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PL 2 · cols. 9–92

Tertullian, De praescriptionibus haereticorum (with Adversus omnes haereses, cap. XLVI-LIII)

Editors' preface

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QUINTI SEPTIMII FLORENTIS TERTULLIANI OPERUM PARS II CONTINENS LIBROS AB EO JAM MONTANISTA SCRIPTOS
OF QUINTUS SEPTIMIUS FLORENS TERTULLIANUS, PART II OF THE WORKS, CONTAINING THE BOOKS WRITTEN BY HIM WHEN ALREADY A MONTANIST
LIBER DE PRAESCRIPTIONIBUS ADVERSUS HAERETICOS.
BOOK ON THE PRESCRIPTIONS AGAINST THE HERETICS.
PROOEMIUM EDITORUM PATROLOGIAE.
PREFACE OF THE EDITORS OF THE PATROLOGIA.
Etsi Tertulliani de Praescriptionibus librum, inter omnia ejus opuscula longe praestantissimum esse, eoque uno telo cunctas omnium temporum haereses prostratas pessumdari, nemo ierit inficias, cuique tamen nota est ardua, quae ab ipso operis occursu suboritur, controversia, quonam nempe potissimum tempore, an ante, postve Auctoris ad Montanistas discessum, libellus iste vel fuerit editus, vel exaratus.
Although no one will deny that Tertullian's book on the Prescriptions is by far the most excellent of all his little works, and that by this one weapon the heresies of all times are laid low and brought to ruin, yet everyone knows the difficult controversy which arises at the very first encounter with the work: namely, at what time above all, whether before or after the Author's departure to the Montanists, this little book was either published or written out.
Editors' notes and page, col. 9

Footnotes

[Commentarius — the editors' running commentary, set in two columns under the heading "Commentarius"; its call (1) stands in the work's title above, before "ADVERSUS HAERETICOS".] (printed under page 9)

(1) ‹anchor: ADVERSUS HAERETICOS (in the title)› · call in col 9

Tractatuum quos edo (a) Tertulliani prior illo de Oratione auctori ante lapsum ejus ad Montanismum attribui solet; sed alter libellus de Praescriptione haereticorum, propterea quod ab eo in libro primo suo contra Marcionem videtur promissus fuisse, cum Montanista jam factus esset, inter opera ejus composita post susceptos errores Montanisticos nonnunquam censetur, magis quam propter perperam dicta, quae in ipso tractatu reperiuntur. Certe ego nulla omnino hujus haeresis vestigia in hoc opusculo deprehendi posse existimo; aut ibi apparere cujusquam doctrinae semitas ab Ecclesia non calcatas. Ponas enim haud exstare quidquam Montanismo discors in capite vel 22, vel 36, omnia tamen catholico more modoque ubique exponit Tertullianus. Verum enim vero fieri potest, ut quo tempore hoc opusculum Auctor scriberet, is novas prophetias neque rejiceret, nec reciperet; haud tamen propterea haereticus existimandus, qui fidem Ecclesiae retinuerit. Ad locum illum quod attinet libri primi Contra Marcionem, in quo promissum hoc opus nonnullis videtur, nos meminisse debemus, diversis quidem temporibus exortam atque auctam esse disputationem illam adversus Marcionem, indice ipso Tertulliano initio libri. Imo quod bene perpendendum est, verba de quibus agimus, ut Ant. Fr. Vezzosi ad cardinalis Thomasii Institutiones theol. vol. I, p. 8, suggessit, opus aliquod posthac edendum haud necessario significat. Verba apponam. — « Sed alius libellus, inquit Tertullianus, hunc gradum sustinebit adversus haereticos, etiam sine retractatu doctrinarum revincendos, quod hoc (haeresis) sint de praescriptione novitatis. Nunc quatenus admittenda congressio est, interdum, ne compendium praescriptionis ubique advocatum diffidentiae deputetur, regulam adversarii prius praetexam. (Lib. I, c. 1.) « Soleo, scribit et alibi, in praescriptione adversus haereses omnes, de testimonio temporum compendium figere, priorem vindicans regulam nostram omni haeretica pravitate. » (Lib. V, c. 19.) Neque aliter de hac re sentire video virum eruditum Joannem Kaye Lincolniensem episcopum in opere Anglica lingua conscripto, cui titulus Hist. Eccl. Saec. II et III ex Scriptis Tertulliani illustrata, p. 50. Caeterum, si quis propter initium hujus ipsius de Praescriptione haereticorum libelli ipsum ἀκέφαλον putet esse, quasi olim paecesserint nonnulla contra haereses aliquot scripta, huic quidem suspicioni opponi potest finis et conclusio ejus: « Sed nunc quidem, ait Auctor, generaliter actum est a nobis adversus haereses omnes certis et justis praescriptionibus repellendas a collatione Scripturarum. De reliquo, si Dei gratia annuerit, etiam specialiter quibusdam respondebimus. » Et Catalogus quidem haereticorum huic libro quandoque tanquam pars ejus subjungi solet. Idem vero cum in aliis exemplaribus, tum vero in Hirsaugiensi codice ei praecedebat. Sed de hoc opusculo, quod alius profecto a Tertulliano scriptoris videtur esse, plus infra. ROUTH.

Of the treatises of Tertullian that I edit (a), the first, On Prayer, is usually attributed to the author before his lapse into Montanism; but the other little book, On the Prescription of Heretics, is sometimes reckoned among his works composed after he had taken up the Montanist errors, because he seems to have promised it in his first book against Marcion when he had already become a Montanist, rather than on account of anything wrongly said in the treatise itself. For my part I certainly think that no trace at all of this heresy can be detected in this little work, nor that the paths of any doctrine not trodden by the Church appear there. Grant indeed that there is nothing at odds with Montanism in chapter 22 or 36; still, Tertullian sets out everything everywhere in the catholic manner and fashion. It may well be, however, that at the time when the Author was writing this little work he neither rejected nor accepted the new prophecies; yet he is not on that account to be judged a heretic, since he kept the faith of the Church. As for the passage of the first book Against Marcion in which some think this work is promised, we must remember that that dispute against Marcion arose and grew at different times, as Tertullian himself indicates at the beginning of the book. Indeed — and this deserves careful weighing — the words in question, as Ant. Fr. Vezzosi suggested on Cardinal Tommasi's Institutiones theologicae, vol. I, p. 8, do not necessarily mean some work yet to be published. I will set down the words: "But another little book," says Tertullian, "will maintain this position against the heretics, who are to be refuted even without a re-examination of their doctrines, namely that they (the heresies) fall under the prescription of novelty. For now, so far as engagement is admissible, I will sometimes first lay out my adversary's rule, lest the short cut of prescription, invoked everywhere, be set down to lack of confidence." (Book I, ch. 1.) "I am accustomed," he writes elsewhere too, "in the prescription against all heresies, to fix a short cut from the testimony of time, claiming priority for our rule over every heretical depravity." (Book V, ch. 19.) Nor do I find that learned man John Kaye, bishop of Lincoln, thinking otherwise on this matter, in his work written in English entitled The Ecclesiastical History of the Second and Third Centuries, Illustrated from the Writings of Tertullian, p. 50. For the rest, if anyone, because of the opening of this very book On the Prescription of Heretics, should think it headless, as if certain writings against some heresies had once gone before it, against this suspicion can be set its end and conclusion: "But for now," says the Author, "we have dealt in general against all heresies, that they are to be kept from the comparison of the Scriptures by sure and just prescriptions. For the rest, if the grace of God permits, we shall also answer some of them in particular." And indeed the Catalogue of heretics is sometimes appended to this book as part of it. Yet the same, both in other copies and especially in the Hirsau codex, preceded it. But of this little work, which seems certainly to be by a writer other than Tertullian, more below. ROUTH.

(printed under page 9)

(a) ‹anchor: quos edo› · call in col 9 (in the Commentarius, note 1)

In Script. eccles. Opera quaedam. Oxon, 1840.

In Scriptorum ecclesiasticorum opera quaedam [Certain Works of Ecclesiastical Writers], Oxford, 1840.

(printed under page 9)

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Editors' notes and page, col. 10

Footnotes

(2) ‹anchor: title — De Praescriptione haereticor.› · call in col 10

De Praescriptione haereticor. Talis est in vetustiss. exemplari hujusce libri titulus, quem et ab Auctore inditum fuisse arbitramur. Praescriptionem haereticorum dicit, quia praescribimus haereticis hoc ipso quod sint haeretici, quibus hanc unam exceptionem opponimus, quod adversus regulam dogmata proferant: itaque, ut minime audiendos, ab omni disputatione submovemus. Non agitur hic de alia praescriptione. Ipse Tertullianus, primo ad- (continues)

On the Prescription of Heretics. Such is the title of this book in the oldest copy, and we judge that it was given by the Author himself. He speaks of the prescription of heretics because we enter a prescription against heretics by the very fact that they are heretics, setting against them this one exception, that they bring forward doctrines contrary to the rule; and so we remove them from all disputation as not to be heard at all. No other kind of prescription is in question here. Tertullian himself, in the first [book] ag- (continues)

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Porro commuuis est Catholicorum sententia hoc opus eximium crescere intra haereseos septa nequivisse: viros doctissimos, amplissimosque recenseas velim huic opinioni suffragantes, videlicet Baronium (ad annum 197, n. 11), Tillemontium (Mémoires pour servir à l'Histoire ecclésiastique, t. III, note 6 sur Tertullien, p. 300 et suiv.); D. Remig. Cellerium (Histoire des auteurs ecclésiastiques, t. II, ch. 28, art. 6, p. 395); Fleury (Histoire ecclésiastique, t. II, liv. v. n, 28); J. A. Moehler (Patrologie, oder christiche Litterargeschichte) cujus utpote recentioris, ac proinde caeterorum plenius sensus referentis verba hic laudare non pigebit: « Ea est, inquit, hujusce libri meus, eo per integrum contexitur modo, quo pateat catholici auctoris sinceritas. Ubi enim in Montanistarum placita totus semel abierit, palamque ab Ecclesia discesserit, jam non licuisset eo rerum verborumque pondere et integritate asserere palmare hoc praescriptionis argumentum, quo deinceps a Catholicis ipsemet fuit agitatus vehementer ac perfossus. »
Further, it is the common opinion of Catholics that this excellent work could not have grown up within the enclosures of heresy. I would have you review the most learned and distinguished men who support this opinion, namely Baronius (at the year 197, n. 11), Tillemont (Mémoires pour servir à l'Histoire ecclésiastique, vol. III, note 6 on Tertullian, p. 300 and following); Dom Remi Ceillier (Histoire des auteurs ecclésiastiques, vol. II, ch. 28, art. 6, p. 395); Fleury (Histoire ecclésiastique, vol. II, bk. V, n. 28); J. A. Möhler (Patrologie, oder christliche Litterärgeschichte), whose words, as he is the more recent and therefore conveys the sense of the others more fully, it will not be irksome to quote here: "Such," he says, "is the mind of this book, and it is woven throughout in such a manner that the sincerity of a Catholic author is evident. For once he had gone over wholly to the tenets of the Montanists and had openly departed from the Church, he could no longer have asserted, with such weight and integrity of matter and words, this capital argument of prescription, by which he himself was afterwards vehemently pressed and pierced through by the Catholics."
Eosdem insuper ad id sentiendum triplex aliud movet argumentum: 1° nihil in hoc libro contineri quod apertam redoleat haeresim; 2° imo haud dubiis liquere signis Auctorem fuisse tunc temporis cum Ecclesia Romana communione consociatum; 3° nullibi vel minime de quodam Artemone, nequissimo haeresiarcha, Christo divinitatem abjudicante, meminisse: unde inferre licet, ante Artemonis tempora, ac proinde a Tertulliano nondum lapso librum fuisse conscriptum.
The same men are moved to hold this by a further threefold argument: first, that nothing is contained in this book which smacks of open heresy; second, that on the contrary it is clear by no doubtful signs that the Author was at that time united in communion with the Roman Church; third, that nowhere does he make even the least mention of a certain Artemon, a most wicked heresiarch who denied divinity to Christ. From which it may be inferred that the book was written before the times of Artemon, and therefore by Tertullian before he had fallen.
Haec et his similia afferre solent, nec tamen commode planeque oppugnant ipsiusmet Tertulliani testimonium post lapsum asseverantis, in libris adversus Marcionem, hunc de Praescriptionibus nondum fuisse editum, uti fusius videre est in dissertatione D. Lumper ad hujusce editionis frontem apposita.
These and similar things they are accustomed to bring forward; and yet they do not fitly and plainly meet the testimony of Tertullian himself, who, after his fall, asserts in the books against Marcion that this [book] on the Prescriptions had not yet been published, as may be seen more fully in the dissertation of Dom Lumper placed at the front of this edition.
Detur igitur necesse est, perpensis hinc inde momentis, media inter utramque sententiam semita, qua tuto coeant conveniantque dissentientes, nobisque ita videntur utrinque impelli, ut jam non ambigatur hoc opus alio fuisse conscriptum tempore, alioque in lucem editum.
It is therefore necessary, the weights on either side having been weighed, that a middle path be given between the two opinions, by which those who disagree may safely meet and come together; and to us they seem to be so driven from both sides that it can no longer be doubted that this work was written at one time and published at another.
Ac primo, Tertullianum arbitramur hunc librum concepisse primisque tabulis exaravisse, cum, Romae versatus, fide adhuc integer ac veluti aestu novitio ferox et superbiens, omnes haereses undique Sedem Apostolicam unanimi impetu obsidentes, ad Petram uno traditionis ictu allisas, conspexerit; ac simul cum summis viris qui in Urbe, eadem tempestate florebant, necessitate conjunctus, nempe cum Caio presbytero, Hippolytoque, illustribus prae cunctis S. Irenaei discipulis, ab ipsis tanti magistri libros acceperit, ab iisdem expeditissimam ad novatores quoslibet absque acie nec pugna debellandos, tutissimamque traditionum et praescriptionum viam, indagaverit, tenuerit, expertamque habuerit: indeque penitus in mente hoc infixum reposuerit consilium, novos nempe veritatis hostes ad judicium rapiendi, eosque, nec re perpensa, nec causa agitata, vi quarumdam duntaxat exceptionum, ab omni lite expellendi, damnatosque remittendi. (Cf. Eus. Hist. Eccles., l. II, c. 2, p. 41; Tertull. de Cultu, l. I, c. 6; S. Hier. Vir illustr., c. 53).
And first, we judge that Tertullian conceived this book and wrote it out in its first draft when, living at Rome, still sound in faith and, as it were, fierce and proud with the ardour of a newcomer, he beheld all the heresies, besieging the Apostolic See from every side with a united assault, dashed against the Rock by the single stroke of tradition; and at the same time, being joined by necessity with the eminent men who flourished in the City at that same season, namely with Caius the presbyter and with Hippolytus, disciples of St Irenaeus illustrious above all, he received from them the books of so great a master, and from the same men searched out, held and put to the test the readiest and safest way of traditions and prescriptions for vanquishing any innovators whatever without battle-line or fight; and thence laid up this plan, fixed deep in his mind: namely, to drag the new enemies of the truth to judgement and, without weighing the matter or arguing the case, by the force of certain exceptions alone, to expel them from every suit and send them away condemned. (Cf. Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, bk. II, ch. 2, p. 41; Tertullian, On the Apparel [of Women], bk. I, ch. 6; St Jerome, On Illustrious Men, ch. 53).
Quo consilio jam pene peracto, vel ad metam properante, subiit, sive ex clericorum Romanorum invidia, sive ex impotenti Septimii ingenio, acerrimoque viri Africani animo, lugenda sane procella, quae eum ab navi Ecclesiae et portu fidei catholicae in invios Montanismi scopulos abripuit. Interdum vero remansit Tertullianus veritatis aliquatenus indefessus assertor, et cum jam ultimam aetatis suae partem totam in certamina impenderet, non respuit exantlatos antea labores, ac in lucem emisit praeclarum illud Praescriptionis catholicae monumentum.
When this plan was already nearly accomplished, or hastening to its goal, there came on, whether from the envy of the Roman clergy or from the ungovernable temper of Septimius and the very fierce spirit of the African, a storm truly to be lamented, which snatched him away from the ship of the Church and the harbour of the Catholic faith onto the pathless rocks of Montanism. Meanwhile, however, Tertullian remained in some measure an unwearied champion of the truth, and when he was spending the whole last part of his life in contests, he did not reject the labours he had earlier toiled through, and brought to light that splendid monument of the Catholic Prescription.
Hinc nobis satius visum est hoc opus medium inter catholici, montanistaeque Tertulliani libros seponere, ratis nimirum hunc ad utramque ejus ingenii faciem, ambasque vitae ipsius partes respicere ac eodem titulo pertinere.
Hence it has seemed better to us to place this work midway between the books of the Catholic and of the Montanist Tertullian, reckoning, namely, that it looks to both faces of his mind and to both parts of his life, and belongs to them by the same title.
Editors' notes and page, col. 11

Footnotes

[Commentarius, continued from page 9. The larger-type editors' preface above the heading (on Tertullian's Roman contacts and the dating of the work) is not footnote matter and is not set here.] (printed under page 10)

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Editors' notes and page, col. 12

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ARGUMENTUM.
ARGUMENT.
Hunc librum licet in duas scindere partes, quarum prior praevia quaedam quinque perpendet momenta quae viam ad Praescriptiones sternunt, posterior vero novem praecipuos adversus haereses praescribendi modos exponit. Hinc
This book may be divided into two parts, of which the former weighs five preliminary points which pave the way to the Prescriptions, while the latter sets out nine principal modes of prescribing against heresies. Hence
Partis prioris
Of the former part
Propositio prima: oportere et haereses esse, et plurimum valere, multumque in subvertendas animas proficere .... I—III.
First proposition: that it is necessary both that there be heresies, and that they have very great strength, and that they make much headway in overthrowing souls .... I–III.
Prop. II. Fugiendas esse haereses, utpote dissensionibus et persecutionibus pejores .... IV—V.
Prop. II. That heresies are to be fled, as being worse than dissensions and persecutions .... IV–V.
Prop. III. Haeresim esse electionem, et in quo fit electio, inde damnationem .... VI.
Prop. III. That heresy is a choice, and that from that in which the choice is made comes condemnation .... VI.
Prop. IV. Cunctas haereses ab alterutro fonte, sive saecularis sapientiae sive prurientis curiositatis, dimanare .... VII—XII.
Prop. IV. That all heresies flow from one or other of two springs, either worldly wisdom or itching curiosity .... VII–XII.
Prop. V. Integram servandam esse fidei regulam, nec in litem unquam esse discerpendam. XIII—XIV.
Prop. V. That the rule of faith is to be kept entire, and never to be torn apart in dispute. XIII–XIV.
Pars posterior.
The latter part.
Hanc PRIMAM exhibet praescriptionem, haereticos ad disputandum de Scriptura non esse audiendos .... XV—XIX.
It presents this as the FIRST prescription: that heretics are not to be heard in disputing about Scripture .... XV–XIX.
SECUNDAM. Ab ipso Christo apostolos, ab apostolis Ecclesias sanam disciplinam posteris transferendam accepisse, nec aliunde ullam esse accipiendam .... XX—XXVII.
The SECOND: that the apostles received from Christ Himself, and the Churches from the apostles, sound teaching to be handed on to posterity, and that none is to be received from elsewhere .... XX–XXVII.
TERTIAM. Ideo veram Ecclesiae doctrinam, quia unam: falsam vero haereticorum, quod diversam. XXVIII.
The THIRD: that the doctrine of the Church is therefore true because it is one; but that of the heretics false because it is divided. XXVIII.
QUARTAM. Illud verum et divinum, quod prius traditum .... XXIX—XXXI.
The FOURTH: that that is true and divine which was handed down first .... XXIX–XXXI.
QUINTAM. Firmum esse verae Ecclesiae testimonium continuam ab apostolis episcoporum successionem .... XXXII.
The FIFTH: that the unbroken succession of bishops from the apostles is a firm testimony of the true Church .... XXXII.
SEXTAM. Vera est disciplina nostra, quae ab apostolis utique non damnatur, imo defenditur; falsa vero quaelibet alia, utpote apostolis aliena vel incognita .... XXXIII—XXXV.
The SIXTH: our teaching is true, which is certainly not condemned by the apostles, but rather defended; but any other is false, as being foreign or unknown to the apostles .... XXXIII–XXXV.
SEPTIMAM. Ad inveniendam veritatem consulendas esse Ecclesias apostolicas ac prae omnibus felicem Ecclesiam cui totam doctrinam apostoli cum sanguine suo profuderunt .... XXXVI—XXXVII.
The SEVENTH: that to find the truth the apostolic Churches are to be consulted, and above all that happy Church into which the apostles poured out their whole doctrine together with their blood .... XXXVI–XXXVII.
OCTAVAM. Jus nullum in Sacras Scripturas haereticis competere .... XXXVIII—XL.
The EIGHTH: that no right in the Sacred Scriptures belongs to heretics .... XXXVIII–XL.
NONAM. Nullam veritatem inesse cum perversa haereticorum conversatione; ubi vero metum in Deum, ibi gravitatem honestam, et communicationem deliberatam, et promotionem emeritam, et subjectionem religiosam, et apparitionem devotam, et processionem modestam, et Ecclesiam unitam, et Dei omnia .... XLI—XLV.
The NINTH: that no truth is present with the perverse conduct of the heretics; but where there is fear towards God, there is honourable seriousness, and considered communion, and promotion earned, and religious submission, and devoted attendance, and modest procession, and a united Church, and all things of God .... XLI–XLV.
Subjiciuntur ultima capita quae catalogum haereticorum continent, de cujus αὐθεντίᾳ videsis annotationem his capitibus annexam. EDD.
Appended are the last chapters, which contain a catalogue of heretics; concerning its authenticity see the annotation attached to those chapters. THE EDITORS.
Librum de Praescriptionibus haereticorum denuo recensuit vir doctissimus Martinus Josephus Routh, S. T. P. in Scriptorum eccles. Opuscula praecipua quaedam. Oxonii 1840. Ejus notas, cum Tertulliani opera typis iterum (1864) mandaremus, editioni novae deesse noluimus.
The book on the Prescription of heretics was edited anew by the most learned Martin Joseph Routh, S.T.P., in Scriptorum ecclesiasticorum Opuscula praecipua quaedam, Oxford 1840. When we were committing the works of Tertullian to type again (1864), we did not wish his notes to be lacking from the new edition.
ARGUMENTUM PER JACOBUM PAMELIUM.
ARGUMENT BY JACOBUS PAMELIUS.
Adversus haereticos, sive haereses tum temporis grassantes, scripturus Tertullianus, videns disputationibus sive nihil aut parum profici, certis praescriptionibus, sive doctrinarum retractatu (uti ipse alibi loquitur), revincendos existimavit.
Tertullian, being about to write against the heretics, or the heresies raging at that time, and seeing that by disputations either nothing or little is gained, judged that they were to be refuted by sure prescriptions, without (as he himself says elsewhere) re-handling of doctrines.
DE PRAESCRIPTIONIBUS ADVERSUS HAERETICOS.
ON THE PRESCRIPTIONS AGAINST THE HERETICS.
CAPUT PRIMUM.
Chapter I.
Priusquam autem ad propositum veniat, docet non oportere nos admirari super haereses, eo quod praenuntiatae fuerint.
But before he comes to his subject, he teaches that we ought not to marvel at heresies, because they were foretold.
Conditio praesentium temporum etiam hanc admonitionem
The condition of the present times calls forth from us this admonition also
Editors' notes and page, col. 13

Footnotes

[Above the title: the end of the editors' synopsis of chapters and Pamelius's Argumentum — editors' matter in larger type, not footnotes, not set here. The footnote layer is the editors' starred note under the Argumentum, and the Variae lectiones under the author's text.] (*) ‹anchor: annotationem his capitibus annexam. Edd.› · call in col 13 Librum de Praescriptionibus haereticorum denuo recensuit vir doctissimus Martinus Josephus Routh, S. T. P. in Scriptorum eccles. Opuscula praecipua quaedam. Oxonii 1840. Ejus notas, cum Tertulliani opera typis iterum (1864) mandaremus, editioni novae deesse noluimus.

The book On the Prescriptions of Heretics was edited afresh by that most learned man Martin Joseph Routh, S.T.P. [Professor of Sacred Theology], in Scriptorum ecclesiasticorum opuscula praecipua quaedam [Certain Principal Short Works of Ecclesiastical Writers], Oxford, 1840. When we were printing Tertullian's works a second time (1864), we did not wish his notes to be missing from the new edition.

Variae lectiones. 1 ‹anchor: Conditio praesentium temporum› · call in col 13 Jun. et Paris, inserunt fratres coll. c. 29.

Junius and the Paris edition insert "brothers" [i.e. "fratres", the address]; compare ch. 29.

2 ‹anchor: tentationem, habeat› · call in col 14 Haberet Seml. Venet. Rig.

"Haberet" ("would have"): Semler, the Venice edition, Rigault.

(printed under page 11)

Page

  • running head: 13 LIBER DE PRAESCRIPTIONIBUS. 14 (one head across cols 13-14)
  • marginal letters: (none)
  • old-edition numerals: 12 after haereticos (in "Hanc PRIMAM exhibet praescriptionem, haereticos")
PL 2:14
provocat nostram: non oportere nos mirari super haereses istas, sive quia sunt, futurae enim praenuntiabantur; sive quia fidem quorumdam subvertunt, ad hoc enim sunt, ut fides, habendo tentationem, habeat etiam probationem. Vane
not to marvel at these heresies, either because they exist, for they were foretold as things to come; or because they overthrow the faith of some, for they exist for this purpose: that faith, by having temptation, may also have proof. Vainly
Editors' notes and page, col. 14

Page

  • running head: 13 LIBER DE PRAESCRIPTIONIBUS. 14 (one head across cols 13-14)
  • marginal letters: (none)
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
  • other: the upper part of col. 14 is the right half of the full-width editors' ARGUMENTUM, its note (*), the ARGUMENTUM PER JACOBUM PAMELIUM and the work's title, all set once in c13_a.md. Col. 14's text begins "monitionem", set whole at the end of col. 13 (joined on receipt; the English of "admonitionem" stands in c13). Last word "Vane" set as printed; col. 15's top not seen, so whether it is complete or hyphen-free is unconfirmed (no hyphen visible). Variae lectiones call 2 after "habeat" omitted.
PL 2:15
ergo et inconsiderate plerique hoc ipso scandalizantur, quod tantum haereses valeant. Quantum si non fuissent! Cum quod sortitum est, ut omnimodo sit, sicut causam accipit ob quam sit, sic vim consequitur per quam sit, nec esse non possit.
therefore many also are thoughtlessly scandalized by this very fact, that heresies have so much strength. How much [more], if they had not existed! Since what has been allotted to exist in every way, just as it receives the cause on account of which it exists, so it obtains the force through which it exists, and cannot not exist.
CAPUT II.
Chapter II.
Sed abominandas potius et praecavendas, tanquam mortem aeternam afferentes, nihil virium habentes, nisi apud eos qui in fide infirmi sunt.
But [heresies are] rather to be abhorred and guarded against, as bringing eternal death, having no strength except among those who are weak in faith.
Febrem denique, inter caeteros mortiferos et cruciarios exitus erogando homini deputatam, neque quia est miramur, est enim; neque quia erogat hominem, ad hoc enim est. Proinde haereses, ad languorem et interitum fidei productas, si expavescimus hoc eas posse, prius est, ut expavescamus hoc eas esse: quae, dum sunt, habent posse; et dum possunt, habent esse. Sed enim febrem, ut malum et de causa et de potentia sua, ut notum est, abominamur potius quam miramur, et, quantum in nobis est, praecavemus. non habentes abolitionem ejus in nostra potestate; haereses vero, mortem aeternam et majoris ignis ardorem inferentes, malunt quidam mirari quod hoc possint, quam devitare ne possint, cum habeant
A fever, to take an example, assigned among the other deadly and tormenting ends for doing away with a man, we do not wonder at because it exists, for it does exist; nor because it does away with a man, for it exists for this. Likewise with heresies, produced for the weakening and destruction of faith: if we are terrified that they can do this, we ought first to be terrified that they exist; for while they exist they have power, and while they have power they exist. But a fever, as an evil both in its cause and in its power, as is well known, we abhor rather than wonder at, and, as far as lies in us, we guard against it, not having its abolition in our power; but heresies, which bring eternal death and the burning of a greater fire, some prefer to wonder at because they can do this, rather than to avoid their being able to, since they have
Editors' notes and page, col. 15

Footnotes

Variae lectiones. [Set across the full page width; calls 3–14 stand in col 15 (read on the column images), calls 15–19 in col 16.] 3 ‹anchor: Quantum si non fuissent› · call in col 15 Quantum sint Seml. Pam. Utrumvis delendum censet Heumann.

"Quantum sint" ("how much they exist"): Semler, Pamelius. Heumann thinks either of the two should be deleted.

4 ‹anchor: Cum quod› · call in col 15 Quid Venet. Pam. Rig.

"Quid" ("what"): Venice edition, Pamelius, Rigault.

5 ‹anchor: est, ut› · call in col 15 Ut supprim. Seml.

"Ut" is suppressed by Semler.

6 ‹anchor: sicut› · call in col 15 Sicut supprim. Venet. Rig.

"Sicut" is suppressed by the Venice edition and Rigault.

7 ‹anchor: sic› · call in col 15 Haec pro sic Venet. Rig.

"Haec" for "sic": Venice edition, Rigault.

8 ‹anchor: vim consequitur› · call in col 15 Consequitur Jun. Wouw.

"Consequitur": Junius, Wouwer.

9 ‹anchor: nec› · call in col 15 Ne Venet. Gourcy, Rig. Pam.

"Ne": Venice edition, de Gourcy, Rigault, Pamelius.

10 ‹anchor: esse non possit› · call in col 15 Necesse est ut possit Wouw. Cum quid sortitum est ut omnimodo sit, sicut causam accipit ob quam sit, sic vim consequitur per quam sit, ne esse non possit. Routh.

"Necesse est ut possit" ("it must be able"): Wouwer. When a thing has been allotted to exist by all means, then, just as it receives a cause on account of which it exists, so it obtains a power through which it exists, lest it be unable to exist. Routh.

11 ‹anchor: cruciarios› · call in col 15 Cruciatorios alii volunt.

Others want "cruciatorios" ("tormenting").

12 ‹anchor: exitus erogando› · call in col 15 Aegrotando, et paulo post aegrotat, in exemplari leger. Le Pr. Venet.

"Aegrotando" ("by being sick"), and a little after "aegrotat" ("is sick"), was read in the copy: Le Prieur, Venice edition.

13 ‹anchor: ut expavescamus› · call in col 15 Expaveamus alii; alii vero expavescantur.

Some read "expaveamus" ("let us dread"); others "expavescantur" ("let them be dreaded").

14 ‹anchor: ardorem inferentes› · call in col 15 Inferenteis Rig. Pam. Venet.

"Inferenteis" [old spelling of "inferentes", "bringing on"]: Rigault, Pamelius, Venice edition.

15 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 16 Etenim Franeq.

"Etenim" ("for indeed"): Franeker edition.

16 ‹anchor: nisi› · call in col 16 Mirum pro nisi Heuman.

"Mirum" ("strange") for "nisi" ("unless"): Heumann.

17 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 16 Parum alii.

Others read "parum" ("too little").

18 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 16 Infirmiores Rig. Venet. ex Agobardi exemplari antiquissimo.

"Infirmiores" ("the weaker"): Rigault, Venice edition, from Agobard's very ancient copy.

19 ‹anchor: et usitatissimi› · call in col 16 Vetustissimi. Seml. ex antiquis exemplaribus.

"Vetustissimi" ("most ancient"): Semler, from ancient copies.

Commentarius. (printed under page 12)

(3) ‹anchor: lemma — Quantum si non fuissent› · call in col 15 (after the variant call 3)

Quantum si non fuissent! Si mirantur, inquit, quod tantum haereses valeant; quantum mirarentur, si omnino haereses non fuissent! Quod sane majore multo admiratione dignum foret, cum Spiritus sanctus futuras praedixerit, nec falli potuerit. Hunc locum, antea depravatissimum, emendavimus ope exemplaris Agobardi, cui consonat etiam Divionense. LE PR. — Quod tantum haereses valeant, quantum sint. Istud quantum sint editionis principis lectio est probante Pamelio, itidem Junio in notis editioni Franekerianae adnexis, ubi ait, « Recte, nam τὸ εἶναι haereseon valere est; cum primum valent, sunt; cum primum non valent, desinunt esse. » Exstitit et haec lectio referente Pamelio, apud Quintinum in editione hujus tractatus, Gallicumque ejusdem interpretem Macerium. Quantum sunt, exhibent Delacerda, qui Tertullianum edidit Parisiis anno 1630, Christianusque Lupus in edit. hujus libelli Bruxellis anno 1675 typis mandata. Hic enim lectionem Rigaltianam, Quantum si non fuissent? repudiavit; cujus quidem lectionis origo haec fuit. Ad marginem scilicet editionis principis ab ipso editore Beato Rhenano positum est, Alias, quantum sint, fuissent. Et ad tertiam editionem suam anno 1528, idem Rhenanus hoc adnotavit: « Scripsimus quantum si non fuissent, consentientibus exemplaribus plurimis. » Memoratque in hac parte Vaticanum codicem ms. Pamelius. Tum vero in edit. Paris. 1556 excusa, quae quidem, ut dixi, Gelenianae repetitio est, hoc exstat, Quantum non valerent, si non fuissent. Imo exstare hanc lectionem nunc video in editione Paris., anno 1545, a Gangneio, ut fertur, adornata, quinque annos ante ipsam Gelenianam typis impressa. Denique ope usus exemplarium Agobardi et Divionensis Rigaltius, spreto judicio Pamelii, et Junii, illud, quantum si non fuissent, cum interrogationis signo, in editionem suam posteriorem recepit, quae anno 1634 prodiit. Conjecerat autem Latinus Latinius in Bibliotheca sua Sacra et Profana, p. 197, emendandum esse, non quantum sint pro quantum sint. Ego nulla harum lectionum contentus reponere ausim, quantum possint pro quantum sint, ut locus ita legatur: Quod tantum haereses valeant, quantum psssint. ROUTH.

"How much, if they had not existed!" If they wonder, he says, that heresies have so much strength, how much would they wonder if there had been no heresies at all! That would indeed be worthy of far greater wonder, since the Holy Spirit foretold that they would come and could not be deceived. This passage, formerly very corrupt, we have emended with the help of Agobard's copy, with which the Dijon copy also agrees. LE PRIEUR. — "That heresies have as much strength as they have being." This "quantum sint" is the reading of the first edition, approved by Pamelius and likewise by Junius in the notes appended to the Franeker edition, where he says: "Rightly, for the being of heresies is to have strength; as soon as they have strength, they exist; as soon as they lack it, they cease to be." This reading also stood, as Pamelius reports, in Quintin's edition of this treatise, and in its French translator Macé. "Quantum sunt" is given by de la Cerda, who edited Tertullian at Paris in 1630, and by Christian Lupus in his edition of this little book printed at Brussels in 1675; for he rejected Rigault's reading, "How much, if they had not existed?" The origin of that reading was this: in the margin of the first edition the editor himself, Beatus Rhenanus, put "Otherwise: quantum sint, fuissent". And in his third edition, of 1528, the same Rhenanus noted: "We have written 'quantum si non fuissent', with very many copies agreeing." And Pamelius mentions at this point a Vatican manuscript. Then in the Paris edition printed in 1556, which, as I said, is a reprint of Gelenius's, we find "Quantum non valerent, si non fuissent" ("how little strength they would have, if they had not existed"). Indeed I now see that this reading stands in the Paris edition of 1545, prepared, it is said, by Gagny, printed five years before Gelenius's own. Finally Rigault, using the copies of Agobard and Dijon, set aside the judgement of Pamelius and Junius and took "quantum si non fuissent", with a question mark, into his later edition, which appeared in 1634. Latinus Latinius, however, in his Bibliotheca Sacra et Profana, p. 197, had conjectured that "non quantum sint" should be read for "quantum sint". Content with none of these readings, I would venture to restore "quantum possint" for "quantum sint", so that the passage reads: "that heresies have as much strength as they are able to have" [printed "psssint"]. ROUTH.

(printed under page 12)

(4) ‹anchor: lemma — Erogando homini› · call in col 15 (after "homini")

Erogando homini. Hanc lectionem, quae est Rigaltii, et vera videtur, servare libet. Verbum erogo adhibuit Tertullianus pluribus in locis eodem, ut patet, sensu quem interimo exprimeret; ut, v. gr.: tot innocentes erogamur (Apologet. cap. 44), caro suppliciis erogatur (de carnis Resur. cap. 8), virginis erogatorem (de Pudicitia, cap. 16). EDD. ex Oper. D. DE GOURCY.

"For destroying a man." This reading, which is Rigault's and seems correct, we choose to keep. Tertullian used the verb "erogo" in several places in the same sense, evidently, that "interimo" ("to kill") would express; for example: "so many of us innocent are done away with" (Apology, ch. 44), "the flesh is spent in punishments" (On the Resurrection of the Flesh, ch. 8), "the destroyer of a virgin" (On Modesty, ch. 16). THE EDITORS, from the work of M. DE GOURCY.

(printed under page 12)

(5) ‹anchor: lemma — Abominamur potius quam miramur› · call in col 15 (after "miramur")

Abominamur potius quam miramur. Mirum non est tot haereses exstare: et quemadmodum, si febris contingat, non miramur, sed ejus depellendae modum quaerimus, ita de haeresi agendum, et modis omnibus enitendum ne subolescat. Attende aurea verba Augustini (lib. III contra Jul. cap. 3): « Mira sunt, quae dicitis, o Pelagiani; nova sunt, quae dicitis; falsa sunt, quae dicitis: mira stupemus, nova cavemus, falsa convincimus. »

"We abhor rather than wonder." It is no wonder that so many heresies exist; and just as, if a fever comes, we do not wonder at it but seek a way to drive it off, so we must deal with heresy, and strive by every means that it not grow up. Mark the golden words of Augustine (Against Julian, Book III, ch. 3): "Strange are the things you say, Pelagians; new are the things you say; false are the things you say. The strange we are astonished at, the new we beware of, the false we refute."

(printed under page 12)

(6) ‹anchor: lemma — Etiam superatus recedit› · call not visible (col 16)

Etiam superatus recedit. Loquitur Septimius hoc loco de athletarum compositione in agonibus usitata. ROUTH.

"Even when beaten he withdraws." Septimius speaks here of the pairing of athletes customary in the games. ROUTH.

(printed under page 12)

Page

  • running head: TERTULLIANI OPERUM P[...] (cut off at right edge), column number 15 at left
  • marginal letters: A ‹ergo et inconsiderate plerique›; B ‹vescamus hoc eas esse›; C ‹(3) Quantum si non fuissent (Commentarius)›; D ‹sent? repudiavit (Commentarius)›
  • old-edition numerals: 18 after scandalizantur,
  • other: last word "ha-" split at column break (habeant, set whole at the end of col 15); the headings "Variae lectiones." and "Commentarius." are printed across the page; margin letters C and D stand beside the commentary, not the text
PL 2:16
devitandi potestatem. Caeterum nihil valebunt, si illas tantum valere non mirentur. Aut enim, dum mirantur, in scandalum subministrantur; aut, quia scandalizantur, ideo mirantur, quasi, quod tantum valeant, ex aliqua veniat veritate. Mirum scilicet, ut malum vires suas habeat; nisi quod haereses apud eos multum valeant, qui in fide non valent. In pugna pugilum et gladiatorum, plerumque non quia fortis est vincit quis, aut quia non potest vinci, sed quoniam ille, qui victus est, nullis viribus fuit; adeo idem ille victor bene valenti postea comparatus, etiam superatus recedit. Non aliter haereses de quorumdam infirmitatibus habent quod valent, nihil valentes, si in bene valentem fidem incurrant.
the power of avoiding [them]. But they will have no strength if people do not marvel that they have so much strength. For either, while they marvel, they are supplied as matter for stumbling; or, because people are made to stumble, they therefore marvel, as if the fact that they have so much strength came from some truth. A marvel, to be sure, that evil should have its own strength! except that heresies have much strength among those who have no strength in the faith. In a contest of boxers and gladiators, for the most part a man conquers not because he is strong, or because he cannot be conquered, but because the one who was conquered had no strength at all; so much so that that same victor, matched afterwards against one in good strength, even withdraws overcome. In no other way do heresies draw the strength they have from the weaknesses of certain people, having no strength at all if they run up against a faith in good strength.
CAPUT III.
Chapter III.
Neque scandalizari quemquam oportere si episcopus, si diaconus, si vidua, si virgo, si doctor, si etiam martyr lapsus a regula fuerit, quia ex personis non probatur fides, sed ex fide personae.
That no one ought to be made to stumble if a bishop, if a deacon, if a widow, if a virgin, if a teacher, if even a martyr has fallen away from the rule, because faith is not proved from persons, but persons from faith.
Solent quidem isti miriones etiam de quibusdam personis, ab haeresi captis, aedificari in ruinam: quare ille vel ille, fidelissimi, prudentissimi, et usitatissimi in Ecclesia, in illam partem transierunt? Quis, hoc dicens, non ipse sibi respondet,
Those marvellers are indeed accustomed to be built up unto ruin even by certain persons taken captive by heresy: why have this man or that man, the most faithful, the most prudent and the most practised in the Church, gone over to that side? Who, saying this, does not himself answer himself,
Editors' notes and page, col. 16

Page

  • running head: IANI OPERUM PARS II. 16 (left part cut off at image edge)
  • marginal letters: A beant devitandi potestatem; B Neque scandalizari quemquam; C ipsam Gelenianam typis (in the Commentarius); D (5) Abominamur potius (in the Commentarius)
  • old-edition numerals: 14 after veniat
  • other: column begins with fragment "beant" of a word broken from col. 15; ends mid-sentence at "respondet,"; several worn t's look like l (valebunl, ierunl, usilatissimi), set as t; "probatur" printed with a stray mark over o; Variae lectiones and Commentarius (editors' notes by Routh, De Gourcy et al.) at page foot not set
PL 2:17
neque prudentes, neque fideles, neque usitatos aestimandos, quos haereses potuerint demutare? Et hoc mirum (opinor) ut probatus aliqui retro, postea excidat? Saul, bonus prae caeteris, livore postea evertitur. David, vir bonus secundum cor Domini, postea caedis et stupri reus est. Salomon, omni gratia et sapientia donatus a Domino, ad idololatriam a mulieribus inducitur. Soli enim Dei Filio servabatur sine delicto permanere. Quid ergo si episcopus, si diaconus, si vidua, si virgo, si doctor, si etiam martyr lapsus a regula fuerit, ideo haereses veritatem videbuntur obtinere? Ex personis probamus fidem, an ex fide personas? Nemo sapiens est, nisi fidelis : nemo major, nisi Christianus : nemo autem Christianus, nisi qui ad finem usque perseveraverit (Matth. X, 22). Tu, ut homo, exstrinsecus unumquemque nosti; putas, quod vides; vides autem, quousque oculos habes. Sed oculi, inquit, Domini alti. Homo in faciem, Deus in praecordia contemplatur (I Reg. XVI, 7). Et ideo, cognoscit Dominus qui sunt ejus (II Tim. II, 19); et plantam quam non plantavit Pater, eradicat (Matth. XV, 13) : et de primis novissimos ostendit (Matth. XX, 16); et ventilabrum in manu portat ad purgandam aream suam. (Matth. III, 12.) Avolent quantum volent paleae levis fidei quocunque afflatu tentationum; eo purior massa frumenti in horrea Domini reponetur. Nonne ab ipso Domino quidam discentium scandalizati deverterunt? Nec tamen propterea caeteri quoque discedendum a vestigiis ejus putaverunt; sed, qui scierunt illum vitae esse Verbum et a Deo venisse, perseveraverunt in comitatu ejus usque ad finem, cum illis, si vellent et ipsi discedere, placide obtulisset. Minus est, si
that those are to be reckoned neither prudent, nor faithful, nor practised whom heresies have been able to change? And is this a wonder (I think), that someone approved in the past should afterwards fall away? Saul, good beyond the rest, is afterwards overthrown by envy. David, a good man according to the heart of the Lord, is afterwards guilty of murder and adultery. Solomon, endowed by the Lord with every grace and wisdom, is led by women into idolatry. For to the Son of God alone was it reserved to remain without sin. What then, if a bishop, if a deacon, if a widow, if a virgin, if a teacher, if even a martyr has fallen from the rule, will heresies therefore seem to possess the truth? Do we test the faith by the persons, or the persons by the faith? No one is wise unless he is faithful; no one is greater unless he is a Christian; and no one is a Christian except him who shall have persevered even to the end (Matt. 10:22). You, as a man, know each one from the outside; you think what you see; but you see only as far as you have eyes. But the eyes, it says, of the Lord are lofty. Man looks upon the face, God upon the heart (1 Sam. 16:7). And therefore the Lord knows those who are His (2 Tim. 2:19); and the plant which the Father has not planted He roots up (Matt. 15:13); and from the first He shows the last (Matt. 20:16); and He carries the winnowing fan in His hand to cleanse His threshing floor (Matt. 3:12). Let the chaff of a light faith fly off as much as it will at every gust of temptations; all the purer will the mass of wheat be laid up in the barns of the Lord. Did not some of the disciples, scandalized, turn away from the Lord Himself? Yet the rest did not on that account think that they too must depart from His footsteps; but those who knew that He was the Word of life and had come from God persevered in His company even to the end, although He had calmly offered them, if they wished, to depart as well. It is a lesser thing, if
Editors' notes and page, col. 17

Footnotes

Variae lectiones. 20 ‹anchor: et ventilabrum› · call in col 17 Palam Franeq. Paris. et probat Junius coll. lib. de Fuga in persecut., sic et Irenaeus, Augustinus ad Macrob. Arnob. annotat et Juvencus.

"Palam" ("openly"): the Franeker and Paris editions, and Junius approves it, comparing the book On Flight in Persecution; so too Irenaeus, Augustine to Macrobius; Arnobius notes it, and Juvencus.

21 ‹anchor: quantum volent› · call in col 17 Volunt Semler.

"Volunt" ("they wish"): Semler.

22 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 17 or 18 Praenuntiationum Rig. Venet.

"Praenuntiationum" ("of the forewarnings"): Rigault, Venice edition.

23 ‹anchor: Nunc sunt› · call in col 18 Hoc erunt Seml. Pam.

"Hoc erunt" ("this is what heresies will be"): Semler, Pamelius.

Commentarius. (printed under page 13)

(7) ‹anchor: lemma — Soli enim Dei Filio servabatur sine delicto permanere› · call not visible

Soli enim Dei Filio servabatur sine delicto permanere: Non mirum si nec beatissimam Virginem hic addiderit Christo, qui, libro de Carne Christi, de ea scripserit minus consentanea sequentium aetatum theologis. Laudabili sane affectu Augustinus, lib. de Natura et Gratia, adversus Pelag., dixit: « De sancta virgine Maria, propter honorem Domini, nullam prorsus, cum de peccatis agitur, habere volo quaestionem. » RIG. — Eadem exceptione usa est oecumenica Tridentina synodus. EDD. ex Opere D. DE GOURCY.

"For to the Son of God alone was it reserved to remain without sin." No wonder he has not added the most blessed Virgin to Christ here, since in the book On the Flesh of Christ he wrote of her things that agree less well with the theologians of later ages. With truly praiseworthy feeling Augustine said, in the book On Nature and Grace against the Pelagians: "Concerning the holy Virgin Mary, for the honour of the Lord, I wish to raise no question at all when sins are being discussed." RIGAULT. — The ecumenical Synod of Trent made the same exception. THE EDITORS, from the work of M. DE GOURCY.

(printed under page 13)

(8) ‹anchor: lemma — A regula› · call not visible

A regula. Id est, a symbolo, a fide catholica. Adi cap. 13. SEMLER.

"From the rule": that is, from the creed, from the catholic faith. See ch. 13. SEMLER.

(printed under page 13)

(9) ‹anchor: vitae esse Verbum› · call in col 17

Qui scierunt illum vitae esse verbum. Diversum paulo sensum exhibet textus originalis (Joan., VI, 69), quem fideliter retulit Vulgata nostra, necnon variae versiones Orientalium. Pro verba vitae aeternae habes, Noster vitae esse Verbum Christum dicere maluit. Atqui notavit La Cerda, in Comment., hunc locum Scripturae plures Patres non aliter ac Tertullianum interpretatos esse. EDD. ex opere D. DE GOURCY.

"Who knew that he was the Word of life." The original text (John 6:69 [6:68]), which our Vulgate faithfully renders, as do the various Eastern versions, gives a somewhat different sense. For "you have the words of eternal life", our Author preferred to say that Christ is the Word of life. Yet La Cerda noted in his Commentary that several Fathers interpreted this passage of Scripture just as Tertullian did. THE EDITORS, from the work of M. DE GOURCY.

(printed under page 13)

(10) ‹anchor: lemma — Phygellus et Hermogenes› · call not visible

Phygellus et Hermogenes. — Scis hoc quod aversi sunt a me omnes, qui in Asia sunt, ex quibus est Phygellus et Hermogenes. Haec Paulus, II ad Tim. I, et de illis Ambrosius: Fallacia pleni erant; simulabant enim amicitias cum apostolo, ut adhaerentes ei addiscerent, unde illi calumniam facerent, aut per alios immitterent. Tertull., lib. de Resurr. carnis, cap. 24, hunc Hermogenem recenset inter haereticos carnis resurrectionem abnegantes. RIG.

"Phygellus and Hermogenes." — "You know that all who are in Asia have turned away from me, among whom are Phygellus and Hermogenes." So Paul, 2 Timothy 1 [:15]; and Ambrose says of them: "They were full of deceit; for they feigned friendship with the apostle so that, by keeping close to him, they might learn matter for slandering him, or for setting others on him." Tertullian, in the book On the Resurrection of the Flesh, ch. 24, counts this Hermogenes among the heretics who deny the resurrection of the flesh. RIGAULT.

(printed under page 13)

(11) ‹anchor: lemma — Et Philetus et Hymenaeus› · call not visible

Et Philetus et Hymenaeus. Paulus, II ad Tim. cap. II: Et sermo eorum ut cancer serpit, ex quibus est Hymenaeus et Philetus, qui a veritate exciderunt dicentes resurrectionem esse jam factam, et subverterunt quorumdam fidem. RIG.

"Both Philetus and Hymenaeus." Paul, 2 Timothy ch. 2 [:17–18]: "And their talk spreads like a canker; among them are Hymenaeus and Philetus, who have fallen away from the truth, saying that the resurrection has already happened, and have overturned the faith of some." RIGAULT.

(printed under page 13)

(12) ‹anchor: lemma — Instruit Dominus, etc.› · call not visible

Instruit Dominus, etc. Ad verbum fere hunc locum imitatur B. Cyprianus, lib. ad Novatianum haereticum: « Praedixerat quidem, inquit, Dominus, multos esse venturos, sub pellibus ovium, rapaces lupos. Qui sunt isti rapaces lupi, nisi sensus subdoli? » PAM.

"The Lord instructs," etc. Blessed Cyprian imitates this passage almost word for word in the book To Novatian the heretic: "The Lord had foretold," he says, "that many would come, ravening wolves in sheepskins. Who are these ravening wolves, if not deceitful minds?" PAMELIUS.

(printed under page 13)

Page

  • running head: 17 LIBER DE PRÆSCRIPTI[...] (cut off at the image edge)
  • marginal letters: A ‹neque prudentes, neque fideles›; B ‹homo, exstrinsecus unumquemque nosti›; C ‹propterea caeteri quoque discedendum›; D ‹Augustinus, lib. de Natura et Gratia› (in the commentary)
  • old-edition numerals: 15 after ‹servabatur›
PL 2:18
et apostolum ejus aliquis Phygellus, et Hermogenes, et Philetus, et Hymenaeus reliquerunt (II Tim. I, 15; I Tim. I, 20): ipse traditor Christi de apostolis fuit. Miramur de Ecclesiis ejus, si a quibusdam deseruntur, cum ea nos ostendant Christianos, quae patimur ad exemplum ipsius Christi: Ex nobis, inquit (I Joan. II, 19), prodierunt, sed non fuerunt ex nobis; si fuissent ex nobis, permansissent utique nobiscum.
a certain Phygellus, and Hermogenes, and Philetus, and Hymenaeus abandoned His apostle too (2 Tim. 1:15; 1 Tim. 1:20); the very betrayer of Christ was from among the apostles. We marvel concerning His churches if they are deserted by certain people, although the things which we suffer after the example of Christ Himself show us to be Christians: They went out from us, he says (1 John 2:19), but they were not of us; if they had been of us, they would surely have remained with us.
CAPUT IV.
Chapter IV.
Quin potius memores simus tam dominicarum pronuntiationum quam apostolicarum litterarum, quae futuras haereses praenuntiarunt, et fugiendas praefinierunt.
Rather let us be mindful both of the Lord's pronouncements and of the apostolic letters, which foretold that heresies would come and prescribed that they be shunned.
Quin potius memores simus tam dominicarum pronuntiationum, quam apostolicarum litterarum, quae nobis et futuras haereses praenuntiarunt, et fugiendas praefinierunt; et sicut esse illas non expavescimus, ita posse id, propter quod fugiendae sunt, non miremur. Instruit Dominus multos esse venturos, sub pellibus ovium, rapaces lupos. Quaenam istae sunt pelles ovium, nisi nominis Christiani extrinsecus superficies? qui lupi rapaces, nisi sensus et spiritus subdoli, ad infestandum gregem Christi extrinsecus delitescentes? qui pseudoprophetae sunt, nisi falsi praedicatores? qui pseudapostoli, nisi adulteri evangelizatores? qui antichristi interim et semper, nisi Christi rebelles? Nunc sunt haereses, non minus doctrinarum perversitate Ecclesiam lacessantes, quam tunc Antichristus persecutionum atrocitate persequetur: nisi quod persecutio et martyres facit, haeresis apostatas tantum. Et ideò haereses quoque oportebat esse ut probabiles quique manifestarentur
Rather let us be mindful both of the Lord's pronouncements and of the apostolic letters, which both foretold to us that heresies would come and prescribed that they be shunned; and just as we are not terrified that they exist, so let us not marvel that they are able to do that on account of which they are to be shunned. The Lord instructs [us] that many will come, ravening wolves under the skins of sheep. What are these skins of sheep, if not the outward surface of the Christian name? Who are the ravening wolves, if not deceitful minds and spirits, lurking under an outward show in order to harass the flock of Christ? Who are the false prophets, if not false preachers? Who are the false apostles, if not adulterous evangelizers? Who are the antichrists, both now and always, if not rebels against Christ? Now there are heresies, assailing the Church no less by the perversity of their doctrines than the Antichrist will then persecute it by the atrocity of persecutions, except that persecution makes martyrs as well, heresy only apostates. And therefore heresies too had to exist, so that all who are approved might be made manifest
Editors' notes and page, col. 18

Footnotes

(13) ‹anchor: qui pseudapostoli› · call in col 18

Qui pseudapostoli. Prius illud ex dominicis praenuntiationibus; hoc, et quod sequitur, ex apostolicis litteris sumpsit, II C. XI, et I Joan. II. PAM.

"Who are the false apostles." The former he took from the Lord's forewarnings; this and what follows from the apostolic letters, 2 Corinthians 11 and 1 John 2. PAMELIUS.

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(14) ‹anchor: qui antichristi› · call in col 18

Antichristi. Haereticos vocat Antichristos, quia ut verus Antichristus finget miracula, ita isti. Lucas Tudensis legendus de Haeretic. fraudibus, lib. III, cap. 2. LAC.

"Antichrists." He calls the heretics Antichrists because, as the true Antichrist will feign miracles, so do they. Lucas of Tuy should be read, On the Frauds of Heretics, Book III, ch. 2. LA CERDA.

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Page

  • running head: [D]E PRÆSCRIPTIONIBUS. 18 (left edge of head cut off in image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹et apostolum ejus aliquis Phygellus›; B ‹quae nobis et futuras haereses›; C ‹narum perversitate Ecclesiam lacessantes›; D ‹set inter haereticos carnis resurrectionem› (in the Commentarius)
  • old-edition numerals: 16 after ‹sed›
PL 2:19
(I Cor. XI, 19), tam qui in persecutionibus steterint, quam qui ad haereses non exorbitaverint. Neque enim eos probabiles intelligi juvat, qui in haeresim fidem demutant: sicut ex diverso sibi interpretantur, quia dixit alibi: Omnia examinate, quod bonum est tenete (I Thess. V, 21). Quasi non liceat, omnibus male examinatis, in electionem alicujus mali impingere per errorem.
(1 Cor. 11:19), both those who stood firm in persecutions and those who did not stray off into heresies. For it does not avail that those who change their faith into heresy should be understood as approved, as from the opposite side they interpret it for themselves, because he said elsewhere: Examine all things, hold fast what is good (1 Thess. 5:21). As if it were not possible, when all things have been badly examined, to stumble by error into the choice of some evil.
CAPUT V.
Chapter V.
Fugiendas haereses praefinitum non modo dissensionum et schismatum, sed etiam ipsarum haereseon nomina.
That heresies are to be shunned is predetermined not only by the names of dissensions and schisms, but also by that of heresies themselves.
Porro, si dissensiones et schismata increpat, quae sine dubio mala sunt, et incontinenti haereses subjungit (I Cor., XI, 18). Quod malis adjungat, malum utique profitetur, et quidem majus; cum ideo credidisse se dicat de schismatibus et dissensionibus, quia sciret etiam haereses oportere esse. Ostendit enim, gravioris mali prospectu, de levioribus se facile credidisse; certe, non ut ideo de malis crediderit, quia haereses bonae essent; sed uti de pejoris quoque notae tentationibus praemoneret non esse mirandum, quas diceret tendere ad probabiles quosque manifestandos, scilicet quos non potuerit depravare. Denique si totum capitulum ad
Furthermore, if he rebukes dissensions and schisms, which are without doubt evils, and immediately adds heresies (1 Cor. 11:18): what he joins to evils he certainly declares to be an evil, and indeed a greater one, since he says that he believed what was said about schisms and dissensions for this reason, that he knew there must also be heresies. For he showed that, in view of the graver evil, he had readily believed of the lighter ones; certainly not that he believed of evils on the ground that heresies were good, but so that he might forewarn [them] not to wonder at temptations of a worse stamp as well, which he said tended to make manifest all who are approved, namely those whom [they] had not been able to corrupt. Finally, if the whole chapter, towards
Editors' notes and page, col. 19

Footnotes

[The scan of this page foot is faint and smudged in the left column of the Commentarius; readings there were checked word by word but a few letters are inferred from context.] Variae lectiones. 24 ‹anchor: exorbitaverint› · call in col 19 Exhorbitaverunt Seml.

"Exhorbitaverunt" ("went off course"): Semler.

25 ‹anchor: juvat› · call in col 19 Juvet Seml.; jubet Rig. Venet.

"Juvet" ("helps"): Semler; "Jubet" ("commands"): Rigault, Venice edition.

26 ‹anchor: in electionem› · call in col 19 Injectione Seml., inlectione suspicatur Junius, electione Wouw.

"Injectione": Semler; Junius conjectures "inlectione" ("by enticement"); "electione" ("by choice"): Wouwer.

27 ‹anchor: adjungat› · call in col 19 Adjugat Jun.

"Adjugat" ("yokes to"): Junius.

28 ‹anchor: cum ideo› · call in col 19 Idem Seml.

"Idem" ("the same"): Semler.

29 ‹anchor: prospectu› · call in col 19 Despectu Seml.

"Despectu" ("in contempt"): Semler.

30 ‹anchor: de levioribus› · call in col 19 De abest Paris.

"De" is absent in the Paris edition.

31 ‹anchor: diceret tendere› · call in col 19 Impendere Rhen. Jun. Par.

"Impendere" ("to hang over"): Rhenanus, Junius, Paris edition.

32 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 19 or 20 Aptas Seml.; apit vel apet Jun., id est, uno quasi vinculo aptum constringit et continet

"Aptas": Semler; "apit" or "apet": Junius, that is, binds and holds together as one fitted by a single bond, as it were.

33 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 19 or 20 Nos Venet.

"Nos" ("we/us"): Venice edition.

34 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 19 or 20 Objurgans, et docens Seml. Pam.

"Objurgans, et docens" ("rebuking and teaching"): Semler, Pamelius.

35 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 19 or 20 Disputo add. Heuman.

Heumann adds "disputo" ("I dispute").

36 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 19 or 20 Et Seml.

"Et" ("and"): Semler.

Commentarius. (printed under page 14)

(15) ‹anchor: lemma — Omnia examinate› · call not visible

Omnia examinate. Haeretici, inquit Quintinus, nunquam non praetexuerunt, modoque non praetexunt, opinionibus suis, a solita Patrum regula variantibus, id quod ipse Christus Christique discipuli faciendum praemonuerunt. Ille suis dicebat: Attendite a falsis prophetis..... Cavete a Scribis..... A fermento Pharisaeorum et Sadducaeorum cavete......... Videte ne quis vos seducat, etc. (Matth. VII, 15, Marc. VIII, 15, XIII, 5), subinde suos Apostoli monebant: Probate (discutite, dignoscite, dijudicate) quid sit beneplacitum Deo (Ephes. V, 10). Item: Prophetias (interpretationes puta Scripturae divinae, ac declarationes fidei vestrae) nolite spernere, sed omnia probate..... (I Thess. V, 21). Praeterea: Nolite omni spiritui credere, sed probate an spiritus ex Deo sint.... (I Joan. IV, 1). Sic modo curiosi quidam male feriati ratiocinantur de sacramentis omnibus Ecclesiae, prisca sint ea necne, de ritibus et formis rixantes, et explorare se velle dicunt (ut olim dicebant) utrum vera proferant, omnium scilicet hinc inde rationibus discussis. Aiunt enim scriptum esse: omnia probate. Sic sensim per superbiam nostram nimis facili et lubrico assensu delabimur in haereses...... Christiane lector, haud quibusvis illud, omnia probate, caeteraque superiora dicta fuere. Non enim puto ἰδιώτην quempiam, si velit ambulare caute, posse hoc implere praeceptum: quia sapientibus, et non insipientibus, imperatum est. Haec et alia eodem pertinentia Hieronymus interpretans illud (Ephes. V, 15): Videte quomodo caute ambuletis. Amb. quoque legendus in illud ad Thess. mandatum: Omnia probate. PAM.

"Test all things." Heretics, says Quintin, have always made a pretext of, and still make a pretext of, for their opinions that depart from the accustomed rule of the Fathers, what Christ himself and Christ's disciples forewarned should be done. He said to his own: "Beware of false prophets ... Beware of the scribes ... Beware of the leaven of the Pharisees and Sadducees ... See that no one leads you astray," etc. (Matt. 7:15; Mark 8:15; 13:5); and then the Apostles warned their own: "Prove (examine, discern, judge) what is well pleasing to God" (Eph. 5:10). Again: "Do not despise prophecies (understand: interpretations of divine Scripture, and declarations of your faith), but test all things ..." (1 Thess. 5:21). Further: "Do not believe every spirit, but test whether the spirits are from God ..." (1 John 4:1). Just so nowadays certain idle and curious people argue about all the sacraments of the Church, whether they are ancient or not, quarrelling over rites and forms, and say (as they said of old) that they wish to find out whether these teach what is true, having of course weighed the arguments of all on every side. For they say it is written: "test all things." So little by little, through our pride, by too easy and slippery an assent we slide into heresies ... Christian reader, that "test all things", and the other sayings above, were not spoken to just anyone. For I do not think that any unlearned man, if he wishes to walk carefully, can fulfil this precept; for it was commanded to the wise, not to the foolish. So Jerome, with other remarks to the same effect, interpreting that verse (Eph. 5:15): "See that you walk carefully." Ambrose too should be read on that command to the Thessalonians: "Test all things." PAMELIUS.

(15′) [the numeral is printed with a mark after it, the same number repeated] ‹anchor: lemma — Et incontinenti haereses subjungit› · call not visible Et incontinenti haereses subjungit. Incontinenti, id est statim. Justinus solet dicere ex continenti; ceu lib. V: « Ut ex continenti Alcibiadem ducem Conone duce mutarent. » Et l. VII: « Teneri non potuit, quin ex continenti acie decerneret. » RHEN.

"And forthwith he adds heresies." "Incontinenti" means "immediately". Justin [the historian] commonly says "ex continenti", as in Book V: "so that forthwith they exchanged Alcibiades as general for Conon"; and Book VII: "he could not be held back from deciding the matter forthwith in battle." RHENANUS.

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(16) ‹anchor: lemma — Cum maxime diverti ad ejusmodi objurgans et docens› · call not visible

Cum maxime diverti ad ejusmodi objurgans et docens, etc. Ita fere editt. ante Rigaltium, nisi quod ad pro ab ex ultima Rhenani edit: atque edit. Parisiensi utraque libens reposui. Recte fortasse notavit Junius, esse hoc loco cum maxime idem ac quam maxime. Sic et alibi Tertullianus. Sed Rigaltius posuit, « Cum maxime diverti ab ejusmodi objurget, edocens, » etc. Minus recte. ROUTH.

"Rebuking and teaching especially to turn aside to such," etc. So, more or less, the editions before Rigault, except that I have gladly restored "ad" for "ab" from Rhenanus's last edition and both Paris editions. Junius perhaps rightly noted that "cum maxime" here is the same as "quam maxime" ("as much as possible"); so Tertullian elsewhere too. But Rigault set: "Cum maxime diverti ab ejusmodi objurget, edocens," etc. Less correctly. ROUTH.

