. edit., turpitudo pudoris; ubi reposuit Rom. . . . . corporis; nimirum ex LXX, apud quos: Καλύψαι ἀσχημοσύνην χρωτὸς αὐτῶν. Vulg. vero, ut operiant carnem turpitudinis: text. Hebr., . . nuditatis.
Some manuscripts: turpitudo sudoris; better, by far the most others, and the old editions: turpitudo pudoris; where the Roman edition restored … corporis, evidently from the Septuagint, which has "to cover the shame of their flesh". The Vulgate: ut operiant carnem turpitudinis; the Hebrew text: … nuditatis.
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Cic. lib. I Offic. pag. 368, lin. 29: « Idque positum est in tribus rebus formositate, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 368, line 29: "And this consists in three things: beauty," etc.
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Ibid., lin. 49: « Quibus in rebus duo sunt maxime fugienda, » etc. Albas vestes laetitiae indices olim fuisse in confesso est. Hinc non solum Romanos in festis et in coenis eum colorem indui solitos frequentissima scriptorum testimonia prodidere: verum etiam sacri interpretes, quod Christi vestimenta in transfiguratione alba facta sint, quodque angeli post resurrectionem albati apparuerint, ad eamdem trahunt significationem: quo etiam non absurde id referatur, quod recens (continues)
Ibid., line 49: "In which things two are chiefly to be avoided," etc. It is admitted that white garments were once tokens of joy. Hence very many testimonies of writers have shown not only that the Romans were accustomed to put on that colour at festivals and banquets, but also the sacred interpreters draw to the same meaning the fact that Christ's garments became white at the Transfiguration and that the angels appeared in white after the Resurrection; to which it may also, not absurdly, be referred that the newly (continues)
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baptizati per octavam Paschalis in alba veste incedere soliti erant; in quo tamen innocentiae quoque demonstrabatur indicium. Sed nec adeo laetitiae addictus erat candidus color, ut non luctui etiam inserviret; novimus enim quondam mulieres apud Romanos albatas fuisse in funeribus: quem morem etiam in Gallia servatum a reginis viduis fuisse volunt nonnulli. Alius tristitiae niger seu pullus color convenire existimabatur; unde sibi eum monachi, quorum est tum sua tum aliorum peccata flere delegerunt. Quapropter Magnus Antonius, martyrii desiderio incensus, ne coloris monastici cognitus indicio, ab accessu judicis prohiberetur, album induit, ut disserit in ejusdem vita Rosveidus. Eo similiter colore sacras virgines indui solitas Baronius ad an. 57 scribit. Idem vero e quodam loco epistolae Hieronymi ad Nepotianum, quam ad annum 393 refert, clericos antiquitus non pulla nec alba, sed castanea veste ac violacea usos colligens, addit in Ecclesiam tunc primum irrepsisse colorem nigrum, cum monachismus in nonnullis Ecclesiis a clericis receptus est, et ex monachis episcopi creati sunt. Certe quidem in hac posteriori parte cum doctissimo Cardinali facere videtur, quod scribitur in Vita sancti Martini, eum postquam ad episcopalem sedem evectus esset, nigrum pallium, quo prius monachum agens utebatur, retinuisse: verum ille in exponendo Hieronymi loco dissentit a Petro Cluniacensi; hic enim eum ita interpretatur, ac si tantum admoneatur Nepotianus, in utriusque coloris usu fastum caveat. Sed quamvis minus coacta videatur Baronii expositio, certum tamen est ab Ambrosio hoc loci aliud nihil clericis prohiberi, nisi candorem vestium affectatum ac nimis lucentem; ut quae sequuntur satis ostendunt, nihil accedat nitori. Et hoc profecto mirifice convenit cum iis quae Basilius epist. I, ad Gregorium Nazian., praecipit. Sed illam ipse consulas licet.
(continued) baptized were accustomed to go about in white garments through the octave of Easter, in which, however, a sign of innocence was also shown. Yet the white colour was not so given over to joy that it did not also serve mourning; for we know that among the Romans women were once dressed in white at funerals, a custom which some hold was kept in Gaul too by widowed queens. Black or dark colour was thought to suit sadness; hence the monks, whose part it is to weep for their own sins and those of others, chose it for themselves. For this reason Antony the Great, burning with desire for martyrdom, put on white, lest, recognized by the mark of the monastic colour, he be kept from approaching the judge, as Rosweyde relates in his life. Baronius writes, at the year 57, that sacred virgins were likewise accustomed to wear that colour. The same writer, gathering from a passage of Jerome's letter to Nepotian, which he assigns to the year 393, that the clergy of old wore neither dark nor white but chestnut and violet clothing, adds that the black colour first crept into the Church when monasticism was taken up by clerics in some Churches and bishops were made from monks. Certainly, on this latter point, what is written in the Life of St Martin seems to agree with the most learned Cardinal: that after he had been raised to the episcopal see he kept the black cloak he used before when living as a monk. But in explaining Jerome's passage he differs from Peter of Cluny, who interprets it as though Nepotian were only warned to avoid pride in the use of either colour. But although Baronius's explanation seems less forced, it is certain that in this place Ambrose forbids the clergy nothing other than an affected and too shining whiteness of dress, as the words that follow show clearly enough: nihil accedat nitori, "let nothing be added for show". And this agrees wonderfully with what Basil enjoins in letter I, to Gregory Nazianzen. But you may consult it yourself.
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Ita edit. ac mss. nonnulli: alii vero partim, unde prudenter facilis convenire; partim, unde quod prudenter agitis, convenire, etc., non incongrue.
So the editions and some manuscripts; but others partly unde prudenter facilis convenire, partly unde quod prudenter agitis, convenire, etc., not unfittingly.
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Mss. aliquot, epulandi producunt cupiditatem.
Some manuscripts: epulandi producunt cupiditatem.
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Magnam semper gessit Ecclesia existimationis ministrorum suorum curam. Hinc est quod Ambrosius hoc loco tot conditionibus clericorum adolescentiorum cum viduis ac sacris virginibus congressum circumscribit. Qua etiam prudentia inducti quartae synodi Carthaginensis antistites, ut significarent omnem hujusmodi familiaritatis occasionem tollendam e medio, definierunt can. 102: « Ad reatum episcopi pertinere... si sustentandae vitae praesentis causa (qua tamen vix alia justior esse potest) viduae vel sanctimoniales clericorum familiaritatibus subjiciantur. » Cum autem qua ratione a clericis hujusmodi feminae accedentes excipiendae sint, S. Doctor nequaquam praecipiat: inde conjicias haud ita frequenter eas domo egredi ad invisendum quempiam consuevisse. Ab Ecclesia tamen universim provisum reperimus, ne mulier sine diaconissa ad diaconum debeat accedere. Quod si tanta cautione de simplici feminae ad diaconum aditu constitutum sit, quis miretur presbyterorum cum mulieribus contubernium tot canonibus proscriptum esse?
The Church has always taken great care for the good name of her ministers. That is why Ambrose here hedges the meeting of the younger clergy with widows and sacred virgins with so many conditions. Led by the same prudence, the bishops of the Fourth Council of Carthage, to signify that every occasion of such familiarity was to be removed, laid down in canon 102: "It falls to the bishop's guilt … if, for the sake of sustaining the present life (than which, however, scarcely any other reason can be more just), widows or nuns are made subject to the familiarity of clerics." And since the holy Doctor nowhere prescribes how such women who come to the clergy are to be received, you may conjecture from this that they were not very often accustomed to leave home to visit anyone. Yet we find it provided by the Church generally that a woman ought not to approach a deacon without a deaconess. And if the mere approach of a woman to a deacon was regulated with such caution, who would wonder that the living together of presbyters with women was proscribed by so many canons?
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Cic. lib. I Offic. pag. 363, lin. 12: « Prohibenda maxime ira, » etc. Hic porro dissidet a Cicerone noster Ambrosius; quandoquidem ille virtutem more Stoicorum in affectuum vacuitate, hic autem ex Christianorum scitis in moderatione constituit.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 363, line 12: "Anger above all is to be checked," etc. Here, moreover, our Ambrose differs from Cicero, since the latter, in the Stoic manner, places virtue in freedom from the passions, but the former, from the teachings of the Christians, in their moderation.
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Vet. edit. ac mss. aliquot, mala enim lex peccati.
The old editions and some manuscripts: mala enim lex peccati.
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Quidam mss., affectione propositi in naturam vertat.
Some manuscripts: affectione propositi in naturam vertat.
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Nonnulli mss. et edit. Gill. in marg. ac Rom. in corp., atque evinci non queat.
Some manuscripts, and Gillot's edition in the margin and the Roman in the body of the text: atque evinci non queat.
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Rom. edit. sola, Jacob vide. Quanta primum sedatio animi. Vet. edit. et pauci mss., Jacob vide qua primum sedato animum: alii nonnulli, Jacob. Vide quanta: primum, etc.; caeteri denique ut in textu, nisi quod pro, qua tu, legunt aliqui, quanto: perperam.
The Roman edition alone: Jacob vide. Quanta primum sedatio animi. The old editions and a few manuscripts: Jacob vide qua primum sedato animum; some others: Jacob. Vide quanta: primum, etc.; the rest, finally, as in the text, except that for qua tu some read quanto: wrongly.
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Vet. edit. ac mss. nonnulli, in te referatur.
The old editions and some manuscripts: in te referatur.
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Val. Maximus eadem refert de Archyta lib. IV, cap. 1. Hunc autem fuisse constat Davide multo posteriorem; ejus enim praeceptorem Pythagoram vixisse anno demum 3389 post mundum conditum communior chronologorum calculus sensit; cum David jam inde ab anno 2887 floruerit. Alii tamen aliis haec ipsa attribuerunt, ut Laertius Platoni, Plutarchus Charillo, Theanoni Stobaeus.
Valerius Maximus relates the same of Archytas, book IV, chapter 1. But he is known to have been much later than David; for the more common reckoning of the chronologers holds that his teacher Pythagoras lived only in the year 3389 after the creation of the world, whereas David flourished from the year 2887. Others, however, have attributed these very words to others: Laertius to Plato, Plutarch to Charillus, Stobaeus to Theano.
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Cic. lib. I Offic. pag. 370, lin. 4: « Objurgationes etiam nonnunquam incidunt necessariae, etc. »
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 370, line 4: "Rebukes too are sometimes necessary," etc.
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Ant. edit. cum parte mss., sed lenitudo: Gill. (continues)
The old editions with part of the manuscripts: sed lenitudo; Gillot (continues)
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(7) (continued) ‹anchor: sed lentitudo› · call on the previous page, col 56
in marg. ac Rom. in textu, cum aliis mss., sed lentitudo: commodius; haec siquidem in vitiis est: at non alia.
(continued) in the margin, and the Roman edition in the text, with other manuscripts: sed lentitudo; more fittingly, since this is counted among the vices, but not the other.
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(8) ‹anchor: et appetitus› · call in col 57
Cic. lib. I, pag. 369, lin. 19: « Motus autem animorum duplices sunt, alteri cogitationis, alteri appetitus, » etc.
Cicero, book I, page 369, line 19: "The movements of the mind are twofold, the one of thought, the other of appetite," etc.
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(9) ‹anchor: quasi emolere› · call in col 57
Mss. aliquot. et quasi emoliri.
Some manuscripts: et quasi emoliri.
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(10) ‹anchor: spectare diximus› · call in col 57 (printed there as "(s0)")
Cic. lib. I Offic. pag. 369, lin. 23: « Et quoniam magna vis orationis. » etc. Infra etiam lin. 30: « Sit igitur hic sermo, in quo Socratici excellunt, lenis, » etc. Item lin. 40: « Sed quoniam in omni vita, » etc. Universam autem concionum ecclesiasticarum materiam duobus membris comprehensam proponit Ambrosius; aut enim ea circa fidem versatur, aut circa mores sive morales virtutes: has autem sub justitia, virtute scilicet universali, complectitur. Sic ipse Christus ad Joannem Baptistam, Oportet nos implere omnem justitiam, id est, omnem virtutem; et sanctus praesul eamdem justitiam generalem infra quasi in propria membra distribuit, minimum in continentiam quae ad nos ipsos, in justitiam particularem quae ad proximum, denique in diligentiam quae maxime ad Dei cultum atque obsequium pertinet. Quod autem subdit non unum tractatum esse oportere, sed prout se dederit peracta in Ecclesiae conventu lectio, arripiendum; praecipit quidem aliter sermonem cum in Scriptura de continentia agitur, aliter cum de justitia vel de pietate instituendum: non tamen meditationem seu praeparationem removet; imo potius eam requirit, ubi orationem aequo breviorem vetans fieri, causam hanc reddit, ne desidiam prodat atque incuriam. Sed forte iterum hac de re dicendi nascetur locus.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 369, line 23: "And since the power of speech is great," etc. Also below, line 30: "Let this conversation, then, in which the followers of Socrates excel, be gentle," etc. Likewise line 40: "But since in all of life," etc. Ambrose sets out the whole matter of the Church's preaching as comprised in two members: it is concerned either with faith or with morals, that is, the moral virtues; and these he embraces under justice, namely the universal virtue. So Christ himself to John the Baptist: "It behoves us to fulfil all justice", that is, all virtue; and the holy bishop below divides this same general justice as into its proper members: namely into continence, which concerns ourselves; into particular justice, which concerns our neighbour; and finally into diligence, which belongs chiefly to the worship and service of God. As for his adding that there ought not to be one single treatise, but that it must be taken up as the reading completed in the Church's assembly offers it: he does direct that a sermon be framed one way when Scripture treats of continence and another when of justice or piety, yet he does not remove meditation or preparation; rather he requires it, when, forbidding a discourse to be shorter than is fitting, he gives this reason: "lest it betray sloth and carelessness". But perhaps there will be occasion to speak of this matter again.
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Ibid., lin. 49: « Et ut incipiendi ratio fuerit, ita sit desinendi modus. »
Ibid., line 49: "And as there was a reason for beginning, so let there be a measure for ending."
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Supra, lin. 25: « Contentionis praecepta Rhetorum sunt multa. » etc.
Above, line 25: "The rhetoricians' precepts for debate are many," etc.
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(13) ‹anchor: jocandi disciplina› · call in col 58
Pag. 365, lin. [?]: « Ludo autem et joco uti illis quidem licet, » etc. S. Thomas 2-2, quaest. 168, art. 2, ad 1. Ambrosii verbis nihil aliud vult significari, nisi jocos Christianis oratoribus populo sacram doctrinam exponentibus abjiciendos esse. At bona cum venia tanti doctoric [sic?], jocos ab ecclesia- (continues)
Page 365, line [?]: "To use play and jest is indeed permitted," etc. St Thomas, II-II, question 168, article 2, reply to the first objection, holds that Ambrose's words mean nothing other than that Christian preachers, when expounding sacred doctrine to the people, must cast jests aside. But, with all respect to so great a doctor, jests … from churchmen (continues)
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(13) (continued) ‹anchor: jocandi disciplina› · call on the previous page, col 58
stica regula abhorrere non idem videtur ac jocis abstinendum in tradenda sacra doctrina, sed nullam esse in sacris paginis aut canonibus regulam, qua jocari clericis permittatur. Sed ut maxime de tradenda populo doctrina Christiania intelligatur hic locus, non tamen vim solvit objectionis; sibi enim ille opposuerat ejusdem doctoris verba ex num. seq. ubi de fabulis, id est, familiari confabulatione agens, proposita Christi adversus ridentes comminatione, nullum omnino jocum non damnat. Neque vero virum est Ambrosium jocorum usu clericis indicere, cum universim ridere homini Christiano fas esse neget Basilius, Reg. brevior. inter. 31. Hunc etiam consule epist. 411, et Constit. monastic., cap. 12, quem in hac quoque doctrina S. Benedictus Regulae suae cap. 6 est imitatus. Quae quidem ita pertinent ad ascetas, ut etiam omnibus quotquot virtutis studiosi fuerint, conveniant, et maxime sacerdotibus, de quibus vere juxta ac pie Bernardus lib. II de Consid. cap. 13: « Inter saeculares, inquit, nugae, nugae sunt: in ore sacerdotis, blasphemiae. » Adi similiter tract. de Ordinae vitae et morum Instit. inter opera S. Bernardo male ascripta, ubi cap. 3 textus Ambrosii, quo de agimus, ad verbum exscribitur. Caeterum fatendum in hoc genere omnium gravissime peccare eos qui theatrales facetias ad sacrum transferrunt suggestum, et histrionica scurrilique dicacitate gravitatem evangelicam solvunt et conspurcant. Vide Mabillonii nostri notam ad Bernardi locum supra laudatum, J. B. Thiers et alios.
(continued) [that jests] are abhorrent to the Church's rule seems not to mean the same as that one must abstain from jests in handing on sacred doctrine, but that there is no rule in the sacred pages or the canons by which clerics are permitted to jest. And even if this passage is understood chiefly of handing on Christian doctrine to the people, it still does not dissolve the force of the objection; for he had set against himself the same doctor's words from the next number, where, treating of fabulae, that is, familiar conversation, and setting out Christ's threat against those who laugh, he condemns every jest without exception. Nor is it any wonder that Ambrose forbids clerics the use of jests, since Basil denies that it is lawful for a Christian to laugh at all, Shorter Rules, question 31. Consult him also in letter 411 and the Monastic Constitutions, chapter 12, whom St Benedict imitated in this teaching too, in chapter 6 of his Rule. These things belong to ascetics, yet in such a way that they also suit all who are devoted to virtue, and above all priests, of whom Bernard says, as truly as piously, in book II of On Consideration, chapter 13: "Among laymen trifles are trifles; in the mouth of a priest they are blasphemies." See likewise the treatise On the Ordering of Life and the Instruction of Morals, wrongly ascribed to St Bernard among his works, where in chapter 3 the text of Ambrose under discussion is copied word for word. For the rest, it must be admitted that in this kind those sin most gravely of all who carry the jokes of the theatre into the sacred pulpit and dissolve and defile the gravity of the Gospel with an actor's buffoonish wit. See our Mabillon's note on the passage of Bernard cited above, J.-B. Thiers, and others.
(printed under page 33)
(14) ‹anchor: plenum suavitatis› · call in col 59
Vet. edit. et quidam mss., plenum tamen suavitatis.
The old editions and some manuscripts: plenum tamen suavitatis.
(printed under page 33)
(15) ‹anchor: non industriae› · call in col 59
Cic. lib. I Offic., pag. 369, lin. 29: « In voce autem duo sequamur, ut clara sit et suavis, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 369, line 29: "In the voice let us pursue two things, that it be clear and pleasant," etc.
(printed under page 33)
(16) ‹anchor: mysticum servet› · call in col 59
Mysticum servet. id est, mysteriorum sanctitati congruum.
Mysticum servet, that is, what befits the holiness of the mysteries.
(printed under page 33)
(17) ‹anchor: spectanda› · call in col 59
Cic. lib. I, pag. 370, lin. 37: In omni autem actione suscipienda, tria sunt tenenda, » etc.
Cicero, book I, page 370, line 37: "In undertaking every action three things are to be held to," etc.
(printed under page 33)
(18) ‹anchor: magno ambitu› · call in col 59
Mss. non pauci, vel minorem ac parvam magno ambitu, etc.
Not a few manuscripts: vel minorem ac parvam magno ambitu, etc.
(printed under page 33)
(none) <!-- note (Q6a, 2026-10-05): in (13), misprints are set as printed (sic): "Christiania" (for Christiana), "virum" (for mirum), "Ordinae" (for Ordine), "transferrunt"; the English translates the intended words. "epist. 411" is read as printed but the numeral is doubtful in the scan (UNSURE). -->
(19) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 60
Nonnulli mss. ac edit., multiplicatae: quaedam, multiplici necessitudinis perstrictus affectu.
Some manuscripts and editions: multiplicatae; some: multiplici necessitudinis perstrictus affectu.
(printed under page 33)
(20) ‹anchor: Capto nepote› · call in col 60
Rom. edit. cum uno vel altero mss., Captum nepotem, bello repetit.
The Roman edition with one or two manuscripts: Captum nepotem, bello repetit.
(printed under page 33)
(21) ‹anchor: immortalem Deo sui› · call in col 62
Ita mss. frequentissimi, ac edit. Era. et Gill. in marg. Alii tamen nonnulli et omnes edit. in contextu, moralem Deo: Benig., immortali Deo sui, etc.
So the great majority of the manuscripts, and the editions of Erasmus and Gillot in the margin. Some others, however, and all the editions in the text read "moralem Deo"; Benignus, "immortali Deo sui", etc.
(printed under page 34)
(22) ‹anchor: in veri investigatione versatur› · call in col 62
Cic. lib. I, pag. 352, lin. 35: « Sed omne quod honestum est, id quatuor partium oritur ex aliqua. » etc.
Cicero, book I, page 352, line 35: "But all that is honourable arises from some one of four parts," etc.
(printed under page 34)
(23) ‹anchor: in genera dividatur› · call in col 62
Pag. 351, lin. 27: « Placet igitur, quoniam omnis disputatio de officio futura est, ante definire. » etc.
Page 351, line 27: "It is agreed, then, since the whole discussion is to be about duty, first to define," etc.
(printed under page 34)
(24) ‹anchor: qui dicit diabolo› · call in col 62
Plana sunt quae hic tribuuntur Manichaeo atque Ario; hunc enim imperfectionem Christo, quem in creaturarum ordinem dejecit, affinxisse, illum vero corporalium rerum creationem diabolo adjudicasse, nemo est qui nesciat. At vero id fortasse cuipiam moveat difficultatem, quod Marcioni potius quam Ario jungatur Eunomius. Constat siquidem hunc Aetii fuisse discipulum cum Arianis, ut Socrates lib. II, cap. 15, testatur, idem et dicentis et sentientis, cujus etiam sectae postea nomen dedit ipse Eunomius, ut idem Socrates loco citat., sicut et lib. I, cap. 7 et 13 significat. Cui jungere licet Sozomenum lib. IV, cap. 25, et lib. VI, cap. 26, atque alios. Sed nodum solvit Theodoretus; hic enim cum lib. II Hist. cap. 29, tantum scripsissset Eunomium Arii blasphemiam nova impietatis accessione cumulasse, in lib. IV Haer. fabul. rem evolvit enucleatius ita inquiens: « Baptizantes usque ad pectus aqua madefaciunt, reliquis autem partibus tanquam exsecrandis aquam adhibere prohibent.... Sed et aliud audere illos dicunt, quod scriptis committere non ausim, etc. Hinc profecto aperte colligitur eum admisisse duplex principium, bonum alterum a quo partes corporis superiores quas bonas esse non negabant, procederent: malum alterum a quo inferiores, quas malas esse iidem contendebant. Unde miramur eos qui collectos ejusdem Eunomii errores scripto prodiderunt, ut puta ex antiquis Epiphanium et Augustinum, e recentioribus vero Baronium, Petavium aliosque omnes, impietatem de qua hic loquitur beatus Doctor, non advertisse. Porro in causa forte fuit ejusdem erroris atrocitas, cur in quibusdam imperatorum legibus, qualis ea Gratiani fuit, cujus meminit Sozomenus lib. VII, c. 1, cum liberum cuique relinquatur quamcunque religionem aut coetum sectari pro libito, adjectum fuerit, exceptis Manichaeis, Photinianis et Eunomianis. Non videtur certe dubium quin Ambrosius ipse ad hancce blasphemiam respexerit lib. II Hexaem, cap. 5, ubi nominantur Eunomiani radicis degeneris, Arianorum scilicet, fructus deterior.
What is here attributed to the Manichaean and to Arius is plain: for no one is unaware that the latter ascribed imperfection to Christ, whom he cast down into the rank of creatures, and the former assigned the creation of bodily things to the devil. But it may perhaps cause someone difficulty that Eunomius is joined to Marcion rather than to Arius. For it is well established that he was the disciple of Aetius together with the Arians, as Socrates testifies in book II, chapter 15, saying and thinking the same as they, and that Eunomius himself afterwards gave his name to their sect, as the same Socrates says at the place cited, and as he also indicates in book I, chapters 7 and 13. To him one may add Sozomen, book IV, chapter 25, and book VI, chapter 26, and others. But Theodoret unties the knot; for although in book II of his History, chapter 29, he had written only that Eunomius heaped up the blasphemy of Arius with a new addition of impiety, in book IV of the Compendium of Heretical Fables he unfolds the matter more precisely, saying: "In baptizing they wet with water only as far as the breast, and forbid water to be applied to the remaining parts as if they were accursed.... But they are also said to dare another thing, which I would not venture to commit to writing," etc. From this it is plainly gathered that he admitted a twofold principle: one good, from which the upper parts of the body, which they did not deny to be good, proceeded; the other evil, from which the lower parts proceeded, which the same men maintained to be evil. Hence we wonder that those who have set down in writing the collected errors of this same Eunomius — for example, among the ancients Epiphanius and Augustine, and among the more recent Baronius, Petavius and all the others — did not notice the impiety of which the blessed Doctor speaks here. Moreover, the atrocity of this same error was perhaps the reason why, in certain laws of the emperors, such as that of Gratian which Sozomen mentions in book VII, chapter 1, while each is left free to follow whatever religion or assembly he pleases, there was added: except the Manichaeans, the Photinians and the Eunomians. It certainly seems beyond doubt that Ambrose himself had this blasphemy in view in book II of the Hexaemeron, chapter 5, where the Eunomians are called the worse fruit of a degenerate root, that is, of the Arians.
(printed under pages 34 and 35)
(25) ‹anchor: Quomodo sapiens Marcion› · call in col 63
Mss. non pauci, Quomodo sapiens, ut Arianus.... ut Marcion.
Not a few manuscripts: "How is he wise, as the Arian.... as Marcion."
(printed under page 35)
(26) ‹anchor: tenendum illud decorum› · call in col 64
Cic. lib. I Offic., pag. 352, lin. 42: « Velut ex ea parte, quae primo descripta est... inest indagatio atqae inventio veri, etc. » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 352, line 42: "As in that part which was described first... there lies the search for and discovery of the truth, etc." etc.
(printed under page 35)
(27) ‹anchor: Officii fons prudentia est› · call in col 65
Ibidem pag. 353, lin. 4: « Ex quatuor autem locis in quos, » etc.
In the same place, page 353, line 4: "But of the four heads into which," etc.
(printed under page 36)
(28) ‹anchor: abundant justitiae imprudenti› · call in col 65
Sic vet. edit. cum mss. pluribus nec non antiquioribus; Rom. vero cum aliis, pecuniae imprudenti. LXX Interp., Ἵνα τί ὑπῆρξε χρήματα ἄφρονι: a quibus non abludunt caeterae versiones; nisi quod Aq. et Theod. scribunt, ἵνα τί τοῦτο ἀντάλλαγμα ἐν χειρὶ ἄφρονος, magis ad textum Hebraicum.
So the old editions, with most manuscripts and the more ancient ones; but the Roman edition with others reads "pecuniae imprudenti" (money to the imprudent). The Septuagint translators: "Why should the fool have money?"; from which the other versions do not differ, except that Aquila and Theodotion write "Why is this price in the hand of a fool?", closer to the Hebrew text.
(printed under page 36)
(29) ‹anchor: prima in Deum› · call in col 65
Cic. ibid. lin 22: « De tribus autem reliquis, latissime patet ea ratio, » etc. Docet hoc loco sanctus Ambrosius pietatem justitiae annexam esse, quod etiam astruit Angelicus Doctor, 2-2, q. 8, a 1. Et haec pietas donum est Spiritus sancti, ut docet idem Thomas 2-2, q. 121, art. 1, de illa vero quae ad parentes, quamque virtutem ipse vocitat, in eo dissentit ab Ambrosio, quod parentes patriae, Ambrosius autem patriam parentibus praeponi jubet. Praeivit autem sancto Praesuli Cicero lib. Offic. pag. 353, lin. 32: « Sed quoniam, ut praeclare scriptum est a Platone, non nobis solum nati sumus, ortusque nostri partem patria vindicat, partem parentes, partem amici, » etc. Item pag, 358, lin. 35: « Sed cum omnia ratione animoque lustraveris, omnium societatum nulla est gratior, nulla charior, quam ea quae cum Rep. est unicuique nostrum. Chari sunt parentes, chari liberi, » etc. Lib. quoque III, pag. 400, lin. 30: « Quid si tyrannidem occupare, si patria prodere conabitur pater?... Ad extremum si ad perniciem patriae res spectabit, patriae salutem anteponet saluti patris. » Caeterum quae verba ex Platone a se translata dicit Orator, ea reperiuntur epist. 9 ejusdem philosophi, quae est ad Archytam I, hunc in modum: Ἀλλὰ κἀκεῖνο δεῖ σε ἐνθυμεῖσθαι ὅτι ἕκαστος ἡμῶν οὐχ αὑτῷ μόνον γέγονεν, ἀλλὰ τῆς γενέσεως ἡμῶν τὸ μέν τι ἡ πατρὶς μερίζεται, τὸ δέ τι οἱ γεννήσαντες, τὸ δὲ οἱ λοιποὶ φίλοι.
Cicero, ibid., line 22: "Of the three remaining, that principle extends most widely," etc. Saint Ambrose teaches in this place that piety is joined to justice, which the Angelic Doctor also affirms, II-II, q. 8, a. 1. And this piety is a gift of the Holy Spirit, as the same Thomas teaches, II-II, q. 121, art. 1; but concerning the piety towards parents, which he himself calls a virtue, he differs from Ambrose in that he would have parents set before country, whereas Ambrose bids country be set before parents. Cicero went before the holy bishop in this, On Duties, page 353, line 32: "But since, as Plato has finely written, we are not born for ourselves alone, and our country claims a share of our being, our parents a share, our friends a share," etc. Likewise page 358, line 35: "But when you have surveyed all things with reason and mind, of all fellowships none is more pleasing, none dearer, than that which each of us has with the commonwealth. Dear are parents, dear are children," etc. Also book III, page 400, line 30: "What if a father should try to seize a tyranny, to betray his country?... In the end, if the matter tends to the ruin of the country, [the son] will set the safety of the country before the safety of his father." For the rest, the words which the Orator says he translated from Plato are found in Letter 9 of that philosopher, which is the first to Archytas, in this form: "But you must also bear in mind that each of us is not born for himself alone; rather, of our being, our country claims one share, our parents another, and our other friends another."
(printed under page 36)
(30) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 66, not col 65 (col 65 carries only calls 27–29)
Cic. lib. I Offic. pag. 352, lin. 1: « Principio generi animantium omni est a natura tributum, ut se vitam, corpusque tueatur, declinetque ea, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 352, line 1: "In the first place, nature has given to every kind of living creature that it should protect itself, its life and its body, and avoid those things," etc.
(printed under page 36)
(31) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 66, not col 65 (col 65 carries only calls 27–29)
Nonnulli mss., equos vel arietes gregibus.
Some manuscripts: "horses or rams for the flocks."
(printed under page 36)
(32) ‹anchor: Societatis enim ratio› · call in col 66
Cic. lib, I Offic, pag. 353, lin. 22; « De tribus autem reliquis latissime patet ea ratio, » etc,
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 353, line 22: "Of the three remaining, that principle extends most widely," etc.
(printed under page 36)
(33) ‹anchor: justitiae munus› · call in col 67
Ibid., lin. 25: « Sed justitiae primum munus est ut ne cui, » etc.
Ibid., line 25: "But the first office of justice is that no one," etc.
(printed under page 37)
(34) ‹anchor: ut quis communia› · call in col 67
Ibid., lin. 26: « Deinde ut communibus utatur pro communibus, privatis ut suis. Sunt autem, » etc.
Ibid., line 26: "Next, that he use common things as common, private things as his own. But there are," etc.
(printed under page 37)
(35) ‹anchor: omnibus communis esset› · call in col 67
Mss. aliquot, ut partus omnibus communis esset, Et terra ergo foret, etc. Melius alii ac edit. ut in textu.
Some manuscripts: "that the offspring might be common to all, And the earth therefore would be," etc. Better, the others and the editions, as in the text.
(printed under page 37)
(36) ‹anchor: aiunt placuisse Stoicis› · call in col 67
Cic. lib. I Offic., pag. 353, lin. 32: « Sed quoniam, ut praeclare scriptum est, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 353, line 32: "But since, as has been finely written," etc.
(printed under page 37)
(37) ‹anchor: secundum Dei voluntatem› · call in col 67
Ibid., lin. 36: « In hoc naturam debemus ducem sequi, » et. Item pag. 357, lin. 37: « Optime autem societas hominum, » etc.
Ibid., line 36: "In this we ought to follow nature as our guide," etc. Likewise page 357, line 37: "But the fellowship of men [is preserved] best," etc.
(printed under page 37) (Footnotes 38–41, printed under page 37, have their calls in col 68 and are set in notes/n68.md.)
(38) ‹anchor: periculi terrore revocetur› · call in col 68
Cic. lib. I Offic., p. 354. lin. 35: « Est enim difficilis cura rerum alienarum; quanquam Terentianus, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 354, line 35: "For care for the affairs of others is difficult; although Terence's [Chremes]," etc.
(printed under page 37)
(39) ‹anchor: justitiae splendor› · call in col 68
Ibid., pag. 553, lin. 23: « In qua virtutis splendor est maximus. »
Ibid., page 553 [so printed; read 353], line 23: "In which the splendour of virtue is greatest."
(printed under page 37)
(40) ‹anchor: excelsitatem tenet› · call in col 68
Ibid., pag, 352, lin. 25: « Ex quo animi magnitudo, » etc.
Ibid., page 352, line 25: "From which greatness of mind," etc.
(printed under page 37)
(41) ‹anchor: tantae virtutis vigorem› · call in col 68
Ibid.; pag. 353, lin 46: Maximam autem partem ad injuriam faciendam aggrediuntur nonnulli. » etc.
Ibid., page 353, line 46: "But for the most part some set about doing injury," etc.
(printed under page 37)
(42) ‹anchor: virilem effeminat› · call in col 68
Ibid., pag. 354, lin. 7: « Maxime autem adducuntur plerique, » etc.
Ibid., page 354, line 7: "But most men are chiefly led," etc.
(printed under page 37)
(43) ‹anchor: hostibus reservatur› · call in col 68
Cic. lib. I Offic. pag. 355, lin. 23: Atque in republica maxime conservanda jura belli, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 355, line 23: "And in the commonwealth the laws of war are above all to be kept," etc.
(printed under page 37)
(46) [so printed; the call in the text is (44)] ‹anchor: an superiore gratia› · call in col 68
Superiore gratia, id est, majori aliqua temporis aut loci opportunitate, ut contextus clare demonstrat.
"Superiore gratia", that is, by some greater advantage of time or place, as the context clearly shows.
(printed under page 37)
(45) ‹anchor: consiliis et argumentationibus› · call in col 69
Argumentatio non idem hic sonat atque argumenti seu rationis explicatio; sed idem prorsus valet, atque argute sive acute excogitata machinatio.
"Argumentatio" does not here mean the setting out of an argument or reasoning; it means exactly a cleverly or shrewdly devised stratagem.
(printed under page 38)
(46) ‹anchor: adversarios molli veteres› · call in col 69
Cic. lib. I Offic., pag. 355, lin. 46: « Equidem illud etiam animadverto quod qui proprio nomine perduellis esset, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 355, line 46: "I also observe this, that he who by his proper name would be a 'perduellis' [enemy in arms]," etc.
(printed under page 38)
(47) ‹anchor: Fundamentum ergo est justitiae fides› · call in col 70
Ibid. pag. 353, lin. 39: « Fundamentum autem est justitiae fides, » etc.
Ibid., page 353, line 39: "But the foundation of justice is good faith," etc.
(printed under page 38)
(48) ‹anchor: Commune jus omnium in commune orat› · call in col 70
Ad frequentandas Ecclesiae synaxes precesque in communi apud Deum fundendas maximo semper opere populum Christianum exhortati sunt antiqui Patres, ut cognoscimus non modo ex vetustissima illa epistola nomine beati Barnabae promulgata, verum etiam ex Ignatii epist. ad. Ephes ex Apologet. Tertulliani cap. 39, aliisque innumeris tum Patrum testimoniis, tum canonibus conciliorum. Verumtamen non de publicis hisce precibus hic agi verisimilius est: sed cum dicitur, in commune orat, etc., hoc tantummodo significari, pro omnibus, si in omnium utilitatem orat, operatur, ac tentatur: in quo sanctorum communio posita est. Neque tamen in Ecclesia orat in commune, ut non etiam preces nuncupet pro singulis: vidimus quippe tomo superiori Ambrosium peccatoribus, ut ad Ecclesiae orationes confugerent, non semel suasisse: at vero hae ipsae preces pro singulorum utilitatibus conceptae, etiam in commodum universorum charitatis beneficio derivantur. Juvat etiam hic adnotare sanctum doctorem continuo post, non uni fidei, quod heterodoxi faciunt, sed etiam operibus ex fide atque charitate profectis justificationem attribuere.
