PL 2 · cols. 682–798

Tertullian, Liber de anima

Editors' preface

Q. SEPT. FLOR. TERTULLIANI LIBER DE ANIMA.

THE BOOK OF Q. SEPTIMIUS FLORENS TERTULLIANUS ON THE SOUL.

ARGUMENTUM.

ARGUMENT.

Scripserat Tertullianus, ut ipse ait, contra Hermogenem librum de censu seu origine animae; qui liber, hodie desideratus, quantum datur, mentionem habet in sectione sequenti; nunc autem in hoc tractatu, Auctor, jam montanista, de animae statu et reliquis ad eam pertinentibus quaestionibus, adversus philosophos dimicat, cui tamen falsa inspersit principia, variosque errores ipse Tertullianus inseruit.

Tertullian had written, as he himself says, a book against Hermogenes on the census, that is, the origin, of the soul; that book, now lost, is mentioned, so far as can be made out, in the following section. In this treatise, however, the Author, by now a Montanist, contends against the philosophers about the state of the soul and the other questions pertaining to it; yet into it Tertullian himself has scattered false principles and inserted various errors.

I. In primis autem docet non a Socrate immortalitatem animae, sed a Deo discendam.

I. First of all, he teaches that the immortality of the soul is to be learned not from Socrates but from God.

II. Etsi enim a natura pleraque suggerantur, aut etiam ex prophetis hausta fuerunt, tamen philosophi multa mixta veris falsa tradiderunt.

II. For although very many things are suggested by nature, or have even been drawn from the prophets, yet the philosophers have handed down many false things mixed with true.

Editors' notes and page, col. 682

Footnotes

Calls in this column (Q2b, 2026-10-18): Variae lectiones (12) after "cernitis" and Commentarius (17) after "orbem" are called in col 682. Both notes are printed under page 345 and are already set, text and English, in notes/n681.md, whose call lines read "call in col (not visible)"; the settle step should re-anchor them to col 682 (12: anchor "cernitis"; 17: anchor "Qui totum jam orbem") rather than duplicate them here. No call (13) is visible in this column.

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running head: LIBER DE ANIMA. 682
marginal letters: A ‹cabantur. Igitur si universas›; B ‹Christo Dei Filio competit›; C ‹pro formoso› (in the Commentarius); D ‹inspersit principia› (beside the De anima Argumentum)
old-edition numerals: 642 after prophetatum
note calls: 12 after cernitis; (17) after orbem
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III. Utinam, nulla haeresi exsistente, nihil omnino cum philosophis, patriarchis haereticorum, experiendum foret: nec essent tum illa quibus a philosophia haeretici capiuntur, destruenda, tunc haec, quibus fideles ab haeresi concutiuntur, retundenda.

III. Would that, with no heresy in existence, there had been nothing at all to try out with the philosophers, the patriarchs of the heretics: then there would be neither those things by which the heretics are captured by philosophy to be destroyed, nor these things, by which the faithful are shaken by heresy, to be beaten back.

IV. Deinde ad institutum accedens, primum adversus Platonem animam natam et factam dicit, utpote ex Dei flatu.

IV. Then, coming to his purpose, he first says, against Plato, that the soul was born and made, inasmuch as it is from the breath of God.

V. Plures etiam pbilosophos, etsi Aristotele et Platone corpulentiam ei auferentibus, corpus animae vindicasse.

V. That many philosophers also, even though Aristotle and Plato take bodiliness away from it, have claimed a body for the soul.

VI. Quod paradoxon etiam Auctor hic secutus, Platonicorum argumenta, quibus incorporalem animam asserebant, satis frivole refellit.

VI. Having followed this paradox too, the Author rebuts, frivolously enough, the arguments of the Platonists by which they asserted that the soul is incorporeal.

VII. Imo corporalitatem animae ex Evangelio perperam probare nititur.

VII. Indeed he strives, wrongly, to prove the corporeality of the soul from the Gospel.

VIII. Ad alia iterum Platonicorum argumenta respondens.

VIII. Replying again to other arguments of the Platonists.

IX. Quid? quod effigiem quoque non vereatur animae quantumvis immortali affingere, eamque colo⟨r⟩is aerei et lucidi.

IX. What of this, that he does not fear to attribute a shape also to the soul, however immortal, and that of an airy and bright colour?

X. Rectius deinceps unum esse docet animam et spiritum, vivere et spirare, vel ex eo quod ad statum fidei pertinet, simplicem animam determinare secundum Platonem.

X. More rightly he next teaches that soul and spirit are one, living and breathing, or, from the fact that it pertains to the state of faith, that the soul is to be defined as simple, according to Plato.

XI. Ita tamen spiritum animam dici, ut neque Dei spiritus sit, quod videbatur Hermogenes sentire, neque spiritale nescio quod semen Valentinianorum animae collatum sit.

XI. That the soul is called spirit, however, in such a way that it is neither the spirit of God, as Hermogenes seemed to think, nor some spiritual seed or other of the Valentinians conferred on the soul.

XII. Animum item ab anima non separari, utpote qui non aliud quam suggestus, sive ornatus sit animae quo sapit: idque contra Anaxagoram et Aristotelem, quorum ille commiscibilem, iste passibilem animum negabat.

XII. Likewise, that the mind is not separated from the soul, inasmuch as it is nothing other than the equipment, or adornment, of the soul by which it has understanding: and this against Anaxagoras and Aristotle, of whom the former denied that the mind was capable of mixture, the latter that it was capable of suffering.

XIII. Quod etiam inde probat, quod principalitas animae, non animo tribuatur; etiam animam Deus semper alloquatur non animum.

XIII. Which he proves also from this, that primacy is attributed to the soul, not to the mind; and also that God always addresses the soul, not the mind.

XIV. Cum autem dividitur anima in partes a Platone aut aliis, vires et efficacias et operas diversas intelligi, sicuti de quibusdam etiam Aristoteles indicavit, utpote etiam ipse cum aliis plerisque unitatem animae agnoscens.

XIV. That when, however, the soul is divided into parts by Plato or others, different powers and efficacies and operations are to be understood, just as Aristotle too indicated concerning some of them, inasmuch as he himself also, with most others, acknowledges the unity of the soul.

XV. Hegemonicon interim, id est, summum in anima gradum sapientialem, contraquam sentiebant Asclepiades et Dicaearchus, cum Platone et Aristotele agnosci etiam a Christianis, idque in recessu cordis.

XV. That the hegemonicon, meanwhile, that is, the highest rank in the soul, the one of wisdom, is acknowledged by Christians too, along with Plato and Aristotle, contrary to what Asclepiades and Dicaearchus held, and that it is in the recess of the heart.

XVI. Ad fidem quoque pertinere, quod Plato partitur animam per rationalem et irrationalem; ita tamen ut naturae primaevae deputetur rationale, irrationale vero transgressioni; non tamen placere irrationalis distinctionem in indignativum et concupiscentivum, quod utrumque etiam Christo et rationali animae competat.

XVI. That it pertains to the faith also that Plato divides the soul into the rational and the irrational; in such a way, however, that the rational be ascribed to the primeval nature, and the irrational to the transgression; that the division of the irrational into the irascible and the concupiscible, however, does not please him, since each of them belongs also to Christ and to the rational soul.

XVII. Etiam in hoc non probari Platonem et Academicos, quod sensualitatem quinque sensuum irationalem pronuntient: neque enim licere sensus istos in dubium revocare, ne et in Chriso de fide eorum deliberetur.

XVII. That Plato and the Academics are not approved in this either, that they pronounce the sensuality of the five senses irrational: for it is not lawful to call those senses into doubt, lest in Christ too their trustworthiness be deliberated upon.

Editors' notes and page, col. 683

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running head: 683 TERTULLIANI OPERUM PARS II. —S (cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A III. Utinam, nulla haeresi exsistente; B peram probare nititur.; C qui non aliud quam suggestus; D Aristotele agnosci etiam a Christianis
old-edition numerals: 643 after nititur.
other: running head cut off at right edge; "colo-/is" taken as damaged type for coloris; letters resembling c in ctiam, cst, deliberctur read as worn e; ira/tionalem printed across the line end without hyphen, joined; adjacent right-hand column (next column, cut off) not set
misprints kept as printed: pbilosophos (for philosophos); Chriso (for Christo); irationalem (for irrationalem)
running head: 683 TERTULLIANI OPERUM PARS II. —SERIES I, POLEMICA. 684
marginal letters: A ‹III. Utinam, nulla haeresi›; B ‹peram probare nititur.›; C ‹qui non aliud quam suggestus›; D ‹Aristotele agnosci etiam a Christianis›
old-edition numerals: 643 after ‹nititur.› (before VIII.)
other: The whole column is the editors' ARGUMENTUM (items III–XVII), not Tertullian's text. No full-width matter on page 346: the work's title (LIBER DE ANIMA) and Argumentum items I–II are not on this page and must stand in col 682; nothing set for them here. "colo⟨r⟩is": line begins "is", the r lost or omitted at the line start. "eorum deliberetur": first letter looks like c, read as damaged e.

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XVIII. Neque audiendos haereticos, qui non aliter quam suas Plato ideas, intellectualia faciunt veritates, sensualia vero imagines veritatis dumtaxat, sed perinde animam per corpus corporalia sentire, quemadmodum per animum incorporalia intelligit; sic tamem ut etiam sentiat, cum intelligit.

XVIII. That the heretics are not to be listened to either, who, no differently from Plato with his ideas, make intellectual things the truths, but sensible things only images of the truth; but that the soul perceives corporeal things through the body just as it understands incorporeal things through the mind; yet in such a way that it also perceives when it understands.

XIX. Atque adeo intellectum semper animae inesse, uti etiam reliqua animae naturalia.

XIX. And so that intellect is always present in the soul, as are also the other natural properties of the soul.

XX. Et si autem uniformis anima, foetu tamen ingeniorum multiformem, pro conditione coeli et soli, pro ratione operis et curae, pro temporum eventu, pro licentia casuum, et corporis etiam valetudine, ut ne de fati necessitate quid dicatur, de qua suo titulo disseruerit.

XX. And although the soul is uniform, yet it is multiform in its offspring of dispositions, according to the condition of sky and soil, according to the nature of work and care, according to the outcome of the times, according to the licence of chance events, and also the health of the body, not to say anything of the necessity of fate, on which he will have discoursed under its own heading.

XXI. Proinde etiam animam, contraquam sentiunt Valentiniani, convertibilem fuisse liberi arbitrii potestate, juxta quod Marcioni jam et Hermogeni ostenderit.

XXI. Accordingly, too, that the soul, contrary to what the Valentinians hold, was capable of change by the power of free will, as he had already shown to Marcion and Hermogenes.

XXII. Quocirca animam definiri: Dei flatu natam, immortalem, corporalem (en iterum paradoxon Auctoris), effigiatam, substantia simplicem, de suo patientem, varie procedentem, liberam arbitrii, accidentiis obnoxiam, per ingenia mutabilem, rationalem, dominatricem, divinatricem.

XXII. Wherefore the soul is defined: born of the breath of God, immortal, corporeal (behold again the Author's paradox), having shape, simple in substance, passible of its own nature, proceeding in various ways, free in will, subject to accidents, changeable through its dispositions, rational, ruling, divining.

XXIII. Dum deinceps quaeritur unde anima, haereticos quosdam non recte eam e coelis deferre, atque eodem indubitate redituram asserere, quorum omnium condimentarium Plato.

XXIII. While it is next asked whence the soul is, that certain heretics wrongly bring it down from the heavens and assert that it will return there without doubt, the seasoner of all of whom is Plato.

XXIV. Novum itaque Platonis argumentum elidit: discentias reminiscentias esse, hoc est, venientes e coelo animas oblivisci eorum in quibus fuerint prius, dehinc ex his visibilibus recordari eorumdem.

XXIV. And so he crushes a new argument of Plato's: that learnings are rememberings, that is, that souls coming from heaven forget the things among which they were before, and thereafter, from these visible things, remember them.

XXV. Agit deinde adversus Stoicos, et ipsum interdum Platonem, qui post partum corpori animam inducunt, ex aeris frigidi pulsu, aut prima spiratione.

XXV. He then proceeds against the Stoics, and at times against Plato himself, who bring the soul into the body after birth, from the stroke of cold air, or from the first breathing.

XXVI. Eorum sententiam, etiam ex Sripturarum christianarum fundamento, impugnans.

XXVI. Attacking their opinion also from the foundation of the Christian Scriptures.

XXVII. Definiens simul ambas animae corporisque substantias, et concipi, et confici, et perfici.

XXVII. Defining that both substances, of soul and of body, are together conceived, and formed, and completed.

XXVIII. Porro etiam Platonis secundum Pythagoram temerarium mendacium μετεμψύχωσιν impugnat, id est, recidivatum animarum, revolubilem ex alterna mortuorum et vivorum suffectione.

XXVIII. Further, he also attacks Plato's rash lie, following Pythagoras, the metempsychosis, that is, the relapse of souls, revolving through the alternate substitution of the dead and the living.

XXIX. Etsi enim ex vivis fiant mortui, non tamen ideo ex mortuis vivos.

XXIX. For even if the dead come from the living, yet not on that account the living from the dead.

XXX. Dein, si ex mortuis semper vivi, unum omnino et eumdem oportere fuisse hominum numerum; cum e contrario inveniamus paulatim humanum genus exuberasse.

XXX. Then, if the living always come from the dead, the number of men must have been altogether one and the same; whereas on the contrary we find that the human race has gradually overflowed.

XXXI. Etiamsi ait sit, singulas animas in singula corpora reverti oportere; eadem aetate, eisdem institutis, ingeniis, artibus, et ex omni gente, sexu, dignitate; quod tamen ipse Pythagoras non admisit

XXXI. Even if it be so, that single souls must return into single bodies; with the same age, the same habits, dispositions, arts, and from every nation, sex, rank; which, however, Pythagoras himself did not admit

XXXII. Delirare vero magis Empedoclem, qui μετενσωμάτωσιν induxerit, bestias ex hominibus, et homines ex bestiis revolveneem.

XXXII. But that Empedocles raves more, who introduced the metensomatosis, revolving beasts out of men, and men out of beasts.

Editors' notes and page, col. 684

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running head: [cut off at left] UM PARS II. —SERIES I, POLEMICA. 684
marginal letters: A XVIII. Neque audiendos; B tiunt Valentiniani; C nientes e coelo animas; D XXIX. Etsi enim
old-edition numerals: 644 after ostenderit.
running head: 683 TERTULLIANI OPERUM PARS II. —SERIES I, POLEMICA. 684
marginal letters: A ‹XVIII. Neque audiendos haereticos›; B ‹tiunt Valentiniani, convertibilem›; C ‹nientes e coelo animas›; D ‹XXIX. Etsi enim ex vivis›
old-edition numerals: 644 after ‹ostenderit.› (before XXII.)
other: The whole column is the editors' ARGUMENTUM (items XVIII–XXXII), not Tertullian's text; the Argumentum continues in col 685. No full-width band on page 346; the title and items I–II stand in col 682. XXXI ends without a full stop as printed. The Greek μετεμψύχωσιν is printed in small, blurred type: read with care.
misprints kept as printed: tamem (for tamen, XVIII); Sripturarum (for Scripturarum, XXVI); ait (for ita, XXXI); revolveneem (for revolventem, XXXII)

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XXXIII. Neque vero etiam judicii nomine vindicari hoc dogma; evacuari enim, si crimina non aliter puniantur, aut merces non alia bonis detur, quam in animalia restitutio.

XXXIII. Nor indeed can this doctrine be vindicated even in the name of judgement; for [judgement] would be made void if crimes were not punished otherwise, nor any other reward given to the good, than restoration into animals.

XXXIV. Eadem repercussione caedi, etiam Simonis Samaritae haeretici similem opinionem de sua Helena, quam per alios atque alios habitus femineos volutatam, etiam illam fuisse aiebat Priamo perniciosissimam.

XXXIV. By the same rebuttal is struck down also the similar opinion of Simon the Samaritan heretic concerning his Helena, who, he said, having been rolled through one female form after another, had also been that woman most ruinous to Priam.

XXXV. Imo etiam Carpocratis animarum recorporationem, qua toties volebat animam in corpora revocari, quoties minus de delictis satisfecisset; qui etiam Eliae reditum frustra pro se interpretatus sit.

XXXV. Indeed also the re-embodiment of souls taught by Carpocrates, by which he would have the soul called back into bodies as many times as it had made too little satisfaction for its offences; who also interpreted the return of Elijah in his own favour, in vain.

XXXVI. Reversus inde ad prius institutum, etiam sexum animae et corporis simul oriri tradit.

XXXVI. Returning thence to his earlier purpose, he teaches also that the sex of the soul and of the body arises at the same time.

XXXVII. Omnem autem hominis paraturam aliqua potestate divinae voluntatis ministra (ab angelo nempe aliquo) modulari; simul etiam crescere et proficere, animam ingenio et sensu, corpus modulo et habitu.

XXXVII. That the whole fashioning of man is shaped by some power that serves the divine will (namely by some angel); that they also grow and advance together, the soul in intellect and sense, the body in size and bearing.

XXXVIII. Pubertatem quoque, uti in corpore, ita et anima, simul exsurgere suggestu sensuum; et etiam ciborum concupiscentiam esse in anima, sed necessitate corporis, non sui proprietate, ne quis hinc mortalem credat.

XXXVIII. That puberty too, as in the body, so also in the soul, rises up at the same time at the prompting of the senses; and also that the desire for food is in the soul, but by the necessity of the body, not by a property of its own, lest anyone should hence believe it mortal.

XXXIX. Item nullam ferme animam sine daemonio esse, saltem in ethnicis, donec in Christo nascantur.

XXXIX. Likewise that hardly any soul is without a demon, at least among the heathen, until they are born in Christ.

XL. Tandiu enim animam ex carnis societate in Adam immundam censeri; et peccatricem tam animam, quam carnem dici.

XL. For so long is the soul reckoned unclean from its fellowship with the flesh in Adam; and the soul is called sinful as much as the flesh.

XLI. Atque adeo, malum animae non solum ex obventu spiritus nequam superstrui, sed et ex origine; quo obfuscatur bonum ejus prius, donec reformetur per secundam ejus nativitatem ex aqua et superna Spiritus sancti virtute: a quo ibi excipitur, sicuti a profano spiritu in pristina.

XLI. And so the evil of the soul is built up not only by the coming of a wicked spirit, but also from its origin; by which its prior good is darkened, until it is reformed through its second birth from water and the heavenly power of the Holy Spirit: by Whom it is received there, just as it was by the profane spirit in the former [birth].

XLII. Atquin mortis quoque tractatum ad nos pertinere (secus quam Epicurus sentit) in qua anima consummat.

XLII. Yet the treatment of death also belongs to us (otherwise than Epicurus thinks), in which the soul reaches its completion.

XLIII. Proinde etiam somnum mortis speculum; quem non supernaturalem, sed naturalem esse, tum aliis rationibus, tum Scripturis sacris probat.

XLIII. Accordingly sleep too is the mirror of death; which he proves to be not supernatural but natural, both by other reasons and by the sacred Scriptures.

XLIV. Nam quod de Hermotimo scribunt, anima illum in somno caruisse, id subornatum; uti somnus, non otium animae, sed secessio crederetur.

XLIV. For what they write of Hermotimus, that he was deprived of his soul in sleep, was contrived, so that sleep might be believed to be not the rest of the soul but its withdrawal.

XLV. De somniis quoque, et accidentibus somni, quatenus ab exstasi differunt, dicendum; quibus significatur anima perpetuo negotiosa, quod immortalitatis est ratio; in quibus interim non magis ob stupri visionem damnabimur, quam ob martyrii coronabimur.

XLV. Of dreams also, and of the incidents of sleep, insofar as they differ from ecstasy, he must speak; by which the soul is shown to be perpetually busy, which is the ground of its immortality; in which meanwhile we shall no more be condemned for a vision of debauchery than we shall be crowned for one of martyrdom.

XLVI. Neque enim vana esse in totum somnia (uti judicabat Epicurus) multis exemplis probari; et varios esse commentatores, ac in hanc rem affirmatores.

XLVI. For that dreams are not wholly vain (as Epicurus judged) is proved by many examples; and that there are various interpreters of them, and witnesses affirming this matter.

XLVII. Christianam vero eam esse sententiam:

XLVII. But that this is the Christian view:

Editors' notes and page, col. 685

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running head: 685 LIBER DE ANIMA (cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A ‹XXXIII. Neque vero etiam judicii›; B ‹sexum animae et corporis simul›; C ‹Adam immundam censeri; et peccatricem›; D ‹illum in somno caruisse, id subornatum›
old-edition numerals: 645 after ‹necessitate›
other: column ends mid-sentence after "sententiam:"; "nomine" in XXXIII has a blurred first letter; parts of XXXVII and the numeral XLIV are in italics; these are summary headings (capitula) of De anima; no editors' prose or full-width lines seen

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a daemoniis plurimum incuti somnia, etiam vera interdum; Deo interim deputanda, si quae honesta, sancta, prophetica, revelatoria, aedificatoria, vacatoria; quaedam etiam sibimetipsi animam fingere, ex intentione circumstantiarum; reliqua denique exstasi separanda.

that dreams are for the most part inflicted by demons, even true ones at times; that they are, however, to be ascribed to God if any are honourable, holy, prophetic, revelatory, edifying, summoning; that the soul even fashions some for itself, out of its attention to circumstances; and that the rest, finally, are to be set apart for ecstasy.

XLVIII. Atque adeo ex ingenio magis quam constantia, somnia a Platone aestimari, tanquam certiora ab extimo noctis, certis anni temporibus, quietis situ, aut ciborum distinctione, aut derogatione.

XLVIII. And indeed, that dreams are assessed by Plato more from ingenuity than from consistency, as though they were more certain from the furthest part of the night, at certain seasons of the year, from the posture of rest, or from a selection of foods, or from abstaining from them.

XLIX. Et vero etiam infantes ac Atlantes somniare; cum et somnia a Deo sint, nullaque jam gens Dei sit extranea, in omnes terminos orbis Evangelio coruscante.

XLIX. And indeed, that even infants and the Atlantes dream; since dreams too are from God, and no nation is now a stranger to God, with the Gospel flashing forth to all the bounds of the world.

L. Nunc ad mortem quod attinet, debitum esse toto humano generi naturae finem, quamtumvis Epicurus id neget, et Menander haereticus ab suo baptismo initiatos pertinere neget, apud quem nec pro Deo mori lex est; nam etiam Enoch et Eliam morituros, et Joannem jam obiisse.

L. Now as regards death, that it is the end of nature owed by the whole human race, however much Epicurus denies it, and the heretic Menander denies that it applies to those initiated by his baptism, with whom there is no law even to die for God; for even Enoch and Elijah will die, and John has already died.

LI. Opus autem mortis esse separationem corporis et animae, quantumvis quidam philosophi crediderint, post mortem quasdam animas haerere corporibus.

LI. That the work of death, moreover, is the separation of body and soul, however much certain philosophers have believed that after death some souls cling to their bodies.

LII. Atque omnem mortem, sive ordinariam, sive extraordinariam, non ex natura esse, sed ex culpa, nec ipsa naturali.

LII. And that every death, whether ordinary or extraordinary, comes not from nature but from fault, and that fault itself not natural.

LIII. Excedere porro animam, non deficere, dilabentibus paulatim corporis instrumentis, jam clariorem obtutu, ac si de somno emergentem instante morte; utpote, quae tum exsultat aut trepidat, prout paraturam deversorii sui sentit, de ipsius angeli facie evocatoris animarum.

LIII. Further, that the soul departs, and does not fail, as the instruments of the body gradually fall apart, being now clearer in its gaze, as if emerging from sleep when death is at hand; inasmuch as it then exults or trembles, according as it perceives the preparation of its lodging from the very face of the angel who summons souls forth.

LIV. Quo autem deducantur animae, varias esse philosophorum sententias; inter quos Stoici prudentum animas in supernis mansionibus collocant, reliquas apud inferos; quos inferos Christiani non in gremio terrae, ut Plato, sed in intimis visceribus collocant.

LIV. That, as to where souls are led away, the opinions of the philosophers are various; among whom the Stoics place the souls of the wise in the mansions above, the rest in the underworld; which underworld Christians place not in the lap of the earth, as Plato does, but in its inmost bowels.

LV. Suam vero eam esse sententiam (quae interim ab Ecclesia non probatur) quod in sinum Abrahae seu paradisum (de quo librum ediderit) martyrum solae animae commigrent, reliquae vero ad inferos.

LV. That his own opinion, however (which meanwhile is not approved by the Church), is that the souls of the martyrs alone remove into the bosom of Abraham or paradise (on which he had published a book), but the rest into the underworld.

LVI. Atqui vanas eas esse opiniones, quibus putabant, tantisper in terris animas detineri, donec justa perceperint; aut immatura morte praeventas, isthic vagari, donec reliquatio compleatur aetatis.

LVI. But that those opinions are vain by which they supposed that souls are detained on earth until they have received their due rites; or that those cut off by untimely death wander here until the remainder of their age is completed.

LVII. Neque vero ab inferis animas ex imperio daemonum per magicam (cujus species aliquot recenset) aut ex arbitrio huc redire.

LVII. Nor indeed that souls return hither from the underworld at the command of demons through magic (of which he reviews several kinds), or of their own choice.

LVIII. Atqui illic, interim dum corpus exspectant, animas innocentium gaudere, et nocentum dolere ac puniri; vel ob cogitatus solos, quos censura divina persequitur; maxime, cum etiam modica delicta ad novissimum usque quadrantem illic luenda ex Evangelio intelligatur.

LVIII. But that there, in the meantime while they await the body, the souls of the innocent rejoice, and those of the guilty grieve and are punished; even for thoughts alone, which the divine censure pursues; especially since it is understood from the Gospel that even slight offences are to be paid for there down to the last farthing.

Editors' notes and page, col. 686

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running head: IBER DE ANIMA. (left edge cut; LIBER DE ANIMA.)
marginal letters: A a daemoniis plurimum incuti somnia; B L. Nunc ad mortem quod attinet; C clariorem obtutu, ac si de somno; D LVI. Atqui vanas eas esse
old-edition numerals: 646 after initiatos
other: column begins mid-sentence with "a daemoniis"; "circumstantiarum", "compleatur", "dolere", "maxime" set with e/c where the scan's type looks like o/c (worn type, not taken as misprints); "deputanda" looks like "depntanda" in the scan, taken as worn u; stray mark after "ut Plato" not set; "intelligatur" left as printed (sense wants plural); text is a summary of De Anima, set as printed

PL 2:687

CAPUT PRIMUM.

Chapter I.

De solo censu animae congressus Hermogeni, quatenus et istum ex materiae potius suggestu, quam ex Dei flatu constitisse praesumpsit, nunc ad reliquas conversus quaestiones, plurimum videbor cum philosophis dimicaturus. Etiam in carcere Socratis de animae statu velitatum est. Nescio jam hoc primum, an opportuno in tempore, magistri, etsi nihil de loco interest. Quid enim liquido saperet anima tunc Socratis, jam sacro navigio regresso, jam cicutis damnationis exhaustis, jam morte praesente, utique consternata ad aliquem motum secundum naturam, aut externata, si non secundum naturam. Quamvis enim placida atque tranquilla, quam nec conjugis fletus statim viduae, nec liberorum conspectus exinde pupillorum, lege pietatis influxerat, vel in hoc tamen mota, ne moveretur, ipsa constantia concussa est adversus inconstantiae concussionem. Quid autem aliud saperet vir quilibet injuria damnatus, praeter injuriae solamen, nedum philosophus, gloriae animal, cui nec consolanda injuria, sed potius insultanda? Denique, post sententiam, obviae conjugi et muliebriter inclamanti: Injuste damnatus es, Socrates; jam et de gratulatione responderat: Volebas autem juste?

Having engaged with Hermogenes on the origin of the soul alone, inasmuch as he presumed that it too consisted of a supply of matter rather than of the breath of God, I now turn to the remaining questions and shall seem to be about to do battle for the most part with the philosophers. Even in the prison of Socrates there was skirmishing about the state of the soul. I do not know, first of all, whether it was at a fitting time, O masters, although nothing turns on the place. For what could the soul of Socrates then clearly perceive, when the sacred ship had already returned, when the hemlocks of condemnation had already been drained, when death was already present, being surely dismayed into some movement according to nature, or driven out of itself, if not according to nature? For however placid and tranquil it was, it which neither the weeping of a wife at once widowed nor the sight of children henceforth orphaned had touched by the law of natural affection, yet, moved even in this, that it should not be moved, its very constancy was shaken against the shaking of inconstancy. And what else would any man condemned by injustice perceive, besides the solace for the injustice, let alone a philosopher, an animal of glory, for whom injustice is not to be consoled but rather to be scorned? Finally, after the sentence, to his wife who met him and cried out in womanish fashion, "You have been condemned unjustly, Socrates," he had already answered even by way of congratulation: "Did you then want it to be justly?"

Editors' notes and page, col. 687

Footnotes

(var. 1) ‹anchor: In tempore, Magistri› · call in col 687–688 (call not visible on the foot image) In tempore, Magistri disting. Rig.

"In tempore, Magistri": Rigaltius punctuates so.

(var. 2) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 687–688 (call not visible on the foot image) Indiscatas Par. et lemniscatas Lat. miniclatas, vel, numiculatas Jun.

"Indiscatas" the Paris edition and "lemniscatas" Latinius; "miniclatas", or "numiculatas", Junius.

(var. 3) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 687–688 (call not visible on the foot image) Vindicans Par. immortalem vindicans animam alii Lat. reposuit vindicat.

"Vindicans" the Paris edition; "immortalem vindicans animam" others; Latinius restored "vindicat".

(var. 4) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 687–688 (call not visible on the foot image) Antiqui hominis additur Par. bonam homini antiqui erroris, etc. Jun.

"Antiqui hominis" is added in the Paris edition; "bonam homini antiqui erroris", etc., Junius.

(printed under page 348)

(1) ‹anchor: not visible (title of the book)› · call in col 687–688 (call not visible on the foot image)

Hic liber in exemplari Agobardi passim inscribitur, De censu Animæ; sed falso. Nam, ut ex istius operis principio patet, is fuit titulus alterius libri quem adversus Hermogenem Septimius noster composuerat, ut ostenderet quid censeri anima deberet. Etenim constare ex Dei flatu, non, ut Hermogenes dicebat, ex materiæ suggestu, hoc tantum eo libello, qui hodie desideratur, adversus hæreticum disputaverat. Nunc de animæ statu, ac de quæstionibus reliquis ad eam pertinentibus, agit adversus philosophos. Itaque receptissimum jam vulgatis editionibus titulum generalem De Anima retinuimus. Rig.

In the Agobard copy this book is inscribed throughout "On the Origin of the Soul" (De censu animae), but wrongly. For, as is plain from the opening of this work, that was the title of another book which our Septimius had composed against Hermogenes, to show what the soul must be held to derive from. That it consists of the breath of God, and not, as Hermogenes said, of what matter supplied: this alone he had argued against the heretic in that little book, which is now lost. Here he treats of the soul's condition, and of the remaining questions belonging to it, against the philosophers. We have therefore kept the general title "On the Soul", now thoroughly established in the printed editions. Rigaltius.

(printed under page 348)

(2) ‹anchor: in tempore, magistri› · call in col 687–688 (call not visible on the foot image)

Nescio jam hoc primum an opportuno in tempore, magistri. Alloquitur magistros, hoc est philosophos: Nescio, inquit, jam hoc primum, magistri, an opportuno in tempore de animæ statu velitatum sit in carcere Socratis; etsi nihil de loco interest, etc. Hæc igitur scribenda ac distinguenda sunt hoc modo : « Etiam in carcere Socratis de animæ statu velitatum est. Nescio jam hoc primum an opportuno in tempore, magistri, etsi nihil de loco interest. » Rig.

"I do not know, first of all, whether at a fitting time, masters." He addresses the masters, that is, the philosophers: "I do not know," he says, "first of all, masters, whether it was at a fitting time that the skirmish over the soul's condition was fought in Socrates' prison; although the place makes no difference," etc. These words, then, are to be written and punctuated in this way: "In Socrates' prison too there was skirmishing over the soul's condition. I do not know, first of all, whether at a fitting time, masters, although the place makes no difference." Rigaltius.

(printed under page 348)

(3) ‹anchor: Anima tunc Socratis› · call in col 687–688 (call not visible on the foot image)

Anima tunc Socratis. Platonis Phædonem subindicat; in quo recensetur disputatio, quam moriturus, hausta cicuta, habuit Socrates de animæ rationalis immortalitate. Le Pr.

"The soul of Socrates then." He hints at Plato's Phaedo, which recounts the discussion that Socrates held on the immortality of the rational soul when he was about to die, the hemlock drunk. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 348)

(4) ‹anchor: cicutis damnationis exhaustis› · call in col 687–688 (call not visible on the foot image)

Jam cicutis damnationis exhaustis. Non simpliciter cicutas dicit, quæ non intritæ Socrati nisi sub solis occasum fuere, sed cicutas damnationis, quas illi sub solis ortum nuntiaverant Undecimviri. Admissis enim subinde amicis, nobilis ille de anima sermo haberi cœperat. Jam cicutis damnationis exhaustis, hoc est, jam audita damnationis suæ sententia, quasi ab eo temporis momento mortem Socrates bibere cœpisset, cum ab eo quoque judices vitam custodiis ademisse censeantur ex quo mortis sententiam dixere. Rig.

"The hemlock of condemnation now drained." He does not say simply "the hemlock", which was not crushed for Socrates until about sunset, but "the hemlock of condemnation", which the Eleven had announced to him about sunrise. For when his friends had been let in soon after, that famous discourse on the soul had begun. "The hemlock of condemnation now drained", that is, the sentence of his condemnation now heard, as if from that moment of time Socrates had begun to drink death; since judges too are held to have taken life from those in custody from the moment they pronounced the sentence of death. Rigaltius.

(printed under page 348)

(5) ‹anchor: tunc sapientia Socratis› · call in col 687–688 (call not visible on the foot image)

Adeo omnis illa tunc sapientia Socratis. Puto hic reddi sensum verborum Platonis, in Phædone : Εἰ μὲν τυγχάνει ἀληθῆ ὄντα ἃ ἐγὼ λέγω, καλῶς δὴ ἔχει τὸ πεισθῆναι· εἰ δὲ μηδέν ἐστι τελευτήσαντι, ἀλλ' οὖν τοῦτόν γε τὸν χρόνον τὸν πρὸ τοῦ θανάτου ἧττον τοῖς παροῦσι τε ἠδὴς [sic, for ἀηδής; accent uncertain] ἔσομαι ὀδυρόμενος· ἡ δὲ ἄγνοιά μοι αὕτη οὐ συνετελεῖ, κακὸν γὰρ ἂν ἦν, ἀλλ' ὀλίγον ὕστερον ἀπολεῖται. « Si vera sunt quæ dico, bene est quod crediderim. Si vero post mortem nihil superest, tamen tempus illud quod est ante mortem, minus mihi moles tui [reading uncertain] erit; ignorantia autem illa mihi diuturna non est (malum quippe esset quoddam), verum paulo post interibit. » Le Pr.

"So far did all that wisdom of Socrates then go." I think the sense of Plato's words in the Phaedo is rendered here: "If what I say happens to be true, it is well to have been persuaded of it; but if there is nothing for the one who has died, still for this time before death at least I shall be less disagreeable to those present by lamenting; and this ignorance of mine will not last on, for that would be an evil, but in a little while it will perish." [Latin:] "If what I say is true, it is well that I have believed it. But if nothing remains after death, still the time before death will be less burdensome [the printed wording here is unclear]; and that ignorance of mine is not lasting (for it would be a kind of evil), but will perish a little later." Le Prieur.

(printed under page 348)

(6) ‹anchor: vim istam perniciosissimam› · call in col 687–688 (call not visible on the foot image)

Quæ vim istam perniciosissimam. Dæmonas soli Christiani traducunt, abigunt, migrare cogunt, excutiunt de hominibus, adjurando scilicet unde verbum exorcizare, etiam juris civilis auctoribus ethnicis notum. Hocce autem officio Christiani fungebantur, non per fraudes aut imposturas, sed nominis Christi potestate, qua præditus erat quilibet Christianus, ut Septimius in Apolog. testatur. « Jussus, inquit, a quolibet Christiano loqui spiritus ille, tam se dæmonem confitebitur de vero, quam alibi Deum de falso. » Itaque tralatitium et vulgare fuisse apud Christianos exorcistarum munus etiam Sulpitii Severi sæculo, ex eo discimus, quod de Martino refert, quem Hilarius Pictonum episcopus, tentandi hominis gratia, exorcistam agere jusserat : « Quam ille, inquit, ordinationem, ne despexisse tanquam humiliorem videretur, non repudiavit. » Rig.

"Which that most deadly power." Christians alone expose demons, drive them off, force them to depart, shake them out of men, namely by adjuring them; hence the verb "exorcise", known even to the pagan authorities of the civil law. Christians performed this office not by frauds or impostures but by the power of Christ's name, with which every Christian was endowed, as Septimius testifies in the Apology: "Ordered by any Christian to speak, that spirit will confess himself a demon, in truth, as surely as elsewhere he calls himself a god, falsely." That the exorcists' office was customary and common among Christians even in the age of Sulpicius Severus we learn from what he relates of Martin, whom Hilary, bishop of Poitiers, to test the man, had ordered to act as exorcist: "That ordination," he says, "he did not refuse, lest he seem to have despised it as too lowly." Rigaltius.

(printed under page 348)

(7) ‹anchor: Sola traducit› · call in col 687–688 (call not visible on the foot image)

Sola traducit. Eamdem vero potestatem concessam fuisse Judæis etiam ævo suo refert, Irenæus lib. II, cap. 6, credo, ob familiarem illis veri Dei notitiam : « Et propter hoc, inquit, Judæi usque nunc hac ipsa invocatione dæmonia effugant, » Rig.

"It alone exposes." Irenaeus, book II, chapter 6, reports that the same power was granted to the Jews even in his own age, because, I believe, of the knowledge of the true God familiar to them: "And for this reason," he says, "the Jews to this day put demons to flight by this very invocation." Rigaltius.

(printed under page 348)

Page

running head: 687 TERTULLIANI OPERUM PARS II. —
marginal letters: A ‹De solo censu animae congressus›; B ‹nec liberorum conspectus exinde pupillorum›; C ‹(1) Hic liber in exemplari Agobardi›; D ‹animae statu velitatum est. Nescio jam hoc primum›
old-edition numerals: 617 after ‹saperet›

PL 2:688

Nihil mirandum, si et in carcere lemniscatas Anyti et Meliti palmas gestiens infringere, ipsa morte coram, immortalitatem vindicat animae necessaria praesumptione ad injuriae frustrationem. Adeo omnis illa tunc sapientia Socratis de industria venerat consultae aequanimitatis, non de fiducia compertae veritatis. Cui enim veritas comperta sine Deo? cui Deus cognitus sine Christo? cui Christus exploratus sine Spiritu sancto? cui Spiritus sanctus accommodatus sine fidei sacramento? Sane Socrates facilius diverso spiritu agebatur. Siquidem aiunt daemonium illi a puero adhaesisse, pessimum revera paedagogum, etsi post deos et cum deis daemonia deputantur penes poetas et philosophos. Nondum enim Christianae potestatis documenta processerant, quae vim istam perniciosissimam, nec unquam bonam, antiqui erroris artificem, omnis veritatis avocatricem sola traducit. Quod si idcirco sapientissimus Socrates secundum Pythii quoque daemonis suffragium, scilicet negotium navantis socio suo, quanto dignior atque constantior christianae sapientiae assertio, cujus adflatui tota vis daemonum cedit? Haec sapientia de schola coeli deos quidem saeculi negare liberior, quae nullum Aesculapio gallinaceum reddi

It is no wonder if, even in prison, eager to break the beribboned palms of Anytus and Meletus, in the very presence of death he claims the immortality of the soul by a necessary presumption, for the frustration of the injury done to him. So all that wisdom of Socrates at that time had come from the deliberate effort of a studied equanimity, not from the confidence of ascertained truth. For to whom is truth ascertained without God? To whom is God known without Christ? To whom is Christ explored without the Holy Spirit? To whom is the Holy Spirit applied without the sacrament of faith? Surely Socrates was more readily driven by a different spirit. For they say that a daemon attached itself to him from boyhood, truly the worst of tutors, even though among the poets and philosophers daemons are reckoned after the gods and with the gods. For the proofs of Christian power had not yet come forth, which alone exposes that most pernicious force, never good, the contriver of ancient error, the one who calls away from all truth. But if Socrates [was] most wise for this reason, according to the vote also of the Pythian daemon, who, namely, was doing business for his partner, how much worthier and more constant is the assertion of Christian wisdom, at whose breath the whole force of daemons gives way! This wisdom from the school of heaven, freer indeed to deny the gods of the world, which, ordering that no cock be rendered to Aesculapius,

Editors' notes and page, col. 688

Page

running head: [...]UM PARS II. — SERIES I, POLEMICA. 688
marginal letters: A ‹Nihil mirandum, si et in carcere›; B ‹menta processerant, quae vim istam›; C ‹mortis sententiam dixere. Rig.›; D ‹minis Christi potestate, qua praeditus›
old-edition numerals: 648 after ‹idcirco›

PL 2:689

⟨juben⟩s praevaricetur, nec nova inferens daemonia, ⟨nec v⟩etera depellens; nec adolescentiam vitians, ⟨sed o⟩mni bono pudoris informans, ideoque non ⟨unius u⟩rbis, sed universi orbis iniquam sententiam ⟨sustin⟩ens pro nomine veritatis, tanto scilicet pero⟨sae⟩ quanto plenioris, ut et mortem non de poculo ⟨per ha⟩bitum jucunditatis absorbeat, sed de patibulo ⟨et vivi⟩comburio per omne ingenium crudelitatis ⟨exhaur⟩iat, interea in isto tenebrosiore carcere sae⟨culi in⟩ter suos Cebetas et suos Phaedonas, si quid ⟨de ani⟩ma examinandum est, ad Dei regulas dirigat. ⟨Certe n⟩ullum alium potiorem animae demonstrato⟨rem q⟩uam auctorem reperiet; a Deo discat, quod ⟨a Deo⟩ habeat; aut nec ab alio, si nec a Deo. ⟨Quis⟩ enim revelabit quod Deus texit? Inde scisci⟨tandu⟩m est, unde et ignorare tutissimum est: ⟨praest⟩at per Deum nescire, quia non revelaverit, ⟨quam⟩ per hominem scire, quia ipse praesum⟨pserit⟩.

is guilty of no betrayal, neither bringing in new demons nor driving out the old; nor corrupting youth, but shaping it with every good of modesty, and therefore bearing the unjust sentence not of one city but of the whole world for the name of truth, a truth hated all the more as it is the fuller, so that he drinks down death not from a cup by way of good cheer, but drains it from the gibbet and the burning alive through every device of cruelty; meanwhile in this darker prison of the world, among his own Cebeses and his own Phaedos, if anything about the soul is to be examined, let him direct it to the rules of God. Certainly he will find no better demonstrator of the soul than its author; let him learn from God what he has from God; or else from no other, if not from God. For who will reveal what God has hidden? Inquiry must be made there, whence even to be ignorant is safest: it is better not to know through God, because He has not revealed it, than to know through man, because man has presumed it.

CAPUT II.

CHAPTER II.

⟨Plan⟩e non negabimus aliquando philosophos juxta ⟨nostra⟩ sensisse; testimonium est veritatis etiam ⟨event⟩us ipsius. Nonnunquam et in procella con⟨fusis⟩ vestigiis coeli et freti aliqui portus offenditur, ⟨prospe⟩ro errore: nonnunquam et in tenebris adi⟨tus qu⟩idam et exitus deprehenduntur, caeca feli⟨citate⟩; sed et natura pleraque suggeruntur, quasi ⟨pu⟩blico sensu, quo animam Deus dotare dignatus ⟨est. Ha⟩nc nacta philosophia ad gloriam pro⟨priae a⟩rtis inflavit, prae [studio non mirum si istum ⟨dix⟩erim] eloquii quidvis struere eruditi, ma⟨gis⟩ dicendo persuadentis, quam docendo. For⟨mas re⟩bus imponit, eas nunc peraequat nunc privat,

Plainly we shall not deny that philosophers have sometimes thought in accordance with our views; even the outcome itself is a testimony to the truth. Sometimes even in a storm, when the tracks of sky and sea are confounded, some harbour is struck by a lucky error; sometimes even in darkness certain ways in and out are found by blind good fortune; but by nature too a great deal is suggested, as by a common sense with which God has deigned to endow the soul. This philosophy took up and inflated to the glory of its own art, through [the zeal — no wonder if I should call it that —] of an eloquence trained to build anything whatever, persuading by speaking rather than by teaching. It imposes forms on things, now makes them equal, now sets them apart,

Editors' notes and page, col. 689

Footnotes

(var. 5) ‹anchor: discat› · call in col 689 [...]ctorem a Deo discat Seml.

"[...]ctorem [probably Doctorem] a Deo discat": Semler.

(var. 6) ‹anchor: habeat› · call in col 689 Quod a Deo habent Seml. Oberth. quod a Deo discat Venet. cod Wouw.

"Quod a Deo habent": Semler, Oberthür; "quod a Deo discat": the Venice edition and Wouwer's manuscript.

(var. 7) ‹anchor: [...]us ipsius› · call in col 689 [...]tus Ven. Rig.

"[...]tus" [word cropped]: the Venice edition and Rigaltius.

(var. 8) ‹anchor: proprietatibus› · call in col 690 Quasi comparanda, omnia præscribit, propria ætatibus Fran.

"Quasi comparanda, omnia praescribit, propria aetatibus": Franeker edition.

(var. 9) ‹anchor: Hermotimum› · call in col 690 Hermippum Par.

"Hermippum": the Paris edition.

(printed under page 349)

(8) ‹anchor: praevaricetur› · call in col 689

Nullum Æsculapio gallinaceum reddi jubens [...]ricetur. Socrates deos qui vulgo colebantur [...]se docuerat et tamen moriens gallinaceum [...]ere Æsculapio dixit. Quare prævaricatum esse [...]ptimius, qui de doctrinæ suæ tenore excide[...]t.

"Ordering that no cock be paid to Aesculapius ... [lest he] play the traitor [lemma partly cropped]." Socrates had taught [... words cropped: probably that] the gods commonly worshipped [were false], and yet when dying he said a cock was [owed] to Aesculapius. Therefore [Se]ptimius says he betrayed his own cause, since he fell away from the tenor of his teaching.

(printed under page 349)

(9) ‹anchor: Nunc privat› · call in col 690 (after "vat", the end of "privat" carried over from col 689)

Nunc privat. Privat et proprias assignat [...]

"Now he makes private." He makes private and assigns [them] as proper [rest of note cropped].

(printed under page 349)

(10) ‹anchor: Omnia præscribit› · call in col 690

Omnia præscribit. Præscriptis definitionibus comprehendit. Rig.

"He prescribes everything." He comprehends [it all] in prescribed definitions. Rigaltius.

(printed under page 349)

(11) ‹anchor: aures suas tradidit› · call in col 690

Cui a pastoribus perducto ingentes aures suas tradidit. Cujus per aures mentem ceperat [...]s philosophus. Notum illud Zenonis ad Cra[...]: Auribus teneri possum, non pallio. Λαβὴ [...]μου ἐπιδέξιος ἡ διὰ τῶν ὤτων. Aures tradi[...] [...]odem sensu dictum quo supra : « Adamum [...]m aures debentem Evæ. Rig.

"To whom, led up by the shepherds, he surrendered his huge ears." The philosopher had captured his mind through his ears. Well known is Zeno's saying to Cra[tes]: "I can be held by the ears, not by the cloak." "[My] handy grip is by the ears." "He surrendered his ears" is said in the same sense as above: "Adam, owing his ears to Eve." Rigaltius.

(printed under page 349)

(12) ‹anchor: cui Clazomenii, etc.› · call in col 690

Ut Hermotimum, cui Clazomenii, etc. Pli[...] lib. VII, cap. 52, Hermotimum Clazomenium [...]at, verum Plutarchus Hermodorum sustinuit [...] Socratis dæmonio, ubi falsum esse ait Her[...]i Clazomenii animam, relicto corpore, dies [...]que per loca plurima vagari solitam, iterum [...]s repetisse. Urbs illa Clazomenæ quæ erat [...], dicta fuit olim Gryna, eratque ibi templum [...]nis oraculo longe celeberrimum; unde Apollo [...]næus. Le Pr.

"Like Hermotimus, to whom the Clazomenians," etc. Pli[ny], book VII, chapter 52, [calls him] Hermotimus of Clazomenae, but Plutarch held to "Hermodorus" [in the treatise on] the daimonion of Socrates, where he says it is false that the soul of Her[modor]us of Clazomenae, leaving the body, used to wander days [and nights] through very many places and then return to [the body]. That city, Clazomenae, which was [... cropped], was once called Gryna, and there was a temple there [of Apol]lo, by far the most famous for its oracle; hence Apollo [Gry]naeus. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 349)

(13) ‹anchor: Ut Orpheum› · call in col 690

Ut Orpheum. Illustris est Orpheus, qui a Græcis Œagri et Calliopes filius censetur : Ὀρφεῦ Καλλιόπης τε καὶ Οἰαγροῦ φίλε κοῦρε Atque idem ait Apollonius Rhod. lib. I, Argonaut. : ..... Τόν ῥά ποτ' αὐτὴ Καλλιόπη Θρήϊκι φατίζεται εὐνηθεῖσα Οἰάγρῳ An idem sit ille cujus opuscula habemus, vehementer dubito. Le Pr.

"Like Orpheus." Famous is Orpheus, who is held by the Greeks to be the son of Oeagrus and Calliope: "Orpheus, dear son of Calliope and Oeagrus." And Apollonius of Rhodes says the same, Argonautica book I: "... whom once Calliope herself, it is said, bore after lying with Thracian Oeagrus." Whether he is the same man whose little works we possess, I strongly doubt. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 349)

(14) ‹anchor: Ut Musæum› · call in col 690

Ut Musæum. De Musæo illo late Meursius lib. II Lect. antiq., plurimosque hoc in loco recenset. Eumolpi filius fuit, et Orphei discipulus. Claruit Athenis et σύγχρονον habuit Linum apud Thebanos. Le Pr.

"Like Musaeus." On that Musaeus Meursius writes at length in book II of the Lectiones antiquae, and in this place lists a great many. He was the son of Eumolpus and the disciple of Orpheus. He flourished at Athens and had Linus among the Thebans as his contemporary. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 349)

(15) ‹anchor: Pherecydem, Pythagoræ magistrum› · call in col 690

Pherecydem, Pythagoræ magistrum. Mirum grati animi testimonium Pythagoræ erga Pherecydem narrat Jamblichus, lib. de vita Pythagoræ. Cum enim phthiriasi seu morbo pediculari laboraret, ex Italia in insulam Delum solvit Pythagoras ut eum curaret, atque apud eum mansit donec mortuo parentasset. Le Pr.

"Pherecydes, Pythagoras' teacher." Iamblichus, in his book On the Life of Pythagoras, tells a remarkable proof of Pythagoras' gratitude towards Pherecydes. When Pherecydes was suffering from phthiriasis, the lousy disease, Pythagoras sailed from Italy to the island of Delos to nurse him, and stayed with him until, once he was dead, he had performed his funeral rites. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 349)

(16) ‹anchor: Apostatarum spirituum› · call in col 690

Apostatarum spirituum. Angelos innuit qui de cœlo ad filias hominum ruerunt, ut ipse ait lib. XI de Cultu fem. Iren. lib. I, cap. 2, dixit, spiritalia nequitiæ, et angelos trangressos atque apostatas factos. Rig.

"Of the apostate spirits." He means the angels who rushed down from heaven to the daughters of men, as he himself says in book XI [as printed] of On the Dress of Women. Irenaeus, book I, chapter 2, called them "spiritual beings of wickedness", and "angels who transgressed and became apostates". Rigaltius.

(printed under page 349)

Page

running head: LIBER DE ANIMA (cut at the binding; column numbers not visible on this column's side)
marginal letters: A ‹…s praevaricetur (8), nec nova› (letter printed at the right edge of this column, shared with the facing column); B ‹…enim revelabit quod Deus texit›; C ‹…rtis inflavit, prae [studio›; D (in the commentary at the page foot, beside "Omnia praescribit")
old-edition numerals: 649 after ‹est. Ha⟩nc›
other: the scan is CUT AT THE BINDING: every line of this column loses its first letters; all ⟨ ⟩ supplies are conjectures from sense, line-end hyphens and the standard text of De anima I–II.
other: first word "⟨juben⟩s" (settle round 2, from the Commentarius lemma (8), formerly set as deos): only final "s" visible; the preceding words (presumably "ne in") stand at the foot of col 688; the settle step should check the join.
other: the last line of chapter I ("…pserit.") is wholly lost in the cut; "praesum⟨pserit⟩" supplied.
other: "⟨dix⟩erim]": only "erim]" (possibly "terim]") visible; reading uncertain.
other: column ends mid-word "pri-" (privat, per the commentary lemma "Nunc privat"); continuation at top of col 690, not seen.
other: calls removed from text: (8) after praevaricetur; 5 after discat; 6 after habeat; 7 after ipsius. Page foot carries Variae lectiones (5–9) and Commentarius (8)–(16), left to pass 2. No editors' prose in the text block.

PL 2:690

de certis incerta praejudicat, provocat ad exempla, quasi comparanda sint omnia; ommia praescribit, proprietatibus etiam inter similia diversis; nihil divinae licentiae servat, leges naturae opiniones suas facit; ferrem, si naturalis ipsa, ut compos naturae de conditionis consortio probaretur. Visa est quidem sibi et ex sacris quas putant, litteris hausisse, quia plerosque auctores etiam deos existimavit antiquitas, nedum divos, ut Mercurium Aegyptium, cui praecipue Plato assuevit; ut Silenum Phrygem, cui a pastoribus perducto ingentes aures suas Midas tradidit: ut Hermotimum, cui Clazomenii mortuo templum contulerunt; ut Orpheum, ut Musaeum, ut Pherecydem, Pythagorae magistrum. Quid autem, si philosophi etiam illa incursaverunt quae penes nos apocryphorum confessione damnantur, certos nihil recipiendum quod non conspiret germanae et ipso jam aevo pronatae propheticae paraturae, quando et pseudoprophetarum meminerimus, et multo prius apostatarum spirituum, qui hujusmodi quoque ingeniorum calliditate omnem faciem saeculi instruxerint? Postremo, si etiam ad ipsos prophetas adisse credibile est indagatorem quemque sapientiae ex negotio curiositatis, tamen plus diversitatis invenias inter philosophos quam societatis, cum et in ipsa societate diversitas eorum deprehendatur. Siquidem vera quaeque et consonantia prophetis aut aliunde commendant, aut aliorsum subornant, cum maxima injuria veritatis, quam efficiunt aut adjuvari falsis, aut patrocinari. Hoc itaque commiserit nos et philosophos in ista praesertim materia, quod interdum communes sententias propriis argumentationibus vestiant, contrariis alicubi regulae

prejudges uncertain things from certain ones, appeals to examples, as if all things were comparable; it lays down rules for all things, although their properties are different even among similar things; it reserves nothing to divine freedom, and makes its own opinions the laws of nature; I would bear with it, if it were itself natural, so that, as possessed of nature, it might be proved by fellowship in its condition. It seemed to itself indeed to have drawn also from the sacred writings, as they consider them, because antiquity reckoned most authors to be even gods, to say nothing of deified men, such as Mercury the Egyptian, to whom Plato was especially devoted; such as Silenus the Phrygian, to whom, when he had been brought to him by shepherds, Midas handed over his huge ears; such as Hermotimus, to whom, when he was dead, the Clazomenians dedicated a temple; such as Orpheus, such as Musaeus, such as Pherecydes, the teacher of Pythagoras. But what if the philosophers have also fallen upon those things which among us are condemned by the acknowledgement of their being apocryphal, since we are certain that nothing is to be received which does not agree with the genuine prophetic provision, already born earlier by its very age, since we remember also the false prophets, and much earlier the apostate spirits, who furnished the whole face of the world with this sort of cleverness of minds also? Finally, even if it is credible that every searcher after wisdom approached the prophets themselves out of the business of curiosity, yet you would find more diversity among the philosophers than agreement, since even in their very agreement their diversity is detected. For whatever things are true and in harmony with the prophets they either commend as coming from elsewhere, or suborn to another purpose, with the greatest injury to the truth, which they cause either to be helped by falsehoods or to patronize them. This therefore has set us and the philosophers at variance, especially in this matter, that at times they clothe common opinions in their own arguments, contrary in some places to the rule

Editors' notes and page, col. 690

Footnotes

Calls in this column (Q4a, 2026-10-18): Variae lectiones 8 (after "proprietatibus") and 9 (after "Hermotimum"), and Commentarius (9) after "vat", (10) after "praescribit", (11) after "tradidit", (12) after "Clazomenii", (13) after "Orpheum", (14) after "Musaeum", (15) after "magistrum", (16) after "spirituum". All are printed under page 349 and are set, text and English, in notes/n689.md, whose call lines now name col 690; not duplicated here.

Page

running head: LIBER DE ANIMA. (initial L cut off at image edge)
marginal letters: A vat (9), de certis incerta; B Pythagorae magistrum (15); C adjuvari falsis, aut patrocinari; D menter dubito. Le Pr. (in commentary)
old-edition numerals: 650 after quaeque
note calls: (9) after vat; (10) after praescribit; 8 after proprietatibus; (11) after tradidit; 9 after Hermotimum; (12) after Clazomenii; (13) after Orpheum; (14) after Musaeum; (15) after magistrum; (16) after spirituum
misprints kept as printed: ommia (for omnia) (Q7)

PL 2:691

nostrae; interdum sententias proprias communibus argumentationibus muniant, consentaneis alicubi regulae illorum; ut prope sit exclusa veritas a philosophia per veneficia in illam sua, et ideo utroque titulo societatis adversario veritatis urgemur, et communes sententias ab argumentationibus philosophorum liberare, et communes argumentationes a sententiis eorum separare, revocando quaestiones ad Dei litteras, exceptis plane quae sine laqueo alicujus praejudicii ad simplex testimonium licebit adsumere: quia et ex aemulis nonnunquam testimonium necessarium, si non aemulis prosit. Nec igoro quanta sit sylva materiae istius apud philosophos pro numero etiam ipsorum commentatorum, quot varietates sententiarum, quot palaestrae opinionum, quot propagines quaestionum, quot implicationes expeditionum. Sed et medicinam inspexi, sororem, ut aiunt, philosophiae, sibi quoque hoc negotium vindicantem, ut ad quam magis animae ratio pertinere videatur per corporis curam, unde et plurimum sorori refragatur, quod animam quasi coram in domicilio suo tractando magis norit. Sed viderit utriusque praestantiae ambitio. Habuit et philosophia libertatem ingenii, et medicina necessitatem artificii ad extendendos de anima retractatus: late quaeruntur incerta, latius disputantur praesumpta. Quanta difficultas probandi, tanta operositas suadendi: ut merito Heraclitus ille tenebrosus vastiores caligines animadvertens apud examinatores animae, taedio quaestionum pronuntiarit, terminos animae nequaquam invenisse omnem viam ingrediendo. Christiano autem paucis ad scientiam hujus rei opus est: nam et certa semper in paucis; et amplius illi quaerere non licet, quam quod inveniri licet; infinites enim quaestiones Apostolus prohibet. Porro non amplius inveniri licet, quam quod a Deo discitur; qnod autem a Deo disictur, totum est.

of ours; sometimes they fortify their own opinions with common arguments, in some places consistent with their rule; so that truth is almost shut out from philosophy through the poisons it has [put] into it, and therefore on both counts of partnership with the adversary of truth we are pressed both to free common opinions from the arguments of the philosophers and to separate common arguments from their opinions, calling the questions back to the writings of God, excepting of course those things which it will be permitted to take up as simple testimony without the snare of any prejudgement: because even from rivals testimony is sometimes necessary, if it does not profit the rivals. Nor am I unaware how great a forest of this material there is among the philosophers, in proportion even to the number of its commentators, how many varieties of opinions, how many wrestling-grounds of views, how many offshoots of questions, how many entanglements of solutions. But I have also looked into medicine, the sister, as they say, of philosophy, which likewise claims this business for itself, as the one to which the account of the soul seems more to pertain through the care of the body; whence also it opposes its sister very greatly, because it knows the soul better by treating it, as it were, face to face in its own dwelling. But let the ambition of each for pre-eminence see to that. Philosophy has had the freedom of genius, and medicine the necessity of its craft, for extending discussions about the soul: uncertain things are widely inquired into, presumed things more widely disputed. As great as the difficulty of proving, so great is the labour of persuading: so that deservedly that obscure Heraclitus, noticing vaster darknesses among the examiners of the soul, pronounced out of weariness of the questions that he had by no means found the boundaries of the soul, though he had entered upon every road. But the Christian needs few things for knowledge of this matter: for certain things too always lie in few; and it is not permitted to him to seek more than what it is permitted to find; for the Apostle forbids endless questions. Furthermore it is not permitted to find more than what is learned from God; but what is learned from God is the whole.

CAPUT III.

Chapter III.

Atque utinam nullas haereses oportuisset exsistere,

And would that it had not been necessary for any heresies to exist,

Editors' notes and page, col. 691

Footnotes

(var. 10) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 691–692 (call not visible) Quæstioni Par.

"Quaestioni": the Paris edition.

(var. 11) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 691–692 (call not visible) Prævidebatur Seml.

"Praevidebatur": Semler.

(var. 12) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 691–692 (call not visible) Illis Fran.

"Illis": Franeker edition.

(var. 13) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 691–692 (call not visible) Rigor Jun.

"Rigor": Junius.

(var. 14) ‹anchor: initium ei deputemus› · call in col 692 Deputaremus Pam.

"Deputaremus": Pamelius.

(printed under page 350)

(17) ‹anchor: exclusa veritas a philosophia› · call in col 691–692 (call not visible)

Ut prope sit exclusa veritas a philosophia. Quasi fascinaret veritatem intuitus et acumen humanum, et rationibus ex industria nostra fugaretur, velut excluduntur spiritus magicis veneficiis, aut quia præsumptio propriæ ratiocinationis venenum sit ad perdendam veritatem. Lac.

"So that truth is all but shut out by philosophy." As if human gaze and sharpness bewitched the truth, and it were put to flight by reasonings of our own contriving, as spirits are shut out by magic spells; or because presumption in one's own reasoning is a poison for destroying truth. Lacerda.

(printed under page 350)

(18) ‹anchor: ut aiunt, philosophiæ› · call in col 691–692 (call not visible)

Medicinam inspexi sororem, ut aiunt, philosophiæ. Hanc disputationem de anima ut propriam suæ speculationi tractarunt medicorum principes : citat aliquos auctor in hoc opere. Nam licet consideratio animæ ad philosophos spectet, jure cognationis inter medicinam et philosophiam, medici usurpant. Multi citant Aristotelem, Platonem, et Galenum dixisse, philosophiam et medicinam sorores esse : alteram animi, alteram corporis conservatricem. Certissime id dixit Joannes Alex. in commentariis in lib. hæreseon. Sed inter vetustiores id invenio scripsisse Democritum epistola ad Hippocratem. Lac.

"I have looked into medicine, the sister, as they say, of philosophy." The leading physicians treated this discussion of the soul as belonging to their own inquiry; the author cites some of them in this work. For although the study of the soul belongs to the philosophers, the physicians claim it by right of the kinship between medicine and philosophy. Many cite Aristotle, Plato and Galen as having said that philosophy and medicine are sisters, the one preserving the mind, the other the body. Joannes of Alexandria said it most plainly in his commentaries on the book of heresies. But among older writers I find that Democritus wrote it, in his letter to Hippocrates. Lacerda.

(printed under page 350)

(19) ‹anchor: Heraclitus ille tenebrosus› · call in col 691

Heraclitus ille tenebrosus. Haud absimiliter B. Hieronymus, initio lib. 1 adv. Jovinianum, Heraclitum vocat σκοτεινὸν, quem sudantes philosophi vix intelligunt Ipse enim Laertio teste de industria librum suum de Natura obscurius scripsit, ut soli illum eruditi legerent : unde et Craten quemdam, cum illium librum Græcis inveheret, dixisse : Delio aliquo natatore opus esse, qui in illo non suffocaretur. Pam.

"That obscure Heraclitus." In much the same way blessed Jerome, at the beginning of book 1 Against Jovinian, calls Heraclitus "the dark one", whom philosophers barely understand though they sweat over him. For, as Laertius witnesses, he deliberately wrote his book On Nature rather obscurely, so that only the learned would read it; and hence a certain Crates, when he brought that book to the Greeks, said that it needed some Delian diver who would not drown in it. Pamelius.

(printed under page 350)

(20) ‹anchor: et ab Apostolo, etc.› · call in col 691–692 (call not visible)

Siquidem et ab Apostolo, etc. Nullam hic certam scripturam citat, sed alludit ad illud Coloss. II : Ne quis vos deprædetur, seu concutiat per philosophiam. Pam.

"Since also by the Apostle," etc. He cites no particular scripture here, but alludes to Colossians 2: "Lest anyone despoil you, or shake you, through philosophy." Pamelius.

(printed under page 350)

(21) ‹anchor: alii plusquam immortalem› · call in col 691–692 (call not visible)

Alii immortalem animam, alii plusquam immortalem. Quales erant Valentiniani, Sadducæi, Epicurus, Democritus et alii. Posterioribus verbis notantur Priscillianistæ, qui animas ejusdem cum Deo substantiæ dicebant, et Gnostici, qui Deo coæternas asserebant. Quod etiam nugabantur Manichæi Gnosticorum discipuli, auctor est Epiphanius, hær. 66. Le Pr.

"Some [call] the soul immortal, others more than immortal." Such were the Valentinians, the Sadducees, Epicurus, Democritus and others. The latter words point to the Priscillianists, who said souls were of the same substance as God, and to the Gnostics, who asserted they were coeternal with God. That the Manichees, disciples of the Gnostics, also talked this nonsense, Epiphanius vouches, Heresy 66. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 350)

Page

running head: 691 TERTULLIANI OPERUM PARS II. — (cut off at right edge)
marginal letters: A nostrae; interdum sententias; B num, quot propagines quaestionum; C tens apud examinatores animae; D (17) Ut prope sit exclusa (in the commentary at the page foot)
old-edition numerals: 651 after incerta,
other: column begins mid-sentence and ends mid-sentence after CAPUT III; text is De anima 2-3; full-width headings "Variae lectiones" and "Commentarius." at page foot not set; variant readings and editors' commentary notes (17)-(19) omitted; "plurimum" printed with a damaged i, set as plurimum

PL 2:692

ut probabiles quique emicarent (I Cor. II, 19), nihil omnino cum philosophis super anima quoque experiremur, patriarchis, ut ita dixerim, haereticorum. Siquidem et ab Apostolo jam tunc philosophia concussio veritatis providebatur. Athenis enim expertus linguatam civitatem, cum omnes illic sapientiae atque facundiae caupones degustasset, inde concepit praemonitorium illud edictum. Proinde enim et animae ratio, per philosophatas doctrinas hominum miscentes aquas vino. Alii immortalem negant animam, alii plus quam immortalem affirmant: alii de substantia, alii de forma, alii de unaquaque dispositione disceptant: hi statum ejus aliunde ducunt, hi exitum aliorsum abducunt, prout aut Platonis honor, aut Zenonis vigor, aut Aristotelis tenor, aut Epicuri stupor, aut Heracliti moeror, aut Empedoclis furor persuaserunt. Deliquit, opinor, divina doctrina, ex Judaea potius quam ex Graecia oriens. Erravit et Christus, piscatores citius quam sophistas ad praeconium emittens. Si qua igitur in hunc modum de nidoribus philosophiae candidum et purum aerem veritatis infuscant, ea erunt Christianis enubilanda, et percutientibus argumentationes originales, id est philosophicas, et opponentibus definitiones coelestes, id est dominicas: ut et illa quibus ethnici a philosophia capiuntur, destruantur, et haec quibus fideles ab haeresi concutiuntur, retundantur. Una jam congressione decisa adversus Hermogenem, ut praefati sumus; quia animam ex Dei flatu, non ex materia vindicamus; muniti et illic divinae determinationis inobscurabili regula: Et flavit, inquit, Deus flatum vitae in faciem hominis, et factus est homo in animam vivam, utique ex Dei flatu: de isto nihil amplius revolvendum: habet suum titulum, et suum haereticum. Caeteris hinc exordium inducam.

so that each of the approved might shine forth (1 Cor. 11:19), we would have no dealings at all with the philosophers concerning the soul too, the patriarchs, so to speak, of the heretics. For indeed even by the Apostle, already at that time, the shaking of the truth by philosophy was foreseen. For having experienced at Athens a talkative city, when he had tasted all the hucksters of wisdom and eloquence there, he thence conceived that forewarning edict. For in like manner the account of the soul too [is treated] through the philosophized doctrines of men, who mix water with wine. Some deny that the soul is immortal, others affirm that it is more than immortal; some dispute about its substance, others about its form, others about each of its dispositions; these derive its state from one source, those lead its exit away in another direction, according as the dignity of Plato, or the vigour of Zeno, or the steadiness of Aristotle, or the stupor of Epicurus, or the mourning of Heraclitus, or the frenzy of Empedocles has persuaded them. Divine doctrine went wrong, I suppose, in arising from Judaea rather than from Greece. Christ too erred, in sending out fishermen rather than sophists to preach. Whatever things, therefore, in this manner darken the bright and pure air of truth with the fumes of philosophy, these must be cleared away by Christians, both by striking down the arguments from origins, that is, the philosophical ones, and by opposing heavenly definitions, that is, the Lord's: so that both those things by which the heathen are captured by philosophy may be destroyed, and those by which the faithful are shaken by heresy may be beaten back. One encounter has already been decided against Hermogenes, as we said at the outset, in that we claim the soul to be from the breath of God, not from matter; being fortified there too by the unobscurable rule of the divine determination: And God, it says, breathed the breath of life into the face of man, and man became a living soul, that is, from the breath of God: concerning this nothing further need be turned over: it has its own title and its own heretic. For the rest I shall make my beginning from here.

CAPUT IV.

Chapter IV.

Post definitionem census, quaetionem status patitur. Consequens enim est, ut ex Dei flatu animam professi, initium ei deputemus Hoc. Plato excludit,

After the definition of its origin, it admits the question of its state. For it follows that, having professed the soul to be from the breath of God, we should assign a beginning to it. This Plato excludes,

Editors' notes and page, col. 692

Page

running head: [cut at left edge]M PARS II. — SERIES I, POLEMICA. 692
marginal letters: A ut probabiles quique emicarent; B stotelis tenor, aut Epicuri; C sumus ; quia animam ex Dei flatu; D B. Hieronymus, initio lib. 1 (in the commentary, not set)
old-edition numerals: 652 after purum

PL 2:693

innatam et infectam animam volens; et natam autem docemus, et factam, ex initii constitutione. Nec statim erravimus, utrumque dicentes; quia scilicet aliud sit natum, aliud factum; utpote illud animalibus competens. Differentiae autem, sua habendo loco et tempora, habent aliquando et passivitatis commercia. Capit itaque et facturam dici generari, pro in esse poni, siquidem omne quod quoquo modo accipit esse, generatur. Nam et factor ipse parens facti potest dici; sic et Plato utitur. Igitur quantum ad fidem nostram factae nataeve animae, depulsa est philosophi opinio auctoritate prophetiae quoque.

wishing the soul to be unborn and unmade; but we teach that it was both born and made, from the constitution of [its] beginning. Nor have we straightway erred in saying both, since, to be sure, being born is one thing and being made another, the former being suited to living beings. But distinctions, while keeping their own places and times, sometimes also have an interchange of indiscriminate use. It is admissible, therefore, that being made too should be called being generated, the term being put for being brought into existence, since everything that in any manner receives being is generated. For the maker himself can also be called the parent of what is made; so too Plato uses [it]. Therefore, as far as our faith concerning the soul as made or born is concerned, the philosopher's opinion has been overthrown by the authority of prophecy also.

CAPUT V.

Chapter V.

Accerserit Eubulum aliquem et Critolaum et Xenocratem, et isto in loco amicum Platonis Aristotelem. Fortassean exstruentur magis ad auferendam animae corpulentiam, si non alios e contrario inspexerint, et quidem plures corpus animae vindicantes, nec illos dico solos qui eam de manifestis corporalibus effingunt, ut Hipparchus et Heraclitus ex igni, ut Hippon et Thales ex aqua, ut Empedocles et Critias ex sanguine, ut Epicurus ex atomis, si et atomi corpulentias de coitu suo cogunt, ut Critolaus, et peripatetici ejus, ex quinta nescio qua substantia, si et illa corpus, quia corpora includit; sed etiam Stoicos allego, qui spiritum praedicantes animam, pene nobiscum, qua proxima inter se flatus et spiritus, tamen corpus animam facile persuadebunt. Denique Zeno consitum spiritum definiens animam, hoc modo instruit: Quo, inquit, digresso animal emoritur, corpus est; consito autem spiritu digresso, animal emoritur; ergo consitus spiritus corpus est: consitus autem spiritus anima est; ergo corpus est anima. Vult et

Let him summon some Eubulus or other, and Critolaus and Xenocrates, and in this place Aristotle, the friend of Plato. Perhaps they will be the better equipped for taking away the corporeality of the soul, if they do not look at others on the opposite side, and those indeed more numerous, who claim a body for the soul; and I do not mean only those who fashion it out of manifest corporeal things, as Hipparchus and Heraclitus from fire, as Hippon and Thales from water, as Empedocles and Critias from blood, as Epicurus from atoms, if atoms too form corporeal masses by their coming together, as Critolaus and his Peripatetics from some fifth substance, I know not what, if that too is a body, since it encloses bodies; but I also adduce the Stoics, who, while declaring the soul to be spirit, almost in agreement with us, inasmuch as breath and spirit are very close to one another, will nevertheless easily persuade [us] that the soul is a body. Accordingly Zeno, defining the soul as spirit sown together [with the body], argues in this way: That, he says, upon whose departure the living being dies, is a body; but upon the departure of the co-sown spirit the living being dies; therefore the co-sown spirit is a body; but the co-sown spirit is the soul; therefore the soul is a body. It is also the view of

Editors' notes and page, col. 693

Footnotes

(var. 15) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 693–694 (call not visible) Coagrescit Lat.

"Coagrescit": Latinius.

(printed under page 351)

(22) ‹anchor: Hoc Plato excludit› · call in col 693–694 (call not visible)

Hoc Plato excludit. Initium nempe animæ: ipse enim, in Phædro de immortalitate animæ disputans, quemadmodum a Cicerone translatus est Tusc. q. 1, et Repub. lib. VI, sic inquit : Si una est ex omnibus anima quæ seipsam moveat, atque adeo principium motus sibi ipsi sit, neque nata certe, et æterna est. Neque enim esse id principium, quod oriretur aliunde. Pam.

"Plato excludes this": that is, a beginning of the soul. For he himself, discussing the immortality of the soul in the Phaedrus, as Cicero translated him in Tusculan Disputations 1 and Republic book VI, says this: "If, of all things, the soul alone moves itself, and so is to itself the principle of motion, it is surely neither born, and it is eternal. For that would not be a principle which arose from elsewhere." Pamelius.

(printed under page 351)

(23) ‹anchor: pro in esse poni› · call in col 693–694 (call not visible)

Capititaque et facturam dici generari, pro in esse poni. Capit, hoc est, licet, fas est. Facturam de anima dicit, quod alias diceret Creationem. Rig.

"And it is allowed that 'being made' be said, 'being generated', 'being placed in being'." "Capit" means "it is permitted, it is lawful". He says "making" of the soul for what elsewhere he would call "creation". Rigaltius.

(printed under page 351)

(24) ‹anchor: Eubulum aliquem› · call in col 693–694 (call not visible)

Eubulum aliquem. Eubulus Alexandrinus fuit Pyrrhonianus, ut Laertius in Timone testatur, de quo scribit: Εὐφράνορος δὲ διήκουσεν Εὔβουλος Ἀλεξανδρεύς. « Euphranorem audivit Eubulus Alexandrinus, » Sed Suidas aliter scribit, Εὔβουλος Κήττιος Ἀθηναῖος, υἱὸς Εὐφράνορος· « Eubulus Kettius Atheniensis, Euphranoris filius. » Colligit hic Auctor per gradationem classes philosophorum, qui animam incorporalem fecerunt. Lac.

"Some Eubulus." Eubulus of Alexandria was a Pyrrhonist, as Laertius testifies in his Timon, where he writes: "Eubulus of Alexandria heard Euphranor." But the Suda writes otherwise: "Eubulus, of the deme Kettos, an Athenian, son of Euphranor." Here the author gathers, step by step, the classes of philosophers who made the soul incorporeal. Lacerda.

(printed under page 351)

(25) ‹anchor: Critolaum› · call in col 693–694 (call not visible)

Critolaum. Critolaus Phaselites fuit auditor Lyconis et peripateticus, ut hoc eodem capite dicitur. Neque puto duplicis Critolai hic meminisse Tertullianum, ut mox videbimus; sed unius tantum, qui animam putabat instar puncti incorpoream esse, ut Marsilius Ficinus confirmat. Meminit Tullius lib. V Tusc. Critolai et Xenocratis, quorum de virtute testimonia citat. Lac.

"Critolaus." Critolaus of Phaselis was a hearer of Lyco and a Peripatetic, as is said in this same chapter. Nor do I think Tertullian mentions two men named Critolaus here, as we shall soon see, but one only, who thought the soul incorporeal, like a point, as Marsilio Ficino confirms. Cicero, Tusculans book V, mentions Critolaus and Xenocrates and cites their testimonies on virtue. Lacerda.

(printed under page 351)

(26) ‹anchor: Xenocratem› · call in col 693–694 (call not visible)

Xenocratem. Hic fuit Platonis discipulus, teste Laertio. Dedit ejus sententiam de anima Tullius lib. I Tusc. : « Xenocrates animi figuram, et quasi corpus esse negavit, verum numerum dixit esse, cujus vis, ut jam ante Pythagoræ visum erat, in natura maxima esset. » Et lib. IV Acad. : « An, ut Xenocrates, mens nullo corpore? » Aristoteles, lib. 1 de anima, cap. 2 et 4, meminit ejus placiti. Lac. )

"Xenocrates." He was a disciple of Plato, as Laertius witnesses. Cicero gave his view of the soul in Tusculans book I: "Xenocrates denied that the mind has a shape, or anything like a body, but said it is a number, whose power, as Pythagoras had held before, is greatest in nature." And in Academics book IV: "Or, as Xenocrates holds, mind with no body?" Aristotle, De anima book 1, chapters 2 and 4, mentions this view of his. Lacerda.

(printed under page 351)

(27) ‹anchor: de coitu suo cogunt› · call in col 693

Si et Atomi corpulentias de coitu suo cogunt. Atomos Quintilianus, lib. X Instit. dixit figuras. Rig.

"If the atoms too compact bodily masses by their coming together." Quintilian, Institutes book X, called atoms "figures". Rigaltius.

(printed under page 351)

(28) ‹anchor: Unde Lucretius› · call in col 693–694 (call not visible)

Unde Lucretius. Epicuri sectator Lucretius, lib 1 de Rerum natura, magistri ad exemplum, probat res illas esse corporeas quæ ad sensus usque perveniunt, ut odores, calor, frigus, voces, Hunc delirasse ait Lactantius, cap. 6, de Opific. et contra eum disputat lib. VII, Instit. div. Le Pr.

"Hence Lucretius." Lucretius, a follower of Epicurus, in book 1 of On the Nature of Things, after his master's example, proves that the things which reach the senses, such as smells, heat, cold and voices, are bodily. Lactantius says he raved (On the Workmanship of God, chapter 6), and argues against him in book VII of the Divine Institutes. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 351)

Page

running head: 693 LIBER DE ANIMA
marginal letters: A dit (22), innatam et infectam; B Accerserit Eubulum aliquem; C proxima inter se flatus; D aeterna est. Neque enim (in the commentary at the page foot)
old-edition numerals: 653 after Aristotelem

PL 2:694

Cleanthes non solum corporis lineamentis, sed et animae notis similitudinem parentibus in filios respondere, de speculo scilicet morum et ingeniorum et adfectuum: corporis autem similitudinem et dissimilitudinem capere et animam: itaque corpus similitudini vel dissimilitudini obnoxium. Item corporalium et incorporalium passiones inter se non communicare. Porro et animam compati corpori, cui laeso ictibus, vulneribus, ulceribus condolescit; et corpus animae, cui afflictae cura, angor⟨e⟩, amore, coaegrescit, per detrimentum scilicet vigoris, cujus pudorem et pavorem rubore atque pallore testetur. Igitur anima corpus, ex corporalium passionum communione. Sed et Chrysippus manum ei porrigit, constituens corporalia ab incorporalibus derelinqui omnino non posse, quia nec contingantur ab eis; unde et Lucretius: Tangere enim et tangi, nisi corpus, nulla potest res; derelicto autem corpore ab anima, affici morte. Igitur corpus anima, quae, nisi corporalis, corpus non derelinqueret.

Cleanthes that a likeness of parents answers in their children not only in the lineaments of the body but also in the marks of the soul, from the mirror, that is, of character and talents and affections; that likeness and unlikeness belong to the body, and that the soul too admits them; therefore it is a body, subject to likeness or unlikeness. Again, that the passions of corporeal and incorporeal things do not communicate with one another. Moreover, that the soul suffers with the body, grieving with it when it is hurt by blows, wounds, sores; and the body with the soul, falling sick together with it when it is afflicted by care, anguish, love, through the loss, namely, of its vigour, while it attests the soul's shame and fear by blushing and pallor. Therefore the soul is a body, from its sharing in corporeal passions. But Chrysippus too lends him a hand, establishing that corporeal things cannot at all be abandoned by incorporeal ones, since they are not even touched by them; whence also Lucretius: For nothing can touch and be touched except body; whereas the body, when abandoned by the soul, is affected by death. Therefore the soul is a body, for unless it were corporeal it would not abandon the body.

CAPUT VI.

Chapter VI.

Haec Platonici, subtilitate potius quam veritate, conturbant. Omne, inquiunt, corpus, aut animale sit necesse est, aut inanimale. Et siquidem inanimale est, extrinsecus movebitur; si vero animale, intrinsecus. Anima autem nec intrinsecus movebitur, ut quae non sit inanimalis; nec extrinsecus, ut quae ipsa potius moveat corpus. Itaque non videri eam corpus, quae non corporalium forma ex aliqua regione moveatur. Ad hoc nos mirabimur incongruentiam primo definitionis provocantis ad ea quae in animam non conveniunt. Non enim potest anima animale corpus dici, aut inanimale; cum ipsa sit quae aut faciat corpus animale, si adsit, aut inanimale, si absit ab illo. Itaque

These things the Platonists throw into confusion, with subtlety rather than truth. Every body, they say, must necessarily be either animate or inanimate. And if indeed it is inanimate, it will be moved from without; but if animate, from within. But the soul will neither be moved from within, as being something that is not inanimate; nor from without, as being rather that which itself moves the body. Therefore it does not seem to be a body, since it is not moved after the manner of corporeal things from some quarter. To this we shall first express our wonder at the incongruity of a definition that appeals to things which do not fit the soul. For the soul cannot be called an animate body, or an inanimate one, since it is itself that which makes the body either animate, if it is present, or inanimate, if it is absent from it. Thus

Editors' notes and page, col. 694

Footnotes

(29) ‹anchor: corporalium forma› · call in col 694

Quæ non corporalium formæ. Hoc est, rerum corporalium lege, natura. Rig.

"Which, not by the form of bodily things." That is, by the law, the nature, of bodily things. Rigaltius.

(printed under page 351)

(30) ‹anchor: aliqua regione moveatur› · call in col 694

Ex aliqua regione moveatur. Hoc est, aliquo regente. Rig.

"Is moved from some region." That is, by something ruling it. Rigaltius.

(printed under page 351)

(31) ‹anchor: potest anima› · call in col 694

Non enim potest anima, etc. Inter proposi- (continues)

"For the soul cannot," etc. Between the propositions (continues)

(printed under page 351)

Page

running head: [LI]BER DE ANIMA. 694 (left edge cut off)
marginal letters: A Cleanthes non solum corporis; B derelinqui omnino non posse; C videri eam corpus, quae non; D lib. I Tusc. : « Xenocrates animi figuram (in the notes)
old-edition numerals: 654 after sit
other: angor⟨e⟩ damaged type (final letter malformed); Lucretius verse printed in small type on its own line, kept within the paragraph since the text runs on unindented; "nec intrinsecus ... inanimalis; nec extrinsecus" set as printed though the sense suggests the two adverbs are interchanged; "forma" printed in text where the commentary lemma reads "formae"; column ends mid-word "Ita-" broken at column break; "Variae lectiones" and "Commentarius" headings span from the left column and are cut off, not set; Commentarius notes (25)-(31) at page foot not set; left column (693) fragments not set

PL 2:695

quod facit, non potest esse ipsa, ut dicatur animale vel inanimale. Anima enim dicitur substantiae suae nomine. Quod si non capit animale corpus dici aut inanimale quod est anima, quomodo provocabitur ad animalium et in animalium corporum formam? Dehinc, si corporis est moveri extrinsecus ab aliquo; ostendimus autem supra moveri animam et ab alio cum vaticinatur, cum furit utique extrinsecus, cum ab alio: merito quod movebitur extrinsecus ab alio, secundum exempli propositionem, corpus agnoscam. Enimvero, si ab alio moveri corporis est, quanto magis movere aliud? Anima autem movet corpus, et conatus ejus, extrinsecus, foris parent. Ab illa est enim impingi et pedes in incessum, et manus in contactum, et oculos in conspectum, et linguam in effatum, velut sigillario motu superficiem intus agitante. Unde haec vis incorporali animae? unde vacuae rei solida propellere? Sed quomodo divisi videntur in homine sensus corporales et intellectuales? Corporalium aiunt rerum qualitates, ut terrae, ut ignis corporalibus sensibus renuntiari, ut tactu, ut visu: incorporalium vero intellectualibus conveniri, ut benignitatis, vel malignitatis. Itaque incorporalem esse animam constat, cujus qualitates non corporalibus, sed intellectualibus sensibus comprehendantur. Plane, si non hujus definitionis gradum exclusero. Ecce enim incorporalia ostendo corporalibus sensibus subjici, sonum auditui, colorem conspectui, odorem odoratui: quorum exemplo etiam anima corpori accedit, ne dicas idcirco ea per corporales renuntiari sensus, quia corporalibus accedant. Igitur si constat incorporalia quoque a corporalibus comprehendi, cur non et anima, quae corporalis, ab incorporalibus renuntietur? Certe

that which produces [it] cannot be the thing itself, so as to be called animate or inanimate. For the soul is called by the name of its own substance. But if that which is soul does not admit of being called an animate or an inanimate body, how will it be called forth to, and into, the form of animate bodies? Next, if it belongs to a body to be moved from outside by something; and we showed above that the soul is moved also by another when it prophesies, when it raves, certainly from outside, when by another: rightly shall I recognize as a body that which will be moved from outside by another, according to the proposition of the example. Indeed, if to be moved by another belongs to a body, how much more to move another? But the soul moves the body, and its efforts appear externally, outwardly. For it is by it that the feet are driven to walking, and the hands to touching, and the eyes to seeing, and the tongue to speaking, as though by a puppet-like motion stirring the surface from within. Whence this power for an incorporeal soul? Whence for an empty thing to propel solid things? But how are the senses in man seen to be divided into bodily and intellectual? They say that the qualities of corporeal things, such as of earth, such as of fire, are reported by the bodily senses, such as by touch, by sight; but those of incorporeal things are met by the intellectual ones, such as of kindness or of malice. Therefore it is established that the soul is incorporeal, since its qualities are apprehended not by bodily but by intellectual senses. Quite so, if I do not exclude a step of this definition. For behold, I show that incorporeal things are subject to bodily senses: sound to hearing, colour to sight, smell to smelling; on whose example the soul too has access to the body, lest you say that these are reported through the bodily senses for this reason, because they have access to bodily things. Therefore, if it is established that incorporeal things too are apprehended by bodily [senses], why should not the soul also, which is bodily, be reported by incorporeal ones? Certainly

Editors' notes and page, col. 695

Footnotes

(var. 16) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 695–696 (call not visible) Moveri animam et ab alio ; cum vaticinatur, cum furit, utique extrinsecus ab alio, etc. Jun.

"That the soul is moved also by another; when it prophesies, when it raves, certainly from outside, by another," etc.: Junius.

(var. 17) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 695–696 (call not visible) Visio Rhen. Seml. Oberth.

"Visio": Rhenanus, Semler, Oberthür.

(var. 18) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 695–696 (call not visible) Terra Par.

"Terra": the Paris edition.

(var. 19) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 695–696 (call not visible) Tactui visui Rhen. et alii.

"Tactui visui": Rhenanus and others.

(var. 20) ‹anchor: renuntiari sensus› · call in col 695 Censum Par.

"Censum": the Paris edition.

(var. 21) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 695–696 (call not visible) Baronum Rig. Ven.

"Baronum": Rigaltius, the Venice edition.

(var. 22) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 695–696 (call not visible) Indocta Rhen. Seml. Oberth.

"Indocta": Rhenanus, Semler, Oberthür.

(var. 23) ‹anchor: jejunantes philosophia› · call in col 696 A philosophia apud eosd.

"A philosophia": in the same editors.

(var. 24) ‹anchor: duo in unum› · call in col 696 Duo unum corpora Rig.

"Duo unum corpora": Rigaltius.

(printed under page 352)

(32) ‹anchor: Sigillario motu› · call in col 695–696 (call not visible)

Sigillario motu. Si legeremus singulari motu, veluti privato, quid inde accideret ? Sed sigillario si retinemus, motum interiorem dicemus seu automatum, qui artificio quodam et virtute organica perficitur. Sigillaria icunculas et exiguas deorum imagines fuisse notum est; unde Arnobius lib. VI : « Quin imo deos esse sigillaria ipsa censetis. « Le Pr.»

"By a puppet's motion." If we read "singulari motu", a motion as it were of its own, what would follow from that? But if we keep "sigillario", we shall call it an inner or automatic motion, brought about by some contrivance and mechanical power. It is known that "sigillaria" were statuettes, little images of the gods; hence Arnobius, book VI: "Nay rather, you think the statuettes themselves are gods." Le Prieur.

(printed under page 352)

(33) ‹anchor: methodicæ medicinæ instruct.› · call in col 695–696 (call not visible)

Sorano methodicæ medicinæ instruct. Fuit hic Soranus Ephesius, ut docet Suidas, Menandri et Phæbes filius, ἰατρεύσας ἐπὶ Τραϊανοῦ καὶ Ἀδριανοῦ βασιλέων, qui medicinam fecit impp. Trajano et Adriano. Plurima volumina composuit, quæ citat Suidas, atque etiam exstant hodie fragmenta excusa olim ab Adriano Turnebo : quibus adde Isagogen medendi cum Plinii, Oribasii et Apuleii opusculis referri. Soranos duos exstitisse constat, seniorem et juniorem; ambo vero de affectionibus mulierum scripserunt. Supposititia esse fragmenta Sorani medici pro Cleopatra quilibet fatetur. Hæc quoniam turpitudinem attingunt, exposuit rei Venereæ diligens scutator Scioppius. Le Pr.

"Soranus, trained in methodic medicine." This was Soranus of Ephesus, as the Suda teaches, son of Menander and Phoebe, "who practised medicine under the emperors Trajan and Hadrian". He wrote a great many volumes, which the Suda cites, and fragments survive even today, printed long ago by Adrien Turnèbe; add that an Introduction to Healing is printed with the little works of Pliny, Oribasius and Apuleius. It is agreed that there were two men called Soranus, the elder and the younger, and both wrote on the disorders of women. Everyone admits that the fragments of Soranus the physician addressed to Cleopatra are spurious. Since these touch on indecency, Scioppius, a diligent searcher into venereal matters, has expounded them. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 352)

(34) ‹anchor: cibo plerumque fulciri› · call in col 695–696 (call not visible)

Denique deficientem eam cibo plerumque fulciri. Horatius : Protinus accedat stomacho fultura ruenti. Rig.

"Then that when it fails it is generally propped up with food." Horace: "Let a prop come at once to the failing stomach." Rigaltius.

(printed under page 352)

(35) ‹anchor: minutiloquio Aristotelis infersit› · call in col 695–696 (call not visible)

Micas de minutiloquio Aristotelis infersit. Micas et minutiloquium dicit λεπτολογίαν, scribendi genus subtile, concisum, quale est Aristotelis. Irenæus lib. XI, ubi adversus Valentinianos dixerat : « Et minutiloquiam autem, et subtilitatem circa quæstiones, cum sit Aristotelicum, inferre fidei conantur. » Unde etiam noster Septimus, supra de Præscr. hær. « Miserum Aristotelem, qui illis Dialecticam instituit, artificem struendi ac destruendi versipellem in sententiis. » etc. Glossæ veteres, λεπτότης ἐπὶ πράγματος subtilitas. Rig.

"He stuffed in crumbs from Aristotle's hair-splitting." By "crumbs" and "minutiloquium" he means leptologia, a subtle and clipped way of writing such as Aristotle's. Irenaeus, book XI [as printed], where he had said against the Valentinians: "And they try to bring into the faith hair-splitting and subtlety about questions, though it is Aristotelian." Hence also our Septimius above, in the Prescription against Heretics: "Wretched Aristotle, who devised dialectic for them, the artificer of building up and pulling down, a turncoat in his opinions," etc. The old glossaries: "leptotes, of a matter: subtilitas." Rigaltius.

(printed under page 352)

(36) ‹anchor: rupicum et baronum› · call in col 695–696 (call not visible)

Barbarorum rupicum et baronum. Placuit Pithœo, ex Luciliano versu : Baronum et rupicum squalosa incondita rostra. At in codice Agobardi legitur Barbarorum. Rig.

"Of barbarians, bumpkins and dolts." This pleased Pithou, from the line of Lucilius: "the scurfy, uncouth snouts of dolts and bumpkins." But in the Agobard codex "barbarorum" is read. Rigaltius.

(printed under page 352)

Page

running head: 695 TERTULLIANI OPERUM PARS II. — S[cut off at image edge]
marginal letters: A que quod facit, non potest esse ipsa; B oculos in conspectum, et linguam in effatum; C spectui, odorem odoratui; D (32) Sigillario motu (in the Commentarius, not the text)
old-edition numerals: 655 after corporales
other: column begins with fragment "que" broken from the previous column (likely the end of atque/itaque), English begins accordingly; several e's look like c through worn type (conspectum, intellectuales, comprehendantur), set as e; "Ecce" and "sensibus" carry stray accent marks, set plain; full-width headings "Variae lectiones." and "Commentarius." and the variant-readings lines across the page foot not set; editors' commentary notes (31 end, 32 on sigillario motu, 33 on Soranus) seen, not set

PL 2:696

definitio exclusa sit. De insignioribus argumentationibus erit etiam illa, quod omne corpus corporalibus ali judicant; animam vero, ut incorporalem, incorporalibus, sapientiae scilicet studiis. Sed nec hic gradus stabit, etiam Sorano methodicae medicinae instructissimo auctore respondente animam corporalibus quoque ali; denique, deficientem eam cibo plerumque fulciri. Quidni, quo adempto, in totum dilabitur ex corpore? Ita etiam ipse Soranus plenissime super anima commentatus quatuor voluminibus, et cum omnibus philosophorum sententiis expertus, corporalem animae substantiam vindicat, et si illam immortalitate fraudavit. Non enim omnium est credere, quod Christianorum est. Sicut ergo Soranus ipse rebus ostendit animam corporalibus ali, proinde et philosophus exhibeat illam incorporalibus pasci. Sed nemo unquam cunctanti de exitu animae mulsam aquam de eloquio Platonis infudit, aut micas de minutiloquio Aristotelis infersit. Quid autem facient tot ac tantae animae rupicum et barbarorum, quibus alimenta sapientiae desunt, tamen indoctae prudentia pollent, et sine academiis et proticibus atticis, et carceribus Socratis, denique jejunantes philosophia, nihilominus vivunt. Non enim substantiae ipsi alimenta proficiunt studiorum, sed disciplinae: qua nec opimiorem animam efficiunt, sed ornatiorem. Bene autem, quod et artes Stoici corporales affirmant. Adeo sic quoque anima corporalis, si et artibus ali creditur. Sed enormis intentio philosophiae solet plerumque nec prospicere pro pedibus: sic Thales in puteum. Solet et, sententias non intelligendo, valetudinis corruptelam suspicari: sic Chrysippus ad elleborum. Tale aliquod, opinor, ei accidit, cum duo in unum corpora negavit, alienatus

the definition is excluded. Among the more notable arguments there will also be this one, that they judge that every body is nourished by bodily things, but the soul, as incorporeal, by incorporeal things, namely by the studies of wisdom. But not even this step will stand, since Soranus too, an authority most learned in methodic medicine, replies that the soul is nourished also by bodily things; and indeed that, when it is failing, it is very often propped up by food. Why not, since, when food is taken away, it slips wholly out of the body? So too Soranus himself, having commented most fully on the soul in four volumes, and having tested the matter against all the opinions of the philosophers, upholds a bodily substance of the soul, even though he cheated it of immortality. For it is not for all to believe what is for Christians to believe. Just as, then, Soranus himself shows by facts that the soul is nourished by bodily things, so let the philosopher too show it being fed by incorporeal things. But no one has ever poured honeyed water from the eloquence of Plato into a man hesitating over the departure of his soul, or stuffed into him crumbs from the minute talk of Aristotle. And what will so many and such great souls of boors and barbarians do, who lack the nourishments of wisdom, yet, though untaught, are strong in practical sense, and without academies and Attic porches and the prisons of Socrates, in short fasting from philosophy, nevertheless live? For the nourishments of studies do not profit the substance itself, but the training, by which they make the soul not fatter but more adorned. It is well, moreover, that the Stoics affirm that the arts too are bodily. So in this way also the soul is bodily, if it is believed to be nourished by the arts as well. But the immoderate straining of philosophy is often wont not even to look ahead of its feet: thus Thales into the well. It is wont also, by not understanding opinions, to suspect a corruption of health: thus Chrysippus to the hellebore. Something of this sort, I think, happened to him when he denied that two bodies [could be] in one, estranged

Editors' notes and page, col. 696

Footnotes

(37) ‹anchor: Thales in puteum› · call in col 696

Sic Thales in puteum. Laertius εἰς βόθρον Rig.

"So Thales into the well." Laertius: "into a pit". Rigaltius.

(printed under page 352)

(38) ‹anchor: Chrysippus ad elleborum› · call in col 696

Sic Chrysippus ad elleborum. Lucianus. ἑαυτὸν ἐλλεβορίζει. Rig.

"So Chrysippus to hellebore." Lucian: "he doses himself with hellebore." Rigaltius.

(printed under page 352)

Page

running head: …M PARS II. — SERIES I, POLEMICA. 696 (left part cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A definitio exclusa sit.; B poralibus ali, proinde; C tibus ali creditur.; D Protinus accedat stomacho (beside the commentary at the page foot)
old-edition numerals: 656 after studiorum,
other: "stabit" and "corruptelam" have slightly damaged final letters, read as stabit and corruptelam; "qua" may be quae with a lost letter, UNSURE; "et si" printed as two words, set as printed; last word "alie-" broken at the column end; the Variae lectiones and the Commentarius notes (33)-(38) at the page foot are editors' apparatus, not set; the left-hand column fragments belong to column 695 and are not set
other: the word alienatus was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 697

PL 2:697

a prospectu et recogitatu praegnantum, quae non singula quotidie corpora, sed et bina et terna in unius uteri ambitu preferunt. Invenitur etiam in jure civili Graeca quaedam quinionem enixa filiorum, semel omnium mater, unici foetus parens multiplex, unici uteri puerpera numerosa, quae tot stipata corporibus, pene dixerim populo, sextum ipsa corpus fuit. Universa conditio testabitur, corpora de corporibus processura jam illic esse, unde procedunt: secundum sit necesse est, quod ex alio est: nihil porro ex alio est, nisi dum gignitur: sed tunc duo sunt.

from the sight and consideration of pregnant women, who daily carry not single bodies but even two and three within the compass of one womb. There is found also in the civil law a certain Greek woman who brought forth a set of five sons, mother of all at once, manifold parent of a single birth, numerous child-bearer of a single womb, who, thronged with so many bodies (I might almost say with a people), was herself the sixth body. All creation will bear witness that bodies destined to proceed from bodies are already there whence they proceed: that which is from another must necessarily be second; but nothing is from another except while it is being begotten; but then they are two.

CAPUT VII.

Chapter VII.

Quantum ad philosophos, satis haec; quia quantum ad nostros, ex abundanti, quibus corporalitas animae in ipso Evangelio relucebit. Dolet apud inferos anima cujusdam, punitur in flamma, et cruciatur in lingua, et de digito animae felicioris implorat solatium roris. Imaginem existimas exitum illum pauperis laetantis et divitis moerentis? Et quid illic Lazari nomen, si non in veritate res est? Sed etsi imago credenda est, testimonium erit veritatis. Si enim non haberet anima corpus,

As far as the philosophers are concerned, this is enough; for as regards our own, it is more than enough, since for them the corporeality of the soul will shine forth in the Gospel itself. In the underworld the soul of a certain man suffers pain, is punished in flame and tormented in the tongue, and from the finger of a happier soul implores the solace of a drop of dew. Do you consider that end of the rejoicing poor man and the mourning rich man an image? And why the name of Lazarus there, if the thing is not in truth? But even if it is to be believed an image, it will be a testimony of truth. For if the soul did not have a body,

Editors' notes and page, col. 697

Footnotes

(var. 25) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 697–698 (call not visible) Alienata Jun. alienate Rhen.