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(17) ‹anchor: lemma — Post primam correptionem› · call not visible

Post primam correptionem. Hodie hunc Pauli locum constanter legimus: Haereticum hominem post unam aut alteram correptionem devita. Codices aliqui omiserunt voces aut alteram, teste Tertulliano hic, S. Cypriano ep. 55, et lib. III, cap. 78 ad Quirinum, Ambrosio pluribus in locis, ac Hilario Romanae Ecclesiae diacono. S. Hieronymus vero ait, in Graecis legi post unam, in Latinis codicibus, post unam et alteram. ANNOTATIO ad edit. Romanam hujus tractatus, quae anno 1765. prodiit. Ad S. Scripturae locum quod attinet, Graecorum superstitum codicum lectio est, plurimis consentientibus Latinis, μετὰ μίαν καὶ δευτέραν νουθεσίαν. ROUTH.

"After the first rebuke." Today we read this passage of Paul uniformly: "Avoid a heretical man after one or a second rebuke." Some manuscripts omitted the words "or a second", as witnessed by Tertullian here, St Cyprian, Letter 55 and To Quirinus Book III, ch. 78, Ambrose in several places, and Hilary, deacon of the Roman Church. St Jerome, however, says that the Greek reads "after one", the Latin manuscripts "after one and a second". NOTE to the Roman edition of this treatise, which appeared in 1765. As for the passage of Holy Scripture, the reading of the surviving Greek manuscripts, with most Latin ones agreeing, is "after one and a second admonition". ROUTH.

(printed under page 14)

Editors' prose

CAPUT V.

CHAPTER V.

Fugiendas haereses praefinitum non modo dissensionum et schismatum, sed etiam ipsarum haereseon nomina.

That heresies are to be shunned was laid down beforehand not only by the names of dissensions and schisms, but also by the name of heresies themselves.

<!-- note: The only editors' prose in col. 19 is the italic synopsis under the heading CAPUT V, about a third of the way down the left column. Tertullian's text (end of cap. IV) comes before it, and cap. V's text ("Porro, si dissensiones…") follows. Printed "schismatum,sed" with no space; a space has been supplied. The caput VI synopsis is in col. 20 and is not set here. The page foot holds the Variae lectiones and the Commentarius notes (14)–(15*), whose left half is faint and blurred. That is footnote and commentary matter, set elsewhere under the instructions, so none of it is transcribed here and nothing in it was checked letter by letter. -->

Page

  • running head: 10 TERTULLIANI OPERUM
  • marginal letters: A (I Cor. XI, 19), tam qui in persecutionibus; B ideo credidisse se dicat de schismatibus; C (15) Omnia examinate. Haeretici (commentary); D nium scilicet hinc inde rationibus discussis (commentary)
  • old-edition numerals: 17 after examinate
PL 2:20
unitatem continendam, et separationes coercendas sapit, haereses vero non minus ab unitate divellunt, quam schismata et dissensiones; sine dubio et haereses in ea conditione reprehensionis constituit, in qua schismata et dissensiones. Ac per hoc, non eos probabiles facit, qui in haereses diverterint, cum maxime diverti ab ejusmodi objurget, edocens: Unum omnes loqui et idipsum sapere (I Cor. I, 10), quod etiam haereses non sinunt.
the maintaining of unity and the restraining of separations, has its bent; but heresies tear away from unity no less than schisms and dissensions; without doubt he has also set heresies in the same condition of censure as schisms and dissensions. And on this account he does not make those approved who have turned aside into heresies, since he most strongly rebukes turning aside from such things, teaching that all should speak one thing and think the very same (1 Cor. 1:10), which heresies too do not permit.
CAPUT VI.
Chapter VI.
Quippe cum, Epistola ad Titum, apostolus haereticum describens, haereses dictas insinuet Graeca voce ex interpretatione electionis, qua quis sive ad instituendas, sive ad suscipiendas eas utitur.
Since indeed the apostle, describing the heretic in the Epistle to Titus, intimates that heresies are so called by a Greek word from the meaning of choice, which a person exercises whether in founding them or in taking them up.
Nec diutius de isto, si idem est Paulus, qui et alibi haereses inter carnalia crimina numerat, scribens ad Galatas (V, 20), et qui Tito suggerit (III, 10 et 11), hominem haereticum post primam correptionem recusandum, quod perversus sit ejusmodi et delinquat, ut a semetipso damnatus. Sed et in omni pene epistola de adulterinis doctrinis fugiendis inculcans, haereses taxat, quarum opera sunt adulterae doctrinae, haereses dictae Graeca voce, ex interpretatione electionis qua quis, sive ad instituendas, sive ad suscipiendas eas utitur. Ideo et sibi damnatum dixit haereticum, quia et in quo damnatur, sibi elegit.
No longer [need I dwell] on this, if it is the same Paul who elsewhere also numbers heresies among the carnal crimes, writing to the Galatians (Gal. 5:20), and who suggests to Titus (Titus 3:10–11) that a heretical man is to be refused after the first correction, because such a one is perverted and sins, as being condemned by himself. But also in almost every epistle, pressing home that adulterous doctrines are to be shunned, he censures heresies, whose works are adulterous doctrines, heresies being so called by a Greek word, from the meaning of choice, which a person exercises whether in founding them or in taking them up. Therefore he also said that the heretic was condemned by himself, because he has also chosen for himself that in which he is condemned.
Editors' notes and page, col. 20

Footnotes

(18) ‹anchor: Graeca voce› · call in col 20

Graeca voce αἵρεσις scilicet idipsum significat. EDD. ex opere D. DE GOURCY.

"In the Greek word": namely, haíresis means that very thing [choice]. THE EDITORS, from the work of M. DE GOURCY.

(printed under page 14)

(19) ‹anchor: sibi damnatum dixit haereticum› · call in col 20

Ideo et sibi damnatum dixit haereticum. Paulo prius dixit, ut a semetipso damnatus. Pro quo legitur hodie apud Apostolum: Proprio judicio condemnatus. Verum illud et legit etiam et declarat sic (uti etiam annotavit Quintinus) B. Hieronymus. Haereticus a semetipso damnatus esse dicitur, propterea quod adulter, fornicator, homicida, et caetera vitia (continues)

"Therefore he called the heretic self-condemned." A little before he said "as condemned by himself", for which we read today in the Apostle: "condemned by his own judgement". But blessed Jerome both reads it so and explains it so (as Quintin also noted): the heretic is said to be condemned by himself because the adulterer, the fornicator, the murderer, and the other vices (continues)

(printed under page 14)

Page

  • running head: …LIANI OPERUM PARS II. 20 (left part cut off at image edge; presumably TERTULLIANI OPERUM PARS II.)
  • marginal letters: A unitatem continendam; B ad Galatas (v, 20); C nenti, id est statim (in Commentarius); D unam et alteram (in Commentarius)
  • old-edition numerals: 18 after sinunt (before CAPUT VI.)
PL 2:21
Nobis vero nihil ex nostro arbitrio inducere licet, sed nec eligere quod aliquis de arbitrio suo induxerit. Apostolos Domini habemus auctores, qui nec ipsi quidquam ex suo arbitrio, quod inducerent, elegerunt; sed acceptam à Christo disciplinam fideliter nationibus assignaverunt. Itaque etiamsi angelus de coelis aliter evangelizaret, anathema diceretur a nobis (I, 8). Providerat jam tunc Spiritus sanctus futurum in virgine quadam Philumene angelum seductionis, transfigurantem se in angelum lucis, cujus signis et praestigiis Apelles inductus, novam haeresin induxit.
But for us it is not permitted to introduce anything of our own choice, nor even to choose what someone has introduced of his own choice. We have the apostles of the Lord as our authorities, who did not themselves choose anything of their own choice to introduce, but faithfully assigned to the nations the discipline received from Christ. And so, even if an angel from the heavens should preach the gospel otherwise, he would be called anathema by us (Gal. 1:8). The Holy Spirit had already then foreseen the angel of seduction that was to be in a certain virgin Philumene, transforming himself into an angel of light, led on by whose signs and illusions Apelles introduced a new heresy.
CAPUT VII.
Chapter VII.
Ipsas denique haereses cum a philosophia subornentur, eo et curiositatis nomine etiam caveri oportere ab Apostolo praescriptum.
That the heresies themselves, finally, since they are furnished by philosophy, must for that reason be guarded against also under the name of curiosity, as was prescribed by the Apostle.
Hae sunt doctrinae hominum et daemoniorum, prurientibus auribus (II Tim. IV, 3) natae de ingenio sapientiae saecularis, quam Dominus stultitiam vocans, stulta mundi in confusionem etiam
These are doctrines of men and of demons, born for itching ears (2 Tim. 4:3) from the ingenuity of worldly wisdom, which the Lord called foolishness, choosing the foolish things of the world to the confusion even
Editors' notes and page, col. 21

Footnotes

Variae lectiones. 37 ‹anchor: nec eligere› · call in col 21 Indulgere Seml.

"Indulgere" ("to indulge"): Semler.

38 ‹anchor: quod inducerent› · call in col 21 Inducere Venet.

"Inducere" ("to introduce"): Venice edition.

39 ‹anchor: sapientiae saecularis› · call in col 21 Saecli Franeq.

"Saecli" (the contracted form of "saeculi", "of the world"): Franeker edition.

40 ‹anchor: in confusionem› · call in col 21 Confusione Seml.

"Confusione" ("in confusion"): Semler.

41 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 22 Mater suspicatur Heuman.

Heumann conjectures "Mater" ("mother").

42 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 22 Et abest a Seml.

"Et" ("and") is absent from Semler.

43 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 22 Nescio quae infinitae hominis Rig. ex Agobardi libro. Cf. de Anima, c. 21.

"Nescio quae infinitae hominis" ("some [things] of man's infinite ..."): Rigault, from the Agobard manuscript. Compare On the Soul, ch. 21.

44 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 22 Furor Jun. ex quibusd. mss.

"Furor" ("frenzy"): Junius, from certain manuscripts.

45 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 22 Epicurus, pro ab Epicureis, al.

"Epicurus", for "ab Epicureis" ("by the Epicureans"): other editions.

46 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 22 Ut abest a Venet.

"Ut" ("as") is absent from the Venice edition.

47 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 22 Alligatur Seml.

"Alligatur" ("is bound"): Semler.

48 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 22 Invenit suspicatur Heuman.

Heumann conjectures "invenit" ("found").

49 ‹anchor: iidem retractatus› · call in col 22 Idem Venet.

"Idem" ("the same"): Venice edition.

50 ‹anchor: Miserum Aristotelem› · call in col 22 Sequitur, pro miserum, Seml

"Sequitur" ("follows"), for "miserum" ("wretched"): Semler.

Commentarius. (printed under page 15)

(20) ‹anchor: lemma — Anathema diceretur a nobis. Providerat jam tunc Sp. S.› · call not visible

Anathema diceretur a nobis. Providerat jam tunc Sp. S. Hic locus ab Hieronymo citatur, in cap. I ad Galat.: « Eleganter, inquit, in hoc loco vir doctissimus Tertullianus, adversus Apellem et ejus virginem Philumenem, quam angelus quidam diabolici spiritus et perversus impleverat, hunc esse scribit angelum, cui, multo antequam Apelles nasceretur, Spiritus sancti vaticinio sit anathema per Apostolum prophetatum. » RIG.

"Let him be anathema to us. The Holy Spirit had even then foreseen." This passage is cited by Jerome on Galatians ch. 1: "Elegantly," he says, "in this place the most learned Tertullian, against Apelles and his virgin Philumene, whom an angel of the devilish spirit, a perverse one, had filled, writes that this is the angel to whom, long before Apelles was born, an anathema was foretold through the Apostle by the prophecy of the Holy Spirit." RIGAULT.

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(21) ‹anchor: lemma — In virgine quadam Philumene› · call not visible

In virgine quadam Philumene. Philumene puella fuit Alexandrina, quae familiari daemone obsessa multa mentiebatur. Hanc postea compressit Apelles, adeoque hujus impudicae mulieris amore caecus fuit, ut librum scripserit hoc titulo, Philumenae Prophetiae et Phaneroses. Vide Euseb., lib. V Hist. et B. Aug. de Haer. ad Quodvultdeum. Caeteri fere omnes consulto impuram hanc mulierculam silentio obruere conati sunt. LE PR.

"In a certain virgin Philumene." Philumene was a girl of Alexandria who, possessed by a familiar demon, told many lies. Apelles later lay with her, and was so blinded by love of this shameless woman that he wrote a book with this title: The Prophecies and Revelations [Phaneroses] of Philumene. See Eusebius, History Book V, and blessed Augustine, On Heresies, to Quodvultdeus. Nearly all the rest have deliberately tried to bury this unclean little woman in silence. LE PRIEUR.

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(22) ‹anchor: lemma — Hae sunt doctrinae hominum› · call not visible

Hae sunt doctrinae hominum. Doctrinae diabolicae, natae et inventae his, qui pruriunt auribus; hominibus, videlicet, qui desideriis variis et carnalibus aguntur, quique audire nova, et curiosa, et mollia appetunt. Unde sibi magistros quaerunt, non qui verbo mordeant, et obsistant vitiis, sed qui sibi et suis concupiscentiis blandiantur, et scalpant aures, dum mellita praedicant, et vulgo plausibilia: isti sunt quos praedixit Paulus, II ad Tim. IV. LAC.

"These are the doctrines of men." Devilish doctrines, born and devised for those who have itching ears; that is, for men who are driven by various fleshly desires and who long to hear things new, curious and soft. So they seek teachers for themselves, not such as would bite with the word and resist vices, but such as would flatter them and their lusts and tickle their ears by preaching honeyed things, pleasing to the crowd. These are the ones Paul foretold, 2 Timothy 4. LA CERDA.

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(23) ‹anchor: lemma — Subornantur› · call not visible

Subornantur. Ornantur videlicet, instruuntur, augentur, quod constat Latine dici. Notae ad Thomasii Instit. theol. vol. I, p. 14. in quibus hic Tertulliani liber collocatus est. ROUTH.

"Are suborned": that is, they are furnished, equipped, enlarged, which is certainly good Latin. Notes on Tommasi's Institutiones theologicae, vol. I, p. 14, in which this book of Tertullian is placed. ROUTH.

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(24) ‹anchor: lemma — Trinitas hominis› · call not visible

Trinitas hominis. Ut has nugas interpretari valeamus, mittit nos Semlerus ad Tertulliani librum de Anima, cap. 2; ad Irenaei autem lib. I Contra Haereses Thomasiani textus editor. « Haec trinitas sunt, homo hylicus seu choicus, id est, materialis aut terrenus; psychicus seu animalis, et spiritalis. » Adnotatio est ad edit. Romanam ex Christiani Lupi Scholiis desumpta. ID.

"The trinity of man." To enable us to interpret this nonsense, Semler sends us to Tertullian's book On the Soul, ch. 2; the editor of Tommasi's text, to Irenaeus Against Heresies Book I. "This trinity is: the hylic or choic man, that is, material or earthy; the psychic or animal; and the spiritual." This is a note to the Roman edition, taken from the Scholia of Christian Lupus. THE SAME [Routh].

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(25) ‹anchor: lemma — Platonicus fuerat› · call not visible

Platonicus fuerat. Theod. Canterus Junio confirmaverat in quibusdam (quodam) mss. legi, Platonicus furor, forte melius; tranquillitas opponitur. SEMLER. At vero scribit Auctor infra: « Ubi tunc Valentinus Platonicae sectator? » ID.

"Had been a Platonist." Theodore Canter had assured Junius that in certain (in one) manuscripts the reading is "Platonic frenzy", perhaps better, since "tranquillity" is set against it. SEMLER. But the Author writes below: "Where then was Valentinus, the follower of the Platonic school?" THE SAME [Routh].

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(26) ‹anchor: lemma — De igneo Deo› · call not visible

De igneo Deo. Deus igneus Apelli tribuitur cap. 33. ID.

"Of a fiery God." A fiery God is ascribed to Apelles in ch. 33. THE SAME.

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(27) ‹anchor: lemma — Ectromate› · call not visible

Ectromate. Hieronymus, in Amos prophetam primo Commentario, scribit, Valentinum ex aeonibus suis extremum, hoc est trigesimum, Christum vocare et ἔκτρωμα, hoc est abortivum. RHEN.

"Ectroma." Jerome, in the first Commentary on the prophet Amos, writes that Valentinus calls the last of his aeons, that is, the thirtieth, Christ and ektroma, that is, an abortion. RHENANUS.

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(28) ‹anchor: lemma — Miserum Aristotelem› · call not visible

Miserum Aristotelem. Gregorius Baeticus, lib. de Fide, ed. Rom.: « Noli, infelix, adversus Christum Dominum totius creaturae Aristotelis artificiosa argumenta colligere, qui te Christianum qualitercunque profiteris, nec adversus piam confessionem inenarrabilis de Deo sacramenti, ut calculo calumniatore, quasi ex disciplina terrenae supputationis circumscriptor advenias. Idem: Ubi sunt nunc illa impia vestra sophismata, quae Aristotelis, episcopi vestri, magisterio didicistis? » Non est trivialis auctor ille Baeticus episcopus Eliberitanus: censetur inter scriptores ecclesiasticos catalogo Hieronymiano. Scripsit autem ad Gallam Placidiam, Theodosii imp. filiam, adversus Arianos, et sane miror hominem, caetera satis ingenuum, ne semel quidem Septimium nostrum nominasse, cum ab eo passim habeat multa. RIG. — Sequitur Aristotelem. Ita edit. princeps Rhenaniana, verba jungens cum prioribus. In ultima edit. sua Rhenanus emendavit, inserunt Aristotelem, Pameliusque se sic legere ex codice Vaticano testatus est. Junius vero in notis ad edit. Franck. in qua quidem, sicut in Delacerdae editione, haec lectio exstat, hoc monet, « (Prima) editio Rhenani, sequitur Aristotelem, alii miserum Aristotelem ἀναβοητικῶς. Nihil muto. » Verum tamen istud miserum Aristotelem, quod exhibet edit. Paris. anno 1566 excusa, recepit Rigaltius. Ego interea, quia nulla harum satisfacit lectionum, scribendum puto sequitur Aristoteles. ROUTH.

"Wretched Aristotle." Gregory the Baetican, in the book On the Faith (Roman edition): "Do not, unhappy man, gather Aristotle's artful arguments against Christ, Lord of all creation, you who profess yourself a Christian after a fashion; nor come against the pious confession of the unutterable mystery of God as one who circumscribes it with a slanderous reckoning, as if from the discipline of earthly calculation." And again: "Where now are those impious sophisms of yours, which you learned under the teaching of Aristotle, your bishop?" That Baetican, bishop of Elvira, is no trivial author: he is counted among the ecclesiastical writers in Jerome's catalogue. He wrote against the Arians to Galla Placidia, daughter of the emperor Theodosius; and I really wonder that the man, otherwise candid enough, never once named our Septimius, though he takes much from him throughout. RIGAULT. — "Follows Aristotle." So the first edition of Rhenanus, joining the words to what precedes. In his last edition Rhenanus emended to "they insert Aristotle", and Pamelius testified that he read so in the Vatican manuscript. Junius, in the notes to the Franeker edition (in which, as in de la Cerda's edition, this reading stands), remarks: "Rhenanus's (first) edition has 'follows Aristotle'; others 'wretched Aristotle', as an exclamation. I change nothing." Yet Rigault adopted "wretched Aristotle", which the Paris edition printed in 1566 gives. Meanwhile, since none of these readings satisfies me, I think one should write "Aristotle follows". ROUTH.

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Editors' prose

CAPUT VII.

CHAPTER VII.

Ipsas denique haereses cum a philosophia subornentur, eo et curiositatis nomine etiam caveri oportere ab Apostolo praescriptum.

That the heresies themselves, finally, since they are furnished by philosophy, are for that reason, under the name of curiosity also, prescribed by the Apostle as to be guarded against.

<!-- note: the only editors' prose in col. 21 is the italic chapter synopsis under the heading CAPUT VII, set in the left column (letter A zone, just above marker B) between the end of cap. VI ("novam haeresin induxit.") and the start of cap. VII ("Hae sunt doctrinae hominum"). Col. 22 (right) and the rest of col. 21 hold author's text only. The page foot (Variae lectiones 37–50 and Commentarius 20–28) is footnote matter and is not set here; its Variae lectiones 37–46 are legible at the top of the middle image (c21_2), not cut off, for whoever sets n21. --> <!-- note (Q9a): the four lines at the head of the left foot column ("per sacerdotes ab Ecclesia propelluntur ... damnatio. PAM.") are the end of Commentarius (19), called in col. 20; they belong with that note, not here. -->

Page

  • running head: 21 LIBER DE PRAESCRIPT (cut off at the image edge)
  • marginal letters: A Nobis vero nihil ex nostro; B tur, eo et curiositatis nomine; C (20) Anathema diceretur a nobis; D bolicae, natae et inventae
  • old-edition numerals: 19 after praescriptum (bold, at head of paragraph Hae sunt doctrinae)
PL 2:22
philosophiae ipsius elegit (I Cor. I, 27). Ea est enim materia sapientiae saecularis, temeraria interpres divinae naturae et dispositionis. Ipsae denique haereses a philosophia subornantur. Inde aeones, et formae nescio quae, et trinitas hominis apud Valentinum: Platonicus fuerat. Inde Marcionis Deus melior de tranquillitate: a Stoicis venerat. Et ut anima interire dicatur, ab Epicureis observatur. Et ut carnis restitutio negetur, de una omnium philosophorum schola sumitur. Et ubi materia cum Deo aequatur, Zenonis disciplina est, et ubi aliquid de igneo deo allegatur, Heraclitus intervenit: Eadem materia apud haereticos et philosophos volutatur, iidem retractatus implicantur. Unde malum, et quare? et unde homo, et quomodo? et, quod proxime Valentinus proposuit, unde Deus? Scilicet de enthymesi, et ectromate. Miserum Aristotelem! qui illis dialecticam instituit, artificem struendi et destruendi, versipellem in sententiis, coactam in conjecturia,
of philosophy itself (1 Cor. 1:27). For this is the material of worldly wisdom, a rash interpreter of the divine nature and dispensation. In short, the heresies themselves are furnished by philosophy. Thence the aeons, and forms of I know not what kind, and the trinity of man in Valentinus: he had been a Platonist. Thence Marcion's better god, on account of his tranquillity: he had come from the Stoics. And when the soul is said to perish, it is the Epicureans who are being followed. And when the restoration of the flesh is denied, it is taken from the one school of all the philosophers. And where matter is made equal with God, it is the teaching of Zeno; and where something is alleged about a fiery god, Heraclitus steps in. The same material is turned over among heretics and philosophers, the same discussions are entangled. Whence comes evil, and why? and whence man, and how? and, what Valentinus lately proposed, whence God? Namely from an enthymesis and an ectroma. Wretched Aristotle! who instituted dialectic for them, an art of building up and pulling down, shifting its skin in its propositions, forced in its conjectures,
Editors' notes and page, col. 22

Footnotes

Variae lectiones. [Variants 41–50 are all called in col 22. 47–50 and the Commentarius (20)–(28) are set in n21. 41–46 are set here from the foot of page 15: n21's entries numbered "45" and "46" misnumber the printed notes (its "45" is the end of 43 with 44; its "46" is 45 with 46) and are superseded by the entries below; n21 to be corrected.] 41 ‹anchor: materia› · call in col 22 Mater suspicatur Heuman.

Heumann conjectures "mater" ("mother").

42 ‹anchor: divinae naturae› · call in col 22 Et abest a Seml.

"Et" ("and") is absent from Semler.

43 ‹anchor: trinitas hominis› · call in col 22 Nescio quae infinitae hominis Rig. ex Agobardi libro. Cf. de Anima, c. 21.

"Nescio quae infinitae hominis" ("I know not what infinities of man"): Rigault, from Agobard's book. Compare On the Soul, ch. 21.

44 ‹anchor: Platonicus fuerat› · call in col 22 Furor Jun. ex quibusd. mss.

"Furor" ("frenzy"): Junius, from certain manuscripts.

45 ‹anchor: ab Epicureis› · call in col 22 Epicurus, pro ab Epicureis, al.

"Epicurus", for "ab Epicureis" ("by the Epicureans"): others.

46 ‹anchor: Et ut carnis› · call in col 22 Ut abest a Venet.

"Ut" ("when") is absent from the Venice edition.

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Page

  • running head: DE PRAESCRIPTIONIBUS. (damaged type) 22
  • marginal letters: A ‹philosophiae ipsius elegit›; B ‹plicantur. Unde malum›; C ‹Platonicus furor, forte melius› (in the notes); D ‹censetur inter scriptores ecclesiasticos› (in the notes)
  • old-edition numerals: bold numeral (illegible, blotted) after Scilicet
  • other: misprint kept as printed: "conjecturia" (for conjecturis; the tail "ria," is printed at the top of col. 23 and stands whole here).
PL 2:23
duram in argumentis, operariam contentionum molestam etiam sibi ipsi, omnia retractantem, ne quid omnino tractaverit. Hinc illae fabulae et genealogiae interminabiles, et quaestiones infructuosae, et sermoner serpentes velut cances (I Tim. I, 4; III, 4; II, Tim. II, 17-23); a quibus nos Apostolus refrenans, nominatim philosophiam contestatur caveri oportere, scribens ad Colossenses (II 8): Videte ne quis vos circumveniat per philosophiam et inanem seductionem, secundum traditionem hominum, praetes providentiam Spiritur sancti. Fuerat Athenis, et istam sapientiam humanam, affectatricem et interpolatricem veritatis, de congressibus noverat, ipsam quoque in suas haereses multipartitam varietate sectarum invicem repugnantium. Quid ergo Ath⟨e⟩nis et Hierosolymis? quid Academiae et Ecclesiae? Quid haereticis et Christianis? Nostra institutio de Porticu Salomonis est, qui et ipse tradiderat Dominum in simplicitate cordis esse quaerendum (Sap. I, 1) Viderint, qui Stoicum
harsh in arguments, a labourer of contentions, troublesome even to itself, handling everything over again, lest it should have dealt with anything at all. Hence those fables and endless genealogies, and fruitless questions, and words creeping like a cancer (1 Tim. 1:4; 3:4; 2 Tim. 2:17–23); restraining us from these, the Apostle expressly testifies that philosophy must be guarded against, writing to the Colossians (Col. 2:8): See that no one circumvent you through philosophy and empty seduction, according to the tradition of men, contrary to the providence of the Holy Spirit. He had been at Athens, and from his encounters had come to know this human wisdom, the pretender to and falsifier of truth, itself also divided manifold into its own heresies by the variety of sects mutually opposed. What then has Athens to do with Jerusalem? what the Academy with the Church? What heretics with Christians? Our instruction is from the Porch of Solomon, who himself had taught that the Lord is to be sought in simplicity of heart (Wis. 1:1). Let those see to it who have brought forth a Stoic
Editors' notes and page, col. 23

Footnotes

Variae lectiones. 51 ‹anchor: operariam contentionum› · call in col 23 Contentione Seml. Artificem struendi et destruendi versipellem, in sent. coactam. in conj. duram, in argum. operariam cont. Routh.

"Contentione" ("in contention"): Semler. Routh punctuates "artificem struendi et destruendi versipellem, in sent. coactam, in conj. duram, in argum. operariam cont." ("a shifty craftsman of building and destroying, forced in propositions, harsh in conjectures, a labourer of contention in arguments").

52 ‹anchor: omnia retractantem› · call in col 23 Tractantem Seml.

"Tractantem" ("handling"): Semler.

53 ‹anchor: philosophiam contestatur› · call in col 23 Contestatus Seml. Venet.

"Contestatus" ("having testified"): Semler, the Venice edition.

54 ‹anchor: Videte ne quis vos circumveniat› · call in col 23 Sit circumvenimus vos Seml.

"Sit circumvenimus vos" [as printed]: Semler.

55 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 23 or 24 Assectatricem Venet.

"Assectatricem" ("follower", fem.): Venice edition.

56 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 23 or 24 Christianis Paris. ex Gorziensi, christianismo praetulerunt volebat Rhen.

"Christianis" ("to Christians"): the Paris edition, from the Gorze manuscript; they preferred it to "christianismo" ("Christianity"), which Rhenanus wanted.

57 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 23 or 24 Curiositatem Semler.

"Curiositatem" ("curiosity"): Semler.

58 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 23 or 24 Quaesisset Heuman.

"Quaesisset" ("had sought"): Heumann.

Commentarius. (printed under page 16)

(29) ‹anchor: lemma — Hinc et illae fabulae› · call not visible

Hinc et illae fabulae. Propter Judaeos, inquit Quintinus, hoc admonitum putarunt, qui continue progenitoribus suis Abraham, Isaac, Jacob et aliis gloriabantur. Inutilis certe gloriatio, sed quae nullam gignebat quaestionem, neque fabulas habebat. Nam verum suum quisque genus et majores suos inter Judaeos habebat notissimos, et citra controversiam. Nonnulli gentiles reprehendi hic dixerunt cum sua theogonia. Tertullianus haereticos aeonum fabricatores notari credidit. In cellas enim varias distinguebant illi aeonas suos, ostendentes quis a quo gigneretur, quibus omnem contineri divinitatem fabulabantur. Apostolorum coaevi Cerdon et Valentinus erant, qui non finiendis istis quaestionibus supra modum turbabant infideles. Inter quos ab Apostolo nominatur Hymenaeus, Alexander, Philetus. Et meo quidem judicio, totus ille locus ad haereticorum confutationem spectat. Epiphanius etiam sic intelligit: Pro more calumniari mihi videtur, qui locum detorquet ad caeremonias et hominum constitutiunculas (ut loquitur) et quaestiones scholasticas. PAM.

"Hence also those fables." Some thought, says Quintin, that this warning was given on account of the Jews, who constantly boasted of their forefathers Abraham, Isaac, Jacob and others. A useless boast certainly, but one that bred no question and contained no fables; for each had his true descent and his ancestors among the Jews well known and beyond dispute. Some have said that the Gentiles are rebuked here, with their theogony. Tertullian believed that the heretics who fabricate aeons are meant. For they sorted their aeons into various compartments, showing who was begotten of whom, and fabled that the whole of divinity was contained in them. Cerdon and Valentinus were contemporaries of the Apostles, and they troubled the unbelievers beyond measure with these endless questions. Among them the Apostle names Hymenaeus, Alexander, Philetus. In my judgement at least, the whole passage aims at refuting the heretics. Epiphanius understands it so too. He seems to me to be slandering in his usual way who twists the passage to ceremonies and men's petty constitutions (as he calls them) and scholastic questions. PAMELIUS.

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(30) ‹anchor: lemma — Et genealogiae interminabiles› · call not visible

Et genealogiae interminabiles. In Graeco vox adhibetur ἀπεράντοις (I Tim. I, 3). Judaeorum notat deliria et ridicula commenta quae iis ספרות dicebantur. Basilidiani vero et Valentiniani qui gnosticae pravitatis erant veluti rami, aeonas usurparunt pro illis Judaeorum fabulis. Qui Plutarchum legerit in Isides, tales fuisse Persarum Magos comperiet. LE PR.

"And endless genealogies." In the Greek the word used is aperántois [1 Timothy 1:4; printed "I, 3"]. He means the ravings and ridiculous inventions of the Jews which were called among them sefirot [Hebrew as printed; reading of the small type uncertain]. The Basilidians and Valentinians, who were as it were branches of the Gnostic depravity, took up aeons in place of those fables of the Jews. Whoever has read Plutarch on Isis will find that the Persian Magi were of the same kind. LE PRIEUR.

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(31) ‹anchor: lemma — De porticu Salomonis› · call not visible

De porticu Salomonis. Opponit Noster porticum Salomonis porticui scilicet Stoicorum. Constat enim ex Evangelio et Actibus apostolorum tum Christum, cum apostolos in templo ejusque porticu saepius docuisse, quae Porticus Salomonis dicebatur, ideo sane quia ruinis porticus Salomonis superstructa erat (Joan. X, 23; Act. III et V). EDD. ex opere D. DE GOURCY.

"From the porch of Solomon." Our Author sets the porch of Solomon against the porch, namely, of the Stoics. For it is clear from the Gospel and the Acts of the Apostles that both Christ and the apostles often taught in the temple and in its portico, which was called Solomon's Porch, surely because it had been built on the ruins of Solomon's portico (John 10:23; Acts 3 and 5). THE EDITORS, from the work of M. DE GOURCY.

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(32) ‹anchor: lemma — Et dialecticum Christianismum› · call not visible

Et dialecticum Christianismum. Non leve certe argumentum, Christianis exosas esse debere sophisticas quaestiones et captiunculas logicae, quibus religionis et theologiae puritas conspurcatur. Quorsum enim a Platone aut Aristotele pendebis ut Christianus sis? qui, cum ethnici ambo fuerint, et a veritate alieni, nihil nisi figmenta et imposturas tradere possunt. Quorsum illorum opiniones aut errores cum Christianis dogmatibus permiscebis! An nescis infelicem pictoris illius exitum, quem refert Zonaras? Is cum Christum Dominum eodem habitu armisque effingere vellet quibus Jovem suum depinxerat, illius statim manus in tabula exaruit, in qua tantam impietatem adumbrare voluerat. Caveas sedulo ne duas has res omnino contrarias infelici conatu conjungas. LE PR.

"And a dialectical Christianity." No light argument, surely, that sophistical questions and the little traps of logic, by which the purity of religion and theology is befouled, ought to be hateful to Christians. For why should you hang on Plato or Aristotle in order to be a Christian? Both were heathens and strangers to the truth, and can hand on nothing but fictions and impostures. Why will you mix their opinions or errors with Christian doctrines! Do you not know the unhappy end of that painter whom Zonaras reports? When he wished to portray Christ the Lord in the same dress and arms in which he had painted his Jupiter, his hand at once withered on the panel on which he had meant to sketch so great an impiety. Take careful heed not to join, by an unhappy attempt, these two wholly contrary things. LE PRIEUR.

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(33) ‹anchor: lemma — Ad ineundam curiositatem — ad importandam curiositatem› · call not visible

Ad ineundam curiositatem — ad importandam curiositatem. Habet auctor infra in cap. 12. quaestiones inire. Ac simile est illud supra, « quarum opera sunt adulterae doctrinae, haereses dictae Graeca voce ex interpretatione electionis, qua quis sive ad instituendas, sive ad suscipiendas eas, utitur. » Porro sine causa, opinor, mutavit posteriorem vocem curiositatem in scrupulositatem Rigaltius. Adnotante ad edit. Halensem Semlero, videri nomen novum abfuisse, curiositatem revocavi. ROUTH.

"To enter upon curiosity — to bring in curiosity." The Author has below, in ch. 12, "to enter upon questions". And similar is the phrase above: "whose works are adulterous doctrines, called heresies by a Greek word meaning choice, which one exercises either in founding them or in taking them up." Further, Rigault, I think without reason, changed the second word "curiositatem" to "scrupulositatem". Since Semler noted on the Halle edition that the new word seemed to have been absent, I have restored "curiositatem". ROUTH.

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(34) ‹anchor: lemma — Cum etiam Joannes de illo certus esse desiisset› · call not visible

Cum etiam Joannes de illo certus esse desiisset. Hoc est, etiam post excessum Joannis. RIG. — Recte sic interpretatur Macereus de Joanne Baptista, qui de Christo certus, utpote voce audita de coelis: Hic est Filius meus dilectus, in quo mihi bene complacui (Matth. III, 17), jam esse desierat, id est obierat, decollatus ab Herode. Sed magis placet sensus, quem indicat Latinius, in lib. seq. de Baptismo, ut sit idem quod ibi (cap. 18) de Joanne legitur: « Usque adeo spiritum prophetiae in illo post totius spiritus in Dominum translationem defecisse; ut quem praedicaverat, quem ipse designaverat, postmodum an ipse esset sciscitatum miserit (Matth. XI, 2). » Cui simile est et illud (lib. IV. Adv. Marc.): « Ipso jam Domino virtutum, Sermone et Spiritu Patris, operante in terris et praedicante, necesse erat portionem sancti Spiritus jam abscedere a Joanne. » PAM. — Revera videtur Tertullianus lib. de Baptismo, impegisse in tam absurdum errorem. Caeterum fatendum est tempore primitiarum doctrinae Christi Joannem Baptistam nondum esse desiisse, ut interpretatus est Macereus. EDD. ex opere D. DE GOURCY.

"When even John had ceased to be certain of him." That is, even after John's death. RIGAULT. — Macé rightly interprets it so of John the Baptist, who, certain of Christ, having heard the voice from heaven, "This is my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased" (Matt. 3:17), had already ceased to be, that is, had died, beheaded by Herod. But I prefer the sense that Latinius indicates, in the following book, On Baptism, so that it is the same as what is read there (ch. 18 [as printed]) of John: "So far had the spirit of prophecy failed in him after the transfer of the whole Spirit to the Lord, that afterwards he sent to ask whether he whom he had preached, whom he had himself pointed out, was the one" (Matt. 11:2). Like it is that passage too (Against Marcion Book IV): "Now that the Lord of powers himself, the Word and Spirit of the Father, was working and preaching on earth, the portion of the Holy Spirit had of necessity to depart from John." PAMELIUS. — In truth Tertullian seems, in the book On Baptism, to have stumbled into so absurd an error. For the rest, it must be granted that at the time of the first beginnings of Christ's teaching John the Baptist had not yet ceased to be, as Macé interpreted. THE EDITORS, from the work of M. DE GOURCY.

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Editors' prose

CAPUT VIII.

CHAPTER VIII.

Nihil autem obstare illud : QUAERITE, ET INVENIETIS; id enim dictum ad eos quibus nondum agnitus Christus.

But that saying, SEEK, AND YE SHALL FIND, is no obstacle; for it was said to those by whom Christ was not yet acknowledged.

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Page

  • running head: 23 TERTULLIANI OPERUM P[ARS] (cut off at right edge)
  • marginal letters: A ria, duram in argumentis; B Academiae et Ecclesiae? Quid haereticis; C gignebat quaestionem, neque fabulas (in the Commentarius); D bantur. Basilidiani vero (in the Commentarius)
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
  • other: the word Stoicum was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 24. Misprints kept as printed: "sermoner" (for sermones), "cances" (for cancer), "praetes" (for praeter), "Spiritur" (for Spiritus); "Ath⟨e⟩nis": the e is a broken letter on the page.
PL 2:24
et Platonicum et dialecticum Christianismum protulerunt. Nobis curiositate opus non est post Christum Jesum; nec inquisitione, post Evangelium. Cum credimus, nihil desideramus ultra credere. Hoc enim prius credimus, non esse quod ultra credere debeamus.
and Platonic and dialectical Christianity. For us there is no need of curiosity after Christ Jesus, nor of inquiry after the Gospel. When we believe, we desire nothing beyond believing. For this we believe first, that there is nothing which we ought to believe beyond.
CAPUT VIII.
Chapter VIII.
Nihil autem obstare illud: QUAERITE, ET INVENIETIS; id enim dictum ad eos quibus nondum agnitus Christus.
But that saying is no obstacle: Seek, and you shall find; for it was said to those by whom Christ was not yet recognized.
Venio itaque ad illum articulum, quem et nostri praetendunt ad ineundam curiositatem, et haeretici inculcant ad importandam scrupulositatem. Scriptum est (inquiunt): Quaerite, et invenietis (Matth. VIII, 7). Quando hanc vocem Dominus emisit, recordemur. Puto in primitiis ipsis doctrinae suae, cum adhuc dubitaretur apud omnes, an Christus esset, et cum adhuc nec Petrus illum Dei Filium pronuntiasset; cum etiam Joannes de illo certus esse desiisset Merito ergo tunc dictum
I come, then, to that point which both our own people put forward for entering upon curiosity and the heretics press upon us for importing scrupulosity. It is written, they say: Seek, and you shall find (Matt. 7:7). Let us recall when the Lord uttered this saying. I think it was in the very first beginnings of His teaching, when it was still doubted among all whether He was the Christ, and when not even Peter had yet declared Him the Son of God; when even John had ceased to be certain about Him. Rightly therefore was it then said
Editors' notes and page, col. 24

Page

  • running head: IANI OPERUM PARS II. (start cut off at the image edge; presumably TERTULLIANI)
  • marginal letters: A cum et Platonicum; B nae suae, cum adhuc; C Zonaras? Is cum Christum (in the commentary); D Hic est Filius meus dilectus (in the commentary)
  • old-edition numerals: 21 after non
PL 2:25
est : Quaerite, et invenietis, quando quaerendus adhuc erat, qui adhuc agnitus non erat. Et hoc quantum ad Judaeos; ad illos enim pertinet totus sermo suggillationis istius, qui habebant ubi quaererent Christum. Habent, inquit, Moysen et Eliam (Luc. XVI, 29), id est legem et prophetas Christum praedicantes, secundum quod et alibi (Joan. V, 39) : Scrutamini, inquit, Scripturas, in quibus salutem speratis; illae enim de me loquuntur. Hoc erit, QUAERITE, ET INVENIETIS; nam et sequentia in Judaeos competere manifestum est : Pulsate, et aperietur vobis. Judaei retro penes Deum fuerant; dehinc ejecti ob delicta, extra Deum esse coeperunt. Nationes vero nunquam penes Deum, nisi stillicidium de situla, et pulvis ex area, et foris semper (Isa. XL, 15). Itaque qui foris semper, quomodo pulsabit eo ubi nunquam fuit? quam januam novit, in quam nec receptus, nec ejectus aliquando? an qui scit se intus fuisse et foras actum, is potius pulsabit et ostium novit? Etiam, PETITE, ET ACCIPIETIS ei competit, qui sciebat a quo esset petendum, a quo et erat aliquid repromissum; a Deo scilicet Abraham, Isaac et Jacob, quem nationes non magis noverant, quam ullam repromissionem ejus. Et ideo ad Israel loquebatur : Non sum, inquit (Matth. X, 15), missus nisi ad oves perditas domus Israel. Nondum canibus
: Seek, and you shall find, when He was still to be sought, Who was not yet recognized. And this as far as concerns the Jews; for to them belongs the whole discourse of this rebuke, since they had where to seek Christ. They have, He says, Moses and Elijah (Luke 16:29), that is, the law and the prophets preaching Christ, in accordance with which He says elsewhere also (John 5:39): Search the Scriptures, in which you hope for salvation; for they speak of Me. This will be [the meaning of] SEEK, AND YOU SHALL FIND; for it is manifest that what follows also applies to the Jews: Knock, and it shall be opened to you. The Jews had formerly been with God; then, cast out for their offences, they began to be outside God. But the nations were never with God, except as a drop from a bucket, and dust from the threshing-floor, and always outside (Isa. 40:15). Therefore how shall he who is always outside knock at the place where he never was? What door does he know, through which he was never either received or cast out? Or is it not rather he who knows that he was once inside and was driven out who will knock and knows the door? So too ASK, AND YOU SHALL RECEIVE befits him who knew from whom he was to ask, and by whom something had also been promised; namely from the God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, Whom the nations knew no more than they knew any promise of His. And therefore He spoke to Israel: I am not sent, He says (Matt. 10:15), except to the lost sheep of the house of Israel. Not yet to the dogs
Editors' notes and page, col. 25

Footnotes

Variae lectiones. 59 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 25 or 26 Merito ergo tunc dictum est abest a Seml.

"Merito ergo tunc dictum est" ("rightly, then, it was said") is absent from Semler.

60 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 25 or 26 Qui adhuc agnitus non erat abest a Seml.

"Qui adhuc agnitus non erat" ("who was not yet acknowledged") is absent from Semler.

61 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 25 or 26 Hic Seml.

"Hic" ("here"): Semler.

62 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 25 or 26 Quomodo Heuman.

"Quomodo" ("how"): Heumann.

63 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 25 or 26 Qua Seml.

"Qua": Semler.

64 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 25 or 26 Annon Heuman.

"Annon" ("or not?"): Heumann.

65 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 25 or 26 Pulsavit Venet.

"Pulsavit" ("knocked"): Venice edition.

66 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 25 or 26 Ad ostium quod novit Heuman.

"Ad ostium quod novit" ("at the door that he knew"): Heumann.

67 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 25 or 26 A quo esset petendum abest a Seml.

"A quo esset petendum" ("from whom it was to be asked") is absent from Semler.

68 ‹anchor: domus Israel› · call in col 25 Israelis Seml.

"Israelis": Semler.

69 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 25 or 26 Gentium vel inserit Semler.

Semler inserts "Gentium vel" ("of the Gentiles or").

70 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 25 or 26 Ergo illo Venet. post Rig.; ergo illos Semler.

"Ergo illo": Venice edition, following Rigault; "ergo illos": Semler.

71 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 25 or 26 Ita Junius, alii leg. facit.

So Junius; others read "facit" ("makes").

72 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 25 or 26 Erga illos si vacat, qui nationibus Heuman.

"Erga illos si vacat, qui nationibus" ("towards them, if it is free, who to the nations"): Heumann.

73 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 25 or 26 Ita Heuman; alii volunt vacabat.

So Heumann; others want "vacabat" ("was free").

74 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 25 or 26 Ita Paris. post Pam. quae abest a Venet. Rig.

So the Paris edition, following Pamelius; "quae" is absent from the Venice edition and Rigault.

75 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 25 or 26 Expendit Venet.

"Expendit" ("weighs out"): Venice edition.

76 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 25 or 26 Sensus Seml. Paris. Fran.

"Sensus" ("the sense", nominative): Semler, Paris and Franeker editions.

77 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 25 or 26 Certae Paris. Fran.

"Certae" ("of a sure"): Paris and Franeker editions.

78 ‹anchor: unum utique› · call in col 26 Itaque Seml. Jun.

"Itaque" ("and so"): Semler, Junius.

Commentarius. (printed under page 17)

(35) ‹anchor: lemma — Habent et Moysen et Eliam› · call not visible

Habent et Moysen et Eliam. Etiam hic amplius quid legit quam habeatur Lucae XVI, ubi solum legitur Graece et Latine: Habent Moysen et prophetas; fortassis cogitans, cum haec scriberet, super apparitione Mosis et Eliae in monte Thabor. PAM.

"They have both Moses and Elijah." Here too he reads something more than is found in Luke 16, where both Greek and Latin read only: "They have Moses and the prophets"; perhaps, when he wrote this, he was thinking of the appearance of Moses and Elijah on Mount Tabor. PAMELIUS.

(printed under page 17)

(36) ‹anchor: lemma — Habent, inquit, Moysen et Eliam› · call not visible

Habent, inquit, Moysen et Eliam. Hic memoria fefellit auctorem. SEMLER. Habent Moysen et prophetas. ROUTH.

"They have, he says, Moses and Elijah." Here the author's memory failed him. SEMLER. [Read:] "They have Moses and the prophets." ROUTH.

(printed under page 17)

(37) ‹anchor: lemma — Sed pleraque in personas directa› · call not visible

Sed pleraque in personas directa. Judaeorum, scilicet. RIG.

"But most of it directed at persons." That is, of the Jews. RIGAULT.

(printed under page 17)

Page

  • running head: LIBER DE PRÆSCRIPT[IONIBUS] (cut off at right edge), page numeral 25 at left
  • marginal letters: A est : Quærite, et invenietis; B quomodo pulsabit eo ubi nunquam fuit? quam; C (35) Habent et Moysen et Eliam. Etiam hic am-; D ris. secunda et Franek. « tamen et hic expetit
  • old-edition numerals: 22 after Itaque
PL 2:26
jactabat panem filiorum, nondum in viam nationum ire mandabat (Matth. XXVIII, 19); siquidem in fine praecepit, ut vaderent ad docendas et tinguendas nationes, consecuturi mox Spiritum sanctum Paracletum, qui illos deducturus esset in omnem veritatem (Joan. XVI, 13). Et hoc erga illos fecit. Quod si nationibus destinati doctores, apostoli ipsi quoque doctorem consecuturi erant Paracletum, multo magis vacabit erga nos QUAERITE ET INVENIETIS, quibus ultro erat obventura doctrina per apostolos, et ipsis apostolis per Spiritum sanctum. Omnia quidem dicta Domini omnibus posita sunt, quae per aures Judaeorum ad nos transierunt; sed pleraque in personas directa, non proprietatem admonitionis nobis constituerunt, sed exemplum.
was He throwing the children's bread, not yet was He commanding [them] to go into the way of the nations (Matt. 28:19); for indeed at the end He enjoined that they should go to teach and to baptize the nations, since they were soon to receive the Holy Spirit the Paraclete, Who would lead them into all truth (John 16:13). And this He did with regard to them. But if the apostles, appointed as teachers for the nations, were themselves also to receive the Paraclete as teacher, much more will "Seek and you shall find" be void with regard to us, to whom the teaching was to come of its own accord through the apostles, and to the apostles themselves through the Holy Spirit. All the sayings of the Lord, indeed, have been set down for all, which have passed to us through the ears of the Jews; but most of them, being directed to particular persons, have established for us not a specific application of the admonition, but an example.
CAPUT IX.
Chapter IX.
Nobis autem, qui jam credidimus, aliud non quaerendum.
But for us, who have already believed, nothing else is to be sought.
Cedo nunc sponte de gradu isto : omnibus dictum sit, QUAERITE, ET INVENIETIS; tamen et hic expedit sensu certare cum interpretationis gubernaculo. Nulla vox divina ita dissoluta est et diffusa ut verba tantum defendantur, et ratio verborum non constituatur. Sed in primis hoc propono : unum utique et certum aliquid institutum
I now give ground of my own accord from that position: let it have been said to all, "Seek, and you shall find"; yet even here it is expedient to contend over the sense with interpretation as the helm. No divine utterance is so loose and diffuse that only the words are defended and the meaning of the words is not established. But first of all I propose this: that some one thing, assuredly, and definite was instituted
Editors' notes and page, col. 26

Footnotes

(38) ‹anchor: lo (38)› · call in col 26

Cum interpretationis gubernaculo. Id est, cum ratione, cum disciplina rationis, quae sane omnem interpretationem gubernare debet, et in ea semper regnare. Hunc locum eodem sensu tractaverat Irenaeus lib. II. cap. 46. RIG.

"With the rudder of interpretation." That is, with reason, with the discipline of reason, which indeed ought to steer all interpretation and always reign in it. Irenaeus had treated this passage in the same sense, Book II, ch. 46. RIGAULT.

(printed under page 17)

(39) ‹anchor: (38) (39)› · call in col 26

Tamen et hic expetit sensus, certare cum interpretationis gubernaculo. Sic edit, princeps: sed expedit pro verbo expetit habent ed. ultima Rhenani et prima Parisiensis. Praestant editiones Paris. secunda et Franek. « tamen et hic expetit sensus certae interpretationis gubernaculum, » et revocaverunt hanc lectionem Lupus et Thomasius. Nam ediderat Rigaltius, afferente illud e veteri suo codice Wouwerio, « Tamen et hic expedit sensu certare cum interpretationis gubernaculo. » Praetulerim ego lectionem Rigaltianam, si modo voci sensu particula de praeponatur. Ad voces, cum interpretationis gubernaculo quod attinet, scribit auctor in lib. suo de Pudicitia, cap. 9: « Plus est igitur si nec expedit in Christianum convenire ordinem filii prodigi. Quod si nec in Judaeum integre filii imago concurrit, ad propositum Domini simpliciter interpretatio gubernabitur. » Porro mox infra habes, — ne. Quaerite, et invenietis, sine disciplina rationis interpretentur. Denique voces ita exponit in indice suo Latinitatis Tertullianeae Semlerus, « cum ratione, cum disciplina rationis, quae omnem interpretationem gubernare debet, et in ea semper regnare. » ROUTH.

"Yet here too the sense demands to contend with the rudder of interpretation." So the first edition; but Rhenanus's last edition and the first Paris edition have "expedit" ("it is expedient") for the word "expetit". The second Paris edition and the Franeker edition give: "yet here too the sense demands the rudder of a sure interpretation", and Lupus and Tommasi restored this reading. For Rigault had printed, Wouwer supplying it from his old manuscript: "Yet here too it is expedient to contend in sense with the rudder of interpretation." I would prefer Rigault's reading, provided the particle "de" is put before the word "sensu". As for the words "with the rudder of interpretation", the author writes in his book On Modesty, ch. 9: "It is more, then, if it is not even expedient for the order of the prodigal son to fit the Christian. But if the image of the son does not wholly fit the Jew either, the interpretation will simply be steered by the Lord's purpose." Further, just below you have: "— lest they interpret 'Seek, and you shall find' without the discipline of reason." Finally Semler, in his index of Tertullian's Latinity, explains the words so: "with reason, with the discipline of reason, which ought to steer all interpretation and always reign in it." ROUTH.

(printed under page 17)

(40) ‹anchor: Nulla vox divina› · call in col 26

Nulla vox divina. Similem locum allegat ad marginem Quintinus, qui in Decretis citatur I, q. 1, c. Marc. Non putemus in Scripturarum verbis esse Evangelium, sed in sensu; non in superficie, sed in medulla; non in sermonum foliis, sed in radice rationis. PAM.

"No divine utterance." Quintin cites in the margin a similar passage, which is quoted in the Decretum, [Causa] I, q. 1, c. Marc.: "Let us not think that the Gospel lies in the words of the Scriptures, but in the sense; not on the surface, but in the marrow; not in the leaves of speech, but in the root of meaning." PAMELIUS.

(printed under page 17)

(41) ‹anchor: certum aliquid› · call in col 26

Unum utique et certum aliquid. Recte hoc interpretatur Macereus de una regula seu symbolo fidei, cujus unusquisque articulus unus est, certus et determinatus. Neque enim Ecclesia post apostolos novum aliquem fidei articulum credendum proposuit. Etsi enim clarius explicuerit quosdam obscuriores, qui ob sui aut obscuritatem, aut ambiguitatem, possent contentionis causa esse inter fideles, et distinxerit in plures, qui prius in uno generali articulo comprehendebantur: non propterea censendi sunt plures reipsa articuli fidei, sed distinctione et explicatione duntaxat. Quod enim veteres in genere cognoverunt, nos distinctius et particulatim, crescente in dies hominum (haereti- (continues)

"Some one sure thing." Macé rightly interprets this of the one rule or creed of faith, each article of which is one, sure and determined. For after the apostles the Church has proposed no new article of faith to be believed. For although she has explained more clearly certain more obscure articles which, through their obscurity or ambiguity, could be a cause of contention among the faithful, and has divided into several what was formerly contained in one general article, it is not on that account to be held that there are in reality more articles of faith, but only by distinction and explanation. For what the ancients knew in general, we [know] more distinctly and in detail, as men's (heret- (continues)

(printed under page 17)

Page

  • running head: DE PRÆSCRIPTIONIBUS. (column number 26)
  • marginal letters: A ‹jactabat panem filiorum›; B ‹between "sed exemplum." and "CAPUT IX."›; C ‹tur si nec expedit (in the Commentarius)›; D ‹los novum aliquem (in the Commentarius)›
  • old-edition numerals: 23 after ‹gubernaculo (38) (39).›
PL 2:27
esse a Christo, quod credere omnimodo debeant nationes, et idcirco quaerere, ut possint, cum invenerint, credere. Unius porro et certi institui infinita inquisitio non potest esse, quaerendum est donec invenias, et credendum ubi inveneris; et nihil amplius, nisi custodiendum quod credidisti: dum hoc insuper credas, aliud non esse credendum, ideoque nec requirendum, cum id inveneris et credideris quod ab eo institutum est, qui non aliud tibi mandat inquirendum, quam quod instituit. De hoc quidem si quis dubitat, constabit penes nos esse id, quod a Christo institutum est. Interim ex fiducia probationis praevenio, admonens quosdam nihil esse quaerendum ultra quod crediderunt id esse, quod quaerere debuerunt; ne QUAERITE, ET INVENIETIS sine disciplina rationis interpretentur.
by Christ, which the nations must in every way believe, and for that reason seek, so that they may believe when they have found it. Now of one definite institution there cannot be an endless inquiry: one must seek until one finds, and believe once one has found; and nothing more, except to guard what one has believed, provided that one believes this besides: that nothing else is to be believed, and therefore nothing else is to be sought, once you have found and believed what was instituted by Him Who commands you to inquire after nothing other than what He instituted. If anyone doubts about this, it will be established that what was instituted by Christ is in our keeping. Meanwhile, from confidence in the proof, I anticipate, admonishing certain people that nothing is to be sought beyond what they have believed to be that which they ought to have sought, lest they interpret "Seek, and you shall find" without the discipline of reason.
CAPUT X.
Chapter X.
Alioqui si semper quaerimus, nunquam inveniemus, nunquam credemus.
Otherwise, if we are always seeking, we shall never find, we shall never believe.
Ratio autem dicti hujus in tribus articulis constitit, in re, in tempore, iu modo: in re, ut quid sit quaerendum consideres; in tempore, ut quando;
Now the reasoning of this saying consisted in three points: in the matter, in the time, in the manner: in the matter, that you consider what is to be sought; in the time, that [you consider] when;
Editors' notes and page, col. 27

Footnotes

Variae lectiones. 79 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 27 or 28 Qui Venet.

"Qui": Venice edition.

80 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 27 or 28 Praeverto Latinius, praevento, Semler.

"Praeverto" ("I anticipate"): Latinius; "praevento": Semler.

81 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 27 or 28 Quae Venet.

"Quae": Venice edition.

82 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 27 or 28 Est Rhen.

"Est" ("is"): Rhenanus.

83 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 27 or 28 Ne rejecerat Rhen. et Wouw.

"Ne" — Rhenanus and Wouwer had rejected it.

84 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 27 or 28 In d. r. interprete legerat Rhen.

Rhenanus had read "in d. r. interprete" ["d. r." as printed; expansion uncertain].

85 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 27 or 28 Quandiu non invenisti Jun.

"Quandiu non invenisti" ("as long as you have not found"): Junius.

86 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 27 or 28 Utique rej. Semler.

"Utique" ("surely") rejected by Semler.

87 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 27 or 28 Credendi Rig.

"Credendi" ("of believing"): Rigault.

88 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 27 or 28 Eritaque Agobardi liber. Ero itaque Rig. Venet. Pam. Ergo itaque Heuman.

"Eritaque": Agobard's book. "Ero itaque" ("I shall be, then"): Rigault, Venice edition, Pamelius. "Ergo itaque": Heumann.

89 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 27 or 28 Convenio Rig.

"Convenio": Rigault.

90 ‹anchor: et velut› · call in col 28 Et velint me sic esse nusquam Pam. et velint sic nusquam, quasi Seml. Rhen. et velim sic nusquam Jun. Delenda censet W. et velut si nusquam Heuman.

"Et velint me sic esse nusquam" ("and let them wish me to be thus nowhere"): Pamelius; "et velint sic nusquam, quasi": Semler, Rhenanus; "et velim sic nusquam" ("and may I be thus nowhere"): Junius. W[ouwer] thinks the words should be deleted. "Et velut si nusquam" ("and as if nowhere"): Heumann.

Commentarius. (printed under page 18)

(42) ‹anchor: lemma — Nos› · call not visible

Nos. Id est, Catholicos. SEMLER.

"Us": that is, the Catholics. SEMLER.

(printed under page 18)

(43) ‹anchor: lemma — Prolationem› · call not visible

Prolationem. Id est, continuationem, durationem. SEMLER.

"Prolongation": that is, continuation, duration. SEMLER.

(printed under page 18)

(44) ‹anchor: lemma — Ubi statio› · call not visible

Ubi statio. Tota periodus allegorica est, a re castrensi sumpta, ac si dicat: fixisti palos tentorii et stationis tuae; ne ergo ulterius proferantur. Pervenisti ad fructum quaerendi, quae ob hanc determinationem tibi Deus imperavit, nec ultra debes quaerere. Est enim statio, ubi solent consistere militares et confabulari. LAC.

"Where the post is." The whole sentence is an allegory drawn from military life, as if he said: you have fixed the stakes of your tent and your post; let them not, then, be moved further on. You have reached the fruit of the seeking which God commanded you for this very determining, and you ought not to seek further. For a "statio" is where soldiers usually halt and talk together. LA CERDA.

(printed under page 18)

(45) ‹anchor: lemma — Expunctio› · call not visible

Expunctio. Id est complementum. JUNIUS.

"Discharge": that is, completion. JUNIUS.

(printed under page 18)

(46) ‹anchor: lemma — Erit itaque› · call not visible

Erit itaque. Haec mihi fiducia est sensum hunc esse: Dum tot ac tantis assentior quaerendum esse, quaerendi finem non faciam, quod maxime optant haeretici, uti quaeram semper cum eis quasi nondum repererim quod Christus instituit, quod quaeri, quod credere necesse est. ALBASP.

"It will therefore be." I am confident that this is the sense: while I agree with so many and such great men that one must seek, I shall make no end of seeking — which is just what the heretics most desire — so that I should always be seeking with them, as if I had not yet found what Christ established, what must be sought, what must be believed. L'AUBESPINE.

(printed under page 18)

(47) ‹anchor: lemma — Dum ubique convenio› · call not visible

Dum ubique convenio. Sic Rigaltius ex editione principe, ubi tamen Rhenanus scribendum conjecerat convenior. Quam scripturam amplexa est non edit Paris. prior quidem, sed editt. Paris. secunda et Franek, probante Semlero, et revocantibus eam in editiones suas Lupo Thomasioque, haud multo diverso sensu, ni fallor, affixo, quam habet Senecae illud, « Nusquam est qui ubique est. » Epist. 2, p. 5, ed. Schweigh. At vero, ut Rigaltio locum restituenti potius assentiar, mihi suadet notio verbi convenio ex quatuor, vel quinque Tertulliani locis eruta; quorum primus exstat in libro de Jejuniis, cap. 13: « Ecce enim, inquit, convenio vos et praeter pascha jejunantes. » Alter in lib. II Advs. Marcion. cap. 17: « Repende autem austeritati lenitatem; cum utrumque conveneris in Creatore, invenies in eo et illud, propter quod alterum Deum credis; » tertius autem in lib. de Carne Christi, cap. 11: « Sed aliam argumentationem eorum convenimus, exigentes cur, » etc. Quartus denique in lib. de Testimonio Animae, cap. ult.: « Cum enim times fieri Christianus, eam (animam) conveni, cur alium colens, Deum nominat; cum maledicendos spiritus denotat, daemonia pronuntiat, cur ad coelum contestatur, et ad terram detestatur; cur alibi servit, alibi vindicem convenit. » In quo quidem loco verbum convenio cum sensu arcessendi positum videtur, Anglice convene; sicut postea, ubi haereticum convenire, seu arcessere auctor habet, cap. 16. In illo vero, de quo agimus, valet idem atque deprehendo, seu, mihi occurrit. Denique, quod ad rem est, in cap. 43, hoc exstat, Quaerite, et invenietis, ubique meminerunt. ROUTH.

"While I meet [them] everywhere." So Rigault from the first edition, where, however, Rhenanus had conjectured that "convenior" should be written. This reading was adopted not by the first Paris edition, but by the second Paris and the Franeker editions, with Semler's approval, and Lupus and Tommasi restored it in their editions, attaching to it, if I am not mistaken, a sense not very different from that of Seneca's saying, "He who is everywhere is nowhere" (Letter 2, p. 5, Schweighäuser's edition). But what persuades me rather to agree with Rigault's restoration of the passage is the meaning of the verb "convenio" drawn from four or five places in Tertullian. The first is in the book On Fasting, ch. 13: "For see," he says, "I call you to account, who fast even outside the Pasch." The second in Against Marcion Book II, ch. 17: "Weigh gentleness against severity; when you have met with both in the Creator, you will find in him that too for which you believe in another God." The third in the book On the Flesh of Christ, ch. 11: "But we take up another argument of theirs, demanding why," etc. The fourth, finally, in the book On the Testimony of the Soul, last chapter: "For when you fear to become a Christian, call it (the soul) to account: why, while worshipping another, does it name God? when it marks out spirits to be cursed, why does it pronounce them demons? why does it call heaven to witness and execrate by the earth? why does it serve in one place and call on an avenger in another?" In this passage the verb "convenio" seems to be used in the sense of summoning, in English "convene"; as later, where the author has "to call the heretic to account", or "to summon" him, ch. 16. But in the passage before us it means the same as "I come upon", or "it meets me". Finally, to the point, in ch. 43 we find: "They remember 'Seek, and you shall find' everywhere." ROUTH.