The ancient Fathers always exhorted the Christian people with the greatest effort to frequent the Church's assemblies and to pour out prayers to God in common, as we learn not only from that very ancient epistle published under the name of blessed Barnabas, but also from Ignatius's letter to the Ephesians, from Tertullian's Apology chapter 39, and from countless other testimonies of the Fathers as well as canons of councils. Yet it is more probable that these public prayers are not what is treated here, but that when it is said "it prays in common," etc., this alone is meant: "for all", if one prays, works and is tried for the benefit of all — in which the communion of saints consists. Nor, however, does one pray in common in the Church in such a way as not also to offer prayers for individuals: for we saw in the previous volume that Ambrose more than once urged sinners to take refuge in the prayers of the Church; but these very prayers, conceived for the benefit of individuals, flow also, by the kindness of charity, to the advantage of all. It is also worth noting here that the holy doctor, immediately after, attributes justification not to faith alone, as the heterodox do, but also to works proceeding from faith and charity.
(printed under page 38)
(49) ‹anchor: consilio, ut prosis› · call in col 70
Cic. lib. I Offic., pag. 356, lin. 37: « Videndum est enim primum ne obsit benignitas et iis ipsis quibus, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 356, line 37: "For it must first be seen that kindness does not harm the very people to whom," etc.
(printed under page 38)
(50) ‹anchor: juste dispensandum putet› · call in col 71
Cic. lib. I Offic., pag. 356, lin. 42: « Et qui aliis nocent, ut in alios liberales sint, in eadem sunt injustitia, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 356, line 42: "And those who harm some in order to be generous to others are in the same injustice," etc.
(printed under page 39)
(51) ‹anchor: misericordiae largiaris› · call in col 71
Ibid., pag. 357, lin. 3: « Videre etiam licet plerosque non tam natura liberales, quam quadam gloria ductos, » etc.
Ibid., page 357, line 3: "One may also see that many are not so much generous by nature as led by a kind of desire for glory," etc.
(printed under page 39)
(52) ‹anchor: Deinde perfecta liberalitas› · call in col 71
Ibid., lin. 6: « Tertium est propositum ut in liberalitate delectus, » etc. Item lin. 33: « Sed in collocando beneficio, » etc.
Ibid., line 6: "The third point set down is that in generosity a choice [be made]," etc. Likewise line 33: "But in bestowing a kindness," etc.
(printed under page 39)
(53) ‹anchor: sumptu esse, famem tolerare› · call in col 71
Mss. aliquot et vet. edit., fame laborare.
Some manuscripts and the old editions: "to suffer from hunger."
(printed under page 39)
(54) ‹anchor: qui quod habet› · call in col 72
Edit. ultimae Paris. cum uno aut altero mss., quid quod debet: melius aliae ac reliqui cod., qui quod habet, supple, in potestate: ut Marci XIV, 8, quod habuit haec fecit.
The latest Paris editions with one or two manuscripts: "quid quod debet"; better, the other editions and the remaining manuscripts: "qui quod habet", supply "in his power": as in Mark 14:8, "she has done what she could."
(printed under page 39)
(55) ‹anchor: simul effundi opes› · call in col 72
Cic. lib I pag. 356 lin. 49: Alter erat locus cautionis, » etc. Item pag. 358 lin. 9: « Sed quoniam copiae parvae sunt, » etc.
Cicero, book I, page 356, line 49: "The second point was one of caution," etc. Likewise page 358, line 9: "But since resources are small," etc.
(printed under page 39)
(56) ‹anchor: si egere cognoscas› · call in col 72
Ibid., pag. 358, lin. 40: Sed si contentio quaedam et comparatio fiat, » etc.
Ibid., page 358, line 40: "But if some contest and comparison be made," etc.
(printed under page 39)
(57) ‹anchor: se juste facere putant› · call in col 72
Et se juste facere putant, absunt isthaec ab ant. edit. ac maximo numero mss. ea tamen non solum in edit. Rom. Sed etiam in mss. quatuor invenire est. Infra vero ubi edit, omnes, Consilium praemisimus: mss. fere ad unum legunt, Consilium prompsimus. Obiter autem animadverte quanta Ambrosii prudentia hic innotescat, quae ita pietati quod suum est, ascribit, ut nihil detrahat justitiae. Etenim pietatis est cognatos affinesque in beneficentia collocanda non praeterire, sed eos primorum pauperum habere loco: justitiae vero, non illos ex eo quod aliis debetur pauperibus, ditare. Nec vero existimandum est hoc veluti majoris cujusdam perfectionis esse consilium, alioqui enim neutiquam adderetur, et accusat quod eum divitem non feceris, cum te ille velit aeternae vitae fraudare mercede. Facessant igitur inepta cupiditatis humanae tegumenta. Ecclesiae nunquam fuit hoc propositum vel sacerdotis luxui, vel consanguineorum ejus ambitioni satisfacere.
"And they think they act justly": these words are absent from the old editions and from the great majority of manuscripts; yet they are found not only in the Roman edition but also in four manuscripts. Further on, where all the editions read "Consilium praemisimus", the manuscripts almost to a man read "Consilium prompsimus". Note in passing how great a prudence of Ambrose shows itself here, which so ascribes to piety what is its own as to take nothing from justice. For it belongs to piety not to pass over kinsmen and relations in bestowing kindness, but to hold them in the place of the first among the poor; but to justice, not to enrich them out of what is owed to other poor people. Nor is this to be thought a counsel, as it were, of some greater perfection; otherwise there would by no means be added: "and he accuses you of not having made him rich, when he would cheat you of the reward of eternal life." Away, then, with the foolish cloaks of human greed. It was never the purpose of the Church to satisfy either the luxury of the priest or the ambition of his kindred.
(printed under page 39)
(58) ‹anchor: nisi imperfecti› · call in col 73
Ne quis crederet modum omnem in largiendo semper esse imperfectioni conjunctum, ex eo nimirum quod proxime dixerat, Ideo modum, quia imperfectis dabat consilium; clarius mentem suam exponit, asserens qui sibi partem aliquam patrimonii retinuerit, ne oneri sit Ecclesiae, eum nequaquam imperfectum existimandum. Hinc cognoscimus ad Ambrosii nostri sententiam Augustinum severitatis aliquid adjecisse, qui clericos omnino patrimonio suo spoliatos volebat communem vitam simul agere, ut discere est e compluribus ejusdem operum locis, sed maxime ex lib. de Comm. Vita clericorum.
Lest anyone should think, from what he had just said — "a measure, therefore, because he was giving counsel to the imperfect" — that every measure in giving is always joined to imperfection, he sets out his mind more clearly, declaring that one who has kept back some part of his patrimony for himself, so as not to be a burden to the Church, is by no means to be thought imperfect. From this we learn that Augustine added something of severity to the view of our Ambrose, since he wished clerics, wholly stripped of their patrimony, to live the common life together, as may be learned from many passages of his works, but chiefly from the book On the Common Life of Clerics.
(printed under page 40)
(59) ‹anchor: Si abundet in te gratia› · call in col 74 (belongs in n74; left here pending, Q8a may not write n74)
Negatio non deest in edit. omnibus et mss. nonnullis; ea tamen in longe pluribus potioribusque cod. reperitur. Si per interrogationem sententiam nobiscum acceperis, non incongrue.
The negative "non" is missing in all the editions and in some manuscripts; yet it is found in far more and better manuscripts. If you take the sentence with us as a question, it is not unfitting.
(printed under page 40)
(59) ‹anchor: in te gratia› · call in col 74
Negatio non deest in edit. omnibus et mss. nonnullis; ea tamen in longe pluribus potioribusque cod. reperitur. Si per interrogationem sententiam nobiscum acceperis, non incongrue.
The negative "non" is lacking in all the editions and in some manuscripts; yet it is found in far more and better codices. If you take the sentence, with us, as a question, it is not unfitting.
(printed under page 40)
(60) ‹anchor: Consideranda› · call in col 74
Cic. lib. I, pag. 357, lin. 6: « Tertium est propositum, ut in beneficentia, » etc. Item lib. II, pag. 382, lin. 12: « In illo autem altero genere largiendi, » etc.
Cicero, book I, page 357, line 6: "The third point set down is that in kindness," etc. Likewise book II, page 382, line 12: "But in that other kind of giving," etc.
(printed under page 40)
(61) ‹anchor: beneficium aliquod› · call in col 75
Cic. lib. I Offic., pag. 357, lin. 20: « Sin autem erunt merita, ut non ineunda, sed referenda sit gratia, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 357, line 20: "But if there are merits, so that thanks are not to be begun but returned," etc.
(printed under page 41)
(62) ‹anchor: usum pensare beneficii› · call in col 75
Edit. ac pauci mss., usum pensandum beneficii, ut tanto subvenias, quanto, etc.
The editions and a few manuscripts: "the use of a kindness is to be weighed, so that you help as much as," etc.
(printed under page 41)
(63) ‹anchor: superiorem non esse in referendo› · call in col 75
Quam in conferendo, desunt in duobus mss. et Rom. edit.; sed in reliquis exstant, nec sensum ullo modo impediunt.
"Quam in conferendo" (than in bestowing) is missing in two manuscripts and the Roman edition; but it stands in the rest and in no way hinders the sense.
(printed under page 41)
(64) ‹anchor: quod non dederit› · call in col 75
Cic. lib. I Offic., pag. 357, lin. 24: « Annon imitari agros fertiles qui multo plus afferunt quam acceperunt. »
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 357, line 24: "Or [ought we] not to imitate fertile fields, which bring back much more than they have received?"
(printed under page 41)
(65) ‹anchor: dare cuiquam vix licet› · call in col 75
Ibid., lin. 27: » Demus necne in nostra potestate est: non reddere viro bono non licet. »
Ibid., line 27: "Whether we give or not is in our power; not to repay is not permitted to a good man."
(printed under page 41)
(66) ‹anchor: obtinent vitam fallacem› · call in col 75
Omnes edit. et pauci mss., vitam falsam. Alii multo plures, vitam fallacem. LXX, ταῦτα γὰρ ἔχεται ζωῆς ψευδοῦς. Aq. et Th., Καὶ αὐτὸς ἄρτος ψευσμάτων. Et continuo post edit. Amerb., quam nos; aliae, quem nos, etc.; mss. prope ad unum, quas nos, etc.
All the editions and a few manuscripts: "a false life". Many more others: "a deceitful life". The Septuagint: "for these things hold to a false life." Aquila and Theodotion: "And it is the bread of lies." And immediately after, Amerbach's edition reads "quam nos"; the others "quem nos", etc.; the manuscripts almost to a man "quas nos", etc.
(printed under page 41)
(67) ‹anchor: In proverbiis quoque habes› · call in col 75 (printed "(6«)")
Rom edit. sola. In Salomone quoque habes: sed aut Ambrosius locum memoriter citavit, aut non libri titulum, sed materiam designavit; constat enim proverbialibus sententiis Ecclesiasticus. Infra vero eadem edit., illud convivium in proverbiis non de cibis, etc.
The Roman edition alone: "In Solomon also you have"; but either Ambrose quoted the passage from memory, or he indicated not the title of the book but its matter; for Ecclesiasticus consists of proverbial sayings. Further on, the same edition: "that banquet in Proverbs not of foods," etc.
(printed under page 41)
(68) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 75 or 76 (not visible on the page foot)
Rom. edit. sola, Mensuram bonam confertam,
The Roman edition alone: "good measure, pressed down."
(printed under page 41)
(68) ‹anchor: mensuram bonam› · call in col 76
Rom. edit. sola, Mensuram bonam confertam.
The Roman edition alone [reads] "Good measure, pressed down."
(printed under page 41)
(69) ‹anchor: solum restituit affectum› · call in col 77
Cic. Offic. lib. II, p. 384, lin. 26: « Nimirum enim inops ille, si bonus est vir, etiamsi referre gratiam non potest, habere certe potest, commode autem, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book II, page 384, line 26: "For surely that poor man, if he is a good man, even if he cannot return thanks, can certainly feel them; but conveniently," etc.
(printed under page 42)
(70) ‹anchor: in consiliis fidelis› · call in col 77
Cic. Offic. lib. I, p. 358, lin. 46: « Consilia, sermones, cohortationes, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 358, line 46: "Counsels, conversations, exhortations," etc.
(printed under page 42)
(71) ‹anchor: hominum benevolentiam› · call in col 77
Translata est haec sententia ex Cic. lib. de Amicitia, p. 425, lin. 18, ubi habetur: « Solem enim e mundo tollere videtur, qui amicitiam e vita tollunt. »
This saying is translated from Cicero's book On Friendship, page 425, line 18, where it reads: "For they seem to take the sun out of the world who take friendship out of life."
(printed under page 42)
(72) ‹anchor: monstrare viam› · call in col 77
Cic. lib. I, Offic. p. 358, lin.: « Ex quo sunt illa communia: non prohibere aquam profluentem: pati ab igne, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 358, line [number not printed]: "Hence those common [duties]: not to forbid running water; to allow [fire to be taken] from fire," etc.
(printed under page 42)
(73) ‹anchor: deferre hospitium› · call in col 77
Post voces, deferre hospitium, edit. Rom. continuo subjungit, aquam de aqua profluenti dare, lumen de lumine accendere. Verum non satis attenderunt qui ei praefuerunt, viri doctissimi, verba ista, Non igitur, etc., quamdam esse parenthesin quae per causam verborum, deferre hospitium, introducta est.
After the words "deferre hospitium", the Roman edition immediately adds "aquam de aqua profluenti dare, lumen de lumine accendere". But the very learned men who directed it did not sufficiently observe that the words "Non igitur", etc., are a kind of parenthesis, introduced on account of the words "deferre hospitium".
(printed under page 42)
(74) ‹anchor: a domesticis› · call in col 78 (printed under col 77; belongs with col 78's notes)
Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 357, lin. 37: « Optime autem societas hominum, » etc. Item, pag. 358, lin. 16: « Arctior vero colligatio societatis propinquorum...... prima societas in ipso est conjugio, » etc. Nec non lin. 40: « Sed si contentio quaedam, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 357, line 37: "But the fellowship of men [is preserved] best," etc. Likewise page 358, line 16: "But a closer bond is the fellowship of kinsmen...... the first fellowship is in marriage itself," etc. And also line 40: "But if some contest," etc.
(printed under page 42)
(75) ‹anchor: coetu Ecclesiae› · call in col 78
Ibid., pag. 358, lin. 24: « Magnum est enim eadem habere, » etc. Videtur autem per voces percipiendae gratiae necessitudine potissimum ea signari necessitudo quae inter ordinantem atque ordinatum, baptizantem, et baptizatum, nec non inter catechizantem et catechizatum contrahitur, quo etiam referri potest quae inter susceptores atque susceptos nascitur sacra cognatio. Quarum autem appellationum Ecclesiae societas origo est, primam dicit reverentiam filiorum, qua videlicet non solum Christiani laici, sed et clerici quoque episcopos patris nomine salutabant, ut infra, cap. 41, beatum Sixtum ter compellat ea nomine sanctus Laurentius. Secundum vero statuit auctoritatem et pietatem patrum, qua nempe ibidem Sixtus vicissim appellat Laurentium, et Ambrosius cum passim hoc in opere clericos suos, tum alibi pluribus locis sacras virgines atque viduas filias nominat, quod quidem non minus pietatis esse quam auctoritatis ipsemet satis indicavit cap, 7, ubi ait: « Neque enim minus vos diligo, quos in Evangelio genui, quam si in conjugio suscepissem, » etc. Tertio demum loco germanitatem fratrum collocat, quo vocabulo primos Christianos nominari consuevisse ex beno multis intelligitur Actuum apostolorum, canonicarumque epistolarum locis.
Ibid., page 358, line 24: "For it is a great thing to have the same," etc. By the words "the bond of receiving grace" seems chiefly to be meant the bond contracted between the one ordaining and the one ordained, the one baptizing and the one baptized, and also between the catechist and the catechumen; to which may also be referred the sacred kinship that arises between sponsors and those they sponsor. Of the names of which the fellowship of the Church is the origin, he puts first the reverence of sons, by which not only Christian lay people but clerics too greeted bishops by the name of father, as below, chapter 41, Saint Laurence three times addresses blessed Sixtus by that name. Second he sets the authority and affection of fathers, by which in the same place Sixtus in turn addresses Laurence, and Ambrose both throughout this work calls his clergy, and elsewhere in many places calls consecrated virgins and widows, his children — which he himself showed clearly enough to be a matter no less of affection than of authority in chapter 7, where he says: "For I do not love you less, whom I have begotten in the Gospel, than if I had received you in marriage," etc. In the third place, finally, he sets the brotherhood of brothers, the word by which the first Christians were commonly named, as is understood from a good many passages of the Acts of the Apostles and the canonical epistles.
(printed under page 42)
(76) ‹anchor: parium studia virtutum› · call in col 78
Cic. Offic. lib. I, p. 358, lin. 25: « Sed omnium societatum nulla praestantior est, » etc. Item lin. 30: Nihil autem est amabilius, etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 358, line 25: "But of all fellowships none is more excellent," etc. Likewise line 30: "But nothing is more lovable," etc.
(printed under page 42)
(77) ‹anchor: tam consociabile› · call in col 79
Cic. Offic. lib. I, p. 358: « Et quanquam omnis virtus nos ad se allicit, facitque ut eos diligamus, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 358: "And although every virtue draws us to itself and makes us love those [in whom it seems to be]," etc.
(printed under page 43)
(78) ‹anchor: unus fiat ex pluribus› · call in col 79
Ibid., lin. 32: « Efficiturque id quod Pythagoras, » etc.
Ibid., line 32: "And there comes about what Pythagoras [wants in friendship]," etc.
(printed under page 43)
(79) ‹anchor: gratas esse› · call in col 80 (printed under col 79; belongs with col 80's notes)
Ibid., lin. 46: « Interdum etiam objurgationes in amicis, » etc.
Ibid., line 46: "Sometimes even rebukes among friends," etc.
(printed under page 43)
(80) ‹anchor: officia debentur› · call in col 80 (printed under col 79; belongs with col 80's notes)
Ibid., lin. 43: « Sed his omnibus officiis tribuendis. » etc.
Ibid., line 43: "But in assigning all these duties," etc.
(printed under page 43)
(81) ‹anchor: de fortitudine tractemus› · call in col 80 (printed under cols 79–80; belongs with col 80's notes)
Ibid,. pag. 359, lin. 11: « Intelligendum est autem, cum proposita, » etc. Quod Ambrosius armorum tractationem clericis illicitam esse patefaciens, particulam jam semel et iterum hic adhibeat, manifestum est hoc modo eos distingui vel ab antiqui foederis sacerdotibus ac Levitis quibus arma ferre nefas non erat, vel potius a laicis Christianis, quos quidem Evangelica lex non prohibet a militia. Scimus tamen Erasmum traduci a Sixto Sen. lib. VI Biblioth,.. annot. 156, nec non ab aliis nonnullis, quasi in suis Annot. in cap. II, maxime vero in XXII Evang. secundum Lucam voluerit licitum non esse Christianis bellum gerere; adversaeque opinioni notam inusserit impietatis. Verum ispsemet ita mentem explicat suam, ut sola Christianorum in Christianos bella penitus damnet, Christianorum autem contra Barbaros eatenus dicat se approbare cum Ambrosio, ut simul admoneat haec ipsa puritatis evangelicae non esse. Attamen hoc non ita habere vel hinc intelligas quod hi Cesares quos ob gesta bella laudatos ab Ambroisio Erasmus narrat, non omnes semper pugnavere contra Barbaros. Etenim qui inter illos principes ordinem ducit Theodosius, bello Maximum atque Eugenium tyrannos, Christianos tamen, est persecutus. Et certe infra lib. III, cap. 3, bellum a se non improbari S. Doctor palam indicat, ubi ait: « Cum gloriosum unicuique ducatur, si periculis propriis quaerat universorum tranquillitatem, » etc. Quod igitur sanctus Martinus ubi primum Christianus factus est, militiam, Sulpitio Severo teste, abdicare cogitans, « Christi, inquit, ego sum, pugnare non mihi licet; » hoc ad singularem Spiritus sancti impulsum, quo ille ad perfectius vocabatur pugnandi genus, referri debet. Hinc est quod imperatores, qui suis edictis milites spiritali hac militia interdixere, a sanctis Patribus liberius objurgati sunt. Alias aute meis qui Christo nomen dedissent, liberum semper fuisse armorum usum vel hoc evincit, quod primis temporibus referti erant militibus christianis exercitus etiam ethnicorum imperatorum. Vide Tertullianum de Corona militis, cap. 17; Aug. de Lib. Arbit., cap. 5; serm. 303, de S. Laurentio; de Civ. Dei lib. I, cap. 21, et alibi pluribus locis, et praeteros S. Thomam 2-2, q. 40.
Ibid., page 359, line 11: "But it must be understood, when [the things] set forth," etc. Since Ambrose, in showing that the handling of arms is unlawful for clerics, uses the particle "jam" (now, any longer) once and again here, it is plain that in this way they are distinguished either from the priests and Levites of the old covenant, for whom it was not unlawful to bear arms, or rather from Christian lay people, whom the law of the Gospel does not forbid military service. We know, however, that Erasmus is censured by Sixtus of Siena, Bibliotheca book VI, annotation 156, and by some others, as though in his Annotations on chapter 2, and especially on chapter 22 of the Gospel according to Luke, he had held that it is not lawful for Christians to wage war, and had branded the contrary opinion with the mark of impiety. But he himself so explains his mind as to condemn utterly only wars of Christians against Christians, while saying that he approves, with Ambrose, wars of Christians against barbarians only so far as to warn at the same time that these very things do not belong to evangelical purity. Yet that this is not so you may understand even from this: that those Caesars whom Erasmus relates were praised by Ambrose for the wars they waged did not all always fight against barbarians. For Theodosius, who leads the line among those princes, pursued in war the usurpers Maximus and Eugenius, who were nevertheless Christians. And certainly below, in book III, chapter 3, the holy Doctor openly shows that he does not disapprove of war, where he says: "Since it is counted glorious for anyone to seek the peace of all at his own peril," etc. As for Saint Martin, who, as soon as he became a Christian, thinking to renounce military service, said, on the testimony of Sulpicius Severus, "I am Christ's; it is not lawful for me to fight": this must be referred to a singular impulse of the Holy Spirit, by which he was called to a more perfect kind of fighting. Hence it is that emperors who by their edicts forbade soldiers this spiritual warfare were rebuked rather freely by the holy Fathers. Otherwise, that the use of arms was always free to those who had given their name to Christ is proved even by this, that in the earliest times the armies even of heathen emperors were full of Christian soldiers. See Tertullian, On the Soldier's Crown, chapter 17; Augustine, On Free Will, chapter 5; Sermon 303, on Saint Laurence; City of God book I, chapter 21, and elsewhere in many places; and besides these, Saint Thomas, II-II, q. 40.
(printed under page 43)
(22) [so printed; read (82)] ‹anchor: iniquitatis materia est› · call in col 80
Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 359, lin 22: Sed ea animi elatio quae cernitur in periculis et laboribus, si justitia vacat, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 359, line 22: "But that loftiness of mind which is seen in dangers and labours, if it is empty of justice," etc.
(printed under page 43)
(83) ‹anchor: effugerunt aciem gladii› · call in col 81
Ita Gill. et Rom. edit. cum parte mss.; ant. vero cum alia, effugarunt aciem gladii. Sed in Graeco textu habetur, ἔφυγον στόματα μαχαίρας, effugerunt, etc., cui consentiunt variae translationes. At infra ubi omnes edit. ac. mss. aliquot, legionibus succincti; legunt alii mss., legionibus subjecti, quidam, legionibus subjectis, etc.
So Gillot's and the Roman edition with part of the manuscripts; but the old editions with another part read "effugarunt aciem gladii" (they put to flight the edge of the sword). But the Greek text has "they escaped the edge of the sword", "effugerunt", etc., with which the various translations agree. Further on, where all the editions and some manuscripts read "legionibus succincti" (girt with legions), other manuscripts read "legionibus subjecti", and one "legionibus subjectis", etc.
(printed under page 44)
(84) ‹anchor: sua rugientes› · call in col 81 (printed "(31)")
Plures mss., circa latera sua rudentes.
Several manuscripts: "roaring [rudentes] about his sides."
(printed under page 44)
(85) ‹anchor: fortitudinis gloria est› · call in col 81
Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 361, lin. 38: « Omnino autem illud honestum, quod ex animo excelso, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 361, line 38: "But altogether that which is honourable, which [we seek] from a lofty mind," etc.
(printed under page 44)
(86) ‹anchor: in virtute animi› · call in col 81
Ibid., pag. 353, lin. 42: « Sed injustitiae duo genera sunt, » etc.
Ibid., page 353, line 42: "But there are two kinds of injustice," etc.
(printed under page 44)
(87) ‹anchor: se ipsum vincit› · call in col 82 (printed under col 82; belongs with col 82's notes)
Ibid., pag. 360, lin. 13: « Non est autem consentaneum, qui metu non frangitur, eum frangi cupiditate, » etc.
Ibid., page 360, line 13: "But it is not consistent that one who is not broken by fear should be broken by desire," etc.
(printed under page 44)
(88) ‹anchor: fortitudo spectatur› · call in col 82
Mss. aliquot, fortitudo flectatur; quidam, flectitur animi. Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 359, lig. 49: « Omnino fortis animus et magnus duabus rebus maxime cernitur, » etc.
Some manuscripts: "fortitudo flectatur"; one: "flectitur animi". Cicero, On Duties book I, page 359, line 49: "Altogether a brave and great mind is seen chiefly in two things," etc.
(printed under page 44)
(89) ‹anchor: illud πρέπον cernitur› · call in col 82
In mss. dictio πρέπον varias peperit ineptias: in quibusdam enim legitur, honestum cernitur; in aliis, proponi cernitur; in nonnullis, praeponderare; in aliquibus, praepotens cernitur.
In the manuscripts the word πρέπον (the fitting) has produced various absurdities: in some it reads "honestum cernitur"; in others, "proponi cernitur"; in some, "praeponderare"; in certain ones, "praepotens cernitur".
(printed under page 44)
(90) ‹anchor: frangi animi solent› · call in col 82
Mss. aliquot, frangi homines solent.
Some manuscripts: "men are wont to be broken."
(printed under page 44)
(91) ‹anchor: nisi legitimo certamine› · call in col 82
Nonnulli ms., nisi qui legitime certaverit.
Some manuscripts: "unless he who has striven lawfully."
(printed under page 44)
(92) ‹anchor: corruptelam ipso› · call in col 83
Quidam mss., ad corruptelam ipsorum, et infra, fili, inquit, Timothee, contemptum divitiarum... suadeo, etc.
Some manuscripts: "to their corruption", and below, "son Timothy, he says, I urge contempt of riches...", etc.
(printed under page 45)
(93) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 84 (col 83 carries only call 92)
Tria olim prohibita militibus fuisse ostendit Ambrosius, nimirum alienarum causarum defensionem aut procurationem, negotiorum etiam propriorum, nedum alienorum, in foro prosecutionem, distractionem rerum venalium. Et de mercatura quidem, quam per leges vetitam fuisse militibus Chrysostomus quoque in Epist. I ad Timotheum prodit, plana sunt auctoris nostri verba: duas vero priores partes non alio, quam quo eas interpretamur, sensu explicandas esse ex iis legibus, quae plures in eamdem materiam supersunt, intelligere est. Etenim quas ille litium susceptiones vocat, quis non videat hoc ipsum esse quod lege 6 de Cognitor. et Procur. Olybrio et Probino coss. ab Arcadio atque Honorio sancita exprimitur in illa verba: « Nemo militantium fiat susceptor defensorve causarum, nec ad cognitionem alieni jurgii suffragator, etc. Quam vero conveniunt hae voces, actu negotiorum forensium cum lege 3 de Commeatu, iisdem coss. atque ab iisdem principibus data, ubi legimus: « Hi qui vacationem temporariam... impetrarint, nihil sibi necessitatis usurpent, nullorum actibus misceantur, » etc.: item cum seq. 15 et 17 de Re militari: quarum in priore quae Arcadium IV, Honorium III coss. praefert, sic habetur: « Si quis posthac militem in privato negotio repertus fuerit retinere, » etc.; in posteriore autem quae Honor. IV et Eutych. coss., ita scriptum est: « Si quis miles... repertus fuerit vel sibi vacans, vel alieno negotio intentus, nobis illico nuntietur, » etc. Quibus sane militem perinde a domesticis atque exteris arceri negotiis manifestum est. Neque tamen crediderimus Ambrosium respexisse ad eas leges, utpote multo posteriores hocce tractatu: sed ipsas in aliarum similium quae postea interciderint, confirmationem scriptas arbitramur. Qusd etiam colligere licet ex Vegetio lib. II, cap. 19. Caeterum Ambrosius ipsos forenses actus satis proscribit his verbis, ab omni usu negotiationis; cum ea respondeant superioribus illis, non te implices negotiis saecularibus, quibus contentiosa quoque fori negotia planum est contineri. De aliis vero negotiationis generibus ejusdem verba non tam rigide atque ad apices exponenda sunt. Constat siquidem non modo presbyteris et diaconis bonorum Ecclesiae solitam committi administrationem: sed et sanctum Felicem omnibus pro Christo facultatibus exutum tria, ut scribit Paulinus, agri jugera conduxisse, unde suae nec non aliorum seipso pauperiorum vitae consuleret: praeterea cau. 3 synodi IV Carthag. praecipitur ut clerici victum vestitumque sibi comparent, vel artificioli vel agriculturae beneficio. Quae omnia perfici sine quadam negotiatione poterant. Videsis hac de re Sozom. lib. III, cap. 17, edit. Vales.: Decr. dist. 88 et 89: Godefridum ad legem 6 imperatorum Arcadii et Honorii supra indicatam; Spencaeum lib. II Digress. cap. 15; Ren. a Valle in Hipparcho sive lib. de Relig. negot., Thaumassinum atque alios.
Ambrose shows that three things were once forbidden to soldiers: namely, the defence or management of other people's cases; the pursuit in the courts of business even of their own, let alone of others'; and the selling of merchandise. As to trade, which Chrysostom too, on the First Epistle to Timothy, reports was forbidden to soldiers by the laws, our author's words are plain; but that the two former parts are to be explained in no other sense than that in which we interpret them may be understood from the laws on the same matter, of which several survive. For who does not see that what he calls "the undertaking of lawsuits" is the very thing expressed in law 6 "On Advocates and Agents", enacted by Arcadius and Honorius in the consulship of Olybrius and Probinus, in these words: "Let no one serving as a soldier become an undertaker or defender of cases, nor a supporter in the hearing of another's dispute," etc.? And how well these words, "the conduct of business in the courts", agree with law 3 "On Leave", given in the same consulship and by the same princes, where we read: "Those who have obtained temporary leave... shall take upon themselves no obligation, shall be mixed up in no one's affairs," etc.; and likewise with the following laws 15 and 17 "On Military Matters": in the former of which, bearing the consulship of Arcadius for the fourth time and Honorius for the third, it reads: "If anyone hereafter is found to detain a soldier in private business," etc.; and in the latter, of the consulship of Honorius for the fourth time and Eutychianus, it is written: "If any soldier... is found either at leisure for himself or busy with another's business, let it be reported to us at once," etc. By these it is plain that the soldier is kept alike from domestic and from outside business. Yet we should not think that Ambrose had these laws in view, since they are much later than this treatise; rather we judge that they were written to confirm other similar laws which have since perished. This may also be gathered from Vegetius, book II, chapter 19. For the rest, Ambrose proscribes these court proceedings sufficiently in the words "from all practice of trading", since they correspond to those earlier words, "do not entangle yourself in worldly affairs", in which it is plain that the contentious business of the courts is also included. But as to other kinds of trading, his words are not to be expounded so rigidly and to the letter. For it is well established not only that the administration of the Church's goods was customarily entrusted to priests and deacons, but also that Saint Felix, stripped of all his means for Christ, rented three acres of land, as Paulinus writes, from which to provide for his own life and for that of others poorer than himself; moreover, canon 3 of the Fourth Synod of Carthage directs that clerics should procure their food and clothing by the help either of a small craft or of farming. All of which could be done without some trading. See on this matter Sozomen, book III, chapter 17, in Valois's edition; the Decretum, distinctions 88 and 89; Godefroy on the law 6 of the emperors Arcadius and Honorius indicated above; Spencaeus, Digressions book II, chapter 15; Renatus a Valle in the Hipparchus, or the book On the Business of Religious; Thomassin, and others.
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Stipendium ad significandam pensionem viris ecclesiasticis ad victum atque vestitum praeberi solitam e castris translatum; quando non solum Ambrosium hic, Augustinum, serm. 19 de verbis Domini Hincmarum de archid. et presbyt. eo usos reperias: verum etiam conc. Carth. IV, can. 18; Agath. can. 36; Aquisgr. can. 119, et alia non pauca.
"Stipendium" was transferred from the camp to signify the allowance customarily given to churchmen for food and clothing; since you may find it used thus not only by Ambrose here, by Augustine, Sermon 19 on the Words of the Lord, and by Hincmar, On Archdeacons and Priests, but also by the Fourth Council of Carthage, canon 18; Agde, canon 36; Aachen, canon 119, and not a few others.
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(95) ‹anchor: dicitur vacuitas› · call in col 84
Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 360, lin. 20: « Vacandum autem est omni animi perturbatione, » etc. Item pag. 363, lin. 17: « Atque etiam in rebus prosperis et ad voluntatem nostram fluentibus, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 360, line 20: "But one must be free of every disturbance of the mind," etc. Likewise page 363, line 17: "And also in prosperity, when things flow according to our wish," etc.
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(96) ‹anchor: haec praecepta dant› · call in col 84
Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 360, lin. 45: « Capessentibus autem rempublicam nihilominus quam philosophis, » etc. Item, pag. 362, lin. 34: « Omnino qui reip. profuturi sunt, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 360, line 45: "But to those who take up public affairs no less than to philosophers," etc. Likewise page 362, line 34: "Altogether, those who are to be of service to the commonwealth," etc.
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(97) ‹anchor: quid possibile sit quaerimus› · call in col 85
Hic Rom. edit. jugulaverat voculam quia, et pro quaerimus, posuerat quaeramus: quod videlicet sensum quodammodo suspensum efficiat antiqua lectio: verum eamdem cum aliae edit. ac mss. omnes exhibeant, nobis visa est in integrum restituenda. Quare periodum ita interpreteris, ut ejus pars ultima sit, ne forte aggrediamur, etc., quae verba tantumdem valent, ac si scriberetur, caveamus ne aggrediamur, etc.
Here the Roman edition had cut out the little word "quia", and for "quaerimus" had put "quaeramus", evidently because the old reading leaves the sense somewhat in suspense; but since the other editions and all the manuscripts give that reading, we thought it should be restored in full. Therefore you should interpret the period so that its last part is "ne forte aggrediamur", etc., which words mean as much as if it were written "let us beware lest we undertake", etc.
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Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 361, lin. 3: « Ad rem gerendam autem qui accedit, caveat ne id modo consideret, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 361, line 3: "But he who comes to the conduct of affairs, let him take care not to consider only this," etc.
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(99) ‹anchor: metu periculi› · call in col 85
Ibid., lin. 4: « In quo ipso considerandum est, » etc. Ibid., lin. 6: « In omnibus autem negotiis, » etc. Item lin. 17. « Fortis vero animi et constantis est non perturbari, » etc.
Ibid., line 4: "In which very matter it must be considered," etc. Ibid., line 6: "But in all business," etc. Likewise line 17: "But it belongs to a brave and steadfast mind not to be disturbed," etc.
(printed under page 46) (1-2) ‹anchor: posse evenire› · call in col 85 Ibid., pag. 362. lin. 1: « Nec committere ut aliquando dicendum sit: Non putaram. »
Ibid., page 362, line 1: "Nor to act so that one must some day say, 'I had not thought of it.'"
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In edit. Bed. numerum 189 sequuntur numeri 200, 201, etc., evidenti mendo. Edd.
In the Benedictine [?] edition the number 189 is followed by the numbers 200, 201, etc., an evident error. The editors.
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Tres mss., perturbatur cogitationibus.
Three manuscripts: "is disturbed by thoughts."
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(5) ‹anchor: nudus exibo› · call in col 86
Cod. Fisc., Nudus egressus sum de utero matris meae.
The Fiscamp manuscript: "Naked I came out of my mother's womb."
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(6) ‹anchor: inexpiabili praelio› · call in col 86
Benign. et alii nonnulli, inexplebili praelio: Fisc., insuperabili.
Benignus and some others: "in insatiable battle"; the Fiscamp manuscript: "insuperable".
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(7) ‹anchor: tanquam labem quandam› · call in col 86
Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 360 lin. 15: « Quamobrem et haec vitanda sunt, et pecuniae, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 360, line 15: "Therefore these things too are to be avoided, and [the desire] of money," etc.