"Alienata": Junius; "alienate": Rhenanus.

(var. 26) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 697–698 (call not visible) Terrena Par.

"Terrena": the Paris edition.

(var. 27) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 697–698 (call not visible) Præferunt Par.

"Praeferunt": the Paris edition.

(var. 28) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 697–698 (call not visible) Sed tunc abest Rig.

"Sed tunc" is absent in Rigaltius.

(var. 29) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 697–698 (call not visible) Præcepit Rig. Ven.

"Praecepit": Rigaltius, the Venice edition.

(var. 30) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 697–698 (call not visible) Per omit. Ven.

"Per" is omitted in the Venice edition.

(printed under page 353)

(39) ‹anchor: Græca quædam quinionem enixa› · call in col 697–698 (call not visible)

Invenitur etiam in jure civili Græca quædam quinionem enixa. Non arbitror Septimium hoc habere ex Julio Paulo, cum is diversum numero fetum referat, lib. III. Si pars hered. peta., nimirum quinquies quaternos enixam in Peloponneso. In cujus numeri mentione Paulus a Plinio discrepat. Etenim in VII Nat. hist. sic legimus : Reperitur et in Peloponneso quinos quater enixa. » Quod ex Aristotele sumptum esse minime adfirmaverim, quamvis dixerit, ἀνὰ πέντε γὰρ ἔτεκε, καὶ τὰ πολλὰ αὐτῶν ἐξετράφη. Etenim Peloponnesi non meminit. Sed et Strabo etiam ex eodem Aristotele aliter narrat, in XV; aliter Agellius in X. Denique Aristoteles ipse, libro quem supra citavimus, eadem de re alio se loco dixisse commemorat, qui locus hodie non apparet. Gaius lib. I Fidei commissor., ut refertur in lib. III De reb. dubiis, et Julianus lib. XXXVI De solutionib. idem omnino de Alexandrina muliere tradunt, quod hic Septimius noster de Græca. Rig.

"In the civil law too a certain Greek woman is found who bore quintuplets." I do not think Septimius has this from Julius Paulus, since Paulus reports a birth of a different number (book III, "If a share of an inheritance be claimed"), namely a woman in the Peloponnese who bore four children five times. In mentioning this number Paulus differs from Pliny; for in Natural History VII we read: "In the Peloponnese too a woman is found who bore five at a time four times." I would by no means affirm that this was taken from Aristotle, though he said: "for she bore five at a time, and most of them were reared." For he does not mention the Peloponnese. Strabo, too, drawing on the same Aristotle, tells it differently, in book XV, and Aulus Gellius differently again in book X. Finally Aristotle himself, in the book we cited above, records that he spoke of the same matter in another place, which is not extant today. Gaius, book I On Trusts, as reported in book III On Doubtful Matters, and Julianus, book XXXVI On Discharges, relate exactly the same of a woman of Alexandria as our Septimius here relates of a Greek woman. Rigaltius.

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(40) ‹anchor: In jure civili› · call in col 697–698 (call not visible)

In jure civili. In Jurisconsultorum libris, quos ita citare solent etiam veteres grammatici. Auctor Quæst. 115 : « Legitur namque cautum in quodam juris libello aliquando mulierem quinque peperisse. » Rig. — Unius uteri puerpera numerosa, quæ tot stipata coporibus, pene dixerim populo. Sic Manilius Astron. I. de tergeminis Horatiis dixit, Tota acies partus. — Nam ita legendum exemplaria testantur. Rig.

"In the civil law." In the books of the jurists, which the old grammarians too are accustomed to cite so. The author of Question 115: "For it is read, set down in a certain law book, that a woman once bore five." Rigaltius. — "A mother of many from one womb, thronged with so many bodies [coporibus, as printed], I might almost say a people." So Manilius, Astronomica I, said of the triplet Horatii: "a whole battle line in one birth." — For the manuscripts witness that it should be read so. Rigaltius.

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(41) ‹anchor: Universa conditio› · call in col 697–698 (call not visible)

Universa conditio. Quidquid a Deo conditum creatumque est. Rig.

"The whole creation." Whatever has been founded and created by God. Rigaltius.

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(42) ‹anchor: Imaginem existimas› · call in col 697–698 (call not visible)

Imaginem existimas. Parabolam. Rig.

"You think it an image." A parable. Rigaltius.

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(43) ‹anchor: Lazari nomen› · call in col 697–698 (call not visible)

Et quid Lazari nomen. In cod. Agobardi legitur, Elazari Cæterum eodem ex historia Lazari argumento Irenæus, circa corporeum quemdam animæ habitum ejusdem cum Septimio nostro sententiæ esse videtur lib. II, cap. 62 et 63. Et tamen solus vapulat Septimius. Credo, quod eloquio disertiore notabilem se fecit. Rig. — Perperam hic Irenæo tribuitur error, quo Tertullianus sibi effingit animabus inhærescere quandam corporis delineationem, umbratilesque sensus ac colores aerios; voluit tantum Irenæus, idemque et multi posterum volunt inesse in mentibus humanis, etiam in cœlo degentibus, certos quosdam caracteres et certum quemdam ordinem corporis superstitem, quibus ab aliis spiritibus, nempe ab angelis, animæ humanæ distinguantur. Idipsum est quod vocat Irenæus characterem corporis et hominis figuram. Hæc fusius D. Massuet ad loc. citat. ac præsertim in dissert. sua 3, art. 11. Edd.

"And what of the name of Lazarus?" In the Agobard codex "Elazari" is read. For the rest, with the same argument from the story of Lazarus, Irenaeus seems to be of the same opinion as our Septimius about a certain bodily form of the soul, book II, chapters 62 and 63. And yet Septimius alone is flogged for it. I believe it is because he made himself conspicuous by his more eloquent speech. Rigaltius. — Wrongly is the error attributed here to Irenaeus by which Tertullian imagines that a kind of outline of the body clings to souls, with shadowy senses and airy colours. Irenaeus meant only, as many later writers also mean, that in human minds, even those dwelling in heaven, there remain certain marks and a certain arrangement of the body, by which human souls are distinguished from other spirits, namely the angels. This is just what Irenaeus calls "the character of the body and the shape of the man". Dom Massuet treats this more fully at the place cited, and especially in his Dissertation 3, article 11. The editors.

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(44) ‹anchor: si non corpus› · call in col 697–698 (call not visible)

Nihil enim anima. si non corpus. Augustinus notat : « Denique Tertullianus corpus animam esse credidit, non ob aliud, nisi quod eam incorpoream cogitare non potuit, et ideo timuit ne nihil esset, si corpus, » etc. Lib. X, de Genesi ad lit. sub finem. Rig.

"For the soul is nothing if not body." Augustine remarks: "In short, Tertullian believed the soul to be a body for no other reason than that he could not conceive it as incorporeal, and so he feared it would be nothing if [it were not] body" [the printed quotation reads "si corpus"], etc. On Genesis according to the Letter, book X, near the end. Rigaltius.

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Page

running head: 697 LIBER DE ANIM[A] (cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A natus a prospectu et recogitatu; B tum ad nostros, ex abundanti; C (39) Invenitur etiam in jure civili (in the Commentarius); D (40) In jure civili (in the Commentarius)
old-edition numerals: 657 after laetantis

PL 2:698

non caperet imago animae imaginem corporis: nec mentiretur de corporalibus membris Scriptura, si non erant. Quid est autem illud quod ad inferna transfertur post divortium corporis? quod detinetur? quod in diem judicii reservatur? ad quod et Christus moriendo descendit? puto ad animas Patriarcharum. Sed quamobrem, si nihil anima sub terris? Nihil enim, si non corpus: incorporalitas enim ab omni genere custodiae libera est, immunis a poena et a fovela. Per quod enim punitur aut fovetur, hoc erit corpus; reddam de isto plenius et opportunius. Igitur si quid tormenti sive solatii anima praecerpit in carcere seu diversorio inferum, in igni, vel in sinu Abrahae, probata erit corporalitas animae. Incorporalitas enim nihil patitur, non habens per quod pati possit: aut si habet, hoc erit corpus. In quantum enim omne corporale, passibile est; in tantum, quod passibile est, corporale est.

the image of the soul would not contain the image of the body; nor would Scripture lie about bodily members, if they did not exist. But what is that which is carried over to the lower regions after its separation from the body? which is detained there? which is reserved for the day of judgement? to which Christ also, in dying, descended? To the souls of the patriarchs, I suppose. But why so, if the soul is nothing beneath the earth? For it is nothing, if it is not a body: for incorporeality is free from every kind of custody, exempt from punishment and from comfort. For that through which it is punished or comforted will be body; I shall give an account of this more fully and more opportunely. Therefore, if the soul receives beforehand any torment or solace in the prison or lodging of the underworld, in the fire, or in the bosom of Abraham, the corporeality of the soul will have been proved. For incorporeality suffers nothing, not having that through which it could suffer; or if it has it, that will be body. For in so far as everything corporeal is passible, in so far is that which is passible corporeal.

CAPUT VIII.

Chapter VIII.

Abruptum alioquin et absurdum, idcirco quid de corporalium eximere censu, quia caeteris corporalibus exemplis non adaequet; ubi proprietatum privata discrimina, per quae magnificentia autoris

It is, moreover, abrupt and absurd to exempt something from the census of corporeal things on this account, that it does not match the other corporeal examples; where there are private distinctions of properties, through which the magnificence of the Author

Editors' notes and page, col. 698

Footnotes

(45) ‹anchor: privata discrimina› · call in col 698

Abruptum alioquin et absurdum, idcirco quid de corporalium eximere censu, quia cæteris corporalibus exemplis non adæquet, ubi proprietatem privata discrimina. Est quod miremur Augustinum post hæc verba Septimio nostro nihilominus acerbe succensere : « Quia sane, inquit, quoniam acutus est, interdum contra opinionem suam visa veritate superatur. Quid enim verius dicere potuit, quam id quod ait quodam loco : Omne corporale passibile est? Debuit ergo mutare sententiam, qua paulo superius dixerat etiam Deum corpus esse. Neque enim arbitror eum ita desipuisse, ut etiam Dei naturam passibilem crederet. » Profecto enim hoc voluit Septimius, animas quidem, ac Deum ipsum esse corpora, sed corpora sui generis, hoc est, cum suarum proprietatum privato discrimine. Quo sane significavit talia se corpora intelligere, quæ nec animæ dignitati, nec majestati divinæ quidquam officiant. Itaque nec propterea Dei naturam esse passibilem, quamvis propterea sit animæ natura passibilis. Etenim esse animæ corpus sui generis per quod patiatur ; esse autem Deo quoque corpus sui generis, hoc est divini, adeoque passionis expers. Rig.

"Besides, it is abrupt and absurd to remove something from the class of bodily things because it does not match the other bodily examples, where [each has its] properties as private distinctions." It is a wonder that after these words Augustine should nonetheless be bitterly angry with our Septimius: "Since indeed," he says, "because he is sharp, he is sometimes overcome, against his own opinion, by the truth he has seen. For what truer thing could he have said than what he says in one place: Everything bodily is passible? He ought therefore to have changed the view in which he had said a little earlier that God too is a body. For I do not think he was so foolish as to believe that God's nature too is passible." Surely what Septimius meant was that souls, and God himself, are bodies, but bodies of their own kind, that is, each with the private distinction of its own properties. By this he plainly signified that he understood bodies of such a kind as in no way prejudice either the dignity of the soul or the divine majesty. So it does not follow that God's nature is passible, even though for that reason the soul's nature is passible. For the soul has a body of its own kind through which it suffers; and God too has a body of his own kind, that is, a divine one, and therefore free from suffering. Rigaltius.

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Page

running head: LIBER DE ANIMA. 998
marginal letters: A ‹non caperet imago animae›; B ‹pati possit: aut si habet›; C ‹poris delineationem, umbratilesque› (in the Commentarius); D ‹privata discrimina. Est quod miremur› (in the Commentarius)
old-edition numerals: (none)

PL 2:699

ex operum eorumdem diversitate signatur; ut sint tam discreta quam paria, tam amica quam et aemula. Siquidem et ipsi philosophi ex contrariis universa constare condicunt, secundum amicitiam et inimicitiam Empedoclis. Sic igitur etsi corporalia incorporalibus objacent, ipsa quoque inter se differunt, ut differentia species eorum ampliet, non genus mutet: ut sint corporalia, sic multa in Dei gloriam, dum varia; sic varia, dum diversa; dum his alii qualitatum sensus, alii illis; dum his alia alimenta, alia illis; dum haec invisibilia, illa visibilia; dum haec gravia, illa levia. Aiunt enim et idcirco animam incorporalem renuntiandam, quia, digressa ea, graviora efficiantur corpora defunctorum, cum leviora esse deberent, unius corporis pondere exempto, si anima corpus. Quid enim, inquit Soranus, si mare negent corpus, quia extra mare immobilis et gravis navis efficitur? Quanto ergo validius corpus animae, quod tanti postea ponderis corpus levissima mobilitate circumfert? Caeterum est invisibilis anima, et pro conditione corporis sui, et pro proprietate substantiae, et pro natura etiam eorum quibus invisibilis esse sortita est. Solem noctuae nesciunt oculi; aquilae ita sustinent, ut natorum suorum generositatem de pupillarum audacia judicent: alioqui non educabunt, ut degenerem, quem solis radius averterit. Est adeo alteri quid invisibile, alteri non, quod nou ideo incorporale sit, quia non ex aequo vis valet. Sol enim corpus, siquidem ignis; sed quod aquila confiteatur, neget noctua; non tamen praejudicans aquilae: tantumdem et animae corpus invisibile carni s

is marked out by the diversity of those same works; so that they are as distinct as they are alike, as friendly as they are also rivals. For indeed the philosophers themselves also agree that all things consist of contraries, according to the friendship and enmity of Empedocles. Thus therefore, even if corporeal things are set over against incorporeal ones, they themselves also differ among themselves, so that the difference enlarges their species but does not change their genus: so that, being corporeal, they are thus many to the glory of God, while they are varied; thus varied, while they are diverse; while these have some senses of qualities, those others; while these have some foods, those others; while these are invisible, those visible; while these are heavy, those light. For they say that for this reason too the soul must be declared incorporeal, because, once it has departed, the bodies of the dead become heavier, whereas they ought to be lighter, the weight of one body having been taken away, if the soul is a body. For what, says Soranus, if they were to deny that the sea is a body because outside the sea a ship becomes immovable and heavy? How much more powerfully, then, is the soul a body, which afterwards carries about a body of so great a weight with the lightest mobility? Moreover the soul is invisible, both by the condition of its body, and by the property of its substance, and also by the nature of those to whom it has fallen to its lot to be invisible. The eyes of owls do not know the sun; those of eagles so withstand it that they judge the nobility of their offspring by the boldness of their pupils: otherwise they will not rear, as degenerate, the one whom the sun's ray has turned away. Thus something is invisible to one, not to another, and it is not on that account incorporeal, because the power [of sight] is not equally strong. For the sun is a body, since it is fire; but what the eagle acknowledges, the owl would deny; yet without prejudging the eagle: just so too the body of the soul is invisible to the flesh

Editors' notes and page, col. 699

Footnotes

(var. 31) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 699–700 (call not visible) In Dei gloria Rhen.

"In Dei gloria": Rhenanus.

(var. 32) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 699–700 (call not visible) Etsi invisibilis Rhen. Seml. Oberth. Jun. mavult Etsi invisibilis anima : at pro conditione.

"Etsi invisibilis": Rhenanus, Semler, Oberthür. Junius prefers "Etsi invisibilis anima: at pro conditione".

(var. 33) ‹anchor: ex æquo vis› · call in col 699 Visus Jun.

"Visus": Junius.

(var. 34) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 699–700 (call not visible) Qua corpus ostendamus Rhen. Pam. et alii.

"Qua corpus ostendamus": Rhenanus, Pamelius and others.

(var. 35) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 699–700 (call not visible) Distentivum V. C. Wouw. distinctivum vel distantivum Lat. distantium longitudinem, latitudinem et sublimitatem Cod. Agobard.

"Distentivum": Wouwer's old manuscript; "distinctivum" or "distantivum": Latinius; "distantium longitudinem, latitudinem et sublimitatem": the Agobard codex.

(var. 36) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 699–700 (call not visible) Quam immortalem — quam indissolubilem Rhen. et alii.

"Quam immortalem — quam indissolubilem": Rhenanus and others.

(printed under page 354)

(46) ‹anchor: amicitiam et inimicitiam Empedoclis› · call in col 699–700 (call not visible)

Secundum amicitiam et inimicitiam Empedoclis. Empedoclis versus hac de re sic habent : Ἄλλοτε εἰς φιλότητι συνερχόμεν' εἰς ἕναπαντα, Ἄλλοτε δ' αὖ δίχ' ἕκαστα φορεύμενα νείκεος ἔχθει. Rig.

"According to the friendship and enmity of Empedocles." Empedocles' verses on this run thus: "At one time all things coming together in love into one; at another, each borne apart again in the hatred of strife." Rigaltius.

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(47) ‹anchor: animæ corpus asserimus› · call in col 699–700 (call not visible)

Cum animæ corpus asserimus. Ex præcedentium capitum absurda suppositione de corporalitate animæ, trahitur in aliud absurdum : instar annulorum catenata veniunt omnia ad unius lationem : probat deinceps effigiem esse animæ corporalem. Rig.

"When we assert a body for the soul." From the absurd supposition of the preceding chapters about the soul's corporeality he is drawn into another absurdity: like rings, everything comes linked together at the carrying of one; next he proves that the soul has a bodily shape. Rigaltius.

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(48) ‹anchor: qualitatis et sui generis› · call in col 699–700 (call not visible)

Propriæ qualitatis et sui generis. Plinius, etsi non optimus harum rerum doctor, postquam de Deo dixit, « Totus est sensus, totus est visus, totus auditus, totus animæ, totus animi ; » addidit, totus sui. Rig. — Corpus sui generis. Sic etiam loquitur lib. de Car. Chr. Rig.

"Of its own quality and of its own kind." Pliny, though not the best teacher of these matters, after saying of God, "He is all sense, all sight, all hearing, all soul, all mind," added, "all his own." Rigaltius. — "A body of its own kind." So he speaks also in the book On the Flesh of Christ. Rigaltius.

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(49) ‹anchor: corpulentiæ præjudicavit› · call in col 699–700 (call not visible)

De cæteris accidentibus corpulentiæ præjudicavit. Sæpe in suo significatu utitur verbo præjudico, pro, judicium prævium dare, aut præmonstrare. Sensus hujus clausulæ est : conditio proprietatis corporea jam erit conspicuum quoddam indicium ad judicandum de cæteris corpulentiæ accidentibus. Lac.

"Has given a prior judgement on the other accidents of bodiliness." He often uses the verb "praejudico" in its own sense, to give a prior judgement, or to show beforehand. The sense of this clause is: the bodily condition of the property will now be a clear indication for judging the other accidents of bodiliness. Lacerda.

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(50) ‹anchor: effigiem animæ damus› · call in col 699–700 (call not visible)

Quid nunc, quod et effigiem animæ damus Irenæus lib. II : « Hominis figuram ; » et, « Characterem corporis in quo adaptatur. » Lac.

"What now, that we also give the soul a shape?" Irenaeus, book II: "the shape of the man"; and "the character of the body to which it is fitted." Lacerda.

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(1) [as printed; the sequence requires (51)] ‹anchor: Platone nolente› · call in col 699–700 (call not visible)

Platone nolente. Platonis verba citat Clemens Alex. lib. V. Strom. Plato in Phædone fecit animam expertem totius figuræ et coloris : neque enim cum effigie constare poterat incorporalitas animæ, neque cum incorporalitate immortalitas, quam ibi fulcit, et probat sub Socratis persona. In Timæo quoque dicit substantiam simplicem, facultatibus multiplicem, et tanquam tabulam rasam, quod docuit Aristoteles, et præcipue eo opere quo cum Platone maxime sentit. « de divina sapientia secundum Ægyptios, » lib. II. cap. 3, et Alcinous in Instit. Plat. Lac.

"Though Plato is unwilling." Clement of Alexandria quotes Plato's words, Stromata book V. In the Phaedo Plato made the soul lacking all shape and colour; for the soul's incorporeality could not stand with a shape, nor its immortality with [a body], the immortality which he there supports and proves in the person of Socrates. In the Timaeus too he calls it a simple substance, manifold in its faculties, and like a blank tablet, which Aristotle taught, especially in that work where he agrees most with Plato, "On the divine wisdom according to the Egyptians", book II, chapter 3; and Alcinous in the Instruction in Plato. Lacerda.

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Page

running head: 699 TERTULLIANI OPERUM PARS II. — S (cut off at right edge)
marginal letters: A toris ex operum eorumdem; B deberent, unius corporis; C pus, siquidem ignis; D lorum catenata veniunt (beside the Commentarius, below the text)
old-edition numerals: 658 after etsi

PL 2:700

forte, spiritus vero visible; sic Joannes, in spiritu Dei factus, animas martyrum conspicit (Apoc. VI, 20).

perhaps, but visible to the spirit; thus John, having come to be in the Spirit of God, beholds the souls of the martyrs (Rev. 6:9).

CAPUT IX.

Chapter IX.

Cum animae corpus asserimus propriae qualitatis et sui generis, jam haec conditio proprietatis de caeteris accidentibus corpulentiae praejudicavit. aut haec adesse ei quam corpus ostendimus, sed et ipsa sui generis, pro corporis proprietate; aut etsi non adsint, hoc esse proprietatis, non adesse corpori animae, quae corporibus caeteris adsint. Et tamen non inconstanter profitebimur, solemniora quaeque, et omnimode debita corpulentiae, adesse animae quoque, ut habitum, ut terminum, ut illud trifariam distantivum, longitudinem dico, et latitudinem, et sublimitatem, quibus metantur corpora philosophi. Quid nunc, quod et effigiem animae damus, Platone nolente, quasi periclitetur de animae immortalitate? Omne enim effigiatum compositum et structile adfirmat: dissolubile autem, omne compositititum et structile: sed animam immortalem: igitur indissolubilem qua immortalem, et ineffigiatam, qua indissolubilem. Caeterum compositititiam et structilem, si effigiatam; tanquam alio eam modo effigians intellectualibus formis, pulchram justitia et disciplinis philosophiae, deformem vero contrariis artibus. Sed nos corporales quoque illi inscribimus lineas, non tantum ex fiducia corporalitatis per aestimationem, verum et ex con⟨s⟩tantia gratiae per revelationem. Nam quia spiritalia charismata agnoscimus, post Joannem quoque prophetiam meruimus consequi. Est hodie soror apud nos revelationum charismata

When we assert a body of the soul, of its own quality and of its own kind, this condition of its peculiarity has already prejudged the question of the other accidents of corporeality: either that these are present to that which we have shown to be a body, but these too of their own kind, in keeping with the peculiarity of the body; or, even if they are not present, that this belongs to its peculiarity, that there are not present to the body of the soul the things which are present to other bodies. And yet we shall not inconsistently profess that all the more customary features, and those in every way owed to corporeality, are present to the soul also, such as bearing, such as limit, such as that threefold extension, I mean length, and breadth, and height, by which philosophers measure bodies. What now of the fact that we also give the soul a shape, against Plato's will, as though it imperilled the soul's immortality? For he affirms that everything shaped is composite and constructed; and everything composite and constructed is dissoluble; but the soul is immortal; therefore it is indissoluble inasmuch as immortal, and shapeless inasmuch as indissoluble. Otherwise it would be composite and constructed, if shaped; as though he shaped it in another manner, by intellectual forms, beautiful through justice and the disciplines of philosophy, but deformed through the contrary arts. But we inscribe on it bodily lineaments too, not only from confidence in its corporeality by reasoning, but also from the certainty of grace by revelation. For because we acknowledge spiritual gifts, we have been granted to attain prophecy also after John. There is today among us a sister who has had gifts of revelations

Editors' notes and page, col. 700

Footnotes

(52) ‹anchor: ex constantia gratiæ› · call in col 700

Ex constantia gratiæ. Constantiam gratiæ dicit, gratiam de qua certissime constat. Rig.

"From the constancy of grace." By "constancy of grace" he means grace whose reality is most certainly established. Rigaltius.

(printed under page 354)

(53) ‹anchor: spiritalia charismata agnoscimus› · call in col 700

Nam quia spiritualia charismata agnoscimus. Horum meminit etiam Irenæus, lib. V, cap. 8, ubi perfectos interpretatur eos qui perceperunt Spiritum Dei, et omnibus linguis loquuntur per Spiritum Dei : « Quemadmodum inquit, et multos audivimus fratres in Ecclesia prophetica habentes charismata, et per Spiritum universis linguis loquentes. Rig.

"For because we acknowledge spiritual gifts." Irenaeus too mentions them, book V, chapter 8, where he explains "the perfect" as those who have received the Spirit of God and speak in all tongues through the Spirit of God: "As," he says, "we have also heard many brothers in the Church who have prophetic gifts and speak in all tongues through the Spirit." Rigaltius.

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(54) ‹anchor: soror apud nos› · call in col 700

Est hodie soror apud nos. Existimivit Jac. Pamelius sororem hanc fuisse Priscillam : quod (continues)

"There is a sister among us today." Jacques Pamelius thought [existimivit, as printed] that this sister was Priscilla; which (continues)

(printed under page 354)

Page

running head: [cut off at left] PARS II. — SERIES I, POLEMICA. 700
marginal letters: A forte, spiritus vero visible; B nem dico, et latitudinem; C quia spiritalia charismata agnoscimus; D Timaeo quoque dicit (in the commentary, not set)
old-edition numerals: 659 after qualitatis
other: reference Apoc. VI, 20 as printed (the passage is Apoc. VI, 9); letter in con⟨s⟩tantia obscured by an ink blot; stray dot after Caeterum not set; the readings compositititum/compositititiam are unsure and may be printed composititium/composititiam; last word cha- is split at the column break; the left-column fragments, the Variae lectiones and the Commentarius notes at the page foot are not set

PL 2:701

sortita, quas in ecclesia inter Dominica solemnia per exstasin in spiritu patitur: conversatur cum angelis, aliquando etiam cum Domino, et videt et audit sacramenta, et quorumdam corda dignoscit, et medecinas desiderantibus submittit. Jam vero, prout Scripturae leguntur, aut Psalmi canuntur, aut adlocutiones proferuntur, aut petitiones delegantur, ita inde materiae visionibus subministrantur. Forte nescio quid de anima disserueramus, cum ea soror in spiritu esset. Post transacta solemnia, dimissa plebe, quo usu solet nobis renuntiare quae viderit (nam et diligentissime digeruntur, ut etiam probentur): Inter caetera, inquit, ostensa est mihi anima corporaliter, et spiritus videbatur, sed non inanis et vacuae qualitatis, imo quae etiam teneri repromitteret, tenera et lucida, et aerei coloris, et forma per omnia humana. Hoc visio, et Deus testis, et Apostolus charismatum in Ecclesia futurorum idoneus sponsor; tu, nec si res ipsa de singulis persuaserit, credas! Si enim corpus anima, sine dubio inter illa quae supra sumus professi. Proinde et coloris proprietas omni corpori adhaeret; quem igitur alium animae aestimabis colorem, quam aerium ac lucidum? Non ut aer sit ipsa substantia ejus, et si hoc Aenesidemo visum est et Anaximeni, puto secuudum quosdam, et Heraclito; nec ut lumen, etsi hoc placuit pontico Heraclidi. Nam et cerauneis gemmis non ideo substantia ignita est, quod coruscent rutilato rubore; nec beryllis ideo aquosa materia est, quod fluctuent colato nitore. Quanta enim et alia color sociat, natura dissociat! Sed quoniam omne tenue atque perlucidum aeris aemulum est, hoc erit anima, qua flatus est et spiritus

allotted to her, which she undergoes in the spirit through ecstasy in church during the solemn rites of the Lord's day: she converses with angels, sometimes even with the Lord, and she both sees and hears mysteries, and discerns the hearts of some, and supplies remedies to those who desire them. Now, according as the Scriptures are read, or Psalms are sung, or addresses are delivered, or petitions are offered, so from these materials are supplied to her visions. It happened that we had been discoursing on something or other about the soul while that sister was in the spirit. After the solemn rites were finished and the people dismissed, following the custom by which she is accustomed to report to us what she has seen (for these things are also most diligently examined, so that they may even be tested), she says: "Among other things a soul was shown to me in bodily form, and it appeared to be a spirit, but not of an empty and void quality; rather, such as would even promise to be grasped, tender and lucid, and of an airy colour, and in form human in every respect." This is the vision, and God is witness, and the Apostle is a fit guarantor of the charisms to come in the Church; you, not even if the thing itself should persuade you on every point, would believe! For if the soul is a body, it is without doubt among those things which we declared above. Accordingly the property of colour also adheres to every body; what other colour, then, will you reckon to be the soul's than an airy and lucid one? Not that air is its very substance, even if this seemed so to Aenesidemus and to Anaximenes, and, I think, according to some, to Heraclitus; nor that it is light, although this pleased Heraclides of Pontus. For neither is the substance of thunderstone gems fiery because they flash with a glowing redness, nor is the matter of beryls watery because they ripple with a filtered sheen. For how many other things colour joins together which nature separates! But since everything thin and transparent is a rival of air, this the soul will be, inasmuch as it is breath and the spirit's

Editors' notes and page, col. 701

Footnotes

(var. 37) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 701–702 (call not visible) Sumit Par.

"Sumit": the Paris edition.

(var. 38) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 701–702 (call not visible) Ætherii coloris Par. et aerii coloris Jun. mavult.

"Aetherii coloris": the Paris edition; and Junius prefers "aerii coloris".

(var. 39) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 701–702 (call not visible) Hoc visio delent Rhen. hæc visio est Pam.

Rhenanus deletes "hoc visio"; "haec visio est": Pamelius.

(var. 40) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 701–702 (call not visible) Nisi Pam.

"Nisi": Pamelius.

(var. 41) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 701–702 (call not visible) Ne inser. Pam.

Pamelius inserts "ne".

(var. 42) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 701–702 (call not visible) Paulus V. C. Wouw.

"Paulus": Wouwer's old manuscript.

(var. 43) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 701–702 (call not visible) Somnis Rhen. Seml. Oberth. Pam.

"Somnis": Rhenanus, Semler, Oberthür, Pamelius.

(var. 44) ‹anchor: semen efficit› · call in col 702 Efficit Pam.

"Efficit": Pamelius.

(printed under page 355)

(55) ‹anchor: et audit sacramenta› · call in col 701–702 (call not visible)

Et videt et audit sacramenta. Parabolas, ænigmata, figuras, mysteria ; cujusmodi sunt quæ ostenduntur aut suggeruntur per sommia, quibus Dei voluntas significatur sive aperitur. Sic lib. de Jejuniis, agnitionem sacramentorum dixit a Deo tributam Danieli somniorum interpretandorum peritiam. Et lib. I adversus Marcionem : « Leones aridæ et ardentis naturæ sacramenta ; » hoc est, signa, figuras. — Videt et audit sacramenta. Mysteria. Audivit Paulus in illo sui raptu ἄῤῥητα ῥήματα. Irenæus Latine dixit, Sermones inenarrabiles, lib. V. cap. 7. Rig.

"And she sees and hears sacraments": parables, riddles, figures, mysteries, such as are shown or suggested in dreams [sommia, as printed], by which God's will is signified or disclosed. So in the book On Fasting he called the skill of interpreting dreams granted by God to Daniel "the knowledge of sacraments". And in book I Against Marcion: "lions, sacraments of a dry and burning nature", that is, signs, figures. — "She sees and hears sacraments": mysteries. Paul in that rapture of his heard "unspeakable words". Irenaeus put it in Latin as "words that cannot be told", book V, chapter 7. Rigaltius.

(printed under page 355)

(56) ‹anchor: quorumdam corda dignoscit› · call in col 701–702 (call not visible)

Et quorumdam corda dignoscit. Quales perfecti illi apud Irenæum, loco supradicto : « Absconsa hominum in manifestum producentes ac utilitatem : Τὰ κρύφια τῶν ἀνθρώπων εἰς φανερὸν ἄγοντες ἐπὶ τῷ συμφέροντι : quæ verba leguntur apud Euseb. lib. V., cap. 7. Rig.

"And she discerns the hearts of some." Such were those perfect ones in Irenaeus, at the place cited above: "bringing the hidden things of men to light, for their profit" [Greek:] "bringing the secret things of men into the open for their good": words that are read in Eusebius, book V, chapter 7. Rigaltius.

(printed under page 355)

(57) ‹anchor: Adlocutiones proferuntur› · call in col 701–702 (call not visible)

Adlocutiones proferuntur. Ipse in Apolog. « Coimus ad litterarum divinarum commemorationem, si quid præsentium temporum qualitas aut præmonere cogit, aut recognoscere, » etc Rig.

"Addresses are delivered." He himself in the Apology: "We meet to call the divine writings to mind, if the character of the present times compels us either to forewarn or to recognise anything," etc. Rigaltius.

(printed under page 355)

(58) ‹anchor: audire et videre debuerat› · call in col 701–702 (call not visible)

Quibus populus Dominum audire et videre debuerat. Exemplar Agobardi, Quibus populus dno. aud. et v. d. Omnino legendum ex cod. Ful. Ursini : » « Quibus Paulus Dominum audire et videre debuerat. » Innuit enim raptum illum Pauli, cujus ipse Paulus meminit II ad Cor. cap. III, ubi se raptum fuisse ait in paradisum, sed nescire, εἴτε σώματι εἴτε ἐκτὸς τοῦ σώματος. Septimii sententiam refellit Augustinus loco supra citato : « Esse, inquit, quibus auribus et quibus oculis debuit audire et videre Deum Paulus, quibus anima in somnis fungitur. Cum si ipsum Tertullianum quisquam videret in somnis, numquam se diceret ab eo visum et cum eo locutum, quem vicissim ipse non vidisset, » etc. Qui locus, uti vulgo legitur, eodem laborat mendo, quo Septimianus. Etenim bis illic legitur populus, ubi legendum Paulus. Rig.

"By which the people ought to have heard and seen the Lord." The Agobard copy has "Quibus populus dno. aud. et v. d." It should certainly be read, from Fulvio Orsini's codex: "By which Paul ought to have heard and seen the Lord." For he hints at that rapture of Paul which Paul himself mentions in 2 Corinthians, chapter III [as printed], where he says he was caught up into paradise but did not know "whether in the body or out of the body". Augustine refutes Septimius' view at the place cited above: "That the ears and eyes," he says, "with which Paul was to hear and see God are those which the soul uses in dreams. Whereas if anyone saw Tertullian himself in his dreams, Tertullian would never say that he had been seen by him and had spoken with him, when he in turn had not seen him," etc. That passage, as commonly read, suffers from the same fault as Septimius' text: for "populus" is read there twice where "Paulus" should be read. Rigaltius.

(printed under page 355)

Page

running head: 701 LIBBR DE ANIMA (cut off at the right edge)
marginal letters: A ‹rismata sortita, quas in ecclesia›; B ‹vacuae qualitatis, imo quae etiam›; C ‹coruscent rutilato rubore; nec beryllis›; D ‹gisse melancholiae vitio› (in the Commentarius)
old-edition numerals: 660 after ‹exstasin›; 661 after ‹nitore.›
other: the word spiritus was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 702

PL 2:702

tradux. Siquidem, prae ipsa tenuitatis subtilitate, de fide corporalitatis periclitatur. Sic et effigiem de sensu jam tuo concipe non aliam animae humanae deputandam praeter humanam, et quidem ejus corporis quod unaquaeque circumtulit. Hoc nos sapere interim primordii contemp⟨l⟩atio inducat. Recogita enim, cum Deus flasset in faciem hominis flatum vitae, et factus esset homo in animam vivam, totum utique per faciem statim flatum illum in interiora transmissum, et per univer⟨s⟩a corporis spatia diffusum, simulque divina aspiratione densatum, omni intus linea expressum esse, quam densatus impleverat, et velut in forma gelasse. Inde igitur et corpulentia animae ex densatione solidata est, et effigies expressione formata. Hic erit homo interior, alius exterior, dupliciter unus: habens et ille oculos et aures suas, quibus populus Dominum audire et videre debuerat; habens et caeteros artus, per quos et in cogitatibus utitur, et in somniis fungitur. Sic et diviti apud inferos lingua est, et pauperi digitus, et sinus Abrahae. Per has lineas et animae martyrum sub altari intelliguntur. A primordio enim in Adam concreta et configurata corpori anima, ut totius substantiae, ita et conditionis istius semen efficit.

offshoot. For indeed, because of the very subtlety of its thinness, it is in danger as regards belief in its corporeality. So too, from your own perception now, conceive that no other shape is to be assigned to the human soul than a human one, and indeed that of the body which each one carried about. Meanwhile let the contemplation of the beginning lead us to understand this. For recall that when God had blown into the face of man the breath of life, and man had become a living soul, that breath was at once transmitted wholly through the face into the inner parts, and diffused through all the spaces of the body, and at the same time, condensed by the divine breathing, it was impressed upon every line within, which, once condensed, it had filled, and as it were congealed in a mould. Thence therefore both the corporeality of the soul was made solid by the condensation, and its shape was formed by the impression. This will be the inner man, the other the outer, one man in a twofold way: the former too having his own eyes and ears, with which the people ought to have heard and seen the Lord; having also the other limbs, which he both uses in his thoughts and employs in dreams. So too the rich man in the underworld has a tongue, and the poor man a finger, and Abraham a bosom. By these lineaments the souls of the martyrs under the altar too are understood. For from the beginning the soul, made concrete and configured to the body in Adam, produces the seed, as of the whole substance, so also of that condition.

CAPUT X.

Chapter X.

Pertinet ad statum fidei, simplicem animam determinare, secundum Platonem, id est uniformem dumtaxat substantiae nomine. Viderint artes et disciplinae, viderint et haereses. Quidam enim volunt, aliam illi substantiam naturalem inesse, spiritum, quasi aliud sit vivere, quod venit ab anima, aliud spirare, quod fiat a spiritu; nam et animalibus

It belongs to the standing of the faith to define the soul as simple, according to Plato, that is, uniform, at least in respect of the term substance. Let the arts and disciplines see to it, let the heresies too see to it. For some hold that another natural substance is present in it, the spirit, as though living, which comes from the soul, were one thing, and breathing, which is done by the spirit, another; for even in animals

Editors' notes and page, col. 702

Footnotes

(59) ‹anchor: quod fiat a spiritu› · call in col 702

Aliud sit vivere quod venit ab anima, aliud spirare quod fiat a spiritu. Philosophis ratio ex respiratione sumpta magni fuit ponderis : distingue- (continues)

"That living, which comes from the soul, is one thing, and breathing, which is done by the spirit, another." To the philosophers the argument taken from respiration was of great weight: distinguish- (continues)

(printed under page 355)

Page

running head: [L]IBER DE ANIMA. 702 (first letter cut off at image edge, reads "IBBER")
marginal letters: A ritus tradux. Siquidem; B sione formata. Hic erit; C dumtaxat substantiae nomine; D et v. d. Omnino legendum (in the Commentarius, not set)
old-edition numerals: 662 after spirare

PL 2:703

non omnibus utrumque adesse. Pleraque enim vivere solummodo, non etiam spirare, eo quod non habeant organa spiritus, pulmones et arterias. Quale est autem, in examinatione humanae animae, culicis atque formicae argumenta respicere? quando et vitalia, pro cujusque generis dispositione, omnibus propria animalibus temperavit artifex Deus, ut nulla inde conjectura captanda sit. Nam neque homo, si pulmonibus et arteriis structus est, idcirco aliunde spirabit, aliunde vivet: neque formica, si membris hujusmodi caret, idcirco negabitur spirare, quasi solummodo vivens. Cui vero tantum patuit in Deo opera, ut alicui haec deesse praesumpserit? Herophilus ille, medicus aut lanius, qui sexcentos exsecuit ut naturam scrutaretur, qui hominem odiit ut nosset, nescio an omnia interna ejus liquido exploravit, ipsa morte mutante quae vixerant, et morte non simplici, sed ipsa inter artificia exsectionis errante. Philosophi pro certo renuntiaverunt, culicibus et formicis et tineis deesse pulmones et arterias. Dic mihi, inspector curiosissime, oculos habent ad videndum? Atquin et pergunt quo volunt, et vitant et adpetunt quae videndo sciunt; designa oculos, denota pupulas. Sed et exedunt tineae; demonstra mandibulas, deprome genuinos. Sed et personant culices, ne in tenebris quidem aurium caeci: tubam pariter et lanceam oris illius ostende: Quodvis animal, unius licet puncti, aliquo alatur necesse est; exhibe pabuli transmittendi, decoquendi defaecandique membra. Quid ergo dicemus? Si per haec vivitur, erunt haec in omnibus utique quae vivunt, etsi non videntur, etsi non adprehenduntur pro mediocritate: hoc magis credas, si Deum recogites tantum artificem in modicis, quantum et in maximis. Si vero non putas capere tam minuta corpuscula Dei ingenium, sic quoque magnificentiam ejus agnoscas, quod modicis animalibus, sine necessariis membris nihilominus vivere instruxerit, salvo etiam visu sine oculis, et esu sine denticulis, et digestu sine alveis:

both are not present in all. For most [of them], [they say], only live and do not also breathe, because they do not have the organs of breath, lungs and windpipes. But what sort of thing is it, in the examination of the human soul, to look to the arguments of the gnat and the ant? since God the Craftsman has also tempered the vital organs, according to the disposition of each kind, proper to all animals, so that no conjecture is to be drawn from that source. For neither will man, if he is built with lungs and windpipes, therefore breathe by one thing and live by another; nor will the ant, if it lacks members of this sort, therefore be denied to breathe, as though merely living. But to whom has so much lain open in God's work that he should presume that these things are lacking to any [creature]? That Herophilus, physician or butcher, who cut up six hundred [men] that he might search out nature, who hated man that he might know him, I do not know whether he clearly explored all his inward parts, since death itself changes what had been alive, and death not a simple one, but one straying amid the very artifices of the dissection. The philosophers have reported for certain that gnats and ants and moths lack lungs and windpipes. Tell me, most curious inspector, do they have eyes for seeing? Yet they both go where they will, and avoid and seek the things which they know by seeing; mark out their eyes, point out their pupils. Moths also eat things away; show their jaws, bring out their molars. Gnats also buzz, and are not blind of ear even in the dark: display that trumpet and lance of its mouth. Any animal at all, though only of the size of a single point, must be nourished by something; exhibit its members for passing on, digesting and voiding its food. What then shall we say? If life is carried on by these things, these will certainly be in all things that live, even if they are not seen, even if they are not grasped because of their smallness: you would believe this the more if you recall that God is as great a Craftsman in small things as also in the greatest. But if you think that the ingenuity of God does not take in such tiny little bodies, even so you should acknowledge His magnificence, in that He has equipped little animals to live nonetheless without the necessary members, preserving even sight without eyes, and eating without teeth, and digestion without bellies:

Editors' notes and page, col. 703

Footnotes

(var. 45) ‹anchor: demonstra mandibulas,› · call in col 703 Mandibula alii.

"Mandibula": others.

(var. 46) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 703–704 (call not visible) Spiritum, naturam Rhen.

"Spiritum, naturam": Rhenanus.

(var. 47) ‹anchor: Sed non erunt› · call in col 704 Quæ div. poss. si f. Sed l. et d. c. Sed n. erunt omitt. Pam. ex Gelenio. Dividi non possent, et fuissent, sed licet duo esse concreta, etc., Gagnæus.

"Quae dividi possent, si fuissent. Sed licet et duo esse concreta. Sed non erunt" is omitted by Pamelius, following Gelenius. "Dividi non possent, et fuissent, sed licet duo esse concreta," etc.: Gagnée.

(printed under page 356)

(60) ‹anchor: medicus aut lanius› · call in col 703–704 (call not visible)

Herophilus ille, medicus aut lanius. Anatomia, quæ et celebris magnoque in pretio fuit apud ethnicos, a veteribus Christianis odio quam maximo afficiebatur. Quamvis hic dictum lanium Herophilum constet, quod vivos homines dissecaret. Id autem solitos facere Erasistratum, Dioclem et Hérophilum docet Claudius Galen. VIII de Plac. et II Anat. admin. Pœnituit sæculo proxime elapso virum eruditum et anatomicæ rei peritissimum Vesalium vivum hominem anatomia lacerasse, id enim Christianum non sapit. Le Pr.

"That Herophilus, physician or butcher." Anatomy, which was famous and held in great esteem among the pagans, was regarded with the greatest loathing by the early Christians. Though it is clear that Herophilus is called a butcher here because he dissected living men. That Erasistratus, Diocles and Herophilus used to do this, Claudius Galen teaches, On the Doctrines [of Hippocrates and Plato] VIII and On Anatomical Procedures II. In the century just past, Vesalius, a learned man most skilled in anatomy, repented of having torn a living man apart by dissection; for that does not savour of a Christian. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 356)

(61) ‹anchor: artificia exsectionis errante› · call in col 703–704 (call not visible)

Sed ipsa inter artificia exsectionis errante. Itaque etiam vivos Herophilus ille laniabat. Rig.

"But [death] itself straying amid the very devices of the cutting." So that Herophilus butchered even the living. Rigaltius.

(printed under page 356)

(62) ‹anchor: aurium cæci› · call in col 703

Ne in tenebris quidem aurium cæci. Etiam in tenebris discernunt aures. Nam sunt præsertim auribus infesti. Has potissimum appetunt tubæ truculentiæ spiculo. Rig.

"Not blind even in the darkness, as to the ears." Even in the dark they make out the ears. For they are especially troublesome to the ears; these above all they go for with the savage sting of their trumpet. Rigaltius.

(printed under page 356)

(63) ‹anchor: tubam pariter et lanceam› · call in col 703

Tubam pariter et lanceam. Sic habet exemplar Agobardi. Antea legebatur hianceam, depravatissime. Os culicis tuba est pariter et lancea. Plinius, XI, 2 : « Qua subtilitate pennas adnexuit, prælongave pedum crura disposuit? ubi illam avidam sanguinis, et potissimum humani sitim accendit; telum vero perfodiendo tergori quo spiculavit ingenio, ut fodiendo acuminatum pariter sorbendoque fistulosum esset? » Rig.

"A trumpet and a lance alike." So the Agobard copy has it. Formerly "hianceam" was read, a gross corruption. The gnat's mouth is at once a trumpet and a lance. Pliny XI, 2: "With what fineness did [nature] attach its wings, or set out the very long legs of its feet? Where did she kindle that thirst, greedy for blood and above all human blood? And with what skill did she sharpen the weapon for piercing the skin, so that it should be pointed for digging and at the same time tubular for sucking?" Rigaltius.

(printed under page 356)

(64) ‹anchor: tantum artificem in modicis› · call in col 703

Deum recogites tantum artificem in modicis.. Sic decuit ad naturæ Auctorem referre, quæ non nisi naturæ tribuit Plinius: « Nusquam spectatiore, inquit, naturæ artificio. In magnis siquidem corporibus, aut certe majoribus, facilis officina, sequaci materia, fuit. In his vero tam parvis atque tam nullis, quæ ratio ! quanta vis ! quam inextricabilis perfectio ! » Rig.

"That you consider God as great an artificer in small things." So it was fitting to refer to the Author of nature what Pliny attributes to nature alone: "Nowhere," he says, "is nature's craftsmanship more on display. In great bodies, or at least larger ones, the workshop had an easy task, the material being compliant. But in these so tiny, so all but nothing, what design! what power! what intricate perfection!" Rigaltius.

(printed under page 356)

(65) ‹anchor: Limaces› · call in col 703–704 (call not visible)

Limaces. Limax est cochlea nuda. Le Pr.

"Slugs." A slug is a naked snail. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 356)

Page

gap: the text in this column is not set: output filter, L03 blocked (API Error Output blocked by content filtering policy), 704 was the only fresh column of L03 and was already set aside on the volunteer page (2026-10-18). Marked gap (Ray's ruling); not retried.

PL 2:705

ex diabolo. Ita cum de anima et spiritu agitur, ipsa erit anima spiritus, sicut ipsa dies lux. Ipsum est enim quid, per quod est quid.

from the devil. So when it is a question of the soul and the spirit, the soul itself will be the spirit, just as the day itself is the light. For a thing is itself that through which it is something.

CAPUT XI.

Chapter XI.

Sed ut animam spiritum dicam, praesentis quaestionis ratio compellit, quia spirare alii substantiae adscribitur: hoc dum animae vindicamus, quam uniformem et simplicem agnoscimus, spiritum necesse est certa conditione dicamus; non status nomine, sed actus; nec substantiae titulo, sed operae; quia spirat, non quia spiritus proprie est: nam et flare, spirare est. Ita et animam, quam flatum ex proprietate defendimus spiritum nunc ex necessitate pronuntiamus. Caetaerum adversus Hermogenem, qui eam ex materia, non ex Dei flatu contendit, flatum proprie tuemur. Ille enim, adversus ipsius Scripturae fidem, flatum in spiritu vertit: ut dum incredibile est, spiritum Dei in delictum, et mox in judicium devenire, ex materia potius anima credatur, quam ex Dei spiritu. Idcirco nos et ille flatum eam defendimus, non spiritum, secundum Scripturam, et secundum spiritus distinctionem: et hic spiritum ingratis pronuntiamus, secundum spirandi et flandi communionem. Illic de substantia quaestio est: spirare enim substantiae actus est. Nec diutius de isto, nisi propter haereticos, qui nescio quod spiritale semen infulciunt animae, de Sophiae matris occulta liberalitate conlatum, ignorante factore, cum Scriptura factoris magis Dei sui conscia, nihil amplius promulgaverit, quam Deum flantem in faciem hominis flatum vitae, et hominem factum in animam vivam, per quam exinde et vivat et

But that I should call the soul spirit, the reasoning of the present question compels me, because breathing is ascribed to another substance: while we claim this for the soul, which we acknowledge to be uniform and simple, we must call it spirit under a definite condition; not by the name of its state, but of its action; not by the title of its substance, but of its operation; because it breathes, not because it is properly spirit: for to blow is also to breathe. So also the soul, which from its proper character we defend as breath, we now of necessity pronounce to be spirit. For the rest, against Hermogenes, who contends that it is from matter, not from the breath of God, we properly maintain that it is breath. For he, against the faith of the Scripture itself, turns breath into spirit: so that, since it is incredible that the spirit of God should fall into sin and soon afterwards into judgement, the soul may rather be believed to be from matter than from the spirit of God. Therefore there we defend it as breath, not as spirit, according to Scripture and according to the distinction of spirit; and here we pronounce it spirit against our will, according to the common character of breathing and blowing. There the question is about substance; for breathing is an act of substance. Nor [should I dwell] any longer on this, were it not for the heretics, who prop up in the soul some spiritual seed or other, conferred by the hidden liberality of Sophia their mother without the knowledge of the maker, when Scripture, more conscious of the maker, its God, has promulgated nothing more than that God breathed into the face of man the breath of life, and that man was made into a living soul, through which thenceforth he both lives and

Editors' notes and page, col. 705

Footnotes

(var. 48) ‹anchor: Dei sui conscia› · call in col 705 Magis conscientia cod. Agobardi

"Magis conscientia": the Agobard codex.

(var. 49) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 705–706 (call not visible) Mulieri cod. Agobard.

"Mulieri": the Agobard codex.

(var. 50) ‹anchor: traditorem tamen› · call in col 706 Tandem Rhen. Seml. Oberth.

"Tandem": Rhenanus, Semler, Oberthür.

(printed under page 357)

(66) ‹anchor: spiritus proprie est› · call in col 705–706 (call not visible)

Non quia spiritus proprie est. Scilicet non quia spiritus seorsim, et per se peculiaris res diversa sit ab anima, ita commode, et mitius licet mollire Tertullianum ; neque tamen nimium succensebo, si paradoxam aliquod hic observes, quasi neget Tertullianus animam spiritum proprie esse, quia si esset spiritus, corpus non esset. Lac.

"Not because it is properly spirit." That is, not because spirit is separately, and in itself, a particular thing distinct from the soul: so one may conveniently and more gently soften Tertullian. Yet I shall not be too angry if you observe some paradox here, as if Tertullian denied that the soul is properly spirit, because if it were spirit it would not be body. Lacerda.

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(67) ‹anchor: flatum in spiritum vertit› · call in col 705–706 (call not visible)

Adversus ipsius Scripturæ fidem flatum in spiritum vertit. Secuti sunt Hermogenem alii tum in versione, tum in sententia, quos notat Augustinus, lib. XII, de Civit. cap. 25, ubi observat adversus illos et Hermogenem, non esse scriptum πνεῦμα, sed πνοήν, ut excludat eorumdem interpretationem de spiritu sancto, et non de anima. Lac.

"Against the plain sense of Scripture itself he turns 'breath' into 'spirit'." Others followed Hermogenes both in the rendering and in the opinion; Augustine notes them, City of God book XII, chapter 25, where he observes against them and Hermogenes that what is written is not pneuma, "spirit", but pnoe, "breath", so as to exclude their interpretation of it as the Holy Spirit and not the soul. Lacerda.

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(68) ‹anchor: dum incredibile est› · call in col 705–706 (call not visible)

Ut dum iucredibile est. Non fecit hoc Hermogenes, ut auctoritatem veteri Scripturæ demeret, quam alii hæretici ejus ævi contendebant ; nam non negavit ipse fidem libro Geneseos ; sed interpretabatur illuc spiritum de Spiritu sancto, supponens jam animam in homine, ut inde originem animæ argutare posset, non ex Deo fuisse, sed ex materia. Ita Philastrius, lib. L. Lac.

"As though it were incredible" [iucredibile, as printed]. Hermogenes did not do this to take authority away from the old Scripture, as other heretics of his age strove to do; for he himself did not deny credit to the book of Genesis. But he interpreted "spirit" there of the Holy Spirit, supposing the soul already present in the man, so that he could argue from this that the origin of the soul was not from God but from matter. So Philastrius, book L [as printed]. Lacerda.

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(69) ‹anchor: spiritum ingratis pronuntiamus› · call in col 705

Et hic spiritum ingratis pronuntiamus. Ingratis, hoc est, Invitis. Supra dixit, Ex necessitate pronuntiamus. Rig.

"And here we pronounce it 'spirit' against our will." "Ingratis" means "unwillingly". Above he said, "We pronounce it of necessity." Rigaltius.

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(70) ‹anchor: hominis flatum vitæ› · call in col 705

Deum flantem in faciem hominis flatum vitæ. Alludit ad illud Gen. II supra citatum c. 3. et, et lib. adv. Hermog. c. 31 : Et flavit Deus flatum vitæ in faciem hominis, et factus est homo in animam vivam ; flatum vitæ animam utrobique interpretatur ; quam explicationem veram esse supra ostendimus, l. de Baptismo, c. 5. Quibus addere visum est illud Theodoreti in Epist. div. dogmat. : « Nomine flatu non intelligimus partem aliquam essentiæ divinæ, secundum Cerdonis et Marcionis rabiem, sed animæ naturam per id denotari, quod anima spiritus sit rationalis et intellectualis. » Cui consentit etiam Prudentius in Hamartig. et ante Tertullianum B. Irenæus, l. V. c. 7. Quare male inter hæreses recenset Philastrius, animam Dei flatum dicere. Pam.

"God breathing into the man's face the breath of life." He alludes to that text of Genesis 2, cited above in chapter 3, and in the book Against Hermogenes, chapter 31: "And God breathed the breath of life into the man's face, and the man became a living soul." In both places he interprets "the breath of life" as the soul; that this explanation is true we showed above, on the book On Baptism, chapter 5. To these it seemed good to add Theodoret's words in the Epitome of Divine Dogmas: "By the name 'breath' we do not understand some part of the divine essence, according to the madness of Cerdo and Marcion, but that the nature of the soul is denoted by it, because the soul is a rational and intellectual spirit." With him agree Prudentius in the Hamartigenia and, before Tertullian, blessed Irenaeus, book V, chapter 7. Therefore Philastrius wrongly lists among the heresies the saying that the soul is the breath of God. Pamelius.

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(71) ‹anchor: Spiritus ex me prodivit› · call in col 705–706 (call not visible)

Spiritus ex me prodivit. Supra lib. adv. Hermogenem, cap. 32, nullam facit, citans hanc Scripturam Isa. LVII, spiritus et spiritus differentiam : imo per eam spiritum intelligi dicit, de quo etiam venti constiterunt : hic vero spiritum pro Spiritu sancto, flatum pro anima, imitatus Irenæum lib. V adversus Hæres. cap. 12, fere de verbo ad verbum, per citationem non solum hujus, sed et sequentium scripturarum. Pam.

"The spirit went forth from me." Above, in the book Against Hermogenes, chapter 32, citing this Scripture of Isaiah 57, he makes no difference between spirit and spirit; rather he says that by it is understood the spirit of which the winds too were made. Here, however, he takes "spirit" for the Holy Spirit and "breath" for the soul, imitating Irenaeus, Against Heresies book V, chapter 12, almost word for word, by citing not only this scripture but the following ones too. Pamelius.

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(72) ‹anchor: spiritum calcantibus eam, etc.› · call in col 705–706 (call not visible)

Qui dedit flatum populo super terram, et spiritum calcantibus eam, etc. Etiam hic fere ad verbum imitatur B. Irenæum ubi supra, qui post recitata eadem Isaiæ XLII verba addit : « Ad flatum quidem communiter omni qui super terram est populo dicens daturum, spiritum autem his qui conculcant terrenas concupiscentias. » Consentit etiam B. Basilius l. de S. Spiritu., c. 21. Pam.

"Who gave breath to the people upon the earth, and spirit to those who tread it," etc. Here too he imitates blessed Irenaeus almost word for word at the place above, who, after quoting the same words of Isaiah 42, adds: "Saying that breath he would give in common to all the people on the earth, but spirit to those who tread down earthly desires." Blessed Basil agrees too, On the Holy Spirit, chapter 21. Pamelius.

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Page

running head: 705 LIBER DE ANIMA (cut off at the right edge)
marginal letters: A ex diabolo. Ita cum; B eam ex materia, non ex Dei flatu; C tore, cum Scriptura factoris; D illos et Hermogenem (in the commentary notes)
old-edition numerals: 665 after animam

PL 2:706

spiret: satis declarans differentias spiritus et animae, insequentibus instrumentis, ipso Deo pronuntiante (Isa. LVII, 16): Spiritus ex me prodivit, et flatum omnem ego feci. Et anima enim flatus factus ex spiritu. Et rursus (Isa. XLII, 5): Qui dedit flatum populo super terram, et spiritum calcantibus eam. Primo enim anima, id est flatus, populo in terra incedenti, id est in carne carnaliter agenti, postea spiritus eis qui terram calcant, id est opera carnis subigunt: quia et Apostolus (I Cor. XV, 46): Non primum quod spiritale est, sed quod animale, postea spiritale. Nam etsi Adam statim prophetavit magnum illum sacramentum in Christum et Ecclesiam (Ephes. V. 30, 31): Hoc nunc os ex ossibus meis, et caro ex carne mea; propter hoc relinquet homo patrem et matrem, et agglutinabit se uxori suae, et erunt duo in carnem unam; accidentiam spiritus passus est: cecidit enim exstasis super illum, sancti Spiritus vis, operatrix prophetiae. Nam et malus spiritus accidens res est. Denique Saulem tam Dei spiritus postea vertit in alium virum, id est in propheten, cum dictum est (I Reg. X, 11): Quid hoc filio Cis? an et Saul in prophetis? quam et malus spiritus postea vertit in alium virum, in apostatam scilicet. Judam quoque aliquandiu cum electis deputatum usque ad loculorum officium, et, si jam fraudatorem, traditorem tamen nondum, postea diabolus intravit. Igitur si neque Dei, neque diaboli spiritus ex nativitate confertur animae, solam eam constat ante eventum spiritus utriusque: si solam, et simplicem et uniformem substantiae nomine, atque ita non aliunde spirantem quam ex substantiae suae sorte.

breathes: sufficiently declaring the differences of spirit and soul in the documents that follow, God Himself pronouncing (Isa. 57:16): The spirit went forth from Me, and every breath I made. For the soul too is a breath made from the spirit. And again (Isa. 42:5): Who gave breath to the people upon the earth, and spirit to those who tread upon it. For first the soul, that is the breath, [is given] to the people walking on the earth, that is, acting carnally in the flesh; afterwards the spirit to those who tread the earth underfoot, that is, who subdue the works of the flesh: because the Apostle too [says] (1 Cor. 15:46): Not first that which is spiritual, but that which is animal, afterwards that which is spiritual. For although Adam at once prophesied that great mystery concerning Christ and the Church (Eph. 5:30–31): This now is bone from my bones, and flesh from my flesh; for this reason a man will leave father and mother, and will cleave to his wife, and the two will be into one flesh; he underwent the accession of the spirit: for an ecstasy fell upon him, the power of the Holy Spirit, the worker of prophecy. For the evil spirit too is a thing that comes upon [one]. Accordingly, just as the spirit of God afterwards turned Saul into another man, that is, into a prophet, when it was said (1 Sam. 10:11): What is this that has come to the son of Kish? Is Saul also among the prophets? so the evil spirit afterwards turned him into another man, namely into an apostate. Judas also, for some while reckoned among the elect, even to the office of the purse, and, if already a defrauder, yet not yet a betrayer, the devil afterwards entered. Therefore, if neither the spirit of God nor that of the devil is conferred upon the soul from birth, it is established that the soul is alone before the coming of either spirit: if alone, then also simple and uniform in respect of substance, and thus breathing from no other source than from the lot of its own substance.

Editors' notes and page, col. 706

Page

running head: [L]IBER DE ANIMA. 706 (initial letter cut off at the image's left edge)
marginal letters: A spiret : satis declarans; B agglutinabit se uxori; C eventum spiritus utriusque; D (71) Spiritus ex me prodivit (in the Commentarius at the page foot, not in the text)
old-edition numerals: 666 after atque

PL 2:707

CAPUT XII.

Chapter XII.

Proinde, et animum, sive mens est, νοῦς apud Graecos, non aliud quid intelligimus quam suggestum animae ingenitum et insitum, et nativitus proprium, quo agit, quo sapit, quem secum habens ex semetipsa se commoveat in semetipsa, atque ita moveri videatur ab illo tanquam substantia alia, ut volunt qui etiam universitatis motatorem animum, decernunt, illum deum Socratis, illum Valentini Monogen⟨e⟩m ex patre Bytho et matre Sige. Quamvis Anaxagorae turbata sententia est: initium enim omnium commentatus animum, et universitatis oscillum illius axe suspendens, purumque eum adfirmans, et simplicem et incommiscibilem, hoc vel maxime titulo segregat ab animae commixtione; et tamen eumdem alibi animae addicit. Hoc etiam Aristoteles denotavit, nescio an sua paratior implere, quam aliena inanire. Denique et ipse definitionem animi cum differret, interim alterum animi genus pronuntiavit, illum divinum, quem rursus et impassibilem subostendens, abstulit, et ipse eum a consortio animae. Cum enim animam passibilem constet eorum quae sortita est pati; aut per animum et cum animo patietur, si concreta est animo (non potest animus impassibilis induci); aut si non per animum nec cum animo patietur anima, non erit concreta illi, cum quo nihil, et qui nihil patitur. Porro si nihil per illum et cum illo anima patietur, jam nec sentiet, nec sapiet, nec movebitur per illum, ut

Accordingly, the mind too, or intellect, which among the Greeks is nous, we understand to be nothing other than an instrument of the soul, inborn and implanted in it, and its own by birth, by which it acts, by which it is wise, which having with itself it may from itself set itself in motion within itself, and so seem to be moved by it as though by another substance, as those would have it who decree that the mind is also the mover of the universe, that god of Socrates, that Monogenes of Valentinus, from the father Bythos and the mother Sige. Yet the opinion of Anaxagoras is confused: for having devised the mind as the beginning of all things, and hanging the swing of the universe upon its axis, and affirming it to be pure, and simple and incapable of being mixed, by this title above all he separates it from mixture with the soul; and yet elsewhere he assigns the same to the soul. This too Aristotle remarked, I do not know whether more ready to fill up his own views than to empty out those of others. In the end he too, when he put off the definition of the mind, meanwhile declared another kind of mind, that divine one, which, intimating in turn that it was also impassible, he himself also removed from partnership with the soul. For since it is agreed that the soul is passible in respect of those things which it has been allotted to suffer, either it will suffer through the mind and with the mind, if it is joined in one with the mind (the mind cannot be introduced as impassible); or, if the soul will suffer neither through the mind nor with the mind, it will not be joined in one with that with which it suffers nothing, and which suffers nothing. Further, if the soul will suffer nothing through it and with it, then it will neither perceive, nor be wise, nor be moved through it, as

Editors' notes and page, col. 707

Footnotes

(var. 51) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 707–708 (call not visible) Et matre ἔννοια Fran. Pam. εἰρήνη Par. alii ἠρεμία.

"Et matre ennoia" ("thought"): Franeker edition, Pamelius; "eirene" ("peace"): the Paris edition; others "eremia" ("stillness").

(var. 52) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 707–708 (call not visible) Quam Rig. Venet.

"Quam": Rigaltius, the Venice edition.

(var. 53) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 707–708 (call not visible) Damnare al.

"Damnare": others.

(var. 54) ‹anchor: qui nihil patitur› · call in col 707 Cum qua nihil, et cui nihil patitur Fran. cum quo nihil et per quem nihil patitur Jun.

"Cum qua nihil, et cui nihil patitur": Franeker edition; "cum quo nihil et per quem nihil patitur": Junius.

(var. 55) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 707–708 (call not visible) Substantiæ Fran.

"Substantiae": Franeker edition.

(var. 56) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 707–708 (call not visible) Quid Rig. Venet.

"Quid": Rigaltius, the Venice edition.

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(73) ‹anchor: νοῦς apud Græcos› · call in col 707–708 (call not visible)

Sive mens est, νοῦς apud Græcos. Cum animus Græce, uti recte hic Tertullianus νοῦς apud Græcos dicatur, anima vero ψυχὴ, non possum illis assentire, ut hoc obiter adnotem, qui libris Aristotelis περὶ τῆς ψυχῆς, titulum dant, De animo, non De anima, uti vulgatum est. Pam.

"Or mind, nous among the Greeks." Since "animus" in Greek, as Tertullian rightly says here, is called nous, and "anima" psyche, I cannot agree, to note this in passing, with those who give Aristotle's books Peri tes psyches the title "De animo" rather than "De anima", as is commonly done. Pamelius.

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(74) ‹anchor: mot. animum decernunt› · call in col 707–708 (call not visible)

Qui etiam universitatis mot. animum decernunt. Intelligere videtur Thaletem, qui, Aristot. teste (l. I de anima, c. 5), totum universum dicebat animatum, et animam ejus Deum. Item Zenonem, qui (uti ipse Auctor inquit Apolog. c. 21) factitatorem universitatis determinabat, et Deum vocari, et animum Jovis. A quibus etiam non dissentiebat Pythagoras, qui, Lactant. teste (l. I, c, 5), Deum animum dicebat, qui per universas mundi partes omnemque naturam commeans atque diffusus ; ex quo omnia quæ nascuntur animalia vitam capiant. Et vero Aristotelis, Thaletis, Anaxagoræ, Diogenis, Heracliti, Alcmæonis similes opiniones recehset (l. I de Anim. c. 2). Pam.

"Who also decree a mind [as the mover] of the universe's motion." He seems to mean Thales, who, as Aristotle witnesses (De anima I, chapter 5), said the whole universe was ensouled and that its soul was God. Likewise Zeno, who (as the author himself says, Apology chapter 21) defined [the Word] as the maker of the universe, and said it is called God and the mind of Jupiter. Nor did Pythagoras differ from them, who, as Lactantius witnesses (book I, chapter 5), said God is a mind passing through and spread over all parts of the world and the whole of nature, from which all living things that are born receive their life. And indeed [Aristotle] reviews similar opinions of Thales, Anaxagoras, Diogenes, Heraclitus and Alcmaeon (De anima I, chapter 2). Pamelius.

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(75) ‹anchor: Illum Deum Socratis› · call in col 707–708 (call not visible)

Illum Deum Socratis. Quod Plato de Deo ex sententia Socratis scripsit, non modo Auctor, sed etiam B. Justinus (III Apolog.) Socrati tribuit; at ille, in Timæo, Jovis animam per universum mundum diffusam etiam sentit; quem ipsum parentem et opificem universorum inventu difficilem pronuntiavit : quemadmodum B. Augustinus citato lib. XIII de Civit. Dei, c. 17. Quo etiam pertinet illud Auctoris supra Apolog. c. 47 : « Platonici Deum intra mundum collocant, qui gubernatoris exemplo intra illud maneat quod regat. » Neque est quod obstet animæ mundi appellatio apud Platonem ; quia certum est, apud eum νοῦν et ψυχὴν frequenter pro iisdem accipi. Pam.

"That god of Socrates." What Plato wrote about God according to Socrates' view, not only the author but also blessed Justin (Apology III) attributes to Socrates. But Plato in the Timaeus also holds that the soul of Jupiter is spread through the whole world; and he declared this same father and maker of all things hard to find, as blessed Augustine [notes], City of God book XIII cited, chapter 17. To this also belongs the author's statement above, Apology chapter 47: "The Platonists place God within the world, so that, after the pattern of a helmsman, he remains within what he steers." Nor does the term "world soul" in Plato stand in the way, for it is certain that with him nous and psyche are often taken for the same thing. Pamelius.

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(76) ‹anchor: Anaxagoræ turbata sententia est› · call in col 707–708 (call not visible)

Quamvis Anaxagoræ turbata sententia est. Anaxagoras Clazomenius Thaletis Milesii fuit sectator, dixitque Deum essse mentem infinitam, quæ a se ipsa movetur, divinumque animum rerum omnium effectorem esse. Le Pr.

"Although Anaxagoras' opinion is confused." Anaxagoras of Clazomenae was a follower of Thales of Miletus, and said that God is an infinite mind which is moved by itself, and that the divine mind is the maker of all things. Le Prieur.

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(77) ‹anchor: de illius axe suspendens› · call in col 707–708 (call not visible)

Universitatis oscillum de illius axe suspendens. De hac phrasi vide supra l. de Pallio, c. 1, ad illud : « In oscillum penduli impetus. » Pam.

"Hanging the universe's swing from its axle." On this phrase see above, on the book On the Cloak, chapter 1, at the words "the thrust of a hanging swing". Pamelius.

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(78) ‹anchor: Aristoteles denotavit› · call in col 707–708 (call not visible)

Hoc etiam Aristoteles denotavit. Alludit haud dubie ad Aristot. l. I de Anima. c. 2, ubi iisdem pene verbis Anaxagoræ sententiam deducit. Pam.

"Aristotle too pointed this out." He undoubtedly alludes to Aristotle, De anima book I, chapter 2, where he sets out Anaxagoras' opinion in almost the same words. Pamelius.

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(79) ‹anchor: sensus passiones, etc.› · call in col 707–708 (call not visible)

Nam et sensus passiones, etc. Habet istud idem Aristoteles lib. de anima cap. 5 : « Fit itaque, inquit, sensus cum movetur atque patitur aliquid ; ipse sensus alteratio quædam esse videtur. » Quod si verum est, inquit Auctor, cum nihil istorum anima patiatur sine animo, jam ergo passibilis est animus, contra quam sentit Aristoteles. Pam.

"For the senses too [are] passions," etc. Aristotle himself has this, De anima, chapter 5: "Sensation, then," he says, "comes about when something is moved and acted upon; sensation itself seems to be a kind of alteration." If that is true, says the author, since the soul undergoes none of these things without the mind, then the mind is passible, contrary to what Aristotle holds. Pamelius.

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(80) ‹anchor: discretio admittitur› · call in col 707–708 (call not visible)

Si discretio admittitur. Proferantur eorum deinceps rationes qui animum et animam discrepare ac differre dicunt : has habet et proponit Lactantius, lib, 18, de Opif. Dei. Le. Pr.

"If a distinction is admitted." Next let the reasons be brought forward of those who say the mind and the soul are distinct and differ: Lactantius has these and sets them out, On the Workmanship of God, book [as printed] 18. Le Prieur.

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Page

running head: 707 TERTULLIANI OPERUM PARS II. —
marginal letters: A CAPUT XII. / Proinde, et animum; B ab animae commixtione; et tamen eumdem alibi; C sentiet, nec sapiet, nec movebitur; D goras, qui, Lactant. teste (in the Commentarius)
old-edition numerals: (none)

PL 2:708

volunt. Nam et sensus passiones facit Aristoteles. Quidni? et sentire enim pati est, quia pati sentire est. Proinde et sapere sentire est, et moveri sentire est: ita totum pati est. Videmus autem nihil istorum animam experiri, ut non et animo deputetur, quia per illum et cum illo transfigatur. Jam ergo et commiscibilis est animus, adversus Anaxagoram; et passibilis, adversus Aristotelem. Caeterum, si discretio admittitur, ut substantia duae res sint, animus atque anima, alterius erit et passio, et sensus, et sapor omnis, et actus, et motus: alterius autem otium, et quies et stupor, et nulla jam causa; et aut animus vacabit, aut anima. Quod si constat ambobus haec omnia reputari, ergo unum erunt utrumque, et Democritus obtinebit, differentiam tollens, et quaeretur quomodo unum utrumque, ex duarum substantiarum confusione, an ex unius dispositione. Nos autem animum ita dicimus animae concretum, non ut substantia alium, sed ut substantiae officium.

they would have it. For Aristotle also makes the senses passions. Why not? For to perceive is also to suffer, because to suffer is to perceive. Likewise to be wise is to perceive, and to be moved is to perceive: thus the whole is to suffer. But we see that the soul experiences none of these things without its also being ascribed to the mind, because it is pierced through by means of it and together with it. Now therefore the mind is both capable of mixture, against Anaxagoras, and capable of suffering, against Aristotle. Moreover, if a distinction is admitted, so that mind and soul are two things in substance, to one of them will belong suffering, and sensation, and every taste, and action, and motion; but to the other leisure, and rest and torpor, and no longer any function; and either the mind will be idle, or the soul. But if it is agreed that all these things are reckoned to both, then both will be one, and Democritus will prevail, removing the difference; and it will be asked how both are one, whether from a confusion of two substances, or from the disposition of one. We, however, say that the mind is so joined to the soul, not as other in substance, but as a function of the substance.

CAPUT XIII.

Chapter XIII.

Ad hoc dispicere superest, principalitas ubi sit, id est, qui cui praeest, ut cujus principalitas apparuerit, illa sit snbstantiae massa; id autem cui massa substantiae praeerit officium naturale substantiae deputetur. Enimvero, quis non animae dabit summam omnem, cujus nomine totius hominis mentio titulata est? Quantas animas pasco, ait dives, non animos; et animas salvas optat gubernator, non animos; et rusticus in opere, et in

Besides this it remains to discern where the supremacy lies, that is, which presides over which, so that whichever's supremacy shall have appeared, that may be the mass of the substance; while that over which the mass of the substance shall preside may be deemed a natural function of the substance. Indeed, who will not give the whole sum to the soul, by whose name the mention of the whole man is entitled? "How many souls do I feed," says the rich man, not "minds"; and the helmsman wishes for souls safe, not minds; and the countryman at work, and in

Editors' notes and page, col. 708

Footnotes

(18) [as printed; the call in col 708 is (81)] ‹anchor: ait dives› · call in col 708

Quantas animas pasco, ait dives. Istud ex Plauti Pluto, aut alio quopiam comico, desumptum est. In eo autem quod addit : animam agere, videtur imitari Ciceronem, l, 1, Tuscul. quæst., ubi (continues)

"'How many souls I feed!' says the rich man." This is taken from Plautus' Plutus or some other comic poet. But in what he adds, "to give up the soul", he seems to imitate Cicero, Tusculan Disputations book 1, where (continues)

(printed under page 358)

Page

running head: UM PARS II. — SERIES I, POLEMICA. 708 (cut at left edge)
marginal letters: A volunt. Nam et sensus passiones; B tus obtinebit, differentiam tollens; C bernator, non animos; et rusticus; D dubie ad Aristot. (in the Commentarius, not set)
old-edition numerals: 667 after volunt.

PL 2:709

praelio miles, animam se, non animum ponere adfirmat. Cujus nominatoria pericula aut vota sunt, animi an animae? Quid autem agere dicuntur moribundi, animum an animam? Ipsi postremo philosophi, ipsique medici, quamvis de animo quoque disputaturi, faciem tamen operis frontemque materiae de anima unusquisque proscripsit. Ut autem et a Deo discas, animam Deus semper alloquitur; animam compellat atque advocat, ut animum sibi advertat. Illam salvam venit facere Christus, illam perdere in gehennam comminatur, illam pluris fieri vetat, illam et ipse bonus pastor pro pecudibus suis ponit. Habes animae principalitatem, habes in illa et substantiae unionem, cujus intelligas instrumentum esse animum, non patrocinium.

battle the soldier declares that he lays down his soul (anima), not his mind (animus). Whose are the perils or the vows that are named, the mind's or the soul's? And what are the dying said to be giving up, the mind or the soul? Lastly, the philosophers themselves and the physicians themselves, although they were going to discuss the mind as well, have each inscribed the face of the work and the front of the subject "On the Soul". And that you may learn it from God also: God always addresses the soul; He calls upon and summons the soul, that it may turn its mind towards Him. The soul is what Christ came to save, the soul He threatens to destroy in Gehenna, the soul He forbids to be valued more highly, the soul that He Himself, the good shepherd, lays down for His sheep. You have the primacy of the soul; you have in it also the unity of substance, of which you are to understand that the mind is the instrument, not the patron.

CAPUT XIV.

Chapter XIV.

Singularis alioquin et simplex, et de suo tota est; non magis instructilis aliunde, quam divisibilis ex se, quia nec dissolubilis. Si enim structilis, et dissolubilis; si dissolubilis, jam non immortalis. Itaque, quia non mortalis, neque dissolubilis, neque divisibilis. Nam et dividi dissolvi est, et dissolvi mori est. Dividetur autem in partes, nunc in duas a Platone, nunc in tres a Zenone, nunc in quinque et in sex a Panaetio, in septem a Sorauo, etiam iu octo penes Chrysippum, etiam in novem penes Apollophanem, sed in decem apud quosdam Stoicorum, et in duas amplius apud Posidonium, quia a duobus exorsus titulis, principali, quod aiunt ἡγεμονικὸν, et a rationali, quod aiunt λογικὸν, in duodecim exinde prosecuit: ita in alias

Moreover, it is single and simple, and wholly of its own; no more capable of being built up from elsewhere than divisible of itself, since it is not dissoluble either. For if it is constructed, it is also dissoluble; if dissoluble, then no longer immortal. Therefore, since it is not mortal, it is neither dissoluble nor divisible. For to be divided is to be dissolved, and to be dissolved is to die. It will, however, be divided into parts: now into two by Plato, now into three by Zeno, now into five and into six by Panaetius, into seven by Soranus, even into eight in the view of Chrysippus, even into nine in the view of Apollophanes, but into ten among certain of the Stoics, and into two more with Posidonius, who, having started from two headings, the principal, which they call hēgemonikon, and the rational, which they call logikon, from there cut it further into twelve: so into other

Editors' notes and page, col. 709

Footnotes

(var. 57) ‹anchor: mori est. Dividetur› · call in col 709 Dividitur Pam. Seml.

"Dividitur": Pamelius, Semler.

(var. 58) [printed "38"] ‹anchor: in duodecim› · call in col 709 Decem et septem Par. Decem Jun.

"Decem et septem": the Paris edition; "Decem": Junius.

(var. 59) [printed "39"] ‹anchor: ita in› · call in col 709 Ita aliæ Venet.

"Ita aliae": the Venice edition.

(var. 60) ‹anchor: corpus defusa› · call in col 710 Diffusa Pam. Seml. Oberth.

"Diffusa": Pamelius, Semler, Oberthür.

(var. 61) ‹anchor: se divisionibus detineantur› · call in col 710 Deriventur Pam. Seml. Rhen. Oberth.

"Deriventur": Pamelius, Semler, Rhenanus, Oberthür.

(var. 62) ‹anchor: cum philosophis› · call in col 710 Tum philosophi Pam.

"Tum philosophi": Pamelius.

(printed under page 359)

(82) ‹anchor: Deus semper alloquitur› · call in col 709–710 (call not visible)

Animam Deus semper alloquitur. Adludit ad eas scripturas frequentiss. in libris Levitici et Num. ac alibi de anima quæ peccaverit, et similes. Item ad illud Psal. XXXIV : Dic animæ meæ : Salus tua ego sum. Pam.

"God always addresses the soul." He alludes to those very frequent scriptures in Leviticus and Numbers and elsewhere about "the soul that has sinned", and the like. Also to Psalm 34: "Say to my soul: I am your salvation." Pamelius.

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(83) ‹anchor: venit facere Christus› · call in col 709–710 (call not visible)

Illam salvam venit facere Christus. Reliquæ scripturæ, quas hic citat, satis notæ sunt : Luc. II, Matth. X, et Joan. X. Illud vero, illam pluris fieri vetat, paraphrastice vertit, pro eo quod, Luc. XIV, jubetur Christianus odisse animam suam, hoc est, non pluris facere quam Deum. Pam.

"It is the soul Christ came to save." The other scriptures he cites here are well enough known: Luke 2, Matthew 10 and John 10. But "he forbids it to be valued more" he renders by paraphrase, for the place in Luke 14 where the Christian is commanded to hate his own soul, that is, not to value it more than God. Pamelius.

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(84) ‹anchor: autem in partes› · call in col 709

Dividetur autem in partes. Se ipse explicat paulo post Auctor, cum dicit : Hujusmodi autem non tam partes animæ habebuntur, quam vires, et efficaciæ, et operæ. Unde et Nyssenus l. IV Philos, c. 8 : « Animam, inquit, in virtutes, vel species, vel partes dividunt. » Pam.

"It will be divided into parts." The author explains himself a little later, when he says: "Such things, however, will be held to be not so much parts of the soul as powers, efficacies and operations." Hence also the Nyssene, Philosophy book IV, chapter 8: "They divide the soul," he says, "into powers, or kinds, or parts." Pamelius.

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(85) ‹anchor: in septem a Sorano› · call in col 709

In septem a Sorano. Desunt libri quatuor de Anima, quos composuit Soranus, quos supra allegavit Auctor. Quare certum quid de hujus sententia statuere nequeo, imo nec nisi cæca possunt conjectura duci. Fortasse, ut Panætius ad divisionem in quinque sensus adjecit τὸ ἡγεμονικὸν, teste Nemesio; Soranus, ut medicus, addidit τὴν σπερματικήν; sed adhuc levem hanc suspicionem non affirmo, etsi plauserit Junius. Porro Seneca septem partes tantum, dissedens a suis Stoicis, distinxit, cap. 92. Lac.

"Into seven by Soranus." The four books On the Soul that Soranus composed, which the author cited above, are lost. So I cannot settle anything certain about his view; indeed [such things] can only be guessed at blindly. Perhaps, as Panaetius added the ruling part to the division into the five senses, as Nemesius witnesses, so Soranus, being a physician, added the seminal part. But I do not affirm this slight suspicion, even though Junius applauded it. Further, Seneca, departing from his fellow Stoics, distinguished only seven parts, [Letter] 92. Lacerda.

(printed under page 359)

(86) ‹anchor: penes Apollophanem› · call in col 709

Penes Apollophanem. An medicus ille est de quo Plin. lib. XXII, c. 11, an philosophus, qui de physicis scripsit, teste Diogene Laert.; an etiam Apollophanes qui B. Dionysium comitabatur in Ægypto, et in urbe Hierapoli cum eo obscurationem solis patiente Christo Domino conspexit, de quo B. Dionys. epist. ad Polycarpum? Le Pr.

"According to Apollophanes." Is he the physician of whom Pliny speaks, book XXII, chapter 11; or the philosopher who wrote on physics, as Diogenes Laertius witnesses; or even the Apollophanes who accompanied blessed Dionysius in Egypt and with him, in the city of Heliopolis [Hierapoli, as printed], saw the darkening of the sun when Christ the Lord suffered, of whom blessed Dionysius writes in his letter to Polycarp? Le Prieur.

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(87) ‹anchor: ad animæ sectiones pertinebit› · call in col 709–710 (call not visible)

Non idcirco hæc quoque distributio animæ ad animæ sectiones pertinebit. Sic omnino legitur in exemplari. Neque est quod offendamur repetitione vocabuli animæ; cujus vires, efficaciæ, ingenia, etsi distribuantur in certas corporis partes, ipsa nihilominus totum corpus implet, nec propterea dissecatur in partes. Itaque hæc animæ distributio, sive in certas, sive in singulas corporis partes, ad ipsius animæ sectiones non pertinebit. Rig.

"Not on that account will this distribution of the soul also amount to sections of the soul." So it is read, without doubt, in the copy. Nor need we be put off by the repetition of the word "soul". Although its powers, efficacies and capacities are distributed to particular parts of the body, the soul itself nonetheless fills the whole body and is not for that reason cut into parts. So this distribution of the soul, whether to particular parts of the body or to each one, will not amount to sections of the soul itself. Rigaltius.

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(88) ‹anchor: Organum hydraulicum› · call in col 709–710 (call not visible)

Organum hydraulicum. Hujus organi inventor Ctesibius Alexandr.; illud autem absolutissimum reddidit Archimedes ac perfecit : vide Heronem in Spiritalib. Fuerunt et aliæ machinæ celebres Archimedis, speculum, sphæra, de quibus omnibus passim scriptores. Le Pr.

"The water organ." Its inventor was Ctesibius of Alexandria; but Archimedes brought it to completion and perfected it: see Hero in the Pneumatica. There were other famous machines of Archimedes too, the mirror and the sphere, of all of which writers speak here and there. Le Prieur.

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Page

running head: 709 LIBER DE ANIM (cut off at the image's right edge)
marginal letters: A praelio miles, animam se; B non patrocinium.; C aiunt ἡγεμονικὸν; D ego sum. Pam. (in the commentary)
old-edition numerals: 668 after materiae

PL 2:710

ex aliis species dividunt animam. Hujusmodi autem, non tam partes animae habebuntur, quam vires et efficaciae et operae, sicut de quibusdam et Aristoteles judicavit. Non enim membra sunt substantiae animalis, sed ingenia: ut motorium, ut actorium, ut cogitatorium, et si qua in hunc modum distinguunt; ut et ipsi illi quinque notissimi sensus, visus, auditus, gustus, tactus, odoratus. Quibus omnibus, etsi certa singulis domicilia in corpore determinaverunt, non idcirco haec quoque distributio animae ad animae sectiones pertinebit; quando ne ipsum quidem corpus ita dividatur in membra, ut isti volunt animam. Atquin ex multitudine membrorum unum corpus efficitur, ut concretio sit potius ipsa divisio. Specta portentosissimam Archimedis munificentiam, organum hydraulicum dico, tot membra, tot partes, tot compagines, tot itinera vocum, tot compendia sonorum, tot commercia modorum, tot acies tibiarum, et una moles erunt omnia. Sic et spiritus, qui illic de tormento aquae anhelat, non ideo separabitur in partes, quia per partes administratur, substantia quidem solidus, opera vero divisus. Non longe hoc exemplum est a Stratone et Aenesidemo et Heraclito: nam et ipsi unitatem animae tuentur, quae in totum corpus defusa, et nbique ipsa, velut flatus in calamo per cavernas, ita per sensualia variis modis emicet, non tam concisa quam dispensata. Haec omnia quibus titulis nuncupentur, et quibus ex se divisionibus detineantur, et quibus in corpore metationibus sequestrentur, medici potius cum philosophis considerabunt, nobis pauca convenient.

species from other [starting points] they divide the soul. Such things, however, will be held not so much parts of the soul as powers and efficacies and operations, as Aristotle too judged concerning some of them. For they are not members of the animate substance, but faculties: as the motive, the active, the cogitative, and whatever else they distinguish in this manner; as also those five best-known senses themselves, sight, hearing, taste, touch, smell. Although they have assigned to each of all these certain dwelling-places in the body, this distribution of the soul too will not on that account amount to sections of the soul; since not even the body itself is divided into members in the way these men would have the soul [divided]. Yet out of a multitude of members one body is made, so that the division is rather itself a joining together. Behold that most prodigious munificence of Archimedes, the water-organ I mean: so many members, so many parts, so many joints, so many passages for the voices, so many short-cuts for the sounds, so many interchanges of the modes, so many ranks of pipes, and all of them will be one mass. So too the air, which breathes there out of the water-engine, will not on that account be separated into parts because it is dispensed through parts, being solid indeed in substance but divided in operation. This example is not far from Strato and Aenesidemus and Heraclitus: for they too maintain the unity of the soul, which, poured through the whole body and everywhere itself, like the breath in a reed through its holes, so darts forth in various ways through the organs of sense, not so much cut up as dispensed. By what titles all these are to be named, and by what divisions of their own they are held, and in what allotted places in the body they are kept apart, physicians together with philosophers will rather consider; few things will concern us.

Editors' notes and page, col. 710

Page

running head: LIBER DE ANIMA. 710
marginal letters: A ex aliis species dividunt; B tiam, organum hydraulicum; C medici potius cum philosophis; D Aegypto, et in urbe Hierapoli (in commentary)
old-edition numerals: 669 after distributio

PL 2:711

CAPUT XV.

Chapter XV.

In primis an sit aliquis summus in anima gradus vitalis, et sapientialis, quod ἡγεμονικὸν appellant, id est principale, si negatur, totus animae status periclitatur. Denique, qui negant principale, ipsam prius animam nihil censuerunt. Messenius aliquis Dicaearchus, ex medicis autem Andreas et Asclepiades, ita abstulerunt principale, dum in animo ipso volunt esse sensus, quorum vindicatur principale. Asclepiades etiam illa argumentatione vectatur, quod pleraque animalia, ademptis eis partibus corporis, in quibus plurimum aestimatur principale consistere, et insuper vivant aliquatenus, et sapiant nihilominus, ut muscae, et vespae, et locustae, si capita decideris; ut caprae et testudines, et anguillae, si corda detraxeris: itaque principale non esse: quod si fuisset, amisso cum suis vigor animae non perseveraret. Sed plures et philosophi adversus Dicaearchum, Plato, Strato, Epicurus, Democritus, Empedocles, Socrates, Aristoteles; et medici adversus Andream et Asclepiadem, Herophilus, Erasistratus, Diocles, Hippocrates,

In the first place, whether there is in the soul some supreme grade of life and of wisdom, which they call the hegemonikon, that is, the ruling part: if this is denied, the whole standing of the soul is imperilled. Indeed, those who deny the ruling part have first judged the soul itself to be nothing. A certain Dicaearchus of Messene, and among the physicians Andreas and Asclepiades, have thus done away with the ruling part, while they will have the senses, for which the ruling part is claimed, to be in the mind itself. Asclepiades also rides upon this argument, that most animals, when those parts of the body in which the ruling part is most of all reckoned to reside have been removed, both live on for some while besides and none the less retain perception, as flies and wasps and locusts do if you cut off their heads, as goats and tortoises and eels do if you pull out their hearts; and that therefore there is no ruling part, for if there had been, once it was lost together with its own [parts], the vigour of the soul would not persist. But the greater number, both philosophers against Dicaearchus, Plato, Strato, Epicurus, Democritus, Empedocles, Socrates, Aristotle, and physicians against Andreas and Asclepiades, Herophilus, Erasistratus, Diocles, Hippocrates,

Editors' notes and page, col. 711

Footnotes

(var. 63) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 711–712 (call not visible) Aliquid Venet.

"Aliquid": the Venice edition.

(var. 64) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 711–712 (call not visible) Aliqui Jun.

"Aliqui": Junius.

(var. 65) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 711–712 (call not visible) Amissus cum suis sedibus Rig.

"Amissus cum suis sedibus": Rigaltius.

(var. 66) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 711–712 (call not visible) Deducimur Rhen. Seml. Oberth. Pam. deducimus Jun.

"Deducimur": Rhenanus, Semler, Oberthür, Pamelius; "deducimus": Junius.

(var. 67) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 711–712 (call not visible) Sic Par.

"Sic": the Paris edition.

(var. 68) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 711–712 (call not visible) Quod Pam. Rhen.

"Quod": Pamelius, Rhenanus.

(printed under page 360)

(89) ‹anchor: Messenius aliquis Dicæarchus› · call in col 711–712 (call not visible)

Messenius aliquis Dicæarchus. Dicæarchus [inquit Cicero, Tuscul. Quæst. lib. I] in eo sermone, quem Corinthi habitum tribus libris exponit, doctorum hominum disputantium, primo lib. multos loquentes facit, duobus Pherecratem quemdam Phthiotam senem, quem ait a Deucalione ortum, disserentem inducit, nihil omnino esse animum, et hoc esse totum nomen inane, frustraque et animantia et animantes appellari, neque in homine inesse animum vel animam, neque in bestia. Et vero ejus eamdem fuisse sententiam paulo post indicat ibidem Cicero : Quid de Dicæarcho dicam, qui nihil omnino animum dicat esse? » Messenium autem hunc fuisse etiam Suidas testatur, Aristotelis discipulum, cujus Plutarchus, Quintilianus, Musica citant, Gellius Pythagoram, Athenæus libros complures, B. Hieronymus, lib. II, adv. Jovin., ex Antiquitatum libris descriptionem Græciæ; denique Cicero alibi librum, de divinat. et somniis. Pam.

"Some Dicaearchus of Messene." "Dicaearchus," says Cicero (Tusculan Disputations book I), "in that discussion among learned men held at Corinth, which he sets out in three books, makes many speak in the first book; in the other two he brings in a certain Pherecrates, an old man of Phthia, descended, he says, from Deucalion, arguing that the mind is nothing at all, that this is an entirely empty name, and that it is idle to speak of 'animals' and 'animate beings', and that there is no mind or soul in man or in beast." And that this was indeed his own opinion Cicero shows a little later in the same place: "What shall I say of Dicaearchus, who says the mind is nothing at all?" The Suda also testifies that he was from Messene, a disciple of Aristotle; Plutarch and Quintilian cite his works on music, Gellius his Pythagoras, Athenaeus several books, blessed Jerome (Against Jovinian book II) a description of Greece from his books of Antiquities, and finally Cicero elsewhere a book On Divination and Dreams. Pamelius.

(printed under page 360)

(90) ‹anchor: Amisso cum suis› · call in col 711–712 (call not visible)

Amisso cum suis. Amisso illo principali cum suis, capite nimirum et corde. Cum suis : quasi cum omni familia et comitatu, apparitione. Rig.

"Lost along with its own." That ruling part being lost along with its own, namely the head and the heart. "With its own": as if with its whole household and retinue, its train of attendants. Rigaltius.

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(91) ‹anchor: Adversus Andream› · call in col 711–712 (call not visible)

Adversus Andream. Andreas medicus frequenter citatur a Plinio, non modo inter auctorum nomina, coquibus multa desumpsit, sed etiam lib. XXII, c. 23, et lib. XXXII, c. 5, ubi in quibusdam tamen exemplaribus perperam legitur Andrias pro Andreas ; nam etiam a Dioscoride et Galeno citatur liber ejus. de Plantis. Pam.

"Against Andreas." The physician Andreas is often cited by Pliny, not only among the names of the authors from whom [coquibus, as printed] he took much, but also in book XXII, chapter 23, and book XXXII, chapter 5, where, however, some copies wrongly read "Andrias" for "Andreas"; for his book On Plants is cited by Dioscorides and Galen too. Pamelius.

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(92) ‹anchor: Et Asclepiadem› · call in col 711–712 (call not visible)

Et Asclepiadem. De Asclepiade medico Prusiensi, præterquam quod ex eo multa se desumpsisse testatur inter auctorum nomina, peculiariter agit Plinius l. XXVI, c. 3; citantur etiam quædam ejus scripta ab Aetio et Galeno, qui interim duos ejus nominis commemorat. Ridet autem eum his verbis paulo post Auctor : « Ut vel, inquit, ab istis retusus Asclepiade, capras suas quærat sine corde balantes, et muscas suas abigat sine capite volitantes; » tacite significans absurditatem, qui illarum exemplo etiam ab homine hegemonicum auferre voluerit. Meminit iterum Auctor Asclepiadis, c. 25 infra. De eodem Asclepiade multa refert etiam Apul. l. IV de Asin. aur. Pam.

"And Asclepiades." Of Asclepiades, the physician of Prusa, Pliny treats specially in book XXVI, chapter 3, besides testifying among the names of his authors that he took much from him; some of his writings are also cited by Aetius and Galen, who for his part mentions two men of that name. The author mocks him a little later in these words: "So that Asclepiades, beaten back by these, may go looking for his goats bleating without a heart, and drive off his flies flying about without a head," quietly pointing out the absurdity of a man who, on their example, wanted to take the ruling part away from man too. The author mentions Asclepiades again, chapter 25 below. Apuleius too tells much of the same Asclepiades, The Golden Ass book IV. Pamelius.

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(93) ‹anchor: Erasistratus› · call in col 711–712 (call not visible)

Erasistratus. Erasistratum quinto loco inter medicos ponit Plinius, ubi supra, ante Herophilum et Asclepiadem; item l. XIV, c. 7. vixisse scribit an. U. Romæ 450, et scholæ ejusdem meminit lib. XX. c. 9 ; denique lib. XXIX, c. 2, Chrysippi, cujus mox mentio, discipulum facit, Aristotelis filia genitum, qui, rege Antiocho curato, centum talentis donatus sit a Ptolemæo ejus filio. Cujus rei meminit etiam Suidas, et plures ejus libros citat l. citato Galenus. Citatur iterum ab Auctore c. 25. Pam.

"Erasistratus." Pliny, at the place above, puts Erasistratus fifth among the physicians, before Herophilus and Asclepiades; likewise in book XIV, chapter 7, he writes that he lived in the year of the City of Rome 450, and he mentions his school in book XX, chapter 9; finally in book XXIX, chapter 2, he makes him a disciple of Chrysippus, who is mentioned shortly, and born of Aristotle's daughter, and says that after curing King Antiochus he was rewarded with a hundred talents by Ptolemy, his son. The Suda also mentions this, and Galen cites several of his books at the place cited. He is cited again by the author in chapter 25. Pamelius.

(printed under page 360)

(94) ‹anchor: Diocles› · call in col 711–712 (call not visible)

Diocles. Diocles Caristius medicus, secundus ab Hippocrate ætate famaque, Plinio celebratur l. XXVI, c. 2. Qui præterea ab eodem citatur l. XX, c. 3 et 5, et l. XXI, et in catalogo medicorum quorum opera usus est; item a Galeno, Plutarcho, Scholiaste Nicandri, Athenæo, Paulo Ægineta. Pam.

"Diocles." Diocles of Carystus, a physician second to Hippocrates in age and fame, is praised by Pliny, book XXVI, chapter 2. He is cited besides by the same author in book XX, chapters 3 and 5, and book XXI, and in the list of physicians whose works he used; likewise by Galen, Plutarch, the scholiast on Nicander, Athenaeus and Paul of Aegina. Pamelius.

(printed under page 360)

(95) ‹anchor: de utroque ducimur› · call in col 711–712 (call not visible)

Qui apud Deum de utroque ducimur. Sic habet exemplar Agobardi. Jamque omnibus, inquit, et philosophis et medicis plures Christiani, qui de utroque, hoc est, de illo animæ principali, deque loco et positione illius principalis, statuendum quid sit investigantes, apud Deum ducimur, atque ex sacris paginis addiscimus. Sic igitur veteres Christiani etiam cum ethnicis disputantes, sacrarum Litterarum auctoritatem proferebant. Illi divina dictata, nisi rationibus humanis, hoc est, mere philosophicis, probarentur, respuebant. Hæc cæcitate Galenus adversus Archigenem vectatur, hoc interdicto : « Non auditurum se Νόμους ἀναποδείκτους, quibus fere uti solent Μωυσοῦ καὶ Χριστοῦ διατριβὴν ἀφιγμένοι. » Galeni verba sunt libro de Diff. puls. secundo. Rig.

"We who are led, in God's presence, on both questions." So the Agobard copy has it. "And now," he says, "we Christians, more than all the philosophers and physicians, investigating what is to be determined on both points, that is, about that ruling part of the soul and about the place and position of that ruling part, are led in God's presence and learn from the sacred pages." So the early Christians, even when disputing with pagans, put forward the authority of the sacred Writings. The pagans rejected divine pronouncements unless they were proved by human reasonings, that is, purely philosophical ones. Galen is carried along by this blindness against Archigenes, with this ban: that he will not listen to "undemonstrated laws, such as those who have come to the school of Moses and Christ are generally wont to use." These are Galen's words in the second book On the Differences of Pulses. Rigaltius.

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(96) ‹anchor: Principale in anima› · call in col 711–712 (call not visible)

Principale in anima. Hieronymus ad Fabiolam. ep. 128 : « Quæritur ubi sit animæ principale. Plato in cerebro, Christus monstrat in corde; Beati mundo corde. » etc. Rig.

"The ruling part in the soul." Jerome to Fabiola, letter 128: "It is asked where the ruling part of the soul is. Plato [places it] in the brain; Christ shows it is in the heart: Blessed are the pure in heart," etc. Rigaltius.