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Page

  • running head: TERTULLIANI OPERUM (cut off at the right edge)
  • marginal letters: A tum esse a Christo; B INVENIETIS sine disciplina; C corum nempe qui fidem (commentary); D nondum repererim quod (commentary)
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 2:28
in modo, ut quousque. Igitur quaerendum est quod Christus instituit; utique, quando non invenis; utique donec invenias. Invenisti autem, cum credidisti: nam non credidisses, si non invenisses; sicut nec quaesisses, nisi ut invenires. Ad hoc ergo quaeris, ut invenias; et ad hoc invenis, ut credas. Omnem prolationem quaerendi et inveniendi credendo fixisti: hunc tibi modum statuit fruc⟨t⟩us ipse quaerendi; hanc tibi fossam determinavit ipse, qui te non vult aliud credere, quam quod instituit, ideoque nec quaerere. Caeterum, si quia et alia tanta ab aliis sunt instituta, propterea in tantum quaerere debemus in quantum possumus invenire, semper quaeremus, et nunquam omnino credemus. Ubi enim erit finis quaerendi? ubi statio credendi? ubi expunctio inveniendi? apud Marcionem? Sed et Valentinus proponit: QUAERITE, ET INVENIETIS. Apud Valentinum? Sed et Apelles hac me pronuntiatione pulsabit; et Hebion et Simon, et omnes ordines non habent aliud, quo se mihi insinuantes, me sibi addicant. Erit itaque nusquam, dum ubique convenior, QUAERITE, ET INVENIETIS, et v⟨e⟩lut si nusquam
in the manner, that [you consider] how far. Therefore one must seek what Christ instituted; that is, while you do not find; that is, until you find. But you found when you believed: for you would not have believed if you had not found; just as you would not have sought except in order to find. For this, then, you seek, that you may find; and for this you find, that you may believe. Every prolonging of seeking and finding you have fixed by believing: this limit the very fruit of seeking has set for you; this boundary-ditch He Himself has marked out for you, Who does not want you to believe anything other than what He instituted, and therefore not to seek it either. Moreover, if, because so many other things have also been instituted by others, we must on that account seek so far as we are able to find, we shall always be seeking and never believe at all. For where will be the end of seeking? where the halting-place of believing? where the completion of finding? With Marcion? But Valentinus too puts forward: SEEK, AND YOU WILL FIND. With Valentinus? But Apelles too will knock at me with this declaration; and Hebion and Simon, and all the ranks have nothing else with which, insinuating themselves to me, they may bind me over to themselves. It will therefore be nowhere, while I am everywhere accosted with SEEK, AND YOU WILL FIND, and as if nowhere
Editors' notes and page, col. 28

Footnotes

(48) ‹anchor: QUAERITE, ET INVENIETIS› · call in col 28

Quaerite, et invenietis. In textu objecto nihil est quod faveat liberi examinis assertoribus, sed agitur tantum de precibus cum fiducia ad Patrem qui in coelis est attollendis, quia profecto, siquidem nos, cum simus mali, novimus bona data dare filiis nostris, multo magis Pater noster, qui in coelis est, dabit bona petentibus se (Matth. VII, 11). Neque dissimilem exhibent sensum loca Ev. Luc. Ibidem objecta. EDD. ex opere D. DE GOURCY.

"Seek, and you shall find." In the text cited there is nothing that favours the advocates of free inquiry; it concerns only prayers to be raised with confidence to the Father who is in heaven, since surely, "if we, being evil, know how to give good gifts to our children, how much more will our Father who is in heaven give good things to those who ask him" (Matt. 7:11). Nor do the passages of Luke's Gospel cited in the same place show a different sense. THE EDITORS, from the work of M. DE GOURCY.

(printed under page 18)

(49) ‹anchor: et velut (90) (49)› · call in col 28

Et velim sic nusquam, quasi qui nunquam apprehenderim. Ita edit. Paris. posterior anno 1566. typis impressa, et probante Junio. Idemque conjecerat legendum Latinus Latinius cum invenisset velint pro velim in editionibus Rhenani. Ille vero Rhenanus ad oram tertiae suae editionis duxit scribendum, et velut sit nusquam; atque in Notis suis ad edit. suam ultimam maluit reponere, sed veluti sit nusquam; dum et erit pro ero itaque in antecedentibus, minus autem bene, exstitit; exponente tamen Semlero « erit, scilicet, illud quod quaero. » Debitum autem esse nunc video editioni Paris. (continues)

"And I would thus be nowhere, as one who has never laid hold." So the later Paris edition printed in 1566, with Junius approving. Latinus Latinius too had conjectured that it should be read so, having found "velint" for "velim" in Rhenanus's editions. Rhenanus, however, in the margin of his third edition thought one should write "et velut sit nusquam"; and in his Notes to his last edition preferred to restore "sed veluti sit nusquam", while "et erit" stood, less happily, for "ero itaque" in what precedes; Semler, however, explains: "erit, namely, that which I seek." But I now see that it is owed to the Paris edition (continues)

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Page

  • running head: LLIANI OPERUM PARS II. (left part cut off at image edge)
  • marginal letters: A in modo, ut quousque; B ubi statio credendi; C Creatore, invenies in eo (commentary); D qui in coelis est attollendis (commentary)
  • old-edition numerals: 94 after Christus
PL 2:29
et quasi qui nunquam apprehenderim illud quod Christus instituit, quod quaeri oportet, quod credi necesse est.
and as one who has never grasped that which Christ instituted, which must be sought, which must of necessity be believed.
CAPUT XI.
Chapter XI.
Nemo enim quaerit, nisi qui aut non habuit, aut perdidit.
For no one seeks except one who either has not had or has lost.
Impune erratur nisi delinquatur (quamvis errare, delinquere est): impune, inquam, vagatur, qui nihil deserit. Atenim si quod debui credere credidi, et aliud denuo puto requirendum, spero utique et aliud esse inveniendum; nullo modo speratur istud, nisi quia aut non credideram qui videbar credidisse, aut desii credidisse. Ita fidem meam deserens, negator invenior. Semel dixerim: nemo quaerit, nisi qui aut non habuit, aut perdidit. Perdiderat unam ex decem drachmis anus illa (Luc XV, 8), et ideo quaerebat; ubi tamen invenit, quaerere desiit. Panem vicinus non habebat (Luc. XI, 5), et ideo pulsabat; ubi tamen apertum est ei, et accepit, pulsare cessavit. Vidua a judice petebat audiri (Luc. XVIII, 3), quia non admittebatur; sed ubi audita est, hactenus institit. Adeo finis est et quaerendi, et pulsandi, et petendi. Petenti enim dabitur, inquit, et pulsanti aperietur, et quaerenti invenietur (Luc XI, 9). Viderit, qui quaerit semper, quia non invenit: illic enim quaerit, ubi non invenietur. Viderit, qui semper pulsat, quia nunquam aperitur: illuc cum pulsat, ubi nemo est,
One errs with impunity unless one offends (although to err is to offend): with impunity, I say, does he wander who deserts nothing. But if I have believed what I ought to believe, and think that something else must be sought anew, I surely hope that something else is also to be found; and this is in no way hoped for unless either I had not believed, I who seemed to have believed, or I have ceased to believe. Thus, deserting my faith, I am found a denier. Let me say it once for all: no one seeks except one who either has not had or has lost. That old woman had lost one of ten drachmas (Luke 15:8), and therefore she was seeking; yet when she found it, she ceased to seek. The neighbour did not have bread (Luke 11:5), and therefore he was knocking; yet when it was opened to him and he received it, he ceased to knock. The widow was asking to be heard by the judge (Luke 18:3), because she was not admitted; but when she was heard, she pressed no further. So there is an end both of seeking, and of knocking, and of asking. For to him who asks it shall be given, He says, and to him who knocks it shall be opened, and to him who seeks it shall be found (Luke 11:9). Let him see to it who is always seeking because he does not find: for he seeks there where it will not be found. Let him see to it who is always knocking because it is never opened: for he knocks at a place where no one is,
Editors' notes and page, col. 29

Footnotes

[The variants line on this page is blotted in places; readings marked uncertain where the type is broken.] Variae lectiones. 91 ‹anchor: illuc› · call in col 29 Illic Venet. Pam. Rig.

"Illic" ("there"): Venice edition, Pamelius, Rigault.

92 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 29 or 30 Auditur Semler.

"Auditur" ("is heard"): Semler.

93 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 29 or 30 Illi vici Venet. illi vicini. Rig. [blotted; reading uncertain]

"Illi vici" ("those villages"): Venice edition; "illi vicini" ("those neighbours"): Rigault.

94 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 29 or 30 Strui Semler et Pam.

"Strui" ("to be built"): Semler and Pamelius.

95 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 29 or 30 In quo duntaxat Seml. in quo? Junius. [blotted; reading uncertain]

"In quo duntaxat" ("in which only"): Semler; "in quo?" ("in which?"): Junius.

96 ‹anchor: defendamus› · call in col 30 Credamus olim legebatur. [blotted; reading uncertain]

"Credamus" ("let us believe") was formerly read.

Commentarius. (printed under page 19)

(50) ‹anchor: lemma — Negator invenior› · call not visible

Negator invenior. Negator est qui tritam veritatis viam semel inventam, Christique fidem cum Catholicis acceptam, postea deserit coram hominibus, innovat aut immutat. Hunc etiam Christus deserturus ac negaturus est coram angelis. Propterea negatores ab Ecclesiae communicatione depellebantur, quia non sustinuissent in finem, sed ad gentes aut haereticos defecissent; quod ipse Tertullianus astruit in lib. de Monogamia; vixque recipiebantur, dum poenitentes postea redirent: quae res in Ecclesia prisca fecit olim controversiam maximam. Quamobrem Tertullianus hic tanquam probrum grande, non tantum deficientibus ad haereticos plene, sed ab haereticis aliquid addiscere volentibus objicit, quod sint negatores. PAM.

"I am found a denier." A denier is one who, having once found the trodden way of truth and received the faith of Christ with the Catholics, afterwards forsakes it before men, innovates or alters it. Christ too will forsake and deny such a one before the angels. That is why deniers were driven from the communion of the Church, because they had not held out to the end but had fallen away to the pagans or the heretics, as Tertullian himself affirms in the book On Monogamy; and they were scarcely received back even when they later returned as penitents — a matter which once caused very great controversy in the ancient Church. Therefore Tertullian here reproaches as a grave disgrace, not only those who fall away wholly to the heretics, but those who wish to learn anything from heretics, that they are deniers. PAMELIUS.

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(51) ‹anchor: quia non invenit› · call in col 29

Quia non invenit. Rescripsit docta manus inveniet ad oram editionis principis penes Novum Collegium apud Oxonium, quod propter sequentia hic placet. ROUTH.

"Because he does not find." A learned hand has written "inveniet" ("will find") in the margin of the copy of the first edition belonging to New College, Oxford, which pleases here because of what follows. ROUTH.

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(52) ‹anchor: lemma — Nemo inde strui potest unde destruitur› · call not visible

Nemo inde strui potest unde destruitur. Instrui posuit Rigaltius, quod quidem praestabat edit. Paris. secunda et referente Pamelio, ms. cod. Anglicanus, sed vere Tertullianeum, ait ille, est strui. Sic in cap. 13. Hoc etiam invenit in ms. suo Wouwerius, probatque ipse, contra quam adnotatum est in edit. Halensi. Atque haec editionum Rhenani et Paris. primae lectio a me nunc revocata est. ROUTH.

"No one can be built up from that by which he is destroyed." Rigault set "instrui" ("be instructed"), which the second Paris edition did indeed offer, and, as Pamelius reports, the English manuscript; but, he says, "strui" is truly Tertullian's word. So in ch. 13. Wouwer too found this in his manuscript and approves it himself, contrary to the note in the Halle edition. And this reading of Rhenanus's editions and the first Paris edition I have now restored. ROUTH.

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(53) ‹anchor: lemma — Regula fidei› · call not visible

Regula fidei. Fides, Κανὼν τῆς ἀληθείας, Corpusculum veritatis, Σωμάτιον τῆς ἀληθείας, Irenaeo. Quia scilicet in symbolum digesti sunt velut in unum corpus articuli, ex quibus constat Christianus. Hic autem sequitur regula, in qua notandum mentionem non fieri sepulturae neque descensus ad inferos, uti nec in ea quam edidit initio libri de velandis Virginibus, neque item apud Irenaeum; quasi mentio crucis, hoc est mortis, et sepulturam et descensum ad inferos includat. Caeterum, lib. adversus Praxeam, inter ejusdem regulae articulos legitur: « Hunc passum, hunc mortuum et sepultum. » Augustinus, lib. imperf. de Genesi ad litteram, c. 1: « Crucifigi, sepeliri et resurgere. » RIG.

"The rule of faith." For Irenaeus, faith is the "rule of truth", the "little body of truth" [kanṓn tês alētheías, sōmátion tês alētheías]: because, that is, the articles of which a Christian is made up are gathered into the creed as into one body. Here the rule follows; note that it makes no mention of the burial or the descent to the dead, as neither does the one he gives at the beginning of the book On the Veiling of Virgins, nor likewise Irenaeus; as if mention of the cross, that is, of death, included both burial and descent to the dead. However, in the book Against Praxeas we read among the articles of the same rule: "that he suffered, that he died and was buried". Augustine, unfinished book On Genesis Literally, ch. 1: "to be crucified, to be buried and to rise again". RIGAULT.

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Page

  • running head: 29 LIBER DE PRÆSCRIPT (cut off at the image edge; the page number is blurred and could be read as 28)
  • marginal letters: A et quasi qui nunquam apprehenderim; B 8), et ideo quaerebat (the mark is blotted and its letter is illegible); C priori istud, Ero itaque (in the commentary); D (51) Quia non invenit (in the commentary)
  • old-edition numerals: 25 after delinquere
PL 2:30
Viderit qui semper petit, quia nunquam audietur. Ab eo enim petit, qui non audit.
Let him see to it who is always asking, because he will never be heard. For he asks of one who does not hear.
CAPUT XII.
Chapter XII.
Si tamen adhuc quaerendum sit, non apud haereticos, ad quos vetamur accedere, sed a nostris, et de nostro quaeramus.
If, however, there is still to be seeking, let us seek not among the heretics, whom we are forbidden to approach, but from our own people, and concerning what is our own.
Nobis et si quaerendum esset adhuc et semper, ubi tamen quaeri oportet? apud haereticos? ubi omnia extranea et adversaria nostrae veritati, ad quos vetamur accedere? Quis servus cibaria ab extraneo, ne dicam ab inimico domini sui sperat? quis miles ab infoederatis, ne dicam ab hostibus regibus, donativum et stipendium captat, nisi plane desertor, et transfuga, et rebellis? Etiam anus illa intra tectum suum drachmam requirebat; etiam pulsator ille vicini januam tundebat; etiam vidua illa non inimicum, licet durum judicem interpellabat. Nemo inde instrui potest, unde destruitur: nemo ab eo illuminatur, a quo contenebratur. Quaeramus ergo in nostro, et a nostris, et de nostro; idque duntaxat, quod salva regula fidei, potest in quaestionem devenire.
Even if we had to seek still and always, where nevertheless ought the seeking to be done? Among the heretics? Where all things are foreign and hostile to our truth, whom we are forbidden to approach? What slave hopes for food from a stranger, not to say from an enemy of his master? What soldier seeks to obtain a donative and pay from kings outside the alliance, not to say from hostile kings, unless he is plainly a deserter, and a turncoat, and a rebel? Even that old woman searched for the drachma within her own house; even that knocker beat on his neighbour's door; even that widow petitioned a judge who, though harsh, was not hostile. No one can be built up from that by which he is torn down; no one is enlightened by one by whom he is darkened. Let us seek, therefore, in what is our own, and from our own people, and concerning what is our own; and only that which can come into question without prejudice to the rule of faith.
CAPUT XIII.
Chapter XIII.
Regulam enim (seu symbolum) fidei nobis praescriptam, ut jam hinc, quid credamus, profiteamur.
For a rule (or creed) of faith has been prescribed to us, so that from this point we may profess what we believe.
Regula est autem fidei, ut jam hinc quid defendamus profiteamur, illa scilicet qua creditur,
Now the rule of faith is, so that from this point we may profess what we defend, that namely by which it is believed:
Editors' notes and page, col. 30

Footnotes

(54) ‹anchor: autem fidei› · call in col 30

Regula est autem fidei. Regulam hic vocat quod vulgo apostolorum Symbolum vocamus. Dubitarunt nonnulli eruditi an symbolum istud esset apostolorum. Verum non satis caute; nam certissimum est, « Sanctos apostolos certam regulam fidei tradidisse, quam secundum numerum apostolicum duodecim sententiis comprehensam, Symbolum vocarunt; » ait B. Aug. serm. 181, de Tempore; quodque aliis in locis testatur, et cum eo multi veteres. At certum quoque ab iis temporibus jugi traditione derivatum illud quod hodie recitamus Symbolum, quodque credendum praecipit Ecclesia. PAM.

"Now the rule of faith is." He here calls a rule what we commonly call the Apostles' Creed. Some learned men have doubted whether that creed was the apostles'. But not cautiously enough; for it is most certain that "the holy apostles handed down a fixed rule of faith, which, comprised in twelve sentences according to the number of the apostles, they called the Symbol," says blessed Augustine, Sermon 181, On the Season; and he witnesses it in other places, and many ancients with him. It is certain too that the Creed we recite today, which the Church commands to be believed, has come down from those times by unbroken tradition. PAMELIUS.

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Page

  • running head: DE PRÆSCRIPTIONIBUS. (left part cut off at image edge)
  • marginal letters: A Viderit qui semper petit; B vidua illa non inimicum; C Wouwerius, probatque ipse (commentary); D fidei tradidisse, quam (commentary)
  • old-edition numerals: 26 after dicam
PL 2:31
unum omnino Deum esse, nec alium praeter mundi Conditorem; qui universa de nihilo produxerit, per Verbum suum primo omnium emissum; id Verbum, Filium ejus appellatum, in nomine Dei varie visum a patriarchis, in prophetis semper auditum, postremo delatum ex Spiritu Patris Dei et virtute in Virg⟨in⟩em Mariam, carnem factum in utero ejus, et ex ea natum egisse Jesum Christum; exinde praedicasse novam legem, et novam promissionem regni coelorum; virtutes fecisse; fixum cruci, tertia die resurrexisse; in coelos ereptum sedisse ad dexteram Patris; misisse vicariam vim Spiritus sancti, qui credentes agat, venturum cum claritate, ad sumendos sanctos in vitae aeternae et promissorum coelestium fructum, et ad profanos adjudicandos igni perpetuo, facta utriusque partis resuscitatione cum carnis restitutione.
that there is altogether one God, and no other besides the Maker of the world, Who produced all things out of nothing through His Word, sent forth first of all; that this Word, called His Son, was seen in diverse ways by the patriarchs in the name of God, was ever heard in the prophets, and at last was brought down from the Spirit and power of God the Father into the Virgin Mary, was made flesh in her womb, and, born of her, lived and acted as Jesus Christ; that thereafter He preached a new law and a new promise of the kingdom of the heavens, worked mighty deeds, was fixed to the cross, rose again on the third day, and, caught up into the heavens, sat at the right hand of the Father; that He sent the vicarious power of the Holy Spirit to lead believers; that He will come with glory to take up the saints into the enjoyment of eternal life and of the heavenly promises, and to condemn the profane to perpetual fire, after a raising up of both sides has taken place together with the restoration of the flesh.
CAPUT XIV.
Chapter XIV.
Hanc regulam a Christo institutam nullas apud nos habere quaestiones, nisi quas haereses inferunt, et quae haereticos faciunt.
That this rule, instituted by Christ, has among us no questions except those which heresies bring in and which make heretics.
Haec regula a Christo, ut probabitur, instituta, nullas habet apud nos quaestiones, nisi quas haereses inferunt, et quae haereticos faciunt. Caeterum, manente forma ejus in suo ordine, quantum libet quaeras et tractes, et omnem libidinem curiositatis effundas; si quid tibi videtur, vel ambiguitate pendere, vel obscuritate obumbrari, est utique
This rule, instituted, as will be proved, by Christ, has among us no questions except those which heresies bring in and which make heretics. For the rest, so long as its form remains in its own order, you may seek and discuss as much as you like, and pour out all the craving of your curiosity; if anything seems to you either to hang in ambiguity or to be overshadowed by obscurity, there is surely
Editors' notes and page, col. 31

Footnotes

[The variants run from 97 to 99 and then restart at 1. Part of the first variants line is blotted on the scan; readings marked uncertain there.] Variae lectiones. 97 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 31 or 32 Demissum Venet. post Rig.

"Demissum" ("sent down"): Venice edition, following Rigault.

98 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 31 or 32 Filius Semler.

"Filius" ("the Son"): Semler.

99 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 31 or 32 Exiisse Wouw. exisse Rig., ex libris Ursin. hominem et esse Paris. Fran. Nil mutem, ut postea; qui credentes agat. [first word blotted; reading uncertain]

"Exiisse" ("to have gone out"): Wouwer; "exisse": Rigault, from Orsini's books; "hominem et esse" ("a man, and to be"): Paris and Franeker editions. I would change nothing, as below: "who should treat the believers".

1 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 31 or 32 Judicandos Semler Pam.

"Judicandos" ("to be judged"): Semler, Pamelius.

2 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 31 or 32 Resurrectione al.

"Resurrectione" ("by the resurrection"): others.

3 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 31 or 32 Aliqui d. g. s. d. e. aliqui in. e. c. aliqui Venet. Rig. Paris.

[The abbreviations stand for the words of the text: "aliqui d(octor) g(ratia) s(cientiae) d(onatus) e(st), aliqui in(ter) e(xercitatos) c(onversatus), aliqui": that is, the phrase is repeated with "aliqui"] Venice edition, Rigault, Paris edition. [expansion not certain]

4 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 31 or 32 Aliquid La Cerd. Seml.

"Aliquid" ("something"): La Cerda, Semler.

5 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 31 or 32 Curiosus Venet. Rig. Paris. Pam. et iterum statim addunt tecum.

"Curiosus" ("curious"): Venice edition, Rigault, Paris edition, Pamelius; and they add "tecum" ("with you") again immediately.

6 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 31 or 32 Quia quod debeas nosti delevit Seml. quia quod debes nosti, legebat La Cerd.

Semler deleted "quia quod debeas nosti" ("because you know what you ought"); La Cerda read "quia quod debes nosti".

7 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 31 or 32 Deprehenderunt Paris. pro certe Jun. certi vere conjic. legendum Fran. inserit adhuc ultra.

"Deprehenderunt" ("have found out"): Paris edition. For "certe", Junius conjectures one should read "certi vere"; the Franeker edition inserts "adhuc ultra" ("still further").

8 ‹anchor: se adhuc› · call in col 32 Ad hoc Paris.

"Ad hoc" ("for this"): Paris edition.

9 ‹anchor: ubi adierint› · call in col 32 Adierunt Seml.

"Adierunt" ("they have come"): Semler.

10 [the call is printed "90" in the text] ‹anchor: sic debemus refutare› · call in col 32 Reputare Venet. Rig.

"Reputare" ("to reckon"): Venice edition, Rigault.

11 ‹anchor: ut sciant nos› · call in col 32 Vos Venet.

"Vos" ("you"): Venice edition.

12 ‹anchor: cum autem non› · call in col 32 Non delendum cens. Seml. et post tenent legendum et nondum credunt.

Semler thinks "non" should be deleted, and that after "tenent" one should read "et nondum credunt" ("and do not yet believe").

Commentarius. (printed under page 20)

(55) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not visible

Exstat in lib. de Virg. velandis, cap. I. alia fidei regula, seu formula, Symbolum, quod dicitur apostolicum, fere iisdem verbis exprimens. ROUTH.

In the book On the Veiling of Virgins, ch. 1, there is another rule or formula of faith, expressing in almost the same words the Creed that is called apostolic. ROUTH.

(printed under page 20)

(56) ‹anchor: lemma — Egisse Jesum Christum› · call not visible

Egisse Jesum Christum. Hoc est, eam hominis personam induisse, omniaque egisse quae de Jesu Christo fuerant praedicta. RIG.

"Acted as Jesus Christ." That is, put on that person of a man, and did all that had been foretold of Jesus Christ. RIGAULT.

(printed under page 20)

(57) ‹anchor: lemma — Sedisse ad dexteram Patris› · call not visible

Sedisse ad dexteram Patris. » Nec ideo tamen quasi humana forma circumscriptum esse Deum Patrem arbitrandum est, ut de illo cogitantibus dextrum aut sinistrum latus animo occurrat; aut idipsum quod sedere Pater dicitur, flexis poplitibus fieri putandum est, ne in illud incidamus sacrilegium, in quo exsecratur apostolus eos qui commutaverunt gloriam incorruptibilis Dei in similitudinem corruptibilis hominis. Tale enim simulacrum Deo nefas est Christiano in templo collocare, multo magis in corde nefarium est. Sedere ergo quod dicitur Deus, non membrorum positionem, sed judiciariam significat potestatem. Ad dexteram vero, hoc est, in summa beatitudine, ubi justitia et pax et gaudium est. » Verba sunt Augustini, lib. de Fide et Symb., cap. 7, n. 14. RIG. emendantibus. EDD.

"Sat at the right hand of the Father." "Yet we must not on that account think that God the Father is bounded by a human form, as if, when we think of him, a right or left side came to mind; nor must we suppose that the Father's being said to sit is done with bent knees, lest we fall into that sacrilege for which the apostle curses those who changed the glory of the incorruptible God into the likeness of corruptible man. For it is wicked for a Christian to set up such an image of God in a temple; much more wicked in the heart. So God's being said to sit signifies not a position of the limbs, but judicial power; and 'at the right hand', that is, in the highest blessedness, where there is justice and peace and joy." These are the words of Augustine, On Faith and the Creed, ch. 7, n. 14. RIGAULT, with corrections by THE EDITORS.

(printed under page 20)

(58) ‹anchor: lemma — Et ad profanos adjudicandos, etc.› · call not visible

Et ad profanos adjudicandos, etc. Meminit ignis Tertullianus, qui hic creberrime in inferno statuitur. Beza et Calvinus volunt, non esse ignem in inferno, sed per illum designatum esse miserum statum damnatorum. Sed certe ita frequens mentio est in Scriptura hujus ignis ut necessario debeamus fateri ignem esse in inferno. LAC.

"And to adjudge the profane," etc. Tertullian mentions the fire, which is here very often placed in hell. Beza and Calvin hold that there is no fire in hell, but that the wretched state of the damned is signified by it. But surely mention of this fire is so frequent in Scripture that we must of necessity confess that there is fire in hell. LA CERDA.

(printed under page 20)

(59) ‹anchor: lemma — Utriusque partis resuscitatione› · call not visible

Utriusque partis resuscitatione. Piorum et impiorum. RIG.

"By the raising of both parties": of the godly and the ungodly. RIGAULT.

(printed under page 20)

(60) ‹anchor: lemma — Doctor gratia scientiae donatus› · call not visible

Doctor gratia scientiae donatus. Notatum viris doctis duplicem eo loco a Tertulliano distingui doctorum ordinem, unum eorum, qui scientia coelitus demissa gaudent; alterum eorum, qui litterarum exercitio illam sibi comparant. Adnotatio ad THOMASII edit. ROUTH.

"A teacher endowed with the grace of knowledge." Learned men have noted that in this place Tertullian distinguishes two orders of teachers: one of those who enjoy knowledge sent down from heaven; the other of those who acquire it for themselves by the practice of letters. Note to TOMMASI's edition. ROUTH.

(printed under page 20)

(61) ‹anchor: lemma — Aliqui tecum, curiosius tamen, quaerens› · call not visible

Aliqui tecum, curiosius tamen, quaerens. Vulgo legitur curiosus, et repetitur tecum ante tamen; hoc modo: « Aliqui tecum curiosus, tecum tamen quaerens; » sed lectionem meam exhibent editt. Rhenani et ed. Paris. prima; nisi quod aliquid non aliqui in iis exstat. ROUTH.

"Someone, seeking with you, though more curiously." The common reading is "curiosus", with "tecum" repeated before "tamen", thus: "someone curious along with you, yet seeking with you"; but my reading is given by Rhenanus's editions and the first Paris edition, except that they have "aliquid", not "aliqui". ROUTH.

(printed under page 20)

(62) ‹anchor: lemma — Novissime› · call not visible

Novissime. Opponitur viris exercitatis, seu, quod habet supra Tertullianus cap. 3, usitatissimi in Ecclesia, ubi in edit. principe exstat vetustissimi. Sed et Praxeam is ista compellat: « Novissime, qui Filium Dei carnem interpretaris, exhibe qui sit Filius hominis, aut nunquid spiritus erit? » Cap. 27: Novissimus, novitius, Anglice a novice. Novitiole positum est in lib. de Poenitentia, cap. 51. ROUTH.

"Newest one." It is set against men who are practised, or, as Tertullian has above in ch. 3, "most experienced in the Church", where the first edition has "most ancient". He addresses Praxeas too in these words: "You newest one, who interpret the Son of God as flesh, show who the Son of man is — or will he perhaps be spirit?" Ch. 27. "Novissimus" means a newcomer, in English "a novice". "Novitiole" ("little novice") is used in the book On Repentance, ch. 51 [as printed]. ROUTH.

(printed under page 20)

Page

  • running head: 31 TERTULLIANI OPERUM [cut off at image edge]
  • marginal letters: A ditur, unum omnino Deum esse; B igni perpetuo, facta utriusque; C (55) Exstat in lib. de Virg. velandis; D vero, hoc est, in summa beatitudine
  • old-edition numerals: 27 after promissorum
  • other: column begins with word fragment "ditur" broken from the previous column; "Virg⟨in⟩em" damaged type, letters supplied; dotted blemish over the last lines of the column, so "videtur", "ambiguitate" and "utique" were read with some uncertainty ("utique" looks like "ulique"); "CAPUT XIV." appears in the overlap of two images and is set once; Variae lectiones and Commentarius (Routh, Rig., Augustine quotation) are editors' notes and are not set
PL 2:32
frater aliquis doctor gratia scientiae donatus, est aliquis inter exercitatos conversatus, aliquis tecum, curiosius tamen, quaerens, novissime, ignorare melius est, ne quod non debeas noris, quia quod debeas nosti. Fides, inquit, tua te salvum fecit (Luc. XVIII, 42); non exercitatio Scripturarum. Fides in regula posita est: habes legem, et salutem de observatione legis: exercitatio autem in curiositate consistit, habens gloriam solam de peritiae studio. Cedat curiositas fidei; cedat gloria saluti. Certe aut non obstrepant, aut quiescant. Adversus regulam nihil scire, omnia scire est. Ut non inimici essent veritatis haeretici, ut de refugiendis eis non praemoneremur, quale est conferre cum hominibus qui et ipsi adhuc se quaerere profiteantur? Si enim adhuc vere quaerunt, nihil adhuc certi repererunt; et ideo, quaecunque videntur interim tenere, dubitationem suam ostendunt, quandiu quaerunt. Itaque tu qui perinde quaeris, spectans ad eos qui et ipsi quaerunt, dubius a dubiis, incertus ab incertis, caecus a caecis in foveam deducaris necesse est (Matth. XV, 14). Sed, cum decipiendi gratia praetendunt se adhuc quaerere, ut nobis per sollicitudinis injectionem tractatus suos insinuent; denique, ubi adierint ad nos, statim, quae dicebant quaerenda esse, defendunt: jam illos sic debemus refutare, ut sciant nos non Christo, sed sibi negatores esse. Cum enim quaerunt adhuc, nondum tenent; cum autem non
some brother, a doctor endowed with the grace of knowledge, there is someone who has kept company among the practised, someone who seeks along with you, though more curiously, as a novice, it is better to be ignorant, lest you come to know what you ought not, because you know what you ought. "Your faith," He says, "has saved you" (Luke 18:42); not practice in the Scriptures. Faith is placed in the rule: you have the law, and salvation from the observance of the law; but practice consists in curiosity, having only the glory that comes from zeal for expertise. Let curiosity give way to faith; let glory give way to salvation. Certainly let them either not make a din, or keep quiet. To know nothing against the rule is to know everything. Even if the heretics were not enemies of the truth, even if we were not forewarned to flee them, what sort of thing is it to confer with men who themselves also profess that they are still seeking? For if they are still truly seeking, they have not yet found anything certain; and therefore, whatever they seem meanwhile to hold, they show their doubt, as long as they are seeking. And so you, who seek in the same way, looking to those who themselves also seek, doubtful led by the doubtful, uncertain by the uncertain, blind by the blind, must needs be led into the pit (Matt. 15:14). But when, for the sake of deceiving, they pretend that they are still seeking, so that by casting anxiety into us they may insinuate their treatises; and then, when they have come to us, they at once defend what they were saying was to be sought: we must now refute them in such a way that they may know that we are deniers not of Christ but of them. For while they are still seeking, they do not yet hold; but when they do not
Editors' notes and page, col. 32

Page

  • running head: …LIANI OPERUM PARS II. (cut off at left edge)
  • marginal letters: A frater aliquis doctor; B nihil adhuc certi; C in inferno, sed per illum (Commentarius); D in Ecclesia, ubi (Commentarius)
  • old-edition numerals: 28 after ostendunt
PL 2:33
tenent, nondum crediderunt, non sunt Christiani. At, cum tenent quidem et credunt, quaerendum tamen dicunt, ut defendant. Antequam defendant, negant, quod confitentur se nondum credidisse, dum quaerunt. Qui ergo nec sibi sunt Christiani, quanto magis nobis? Qui per fallaciam veniunt, qualem fidem disputant? Cui veritati patrocinantur, qui eam a mendacio inducunt?
hold, they have not yet believed, they are not Christians. But when they do indeed hold and believe, they nevertheless say that one must seek, in order to defend. Before they defend, they deny, since they confess that they have not yet believed, so long as they are seeking. Those, then, who are not Christians even to themselves, how much less to us? Those who come by way of deceit, what kind of faith are they arguing? What truth are they championing, who usher it in with a lie?
CAPUT XV.
Chapter XV.
Porro ad propositum veniens Tertullianus, praescribit non admittendos haereticos ad ullam de Scripturis disputationem.
Coming next to his purpose, Tertullian lays down as a prescription that heretics are not to be admitted to any disputation concerning the Scriptures.
Sed ipsi de Scripturis agunt, et de Scripturis suadent. Aliunde scilicet loqui possent de rebus fidei, nisi ex litteris fidei? Venimus igitur ad propositum : huc enim dirigebamus, et hoc praestruebamus allocutionis praefatione, ut jam hinc de eo congrediamur, de quo adversarii provocant. Scripturas obtendunt, et hac sua audacia statim quosdam movent; in ipso vero congressu firmos quidem fatigant, infirmos capiunt, medios cum scrupulo dimittunt. Hunc igitur potissimum gradum obstruimus, non admittendos
But they themselves deal with the Scriptures, and use the Scriptures to persuade. From where else, of course, could they speak about matters of faith, except from the writings of faith? We come, then, to our purpose: for it was towards this that we were heading, and this that we were preparing by the preface of our address, so that from here on we might engage on that very point on which our adversaries challenge us. They put forward the Scriptures, and by this boldness of theirs at once sway some; but in the actual encounter they weary the firm, they capture the weak, and they send the middling away with a scruple. This step, therefore, above all we block, [ruling] that they are not to be admitted
Editors' notes and page, col. 33

Footnotes

[The foot images begin at the Variae lectiones heading; no author's text is visible, so no anchors can be given.] Variae lectiones. 13 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 33 or 34 Indicunt Seml.

"Indicunt" ("they declare"): Semler.

14 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 33 or 34 Suadere non Seml.

"Suadere non" ("not to persuade"): Semler.

15 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 33 or 34 Hoc Seml. Rig.

"Hoc" ("this"): Semler, Rigault.

16 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 33 or 34 Hoc delevit Seml.

Semler deleted "hoc".

17 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 33 or 34 Ad locutionis al.

"Ad locutionis": others.

18 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 33 or 34 Praefationem Seml.

"Praefationem" ("preface"): Semler.

19 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 33 or 34 Admittendi Seml.

"Admittendi" ("of admitting"): Semler.

20 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 33 or 34 Sint ne illae juris Latin. pro illae, ullae proponit Seml.

"Sint ne illae juris" ("whether those are of the right"): Latinius. For "illae", Semler proposes "ullae" ("any").

21 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 33 or 34 Uti eas habere possent del Heuman.

Heumann deletes "uti eas habere possent" ("so that they might have them").

22 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 33 or 34 Qua Venet. ex lib. Agobardi.

"Qua": Venice edition, from Agobard's book.

Commentarius. (printed under page 21)

(63) ‹anchor: lemma — Qualem fidem disputant› · call not visible

Qualem fidem disputant. H. e. qualem fidem fallaces disserendo defendunt. Habes postea in cap. 40: « Aliter eum (Creatorem) disserunt, quam in vero est. » ROUTH.

"What sort of faith they argue." That is, what sort of faith they defend by deceitful discourse. You have later in ch. 40: "They describe him (the Creator) otherwise than he is in truth." ROUTH.

(printed under page 21)

(64) ‹anchor: lemma — Aliunde scilicet loqui possent de rebus fidei› · call not visible

Aliunde scilicet loqui possent de rebus fidei. Omnes haec verba ita accipiunt, quasi neget ex aliis litteris haereticos fidem suam probare posse, quam ex utroque Testamento: mihi vero alia subjicit cogitatio, nempe haec eadem negative posita non esse, neque aliud quidquam his Auctorem intendere, quam haereticos nonnunquam etiam argumenta ex Scripturis arcessere, quamvis in probationem suae opinionis philosophorum scripta ducere possint, ex quibus commenta sua hauserunt, uti probavit cap. 8. Ad confirmationem hujusce explicationis, quam tuemur, referri potest, nulla haec interrogationis nota scribi, quam qui ex diverso interpretantur, coguntur affingere; fateri tamen cogor legentium animos longe facilius occupare contrariam, sed si quis Auctoris in dicendo acumen et solertiam repetat, et sibi proponat, eam adulteram esse deprehendet. ALBASP.

"As if, forsooth, they could speak of matters of faith from elsewhere." Everyone takes these words as if he denied that heretics could prove their faith from any other writings than the two Testaments. But another thought occurs to me: that these words are not set down as a negative, and that the Author means nothing else by them than that heretics sometimes also fetch arguments from the Scriptures, although they could bring in, as proof of their opinion, the writings of the philosophers from which they drew their inventions, as he showed in ch. 8. In confirmation of the explanation we defend it can be pointed out that no question mark is written here, which those who interpret otherwise are forced to add. I must admit, however, that the contrary reading takes hold of readers' minds far more easily; but anyone who recalls and keeps before him the Author's sharpness and skill in speaking will find it spurious. L'AUBESPINE.

(printed under page 21)

(65) ‹anchor: lemma — Venimus igitur ad propositum› · call not visible

Venimus igitur ad propositum. Tertullianus, inquit Quintinus, hoc unum toto suo libro docendum proposuit, non esse de Scripturis cum Gnosticis altercandum, sed neque loquendum. Nam disputationes hujuscemodi vexant in fide infirmos, conturbant, et vacillare faciunt, et alio saepe transferunt medios, in haeresin vero deturbant infirmos. Haec veris veriora si non sunt, adversus haereticos altercari, scribere non cessemus, neque jejunemus et oremus in eos, interim tamen et ubique memores, quod hoc genus daemoniorum non ejicietur, nisi in oratione et jejunio.

"We come, then, to our purpose." Tertullian, says Quintin, set himself to teach this one thing in his whole book: that one must not argue about the Scriptures with the Gnostics, nor even speak with them. For disputes of this kind harass the weak in faith, unsettle them and make them waver; they often carry the middling elsewhere, and hurl the weak down into heresy. If these things are not truer than true, let us not cease to dispute and write against the heretics, nor [cease to] fast and pray against them; yet meanwhile remembering everywhere that "this kind of demon is not cast out except by prayer and fasting."

(printed under page 21)

(66) ‹anchor: lemma — Hunc igitur potissimum gradum› · call not visible

Hunc igitur potissimum gradum. Dissuadet, ne cum haereticis certamen ineamus: non, quod Ecclesiasticae causae ut dubiae diffidat, absit; sed quod haeretici procaciter in suas blasphemias sancta Scriptura, et ejus legitimo sensu abutantur; ex quo victoria sit dubia, audientium vero, qui eos meras Scripturas crepare audiunt, discrimen certissimum. Tantum ergo abest, ut in his frequens sanctarum Scripturarum jactatio sit verae religionis indicium, ut potius sit ab eis magnopere timendum, ne quod ipsi habent, id est, blasphemiarum spurcitias Scripturarum divinarum contextas involucris, nobis intorqueant. Vide Clementem Alex. lib. contra Haereticos. LAC.

"This step above all, then." He advises us not to enter into contest with heretics: not that he mistrusts the Church's cause as doubtful — far from it — but because the heretics shamelessly abuse Holy Scripture and its lawful sense for their blasphemies; whence the victory is doubtful, but the danger to the hearers, who hear them rattling off nothing but Scriptures, most certain. So far, then, is the frequent parading of the holy Scriptures among them from being a sign of true religion, that rather we must greatly fear lest they twist on to us what they themselves have, namely the filth of blasphemies woven into the wrappings of the divine Scriptures. See Clement of Alexandria, book Against the Heretics. LA CERDA.

(printed under page 21)

(67) ‹anchor: lemma — Sic hae sunt illae vires eorum› · call not visible

Sic hae sunt illae vires eorum. Sensus est, an his armis uti possint sive an Scripturae sint arma eorum. ALBASP.

"Are these, then, their strengths?" The sense is: whether they may use these arms, or whether the Scriptures are their arms. L'AUBESPINE.

(printed under page 21)

(68) ‹anchor: lemma — Aliter ineundae constitutionis› · call not visible

Aliter ineundae constitutionis. Est constitutio prima causarum conflictio, quae status appellatur. « Constitutiones apud rhetores sunt quatuor, conjecturalis, definitiva, generalis, translativa, quae status etiam dicuntur. » DELACERDA.

"Of entering upon the issue otherwise." The "constitutio" is the first clash of the cases, which is called the "status" (issue). "Among the rhetoricians the issues are four: conjectural, definitional, general, translative; they are also called 'status'." DE LA CERDA.

(printed under page 21)

(69) ‹anchor: lemma — Induxerim› · call not visible

Induxerim. Id est, videri potuerim inducere. SEML.

"I may have introduced": that is, I could have seemed to introduce. SEMLER.

(printed under page 21)

(70) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not visible

Vide supra not. 17.

See note 17 above.

(printed under page 21)

(71) ‹anchor: lemma — Hoc unam› · call not visible

Hoc unam. At contra, non jubet Apostolus devitari haereticum hominem, nisi post unam et secundam correptionem (Tit. III, 10) Originalis etiam vocula, νουθεσίαν, meram monitionem, vel consilium aut suasionem, si bene observes, significat. Graeco textui consonant, tum Syriacae, tum arabicae versiones; Vulgatae autem et Arabica. Verum enimvero omnes lectiones in eo concordant, ut non vitetur persona haeretici, nisi post plures monitiones. V. Polyglott., tom. V, Londini 1657. Charitas enim, atque etiam prudentia, dictant adhortationibus, suasionibus, obtestationibus minime parcendum, quicumque sit ille, et quocunque in errore versetur. Hoc fuit Evangelii, hoc divini ejus auctoris consilium, utpote qui suis pressius nihil intimaverit, quam ut mites, ut longanimes, ut misericordes forent, Tertullianum vero longe alio animo fuisse, nimis certo constat. EDD. ex notis DE GOURCY.

"This one." But on the contrary, the Apostle does not command that a heretical man be avoided except after one and a second rebuke (Titus 3:10). The original word too, nouthesían, if you look closely, means mere admonition, or counsel, or persuasion. The Syriac and the Arabic versions agree with the Greek text; but the Arabic [agrees] with the Vulgate [as printed]. Yet all the readings agree in this, that the person of the heretic is not to be avoided except after several admonitions. See the Polyglot, vol. V, London 1657. For charity, and prudence too, dictate that exhortations, persuasions and entreaties be in no way spared, whoever he may be and whatever error he is caught in. This was the counsel of the Gospel and of its divine Author, who impressed nothing on his own more urgently than that they be meek, long-suffering, merciful; but that Tertullian was of a far different mind is only too certain. THE EDITORS, from the notes of DE GOURCY.

(printed under page 21)

Page

  • running head: 33 LIBER DE PRÆSCRIPTI (cut off at the image edge)
  • marginal letters: A tenent, nondum crediderunt; B praestruebamus allocutionis praefatione; C cap. 40 (in the commentary); D (65) Venimus igitur ad propositum (in the commentary)
  • old-edition numerals: 29 after cum
PL 2:34
eos ad ullam de Scripturis disputationem. Si hae sunt illae vires eorum, uti eas habere possint, dispici debet cui competat possessio Scripturarum, ne is admittatur ad eas, cui nullo modo competit.
to any disputation about the Scriptures. If these are those strengths of theirs, so that they may have them, it must be examined to whom the possession of the Scriptures belongs, lest he be admitted to them to whom it in no way belongs.
CAPUT XVI.
Chapter XVI.
Primum, quod fides nostra obsequium Apostolo debeat, disputationem prohibenti, dum post unam correptionem convenire haereticum interdixit.
First, that our faith owes obedience to the Apostle, who forbids disputation, since he prohibited meeting with a heretic after one correction.
Hoc de consilio diffidentiae, aut de studio aliter ineundae constitutionis induxerim, nisi ratio constiterit, in primis illa, quod fides nostra obsequium Apostolo debeat, prohibenti quaestiones inire, novis vocibus aures accommodare (I Tim. VI, 4), haereticum post unam correptionem convenire (Tit., III; 10), non post disputationem. Adeo interdixit disputationem, correptionem designans causam haeretici conveniendi; et hoc unam scilicet, quia non est christianus; ne more christiani, semel et iterum, et sub duobus aut tribus testibus (Matth. XVIII, 15, 16) castigandus videretur; cum ob hoc sit castigandus, propter quod non sit cum illo disputandum.
I might have introduced this from a design of distrust, or from a desire of entering upon the issue in some other way, were it not that a reason stood firm, first of all this one: that our faith owes obedience to the Apostle, who forbids entering into questions and lending our ears to novel words (1 Tim. 6:4), and [who bids us] meet with a heretic after one correction (Titus 3:10), not after disputation. So far did he forbid disputation, designating correction as the cause for meeting a heretic; and this, namely, one [correction], because he is not a Christian; lest he should seem to need rebuking in the manner of a Christian, once and again, and before two or three witnesses (Matt. 18:15–16); since he is to be rebuked for the very reason on account of which there must be no disputing with him.
Editors' notes and page, col. 34

Page

  • running head: DE PRAESCRIPTIONIBUS. 34
  • marginal letters: A tendos eos ad ullam; B Adeo interdixit disputationem; C tissimum. Tantum ergo abest (in Commentarius); D vitari haereticum hominem (in Commentarius)
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 2:35
CAPUT XVII.
Chapter XVII.
Deinde quod nihil proficiat congressio Scripturarum; cum haereses quasdam non recipiant, et si quas recipiant, adjectionibus et detractionibus intervertant, aut non recipiant integras, et si aliquatenus integras, diversas expositiones comminiscantur.
Next, that a contest over the Scriptures achieves nothing; since heresies do not accept certain [Scriptures], and if they accept some, they pervert them with additions and subtractions, or do not accept them whole, and if to some extent whole, they devise diverse expositions.
Deinde, quoniam nihil proficiat congressio Scripturarum, nisi plane ut stomachi quis ineat eversionem, aut cerebri. Ista haeresis non recipit quasdam Scripturas: et si quas recipit, non recipit integras: adjectionibus et detractionibus ad dispositionem instituti sui intervertit; et si aliquatenus integras praestat, nihilominus diversas expositiones commeutata convertit. Tantum veritati obstrepit adulter sensus, quantum et corruptor stylus. Variae praesumptiones necessario nolunt agnoscere ea, per quae revincuntur; his nituntur quae ex falso composuerunt, et quae de ambiguitate ceperunt. Quid promovebis, exercitatissime Scripturarum, cum si quid defenderis, negetur ex diverso, si quid negaveris, defendatur? Et tu quidem nihil perdes, nisi vocem in contentione; nihil consequeris, nisi bilem de blasphematione.
Next, since a contest over the Scriptures achieves nothing, except plainly that one brings on an upset of the stomach, or of the brain. This heresy does not accept certain Scriptures: and if it accepts some, it does not accept them whole: with additions and subtractions it perverts them to fit the arrangement of its own system; and if it does present them whole to some extent, it nonetheless turns them aside by devising diverse expositions. An adulterous sense opposes the truth as much as a corrupting pen does. Various presumptions necessarily refuse to acknowledge those things by which they are refuted; they rely on what they have composed out of falsehood, and on what they have seized from ambiguity. What will you achieve, you who are most practised in the Scriptures, when, if you defend anything, it is denied by the other side, and if you deny anything, it is defended? And you indeed will lose nothing but your voice in the dispute; you will gain nothing but bile from the blasphemy.
CAPUT XVIII.
Chapter XVIII.
Ille etiam, cujus causa in congressum Scripturarum descendis, incertior discedet; de pari altercatione negandi et defendendi.
He too, for whose sake you descend into the contest over the Scriptures, will depart more uncertain; on the equal altercation of denying and defending.
Ille vero, si quis est, cujus causa in congressum descendis Scripturarum, ut eum dubitantem confirmes, ad veritatem, an magis ad haereses deverget? Hoc ipso motus, quod te videat nihil promovisse, aequo gradu negandi et defendendi diversa parte statuto, certe pari, altercatione incertior discedet, nesciens quam haeresim judicet. Haec utique et ipsi habent in nos retorquere. Necesse est enim et illos dicere a nobis potius adulteria Scripturarum
But that man, if there is one, for whose sake you descend into the contest over the Scriptures, so as to strengthen him in his doubt, will he incline towards the truth, or rather towards heresies? Moved by this very fact, that he sees you have achieved nothing, since denying and defending stand on an equal footing on opposite sides, he will certainly depart from an equal altercation more uncertain, not knowing which to judge heresy. These things, of course, they too are able to turn back against us. For they too must say that it is rather by us that adulterations of the Scriptures
Editors' notes and page, col. 35

Footnotes

Variae lectiones. 23 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 35 or 36 Vanae Jun.

"Vanae" ("vain"): Junius.

24 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 35 or 36 Volunt Semler ex Agobard. et divin. exempl.

"Volunt" ("they wish"): Semler, from Agobard's and the "divin." copy [as printed; probably the Dijon copy, "Divion."].

25 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 35 or 36 Coeperunt Seml. Pam.

"Coeperunt" ("they began"): Semler, Pamelius.

26 ‹anchor: bilem de blasphematione› · call in col 35 Vilem d. b. laudem Seml.

"Vilem d(e) b(lasphematione) laudem" ("cheap praise from blasphemy"): Semler.

27 ‹anchor: diversa parte› · call in col 35 Adversa Venet. Rigalt.

"Adversa" ("opposite"): Venice edition, Rigault.

28 ‹anchor: parte statuto› · call in col 35 Statutum Seml. Pam. statu. Rigalt. Venet. Diversa parte statutum, certe de pari altercatione incertior discedet: Routh.

"Statutum": Semler, Pamelius; "statu": Rigault, Venice edition. "Diversa parte statutum, certe de pari altercatione incertior discedet" ("set on the opposite side, he will surely go away more uncertain from an even dispute"): Routh.

29 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 35 or 36 Eorum addit Seml.

Semler adds "eorum" ("their").

30 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 35 or 36 Parum incerta, ex antiquae script. vestigiis, parum certa, Seml. Pam.

"Parum incerta" ("hardly uncertain"); from traces of the old writing, "parum certa" ("hardly certain"): Semler, Pamelius.

31 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 35 or 36 Christianorum Seml. Gourcy.

"Christianorum" ("of the Christians"): Semler, de Gourcy.

Commentarius. (printed under page 22)

(72) ‹anchor: lemma — Et si quas recipit, non recipit integras› · call not visible

Et si quas recipit, non recipit integras. Non potuit elegantius adumbrari haereticorum nostrorum protervia, qui Scripturam admittunt, et statim rejiciunt si quid eis obstet. Atque etiam explicationes suas addunt, ut in suos sensus detorqueant, nihilque aliud passim asserunt quam aegrorum somnia, aut somniorum interpretamenta. LE PR.

"And if it receives any, it does not receive them whole." The insolence of our heretics could not have been sketched more elegantly: they admit Scripture and at once reject it if anything stands in their way. And they also add their own explanations, so as to twist it to their own senses, and everywhere assert nothing but sick men's dreams, or interpretations of dreams. LE PRIEUR.

(printed under page 22)

(73) ‹anchor: lemma — Obstrepit adulter sensus, etc.› · call not visible

Obstrepit adulter sensus, etc. Hoc est perversa interpretatio. Adulterare hoc in significatu est corrumpere et καπηλεύειν λόγον τοῦ Θεοῦ. Sic B. Paulus, II ad Cor. V, LE PR.

"An adulterous sense clamours against it," etc. That is, a perverse interpretation. "To adulterate" in this sense is to corrupt and to peddle the word of God [kapēleúein lógon toû Theoû]. So blessed Paul, 2 Corinthians 5 [as printed; the phrase is 2 Cor. 2:17]. LE PRIEUR.

(printed under page 22)

(74) ‹anchor: lemma — Necessario nolunt agnoscere ea per quae revincuntur› · call not visible

Necessario nolunt agnoscere ea per quae revincuntur. Sic infra: « Quibus fuit propositum aliter docendi, eos necessitas coegit aliter disponendi instrumenta doctrinae. » RIG.

"Of necessity they refuse to acknowledge the things by which they are refuted." So below: "Those whose purpose was to teach otherwise, necessity forced to arrange the instruments of teaching otherwise." RIGAULT.

(printed under page 22)

(75) ‹anchor: et ipsi habent› · call in col 35

Haec utique et ipsi habent. Quod Catholici, inquit Quintinus, vere dicunt in haereticos, scilicet, ipsos non intelligere, sed corrumpere Scripturas, idipsum Catholicis objiciunt haeretici. Quae potest igitur disputationis cum talibus utilitas esse? cum (quod ab Hieronymo verissime dictum fuit in fine libri contra Luciferianos) haeretici quidem facile vinci possint, persuaderi non possint. Itaque disputans verba certe perdes, et auditoris animam fortasse, audiesque demum haereticus. Res autem nova non est Christi fidem et religionem ab adversariis haeresin vocari per ignominiam: quod Hieronymus attestatur, in cap. III, ad Tit. PAM.

"These things they too surely have." What Catholics truly say against heretics, says Quintin — namely that they do not understand the Scriptures but corrupt them — that very thing the heretics charge against the Catholics. What use, then, can there be in disputing with such people? since (as Jerome said most truly at the end of his book against the Luciferians) heretics can easily be defeated but cannot be persuaded. So by disputing you will certainly waste words, and perhaps the hearer's soul, and in the end you will be called a heretic. Nor is it anything new for the faith and religion of Christ to be called a heresy by its adversaries in reproach, as Jerome attests on Titus ch. 3. PAMELIUS.

(printed under page 22)

(76) ‹anchor: lemma — Ubi enim apparuerit esse veritatem› · call not visible

Ubi enim apparuerit esse veritatem. Locus insignis pro Catholicis, quod apud eos sit veritas Scripturarum et expositionum, et omnium traditionum Christianarum. PAM.

"For where it appears that the truth is." A notable passage for the Catholics: that with them is the truth of the Scriptures and of their expositions, and of all the Christian traditions. PAMELIUS.

(printed under page 22)

Page

  • running head: 35 TERTULLIANI OPERUM
  • marginal letters: A ‹Deinde quod nihil proficiat congressio Scriptura-›; B ‹cere ea, per quae revincuntur›; C ‹firmes, ad veritatem, an magis›; D ‹rum protervia, qui Scripturam (in the notes)›
  • old-edition numerals: 30 after aut (in the italic summary of Chapter XVII); 31 after ipsi
PL 2:36
et expositionum mendacia inferri, qui proinde sibi defendant veritatem.
and falsehoods of expositions are brought in, since they in like manner claim the truth for themselves.
CAPUT XIX.
Chapter XIX.
Illud itaque solum disputandum, quibus competat fides, cujus sint Scripturae; a quo, per quos, et quibus sit tradita disciplina qua Christiani fiunt.
Therefore this alone is to be disputed: to whom the faith belongs, whose the Scriptures are; from whom, through whom, and to whom the discipline by which people become Christians was handed down.
Ergo non ad Scripturas provocandum est; nec in his constituendum certamen, in quibus aut nulla, aut incerta victoria est, aut par incertae. Nam etsi non ita evaderet conlatio Scripturarum, ut utramque partem parem sisteret, ordo rerum desiderabat illud prius proponi, quod nunc solum disputandum est: Quibus competat fides ipsa? Cujus sint Scripturae? A quo, et per quos, et quando, et quibus sit tradita disciplina qua fiunt Christiani? Ubi enim apparuerit esse veritatem et disciplinae et fidei christianae, illic erit veritas Scripturarum, et expositionum, et omnium traditionum Christianarum.
Therefore appeal must not be made to the Scriptures, nor must the contest be set up on ground where the victory is either none, or uncertain, or as good as uncertain. For even if the comparing of the Scriptures did not turn out so as to leave both sides on an equal footing, the order of things required that this be put forward first, which alone is now to be disputed: To whom does the faith itself belong? Whose are the Scriptures? From whom, and through whom, and when, and to whom was the discipline by which people become Christians handed down? For wherever it appears that the truth of both the Christian discipline and the Christian faith is found, there will be the truth of the Scriptures, and of the expositions, and of all the Christian traditions.
CAPUT XX.
Chapter XX.
Atqui a Christo unam ejusdem fidei doctrinam apstolis traditam, qui eam nationibus promulgaverunt, et Ecclesias apud un⟨am⟩quamque civitatem condiderunt, a quibus caeterae Ecclesiae quotidie mutuantur ut Ecclesiae fiant; ita ut tot ac tantae Ecclesiae, una sit illa ab apostolis prima, ex qua omnes.
But one doctrine of the same faith was handed down by Christ to the apostles, who promulgated it to the nations and founded churches in every city, from which the other churches daily borrow [it] so that they may become churches; so that so many and so great churches are that one first [church] from the apostles, from which all [derive].
Christus Jesus Dominus noster permittat dicere interim, quisquis est, cujuscunque Dei Filius, cujuscunque materiae homo et Deus, cujuscunque fidei praeceptor, cujuscunque mercedis repromissor, quid esset, quid fuisset, quam Patris voluntatem administraret, quid homini agendum determinaret, quamdiu in terris agebat, ipse pronuntiabat, sive populo palam, sive discentibus seorsum; ex quibus duodecim praecipuos lateri suo adlegerat destinatos nationibus magistros. Itaque, uno
Christ Jesus our Lord (may He permit me to speak so for the present), whoever He is, of whatever God the Son, of whatever matter man and God, of whatever faith the teacher, of whatever reward the promiser, Himself declared, while He was living on earth, what He was, what He had been, what will of the Father He was administering, what He was determining that man should do, whether to the people openly or to the disciples apart; of whom He had chosen twelve chief ones to His side, destined as teachers for the nations. Accordingly, one
Editors' notes and page, col. 36

Footnotes

(77) ‹anchor: nationibus magistros› · call in col 36

Destinatos nationib. magistros. Nulla etenim terrarum orbis pars fuit, vel locorum spatio tam remota, vel morum feritate tam barbara, quo non gloriosissime pervaserit gloria Christi: qua de re satis egerunt Irenaeus, Justinus, Clemens, Origenes. Huc pertinet quod Isaias admirabundus exclamavit, cap. LXVI: Quis audivit talia, etc., et Vates regius: In omnem terram exivit sonus eorum. LAC.

"Teachers appointed for the nations." For there was no part of the world, however remote in distance or however barbarous in the savagery of its customs, into which the glory of Christ did not most gloriously penetrate; on which Irenaeus, Justin, Clement and Origen have said enough. To this belongs Isaiah's cry of wonder, ch. 66: "Who has heard such things," etc., and the royal Seer's: "Their sound has gone out into all the earth." LA CERDA.

(printed under page 22)

Page

  • running head: LLIANI OPERUM PARS II. (cut off at left edge; column number 36)
  • marginal letters: A turarum et expositionum; B christianae, illic erit veritas; C fidei praeceptor, cujuscunque; D vinci possint (in the Commentarius, not in the text)
  • old-edition numerals: 32 after agendum
  • other: column begins with "turarum", the rest of Scrip-turarum from the previous column; "un⟨am⟩quamque" badly damaged in print, reading unsure; "exposi tionum" joined across line end without visible hyphen; foot of page has Variae lectiones and Commentarius (editors' notes 76, 77, etc.) not set; running head cut off at left
PL 2:37
eorum decusso; reliquos undecim, digrediens ad Patrem post resurrectionem, jussit ire et docere nationes intinguendas in Patrem et in Filium et in Spiritum sanctum. Statim igitur apostoli (quos haec appellatio missos interpretatur), assumpto per sortem duodecimo Matthia in locum Judae, ex auctoritate prophetiae quae est in psalmo David, consecuti promissam vim Spiritus sancti ad virtutes et eloquium primò per Judaeam contestata fide in Jesum Christum et Ecclesiis institutis, dehinc in orbem profecti, eamdem doctrinam ejusdem fidei nationibus promulgaverunt, et proinde Ecclesias apud unamquamque civitatem condiderunt, a quibus traducem fidei et semina doctrinae, caeterae exinde Ecclesiae mutuatae sunt, et quotidie mutuantur ut Ecclesiae fiant: ac per hoc et ipsae apostolicae deputantur ut ut soboles apostolicarum Ecclesiarum. Omne genus ad originem suam censeatur necesse est. Itaque tot ac tantae Ecclesiae, una est illa ab apostolis prima, ex qua omnes. Sic omnes prima, et apostolicae, dum una omnes probant unitatem; dum est illis communicatio pacis, et appellatio fraternitatis, et contesseratio hospitalitatis: quae jura non alia ratio regit, quam ejusdem sacramenti una traditio.
having been struck from their number; the remaining eleven, as He was departing to the Father after the resurrection, He commanded to go and teach the nations, who were to be dipped into the Father and into the Son and into the Holy Spirit. At once, therefore, the apostles (whom this title interprets as "sent"), having taken by lot Matthias as the twelfth in the place of Judas, on the authority of the prophecy which is in the psalm of David, and having obtained the promised power of the Holy Spirit for miracles and for speech, having first borne witness throughout Judaea to the faith in Jesus Christ and established churches, then, having set out into the world, proclaimed the same doctrine of the same faith to the nations, and accordingly founded churches in every city, from which the other churches thereafter borrowed the layer-shoot of faith and the seeds of doctrine, and borrow them daily in order that they may become churches: and through this they too are reckoned apostolic, as offspring of apostolic churches. Every kind must necessarily be classed according to its origin. Therefore so many and such great churches are that one first [church] from the apostles, from which all [derive]. Thus all are first and apostolic, while all, being one, prove unity; while they have among them the communication of peace, and the title of brotherhood, and the token-bond of hospitality: rights which no other principle governs than the one tradition of the same sacrament.
CAPUT XXI.
Chapter XXI.
Hanc itaque dirgit alteram praescriptionem: non alios recipiendos praedicatores, quam quos Christus instituit; et proinde eam doctrinam recipiendam,
He therefore lays down this further prescription: that no other preachers are to be received than those whom Christ appointed; and accordingly that that doctrine is to be received,
Editors' notes and page, col. 37

Footnotes

Variae lectiones. 32 ‹anchor: digrediens› · call in col 37 Regrediens Semler. Pam.

"Regrediens" ("going back"): Semler, Pamelius.

33 ‹anchor: nationes intinguendas› · call in col 37 Tingendas Seml. tinguendas Pam.

"Tingendas" ("to be dipped"): Semler; "tinguendas": Pamelius.

34 ‹anchor: apostolicae deputantur› · call in col 37 Deputabuntur Seml.

"Deputabuntur" ("will be reckoned"): Semler.

35 ‹anchor: Sic omnes prima› · call in col 37 Primae Seml. Pam.

"Primae" ("first", plural): Semler, Pamelius.

36 ‹anchor: dum est illis› · call in col 37 Dum est illis delet Pam. Seml.

Pamelius and Semler delete "dum est illis" ("while there is to them").

37 ‹anchor: reliquam vero omnem› · call in col 38 Omnem vero, pro reliquam vero omnem, Venet. Rig.

"Omnem vero" ("but every"), for "reliquam vero omnem" ("but all the rest"): Venice edition, Rigault.

38 ‹anchor: censeatur, et› · call in col 38 Ex hoc ipso Pam. Seml.

"Ex hoc ipso" ("from this very fact"): Pamelius, Semler.

39 ‹anchor: quod nulli› · call in col 38 Nulla Pam. Seml. Routh.

"Nulla" ("no", feminine): Pamelius, Semler, Routh.

Commentarius. (printed under page 23)

(78) ‹anchor: lemma — Primo per Judaeam› · call not visible

Primo per Judaeam. Nemo refragatur Ecclesiam conditam prius Hieronymis ex Judaeis, unde apud profanos nullum fere discrimen Judaeos inter et Christianos. LE PR.

"First through Judaea." No one disputes that the Church was first founded at Jerusalem from among the Jews; hence among the pagans there was almost no distinction between Jews and Christians. LE PRIEUR.

(printed under page 23)

(79) ‹anchor: lemma — A quibus traducem fidei› · call not visible

A quibus traducem fidei. Qui de re rustica, inquit Quintinus, scripsere, traduces appellant in vitibus maxime, quando ramusculi plures ex uno trunco, vel uno vitis brachio diffunduntur et in alium locum deducuntur invicem connexi: non videntur a propaginibus admodum differre. Per metaphoram elegantem sane, Tertullianus hic vocat traducem fidei, translationem fidei de una Ecclesia in aliam. Ecclesiae nempe mutuo, quasique per manus, apostolicam doctrinam sibi tradidere. PAM.

"From whom [they borrowed] the layer-shoot of faith." Writers on agriculture, says Quintin, use "traduces" chiefly of vines, when several small branches spread from one trunk, or from one arm of the vine, and are led on to another place, joined to one another; they seem not to differ much from layers. By a truly elegant metaphor Tertullian here calls the transfer of the faith from one Church to another the layer-shoot of faith. For the Churches handed on the apostolic doctrine to one another, as it were from hand to hand. PAMELIUS.