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(8) ‹anchor: adversariorum acie› · call in col 86
Eodem sensu Polybius lib. X Histor.: Καὶ πολλοὶ δέ τινες κατορθώσαντες τὰς ἐπιβολάς... οὐ μόνον ἐξέπεσον, ἀλλὰ τοῖς ὅλοις ἐσφάλησαν. Exemplum ejus rei ipsemet suggerit lib. V. In Xenaeta Antiochi praefecto Molonis perduellis arte ad internecionem deleto. Alia suppeditant Justinus lib. I in Cyro Tomyris astutia profligato, atque truncato; Corn. Tacitus libro I Annalium in Arminio Germanorum (continues)
In the same sense Polybius, Histories book X: "And many, having succeeded in their undertakings... have not only lost [the fruit of them], but have been utterly overthrown." He himself supplies an example of this in book V, in Xenoetas, Antiochus's general, destroyed to the last man by the craft of the rebel Molon. Others are supplied by Justin, book I, in Cyrus, routed and beheaded by the cunning of Tomyris; by Cornelius Tacitus, Annals book I, in Arminius [leader] of the Germans (continues)
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(8, continued) ‹anchor: adversariorum acie› · call in col 86 (note begins under page 46; see n86) duce a Caecina Germanici legato, et alii in aliis. Quae quidem haud annotaremus, nisi Christianorum, qui patrum memoria Turcas apud Erlam in Hungaria fusos ac stratos aviditate praedae in se revocarunt, lugenda simul et erubescenda clades admoneret imperatores nostros alieno damno nihilo fieri cautiores. Prudenter ergo rex Israel. IV Reg., c. VIII, ne sibi praedae occasione fraus strueretur, prospicibat. Similiter etiam Romani observatione illius moris de quo Polybius l. X, jam allegato.
... [leader] of the Germans, by Caecina, the legate of Germanicus; and others in other cases. We would not have noted these things, were it not that the disaster of the Christians, who within our fathers' memory called back upon themselves, through greed for plunder, the Turks routed and laid low near Erlau in Hungary, a disaster at once to be mourned and to be blushed for, warned our commanders that they are made no more cautious by another's loss. Prudently, then, the king of Israel (2 Kgs 8) took care that no trap should be laid for him through the occasion of plunder. So too the Romans, by observing that custom of which Polybius speaks in book X, already cited.
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(9) ‹anchor: caveat appetentiam› · call in col 87
Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 359, lin. 46: « Facillime autem ad res injustas, » etc. Item pag. 360, lin. 18: « Cavenda est etiam gloriae cupiditas, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 359, line 46: "But most easily to unjust deeds," etc. Likewise page 360, line 18: "The desire for glory too must be guarded against," etc.
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Ita mss. fere ad unum: edit. vero, « Nunquid avaritia, census, aut voluptatis, » etc.
So the manuscripts almost to a man; but the editions: "Is it of avarice, of wealth, or of pleasure," etc.
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(11) ‹anchor: sed sibi constant› · call in col 87
Mss. aliquot, Sed sibi consistunt; Bening., Sed sibi contra sistunt: quae lectio, si vox sibi dispungeretur, non displiceret.
Some manuscripts: "Sed sibi consistunt"; Benignus: "Sed sibi contra sistunt" — a reading which would not be displeasing if the word "sibi" were struck out.
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(12) ‹anchor: defixos gloria tenet› · call in col 87
Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag, 361. lin. 7: « Sed cum plerique arbitrantur res bellicas majores esse, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 361, line 7: "But since most people think that the affairs of war are greater," etc.
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(13) ‹anchor: solam esse praeliarem fortitudinem› · call in col 87
Mss. aliquot, praeliatorum fortitudinem.
Some manuscripts: "the courage of warriors."
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(14) ‹anchor: Gabaonitas urgeret prelium› · call in col 87
Vet. edit. ac mss. non pauci, surgeret praelium.
The old editions and not a few manuscripts: "the battle arose."
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Rom. edit. sola, virtutem magnam fecit in praelio.
The Roman edition alone: "he did a great deed of valour in battle."
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(16) ‹anchor: legionis se proripuit› · call in col 88
Edit. Gill. ac Rom. cum mss. aliquot, se prorupit: melius aliae cum mss. pluribus ac potioribus, se proripuit. Rursus vero ubi ant. edit. et plures mss., interficiebat bestiam, elegantius edit. Rom. atque alii mss. licet pauciores, interficiebat, donec pervenit (Rom. edit., perveniret) ad bestiam.
Gillot's and the Roman edition with some manuscripts: "se prorupit" (burst forth); better, the other editions with more and better manuscripts: "se proripuit" (rushed forth). Again, where the old editions and several manuscripts read "he slew the beast", more elegantly the Roman edition and other manuscripts, though fewer, read "he kept slaying, until he came" (Roman edition, "perveniret") "to the beast".
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(17) ‹anchor: defixi hostes inermem› · call in col 88
Quomodo inermem, qui gladio armatus utraque manu hostes interficiebat? Sed hoc ad abjectum clypeum referendum est, juxta illud Ciceronis orat. pro Cecina, pag. 45: « Arma esse suis nominibus alia ad tegendum, alia ad nocendum: quae qui non habuerint, eos inermes fuisse, » etc.
How "unarmed", when, armed with a sword, he was slaying the enemy with both hands? But this is to be referred to the shield he had thrown away, according to Cicero's speech For Caecina, page 45: "That arms, by their proper names, are some for covering, some for harming; and those who did not have them were unarmed," etc.
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(18) ‹anchor: Antiochus Lysiae filius› · call in col 88
Sic edit. Gill. et Amerb. in marg. cum mss. longe plurimis: aliae vero cum mss. nonnullis (continues)
So Gillot's edition and Amerbach's in the margin, with by far the most manuscripts; but the other editions with some manuscripts (continues)
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(19) ‹anchor: triumphis locum mortis› · call in col 89
Erasm. ac. seq. edit. cum mss. duobus, gloriosiorem triumphis mortem.
Erasmus's and the following editions, with two manuscripts: "a death more glorious than triumphs."
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(20) ‹anchor: revexerunt triumphos› · call in col 89
Non pigeat conferre hanc narrationem de martyrio fratrum Machabaeorum cum eorumdem historia lib II de Jacob et Vita beata, cap. 11, latius exposita, nec non cum illis cap. seq. num. 55, verbis: « Quae cithara dulciores ederet cantus, » etc.: videbisque alteram alteri exemplaris loco fuisse propositam.
It will be worth comparing this account of the martyrdom of the Maccabee brothers with their story set out more fully in book II of On Jacob and the Happy Life, chapter 11, and also with these words of the following chapter, number 55: "What lyre would give forth sweeter songs," etc.; and you will see that the one served as the model for the other.
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Infantes intelligit a bimatu et infra Herodis jussu trucidatos, quos Ecclesiae traditio semper numeravit inter martyres. Non incongruum scilicet esse creditum est, ut, quibus ad peccati debitum aliena voluntas suffecerat, eis etiam sufficeret ad gloriae meritum aliena, id est Christi voluntas, et parentum, dolor: « Quando Rachel ploravit filios suos, ut lacrymis ablutos suis pro Christo offerret infantes, » ut Ambrosius ipse loquitur epist. ad Horontianum. olim in vet. edit. 39, quam inde avulsam Rom. edit, inter Enarrationes in Genesin collocarunt. Habuerunt varii SS. Patres sermones in natalem SS. Innocentium, maxime vero Augustinus atque Bernardus; quos consule.
He means the infants of two years old and under slaughtered at Herod's command, whom the tradition of the Church has always numbered among the martyrs. It was thought not unfitting, namely, that those for whom another's will had sufficed for the debt of sin should also find another's will — that is, the will of Christ — and their parents' grief sufficient for the merit of glory: "When Rachel wept for her children, that she might offer for Christ infants washed in her own tears," as Ambrose himself says in the letter to Horontianus, formerly number 39 in the old editions, which the Roman edition tore from there and placed among the Expositions on Genesis. Various holy Fathers had sermons on the feast of the Holy Innocents, especially Augustine and Bernard; consult them.
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(22) ‹anchor: Dominici sanguinis consecrationem› · call in col 90
Ita vet. edit. quibus consentiunt omnes mss. nisi quod unus e Vat. et decem e Gall. habent Dominici corporis et sanguinis consecrationem. At Rom. edit. ab omnibus et scriptis et excusis Ambr. cod. discedens pro consecrationem reposuit dispensationem. Ex qua mutatione causam legitimam habere se sibi visi sunt heterodoxorum non pauci, ut corruptionem ac malam editorum fidem clamarent invidiosissime. Sed non satis consulta isthaec accusatio; meminisse enim ipsos oportuerat Hospinianum lib. V Hist. Sacram. cap. 6, non editioni Rom. quae jam multis ab annis vulgata fuerat, verum Eutropio corruptionem hanc attribuere. Nec forte vacat etiam temeritate haec ipsa Hospiniani insimulatio. Etenim non solum in vita beati Sixti apud Lipomanum, Venetae edit. an. 1554, verum etiam in vita sancti Laurentii, ut habetur in legenda Lombardica Jac. Genuensis excusa Nuremburgi an. 1487, legimus Dominici sanguinis dispensationem; quod quidem haud levi indicio est, alicubi exstare exemplar aliquod, in quo sic legatur. Veruntamen antiquiori atque genuinae, minimeque, ut cum card. Bona dicamus, formidandae lectioni standum est. Enimvero sumitur consecratio vel pro ipso consecranti actu, vel pro ejusdem effectu, id est jam peracta consecratione, quorum neutrum a sensu ca- (continues)
So the old editions, with which all the manuscripts agree, except that one of the Vatican and ten of the French manuscripts have "the consecration of the Lord's body and blood". But the Roman edition, departing from all the written and printed copies of Ambrose, replaced "consecrationem" with "dispensationem" (dispensing). From this change not a few of the heterodox thought they had a legitimate ground to cry out most odiously against corruption and the bad faith of the editors. But this accusation was not well considered; for they ought to have remembered that Hospinian, History of the Sacrament book V, chapter 6, attributed this corruption not to the Roman edition, which had already been in circulation for many years, but to Eutropius. Nor perhaps is this very charge of Hospinian's free of rashness. For not only in the life of blessed Sixtus in Lipomanus, Venice edition of 1554, but also in the life of Saint Laurence as found in the Lombardic Legend of James of Genoa [Voragine], printed at Nuremberg in 1487, we read "the dispensing of the Lord's blood"; which is no slight sign that somewhere there exists a copy in which it is so read. Nevertheless one must stand by the older and genuine reading, which — to say it with Cardinal Bona — is by no means to be feared. Indeed, "consecratio" is taken either for the very act of consecrating, or for its effect, that is, the consecration already completed; neither of which [is foreign] to the sense (continues)
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(22, continued) ‹anchor: Dominici sanguinis consecrationem› · call in col 90 (note begins under page 48; see n90) tholico abhorret. Nam si placeat prima ratio, quid mirum diacono consecrationem attribui, cum Guerricus abbas serm. 5, de Purif., etiam populum asserat consecrare? Sane diacono competit non tanquam uni e fidelium conventu, sed tanquam primario consecrantis sacerdotis ministro illius actioni cooperari per modum cujusdam, ut sic loquamur, concelebrationis; quo spectat synodi Rom. can. 3, ad episcop. Gall., apud Sirmond. tom. I Conc. Gall. Et hoc sensu accipiendos putamus locos duos, alterum Petri Blesensis epist. 123, ad episc. Londin., alterum Petri Cant. lib. de Verbo Mirif. cap. 41, quorum utrumque Hallerius lib. III Hierar. pag. 375, de sola dispensatione, priorem vero de sola praesentia cardin. Bona lib. I Rer. Liturg. cap. 25 num. 4, interpretatur, quos consule, sicut et Menardum nostrum in Sacrament. S. Gregorii. Porro secunda consecrationis acceptio, nimirum pro rei consecratae distributione, omni prorsus caret offendiculo, maximeque nobis arridet: tum quia vox commisisti atiquid jam perfectum signat, et aliae illae consummandorum consortium sacramentorum, pulchre ad eamdem dispensationem referuntur: tum quia proprium diaconorum officium erat plebi Dominicum sanguinem administrare, quemadmodum conc. Aquisgr. cap. 7: « Nam sicut in sacerdote, inquit, consecratio, ita in ministro dispensatio sacramenti est. Ille oblata sanctificat, hic sanctificata dispensat. « Quae verba etiam reperire est apud Isidorum lib. II Off. Eccl.. cap. 8, et veterem auctorem qui Hieronymi titulum falso praefert. Coactior autem haec ei non videbitur explicatio, qui cum Ant. Godello Historiae Eccl. tom. I, pag. 579, perpenderit in ipso missae sacrificio dum in calice particula hostiae sacrae immittitur, consecrationem sumi pro re consecrata. Huc adde quod ait cardinalis Bona loco laudato, dici diaconum consecrare, quatenus sanguinem dispensat, qui est consecatio et sanctificatio nostra, et fons atque essentia omnis sanctificationis. » Apage ergo vanum quorumdum cum Hospiniano commentum, qui loco citato et lib. I ejusdem Hist. Sacr. cap. 23, ex his Ambrosii verbis exprimere conatur licuisse olim diaconis in sacerdotum absentia eucharistiam conficere. Nam praeterquam quod in mss. plusquam 24, et in omnibus scriptoribus a quibus hic idem locus citatur, corporis Dominici omittitur mentio; ipsemet sanctus Levita non sacrificantem, sed sacrificantis ministrum se profitetur, nec de sacerdotis abseotia loquitur, sed de consortio. Quapropter sicubi diaconos alio sensu legimus consecrasse, id superbae ac temerariae ascribendum est usurpationi.
... Catholic. For if the first explanation be preferred, what wonder is it that consecration is attributed to the deacon, when Abbot Guerric, in Sermon 5 On the Purification, asserts that even the people consecrate? Certainly it belongs to the deacon, not as to one of the assembly of the faithful, but as to the chief minister of the consecrating priest, to cooperate in his action by way of a kind of concelebration, so to speak; and to this the third canon of the Roman synod to the bishops of Gaul looks, in Sirmond, Councils of Gaul volume I. And in this sense we think two passages are to be taken, one of Peter of Blois, letter 123, to the bishop of London, the other of Peter the Chanter, book On the Wonderful Word, chapter 41: Hallier, Hierarchy book III, page 375, interprets both of them of the dispensing alone, and Cardinal Bona, Liturgical Matters book I, chapter 25, number 4, the former of presence alone; consult them, as also our Ménard on the Sacramentary of Saint Gregory. Further, the second sense of "consecratio", namely the distribution of the consecrated thing, is entirely free of offence, and pleases us most: both because the word "commisisti" (you entrusted) signifies something already completed, and those other words, "consummandorum consortium sacramentorum", refer finely to the same dispensing; and because it was the proper office of deacons to administer the Lord's blood to the people, as the Council of Aachen, chapter 7, says: "For as consecration is in the priest, so the dispensing of the sacrament is in the minister. The one sanctifies the offerings, the other dispenses what has been sanctified." These words are also to be found in Isidore, On Ecclesiastical Offices book II, chapter 8, and in the ancient author who falsely bears the title of Jerome. Nor will this explanation seem too forced to one who, with Antoine Godeau, Ecclesiastical History volume I, page 579, has weighed that in the sacrifice of the Mass itself, while a particle of the sacred host is put into the chalice, "consecratio" is used for the consecrated thing. Add to this what Cardinal Bona says in the place cited: that the deacon is said to consecrate inasmuch as he dispenses the blood, "which is our consecration and sanctification, and the fount and essence of all sanctification." Away, then, with the empty fabrication of certain people, Hospinian among them, who in the place cited and in book I of the same History of the Sacrament, chapter 23, tries to wring from these words of Ambrose that deacons were once permitted to confect the Eucharist in the absence of priests. For besides the fact that in more than 24 manuscripts, and in all the writers by whom this same passage is cited, there is no mention of the Lord's "body", the holy Levite himself professes himself not the one who sacrifices but the minister of the one who sacrifices, and speaks not of the priest's absence but of fellowship with him. Wherefore, wherever we read that deacons consecrated in another sense, it is to be ascribed to proud and rash usurpation.
(printed under page 49)
(23) ‹anchor: Sacerdotem et Levitam› · call in col 91
Omnes edit. et mss. aliquot, Inter Sacerdotem, etc. At plures mss. omittunt inter. Cum autem per sacerdotem episcopus intelligatur, et per levitam diaconus (nam ut postea syn. Aquisgr. cap. 7, ex lib. II Constit. Apost. cap. 25, et epist. 85 sancti Hieron. definivit: « Diaconorum ordo a tribu Levi accepit exordium » apte asseritur inter utrumque tridui interstitium convenire; sunt enim tres in hierarchia distincti gradus, episcopi, presbyteri ac diaconi, ut Patres Tridentini majorum traditioni adhaerentes. confirmarunt.
All the editions and some manuscripts: "Inter Sacerdotem," etc. But more manuscripts omit "inter". Since, however, by "priest" the bishop is understood, and by "Levite" the deacon (for, as the Synod of Aachen, chapter 7, later laid down from book II of the Apostolic Constitutions, chapter 25, and from Saint Jerome's letter 85: "The order of deacons took its beginning from the tribe of Levi"), it is aptly asserted that an interval of three days falls between the two; for there are three distinct grades in the hierarchy, bishops, priests and deacons, as the Fathers of Trent, adhering to the tradition of their forebears, confirmed.
(printed under page 49)
(24) ‹anchor: alter qui fecisset› · call in col 92
Alter qui fecisset, id est, Orestes qui matrem Clytaemnestram in ultionem occisi ab ea patris Agamemnonis interemerat. Alter qui adjuvisset, Pylades nimirum ejusdem Orestis cognatus atque amicus adeo fidelis, ut uterque pro verae amicitiae forma fuerit habitus. Hic autem locus desumptus translatusque est, non ex Euripidis Iphigenia in Tauride, ut in margine notavit Rom. edit., sed ex Cicer. lib. V. de Fin. Bon. et mal., pag. 109, et Dial. de Amic. pag. 422, ubi hos plausus in M. Pacuvii tragoedia excitatos narrat.
"The one who had done it", that is, Orestes, who had killed his mother Clytemnestra in vengeance for his father Agamemnon, slain by her. "The other who had helped", namely Pylades, kinsman of the same Orestes and a friend so faithful that the two were held as the pattern of true friendship. This passage is taken and translated not from Euripides's Iphigenia in Tauris, as the Roman edition noted in the margin, but from Cicero, On the Ends of Good and Evil book V, page 109, and the dialogue On Friendship, page 422, where he relates that this applause was raised at a tragedy of Marcus Pacuvius.
(printed under page 49)
(25) ‹anchor: adulantibus aperiamus aurem› · call in col 92
Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 363, lin. 30: « Cavendum est ne assentatoribus patefaciamus aures, nec adulari nos sinamus, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 363, line 30: "We must beware of opening our ears to flatterers, or allowing ourselves to be flattered," etc.
(printed under page 49)
(26) ‹anchor: ac modestia vocatur› · call in col 93
Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 363. lin. 41: « Sequitur ut de illa reliqua parte honestatis dicendum sit, in qua verecundia, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 363, line 41: "It follows that we must speak of that remaining part of the honourable, in which modesty," etc.
(printed under page 50)
(27) ‹anchor: probatissimis quibusque senioribus› · call in col 93
Ibid. p. 368, lin. 5. « Est igitur adolescentis majores natu, » etc. Item lib. II, pag. 380, lin. 38. « Facillime autem, et in optimam partem cognoscuntur adolescente, » etc.
Ibid., page 368, line 5: "It is therefore the part of a young man [to respect] his elders," etc. Likewise book II, page 380, line 38: "But young men are most easily, and in the best light, made known," etc.
(printed under page 50)
(28) ‹anchor: ingeniis sit accommodum› · call in col 93
Ibid. pag. 365, lin. 42: « Altera autem quae proprie singulis est attributa: ut enim in corporibus, » etc.
Ibid., page 365, line 42: "But the other, which is assigned to each individually: for as in bodies," etc.
(printed under page 50)
(29) ‹anchor: vultum contra regem› · call in col 93
Edit. et mss. non pauci coram rege: alii vero non pauciores, sed iidem antiquiores, contra regem, id est, ex adverso regis.
The editions and not a few manuscripts: "before the king"; but others, no fewer and older, "contra regem", that is, facing the king.
(printed under page 50)
(30) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 94 (col 93 carries calls 26–29 only)
Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 366, lin. 16: « Admodum autem tuenda sunt sua cuique, » etc. Et infra, lin. 40: « Suum igitur quisque noscat ingenium, » etc. Item pag. 367, lin. 30: « In qua deliberatione ad suam cujusque naturam, consilium est omne revocandum, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 366, line 16: "But each man must hold firmly to what is his own," etc. And below, line 40: "Let each man, then, know his own nature," etc. Likewise page 367, line 30: "In which deliberation the whole plan must be referred to each one's own nature," etc.
(printed under page 50)
(31) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 94 (col 93 carries calls 26–29 only)
Pauci mss. et vet. edit., Non solum noverit, etc.
A few manuscripts and the old editions: "Non solum noverit," etc.
(printed under page 50)
(32) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 94 (col 93 carries calls 26–29 only)
Quamvis hic nulla fiat mentio acolythi et ostiarii, minime tamen hinc sequitur eorum ordines in Ecclesia tum temporis non exstitisse, cum illi quatuor qui recensentur, tantum exempli causa memorentur. Quod autem cum lectore atque exorcista numerantur psalmista et sacrarii custos, quorum apud nos jam nulli sunt ordines; hoc inde putamus factum quod cum minores illi clericatus ecclesiasticae tantum institutionis sint, pro variis necessitatibus modo aucti, modo imminuti ab Ecclesia reperiuntur. De psalmista quidem sive cantore loquitur conc. Carthag. III, can. 21; item IV, can. 10; Gregorius Magnus, lib. XI, 51; Ordo Rom. et alii: de custode vero sacrarii atque ipsius officio dicemus ad caput hujus libri L. Observa interim non omnes omnibus, sed singulis singulos ordines tribui solitos: nec non in episcopi positum fuisse arbitrio quem cui ordini destinaret.
Although no mention is made here of the acolyte and the porter, it by no means follows that their orders did not exist in the Church at that time, since the four that are listed are mentioned only by way of example. As for the psalmist and the keeper of the sacristy being numbered with the reader and the exorcist — orders of which there are now none among us — we think this came about because, since those minor grades of the clergy are of ecclesiastical institution only, they are found to have been now increased, now reduced by the Church according to various needs. Of the psalmist or cantor speak the Third Council of Carthage, canon 21, and the Fourth, canon 10; Gregory the Great, book XI, 51; the Roman Ordo, and others; of the keeper of the sacristy and his office we shall speak at chapter 50 of this book. Note meanwhile that it was customary to confer not all the orders on all, but single orders on single men; and that it lay in the bishop's judgement whom he would appoint to which order.
(printed under page 50)
(33) ‹anchor: majore impletur gratia› · call in col 94
Ita mss. melioris notae: alii vero et edit., majore implet gratia, parum admodum diverso sensu.
So the manuscripts of better note; but others and the editions read "majore implet gratia" (fills with greater grace), in a sense differing very little.
(printed under page 50)
(34) ‹anchor: sequi vitam parentum› · call in col 94
Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag 367, lin. 5: « Quorum vero patres aut majores aliqua gloria praestiterunt, eorum plerique in hoc genere, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 367, line 5: "But those whose fathers or forebears excelled in some glory, most of them in this kind," etc.
(printed under page 50)
(35) ‹anchor: institutum patris› · call in col 94
Patris, spiritalis scilicet, id est, institutoris ac magistri: aut si contenderis patrem naturalem intelligendum, minime sane repugnabimus, modo intellexeris de patre in minoribus tantum gradibus constituto, et eatenus de initiato majoribus, quatenus eos liberos ante ordinationem suam sustulerit. Etenim ab hoc ultimo necessario servandam continentiam Ambrosium nostrum docuisse postea suo loco evidentissime ostendemus.
"Of the father", that is, the spiritual father — the founder and teacher; or if you contend that the natural father is to be understood, we shall certainly not object, provided you understand a father placed only in the minor grades, and one initiated into the major grades only so far as he begot those children before his ordination. For we shall show later, in its place, most clearly, that our Ambrose taught that continence must necessarily be kept by this last.
(printed under page 50)
(36) ‹anchor: quod decorum dicitur› · call in col 95
Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 363, lin. 47: « Hoc loco continetur id quod dici Latine decorum potest, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 363, line 47: "Under this head is contained what in Latin may be called 'decorum' (the seemly)," etc.
(printed under page 51)
(37) ‹anchor: quaedam salubritas corporis› · call in col 95
Ibid., pag. 364, lin. 10: « Ut enim venustas et pulchritudo corporis secerni non potest a valetudine, » etc.
Ibid., page 364, line 10: "For as the grace and beauty of the body cannot be separated from its health," etc.
(printed under page 51)
(38) ‹anchor: propositi nostri› · call in col 95
Mss. aliquot, in virtute propositi nostri; at commodius in aliis, nec non in edit. deest, in virtute.
Some manuscripts: "in the virtue of our purpose"; but more conveniently, in the others and in the editions, "in virtute" is absent.
(printed under page 51)
(39) ‹anchor: Quod Graeci dicunt› · call in col 95
Edit. et quidam mss., Quod Graece dicitur.
The editions and some manuscripts: "What is said in Greek."
(printed under page 51)
(40) ‹anchor: in habitu ornato› · call in col 96
Rom. edit., in habitu ordinato: caeterae non modo cum mss. sed etiam cum vulg., vers. in habitu ornato ex Graeco scilicet, ἐν καταστολῇ κοσμίῳ. Rursus vero eadem edit. Rom pro eo quod aliae, ac mss. plures habent, cum bona conversatione reposuit cum nonnullis, per bonam conversationem, respiciens scilicet ad illud Apostoli ex loco citato, ἀλλὰ (ὃ πρέπει γυναιξὶν ἐπαγγελλομέναις θεοσέβειαν) δι' ἔργων ἀγαθῶν, promittentes pietatem per bona opera: ubi Ambrosius pietatem etiam mutavit in castitatem.
The Roman edition: "in ordered dress"; the others, not only with the manuscripts but also with the Vulgate version: "in seemly dress", that is, from the Greek "in modest apparel". Again, where the other editions and most manuscripts have "cum bona conversatione" (with good conduct), the same Roman edition, with some [manuscripts], put "per bonam conversationem" (through good conduct), with an eye, namely, to the Apostle's words at the place cited, "but (as befits women professing godliness) through good works", "promising piety through good works" — where Ambrose also changed "piety" into "chastity".
(printed under page 51)
(41) ‹anchor: decorum quasi generale› · call in col 96
Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 364, lin. 13: « Est autem ejus descriptio duplex. Nam et generale quoddam decorum, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 364, line 13: "Its description is twofold. For there is a certain general seemliness," etc.
(printed under page 51)
(42) ‹anchor: secundum naturam vivere› · call in col 96
Ibid., lin. 15: « Decorum id esse quod consentaneum sit hominis excellentiae, » etc. Item infra lin. 40: « Officium autem quod ab eo ducitur, hunc primum. » etc. Ibid., pag. 367, lin. 31: « Nam cum in omnibus quae aguntur, » etc.
Ibid., line 15: "That the seemly is what accords with man's excellence," etc. Likewise below, line 40: "But the duty which is derived from it, [has] this first," etc. Ibid., page 367, line 31: "For since in all that is done," etc.
(printed under page 51)
(43) ‹anchor: docet vos quod vir› · call in col 96
Omnes edit., nos docet quod vir, etc., sed contra mss. auctoritatem, quibus etiam suffragatur textus Apostolicus, διδάσκει ὑμᾶς ὅτι ἀνὴρ, etc. non vero διδάσκει ἡμᾶς, etc.
All the editions: "teaches us that a man," etc., but against the authority of the manuscripts, which the Apostle's text also supports: "teaches you that a man," etc., not "teaches us," etc.
(printed under page 51)
(44) ‹anchor: hoc decorum generale› · call in col 96
Nonnulli mss. et vet. edit., « Habes hunc decorem generalem. ».
Some manuscripts and the old editions: "You have this general comeliness."
(printed under page 51)
(45) ‹anchor: speculo elucet› · call in col 97
Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 364, lin. 33: « Sic hoc decorum quod elucet in vita, movet, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 364, line 33: "So this seemliness which shines out in life moves [approval]," etc.
(printed under page 52)
(46) ‹anchor: affectum audientium› · call in col 97
Ibid., pag. 370, lin. 3. « Maximeque curandum, eos quibuscum sermonem conferimus et vereri et diligere videamur. »
Ibid., page 370, line 3: "And we must take the greatest care to seem both to respect and to love those with whom we converse."
(printed under page 52)
(47) ‹anchor: vir optimus sentiat› · call in col 97
Ibid., pag. 364, lin. 35: « Adhibenda est igitur quaedam reverentia adversus homines, » etc.
Ibid., page 364, line 35: "A certain reverence, therefore, must be shown towards men," etc.
(printed under page 52)
(48) ‹anchor: motus animi sui› · call in col 97
Ibid., pag. 365, lin. 44: « Neque enim solum corporis... sed multo etiam magis animi, » etc.
Ibid., page 365, line 44: "For not only of the body... but much more of the mind," etc.
(printed under page 52)
(49) ‹anchor: se repente› · call in col 97
Mss. aliquot, vi quadam serpente.
Some manuscripts: "by a kind of creeping force."
(printed under page 52)
(50) ‹anchor: bonae domitrici› · call in col 97
Omnes edit. ac mss. aliquot ut bonae dominatrici, alii plures potioresque, ut bonae domitrici. Aptius id quidem; refertur enim ad superiora, quae appetitum refrenet, etc.
All the editions and some manuscripts: "as to a good mistress"; others, more and better: "as to a good tamer". This is indeed more apt, for it refers to the words above, "which curbs appetite", etc.
(printed under page 52)
(51) ‹anchor: aut incuriose geramus› · call in col 97
Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 364, lin. 48: « Omnis autem actio vacare debet temeritate et negligentia, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, page 364, line 48: "But every action ought to be free of rashness and carelessness," etc.
(printed under page 52)
(none) <!-- note (Q11a, 2026-10-05): (52)–(54) are printed under col 98 and called in col 98 (rationi, ratio, censura); moved to n98. -->
(52) ‹anchor: appetitus rationi› · call in col 98
Cic. lib. I Offic., lin. 1: « Efficiendum autem est ut appetitus rationi obediant, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, line 1: "But it must be brought about that the appetites obey reason," etc.
(printed under page 52)
(53) ‹anchor: amittitur ratio› · call in col 98
Ibid., pag. 365, lin. 6: « A quibus non modo animi perturbantur, sed etiam corpora. Licet ora ipsa cernere, » etc.
Ibid., page 365, line 6: "By which not only minds but bodies too are disturbed. One may see the very faces," etc.
(printed under page 52)
(54) ‹anchor: quaedam censura› · call in col 98
Ibid., lin. 11: « Neque enim ita generati... sed ad severitatem potius, » etc.
Ibid., line 11: "For we were not so made... but rather for seriousness," etc.
(printed under page 52)
(55) ‹anchor: injuriae dolor› · call in col 98
Ibid., pag. 370, lin. 12: « Rectum est autem etiam in illis contentionibus quae cum inimicissimis fiunt, » etc.
Ibid., page 370, line 12: "But it is right, even in those contests that are waged with our bitterest enemies," etc.
(printed under page 52)
(56) ‹anchor: Sed quia supra› · call in col 98
In superior, edit. hoc erat initium cap. 48, sed incommode.
In the earlier editions this was the beginning of chapter 48, but inconveniently.
(printed under page 52)
(57) ‹anchor: conviciatur, inequitat› · call in col 98
Mss. aliquot, conviciator iniquus: unus, conviciator iniquitatis: alii non pauci, conviciatur iniquitas: aliqui et edit. Amerb., conviciatur iniquitate: nonnulli. ac Eras et Gil., conviciatur, inquietat: duo, conviciatur, iniquitates incitat: caeteri (continues)
Some manuscripts: "an unjust reviler"; one: "a reviler of iniquity"; not a few others: "iniquity reviles"; some, and Amerbach's edition: "reviles with iniquity"; some, and Erasmus and Gillot: "reviles, disquiets"; two: "reviles, stirs up iniquities"; the rest (continues)
(printed under page 52)
(none) <!-- note (Q11a, 2026-10-05): (52)–(54) moved here from n97 (printed under col 98, called in col 98). The end of (57) is printed under col 99 and set in n99. -->
(57) (continued) ‹anchor: conviciatur, inequitat› · call in col 98
denique atque edit. Rom., conviciatur, inequitat: quod verbum a scribis minime intellectum tantam peperit diversitatem; cum hic inequitat, nihil aliud sit, quam veluti calcaribus incitat exagitatque.
(continued) finally, and the Roman edition: "reviles, rides over"; a word which, little understood by the scribes, produced so much variety, since "rides over" here means nothing other than "spurs on and harries, as it were with spurs".
(printed under page 53)
(58) ‹anchor: crimen objiciat› · call in col 99
Cod. Big., Sciens me non egisse quae objiciat, non sum tantus. etiamsi mei objecti alienum noverim.
The Bigot manuscript: "Knowing that I have not done what he charges, I am not so great, even if I know myself free of the charge."
(printed under page 53)
(59) ‹anchor: pudoris notam› · call in col 99
Mss. nonnulli, injecti pudoris notam.
Some manuscripts: "the mark of shame cast upon [me]."
(printed under page 53)
(60) ‹anchor: ille convicium› · call in col 99
Edit. et pauci mss. influat ille conviciis; alii mss. longe plurimi.., convicium. Rursus vero ubi edit. et mss. plerique, nihil respondeo; mss. nonnulli habent, nihil rependo.
The editions and a few manuscripts: "let him pour in with insults"; by far the most other manuscripts: "insult". Again, where the editions and most manuscripts read "I answer nothing", some manuscripts have "I pay back nothing".
(printed under page 53)
(61) ‹anchor: et benedicimus› · call in col 99
Duo mss., et benedicimus; persecutionem patimur, et sustinemus.
Two manuscripts: "and we bless; we suffer persecution, and we endure."
(printed under page 53)
(62) ‹anchor: maledicto illo› · call in col 99
Mss. unus, quia maledictio illa.
One manuscript: "because that cursing."
(printed under page 53)
(63) ‹anchor: pro maledicto hoc› · call in col 100
Duo mss., Dominus benedictionem pro maledicto hoc.
Two manuscripts: "the Lord [will return] blessing for this curse."
(printed under page 53)
(64) ‹anchor: vincebat quasi› · call in col 100
Ita mss. plures ac probatiores: alii nonnulli, atque edit., Sed vincebat spiritu quasi, etc.
So most and the more approved manuscripts; some others, and the editions: "But he was conquering in spirit as it were," etc.
(printed under page 53)
(none) <!-- note (Q11a, 2026-10-05): the end of (57), printed at the head of the foot under col 99, was missing and is set here. (63) and (64) are printed under col 99 but called in col 100. -->
(65) ‹anchor: illic veritas› · call in col 100
Thuan. cod. ac tres alii, hic imago, veritas in coelestibus. Verum alia lectio non solum multo pluribus mss. omnibusque edit. nititur, verum etiam consensione alterius loci ex Expos. psal XXXVIII, num. 25, ubi haec eadem verba sine ulla diversitate legere est. Porro Edm. Albertinus lib. II, cap. 2, pag. 505, his Ambrosii verbis, imago in Evangelio, et nunc in imagine, etc., hunc sensum affingit, quasi neget Vir sanctus Christum jam hic offerri, nisi in imagine, cum e contra in coelis offerat se in veritate; atque ita imago et veritas invicem opponantur, ut altera alteram excludat. Verum nisi partium studio obcaecatus esset, pervidisset utique Christum non alia de causa in imagine offerri dictum, nisi quia offertur quasi homo, quasi passionem recipiens. Quapropter, ut clare sancti Doctoris mens pateat, advertendum est his verbis, Hic umbra, hic imago, etc Ecclesiam ab eo sic describi, ut sit status quidam medius inter Synagogam et coelum: quod videlicet in illa fuerit sola umbra, in hoc autem sola veritas: at in Ecclesia utraque res simul conjuncta. Et certe adeo verum est ab Ambrosio veritatem cum imagine in evangelico foedere copulatam significari, ut eas sejungere non potuerit, quin ipsiusmet cruenti sacrificii, atque adeo Dominicae incarnationis veritatem funditus everteret: cum haec mysteria ex mente ipsius non ad Synagogum, neque ad coelum referri queant, sed ad Ecclesiam. Sed ipse Ambrosius mentem suam loco citato Expos. psal. XXXVIII, tam claris verbis exprimit, et nullam cavillis relinquat ansam: « Videmus nunc, inquit, per imaginem bona, et tenemus (continues)
The de Thou manuscript and three others: "here the image, the truth in the heavenly places." But the other reading rests not only on far more manuscripts and all the editions, but also on the agreement of another passage, from the Exposition of Psalm 38, number 25, where these same words may be read without any variation. Moreover, Edme Aubertin, book II, chapter 2, page 505, fastens on these words of Ambrose, "the image in the Gospel", and "now in the image", etc., this sense: as though the holy man denied that Christ is now offered here except in an image, whereas on the contrary in heaven He offers Himself in truth; and so that image and truth are opposed to each other, the one excluding the other. But had he not been blinded by partisanship, he would certainly have seen that Christ is said to be offered in an image for no other reason than that He is offered as man, as receiving the passion. Therefore, so that the holy Doctor's mind may be clear, it must be noted that in the words "Here the shadow, here the image," etc., the Church is described by him as a kind of middle state between the Synagogue and heaven: namely, that in the former there was the shadow alone, in the latter the truth alone, but in the Church both things joined together. And it is certainly so true that Ambrose signifies the truth joined with the image in the Gospel covenant, that he could not have separated them without utterly overthrowing the truth of the bloody sacrifice itself, and indeed of the Lord's incarnation, since in his mind these mysteries can be referred neither to the Synagogue nor to heaven, but to the Church. But Ambrose himself expresses his mind at the place cited, Exposition of Psalm 38, in words so clear as to leave no handle for quibbles: "Now, he says, we see good things through an image, and we hold (continues)
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(66) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 101 (presumably)
Mss. Thuan., Hic ergo in imagine videmur.