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Page

running head: 711 TERTULLIANI OPERUM PARS II. —
marginal letters: A ‹CAPUT XV.›; B ‹ris; ut caprae et testudines›; C ‹mone, quem Corinthi habitum›; D ‹cum omni familia et comitatu›
old-edition numerals: 670 before CAPUT XV.

PL 2:712

et ipse Soranus; jamque omnibus plures christiani, qui apud Deum de utroque ducimur, et esse principale in anima, et certo in corporis recessu consecratum. Si enim scrutatorem et dispectorem cordis (Sap. I; Prov. XXIV) Deum legimus; si etiam prophetes ejus occulta cordis traducendo probatur (Psal. CXXXVIII); si Deus ipse recogitatus cordis in populo praevenit (Matth. IX): Quid cogitatis in cordibus vestris nequam? si et David (Psal. L): Cor mundum conde in me, Deus; et Paulus (Rom. X) corde ait credi in justitiam; et Joannes (I Joan. III) corde ait suo unumquemque reprehendi; si postremo (Matth. V) qui viderit feminam ad concupiscendum, jam adulteravit in corde; simul utrumque dilucet, et esse principale in anima, quo intentio divino conveniat, id est, vim sapientialem atque vitalem (quod enim sapit, vividum est), et in eo thesauro corporis haberi, ad quem Deus respicit: ut neque extrinsecus agitari putes principale istud secundum ⟨H⟩eraclitum, neque per totum corpus ventilari secundum Moschionem, neque in capite concludi secundum Platonem, neque in vertice potius praesidere

and Soranus himself; and now, more than all of them, we Christians, who are led by God on both points: both that there is a ruling part in the soul, and that it is enshrined in a definite recess of the body. For if we read that God is the searcher and examiner of the heart (Wis. 1; Prov. 24); if also His prophet is proved by exposing the secrets of the heart (Ps. 138); if God Himself anticipates the reflections of the heart in the people (Matt. 9): Why do you think wickedness in your hearts? if also David (Ps. 50): Create a clean heart in me, O God; and Paul (Rom. 10) says that with the heart one believes unto righteousness; and John (1 John 3) says that each one is reproved by his own heart; if finally (Matt. 5) he who has looked upon a woman to lust after her has already committed adultery in his heart; then both points shine out together: both that there is a ruling part in the soul, where the intention may accord with the divine, that is, a power of wisdom and of life (for what is wise is alive), and that it is held in that treasure-house of the body to which God looks: so that you should neither suppose that this ruling part is moved from outside, according to Heraclitus, nor wafted through the whole body, according to Moschion, nor enclosed in the head, according to Plato, nor rather to preside in the crown of the head

Editors' notes and page, col. 712

Page

running head: M PARS II. — SERIES I, POLEMICA. 712 (left part cut off at image edge)
marginal letters: A ‹tes, et ipse Soranus›; B ‹principale in anima, quo›; C ‹Apul. l. IV de Asin. aur. (commentary)›; D ‹(95) Qui apud Deum de utroque ducimur (commentary)›
old-edition numerals: 671 after ‹utroque›

PL 2:713

secundum Xenocratem, neque in cerebro cubare secundum Hippocratem; sed nec circa cerebri fundamentum ut Herophilus, nec in membranulis ut Strato et Erasistratus, nec in superciliorum meditullio ut Strato Physicus, nec in tota lorica pectoris ut Epicurus. Sed quod et Aegyptii renuntiaverunt, et qui divinarum commemoratores videbantur, ut et ille versus Orphei vel Empedoclis: Namque homini sanguis circumcordialis est sensus. Etiam Protagoras, etiam Apollodorus et Chrysippus haec sapiunt; ut vel ab istis retusus Asclepiades capras suas quaerat sine corde balantes, et muscas suas abigat sine capite volitantes; et omnes jam sciant se potius sine corde et cerebro vivere, qui dispositionem animae humanae de conditione bestiarum praejudicarint.

according to Xenocrates, nor to lie in the brain according to Hippocrates; but neither around the base of the brain, as Herophilus [held], nor in the little membranes, as Strato and Erasistratus, nor in the midpoint between the eyebrows, as Strato the Physicist, nor in the whole breastplate of the chest, as Epicurus. But [it is] what the Egyptians too have declared, and those who were regarded as recounters of divine things, as also that verse of Orpheus or Empedocles: For to man the blood around the heart is perception. Protagoras too, Apollodorus too and Chrysippus hold this view; so that, beaten back even by these, Asclepiades may go looking for his goats bleating without a heart, and drive off his flies flitting about without a head; and all who have prejudged the disposition of the human soul from the condition of beasts may now know that it is rather they themselves who live without heart and brain.

Editors' notes and page, col. 713

Footnotes

(var. 69) ‹anchor: in membranulis› · call in col 713 Membranula ejus Jun.

"Membranula ejus": Junius.

(var. 70) ‹anchor: Sed quod et› · call in col 713 Et quod Rhen. Pam. Seml.

"Et quod": Rhenanus, Pamelius, Semler.

(var. 71) ‹anchor: et qui divinarum› · call in col 713 (text beyond the image edge; not set)  (printed under page 361)

(97) ‹anchor: Strato Physicus› · call in col 713–714 (call not visible)

Strato Physicus. Istud etiam ex Plutarcho. Vocatur autem Strato Physicus, tum ad distinctionem superioris Stratonis medici, tum quod, Suida teste, præ cæteris naturæ contemplationi deditus fuerit ; qui Lampsacenum facit, Theophrasti filium et multos libros scripsisse tradit. Pam.

"Strato the Physicist." This too is from Plutarch. Strato is called "the Physicist", both to distinguish him from the earlier Strato, the physician, and because, as the Suda witnesses, he was devoted beyond others to the study of nature; the Suda makes him a man of Lampsacus and Theophrastus' son, and says he wrote many books. Pamelius.

(printed under page 361)

(98) ‹anchor: tota lorica pectoris› · call in col 713–714 (call not visible)

Nec in tota lorica pectoris. Græce conformiter apud Plutarchum legitur, ἐν ὅλῳ τῷ θώρακι. Pam.

"Nor in the whole breastplate of the chest." Correspondingly, in Plutarch the Greek reads "in the whole chest". Pamelius.

(printed under page 361)

(99) ‹anchor: Renuntiaverunt› · call in col 713–714 (call not visible)

Renuntiaverunt. Renuntiare, pro attribuere, accipere hic videtur Auctor, eadem significatione de qua infra latius lib. de Carn. Chr. c. 1. Pam.

"They reported." The author seems to take "renuntiare" here for "to attribute", in the same sense of which [we speak] more fully below, on the book On the Flesh of Christ, chapter 1. Pamelius.

(printed under page 361)

(1) ‹anchor: Divinarum commemoratores› · call in col 713–714 (call not visible)

Divinarum commemoratores. Intelligere videtur Mercurium Trismegistum, Anebonem et Amabonem, quos plerumque secuti sunt Plotinus, Jamblichus et ipse Plato. Pam.

"Recorders of divine things." He seems to mean Hermes Trismegistus, Anebo and Amabo, whom Plotinus, Iamblichus and Plato himself mostly followed. Pamelius.

(printed under page 361)

(2) ‹anchor: Orphei vel Empedoclis› · call in col 713–714 (call not visible)

Ut et ille versus Orphei vel Empedoclis. Citatur versus a Porphyrio ex Empedocle : Αἷμα γὰρ ἀνθρώποις περικάρδιόν ἐστι νόημα. Chalcidius : « Empedocles quidem principalem animæ vim constituit in corde, sic dicens : Sanguine cordis enim noster viget intellectus. Rig.

"As also that verse of Orpheus or Empedocles." The verse is quoted by Porphyry from Empedocles: "For the blood about the heart is thought in men." Chalcidius: "Empedocles placed the ruling power of the soul in the heart, saying thus: For by the blood of the heart our understanding thrives." Rigaltius.

(printed under page 361)

(3) ‹anchor: Protagoras› · call in col 713–714 (call not visible)

Protagoras. Etsi apud Laertium reperiatur Protagoras philosophus Abderites auditor Democriti; quia tamen inter libros ejus de anima nullus recensetur, et hic videtur iterum medicos alios committere cum Asclepiade, censeo quidem legi debere Proxagoras : sed sine cod. ms. ope id in contextu mutare nolui. Certe Proxagoras medicus a Plinio celebratur tertio loco dicti lib. XXVI, c. 2, etc. Pam.

"Protagoras." Although in Laertius there is found a philosopher Protagoras of Abdera, a hearer of Democritus, yet since no book of his on the soul is listed, and here [the author] seems again to be pitting other physicians against Asclepiades, I judge that "Praxagoras" [Proxagoras, as printed] should be read; but without the help of a manuscript I did not wish to change it in the text. Certainly the physician Praxagoras is praised by Pliny in third place in the said book XXVI, chapter 2, etc. Pamelius.

(printed under page 361)

(4) ‹anchor: Etiam Apollodorus› · call in col 713–714 (call not visible)

Etiam Apollodorus. Similiter et hic, quamvis a Laertio recenseatur Apollodorus Atheniensis, Epicureus philosophus, puto tamen potius loqui Auctorem de Apollodoro altero illorum medicorum, de quibus Plinius l. XX, c. 4. Pam.

"Apollodorus too." Here likewise, although Laertius lists an Apollodorus of Athens, an Epicurean philosopher, I think the author is rather speaking of Apollodorus, another of those physicians of whom Pliny speaks, book XX, chapter 4. Pamelius.

(printed under page 361)

(5) ‹anchor: Et Chrysippus› · call in col 713–714 (call not visible)

Et Chrysippus. Hic quoque de Chrysippo medico potius loqui censeo Auctorem, quam de philosopho, cujus supra facta est mentio c. 5 ; nam citatur is ipse a Plinio frequenter. Pam.

"And Chrysippus." Here too I judge the author is speaking of Chrysippus the physician rather than the philosopher, who was mentioned above in chapter 5; for that physician is cited often by Pliny. Pamelius.

(printed under page 361)

(6) ‹anchor: Quod Plato bifariam› · call in col 713–714 (call not visible)

Quod Plato bifariam, etc. Similiter supra dixit, cap. 14 : « Dividitur autem in partes, nunc in duas a Platone. » Habet autem istud Plato dial. 5, de Repub. : non itaque absurde, inquit, duplices has partes, et intar se diversas esse, ita ut alteram qua ratiocinatur [utpote quæ sit ratiocinii viam vitæ rectam commonstrans] rationalem animæ partem appellemus; alteram qua amat, et esurit, et sitit, et circa alias cupiditates velut consternata afficitur, irrationalem. Pam.

"That Plato [divides it] in two," etc. He said likewise above, chapter 14: "It is divided into parts, now into two by Plato." Plato has this in dialogue 5 of the Republic: "Not absurdly, then," he says, "[do we hold] these to be two parts, different from each other [intar, as printed], so that the one by which it reasons, as that which shows the right way of life by reasoning, we call the rational part of the soul; the other, by which it loves and hungers and thirsts, and is affected as if thrown into confusion about other desires, the irrational." Pamelius.

(printed under page 361)

(7) ‹anchor: jam naturalitatis› · call in col 713–714 (call not visible)

Ad instar jam naturalitatis. Per naturæ vitium et deformitatem. Facit hic locus pro peccato originali. Consulto dixit Auctor ad instar naturalitatis, quia nec vitium, nec peccatum originis est ipsa natura, aut substantia, aut forma nostra, ut putavit Illyricus, sed accidit naturæ : nam ut optime insinuat Tertullianus, si peccatum esset substantia aut natura nostra, cum omnis substantia a Deo creata sit, sequeretur peccatum a solo Deo creatum esse, et inditum Adæ et posteris. Lac.

"Now after the manner of a natural property." Through the fault and disfigurement of nature. This passage supports original sin. The author deliberately said "after the manner of a natural property", because neither the fault nor the sin of origin is our nature itself, or our substance, or our form, as Illyricus [Flacius] thought; it befalls the nature. For, as Tertullian very well suggests, if sin were our substance or nature, then, since every substance was created by God, it would follow that sin was created by God alone and put into Adam and his descendants. Lacerda.

(printed under page 361)

(8) ‹anchor: Primordio accidit› · call in col 713–714 (call not visible)

Primordio accidit. Notante illustrissimo Bossueto (Tomo II, Défense de la Tradition et des Saints Pères, livre VIII, chap. 29, pag. 148), in vocabulo Tertulliani τὸ primordium non solum initium ab ordine temporum, sed initium etiam a principio et origine intelligendum est ; et per hoc intelligitur ingens illa, quæ in corpore nostro et in anima nostra ab initio et in origine generis humani accidit, mutatio quam S. Augustinus contra Pelagianos defensum ibat. Neque melius explicari potest illud τὸ in quo Epistolæ ad Romanos, neque disertius exprimi, quod omnes in Adamo peccaverimus, quam dicendo, quod peccatum Adami in nostram transierit naturam; atque naturalem hujus principii sequelam agnoscit Tertullianus, ubi fatetur quod infantes etiam fidelium nascantur impuri; quapropter Christus dixit : Nisi quis renascatur ex aqua et Spiritu sancto, non potest introire in regnum cœlorum ; itaque omnis anima eousque in Adam censetur, donec in Christo recenseatur : tamdiu immunda, quamdiu recenseatur. Jam vero in Adam recenseri, non tantum est esse in miseria et pœna, sed insuper etiam in maledicto, in damnatione, in perditione, in peccato ; atque propterea subjungit : Omnis anima est peccatrix, quia immunda, et tandiu manet immunda, donec per baptismum regenerata sit. Sacramentum hoc non tollit mortem, non radicem concupiscentiæ. Si igitur baptismus aufert animæ maculam, eam utique peccati, quam illa dicente Tertulliano per unionem cum carne contraxit, causa concupiscentiæ inordinatæ, qua caro concupiscit contra spiritum, quæve facit carnem peccatricem, (continues)

"It befell at the beginning." As the most illustrious Bossuet notes (vol. II, Défense de la Tradition et des Saints Pères, book VIII, chapter 29, p. 148), in Tertullian's word "primordium" we must understand not only the beginning in the order of time but also the beginning in the sense of principle and origin; and by this is understood that vast change which befell our body and our soul from the beginning and at the origin of the human race, the change St Augustine went about defending against the Pelagians. Nor can the "in whom" of the Epistle to the Romans be better explained, nor the fact that we all sinned in Adam be more clearly expressed, than by saying that Adam's sin passed into our nature. And Tertullian recognises the natural consequence of this principle where he admits that even the infants of the faithful are born impure; for which reason Christ said: "Unless one is born again of water and the Holy Spirit, he cannot enter the kingdom of heaven." And so every soul is counted in Adam until it is counted anew in Christ: unclean for as long as it is [not yet] counted anew [the print reads "quamdiu recenseatur"]. But to be counted in Adam is not only to be in misery and punishment, but besides that under the curse, in condemnation, in perdition, in sin; and therefore he adds: "Every soul is a sinner, because unclean," and remains unclean until it has been regenerated through baptism. This sacrament does not take away death, nor the root of concupiscence. If, then, baptism takes away the soul's stain, namely that of sin, which, as Tertullian says, it contracted through union with the flesh, the cause of disordered concupiscence, by which the flesh lusts against the spirit, and which makes the flesh a sinner, (continues)

(printed under page 361)

Page

running head: 713 LIBER DE ANIM[A] (cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A sidere secundum Xenocratem; B nem animae humanae de conditione; C PAM. (end of commentary note 98, gutter); D setur, et hic videtur iterum (commentary, gutter)
old-edition numerals: 672 after tota

PL 2:714

CAPUT XVI.

Chapter XVI.

Est et illud a⟨d⟩ finem pertinens, quod Plato bifariam partitur animam, per rationale et irrationale. Cui d⟨e⟩finitioni et nos quidem applaudimus, sed non ut naturae deputetur utrumque. Naturale enim rationale credendum est quod animae a primordio sit ingenitum, a rationali videlicet auctore. Quid enim non rationale, quod Deus jussu quoque ediderit, nedum id quod proprie adflatu suo emiserit? Irrationale autem posterius intelligendum est, ut quod acciderit ex serpentis instinctu, ipsorum illud transgressionis admissum, atque exinde inoleverit et coadoleverit in anima ad instar jam naturalitatis, quia statim in naturae primordio accidit. Caeterum, cum idem P⟨l⟩ato solum rationale dicat, ut in anima Dei ipsius, si nos etiam irrationale naturae adscribimus

This too pertains to the purpose, that Plato divides the soul in two, into the rational and the irrational. To this definition we too indeed give our applause, but not so that both be assigned to nature. For the rational must be believed to be natural, as that which was inborn in the soul from the beginning, namely from a rational Author. For what is not rational that God produced even by command, let alone that which He sent forth properly by His own breath? The irrational, however, must be understood as later, as having come about from the instigation of the serpent, that very commission of their transgression, and as having thenceforth grown into the soul and grown up together with it, after the likeness by now of something natural, because it happened at once in the beginning of nature. Moreover, since the same Plato calls [the soul] only rational, as in the soul of God Himself, if we too ascribe the irrational to the nature

Editors' notes and page, col. 714

Footnotes

(var. 72) ‹anchor: ad finem› · call in col 714 Fidem … UNSURE: only the opening word of this reading is in the column's images ("72 Fidem" ends the first line of the Variae lectiones; the second line, ending "…rth.", lies left of the image edge). Complete from the full page.

"Fidem" (for "finem"): … [rest not visible in the column's images].

(var. 73) ‹anchor: ipsorum illud› · call in col 714 UNSURE: the text of this reading is not in the column's or the foot's images (the left half of the Variae lectiones' second line is cut off). Complete from the full page.  (printed under page 361)

(6) ‹anchor: Plato bifariam› · call in col 714

Quod Plato bifariam, etc. Similiter supra dixit, cap. 14 : « Dividitur autem in partes, nunc in duas a Platone. » Habet autem istud Plato dial. 5, de Repub. : non itaque absurde, inquit, duplices has partes, et intar se diversas esse, ita ut alteram qua ratiocinatur [utpote quæ sit ratiocinii gubernatrix tanquam benigna et studiosa mater, viam vitæ rectam commonstrans ] rationalem animæ partem appellemus; alteram qua amat, et esurit, et sitit, et circa alias cupiditates velut consternata afficitur, irrationalem. Pam.

"That Plato [divides the soul] in two," etc. He said the same above, chapter 14: "It is divided into parts, now into two by Plato." Plato has this in dialogue 5 of the Republic: "It is not absurd, then," he says, "that these parts are twofold and different from each other, so that we call the one by which it reasons [as being the governor of reasoning, like a kind and careful mother, pointing out the right way of life] the rational part of the soul; and the other, by which it loves and hungers and thirsts and is affected as though thrown into confusion about the other desires, the irrational." Pamelius.

(printed under page 361; "intar" kept as printed)

(7) ‹anchor: ad instar jam naturalitatis› · call in col 714

Ad instar jam naturalitatis. Per naturæ vitium et deformitatem. Facit hic locus pro peccato originali. Consulto dixit Auctor ad instar naturalitatis, quia nec vitium, nec peccatum originis est ipsa natura, aut substantia, aut forma nostra, ut putavit Illyricus, sed accidit naturæ: nam ut optime insinuat Tertullianus, si peccatum esset substantia aut natura nostra, cum omnis substantia a Deo creata sit, sequeretur peccatum a solo Deo creatum esse, et inditum Adæ et posteris. Lac.

"After the likeness by now of something natural." Through the fault and disfigurement of nature. This passage tells in favour of original sin. The Author said "after the likeness of something natural" deliberately, because neither the fault nor the sin of origin is our nature itself, or our substance, or our form, as Illyricus thought; it befell our nature. For, as Tertullian very well suggests, if sin were our substance or nature, then, since every substance has been created by God, it would follow that sin was created by God alone and put into Adam and his posterity. Lacerda.

(printed under page 361)

(8) ‹anchor: primordio accidit› · call in col 714

Primordio accidit. Notante illustrissimo Bossueto (Tomo II, Défense de la Tradition et des Saints Pères, livre VIII, chap. 29, pag. 148), in vocabulo Tertulliani τὸ primordium non solum initium ab ordine temporum, sed initium etiam a principio et origine intelligendum est; et per hoc intelligitur ingens illa, quæ in corpore nostro et in anima nostra ab initio et in origine generis humani accidit, mutatio quam S. Augustinus contra Pelagianos defensum ibat. Neque melius explicari potest illud τὸ in quo Epistolæ ad Romanos, neque disertius exprimi, quod omnes in Adamo peccaverimus, quam dicendo, quod peccatum Adami in nostram transierit naturam; atque naturalem hujus principii sequelam agnoscit Tertullianus, ubi fatetur quod infantes etiam fidelium nascantur impuri; quapropter Christus dixit : Nisi quis renascatur ex aqua et Spiritu sancto, non potest introire in regnum cælorum ; itaque omnis anima eousque in Adam censetur, donec in Christo recenseatur : tamdiu immunda, quamdiu recenseatur. Jam vero in Adam recenseri, non tantum est esse in miseria et pœna, sed insuper etiam in maledicto, in damnatione, in perditione, in peccato ; atque propterea subjungit : Omnis anima est peccatrix, quia immunda, et tandiu manet immunda, donec per baptismum regenerata sit. Sacramentum hoc non tollit mortem, non radicem concupiscentiæ. Si igitur baptismus aufert animæ maculam, eam utique peccati, quam illa dicente Tertulliano per unionem cum carne contraxit, causa concupiscentiæ inordinatæ, qua caro concupiscit contra spiritum, quæve facit carnem peccatricem, [continues on the next page]

"Happened in the beginning." As the most illustrious Bossuet notes (vol. II, Défense de la Tradition et des Saints Pères, book VIII, chapter 29, p. 148), in Tertullian's word "primordium" we must understand not only a beginning in the order of time, but also a beginning in the sense of principle and origin; and by this is understood that vast change which befell our body and our soul from the beginning and at the origin of the human race, the change which St Augustine set out to defend against the Pelagians. Nor can that "in whom" of the Epistle to the Romans be better explained, nor the fact that we have all sinned in Adam be more clearly expressed, than by saying that Adam's sin passed into our nature; and Tertullian acknowledges the natural consequence of this principle where he admits that even the infants of the faithful are born impure; for which reason Christ said: "Unless one is born again of water and the Holy Spirit, he cannot enter the kingdom of heaven" (John 3:5); and so every soul is reckoned in Adam until it is enrolled anew in Christ, unclean for as long as it is [not yet] enrolled anew. Now to be reckoned in Adam is not only to be in misery and punishment, but besides that also under the curse, in damnation, in perdition, in sin; and for that reason he adds: "Every soul is a sinner, because unclean," and it remains unclean until it has been regenerated through baptism. This sacrament does not take away death, nor the root of concupiscence. If therefore baptism takes away the soul's stain, namely that of sin, which, as Tertullian says, it contracted through its union with the flesh, the cause of disordered concupiscence, by which the flesh lusts against the spirit, and which makes the flesh sinful, [continues on the next page]

(printed under page 361; "receaseatur" on the page read as "recenseatur" with a broken n; "circ1" read as "circa" with a broken a)

Page

running head: [L]IBER DE ANIMA. 714 (first letter cut off at left edge of image)
marginal letters: A ‹CAPUT XVI.›; B ‹Plato solum rationale dicat›; C ‹litatis, quia nec vitium› (in the Commentarius); D ‹dicendo, quod peccatum Adami› (in the Commentarius)
old-edition numerals: 673 after ‹idem›
other: column text ends after 16 lines with "adscribi-" split at the column break (English renders the whole verb "ascribe"); "ad" (d broken), "definitioni" (e broken), "Plato" (printed like "Piato", l damaged) treated as damaged type; the rest of the column is page-foot apparatus: Variae lectiones 72–73 and the editors' Commentarius notes (6) to (8), set above (Q1a, 2026-10-18); left-column fragments belong to col. 713; the "Variae lectiones" and "Commentarius" headings span the page and are not set; printer's signature 23 not set

PL 2:715

quam a Deo anima nostra sortita est, aeque irrationale de Deo erit, utpote naturale, quia naturae Deus auctor est. Sed enim a diabolo immissio delicti; irrationale autem omne delictum: igitur a diabolo irrationale, a quo et delictum; extraneum a Deo, a quo est irrationale alienum. Proinde diversitas horum ex distantia auctorum. Proinde, cum Plato, soli Deo segregans rationale, duo genera subdividit ex rationali, indignativum quod appellant θυμικὸν, concupiscentivum quod vocant ἐπιθυμητικον, ut illud quidem commune sit nobis et leonibus, istud vero cum muscis, rationale porro cum Deo; video et de hoc mihi esse retractandum, propter ea quae in Christo deprehenduntur. Ecce enim tota haec Trinitas et in Domino: rationale quo docet, quo di⟨s⟩serit, quo salutis vias sternit: indignativum, quo invehitur in Scribas et Pharisaeos; et concupiscentivum, quo pascha cum discipulis suis edere concupiscit. Igitur apud nos non semper ex irrationali censenda sunt indignativum et concupiscentivum, quae certi sumus in Dominum rationaliter decucurrisse. Indignabitur Deus rationaliter, quibus scilicet debet, et concupiscet Deus rationaliter quae digna sunt ipso. Nam et malo indignabitur, et bono concupiscet salutem. Dat et Apostolus nobis concupiscentiam (I Tim. III, 1): Si quis episcopatum concupiscit, bonum opus concupiscit; et bonum opus dicens, rationalem concupiscentiam ostendit. Concedit et indignationem; quidni, qu⟨a⟩m et ipse suscepit? Utinam et praecidantur, inquit (Galat. V, 12), qui vos subvertunt! Rationalis et indignatio, quae ex affectu disciplinae est. At cum dicit (Ephes. II, 3): Fuimus aliquando natura filii irae, irrationale indignativum suggillat, quod non sit ex ea natura quae a Deo est, sed ex illa quam diabolus induxit, dominus et ipse dictus (Matth. VI, 24) sui ordinis: Non potestis duobus dominis servire; pater et ipse cognominatus (Joan. VIII, 54): Vos ex diabolo patre estis: ne timeas et illi proprietatem naturae alterius adscribere, posterioris et adulterae, quem legis

which our soul has received from God, the irrational will equally be from God, as being natural, since God is the author of nature. But in fact the introduction of sin is from the devil, and all sin is irrational: therefore the irrational is from the devil, from whom sin also comes; it is foreign to God, to Whom the irrational is alien. Accordingly the difference between these lies in the distance between their authors. Accordingly, when Plato, setting apart the rational for God alone, subdivides two kinds from the rational, the indignant, which they call thymikon, and the desiring, which they call epithymetikon, so that the former is common to us and to lions, the latter to us and to flies, while the rational is shared with God, I see that I must reconsider this point too, on account of the things that are found in Christ. For behold, this whole trinity is in the Lord also: the rational, by which He teaches, by which He discourses, by which He lays out the ways of salvation; the indignant, by which He inveighs against the Scribes and Pharisees; and the desiring, by which He desires to eat the passover with His disciples. Therefore in us the indignant and the desiring are not always to be reckoned as coming from the irrational, since we are certain that in the Lord they ran their course rationally. God will be indignant rationally, namely with those with whom He ought to be, and God will desire rationally the things that are worthy of Him. For He will be indignant with the evil man, and for the good man He will desire salvation. The Apostle too grants us desire (1 Tim. 3:1): If anyone desires the office of bishop, he desires a good work; and by saying a good work he shows that the desire is rational. He also allows indignation; why not, since he himself took it up? Would that they were even cut off, he says (Gal. 5:12), who are overturning you! Rational too is the indignation that springs from devotion to discipline. But when he says (Eph. 2:3): We were once by nature children of wrath, he censures the irrational indignant element, as not being from that nature which is from God, but from that which the devil brought in, who is himself also called a lord of his own order (Matt. 6:24): You cannot serve two lords; and himself also named a father (John 8:44): You are of your father the devil: so do not fear to ascribe to him too the possession of another nature, a later and adulterous one, whom you read

Editors' notes and page, col. 715

Footnotes

(var. 74) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 715–716 (call not visible) Adscripserimus Pam. Rhen. Seml.

"Adscripserimus": Pamelius, Rhenanus, Semler.

(var. 75) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 715–716 (call not visible) Quæ Fran. Pam.

"Quae": Franeker edition, Pamelius.

(var. 76) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 715–716 (call not visible) Domino Pam. Franc.

"Domino": Pamelius, Franeker edition.

(var. 77) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 715–716 (call not visible) Pronuntiat Pam. Rhen.

"Pronuntiat": Pamelius, Rhenanus.

(var. 78) ‹anchor: animam enim› · call in col 716 Enim del. Jun. non add. Rig. Ven.

Junius deletes "enim"; Rigaltius and the Venice edition add "non".

(printed under page 362)

(9) ‹anchor: Tota hæc Trinitas› · call in col 715–716 (call not visible)

Tota hæc Trinitas. Scilicet ratiocinantis, irascentis et concupiscentis animæ triplex munus in Evangelio indicatur : Rationalis et docentis, Matth. VII et XII ; indignantis seu irascentis, Matth. XXIII; desiderantis sive concupiscentis, Lucæ XXII. Lac.

"This whole trinity." That is, the threefold office of the soul, reasoning, angry and desiring, is shown in the Gospel: of the rational and teaching soul, Matthew 7 and 12; of the indignant or angry soul, Matthew 23; of the longing or desiring soul, Luke 22. Lacerda.

(printed under page 362)

(10) ‹anchor: Indignabitur Deus rationaliter› · call in col 715–716 (call not visible)

Indignabitur Deus rationaliter. Si intelligatur istud hypotheticos, sicuti Scriptura loquitur, quod indignatio Dei pro vindicta Dei sumatur, nihil obstat eam Deo attribui : alicubi tamen adnotavimus inter paradoxa Tertulliani collocandum, quod iram proprie Deo videatur attribuere. Pam.

"God will be indignant rationally." If this is understood hypothetically, as Scripture speaks, so that God's indignation is taken for God's vengeance, nothing prevents its being attributed to God. Yet we have noted somewhere that it is to be placed among Tertullian's paradoxes that he seems to attribute anger to God in the proper sense. Pamelius.

(printed under page 362)

(11) ‹anchor: Utinam et præcidantur› · call in col 715

Utinam et præcidantur. Hoc in Judæos torquet Paulus Epist. ad Galatas, cap. V : Utinam, inquit, qui vos ad circumcisionem, et cætera Mosaica revocant, non tantum circumcidantur, sed et præcidantur : Ὄφελον καὶ ἀποκόψονται. Chrysostomus, μὴ περιτεμνέσθωσαν μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ περικοπτέσθωσαν. Et apud Primasium Uticensem : « Non solum circumcidantur, sed etiam abscindantur, si exspoliatio membri proficit. » Rig.

"Would that they were even cut off." Paul hurls this at the Jews in the Epistle to the Galatians, chapter 5: "Would that those who call you back to circumcision and the rest of the Mosaic law were not only circumcised but cut off": "I would that they would even cut themselves off." Chrysostom: "Let them not only be circumcised, but be cut all round." And in Primasius of Hadrumetum [Uticensem, as printed]: "Let them not only be circumcised, but even cut off, if stripping away the member does any good." Rigaltius.

(printed under page 362)

Page

running head: 715 TERTULLIANI OPERUM PARS II. — S (cut off at right edge)
marginal letters: A mus quam a Deo anima nostra; B rationale quo docet, quo disserit; C indignationem; quidni, quam; D antequam esse possit (commentary, not set)
old-edition numerals: 674 after est,

PL 2:716

(Matth. XIII) avenarum superseminatorem, et frumentariae segetis nocturnum interpolatorem.

(Matt. 13) the over-sower of wild oats, and the nocturnal tamperer with the crop of wheat.

CAPUT XVII.

Chapter XVII.

Contingit nos illorum etiam quinque sensnum quaestio, quos in primis litteris discimus, quoniam et hinc aliquid haereticis procuratur. Visus est, et auditus, et odoratus, et gustus, et tactus. Hornm fidem Academici durius damnant; secundum quosdam, et Heraclitus, et Diocles, et Empedocles; certe Plato in Timaeo, irrationalem pronuntians sensualitatem, et opinioni coimplicitam. Itaque mendacium visui objicitur, quod remos in aqua inflexos vel infractos adseverat adversus conscientiam integritatis, quod turrem quadrangulatam de longinquo rotundam persuadeat, quod aequalissimam porticum angustiorem in ultimo infamet, quod coelum tanta sublimitate suspensum mari jungat. Perinde auditus fallaciae reus: ut cum coeleste murmur putamus, et plaustrum est; vel tonitru meditante, pro certo de plaustro credimus sonitum. Sic et odoratus et gustus arguuntur, siquidem eadem unguenta, eademque vina, posteriore quoque usu depretiantur. Sic et tactus reprehenditur, siquidem ead⟨e⟩m pavimenta manibus asperiora, pedibus laeviora creduntur; et in lavacris, idem calidae lacus ferventissimus primo, dehinc temperatissimus renuntiatur. Adeo, inquiunt, sic quoque fallimur sensibus, dum sententias vertimus. Moderantius Stoici non omnem sensum, nec semper, de mendacio on⟨e⟩rant. Epicurei constantius parem omnibus atque perpetuam defendunt veritatem, sed alia via: non enim sensum mentiri, sed opinionem: sensum enim pati, non opinari; animam enim opinari. Absciderunt et opinionem a sensu, et sensum ab anima. Et unde opinio, si non a sensu? Denique nisi visus rotundam senserit turrem, nulla opinio rotunditatis. Et unde sensus, si non ab auima? Denique carens anima corpus, carebit et sensu. Ita et sensus ex anima est, et opinio ex sensu, et anima totum. Caeterum optime proponetur, esse utique

The question of those five senses also concerns us, which we learn in our first letters, since from this source too something is procured for the heretics. They are sight, and hearing, and smell, and taste, and touch. The trustworthiness of these the Academics condemn rather harshly; according to some, so also do Heraclitus, and Diocles, and Empedocles; Plato certainly does in the Timaeus, declaring sensation irrational and entangled with opinion. Thus falsehood is charged against sight, in that it asserts that oars in water are bent or broken, against the awareness of their soundness; in that it would persuade us that a square tower is round from a distance; in that it slanders a perfectly even portico as narrower at its far end; in that it joins to the sea the sky that hangs at so great a height. Likewise hearing is accused of deception: as when we think it a rumbling in the sky, and it is a wagon; or, when thunder is brewing, we believe for certain that the sound comes from a wagon. So also smell and taste are arraigned, since the same perfumes and the same wines lose their value with later use as well. So also touch is censured, since the same pavements are believed rougher to the hands and smoother to the feet; and in baths the same pool of hot water is pronounced very hot at first, then quite temperate. So much, they say, are we deceived by our senses in this way too, while we change our judgements. The Stoics, more moderately, do not burden every sense, nor always, with falsehood. The Epicureans, more consistently, defend an equal and perpetual truthfulness in all of them, but by another way: for it is not the sense that lies, they say, but the opinion; for the sense undergoes and does not form opinions; it is the soul that forms opinions. They have cut off both opinion from sense and sense from the soul. And whence comes opinion, if not from sense? In short, unless sight had perceived the tower as round, there would be no opinion of roundness. And whence comes sense, if not from the soul? In short, a body lacking a soul will lack sense too. So both sense is from the soul, and opinion from sense, and the soul is the whole. However, it will best be proposed that there certainly is

Editors' notes and page, col. 716

Footnotes

(12) ‹anchor: Moderantius Stoici› · call in col 716

Moderantius Stoici. Sensus veros esse Stoici pronuntiant; phantasias vero alias veras esse, alias falsas, ut monet Plutarchus cap. 9, lib. IV de Placitis. Epicurus phantasiam omnem sensusque omnes veros esse asseruit ; opiniones vero alias veras, alias non item ; sensus apud Clementem Alex. sunt ὑπόβαθρα [reading uncertain] τῆς ἐπιστήμης. Le Pr.

"The Stoics, more moderately." The Stoics declare that the senses are true, but that impressions are some true and some false, as Plutarch notes, On the Opinions [of the Philosophers] book IV, chapter 9. Epicurus asserted that every impression and all the senses are true, but that opinions are some true and some not. In Clement of Alexandria the senses are the foundations [reading uncertain] of knowledge. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 362)

Page

running head: …M PARS II. — SERIES I, POLEMICA. 716 (left part cut off at image edge)
marginal letters: A (Matth. XIII) avenarum; B rotundam persuadeat; C omnem sensum, nec semper; D iram proprie Deo (in the commentary at page foot)
old-edition numerals: 675 after perpetuam

PL 2:717

aliquid, quod efficiat aliter quid a sensibus renuntiari, quam sit in rebus. Porro si potest id renuntiari quod non sit in rebus, cur non perinde possit per id renuntiare quod non sit in sensibus, sed in eis rationibus quae interveniant suo nomine? Atque adeo licebit eas recognosci. Nam ut in aqua remus inflexus vel infractus appareat, aqua in causa est. Denique extra aquam integer visui remus. Teneritas autem substantiae illius, qua speculum ex lumine efficitur, prout icta seu mota est, ita et imaginem vibrans, evertit lineam recti. Item ut turris habitus eludat, intervalli conditio compellit in aperto: aequalitas enim circumfusi aeris, pari luce vestiens angulos, oblitterat lineas. Sic et uniformitas porticus acuitur in fine, dum acies in concluso stipata, illic tenuatur quo et extenditur. Sic et coelum mari unitur, ubi visio absumitur; quae quamdiu viget, tamdiu dividit. Auditum vero quid aliud decipiet, quam sonorum similitudo? Et, si postea minus spirat unguentum, et minus sapit vinum, et minus lacus fervet, in omnibus ferme prima vis tota est. Caeterum, de scabro ac laevi merito manus ac pedes, tenera scilicet et callosa membra, dissentiunt. Igitur hoc modo, nulla sensuum frustratio causa carebit. Quod si caussae fallunt sensus, et per sensus opiniones, jam nec in sensibus constituenda fallacia est, qui caussas sequuntur, nec opinionibus, quae a sensibus diriguntur, sequentibus caussas. Qui insaniunt, alios in aliis vident, ut Orestes matrem in sorore, et Ajax Ulyssem in armento, ut Athamas et Agave in filiis bestias. Oculisne hoc mendacium exprobrabis, an furiis? Qui redundantia fellis auruginant, amara sunt omnia. Num ergo gustui praevaricationem exprobrabis, an valetudinem? Omnes itaque sensus evertuntur, vel circumveniuntur ad tempus, ut proprietate fallaciae careant. Imo jam ne ipsis quidem causis ascribendum est fallaciae elogium. Si enim ratione haec accidunt, ratio fallacia perhiberi non meretur. Quod sic fieri oportet, mendacium non est. Itaque si et

something which causes a thing to be reported by the senses otherwise than it is in the things themselves. Further, if what is not in the things can be reported, why could it not equally report, through that which is not in the senses but in those causes which intervene in their own right? And so it will be possible to recognize them. For when an oar appears bent or broken in water, the water is the cause. In short, out of the water the oar is whole to the sight. And the delicacy of that substance by which a mirror is made out of light, according as it is struck or moved, so also making the image quiver, overturns the straight line. Likewise, that the shape of a tower deceives is compelled by the condition of the distance in the open: for the evenness of the surrounding air, clothing the angles with equal light, effaces the lines. So too the uniformity of a portico is sharpened to a point at its end, while the line of sight, compressed in an enclosed space, is thinned out there where it is also extended. So too the sky is joined to the sea where the vision is used up; as long as it remains vigorous, so long does it keep them divided. As for hearing, what else will deceive it than the similarity of sounds? And if afterwards the ointment breathes less scent, and the wine tastes less, and the pool is less hot, in nearly all things the whole force is in the first impression. Moreover, concerning rough and smooth, hands and feet, members that are of course tender and callous, rightly disagree. In this way, therefore, no deception of the senses will lack a cause. But if causes deceive the senses, and through the senses the opinions, then deceit is to be placed neither in the senses, which follow the causes, nor in the opinions, which are directed by the senses, which follow the causes. Those who are mad see some persons in others, as Orestes saw his mother in his sister, and Ajax Ulysses in the herd, as Athamas and Agave saw beasts in their children. Will you reproach the eyes with this lie, or the frenzy? To those who are jaundiced from an excess of bile, all things are bitter. Will you then reproach the taste with prevarication, or the state of health? All the senses, therefore, are overturned or circumvented for a time, in such a way that they are free from the property of deceit. Indeed, not even to the causes themselves is the charge of deceit to be ascribed. For if these things happen according to reason, reason does not deserve to be called deceit. What must happen thus is not a lie. Therefore if also

Editors' notes and page, col. 717

Footnotes

(var. 79) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 717–718 (call not visible) Totum Jun.

"Totum": Junius.

(var. 80) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 717–718 (call not visible) Academice procacissime Pam. Rhen.

"Academice procacissime": Pamelius, Rhenanus.

(var. 81) ‹anchor: Non licet, non licet› · call in col 718 Non licet semel. scrib. Pam. Rhen.

Pamelius and Rhenanus write "non licet" once.

(var. 82) ‹anchor: de fide eorum deliberetur› · call in col 718 Delibretur Jun.

"Delibretur": Junius.

(printed under page 363)

(3) [as printed; the sequence requires (13)] ‹anchor: in aqua remus inflexus› · call in col 717–718 (call not visible)

Nam ut in aqua remus inflexus. Si quando remus aquæ immersus fractus videatur, aut turris quadrata appareat rotunda, id vitio et errori sensibus tribui non debet, sed intellectui : sensus enim facultas est ratiocinii expers, unde illa apparentia fucum facere non potest, cum tamen de intellectu non idem accidat. Rationis enim particeps est intellectus, atque cum sensationem factam sentit, non ulterius progreditur ad illius examen, sed judicium præceps exercet, unde error omnis ipsi tribuendus est, quoniam ea non expendit quæ sui muneris sunt. Le Pr.

"For as an oar bent in the water." If ever an oar dipped in water looks broken, or a square tower appears round, this should not be put down to a fault and error of the senses, but of the intellect. For sense is a faculty without reasoning, so that this appearance cannot deceive it, whereas the same is not true of the intellect. For the intellect shares in reason, and when it perceives that a sensation has occurred it does not go further to examine it, but passes a hasty judgement; hence every error is to be ascribed to it, since it does not weigh the things that belong to its own office. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 363)

(14) ‹anchor: fellis auruginant› · call in col 717

Qui redundantia fellis auruginant. Hunc etiam locum tractavit adversus Arianos Georgius Bæticus, ubi de sapientia Dei. « Nihil in illa sincerissimi decoris aspiciunt, inquit, sicut et lippientibus oculis nulla est visio veritatis, quandoquidem aliter eorum renuntiat aspectus, quam in fide rerum est. Sed et cui saporem proprium redundans sui fellis amaritudo vitiavit, si dulcia mella degustet, ut amaram dulcedinem mellis infamat, non recognoscens malum propriæ amaritudinis. » Le Pr.

"Those who are jaundiced by an overflow of bile." Gregory of Baetica [Georgius, as printed] also treated this passage against the Arians, where he writes of the Wisdom of God: "They see nothing in it of its most unalloyed beauty," he says, "just as bleary eyes have no true sight, since their seeing reports otherwise than the truth of things is. And one whose own taste has been spoiled by the bitterness of his overflowing bile, if he tastes sweet honey, slanders the sweetness of honey as bitter, not recognising the evil of his own bitterness." Le Prieur.

(printed under page 363)

Page

running head: 717 LIBER DE ANIMA (cut off at the right edge of the image)
marginal letters: A aliquid, quod efficiat; B cluso stipata, illic tenuatur; C tes matrem in sorore; D (3) Nam ut in aqua remus inflexus (in the Commentarius, not set)
old-edition numerals: 676 after gustui

PL 2:718

ipsae causae infamia liberantur, quanto magis sensus, quibus jam et caussae libere praeeunt! cum hinc potissimum et veritas et fides et integritas sensibus vindicanda sit, quod non aliter renuntient, quam quod illa ratio mandavit, quae efficiat aliter quid a sensibus renuntiari, quam sit in rebus. Quid agis, Academia procacissima? totum vitae statum evertis, omnem naturae ordinem turbas, ipsius Dei providentiam excaecas, qui cunctis operibus suis intelligendis, incolendis, dispensandis, fruendisque fallaces et mendaces dominos praefecerit sensus. Annon istis universa conditio subministratur? Annon per istos secunda quoque mundo instructio accessit? tot artes, tot ingenia, tot studia, negotia, officia, commercia, remedia, consilia, solatia, victus, cultus ornatusque omnia? Totum vitae saporem condierunt, dum per hos sensus solus omnium homo animal rationale dignoscitur, intelligentiae capax et ipsius Academiae. Sed enim Plato, ne quod testimonium sensibus signet, propterea et in Phaedro ex Socratis persona negat se cognoscere posse semetipsum, ut monet Delphica inscriptio; et in Theaeteto adimit sibi scire, atque sentire; et in Phaedro, post mortem differt sententiam veritatis, posthumam scilicet; et tamen, nondum mortuus, philosophabatur. Non licet, non licet nobis in dubium sensus istos devocare, ne et in Christo de fide eorum deliberetur; ne forte dicatur, quod falso Satanam prospectarit de coelo praecipitatum (Luc. X, 18), aut falso vocem Patris audierit de ipso t⟨e⟩stificatam (Matth. III, 17); aut deceptus sit cum Petri socrum tetigit (Matth. VIII, 15); aut alium postea unguenti senserit spiritum, quod in sepulturam suam acceptavit, alium postea vini saporem, quod in sanguinis sui memoriam consecravit. Sic enim et Marcion phantasma eum maluit credere, totius corporis in illo dedignatus veritatem. Atquin ne in apostolis quidem ejus ludificata natura est. Fidelis fuit et visus et auditus in monte (Matth. XVII): fidelis et gustus vini illius, licet aquae

the causes themselves are freed from infamy, how much more the senses, before which the causes now freely go! since from this above all the truth and fidelity and integrity of the senses is to be vindicated, that they report nothing otherwise than as that cause has commanded which brings it about that something is reported by the senses otherwise than it is in the things. What are you doing, most insolent Academy? You overturn the whole condition of life, you throw the whole order of nature into confusion, you blind the providence of God Himself, as though over all His works, for understanding, inhabiting, dispensing and enjoying them, He had set the senses as deceitful and lying masters. Is not the whole creation made subservient to them? Has not through them also a second furnishing come to the world? so many arts, so many talents, so many pursuits, businesses, offices, commerces, remedies, counsels, consolations, foods, dress and adornment, all of it? They have seasoned the whole savour of life, since through these senses man alone of all is recognized as a rational animal, capable of understanding and even of the Academy itself. But indeed Plato, so as not to set his seal to any testimony for the senses, for that reason both in the Phaedrus, in the person of Socrates, denies that he is able to know himself, as the Delphic inscription admonishes; and in the Theaetetus takes from himself knowing and perceiving; and in the Phaedrus defers until after death the judgement of truth, a posthumous one, that is; and yet, not yet dead, he went on philosophizing. It is not lawful, it is not lawful for us to call these senses into doubt, lest in Christ also deliberation be made about their fidelity; lest perhaps it be said that He falsely beheld Satan cast down from heaven (Luke 10:18), or falsely heard the voice of the Father bearing witness concerning Him (Matt. 3:17); or that He was deceived when He touched Peter's mother-in-law (Matt. 8:15); or that afterwards He perceived another scent of the ointment, which He accepted for His burial, and afterwards another taste of the wine, which He consecrated into the memorial of His blood. For so Marcion too chose to believe Him a phantasm, disdaining in Him the reality of a whole body. Yet not even in His apostles was nature made a mockery. Faithful were both the sight and the hearing on the mountain (Matt. 17); faithful too the taste of that wine, although of water

Editors' notes and page, col. 718

Footnotes

(15) ‹anchor: post mortem differt› · call in col 718

Et in Phædro post mortem differt. Peculiaria quidem verba apud Platonem in Phædro reperire non potui, sed eo pertinere mihi videtur, quod ibi philosophatur de animabus, quæ post hanc vitam in supercœlesti loco, id quod revera est, sive ipsam veritatem, intueri merentur, et his quæ revera sunt inspectis, rursus apud internam cœli partem revertuntur, et quidem multo studio omnes teneri videndi campum veritatis, ubinam sit. Pam. — Et in Phædro. Minimum abest quin in Phædone legendum existimem, ut in cap. sequenti, ubi testimonium affert. Voces etiam attende post mortem differt. Moriturus enim Phædonem composuit, et philosophatus est Socrates, sumpto veneno. Le Pr.

"And in the Phaedrus he defers until after death." I could not find the particular words in Plato's Phaedrus, but it seems to me to refer to the place where he philosophizes about souls which after this life are counted worthy to behold, in the place above the heavens, what truly is, or truth itself, and, having looked on the things that truly are, return again to the inner part of heaven; and [he says] that all are held by great eagerness to see where the plain of truth may be. Pamelius. — "And in the Phaedrus." I very nearly think "in the Phaedo" should be read, as in the next chapter, where he brings forward the testimony. Note too the words "he defers until after death". For it was when about to die that Socrates composed the Phaedo, and he philosophized after taking the poison. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 363)

Page

running head: LIBER DE ANIMA. 718
marginal letters: A ipsae causae infamia liberantur; B tia, victus, cultus ornatusque; C (Luc. X, 18), aut falso vocem; D rerum est. Sed et cui saporem (Commentarius)
old-edition numerals: 677 after veritatem.

PL 2:719

ante, in nuptiis Galileae (Joan. II) : fidelis et tactus exinde creduli Thomae (Joan. XX). Recita Joannis testationem : Quod vidimus, inquit (I Joan. I, 1), quod audivimus, oculis nostris vidimus, et manus nostrae contrectaverunt de Sermone vitae. Falsa utique testatio, si oculorum, et aurium, et manuum sensus natura mentitur.

before, at the wedding in Galilee (John 2): faithful too was the touch thereafter of believing Thomas (John 20). Recite John's testimony: What we have seen, he says (1 John 1:1), what we have heard, we have seen with our eyes, and our hands have handled, concerning the Word of life. False indeed is the testimony, if nature lies in the sense of the eyes, and of the ears, and of the hands.

CAPUT XVIII.

Chapter XVIII.

Convertor ad intellectualium partem, quemadmodum illam Plato a corporalibus separatam haereticis commendaverit, agnitionem ante mortem consecutus. Ait enim in Phaedone : Quid tum erga ipsam prudentiae possessionem? Utrumne impedimentum erit corpus, annon, si quis illud socium adsumpserit in quaestionem? Tale quid dico : habetne veritatem aliquam visio et auditio hominibus, annon? Annon etiam poetae haec nobis semper obmussant, quod neque audiamus certum, neque videamus? Meminerat scilicet et Epicharmi comici : Animus cernit, animus audit reliqua surda et caeca sunt. Itaque rursus, i⟨l⟩lum ergo ait supersapere, qui mente maxime sapiat, neque visionem proponens, neque ullum ejusmodi sensum attrahens animo, sed ipsa mente sincera utens in recogitando, ad capiendum sincerum quodque rerum, segressus potissimum ab oculis et auribus, et, quod dicendum sit, a toto corpore, ut turbante, et non permittente animae possidere veritatem atque prudentiam, quando communicat. Videmus igitur adversus sensus corporales aliam portendi paraturam, ut multo idoneiorem, vires scilicet animae, intellectum operantes ejus veritatis, cujus res non sint coram, nec subjaceant corporalibus sensibus, sed absint longe a communi conscientia, in arcano, et in superioribus, et apud ipsum Deum. Vult enim Plato esse quasdam substantias invisibiles, incorporales, supermundiales, divinas et aeternas, quas appellat Ideas, id est, formas, exempla, et caussas

I turn to the part of the intellectual [faculties], and how Plato, having separated it from the bodily ones, commended it to the heretics, having attained knowledge before death. For he says in the Phaedo: What then with regard to the very possession of wisdom? Will the body be a hindrance, or not, if one takes it as a partner into the inquiry? I mean something like this: do sight and hearing hold any truth for men, or not? Do not even the poets always murmur this to us, that we neither hear nor see anything certain? He remembered, of course, the comic poet Epicharmus too: The mind sees, the mind hears; the rest are deaf and blind. And so again he says that that man is supremely wise who is wise most of all with the mind, neither putting forward sight nor drawing any sense of that kind into his mind, but using the pure mind itself in reflecting, so as to grasp each thing in its purity, having withdrawn above all from the eyes and ears and, so to speak, from the whole body, as troubling [it] and not permitting the soul to possess truth and wisdom when it shares [with the body]. We see therefore that, over against the bodily senses, another equipment is held out as much more fitting, namely the powers of the soul, which produce understanding of that truth whose objects are not present, nor subject to the bodily senses, but lie far removed from common awareness, in secret, and in the regions above, and with God Himself. For Plato will have it that there are certain substances, invisible, incorporeal, supramundane, divine and eternal, which he calls Ideas, that is, forms, exemplars, and causes

Editors' notes and page, col. 719

Footnotes

(var. 83) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 719–720 (call not visible) Phædro Par. al.

"Phaedro": the Paris edition and others.

(var. 84) ‹anchor: quodque rerum, segressus› · call in col 719 Si egressus Rhen.

"Si egressus": Rhenanus.

(var. 85) ‹anchor: et intelligere› · call in col 720 Non inser. Wouw.

Wouwer inserts "non".

(var. 86) ‹anchor: est. Aut› · call in col 720 At Rhen. Pam.

"At": Rhenanus, Pamelius.

(printed under page 364)

(16) ‹anchor: licet aquæ ante› · call in col 719–720 (call not visible)

Fidelis et gustus vini illius, licet aquæ ante. Apage igitur Nicephorum illum nugatorem, qui de primo Christi miraculo sic verba facit, ut præstigiatoris imposturam fuisse aliquis putet : Ἐξ ἀδήλων, inquit, βοτρύων οἶνος ἐπηγάζετο. Imo, ἐξ ἀτιμῶν ὑδριῶν. Rig.

"Faithful too was the taste of that wine, though it was water before." Away, then, with that trifler Nicephorus, who speaks of Christ's first miracle in such a way that one might think it a conjurer's trick: "From unseen grapes," he says, "wine welled up." No: from common water jars. Rigaltius.

(printed under page 364)

(17) ‹anchor: quod audivimus› · call in col 719–720 (call not visible)

Quod vidimus, inquit, quod audivimus. Paulo aliter fortassis, ut sensuum visus et auditus ordinem servaret, et clarius citat Auctor hunc locum, quam Græce aut Latine aut Syriace legitur ; nempe : « Quod audivimus, quod vidimus oculis nostris, quod perspeximus. » Pam.

"What we have seen, he says, what we have heard." The author cites this passage a little differently, perhaps to keep the order of the senses of sight and hearing, and more clearly than it reads in Greek, Latin or Syriac, namely: "What we have heard, what we have seen with our eyes, what we have looked upon." Pamelius.

(printed under page 364)

(18) ‹anchor: animus audit, etc.› · call in col 719–720 (call not visible)

Animus cernit, animus audit, etc. Epicharmi versum esse multi consentiunt; habetur tamen apud Plutarchum opusculo de Fortuna, sed sine auctoris nomine : Καὶ νοῦς ὁρῇ, καὶ ἀκούει, τὰ δ' ἄλλα κωφὰ καὶ τυφλά. [Le Pr.

"The mind sees, the mind hears," etc. Many agree that it is a line of Epicharmus; it is found, however, in Plutarch's little work On Fortune, but without the author's name: "Mind sees, and mind hears; all else is deaf and blind." Le Prieur.

(printed under page 364)

(19) ‹anchor: non sint coram› · call in col 719

Cujus res non sint coram. Innuit Auctor cur assertæ a Platone ideæ, de quibus mox; nec est longe ab Aristotelis mente, qui I et II Metaph. asserit Platonem cum Cratylo versatum, et imbutum opinione Heracliti, qui volebat omnia, quæ sub sensum cadunt, fluere, quorum scientia nulla esse poterat ; idcirco constituisse ideas, quibus se habentibus semper eodem modo, definitiones scientiæque constarent ; quam rationem ut futilem eludit ipse, sicut et opinionem idearum irridet I Ethic. cap. 6. Lac.

"Whose objects are not present." The author hints at why the Ideas were asserted by Plato, of which shortly. Nor is he far from Aristotle's mind, who in Metaphysics I and II asserts that Plato had associated with Cratylus and was steeped in the opinion of Heraclitus, who held that all things that fall under the senses are in flux, so that there could be no knowledge of them; and that for this reason Plato set up the Ideas, so that, since they are always in the same state, definitions and knowledge might stand firm. Aristotle himself makes light of this argument as futile, just as he mocks the theory of Ideas, Ethics I, chapter 6. Lacerda.

(printed under page 364)

(20) ‹anchor: substantias invisibiles› · call in col 719

Esse quasdam substantias invisibiles, etc. Plurimi e Patribus ideas admittunt. Qui vero eas repudiant, eas repudiant prout a Gnosticis et Valentini sectatoribus accipiebantur. Hi enim hæretici Platonem sequi videntur in multis; quamvis etiam damnatas a multis Patribus legerim, eo sensu quo Aristoteles docuit : nimirum Platonem admisisse ideas quasdam naturas universales separatas, quarum participatione singularia producerentur. Hic imposturam facit, aut patitur Aristoteles; id enim e platonicis libris erui nequit. Le Pr.

"That there are certain invisible substances," etc. Very many of the Fathers admit the Ideas. Those who reject them reject them as they were understood by the Gnostics and the followers of Valentinus; for these heretics seem to follow Plato in many things. Yet I have read that they were condemned by many Fathers in the sense in which Aristotle taught, namely that Plato admitted Ideas as certain separate universal natures by participation in which singular things were produced. Here Aristotle either practises a deception or is deceived, for that cannot be drawn out of Plato's books. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 364)

Page

running head: 719 TERTULLIANI OPERUM PARS II. — (cut off at right edge)
marginal letters: A ante (16), in nuptiis Galileae; B sumpserit in quaestionem? Tale quid dico; C quando communicat. Videmus igitur adversus sen-; D toris imposturam fuisse aliquis putet (in the Commentarius)
old-edition numerals: 678 after superioribus

PL 2:720

naturalium istorum manifestorum, et subjacentium corporalibus sensibus; et illas quidem esse veritates, haec autem imagines earum. Relucentne jam haeretica semina Gnosticorum et Valentinianorum? Hinc enim arripiunt differentiam corporalium sensuum, et intellectualium virium, quam etiam parabolae decem virginum (Matth. XXIV) adtemperant: ut quinque stultae sensus corporales figuraverint, stultos videlicet, quia deceptui faciles; sapientes autem intellectualium virium notam expresserint, sapientiam scilicet, quia contingentium veritatem illam arcanam et supernam, et apud pleroma constitutam, haereticarum idearum sacramenta: hoc enim sunt et aeones, et genealogiae illorum. Itaque et sensum dividunt, et intellectualibus quidem, a spiritali suo semine; sensualibus vero, ab animali, quia spiritalia nullo modo capiat; et illius quidem esse invisibilia, hujus vero visibilia, et humilia, et temporalia, quae sensu conveniantur, in imaginibus constituta. Ob haec ergo praestruximus neque animum aliud quid esse, quam animae suggestum et structum; neque spiritum extraneum quid, quam animae suggestum et structum; neque spiritum extraneum quid, quam quod et ipsa per flatum. Caeterum accessioni deputandum, quod aut Deus postea, aut diabolus adspiraret. Et nunc ad differentiam sensualium et intellectualium, non aliud admittimus, quam rerum diversitates, corporalium et spiritalium, visibilium et invisibilium, publicatarum et arcanarum; quod illae sensui, istae intellectui adtribuantur; apud animam tamen et istis et illis obsequio deputatis, quae perinde per corpus corporalia sentiat, quemadmodum per animum incorporalia intelligat, salvo eo, ut etiam sentiat dum intelligit. Non enim et sentire intelligere est, et intelligere sentire est. Aut quid erit sensus, nisi ejus rei quae sentitur intellectus? Quid erit intellectus, nisi ejus rei quae intelligitur sensus? Unde ista tormenta cruciandae simplicitatis, et suspendendae veritatis? Quis

of those natural things that are manifest and lie subject to the bodily senses; and that the former are indeed the truths, while the latter are images of them. Do the heretical seeds of the Gnostics and Valentinians not shine through here already? For from here they seize upon the distinction between the bodily senses and the intellectual powers, which they also fit to the parable of the ten virgins (Matt. 24): so that the five foolish ones represented the bodily senses, foolish, that is, because easily deceived; while the wise ones expressed the mark of the intellectual powers, wisdom, that is, because [it is the wisdom] of those who attain that hidden and supernal truth, established in the pleroma, the mysteries of the heretical ideas: for this is what both the aeons and their genealogies are. And so they divide sense too, the intellectual faculties [deriving] from their spiritual seed, and the sensual ones from the animal [seed], because that can in no way grasp spiritual things; and to the former belong invisible things, but to the latter visible things, lowly and temporal, which are met by sense and are set in images. On this account, therefore, we laid down beforehand that the mind is nothing other than the equipment and structure of the soul; and that the spirit is nothing extraneous, other than the equipment and structure of the soul; and that the spirit is nothing extraneous, other than what the soul itself is by way of breath. For the rest, whatever God may later breathe upon it, or the devil, is to be counted as an addition. And now, regarding the difference between sensual and intellectual things, we admit nothing other than diversities of things, bodily and spiritual, visible and invisible, public and hidden; in that the former are attributed to sense, the latter to intellect; yet both these and those are assigned to the service of the soul, which perceives bodily things through the body in just the same way as it understands incorporeal things through the mind, with this reserved, that it also perceives while it understands. For is not to perceive also to understand, and to understand to perceive? Or what will sense be, if not the understanding of the thing that is perceived? What will intellect be, if not the perception of the thing that is understood? Whence these tortures for crucifying simplicity and suspending truth? Who

Editors' notes and page, col. 720

Page

running head: UM PARS II. — SERIES I, POLEMICA. 720 (left part of head cut off at image edge)
marginal letters: A naturalium istorum manifestorum; B spiritali suo semine; C illae sensui, istae intellectui; D sum cadunt, fluere (beside the Commentarius, not the text)
old-edition numerals: 679 after intelligere

PL 2:721

mihi exhibebit sensum non intelligentem quod sentit, aut intellectum non sentientem quod intelligit, ut probet alterum sine altero posse? Si corporalia quidem sentiuntur, incorporalia vero intelliguntur, rerum genera diversa sunt, non domicilia sensus et intellectus, id est, non anima et animus. Denique, a quo sent⟨i⟩untur corporalia? Si ab animo, ergo jam et sensualis est animus, non tantum intellectualis: nam dum intelligit, sentit; quia si non sentit, nec intelligit. Si vero ab anima corporalia sentiuntur, jam ergo intellectualis est vis animae, non tantum sensualis: nam dum sentit, intelligit; quia si non intelligit, nec sentit. Proinde, a quo intelliguntur incorporalia? si ab animo, ubi erit anima? si ab anima, ubi erit animus? Quae enim distant, abesse invicem debent, cum suis muneribus operantur. Putabis quidem abesse animum ab anima, si quando animo ita afficimur, ut nesciamus nos vidisse quid, vel audisse, quia alibi fuerit animus; adeo contendam, imo ipsam animam nec vidisse, nec audisse, quia alibi fuerit cum sua vi, id est, animo. Nam et cum dementit homo, dementit anima, non peregrinante, sed compatiente tunc animo. Caeterum, animae principaliter casus est, Hoc inde firmatur, quod, anima digressa, nec animus in homine iuveniatur: ita illam ubique sequitur, a qua nec in fine subremanet. Cum vero sequitur et addicitur, perinde intellectus animae addicitur, quam sequitur animus cui addicitur intellectus. Sit nunc et potior sensu intellectus, et potior cognitor sacramentorum: dummodo et ipse propria vis animae, quod et sensus, nihil mea interest, nisi cum idcirco praefertur sensui intellectus, ut ex hoc quoque separatior habeatur, quo potior adfirmatur. Tunc mihi post differentiam, etiam praelatio retundenda est, perventuro usque ad potioris Dei

will show me a sense which does not understand what it perceives, or an intellect which does not perceive what it understands, so as to prove that the one can exist without the other? If corporeal things are indeed perceived, while incorporeal things are understood, it is the kinds of things that are diverse, not the dwelling-places of sense and intellect, that is, not the soul and the mind. Next, by what are corporeal things perceived? If by the mind, then the mind is already sensual as well, not only intellectual: for while it understands, it perceives; since if it does not perceive, neither does it understand. But if corporeal things are perceived by the soul, then the power of the soul is already intellectual, not only sensual: for while it perceives, it understands; since if it does not understand, neither does it perceive. Further, by what are incorporeal things understood? If by the mind, where will the soul be? If by the soul, where will the mind be? For things which are distinct must be absent from one another when they are operating in their own functions. You will indeed think that the mind is absent from the soul, if ever we are so affected in mind that we do not know that we have seen something, or heard it, because the mind was elsewhere; so much so that I shall contend that, rather, the soul itself neither saw nor heard, because it was elsewhere with its own power, that is, the mind. For also when a man goes mad, the soul goes mad, the mind not being away abroad, but suffering together with it at that time. Moreover, the fall is principally the soul's. This is confirmed by the fact that, when the soul has departed, not even the mind is found in the man: so everywhere does it follow her, from whom it does not remain behind even at the end. And since it follows and is bound to her, the intellect is likewise bound to the soul, which the mind, to which the intellect is bound, follows. Let the intellect now be superior to sense, and a superior knower of the mysteries: provided that it too is a proper power of the soul, as sense also is, it makes no difference to me, unless the intellect is preferred to sense for this reason, that from this too it may be held to be more separate, in that it is affirmed to be superior. Then, after the difference, the preference too must be beaten back by me, as I am going to arrive all the way at the superior God's

Editors' notes and page, col. 721

Footnotes

(var. 87) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 721–722 (call not visible) Ex cod. Agobard.

From the Agobard codex.

(var. 88) ‹anchor: retundenda est, perventuro› · call in col 721 Perventura quoque Seml. Pam.

"Perventura quoque": Semler, Pamelius.

(var. 89) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 721–722 (call not visible) Et quod sibi add. Fran. quod sibi Pam.

The Franeker edition adds "et quod sibi"; "quod sibi": Pamelius.

(var. 90) ‹anchor: sicut et› · call in col 722 Et del. Jun.

Junius deletes "et".

(var. 91) ‹anchor: a quo scilicet› · call in col 722 Sic ut anima scilicet Fran.

"Sic ut anima scilicet": Franeker edition.

(printed under page 365)

(21) ‹anchor: alibi fuerit animus› · call in col 721–722 (call not visible)

Quia alibi fuerit animus. Huc pertinet ex parte illud B. Gregorii Nyss. lib. IV Philos. cap. 3 : « Vel cum mens aliis intendit, ut dum proposuit quis amicum convenire, et jam allocuturus præterit eum, eo quod mens aliis distrahatur, neque hic est error visus, sed intellectus. » Pam.

"Because the mind was elsewhere." To this belongs in part the saying of blessed Gregory of Nyssa, Philosophy book IV, chapter 3: "Or when the mind is intent on other things, as when someone has planned to meet a friend and, when just about to speak to him, passes him by because the mind is distracted by other things: here too the error is not of sight but of the intellect." Pamelius.

(printed under page 365)

(22) ‹anchor: principaliter casus est› · call in col 721

Cæterum animæ principaliter casus est. Verba hæc ex eorum sententia adferre videtur, qui ab anima animum distinguebant, sicut etiam illa, quod anima digressa, etc. Verum etiam illud argumentum suæ opinioni accommodat sequentibus verbis : Cum vero sequitur, etc. Pam. — Animæ principaliter casus est. Non ex eorum sententia loquitur, qui animum ab anima distinguebant omnino, ut putavit Pamelius, sed ex sua adversus illos : nam anima incolumi animum et mentem perire dicebant, et posse cadere ; Tertullianus vero vult quod animam sequatur animus, et pereunte anima et cadente, ut principaliori, corruat tunc etiam animus subnixus animæ. Lac.

"But the fall belongs principally to the soul." He seems to bring these words forward from the view of those who distinguished the mind from the soul, as also the words "that when the soul has departed," etc. But he adapts that argument to his own opinion in the words that follow: "But since it follows," etc. Pamelius. — "The fall belongs principally to the soul." He does not speak from the view of those who distinguished the mind entirely from the soul, as Pamelius thought, but from his own, against them. For they said that while the soul is unharmed the mind and intellect perish and can fall; but Tertullian holds that the mind follows the soul, and when the soul, as the more principal, perishes and falls, then the mind too, resting on the soul, collapses. Lacerda.

(printed under page 365)

(23) ‹anchor: potioris Dei persuasionem› · call in col 721–722 (call not visible)

Potioris Dei persuasionem. Perstringit Marcionitas et alios Gnosticorum, qui plures Deos confingentes, unum alteri præferebant, bonum malo. De his tamen copiose ad libros contra Marcionem. Lac.

"The belief in a better God." He censures the Marcionites and other Gnostics, who, inventing several gods, preferred one to another, the good to the evil. Of these, however, [we treat] at length on the books Against Marcion. Lacerda.

(printed under page 365)

(24) ‹anchor: campo... cum hæret› · call in col 721–722 (call not visible)

Sed de Deo suo quoque campo... cum hæret, Videtur indicare libros suos adv. Marcionem, quod jam meditabatur, qui infra habentur. Nam primus et secundus peculiariter de Deo disserunt. Pam.

"But concerning God, in his own field too ... when he is stuck." He seems to point to his books Against Marcion, which he was already planning, and which are found below. For the first and second treat especially of God. Pamelius.

(printed under page 365)

(25) ‹anchor: præferatur sensui› · call in col 721–722 (call not visible)

Quomodo enim præferatur sensui. Solet artificiose Tertullianus ex fiducia ingenii, ut persuadeat quod rectum est, in contrariam et obliquam partem vergere, ut qui curvam virgam dirigunt, in oppositum torquent : ita hic peræquare videtur sensum intellectui adversus eos, qui nimium illum deprimebant, hunc extollebant. Verum licet facultatibus in se collatis invicem, sensui præstet intellectus; relatis ad primam radicem et originem, ut hoc capite retulit, neutra præstat, cum utriusque fons et domicilium originale eadem res sit, nempe anima : non anima et animus ut res diversæ, uti contrarii fuerant arbitrati. Eo etiam referri possunt probationes quas subdit Tertullianus, ut necessitas sensuum quam habet intellectus, argumentum sit unitatis principii et radicis, ac proinde æqualitatis originis. Lac.

"For how is it preferred to sense?" Tertullian, confident in his talent, is wont artfully to lean to the contrary and slanting side in order to persuade of what is right, as those who straighten a bent rod twist it the opposite way. So here he seems to make sense fully equal to the intellect against those who unduly lowered the one and exalted the other. But although, when the faculties are compared with each other in themselves, the intellect surpasses sense, when they are referred to their first root and origin, as he related in this chapter, neither surpasses, since the source and original dwelling of both is the same thing, namely the soul: not soul and mind as different things, as his opponents had judged. To this may also be referred the proofs Tertullian adds, that the intellect's need of the senses is an argument for the unity of their principle and root, and hence for the equality of their origin. Lacerda.

(printed under page 365)

Page

running head: LIBER DE ANIMA (page head cut off at right edge; column number 721 at left)
marginal letters: A mihi exhibebit sensum non intelligentem; B stant, abesse invicem debent; C nunc et potior sensu intellectus; D (in the Commentarius at page foot, beside) cum, eo quod mens aliis distrahatur
old-edition numerals: 680 after habeatur,

PL 2:722

persuasionem. Sed de Deo, suo quoque campo, experiemur cum haereticis. Nunc de anima titulus, et intellectu non insidiose praeferendo locus. Nam etsi potiora sunt quae intellectu attinguntur, ut spiritalia, quam quae sens⟨u⟩, ut corporalia, rerum erit praelatio, sublimiorum scilicet adversus humiliores, non intellectus adversus sensum. Quomodo enim praeferatur sensui intellectus, a quo informatur ad cognitionem veritatum? Si enim veritates per imagines adprehenduntur, id est invisibilia per visibilia noscuntur, quia et Apostolus nobis scribit (Rom. I, 20): Invisibilia enim ejus a conditione mundi de factitamentis intellecta visuntur; et Plato haereticis: Facies occultorum, ea quae apparent; et necesse est omnino hunc mundum imaginem quamdam esse alterius alicujus. Videtur intellectus duce uti sensu, et auctore, et principali fundamento, nec sine illo veritates posse contingi: quomodo ergo potior erit eo per quem est, quo eget, cui debet totum quod attingit? Ita utrumque concluditur: neque praeferendum sensui intellectum; per quem enim quid constat, inferius ipso est; neque separandum a sensu: per quod enim quid est, cum ipso est.

persuasion. But concerning God we shall make trial with the heretics on His own field as well. Now the title is concerning the soul, and the place is concerning the intellect, which is not to be insidiously preferred. For although the things which are reached by the intellect, such as spiritual things, are more powerful than those reached by the sense, such as corporeal things, the preference will be one of things, namely of the more sublime over the lowlier, not of the intellect over the sense. For how could the intellect be preferred to the sense, by which it is informed for the knowledge of truths? For if truths are grasped through images, that is, invisible things are known through visible ones, because the Apostle also writes to us (Rom. 1:20): For His invisible things, from the foundation of the world, are seen, being understood from the things made; and Plato, for the heretics: The face of hidden things is the things which appear; and it is wholly necessary that this world be an image of something else. The intellect seems to use the sense as guide, and author, and principal foundation, and truths cannot be attained without it: how then will it be more powerful than that through which it exists, which it needs, to which it owes all that it attains? Thus both conclusions are drawn: neither is the intellect to be preferred to the sense, for a thing is inferior to that through which it subsists; nor is it to be separated from the sense, for a thing is together with that through which it exists.

CAPUT XIX.

Chapter XIX.

Sed ne illi quidem praetereundi, qui vel modico temporis viduant animam intellectu. Proinde enim viam sternunt postea inducendi ejus, sicut et animi, a quo scilicet proveniat intellectus. Volunt infantiam sola anima contineri, qua tantummodo vivat, non ut pariter sapiat; quia nec omnia sapiant quae vivant: denique, arbores vivere, nec tamen sapere, secundum Aristotelem, et si quis alius substantiam animalem in universa communicat, quae apud nos in homine privata res est, non modo ut Dei opus, quod et caetera, sed ut Dei flatus, quod

But not even those are to be passed over who widow the soul of intellect even for a short space of time. For in this way they pave the road for introducing it afterwards, as also the mind, from which, namely, the intellect is to come forth. They want infancy to be held by the soul alone, by which it would merely live, not so as to be wise as well; because not all things that live are wise: for instance, that trees live and yet are not wise, according to Aristotle, and anyone else who shares out the animal substance among all things, which with us is a thing proper to man, not only as the work of God, which the rest are too, but as the breath of God, which

Editors' notes and page, col. 722

Footnotes

(26) ‹anchor: substantiam animalem› · call in col 722

Substantiam animalem. Substantiam animalem pro potentia animali seu vegetativa accipit. Pam.

"The animal substance." He takes "animal substance" for the animal, or vegetative, power. Pamelius.

(printed under page 365)

Page

running head: [L]IBER DE ANIMA. (left part cut off at image edge)
marginal letters: A persuasionem (23). Sed de Deo; B dam esse alterius alicujus; C fantiam sola anima contineri; D beside commentary note (25) Quomodo enim praeferatur sensui
old-edition numerals: 681 after modo

PL 2:723

haec sola, quam dicimus cum omni instructu suo nasci. Et si ad arbores provocamur, amplectemur exemplum: siquidem et illis, necdum arbusculis, sed stipitibus adhuc, et surculis etiam nunc, simul de scrobibus oriuntur, inest propria vis animae. Verum pro temporis ratione remoratur, coalescens et coadulescens robori suo, donec aetas impleat habitum quo natura fungatur. Aut unde mox illis et frutices inoculantur, et folia formantur, et germina inflantur, et flosculi inornantur, et succi condiuntur; si non in ipsis omnis paratura generis quiescit, et partibus promota grandescit? Inde igitur et sapiunt unde vivunt, tam vivendi quam sapiendi proprietate, et quidem ab infantia et ipsae sua. Video enim et vitem adhuc teneram et impuberem, intelligentem tamen jam opera sua, et volentem alicui adhaerere, cui innisa et innexa proficiat; denique non expectata rustica disciplina, sine arundine, sine cervo, si quid attigerit, ultro ambibit, et quidem viriosius de suo ingenio, quam de tuo arbitrio, properat esse secura. Video et hederas, quantum velis primas, statim ad superna conari, et, nullo praeeunte, suspendi; quod malint parietibus invehi, textili sylva, quam humi teri, voluntaria injuria. Contra, quibus de aedificio male est, ut crescendo recedunt! ut refugiunt! Sentias ramos aliorsum destinatos et animationem arboris de divortio parietis intelligas; contenta est parvitate, quam ex primordio providentissimi fruticis edidicit, timens etiam ruinam. Has ego sapientias et scientias arborum, cur non contendam? Vivant ut philosophi volunt; sapiant ut philosophi nolunt; intelligat et infantia ligni; quo magis hominis, cujus anima, velut surculus quidam ex matrice Adam in propaginem deducta, et genitalibus

this alone, which we say is born with all its equipment. And if we are challenged [to look] at trees, we will embrace the example: for in them too, not yet saplings but still stocks, and even now shoots, as soon as they spring up from the trenches, there is present the proper power of the soul. But it lingers according to the reckoning of time, growing together and growing up with its own strength, until age fills out the condition in which nature may perform its functions. Or whence are shrubs afterwards grafted into them, and leaves formed, and buds swollen, and little flowers adorned, and juices seasoned, if the whole provision of their kind does not rest within them, and, advanced part by part, grows large? Hence therefore they also have sense from the same source as they have life, by the property both of living and of sensing, and that, they too, from their own infancy. For I see the vine too, still tender and immature, yet already understanding its own tasks, and wishing to cling to something, leaning on which and bound to which it may advance; in short, without waiting for the farmer's training, without reed, without forked prop, if it has touched anything, it winds round it of its own accord, and, indeed more vigorously by its own nature than by your choice, hastens to be secure. I see ivies too, however young you please, at once striving towards the heights and, with none going before, hanging themselves aloft; because they would rather be carried along the walls, a woven forest, than be trodden on the ground, a self-chosen injury. On the other hand, those that fare badly from a building, how they draw back as they grow! how they flee from it! You may perceive the branches directed elsewhere and understand the animation of the tree from its parting from the wall; it is content with the smallness which it learned from the beginning of a most provident shrub, fearing even collapse. Why should I not maintain these wisdoms and knowledges of trees? Let them live as the philosophers wish; let them have sense as the philosophers do not wish; let even the infancy of wood understand; how much more that of man, whose soul, like a certain shoot drawn out from the parent stock Adam into a propagation, and to the genital

Editors' notes and page, col. 723

Footnotes

Variae lectiones (printed under page 366)

(v92) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

92 Et coadulescens omitt. Seml. Obert.

92 "Et coadulescens" omitted by Seml., Obert.

(printed under page 366)

(v93) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

93 Adimpleat Pam. Rhen.

93 "Adimpleat" (let it fill up): Pam., Rhen.

(printed under page 366)

(v94) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

94 Innixa Pam. Rhen.

94 "Innixa" (leaning on): Pam., Rhen.

(printed under page 366)

(v95) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

95 Corno Pam. Fran. orno al.

95 "Corno" (cornel-tree): Pam., Fran.; "orno" (ash-tree): others.

(printed under page 366)

(v96) ‹anchor: ut refugiunt› · call in col 723

96 Refugium Rhen. Pam. Seml.

96 "Refugium" (refuge): Rhen., Pam., Seml.

(printed under page 366)

(v97) ‹anchor: Sentias ramos› · call in col 723

97 Ramis al. destinatis Jun.

97 "Ramis ... destinatis" (with branches directed): others; Jun.

(printed under page 366)

(v98) ‹anchor: aliorsum destinatos› · call in col 723

98 Destinatum Par.

98 "Destinatum": Par.

(printed under page 366)

(v99) ‹anchor: contenta est› · call in col 723

99 Contentae sua Pam. Rhen. Seml.

99 "Contentae sua" (content with its own): Pam., Rhen., Seml.

(printed under page 366)

(v1) ‹anchor: edidicit, timens› · call in col 723

1 Timentis Pam. Rhen. Seml.

1 "Timentis" (of one fearing): Pam., Rhen., Seml.

(printed under page 366)

(v2) ‹anchor: intelligat et infantia› · call in col 723

2 Intelligant et infantiam Pam. Rhen.

2 "Intelligant et infantiam" (let them understand also the infancy): Pam., Rhen.

(printed under page 366)

(v3) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

3 Non enim inser. Pam. Rhen. Seml.

3 "Non enim" inserted by Pam., Rhen., Seml.

Commentarius (printed under page 366)

(27) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

(printed under page 366) (27) Cum omni instructu suo. Quasi cum omni instructo et instrumento, cum omni censu, cum omnibus suis. Sic enim supra; atque in hunc significatum locutiones istas apud Africanos praesertim fuisse indicat Augustinus, libro II Quaest. in Exod. quaest. 47: « Graecus, inquit, ἀποσκευήν habet, ubi substantiam Latinus interpretatus est, quod aliquando censum interpretantur nostri, sicut nunc instructum dicere voluimus. » Itaque sic etiam legendum in Septimii nostri Apologetico: « De habitu, victu, instructu, censu, ipso denique sermone proavis renuntiastis. » RIG.

(27) "With all its equipment." As if to say with all its gear and apparatus, with all its property, with all its belongings. So also above; and Augustine shows that these expressions carried this meaning especially among the Africans, in Book II of the Questions on Exodus, question 47: "The Greek," he says, "has aposkeuēn, where the Latin translated 'substance', which our people sometimes render 'property', as we now chose to say 'equipment'." So it should be read thus in our Septimius's Apology too: "In dress, in food, in equipment, in property, and finally in speech itself you have renounced your forefathers." RIG.

(printed under page 366)

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(printed under page 366) (28) Sine cervo. Maluit Rigaltius servare vocem cervo quam corno aut orno reponere. Hic enim de vitis pedamentis, non de arboribus vitis amicis agitur, quales sunt ornus et cornus. Sunt autem Cervi bacilla furcillata habentia figuram litterae v, a similitudine cornuum cervi; quod docet M. Varro lib. IV. LE PR.

(28) "Without a prop (cervus)." Rigault preferred to keep the word "cervo" rather than substitute "corno" or "orno". For the subject here is vine-stakes, not the trees friendly to the vine, such as the ash and the cornel. "Cervi" are forked little sticks having the shape of the letter V, from their likeness to a stag's (cervus) antlers, as M. Varro teaches, Book IV. LE PR.

(printed under page 366)

(29) ‹anchor: aedificio male est› · call in col 723

(printed under page 366) (29) De aedificio male est. Sic lib. de Pallio. « A coelo bene est. » RIG.

(29) "It fares ill from the building." So in the book On the Cloak: "It fares well from the sky." RIG.

(printed under page 366)

(30) ‹anchor: contenta est parvitate› · call in col 723

(printed under page 366) (30) Contenta est parvitate. Cod. Agobardi, « Continentia est par. » RIG.

(30) "It is content with smallness." The Agobard codex: "Continentia est par." RIG.

(printed under page 366)

(31) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

(printed under page 366) (31) Ut vitam vagitu salutavit. Haec primordia et hominum principia satis infelicia tractat Plin. lib. VII, in Praefatione. LE PR.

(31) "As it greeted life with a wail." Pliny treats these rather unhappy beginnings and origins of men in Book VII, in the Preface. LE PR.

(printed under page 366)

(32) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

(printed under page 366) (32) De prospectu lacrymabilis vitae. Quid illa vita deflendum magis, quae a miseris incipit vagitibus, dolore, fame, siti et mille aliis incommodis, quae in iisdem atque majoribus exigitur, quaeque mortem habet pro termino? LE PR.

(32) "From the prospect of a tearful life." What is more to be wept over than that life which begins with wretched wailing, pain, hunger, thirst and a thousand other hardships, which is spent in the same and greater ones, and which has death for its end? LE PR.

(printed under page 366) (32) Seneca saepe noster. Quia saepe secundum Christianos sentit. RIG.

(32) "Seneca, often ours." Because he often thinks as Christians do. RIG.

(—) ‹anchor: Seneca saepe noster› · second note on the same call, unnumbered Seneca saepe noster. Id est qui nobiscum facit in multis. An Senecae ad B. Paulum, itemque B. Pauli Epistolae exstiterint, non ausim affirmare, quamvis S. Hieronymus id testetur; si quae enim fuerunt, eae supposititiae fuerunt. Nec objiciat quis emunctae naris hominem S. Hieronymum haud facile decipi potuisse. Cum enim continentissimae vitae Senecam ait, quis deceptum non agnoscat? LE PR.

"Seneca, often ours." That is, one who sides with us in many things. Whether letters of Seneca to blessed Paul, and likewise of blessed Paul, ever existed, I would not dare affirm, although St Jerome attests it; for if any existed, they were spurious. Nor let anyone object that St Jerome, a man of keen discernment, could not easily have been deceived. For when he calls Seneca a man of most continent life, who would not recognize that he was deceived? LE PR.

(printed under page 366) (34) Insita sunt nobis omnium artium et aetatum semina, magisterque ex occulto Deus producit ingenia. Verba sunt Senecae, cap. 6, lib., IV, De Beneficiis. LE PR.

(34) "The seeds of all arts and all ages are implanted in us, and God, the master, draws out our talents from hiding." These are Seneca's words, chapter 6, Book IV, On Benefits. LE PR.

(printed under page 366)

Page

running head: 723 TERTULLIANI OPERUM PARS II. — S[...] (cut off at right edge)
marginal letters: A ‹haec sola, quam dicimus›; B ‹tamen jam opera sua›; C ‹edidicit, timens etiam ruinam›; D ‹tim fuisse indicat Augustinus› (in the Commentarius)
old-edition numerals: 682 after ‹anima,›

PL 2:724

feminae foveis commendata cum omni sua paratura, pullulabit tam intellectu quam et sensu? Mentior, si non statim infans ut vitam vagitu salutavit, hoc ipsum se testatur sensisse atque intellexisse, quod natus est, omnes simul ibidem dedicans sensus, et luce visum, et sono auditum, et humore gestum, et aere odoratum, et terra tactum. Ita prima illa vox de primis sensuum, et de primis intellectuum pulsibus cogitur. Plus est, quod de prospectu lacrymabilis vitae quidam augurem incommodorum vocem illam flebilem interpretantur: quo etiam presciens habenda sit ab ingressu nativitatis, nedum intelligens. Exinde et matrem spiritu probat, et nutricem spiritu examinat, et gerulam spiritu agnoscit, fugiens extranea ubera, et recusans ignota cubilia, et n⟨e⟩minem appetens nisi ex usu. Unde illi judicium novitatis et moris, si non sapit? unde illi et offendi et demulceri, si non intelligit? Mirum satis, ut infantia naturaliter animosa sit, non habens animum; et naturaliter adfectiosa sit, non hab⟨e⟩ns intellectum. Atenim Christus ex ore lactentium et parvulorum experi⟨e⟩ndo laudem, nec pueritiam, nec infantiam hebetes pronuntiavit: quarum altera (Matth. XXI), cum suffragio occurrens, t⟨e⟩stimonium ei potuit offerre; altera (Matth. II), pro ipso trucidata, utique vim sensit.

hollows of the woman entrusted with all its equipment, will sprout forth with intellect as well as with sense? I am lying if the infant, as soon as it has greeted life with its wailing, does not testify that it has perceived and understood this very fact, that it has been born, dedicating all its senses at once and on the spot: sight by the light, hearing by the sound, taste by the moisture, smell by the air, and touch by the earth. Thus that first cry is forced out by the first impulses of the senses and the first of the intellects. There is more: some interpret that tearful cry, from the prospect of a life of tears, as the voice of an augur of hardships; by which it must be held to be even foreknowing from the very entrance of birth, let alone understanding. Thereafter it tests its mother by its spirit, examines its nurse by its spirit, and recognizes its carrier by its spirit, shunning strange breasts, refusing unfamiliar beds, and wanting no one except from habit. Whence does it have the judgement of what is new and what is customary, if it has no discernment? Whence its being offended and soothed, if it does not understand? It would be wonderful enough that infancy should be naturally spirited without having a mind, and naturally affectionate without having an intellect. But indeed Christ, by experiencing praise out of the mouth of sucklings and babes, declared neither childhood nor infancy to be dull: of which the one (Matt. 21), meeting Him with acclaim, was able to offer Him testimony; the other (Matt. 2), slaughtered on His behalf, certainly felt the violence.

CAPUT XX.

Chapter XX.

Et hic itaque concludimus, omnia naturalia animae, ut substantiva ejus, ipsi inesse, et cum ipsa procedere atque proficere, ex quo ipsa censetur, sicut et Seneca saepe noster: « Insita sunt nobis omnium artium et aetatum semina: magisterque ex occulto Deus producit ingenia. » Ex seminibus scilicet insitis, et occultis per infan⟨tiam⟩

And here, therefore, we conclude that all the natural properties of the soul, as being of its substance, are inherent in it, and proceed and advance together with it, from which it is itself reckoned, just as Seneca too, often one of ours, [says]: "The seeds of all arts and ages are implanted in us, and God as master brings forth talents out of what is hidden." From seeds, that is, implanted and hidden through infancy,

Editors' notes and page, col. 724

Footnotes

(var. 3) ‹anchor: Exinde et matrem› · call in col 724 Non enim inser. Pam. Rhen. Seml.

"Non enim" is inserted [here]: Pamelius, Rhenanus, Semler.

(31) ‹anchor: ut vitam vagitu salutavit› · call in col 724

Ut vitam vagitu salutavit. Hæc primordia et hominum principia satis infelicia tractat Plin. lib. VII, in Præfatione. Le Pr.

"As it greeted life with its wailing." Pliny treats these beginnings and first starts of men, unhappy enough, in book VII, in the preface. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 366)

(32) ‹anchor: de prospectu lacrymabilis vitae› · call in col 724

De prospectu lacrymabilis vitæ. Quid illa vita deflendum magis, quæ a miseris incipit vagitibus, dolore, fame, siti et mille aliis incommodis, quæ in iisdem atque majoribus exigitur, quæque mortem habet pro termino? Le Pr.

"From the prospect of a life of tears." What is more to be wept over than that life which begins with wretched wailings, with pain, hunger, thirst and a thousand other hardships, which is spent in the same and in greater ones, and which has death for its end? Le Prieur.

(printed under page 366)

(32) ‹anchor: Seneca saepe noster› · call in col 724 (printed "(32)"; the text's call is (33))

Seneca sæpe noster. Quia sæpe secundum Christianos sentit. Rig.

"Seneca, often one of ours." Because he often thinks as the Christians do. Rigaltius.

(printed under page 366) (unnumbered, second note on the same lemma) ‹anchor: Seneca saepe noster› · call in col 724 (33) Seneca sæpe noster. Id est qui nobiscum facit in multis. An Senecæ ad B. Paulum, itemque B. Pauli Epistolæ extiterint, non ausim affirmare, quamvis S. Hieronymus id testetur; si quæ enim fuerunt, eæ supposititiæ fuerunt. Nec objiciat quis emunctæ naris hominem S. Hieronymum haud facile decipi potuisse. Cum enim continentissimæ vitæ Senecam ait, quis deceptum non agnoscat? Le Pr.

"Seneca, often one of ours." That is, one who sides with us in many things. Whether letters of Seneca to blessed Paul, and likewise of blessed Paul [to Seneca], existed, I would not dare to affirm, although St Jerome attests it; for if any did exist, they were spurious. Nor let anyone object that St Jerome, a man of keen scent, could hardly have been deceived. For when he calls Seneca a man of most continent life, who would not recognize that he was deceived? Le Prieur.

(printed under page 366)

(34) ‹anchor: producit ingenia› · call in col 724

Insita sunt nobis omnium artium et ætatum semina, magisterque ex occulto Deus producit ingenia. Verba sunt Senecæ, cap. 6, lib., IV, De Beneficiis. Le Pr.

"The seeds of all arts and ages are implanted in us, and God as master brings forth talents out of what is hidden." These are Seneca's words, On Benefits, book IV, chapter 6. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 366)

Page

running head: PARS II. — SERIES I, POLEMICA. (with column number 724; left part of head cut off)
marginal letters: A bus feminae foveis commendata; B sans ignota cubilia; C mae, ut substantiva ejus; D beside footnote line "deflendum magis" (Commentarius)
old-edition numerals: 683 after aetatum
misprints kept as printed: "gestum" (for gustum: "et humore gestum"; the English renders taste); "presciens" (for praesciens)
other: the opening "bus" (tail of "genitali-bus") is set whole at the end of col 723; "infan⟨tiam⟩" closes the column because the top of col 725 is cut at the binding.

PL 2:725

⟨q⟩uae sunt et intellectus. Ex his enim produ⟨cuntur⟩ ingenia. Porro, ut frugum seminibus una ⟨cuiq⟩ue generis forma est, processus tamen varii, ⟨alia in⟩tegro statu evadunt, alia etiam meliora res⟨ponden⟩t, alia degenerant pro conditione coeli et ⟨soli, et p⟩ro ratione operis, et curae, pro temporum ⟨ordine⟩, pro licentia casuum: ita et animam lice⟨bit sem⟩ine uniformem, foetu multiformem: nam et ⟨…⟩m de locis interest. Thebis hebetes et bru⟨tos nas⟩ci relatum est; Athenis sapiendi dicen⟨dique⟩ acutissimos; ubi penes Colytum pueri ⟨mense⟩ citius eloquuntur, praecoce lingua. Siquidem ⟨et Plato⟩ in Timaeo, Minervam affirmat, cum urbem ⟨m⟩oliretur, nihil aliud quam regionis naturam ⟨prospe⟩xisse, talia ingenia pollicitam. Unde et ipse, ⟨in Legi⟩bus, Megillo et Cliniae praecipit condendae ci⟨vitati⟩ locum procurare. Sed Empedocles causam ⟨argutae⟩ indolis et obtusae in sanguinis qualitate ⟨constit⟩uit; perfectum ac profectum de doctrina ⟨discipli⟩naque deducit. Tamen vulgata jam res est ⟨gentiu⟩m proprietatum. Comici Phrygas timidos il⟨ludunt⟩; Sallustius vanos Mauros, et feroces Dal⟨matas⟩ pulsat; mendaces Cretas etiam Aposto⟨lus (Tit⟩. I, 12) inurit. Fortassean et de corpore et ⟨de vale⟩tudine aliquid accedat: opimitas sapientiam ⟨impedi⟩t, exilitas expedit; paralysis mentem prodi⟨git, ph⟩thisis servat. Quanto magis de accidentibus ⟨adhibebu⟩ntur, quae, citra corpulentiam et valen⟨tudinem, v⟩el acuunt, vel obtundunt! Acuunt doctrinae, ⟨discipli⟩nae, artes, et experientia, negotia, studia; ⟨obtund⟩unt inscitiae, ignaviae, desidiae, libidines, ⟨inexper⟩ientiae, otia, vitia; super haec, si et alia, ⟨ad⟩sunt potestates. Enimvero praesunt, secun⟨dum no⟩s quidem, Deus Dominus, et diabolus aemu⟨lus; se⟩cundum communem autem opinionem pro⟨videnti⟩ae fatum et necessitas, et fortuna et arbi⟨trii libe⟩rtas. Nam haec, et philosophi distinguunt, et ⟨nos sec⟩undum fidem disserenda suo jam vovimus

which are also [powers of] the intellect. For from these are produced the talents. Moreover, just as in the seeds of crops there is one form to each kind, yet their growth varies: some come out in a sound state, some even yield better, some degenerate according to the condition of the climate and the soil, and according to the manner of the labour and the care, according to the order of the seasons, according to the licence of chance events; so too it will be permitted to hold the soul uniform in seed, multiform in its offspring. For there is a difference [arising] from places too. It is reported that at Thebes men are born dull and stupid; at Athens most sharp in wisdom and speaking, where in the district of Colytus children speak a month earlier, with a precocious tongue. Indeed Plato in the Timaeus affirms that Minerva, when she was building the city, looked to nothing other than the nature of the region, which promised such talents. Whence he himself too, in the Laws, instructs Megillus and Clinias to secure a site for founding a city. But Empedocles placed the cause of a sharp and of a dull disposition in the quality of the blood; perfection and progress he derives from teaching and discipline. Yet the matter of national characteristics is now commonplace. The comic poets mock the Phrygians as timid; Sallust lashes the Moors as vain and the Dalmatians as fierce; even the Apostle brands the Cretans as liars (Titus 1:12). Perhaps something may accrue also from the body and from health: fatness hinders wisdom, leanness frees it; paralysis squanders the mind, consumption preserves it. How much more will those accidental things be brought to bear which, apart from bulk and health, either sharpen or blunt [it]! Teachings, disciplines, arts, and experience, business, studies sharpen it; ignorance, idleness, sloth, lusts, inexperience, leisure, vices blunt it. Beyond these, if there are others too, there are present the powers. For indeed there preside, according to us, the Lord God and the devil His rival; but according to common opinion, the fate of providence, and necessity, and fortune, and freedom of the will. For these things the philosophers too distinguish, and we have already vowed to discuss them according to the faith under their own

Editors' notes and page, col. 725

Footnotes

NOTE: the left-column image is cropped at its left edge; the first letters of each line of the left half are lost. Lost letters are marked ⟨…⟩; letters supplied with confidence (known quotation or certain word) are set inside ⟨ ⟩. Note numbers (35)–(37) are cut off and inferred from (38). Variae lectiones (printed under page 367)

(v4) ‹anchor: ut frugum› · call in col 725

(continued) ⟨…⟩ Pam. al.

(printed under page 367)

(v5) ‹anchor: quae, citra› · call in col 725

5 Circa Pam. Seml. Oberth.

5 "Circa" (around): Pam., Seml., Oberth.

(printed under page 367)

(v6) ‹anchor: opinionem pro⟨…⟩e› · call in col 725

6 Et providentia et Pam. Seml. Rhen.

6 "Et providentia et" (both providence and): Pam., Seml., Rhen.

(printed under page 367)

(v7) ‹anchor: et fortuna› · call in col 725

7 Fortunae Rig. Ven.

7 "Fortunae": Rig., Ven.

(printed under page 367)

(v8) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

8 ⟨…⟩iformis add. Rhen. Pam.

8 "[…]iformis" added by Rhen., Pam.

(printed under page 367)

(v9) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

9 Nec qua Rig. Ven. nec quadriformis cod. Agobard.

9 "Nec qua": Rig., Ven.; "nec quadriformis" (nor fourfold): the Agobard codex.

(printed under page 367)

(35) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

⟨(35)⟩ Thebis hebetes et brutos nasci relatum est. ⟨…⟩ Boeotiae intelligit. Usque adeo autem id ve⟨…⟩l, ut ex pinguedine ingenii quidam Boeotos ⟨…⟩tent, et in proverbium abierint sus boeoti⟨…⟩s, boeotica, et quod propius huc accedit, ⟨…⟩m ingenium, de quibus late Erasmus in ⟨…⟩ibus, qui etiam inde derivatum putat, quod ⟨…⟩ et brutos homines Germanica et Britannica ⟨…⟩Bot, id est Boeotos appellemus. PAM.

(35) "It is recorded that at Thebes men are born dull and stupid." [He means Thebes] of Boeotia. And this was so far [true], that from their thickness of wit some [call people] Boeotians, and there passed into proverb "the Boeotian sow", "Boeotian [things]", and, what comes nearer to this place, "[Boeotian] wit"; on which Erasmus writes at length in [his Adages], who also thinks it the origin of our calling dull and stupid men, in the German and British [tongues], "Bot", that is, Boeotians. PAM.

(printed under page 367)

(36) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

⟨(36)⟩ Athenis sapiendi dicendique acutiss. Huc ⟨…⟩ illud Ciceronis in orat. pro Flacco: « Ad⟨sunt A⟩thenienses, unde humanitas, doctrina, reli⟨gio, fru⟩ges, jura, leges ortae atque in omnes terras ⟨distribu⟩tae putantur. » Item quod a Platone, in Pro⟨…⟩ Athenae prytaneum sapientiae appellentur. ⟨…⟩ quod idem, dial. I de Legibus vocet civi⟨…⟩ eloquentiae, et multi sermonis studiosam.

(36) "At Athens most keen in wisdom and speech." To this [belongs] Cicero's saying in the speech for Flaccus: "The Athenians are here, from whom humanity, learning, religion, grain, rights and laws are thought to have arisen and been spread into all lands." Likewise that by Plato, in the Pro[tagoras], Athens is called the prytaneum (town hall) of wisdom; [and] that the same, in dialogue I of the Laws, calls the city [a lover] of eloquence and eager for much talk.

(printed under page 367)

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⟨(37)⟩ Mendaces Cretas. Mendacii nomine male au⟨diunt⟩ Cretenses. Scholiastes Callimachi in Jovis hymnum, ex quo loco B. Apostolus citat verba I ad Titum I, ait: Παροιμία ἐστὶ τὸ κρητίζειν ἐπὶ τοῦ ψεύδεσθαι, ἀπὸ Ἰδομενέως τοῦ Κρητὸς ῥηθεῖσα· ὃς λαχὼν μερίσαι τοῖς Ἕλλησιν τὰ λάφυρα Ἰλίου, τὰ κρείττω ἑαυτῷ περιεποιήσατο. « In adagium abiit Cretisare, hoc est mentiri, ab Idomeneo Cretae nato, qui cum Trojae spolia Graecis divisurus esset, meliora sibi reservavit. » LE PR.