(printed under page 23)

(80) ‹anchor: (80), et contesseratio› · call in col 37

Sic omnes primae, et omnes apostolicae; dum una omnes. Probant unitatem communicatio pacis, et appellatio fraternitatis, etc. Sic locum restitui ex editionibus Rigaltiana vetustioribus, nisi quod cum Rigaltio una non unam posui. Lectio Rigaltiana est: Sic omnes prima (hoc ex cod. Agobardi), et apostolicae, dum una omnes probant unitatem; » dum est illis « Communicatio pacis, et appellatio fraternitatis » etc. Ego autem post voces, dum una omnes propterea distinxi, ut verba, probant unitatem, cum sequentibus, quomodo hactenus non factum est, conjungantur. Quod enim debuit Wouwerii codicibus Rigaltius, dum est illis, illud ex librario quodam locum corrigere gestiente profectum videtur. Caeterum consimilia his verbis exstant in libro IV. Adv. Marcionem, cap. 5: « Dico itaque, inquit Tertullianus, apud illas (Ecclesias apostolicas) nec solas jam apostolicas, sed apud universas, quae illis de societate sacramentali confoederantur, id evangelium Lucae ab initio editionis suae stare, quod cum maxime tuemur. » Confer not. infra ad cap. 36. ROUTH.

"So all are first, and all apostolic, while all are one. The communion of peace and the title of brotherhood prove the unity," etc. I have restored the passage so from the editions older than Rigault's, except that with Rigault I have put "una", not "unam". Rigault's reading is: "So all [are] first (this from Agobard's manuscript) and apostolic, while all as one prove the unity"; while they have "the communion of peace and the title of brotherhood," etc. I, however, have put a stop after the words "while all are one", so that the words "prove the unity" are joined with what follows, which has not been done till now. For what Rigault owed to Wouwer's manuscripts, "dum est illis", seems to have come from some copyist eager to correct the passage. For the rest, very similar words occur in Against Marcion Book IV, ch. 5: "I say, therefore," says Tertullian, "that among them (the apostolic Churches) — and not now among the apostolic ones alone, but among all that are joined with them in sacramental fellowship — that Gospel of Luke which we so earnestly defend has stood from the beginning of its publication." Compare the note below on ch. 36. ROUTH.

(printed under page 23)

(81) ‹anchor: contesseratio hospitalitatis› · call in col 37

Et contesseratio hospitalitatis. Eleganter a sera novator vocabulorum Tertullianus verbum finxit contesserare, unde contesseratio. Id significat conjunctionem familiariorem, quae per signum fiat. Nam tessera apud veteres erat signum hospitale, hujus ostensionem si quem obiisse contigisset, statim agnoscebatur. RHEN.

"And the token-bond of hospitality." Tertullian, that busy coiner of words, elegantly formed the verb "contesserare", whence "contesseratio". It means a closer bond made by a token. For among the ancients the tessera was a token of hospitality; if anyone happened to come showing it, he was at once recognized. RHENANUS.

(printed under page 23)

(82) ‹anchor: una traditio› · call in col 37

Ejusdem sacramenti una traditio. Hoc est ejusdem symboli, seu regulae, ejusdem fidei. RIG. — Plurimum interest observare non eum hanc vocem In Tertulliano referre intellectum, qui exprimitur ab interpretibus; pro regula enim fidei, atque pro Christi mandatis, et omnibus christianae religionis ritibus et disciplina, non autem pro juramento ponitur; itaque ait omnes ecclesias inter se communicare, et eodem jure uti, quia scilicet in ea fide durarunt, quae ab apostolis est tradita, quamque fideliter conservatam posteris tradiderunt. ALBASP.

"The one tradition of the same sacrament." That is, of the same creed, or rule, of the same faith. RIGAULT. — It is very important to observe that in Tertullian this word does not carry the meaning given it by the interpreters; for it is used for the rule of faith, and for the commands of Christ, and all the rites and discipline of the Christian religion, but not for an oath. So he says that all the churches are in communion with one another and enjoy the same rights, because they have persevered in the faith handed down by the apostles, which they have faithfully kept and handed on to those after them. L'AUBESPINE.

(printed under page 23)

(83) ‹anchor: matricibus et (83) originalibus› · call in col 38

Particula et delenda videtur. ROUTH.

The particle "et" seems to need deleting. ROUTH.

(printed under page 23)

(84) ‹anchor: lemma — Sine dubio tenentem› · call in col 38

Sine dubio tenentem. Velim rescribere tenentibus, quippe cum verbum teneo melius congruat cum Ecclesiis, quam cum doctrina.

"Holding without doubt." I would rewrite "tenentibus", since the verb "teneo" suits the Churches better than the doctrine.

(printed under page 23)

(85) ‹anchor: supra edidimus (85)› · call in col 38

Hoc est capite 13.

That is, in chapter 13.

(printed under page 23)

Editors' prose

CAPUT XXI.

CHAPTER XXI.

Hanc itaque dirgit alteram praescriptionem: non alios recipiendos praedicatores, quam quos Christus instituit; et proinde eam doctrinam recipiendam,

He therefore lays down this further prescription: that no other preachers are to be received than those whom Christ appointed; and accordingly that that doctrine is to be received,

<!-- note (Q9a): the italic synopsis under CAPUT XXI is editors' matter; it begins near the foot of col. 37 and runs on into col. 38 ("recipien-" / "dam"; the word is set whole here). -->

Page

  • running head: 37 LIBER DE PRÆSCRIPTION (cut off at the image edge)
  • marginal letters: A eorum decusso; reliquos undecim; B sunt, et quotidie mutuantur ut Ecclesiae fiant; C tus instituit; et proinde eam doctrinam recipien-; D aliam. Ecclesiae nempe mutuo (in the Commentarius at the page foot)
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
  • misprints kept as printed: "ut ut soboles" (word doubled, text); "dirgit" for "dirigit" (synopsis); "Hieronymis" for "Hierosolymis" (Commentarius 78)
PL 2:38
id sine dubio tenentem, quod Ecclesia ab apostolis tam viva voce quam per epistolas, apostoli a Christo, Christus a Deo suscepit: hoc itaque testimonium veritatis doctrinae nostrae quod cum Ecclesiis apostolicis communicemus.
holding without doubt that which the Church received from the apostles, both by living voice and by letters, the apostles from Christ, Christ from God: this therefore is the testimony of the truth of our doctrine, that we communicate with the apostolic Churches.
Hinc igitur dirigimus praescriptionem: si Dominus Jesus Christus apostolos misit ad praedicandum, alios non esse recipiendos praedicatores, quam Christus instituit; quia nec alius Patrem novit nisi Filius, et cui Filius revelavit, nec aliis videtur revelasse Filius, quam apostolis quos misit ad praedicandum, utique quod illis revelavit. Quid autem praedicaverint, id est, quid illis Christus revelaverit, et hic praescribam non aliter probari debere, nisi per easdem Ecclesias, quas ipsi apostoli condiderunt, ipsi eis praedicando, tam viva, quod aiunt voce, quam per epistolas postea. Si haec ita sunt, constat proinde omnem doctrinam quae cum illis Ecclesiis apostolicis, matricibus et originalibus fidei, conspiret, veritati deputandam, sine dubio tenentem quod Ecclesiae ab apostolis, apostoli a Christo, Christus a Deo accepit; reliquam vero omnem doctrinam de mendacio praejudicandam, quae sapiat contra veritatem Ecclesiarum, et apostolorum, et Christi, et Dei. Superest ergo uti demonstremus, an haec nostra doctrina, cujus regulam supra edidimus, de apostolorum traditione censeatur, et hoc ipso, an caeterae de mendacio veniant. Communicamus cum Ecclesiis apostolicis, quod nulli doctrina diversa: hoc est testimonium veritatis.
Hence, therefore, we draw up the prescription: if the Lord Jesus Christ sent the apostles to preach, no other preachers are to be received than those whom Christ appointed; because no one else knows the Father except the Son, and he to whom the Son has revealed [Him], nor does the Son appear to have revealed [Him] to others than to the apostles whom He sent to preach, namely what He revealed to them. But what they preached, that is, what Christ revealed to them, I shall here too prescribe ought not to be proved otherwise than through those same Churches which the apostles themselves founded, they themselves preaching to them, both by living voice, as they say, and afterwards by letters. If these things are so, it is accordingly clear that every doctrine which agrees with those apostolic Churches, the mother-churches and sources of the faith, is to be reckoned as truth, as holding without doubt that which the Church received from the apostles, the apostles from Christ, Christ from God; but that all other doctrine is to be prejudged as coming from falsehood, which savours of anything against the truth of the Churches and of the apostles and of Christ and of God. It remains, therefore, that we demonstrate whether this doctrine of ours, whose rule we set forth above, is to be reckoned as coming from the tradition of the apostles, and by this very fact whether the others come from falsehood. We communicate with the apostolic Churches, because no [Church] has a different doctrine: this is the testimony of truth.
Editors' notes and page, col. 38

Footnotes

(85) ‹anchor: supra edidimus› · call in col 38

Hoc est capite 13.

That is, in chapter 13.

(printed under page 23)

Page

  • running head: PRÆSCRIPTIONIBUS.
  • marginal letters: A dam, id sine dubio tenentem; B derunt, ipsi eis praedicando; C veritatis.; D tim agnoscebatur (in the commentary notes at the page foot)
  • old-edition numerals: 33 after Deo
PL 2:39
CAPUT XXII.
Chapter XXII.
Apostolos autem (quidquid in contrarium soleat dicere diversa pars) omnia et scisse et tradidisse; quibus et omnes Scripturas edisserere Christus dignatus est, et Spiritum sanctum misit, qui eos deduceret in omnem veritatem.
That the apostles, however (whatever the opposing party is accustomed to say to the contrary), both knew and handed down all things; to whom Christ also deigned to expound all the Scriptures, and sent the Holy Spirit to lead them into all truth.
Sec quoniam tam expedita probatio est, ut si statim proferatur, nihil jam sit retractandum: ac si prolata non sit a nobis, locum interim demus diversae parti, si quid putant ad infirmandam hanc praescriptionem movere se posse. Solent dicere, non omnia apostolos scisse, eadem agitati dementia qua susum jusum convertunt, omnia quidem apostolos scisse, sed non omnia omnibus tradidisse; in utroque Christum reprehensioni subjicientes, qui aut minus instructos, aut parum simplices apostolos miserit. Quis igitur integrae mentis credere potest aliquid eos ignorasse, quos magistros Dominus dedit, individuos habens in comitatu, in discipulatu, in convictu; quibus obscura quaeque seorsim disserebat, illis dicens datum esse cognoscere arcana, quae populo intelligere non liceret? Latuit aliquid Petrum aedificandae Ecclesiae petram dictum (Matth. XVI, 18. 19), claves regni coelorum consecutum, et solvendi et alligandi in coelis et
But since the proof is so ready that, if it is brought forward at once, nothing would any longer need to be reconsidered, let us, as though it had not been brought forward by us, give place for the time being to the opposing party, in case they think they can raise anything to weaken this prescription. They are accustomed to say that the apostles did not know all things, driven by the same madness by which they turn things upside down, [saying] that the apostles did indeed know all things, but did not hand down all things to all; in both cases subjecting Christ to reproach, as Him Who sent apostles either too little instructed or too little straightforward. Who, then, of sound mind can believe that they were ignorant of anything, whom the Lord gave as teachers, keeping them inseparable in His company, in discipleship, in common life; to whom He used to explain privately whatever was obscure, telling them that it was given to them to know the secrets which the people were not permitted to understand? Was anything hidden from Peter, who was called the rock on which the Church was to be built (Matt. 16:18–19), who obtained the keys of the kingdom of heaven, and of loosing and binding in heaven and
Editors' notes and page, col. 39

Footnotes

Variae lectiones. 40 ‹anchor: quoniam tam› · call in col 39 Tum Seml.

"Tum" ("then"): Semler.

41 ‹anchor: susum jusum› · call in col 39 Rursus pro susum jusum Seml. Pam.

"Rursus" ("again") for "susum jusum" ("up and down"): Semler, Pamelius.

42 ‹anchor: subjicientes› · call in col 39 Injicientes Seml.

"Injicientes" ("throwing in"): Semler.

43 ‹anchor: Quis igitur› · call in col 39 Qui Venet. quis enim Pam. Seml.

"Qui": Venice edition; "quis enim" ("for who"): Pamelius, Semler.

44 ‹anchor: individuos habens› · call in col 39 Habitos Seml. Pam.

"Habitos" ("held"): Semler, Pamelius.

45 ‹anchor: qui necdum› · call in col 40 Spiritus Sancti esse possunt, qui necdum desunt in Pamelio.

"Spiritus Sancti esse possunt, qui necdum" ("can be the Holy Spirit's, who not yet") are missing in Pamelius.

46 ‹anchor: necdum Spiritum› · call in col 40 Sanctum add. Pam. Seml.

Pamelius and Semler add "Sanctum" ("Holy").

Commentarius. (printed under page 24)

(86) ‹anchor: lemma — Ac si prolata› · call in col 39

Ac si prolata. Id est, perinde ac si prolata. EDD.

"As if brought forth": that is, just as if brought forth. THE EDITORS.

(printed under page 24)

(87) ‹anchor: lemma — Non omnia apostolos scisse› · call in col 39

Non omnia apostolos scisse: De Patribus hoc ipsum haeretici nostri temporis affirmant. Hyp. enim (in Methodo) « multa eos necessario ignorasse. » Wihtakerus ait, eos » in multis insigniter errasse. » De Apostolis nemo, quod sciam, diserte asseveravit. Quin potius Catholicis id impingit Kimedon (de verbo Dei), quo jure, viderit, sed tamen haud absimilia istae larvae, ut cum ait Bullengerus id decad, Germ. « Non habuisse apostolos plenariam potestatem. » LAC.

"That the apostles did not know everything." The heretics of our time affirm this very thing of the Fathers. Hyperius (in his Method) [says] "that they were necessarily ignorant of many things." Whitaker [printed "Wihtakerus"] says that they "erred remarkably in many things." Of the Apostles no one, so far as I know, has expressly asserted it. Rather Kimedoncius (On the Word of God) charges this on the Catholics — with what right, let him see; yet those spectres say things not unlike it, as when Bullinger says in the German Decades: "that the apostles did not have full power." LA CERDA.

(printed under page 24)

(88) ‹anchor: lemma — Qua rursus convertunt› · call in col 39

Qua rursus convertunt. In exemplari Agob. legitur: « Qua susum rursus. » Et confirmatur cod. Divionensi. Augustinus in Epist. Joannis, tract. 8: « Quod susum, facias jusum; quod deorsum, facias sursum. Jusum, vis facere Deum, et te susum? Praecipitaris, non elevaris; ille enim semper sursum est; » et tract. 10: « Susum me honoras, jusum calcas. » Itaque hic legendum, « Eadem agitati dementia qua susum convertunt. » RIG.

"By which they turn back." In Agobard's copy we read: "by which up ... back" ["susum rursus"]. And it is confirmed by the Dijon manuscript. Augustine, on the Epistle of John, tractate 8: "What is up you would make down; what is down you would make up. Do you want to make God down and yourself up? You are thrown headlong, not lifted up; for he is always above." And tractate 10: "Up there you honour me, down here you trample me." So here one should read: "driven by the same madness by which they turn things upside down." RIGAULT.

(printed under page 24)

(89) ‹anchor: lemma — Latuit aliquid Petrum› · call in col 39

Latuit aliquid Petrum. Simon Bar-Jona dictus est a Domino Petrus, quod primus agnito Christo pronuntiavit: Tu es Christus Filius Dei viventis. Quae vox professio fuit verae fidei; unde Petrus meruit audire, sive petra super quam aedificaret Ecclesiam Christus: hic enim idem est Petrus et petra. RIG. emendantibus EDD.

"Was something hidden from Peter?" Simon Bar-Jona was called Peter by the Lord because, first to recognize Christ, he declared: "You are the Christ, the Son of the living God." That utterance was the profession of the true faith; whence he deserved to hear himself called Peter, or the rock on which Christ would build his Church: for here Peter and rock are the same. RIGAULT, with corrections by THE EDITORS.

(printed under page 24)

(90) ‹anchor: lemma — Latuit et Joannem› · call not visible

Latuit et Joannem. Hieronymus, praef. in Matth.: « Ultimus Joannes apostolus et evangelista, quem Jesus amavit plurimum; qui supra pectus Domini recumbens, purissima doctrinarum fluenta potavit, et qui solus de cruce meruit audire: Ecce Mater tua. RIG.

"[Was something] hidden from John too?" Jerome, preface to Matthew: "Last, John, apostle and evangelist, whom Jesus loved most; who, leaning on the Lord's breast, drank the purest streams of teaching, and who alone was found worthy to hear from the cross: Behold your Mother." RIGAULT.

(printed under page 24)

(91) ‹anchor: lemma — Et utique implevit repromissum› · call in col 40

Et utique implevit repromissum. An haec, aut demum illa in capite 27, cum Montanismo bene conveniant, valde dubito. Certe in libro De Monogamia Montanista jam factus Tertullianus ita scribit: Paracletus (h. e. ut ille statuit, Montanus) multa habens edocere quae in illum distulit Dominus secundum praefinitionem, etc., cap. 2. Et postea cap. 14 ejusd. libri: « Regnavit duritia cordis usque ad Christum; regnavit et infirmitas carnis usque ad Paracletum. Nova lex abstulit repudium. Habuit quod auferret nova prophetia, secundum matrimonium non minus repudium prioris. » Sic enim interpungo locum. ROUTH.

"And he surely fulfilled the promise." Whether this, or indeed that passage in chapter 27, agrees well with Montanism I very much doubt. Certainly in the book On Monogamy, having by then become a Montanist, Tertullian writes thus: "The Paraclete (that is, as he held, Montanus), having many things to teach which the Lord deferred to him according to his foreordaining," etc., ch. 2. And later, ch. 14 of the same book: "Hardness of heart reigned until Christ; weakness of the flesh reigned until the Paraclete. The new law took away divorce. The new prophecy had something to take away: a second marriage, no less than the divorce of the first." For so I punctuate the passage. ROUTH.

(printed under page 24)

(92) ‹anchor: lemma — Quam scripturam qui non recipiunt› · call in col 40

Quam scripturam qui non recipiunt. Manichaei, inquit Quintinus, prorsus eum Novi Testamenti librum, qui Actus apostolorum inscribitur, non recipiebant. In suum nempe Archimanichaeum, non in apostolos Christi, asserebant venisse de coelo Spiritum sanctum veritatis doctorem, quem Dominus missurum se suis apostolis promiserat; indeque mundo fuisse communicatum per illum suum Manem, qui sub Aureliano, veniens e Perside, primum coepit insanire, hoc est, annis pene trecentis, certe an plus quam ducentis sexaginta post illam stupendam, et admirandam missionem, de qua in cap. 2 dictorum Act. apostolic. Dumque Scriptura manifesto coargueret impudens istorum mendacium negabant illud unquam scriptum fuisse, librumque damnabant. Augustinum lege, cap, 3. lib. de Utilitate credendi contra Manichaeos. Montanus idem prius fecerat, imo se Paracletum nominabat. Ebion, Cerinthus, Marcion, et alii Tertulliano priores non recipiebant. PAM.

"Those who do not receive this scripture." The Manichaeans, says Quintin, did not receive at all that book of the New Testament which is entitled the Acts of the Apostles. For they asserted that the Holy Spirit, the teacher of truth, whom the Lord had promised his apostles he would send, came down from heaven upon their own arch-Manichee, not upon the apostles of Christ; and that he was imparted to the world through that Mani of theirs, who, coming from Persia under Aurelian, first began to rave — that is, almost three hundred years, certainly more than two hundred and sixty, after that astounding and wonderful sending described in ch. 2 of the said Acts of the Apostles. And since Scripture plainly convicted their shameless lie, they denied that it had ever been written, and condemned the book. Read Augustine, ch. 3 of the book On the Usefulness of Believing, against the Manichaeans. Montanus had done the same before; indeed he called himself the Paraclete. Ebion, Cerinthus, Marcion and others earlier than Tertullian did not receive it. PAMELIUS.

(printed under page 24)

(93) ‹anchor: lemma — Tanti est enim illis› · call in col 40 [continues on page 25]

Tanti est enim illis, etc. Explicanda verba quae tam involuta sunt, ut eorum sententiam interpretes expiscati non sint. Ait igitur multa ab haereticis doceri defendique, quae tametsi verae fidei consentanea sint, ad ea tamen stabilienda, Scripturae auctoritate et praesidio eos uti nolle, ne scilicet ex iisdem Scripturae locis aut libellis eorum mendacia convellantur, et in lucem exponantur: ita fieri ut libellum quo Acta apostolorum continentur, maximo cum commodo recusent (illud enim tanti hoc istic significat), quia hoc uno Ecclesiae origo et formatio, quam fatentur, demonstrari potest. Per traductio-

"For it is worth so much to them," etc. The words to be explained are so involved that the interpreters have not fished out their sense. He says, then, that many things are taught and defended by the heretics which, although they are consonant with the true faith, they are nevertheless unwilling to establish by the authority and support of Scripture, lest, that is, their lies be overthrown from those same places or books of Scripture and be brought out into the light: and so it comes about that they reject, to their very great advantage, the book in which the Acts of the Apostles is contained (for that is what "tanti" signifies here), because by this alone can the origin and formation of the Church, which they acknowledge, be demonstrated. By traductio-

(printed under page 24) <!-- note: Commentarius note (93) stands at the foot of the right-hand half of the page (cols 39-40, below note 92, after the Variae lectiones), ending this page mid-word at "traductio-". Its run-over tail ("nes enim cave depravationes ... ALBASP.") stands at the head of the next page's foot (page 25) and was NOT seen in this step (only the c39 images were read), so it is not set here; it must be appended from that page, and the pointer in n41 added separately. (Q9a: moved here from "Editors' prose", where it had been set with italic markup; it is foot apparatus.) -->

Editors' prose

CAPUT XXII.

CHAPTER XXII.

Apostolos autem (quidquid in contrarium soleat dicere diversa pars) omnia et scisse et tradidisse; quibus et omnes Scripturas edisserere Christus dignatus est, et Spiritum sanctum misit, qui eos deduceret in omnem veritatem.

That the apostles, however (whatever the opposing party is accustomed to say to the contrary), both knew and handed down all things; to whom Christ also deigned to expound all the Scriptures, and sent the Holy Spirit to lead them into all truth.

<!-- note (Q9a): the only editors' prose in col. 39 is the italic chapter synopsis under CAPUT XXII at the head of the column. -->

Page

  • running head: 39 TERTULLIANI OPERUM [cut off at the image edge]
  • marginal letters: A ‹CAPUT XXII.› (between columns, level with the right column's "in terr"); B ‹simplices apostolos miserit›; C ‹(86) Ac siprolata› (in the footnote area); D ‹pronuntiavit : Tu es Christus› (in the footnote area)
  • old-edition numerals: 34 after si
  • misprints kept as printed: "Sec" for "Sed" (text, opening of cap. XXII); "Wihtakerus" (Commentarius 87)
PL 2:40
in terris potestatem? Latuit et Joannem aliquid dilectissimum Domino, pectori ejus incubantem cui soli Dominus Judam traditorem praemonstravit quem loco suo filium Mariae demandavit. Quid eos ⟨i⟩gnorasse voluit quibus etiam gloriam suam exhibuit, et Moysen et Eliam et insuper de coelo Patris vocem? non quasi caeteros reprobans, sed quoniam in tribus testibus stabit omne verbum (Matth. XVIII, 16). Ignoraverunt itaque et illi, quibus post resurrectionem quoque in itinere omnes Scripturas edissere dignatus est? Dixerat plane aliquando: Multa habeo adhuc vobis loqui, sed non potestis modo ea sustinere (Joan. XVI, 12, 13): tamen adjiciens: Cum venerit ille Spiritus veritatis, ipse vos deducet in omnem veritatem, ostendit illos nihil ignorasse quos omnem veritatem consecuturos per Spiritum veritatis repromiserat; et utique implevit repromissum, probantibus Actis apostolorum descensum Spiritus sancti. Quam Scripturam qui non recipiunt, nec Spiritus sancti esse possunt, qui necdum Spiritum possint agnoscere discentibus missum, sed nec Ecclesiam defendere, qui, quando et quibus incunabulis institutum est hoc corpus, probare non habent. Tanti est enim illis non
on earth the power? Was something hidden even from John, most beloved of the Lord, who leaned upon His breast, to whom alone the Lord pointed out Judas the betrayer beforehand, whom He entrusted to Mary as a son in His own place? What did He wish those to be ignorant of, to whom He even displayed His glory, and Moses and Elijah, and besides the voice of the Father from heaven? not as though rejecting the rest, but because in three witnesses every word shall stand (Matt. 18:16). Were they too ignorant, then, to whom after the resurrection also, on the road, He deigned to expound all the Scriptures? He had indeed said at one time: I have yet many things to say to you, but you cannot bear them now (John 16:12–13); yet by adding: When that Spirit of truth comes, He will lead you into all truth, He showed that those were ignorant of nothing whom He had promised would attain all truth through the Spirit of truth; and He certainly fulfilled the promise, as the Acts of the Apostles prove the descent of the Holy Spirit. Those who do not accept this Scripture can neither be of the Holy Spirit, since they cannot yet acknowledge the Spirit sent to the disciples, nor defend the Church, since they are unable to prove when and from what cradle this body was established. For it is of such account to them not
Editors' notes and page, col. 40

Footnotes

(93) ‹anchor: est enim illis› · call in col 40

Tanti est enim illis, etc. Explicanda verba quae tam involuta sunt, ut eorum sententiam interpretes expiscati non sint. Ait igitur multa ab haereticis doceri defendique, quae tametsi verae fidei consentanea sint, ad ea tamen stabilienda, Scripturae auctoritate et praesidio eos uti nolle, ne scilicet ex iisdem Scripturae locis aut libellis eorum mendacia convellantur, et in lucem exponantur: ita fieri ut libellum quo Acta apostolorum continentur, maximo cum commodo recusent (illud enim tanti hoc istic significat), quia hoc uno Ecclesiae origo et formatio, quam fatentur, demonstrari potest. Per traductio- (continues)

"For it is worth so much to them," etc. The words must be explained, being so involved that the interpreters have not fished out their meaning. He says, then, that many things are taught and defended by the heretics which, though in agreement with the true faith, they are unwilling to establish by the authority and support of Scripture, lest their lies be uprooted and brought to light from the same places or books of Scripture; so it comes about that they reject with the greatest advantage the book that contains the Acts of the Apostles (for that is what "tanti" means here), because by it alone the origin and formation of the Church, which they acknowledge, can be demonstrated. By transfer- (continues)

(printed under page 24)

Page

  • running head: [...]IANI OPERUM PARS. II 40 (left part cut off at image edge)
  • marginal letters: A in terris potestatem; B quos omnem veritatem; C ejusd. libri (in the Commentarius); D damnabant. Augustinum lege (in the Commentarius)
  • old-edition numerals: 35 after recipiunt
PL 2:41
habere probationes eorum quae defendunt, ne pariter admittantur traductiones eorum quae mentiuntur.
have proofs of the things they defend, lest the exposures of the things they falsely assert be likewise admitted.
CAPUT XXIII.
Chapter XXIII.
In Petro enim non reprehensam ignorantiam aliquam a Paulo, sed conversationem.
For in Peter it was not some ignorance that was reproved by Paul, but his conduct.
Proponunt ergo ad suggillandam ignorantiam aliquam apostolorum, quod Petrus, et qui cum eo, reprehensi sint a Paulo. Adeo, inquiunt, aliquid eis defuit; ut ex hoc etiam illud struant, potuisse postea pleniorem scientiam supervenire, qualis obvenerit Paulo reprehendendi antecessores. Possumus et hic Acta apostolorum repudiantibus dicere: Prius est uti ostendatis quis iste Paulus, et quid ante apostolum, et quomodo apostolus: quatenus et alias ad quaestiones plurimum eo utuntur. Neque enim, si ipse se apostolum de persecutore profitetur, sufficit unicuique examinate credenti; quando nec Dominus ipse de se testimonium dixerit. Sed credant sine Scripturis, ut credant adversus Scripturas; tamen doceant, ex eo quod allegant Petrum a Paulo reprehensum, aliam Evangelii formam a Paulo superductam, citra eam quam praemiserat Petrus et caeteri. Quin, demutatus in praedicatorem de persecutore, deducitur ad fratres a fratribus, ut unus ex fratribus, et ad illos ab illis qui ab apostolis fidem induerant. Dehinc, sicut ipse enarrat, ascendit in Hierosolyma cognoscendi Petri causa, ex officio et jure scilicet ejusdem fidei et praedicationis. Nam et illi non essent mirati de persecutore factum praedicatorem, si aliquid contrarium praedicaret; nec Dominum praeterea magnificassent,
They put forward, then, in order to brand the apostles with some ignorance, that Peter and those who were with him were reproved by Paul. So true is it, they say, that something was lacking to them; so that from this they may also build that further point, that a fuller knowledge could afterwards have come upon them, such as befell Paul when he reproved his predecessors. Here too we can say to those who repudiate the Acts of the Apostles: First you must show who this Paul is, and what he was before he was an apostle, and how he became an apostle, inasmuch as on other occasions too they make very great use of him for their questions. For neither, if he himself professes that he became an apostle from a persecutor, is that enough for anyone who believes after examination, since not even the Lord Himself bore witness concerning Himself. But let them believe without the Scriptures, so that they may believe against the Scriptures; yet let them show, from their allegation that Peter was reproved by Paul, that another form of the Gospel was brought in by Paul, besides the one which Peter and the rest had set forth before. Nay rather, changed from persecutor into preacher, he is brought to the brethren by brethren, as one of the brethren, and to those men by those who had put on the faith from the apostles. Then, as he himself relates, he went up to Jerusalem for the sake of getting to know Peter, by the duty, that is, and the right of the same faith and preaching. For they too would not have marvelled that he had been made a preacher from a persecutor, if he were preaching something contrary; nor would they besides have magnified the Lord
Commentarius.
Commentary.
nes enim cave depravationes intelligas cum Rhenano, sed traductio apud Tertullianum, id est illustratio, demonstratio, detectio. Nam apud eumdem traducere est in lucem exponere, aperire, detegere. ALBASP.
for beware of understanding [traductiones] as corruptions, with Rhenanus; rather, traductio in Tertullian is illustration, demonstration, detection. For in the same author traducere is to set out in the light, to open, to uncover. ALBASP.
Editors' notes and page, col. 41

Footnotes

[The Commentarius numbering runs to (99) on this page and then restarts at (1).] Variae lectiones. 47 ‹anchor: examinate› · call in col 41 Examinare Venet. Sufficit nil absque examine Heuman.

"Examinare" ("to examine"): Venice edition. "Sufficit nil absque examine" ("nothing suffices without examination"): Heumann.

48 ‹anchor: Sed credant› · call in col 41 Credent. al. sane pro sine Jun.

"Credent" ("they will believe"): others. "Sane" ("surely") for "sine" ("without"): Junius.

49 ‹anchor: Quin› · call in col 41 Atquin Pam. Atqui Seml.

"Atquin": Pamelius; "Atqui" ("and yet"): Semler.

50 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 42 Lucrifaceret Semler.

"Lucrifaceret" ("might win"): Semler.

Commentarius. (printed under page 25)

(94) ‹anchor: lemma — Ne pariter admittantur traductiones eorum quae mentiuntur› · call in col 41 after ‹mentiuntur›

Ne pariter admittantur traductiones eorum quae mentiuntur. Hoc est, ne pariter admittere cogantur, quod mendacia sua traducant in vulgus. RIG.

"Lest likewise the exposures of the things they lie about be admitted." That is, lest they be forced likewise to admit that they spread their lies abroad among the people. RIGAULT.

(printed under page 25)

(95) ‹anchor: lemma — Sed credant sine Scripturis› · call in col 41 after ‹sine Scripturis›

Sed credant sine Scripturis. Qui non recipiunt Acta apostolorum, credunt tamen Paulum de persecutore factum apostolum; quod, Actis repudiatis, nulla jam Scriptura authentica contestatum habent. Nam si fidem habere se dicant Paulo ita scribenti, non erit Paulus ipse sibi testis, quando nec Dominus ipse de se testimonium dixerit, Sed fidei sint adeo perversae, ut quaedam sine Scripturis credant, ut alia credant adversus Scripturas: tamen doceant, ex eo quod allegant Petrum a Paulo reprehensum, aliam Evangelii formam a Paulo superductam, etc. RIG.

"But let them believe without the Scriptures." Those who do not receive the Acts of the Apostles nevertheless believe that Paul was made an apostle out of a persecutor; which, once the Acts are rejected, they have attested by no authentic Scripture. For if they say they trust Paul writing so, Paul will not be his own witness, since not even the Lord Himself bore witness to Himself. But let them be of so perverse a faith as to believe some things without the Scriptures, and others against the Scriptures; still, let them show, from their claim that Peter was rebuked by Paul, that another form of the Gospel was brought in by Paul, etc. RIGAULT.

(printed under page 25)

(96) ‹anchor: lemma — Petrus in Circumcisionem, Paulus in Nationes› · call not visible

Petrus in Circumcisionem, Paulus in Nationes. Sane apostolus circumcisionis et alter ille gentium ad utrumvis populum singulari modo missi erant, non ita tamen ut unus alterum finibus propriis excluderet. Beatus enim Petrus etiam universalis Ecclesiae pastor et apostolus erat, beatusque Paulus omnibus omnia factus est, Judaeis pariter et gentibus, ut omnes Christo lucrifaceret. EDD. ex op. D. DE GOURCY.

"Peter to the circumcision, Paul to the nations." Indeed the apostle of the circumcision and that other of the Gentiles were sent each in a special way to one people or the other, yet not so that one shut the other out of his own territory. For blessed Peter was also pastor and apostle of the universal Church, and blessed Paul became all things to all, to Jews and Gentiles alike, that he might win all for Christ. THE EDITORS, from the work of M. DE GOURCY.

(printed under page 25)

(97) ‹anchor: lemma — Reprehensus est Petrus› · call not visible

Reprehensus est Petrus. Romanae Sedis hostes reprehensionem illam B. Petri mirifice extollunt; inde enim confectum putant, summum Pontificem reprehensioni esse vere obnoxium. Quod in rebus saltem fidei falsissimum. In iis enim illa κρηπὶς Ecclesiae errare nullo modo potest. Hoc vero in casu, error, si quis tamen fuit, de facto erat, non de fide. LE PR.

"Peter was rebuked." The enemies of the Roman See extol that rebuke of blessed Peter wonderfully, for they think it proves that the supreme Pontiff is truly liable to rebuke. Which, at least in matters of faith, is utterly false; for in these that foundation [krēpís] of the Church can in no way err. In this case, the error, if there was one at all, concerned conduct, not faith. LE PRIEUR.

(printed under page 25)

(98) ‹anchor: lemma — Utique conversationis fuit vitium, non praedicationis› · call not visible

Utique conversationis fuit vitium, non praedicationis. Conferatur locus ille cum altero ejusdem Tertulliani capite tertio libri adversus Marcionem quarti, ubi vitium illud conversationis dilucidius exponit. De Paulo Petrum redarguente videri possunt S. Hieronymi epistolae ad S. Augustinum, et Augustini ad Hieron. In hisce porro epistolis tota describitur lis et controversia de S. Petri reprehensione doctissimos inter illos Patres exorta circa annum Christi 404. Videsis et Baronium ad annum vulgaris aerae LI pro Hieronymo contra Augustinum scribentem; et Natalem Alexandrum, qui Baronium ea in re refutavit Dissert. X. ad saeculum Ecclesiae primum. THOMASIANI textus editor el. Vezzosi. ROUTH.

"Surely it was a fault of conduct, not of preaching." Compare this passage with another of the same Tertullian, in the third chapter of the fourth book against Marcion, where he explains that fault of conduct more clearly. On Paul rebuking Peter, see St Jerome's letters to St Augustine and Augustine's to Jerome. In these letters the whole dispute and controversy about the rebuke of St Peter, which arose between those most learned Fathers about the year of Christ 404, is described. See also Baronius, at the year 51 of the common era, writing for Jerome against Augustine; and Natalis Alexander, who refuted Baronius on this point in Dissertation X on the first century of the Church. The editor of TOMMASI's text, the excellent [el., as printed] Vezzosi. ROUTH.

(printed under page 25)

(99) ‹anchor: lemma — Doctrinam superiorem› · call not visible

Doctrinam superiorem. Quam praedicaverat Petrus, ut constat ex jam supra dictis. ROUTH.

"The earlier teaching": which Peter had preached, as is clear from what was said above. ROUTH.

(printed under page 25)

Page

  • running head: 41 LIBER DE PRÆSCRIPT[IONIBUS] (rest cut off at the image edge)
  • marginal letters: A ‹habere probationes eorum quae›; B ‹ficit unicuique examinate›; C ‹persecutore factum praedicatorem›; D ‹nulla jam Scriptura authentica›
  • old-edition numerals: 36 after ‹ex officio et›
  • other: the text column ends "magni-"; the next column's top shows "ficasse" with the last letter(s) cut at the image edge: set whole as "magnificassent" from the tail "ficassent" at the head of col 42 (settle round 1); may be magnificasset or magnificassent. English supplies "[would they]" provisionally; settle on receipt.
  • other: EDITORS' PROSE: the Commentarius (left half, notes end of [93], (94)-(96), start of (97)) is set here as editors' matter. It begins mid-word "nes" (traductiones) and ends mid-word "ho-" (continued in a later column), set as visible. "examinate" kept as printed (Variae lectiones: Examinare Venet.).
  • other: the Commentarius (95) prints a comma before "Sed fidei sint" (capital S); kept as printed.
  • other: Q1b: in (97) the Greek word's first letter at this resolution may be printed χ (χρηπὶς) rather than κ; UNSURE, set as κρηπὶς pending a high-resolution read.
PL 2:42
quia adversarius ejus Paulus obvenerat. Itaque et dexteram ei dederunt, signum concordiae et convenientiae; et inter se distributionem officii ordinaverunt, non separationem Evangelii: nec ut aliud alter, sed ut aliis alter praedicarent, Petrus in Circumcisionem, Paulus in Nationes. Caeterum, si reprehensus est Petrus, quod cum convixisset ethnicis, postea se a convictu eorum separabat personarum respectu, utique conversationis fuit vitium, non praedicationis. Non enim ex hoc alius Deus, quam Creator, et alius Christus, quam ex Maria, et alia spes quam resurrectio annuntiabatur.
because Paul, His adversary, had come over. And so they also gave him the right hand, a sign of concord and agreement; and among themselves they ordained a distribution of office, not a separation of the Gospel: not that each should preach something different, but that each should preach to different people, Peter to the Circumcision, Paul to the Nations. For the rest, if Peter was reproved because, after he had lived together with heathens, he afterwards separated himself from their company out of respect of persons, it was surely a fault of conduct, not of preaching. For it was not on this account that another God than the Creator, and another Christ than the One from Mary, and another hope than the resurrection was being proclaimed.
CAPUT XXIV.
Chapter XXIV.
Idque reprehensionis usurpatum fuisse pro temporibus, personis et causis.
And that this matter of reproof was taken up according to times, persons and causes.
Non mihi tam bene est, imo non mihi tam male est, ut apostolos committam. Sed quoniam perversissimi isti illam reprehensionem ad hoc obtendunt, ut suspectam faciant doctrinam superiorem, respondebo quasi pro Petro: ipsum Paulum dixisse, factum se esse omnibus omnia, Judaeis Judaeum, non Judaeis non Judaeum, ut omnes lucrificaret. Adeo pro temporibus et personis et causis quaedam reprehendebant, in quae et ipsi aeque pro temporibus et personis et causis committebant: quemadmodum si et Petrus reprehenderet Paulum, quod, prohibens circumcisionem, circumciderit ipse Timotheum. Viderint qui de apostolis judicant. Bene quod Petrus Paulo et in martyrio adaequatur. Sed etsi in tertium usque coelum ereptus
It is not so well with me, nay, it is not so ill with me, that I should set the apostles against one another. But since these most perverse men put forward that reproof for this purpose, that they may make the earlier doctrine suspect, I will answer as if on behalf of Peter: that Paul himself said that he had become all things to all men, to the Jews a Jew, to those not Jews not a Jew, that he might gain all. So true is it that according to times and persons and causes they reproved certain things into which they themselves equally, according to times and persons and causes, fell: just as if Peter too were to reprove Paul because, while forbidding circumcision, he himself circumcised Timothy. Let those who judge the apostles see to it. It is well that Peter is made equal to Paul in martyrdom also. But even if, caught up as far as the third heaven,
Editors' notes and page, col. 42

Footnotes

(1) ‹anchor: causis committebant› · call in col 42

In quae et ipsi—committebant. Similiter scribit Septimius cap. 4 Apologetici: « In verum committitur crimen irreligiositatis errore. » Idem cap. 29: « Ideo ergo committimus in majestatem imperatorum. » ROUTH.

"Into which they themselves also — offended." Septimius writes similarly in ch. 4 of the Apology: "The crime of irreligion is committed against the truth by error." And in ch. 29: "Is that why we offend against the majesty of the emperors?" ROUTH.

(printed under page 25)

(2) ‹anchor: in martyrio adaequatur› · call in col 42

Bene quod Petrus Paulo et in martyrio adae- (continues)

"It is well that Peter is made equal to Paul in martyrdom too" (continues)

(printed under page 25)

Page

  • running head: DE PRAESCRIPTIONIBUS.
  • marginal letters: A ficassent, quia adversarius; B ribus, personis et causis.; C Bene quod Petrus; D exponit. De Paulo Petrum (in the commentary at the page foot)
  • old-edition numerals: 37 after Petrus
PL 2:43
Paulus, et in paradisum delatus audiit quaedam illic, non possunt videri fuisse quae illum in aliam doctrinam instructiorem praestarent, cum ita fuerit conditio eorum, ut nulli hominum proderentur. Quod si ad alicujus conscientiam manavit nescio quid illud, et hoc se aliqua haeresis sequi affirmat, aut Paulus secreti proditi reus est, aut et alius postea in paradisum ereptus debet ostendi, cui permissum sit eloqui, quae Paulo mutire non licuit.
Paul, and having also been carried into paradise, heard certain things there, those things cannot appear to have been such as would render him better instructed for another doctrine, since their condition was such that they were to be disclosed to no one among men. But if that mysterious something has seeped into the knowledge of anyone, and some heresy affirms that it follows this, then either Paul is guilty of betraying a secret, or else another must be shown who was afterwards also caught up into paradise, to whom it was permitted to speak out what Paul was not allowed to mutter.
CAPUT XXV.
Chapter XXV.
Neque vero occultum aliquod Evangelium praedicasse apostolos.
That the apostles did not, however, preach some hidden Gospel.
Sed ut diximus, eadem dementia est, cum confitentur quidem, nihil apostolos ignorasse, nec diversa inter se praedicasse; non tamen omnia volunt illos omnibus revelasse: quaedam enim palam et universis, quaedam secreto et paucis demandasse: quia et hoc verbo usus est Paulus ad Timotheum: O Timothee, depositum custodi. Et rursum: Bonum depositum serva. Quid hoc depositum est tacitum, ut alteri doctrinae deputetur? An illius denuntiationis, de qua ait: Hanc denuntiationem commendo apud te, fili Timothee? Item illius praecepti, de quo ait: Denuntio tibi ante Deum, qui vivificat omnia, et Jesum Christum, qui testatus est sub Pontio Pilato bonam confessionem, custodias praeceptum (I Tim. VI, 13). Quod autem praeceptum, et quae denuntiatio? Ex supra et infra
But, as we have said, it is the same madness when they confess indeed that the apostles were ignorant of nothing and did not preach things differing among themselves, yet will not have it that they revealed all things to all: for certain things, they say, they entrusted openly and to everyone, certain things secretly and to a few, because Paul also used this word to Timothy: O Timothy, guard the deposit. And again: Keep the good deposit. What is this deposit, a secret one, that it should be assigned to another doctrine? Is it [the deposit] of that charge of which he says: This charge I commit to you, son Timothy? Likewise of that precept of which he says: I charge you before God, Who gives life to all things, and Jesus Christ, Who testified under Pontius Pilate a good confession, that you keep the precept (1 Tim. 6:13). But what precept, and what charge? From the things above and below
Editors' notes and page, col. 43

Footnotes

Variae lectiones. 51 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 43 or 44 Sed non Pam. Seml.

"Sed non" ("but not"): Pamelius, Semler.

52 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 43 or 44 Enim delev. Semler.

Semler deleted "enim" ("for").

53 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 43 or 44 Serva Rigalt.

"Serva" ("keep"): Rigault.

54 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 43 or 44 Tam tacitum Fran. Paris. tam idoneum Seml.

"Tam tacitum" ("so secret"): Franeker and Paris editions; "tam idoneum" ("so suitable"): Semler.

55 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 43 or 44 Filiole Semler.

"Filiole" ("little son"): Semler.

56 ‹anchor: qui vivificat› · call in col 43 Qui justificat al.

"Qui justificat" ("who justifies"): others.

57 ‹anchor: praeceptum, et› · call in col 43 Et abest Fran. Paris.

"Et" is absent from the Franeker and Paris editions.

58 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 43 or 44 Intellegerat Seml. intelligere erat conjic. Rhenan, intelligi erat Jun.

"Intellegerat": Semler; Rhenanus conjectures "intelligere erat" ("it was for understanding"); "intelligi erat" ("it was to be understood"): Junius.

59 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 43 or 44 Remotioris doctrinae Rhen.

"Remotioris doctrinae" ("of a more hidden doctrine"): Rhenanus.

60 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 43 or 44 Palam delev. Seml. post Pam.

Semler, following Pamelius, deleted "palam" ("openly").

61 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 43 or 44 Volunt Paris. monet Pam. Seml.

"Volunt" ("they wish"): Paris edition; "monet" ("he warns"): Pamelius, Semler.

62 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 43 or 44 Ad delev. Pam. Semler.

Pamelius and Semler deleted "ad".

63 ‹anchor: alicujus tecti› · call in col 44 Taciti Pam. Seml.

"Taciti" ("secret"): Pamelius, Semler.

Commentarius. (printed under page 26)

(3) ‹anchor: lemma — In tertium usque coelum ereptus Paulus› · call not visible

In tertium usque coelum ereptus Paulus. Hoc etiam innotuerat Lucianico Triephonti. Nam haud dubie Paulum describit his verbis: Ἡνίκα δέ μοι Γαλιλαῖος ἐνέτυχεν ἀναφαλαντίας, ἐπίρρινος, εἰς τρίτον οὐρανὸν ἀεροβατήσας, καὶ τὰ κάλλιστα ἐκμεμαθηκώς, etc. RIG.

"Paul, caught up even to the third heaven." This was known even to Lucian's Triephon. For beyond doubt he describes Paul in these words: "When a Galilean met me, bald in front, long-nosed, who had walked through the air into the third heaven and learned the finest things," etc. RIGAULT.

(printed under page 26)

(4) ‹anchor: lemma — Nescio quid illud› · call not visible

Nescio quid illud. Respicit fortasse Q. Septimius ad Pauli Apocalypsim haereticorum figmentum, de quo inter caeteros videri poterit Augustinus tractatu 98 in Joannem. Idem VEZZOSI.

"That something or other." Q. Septimius perhaps has in view the Apocalypse of Paul, a fiction of the heretics, on which, among others, Augustine, tractate 98 on John, may be seen. The same, VEZZOSI.

(printed under page 26)

(5) ‹anchor: lemma — Ut diximus› · call not visible

Ut diximus. Capite 22. Post alios reduxi vet. lect. sed non omnia, pro non tamen omnia. Inferiusque, si quid id refert, testificatus est pro testatus est. ROUTH.

"As we have said": in chapter 22. Following others I have brought back the old reading "sed non omnia" for "non tamen omnia". And lower down, if it matters at all, "testificatus est" for "testatus est". ROUTH.

(printed under page 26)

(6) ‹anchor: lemma — Quid hoc depositum est tam idoneum, ut, etc.› · call not visible

Quid hoc depositum est tam idoneum, ut, etc. Sic. edd. Rhenani et Paris. prima. Praestant tam tacitum pro tam idoneum, edd. Paris. 2 et Franek. Posuit tacitum sine tam aut idoneum Rigaltius. Mihi legendum videtur: « Quid hoc depositum est tam tacitum idoneum, ut » etc. Mox ait, « quomodo nihil tacitum fuerit, et cap. 26: Sine ulla significatione alicujus taciti sacramenti. » ROUTH.

"What is this deposit so suitable that," etc. So Rhenanus's editions and the first Paris edition. The second Paris edition and the Franeker edition give "tam tacitum" ("so secret") for "tam idoneum". Rigault put "tacitum" without "tam" or "idoneum". To me it seems one should read: "What is this deposit, so secret [and] suitable, that," etc. Soon he says: "how nothing was secret", and in ch. 26: "without any indication of some secret mystery." ROUTH.

(printed under page 26)

(7) ‹anchor: omnia (7)› · call in col 43

Qui vivificat omnia. Ex usu Graeco, ζωοποιοῦντος. Alii codices habent, qui justificat, veluti ac si haberetur δικαιοῦντος. LE PR.

"Who gives life to all things." After the Greek usage, zōopoioûntos. Other manuscripts have "who justifies", as if the text were dikaioûntos. LE PRIEUR.

(printed under page 26)

(8) ‹anchor: lemma — Nec quia illum monet› · call not visible

Nec quia illum monet. Sic ed. princeps. Ait Pamelius: « Lego monet, nempe Paulus, pro eo quod vulgo legebatur volunt (sic ed. Paris. 1566 et marg. ed. Paris. 1545) tam ex ms. cod. Vaticano, quam Quintino (qui hunc librum De Praescr. edidit Paris. 1561) et Macereo (Gallico hujus libri interprete eod. an et loco). » Haec Pamelius. Hinc fit, ut exstet verbum monet in edit. Franek. quae ex editione Pamelii repetita est. Ibi tamen volunt praefert Junius, ut ex optimis quoque exemplaribus profectum. Melius habet voluit Rigaltius. Sed editionis principis lectionem revocavi. ROUTH.

"Nor because he warns him." So the first edition. Pamelius says: "I read 'monet', namely Paul, instead of the common reading 'volunt' (so the Paris edition of 1566 and the margin of the Paris edition of 1545), both from the Vatican manuscript and from Quintin (who edited this book On Prescription at Paris in 1561) and Macé (the French translator of this book, in the same year and place)." So Pamelius. Hence the word "monet" stands in the Franeker edition, which was reprinted from Pamelius's. There, however, Junius prefers "volunt", as coming also from the best copies. Rigault has, better, "voluit". But I have restored the reading of the first edition. ROUTH.

(printed under page 26)

(9) ‹anchor: lemma — Apud conscientiam› · call not visible

Apud conscientiam. H. e. dogmata, quae apud se solos habebant. ROUTH.

"In conscience": that is, doctrines which they kept to themselves alone. ROUTH.

(printed under page 26)

Page

  • running head: 43 TERTULLIANI OPERUM
  • marginal letters: A Paulus (3), et in paradisum delatus; B volunt illos omnibus revelasse; C quatur. Ne putes (in footnotes); D riusque, si quid id refert (in footnotes)
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 2:44
scriptis intelligetur non nescio quid subostendi hoc dicto de remotiore doctrina, sed potius inculcari de non admittenda alia praeter eam, quam audierat ab ipso, et, puto, palam. Coram multis, inquit, testibus (II Tim. II, 2). Quos multos testes si nolunt Ecclesiam intelligi, nihil interest, quando nihil tacitum fuerit, quod sub multis testibus proferebatur. Sed nec quia voluit illum haec fidelibus hominibus demandare, qui idonei sint et alios docere (ibidem), id quoque ad argumentum occulti alicujus Evangelii interpretandum est. Nam cum dicit, haec, de eis dicit, de quibus in praesenti scribebat; de occultis autem, ut de absentibus apud conscientiam, non haec, sed illa dixisset.
written it will be understood that by this saying it is not some unknown thing about a more remote doctrine that is being hinted at, but rather that he is impressing on him that no other doctrine is to be admitted besides that which he had heard from him, and, I think, openly. Before many witnesses, he says (2 Tim. 2:2). If they do not want these many witnesses to be understood as the Church, it makes no difference, since nothing could have been secret that was brought forward before many witnesses. Nor, because he wished him to entrust these things to faithful men, who are fit to teach others also (ibid.), is this, too, to be interpreted as an argument for some hidden Gospel. For when he says 'these things', he speaks of those about which he was writing at that moment; but of hidden things, as of things absent and kept within their own knowledge, he would have said not 'these' but 'those'.
CAPUT XXVI.
Chapter XXVI.
Quanquam non passim, nec inconsiderate omnibus praedicaverint apostoli.
Although the apostles did not preach to all indiscriminately or without discernment.
Porro consequens erat, ut cui demandabat Evangelii administrationem, non passim nec inconsiderate administrandam, adjiceret secundum Dominicam vocem, ne margaritam porcis et sanctum canibus jactaret (Matth. VII, 6). Dominus palam edixit, sine ulla significatione alicujus tecti sacramenti. Ipse praeceperat, si quid in tenebris et in abscondito audissent, in luce et in tectis praedicarent (Matth. X, 27). Ipse per similitudinem praefiguraverat ne unam mnam, id est unum verbum
Further, it followed that, to him to whom he was entrusting the administration of the Gospel, he should add that it was to be administered neither indiscriminately nor without discernment, in accordance with the Lord's word, that he should not cast a pearl to swine nor what is holy to dogs (Matt. 7:6). The Lord made His proclamation openly, without any hint of some concealed mystery. He Himself had commanded that, if they had heard anything in darkness and in secret, they should proclaim it in the light and on the housetops (Matt. 10:27). He Himself had prefigured by a parable that not one mina, that is, one word
Editors' notes and page, col. 44

Footnotes

(10) ‹anchor: sacramenti (10)› · call in col 44

Taciti sacramenti. Sic. editt. ante Rigaltium, qui tecti substituit. Cum vero istud jam supra scripsisset Auctor, « Quando nihil tacitum fuerit, quod sub multis testibus proferebatur, » vocem revocabam: id quod nunc video fecisse cardinalem Thomasium. ROUTH.

"Of a secret mystery." So the editions before Rigault, who substituted "tecti" ("hidden"). But since the Author had already written above, "since nothing was secret that was brought forward before many witnesses", I restored the word — which I now see Cardinal Tommasi had done. ROUTH.

(printed under page 26)

(11) ‹anchor: unam mnam› · call in col 44

Ne unam mnam. Adnotat hic Macereus mnam, sive minam, valuisse decem coronatos, quod ex Buddaeo sumpsit. Plin. lib. XXI, c. 27, Mna, inquit, quam nostri minam dicunt, pendet drachmas atticas centum. Videtur vero uterque evangelista, et Lucas, qui μνᾶν legit, et Matthaeus, qui talentum, non pro certo aliquo genere nummorum in- (continues)

"Not one mina." Macé notes here that a mna, or mina, was worth ten crowns, which he took from Budé. Pliny, Book XXI, ch. 27: "The mna," he says, "which our people call a mina, weighs a hundred Attic drachmas." But both evangelists — Luke, who reads mnân, and Matthew, who [reads] talent — seem not [to mean] some fixed kind of coin (continues)

(printed under page 26)

Page

  • running head: [TERTU]LLIANI OPERUM PARS II. 44 (left part cut off at image edge)
  • marginal letters: A fra scriptis intelligetur; B CAPUT XXVI.; C (7) Qui vivificat omnia (commentary); D sub multis testibus proferebatur (commentary)
  • old-edition numerals: 38 after alios
PL 2:45
ejus, sine fructu in abdito (Luc. XIX, 20) reservarent. Ipse docebat, lucernam non sub modio obstrudi solere, sed in candelabrum constitui, ut luceat omnibus qui in domo sunt (Matth. V, 15). Haec apostoli aut neglexerunt, aut minime intellexerunt, si non adimpleverunt, abscondentes aliquid de lumine, id est, de Dei verbo et Christi sacramento. Neminem quod scio verebantur, non Judaeorum vim, non ethnicorum, quo magis utique in Ecclesia libere praedicabant, qui in synagogis et in locis publicis non tacebant. Imo neque Judaeos convertere, neque ethnicos inducere potuissent, nisi quod credi ab eis volebant ordine exponerent: multo magis jam credentibus Ecclesiis nihil subtraxissent, quod aliis paucis seorsum demandarent. Quanquam, etsi quaedam inter domesticos, ut ita dixerim, disserebant, non tamen ea fuisse credendum est, quae aliam regulam fidei superducerent, diversam et contrariam illi, quam catholicae in medium proferebant; ut alium Deum in ecclesia dicerent, alium in hospitio; aliam Christi substantiam designarent in aperto, aliam in secreto; aliam spem resurrectionis apud omnes annuntiarent, aliam apud paucos: cum ipsi obsecrarent in Epistolis suis, ut idipsum et unum loquerentur omnes, et non essent schismata et dissensiones in Ecclesia (I Cor. I, 10), quia sive Paulus, sive alii
of His, should they keep back without fruit, in a hidden place (Luke 19:20). He Himself taught that a lamp is not usually thrust under a bushel, but set upon a lampstand, that it may give light to all who are in the house (Matt. 5:15). These things the apostles either neglected or failed to understand, if they did not fulfil them, by hiding something of the light, that is, of the word of God and of the mystery of Christ. They feared no one, as far as I know: not the violence of the Jews, not that of the gentiles; all the more, surely, did they preach freely in the Church, who were not silent in the synagogues and in public places. Indeed, they could neither have converted Jews nor brought in gentiles unless they set out in order what they wished to be believed by them: much more would they have withheld nothing from Churches already believing, in order to entrust it privately to a few others. And yet, even if they discussed certain things among those of the household, so to speak, it is nevertheless not to be believed that these were such as would bring in another rule of faith, different from and contrary to the one which they were putting forward publicly to the Church at large; so that they would speak of one God in the church and another at home; would describe one substance of Christ openly and another in secret; would announce one hope of the resurrection before all and another before a few: when they themselves besought in their Epistles that all should speak one and the same thing, and that there should be no schisms and dissensions in the Church (1 Cor. 1:10), since whether Paul or others
Editors' notes and page, col. 45

Footnotes

Variae lectiones. 64 ‹anchor: sub modio› · call in col 45 Modium Rig. Venet.

"Modium" ("bushel"): Rigault, Venice edition.

65 ‹anchor: obstrudi› · call in col 45 Obstrui Seml. abstrui Pam. Fran. Rhen. Jun.

"Obstrui" ("to be blocked"): Semler; "abstrui" ("to be hidden away"): Pamelius, Franeker edition, Rhenanus, Junius.

66 ‹anchor: aut minime intellexerunt› · call in col 45 Illa pars, aut minime intellexerunt, in Rhen. edit. deficit.

The words "aut minime intellexerunt" ("or did not at all understand") are missing in Rhenanus's edition.

67 ‹anchor: de Dei verbo et› · call in col 45 De Semler.

"De": Semler.

68 ‹anchor: ordine› · call in col 45 Ordinari Seml. ordinarie Rhen.

"Ordinari" ("to be ordered"): Semler; "ordinarie" ("in an orderly way"): Rhenanus.

69 ‹anchor: ipsi obsecrarent› · call in col 45 [printed "6⁹"] Observarent Jun. Seml.

"Observarent" ("they observed"): Junius, Semler.

70 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 46 Scilicet del. Semler.

Semler deletes "scilicet" ("namely").

71 ‹anchor: forte› · call in col 46 Forte delev. Semler.

Semler deleted "forte" ("perhaps").

72 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 46 Plane alii.

"Plane" ("plainly"): others.

73 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 46 Item Jun.

"Item" ("likewise"): Junius.

74 ‹anchor: vos› · call in col 46 Suos Venet. Rig.

"Suos" ("their own"): Venice edition, Rigault.

Commentarius. (printed under page 27)

(11) (continued) · call on the previous page (col 44)

tellexisse, sed in genere; cum talentum, eodem Buldaeo teste, 60 mnas valuerit, quae 60 coronatos valent. PAM. — Mna, ut legimus in notis ad versionem Gallicam optimi viri de Gourcy, valuit tribus et nonaginta fere francis. EDD.

(continued) …to have understood [it], but in a general sense; since a talent, on the same Budé's testimony [printed "Buldaeo"], was worth 60 minas, which are worth 60 crowns. PAMELIUS. — The mina, as we read in the notes to the French translation by the excellent M. de Gourcy, was worth about ninety-three francs. THE EDITORS.

(printed under page 27)

(12) ‹anchor: lemma — Diversam et contrariam illi, quam Catholicae in medium proferebant› · call in col 45 after ‹proferebant› [printed "(12;"]

Diversam et contrariam illi, quam Catholicae in medium proferebant. Ita scribitur in antiquis exemplaribus. Sed arbitror verius scribi adverbialiter, Catholice, hoc est, in ecclesia. Ait enim, apostolos non aliam regulam domestice, sive in hospitio tradidisse, aliam catholice, sive in ecclesia; neque aliam in secreto, aliam in aperto. Sic libro de Fuga: « Persecutionem catholice fieri, cum Ecclesia non ex parte, sed omnis et universim concutitur, vexatur. » Sic lib. II, adversus Marcionem: Catholicam bonitatem, toto orbe diffusam. » Et lib. IV, Catholicam Jerusalem, pro universa Ecclesia Christiana. Sic etiam profani scriptores catholica dixere universalia, ut Plinius, catholica siderum errantium, et catholica fulgurum. RIG.

"Different from and contrary to that which the Catholic [Churches] brought forward publicly." So it is written in the old copies. But I think it is more truly written as an adverb, "catholice", that is, in church. For he says that the apostles did not hand down one rule at home, or in a lodging, and another catholicly, that is, in church; nor one in secret and another in the open. So in the book On Flight: "that persecution happens catholicly, when the Church is shaken and harassed not in part but wholly and universally." So in Against Marcion Book II: "a catholic goodness, spread through the whole world." And in Book IV, "the catholic Jerusalem", for the whole Christian Church. So too pagan writers called universal things "catholic", as Pliny: "the catholica of the wandering stars" and "the catholica of thunderbolts". RIGAULT.

(printed under page 27)

(13) ‹anchor: lemma — Sit sermo vester, Est, est, Non, non› · call not visible

Sit sermo vester, Est, est, Non, non. Christi verba sunt, Matth. V, vetantis jurare, atque omni quidem modo, sive per coelum, sive per terram, sive per caput. Sit autem sermo vester, inquit, Est, est, Non, non. Quae verba etsi generaliter ad Judaeorum turbam non specialiter ad illos duodecim dicta sint, nihilominus tamen etiam discipulos, sive apostolos iisdem verbis admonitos fuisse ait Septimius noster, ne scilicet Evangelium in diversitate tractarent. Sed quid ad Evangelii tractationem formula affirmandi, Est, est, aut negandi, Non, non? Sane hoc sensisse videtur Septimius, Christum non simplicem affirmandi negandive formulam praescripsisse, verum hoc etiam significasse, omnium quidem Christianorum sermones, multo autem magis apostolorum, praecipua veritatis sinceritate commendari, si nihil in se habeant quaesita subtilitate dubium, nihil in ancipitem defensionem retortum: neque ille dicat: Est, ille, Non: sed omnes pariter, Est, est; Non, non. Neque vero permisceant unquam Est et Non; sed liquido dicant, esse quod est, et non esse quod non est. Nam quod amplius est, quod praeterea artificiose ad texitur, a malo esse, dolum esse, aut proximum dolo. Hoc sensu locus iste tractatur etiam lib de Carne Christi, et adversus Praxean. RIG.

"Let your word be Yes, yes, No, no." These are the words of Christ, Matthew 5, forbidding swearing, and in any way at all, whether by heaven, or by earth, or by one's head. "But let your word be," He says, "Yes, yes, No, no." Although these words were spoken generally to the crowd of Jews, not specially to the Twelve, our Septimius nevertheless says that the disciples, or apostles, were also admonished by them, namely not to handle the Gospel in diverse ways. But what has the formula of affirming, "Yes, yes", or of denying, "No, no", to do with handling the Gospel? Septimius seems to have understood that Christ did not prescribe a mere formula of affirming or denying, but also signified that the words of all Christians, and much more of the apostles, are commended by a special sincerity of truth if they contain nothing made doubtful by contrived subtlety, nothing twisted for an ambiguous defence; that one should not say "Yes" and another "No", but all alike "Yes, yes; No, no". Nor should they ever mix Yes and No, but say plainly that what is, is, and what is not, is not. For whatever is more than this, whatever is further woven on by artifice, is from evil — it is deceit, or next to deceit. In this sense the passage is treated also in the book On the Flesh of Christ and in Against Praxeas. RIGAULT.