The Thou (de Thou) manuscripts: "Here, then, we are seen in an image."
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(67) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 101 (presumably)
Mss. aliquot, quo aggregare; quidam, augere possit.
Some manuscripts: "by which to gather"; certain ones: "may be able to increase."
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(68) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 101 (presumably)
Edit. ac pauci mss. merces congerat.
The editions and a few manuscripts: "may heap up wares."
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(69) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 101 (presumably)
Mss. unus, in se vindices amor negotiationis excitet.
One manuscript: "the love of trade may rouse avengers against itself."
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(70) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 101 (presumably)
Mss. nonnulli, naufragium patiens mare; unus, mortem incidat.
Some manuscripts: "the sea suffering shipwreck"; one: "may fall into death."
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(71) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 101 (presumably)
Quidam mss. et edit., dilapidat hæres luxuriosus.
Certain manuscripts and editions: "a dissolute heir squanders it."
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(72) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 101 (presumably)
Nonnulli mss., partitæ acquirit hæreditatis.
Some manuscripts: "acquires [a share] of a divided inheritance."
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(73) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 101 (presumably)
Rom. edit sola. Quid ergo telam araneæ texis.
The Roman edition alone: "Why then do you weave a spider's web?"
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(74) ‹anchor: ginem habeat› · call in col 102
Confert, si lubet, quæ hic dicuntur cum iis quæ tom. I, lib. IV de Interpell. num. 24, et Expos. in Psal. XXXVIII, num. 27, Sed præter hos duos locos ad quos hic respexisse Ambrosium ipsa res loquitur, alibi quoque non semel ut puta lib. VI Hexaem, cap. 9, num. 57, et serm. 10, Expos. in psal. CXVIII. num. 25, meminit imaginum imperatoriarum. Neque mirum id quidem; certum enim est non alio honoris genere Romanes principes ambitiosius coli solitos. Namque, ut omittamus imagunculas illas, quas privatim nonnulli secum ferebant, et quibus, deprompits, eos qui sibi mali quidpiam minitarentur, absterebant, ut Corn. Tacitus, lib. III Annal. auctor est; iisdem imperatoribus maxime postquam recens proclamati fuerant, aut insignem aliquam victoriam adepti, statuas aureas, argenteas, aut ex alia pretiosa materia, non modo in earum urbium ubi erat imperii sedes, privatis ac publicis ædibus erigi, verum etiam ad remotiores provincias mitti consuesse ex multis veterum monumentis colligere est. Videsis Zosimi Hist. lib. IV, Libanii epist. 841, ad Sever., et quæ nos superiori tomo pag. 1095 adnotavimus.
Compare, if you like, what is said here with what is said in vol. I, On the Interpellation [of Job and David] book IV, no. 24, and the Exposition of Psalm 38, no. 27. But besides these two places, to which the matter itself shows Ambrose was looking here, elsewhere too, more than once — for instance Hexaemeron book VI, ch. 9, no. 57, and sermon 10 of the Exposition of Psalm 118, no. 25 — he mentions the emperors' images. Nor is that surprising; for it is certain that the Roman princes were accustomed to be honoured by no kind of honour more ambitiously. For, to pass over those little images which some carried about privately, and by producing which they frightened off those who threatened them with any harm, as Cornelius Tacitus, Annals book III, reports; it can be gathered from many monuments of the ancients that to these same emperors, especially when newly proclaimed or after winning some notable victory, golden, silver, or other statues of precious material were customarily not only set up in private and public buildings of the cities where the seat of empire was, but also sent to the more remote provinces. See Zosimus, History book IV, Libanius, letter 841, to Severus, and what we noted in the previous volume, p. 1095.
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(75) ‹anchor: imaginem Christi› · call in col 102
Cod Big.. et attollere in imaginem Christi, (continues)
The Bigot codex: "and to raise up into the image of Christ," (continues)
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(76) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 103 (presumably)
Mss. duo, æternæ possessionis consortio; sed minus commode.
Two manuscripts: "by fellowship of an eternal possession"; but less suitably.
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Hanc eamdem interpretationem habes tomo I, col. 210, num. 11, et fusius col. 1056, num. 4.
You have this same interpretation in vol. I, col. 210, no. 11, and more fully at col. 1056, no. 4.
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(78) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 103 (presumably)
Mss. aliquot, sed etiam infidelium, id est, eorum qui foris sunt.
Some manuscripts: "but also of unbelievers, that is, of those who are outside."
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(79) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 103 or 104
Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 368, lin. 8: Maxime autem hæc ætas a libidinibus, etc. Ob verba autem Ambrosiana Magdeburgenses Cent. IV, cap. 10, Doctorem nostrum insimularunt, quod secundas nuptias videatur damnare. Sed illa vel de quibuslibet christianis dicto putaverunt, et sic auctoris mentem non pervidere; vel de solis clericis acceperunt, ut re vera accipienda sunt, atque ita non in unum Ambrosium, sed in Ecclesiam universam recidit ea criminatio. Siquidem digamiæ impedimentum ad sacros ordines antiquissimum est omnium, ut pote in ipsis Apostoli ad Timotheum ac Titum præceptis stabilitum. At enim mirum profecto videatur illud ita intelligi non tantum ab heterodoxis, sed quibusdam etiam catholicis, quasi nihil aliud sacris ministris interdicatur, nisi plurimarum eodem tempore uxorum usus. Quasi vero in Ecclesia unquam vel ipsis laicis permissa fuerit hujusmodi polygamia? Sed non est immorandum in eo errore refutando, qui tota ecclesiasticæ traditionis serie invictissime profligatur. Est autem aliud quod doctores antiquos in opiniones diversas scidit, nimirum utrum qui aliam conjugem ante baptismum, aliam jam baptizatus accepisset, digamiæ lege teneretur. Affirmat hic et epist. ad Vercell. Ambrosius. Hieronymus vero lib. I in Jovin., epist. 83, ad Ocean., et in cap. I ad Titum negat. Primum secuti sunt fidelissimus ejus discipulus Augustinus lib. de Bono conjug. cap. 18, num. 21: Innoc. I. epist. ad Maced., quæ in codice canonum Quesnellii cura edito exhibetur et Leo etiam I, duabus epist. quarum altera est ad Anast. Thessal, episc., altera ad episc. Metropol. per Illyr. Quæ quidem horum summorum pontificum definitio in Ecclesia occidentali apud omnes (si unum aut alterum excipias) deinceps obtinuit. Sunt autem viri eruditi qui apud Orientales Hieronymi valuisse sententiam autument, ducti potissimum adnotationibus Zonaræ ac Balsamonis in can. 17 apostolorum, quem ipsum aperte Hieronymo favere existimant. Verumtamen idem ille canon nullam conjugii ante susceptum baptisma initi facit mentionem. Et ut demus eorumdem auctorum, qui etiam non de conjugio, sed de peccatis regenerationis sacramentum antecedentibus loquuntur, eam quæ ipsis tribuitur, mentem esse; tamen quid ipsi sentiant, non quid universa Orientis Ecclesia, eos testari contendemus. Quis enim credat memoratum Doctorem si tot auxiliaribus copiis fuisset succinctus, adeo timide in priore adversus Rufinum Apologia responsurum, ut cum ad Oceanum adversam sententiam Cainitarum hæresi tantum non accenseret, in allegato opere animos demittens ita scriberet: « Sed interrogati a fratribus quid nobis videretur, respondimus, nulli præjudicantes sequi quod velit. nec alterius decretum nostra sententia subvertentes. » Neque vero cum omnem mundum plenum esse hujusmodi ordinationibus prius asseverasset, hic verba sua ad sacerdotes nonnullos restringeret. Nihil autem agit Franciscus a Messana, dum hoc Ambrosii atque Hieronymi dissidium metaphysicis quibusdam distinctionibus nititur conciliare: non enim argutiis tam manifesta tollitur discrepantia. Cæterum haud facile alium in Patribus Ambrosio vetustiorem qui de hac digamia scripserit, invenimus. Nam quo jure ad Tertullianum revocaverit Spincæus hanc quæstionem, non satis constat, cum e contrario digamiam ex marito ante baptismum contractam viduis obesse noluerit idem ille Pater lib. de Monogamia cap. 11.
Cicero, On Duties book I, p. 368, line 8: "But this age especially [must be kept] from lusts," etc. Because of Ambrose's words, the Magdeburg Centuriators, Cent. IV, ch. 10, accused our Doctor of seeming to condemn second marriages. But either they thought these words were said of any Christians whatever, and so failed to see the author's meaning; or they took them of clerics alone, as in truth they are to be taken, and then that charge falls not on Ambrose alone but on the whole Church. For the impediment of digamy to holy orders is the most ancient of all, being established in the Apostle's very precepts to Timothy and Titus. Yet it may well seem strange that this is so understood not only by the heterodox but even by certain Catholics, as if nothing else were forbidden to sacred ministers except having several wives at the same time — as though polygamy of that sort had ever been permitted in the Church even to laymen! But we need not linger in refuting that error, which is overthrown most invincibly by the whole course of ecclesiastical tradition. There is, however, another question which divided the ancient doctors into differing opinions: whether a man who had taken one wife before baptism and another after being baptized was bound by the law of digamy. Ambrose affirms it here and in the letter to the Vercellians. Jerome denies it in Against Jovinian book I, letter 83, to Oceanus, and on Titus ch. 1. The first view was followed by his most faithful disciple Augustine, On the Good of Marriage ch. 18, no. 21; by Innocent I, letter to Macedonius, which is given in the code of canons edited by Quesnel; and also by Leo I in two letters, one to Anastasius bishop of Thessalonica, the other to the metropolitan bishops throughout Illyricum. This ruling of these supreme pontiffs thereafter prevailed among all in the Western Church (one or two excepted). There are, however, learned men who hold that Jerome's opinion prevailed among the Easterners, led chiefly by the annotations of Zonaras and Balsamon on the 17th Apostolic Canon, which they think openly favours Jerome. Yet that canon makes no mention of a marriage contracted before baptism was received. And even granting that the meaning attributed to those same authors — who speak not of marriage but of sins preceding the sacrament of regeneration — is theirs, we shall still maintain that they witness to what they themselves think, not to what the whole Church of the East thinks. For who would believe that the said Doctor [Jerome], had he been girded with so many auxiliary forces, would have answered so timidly in his first Apology against Rufinus that, whereas to Oceanus he all but counted the contrary opinion with the heresy of the Cainites, in the work cited he lowered his tone and wrote thus: "But asked by the brethren what we thought, we answered, prejudging no one from following what he wishes, nor overturning another's decree by our opinion." Nor, having earlier asserted that the whole world was full of ordinations of this kind, would he here restrict his words to some priests. Francis of Messina achieves nothing when he strives to reconcile this disagreement of Ambrose and Jerome by certain metaphysical distinctions: so manifest a discrepancy is not removed by subtleties. For the rest, we do not easily find any other among the Fathers older than Ambrose who wrote of this digamy. For by what right Spincaeus referred this question back to Tertullian is not clear enough, since on the contrary that same Father, On Monogamy ch. 11, would not have a digamy contracted by a husband before baptism count against widows.
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(80) ‹anchor: cognoscitis› · call in col 104
Ambrosiamus hic locus pro clericali conti- (continues)
This passage of Ambrose, for clerical conti[nence] (continues)
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(80) (continued) ‹anchor: cognoscitis› · call in col 104
nentia tam clarus tamque apertus est, ut Centuriatores iisdem Cent. et cap. supra cit. ad solitas artes confugere coacti fuerint, id est, auctorem ipsum in falsi dogmatis crimen vocare. Atqui hoc loco non legislatorem agit sanctus praesul, qui novum clericorum cervicibus jugum imponat: sed receptae atque inclitae consuetudini praebet testimonium. Enimvero quam universalis illa fuerit quamque firma vel hoc satis indicat, quod non nisi in abditioribus locis, quo solent vitia quaerere perfugium, invenirentur, qui institutum illud violare attentarent. Accedit praeterea quod isti non ullam novi foederis auctoritatem, non cujusquam concilii canonem, non usum quarumdam Ecclesiarum in defensionem afferebant suam: sed tantum Veteris Testamenti morem. Hoc autem incontinentium clericorum integumentum egregie discutit sanctus Doctor. Confer etiam quae idem super hoc ipso argumento disputat epist. ad Vercellenses.
(continued) [conti]nence is so clear and so plain that the Centuriators, in the same Century and chapter cited above, were forced to resort to their usual arts, that is, to charge the author himself with false doctrine. Yet in this place the holy bishop does not act as a lawgiver laying a new yoke on the necks of the clergy, but bears witness to a received and renowned custom. Indeed, how universal and how firm it was is shown well enough by this alone: that only in the more remote places, where vices are wont to seek refuge, were men found who tried to violate that institution. Add to this that these men brought forward in their defence no authority of the New Covenant, no canon of any council, no usage of any Churches, but only the custom of the Old Testament. This cloak of incontinent clergy the holy Doctor tears away admirably. Compare also what he argues on this very subject in the letter to the Church of Vercelli.
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(81) ‹anchor: aliis ministrare› · call in col 105
Edit. cum mss. aliquot, laudes pro aliis ministrare. Melius in aliis pluribus potioribusque omittitur praepositio. Et post duos versus ubi vet. edit. cum mss. omnibus, Ecce eligo Levitas, etc., sola Rom. edit., Ecce tuli ego Levitas in medio filiorum Israel; redemptiones eorum erunt, et erunt mihi Levitae. Mihi enim ex quo die percussi primogenita in terra Aegypti, sanctificavi omne primogenitum in omni Israel. Nobiscum autem satis consentiunt paginae sacrae, nisi quod ultimam partem quam contractam exhibet Ambrosius, illae paulo fusius dilatant in haec verba: Mihi enim omne primogenitum. In qua die percussi omne primogenitum in terra Aegypti, sanctificavi mihi omne primogenitum in Israel.
The editions with some manuscripts: "to minister praises for others." In several other and better ones the preposition is better omitted. And two lines later, where the old editions with all the manuscripts read "Behold, I choose the Levites," etc., the Roman edition alone has: "Behold, I have taken the Levites from the midst of the children of Israel; they shall be their ransom, and the Levites shall be mine. For from the day I struck the firstborn in the land of Egypt, I sanctified every firstborn in all Israel." The sacred pages agree well enough with us, except that the last part, which Ambrose gives contracted, they spread out a little more fully in these words: "For every firstborn is mine. On the day I struck every firstborn in the land of Egypt, I sanctified to myself every firstborn in Israel." [The faint opening words "laudes pro aliis ministrare" read with some uncertainty.]
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(82) ‹anchor: vasa ejus› · call in col 106
Erasm. in marg. et Gill. in corp. cum mss. nonnullis, vasa ejus, altare, et super; Rom. edit., vasa ejus, et super.
Erasmus in the margin and Gillot in the text, with some manuscripts: "its vessels, the altar, and over"; the Roman edition: "its vessels, and over."
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(83) ‹anchor: servaverunt mysterium› · call in col 106
Duo mss., ut bono Levitae servaretur myste- (continues)
Two manuscripts: "that for the good Levite the myste[ry] (continues)
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(none) <!-- note (Q11a, 2026-10-05): the end of (80), printed at the head of the foot under col 105, was missing and is set here; the print is faint and was read with care. (83) is printed here only to "myste-"; its continuation (printed under col 106) is in n106, and the earlier full text here, which read "sub tegmine" for the printed "suae tegmine", is replaced. (82) and (83) are called in col 106. -->
(83) (continued) ‹anchor: servaverunt mysterium› · call in col 106
rium fidei suae tegmine; unus, et boni Levitae... servaverunt et tegmina: reliqui nosbiscum faciunt, exceptis paucis illisque junioris manus, qui cum edit. legunt, Et boni Levitae... sub hoc tegmine.
(continued) [ut bono Levitae servaretur myste]rium fidei suae tegmine; one: et boni Levitae... servaverunt et tegmina; the rest agree with us, except a few, and those of a later hand, which read with the editions: Et boni Levitae... sub hoc tegmine.
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(84) ‹anchor: pro populo deferas› · call in col 106
Mss. non pauci, ut excubias populo deferas.
Not a few manuscripts: "that you may offer watches to the people."
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(85) ‹anchor: genera principalia› · call in col 106
Cic. lib. I Offic., pag. 372, lin. 22: « Nam cum omnis honestas... Placet igitur aptiora esse naturae ea officia quae ex communitate, » etc. Culpat autem philosophos Ambrosius noster, quod justitiam quae ad communitatem societatemque hominum refertur, anteposuerint sapientiae: cum hujus initium sive pars prima ad fidem divinumque cultum pertineat. Verumtamen hoc loco S. Ambrosius nequaquam videtur Ciceronis doctrinam satis expendisse. Hic enim illi soli prudentiae, quam Graeci φρόνησιν dicunt, justitiam praefert, non vero illi principi omnium virtutum, quam σοφίαν Graeci vocant: quae rerum est divinarum atque humanarum scientia, in qua continetur deorum et hominum communitas, et societas inter ipsos. Ubi vides Divinitatis cognitionem ac religionis officia sapientiae ab oratore accenseri. Quod poro illam φρόνησιν jubet postponi justitiae, non mirum id cuiquam videatur; cum ad hanc etiam referat cultum divinum, etc. Et sane ipsemet Ambrosius supra cap. 27, pietatem in Deum justitiae subjicit. Quod autem prudentiae dignitatem supra justitiam ex eo extollit, quod hujus illa sit fundamentum, fundamentum autem Christus, pie et christiane id quidem; non absurde tamen Tullius, pag. 372, lin. 50 et seq., societatem omnibus officiis antecellere ita colligit: « Etenim, inquit, cognitionem prudentiamque sequitur considerata actio: ita fit ut considerate agere pluris sit, quam cogitare prudenter. » Sed facile conciliabitur illud dissidium, si dixerimus originis ac necessitatis in prudentia, in justitia vero dignitatis ac utilitatis esse praestantiam.
Cicero, On Duties book I, p. 372, line 22: "For since all honourableness... It is agreed, then, that those duties which arise from community are more suited to nature," etc. Our Ambrose blames the philosophers for having set justice, which concerns the community and fellowship of men, before wisdom, since the beginning or first part of wisdom pertains to faith and the worship of God. Yet in this place St Ambrose seems by no means to have weighed Cicero's teaching sufficiently. For Cicero prefers justice only to that prudence which the Greeks call phronesis, not to that chief of all virtues which the Greeks call sophia: "which is the knowledge of things divine and human, in which is contained the community of gods and men and the fellowship among them." There you see that the orator counts the knowledge of the Godhead and the duties of religion as belonging to wisdom. That he orders that phronesis to be placed after justice need surprise no one, since to justice too he refers divine worship, etc. And indeed Ambrose himself, above in ch. 27, places piety towards God under justice. As for his raising the dignity of prudence above justice on the ground that it is justice's foundation — "and the foundation is Christ" — that is pious and Christian indeed; yet Tully, p. 372, line 50 ff., not absurdly concludes thus that fellowship surpasses all duties: "For," he says, "considered action follows knowledge and prudence; so it comes about that to act considerately is worth more than to think prudently." But that disagreement will easily be reconciled if we say that prudence excels in origin and necessity, justice in dignity and usefulness.
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(none) <!-- note (Q6a, 2026-10-05): (83) begins in the foot of col 105 ("Duo mss., ut bono Levitae servaretur myste-") and its call is in col 106; the continuation printed under col 106 is set here, carrying the word tail as n59 does for (13). (82) is printed under col 105 but called in col 106 ("vasa ejus (82)"); it belongs with n105 (not checked here). In (85) "poro" is set as printed (sic, for porro). --> <!-- note (Q17b, 2026-10-05): in (83) "nosbiscum" is set as printed (sic, for nobiscum). -->
(86) ‹anchor: superiorem ordinem quam› · call in col 107
Mss. aliquot, sed commutavimus superiorem ordinem, quem, etc. Minus commode. At continuo post, ubi edit. cum paucis mss., fundamentum sit, justitia opus sit, quod. etc. alii partim fundamentum sit, justitiæ opus sit; quod etc. partim fundamentum sit justitiæ, opus sit; tria, et opus sit quod etc.
Some manuscripts: "but we have changed the order above, which," etc. Less suitably. But immediately after, where the editions with a few manuscripts read "is the foundation, justice is the work, which," etc., others read partly "is the foundation, is the work of justice; which," etc., partly "is the foundation of justice, is the work"; three: "and is the work which," etc.
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(87) ‹anchor: quae est sapientiae› · call in col 107
Era. et seq. edit. cum paucis mss., quæ est sapientia.
Erasmus and the following editions, with a few manuscripts: "which is wisdom."
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(88) ‹anchor: Deo deputes› · call in col 107
Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 373: « In ipsa autem communitate sunt gradus officiorum... ut prima diis immortalibus, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, p. 373: "But within community itself there are degrees of duties... so that the first are owed to the immortal gods," etc.
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(89) ‹anchor: quod acceperis› · call in col 107
Ibid.. pag. 352. lin. 41: « Sed incidunt sæpe tempora, cum ea quæ maxime, » etc.
Ibid., p. 352, line 41: "But times often arise when those things which most," etc.
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(90) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 107 (presumably)
Ibid., lin. 47: « Potest etiam accidere promissum aliquod, » etc.
Ibid., line 47: "It can also happen that some promise," etc.
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(91) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 107 (presumably)
Ultimæ edit. Paris., quidquid petitura esset.
The latest Paris editions: "whatever she would ask."
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(92) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 107 (presumably)
Jam dixerat supra, cap. 44, sanctus Ambrosius, alius sacrario opportunior: quæ verba magnis viris qui vel non legerant hunc locum, vel se legisse non meminerant, haud parum negotii facessivere. Nonnulli secretarii custodiam rati sunt illis etiam quandoque demandatam, qui nullum ordinem ne minorem quidem accepissent; quidam vero et si ordinis alicujus ab aliis distincti nomen non esse arbitrarentur, hoc tamen officium hypodiaconis aut ostiariis committi solitum contenderunt. Cum autem sacrarii nomine secretarium seu sacristia, et sanctuarium præcipue intelligantur, essent forte qui objicerent synodi Laudic., can. 20, quo hypodiaconis et eorumdem locorum ingressu et sacrorum vasorum tactu interdicitur. Responderi tamen poterat cum Balsamone ac Zonara, ingressum in sacrarium non nisi cum sacra mysteria illic celebrarentur, tactum vero vasorum initiatorum nonnisi cum Christi sanguinem continebant aut in supplicationibus ferebantur, illis prohibitum: si locus hic rem non decideret in eorum gratam qui sacrarii curam diaconis impositam volunt. Hinc sacrarium idem esse docent atque apud Græcos διακονικὸν et σκευοφυλάκιον; licet huic officio non solum diaconos, verum etiam presbyteros et chorepiscopos Constantinopoli præfectos fuisse reperiamus. Sacrarium autem etiam idem erat, quod in orientali Ecclesia martyrium, sive cœmeterio accipias extra basilicas posito, ubi martyrum corpora sepulta essent, sive pro ipsis basilicis quæ non nisi super martyrum reliquiis ædificabantur, sive pro ipso sanctuario atque adeo sancto altari, sub quo cum sanctorum reconderentur sacri cineres, proprie martyrum confessio atque memoria vocitabatur. Vide plura Hallerium, de Eccl. Hierar., cap. de num. Eccles. Ordin.; Moritium, de Sacr. Ordin., exercit. II, cap. 1; cardin. Bonam, lib. I Rer Liturgic., c. 24; Thomassinum, parte I Discipl. Eccl., lib I, c. 36, et cl. Cangium, verbo Sacrarium. Porro dubium non est quin sanctus noster provinciam hanc potissimum diaconis commissam voluerit, ut locum sanctum majori auctoritate prohiberent ab injuria, maxime vero a profanis illis conviviis, de quibus nos aliquid lib. de Elia et Jejunio jam attigimus, et forte in posterum, ubi se dederit occasio, non nihil adjiciemus.
St Ambrose had already said above, ch. 44, "another is better suited to the sacristy": words which have given no little trouble to great men who either had not read this passage or did not remember having read it. Some thought the custody of the sacristy was sometimes entrusted even to those who had received no order, not even a minor one; others, though they did not think it the name of an order distinct from the rest, contended that this duty was usually committed to subdeacons or doorkeepers. And since by the name sacrarium the secretarium or sacristy, and especially the sanctuary, are understood, some might perhaps object canon 20 of the synod of Laodicea, by which subdeacons are forbidden both entry into those places and the touching of the sacred vessels. Yet one could answer, with Balsamon and Zonaras, that entry into the sacrarium was forbidden them only when the sacred mysteries were being celebrated there, and touching the consecrated vessels only when they held the blood of Christ or were carried in processions — if this passage did not settle the matter in favour of those who hold that the care of the sacrarium was laid on deacons. Hence they teach that the sacrarium is the same as what the Greeks call the diakonikon and skeuophylakion; though we find that not only deacons but also priests and chorbishops were set over this office at Constantinople. The sacrarium was also the same as what in the Eastern Church was called the martyrium, whether you take it of a cemetery placed outside the basilicas, where the bodies of the martyrs were buried, or of the basilicas themselves, which were built only over relics of martyrs, or of the sanctuary itself and indeed the holy altar, which, since the sacred ashes of the saints were laid up beneath it, was properly called the confession and memorial of the martyrs. See more in Hallier, On the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, chapter on the number of the Church's orders; Morin, On Sacred Orders, exercise II, ch. 1; Cardinal Bona, Liturgical Matters book I, ch. 24; Thomassin, Ecclesiastical Discipline part I, book I, ch. 36; and the famous Du Cange, under the word Sacrarium. Further, there is no doubt that our saint wished this charge committed chiefly to deacons, so that with greater authority they might keep the holy place from injury, and above all from those profane banquets, which we have already touched on somewhat in the book On Elijah and Fasting, and on which perhaps, when occasion offers, we shall add something hereafter.
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(93) ‹anchor: gravitatem praeferat› · call in col 108
Cic. Offic. lib. I, p. 357, lin. 10: « Bene Pericles... At enim prætorem, Sophocles, decet non solum manus, sed etiam oculos abstinentes habere. »
Cicero, On Duties book I, p. 357, line 10: "Pericles said well... 'But a magistrate, Sophocles, ought to have not only his hands but also his eyes under restraint.'"
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(94) ‹anchor: viro ejus› · call in col 108
Edit. omnes, veros ejus: mss. e contrario, viros ejus. Potuit quidem fieri ut mss. recentiores antiquum aliquod exemplar secuti sint, in quo i pro e fuerit positum, ut advertimus in Thuaneo plusquam 1000 an. scriptum esse docit, studit, quodlibit, mercidem, et similia: veri tamen similius est viros ejus germanum esse, repositumque ab editoribus veros, ut esset quasi synonymum voci manifestos, cum LXX tantummodo habeant Δότε Λευὶ (continues)
All the editions: "his true ones"; the manuscripts on the contrary: "his men." It could indeed be that the later manuscripts followed some ancient exemplar in which i was put for e, as we noticed that in the de Thou manuscript, written more than 1000 years ago, docit, studit, quodlibit, mercidem and the like are written; yet it is likelier that "his men" is genuine, and that the editors substituted "true ones" so as to be a kind of synonym of the word "manifest," since the Septuagint has only "Give to Levi (continues)
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(94) (cont.) ‹anchor: viro ejus› · call in col 108
δήλους αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἀλήθειαν, etc. Sed fallacem esse eam conjecturam vel hinc intelligas, quod cum sanctus Ambrosius, lib. de Benedict. Patriarch., cap. 3, tantum posuerit, Date Levi sortem suffragii sui et veritatem, etc., hinc conjecerit Flam. Nobilius S. Doctorem legisse κλήρους, loco δήλους; cum tamen eum utrumque legisse hic locus demonstret. Textus autem Hebraicus præfert, Perfectiones et illuminationes tuæ viro pio tuo. Vulg.: Perfectio tua et doctrina tua viro sancto tuo. Chald. paraph.: Perfectione et lumine induisti virum, qui inventus est sanctus coram te (a).
his manifest ones, and truth," etc. But you may see that this conjecture is mistaken from this alone: because St Ambrose, in the book On the Blessings of the Patriarchs, ch. 3, put only "Give to Levi the lot of his choice and truth," etc., Flaminius Nobilius conjectured from this that the holy Doctor read klērous (lots) in place of dēlous (manifest ones); whereas this passage shows that he read both. The Hebrew text has: "Your perfections and your illuminations to your pious man." The Vulgate: "Your perfection and your teaching to your holy man." The Chaldee paraphrase: "With perfection and light you clothed the man who was found holy before you" (a).
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(95) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 110 (presumably, Book I)
Cic., lib. I Offic. pag. 372, lin. 20: Eorum (continues; no continuation visible in these images)
Cicero, On Duties book I, p. 372, line 20: "Of these" (continues)
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(a) ‹anchor: sanctus coram te, at the end of note (94)› · call in note (94)
Infra, col. 361, not. 31, Adnotator quæ hic dixit coreigenda monet. EDIT.
Below, col. 361, note 31, the annotator advises that what he said here is to be corrected. EDITOR.
(printed under page 58, a single line across the page above the LIBER SECUNDUS heading)
(97) ‹anchor: de Officiis tractavimus› · call in col 109
Cic. Offic., lib. II, pag. 373, lin. 43: « Quemadmodum officia ducerentur ab honestate... explicatum arbitror libro superiore. »
Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 373, line 43: "How duties are derived from honourableness... I think was explained in the preceding book."
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(98) ‹anchor: honestatis est› · call in col 109
Ultimæ edit. Paris., honestati arbitrabamur... positam esse minime dubitabamus.
The latest Paris editions: "we judged [to suit] honourableness... we did not at all doubt to be placed."
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(99) ‹anchor: velut tuba canente› · call in col 110
Edit. et quidam mss., tuba canendo: alii, tuba canentes.
The editions and certain manuscripts: "by sounding the trumpet"; others: "sounding the trumpet" (plural participle).
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(1) ‹anchor: æstimandum relinqueretur› · call in col 110
Edit., æstimanda relinqueretur; mss., æstimandum relinqueretur; supple negotium.
The editions: "should be left to be valued" (feminine); the manuscripts: "should be left to be valued" (neuter); supply "the matter."
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(2) ‹anchor: vitam beatam› · call in col 110
Quæ de variis philosophorum opinionibus circa naturalem beatitudinem hic referuntur, ea desumpta sunt a Cicerone, non quidem ex Officiorum, sed ex aliis ejusdem philosophicis libris, puta ex iis qui supersunt Academ. quæst., e quinque li- (continues)
What is reported here about the various opinions of the philosophers on natural happiness is taken from Cicero — not from On Duties, but from his other philosophical books, for instance from what survives of the Academic Questions, from the five bo[oks] (continues)
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(3) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 111 (presumably)
Voluptatem hanc non tam corpoream quam spiritalem intelligi debere, sunt qui contendant: qua de re satis diximus ad cap. 13, num. 50.
There are those who contend that this "pleasure" should be understood as spiritual rather than bodily: on which matter we have said enough at ch. 13, no. 50.
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(4) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 111 (presumably)
Edit. ac pauci mss., corporis voluptatibus atque externis bonis; alii nonnulli, corporis egregiis voluptatibus.. etc. Sed Thuan., duo Vatic., totidem Laudun. et alii aliquot, corporis, atque externis bonis. Optime, siquidem vox corporis congruit cum bonis, ut infra clarius exprimitur. Et post duos versus ubi edit., vitam beatam in cognitione, unus ms., in conjunctione, etc.; omnes alii legunt vitam æternam, etc. Idque ita legendum esse declarant quæ continuo post adducuntur Scripturæ testimonia, tum quod infra dicitur, Habet ergo vitam æternam fides. Porro ex tota serie facile intelligas non hic agi de illa æterna vita quæ resurrectionem secutura est, sed quæ per hanc etiam lucis usuram a justis vivitur; ac proinde vitam æternam appellari eam quæ sit beata, ut supra sub finem cap. 1, declaratur, propereaque in sensu non errasse editiones.
The editions and a few manuscripts: "the pleasures of the body and external goods"; some others: "the excellent pleasures of the body," etc. But the de Thou manuscript, two Vatican, as many Laon manuscripts, and some others: "of the body, and external goods." Best so, since the word "of the body" goes with "goods," as is expressed more clearly below. And two lines later, where the editions read "the happy life in knowledge," one manuscript has "in conjunction," etc.; all the others read "eternal life," etc. That it should be read so is shown by the testimonies of Scripture brought in immediately after, and also by what is said below: "Faith, then, has eternal life." Moreover, from the whole sequence you will readily understand that the subject here is not that eternal life which will follow the resurrection, but the one which the just live even in this enjoyment of the light; and accordingly that the life which is happy is called eternal, as is stated above near the end of ch. 1, and that therefore the editions did not err in sense. [Printed "propereaque" as it appears; possibly "propterea".]
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(5) ‹anchor: in domo› · call in col 111
Ita mss. multo plures potioresque; alii autem atque edit., quæ sint in domo... Gloria, inquit, et divitiæ in domo ejus, etc.
So read far more and better manuscripts; but others and the editions: "which are in the house... Glory, he says, and riches are in his house," etc.
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(6) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 111 (presumably)
Edit. ac mss. aliquot, factis repellit.
The editions and some manuscripts: "repels by deeds."
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(7) ‹anchor: quæstiones philosophiæ› · call in col 112
Tullius in libris De fin. bon. et mal., nec non in Tuscul. quæst. tam multas opiniones circa naturalem hujus vitæ beatitudinem esse agnoscit, ut confusionis vitandæ causa cogatur illas ad certum quemdam ordinem atque capita revocare. Sanctus autem Augustinus lib. XIX de Civ. Dei, cap. 1, a Varrone proditum scribit easdem usque ad 288 posse perduci. Adeundum hoc idem caput sicut duo proxime sequentia, ex quibus non parum lucis his quæ traduntur ab Ambrosio, adjici potest.
Tully, in the books On the Ends of Goods and Evils and also in the Tusculan Questions, recognizes so many opinions about the natural happiness of this life that, to avoid confusion, he is forced to bring them back to a definite order and headings. St Augustine, City of God book XIX, ch. 1, writes that Varro reported they could be carried as far as 288. This same chapter should be consulted, as well as the two immediately following, from which no little light can be added to what Ambrose teaches.
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[The left-column image is faint; notes (8) and (9) are read with some uncertainty.] (printed under page 60)
(8) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 113 (presumably, above the visible text)
Edit. cum uno aut altero mss., despuitur... demonstratur; alii mss. magno numero et consensu, despuit... demonstrat. Non incommode, si modo ista duo verba referas ad Scripturam de qua numero superiori.
The editions with one or two manuscripts: "is spat upon... is shown"; other manuscripts, in great number and agreement: "spits upon... shows." Not unsuitably, provided you refer these two verbs to Scripture, spoken of in the preceding number.
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(9) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 113 (presumably, above the visible text)
Edit., post me, abneget semetipsum, tollat; mss., post me, tollat.
The editions: "after me, let him deny himself, let him take up"; the manuscripts: "after me, let him take up."
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(10) ‹anchor: vel ad conscientiam› · call in col 113
Mss. nonnulli, vel ad constantiam.
Some manuscripts: "or for constancy."
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(11) ‹anchor: Beati, pauperes› · call in col 114
Mss. aliquot, Beati pauperes spiritu; sequenti autem versu edit. solæ, et sitiunt justitiam.
Some manuscripts: "Blessed are the poor in spirit"; and in the following verse the editions alone: "and thirst for justice."
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(12) ‹anchor: beatam corporis› · call in col 114
Mss. quatuor, corporis voluptates aut externa bona; melius alii, corporis aut externa bona; uti supra, 7[?].
Four manuscripts: "the pleasures of the body or external goods"; others better: "[goods] of the body or external goods"; as above, 7[?]. [The final reference is blurred in the image; it likely points back to note (4) on col. 111.]
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(13) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 115 (presumably)
Nonnulli mss,, angi dolore, deplorare.
Some manuscripts: "to be tormented by grief, to lament."
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(14) ‹anchor: motu doloris› · call in col 115
Paris, quædam edit., metu doloris; aliæ ac mss., motu doloris. Continuo autem ubi omnes edit. cum duobus omnino mss., metuentem accidere, mss. aliquot, pœnæ accidere, perperam; alii nonnulli, nec pœnæ accidere hæc. Melius quidem; sed omnium optime Thuan. et alii longe plurimi: Pone accidere, id est, fac, esto, finge: quæ verba rhetoricæ concessioni inserviunt.
Paris and certain editions: "by fear of pain"; others and the manuscripts: "by the movement of pain." Immediately after, where all the editions with just two manuscripts read "fearing to happen," some manuscripts read "to happen to punishment," wrongly; some others: "nor that these things happen to punishment." Better indeed; but best of all the de Thou manuscript and very many others: "Suppose these things happen," that is, "grant it, let it be so, imagine it": words that serve a rhetorical concession.