(37) "Lying Cretans." The Cretans have an ill name for lying. The scholiast on Callimachus's Hymn to Zeus, the passage from which the blessed Apostle quotes the words in Titus 1, says: "To 'cretize' is a proverb for lying, said from Idomeneus the Cretan, who, when allotted to divide the spoils of Ilium among the Greeks, kept the better for himself." [The Latin repeats:] "'To cretize', that is, to lie, became a proverb from Idomeneus, born in Crete, who, when he was to divide the spoils of Troy among the Greeks, kept the better ones for himself." LE PR.

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(38) Trinitas Valentiniano. Trinitas illa est hominis, non Dei, faciebant enim ii haeretici hominem spiritalem, animalem sive carnalem, terrestrem sive materialem. LE PR.

(38) "A trinity to the Valentinian." That trinity is of man, not of God; for those heretics made man spiritual, animal or fleshly, earthly or material. LE PR.

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(39) Cum in illum Deus amentiam immisit. Supra, Accidentiam spiritus passus est, cecidit enim exstasis super illum, sancti Spiritus vis, operatrix prophetiae. RIG.

(39) "When God sent a trance upon him." Above: "He underwent a befalling of the spirit, for an ecstasy fell upon him, the power of the Holy Spirit, worker of prophecy." RIG.

(printed under page 367) (—) ‹anchor: amentiam immisit› · second note on the same call, unnumbered Amentiam immisit. Ex LXX Interpr. qui (Gen. II) habent ἔκστασιν. Sic ipse auctor, cap. XI. somnum Adami exstasim appellavit, neque aliud per amentiam intelligit. LAC.

"Sent a trance." From the Seventy Translators, who (Gen. 2) have ekstasin. So the author himself, ch. 11, called Adam's sleep an ecstasy, and means nothing else by amentia. LAC.

(printed under page 367)

Page

running head: LIBER DE ANIMA (cut at right edge of crop; column numbers not visible)
marginal letters: A ‹quae sunt et intellectus›; B ‹bus, Megillo et Cliniae›; C ‹nae, artes, et experientia›; D ‹Thebis hebetes (commentary at page foot)›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PL 2:726

titulo. Apparet quanta sint quae unam animae naturam varie collocarint, ut vulgo naturae deputentur, quando non species sint, sed sortes naturae et substantiae unius; illius scilicet, quam Deus in Adam contulit, et matricem omnium fecit: atque adeo sortes erunt, non species substantiae unius, ut et varietas ista moralis quanta nunc est, tanta non fuerit in ipso principe generis Adam. Debuerant enim fuisse haec omnia in illo, ut in fonte naturae, atque inde cum tota varietate manass⟨e⟩, si varietas naturae fuisset.

title. It is evident how many are the things which have variously distributed the one nature of the soul, so that they are commonly reckoned as natures, when they are not species but lots of one nature and substance; namely of that which God conferred on Adam and made the matrix of all: and so they will be lots, not species of one substance, so that this moral variety too, as great as it now is, was not as great in Adam himself, the founder of the race. For all these things ought to have been in him, as in the fountain of nature, and to have flowed forth from there with all their variety, if the variety had been one of nature.

CAPUT XXI.

Chapter XXI.

Quod si uniformis natura anima ab initio in Adam, ante tot ingenia, ergo non multiformis per tot ingenia; jam nec triformis, nt adhuc trinitas Valentiniana caedatur, quae nec ipsa in Adam recognoscitur. Quid enim spirituale in illo? Si quia prophetavit magnum illud sacramentum in Christum et Ecclesiam (Gen. II): Hoc os ex ossibus meis, et caro ex carne mea, vocabitur mulier; propterea relinquet homo patrem et matrem, et agglutinabitur mulieri suae, et erunt duo in carnem unam; hoc postea obvenit, cum in illum Deus amentiam immisit, spiritalem vim qua constat prophetia. Si et malum in eo apparuit transgressionis admissum, nec hoc naturale deputandum est, quod instinctu serpentis operatus est (Gen. III), tam non naturale, quam nec materiale; quia et materiae fidem jam exclusimus. Quod si nec spiritale, nec quod dicitur materiale proprium in illo fuit; nam si ex materia fuisset mali semen, superest ut solum in illo et unicum fuerit naturale, quod censetur animale; quod statu simplex et uniforme defendimus: De hoc plane relinquitur quaeri an demutabile debeat credi, quod naturale dicatur. Iidem enim convertibilem negaut naturam, ut trinitatem suam in singulis proprietatibus figant: quia arbor bona malos

But if the soul was uniform by nature from the beginning in Adam, before so many dispositions, then it is not multiform through so many dispositions; no longer, then, is it threefold either, so that the Valentinian trinity may be struck down still further, which itself also is not recognized in Adam. For what was spiritual in him? If it is because he prophesied that great sacrament with reference to Christ and the Church (Gen. 2): This bone from my bones, and flesh from my flesh, shall be called woman; therefore a man will leave father and mother, and will be glued to his wife, and the two will be into one flesh; this came upon him afterwards, when God sent into him a loss of mind, the spiritual power in which prophecy consists. If the evil of the transgression committed also appeared in him, neither is this to be reckoned natural, since he did it at the instigation of the serpent (Gen. 3), as little natural as it is material; for we have already excluded belief in matter. But if neither the spiritual nor what is called the material was proper to him (for if the seed of evil had been from matter), it remains that the sole and only thing in him was the natural, which is reckoned the animal; which we maintain to be simple and uniform in its state: concerning this it plainly remains to be asked whether what is called natural ought to be believed changeable. For the same men deny that nature is convertible, so that they may fix their trinity in its several properties: because a good tree should not bear bad

Editors' notes and page, col. 726

Footnotes

(v8) ‹anchor: non multiformis› · call in col 726

8 ⟨…⟩iformis add. Rhen. Pam.

8 "[…]iformis" (the first letters are lost at the left edge of our foot image; probably "uniformis") is added by Rhen., Pam.

(v9) ‹anchor: jam nec› · call in col 726

9 Nec qua Rig. Ven. nec quadriformis cod. Agobard.

9 "Nec qua": Rig., Ven.; "nec quadriformis" (nor fourfold): the Agobard codex.

(v10) ‹anchor: nam si› · call in col 726

10 Et si Seml. Oberth.

10 "Et si" (and if): Seml., Oberth.

Commentarius (printed under page 367)

(38) ‹anchor: trinitas Valentiniana› · call in col 726

(38) Trinitas Valentiniano. Trinitas illa est hominis, non Dei, faciebant enim ii haeretici hominem spiritalem, animalem sive carnalem, terrestrem sive materialem. LE PR.

(38) "The Valentinian trinity." That trinity is of man, not of God; for those heretics made man spiritual, animal or carnal, and earthly or material. LE PR.

(printed under page 367)

(39) ‹anchor: amentiam immisit› · call in col 726

(39) Cum in illum Deus amentiam immisit. Supra, Accidentiam spiritus passus est, cecidit enim exstasis super illum, sancti Spiritus vis, operatrix prophetiae. RIG. Amentiam immisit. Ex LXX Interpr. qui (Gen. II) habent ἔκστασιν. Sic ipse auctor, cap. XI. somnum Adami exstasim appellavit, neque aliud per amentiam intelligit. LAC.

(39) "When God sent into him a loss of mind." Above: "He suffered the [loss of mind] of the spirit; for ecstasy fell upon him, the power of the Holy Spirit, the worker of prophecy." RIG.

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Page

running head: ...BER DE ANIMA. 726 (left part of head cut off at image edge; presumably LIBER DE ANIMA.)
marginal letters: A titulo. Apparet quanta sint; B tot ingenia; jam nec; C exclusimus. Quod si; D hymnum, ex quo loco (in the Commentarius below the text)
old-edition numerals: 684 after titulo.
misprints kept as printed: "nt adhuc" (for ut); "negaut" (for negant). Damaged type: "manass·" (final e broken; supplied ⟨e⟩). In note (38), the lemma "Valentiniano" (the text has Valentiniana); in note (39), "Accidentiam" as printed.

PL 2:727

non ferat fructus, nec mala bonos, et nemo de spinis metat ficus, et de tribulis uvas. Ergo si ita est, neque de lapidibus filios Abrahae suscitare (Matth. III) poterit Deus, nec genimina viperarum facere penitentiae fructus; et erravit Apostolus scribens (Ephes. V): Eratis et vos aliquando tenebrae; et (Ephes. II): Fuimus et nos aliquando natura filii irae, et (I Cor. VI): In his vos quoque fuistis, sed abluti estis. Sed nunquam discordabunt sententiae sanctae. Non dabit enim (Luc. VI) arbor mala bonos fructus, si non inseratur; et bona malos dabit, si non colatur; et lapides filii Abrahae fient, si in fidem Abrahae formentur, et genimina viperarum fructum poenitentiae facient, si venena malignitatis expuerint. Haec erit vis divinae gratiae, potentior utique natura, habens in nobis subjacentem sibi liberam arbitrii potestatem, quod αὐτεξούσιον dicitur; quae cum sit et ipsa naturalis atque mutabilis, quoquo vertitur, natura convertitur. Inesse autem nobis τὸ αὐτεξούσιον naturaliter, jam et Marcioni ostendimus et Hermogeni. Quid nunc, si et naturae conditio sic erit definienda, ut duplex determinetur, natorum et innatorum, factorum et infectorum? Atque ita quod natum factumque constiterit, ejus natura capiet demutationem: et renasci enim poterit, et refici. Innatum autem et infectum immobile stabit. Quod cum soli Deo competat, ut soli innato et infecto, et idcirco immortali et inconvertibili, absolutum est, caeterum omnium natorum atque factorum convertibilem et demutabilem esse naturam; ut etsi trinitas animae adscribenda esset, ex mutatione accidentiae, non ex institutione naturae deputaretur.

fruits, nor the bad good ones, and that no one should reap figs from thorns, or grapes from thistles. Therefore, if this is so, neither will God be able to raise up sons to Abraham from stones (Matt. 3), nor will the brood of vipers be able to produce fruits of repentance; and the Apostle erred in writing (Eph. 5): You too were once darkness; and (Eph. 2): We too were once by nature children of wrath; and (1 Cor. 6): Such were you too, but you have been washed. But holy sayings will never be in discord. For a bad tree will not yield good fruits (Luke 6), if it is not grafted; and a good one will yield bad ones, if it is not cultivated; and stones will become sons of Abraham, if they are formed into the faith of Abraham; and the brood of vipers will produce the fruit of repentance, if they spit out the venoms of malice. This will be the power of divine grace, more powerful assuredly than nature, having in us, subject to itself, the free power of choice, which is called αὐτεξούσιον; and since this too is itself natural and changeable, whichever way it turns, the nature is turned with it. Now that τὸ αὐτεξούσιον is in us by nature, we have already shown both to Marcion and to Hermogenes. What then, if the condition of nature is also to be defined thus, that it be determined as twofold, of the born and the unborn, of the made and the unmade? And so whatever has been established as born and made, its nature will admit of change: for it will be able both to be reborn and to be remade. But the unborn and unmade will stand immovable. Since this befits God alone, as alone unborn and unmade, and therefore immortal and unchangeable, it is settled that the nature of all other born and made things is changeable and alterable; so that even if a threefold character were to be ascribed to the soul, it would be reckoned to come from a change of accident, not from the constitution of nature.

CAPUT XXII.

Chapter XXII.

Caetera animae naturalia jam a nobis audiit Hermogenes, cum ipsorum defensione et probatione per quae Dei potius quam materiae cognoscitur.

The other natural properties of the soul Hermogenes has already heard from us, together with the defence and proof of them, through which [the soul] is recognized to be of God rather than of matter.

Editors' notes and page, col. 727

Footnotes

Variae lectiones (printed under page 368)

(v11) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

11 Et add. Rhen. Seml.

11 "Et" added by Rhen., Seml.

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(v12) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

12 Et omitt. Seml. Rhen.

12 "Et" omitted by Seml., Rhen.

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(v13) ‹anchor: materiae cognoscitur› · call in col 727

13 Sic ed. Prior et Venet. Materiae propinqua cognoscitur ap. Pam. Seml. Ob.

13 So the edition of Prior and the Venetian. "Materiae propinqua cognoscitur" (is recognized as akin to matter) in Pam., Seml., Ob.

(printed under page 368)

(v14) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

14 Forte et, pro ex Edd.

14 Perhaps "et", for the editions' "ex".

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15 Sapientem Rig. Ven.

15 "Sapientem" (wise): Rig., Ven.

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16 Accidentis Fran.

16 "Accidentis": Fran.

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(printed under page 368) (40) Inesse autem nobis τὸ αὐτεξούσιον. Ita liberum arbitrium apud Patres et philosophos appellatur. A Nazianzeno dicitur homo τῷ αὐτεξουσίῳ τιμηθείς, libero arbitrio honoratus. LAC.

(40) "But that there is in us to autexousion." So free choice is named among the Fathers and the philosophers. By Nazianzen man is called tō autexousiō timētheis, "honoured with free choice". LAC.

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(printed under page 368) (41) Et divinationem. Nempe naturalem, seu per insomnia, sive per alias praenotiones. Carneades enim disputavit pluribus rationibus adversus divinationem. Tertullianus tamen praecipue notat spontaneos animorum impulsus, qui manifesti omnibus sunt, cum scilicet mens, velut praescia futuri mali, vel boni, prius afficitur moerore vel gaudio, quam sensus corporei id deprehendant certis indiciis; nam, ut Seneca ait, / Instat mentis fera tempestas, / Cum sine vento tranquilla tument. / Quem praesagiendi modum in Thyeste scite describit ante coenam feralem Atrei; ideo et praecordia saliunt, et defluunt lacrymae invitis, stimulo et monitu arcano intus excitante. LAC.

(41) "And divination." That is, natural divination, whether through dreams or through other forebodings. For Carneades argued with many reasons against divination. Tertullian, however, chiefly notes the spontaneous impulses of minds, which are plain to all: when the mind, as if foreknowing a coming evil or good, is affected by grief or joy before the bodily senses detect it by sure signs; for, as Seneca says, / "A wild storm of the mind presses on, / when calm seas swell without a wind." / This manner of presentiment he skilfully describes in the Thyestes before Atreus's deadly banquet; and so the heart leaps and tears flow unbidden, a hidden goad and warning stirring them within. LAC.

(printed under page 368)

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(printed under page 368) (42) Ut ordinem ejus expungam. Id. est, absolvam, et perficiam, uti morem habet in Apol. cap. 3, et saepissime. LAC.

(42) "That I may complete its order." That is, finish and accomplish, as is his habit in the Apology, ch. 3, and very often. LAC.

(printed under page 368)

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(printed under page 368) (43) Immortalem. Etsi istud ex professo non tractet, quod esset tum temporis extra controversiam, frequens tamen ejus hoc libro mentio, nempe cap. 2, 3, 6, 9, 14 et infra, c. 24, 38, 45, 51, 53 et 54. PAM.

(43) "Immortal." Although he does not treat this expressly, since at that time it was beyond dispute, yet it is often mentioned in this book, namely chs. 2, 3, 6, 9, 14 and below, chs. 24, 38, 45, 51, 53 and 54. PAM.

(printed under page 368)

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(printed under page 368) (44) Corporalem. De anima quod corporalis sit, quanquam ad paradoxa ejus istud pertineat, tractavit late supra cap. 5, 6, 7, 8. PAM.

(44) "Bodily." That the soul is bodily, although this belongs among his paradoxes, he treated at length above, chs. 5, 6, 7, 8. PAM.

(printed under page 368)

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(printed under page 368) (45) Effigiatam. Quod effigiata sit, alterum paradoxon tractatum etiam habes supra cap. 9. PAM.

(45) "Having a shape." That it has a shape, a second paradox, you also have treated above, ch. 9. PAM.

(printed under page 368)

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(printed under page 368) (46) Accidentiis obnoxiam. Alludit ad id quod paulatim proficiat anima in sapientia. PAM.

(46) "Subject to accidents." He alludes to the soul's advancing little by little in wisdom. PAM.

(printed under page 368) (47) Per quod historias, atque milesias. Illustriores fabulae milesiae dicuntur, sive a vanitate Milesiorum ob oraculum Apollinis, qua de re Strabo, (continues)

(47) "Through which the stories and Milesian tales." The more famous fables are called Milesian, either from the vanity of the Milesians on account of Apollo's oracle, on which matter Strabo, (continues)

(printed under page 368)

Page

running head: 727 TERTULLIANI OPERUM PARS II. —
marginal letters: A los non ferat fructus; B gratiae, potentior utique natura; C est, caeterum omnium natorum; D (40) Inesse autem nobis (commentary)
old-edition numerals: 685 after erravit

PL 2:728

Hic solummodo nominabuntur, ne praeterita videantur. Dedimus enim illi et libertatem arbitrarii, ut supra scripsimus, et dominatiouem rerum, et divinationem interdum, seposita quae per Dei gratiam obvenit ex prophetia. Itaque jam ab isto dispositionis retractatu recedam, ut ordinem ejus expungam. Definimus animam Dei flatu natam, immortalem, corporalem, effigiatam, substantia simplicem, de suo patientem, varie procedentem, liberam arbitrii, accidentiis obnoxiam, per ingenia mutabilem, rationalem, dominatricem, divinatricem, ex una redundantem. Sequitur nunc, ut quomodo ex una redundet consideremus, id est, unde, et quando et qua ratione sumatur.

Here they will only be named, lest they seem to have been passed over. For we have granted to it both freedom of choice, as we wrote above, and dominion over things, and at times divination, setting aside that which comes through the grace of God from prophecy. And so I shall now withdraw from this review of its constitution, so as to bring its order to completion. We define the soul as born of the breath of God, immortal, corporeal, possessed of form, simple in substance, passible of itself, developing in various ways, free in choice, subject to accidents, changeable through dispositions, rational, ruling, divining, springing from one. It now follows that we consider how it springs from one, that is, whence, and when, and by what means it is taken up.

CAPUT XXIII.

Chapter XXIII.

Quidam de coelis deveuisse se credunt, tanta persuasione, quanta et illuc indubitate regressuros repromittunt; ut Saturninus Menandri simoniani discipulus induxit, hominem affirmaus ab angelis factum, primoque opus futile, et invalidum, et instabile, in terra vermis instar palpitasse, quod consistendi vires deessent; dehinc ex misericordia summae potestatis, ad cujus effigiem, nec tamen plene perspectam, temere structus fuisset, scintillulam vitae consecutum, quae illud exsuscitarit et crexerit, et constantius animarit, et post decessum vitae ad matricem relatura sit. Sed et Carpocrates tantumdem sibi de superioribus vindicat, ut discipuli ejus animas suas jam et Christo, nedum apostolis, et peraequent, et cum volunt praeferant; quas perinde de sublimi virtute conceperint, despectrice mundi potentium principatuum. Apelles sollicitatas refert animas terrenis escis de supercoelestibus sedibus ab igneo angelo Deo Israel et nostro, qui exinde illis peccatricem circumfinxerit carnem. Examen Valentini semen Sophiae infulcit animae, per quod historias atque milesias Aeonum

Some believe that they have come down from the heavens, with as much conviction as that with which they also promise themselves that they will without doubt return thither; as Saturninus, the disciple of Menander the Simonian, taught, affirming that man was made by angels, and that at first, a futile work, feeble and unstable, he writhed on the earth like a worm, because he lacked the strength to stand; that then, by the mercy of the supreme power, after whose image, though it was not fully discerned, he had been rashly constructed, he obtained a little spark of life, which roused him and raised him up and animated him more firmly, and which after the departure of life will carry [him] back to its source. And Carpocrates too claims just as much for himself from the higher regions, so that his disciples both put their souls on a level with Christ already, not to mention the apostles, and, when they wish, set them above Him; [souls] which they have conceived in like manner from the sublime power that looks down upon the principalities that rule the world. Apelles relates that souls were enticed by earthly foods from their supercelestial seats by a fiery angel, the God of Israel and ours, who thereupon fashioned sinful flesh around them. The swarm of Valentinus props up the soul with the seed of Sophia, through which the stories and Milesian tales of their Aeons

Editors' notes and page, col. 728

Footnotes

(v17) ‹anchor: Deo Israel› · call in col 728

17 Israelis Pam. Rhen.

17 "Israelis": Pam., Rhen.

(printed under page 368)

(v18) ‹anchor: historias atque› · call in col 728

18 Aeque vel easque Lat.

18 "Aeque" (equally) or "easque" (and those): Lat.

Commentarius (printed under page 368)

(47) ‹anchor: atque milesias› · call in col 728

(printed under page 368)

Page

running head: [cut off at left] UM PARS II. — SERIES I, POLEMICA. 728
marginal letters: A Hic solummodo nominabuntur; B CAPUT XXIII.; C puli ejus animas suas; D arcano intus excitante (beside editors' commentary, not set)
old-edition numerals: 686 after ex

PL 2:729

⟨…⟩ ex imaginibus visibilium recognoscunt. ⟨Doleo b⟩ona fide, Platonem omnium haereticorum ⟨condime⟩ntarium factum. Illius est enim et ⟨in Phaed⟩one, quod animae hinc euntes sint illuc, et ⟨inde hu⟩c; item in Timeo, quod genimina Dei, ⟨delegata⟩ sibi mortalium genitura, accepto initio ⟨animae i⟩mmortali, mortale ei circumgelaverint cor⟨pus; tu⟩m quod mundus hic imago sit alterius ali⟨cujus. Qu⟩ae omnia ut fidei commendet, et animam ⟨retro in⟩ superioribus cum Deo egisse in com⟨mercio i⟩dearum, et inde huc transvenire, et hic quae ⟨retro no⟩rit de exemplaribus recensere, novum ela⟨boravit⟩ argumentum, μαθήσεις ἀναμνήσεις id est, ⟨discentia⟩s reminiscentias esse: venientes enim ⟨…⟩s animas oblivisci eorum in quibus prius ⟨fuerint, d⟩ehinc ex his visibilibus edoctas recordari. ⟨Igi⟩tur hujusmodi argumento illa insinuentur a ⟨…⟩ quae haeretici mutuantur, satis haereticos ⟨repulsuer⟩im, si argumentum Platonis elidam.

they recognize from the images of visible things. I grieve in good faith that Plato has become the seasoner of all the heretics. For it is his, both in the Phaedo, that souls going hence are there, and thence [come] hither; and likewise in the Timaeus, that the offspring of God, to whom the begetting of mortals had been delegated, having received the immortal beginning of the soul, congealed a mortal body round it; and then that this world is the image of some other. That he might commend all these things to belief, namely that the soul formerly in the regions above dwelt with God in commerce with the ideas, and passes thence hither, and here reviews what it formerly knew from the exemplars, he worked out a new argument, μαθήσεις ἀναμνήσεις, that is, that learnings are reminiscences: for souls coming [hither] forget the things among which they were before, and thereafter, taught by these visible things, remember them. Therefore, since by an argument of this kind those things are insinuated which the heretics borrow from [him], I shall have sufficiently repelled the heretics if I strike down the argument of Plato.

CAPUT XXIV.

CHAPTER XXIV.

⟨…⟩ quidem oblivionis capacem animam non ⟨…⟩, quia tantam illi concessit divinitatem, ut ⟨Deo adae⟩quetur: innatam eam facit, quod et solum ⟨p⟩otuissem ad testimonium plenae divinitatis: ⟨adjicit i⟩mmortalem, incorruptibilem, incorporalem, ⟨quia⟩ et Deum credidit, invisibilem, ineffigiabi⟨lem, un⟩iformem, principalem, rationalem, intel⟨lectuale⟩m. Quid amplius proscriberet animam, si ⟨dea⟩m nuncuparet? Nos autem qui nihil Deo ⟨appendi⟩mus, hoc ipso animam longe infra Deum ⟨expendi⟩mus, quod natam eam agnoscimus, ac per

[First] indeed, [he does] not [admit] that the soul is capable of forgetting, because he granted it so great a divinity that it is made equal to God: he makes it unborn, which alone I could have [taken] as a testimony of full divinity; he adds immortal, incorruptible, incorporeal, since he believed God [to be] so too, invisible, not to be portrayed, uniform, sovereign, rational, intellectual. What more could he proclaim of the soul, if he named it a goddess? But we, who weigh nothing against God, by this very fact rate the soul far below God, that we acknowledge it to have been born, and through

Editors' notes and page, col. 729

Footnotes

NOTE: the left-column image is cropped at its left edge; the first letters (up to about two words) of each line of the left half are lost. Lost text is marked ⟨…⟩; letters supplied with confidence are set inside ⟨ ⟩. Note numbers (48)–(50) are cut off and inferred from (51). English for lost stretches is bracketed conjecture. Variae lectiones (printed under page 369)

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⟨19 …⟩mina Pam. Rhen.

19 "[…]mina": Pam., Rhen.

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20 Commendat. Par.

20 "Commendat": Par.

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21 Deus hic add. Fran.

21 "Deus" added here by Fran.

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22 Memoriae Jun.

22 "Memoriae": Jun.

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(47) ‹anchor: atque milesias› · call on the previous page

(continued) ⟨…⟩ Geograph., sive a rosis milesiis, quae in ⟨…⟩erunt. LE PR.

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⟨(48) …⟩latonem omnium haereticorum condimenta⟨…⟩ ⟨…⟩hilosophiam antiquam fuisse veluti penu et ⟨…⟩haeresium saepe calumniatur Auctor, ut cap. 7 ⟨…⟩cript. Inde cap. 8 adv. Hermog. vocat philo⟨…⟩haereticorum patriarchas: quas vero haere⟨…⟩maverit Plato ex hoc uno dogmate de anima⟨…⟩gine, observat Joannes Bapt. Crispus lib., II, ⟨…⟩am Menandriani, Saturnini, Enthusiastae, Car⟨…⟩e, Valentiniani, Apellitae, Seleuciani, Messa⟨…⟩icenna et Raimundus Lullius ex doctrina Pla⟨…⟩epti videntur circa animarum exordium. LAC.

(48) "[P]lato the seasoner of all heretics." The Author often reproaches the ancient philosophy as being, as it were, the storehouse and [seedbed] of heresies, as in ch. 7 [of the Prescription]. Hence in ch. 8 Against Hermogenes he calls the philo[sophers] the patriarchs of the heretics. But what heresies Plato [formed] from this one dogma on the [origin] of souls, Joannes Baptista Crispus observes in Book II, [...]: [for] the Menandrians, Saturninians, Enthusiasts, Car[pocratians], Valentinians, Apellites, Seleucians, Messa[lians, Av]icenna and Raymond Lull seem to have been [dec]eived about the origin of souls by Plato's teaching. LAC.

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⟨(49) …⟩t animam retro in superioribus. Non potui ⟨…⟩perire in Timaeo Platonis huc pertinens, ⟨…⟩uod Deus summus opifex, constituto uni⟨…⟩ivisit animas aequali cum sideribus numero, ⟨…⟩las singulis assignavit, et velut in vehiculum ⟨…⟩s universi naturam ostendit, et leges fatales ⟨…⟩osuit, quodque origo prima quidem futura ⟨…⟩linata una omnibus, oporteret autem ipsas ⟨…⟩s in singula convenientia singulis tempo⟨…⟩strumenta (corpora nempe), producere ani⟨…⟩no cultori deditissimum. Quo libro cum ⟨…⟩ dicit, « animam hic quae retro norit de ⟨…⟩ribus recensere, » magis puto istud ad ⟨…⟩em referri, cujus etiam paulo prius memi⟨…⟩utrumque reperire est. PAM.

(49) "[…] the soul formerly, in the higher regions." I could not [find] in Plato's Timaeus anything bearing on this, [except] that God, the supreme craftsman, having established the universe, divided souls in number equal to the stars, and assigned each to each, and [setting them] as in a chariot showed them the nature of the universe, and [laid down] the laws of fate: that the first origin would indeed be [appointed] one for all, but that they must [, sown] into the instruments of time suited to each (that is, bodies), produce a living being most devoted to the worship [of the gods]. When [he] says of that book that "the soul here recounts what it knew formerly of the [higher] things", I think rather that this refers to the [Phaedo], which he also mentioned a little before; both are to be found [there]. PAM.

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⟨(50) …⟩d est discentias reminisce. Locus iste haud ⟨…⟩ Phaedone, non ex Timaeo Platonis desumptus est. Sic enim ibi legitur: Sed et secundum illum sermonem, inquit Cebes, si verus est, o Socrates, quem tu frequenter referre soles, ὅτι ἡμῖν ἡ μάθησις οὐκ ἄλλο τι ἢ ἀνάμνησις τυγχάνει οὖσα, id est, si ad verbum cum Tertulliano vertamus: Quod nobis discentia nihil aliud sit quam reminiscentia, pro quo interpres Platonis vertit: Quod discere nihil aliud sit nobis, quam recordari; et secundum hunc, inquam, necesse est nos in priore quodam tempore didicisse ea quae nunc recordamur. Hoc autem fieri non posse, si non fuisset alicubi anima nostra, priusquam in hanc speciem deveniret. Atqui mox et Simmias idipsum ibidem confitetur, et multis rationibus non modo Cebes, sed et Socrates ipse paradoxon hoc confirmare nituntur; verum egregie confutat Auctor cap. prox. PAM.

(50) "[…learnings are rememberings]." This passage is [taken] from the Phaedo, not from Plato's Timaeus. For it reads there: "But also according to that saying, Cebes says, if it is true, Socrates, which you often repeat, hoti hēmin hē mathēsis ouk allo ti ē anamnēsis tynchanei ousa" — that is, if we translate word for word with Tertullian: "that our learning is nothing else than remembering", for which Plato's translator renders: "that to learn is for us nothing else than to recall"; "and according to this, I say, we must have learned at some earlier time the things we now recall. But this could not be, unless our soul had been somewhere before it came into this form." And presently Simmias too admits the same thing there, and with many reasons not only Cebes but Socrates himself strive to confirm this paradox; but the Author admirably refutes it in the next chapter. PAM.

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(printed under page 369) (51) Satis de isto cum Hermogene. Alludit ad librum de censu Animae adversus Hermogenem, cujus fragmenta habentur. PAM.

(51) "Enough of this with Hermogenes." He alludes to the book On the Origin of the Soul against Hermogenes, of which fragments survive. PAM.

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(printed under page 369) (52) Cicero thesaurum omnium studiorum praedicavit. lib. I, de Oratore vocat thesaurum rerum omnium memoriam. Cassiodorus, V. Var., epist. 22, et lib. de Anima, de cap. 12. LAC.

(52) "Cicero proclaimed it the treasury of all studies." In Book I On the Orator he calls memory the treasury of all things. Cassiodorus, Variae V, letter 22, and the book On the Soul, ch. 12. LAC.

(printed under page 369) (53) Cum toto suggestu jubarum. Id est cum toto ornatu: forsitan alludit ad signum coeleste Leonis, cujus ad caudam sunt septem stellae, quas crines seu comam Berenices nuncupant astrologi. LAC.

(53) "With all the array of its mane." That is, with all its adornment: perhaps he alludes to the heavenly sign of the Lion, at whose tail are seven stars, which astronomers call the Tresses or Hair of Berenice. LAC.

(—) ‹anchor: suggestu jubarum› · second note on the same call, unnumbered — Cum toto suggestu jubarum. Delicium Berenice. Non semel adnotavimus suggestum pro ornatu accipi ab Auctore. Atqui quod ab alicujus Berenices (continues)

— "With all the array of its mane. Berenice's pet." We have noted more than once that suggestus is taken by the Author for adornment. But that by some Berenice's (continues)

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Page

running head: LIBER DE ANIMA (cut at right edge of crop; column numbers not visible)
marginal letters: A ‹ex imaginibus visibilium recognoscunt›; B ‹dehinc ex his visibilibus edoctas›; C ‹mus, hoc ipso animam longe›; D ‹(commentary at page foot) deven… / epti videntur›
old-edition numerals: 687 after ‹Illius est enim et›

PL 2:730

hoc dilutioris divinitatis, et exilioris felicitatis; ut flatum, non ut spiritum; et si immortalem, ut hoc sit divinitatis, tamen passibilem, ut hoc sit nativitatis: ideoque et a primordio exorbitationis capacem, et inde etiam oblivionis affinem. Satis de ito cum Hermogene. Caeterum, quae, ut haberi merito possit ex peraequatione omnium proprietatum deus, nulli passioni subjacebit; ita nec oblivioni, cum tanta sit injuria oblivio, quanta est gloria ejus, cujus injuria est, memoria scilicet: quam et ipse Plato sensuum et intellectuum salutem, et Cicero thesaurum omnium studiorum praedicavit. Nec hoc jam in dubium deducetur, an tam di⟨v⟩ina anima memoriam potuerit amittere; sed an quam amiserit, recuperare denuo possit. Quae enim non debuit oblivisci, si oblita sit, nescio an valeat recordari. Ita utrumque meae animae, non platonicae congru⟨e⟩t. Secundo gradu opponam: natura compotem animam facis idearum illarum, annon? Imo natura, inquis. Nemo ergo concedet naturalem scientiam naturalium excidere artium. Excidet studiorum, excidet doctrinarum disciplinarum, excidet fortasse et ingeniorum, et affectuum: quae naturae videntur, non tamen sunt, quia, ut praemisimus, et pro locis, et pro institutionibus, et pro corpulentiis, ac valetudinibus, et pro potestatibus dominatricibus, pro libertatibus arbitrii, et accidentibus constant. Naturalium vero scientia ne in bestiis quidem deficit. Plane obliviscetur feritatis leo, mansuetudinis eruditione praeventus, et cum toto suggestu jubarum delicium fiet Berenices alicujus reginae,

this being the mark of a more diluted divinity and a slighter happiness; as a breath, not as a spirit; and if immortal, since this belongs to divinity, yet passible, since this belongs to birth: and therefore from the beginning capable of going astray, and thence also akin to forgetfulness. Enough of this with Hermogenes. But that [soul] which, so that it may deservedly be held a god from the equalization of all its properties, will be subject to no passion; so neither to forgetfulness, since forgetfulness is as great an injury as is the glory of that whose injury it is, namely memory: which Plato himself proclaimed the safety of the senses and of the intellects, and Cicero the treasury of all studies. Nor will it now be brought into doubt whether so divine a soul could lose its memory; but whether it can recover again what it has lost. For a soul that ought not to have forgotten, if it has forgotten, I do not know whether it is able to remember. Thus both things will suit my soul, not the Platonic one. In the second step I will object: do you make the soul possessed of those ideas by nature, or not? By nature indeed, you say. No one, then, will grant that the natural knowledge of the natural arts falls away. The knowledge of studies will fall away, of doctrinal disciplines will fall away, perhaps also of talents and of affections: which seem to be of nature, yet are not, because, as we said before, they depend on places, and on upbringings, and on bodily constitutions and states of health, and on dominating powers, on freedoms of choice, and on accidents. But the knowledge of natural things does not fail even in beasts. Certainly the lion will forget his ferocity, forestalled by the training of tameness, and with the whole display of his mane will become the darling of some queen Berenice,

Editors' notes and page, col. 730

Footnotes

(v23) ‹anchor: suggestu jubarum› · call in col 730

23 Tubarum

23 "Tubarum" (of trumpets).

Commentarius (printed under page 369)

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running head: LIBER DE ANIMA. 730 (left part of the running head cut off at the image edge; only "IBER DE ANIMA." visible)
marginal letters: A hoc dilutioris divinitatis; B non debuit oblivisci; C ditione praeventus; D deveniret. Atqui mox (in the Commentarius)
old-edition numerals: 688 after cum

PL 2:731

lingua genas ejus emaculans; mores bestiam relinquent: scientia naturalium permanebit. Non obliviscetur idem naturalium pabulorum, naturalium remediorum, naturalium terrorum; etsi de piscibus, etsi de pl⟨a⟩centis regina ei obtulerit, carnem desiderabit; etsi languenti theriacam composuerit, simiam leo requiret: et si nullum illi venabulum obfirmavit, gallum tamen formidabit. Perinde et homini omnium forsitan obliviosissimo inobliterata perseverabit sola scientia naturalium, ut sola scilicet naturali⟨s⟩; memor semper manducandi in esurie, et bibendi in siti, et oculis videndum, et auribus audiendum, et naribus odorandum, et ore gustandum, et manu contrectandum. Hi sunt certe sensus, quos philosophia depretiat intellectualium praelatione. Igitur si naturalis scientia sensualium permanet, quomodo intellectualium, quae potior habetur, intercidit? Unde nunc ipsa vis oblivionis an⟨t⟩ecedentis recordationem? Ex multitudine, ait, temporis. Sat⟨i⟩s improspecte. Quantitas enim temporis non pertinebit ad eam rem quae innata dicatur, ac per hoc potissimum aeterna credatur. Quod enim aeternum est, eo quia et innatum est, neque initium, neque finem temporis admittendo, nullum modum temporis patitur; cui temporis modus nullus est, nec ulla demutatione tempori subest, nec ea de multitudine tempori vis est. Si tempus in causa est oblivionis, cur, ex quo anima corpori inducitur, memoria delabitur, quasi exinde tempus anima sustineat, quae sine dubio prior corpore, non fuit utique sine tempore? Ingressa vero corpus, statimne obliviscitur, an aliquanto post? Si statim, et quae erit temporis nondum supputandi multitudo? infantia scilicet. Si aliquanto post, ergo illo in spatio ante tempora oblivionis memor adhuc aget anima, et quale est, ut postea obliviscatur, et rursus postea recordetur? Quoquo autem tempore illam oblivio irruerit, quantus hic etiam habebitur modus temporis? tota opinor vitae decursio satis non erit ad evertendam memoriam tanti ante corpus aevi. Sed rursus Plato causam demutat in corpus. Quasi et hoc fide dignum,

licking her cheeks clean with its tongue; its manners will leave the beast behind: the knowledge of natural things will remain. The same [lion] will not forget its natural foods, its natural remedies, its natural terrors; even if the queen offered it fish, even if cakes, it will crave flesh; even if she prepared theriac for it when it languished, the lion will seek an ape; and even if she has levelled no hunting spear against it, it will nevertheless dread the cock. In the same way, in man too, perhaps the most forgetful of all, the knowledge of natural things alone will persist unobliterated, as being, of course, alone natural: ever mindful of eating in hunger and of drinking in thirst, and of seeing with the eyes, and hearing with the ears, and smelling with the nostrils, and tasting with the mouth, and handling with the hand. These are certainly the senses which philosophy depreciates by its preference for intellectual things. Therefore, if the natural knowledge of sensible things remains, how has that of intellectual things, which is held to be the better, perished? Whence now does this very force of forgetfulness [come upon] the remembrance that went before it? From the length, he says, of time. Rather short-sightedly said. For the quantity of time will have no bearing on that thing which is said to be unborn, and for this reason above all is believed to be eternal. For what is eternal, because it is also unborn, admitting neither beginning nor end of time, suffers no measure of time; and what has no measure of time is neither subject to time through any change, nor has time any force over it from its length. If time is the cause of forgetfulness, why does memory slip away from the moment the soul is brought into the body, as if from then on the soul were undergoing time, the soul which, being without doubt prior to the body, was certainly not without time? Having entered the body, does it forget at once, or some while after? If at once, what length of a time not yet to be reckoned will there be? Infancy, to be sure. If some while after, then in that interval before the times of forgetfulness the soul will still live mindful; and what sort of thing is it that afterwards it should forget, and again afterwards remember? And at whatever time forgetfulness has rushed upon it, how great will this measure of time also be reckoned? The whole course of life, I think, will not be enough to overturn the memory of so long an age before the body. But again Plato shifts the cause to the body. As if this too were worthy of belief,

Editors' notes and page, col. 731

Footnotes

Variae lectiones (printed under page 370)

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24 Temporis Pam. Rhen.

24 "Temporis": Pam., Rhen.

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25 Nec eadem multitudine temporis vis est Pam. Rhen. in multitudine Lat.

25 "Nec eadem multitudine temporis vis est" (nor is there force in the same length of time): Pam., Rhen.; "in multitudine": Lat.

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26 Vertendam Pam. Rhen. Seml. Oberth.

26 "Vertendam": Pam., Rhen., Seml., Oberth.

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27 Oblivionem Venet. mendose.

27 "Oblivionem": the Venetian, wrongly.

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28 Refragetur Rhen. Pam.

28 "Refragetur" (would oppose): Rhen., Pam.

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(continued) reginae mansuetudine eruditus leo delicium fuerit, tradit Aelianus l. V de Animalibus, c., 39. Addit autem alicujus tum pro more loquendi suo, tum quod plures ejus nominis fuerint. PAM.

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(printed under page 370) (54) Languenti theriacam composuerit. Alludit ad Plinii verba lib. VII, cap. 40: » Aegritudinem fastidii tantum sentit, in qua medetur ei contumelia, in rabiem agente annexarum lascivia simiarum. » PAM.

(54) "Should have compounded an antidote for it when languishing." He alludes to Pliny's words, Book VII, ch. 40: "It feels only the sickness of loathing, in which an insult cures it, the friskiness of monkeys tied to it driving it into a rage." PAM.

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(printed under page 370) (55) Gallum tamen formidabit. Etiam hoc ex Plinio ibidem: « Atque hoc, inquit, tale, tamque saevum animal, rotarum orbes circumacti, currusque inanes, et gallinaceorum cristae, cantusque etiam magis terrent. » PAM.

(55) "Yet it will dread the cock." This too is from Pliny in the same place: "And this animal," he says, "so great and so fierce, is frightened by the turning rims of wheels and empty chariots, and by the crests of cocks, and still more by their crowing." PAM.

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(printed under page 370) (56) Ex multitudine, ait, temporis. Alludit ad verba illa Platonis in Phaedone: « Nonne recordatio est, maxime ubi alicui acciderit circa illa, quorum per tempus, et eo quod diu non conspexit? » pro quo transtulit Auctor, ex multitudine temporis. Verum etiam istud pulchre Auctor, refutat, ex eo quod innatam Plato animam dixerit, et proinde aeternam, sine temporis initio. PAM.

(56) "From the length, he says, of time." He alludes to those words of Plato in the Phaedo: "Is it not recollection, especially when it happens to someone about things which, through time and because he had not seen them for long [he had forgotten]?" for which the Author rendered "from the length of time". But the Author finely refutes this too, from Plato's having called the soul unborn, and therefore eternal, without beginning in time. PAM.

(printed under page 370) (57) Idearum et oblitus et recordatus est. Locus est in Platone, qui primus idearum somnia in lucem emisit, scripto ejus argumenti dialogo, quem Parmenidem inscripsit, et frequentissima alibi earum mentione injecta, quemadmodum etiam supra adnotavimus. PAM.

(57) "He both forgot and remembered the Ideas." The passage is in Plato, who first brought the dreams of the Ideas to light, writing a dialogue on that subject which he entitled Parmenides, and making very frequent mention of them elsewhere, as we also noted above. PAM.

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running head: 731 TERTULLIANI OPERUM PARS II. — (cut off at right edge)
marginal letters: A lingua genas ejus emaculans; B tualium praelatione. Igitur; C quasi exinde tempus anima sustineat; D reginae mansuetudine eruditus leo (in Commentarius)
old-edition numerals: 689 after homini

PL 2:732

ut nata substantia innatae vim exstinguat. Magnae autem et multae differentiae corporum, pro gentilitate, pro magnitudine, pro habitudine, pro aetate, pro valetudine. Num ergo et oblivionum differentiae aestimabuntur? Sed uniformis oblivio est; ergo non erit corporalitas multiformis in causa exitus uniformis. Multa item documenta, teste ipso Platone, divinationem animae probaverunt, quae proposuimus jam Hermogeni. Sed nec quisquam hominum, non et ipse aliquando praesagam animam suam sentit, aut ominis, aut periculi, aut gaud⟨i⟩i augurem. Si divinationi non obstrepit corpus, nec memoriae, opinor, officiet. In eodem certe corpore, et obliviscuntur animae, et recordantur. Si qua corporis ratio incutit oblivionem, quomodo contrariam ejus admittet recordationem? quia et ip⟨s⟩a post oblivionem recordatio, memoria recidiva est. Quod primae memoriae adversatur, cur non et secundae refragatur? Postremo qui magis remi⟨n⟩iscerentur quam pueruli, ut recentiores animae, ut nondum immersae domesticis ac publicis curis, ut ipsis solis deditae studiis, quorum discentiae reminiscentiae fiunt? Imo cur non ex aequo omnes recordamur, cum ex aequo omnes obliviscamur, sed tantummodo philosophi? Ne hi quidem omnes. Plato scilicet solus in tanta gentium silva, in tanto sapientium prato, idearum et oblitus et recordatus est. Igitur si nullo modo consistit argumentatio ista praecipua, totum illud pariter eversum est, cui accommodata est, ut animae et innatae, et in coelestibus conversatae, et consciae divinorum illic, et inde delatae, et hic recordatae crederentur, ad occasiones plane haereticis subministrandas.

that a born substance should extinguish the power of an unborn one. Moreover, great and many are the differences of bodies, according to race, according to size, according to condition, according to age, according to health. Will there then also be reckoned differences of forgettings? But forgetting is uniform; therefore a multiform corporeality will not be the cause of a uniform outcome. Likewise many proofs, on the testimony of Plato himself, have demonstrated the divination of the soul, which we have already set before Hermogenes. But there is not any man who does not himself also at some time feel his soul to be presaging, an augur either of an omen, or of danger, or of joy. If the body does not obstruct divination, neither, I suppose, will it hinder memory. Certainly in the same body souls both forget and remember. If some condition of the body strikes forgetfulness into them, how will it admit its contrary, remembrance? For remembrance itself, after forgetfulness, is a memory returning. What opposes the first memory, why does it not also resist the second? Lastly, who would remember more than little children, as being more recent souls, as not yet immersed in domestic and public cares, as devoted only to those studies whose learnings become rememberings? Indeed, why do we not all remember equally, since we all forget equally, but only the philosophers? Not even all of these. Plato, of course, alone, in so great a forest of nations, in so great a meadow of wise men, both forgot and remembered the ideas. Therefore, if this principal argument in no way holds, that whole [doctrine] to which it has been fitted is equally overthrown, namely that souls should be believed to be both unborn, and to have dwelt in the heavenly places, and to have been conscious of divine things there, and to have been brought down from there, and to remember here, plainly for supplying occasions to the heretics.

CAPUT XXV.

Chapter XXV.

Jam nunc regrediar ad causam hujus excessus, ut reddam quo⟨m⟩odo animae ex una redundent, quando, et ubi, et qua ratione sumantur: de qua specie nihil refert, a philosopho, an ab haeretico, an a vulgo quaestio occurrat. Nulla interest professoribus veritatis adversariis ejus, maxime

Now I shall return to the cause of this digression, so as to give account of how souls overflow from one, when, and where, and by what reasoning they are taken up: on which aspect it makes no difference whether the question arises from a philosopher, or from a heretic, or from the common people. It makes no difference to the professors of the truth [which of] its adversaries, especially

Editors' notes and page, col. 732

Footnotes

(v29) ‹anchor: Ne hi› · call in col 732

29 Nec hi Lat.

29 "Nec hi": Lat.

Commentarius (printed under page 370)

(57) ‹anchor: et recordatus est› · call in col 732

(printed under page 370)

Page

running head: [cut off]UM PARS II. — SERIES I, POLEMICA. 732
marginal letters: A ut nata substantia innatae; B contrariam ejus admittet recordationem; C pariter eversum est; D (56) Ex multitudine, ait, temporis (beside the Commentarius)
old-edition numerals: 690 after nec
other: running head cut off at left edge; "gaudii", "ipsa", "reminiscerentur", "quomodo" have damaged or faint letters; "animae" in "obliviscuntur animae" and "animae ex una" looks like "auimae" in the scan, taken as a broken n and set animae (UNSURE); Variae lectiones and Commentarius (notes 56-57, Pamelius) at page foot not set; left-column fragments belong to col. 731 and are not set

PL 2:733

⟨men⟩dacibus quam sunt primo isti qui praesu⟨munt n⟩on in utero concipi animam, nec cum ⟨carnis ⟩figulatione compingi atque produci; sed ⟨effuso ⟩jam partu, nondum vivo infanti extrinsecus ⟨imprim⟩i: caeterum, semen ex concubitu mu⟨liebribu⟩s locis sequestratum, motuque naturali ve⟨getatu⟩m compinguescere in solam substantiam ⟨carnis; ⟩eam editam, et de uteri fornace fuman⟨tem e⟩t calore solutam, ut ferrum ignitum, et ⟨ibidem ⟩frigidae immersum, ita aeris rigore percus⟨sam et ⟩vim animalem rapere, et vocalem sonum ⟨reddere⟩. Hoc Stoici cum Aenesidemo, ⟨et ipse ⟩interdum Plato, cum dicit, perinde animam ⟨extrane⟩am alias, et extorrem uteri, prima adspira⟨tione na⟩scentis infantis adduci, sicut ex spiratione ⟨novissi⟩ma educi. Videbimus an sententiam fin⟨xeri⟩t. Ne ex medicis quidem defuit Hicesius, et ⟨naturae ⟩et artis suae praevaricator. Puduit, opi⟨nor, illo⟩s hoc statuere, quod feminae agnoscerent. ⟨Qua⟩nto ruboratior exitus, a feminis re⟨jectos ⟩quam probari? In ista namque specie nemo ⟨id⟩oneus magister, arbiter, testis, quam sexus ⟨ipse. ⟩Respondete, matres, vosque praegnantes, ⟨vosque ⟩puerperae; steriles et masculi taceant; ⟨vestrae ⟩naturae veritas quaeritur, vestrae passionis ⟨fides co⟩nvenitur: an aliquam in foetu sentiatis vi⟨vacitate⟩m, alienam de vestro? de quo palpitent ilia, ⟨micent ⟩latera, tota ventris ambitio pulsetur, ⟨ubique ⟩ponderis regio mutetur? an hi motus gau⟨dia ves⟩tra sint, et certa securitas, quod ita infan⟨tem et ⟩vivere confidatis, et ludere? an si desierit ⟨inquietudo ⟩ejus, illi prius pertimescatis? an et au⟨…⟩a in vobis, cum ad novum sonum excutitur? ⟨an et ⟩ciborum varietates illi desideretis, illi

[more] lying than they are, first of all, are those who presume that the soul is not conceived in the womb, nor compacted and brought forth together with the fashioning of the flesh, but is impressed from outside upon the infant, not yet alive, when the birth has already been poured out; that, for the rest, the seed, sequestered from intercourse in the woman's parts and quickened by natural motion, grows thick into the substance of flesh alone; that this, when brought forth, steaming from the furnace of the womb and loosened by the heat, like a red-hot iron which is then and there plunged into cold water, so, struck by the chill of the air, both seizes the animal power and gives out vocal sound. This the Stoics hold together with Aenesidemus, and at times Plato himself, when he says that the soul, being otherwise foreign and exiled from the womb, is brought in at the first breath of the infant being born, just as it is led out at the last expiration. We shall see whether he has fashioned this opinion. Not even among the physicians was there lacking Hicesius, a betrayer both of nature and of his own art. They were ashamed, I suppose, to lay down what women would recognize. How much more shameful an outcome, to be rejected by women than to be approved! For in this kind of matter no one is a fit teacher, judge, witness, than the sex itself. Answer, you mothers, and you who are pregnant, and you who have newly given birth; let the barren and the males keep silent; it is the truth of your nature that is sought, the faithfulness of your experience that is summoned: whether you feel in the foetus any liveliness foreign to your own? from which the flanks throb, the sides quiver, the whole compass of the belly is struck, everywhere the region of the weight shifts? whether these motions are your joys and a sure security, that you are confident the infant thus both lives and plays? whether, if its restlessness ceases, you fear for it first? whether it [hears] in you, when it is startled at a new sound? whether you long for varieties of food for it, for it

Editors' notes and page, col. 733

Footnotes

NOTE: the left-column image is cropped at its left edge; the first letters (up to about two words) of each line of the left half are lost. Lost text is marked ⟨…⟩; letters supplied with confidence (known quotation or certain word) are set inside ⟨ ⟩. Note numbers (58)–(60) are cut off and inferred from (61). English for lost stretches is bracketed conjecture. The Greek forms in variants 41 are small and blurred in the scan; read as best seen. Variae lectiones (printed under page 371)

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⟨30 …⟩ add. Pam. Rhen.

30 [word lost at the image edge] added by Pam., Rhen.

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31 Duci Fran.

31 "Duci": Fran.

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32 Sententia fixerit vult Rig.

32 Rig. would have "Sententia fixerit".

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33 Roboratior Pam. Rhen.

33 "Roboratior" (stronger): Pam., Rhen.

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34 Et omitt. ⟨…⟩

34 "Et" omitted by [sigla lost at the image edge].

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⟨35⟩ Vanitates Rhen. Pam. Rig.

35 "Vanitates" (vanities): Rhen., Pam., Rig.

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36 Usque eo omitt. Lat. eo de omitt. Rhen. Pam.

36 "Usque eo" omitted by Lat.; "eo de" omitted by Rhen., Pam.

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37 Omnis Fran.

37 "Omnis": Fran.

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38 ⟨…⟩ Fran.

38 [reading lost at the image edge]: Fran.

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39 Anulo cultrato Rhen. Pam.

39 "Anulo cultrato" (with a bladed ring): Rhen., Pam.

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40 Pecus Fran. Pam. item. adtrahitur.

40 "Pecus" (beast): Fran., Pam.; likewise "adtrahitur" (is drawn).

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41 Ἐμβρυονέκτην Lat. ⟨…⟩κτην Fran. ἐμβρυοπάκτην alii. ἐμβρυοσέκτην. cod. Agobard.

41 "Embryonektēn": Lat.; "[…]ktēn": Fran.; "embryopaktēn": others; "embryosektēn": the Agobard codex.

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⟨(58)⟩ Non in utero concipi animam, etc. Stoicis ⟨…⟩ hanc opinionem Tertullianus: at Aetius ⟨…⟩ Diogenem et Hermophilum, imo et Empe⟨…⟩ lib. de Hist. philosophica. LAC.

(58) "That the soul is not conceived in the womb," etc. Tertullian [ascribes] this opinion to the Stoics; but Aetius [adds] Diogenes and Hermophilus, and even Empe[docles], in his book On the History of Philosophy. LAC.

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⟨(59)⟩ Extrinsecus imprimi. Lucretius, lib. III, ex ⟨…⟩a Stoicorum, quos mox allegat Tertullia⟨nu⟩s hoc placito: / ⟨Qu⟩od si forte putas extrinsecus insinuatam / ⟨Per⟩manare animam nobis per membra solere. / ⟨…⟩tur voce imprimi vel insinuari, ne dicerent ⟨…⟩ nasci (Lactant. lib. III. cap. 18). LAC.

(59) "Is stamped from outside." Lucretius, Book III, from [the opinion] of the Stoics, whom Tertullian cites presently, on this tenet: / "But if perhaps you think that, slipped in from outside, / the soul is wont to seep through our limbs." / [He uses] the word "be stamped" or "be slipped in", so as not to say [it is] born [with the body] (Lactantius, Book III, ch. 18). LAC.

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⟨(60)⟩ Et vocalem sonum reddere. Putarunt aliqui ⟨…⟩, deturbatam coelesti domicilio, tunc coe⟨…⟩nhabitare terrenum corpus, ac propterea ⟨…⟩n cogi, dolere et flere, ut refert Alexander ⟨…⟩isaeus, problem. 64, dum respondet quae⟨…⟩ Cur infantes, ut primum eduntur, flent? Cu⟨…⟩ solutio: « Quia sensus eorum atque na⟨…⟩ti peregrinatur. Nam e calido, mollique ⟨…⟩ matricis corpore, in aera frigidum exeunt. ⟨…⟩e tamen et a lumine exterreentur, non ut ⟨…⟩aiunt, quod anima coelestium regionum extorris terrenum corpus inhabitet, atque ideo flere infantes cogantur. » Similem causam fletus infantilis putat Soranus Ephesius Isagoges 17. LAC.

(60) "And to give out a voiced sound." Some thought that [the soul], thrown down from its heavenly dwelling, then [began] to inhabit an earthly body, and therefore [the infant] is compelled to grieve and weep, as Alexander [of Aphrod]isias relates, Problems 64, answering the [question]: "Why do infants weep as soon as they are born?" Whose solution is: "Because their senses and nature are on a journey [into a strange place]. For from the warm and soft [body] of the womb they come out into cold air. [And] they are frightened also by the light, not, as [some] say, because the soul, an exile from the heavenly regions, inhabits an earthly body, and so infants are compelled to weep." Soranus of Ephesus, Isagoge 17, thinks the cause of infant weeping similar. LAC.

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(printed under page 371) (61) Hicesius et naturae et artis suae praevaricator. Hicesius medicus negabat in utero concipi animam, dicebatque effuso jam partu nondum vivo infanti extrinsecus imprimi, prima scilicet aspiratione. Hinc naturae et artis suae praevaricatorem esse ait Septimius: naturae, quia foetum in utero vivere jam animatum praegnantes adfirment et signa certissima demonstrent artis, quia medici ipsi, quoties necesse est conceptum utero infantem extrahere violento puerperio, non prius detruncare membra solent, quam jugulaverint, viventem jam utique et animatum. RIG.

(61) "Hicesius, betrayer both of nature and of his own art." The physician Hicesius denied that the soul is conceived in the womb, and said it is stamped from outside on the infant, not yet alive, once the birth has been delivered, namely by its first breath. Hence Septimius calls him a betrayer of nature and of his art: of nature, because pregnant women affirm that the foetus lives in the womb already ensouled, and the surest signs show it; of his art, because physicians themselves, whenever it is necessary to extract an infant conceived in the womb by a violent delivery, do not cut off its limbs before they have killed it, plainly already living and ensouled. RIG.

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(printed under page 371) (62) Ruboratior exitus. Exitum ruboratiorem dicit eventum, ex quo plus ruboris ac pudoris incutiatur. RIG.

(62) "A more blush-making outcome." He calls an outcome "more blush-making" from which more blushing and shame is caused. RIG.

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(printed under page 371) (63) Tota ventris ambitio. Eodem significatu Hieronymus, epist. ad Principiam dixit: « Interiora membra obvolvuntur Ecclesias, et tota uteri tegitur ambitio, » hoc est totus uterus, totus venter. RIG.

(63) "The whole compass of the belly." In the same sense Jerome said, in the letter to Principia: "The inner members of the Churches are wrapped, and the whole compass of the womb is covered", that is, the whole womb, the whole belly. RIG.

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Page

running head: LIBER DE ANIMA. (column number cut away with the binding margin)
marginal letters: A ‹dacibus quam sunt primo›; B ‹na educi. Videbimus›; C ‹tra sint, et certa securitas›; D ‹Extrinsecus imprimi (commentary)›
old-edition numerals: 691 after ‹reddere (60).›
other: Scan is cut at the binding: every line of the column loses its first letters; all ⟨ ⟩ supplements are conjectures from sense, line-end hyphens and the standard text of De anima 25.
other: UNSURE first word: ⟨men⟩dacibus conjectured (⟨au⟩dacibus possible); the continuation from col. 732 should settle it. English supplied as "[more] lying".
other: UNSURE ⟨inquietudo ⟩ before ejus (supplement may be shorter).
other: line "au-" / "…a in vobis": the cut letters could not be conjectured with confidence (standard text: audiat in vobis; the page shows final "a" before "in"); left as gap ⟨…⟩, English "[hears]".

PL 2:734

etiam fastidiatis? an et valetudinibus invicem communicetis? Ille quidem usque eo, de contusionibus vestris, quibus et ipse intus per eadem membra signatur, rapiens sibi injurias matris. Si livor ac rubor sanguinis passio est, sine anima non erit s⟨a⟩nguis: si ⟨v⟩aletudo animae accessio est, sine anim⟨a⟩, non erit valetudo: si alimonia, inedia, crementa, decrem⟨e⟩nta, pavor, motus, tractatio est animae his qui fungitur, vivet. Deni⟨q⟩ue desinit vivere, qui desinit fungi. D⟨e⟩ni⟨q⟩ue et mortui eduntur; quomodo, nisi et vivi? Qui autem et mortui, nisi qui prius vivi? Atquin et in ipso adhuc utero infans trucidatur, necessaria crudelitate, cum in exitu obliquatus denegat partum; matricida, ni moriturus. Ita⟨q⟩ue et inter arma medicorum et organon est quo prius patescere secreta coguntur, tortili temperamento, cum anulocultro quo intus membra caeduntur, anxio arbitrio; cum hebete unco, quo totum facinus extrahitur violento puerperio. Est etiam aeneum spiculum, quo jugulatio ipsa dirigitur, caeco latrocinio: ἐμβρυοσφάκτην appellant, de infanticidii officio, utique viventis infantis peremptorium. Hoc et Hippocrates habuit, et Asclepiades, et Erasistratus, et majorum quoque prosector Herophilus, et mitior ipse Soranus, certi animal esse conceptum, atque ita miserti infelicissimae hujusmodi infantiae, ut prius occidatur, ne viva lanietur. De qua sceleris necessitate nec dubitabat, credo, Hicesius, jam natis animam superducens ex a⟨e⟩ris frigidi pulsu, quia et ipsum vocabulum animae penes Graecos de refrigeratione respondeat. Num ergo Barbarae Romanaeque gentes aliter animantur, quia animam aliud qui⟨d⟩, quam ψυχὴν cognominaverunt? Quantae vero

you even feel nausea? or that you share illnesses with one another? He indeed [shares] to such a degree in your bruises, with which he too is marked within on the same limbs, seizing for himself the injuries of the mother. If livid colour and redness are an affection of the blood, there will be no blood without a soul; if illness is an accession of the soul, without a soul there will be no illness; if nourishment, starvation, growth, decline, fear and movement are a handling of the soul, he who performs these will live. In short, he ceases to live who ceases to perform [them]. In short, the dead too are brought forth; how, unless the living also? And who are the dead, unless those who were living before? And yet even while still in the womb itself the infant is slaughtered, by a necessary cruelty, when, lying crosswise at the exit, it refuses birth; a matricide, unless it is to die. Therefore among the instruments of physicians there is also an instrument by which the hidden parts are first forced to open, with a twisting adjustment, together with a ring-knife by which the limbs within are cut, with anxious judgement, together with a blunt hook by which the whole deed is drawn out in a violent delivery. There is also a bronze spike, by which the throat-cutting itself is directed, a blind assassination: they call it embryosphaktes, from its office of infanticide, certainly destructive of a living infant. This Hippocrates also had, and Asclepiades, and Erasistratus, and Herophilus too, the dissector of adults, and the milder Soranus himself, being certain that what is conceived is a living being, and so pitying the most unhappy infancy of this kind, that it might first be killed, lest it be torn apart alive. Hicesius, I believe, had no doubt either about this necessity of the crime, bringing the soul upon those already born from the impact of cold air, because even the very word for soul among the Greeks corresponds to cooling. Are barbarian and Roman peoples then animated differently, because they have named the soul something other than psyche? How many indeed

Editors' notes and page, col. 734

Footnotes

(v42) ‹anchor: de refrigeratione respondeat› · call in col 734

42 Respondens Rhen. Pam.

42 "Respondens" (corresponding): Rhen., Pam.

Commentarius (printed under page 371)

Page

running head: [D]E ANIMA. 734 (left edge of head cut off in image)
marginal letters: (none)
old-edition numerals: 692 after moriturus.
other: several letters damaged or broken (sanguis, valetudo, anima, decrementa, Denique twice, Itaque, aeris, quid), supplied in ⟨ ⟩; Greek ἐμβρυοσφάκ-την is hyphenated across a line and has been joined; the variant readings (Lectiones) and the editors' Commentarius notes (61)–(63) at the page foot are not set; no marginal letters visible because the left edge of the images is cut off

PL 2:735

nationes sub ferventissimo axe censentur, colorem quoque excoctae? unde illis a⟨n⟩ima, quibus aeris rigor nullus? Taceo cubiculares aestus, et omnem illic caloris paraturam enitentibus necessariam, quas adflari vel m⟨a⟩xime periculum est. In ipsis pene balneis foetus elabitur, et statim vagitus auditur. Caeterum, si aeris rigor thesaurus est animae, extra Germanias, et Alpes, et Argaeos nemo debuit nasci. Atquin et populi frequentiores apud orientalem et meridialem temperaturam, et ingenia expeditiora, omnibus Sarmatis etiam mente torpentibus. Et animi enim de rigoribus scitiores provenirent, si animae de frigus⟨c⟩ulis evenirent: cum substantia en⟨i⟩m et vis. His ita praestructis, possumus illos quoque recogitare, qui exsecto matris utero vivi aerem hauserunt, Liberi aliqui et Scipiones. Quod si qui, ut Plato, perinde non putat duas animas in unum convenire, sicut nec corpora, ego illi non modo duas animas in unum congestas ostendissem, sicut et corpora in foetibus, verum et alia multa cum anima conserta, daemonis scilicet, nec unius, ut in Socrate ipso; verum et septenarii spiritus, ut in Magdalena; et l⟨e⟩gionarii numeri, ut in Geraseno, quo facilius anima cum anima conseretur ex societate substantiae, quam spiritus nequam ex diversitate naturae. At idem in sexto Legum, monens cavere ne vitiatio seminis ex aliqua vilitate concubitus labem corpori et animae supparet, nescio de pristinis magis, an de ista sententia sibi exciderit. Ostendit enim animam de semine induci, quod curari monet, non de prima aspiratione nascentis Unde, ⟨o⟩ro te, similitudine animae quoque parentibus de ingeniis respondemus, sec⟨u⟩ndum Cleanthis testimonium, si non ex animae

nations are reckoned under the most scorching sky, baked even in their colour? Whence do they have a soul, they for whom there is no chill of the air? I say nothing of the heat of bedchambers, and all that provision of warmth there which is necessary for women in labour, for whom to be blown upon by the air is the greatest danger of all. Almost in the very baths the foetus slips out, and at once a wailing is heard. Besides, if the chill of the air is the treasury of the soul, no one ought to have been born outside the Germanies and the Alps and the Argaei. Yet the peoples are both more numerous in the eastern and southern climate, and their minds more nimble, while all the Sarmatians are sluggish even in mind. For minds too would come out sharper from frosts, if souls came about from little chills: for with the substance goes the force also. These things being thus laid down beforehand, we can also reconsider those who drew in the air alive when their mother's womb had been cut open, some Liberi and the Scipios. But if anyone, like Plato, likewise does not think that two souls come together into one, just as bodies do not either, I would have shown him not only two souls gathered into one, as also bodies in foetuses, but also many other things joined together with the soul, namely of a demon, and not of a single one, as in Socrates himself; but also of a sevenfold spirit, as in the Magdalene; and of the number of a legion, as in the Gerasene, by which a soul is more easily joined with a soul, from fellowship of substance, than an evil spirit, from diversity of nature. But the same man in the sixth book of the Laws, warning to beware lest the corruption of the seed through some baseness of intercourse should attach a stain to body and soul, I do not know whether he has lost hold more of his earlier opinions or of this one. For he shows that the soul is brought in from the seed, which he warns should be cared for, not from the first breathing of the one being born. Whence, I ask you, do we answer to our parents also in likeness of soul in respect of temperament, according to the testimony of Cleanthes, if it is not from the soul's

Editors' notes and page, col. 735

Footnotes

Variae lectiones (printed under page 372)

(v43) ‹anchor: anima conseretur› · call in col 735

43 Censeretur Seml. Rhen. Oberth. cod. Ursini.

43 "Censeretur" (would be reckoned): Seml., Rhen., Oberth., the codex of Ursinus.

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44 Pristina Rhen. Pam.

44 "Pristina": Rhen., Pam.

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45 Status cod. Wouw.

45 "Status": the codex of Wouwer.

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46 Aedificem Pam. Rhen. Gagnae.

46 "Aedificem" (let me build): Pam., Rhen., Gagny.

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(printed under page 372) (64) Alpes et Argaeos. Cum Alpibus jungit Argaeum sive Argaeos montes in Cappadocia, quoniam perpetuis nivibus, sicuti Alpes, mons iste obducitur. LE PR.

(64) "The Alps and the Argaei." He joins with the Alps Argaeus, or the Argaean mountains, in Cappadocia, because that mountain, like the Alps, is covered with perpetual snows. LE PR.

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(printed under page 372) (65) Liberi aliqui et Scipiones. Scipio Africanus prior caeso Pomponiae matris utero natus est. Liber e Jovis semine exsectus quoque dicitur, unde fabula. Quamquam per Liberi gentis aut familiae Romanae nomen quidam explicant. Caesares a caeso pariter matris utero dictos nemo non putat, cum tamen ante Caesarum gentem Claudium Caesarem exstitisse dicat ante bellum Samnitium Plinius. Caesones quoque dicebantur qui caeso matris utero nascebantur, ut Scipio. LE PR.

(65) "Some Libers and Scipios." Scipio Africanus the elder was born by cutting open the womb of his mother Pomponia. Liber too is said to have been cut out from the seed of Jupiter, whence the fable. Some, however, explain "Liberi" as the name of a Roman clan or family. Everyone supposes that the Caesars likewise were named from a cut (caeso) mother's womb, though Pliny says that a Claudius Caesar existed before the Caesarian clan, before the Samnite war. Those born by cutting the mother's womb were also called Caesones, like Scipio. LE PR.

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(printed under page 372) (66) Ut Plato, perinde non putat, etc. Unicam simplicemque animam cuique corpori inesse, affirmabat Plato, neque duas in eodem simul homine admittebat. Chrysippo illud tribuit Tertull. superius. LE PR.

(66) "As Plato, he does not likewise think," etc. Plato affirmed that a single and simple soul is in each body, and did not admit two at once in the same man. Tertullian attributed that above to Chrysippus. LE PR.

(printed under page 372)

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(printed under page 372) (67) Sed omnis inaequalitas sententiae humanae usque ad Dei terminos. Quasi diceret: Sed fuerint inaequales, incertae et inconstantes hominum de anima sententiae neque ad divina testimonia. RIG.

(67) "But every unevenness of human opinion [reaches only] as far as God's boundaries." As if he said: but let men's opinions about the soul have been uneven, uncertain and inconsistent, and not [measured] against the divine testimonies. RIG.

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(printed under page 372) (68) De tuo frater fundamento fidem aedifica. Jam alloquitur christianum, cujus fundamentum appellat sacram Scripturam; cui pro fundamento sacrarum Scripturarum testimonia suggerit. RIG.

(68) "Build faith, brother, on your own foundation." Now he addresses the Christian, whose foundation he calls sacred Scripture; and he offers him the testimonies of the sacred Scriptures for a foundation. RIG.

(printed under page 372)

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(printed under page 372) (69) Aspice viventes uteros. Galenus quoque eadem probatione argumentum capit, sed intra suas lineas, ex profanis exemplis confirmans foetum animatum in utero, libro quem scripsit: « An animal sit quod in utero est. » LAC.

(69) "Look at living wombs." Galen too draws an argument from the same proof, but within his own lines, confirming from profane examples that the foetus in the womb is ensouled, in the book he wrote, "Whether what is in the womb is a living being." LAC.

(printed under page 372)

(70) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

(printed under page 372) (70) Ecce viscera Rebeccae. Late prosequitur historiam Gen. XX, de Rebecca et duobus ejus filiis, tum in utero, tum in partu, qui nisi jam animati non potuissent pugnas illas intentare. PAM.

(70) "Behold Rebecca's womb." He follows at length the story of Gen. 20 [so printed], of Rebecca and her two sons, both in the womb and at the birth, who could not have waged those fights unless already ensouled. PAM.

(printed under page 372) (71) De prima aspiratione potabat Platonico more. Alii portabat. Alludit ad dicta capite praeced. ubi Platoni imputavit animam primum trahi spiratione. LAC.

(71) "He was drinking in from the first breath, in Plato's way." Others read "portabat". He alludes to what was said in the preceding chapter, where he imputed to Plato that the soul is first drawn in by breathing. LAC.

(printed under page 372) (72) De aeris rigore carpebat Stoica forma. Etiam recipit ea, quae superiori capitulo Stoicis tribuit, post natum puerum rapere animam aeris rigore repercussum. LAC.

(72) "Was catching it from the chill of the air, in the Stoic fashion." He takes up again what in the preceding chapter he attributed to the Stoics: that the child, after birth, seizes its soul when struck by the chill of the air. LAC.

(printed under page 372) (73) Aspice etiam singulares conceptus. Similiter etiam hic conceptus Joannis Baptistae et Christi, et mutuam agitationem infantium adhuc in utero, de quibus Lucas, II, c. PAM.

(73) "Look also at singular conceptions." Likewise here too the conceptions of John the Baptist and of Christ, and the mutual stirring of the infants while still in the womb, of which Luke tells, ch. 2. PAM.

(printed under page 372)

Page

running head: 735 TERTULLIANI OPERUM PARS II. — S[...] (cut off at right edge)
marginal letters: A ‹nationes sub ferventissimo axe›; B ‹matris utero vivi aerem hauserunt›; C ‹nescio de pristinis magis›; D ‹prior caeso Pomponiae matris utero (in Commentarius)›
old-edition numerals: 693 after ‹et› (before Scipiones)

PL 2:736

semine educimur? Cur autem et veteres astrologi genituram hominis ab initio conceptus digerebant si non exinde et anima est, ad quam aeque pertinet si quid est flatus?

seed that we are drawn out? And why too did the ancient astrologers set out a man's nativity from the beginning of his conception, if the soul too is not from then onwards, to which whatever breath there is belongs equally?

CAPUT XXVI.

Chapter XXVI.

Sed omnis inaequalitas sententiae humanae usque ad Dei terminos: in nostras jam lineas gradum colligam ut quod philosophis medicisque respondi, Christiano probem. De tuo, frater, fundamento fidem aedifica; Aspice viventes uteros sanctissimarum feminarum, nec modo spirantes jam illic infantes, verum etiam prophetantes. Ecce (Gen. XXV) viscera Rebeccae inquietantur, et longe adhuc partus, et aeris nullus impulsus. Ecce duplex fetus in locis matris tumultuantur, et nusquam adhuc populi duo. Portentosa forsitan petulantia infantiae, ante certantis quam viventis, ante animosae quam animatae, si tantummodo matrem subsultando turbasset. At cum partus aperitur, et numerus inspicitur, et auguratus recognoscitur, puto, jam non animae solummodo probantur infantium, sed et pugnae. Detinebatur qui praevenerat nasci a praevento, nec dum plenius edito, tantum manu nato. Et si ipse animam de prima aspiratione potabat Platonico more, aut de aeris rigore carpebat Stoica forma, quid ille qui exspectabatur, qui adhuc intus detinebatur et foris jam detinebat? Nondum, opinor, spirans plantam fratris invaserat, etiam nunc calens matre se priorem prodisse cupiebat. O infantem et aemulum, et validum, et olim contentiosum! Credo quia vivum. Aspice (Luc. I) etiam singulares conceptus, et quidem monstrosiores, sterilis et virginis, quae vel hoc ipso imperfectos edere potuis⟨sent⟩

But every unevenness of human opinion [goes only] as far as the boundaries of God: I shall now draw my step back into our own lines, so that what I have answered to the philosophers and physicians I may prove to the Christian. Build your faith, brother, on your own foundation. Look at the living wombs of the holiest women, and at infants not only already breathing there but even prophesying. Behold (Gen. 25), the womb of Rebecca is troubled, and the birth is still far off, and there is no impulse of air. Behold, a twofold offspring is in tumult in the mother's parts, and as yet the two peoples are nowhere. Perhaps it would have been a portentous wantonness of infancy, struggling before living, spirited before animated, if it had merely troubled the mother by leaping. But when the womb is opened, and the number is seen, and the augury is recognized, then, I think, not only the souls of the infants are proved, but also their fights. He who had got ahead to be born was held back by the one he had forestalled, not yet fully brought forth, born only as far as the hand. And if he drank in his soul from his first breath in the Platonic manner, or plucked it from the cold of the air in the Stoic fashion, what of the one who was being waited for, who was still held back within and was already holding [the other] back outside? Not yet breathing, I suppose, he had seized his brother's sole; while still warm from his mother he desired to come out first. O infant both rival and strong, and already then contentious! I believe it because he was alive. Look also (Luke 1) at singular conceptions, and indeed more prodigious ones, of a barren woman and of a virgin, who by this very fact could have brought forth imperfect offspring

Editors' notes and page, col. 736

Footnotes

(v45) ‹anchor: si quid est flatus› · call in col 736

45 Status cod. Wouw.

45 "Status": Wouwer's manuscript.

(v46) ‹anchor: fidem aedifica› · call in col 736

46 Ædificem Pam. Rhen. Gagnæ.

46 "Aedificem": Pamelius, Rhenanus, Gagny.

(v47) ‹anchor: prima aspiratione› · call in col 736

47 Spiratione Pam. Rhen.

47 "Spiratione": Pam., Rhen.

Commentarius (printed under page 372)

(67) ‹anchor: usque ad Dei terminos› · call in col 736

Sed omnis inæqualitas sententiæ humanæ usque ad Dei terminos. Quasi diceret : Sed fuerint inæquales, incertæ et inconstantes hominum de anima sententiæ neque ad divina testimonia. Rig.

"But every unevenness of human opinion as far as the boundaries of God." As if he said: but let men's opinions about the soul have been uneven, uncertain and inconstant, and not [reaching] as far as the divine testimonies. Rigaltius.

(printed under page 372)

(68) ‹anchor: fundamento fidem aedifica› · call in col 736

De tuo frater fundamento fidem ædifica. Jam alloquitur christianum, cujus fundamentum appellat sacram Scripturam; cui pro fundamento sacrarum Scripturarum testimonia suggerit. Rig.

"Build your faith, brother, on your own foundation." He now addresses the Christian, whose foundation he calls holy Scripture; and to him he offers the testimonies of the holy Scriptures as a foundation. Rigaltius.

(printed under page 372)

(69) ‹anchor: Aspice viventes uteros› · call in col 736

Aspice viventes uteros. Galenus quoque eadem probatione argumentum capit, sed intra suas lineas, ex profanis exemplis confirmans fœtum animatum in utero, libro quem scripsit : « An animal sit quod in utero est. » Lac.

"Look at the living wombs." Galen too draws an argument from the same proof, but within his own lines, confirming from profane examples that the foetus in the womb is animate, in the book he wrote, "Whether what is in the womb is a living being." La Cerda.

(printed under page 372)

(70) ‹anchor: viscera Rebeccae› · call in col 736

Ecce viscera Rebeccæ. Late prosequitur historiam Gen. XX, de Rebecca et duobus ejus filiis, tum in utero, tum in partu, qui nisi jam animati non potuissent pugnas illas intentare. Pam.

"Behold, the womb of Rebecca." He follows at length the story in Gen. 20 [as printed; the text cites Gen. 25] of Rebecca and her two sons, both in the womb and at birth, who could not have set about those fights unless they were already animate. Pamelius.

(printed under page 372)

(71) ‹anchor: Platonico more› · call in col 736

De prima aspiratione potabat Platonico more. Alii portabat. Alludit ad dicta capite præced. ubi Platoni imputavit animam primum trahi spiratione. Lac.

"He drank in [his soul] from his first breath in the Platonic manner." Others [read] "portabat". He alludes to what was said in the preceding chapter, where he attributed to Plato [the view] that the soul is first drawn in by breathing. La Cerda.

(printed under page 372)

(72) ‹anchor: Stoica forma› · call in col 736

De aeris rigore carpebat Stoica forma. Etiam recipit ea, quæ superiori capitulo Stoicis tribuit, post natum puerum rapere animam aeris rigore repercussum. Lac.

"He plucked it from the cold of the air in the Stoic fashion." He also takes up what in the previous chapter he attributed to the Stoics: that the child, once born, snatches its soul when struck by the cold of the air. La Cerda.

(printed under page 372)

(73) ‹anchor: singulares conceptus› · call in col 736

Aspice etiam singulares conceptus. Similiter etiam hic conceptus Joannis Baptistæ et Christi, et mutuam agitationem infantium adhuc in utero, de quibus Lucas, II, c. Pam.

"Look also at singular conceptions." Likewise here too [he means] the conceptions of John the Baptist and of Christ, and the stirring of the infants towards each other while still in the womb, of which Luke [writes], chapter II [as printed]. Pamelius.

(printed under page 372)

Page

running head: [...]M PARS II. — SERIES I, POLEMICA.
marginal letters: A semine educimur? Cur autem; B impulsus. Ecce duplex fetus; C plantam fratris invaserat; D neas, ex profanis exemplis (in the commentary)
old-edition numerals: 694 after turbasset.
other: running head cut off at left edge; damaged but legible type read as digerebant, medicisque, Ecce, prima, se, prodisse; "contentiosum !" printed with a broken exclamation mark; full-width headings "Variae lectiones" and "Commentarius" at page foot cut off at left edge, not set; variants 45–47 and commentary notes (67)–(73) called in this column are set above; left-column fragments belong to column 735; column ends mid-word potuis- (tail lost in the binding cut at the top of col 737)

PL 2:737

⟨p⟩ro eversione naturae, ut altera semini stu⟨deret, a⟩ltera intacta. Decebat, si forte, sine anima ⟨esse⟩ qui fuerant non rite concepti; sed et illi ⟨exsiliunt⟩ in suo quisque utero. Exsultat Elisabeth, ⟨Joanne⟩s intus impulerat: glorificat Dominum Maria ⟨Christu⟩s intus instinxerat. Agnoscunt matres suos ⟨quaequ⟩e fetus, agnitae mutuo ab ipsis utique vi⟨vi⟩s, qui non tantum animae erant, verum et ⟨spiritu⟩s. Sic et ad Jeremiam legis Dei vocem ⟨(Jer⟩. I): Prius quam te in utero fingerem, novi ⟨te. Si⟩ fingit Deus in utero, et afflat ex primordii ⟨forma⟩ (Gen. I): Et finxit Deus honinem, et flavit in ⟨eum fla⟩tum vitae; nec nosset autem hominem Deus ⟨in uter⟩o, nisi totum: Et priusquam exires de vulva, ⟨sanctif⟩icavi te: et mortuum adhuc corpus? Utique ⟨nequaqu⟩am; Deus enim (Matth. XXII), vivorum, non ⟨mortu⟩orum.

by an overturning of nature, that the one should strive after the seed, the other remain untouched. It would have been fitting, if perhaps, for those to be without a soul who had not been conceived in due form; but they too leap up, each in his own womb. Elisabeth exults: John had stirred her within; Mary glorifies the Lord: Christ had prompted her within. The mothers recognize each her own offspring, being recognized in turn by them, who were assuredly living, who were not only souls but also spirits. So too you read to Jeremiah the voice of God's law (Jer. 1:5): "Before I formed you in the womb, I knew you." If God forms in the womb, He also breathes in, as from the form of the beginning (Gen. 2:7): "And God formed man, and breathed into him the breath of life"; nor indeed would God have known man in the womb unless whole: "And before you came forth from the womb, I sanctified you"; and was it a body still dead? By no means; for God is the God (Matt. 22:32) of the living, not of the dead.

CAPUT XXVII.

CHAPTER XXVII.

⟨Quo⟩modo igitur animal conceptum? simulne con⟨flata u⟩triusque substantia corporis animaeque, an ⟨altera⟩ earum praecedente? imo simul ambas et ⟨concipi⟩, et confici, et perfici dicimus, sicut et ⟨pro⟩mi, nec ullum intervenire momentum in ⟨concep⟩tu, quo locus ordinetur. Recogita enim ⟨de novi⟩ssimis prima, si mors non aliud determina⟨tur⟩, quam disjunctio corporis animaeque; con⟨traria⟩ morti vita non aliud definietur, quam con⟨junctio⟩ corporis animaeque. Si disjunctio simul ⟨utrique⟩ substantiae accidit per mortem, hoc debet

How, then, is a living being conceived? Is the substance of both body and soul fused together at once, or does one of them go before? Rather, we say that both are at once conceived and made and perfected, just as they are also brought forth, and that no moment intervenes in the conception by which a place [of precedence] might be assigned. Consider, then, the first things from the last: if death is defined as nothing other than the separation of body and soul, life, the contrary of death, will be defined as nothing other than the conjunction of body and soul. If the separation befalls both substances at once through death, this ought

Editors' notes and page, col. 737

Footnotes

NOTE: the left-column image is cropped at its left edge; the first letters (up to about two words) of each line of the left half are lost. Lost text is marked ⟨…⟩. Note numbers (74), (75), (77), (78) are cut off and inferred from the call (76) in the text and (79). English for lost stretches is bracketed conjecture. Variae lectiones (printed under page 373)

(v48) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

⟨48 …⟩minis Pam. Fran.

48 "[…]minis" [probably a form of "seminis", of the seed]: Pam., Fran.

(printed under page 373)

(v49) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

49 Forte sic, pro si, legendum. Edd.

49 Perhaps "sic" should be read for "si". Edd.

(printed under page 373)

(v50) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

50 Tunc abest Paris.

50 "Tunc" is lacking in the Paris edition.

(printed under page 373)

(74) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

⟨(74)⟩ Sic et ad Jeremiam, etc. Ad ejusdem rei ⟨…⟩bationem, etiam Jeremiae prophetae ex cap. I ⟨…⟩nium affert, idipsum conferens cum saepis⟨…⟩tato loco Gen. I. PAM.

(74) "So also to Jeremiah," etc. For the [pro]of of the same thing he brings also the [testi]mony of the prophet Jeremiah from ch. 1, comparing it with the very often [ci]ted passage of Gen. 1. PAM.

(printed under page 373)

(75) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

⟨(75)⟩ Simul ambas et concipi et confici, etc. Hic ⟨…⟩ et cap. 36 paradoxum suum effundit Ter⟨…⟩s, quod supra, cap. 9 et 22, insinuaverat ⟨…⟩gatione animarum simul cum semine ex ⟨…⟩ traduce. In eamdem opinionem cogit Ruffi⟨…⟩ctantium, dubius et ipse Ruffinus. Cujus ⟨…⟩a per compendium collecta ex Hieronymo ⟨…⟩. II, in Ruffinum. LAC.

(75) "That both are at once conceived and completed," etc. Here [and in chs. …] and 36 Tertullian pours out his paradox, which he had hinted above, chs. 9 and 22, of the [propa]gation of souls together with the seed from [the parent] stock. Rufinus, himself also in doubt, forces [La]ctantius into the same opinion. Whose [words are] gathered in brief from Jerome, [Book] II, Against Rufinus. LAC.

(printed under page 373)

(76) ‹anchor: in concep⟨tu⟩› · call in col 737

⟨(76)⟩ Nec ullum intervenire momentum in conce⟨…⟩. Hoc est, non posse in conceptu inter ani⟨…⟩t corpus existendi ordinem constitui, aut ⟨…⟩ri; prior illa exstiterit, necne; primum illa ⟨…⟩obtineat, an secundum; praecedat illa corpus, ⟨…⟩sequatur. Ipse Tertull. lib. de Resurrect. ⟨…⟩: « Caro atque anima simul fiunt sine calculo ⟨…⟩is, contemperant foetu, coaetant natu. » RIG.

(76) "Nor does any moment intervene in the conception." That is, in the conception no order of existing can be fixed between soul and body, or [said whether] the soul existed first or not; whether it holds the first [place] or the second; whether it precedes the body or follows it. Tertullian himself, On the Resurrection [ch. …]: "Flesh and soul come to be together without a reckoning [of time]; they are tempered together in the foetus, they are of equal age at birth." RIG.

(printed under page 373)

(77) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

⟨(77)⟩ Si mors non aliud determinatur. Non induci⟨…⟩ hoc argumento animas cum corpore semina⟨…⟩l solum conjunctas; quod fieri potest per ⟨…⟩em. De argumento isto iterum Tertullianus, ⟨…⟩. LAC.

(77) "If death is defined as nothing else." By this argument he does not establish that souls are sown with the body, [but] only joined to it, which can happen through [creation]. Tertullian [treats] this argument again, [ch. …]. LAC.

(printed under page 373)

(78) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

⟨(78)⟩ Vitam a conceptu agnoscimus, quia ani⟨…⟩te. Falsissimum hoc esse commentatur Pa⟨…⟩ quia secundum physicorum medicorumque ⟨…⟩am nonnisi quadragesima die animatur ma⟨…⟩ foemina vero die 80. Non tamen ita falso ⟨…⟩anus, quin multi verum crediderint, adeo lentam et pigram naturam non credentes in beneficio vitae conferendo. LAC. — Opinionem Tertulliani amplexi sunt, post S. Basilium et Congiamilam, plerique recentiores, inter quos P. J. C. Breyne in opere cui titulus: Essai sur la théologie morale considérée dans ses rapports avec la physiologie et la médecine. EDD.

(78) "We recognize life from conception, because [the soul is from conception]." Pa[melius] comments that this is utterly false, because according to the [opinion] of natural philosophers and physicians the male is ensouled only on the fortieth day, the female on the 80th. Yet [Tertulli]an [judged] not so falsely that many have not believed it true, not believing nature so slow and sluggish in conferring the gift of life. LAC. — Tertullian's opinion has been embraced, after St Basil and Cangiamila, by most recent writers, among them P. J. C. Breyne, in the work entitled "Essay on moral theology considered in its relations with physiology and medicine". EDD.

(printed under page 373)

(79) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

(printed under page 373) (79) Concubitum libido, non conditio, foedavit. Non semper incumbit Septimius isti sententiae, quamquam verissimae. Itaque odio nuptiarum interdum praevaricari videtur. Theano, uxor Pythagorae, mulierem dicebat operatam viro, si quidem proprio, puram statim esse; at si alieno, nunquam fore. RIG.

(79) "Lust, not the created state, defiled intercourse." Septimius does not always hold to this opinion, though most true; so from hatred of marriage he sometimes seems to betray it. Theano, wife of Pythagoras, said that a woman who had lain with a man, if her own, was at once pure; but if another's, never would be. RIG.

(—) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · second note on (79), unnumbered — Concubitum libido, non conditio foedavit. Pulcherrimus locus, de matrimonii statu benedicto apud Deum, de quo latius sub finem lib. I adv. Marc. PAM.

— "Lust, not the created state, defiled intercourse." A most beautiful passage on the state of marriage as blessed before God, on which more fully towards the end of Book I Against Marcion. PAM.

(printed under page 373) (80) Despumatur semen totius hominis. Metaphora illa, a spuma ducta, non insolens est philosophis ac medicis. Aristoteles, lib. II de Gener. Anim. cap. 2: Οἷον δὲ καὶ ὁ ἀφρὸς γίνεται παχύτερος καὶ λευκὸς, veluti spuma fit crassius et album. Pythagoras dicebat apud Plutarchum, lib. V de Plac. Phil. cap. 3: Ἀφρὸν χρηστοτάτου τοῦ αἵματος, Spumam esse utilissimi sanguinis. Omitto Galenum, cap. 9, lib. XIV, de Usu partium. LE PR.

(80) "The seed of the whole man is foamed off." That metaphor, drawn from foam, is not unusual among philosophers and physicians. Aristotle, On the Generation of Animals, Book II, ch. 2: "Just as foam too becomes thicker and white" [the Latin renders: "as foam becomes thicker and white"]. Pythagoras said, in Plutarch, On the Opinions of the Philosophers, Book V, ch. 3: "A foam of the most useful blood" [Latin: "that it is a foam of the most useful blood"]. I pass over Galen, On the Use of the Parts, Book XIV, ch. 9. LE PR.

(printed under page 373) (81) Frigidum nomen est anima Graecorum. Enimvero deducit Tertullianus nomen Graecum ψυχὴ, anima, ab hoc altero ψῦχος, quod frigus Latine sonat. EDD.

(81) "The Greeks' word for soul is a cold one." Indeed Tertullian derives the Greek name psychē, soul, from this other word, psychos, which means "cold" in Latin. EDD.

(printed under page 373)

Page

running head: LIBER DE ANIMA. (column number cut away with the binding margin)
marginal letters: A ‹ro eversione naturae›; B ‹nam; Deus enim (Matth. XXII)›; C ‹corporis animaeque. Si disjunctio simul›; D ‹Nec ullum intervenire momentum (commentary)›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: Scan is cut at the binding: every line of the column loses its first letters; all ⟨ ⟩ supplements are conjectures from sense, line-end hyphens, the commentary lemmata and the standard text of De anima 26–27.
other: UNSURE supplements: ⟨p⟩ro at the head (more letters may be lost; continuation from col. 736 should settle it); ⟨esse⟩; ⟨exsiliunt⟩; ⟨Joanne⟩s and ⟨Christu⟩s (the printed construction is "…s intus impulerat"); ⟨quaequ⟩e; ⟨nequaqu⟩am; ⟨utrique⟩.
misprints kept as printed: "honinem" (for hominem).

PL 2:738

conjunctionis forma mandasse pariter obvenientis per vitam utrique substantiae. Porro vitam a conceptu agnoscimus, quia animam a conceptu vindicamus. Exinde enim vita, quo anima: pariter ergo in vitam compinguntur, quae pariter in mortem separantur. Tunc si alteri primatum damus, alteri secundatum, seminis quoque discernenda sunt tempora, pro statu ordinis; et quando collocabitur corporis semen, quando animae; imo si tempora seminum dividentur, et materiae diversae habebuntur, ex distantia temporum. Nam etsi duas species confitebimur seminis, corporalem et animalem, indiscretas tamen vindicamus, et hoc modo contemporales, ejusdemque momenti. Ne itaque pudeat necessariae interpretationis: natura veneranda est, non erubescenda. Concubitum libido, non conditio foedavit. Excessus, non status est impudicus. Siquidem benedictus status apud Deum (Gen. II): Crescite, et in multitudinem proficite. Excessus vero maledictus, adulteria, et stupra, et lupanaria. In hoc itaque solemni sexuum officio, quod marem ac feminam miscet, in concubitu dico communi, scimus et animam et carnem simul fungi: animam concupiscentia, carnem opera; animam instinctu, carnem actu. Unico igitur impetu utriusque, toto homine concusso, despumatur semen totius hominis, habens ex corporali substantia humorem, ex animali calorem. Et si frigidum nomen est anima Graecorum, quare corpus, exempta ea, friget? Denique, ut adhuc verecundia

to have ordained by the form of a union coming equally through life to each substance. Moreover, we recognize life from conception, because we claim the soul from conception. For life begins from the point at which the soul begins: those things, therefore, are joined together equally into life which are separated equally in death. Then, if we give first place to the one and second place to the other, the times of the seed must also be distinguished according to the condition of the order; and when the seed of the body will be deposited, and when that of the soul; indeed, if the times of the seeds are to be divided, the materials too will be held to be different, from the distance between the times. For even if we shall confess two kinds of seed, the bodily and the animal, we nevertheless claim them as undivided, and in this way contemporaneous and of the same moment. Let us not therefore be ashamed of a necessary explanation: nature is to be revered, not blushed at. Lust, not the condition of creation, has defiled sexual intercourse. Excess, not the state, is unchaste. For indeed the state is blessed before God (Gen. 2): Increase, and advance into a multitude. But excess is cursed: adulteries, and debaucheries, and brothels. In this solemn office of the sexes, then, which unites male and female, in common intercourse I mean, we know that soul and flesh both perform their function together: the soul by desire, the flesh by deed; the soul by impulse, the flesh by act. By a single impetus of both, therefore, the whole man being shaken, the seed of the whole man is foamed out, having its moisture from the bodily substance, its heat from the animal. And if the soul is a cold name among the Greeks, why does the body grow cold when it is taken away? Finally, so that I may still with modesty

Editors' notes and page, col. 738

Footnotes

(v51) ‹anchor: despumatur semen› · call in col 738

51 Despumat in semen Pam.

51 "Despumat in semen" (foams out into seed): Pam.

Commentarius (printed under page 373)

(80) ‹anchor: totius hominis› · call in col 738

(printed under page 373)

(81) ‹anchor: anima Graecorum› · call in col 738

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Page

running head: LIBER DE ANIMA.
marginal letters: A ‹conjunctionis forma mandasse›; B ‹randa est, non erubescenda›; C ‹frigidum nomen est anima›; D ‹prio, puram statim esse› (beside the Commentarius)
old-edition numerals: 696 after ‹despumatur›

PL 2:739

magis pericliter quam probatione, in illo ipso voluptatis ultimo aestu quo genitale virus expellitur, nonne aliquid de anima quoque sentimus exire, atque adeo marcescimus et devigescimus cum lucis detrimento? Hoc erit semen animale protinus ex animae destillatione, sicut et virus illud corporale semen ex carnis defaecatione. Fidelissima primordii exempla. De limo caro in Adam: quid aliud limus, quam liquor opimus? Inde erit genitale virus. Ex adflatu Dei anima: quid aliud adflatus Dei, quam vapor spiritus? Inde erit, quod per virus illud efflamus. Cum igitur in primordio duo diversa atque divisa, limus et flatus, unum hominem coegissent, confusae substantiae ambae jam in uno semina quoque sua miscuerunt, atque exinde generi propagando formam tradiderunt; ut nunc duo, licet diversa, etiam unita pariter effluant, pariterque insinuata sulco et arvo suo, pariter hominem ex utraque substantia effruticent, in quo rursus semen suum insit secundum genus, sicut omni conditioni genitali praestitutum est. Igitur ex uno homine tota haec animarum redundantia agitur, observante scilicet natura Dei edictum: Crescite, et in multitudinem proficite. Nam et in ipsa praefatione operis unius (Gen. I): faciamus hominem, universa posteritas pluraliter praedicata est: Et praesint piscibus maris. Nihil mirum, repromissio segetis in semine.

rather than with proof run a risk, in that very final heat of pleasure in which the genital fluid is expelled, do we not feel something of the soul also going out, and do we not to that extent grow faint and lose our vigour along with a dimming of the light? This will be the soul-seed, coming straight from a distillation of the soul, just as that fluid is the bodily seed from a draining of the flesh. Most faithful are the examples of the beginning. From clay came the flesh in Adam: what else is clay but a rich liquid? Thence will come the genital fluid. From the breath of God came the soul: what else is the breath of God but a vapour of spirit? Thence will come that which we breathe out through that fluid. Since, therefore, in the beginning two things different and separate, clay and breath, had formed one man, both substances, now blended in one, also mingled their seeds, and thenceforth handed on the pattern to the race for its propagation; so that now the two, though different, also flow forth united together, and, introduced together into their own furrow and field, together bring forth a man from both substances, in whom in turn his own seed is present according to kind, as has been appointed for every generative condition. Therefore from one man this whole abundance of souls is brought about, nature, of course, observing the edict of God: Increase, and advance into a multitude. For even in the very preface of the single work (Gen. 1): Let us make man, all posterity was proclaimed in the plural: And let them be over the fishes of the sea. No wonder: the promise of the crop lies in the seed.

CAPUT XXVIII.

Chapter XXVIII.

Quis ille nunc vetus sermo apud memoriam Platonis de animarum reciproco discursu, quod hinc abeuntes eant illuc, et rursus huc veniant et vivant, et dehinc e vita abeant, rursus ex mortuis effici vivos? Pythagoricus, ut volunt, quin et divinus,

What, now, is that ancient saying in the memory of Plato concerning the reciprocal passage of souls, that departing hence they go thither, and again come hither and live, and then depart from life, and again are made living from the dead? Pythagorean, as they would have it, indeed even divine,

Editors' notes and page, col. 739

Footnotes

Variae lectiones (printed under page 374)

(v52) ‹anchor: redundantia agitur› · call in col 739

52 Agitur abest. Par.

52 "Agitur" is lacking in Par.

(printed under page 374)

(v53) ‹anchor: quin et› · call in col 739

53 Quidam Pam. Rhen.

53 "Quidam" (a certain one): Pam., Rhen.

(printed under page 374)

(v54) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

54 Quosque Jun.

54 "Quosque": Jun.

(printed under page 374)

(82) ‹anchor: ultimo aestu› · call in col 739

(printed under page 374) (82) In illo ipso voluptatis ultimo aestu. Augustinus, lib. XIV de Civ. Dei, cap. 16: « Momento ipso temporis, quo ad ejus pervenitur extremum, pene omnis acies et quasi vigilia cogitationis obruitur. » RIG.

(82) "In that very last heat of pleasure." Augustine, City of God, Book XIV, ch. 16: "At the very moment when its climax is reached, almost all the sharpness and, as it were, the watchfulness of thought is overwhelmed." RIG.

(printed under page 374)

(83) ‹anchor: ex animae destillatione› · call in col 739

(printed under page 374) (83) Ex animae destillatione. Eadem apparet Epicuri sententia, quam nuper transcripsimus. Consentire Tertullianus videtur iis qui undique ex omnibus viventis partibus derivari semen putarunt, quod etiam de corporeis S. Macarius habet, et ex priscis philosophis nonnulli. LAC.

(83) "From a distillation of the soul." The same opinion of Epicurus appears, which we copied out just now. Tertullian seems to agree with those who thought the seed is drawn from every side, from all the parts of the living being; which St Macarius also holds of bodily things, as do some of the ancient philosophers. LAC.

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(84) ‹anchor: memoriam Platonis› · call in col 739

(printed under page 374) (84) Quis illi nunc vetus sermo apud memoriam Platonis. Sic ait Socrates apud Platonem in Phaedone: Παλαιὸς μὲν οὖν ἐστί τις ὁ λόγος αὐτὸς οὗ μεμνήμεθα, ὡς εἰσὶν ἐνθένδε ἀφικόμεναι ἐκεῖ, καὶ πάλιν γε δεῦρο ἀφικνοῦνται, καὶ γίγνονται ἐκ τῶν τεθνεώτων, etc. RIG.