(printed under page 27)

(14) ‹anchor: lemma — Si ergo incredibile est› · call not visible

Si ergo incredibile est. Attingit notam verae et apostolicae doctrinae, quae est antiquissima nota Ecclesiae; ideo ait, incredibile est ignorasse apostolos, quasi dicat: Illa est antiquissima doctrina, quam apostoli scierunt; reliquae novellae sunt omnes et adulterae, ut quas apostoli ignorarunt; ideo infra, cap. 3: « Tamen in eadem fide conspirantes, » etc. Quia videlicet doctrinam retinent, qui in eadem fide conspirant, quam apostoli retinuerunt, quasi consanguinei sint apostolis. Unde Sozomenus, lib. VII, laudat Theodosium, qui principes sectarum jussit conveniri, deinde petiit, an existimarent antiquos Patres, qui Ecclesiam rexerant, ante dissidium illud quod de religione ortum fuerat, recte consensisse, et vere sanctos et apostolicos fuisse: quod cum illi concessissent, subjunxit rationem, qua compesceret haereticos, hanc scilicet: « Examinemus ergo doctrinam vestram ad illorum scripta; et si cum illis consenserit, retineatur; sin minus, abjiciatur. » LAC.

"If, then, it is incredible." He touches the mark of the true and apostolic doctrine, which is the most ancient mark of the Church; so he says, "it is incredible that the apostles did not know," as if to say: that is the most ancient doctrine which the apostles knew; all the rest are new and adulterous, being such as the apostles did not know. So below, ch. 3 [as printed]: "Yet breathing together in the same faith," etc. Because, that is, those who breathe together in the same faith hold the doctrine the apostles held, as if they were blood-kin of the apostles. Hence Sozomen, Book VII, praises Theodosius, who ordered the leaders of the sects to be called together, and then asked whether they thought that the ancient Fathers who had governed the Church before the dissension that had arisen over religion had agreed rightly, and were truly holy and apostolic. When they granted this, he added a way of checking the heretics, namely: "Let us, then, examine your doctrine against their writings; and if it agrees with them, let it be kept; if not, let it be thrown out." LA CERDA.

(printed under page 27)

Page

  • running head: 45 LIBER DE PRAESCRIPTI[ONIBUS] (cut off at right edge)
  • marginal letters: A bum ejus, sine fructu; B Quanquam, etsi quaedam; C tellexisse, sed in genere; D et catholica fulgurum. Rig.
  • old-edition numerals: 39 after Deum (Q1b: the bold numeral is blurred at this resolution; 39 fits the run 38 in col 44, 40 in col 46)
  • other: Q1b: in (11) (continued) "Buldaeo" is printed for Buddaeo (so n44); kept as printed. The second "60" (coronatos) is as read at this resolution; arithmetic (1 mna = 10 coronati, n44) would give 600: UNSURE.
  • other: Q1b: in (13) the page may print a full stop after "a malo esse" (lower-case "dolum" follows); UNSURE at this resolution, comma kept.
PL 2:46
eadem praedicarent. Alioquin meminerant: Sit sermo vester, est, est, non, non; quod amplius, hoc a malo est (Matth. V, 37); ne scilicet Evangelium in diversitate tractarent.
were preaching the same things. Otherwise they remembered: Let your speech be, yes, yes, no, no; whatever is more than this is from evil (Matt. 5:37); so that, namely, they should not handle the Gospel in diversity.
CAPUT XXVII.
Chapter XXVII.
Unam etiam regulam fidei eos instituisse, tam ad ecclesias correptas, postea emendatas, quam ad eas quas commendarunt.
That they also established one rule of faith, both for the churches that were rebuked and afterwards corrected, and for those which they commended.
Si ergo incredibile est, vel ignorasse apostolos plenitudinem praedicationis, vel non omnem ordinem regulae omnibus edidisse, videamus ne forte apostoli quidem simpliciter et plene Ecclesiae autem suo vitio aliter acceperint quam apostoli proferebant. Omnia ista scrupulositatis incitamenta invenias praetendi ab haereticis. Tenent correptas ab Apostolo Ecclesias: O insensati Galatae, quis vos fascinavit? et: Tam bene currebatis, quis vos impediit? ipsumque principium: Miror quod sic tam cito transferamini ab eo qui vos vocavit in gratia, ad aliud Evangelium. Item ad Corinthios scriptum, quod essent adhuc carnales, qui lacte educarentur, nondum idonei ad pabulum; qui putarent se scire aliquid, quando nondum scirent quemadmodum scire oporteret. Cum correptas Ecclesias opponunt, credant emendatas. Sed et illas recognoscant, de quarum fide et scientia et conversatione Apostolus gaudet, et Deo
If, therefore, it is incredible either that the apostles were ignorant of the fullness of the preaching, or that they did not set forth the whole order of the rule to all, let us see whether perhaps the apostles indeed [delivered it] simply and fully, but the churches through their own fault received it otherwise than the apostles were setting it forth. All these incitements to scrupulosity you may find put forward by the heretics. They hold up the churches rebuked by the Apostle: O senseless Galatians, who has bewitched you? and: You were running so well, who has hindered you? and the very beginning: I marvel that you are so quickly being transferred from Him Who called you in grace to another Gospel. Likewise that it was written to the Corinthians that they were still carnal, being fed with milk, not yet fit for solid food; that they thought they knew something, when they did not yet know how one ought to know. When they set the rebuked churches against us, let them believe them corrected. But let them also recognize those over whose faith and knowledge and conduct the Apostle rejoices, and to God
Editors' notes and page, col. 46

Footnotes

(15) ‹anchor: et conversatione› · call in col 46

De quarum fide et scientia et convers. De fide quidem et dilectione, quam hic conversatio- (continues)

"Of whose faith and knowledge and conduct." Of faith indeed, and of love, which here [he calls] conduct- (continues)

(printed under page 27)

Page

  • running head: DE PRAESCRIPTIONIBUS. 46
  • marginal letters: A ‹eadem praedicarent. Alioquin›; B ‹correptas ab Apostolo Ecclesias›; C ‹dem Christianorum sermones› (commentary); D ‹tes, etc. Quia videlicet› (commentary)
  • old-edition numerals: 40 after ad
PL 2:47
gratias agit: quae tamen hodie cum illis correptis unius institutionis jura miscent.
gives thanks: yet these [churches] today, together with those that were rebuked, share the rights of one institution.
CAPUT XXVIII.
Chapter XXVIII.
Quod autem apud multos unum invenitur, non censeri erratum, sed traditum.
That what is found as one among many is to be reckoned not an error but a tradition.
Age nunc, omnes erraverint; deceptus sit Apostolus de testimonio reddendo quibusdam; nullam respexerit Spiritus sanctus, ut eam in veritatem deduceret (Joan. XIV, 26), ad hoc missus a Christo, ad hoc postulatus de Patre, ut esset doctor veritatis (Joan. XV, 26); neglexerit officium Dei villicus, Christi vicarius, sinens Ecclesias aliter interim intelligere, aliter credere, quam ipse per apostolos praedicabat: ecquid verisimile est, ut tot ac tantae in unam fidem erraverint? Nullus inter multos eventus unus est exitus: variasse debuerat error doctrinae Ecclesiarum. Caeterum, quod apud multos unum invenitur, non est erratum, sed traditum. Audeat ergo aliquis dicere illos errasse qui tradiderunt?
Come now, suppose that all have erred; suppose that the Apostle was deceived in bearing testimony to certain [churches]; suppose that the Holy Spirit had regard to none of them so as to lead it into truth (John 14:26), He who was sent by Christ for this, who was asked of the Father for this, that He might be the teacher of truth (John 15:26); suppose that the steward of God, the vicar of Christ, neglected His office, allowing the churches meanwhile to understand otherwise and to believe otherwise than He Himself was preaching through the apostles: is it at all likely that so many and such great [churches] should have strayed into one faith? Among many occurrences there is no single outcome: the error of the churches' doctrine would have had to vary. But what is found as one among many is not an error but a tradition. Will anyone then dare to say that those who handed it down were in error?
CAPUT XXIX.
Chapter XXIX.
Haereses potius errasse, quae vera doctrina sunt posteriores.
That it is rather the heresies that have erred, since they are later than the true doctrine.
Quoquo modo sit erratum, tandiu utique regnavit error, quandiu haereses non erant. Aliquos Marcionitas et Valentinianos liberanda veritas exspectabat; interea perperam evangelizabatur, perperam credebatur, tot millia millium
However the error came about, the error certainly reigned for just as long as there were no heresies. Truth, waiting to be set free, was awaiting some Marcionites and Valentinians; meanwhile the gospel was being preached wrongly, faith was being held wrongly, so many thousands of thousands
Editors' notes and page, col. 47

Footnotes

Variae lectiones. 75 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 47 or 48 Quibusdam del. Rig. Venet.

Rigault and the Venice edition delete "quibusdam" ("certain").

76 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 47 or 48 Quod Venet. Jun.

"Quod": Venice edition, Junius.

77 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 47 or 48 Ordinem Rhen. Jun. Seml.

"Ordinem" ("order"): Rhenanus, Junius, Semler.

78 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 47 or 48 Sed traditum suppr. Rhen. Seml.

Rhenanus and Semler suppress "sed traditum" ("but handed down").

79 ‹anchor: utique regnavit› · call in col 47 Erravit Jun. Seml.

"Erravit" ("erred"): Junius, Semler.

80 ‹anchor: haereses non erant› · call in col 47 Errant Junius.

"Errant" ("they err"): Junius.

81 ‹anchor: perperam credebatur› · call in col 47 Perperam credebatur, neglig. Seml.

Semler omits "perperam credebatur" ("it was wrongly believed").

82 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 47 or 48 Ministrata, Semler unus contra omnes.

"Ministrata" ("administered"): Semler alone against all.

83 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 47 or 48 Mysteria, Rig., ex lib. Agobardi.

"Mysteria" ("mysteries"): Rigault, from Agobard's book.

84 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 47 or 48 Perperam et in vacuum (omisso coronata), Semler. perperam coronata Pam. Rig.

"Perperam et in vacuum" ("wrongly and in vain", with "coronata" omitted): Semler; "perperam coronata" ("wrongly crowned"): Pamelius, Rigault.

85 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 47 or 48 Aut si nec perperam, nec in vacuum, omis. Seml. non perperam, Venet. Gourcy.

Semler omits "aut si nec perperam, nec in vacuum" ("or if neither wrongly nor in vain"); "non perperam" ("not wrongly"): Venice edition, de Gourcy.

86 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 47 or 48 Curent Semler.

"Curent" ("let them care"): Semler.

87 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 47 or 48 Prior illius doctrinae Jun. prior doctrina Wouw. e vet. cod.

"Prior illius doctrinae" ("prior to that doctrine"): Junius; "prior doctrina" ("prior in doctrine"): Wouwer, from an old manuscript.

88 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 47 or 48 Praenuntiabat Venet.

"Praenuntiabat" ("foretold"): Venice edition.

89 ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 47 or 48 Suam abest. Rig. Venet.

"Suam" ("its own") is absent in Rigault and the Venice edition.

90 ‹anchor: catholicae primo› · call in col 48 In catholicam pene Seml.

"In catholicam pene" ("into the catholic [Church] almost"): Semler.

Commentarius. (printed under page 28)

(16) ‹anchor: lemma — Nullus inter multos eventus unus est› · call not visible

Nullus inter multos eventus unus est. Casus multos dispersus non uno eodemque modo ab omnibus excipitur. RIG. — Nullus inter multos eventus unus: exitus variasse debuerat ordinem doctrinae Ecclesiarum. Ita se habent editiones principes, sive Rhenanianae. Sic vero edit. Paris. prima: « Nullus inter multos eventus est, unus est. Exitus variasse debuerat ordinem (error, var. lect. ad oram) doctrinae Ecclesiarum. » Praestant editt. Paris. secunda et Franek.: « Nullus inter multos eventus est unus exitus. Variasse debuerat error doctrinae Ecclesiarum. » Haec quidem revocarunt Lupus et Thomasius, sed monuit Semlerus, Junium non male praeferre lectionem Rhenani, seu editionis principis. Rigaltius vero hoc modo verba ordinavit: « Nullus inter multos eventus unus est. Exitus variasse debuerat error doctrinae Ecclesiarum. » Legerim ego, « Nullus inter multos eventus unus exitus. Variasse debuerant ordine (h. e. alia ex alia) doctrinae Ecclesiarum. » Olim nullis legendum minus recte proposui. ROUTH.

"No one outcome among many is single." A chance spread among many is not met by all in one and the same way. RIGAULT. — "No one outcome among many [is] single: the result ought to have varied the order of the Churches' doctrine." So the first editions, that is, Rhenanus's. The first Paris edition, however, has: "No outcome among many is; it is single. The result ought to have varied the order (error, variant reading in the margin) of the Churches' doctrine." The second Paris edition and the Franeker edition give: "Among many there is no single outcome. The error of the Churches' doctrine ought to have varied." Lupus and Tommasi restored this; but Semler observed that Junius not unreasonably prefers the reading of Rhenanus, that is, of the first edition. Rigault, however, arranged the words thus: "No one outcome among many is single. The error of the Churches' doctrine ought to have varied in result." I would read: "Among many outcomes, none [has] a single result. The doctrines of the Churches ought to have varied in order (that is, one from another)." Formerly I proposed, less correctly, to read "nullis". ROUTH.

(printed under page 28)

(17) ‹anchor: sit erratum› · call in col 47

Quoquo modo sit erratum. Possum autem optima ratione idipsum nostri temporis aristarchis respondere, qui hactenus errasse Ecclesiam non verentur dicere: Si aliquos Lutheranos aut Calvinistas aut Anabaptistas liberanda veritas exspectabat, etc. PAM.

"However the error was made." With the best of reason I can give the same answer to the Aristarchs of our time who are not afraid to say that the Church has erred until now: "If truth was waiting for some Lutherans or Calvinists or Anabaptists to set it free," etc. PAMELIUS.

(printed under page 28)

(18) ‹anchor: lemma — Tot virtutes, tot charismata› · call not visible

Tot virtutes, tot charismata. Nulla hic de virtute aut charitate mentio, sed de potestate edendi miracula, et Spiritus sancti donis. ALBASP. — Haec ab initio usque ad Valentini Marcionisque tempora, et diu post illa in Ecclesia permansisse veteres crediderunt. ROUTH.

"So many mighty works, so many gifts." There is no mention here of virtue or charity, but of the power of working miracles, and of the gifts of the Holy Spirit. L'AUBESPINE. — The ancients believed that these remained in the Church from the beginning up to the times of Valentinus and Marcion, and long after them. ROUTH.

(printed under page 28)

(19) ‹anchor: lemma — Prior in doctrina› · call not visible

Prior in doctrina. Sic vulgo scribitur. Omittebat particulam in Wouwerii codex. Reponit Junius prior illius (nempe veritatis) doctrina, restitutione, ut ait, manifesta et necessaria. Malim ego illa pro in rescribere. ROUTH.

"Prior in doctrine." So it is commonly written. Wouwer's manuscript omitted the particle "in". Junius restores "prior illius (namely, of the truth) doctrina", by a restoration, as he says, plain and necessary. I would rather write "illa" for "in". ROUTH.

(printed under page 28)

Page

  • running head: 47 TERTULLIANI OPERUM (cut off at the image edge)
  • marginal letters: A gratias agit: quae tamen; B debuerat error doctrinae Ecclesiarum; C nem vocat, commendat Apostolus (commentary); D ordinavit: « Nullus inter (commentary)
  • old-edition numerals: 41 before CAPUT XXIX
  • other: the full-width headings "Variae lectiones" and "Commentarius" and the variant-readings lines run across both columns and are cut off at the right edge, so they are not set; the editors' commentary notes (16)-(17) by Pamelius, Rigaltius and Routh at the foot of the column are not set; the bracketed "[churches]" is a supplement for the feminine plurals
PL 2:48
perperam tincta, tot opera fidei perperam administrata, tot virtutes, tot charismata perperam operata, t⟨o⟩t sacerdotia, tot ministeria perperam functa, tot denique martyria in vacuum coronata. Aut si nec perperam, nec in vacuum, quale est ut ante res Dei currerent, quam cujus Dei notum esset; ante Christiani, quam Christus inventus, ante haeresis, quam vera doctrina? Sedenim in omnibus veritas imaginem antecedit; post rem similitudo succedit. Caeterum satis ineptum, ut prior in doctrina haeresis habeatur; vel quoniam ipsa est quae futuras haereses et cavendas praenuntiavit. Ad ejus doctrinae Ecclesiam scriptum est, imo ipsa doctrina ad Ecclesiam suam scribit: Etsi angelus de caelo aliter evangelizaverit citra quam nos, anathema sit (Galat. I, 8).
wrongly dyed, so many works of faith wrongly administered, so many powers, so many gifts of grace wrongly worked, so many priesthoods, so many ministries wrongly discharged, so many martyrdoms, finally, crowned in vain. Or if neither wrongly nor in vain, how is it that the things of God were running their course before it was known Whose God they belonged to; that there were Christians before Christ was found, heresy before true doctrine? But in all things the truth goes before the image; the likeness follows after the reality. Moreover it is quite absurd that heresy should be held prior in doctrine, if only because it is that [doctrine] itself which foretold that there would be heresies and that they must be guarded against. To the Church of this doctrine it was written, nay rather the doctrine itself writes to its own Church: Even if an angel from heaven should preach the gospel otherwise than we have, let him be anathema (Gal. 1:8).
CAPUT XXX.
Chapter XXX.
Marcionem enim et Valentinum, in catholicam primo doctrinam apud Ecclesiam Romanensem sub episcopatu Eleutherii credidisse; donec ob inquietam curiositatem semel et iterum ejecti, novissime in perpetuum dissidium relegati, venena doctrinarum suarum disseminarunt. Atque idem de aliis judicium, qui virtutibus et miraculis novos se apostolos esse probare nequeunt.
That Marcion and Valentinus at first believed in the catholic doctrine in the Roman Church under the episcopate of Eleutherius; until, on account of their restless curiosity, having been expelled once and again, and at last banished into perpetual separation, they spread abroad the poisons of their doctrines. And the same judgement [holds] concerning others, who cannot prove themselves to be new apostles by powers and miracles.
Ubi tunc Marcion, ponticus nauclerus, stoicae studiosus? Ubi Valentinus, platonicae sectator? Nam constat illos, neque adeo olim fuisse, Antonini fere principatu, et in catholicae primo
Where then was Marcion, the shipmaster of Pontus, the devotee of Stoicism? Where was Valentinus, the follower of Platonism? For it is established that they lived not so very long ago, about the reign of Antoninus, and that at first in the catholic [Church's]
Editors' notes and page, col. 48

Footnotes

(20) ‹anchor: principatu (20)› · call in col 48

Antonini fere principatu. Videlicet utriusque. Nam Valentinus tempore Antonini Pii vixisse legitur, et Cerdo magister Marcionis: Marcion vero Antonini Philosophi, qui successit Pio. Valentinus quidem et Cerdo sub Hygino et Aniceto episcopis, Marcion vero sub Aniceto, Sotere et Eleuthero, ut constat ex Irenaeo lib. III, adversus haereses, et Eusebio lib. IV. Hist. Eccles. quae tempora Tertullianus ipse procul dubio viderat. Caeterum libri omnes sine transpositione uno consensu legunt, » apud Ecclesiam Romanensem sub episcopatu Eleutheri benedicti donec ob inquietam semper eorum curiositatem, etc., » neque videtur transpositio necessaria. Nam ultimum quidem tempus exponit auctor quo fuerunt isti Romae, quia ad argumentum ipsius (continues)

"Roughly in the reign of Antoninus": that is, of both. For Valentinus is read to have lived in the time of Antoninus Pius, as did Cerdo, Marcion's teacher; but Marcion in that of Antoninus the Philosopher, who succeeded Pius. Valentinus and Cerdo [lived] under the bishops Hyginus and Anicetus, and Marcion under Anicetus, Soter and Eleutherus, as is clear from Irenaeus, Against Heresies Book III, and Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History Book IV — times which Tertullian himself had doubtless seen. For the rest, all the books read with one consent, without transposition, "in the Roman Church under the episcopate of the blessed Eleutherus, until, because of their ever-restless curiosity," etc.; nor does a transposition seem necessary. For the author sets out the last time at which these men were at Rome, because to the argument of his (continues)

(printed under page 28)

Page

  • running head: [TERTU]LLIANI OPERUM PARS II. (left part cut off at image edge); column number 48
  • marginal letters: A perperam tincta, tot opera fidei; B (Galat. I, 8).; C verentur dicere (in the Commentarius); D constat ex Irenaeo lib. III (in the Commentarius)
  • old-edition numerals: 42 after curiositatem
  • other: ligature doubt raised by the check (text not changed): caelo | coelo (page appears to print cœlo; text not changed)
PL 2:49
doctrinam credidisse apud Ecclesiam Romanensem, sub episcopatu Eleutherii benedicti donec ob inquietam semper eorum curiositatem, qua fratres quoque vitabant semel et iterum ejecti, Marcion quidem cum ducentis sestertiis quae Ecclesiae intulerat, novissime in perpetuum discidium relegati, venena doctrinarum suarum disseminaverunt. Postmodum idem Marcion, poenitentiam confessus cum conditioni datae sibi occurrit, ita pacem recepturus, si caeteros quos perditioni erudisset, Ecclesiae restitueret, morte praeventus est. Oportebat enim haereses esse (I Cor. II, 19). Nec tamen ideo bonum haereses, quia eas oportebat, quasi non et malum oportuerit esse. Nam et Dominum tradi oportebat; sed vae traditori (Marc. XIV, 21)! ne quis etiam hinc haereses defendat. Si et Apellis stemma retractandum est, tam non vetus et ipse quam Marcion institutor et praeformator ejus: sed lapsus in feminam desertor continentiae Marcionensis, ab oculis sanctissimi magistri Alexandriam secessit; inde post annos regressus non melior, nisi tantum qua jam non Marcionites, in alteram feminam impegit,
doctrine they believed, in the Roman Church, under the episcopate of the blessed Eleutherius, until, on account of their ever-restless curiosity, by reason of which the brethren also shunned [them], having been expelled once and again, Marcion indeed with the two hundred thousand sesterces which he had brought into the Church, and at last banished into perpetual separation, they spread abroad the poisons of their doctrines. Afterwards the same Marcion, having professed penitence, when he agreed to the condition given to him, that he would receive peace on these terms, if he restored to the Church the others whom he had trained for perdition, was forestalled by death. For there had to be heresies (1 Cor. 11:19). Yet heresies are not therefore a good thing because they had to be, as if evil too had not had to be. For the Lord also had to be betrayed; but woe to the betrayer (Mark 14:21)! lest anyone defend heresies on this ground too. If the lineage of Apelles also must be gone over again, he too is no more ancient than Marcion, his founder and shaper; but, having fallen to a woman, a deserter of Marcionite continence, he withdrew from the eyes of his most holy master to Alexandria; thence, returning after years no better, except only in that he was no longer a Marcionite, he fell in with another woman,
Editors' notes and page, col. 49

Variae lectiones

91 ‹donec› · call in col 49 Donec abest Franeq.

"Donec" is absent in the Franeker edition.

92 ‹qua fratres quoque vitabant› · call in col 49 Quam fratres quoque vitabant Rig.

"Quam fratres quoque vitabant" ("which even the brethren shunned"): Rigaltius.

93 ‹discidium› · call in col 49 Dissidium Wouw.

"Dissidium" (dissension): Wouwer.

94 ‹relegati› · call in col 49 Relegatus Seml. itemque disseminavit.

"Relegatus" (banished): Semler; and likewise "disseminavit" (he spread abroad).

95 ‹conditioni› · call in col 49 Conditione subaud. poenitentiae, Seml.

"Conditione" ("by the condition"), with "of penance" understood: Semler.

96 ‹ne quis› · call in col 49 Quid Semler.

"Quid": Semler.

97 ‹hinc haereses defendat› · call in col 49 Defendant Venet.

"Defendant" (plural): the Venice edition.

98 ‹Si› · call in col 49 Si Semler.

"Si": Semler.

99 ‹lapsus in feminam› · call in col 49 Femina, id.

"Femina" (by a woman): the same (Semler).

1 ‹post annos› · call in col 49 Aliquos, add. Wouw.

Wouwer adds "aliquos" (some years).

2 ‹quas ab ea didicit› · call in col 50 Quae Seml.

"Quae": Semler.

3 ‹ne se posteriores› · call in col 50 Se delet idem.

The same (Semler) deletes "se".

4 ‹rius fuisse demonstrat› · call in col 50 Alterius fuisse demonstret Seml.

"Alterius fuisse demonstret" ("may show to have been another's"): Semler.

5 ‹Hos ut› · call in col 50 Utique Seml.

"Utique" (certainly): Semler.

6 ‹Nigidius nescio quis› · call in col 50, misprinted there as 7 Qui Fran. Seml.

"Qui": the Franeker edition, Semler.

7 ‹nescio quis; alii qui› · call in col 50 (printed twice) Qui del. Seml.

Semler deletes "qui".

8 ‹pervertentes vias Dei› · call in col 50 Cupis inserit Semler.

Semler inserts "cupis".

Commentarius

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(20) (continued) ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible

pertinebat, sed non propterea tempora negat antecedentia, qui terminum unum definit, caeteros aut omittit, aut comprehendi vult συνεκδοχικῶς. JUNIUS. — Confer Pearsonii Vindic. Ignat. part. II. c. 7. Caeterum nomen Eleutheri cum Eleutherii mutavit editionibus prioribus reclamantibus Rigaltius, haud sequente eum aut Lupo aut Thomasio. ROUTH.

belonged; but one who fixes a single limit does not thereby deny the preceding times: he either leaves the others out or wishes them to be understood by synecdoche. JUNIUS. — Compare Pearson's Vindiciae Ignatianae, part II, ch. 7. For the rest, Rigaltius changed the name "Eleutherus" to "Eleutherius" against the protest of the earlier editions, and neither Lupus nor Thomasius followed him. ROUTH.

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(21) ‹doctrinam credidisse› · call in col 49

In catholicae primo doctrinam credidisse. Haec scriptura est codicis antiquissimi. Doctrinam catholicae, nempe Ecclesiae; doctrinam toto orbe Christiano, id est, universa Ecclesia Christiana receptam, catholicae nomine ab haereticorum doctrina distinctam. Etenim apud Christianos haeresis vocatur, quod est alicui libitum credere adversus conscientiam fidemve publicam, seu communem gentium Christianarum sententiam. ALBASP.

"That they first believed in the teaching of the catholic." This is the reading of the most ancient manuscript. "The teaching of the catholic," that is, of the Church: the teaching received throughout the Christian world, that is, by the whole Christian Church, distinguished by the name "catholic" from the teaching of the heretics. For among Christians that is called heresy which it pleases someone to believe against the common conscience or public faith, or the common judgement of the Christian nations. ALBASPINAEUS (L'Aubespine).

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(22) ‹sub episcopatu› · call in col 49

Apud Ecclesiam Romanensem sub episcopatu Eleutherii. Sic habet vetus exemplar, et veterum auctorum, atque in primis istius scripta etiam cum hallucinationibus suis repraesentari interest, neque solet Septimius exactissime reddere quae ab auctoribus sumit. ALBASP.

"In the Roman Church under the episcopate of Eleutherius." So the old copy has it; and it matters that the writings of the ancient authors, and of this one above all, be reproduced even with their slips; nor is Septimius accustomed to render with great exactness what he takes from authors. ALBASPINAEUS.

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(23) ‹Eleutherii benedicti› · call in col 49

Eleutheri benedicti. Etiam dum viverent, benedicti vocabantur. De pudic.: Benedictus Papa concionaris. ALBASP.

"Of Eleutherus the blessed." They were called "blessed" even while they were alive. On Modesty: "You preach, blessed Pope." ALBASPINAEUS.

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(24) ‹qua fratres quoque vitabant› · call in col 49

Quam fratres quoque vitabant. Sic omnino est in exemplari, ut sit sensus, eorum curiositatem etiam plebi Christianae odiosam fuisse, ut jam communi fratrum voto pellerentur, cum ab episcopo sunt ejecti. RIG. — Qua fratres quoque vitiabant. Hanc lectionem Ante-Rigaltianam cum Lupo atque Thomasio revocavi. Rigaltius enim verba, quam fratres quoque vitabant, exemplaris vet. fide posuerat; addens tamen, se illud non sine ratione praeferre, quod in recentioribus libris legitur. ROUTH.

"Which even the brethren shunned." So it stands without doubt in the copy, so that the sense is that their curiosity was hateful even to the Christian people, so that they were driven out by the common wish of the brethren when they were cast out by the bishop. RIGALTIUS. — "By which they corrupted the brethren too." I have restored this pre-Rigaltian reading with Lupus and Thomasius. For Rigaltius had set the words "which even the brethren shunned" on the authority of the old copy, adding, however, that he did not without reason prefer what is read in the more recent books. ROUTH.

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(25) ‹semel et iterum ejecti› · call in col 49

Semel et iterum ejecti. Qui scilicet accepta poenitentia perfide et inconstanter uterentur; cujusmodi aliquid significare videtur etiam Irenaeus, ubi de Cerdone haeretico. RIG.

"Cast out once and again." Namely, as men who, having been granted penance, used it faithlessly and inconstantly; something of this kind Irenaeus too seems to indicate where he speaks of the heretic Cerdo. RIGALTIUS.

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(26) ‹poenitentiam confessus› · call in col 49

Poenitentiam confessus. Id est, cum publice testatus esset se poenitere. ALBASP.

"Having professed penance." That is, when he had publicly declared that he repented. ALBASPINAEUS.

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(27) ‹datae sibi occurrit› · call in col 49

Cum conditioni datae sibi occurrit. Cum in eo esset, ut datae sibi conditioni satisfaceret. Cum aggreditur satisfacere conditioni. RIG. — Ut hoc significet, Marcionem conditioni satisfacere voluisse, rari exempli locutio erit. Habet editio princeps conditione datae scil. poenitentiae, nec hoc malum esse ait Semlerus. Praestabat autem conditione sibi data, teste Pamelio, ms. Vaticanus. Interea conditioni habent ed. Rhenani ult. et Paris. prima. Caeterum, pergit dicere Semlerus, hanc historiam dolendum quod alii copiosius non describant. Simile quid de Cerdone haeretico narravit Irenaeus lib. III, cap. 4. ROUTH.

"When he was meeting the condition given him." When he was on the point of fulfilling the condition given him; when he was setting about fulfilling the condition. RIGALTIUS. — For it to mean that Marcion had wished to fulfil the condition, the expression will be of rare usage. The first edition has "conditione datae," namely of penance, and Semler says this is not bad. But the Vatican manuscript, on Pamelius's testimony, offered "conditione sibi data." Meanwhile Rhenanus's last edition and the first Paris edition have "conditioni." Further, Semler goes on to say, it is to be regretted that others do not describe this story more fully. Irenaeus told something similar of the heretic Cerdo, book III, ch. 4. ROUTH.

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(28) ‹si caeteros quos perditioni› · call in col 49

Si caeteros quos perditioni. Facilius in Ecclesiam haeretici quam caeteri peccatores revocabantur, verum haeresiarchae non aliter pace donabantur, quam si caeteros quos corruperant Ecclesiae reddere niterentur. D. Cypr. ep. ad Ant. de Troph. Euseb., lib. VI. cap. 35. ALBASP.

"If the others whom [he had trained] for perdition." Heretics were recalled into the Church more easily than other sinners; but heresiarchs were granted peace only if they strove to restore to the Church the others whom they had corrupted. St Cyprian, letter to Antonianus, on Trophimus; Eusebius, book VI, ch. 35. ALBASPINAEUS.

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(29) ‹desertor continentiae Marcionensis› · call in col 49

Continentiae Marcionensis. Non quod continenter vixerit Marcio, profligatis enim erat moribus, sed quod nuptias prohiberet. LE PR.

"Of the Marcionite continence." Not that Marcion lived continently, for he was of abandoned morals, but because he forbade marriage. LE PRIEUR.

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(30) ‹post annos regressus› · call in col 49

Auctor libelli Contra Haereses, qui huic subjunctus est, capite 7, narrat, « segregatum esse a Marcione Apellem, postquam in carnem suam lapsus sit. » ROUTH.

The author of the little book Against Heresies, which is appended to this one, relates in chapter 7 "that Apelles was separated from Marcion after he had fallen into the flesh." ROUTH.

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(31) ‹quam supra edidimus› · call in col 50

Supra capite 6.

Above, chapter 6.

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Page

  • running head: LIBER DE PRAESCRIPT (cut off at image edge; column number 49 at left)
  • marginal letters: A ‹doctrinam credidisse apud Ecclesiam Romanen-›; B ‹(Marc. XIV, 21)! ne quis etiam hinc haereses de-›; C ‹pertinebat, sed non propterea tempora negat› (commentary); D ‹solet Septimius exactissime reddere quae› (commentary)
  • old-edition numerals: 43 after continentiae
  • other: the word impegit, was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 50
PL 2:50
illam virginem Philumenen, quam supra edidimus, postea vero immane prostibulum et ipsam, cujus energemate circumventus, quas ab ea didicit phaneroseis scripsit. Adhuc in saeculo supersunt qui meminerint eorum, etiam proprii discentes et successores ipsorum, ne se posteriores negare possint. Quanquam et de operibus suis, ut dixit Dominus, revincuntur (Matth. VII, 16). Si enim Marcion Novum Testamentum a Vetere separavit, posterior est eo quod separavit; quia separare non posset, nisi quod unitum fuit. Unitum ergo ante quam separaretur, postea separatum, posteriorem ostendit separatorem. Item Valentinus, aliter exponens, et sine dubio emendans, hoc omnino quidquid emendat, ut mendosum retro, anterius fuisse demonstrat. Hos ut insigniores e frequentiores adulteros veritatis nominamus. Caeterum et Nigidius nescio quis, et Hermogenes, et multi alii qui adhuc ambulant pervertentes vias Dei, ostendant mihi ex qua auctoritate prodierunt. Si alium Deum praedicant, quomodo ejus Dei rebus et litteris et nominibus utuntur adversus quem praedicant? si eumdem, quomodo aliter?
that virgin Philumene, whom we brought forward above, but afterwards herself also a monstrous prostitute, by whose working (energema) he was ensnared, and he wrote the Manifestations (phaneroseis) which he learned from her. There still survive in the world those who remember them, even their own disciples and successors, so that they cannot deny that they are later. And yet they are also refuted by their own works, as the Lord said (Matt. 7:16). For if Marcion separated the New Testament from the Old, he is later than what he separated, since he could not separate anything except what had been united. It was united, then, before it was separated; separated afterwards, it shows the separator to be later. Likewise Valentinus, interpreting otherwise and without doubt emending, by this very fact demonstrates that whatever he emends, being formerly faulty [in his view], existed earlier. These we name as the more notable and more frequent adulterers of the truth. But also a certain Nigidius, whoever he may be, and Hermogenes, and many others who still walk perverting the ways of God, let them show me by what authority they came forth. If they preach another God, how is it that they use the things and the writings and the names of that God against Whom they preach? If the same, how [do they preach] otherwise?
Editors' notes and page, col. 50

Footnotes

(32) ‹et Hermogenes› · call in col 50

Nigidius nescio quis, et Hermogenes. Quis fuerit Nigidius, ignoramus; novimus autem adversus Hermogenem Tertullianum librum scripsisse qui exstat. ROUTH.

"One Nigidius, and Hermogenes." Who Nigidius was we do not know; but we know that Tertullian wrote a book against Hermogenes, which survives. ROUTH.

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(33) ‹quomodo aliter› · call in col 50

Si eumdem, quomodo aliter? H, e. quomodo alio modo quam Ecclesia, de Deo praedicant, resque divinas tractant? « Alium facit, quem aliter (continues)

"If the same, how otherwise?" That is, how do they preach about God and treat divine things in a way other than the Church? "He makes him another whom otherwise (continues)

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Page

  • running head: DE PRÆSCRIPTIONIBUS. 50
  • marginal letters: A ‹pegit, illam virginem›; B ‹rius fuisse demonstrat›; C ‹modi aliquid significare videtur› (in the Commentarius, not set); D ‹tur, quam si caeteros quos› (in the Commentarius, not set)
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
  • misprints kept as printed: "e" for et ‹insigniores e frequentiores›; variant call 7 printed for 6 at ‹Nigidius nescio quis›
PL 2:51
Probent se novos apostolos esse: dicant Christum iterum descendisse, iterum ipsum docuisse, iterum crucifixum, iterum mortuum, iterum resuscitatum: sic enim apostolos solet facere, dare illis praeterea virtutem eadem signa edendi, quae et ipse. Volo igitur et virtutes eorum proferri; nisi quod agnosco maximam virtutem eorum, qua apostolos in perversum aemulantur: illi enim de mortuis vivos faciebant, isti de vivis mortuos faciunt.
Let them prove that they are new apostles: let them say that Christ has descended again, has Himself taught again, has been crucified again, has died again, has been raised again: for thus He is accustomed to make apostles, giving them besides the power of performing the same signs which He Himself [performed]. I wish, therefore, that their mighty works too be brought forward; except that I recognize their greatest mighty work, by which they emulate the apostles perversely: for those made the dead living, these make the living dead.
CAPUT XXXI.
Chapter XXXI.
Id itaque esse verum et Dominicum, quod prius sit traditum; falsum, quod posterius.
That, therefore, is true and the Lord's which was handed down first; that is false which [was handed down] later.
Sed ab excessu revertar ad principalitatem veritatis et posteritatem mendacitatis disputandam, ex illius quoque parabolae patrocinio quae bonum semen frumenti a Domino seminatum in primore constituit, avenarum autem sterilis foeni adulterium sub inimico diabolo (Matth. XIII, 37, 39) postea superducit. Proprie enim doctrinarum
But from this digression let me return to arguing the priority of truth and the posteriority of falsehood, with the support also of that parable which places first the good seed of wheat sown by the Lord, but afterwards brings in the adulteration of wild oats, a barren hay, under the enemy, the devil (Matt. 13:37, 39). For it is properly of doctrines
Editors' notes and page, col. 51

Variae lectiones

9 ‹quae et ipse› · call in col 51 Ipsi Seml.

"Ipsi": Semler.

10 ‹Volo igitur et› · call in col 51 Et del Seml.

Semler deletes "et".

11 ‹vivos faciebant› · call in col 51 Suscitabant Seml.

"Suscitabant" (they raised up): Semler.

12 ‹principalitatem veritatis› · call in col 51 Veritati Franeq.

"Veritati" (dative): the Franeker edition.

13 ‹posteritatem mendacitatis› · call in col 51 Mendacitati deputandam, Seml.

"Mendacitati deputandam" ("to be assigned to falsehood"): Semler.

14 ‹in primore constituit› · call in col 51 Primo constituit Paris. Fran., in primo reconstituit Semler.

"Primo constituit" (he established first): the Paris and Franeker editions; "in primo reconstituit": Semler.

15 ‹avenarum autem sterilis foeni adulterium› · call in col 51 Adulterum Venet.

"Adulterum": the Venice edition.

16 ‹Proprie› · call in col 51 Pro parte Seml.

"Pro parte" (in part): Semler.

17 ‹de conscientia competit› · call in col 52 Et conscientia concedit Seml., constantiae conscientia concedit Jun.

"Et conscientia concedit": Semler; "constantiae conscientia concedit": Junius.

Commentarius

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(33) (continued) ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call on previous page

cognoscit, » ait auctor initio libri sui advers. Hermogenem. Dein in libro De Carne Christi, cap. 6: « Quid illi cum Mose, qui Deum Mosis rejicit? Si alius Deus est, aliter sint res ejus. » h. e. ad alium pertineant. Cum alio Deo quadrant ministri ejus. Infra positum est, « aliter haberent per quae docerent, » cap. 38. ROUTH.

he knows," says the author at the beginning of his book Against Hermogenes. Then in the book On the Flesh of Christ, ch. 6: "What has he to do with Moses, who rejects the God of Moses? If he is another God, let his things be otherwise," that is, let them belong to another. His ministers fit with another God. Further on it is put: "they would have otherwise the means by which to teach," ch. 38. ROUTH.

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(34) ‹Christum iterum descendisse› · call in col 51

Probent se novos apostolos esse, dicant Christum iterum descendisse. Optatus lib. III: At nunquid est alter redemptor? Qui prophetae nuntiaverunt alterum esse venturum? Quis Gabriel iterum ad alteram Mariam locutus est? Quae virgo iterum peperit? Quis virtutes novas aut alteras fecit? RIG.

"Let them prove that they are new apostles; let them say that Christ has come down again." Optatus, book III: "But is there another redeemer? What prophets announced that another was to come? What Gabriel spoke again to another Mary? What virgin gave birth again? Who has worked new or other mighty works?" RIGALTIUS.

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(35) ‹apostolos solet facere› · call in col 51

Sic enim apostolos solet facere. Haec depravata esse testantur reliquiae veri, quas nobis servavit Agobardi exemplar. Eae sunt hujusmodi: « Sic enim apostolus descripsit, « Solet facere; dare praeterea virtutem eadem signa edendi quae et ipse. » Superflua sunt haec, Solet facere. Quae si auferantur, residuum erit sincerum. Si eumdem, inquit, Deum praedicant, cujus rebus et litteris et nominibus utuntur Christiani, probent se novos apostolos esse; atque adeo dicant Christum iterum descendisse, iterum ipsum docuisse, iterum crucifixum, iterum mortuum, iterum resuscitatum. Sic enim apostolus descripsit. Dicant praeterea Christum dare iterum virtutem eadem signa edendi, quae et ipse. Volo igitur et virtutes eorum proferri, etc. RIGALT. — Haec vir eruditissimus, voces tamen haud mutans, et vide annon ferri possint, hoc sensu. Solet enim Christus apostolos constituere, faciendo illos praecipuorum articulorum fidei praedicatores. Semlerus autem hoc adnotat, sed minus recte, opinor; « Graece ἀπόστολος, nominativus, » Rigalt, ex Agobardi libro: « Sic enim Apostolus descripsit, » etc. ROUTH.

"For so he is accustomed to make apostles." That these words are corrupt is witnessed by the remains of the true text which Agobard's copy has preserved for us. They run thus: "For so the apostle described it, 'He is accustomed to make; to give besides the power of producing the same signs as he himself.'" These words, "He is accustomed to make," are superfluous; if they are removed, the rest will be sound. If, he says, they preach the same God whose things, writings and names the Christians use, let them prove that they are new apostles; and so let them say that Christ came down again, taught again in person, was crucified again, died again, was raised again. For so the apostle described it. Let them say besides that Christ gives again the power of producing the same signs as he himself. "I wish, then, their mighty works too to be brought forward," etc. RIGALTIUS. — So this most learned man; yet I do not change the words, and see whether they may not be borne, in this sense: for Christ is accustomed to appoint apostles, making them preachers of the chief articles of the faith. Semler, however, notes this, less correctly in my opinion: "in Greek ἀπόστολος, nominative," Rigaltius, from Agobard's book: "For so the Apostle described it," etc. ROUTH.

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(36) ‹virtutes eorum proferri› · call in col 51

Volo igitur et virtutes eorum proferri. Virtutes, hoc est, miracula. EDD.

"I wish, then, their mighty works too to be brought forward." Mighty works, that is, miracles. EDITORS.

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(37) ‹vivos faciebant› · call in col 51

De mortuis suscitabant. Hanc editionis principis lectionem revocavi. In Vaticano exstabat codice eadem scriptura, fatente Pamelio, cui tamen antithesis evidentior magis placebat, quae in lectione Geleniana sita est, de mortuis vivos faciebant. Marcionis Christum Tertullianus ait esse, nec mortuorum suscitatorem, sed vivorum avocatorem. De Carne Christi, cap. 5, fine. ROUTH.

"They raised from the dead." I have restored this reading of the first edition. The same reading stood in the Vatican manuscript, as Pamelius admits, though he preferred the more evident antithesis found in Gelenius's reading, "they made the dead living." Tertullian says that Marcion's Christ is not a raiser of the dead but a caller-away of the living. On the Flesh of Christ, ch. 5, end. ROUTH.

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(38) ‹isti de vivis› · call in col 51

De mortuis vivos faciebant, isti de vivis, etc. Id Calvino contigisse Genevae testatur in ejus Vita Bolsecus, ut scilicet de vivo mortuum redderet. Illud enarrat multis Bellarminus, de Notis Eccl. cap 14, lib. IV, Controv. t. II. LE PR. De vivis mortuos faciunt. Fidelium infirmiores evertunt. Sic lib. de Scorpiace: « Atque ita semel infirmitas quae percussa est, sauciatam fidem vel in haeresim, vel in saeculum exspirat. » RIG.

"They made the living out of the dead; these, out of the living," etc. Bolsec testifies in his Life of Calvin that this happened to Calvin at Geneva, namely that he made a dead man out of a living one. Bellarmine relates it at length, On the Marks of the Church, ch. 14, book IV, Controversies, vol. II. LE PRIEUR.

(printed under page 30)

(39) ‹posteritatem mendacitatis› · call in col 51

Revertar ad principalitatem veritatis, et posteritatem mendacitatis. Principalitatem dicit, quod statim a principio fuit; posteritatem, quod postea subrepsit. RIG. — Ad principalitatem veritati, et posteritatem mendacitati deputandam, ex illius, etc. Vulgo exstant veritatis, mendacitatis, disputandam; verum aliter se habent editt. Rhenanii et Paris. prima et Franek. praeterquam quod in prioribus positum est veritatis. Notavit autem Pamelius, legere se ex Vatic. ms. conformiter Quintino hujus libri editori veritati et mendacitati. Contra Junio placebat lectio veritatis; sed monuit Semlerus pertinere veritati ad deputandam, si hoc verbum maneat. Atque ego hanc Pamelianam praefero lectionem illi Rigaltianae, ad principalitatem veritatis et posteritatem mendacitatis disputandam. Omnes editt. ante Rigaltium deputandam; et in Apologetico Tertulliani habes: « Apud homines, si forte, distinguitur, dum expungitur, dum ex futuro praesens, dehinc ex praesenti praeteritum deputatur, » cap. 20. Et deputor angelis exstat in lib. ejus Adv. Valentinianos, cap. 32. Caeterum principalitas est, ut ait editor Institutionum card. Thomasii, quod a principio, ab initio fuit.

"I shall return to the priority of truth and the lateness of falsehood." He calls "priority" what was there at once from the beginning; "lateness," what crept in afterwards. RIGALTIUS. — "To the priority to be assigned to truth and the lateness to falsehood, from that one's," etc. Commonly "veritatis, mendacitatis, disputandam" are printed; but the editions of Rhenanus, the first Paris and the Franeker read otherwise, except that in the earlier ones "veritatis" is set. Pamelius noted that he read, from the Vatican manuscript, in agreement with Quintinus, editor of this book, "veritati" and "mendacitati." Junius, on the other hand, preferred the reading "veritatis"; but Semler pointed out that "veritati" belongs with "deputandam," if that word stands. And I prefer this reading of Pamelius to Rigaltius's, "to be argued for the priority of truth and the lateness of falsehood." All editions before Rigaltius have "deputandam"; and in Tertullian's Apology you have: "Among men, perhaps, it is distinguished, while it is completed, while from future it is reckoned present, and then from present past," ch. 20. And "I am reckoned to the angels" stands in his book Against the Valentinians, ch. 32. For the rest, "principalitas" is, as the editor of Cardinal Thomasius's Institutiones says, what was from the beginning, from the start.

(printed under page 30)

(40) ‹quia et alibi› · call in col 52

Fortasse lege quia ut alibi. ROUTH.

Perhaps read "quia," as elsewhere. ROUTH.

(printed under page 30)

Page

  • running head: 51 TERTULLIANI OPERUM P (cut off at the image edge)
  • marginal letters: A Probent se novos apostolos esse; B Sed ab excessu revertar; C « Quid illi cum Mose (commentary); D utuntur Christiani, probent se novos apostolos (commentary)
  • old-edition numerals: 44 after faciunt (printed before CAPUT XXXI)
PL 2:52
distinctionem figurat, quia et alibi verbum Dei seminis similitudo est. Ita ex ipso ordine manifestatur, id esse Dominicum et verum, quod sit prius traditum, id autem extraneum et falsum, quod sit posterius immissum. Ea sententia manebit adversus posteriores quasque haereses, quibus nulla constantia de conscientia competit ad defendendam sibi veritatem.
the distinction that it represents, because elsewhere too the word of God is likened to a seed. Thus from the very order it is made manifest that what was handed down first is the Lord's and true, but what was introduced later is foreign and false. This judgement will stand against all later heresies, which have no firmness of conscience to qualify them for defending the truth as their own.
CAPUT XXXII.
Chapter XXXII.
Si interim quaedam sint haereses, etiam inde ab aetate apostolica, praescribendum uti evolvant ordinem episcoporum suorum, ita per successiones ab initio decurrentem, ut primus ille episcopus aliquem ex apostolis aut apostolicis viris habeat antecessorem, quemadmodum Smyrnaeorum et Romanorum Ecclesiae; quod cum probare non possint, in communicationem non recipiantur.
If meanwhile there are certain heresies, even from the apostolic age itself, the plea must be raised that they unroll the order of their bishops, running down by successions from the beginning in such a way that that first bishop has as his predecessor someone from among the apostles or apostolic men, as the Churches of the Smyrnaeans and of the Romans have; and since they cannot prove this, they are not to be received into communion.
Caeterum, si quae audent interserere se aetati apostolicae, ut ideo videantur ab apostolis traditae, quia sub apostolis fuerunt, possumus dicere: Edant ergo origines Ecclesiarum suarum: evolvant ordinem episcoporum suorum, ita per successiones
But if any [heresies] dare to insert themselves into the apostolic age, so that they may therefore seem to have been handed down by the apostles, because they existed under the apostles, we can say: Let them then produce the origins of their Churches; let them unroll the order of their bishops, so by successions
Editors' notes and page, col. 52

Page

  • running head: [...]IANI OPERUM PARS II. 52
  • marginal letters: A distinctionem figurat; B quemadmodum Smyrnaeorum et Romanorum Ec-; C anthithesis evidentior (commentary); D verum aliter se habent (commentary)
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 2:53
ab initio decurrentem, ut primus, ille episcopus aliquem ex apostolis, vel apostolicis viris qui tamen cum apostolis perseveraverit, habuerit auctorem et antecessorem. Hoc enim modo Ecclesiae apostolicae census suos deferunt: sicut Smyrnaeorum Ecclesia Polycarpum ab Joanne collocatum refert: sicut Romanorum Clementem a Petro ordinatum edit; proinde utique et caeterae exhibent quos ab apostolis in episcopatum constitutos apostolici seminis traduces habeant. Confingant tale aliquid haeretici. Quid enim illis post blasphemiam inlicitum est? Sed etsi confinxerint, nihil promovebunt. Ipsa enim doctrina eorum cum apostolica comparata, ex diversitate et contrarietate sua pronuntiabit, neque apostoli alicujus auctoris esse, neque apostolici; quia sicut apostoli non diversa inter se docuissent, ita et apostolici non contraria apostolis edidissent, nisi illi qui ab apostolis didicerunt aliter praedicaverunt. Ad hanc itaque formam probabuntur ab illis Ecclesiis, quae licet nullum ex apostolis, vel apostolicis, auctorem suum proferant, ut multo posteriores, quae denique quotidie instituuntur, tamen in eadem fide conspirantes, non minus apostolicae deputantur, pro consanguinitate doctrinae. Ita omnes haereses ad utramque formam nostris Ecclesiis
running down from the beginning that that first bishop had as his author and predecessor one of the apostles, or of the apostolic men who nevertheless persevered with the apostles. For in this manner the apostolic churches bring forward their registers: as the church of the Smyrnaeans reports Polycarp placed there by John; as that of the Romans produces Clement ordained by Peter; just so, indeed, the rest also show those whom they have, appointed to the episcopate by the apostles, as transmitters of the apostolic seed. Let the heretics fabricate something of the kind. For what is unlawful to them after blasphemy? But even if they have fabricated it, they will gain nothing. For their very doctrine, compared with the apostolic, will declare by its own diversity and contrariety that it has as its author neither any apostle nor any apostolic man; because, just as the apostles would not have taught things diverse among themselves, so too the apostolic men would not have put forth things contrary to the apostles, unless those who learned from the apostles preached otherwise. To this test, therefore, they will be put by those churches which, although they bring forward none of the apostles or apostolic men as their author, being much later, and which indeed are being founded daily, nevertheless, agreeing in the same faith, are reckoned no less apostolic by reason of the kinship of doctrine. Thus all heresies to both tests by our churches
Editors' notes and page, col. 53

Variae lectiones

18 ‹ab initio decurrentem› · call in col 53 Decurrente Seml.

"Decurrente": Semler.

19 ‹cum apostolis perseveraverit› · call in col 53 Perseveraverint Fran.

"Perseveraverint" (have persevered): the Franeker edition.

20 ‹Smyrnaeorum Ecclesia› · call in col 53 Habens add. Fran. Paris.

The Franeker and Paris editions add "habens".

21 ‹a Petro ordinatum edit› · call in col 53 Iidem Venet. id et Seml.

"Iidem": the Venice edition; so too Semler.

22 ‹proinde› · call in col 53 Perinde Venet.

"Perinde": the Venice edition.

23 ‹quos ab apostolis› · call in col 53 Apostoli Seml.

"Apostoli": Semler.

24 ‹traduces habeant› · call in col 53 Habent Latin. Jun. item Pearson in Vindic. Ignat. II, 2.

"Habent" is read by Latinius and Junius, and likewise by Pearson in the Vindiciae Ignatianae II, 2.

25 ‹qui ab apostolis didicerunt› · call in col 53 Desciverunt et Seml. Gourcy.

"Desciverunt et" ("fell away and"): Semler, Gourcy.

26 ‹formam probabuntur› · call in col 53 Provocabuntur Seml.

"Provocabuntur" (will be challenged): Semler.

27 ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible Ejeratae Fran.

"Ejeratae" (renounced): the Franeker edition.

28 ‹opinio propria› · call in col 54 Prima Semler, Pam.

"Prima" (first): Semler, Pamelius.

29 ‹Hebionis haeresis› · call in col 54 Sic add. Semler.

Semler adds "sic".

30 ‹id de se› · call in col 54 Sic se Semler.

"Sic se": Semler.

Commentarius

(printed under page 31)

(41) ‹per successiones› · call in col 53

Per successiones. Nihil clarius in tota veterum doctrina, successione Rom. pontificum; cujus rei rationem disces a S. Epiphanio, haer. 27 quaest. Carpocratianorum. LE PR.

"Through successions." Nothing is clearer in the whole teaching of the ancients than the succession of the Roman pontiffs; you will learn the account of it from St Epiphanius, heresy 27, question of the Carpocratians. LE PRIEUR.

(printed under page 31)

(42) ‹census suos deferunt› · call in col 53

Hoc enim modo Ecclesiae apostolicae census suos deferunt. Census suos, hoc est origines suas. Sic lib. I adversus Marcionem, apostolici census Ecclesiam dixit: et libro de Monogamia: « Census noster transfertur in Christum. » RIG. — Census suos deferunt. Interpretes hic per census, auctoritatem atque dignitatem intelligendam esse censent; ego vero originem significari, ut ex variis locis et hisce verbis, « Omne genus ad originem suam censeatur, » licet colligere. Adv Marc. lib. IV, c.: Quarum si censum requiras. ALBASP.

"For in this way the apostolic Churches report their registers." "Their registers," that is, their origins. So in book I Against Marcion he spoke of "a Church of apostolic register," and in the book On Monogamy: "Our register is transferred into Christ." RIGALTIUS. — "They report their registers." The interpreters think that by "census" authority and dignity are to be understood here; but I think origin is meant, as can be gathered from various places and from these words: "Let every kind be reckoned by its origin." Against Marcion, book IV, ch. [number not printed]: "whose register if you ask." ALBASPINAEUS.

(printed under page 31)

(43) ‹Smyrnaeorum› · call in col 53

Sicut Smyrnaeorum, etc. Irenaeus, lib. III, Polycarpum ab apostolis in ea quae est Smyrnaeorum Ecclesia constitutum fuisse tradit. RIG.

"As that of the Smyrnaeans," etc. Irenaeus, book III, relates that Polycarp was established by the apostles in the Church of the Smyrnaeans. RIGALTIUS.

(printed under page 31)

(44) ‹Romanorum Clementem› · call in col 53

Sicut Romanorum Clementem. Hieronymus, Catal. script. eccles.: « Clemens quartus post Petrum Romae episcopus. Siquidem secundus Linus fuit, et tertius Cletus: tametsi plerique Latinorum secundum post Petrum apostolum putent fuisse Clementem. » Irenaeus sic tradiderat, beatos apostolos Lino episcopatum administrandae Ecclesiae commendasse; successisse autem Lino Anacletum, post eum tertio loco ab apostolis episcopatum Clementi delatum. RIG.

"As that of the Romans, Clement." Jerome, Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers: "Clement, fourth bishop of Rome after Peter; for the second was Linus and the third Cletus, although most of the Latins think that Clement was second after the apostle Peter." Irenaeus had related that the blessed apostles entrusted to Linus the episcopate for governing the Church; that Anacletus succeeded Linus; and that after him, in the third place from the apostles, the episcopate was conferred on Clement. RIGALTIUS.

(printed under page 31)

(45) ‹a Petro ordinatum› · call in col 53

Clementem a Petro ordinatum. Quasi etiam vivente Petro episcopatum Romae gesserit Clemens, et apostolis apostolatu suo fungentibus viri apostolici passim in varios episcopatus fuerint tributi. Et tamen post passionem Domini statim Jacobum apostolum fratrem Domini ab ipsis apostolis Hierosolymorum episcopum fuisse constitutum legimus, Petro jam apostolatum principaliter exercente. Hoc vero sic evenisse ait Chrysostomus propterea quod Petrum Christus ordinasset διδάσκαλον τῆς οἰκουμένης (Hom. in Joan. cap. XXI). Hic Tertulliani locus aperte indicat non esse Tertulliani versus, unde nonnulli successiones episcoporum Romanorum constitui certo posse arbitrantur. RIG.

"Clement, ordained by Peter." As though Clement held the episcopate at Rome even while Peter was alive, and apostolic men were assigned here and there to various sees while the apostles were still exercising their apostleship. And yet we read that immediately after the Lord's passion James the apostle, the brother of the Lord, was made bishop of Jerusalem by the apostles themselves, while Peter was already exercising the apostleship as chief. Chrysostom says this happened so because Christ had ordained Peter "teacher of the whole world" (Homily on John, ch. XXI). This passage of Tertullian plainly shows that the verses are not Tertullian's from which some think the successions of the Roman bishops can be settled with certainty. RIGALTIUS.

(printed under page 31)

(46) ‹formam probabuntur› · call in col 53, misprinted there as (42)

Provocabuntur. Ita hic quoque fide nixus editionum vetustiss. cum Lupo et Thomasio lectionem pristinam restitui. Habet Rigaltius, in utraque editione sua, probabuntur. Sed proxime post scribit Tertullianus: « Ita omnes haereses ad utramque formam a nostris Ecclesiis provocatae, » h. e. ad successionem apostolicam, et consanguinitatem doctrinae. Confer et init. capitis 36. ROUTH.

"They will be challenged." Here too, relying on the oldest editions, I have restored the original reading with Lupus and Thomasius. Rigaltius has in both his editions "probabuntur" (they will be proved). But immediately afterwards Tertullian writes: "So all heresies, challenged by our Churches to both tests," that is, to apostolic succession and to kinship of doctrine. Compare also the beginning of chapter 36. ROUTH.

(printed under page 31)

(47) ‹pro consanguinitate doctrinae› · call in col 53

Pro consanguinitate doctrinae. Consanguineae sunt doctrinae quae ab uno eodemque auctore sunt traditae, quasi ab uno parente. Sic ipse, lib. I de Cultu Fem., « consanguineas materias » dixit. Sic Chalcidius, « domesticas et consanguineas rationes. » RIG.

"By kinship of doctrine." Doctrines are kindred which have been handed down by one and the same author, as by one parent. So he himself said "kindred materials" in book I On the Apparel of Women; so Chalcidius, "domestic and kindred reasons." RIGALTIUS.

(printed under page 31)

(48) ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible

Ob diversitatem sacramenti. Similiter ab interpretum sententia recedam, cum aiunt per sacramentum intelligi juramentum, quod fideles, paulo antequam lavarentur, in limine ecclesiae dicerent. Nam sacramentum sexcentis pene locis pro fide ac religione Christiana accipitur. ALBASP.

"Because of the difference of the sacrament." Likewise I shall depart from the interpreters' opinion when they say that by "sacramentum" is meant the oath which the faithful pronounced at the threshold of the church shortly before they were washed. For "sacramentum" is taken in nearly six hundred places for the Christian faith and religion. ALBASPINAEUS.

(printed under page 31)

Page

  • running head: 53 LIBER DE PRAESCRIPT (cut off at image edge)
  • marginal letters: A nes (41) ab initio decurrentem; B neque apostoli alicujus auctoris esse; C (41) Per successiones (notes); D trum Romae episcopus (notes)
  • old-edition numerals: 45 after census
  • misprints kept as printed: commentary call (42) printed for (46) after ‹formam probabuntur›
PL 2:54
provocatae, probent se quaqua putant apostolicas. Sed adeo nec sunt, nec probare possunt quod non sunt, nec recipiuntur in pacem et communicationem ab Ecclesiis quoquo modo apostolicis, scilicet ob diversitatem sacramenti nullo modo apostolicae.
provoked, let them prove themselves apostolic in whatever way they think. But in fact they neither are so, nor can they prove what they are not, nor are they received into peace and communion by churches that are in any way apostolic, since, by reason of the difference of their sacrament, they are in no way apostolic.
CAPUT XXXIII.
Chapter XXXIII.
Quid quod jam tum ab apostolis et demonstratae et ejeratae fuerint, ex quibus et reliquas haereses omnes sua semina sumpsisse.
What of the fact that they were even then both exposed and abjured by the apostles, and that from these all the remaining heresies also took their seeds.
Adhibeo super haec ipsarum doctrinarum recognitionem, quae tunc sub apostolis fuerunt, ab iisdem apostolis et demonstratae et dejeratae. Nam et sic facilius traducentur, dum aut jam tunc fuisse deprehendentur, aut ex illis quae jam tunc fuerunt, semina sumpsisse. Paulus, in prima ad Corinthios (XV, 12), notat negatores et dubitatores resurrectionis. Haec opinio propria Sadducaeorum; partem ejus usurpat Marcion, et Apelles, et Valentinus, et si qui alii resurrectionem carnis infringunt. Et ad Galatas scribens (V, 2), invehitur in observatores et defensores circumcisionis et legis: Hebionis haeresis est. Timotheum instruens (I Tim. IV, 3), nuptiarum quoque interdictores suggillat: ita instituunt Marcion et Apelles ejus secutor. Aeque tangit eos qui dicerent factam jam resurrectionem (II Tim. II, 18): id de se Valentiniani asseverant. Sed et cum genealogias indeterminatas
I add to this a review of the very doctrines which existed then under the apostles, and were by those same apostles both exposed and denounced. For in this way too they will more easily be convicted, when they are found either to have existed already at that time, or to have taken their seeds from those which existed already at that time. Paul, in the first [epistle] to the Corinthians (1 Cor. 15:12), marks out the deniers and doubters of the resurrection. This opinion was peculiar to the Sadducees; a part of it Marcion usurps, and Apelles, and Valentinus, and any others who undermine the resurrection of the flesh. And writing to the Galatians (Gal. 5:2), he inveighs against the observers and defenders of circumcision and the law: this is the heresy of Hebion. Instructing Timothy (1 Tim. 4:3), he also censures the forbidders of marriage: so teach Marcion and Apelles his follower. Equally he touches those who said that the resurrection had already taken place (2 Tim. 2:18): this the Valentinians assert of themselves. But also when unending genealogies
Editors' notes and page, col. 54

Footnotes

(49) ‹Valentiniani asseverant› · call in col 54

Factam jam resurrectionem: id de se Valentiniani asseverant. De Gnosticis haec refert Irenaeus: « Tantum absunt ab eo, ut mortuum excitent, quemadmodum Dominus excitavit et apostoli — ut ne quidem credant hoc in totum posse fieri: esse autem resurrectionem a mortuis agnitionem ejus, quae (continues)

"That the resurrection has already happened: this the Valentinians assert of themselves." Irenaeus reports this of the Gnostics: "They are so far from raising a dead man, as the Lord raised and the apostles, that they do not even believe this can happen at all; but that the resurrection from the dead is the knowledge of that which (continues)

(printed under page 31)

Page

  • running head: DE PRÆSCRIPTIONIBUS. (left part cut off at the image edge)
  • marginal letters: A provocatae, probent se; B thios (XV, 12), notat negatores; C solymorum episcopum fuisse constitutum (in the Commentarius); D Chalcidius, « domesticas et consanguineas (in the Commentarius)
  • old-edition numerals: 46 after semina
  • other: Variae lectiones 27 ‹et dejeratae›, 28, 29, 30 and Commentarius (48) ‹diversitatem sacramenti› are called in this column; their text is set in n53 (where 27 and (48) are marked "call not visible").
PL 2:55
nominat (I Tim. I, 4), Valentinus agnoscitur: apud quem Aeon ille n⟨e⟩scio qui novi, et non unius nominis, generat e sua Charite, Sensum et Veritatem; et hi aeque procreant duos, Sermonem et Vitam: dehinc et isti generant Hominem et Ecclesiam: estque haec prima ogdoas aeonum. Exinde decem alii, et duodecim reliqui aeones miris nominibus oriuntur, in meram fabulam triginta aeonum. Idem apostolus, cum improbat elementis servientes, aliquid Hermogenis ostendit, qui materiam non natam introducens, Deo non nato eam comparat, et ita matrem elementorum deam faciens, potest ei servire quam Deo comparat. Joannes, vero, in Apocalypsi, idolothyta edentes et stupra committentes jubet castigare: sunt et nunc alii Nicolaitae, Caiana haeresis dicitur. At in epistola eos maxime antichristos vocat, qui Christum negarent in carne venisse, et qui non putarent Jesum esse Filium Dei: illud Marcion, hoc Hebion vindicavit. Simonianae autem magiae disciplina, angelis serviens, utique et ipsa inter idololatrias deputabatur, et a Petro apostolo in ipso Simone damnabatur.
he names (1 Tim. 1:4), Valentinus is recognized: with whom that Aeon, of some new name or other and not of a single name, begets from his Charis Sense and Truth; and these likewise procreate two, Word and Life; then these too beget Man and Church; and this is the first ogdoad of aeons. Thereafter ten others, and the remaining twelve aeons, arise with wondrous names, into the sheer fable of thirty aeons. The same apostle, when he censures those who serve the elements, points to something of Hermogenes, who, introducing matter not born, makes it equal to God, Who was not born, and thus, making the mother of the elements a goddess, can serve her whom he makes equal to God. John, indeed, in the Apocalypse, orders those who eat things sacrificed to idols and commit fornications to be chastised: there are now also other Nicolaitans; it is called the Caian heresy. But in his epistle he calls those especially antichrists who denied that Christ had come in the flesh, and who did not think that Jesus was the Son of God: the former Marcion maintained, the latter Hebion. The discipline of Simonian magic, moreover, serving angels, was certainly itself also reckoned among the idolatries, and was condemned by the apostle Peter in Simon himself.
CAPUT XXXIV.
Chapter XXXIV.
Atque adeo cum habeant cum illis consortium suae praedicationis habere etiam damnationis consortium, maxime cum ab apostolis praenuntiatae fuerint.
And so, since they have fellowship with them in their preaching, they have fellowship also in their condemnation, especially since they were foretold by the apostles.
Haec sunt, ut arbitror, genera doctrinarum
These are, as I judge, the kinds of doctrines
Editors' notes and page, col. 55

Variae lectiones

31 ‹Charite› · call in col 55 Et sua charitate Semler.