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(15) ‹anchor: deploravit obitum› · call in col 115
Ita mss. summo consensu; edit. vero subdunt, interitum Ammon et Absalon atque infantuli ex ea quæ fuit Uriæ nati.... filiæ Thamar.
So the manuscripts with the greatest agreement; but the editions add: "the death of Amnon and Absalom and of the little child born of her who had been Uriah's... of his daughter Tamar."
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(16) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 115 (presumably)
Mss. nonnulli, in domorum incendio: sed cum nullam Jobi domum incendio consumptam in sacris paginis reperiamus, non deerunt forte qui suspectam habeant utramque lectionem. Attamen recte dici potest domus incendium, pro clade illius ac ruina.
Some manuscripts: "in the burning of houses"; but since we find in the sacred pages no house of Job consumed by fire, there will perhaps be some who hold both readings suspect. Yet "the burning of the house" may rightly be said for its disaster and ruin.
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(17) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 115 or 116
Ex Ciceronis lib. V De fin. bon. et mal. sub finem, ubi hæc habentur: « At enim qua in vita est aliquid mali, ea beata esse non potest. Ne seges quidem igitur spicis uberibus et crebris, si avenam uspiam videris: nec mercatura quæstuosa, si in maximis lucris parum aliquid damni contraxerit. An hoc usquequaque aliter in vita, et non ex maxima parte de tota judicabis? » etc.
From Cicero, On the Ends of Goods and Evils book V, near the end, where we read: "But, [they say,] a life in which there is any evil cannot be happy. Then neither is a crop [fruitful] with rich and thick ears if you see wild oats anywhere; nor is trade profitable if amid the greatest gains it has incurred some small loss. Or will you judge otherwise in life in every respect, and not judge the whole from its greatest part?" etc.
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(18) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 116 (presumably)
Glarea, terra est arenosa, minutisque scrupis et calculis referta: de qua Virg. lib. II Georg., versus 212: Nec jejuna quidem clivosi glarea ruris. / Vix humiles apibus casias roremque ministrat.
Glarea is sandy earth, full of small sharp stones and pebbles: of which Virgil, Georgics book II, line 212: "Nor indeed the hungry gravel of the sloping field: it scarcely furnishes lowly cassia and rosemary for the bees."
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(19) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 116 (presumably)
Sic edit. omnes, ac plerique mss.; alii tamen aliquot partim, beatam conscientiam, partim beatæ esse conscientiæ. Ubi vero eædem edit. ac pauci mss., acerbo dolore, alii plures legunt acervo, partim, beatam conscientiam, partim beatæ esse doloris: commodius vero Thuan. et reliqui, acerbo doloris.
So all the editions and most manuscripts; yet some others read partly "a happy conscience," partly "to be of a happy conscience." And where the same editions and a few manuscripts read "with bitter pain," several others read "with a heap," partly "a happy conscience," partly "to be [one] of happy pain"; but more suitably the de Thou manuscript and the rest: "with the bitterness of pain." [The note is printed as here; its second half seems to repeat matter from the first.]
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(20) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 116 (presumably)
Cic. Offic. lib. II, pag. 374, lin. 40: « Sed jam ad instituta pergamus. »
Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 374, line 40: "But now let us proceed with what we set out to do."
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(21) ‹anchor: honestum ac decorum› · call in col 116
Ibid. « Quinque igitur rationibus propositis officii persequendi. quarum duæ ad decus, » etc.
Ibid.: "Five principles, then, having been set forth for pursuing duty, two of which [pertain] to seemliness," etc.
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(22) ‹anchor: æstimatione subducimus› · call in col 116
Ibid.. pag. 375, lin. 4: « Quod utile appellatur: in quo verbo lapsa consuetudo, » etc.
Ibid., p. 375, line 4: "What is called useful: in which word usage has gone astray," etc.
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[The left-column image is faint; notes (23)–(25) are read with some uncertainty.] (printed under page 62)
(23) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 117 (presumably)
Alluditur ad id quod ibidem, pag. 376, lin. 48, dicitur: « Atque etiam subjiciunt se homines imperio alterius et potestati, » etc.
Allusion to what is said in the same place, p. 376, line 48: "And men even submit themselves to the command and power of another," etc.
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(24) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 117 (presumably)
Edit., de quibus dicitur.., dum descendo in corruptionem, id est, quis, etc.
The editions: "of which it is said..., while I go down into corruption, that is, who," etc.
(printed under page 62)
(25) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 117 (presumably)
Sex mss., id est injustis: cui lectioni conjecturæ suæ calculum adjecit vir non indoctus: alii tamen 28 et omnes edit., id est, injustus. Magis apposite; non enim ad vocem nobis, sed ad inutilis referenda est vox injustus: cum id agat hoc loco sanctus Doctor, ut et utile pro justo, et contra inutile pro injusto sumi demonstret.
Six manuscripts: "that is, to the unjust"; to which reading a not unlearned man added the vote of his own conjecture. Yet 28 others and all the editions: "that is, unjust." More fittingly; for the word "unjust" is to be referred not to the word "to us" but to "useless," since the holy Doctor's aim in this place is to show that "useful" is taken for "just" and, conversely, "useless" for "unjust."
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(26) ‹anchor: quod justum, utile› · call in col 117
Ita mss. omnes, duobus exceptis, in quibus est aliquid confusionis: edit. vero, quod honestum est, utile et justum esse: et quod utile, honestum et justum: et quod justum, utile et honestum.
So all the manuscripts except two, in which there is some confusion; but the editions: "that what is honourable is useful and just; and what is useful, honourable and just; and what is just, useful and honourable."
(printed under page 62)
(27) ‹anchor: pietatem acquirimus› · call in col 117
Cic. lib. II, pag. 375, lin. 18: « Deos placatos pietas efficiat et sanctitas, » etc.
Cicero, book II, p. 375, line 18: "Piety and holiness will make the gods appeased," etc.
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(28) ‹anchor: quam diligi› · call in col 118
Cic. lib. II, pag. 377, lin. 2: « Rerum autem omnium nec aptius est quidquam ad opes tuendas quam diligi, » etc.
Cicero, book II, p. 377, line 2: "Of all things, nothing is better suited to safeguarding one's resources than to be loved," etc.
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(29) ‹anchor: affectum hominum› · call in col 118
Edit, ac facilitate animi, moderatione præcepti, et affabilitate sermonis, verborumque honore. Cic lib. II, pag. 378, lin. 21: « Sed est alius quidam aditus ad multitudinem, ut in universorum animos tanquam influere, » etc.
The editions: "and by ease of mind, moderation of command, and affability of speech, and courtesy of words." Cicero, book II, p. 378, line 21: "But there is another approach to the multitude, so as to flow, as it were, into the minds of all," etc.
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(30) ‹anchor: cumulum dilectionis› · call in col 118
Ibid., pag. 380, lin. 18: « Sed tamen difficile dictu est quantopere conciliet animos hominum, » etc.
Ibid., p. 380, line 18: "But yet it is hard to say how greatly it wins men's minds," etc.
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(31) ‹anchor: in ipsis regibus› · call in col 118
Ibid., lin. 19: « Exstant epistolæ et Philippi ad Alexandrum.. quibus præcipiunt ut oratione benigna multitudinis animos, » etc.
Ibid., line 19: "There are extant letters of Philip to Alexander... in which they instruct that by kindly speech [he should win] the minds of the multitude," etc.
(printed under page 62)
(32) ‹anchor: affabilitatis profecerit› · call in col 118
Rom. edit sola, affabilitatis profuerit. Et infra, a populo Dei illatas, etc.
The Roman edition alone: "of affability has profited." And below: "brought by the people of God," etc.
(printed under page 62)
(33) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 119 (presumably)
Quidam mss., consilii usus ministerio.
Certain manuscripts: "using the service of counsel."
(printed under page 63)
(34) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 119 (presumably)
Nonnulli mss., absolvebat contumelias.
Some manuscripts: "he absolved insults."
(printed under page 63)
(35) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 119 (presumably)
Ult. edit. Paris., quam mitis in sermone.
The latest Paris editions: "how gentle in speech."
(printed under page 63)
(36) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 119 or 120
Edit. ac mss. duo, fugitans arrogantiam; alii paulo plures, conventicula fugiens: reliqui maximo numero et auctoritate neque arrogantiam agnoscunt, neque conventicula: sed nec ulli omnino verbum exstitit, quod in editis legitur post sectator.
The editions and two manuscripts: "shunning arrogance"; a few more others: "fleeing gatherings"; the rest, of the greatest number and authority, recognize neither "arrogance" nor "gatherings"; nor does any at all have the word "existed," which is read in the editions after "follower."
(printed under page 63)
(37) ‹anchor: fidelis pateat exemplis› · call in col 120
Mss. nonnulli, faciat exemplis. quidam, exemplum.
Some manuscripts: "let him make [it plain] by examples"; certain ones: "an example."
(printed under page 63)
[WARNING: both images of this page foot are very faint. The readings below are uncertain throughout; words that could not be read are marked […]. Line and page numbers marked [?] are doubtful. This page needs re-reading from a higher-resolution render before it counts as set.] (printed under page 64)
(38) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 121 (presumably)
Cic. Off. lib. II, pag. 377, lin. 8: « Malus enim custos diuturnitatis metus, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 377, line 8: "For fear is a poor guardian of lasting power," etc.
(printed under page 64)
(39) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 121 (presumably)
Ibid., pag. 378[?], lin. 13[?]: « Certum igitur hoc sit, idque et primum et maxime necessarium familiaritates habere fidas, » etc.
Ibid., p. 378[?], line 13[?]: "Let this, then, be settled — and it is the first and most necessary thing — to have faithful friendships," etc.
(printed under page 64)
(40) ‹anchor: charitas et fides› · call in col 121
Ibid., pag. 379[?], lin. 2[?]: « Quaecunque igitur homines, » etc. Item pag. 37[?], lin. 21: « Summa igitur et perfecta gloria constat, » etc.
Ibid., p. 379[?], line 2[?]: "Whatever things, then, men," etc. Also p. 37[?], line 21: "The highest and perfect glory, then, consists," etc.
(printed under page 64)
(41) ‹anchor: deferatur fides› · call in col 121
Ibid., pag. 378, lin. 5[?]: « Fides autem ut habeatur, duabus rebus effici potest, » etc.
Ibid., p. 378, line 5[?]: "That trust may be had can be brought about by two things," etc.
(printed under page 64)
(42) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 121 or 122
Ibid., lin. 40[?]: « Justis autem et fidis hominibus, id est bonis... Harum igitur duarum ad fidem faciendam justitia plus pollet, » etc.
Ibid., line 40[?]: "But to just and trustworthy men, that is, good men... Of these two, then, justice is the stronger for creating trust," etc.
(printed under page 64)
(38) Cic. Off. lib. II, pag. 377, lin. 8: « Malus enim [custos] diuturnitatis metus, » etc.
(38) Cicero, De officiis, book II, p. 377, line 8: 'For fear is a poor [guardian] of lastingness,' etc.
(39) Ibid., pag. 378, lin. 13: « Certum igitur hoc sit, idque et primum et maxime necessarium familiaritates habere fidas. » etc.
(39) Ibid., p. 378, line 13: 'Let this then be certain, and both first and most necessary: to have faithful friendships.' etc.
(40) Ibid., pag. 37[9?], lin. 2[?]: « Quaecumque igitur homines, » etc. Item pag. 37[?], lin. 21: « Summa igitur et perfecta gloria constat, » etc.
(40) Ibid., p. 37[9?], line 2[?]: 'Whatever things, therefore, men,' etc. Likewise p. 37[?], line 21: 'The highest and perfect glory, therefore, consists,' etc.
(41) Ibid., pag. 378, lin. [3?]: « [Fides autem ut] habeatur, duabus rebus effic[i] potest, » etc.
(41) Ibid., p. 378, line [3?]: '[But that trust] be placed in one can be brought about by two things,' etc.
(42) Ibid., lin. [3?]: « Justis autem et fidis hominibus, id est bonis... Harum igitur duarum ad fidem faciendam justitia plus pollet, » etc.
(42) Ibid., line [3?]: 'But to just and faithful men, that is, to the good... Of these two, then, justice is the more powerful for winning trust,' etc.
(43) Ibid., lin. [3?]: « Sed ne quis sit admiratus cur cum inter omnes philosophos constet.... qui unam haberet, » etc.
(43) Ibid., line [3?]: 'But lest anyone wonder why, since it is agreed among all philosophers.... who had one,' etc.
(44) Omnes edit. ac pauci mss., in quo occulta sunt Dei; alii sex aut septem, quoniam quae occulta sunt Dei, manifesta facta sunt ei. [Gemet.?] ferme, quoniam quae occulta sunt Deo patent. Sed cum verbum patent o[…] in antiquioribus, qui sententiae interrogationis tamen sensum non perspexere, de suo quisque quod sensui necessarium visum est, addiderunt.
(44) All the editions and a few manuscripts read in whom are the hidden things of God; six or seven others, since the things that are hidden of God were made manifest to him; [the Jumièges manuscript?] almost, since the things that are hidden lie open to God. But since the word lie open [is missing?] in the more ancient [manuscripts], those who nonetheless did not perceive the sense of an interrogative sentence each added from his own what seemed necessary to the sense.
<!-- note: Not editors' prose but the foot notes of page 64 (cols 121–122), re-set from the full page as instructed. The page holds no argumentum or monitum; the only editors' matter in the column body is the Caput VIII summary (italic), which belongs with the author's text. Notes (38)–(42) begin in the left foot (col 121); (42) runs over into the right foot (col 122), where (43) and (44) follow. Ink is very faint: page and line numbers in (40)–(43), 'custos' in (38), the opening of (41), the manuscript siglum in (44) and the word after 'patent o…' are conjectural or illegible and bracketed. 'sententiae' in (44) could be 'sententiam'. -->
(43) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 122 (presumably)
Ibid., lin. 4[?]: « Sed ne quis sit admiratus cur cum inter omnes philosophos constet.... qui unam haberet, » etc.
Ibid., line 4[?]: "But lest anyone wonder why, since it is agreed among all philosophers... whoever had one," etc.
(printed under page 64)
(44) ‹anchor: occulta sunt Deo?› · call in col 122
Omnes edit. ac pauci mss., in quo occulta sunt Dei; alii sex aut septem, quoniam quæ occulta sunt Dei, […] ferme, quoniam quæ occulta sunt Deo patebant[?], sed cum verbum patebat […] qui contenti […] non perspexere, de suo quisque quod sensui necessarium visum est, addiderunt.
All the editions and a few manuscripts: "in whom are the hidden things of God"; six or seven others: "since the things that are hidden of God," […] nearly, "since the things that are hidden were plain to God"[?]; but since the word "were plain" […] who, content […], did not perceive [it], each added from his own what seemed necessary to the sense. [Largely illegible; the reconstruction is tentative.]
(printed under page 64)
(45) ‹anchor: forma virtutum› · call in col 123
Cic. lib. II, pag. 378, lin 50: « Quamobrem ut vulgus, ita nos hoc loco loquimur, ut alios fortes, » etc.
Cicero, book II, p. 378, line 50: "Therefore in this place we speak as the common people do, [calling] some brave," etc.
(printed under page 65)
(46) ‹anchor: adyto quodam eruitur› · call in col 123
Paris edit. nonnulle, quæ eliminandæ veritatis causa. Non satis recte.
Some Paris editions: "which, for the sake of banishing the truth." Not correctly enough.
(printed under page 65)
(47) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 123 or 124
Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 378, lin. 41: « Harum igitur duarum ad fidem faciendam justitia plus pollet, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 378, line 41: "Of these two, then, justice is the stronger for creating trust," etc.
(printed under page 65)
(48) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 123 or 124
Edit. cum mss. pauculis, Utiliora (Amerb., utilia) enim vulnera amici, quam alienorum oscula. Mss. vero multo plures ac vetustiores, Utilia . . . quam aliorum oscula. Hunc versiculum, qui habetur apud solos LXX crebo citari ab Ambrosio advertas licet; semper autem illum ita exprimit, ut pro utiliora mss. probatiores exhibeant utilia, ubi subintellige adverbium magis; at vero pro aliorum oscula, quod hic scribitur, nusquam non invenias voluntaria oscula inimici, ut LXX, nimirum ἑκούσια φιλήματα ἐχθροῦ.
The editions with a very few manuscripts: "For more useful (Amerbach: useful) are the wounds of a friend than the kisses of strangers." But far more and older manuscripts: "Useful... than the kisses of others." You may notice that this little verse, which is found only in the Septuagint, is often quoted by Ambrose; and he always expresses it so that, for "more useful," the better manuscripts give "useful," where the adverb "more" is to be understood; but instead of "the kisses of others," which is written here, you will find everywhere "the voluntary kisses of an enemy," as in the Septuagint, namely hekousia philēmata echthrou. [Printed "crebo" for "crebro", and "nusquam non" as printed.]
(printed under page 65)
(47) ‹anchor: Praestat tamen fidele› · call in col 124
Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 378, lin. 41 : « Harum igitur duarum ad fidem faciendam justitia plus pollet, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 378, line 41: "Of these two, then, justice is the stronger for creating trust," etc.
(printed under page 65)
(48) ‹anchor: Utilia enim vulnera› · call in col 124
Edit. cum mss. pauculis, Utiliora (Amerb., utilia) enim vulnera amici, quam alienorum oscula. Mss. vero multo plures ac vetustiores, Utilia . . . quam aliorum oscula. Hunc versiculum, qui habetur apud solos LXX crebo citari ab Ambrosio advertas licet; semper autem illum ita exprimit, ut pro utiliora mss. probatiores exhibeant utilia, ubi subintellige adverbium magis; at vero pro aliorum oscula, quod hic scribitur, nusquam non invenias voluntaria oscula inimici, ut LXX, nimirum ἑκούσια φιλήματα ἐχθροῦ.
The editions with a very few manuscripts: "For more useful (Amerbach: useful) are the wounds of a friend than the kisses of strangers." But far more and older manuscripts: "Useful... than the kisses of others." You may notice that this little verse, which is found only in the Septuagint, is often quoted by Ambrose; and he always expresses it so that, for "more useful," the better manuscripts give "useful," where the adverb "more" is to be understood; but instead of "the kisses of others," which is written here, you will find everywhere "the voluntary kisses of an enemy," as in the Septuagint, namely hekousia philēmata echthrou. [Printed "crebo" for "crebro", and "nusquam non" as printed.]
(printed under page 65)
(49) ‹anchor: sapientis autem argumentum› · call in col 124
Huc usque cap. 9 in vet. edit. protendebatur: quam autem recte, quivis lectorum facile judicabit.
In the old editions chapter 9 was extended as far as this: how rightly, any reader will easily judge.
(printed under page 65)
(50) ‹anchor: verbum Dei› · call in col 124
Rom. edit. sola, Beatae cum verbum Dei, etc. Sed hic Scripturae sensum, potius quam verba, citari manifestum est.
The Roman edition alone: "Blessed when the word of God," etc. But it is plain that here the sense of Scripture, rather than its words, is cited.
(printed under page 65)
[The left-column image is faint; notes (51)–(54) are read with some uncertainty.] (printed under page 66)
(51) ‹anchor: Joseph quoque› · call in col 125
In superioribus edit. hic incipiebat cap. 11, sed male. Namque hoc et sequens exemplum ad cap. 10 spectare constat: postea vero de tertia illa parte agi, quae capitis 8[?] initio proposita est.
In the earlier editions chapter 11 began here, but wrongly. For it is clear that this example and the next belong to ch. 10, and that afterwards that third part is treated which was set out at the beginning of ch. 8[?].
(printed under page 66)
(52) ‹anchor: veri se esse annuntium› · call in col 125
Mss. aliquot, vera se esse annuntiatam.
Some manuscripts: "that true things had been announced to her."
(printed under page 66)
(53) ‹anchor: Joseph› · call in col 125
Cic. Off. lib. II, pag. 379, lin. 3: « Erat igitur ex tribus, quae ad gloriam pertinent, hoc tertium, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 379, line 3: "Of the three things, then, that pertain to glory, this was the third," etc.
(printed under page 66)
(54) ‹anchor: not in this column (variant "frugalitatis / facilitatis gratia")› · call not in col 125; presumably col 126
Omnes edit. frugalitatis gratia. Elegantius mss. prope ad unum, facilitatis gratia; nam frugalitas in vitae probitate supra continetur, de facilitate vero infra etiam acturus est S. Ambrosius.
All the editions: "for the sake of frugality." More elegantly the manuscripts almost to a man: "for the sake of affability"; for frugality is included above under uprightness of life, while St Ambrose is also going to treat of affability below.
(printed under page 66)
(54) ‹anchor: facilitatis gratia› · call in col 126
Omnes edit. frugalitatis gratia. Elegantius mss. prope ad unum, facilitatis gratia; nam frugalitas in vitae probitate supra continetur, de facilitate vero infra etiam acturus est S. Ambrosius.
All the editions: "for the sake of frugality." More elegantly the manuscripts almost to a man: "for the sake of affability"; for frugality is included above under uprightness of life, while St Ambrose is also going to treat of affability below.
(printed under page 66; in the left foot, under col 125, where n125 also sets it)
(55) ‹anchor: vitiorum confusio› · call in col 126
Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 379, lin. 8: « Despiciunt autem eos et contemnunt in quibus nihil virtutis, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 379, line 8: "But they look down on and despise those in whom there is no virtue," etc.
(printed under page 66)
(56) ‹anchor: contumeliosum non fugiat› · call in col 126
Ibid., lin. 10: « Nam quos improbos, maledicos, » etc.
Ibid., line 10: "For those whom [they think] wicked, slanderous," etc.
(printed under page 66)
(57) ‹anchor: vitiorum sordibus› · call in col 126
Ibid., lin. 15: « Nam et voluptates, blandissimae dominae, » etc.
Ibid., line 15: "For pleasures too, most seductive mistresses," etc.
(printed under page 66)
(58) ‹anchor: vita arguit› · call in col 126
Translatum ex illo Virg. Aeneid. IV: Degeneres animos timor arguit... ...
Taken over from that line of Virgil, Aeneid IV: "Fear proves souls base-born..."
(printed under page 66)
(59) ‹anchor: libido devincat› · call in col 126
Edit. ac pauci mss., libido devinciat.
The editions and a few manuscripts: "lust binds fast."
(printed under page 66)
(60) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 127 (presumably)
Era. et seq. edit., tantam vultu speciem; Amerb. autem cum mss. fere omnibus, tanquam vultu speciem. Non incommode. Confer hunc locum cum initio tract. Horatiani de Arte Poet.
Erasmus and the following editions: "so great a beauty in the face"; but Amerbach with almost all the manuscripts: "as it were a beauty in the face." Not unsuitably. Compare this passage with the beginning of Horace's treatise On the Art of Poetry.
(printed under page 67)
(61) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 127 (presumably)
Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 379, lin. 19: « Quis non admiretur splendorem pulchritudinem que virtutis, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 379, line 19: "Who would not admire the splendour and beauty of virtue," etc.
(printed under page 67)
(62) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 127 (presumably)
Erasm. et seq. edit. cum mss. quibusdam, invenitur parior.
Erasmus and the following editions, with certain manuscripts: "is found more equal."
(printed under page 67)
(63) ‹anchor: justitiam et virtutem› · call in col 127
Ita Amerb. et mss., excepto quod nonnulli, veritatem legunt, non virtutem. Cum autem eam sententiam Era. et Gill. resecuissent, illam edit. Rom. restitueral sic immutatam: Et alibi: Sobrietatem enim et prudentiam edocet, justitiam et fortitudinem.
So Amerbach and the manuscripts, except that some read "truth," not "virtue." When Erasmus and Gillot had cut out that sentence, the Roman edition restored it, altered thus: "And elsewhere: For she teaches sobriety and prudence, justice and fortitude." [Printed "restitueral" for "restituerat".]
(printed under page 67)
(64) ‹anchor: operatur prudentia› · call in col 127
Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 379, lin. 25: « Itaque illa tria omnia justitia conficit, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 379, line 25: "And so justice accomplishes all those three things," etc.
(printed under page 67)
(65) ‹anchor: induat constantiam› · call in col 127
Erasm. et seq. edit. ac mss. aliquot, habeat justitiam induat constantiam.
Erasmus and the following editions, and some manuscripts: "have justice, put on constancy."
(printed under page 67)
(66) ‹anchor: mortem non formidet› · call in col 127
Cic. lib. II Offic. p. 379, lin. 22: « Nemo enim justus esse potest, qui mortem, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 379, line 22: "For no one can be just who [fears] death," etc.
(printed under page 67)
(67) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 127 (presumably)
Paris. aliquot edit., Docet igitur omnes; et infra, Illud magis docet. etc.
Some Paris editions: "She teaches, then, all"; and below: "That she teaches more," etc.
(printed under page 67)
(68) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 127 (presumably)
Omnes edit., calculari compendio: contra vero mss., calculari compendia, multo commodius.
All the editions: "to be reckoned by saving"; but on the contrary the manuscripts: "that savings are reckoned," much more suitably.
(printed under page 67)
(69) ‹anchor: liberalitate acquiras› · call in col 128
Cic. lib. I Offic., pag. 378, lin. 26: « Quæ quidem benevolentia beneficiis capitur maxime. » Item pag. 382, lin. I: « Nonnunquam tamen est largiendum, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book I, p. 378, line 26: "This goodwill is won chiefly by kindnesses." Also p. 382, line 1: "Sometimes, however, one must be generous," etc. [The book number is printed "I", though the page belongs to book II.]
(printed under page 67)
(70) ‹anchor: liberalitatis sunt› · call in col 128
Ibid,, pag. 383, lin. 12: « In illo autem genere largiendi, » etc. Multa sunt in Ambrosiano textu quæ non perfunctorie, sed attentius videntur observanda; primo enim hinc cognoscitur antiquis illis episcopis haud mediocri curæ fuisse ne quis, vel manifesto vel clanculum ac secreto, indigentium necessario ad sustentandam vitam subsidio destitueretur: deinde constitui solitos quibus ea demandaretur provincia, sive illi e sacerdotum numero eligerentur, quod etsi frequentius erat in Ecclesia orientali, tamen in occidentali quoque nonnunquam usu venisse ex hoc et sequenti capite intelligimus; sive assumerentur ex ordine diaconorum, quod fere obtinuisse per Occidentem non modo quæ sanctus præsul frequenter hoc in opere de beato Laurentio, nec non et Prudentius in hymno de eodem martyre, tradunt, palam faciunt; verum etiam quod Sulp. Severus in Vita sancti Martini ab eo archidiaconum suum ei muneri præfectum fuisse commemorat. Postremum autem illud est quod hinc advertas, dispensatores illos non pro libito, sed ex episcopi, ad quem omnia referre consueverant, nutu et voluntate cuncta gessisse: ita ut nihil in ejus potestate non esset positum. Et hoc sane oppido quadrat cum apostolorum can. 39, 40 et 41, synodi Laodic. can. 57, et sequentium conc. definitionibus prope innumeris.
Ibid., p. 383, line 12: "But in that kind of giving," etc. There are many things in Ambrose's text that seem to call for close rather than cursory attention. First, we learn from it that those ancient bishops took no small care that no one, whether openly or covertly and in secret, should be left without the help needed by the poor to sustain life. Next, that persons were regularly appointed to whom this charge was entrusted: whether they were chosen from among the priests — which, though more frequent in the Eastern Church, we gather from this and the following chapter sometimes happened in the Western too; or were taken from the order of deacons — which generally prevailed throughout the West, as is made plain not only by what the holy prelate often relates in this work of the blessed Lawrence, and Prudentius too in his hymn on the same martyr, but also by Sulpicius Severus's record in the Life of St Martin that Martin set his archdeacon over this office. Last, you may note from it that those stewards did everything not at their own pleasure but at the nod and will of the bishop, to whom they were accustomed to refer everything, so that nothing was outside his power. And this accords exactly with the Apostolic Canons 39, 40 and 41, canon 57 of the synod of Laodicea, and the almost innumerable rulings of later councils.
(printed under page 67)
[The left-column image is faint; notes (71)–(73) are read with some uncertainty.] (printed under page 68)
(71) ‹anchor: pupillos tueri› · call in col 129
Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 378, lin. 14: « Propensior benignitas .. nisi forte erunt digni, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 378, line 14: "A readier kindness... unless perhaps they are worthy," etc.
(printed under page 68)
(72) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 129 (presumably, above the visible text)
Ibid., lin. 25: « Atque hæc benignitas etiam reip. utilis est, redimi e servitute captos, » etc.
Ibid., line 25: "And this kindness is useful to the state as well, that captives be redeemed from slavery," etc.
(printed under page 68)
(73) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 129 (presumably, above the visible text)
Hanc Illyrici Thraciæque populationem Baronius auctor est anno reparatæ salutis 387 contigisse. Verum hoc loco non satis cohærentia loquitur cardinalis eruditissimus. Etenim si hoc eodem anno confracta et venundata fuerint ab Ambrosio vasa sacra, necessario hinc eruitur non nisi post memoratum annum hosce libros Officiorum editos esse: cum tamen ipsos toto decennio prius in lucem prodiisse, ad annum 377 affirmaverit. Cæterum multo probabilius videtur cladem hanc, cujus hoc loco meminit sanctus Ambrosius, atrocem Valentis imperatoris exitum secutam esse; cum, ipsius ducibus Trajano et Sebastiano cæsis, omnique adeo exercitu internecione deleto, Gotthi aliique barbari, vastato Illyrico usque ad Alpes Julianas ac Venetorum regionem, omnia igne ferroque populati sunt, ut post Ammianum Marc., Socratem, Sozomenum atque Theodoretum Baronius ipse scripto prodidit. Adi etiam cl. v. Hermantum, in Ambrosii Vita, lib. II, cap. 12.
Baronius states that this devastation of Illyricum and Thrace happened in the year of restored salvation 387. But here the most learned cardinal does not speak consistently. For if in that same year the sacred vessels were broken up and sold by Ambrose, it necessarily follows that these books of the Offices were not published until after that year; yet under the year 377 he affirmed that they came out a whole decade earlier. In any case it seems much more probable that this disaster, which St Ambrose mentions here, followed the terrible end of the emperor Valens; when, his generals Trajan and Sebastian having been slain and his whole army destroyed in a massacre, the Goths and other barbarians laid Illyricum waste as far as the Julian Alps and the territory of the Veneti, and ravaged everything with fire and sword, as Baronius himself recorded in writing after Ammianus Marcellinus, Socrates, Sozomen and Theodoret. See also the famous Hermant, in his Life of Ambrose, book II, ch. 12.
(printed under page 68)
(74) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 129 (presumably)
Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 382, lin. 15: « Liberales autem qui facultatibus aut captos a prædonibus redimunt... aut in filiarum collocatione adjuvant, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 382, line 15: "But the liberal are those who with their means either redeem captives from pirates... or help in the marrying of daughters," etc.
(printed under page 68)
(75) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 129 or 130
Ibid., pag. 381, lin. 33: « Deinceps de beneficentia dicendum: cujus est ratio duplex, » etc.
Ibid., p. 381, line 33: "Next we must speak of beneficence, whose principle is twofold," etc.
(printed under page 68)
(76) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 129 or 130
Erasm. et seq. edit., Quæ operum collatione.
Erasmus and the following editions: "Which by the contribution of works."
(printed under page 68)
(77) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 129 or 130
Gill. in marg. et Rom. edit. in corpore, per septennium. Sed cum aliæ omnes ac mss. præferant quinquennium, credibile est sanctum antistitem ita posuisse, quod putaverit populum Ægyptium, saltem primis duobus annis, victitasse privatis fructibus, antequam eum ad regia horrea confugere fames cogeret. Sane huic sensui videtur favere quod legitur, καὶ ἐγένετο λιμὸς ἐν πάσῃ τῇ γῇ, ἐν δὲ πάσῃ τῇ γῇ Αἰγύπτου ἦσαν ἄρτοι. Licet dissimulandum non sit haberi in mss. nonnullis, οὐκ ἦσαν ἄρτοι, cui etiam concinit Syriaca versio. Sed aliarum omnium, ipsiusque textus Hebraici consensus, nec non orationis ipsa series, aliam astruit lectionem.
Gillot in the margin and the Roman edition in the text: "for seven years." But since all the others and the manuscripts prefer "five years," it is credible that the holy bishop put it so because he thought the Egyptian people lived on their private produce, at least for the first two years, before famine drove them to take refuge in the royal granaries. Certainly what is read seems to favour this sense: "and there was famine in all the land, but in all the land of Egypt there was bread." Though it must not be concealed that some manuscripts have "there was no bread," with which the Syriac version also agrees. But the agreement of all the others and of the Hebrew text itself, as well as the very sequence of the passage, supports the other reading. [The Greek is small and partly blurred in the image; accents set from the clearest reading.]
(printed under page 68)
(78) ‹anchor: exhauriri nesciunt› · call in col 130
Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 381, lin. 37: « Largitioque quæ fit ex re familiari, fontem ipsum benignitatis exhaurit, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 381, line 37: "And giving that is made from one's private estate drains the very fountain of kindness," etc.
(printed under page 68)
(79) ‹anchor: inutilis largitas› · call in col 130
Ibid.. pag. 382, lin. 7: « Quamobrem nec ita claudenda est res familiaris, ut eam benignitas aperire non possit, » etc.
Ibid., p. 382, line 7: "Therefore one's estate should not be so shut up that kindness cannot open it," etc.
(printed under page 68)
(80) ‹anchor: [avi]ditas petitionis› · call in col 131
Mss. aliquot, major aviditas. Petitionis causa veniunt validi. Et continuo post, alii pauci, nisi vacandi habentes.
Some manuscripts: "greater greed. The able-bodied come for the sake of asking." And immediately after, a few others: "except those having [leisure] to be idle."
(printed under page 69)
(81) ‹anchor: Ab Ecclesia relegatis› · call in col 131
Sic edit. omnes, et major potiorque pars mss. Aliqui tamen: Ab ecclesia relegatis. Quæritur autem in prima lectione, quinam sunt illi, ab Ecclesia relegati? Voluerunt nonnulli eos hoc loco intelligendos qui propter fidem ab Ecclesiis suis exsulare coacti essent. Sed nunquam tam parce ac tenuiter de his locuturus erat sanctus Doctor. Eos ergo intelligimus qui ab Ecclesiæ sacris pœnitentiæ causa fuerant separati; quibus etsi Ecclesiasticas eleemosynas auferri consuevisse testetur Augustinus, tamen in extrema necessitate christiana liberalitas non deerat. Potest etiam ita explicari, ut ab Ecclesia referatur ad impartiendus, minime vero ad relegatis, id est exsulibus.
So all the editions and the larger and better part of the manuscripts. Some, however: "to those banished from the church." In the first reading, the question is who those "banished from the Church" are. Some held that those are meant here who had been forced into exile from their Churches for the faith. But the holy Doctor would never have spoken of them so sparingly and thinly. We therefore understand those who had been separated from the Church's sacred rites for penance; for although Augustine testifies that the Church's alms used to be taken from them, yet in extreme need Christian liberality did not fail them. It can also be explained so that "from the Church" is referred to "to be imparted," and not at all to "banished," that is, exiles.
(printed under page 69)
(82) ‹anchor: impudentiæ locus sit› · call in col 131
Quædam edit. Paris., imprudentiæ locus sit.
Certain Paris editions: "let there be room for imprudence."
(printed under page 69)
(83) ‹anchor: suo officio dispenset› · call in col 131
Non sane properanti oculo transmittenda est laudabilis ea consuetudo, qua prisci illi christiani pecuniam suam œconomo dispensatori Ecclesiæ in manus tradebant, ab eodem postea fidelium pauperum gregibus distribuendam. Insignis hac de re locus est in beati Justini Apologia secunda proxime ante finem, cujus verba non pigebit hic subjicere: « Cæterum qui locupletiores sunt, inquit, et volunt, pro arbitrio quisque suo quod visum est, conferunt: et quod ita colligitur, apud præpositum deponitur: atque ille inde opitulatur pupillis et viduis, et his qui propter morbum aut aliquam aliam causam egent, quique in vinculis sunt, et peregre advenientibus hospitibus: et ut simpliciter dicam, indigentium is omnium curator est. »
That praiseworthy custom should certainly not be passed over with a hasty eye, by which those early Christians handed their money into the hands of the Church's steward and dispenser, to be distributed afterwards by him to the flocks of the faithful poor. There is a notable passage on this in the blessed Justin's second Apology, just before the end, whose words it will not be tiresome to set down here: "Those who are wealthier," he says, "and willing, each contribute what seems good to him at his own discretion; and what is thus collected is deposited with the president; and he from it helps orphans and widows, and those who are in want through sickness or some other cause, and those in bonds, and guests arriving from abroad; and, to put it simply, he is the guardian of all who are in need."
(printed under page 69)
(84) ‹anchor: suam collationem› · call in col 131
Nonnulli mss., suam consolationem. Sed omnino cum aliis atque edit. legendum, suam collationem, id est suam eleemosynam, quam collectam vocat Apostolus. Et infra ubi edit. ac mss. non pauci, utrumque despiciet; Thuan. et alii aliquot præferunt. utrumque displicet.
Some manuscripts: "his consolation." But one should certainly read, with the others and the editions, "his contribution," that is, his alms, which the Apostle calls the collection. And below, where the editions and not a few manuscripts read "he will despise both," the de Thou manuscript and some others prefer "both displease."