(84) "What is that old saying now, in Plato's recollection." So Socrates speaks in Plato's Phaedo: "There is an ancient saying, which we remember, that they are there, having come from here, and come back here again, and are born from the dead," etc. RIG.

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(printed under page 374) (85) Ut Albinus existimat. Albini Platonici libellus Isagogicus in Platonis Dialogos exstat in bibliotheca Regia. Et Cassiodorus senator Albini de musica librum se in bibliotheca Romae ante gentilem incursionem habuisse commemorat. RIG.

(85) "As Albinus thinks." The introductory booklet to Plato's Dialogues by Albinus the Platonist survives in the Royal Library. And Cassiodorus the senator records that he had Albinus's book on music in a library at Rome before the barbarian invasion. RIG.

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(printed under page 374) (86) Multo antiquior Moyses etiam Saturno, non gentis circiter an. Si quis consideret quod habet Tertullianus Apolog. cap. 19, non mirabitur quod hic Mosen Saturno 900 circiter annis antiquiorem dicat; ibi enim habet Mosen mille circiter an. cladem Priami antecessisse. Nam, uti jam olim respondi ad epistolam hac de re Francisci Balduini I. C. Eusebio, Beda, ac Hermanno Contracto testibus, non nisi 150 annis ante Aeneae in Italiam adventum Saturnus regnasse legitur. Si itaque mille an. cladem Priami antecessit, Moses Saturno profecto antiquior est 900 circiter annis. Scio quidem quosdam alios in alia esse sententia; verum a Josepho haec sumpsisse nostrum auctorem, adnotavimus in Apolog. PAM.

(86) "Moses is much older even than Saturn, by about nine hundred years." Anyone who considers what Tertullian has in the Apology, ch. 19, will not wonder that here he calls Moses older than Saturn by about 900 years; for there he has it that Moses preceded the fall of Priam by about a thousand years. For, as I long ago answered the letter on this matter of Franciscus Balduinus, jurist: on the testimony of Eusebius, Bede and Hermann the Lame, Saturn is read to have reigned only 150 years before Aeneas's coming into Italy. So if Moses preceded the fall of Priam by a thousand years, he is certainly older than Saturn by about 900 years. I know indeed that some others are of another opinion; but we noted in the Apology that our author took this from Josephus. PAM.

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(printed under page 374) (87) Si vero Samius Sophista. Samius epitheton est Pythagorae a Samo insula, ubi claruit, et Italicam disciplinam asportavit in Graeciam alteram. Sophistam vero nominat illum fortasse non contemptus causa; nam mox honorificenter illum appellat, bonumque dicit: auditum enim Sophistae nomen non semper male, sed interdum ut significaretur excellens vir ingenio, et sapientissimus quisque: quapropter primum omnium Solonem Sophistam scribit Isocrates. LAC.

(87) "But if the Samian sophist." "Samian" is Pythagoras's epithet, from the island of Samos, where he flourished, and he carried the Italian school into the other Greece. He calls him a sophist perhaps not in contempt; for presently he names him with honour and calls him good: for the name "sophist" was not always taken ill, but sometimes so as to signify a man of excellent talent, and each of the wisest; and so Isocrates writes that Solon was the first of all to be a sophist. LAC.

(printed under page 374)

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running head: 739 TERTULLIANI OPERUM PARS II. — (cut off at the right edge)
marginal letters: A recundia magis pericliter quam probatione; B generi propagando formam tradiderunt; C Quis ille nunc vetus sermo apud memoriam; D tur. » Rig. (in the commentary area)
old-edition numerals: 697 before CAPUT XXVIII.

PL 2:740

ut Albinus existimat aut Mercurii forsitan Aegyptii. Sed nullus sermo divinus, nisi Dei unius quo prophetae, quo apostoli, quo ipse Christus intonuit. Multo antiquior Moyses etiam Saturno, nongentis circiter annis, nedum pronepotibus ejus; certe divinior multo, qui decursus generis humani ab exordio mundi quoque per singulas nativitates nominatim temporatimque digessit, satis probans divinitatem operis ex divinatione vocis. Si vero Samius Sophista Platoni auctor est animarum de recidivatu revolubili semper ex alterna mortuorum atque viventium suffectione, certe ille Pythagoras, etsi bonus caetera, tamen ut hanc sententiam exstrueret, non turpi modo, verum etiam temerario mendacio incubuit. Cogno⟨s⟩ce qui nescis, et crede nobiscum. Mortem simulat, subterraneo latitat, septenni se illic patientia damuat, interea quae de posteris defunctis ad fidem rerum esset relaturus, ab unica conscia et minis⟨t⟩ra matre cognoscit; ut satis sibi visus est corpulentiam interpolasse ad omnem mortui veteris horrorem, de adytis fallaciae em⟨e⟩rgit, ut ab inferis redditus. Quis non crederet revixisse, quem crediderat obisse? audiens praesertim ab eo quae de po⟨s⟩teris mortuis nisi apud inferos non videretur cognoscere potuisse, sic ex mortuis vivos effici senior sermo est. Quid enim, si et junior? Neque veritas desiderat vetustatem, neque mendacium devitat novellitatem, Teneo plane falsum, antiquitate generosum; quidni falsum, cujus testimonium quoque ex falso est? Quomodo credam non mentiri Pythag⟨o⟩ram, qui mentitur ut credam? Quomodo mihi persuadebit Aethalidem, et Euphorbum, et Pyrrhum piscatorem, et Hermotinum se retro ante Pythagoram fuisse, ut persuadeat vivos ex mortuis

as Albinus supposes, or perhaps that of the Egyptian Mercury. But no discourse is divine except that of the one God, by which the prophets, by which the apostles, by which Christ Himself thundered forth. Moses is far more ancient even than Saturn, by about nine hundred years, let alone than his great-grandsons; certainly he is far more divine, he who set out the courses of the human race from the very beginning of the world, through each successive birth, by name and by period, sufficiently proving the divinity of his work from the divination of his voice. If, however, the Samian Sophist is Plato's authority concerning the ever-revolving return of souls through the alternate replacement of the dead and the living, certainly that Pythagoras, although good in other respects, nevertheless, in order to build up this opinion, resorted to a lie not only shameful but also reckless. Learn, you who do not know, and believe with us. He feigns death, he hides underground, he condemns himself to seven years of endurance there; meanwhile he learns from his mother, his sole accomplice and assistant, what he was to report, to win belief in the matter, concerning those who had died in the interval; when he thought he had wasted his bodily bulk enough to give the full horror of a man long dead, he emerges from the sanctuary of his deceit, as one returned from the underworld. Who would not believe that he had come back to life whom he had believed to have died? especially on hearing from him things about those who had died later which it seemed he could not have learned except among those below. Thus the doctrine that the living are made from the dead is an older one. What then, if it is also a newer one? Truth does not require antiquity, nor does falsehood shun novelty. I plainly hold it false, though ennobled by antiquity; why should it not be false, when even its testimony is from falsehood? How am I to believe that Pythagoras does not lie, who lies in order that I may believe? How will he persuade me that he had formerly, before Pythagoras, been Aethalides, and Euphorbus, and Pyrrhus the fisherman, and Hermotimus, in order to persuade [me] that the living [come] from the dead

Editors' notes and page, col. 740

Footnotes

(v55) ‹anchor: Aethalidem› · call in col 740

55 Ephaclidem Paris. alii.

55 "Ephaclidem": Paris edition, others.

(printed under page 374)

(v56) ‹anchor: et Hermotinum› · call in col 740

56 Hermippum Pam.

56 "Hermippum": Pam.

Commentarius (printed under page 374)

Page

running head: M PARS II. — SERIES I, POLEMICA. 740
marginal letters: A ‹vinus, ut Albinus existimat›; B ‹qui nescis, et crede nobiscum›; C ‹rosum; quidni falsum›; D ‹epistolam hac de re Francisci (in the Commentarius)›
old-edition numerals: 698 after ‹plane›

PL 2:741

effici, qui iterum se Pythagoram pejeravit? Quanto enim credibilius ipse ex semetipso semel redisset in vitam, quam totiens alius atque alius, tanto et in durioribus fefellit, qui molliora mentitus est. Sed clypeum Euphorbi olim Delphis consecratum recognovit, et suum dixit, et de signis vu⟨l⟩go ignotis probavit. Respice ad hypogeum ejus, et, si capit, crede. Nam qui talem commentus est stropham, cum injuria bonae valetudinis, cum fraude vitae septennio excruciatae infra terram inedia, ignavia, umbra; cui tanti fuit fastidium coeli, quam non accesserit temeritatem? Quam non tentaverit curiositatem, ut ad notam clypei illius perveniret? Quid autem, si in historiis aliquibus occultioribus reperit? quid, si defectae jam traditionis superstites aliquas famae aurulas hausit? quid, si ab aedituo redempta clam inspectione cognovit? Scimus etiam magiae licere explorandis occultis, per Catabolicos, et Paredros, et Pythonicos spiritus. Non enim et Pherecydes, Pythagorae magister, his forsan artibus divinabat, ne dicam somniabat? Quid si idem daemon in illo fuit, qui et in Euphorbo res sanguinis gessit? Denique, qui se Euphorbum ex argumento clypei probarat, cur neminem Trojanorum commilitonum aeque recognovit? Nam et illi jam revixissent, si vivi ex mortuis fierent.

be made, who swore falsely that he was Pythagoras again? For by as much as it is more credible that he himself should have returned to life once out of his own self than so many times as one person after another, by so much did he who lied about the softer things deceive in the harder ones. But he recognized the shield of Euphorbus, once consecrated at Delphi, and said it was his own, and proved it by marks unknown to the common people. Look at his underground chamber, and, if it can be taken in, believe. For one who devised such a trick, with injury to his good health, with the defrauding of a life tormented for seven years beneath the earth by fasting, idleness and darkness; one to whom disdain of the sky was worth so much: what rashness would he not have ventured upon? What curiosity would he not have tried, so as to arrive at the knowledge of that shield? What, moreover, if he found it in some more hidden histories? What if he drank in some faint breaths of report surviving from a tradition already failed? What if he learned of it through an inspection secretly bought from the temple-keeper? We know also that magic is permitted to explore hidden things through Catabolic, and Paredral, and Pythonic spirits. For did not Pherecydes too, the teacher of Pythagoras, perhaps divine by these arts, not to say dream? What if the same demon was in him who also in Euphorbus carried out deeds of blood? Finally, he who had proved himself Euphorbus from the evidence of the shield, why did he not likewise recognize any of his Trojan fellow soldiers? For they too would have come back to life by now, if the living came to be from the dead.

CAPUT XXIX.

Chapter XXIX.

Mortuos quidem ex vivis effici constat, non ideo tamen et ex mortuis vivos. Ab initio enim, vivi priores; unde ab initio aeque mortui posteriores, non aliunde quam ex vivis. Illi habuerunt unde potius orirentur, dum ne ex mortuis, isti non habuerunt unde magis deducerentur, nisi ex vivis. Igitur si ab initio vivi non ex mortuis, cur postea ex mortuis? Defecerat ille quicumque est origini fons? An formae poenituit? et quomodo in mortuis salva est? Non quia ab initio mortui ex

That the dead come to be from the living is indeed established, yet it does not therefore follow that the living also come from the dead. For from the beginning the living were first; hence from the beginning the dead were likewise later, and from nowhere else than from the living. The former had a source from which they might rather arise, provided it was not from the dead; the latter had nothing from which they might rather be derived, except from the living. Therefore, if from the beginning the living were not from the dead, why afterwards from the dead? Had that fountain of origin, whatever it is, run dry? Or did it come to regret its pattern? And how is that pattern kept safe among the dead? Is it not that, because from the beginning the dead [were] from

Editors' notes and page, col. 741

Footnotes

Variae lectiones (printed under page 375)

(v57) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

57 Semel omitt. Pam.

57 "Semel" omitted by Pam.

(printed under page 375)

(88) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

(printed under page 375) (88) Sed clypeum Euphorbi. Praeter Diogenem et Lactantium, hujus etiam meminere Jamblichus et Philostratus, et auctor saepe, c. 31, ubi haec refutat, et cap. 34, cap. 1 de Resurr. carnis. Peculiarius hanc fabulam descripsit Max. Tyrius sermone 28. LAC.

(88) "But the shield of Euphorbus." Besides Diogenes and Lactantius, Iamblichus and Philostratus also mention it, and the author often: ch. 31, where he refutes these things, and ch. 34, and On the Resurrection of the Flesh, ch. 1. Maximus of Tyre described this fable more particularly in discourse 28. LAC.

(printed under page 375)

(89) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

(printed under page 375) (89) Etsi capit crede. Hoc est: Si capit credere, crede. Eleganti reticentia alterum subduxit. RIG.

(89) "If it takes it, believe." That is: if [your mind] can take believing it, believe. By an elegant reticence he has dropped the second word. RIG.

(printed under page 375)

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(printed under page 375) (90) Per Catabolicos. Docuit me eruditissimus Turnebus in Advers. Catabolicos inauspicatos genios esse et infames, qui fanaticos prosternunt atque ad terram adfligunt. LE PR.

(90) "Through the Catabolici." The most learned Turnèbe taught me, in his Adversaria, that the Catabolici are ill-omened and infamous spirits, who throw down the possessed and dash them to the ground. LE PR.

(printed under page 375)

(91) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

(printed under page 375) (91) Et Paredros. Daemones, qui perpetuo comitantur aliquos. Talem habuit Simon Magus. LE PR.

(91) "And Paredri." Demons who constantly attend certain people. Simon Magus had such a one. LE PR.

(—) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · further note on the same passage, unnumbered — Et Pythonicos. Pythones seu ἐγγαστριμύθους, a daemone correptos. LE PR.

— "And Pythonic spirits." Pythons, or engastrimythoi (ventriloquists), people seized by a demon. LE PR.

(printed under page 375)

(92) ‹anchor: effici constat› · call in col 741

(printed under page 375) (92) Mortuos quidem ex vivis effici constat. In hoc cap. argumentatur adversus Platonem in Phaedone, cujus consequentiam hic negat Tertullianus. Plato enim arguebat mortuos ex vivis effici, ergo et ex mortuis vivos juxta regulam philosophorum contrarium ex contrario fieri. Quod universim acceptum, evidentibus exemplis refutat auctor. LAC.

(92) "That the dead come from the living is certain." In this chapter he argues against Plato in the Phaedo, whose inference Tertullian here denies. For Plato argued that the dead come from the living, therefore the living also from the dead, according to the philosophers' rule that a contrary comes from its contrary. Taken universally, the author refutes this with evident examples. LAC.

(printed under page 375) (93) Dum aborigines vel vagi vel extorres vel gloriosi quique occupant terras. Scimus aborigines dici αὐτόχθονας, ἐγχωρίους. Scimus quoque non raro in veteribus libris scriptum, ab origine, ubi omnino scribi debuit, aborigines, quo modo hic etiam ex libro Ursini quidam legunt, et legi posse non negamus. Sed cum ferri et explicari commode queat quod in vetustissimo illo exemplari Agobardino legitur, ab origine, hoc est, ἀπὸ ἀρχαιογονίας, non arbitramur quaerendam esse aliquid abstrusius. RIG.

(93) "While aborigines, or wanderers, or exiles, or the glory-seekers occupy lands." We know that aborigines are called autochthones, enchōrioi (natives). We know too that in old books "ab origine" is not rarely written where "aborigines" ought by all means to have been written, as some read here too from Ursinus's book, and we do not deny it can be so read. But since what is read in that most ancient Agobard copy, "ab origine", that is, apo archaiogonias (from the primeval origin), can be accepted and explained conveniently, we do not think anything more recondite should be sought. RIG.

(—) ‹anchor: aborigines› · second note on (93), unnumbered — Dum aborigines. Vagis opponit aborigines; quare non intelligit antiquos Italiae populos Latinos dictos sed qui a Graecis dicuntur αὐτοχῶροι, sive προτερογενεῖς, sive ἐγχώριοι, ut utitur Ambrosius in Hexamer., nempe primi progenitores, et cultores urbium et indigenae, qui aborigines dicti, quasi absque origine aliena. De quibus Thucyd. lib. I, Dionysius Halicarnass. lib. I. LAC.

— "While aborigines." He sets aborigines against wanderers; so he does not mean the ancient peoples of Italy called Latins, but those whom the Greeks call autochōroi [so printed], or proterogeneis (first-born), or enchōrioi (natives), as Ambrose uses it in the Hexameron: namely the first ancestors, founders of cities and natives, who are called aborigines as if without a foreign origin. On whom see Thucydides, Book I, and Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Book I. LAC.

(printed under page 375)

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running head: 741 LIBER DE ANIMA (cut off at image edge)
marginal letters: A effici, qui iterum se Pythagoram; B aliquas famae aurulas hausit; C ideo tamen et ex mortuis vivos; D Philostratus, et auctor saepe (in the Commentarius)
old-edition numerals: 699 after ideo

PL 2:742

vivis, idcirco semper ex vivis? Aut enim in utraque parte formam in⟨i⟩tii perseveras⟨s⟩et, aut in utraque mutasset. Si vivos ex mortuis postea fieri oportuerat, proinde oporteret etiam non ex vivis effici mortuos. Si non peraequare deberet fides institutionis, non usquequaque contraria ex contrariis reformari alternant. Et nos enim opponemus contrarietatem nati et innati, visualitatis et caecitatis, juventae et senectae, sapientiae et insipientiae; nec tamen ideo innatum de nato provenire, quia contrarium ex contrario fiat; nec visualitatem iterum ex caecitate, quia de visualitate caecitas accidat; nec juventam rursus de senecta reviviscere, quia ex juventa senecta marcescat; nec insipientiam ex sapientia denuo obtun⟨d⟩i, quia ex insipientia sapientia acuatur. Haec et Albinus Platoni suo veritus, subtiliter quaerit contrarietatum genera distinguere: quasi non et haec tam absolute in contrarietatibus posita sint, quam et illa quae ad sententiam magistri sui interpretatur, vitam dico et mortem; nec tamen ex morte vita reddatur, quia ex vita mors deferatur.

the living, therefore [they are] always from the living? For either it would have persisted in the form of its beginning on both sides, or it would have changed on both. If the living were afterwards to come into being from the dead, it would accordingly have been necessary also that the dead be made not from the living. If the consistency of the arrangement were not bound to be kept equal, contraries do not everywhere alternate in being re-formed from contraries. For we too will set against this the contrariety of born and unborn, of sight and blindness, of youth and old age, of wisdom and folly; and yet it does not follow that the unborn comes forth from the born because a contrary comes from a contrary; nor sight again from blindness because blindness befalls from sight; nor that youth revives again from old age because old age withers out of youth; nor that folly is dulled anew out of wisdom because wisdom is sharpened out of folly. Albinus too, fearing these things for his Plato, subtly seeks to distinguish kinds of contrarieties: as if these too were not set among contrarieties as absolutely as those which he interprets according to the view of his master, I mean life and death; and yet life is not restored from death because death is brought down from life.

CAPUT XXX.

Chapter XXX.

Quid autem ad caetera respondebimus? Primo enim, si ex mortuis vivi, sicut mortui ex vivis, unus omnino et idem numerus semper haesisset omnium, ille scilicet numerus qui primus vitam introisset, priores enim mortuis vivi, dehinc mortui ex vivis, et rursus ex mortuis vivi. Et dum hoc semper ex iisdem, ita totidem semper qui ex iisdem; neque plures aut pauciores exissent, quam redirent. Invenimus autem apud commentarios etiam humanarum antiquitatum, paulatim humanum genus exuberasse, dum aborigines, vel vagi, vel extorres, vel gloriosi quique occupant terras, ut Scythae Parthicas, ut Amyclae. Peloponesum, ut Athenienses Asiam, ut Phryges Italiam, ut Phoenices Africam, dum solennes etiam

But what shall we answer to the rest? For first, if the living come from the dead, as the dead from the living, one and the same number of all would always have remained fixed, namely that number which first entered upon life, for first the living from the dead, then the dead from the living, and again the living from the dead. And while this is always from the same, so always as many are there who are from the same; and neither more nor fewer would have gone out than would return. But we find, in the records of human antiquities too, that the human race has gradually grown in abundance, while aborigines, or wanderers, or exiles, or the glorious, each occupy lands, as the Scythians the Parthian lands, as the Amyclaeans the Peloponnese, as the Athenians Asia, as the Phrygians Italy, as the Phoenicians Africa, while also the customary

Editors' notes and page, col. 742

Footnotes

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58 Redissent al.

58 "Redissent": others.

(printed under page 375)

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59 Parthicam Wouw. Parthiam lib. Ursini.

59 "Parthicam": Wouw.; "Parthiam": the book of Ursinus.

(printed under page 375)

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60 Amadae Wouw. seme-nidae Jun.

60 "Amadae": Wouw.; "semenidae" [so printed, broken across the line]: Jun.

Commentarius (printed under page 375)

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(printed under page 375)

Page

running head: LIBER DE ANIMA. 742
marginal letters: A vivis, idcirco semper ex vivis; B acuatur. Haec et Albinus; C semper ex iisdem, ita totidem; D (93) Dum aborigines vel vagi (in the Commentarius)
old-edition numerals: 700 after dum

PL 2:743

migrationes, quas ἀποικίας appellant, consilio exonerandae popularitatis, in alios fines examina gentis eructant. Nam et aborigines nunc in suis sedibus permanent, et alibi amplius gentilitatem foeneraverunt. Certe quidem ipse orbis in promptu est, cultior de die, et instructior pristino. Omnia jam pervia, omnia nota, omnia negotiosa; solitudines famosas retro fundi amoenissimi obliteraverunt; sylvas arva domuerunt; feras pecora fugaverunt; arenae seruntur, saxa panguntur, paludes eliquantur; tantae urbes jam, quantae non casae quondam. Jam nec insulae horrent, nec scopuli terrent; ubique domus, ubique populus, ubique respublica, ubique vita. Summum testimonium frequentiae humanae, onerosi sumus mundo, vix nobis elementa sufficiunt, et necessitates arctiores, et querelae apud omnes, dum jam nos natura non sustinet. Revera lues, et fames, et bella, et voragines civitatum, pro remedio deputanda, tanquam tonsura iuolescentis generis humani; et tamen cum ejusmodi secures maximam mortalium vim semel caedant, nunquam restitutionem ejus vivos ex mortuis reducentem, post mille annos, semel orbis expavit. Et hoc enim sensibile fecisset aequa vis amissionis et restitutionis, si vivi ex mortuis fierent. Cur autem mille annis post, et non statim, ex mortuis vivi? cum si non statim supparetur quod erogatur, in totum absumi periclitetur, praeveniente restituticnem defectione, quia nec pariasset commeatus hic vitae milliario tempori, longe scilicet brevior, et idcirco facilior ante extingui quam redaccendi. Igitur quae hoc modo intercidisset, si vivi ex mortuis fierent, quando non intercidit, non erit credendum vivos ex mortuis fieri.

migrations, which they call apoikiai, belch out swarms of the race into other territories, by a plan for relieving the population. For the aborigines both remain now in their own seats and have elsewhere put out their stock at interest more abundantly. Certainly the world itself is in plain view, more cultivated by the day and better furnished than of old. All places are now accessible, all known, all busy with trade; most pleasant estates have obliterated wildernesses once notorious; ploughed fields have tamed forests; flocks have put wild beasts to flight; sands are sown, rocks are planted, marshes are drained; there are now as many cities as there were once not even huts. Now neither do islands bristle nor do crags terrify; everywhere there is a house, everywhere a people, everywhere a commonwealth, everywhere life. The supreme testimony to the abundance of humankind: we are burdensome to the world, the elements scarcely suffice for us, and our needs are more pressing, and there are complaints among all, while nature no longer sustains us. In truth pestilence and famine and wars and the swallowing up of cities must be reckoned as a remedy, like a pruning of the overgrowing human race; and yet, although axes of this kind cut down at one stroke the greatest mass of mortals, never once has the world been alarmed at its restoration bringing back the living from the dead after a thousand years. For an equal force of loss and of restoration would have made this perceptible, if the living came from the dead. But why the living from the dead after a thousand years, and not at once? since, if what is paid out is not made good at once, it would risk being consumed entirely, failure forestalling restoration, because this supply of life would not have kept pace with the thousand-year period, being of course far shorter, and therefore easier to extinguish than to rekindle. Therefore, since what would have perished in this way, if the living came from the dead, has not perished, it must not be believed that the living come from the dead.

CAPUT XXXI.

Chapter XXXI.

Jam vero si ex mortuis vivi, utique singuli ex singulis. Singulorum ergo corporum animas, ut

Now indeed, if the living come from the dead, then surely one from one. Therefore the souls of individual bodies, as

Editors' notes and page, col. 743

Footnotes

Variae lectiones (printed under page 376)

(v61) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

61 Μετοικίας Pam. Rhen.

61 "Metoikias" (of migration): Pam., Rhen.

(printed under page 376)

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62 Origines Pam. Rhen.

62 "Origines": Pam., Rhen.

(printed under page 376)

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63 Jam omitt. Pam. Rhen.

63 "Jam" omitted by Pam., Rhen.

(printed under page 376)

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64 Erogatum Pam. Rhen.

64 "Erogatum" (what has been paid out): Pam., Rhen.

(printed under page 376)

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65 Qua infans revertatur add. Pam. Rhen. Lat. revertitur Jun. mavult.

65 "Qua infans revertatur" (by which the infant may return) added by Pam., Rhen., Lat.; Jun. prefers "revertitur".

(printed under page 376)

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66 Qua ignorata et ibi Pam. Rhen.

66 "Qua ignorata et ibi" (which being unknown, there also): Pam., Rhen.

(printed under page 376)

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(printed under page 376) (94) Solemnes migrationes. Coloniarum deductiones, sed solemnes, hoc est quae ex solemnitate fiebant seu lata lege publica, seu ex mandato imperatoris, non autem colonias quae fortuito, ex casu, sive cupiditate victorum, absque auctoritate alia, rituque necessario. LE PR.

(94) "Solemn migrations." The planting of colonies, but solemn ones, that is, those made with formality, either by a public law passed or by the emperor's command; not colonies made by chance, by accident, or from the greed of conquerors, without other authority and the requisite rite. LE PR.

(printed under page 376)

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(printed under page 376) (95) Vivos ex mortuis reducentem post mille annos. Eo respexit Manilius, Astron. I, cum ait, / Sive individuis, in idem reditura, soluta / Principiis natura manet post saecula mille. RIG.

(95) "Bringing back the living from the dead after a thousand years." Manilius had this in view, Astronomica I, when he says: / "Or whether nature, dissolved into indivisible / first principles, to return to the same, remains after a thousand ages." RIG.

(—) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · second note on (95), unnumbered — Pos mille annos. Alludit ad mille annorum iter, quod Plato recenset post hanc vitam, dial. X de Repub. et in Phaedro, quos cum hic tanquam fabulas refutat Auctor, mirum est quomodo postea in Millenariorum paradoxon inciderit. PAM.

— "After a thousand years" [lemma printed "Pos"]. He alludes to the thousand years' journey which Plato recounts after this life, Republic, dialogue X, and in the Phaedrus; since the Author here refutes these as fables, it is a wonder how he afterwards fell into the paradox of the Millenarians. PAM.

(printed under page 376)

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(printed under page 376) (96) Primordii forma singulatur. Sic habet exemplar Agobardi: Imo, inquit, vera humani primordii forma singulatur, cum et nunc ex uno et singulari homine plures generantur. Hoc modo singularitas humani primordii servatur, cum et nunc plures animae de una proferuntur. RIG.

(96) "The form of the beginning is made single." So the Agobard copy has it: "Rather," he says, "the true form of the human beginning is made single, since even now many are begotten from one single man." In this way the singleness of the human beginning is preserved, since even now many souls are brought forth from one. RIG.

(printed under page 376) (97) Sed et Pyrrhus ille. Fuit Pyrrhus, quem se etiam fuisse pridem Pythagoras mentiebatur, piscator Delius. LAC.

(97) "But also that Pyrrhus." Pyrrhus, whom Pythagoras falsely claimed he too had once been, was a Delian fisherman. LAC.

(printed under page 376) (98) Pythagoras contra nec edendis. Cur ab animalibus abstineret Pythagoras, alibi causam reddit Auctor, Apologet., c. 48: « Ne forte bubulam quis de aliquo proavo suo obsonet. » Huc pertinet etiam illud B. Hieronymi, lib. II adv. Jovin.: « Et probabo non Empedoclis et Pythagorae nos dogma sectari, qui, propter μετεμψύχωσιν, omne quod movetur et vivit edendum non putant. » Quod Lactantius, lib. III, c. 19. mitius interpretatur. PAM.

(98) "Pythagoras, on the contrary, [not even] by eating them." Why Pythagoras abstained from animals the Author explains elsewhere, Apology, ch. 48: "Lest perhaps someone should dine on beef from some great-grandfather of his." To this belongs also blessed Jerome's saying, Against Jovinian, Book II: "And I will prove that we do not follow the dogma of Empedocles and Pythagoras, who, because of metempsychōsis, think that nothing that moves and lives is to be eaten." Which Lactantius, Book III, ch. 19, interprets more mildly. PAM.

(printed under page 376) (99) Fabam quoque in pabulis. Quid notius quam praeceptum Pythagorae Κυάμων ἀπέχου. A fabis abstineto. Jamblichus id scribit prohibitum propter multas causas tum sacras, tum naturales, et ad animum pertinentes, quibus auctores sunt pleni. LAC.

(99) "Also the bean among his foods." What is better known than Pythagoras's precept Kyamōn apechou, "Abstain from beans"? Iamblichus writes that it was forbidden for many causes, both sacred and natural and concerning the mind, of which the authors are full. LAC.

(printed under page 376) (1) Ne per fabalia quidem transeundum disc. Etiam cum discrimine vitae observatum praeceptum illud Pythagorae κυάμων μὴ θιγγάνειν, ne fabas at- (continues)

(1) "That his disciples must not even walk through bean-fields." That precept of Pythagoras, kyamōn mē thinganein, "not to touch beans", was kept even at the risk of life (continues)

(printed under page 376)

Page

running head: 743 TERTULLIANI OPERUM PARS II. — (cut off at right edge)
marginal letters: A ‹migrationes (94), quas›; B ‹elementa sufficiunt, et›; C ‹commeatus hic vitae›; D ‹fiebant seu lata lege (in the Commentarius)›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PL 2:744

singulas in singula corpora reverti oportuerat. Porro si et binae et trinae et quinae usque uno utero resumuntur, non erunt ex mortuis vivi, quia non singuli ex singulis. Et hoc autem modo primordii forma singulatur, cum et nunc plures animae de una proferuntur. Item, cum varia aetate decedant animae, cur una revertuntur? omnes enim ab infantia imbuuntur. Quale est autem ut senex defunctus, infans revertatur? Si decrescit foris anima retrograda aetate, quanto magis erat ut progressior reverteretur mille post annis? certe vel coaetanea suae mortis, ut aevum quod reliquisset, iterum recepisset. Sed etsi eaedem semper revolverentur, licet non corporum quoque formas easdem, tamen vel ingeniorum et studiorum et affectionum pristinas proprietates secum referre deberent; quoniam temere eaedem haberentur, carentes iis per quae eaedem probarentur. Unde scias, inquis, an ita quidem fiat occulte, sed conditio milliarii aevi interimat facultatem recensendi, quia ignotae tibi revertuntur? Atquin scio non ita fieri cum Pythagoram, Euphorbum mihi opponis. Ecce enim Euphorbum militarem et bellicam animam satis constat vel de ipsa gloria clypeorum consecratorum; Pythagoram vero tam residem et imbellem, ut praelia tunc Graeciae vitans, Italiae maluerit quietem, geometriae et astrologiae et musicae devotus, alienus studio et affectu Euphorbi. Sed et Pyrrhus il⟨l⟩e fallendis piscibus agebat; Pythagoras contra nec edendis, ut animalibus abstinens. Aethalides autem et Hermotimus fabam quoque in pabulis communibus intruerat; Pythagoras vero ne per fabalia quidem transeundum discipulis suis tradidit. Quomodo ergo eaedem animae recuperantur, quae nec ingeniis, nec institutis jam, nec victibus eaedem probabuntur? Jam nunc de tanto Graeciae censu quatuor solae animae recensentur. Sed et quid utique de solo Graeciae

individual [souls], ought to have returned into individual bodies. Further, if two and three and even as many as five are taken up again in one womb, the living will not be from the dead, because they are not individuals from individuals. And in this way too the form of the beginning is made singular, since even now several souls are brought forth from one. Again, since souls depart at varied ages, why do they return at one? For all are imbued from infancy. What sort of thing is it, moreover, that an old man who has died should return an infant? If the soul decreases outside [the body], its age going backwards, how much more fitting was it that it should return more advanced after a thousand years? Certainly at least of the same age as at its death, so that it might have received again the age which it had left. But even if the same souls were always revolving, granted that they did not bring back with them the same forms of bodies as well, yet they ought at least to bring back the former properties of their characters and pursuits and affections; since they would rashly be held to be the same, lacking those things by which they would be proved the same. "How do you know," you say, "whether it does indeed happen so, secretly, but the condition of a thousand-year age destroys the faculty of recognizing, because they return unknown to you?" But I know that it does not happen so, when you set Pythagoras before me as Euphorbus. For behold, it is well enough established that Euphorbus was a military and warlike soul, even from the very glory of the consecrated shields; but Pythagoras so inactive and unwarlike that, avoiding the battles of Greece at that time, he preferred the quiet of Italy, devoted to geometry and astrology and music, a stranger to the pursuit and affection of Euphorbus. But that Pyrrhus too spent his time deceiving fish; Pythagoras on the contrary not even eating them, as abstaining from animals. Aethalides moreover and Hermotimus had thrust the bean too among the common foods; but Pythagoras taught his disciples not even to pass through bean-fields. How then are the same souls recovered, which will be proved the same neither in characters, nor any longer in practices, nor in modes of living? So now out of so great a census of Greece only four souls are registered. But also why indeed of Greece alone

Editors' notes and page, col. 744

Footnotes

(v67) ‹anchor: Aethalides› · call in col 744

67 Ephaclides Par.

67 "Ephaclides": Par.

Commentarius (printed under page 376)

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(printed under page 376)

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(printed under page 376)

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Page

running head: UM PARS II. — SERIES I. POLEMICA. (start cut off at image edge)
marginal letters: A singulas in singula corpora; B tionum pristinas proprietates; C goras contra nec edendis; D beside the Commentarius line "etiam fuisse pridem" (footnotes, not set)
old-edition numerals: 701 after singulas; 702 after autem et

PL 2:745

⟨u⟩t non ex omni gente, ex omni aetate ac di⟨gnitate,⟩ ex omni denique sexu, et μετεμψυχώσεις ⟨et μετενσωμ⟩ατώσεις quotidie existant, cur solus Py⟨thagoras⟩ alium atque alium se recognoscat, non et ⟨nos? A⟩t si privilegium philosophorum est, et ⟨utique G⟩raecorum, quasi non et Scythae et Indi ⟨philosop⟩hentur, cur neminem se retro meminit ⟨Epicuru⟩s, neminem Chrysippus, neminem Zeno, ne ⟨ipse qui⟩dem Plato, quem forsitan Nestorem credi⟨deremu⟩s, ob mella facundiae?

so that, if not from every nation, from every age and rank, and finally from every sex, both metempsychoses [and metensomatoses] come about daily, why should Pythagoras alone recognize himself as one and then another, and not we too? But if it is a privilege of philosophers, and of Greeks at that, as though Scythians and Indians did not also philosophize, why does Epicurus remember no one that he was before, nor Chrysippus, nor Zeno, nor even Plato himself, whom we might perhaps have believed to be Nestor, on account of the honey of his eloquence?

CAPUT XXXII.

CHAPTER XXXII.

⟨Sed en⟩im Empedocles, quia se deum deliraret, ⟨ideo, o⟩pinor, dedignatus aliquem se heroum re⟨cordari:⟩ « Thamnus et piscis fui; » inquit, cur non ⟨magis et⟩ pepo, tam insulsus, et chamaeleon, tam ⟨inflatus⟩? Plane ut piscis, ne aliqua sepultura ⟨conditus⟩ putesceret, assum se maluit, in Aet⟨nam prae⟩cipitando. Atque exinde in illo finita sit ⟨metensom⟩atosis, ut aestiva coena post assum. Perin⟨de ergo⟩ et hic dimicemus necesse est adversus ⟨portentos⟩iorem praesumptionem, bestias ex hominibus ⟨et homin⟩es ex bestiis revolventem. Viderint thamni. ⟨u⟩t raptim ne plus ridere quam docere coga⟨mur, dic⟩imus animam humanam nullo modo ⟨in bestia⟩s posse transferri, etiamsi secundum phi⟨losophos⟩ ex elementitiis substantiis censeretur. ⟨Sive eni⟩m ignis anima, sive aqua, sive sanguis, ⟨sive spir⟩itus, sive aer, sive lumen, recogitare debe⟨mus con⟩traria quaeque singulis speciebus animalia: ⟨ignis qui⟩dem ea quae rigent, colubros, stelliones, ⟨salamand⟩ras; et jam quaecumque de aemulo produ⟨cuntur e⟩lemento, de aqua scilicet, perinde contra⟨ria aqua⟩e illa, quae arida et exsuccida: denique

But since Empedocles had raved himself into a god, for that reason, I suppose, disdaining to remember himself as any one of the heroes, he says, "I was a bush and a fish." Why not rather a melon, being so insipid, and a chameleon, being so puffed up? Plainly as a fish, lest he should rot when laid in some burial, he preferred to be roasted, by throwing himself headlong into Etna. And thereupon let metensomatosis have come to an end in him, as a summer dinner ends after the roast. So here too we must needs fight against a more portentous presumption, which rolls beasts out of men and men out of beasts. Let the bushes look to themselves. So that, in haste, we may not be driven more to laugh than to teach, we say that the human soul can in no way be transferred into beasts, even if it were reckoned, according to the philosophers, to be made of elemental substances. For whether the soul be fire, or water, or blood, or breath, or air, or light, we must bear in mind the animals contrary in each case to the several kinds: to fire indeed those which are cold, snakes, lizards, salamanders, and moreover whatever are produced from the rival element, namely from water; likewise, contrary to water, those which are dry and sapless: finally

Editors' notes and page, col. 745

Footnotes

NOTE: the left-column image is cropped at its left edge; the first letters (up to about two words) of each line of the left half are lost. Lost text is marked ⟨…⟩; letters supplied with confidence are set inside ⟨ ⟩. Note numbers (2) and (3) are cut off and inferred. English for lost stretches is bracketed conjecture. The sheet signature at the foot ("[T]OM. II." left, "24" right) is not a note and is not set. Variae lectiones (printed under page 377)

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⟨68 …⟩eml.

68 [reading lost at the image edge] Seml.

(printed under page 377)

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69 Patesceret Wouwer. conditio reputesceret Pamel. Rhen.

69 "Patesceret" (would lie open): Wouwer; "conditio reputesceret": Pamel., Rhen.

(printed under page 377)

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70 Lapathi Pam. Rhen. Pam. ⟨…⟩is. licet bis elati Lat. et lappae Jun.

70 "Lapathi" (of sorrel): Pam., Rhen.; Pam. […]is; "licet bis elati": Lat.; and "lappae" (burrs): Jun.

(printed under page 377)

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71 Aquae Jun.

71 "Aquae" (of water): Jun.

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72 Noverim Paris. Gelen. Jun.

72 "Noverim": Paris edition, Gelenius, Jun.

Commentarius (printed under page 377)

(1) ‹anchor: transeundum› · call on the previous page

(continued) ⟨…⟩tingas esse, scribit Jamblichus, cap. 31, ubi ⟨…⟩osdam Pythagorae discipulos fugientes ⟨…⟩onysii tyranni incidisse casu in fabalia, ⟨…⟩ti memores, et illud violare nolentes, sub⟨…⟩minime ausi transire per fabalia, sed potius ⟨…⟩ trucidari et obrui. Solus Myllias captus, et ⟨…⟩um ductus, non minoris fortitudinis spe⟨…⟩dit: nam rogatus a Dionysio, cur socii ma⟨…⟩ori, quam fabas conculcare, respondit: ⟨…⟩idem substiterunt, ne fabas conculcarent; ⟨…⟩s mortem elegero, quam hujus tibi causam ⟨…⟩, quam ob rem fabas conculcare nolimus. » ⟨…⟩oque Pythagoram, ut scribit etiam Suidas, ⟨…⟩ domo persequerentur eum hostes, ubi ⟨…⟩um fabis consitum venisset, constitit et ⟨…⟩ est. LAC.

(printed under page 377)

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⟨(2) Em⟩pedocles, quia se deum delirarat. Delirium ⟨…⟩is stupiditatem cum historicis demiror, ⟨…⟩lis enim hic refertur versus: / ⟨…⟩ ἐγὼ δὲ ὑμῖν θεὸς ἄμβροτος, οὐκ ἔτι θνητός, / Salvete, vobis enim deus sum immortalis, ⟨…⟩lius homo. LE PR.

(2) "Empedocles, because he had raved that he was a god." With the historians I marvel at the delirium and stupidity of the [man]; for by them this verse is reported: / "[Hail!] I am to you an immortal god, no longer mortal." / [Latin:] "Hail, for I am to you an immortal god, [no lon]ger a man." LE PR.

(printed under page 377)

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⟨(3) …⟩amnus et piscis fui. Ipse igitur apud Athe⟨…⟩ lib. VIII, et apud Laertium ait: / Ἤδη γάρ ποτ' ἐγὼ γενόμην κούρη τε κόρος τε, / Θάμνος τ' οἰωνός τε, καὶ εἰν ἁλὶ ἔλλοπος ἰχθύς. / Chalcidii versionem, hactenus foede corruptam, restitui debere arbitramur in hunc modum: / Namque ego jamdudum vixi puer et solida arbos, / Ales, et ex undis animal, tum lactea virgo. / In posteriore autem versu Cyrillus, lib. VIII adversus Jul., legisse videtur καὶ εἰν ἁλὶ φαίδιμος ἰχθύς. LE PR.

(3) "[I was a b]ush and a fish." He himself, then, in Athe[naeus], Book VIII, and in Laertius, says: / "For once already I was born a girl and a boy, / a bush and a bird, and a mute fish in the sea." / We think Chalcidius's version, foully corrupted until now, should be restored in this manner: / "For long ago I lived a boy and a solid tree, / a bird, and a creature of the waves, then a milk-white maid." / But in the second line Cyril, Against Julian, Book VIII, seems to have read "and a shining fish in the sea". LE PR.

(printed under page 377)

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(printed under page 377) (4) Et chamaeleon tam inflatus. Empedoclis arrogantiam et τραγικὸν τῦφον plerique veterum notavere. LE PR.

(4) "And a chameleon so puffed up." Most of the ancients remarked on Empedocles's arrogance and tragic pomp (tragikon typhon). LE PR.

(printed under page 377)

(5) ‹anchor: et raptim› · call in col 745

(printed under page 377) (5) Licebit et raptim. Hoc est: Sufficiet obiter perstrinxisse. Etenim tam ridicula sunt, ut vel in transcursu tantum indicata satis refellantur. Sic igitur emendavimus quod vulgo legebatur: Licebit et lapathi. In codice Agobardi legitur, Licebit et lapti. RIG.

(5) "It will be permitted even in haste." That is: it will suffice to have touched on it in passing. For they are so ridiculous that, merely pointed out in passing, they are sufficiently refuted. So we have emended what was commonly read, "Licebit et lapathi". In the Agobard codex it reads "Licebit et lapti". RIG.

(printed under page 377)

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(printed under page 377) (6) Vesperugines. Hoc est vespertiliones, quia Lucifero seu Vesperugine stella Veneris nomen habuerunt, eo quod caveis suis non excedere priusquam stella illa appareat vulgo credantur. LE PR.

(6) "Vesperugines." That is, bats, because they took their name from Lucifer or Vesperugo, the star of Venus, since they are commonly believed not to leave their holes before that star appears. LE PR.

(printed under page 377) (7) Quomodo igitur illa, etc. Ex varietate ciborum demonstrat, transmutationes animarum et metempsychoses fieri non posse. LE PR.

(7) "How then that [soul]," etc. From the variety of foods he shows that transmigrations of souls and metempsychoses cannot occur. LE PR.

(printed under page 377)

Page

running head: LIBER DE ANIM[A] (cut at the page edge; page number not visible)
marginal letters: A beside ‹non ex omni gente›; B beside ‹Thamnus et piscis fui›; C beside ‹traria quaeque singulis›; D beside the commentary ‹idem substiterunt›
old-edition numerals: 703 after ‹animam›

PL 2:746

siccitatibus gaudent locustae, papiunculi, chamaeleontes. Item contraria sanguini, quae carent purpura ejus, cochleas, vermiculos et majorem piscium censum. Spiritui vero contraria, quae spirare non videntur, carentia pulmonibus et arteriis, culices, formicas, tineas, et hoc genus minutalia. Item aeri contraria, quae semper subterraneum et subaquaneum viventia, carent haustu ejus. Res magis, quam nomina noveris. Item contraria lumini, quae caeca in totum, vel solis tenebris habent oculos, talpas, vesperugines, noctuas. Haec, ut ex apparentibus et manifestis substantiis doceam. Caeterum, si et atomos Epicuri tenerem, et numeros Pythagorae viderem, et ideas Platonis offenderem, et entelechias Aristotelis occuparem, invenirem fors his quoque speciebus animalia, quae nomine contrarietatis opponerem. Contendo enim, ex quacumque substantia supradicta constitisset humana anima, non potuisse eam in tam contraria unicuique substantiae animalia reformari, et censum eis de sua translatione conferre, a quibus excludi ac respui magis haberet, quam admitti et capi, nomine hujus primae contrarietatis, quae substantivi status diversitatem committit, tunc et reliquae per consequentem ordinem cujusque naturae. Nam et sedes alias humana anima sortita est, et victus, et instructus, et sensus, et affectus et concubitus, et foetus; item ingenia; tum opera, gaudia, taedia, vitia, cupidines, voluptates, valetudines, medicinas; suos postremo et vitae modos, et exitus mortis. Quomodo igitur illa anima quae terris inhaerebat, nullius sublimitatis, nullius profunditatis intrepida, ascensu etiam scalarum fatigabilis, submersu etiam piscinarum strangulabilis,

delight in dryness: locusts, little butterflies, chameleons. Likewise contrary to blood are those which lack its crimson: snails, little worms and the greater part of the fishes. Contrary to breath, again, are those which are not seen to breathe, lacking lungs and windpipes: gnats, ants, moths, and minute creatures of this kind. Likewise contrary to air are those which, living always underground and underwater, lack the drawing in of it. You may know the things better than their names. Likewise contrary to light are those which are blind altogether, or have eyes for darkness alone: moles, bats, owls. These I give so that I may teach from apparent and manifest substances. Moreover, if I were also to hold the atoms of Epicurus, and to look upon the numbers of Pythagoras, and to come upon the ideas of Plato, and to lay hold of the entelechies of Aristotle, I should perhaps find in these kinds too animals which I might set against them under the name of contrariety. For I contend that, from whichever of the aforesaid substances the human soul had been constituted, it could not have been re-formed into animals so contrary to each substance, and have conferred on them their rank from its own transference, animals by which it would rather have had to be shut out and spat out than admitted and received, by reason of this first contrariety, which brings about a diversity of substantial state, and then also of the other contrarieties according to the consequent order of each nature. For the human soul has been allotted other abodes, and diet, and equipment, and senses, and affections and copulation, and offspring; likewise natural capacities; then works, joys, wearinesses, vices, desires, pleasures, illnesses, remedies; finally its own manners of life too, and ways out by death. How then that soul which clung to the earth, undaunted by no height, by no depth, apt to be wearied even by the climbing of stairs, apt to be strangled even by submersion in pools,

Editors' notes and page, col. 746

Footnotes

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(printed under page 377)

Page

running head: LIBER DE ANIMA. 746
marginal letters: A siccitatibus gaudent locustae; B Pythagorae viderem; C nas; suos postremo; D (4) Et chamaeleon tam inflatus (in the commentary at the page foot)
old-edition numerals: (none)

PL 2:747

aeri postea insultabit in aquila, aut mari postea desultabit in anguilla? Quomodo item pabulis liberalibus et delicatis atque curatis educata, non dico paleas, sed spinas, et agrestes amaritudines frondium, et bestias sterquiliniorum, vermium etiam venena ruminabit, si in capram transierit, vel in coturnicem; imo et cadaverinam, imo et humanam, sui utique memor in urso et leone? Sic et caetera ad incongruentiam rediges, ne singulis perorandis immoremur. Ipsius animae humanae quisquis modus, quaecumque mensura, quid faciet in amplioribus longe vel minutioribus animalibus? Necesse est enim et corpus omne anima compleri, et animam omnem corpore obduci. Quomodo ergo anima hominis complebit elephantum? quomodo item obducetur in culice? Si tantum extendetur aut contrahetur, profecto periclitabitur. Et ideo adjicio, si nulla ratione capax est hujusmodi translationis in animalia, nec modulis corporum, nec caeteris naturae suae legibus adaequantia, numquid ergo demutabitur secundum qualitates generum, et vitam eorum contrariam humanae vitae, facta et ipsa contraria humanae per demutationem? Enimvero si demutationem capit amittens quod fuit, non erit quae fuit; et si quae fuit, non erit, soluta est metensomatosis, non adscribenda scilicet ei animae, quae si demutabitur, non erit. Illius enim metensomatosis dicetur, quaecumque eam in suo statu permanendo pateretur. Igitur si nec mutari potest, ne non sit ipsa, nec permanere in statu, quia contraria non capit, quaero adhuc causam aliquam fide dignam hujusmodi translationis. Nam etsi quidam homines bestiis adaequantur, pro qualitatibus morum, et ingeniorum, et adfectuum, quia et Deus: Assimilatus est, inquit, homo irrationabilibus jumentis; non ideo milvi ex rapacibus fient, et canes ex spurcis, et pantherae ex acerbis, aut oves ex probis, et hirundines ex garrulis, et columbae ex pudicis; quasi eadem substantia animae ubique naturam suam in animalium proprietatibus repetat. Aliud est autem substantia, aliud natura substantiae. Siquidem substantia propria est rei cujusque, natura vero potest esse communis. Suscipe exemplum. Substantia est lapis, ferrum: duritia lapidis

will afterwards leap upon the air in an eagle, or afterwards leap down into the sea in an eel? How likewise will it, having been reared on generous and delicate and carefully prepared foods, chew the cud of, I do not say straw, but thorns, and the wild bitternesses of leaves, and the creatures of dunghills, even the poisons of worms, if it should pass into a goat or into a quail; nay, even carrion, nay, even human flesh, mindful, no doubt, of itself in the bear and the lion? So you will reduce the rest also to incongruity, lest we dwell on arguing out each point. Whatever the measure, whatever the size of the human soul itself, what will it do in animals far larger or far smaller? For it is necessary both that every body be filled by the soul and that every soul be covered by the body. How then will the soul of a man fill an elephant? How likewise will it be covered in a gnat? If it is so greatly stretched or contracted, it will surely be endangered. And therefore I add: if it is in no way capable of a transfer of this kind into animals, being matched neither to the measures of their bodies nor to the other laws of its own nature, will it then be changed according to the qualities of the kinds, and to their life, which is contrary to human life, having itself become contrary to the human by the change? Indeed, if it undergoes change, losing what it was, it will not be what it was; and if it will not be what it was, metensomatosis is dissolved, being of course not to be ascribed to that soul which, if it is changed, will not exist. For metensomatosis will be said to belong to that soul which undergoes it while remaining in its own state. Therefore, if it can neither be changed, lest it not be itself, nor remain in its state, since it does not admit contraries, I still seek some cause worthy of belief for a transfer of this kind. For even if certain men are likened to beasts according to the qualities of their characters, dispositions and feelings, since God too: Man has been likened, He says, to the irrational beasts of burden; kites will not on that account come from the rapacious, and dogs from the filthy, and panthers from the fierce, or sheep from the upright, and swallows from the chattering, and doves from the chaste, as though the same substance of the soul everywhere reproduced its own nature in the properties of animals. But substance is one thing, the nature of a substance another. For substance is proper to each thing, but nature can be common. Take an example. Stone and iron are a substance: the hardness of stone

Editors' notes and page, col. 747

Footnotes

Variae lectiones (printed under page 378)

(v73) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

73 Aquae Fran.

73 "Aquae": Fran.

(printed under page 378)

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74 Redige Rhen. Seml. Oberth.

74 "Redige" (bring back): Rhen., Seml., Oberth.

(printed under page 378)

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75 Extenderetur aut contraheretur Pam. Rhen.

75 "Extenderetur aut contraheretur" (would be stretched or contracted): Pam., Rhen.

(printed under page 378)

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76 Similem rursus add. Pam.

76 "Similem rursus" (like, again) added by Pam.

(printed under page 378)

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(printed under page 378) (8) Etiam venena ruminabit. Ideo forte, quia scribit Plinius, lib. X, c. 23: Coturnices veneno nutriri. LE PR.

(8) "It will even chew poisons." Perhaps because Pliny writes, Book X, ch. 23, that quails feed on poison. LE PR.

(printed under page 378)

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(printed under page 378) (9) Quomodo ergo anima hominis complebit elephantum? Difficultatem metensomatoseos ex corporis inaequalitate et disconvenientia arguit. Quomodo enim qui elephantus fuit culex esse poterit? LE PR.

(9) "How then will a man's soul fill an elephant?" He argues the difficulty of metensomatosis from the inequality and mismatch of bodies. For how can one who was an elephant be a gnat? LE PR.

(printed under page 378)

(10) ‹anchor: irrationabilibus jumentis› · call in col 747

(printed under page 378) (10) Assimilatus est, inquit, homo irrationalibus jumentis. Graece est ὡμοιώθη. Noster autem interpres ad verbum potius transtulit insipientibus, quam Auctor, irrationalibus: nam Graece est τοῖς ἀνοήτοις. PAM.

(10) "Man, he says, has been likened to the irrational beasts." The Greek is hōmoiōthē. But our translator rendered more literally "senseless" than the Author's "irrational", for the Greek is tois anoētois. PAM.

(printed under page 378)

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(printed under page 378) (11) Quasi eadem substantia animae. Utrum Plato metensomatosim substantialem statuerit, an tantum moralem, lis est. Defundunt illum plerique Platonicorum, ut tantum moralem intelligeret; sed contrarium pluribus conatur evincere Crispus, distrib. 3, lib. I, omnino videndus: qui tamen, licet damnet Platonem, defendit Pythagoram. LAC.

(11) "As if the same substance of the soul." Whether Plato held a substantial metensomatosis or only a moral one is disputed. Most of the Platonists defend him [printed "Defundunt"] as meaning only a moral one; but Crispus tries to prove the contrary with many arguments, distribution 3, Book I, by all means to be consulted; who nevertheless, though he condemns Plato, defends Pythagoras. LAC.

(printed under page 378)

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(printed under page 378) (12) Cum judicii nomine. Carpitur Plato saepius affirmans pro meritis bonis aut malis detrudi animas in corpora animalium, in Timaeo. LAC.

(12) "With the name of judgement." Plato is criticized for affirming more than once, in the Timaeus, that souls are thrust down into the bodies of animals according to their good or bad deserts. LAC.

(printed under page 378) (13) Quia et ipsa bestiis objecerit eos quos in silvis et aviis trucidaverit. Quod vulgo legebatur: « Quia et ipsa bestiis infecerit obliquas in silvis et (continues)

(13) "Because it too threw to the beasts those whom it slaughtered in the woods and wilds." What was commonly read: "Because it too stained ... crooked ... in the woods and (continues)

(printed under page 378)

Page

running head: 747 TERTULLIANI OPERUM PARS II. — S[...] (cut off at right edge)
marginal letters: A aeri postea insultabit in aquila; B lationis in animalia, nec modulis; C (none); D (8) Etiam venena ruminabit (in the notes, not the text)
old-edition numerals: 704 after postea; 705 after est

PL 2:748

et ferri, natura substantiae est. Duritia communicat, substantia discordat. Mollitia lanae, mollitia plumae, pariant naturalia earum; substantiva non pariant. Sic et si saeva bestia vel proba vocetur homo, sed non eadem anima. Nam et tunc naturae similitudo notatur, cum substantiae dissimilitudo conspicitur. Ipsum enim, quod hominem similem bestiae judicas, confiteris animam non eamdem, similem dicendo, non ipsam. Sic et divina pronuntiatio sapit, pecudibus adaequans hominem natura, non substantia. Caeterum, nec Deus hominem hoc modo notasset, si pecudem de substantia nosset.

and of iron, is the nature of the substance. The hardness is shared; the substance disagrees. The softness of wool, the softness of feathers: their natural qualities may be on a par; their substantial ones are not on a par. So too, if a man is called a savage beast or a gentle one, yet the soul is not the same. For the likeness of nature is noted precisely when the unlikeness of substance is perceived. For by the very fact that you judge a man like a beast, you confess that the soul is not the same, in saying it is like, not that it is the thing itself. So too the divine pronouncement means, making man equal to cattle in nature, not in substance. Besides, God would not have marked man in this way if He had known him to be cattle in substance.

CAPUT XXXIII.

Chapter XXXIII.

Etiam cum judicii nomine vindicatur hoc dogma, quod animae humanae pro vita et meritis genera animalium sortiantur, jugulandae quaeque in occisoriis, et subigendae quaeque in famulatoriis, et fatigandae in operariis, et foedandae in immundis, perinde honorandae, et diligendae, et curandae, et adpetendae in speciosissimis, et probissimis, et utilissimis et delicatissimis. Et hic dicam: Si mutantur, non ipsae dispungentur quae merebuntur; evacuabitur ratio judicii, si meritorum deerit sensus; deerit autem sensus meritorum, si status verterit animarum; vertit autem status animarum, si non eaedem perseveraverint: aeque si perseveraverint in judicium, quod et Mercurius Aegyptius novit, dicens animam, digressam a corpore, non refundi in animam universi, sed manere determinatam, uti rationem (inquit) Patri reddat eorum quae in corpore gesserit. Volo judicii utique divini justitiam, gravitatem, majestatem, dignitatem recensere; si non sublimiore fastigio praesidet humana censura, plenior utriusque sententiae honore, poenarum et gratiarum, severior in ulciscendo, et liberalior in largiendo. Quid putas futuram animam homicidae? Aliquod, credo, pecus lanienae et macello destinatum, ut perinde juguletur, quia et ipsa jugulaverit: perinde decorietur, quia et ipsa despoliaverit; perinde in pabulum proponatur, quia et ipsa bestiis objecerit eos quos in silvis et aviis trucidaverit. Si ita judicabitur, nonne illa anima plus solatii quam supplicii relatura est? quod

Even when this doctrine is claimed in the name of judgement, that human souls are allotted kinds of animals according to their life and merits, those to be slaughtered going into beasts for slaughter, and those to be subdued into beasts of service, and those to be wearied into beasts of labour, and those to be defiled into the unclean, and likewise those to be honoured, and loved, and cared for, and sought after into the most beautiful, and most excellent, and most useful and most delicate: here too I will say: if they are changed, it will not be the very souls that deserve it which will be assessed; the reason of judgement will be made void if the sense of merits is lacking; but the sense of merits will be lacking if the state of the souls has changed; and the state of the souls has changed if they have not continued the same; equally, if they have continued the same into the judgement, as even Mercurius the Egyptian knew, saying that the soul, having departed from the body, is not poured back into the soul of the universe, but remains distinct, so that it may render account (he says) to the Father of the things it has done in the body. I wish to review the justice, gravity, majesty and dignity of the divine judgement in any case: whether it does not preside at a loftier height [than] human censure, fuller in the honour of either sentence, of punishments and of favours, more severe in avenging and more liberal in bestowing. What do you think the soul of a murderer will become? Some beast, I suppose, destined for the butcher's shop and the meat-market, so that it may likewise be slaughtered, because it too slaughtered; likewise be flayed, because it too despoiled; likewise be set out as food, because it too threw to the beasts those whom it butchered in woods and pathless places. If it is judged thus, will not that soul carry away more consolation than punishment? because

Editors' notes and page, col. 748

Footnotes

(v77) ‹anchor: aeque si› · call in col 748

77 Non inser Wouw.

77 "Non" inserted by Wouw.

(printed under page 378)

(v78) ‹anchor: objecerit eos› · call in col 748

78 Infecerit os Pam. Rhen.

78 "Infecerit os" (stained its mouth): Pam., Rhen.

Commentarius (printed under page 378)

(13) ‹anchor: avius trucidaverit› · call in col 748

(printed under page 378)

Page

running head: PARS II. — SERIES I; POLEMICA. 748
marginal letters: A ‹et ferri, natura substantiae est›; B ‹fatigandae in operariis›; C (none); D ‹(11) Quasi eadem substantia animae›
old-edition numerals: 706 after ‹Aliquod›

PL 2:749

fumus inter coccos pretiosissimos invenit, quod condimentis apicianis et lurconianis humatur, quod mensis ciceronianis infertur, quod lancibus splendidissimis syllanis effertur, quod exsequias convivium patitur, quod a coaequalibus devoratur potius quam a milvis et lupis, ut in hominis corpore tumulata, et in suum genus regressa, resurrexisse videatur, exsultans adversus humana judicia, si ea experta est. Namque illa sicarium variis et exquisitis, etiam praeter naturam eruditis feris dissipant, et quidem viventem, imo nec facile morientem, curata mora finis ad plenitudinem poenae : sed etsi anima praefugerit ultimo gladio, ne corpus quoque evaserit ferrum, nihilominus, jugulo ventreque confossis, costisque transfixis, compensatio proprii facinoris exigitur; inde in ignem datur, ut et sepultura puniatur; aliter denique non licet. Nec tamen tanta est rogi cura, ut reliquias aliae bestiae inveniant. Certe nec ossibus parcitur, nec cineribus indulgetur, nuditate plectendis. Tanta est apud homines homicidii vindicta, quanta ipsa quae vindicatur natura. Quis non praeferat saeculi justitiam, quam et Apostolus non frustra gladio armatam contestatur (Rom. XIII), quae pro homine saeviendo religiosa est? Si caeterorum quoque scelerum mercedem cogitemus, patibula, et vivicomburia, et culcos, et uncos, et scopulos, cui non expediat apud Pythagoram et Empedoclem sententiam pati? Nam et qui laboribus atque servitiis

it finds its funeral among the most costly scarlets, because it is interred in Apician and Lurconian seasonings, because it is brought in to Ciceronian tables, because it is carried out on most splendid Syllan platters, because it undergoes a banquet for its funeral rites, because it is devoured by its equals rather than by kites and wolves, so that, entombed in a man's body and returned to its own kind, it would seem to have risen again, exulting against human judgements, if it has experienced them. For those judgements scatter the assassin among various and choice beasts, trained even beyond nature, and that while he is alive, nay, not even dying easily, a delay of the end being contrived for the fullness of the punishment; but even if the soul has fled before the final sword, so that the body too may not escape the steel, nevertheless, with throat and belly pierced and ribs transfixed, the requital of his own crime is exacted; then he is given to the fire, so that even his burial may be punished; in short, it is not permitted otherwise. Nor yet is there so much care over the pyre that other beasts may find remains. Certainly neither are the bones spared, nor are the ashes indulged, since they are to be punished with nakedness. As great among men is the vengeance for homicide as is the very nature which is avenged. Who would not prefer the justice of the world, which the Apostle too attests is not armed with the sword in vain (Rom. 13), which is religious in raging on behalf of man? If we consider also the wages of the other crimes, gibbets, and burnings alive, and sacks, and hooks, and rocks, to whom would it not be expedient to undergo sentence before Pythagoras and Empedocles? For even those who with labours and servitudes

Editors' notes and page, col. 749

Footnotes

Variae lectiones (printed under page 379)

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79 Cocos Paris. Rig. Ven.

79 "Cocos": Paris edition, Rig., Ven.

(printed under page 379)

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80 Et jam Rig. Ven.

80 "Et jam" (and now): Rig., Ven.

(printed under page 379)

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81 Nihil minus cod. Agob.

81 "Nihil minus" (nothing less): the Agobard codex.

(printed under page 379)

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82 Utroque confossis Pam. Rhen. utroque confosso Wouv.

82 "Utroque confossis": Pam., Rhen.; "utroque confosso": Wouv.

(printed under page 379)

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83 Pennae Rig. Ven.

83 "Pennae" (feathers): Rig., Ven.

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84 Gaudia Rhen. Seml. gaudeat Pam. Fran.

84 "Gaudia" (joys): Rhen., Seml.; "gaudeat" (let it rejoice): Pam., Fran.

(printed under page 379)

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85 De loco Par. dejoci Lat. dejoce Pam. Fran.

85 "De loco" (from the place): Par.; "dejoci": Lat.; "dejoce": Pam., Fran.

(printed under page 379)

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(continued) arvis trucidaverit. » In libro Ursini legitur, « Quia et ipsa bestis objecerit eos quos. » Exemplar Agobardi: « Quia et ipsa bestiis fecerit eos quos in silvis et aviis trucidaverit. » Perinde, inquit, in pabulum proponatur, quia et ipse bestiis fecerit pabulum eos quos in silvis trucidaverit. RIG.

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(printed under page 379) (14) Quod exsequias convivium patitur. Quod convivio infertur, non sepulcro; quod coenae impenditur, non funeri. RIG.

(14) "That it suffers a banquet for a funeral." That it is served at a banquet, not laid in a tomb; spent on a dinner, not on a burial. RIG.

(printed under page 379)

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(printed under page 379) (15) Etiam praeter naturam eruditis feris. Nempe in schola bestiarum, hoc est, circo, amphiteatro. RIG.

(15) "To beasts trained even beyond their nature." That is, in the school of beasts, the circus, the amphitheatre. RIG.

(printed under page 379)

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(printed under page 379) (16) Imo nec facile morientem. Liber Agobardi: « Imo facile nec morientem. » Plerisque apud Septimium locis, facile, significat saepe. RIG.

(16) "Indeed not even dying easily." The Agobard book: "Indeed easily not even dying." In many places in Septimius "facile" means "often". RIG.

(printed under page 379)

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(printed under page 379) (17) Sed et si anima praefugerit ultimo gladio. Hoc est, si forte anima inter ferarum laniatus e corpore excesserit priusquam ultimo gladio pelleretur, etc. Itaque haec sicarii poena fuit. Bestiis objiciebatur laniandus; sic tamen curata supplicii mora, ut lassatis longa laniena bestiis, tandem confoderetur, gladio in gulam et genitalia atque etiam trans costas in praecordia adacto. Sed et si bestiarum asperitate laniatum mori contingeret, nihilominus mortui gulam, inguina, costas gladio confodi mos erat, ut compensatione ac repraesentatione proprii facinoris noxium corpus etiam ferro perculeretur, quo cives percusserat. RIG.

(17) "But even if the soul has fled before the final sword." That is, if perhaps the soul, amid the mauling of the beasts, left the body before it was driven out by the final sword, etc. This was the punishment of an assassin. He was thrown to the beasts to be torn; yet the delay of the punishment was so managed that, when the beasts were wearied by the long mangling, he was at last run through, the sword driven into the throat and the genitals and even across the ribs into the heart. And even if it happened that he died mauled by the ferocity of the beasts, it was nonetheless the custom to stab the dead man's throat, groin and ribs with the sword, so that by way of requital and re-enactment of his own crime the guilty body might also be struck with the steel with which he had struck citizens. RIG.

(printed under page 379)

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(printed under page 379) (18) Ut et sepultura puniatur. Ignea videlicet sepultura. Summam ignium poenam dixit lib. ad Martyres. RIG.

(18) "That he may be punished even in burial." Namely by a fiery burial. He called fire the supreme punishment in the book To the Martyrs. RIG.

(printed under page 379)

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(printed under page 379) (19) Nec tamen tanta est cura rogi. Maligno rogo ustulata corpora relinquuntur. RIG.

(19) "Yet the care of the pyre is not so great." Bodies scorched on a niggardly pyre are left lying. RIG.

(printed under page 379)

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(printed under page 379) (20) Ut reliquias aliae bestiae inveniant. Canes, lupi, etc. RIG.

(20) "So that other beasts may find the remains." Dogs, wolves, etc. RIG.

(printed under page 379)

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(printed under page 379) (21) Certe nec ossibus parcitur, nec cineribus indulgetur, nuditate plectendus. Haec quoque propria sicariorum fuit poena. Nam alias eorum etiam corpora, qui exurendi damnabantur, peti poterant, ut ossa et cineres collecta sepulturae tradi possent, inquit Ulpianus, lib. De Cadaveribus Punitor. RIG.

(21) "Surely the bones are not spared nor the ashes indulged; he is to be punished by exposure." This too was the punishment proper to assassins. For otherwise even the bodies of those condemned to be burned could be claimed, so that the bones and ashes, gathered up, might be committed to burial, says Ulpian, in the book On the Corpses of the Punished. RIG.

(printed under page 379)

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(printed under page 379) (22) Aquilegis rotis. Jumenta, muli, et asini qui hisce machinis volvendis occupabantur, si quando in homines mutari contigerit, de sua sibi conditione gratulabuntur; vertendis enim hisce rotis non insudabunt. Vitruvius illas describit; erant autem instrumenta quae situlis et vasis quibusdam aquam hauriebant, atque effundebant. LE PR.

(22) "Water-lifting wheels." The beasts of burden, mules and asses that were kept busy turning these machines, if ever they happen to be changed into men, will congratulate themselves on their condition; for they will not sweat at turning these wheels. Vitruvius describes them; they were devices that drew up water with buckets and certain vessels and poured it out. LE PR.

(printed under page 379)

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(printed under page 379) (23) Pavum se meminit Homerus, Ennio somniante. Perierunt illa Ennii verba quibus in pavum mutatum ait Homerum; duo puto fuisse somnia Ennii, de quibus auctores. Ad eam rem pertinere illa Persii sat. 6, putarim: / Cor jubet hoc Enni, postquam destertuit, esse / Maeonides, quintus pavone ex Pythagoraeo. LE PR.

(23) "Homer remembers he was a peacock, as Ennius dreams." Those words of Ennius in which he says Homer was changed into a peacock have perished; I think there were two dreams of Ennius, of which the authors speak. I should think that these lines of Persius, Satire 6, bear on the matter: / "This is the bidding of Ennius's heart, after he snored off being / Maeonides, fifth from the Pythagorean peacock." LE PR.

(printed under page 379)

Page

running head: LIBER DE ANIMA (cut off at image edge; column number 749)
marginal letters: A fumus inter coccos pretiosissimos invenit; B tur (18); aliter denique non licet; C arvis trucidaverit. In libro Ursini (commentary); D mora, ut lassatis longa laniena bestiis (commentary)
old-edition numerals: (none)

PL 2:750

puniendi, in asinos utique et mulos recorporabuntur, quantum sibi de pistrinis et aquilegis rotis gratulabuntur, si metallorum, et ergastulorum, et operum publicorum, ipsorumque carcerum, licet otiosorum, recordentur. Perinde qui integre morati commendaverint judici vitam, quaero praemia; sed potius invenio supplicia. Nimirum magna merces bonis in animalia quaecumque restitui? Pavum se meminit Homerus, Ennio somniante, sed poetis nec vigilantibus credam. Etsi pulcherrimus pavus, et quo velit colore cultissimus; sed tacent pinnae, sed displicet vox; et poetae nihil aliud quam cantare malunt. Damnatus est igitur Homerus in pavum, non honoratus. Plus de saeculi remuneratione gaudebit, pater habitus liberalium disciplinarum, ut malit famae suae ornamenta, quam caudae. Age nunc, ut poetae in pavox vel in cycnos transeant, si vel cycnis decora vox est; quod animal indues viro justo Aeaco, quam bestiam integrae foeminae Didoni? quam volucrem patientia, quam pecudem sanctimonia, quem piscem innocentia sortientur? Omnia famula sunt hominis, omnia subjecta, omnia mancipata. Si quid horum futurus est, deminoratur. Illic ille, cui ob merita vitae imagines, statuae, et tituli, honores publici, privilegia rependuntur? cui curia, cui populus suffragiis immolat? O judicia divina post mortem humanis mendaciora, contemptibilia de poenis, fastidibilia de gratiis, quae nec pessimi metuant, nec optimi cupiant; ad quae magis scelesti,

are to be punished, will indeed be re-embodied into asses and mules, how much will they congratulate themselves on the mills and the water-wheels, if they remember the mines, and the workhouses, and the public works, and the prisons themselves, idle though these are. Likewise, for those who, having lived with integrity, have commended their life to the judge, I look for rewards; but instead I find punishments. Is it, forsooth, a great reward for the good to be restored into any animals whatever? Homer remembers that he was a peacock, as Ennius dreams, but I would not believe poets even when they are awake. Granted that the peacock is most beautiful, and most finely adorned with whatever colour it pleases; yet its feathers are silent, yet its voice displeases; and poets would rather do nothing else than sing. Homer, therefore, was condemned into a peacock, not honoured. He will rejoice more in the recompense of the world, having been held the father of the liberal arts, so that he would prefer the ornaments of his fame to those of a tail. Come now, granted that poets pass into peacocks or into swans, if indeed swans have a comely voice: what animal will you clothe the just man Aeacus in, what beast the chaste woman Dido? What bird will patience, what beast of the flock will holiness, what fish will innocence be allotted? All things are the servants of man, all subject to him, all made over to him as his property. If he is to become any of these, he is degraded. Is he to be there, he to whom for the merits of his life images, statues and inscriptions, public honours, privileges are paid back? He to whom the senate, to whom the people make sacrifice with their votes? O divine judgements after death, more lying than human ones, contemptible in their punishments, distasteful in their favours, which neither the worst would fear nor the best desire; to which the wicked rather

Editors' notes and page, col. 750

Footnotes

(v83) ‹anchor: tacent pinnae› · call in col 750

83 Pennae Rig. Ven.

83 "Pennae" (feathers, the other spelling): Rig., Ven.

(printed under page 379)

(v84) ‹anchor: quam caudae› · call in col 750

84 Gaudia Rhen. Seml. gaudeat Pam. Fran.

84 "Gaudia" (joys): Rhen., Seml.; "gaudeat" (let him rejoice): Pam., Fran.

(printed under page 379)

(v85) ‹anchor: justo Aeaco› · call in col 750

85 De loco Par. dejoci Lat. dejoce Pam. Fran.

85 "De loco": Par.; "dejoci": Lat.; "dejoce": Pam., Fran.

(printed under page 379)

(v86) ‹anchor: est, deminoratur› · call in col 750

86 Diminoratur Pam. Rhen. Rig. Ven. Seml. Oberth.

86 "Diminoratur": Pam., Rhen., Rig., Ven., Seml., Oberth.

(printed under page 379)

(v87) ‹anchor: humanis mendaciora› · call in col 750

87 Mendiciora Rhen. Seml. Oberth.

87 "Mendiciora" (more beggarly): Rhen., Seml., Oberth.

(printed under page 379)

(v88) ‹anchor: ad quae› · call in col 750

88 Atque Fran.

88 "Atque": Fran.

Commentarius (printed under page 379)

(22) ‹anchor: aquilegis rotis› · call in col 750

(22) Aquilegis rotis. Jumenta, muli, et asini qui hisce machinis volvendis occupabantur, si quando in homines mutari contigerit, de sua sibi conditione gratulabuntur; vertendis enim hisce rotis non insudabunt. Vitruvius illas describit; erant autem instrumenta quae situlis et vasis quibusdam aquam hauriebant, atque effundebant. LE PR.

(22) "Water-wheels." The beasts of burden, mules and asses that were kept busy turning these machines will congratulate themselves on their condition if it ever befalls them to be changed into men; for they will not sweat at turning these wheels. Vitruvius describes them; they were devices which drew up water in buckets and certain vessels and poured it out. LE PR.

(printed under page 379)

(23) ‹anchor: Ennio somniante› · call in col 750

(23) Pavum se meminit Homerus, Ennio somniante. Perierunt illa Ennii verba quibus in pavum mutatum ait Homerum; duo puto fuisse somnia Ennii, de quibus auctores. Ad cam rem pertinere illa Persii sat. 6, putarim: Cor jubet hoc Enni, postquam destertuit, esse Maeonides, quintus pavone ex Pythagoraeo. LE PR.

(23) "Homer remembers that he was a peacock, as Ennius dreams." Those words of Ennius in which he says Homer was changed into a peacock have perished; I think there were two dreams of Ennius, on which authors [write]. I should think that those lines of Persius, Satire 6, bear on this matter: "So bids the heart of Ennius, once he had snored himself out of being Maeonides, fifth from the Pythagorean peacock." LE PR.

(printed under page 379)

Page

running head: LIBER DE ANIMA. 750 (initial L cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A puniendi, in asinos utique; B vox vel in cycnos transeant; C (18) Ut et sepultura puniatur (in the commentary); D (23) Pavum se meminit Homerus (in the commentary)
old-edition numerals: 707 after quantum
other: the word scelesti, was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 751
other (Q1b): the English now ends with "the wicked" whole; col 751's English still opens with a broken tail "-lestial", a mistranslation of the split word: it should be removed there (col 751 to read on from "than the holy will each hasten towards").
misprints kept as printed: "pavox" (for pavos). In note (23), "Ad cam rem" (for eam) as the image reads; UNSURE at this resolution.

PL 2:751

quam sancti quique properabunt: illi, ut justitiam saeculi citius evadant: isti, ut tardius eam capiant? Bene, philosophi, docetis, utiliter suadetis, leviora post mortem supplicia vel praemia; cum si quod judicium animas manet, gravius debeat credi in dispunctione vitae, quam in administratione: quia nihil plenius, quam quod extremius; nihil autem plenius, quam quod divinius. Deus itaque judicabit plenius, quia extremius, per sententiam aeternam tam supplicii quam refrigerii, nec in bestias, sed in sua corpora revertentibus animabus: et hoc semel, et in eum diem quem solus Pater novit, ut pendula exspectatione sollicitudo fidei probetur; semper diem observans, dum semper ignorat; quotidie timens, quod quotidie sperat.

than all the holy will hasten: those, that they may escape the justice of the age more quickly; these, that they may receive it more slowly? Well do you teach, philosophers, usefully do you counsel, that punishments or rewards after death are lighter; whereas, if any judgement awaits souls, it ought to be believed heavier at the final reckoning of life than during its administration: because nothing is fuller than what is more final, and nothing is fuller than what is more divine. God therefore will judge more fully, because more finally, by an eternal sentence as much of punishment as of refreshment, with souls returning not into beasts but into their own bodies; and this once, and on that day which the Father alone knows, so that the solicitude of faith may be proved by suspended expectation, always watching for the day while always ignorant of it, daily fearing what it daily hopes for.

CAPUT XXXIV.

Chapter XXXIV.

Nulla quidem in hodiernum dementiae hujusmodi sententia erupit sub nomine haeretico, quae humanas animas refingat in bestias. Sed necessarie hanc quoque speciem intulimus et exclusimus, ut superioribus cohaerentem, quo perinde in pavo retunderetur Homerus, sicut in Pythagora Euphorbus; atque ita hac etiam metempsychosi sive metensomatosi repercussa, illa rursus caederetur quae aliquid haereticis subministravit. Nam et Simon Samarites in Actis Apostolorum redemptor Spiritus sancti, posteaquam damnatus ab ipso cum pecunia

No opinion of madness of this kind has indeed broken out to this day under a heretical name, one that would refashion human souls into beasts. But we have of necessity brought in and shut out this species too, as being coherent with the preceding ones, so that Homer might be beaten back in the peacock just as Euphorbus in Pythagoras; and so, with this metempsychosis or metensomatosis also repelled, that [opinion] might in turn be struck down which has furnished something to the heretics. For Simon the Samaritan too, in the Acts of the Apostles, the would-be purchaser of the Holy Spirit, after he had been condemned by him together with his money

Editors' notes and page, col. 751

Footnotes

Variae lectiones (printed under page 380)

(v89) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · call above the foot

89 Ad Pam. Rhen.

89 "Ad": Pam., Rhen.

(printed under page 380)

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90 In omitt. Fran.

90 "In" omitted by Fran.

(printed under page 380)

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91 Fingit Rhen. Seml.

91 "Fingit" (invents): Rhen., Seml.

(printed under page 380)

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92 Ab iis per invidiam Lat. ab his perinde animo Pam. Seml.

92 "Ab iis per invidiam" (by them through envy): Lat.; "ab his perinde animo": Pam., Seml.

(printed under page 380)

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(printed under page 380) (24) Deus itaque judicabit plenius, quia extremius. Nimirum extremo ac supremo judicio. RIG.

(24) "God therefore will judge more fully, because more finally." Namely by the last and supreme judgement. RIG.

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(printed under page 380) (25) Frustra flevit. Hoc est, frustra poenituit. Etenim Lucas in Actis apostolorum tradit Simeonem istum Samaritam dicti sui certe sacrilegi poenitentia ductum, obsecrasse Petrum caeterosque apostolos in haec verba: « Deprecamini pro me apud Dominum, ne quid horum quae adversum me dixistis eveniat. » Ac de Simone Lucas praeterea nihil. Septimius ait, frustra eum flevisse. Quod etiam ita accipi potest, ut frustra flevisse dicatur, qui cum ad fidem christianam accessisset, testatus, ut verisimile est, se magicas artes ejerare, ac poenitere fraudium pristinarum, postea tamen ad easdem fallacias et imposturas perfide revertisset. RIG.

(25) "He wept in vain." That is, he repented in vain. For Luke relates in the Acts of the Apostles that this Simon the Samaritan, moved by repentance for his saying, sacrilegious as it surely was, besought Peter and the other apostles in these words: "Pray to the Lord for me, that none of the things you have spoken against me may come upon me." And of Simon Luke says nothing more. Septimius says he wept in vain. This can also be taken to mean that he wept in vain because, having come to the Christian faith and declared, as is likely, that he renounced the magic arts and repented of his former frauds, he afterwards treacherously returned to the same deceits and impostures. RIG.

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(printed under page 380) (26) Helenam quamdam Tyriam de loco libidinis publicae. Irenaeus, lib. I, cap. 20, quaestuariam dixit. RIG.

(26) "A certain Tyrian Helen, out of a place of public lust." Irenaeus, Book I, ch. 20, called her a prostitute. RIG.

(—) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · second note on (26), unnumbered Helenam quamdam Tyriam. Tum hic, tum cap. sequenti, Helenen sive Helenam retinuimus, tum quod Simon ille magus hanc eamdem fuisse diceret Helenam Trojanam illam, tum quod etiam sic appellatur a B. Justino martyre Apolog. II, et post eum ab Eusebio Graeco Hist. Eccl. lib. II, cap. 12, seu 13; B. Hieronym., Epist. ad Clesiphontem adv. Pelag.; Epiph., haer. 21, non semel; Theodoreto Haeret Fab. lib. I, et Damasc. liber de Haeres. Apud Irenaeum variant codices, quamquam plures Selenem legant, quomodo etiam B. August. lib. de Haeres., Ruffinus versione sua Eusebii, Cyrillus alicubi, et ante omnes hos Clemens Papa in Recognit. ubi a luna quae Graece σελήνη dicitur, appellatam vult. Verisimile itaque est utroque nomine appellatam. PAM.

"A certain Tyrian Helen." Both here and in the next chapter we have kept "Helene" or "Helena", both because Simon the magician said she was that very Helen of Troy, and because she is so named by blessed Justin Martyr, Apology II, and after him by Eusebius in the Greek, Church History, Book II, ch. 12 or 13; blessed Jerome, Letter to Ctesiphon [printed "Clesiphontem"] against Pelagius; Epiphanius, Heresy 21, more than once; Theodoret, Compendium of Heretical Fables, Book I; and Damascene's book On Heresies. In Irenaeus the codices vary, though most read "Selene", as do blessed Augustine, On Heresies, Rufinus in his version of Eusebius, Cyril somewhere, and before all these Pope Clement in the Recognitions, where he will have her named from the moon, which in Greek is called selēnē. It is likely, then, that she was called by both names. PAM.

(printed under page 380)

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(printed under page 380) (27) Dignam sibi mercedem. Sic etiam legitur in exemplari Agob. Emendatius tamen, ut opinor, scribetur, mercem. Dignam, inquit, mercem redemit sibi Simon Helenam illam eadem pecunia qua Spiritum sanctum redimere voluerat. RIG.

(27) "A reward worthy of himself." So it is read in the Agobard copy too. But more correctly, I think, one will write "mercem" (merchandise). Simon, he says, bought himself worthy merchandise, that Helen, with the same money with which he had wished to buy the Holy Spirit. RIG.

(printed under page 380)

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(printed under page 380) (28) Illam vero injectionem suam primam. Clarius B. Justinus martyr, primam quamdam mentem seu intelligentiam; Iren. mentis conceptionem matrem omnium, per quam initio mente concepit angelos facere et archangelos, sicuti vicissim illud, ejus eam propositi compotem, etc., facit ad Iren. intellectum. PAM.

(28) "But [he called] her his first Thought." More clearly blessed Justin Martyr: "a certain first mind or intelligence"; Irenaeus: "the conception of his mind, mother of all, through whom in the beginning he conceived in his mind to make angels and archangels"; just as, in turn, the phrase "her, sharer in his purpose," etc., fits Irenaeus's meaning. PAM.

(printed under page 380)

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(printed under page 380) (29) Ab his vero per invidiam retentam. Irenaeus: « Haec detenta est ab ipsis propter invidiam, quoniam nollent progenies alterius cujusdam putari esse. » Ex quibus manifestissimum fit corrupta esse quae in vulgatis editionibus, atque etiam in exemplaribus antiquis leguntur: « Ab his vero perinde animo retentam. » Et, « Ab his non perinde animam retentam. » RIG.

(29) "But held back by them out of envy." Irenaeus: "She was detained by them out of envy, since they did not wish to be thought the offspring of anyone else." From which it becomes most evident that what is read in the common editions, and in old copies too, is corrupt: "held back by them likewise in mind", and "the soul not likewise held back by them". RIG.

(printed under page 380)

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(printed under page 380) (30) Stesichori postea oculis. Fabula illa multis scripta. Is enim cum oculis privatus esset propter vituperationes suas in Helenam, falsa esse quae de ipsa dixerat, edito poemate quod palinodiam vocavit, testatus est, statimque visum recuperavit. LE PR.

(30) "Afterwards with the eyes of Stesichorus." That fable is written by many. For when he had been deprived of his eyes on account of his abuse of Helen, he declared that what he had said of her was false, in a poem he published and called a palinode, and at once recovered his sight. LE PR.

(printed under page 380) (31) Nescio humeris an feminibus. Alludit Septimii stylus ad parabolam boni Pastoris, ludens in Helena meretrice. RIG.

(31) "Whether on his shoulders or on his thighs, I do not know." Septimius's pen alludes to the parable of the Good Shepherd, making play with Helen the harlot. RIG.

(printed under page 380)

Page

running head: 751 TERTULLIANI OPERUM PARS II. —
marginal letters: A justitiam saeculi citius evadant; B dum semper ignorat; quotidie timens; C (24) Deus itaque judicabit plenius (commentary); D Helenam quamdam Tyriam. Tum hic (commentary)
old-edition numerals: 708 after vel

PL 2:752

sua in interitum, frustra flevit conversus ad veritatis expugnationem, quasi pro solatio ultionis, fultus etiam artis suae viribus, ad praestigias virtutis alicujus Helenam quamdam Tyriam de loco libidinis publicae eadem pecunia redemit, dignam sibi mercedem pro Spiritu sancto. Et se quidem finxit summum patrem, illam vero injectionem suam primam, qua injecerat angelos et archangelos condere: hujus eam propositi compotem exilisse de patre, et in inferiora desultasse; atque illic praevento patris proposito, angelicas potestates genuisse, ignaras patris, artificis mundi hujus; ab his vero per invidiam retentam, ne digressa ea alterius genimina viderentur; et idcirco omni contumeliae addictam, ut nusquam discedere depretiatam liberet, humanae quoque formae succidisse, velut vinculis carnis coercendam; ita multis aevis per alios atque alios habitus femininos volutatam, etiam illam Helenam fuisse, exitiosissimam Priamo, et Stesichori postea oculis, quem et excaecasset ob convicium carminis, dehinc reluminasset ob satisfactionem laudis; proinde migrantem eam de corporibus in corpora, postrema de decoratione, sub titulo prostitisse Helenam viliorem: hanc igitur esse ovem perditam, ad quam descenderit pater summus, Simon scilicet, et primum recuperata ea et revecta, nescio humeris an feminibus, exinde ad hominum respexerit salutem, quasi per vindictam liberandorum

to destruction, he wept in vain and turned to an assault upon the truth. As if for the solace of revenge, and supported also by the powers of his art, he used the same money to redeem, for the conjuring tricks of some power, a certain Helen of Tyre from a place of public lust: a reward worthy of himself in place of the Holy Spirit. He feigned that he himself was the supreme father, and that she was his first conception, by which he had put it into her to create angels and archangels. He claimed that she, having grasped this purpose, sprang forth from the father and leapt down into the lower regions. There, forestalling the father's purpose, she brought forth the angelic powers, who were ignorant of the father, the craftsman of this world. But she was held back by them out of envy, lest once she had departed they should seem to be the offspring of another. Therefore, handed over to every insult so that, cheapened, she might nowhere wish to depart, she also sank down into human form, as though to be restrained by the chains of flesh. So, rolled through many ages from one female guise into another, she had also been that Helen most ruinous to Priam, and afterwards to the eyes of Stesichorus, whom she had first blinded on account of the abuse in his poem and then restored to sight on account of the amends of his praise. Thereafter, migrating from bodies into bodies, at last, after her finery, she stood for hire under the label of a cheaper Helen. She, then, was the lost sheep, to whom the supreme father, namely Simon, had descended. Having first recovered her and carried her back, whether on his shoulders or on his thighs I do not know, he thereafter turned his regard to the salvation of men, as if by way of vengeance freeing those who were to be set free

Editors' notes and page, col. 752

Footnotes

(v93) ‹anchor: de decoratione› · call in col 752

93 Postremo de decoratione cod. Wouw.

93 "Postremo de decoratione": the codex of Wouwer.

(printed under page 380)

(v94) ‹anchor: quam descenderit› · call in col 752

94 Descendit Rig. Ven.

94 "Descendit" (descended): Rig., Ven.

Commentarius (printed under page 380)

(31) ‹anchor: an feminibus› · call in col 752

(printed under page 380)

Page

running head: UM PARS II. — SERIES I, POLEMICA. 752 (cut off at left edge)
marginal letters: A veritatis expugnationem, quasi pro solatio; B tur; et idcirco omni contumeliae; C Recognit. ubi a luna; D esse quae in vulgatis editionibus
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ex illis angelicis potestatibus; quibus fallendis, et ipse configuratus aeque, et hominibus hominem ementitus, in Judaea quidem filium, in Samaria vero patrem gesserit. O Helenam inter poetas et haereticos laborantem! tunc adulterio, nunc stupro infamem! nisi quod de Troja gloriosius eruitur, quam de lupanari: mille navibus de Troja, nec mille denariis forsitan de lupanari. Erubesce, Simon, tardior in requirendo, inconstantior in retrahendo. At Menelaus statim insequitur amissam, statim repetit ereptam, decenni praelio extorquet, non latens, non fallens, non cavillabundus. Vereor ne ille magis pater fuerit, qui circa Helenae recuperationem et vigilantius et audentius et diutius laboraverit.

from among those angelic powers; to deceive these he too was likewise transfigured, and, feigning himself a man to men, he played the son in Judaea and the father in Samaria. O Helena, toiling between the poets and the heretics! Then infamous for adultery, now for prostitution! Except that she is rescued from Troy more gloriously than from a brothel: with a thousand ships from Troy, from the brothel perhaps not even with a thousand denarii. Blush, Simon, slower in seeking her out, less steadfast in drawing her back. But Menelaus at once pursues her when lost, at once demands her back when snatched away, wrests her out by a ten years' war, not lurking, not deceiving, not quibbling. I fear that he was rather the father, who laboured both more watchfully and more boldly and longer over the recovery of Helena.

CAPUT XXXV.

Chapter XXXV.

Sed non tibi soli metempsychosis hanc fabulam instruxit. Inde etiam Carpocrates utitur pariter magus, pariter fornicarius, etsi Helena minus, quidni? cum propter omnimodam divinae et humanae disciplinae eversionem constituendam, recorporari animas adseveraverit: nulli enim vitam istam rato fieri, nisi universis, quae arguunt eam, expunctis, quia non natura quid malum habeatur, sed opinione, itaque metempsychosin necessarie imminere, si non in primo quoque vitae hujus commeatu omnibus inlicitis satisfiat: scilicet facinora tributa sunt vitae: caeterum totiens animam revocari habere, quotiens minus quid intulerit, reliquatricem delictorum, donec exsolvat novissimum quadrantem (Matth. V), detrusa identidem in carcerem corporis. Hunc enim temperat totam illam allegoriam Domini, certis interpretationibus relucentem: et primo quidem simpliciter intelligendam; nam et ethnicus homo adversarius noster est, incedens eamdem viam vitae communis. Caeterum, oportebat nos de mundo exire (I Cor. V), si

But it was not for you alone that metempsychosis furnished this fable. From it Carpocrates too draws, likewise a magician, likewise a fornicator, though short of a Helena. And why not? Since, for the purpose of bringing about the overthrow of every kind of divine and human discipline, he asserted that souls are re-embodied: for this life is ratified for no one unless all the things that reproach it have been discharged, because a thing is held evil not by nature but by opinion; and so metempsychosis necessarily impends, if satisfaction is not made to all unlawful things in the first sojourn of this life as well: that is, crimes have been assigned to life; furthermore, the soul must be called back as often as it has paid in anything short, remaining in arrears of offences, until it pays off the last farthing (Matt. 5:26), thrust again and again into the prison of the body. For to this he adjusts that whole allegory of the Lord, shining with definite interpretations: and indeed in the first place to be understood simply; for the heathen man too is our adversary, walking the same road of the common life. Otherwise, we would have to go out of the world (1 Cor. 5:10), if

Editors' notes and page, col. 753

Footnotes

Variae lectiones (printed under page 381)

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95 Observatio Pam. Rhen.

95 "Observatio" (observance): Pam., Rhen.

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96 Diaboli omitt. Rig. Ven.

96 "Diaboli" omitted by Rig., Ven.

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(printed under page 381) (32) Pariter magus. Uno verbo dixit quod latius Irenaeus de Carpocrate et ejus discipulis, ac post eum Eusebius (His. Eccles. l. IV, c. 7) et Epiphanius: « Artes enim, inquit, magicas operantur ipsi et incantationes, philtra quoque χαριτήσια [id est amatoria, ut interpretes Eusebii vertunt], et paredros [sive assessores], et oniropompos [sive somnia mittentes], et reliquas malignationes, seu, sicuti interpres Epiphanii, praestigias. » Pariter fornicarius. Hoc addit Auctor, quoniam, juxta Irenaeum, Marcellina, quae Romam sub Aniceto venit, cum esset hujus doctrinae, multos exterminavit. Quod ipsum repetit Epiphanius, addens eos in luxu degere, et omnia ad corporis voluptatem operari solere, usque adeo ut Eusebius istius potissimum discipulis Gnosticis imputet suspicionem illam, quam de Christianis omnibus ipsorum causa conceperant ethnici, de stupris promiscuis, et exsecrando infanticidio; a quibus criminibus latissime supra in Apologetico sese defendit Tertullianus. PAM.

(32) "Likewise a magician." In one word he said what Irenaeus says more fully of Carpocrates and his disciples, and after him Eusebius (Church History, Book IV, ch. 7) and Epiphanius: "For they practise magic arts," he says, "and incantations, and also charitēsia philtres [that is, love-charms, as the translators of Eusebius render it; the Greek word is blurred in the scan], and paredri [or attendant spirits], and oneiropompi [or dream-senders], and other malignities, or, as Epiphanius's translator has it, conjuring tricks." "Likewise a fornicator." The Author adds this because, according to Irenaeus, Marcellina, who came to Rome under Anicetus, being of this teaching, ruined many. Epiphanius repeats this very thing, adding that they live in luxury and are wont to do everything for the body's pleasure; so much so that Eusebius imputes chiefly to this man's Gnostic disciples that suspicion which the heathen had formed against all Christians on their account, of promiscuous debauchery and execrable infanticide; from which crimes Tertullian defended himself at great length above in the Apology. PAM.

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(printed under page 381) (33) Pariter fornicarius, etsi Helena minus. Etsi Helenam non haberet. RIG.

(33) "Likewise a fornicator, though less so with a Helen." Even if he had no Helen. RIG.

(—) ‹anchor: not in view on the page foot› · second note on (33), unnumbered Etsi Helena minus. Quamvis fornicarius, non tamen aequavit Helenam; quae excidii Trojani causa fuit, ob vitae turpitudinem, et calamitatum plurimarum funus. LE PR.

"Though less so with a Helen." Though a fornicator, he did not equal Helen, who was the cause of Troy's destruction, through the shamefulness of her life, and the death of very many calamities. LE PR.

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(printed under page 381) (34) Nisi modico quoque delicto mora resurrectionis expenso. Id est, interim vel antequam resurgamus, non quod ipsa dilatio resurrectionis sola sit expiatio, et purgatio venialium culparum; sed quod in purgatorio, purgemur variis poenis post hanc vitam et antequam resurgamus. Caeterum interpretationem istam Tertullianicam facere pro purgatione animarum post hanc vitam a modicis quibuscumque delictis, atque ideo pro purgatorio, adnotavit Pamelius, adjunctis aliis testimoniis S. Cypriani. LAC.

(34) "Unless even a slight fault is paid off by a delay of the resurrection." That is, meanwhile, or before we rise again; not that the delay of the resurrection by itself is the expiation and cleansing of venial faults, but that in purgatory we are cleansed by various punishments after this life and before we rise again. Pamelius noted that this Tertullianic interpretation supports the purification of souls after this life from any slight faults, and so supports purgatory, adding other testimonies of St Cyprian. LAC.

(printed under page 381) (35) Hoc est ex malis fructibus bonam arborem intelligi. Ironia est, qua ridet interpretationem Harpocratis; et etiam accipitur vox spero, quae sequitur, pro timeo; sicuti supra non semel; tanquam si timeret ne posset respondere argumentis propositis. PAM.

(35) "This is to understand a good tree from bad fruits." It is irony, by which he mocks the interpretation of Harpocrates [i.e. Carpocrates]; and the word "I hope", which follows, is taken for "I fear", as above more than once; as if he feared he could not answer the arguments put forward. PAM.

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running head: 753 LIBER DE ANIM (cut off at the image edge; presumably LIBER DE ANIMA)
marginal letters: A rum ex illis angelicis potestatibus; B rationem et vigilantius et audentius (near the end of ch. XXXIV); C animam revocari habere, quotiens minus quid in-; D in the commentary area, beside nius : « Artes enim, inquit
old-edition numerals: 710 after magus (32),

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cum illis conversari non liceret. Huic ergo bonum animi praestes jubet (Luc. VI): Diligite inimicos vestros, inquit, et orate pro maledicentibus vos, ne aliquo commercio negotiorum injuria provocatus, abstrahat te ad suum judicem, et in custodiam delegatus ad exsolutionem totius debiti arcteris. Tum si in diabolum transfertur adversarii mentio ex observatione comitante, cum illo quoque moneris eam inire concordiam, quae deputetur ex fidei conventione: pactus es enim renuntiare ipsi, et pompae, et angelis ejus. Convenit inter vos de isto. Haec erit amicitia observatione sponsionis, ne quid ejus postea resumas ex his quae ejerasti, quae illi reddidisti, ne te ut fraudatorem, ut pacti transgressorem judici Deo objiciat, sicut eum legimus alibi (Apoc. XII, 10) sanctorum criminatorem, et de ipso etiam nomine diaboli delatorem, et judex te tradat angelo exsecutionis, et ille te in carcerem mandet infernum, unde non dimittaris, nisi modico quoque delicto mora resurrectionis expenso. Quid his sensibus aptius? quid his interpretationibus verius? Caeterum, apud Carpocratem, si omnium facinorum debitrix anima est, quis erit inimicus et adversarius ejus intelligendus? Credo, mens melior, quae illam in aliquid innocentiae impegerit, adigendam rursus ac rursus in corpus, donec in nullo rea deprehendatur bonae vitae. Hoc est ex malis fructibus bonam arborem intelligi, id est, ex pessimis praeceptis doctrinam veritatis agnosci. Spero hujusmodi haereticos Heliae quoque invadere exemplum, tanquam in Joanne sic repraesentati, ut metempsychosi patrocinetur pronuntiatio Domini (Matth. XVII): Elias jam venit, et non cognoverunt eum. Et alibi (Matth. XI): Et si vultis audire, hic est Elias qui venturus est. Numquid ergo et Judaei ex opinione Pythagorica consulebant Joannem (Joan. I): Tu es Elias? et non ex praedicatione divina (Malach. IV): Et ecce mittam

it were not permitted to converse with them. To this one, then, He bids you show goodwill of mind (Luke 6): Love your enemies, He says, and pray for those who curse you, lest, provoked by injury in some dealing of business, he drag you off to his own judge, and you, handed over into custody, be confined until the payment of the whole debt. Then, if from the accompanying observance the mention of the adversary is transferred to the devil, you are admonished to enter with him also into that concord which is reckoned from the covenant of faith: for you have covenanted to renounce him, and his pomp, and his angels. It is agreed between you on this point. This will be the friendship, by observance of the pledge: that you take back afterwards nothing of his from those things which you have abjured, which you have given back to him, lest he present you to God the judge as a defrauder, as a transgressor of the pact, just as we read of him elsewhere (Rev. 12:10) as the accuser of the saints, and, from the very name 'devil', as an informer; and lest the judge hand you over to the angel of execution, and he commit you to the prison of hell, whence you will not be released unless even a small offence has been paid off by the delay of the resurrection. What is more fitting than these meanings? What truer than these interpretations? But with Carpocrates, if the soul is the debtor for all crimes, who will be understood to be its enemy and adversary? The better mind, I suppose, which has driven it into something of innocence, so that it must be thrust again and again into a body, until it is found guilty in nothing of a good life. This is to understand the good tree from bad fruits, that is, to recognize the doctrine of truth from the worst precepts. I expect that heretics of this kind also seize upon the example of Elijah, as though he were so represented again in John that the pronouncement of the Lord supports metempsychosis (Matt. 17): Elijah has already come, and they did not know him. And elsewhere (Matt. 11): And if you wish to hear, this is Elijah who is to come. Were the Jews, then, also questioning John from the Pythagorean opinion (John 1): Are you Elijah? and not from the divine prediction (Mal. 4): And behold, I will send

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97 Sic omitt. Rig. Ven.