"Et sua charitate": Semler.

32 ‹ogdoas› · call in col 55 Prima haec ideo decas Seml. prima ogdoade Paris. Fran. de qua prima haec odgoas, adhuc Seml.

"Prima haec ideo decas" ("this first decad therefore"): Semler; "prima ogdoade": the Paris and Franeker editions; "de qua prima haec odgoas" [sic], further: Semler.

33 ‹meram› · call in col 55 Miram, alii.

"Miram": others.

34 ‹Hermogenis› · call in col 55 Aliquem Hermogenem Seml.

"Aliquem Hermogenem" ("some Hermogenes"): Semler.

35 ‹stupra committentes jubet› · call in col 55 Jubetur Paris. Venet. Fran. Rig.

"Jubetur" (passive): the Paris, Venice and Franeker editions, Rigaltius.

36 ‹Caiana› · call in col 55 Gaiana Semler.

"Gaiana": Semler.

37 ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible Ut diversitates Seml.

"Ut diversitates": Semler.

38 ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible Angelum Semler.

"Angelum" (an angel): Semler.

39 ‹dummodo› · call in col 56 Dum non Rhen. tum non Jun. non Wouw.

"Dum non": Rhenanus; "tum non": Junius; "non": Wouwer.

40 ‹quando, dum› · call in col 56 Dum abest Rhen.

"Dum" is absent in Rhenanus.

41 ‹nominatae non› · call in col 56 Sub apostolis non Rhen.

"Sub apostolis non": Rhenanus.

42 ‹sub apostolis› · call in col 56 Eas dicere add. Fran. sub Apostolis desunt Rhen.

The Franeker edition adds "eas dicere"; "sub Apostolis" is missing in Rhenanus.

43 ‹damnantur› · call in col 56 Dignantur Rhen.

"Dignantur": Rhenanus.

44 ‹postea obortae› · call in col 56 Add. sunt et Fran. Paris.

The Franeker and Paris editions add "sunt et".

45 ‹quidam ex illis› · call in col 56 Quasdam ex illis Rhen.

"Quasdam ex illis": Rhenanus.

Commentarius

(printed under page 32)

(49) (continued) ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call on previous page

ab eis dicitur, veritatis. » Contra Haereses, II, c. 31, § 2. ROUTH.

is called by them truth." Against Heresies, II, ch. 31, § 2. ROUTH.

(printed under page 32)

(50) ‹non unius nominis› · call in col 55

Novi et non unius nominis. Aeonum primus Proon, seu praeexistens, et Bythos, sive profunditas, dicebatur incognitus per plura saecla fuisse. ANNOTATIO in Romana edit. Opusculi Adv. Omnes Haereticos, cap. 5. ROUTH.

"New, and of more than one name." The first of the Aeons, Proon or the Pre-existent, also called Bythos or the Depth, was said to have been unknown through many ages. ANNOTATION in the Roman edition of the little work Against All Heretics, ch. 5. ROUTH.

(printed under page 32)

(51) ‹Hermogenis ostendit› · call in col 55

Aliquem Hermogenem ostendit. Hanc lectionem revocandam censui, cujus loco Rigaltius in ed. sua posteriori posuit aliquid Hermogenis. Sapit enim vetus lectio stylum Tertulliani, qui in celebri loco libri De Carne Christi cap. 14, haec scribit: « Poterit haec opinio Ebioni convenire, qui nudum hominem, et tantum ex semine David, non item et Dei Filium constituit Jesum; plane prophetis aliquo gloriosiorem, ut ita in illo angelus fuisse dicatur, quemadmodum in aliquo Zacharia. » ROUTH.

"He shows a kind of Hermogenes." I judged this reading should be restored; in its place Rigaltius put "something of Hermogenes" in his later edition. For the old reading savours of Tertullian's style, who writes this in a well-known place of the book On the Flesh of Christ, ch. 14: "This opinion could suit Ebion, who makes Jesus a mere man, and only of the seed of David, not also the Son of God; plainly more glorious than the prophets, so that an angel may be said to have been in him in the way it was in some Zechariah." ROUTH.

(printed under page 32)

(52) ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible

Nemo alterum Deum, etc. Haereticorum profectum, inquit Quintinus, sive progressum vides, de quibus illud e philosophica schola dicitur quam verissime: Parvus error in principio maximus est in fine. Bis in synodo Gangrensi declarare conabamur, vulpes istas invicem caudis colligari, scilicet, unius alicujus haereseos reum, paulatim fieri reum caeterarum, totumque demum comburi; sunt enim concatenatae. PAM.

"No one [dared assert] another God," etc. You see the advance, says Quintinus, or progress of the heretics, of whom the saying of the philosophical school is most true: a small error at the beginning is very great at the end. Twice at the synod of Gangra we tried to show that these foxes are tied to one another by their tails: that is, one guilty of some single heresy gradually becomes guilty of the rest, and in the end the whole is burned; for they are chained together. PAMELIUS.

(printed under page 32)

(53) ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible

Creatorem angelum nescio quem. Angelum lectionem veterum ante Rigaltium editionum pro illa angelorum bene revocavit Lupus. Sed vero praetulit angelorum Thomasius, quia, ut censet annotator ejus, alioqui diceretur Tertullianus erravisse, cum Irenaeus cap. 20 libri primi retulerit, Simonem magum affirmasse angelos creavisse mundum; illud igitur primum non docuisse Apellem. At vero, praeterquam quod lectio angelorum difficilis et vix ferenda est, ostendit hoc loco Tertullianus Apellem creationem mundi attribuisse inferiori cuidam deo, Dei superioris angelo, h. e. nuntio, ignea natura praedito, non vero angelis; id quod Simoni aliisque haereticis placebat. Mundum ab angelis suis institutum esse dixit Simon, referente Auctore anonymo Adv. Omnes haereses, cap. 2. ROUTH.

"Some angel or other as Creator." Lupus rightly restored the reading "angelum" of the old editions before Rigaltius in place of "angelorum." But Thomasius preferred "angelorum," because, as his annotator judges, otherwise Tertullian would be said to have erred, since Irenaeus relates in ch. 20 of the first book that Simon Magus affirmed that angels created the world; therefore Apelles did not teach this first. But in fact, besides the reading "angelorum" being difficult and scarcely tolerable, Tertullian shows in this place that Apelles attributed the creation of the world to a certain lower god, an angel, that is a messenger, of the higher God, endowed with a fiery nature, not to angels; which was the view of Simon and other heretics. Simon said the world was established by his angels, as the anonymous author Against All Heresies reports, ch. 2. ROUTH.

(printed under page 32)

Page

  • running head: 55 TERTULLIANI OPERUM
  • marginal letters: A nominat (I Tim. I, 4), Valentinus agnoscitur; B eos maxime antichristos vocat; C ab eis dicitur, veritatis (commentary); D verissime: Parvus error in principio (commentary)
  • old-edition numerals: 47 after ‹praedicationis› (in the CAPUT XXXIV heading)
  • other: Variae lectiones 31–36 and Commentarius (50), (51) are called in this column; their text is set above. 37–45 and (52), (53) are called in col 56. (Q4b: the earlier remark that 31–36 were set in n56 did not match this file.)
PL 2:56
adulterinarum, quae sub apostolis fuisse ab ipsis apostolis discimus: et tamen nullam invenimus institutionem, inter tot diversitates perversitatum, quae de Deo creatore universorum controversiam moverit. Nemo alterum Deum ausus est suspicari. Facilius de Filio quam de Patre haesitabatur, donec Marcion praeter Creatorem alium Deum solius bonitatis induceret: Apelles creatorem angelorum nescio quem gloriosum superioris Dei, faceret Deum legis et Israelis, illum igneum affirmans; Valentinus aeonas suos spargeret, et unius aeonis vitium in originem deduceret Dei creatoris. His solis, et his primis revelata est veritas Divinitatis, majorem scilicet dignationem et pleniorem gratiam a diabolo consecutis, qui Deum sic quoque voluerit aemulari, ut de doctriois venenorum, quod Dominus negavit, ipse faceret discipulos super magistrum. Eligant igitur sibi tempora universae haereses, quae quando fuerint, dummodo intersit quae quando, dum de veritate non sint. Utique quae ab apostolis nominatae non fuerunt, sub apostolis fuisse non possunt: si enim fuissent, nominarentur et ipsae, ut et ipsae coercendae. Quae vero sub apostolis fuerunt, in sua nominatione damnantur. Sive ergo eaedem nunc sunt aliquanto expolitiores, quae sub apostolis rudes, habent suam exinde damnationem; sive aliae quidem fuerunt, aliae autem postea obortae, quidam ex illis
that are adulterous, which we learn from the apostles themselves to have existed under the apostles: and yet among so many diversities of perversities we find no system which raised a controversy about God the creator of all things. No one dared to suspect another God. There was readier hesitation about the Son than about the Father, until Marcion brought in, besides the Creator, another God of goodness alone; until Apelles made the creator of the angels, some glorious one, I know not whom, of the superior God, the God of the law and of Israel, affirming him to be fiery; until Valentinus scattered his aeons and traced the origin of God the creator back to the fault of a single aeon. To these alone, and to these first, was the truth of the Divinity revealed, they having obtained, no doubt, a greater favour and a fuller grace from the devil, who wished to rival God in this way too, so that out of teachings of poisons he himself might make disciples above the master, which the Lord denied. Let all heresies, then, choose for themselves the times when they existed, provided it makes a difference which existed when, so long as they are not of the truth. Certainly those which were not named by the apostles cannot have existed under the apostles: for if they had existed, they too would be named, so that they too might be restrained. But those which did exist under the apostles are condemned in their being named. Whether, then, the same ones that were rude under the apostles are now somewhat more polished, they have their condemnation from that source; or whether some indeed were different and others arose afterwards, certain of them
Editors' notes and page, col. 56

Footnotes

(54) ‹de veritate non sint› · call in col 56

Quae quando fuerint, dum non intersit quae quando de veritate non sint. Sic editt. Rhenani. Ait Semlerus, Junius conj. « Quae quando fuerint, tum non intersit. » Putem recte habere Rhenani (h. e. ed. principem). Haec Semler. Interserendo addunt particulam dum ante voces de veritate non sint, edd. Paris. utraque et Franek. Edidit Rigaltius: « Quae quando fuerint, dummodo intersit, quae quando dum de veritate non sint. » Sed reposuerunt Lupus atque Thomasius dum non intersit. Totum locum ita legerim, et interpunxerim: « Eligant igitur sibi tempora universae haereses, quando fuerint, cum non intersit, quae, quando de veritate non sint. » ROUTH.

"When they existed, provided it make no difference which [existed] when, since they are not of the truth." So the editions of Rhenanus. Semler says: Junius conjectures "When they existed, then it may make no difference." I should think Rhenanus's reading (that is, the first edition's) is right. So Semler. Both Paris editions and the Franeker insert the particle "dum" before the words "de veritate non sint." Rigaltius printed: "When they existed, provided it make a difference which when, while they are not of the truth." But Lupus and Thomasius restored "dum non intersit." I would read and punctuate the whole passage thus: "Let all the heresies then choose their times for themselves, when they existed, since it makes no difference which existed when, as they are not of the truth." ROUTH.

(printed under page 32)

(55) ‹expolitiores› · call in col 56

Sunt aliquando expolitiores. « Audis, inquit Quintinus, haereses rudes primum, deinde factas expolitiores. » Ab annis quadraginta sic etiam novari coeperunt haereses, ut quanto quis in graeci- (continues)

"They are at some point more polished." "You hear," says Quintinus, "that heresies are crude at first, then made more polished." For forty years heresies too have begun to be renewed in such a way that the more one [is versed] in Greek (continues)

(printed under page 32)

Page

  • running head: [TERTU]LLIANI OPERUM PARS II. 56
  • marginal letters: A adulterinarum, quae sub apostolis; B Dominus negavit, ipse faceret; C tor ejus, alioqui diceretur (commentary); D quando dum de veritate non sint (commentary)
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
  • misprints kept as printed: ‹doctriois› (for doctrinis)
  • other: Variae lectiones 37–45 and Commentarius (52), (53), called in this column (37 at perversitatum, 38 at angelorum, (52) at alterum Deum, (53) at nescio quem), are set in n55. (Q5a)
PL 2:57
usurpaverunt, habendo cum eis consortium praedicationis, habeant necesse est etiam consortium damnationis; praecedente illo fine supradicto posteritatis, quo, etsi nihil de damnatitiis participarent, de aetate sola praejudicarentur; tanto magis adulterae, quanto nec ab apostolis nominatae. Unde firmius constat, has esse, quae adhuc tunc nuntiabantur futurae.
usurped, having fellowship with them in preaching, must of necessity have fellowship in condemnation as well; with that limit of posterity mentioned above going before, by which, even if they had shared in nothing of the condemned [doctrines], they would be prejudged by their date alone; all the more adulterous, inasmuch as they were not even named by the apostles. Hence it stands the more firmly established that these are the ones which were at that time still announced as to come.
CAPUT XXXV.
Chapter XXXV.
Nullam autem e contrario dictarum praescriptionum competere adversus nostram disciplinam.
But that, on the other side, none of the prescriptions mentioned holds good against our discipline.
His definitionibus provocatae a nobis et revictae haereses omnes, sive quae posterae, sive quae coaetaneae apostolorum, dummodo diversae; sive generaliter, sive specialiter no⟨t⟩atae ab eis, dummodo praedamnatae; audeant respondere et ipsae aliquas ejusmodi praescriptiones adversus nostram disciplinam. Si enim negant veritatem ejus, debent probare illam quoque haeresin esse, eadem forma revictam, qua ipsae revincuntur; et ostendere simul
Challenged and refuted by us with these definitions, let all heresies, whether those that are later or those contemporary with the apostles, provided they differ, whether noted by them generally or specifically, provided they were condemned beforehand, dare in their turn to answer with some prescriptions of this kind against our discipline. For if they deny its truth, they ought to prove that it too is a heresy, refuted by the same form by which they themselves are refuted; and to show at the same time
Editors' notes and page, col. 57

Variae lectiones

46 ‹participarent› · call in col 57 Participarentur Rhenan.

"Participarentur": Rhenanus.

47 ‹nec ab› · call in col 57 Ab deest Paris.

"Ab" is missing in the Paris edition.

48 ‹sive quae posterae› · call in col 57 Qua Rhen.

"Qua": Rhenanus.

49 ‹illam quoque haeresin esse› · call in col 57 Esse deest Rhen.

"Esse" is missing in Rhenanus.

50 ‹occupantis principatum› · call in col 58 Praefigitur quod Fran. Paris.

"Quod" is prefixed in the Franeker and Paris editions.

51 ‹non damnant› · call in col 58 Enim damnant Seml.

"Enim damnant": Semler.

52 ‹qui extraneam› · call in col 58 Quasi Wouwer.

"Quasi": Wouwer.

53 ‹quamque damnaverunt› · call in col 58 Extranea quamque non damnaverunt Fran. Paris.

"Extranea quamque non damnaverunt": the Franeker and Paris editions.

54 ‹suis locis praesident› · call in col 58 Praesidentur Rhen.

"Praesidentur": Rhenanus.

Commentarius

(printed under page 33)

(55) (continued) ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call on previous page

tate et latinitate nescio qua peritior exstiterit haereticus, tanto plausibilior atque receptior fuerit: pure, et torse, et munde loquitur. Inde sectatores istius eloquentiae colligunt: Ergo pura, tersa, munda est haeresis. Admodum reprehensibile est graves etiam theologos istis facundiae humanae verbis et elegantiolis efferi. Num bona sit dictio, quaerunt. Atqui meminisse nos oportet, quod nulla est in aliquo Christiano bona dictio, quae pariter non sit in Christo Jesu benedictio. Bonas istas dictiones et rhetoricationes relinquamus Cresconiis grammaticis, ut fecit Augustinus. Sacra sincere tractantibus non conveniunt, ut neque matronae cerussa, neque bovi ceroma. PAM.

Greek and Latin learning, of whatever sort, a heretic has shown, the more applauded and accepted he has been: he speaks purely, neatly, cleanly. From this the followers of that eloquence conclude: "So the heresy is pure, neat, clean." It is very blameworthy that even grave theologians are carried away by these words and little elegances of human eloquence. They ask whether the diction is good. But we must remember that there is no good diction (dictio) in any Christian which is not likewise a blessing (benedictio) in Christ Jesus. Let us leave these fine dictions and rhetorical displays to the grammarian Cresconiuses, as Augustine did. They do not suit those who handle sacred things sincerely, any more than white lead suits a matron or wrestler's ointment an ox. PAMELIUS.

(printed under page 33)

(56) ‹usurpaverunt› · call in col 57

Postea obortae quasdam ex illis opiniones usurpaverunt. Ita edit. princeps, cujus lectionem revocavi, a Junio olim probatam. Habet Rigaltius: « Quiddam ex illis usurpaverunt. Exstat in editt. Paris. utraque et Franek. Postea obortae sunt, et quasdam ex illis opiniones usurpaverunt. » ROUTH.

"Those that arose later took over some of their opinions." So the first edition, whose reading, once approved by Junius, I have restored. Rigaltius has: "They took over something from them." In both Paris editions and the Franeker stands: "They arose later, and took over some of their opinions." ROUTH.

(printed under page 33)

(57) ‹habendo cum eis consortium› · call in col 57

Habendo cum eis consortium. Gelasius primus, inquit idem Quintinus, Afer, etiam simile cum Tertulliano scribit, inquiens: Quicunque in haeresim semel damnatam labitur, ejus damnatione seipsum involvit, 24. q. 1, c. 1. Eodem pertinent definitiones concilii Chalcedonensis et aliorum, ubi expresse cavetur, de semel definitis amplius dubitare non licere, sed cum illis quorum sectantur haeresin esse condemnandos, et participationem, uti loquitur auctor, cum damnatitiis haeresibus, id est, uti interpretatur Quintinus, jam damnatis, ut fictitium, quod fictum est, donatitium, dedititium, conductitium. PAM.

"By having fellowship with them." Gelasius I, says the same Quintinus, an African, also writes something like Tertullian, saying: "Whoever slips into a heresy once condemned involves himself in its condemnation," [Decretum, causa] 24, q. 1, c. 1. To the same purpose are the definitions of the council of Chalcedon and others, where it is expressly laid down that it is not lawful to doubt further about things once defined, but that they are to be condemned with those whose heresy they follow, and "participation," as the author says, "with damnatitious heresies," that is, as Quintinus interprets, with heresies already condemned, as "fictitium" is what is feigned, and so "donatitium," "dedititium," "conductitium." PAMELIUS.

(printed under page 33)

(58) ‹posteritatis› · call in col 57

Praecedente illo fine supradicto posteritatis. Lego praecedente illo fine supradicto posteritatis, id est, ordine successionis, quo tanquam fune ad apostolicas ecclesias conscenditur, ut cap. 31 et 32 copiose dictum. Nam e diverso deprehenditur haereseon istarum posteritas fune illius pariter observato. JUNIUS. — Sic orsus est Tertullianus adv. Judaeos librum: « Proxime accidit, disputatio habita est Christiano et proselyto Judaeo; alternis vocibus contentioso fune uterque diem in vesperam traxerunt. » ROUTH.

"That aforesaid cord of lateness going before." I read "that aforesaid cord of lateness going before," that is, the order of succession, by which one climbs as by a rope to the apostolic churches, as was said at length in chs. 31 and 32. For on the other side the lateness of these heresies is detected when that cord is likewise observed. JUNIUS. — So Tertullian began his book Against the Jews: "It happened lately: a disputation was held between a Christian and a Jewish proselyte; with alternate speeches, by a contentious rope, both drew out the day into the evening." ROUTH.

(printed under page 33)

(59) ‹audeant respondere› · call in col 57

Respondere. For. legendum reponere. ROUTH.

"Respondere." Perhaps "reponere" should be read. ROUTH.

(printed under page 33)

(60) ‹non damnatur› · call in col 58

Quod ab apostolis utique non damnatur. Expunxit conjunctionem quod utraque editione sua Rigaltius, quae quidem in editionibus Rhenanianis haud reperta est, sed tamen in editione Parisina anni 1455 suppleta est, et a Lupo Thomasioque recte restituta.

"Which is certainly not condemned by the apostles." Rigaltius struck out the conjunction "quod" in both his editions; it is indeed not found in Rhenanus's editions, but it was supplied in the Paris edition of the year 1455 [sic], and rightly restored by Lupus and Thomasius.

(printed under page 33)

(63) ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible

Ipsae adhuc cathedrae apostolorum suis locis praesident. Et est sane venerationis argumentum, ipsas adhuc cathedras apostolorum suis locis in memoriam et honorem apostolorum praesedisse, successoribus infra sedentibus. Sed verius, mea quidem sententia, fuerit, catedras apostolorum dici principales Ecclesias, ab ipsis videlicet apostolis constitutas, quae adhuc aetate Tertulliani suis locis praesidebant, tanquam aliarum matrices; qualis in Achaia Corinthus; in Macedonia Philippi, Thessalonica; in Asia, Ephesus; in Italia, Roma RIG. — S. Ignatius initio Epistolae ad Romanos, — ἐκκλησίᾳ, ἥτις καὶ προκάθηται ἐν τόπῳ χωρίου Ῥωμαίων.. Sin autem in sensum proprium verba accipiantur, ipsae adhuc cathedrae apostolorum, certe huc pertineret, ut Tertulliani temporibus servata esset Jacobi apostoli cathedra Hierosolymitana, quod ex Eusebii Historia, lib. VII, cap. 10, constat; atque ut Romae Petri apostoli cathedra adhuc restare credatur. ROUTH.

"The very chairs of the apostles still preside in their places." And it is certainly a mark of veneration that the very chairs of the apostles still stood in their places, in memory and honour of the apostles, with the successors sitting below. But it would be truer, in my opinion, that the "chairs of the apostles" means the principal Churches, those namely founded by the apostles themselves, which in Tertullian's time still presided in their places as mothers of the others: such as Corinth in Achaia; Philippi and Thessalonica in Macedonia; Ephesus in Asia; Rome in Italy. RIGALTIUS. — St Ignatius at the beginning of the Letter to the Romans: "to the Church, which also presides in the place of the region of the Romans." But if the words "the very chairs of the apostles" are taken in their proper sense, this would certainly be relevant: that in Tertullian's time the chair of James the apostle at Jerusalem was preserved, as is established from Eusebius's History, book VII, ch. 10 [sic]; and that the chair of Peter the apostle at Rome may be believed to remain still. ROUTH.

(printed under page 33)

Page

  • running head: 57 LIBER DE PRÆSCRIPTI[...] (cut off at the image edge)
  • marginal letters: A usurpaverunt (56), habendo cum eis consortium; B praedamnatae; audeant respondere; C munda est haeresis. Admodum reprehensibile (commentary); D involvit, 24. q. 1 (commentary)
  • old-edition numerals: 48 after consortium
  • misprints kept as printed (Commentarius): ‹torse› (for terse) in (55); ‹catedras› (for cathedras) in (63)
  • other: Commentarius (61), (62), (64), printed in the right foot of page 33, are set in n58. (Q5a)
PL 2:58
ubinam quaerenda sit veritas, quam apud illas non esse jam constat. Posterior nostra res non est, imo omnibus prior est : hoc erit testimonium veritatis, ubique occupantis principatum. Ab apostolis utique non damnatur, imo defenditur : hoc erit indicium proprietatis. Quam enim non damnant, qui extraneam quamque damnaverunt, suam ostendunt, ideoque et defendunt.
where the truth is to be sought, which it is now established is not among them. Our cause is not later; rather, it is prior to all: this will be the testimony of the truth, which everywhere holds the first place. By the apostles it is certainly not condemned; rather, it is defended: this will be the token of ownership. For the one they do not condemn, they who condemned every foreign one, they show to be their own, and therefore they also defend it.
CAPUT XXXVI.
Chapter XXXVI.
Percurrenti enim Ecelesias apostolicas, apud quas adhuc ipsae cathedrae apostolorum suis locis praesidentur, et inter eas Romanam, unde nobis quoque auctoritas praesto est (ubi Petrus et Paulus coronati) constabit eamdem ab apostolis suam potasse fidem, per quam aqua signat, Spiritus sanctus vestit, Eucharistia pascit.
For to one running through the apostolic churches, among which the very chairs of the apostles still preside in their own places, and among them the Roman, whence authority is at hand for us also (where Peter and Paul were crowned), it will be evident that she has drunk her faith from the apostles, through which the water seals, the Holy Spirit clothes, the Eucharist feeds.
Age jam, qui voles curiositatem melius exercere in negotio salutis tuae, percurre Ecclesias apostolicas, apud quas ipsae adhuc cathedrae apostolorum suis locis praesident; apud quas ipsae authenticae litterae eorum recitantur, sonantes
Come now, you who wish to exercise your curiosity better in the business of your salvation, run through the apostolic churches, among which the very chairs of the apostles still preside in their own places; among which their very authentic letters are read aloud, sounding
Editors' notes and page, col. 58

Footnotes

(61) ‹curiositatem melius exercere› · call in col 58

Curiositatem melius exercere. Confer jam supra dicta in cap. 14. ROUTH.

"To exercise curiosity better." Compare what was said above in ch. 14. ROUTH.

(printed under page 33)

(62) ‹percurre Ecclesias apostolicas› · call in col 58

Percurre Ecclesias apostolicas. Hoc etiam praecipit Augustinus (lib. II, de Doctrina Christ. 8): « In canonicis, inquit, Scripturis Ecclesiarum Catholicarum quam plurium auctoritatem sequamur: inter quas sane illae sunt, quae apostolicas sedes habere et epistolas accipere meruerunt. » RIG.

"Go through the apostolic Churches." Augustine too prescribes this (On Christian Doctrine, book II, 8): "In the canonical Scriptures," he says, "let us follow the authority of as many Catholic Churches as possible, among which are certainly those which were found worthy to have apostolic sees and to receive letters." RIGALTIUS.

(printed under page 33)

(64) ‹eorum recitantur› · call in col 58

Ipsae authenticae litterae eorum recitantur. Lingua scilicet eadem qua fuerant ab apostolis conscriptae, sonantes vocem uniuscujusque. Sic ipse, lib. de Monog., ad Graecum authenticum Pauli provocat. RIG. — Idem Semlero placet, qui haec (continues)

"Their very authentic letters are read aloud." That is, in the same language in which they had been written by the apostles, sounding the voice of each. So he himself, in the book On Monogamy, appeals to the Greek original of Paul. RIGALTIUS. — Semler holds the same, who (continues)

(printed under page 33)

Page

  • running head: DE PRÆSCRIPTIONIBUS. 58
  • marginal letters: A ubinam quaerenda sit veritas; B Age jam, qui voles; C Expunxit conjunctionem quod (commentary); D dici principales Ecclesias (commentary)
  • old-edition numerals: 49 after fidem,
  • misprints kept as printed: ‹Ecelesias› (for Ecclesias) in the CAPUT XXXVI heading
PL 2:59
vocem et repraesentantes faciem uniuscujusque. Proxima est tibi Achaia? habes Corinthum. Si non longe es a Macedonia, habes Philippos, habes Thessalonicenses. Si potes in Asiam tendere, habes Ephesum. Si autem Italiae adjaces, habes Romam, unde nobis quoque auctoritas praesto est. Ista quam felix Ecclesia! cui totam doctrinam apostoli cum sanguine suo profuderunt; ubi Petrus passioni Dominicae adaequatur; ubi Paulus Joannis exitu coronatur; ubi apostolus Joannes, posteaquam, in oleum igneum demersus, nihil passus est, in insulam
voice and representing the face of each one. Is Achaia nearest to you? You have Corinth. If you are not far from Macedonia, you have Philippi, you have the Thessalonians. If you can make your way into Asia, you have Ephesus. But if you lie close to Italy, you have Rome, from where authority is at hand for us also. How happy is that Church, into which the apostles poured out their whole teaching together with their blood; where Peter is made equal to the Lord's passion; where Paul is crowned with the death of John; where it is to an island that the apostle John, after he had been plunged into fiery oil and suffered nothing,
Editors' notes and page, col. 59

Variae lectiones

55 ‹faciem uniuscujusque› · call in col 59 Et... uniuscujusque delev. Seml. post Rhen.

"Et ... uniuscujusque" deleted by Semler, following Rhenanus.

56 ‹Proxima› · call in col 59 Proxime Franeq.

"Proxime": the Franeker edition.

57 ‹habes Thessalonicenses› · call in col 59 Habes Thessalonicenses delev. Seml. post Rhen.

"Habes Thessalonicenses" deleted by Semler, following Rhenanus.

58 ‹Italiae adjaces› · call in col 59 Adjiceris Rhen.

"Adjiceris": Rhenanus.

59 ‹habes Romam› · call in col 59 Romanam Rhen.

"Romanam": Rhenanus.

60 ‹auctoritas praesto est› · call in col 59 Statuta add. Rhen. ista quam desunt apud eumd.

Rhenanus adds "statuta"; "ista quam" are missing in the same.

61 ‹quam felix› · call in col 59 Statu felix Fran. statu tam felix Seml.

"Statu felix": the Franeker edition; "statu tam felix": Semler.

62 ‹contesserarit› · call in col 60 Contestatur Rhen. contesseratur Pithaeus.

"Contestatur": Rhenanus; "contesseratur": Pithou.

63 ‹inde potat› · call in col 60 Importat Wouw. plantat Seml. portat Rhen. et Routh.

"Importat": Wouwer; "plantat": Semler; "portat": Rhenanus and Routh.

64 ‹fidem; eam› · call in col 60 Fidem eam Paris. Fran. eam negl. Rhen.

"Fidem eam": the Paris and Franeker editions; Rhenanus omits "eam".

65 ‹ad martyrium› · call in col 60 Martyrio Fran. Paris. Pam. martyrium Rig. Venet. Rhen. Seml.

"Martyrio": the Franeker and Paris editions, Pamelius; "martyrium": Rigaltius, the Venice edition, Rhenanus, Semler.

66 ‹non fuerunt ex illa› · call in col 60 Non omnes ex illa Rhen. Routh.

"Non omnes ex illa": Rhenanus, Routh.

Commentarius

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(64) (continued) ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call on previous page

adnotavit, « authenticae litterae, non originalia et autographa, ut multi falso intelligebant, sed Graecae, quia isti alia Latina translatione utebantur, sicut ipse Tertullianus. » Haec Semlerus, neque aliter hac de re statuerunt nonnulli alii scriptores. Verum scite monuit Georgius Stanleius Faber, vix dici id posse de S. Scripturarum apographis, illa tantum penes Ecclesias apostolicas fuisse, exclusis caeteris Ecclesiis. Vide Appendicem egregii operis Anglica lingua conscripti, cui titulus The Difficulties of Romanism, Romanismi Difficilia. Certe constat singulos hic mitti a Tertulliano Christianos ad vicinam metropolim, in qua epistolae apostolicae recitabantur, Corinthum, Philippos, Thessalonicam, Ephesum, Romam; ad quas ipsas urbes apostolus Paulus litteras dederat. Mirumne videtur, epistolas istas Pauli ab Ecclesiis in his urbibus constitutis annos circiter centum et quinquaginta conservatas esse? Idque revera contigisse, est ut testari velit hoc loco Tertullianus. At vero, quod obliviscendum non est, volunt viri doctissimi oppositas fuisse hoc loco authenticas litteras, non apographis Graecis, sed interpretationibus earumdem Latinis. Sic enim ait Rigaltius dici in libro Tertulliani De Monogamia, cap. 11, exstare in Graeco authentico interpretationi Latinae opposito locum quemdam apostoli. Nihilominus haec duo simul constare posse existimem, ut opponantur cum authenticae litterae, seu epistolae, quomodo loqui solent jurisconsulti veteres, apographis earum, tum vero Graecus authenticus interpretationi Latinae. Haec olim probabiliter disputavi. Verumtamen hoc tantum Tertulliani verbis mea quidem sententia significari potest: adeundas esse originalem fidem quaerentibus Ecclesias apostolicas ob eam causam, ut investigent, quid ipsae dicant, quid doceant; in quibus quidem Ecclesiis, scilicet apostolicis, adhuc manet apostolica successio, ac recitantur litterae proprie apostolorum, indolem veram ipsorum referentes. Habet Clemens Alexandrinus in Stromate III: — ἐπακούσαντας τῆς Κυρίου φωνῆς, εἴτε τῆς αὐθεντικῆς, εἴτε καὶ τῆς διὰ τῶν ἀποστόλων ἐνεργούσης. « Exaudita voce Domini vel ipsa per se, vel etiam quae operabatur per apostolos. » Cap. 6, p. 764, ed. Potteri. ROUTH.

noted: "authentic letters: not originals and autographs, as many wrongly understood, but Greek, because those people used another, a Latin, translation, as did Tertullian himself." So Semler, and several other writers have judged no differently on this matter. But George Stanley Faber has shrewdly pointed out that it can scarcely be said of copies of the Holy Scriptures that they were found only among the apostolic Churches, to the exclusion of the other Churches. See the Appendix of his excellent work written in English, entitled The Difficulties of Romanism. Certainly it is clear that individual Christians are here sent by Tertullian to the neighbouring metropolis in which apostolic letters were read: Corinth, Philippi, Thessalonica, Ephesus, Rome, the very cities to which the apostle Paul had sent letters. Does it seem a marvel that those letters of Paul had been preserved for about a hundred and fifty years by the Churches founded in these cities? And that this really happened is what Tertullian means to testify in this place. But, and this is not to be forgotten, very learned men hold that "authentic letters" are here opposed not to Greek copies but to Latin translations of them. For so Rigaltius says that in Tertullian's book On Monogamy, ch. 11, a certain passage of the apostle is said to stand "in the Greek original," opposed to the Latin translation. Nevertheless I would think these two can stand together: that "authentic letters" or epistles, as the old jurists say, are opposed to their copies, and also the Greek original to a Latin translation. I once argued this as probable. Yet in my opinion only this can be meant by Tertullian's words: that those seeking the original faith must go to the apostolic Churches for this reason, to find out what they themselves say and teach; in which Churches, the apostolic ones namely, the apostolic succession still remains, and the letters properly of the apostles are read, conveying their true character. Clement of Alexandria has in Stromata III: "having heard the voice of the Lord, whether the original itself or that working through the apostles": "the voice of the Lord having been heard, either itself by itself or that which worked through the apostles." Ch. 6, p. 764, Potter's edition. ROUTH.

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(65) ‹faciem uniuscujusque› · call in col 59

Repraesentantes faciem uniuscujusque. Quantum scilicet imaginari fas est cogitantibus. RIG.

"Representing the face of each." That is, as far as it is permitted to those who think about it to imagine. RIGALTIUS.

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(66) ‹auctoritas praesto est› · call in col 59

Unde nobis quoque auctoritas praesto est. Sic lib. IV adv. Marcionem: « Quid etiam Romani de proximo sonent. » RIG. — Unde nobis quoque auctoritas. Convinceret hic locus haereticos, qui universalem Pontifici Rom. auctoritatem adimunt, ut intra praefecti urbici jurisdictionem quae intra C. L. claudebatur, astringant. Dicam hac de re alio loco: moneo tantum infinitis in locis a SS. Patribus dictum, B. Petrum ordinatum fuisse τῆς οἰκουμένης διδάσκαλον: ita Chrysost., Hom. in cap. XXI Joan. Deinde synodus Chalcedon., act. XVI: Ἡ Ἐκκλησία Ῥώμης πάντοτε ἔσχε τὰ πρεσβεῖα, Ecclesia Romana primas semper tenuit. LE PR.

"Whence authority is at hand for us too." So in book IV Against Marcion: "What the Romans too sound forth from close at hand." RIGALTIUS.

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(67) ‹sanguine suo profuderunt› · call in col 59

Cui totam doctrinam apostoli cum sanguine suo profuderunt. Totam doctrinam dicit summam totius doctrinae Christianae, quam in martyrio pro Christi nomine fortiter obeundo consistere toties praedicat, ut videlicet animam illi tam bene merenti nostram reponamus, qui suam pro nobis, non immerentibus tantum, verum et male meritis posuit ac prodegit. LE PR.

"Into which the apostles poured out their whole teaching with their blood." By "whole teaching" he means the sum of all Christian teaching, which he so often proclaims to consist in bravely undergoing martyrdom for the name of Christ, so that we may repay our life to him who deserves so well of us, who laid down and spent his own for us, not only undeserving but even ill-deserving. LE PRIEUR.

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(68) ‹passioni Dominicae› · call in col 59

Ubi Petrus passionis Dominicae. Haec sane Petrum Romam vidisse testantur, ut Paulum et Joannem, quorum hic etiam fit mentio. Omnes autem invicem adaequantur martyrii constantia. Tertull. hoc libro de Praescrip. haer.: « Bene quod Petrus Paulo et in martyrio adaequatur. » Irenaeus (lib. III, cap. 1) Petrum et Paulum Romae evangelizasse et fundasse Ecclesiam asserit; et cap. 3, magnificum Ecclesiae Rom. ascribit elogium: « maximae et antiquissimae et omnibus cognitae, a gloriosissimis duobus apostolis Petro et Paulo Romae fundatae et constitutae Ecclesiae. » LE PR.

"Where Peter [is made equal] to the Lord's passion." These words certainly testify that Peter saw Rome, as did Paul and John, who are also mentioned here. All of them are made equal to one another in the constancy of martyrdom. Tertullian in this book, The Prescription of Heretics: "It is well that Peter is made equal to Paul in martyrdom too." Irenaeus (book III, ch. 1) asserts that Peter and Paul preached the Gospel at Rome and founded the Church; and in ch. 3 he gives the Roman Church a magnificent tribute: "the very great, very ancient Church, known to all, founded and established at Rome by the two most glorious apostles Peter and Paul." LE PRIEUR.

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(69) ‹Paulus Joannis› · call in col 59

Joannis. Scilicet, Baptistae, capite abscisso. SEMLER.

"Of John." Namely the Baptist, by the cutting off of his head. SEMLER.

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(70) ‹nihil passus est› · call in col 59

Posteaquam in oleum igneum demersus, nihil passus est. Hoc si revera evenerit, quod solus, ni fallor, ex scriptoribus ante-Nicaenis memoravit Tertullianus, Christianus statim fieri judex ethnicus, quicunque is fuerit, cum omnibus suis, debuisset; nisi opponas, fieri posse, ut apostoli liberatio praestigiis magicis ab iisdem attribueretur. Quinetiam recordandum nobis est, Judaeorum primores, id quod ex Actis apostolorum constat, eumdem Joannem occisum isse, simul ac novissent eum e carcere divinitus liberatum. Vid. Act. apost. cap. V, comm. 33. ROUTH.

"After he was plunged into burning oil, he suffered nothing." If this really happened, which Tertullian alone, unless I am mistaken, of the ante-Nicene writers has recorded, the heathen judge, whoever he was, ought at once to have become a Christian with all his household; unless you object that the apostle's deliverance could have been ascribed by those same people to magic tricks. Indeed we must remember that the leaders of the Jews, as is clear from the Acts of the Apostles, went to kill this same John as soon as they knew he had been divinely freed from prison. See Acts of the Apostles ch. V, verse 33. ROUTH.

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(71) ‹aqua signat› · call in col 60

Aqua signat. Baptismo, fidei signaculo. LE PR.

"Seals with water." With baptism, the seal of faith. LE PRIEUR.

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(72) ‹sancto Spiritu vestit› · call in col 60

Sancto Spiritu vestit. Ipse, libro de Monog.: « Nos autem Jesus summus sacerdos et magnus Patris de suo vestiens (quia qui in Christo tinguntur, Christum induerunt) sacerdotes Deo Patri suo fecit, » et lib. de Baptismo: « Obsignatio baptismi, vestimentum fidei. » LE PR.

"Clothes with the Holy Spirit." He himself, in the book On Monogamy: "But Jesus, the high and great priest of the Father, clothing us from his own (for those who are dipped in Christ have put on Christ), has made us priests to God his Father"; and in the book On Baptism: "the sealing of baptism, the garment of faith." LE PRIEUR.

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Page

  • running head: TERTULLIANI OPERUM (cut off at right edge), page number 59
  • marginal letters: A ‹vocem et repraesentantes faciem›; B ‹adnotavit, « authenticae litterae›; C ‹obliviscendum non est, volunt viri›; D ‹rentes. Habet Clemens Alexandrinus›
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 2:60
relegatur; videamus quid didicerit, quid docuerit, cum Africanis quoque Ecclesiis contesserarit. Unum Deum novit, Creatorem universitatis, et Christum Jesum ex Virgine Maria, Filium Dei Creatoris, et carnis resurrectionem; legem et prophetas cum evangelicis et apostolicis Litteris miscet, et inde potat fidem; eam aqua signat, sancto Spiritu vestit, Eucharistia pascit, ad martyrium exhortatur, et ita adversus hanc institutionem neminem recipit. Haec est institutio, non dico jam quae futuras haereses praenuntiabat, sed de qua haereses prodierunt. Sed non fuerunt ex illa
is banished; let us see what she learned, what she taught, what tokens of fellowship she exchanged with the African churches as well. She knows one God, Creator of the universe, and Christ Jesus, of the Virgin Mary, the Son of God the Creator, and the resurrection of the flesh; she joins the Law and the Prophets with the evangelical and apostolic writings, and from them she drinks in her faith; that faith she seals with water, clothes with the Holy Spirit, feeds with the Eucharist, exhorts to martyrdom, and so against this teaching she admits no one. This is the teaching, I do not now say which foretold future heresies, but from which heresies came forth. But they were not of it
Editors' notes and page, col. 60

Page

  • running head: [TERTUL]LIANI OPERUM PARS II. 60
  • marginal letters: A relegatur; videamus quid didicerit; B locus haereticos, qui universalem (in the Commentarius); C Joannem, quorum hic etiam (in the Commentarius); D recordandum nobis est (in the Commentarius)
  • old-edition numerals: 50 after Litteris
PL 2:61
ex quo factae sunt adversus illam. Etiam de olivae nucleo mitis et optimae et necessariae asper oleaster oritur; etiam de papavere ficus gratissimae et suavissimae ventosa et vana caprificus exsurgit. Ita et haereses de nostro frutice, non nostro genere; veritatis grano, sed mendacio sylvestres.
from the time when they were made against it. Even from the kernel of the olive, gentle and excellent and necessary, the rough wild olive springs up; even from the seed of the most pleasing and sweetest fig the windy and empty wild fig rises up. So also heresies [come] from our shrub, though not of our kind; from the grain of truth, but wild through falsehood.
CAPUT XXXVII.
Chapter XXXVII.
Cum igitur iis veritas adjudicetur quicunque in ea regula incedimus, quam Ecclesia ab apostolis accepit; constare propositum suum non esse admittendos haereticos ad ineundam de Scripturis provocationem, cum Christiani non sint, et proinde exhaeredati a possessione Christianorum litterarum.
Since, therefore, the truth is adjudged to those of us who walk in that rule which the Church received from the apostles, [he shows] that his proposition stands, that heretics are not to be admitted to enter upon an appeal concerning the Scriptures, since they are not Christians, and are therefore disinherited from the possession of the Christian writings.
Si haec ita se habent, ut veritas nobis adjudicetur, quicunque in ea regula incedimus quam Ecclesia ab apostolis, apostoli a Christo, Christus a Deo tradidit, constat ratio propositi nostri, definientis non esse admittendos haereticos ad ineundam de Scripturis provocationem, quos sine Scripturis probamus ad Scripturas non pertinere. Si enim haeretici sunt, Christiani esse non possunt, non a Christo habendo quod de sua electione sectati haereticorum nomine admittunt. Ita non Christiani, nullum jus capiunt Christianarum litterarum. Ad quos merito dicendum est: Qui estis? quando, et unde venistis? quid in meo agitis, non mei? quo denique, Marcion, jure sylvam meam caedis? qua licentia, Valentine, fontes meos transvertis? qua potestate, Apelles, limites meos commoves? Quid hic caeteri ad voluntatem vestram seminatis et pascitis? Mea est possessio; olim possideo: habeo origines firmas, ab ipsis auctoribus quorum fuit res. Ego sum haeres apostolorum. Sicut caverunt testamento suo, sicut fidei commiserunt, sicut adjuraverunt, ita teneo. Vos certe exhaeredaverunt semper et abdicaverunt, ut extraneos, ut inimicos. Unde autem extranei et inimici apostolis haeretici,
If these things are so, so that the truth is adjudged to us, as many as walk in that rule which the Church handed down from the apostles, the apostles from Christ, Christ from God, then the reasoning of our proposition stands, which lays down that heretics are not to be admitted to enter upon an appeal concerning the Scriptures, since we prove without the Scriptures that they have nothing to do with the Scriptures. For if they are heretics, they cannot be Christians, since they do not have from Christ what, having pursued it by their own choice, they accept under the name of heretics. Thus, not being Christians, they acquire no right to the Christian writings. To them it may rightly be said: Who are you? When and whence did you come? What are you doing on my ground, you who are not mine? By what right, in short, Marcion, are you cutting down my wood? By what licence, Valentinus, are you diverting my springs? By what authority, Apelles, are you moving my boundary-marks? Why are you others sowing and grazing here at your own will? The possession is mine; I have long possessed it: I hold firm titles of origin, from the very authors whose property it was. I am the heir of the apostles. As they provided in their testament, as they committed it in trust, as they adjured, so I hold it. You, assuredly, they have always disinherited and disowned, as strangers, as enemies. But whence are heretics strangers and enemies to the apostles,
Editors' notes and page, col. 61

Variae lectiones

67 ‹mitis et optimae› · call in col 61 Opitiae Rhen.

"Opitiae": Rhenanus.

68 ‹et necessariae› · call in col 61 Suavissimae Rhen.

"Suavissimae" (sweetest): Rhenanus.

69 ‹caprificus exsurgit› · call in col 61 Suavissimae, ventosa et vana caprificus exsurgit Rhen. nec amplius aliud.

"Suavissimae, ventosa et vana caprificus exsurgit" ("of the sweetest, a windy and empty wild fig springs up"): Rhenanus, and nothing more.

70 ‹mendacio sylvestres› · call in col 61 De nostro fructificaverunt, non nostrae: degeneres varietatis grano, et mendacio sylvestres Rhen. Routh. degeneres vanitatis grano Jun.

"De nostro fructificaverunt, non nostrae: degeneres varietatis grano, et mendacio sylvestres" ("they have borne fruit from our stock, yet are not ours: degenerate in the grain of variety, and wild through falsehood"): Rhenanus, Routh; "degeneres vanitatis grano" ("degenerate in the grain of vanity"): Junius.

71 ‹Christus a Deo tradidit› · call in col 61 Accepit Pam.

"Accepit" (received): Pamelius.

72 ‹ad ineundam› · call in col 61 Ad eamdem Paris. adeundam Rhen.

"Ad eamdem": the Paris edition; "adeundam": Rhenanus.

73 ‹haereticorum nomine› · call in col 61 Nomina Rig. nomen Jun.

"Nomina": Rigaltius; "nomen": Junius.

74 ‹fontes meos transvertis› · call in col 61 Mea est possessio, add. Rig. Fran. Paris. Venet.

Rigaltius and the Franeker, Paris and Venice editions add "mea est possessio" ("it is my possession").

75 ‹olim possideo› · call in col 61 Prior possideo, add. in iisdem.

"Prior possideo" ("I possess first") is added in the same editions.

76 ‹ab ipsis› · call in col 61 Et ipsis Rhen.

"Et ipsis": Rhenanus.

77 ‹sicut fidei commiserunt› · call in col 61 Fideicommiserunt, una voce mavult Jun. ex jureconsult. usu. Probat Routh.

Junius prefers "fideicommiserunt" as one word, from the usage of the jurists. Routh approves.

78 ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible Instituit Rhen. necessitas institit. Routh. sine nota.

"Instituit": Rhenanus; "necessitas institit": Routh, without a note.

79 ‹per quae docerent› · call in col 62 Haeresim, add. Fran. Paris.

The Franeker and Paris editions add "haeresim".

80 ‹corruptela instrumentorum› · call in col 62 Sine corruptela instrumentorum non leg. in Rhen. edit.

"Sine corruptela instrumentorum" is not read in Rhenanus's edition.

81 ‹ita et nobis› · call in col 62 Et a nobis add. Rig. Venet.

Rigaltius and the Venice edition add "et a nobis".

82 ‹quod esset› · call in col 62 Ei et in Scripturis Rhen.

"Ei et in Scripturis": Rhenanus.

83 ‹hoc sunt› · call in col 62 Haec sunt. Inde scriptura Rhen. hoc sunt. Unde scripturae; Jun. hoc sunt Scripturae jam inde ab initio suo, ex illis Wouw. Routh.

"Haec sunt. Inde scriptura": Rhenanus; "hoc sunt. Unde scripturae": Junius; "hoc sunt Scripturae jam inde ab initio suo, ex illis": Wouwer, Routh.

84 ‹antequam aliter fuit› · call in col 62 Antequam nihil aliter fuit Rhen. antiquum nihil aliter fuit Jun. Antequam nihil aliter fuit quam sumus. Routh.

"Antequam nihil aliter fuit": Rhenanus; "antiquum nihil aliter fuit": Junius; "Antequam nihil aliter fuit quam sumus": Routh.

85 ‹et primi et ex ipsis› · call in col 62 Sumus a principio et primi, quam Rig. Venet.

"Sumus a principio et primi, quam": Rigaltius, the Venice edition.

86 ‹manus intulit veritati› · call in col 62 Manus intulit veritati non leg. in Rhen. edit.

"Manus intulit veritati" is not read in Rhenanus's edition.

Commentarius

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(73) ‹de papavere ficus› · call in col 61

Et jam de papavere ficus, Ficus pomum dicere, etiam in senatu Cato non dubitavit. Postea tamen inter auctores juris haesitatum fuit, an pomorum appellatione venirent ficus. Grossos dici et Litteris quidem sacris, minime ignoravit Septimius; sed Plinianae descriptionis historiae nonnihila fructu differentes. Itaque maluit usurpare nomen papaveris, cui sane et forma et colore, et seminalibus granis, et lacte persimilis est nondum matura ficus. RIGALTIUS.

"And now a fig from a poppy." Cato did not hesitate, even in the senate, to call figs fruit (pomum). Afterwards, however, the legal authorities hesitated whether figs came under the name of "poma." Septimius was well aware that they are called "grossi" in the sacred Scriptures too; but according to Pliny's descriptive history they differ somewhat in fruit. So he preferred to use the name of the poppy, to which the unripe fig is indeed very like in shape and colour, in its seed-grains and its milk. RIGALTIUS.

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Page

  • running head: 61 LIBER DE PRAESCRIPTIONI[BUS] (cut off at right edge)
  • marginal letters: A ‹ex quo factae sunt adversus› (between lines 1-2, at right of column); B ‹tradidit, constat ratio propositi›; C ‹hic caeteri ad voluntatem›; D beside commentary note (73), not in the text
  • old-edition numerals: 51 after ‹esse›
  • other: "in ea" in the italic summary has damaged type (accent/ea unclear); "quicunque" in the main paragraph has damaged type; "capiunt" faint; Variae lectiones and Commentarius (editors' notes by Rigaltius and others) at the page foot not set; their headings span the page width; the right-hand column belongs to col. 62
PL 2:62
nisi ex diversitate doctrinae, quam unusquisque de suo arbitrio adversus apostolos aut protulit, aut recepit?
except by the diversity of doctrine which each one, of his own choice, has either brought forward or received against the apostles?
CAPUT XXXVIII.
Chapter XXXVIII.
Maxime cum illis non possit succedere corruptela doctrinae sine corruptela instrumentorum, usurpata in Scripturis detractione, vel adjectione, vel transmutatione, et interpolatione, qua alius manu Scripturas, alius sensus expositione intervertit.
Especially since the corruption of doctrine could not succeed for them without the corruption of the documents, by subtraction, or addition, or transposition, and interpolation practised upon the Scriptures, whereby one perverts the Scriptures by his hand, another their sense by his exposition.
Illic igitur et Scripturarum et expositionum adulteratio deputanda est, ubi diversitas doctrinae invenitur. Quibus fuit propositum aliter docendi, eos necessitas coegit aliter disponendi instrumenta doctrinae. Alias enim non potuissent aliter docere, nisi aliter haberent per quae docerent. Sicut illis non potuisset succedere corruptela instrumentorum ejus; ita et nobis integritas doctrinae non competisset sine integritate eorum, per quae doctrina tractatur. Etenim quid contrarium nobis in nostris? quid de proprio intulimus, ut aliquid contrarium ei quod esset in Scripturis deprehensum, detractione, vel adjectione, vel transmutatione remediaremus? Quod sumus, hoc sunt Scripturae ab initio suo; ex illis sumus. antequam aliter fuit, antequam a vobis interpolarentur. Cum autem omnis interpolatio posterior credenda sit, veniens utique ex causa aemulationis, quae neque prior, neque domestica unquam est ejus quod aemulatur, tam incredibile est sapienti cuique, ut nos adulterum stylum intulisse videamur Scripturis, qui sumus et primi et ex ipsis, quam illos non intulisse, qui sunt et posteri et adversi. Alius manu Scripturas, alius sensus expositione intervertit. Neque enim, si Valentinus integro instrumento uti videtur, non callidiore ingenio, quam Marcion, manus intulit voritati. Marcion enim exserte et palam machaera, non stylo usus est; quoniam
Therefore the adulteration both of the Scriptures and of their expositions is to be reckoned to be there where diversity of doctrine is found. Those whose purpose it was to teach otherwise were compelled by necessity to arrange the documents of doctrine otherwise. For they could not otherwise have taught otherwise, unless they had otherwise the things by which they taught. Just as the corruption [of doctrine] could not have succeeded for them [without the corruption] of its documents, so too the integrity of doctrine would not have been ours without the integrity of those things by which doctrine is handled. For what is there in ours contrary to us? What have we brought in of our own, that we should remedy, by subtraction or addition or transposition, something found in the Scriptures contrary to it? What we are, that the Scriptures are from their own beginning; from them we are, before it was otherwise, before they were interpolated by you. But since every interpolation must be believed to be later, coming as it does from a motive of rivalry, which is never prior to, nor of the household of, that which it rivals, it is as incredible to any wise man that we should seem to have brought an adulterous pen to the Scriptures, we who are both the first and from them, as that they did not bring it, who are both later and hostile. One perverts the Scriptures by his hand, another their sense by his exposition. For if Valentinus seems to use the whole document, it does not follow that he has not laid hands on the truth with a more cunning wit than Marcion. For Marcion openly and plainly used the sword, not the pen, since
Editors' notes and page, col. 62

Footnotes

(74) ‹si Valentinus› · call in col 62

Neque enim si Valentinus. Diversae sunt, inquit Quintinus, istorum duorum haeresiarcharum sententiae circa biblicas et sanctas Scripturas admittendas. Marcion de Veteri Testamenti nihil recipiebat, et de Novo quaedam decerpserat, ac in duos libros descripserat, ex Evangelio Lucae, rejectis aliis, et ex aliquibus epistolis Pauli apostoli, resecans ex ipsis quidquid suae non conveniebat. Hoc est omnia sine dubio negare. PAM.

"For neither, if Valentinus." The views of these two heresiarchs, says Quintinus, differ about which biblical and holy Scriptures are to be admitted. Marcion accepted nothing of the Old Testament, and had plucked certain things from the New and written them out in two books, from the Gospel of Luke, the others being rejected, and from some letters of the apostle Paul, cutting out of them whatever did not suit his own view. This is without doubt to deny everything. PAMELIUS.

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(75) ‹non stylo usus est› · call in col 62

Machaera non stylo usus est, Machaera cultrum Graecis significat. Nam de instrumento sacro Acta Apostolorum, Apocalypsin, Evangelii Lucae partem, et partem Paulinarum Epistolarum resecavit. RHEN.

"He used a sword, not a pen." "Machaera" means a knife in Greek. For from the sacred record he cut away the Acts of the Apostles, the Apocalypse, part of Luke's Gospel, and part of the Pauline Epistles. RHENANUS.

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Page

  • running head: DE PRAESCRIPTIONIBUS. 62
  • marginal letters: A ‹nisi ex diversitate doctrinae›; B ‹rum ejus; ita et nobis›; C ‹adulterum stylum intulisse›; D ‹(in the footnotes) sententiae circa biblicas›
  • old-edition numerals: 52 after ‹per quae›
  • other: misprint kept as printed: "voritati" (for veritati; Variae lectiones 86 prints "veritati"). Variae lectiones 78–86, called in this column, are set in n61; the call of 78 stands after "coegit" in col 62 (n61 gives its anchor as not visible).
PL 2:63
ad materiam suam caedem Scripturarum confecit. Valentinus autem pepercit, quoniam non ad materiam Scripturas, sed materiam ad Scripturas excogitavit: et tamen plus abstulit, et plus adjecit, auferens proprietates singulorum quoque verborum, et adjiciens dispositiones non comparentium rerum.
he made a slaughter of the Scriptures to suit his own subject-matter. Valentinus, however, spared them, since he devised not the Scriptures to fit his subject-matter, but his subject-matter to fit the Scriptures; and yet he took away more and added more, removing the proper meanings even of individual words, and adding arrangements of things that do not appear.
CAPUT XXXIX.
Chapter XXXIX.
In eo comparandi illis qui Virgiliocentonas et Homerocentonas composuisse leguntur.
In this they are to be compared with those who are recorded to have composed Virgilian centos and Homeric centos.
Haec sunt ingenia de spiritualibus nequitiae, cum
These are the contrivances of the spiritual [hosts] of wickedness, with
Editors' notes and page, col. 63

Variae lectiones

87 ‹Haec sunt› · call in col 63 Erant Rig. Venet.

"Erant": Rigaltius, the Venice edition.

88 ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible Contemplandae fidei Rhen.

"Contemplandae fidei": Rhenanus.

89 ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible In add. Rig. Venet.

Rigaltius and the Venice edition add "in".

90 ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible Felicitatem, Rig. Venet.

"Felicitatem": Rigaltius, the Venice edition.

91 ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible Quo jus hodie Rhen. vis hodie Fran. Par. qui vis hodie Jun. cujus hodie antiq. manus.

"Quo jus hodie": Rhenanus; "vis hodie": the Franeker and Paris editions; "qui vis hodie": Junius; "cujus hodie": an old hand.

92 ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible Componit Jun.

"Componit": Junius.

93 ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible Ovidius Geta Fran. Osidius Geta Paris. Ovidius ita Jun. Hosidius Geta Rig. Venet.

"Ovidius Geta": the Franeker edition; "Osidius Geta": the Paris edition; "Ovidius ita": Junius; "Hosidius Geta": Rigaltius, the Venice edition.

94 ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible Expressit Rhen.

"Expressit": Rhenanus.

Commentarius

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(76) ‹Scripturarum confecit› · call in col 63

Ad materiam suam caedem Scripturarum confecit. Convenientius quidquam dici non potuit adversus recentiores haereticos, quam haec in Marcionem; caedem enim Scripturarum in illis videas, sed variam atque pro libitu oscitantis aut imperiti homuncionis discrepantem. Quamvis enim Ecclesia toties canonicos libros numeraverit, ii tamen omnino surdi fiunt. Imo Calvinus (lib. I Instit. cap. 7 § 1, 2, 4) scribit Ecclesiae non esse judicare qui libri divinae sint auctoritatis; sed hoc pertinere ad arcanum Spiritus testimonium. Impias voces! LE PR.

"He made a slaughter of the Scriptures to suit his material." Nothing more fitting could be said against the more recent heretics than this against Marcion; for you may see in them a slaughter of the Scriptures, but a varied one, differing according to the whim of some yawning or unskilled manikin. For although the Church has so often numbered the canonical books, they become altogether deaf. Indeed Calvin (Institutes book I, ch. 7, §§ 1, 2, 4) writes that it does not belong to the Church to judge which books are of divine authority, but that this belongs to the secret testimony of the Spirit. Impious words! LE PRIEUR.

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Sic editt. Rhenani. Habent edd. Paris. 2a et Franek. vis pro quo jus. Junius vult legere Quivis—componit, quod quidem jam reposuerat Quintinus in edit. sua hujus tractatus anno 1561 typis mandata, Pamelio teste in notis. Ait vero Wouwerius codicem ms. habere quovis, seque emendandum censere, qua vides; quod et in ed. Paris. 1a exstitisse nunc video. Edidit vides sine qua Rigaltius. Mihi quidem videtur, cum facilis sit harum vocum inter se mutatio, nam in cap. 2 libri De Spectaculis, vides pro vis recte repositum est, legendum esse quo vides, ut construatur relativum quo cum voce exemplum. Antiqua manus, nec male, judice quidem Semlero, ascripsit cujus. ROUTH.

So the editions of Rhenanus. The second Paris edition and the Franeker have "vis" for "quo jus." Junius wants to read "Quivis ... componit," which Quintinus had indeed already restored in his edition of this treatise printed in 1561, as Pamelius testifies in his notes. Wouwer says that the manuscript has "quovis," and that he thinks it should be emended "qua vides"; which I now see stood in the first Paris edition too. Rigaltius printed "vides" without "qua." It seems to me, since these words are easily interchanged (for in ch. 2 of the book On the Shows "vides" has rightly been restored for "vis"), that "quo vides" should be read, so that the relative "quo" is construed with the word "exemplum." An old hand, and not badly, in Semler's judgement at least, wrote in "cujus." ROUTH.

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Fabulam in totum. Est figura Graeca, cum dicit, totum aliam, id est, secundum totum, vel in toto aliam. RHEN.

"A story wholly." It is a Greek figure when he says "wholly other," that is, other according to the whole, or other in the whole. RHENANUS.

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Denique Hosidius Geta. Liber Agobardi Vosidius: Ursini, Osidius Apud Dionem scribitur Γναῖος ὁ Σίδιος Γέτας legendum Γν. Ὀσίδιος. Fertur senatus-consultum sub Claudio Caes. factum Cn. Hosidio Geta, L. Vagellio coss. erutum Neapoli anno Chr. MDC. III. adversus eos qui negotiandi causa emissent quod aedificium, ut diruendo plus acquirerent quam quanti emissent, et cruentissimo genere negotiationis inimicissimam in pace faciem inducerent ruinis domuum villarumque. RIG. — Hosidius Geta. Hujus poetae stolidum opus ad nostra usque pervenit tempora; constat porro 461 versibus in manuscriptis a Salmasio repertis, partimque editis a p. Scriverio, in Collectaneis vet. Tragic., post Senecam, p. 187, 190, universim vero a Burmanno in Anthologia Lat., t. I, p. 148, 186. Nonnulli autem perperam putaverunt tragoediam istam eamdem esse cui titulum similem inscripsit Ovidius, unde Quintilianus, Inst. orat. 8, 5, desumpsit versiculum hunc: Servare potui: perdere an possim rogas! Atque propterea commentiti sunt legendum esse in Tertulliano nostro Ovidium potius quam Hosidium aut Osidium. Sed in ejusmodi errorem non impegissent, si modo advertere voluissent, ex citato a Quintiliano versu Medeam Ovidii iambis praesertim concinnatam fuisse, hanc vero quae exstat hexametris constare. Alii etiam finxerunt Hosidium Getam, de quo nobis poeta sermo est, consulem subrogatum fuisse sub Claudio principe, anno 48 post Christum natum, eumdem scilicet de quo nonnulla conscripsit Dio, l. IV, et quem memorat Reinesius ex inscriptione quadem (Inscrip., pp. 475, 477), nominat quoque Doni (Marmi, p. 84); sed verba quibus Tertullianus usus est unum ex ejus coaevis potius designant. Praeterea vix crediderim sub Claudio jam principe, quo tempore adhuc florebant Romanae litterae, centones fuisse usurpatos (Burmann, loc. cit.). Ludus enim iste puerilis, quem aeque ut caetera notasse scholica nugalia videtur censura sua auctor vetus in hunc modum: Turpe est difficiles habere nugas, Et stultus labor est ineptiarum, non alias viguit profecto quam cum depravatae jam essent litterae. Et vero exemplis a Tertulliano adhibitis complura alia postmodum addi potuerunt. Ducentis fere post ipsum annis, matrona quaedam Proba Falconia nomine. Adelphii proconsulis uxor, Hortae nata in antiquo Italiae oppido, poema edidit Latinum ad nos utique transmissum, in universum, Medeae Osidianae instar, Virgilii versibus constans aut saltem hemistichiis. Versatur autem circa Veteris Testamenti historiam (Fabricius Biblioth. med. et inf. Lat., tom. II, p. 142 et seq. ed. Mansii). Ausonius, circa eadem tempora, epithalamium lascivia refertum confecerat cui titulum dederat Cento nuptialis, eadem omnino ratione. Permulti poetae modernae latinitatis Centones Virgilianos et ipsi composuerunt. Sed quoniam omnes eos referre nimis longum esset, adeat Fabricium lector, si velit, Biblioth. Lat., t. I, pp. 384, 386, edit. Ernesti, quanquam et ille silentio omiserit Stephanum Plurreum domus S. Victoris canonicum regularem, auctorem poematis de Vita Jesu Christi, cujus fragmentum reperias in art. Centon. Dictionarii de Trevoux. EDD. ex opere DE GOURCY.