(printed under page 69)
(85) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 132 (presumably)
Codex Thuan. et alii non parvo numero, calcar plerumque. Adhibendus videtur modus, etc.
The de Thou codex and others in no small number: "generally a spur. Measure seems to be required," etc.
(printed under page 69)
(86) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 132 (presumably)
Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 382, lin. 3: « Quid autem est stultius, quam quod libenter facias. » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 382, line 3: "But what is more foolish than [to bring it about] that what you gladly do," etc.
(printed under page 69)
(87) ‹anchor: publicum tributum› · call in col 132
Mss. aliquot, sed fulciret publicam, vel publico: tributum, etc.
Some manuscripts: "but should prop up the public [store]," or "by the public: tribute," etc.
(printed under page 69)
(88) ‹anchor: habere possent› · call in col 132
Sic lib. II Offic., pag. 385, lin. 3: « Danda est opera omnino, si possit, » etc. Item lin. 15: « Danda etiam opera est, ne... tributum sit conferendum, » etc.
So On Duties book II, p. 385, line 3: "Effort must by all means be made, if it can be," etc. Also line 15: "Effort must also be made that... tribute need not be paid," etc.
(printed under page 69)
(89) ‹anchor: O virum magnum› · call in col 132
Ibid., pag. 386, lin. 33: O virum magnum, dignumque, etc.
Ibid., p. 386, line 33: "O great man, and worthy," etc.
(printed under page 69)
(90) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 133 (presumably)
Mss. nonnulli, portionem collativam statuit.
Some manuscripts: "he fixed a contributory portion."
(printed under page 70)
(91) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 133 (presumably)
Mss. non pauci, ac jejuno corpore.
Not a few manuscripts: "and with a fasting body."
(printed under page 70)
(92) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 133 (presumably)
Mss. aliquot, de terræ surgebant sinu.
Some manuscripts: "rose from the bosom of the earth."
(printed under page 70)
(93) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 133 (presumably)
Thuan. et alii aliquot mss., corruptæ ac madidæ, alii non pauci, corruptæ ac mucidæ, quod non displicet.
The de Thou and some other manuscripts: "rotten and sodden"; not a few others: "rotten and mouldy," which is not displeasing.
(printed under page 70)
(94) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 133 or 134
Hæc duo testimonia e Genesi ac Deuteronomio paulo aliter citantur lib. de Benedict. Patriarch cap. 11, num. 46 et 53. Satis autem hoc loco conveniunt ant. edit. cum mss., nisi quod habent illæ, zelotes filius meus, filius meus adolescentior. Adjuvet te...et benedicat te...in rubo. veniat super caput, etc. Sed eas varietates sicut et quas addidit edit. Rom. ad scriptos cod. et maxime ad Thuan. castigavimus.
These two testimonies from Genesis and Deuteronomy are quoted somewhat differently in the book On the Blessings of the Patriarchs, ch. 11, nos. 46 and 53. In this place, however, the old editions agree well enough with the manuscripts, except that they have "my son is jealous, my youngest son. May he help you... and bless you... in the bush. Let it come upon the head," etc. But we have corrected those variants, as also those which the Roman edition added, by the written codices and especially by the de Thou manuscript.
(printed under page 70)
(95) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 133 or 134
Rom. edit. sola, ipse decem millia Ephraim, et ipse millia Manasses. At omnes aliæ ac mss. nobiscum faciunt; quibus etiam hebraicus textus patrocinatur. LXX vero præferunt: Αὗται μυριάδες Ἐφραΐμ, καὶ αὗται χιλιάδες Μανασσῆ; et his accedunt reliquæ versiones.
The Roman edition alone: "he the ten thousands of Ephraim, and he the thousands of Manasseh." But all the others and the manuscripts side with us, and the Hebrew text also supports them. The Septuagint, however, has: "These are the myriads of Ephraim, and these the thousands of Manasseh"; and the remaining versions agree with these. [The first word is blurred at the image edge; read as "ipse".]
(printed under page 70)
(96) ‹anchor: nihil scit in domo sua› · call in col 134
Edit. vet. et quædam Paris., cum paucis mss., præter me nihil scit,.... quæ uxor illius es. Rom cum potiori parte mss. ut in textu: et quidem commodius, cum id reddatur, quod est apud LXX, οὐ γινώσκει δι' ἐμὲ οὐδὲν.... διὰ τὸ σε γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ εἶναι.
The old editions and certain Paris ones, with a few manuscripts: "besides me he knows nothing,... who are his wife." The Roman edition with the better part of the manuscripts, as in the text: and more suitably, since it renders what is in the Septuagint: "because of me he knows nothing... because you are his wife."
(printed under page 70)
(97) ‹anchor: domino deferebat› · call in col 134
Ita mss. optimi quique ac numerosissimi: aliqui tamen et cunctæ edit., deferebat honorificentiam, quia referebat gratiam.
So all the best and most numerous manuscripts; some, however, and all the editions: "he paid honour, because he returned thanks."
(printed under page 70)
(98) ‹anchor: nihil simulatum› · call in col 134
Omnes edit., nihil fallax, nihil fabulosum: sed nihil fabulosum in mss. longe plurimis nec non antiquissimis prætermittitur.
All the editions: "nothing deceitful, nothing fabulous"; but "nothing fabulous" is omitted in by far the most manuscripts, and in the most ancient.
(printed under page 70)
(99) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 135 (presumably, above the visible text)
Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 379, lin. 9: « Non enim omnes eos contemnunt, de quibus male existimant, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 379, line 9: "For they do not despise all those of whom they think ill," etc.
(printed under page 71)
(1) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 135 (presumably, above the visible text)
Vetustissimi cod., Efficit mihi, inquit, ... quia efficiebant illis.
The most ancient codices: "It suffices me, he says,... because they sufficed them."
(printed under page 71)
(2) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 135 or 136
Omnes edit., esurire et sitire Dominum: mss. nonnulli, esurire Deum, sitiret, aut sitire et Dominum; alii magno numero, esuriret Deum sitiret in Dominum, in quorum tamen aliquibus in non legitur.
All the editions: "to hunger and thirst for the Lord"; some manuscripts: "to hunger for God, he thirsted," or "to thirst and the Lord"; others in great number: "he hungered for God, he thirsted in the Lord," though in some of these "in" is not read.
(printed under page 71)
(3) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 135 or 136
Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 385, lin. 40: « Nullum igitur vitium tetrius... quam avaritia, præsertim in principibus, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 385, line 40: "No vice, then, is fouler... than avarice, especially in leading men," etc.
(printed under page 71)
(4) ‹anchor: hic homo› · call in col 136
Quoniam hic homo, etc., non reperiuntur in bibliis; sicut nec ultima verba, erit nobis, in pluribus potioribusque mss., quorum etiam aliqui pro neque in ducem, legunt neque in judicem.
"Since this man," etc., is not found in the Bible; nor are the last words, "shall be to us," in the more numerous and better manuscripts, some of which also read "nor as judge" for "nor as leader."
(printed under page 71)
(5) ‹anchor: injustitia dissolvat› · call in col 136
Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 378, lin. 8: « Quæ si populo Rom. injuste, » etc. Item pag. 379, lin. 43: « Cum igitur tanta vis justitiæ sit, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 378, line 8: "And if [these things] unjustly to the Roman people," etc. Also p. 379, line 43: "Since, then, the force of justice is so great," etc.
(printed under page 71)
(6) ‹anchor: sine ulla adulatione› · call in col 136
Ibid., pag. 380, lin. 9: « Quam præclare Socrates hanc viam... ut qualis haberi vellet, talis esset. Quod si qui simulatione, » etc.
Ibid., p. 380, line 9: "How excellently Socrates [said] that this road... that a man should be such as he wished to be thought. But if any [think] by pretence," etc.
(printed under page 71)
(7) ‹anchor: sermonis adulatio› · call in col 136
Edit ultima Paris. cum pauci mss., deleat sermonis adulatio.
The latest Paris edition with a few manuscripts: "flattery of speech destroys." [The verb is small in the image; read as "deleat".]
(printed under page 71)
[The left-column image is faint; notes (8)–(11) and the opening of (13) are read with some uncertainty.] (printed under page 72)
(8) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 137 (presumably, above the visible text)
Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 380, lin. 38: « Facillime autem.. adolescentes qui se ad claros et sapientes, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 380, line 38: "Most easily, however,... young men who [attach] themselves to famous and wise men," etc.
(printed under page 72)
(9) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 137 (presumably, above the visible text)
Superiores Edit., itaque bonis jungi plurimum prodest.
The earlier editions: "and so to be joined to good men is of the greatest benefit."
(printed under page 72)
(10) ‹anchor: videretur majestas› · call in col 137
Edit. cum mss., refulgeret præsentia et videretur majestas, etc.
The editions with manuscripts: "the presence shone and the majesty was seen," etc.
(printed under page 72)
(11) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 137 (presumably)
Cic. lib. de Senectute pag. 409, lin. 9: « Et cum adolescentibus bona indole præditis sapientes senes delectantur, » etc.
Cicero, On Old Age, p. 409, line 9: "And wise old men take delight in young men endowed with a good disposition," etc.
(printed under page 72)
(11) ‹anchor: seniorum atque adolescentium› · call in col 138
Cic. lib. de Senectute pag. 409, lin. 9: « Et cum adolescentibus bona indole praeditis sapientes senes delectantur, » etc.
Cicero, On Old Age, p. 409, line 9: "And wise old men take delight in young men endowed with a good disposition," etc.
(printed under page 72; in the left foot, under col 137, where n137 also sets it and gives the call as col 137 — the call is printed in col 138, para. 100. 'cum' is faint.)
(12) ‹anchor: et sua voce› · call in col 138
Rom. edit. resecaverat, et sua voce, quod tamen in aliis edit. et cunctis mss. reperimus.
The Roman edition had cut out "and by his own voice," which, however, we find in the other editions and in all the manuscripts.
(printed under page 72)
(13) ‹anchor: eripias inopem› · call in col 138
Cic. lib. II Offic. pag. 381, lin. 29: « Maxime autem et gloria paritur et gratia defensionibus, » etc. Quod autem ait Ambrosius, de morte damnatum eruas, de hoc adeas licet, quae nos tomo I Expos. in psal. CXVIII, serm. 8, num. 41, subnotavimus. Hic vero id unum libet adjicere, cautionem appositam hoc loco hinc promanasse, quod cum interdum episcopi, clerici vel etiam monachi ferventiore quam prudentiore zelo reos suppliciis eripere niterentur, aut seditionibus, aut saltem gravibus judicum imperatorum[?] querelis ansam dabant. Adde quod etiam fieri poterat, ut quos per corruptionem ipsi liberaverant, eos per vim ab episcopis raptos causarentur. Tollendo igitur huic malo leges nonnullae reperiuntur datae ab imperatoribus; ut puta a Theodosio et Arcadio lib. XV et XVI de Poenis. Porro morem hunc quo clerici ac monachi supplicio reos alias eximebant, Cujacius, Paratitlo cod. de Episc. audientia, autumat ortum duxisse ab exemplo paganorum sacrificiorum; hoc enim eo jure potitos esse Taciti, Suetonii et Plutarchi auctoritate idem astruit. Superest autem etiamnum apud nos vestigium quoddam priscae hujus consuetudinis, dum Rothomagi singulis annis, festo Ascensionis die, unus de reis homicidii, postquam solemni ritu sacrum Romani episcopi feretrum humeris subivit (continues)
Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 381, line 29: "But glory and gratitude are won above all by defending others," etc. As for Ambrose's saying "rescue one condemned to death," on this you may consult what we noted in vol. I, Exposition of Psalm 118, sermon 8, no. 41. Here we wish to add only this: that the caution set in this place arose from the fact that bishops, clerics or even monks, when they sometimes strove with a zeal more fervent than prudent to snatch the guilty from punishment, gave occasion either to riots or at least to grave complaints from judges and emperors[?]. Add that it could also happen that those whom they had themselves freed by bribery were alleged to have been carried off by force by the bishops. To remove this evil, then, some laws are found issued by the emperors, for instance by Theodosius and Arcadius, [Code] On Punishments, laws 15 and 16. Further, Cujas, in his Paratitla on the Code title On the Bishop's Hearing, holds that this custom by which clerics and monks otherwise exempted the guilty from punishment took its origin from the example of the pagan priests; for he establishes from the authority of Tacitus, Suetonius and Plutarch that they enjoyed that right. There still survives among us a certain trace of this ancient custom: at Rouen every year, on the feast of the Ascension, one of those accused of homicide, after he has taken on his shoulders, with solemn rite, the sacred reliquary of the bishop Romanus (continues)
(printed under page 72)
(14) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 139 (presumably, above the visible text)
Cic. lib. II Offic. pag. 386, lin. 37: « Recte etiam a Theophrasto est laudata hospitalitas, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 386, line 37: "Hospitality too has rightly been praised by Theophrastus," etc.
(printed under page 73)
(15) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 139 (presumably, above the visible text)
Quidam mss., janua. Quanta gratia et merces est, qui hospites et peregrinos suscipit. Valde id, etc.
Certain manuscripts: "door. How great is the favour and reward of one who receives guests and strangers. Very much that," etc.
(printed under page 73)
(16) ‹anchor: fuerit lacessitus› · call in col 139
Ibid., pag. 383, lin. 30: « In omni re contrahenda.... æquum et facilem, multa multis de suo jure decedentem, » etc.
Ibid., p. 383, line 30: "In every contract... fair and easy, yielding much of his own right to many," etc.
(printed under page 73)
(17) ‹anchor: fructuosæ erunt› · call in col 139
Edit. omnes, quæ contemnenti aliquo in tempore. postea fructuosæ sint? mss. vero omnes, ut in contextu; si tamen unum ad alterum excipias, ubi legitur, quæ contemnenti aliquo in tempore, postea fructuosa erunt.
All the editions: "which to one who despises them at some time, may afterwards be fruitful?" But all the manuscripts as in the text; except perhaps one or two, where it reads: "which, to one who despises them at some time, will afterwards be fruitful" (neuter).
(printed under page 73)
(18) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 140 (presumably, above the visible text)
Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 384, lin. 22: « Itaque vulgo loquuntur se in beneficiis collocandis mores hominum, » etc.
Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 384, line 22: "And so men commonly say that in bestowing kindnesses [they look to] men's characters," etc.
(printed under page 73)
(19) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 140 (presumably, above the visible text)
Plures edit. et quidam mss., Qui scis an et tu cum suspicis hospitem. . . . cum in hospito sit Christus.
Several editions and certain manuscripts: "How do you know whether you too, when you receive a guest... since Christ is in the guest." [Printed "suspicis" and "hospito" as they appear.]
(printed under page 73)
(20) ‹anchor: call not visible in these images› · call in col 140 (presumably, above the visible text)
Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 384, lin. 23: « Sed quis est tandem qui inopis et optimi viri causæ non anteponat, » etc. Item lin. 43: « Sed corrupti mores depravatique sunt admiratione divitiarum. »
Cicero, On Duties book II, p. 384, line 23: "But who is there, after all, who would not put first the cause of a poor and excellent man," etc. Also line 43: "But morals are corrupted and depraved by admiration of riches."
(printed under page 73)
(21) ‹anchor: duo sunt genera› · call in col 140
Ibid., pag. 382, lin. 12: « Omnino duo sunt genera largorum, quorum alteri prodigi dicuntur, » etc. Quæ autem prodigalitatis exempla subjecit sanctus Ambrosius, eadem jam priore tomo sæpius exagitaverat: enimvero conviviorum luxum atque effusionem cum alibi non semel, tum plurimis locis lib. de Elia et Jejunio, suis coloribus descripta reperies: de circi autem ac theatri spectaculis præcipue habes in psal. CXVIII, serm. 5, pag. 1025. Quod autem in gladiatorum munera non ita crebro invehitur, hinc forte merito collexeris, Mediolani parum usitatum fuisse crudele illud oblectationis genus, quod nunquam non summo cum stomacho detestati sunt antiqui Patres. De hujusmodi certaminibus præter veteres auctores e recentioribus accuratissime disputavit J. Lipsius lib. duob. Saturnalium: Rosinus, in Antiq. Rom. nonnulla, Laurentius in Polymathia multa congessit. Ultimum tandem prodigi sumptus exemplum ponit venationes, circenses videlicet, in quibus feras insolitas per totam Africam aliasque dissitissimas regiones maximis impensis conquisitas populo exhibebant: de qua venandi ratione multa sunt apud Martialem epigrammata: nonnulla quoque habet Suetonius, atque alii: sed adeundus præ cæteris Tertull. de Spectaculis, et Cassiod lib. V Var.
Ibid., p. 382, line 12: "There are in all two kinds of open-handed men, of whom the one are called prodigal," etc. The examples of prodigality that St Ambrose sets down he had already attacked repeatedly in the previous volume: the luxury and extravagance of banquets you will find painted in their true colours more than once elsewhere, and especially in many places of the book On Elijah and Fasting; on the shows of the circus and theatre you have chiefly the Psalm 118 commentary, sermon 5, p. 1025. That he does not so often inveigh against gladiatorial shows, you may perhaps rightly infer from this that that cruel kind of entertainment, which the ancient Fathers always detested with the greatest disgust, was little practised at Milan. On contests of this kind, besides the ancient authors, J. Lipsius among the moderns has treated most accurately in two books of Saturnalia; Rosinus collected some things in his Roman Antiquities, and Laurentius many in his Polymathia. Last of all he gives as an example of prodigal expense the wild-beast hunts, namely those of the circus, in which unusual beasts, sought out at the greatest cost throughout all Africa and other very distant regions, were exhibited to the people: on this manner of hunting there are many epigrams in Martial; Suetonius and others also have something; but before all the rest Tertullian, On the Shows, and Cassiodorus, Variae book V, should be consulted.
(printed under page 73)
(22) ‹anchor: unum liberalitatis› · call in col 140
Cod. Big. post vocem genera subjungit, De duobus generibus largitatis. Sed ex margine.
The Bigot codex adds after the word "kinds": "On the two kinds of giving." But [this comes] from the margin.
(printed under page 73)
(23) ‹anchor: Pulchra liberalitas› · call in col 141
Gemet., Pulchra etiam liberalitas est in ipso [proprio?] dato mensuram tenere. [first words and fourth word faint in the scan]
The Jumièges manuscript reads: "It is a fine liberality, too, to keep measure in the very thing given" [reading uncertain].
(printed under page 74)
(24) ‹anchor: mensuram tenere› · call in col 141
Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 383, lin. 34 : « Habenda autem est ratio rei familiaris, » etc.
Cicero, De officiis book II, p. 383, line 34: "But account must be taken of one's household estate," etc.
(printed under page 74)
(25) ‹anchor: aedificationes aggredi› · call in col 141
Ibid., lin. 3. « Atque etiam illae impensae meliores sunt, muri, navalia, portus, etc.
Ibid., line 3: "And those expenditures are better too: walls, dockyards, harbours," etc.
(printed under page 74)
(26) ‹anchor: malunt esse› · call in col 141
Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 380, lin. 11 : « Quod si qui simulatione, et inani ostentatione, » etc. Item pag. 382, lin. 27 : « Ipsaque illa delinitio multitudinis, » etc.
Cicero, De officiis book II, p. 380, line 11: "But if any by pretence and empty display," etc. Likewise p. 382, line 27: "And that very soothing of the multitude," etc.
(printed under page 74)
(27) ‹anchor: vel referre arma› · call in col 142
Rom. edit., interesse voluit, ne vel inferre arma.
The Roman edition reads: "he wished to be present, lest he seem even to bear arms [against him]."
(printed under page 74)
(28) ‹anchor: ad obedientiam redimuntur› · call in col 142
Ibid., pag. 376, lin. 15 : « Male enim se res habet, cum quod virtute effici debet, » etc. Item pag. 381, lin. 42 : « Praeclare in epistola quadam Alexandrum filium Philippus accusat, » etc.
Ibid., p. 376, line 15: "For things are in a bad way when what ought to be achieved by virtue," etc. Likewise p. 381, line 42: "Philip, in a certain letter, finely rebukes his son Alexander," etc.
(printed under page 74)
(29) ‹anchor: bonis actibus› · call in col 143
Sic Amerb. cum mss, prop. omnibus, Era. autem ac sequentes edit., bonis artibus.
So Amerbach, with nearly all the manuscripts; but Erasmus and the editions after him read bonis artibus ("by good arts").
(printed under page 75)
(30) ‹anchor: duram convenit› · call in col 143
Cic. lib. I Offic., pag. 363, lin. 5 : « In juris aequabilitate exercenda etiam est facilitas... et tamen ita probanda est mansuetudo, » etc.
Cicero, De officiis book I, p. 363, line 5: "In upholding the equity of the law there must also be gentleness... and yet mildness is to be approved only so far," etc.
(printed under page 75)
(31) ‹anchor: obligemus plurimos› · call in col 143
Lib. II, pag. 376, lin. 12 : « Proprium hoc statuo esse virtutis, conciliare sibi animos, » etc. Item pag. 384, lin. 12 : « Licet tamen opera prodesse multis, » etc.
Book II, p. 376, line 12: "I hold this to be the proper mark of virtue, to win men's hearts," etc. Likewise p. 384, line 12: "Yet one may do good to many by one's services," etc.
(printed under page 75)
(32) ‹anchor: Ecclesiae laus› · call in col 143
Mss. aliquot, « Grata enim Ecclesia laus, » etc.
Some manuscripts: "For praise is pleasing to the Church," etc.
(printed under page 75)
(33) ‹anchor: obediat episcopo› · call in col 143
Clericos episcopo suo perinde ac Deo ipsi morem gerere oportere beatus Ignatius multis epistolarum locis praecipit, maxime vero epist. ad Ephes. epist. ad Magnes. et epist. ad Trallian. Cyprianus vero epist. 55 et 65 docet non aliunde exoriri solere haereses atque schismata, nisi ex eo quod praesulibus suis obedire clerici detrectent ac refugiant. Cujus quidem rei exemplum luctuosum in Ario proponit Theodoretus, Hist. Eccl. lib. I, cap. 2, et in aliis alii.
That clerics must obey their bishop as they would God Himself, blessed Ignatius teaches in many places of his letters, above all in the letters to the Ephesians, to the Magnesians and to the Trallians. Cyprian, in letters 55 and 65, teaches that heresies and schisms usually arise from no other source than this, that clerics refuse and shrink from obeying their prelates. Theodoret, Ecclesiastical History book I, ch. 2, sets out a grievous example of this in Arius, and other writers others.
(printed under page 75) (34), (35), (36): printed under page 75, but their calls stand in col 144; see notes/n144.md.
(34) ‹anchor: commendandi tui› · call in col 144
Codex Thuan., ut nihil fuci commendandi tui, etc., non male, si verbum aliquod subintelligas, quod forte a scriptore fuerit praetermissum.
The de Thou codex reads ut nihil fuci commendandi tui ("that nothing of pretence in commending yourself"), etc. — not badly, if you understand some word that the scribe perhaps left out.
(printed under page 75)
(35) ‹anchor: defendas improbum› · call in col 144
Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 381, lin. 21 : « Atque etiam hoc praeceptum officii diligenter tenendum est, neque unquam innocentem judicio capitis accersas.... Nec tamen ut hoc fugiendum est, ita habendum est religioni contrarium, » etc.
Cicero, De officiis book II, p. 381, line 21: "And this rule of duty too must be carefully kept: never bring an innocent man to trial on a capital charge.... Yet, while this is to be avoided, it is not to be held contrary to conscience," etc.
(printed under page 75)
(36) ‹anchor: cito offendat› · call in col 144
Ibid., pag. 384, lin. 48 : « Extremum autem praeceptum.... ne quid contendas, » etc.
Ibid., p. 384, line 48: "The last precept.... that you make no contention," etc.
(printed under page 75)
(37) ‹anchor: merita decernant› · call in col 144
Omnes edit. ac mss. aliquot, causam merita decernant; mss. nonnulli, discernant, Thuan. vero et antiquissimi quique, causae merita decernant, id est, confligant, ac decertent.
All editions and some manuscripts read causam merita decernant ("let merits decide the case"); several manuscripts discernant; but the de Thou codex and all the oldest read causae merita decernant, that is, "let the merits of the case contend and fight it out."
(printed under page 75)
(38) ‹anchor: non lacessas› · call in col 144
His verbis non obscure innuere videtur Ambrosius, episcopis licitum fuisse causarum ac litium saecularium recusare arbitrium : cum tamen alii hoc munus ab Apostolo I, Cor. VI, 1 et seq., ipsis impositum fuisse contendant. Verumtamen observat Augustinus lib. de Opere Monach. cap. 15, a Paulo ipso impetrari non potuisse, ut hujusmodi munia exerceret. Quinimo ipsemet Christus Dominus delatam ad se de patrimonio quod fratrum duorum alter cum altero dividere nolebat, querelam non admisit. Quid igitur mirum, si sanctissimos quosque antistites hanc litium decidendarum necessitatem, sibi populorum improbitate obtrusam, tam frequenter, tamque graviter questos reperiamus.
In these words Ambrose seems to hint plainly that bishops were free to decline arbitration of secular cases and lawsuits, although others maintain that this charge was laid on them by the Apostle, 1 Cor. 6:1 ff. Augustine, however, observes (On the Work of Monks, ch. 15) that Paul himself could not be prevailed on to undertake duties of this kind. Indeed Christ the Lord Himself did not entertain the complaint brought to Him about an inheritance which one of two brothers would not divide with the other. What wonder, then, if we find all the holiest prelates complaining so often and so bitterly of this necessity of deciding lawsuits, forced on them by the wickedness of the people?
(printed under page 75)
(39) ‹anchor: vicem speramus gratiae› · call in col 144
Cic. lib. II, pag. 384, lin. 24 : « A quo enim expeditior et celerior remuneratio fore videtur, » etc.
Cicero, book II, p. 384, line 24: "For from whom a readier and quicker recompense seems likely to come," etc.
(printed under pages 75–76)
(40) ‹anchor: magis quam in locupletes plus juvat› · call in col 145
Cic. lib. II Offic., p. 384, lin. 29 : « At qui se locupletes honoratos, » etc.
Cicero, De officiis book II, p. 384, line 29: "But those who [think themselves] rich, honoured," etc.
(printed under page 76)
(41) ‹anchor: refert gratiam› · call in col 145
Ibid., lin. 33 : « At vero ille tenuis, cum quidquid factum sit, se spectatum putet, » etc.
Ibid., line 33: "But the poor man, since he thinks that whatever was done was done with regard to himself," etc.
(printed under page 76)
(42) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not found in col 145 (probably in col 146)
Ibid. lin. 43 : « Sed corrupti mores depravatique sunt admiratione divitiarum, » etc.
Ibid., line 43: "But morals are corrupted and depraved by the admiration of riches," etc.
(printed under page 76)
(43) ‹anchor: linguam auream› · call in col 146
Ita Era. cum sequent. edit. ac potioribus mss. Amerb. vero, lineam : et mss. non pauci, regulam, aliqui, laminam auream. Et infra ubi nos cum melioris aevi cod. lex delata est, alii partim cum ant. edit. lex Dei data est, partim cum Rom. lex Dei lata est.
So Erasmus, with the editions after him and the better manuscripts; but Amerbach has lineam ("a bar"), not a few manuscripts regulam ("a rod"), and some laminam auream ("a gold plate"). And below, where we read lex delata est with the manuscripts of the better age, others read partly lex Dei data est with the old editions, partly lex Dei lata est with the Roman edition.
(printed under page 76)
(44) ‹anchor: abstinere jussisset› · call in col 146
Omnes edit., eum abstinere vetuisset, contrario et inepto sensu, cui tamen etiam omnes mss. patrocinantur, excepto Fulliae. quem hoc loco caeteris ducimus praeponendum.
All the editions read eum abstinere vetuisset ("had forbidden him to abstain"), a contrary and absurd sense, which nevertheless all the manuscripts support too, except the Feuillants' codex, which we judge should here be preferred to the rest.
(printed under page 76)
(45) ‹anchor: solem statuere› · call in col 146
Erasm. et seq. edit., solem sistere.
Erasmus and the following editions: solem sistere ("to halt the sun").
(printed under page 76)
(46) ‹anchor: non habentes non juvat› · call in col 146
Cic. lib. II Offic., p. 384, lin. 45 : « Illum fortasse adjuvat, qui habet, » etc.
Cicero, De officiis book II, p. 384, line 45: "It perhaps helps the one who has it," etc.
(printed under page 76)
(47) ‹anchor: pars corporis› · call in col 147
Eodem pietatis sensu hic affectum se ostendit Ambrosius noster, quo Ecclesia filiorum suorum mater amantissima moveri sese contestatur, dum generalibus in conciliis a suo corpore quempiam cogitur abscindere. Ephesina synodus act. 1, in sententia contra Nestorium lata loquitur in hunc modum : « Coacti per sacros canones, et epistolam sanctissimi Patris nostri et comministri Coelestini Romanae Ecclesiae episcopi, lacrymis subinde perfusi ad lugubrem hanc contra eum sententiam necessario venimus. » Conc. quoque Chalcedonense act. etiam I, et Constant. 7, adversus Eutychen ita lamentantur : « Unde lacrymantes et gementes perfectam ejus perditionem, decrevimus, » etc. Vide similiter in conc. Chalced., act. 3, Patrum adversus Dioscorum subscriptiones, imprimis vero Maximi, Cyri, Constantini, Patricii atque Epiphanii.
Our Ambrose shows himself moved here by the same sense of tender love by which the Church, most loving mother of her children, declares herself moved when in general councils she is forced to cut someone off from her body. The Synod of Ephesus, session 1, in the sentence passed against Nestorius, speaks thus: "Compelled by the sacred canons and by the letter of our most holy Father and fellow minister Celestine, bishop of the Roman Church, and often bathed in tears, we have of necessity come to this mournful sentence against him." The Council of Chalcedon too, likewise in session 1, and Constantinople in session 7, lament thus against Eutyches: "Wherefore, weeping and groaning, we have decreed his complete perdition," etc. See likewise, in the Council of Chalcedon, session 3, the Fathers' subscriptions against Dioscorus, above all those of Maximus, Cyrus, Constantine, Patricius and Epiphanius.
(printed under page 77)
(48) ‹anchor: ut captivos redimeremus› · call in col 148
Discimus ex hoc toto capite jam inde a primis saeculis in Ecclesia fuisse vasa pretiosa, quorum alia ad usum sacramentorum initiata et consecrata essent, alia minime, sed tantum ad decus et ornamentum : utraque vero tam multa exstitisse, ut redimendae innumerorum captivorum multitudini sufficerent. Hinc praeterea intelligimus auream illam Ecclesiae supellectilem Ambrosio nullo modo fuisse improbatam, cum non nisi certis ac definitis casibus, et deficientibus aliis subsidiis, eam jure distrahi posse concedat. Itaque sicubi nonnulli sancti Patres, ut Hieronymus epist. 2, ad Nepotianum; Chrysostomus hom. 52 in Matth. et 60 ad populum Antioch.; Isidorus Pelusiota lib. II, epist. 88, et Bernardus, cap. 11 Apologiae, videntur aureorum argenteorumve ornamentorum in ecclesiis usum condemnare; ita mens eorum interpretanda est, ut non usum legitimum, sed abusum proscriptum velint, videlicet aut luxum et fastum plane profanum, aut praeposteram eorum religionem qui multos pauperes perire, quam aureum aliquod vasculum e sacrario decedere levius ferrent. Hoc autem animo fuisse agnoscimus Arianos illos, qui sancto nostro invidiam, hujus nunquam satis laudati facinoris occasione, conflare moliebantur. Huc refer quae supra habentur pag. 86, num. 70, ubi quo tempore ea acciderint subnotavimus, sicut et in Admonit. nostra ad hos de Offic. minist. libros.
We learn from this whole chapter that from the first centuries there were precious vessels in the Church, some initiated and consecrated to the use of the sacraments, others not, but only for beauty and adornment; and that both kinds existed in such numbers that they sufficed to ransom a multitude of countless captives. We understand further that Ambrose by no means disapproved of the Church's golden furnishings, since he grants that they may rightly be sold only in certain defined cases and when other resources fail. So where some of the holy Fathers — Jerome, letter 2, to Nepotian; Chrysostom, homily 52 on Matthew and 60 to the people of Antioch; Isidore of Pelusium, book II, letter 88; and Bernard, Apology ch. 11 — seem to condemn the use of gold or silver ornaments in churches, their meaning is to be interpreted thus: that they would proscribe not the lawful use but the abuse, namely either a plainly profane luxury and pomp, or the perverse piety of those who would more easily bear many poor people perishing than some little golden vessel leaving the sanctuary. We recognize that this was the mind of those Arians who, on the occasion of this never sufficiently praised deed, tried to stir up ill-will against our saint. Refer here to what is found above, p. 86, no. 70, where we noted when these things happened, as also in our Admonition to these books On the Duties of the Clergy.
(printed under page 77)
(49) ‹anchor: alimoniam pauperum› · call in col 148
Erasm. et edit. seq. cum mss. nonnullis, conflat sacerdos propter alimoniam (edit. Rom., pro alimonia) pauperum. . . . quam sacrilegus contaminia asportet : quidam mss., contaminat, asportat hostis. Rom. edit., quam ut sacrilegus contaminet et asportet, etc. Amerb. cum aliis longe plurimis, ut in textu, nisi quod aliqui mss. pro sacrilegus, legunt sacrilegiis.
Erasmus and the following editions, with some manuscripts: conflat sacerdos propter alimoniam (Roman edition pro alimonia) pauperum. . . . quam sacrilegus contaminia asportet ("the priest melts down for the feeding of the poor . . . than that a sacrilegious [enemy] carry off the defiled things"); certain manuscripts: contaminat, asportat hostis ("the enemy defiles, carries off"). Roman edition: quam ut sacrilegus contaminet et asportet ("than that a sacrilegious one defile and carry off"), etc. Amerbach with by far the most others, as in the text, except that some manuscripts read sacrilegiis for sacrilegus.
(printed under page 77)
(50) ‹anchor: commercio sunt› · call in col 149
Edit. ac pauci mss., in commercium, nec redempti? Cur tot ab hoste, etc. [faint in the scan]
The editions and a few manuscripts: "into trade, and not redeemed? Why [were] so many by the enemy," etc. [reading uncertain]
(printed under page 78)
(51) ‹anchor: utroque viderit› · call in col 149
Era. et seq. edit. cum mss. nonnullis, agnosco, cum in utroque videro, etc. [faint in the scan]
Erasmus and the following editions, with some manuscripts: "I recognize, when I see in both," etc. [reading uncertain]
(printed under page 78)
(52) ‹anchor: agmina captivorum› · call in col 149
Codex Thuan. et alii magno numero, agmina p[...]rum. [middle of the word illegible in the scan]
The de Thou codex and a great number of others: "throngs of [...]" [word illegible].
(printed under page 78)
(53) ‹anchor: species poculorum› · call in col 149
Quidam mss., species vasculorum.
Some manuscripts: "the beauty of little vessels."
(printed under page 78)
(54) ‹anchor: demonstravit Laurentius› · call in col 149
Nonnulli mss., Laurentius, et vidit quos [...], etc. [one word illegible]
Some manuscripts: "Laurentius, and he saw those whom [...]," etc.
(printed under page 78)
(55) ‹anchor: per minutias erogationis› · call in col 150
Edit. ac multi mss., per minutias erogationes : Thuan. vero et alii aliquot bonae notae, per minutias erogationis.
The editions and many manuscripts: per minutias erogationes ("disbursements in small portions"); but the de Thou codex and some others of good repute: per minutias erogationis ("by small portions of disbursement").
(printed under page 78)
(56) ‹anchor: missus in rem Heliodorus› · call in col 150
Edit. omnes ac plerique mss. missus in Hierusalem : verum potiores antiquioresque constanter legunt, missus in rem, supple praesentem, id est, in ipsum locum.
All editions and most manuscripts: "sent to Jerusalem"; but the better and older ones consistently read missus in rem ("sent to the matter"), supply praesentem ("in hand"), that is, to the very place.
(printed under page 78)
(57) ‹anchor: Tobiae viri sancti› · call in col 150
Quaedam autem.... auri vero ducenta, desunt isthaec omnia in Thuan. aliisque pluribus ac melioris aevi cod. Et proinde nobis majorem in modum suspecta sunt. Attamen cum in nonnullis, atque omnibus edit. habeantur, eis spongiam inducendam non putavimus. Quatuor mss., quaedam autem orphani Tobiae.
Quaedam autem.... auri vero ducenta ("but certain [deposits].... and two hundred [talents] of gold"): all this is missing in the de Thou codex and in many other manuscripts of the better age, and so is highly suspect to us. Yet since it is found in some, and in all the editions, we did not think it should be struck out. Four manuscripts: "but certain [deposits] of the orphan Tobias."
(printed under page 78)
(58) ‹anchor: dejectique ex amicis› · call in col 151
Quaedam edit., delectique ex amicis. Consequenter autem omnes edit. ac pauci mss., ut vitam posceret ei. Denique, Rom edit sola, agebat spiritum.
Some editions: delectique ex amicis ("and chosen men from among the friends"). Next, all editions and a few manuscripts: ut vitam posceret ei ("that he might ask life for him"). Lastly, the Roman edition alone: agebat spiritum ("he was breathing his last").