97 "Sic" omitted by Rig., Ven.

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98 Patrocinentur praenuntio Rig. Ven.

98 "Patrocinentur praenuntio": Rig., Ven.

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marginal letters: A cum illis conversari non liceret; B reddidisti, ne te ut fraudatorem; C veritatis agnosci. Spero; D fuit, ob vitae turpitudinem (in the Commentarius at the page foot)
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vobis Eliam Thesbiten? Sedenim metempsychosis illorum, revocatio est animae jampridem morte functae, et in aliud corpus iteratae. Elias autem non ex decessione vitae, sed ex translatione venturus est; nec corpori restituendus, de quo non est exemptus (IV Reg. II); sed mundo reddendus, de quo est translatus; non ex postliminio vitae, sed ex supplemento prophetiae; idem et ipse, et sui nominis et sui hominis. Sed quomodo Elias Joannes? Habes angeli vocem (Luc. I): Et ipse, inquit, praecedet coram populo in virtute et spiritu Eliae, non in anima ejus, nec in carne. Hae enim substantiae sui cujusque sunt hominis. Spiritus vero et virtus extrinsecus conferuntur ex Dei gratia. Ita et transferri in alterum possunt ex Dei voluntate, ut factum est retro de Moysis spiritu.

you Elijah the Tishbite? But their metempsychosis is the recalling of a soul long since finished by death and repeated in another body. Elijah, however, is to come not by a departure from life but by translation; he is not to be restored to a body from which he was never removed, but to be given back to the world from which he was translated; not by a return to life, but for the fulfilment of prophecy; one and the same man, of his own name and of his own person. But how is John Elijah? You have the angel's voice (Luke 1:17): "And he," it says, "shall go before in the presence of the people in the power and spirit of Elijah," not in his soul, nor in his flesh. For these are the substances proper to each man. But spirit and power are conferred from without by the grace of God. So too they can be transferred to another by the will of God, as was done formerly with the spirit of Moses.

CAPUT XXXVI.

Chapter XXXVI.

In has quaestiones inde, opinor, excessimus, quo nunc revertendum est. Constitueramus animam in ipso, et ipso seri homine, et unum esse a primordio semen, sicut et carnis in totum generis examen, propter aemulas scilicet opiniones philosophorum et haereticorum, et illum sermonem Platonis veternosum. Nunc ordinem sequentium exinde tractatuum teximus. Anima in utero seminata pariter cum carne, pariter cum ipsa sortitur et sexum, ita pariter in causa sexus neutra

We digressed into these questions, I think, from the point to which we must now return. We had established that the soul is sown in the man himself and from the man himself, and that from the beginning there is one seed, just as there is of the flesh, for the whole swarm of the race, on account, namely, of the rival opinions of the philosophers and heretics, and that drowsy discourse of Plato. Now we weave together the order of the treatments that follow from there. The soul, sown in the womb together with the flesh, together with it also receives its sex, so that together, in the cause of sex, neither

Editors' notes and page, col. 755

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99 Animal Pam. Rhen. animam cod. Agobard.

99 "Animal" (living being): Pam., Rhen.; "animam" (soul): the Agobard codex.

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(printed under page 382) (36) Elias autem non ex decessione, etc. Irenaeus lib. V, cap. 7, ubi de paradiso in Eden, hoc de Elia refert acceptum a presbyteris Apostolorum discipulis, translatum esse in paradisum justis hominibus praeparatum, in quem et Paulus apostolus adsportatus audivit sermones inenarrabiles, quantum ad nos in praesenti; et ibi mansurum usque ad consummationem saeculi: interea conservari incorruptum. RIG.

(36) "But Elijah not by departing [this life]," etc. Irenaeus, Book V, ch. 7, where he speaks of the paradise in Eden, reports this about Elijah as received from the presbyters, the disciples of the Apostles: that he was translated into the paradise prepared for just men, into which the apostle Paul too was carried and heard words unutterable, as far as concerns us at present; and that he will remain there until the consummation of the age, being kept incorrupt meanwhile. RIG.

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(printed under page 382) (37) Sed quomodo Elias Joannes? Similiter prorsus locos hos Scripturae interpretatur B. Augustinus (tr. XIV in Joan. C. I, et l. V de Trinitate, c. 14). Qui interim neutribi legit illud, coram populo, quod Auctori proinde peculiare est. Posteriori vero loco etiam interpretatur spiritum Eliae, pro spiritum Mosei, sicut hic Auctor, qui una voce translatum spiritum Mosei dicit, eo quod dicitur auferri a Mose et dari 70 senioribus. PAM.

(37) "But how is John Elijah?" Blessed Augustine interprets these passages of Scripture in quite the same way (Tractate 14 on John, ch. 1, and On the Trinity, Book V, ch. 14). Yet in neither place does he read "before the people", which is therefore peculiar to the Author. In the latter place he also interprets the spirit of Elijah, for the spirit of Moses, as the Author does here, who in one word speaks of the spirit of Moses "transferred", because it is said to be taken from Moses and given to the 70 elders. PAM.

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(printed under page 382) (38) Constitueramus animam in ipso et ex ipso, etc. Hoc suum paradoxum statuit Tertullianus cap. 25, 26, 27, ubi asseruit animam simul cum carne in utero proseminari, et ex traduce Adami omnes derivari animas per semen, quod rursus in hoc capite inculcat. LAC.

(38) "We had established that the soul [is] in it and from it," etc. Tertullian laid down this paradox of his in chs. 25, 26, 27, where he asserted that the soul is sown together with the flesh in the womb, and that all souls are derived from Adam's stock through the seed, which he presses again in this chapter. LAC.

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(printed under page 382) (39) Propter aemulas scilicet opiniones philosoph. et haeret. Cap. 23, antequam suam sententiam de proseminatione animarum effutiret, recensuit opiniones haereticorum varias circa originem animae aemulantium, philosophica placita, maxime platonica, concedentia animabus originem coelestem, ubi ostendit Valentinum, Saturninum, Carpocratem, Apellem aemulos, et discipulos Platonis fuisse. LAC.

(39) "Because, of course, of the rival opinions of philosophers and heretics." In ch. 23, before blurting out his own opinion on the sowing of souls, he reviewed the various opinions of the heretics on the soul's origin, who imitated the tenets of philosophy, chiefly the Platonic, which grant souls a heavenly origin; where he shows that Valentinus, Saturninus, Carpocrates and Apelles were imitators and disciples of Plato. LAC.

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(printed under page 382) (40) Illum sermonem Platonis veternosum. Non vocat sermonem Platonis veternosum, quod dixerit discentias reminiscentias, veluti profectas ex veterno somno, sed alludens ad veterem sermonem apud Platonem de reciproco animarum discursu, de quo cap. 28: « Quis ille nunc vetus sermo apud memoriam Platonis, » etc. Non sine lepore ludit vocabulo, ut ostendat sermonem illum veterem mere somnium, et sine ullo cerebro esse, et aeque veternosum esse ac veterem. Arnobius quoque veternosum dixit pro vetere, lib. I. LAC.

(40) "That drowsy saying of Plato." He does not call Plato's saying drowsy because he said that learnings are rememberings, as if proceeding from a lethargic sleep, but alluding to the old saying in Plato about the souls' to-and-fro passage, of which ch. 28: "What is that old saying now, in Plato's recollection," etc. Not without wit he plays on the word, to show that that old saying is a mere dream and without any brains, and as drowsy as it is old. Arnobius too used veternosus for vetus, Book I. LAC.

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(printed under page 382) (41) Apelles non pictor, sed haereticus. Ἀπελλῆς, latine Apelles et Apella. Horatius..... Credat Judaeus Apella. Is vero fortean recutitus, quia Judaeus, sed Apella Graecum est Ἀπελλῆς, nec significat recutitum aut verpum. Apelles et Apella, quemadmodum Pyctes et Picta, Prophetes et Propheta, Evergetes et Evergeta, etc. RIG.

(41) "Apelles, not the painter but the heretic." Apellēs, in Latin Apelles and Apella. Horace ..... "Let the Jew Apella believe it." He was perhaps circumcised, being a Jew, but Apella is the Greek Apellēs, and does not mean circumcised. Apelles and Apella, as Pyctes and Picta, Prophetes and Propheta, Evergetes and Evergeta, etc. RIG.

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(printed under page 382) (42) Qua lineas duxerit. Quia pictoris mentionem paulo prius fecit, etiam hanc proverbialem formulam ab illis desumpsit. PAM.

(42) "Where he drew his lines." Because he had mentioned the painter a little before, he took this proverbial phrase too from painters. PAM.

(printed under page 382) (43) Caeterum, et ipsam Dei afflatus animasset. Ad hunc locum videtur respondere August. lib. I de anima, cum ait: « Qui propaginem asserunt animarum, hinc se putant invictius suam munire sententiam, quia cum scriptum sit detraxisse Deum costam de latere viri, eamque aedificasse in mulierem, non est additum, quod in ejus faciem sufflaverit spiritum vitae, ideo, inquiunt, quia de viro jam fuerat animata. » Pro quo dixit auctor: Animal jam et ipsa. Verum respondet, nihil per hoc eorum sententiam adjuvari: « Si enim, inquit, scriptum esset, Insufflavit flatum vitae in faciem mulieris, nec sic esset consequens, ut non propagaretur ex parentibus anima, nisi etiam de filio hoc scriptum reperiretur. Quia vero tacitum est, non negatum neque adfirmatum. » PAM.

(43) "Otherwise God's breath would have ensouled her too." Augustine seems to answer this passage, On the Soul, Book I, when he says: "Those who assert the propagation of souls think they fortify their opinion more invincibly from this: that while it is written that God took a rib from the man's side and built it into a woman, it is not added that he breathed the breath of life into her face; for this reason, they say, that she had already been ensouled from the man." For which the author said: "She too already a living being." But he answers that their opinion is not helped by this: "For if it were written," he says, "'He breathed the breath of life into the woman's face,' it would not follow even so that the soul is not propagated from parents, unless this were found written of the son too. Since in fact it is passed over in silence, it is neither denied nor affirmed." PAM.

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marginal letters: A vobis Eliam Thesbiten? Sedenim; B et virtus extrinsecus conferuntur; C (36) Elias autem non ex decessione (footnote area); D etc. Hoc suum paradoxum statuit (footnote area)
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substantia teneatur. Si enim in seminibus utriusque substantiae aliquam intercapedinem eorum conceptus admitteret, ut aut caro, aut anima prior seminaretur, esset etiam sexus proprietatem alteri substantiae adscribere per temporalem intercapedinem seminum; ut aut caro animae, aut anima carni insculperet sexum : quoniam et Apelles, non pictor, sed haereticus, ante corpora constituens animas viriles ac muliebres, sicut ab Philumena didicit, utique carnem, ut posteriorem, ab anima facit accipere sexum. Et qui animam post partum carni superducunt, utique ante formatae, marem aut feminam de carne sexum praejudicant animae. Utriusque autem substantiae indiscreta semina, et unita suffusio eorum, communem subeunt generis eventum, qua lineas duxerit, quaecumque illa est ratio naturae. Certe et hic se primordiorum forma testatur, cum masculus temporibus effingitur. Prior enim Adam; femina aliquanto serius : posterior enim Eva. Ita diu caro informis est, qualis ex Adae latere decerpta est; animal tamen et ipsa jam, quia et illam tunc Adae portionem animatam agnoscant. Caeterum, et ipsam Dei adflatus animasset, si non ut carnis, ita et animae ex Adam tradux fuisset in femina.

substance is held. For if, in the seeds of each substance, their conception admitted some interval, so that either the flesh or the soul were sown first, it would also be possible to ascribe the property of sex to one substance by the temporal interval between the seeds, so that either the flesh would engrave sex upon the soul, or the soul upon the flesh: since Apelles too, not the painter but the heretic, who sets souls, male and female, before bodies, as he learned from Philumena, certainly makes the flesh, as the later, receive its sex from the soul. And those who bring the soul upon the flesh after birth, upon flesh certainly formed beforehand, prejudge the sex of the soul, male or female, from the flesh. But the undivided seeds of both substances, and their united outpouring, undergo a common outcome of kind, wherever it has drawn its lines, whatever that principle of nature is. Certainly here too the form of the first beginnings bears witness to itself, when the male is fashioned in its due times. For Adam was first; the female somewhat later: for Eve was later. So for a long time the flesh is unformed, such as was taken from Adam's side; yet it was itself already a living being, since they acknowledge that it too was then an animated portion of Adam. Otherwise the breath of God would have animated her as well, had there not been in the woman a transmission from Adam of the soul as of the flesh.

CAPUT XXXVII.

Chapter XXXVII.

Omnem autem hominis in utero serendi, struendi,

But the whole [process] of a human being's sowing in the womb, of constructing,

Editors' notes and page, col. 756

Footnotes

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(printed under page 382)

Page

running head: [...]M PARS II. — SERIES I, POLEMICA. 756
marginal letters: A substantia teneatur. Si enim; B Utriusque autem substantiae; C terno somno, sed alludens (commentary); D hunc locum videtur (commentary)
old-edition numerals: 713 after Eva.

PL 2:757

fingendi paraturam aliqua utique potestas divinae voluntatis ministra modulatur, quacumque illa rationem agitare sortita. Haec aestimando, etiam superstitio Romana deam finxit Alemonam, alendi in utero fetus; et Nonam et Decimam, a sollicitioribus mensibus; et Partulam, quae partum gubernet; et Lucinam, quae producat in lucem. Nos officia divina angelos credimus. Ex eo igitur fetus in utero homo, a quo forma completa est. Nam et Moysis lex (Exod. XXI, 22) tunc aborsus reum talionibus judicat, cum jam hominis est causa, cum jam illi vitae et mortis status deputatur, cum et fato jam inscribitur, etsi adhuc in matre vivendo, cum matre plurimum communicat sortem. Dicam aliquid et de temporibus animae nascentis, ut ordinem decurram.

of fashioning, some power at any rate, the minister of the divine will, regulates the preparation, that [power] having been allotted to carry out the task in whatever way. Considering this, even Roman superstition invented the goddess Alemona, [goddess] of nourishing the foetus in the womb; and Nona and Decima, from the more anxious months; and Partula, to govern the delivery; and Lucina, to bring forth into the light. We believe the divine offices to be angels. From that point, therefore, the foetus in the womb is a human being, from which its form is complete. For the law of Moses too (Exod. 21:22) judges the one who causes a miscarriage liable to retaliation at the point when the case is already that of a human being, when the status of life and death is already assigned to it, when it is already also inscribed by fate, even though, still living in the mother, it for the most part shares its lot with the mother. I shall say something also about the times of the soul being born, so as to run through the order.

Editors' notes and page, col. 757

Footnotes

NOTE: the column images show the Variae lectiones and the opening of note (44) (set below from them). The start of the lemma of note (49) in the right column is NOT in view and is not set here; it needs the full-page image. Everything visible is set below.  (var. 1) ‹anchor: tunc aborsus› · call in col 757 Oborsus Fran.

"Oborsus": the Franeker edition.

(var. 2) ‹anchor: etsi adhuc› · call in col 757 Et sic adhuc cum. Jun.

"Et sic adhuc cum": Junius.

Commentarius (printed under page 383)

(44) ‹anchor: ministra modulatur› · call in col 757

Aliqua utique potestas divinae voluntatis ministra modulatur. Quae sit haec potestas paulo post explicat, cum dicit: Nos officia divina (id est, phrasi jureconsultorum, ministros Dei) angelos credimus. Facit itaque locus iste ad confirmationem dogmatis catholici de angelis peculiaribus homini cuique deputatis, de quibus est elegans B. Hieronymi sententia in illud Matth. XVIII: Angeli eorum semper vident faciem Patris mei: « Magna, inquit, dignitas animarum, ut unaquaeque habeat ab ortu nativitatis in custodiam sui angelum deputatum. » De iisdem exstat quaest. 30 apud Justin. martyr. lib. Quaest. et resp.; et idipsum adfirmant BB. Hilarius in Psal. CXXXIII, Basilius in Psal. XLVIII et alibi, Augustinus in Soliloq. c. 27. Eodem pertinet quod, inter opera B. Cypriani, Prologo operis de Cardin. Christi Operibus, vocentur angeli salutis nostrae ministeriales, et quod Rufinus in expositione Symboli scribit, ab initio praefectas quasdam virtutum coelestium potestates, quibus regeretur et dispensaretur mortalium genus. Vide etiam Origenem, hom. 13 et 35 in Luc. et hom. 11 in Numeros. PAM.

(44) "Some power at any rate, the minister of the divine will, regulates." What this power is he explains shortly after, when he says: "We believe the divine offices (that is, in the jurists' phrase, the ministers of God) to be angels." This passage therefore supports the Catholic dogma of particular angels assigned to each man, on which there is a fine saying of blessed Jerome on Matthew 18, "Their angels always see the face of my Father": "Great," he says, "is the dignity of souls, that each has from the moment of birth an angel assigned to guard it." On the same there is question 30 in Justin Martyr's book of Questions and Answers; and the blessed Hilary on Psalm 133, Basil on Psalm 48 and elsewhere, and Augustine in the Soliloquies, ch. 27, affirm the same. To the same purpose is that, among the works of blessed Cyprian, in the Prologue of the work On the Cardinal Works of Christ, the angels are called ministers of our salvation; and that Rufinus writes in his Exposition of the Creed that from the beginning certain powers of the heavenly virtues were set in charge, by which the race of mortals should be ruled and ordered. See also Origen, Homilies 13 and 35 on Luke, and Homily 11 on Numbers. PAM.

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(printed under page 383) (45) Etiam Romana superstitio deam finxit Alemonam. De Alemona vide Gyraldum, de diis gentium. De aliis tribus (sicuti etiam ante me adnotavit Turnebus, Adv. lib. XVIII, c. 34), in haec verba Gellius: « Duae Parcae a Latinis, una a partu noni mensis Nona, altera ab enixu decimi mensis Decima dicebatur. Accedebat tertia, quae Parca dicebatur, quasi Parta, mutato t in c. » Eam hic auctor Partulam vocat, quod partum gubernet. Porro de Lucina infra latius c. 39. PAM.

(45) "Roman superstition too invented a goddess Alemona." On Alemona see Giraldi, On the Gods of the Gentiles. On the other three (as Turnèbe also noted before me, Adversaria, Book XVIII, ch. 34), Gellius in these words: "Two Fates among the Latins, one called Nona from the birth in the ninth month, the other Decima from the delivery in the tenth month. A third was added, called Parca, as if Parta, t being changed to c." The author here calls her Partula, because she governs childbirth. As to Lucina, more fully below, ch. 39. PAM.

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(printed under page 383) (46) Non et Moysis lex tunc aborsus reum, etc. Lex illa habetur Exodi XXI, juxta LXX. Decretum autem ibi est, ut si quis mulierem praegnantem percusserit, si infans figuratus non fuerit, reus erit et damnatus secundum viri illius mulieris voluntatem, cum quo litem componet; si vero figuratus fuerit infans, hoc est animatus, dabit animam pro anima: reus enim erit homicidii. Aborsus autem dicitur juxta quosdam primis praegnationis mensibus, abortus vero cum imminet puerperium. LE PR.

(46) "Did not the law of Moses too then [hold] the one who caused a miscarriage guilty," etc. That law is found in Exodus 21, according to the Seventy. It is decreed there that if anyone strikes a pregnant woman, if the infant was not formed, he shall be guilty and condemned according to the will of that woman's husband, with whom he will settle the suit; but if the infant was formed, that is, ensouled, he shall give life for life: for he will be guilty of homicide. According to some, aborsus is said of the first months of pregnancy, abortus when delivery is near. LE PR.

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(printed under page 383) (47) Cum jam hominis est causa. Hoc est, hominis appellatio et titulus. Jam formato fetu, παιδίου ἐξεικονισμένου, ut jam homo censeri debeat. Nam ut ait Hieronymus ad Algasiam, quaest. 4: « Tandiu non reputatur homo, donec elementa confusa suas imagines membraque suscipiant. » RIG.

(47) "When it is now a human case." That is, the name and title of man. When the foetus is already formed, paidiou exeikonismenou (a child fully shaped), so that it should now be reckoned a man. For as Jerome says to Algasia, question 4: "He is not reckoned a man until the confused elements take on their forms and limbs." RIG.

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(printed under page 383) (48) Etsi adhuc in matre vivendo, cum matre plu- (continues)

(48) "Although still living in the mother, with the mother ..." (continues)

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(49, lemma partly not in view) ⟨…⟩gressus est. Etsi nonus mensis hodie partubus tribuatur, illud tamen consentit cum veterum regulis qui decimum mensem statuebant. Turnebus noster illud ideo fieri ait, quia breviores erant veterum menses, utpote lunares, nostri vero ad solis motum accommodati sunt, suntque adeo longiores. Apud jureconsultos decimi mensis partus legitimus habetur. Potest etiam haeres institui nepos ex filio mortuo, vel neptis, modo decimo mense nascatur a morte patris ex l. Gallus 29. D. de liberis, vel Posthumis haered. inst. l. ult. C. depostum. Post decem menses id fieri non potest, ex l. VI, De iis qui sunt sui. Licet scripserit Angelius Adrianum imperatorem decrevisse undecimi mensis partum legitimum esse. LE PR.

(49, lemma partly not in view) "[…] has [pro]gressed." Although today the ninth month is assigned to births, that agrees nonetheless with the rules of the ancients, who fixed the tenth month. Our Turnèbe says this is because the ancients' months were shorter, being lunar, whereas ours are fitted to the sun's motion and so are longer. Among the jurists a birth in the tenth month is held legitimate. A grandson or granddaughter by a dead son can also be instituted heir, provided the child is born in the tenth month from the father's death, by the law Gallus 29, Digest, On children and posthumous heirs instituted, and the last law, Code, De postumis [printed "depostum"]. After ten months this cannot be done, by law 6, On those who are in their own power. Though Angelius has written that the emperor Hadrian decreed a birth in the eleventh month to be legitimate. LE PR.

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(printed under page 383) (50) Decurialem numerum. Decurialis nove ab Auctore pro denario numero accipitur. Huc autem pertinet quod Athenagoras (Orat. pro Christian.) decenarium numerum maximum dicat secundum Pythagoricos, qui et quaternarius sit, et tum arithmeticum numerum, tum musicae harmonicae ut concentus rationis complectatur. Continet enim numerandi genera universa, numerorum est fons et principium, ex uno, duobus, tribus, et quaternario constans. PAM.

(50) "The decurial number." Decurialis is taken by the Author, in a new usage, for the number ten. To this belongs Athenagoras's saying (Plea for the Christians) that the number ten is the greatest according to the Pythagoreans, which is also the quaternary, and embraces both arithmetical number and, as it were, the concord of the ratio of harmonic music. For it contains all kinds of numbering, is the fountain and principle of numbers, consisting of one, two, three and four. PAM.

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(printed under page 383) (51) Ego ad Deum potius argumentabor. Ingeniose quidem, sed superstitionem superstitionibus revincit. RIG.

(51) "I will rather argue towards God." Ingeniously indeed, but he refutes superstition with superstitions. RIG.

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(printed under page 383) (52) Sed et cum septimo mense. Septimestris partus adeo legitimus est ut matri prosit, cum sit pleni temporis L. septimo. D. de stat. bon. Qua de causa octimestris non idem faciat partus, septenarii numeri virtuti tribuendum censent quidam; sed adeunda erit B. Ambrosii epist. 39 ad Horontianum. Hippocrates, lib. II Epid. sect. 3, ad vitalem partum dies numerat 280. LE PR.

(52) "But also with the seventh month." A seven-month birth is so far legitimate as to benefit the mother, since it is of full term, law 7, Digest, On the status of persons [printed "de stat. bon."]. Why an eight-month birth does not do the same, some think must be attributed to the power of the number seven; but blessed Ambrose's letter 39 to Horontianus should be consulted. Hippocrates, Epidemics II, section 3, counts 280 days to a viable birth. LE PR.

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(printed under page 383) (53) Ogdoas nos non creat. Alludit ad mensem octavum, quo fere mense partus vitales non sunt. Praeterea vero alludit ad octavum diem, quo transacta hebdomade recurrit dies Solis, quem Dominicum jure dicimus, ob resurrectionem Domini nostri, quo etiam die futurum supremi judicii, ac proinde resurrectionis nostrae diem. Tunc vero, quod Matthaeus affirmat, nullae nobis amplius nuptiae. RIG.

(53) "The Ogdoad does not create us." He alludes to the eighth month, in which births are generally not viable. But besides, he alludes to the eighth day, on which, the week being completed, the day of the Sun returns, which we rightly call the Lord's day because of our Lord's resurrection; on which day, too, will be the day of the last judgement, and so of our resurrection. And then, as Matthew affirms, there will be no more marriages for us. RIG.

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Page

running head: 757 LIBER DE ANIMA (cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A di, fingendi paraturam; B poribus animae nascentis; C De iisdem exstat quaest. 30 (in the commentary); D Partulam vocat, quod partum (in the commentary)
old-edition numerals: 714 after homo,

PL 2:758

Legitima nativitas ferme decimi mensis ingressus est. Qui numeros ratiocinantur, et decurialem numerum ut exinde reliquorum parentem colunt, denique perfectorem nativitatis humanae. Ego ad Deum potius argumentabor hunc modum temporis, ut decem menses Decalogo magis inaugurent hominem, ut tanto temporis numero nascamur, quanto disciplinae numero renascimur. Sed et cum septimo mense nativitas plena est, facilius quam octavo, honorem Sabbati agnoscam, ut quo die dedicata est Dei conditio, eo mense interdum producatur Dei imago. Concessum est properare nativitati, et tam idonee occurrere iu hebdomadem, in auspicia resurrectionis, et requietis et regni. Ideo ogdoas nos non creat: tunc enim nuptiae non erunt. Societatem

A legitimate birth is, as a rule, the entering upon the tenth month. Those who reason about numbers revere the decurial number as the parent of all the rest that come from it, and consequently as the perfecter of human birth. I for my part shall rather argue this measure of time with reference to God, that the ten months should rather inaugurate man by the Decalogue, so that we are born by as great a number of time as is the number of the discipline by which we are reborn. But also, since birth is complete in the seventh month, more readily than in the eighth, I shall recognize the honour of the Sabbath, so that in the month answering to the day on which God's creation was dedicated, the image of God is sometimes brought forth. It has been granted to birth to hasten, and so fittingly to meet the hebdomad, as an auspice of resurrection, and of rest, and of the kingdom. Therefore the ogdoad does not create us: for then there will be no marriages. The fellowship

Editors' notes and page, col. 758

Page

running head: [LI]BER DE ANIMA. 758 (left edge cut off in the image)
marginal letters: A Legitima nativitas ferme decimi mensis; B creat (35): tunc enim nuptiae; C habetur. Potest etiam haeres (in the Commentarius); D niose quidem, sed superstitionem (in the Commentarius)
old-edition numerals: 715 after est,

PL 2:759

carnis atque animae jamdudum commendavimus a concretione seminum ipsorum usque ad figmenti perfectionem. Perinde nunc, et a nativitate defendimus, imprimis quod simul crescunt, sed diversa ratione pro generum conditione; caro modulo, anima ingenio, caro habitu, anima sensu. Caeterum, animam substantia crescere negandum est, ne etiam decrescere substantia dicatur, atque ita et defectura credatur. Sed vis ejus, in qua naturalia peculia consita retinentur, salvo substantiae modulo quo a primordio inflata est, paulatim cum carne producitur. Constitue certum pondus auri vel argenti, rudem adhuc massam; collectus habitus est illi, et futuro interim minor, tamen continens intra lineam moduli totum quod natura est auri vel argenti; dehinc, cum in laminam massa laxatur, major efficitur initio suo, per dilatationem ponderis certi, non per adjectionem; dum extenditur, non dum augetur. Etsi sic quoque augetur, dum exteuditur; licet enim habitu augeri, cum statu non licet. Tunc et splendor ipse provehitur auri vel argenti, qui fuerat quidem et in massa, sed obscurior, non tamen nullus, tunc et alii atque alii habitus accedunt pro facilitate materiae qua duxerit eam qui agit, nihil conferens modulo nisi effigiem. Ita et animae crementa reputanda, non substantiva, sed provectiva.

of flesh and soul we have long since commended, from the concretion of the seeds themselves up to the completion of the formation. In the same way we now maintain it also from birth, first of all because they grow together, but in a different manner according to the condition of their kinds: the flesh in size, the soul in intellect; the flesh in bodily state, the soul in perception. But it must be denied that the soul grows in substance, lest it also be said to decrease in substance, and so be believed also to be destined to fail. But its power, in which the natural endowments implanted in it are retained, is gradually brought forward together with the flesh, while the measure of substance with which it was breathed in from the beginning remains intact. Take a certain weight of gold or silver, a mass still rough: its form is compact, and for the time being smaller than it will be, yet it contains within the outline of its measure all that is by nature gold or silver; then, when the mass is spread out into a leaf, it becomes larger than at its beginning, by the expansion of a fixed weight, not by addition; while it is extended, not while it is increased. Although even so it is increased, while it is extended; for it may be increased in form, though it may not in state. Then also the very lustre of the gold or silver is brought forward, which had indeed existed in the mass as well, but more dimly, yet not as nothing; then too other and yet other forms are added according to the pliability of the material, as he who works it has drawn it out, contributing nothing to the measure except shape. So too the increments of the soul are to be reckoned not substantial but developmental.

CAPUT XXXVIII.

Chapter XXXVIII.

Quamquam autem et retro praestruxerimus, omnia naturalia animae ipsi substantiae inesse pertinentia ad sensum et intellectum, et ex ingenito

Although, moreover, we have also laid down earlier that all the natural properties of the soul pertaining to perception and intellect are inherent in its very substance, and from the innate

Editors' notes and page, col. 759

Footnotes

Variae lectiones (printed under page 384)

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8 Congregatione cod. Agobard.

8 "Congregatione" (by gathering): the Agobard codex.

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9 Et nativitatem cod. Agob.

9 "Et nativitatem" (and birth): the Agobard codex.

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10 Divisa Rig. Ven.

10 "Divisa" (divided): Rig., Ven.

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11 Exsplendor Rig. Ven.

11 "Exsplendor": Rig., Ven.

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12 Perhibetur alii minus bene.

12 "Perhibetur" (is said): others, less well.

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23 Aget Par. alii auget Jun.

13 [printed "23"] "Aget" (will drive): Par., others; "auget" (increases): Jun.

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14 Provocativa omnes praeter Jun.

14 "Provocativa": all except Jun.

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15 Delinquenti Jun.

15 "Delinquenti" (to the one failing): Jun.

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(printed under page 384) (54) Animam substantia crescere negandum est, ne etiam decrescere substantia dicatur, atque ita defectura credatur. Augustinus: « Timuit videlicet, ne deficeret etiam minuendo si cresceret, et non timuit ut deficeret rarescendo cum cresceret. « Sed cum animam Septimius dixerit substantia non crescere, atque ita nec decrescere nec deficere, satis cavisse videtur ne rarescendo deficeret, cum substantia non rarescat, quemadmodum nec substantia decrescat, sed pro modulo corporis vires suas exserat, et peculia proferat. Denique corpus animae tribuit, sed corpus sui generis, hoc est, quale conveniat animae, cui, cum sit immortalis, non conveniat substantia crescere aut deficere. Verum de his hactenus, quorum non dies una faciet compotes et certos, quae Deo sistet immortales. RIG.

(54) "It must be denied that the soul grows in substance, lest it be said also to decrease in substance, and so be believed bound to fail." Augustine: "He feared, of course, that if it grew it might also fail by diminishing, and he did not fear that it might fail by thinning out while it grew." But since Septimius said that the soul does not grow in substance, and so neither decreases nor fails, he seems to have guarded enough against its failing by thinning out, since in substance it does not thin out, just as it does not decrease in substance, but puts forth its powers and brings out its endowments according to the measure of the body. In short, he gives the soul a body, but a body of its own kind, that is, such as befits the soul, which, being immortal, cannot fittingly grow or fail in substance. But enough of these things, of which we shall be made masters and certain not by one day, but by the day that will set us immortal before God. RIG.

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(printed under page 384) (55) Constitue certum pondus auri vel argenti. De hoc loco sic Augustinus: « Quis hunc crederet cum isto corde tam disertum esse potuisse? Sed tremenda sunt ista, non ridenda; ad hoc enim nunquam cogeretur, si aliquid cogitare potuissent, quod sit, et corpus non sit. Quid autem absurdius, quam putare massam cujuspiam metalli ex aliqua parte crescere posse, dum tunditur, nisi decrescat ex altera parte? vel augeri latitudine, nisi crassitudine minuatur? aut ullum esse corpus manente naturae suae quantitate, quod undique crescat, nisi rarescat? » etc. (Lib. X de Gen. ad litt. c. ult.). PAM.

(55) "Take a fixed weight of gold or silver." On this passage Augustine says: "Who would believe that a man with such a mind could have been so eloquent? But these things are to be trembled at, not laughed at; for he would never be driven to this if they could have conceived something that exists and is not a body. What is more absurd than to think that a mass of any metal can grow in some part while it is beaten, unless it decreases in another part? or be increased in breadth unless it is diminished in thickness? or that there is any body, its natural quantity remaining, that grows on every side without thinning out?" etc. (On the Literal Meaning of Genesis, Book X, last chapter). PAM.

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(printed under page 384) (56) Naturalia animae. Peculia scilicet, ut supra. RIG.

(56) "The natural endowments of the soul." Its endowments, that is, as above. RIG.

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(printed under page 384) (57) Nec quia jura civilia, Rerum suarum administrationem legibus civilibus impubes habere non poterat, neque testamentum condere. Tempus autem pubertatis definitur l. I, a qua aetate 1. D. qui testam. fac. poss. LE PR.

(57) "Nor because the civil laws." Under the civil laws a minor could not have the administration of his own affairs, nor make a will. The age of puberty is defined in law 1, "From what age", 1, Digest, Who may make wills. LE PR.

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(printed under page 384) (58) Communicat placitum. Jam communi complexu et commistionis cupidine. RIG.

(58) "It shares a desire." Now in a common embrace and the longing for union. RIG.

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(printed under page 384) (59) Et intelligit quae sint. Jam uterque sexus intelligit quae illa sint agere et pati nata. Desunt utriusque sexus vocabula. Et consimili aposiopesi turpe verbum involvit sub finem libri adversus Valentinianos. RIG.

(59) "And understands what they are." Now each sex understands what those parts are, born to act and to be acted on. The words for the two sexes are left out. And with a like aposiopesis he wrapped up an indecent word towards the end of the book Against the Valentinians. RIG.

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(printed under page 384) (60) Fines suos ad instar ficulneae contagionis prurigine accingit. Significat pubem, et caetera in corpore humano spatia contecta velamine ficulneorum περιζωμάτων. Quasi primi parentes, Adamus et Eva, ungues usque ad extremos perpruriscerent, cum ex ficu folia carpsere, atque inde totam arborem virus infecerit, succi videlicet, sive humoris illius exalbidi, quem de fracta ficu stillare cernimus. Sic lib. de Pudicitia: « Facile quid speciosum viderat concupiscens, et ad inferiora respiciens, et de ficulneis foliis pruriginem retinens. » RIG.

(60) "Girds its borders with an itching like the fig-tree's contagion." He means the pubes and the other regions of the human body covered by the veil of fig-leaf aprons (perizōmatōn). As if our first parents, Adam and Eve, itched to the very tips of their nails when they plucked the leaves from the fig, and a poison had thence infected the whole tree, namely of the sap, that whitish juice which we see dripping from a broken fig. So in the book On Modesty: "Lusting, he had easily seen something attractive, looking at the lower parts, and keeping the itch from the fig leaves." RIG.

(printed under page 384)

Page

running head: 759 TERTULLIANI OPERUM PARS II. — (cut off at image edge)
marginal letters: A tem carnis atque animae jamdudum; B collectus habitus est illi, et futuro; C Quamquam autem et retro; D cavisse videtur ne rarescendo (in the Commentarius, editors' prose)
old-edition numerals: 716 after provectiva (before CAPUT XXXVIII.)

PL 2:760

animae censu, sed paulatim per aetatis spatia procedere, et varie per accidentia evadere, pro artibus, pro institutis, pro locis, pro dominatricibus potestatibus: quod tamen faciat ad carnis animaeque propositam nunc societatem, pubertatem quoque animalem cum carnali dicimus convenire, pariterque et illam suggestu sensuum, et istam processu membrorum exsurgere, a quarto decimo fere anno: non quia Asclepiades inde sapientiam supputat, nec quia jura civilia ab hinc agendis rebus adtemperant; sed quoniam et haec de primordio ratio est. Si enim Adam et Eva ex agnitione boni et mali pudenda tegere senserunt, ex quo idipsum sentimus, agnitionem boni et mali profitemur. Ab his autem annis et suffusior et vestitior sexus est, et concupiscentia oculis arbitris utitur, et communicat placitum, et intelligit quae sint, et fines suos ad instar ficulneae contagionis prurigine accingit, et hominem de paradiso integritatis educit, exinde scabida etiam in caeteras culpas, et delinquendi non naturales, cum jam non ex instituto naturae, sed ex vitio. Caeterum, proprie naturalis concupiscentia unica est, alimentorum solummodo, quam Deus et in primordio contulit: Ex omni ligno, inquit (Gen. III), edetis; et secundae post diluvium geniturae supermensus est (Gen. II): Ecce dedi vobis omnia in escam, tanquam olera foeni; prospectans non tam animae quam carni, etsi propter animam. Auferenda est enim argumentatoris occasio, qui quod anima desiderare videatur alimenta, hinc quoque mortalem cam intelligi cupit, quae cibis sustineatur, denique derogatis

endowment of the soul, but proceed gradually through the stages of age, and turn out variously through circumstances, according to arts, according to institutions, according to places, according to ruling powers: yet, as regards what bears on the partnership of flesh and soul now under consideration, we say that the puberty of the soul also coincides with that of the flesh, and that alike the one by the supply of the senses and the other by the growth of the members rise up from about the fourteenth year: not because Asclepiades reckons wisdom from that point, nor because the civil laws adjust [the capacity for] transacting affairs from then onwards, but because this reckoning too comes from the beginning. For if Adam and Eve, from the knowledge of good and evil, felt that they should cover their shameful parts, then from the time at which we feel that same thing, we profess the knowledge of good and evil. From these years, moreover, the sex is both more given to blushing and more clothed, and concupiscence uses the eyes as its arbiters, and communicates its pleasure, and understands what things are, and girds its borders with an itching after the manner of the fig-tree's contagion, and leads man out of the paradise of integrity, scabby thenceforth also for other faults, and for sins not natural, since they now come not from the ordinance of nature but from vice. For the rest, the properly natural concupiscence is one only, that of food alone, which God conferred even in the beginning: From every tree, He says (Gen. 3), you shall eat; and to the second generation after the flood He measured out over and above (Gen. 2): Behold, I have given you all things for food, as the herbs of the grass; providing not so much for the soul as for the flesh, although for the sake of the soul. For the occasion must be taken away from the arguer who, because the soul seems to desire food, wishes it to be understood from this too that it is mortal, since it is sustained by food, and finally, when [food is] withdrawn

Editors' notes and page, col. 760

Footnotes

(v15) ‹anchor: et delinquendi› · call in col 760

15 Delinquenti Jun.

15 "Delinquenti": Jun.

(v16) ‹anchor: foeni; prospectans› · call in col 760

16 Prospectum Pam. Rhen.

16 "Prospectum": Pam., Rhen.

Commentarius (printed under page 384)

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(57) Nec quia jura civilia, Rerum suarum administrationem legibus civilibus impubes habere non poterat, neque testamentum condere. Tempus autem pubertatis definitur l. I, a qua aetate 1. D. qui testam. fac. poss. LE PR.

(57) "Nor because the civil laws." Under the civil laws one under the age of puberty could not have the administration of his own affairs, nor make a will. The time of puberty is defined in law I, "a qua aetate", 1, Digest, "qui testamenta facere possunt". LE PR.

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(58) Communicat placitum. Jam communi complexu et commistionis cupidine. RIG.

(58) "Communicates its pleasure." Now by a shared embrace and the desire of intercourse. RIG.

(59) ‹anchor: intelligit quae sint› · call in col 760

(59) Et intelligit quae sint. Jam uterque sexus intelligit quae illa siut agere et pati nata. Desunt utriusque sexus vocabula. Et consimili aposiopesi turpe verbum involvit sub finem libri adversus Valentinianos. RIG.

(59) "And understands what things are." Now each sex understands what those [parts] are born to do and to undergo. The words for the two sexes are wanting. With a like aposiopesis he wraps up an indecent word towards the end of the book Against the Valentinians. RIG.

(60) ‹anchor: prurigine accingit› · call in col 760

(60) Fines suos ad instar ficulneae contagionis prurigine accingit. Significat pubem, et caetera in corpore humano spatia contecta velamine ficulneorum περιζωμάτων. Quasi primi parentes, Adamus et Eva, ungues usque ad extremos perpruriscerent, cum ex ficu folia carpsere, atque inde totam arborem virus infecerit, succi videlicet, sive humoris illius exalbidi, quem de fracta ficu stillare cernimus. Sic lib. de Pudicitia: « Facile quid speciosum viderat concupiscens, et ad inferiora respiciens, et de ficulneis foliis pruriginem retinens. » RIG.

(60) "Girds its borders with an itching after the manner of the fig-tree's contagion." He means the pubes and the other regions of the human body covered by the veil of fig-leaf aprons; as though our first parents, Adam and Eve, itched to the very ends of their nails when they plucked leaves from the fig, and the sap had infected the whole tree from there, namely that whitish juice or moisture which we see drip from a broken fig. So in the book On Modesty: "Concupiscence had readily seen something attractive, and looking at the lower parts, and keeping the itch from the fig leaves." RIG.

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Page

running head: UM PARS II. — SERIES I, POLEMICA. 760 (cut off at left edge)
marginal letters: A animae censu, sed paulatim; B sentimus, agnitionem boni; C toris occasio, qui quod anima; D testam. fac. poss. (in the commentary at the page foot)
old-edition numerals: 717 after alimenta,
other: ligature doubt raised by the check (text not changed): foeni | faeni. Settled by Q1b: the page prints fœ-ni (œ), so foeni stands.
misprints kept as printed: "mortalem cam" (for eam). In note (59), "siut" (for sint). Scripture references printed (Gen. III) and (Gen. II) are as printed; the passages are Gen. 2:16 and Gen. 9:3.

PL 2:761

eis evigescat, postremo substractis intercidat. Porro non solum proponendum est quisnam ea desideret, sed et cui; et si propter se, sed et cur, et quando, et quonam usque; tum quod aliud natura desideret, aliud necessitate, aliud secundum proprietatem, aliud in causam. Desiderabit igitur cibos anima, sibi quidem ex causa necessitatis, carni vero ex natura proprietatis. Certe enim domus animae caro est, et inquilinus carnis anima. Desiderabit itaque inquilinus, ex causa et necessitate hujus nomiuis, profutura domui, toto inquilinatus sui tempore; non ut ipse substruendus, nec ut ipse loricandus, nec ut ipse tibicinandus; sed tantum modo continendus: quia non aliter contineri possit, quam domo fulta. Alioquin licebit animae, dilapsa domo, ex destitutione propriorum subsidiorum incolumi abire, habenti sua firmamenta, et propriae conditionis alimenta, immortalitem, rationalitatem, sensualitatem, intellectualitatem, arbitrii libertatem.

grows vigorous by them, and finally, when they are withdrawn, perishes. Moreover, one must consider not only who it is that desires these things, but also for whom; and if for itself, then also why, and when, and how far; and then that it desires one thing by nature, another by necessity, another according to property, and another for a cause. The soul, therefore, will desire food: for itself indeed from the cause of necessity, but for the flesh from the nature of property. For certainly the flesh is the house of the soul, and the soul is the tenant of the flesh. The tenant, therefore, from the cause and necessity of this name, will desire things that will benefit the house for the whole time of its tenancy; not so that it itself should be underpinned, nor so that it itself should be armoured, nor so that it itself should be propped up, but only so that it should be held together, because it could not be held together otherwise than by a house that is shored up. Otherwise the soul will be free, when the house has collapsed, to depart unharmed from the loss of its own supports, since it has its own foundations and the nourishments of its own condition: immortality, rationality, sensibility, intellectuality, freedom of will.

CAPUT XXXIX.

Chapter XXXIX.

Quae omnia nativitus animae conlata, idem qui in primordio invidit, nunc quoque obumbrat atque depravat, quominus aut ultro prospiciantur, aut qua oportet administrentur. Cui enim hominum non adhaerebit spiritus nequam, ab ipsa etiam janua nativitatis animas aucupabundus, vel qua

All these things, bestowed on the soul from birth, the same one who envied them in the beginning now too overshadows and depraves, so that they are neither looked to of one's own accord nor managed as they ought to be. For to which of men will an evil spirit not cleave, lying in wait for souls from the very door of birth, or where

Editors' notes and page, col. 761

Footnotes

Variae lectiones (printed under page 385)

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17 Aliud est natura desiderari Fran. Gagn.

17 "Aliud est natura desiderari" (it is one thing to be desired by nature): Fran., Gagny. [The "d" of "desiderari" is broken in the scan and looks like "o".]

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18 Gloriandus Fran.

18 "Gloriandus": Fran.

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19 Animae. Jun.

19 "Animae": Jun.

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20 Scribundo Jun.

20 "Scribundo" (by writing): Jun.

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21 Constitutione Jun.

21 "Constitutione": Jun.

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22 Totum Jun.

22 "Totum": Jun.

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23 Procreativa lib. Agobard.

23 "Procreativa": the Agobard book.

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24 Pignora Seml.

24 "Pignora" (pledges): Seml.

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25 Patrocinarentur Seml.

25 "Patrocinarentur" (would support): Seml.

Commentarius (printed under page 385)

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(printed under page 385) (61) Tota illa puerperii superstitione. Superstitionem illam et gentilium absurditatem describit S. August. cap. 21, lib. IV, de Civ. In puerperio enim deos advocabant innumeros deasque: Lucinam, Opem, deum Vagicanum, deam Cuninam, Ruminam, Adeonam, Abeonam, deum Statilium, Volumnum, deam Volumnam, aliosque de quibus hic silere mens est. LE PR.

(61) "With all that superstition of childbirth." St Augustine describes that superstition and absurdity of the gentiles, City of God, Book IV, ch. 21. For at childbirth they called on countless gods and goddesses: Lucina, Ops, the god Vagitanus [printed "Vagicanum"], the goddess Cunina, Rumina, Adeona, Abeona, the god Statilius, Volumnus, the goddess Volumna, and others about whom I mean to be silent here. LE PR.

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(printed under page 385) (62) Dum in partu Lucinae. Lucina ita dicta, uti supra cap. 37 dixit Auctor, quod producat in lucem. Huc pertinet quod habet D. Augustinus lib. IV de Civit. Dei, cap. 13: « Lucina quae a parturientibus invocetur; » et illud Terentii in Andria: « Juno Lucina, fer opem. » Cicero enim, si Vivi creditur, et Junonem et Dianam fuisse Lucinam appellatam scribit alicubi, pro quo facit conjunctio et, hic intermedia. PAM.

(62) "While in childbirth to Lucina." Lucina is so called, as the Author said above, ch. 37, because she brings forth into the light. To this belongs what St Augustine has, City of God, Book IV, ch. 13: "Lucina, who is invoked by women in labour"; and that line of Terence in the Andria: "Juno Lucina, bring help." For Cicero, if Vives is to be believed, writes somewhere that both Juno and Diana were called Lucina, which the conjunction "and", standing between here, supports. PAM.

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(printed under page 385) (63) Dum per totam hebdomadam Junoni mensa, etc. Tibullus de natali Junone: / Natalis Juno, sanctos cape thuris acervos. / Videtur itaque, sicuti genius, ita etiam Junoni mensa proponi solere. Sicuti enim, uti mox adjungit Auctor, omnibus genii deputabantur, ita etiam Junones; contro quam sentiunt quidam, qui viris genios, mulieribus Junones attribui volunt. Pro nobis certe facit illud Plinii lib. X: « Cum singuli ex semetipsis totidem deos faciant, genios junonesque adoptando sibi; » et illud Senecae alicubi: « Singulis enim et genium et Junonem dederunt. » PAM.

(63) "While through the whole week a table to Juno," etc. Tibullus on the birthday Juno: / "Birthday Juno, accept the holy heaps of incense." / It seems, then, that a table was customarily set out for Juno as for the genius. For as, as the Author adds presently, genii were assigned to all, so also Junos; contrary to what some think, who would have genii assigned to men and Junos to women. For us at any rate speaks Pliny's saying, Book X [so printed]: "Since each makes out of himself as many gods, adopting for himself genii and Junos"; and Seneca's somewhere: "For they gave each person both a genius and a Juno." PAM.

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(printed under page 385) (64) Statinae deae sacrum est. Ejus meminit lib. ad Nat. II: « Statuendi infantis Statina. » Habebant et stantes deum Statilinum, cujus meminit Augustinus libro IV de Civitate Dei, cap. 21. Statilinum et Statanum praesides puerilitatis deos apud Nonium ex Varrone legimus. RIG.

(64) "There is a rite of the goddess Statina." He mentions her in To the Nations, Book II: "Statina, of setting the infant upright." Those standing also had a god Statilinus, whom Augustine mentions, City of God, Book IV, ch. 21. We read in Nonius, from Varro, of Statilinus and Statanus, gods presiding over childhood. RIG.

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(printed under page 385) (65) Aut totum filii caput reatui vovet. Hoc est, idololatriae. RIG.

(65) "Or vows the son's whole head to guilt." That is, to idolatry. RIG.

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(printed under page 385) (66) Caput reatui vovet, aut aliquem excipit crinem. Votum est quod in Apaturiis fieri solebat. Triduo Apaturia durabant: primo die adornabatur convivium; secundo peractis sacris, puer ad aram ducebatur; tertio referebant in album civium. Adisis Herodotum in Vita Homeri; hic crinem excipit, nihil aliud innuit quam ritum veterum quo puerorum crines detondebant. LE PR.

(66) "Vows the head to guilt, or sets aside some lock of hair." It is the vow that used to be made at the Apaturia. The Apaturia lasted three days: on the first a banquet was prepared; on the second, after the sacrifices, the boy was led to the altar; on the third they entered him on the roll of citizens. Consult Herodotus in the Life of Homer. Here "sets aside a lock" hints at nothing else than the ancients' rite by which they cut off boys' hair. LE PR.

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(printed under page 385) (67) Pro gentica devotione. Genticam devotionem dicit quemadmodum Tacitus morem genticum, lib. VI Annal. RIG.

(67) "For a family devotion." He says "gentic devotion" as Tacitus says "gentic custom", Annals, Book VI. RIG.

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(printed under page 385) (68) Quasi designatos tamen sanctitati ac per hoc etiam saluti intelligi volens fidelium filios. Hoc genus parvulos intelligi voluit libro de Baptismo, cum baptismi cunctationem utiliorem esse ait, praecipue tamen circa parvulos. Etenim subjicit: « Quid festinat innocens aetas ad remissionem peccatorum? » RIG. — Isthinc sumpsisse videtur Hieronymus quod ex libris de Monogamia citavit Epist. ad Paulinum: ubi tamen pro designatis, dicit candidatos fidei, et nullis idololatriae sordibus pollutos. RIG.

(68) "Wishing the children of the faithful to be understood as, so to speak, designated for holiness and through this also for salvation." He meant little ones of this kind in the book On Baptism, when he says that delay of baptism is more profitable, especially however in regard to little ones. For he adds: "Why does the innocent age hurry to the remission of sins?" RIG. — Jerome seems to have taken from here what he cited from the books On Monogamy in his Letter to Paulinus; where, however, instead of "designated" he says "candidates of the faith, and polluted by no filth of idolatry". RIG.

(printed under page 385) (69) Non erit sanctus. Id est, christianus. Etenim Christiani fratres, fideles, sancti. Sanctos Apostolus vocat eos, qui non sunt foris, sive extra Ecclesiam. Sanctos opponit gentibus, ethnicis. Georgius Baeticus lib. de fide et Deo: placita conversatione, atque ipsius sancti Spiritus signatione venerunt. RIG.

(69) "He will not be holy." That is, a Christian. For Christians are brothers, faithful, saints. The Apostle calls saints those who are not outside, that is, outside the Church. He sets the saints against the gentiles, the heathen. Georgius Baeticus, in the book On Faith and God: "they came by a pleasing manner of life, and by the sealing of the Holy Spirit himself." RIG.

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Page

running head: 761 LIBER DE ANIM[A] (cut off at right edge)
marginal letters: A eis evigescat, postremo; B sit, quam domo fulta; C (61) Tota illa puerperii (commentary); D Videtur itaque, sicuti genius (commentary)
old-edition numerals: (none)

PL 2:762

invitatus, tota illa puerperii superstitione. Ita omnes idololatria obstetrice nascuntur, dum ipsi, adhuc uteri infulis apud idola confectis redimiti, genimina sua daemoniorum candidata profitentur; dum in partu Lucinae et Dianae ejulatur; dum per totam hebdomadam Junoni mensa proponitur; dum ultima die facta scribunda advocantur; dum prima etiam constitutio infantis super terram Statinae deae sacrum est. Quis non exinde aut totum filii caput reatui vovet, aut aliquem excipit crinem, aut tota novacula prosecat, aut sacrificio obligat, aut sacro obsignat, pro gentica, pro avita, pro publica aut privata devotione? Sic igitur et Socratem puerum adhuc spiritus daemonic⟨us⟩ invenit. Sic et omnibus genii deputantur, quod daemonum nomen est. Adeo nulla ferme nativitas munda est, utique ethnicorum. Hinc enim et Apostolis ex sanctificato alterutro sexu sanctos procreari ait, tam ex seminis praerogativa, quam ex institutionis disciplina: Caeterum, inquit (I Cor. VII, 14), immundi nascerentur; quasi designatos tamen sanctitati, ac per hoc etiam saluti, intelligi volens fidelium filios; ut hujus spei pignore matrimoniis, quae retinenda censuerat, patrocinaretur. Alioquin meminerat Dominicae definitionis (Joan. III): Nisi quis nascetur ex aqua et spiritu, non ibit in regnum Dei, id est, non erit sanctus.

invited by that whole superstition of childbirth. Thus all are born with idolatry as midwife, while the parents themselves, still wreathed with the bands of the womb made before the idols, declare their offspring to be candidates of the demons; while in labour there is wailing to Lucina and Diana; while for a whole week a table is set out for Juno; while on the last day the things to be written [i.e. the Fates who write] are invoked; while even the first placing of the infant on the ground is sacred to the goddess Statina. Who does not thereafter either vow the whole head of his son to guilt, or reserve some lock of hair, or shear it all off with the razor, or bind it by a sacrifice, or seal it with a sacred rite, for the devotion of the clan, of the ancestors, of the state or of the household? Thus therefore the demonic spirit found Socrates too while he was still a boy. Thus too genii are assigned to all, which is a name of demons. So nearly no birth is clean, at least of the heathen. For hence the Apostle also says that holy ones are procreated when either sex is sanctified, as much by the prerogative of the seed as by the discipline of upbringing: Otherwise, he says (1 Cor. 7:14), they would be born unclean; wishing the children of the faithful to be understood as nevertheless designated, as it were, for holiness, and through this also for salvation; so that by the pledge of this hope he might plead for marriages which he had judged should be retained. Otherwise he remembered the Lord's definition (John 3): Unless someone is born of water and spirit, he will not go into the kingdom of God, that is, he will not be holy.

Editors' notes and page, col. 762

Footnotes

(69) ‹anchor: erit sanctus› · call in col 762

(printed under page 385)

Page

running head: LIBER DE ANIMA. 762
marginal letters: A invitatus, 718 tota illa puerperii; B vata devotione (67)? Sic igitur; C Augustinus libro IV de Civitate Dei (commentary); D men circa parvulos (commentary)
old-edition numerals: 718 after invitatus,
other: column begins mid-sentence with "invitatus" (bold, blurred type); "daemonicus" ending blotted, read as -us; stray accent after "quam" ignored; "facta scribunda" set as printed (usually read Fata Scribunda); "nascetur" set as printed; Variae lectiones and Commentarius (notes 65-69, Rig., Le Pr.) at page foot not set; left column (761) cut off at image edge not set

PL 2:763

CAPUT XL.

Chapter XL.

Ita omnis anima eo usque in Adam censetur (Rom. V), donec in Christo recenseatur; tamdiu immunda, quamdiu recenseatur: peccatrix autem, quia immunda, recipiens ignominiam ex carnis societate. Nam etsi caro peccatrix, secundum quam incedere prohibemur, cujus opera damnantur concupiscentis adversus spiritum, ob quam carnales notantur, non tamen suo nomine caro infamis. Neque enim de proprio sapit quid, aut sentit, ad suadendam vel imperandam peccatelam. Quidni, quae ministerium est? et ministerium, non quale servus, vel minor amicus, animalia nomina, sed quale calix, vel quid aliud ejusmodi corpus, non anima. Nam et ealix ministerium sitientis est; nisi tamen qui sitit, calicem sibi accommodarit, nihil calix ministrabit. Adeo nulla proprietas hominis in choico; nec ita caro homo tanquam alia vis animae, et alia persona; sed res et alterius plane substantiae et alterius conditionis, addicta tamen animae, ut supellex, ut instrumentum in officia vitae. Caro igitur increpatur in Scripturis, quia nihil anima sine carne in operatione libidinis, gulae, vinolentiae, saevitiae, idololatriae, caeterisque carnalibus, non sensibus, sed effectibus. Denique sensus, delictorum, etiam sine effectibus, imputari solent animae. Qui viderit mulierem ad concupiscentiam, jam adulteravit in corde. Caeterum, quid caro sine anima, perinde in operatione probitatis, justitiae, tolerantiae, pudicitiae? Porro quale est, ut cui nec bona documenta propria subscribas, ei crimina adpingas? Sed ea per qua⟨m⟩ delinqui⟨t⟩ur, convenitur, ut illa a qua delinquitur, oneretur, etiam in ministerii accusationem. Gravior invidia est in praesidem, cum officia pulsantur. Plus caeditur qui jubet, quando nec qui obsequitur, excusatur.

Thus every soul is reckoned in Adam until it is re-enrolled in Christ (Rom. 5); unclean for as long as it awaits that re-enrolment; and sinful, because unclean, receiving disgrace from its association with the flesh. For although the flesh is sinful, the flesh according to which we are forbidden to walk, whose works are condemned as lusting against the spirit, on account of which men are branded carnal, yet the flesh is not infamous in its own name. For it does not of itself think anything or feel anything for the purpose of urging or commanding a sin. How could it, since it is a ministry? And a ministry not such as a slave or a lesser friend, names of living beings, but such as a cup or some other body of that kind, not a soul. For a cup too is the ministry of one who thirsts; yet unless he who thirsts applies the cup to himself, the cup will minister nothing. So true is it that there is no property of man in the earthy; nor is the flesh man as though it were another power of the soul and another person; but it is a thing both of a plainly different substance and of a different condition, yet bound to the soul, as furniture, as an instrument for the functions of life. The flesh therefore is rebuked in the Scriptures because the soul does nothing without the flesh in the working of lust, gluttony, drunkenness, cruelty, idolatry and the other carnal things, not in feelings but in effects. Indeed the feelings of sins, even without effects, are usually imputed to the soul: He who looks upon a woman to lust has already committed adultery in his heart. Moreover, what is the flesh without the soul, likewise, in the working of uprightness, justice, endurance, chastity? Further, what sort of thing is it, that to one to which you do not even credit its good records as its own, you should paint crimes upon it? But that through which the offence is committed is summoned, so that that by which the offence is committed may be burdened, even to the point of the accusation of its ministry. The odium is heavier against the governor when his officers are assailed. He who commands is beaten the more when not even he who obeys is excused.

Editors' notes and page, col. 763

Footnotes

Variae lectiones. (printed under page 386)

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Infamia add. Seml.

Semler adds "infamia" (disgrace).

(printed under page 386)

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Animalis nomine Seml.

"Animalis nomine" (in the name of the animal/ensouled) Semler.

(printed under page 386)

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Officina Seml.

"Officina" (workshop) Semler.

(printed under page 386)

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Mulierem omitt. Par. ad concupiscendum alii.

The Paris edition omits "mulierem" (a woman); others read "ad concupiscendum" (in order to lust).

(printed under page 386)

(30) ‹anchor: in ministerii accusationem› · call in col 763

Accusatione Jun.

"Accusatione" Junius.

(printed under page 386)

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Via add. cod. Agobard.

The Agobard codex adds "via" (way).

(printed under page 386)

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Occulta Fran.

"Occulta" (hidden things) Franeker edition.

(printed under page 386)

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Praesentia Ven.

"Praesentia" (presence) Venice edition.

(printed under page 386)

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Recipiens ignominiam ex carnis societate. Cum Tertullianus statim dicat carnem non suo nomine infamem, dubitari potest, num sincero sensu ignominiam animae tribuat ex consortio carnis dumtaxat propter meram originem, an quia instrumentum habeat anima delinquendi, ut mox probat. Alioqui secundum Tertullianum ipsa anima in se trahet ex Adamo originalem culpam, cum ipsam ex traduce Adami proseminari nugetur, quod notat Magister Sentent. lib. II, dist. 31. LAC.

"Receiving disgrace from its partnership with the flesh." Since Tertullian says at once that the flesh is not disgraced in its own name, it may be asked whether he sincerely means to assign disgrace to the soul from its fellowship with the flesh merely on account of its bare origin, or because the soul has in it an instrument for sinning, as he presently proves. Otherwise, according to Tertullian, the soul itself would draw into itself original guilt from Adam, since he idly claims that it is sown forth from the stock (traduce) of Adam, as the Master of the Sentences notes, book II, distinction 31. La Cerda.

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Non quale servus, vel minor amicus. Minorem amicum dicit, qui longe potentiorem amicum demisse colit et observat. Amiculum dixit Horatius Epistola ad Scaevam. Et majores ibidem, pro potentioribus amicis : Et scis quo tandem pacto deceat mojoribus uti. Id est, amicis, inquit Porphyrio, sed in consuetudines majores dicimus. RIG.

"Not as a slave, or a lesser friend." He calls a "lesser friend" one who humbly courts and attends a far more powerful friend. Horace said "amiculus" (little friend) in the Epistle to Scaeva, and in the same place "majores" (the greater) for more powerful friends: "And you know how, after all, it befits one to deal with the greater." That is, with friends, says Porphyrio, but by custom we say "the greater." Rigault.

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(72) ‹anchor: sensus, delictorum› · call in col 763

Denique sensus delictorum, etc. Nihil hoc facit ut peccatum originale animae imputetur, quia, inquit Apost. Rom. 7, jam non ego operor illud sed quod habitat in me, hoc est in carne mea, peccatum. PAM.

"Finally, the thoughts of sins," etc. This does nothing towards imputing original sin to the soul, because, says the Apostle, Rom. 7, now it is no longer I that do it, but the sin that dwells in me, that is, in my flesh. Pamelius.

(printed under page 386)

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Cum officia pulsantur. Id est, Officiales. Augustinus in Psal. XXI : Quis hic alter episcopus est de parte Donati? Respondit officium : Nos non novimus nisi Aurelium catholicum. RIG.

"When the officers are struck." That is, the officials. Augustine on Psalm 21: "Who is this other bishop here, of Donatus's party?" The officium (the court staff) answered: "We know none but Aurelius the Catholic." Rigault.

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Naturale quodammodo. Distinguit naturale quodammodo, a naturae corruptione sic dictum, et naturale proprie, cujus adhuc reliquias agnoscit, nempe boni illius quod principale erat in anima ante lapsum hominis, in homine jam corrupto, et non tam exstinctum illud quam obumbratum. PAM.

"Natural in a manner." He distinguishes what is "natural in a manner," so called from the corruption of nature, from what is natural properly, whose remnants he still acknowledges, namely of that good which was principal in the soul before man's fall, in man now corrupted, and not so much extinguished as overshadowed. Pamelius.

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Quod enim a Deo est, non tam exstinguitur? etc. Sumit pulchram metaphoram a luce : nam ipse faciebat animam lucidam, ut supra cap. 9. Observa obiter noluisse Tertullianum dicere, liberum arbitrium exstinctum post peccatum in homine, ut recentes nostri haeretici maxime volunt non tam imminutum, quam deletum esse. LAC.

"For what is from God is not so much extinguished?" etc. He takes a fine metaphor from light: for he himself made the soul luminous, as above, chapter 9. Note in passing that Tertullian would not say that free will was extinguished in man after sin, as our recent heretics above all would have it, not so much diminished as wiped out. La Cerda.

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Solus homo sine peccato. Natura scilicet; nam et B. Virgo sine peccato fuit, sed ex gratiae dono, non ex debito naturae. EDD.

"Man alone without sin." By nature, that is; for the Blessed Virgin too was without sin, but by a gift of grace, not by what was owed to nature. The editors.

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Page

running head: 763 TERTULLIANI OPERUM PARS II. — (cut off at right edge)
marginal letters: A beside the heading CAPUT XL. / first line "Ita omnis anima"; B ‹tamen qui sitit, calicem sibi›; C (none seen in this column); D ‹ignominiam animae tribuat ex consortio carnis› (in the commentary)
old-edition numerals: 719 before CAPUT XL.; 720 after praesidem,

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CAPUT XLI.

Chapter XLI.

Malum igitur animae, praeter quod ex obventu spiritus nequam superstruitur, ex originis vitio antecedit, naturale quodammodo. Nam ut diximus, naturae corruptio alia natura est, habens suum deum et patrem, ipsum scilicet corruptionis auctorem; ut tamen insit et bonum animae, illud principale, illud divinum atque germanum, et proprie naturale. Quod enim a Deo est, non tam exstinguitur, quam obumbratur. Potest enim obumbrari, quia non est Deus; exstingui non potest, quia a Deo est. Itaque, sicut lumen aliquo obstaculo impeditum, manet, sed non comparet, si tanta densitas obstaculi fuerit; ita et bonum in anima a malo oppressum, pro qualitate ejus, aut in totum vacat, occultata luce, aut qua datur radiat, inventa libertate. Sic pessimi et optimi quidam, et nihilominus unum omnes animae genus. Sic et in pessimis aliquid boni, et in optimis nonnihil pessimi. Solus enim Deus sine peccato, et solus homo sine peccato Christus, quia et Deus Christus. Sic et divinitas animae in praesagia erumpit, ex bono priore, et conscientia Dei in testimonium prodit: Deus bonus! Deus videt; et, Deo commendo. Propterea nulla anima sine crimine, quia nulla sine boni semine. Proinde cum ad fidem pervenit reformata per secundam nativitatem ex aqua et superna virtute, detracto corruptionis pristinae aulaeo, totam lucem suam conspicit. Excipitur etiam a Spiritu sancto, sicut in pristina nativitate a spiritu profano. Sequitur animam nubentem spiritui caro, ut dotale mancipium, et jam non animae famula, sed spiritus. O beatum connubium, si non admiserit adulterium!

The evil of the soul, therefore, apart from what is built upon it by the coming of the wicked spirit, goes before from the fault of origin, being in a certain way natural. For, as we have said, the corruption of nature is another nature, having its own god and father, namely the author of the corruption himself; yet in such a way that the good of the soul is also present, that principal, that divine and genuine, and properly natural [good]. For what is from God is not so much extinguished as overshadowed. For it can be overshadowed, because it is not God; it cannot be extinguished, because it is from God. Therefore, just as light hindered by some obstacle remains, but does not appear, if the density of the obstacle is so great; so also the good in the soul, oppressed by evil, according to the quality of that [evil], either is wholly inactive, its light hidden, or, where it is allowed, shines forth, having found freedom. Thus some are very bad and some very good, and nevertheless all souls are of one kind. Thus also in the worst there is something of good, and in the best something of the worst. For God alone is without sin, and the only man without sin is Christ, because Christ is also God. Thus also the divinity of the soul breaks out into presentiments, from the prior good, and the consciousness of God comes forth in testimony: "God is good!" "God sees"; and, "I commend [it] to God." Therefore no soul is without fault, because none is without the seed of good. Accordingly, when it comes to faith, reformed through the second birth from water and power from above, the curtain of its former corruption being drawn back, it beholds its whole light. It is received also by the Holy Spirit, just as in its former birth it was by the profane spirit. The flesh follows the soul as it weds the spirit, as a slave forming part of the dowry, and now no longer the handmaid of the soul, but of the spirit. O blessed marriage, if it admits no adultery!

CAPUT XLII.

Chapter XLII.

De morte jam superest, ut illic materia ponat,

It now remains [to speak] of death, so that the matter may come to rest there,

Editors' notes and page, col. 764

Footnotes

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Et inser Jun.

Junius inserts "et" (and).

(printed under page 386)

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Profanos Jun.

"Profanos" Junius.

Commentarius. (printed under page 386)

Page

running head: …M PARS II. — SERIES I, POLEMICA. (left edge cut off; column number 764)
marginal letters: A ‹CAPUT XLI.›; B ‹aut in totum vacat›; C (none seen); D ‹beside the footnote line "Augustinus in Psal. XXI", not in the text›
old-edition numerals: 721 before CAPUT XLII. (after adulterium!)

PL 2:765

ubi ipsa anima consummat : quamquam Epicurus vulgari satis opinione negarit mortem ad nos pertinere. « Quod enim dissolvitur, inquit, sensu caret, nihil ad nos. » Dissolvitur autem et caret sensu, non ipsa mors, sed homo, qui eam patitur. At ille ei dedit passionem, cujus est actio. Quod si hominis est pati mortem, dissolutricem corporis, et peremptricem sensus ; quam ineptum, ut tanta vis ad hominen non pertinere dicatur ! Multo coactius Seneca : « Post mortem, ait, omnia finiuntur, etiam ipsa. » Hoc si ita est, jam et mors ad semetipsam pertinebit ; si et ipsa finitur, eo magis ad hominem, in quo inter omnia finiendo, et ipsa finitur. Mors nihil ad nos : ergo et vita nihil ad nos. Si enim quo dissolvimur, praeter nos, etiam quo compingimur, extra nos. Si ademptio sensus nihil ad nos, nec adeptio sensus quidquam ad nos. Sed mortem quoque interimat, qui et animam. A nobis, ut de posthuma vita, et de alia provincia animae, ita de morte tractabitur, ad quam vel ipsi pertinemus, si ad nos illa pertinet. Denique, nec speculum ejus somnus, aliena materia est.

where the soul itself completes its reckoning; although Epicurus, with an opinion common enough, denied that death concerns us. "For what is dissolved," he says, "lacks sensation; [and what lacks sensation] is nothing to us." But what is dissolved and lacks sensation is not death itself, but the man who undergoes it. Yet he has given the passion to that whose action it is. But if it belongs to man to undergo death, the dissolver of the body and the destroyer of sensation, how absurd it is that so great a force should be said not to concern man! Much more cogently Seneca: "After death," he says, "all things are ended, even [death] itself." If this is so, then death will concern itself as well; and if it too is ended, so much the more [does it concern] man, in whom, among all the things to be ended, it too is ended. Death is nothing to us: then life too is nothing to us. For if that by which we are dissolved is apart from us, that by which we are joined together is also outside us. If the taking away of sensation is nothing to us, neither is the acquiring of sensation anything to us. But let him who destroys the soul destroy death too. By us, as of the life after death and as of another province of the soul, so of death will it be treated, to which we ourselves at any rate belong, if it belongs to us. Finally, not even sleep, its mirror, is a foreign subject.

CAPUT XLIII.

Chapter XLIII.

De somno prius disputemus ; post, mortem qualiter anima decurrat. Non utique extranaturale est somnus, ut quibusdam philosophis placet, cum ex his eum deputant causis, quae praeter naturam haberi videntur. Stoici somnum resolutionem sensualis vigoris affirmant, Epicurci deminutionem spiritus animalis. Anaxagoras cum Xenophane defetiscentiam, Empedocles et Parmenides refrigerationem ; Strato segregationem consati spiritus, Democritus indigentiam spiritus, Aristoteles marcorem circumcordialis caloris. Ego me

Let us first discuss sleep; afterwards, how the soul runs its course through death. Sleep is certainly not something outside nature, as some philosophers hold, since they ascribe it to those causes which are considered to be contrary to nature. The Stoics declare sleep to be a slackening of the vigour of the senses, the Epicureans a diminution of the animal spirit; Anaxagoras with Xenophanes [call it] weariness, Empedocles and Parmenides a cooling; Strato a separation of the connate spirit, Democritus a deficiency of spirit, Aristotle a languishing of the heat around the heart. I

Editors' notes and page, col. 765

Footnotes

Variae lectiones. (printed under page 387)

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Si et Jun.

"Si et" (if also) Junius.

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Interimat, quia et anima in nobis ut depositum habitat, et ut Pam. A nobis ut depositum avita, et lib. Agob.

"Interimat, quia et anima in nobis ut depositum habitat, et ut" (should destroy, because the soul too dwells in us as a deposit, and as) Pamelius. "A nobis ut depositum avita, et" the Agobard book.

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Pertinet omitt. Rig. Ven.

Rigault and the Venice edition omit "pertinet" (pertains).

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Plus est etiam: sudor Rig. Ven.

"Plus est etiam: sudor" (there is more besides: sweat) Rigault, Venice edition.

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Succedere Rhen. Pam.

"Succedere" (to succeed) Rhenanus, Pamelius.

Commentarius. (printed under page 387)

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Ut illic materia ponat. Hoc est, ut illic desinat sermo iste de anima. RIG.

"That there the matter may come to rest." That is, that there this discourse on the soul may end. Rigault.

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Ubi ipsa anima consummat. Ubi anima, discedens a corpore, actus in eo sui singula computat, et summam colligit, tanquam pecuniam de multis nominibus confectam. RIG.

"Where the soul itself sums up." Where the soul, departing from the body, reckons up its acts in it one by one and gathers the total, like money made up from many accounts. Rigault.

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A nobis ut de posthuma vita et de alia provincia animae. Elegantissime ait Septimius, a nobis, nempe Christianis, ita de morte tractari, tanquam de posthuma vita. Etenim scimus aeternam manere. Ad eam vero a morte transiri. Itaque esse posthumam morti. RIG.

"By us as of a life after death and of another province of the soul." Most elegantly Septimius says that by us, namely Christians, death is treated as a life after death. For we know that an eternal life remains, and that it is reached from death. And so it comes after death. Rigault.

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Non utique extranaturale est somnus, ut quibusdam philosophis placet. Somnum hic juxta naturam esse probat ex variis philosophorum dogmatis. Variae autem sunt de causa somni opiniones. Videndus Galenus in Hist. Philos. et Plutarchus lib. XXIV et XXV de Placitis. LE PR.

"Sleep is certainly not outside nature, as some philosophers hold." Here he proves from various tenets of the philosophers that sleep is according to nature. There are various opinions on the cause of sleep. See Galen in the History of Philosophy and Plutarch, books 24 and 25, On the Opinions. Le Prieur.

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Anaxagoras cum Xenophane defetiscentiam. Plutarchus lib. LI, c. 2 5, de Placitis : « Anaxagoras somnum accidere putat functionibus corporis : non enim animae esse, sed corporis adfectionem; mortem esse animae divulsionem. Leucippus solius corporis esse somnum : cumque ob tenuitatem partium plus justo excernitur animati caloris, eo mortem effici; corporis haec esse, non animae affectiones. Empedocles mortem esse igneae naturae secretionem ab iis, ex quibus homo coaluit ; ideoque communem esse animae corporique mortem, somnum autem evenire secretione naturae igneae. » Refutat hanc sententiam Aristoteles lib. de Somno et Vigilia, cap. 3. LAC.

"Anaxagoras with Xenophanes, weariness." Plutarch, book 51 [as printed], ch. 2 5, On the Opinions: "Anaxagoras thinks sleep befalls the functions of the body: for it is an affection not of the soul but of the body; death is the tearing away of the soul. Leucippus holds sleep to belong to the body alone: and when, through the thinness of its parts, more of the animating heat than is right is excreted, death results from this; these are affections of the body, not of the soul. Empedocles holds death to be the separation of the fiery nature from the things of which man was compounded; and therefore death is common to soul and body, but sleep comes about through a separation of the fiery nature." Aristotle refutes this opinion in the book On Sleep and Waking, ch. 3. La Cerda.

(printed under page 387)

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Strato segregationem consati spiritus, etc. Horum immemor Plutarchus; sed eorum opinio cognata videtur esse Epicureae, et illi quam Empedocli tribuit Plutarchus : nempe accidere somnum segregatione igneae naturae. Meminit tamen aliorum Plutarchus, ut Alcmaeonis et Diogenis. LAC.

"Strato, a separation of the co-sown spirit," etc. Plutarch does not mention these; but their opinion seems akin to the Epicurean, and to the one Plutarch ascribes to Empedocles: namely that sleep comes about through a separation of the fiery nature. Plutarch does, however, mention others, such as Alcmaeon and Diogenes. La Cerda.

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Perit anima si minoratur. Consatum spiritum aliqui dixerunt esse animam; quare si diminuitur spiritus ille, minorabitur anima : quare mortalis esset. LAC.

"The soul perishes if it is lessened." Some said that the co-sown spirit is the soul; so if that spirit is diminished, the soul will be lessened: and so it would be mortal. La Cerda.

(printed under page 387)

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running head: LIBER DE ANIMA (cut off at right edge; preceded by column number 765)
marginal letters: A nat (77), ubi ipsa anima consummat; B finiendo, et ipsa finitur. Mors nihil ad nos; C somnus, ut quibusdam philosophis placet; D de posthuma vita. Etenim scimus (in the Commentarius)
old-edition numerals: (none)

PL 2:766

nunquam ita dormisse praesumo, ut ex his aliquid agnoscam. Neque enim credendum est, defetiscentiam esse somnum, contrarium potius defetiscentiae, quam scilicet tollit. Siquidem homo somno magis reficitur, quam fatigatur. Porro, nec semper ex fatigatione concipitur somnus, et tamen cum ex illa est, illa jam non est. Sed nec refrigescentiam admittam, aut marcorem aliquem caloris, cum adeo corpora somno concalescant, ut dispensatio ciborum per somnum non facile procederet calore properabili, et rigore tardabili, si somno refrigeraremur. Plus est, quod etiam sudor digestionis aestuantis est index. Denique, concoquere dicimur, quod caloris, non frigoris operatio est. Proinde, deminutionem animalis spiritus, aut indigentiam spiritus, aut segregationem consati spiritus, immortalitas animae non sinit credi. Perit anima si minoratur. Superest, si forte, cum Stoicis, resolutionem sensualis vigoris somnum determinemus, quia corporis solius quietem procuret, non et animae. Animam enim ut semper mobilem et semper exercitam, nunquam succidere quieti, alienae scilicet a statu immortalitatis: nihil enim immortale finem operis sui admittit; somnus autem finis est operis. Denique corpori cui mortalitas competit, ei soli quies finem operis adulatur. Qui ergo de somni naturalitate dubitabit, habet quidem dialecticos in dubium deducentes totam naturalium et extranaturalium discretionem, ut quae putaverit citra naturam esse, naturae vindicari sciat posse, a qua ita esse sortita sunt, ut citra eam haberi videantur, et utique aut natura omnia, aut nulla natura. Apud nos autem id poterit audiri, quod Dei contemplatio suggerit, auctoris omnium de quibus quaeritur. Credimus enim si quid est natura, rationale aliquod opus Dei esse. Porro,

presume that I have never slept in such a way as to recognize any of these things [in myself]. For it is not to be believed that sleep is weariness; it is rather the opposite of weariness, which indeed it removes. For a man is more refreshed by sleep than wearied by it. Moreover, sleep is not always conceived from fatigue, and yet when it does come from it, the fatigue no longer exists. But neither will I admit a cooling, or some withering of heat, since bodies grow so warm in sleep that the distribution of food during sleep would not easily proceed, by heat that hastens it and by cold that slows it, if we were cooled by sleep. There is more: even sweat is the indicator of a seething digestion. Finally, we are said to concoct [our food], which is an operation of heat, not of cold. Accordingly, the immortality of the soul does not allow us to believe in a diminution of the animal spirit, or a deficiency of spirit, or a separation of the co-sown spirit. The soul perishes if it is lessened. It remains, perhaps, that with the Stoics we should define sleep as a relaxation of the sensory vigour, because it procures rest for the body alone, not for the soul as well. For [they hold that] the soul, as always mobile and always exercised, never gives way to rest, a thing foreign to the state of immortality: for nothing immortal admits an end of its work; but sleep is an end of work. Finally, it is to the body, to which mortality belongs, to it alone that rest fawningly offers the end of work. Whoever, then, will doubt the naturalness of sleep has indeed the dialecticians, who call into doubt the whole distinction between natural and extra-natural things, so that he may know that what he thought to be outside nature can be claimed for nature, from which they have received the lot of being such that they seem to be held outside it; and certainly either all things are nature, or nothing is nature. With us, however, that will be heard which the contemplation of God suggests, the Author of all the things about which inquiry is made. For we believe that, if anything is nature, it is some rational work of God. Moreover,

Editors' notes and page, col. 766

Footnotes

(84) ‹anchor: natura, rationale› · call in col 766

Si quid est natura, rationale, etc. Lactantius. Divinar. Instit. lib. II, cap. 9, hanc esse Senecae sententiam testatur his verbis : « Melius igitur Seneca, omnium Stoicorum acutissimus, qui vidit (continues)

"If anything is nature, it is a rational," etc. Lactantius, Divine Institutes, book 2, ch. 9, attests that this is Seneca's opinion in these words: "Better, then, Seneca, the sharpest of all the Stoics, who saw (continues)

(printed under page 387)

Page

running head: LIBER DE ANIMA. 766 (left edge cut off; type reads "IBBER DB ANIMA.")
marginal letters: A ‹nunquam ita dormisse›; B ‹dicimur, quod caloris›; C ‹Qui ergo de somni›; D ‹cap. 3. Lac.› (in the Commentarius area, not the text)
old-edition numerals: 722 after ‹credendum est,›

PL 2:767

somnum ratio praeit, tam aptum, tam utilem, tam necessarium, ut absque illo nulla anima sufficiat; recreatorem corporum, redintegratorem virium, probatorem valetudinum, pacatorem operum, medicum laborum; cui legitime fruendo dies cedit, nox legem facit, auferens rerum etiam colorem. Quod si vitale, salutare, auxiliare somnus, nihil ejusmodi non rationale, nihil non naturale. Sic et medici omne contrarium vitali, salutari auxiliari, extra naturae cardines relegant. Nam et aemulas somno valetudines, phreneticam atque cardiacam, praeter naturam judicando, naturalem somnum praejudicaverunt; etiam in lethargo non naturalem notantes, testimonio naturali respondent, cum in suo temperamento est. Omnis enim natura, aut defraudatione, aut enormitate rescinditur, proprietate mensurae conservatur. Ita naturale erit statu, quod non naturale effici potest decessu vel excessu. Quid si et esum et potum de naturae sortibus eximas? nam et in his plurima somni praeparatura est. Certe his a primordio naturae suae homo imbutus est. Si apud Deum discas, ille fons generis Adam, ante ebibit soporem, quam sitiit quietem; ante dormiit, quam laboravit; imo, quam et edit; imo, quam et profatus est; ut videant naturalem indicem somnum omnibus naturalibus principaliorem. Inde deducimur etiam imaginem mortis jam tunc eum recensere. Si enim Adam de Christo figuram dabat, somnus Adae mors erat Christi dormituri in mortem, ut de injuria perinde lateris ejus vera mater viventium figuraretur Ecclesia. Ideo et somnus tam salutaris, tam rationalis, etiam in publicae et communis jam mortis effingitur exemplar. Voluit enim Deus, et alias nihil sine exemplaribus in sua dispositione molitus, paradigmate Platonico plenius humani vel maxime initii ac finis lineas quotidie agere nobiscum,

reason goes before sleep, so fitting, so useful, so necessary, that without it no soul suffices; the restorer of bodies, the renewer of strength, the tester of health, the pacifier of labours, the physician of toils; for the lawful enjoyment of which day gives way, and night lays down the law, taking away even the colour of things. But if sleep is something vital, salutary, helpful, nothing of this kind is not rational, nothing is not natural. So too physicians banish everything contrary to the vital, salutary, helpful beyond the hinges of nature. For by judging the illnesses that rival sleep, the phrenetic and the cardiac, to be against nature, they have prejudged sleep to be natural; and in marking it as not natural even in lethargy, they answer with a testimony to the natural, when it is in its own due measure. For every nature is destroyed either by defect or by excess, and is preserved by the propriety of measure. Thus that will be natural in its state which can be made not natural by falling short or by going beyond. What if you exempt eating and drinking from the portions of nature? For in these too lies most of the preparation for sleep. Certainly man was imbued with these from the beginning of his nature. If you learn from God, that fount of the race, Adam, drank in slumber before he thirsted for rest; he slept before he laboured; indeed, before he even ate; indeed, before he even spoke; so that they may see that sleep, the natural indicator, takes precedence over all natural things. Hence we are led on to recognize that even then he was surveying the image of death. For if Adam gave a figure of Christ, the sleep of Adam was the death of Christ, Who was to sleep into death, so that from the wound likewise of His side the true mother of the living, the Church, might be figured. Therefore sleep too, so salutary, so rational, is fashioned as a pattern even of the public and common death. For God, Who in other things too has undertaken nothing in His dispensation without patterns, willed to enact daily with us, more fully than the Platonic paradigm, the outlines above all of the human beginning and end,

Editors' notes and page, col. 767

Footnotes

Variae lectiones. (31 [so printed; for 41]) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not visible on the page foot Prolatorem vel prorogatorem Lat.

"Prolatorem" or "prorogatorem" (one who brings forth / prolongs) Latinius.

(printed under page 388)

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Nihil non naturali abest a Par. et aliis.

"Nihil non naturali" is absent from the Paris edition and others.

(printed under page 388)

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Paratura Pam. Rhen. Seml.

"Paratura" (preparation) Pamelius, Rhenanus, Semler.

(printed under page 388)

(44) ‹anchor: Christo figuram dabat› · call in col 767

Figurabat Pam. Rhen. Seml.

"Figurabat" (prefigured) Pamelius, Rhenanus, Semler.

(printed under page 388)

(45) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not visible on the page foot

Soporis Pam. Rhen. Seml.

"Soporis" (of deep sleep) Pamelius, Rhenanus, Semler.

(printed under page 388)

(84) ‹anchor: not visible› · call on the previous page

(continued) nil aliud esse naturam, quam Deum. Ergo, inquit. Deum non laudabimus, cui naturalis est virtus? Nec enim illam didicit ex ullo. Imo laudabimus; quamvis enim naturalis illi sit, sibi illam dedit, quoniam Deus ipse natura est. » Quoniam non insolens est Tertulliano Senecam citare, putarem facile id ex Seneca accepisse ; quod et de Lactantio censerem ; nimirum id depromptum ex cap. 7, lib. IV de Benef. : « Quid enim aliud est natura, quam Deus et divina ratio ? » LE PR.

(printed under page 388)

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Si apud Deum discas. Ex sacris videlicet paginis apud Judaeos, aut Christianos. LE PR.

"If you learn it from God." That is, from the sacred pages among the Jews or the Christians. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 388)

(86) ‹anchor: Platonico plenius› · call in col 767

Paradigmate Platonico plenius. Hoc iterum ex Phaedone Platonis, apud quem Socrates, per exempla contrariorum sibi invicem succedentium, vitam morti successuram probat. RIG. — Fatetur Pamelius nescire se ad quod paradigma Platonicum alludat Tertullianus ; neque magis eruditus, sed sagax Junius aliorsum rem divertens, dicit per anastrophen dictum paradigmate Platonico plenius, id est, plenius quam ulla mathematica demonstratione, aut paradigmate fecerit Plato. Miror sinceriorem et obvium sensum non attigisse de ideis Platonicis. Allucinati fuerunt minus communi voce ; tamen divus etiam Justinus, in Cohortat. ad Graecos, vocavit τὸ ἑκάστου τῶν γινομένων παράδειγμα, singularum rerum quae creantur paradigma. Sic etiam eadem vocat S. Dionysius, de Divin. Nom. cap. 5, τῶν ὄντων παραδείγματα, entium paradigmata. Ab eodem Dionysio citatur Clemens philosophus, quem puto fuisse S. Clementem Romanum, qui etiam παραδείγματα dixit : quare sensus Tertulliani est, Deum sine exemplaribus nihil moliri, et hoc quidem non sensu Platonico, sed plenius et perfectius quam opinatus fuit Plato, Deum omnia moliri de suis ideis et exemplaribus. Quod in Phaedone quoque somnum et vigiliam vitae et morti comparaverit Plato, parum refert ad rem praesentem. LAC.

"More fully than the Platonic paradigm." This again is from Plato's Phaedo, where Socrates, by examples of contraries succeeding one another, proves that life will succeed death. Rigault. — Pamelius admits he does not know what Platonic paradigm Tertullian alludes to; and Junius, no more learned but shrewd, turning the matter another way, says "paradigmate Platonico plenius" is said by anastrophe, that is, more fully than Plato could have done by any mathematical demonstration or paradigm. I am surprised they did not hit on the truer and obvious sense, concerning the Platonic ideas. They were misled by a less common word; yet the divine Justin too, in the Exhortation to the Greeks, called it "the paradigm of each thing that comes to be," the paradigm of the single things that are created. So too St Dionysius, On the Divine Names, ch. 5, calls the same "the paradigms of the things that are," paradigms of beings. The same Dionysius cites Clement the philosopher, who I think was St Clement of Rome, and who also said "paradigms": hence Tertullian's sense is that God undertakes nothing without exemplars, and this not in the Platonic sense, but more fully and perfectly than Plato supposed, that God undertakes all things from his own ideas and exemplars. That in the Phaedo Plato also compared sleep and waking to life and death matters little to the present point. La Cerda.

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Page

running head: 767 TERTULLIANI OPERUM PARS II. — (cut off at right edge)
marginal letters: A ‹somnum ratio praeit›; B ‹prietate mensurae conservatur›; C (none); D ‹Nec enim illam didicit› (in the Commentarius)
old-edition numerals: 723 after ‹nox›

PL 2:768

manum porrigens fidei, facilius adjuvandae per imagines et parabolas, sicut sermonum, ita et rerum. Proponit igitur tibi corpus amica vi soporis elisum, blanda quietis necessitate prostratum, immobile situ, quale ante vitam jacuit, et quale post vitam jacebit, ut testationem plasticae et sepulturae exspectans animam, quasi nondum conlatam, et quasi jam ereptam. Sed et illa sic patitur, ut alibi agere videatur, dissimulatione praesentiae futuram absentiam ediscens; et tamen interim somniat, nec quiescit, nec ignavescit omnino, nec naturam immortalitatis servam sopori addicit: probat se mobilem semper; terra, mari, peregrinatur, negotiatur, agitatur, laborat, ludit, dolet, gaudet, licita atque inlicita persequitur: ostendit quod sine corpore etiam plurimum possit, quod et suis instructa sit membris, sed nihilominus necessitatem habeat rursus corporis agitandi. Ita cum evigilaverit corpus, redditum officiis ejus, resurrectionem mortuorum tibi affirmat. Haec erit somni, et ratio naturalis, et natura rationalis. Etiam per imaginem mortis, fidem initiaris, spem meditaris, discis mori et vivere, discis vigilare dum dormis.

stretching out a hand to faith, which is the more easily helped by images and parables, of things as well as of words. He sets before you, then, the body struck down by the friendly force of sleep, laid prostrate by the soothing necessity of rest, motionless in its posture, such as it lay before life and such as it will lie after life, as if in testimony to its moulding and to its burial, awaiting the soul as though not yet bestowed, and as though already snatched away. But the soul too is so affected that it seems to be acting elsewhere, learning by the feigning of its presence the absence that is to come; and yet meanwhile it dreams, and it does not rest, nor does it grow wholly idle, nor does it hand over the nature of immortality as a slave to sleep: it proves itself ever in motion; by land and sea it travels, trades, is driven about, labours, plays, grieves, rejoices, pursues things lawful and unlawful: it shows that even without the body it can do a very great deal, that it is also furnished with limbs of its own, but that nonetheless it has need of moving the body again. So when the body has awoken, restored to its functions, it affirms to you the resurrection of the dead. This will be both the natural reason of sleep and its reasonable nature. Even through the image of death you are initiated into faith, you rehearse hope, you learn to die and to live, you learn to keep watch while you sleep.

CAPUT XLIV.

CHAPTER XLIV.

Caeterum, de Hermotimo. Anima, ut aiunt, in somno carebat, quasi per occasionem vacaturi hominis proficiscente de corpore. Uxor hoc prodit. Inimici dormientem nacti pro defuncto cremaverunt. Regressa anima tardius, credo, homicidium sibi imputavit. Cives Clazomenii Hermotimum templo consolantur. Mulier non adit, ob notam uxoris. Quorsum istud? Ne quia facile est vulgo existimare secessionem animae esse somnum, hoc quoque Hermotimi argumento credulitas subornetur. Genus fuerat gravioris, aliquanto soporis, ut de incubone praesumptio est, vel valetudinis, quam

As for the rest, concerning Hermotimus. He was, so they say, without his soul in sleep, as though it set out from the body on the occasion of the man's being at leisure. His wife betrays this. His enemies, finding him asleep, burned him as if dead. The soul, returning too late, laid the homicide, I suppose, to its own charge. The citizens of Clazomenae console Hermotimus with a temple. No woman enters it, because of the wife's disgrace. To what end is this told? Lest, because it is easy for the common people to suppose that the soul's withdrawal is sleep, credulity be suborned by this argument of Hermotimus as well. It had been a kind of heavier sleep, rather, as is presumed of the incubus, or of illness, which

Editors' notes and page, col. 768

Footnotes

(46) ‹anchor: Ne quia› · call in col 768

Ut quia non Pam. Rhen. Semler. Oberth.

"Ut quia non" Pamelius, Rhenanus, Semler, Oberthür.

(printed under page 388)

(47) ‹anchor: mare secessionem› · call in col 768

Successionem Rhen. Seml. Oberth.

"Successionem" (succession) Rhenanus, Semler, Oberthür.

(printed under page 388)

(48) ‹anchor: animae esse somnum› · call in col 768

Somnium Par. Rig. Ven.

"Somnium" (a dream) Paris edition, Rigault, Venice edition.

(printed under page 388)

Page

running head: [left part cut in image] …UM PARS II. — SERIES I, POLEMICA. 768
marginal letters: A ‹manum porrigens fidei›; B ‹sit membris, sed nihilominus›; C (not seen in the images); D ‹sinceriorem et obvium sensum› (commentary)
old-edition numerals: 724 after ‹et quale›
note: variant 45 (Soporis), called at ‹servam sopori› in this column, is set in n767 with the other full-width variants of page 388

PL 2:769

Soranus opponit, excludens incubonem, aut tale quid vitii, quod etiam Epimenidem in fabulam impegit, quinquaginta pene annos somniculosum. Sed et Neronem Suetonius, et Thrasymedem Theopompu⟨s⟩, negant unquam somniasse: nisi vix Neronem, in ultimo exitu, post pavores suos. Quid si et Hermotimus ita fuit, ut otium animae nihil operantis in somnis divortium crederetur. Omnia magis conjectes, quam istam licentiam animae sine morte fugitivae, et quidem ex forma, continuam. Si enim tale quid semel accidere dicatur, ut deliquium solis aut lunae, ita et animae: sane persuaderer divinitus factum; congruere enim hominem seu moneri, seu terreri a Deo, velut fulgure rapido, momentaneae mortis ictu; si non magis in proximo esset somnium credi, quod vigilanti potius accidere deberet, si non somnium magis credi oporteret.

Soranus puts forward, excluding the incubus, or some such fault, which also drove Epimenides into fable, drowsy for almost fifty years. But Suetonius of Nero, and Theopompus of Thrasymedes, deny that they ever dreamed, except that Nero barely did, at his final end, after his terrors. What if Hermotimus too was such that the idleness of the soul, doing nothing in sleep, was believed to be a separation? You would conjecture anything rather than this licence of the soul to flee without death, and that continual, as by a fixed pattern. For if such a thing were said to happen once, like an eclipse of the sun or the moon, so also of the soul, I should certainly be persuaded that it was done by divine agency; for it is fitting that a man be either warned or terrified by God, as by a swift lightning-flash, by the stroke of a momentary death; were it not nearer at hand to believe it a dream, since it ought rather to have happened to one awake, if it were not rather to be believed a dream.

CAPUT XLV.

Chapter XLV.

Tenemur hic de somnis quoque christianam sententiam expromere, ut de accidentibus somni; et non modicis jactationibus animae, quam ediximus negotiosam, et exercitam semper ex perpetuitate motationis, quod divinitatis et immortalitatis est ratio. Igitur, cum quies corporibus evenit, quorum solatium proprium est, vacans illa a solatio alieno, non quiescit; et si caret opera membrorum corporalium, suis utitur. Concipe gladiatorem sine armis, vel aurigam sine curriculis, gesticulantes

We are bound here to set out the Christian view on dreams too, as on the accidents of sleep and the no small agitations of the soul, which we have declared to be busy and ever exercised from the perpetuity of its motion, which is the character of divinity and immortality. Therefore, when rest comes to bodies, whose proper solace it is, the soul, being free from a solace not its own, does not rest; and if it lacks the work of the bodily members, it uses its own. Picture a gladiator without arms, or a charioteer without a chariot, gesticulating

Editors' notes and page, col. 769

Footnotes

Variae lectiones. (94 [so printed; for 49]) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not visible on the page foot Sexaginta Jun.

"Sexaginta" (sixty) Junius.

(printed under page 389)

(50) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not visible on the page foot

Crederet, ut Lat.

"Crederet, ut" (would believe, so that) Latinius.

(printed under page 389)

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Continuae Lat.

"Continuae" (continuous) Latinius.

(printed under page 389)

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Soli Jun.

"Soli" (alone / to the sun) Junius.

(printed under page 389)

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Fulgere Lat.

"Fulgere" (to shine) Latinius.

(printed under page 389)

(54) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not visible on the page foot

Si non s. m. e. oporteret omitt. Rig. Ven.

Rigault and the Venice edition omit "si non s. m. e. oporteret".

(printed under page 389)

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Accentibus Rhen. Seml.

"Accentibus" Rhenanus, Semler.

(printed under page 389)

(56) ‹anchor: Concipe› · call in col 769

Conspice Fran.

"Conspice" (look at) Franeker edition.

(printed under page 389)

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Affectu Jun.

"Affectu" (by affection) Junius.

Commentarius. (printed under page 389)

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Vel valetudinis quam Soranus opponit, excludens incubonem. Etenim dicebat epilepsiae tentationem esse. Caelius Aurelianus tit. de Incubone : « Est autem supradicta passio epilepsiae tentatio. Nam quod neque deus, neque semideus, neque Cupido sit, libris causarum, quos Aetiologumenos Soranus appellavit, plenissime explicavit. » RIG.

"Or of an illness, which Soranus sets against it, excluding the incubus." For he said it was an onset of epilepsy. Caelius Aurelianus, under the heading On the Incubus: "The aforesaid affliction is an onset of epilepsy. For that it is neither a god, nor a demigod, nor Cupid, Soranus explained most fully in the books on causes which he called Aetiologumena." Rigault.

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Quinquaginta pene annos. Junius suspicatur legendum sexaginta, videlicet ad rotunditatem numeri potius oportere : « Nam, inquit, omnes de annis 57 conveniunt; cum tamen ego mirum discrimen inveniam circa annos somni Epimenidis; nam tametsi Plinius et Laertius memorent dormivisse Epimenidem 57 an., Plutarchus illi tribuit duntaxat quinquaginta annos, lib. An seni regenda sit Resp. Hunc numerum Tertulliani et Plutarchi confirmat Varro, et amplectitur Sabellicus, lib. VII, c. 4. Alii adhuc contrahunt hoc tempus, et tantum assignant 40 annos, ut Pausanias in Atticis. Alii, ut Eudemus, dederunt 47, alii 77, et Apuleius 2 (Florid.). Sed quidquid sit de annorum numero, plenius historiam Epimenidis habet Laertius, lib. I. LAC.