"Finally Hosidius Geta." Agobard's book has "Vosidius"; Ursinus's, "Osidius." In Dio it is written "Gnaeus ho Sidius Getas"; read "Gn. Osidius." A decree of the senate is reported, made under Claudius Caesar in the consulship of Cn. Hosidius Geta and L. Vagellius, dug up at Naples in the year of Christ 1603, against those who had bought a building for the sake of trade, so as to gain more by demolishing it than they had paid, and who by a most bloody kind of trade brought upon peacetime the most hostile look of ruined houses and villas. RIGALTIUS. — Hosidius Geta. This poet's stupid work has come down to our own times; it consists of 461 lines found in manuscripts by Salmasius, partly published by P. Scriverius in the Collectanea veterum Tragicorum, after Seneca, pp. 187, 190, and as a whole by Burmann in the Anthologia Latina, vol. I, pp. 148, 186. Some have wrongly thought that this tragedy is the same as the one to which Ovid gave a similar title, from which Quintilian, Institutio oratoria 8, 5, took this little line:

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Medeam tragoediam ex Virgilio plenissime exsuxit. Ea tragoedia exstat penes Cl. Salmasium, unde aliquot versus editi a P. Scriverio in Collectaneis veterum Tragic. RIG.

"He sucked out the tragedy Medea wholly from Virgil." That tragedy survives in the possession of the distinguished Salmasius, from whom some lines were published by P. Scriverius in the Collectanea veterum Tragicorum. RIGALTIUS.

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Page

  • running head: 63 TERTULLIANI OPERUM (cut off at the image edge)
  • marginal letters: A ad materiam suam caedem Scripturarum confe-; B (76) Ad materiam suam caedem Scripturarum con- (commentary); C exstitisse nunc video. Edidit vides sine qua Rigal- (commentary); D dio Geta, L. Vagellio coss. erutum Neapoli anno (commentary)
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 2:64
quibus luctatio est nobis, fratres, merito contemplanda, fidei necessaria, ut electi manifestentur, ut reprobi detegantur. Et ideo habent vim, et excogitandis instruendisque erroribus facilitatem, non adeo mirandam, quasi difficilem et inexplicabilem, cum de saecularibus quoque scripturis exemplum praesto sit ejusmodi facilitatis. Vides hodie ex Virgilio fabulam in totum aliam componi, materia secundum versus, versibus secundum materiam concinnatis. Denique Osidius Geta Med⟨e⟩am tragoediam ex Virgilio plenissime exsuxit. Meus quidem propinquus ex eodem
whom our struggle is, brethren, deservedly to be contemplated, necessary to faith, that the elect may be made manifest, that the reprobate may be uncovered. And therefore they have strength, and a facility in devising and fitting out errors, not so much to be wondered at, as though it were difficult and inexplicable, since from secular writings too an example of such facility is ready to hand. You see today a story wholly different being composed out of Virgil, the matter fitted to the verses and the verses to the matter. In short, Osidius Geta squeezed the tragedy Medea most fully out of Virgil. My own kinsman indeed, out of the same
Editors' notes and page, col. 64

Page

  • running head: LIANI OPERUM PARS II. 64 (start of running head cut off at left edge of image)
  • marginal letters: A ‹quibus luctatio est nobis›; B ‹in Tertulliano nostro Ovidium› (in Commentarius); C ‹vetus in hunc modum› (in Commentarius); D ‹menti historiam (Fabricius› (in Commentarius)
  • old-edition numerals: 53 after ‹hodie›
PL 2:65
poeta inter caetera styli sui otia Pinacem Cebetis explicuit. Homerocentones etiam vocari solent, qui de carminibus Homeri propria opera more centonario ex multis hinc inde compositis in unum sarciunt corpus. Et utique foecundior divina litteratura ad facultatem cujuscunque materiae. Nec periclitor dicere ipsas quoque Scripturas sic esse ex Dei voluntate dispositas, ut haereticis materias subministrarent, cum legam oportere haereses esse, quae sine Scripturis esse non possunt.
poet, among the other leisure pursuits of his pen, set forth the Pinax of Cebes. Those too are commonly called Homerocentones who, out of the poems of Homer, stitch together into one body works of their own, in the manner of a patchwork, composed of many pieces from here and there. And certainly the divine literature is more fruitful for supplying material of any kind whatever. Nor do I hesitate to say that the Scriptures themselves were so arranged by the will of God as to furnish materials to heretics, since I read that there must be heresies, which cannot exist without the Scriptures.
CAPUT XL.
Chapter XL.
Fieri haec autem eodem diaboli instinctu, qui ipsa quoque res sacramentorum divinorum in idolorum mysteriis aemulatur; exempli gratia, qui quosdam tinguit, expiationem delictorum de lavacro
That these things, moreover, come about by the prompting of the same devil, who in the mysteries of idols imitates even the very realities of the divine sacraments; for example, he who dips certain people, the expiation of sins from the bath
Editors' notes and page, col. 65

Footnotes

(81) ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible

Pinacem Cebetis. Cebes Thebanus secta pythagoricus, si Pamelio fidem adhibeas, scripsit dialogos tres, e quibus primus Pinax vitae humanae seu Tabula inscriptus, jam olim in Italia, Gallia et Germania excusus, et in pictura etiam expressus, in quo depingitur iter ad virtutem et voluptatem, et domus utriusque: opus, ait clarissimus abb. de Gourcy, stoica sapientia plenum. EDD.

"The Tablet of Cebes." Cebes of Thebes, a Pythagorean by sect, if you trust Pamelius, wrote three dialogues, the first of which, entitled Pinax of Human Life, or the Tablet, has long since been printed in Italy, France and Germany, and also rendered in a painting; in it are depicted the road to virtue and to pleasure, and the house of each: a work, says the very distinguished Abbé de Gourcy, full of Stoic wisdom. EDITORS.

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Homero-centones qui de carminibus Homeri propria opera. Hujusce artis centonariae vetus exemplum exstat apud Irenaeum (lib. I adversus Haeres.). RIG.

"Homer-centos, who [stitch] their own works out of Homer's poems." An old example of this cento-making art survives in Irenaeus (book I Against Heresies). RIGALTIUS.

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Expositionem delictorum. Sic habet liber Agobardi. Expositionem dixit pro depositione. Atque ita etiam Cyprianus, epist. ad Jubaianum: « Peccata antiqua non exposuerit; » hoc est, non deposuerit. RIG.

"The putting-away of sins." So Agobard's book has it. He said "expositio" for "depositio." And so too Cyprian, letter to Jubaianus: "he will not have put away his old sins," that is, will not have laid them down. RIGALTIUS.

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Mithra signat illic in frontibus. Illic, in castris scilicet tenebrarum, seu Satanae. RIG.

"Mithras there seals on the foreheads." "There," that is, in the camp of darkness, or of Satan. RIGALTIUS.

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Signat in frontibus milites suos. Aemulatione scilicet signaculi jam aevo Tertulliani inter Christianos usitatissimi. Sic enim lib. de Corona: « Quaecunque nos conversatio exercet, frontem crucis signaculo terimus. » Itaque adeo perfusorie adhiberi coepit, ut etiam ii qui Circo non abstinebant, hujusce tamen signaculi religione teneri viderentur. « Quam multos enim, inquit Augustinus, hodie fratres nostros cogitamus et plangimus ire in vanitates et insanias mendaces, negligere quo vocati sunt: qui, si forte in ipso Circo aliqua ex causa expavescant, continuo se signant, et stant illic portantes in fronte, unde abscederent, si hoc in corde portarent, » etc. Enarr. in Psalm. I. Caeterum opinari etiam liceat Mithram sive Satanam signasse in frontibus milites suos, aemulatione unctionis Christianae. RIG.

"He seals his soldiers on the foreheads." In imitation, that is, of the sign already very common among Christians in Tertullian's time. For so in the book On the Crown: "Whatever business occupies us, we rub our forehead with the sign of the cross." And so it began to be used so perfunctorily that even those who did not keep away from the Circus seemed nevertheless held by the observance of this sign. "For how many of our brethren today," says Augustine, "do we think of and lament as going after vanities and lying madness, neglecting that to which they are called: who, if by chance they take fright for some reason in the Circus itself, at once sign themselves, and stand there carrying on their forehead that from which they would depart if they carried it in their heart," etc. Exposition of Psalm I. For the rest, one may also suppose that Mithras, or Satan, sealed his soldiers on the foreheads in imitation of the Christian anointing. RIGALTIUS.

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Sub gladio redimit coronam. Martyrii mimo. Quod pluribus explicavit sub finem operis. De Corona. RIG. Et sub gladio redimit coronam. Ad intellectum hujus quod habet lib. de Corona milit. (versus finem) in hunc modum: « Mithrae miles... cum initiatur in spilaeo... in castris vere tenebrarum coronam interposito gladio sibi oblatam, quas mimum martyrii, dehinc capiti suo accommodatam, monetur obvia manu a capite pellere et in humerum, si forte, transferri, dicens Mithram esse coronam suam; atque exinde nunquam coronatur. Idque in signum habet ad probationem suam, sicuti tentatus fuerit de sacramento, statimque creditur Mithrae miles, si dejecerit coronam, si eam in deo suo esse dixerit. EDD.

"Under the sword he buys back a crown." By a mime of martyrdom. Which he explained at more length towards the end of the work On the Crown. RIGALTIUS. "And under the sword he buys back a crown." For the understanding of this, see what he has in the book On the Soldier's Crown (towards the end), as follows: "The soldier of Mithras ... when he is initiated in the cave ... in the camp, truly, of darkness, a crown offered to him on the point of a sword, as a mime of martyrdom, then fitted to his head, he is told to push away from his head with his hand raised against it and to transfer it perhaps to his shoulder, saying that Mithras is his crown; and from then on he is never crowned. And he keeps this as a mark for his testing, whenever he is tried regarding his oath, and he is at once believed a soldier of Mithras if he throws down the crown, if he says that it is in his god." EDITORS.

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Page

  • running head: 65 LIBER DE PRÆSCRIPTI (cut off at the image edge)
  • marginal letters: A poeta inter caetera styli sui otia; B quosdam tinguit, expiationem delictorum; C propria opera. Hujusce artis centonariae (commentary, not set); D Quam multos enim, inquit Augustinus (commentary, not set)
  • old-edition numerals: 54 after possunt (before CAPUT XL.)
  • other: Q6a: misprints in the Commentarius kept as printed: (86) "quas" for "quasi" (English renders the sense). UNSURE at this resolution: (85) "liceat" may be printed "liecat"; (86) "versus finem" may be printed "versas finem".
PL 2:66
repromittit, signat in frontibus, celebrat et panis oblationem.
promises, marks on the foreheads, celebrates also the offering of bread.
Sequetur, a quo intellectus intervertatur eorum quae ad haereses faciant? A diabolo scilicet, cujus sunt partes intervertendi veritatem, qui ipsas quoque res sacramentorum divinorum, idolorum mysteriis aemulatur. Tingit et ipse quosdam, utique credentes et fideles suos; expositionem delictorum de lavacro repromittit; et si adhuc memini, Mithra signat illic in frontibus milites suos: celebrat et panis oblationem, et imaginem resurrectionis inducit, et sub gladio redimit coronam. Quid? quod et summum Pontificem unius nuptiis statuit, habet et virgines, habet et continentes, Caeterum, si Numae Pompilii
[The question] will follow: by whom is the meaning of those things that serve heresies perverted? By the devil, of course, whose part it is to pervert the truth, who imitates even the very things of the divine sacraments in the mysteries of idols. He too dips certain people, namely his own believers and faithful; he promises a putting away of sins from the bath; and, if I still remember, Mithras there marks his soldiers on their foreheads; he celebrates also the offering of bread, and brings in an image of resurrection, and under the sword redeems a crown. What of the fact that he also appoints a high priest of a single marriage, has virgins too, has continent men too? Moreover, if Numa Pompilius's
Editors' notes and page, col. 66

Variae lectiones

95 ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible Cujusque Rig. Venet.

"Cujusque": Rigaltius, the Venice edition.

96 ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible Sed quaeritur Rhen.

"Sed quaeritur": Rhenanus.

97 ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible Interpretetur Rig. Venet.

"Interpretetur": Rigaltius, the Venice edition.

98 ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible Pares Rhen.

"Pares": Rhenanus.

99 ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible In Praefig. Rhen. Pam.

"In" is prefixed by Rhenanus and Pamelius.

1 ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible Expiationem Rhen. Pam.

"Expiationem": Rhenanus, Pamelius.

2 ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible Sic adhuc Fran. Paris.

"Sic adhuc": the Franeker and Paris editions.

3 ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible Memini deest Fran. Paris.

"Memini" is missing in the Franeker and Paris editions.

4 ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible Mithrae. Rhen. Fran. Paris.

"Mithrae": Rhenanus, the Franeker and Paris editions.

5 ‹Pontificem unius nuptiis› · call in col 66 Pontificem nuptiis Rhen. in unius nuptiis Hirsaug. ex vetere exempl. teste Rhenano. in unis nuptiis Fran.

"Pontificem nuptiis": Rhenanus; "in unius nuptiis": the Hirsau copy, from an old exemplar, on Rhenanus's testimony; "in unis nuptiis": the Franeker edition.

Commentarius

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(87) ‹unius nuptiis statuit› · call in col 66

In unis nuptiis statuit. In unius nuptiis posuit Rigaltius. Et ad editionem principem, in qua vox nuptiis sola exstat, sine unis, refert Rhenanus Hirsaugiense exemplum habere in unius nuptiis, lectionem hanc probans. Eadem praestat edit. Paris. utraque. Sed lectionem alteram in unis nuptiis in edit. Franek. exstantem, quam se edidisse Pamelius ait ex ms. Angelico codice Joan. Clementis, cum Lupo atque Thomasio recepi. Unae enim aeque ac primae nuptiae Latine dicitur. « Homo Dei Adam et mulier Dei Eva unis inter se nuptiis defuncti sunt. » scribit Tertullianus in lib. de Exhortatione castitatis, cap. 5; vid. et cap. 9. Caeterum exigit Apostolus in Epistolis ad SS. Timotheum et Titum, ut μιᾶς γυναικὸς ἀνὴρ ordinetur episcopus, ita et diaconus; quod quidem praeceptum ad litteram, ut aiunt, nuper solebat injungere papis seu sacerdotibus suis Ecclesia Graeca. Nullum ergo hic exstare Montanismi vestigium, quidquid sibi visus sit detegisse vir cl. Petrus Allixius, fidenter dicerem. Conf. Dissertationem ejus De Tertulliani Vita et Scriptis, cap. 7. ROUTH.

"He established in one marriage." Rigaltius put "in unius nuptiis." And with reference to the first edition, in which the word "nuptiis" stands alone without "unis," Rhenanus reports that the Hirsau copy has "in unius nuptiis," approving this reading. Both Paris editions give the same. But with Lupus and Thomasius I have accepted the other reading, "in unis nuptiis," found in the Franeker edition, which Pamelius says he printed from the English manuscript of John Clement. For "unae nuptiae" (one marriage) is said in Latin just as "primae nuptiae" (first marriage). "Adam, the man of God, and Eve, the woman of God, were joined to each other in one marriage," writes Tertullian in the book On the Exhortation to Chastity, ch. 5; see also ch. 9. Further, the Apostle requires in the Epistles to Saints Timothy and Titus that the bishop ordained be "the husband of one wife," and the deacon likewise; a precept which, taken literally, as they say, the Greek Church used until recently to lay upon its papas or priests. I would therefore say confidently that no trace of Montanism appears here, whatever the distinguished Pierre Allix may have thought he discovered. Compare his Dissertation On the Life and Writings of Tertullian, ch. 7. ROUTH.

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(88) ‹si Numae Pompilii› · call in col 66

Caeterum si Numae Pompilii. Pulchra est hic adnotatio Audeberti Macerei, quam adeo ex Gallico idiomate transferendam duximus. Quidam, inquit libro quodam non ita nuper excuso, cujus titulus: « Brevis commentarius de signis sacris, sacrificiis et sacramentis a Deo institutis, a creatione mundi, » nobis objicit, nostras caeremonias majori ex parte desumptas a Numa Pompilio, et proinde rejiciendas et subsannandas. Fefellit eum, inquit idem, quod non considerarit astutiam sui patris et magistri. Diabolus enim eas mutavit ex Veteri Testamento, et Numae tradidit, ut per eas ab illo et suis honoraretur et adoraretur. Quod ad nos attinet, quibus ad manum est Vetus illud Testamentum, etiamsi omittamus traditionem Patrum, magis credibile est desumpsisse nos inde, quam e libris Pompilii. Interim etiam illud considerandum, quod talium caeremoniarum observatio Deo grata sit, quandoquidem eas tam studiose affectet et aemuletur diabolus. PAM.

"But if Numa Pompilius." Here is a fine annotation by Audebert Macerius, which we have therefore thought worth translating from the French. "A certain man," he says, "in a book printed not so long ago, entitled 'A Brief Commentary on the Sacred Signs, Sacrifices and Sacraments Instituted by God from the Creation of the World,' objects against us that our ceremonies were for the most part taken from Numa Pompilius, and are therefore to be rejected and mocked. What deceived him," he says, "is that he did not consider the cunning of his father and master. For the devil changed them from the Old Testament and handed them to Numa, so that through them he might be honoured and worshipped by him and his people. As for us, who have that Old Testament at hand, even if we leave aside the tradition of the Fathers, it is more credible that we took them from there than from the books of Pompilius. Meanwhile this too should be considered: that the observance of such ceremonies is pleasing to God, since the devil so eagerly affects and imitates them." PAMELIUS.

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Page

  • running head: DE PRÆSCRIPTIONIBUS. 66
  • marginal letters: A ‹vacro repromittit, signat›; B ‹bet et continentes, Caeterum›; C ‹utraque. Sed lectionem alteram›; D ‹(88) Caeterum si Numae Pompilii›
  • old-edition numerals: 55 after ‹illic in›
  • other: Q1b: the call after "adhuc" is printed "7" where the run requires 2 (1 after expositionem, 3 after memini); misprinted call.
  • other: Q1b: Commentarius notes (83)–(88), set in n65 under "call in col ?", are called in this column: (83) after ‹delictorum›, (84) after ‹in frontibus›, (85) after ‹milites suos›, (86) after ‹redimit coronam›, (87) after ‹statuit›, (88) after ‹Numae Pompilii›.
  • other: Q1b: the Variae lectiones of page 37 were not set in n65 or n66 (n65's crops miss them); set here from the right-hand part visible in this column's images; the left-hand part (96, 99 cont., 1, 2 start, 4 cont., 5 start) needs a read of the full page foot.
PL 2:67
superstitiones revolvamus, si sacerdotalia officia, insignia et privilegia, si sacrificalia ministeria, et instrumenta, et vasa ipsorum sacrificiorum, ac piaculorum et votorum curiositates consideremus, nonne manifeste diabolus morositatem illam Judaicae legis imitatus est? Quid ergo ipsas res, de quibus sacramenta Christi administrantur, tam aemulanter affectavit exprimere in negotiis idololatriae, utique et idem et eodem ingenio gestiit et potuit instrumenta quoque divinarum rerum et sanctorum Christianorum, sensum de sensibus, verba de verbis, parabolas de parabolis profanae et aemulae fidei attentare. Et ideo neque a diabolo immissa esse spiritalia nequitiae, ex quibus etiam haereses veniunt, dubitare quis debet, neque ab idololatria distare haereses, cum et auctoris et operis ejusdem sint, cujus et idololatria. Deum aut fingunt alium adversus Creatorem, aut, si unicum Creatorem confitentur, aliter eum disserunt, quam in vero est. Itaque omne mendacium quod de Deo dicunt, quodammodo genus est idololatriae.
superstitions we go over, if we consider the priestly offices, insignia and privileges, if the sacrificial ministries, and the instruments, and the vessels of the sacrifices themselves, and the curious niceties of expiations and vows, has not the devil manifestly imitated that scrupulousness of the Jewish law? Why then? Since he has so emulously aimed to express in the business of idolatry the very things by which the sacraments of Christ are administered, assuredly the same [one], with the same ingenuity, has both longed and been able to tamper also with the instruments of divine things and of the holy Christians, sense from senses, words from words, parables from parables, for a profane and rival faith. And therefore no one ought to doubt either that the spiritual wickednesses, from which heresies also come, have been sent in by the devil, or that heresies are not far removed from idolatry, since they are of the same author and of the same work as idolatry also is. They either feign another God against the Creator, or, if they confess the one Creator, they discourse of Him otherwise than He is in truth. And so every lie which they speak concerning God is in some manner a kind of idolatry.
CAPUT XLI.
Chapter XLI.
Non omittendam denique, qua contra eos praescribamus, ipsius etiam haereticae conversationis descriptionem; ubi quis catechumenus, quis fidelis,
That we must not, finally, omit, as something by which we may prescribe against them, a description also of the heretical way of life itself; where who is a catechumen, who a believer,
Editors' notes and page, col. 67

Variae lectiones

6 ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible Sacrificantia Rhen. sacrificantium et vasa ipsorum vel sacrificiorum ex libro Ursini Rig. Sacrificantium m. Routh. Sacramentorum Chr. Routh.

"Sacrificantia": Rhenanus; "sacrificantium et vasa ipsorum vel sacrificiorum" ("of those sacrificing and their vessels, or of the sacrifices"), from Ursinus's book: Rigaltius; "Sacrificantium" m. [reading of abbreviation uncertain]: Routh; "Sacramentorum Chr[istianorum]": Routh.

7 ‹fidei attentare› · call in col 67 Attemperare, Rig. Venet. Fran. Paris.

"Attemperare": Rigaltius, the Venice, Franeker and Paris editions.

8 ‹genus est idololatriae› · call in col 67 Ita omne mendacium de Deo, vel natio quodammodo sexus, est idololatriae Rhen.

"Ita omne mendacium de Deo, vel natio quodammodo sexus, est idololatriae": Rhenanus.

9 ‹quam edocti› · call in col 68 Educati Paris.

"Educati": the Paris edition.

10 ‹forsitan› · call in col 68 Fortasse an Rhen.

"Fortasse an": Rhenanus.

11 ‹nunc› · call in col 68 Tunc Rhen.

"Tunc": Rhenanus.

Commentarius

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(89) ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible

Morositatem illam Judaicae legis. Morositatem dicit morum et rituum Judaicorum scrupulositatem. PAM.

"That fastidiousness of the Jewish law." By "morositas" he means the scrupulousness of Jewish customs and rites. PAMELIUS.

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(90) ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible

Sacramentorum Christianorum. Hoc protuli ex edit. Paris. utraque pro voce sanctorum, quae exstat in edit. quidem principe; sed in tertia Rhenani editione positum hoc est ad marg. ejus. « Forte sacrorum vel sacramentorum. » In ultima vero editione sua idem Rhenanus ad voces sanctorum Christianorum adnotavit, « sicut dicimus Sancta sanctorum. » Porro de Scriptura sacramentorum, quam tamen haud primus induxerat Gelenius. sic Pamelius: « Legimus ex ms. 3 Vaticano cum Rhenano in prima editione et Adnotationibus sanctorum, pro eo quod Gelenius substituit sacramentorum. » Haec Pamelius, ideoque in editt. Franek. atque Rigaltiana appellatio sanctorum, apparet. Illustrare quoque pergit Lupus hunc, ut ait, antiquorum Christianorum titulum verbis Paulinis ad Ephesios, Omnibus sanctis qui sunt Ephesi, et fidelibus in Christo Jesu. His non obstantibus, edit. utriusque Parisiensis lectionem, sacramentorum, amplectendam esse censeo. Habebas proxime ante sacramenta Christi; et conferas inferius Firmiliani Epistolam, § 8. Significari interea videntur Scripturae sacrae his vocibus instrumenta divinarum rerum et sacramentorum Christianorum. Mox praepositionem de pro ex adhibet more suo Tertullianus.

"Of the Christian sacraments." I have brought this forward from both Paris editions in place of the word "sanctorum," which stands in the first edition; but in Rhenanus's third edition this is put in its margin: "Perhaps 'sacrorum' or 'sacramentorum.'" In his last edition, however, the same Rhenanus noted at the words "sanctorum Christianorum": "as we say Holy of holies." Further, on the reading "sacramentorum," which Gelenius was nevertheless not the first to bring in, Pamelius says: "We read 'sanctorum' from the third Vatican manuscript, with Rhenanus in his first edition and Annotations, instead of what Gelenius substituted, 'sacramentorum.'" So Pamelius; and hence the name "sanctorum" appears in the Franeker and Rigaltian editions. Lupus goes on to illustrate this title, as he calls it, of the ancient Christians by Paul's words to the Ephesians: "To all the saints who are at Ephesus, and the faithful in Christ Jesus." Notwithstanding this, I judge that the reading of both Paris editions, "sacramentorum," should be embraced. You had just before "the sacraments of Christ"; and you may compare below Firmilian's Letter, § 8. Meanwhile the sacred Scriptures seem to be meant by these words, "the records of divine things and of the Christian sacraments." Shortly after, Tertullian uses the preposition "de" for "ex," as is his habit.

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(91) ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible

Et sanctorum Christianorum. Horum sensus ex iis quae in cap. 44 sequuntur hauriendus est. Apostolorum autem Acta et Epistolas vocat instrumenta sanctorum Christianorum. ALBASP.

"And of the holy Christians." The sense of these words is to be drawn from what follows in ch. 44. He calls the Acts and Epistles of the Apostles the records of the holy Christians. ALBASPINAEUS.

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(92) ‹quam in vero est› · call in col 67

Ad phrasin vere quod attinet, quam in vero est, habet Auctor in lib. suo de Resur. carnis, « Porro etsi ita in vero habeatur, cap. [numeral unclear] et — non enim hanc esse in vero, » c. 18. Anglice dicimus, As in truth it is, ut in vero est. ROUTH.

As for the phrase "than it is in truth," the Author has in his book On the Resurrection of the Flesh: "Further, even if it is so held in truth," ch. [numeral unclear], and "for this is not so in truth," ch. 18. In English we say "As in truth it is," like "ut in vero est." ROUTH.

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(93) ‹genus est idololatriae› · call in col 67

Itaque omne mendacium de Deo vel natio quodammodo sexus, est idololatriae. » Sic se habet editio princeps; sed ad ultimam editionem suam Rhenanus ait, ausum se esse pro vel natio scribere variatio, huc se trahentibus Paterniacensis codicis vestigiis. Hinc variatio et ita pro itaque in edit. prima Parisiensi, similiter atque in Rhenani illa, exstant. Substitutum autem est in editt. illas sequentibus, quod posuit et Rigaltius, Itaque omne mendacium quod de Deo dicimus, quodammodo genus est idololatriae, nisi quod abest vox quodammodo ab edit. Paris. 1566. At vero in notis calci editionis Franek. adjectis praetulit Junius lectionem editionis principis, tantum addito vel ante quodammodo, ut vox natio in sensum generis accipiatur, sexus in sensum partis, h. e. aut totum aut pars mendacii. Sic ille. Semlero autem vera lectio nondum eruta videtur; ad προβολὰς vero haereticorum respicere voces, natio, sexus, idem vir doctissimus opinatur. Ferenda editionis principis lectio mihi videtur, si modo reponas, vel ratio quodammodo sexus, habito nimirum ad προβολὰς istas, ut ait Semlerus, respectu. « Habes, inquit Tertullianus, ogdoadem, tetradem duplicem, ex conjugationibus masculorum et feminarum. » Adv. Valentinianos, cap. 7. ROUTH.

"And so every lie about God, or a breed in a way of sex, is of idolatry." So the first edition reads; but at his last edition Rhenanus says he ventured to write "variatio" for "vel natio," led here by the traces of the Payerne manuscript. Hence "variatio," and "ita" for "itaque," stand in the first Paris edition, as in that of Rhenanus. But in the editions following those there was substituted what Rigaltius also printed: "And so every lie that we tell about God is in a way a kind of idolatry," except that the word "quodammodo" is missing from the Paris edition of 1566. But in the notes appended at the end of the Franeker edition Junius preferred the reading of the first edition, only adding "vel" before "quodammodo," so that the word "natio" is taken in the sense of genus, "sexus" in the sense of part, that is, either the whole or a part of the lie. So he. Semler, however, thinks the true reading has not yet been recovered; the same very learned man thinks the words "natio," "sexus" refer to the "emanations" of the heretics. The reading of the first edition seems to me tolerable, provided you restore "vel ratio quodammodo sexus," with reference, namely, to those emanations, as Semler says. "You have," says Tertullian, "an ogdoad, a double tetrad, from the pairings of males and females." Against the Valentinians, ch. 7. ROUTH.

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Page

  • running head: 67 TERTULLIANI OPERUM (cut off at the right edge of the image)
  • marginal letters: A superstitiones revolvamus, si sacerdotalia officia; B ses veniunt, dubitare quis debet, neque ab idolo-; C (89) Morositatem illam Judaicae legis (in the Commentarius); D Jesu. His non obstantibus (in the Commentarius)
  • old-edition numerals: 56 after praescribamus,
PL 2:68
incertum; pariter enim adeunt, pariter audiunt, pariter orant; qui pacem cum omnibus miscent; quorum mulieres audeant exorcismos agere, forsitan et tinguere; quorum ordinationes temerariae, et alius hodie episcopus, cras alius, hodie diaconus qui cras lector, hodie presbyter qui cras laicus, nam et laicis sacerdotalia munera injungere.
uncertain; for they come in alike, they listen alike, they pray alike; who mix peace with everyone; whose women dare to perform exorcisms, perhaps even to baptize; whose ordinations are rash, and one man is bishop today, another tomorrow, today a deacon who tomorrow is a reader, today a presbyter who tomorrow is a layman, for [they go so far as] to lay priestly functions even on laymen.
Non omittam ipsius etiam conversationis haereticae descriptionem, quam futilis, quam terrena, quam humana sit, sine gravitate, sine auctoritate, sine disciplina, ut fidei suae congruens. In primis quis catechumenus, quis fidelis, incertum est, pariter adeunt, pariter audiunt, pariter orant; etiam ethnici si supervenerint, sanctum canibus et porcis margaritas, licet non veras, jactabunt. Simplicitatem volunt esse prostrationem disciplinae, cujus penes nos curam lenocinium vocant. Pacem quoque passim cum omnibus miscent: nihil enim interest illis, licet diversa tractantibus, dum ad unius veritatis expugnationem conspirent, Omnes tument, omnes scientiam pollicentur. Ante sunt perfecti catechumeni, quam edocti. Ipsae mulieres haereticae, quam procaces! quae audeant docere, contendere, exorcismos agere, curationes repromittere, forsitan et tingere. Ordinationes eorum temerariae, leves, inconstantes: nunc
I shall not leave out a description also of the heretical manner of life itself: how futile, how earthly, how merely human it is, without gravity, without authority, without discipline, as befits their faith. In the first place, who is a catechumen and who a believer is uncertain; they come in alike, they listen alike, they pray alike; even if pagans come upon them, they will throw what is holy to the dogs and pearls, though not genuine ones, to the swine. They would have the overthrow of discipline be simplicity, and our care for it they call pandering. Peace too they mix indiscriminately with everyone; for it makes no difference to them, though they treat of differing doctrines, so long as they conspire to storm the one truth. All are puffed up, all promise knowledge. Their catechumens are perfected before they are taught. The heretical women themselves, how forward they are! For they dare to teach, to dispute, to perform exorcisms, to promise cures, perhaps even to baptize. Their ordinations are rash, light, inconstant: now
Editors' notes and page, col. 68

Footnotes

(94) ‹sanctum canibus› · call in col 68

Sanctum canibus. Nec ista quidem a nobis negligenter transibuntur, quibus Eucharistiam existimamus intelligi, de qua libro de Spectaculis ita loquitur, cap. 25: « Ex ore quo Amen in sanctum protuleris. » ALBASP.

"The holy thing to dogs." Nor shall these words be passed over carelessly by us, for we think the Eucharist is meant by them, of which he speaks thus in the book On the Shows, ch. 25: "From the mouth with which you have uttered Amen over the holy thing." ALBASPINAEUS.

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(95) ‹quam edocti› · call in col 68

Ante sunt perfecti catechumeni, quam edocti. Hoc est, Ante τέλειοι sunt οἱ κατηχούμενοι, quam fidei dogmatibus instructi. ROUTH.

"The catechumens are perfected before they are taught." That is, the catechumens are "perfect" before they are instructed in the doctrines of the faith. ROUTH.

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(96) ‹leves, inconstantes› · call in col 68

Inconstantes. Omnes ecclesiastici, cujuscun- (continues)

"Inconstant." All churchmen, of whatever (continues)

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Page

  • running head: [TERTU]LLIANI OPERUM PARS II. 68 (left edge cut off in image)
  • marginal letters: A incertum; pariter enim adeunt; B plicitatem volunt esse prostrationem; C dicimus, As in truth it is (Commentarius); D opinatur. Ferenda editionis (Commentarius)
  • old-edition numerals: 57 after nunc
PL 2:69
neophytos conlocant, nunc saeculo obstrictos, nunc apostatas nostros, ut gloria eos obligent, quia veritate non possunt. Nusquam facilius proficitur quam in castris rebellium, ubi ipsum esse illic promereri est. Itaque alius hodie episcopus, cras alius; hodie diaconus, qui cras lector; hodie presbyter, qui cras laicus: nam et laicis sacerdotalia munera injungunt.
they install neophytes, now men bound to the world, now our apostates, so as to bind them by glory, since they cannot by truth. Nowhere is advancement easier than in the camp of rebels, where merely being there is itself a merit. And so one man is bishop today, another tomorrow; today a deacon who tomorrow is a reader; today a presbyter who tomorrow is a layman: for they lay priestly functions even upon laymen.
CAPUT XLII.
Chapter XLII.
In verbi quoque administratione negotium illis esse non ethnicos convertendi, sed nostros evertendi; nec suis praesidibus reverentiam praestent: et hinc apud eos schismata non parere, quantumvis tamen a regulis suis inter se varient et etiam ab auctoribus suis.
That in the ministry of the word too their business is not converting the heathen but overturning our own people; that they show no reverence to their own leaders; and that hence schisms do not appear among them, however much they differ among themselves from their own rules and even from their own founders.
De verbi autem administratione quid dicam, cum hoc sit negotium illis, non ethnicos convertendi, sed nostros evertendi? Hanc magis gloriam captant, si stantibus ruinam, non si jacentibus elevationem operentur; quoniam et ipsum opus eorum non de suo proprio aedificio venit, sed de veritatis destructione. Nostra suffodiunt, ut sua aedificent. Adime illis legem Moysi, et prophetas, et creatorem Deum, accusationem eloqui non habent. Ita fit ut ruinas facilius operentur stantium
But what shall I say of the ministry of the word, since this is their business, not to convert the heathen, but to overturn our own people? They seek glory rather in bringing ruin on those who stand than in raising up those who lie fallen; since even their very work comes not from any building of their own but from the destruction of the truth. They undermine our structures so that they may build their own. Take away from them the law of Moses, and the prophets, and God the Creator, and they have no accusation to utter. So it comes about that they more easily work the ruin of standing
Editors' notes and page, col. 69

Variae lectiones

12 ‹laicis› · call in col 69 Laici Rhen.

"Laici": Rhenanus.

13 ‹convertendi› · call in col 69 Evertendis Jun. convertendis al.

"Evertendis": Junius; "convertendis": others.

14 ‹legem Moysi› · call in col 69 In lege Paris.

"In lege": the Paris edition.

15 ‹unitas ipsis› · call in col 70 Ipsa Seml.

"Ipsa": Semler.

16 ‹sine lare vagantur› · call in col 70 Quasi sibi late Fran. Jun. sibi late Paris. sibilatae Rhen.

"Quasi sibi late": the Franeker edition, Junius; "sibi late": the Paris edition; "sibilatae": Rhenanus.

17 ‹Notata› · call in col 70 Nota forsan legendum foret. Edd.

Perhaps "Nota" ought to be read. EDITORS.

Commentarius

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(96) (continued) ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call on previous page

que tandem essent ordinis, certis locis erant addicti, neque fiebant episcopi, aut sacerdotes, honoris aut vivendi gratia, sed pro loci aut populi necessitate, et usu ordinabantur. Quibus uti non licebat alio convolare, et sedes mutare, ita neque ab officio ex eo loco, ubi ordinati et addicti erant, sine causa amoveri poterant, sed apud haereticos pro arbitrio sedes mutabantur, et ut dicit: « Alius hodie episcopus, cras alius. » ALBASP.

order they were, were attached to fixed places; nor were men made bishops or priests for the sake of honour or livelihood, but they were ordained for the need and service of a place or people. As they were not allowed to fly off elsewhere and change sees, so they could not be removed without cause from their office in the place where they had been ordained and attached; but among the heretics sees were changed at will, and as he says: "One man is bishop today, another tomorrow." ALBASPINAEUS.

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(97) ‹saeculo obstrictos› · call in col 69

Saeculo obstrictos. Eos intelligit qui praefectura aliqua inter gentiles fungebantur; plerique enim Christianorum dignitatem aliquam aut militiae gradum adepti, eorum honorum munia nihilominus obibant, quos Ecclesiae honoribus ordinare aequum non videbatur. ALBASP.

"Bound to the world." He means those who held some prefecture among the gentiles; for many Christians who had obtained some dignity or rank in the service nevertheless performed the duties of those offices, and it did not seem right to ordain them to the honours of the Church. ALBASPINAEUS.

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(98) ‹cras alius› · call in col 69

Cras alius. Vel diverso, vel nullo fortasse munere functus, ut sequentia ostendunt.

"Another tomorrow." Having held a different office, or perhaps none, as what follows shows.

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(99) ‹verbi autem administratione› · call in col 69

De verbi autem administratione. De ea quae in Ecclesiis fiebat non existimarim eum loqui, cum ab ea gentiles arcerentur, verum de ea quae domi aut alibi familiariter habebatur; nihil enim Christianis majori erat curae quam gentilibus Christi praecepta sensim obtrudere, ut eos ad fidem traherent. ALBASP.

"But of the ministry of the word." I would not think he speaks of that which took place in the churches, since the gentiles were kept away from it, but of that which was held informally at home or elsewhere; for nothing was of greater concern to Christians than gradually to press the precepts of Christ upon the gentiles, so as to draw them to the faith. ALBASPINAEUS.

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(1) ‹eloqui non habent› · call in col 69

Adime illis legem Moysi, et prophetas, et Creatorem Deum, accusationem eloqui non habent. Notat Cerdonem, et Marcionem, et Apellem, ausos etiam ista Christianae religionis fundamenta convellere. Nam in Catalogo haereticor., ubi de Cerdone: « Hic prophetias, inquit, et legem repudiat, Deo Creatori renuntiat. » Cerdonis autem discipulus fuit Marcio, Marcionis Apelles. Ait igitur haereticorum ingenia sic instituta esse, ut diruant, non ut aedificent. Adime illis legem Mosis, et prophetas, et Creatorem Deum, nullo jure causam tibi propterea dicent; non erit quod possint conqueri. Etenim jam pridem haec ad se minime pertinere testati sunt. RIG. — Adime illis in legem Moysis et prophetas et in Creatorem Deum accusationem; et loqui non habent. Ita locum restitui. Vulgo editum est: « Adime illis legem Moysi et prophetas et creatorem Deum, accusationem eloqui non habent. » Cum vero exstaret in edit. Paris. 2a in lege, et haberet codex Wouwerii et in creatorem, positumque sit in editt. Rhenani et Paris. prima, et loqui pro eloqui, vix dubitabam quin, ita ut vides, locus emendari deberet. Rhenanus quidem ad tertiam suam editionem legendum conjicit ad cautionem pro accusationem, sed frustra. ROUTH.

"Take from them the law of Moses, and the prophets, and God the Creator: they have no accusation to utter." He censures Cerdo, Marcion and Apelles, who dared to tear up even these foundations of the Christian religion. For in the Catalogue of heretics, on Cerdo: "He rejects," it says, "the prophecies and the law, and renounces God the Creator." Marcion was a disciple of Cerdo, Apelles of Marcion. He says, then, that the minds of heretics are so formed as to pull down, not to build up. Take from them the law of Moses, the prophets and God the Creator, and they will have no right to bring a case against you on that account; there will be nothing they can complain of. For they have long since declared that these things do not concern them. RIGALTIUS. — "Take from them their accusation against the law of Moses and the prophets and against God the Creator, and they have nothing to say." So I have restored the passage. The common text is: "Take from them the law of Moses and the prophets and God the creator, they have no accusation to utter." But since the second Paris edition had "in lege," Wouwer's manuscript had "et in creatorem," and the editions of Rhenanus and the first Paris have "et loqui" for "eloqui," I hardly doubted that the passage should be emended as you see. Rhenanus indeed, at his third edition, conjectures "ad cautionem" for "accusationem," but in vain. ROUTH.

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(2) ‹non parent› · call in col 70

Quia cum sint, non parent. Et haec est causa, quare inter eos non sint schismata, non quod vere non sint dissensiones, sed quia cum omnes pro libidine efficiunt quod cuique placitum, non apparent, et ideo ipsissima unitas videtur, cum sit multiplicitas sententiarum. DELACERDA.

"Because, though they exist, they do not appear." And this is the reason why there are no schisms among them: not that there are truly no dissensions, but because, since all do at their pleasure what each likes, they do not appear, and so it looks like perfect unity, when it is a multiplicity of opinions. DE LA CERDA.

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(3) ‹unitas ipsis› · call in col 70

Schisma est unitas ipsis. Sic habet liber Ursini. Verissime. Sunt quidem apud haereticos schismata; sed ea minus advertimus ob communem et concordissimam ipsis nobiscum discordiam, RIG. — Schisma quod est divisio a catholicis, vinculum ipsis est unitatis, quemadmodum ante scripserat Auctor: « Nihil interest illis, licet diversa tractantibus, dum ad unius veritatis expugnationem conspirent. » Cap. 41. ROUTH.

"Schism is unity to them." So Ursinus's book has it. Most truly. There are indeed schisms among the heretics; but we notice them less because of their common and most harmonious discord with us. RIGALTIUS. — Schism, which is division from the catholics, is to them a bond of unity, as the Author had written before: "It makes no difference to them, though they hold different views, so long as they conspire to assault the one truth." Ch. 41. ROUTH.

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(4) ‹proinde› · call in col 70

Proinde. For. perinde. Voces a librariis mutari solent. ROUTH.

"Proinde." Perhaps "perinde." The copyists are wont to interchange these words. ROUTH.

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Page

  • running head: LIBER DE PRÆSCRIPT (cut off at right edge), column number 69 at left
  • marginal letters: A neophytos conlocant, nunc saeculo; B cum hoc sit negotium illis, non ethnicos conver-; C que tandem essent ordinis (commentary); D alibi familiariter habebatur (commentary)
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 2:70
aedificiorum, quam exstructiones jacentium ruinarum. Ad haec solummodo opera humiles, et blandi, et summissi agunt. Caeterum, nec suis praesidibus reverentiam noverunt. Et hoc est quod schismata apud haereticos fere non sunt; quia, cum sint, non parent. Schisma est unitas ipsis. Mentior si non etiam a regulis suis variant inter se, dum unusquisque proinde suo arbitrio modulatur quae accepit, quemadmodum de suo arbitrio ea composuit ille qui tradidit. Agnoscit naturam suam, et originis suae morem, profectus rei. Idem licuit Valentinianis quod Valentino, idem Marcionitis quod Marcioni, de arbitrio suo fidem innovare. Denique penitus inspectae haereses omnes in multis cum auctoribus dissentientes deprehenduntur. Plerique nec ecclesias habent, sine matre, sine sede, orbi fide, extorres, sine lare vagantur.
buildings, than the erection of lying ruins. For these works alone they act humble, and ingratiating, and submissive. Otherwise, they know no reverence even for their own leaders. And this is why schisms scarcely exist among heretics: because, when they exist, they do not show. Schism is unity to them. I lie if they do not vary among themselves even from their own rules, while each one in like manner shapes by his own judgement what he received, just as he who handed it down composed it by his own judgement. The progress of the thing recognizes its own nature and the manner of its origin. The same was permitted to the Valentinians as to Valentinus, the same to the Marcionites as to Marcion: to innovate the faith by their own judgement. In short, all heresies, when thoroughly examined, are found dissenting in many points from their founders. Most of them do not even have churches; without mother, without seat, bereft of faith, exiles, they wander without a hearth.
CAPUT XLIII.
Chapter XLIII.
Notata etiam fuisse eorum commercia cum magis, circulatoribus, astrologis, philosophis; adeo ut doctrinae ipsorum non verae index sit disciplina non bona.
That their dealings with magicians, mountebanks, astrologers and philosophers have also been noted; so that a discipline that is not good is the index of their doctrine that is not true.
Notata sunt etiam commercia haereticorum cum magis quampluribus, cum circulatoribus, cum
Noted also are the dealings of heretics with very many magicians, with mountebanks, with
Editors' notes and page, col. 70

Footnotes

(5) ‹sine lare vagantur› · call in col 70

Quasi sine lare vagantur. Voculam quasi ex editione principe aliisque restitui. In eadem tamen mendose positum est, quasi sibi latae, in ed. tertia Rhenani quasi sibi late, in ultima Rhenani quasi late, in ed. Paris. prima quasi sibilatae, in Paris. sibi late, omisso quasi, in ed. Franek. quasi sibi late, ut in tertia Rhenani. Tandem edidit Rigaltius ex Wouwerii vet. libro sine lare, omisso quasi. Ait doctissimus ille Wouwerius in Emendatt. suis anno 1608 editis: « Editionem secutus vir illustris (an Scaliger?) emendavit Abii late vagantur. Ingeniose, ut omnia. Fortasse non rejicienda conjectura qua scribebam, orbi fide, extorres. Cibyratae vagan- (continues)

"They wander about as if without a hearth." I have restored the little word "quasi" from the first edition and others. In the same edition, however, "quasi sibi latae" is wrongly printed; in Rhenanus's third edition "quasi sibi late"; in Rhenanus's last "quasi late"; in the first Paris edition "quasi sibilatae"; in the Paris, "sibi late," with "quasi" omitted; in the Franeker edition "quasi sibi late," as in Rhenanus's third. At last Rigaltius printed "sine lare," from Wouwer's old book, omitting "quasi." That very learned Wouwer says in his Emendationes published in 1608: "A distinguished man (Scaliger?), following the edition, emended 'Abii late vagantur.' Ingeniously, like everything of his. Perhaps the conjecture I was writing is not to be rejected: 'orbi fide, extorres. Cibyratae vagan- (continues)

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Page

  • running head: DE PRÆSCRIPTIONIBUS. 70
  • marginal letters: A ‹tium aedificiorum, quam›; B ‹duntur. Plerique nec›; C ‹« Adime illis legem› (footnotes); D ‹ipsis est unitatis› (footnotes)
  • old-edition numerals: 58 after ‹est›
PL 2:71
astrologis, cum philosophis, curiositati scilicet deditis: QUAERITE, ET INVENIETIS, ubique meminerunt. Adeo et de genere conversationis qualitas fidei aestimari potest: doctrinae index disciplina est. Negant Deum timendum; itaque libera suut illis omnia et soluta. Ubi autem Deus non timetur, nisi ubi non est? Ubi Deus non est, nec veritas ulla est; ubi veritas nulla est, merito et talis disciplina est. At ubi Deus, ibi metus in Deum, qui est initium sapientiae. Ubi metus in Deum, ibi gravitas honesta, et diligentia attonita, et cura sollicita, et allectio explorata, et communicatio deliberata, et promotio emerita, et subjectio religiosa, et apparitio devota, et processio modesta, et Ecclesia unita, et Dei omnia.
astrologers, with philosophers, those, namely, given over to curiosity: "Seek, and you shall find," they remember everywhere. So true is it that the quality of the faith can be judged also from the manner of conduct: discipline is the index of doctrine. They deny that God is to be feared; therefore all things are free and unrestrained for them. But where is God not feared, except where He is not? Where God is not, there is no truth either; where there is no truth, such a discipline also is fitting. But where God is, there is fear towards God, which is the beginning of wisdom. Where there is fear towards God, there is honourable gravity, and awestruck diligence, and anxious care, and admission [to office] after scrutiny, and communion after deliberation, and promotion earned by merit, and religious submission, and devout attendance, and modest procession, and a united Church, and all things of God.
CAPUT XLIV.
Chapter XLIV.
Postremo si forte praescriptionibus his non moveantur, ad futuri judicii metum et haereticos provocat, et eos qui aures haereticis accommodant.
Finally, if perhaps they are not moved by these prescriptions, he summons both the heretics and those who lend their ears to heretics to the fear of the judgement to come.
Proinde haec pressioris apud nos testimonia
Accordingly, these testimonies among us of a stricter
Editors' notes and page, col. 71

Variae lectiones

18 ‹doctrinae index› · call in col 71 Judex Rig. Venet. inde Rhen. doctrina index disciplinae Paris.

"Judex": Rigaltius, the Venice edition; "inde": Rhenanus; "doctrina index disciplinae": the Paris edition.

19 ‹ubi veritas nulla est› · call in col 71 V. ubi veritas nulla est desunt in Rhen. edit.

The words "ubi veritas nulla est" are missing in Rhenanus's edition.

20 ‹gravitas honesta› · call in col 71 Honestas Rhen.

"Honestas": Rhenanus.

21 ‹allectio› · call in col 71 Adjectio Rhen.

"Adjectio": Rhenanus.

22 ‹processio modesta› · call in col 71 Moderata Paris.

"Moderata": the Paris edition.

23 ‹haec pressioris› · call in col 71 Pressiora Rhen. utrumvis abest Fran. Paris.

"Pressiora": Rhenanus; either is absent in the Franeker and Paris editions.

24 ‹de seris› · call in col 72 Saevis Rhen. scaevis Jun.

"Saevis": Rhenanus; "scaevis": Junius.

25 ‹abominandisque› · call in col 72 Quid Rhen.

"Quid": Rhenanus.

26 ‹Agnoscant› · call in col 72 Agnoscunt Rhen. agnoscent Semler.

"Agnoscunt": Rhenanus; "agnoscent": Semler.

27 ‹tanto ante› · call in col 72 in Verb. tanto deest. Rhen. ed. non ante leg. Paris. Fran. suos ante Jun.

In the words [tanto ante]: "tanto" is missing in Rhenanus's edition; the Paris and Franeker editions read "non ante"; Junius "suos ante".

28 ‹suae fidem confirmasse› · call in col 72 (the call is misprinted 29 in the text) Maxima doctrinae suae confirmasse Rhen.

"Maxima doctrinae suae confirmasse": Rhenanus.

29 ‹virtutes maximas ederent› · call in col 72 Ediderunt Rhen.

"Ediderunt": Rhenanus.

30 ‹Qui vero› · call in col 72 Si Rhen.

"Si": Rhenanus.

31 ‹in fide integri› · call in col 72 Integra Rhen.

"Integra": Rhenanus.

Commentarius

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(5) (continued) ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call on previous page

tur, sed minime discedendum arbitror a vet. cod. » Haec ille. Recepit vero istud, quasi Abii late vagantur, in edit. suam Christianus Lupus; nihilominus cum Rigaltio facit Thomasius. ID.

tur'; but I think one should by no means depart from the old manuscript." So he. Christian Lupus admitted this, "quasi Abii late vagantur," into his edition; nevertheless Thomasius sides with Rigaltius. THE SAME (Routh).

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(6) ‹astrologis› · call in col 71

Cum magis quampluribus, cum circulatoribus, cum astrologis. Nemini ignotum in historia ecclesiastica tantisper versato, priores haereticos magia infames fuisse aut cum magis commercium habuisse. Tales fuerunt Gnostici, Carpocratiani, et alii. Ab Ecclesiae communione semotos eosdem magos indubitatum quoque, ut mimos, ludiones, circulatores, agyrtas, comoedos: contra quos Augustinus et Cyprianus multis in locis, et concilia. LE PR.

"With very many magicians, with mountebanks, with astrologers." No one at all versed in church history is unaware that the earliest heretics were notorious for magic or had dealings with magicians. Such were the Gnostics, the Carpocratians and others. It is also beyond doubt that these magicians were kept away from the communion of the Church, as were mimes, players, mountebanks, vagrant quacks and comic actors; against whom Augustine and Cyprian in many places, and the councils. LE PRIEUR.

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(7) ‹disciplina est› · call in col 71

Doctrinae index disciplina est. Disciplina in hoc auctore, semper pro rebus fidei, sacramentis aut eorum usu, ritibus et caeremoniis, caeterisque quae ex praeceptis Christi observamus, nonnunquam etiam pro ipsamet fide usurpatur. ALBASP.

"Discipline is the index of doctrine." "Discipline" in this author is always used for the things of faith, the sacraments or their use, rites and ceremonies, and the other things we observe from the precepts of Christ, and sometimes even for the faith itself. ALBASPINAEUS.

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(8) ‹diligentia attonita› · call in col 71

Diligentia attonita. Diligentiam attonitam dicit quae semper est in metu ne peccet. RIG.

"Awestruck diligence." He calls that diligence "awestruck" which is always in fear of sinning. RIGALTIUS.

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(9) ‹allectio explorata› · call in col 71

Allectio explorata. Allegendorum scilicet in ordinem ecclesiasticum. Hos enim ante ordinationem praedicari mos erat. Praedicatio autem fiebat nominibus eorum propositis, admonito populo, ut si quis adversus eos quid haberet criminis, probaret manifestis rebus. Quod ut fieret in provinciarum rectoribus ordinandis, exemplo Christianorum suasisse Alexandrum Severum narrat Lampridius. Talis igitur apud Ecclesiam fuit allectio explorata: ut contra, apud haereticos ordinationes temerariae notantur supra. RIG.

"Tested election." That is, of those to be chosen into the ecclesiastical order. For it was the custom for them to be announced before ordination. The announcement was made by setting out their names, the people being admonished that if anyone had any charge against them, he should prove it by clear evidence. Lampridius relates that Alexander Severus, following the Christians' example, urged that this be done in appointing governors of provinces. Such, then, was the tested election in the Church; as by contrast the heretics' rash ordinations are censured above. RIGALTIUS.

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(10) ‹communicatio deliberata› · call in col 71

Communicatio deliberata. Communicationem intelligit quam ipse in Apologetico describit, nempe orationis et conventus et omnis sancti commercii. Ad eam vero non admittebantur nisi deliberatione prius habita probatissimi. RIG.

"Considered communion." He means the communion he himself describes in the Apology, namely of prayer and assembly and all holy fellowship. To it only the best-proven were admitted, after deliberation had first been held. RIGALTIUS.

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(11) ‹promotio emerita› · call in col 71

Promotio emerita. Ipse sui interpres eodem Apologetico: « Praesident probati quique seniores, honorem istum non pretio, sed testimonio adepti. » RIG.

"Earned promotion." He is his own interpreter in the same Apology: "The approved elders preside, having obtained that honour not by price but by testimony." RIGALTIUS.

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(12) ‹subjectio religiosa› · call in col 71

Subjectio religiosa. Propter Ecclesiae honorem, inquit (lib. de Bapt.), quo salvo salva pax est. Subjectus dicitur qui morem alteri gerit, ut filius patri. Sic in Apolog.: « Filium jam subjectum pater retro patiens abdicavit. » RIG.

"Reverent subjection." "For the honour of the Church," he says (book On Baptism), "while that is safe, peace is safe." One is called "subject" who complies with another, as a son with his father. So in the Apology: "The father, long patient, disowned his son who was already submissive." RIGALTIUS.

(printed under page 40)

(13) ‹apparitio devota› · call in col 71

Apparitio devota. Apparent episcopis presbyteri, diaconi. Apparent magistratibus scribae, praecones, accensi. Glossae Philoxeni, Apparitores, Ἐκβιβασταί. Εἰσὶν δὲ ὑπηρέται τοῖς ἄρχουσιν προσεδρεύοντες. Apparitio, Ἐκβιβασμός. Eo sensu dicit Septimius noster (libro de Spectaculis), aures et oculos apparere spiritui: « Cum spiritui appareant aures et oculi; nec possit mundus praestari, cujus, apparitores inquinantur. » RIG.

"Devoted attendance." Priests and deacons attend on bishops. Scribes, heralds and orderlies attend on magistrates. Philoxenus's Glosses: "Apparitores, ekbibastai. They are servants waiting on the magistrates. Apparitio, ekbibasmos." In this sense our Septimius says (in the book On the Shows) that the ears and eyes attend on the spirit: "Since the ears and eyes attend on the spirit; nor can that be kept clean whose attendants are defiled." RIGALTIUS.

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(14) ‹processio modesta› · call in col 71

Processio modesta. Procedebant in publicum Christiani modesto habitu vultuque. Sic (lib. II. de Cultu feminar.): « Vobis autem nulla procedendi causa non tetrica. Aut imbecillus aliquis ex fratribus visitatur, aut sacrificium offertur, aut Dei sermo administratur, etc. » RIG.

"Modest going-out." Christians went out in public with modest dress and countenance. So (book II, On the Apparel of Women): "But you have no cause for going out that is not grave. Either some sick one of the brethren is visited, or the sacrifice is offered, or the word of God is ministered," etc. RIGALTIUS.

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(15) ‹pressioris disciplinae› · call in col 72

Pressioris disciplinae. Hoc est quod in Apologetico dixit: « Disciplinam praeceptorum inculcationibus densamus. » Hinc etiam illa quae saepe occurrunt, disciplina timenda, disciplina custodita, disciplinae terror, disciplinae tenor. Sic contra, disciplina mollissima, laxissima. RIG.

"Of stricter discipline." This is what he said in the Apology: "We thicken discipline by inculcating the precepts." Hence also those phrases that often occur: discipline to be feared, discipline guarded, the terror of discipline, the tenor of discipline. So, by contrast, the softest, the laxest discipline. RIGALTIUS.

(printed under page 40)

(16) ‹perversis doctrinis› · call in col 72

De seris et perversis doctrinis. Sic optime liber Ursini, Antea saevis nullo sensu. Seras doctrinas dicit Antichristi, cujus tempora excipiet consummatio saeculi. Tria tempora in Tertulliani scriptis cunctas hominum aetates dividunt, Naturae, Legis et Evangelii. Itaque ultimum est Evangelii tempus, subrepente Antichristo et saeculi fine. RIG. — Haec Rigaltius, qui seris recepit. Attamen, exstante in praecedentibus editionibus saevis, haud spernenda, imo amplectanda est, conjectura Junii scaevis reponentis. Glossae Vett. Σκαιός, scaevus, vanus, pravus. Saevis in editionem suam revocavit Thomasius, ascripta altera lectione seris ad oram. ROUTH.

"Of late and perverse doctrines." So, excellently, Ursinus's book. Previously "saevis," which makes no sense. He calls the doctrines of Antichrist "late," whose times the consummation of the age will follow. In Tertullian's writings three times divide all the ages of mankind: of Nature, of the Law, and of the Gospel. So the time of the Gospel is the last, with Antichrist creeping in and the end of the age. RIGALTIUS. — So Rigaltius, who admitted "seris." Yet, since "saevis" stands in the preceding editions, the conjecture of Junius, who restores "scaevis," is not to be despised but rather embraced. The old Glosses: "Skaios, scaevus, vain, perverse." Thomasius recalled "saevis" into his edition, writing the other reading, "seris," in the margin. ROUTH.

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Page

  • running head: TERTULLIANI OPERUM (cut off at the right edge), column number 71
  • marginal letters: A astrologis, cum philosophis; B processio modesta, et Ecclesia unita; C beside footnote line "tur, in edit. suam Christianus Lupus" (footnotes, not set); D beside footnote line "ordinem ecclesiasticum" (footnotes, not set)
  • old-edition numerals: 59 after emerita
  • misprints kept as printed: suut (for sunt)
PL 2:72
disciplinae ad probationem veritatis accedunt; a qua divertere nemini expedit, qui meminerit futuri judicii quo omnes nos necesse est apud Christi tribunal astare, reddentes rationem inprimis ipsius fidei. Quid ergo dicent qui illam stupraverint adulterio haeretico virginem traditam a Christo? Credo, allegabunt, nihil unquam sibi ab illo vel ab apostolis ejus de seris et perversis doctrinis futuris praenuntiatum, et de cavendis abominandisque praeceptum. Agnoscant suam potius culpam quam illorum, qui nos tanto ante praestruxerunt. Adjicient praeterea multa de auctoritate cujusque doctoris haeretici; illos maxime doctrinae suae fidem confirmasse, mortuos suscitasse, debiles reformasse, futura significasse, uti merito apostoli crederentur. Quasi nec hoc scriptum sit, venturos multos qui etiam virtutes maximas ederent, ad fallaciam muniendam corruptae praedicationis. Itaque veniam merebuntur? Qui vero memores dominicarum et apostolicarum denuntiationum in fide integri steterint, credo de venia
discipline approach the proof of the truth; from which it profits no one to turn aside who remembers the judgement to come, at which all of us must stand before the tribunal of Christ, rendering an account first of all of the faith itself. What then will they say who have defiled with heretical adultery that virgin handed down by Christ? They will allege, I suppose, that nothing was ever foretold to them by Him or by His apostles about late and perverse doctrines that were to come, and nothing commanded about guarding against and abhorring them. Let them rather acknowledge their own fault than that of those who forewarned us so long before. They will add besides much about the authority of each heretical teacher: that these above all confirmed the credibility of their doctrine, raised the dead, restored the infirm, signified things to come, so that they might deservedly be believed to be apostles. As though this too were not written, that many would come who would perform even the greatest mighty works, to fortify the deceit of a corrupt preaching. So will they merit pardon? But those who, mindful of the Lord's and the apostles' warnings, have stood whole in the faith will, I believe, as regards pardon
Editors' notes and page, col. 72

Footnotes

(17) ‹apostoli crederentur› · call in col 72

Uti merito apostoli crederentur. Hic nonnisi (continues)

"So that they might deservedly be believed apostles." Here only (continues)

(printed under page 40)

Page

  • running head: [TERTU]LLIANI OPERUM PARS II. 72 (left part of the running head cut off at the image edge)
  • marginal letters: A disciplinae ad probationem veritatis accedunt; B biles reformasse, futura significasse; C est. Subjectus dicitur qui morem (in Commentarius); D getico dixit: Disciplinam praeceptorum (in Commentarius)
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
  • misprints kept as printed: the variant call after "confirmasse" is printed 29 (for 28; the note is 28 in n71)
PL 2:73
periclitabuntur, respondente Domino: « Praenuntiaveram plane futuros fallaciae magistros in meo nomine et prophetarum et apostolorum etiam; et discentibus meis eadem ad vos praedicare mandaveram; semel Evangelium et ejusdem regulae doctrinam apostolis meis delegaveram; sed cum vos non crederetis, libuit mihi postea aliqua inde mutare: resurrectionem promiseram etiam carnis; sed recogitavi ne implere non possem: natum me ostenderam ex virgine; sed postea turpe mihi visum est: patrem dixeram qui solem et pluvias fecit, sed alius me pater melior adoptavit: prohibueram vos aurem accommodare haereticis, sed erravi... ? » Talia capit opinari eos qui exorbitant, et fidei veritatis periculum non cavent.
be in peril, when the Lord answers: "I had indeed foretold that there would be teachers of deceit in My name, and in that of the prophets, and of the apostles too; and I had commanded My disciples to preach these same things to you; once for all I had entrusted the Gospel and the doctrine of the same rule to My apostles; but since you did not believe, it pleased Me afterwards to change some things in it: I had promised a resurrection even of the flesh; but I thought again, lest I should be unable to fulfil it: I had shown Myself born of a virgin; but afterwards it seemed shameful to Me: I had called Him Father Who made the sun and the rains, but another, better father adopted Me: I had forbidden you to lend an ear to heretics, but I erred...?" Such things it can happen that those think who stray from the path, and do not guard against the peril to the truth of the faith.
Commentarius.
Commentary.
(23) Et necessariis praescriptionibus. Necessarias
(23) And by necessary prescriptions. He calls them necessary
Editors' notes and page, col. 73

Variae lectiones

32 ‹crederetis› · call in col 73 V. Sed cum vos non crederetur, in Rhen. ed. praefiguntur vocibus semel Evangelium, etc.