(printed under page 79)
(59) ‹anchor: non tenebant auctoritatem› · call in col 152
Mss. plures et anti. : Clerici contendebant auctoritatem; qualuor, contemnebant auctoritatem; unus, obtendebant; alius non tenebant, contendebant auctoritatem. Attamen videtur potior aliorum et edit. lectio; nisi quis id velit per contendebant, significari, clericos intendisse ac verbis amplificasse Caesaream auctoritatem, propterea quod ei cederent; quod non male cohaeret cum sequentibus. Infra vero ubi edit. Amerb. et Era. cum mss. aliquot, Legebatur rescripti forma directior; magister officiorum statuta agens in rebus imminebat., Gill. autem ac Rom. cum mss. etiam nonnullis, Legebatur rescripti forma, directio magistri officiorum, etc. Quidam mss..., rescripti forma directi, magister; quidam etiam, rescripti forma, direptio magistri : reliqui tandem in quibus Thuan. et alii probatioris notae, ut nos in textu. Porro quid esset rescriptum, quibusve nominibus diceretur priore tomo jam diximus; de quo etiam videas licet jurisconsulti Bulengeri lib. III de Imperat. Rom. cap. 12. Sunt autem alia quaedam vocabula, quae ne morae sint legenti, explicabimus. Interpellare hoc loco idem est ac compellare, convenire et juridice postulare. Honorati non alii intelliguntur quam qui publicis muneribus ante defuncti, emerito honore pollebant. Sic non solum hic et lib. III, cap. 7, sed etiam apud scriptores Ambrosio aequales supparesve, nec non in Cod. Theod. tit. de Officio jud. ea vox accipienda est. Vide Cassiod. Variorum lib. II, epist. 3, 4, 8, 29, 40. Adi similiter eumdem Bulenger. de Imperio Rom. lib. II, cap. 16. Intercessores, teste Gothofrido in lib. I de Pignoribus, erant ii qui a rectoribus provinciarum exsecutores dabantur. Magister officiorum palatinis praeerat officiis. Agentes autem in rebus dicti sunt, quod sub magistro officiorum agerent, ut docet Gothofridus, tit. de Agentibus in rebus : Bulengerus vero de hoc utroque officio tractat lib. III de imperio Rom., cap. 14, et lib. VI, cap. 42. Postremo dicitur rescripti forma directior, id est plana et aperta, nec ullis ambagibus involuta. De illo autem viduae deposito apud Ecclesiam Ticinensem egimus in Admonit. in hosce de Offic. libros.
Many old manuscripts: Clerici contendebant auctoritatem ("the clergy were pleading the authority"); four, contemnebant auctoritatem ("were despising the authority"); one, obtendebant ("were putting it forward"); another, non tenebant, contendebant auctoritatem. Yet the reading of the others and of the editions seems better — unless one would have contendebant mean that the clergy stressed and magnified the Emperor's authority by words, because they were yielding to it; which fits not badly with what follows. Below, where the editions of Amerbach and Erasmus with some manuscripts read Legebatur rescripti forma directior; magister officiorum statuta agens in rebus imminebat, Gillot and the Roman edition with some manuscripts too read Legebatur rescripti forma, directio magistri officiorum, etc. Some manuscripts: rescripti forma directi, magister; some again, rescripti forma, direptio magistri; the rest, finally, among them the de Thou codex and others of more approved repute, as we have it in the text. What a rescript was, and by what names it was called, we have already said in the earlier volume; on it you may also see the jurist Boulenger, On the Roman Emperor book III, ch. 12. There are some other terms which we shall explain, so that they do not hold up the reader. Interpellare here means the same as to summon, to sue and to make legal demand. By honorati are meant none but those who, having earlier discharged public offices, enjoyed honour as veterans of them. So the word must be taken not only here and in book III, ch. 7, but also in writers contemporary or nearly so with Ambrose, and in the Theodosian Code, title On the Office of the Judge. See Cassiodorus, Variae book II, letters 3, 4, 8, 29, 40; see likewise the same Boulenger, On the Roman Empire book II, ch. 16. Intercessores, on the testimony of Godefroy on book I On Pledges, were those assigned as executors by provincial governors. The magister officiorum was over the palace offices. The agentes in rebus were so called because they acted under the master of offices, as Godefroy teaches under the title On the Agentes in rebus; Boulenger treats of both offices in book III On the Roman Empire, ch. 14, and book VI, ch. 42. Lastly the rescripti forma is called directior, that is, plain and open, not wrapped in any ambiguities. Of that widow's deposit at the Church of Ticinum we have treated in the Admonition to these books On Duties.
(printed under page 79)
(60) ‹anchor: Traditum erat› · call in col 152
Mss. Divion., creditum erat. Mss. Feron. et Laud., tradendum erat. Sed nihil mutandum in lectione aliorum atque edit. saepe enim per praeteritum efferimus, quod statim futurum significamus; ut cum dicimus, hoc factum puta, vel urbs capta erat, nisi auxilio venisset, etc.
The Dijon manuscripts: creditum erat ("it had been entrusted"). The Feron and Laud manuscripts: tradendum erat ("it was to be handed over"). But nothing in the reading of the others and of the editions need be changed; for we often express by a past tense what we mean is about to happen at once, as when we say "consider it done", or "the city was taken, had he not come to its aid", etc.
(printed under page 79)
(61) ‹anchor: est formidini› · call in col 152
Vet. edit. oppressio non est formidini. Rursus vero ubi eaedem cum Rom. et pluribus mss., quia jam res, non fides periclitatur : cod. Thuan. et alii (continues)
The old editions: oppressio non est formidini ("oppression is no cause for fear"). Again, where the same with the Roman edition and many manuscripts read quia jam res, non fides periclitatur ("because now it is property, not faith, that is in danger"), the de Thou codex and others (continues)
(printed under page 79)
[The left-column foot is very faint in this scan; doubtful readings are marked.] (printed under page 80) (61, continued) ‹continuation of the note called in col 152› aliquot, quia res non est, fides periclitabatur. Sed forte non est, librarii lapsu scriptum est pro non et, sive non etiam, nisi hic quoque fuerit transpositio pro et non.
(continued) read quia res non est, fides periclitabatur ("because the property is not, good faith was in danger"). But perhaps non est was written by a copyist's slip for non et ("not and"), or non etiam ("not also"), unless here too there has been a transposition for et non ("and not").
(printed under page 80)
(62) ‹anchor: Laudabilis mortis› · call in col 153
Omnes edit cum mss. nonnullis, Laudabilis [...], cum [...], etc. Cod. Thuan. et alii probatores, Laudabilis mortis, etc. Magis apposite : non enim omnis mors laudabilis, nec proinde quaelibet mortis occasio rapienda. [variant words illegible]
All editions with some manuscripts: Laudabilis [...] (illegible), etc. The de Thou codex and other more approved ones: Laudabilis mortis ("of a praiseworthy death"), etc. More fittingly: for not every death is praiseworthy, nor therefore is every occasion of death to be seized.
(printed under page 80)
(63) ‹anchor: ab adversariis› · call in col 153
Ita mss. plures ac potiores : non pauci tamen atque omnes edit., ab universis. Veri tamen similius est hoc loco alludere Ambrosium ad id quod lib. II Paralip. cap. XXXV memoratur cum eo, regem Aegypti non nisi invitum, et postquam amanter eum dissuadere conatus esset, manus conseruisse.
So the more numerous and better manuscripts; but not a few, and all the editions, read ab universis ("from all"). It is more probable, though, that Ambrose here alludes to what is recorded in 2 Chronicles 35: that the king of Egypt joined battle with him only unwillingly, and after he had tried in a friendly way to dissuade him.
(printed under page 80)
(65) ‹anchor: Scipio› · call in col 153
Cic. lib. III Offic., statim initio : « Publium Scipionem, Marce fili, eum qui primus, » etc. De hac autem sententia multo fusius disputat Ambrosius, epist. [49?], ad Sabinum. [letter number faint]
Cicero, De officiis book III, at the very beginning: "Publius Scipio, Marcus my son, the one who first," etc. Ambrose discusses this saying at much greater length in his letter [49?] to Sabinus.
(printed under page 80)
(64) ‹anchor: invidia generat› · call in col 154
Cod. Carn., qui invidiam generat.
The Chartres codex: "which breeds envy."
(printed under page 80)
(66) ‹anchor: cum otiosus esset› · call in col 154
Vet. edit., nec minus [...], cum otiosus esset. Rom. cum mss. prope omnibus, nec minus otiosus, cum, etc. Sententiam autem hanc cum non satis assequerentur, qui ultimus Paris. edit. praefuerunt, particulam quam, ante voces, cum otiosus esset, quasi sensui necessariam addidere. Sed ea hoc loco non est opus, cum procul dubio ellipsis quaedam sit ita supplenda : « Nec primus scivit minus otiosus esse, cum otiosus esset. » Duo tamen codices legunt, « nec minus pugnavit quam caeteri, nec otiosus esset », etc. Non satis apte. [several words faint; reading uncertain in places]
The old editions: nec minus [...] cum otiosus esset. The Roman edition with nearly all the manuscripts: nec minus otiosus, cum ("no less at leisure, when"), etc. But since those who oversaw the last Paris edition did not quite grasp this sense, they added the particle quam ("than") before the words cum otiosus esset, as if it were necessary to the sense. But it is not needed here, since without doubt an ellipsis is to be supplied thus: "Nor was he the first to know how to be less at leisure when he was at leisure." Two codices, however, read "nor did he fight less than the others, nor was he at leisure," etc. Not very fittingly.
(printed under page 80)
(67) ‹anchor: exercitus magni lacertis› · call in col 155
Amerb., Gil. ac mss. non pauci, magni lacertis; melius tamen. magni lacertis, ut in caeteris. Et continuo post Era. et seq. edit. cum paucissimis mss. suis meritis; Amerb. vero cum aliis longe plurimis ac probatissimis, solis meritis. [the two readings appear identical in the scan; one letter probably differs]
Amerbach, Gillot and not a few manuscripts: magni lacertis; better, however, magni lacertis, as in the others [the variant evidently differs by a letter not distinguishable here]. And immediately after, Erasmus and the following editions with very few manuscripts: suis meritis ("by his own merits"); but Amerbach with by far the most and the most approved others: solis meritis ("by merits alone").
(printed under page 81)
(68) ‹anchor: Conferamus› · call in col 155
Cic. lib. III Offic. pag. 387, lin. 47 : « Sed nec otium hoc cum Africani otio, nec haec solitudo, » etc.
Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 387, line 47: "But neither is this leisure [to be compared] with the leisure of Africanus, nor this solitude," etc.
(printed under page 81)
(69) ‹anchor: difficultate generandi› · call in col 155
Mss. aliquot, Difficultate et generandi inopia, sterilem conceptionem; quidam, conceptione fecundat.
Some manuscripts: "by the difficulty and want of begetting, a barren conception"; some, "makes fruitful by conception."
(printed under page 81)
(70) ‹anchor: honestum› · call in col 156
Cic. lib. III, pag. 388, lin. 30 : « Panaetius igitur... tribus generibus propositis, » etc.
Cicero, book III, p. 388, line 30: "Panaetius, then... having set out three kinds," etc.
(printed under page 81)
(71) ‹anchor: requirendum putant› · call in col 156
Mss. nonnulli, et ultimae edit. Paris., honestum sit an inutile concinnius reliqui... an utile. Rursus vero ubi omnes edit., Nos autem monemus; mss. fere ad unum praeferunt, Nos autem movemur, haud incommode : idem siquidem est, ac si scriptum sit, Nos autem veremur, etc.
Some manuscripts and the latest Paris editions: honestum sit an inutile ("whether it be honourable or useless"); the rest, more neatly... an utile ("or useful"). Again, where all the editions read Nos autem monemus ("but we warn"), the manuscripts almost to a man give Nos autem movemur ("but we are moved"), not unsuitably, for it is the same as if it were written Nos autem veremur ("but we fear"), etc.
(printed under page 81)
(72) ‹anchor: esse posse› · call in col 156
Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 389, lin. 3 : « Nam sive honestum solum bonum est, ut, Stoicis placet, » etc.
Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 389, line 3: "For whether the honourable is the only good, as the Stoics hold," etc.
(printed under page 81)
(73) ‹anchor: absolutum officium est› · call in col 156
Ibid. lin. 15 : « Etenim quod summum bonum a stoicis dicitur convenienter, » etc.
Ibid., line 15: "For what the Stoics call the highest good, [living] in agreement," etc.
(printed under page 81)
(74) ‹anchor: media officia› · call in col 156
Ibid., lin. 23 : « Haec igitur omnia officia... media Stoici appellant, ea communia, » etc.
Ibid., line 23: "All these duties, then, ... the Stoics call 'middle', these common," etc.
(printed under page 81)
(75) ‹anchor: justum Deum appellamus› · call in col 157
Ibid., lin. 35 : « Nec vero cum duo Decii, aut duo Scipiones fortes viri commemorantur, aut cum Fabricius, » etc.
Ibid., line 35: "Nor indeed, when the two Decii or the two Scipios are recalled as brave men, or when Fabricius," etc.
(printed under page 82)
(76) ‹anchor: pro se sapit› · call in col 157
Ibid., lin. 48 : « Qui autem omnia metiuntur emolumentis et commodis, neque ea volunt, » etc.
Ibid., line 48: "But those who measure everything by profits and advantages, and do not wish these," etc.
(printed under page 82)
(77) ‹anchor: haec sit formula› · call in col 157
Cic. lib. III Offic., p. 398, lin. 11 : « Itaque ut sine errore dijudicare possimus... formula quaedam constituenda est, » etc. Et infra, lin. 21 : « Detrahere igitur aliquid alteri, et hominem, » etc.
Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 398, line 11: "And so, that we may judge without error... a certain rule must be laid down," etc. And below, line 21: "To take something from another, then, and [for] a man," etc.
(printed under page 82)
(78) ‹anchor: forma tui corporis› · call in col 158
Cic. lib. III Offic. p. 390, lin. 27 : « Ut enim si unumquodque membrum sensum hunc haberet, » etc.
Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 390, line 27: "For just as, if each limb had this feeling," etc.
(printed under page 82)
(79) ‹anchor: membro dicere› · call in col 158
Edit. ac pauci mss., membrum membro dicere : Non est mihi, etc.
The editions and a few manuscripts: "a member say to a member: 'It is not to me'," etc.
(printed under page 82)
(80) ‹anchor: natura generis humani› · call in col 159
Cic. lib. III Offic. pag. 390, lin. 32 : « Illud quidem natura non patitur, » etc.
Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 390, line 32: "This indeed nature does not allow," etc.
(printed under page 83)
(81) ‹anchor: tenendam edocet› · call in col 159
Ibid., lin. 37 : « Atque hoc multo magis exigit ipsa naturae ratio, quae est lex divina et humana. » etc.
Ibid., line 37: "And this the very reason of nature, which is law divine and human, demands far more," etc.
(printed under page 83)
(82) ‹anchor: auxilio tuo erit opus› · call in col 159
Ita mss. longe plurimi atque antiquissimi : nonnulli tamen et omnes edit., si ideo inops auxilio tuo eguit, etc.
So by far the most and the oldest manuscripts; but some, and all the editions: "if the needy man lacked your help for this reason," etc.
(printed under page 83)
(83) ‹anchor: iniquitatis auctio› · call in col 159
Mss. aliquot, iniquitatis actio. Minus commode.
Some manuscripts: iniquitatis actio ("an act of iniquity"). Less suitably.
(printed under page 83)
(84) ‹anchor: nos docent› · call in col 160
Cic. lib. III Offic. pag. 390, lin. 36 : Hoc enim spectant leges, hoc volunt, etc.
Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 390, line 36: "For this is what the laws look to, this is what they intend," etc.
(printed under page 83)
(85) ‹anchor: alteri detrahant› · call in col 160
Rom. edit., ut alter alturi detrahat.
The Roman edition: "that one take from another."
(printed under page 83)
(86) ‹anchor: contra naturam› · call in col 160
Cic. lib. III Offic. pag. 390, lin. 45 : « Itemque magis est secundum naturam pro omnibus gentibus, » etc.
Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 390, line 45: "And likewise it is more in accord with nature, for the sake of all nations," etc.
(printed under page 83)
(87) ‹anchor: quod homo› · call in col 160
Ibid., pag. 391, lin. 1 : « Ex quo efficitur hominem naturae obedientem homini nocere non posse. »
Ibid., p. 391, line 1: "From which it follows that a man obedient to nature cannot harm a man."
(printed under page 83)
(88) ‹anchor: Scriptura commendat› · call in col 160
Omnes edit. ac pauci mss., Scriptura condemnat; elegantius autem alii, Scriptura commendat. Hoc enim refertur ad domesticum judicium conscientiae, de quo agitur.
All editions and a few manuscripts: Scriptura condemnat ("Scripture condemns"); but others, more elegantly, Scriptura commendat ("Scripture commends"). For this refers to the inner judgement of conscience, which is the subject.
(printed under page 83)
(89) ‹anchor: magis fugiendum› · call in col 160
Cic. lib. III Offic., page 391, lin. 1 : « Sin fugiendum id quidem censet, sed et multo illa pejora, mortem, paupertatem, » etc.
Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 391, line 1: "But if he holds this is indeed to be shunned, yet those things much worse — death, poverty," etc.
(printed under page 83)
(90) ‹anchor: debilitatis dolor› · call in col 160
Nonnulli mss., quam exsilium, debilitas, dolor.
Some manuscripts: "than exile, infirmity, pain."
(printed under page 83)
(91) ‹anchor: Liquet igitur› · call in col 161
Ibid., lin. 8 : Ergo unum debet esse omnibus. etc.
Ibid., line 8: "Therefore there ought to be one [aim] for all," etc.
(printed under page 84)
(92) ‹anchor: tenendum omnibus› · call in col 161
Mss. aliquot et edit. omnes, id expetendum; alii non pauci, id exspectandum, reliqui tandem etiam multi, id spectandum; quod aliis praestare negabit nemo.
Some manuscripts and all the editions: id expetendum ("this is to be sought"); not a few others, id exspectandum ("this is to be awaited"); finally the rest, also many, id spectandum ("this is to be looked to"), which no one will deny is better than the others.
(printed under page 84)
(93) ‹anchor: uni prodesse› · call in col 161
Edit. omnes, ac pauci nec non recentiores mss., uni prodesse quod inutile sit omnibus? Alii paulo plures, uni prodesse, quod omnibus noceat? Quidam etiam utrumque.... quod inutile est et omnibus nocet? Aptius vero Thuan. ut in contextu. Iterum autem ubi cunctae edit. cum uno aut altero codice junioris manus, utilitas universorum; quod si una utilitas universorum, ad consulendum, etc. caeteri mss. omittunt quae resecuimus.
All editions, and a few more recent manuscripts: "to benefit one by what is useless to all?" Somewhat more others: "to benefit one by what harms all?" Some even have both.... "what is useless and harms all?" But the de Thou codex, as in the text, is more apt. Again, where all the editions with one or two codices of a younger hand read "the advantage of all; but if the advantage of all is one, to consult," etc., the other manuscripts omit what we have cut out.
(printed under page 84)
(94) ‹anchor: in stadio currunt› · call in col 161
Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 394, lin. 26 : Scite Chrysippus... qui stadia, inquit, currunt, etc.
Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 394, line 26: "Chrysippus aptly [says]... 'Those who run in the stadium,' he says," etc.
(printed under page 84)
(95) ‹anchor: victoria est› · call in col 161
Sic Amerb. cum longe plurimis veterrimisque mss. Era. autem et seq. edit. cum aliis, quaerenda nobis, etc.
So Amerbach with by far the most and the oldest manuscripts; but Erasmus and the following editions with others: "to be sought by us," etc.
(printed under page 84)
(96) ‹anchor: in naufragio› · call in col 161
Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 391, lin. 24 : « Forsitan quispiam dixerit : Nonne igitur sapiens, » etc. Item pag. 400, lin. 20 : « Si tabulam de naufragio stultus arripuerit, » etc.
Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 391, line 24: "Someone may perhaps say: Shall not the wise man, then," etc. Likewise p. 400, line 20: "If a fool has seized a plank from a shipwreck," etc.
(printed under page 84)
(97) ‹anchor: referire non possit› · call in col 161
Cic. lib. II Offic., pag. 376, lin. 22 : « Si quid importetur nobis incommodi, propulsemus ulciscamurque, » etc. Item pro Milone, « Si vita nostra in aliquas insidias... omnis honesta ratio esset expediendae salutis. » Confer cum hac Ambrosii doctrina quae super eodem argumento tradit Tertullianus in Apologet. : Cyprianus epist. ad Thebanos edit. Priorianae 56 et 57, ad Cornelium papam; synodus Ancyr. can. 22, de homicidio involuntario, et Basilius epist. ad Amphiloch. can. 11. Ex his enim facile intelliges doctorem nostrum non in Ciceronis aliorumque licet honestiorum inter paganos, sed in eadem Christi schola, qua sancti illi Patres edoctum esse.
Cicero, De officiis book II, p. 376, line 22: "If any harm is brought on us, let us repel and avenge it," etc. Likewise For Milo: "If our life [has fallen] into some ambush... every honourable means of securing safety would be right." Compare with this teaching of Ambrose what Tertullian hands down on the same subject in the Apology; Cyprian, letters 56 and 57 of the Priorius edition, to the Thebans and to Pope Cornelius; the Synod of Ancyra, canon 22, on involuntary homicide; and Basil, letter to Amphilochius, canon 11. From these you will easily understand that our doctor was taught not in the school of Cicero and others, however honourable among the pagans, but in the same school of Christ as those holy Fathers.
(printed under page 84)
(98) ‹anchor: altero judices› · call in col 162
Ibib., pag. 391, lin. 39 : « Modo hoc ita faciat, ut ne ipse de se bene existimans, » etc.
Ibid., p. 391, line 39: "Only let him do this in such a way that, not thinking well of himself," etc.
(printed under page 84)
(99) ‹anchor: ponamus fastigium› · call in col 162
Quidam mss., Sed ne jam in hoc libro ponamus fastidium. Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 392, lin. 2 : « Sed quoniam operi inchoato... tanquam fastigium, » etc.
Some manuscripts: "But let us not now set disgust [fastidium] in this book." Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 392, line 2: "But since to the work begun... as it were a coping-stone," etc.
(printed under page 84)
(1) ‹anchor: nisi quod honestum› · call in col 162
Omnes edit. Nihil namque agit sapiens, nisi quod honestum sit, verum quae omisimus, in omnibus mss. desiderantur. Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 392, lin. 33 : « Quamobrem hoc deliberantium genus pellatur e medio, » etc. Et infra, lin. 37 : « Atque etiam in omni deliberatione celandi et occultandi spes, » etc.
All editions: "For the wise man does nothing except what is honourable"; but what we have omitted is wanting in all the manuscripts. Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 392, line 33: "Wherefore let this kind of deliberator be driven from our midst," etc. And below, line 37: "And also in every deliberation the hope of concealing and hiding," etc.
(printed under page 84)
(2) ‹anchor: quam conscientia› · call in col 162
Rom. edit., quam conscientiae est. Haud satis recte; nec enim hic significatur minus pudendam esse flagitii publicationem, quam conscientiae publicationem, sed quam conscientiam ipsam, id est, interiorem admissi flagitii cognitionem. Infra etiam eadem edit. Rom., quem magna quadam imbrium tempestate exorta, terram fecisse, et in quem, etc. Sed quorsum ea mutatio spectet, non satis assequimur.
The Roman edition: quam conscientiae est. Not quite rightly; for what is meant here is not that the publishing of a crime is less shameful than the publishing of conscience, but than conscience itself, that is, the inward knowledge of a crime committed. Below, too, the same Roman edition reads: "which, when a great storm of rain had arisen, the earth had made, and into which," etc. But what that change aims at, we do not well understand.
(printed under page 84)
(3) ‹anchor: soluta imbribus› · call in col 163
Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 392, lin. 40 : « Hinc ille Gyges inducitur a Platone, qui cum terra decessisset, » etc.
Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 392, line 40: "Hence that Gyges is brought in by Plato, who, when the earth had given way," etc.
(printed under page 85)
(4) ‹anchor: illum equum› · call in col 163
Edit. Amerb. et Erasm., fabularium illum equum : Gill. et Rom., fabularem, etc.
The editions of Amerbach and Erasmus: fabularium illum equum ("that horse of the fable"); Gillot and the Roman edition: fabularem, etc.
(printed under page 85)
(5) ‹anchor: palmam converterat› · call in col 163
Mss. omnes scribunt paleam, tres tamen ex illis explicationis ergo haec habent in margine, Al. « Palam ; sic enim vocat superiorem partem annuli, in qua lapis infixus est. »
All the manuscripts write paleam; but three of them, by way of explanation, have this in the margin: "Another reading: Palam; for so he calls the upper part of the ring, in which the stone is set."
(printed under page 85)
(6) ‹anchor: annulum sapienti› · call in col 163
Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 392, lin. 49 : « Hinc igitur ipsum annulum si habeat sapiens, » etc.
Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 392, line 49: "If, then, the wise man had this very ring," etc.
(printed under page 85)
(7) ‹anchor: utatur annulo› · call in col 163
Ibid., pag. 293, lin. 3 : « Haec est vis hujus anuuli et hujus exempli, » etc.
Ibid., p. 293 [sic; evidently 393], line 3: "This is the force of this ring and of this example," etc.
(printed under page 85)
(8) ‹anchor: Vivit Dominus› · call in col 164
Rom. edit. et ait David Vivit Dominus.
The Roman edition: "and David said: The Lord lives."
(printed under page 85)
(9) ‹anchor: sit a Domino› · call in col 164
Vet. edit. ac Rom., hoc loco non discrepant, nisi quod haec sic interpungit..., et apponatur, mihi non sit a Domino, etc. Nimirum ut respondeat his verbis ex LXX : Καὶ προστῇ, μηδαμῶς μοι, etc. Mss. autem cum veteribus magis faciunt, excepto quod haec praeferunt, vel in pugnam, hi vero, ut in pugnam; et pro descenderit, Thuan. discesserit. Et post pauca, ubi omnes edit., et lenticulam tulit aquae, dormientibusque, etc., scribitur in mss. ut in textu. [Greek small and faint; προστῇ as it appears]
The old editions and the Roman do not differ here, except that the latter punctuates thus: "...and be added, far be it from me by the Lord," etc. — evidently to answer to these words of the Septuagint: "And be added; far be it from me," etc. The manuscripts side rather with the old editions, except that these give vel in pugnam ("or into battle"), those ut in pugnam; and for descenderit ("go down") the de Thou codex has discesserit ("depart"). And a little after, where all the editions read "and he took the cruse of water, and from the sleepers," etc., the manuscripts have it as in the text.
(printed under page 85)
(10) ‹anchor: in christum Domini› · call in col 164
Omnes edit., injicere manum meam in christum Domini, quidam mss., inducere manum, etc.; caeteri omnes ut in textu.
All the editions: "to lay my hand on the Lord's anointed"; some manuscripts, inducere manum ("to bring my hand"), etc.; all the others as in the text.
(printed under page 85)
(11) ‹anchor: Apostolus ait› · call in col 165
Mss. aliquot, nec personam suam indutus [...]. Romanus Apostolus ait. [one word faint; reading uncertain]
Some manuscripts: "nor, having put on his own person, [...]. The Roman Apostle says" [reading uncertain].
(printed under page 86)
(12) ‹anchor: non exspectemus› · call in col 165
Era, et seq, edit., praedicari non expetamus; Amerb, et mss. aliquot, praedicari non exspectamus, alii demum elegantius..., non exspectemus.
Erasmus and the following editions: "let us not seek to be proclaimed"; Amerbach and some manuscripts: "we do not expect to be proclaimed"; others, finally, more elegantly: "let us not expect."
(printed under page 86)
(13) ‹anchor: utilitas› · call in col 165
Cic. lib III Offic., pag. 394, lin. 26 : « Maneat ergo, quod turpe sit, id nunquam esse utile. » etc.
Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 394, line 26: "Let it stand, then, that what is shameful is never useful," etc.
(printed under page 86)
(14) ‹anchor: dicendi esse› · call in col 165
Edit. omnes, et mss nonnulli, quale controversiorum genus; alii autem numero et antiquitate praestantiores, quale controversum genus. Infra etiam ubi in iisdem edit. ac mss. paucis habetur, simplices esse triplos; in longe plurimis probatissimisque omittitur, triplos.
All editions and some manuscripts: quale controversiorum genus; but others, superior in number and age: quale controversum genus ("what kind of disputed case"). Below too, where the same editions and a few manuscripts have simplices esse triplos ("that the simple [fruits] are threefold"), triplos is omitted in by far the most and the most approved.
(printed under page 86)
(15) ‹anchor: industriae non fraudari› · call in col 165
Hunc omnem locum ex Cic. lib. Oeconomicon, qui jam non exstant, desumptum esse forsitan haud sine causa quis conjecerit. Etenim quod hic dicitur : Uberiores reditus industriae, etc., id apertissime cum Xenophontis, cujus librum ejusdem argumenti ab Oratore translatum scimus, his verbis quadrat : Τοὺς γὰρ κράτιστα θεραπεύοντας αὐτὴν πλεῖστα ἀγαθὰ ἀντιποιεῖ; et illis, ἄλλο οὐ λαμβάνει σῖτον ἐκ τοῦ ἀγροῦ, οὐ γὰρ ἐπιμελεῖται ὡς αὐτῷ σπείρηται ἢ ὡς κόπρος γίγνηται. Alia similia ipse per te observes licet. [Greek in small type; accents as best read]
One might perhaps conjecture, not without reason, that this whole passage was taken from Cicero's books Oeconomica, which no longer survive. For what is said here, "richer returns for industry," etc., fits most plainly with these words of Xenophon, whose book on the same subject we know the Orator translated: "For to those who tend it best it gives back the most good things"; and with these: "he gets no other grain from the field, for he takes no care that it be sown for him, or that dung be made." You may notice other similar things for yourself.
(printed under page 86)
(16) ‹anchor: tempore famis vendo› · call in col 165
Rom. edit. inde expunxerat verbum, vendo : sed cum aliarum et mss. omnium injuria.
The Roman edition had struck the word vendo ("I sell") out of this place, but wrongly, against the other editions and all the manuscripts.
(printed under page 86)
(17) ‹anchor: sperare compendia› · call in col 166
Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 394, lin. 31 : Si vir bonus Alexandria Rhodum magnum frumenti etc.
Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 394, line 31: "If a good man [had brought] a great [quantity] of grain from Alexandria to Rhodes," etc.
(printed under page 86)
(18) ‹anchor: naturae industriam› · call in col 166
Edit. ac mss. nonnulli, naturae industriam et indulgentiam.
The editions and some manuscripts: "nature's industry and indulgence."
(printed under page 86)
(19) ‹anchor: publicos partus› · call in col 166
Mss. aliquot, hic et infra, non partus sed pastus, scribunt. Iterum vero post pauca nonnulli cod. habent, te auctionante, et propter pretium condente frumentum.
Some manuscripts, here and below, write not partus ("births", i.e. yields) but pastus ("pastures, food"). Again, a little after, some codices have "while you raise the price, and hoard the grain for the price."
(printed under page 86)
(printed under page 87)
(20) ‹anchor: hunc frumentarium› · call in col 167
Erasm. et seq. edil., frumentarii pretii agrorum reservari.
Erasmus and the following editions: "of the grain-price of fields to be reserved."
(printed under page 87)
(21) ‹anchor: qui participat› · call in col 167
Omnes edit. ac pauci mss., benedictio autem ejus in capite. Eras. et seq. edit., in capite ejus qui participat Quae lectio cum Hebraeo textu et praecipuis versionibus quadrat : antiquissimi tamen cod. cum Paraphr. Chald. omittunt vocem, in capite, idque sine ullo sententiae incommodo.
All the editions and a few manuscripts: "but a blessing on his head." Erasmus and the following editions: "on the head of him who shares." This reading agrees with the Hebrew text and the chief versions; yet the oldest codices, with the Chaldee Paraphrase, omit the words "on the head", and without any harm to the sense.
(printed under page 87) [Footnotes (22) and (23), printed under col 167, have their calls in col 168 and are set in n168.]
[The right-column foot image is cut at its right edge; line-ends lost there are marked [...] or supplied in brackets where certain.] (printed under page 87)
(22) ‹anchor: peregrinos urbe prohibent› · call in col 168 [call position not legible in the right-cut render; footnote printed under col 167]
Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 394, lin. 6 : Male etiam qui peregrinos urbibus uti prohibent, etc.
Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 394, line 6: "They too do wrong who forbid foreigners the use of their cities," etc.
(printed under page 87)
(23) ‹anchor: communis parentis› · call in col 168
Mss. non pauci, nec infimae notae, communes parentes. Haud ita male; ut referatur ad id quod infra legitur, Plerique etiam nostri parentes sunt; concinnius tamen, communis parentis, id est Romae, quae totius imperii erat quasi mater, vel potius terrae quae communis omnium mater est.
Not a few manuscripts, and of no low repute: communes parentes ("common parents"). Not so badly, as referring to what is read below, "Most are even our kin"; but more neatly communis parentis ("of the common parent"), that is, of Rome, which was as it were the mother of the whole empire, or rather of the earth, which is the common mother of all.
(printed under page 87)
(24) ‹anchor: urbe prohiberentur› · call in col 168
Rom. edit., urbe pellerentur. Qui porro fuerit plus ille senex, cujus consilio Roma exacti non sint peregrini, aegre intelligas. Id tamen certum videri potest, fuisse videlicet eum Christianae religioni addictum, cum ab Ambrosio sanctissimus senex appelletur : ac praeterea non annonae praefectum, sed Urbi exstitisse; illum enim sub hujus auctoritate fuisse, ac utrumque annonae civilis curam gessisse auctor est J. C. Bulengerus lib. VI de Imperio Rom. cap. 2, nec alio spectare dixeremus Ambrosiana verba, praefecturae urbanae curam caeteris majorem sustinens : quibus verbis cum aliae minores, tum [po]tissimum annonae praefectura includitur, sicut e[t ...] frumenti dividenti, de qua idem Bulengerus ibi[dem] lib. V, cap. 13. Quod autem Baronius hoc fac[tum] Graccho ascribendum autumat, quamquam n[ullo] nititur alicujus auctoritatis momento, saltem n[ihil] involvit contrarietatis. Cum enim is secundam i[llam] frumenti penuriam de qua continuo post agitur, [col]locet anno 385, quid prohibeat, quominus prior [...] cidere potuerit an. 376 aut 377, quibus Gracc[hum] praefecturam gessisse tradit Gothofredus lib. [...] Quaestionibus, ubi etiam duos locos, alterum Hi[ero]nymi, Prudentii alterum, de eadem praefectura [ex]plicat. Sed in hoc cum Gothofrido Hermannus [...] Amor. lib. I, cap. 6, non concinit, sicut nec [cum] Baronio de fame anni 383, primam quippe c[...] gisse hoc anno ibidem lib. III, cap. 8, vero [...] simillimum.
The Roman edition: urbe pellerentur ("were driven from the city"). Who that pious old man was, by whose counsel foreigners were not driven out of Rome, you would hardly make out. This much, though, may seem certain: that he was devoted to the Christian religion, since Ambrose calls him a most holy old man; and further, that he was not prefect of the grain supply but [prefect] of the City; for that the former was under the latter's authority, and that both had charge of the civic grain supply, J. C. Boulenger states, On the Roman Empire book VI, ch. 2; nor would we say Ambrose's words "bearing the charge of the city prefecture, greater than the rest" point anywhere else: words which include the lesser [offices], and above all the prefecture of the grain supply, as also [...] distributing grain, on which see the same Boulenger, ibid., book V, ch. 13. As for Baronius's view that this deed should be ascribed to Gracchus — though it rests on the weight of no authority, at least it involves no contradiction. For since he places that second grain shortage, which is treated just after, in the year 385, what prevents the earlier [one from having] happened in 376 or 377, the years in which Godefroy, in book [...] of his Questions, says Gracchus held the prefecture — where he also explains two passages on that same prefecture, one of Jerome, the other of Prudentius? But on this Hermant, [Life of] Ambrose book I, ch. 6, does not agree with Godefroy, nor with Baronius on the famine of the year 383, the first [...] in this year, ibid. book III, ch. 8, [...] most likely. [Right margin lost; sense of the last lines uncertain.]
(printed under page 87)
(25) ‹anchor: peregrinos ejici› · call in col 168
Erasm. et seq. edit., Dicens quam immane e[sset] peregrinos ejici, quam hominem exueret qui, [...] Amerb. et propemodum omnes mss. ut in conte[xtu], nisi quod nonnulli pro, ab homine, habent, ex hom[ine], quidam vero utrumque confodinut.
Erasmus and the following editions: "saying how monstrous it was that foreigners should be cast out, how [it was to] strip off the man who," [...]. Amerbach and nearly all the manuscripts as in the text, except that some have ex homine for ab homine, while some run both together [the last word as printed, probably for confundunt].
(printed under page 87)
(26) ‹anchor: famem alienam juvare› · call in col 168
Sic Amerb. ac mss. majori consensu : [...] vero et seq. edit., neminem fame aliena juv[ari], qua lectione ambiguitas evitatur, sed auctoris ve[rba] non retinentur.
So Amerbach and the manuscripts by a larger consensus; but [Erasmus] and the following editions: "that no one is helped by another's hunger" — a reading that avoids ambiguity but does not keep the author's words.