"Almost fifty years." Junius suspects "sixty" should be read, namely that it ought rather to be a round number: "For," he says, "all agree on 57 years"; yet I find a remarkable discrepancy about the years of Epimenides' sleep; for although Pliny and Laertius record that Epimenides slept 57 years, Plutarch assigns him only fifty, in the book Whether an Old Man Should Govern the State. Varro confirms this number of Tertullian and Plutarch, and Sabellicus adopts it, book 7, ch. 4. Others shorten the time still further and assign only 40 years, as Pausanias in the Attica. Others, like Eudemus, gave 47, others 77, and Apuleius 2 (Florida). But whatever the number of years, Laertius gives the story of Epimenides more fully, book 1. La Cerda.

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Sed et Neronem Suetonius, etc. Habet Suetonius in Vita Neronis, cap. 46, ubi dicitur post matris caedem, nunquam antea somniare solitus. Serus quoque somniator infra, cap. 49, dicitur in eumdem sensum. LE PR. — Verba Suetonii, in Nerone, cap. 46, haec sunt : « Terrebatur ad haec evidentibus portentis somniorum, et auspiciorum, et ominum, tum veteribus, tum novis, nunquam antea somniare solitus. » PAM.

"But Suetonius too, of Nero," etc. Suetonius has it in the Life of Nero, ch. 46, where he is said, after his mother's murder, never before to have been wont to dream. "A late dreamer" is also said below, ch. 49, in the same sense. Le Prieur. — Suetonius's words in the Nero, ch. 46, are these: "He was terrified besides by manifest portents of dreams, auspices and omens, both old and new, though he had never before been wont to dream." Pamelius.

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Et Thrasymedem Theopompus. Hunc Thrasymedem putat Junius fuisse filium Nestoris; sed quid opus est conjici, ubi clare Plutarchus, qualis fuerit, scribat lib. De defectu oracul. ? LAC.

"And Theopompus, of Thrasymedes." Junius thinks this Thrasymedes was the son of Nestor; but what need is there for conjecture, when Plutarch writes plainly what sort of man he was, in the book On the Decline of Oracles? La Cerda.

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Et quidem ex forma continuam. Quasi solemni quodam ritu, atque ex edicti cujusdam formula. RIG.

"And indeed continuous, by a set form." As though by some solemn rite, and by the formula of some edict. Rigault.

(printed under page 389)

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Exstasin dicimus, excessum, etc. Hoc discrimen est inter somnum et exstasin, quod per somnum functiones mentis et sensus ligantur, ut vires animae vegetativae tunc solutiores sunt et robustiores, in ecstasi vero contrarium accidit : nam actiones nutritivae et sensitivae impediuntur, mentis vero functiones tunc maxime vigent. In eo denique conveniunt sensus et exstasis, quod sensus in utroque torpeant, sive potius ligentur. Quoad Tertullianum spectat, exstasin interdum sinistro sensu accipit, et dixit amentiae instar fuisse, ut libro de Exstasi quem adversus Ecclesiam scripsit; ubi libertatem ademit, et cognitionem prophetiae ipsius secundum Montani sensum : at supra, cap. 21, saniori sensu explicuit amentiam in exstasi. LAC.

"We call it ecstasy, a going out," etc. The difference between sleep and ecstasy is this: in sleep the functions of the mind and of sense are bound, so that the powers of the vegetative soul are then freer and stronger; in ecstasy the contrary happens: the nutritive and sensitive actions are hindered, while the functions of the mind are then at their most vigorous. They agree, finally, in this, that the senses in both are numbed, or rather bound. As regards Tertullian, he sometimes takes ecstasy in a bad sense, and said it was like madness, as in the book On Ecstasy which he wrote against the Church; there he took away freedom, and the understanding of the prophecy itself, after Montanus's view: but above, ch. 21, he explained the madness in ecstasy in a sounder sense. La Cerda.

(printed under page 389)

Page

running head: 769 LIBER DE ANIMA (cut off at the right edge)
marginal letters: A ‹Soranus opponit, excludens incubonem›; B ‹credi, quod vigilanti potius accidere deberet, si›; C ‹rum solatium proprium est, vacans illa a solatio›; D ‹legendum sexaginta, videlicet› (beside the commentary at the page foot)
old-edition numerals: 725 after ‹Sed›

PL 2:770

omnem habitum artis suae atque conatum. Pugnatur, certatur; sed vacua jactatio est. Nihilominus tamen fieri videntur, quae fieri tamen non videntur; actu enim fiunt, effectu vero non fiunt. Hanc vim exstasin dicimus, excessum sensus, et amentiae instar. Sic et in primordio, somnus cum exstasi dedicatus (Gen. II): et misit Deus exstasin in Adam, et obdormivit. Somnus enim corpori provenit in quietem; ecstasis animae accessit adversus quietem; et inde jam forma, somnum ecstasi miscens, et natura de forma. Denique, et oblectamur, et contristamur, et conterremur in somniis, quam adfecte, et anxie, et passibiliter! cum in nullo permoveremur, a vacuis scilicet imaginibus, si compotes somniaremus. Denique et bona facta gratuita sunt in somnis, et delicta secura; non magis enim ob stupri visionem damnabimur, quam ob martyrii coronabimur. Et quomodo, inquis, memor est somniorum anima, scilicet quam compotem esse non licet? Hoc erit proprietas amentiae hujus, quia non fit ex corruptela bonae valetudinis, sed ex ratione naturae. Nec enim exterminat, sed avocat mentem. Aliud est concutere, aliud movere; aliud evertere, aliud agitare. Igitur quod memoria suppetit, sanitas mentis est; quod sanitas mentis salva memoria stupet, amentiae genus est. Ideo non dicimur furere, sed somniare: ideo et prudentes, si quando sumus: sapere enim nostrum licet obumbretur, non tamen exstinguitur. Nisi quod et ipsum potest videri vacare tunc; ecstasin autem hoc quoque operari de suo proprio, ut sic nobis

all the bearing and effort of their skill. There is fighting, there is contending; but it is an empty tossing about. Nevertheless they seem to be done, which yet are not seen to be done; for they are done in act, but are not done in effect. This power we call ecstasy, a departure of the sense, and a likeness of insanity. So also in the beginning sleep was consecrated together with ecstasy (Gen. 2): and God sent an ecstasy into Adam, and he slept. For sleep comes to the body for rest; ecstasy came upon the soul against rest; and from that already a pattern, mixing sleep with ecstasy, and nature from the pattern. Indeed, we are both delighted, and saddened, and terrified in dreams, how feelingly, and anxiously, and passionately! whereas we would be moved in no way by empty images, that is, if we dreamed while in possession of ourselves. Indeed both good deeds are without reward in sleep, and offences without risk; for we shall no more be condemned for the vision of debauchery than we shall be crowned for that of martyrdom. And how, you say, is the soul mindful of dreams, being, that is, one which is not permitted to be in possession of itself? This will be the peculiar property of this insanity, that it does not arise from a corruption of good health, but from the order of nature. For it does not banish the mind, but calls it away. It is one thing to shatter, another to move; one thing to overturn, another to stir. Therefore, that memory is at hand is soundness of mind; that soundness of mind is stunned while memory is kept safe is a kind of insanity. Therefore we are not said to rave, but to dream; therefore also to be wise, if ever we are: for our wisdom, though it may be overshadowed, is yet not extinguished. Except that this too can seem to be idle at that time; but that ecstasy works this also out of its own property, so that thus to us

Editors' notes and page, col. 770

Footnotes

(93) ‹anchor: si quando sumus› · call in col 770

Ideo et prudentes, si quando sumus. Ideo, inquit, et prudentes somniamus, si quando tamen prudentes dici possumus, quorum est proprium errare et labi. RIG.

"Therefore also wise, if ever we are." Therefore, he says, we dream as wise men too, if ever indeed we can be called wise, whose property it is to err and slip. Rigault.

(printed under page 389)

Page

running head: LIBER DE ANIMA. 770
marginal letters: A ‹culantes omnem habitum›; B ‹magis enim ob stupri›; C ‹si quando sumus›; D ‹lemui quodam ritu› (in the Commentarius at the page foot)
old-edition numerals: 726 after ‹inde›

PL 2:771

sapientiae imagines inferat, quemadmodum et erroris.

it may bring in images of wisdom, just as also of error.

CAPUT XLVI.

Chapter XLVI.

Ecce rursus urgemur, etiam de ipsorum somniorum retractatu, quibus anima jactatur, exprimere. Et quando perveniemus ad mortem? Et hic dixerim, cum Deus dederit: nullae longae morae ejus quod eveniet. Vana in totum somnia Epicurus judicavit, liberans a negotiis divinitatem, et dissolvens ordinem rerum, et in passivitate omnia spargens, ut eventui exposita, et fortuita. Porro, si ita est, ergo erit aliquis et veritatis eventus, quia non capit solam eam eventui omnibus debito eximi. Homerus duas portas divisit somniis, corneam veritatis, fallaciae eburneam. Respicere est enim, inquiunt, per cornu, ebur autem caecum est. Aristoteles, majore sententiam mendacio recitans, agnoscit et veram. Telmessenses nulla somnia evacuant, imbecillitatem conjectationis incusant. Quis autem tam extraneus humanitatis, ut non aliquam aliquando visionem fidelem senserit? Pauca de insignioribus perstringens, Epicuro pudorem imperabo. Astyages Medorum regnator, quod filiae Mandanae adhuc virginis vesicam in diluvionem

Behold, we are pressed again to set forth something also concerning the treatment of the dreams themselves, by which the soul is tossed about. And when shall we arrive at death? Here too I would say: when God grants it; there are no long delays of that which will come to pass. Epicurus judged dreams to be wholly vain, freeing the divinity from business, and dissolving the order of things, and scattering all things in passivity, as exposed to chance, and fortuitous. Further, if this is so, then there will also be some chance-occurrence of truth, since it is not possible for truth alone to be exempted from the chance that is owed to all things. Homer assigned two gates to dreams, the horn one of truth, the ivory one of deceit. For one can see through horn, they say, but ivory is blind. Aristotle, while stating his view with the greater part assigned to falsehood, acknowledges also a true one. The Telmessians make no dreams void; they blame the weakness of interpretation. But who is so much a stranger to humanity as not at some time to have perceived some faithful vision? Touching briefly on a few of the more notable, I will impose shame upon Epicurus. Astyages, ruler of the Medes, because the bladder of his daughter Mandane, still a virgin, into a flood

Editors' notes and page, col. 771

Footnotes

Variae lectiones. (printed under page 390)

(58) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not visible on the page foot

Balaridem Pam. Rhen. Seml.

"Balaridem" Pamelius, Rhenanus, Semler.

(printed under page 390)

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Praelium Pam. Rhen. Seml. Oberth.

"Praelium" (battle) Pamelius, Rhenanus, Semler, Oberthür.

Commentarius. (printed under page 390)

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Aristoteles majore sententiam mendacio. Aristoteles somnia plerumque mendacia autumat, etsi non semper. LE PR.

"Aristotle, the opinion with greater falsehood." Aristotle holds dreams to be mostly false, though not always. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 390)

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Telmessenses, etc. Cariae illi populi nulla somnia ut inania respuunt, sed explicant. LE PR.

"The Telmessians," etc. Those peoples of Caria reject no dreams as empty, but interpret them. Le Prieur.

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Philippus Macedo, nondum pater. Plutarchus : Ὑστέρῳ χρόνῳ μετὰ τὸν γάμον. RIG.

"Philip of Macedon, not yet a father." Plutarch: "At a later time, after the marriage." Rigault.

(printed under page 390)

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Uxoris naturam obsignasse viderat. Plutarchus : Vidit per somnum ipsum imprimentem sigillum utero uxoris : Εἶδεν ὄναρ αὐτὸν ἐπιβάλλοντα σφραγῖδα τῇ γαστρὶ τῆς γυναικὸς;. RIG. et EDD.

"He had seen that he had sealed his wife's nature." Plutarch: he saw in sleep that he himself was pressing a seal on his wife's womb: "He saw in a dream that he was setting a seal on his wife's belly." Rigault and the editors.

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Crediderat praeclusam genituram. Hoc est, sterilem fore uxoris uterum. RIG.

"He had believed her child-bearing shut off." That is, that his wife's womb would be barren. Rigault.

(printed under page 390)

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Opinor, quia leo semel pater est. Pervasit in vulgus opinio falsa, leonem non parere, nisi semel, et unum. Quae tamen fabula adsertorem habuit Herodotum : Ἅπαξ ἐν τῷ βίῳ, inquit, τίκτει ἕν. Sed ab Aristotele deridetur ut μῦθος ληρώδης. Et ab Homero quidem describitur leo, περὶ οἷσι τεκέεσσιν, ἄγων ἐν ὕλῃ νήπια. Nec facile dixerim Septimium hic nostrum sensisse cum vulgo ; aut Carthaginiensem ignorasse, quae Getuli et Numidae venatores habuere compertissima. Quod autem ait Septimius, leonem semel esse patrem, sic audiamus necesse est, ex una scilicet femina. Nisi quis velit, tam moroso nuptiarum castigatori placuisse etiam leones monogamos. Sed Alexandro nondum patri, quid ad praeclusae geniturae significationem leo semel pater ? cum nec semel pater leo fiat, nisi exclusa genitura, utero jam aperto. Dicamus igitur, conjecturam Alexandro fuisse, non parituram conjugem, ab eo quod animal, cujus speciem viderat in somnis, semel edere partum existimetur. Rari autem sunt leones; ideoque raro parit leo. Quod autem fit raro, vulgus semel in vita fieri dicit. Ac semel quidem vicinum esse ac pene nunquam, observat Asconius : eoque sensu a Lucilio scriptum, semel in vita risisse Crassum, avum Crassi in Parthis interempti. Quod absolute Plinius reddit, nunquam risisse. RIG. — Opinor quia leo semel pater est. Testantur scriptores quidam opinionem hanc in plebem incurrisse, leonem unguibus uterum sibi lacerare in partu, at haec falsa docuit Aristoteles. Aelianus, lib. IV, cap. 23, ait leonem quinquies parere : primum quinque, deinde quatuor, tum tres, postea duos, ac postremo unum. LE PR.

"I suppose, because the lion is a father once." A false opinion spread among the common people that the lioness gives birth only once, and to one cub. This tale had Herodotus as its champion: "Once in its life," he says, "it bears one." But Aristotle mocks it as an idle tale. And Homer describes a lion "about its young, leading its little ones in the wood." Nor would I readily say that our Septimius here thought with the crowd, or that a Carthaginian was ignorant of what the Gaetulian and Numidian hunters knew most surely. As for Septimius's saying that the lion is a father once, we must understand it thus: by one female, that is. Unless one would have it that even monogamous lions pleased so morose a censor of marriages. But for Alexander, not yet a father, what has "the lion a father once" to do with signifying a child-bearing shut off? since the lion does not become a father even once unless the bearing is shut out and the womb already opened. Let us say, then, that Alexander's conjecture was that the wife would not bear, because the animal whose form he had seen in his dream is thought to give birth once. Lions are rare; and so the lion rarely gives birth. And what happens rarely, the crowd says happens once in a lifetime. And "once" is close to "almost never," as Asconius observes: in that sense Lucilius wrote that Crassus, grandfather of the Crassus killed among the Parthians, laughed once in his life. Pliny renders this absolutely: that he never laughed. Rigault. — "I suppose, because the lion is a father once." Some writers attest that this opinion spread among the common people, that the lioness tears her womb with her claws in giving birth; but Aristotle showed this to be false. Aelian, book IV, ch. 23, says the lioness gives birth five times: first five, then four, then three, afterwards two, and last one. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 390)

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Aristodemus vel Aristophon. Imo, neuter, si credimus Plutarcho, sed Aristander, vates et somniorum interpres, aetate Alexandri celeberrimus, cujus et volumen de Ostentis a Plinio citatur. RIG. — Aristodemus vel Aristophon. Hic comicus erat, ille mythologus. LE PR.

"Aristodemus or Aristophon." No, neither, if we believe Plutarch, but Aristander, seer and interpreter of dreams, most celebrated in Alexander's time, whose volume On Portents is also cited by Pliny. Rigault. — "Aristodemus or Aristophon." The latter was a comic poet, the former a mythographer. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 390)

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Imo nihil vacuum obsignari. Plutarchus, Οὐδὲν γὰρ ἀποσφραγίζεσθαι τῶν κενῶν. RIG.

"Indeed, nothing empty is sealed." Plutarch: "For none of the empty things is sealed." Rigault.

(printed under page 390)

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Filium magni impetus. Plutarchus, Παῖδα θυμοειδῆ [reading of this word uncertain in the image] καὶ λέοντος παῖδα τὴν φύσιν. RIG.

"A son of great vehemence." Plutarch: "A spirited son, and a lion's whelp in nature." Rigault.

(printed under page 390)

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Alexandrum qui sciunt. Hoc est Alexandri historiam qui norunt. Ea passim circumferebatur ab variis varie descripta, et fabulis intexta plerumque stultissimis. Cujus farinae est ms. liber, quem indicavit Casaubonus pridem, et falso Callisthenis nomen praefert. RIG.

"Those who know Alexander." That is, those who know the history of Alexander. It went about everywhere, written variously by various hands, and mostly woven with the silliest fables. Of that stamp is a manuscript book which Casaubon pointed out long ago, and which falsely bears the name of Callisthenes. Rigault.

(printed under page 390)

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Et Baralirem Illyricum Molossis usque Macedoniam ex som. dom. Haec omnino est scriptura codicis Agobardini, lapsu in proclive volubili scribentium Bardiem primo, aut Bardirem, mox Biradirem et Baralirem. Unde fluxit quod in vulgatis habetur Balarinem. Frontini stratagematum exemplaria quinque constanter exhibent, ab Ardie Illyrio, quod est, a Bardie, et proxime ad verum, Bardile. Rectam hujusce vocabuli editionem servasse videntur Graeci, Bardylin. Unde est apud Ciceronem Bargulus, pro Bardylis, certissima conjectura viri eximie probi doctique Henrici Valesii. Bardylis Illyrius ex latrone dux, sive princeps Illyriorum et Molossorum, cum et Macedonas attentaret, a Philippo repressus est, atque intra fines Illyriorum coercitus. Auctor Diodorus, Valesio nostro citatus. RIG.

"And Baralis the Illyrian, from the Molossians to Macedonia, from a dream (?)" This is entirely the reading of the Agobard codex, by the easy downhill slide of copyists writing first Bardies, or Bardiris, then Biradiris and Baraliris. Whence flowed the Balarinem of the common editions. Five copies of Frontinus's Stratagems consistently show "ab Ardie Illyrio," that is, "a Bardie," and, nearest the truth, "Bardile." The Greeks seem to have kept the right form of this name, Bardylis. Hence Bargulus in Cicero stands for Bardylis, by the most certain conjecture of that exceptionally upright and learned man Henri de Valois. Bardylis the Illyrian, a brigand turned general, or prince of the Illyrians and Molossians, when he attacked the Macedonians too, was checked by Philip and confined within the borders of the Illyrians. The authority is Diodorus, cited by our Valois. Rigault.

(printed under page 390)

Page

running head: 771 · TERTULLIANI OPERUM PARS II. —
marginal letters: A sapientiae imagines inferat; B inquiunt, per cornu, ebur; C (95) Telmessenses, etc. Cariae illi populi nulla; D venatores habuere compertissima
old-edition numerals: 727 after ebur
other: column ends with diluvio- hyphenated across the column break; full-width lines "Variae lectiones" heading and variant line (58, 59) and "Commentarius." heading below the text not set; editors' commentary notes (94)-(99) by Le Pr., Rig. at page foot not set; CAPUT XLVI. printed centred on its own line; "majore sententiam mendacio" set as printed; in the text, call 58 stands after "veram", (94) after "mendacio", (95) after "Telmessenses"

PL 2:772

Asiae finxisse somnio viderit, Herodotus refert: item anno post nuptias ejus ex hisdem locis vitem exortam toti Asiae incubasse. Hoc etiam Charon Lampsacenus Herodoto prior tradit. Qui filium ejus tanto operi interpretati sunt, non fefellerunt; siquidem Asiam Cyrus et mersit et pressit. Philippus Macedo nondum pater, Olympiadis uxoris naturam obsignasse viderat annulo: leo erat signum. Crediderat praeclusam genituram, opinor, quia leo semel pater est. Aristodemus vel Aristophon conjectans, imo nihil vacuum obsignari; filium, et quidem maximi impetus, portendi. Alexandrum qui sciunt, leonem annuli recognoscunt: Ephorus scribit. Sed et Dionysii Siciliae tyrannidem Himeraea quaedam somniavit: Heraclides prodidit. Et Seleuco regnum Asiae Laodice mater nondum eum enixa praevidit: Euphorion provulgavit. Mithridatum quoque ex somnio Ponti potitum a Strabone cognosco. Et Baralirem Illyricum a Molossis usque Macedoniam ex somnio dominatum de Callisthene disco. Noverunt et Romani veritatis hujusmodi somnia. Reformatorem imperii, puerulum adhuc et privatum loci, et Julium Octavium tantum, et sibi ignotum, Marcus

over Asia had formed itself, as he saw in a dream, Herodotus reports; likewise that in the year after her marriage a vine sprang up from the same parts and spread over the whole of Asia. Charon of Lampsacus, earlier than Herodotus, also relates this. Those who interpreted so great a work as [signifying] her son were not deceived, since Cyrus both overwhelmed and crushed Asia. Philip of Macedon, not yet a father, had seen that he had sealed the nature of his wife Olympias with a ring: the seal was a lion. He had believed that her childbearing was closed off, I suppose, because the lion is a father only once. Aristodemus or Aristophon, conjecturing rather that nothing empty is sealed, [declared] that a son was portended, and indeed one of the greatest vigour. Those who know Alexander recognize the lion of the ring: Ephorus writes it. And a certain woman of Himera also dreamed of the tyranny of Dionysius of Sicily: Heraclides has related it. And Laodice his mother foresaw the kingdom of Asia for Seleucus before she had yet given birth to him: Euphorion has made it public. That Mithridates too gained possession of Pontus through a dream I learn from Strabo. And that Baralis the Illyrian ruled from the Molossians as far as Macedonia through a dream I learn from Callisthenes. The Romans too have known dreams of such truthfulness. The reformer of the empire, while still a little boy and of private station, and only Julius Octavius, and unknown to himself, Marcus

Editors' notes and page, col. 772

Page

running head: UM PARS II. — SERIES I, POLEMICA. (left part cut off at image edge)
marginal letters: A nem Asiæ finxisse somnio; B Heraclides prodidit. Et Seleuco; C partu, at hæc falsa docuit (in Commentarius); D men præfert. Rig. (in Commentarius)
old-edition numerals: 728 after recognoscunt

PL 2:773

Tullius jam et Augustum, et civilium turbinum sepultorem de somnio norat; in Vitellii commentariis conditum est. Nec haec sola species erit summarum praedicatrix potestatum, sed et periculorum et exitiorum; ut cum Caesar in praelio perduellium Bruti et Cassii Philippis aeger, majus tamen alias discrimen. Artorii visione, destituto tabernaculo, evadit: ut cum Polycrati Samio filia crucem prospicit de solis unguine et lavacro Jovis. Revelantur et honores et ingenia per quietem, praestantur et medelae, produntur et furta, conferuntur et thesauri. Ciceronis denique dignitatem, parvuli etiam nunc, gerula jam sua inspexerat, Cycnus de sinu Socratis, demulcens homines, discipulus Plato est. Cleonymus pyctes ab Achille curatur in somnis. Coronam auream cum ex arce Athenae p⟨e⟩rdidissent, Sophocles tragicus

Tullius already knew from a dream as Augustus too, and as the one who laid to rest the whirlwinds of civil strife; this is recorded in the memoirs of Vitellius. Nor will this kind of dream be the herald only of supreme powers, but also of dangers and destructions; as when Caesar, sick at Philippi in the battle against the public enemies Brutus and Cassius, nevertheless escapes a danger otherwise greater, by the vision of Artorius, his tent having been abandoned; as when the daughter of Polycrates of Samos foresees the cross from the anointing of the sun and the bath of Jupiter. Honours too and talents are revealed through sleep, remedies also are supplied, thefts too are betrayed, and treasures are bestowed. Cicero's dignity, finally, while he was still a little child, his nurse had already foreseen; the swan from the bosom of Socrates, soothing men, is his disciple Plato. Cleonymus the boxer is cured by Achilles in dreams. When Athens had lost a golden crown from the citadel, Sophocles the tragedian

Editors' notes and page, col. 773

Footnotes

[Crop note: the page-foot images begin below the top of the note block; the Variae lectiones called in col 773 and note (6) are visible in the column images and are set from them below. The first line of the right column (the junction of note 12) is clipped and illegible.]  (var. 60) ‹anchor: in praelio› · call in col 773 Verum Pam. Rhen. Seml. Oberth.

"Verum": Pamelius, Rhenanus, Semler, Oberthür.

(var. 61) ‹anchor: gerula jam sua› · call in col 773 Suam Par alii.

"Suam": the Paris edition and others.

(printed under page 391)

(6) ‹anchor: in Vitellii commentariis conditum est› · call in col 773

In Vitellii commentariis conditum est. Citantur a Suetonio nonnulla de gente Vitellia, ex libello Q. Eulogii ad Q. Vitellium Augusti quaestorem. RIG.

"It is recorded in the memoirs of Vitellius." Suetonius cites some things about the Vitellian family from a pamphlet of Quintus Eulogius addressed to Quintus Vitellius, quaestor of Augustus. Rigaltius.

(printed under page 391)

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De solis unguine. Explicat istud lib. III Herodotus, scribens Polycratis filiam vidisse per somnium patrem sublimem in aere, qui a sole ungueretur, quo prospexit in crucem actum solis ardore exsiccandum. PAM.

"From the sun's anointing." Herodotus explains this in book 3, writing that Polycrates' daughter saw in a dream her father high in the air, being anointed by the sun, by which she foresaw him driven onto a cross to be dried out by the sun's heat. Pamelius.

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Et lavacro Jovis. Istud est quod ibidem Herodotus illam somniasse scribit, quod pater a Jove lavaretur, hoc est, pluviis et imbribus, quae Jovi ethnic tribuebant, perfunderetur. PAM.

"And from the bath of Jupiter." This is what Herodotus writes in the same place, that she dreamed her father was washed by Jupiter, that is, drenched by the rains and showers which the heathen [ethnic, so printed] attributed to Jupiter. Pamelius.

(printed under page 391)

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Cycnus de sinu Socratis, etc. De hoc ita Laertius in Vita Platonis: dicitur Socrates per somnium vidisse, se cycni pullum inter genua habere, qui etiam e vestigio productis alis evolarit, jucundo clangore edito ; et postridie Platonem ipsi commendatum esse, et ipsum dixisse hunc illum esse. PAM.

"The swan from Socrates' lap," etc. On this Laertius in the Life of Plato: Socrates is said to have seen in a dream that he held a cygnet between his knees, which at once spread its wings and flew off, uttering a sweet cry; and the next day Plato was entrusted to him, and he said that this was the one. Pamelius.

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Cleonymus pyctes. Vide Homerum. Pyctes autem, pro pugil, vox nota est. PAM.

"Cleonymus the boxer." See Homer. "Pyctes" for boxer is a known word. Pamelius.

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Apud Rheteum Trojae sepulcrum Ajacis. Sic restitui hunc locum cum Leopardo, Emend. l. III, c. 15 et 16, pro eo quod erat : apud Erythraeum. Nam id in haec verba confirmat Plinius, l. V, c. 30 : « Extra sinum sunt, inquit, Rhetea littora, Rheto et Dardanio oppidis habitata. » Ac paulo post: « In Sigaeo fuit et Aeantion Rhodiis conditum, in altero, cornu Ajacis ibi sepulcrum. PAM.

"At Rhoeteum, the tomb of Ajax at Troy." So I restored this passage with Leopardus, Emendations book 3, chs. 15 and 16, in place of what stood there: "at Erythraeum." For Pliny confirms it in these words, book 5, ch. 30: "Outside the gulf," he says, "are the Rhoetean shores, inhabited by the towns of Rhoeteum and Dardanium." And a little after: "At Sigeum there was also the Aeantion, founded by the Rhodians, on the other horn, the tomb of Ajax there." Pamelius.

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Artemon, Antiphon, etc. Ex Artemone, quantum apparet, medico quaedam descripsit Plinius l. XXVIII, c. 1. Citatur etiam Artemon Clazemonius a Suida et Aeliano. — Antiphon. De hoc ita Suidas : Antipho Atheniensis conjector (sive aruspex, ut alibi idem loquitur), de interpretatione somniorum scripsit. — Strato. Hunc idem de somno et de insomniis scripsisse testatur Laertius, nempe Stratonem Lampsacenum. — Philocorus. Etiam hic, Atheniensis vates et aruspex, de divinatione partim libros IV scripsit; atqui etiam ex somniis fiebat divinatio. De hoc iterum paulo post Auctor : Cum Philochoro Atheniensi. — Epicharmus. Epicharmi carmina quaedam habes. Laertius vero scripsisse etiam eum tradit Commentarios de Natura et de Medicina. In illis itaque verisimile est eum etiam de somniis aliquid scripsisse. Videantur Romae in Biblioth. Vaticana. Certe Auctor paulo post : « Caeterum Epicharmus, inquit, etiam summum apicem […first line of the right column clipped; it ends …etiam … Serapionis.] — Cratippus. Cratippus, philosophus Peripateticus, scripsit libros de divinatione et somniis. — Dionysius Rhodius. Dionysium Musonii filium Rhodium a quibusdam dici adnotavit Suidas, qui fuerit historicus, et fani Solis sacerdos. — Hermippus. De hoc paulo post Auctor. Hunc autem discipulum Philonis Byblii, sub Adriano imperatore, multa scripsisse tradit Suidas. PAM.

"Artemon, Antiphon," etc. From Artemon, a physician as it appears, Pliny copied some things, book 28, ch. 1. Artemon of Clazomenae is also cited by Suidas and Aelian. — Antiphon. On him Suidas says: Antipho of Athens, an interpreter (or soothsayer, as he says elsewhere), wrote on the interpretation of dreams. — Strato. Laertius attests that he wrote on sleep and on dreams, namely Strato of Lampsacus. — Philochorus. He too, an Athenian seer and soothsayer, wrote among other things four books on divination; and divination was also made from dreams. Of him the Author again a little later: "With Philochorus the Athenian." — Epicharmus. You have some poems of Epicharmus. Laertius records that he also wrote Commentaries on Nature and on Medicine. In those, therefore, it is likely that he wrote something on dreams too. They should be looked for at Rome in the Vatican Library. Certainly the Author a little later: "But Epicharmus," he says, "even the highest summit […line clipped…] Serapion." — Cratippus. Cratippus, a Peripatetic philosopher, wrote books on divination and dreams. — Dionysius of Rhodes. Suidas noted that some call Dionysius the son of Musonius a Rhodian; he was a historian and priest of the temple of the Sun. — Hermippus. Of him the Author a little later. Suidas records that he, a disciple of Philo of Byblos, wrote much under the emperor Hadrian. Pamelius.

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Prior omnibus Saturnus. Quia melancholici, quos inde πολυονείρους vocant ob vehementiam ingenii, multiplici visionum genere occupantur. Juxta Aristot. lib. de divin. per somnium, cap. 2. LAC.

"Saturn before all." Because melancholics, whom for that reason they call "much-dreaming," are taken up with many kinds of visions on account of the vehemence of their temperament. According to Aristotle, book On Divination in Sleep, ch. 2. La Cerda.

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Amphiarai apud Oropum. Sic legimus cum Leopardo, pro Horopum, quia Oropus oppidum in confinio Baeotiae legitur apud Plinium l. IV, c. 7, qui etiam Amphiari meminit, quod apud Thebas obierit una aetate ante bellum Iliacum, cujus filio Tiburte vetustiores exstant ilices tres in ag. Tiburtino, apud quas inauguratus traditur. PAM.

"Of Amphiaraus at Oropus." So we read with Leopardus, instead of "Horopum," because Oropus is read as a town on the border of Boeotia in Pliny, book 4, ch. 7, who also mentions Amphiaraus, that he died at Thebes a generation before the Trojan War; three holm-oaks older than his son Tiburtus still stand in the territory of Tibur, beneath which he is said to have been inaugurated. Pamelius.

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Amphiloci apud Mallum. Legimus Amphilochi, cum eodem Leopardo, pro Amphiloci, nam etiam Clemens Alexandrinus Amphilocum oraculum celebrat, sicuti etiam Justinus mart. Apol. II Mallum vero oppidum Ciliciae propinquum, cujus meminit Plinius, lib. V, cap. 27, subintelligit. PAM.

"Of Amphilochus at Mallus." We read "Amphilochi," with the same Leopardus, for "Amphiloci," for Clement of Alexandria too celebrates the oracle of Amphilochus, as does Justin Martyr, Apology 2. By Mallus he means the town near Cilicia, which Pliny mentions, book 5, ch. 27. Pamelius.

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Sarpedonis in Troade. De hoc ita Plinius, lib. XIII, c. 13. Praeterea Mutianus ter consul prodidit se legisse, cum praesideret Lyciae : Sarpedonis a Troja, scriptam in templo chartam. De oraculo autem ejus vid. Philostratum, in Heroicis. PAM.

"Of Sarpedon in the Troad." Pliny on this, book 13, ch. 13: Moreover Mucianus, three times consul, related that while governing Lycia he read in a temple a letter written by Sarpedon from Troy. On his oracle see Philostratus, in the Heroica. Pamelius.

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Trophonii in Baeotia. Plin. lib. XXXIV laudat opus Euthycratis simulacrum Trophonii ad oraculum, de quo sic latius lib. XIII, cap. 2: « In Boeotia ad Trophonium Deum, juxta flumen Orchomenon, duo sunt fontes, memoriam, alter oblivionem, affert, inde numinibus inventis. « Abiit autem hinc in proverbium: In antro Trophonii vaticinari, de quo late Erasmus in Chiliadibus. Atqui ad istud oraculum etiam respexit Plutarchus, lib. de Defic. Orac. citatus ab Eusebio lib. V, de Praepar. Evang. c. 8. Nullibi nunc quam in Lebadia Boeotiae oraculum in illis partibus invenitur. PAM.

"Of Trophonius in Boeotia." Pliny, book 34, praises a work of Euthycrates, a statue of Trophonius at the oracle, of which he speaks more broadly in book 13, ch. 2: "In Boeotia, at the god Trophonius, by the river Orchomenus, there are two springs, [one] bringing memory, the other forgetfulness, whence names were found for the deities." From here it passed into a proverb: "To prophesy in the cave of Trophonius," on which Erasmus at length in the Chiliads. And Plutarch too had this oracle in view, in the book On the Decline of Oracles, cited by Eusebius, book 5 of the Preparation for the Gospel, ch. 8. Nowhere now in those parts is an oracle found except at Lebadea in Boeotia. Pamelius.

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Mopsi in Cilicia. Nescio cur Rigaltius Sicilia retinuerit, cum legendum videatur Cilicia. Nam (continues)

"Of Mopsus in Cilicia." I do not know why Rigault kept "Sicily," since "Cilicia" seems the reading. For (continues)

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running head: 773 LIBER DE ANIMA (cut off at the right edge)
marginal letters: A Tullius jam et Augustum; B dignitatem, parvuli etiam nunc; C dum. Pam. (in footnote area, note 7); D Dardanio oppidis habitata (in footnote area, note 11)
old-edition numerals: 729 after produntur

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somniando redinvenit. Neoptolemus tragoedus, apud Rheteum Trojae, sepulcrum Ajacis, monitus in somnis ab ipso, ruina liberat; et cum lapidum senia deponit, dives inde auro redit. Quanti autem commentatores et adfirmatores in hanc rem! Artemon, Antiphon, Strato, Philochorus, Epicharmus, Serapion, Cratippus, et Dionysius Rhodius, Hermippus, tota saeculi litteratura. Solum, si forte, ridebo, qui se existimavit persuasurum, quod prior omnibus Saturnus somniarit: nisi si et prior omnibus vixit Aristoteles. Ignosce ridenti. Caeterum, Epicharmus etiam summum apicem inter divinationes somniis extulit, cum Philochoro Atheniensi. Nam et oraculis hoc genus stipatus est orbis; ut Amphiari apud Oropum, Amphilochi apud Mallum, Sarpedonis in Troade, Trophonii in Boeotia, Mopsi in Cilicia, Hermoniae in

recovered [it] by dreaming. Neoptolemus the tragic actor, at Rheteum near Troy, warned in his sleep by Ajax himself, frees Ajax's tomb from ruin; and while he is clearing away the rubble of stones, he returns from there rich with gold. And how many commentators and affirmers there are on this matter! Artemon, Antiphon, Strato, Philochorus, Epicharmus, Serapion, Cratippus, and Dionysius of Rhodes, Hermippus, the whole literature of the age. I shall laugh, if at all, only at the one who thought he would persuade [us] that Saturn dreamt first of all: unless Aristotle also lived first of all. Pardon me for laughing. Moreover, Epicharmus too raised dreams to the highest summit among divinations, together with Philochorus the Athenian. For the world is also crowded with oracles of this kind: such as that of Amphiaraus at Oropus, of Amphilochus at Mallus, of Sarpedon in the Troad, of Trophonius in Boeotia, of Mopsus in Cilicia, of Hermione in

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running head: LIBER DE ANIMA. 774 (left part cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A somniando redinvenit; B divinationes somniis extulit; C cus, et fani Solis sacerdos (in the Commentarius); D lum vero oppidum Ciliciae (in the Commentarius)
old-edition numerals: 730 after ridebo
other: "senia" set as printed, sense unsure (rendered "rubble"); the "Variae lectiones" and "Commentarius" headings are full-width lines at the foot of the text and are not set; the editors' variant readings and Commentarius notes (Pam., Lac.) were seen and not set; the column ends mid-sentence at "Hermoniae in"

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Macedonia, Pasiphaae in Laconica. Caetera cum suis et originibus, et ritibus, et relationibus, cum omni deinceps historia somniorum, Hermippus Beritensis quinione voluminum satiatissime exhibebit. Sed et Stoici Deum malunt providentissimum humanae institutioni, inter caetera praesidia divinatricum artium et disciplinarum, somnia quoque nobis indidisse, peculiare solatium naturalis oraculi. Haec quantum ad fidem somniorum a nobis quoque consignandam, et taliter interpretandam. Nam de oraculis etiam caeteris, apud quae nemo dormitat, quid aliud pronuntiabimus, quam daemoniacam esse rationem eorum spirituum, qui jam tunc in ipsis hominibus habitaverint, vel memorias eorum affectaverint ad omnem malitiae suae scenam, in ista aeque specie divinitatem mentientes, eademque industria etiam per beneficia fallentes medicinarum, et admonitionum, ⟨et⟩ praenuntiationum, quae magis laedant juvando, dum per ea quae juvant, ab inquisitione verae divinitatis abducunt, ex insinuatione falsae. Et utique non clausa via est, nec sacrariorum circumscribitur terminis; vaga et pervolatica, et interim libera est: quo nemo dubitaverit, domus quoque daemoniis patere; nec tantum in adytis, sed in cubiculis homines imaginibus circumvenire.

Macedonia, of Pasiphae in Laconica. The rest, with their origins and rites and accounts, together with the whole further history of dreams, Hermippus of Berytus will set out most abundantly in a set of five volumes. But the Stoics too prefer [to hold] that God, most provident for human ordering, among the other safeguards of the divining arts and disciplines, has also implanted dreams in us, as a special solace of a natural oracle. So much for the credibility of dreams, which must be acknowledged by us too, and interpreted in such a way. For concerning the other oracles also, at which no one sleeps, what else shall we declare than that it is the demonic working of those spirits who even then dwelt in men themselves, or laid hold of their memories for every stage-play of their wickedness, falsely feigning divinity equally in this guise, and with the same craft deceiving even through the benefits of cures, and of warnings, and of predictions, which harm the more by helping, since through the things that help they lead away from the search for the true divinity, by insinuating a false one. And assuredly the way is not closed, nor is it bounded by the limits of shrines; it is roving and flitting about, and meanwhile free: so that no one will doubt that houses too lie open to demons, and that not only in sanctuaries but in bedchambers they beset men with images.

CAPUT XLVII.

Chapter XLVII.

Definimus enim a daemoniis plurimum incuti somnia, etsi interdum vera et gratiosa, sed, de qua industria diximus, affectantia atque captantia: quanto magis vana, et frustratoria et turbida, ludibriosa, et immunda. Nec mirum, si corum sunt imagines, quorum et res. A Deo autem, pollicito scilicet et

For we define that dreams are for the most part struck into [us] by demons, even if they are sometimes true and gracious, yet, as we said of their craft, seeking to allure and to ensnare: how much more [so] the vain, and deceptive and turbulent, mocking, and unclean ones. Nor is it surprising if the images belong to those to whom the realities also belong. But from God, Who has of course promised and

Editors' notes and page, col. 775

Footnotes

Variae lectiones. (printed under page 392)

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Pasiphaeae Par.

"Pasiphaeae" Paris edition.

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Berytensis Jun. Ven. lib. Agobard. Beriensis cod. Wouw. Bergensis cod. Ursini.

"Berytensis" (of Berytus) Junius, Venice edition, the Agobard book; "Beriensis" Wouwer's codex; "Bergensis" Ursinus's codex.

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Aliter Fran. Pam.

"Aliter" (otherwise) Franeker edition, Pamelius.

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Ad add. Fran. Pam.

The Franeker edition and Pamelius add "ad" (to).

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Cum Rhen. Seml. quam Pam. qua vet. cod. Wouw.

"Cum" Rhenanus, Semler; "quam" Pamelius; "qua" Wouwer's old codex.

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Occidere. Par alii.

"Occidere" (to set / to kill) Paris edition and others.

Commentarius. (printed under page 392)

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(continued) Pomponius Mela de vate quodam Mopso mentionem facit, qui Phaselin urbem condidit in finibus Pamphyliae. LE PR.

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Hermoniae in Macedonia. De oraculo Hermionae sic habet Suidas : « Hermione Peloponnesi oppidum est, Cereris et Proserpinae asylum. Ibi itaque verisimile est oracula pronuntiari solita. PAM.

"Of Harmonia [Hermonia] in Macedonia." On the oracle of Hermione Suidas has this: "Hermione is a town of the Peloponnese, a sanctuary of Ceres and Proserpina." It is likely, then, that oracles used to be pronounced there. Pamelius.

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Pasiphaae in Laconica. Sic legendum omnino, pro Pasiphaae, recte adnotavit Leopardus Emend., l. VIII, c. 4. Nam consentiunt Cicero, l. I de Divinatione, et Plutarchus, in Vita Agidis et Cleomenis. « Quia praeerant, inquit Cicero, Lacedaemoniis (hinc in Laconica addit auctor), non contenti vigilantibus curis in Pasiphaae fano, quod est in agro propter urbem, somniandi causa excubabant, quia vera quietis oracula ducebant. » Consentit etiam cum Plutarcho Pausanias in fine Laconic., scribens : « In Thalamis (quam Stephanus dicit fuisse Messeniae urbem) fuisse Jovis oraculum et fanum, in quo futura divinantes praeviderent, erectaque esse ex aere signa in ea fani parte quae sub dio est, Pasiphaae (sic enim recte etiam illum locum restituit pro Paphiae) unum, Solis alterum. » Nec mirum, cum Solis fuerit filia Pasiphaae, uxor Minois Cretae regis. PAM.

"Of Pasiphae in Laconia." This is certainly the reading, instead of "Pasiphaae" [so printed both times], as Leopardus rightly noted, Emendations book 8, ch. 4. For Cicero agrees, On Divination book 1, and Plutarch, in the Life of Agis and Cleomenes. "Because those who governed the Lacedaemonians," says Cicero (hence the author adds "in Laconia"), "not content with their waking cares, kept watch in the shrine of Pasiphae, which is in the countryside near the city, in order to dream, because they held the oracles of sleep to be true." Pausanias too agrees with Plutarch at the end of the Laconica, writing: "At Thalamae (which Stephanus says was a city of Messenia) there was an oracle and shrine of Jupiter, in which those divining the future foresaw it, and bronze statues stood in the part of the shrine open to the sky, one of Pasiphae (for so he rightly restored that passage too, instead of 'Paphia'), the other of the Sun." No wonder, since Pasiphae, wife of Minos king of Crete, was the daughter of the Sun. Pamelius.

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Sed et Stoici Deum malunt, etc. Ut Epicurei supra rejiciebant omnia, quia divinam providentiam tollebant de medio; sic Stoici e contrario somniis credebant, quia ipsam divinam providentiam extollebant. Hanc religionem Stoicorum erga somnia confirmant Tullius, de Divin. Deor. I, et Plutarchus, lib. V, de Plac. cap. 1. LAC.

"But the Stoics too prefer God," etc. As the Epicureans above rejected everything, because they did away with divine providence, so the Stoics on the contrary believed in dreams, because they exalted divine providence itself. This reverence of the Stoics towards dreams is confirmed by Tully, On Divination [so printed: "de Divin. Deor."] 1, and Plutarch, book 5, On the Opinions, ch. 1. La Cerda.

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Nam de oraculis etiam caeteris, etc. Hinc patet tantum ea oracula voluisse narrare Tertullianum in superioribus, quae dormientibus respondebant per somnia. Plurima vero oracula alius vaticinii numerant Eusebius, Clemens et Lactantius. LAC.

"For of the other oracles too," etc. Hence it is clear that in the foregoing Tertullian meant to tell only of those oracles which answered sleepers through dreams. Eusebius, Clement and Lactantius list very many oracles of another kind of prophecy. La Cerda.

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Quanto magis vana. Id est, mendacia ; tametsi ad vanitatem superstitionum referri possent, qui diligentius ex somniis procurant futuna. LAC.

"How much more empty." That is, lying; although they could be referred to the emptiness of the superstitions of those who quite carefully seek out the future [futuna, so printed] from dreams. La Cerda.

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Et major pene vis hominum ex visionibus Deum discunt. Per visa et insomnia ad fidem Christianam vocantur. RIG.

"And almost the greater part of men learn God from visions." They are called to the Christian faith through visions and dreams. Rigault.

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running head: TERTULLIANI OPERUM PARS II. —
marginal letters: A Macedonia (19), Pasiphaae; B tientes, eademque industria
old-edition numerals: 731 after exhibebit.

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gratiam Spiritus sancti in omnem carnem, et sicut prophetaturos, ita et somniaturos servos suos et ancillas suas, ea deputabuntur, quae ipsi gratiae comparabuntur, si qua honesta, sancta, prophetica, revelatoria, aedificatoria, vocatoria, quorum liberalitas soleat et in profanos destillare, imbres etiam et soles suos peraequante Deo justis et injustis; siquidem et Nabuchodonosor divinitus somniat: et major pene vis hominum ex visionibus Deum discunt. Sicut ergo dignatio Dei et in ethnicos, ita et tentatio Mali et in sanctos, a quibus nec interdiu absistit, ut vel dormientibus obrepat qua potest, si vigilantibus non potest. Tertia species erunt somnia, quae sibimet ipsa anima videtur inducere ex intentione circumstantiarum. Porro, quoniam non est ex arbitrio somniare (nam et Epicharmus ita sentit), quomodo ipsa erit sibi causa alicujus visionis? Num ergo haec species naturali formae relinquenda est, servans animae ⟨e⟩tiam in ecstasi res suas perpeti? Ea autem quae neque a Deo, neque a daemonio, neque ab anima videbuntur accidere, et praeter opinionem, et praeter interpretationem et praeter enarrationem Deo, facultatis, ipsi proprie ecstasi et rationi ejus separabuntur.

the grace of the Holy Spirit upon all flesh, and that just as His servants and His handmaids would prophesy, so too they would dream, those [dreams] will be reckoned [to Him] which shall be comparable to that grace itself, if any are honourable, holy, prophetic, revelatory, edifying, summoning, whose liberality is wont to trickle down even upon the profane, God making His rains and His suns equal for the just and the unjust; since even Nebuchadnezzar dreams by divine agency: and almost the greater part of mankind learn God from visions. Just as, therefore, the condescension of God [reaches] even to the heathen, so also the temptation of the Evil One [reaches] even to the saints, from whom he does not withdraw even by day, so that he may creep upon them while they sleep, where he can, if he cannot while they are awake. The third kind will be the dreams which the soul seems to induce upon itself from intent attention to its circumstances. Further, since it is not at one's own discretion to dream (for Epicharmus too thinks so), how will the soul itself be the cause to itself of any vision? Is this kind, then, to be left to the natural form, which preserves to the soul, even in ecstasy, the undergoing of its own affairs? But those which shall seem to happen neither from God, nor from a demon, nor from the soul, both beyond expectation and beyond interpretation and beyond narration to God, of the faculty, will be assigned properly to ecstasy itself and to its nature.

CAPUT XLVIII.

Chapter XLVIII.

Certiora et colatiora somniari affirmant sub extimis noctibus, quasi jam emergente animarum vigore, producto sopore. Ex temporibus autem anni, verno magis quieta; quod aestas dissolvat animas, et hiems quodammodo obduret, autumnus, tentator alias valetudinum, succis pomorum vinosissimis diluat. Item ex ipsius quietis situ; si neque resupina, neque dextero latere decumbat, neque con-

They affirm that more certain and clearer dreams are dreamt towards the furthest part of the night, as though the vigour of souls were now emerging, slumber having been prolonged. As for the seasons of the year, moreover, [dreams are] more tranquil in spring; because summer dissolves souls, and winter in a manner hardens them, [while] autumn, at other times a tempter of health, dilutes them with the most vinous juices of fruits. Likewise from the very posture of rest; if [the soul] lies neither on its back, nor on the right side, nor

Editors' notes and page, col. 776

Footnotes

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Verno magis quieta. Verno tempore quietiorem fieri animam, et pacatioribus somnis exerceri, tradunt fere omnes. LE PR.

"More quiet in spring." Nearly all hold that in springtime the soul becomes quieter and is occupied with more peaceful dreams. Le Prieur.

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Si neque resupina, neque dextro latere decumbat. Facilius somnum adventare dextro latere decumbentibus observarunt philosophi, unde Aristo- (continues)

"If she lies neither on her back nor on her right side." The philosophers observed that sleep comes more easily to those lying on the right side, whence Aristo- (continues)

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running head: ...UM PARS II. — SERIES I, POLEMICA. 776 (start cut off at left edge)
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old-edition numerals: 732 after interdiu

PL 2:777

⟨sagin⟩atis internis, quasi refusis loculis statio ⟨sensuu⟩m fluitet, aut compressa jecoris an⟨…⟩sit mentis. Sed haec ingeniose aestimari potius, ⟨quam co⟩nstanter probari putem, etsi Plato est qui ca⟨ve⟩rit; et fortassean casu procedant. Alioquin ex ⟨arbitrio⟩ erunt somnia, si dirigi poterunt. Nam quod ⟨de ci⟩bis distinguendis vel derogandis, nunc prae⟨sumptio⟩, nunc superstitio disciplinam somniis prae⟨…⟩ examinandum est: superstitio, ut cum apud ⟨oracula⟩ incubaturis jejunium indicitur, ut casti⟨moniam⟩ inducat: praesumptio, ut cum Pythagorici ob ⟨hoc qu⟩oque speciem fabam respuunt, onerosum et ⟨…⟩ pabulum. Atquin trina illa cum Daniele fra⟨ternitas⟩, legumine solo contenti, ne regiis ferculis ⟨contami⟩narentur, praeter sapientiam reliquam, som⟨niorum⟩ praecipue gratiam a Deo redemerunt, et im⟨…⟩orum, et disserendorum. Jejuniis au⟨tem, n⟩escio an ego solus plurimum ita somniem, ut ⟨jeju⟩niasse non sentiam. Nihil ergo sobrietas, in⟨quis, a⟩d hanc partem? Imo tanto magis ad hanc, ⟨…⟩n et ad omnem. Si et ad superstitionem, multo ⟨magis⟩ ad religionem. Sic enim et daemonia expostu⟨la⟩n⟨t⟩ a suis somniatoribus, ad lenocinium scilicet ⟨divini⟩tatis, quia familiarem Dei norunt: quia et Da⟨niel (Da⟩n. X) rursus trium hebdomadum statione ⟨vi⟩ctu; sed ut Deum illiceret humiliationis ⟨…⟩, non ut animae somniaturae sensum et sapien⟨tiam ob⟩rueret, quasi non in exstasi acturae. Ita non ⟨ad exsta⟩sin submovendam sobrietas proficiet, sed ad ⟨e⟩xstasin commendandam, ut in Deo fiat.

[as when, the] innards being fattened, the seat of the senses floats as though in flooded compartments, or a pressure of the liver [...] of the mind. But these things I would think are reckoned ingeniously rather than proved consistently, even though it is Plato who took this precaution; and perhaps they turn out by chance. Otherwise dreams will be at our discretion, if they can be directed. For as to the distinguishing or forbidding of foods, where now presumption, now superstition, [...] a discipline for dreams, it must be examined: superstition, as when a fast is enjoined on those about to sleep at oracles, so that it may bring on purity; presumption, as when the Pythagoreans reject the bean for this appearance too, as a burdensome and [...] fodder. And yet that threefold brotherhood with Daniel, content with pulse alone so as not to be defiled by the king's dishes, besides the rest of their wisdom, purchased from God above all the grace of dreams, both of [...] them and of expounding them. As for fasts, I do not know whether I alone dream so much that I do not feel that I have fasted. Does sobriety then, you say, do nothing to this end? On the contrary, so much the more to this end, [...] also to every end. If it does so for superstition, much more for religion. For thus even the demons demand it of their dreamers, as a lure, namely, of divinity, because they know it is familiar to God: because Daniel too (Dan. 10) [lived] on the diet of a station of three weeks; but so that he might draw God by [the ...] of humiliation, not so that he might overwhelm the sense and wisdom of a soul about to dream, as though it would not act in ecstasy. So sobriety will avail not to remove ecstasy, but to commend ecstasy, so that it may come to pass in God.

CAPUT XLIX.

CHAPTER XLIX.

⟨…⟩tes qui non putant somniare, cum omnia ⟨…⟩ pro modo aetatis expungantur in vita, animad⟨vertant⟩ succussus et nutus, et renidentias eorum ⟨…⟩tem, ut ex re comprehendant, motus animae

[...] who do not think that [infants] dream, though all things [...] are discharged in life according to the measure of age, let them observe their startings and noddings and their smiles [...], so that they may understand from the fact itself the movements of the soul

Editors' notes and page, col. 777

Footnotes

[Crop note: the left image is clipped at its left edge, so the first letters of each line of the left column are lost. Letters in ⟦double brackets⟧ are supplied conjecturally where the lost part is evident; ⟦…⟧ marks a loss not restorable from the image.] Variae lectiones. (printed under page 393)

(70) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not visible on the page foot

⟦…⟧pulsis localis lib. Agobard.

"…pulsis localis" the Agobard book. [beginning of the note clipped]

(printed under page 393)

(71) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not visible on the page foot

Sagina alii mendose.

"Sagina" (fattening) others, wrongly.

(printed under page 393)

(72) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not visible on the page foot

Decurandis Rig. Ven. hoc est, minime curandis, ⟦…⟧dis alii.

"Decurandis" Rigault, Venice edition, that is, "not at all to be cared for"; "…dis" others. [part of the word clipped]

(printed under page 393)

(73) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not visible on the page foot

Jejunus Jun.

"Jejunus" (fasting) Junius.

(printed under page 393)

(74) ‹anchor: Dei norunt› · call in col 777

Norant Par.

"Norant" (they knew) Paris edition.

(printed under page 393)

(75) ‹anchor: animadsuccussus› · call in col 777

Successus Rig. Ven.

"Successus" Rigault, Venice edition.

(printed under page 393)

(76) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not visible on the page foot

Animae abest a Pam. Rhen. Seml.

"Animae" is absent from Pamelius, Rhenanus, Semler.

(printed under page 393)

(26) ‹anchor: not visible› · call on the previous page

(continued) ⟦…⟧el. 6, probl. 5, proponit, cur cum dextra cor⟦poris p⟧arte cubamus, somnus citius accedit. Dormire ⟦r⟧esupinato corpore minus sanum est, ex eo ⟦s⟧itu graves morbi nascuntur. LE PR.

(printed under page 393)

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⟦…⟧ Statio sensuum. Intelligit praecordia, περι-⟦…⟧ sanguinem circumcordialem, de quo supra.

"The station of the senses." He means the praecordia, peri[…], the blood about the heart, of which above. [a word or more at the line break is clipped]

(printed under page 393)

(28) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not visible on the page foot

⟦…⟧ Aut compressa jecoris. Sic legitur in exem⟦plaribus. C⟧ompressam dicit pro compressione, ut pro ⟦remissi⟧one, remissam. RIG.

"Or the compressed [state] of the liver." So it is read in the copies. He says "compressam" for "compressionem," as "remissam" for "remissionem." Rigault.

(printed under page 393)

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⟦…⟧ Apud oracula incubaturis jejunium indici⟦…⟧. ⟦…⟧tiles daemonibus suis jejuniis etiam inter⟦…⟧tulabantur, statuebanturque sive indiceban⟦tur q⟧ui oracula consulebant. LE PR.

"A fast imposed on those who would sleep at the oracles." The Gentiles also [paid court to] their demons with fasts, and [fasts] were appointed or proclaimed [for those] who consulted the oracles. Le Prieur. [several words clipped]

(printed under page 393)

(30) ‹anchor: trium hebdomadum› · call in col 777

⟦…⟧ Quia et Daniel rursus trium hebdomad. Il⟦l⟧ud hoc affirmat Auctor de Danielis jejunio ⟦tre⟧s hebdomadas, miror mirari Pamelium, vi⟦rum d⟧iligentem alioqui et doctum maxime, cum ⟦…⟧ nusquam apud Danielem ejus fieri men⟦tionem⟧, cum clarissime hoc inveniatur cap. X Da⟦n.⟧ : In diebus illis ego Daniel lugebam, trium ⟦hebdo⟧madarum diebus panem desiderabilem non co⟦medi⟧, et caro et vinum non introierunt in os meum, sed neque unguento unctus sum, donec complerentur trium hebdomadarum dies. LAC.

"Because Daniel too, again, for three weeks." That the Author asserts this about Daniel's fast of three weeks — I wonder that Pamelius wonders at it, a man otherwise careful and most learned, since [he says] Daniel nowhere mentions it, when it is found most clearly in Daniel ch. 10: "In those days I, Daniel, was mourning for three weeks of days; I ate no desirable bread, and flesh and wine did not enter my mouth, nor was I anointed with ointment, until the days of three weeks were fulfilled." La Cerda.

(printed under page 393)

(31) ‹anchor: etu› · call in col 777

Aruit victu. Xerophagiam significat, quam libro de Jejuniis vocat aridum victum, et aridas escas, cibo ab omni carne siccato et omni jurulentia et uvidioribus quibusque pomis. Ipse Daniel : Panem desiderabilem non comedi. RIG.

"He dried up in his diet." He means xerophagy, which in the book On Fasting he calls a dry diet and dry foods, food dried of all flesh and all juiciness and all the moister fruits. Daniel himself: "I ate no desirable bread." Rigault.

(printed under page 393)

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Libyca gens Atlantes caeco somno, etc. Plinius lib. V, c. 8 : Libyca gens Atlantes, degeneres humani ritus. Somnia non vident, qualia reliqui mortales. Herodotus : Λέγονται δὲ οὐδὲ ὄνειρα ὁρᾶν, etc. RIG.

"The Libyan people, the Atlantes, in blind sleep," etc. Pliny, book 5, ch. 8: The Libyan people, the Atlantes, fallen away from human ways. They do not see dreams as other mortals do. Herodotus: "They are said not even to see dreams," etc. Rigault.

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Nulla jam gens Dei extranea est. Vide de hoc lib. adv. Jud. C. 7, ubi, post enumerationem variarum gentium, sic concludit : « Christi autem regnum et nomen ubique porrigitur, ubique creditur, ab omnibus gentibus... colitur, ubique regnat, ubique adoratur, omnibus ubique tribuitur aequaliter. » Eodem pertinet quod habet Auctor seq. capite. « Cum contra omnes jam nationes ascendant in montem Domini, et in aedem Dei Jacob. » PAM. — Et apud Barbaros enim Christus. Tertull. lib. de Corona. RIG.

"No nation is now a stranger to God." See on this the book Against the Jews, ch. 7, where, after listing various nations, he concludes: "But the kingdom and name of Christ reaches everywhere, is believed everywhere, is worshipped by all nations…, reigns everywhere, is adored everywhere, is given to all everywhere equally." To the same point belongs what the Author has in the next chapter: "Whereas, on the contrary, all nations now go up to the mountain of the Lord, and to the house of the God of Jacob." Pamelius. — "For among the barbarians too, Christ." Tertullian, book On the Crown. Rigault.

(printed under page 393)

Page

running head: LIBER DE ANIM[A] (rest of the head and the column number cut off in the scan)
marginal letters: A ‹…atis internis, quasi refusis›; B ‹…lorum, et disserendorum. Jejuniis›; C ‹…xstasin commendandam›; D (commentary only)
old-edition numerals: 783 after ‹Jejuniis›
other: The scan is cut at the binding: every line loses its first letters; all ⟨ ⟩ are conjectures from sense, line-end hyphens and the commentary lemmas (Statio sensuum; Apud oracula incubaturis jejunium indicitur; Quia et Daniel rursus trium hebdomad.) and Variae lectiones 71 (Sagina alii mendose). UNSURE: an⟨…⟩sit (unrecovered), prae⟨…⟩ (perhaps praescribit), ⟨…⟩ pabulum (perhaps inflativum), im⟨…⟩orum (unrecovered), ⟨…⟩n et ad omnem, expostu⟨la⟩n⟨t⟩, ⟨vi⟩ctu (perhaps more lost), humiliationis ⟨…⟩, ⟨…⟩tes at the head of cap. XLIX, cum omnia ⟨…⟩, eorum ⟨…⟩tem. ⟨arbitrio⟩, ⟨divini⟩tatis, ⟨hoc qu⟩oque are conjectures. Column ends mid-sentence at 'motus animae'; the next column was not seen. The settle step should collate the whole column against a parallel edition.

PL 2:778

somniantis facile per carnis tene⟨r⟩itatem e⟨r⟩umpere in superficiem. Sed et quod Libyca gens Atlantes caeco somno noctem transigere dicuntur, animae utique natura taxatur. Porro, aut Herodoto fama mentita est, nonnunquam in barbaros calumniosa, aut magna vis ejusmodi daemonum in i⟨l⟩lo climate dominatur. Si enim et Aristoteles heroem quemdam Sardiniae notat, incubatores fani su⟨i⟩ visionibus privantem, erit et hoc in daemonum libidinibus tam auferre somnia quam inferre, ut Neronis quoque seri somniatoris, et Thrasimedis insigne inde processerit. Sed et a Deo deducimus somnia. Quid ergo nec a Deo Atlantes somniarent, vel quia nulla jam gens Dei extranea est, in omnem terram et in terminos orbis Evangelio coruscante? Num ergo aut fama mentita est Aristoteli, aut daemonum adhuc ratio est, dum ne animae aliqua natura credatur immunis somniorum?

of one dreaming, easily break out through the tenderness of the flesh onto the surface. But the fact that the Libyan people, the Atlantes, are said to pass the night in blind sleep certainly calls the nature of the soul into question. Furthermore, either rumour lied to Herodotus, being sometimes slanderous towards barbarians, or a great force of demons of that sort holds sway in that region. For if Aristotle too notes a certain hero of Sardinia who deprives those who sleep in his shrine of visions, this too will lie within the caprices of demons, to take dreams away as well as to bring them, so that the distinction of Nero, also a late dreamer, and of Thrasimedes arose from that source. But we also derive dreams from God. Why then would the Atlantes not dream even from God, especially since no nation is now a stranger to God, with the Gospel shining forth into all the earth and to the ends of the world? Has rumour then lied to Aristotle, or is the reckoning of demons still in play, provided only that no nature of soul is believed to be exempt from dreams?

CAPUT L.

Chapter L.

Satis de speculo mortis, id est de somno; tum etiam de negotiis somni, id est de somniis. Nunc ad originem hujus excessus, id est ad ordinem mortis; quia nec ipsam sine quaestionibus, licet finem omnium quaestionum. Publica totius generis humani sententia, mortem naturae debitum pronuntiamus. Hoc stipulata est Dei vox (Gen. III), spopondit omne quod nascitur; ut jam hinc non Epicuri stupor suffundatur, negantis debitum istud ad nos pertinere; sed haeretici magis Menandri Samaritan⟨i⟩ furor conspuatur, dicentis mortem ad suos non modo non pertinere, verum nec pervenire. In hoc scilicet se a superna et arcana potestate legatum, ut immortales, et incorruptibiles, et statim resurrectionis compotes fiant, qui baptisma ejus induerint. Legimus quidem pleraque aquarum genera miranda

Enough about the mirror of death, that is, about sleep; and also about the business of sleep, that is, about dreams. Now to the origin of this departure, that is, to the ordering of death; for not even it is without questions, although it is the end of all questions. By the common judgement of the whole human race we pronounce death a debt owed to nature. This the voice of God stipulated (Gen. 3), and everything that is born pledged it; so that from this point the stupidity of Epicurus, who denies that this debt pertains to us, may now be put to shame; but rather the madness of the heretic Menander the Samaritan may be spat upon, who says that death not only does not pertain to his followers but does not even reach them. For this, namely, [he says] he was sent as envoy by a supernal and secret power, that those who have put on his baptism may become immortal and incorruptible and at once possessed of the resurrection. We read indeed of many wonderful kinds of waters

Editors' notes and page, col. 778

Footnotes

(77) ‹anchor: haeretici magis› · call in col 778

⟦…⟧ Rhen. Pam. Seml.

[the reading itself is clipped] Rhenanus, Pamelius, Semler.

Commentarius. (printed under page 393)

Page

running head: LIBER DE ANIMA. 778
marginal letters: A somniantis facile per carnis; B daemonum adhuc ratio est; C nere; sed haeretici magis; D tia et uvidioribus (beside the Commentarius, not set)
old-edition numerals: 784 after in

PL 2:779

Sed aut ebriosos reddit Lyncestarum vena vinosa, aut lymphaticos efficit Colophonis scaturigo daemonica, aut Alexandro accidit Nonacris Arcadiae venenata. Fuit et Judaeae lacus medicus (Joan. V) ante Christum. Plane Stygias paludes poeta tradidit mortem diluentes. Sed et Thetis filium planxit. Quanquam si et Menander in Stygem mergit, moriendum erit nihilominus, ut ad Stygem venias: apud inferos enim dicitur. Quaenam et ubinam ista felicitas aquarum, quas nec Joannes baptizator praeministravit, nec Christus ipse discipulis demonstravit? Quod hoc Menandri balneum? magicum credo. Sed cur tam infrequens, tam occultum, quo paucissimi lavant? Suspectam enim faciam tantam raritatem securissimi atque tutissimi sacramenti, apud quod nec pro Deo ipso mori l⟨e⟩x est; cum contra, omnes jam nationes ascendant in montem Domini, et in aedem Dei

But either the wine-like vein of the Lyncestae makes men drunk, or the demonic spring of Colophon makes them frenzied, or poisonous Nonacris of Arcadia befell Alexander. There was also in Judaea a healing pool (John 5) before Christ. Indeed the poet related that the Stygian marshes wash away death. But Thetis too lamented her son. And yet, if Menander also plunges [men] into the Styx, one will have to die nonetheless, in order that you may come to the Styx: for it is said to be among those below. What and where is this felicity of waters, which neither John the Baptizer supplied beforehand, nor Christ Himself showed to His disciples? What is this bath of Menander? A magical one, I suppose. But why so little frequented, so hidden, a bath in which very few wash? For I shall cast suspicion on so great a rarity of a most secure and most safe sacrament, under which there is no law even to die for God Himself; whereas, on the contrary, all nations now go up to the mountain of the Lord, and to the house of God

Editors' notes and page, col. 779

Footnotes

[Crop note: the page-foot images begin inside the Commentarius; the column images show the Variae lectiones line and the start of note 34, which are set from them. The right column of the Commentarius is clipped in both: the rest of its first line (after "cem.") and its second line (beginning "Septim…") are not visible. The calls of notes 34–40 and of variant 78 are in col 779; those of 41–45 fall in the next column.] Variae lectiones. (printed under page 394)

(78) ‹anchor: magicum› · call in col 779

Comicum Rhen. Pam. Semler. Oberth.

"Comicum" (comic) Rhenanus, Pamelius, Semler, Oberthür.

(printed under page 394) Commentarius. (printed under page 394)

(34) ‹anchor: Lyncestarum vena› · call in col 779

Ebriosos reddit Lyncestarum vena. Fontem Macedoniae auctoribus celebratum dicit; nam Lyncestae Macedoniae sunt populi. Tanti dicitur hujus aquae violentia, ut majorem quam vinum saporem inducat. Seneca lib. III Natur. quaest. cap. 23; Plin. lib. II, cap. 103; Ovid. lib. I Metam. Prope Erganem fluvium similem aquam fuisse refert Athenaeus ex Theopompo, lib. II Deipnos. LE PR.

"The vein of the Lyncestae makes men drunk." He speaks of a spring of Macedonia celebrated by the authors; for the Lyncestae are a people of Macedonia. So great is said to be the force of this water that it produces a stronger taste than wine. Seneca, Natural Questions book 3, ch. 23; Pliny book 2, ch. 103; Ovid, Metamorphoses book 1. Athenaeus reports from Theopompus, Deipnosophists book 2, that there was similar water near the river Erganes. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 394)

(35) ‹anchor: Colophonis scaturigo› · call in col 779

Lymphatos efficit Colophonis scaturigo. Colophon oppidum est haud obscurum in Ionia, Apollinis Clarii oraculo quondam illustris, quod in luco reddebatur, ubi fons ille celebris. LE PR.

"The spring of Colophon makes men frenzied." Colophon is a not undistinguished town in Ionia, once famous for the oracle of Clarian Apollo, which was given in a grove where that celebrated spring was. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 394)

(36) ‹anchor: Nonacris› · call in col 779

Alexandro accidit Nonacris, etc. Arcadiae pars est seu regio Nonacris, in qua aqua reperitur quae vasa omnia frangit, qua hausta Alexandrum fuisse interemptum scribunt quidam. LE PR.

"Nonacris befell Alexander," etc. Nonacris is a part or district of Arcadia, in which a water is found that breaks every vessel; some write that Alexander was killed by drinking it. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 394)

(37) ‹anchor: ante Christum› · call in col 779

Lacus medicus ante Christum. Probatica piscina. PAM.

"A healing pool before Christ." The sheep-pool. Pamelius.

(printed under page 394)

(38) ‹anchor: Stygias paludes› · call in col 779

Plane Stygias paludes. Caveas sedulo ne hic lacum Stygium Nonacridis accipias, sed tantum inferorum paludem, a qua Cocytus et Phlegethon oriuntur, ut tradunt qui inferorum topographiam callere se profitentur. LE PR.

"Plainly the Stygian marshes." Take careful heed not to understand here the Stygian lake of Nonacris, but only the marsh of the underworld, from which Cocytus and Phlegethon arise, as those report who profess to know the topography of the underworld. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 394)

(39) ‹anchor: Menandri balneum› · call in col 779

Quod hoc Menandri balneum? Menandrum haereticum significat Samariten magum, Simonis Magi discipulum; quem hoc ipso libro Menandrum simoniacum nuncupat. LE PR. — Quod hoc Menandri balneum? Magicum credo. In exemplari Agobardi legitur, Comicum. Quasi ad Menandrum fabularum, sive comoediarum, scriptorem Septimius adluserit, proptereaque istius impostoris baptismo fabulosae Stygis nomen indiderit, quin et balneum esse dixerit, sed comicum. Nihilominus falsam esse hanc scripturam arbitramur. Etenim hic de Menandro tantum Samaritano Septimium cogitasse, praecedentia indicant, sequentia plane confirmant. Et Menandro quidem illi magicis artibus infami, quem propterea Menandrum Simoniacum supra dixit, bene convenit balneum magicum, quale ahenum fuisse tradunt Medeae veneficae. Nam inter caetera furoris haeretici deliramenta, hoc etiam promittebat, immortalia fore baptismo sive balneo suo lavantium corpora. Unde Septimius noster de magico balneo poetarum balneis nobili subjecit : « Nec magiae tantum licere, ut eximat mortem, aut vitam in modum vitis repastinet, aetate renovata; hoc enim ne Medeae quidem licuisse in hominem, etsi licuit in vervecem. ⟦right column clipped: the rest of its first line, and its second line beginning Septim…⟧mus et sequimur ; « Quod hoc Menandri balneum ? Magicum credo. » RIG.

"What is this bath of Menander?" He means the heretic Menander, the Samaritan magician, disciple of Simon Magus, whom in this very book he calls Menander the Simonian. Le Prieur. — "What is this bath of Menander? A magical one, I think." In Agobard's copy one reads "comic." As though Septimius alluded to Menander the writer of plays, or comedies, and therefore gave this impostor's baptism the name of the fabled Styx, and even called it a bath, but a comic one. Nevertheless we judge this reading false. For that Septimius here had in mind only Menander the Samaritan, the preceding words indicate and the following plainly confirm. And to that Menander, notorious for magic arts, whom for that reason he called above Menander the Simonian, a magic bath fits well, such as the cauldron of Medea the sorceress is said to have been. For among the other ravings of his heretical madness, he also promised that the bodies of those who washed in his baptism, or bath, would be immortal. Hence our Septimius added, about a magic bath famous among the poets' baths: "Nor can magic do so much as to exempt from death, or to re-dig life like a vine, with youth renewed; for not even Medea could do this to a man, though she could to a ram. [clipped] … we follow: "What is this bath of Menander? A magical one, I think." Rigault.

(printed under page 394)

(40) ‹anchor: mori lex est› · call in col 779

Apud quod nec pro Deo ipso mori lex est. Insinuat Alexandrum unum fuisse ex martyrii refragatoribus, cum quibus disputat in Scorpiace adv. Gnosticos. Atqui Medeae veneficae historia omnibus nota est. Addit autem, etsi licuit in vervecem, propter subreptum ab ea vellus aureum. PAM.

"With whom there is no law even to die for God Himself." He hints that Alexander was one of the opponents of martyrdom, against whom he argues in the Scorpiace against the Gnostics. As for Medea the sorceress, her story is known to all. He adds "though she could to a ram" because of the golden fleece stolen by her. Pamelius.

(printed under page 394)

(41) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not visible on the page foot

Translatus est Enoch. Haec verba expresse militant adversus judaizantem Aben Esra, qui illud, transtulit illum Dominus (Gen. V), de morte intelligit; cum contra sentiant cum Auctore Philo Judaeus, lib. de Vit. Sap., Irenaeus, lib. I, c. 5, et lib. IV, c. 30, Hieronymus, adv. Pelagianos, lib. III, et Patres omnes. Imo ipse apostolus Paulus, Hebr. XI : Fide, inquit, translatus est Enoch, ne videret mortem. PAM.

"Enoch was translated." These words expressly fight against the judaizing Aben Ezra, who understands "the Lord translated him" (Gen. 5) of death; whereas Philo the Jew, book On the Life of the Wise, Irenaeus, book 1, ch. 5, and book 4, ch. 30, Jerome, Against the Pelagians, book 3, and all the Fathers think the contrary with the Author. Indeed the apostle Paul himself, Heb. 11: "By faith," he says, "Enoch was translated, that he should not see death." Pamelius.

(printed under page 394)

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Morituri reservantur. Alludit ad Apoc. c. XI. Hinc patet verior tum Auctoris, tum B. Hieronymi epist. 148, ad Marcellam, et Augustini, in Gen. ad lit. l. VII et de Peccatorum mer. c. 3, sententia, quod morituri reservantur, quam aut Procopii, qui immortalitate donatos putat, aut Gregorii Nazianzeni dubia hac de re opinio. PAM.

"They are reserved to die." He alludes to Apoc. ch. 11. Hence it is clear that the opinion both of the Author and of blessed Jerome, letter 148, to Marcella, and of Augustine, On Genesis according to the Letter book 7 and On the Merits of Sins ch. 3, that they are reserved to die, is truer than either that of Procopius, who thinks them endowed with immortality, or the doubtful opinion of Gregory Nazianzen on this matter. Pamelius.

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Ubi sunt illi quos Menander ipse perfudit, etc. Baptismi verba sunt perfundere et mergere. Mersio et perfusio sive aspersio, ubi est dantis et accipientis fides integra, aeque ad baptismum Christianum pertinent. Illa ex ordine, fidelibus bene valentibus; ista ex necessitate, fidelibus morbo implicitis, adeoque clinicis sive grabatariis. De quibus est praeclara Cypriani Epistola ad Magnum, et notanda in primis est haec sanctissimi martyris sententia : « In sacramentis salutaribus, necessitate cogente et Deo indulgentiam suam largiente totum credentibus confero divina compendia. » Notandum autem baptismo perfundi solitos simul et mergi; ex his Tertulliani verbis observare est duplicem in baptismo ritum, perfundere et mergere. Perfusio lavationem peccatorum indicabat : mersio mortem et sepulturam commortuorum et consepultorum Christo. RIG.

"Where are those whom Menander himself drenched," etc. "To pour over" and "to plunge" are words of baptism. Immersion and pouring or sprinkling, where the faith of giver and receiver is whole, belong equally to Christian baptism. The former in due order, for the faithful in good health; the latter from necessity, for the faithful bound by illness, and so for the clinici or bedridden. On these there is Cyprian's excellent Letter to Magnus, and this saying of the most holy martyr is especially to be noted: "In the saving sacraments, when necessity compels and God grants His indulgence, the divine abridgements confer the whole on believers." It is to be noted, too, that in baptism people were customarily both poured over and plunged; from these words of Tertullian one may observe a twofold rite in baptism, pouring and plunging. The pouring signified the washing away of sins; the plunging, the death and burial of those who die and are buried with Christ. Rigault.

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Apostoli perennes veniant. Quos scilicet Menander baptizavit, et Styge illa sua mersos reddidit immortales. RIG.

"Let the everlasting apostles come." Those, namely, whom Menander baptized, and, plunged in that Styx of his, made immortal. Rigault.

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Videat illos meus Thomas, audiat, contrectet et (continues)

"Let my Thomas see them, hear them, handle them, and (continues)

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Page

running head: 779 TERTULLIANI OPERUM PARS II. —
marginal letters: A Sed aut ebriosos reddit; B ipso mori lex est; C phon oppidum est haud obscurum (in Commentarius); D In exemplari Agobardi legitur (in Commentarius)
old-edition numerals: 735 after demonstravit?

PL 2:780

Jacob, mortem per martyrium quoque flagitantis, quam de Christo etiam suo exigit. Nec magiae tantum dabit quisquam, ut eximat mortem, aut repastinet vitis modo vitam, aetate renovata. Hoc enim ne Medeae quidem licuit in hominem, etsi licuit in vervecem. Translatus est Enoch (Gen. V) et E⟨l⟩ias (IV Reg. II), nec mors eorum reperta est, dilata scilicet: caeterum morituri (Apoc. XI) reservantur, ut Antichristum sanguine suo exstinguant. Obiit et Joannes, quem in adventum Domini remansurum frustra fuerat spes (Joan. XXI). Fere enim haereses ad nostra exempla prosiliunt, inde sumentes praesidia quo pugnant. Postremo, compendium est, ubi sunt illi quos Menander ipse perfudit? quos in Stygem suam mersit? Apostoli perennes veniant, adsistant; videat illos meus Thomas; audiat, contrectet, et credat.

Jacob, Who demands death also through martyrdom, which He exacts even of His own Christ. Nor will anyone grant so much to magic that it should exempt [one] from death, or dig over life afresh after the manner of a vine, with age renewed. For this was not permitted even to Medea in the case of a man, although it was permitted in the case of a ram. Enoch was translated (Gen. 5), and Elijah (2 Kgs. 2), and their death was not found, being deferred, that is to say; for the rest, they are reserved to die (Rev. 11), so that they may extinguish Antichrist with their blood. John also died, concerning whom there had been a vain hope that he would remain until the coming of the Lord (John 21). For heresies mostly leap forth upon our examples, taking from there the defences with which they fight. Finally, there is a short way: where are those whom Menander himself drenched? whom he plunged into his Styx? Let the everlasting apostles come, let them stand by; let my Thomas see them; let him hear, handle, and believe.

Editors' notes and page, col. 780

Page

running head: [cut off at left] M PARS II. — SERIES I, POLEMICA. 780
marginal letters: A ‹Jacob, mortem per martyrium›; B ‹Thomas; audiat, contrectet›; C ‹pter subreptum ab ea vellus (commentary)›; D ‹Mersio et perfusio sive aspersio (commentary)›
old-edition numerals: 796 after XXI).

PL 2:781

CAPUT LI.

CHAPTER LI.

⟨Opus⟩ autem mortis in medio est, discretio corpo⟨ris ani⟩maeque. Sed quidem ad immortalitatem ⟨animae,⟩ quam quidam non a Deo edocti infirme ⟨tuentur,⟩ ita argumentationes emendicant ut velint ⟨et⟩iam post mortem quasdam animas adhae⟨rere cor⟩poribus. Ad hoc enim et Plato, etsi quas⟨dam ani⟩mas ad coelum statim expedit, in Politia ta⟨men cuju⟩sdam insepulti cadaver opponit, longo ⟨tempore⟩ sine ulla labe, prae animae scillicet indi⟨viduitat⟩e, servatum. Ad hoc et Democritus ⟨cremen⟩ta unguium et comarum in sepulturis ⟨…⟩l temporis denotat. Porro et aeris qualitas ⟨i⟩lli potuit tutela fuisse. Quid enim, si aridior ⟨aer et⟩ solum salsius? quid, si et ipsius corporis ⟨substan⟩tia exsuccior? quid, si et genus mortis ante ⟨cor⟩ruptelae materias erogarat? Ungues autem, ⟨cum ex⟩ordia nervorum sint, merito, nervis re⟨…⟩e porrectis, provectiores, et quotidie, de⟨ficiente⟩ carne expelli videntur. Comae quoque ali⟨mentum d⟩e cerebro, quod aliquandiu durare praestat ⟨…⟩ munitio. Denique in viventibus etiam pro ⟨cerebri⟩ ubertate, vel affluit capillago, vel ⟨deficit⟩. Habes medicos. Sed nec modicum quid ⟨animae⟩ subsidere in corpore est, decessurum quan⟨doque e⟩t ipsum, cum totam corporis scenam tem⟨pus abo⟩leverit. Et hoc enim in opinione quorumdam

Now the work of death is plain to see: the separation of body and soul. But indeed, regarding the immortality of the soul, which certain men, not taught by God, defend weakly, they beg arguments in such a way that they would have some souls cling to their bodies even after death. For to this end Plato too, although he dispatches certain souls straight to heaven, in the Republic nevertheless sets against it the corpse of a certain unburied man, preserved for a long time without any decay, by reason, namely, of the soul's indivisibility. To this end Democritus too notes the growth of the nails and hair in graves for [some] while. But then the quality of the air too could have been a protection for that [corpse]. For what if the air was drier and the soil saltier? What if the substance of the body itself was more sapless? What if the manner of death too had spent the materials of corruption beforehand? As for the nails, since they are the beginnings of the sinews, it is with reason that, the sinews being [relaxed] and thence stretched out, they seem further advanced, and to be pushed out daily as the flesh fails. The hair too [has] nourishment from the brain, which a [...] protection makes last for some while. Indeed in the living also, according to the richness of the brain, the hair either abounds or fails. You have the physicians. But neither is it possible for some small portion of the soul to remain behind in the body, which would itself depart at some time, when time has abolished the whole stage of the body. For this too lies in the opinion of certain men

Editors' notes and page, col. 781

Footnotes

[Crop note: the left image is clipped at its left edge; the first letters of each line of the left column are lost. Letters in ⟦double brackets⟧ are supplied where the loss is evident; ⟦…⟧ marks a loss not restorable from the image. Any sigla at the ends of notes 45 and 47 are not visible.] Variae lectiones. (80?) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not visible on the page foot ⟦…⟧idam Pam. Rhen. Seml. Oberth.

"…idam" Pamelius, Rhenanus, Semler, Oberthür. [number and start of the reading clipped]

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Exodia Jun.

"Exodia" Junius.

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Moriturae Fran.

"Moriturae" (about to die) Franeker edition.

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Aditum Wouw. habitum Fran.

"Aditum" (approach) Wouwer; "habitum" (posture) Franeker edition.

(printed under page 395)

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Illa cod. Agob.

"Illa" the Agobard codex.

(printed under page 395)

(85) ‹anchor: spatium recessu› · call in col 782

Accessu cod. Agob.

"Accessu" (approach) the Agobard codex.

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(continued) ⟦…⟧ Thomam hic suum vocat quemlibet vere ⟦Christia⟧num, sed prudentem, non credulum impostori⟦…⟧ro : nam adversus haeretici istius et magi ⟦…⟧as opus esse incredulitate Thomae apostoli. ⟦…⟧ Christianum, inquit, et meus erit ille Thomas, ⟦…M⟧enandricae Stygis immortalitati non credet, nisi visu et auditu et tactu diligenter exploratae.

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⟦…⟧ Politia tamen cujusdam insepulti cada⟦ver …⟧onit. Locus in Politia, id est Republ. l. X, ⟦…⟧ « At non referam tibi, inquit, Alcinoi apo⟦logum⟧, sed fortis viri Eris Aegyptii, genere Pam⟦phylii⟧, qui aliquando in bello occisus, cum decimo ⟦…⟧tui jam patefacti tollerentur, sanus quidem et ⟦…⟧corpore sublatus est ; domum vero delatus, ⟦cum du⟧odecimo die sepeiendus esset, in pyra positus ⟦…⟧ » Vide de eodem Valer. Max. l. I, c. 8, et ⟦…⟧um, in Somnio Scipionis. PAM.

"[Plato] in the Republic, however, [sets out] the corpse of a certain unburied man." The passage is in the Politeia, that is the Republic, book 10: "But I shall not tell you," he says, "a tale of Alcinous, but of a brave man, Er the Egyptian [so printed], of Pamphylian race, who was once killed in battle; when on the tenth day the [dead], already decaying, were taken up, he was taken up sound [in body]; and when he had been carried home and was to be buried [sepeiendus, so printed] on the twelfth day, laid on the pyre [he came back to life]." See on the same Valerius Maximus, book 1, ch. 8, and [Macrobi]us, on the Dream of Scipio. Pamelius. [several words clipped]

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⟦…⟧d hoc et Democritus. Democritum ejus fuisse ⟦…⟧ae, quod post mortem animae adhaereant ⟦…⟧bus, fortassis ex eo colligit Auctor, quod vel ⟦…⟧este, lib. VII, c. 55, asservari voluerit cor⟦pora h⟧ominum, eo quod reviviscenda promitteret. ⟦Comm⟧entum autem ejus ad hanc rem de cre⟦mento⟧ comarum et unguium in sepulturis, pul⟦chre r⟧efellit Auctor, caussas naturales afferens.

"And Democritus too [held] this." That Democritus was of the [opinion] that souls cling to [bodies] after death the Author perhaps gathers from the fact that, as [Pliny] attests, book 7, ch. 55, he wished men's bodies to be preserved, because he promised that they would come back to life. His fiction on this matter, about the growth of hair and nails in the grave, the Author handsomely refutes, bringing forward natural causes.

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Pro cerebri ubertate. Ex humiditate cerebri ⟦fi⟧t, ut pili citissime oriantur pereantque. LE ⟦PR.⟧

"According to the richness of the brain." It comes from the moistness of the brain that hairs very quickly spring up and perish. Le Prieur.

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Vernaculum Ecclesiae. Christianum Chris⟦tianis p⟧arentibus natam. Sic Plinius libro XIV, cap. ⟦…⟧ peculiares atque vernaculas Italiae nobiliores ⟦…⟧t caeteris quae advenerant Chio Thasove. Sic Septimius in Apologetico : Vernaculam septem collium plebem. « Et lib. II de cnltu feminarum : « Aurum apud barbaros vernaculum. » RIG.

"A home-born child of the Church." A Christian woman born of Christian parents. So Pliny, book 14, ch. […], [says that] the native and home-grown [wines] of Italy are nobler than the others that had come from Chios or Thasos. So Septimius in the Apology: "the home-born people of the seven hills." And On the Dress [cnltu, so printed] of Women, book 2: "Gold, home-grown among the barbarians." Rigault.

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Oratione presbyteri componeretur. Facit etiam hoc ad vetustatem orationis pro defunctis comprobandam; cui similes locos videat lector in lib. de Orat. c. 1, ac lib. de Coron. Milit. c. 3. Hic certe proprie de oratione presbyteri, id est, juxta usum Tertulliani, sacrificio in sepultura mortuorum : nam et illa verba, ad primum habitum (seu halitum) orationis, et, rursumque condita pace, ad sacrificium magis quam ad orationem pertinere dignoscuntur; maxime cum etiam feminam mortuam manus in habitum supplicem (quali presbyteri potius in sacrificio quam alia oratione uti solent) conformasse addat. PAM.

"Was laid out with the presbyter's prayer." This too helps to prove the antiquity of prayer for the dead; let the reader see similar places in the book On Prayer, ch. 1, and On the Soldier's Crown, ch. 3. Here certainly it is properly about the presbyter's prayer, that is, in Tertullian's usage, the sacrifice at the burial of the dead: for the words "at the first posture (or breath) of the prayer," and "the peace again being concluded," are recognized as belonging to the sacrifice rather than to prayer; especially since he adds that the dead woman also formed her hands into the posture of supplication (such as presbyters use in the sacrifice rather than in other prayer). Pamelius.

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Manus a lateribus dimotas in habitum supplicem conformasse. Hoc est, dispansas in modulum crucis, quem fuisse orantis Christiani habitum saepe significat : hodieque non pauca ejusmodi reperiuntur in Romae subterraneis veterum Christianorum monumenta. RIG.

"Moved her hands from her sides and formed them into the posture of supplication." That is, spread out in the shape of a cross, which he often indicates was the posture of a Christian at prayer: and even today not a few monuments of the kind are found in the underground places of the early Christians at Rome. Rigault.

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Rursumque condita pace situi suo reddidisse. Hoc est, post osculum pacis, quod erat signaculum et conclusio orationis, ut ipse ait sub finem libri de Oratione. Conditam pacem proprie dixit oscula mutuo data, nempe inter fratres seu fideles, qui mortui componendi officio interfuerant. Condere hoc loco significat mutuo dare ; ut condicere, mutuo dicere. RIG.

"And when the peace had been concluded, returned [them] to their position." That is, after the kiss of peace, which was the seal and close of the prayer, as he himself says towards the end of the book On Prayer. By "conditam pacem" he properly meant kisses given mutually, namely among the brethren or faithful who had been present at the office of laying out the dead. "Condere" here means to give mutually; as "condicere," to say mutually. Rigault.

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(53) ‹anchor: in coemeterio› · call in col 782

In cœmeterio. De cœmeteriis Christianorum (quæ extra portam fuisse olim constructa supra diximus in lib. de Testimonio animæ, c. 4) vide adnotationes nostras in B. Cyprianum, epist. 68 ad Stepp. Atqui an etiam apud ethnicos tale quid tradatur, inquirendum relinquo lectori curioso. Pam.

"In the cemetery." On the cemeteries of the Christians (which, as we said above on the book On the Testimony of the Soul, ch. 4, were formerly built outside the gate), see our annotations on blessed Cyprian, letter 68, to Stephen [Stepp., as printed]. But whether some such thing is also related among the heathen, I leave to the curious reader to inquire. Pamelius.

(printed under page 395)

Page

running head: LIBER DE ANIM[A] (rest of the head and the column number cut off in the scan)
marginal letters: A ‹CAPUT LI. / …autem mortis in medio est›; B ‹…solum salsius? quid, si et›; C (commentary only); D (commentary only)
old-edition numerals: 737 after ‹comarum› (bold type; the middle 3 can look like 8; 737 fits the sequence, cf. 694 at col 736)
misprints kept as printed: "scillicet" (for scilicet)
other: the scan is CUT AT THE BINDING: every line of this column loses its first letters; all ⟨ ⟩ supplies are conjectures from sense and the line-end hyphens.

PL 2:782

est. Propterea nec ignibus funerandum aiunt, parcentes superfluo animae. Alia est autem ratio pietatis istius, non reliquiis animae adulatrix, sed crudelitatis etiam corporis nomine aversatrix, quod et ipsum homo non utique mereatur, poenali exitu impendi. Caeterum, anima indivisibilis, ut immortalis, etiam mortem indivisibilem exigit credi, non quasi immortali, sed quasi indivisibili animae indivisibiliter accidentem. Dividetur autem mors, si et anima, superfluo scilicet anima⟨e⟩ quandoque morituro. Ita portio mortis cum animae portione remanebit. Nec ignoro aliquod esse vestigium opinionis istius. De meo didici. Scio feminam quamdam vernaculam Ecclesiae, forma et aetate integra functam, post unicum et breve matrimonium, cum in pace dormisset, et morante adhuc sepultura, interim oratione presbyteri componeretur, ad primum halitum orationis manus a lateribus dimotas in habitum supplicem conformasse, rursumque condita pace, situi suo reddidisse. Est et alia relatio apud nostros, in coemeterio, corpus corpori juxta collocando spatium recessu communicasse. Si et apud ethnicos tale quid traditur, ubique Deus potestatis suae signa proponit, suis in solatium, extraneis in testimonium. Magis enim credam ex Deo factum, quam ex ullis animae reliquiis: quae si inessent,

is. For this reason they say that it must not be given a funeral by fire, sparing the surplus of the soul. But the reason for that piety is a different one: it is not a flatterer of the remnants of the soul but an averter of cruelty, even in the name of the body, since the body too, being itself a human being, certainly does not deserve to be disposed of by a penal end. Moreover, the soul, being indivisible as it is immortal, requires that death too be believed indivisible, befalling the soul indivisibly, not as an immortal soul but as an indivisible one. But death will be divided if the soul is too, namely with the surplus of the soul due to die at some later time. So a portion of death will remain with a portion of the soul. Nor am I unaware that there is some trace of this opinion. I have learned it from my own people. I know of a certain woman, a home-born daughter of the Church, who died in the full integrity of her beauty and age after a single and brief marriage. When she had fallen asleep in peace, and while the burial was still delayed, she was meanwhile being laid out with the prayer of the presbyter. At the first breath of the prayer she moved her hands away from her sides and shaped them into the posture of supplication, and when the peace had been concluded she returned them to their place. There is also another account among our people: that in a cemetery a body, by drawing back, shared its space with a body being placed beside it. If something of this kind is related among the heathen as well, then God everywhere sets forth the signs of His power, for a consolation to His own and for a testimony to outsiders. For I would rather believe it done by God than by any remnants of the soul, which, if they were present,

Editors' notes and page, col. 782

Footnotes

(85) ‹anchor: spatium recessu› · call in col 782

Accessu cod. Agob.

"Accessu" (by moving towards) the Agobard codex.

Commentarius. (printed under page 395)

(53) ‹anchor: in coemeterio› · call in col 782

In coemeterio. De coemeteriis Christianorum (quae extra portam fuisse olim constructa supra diximus in lib. de Testimonio animae, c. 4) vide adnotationes nostras in B. Cyprianum, epist. 68 ad Stepp. Atqui an etiam apud ethnicos tale quid tradatur, inquirendum relinquo lectori curioso. PAM.

"In the cemetery." On the cemeteries of the Christians (which, as we said above on the book On the Testimony of the Soul, ch. 4, were once built outside the gate) see our notes on blessed Cyprian, letter 68 to Step[hen] [Stepp., so printed]. Whether anything of the kind is recorded among the heathen too, I leave to the curious reader to inquire. Pamelius.

(printed under page 395)

Page

running head: LIBER DE ANIMA. 782 (initial L cut off at image edge)
marginal letters: A est. Propterea nec ignibus; B quamdam vernaculam Ecclesiae; C collium plebem (commentary); D tur in Romae subterraneis (commentary)
old-edition numerals: 738 after conformasse,

PL 2:783

alia quoque membra movissent; et si manus tantum, sed non in caussam orationis. Corpus etiam illud non modo fratri cessisset, verum et alias, mutatione situs sibimet ipsi refrigerasset. Certe unde unde sunt ista, signis potius et ostensis deputanda, naturam facere non possunt. Mors si non semel tota est, non est; si quid animae remanserit, vita est. Non magis vitae miscebitur mors, quam diei nox.

they would also have moved other members; and if the hands only, yet not for the purpose of prayer. That body too would not only have yielded to its brother, but would also at other times, by a change of position, have refreshed itself. Certainly, from whatever source these things come, they are to be reckoned rather as signs and portents, and cannot constitute nature. Death, if it is not total all at once, is not [death]; if anything of the soul remains, it is life. Death will no more be mingled with life than night with day.

CAPUT LII.

Chapter LII.

Hoc igitur opus mortis, separationem carnis atque animae, seposita quaestione fatorum et fortuitorum, bifariam distinxit humanus affectus, in ordinariam et extraordinariam formam: ordinariam quidem naturae deputans placidae cujusque mortis; extraordinariam vero praeter naturam judicans violenti ejusque finis. Qui autem primordia hominis novimus, audenter determinamus, mortem non ex natura secutam hominem, sed ex culpa, ne ipsa quidem naturali: facile autem usurpari naturae nomen, in ea quae videntur a nativitate ex accidentia adhaesisse. Nam si homo in mortem directo institutus fuisset, tunc demum mors naturae ascriberetur. Porro, non in mortem institutum eum, probat ipsa lex, conditionali comminatione suspendens, et arbitrio hominis addicens mortis eventum. Denique, si non deliquisset, nequaquam obiisset. Ita non erit natura, quod ex oblationis potestate accidit per voluntatem, non ex instituti auctoritate per necessitatem. Proinde, etsi varii exitus mortis, ut est multimoda conditio caussarum, nullum ita dicimus lenem, ut nou vi agatur. Ipsa illa ratio operatrix mortis, simplex licet, vis est. Quid enim? Quae tantam animae et carnis societatem, tantam a conceptu concretionem sororum substantiarum divellit ac dirimit. Nam etsi prae gaudio quis spiritum exhalet, ut Chilon Spartanus, dum victorem Olympiae filium amplectitur; etsi prae gloria, ut Clidemus

This work of death, then, the separation of flesh and soul, setting aside the question of fates and chance events, human feeling has divided in two ways, into an ordinary and an extraordinary form: the ordinary it assigns to nature, that of every peaceful death; the extraordinary it judges to be against nature, that of a violent end. But we who know the beginnings of man boldly determine that death came upon man not from nature but from fault, and that fault itself not natural; and that the name of nature is easily usurped for those things which seem to have adhered from birth by accident. For if man had been created directly for death, then indeed death would be ascribed to nature. But that he was not created for death the law itself proves, suspending it by a conditional threat and assigning the outcome of death to the choice of man. Lastly, if he had not sinned, he would by no means have died. Thus that will not be nature which happened through will, from the power of what was offered, not through necessity, from the authority of what was established. Accordingly, although the exits of death are various, as the condition of causes is manifold, we call none so gentle that it is not effected by force. That very principle which works death, though simple, is force. For what else is it? It is that which tears apart and sunders so great a fellowship of soul and flesh, so great a coalescence of sister substances from conception. For even if someone breathes out his spirit for joy, like Chilon the Spartan while he embraces his son, the victor at Olympia; even if for glory, like Clidemus

Editors' notes and page, col. 783

Footnotes

[Scan note: the right edge of the right column's notes 58–60 is damaged in the scan; letters lost there are supplied in ⟦double brackets⟧ where evident.] Variae lectiones. (printed under page 396)

(86) ‹anchor: unde unde› · call in col 783

Unde tantum Rhen. Pam. Seml.

"Unde tantum" Rhenanus, Pamelius, Semler.

(printed under page 396)

(87) ‹anchor: Ita non erit› · call in col 783

Erat Pam. Rhen. Seml.

"Erat" (was) Pamelius, Rhenanus, Semler.

(printed under page 396)

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Sibimet ipsi refrigerasset. Simili phrasi lib. ad Scapulam, dixit Auctor cap. 4, Indigentibus refrigeramus, id est, refrigerium afferimus. PAM.

"Had refreshed himself." With a similar phrase in the book To Scapula, ch. 4, the Author said, "We refresh the needy," that is, we bring them refreshment. Pamelius.

(printed under page 396)

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Seposita quaestione fatorum. Non vult prolixiorem hanc de anima disputationem facere : sed sive fato modus mortis accidat, sive fortuito, praetermissa hac quaestione ad divisionem mortis progreditur, in ordinariam et extraordinariam. LAC.

"Setting aside the question of the fates." He does not wish to make this discussion of the soul longer: but whether the manner of death comes by fate or by chance, leaving this question aside, he proceeds to a division of death into ordinary and extraordinary. La Cerda.

(printed under page 396)

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Arbitrio hominis addicens mortis eventum. Locus hic iterum facit pro hominis libero arbitrio, quod ipsum vocat mox satis nove oblationis potestatem, eo quod possit acceptare per voluntatem vitam aut mortem sibi a Deo oblatam. PAM.

"Assigning the outcome of death to man's choice." This passage again tells in favour of man's free will, which he soon calls, quite novelly, "the power of what is offered," because man can accept by his will the life or death offered him by God. Pamelius.

(printed under page 396)

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Ut non vi agatur. Dubitatum philosophis est num mors sit homini naturalis. Tertullianus etsi dicere videatur omnem mortem esse violentam, id dicit quia nunc semper contingit ex contraria aliqua passione : non tamen proinde negat, mortem secundum se esse secundum naturam, quamvis proprie naturalis non omnino dici queat, quia natura non intendit corruptionem. LAC.