(printed under page 87)
(27) ‹anchor: pascere› · call in col 169
Gill. in marg. et quaedam Paris. edit. in corpore, Quanto utilius est etc. Perperam : vilius enim hoc loco idem est, ac minori pretio atque impensis.
Gillot in the margin, and some Paris editions in the body of the text: "How much more useful it is," etc. Wrongly: for vilius ("more cheaply") here means the same as "at less price and cost."
(printed under page 88)
(28) ‹anchor: corporatorum› · call in col 169
Corporati dicuntur in variarum artium societates et collegia cooptati, ut puta sculptorum, pictorum, etc. De his loquitur Symmach. lib. X, epist. 27 et 58. Vid. Gothofrid. in lib. II de Privilegiis corporatorum, Cod. Theod., Scalig. et alios.
Corporati is the name for those co-opted into the societies and guilds of the various crafts — sculptors, for instance, painters, and so on. Symmachus speaks of them in book X, letters 27 and 58. See Godefroy on book II On the Privileges of the Corporati in the Theodosian Code, Scaliger, and others.
(printed under page 88)
(29) ‹anchor: agro reservari› · call in col 169
Edit. et pauci mss., cultores agrorum reservari.
The editions and a few manuscripts: "that the cultivators of the fields be preserved."
(printed under page 88)
(30) ‹anchor: dicens› · call in col 170
Mss. aliquot, plebes reclamabant dicentes.
Some manuscripts: "the people cried out against it, saying."
(printed under page 88)
(31) ‹anchor: plaga magna statim› · call in col 170
Edit. cum uno vel altero mss., plaga mala statim etc.
The editions with one or two manuscripts: "by an evil plague at once," etc.
(printed under page 88)
(32) ‹anchor: Hinc nascuntur› · call in col 171
Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 398, lin. 2 : « Mihi quidem etiam verae haereditates non honestae videntur, » etc.
Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 398, line 2: "To me even genuine inheritances do not seem honourable," etc.
(printed under page 89)
(33) ‹anchor: quaesitae haereditates› · call in col 171
Ita mss. longe plurimi ac vetustissimi : quidam tamen atque omnes edit., aucupia quaesitae haereditatis.
So by far the most and the oldest manuscripts; but some, and all the editions: "the hunting of an inheritance sought."
(printed under page 89)
(34) ‹anchor: competentia compendia› · call in col 171
Era. et seq. expunxerunt, competentia, quae vox tamen in Amerb. ac mss. prope omnibus reperitur. Quae porro de causis tum pecuniariis, tum capitis hic dicuntur, cum his conferenda sunt quae habentur sup. pag. 93 et 100.
Erasmus and the following [editions] struck out competentia ("due"), a word nevertheless found in Amerbach and in nearly all the manuscripts. What is said here about money cases and capital cases is to be compared with what is found above, pp. 93 and 100.
(printed under page 89)
(35) ‹anchor: vel debita› · call in col 171
Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 398, lin. 11 : « Homo autem justus... nihil cuiquam quod in se transferat, detrahet, » etc.
Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 398, line 11: "But a just man... will take nothing from anyone to transfer to himself," etc.
(printed under page 89)
(36) ‹anchor: injuria offensus› · call in col 171
Ibid., lin. 14 : « Jam se ipse doceat eum virum bonum esse qui prosit quibus possit; noceat nemini, nisi lacessitus injuria. » Vide quod hanc in rem annotatum est a nobis pag. 114, ad num. 27.
Ibid., line 14: "Let him teach himself that the good man is one who helps whom he can, and harms no one unless provoked by wrong." See what we have noted on this matter on p. 114, at no. 27.
(printed under page 89)
(37) ‹anchor: maluit parcere› · call in col 171
Ibid., pag. 396, lin. 28 : « Sive vir bonus est qui prodest, quibus potest, nocet nemini, » etc.
Ibid., p. 396, line 28: "Or if the good man is he who helps whom he can and harms no one," etc.
(printed under page 89)
(none) <!-- note (Q17b, 2026-10-05): italic markup removed from (32)-(35) (unit rule: no italic markup). -->
(38) ‹anchor: sanguine vulneratorum› · call in col 172
Ita mss. plures ac potiores, quibus accedunt edit. nisi quod praefertur, sed sanguine; alii, vero aliquot, quasi non sit unctus oleo et a sanguine vulneratorum.
So the more numerous and better manuscripts, with which the editions agree, except that they give sed sanguine ("but with blood"); some others, however: "as though he were not anointed with oil, and from the blood of the wounded."
(printed under page 89)
(39) ‹anchor: cum honestate subire› · call in col 172
Erasm. et seq. edit., cum honestate, quam utilitatem.
Erasmus and the following editions: "with honour, than advantage."
(printed under page 89)
(40) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 173
Edit. Rom., mulieris osus immanitatem : mss. autem aliquammulti, mulieribus ausus immanitatem; alii denique majori numero, necnon edit. Amerb. atque Era. ut in contextu.
The Roman edition: "hating the woman's savagery"; but a good many manuscripts: "having dared savagery against women"; others, finally, in greater number, and the editions of Amerbach and Erasmus, as in the text.
(printed under page 90)
(41) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 173
Cic. lib. III Offic., p. 396, lin. 29 : « Nunquam igitur est utile peccare, quia semper est turpe, » etc.
Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 396, line 29: "It is never useful, then, to sin, because it is always shameful," etc.
(printed under page 90)
(42) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 173
Omnes edit., apud Deum; omnes mss., coram Domino : nonnulli, coram Deo.
All the editions: "with God"; all the manuscripts: "before the Lord"; some, "before God."
(printed under page 90)
(43) ‹anchor: aequitatis jucunda› · call in col 173
Nonnulli mss., mensura aequalitatis.
Some manuscripts: "the measure of equality."
(printed under page 90)
(44) ‹anchor: dolum malum abesse› · call in col 173
In edit. omnibus habetur : Nonne honestatis formulae sunt ; » in cunctis vero mss. desideratur honestatis.
All the editions have "Are there not formulas of honour"; but honestatis ("of honour") is wanting in all the manuscripts.
(printed under page 90)
(45) ‹anchor: dolus fuerit deprehensus› · call in col 173
Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 396, lin. 5 : « Atque iste dolus malus etiam legibus erat vindicatus, » etc. Item infra lin. 31 : « Ac de jure quidem praediorum..... duplicem poenam subiret, » etc.
Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 396, line 5: "And this fraud was punished by the laws too," etc. Likewise below, line 31: "And as for the law of landed property..... he would incur a double penalty," etc.
(printed under page 90)
(46) ‹anchor: quae veneant› · call in col 173
Ibid., lin. 34 : « Quidquid enim inest praedio vitii, id statuerunt.... praestare oportere, » etc.
Ibid., line 34: "For whatever defect is in the property, they laid down.... must be made good," etc.
(printed under page 90)
(47) ‹anchor: dolus abesse debet› · call in col 173
Ibid., pag. 397, lin. 6 : « Ratio igitur hoc postulat, ne quid insidiose, » etc. Item lin. 21 : « Quintus quidem Scaevola.... fideique bonae munus existimabat manare latissime, » etc. Item lin. 29 : « Nec vero in praediis solum jus civile ductum a natura, » etc.
Ibid., p. 397, line 6: "Reason, then, demands that nothing be done craftily," etc. Likewise line 21: "Quintus Scaevola indeed.... thought the office of good faith extended most widely," etc. Likewise line 29: "Nor indeed in landed property only [does] the civil law, derived from nature," etc.
(printed under page 90)
(48) ‹anchor: tubarum sono› · call in col 173
Ita mss. fere ad unum : omnes autem edit., sono ictos, et ululatu, etc., sed ictu ad collisionem lagenarum referendum est.
So the manuscripts almost to a man; but all the editions: "struck by the sound, and by the shout," etc. But ictu ("by the blow") is to be referred to the clashing of the jars.
(printed under page 90)
(49) ‹anchor: digitorum percussiones› · call in col 174
Cic. lib. III Offic. pag. 398, lin. 7 : « Itaque si vir bonus habeat hanc vim : ut si digitis concrepuerit.... At si daret hanc vim M. Crasso.... in foro mihi crede saltaret. » Ponitur autem digitorum percussio seu crepitus pro re vilissima : unde proverbium, digitorum crepitu non emam.
Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 398, line 7: "So if a good man had this power, that by snapping his fingers.... But if you gave this power to Marcus Crassus.... believe me, he would dance in the forum." The striking or snapping of the fingers stands for a thing of least worth; hence the proverb, "I would not buy it for a snap of the fingers."
(printed under page 90)
(50) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 175
Vet. edit. cum mss. longe plurimis, nudi; mss. aliquot, crudi, successoris salutationes : Rom., nudis successoribus salutationes, Melius alii mss. ut nos in textu.
The old editions with by far the most manuscripts: nudi ("naked"); some manuscripts: "the salutations of a crude successor"; the Roman edition: "salutations by naked successors." Better, other manuscripts, as we have it in the text.
(printed under page 91)
(51) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 175
Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 395, lin. 30 : « Caius Canius eques Romanus..... cum se Syracusas otiandi causa, non negotiandi, » etc.
Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 395, line 30: "Gaius Canius, a Roman knight..... when [he had betaken] himself to Syracuse for leisure, not for business," etc.
(printed under page 91)
(52) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 175
Era. et seq. edit. cum mss. duobus, iisque recentioribus, Promisit invitatus postridie se venire, veniens offendit, etc.
Erasmus and the following editions, with two manuscripts, and those more recent: "Invited, he promised to come the next day; coming, he found," etc.
(printed under page 91)
(53) ‹anchor: numerum cymbarum› · call in col 175
Mss. aliquot, tantorumque numerum convivarum.
Some manuscripts: "and the number of so many guests."
(printed under page 91)
(54) ‹anchor: gravatus suscipit› · call in col 175
Amerb. et mss. non pauci, rogatus suscipit; aliae edit., gravatim, mss., gravatus suscipit.
Amerbach and not a few manuscripts: "being asked, he accepts"; other editions: gravatim ("reluctantly"); the manuscripts: "he accepts, burdened."
(printed under page 91)
(55) ‹anchor: licet factum› · call in col 175
Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 395, lin. 41 : « L. Minuti Basilii, locupletis hominis, falsum testamentum quidam e Graecia, » etc.
Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 395, line 41: "A forged will of Lucius Minucius Basilus, a rich man, certain men from Greece," etc.
(printed under page 91)
(56) ‹anchor: protegere debeat› · call in col 176
Sic mss. magno consensu, si unum aut alterum exceperis, ubi sicut et in edit. legitur, Doech proditoris.... quem celare et protegere debeat.
So the manuscripts with great agreement, if you except one or two, where, as also in the editions, it reads: "of the traitor Doeg.... whom he ought to hide and protect."
(printed under page 91)
(57) ‹anchor: ebrius vino› · call in col 176
Cod. Laud., Sicut iste idem Doech maligne ebrius vino.
The Laud codex: "As this same Doeg, wickedly drunk with wine."
(printed under page 91)
(58) ‹anchor: Abimelech› · call in col 176
Erasm. et seq. edit., Achimelech.
Erasmus and the following editions: Achimelech.
(printed under page 91)
(59) ‹anchor: promittat inhonestum› · call in col 176
Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 400, lin. 47 : « Quid si sapiens rogatus sit ab eo, qui eum haeredem faciat..... ut ante quam haereditatem adeat, luce palam in foro saltet, » etc.
Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 400, line 47: "What if a wise man were asked by one who makes him his heir..... to dance openly in the forum in daylight before he enters on the inheritance," etc.
(printed under page 91)
(60) ‹anchor: jurisjurandi sacramento› · call in col 176
Ibid., pag. 401, lin. 4 : « Ac ne illa quidem promissa servanda sunt, quae non sunt iis ipsis utilia, » etc.
Ibid., p. 401, line 4: "And not even those promises are to be kept which are not useful to the very persons [to whom they were made]," etc.
(printed under page 91)
(61) ‹anchor: choros promiserat› · call in col 177
Amerb. cum mss. aliquot, dejeratus; quidam alii, ejuratus.... promiserat; non pauci, prompserat; aliae vero edit. ac mss. nobiscum faciunt, nisi quod pro eviratus, in quibusdam legitur, iratus; prorsus incongrue.
Amerbach with some manuscripts: dejeratus ("having sworn"); some others: ejuratus.... promiserat ("having abjured.... he had promised"); not a few: prompserat ("he had brought out"); but the other editions and manuscripts side with us, except that for eviratus some read iratus ("angry") — quite unfittingly.
(printed under page 92)
(62) ‹anchor: promisisse Jephte› · call in col 177
Cic. lib. III, pag. 401, lin. 11 : « Quid Agamemnon cum devovisset, » etc.
Cicero, book III, p. 401, line 11: "What of Agamemnon, when he had vowed," etc.
(printed under page 92)
(63) ‹anchor: impedisti mihi› · call in col 177
Vet. edit. impedisti mihi, impedisti mihi, in stimulum dolorum facta es mihi. Rom., Decepisti me, impedimentum in oculis meis, in stimulum dolorum facta es mihi. Mss. vero inter se consentiunt, nisi quod aliqui legunt, impedisti mihi, in stimulum, etc., ubi reliqui, impedisti me stimulus, etc.
The old editions: "you have hindered me, you have hindered me, you have become to me a goad of sorrows." The Roman edition: "You have deceived me; [you are] a hindrance in my eyes; you have become to me a goad of sorrows." The manuscripts agree with one another, except that some read "you have hindered me, into a goad," etc., where the rest read "you have hindered me, a goad," etc.
(printed under page 92)
(64) ‹anchor: duobus Pythagoraeis› · call in col 177
Cic. lib. III Offic. pag. 393, lin. 43 : « Damonem et Pythiam Pythagoreos, ferunt hoc animo inter se fuisse, » etc. Vide etiam lib. V Tusc. Quaest., pag. 186, lin. 48, et Val. Max. lib. IV, cap. 7, et rursus Ambr. lib. II de Virgin.
Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 393, line 43: "They say that Damon and Pythias, the Pythagoreans, were of such a mind towards each other," etc. See also Tusculan Disputations book V, p. 186, line 48; Valerius Maximus book IV, ch. 7; and again Ambrose, On Virgins book II.
(printed under page 92)
(none) <!-- note (Q17b, 2026-10-05): anchors of (61) and (62) supplied from the calls visible in the column; (64) anchor spelling aligned to the text; italic markup removed (unit rule). UNSURE: col 177 "perdere" may carry a stray printed accent (perderé) in the scan; left unaccented. -->
(65) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 178
Omnes edit. ac mss. aliquot, alter ad diem repedavit; reliqui autem partim rediit, partim se recepit, partim etiam receptus est; Thuan. vero et alii nonnulli melioris notae, alter ad diem recepit. Haud male, si ad vadem referas : idem enim prorsus erit ac si legeretur : alter spopondit ad diem constitutum, nisi redisset reus, mortem subiturum.
All the editions and some manuscripts: "the other came back on the day"; the rest partly rediit ("returned"), partly se recepit ("betook himself back"), partly even receptus est ("was received back"); but the de Thou codex and some others of better repute: alter ad diem recepit ("the other undertook for the day"). Not badly, if you refer it to the surety; for it will be exactly as if it read: "the other pledged that, by the appointed day, if the accused had not returned, he would undergo death."
(printed under page 92)
(66) ‹anchor: populos consilio› · call in col 178
Mss. aliquot, fugavit populos cum filio suo.
Some manuscripts: "she put the peoples to flight with her son."
(printed under page 92)
(67) ‹anchor: populi committeret› · call in col 179
Ms. Thuan., nec a principibus populi adjutorem praesumeret.
The de Thou manuscript: "nor would she presume on a helper from the princes of the people."
(printed under page 93)
(68) ‹anchor: imperioque decertarent› · call in col 179
Cic. Offic. lib. III, pag. 394, lin. 17 : « Themistocles post victoriam hujus belli quod cum Persis fuit, » etc. Idem legimus apud Plutarchum in Aristide.
Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 394, line 17: "Themistocles, after the victory in that war which was fought with the Persians," etc. We read the same in Plutarch's Aristides.
(printed under page 93)
(69) ‹anchor: acquisivit utilitatem› · call in col 180
Mss. aliquot, et publicam honestatem, propriam acquisivit utilitatem; alii nonnulli, et publicam honestatem propria acquisivit utilitate. Magis scite reliqui ac edit. ut in textu.
Some manuscripts: "and public honour, she gained her own advantage"; some others: "and she gained public honour by her own advantage." More skilfully, the rest and the editions, as in the text.
(printed under page 93)
(70) ‹anchor: uxorem habere› · call in col 180
Rom. edit., Non licet tibi habere uxorem fratris tui.
The Roman edition: "It is not lawful for you to have your brother's wife."
(printed under page 93)
(71) ‹anchor: adulationem subtexere› · call in col 180
Ita mss. longe plurimi : alii autem aliquot et omnes edit., inclinari regi, propheticam auctoritatem adulatione subtexere.
So by far the most manuscripts; but some others and all the editions: "to bow to the king, to cloak prophetic authority with flattery."
(printed under page 93)
(72) ‹anchor: medicus venisset› · call in col 180
Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 399, lin. 12 : » Quanquam id quidem cum saepe alias, tum Pyrrhi bello... perfuga ab eo venit in castra Fabricii, eique est pollicitus, si praemium, » etc.
Cicero, De officiis book III, p. 399, line 12: "Although this [was shown] often at other times, and especially in the war with Pyrrhus... a deserter came from him into Fabricius's camp and promised him, if a reward," etc.
(printed under page 93)
(73) ‹anchor: turpem pronuntiabat› · call in col 180
Mss. aliquot. turpem renuntiabat.
Some manuscripts: "declared [it] shameful" (renuntiabat for pronuntiabat).
(printed under page 93)
(74) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 181
Vet. edit. ac mss. nonnulli, vesicae cadentes, forte calentes; quidam, scatentes.
The old editions and some manuscripts have "vesicae cadentes" (falling blisters), perhaps "calentes" (burning); some, "scatentes" (teeming).
(printed under page 94)
(75) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 181
Mss. ac vet. edit. hoc tantum dissident, quod pro rogatur, plures mss. legunt rogatus, et pro exitus, mss. nonnulli habent exitus. Rom. autem edit. post verbum diceret [?], adjecit et benediceret, sublatis hisce aliis, oravit et impetravit.
The manuscripts and old editions differ only in this: for "rogatur" several manuscripts read "rogatus", and for "exitus" some manuscripts have "exitus" [so the scan, as far as legible]. The Roman edition, however, after the word "diceret" [reading uncertain] added "et benediceret", removing these others, "oravit et impetravit".
(printed under page 94)
(76) ‹anchor: vitiis tractant domorum› · call in col 182
Cic. Offic. lib. III, pag. 395, lin. 4: « Vendat aedes vir bonus propter aliqua vitia, quae ipse norit, » etc.
Cicero, De officiis, book III, p. 395, line 4: "Let a good man sell a house on account of some defects which he himself knows of," etc.
(printed under page 94)
(77) ‹anchor: vivorum formidinem› · call in col 182
Amerb. cum mss. non paucis, virorum formidinem.
Amerbach, with not a few manuscripts, has "virorum formidinem" (the terror of men).
(printed under page 94)
(78) ‹anchor: resplenduit et refulsit› · call in col 182
In affectibus piis resplenduit et refulsit, desunt in mss. pluribus nec inferioris notae, quorum in nonnullis pro sed inter, legitur nec inter, minime male. Aliorum mss. et omnium edit. lectio praeferenda.
"In affectibus piis resplenduit et refulsit" is missing in several manuscripts, and not of the lower class; in some of these, for "sed inter", "nec inter" is read, not at all badly. The reading of the other manuscripts and of all the editions is to be preferred.
(printed under page 94)
(79) ‹anchor: velut patens puteus› · call in col 182
Mss. aliquot, velut patens haudquaquam patens, aquae secessu infrequens: unus, velut patens aqua non patens; alter, haud aquam patiens, atque secessu infrequens.
Some manuscripts have "velut patens haudquaquam patens, aquae secessu infrequens" (as though open, yet by no means open, little visited for its water's seclusion); one, "velut patens aqua non patens"; another, "haud aquam patiens, atque secessu infrequens".
(printed under page 94)
(80) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 183
Indicio sacro, id est, nota aliqua mystica cujus ope locus postea dignosci posset.
"Indicio sacro": that is, some mystical mark by whose help the place could later be recognized.
(printed under page 95)
(81) ‹anchor: hymnum Deo› · call in col 183
Edit. et pauci mss., hymnum Deo usquequo consumptum est, etc.
The editions and a few manuscripts: "hymnum Deo usquequo consumptum est" (a hymn to God until it was consumed), etc.
(printed under page 95)
(82) ‹anchor: lumen autem refulgens› · call in col 183
Ita mss. ac vet. edit. magno consensu, nisi quod aliqui et edit. legunt, consumptum est, ubi probatissimi quique, oonsummatum est. Rom. edit. sola, quae tandem lumine refulgente ab altari consumpta illico est.
So the manuscripts and old editions with great agreement, except that some, and the editions, read "consumptum est", where all the most approved have "consummatum est". The Roman edition alone: "quae tandem lumine refulgente ab altari consumpta illico est" (which at length, a light shining from the altar, was at once consumed).
(printed under page 95)
(83) ‹anchor: ephthar› · call in col 183
Rom. edit. ex LXX, nehpthar; vet. autem edit. cum Aldino cod. eorumdem LXX, ephthar, quo etiam accedunt mss., nisi quod eorum complures scriptorum inscitia exhibent, alii epathar, alii ephatar, quidam etiam phatur. Infra vero ubi omnes edit. multique mss. nephthe, mss. aliquot praeferunt nephe. Adisis Plinium lib. II, cap. 118, et lib. XXXV, c. 15.
The Roman edition, from the Septuagint, "nehpthar"; but the old editions, with the Aldine codex of the same Septuagint, "ephthar", and the manuscripts agree with them too, except that several of them, through the ignorance of the scribes, show some "epathar", some "ephatar", and one or two even "phatur". Below, however, where all the editions and many manuscripts have "nephthe", some manuscripts give "nephe". See Pliny, book II, chapter 118, and book XXXV, chapter 15.
(printed under page 95)
(84) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 184
Sicubi, ut hic, idem numerus, etiam omisso asterisco, bis continenter occurrerit, sciat lector, nos in his aut similibus casibus nihil mutasse, nisi forte major lacuna inter duos numeros, graviori mendo, irrepsisset. Edit.
Wherever, as here, the same number occurs twice in succession, even with the asterisk omitted, let the reader know that in these or similar cases we have changed nothing, unless perhaps a larger gap had crept in between the two numbers through a more serious error. The Editor.
(printed under page 95)
(85) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 184
Mss. aliquot, propitiationem non cognoscimus. Haud male, si modo per figuram admirationis aut interrogationis efferatur.
Some manuscripts: "propitiationem non cognoscimus" (we do not know the propitiation). Not badly, provided it is uttered as a figure of wonder or of question.
(printed under page 95)
(86) ‹anchor: esse linguas› · call in col 184
Rom. edit., dispertitas apparuisse linguas.
The Roman edition: "dispertitas apparuisse linguas" (that tongues appeared parted).
(printed under page 95)
(87) ‹anchor: linguarum diversitatem› · call in col 184
Cuncti propemodum mss., repleti esse qui acceperant, aestimarentur linquarum diversitate.
Nearly all the manuscripts: "repleti esse qui acceperant, aestimarentur linguarum diversitate" (those who had received [it] were thought to be filled, by the diversity of tongues).
(printed under page 95)
(88) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 185
Rom. edit., libertatis revelatur.
The Roman edition: "libertatis revelatur" (is revealed of liberty).
(printed under page 96)
(89) ‹anchor: confixus est cruci› · call in col 185
Omnes edit., homo noster exterior crucifixus est.
All the editions: "homo noster exterior crucifixus est" (our outer man is crucified).
(printed under page 96)
(90) ‹anchor: Aegyptius demergitur› · call in col 185
Edit. omnes ac mss. aliquot, Aegyptus demergitur.
All the editions and some manuscripts: "Aegyptus demergitur" (Egypt is drowned).
(printed under page 96)
(91) ‹anchor: cum absolvitur› · call in col 185
Ita mss. plures ac potiores: alii vero et edit., cum absorbetur.
So several and better manuscripts; but others, and the editions, "cum absorbetur" (when it is swallowed up).
(printed under page 96)
(92) ‹anchor: concubinam appellatam arbitror› · call in col 186
Pauci mss. quam..... concubinam appellabat. — Adverte pulcherrime hinc confirmari, quod observatione in lib. I de Abraham cap. 4, col. 220, volum. I, num. 23, diximus, nimirum legitimam uxorem haud raro concubinae nomine vocitari.
A few manuscripts: "quam ..... concubinam appellabat" (whom ... he called concubine). — Note how finely this confirms what we said in the observation on book I of De Abraham, chapter 4, col. 220, volume I, no. 23: namely, that a lawful wife is not seldom called by the name of concubine.
(printed under page 96)
(93) ‹anchor: appropinquatum foret› · call in col 186
Omnes edit., et appropinquandum foret.
All the editions: "et appropinquandum foret" (and it was necessary to approach).
(printed under page 96)
(94) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 187
Edit, et pauci mss., jugalem ejus..... solitus esset; sed optimi quique, iidemque frequentissimi, ut in textu.
The editions and a few manuscripts: "jugalem ejus ..... solitus esset"; but all the best, and these the most numerous, as in the text.
(printed under page 97)
(95) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 187
Nonnulli mss., ante hospitium hospitis. Erasm. et seq. edit., ante hostium hospitii.
Some manuscripts: "ante hospitium hospitis" (before the lodging of the host). Erasmus and the editions that follow him: "ante hostium hospitii" (before the door of the lodging).
(printed under page 97)
(96) ‹anchor: ex numero patrum› · call in col 187
Cod. Thuan., ex numero pater.
The Thou codex: "ex numero pater".
(printed under page 97)
(97) ‹anchor: injuriam pudicitiae› · call in col 187
Quaedam edit., injuriam impudicitiae; aptius reliquae ac mss., injuriam pudicitiae: nempe quam acceperat pudicitia.
Some editions: "injuriam impudicitiae" (the wrong of unchastity); more fittingly the rest, and the manuscripts, "injuriam pudicitiae" (the wrong done to chastity): that is, the wrong which chastity had received.
(printed under page 97)
(98) ‹anchor: non sufferebantur› · call in col 187
Gill. in marg. et Rom. edit. in corp., castitatis non offerebantur.
Gillot in the margin, and the Roman edition in the body of the text: "castitatis non offerebantur".
(printed under page 97)
(99) ‹anchor: quinque millia› · call in col 187
Ita edit., ac mss. aliquot; alii vero partim quadraginta, partim quadraginta quinque millia. Sed nisi locum Ambrosius memoriter citavit, omnino legendum 65 millia, ut in sacris codicibus haberi, subducta mortuorum in singulis praeliis ratione, cognoscitur.
So the editions and some manuscripts; but others have partly "forty", partly "forty-five thousand". But unless Ambrose cited the passage from memory, one must certainly read 65 thousand, as is found to stand in the sacred books once the dead in each battle are reckoned up.
(printed under page 97)
(1) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 188
Mss. aliquot, filium suum negat, et abscondit eum.
Some manuscripts: "filium suum negat, et abscondit eum" (she denies her son, and hides him).
(printed under page 97)
(2) ‹anchor: in Bethel› · call in col 188
Edit., in domo sua. Et infra post duos versus, filius hic homicidae. Utrobique autem mss. prope ad unum ut in textu.
The editions: "in domo sua" (in his house). And below, two lines on, "filius hic homicidae" (this son of a murderer). In both places, however, the manuscripts almost to a man read as in the text.
(printed under page 97)
(3) ‹anchor: quadrigarum sonus› · call in col 188
Edit. cum uno vel altero mss., et vox multitudinis; alii mss. non multi, et voces multae, quantum et vox magnae virtutis: caeteri nobiscum faciunt. Rursus vero ubi nos cum ant. edit. et cunctis mss. et regem Amorrhaeorum, Rom. edit. substitueral et regem Ethaeorum.
The editions, with one or two manuscripts: "et vox multitudinis" (and the sound of a multitude); other manuscripts, not many: "et voces multae, quantum et vox magnae virtutis"; the rest agree with us. Again, where we, with the old editions and all the manuscripts, have "et regem Amorrhaeorum" (and the king of the Amorites), the Roman edition had substituted "et regem Ethaeorum" (and the king of the Hittites).
(printed under page 97)
(4) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 189
Sic mss. longe plurimi, ac notae probatioris: nonnulli tamen et omnes edit., soli possent praedae incubare, elegerunt; etc.
So by far the most manuscripts, and of the more approved class; some, however, and all the editions: "soli possent praedae incubare, elegerunt" (they chose ... that they alone might brood over the plunder), etc.
(printed under page 98)
(5) ‹anchor: contritus inter› · call in col 189
Omnes edit. cum paucis mss., constitutus in porta inter, etc.
All the editions, with a few manuscripts: "constitutus in porta inter" (stationed in the gate among), etc.
(printed under page 98)
(6) ‹anchor: tam indecora suasisset› · call in col 189
Omnes edit., nec parcere neci ejus.
All the editions: "nec parcere neci ejus".
(printed under page 98)
(7) ‹anchor: amicitia probabilis› · call in col 189
Cic. lib. III Offic., pag. 393, lin. 30: « Maxime autem perturbantur officia in amicitiis, » etc.
Cicero, De officiis, book III, p. 393, line 30: "But duties are most thrown into confusion in friendships," etc.
(printed under page 98)
(8) ‹anchor: neene debeat› · call in col 190
Ibid., lin. 33: « Atque contra rempublicam, » etc. Item de Amic., pag. 424, lin. 1: Quamobrem videamus, si placet, quatenus amor in amicitia progredi debeat. » etc.
Ibid., line 33: "And against the commonwealth," etc. Likewise De amicitia, p. 424, line 1: "Let us therefore see, if you please, how far love ought to go in friendship," etc.
(printed under page 98)
(9) ‹anchor: charitati civium› · call in col 190
Rom. edit., praeponderare charitati vitium.
The Roman edition: "praeponderare charitati vitium".
(printed under page 98)
(10) ‹anchor: corripere occulte› · call in col 190
Cic. Offic. lib. I, pag. 358, lin. 46: Interdum etiam objurgationes in amicis vigent maxime » Idem de Amic., pag. 425, lin. 5: Consilium verum dare gaudeamus libere, » etc.
Cicero, De officiis, book I, p. 358, line 46: "Sometimes too rebukes are of the greatest force among friends." The same, De amicitia, p. 425, line 5: "Let us be glad to give true counsel freely," etc.
(printed under page 98)
(11) ‹anchor: amici vulnera› · call in col 190
Rom. edit. sola: Utiliora sunt amici vulnera: vet. autem ac mss., Tolerabilia, seu tolerabiliora; quidam tamen, probabiliora sunt amici vulnera, etc.
The Roman edition alone: "Utiliora sunt amici vulnera" (more useful are the wounds of a friend); but the old editions and the manuscripts: "Tolerabilia" or "tolerabiliora"; some, however: "probabiliora sunt amici vulnera" (more commendable are the wounds of a friend), etc.
(printed under page 98)
(12) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 191
Cic. de Amic., pag. 428, lin. 1: « Non enim amicitiarum esse debent, sicut aliarum rerum satietates, » etc.
Cicero, De amicitia, p. 428, line 1: "For there ought not to be satiety of friendships, as there is of other things," etc.
(printed under page 99)
(13) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 191
Ibid., pag. 426, lin. 15: « Tum sit inter eos omnium rerum, consiliorum et voluntatum, » etc.
Ibid., p. 426, line 15: "Then let there be between them [a sharing] of all things, of counsels and of wishes," etc.
(printed under page 99)
(14) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 191
Ibid., pag. 427, lin. 38: « Quid, haec ut omittam, quam graves, quam difficiles plerisque videntur calamitatum societates, » etc.
Ibid., p. 427, line 38: "To pass over these things, how heavy, how hard do most people find it to share in misfortunes," etc.
(printed under page 99)
(15) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 191
Ibid., pag. 428, lin. 20: « Sed maximum est in amicitia, superiorem parem esse inferiori, » etc.
Ibid., p. 428, line 20: "But the greatest thing in friendship is that the superior be on a level with the inferior," etc.
(printed under page 99)
(16) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 191
Edit. ac pauci mss., Quos eadem complexa est charitas.
The editions and a few manuscripts: "Quos eadem complexa est charitas" (whom the same love has embraced).
(printed under page 99)
(17) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 191
Cic. de Amic., p. 421, lin. 39: « Quid dulcius quam habere quicum omnia audeas sic loqui, ut tecum, » etc.
Cicero, De amicitia, p. 421, line 39: "What is sweeter than to have one with whom you may dare to speak of everything as with yourself," etc.
(printed under page 99)
(18) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 191
Lib. III Offic., pag. 393, lin. 41: « Nam si omnia facienda sint quae amici velint, » etc. Item de Amic, pag. 424, lin. 15: « Quod si rectum statuerimus vel concedere amicis, » etc. Item lin. 27: « Haec igitur prima lex in amicitia, » etc.
De officiis, book III, p. 393, line 41: "For if everything is to be done that friends wish," etc. Likewise De amicitia, p. 424, line 15: "But if we lay it down as right either to grant friends," etc. Likewise line 27: "This, then, is the first law in friendship," etc.
(printed under page 99)
(19) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 191
Erasm. et seq. edit. cum mss. nonnullis, propter amicitiam deseratur.
Erasmus and the editions that follow him, with some manuscripts: "propter amicitiam deseratur" (be abandoned for friendship's sake).
(printed under page 99)
(20) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 192
Cic. de Amic. pag. 425, lin. 45: « Quamobrem hoc quidem.... constat, ut opinor, bonis inter bonos, » etc. Item pag. 429, lin. 49: « Par est autem primum esse virum bonum, tum alterum similem sui quaerere, » etc.
Cicero, De amicitia, p. 425, line 45: "Wherefore this at least .... is settled, I think, for good men among good men," etc. Likewise p. 429, line 49: "It is right first to be a good man oneself, then to seek another like oneself," etc.
(printed under page 99)
(21) ‹anchor: objurgatio contumeliosa› · call in col 192
Lib. I Offic., pag. 370, lin. 9: « Magna autem ex parte clementi castigatione licet uti, » etc. Item de Amic., pag. 430, lin. 48: « Nam et monendi amici saepe sunt et objurgandi, » etc.
De officiis, book I, p. 370, line 9: "For the most part, however, one may use gentle correction," etc. Likewise De amicitia, p. 430, line 48: "For friends must often be both admonished and rebuked," etc.
(printed under page 99)
(22) ‹anchor: atque applices› · call in col 192
Cic. de Amic., pag. 429, lin. 41: « Est enim is amicus quidem, qui est tanquam alter idem..... Et alterum acquirit cujus animum ita cum suo commisceat, » etc.
Cicero, De amicitia, p. 429, line 41: "For a friend is he who is, as it were, a second self ..... And he acquires another whose mind he may so blend with his own," etc.
(printed under page 99)
(23) ‹anchor: vectigalis amicitia est› · call in col 192
Ibid., pag. 425, lin. 50: « Atque etiam mihi quidem videtur, qui utilitatis causa fingunt amicitias, » etc.
Ibid., p. 425, line 50: "And it seems to me, too, that those who feign friendships for the sake of advantage," etc.
(printed under page 99)
(24) ‹anchor: non pecunia paritur› · call in col 192
Edit. ac mss. aliquot, non pecunia quaeritur.
The editions and some manuscripts: "non pecunia quaeritur" (it is not sought with money).
(printed under page 99)
(25) ‹anchor: abundant pauperes› · call in col 192
Cic. de Amic., p. 426, lin. 12: « Haec enim est tyrannorum vita, nimirum in qua nulla fides, nulla charitas..... Coluntur tamen simulatione amicitiae, » etc..... Multorum opes praepotentium excludunt fideles amicitias. »
Cicero, De amicitia, p. 426, line 12: "For this is the life of tyrants, one in which, to be sure, there is no trust, no affection ..... Yet they are courted with a pretence of friendship," etc. ..... "The wealth of many who are very powerful shuts out faithful friendships."
(printed under page 99)
(26) ‹anchor: nemo simulator est› · call in col 193
Gil. ac Rom. edit., nemo assentator est.
Gillot and the Roman edition: "nemo assentator est" (no one is a flatterer).
(printed under page 100)
(27) ‹anchor: call not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 193 [column not confirmed]
Cod. Benig., de quo loco, ut supra diximus, bene ait sanctus David: tu vero, etc.
The Benignus codex: "de quo loco, ut supra diximus, bene ait sanctus David: tu vero" (of which passage, as we said above, holy David says well: "But you"), etc.
(printed under page 100)
(27) ‹anchor: vero, homo unanimis› · call in col 194 (printed "vero(27)" at the head of the column)
Cod. Benig., de quo loco, ut supra diximus, bene ait sanctus David: tu vero, etc.
The Benignus codex: "de quo loco, ut supra diximus, bene ait sanctus David: tu vero" (of which passage, as we said above, holy David says well: "But you"), etc.
(printed under page 100; the same note is also entered in n193 with its column unconfirmed — it belongs here)