"That it is not brought about by force." Philosophers have doubted whether death is natural to man. Though Tertullian seems to say that every death is violent, he says it because it now always comes about from some contrary affection: he does not therefore deny that death in itself is according to nature, although it cannot properly be called altogether natural, because nature does not aim at corruption. La Cerda.

(printed under page 396)

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Nam etsi prae gaudio quis spiritum exhalet, ut Chilon. Sumpsit hoc, sicuti alia multa, Auctor ex Plin. lib. VII, cap. 32, ubi sic ait : « Quin et funu⟦s⟧ Chilonis Lacedaemonii, cum, victore filio Olympia⟦e⟧, exspirasset gaudio, tota Graecia prosecuta est. » Quo⟦d⟧ ipsum non illi modo, sed et Sophocli ac Dionys⟦io⟧ Siciliae tyranno accidisse, accepto tragicae victori⟦ae⟧ signo, idem scribit cap. 53. PAM.

"For even if someone breathes out his spirit for joy, like Chilon." The Author took this, as many other things, from Pliny, book VII, ch. 32, where he says: "Indeed all Greece followed the funeral of Chilon the Lacedaemonian, when he had died of joy at his son's victory at Olympia." The same author writes, ch. 53, that the same thing happened not only to him but also to Sophocles and to Dionysius tyrant of Sicily, on receiving news of a tragic victory. Pamelius.

(printed under page 396)

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Etsi prae gloria, ut Clidemus Athenien⟦sis⟧. Clidemi cujusdam scripta adlegant Athenaeus et Pl⟦u⟧tarchus in Aristide. An idem sit nescio, neque eni⟦m⟧ apud alium reperire hoc exemplum mortis licuit. PA⟦M.⟧

"Even if for glory, like Clidemus the Athenian." Athenaeus and Plutarch in the Aristides cite the writings of a certain Clidemus. Whether he is the same I do not know, for I could not find this example of death in any other author. Pamelius.

(printed under page 396)

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Longe a Caphareis saxis, etc. De his ita Pr⟦o⟧pertius lib. III, eleg. 7, alludens, sicut et Auctor, a⟦d⟧ classem Graecorum, quae apud promontorium Eu⟦-⟧boeae, versus Hellespontum, valde afflicta fuit : Saxa triumphales fregere Capharea puppes. Naufraga cum vasto Graecia tracta dolo est. PA⟦M.⟧

"Far from the Caphareian rocks," etc. Propertius on these, book III, elegy 7, alluding, as the Author does too, to the fleet of the Greeks, which was badly wrecked at the promontory of Euboea, towards the Hellespont: "The Caphareian rocks broke the triumphal sterns, when shipwrecked Greece was drawn in by a vast deceit." Pamelius.

(printed under page 396)

Page

running head: 783 TERTULLIANI OPERUM PARS II. — (rest cut off at image edge)
marginal letters: A sent, alia quoque membra; B lenti ejusque finis; C per necessitatem. Proinde; D (54) Sibimet ipsi refrigerasset
old-edition numerals: 739 after non
misprints kept as printed: "nou" (for non) in "ut nou vi agatur"

PL 2:784

Atheniensis, dum ab histrionibus ob praestantiam auro coronatur; etsi per somnium, ut Plato; etsi per risum, ut P. Crassus: multo violentior mors, quae per aliena grassatur, quae animam per commoda expellit, quae tunc mori affert, cum jucundius vivere est, in exsultatione, in honore, in requie, in voluptate. Vis est et illa navigiis, cum longe a Caphareis saxis, nullis depugnata turbinibus, nullis quassata decumanis, adulante flatu, labente cursu, laetante comitatu, intestino repente perculsu, cum tota securitate desidunt. Non secus naufragia sunt vitae, etiam tranquillae mortis eventus. Nihilo refert integram abire corporis navem, an dissipatam, cum animae navigatio evertatur.

the Athenian, while he is being crowned with gold by the actors for his excellence; even if by sleep, as Plato; even if by laughter, as P. Crassus: much more violent is the death which makes its way through things foreign [to it], which drives out the soul through pleasant things, which brings dying at the very time when it is more pleasant to live, in exultation, in honour, in repose, in pleasure. There is violence also for ships when, far from the Capharean rocks, assailed by no whirlwinds, shaken by no great waves, with a fawning breeze, a gliding course, a joyful company, struck suddenly by a blow from within, they sink in complete security. Not otherwise are the shipwrecks of life, the outcomes even of a tranquil death. It makes no difference whether the ship of the body departs whole or broken up, when the voyage of the soul is overturned.

CAPUT LIII.

Chapter LIII.

Sed quo deinde anima nuda et explosa divertit, sine dubio prosequemur ex ordine. Prius tamen quod est loci hujus explebimus, ne quia varios exitus mortis ediximus, expectet quis a nobis rationes singulorum, medicis potius relinquendas, propriis arbitris omnium lethalium rerum sive caussarum, et ipsarum corporalium conditionum. Plane ad immortalitatem animae hic quoque protegendam i⟨n⟩ mentione mortis aliquid de ejuscemodi exit⟨u⟩ interstruam, in quo paulatim ac minutatim anim⟨a⟩ dilabitur: habitum enim sustinens defectionis, a⟨d⟩ducitur: dum absumi videtur, et conjecturam prae⟨s⟩tat interitus de excessus temperatura. Tota aute⟨m⟩ in corpore et ex corpore est ratio. Nam quisquis ille exitus mortis, sine dubio aut materiarum, aut regionum, aut viarum vitalium eversio est: materiarum, ut fellis, ut sanguinis: regionum, ut cordis, ut jecoris: viarum, ut venarum, ut arteriarum. Dum igitur haec ex propria quaque injuriae caussa vastantur in corpore, adusque ultimam eversionem et rescissionem vitalium, id est naturalium

But where the soul, naked and cast out, then turns aside, we shall without doubt pursue in order. First, however, we shall complete what belongs to this place, lest, because we have set out various exits of death, someone should expect from us the explanations of each one, which are rather to be left to physicians, the proper judges of all lethal things or causes, and of the bodily conditions themselves. Certainly, to protect the immortality of the soul here too, in the mention of death I shall insert something about that kind of exit in which the soul slips away little by little and bit by bit: for, bearing the appearance of failing, it is drawn out: while it seems to be consumed, it also offers a conjecture of its destruction from the gradual measure of its departure. But the whole explanation lies in the body and proceeds from the body. For whatever that exit of death may be, it is without doubt an overthrow either of the materials, or of the regions, or of the vital passages: of the materials, as of the bile, as of the blood; of the regions, as of the heart, as of the liver; of the passages, as of the veins, as of the arteries. While, therefore, these things are laid waste in the body, each from its own cause of injury, up to the final overthrow and severing of the vital, that is, the natural

Editors' notes and page, col. 784

Footnotes

(88) ‹anchor: et rescissionem› · call in col 784

Recussionem Pam. Rhen. Seml.

"Recussionem" (a striking back) Pamelius, Rhenanus, Semler.

Commentarius. (printed under page 396)

Page

running head: …UM PARS II. — SERIES I, POLEMICA. 784 (left part cut off at image edge)
marginal letters: A demus Atheniensis (59); B CAPUT LIII.; C tat interitus de excessus; D non intendit corruptionem (in Commentarius)
old-edition numerals: 740 after mentione

PL 2:785

finium, situum, officiorum, necessario et anima, dilabentibus paulatim instrumentis, et domiciliis, et spatiis suis, paulatim et ipsa migrare compulsa, deducitur in diminutionis effigiem; non alio modo, quam quo et aurigam ipsum quoque defecisse praesumitur, cum vires equorum defatigatio denegavit, quantum de dispositione destituti hominis, non de passionis veritate. Perinde auriga corporis spiritus animalis, deficientis vectaculi nomine, non suo, deficit, opere decedens, non vigore; actu elanguens, non statu; constantiam, non substantiam decoquens, quia comparere cessat, non quia esse. Sic et rapida quaeque mors, ut cervicum messis, semel tantam januam pandens, ut rui⟨n⟩ae vis semel omnia vitalia elidens, ut apoplexis, interior ruina, nullam animae moram praestat, nec discessum ejus in momenta discruciat. At ubi longa mors, prout deseritur anima, ita et deserit; non tamen conciditur hac facie, sed extrahitur; et dum extrahitur, postremitatem suam partem videri facit. Non omnis autem pars statim et abscissa est quia postera est; nec quia exigua est, statim et ipsa peritura est. Sequitur seriem suus finis, et mediocritas trahitur ad summa, et reliquiae universitati cohaerentes exspectantur ad illa, non derelinquunt. Atque ita ausim dicere, totius ultimum, totum est: quia licet minus atque posterius sit, ipsius est. Hinc denique evenit, saepe animam in ipso divortio potentius agitari, sollicitiore obtutu, extraordinaria loquacitate, dum ex majori suggestu, jam in libero constituta, per superfluum

boundaries, positions, functions, the soul too necessarily, as its instruments and its dwellings and its spaces gradually fall away, being itself also gradually compelled to move out, is brought down into the appearance of diminution; in no other way than that in which the charioteer himself is also presumed to have failed, when exhaustion has denied the horses their strength, so far as concerns the condition of the forsaken man, not the reality of what he undergoes. Just so the charioteer of the body, the animal spirit, fails in the name of the failing vehicle, not in its own, withdrawing from its work, not from its vigour; languishing in action, not in state; wasting away its constancy, not its substance, because it ceases to appear, not because it ceases to be. So also every swift death, such as the harvest of necks, opening so great a door at a single stroke, or like the force of a collapse crushing all the vital parts at a single stroke, or like apoplexy, an inner collapse, grants the soul no delay, nor tortures its departure out into moments. But where death is long, as the soul is deserted, so too it deserts; yet it is not cut down in this manner, but drawn out; and while it is being drawn out, it causes its hindmost portion to seem a part. But not every part is at once also cut off because it is later; nor, because it is small, is it at once also itself going to perish. Its own end follows the series, and the middle is drawn towards the highest, and the remnants cohering with the whole are waited for by those [parts], they do not abandon them. And thus I would dare to say, the last of the whole is the whole: because although it is less and later, it belongs to it. Hence, finally, it comes about that the soul is often stirred more powerfully at the very parting, with a more intent gaze, with extraordinary talkativeness, while from a higher platform, already set at liberty, through the superfluous

Editors' notes and page, col. 785

Footnotes

Variae lectiones. (printed under page 397)

(89) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not visible on the page foot

Ac add. Rig. Ven.

Rigault and the Venice edition add "ac" (and).

(printed under page 397)

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Ut ruinae Rhen. Pam. Seml. Oberth. ut ruina cod. Agob. aut ruinae Rig. Ven. lib. Ursini.

"Ut ruinae" Rhenanus, Pamelius, Semler, Oberthür; "ut ruina" the Agobard codex; "aut ruinae" Rigault, Venice edition, Ursinus's book.

(printed under page 397)

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Vitalia abest a Par. aliis.

"Vitalia" (the vital parts) is absent from the Paris edition and others.

(printed under page 397)

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Ipsa abest a Par. aliis

"Ipsa" is absent from the Paris edition and others.

(printed under page 397)

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Tantum Rhen. Seml. tanquam. Pam.

"Tantum" (only) Rhenanus, Semler; "tanquam" (as if) Pamelius.

Commentarius. (printed under page 397)

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Sic et rapida quaeque mors. Tractat hic quaestionem de qualitate mortis. Nam ad animae immortalitatem, sive diuturnitatem post mortem plurimum conducere mortis genus putabant philosophi praecipue, qui corpoream animam cum Tertulliano faciebant, ut Stoici, an scilicet ruina oppressus quis, an aqua obrutus, vel alio genere mortis repentinae raperetur. Servius in I Aen. « Ingemuit Aeneas non propter mortem, sed propter mortis genus. Grave est enim, secundum Homerum, perire naufragio, quia anima est ignea, et exstingui videtur in mari. » LAC.

"So too every swift death." Here he treats the question of the quality of death. For the philosophers, especially those who with Tertullian made the soul corporeal, such as the Stoics, thought that the kind of death contributed greatly to the soul's immortality, or its duration after death: whether, that is, one was crushed by a falling building, or overwhelmed by water, or carried off by some other kind of sudden death. Servius on Aeneid 1: "Aeneas groaned not on account of death, but on account of the kind of death. For it is grievous, according to Homer, to perish by shipwreck, because the soul is fiery, and seems to be quenched in the sea." La Cerda.

(printed under page 397)

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Ut ruinae vis semel omnia vitalia elidens. Tria mortis genera diligentissime notat Auctor : unum ex causa extrinseca, ut decollatio; alterum a causa intrinseca, ut apoplexis; tertium ab utraque, ut ruina elidens corpus, cujus propterea intestina viscera corrumpuntur. LAC.

"As the force of a collapse crushing all the vital parts at once." The Author most carefully notes three kinds of death: one from an external cause, as beheading; another from an internal cause, as apoplexy; a third from both, as a collapse crushing the body, whose inner organs are therefore destroyed. La Cerda.

(printed under page 397)

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Corpus istud Platonica sententia, etc. S. Hieronymo objecit Ruffinus, quod in comment. epist. ad Ephes. dixisset corpus animae carcerem, atque respondet ex Origenis dixisse sententia, qui, ut in multis, etiam in hoc Platonem est imitatus. Facile id sibi induxit Origenes, et qui animas putarunt ob delicta a summo Deo intrusas in corpora. LAC.

"This body, in Plato's opinion," etc. Rufinus objected to St Jerome that in his commentary on the Epistle to the Ephesians he had called the body the soul's prison, and he answers that he said it according to the opinion of Origen, who, as in many things, imitated Plato in this too. Origen easily persuaded himself of it, as did those who thought souls were thrust into bodies by the supreme God for their sins. La Cerda.

(printed under page 397)

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Per corneum specular. Platonem imitatur, qui similiter in Charmide vocavit carnem corneum specular. Alludit uterque ad portas corneam et eburneam somniorum apud Homerum. LAC.

"Through a window of horn." He imitates Plato, who likewise in the Charmides called the flesh a window of horn. Both allude to the gates of horn and ivory of dreams in Homer. La Cerda.

(printed under page 397)

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De ipsius statim angeli, etc. Putat apparere cuiquam angelum in fine vitae, sicut supra in initio, et a nativitate indicavit comitari; et angelum deductorem notat de quo Chrysostomus, hom. 29 in c. VIII Matth. et Hom. de Lazaro, ad cap. XVI Lucae. LAC.

"At once from his own angel," etc. He thinks that an angel appears to each person at the end of life, just as above he indicated that one accompanies him at the beginning and from birth; and he notes the guiding angel of which Chrysostom speaks, homily 29 on Matthew ch. 8, and the homily on Lazarus, on Luke ch. 16. La Cerda.

(printed under page 397)

Page

running head: 785 LIBER DE ANIM
marginal letters: A finium, situum, officiorum; B nec discessum ejus in momenta; C suggestu, jam in libero constituta; D raperetur. Servius in I Aen. (in the Commentarius at the page foot)
old-edition numerals: 741 after et (before mediocritas)

PL 2:786

quod adhuc cunctatur in corpore, enuntiat quae videt, quae audit, quae incipit nosse. Si enim corpus istud Platonica sententia carcer, caeterum apostolica (I Cor. III, 16) Dei templum, cum in Christo est; sed interim animam consepto suo obstruit, et obscurat, et concretione carnis infaecat; unde illi, velut per corneum specular, obsoletior lux rerum est, procul dubio cum vi mortis exprimitur de concretione carnis, et ipsa expres⟨s⟩ione colatur, certe de oppanso corporis erumpit in apertum, ad meram et puram et suam lucem statim semetipsam in expeditione substantiae recognoscit, et in divinitatem ipsa libertate resipiscit, ut de sommo emergens, ab imaginibus ad veritates: tunc et enuntiat quae videt, tunc exsultat aut trepidat, prout paraturam deversorii sui sentit, de ipsius statim angeli facie, vocatoris animarum, Mercurii poetarum.

which still lingers in the body, declares what it sees, what it hears, what it is beginning to know. For if this body is, according to the Platonic opinion, a prison, but according to the apostolic, the temple of God (1 Cor. 3:16) when it is in Christ, yet meanwhile it blocks and darkens the soul with its enclosure, and defiles it with the concretion of the flesh; whence to the soul the light of things is rather dim, as though through a window of horn. Without doubt, when by the force of death it is pressed out of the concretion of the flesh, and is strained by the very pressing out, certainly when it bursts forth from the outspread covering of the body into the open, to its pure and unmixed and own light, it at once recognizes itself in the release of its substance, and by that very liberty comes back to its senses into divinity, as one emerging from sleep, from images to realities: then it both declares what it sees, then it exults or trembles, according as it perceives the preparation of its lodging, straight away from the face of the angel himself, the summoner of souls, the Mercury of the poets.

CAPUT LIV.

Chapter LIV.

Quo igitur deducetur anima, jam hinc reddimus. Omnes ferme philosophi, qui immortalitatem animae, qualiter volunt, tamen vindicant, ut Pythagoras, ut Empedocles, ut Plato, quique aliquod illi tempus indulgent ab excessu usque in conflagrationem universitatis, ut Stoici, suas solas, id est sapientum animas, in supernis mansionibus collocant. Plato quidem non temere philosophorum animabus hoc praestat, sed eorum qui philosophiam scilicet exornaverint amore puerorum. Adeo etiam inter philosophos magnum habet privilegium impuritas. Itaque apud illum in aetherem

Whither, then, the soul will be led, we now from this point set forth. Almost all the philosophers who, in whatever way they please, nevertheless maintain the immortality of the soul, such as Pythagoras, Empedocles and Plato, and those who grant it some time from its departure up to the conflagration of the universe, such as the Stoics, place only their own souls, that is, the souls of the wise, in the mansions above. Plato indeed does not grant this indiscriminately to the souls of philosophers, but to those, namely, who adorned philosophy with the love of boys. So great a privilege does impurity have even among philosophers. Accordingly, with him, into the ether

Editors' notes and page, col. 786

Footnotes

(66) ‹anchor: tempus indulgent› · call in col 786

Quique aliquod illi tempus indulgent. Rationalis animae incorruptibilitatem omnes ferme philosophi adstruunt; Stoici vero, licet animam post mortem remanere putent, corruptibilem tamen credunt. Unde Tullius, lib. I, Tuscul. : « Stoici usuram nobis largiuntur tanquam cornicibus, du mansuras animas aiunt, semper negant. » LE PR. emendantibus. EDD.

"And those who grant it some time." Nearly all the philosophers maintain the incorruptibility of the rational soul; the Stoics, however, though they think the soul remains after death, believe it corruptible. Hence Tully, Tusculans book 1: "The Stoics grant us a lease, like crows; they say souls will remain long [du, so printed], but deny that they will remain for ever." Le Prieur; with the editors emending.

(printed under page 397)

(67) ‹anchor: non temere› · call in col 786

Plato quidem non temere. Habes hoc Platonis paradoxon partim in Phaedone, partim in Phaedro, denique et in Timaeo; ubi docet (quod etiam cap. seq. repetit Auctor) in aetherem (sive, uti loquitur, puram habitationem seu coelum) sublimari animas sapientes cum pueris : quod, etsi Auctor aliter interpretetur, Marsilius tamen mavult referre ad eos, qui philosophiae institutionem puerorum conjunxerant. PAM.

"Plato indeed, not rashly." You have this paradox of Plato partly in the Phaedo, partly in the Phaedrus, and finally in the Timaeus too, where he teaches (as the Author repeats in the next chapter) that wise souls are raised into the ether (or, as he puts it, the pure dwelling, that is heaven) together with boys: which, though the Author interprets it otherwise, Marsilio [Ficino] prefers to refer to those who had joined the education of boys to philosophy. Pamelius.

(printed under page 397)

Page

running head: LIBER DE ANIMA. 786
marginal letters: A quod adhuc cunctatur in corpore; B vocatoris animarum, Mercurii poetarum; C privilegium impuritas. Itaque apud illum; D (in the Commentarius, beside) VIII Matth. et Hom. de Lazaro
old-edition numerals: 749 after collocant

PL 2:787

sublimantur animae sapientes; apud Arium, in aerem; apud Stoicos, sub lunam. Quos quidem miror, quod imprudentes animas circa terram prosternant, cum illas a sapientibus multo superioribus erudiri adfirment. Ubi erit scholae regio, in tanta distantia diversoriorum? qua ratione discipulae ad magistras conventabunt, tanto discrimine invicem absentes? Quis autem illis posthumae eruditionis usus ac fructus jamjam conflagratione perituris? Reliquas animas ad inferos dejiciunt. Hos Plato velut gremium terrae describit, in Phaedone, quo omnes labes mundalium sordium confluendo, et ibi desidendo exhalent, et quasi coeno immunditiarum suarum crassiorem haustum et privatum illic aerem stipent.

the wise souls are raised aloft; according to Arius, into the air; according to the Stoics, beneath the moon. At these men I indeed wonder, that they lay the imprudent souls low about the earth, when they affirm that these are instructed by the wise, who are far above them. Where will the region of the school be, with so great a distance between the lodgings? By what means will the pupils keep meeting with their mistresses, absent from one another by so great a separation? And what use and fruit of posthumous instruction is there for those who are now on the point of perishing in the conflagration? The remaining souls they cast down to the lower regions. These Plato describes as a kind of lap of the earth, in the Phaedo, into which all the defilements of worldly filth, by flowing together and settling there, give off their vapour, and as it were with the mire of their impurities pack tight the thicker draught and the private air there.

CAPUT LV.

Chapter LV.

Nobis inferi non nuda cavositas, nec subdivalis aliqua mundi sentina creduntur: sed in fossa terrae, et in alio vastitas, et in ipsis visceribus

By us the lower regions are believed to be not a bare hollowness, nor some open-air bilge of the world, but a vastness in a pit of the earth, and in the deep, and in the very bowels

Editors' notes and page, col. 787

Footnotes

[Crop note: the page-foot images begin at the last line of the Variae lectiones; the column image shows the first two lines of that block, cut at the right edge, and variant 94 and the entry beginning "Cavato" are set from it (95 and the number of the "Cavato" entry fall in the clipped part). The start of the line ending "Par." is cut off. Note 72 ends the page with no siglum; it may continue on the next page.] Variae lectiones.

(94) ‹anchor: conventabunt› · call in col 787

Discipula ad magistras convertentur. c, Agob. mendose.

"Discipula ad magistras convertentur" (the pupil will be turned to the mistresses) c, Agobard's codex, faultily.

(printed under page 398) (…) ‹anchor: not visible (probably cavositas)› · call not visible in the column image ⟦…⟧ Cavato Pam. Rhen. Seml.

[…] "Cavato" (hollowed) Pamelius, Rhenanus, Semler.

(printed under page 398) (…3?) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not visible on the page foot ⟦…⟧ Par.

[…] Paris edition. [rest of the note cut off above]

(printed under page 398)

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Putent Pam. Rhen. Seml. Oberth.

"Putent" (they think) Pamelius, Rhenanus, Semler, Oberthür.

(printed under page 398)

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Capere Gelen. Rig. Ven.

"Capere" (to take) Gelenius, Rigault, Venice edition.

Commentarius. (printed under page 398)

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Apud Arium in aerem. Id ipsum repetit cap. seq. Quid autem aer ab aethere differat, omnibus notum est : nempe quod aer unum sit ex quatuor elementis (juxta veterum placita), aether plerumque pro coelo accipiatur. Quis autem iste Arius, dispiciat diligens lector. PAM. adnotantibus. EDD.

"With Arius, into the air." He repeats the same in the next chapter. How air differs from ether is known to all: namely that air is one of the four elements (according to the tenets of the ancients), while ether is mostly taken for the heaven. Who this Arius is, let the careful reader find out. Pamelius; with the editors annotating.

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Apud Stoicos sub lunam. De hoc iterum cap. seq. Horum vero sententiam, praeterquam quod sequi videatur Cicero (Tusc. I), Lucanus his amplexus est versibus : Quodque patet terras inter lunaeque meatus, Semidei manes habitant; quos ignea virtus Innocuos vita patientes aetheris imi Fecit, et aeternos animum collegit in orbes. PAM.

"With the Stoics, beneath the moon." On this again in the next chapter. Their opinion, besides Cicero's seeming to follow it (Tusculans 1), Lucan embraced in these verses: "And what lies open between the earth and the moon's courses, the half-divine shades inhabit, whom fiery virtue, guiltless in life, made able to bear the lowest ether, and gathered their spirit into the eternal spheres." Pamelius.

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Descendit in inferiora terrarum. Allegat hic, praeter Scripturas ibi citatas (quemadmodum et BB. Hieronymus et Irenaeus, et Ambrosius), illud Ephes. IV : Quod autem ascendit (cui addit Auctor explicationis gratia, in sublimoria coelorum), quid est nisi quia descendit primum in inferiores partes terrae? pro quo apud Iren. et hic : in inferiora terrarum; qui non videtur legisse vocem μέρη, quae hodie in omnibus codicibus Graecis et ex translatione in Latinis legitur. Allegari praeterea solent ad hujus argumenti confirmationem Scripturarum testimonia : Zach. IX ; Eccli. XXIV ; Act. II ; Osee XIII ; denique illud Jerem. quod Justinus Martyr adv. Tryphon. Judaeos resecuisse dicit : Recordatus est Dominus Deus mortuorum suorum ex Israel, qui obdormierunt in terra aggeris (sive sepelitionis), et descendit ad eos ut evangelizaret, et laeto eis significaret nuntio salutare suum. Quod ipsum cum citetur ab Irenaeo loco jam citato, omnino ibi legendum, in terra sepelitionis, pro stipulationis. Patrum vero testimonia haec citat Feuardentius, in Irenaeum : Thaddaei apud Eusebium, l. I, c. ult.; Dionysii Areop. lib., de Coelesti hierarchia, c. 4. Ignatii, Ep. ad Trallenses ; Clementis Alex. l. II et VI Strom.; Origenis, in cap. V Rom.; Basilii, in Psal. XLVIII; Gregorii Naz. Orat. de Paschate ; Epiphanii, Haeres. 64 ac 77, et in Anchor.; denique et Arnobii, in Psal. XV, LXXXVII ac CXXXVII. Quibus adde, praeter Iren. Cypr. et Hieron. locis citatis, alterum BB. Hieronymi locum in Osee c. XIII, et Nazianzeni Orat. 3 Theolog. Augustin. epist. 57 ad Dardan. et ad Evod. 99 ; Greg. Nyss. Orat. 2 de Resurr.; Fortunatum, Hymn. de Pasch., qui perperam Lactantio ascribitur ; ipsum Lactantium l. IV, c. 19, et German. Constantinop. de Cruce Christi. Quid? quod Augustinus etiam idipsum adstruat, ubi quintum articulum Symboli tractat, l. IV de Symbol. ad Catech., c. 6 ; et disertis verbis B. Cyrillus Hieros., Catech. IV, inter sepulturae mentionem et resurrectionis interponit (sicuti nos etiam) illud : Descendit ad inferos ; imo et caussam eamdem cum Auctore addens, ut et justos liberaret, subjungit cum stomacho quodam : « Cur enim vellet viventes quidem frui gratia, quamvis ex his sancti non essent ; qui vero cum Adam a longo tempore conclusi erant, non potiri libertate? » etc. Ne prolixiores simus, hoc addito, quod in confirmationem adleget etiam illud Matth. XI : Tu es qui venturus est? Ipsi interim magis videntur conjunxisse hunc articulum cum praecedenti, Et sepultus est. Unde et Ruffinus (in Symbolo) dicit, vim verbi eamdem videri esse in eo, quod sepultus dicitur. Valeat itaque Erasmus cum suis Catechesibus, ubi non veretur dubitare an Thomas Aquinas primus hanc clausulam Symbolo fidei apostolico addiderit ; maxime cum manifeste tria haec conjungat Auctor : Mortuus secundum Scripturas, sepultus, ac descendit ad inferiora terrarum. PAM. — Videsis etiam quae contra Rigaltium adnotavimus in c. 13 lib. de Idololatria. EDD.

"He descended into the lower parts of the earth." Here, besides the Scriptures cited there (as blessed Jerome and Irenaeus, and Ambrose, also do), he adduces that text of Eph. 4: "Now that He ascended" (to which the Author adds by way of explanation "into the heights of the heavens"), "what is it but that He first descended into the lower parts of the earth?" for which in Irenaeus and here: "into the lower parts of the lands"; he does not seem to have read the word "parts," which today is read in all the Greek codices and, from the translation, in the Latin. The testimonies of Scripture usually adduced in confirmation of this point are, besides: Zech. 9; Ecclus. 24; Acts 2; Hosea 13; and finally that text of Jeremiah which Justin Martyr, Against Trypho, says the Jews cut out: "The Lord God remembered His dead of Israel, who had fallen asleep in the land of the mound (or of burial), and He went down to them to preach the gospel to them, and to announce to them with glad tidings His salvation." Since this is cited by Irenaeus in the place already cited, "in the land of burial" (sepelitionis) is certainly to be read there instead of "stipulationis." Feuardent, on Irenaeus, cites these testimonies of the Fathers: of Thaddaeus in Eusebius, book 1, last chapter; of Dionysius the Areopagite, the book On the Celestial Hierarchy, ch. 4; of Ignatius, Letter to the Trallians; of Clement of Alexandria, Stromata books 2 and 6; of Origen, on Romans ch. 5; of Basil, on Psalm 48; of Gregory Nazianzen, Oration on Easter; of Epiphanius, Heresies 64 and 77, and in the Ancoratus; and finally of Arnobius, on Psalms 15, 87 and 137. Add to these, besides the places of Irenaeus, Cyprian and Jerome cited, another place of blessed Jerome on Hosea ch. 13, and Nazianzen's third Theological Oration; Augustine, letter 57 to Dardanus and to Evodius 99; Gregory of Nyssa, second Oration on the Resurrection; Fortunatus, the Easter Hymn, which is wrongly ascribed to Lactantius; Lactantius himself, book 4, ch. 19; and Germanus of Constantinople, On the Cross of Christ. What more? Augustine too maintains the very same, where he treats the fifth article of the Creed, book 4 On the Creed to the Catechumens, ch. 6; and in express words blessed Cyril of Jerusalem, Catechesis 4, places between the mention of the burial and of the resurrection (as we also do) the words "He descended into hell"; indeed, adding the same reason as the Author, "that He might also free the just," he goes on with some indignation: "For why would He wish the living to enjoy grace, though not all of them were holy, and those who had been shut up from long ago with Adam not to obtain freedom?" etc. Not to be longer, let this be added, that he also adduces in confirmation that text of Matt. 11: "Are you He who is to come?" Meanwhile they seem rather to have joined this article to the preceding one, "And was buried." Hence Rufinus too (on the Creed) says that the force of the phrase seems to be the same as in the words "was buried." So farewell to Erasmus with his Catecheses, where he does not shrink from doubting whether Thomas Aquinas was the first to add this clause to the apostolic Creed of faith; above all since the Author plainly joins these three: "Dead according to the Scriptures, buried, and descended into the lower parts of the earth." Pamelius. — See also what we noted against Rigault on ch. 13 of the book On Idolatry. The editors.

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In Abrahae sinu exspectandae resurrectionis. Possunt aliquo modo commodam interpretationem hi loci accipere, si dicamus Auctorem sentire, quod nondum perfecta coeli fruantur beatitudine, quam post corporis resurrectionem pleniorem exspectant animae. PAM.

"In Abraham's bosom, of the resurrection to be awaited." These passages can in some way receive a fitting interpretation if we say the Author holds that souls do not yet enjoy the perfect beatitude of heaven, which they await more fully after the resurrection of the body. Pamelius.

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Sed in hoc, inquiunt, Christus inferos adiit. Istud argumentum, quod tacite sibi objicit, non solum ab Auctore, sed nec a nobis probatur ; alioqui enim inde concluderetur, eum qui semel Christianus factus fuerit, inferos promereri non posse.

"But for this, they say, Christ went to the underworld." This argument, which he tacitly raises against himself, is approved neither by the Author nor by us; for otherwise it would be concluded from it that one who has once become a Christian cannot deserve the underworld.

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Page

running head: 787 TERTULLIANI OPERUM PARS II. — (cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A ‹rem sublimantur animae sapientes›; B ‹CAPUT LV.›; C ‹seq. Horum vero sententiam› (in the commentary); D ‹translatione in Latinis legitur› (in the commentary)
old-edition numerals: (none)

PL 2:788

ejus abstrusa profunditas. Siquidem Christum in corde terrae (Matth. XII) triduum mortis legimus expunctum, id est in recessu intimo et interno et in ipsa terra operto, et intra ipsam clauso, et inferioribus adhuc abyssis superstructo. Quod si Christus Deus, quia et homo, mortuus secundum Scripturas, et sepultus secundum easdem, hic quoque legi satisfecit, forma humanae mortis apud inferos functus; nec ante ascendit in sublimiora coelorum quam descendit in inferiora terrarum, ut illic patriarchas et prophetas (Ephes. IV) compotes sui faceret, habes et regionem inferum subterraneam credere, et illos cubito pellere, qui satis superbe non putant animas fidelium inferis dignas, servi super dominum, et discipuli super magistrum, aspernati, si forte, in Abrahae sinu exspectandae resurrectionis solatium carpere. « Sed in hoc, inquiunt, Christus inferos adiit, ne nos adiremus: caeterum, quod discrimen ethnicorum et Christianorum, si carcer mor⟨tuis⟩

of it a hidden depth. For indeed we read that Christ spent the three days of death in the heart of the earth (Matt. 12), that is, in an inmost and interior recess, hidden in the earth itself, and enclosed within it, and built over abysses lying still lower. But if Christ, God, because He was also man, died according to the Scriptures, and was buried according to the same, He satisfied this law also, having undergone the form of human death in the underworld; nor did He ascend to the heights of the heavens before He descended to the depths of the earth, so that there He might make the patriarchs and prophets partakers of Himself (Eph. 4), you have [grounds] both to believe the region of the underworld to be subterranean, and to thrust away with the elbow those who rather proudly think that the souls of the faithful are not worthy of the underworld, servants above their master and disciples above their teacher, disdaining, it may be, to take the comfort of the resurrection to be awaited in the bosom of Abraham. « But for this, they say, Christ went to the underworld, that we might not go: besides, what difference is there between heathens and Christians, if the prison of the dead

Editors' notes and page, col. 788

Footnotes

(var. 96) ‹anchor: Siquidem Christum› · call in col 788 Christo Rig. Ven. mendose.

"Christo": Rigaltius, the Venice edition; wrongly.

(var. 97) ‹anchor: intra ipsam clauso› · call in col 788 [text not visible in the foot images checked; to be set from the full page] (var. 98) ‹anchor: sepultus secundum› · call in col 788 [text not visible in the foot images checked; to be set from the full page] (var. 99) ‹anchor: hic quoque legi› · call in col 788 Huic Rig. Ven.

"Huic": Rigaltius, the Venice edition.

(var. 1) ‹anchor: habes et regionem› · call in col 788 Habens Rig. Ven.

"Habens": Rigaltius, the Venice edition.

(var. 2) ‹anchor: regionem inferum› · call in col 788 Originem Par.

"Originem": the Paris edition.

(var. 3) ‹anchor: qui satis superbe› · call in col 788 Quia Par.

"Quia": the Paris edition.

(var. 4) ‹anchor: non putant› · call in col 788 Putent Pam. Rhen. Seml. Oberth.

"Putent": Pamelius, Rhenanus, Semler, Oberthür.

(var. 5) ‹anchor: solatium carpere› · call in col 788 Capere Gelen. Rig. Ven.

"Capere": Gelenius, Rigaltius, the Venice edition.

(70) ‹anchor: descendit in inferiora terrarum› · call in col 788

Descendit in inferiora terrarum. Allegat hic, præter Scripturas ibi citatas (quemadmodum et BB. Hieronymus et Irenæus, et Ambrosius), illud Ephes. IV : Quod autem ascendit (cui addit Auctor explicationis gratia, in sublimoria cœlorum), quid est nisi quia descendit primum in inferiores partes terræ? pro quo apud Iren. et hic : in inferiora terrarum; qui non videtur legisse vocem μέρη, quæ hodie in omnibus codicibus Græcis et ex translatione in Latinis legitur. Allegari præterea solent ad hujus argumenti confirmationem Scripturarum testimonia : Zach. IX ; Eccli. XXIV ; Act. II; Osee XIII; denique illud Jerem. quod Justinus Martyr adv. Tryphon. Judæos resecuisse dicit : Recordatus est Dominus Deus mortuorum suorum ex Israel, qui obdormierunt in terra aggeris (sive sepelitionis), et descendit ad eos ut evangelizaret, et læto eis significaret nuntio salutare suum. Quod ipsum cum citetur ab Irenæo loco jam citato, omnino ibi legendum, in terra sepelitionis, pro stipulationis. Patrum vero testimonia hæc citat Feuardentius, in Irenæum : Thaddæi apud Eusebium, l. I, c. ult.; Dionysii Areop. lib., de Cœlesti hierarchia, c. 4. Ignatii, Ep. ad Trallenses; Clementis Alex. l. II et VI Strom.; Origenis, in cap. V Rom.; Basilii, in Psal. XLVIII; Gregorii Naz. Orat. de Paschate; Epiphanii, Hæres. 64 ac 77, et in Anchor.; denique et Arnobii, in Psal. XV, LXXXVII ac CXXXVII. Quibus adde, præter Iren. Cypr. et Hieron. locis citatis, alterum BB. Hieronymi locum in Osee c. XIII, et Nazianzeni Orat. 3 Theolog. Augustin. epist. 57 ad Dardan. et ad Evod. 99; Greg. Nyss. Orat. 2 de Resurr.; Fortunatum, Hymn. de Pasch., qui perperam Lactantio ascribitur; ipsum Lactantium l. IV, c. 19, et German. Constantinop. de Cruce Christi. Quid? quod Augustinus etiam idipsum adstruat, ubi quintum articulum Symboli tractat, l. IV de Symbol. ad Catech., c. 6; et disertis verbis B. Cyrillus Hieros., Catech. IV, inter sepulturæ mentionem et resurrectionis interponit (sicuti nos etiam) illud : Descendit ad inferos; imo et caussam eamdem cum Auctore addens, ut et justos liberaret, subjungit cum stomacho quodam : « Cur enim vellet viventes quidem frui gratia, quamvis ex his sancti non essent; qui vero cum Adam a longo tempore conclusi erant, non potiri libertate? » etc. Ne prolixiores simus, hoc addito, quod in confirmationem adleget etiam illud Matth. XI : Tu es qui venturus est? Ipsi interim magis videntur conjunxisse hunc articulum cum præcedenti, Et sepultus est. Unde et Ruffinus (in Symbolo) dicit, vim verbi eamdem videri esse in eo, quod sepultus dicitur. Valeat itaque Erasmus cum suis Catechesibus, ubi non veretur dubitare an Thomas Aquinas primus hanc clausulam Symbolo fidei apostolico addiderit; maxime cum manifeste tria hæc conjungat Auctor : Mortuus secundum Scripturas, sepultus, ac descendit ad inferiora terrarum. Pam. — Videsis etiam quæ contra Rigaltium adnotavimus in c. 13 lib. de Idololatria. Edd.

"He descended to the lower parts of the earth." Besides the Scriptures cited there (as do blessed Jerome and Irenaeus, and Ambrose), he cites here the text of Eph. 4: "Now that He ascended" (to which the Author adds, for explanation's sake, "to the heights [sublimoria, as printed] of the heavens"), "what is it but that He first descended into the lower parts of the earth?" For this, both in Irenaeus and here, [we read] "into the lower regions of the earth"; he seems not to have read the word μέρη ("parts"), which today is read in all the Greek manuscripts and, by translation, in the Latin ones. Further, the testimonies of the Scriptures usually adduced to confirm this argument are Zech. 9, Ecclus. 24, Acts 2, Hos. 13, and finally the text of Jeremiah which Justin Martyr, against Trypho, says the Jews cut out: "The Lord God remembered His dead from Israel, who had fallen asleep in the land of the mound (or of burial), and He went down to them to preach the good news to them and to announce His salvation to them with glad tidings." Since this same text is cited by Irenaeus in the place already cited, one must certainly read there "in the land of burial" instead of "of stipulation". The testimonies of the Fathers are cited by Feuardent on Irenaeus: Thaddaeus in Eusebius, book I, last chapter; Dionysius the Areopagite, On the Celestial Hierarchy, ch. 4; Ignatius, Letter to the Trallians; Clement of Alexandria, Stromata books II and VI; Origen on Romans ch. V; Basil on Psalm XLVIII; Gregory Nazianzen, Oration on Easter; Epiphanius, Heresies 64 and 77, and in the Ancoratus; and finally Arnobius on Psalms XV, LXXXVII and CXXXVII. To these add, besides the places of Irenaeus, Cyprian and Jerome already cited, another place of blessed Jerome on Hosea ch. XIII; Nazianzen's third Theological Oration; Augustine, letter 57 to Dardanus and [letter] 99 to Evodius; Gregory of Nyssa, second Oration on the Resurrection; Fortunatus, the Easter hymn, which is wrongly ascribed to Lactantius; Lactantius himself, book IV, ch. 19; and Germanus of Constantinople, On the Cross of Christ. What more? Augustine too affirms this very thing where he treats the fifth article of the Creed, On the Creed to the Catechumens, book IV, ch. 6; and blessed Cyril of Jerusalem, Catechesis IV, in express words places between the mention of the burial and that of the resurrection (as we also do) the clause "He descended into hell"; indeed, adding the same reason as the Author, "that He might set free the just as well", he goes on with a certain indignation: "For why should He wish the living to enjoy grace, though they were not saints, and those who had been shut in since Adam for so long not to obtain freedom?" etc. Not to be too long, let this be added: he also adduces in confirmation the text of Matt. 11: "Are you He who is to come?" Meanwhile they seem rather to have joined this article to the one before it, "And was buried". Hence Rufinus too (on the Creed) says that the force of the word seems to be the same as in the statement that He was buried. Farewell then to Erasmus with his Catecheses, where he does not shrink from doubting whether Thomas Aquinas was the first to add this clause to the apostolic Creed; above all since the Author plainly joins these three: "died according to the Scriptures, buried, and descended to the lower parts of the earth". Pamelius. — See also what we noted against Rigaltius on ch. 13 of the book On Idolatry. The editors.

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(71) ‹anchor: exspectandae resurrectionis› · call in col 788

In Abrahæ sinu exspectandæ resurrectionis. Possunt aliquo modo commodam interpretationem hi loci accipere, si dicamus Auctorem sentire, quod nondum perfecta cœli fruantur beatitudine, quam post corporis resurrectionem pleniorem exspectant animæ. Pam.

"Of the resurrection to be awaited in Abraham's bosom." These passages can in some way receive a suitable interpretation if we say that the Author holds that souls do not yet enjoy the perfect bliss of heaven, which they await in fuller measure after the resurrection of the body. Pamelius.

(printed under page 398)

(72) ‹anchor: Christus inferos adiit› · call in col 788

Sed in hoc, inquiunt, Christus inferos adiit. Istud argumentum, quod tacite sibi objicit, non solum ab Auctore, sed nec a nobis probatur; alioqui enim inde concluderetur, eum qui semel Christianus factus fuerit, inferos promereri non posse.

"But for this, they say, Christ went to the underworld." This argument, which he tacitly raises against himself, is rejected not only by the Author but by us as well; for otherwise it would follow that one who has once become a Christian cannot deserve the underworld. [No siglum is printed at the foot of page 398; the note may continue on the next page.]

(printed under page 398)

Page

running head: [...]UM PARS II. — SERIES I, POLEMICA. 788
marginal letters: A ejus abstrusa profunditas; B sinu exspectandae resurrectionis; C idipsum adstruat (in the Commentarius); D quod sepultus dicitur (in the Commentarius)
old-edition numerals: 743 after et (patriarchas et)
other: column ends mid-word "mor-"; the tail is lost in the binding cut at the top of col 789, so "mor⟨tuis⟩" is a conjecture.

PL 2:789

⟨i⟩dem? » Quo ergo anima modo exhalabit in ⟨coelu⟩m, Christo illic adhuc sedente ad dexte⟨ram⟩ Patris, nondum Dei jussu per tubam archan⟨geli a⟩udito, nondum illis quos Domini ⟨adven⟩tus in saeculo invenerit obviam ei ereptis ⟨ad ae⟩rem, cum his qui mortui in Christo primi re⟨surge⟩nt? Nulli patet coelum, terra adhuc salva, ne ⟨dixer⟩im clausa. Cum transactione enim mundi ⟨reser⟩abuntur regna coelorum. Sed in aethere dor⟨mitio⟩ nostra, cum pueris Platonis; aut in ⟨aere,⟩ cum Ario; aut circa lunam, cum Endymio⟨nibus⟩ Stoicorum. « Imo, inquis, in paradiso, ⟨qua j⟩am tunc et patriarchae et prophetae appen⟨dices⟩ Dominicae resurrectionis, ab inferis migrave⟨rint.⟩ » Et, quomodo Joanni in spiritu paradisi regio ⟨revel⟩ata, quae subjicitur altari, nullas ⟨alias⟩ animas apud se praeter martyrum ostendit? ⟨Quom⟩odo perpetua fortissima martyr, sub die ⟨passio⟩nis, in revelatione paradisi, solos illic com⟨marty⟩res suos vidit, nisi quia nullis romphaea para⟨disi ja⟩nitrix cedit, nisi qui in Christo decesserint, ⟨non i⟩n Adam? Nova mors pro Deo, et extraordi⟨naria⟩ pro Christo, alio et privato excipitur hospi⟨tio. A⟩gnosce itaque differentiam ethnici et fidelis ⟨in mo⟩rte. Si pro Deo occumbas, ut Paracletus monet,

the same?” How then will the soul exhale into heaven, while Christ is still sitting there at the right hand of the Father, while the archangel’s trumpet has not yet been heard at God’s command, while those whom the Lord’s coming shall find in the world have not yet been caught up to meet Him in the air, together with those who, dead in Christ, shall rise first? To no one is heaven open while the earth is still safe, not to say shut. For it is at the passing away of the world that the kingdoms of the heavens will be unbarred. Is our sleep, then, to be in the ether, with Plato’s boys; or in the air, with Arius; or around the moon, with the Endymions of the Stoics? “No,” you say, “in paradise, where even then the patriarchs and prophets, appendages of the Lord’s resurrection, migrated from the underworld.” And how is it that the region of paradise, revealed to John in the spirit, which lies beneath the altar, shows no other souls in it besides those of the martyrs? How did Perpetua, most valiant martyr, on the day of her passion, in the revelation of paradise, see only her fellow martyrs there, unless because the flaming sword, gatekeeper of paradise, gives way to none except those who have died in Christ, not in Adam? A new death, for God, and an extraordinary one, for Christ, is received into another and private lodging. Recognize, then, the difference between heathen and believer in death. If you fall for God, as the Paraclete counsels,

Editors' notes and page, col. 789

Footnotes

[Crop note: the left image is clipped at its left edge, losing the first letters (sometimes a word or two) of every line of the left column, including the note numbers 73–77, which are supplied from the sequence. Letters in ⟦double brackets⟧ are supplied where the loss is evident; ⟦…⟧ marks a loss not restorable from the image.] Variae lectiones. (printed under page 399)

(6) ‹anchor: ereptis› · call in col 789

⟦R⟧aptis Pam. Rhen Seml.

"Raptis" (caught up) Pamelius, Rhenanus, Semler. [first letter clipped]

(printed under page 399)

(7) ‹anchor: cum pueris› · call in col 789

Puerariis Rig. Ven.

"Puerariis" (lovers of boys) Rigault, Venice edition.

(printed under page 399)

(8) ‹anchor: decesserint› · call in col 789

Decesserit Venet. Rig. Caedit, n. q. in Ch. decesserint Fran.

"Decesserit" Venice edition, Rigault; "Caedit, n. q. in Ch. decesserint" Franeker edition.

Commentarius. (⟦73⟧) ‹anchor: in coelum› · call in col 789 Quo ergo anima modo exhalabit in coelum. ⟦…⟧ sunt refellentis sententiam existimantium ⟦anima⟧s fidelium statim ab excessu in coelum exha⟦lare. C⟧hristus, inquit, nondum venit judicem agere ; ⟦…⟧ sedet ad dexteram Patris ; nondum tuba si⟦gnum⟧ dedit ; nondum flagrat terra : et quae sequun⟦tur. A⟧ugustinus in Psal. XXXVI : « Post vitam istam ⟦…⟧m nondum eris ubi erunt sancti, » etc. RIG. ⟦…⟧c tamen etiam istud e contrario quidquam ⟦…⟧ pro paradoxo Auctoris ; quippe cum nihil ⟦…⟧ Christum adhuc sedere ad dexteram Patris, ⟦…⟧ aliquos in coelum recipi ; nam I Petri III ⟦…⟧r de Christo : Qui est in dextera Dei deglu⟦tiens⟧ mortem, ut vitae aeternae haeredes efficere⟦mur,⟧ profectus in coelum. Si autem haeredes et co⟦haered⟧es Christo, simul cum illo conglorificabimur, ⟦…⟧adeo in coelum recipiemur. Alioqui certe frustra ⟦…⟧t Apostolus Galat. II : Cupio dissolvi, et esse ⟦cum⟧ Christo. PAM.

"In what way, then, will the soul breathe out into heaven?" [These words] are those of one refuting the opinion of people who think the souls of the faithful breathe out into heaven immediately upon their departure. "Christ," he says, "has not yet come to act as judge; [he still] sits at the right hand of the Father; the trumpet has not yet given the signal; the earth is not yet ablaze," and what follows. Augustine on Psalm 36: "After this life you will not yet be where the saints will be," etc. Rigault. — Nor yet does this, on the contrary, [tell] at all for the Author's paradox; since nothing [prevents], though Christ still sits at the Father's right hand, some from being received into heaven; for in 1 Peter 3 [it is read] of Christ: "Who is at the right hand of God, swallowing up death, that we might be made heirs of eternal life, having gone into heaven." And if we are heirs and co-heirs with Christ, we shall be glorified together with him, and so be received into heaven. Otherwise the Apostle would certainly have said in vain, Gal. 2 [so printed]: "I desire to be dissolved and to be with Christ." Pamelius.

(⟦74⟧) ‹anchor: audito› · call in col 789 Nondum Dei jussu per tubam Archangeli ⟦…⟧o. Cum haec ad tempus resurrectionis corpo⟦rum p⟧ertinere constet, facit hoc etiam pro sana illa ⟦inter⟧pretatione, de qua paulo ante. PAM.

"Not yet, at God's command, by the Archangel's trumpet …" Since it is clear that these words belong to the time of the resurrection of bodies, this too supports that sound interpretation spoken of a little before. Pamelius.

(⟦75⟧) ‹anchor: Platonis› · call in col 789 In aethere cum pueris Platonis. Supra dixit, ⟦Plato⟧nem non temere philosophorum animabus hoc ⟦praest⟧are ; sed eorum qui philosophiam scilicet exor⟦naver⟧int amore puerorum. RIG. — Sunt rursus verba ⟦e⟧x persona philosophorum et aliorum ironice ⟦…⟧ PAM.

"In the ether with Plato's boys." He said above that Plato does not grant this lightly to the souls of philosophers, but to those, namely, who adorned philosophy with the love of boys. Rigault. — These are again words [spoken] ironically in the person of the philosophers and others. Pamelius.

(⟦76⟧) ‹anchor: Stoicorum› · call in col 789 Aut circa lunam cum Endymionibus Stoi⟦coru⟧m. Ridens Stoicus, vocat animos eorum Endy⟦mion⟧es, eo quod Endymion ille poeticus longissimi ⟦…⟧ris somniator, a Luna adamatus fertur, quod, ⟦teste⟧ Plinio (l. II, c. 7), multa ad lunae cursum per⟦tinent⟧ia primus deprehenderit. PAM.

"Or about the moon with the Endymions of the Stoics." Mocking the Stoic, he calls their souls Endymions, because that Endymion of the poets, the dreamer of a very long [sleep], is said to have been loved by the Moon, because, as Pliny attests (book II, ch. 7), he was the first to discover many things concerning the moon's course. Pamelius.

(⟦77⟧) ‹anchor: patriarchae› · call in col 789 In paradiso, qua jam tunc et patriarchae. ⟦…N⟧eque hoc probatur, quod credamus ex Ecclesiae praescripto, patriarchas et prophetas appendices Dominicae resurrectionis, id est, qui cum illo resurrexerunt, ab inferis migrasse in coelum, non in paradisum secundum quosdam, aut in sinum Abrahae, qualem Auctor somniat. Alioqui enim verum non esset illud Psalmi LXVII : Ascendens in altum captivam duxit captivitatem ; quod explicans Apostolus, Ephes. VI, interpretatur illud, in altum, supra omnes coelos. PAM.

"In paradise, where already then the patriarchs too." Nor is this approved, since we believe by the Church's rule that the patriarchs and prophets, appendages of the Lord's resurrection, that is, those who rose with him, passed from the underworld into heaven, not into paradise as some hold, or into Abraham's bosom, such as the Author dreams of. For otherwise that saying of Psalm 67 would not be true: "Ascending on high he led captivity captive"; which the Apostle, explaining it, Eph. 6 [so printed], interprets "on high" as "above all the heavens." Pamelius.

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Paradisi regio quae subjicitur altari. Pro Tertulliani sententia discendum videtur, altaris nomine significari terram martyrum sanguine cruentatam in modum altaris. RIG. — Hic altare illud, cujus fit mentio Apocal. VI, paradisum interpretatur, in quo solos videtur collocare martyres, reliquis non concedens nisi sinum Abrahae. Nos vero et B. Cyprian. epist. 52 ad Antonian., martyribus coelum, reliquis purgatorii locum tribuimus. PAM.

"The region of paradise which lies beneath the altar." In Tertullian's view it seems we must learn that by the name of the altar is signified the earth stained with the blood of the martyrs in the manner of an altar. Rigault. — Here he interprets as paradise that altar which is mentioned in Rev. 6, in which he seems to place the martyrs alone, granting the rest only Abraham's bosom. We, however, with blessed Cyprian, letter 52 to Antonianus, assign heaven to the martyrs and the place of purgatory to the rest. Pamelius.

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Perpetua fortissima martyr. Perpetua, imperante Severo, in Africa martyrium pro Christi fide passa est cum Felicitate. Fortitudinem in utraque miratus est S. Augustinus, quem affert Baronius, ad Martyrolog. Romanum. Tertullianum sub Severo vixisse in confesso est, sicque dum beatissimos martyres nominat, falsi arguit eos qui sub Gallieno easdem passas fuisse scribunt. LE PR.

"Perpetua, the bravest martyr." Perpetua suffered martyrdom for the faith of Christ in Africa under the emperor Severus, together with Felicity. St Augustine marvelled at the courage of both, as Baronius cites on the Roman Martyrology. That Tertullian lived under Severus is admitted, and so, in naming these most blessed martyrs, he convicts of error those who write that they suffered under Gallienus. Le Prieur.

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Habes etiam de paradiso a nobis libellum. Hunc de Paradiso libellum habuit exemplar Agobardi antequam in perniciales manus incidisset. RIG.

"You have also a little book of ours on paradise." Agobard's copy had this little book On Paradise before it fell into destructive hands. Rigault.

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Secundum Homericum Patroclum. Locus ad quem alludit reperitur Iliad. φ : Θάπτε με ὅττι τάχιστα πύλας ἀΐδαο περήσω. Τῆλέ με εἴργουσιν ψυχαὶ εἴδωλα καμόντων. PAM.

"According to Homer's Patroclus." The passage he alludes to is found in Iliad φ [so printed; the passage is in Iliad 23]: "Bury me with all speed, that I may pass the gates of Hades. The souls, the phantoms of the dead, keep me far off." Pamelius.

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Page

running head: LIBER DE ANIM[A] (cut at right edge of image; column number not visible)
marginal letters: A ‹dem? » Quo ergo anima›; B ‹modo perpetua fortissima martyr›; C ‹(73) Quo ergo anima modo exhalabit› (commentary); D ‹o. Cum haec ad tempus resurrectionis› (commentary)
old-edition numerals: 744 after ‹audito,›; 745 after ‹altari,›
scan cut at the binding: every line of the column loses its first letters; supplied letters in the text stand in ⟨ ⟩

PL 2:790

non in mollibus febribus et in lectulis, sed in martyriis, si crucem tuam tollas, et sequaris Dominum, ut ipse praecepit (Matth. X); tota paradisi clavis tuus sanguis est. Habes etiam de Paradiso a nobis libellum, quo constituimus omnem animam apud inferos sequestrari in diem Domini.

not in soft fevers and in little beds, but in martyrdoms, if you take up your cross and follow the Lord, as He Himself commanded (Matt. 10); the whole key of paradise is your own blood. You also have from us a little book, On Paradise, in which we have established that every soul is held in sequestration in the underworld until the day of the Lord.

CAPUT LVI.

Chapter LVI.

Occurrit disceptatio, an etiam hoc ab excessu statim fiat, an quasdam animas aliqua ratio detineat hic interim, an etiam receptas liceat postea ab inferis ex arbitrio vel ex imperio intervenire: nec harum enim opinionum suasoriae desunt. Creditum est, insepultos non ante ad inferos redigi, quam justa perceperint, secundum Homericum Patroclum funus in somnis de Achille flagitantem, quod non alias adire portas inferum posset, arcentibus eum longe animabus sepultorum. Novimus autem, praeter poetica jura, pietatis quoque Homericae industriam. Tanto magis enim curam sepulturae collocavit, quanto etiam moram ejus injuriosam animabus incusavit; simul et ne quis defunctum domi detinens ipse amplius cum illo maceretur enormitate solatii dolore nutriti. Ita querelas animae insepultae ad utrumque conficit: ut instantia

The question arises whether this too happens immediately upon departure, whether some reason detains certain souls here in the meantime, and whether those already received may afterwards be permitted to intervene from the underworld, by their own choice or by command: for these opinions too do not lack their persuasions. It has been believed that the unburied are not brought down to the underworld before they have received their due rites, after the manner of Homer's Patroclus demanding a funeral from Achilles in dreams, because he could not otherwise approach the gates of the underworld, the souls of the buried keeping him far off. We know, however, besides poetic licence, the purposeful diligence of Homer's piety as well. For he laid all the more stress on the care of burial, the more he also charged its delay with being injurious to souls; and at the same time [he wrote so] lest anyone, keeping the deceased at home, should himself be wasted the more along with him by the excess of a consolation nourished by grief. Thus he contrives the complaints of the unburied soul to serve both ends: that urgency

Editors' notes and page, col. 790

Footnotes

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Habes etiam de paradiso a nobis libellum. Hunc de Paradiso libellum habuit exemplar Agobardi antequam in perniciales manus incidisset. RIG.

"You also have from us a little book on paradise." The Agobard manuscript had this little book On Paradise before it fell into ruinous hands. Rigault.

(printed under page 399)

(81) ‹anchor: Homericum Patroclum› · call in col 790

"After the manner of Homer's Patroclus." The passage to which he alludes is found in Iliad φ: "Bury me with all speed, that I may pass the gates of Hades. Far off the souls, the phantoms of the dead, keep me." Pamelius.

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Enormitate solatii dolore nutriti. Lugemus (continues)

"By the excess of a consolation nourished on grief." We mourn (continues)

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Page

running head: LIBER DE ANIMA. 790
marginal letters: A net, non in mollibus febribus; B tibus eum longe animabus sepultorum; C praescripto, patriarchas et prophetas (commentary); D imperante Severo, in Africa (commentary)
old-edition numerals: (none)

PL 2:791

funeris et honor corporum servetur, et moeror affectum temperetur. Caeterum, quam vanum ut anima corporis justa sustineat, quasi aliquid ex illis ad inferos avehat? Multo vanius, si injuria deputabitur animae cessatio sepulturae, quam pro gratia deberet amplecti. Utique enim tardius ad inferos abstrahi malet, quae nec mori voluit. Amabit impium haeredem, per quem adhuc pascitur luce: aut si qua pro certo injuria est tardius sub terram detrudi, titulus autem injuriae cessatio est sepulturae, per quam iniquum eam injuria affici, cui non imputabitur cessatio sepulturae ad proximos scilicet pertinens. Aiunt et immatura morte praeventas eousque vagari isthic, donec reliquatio compleatur aetatum quas tum pervixissent, si non intempestive obiissent. Porro, aut constituta sunt tempora unicuique, et constituta praeripi posse non credam; aut si constituta sunt quidem, Dei tamen voluntate vel aliqua potestate mutilantur, frustra mutilantur, si jam impleti sustinent; aut si non sunt constituta, nulla erit reliquatio temporum non constitutorum. Adhuc addam: ecce obiit (verbi gratia) infans sub uberum fontibus, puta nunc puer investis, puta vesticeps, qui tamen octoginta annos victurus fuisset: hos praereptos ut anima ejus hic post mortem transigat, quale est? Aetatem enim non potest capere sine corpore; quia per corpora operantur aetates. Nostri autem illud quoque recogitent, corpora eadem recepturas in resurrectione animas, in quibus decesserunt. Iidem ergo sperabuntur et corporum modi, et eaedem aetates quae corporum modos faciunt. Quo ergo pacto potest infantis anima hic transigere praerepta tempora, ut octogenaria resurgat in corpore mensis unius? Aut si hic necesse erit ea tempora impleri

of the funeral and the honour of bodies may be preserved, and grief be tempered in its feeling. But how vain it is that the soul should undergo the rites due to the body, as if it carried any of them off with it to the underworld! Much vainer still, if the lack of burial is to be counted an injury to the soul, when it ought to embrace it as a favour. Certainly a soul which did not even wish to die would prefer to be dragged off to the underworld later. It will love the impious heir through whom it is still fed with light; or if it is for certain an injury to be thrust down under the earth later, and the ground of the injury is the lack of burial, it is unjust on that account that she should suffer injury to whom the lack of burial will not be imputed, since it pertains, of course, to her next of kin. They say also that souls overtaken by untimely death wander here until the remainder of the years which they would then have lived through, had they not died prematurely, is made up. Moreover, either times are appointed for each person, and I could not believe that appointed times can be snatched away; or, if they are indeed appointed, yet are cut short by the will of God or by some power, they are cut short in vain, if they still wait to be fulfilled; or, if they are not appointed, there will be no remainder of times not appointed. I will add further: see, an infant has died (for example) at the fountains of the breasts, or say a boy not yet of age, or say a youth come of age, who would nevertheless have lived eighty years: what sort of thing is it that his soul should pass these snatched-away years here after death? For it cannot take on age without a body, since ages work through bodies. But let our own people also reflect on this, that souls will receive in the resurrection the same bodies in which they departed. Therefore the same measures of bodies will also be hoped for, and the same ages which make the measures of bodies. By what arrangement, then, can the soul of an infant pass here the times snatched away, so that it rises as an octogenarian in a body of one month? Or if it will be necessary that those times be fulfilled here

Editors' notes and page, col. 791

Footnotes

Variae lectiones. (printed under page 400)

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Memoria Rhen. Rig. Seml. Ven. cod. Agob.

"Memoria" (memory) Rhenanus, Rigault, Semler, Venice edition, the Agobard codex.

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Deputatur alii.

"Deputatur" (is assigned) others.

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Mallet Seml.

"Mallet" (would prefer) Semler.

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Imputatur Par. Jun.

"Imputatur" (is imputed) Paris edition, Junius.

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Isti hic Jun. Lat.

"Isti hic" Junius, Latinius.

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Aetatis qua cum Pam. Rhen.

"Aetatis qua cum" Pamelius, Rhenanus.

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Sustinentur Rig. Ven.

"Sustinentur" (are sustained) Rigault, Venice edition.

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Quae Ven.

"Quae" (which) Venice edition.

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Juventa Rhen. Pam.

"Juventa" (youth) Rhenanus, Pamelius.

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Nec abest a Pam. Fran.

"Nec" is absent from Pamelius and the Franeker edition.

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Praecipua atrocitate Rig. Ven. Gagn.

"Praecipua atrocitate" (with especial cruelty) Rigault, Venice edition, Gagny.

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(continued) ademptum, et tamen adempti reliquias servare, intueri, amplecti, osculari juvat. Sic dolorem nutrimus reliquiarum solatio. Sic nutrimus solatium dolore. Atrox et enorme solatium, quod nisi dolore non constat. Fulgentius, Mytholog. I : « Fecerat enim ille, unde luctus resurrectiones in dies acquireret, non in quo luctus solatium inveniret. » Et tamen fatendum est, inesse aliquam in eo luctu voluptatem, qualem exprimit Achilles Patroclum defunctum in somnis amplectens : . . . . Μίνυνθάπερ ἀμφιβαλόντε Ἀλλήλοις ὀλοοῖο τεθαρπώμεσθα γόοιο. RIG.

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Donec reliquatio compleatur. Eleganter admodum vocem illam jureconsultorum transtulit ad aetatis residuum, quod desideratur in immatura morte praeventis. Nam a Paulo, I : Qui nominibus D. de admin. et peric. tut., accipitur reliquatio pro eo quod, rationibus deductis, est reliquum. PAM.

"Until the remainder is made up." Very elegantly he has transferred that term of the jurists to the residue of age which is lacking to those overtaken by untimely death. For by Paulus, [law] 1 "Qui nominibus," Digest, On the Administration and Risk of Guardians, "reliquatio" is taken for what remains when the accounts are cast up. Pamelius.

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Et easdem aetates quae corporum. Cave ne putes Tertullianum voluisse dicere infantes ; sed reliquum aetatis adimpletum tunc exstiturum dicit, adeo ut nihil a theologis discrepare videatur, qui resurrecturos homines sanciant eadem aetate qua Christus resurrexit. Qui caeci, claudi ac debiles fuere, corpori debitam integritatem assument, eruntque tunc in eo statu quem habuissent, si incorrupta et integra mansisset natura. LE PR.

"And the same ages as of the bodies." Beware of thinking that Tertullian meant to say infants; he says rather that the remainder of their age will then be found fulfilled, so that he seems not to differ at all from the theologians, who lay down that men will rise at the same age at which Christ rose. Those who were blind, lame and infirm will take on the integrity due to the body, and will then be in the state they would have had if nature had remained uncorrupted and whole. Le Prieur.

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Page

running head: TERTULLIANI OPERUM PARS II. (cut off at right edge; column number 791 not set)
marginal letters: A tia funeris et honor corporum servetur; B reliquatio compleatur aetatum quas tum per-; C quoque recogitent, corpora eadem recepturas in; D Atrox et enorme solatium (in the commentary)
old-edition numerals: 746 after injuria

PL 2:792

quae fuerant destinata, num et ordinem vitae quam sortita sunt tempora pariter cum illis hic destinatum, pariter hic anima decurret, ut et studeat ab infantia, pueritiae delegata; et militet ab adolescentia, juventae excitata; et censeat a juventa, senectae ponderata; et foenus exprimat, et agrum urgeat, naviget, litiget, nubat, luboret, aegritudines obeat; et quaecumque illam cum temporibus manebant tristia ac laeta? Sed haec sine corpore quomodo transigentur? vita sine vita? Sed vacua erunt tempora, solo decursu adimplenda. Quid ergo prohibet apud inferos ea impleri, ubi perinde nullus est usus illorum? Ita dicimus omnem animam, quaqua aetate decesserit, in ea stare ad eum diem, usque quo perfectum illud repromittitur ad angelicae plenitudinis mensuram temperatum. Proinde nec extorres inferum habebuntur, quas vi ereptas arbitrantur, praecipue per atrocitates suppliciorum, crucis dico, et securis, et gladii, et ferae; nec isti porro exitus violenti, quos justitia decernit, violentiae vindex. « Et ideo, inquies, scelestae quaeque animae inferis exsulant. » Alterum ergo constituas compello, aut bonos inferos, aut malos. Si malos placet, et jam praecipitari illuc animae pessimae debent. Si bonos, cur idem, animas immaturas, et inuptas, pro conditione aetatis puras et innnocuas, interim dignas inferis non judicas?

which had been destined, will the soul likewise run through here the order of life too, which the times obtained by lot, destined here along with them, so as both to study from infancy, consigned to boyhood; and to serve as a soldier from adolescence, roused up to youth; and to give judgement from youth, made weighty by old age; and to exact interest, and to press on the field, to sail, to go to law, to marry, to labour, to undergo illnesses; and whatever sad and glad things awaited it along with the times? But how will these be transacted without a body? life without life? But the times will be empty, to be filled up by their mere running-out. What then prevents them from being fulfilled among those below, where there is equally no use of them? So we say that every soul, at whatever age it departed, remains in that age until that day, until the time when that perfection is promised, tempered to the measure of angelic fullness. Accordingly, neither will those souls be held exiles from the underworld which they suppose to have been snatched away by violence, especially through the atrocities of punishments, of the cross, I mean, and of the axe, and of the sword, and of the beast; nor, further, these violent deaths which justice decrees, the avenger of violence. 'And so,' you will say, 'every wicked soul is banished from the underworld.' I therefore compel you to establish one of the two: either that the underworld is good, or that it is bad. If you are pleased [to say] bad, then even the worst souls ought to be cast down there. If good, why do you likewise judge souls untimely and unmarried, pure and innocent by the condition of their age, to be meanwhile unworthy of the underworld?

CAPUT LVII.

Chapter LVII.

Aut optimum est hic retineri, secundum aoros; aut pessimum, secundum biaeothanatos, ut ipsis jam vocabulis utar, quibus auctrix opinionum istarum magia sonat, Hostanes et Typhon, et Dardanus, et Damigeron, et Nectabis, et Berenice. Publica jam litteratura est, quae animas

Either it is best to be held back here, according to the aoroi; or worst, according to the biaiothanatoi, to use now the very terms with which magic, the originator of these opinions, resounds, Hostanes and Typhon, and Dardanus, and Damigeron, and Nectabis, and Berenice. It is by now public literature, which souls

Editors' notes and page, col. 792

Footnotes

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Indignas inferis judicas Jun. Rig. Ven.

"Indignas inferis judicas" (you judge unworthy of the underworld) Junius, Rigault, Venice edition.

(printed under page 400)

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Ostanes Par. alii.

"Ostanes" Paris edition and others.

(printed under page 400)

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Litera Rig. Ven.

"Litera" (letter, literature) Rigault, Venice edition.

Commentarius. (printed under page 400)

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Secundum aoros, etc. Aori dicuntur (ἄωροι) qui morte immatura pereunt ; Biaeothanati, qui violenta ; hoc autem mortis genus illi Biaeothanati optimum asserebant. LE PR.

"According to the aoroi," etc. Those are called aori (ἄωροι, untimely) who perish by an untimely death; biaeothanati, those who die by violence; and this kind of death those [who held the views of the] biaeothanati declared the best. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 400)

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Hostanes et Typhon, etc. Hostanes magus fuit insignis : de quo Minutius in Oct., Plin. lib. XXX, cap. 1 ; Augustinus lib. VI de Baptismo contra Donatistas, cap. ult. : « Magorum tamen praecipuus Hostanes, et formam veri Dei negat conspici posse, et angelos veros sedi ejus dicit assistere. » Apud Persas Hostanas magos olim appellatos refert Phavorinus. Typhon alter magus sua infamia, sicut caeteri, celebris : de hoc Herodotus in Euterpe, et Synesius lib. I de Provid. LE PR.

"Hostanes and Typhon," etc. Hostanes was a notable magician: on him Minucius in the Octavius, Pliny book 30, ch. 1; Augustine, On Baptism against the Donatists book 6, last chapter: "Yet Hostanes, the chief of the magicians, both denies that the form of the true God can be seen and says that true angels stand about his throne." Phavorinus reports that among the Persians magi were once called Hostanae. Typhon, another magician, famous like the rest for his infamy: on him Herodotus in the Euterpe, and Synesius, On Providence book 1. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 400)

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Et Dardanus et Damigeron, etc. Recenset hic nominatissimos in magicis homines. Dardani mentionem plurimi faciunt : Clemens Alex. in Protrept. ; (continues)

"And Dardanus and Damigeron," etc. Here he lists the men most renowned in magic. Very many make mention of Dardanus: Clement of Alexandria in the Protrepticus; (continues)

(printed under page 400)

Page

running head: [cut off at left edge]RUM PARS II. — SERIES I, POLEMICA. 792
marginal letters: A quae fuerant destinata; B usque quo perfectum illud; C level with CAPUT LVII.; D debitam integritatem assument (in the Commentarius below the text)
old-edition numerals: 747 after exprimat

PL 2:793

etiam justa aetate sopitas, etiam proba morte disjunctas, etiam prompta humatione dispunctas, evocaturam se ab inferum incolatu pollicetur. Quid ergo dicemus magiam? Quod omnes pene: fallaciam. Sed ratio fallaciae solos non fugit Christianos, qui spiritualia nequitiae, non quidem socia conscientia, sed inimica scientia novimus, nec invitatoria operatione, sed expugnatoria dominatione tractamus; multiformem luem mentis humanae, totius erroris artificem, salutis pariter animaeque vastatricem scientiam magiae, secundae scilicet idololatriae, in qua se daemones perinde mortuos fingunt, quemadmodum in illa deos. Quidni? cum et dii mortui. Itaque invocantur quidem aori et biaeothanati, sub illo fidei argumento, quod credibile videatur eas potissimum animas ad vim et injuriam facere, quas per vim et saevus et immaturus finis extorsit, quasi ad vicem offensae. Sed daemones operantur sub obtentu earum; et hi vel maxime, qui in ipsis tunc fuerunt cum adviverent, quique illas in hujusmodi impegerunt exitus. Nam, et suggessimus nullum pene hominem carere daemonio, et pluribus notum est daemoniorum quoque opera et immaturas et atroces effici mortes, quas incursibus deputant. Hanc quoque fallaciam spiritus nequam sub personis defunctorum delitescentis, nisi fallor, etiam rebus probamus, cum in exorcismis interdum aliquem se ex parentibus hominem suis affirmat, interdum gladiatorem, vel bestiarium, sicut et alibi deum; nihil magis curans, quam hoc ipsum excludere quod praedicamus, ne facile credamus animas universas ad inferos redigi, ut et judicii et resurrectionis fidem turbet. Et tamen ille daemon postquam circumstantes circumvenire tentavit, instantia divinae gratiae victus, in quod in vero est, invitus confitetur. Sic et in illa alia specie magiae, quae jam quiescentes animas evellere ab inferis creditur et conspectui exhibere, non alia fallaciae vis est operatior. Plane quia et phantasma praestatur, quia et corpus affingitur; nec

even souls laid to rest at a just age, even those parted by an honest death, even those discharged by prompt burial, it promises that it will call forth from their dwelling among those below. What then shall we say magic is? What nearly everyone says: a deception. But the nature of the deception has escaped everyone but the Christians, who know the spiritual forces of wickedness, not indeed by a knowledge that shares in them, but by a knowledge hostile to them, and who handle them not by an operation that invites them, but by a dominion that overthrows them; magic, a many-shaped plague of the human mind, the craftsman of all error, a science that lays waste salvation and soul alike, that is to say a second idolatry, in which the demons feign themselves to be the dead, just as in the other they feign themselves gods. And why not? since the gods too are dead men. And so the untimely dead and those who died by violence are indeed invoked, on the strength of that article of belief, that it might seem credible that those souls above all are given to violence and injury whom a cruel and untimely end wrested away by violence, as if by way of requital for the wrong. But it is the demons who work under the cover of them; and these above all, who were in those very persons at the time when they were alive, and who drove them into deaths of this kind. For we have both suggested that almost no man is without a demon, and it is known to most that it is also the demons' work that untimely and atrocious deaths are brought about, which they ascribe to [their] onsets. This deception too of the wicked spirit lurking under the persons of the dead we prove, unless I am mistaken, even by facts, when in exorcisms it sometimes affirms itself to be some one of the man's own kinsmen, sometimes a gladiator or a beast-fighter, just as elsewhere a god; caring for nothing more than to rule out this very thing which we preach, lest we readily believe that all souls are brought down to the underworld, so that it may unsettle faith both in the judgement and in the resurrection. And yet that demon, after it has tried to deceive those standing round, overcome by the pressure of divine grace, against its will confesses what is in truth. So too in that other kind of magic, which is believed to tear souls already at rest out of the underworld and to display them to sight, no other power is more at work than that of deception. Plainly, because a phantasm too is presented, because a body too is feigned; nor

Editors' notes and page, col. 793

Footnotes

Variae lectiones. (printed under page 401)

(23) ‹anchor: vastatricem scientiam› · call in col 793

Vastatorem. Sic etiam Fran. Pam.

"Vastatorem" (destroyer). So also the Franeker edition and Pamelius.

(printed under page 401)

(24) ‹anchor: impegerunt exitus› · call in col 793

Impegerant Pam. Rhen.

"Impegerant" (had dashed against) Pamelius, Rhenanus.

(printed under page 401)

(25) ‹anchor: ex parentibus hominem suis› · call in col 793

Sui Pam. Rhen. suis Rig. Ven. cod. Wouw.

"Sui" Pamelius, Rhenanus; "suis" Rigault, Venice edition, Wouwer's codex.

(printed under page 401)

(26) ‹anchor: praestatur, quia› · call in col 793

Quia redundat Jun. praestat et Wouw.

Junius: "quia" is redundant; Wouwer: "praestat et".

(printed under page 401)

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Moysis Rig. Mosis Semler.

"Moysis" Rigault; "Mosis" Semler.

(printed under page 401)

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Dedit abest a Rig. Ven.

"Dedit" (gave) is absent from Rigault and the Venice edition.

(printed under page 401)

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In fine Fuld. Ursin. insigne Wouw. utrumvis neglig. Seml.

"In fine" (at the end) the Fulda [codex] and Ursinus; "insigne" Wouwer; Semler disregards either.

Commentarius. (printed under page 401)

(87) ‹anchor: not visible› · call on the previous page

(continued) Euseb. II de Praep. Ev. ; Arnobius, lib. I ; Apuleius in Apol. Ab eo magica ars Dardania dicta est. Solebat autem arte magica horrea exinanire, et frumenta in sua granaria attrahere. Damigeronis meminit Arnobius, lib. I. — Nectabis, forte Nectanebus Aegyptius. — De Berenice, an vir, an femina fuerit nescio, neque enim credo Berenicem illam fuisse matrem Ptolemaei Philadelphi. LE PR.

(printed under page 401)

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Solos non fugit Christianos. Solis nota est Christianis. RIG.

"The Christians alone it does not escape." It is known to Christians alone. Rigault.

(printed under page 401)

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Totius erroris artificem, etc. Magia ideo infamis, et Christianis prohibita tanta olim severitate, quia mater est idololatriae, quae crimen olim fuit principale. LE PR.

"The contriver of all error," etc. Magic was infamous, and forbidden to Christians of old with such severity, because it is the mother of idolatry, which was of old the principal crime. Le Prieur.

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Minus licuit animam Samuelis effingere. Quaestio est non de nihilo, an Pythonissa vere Samuelem exhibuerit, an vero daemonem, qui Saüli fucum fecit et praestigias. Primum asserunt quidam, posterius affirmant cum Septimio Justinus Martyr in Respons. ad quaest. 52 Quaestionum Christian. qui ait id contigisse daemonis opera spectatorum oculos fascinantis : Μετὰ τὴν ἐνέργειαν τοῦ δαίμονος, τοῦ τὰς ὄψεις φαντάσαντος τῶν ὁρώντων ; B. Augustinus non uno in loco, et alii. Obtinuit tamen scriptorum multitudo, qui veram animam Samuelis apparuisse autumant. In hunc etiam sensum pronior videtur ante relatus August. cap. 15 De cura pro mort. agen. Vide cap. XLVI. Ecclesiastici, et expande voces. Memini etiam me legisse libellum M., autographum Guillelmi Postelli in quo fuse haec historia tractatur. LE PR.

"It was less possible to counterfeit the soul of Samuel." It is no idle question whether the Pythoness really brought up Samuel, or rather a demon, who deceived Saul with tricks and illusions. Some assert the first; the latter is affirmed, with Septimius, by Justin Martyr in the Answers to Questions, question 52 of the Christian Questions, who says it happened by the work of a demon bewitching the eyes of the onlookers: "By the working of the demon who deluded the sight of those who beheld"; by blessed Augustine in more than one place, and by others. Yet the majority of writers prevailed, who hold that the true soul of Samuel appeared. Augustine, cited before, seems also inclined to this sense, ch. 15 of On the Care to be Had for the Dead. See ch. 46 of Ecclesiasticus, and weigh the words. I remember too having read a little manuscript book, an autograph of Guillaume Postel, in which this story is treated at length. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 401)

Page

running head: 793 LIBER DE ANIMA (page head; column number 793 at left)
marginal letters: A etiam justa aetate sopitas; B tur eas potissimum animas; C praedicamus, ne facile credamus; D (in the Commentarius at the page foot) Euseb. II de Praep. Ev.
old-edition numerals: 748 after salutis

PL 2:794

magnum illi exteriores oculos circumscribere, cui interiorem mentis aciem excaecare perfacile est. Corpora denique videbantur Pharaoni et Aegyptiis magicarum virgarum dracones, sed Moysi veritas mendacium devoravit (Exod. VII). Multa utique et adversus apostolos Simon dedit, et Elymas magi (Act. XIII); sed plaga caecitatis de praestigiis non fuit. Quid novi aemulatio veritatis a spiritu immundo? Ecce hodie ejusdem Simonis haereticostanta praesumptio artis extollit, ut etiam prophetarum animas ab inferis movere se spondeant. Et credo quia mendacio possunt: nec enim pythonico tunc spiritui minus licuit animam Samuelis effingere (I Reg. XXVIII), post Deum mortuos consulente Saüle. Absit alioquin ut animam cujuslibet sancti, nedum prophetae (II Cor. XI), a daemonio credamus extractam, edocti quod ipse Satanas (II Thess. II) transfiguretur in angelum lucis, nedum in homin⟨e⟩m lucis (Matth. XXIV), etiam deum se adseveraturus in fine, signaque portentosiora editurus, ad evertendos, si fieri possit, electos. Dubitavit, si forte, tunc prophetam se Dei asseverare, et utique Saüli, in quo jam ipse morabatur? Ne putes alium fuisse qui phantasma administrabat, alium qui commendabat; sed eumdem spiritum, et in pseudoprophetide, et in apostata facile mentiri, quod fecerat credi, per quem Saülis thesaurus illic erat, ubi et cor ipsius, ubi scilicet Deus non erat. Et ideo per quem visurum se credidit, vidit: quia per quem vidit, et credidit. Si et de nocturnis imaginibus opponitur, saepe non frustra mortuos visos (nam et Nasammonas propria oracula apud parentum sepulcra mansitando captare, ut Heraclides scribit, vel Nymphodorus, vel Herodotus; et Celtas apud virorum fortium busta eadem de causa abnoctare, ut Nicander affirmat), non magis mortuos vere patimur in somnis, quam vivos, sed eadem ratione mortuos qua et vivos, et omnia quae videntur. Non enim quia videntur, vera sunt, sed quia

a great thing for him to circumscribe the outward eyes, for whom it is very easy to blind the inward sight of the mind. Finally, the serpents of the magic rods seemed to Pharaoh and the Egyptians to be bodies, but the truth of Moses devoured the lie (Exod. 7). Many things indeed Simon and Elymas the magicians also produced against the apostles (Acts 13); but the stroke of blindness did not come from illusions. What is new in an unclean spirit's rivalry with the truth? Behold, today so great a presumption of the art lifts up the heretics of that same Simon that they even promise that they can move the souls of the prophets from the underworld. And I believe that they can, by a lie: for neither was the pythonic spirit at that time less permitted to counterfeit the soul of Samuel (1 Sam. 28), when Saul, after God, was consulting the dead. Far be it otherwise that we should believe the soul of any saint, much less of a prophet (2 Cor. 11), to have been drawn out by a demon, having been taught that Satan himself is transfigured into an angel of light (2 Thess. 2), much more into a man of light (Matt. 24), being about at the end even to assert himself to be god, and to produce more portentous signs, in order to overthrow, if it be possible, the elect. Would he have hesitated, perhaps, at that time to assert himself to be a prophet of God, and especially to Saul, in whom he was already dwelling? Do not suppose that it was one who managed the phantasm and another who commended it; but that it was the same spirit, both in the pseudo-prophetess and in the apostate, easily lying about what he had caused to be believed, the spirit through whom Saul's treasure was there where his heart also was, namely where God was not. And therefore through him through whom he believed he would see, he saw: because through him through whom he saw, he also believed. If objection is also raised concerning nocturnal images, that the dead are often seen not in vain (for that the Nasamones too obtain their own oracles by staying at the tombs of their parents, as Heraclides writes, or Nymphodorus, or Herodotus; and that the Celts spend the night at the tombs of brave men for the same reason, as Nicander affirms), we no more truly experience the dead in dreams than the living, but the dead in the same manner as the living, and all things that are seen. For not because they are seen are they true, but because

Editors' notes and page, col. 794

Footnotes

(91) ‹anchor: Nasammonas› · call in col 794

Nasammonas. Nasammonas collocat Plinius (l. V. c. 5) in ora Syrtis, quos Graeci Mesammones adpellarunt ab argumento loci, medios inter arenas sitos. PAM.

"The Nasamonians." Pliny (book 5, ch. 5) places the Nasamonians on the coast of the Syrtis, whom the Greeks called Mesammones from the nature of the place, as set in the midst of the sands. Pamelius.

(printed under page 401)

Page

running head: [LI]BER DE ANIMA. 794 (beginning of running head cut off at left edge)
marginal letters: A ‹magnum illi exteriores›; B ‹sancti, nedum prophetae›; C ‹ginibus opponitur, saepe›; D ‹posterius affirmant cum Septimio› (in the commentary)
old-edition numerals: 749 after ‹non›

PL 2:795

adimplentur. Fides somniorum de effectu, non de conspectu renuntiatur. Nulli autem animae omnino inferos petere, satis Dominus in argumento illo pauperis requiescentis, et divitis ingemiscentis, ex persona Abrahae sanxit (Luc. XVI), non posse inde relegari renuntiatorem dispositionis infernae; quod vel tunc licere potuisset, ut Moysi et prophetis crederetur. Sed etsi quasdam revocavit in corpora Dei virtus, in documenta juris sui, non idcirco communicabitur fidei, et audaciae magorum, et fallaciae somniorum, et licentiae poetarum. Atquin in resurrectionis exemplis, cum Dei virtus, sive per prophetas, sive per Christum, sive per apostolos in corpora animas repraesentat, solida et contrectabili, et satiata veritate, praejudicatum est hanc esse formam veritatis, ut omnem mortuorum exhibitionem incorporalem praestigias judices.

are fulfilled. The trustworthiness of dreams is declared from their outcome, not from what is seen. But that it is [granted] to no soul at all to make for the lower regions [and return], the Lord sufficiently established in that account of the poor man at rest and the rich man groaning, in the person of Abraham (Luke 16), [namely] that a messenger to report on the arrangement of the underworld could not be sent back from there; which might have been permitted then at least, so that Moses and the prophets might be believed. But even if the power of God has recalled certain [souls] into bodies, as proofs of its own right, that will not on that account be made common to faith, and to the audacity of magicians, and to the deceitfulness of dreams, and to the licence of poets. Moreover, in the examples of resurrection, when the power of God, whether through the prophets, or through Christ, or through the apostles, restores souls into bodies with a solid and palpable and full reality, it has been settled beforehand that this is the form of the truth, so that you should judge every incorporeal display of the dead to be illusions.

CAPUT LVIII.

Chapter LVIII.

« Omnes ergo animae penes inferos? » inquis. Velis ac nolis, et supplicia jam illic, et refrigeria. Habes pauperem et divitem. E⟨t⟩ quia distuli nescio quid ad hanc partem, jam opportune in clausula reddam. Cur enim non putes animam et puniri et foveri in infernis interim sub exspectatione utriusque judicii, in quadam usurpatione et candida ejus? « Quia salvum debet esse, inquis, judicio divino negotium suum, sine ulla praelibatione sententiae. Tum quia et carnis operienda est restitutio, ut consortis operarum atque mercedum. » Quid ergo fiet in tempore isto? dormiemus? Atenim animae nec in viventibus dormiunt: corporum enim est somnus, quorum et ipsa mors cum speculo suo somno. Aut nihil vis agi illic, quo universa humanitas trahitur, quo spes omnis sequestratur? Delibari putas judicium, an incipi? praecipitari, an praeministrari? Jam vero, quam iniquissimum etiam apud inferos, si et nocentibus adhuc illic bene est, et innocentibus nondum? Quid? ampliationem vis esse post mortem, confusa spe et incerta exspectatione

"Are all souls, then, in the underworld?" you say. Whether you will or not, [there are] both punishments there already and refreshments. You have the poor man and the rich man. And since I postponed something or other to this part, I shall now render it fittingly in the conclusion. For why should you not think that the soul is both punished and cherished in the underworld meanwhile, in expectation of either judgement, in a kind of anticipation and candidacy for it? "Because," you say, "its business ought to be kept intact for the divine judgement, without any foretaste of the sentence. Then too because the restoration of the flesh must also be awaited, as the partner of the works and of the rewards." What, then, will happen in that time? Shall we sleep? But souls do not sleep even in the living: for sleep belongs to bodies, to which belongs also death itself, together with its mirror, sleep. Or do you want nothing to be done there, whither all humanity is drawn, where all hope is held in trust? Do you think that judgement is foretasted, or begun? That it is hastened, or prepared beforehand? Now indeed, how most unjust [it would be] even in the underworld, if it is still well there with the guilty, and not yet with the innocent! What? Do you want there to be an adjournment after death, with hope confused and expectation uncertain

Editors' notes and page, col. 795

Footnotes

Variae lectiones. (printed under page 402)

(30) ‹anchor: inquis› · call in col 795

In inserunt omnes praeter Wouw.

All except Wouwer insert "in".

(printed under page 402)

(31) ‹anchor: ampliationem› · call in col 795

Amplius Fran. Pam.

"Amplius" (further) Franeker edition, Pamelius.

(printed under page 402)

(32) ‹anchor: Ergo› · call in col 796

Vel add. Par. Gelen. Jun.

The Paris edition, Gelenius and Junius add "vel" (or).

(printed under page 402)

(92) ‹anchor: putes animam› · call in col 795

Cur enim non putes animam, etc. Inter errores et paradoxa Tertulliani recense, qui animas coelum non intrare usque in diem judicii, et in inferis degere statuit. Unde cap. 55 dixit, « aspernati, si forte, in Abrahae sinu, exspectandae resurrectionis solatium capere. » Illud vero Tertulliano commune est cum aliis multis, in quibus haeresis esse non potest, cum nihil statuisset Ecclesia. Neque enim puto illos negasse gloriam visionis beatificae, sanctosque integra beatitudine non fruituros nisi post resurrectionem. Cum iis et Tertulliano mitius agendum qui forsan Dei gloriam videre non inficiati sunt. LE PR.

"For why should you not think that the soul," etc. Count among the errors and paradoxes of Tertullian that he held that souls do not enter heaven until the day of judgement, and dwell in the underworld. Hence in ch. 55 he said, "scorning, perhaps, to take the consolation of awaiting the resurrection in Abraham's bosom." But this Tertullian has in common with many others, in whom there can be no heresy, since the Church had laid down nothing. For I do not think they denied the glory of the beatific vision, [but held] that the saints would not enjoy complete beatitude until after the resurrection. With them, and with Tertullian, we should deal more gently, who perhaps did not deny that they see the glory of God. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 402)

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Quid ? ampliationem vis esse post mortem. Eleganter ait interrogando, « Quid ? ampliationem vis esse post mortem ? » Ex more judiciorum ampliari reus dicitur, de quo nihil pronuntiatur, sed ob confusas et incertas judicum sententias in aliud sive tempus, sive tribunal differtur. RIG.

"What? Do you want there to be an adjournment after death?" He says it elegantly in the form of a question: "What? Do you want there to be an adjournment after death?" In the custom of the courts a defendant is said to be "adjourned" when no verdict is pronounced on him, but because the judges' opinions are confused and uncertain he is put off to another time or another tribunal. Rigault.

(printed under page 402)

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Respice ad Mutii animam. Mutii Scaevolae. LE PR.

"Look at the soul of Mucius." Of Mucius Scaevola. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 402)

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Ad Zenonis. Zeno hic est Eleates, qui contemptum mortis e philosophia contingere cum assereret apud Dionysium, ab eodem tormentis immanibus cruciatus, responsionis suae veritatem sua constantia comprobavit. LE PR.

"To Zeno's." This is Zeno of Elea, who, when he asserted before Dionysius that contempt of death comes from philosophy, was tortured by him with monstrous torments, and proved the truth of his answer by his constancy. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 402)

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In Cyro ursi cicatrices. Tradit illum Xenophon, lib. I. inter venandum cum urso congressum fuisse Cyrum minorem, quem idem Cyrus acceptis vulneribus interemit. LE PR.

"In Cyrus, the scars of the bear." Xenophon relates, book I, that Cyrus the Younger, while hunting, fought with a bear, which the same Cyrus killed after receiving wounds. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 402)

Page

running head: 795 TERTULLIANI OPERUM PARS II. — (cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A ‹adimplentur. Fides somniorum›; B ‹mam veritatis, ut omnem mortuorum›; C ‹ut consortis operarum atque mercedum›; D ‹(92) Cur enim non putes animam› (in the commentary)
old-edition numerals: 750 after ‹revocavit›

PL 2:796

ludentem, an vitae recensum jam et ordinationem judicii inhorrentem? Semper autem exspectat anima corpus, ut doleat, aut gaudeat? Nonne et de suo sufficit sibi ad utrumque titulum passionis? Quoties, illaeso corpore, anima sola torquetur bile, ira, taedio, plerumque nec sibi noto! quoties item corpore adflicto furtivum sibi anima gaudium exquirit, et a corporis importuna tunc societate secedit! Mentior, si non de ipsis cruciatibus corporis et gloriari et gaudere sola consuevit. Respice ad Mutii animam, cum dexteram suam ignibus solvit. Respice ad Zenonis, cum illam Dionysii tormenta praetereunt. Morsus ferarum ornamenta sunt juventutis, ut in Cyro ursi cicatrices. Adeo novit et apud inferos anima et dolere et gaudere sine carne; quia et in carne illaesa si velit dolet, et laesa si velit gaudet. Hoc si ex arbitrio suo in vita, quanto magis ex judicio Dei post mortem! Sed nec omnia opera cum carnis ministerio anima partitur; nam et solos cogitatus et nudas voluntates censura divina persequitur (Matth. V): Qui viderit ad concupiscendum, jam adulteravit in corde. Ergo propter hoc congruentissimum est animam, licet non exspectata carne, puniri, quod non sociata carne commisit. Sic et ob cogitatus pios et benevolos, in quibus carne non eguit, sine carne recreabitur. Quid nunc, si et in carnalibus prior est, quae concipit, quae disponit, quae mandat, quae impellit? Et, si quando invita, prior tamen tractat, quod per corpus actura est. Nunquam denique conscientia posterior erit facto. Ita huic quoque ordini competit, eam priorem pensare mercedes, cui priori debeantur. In summa, cum carcerem illum, quem Evangelium demonstrat, inferos intelligamus, et novissimum quadrantem modicum quodque delictum mora resurrectionis illic luendum interpretemur; nemo dubitabit animam aliquid pensare pene inferos, salva resurrectionis plenitudine per carnem quoque. Hoc etiam Paracletus frequentissime commendavit, si quis sermones ejus ex agnitione

sporting, or already shuddering at the review of its life and the ordering of the judgement? But does the soul always wait for the body in order to grieve or to rejoice? Does it not suffice of itself, for itself, for either kind of experience? How often, with the body unharmed, is the soul alone tormented by bile, anger, weariness, very often not even known to itself! How often likewise, when the body is afflicted, does the soul seek out for itself a stolen joy, and withdraw from the then troublesome company of the body! I lie, if it has not been accustomed, alone, both to glory and to rejoice over the very tortures of the body. Look at the soul of Mucius, when he dissolved his right hand in the fire. Look at Zeno's, when the torments of Dionysius pass it by. The bites of wild beasts are the ornaments of youth, as the bear's scars were on Cyrus. So well does the soul know, even in the underworld, both how to grieve and how to rejoice without the flesh; because even in the flesh, when it is unharmed, it grieves if it wills, and when it is harmed, it rejoices if it wills. If it does this by its own choice in life, how much more by the judgement of God after death! But neither does the soul share all its works with the ministry of the flesh; for the divine censure pursues even mere thoughts and bare wishes (Matt. 5): Whoever has looked with a view to lusting has already committed adultery in his heart. Therefore, for this reason it is most fitting that the soul, even without waiting for the flesh, should be punished for what it committed without the partnership of the flesh. So also for pious and kindly thoughts, in which it had no need of the flesh, it will be refreshed without the flesh. What now, if even in carnal matters it is the first, it which conceives, which arranges, which commands, which impels? And, even if at some time unwilling, it nevertheless first handles what it is going to do through the body. In short, conscience will never be later than the deed. Thus it suits this order too that it should be the first to pay out the recompense, to which, as first, they are due. In sum, since we understand that prison which the Gospel points out to be the underworld, and interpret the last farthing as each small offence to be atoned for there in the delay of the resurrection, no one will doubt that the soul pays something in the underworld, without prejudice to the fullness of the resurrection through the flesh also. This too the Paraclete has very frequently commended, if anyone his discourses from the acknowledgement

Editors' notes and page, col. 796

Footnotes

Variae lectiones. (printed under page 402)

(32) ‹anchor: Ergo propter› · call in col 796

Vel add. Par. Gelen. Jun.

"Vel" (or) is added by the Paris edition, Gelenius, Junius.

(printed under page 402)

(33) ‹anchor: interpretemur› · call in col 796

Intelligimus — interpretamur Rhen. Pam.

"Intelligimus — interpretamur" (we understand — we interpret, indicative) Rhenanus, Pamelius.

(printed under page 402) Commentarius. (printed under page 402)

(94) ‹anchor: Mutii animam› · call in col 796

Respice ad Mutii animam. Mutii Scaevolae. LE PR.

"Look at the soul of Mucius." Of Mucius Scaevola. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 402)

(95) ‹anchor: Ad Zenonis› · call in col 796

"At Zeno's." This Zeno is the Eleatic, who, when he asserted before Dionysius that contempt of death comes from philosophy, was tortured by him with monstrous torments, and proved the truth of his answer by his own constancy. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 402)

(96) ‹anchor: ursi cicatrices› · call in col 796

In Cyro ursi cicatrices. Tradit illum Xenophon, lib. I. inter venandum cum urso congressum fuisse Cyrum minorem, quem idem Cyrus acceptis vulneribus interemit. LE PR.

"The bear's scars on Cyrus." Xenophon, book 1, relates that Cyrus the Younger, while hunting, grappled with a bear, which the same Cyrus killed after receiving wounds. Le Prieur.

(printed under page 402)

(97) ‹anchor: interpretemur› · call in col 796

Mora resurrectionis illic luendum interpretemur. In mora resurrectionis purgari animas, et modicum quodque delictum eluere, quid aliud quam purgatorii poena ? LE PR.

"Let us interpret it as to be paid for there by the delay of the resurrection." That souls are purged during the delay of the resurrection, and wash away every small sin — what is this but the punishment of purgatory? Le Prieur.

(printed under page 402)

Page

running head: I PARS II. — SERIES I, POLEMICA. 796
marginal letters: A ‹tione ludentem, an vitae›; B ‹et gaudere sine carne›; C ‹quod per corpus actura est›; D ‹ob confusas et incertas (in the Commentarius, not set)›
old-edition numerals: 751 after ‹si›; 752 after ‹prior est,›

PL 2:797

promissorum charismatum admiserit. Ad omnem, ut arbitror, humanam super anima opinionem, ex doctrina fidei congressi, justae dumtaxat ac necessariae curiositati satisfecimus. Enormi autem et otiosae tantum deerit discere, quantum libuerit inquirere.

of the promised charisms has admitted. Having engaged, as I judge, every human opinion about the soul from the doctrine of the faith, we have satisfied a curiosity that is just and necessary, and only such. But to a curiosity that is boundless and idle, as much will be lacking to learn as it shall please it to inquire.

Editors' notes and page, col. 797

Footnotes

- 34 (Variae lectiones; called at "satisfecimus", printed in the upper part of col 798, set under col 797's rail): Satisfecerimus cod. Wouw.

"We shall have satisfied", Wouwer's manuscript.

[Page note: the Variae lectiones for this unit stand in a short band above the title band, across the page (one note, 34, under the left column). The lower part of this page carries no further footnotes. It is set in text-size type, with no note rule or calls: Pamelius's chapter-by-chapter argumentum to the next work, De carne Christi (Cap. I–XXV, then a paragraph on the book's testimonia and manuscripts, signed PAM.). This is editors' matter belonging to De carne Christi, not a footnote of De anima, so it is not set here.] (printed under page 403)

Page

running head: DE CARNE CHRISTI. 798 (right half of the running head LIBER DE CARNE CHRISTI.)
marginal letters: A cessariae curiositati satisfecimus (text set under col 797's rail); B Cap. XVII. Obiter probans; C omnes, praedictosque; D titulo de Carne Domini (B–D below the band, next work)
old-edition numerals: (none) in this unit's part; 754 after "tium fuit" stands below the band, in the next work's editors' matter
other: rail-only part per BOUNDARY. The upper lines of this column ("cessariae curiositati ... inquirere.") are set in c797_a.md in reading order. Everything below the title band (ARGUMENTUM Cap. XVII–XXV and Pamelius's note on the editions of De carne Christi, editors' matter) belongs to the next work and is not set here.