In Rhenanus's edition the words "Sed cum vos non crederetur" are set before the words "semel Evangelium," etc.

33 ‹Talia› · call in col 73 Alia Rhen.

"Alia": Rhenanus.

34 ‹et fidei veritatis› · call in col 73 Fide conj. Jun., sed pessime nostra sententia.

"Fide" is Junius's conjecture, but a very bad one in our opinion.

Commentarius

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(17) (continued) ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call on previous page

commentitia miracula, sive praestigias daemonum insectatur Tertullianus; agnoscit enim hoc in eodem opere, c. praesertim 30, vera miracula argumentum certum efficere divinae missionis, tum cum provocat haereticos hac victrici interpellatione: « Probent se novos apostolos esse; dicant Christum iterum descendisse, iterum ipsum docuisse, iterum crucifixum, iterum mortuum, iterum resuscitatum: sic enim apostolos solet facere. » EDD. ex opere DE GOURCY.

feigned miracles, or the conjuring tricks of demons, does Tertullian attack; for he acknowledges in the same work, especially ch. 30, that true miracles are a sure proof of a divine mission, when he challenges the heretics with this victorious demand: "Let them prove that they are new apostles; let them say that Christ came down again, taught again in person, was crucified again, died again, was raised again: for so He is accustomed to make apostles." EDITORS, from the work of DE GOURCY.

(printed under page 41)

(18) ‹semel› · call in col 73

Semel. H. e. ἅπαξ, tantum semel, non iterum.

"Once." That is, "hapax," once only, not again.

(printed under page 41)

(19) ‹crederetis› · call in col 73

Sed cum vos non crederetis. Particula negativa cuivis sensum auctoris bene perpendenti amovenda videbitur. Caeterum illud animadvertendum est, posita fuisse haec verba in edit. vetustissimis post vocem mandaveram; ac displicuisse Junio transpositionem, quae eorumdem postea facta est. Ita enim scribit: « Falluntur, qui hic transponunt auctoris verba. Ego primam editionem, et manuscriptorum consensum sequens, ita legendum censeo: Discentibus, id est, discipulis, meis eadem ad vos praedicare mandaveram (nimirum solummodo viva voce), sed cum vos non crederetis (praedicationi illorum), semel Evangelium et ejusdem regulae doctrinam apostolis meis delegaveram, puta litterarum monumentis consignandam, et deponendam in ecclesia mea. Sed libuit mihi postea aliqua inde mutare, nempe ut post ab illis haereseon auctoribus fuit factitatum. Sic integra omnia. » Haec Junius, quibus tamen haud assentior. Sin vero vetus sententiarum ordo revocari debeat, aeque tamen scribendum foret, sed cum vos crederetis. ROUTH.

"But since you did not believe." Anyone who weighs the author's sense well will think the negative particle should be removed. Further, it should be noted that these words were placed in the oldest editions after the word "mandaveram," and that Junius disliked the transposition of them that was made later. For he writes thus: "Those who transpose the author's words here are mistaken. Following the first edition and the agreement of the manuscripts, I think it should be read thus: 'I had commanded my learners, that is, my disciples, to preach the same things to you (namely by the living voice only); but since you did not believe (their preaching), I had once for all delegated to my apostles the Gospel and the doctrine of the same rule,' to be sealed, that is, in written records and deposited in my church. 'But it pleased me afterwards to change some things in it,' namely as was later done by those authors of heresies. So everything is sound." So Junius, with whom, however, I do not agree. But if the old order of the sentences ought to be restored, it would still have to be written "but since you believed." ROUTH.

(printed under page 41)

(20) ‹mutare› · call in col 73

Mutare. Ironice dictum intelligas. EDD.

"To change." Understand it as said ironically. EDITORS.

(printed under page 41)

(21) ‹periculum non cavent› · call in col 73

Qui exorbitant, et fidei veritatis periculum non cavent. Legendum putabat Junius fide, non fidei; exstatque in ipsa hujus libelli clausula, quam post Junii tempora Rigaltius adjecit, locutio in fide veritatis. Porro scribit S. Paulus ἐν ἁγιασμῷ πνεύματος, καὶ πίστει ἀληθείας, II Thess. II, 13. Quapropter locum ita refingo, qui exorbitantes fide veritatis, periculum non cavent. Caeterum illud, capit opinari, pro eo quod est, potest fieri, ut talia opinentur, qui exorbitantes, etc., more Tertulliani est positum. ROUTH.

"Who go off the track and do not beware the danger to the faith of truth." Junius thought "fide," not "fidei," should be read; and in the very close of this little book, which Rigaltius added after Junius's time, the expression "in fide veritatis" occurs. Further, St Paul writes "in sanctification of the Spirit and belief of the truth," 2 Thess. 2:13. So I recast the passage thus: "who, going off the track from the faith of truth, do not beware the danger." For the rest, "capit opinari" (it may be that they think), for "potest fieri, ut talia opinentur, qui exorbitantes," etc., is put in Tertullian's manner. ROUTH.

(printed under page 41)

(22) ‹haereses› · call in col 74

Sed nunc generaliter actum est adversus omnes haereses. Ipse libro de Carne Christi: « Sed plenius hujusmodi praescriptionibus adversus omues haereses alibi jam usi sumus. » EDD.

"But now we have dealt in general against all heresies." He himself in the book On the Flesh of Christ: "But we have already used prescriptions of this kind more fully against all heresies elsewhere." EDITORS.

(printed under page 41)

(23) ‹praescriptionibus› · call in col 74

Et necessariis praescriptionibus. Necessarias praescriptiones dicit, quia secundum eas necesse est judici quoscumque agere volentes repellere. RIG.

"And by necessary prescriptions." He calls them necessary prescriptions because, according to them, the judge must reject whoever wishes to bring an action. RIGALTIUS.

(printed under page 41)

(24) ‹respondebimus› · call in col 74

Etiam specialiter quibusdam respondebimus. Hoc vero praestitit libris adversus Marcionem, adversus Valentinianos, adversus Praxeam, etc.; miuime autem sequenti opusculo; nam eo tantum indicantur haereses, non confutantur. RIG.

"We shall also answer certain of them specially." This he did in the books Against Marcion, Against the Valentinians, Against Praxeas, etc.; but not at all in the following little work, for in it the heresies are only listed, not refuted. RIGALTIUS.

(printed under page 41)

(25) ‹ci...› · call in col 74

Haec in fide veritatis, etc. Voces usque ad ultimum verbum Explicit primus addidit Rigaltius in editione sua librorum novem Tertulliani. Hae vero ideo omissae esse in multis codicibus videntur, ut melius cum hoc opere cohaereret libellus, de quo illico dicturi sumus. In clausula autem ista: « Haec in fide veritatis ci..... legentibus pax et gratia Domini nostri Jesu Christi in aeternum » lacuna hoc vel alio quodam modo supplenda est, citra cavillationem legentibus. ROUTH.

"These things in the faith of truth," etc. Rigaltius was the first to add the words up to the last word, "Explicit," in his edition of nine books of Tertullian. They seem to have been omitted in many manuscripts so that the little book of which we are about to speak might cohere better with this work. In that closing clause, "These things in the faith of truth ci..... to those who read, peace and the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ for ever," the gap is to be filled in this or some other way: "without cavilling, to those who read." ROUTH.

(printed under page 41)

Page

  • running head: 73 LIBER DE PRAESCRIPTIONIBUS. (page head spans cols 73–74; foot of page: PATROL. II.)
  • marginal letters: A ‹periclitabuntur, respondente Domino›; B ‹bitant, et fidei veritatis›; C ‹tiva cuivis sensum auctoris›; D ‹(20) Mutare. Ironice dictum›
  • old-edition numerals: 60 after ‹Praenuntiaveram›
  • other: Q1b: in (22) the page prints "omues" for omnes; kept as printed. In (26) "de Prescriptione" (no ae) is as printed.
  • other: Q3: misprints kept as printed: (22) "omues" for omnes; (24) "miuime" for minime (as the part c74_a also sets it). VL 32 "crederetur" for crederetis, as printed.
  • other: Q1b: the part c73_a also sets the Variae lectiones and the Commentarius in layer 1 (as the fresh column 41 does); the unit rule keeps the foot apparatus with these notes. Left for the settle step.
PL 2:74
CAPUT XLV.
Chapter XLV.
Porro hoc institutum simul aggressus etiam specialiter, initio facto a judaismo, haereticos omnes ad sua usque tempora recenset, et in primis Dositheum, Sadducaeos, Pharisaeos.
Furthermore, having taken up this undertaking, he at the same time also reviews in particular, beginning from Judaism, all the heretics down to his own times, and first of all Dositheus, the Sadducees, the Pharisees.
Sed nunc quidem generaliter actum est a nobis adversus haereses omnes, certis et justis, et necessariis praescriptionibus repellendas a conlatione Scripturarum. De reliquo, si Dei gratia annuerit, etiam specialiter quibusdam respondebimus. Haec in fide veritatis ci... legentibus pax ex gratia Domini nostri Jesu Christi in aeternum.
But now, indeed, action has been taken by us in general against all heresies, that they are to be repelled, by sure and just and necessary prescriptions, from comparison of the Scriptures. For the rest, if the grace of God grants it, we shall also answer some of them in particular. To those who read these things in the faith of truth ci..., peace from the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ for ever.
CONTRA HAERETICOS EXPLICIT.
HERE ENDS [THE BOOK] AGAINST THE HERETICS.
Sequentia non leguntur in vetustissimo codice Agobardi.
What follows is not read in the most ancient codex of Agobard.
Quorum haereticorum, ut plura praeteream, pauca
Of which heretics, to pass over the greater number, a few
praescriptiones dicit, quia secundum eas necesse est judici quoscumque agere volentes repellere. RIG.
prescriptions, because according to them the judge must repel any who wish to bring an action. RIGALTIUS.
(24) Etiam specialiter quibusdam respondebimus. Hoc vero praestitit libris adversus Marcionem, adversus Valentinianos, adversus Praxeam, etc.; miuime autem sequenti opusculo; nam eo tantum indicantur haereses, non confutantur. RIG.
(24) We shall also answer some of them in particular. This indeed he performed in the books Against Marcion, Against the Valentinians, Against Praxeas, etc.; but not at all in the following little work; for in it the heresies are only pointed out, not refuted. RIGALTIUS.
Editors' notes and page, col. 74

Footnotes

(26) ‹CONTRA HAERETICOS EXPLICIT› · call in col 74

Contra haereticos explicit. In codice Agobardi nou ultra pergit liber de Praescriptione haereticor. neque ulla fit mentio sequentis opusculi quod incipit: Quorum haereticorum ut plura praeteream, etc. Et jacebit ἀκέφαλον, nisi dicimus sic a Tertulliano adnexum fuisse operi de Praescriptione haereticorum, ut eo absoluto, cum aliquis ascripsisset: Explicit de Praescriptione haereticorum, idem, quisquis ille fuerit, ejus aevi scriptor pro titulo sequentis opusculi subjecerit: Quorum haereticorum: daturus scilicet catalogum eorum quos generali praescriptione submovendos censeret, ac deinde incipiat opusculum: Taceo enim Judaismi haereticos: quod idcirco portio ac sequela praecedentis habeatur, proptereaque nullibi citatum ab auctore separatim reperiatur. Stylus certe non absimilis videtur Septimiano. In quibusdam vero exemplaribus praecedit librum de Praescriptione haereticorum. RIG. — Si, ut opinantur Allixius, Noesseltus, aliique, post Tertulliani lapsum compositus fuit hic liber De Praescriptione, hinc sane duo isti tractatus diversos auctores habeant omnino necesse est. Haud pauca enim contra Montani haeresim in subsequentis opusculi cap. penult. afferuntur. Rem vero aliter se habere circa compositionem, quam crepant, libri de Prescriptione post Tertulliani lapsum, supra exposui; porro scriptum fuisse iisdem fere temporibus utrumque librum, omnes, quod sciam, consentiunt. At vero, etsi egregium et probabile opus est catalogus iste haereticorum, Adversus omnes Haereses appellatus, multaque in se bonae frugis, nequaquam alibi reperta, continet; ac praeterea ab (continues)

"Against the heretics: here ends." In Agobard's manuscript the book On the Prescription of Heretics goes no further, and no mention is made of the following little work, which begins: "Of which heretics, to pass over more," etc. And it will lie headless, unless we say that it was attached by Tertullian to the work On the Prescription of Heretics in such a way that, when that was finished and someone had written "Here ends On the Prescription of Heretics," the same person, whoever he was, a writer of that age, set beneath as the title of the following little work "Of which heretics," intending, that is, to give a catalogue of those whom he judged should be removed by the general prescription; and then the little work begins: "For I pass over the heretics of Judaism"; which is therefore to be regarded as a portion and sequel of the preceding, and for that reason is nowhere found cited separately by the author. The style certainly seems not unlike Septimius's. In some copies, however, it comes before the book On the Prescription of Heretics. RIGALTIUS. — If, as Allix, Nösselt and others think, this book On Prescription was composed after Tertullian's lapse, then indeed these two treatises must certainly have different authors. For not a few things are brought against the heresy of Montanus in the penultimate chapter of the following little work. But I have explained above that the facts about the composition of the book On Prescription after Tertullian's lapse are otherwise than they loudly claim; moreover all agree, so far as I know, that both books were written at about the same time. But although this catalogue of heretics, entitled Against All Heresies, is an excellent and commendable work, and contains much good fruit found nowhere else; and moreover (continues)

(printed under page 41)

Page

  • running head: LIBER DE PRAESCRIPTIONIBUS. 74 (page head spans cols 73–74; page signature 3 at foot)
  • marginal letters: A ‹CAPUT XLV.›; B ‹61 Sequentia non leguntur›; C ‹ut melius cum hoc opere›; D ‹reperiatur. Stylus certe›
  • old-edition numerals: 61 before ‹Sequentia›
  • other: Q3: misprints kept as printed: text "pax ex gratia" (the Commentarius (25) quotes "pax et gratia"); (24) in the part "miuime" for minime; (26) "nou" for non, "de Prescriptione" (no ae).
PL 2:75
perstringam. Taceo enim Judaismi haereticos, Dositheum, inquam, Samaritanum qui primus ausus est prophetas, quasi non in Spiritu sancto locutos, repudiare. Taceo Sadduccaeos, qui ex hujus erroris radice surgentes, ausi sunt ad hanc haeresim etiam resurrectionem carnis negare. Praetermitto Pharisaeos, qui additamenta quaedam legi astruendo a Judaeis divisi sunt: unde etiam hoc accipere ipsum quod habent nomen, digni fuerunt: cum his etiam Herodianos, qui Christum Herodem esse dixerunt.
I shall touch upon. For I pass over the heretics of Judaism: Dositheus, I mean, the Samaritan, who was the first to dare to reject the prophets, as though they had not spoken in the Holy Spirit. I pass over the Sadducees, who, springing up from the root of this error, dared in addition to this heresy to deny even the resurrection of the flesh. I omit the Pharisees, who, by building certain additions on to the law, were divided from the Jews: whence they also deserved to receive this very name which they have; and with them also the Herodians, who said that Christ was Herod.
CAPUT XLVI.
Chapter XLVI.
Deinde eos recenset, qui ex Evangelio haeretici esse voluerunt, Simonem Magum, Menandrum, Saturninum, Basilidem, Nicolaum.
Next he reviews those who chose to be heretics from the Gospel: Simon Magus, Menander, Saturninus, Basilides, Nicolaus.
Ad eos me converto qui ex Evangelio haeretici esse voluerunt: ex quibus est primus omnium Simon Magus, qui in Actis apostolorum condignam meruit ab apostolo Petro justamque sententiam. Hic ausus est summam se dicere virtutem, id est summum Deum, mundum autem ab angelis
I turn to those who chose to be heretics from the Gospel: of whom the first of all is Simon Magus, who in the Acts of the Apostles earned a fitting and just sentence from the apostle Peter. He dared to call himself the Supreme Power, that is, the supreme God, but the world by angels
Editors' notes and page, col. 75

Footnotes

(26) (continued) ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call on previous page

Hieronymo, ut indicabit Rigaltius, adductus est; imo fortasse Tertulliano ipsi ab Optato in lib. primo De Schismate Donatistarum attributus: haud satis tamen convenire idem videtur cum opere a Tertulliano supra promisso, in quo singulis haeresibus se responsurum esse ait; nec vim salesque orationis Septimianae satis assequitur. Certe pars hujus libelli De Praescriptione non est; neque a Lupo aut Thomasio, qui post Rigaltii tempora hunc de Praescriptione ediderunt, libris suis conclusus est. ROUTH.

it was cited by Jerome, as Rigaltius will point out; indeed it was perhaps attributed to Tertullian himself by Optatus in the first book On the Schism of the Donatists; yet it does not seem to agree well enough with the work Tertullian promised above, in which he says he will answer the heresies one by one; nor does it attain the force and wit of Septimius's style. Certainly it is not part of this book On Prescription; nor was it included in their books by Lupus or Thomasius, who published this On Prescription after Rigaltius's time. ROUTH.

(printed under page 42)

(27) ‹Judaismi haereticos› · call in col 75

Taceo enim judaismi haereticos. Haec legerat Hieronymus, cum adversus Luciferianos agens, « Taceo, inquit, de judaismi haereticis, qui ante adventum Christi legem traditam dissiparant, quod Dositheus Samaritanorum princeps prophetas repudiavit, » etc. RIG.

"For I pass over the heretics of Judaism." Jerome had read this when, arguing against the Luciferians, he says: "I pass over the heretics of Judaism, who before the coming of Christ had scattered the law handed down, in that Dositheus, chief of the Samaritans, rejected the prophets," etc. RIGALTIUS.

(printed under page 42)

(28) ‹Ad eos me converto› · call in col 75

Ad eos me converto. Hieronymus, eod.: « Ad eos venio haereticos, qui Evangelia laniaverunt. » RIG. Ad eos me converto, etc. Aggreditur jam ad dicendum de haereticis, qui a Christo nato exstiterunt, quique insaniae suae argumenta posterioribus haereticis reliquerunt. LE PR.

"I turn to those." Jerome, in the same place: "I come to those heretics who have mangled the Gospels." RIGALTIUS.

(printed under page 42)

(29) ‹Simon Magus› · call in col 75

Ex quibus est primus omnium Simon Magus. Primum omnium numerat Simonem Magum cum Irenaeo, Epiphanio, etc.

"Of whom the first of all is Simon Magus." He counts Simon Magus first of all, with Irenaeus, Epiphanius, etc.

(printed under page 42)

(30) ‹apud Judaeos› · call in col 76

A daemone se oberrante quid esset sapientia descendisse quaerendum apud Judaeos. Haec sunt corruptissima, nec juvant manuscripti. Legendum tamen videtur: « Ad oves aberrantes se, qui esset sapientia, descendisse quaerendum. Apud Judaeos se in phantasmate, » etc. Hieronymus, Indiculo haeres.: » Ideoque se descendisse inquit, ut ovem salvaret perditam. Christum apud Judaeos non esse passum. » RIG.

"From a straying demon, that what wisdom was had come down to be sought among the Jews." These words are utterly corrupt, and the manuscripts do not help. Yet it seems one should read: "That he, who was wisdom, had come down to the straying sheep to seek. Among the Jews he [suffered] in phantom," etc. Jerome, Little Index of Heresies: "And therefore he says he came down to save the lost sheep; that Christ did not suffer among the Jews." RIGALTIUS.

(printed under page 42)

(31) ‹non passum› · call in col 76

Se in phantasmate Dei non passum. Fortasse Deum reponendum, cum hoc interpretamento: se modo imaginario, vel putativo, ut loquitur Tertullianus, « non passum, sed esse quasi passum, Deus cum fuerit. » ROUTH.

"That he, in the phantom of God, did not suffer." Perhaps "Deum" should be restored, with this interpretation: that he, in an imaginary or putative way, as Tertullian says, "did not suffer, but was as it were suffering, since he was God." ROUTH.

(printed under page 42)

Page

  • running head: 75 TERTULLIANI OPERUM
  • marginal letters: A perstringam. Taceo enim Judaismi; B tici esse voluerunt (in the text); C tulliano supra promisso (in the commentary); D haereticis reliquerunt (in the commentary)
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
  • misprints kept as printed: Sadduccaeos (for Sadducaeos)
PL 2:76
suis institutum, a daemone se oberrante, quid esset sapientia, descendisse quaerendum apud Judaeos, se in phantasmate Dei non passum, sed esse quasi passum. Post hunc Menander discipulus ipsius, similiter magus, eadem dicens quae Simon ipse: quidquid se Simon dixerat, hoc se Menander esse dicebat, negans habere posse quemquam salutem, nisi in nomine suo baptizatus fuisset. Secutus est post haec et Saturninus, et hic similiter di⟨c⟩ens, innascibilem virtutem, id est Deum, in summis et illis infinitis partibus et in superioribus manere, longe aut⟨e⟩m distantes ab hoc angelos inferiorem mundum fecisse: et quia splendor quidam luminis desursum in inferioribus refulsisset, ad similitudinem illam superiorem propter illius luminis angelos hominem instituere, angelos curasse: hunc super terram jacuisse reptantem: cujus lumen illud et virtutem misericordiam, scintillam salvam esse, caetera hominis perire. Christum
of his own was set up; that, while the demon was wandering, he had descended to the Jews to seek what wisdom was; that in the phantasm of God he had not suffered, but was as it were suffering. After him came Menander, his disciple, likewise a magician, saying the same things as Simon himself: whatever Simon had said that he was, this Menander said that he himself was, denying that anyone could have salvation unless he had been baptized in his name. After these there followed also Saturninus, he too saying likewise that the unbegettable power, that is, God, abides in the highest and those infinite regions and in the upper ones, but that angels far distant from Him made the lower world; and because a certain splendour of light from above had shone forth in the lower regions, the angels formed man after that higher likeness on account of that light, [and] the angels took care [of him]; that he lay upon the earth, crawling; that of him that light and power, mercy, the spark, is saved, while the rest of the man perishes. Christ
Editors' notes and page, col. 76

Variae lectiones

35 ‹se oberrante› · call in col 76 Aberrante Paris. ad daemonem suum errantem Jun. ad Ennoeam se aberrantem, quae (pro quid) Seml. ex Irenaei I, 23.

"Aberrante": the Paris edition; "ad daemonem suum errantem": Junius; "ad Ennoeam se aberrantem, quae" ("quae" for "quid"): Semler, from Irenaeus I, 23.

36 ‹innascibilem› · call in col 76 Innobilem, Jun. in summis illis et, Jud.

"Innobilem": Junius; "in summis illis et": Jud. [so printed].

37 ‹et illis› · call in col 76 Illis et Jun.

"Illis et": Junius.

38 ‹inferiorem› · call in col 76 Inferiores Seml.

"Inferiores": Semler.

39 ‹propter illius luminis› · call in col 76 Similitudinem illius luminis, et nihil intermedium, Seml.

"Similitudinem illius luminis," with nothing in between: Semler.

40 ‹virtutem misericordiam› · call in col 76 Verba modo neglecta hic inserit Semler eo modo: virtutem illam superiorem propter miser. Junius vero sic habet: cui lumen illud et virtutem illam superiorem propter misericordiam vitae scintillam immisisse; hanc scintillam salvam esse; caeterum hominis perire.

Semler inserts here the words just omitted, thus: "virtutem illam superiorem propter miser[icordiam]." Junius has it thus: "on whom that light and that higher power out of mercy had sent a spark of life; that this spark is saved; the rest of the man perishes."

41 ‹caetera› · call in col 76 Caeteram Rhen.

"Caeteram": Rhenanus.

Commentarius

(printed under page 42)

(32) ‹mundum fecisse› · call in col 76

Angelos inferiores mundum fecisse. Posuit in edit. sua pro veteri scriptura inferiorem Rigaltius. Cum vero postea, in cap. 3, « angelos inferiores hominem finxisse » scribat hic auctor, lectionem alteram revocavi. Habes infra, « in ultimis quidem angelis, et qui hunc fecerunt mundum; » atque initio cap. 4, « angelos atque virtutes, quos distantes longe a superioribus virtutibus mundum istum in inferioribus partibus condidisse » dicit. Attamen in cap. 7, mentio est mundi superioris atque inferioris. Supra Junius conjecit emendandum, « in summis illis et infinitis partibus, pro, in summis et illis infinitis, » sed fortasse nihil mutandum est. ROUTH.

"That lower angels made the world." Rigaltius put "inferiorem" in his edition in place of the old reading. But since this author later, in ch. 3, writes that "lower angels formed man," I have restored the other reading. You have below "among the last angels, and those who made this world"; and at the beginning of ch. 4 he says that "the angels and powers, far removed from the higher powers, founded this world in the lower parts." Yet in ch. 7 there is mention of a higher and a lower world. Above, Junius conjectured an emendation, "in summis illis et infinitis partibus" for "in summis et illis infinitis," but perhaps nothing should be changed. ROUTH.

(printed under page 42)

(33) ‹illius luminis› · call in col 76

Ad similitudinem illius luminis. Post similitudinem interposuit has voces Rigaltius, illam superiorem propter, quas quidem, ut ex sequentibus perperam huc translatas, expungendas jussi. Dein vox angelos male repetita fuisse videtur, prout Rhenanus jam adnotaverat, et post eum Wouwerius in Emendationibus Epidict. Fine opusculi simile quid huic clausulae habes, quam Victorinus corroborare curavit. ROUTH.

"To the likeness of that light." After "similitudinem" Rigaltius inserted the words "illam superiorem propter," which I have ordered struck out as wrongly transferred here from what follows. Then the word "angelos" seems to have been wrongly repeated, as Rhenanus had already noted, and after him Wouwer in his Emendationes Epidicticae. At the end of the little work you have something like this clause, which Victorinus took care to confirm. ROUTH.

(printed under page 42)

(34) ‹salvam esse› · call in col 76

Cujus lumen illud, et virtutem illam superiorem propter misericordiam, scintillam salvam esse. Sic editt. ante Rigaltium, qui quidem voces illam superiorem propter omisit. Sed locum mancum et corruptum Junius hoc modo supplevit, atque emendavit: Cui « lumen illud et virtutem illam superiorem propter misericordiam » vitae scintillam immisisse; hanc « scintillam salvam esse. » Convenit haec emendatio tam cum iis, quae in cap. 3 sequuntur, quam cum Tertulliano in lib. de Anima cap. 23, atque Irenaeo lib. I, Contra haereses, cap. 22, ubi de Saturnini scitis agitur. Interea a Junio locum praeclare emendante rectius, ni fallor, positum fuisse scintillam vitae, quam vitae scintillam, siquidem propter τὸ ὁμοιοτέλευτον, seu vocis scintillae repetitionem, omissio vocum interjectarum contigisse videatur. Dixi, similia exstare in capite proxime sequente. ROUTH.

"Whose that light, and that higher power out of mercy, the spark is saved." So the editions before Rigaltius, who omitted the words "illam superiorem propter." But Junius supplied and emended the defective and corrupt passage thus: that "that light and that higher power out of mercy" sent into him a spark of life; that this "spark is saved." This emendation agrees both with what follows in ch. 3 and with Tertullian in the book On the Soul, ch. 23, and Irenaeus, book I Against Heresies, ch. 22, where Saturninus's tenets are treated. Meanwhile, Junius, though he emended the passage admirably, would more rightly, unless I am mistaken, have put "scintillam vitae" than "vitae scintillam," since it seems that the omission of the intervening words happened because of the like ending, that is, the repetition of the word "scintilla." I have said that similar things occur in the next chapter. ROUTH.

(printed under page 42)

Page

  • running head: ...LIANI OPERUM PARS II. 76
  • marginal letters: A suis institutum, a daemone; B dinem illam superiorem propter; C angelis, et qui hunc fecerunt mundum (commentary); D borare curavit. Routh. (commentary)
  • old-edition numerals: 62 after innascibilem
PL 2:77
in substantia corporis non fuisse, et phantasmate tantum quasi passum fuisse; resurrectionem carnis nullo modo futuram esse. Postea Basilides haereticus erupit : hic esse dicit summum Deum nomine Abraxan, ex quo mentem creatam, quam Graece ΝΟΥΝ appellat. Inde Verbum. Ex illo providentiam ex providentia virtutem et sapientiam : ex ipsis inde principatus, et potestates, et angelos factos, deinde infinitas angelorum editiones et probolas : ab istis angelis trecentos sexaginta quinque coelos institutos, et mundum in honore Abraxae, cujus nomen hunc in se habebat numerum computatum. In ultimis quidem angelis, et qui nunc fecerunt mundum, novissimum ponit Judaeorum Deum, id est Deum legis et prophetarum; quem Deum negat, sed angelum dicit. Huic sortito obtigisse semen Abrahae, atque ideo hunc de terra Aegypti filios Israel in terram Chanaan transtulisse. Hunc turbulentiorem prae caeteris angelis, atque ideo et seditiones frequenter et bella concutere, sed et humanum sanguinem fundere. Christum autem, non ab hoc qui fecerit mundum, sed ab illo Abraxa missum venisso in phantasmate : sine
had not been in the substance of a body, and had suffered only in semblance, as it were, by a phantasm; and that the resurrection of the flesh would by no means take place. After this Basilides the heretic broke out: he says that there is a supreme God named Abraxas, from whom Mind was created, which he calls in Greek Nous. From that came the Word; from Him Providence; from Providence, Power and Wisdom; from these in turn Principalities and Powers and angels were made; then infinite issues and emanations of angels; by these angels three hundred and sixty-five heavens were established, and the world in honour of Abraxas, whose name, when computed, held this number in itself. Among the last of the angels, indeed, and those who made the world, he places last of all the God of the Jews, that is, the God of the Law and the Prophets; Whom he denies to be God, but calls an angel. To him, he says, the seed of Abraham fell by lot, and for that reason he carried the children of Israel over from the land of Egypt into the land of Canaan. He says that this one is more turbulent than the other angels, and therefore both frequently stirs up seditions and wars, and also sheds human blood. Christ, however, [he says] came not sent by this one who made the world, but by that Abraxas, in a phantasm: without
Editors' notes and page, col. 77

Variae lectiones

42 ‹seditiones frequenter› · call in col 77 Frequentare suspicatur Semler.

Semler suspects "frequentare".

43 ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible Aliter Jun.

"Aliter": Junius.

44 ‹turpitudinis natos› · call in col 78 Sunt et caetera obscena. Omnes enim refert quosdam turpitudinis notas Seml. Pro aeones vel omnes Latin. legit communes.

"Sunt et caetera obscena. Omnes enim refert quosdam turpitudinis notas": Semler. For "aeones" or "omnes," Latinius reads "communes".

45 ‹alia satis› · call in col 78 Satis tollit Jun.

Junius removes "satis".

46 ‹Satis est› · call in col 78 Si etiam praeterimus, satis proponit Semler.

Semler proposes "si etiam praeterimus, satis".

Commentarius

(printed under page 43)

(35) ‹prae caeteris angelis› · call in col 77

Hunc turbulentiorem prae caeteris. Indiculus Hieronymi: « Hic angelus protervitate sua exaltavit se supra caeteros angelos. » RIG.

"This one more turbulent than the rest." Jerome's Little Index: "This angel by his insolence exalted himself above the other angels." RIGALTIUS.

(printed under page 43)

(36) ‹frequenter› · call in col 77

Frequenter. An frequentare? SEMLER. — Alioquin adverbium cum concutere construendum foret. Sed fortasse scribendum, et seditione res frequenter et bello concutere, pro et seditiones frequenter et bella concutere. ROUTH.

"Frequently." Perhaps "frequentare"? SEMLER. — Otherwise the adverb would have to be construed with "concutere." But perhaps one should write "et seditione res frequenter et bello concutere" ("and frequently to shake things with sedition and war") for "et seditiones frequenter et bella concutere." ROUTH.

(printed under page 43)

(37) ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible

Ne quis confiteatur in Simonem credidisse. Forte reponendum, conficiatur h. e. colligatur, vel, concludatur. ROUTH.

"Lest anyone confess that he believed in Simon." Perhaps "conficiatur" should be restored, that is, "be inferred" or "be concluded." ROUTH.

(printed under page 43)

(38) ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible

Hic de septem diaconis. Nicolaitarum haeresis hic attingitur, cujus praecipuum dogma erat, quod matrimonium institutum esset mere humanum, nec conscientias obligaret, atque etiam quod vesci liceret immolatitiis sine ullo discrimine. Illi autem haeretici significantur Act. XX, his verbis, λαλοῦντες διεστραμμένα. Auctorem hujus dogmatis faciunt Nicolaum, unum e septem diaconis, Tertullianus hoc in loco, sanctus Epiph. haer. 25; Clemens Alex. Stromat. II et III; sanctus Hieronymus, Epist. de Fabiano, et ad Ctesiphontem; Eusebius, lib. III; Philastrius Brixiensis, lib. de Haer.; Theodoretus, Haeret. Fab. lib. III; August., haer. 5, et alii innumeri. Post tantam vero sanctorum Patrum consensionem hac in materia, nescio an dubitandi locus superesse possit; facit tamen sanctus Ignatius ut hic dubius haeream, credamque auctorem illius sectae fortasse non fuisse Nicolaum diaconum. Ignatius enim, Epist. ad Trallianos: Φεύγετε καὶ τοὺς ἀκαθάρτους Νικολαΐτας, τοὺς ψευδωνύμους: « Fugite quoque impuros Nicolaitas falsum nomen usurpantes. » Adde plerosque illorum Patrum dubitanter loqui de Nicolao illo, in quem facile fuit illud rejicere, propter vitae sordes et mores corruptissimos. LE PR.

"This one, of the seven deacons." The heresy of the Nicolaitans is touched on here, whose chief dogma was that marriage was a merely human institution and did not bind consciences, and also that it was lawful to eat things sacrificed to idols without any distinction. These heretics are meant in Acts 20 by these words, "speaking perverse things." Tertullian in this place makes Nicolas, one of the seven deacons, the author of this dogma; so do St Epiphanius, heresy 25; Clement of Alexandria, Stromata II and III; St Jerome, Letter on Fabianus, and to Ctesiphon; Eusebius, book III; Philastrius of Brescia, book On Heresies; Theodoret, Compendium of Heretical Fables, book III; Augustine, heresy 5; and countless others. After such great agreement of the holy Fathers on this matter, I do not know whether any room for doubt can remain; yet St Ignatius makes me hesitate here and believe that perhaps the deacon Nicolas was not the author of that sect. For Ignatius, Letter to the Trallians: "Flee also the impure Nicolaitans, falsely so called": "Flee also the impure Nicolaitans who usurp a false name." Add that most of those Fathers speak doubtfully of that Nicolas, on whom it was easy to throw the blame because of the filth of his life and his most corrupt morals. LE PRIEUR.

(printed under page 43)

Page

  • running head: LIBER DE PRÆSCRIPTIO[…] (cut off at the image edge; the E's look worn, printing like LIBBR DB), with column number 77 at left
  • marginal letters: A in substantia corporis non fuisse; B negat, sed angelum dicit; C Alioquin adverbium cum concutere (commentary); D Alex. Stromat. II et III (commentary)
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
  • misprints kept as printed: venisso (for venisse)
PL 2:78
substantia carnis fuisse: hunc passum a Judaeis non esse, sed vice ipsius Simonem crucifixum esse; unde nec in eum credendum esse qui sit crucifixus, ne quis confiteatur in Simonem credidisse. Mar⟨t⟩yria negat esse facienda. Carnis resurrectionem graviter impugnat, negans salutem corporibus repromissam. Alter haereticus Nicolaus emersit; hic de septem diaconis, qui in Actis apostolorum allecti sunt, fuit. Hic dicit tenebras in concupiscentia luminis, et quidem foeda et obscena, fuisse: ex hac permistione pudor est dicere quae foetida et immunda sunt.
substance of flesh: that He was not made to suffer by the Jews, but that in His stead Simon was crucified; hence one must not believe in him who was crucified, lest anyone confess that he has believed in Simon. He says that martyrdoms are not to be undergone. He vehemently attacks the resurrection of the flesh, denying that salvation was promised to bodies. Another heretic, Nicolaus, emerged; he was one of the seven deacons who were chosen in the Acts of the Apostles. He says that darkness was in a desire for light, and that a foul and obscene one: from this mingling it is shameful to tell what things are fetid and unclean.
Aeone⟨s⟩ enim refert quosdam turpitudinis natos, et complexus, et permistiones exsecrabiles, obscenasque conjunctas, et quaedam ex ipsis adhuc turpiora: natos praeterea daemones, et deos, et spiritus septem, et alia satis sacrilega pariter et foeda: quae referre erubescimus, et jam praeterimus. Satis est nobis quod totam istam haeresim Nicolaitarum Apocalypsis Domini gravissima sententiae auctoritate damnavit, dicendo: Quia hoc tenes, odisti doctrinam Nicolaitarum, quam et ego odi.
For he relates that certain Aeons were born of shamefulness, and embraces, and execrable minglings, and obscene couplings, and certain things more shameful still from these: that moreover demons were born, and gods, and seven spirits, and other things thoroughly sacrilegious and equally foul: which we blush to relate, and now pass over. It is enough for us that the Apocalypse of the Lord, with the most weighty authority of its sentence, condemned this whole heresy of the Nicolaitans, saying: Because you hold this, you hate the doctrine of the Nicolaitans, which I also hate.
Editors' notes and page, col. 78

Footnotes

(39) ‹turpitudinis› · call in col 78

Aeones enim refert quosdam turpitudinis. Epiphanius, Καὶ ἐκ τούτου τοῦ αἰῶνος τοῦ αἰσχροῦ καὶ τῆς μήτρας γεγονέναι θεούς τε, καὶ τοὺς ἀγγέλους, καὶ δαίμονας: « Et ex hujus aeonis pudendis ortos esse deos et angelos et daemones. » Unde nuper monuit vir eruditiss. legendum, « Aeones enim refert quosdam turpitudinis natos, » etc. RIG.

"For he tells of certain aeons of shame." Epiphanius: "And that from this shameful aeon and the womb were born gods, and the angels, and demons": "and that from the private parts of this aeon arose gods and angels and demons." Hence a very learned man recently pointed out that one should read: "For he tells of certain aeons born of shame," etc. RIGALTIUS.

(printed under page 43)

(40) ‹natos› · call in col 78

Ex hac permistione, pudor est dicere quae foeda et immunda sunt et caetera obscena; omnes enim refert quosdam turpitudinis natos, etc. Ita se habet edit. princeps. In edit. Rhenani ult. Paris. utraque et Franek, sunt cum sequentibus positum est. In hunc autem modum locum repraesentavit Rigaltius: « Ex hac permistione pudor est dicere quae foeda et immunda sunt. Homines enim refert quosdam turpitudinis natos. » Cum vero omnia haec et plura post voces ex hac permistione usque ad illas, natos praeterea daemones, παρενθετικῶς collocata videantur, totum locum velim ita refingere, atque distinguere: « Ex hac permistione (pudor est dicere, quae foeda et immunda. Sunt et caetera obscena; omne enim refert quasdam turpitudinis notas, et complexus, et permistiones exsecrabiles, obscenasque conjunctas (hoc est conjunctiones), et quaedam ex ipsis adhuc turpiora, natos praeterea daemones et deos, » etc. Hoc mihi quidem placet. Sed Rigaltius, qui ipse homines pro omnes posuit, in notis suis refert, monuisse virum eruditissimum, legendum aeones, propter Epiphanium in Haeres. Scribere autem jusserat Latinus Latinius, communes pro omnes, quod probat Junius. Recte praestat, quasdam turpitudinis notas, editio Halensis, sed unde acceptum, nescio. ROUTH.

"From this commingling it is a shame to say what foul and unclean things there are, and the other obscenities; for he tells that all were born of certain [acts] of shame," etc. So the first edition reads. In Rhenanus's last edition, both Paris editions and the Franeker, "sunt" is placed with what follows. Rigaltius presented the passage thus: "From this commingling it is a shame to say what foul and unclean things there are. For he tells that certain men were born of shame." But since all this and more, from the words "from this commingling" to "besides, that demons were born," seem to be set in parenthesis, I would recast and punctuate the whole passage thus: "From this commingling (it is a shame to say what foul and unclean things. There are also other obscenities; for everything [in him] tells of certain marks of shame, and embraces, and execrable comminglings, and obscene conjunctions (that is, couplings), and some things still more shameful than these), besides that demons and gods were born," etc. This, at least, pleases me. But Rigaltius, who himself put "homines" for "omnes," reports in his notes that a very learned man advised reading "aeones," on account of Epiphanius in the Heresies. Latinus Latinius had directed that "communes" be written for "omnes," which Junius approves. The Halle edition rightly gives "quasdam turpitudinis notas," but from where it took it I do not know. ROUTH.

(printed under page 43)

(41) ‹obscenasque conjunctas› · call in col 78

Obscenasque conjunctas. Hoc est, conjunctiones. Hieronymus adversus Lucif. de hoc ipso haeretico: « Die noctuque nuptias faciens, obscenos et auditu quoque erubescendos coitus somniavit. » RIG.

"And obscene conjunctions." That is, couplings. Jerome against the Luciferians, on this very heretic: "Making marriages day and night, he dreamed of obscene couplings, shameful even to hear of." RIGALTIUS.

(printed under page 43)

(42) ‹sententiae auctoritate› · call in col 78

Gravissima sententiae auctoritate. An reponendum gravissimae? ROUTH.

"By the most weighty authority of the sentence." Should "gravissimae" be restored? ROUTH.

(printed under page 43)

(43) ‹doctrinam Nicolaitarum› · call in col 78

Quia hoc tenes, odisti doctrinam Nicol. Indiculus Hieronymi: « Spiritus autem sanctus haeresim appellans, dicit ad Ecclesiam: Sed hoc habes, quia odisti facta Nicolaitarum. » RIG.

"Because you hold this, you hate the teaching of the Nicolaitans." Jerome's Little Index: "But the Holy Spirit, calling it a heresy, says to the Church: But this you have, that you hate the deeds of the Nicolaitans." RIGALTIUS.

(printed under page 43)

Page

  • running head: [cut off at left edge] E PRÆSCRIPTIONIBUS. 78
  • marginal letters: A substantia carnis fuisse; B ipsis adhuc turpiora; C fœda et immunda sunt et cætera obscena (Commentarius); D conjunctiones), et quædam ex ipsis (Commentarius)
  • old-edition numerals: 63 after Simonem
PL 2:79
CAPUT LXVII.
Chapter LXVII.
Quibus adjungit Ophitas, Cainaeos, Sethoitas.
To these he adds the Ophites, the Cainites, the Sethites.
Accesserunt his haeretici etiam illi, qui Ophitae nuncupantur. Nam serpentem magnificant in tantum, ut illum etiam ipsi Christo praeferant. Ipse enim, inquiunt, scientiae nobis boni et mali originem dedit. Hujus animadvertens potentiam et majestatem Moyses, inquiunt, aereum posuit serpentem: et quicumque ipsum aspexerunt, sanitatem consecuti sunt. Ipse, aiunt praeterea, Christus in Evangelio suo imitatur serpentis ipsius sacram potestatem, dicendo: Et sicut Moyses exaltavit serpentem in deserto, ita exaltari oportet Filium hominis: ipsum introducunt ad benedicenda Eucharistia sua. Sed tota istius erroris et scena et doctrina inde fluxit. Dicunt enim de illo summo primario aeone complures alios aeones exstitisse inferiores; omnibus tamen istis aeonem antistare, cujus sit nomen Jaldabaoth. Hunc autem conceptum esse ex altero aeone aeonibus inferioribus permisto: seque postea, cum in superiora voluisset eniti, gravitate materiae permista sibi, non potuisse ad superiora
To these were added also those heretics who are called Ophites. For they magnify the serpent to such a degree that they prefer it even to Christ Himself. For it, they say, gave us the origin of the knowledge of good and evil. Perceiving its power and majesty, Moses, they say, set up a bronze serpent: and whoever looked upon it obtained health. Christ Himself, they say moreover, in His Gospel imitates the sacred power of this very serpent, in saying: And as Moses lifted up the serpent in the desert, so must the Son of Man be lifted up: they bring it in to bless their Eucharistic rites. But the whole stage and doctrine of this error flowed from that source. For they say that from that supreme primal aeon there came into being several other, lower aeons; but that above all these stands an aeon whose name is Jaldabaoth. And that he was conceived from another aeon mingled with the lower aeons: and that afterwards, when he had wished to struggle up into the higher regions, by the weight of the matter mingled with him he had not been able, to the higher regions,
Editors' notes and page, col. 79

Variae lectiones

47 ‹dicendo› · call in col 79 Docendo Semler.

"Docendo": Semler.

48 ‹Eucharistia sua› · call in col 79 Eucharistica Fran.

"Eucharistica": the Franeker edition.

49 ‹ad superiora› · call in col 79 Superna Seml., atque occlusisse superiora Jun.

"Superna": Semler; and "occlusisse superiora": Junius.

50 ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible Se addendum dicit Semler.

Semler says "se" should be added.

Commentarius

(printed under page 44)

(44) ‹imitatur› · call in col 79

Imitatur. Magis conveniret huic loco verbum intimat. ROUTH.

"Imitates." The word "intimat" (makes known) would suit this place better. ROUTH.

(printed under page 44)

(45) ‹Eucharistia sua› · call in col 79

Ipsum introducunt ad benedicenda Eucharistia sua. Atque ita etiam Indiculus Hieronymi: « Et ipse illis Eucharistia sanctificat. » RIG. — Mutandum censuit Pamelius Eucharistia in eucharistica, sed retenta pristina lectione ait Rigaltius: « Sic habet codex Divionensis. Atque ita etiam indiculus Haeres. Hieronymi (a Menardo editus). Et ipse illis eucharistia sanctificat. ROUTH.

"They bring him in to bless their Eucharists." And so too Jerome's Little Index: "And he sanctifies the Eucharists for them." RIGALTIUS. — Pamelius thought "Eucharistia" should be changed to "eucharistica," but Rigaltius, keeping the original reading, says: "So the Dijon manuscript has it. And so too Jerome's Little Index of Heresies (published by Ménard): 'And he sanctifies the Eucharists for them.'" ROUTH.

(printed under page 44)

(46) ‹nomen Jaldabaoth› · call in col 79

Cujus sit nomen Jaldabaoth. Vocabulum istud e Nicolaitarum penu depromptum est, de quo sic sanctus Epiphanius, haer. 25: Ἕτεροι δὲ τῶν προειρημένων Ἰαλδαβαὼθ δοξάζουσι, φάσκοντες, αὐτὸν εἶναι πρῶτον υἱὸν τῆς Βαρβηλὼ· καὶ διὰ τοῦτό φασι δεῖν ἄγειν αὐτῷ τὴν τιμήν, ὅτι πολλὰ ἀπεκάλυψεν. Ὅθεν καὶ βιβλία τινὰ ἐξ ὀνόματος τοῦ Ἰαλδαβαὼθ ποιητεύονται ἐκτυποῦντες: « Alii a praedictis Jaldabaoth potissimum venerantur, asserentes esse primogenitum Barbelonis, adeoque tribuendum ipsi honorem, ut aiunt, quoniam multa detexit; unde libros quosdam sub Jaldabaoth nomine circumferunt. » Plurima sunt ejusmodi spurcitiae vocabula a Nicolaitis conficta, quorum nonnulla apud sanctum Epiphanium referuntur. Sed violo te, pudor, cum in his diutius immoror. LE PR.

"Whose name is Ialdabaoth." This word is taken from the store of the Nicolaitans; of it St Epiphanius says, heresy 25: "Others of those already mentioned glorify Ialdabaoth, saying that he is the first son of Barbelo; and for this reason, they say, honour must be paid him, because he revealed many things. Hence they also fashion certain books in the name of Ialdabaoth": "Others of the aforesaid chiefly venerate Ialdabaoth, asserting that he is the firstborn of Barbelo, and that honour is therefore to be paid him, as they say, because he disclosed many things; hence they circulate certain books under the name of Ialdabaoth." There are very many words of this filthy kind invented by the Nicolaitans, some of which are reported by St Epiphanius. But I offend you, modesty, by dwelling on these longer. LE PRIEUR.

(printed under page 44)

(47) ‹gravitate materiae permista› · call in col 79

Gravitate materiae permista sibi. Legendum videtur permistae. ROUTH.

"By the weight of the matter mixed with him." It seems "permistae" should be read. ROUTH.

(printed under page 44)

(48) ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible

In medietate relictum extendisse totum, effecisse sic coelum. Sic editum est. Sed conjecit scribendum extendisse se Semlerus et ante eum Latinus Latinius, qui et recte censuit ponendum esse et fecisse pro effecisse. Fortasse igitur ita legendus est locus, in medietate vero relictum extendisse se totum, et fecisse sic coelum. ROUTH.

"Left in the middle, he stretched out the whole, and so produced the heaven." So it is printed. But Semler conjectured that "extendisse se" should be written, and before him Latinus Latinius, who also rightly judged that "et fecisse" should be put for "effecisse." Perhaps then the passage should be read: "but, left in the middle, he stretched himself out whole, and so made the heaven." ROUTH.

(printed under page 44)

(49) ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible

Quem occlusisse. Conjecerat legendum, atque occlusisse Junius. Malim queis vel quibus reponere. ID.

"Which he shut off." Junius had conjectured that "atque occlusisse" should be read. I would rather restore "queis" or "quibus." THE SAME (Routh).

(printed under page 44)

(50) ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible

Scintillam quamdam jacenti homini immisisse. Indiculus Hier.: « Itaque superna mater volens evacuare virtutem Jaldabaoth, operata est scintillam virtutis descendere in hominem, et continuo erexit eum, ut staret pedibus suis. » RIG.

"That he sent a certain spark into the man lying prostrate." Jerome's Little Index: "So the mother above, wishing to empty the power of Ialdabaoth, caused a spark of power to descend into the man, and at once raised him up so that he stood on his feet." RIGALTIUS.

(printed under page 44)

Page

  • running head: 79 TERTULLIANI OPERUM (cut off at the right edge)
  • marginal letters: A CAPUT LXVII. (letter stands in the gutter at the head of the right column); B et scena et doctrina inde fluxit; C (45) Ipsum introducunt ad benedicenda (commentary); D nis, adeoque tribuendum ipsi (commentary)
  • old-edition numerals: 64 after ipsum
  • other: italic ligature in Cainaeos hard to distinguish (ae vs oe), set ae, unsure; column ends mid-sentence at "ad superiora" (continues in next column); headings "Variae lectiones" and "Commentarius" appear to be full-width lines cut off at the edge, not set; editors' variae lectiones (Semler, Fran.) and commentary notes (44)-(50) by Routh, Rigaltius, Le Prieur, Junius seen, not set; running head cut off at right edge
PL 2:80
pervenire, in medietate relictum, extendisse totum, effecisse sic coelum. Jaldabaoth tamen inferius descendisse, et fecisse sibi filios septem: quem occlusisse superiora dilatatione; ut quia angeli, quae superiora essent, scire non possent, ipsum solum Deum putarent. Virtutes igitur illas et angelos inferiores hominem fecisse: et quia ab infirmioribus et mediocribus virtutibus institutus esset, quasi vermem jacuisse reptantem. Illum vero aeonem ex quo Jaldabaoth processisset, invidia commotum, scintillam quamdam jacenti homini immisisse qua excitatus per prudentiam saperet, et intelligere posset superiora. Sic rursum Jaldabaoth istum in indignationem conversum ex semetipso edidisse virtutem et similitudinem serpentis: et hanc fuisse virtutem in paradiso, id est, istum fuisse serpentem, cui Eva quasi Filio Dei crediderat. Decerpsit, inquiunt, de fructu arboris, atque ideo generi humano scientiam bonorum et malorum contribuit. Christum autem non in substantia carnis fuisse, salutem carnis sperandam omnino non esse. Necnon etiam erupit alia quoque haeresis, quae dicitur Cainaeorum. Et
to make his way; left in the middle, he had stretched out the whole, and had thus made the heaven. Jaldabaoth, however, had descended lower and had made for himself seven sons; and he had shut off what was above by an expansion, so that, since the angels could not know the things that were above, they would think him alone to be God. Those powers, then, and the inferior angels had made man; and because he had been fashioned by weaker and middling powers, he had lain crawling like a worm. But that aeon from which Jaldabaoth had proceeded, moved by envy, had sent a certain spark into the man as he lay, so that, roused by it, he might become wise through prudence and be able to understand the things above. Thus again Jaldabaoth, turned to indignation, had brought forth from himself a power and a likeness of a serpent; and this had been the power in paradise, that is, this had been the serpent whom Eve had believed as though he were the Son of God. He plucked, they say, from the fruit of the tree, and thereby imparted to the human race the knowledge of good and evil. They say, moreover, that Christ was not in the substance of flesh, and that the salvation of the flesh is not to be hoped for at all. Moreover, there also broke out another heresy, which is called that of the Cainites. And
Editors' notes and page, col. 80

Footnotes

(51) ‹similitudinem serpentis› · call in col 80

Et similitudinem serpentis. Forte legendum, ad similitudinem serpentis. ROUTH.

"And the likeness of a serpent." Perhaps "in the likeness of a serpent" should be read. ROUTH.

(printed under page 44)

(52) ‹dicitur Cainaeorum› · call in col 80

Quae dicitur Cainaeorum. Certe etiam istos Caianos vocant Philastrius, Epiphanius, Augustinus ac Damascenus. Denique Hieronymus, adv. Lucif., dum conjungit Ophitas, Caianos, Carpocratem, Cerinthum, Hebionem, Auctorem, quantum apparet, imitatus; Clemens vero Alex. Strom. 7, Caianitas; Irenaeus magis proprie, uti et Theodoretus, Cainos, quia nomen uno consensu inde omnes derivant. PAM. — Cainaeorum. Sunt ita appellati, quod Cain fratricidam primogenitum patris nostri ac beati Adae protoplasti, colant et venerentur, eum dicentes fuisse virtutis fortissimae: et ex altera quidem virtute, nempe diaboli, Cain factum; ex altera autem, id est Dei, Abel beatissimum natum: et virtutem majorem, quae erat in ipso Cain, ita invaluisse, ut suum interficeret fratrem. Adorant similiter Judam proditorem, eum arbitrantes aliquid divinum esse, adeo quidem, ut ejus detestandum scelus ingens beneficium reputent, eum asserentes praescivisse quantum esset generi humano Christi passio profutura, ideoque illum Judaeis ad occidendum tradidisse. Perhibentur quoque et Sodomitas colere. Item Core, Dathan et Abiron, propterea quod, cum schisma in primo Dei populo fecissent, terra dehiscente perierint. Adeo quidem, ut quantumlibet aliqui fuerint aliquando scelesti aut flagitiosi, nunquam illis defuerint a quibus laudarentur, et eorum scelus commendaretur. Blasphemant denique ii legem et Deum legis auctorem, carnisque resurrectionem negant. Omnes denique Marcionis errores illis tribuunt Irenaeus et Augustinus: ex quo facile creditu est, Caianos haereticos a Marcione ortum habuisse. LAC.

"Which is called that of the Cainites." Certainly Philastrius, Epiphanius, Augustine and Damascene also call them "Caiani." Finally Jerome, Against the Luciferians, when he joins together the Ophites, Caiani, Carpocrates, Cerinthus and Hebion, imitating, as far as appears, our Author; Clement of Alexandria, Stromata 7, "Caianitae"; Irenaeus, more properly, as also Theodoret, "Caini," since all with one accord derive the name from that source. PAMELIUS. — "Of the Cainites." They are so named because they worship and venerate Cain the fratricide, the firstborn of our father, the blessed Adam, the first-formed, saying that he was of the strongest power: that Cain was made from one power, namely the devil's, and the most blessed Abel born from another, that is God's; and that the greater power, which was in Cain himself, prevailed so far that he killed his brother. They likewise adore Judas the traitor, thinking him something divine, so much so that they reckon his detestable crime a great benefit, asserting that he foresaw how much the passion of Christ would profit the human race, and that he therefore handed him over to the Jews to be killed. They are also said to venerate the Sodomites; likewise Korah, Dathan and Abiram, because, having made a schism in God's first people, they perished when the earth opened. So true is it that however wicked or infamous some have at any time been, there have never lacked people to praise them and commend their crime. Finally these men blaspheme the law and God the author of the law, and deny the resurrection of the flesh. In short, Irenaeus and Augustine attribute to them all the errors of Marcion; from which it is easy to believe that the Caianite heretics took their origin from Marcion. LAC[ERDA].

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Page

  • running head: LIANI OPERUM PARS II. 80
  • marginal letters: A pervenire, in medietate relictum; B tis (51) : et hanc fuisse; C scintillam virtutis descendere in hominem (Commentarius); D dem virtute, nempe diaboli, Cain factum (Commentarius)
  • old-edition numerals: 65 after virtutem
  • other: running head cut off at the left edge of the image; the column begins mid-sentence and ends mid-sentence with Et; Jalda-baoth is split across a line end without a visible hyphen and is joined; the scan blurs n and u, so institutus, serpentem, non and carnis are set as read but are UNSURE; quem is printed and rendered loosely; the Variae lectiones and Commentarius (notes 49-52, signed Rig., Routh, Pam., Lac.) are editors' notes and are not set; the left-column fragments belong to column 79
PL 2:81
ipsi enim magnificant Cain, quasi ex quadam potenti virtute conceptum, quae operata sit in ipso. Nam Abel ex inferiore virtute conceptum, procreatum, et ideo inferiorem rep⟨e⟩rtum. Hi qui hoc adserunt, etiam Judam proditorem defendu⟨n⟩t, admirabilem illum et magnum esse memorantes, propter utilitates, quas humano generi contulisse jactatur. Quidam enim ipsorum gratiarum actionem Judae propter hanc causam reddendam putant. Animadvertens enim, inquiunt, Judas, quod Christus vellet veritatem subvertere, tradidit illum, ne subverti veritas posset. Et alii sic contra disputant et dic⟨u⟩nt: Quia potestates hujus mundi nolebant pati Christum, ne humano generi per mortem ipsius salus pararetur, saluti consulens generis humani, tradidit Christum, ut salus, quae impediebatur per virtutes, quae obsistebant ne pateretur Christus, impediri omnino non posset, ⟨e⟩t id⟨e⟩o per passionem Christi non posset salus humani generis retardari. Sed et illa haeresis processit, quae dicitur Sethoitarum. Hujus perversitatis doctrina haec est: duos homines ab angelis constitutos, Cain et Abel; propter hos magnas inter angelos contentiones et discordias exstitisse; ob hanc causam illam virtutem quae super omnes virtutes esset, quam matrem pronuntiant, dum Abel interfectum dicerent, voluisse concipi et nasci hunc Seth loco Abelis, ut evacuarentur angeli illi, qui duos priores illos homines condidissent, dum hoc semen mundum moritur et nascitur. Permistiones enim dicunt angelorum et
they themselves, indeed, magnify Cain, as having been conceived of some powerful Power which worked in him. For Abel, [they say,] was conceived and begotten of an inferior Power, and was therefore found to be inferior. Those who assert this also defend Judas the betrayer, declaring him to be admirable and great on account of the benefits which he is boasted to have conferred on the human race. For some of them think that thanksgiving ought to be rendered to Judas for this reason. For Judas, they say, perceiving that Christ wished to subvert the truth, betrayed Him, so that the truth could not be subverted. And others dispute to the contrary and say: because the powers of this world did not want Christ to suffer, lest salvation be procured for the human race through His death, he, consulting the salvation of the human race, betrayed Christ, so that the salvation which was being hindered by the Powers that were resisting Christ's suffering could not be hindered at all, and so that through the passion of Christ the salvation of the human race could not be delayed. But that heresy also came forth which is called the heresy of the Sethoites. The doctrine of this perversity is this: that two men were established by angels, Cain and Abel; that on account of them great contentions and discords arose among the angels; that for this reason that Power which was above all Powers, whom they declare to be the Mother, when they said that Abel had been killed, willed that this Seth be conceived and born in place of Abel, so that those angels who had made those two earlier men might be brought to nothing, while this pure seed dies and is born. For they say that the minglings of angels and
Editors' notes and page, col. 81

Variae lectiones

51 ‹Sethoitarum› · call in col 81 Setthitarum mavult Jun.

Junius prefers "Setthitarum".

52 ‹seminis illos prioris› · call in col 82 Quo seminis illos priores Seml. Quo seminio illos priores Jun.

"Quo seminis illos priores": Semler; "Quo seminio illos priores": Junius.

53 ‹semen Cham› · call in col 82 Cain Fran. Paris.

"Cain": the Franeker and Paris editions.

54 ‹ipsum fuisse› · call in col 82 Non pro nobis tantummodo, sed et pro ipso se ipsum fuisse Rhen. Sed et pro ipso, se ipsum fuisse Seml.

"Non pro nobis tantummodo, sed et pro ipso se ipsum fuisse": Rhenanus; "Sed et pro ipso, se ipsum fuisse": Semler.

55 ‹superioribus virtutibus› · call in col 82 Virtutum Seml.

"Virtutum": Semler.

56 ‹vitae integritate› · call in col 82 Vitae tollit Seml.

Semler removes "vitae".

57 ‹colligeret, tentata› · call in col 82 Colligere est retenta Jun.

"Colligere est retenta": Junius.

Commentarius

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(53) ‹magnificant Cain› · call in col 81

Et ipsi magnificant Cain. Indiculus Hier. sanctificant. RIG.

"And they extol Cain." Jerome's Little Index: "sanctificant" (they hallow). RIGALTIUS.

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(54) ‹inferiorem repertum› · call in col 81

Et ideo inferiorem repertum. Indiculus Hier. Et ideo illum esse occisum. RIG.

"And therefore found to be inferior." Jerome's Little Index: "And therefore that he was slain." RIGALTIUS.

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(55) ‹esse memorantes› · call in col 81

Admirabilem illum et magnum esse memorantes. Indiculus Hier. « Omnium apostolorum fuisse doctiorem. » RIG.

"Declaring him admirable and great." Jerome's Little Index: "That he was more learned than all the apostles." RIGALTIUS.

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(56) ‹per passionem Christi› · call in col 81

Per passionem Christi. Hoc est, si pateretur Christus. ROUTH.

"Through the passion of Christ." That is, if Christ should suffer. ROUTH.

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(57) ‹Sethoitarum› · call in col 81

Quae dicitur Sethoitarum. Sethiani, vel, ut Tertull. placet, Sethoitae, a Seth, Adae filio natu tertio dicti sunt, quem Judaei quidam venerari dicebantur, quemadmodum est auctor Augustinus (lib. de Haer. cap. 19). Dicebant enim illi, Seth de suprema matre natum fuisse, eam asserentes cum superno patre convenisse, unde divinum illud semen nasceretur tanquam filiorum Dei. Apud eos enim masculi et feminae dii deaeque esse putantur. LAC.

"Which is called that of the Sethoites." The Sethians, or, as Tertullian prefers, Sethoites, are named from Seth, Adam's third son, whom certain Jews were said to venerate, as Augustine relates (book On Heresies, ch. 19). For they said that Seth was born of the supreme mother, asserting that she had united with the father above, so that that divine seed might be born, as of the sons of God. For among them males and females are thought to be gods and goddesses. LAC[ERDA].

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(58) ‹super omnes virtutes› · call in col 81

Virtutem quae super omnes virtutes esset. In Indiculo Hier. vocatur Trivirtus. RIG.

"The power which was above all powers." In Jerome's Little Index she is called "Trivirtus." RIGALTIUS.

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(59) ‹Abel interfectum dicerent› · call in col 81

Dum Abel interfectum dicerent. Nonne cum et disceret reponenda? Apud Epiphanium in voce Sethianorum, de hac matre hoc positum est, γνοῦσα ὅτι ἀπέκτανται Ἄβελ, ἐνθυμηθεῖσα ἐποίησε γεννηθῆναι τὸν Σὴθ, καὶ ἐν τούτῳ ἔθηκε τὴν αὐτῆς δύναμιν. C. II, p. 284 ed. Petav. ROUTH.

"While they said that Abel was slain." Should not "cum" and "disceret" be restored? In Epiphanius, under the entry on the Sethians, this is said of this mother: "learning that Abel had been killed, she took thought and caused Seth to be born, and placed her own power in him." Ch. II, p. 284, Petau's edition. ROUTH.

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(60) ‹iniquas fuisse› · call in col 82

Permistiones enim dicunt angelorum et hominum iniquas fuisse, h. e. impares, inaequales. Nisi forte reponendum est, impias, cum voces istae inter se facile mutentur. ID.

"For they say the comminglings of angels and men were unequal (iniquas)," that is, ill-matched, unequal. Unless perhaps "impias" should be restored, since these words are easily interchanged. THE SAME (Routh).

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Page

  • running head: 81 LIBER DE PRÆSCRIPT[IONIBUS] (cut off at right edge)
  • marginal letters: A ipsi enim magnificant Cain; B tradidit Christum, ut salus; C condidissent, dum hoc semen; D cebantur, quemadmodum (beside the commentary, not the text)
  • old-edition numerals: 66 after illam
PL 2:82
hominum iniquas fuisse: ob quam causam illam virtutem, quam (sicut diximus) pronuntiant matrem, ad vindictam etiam cataclysmum inducere, ut et illud permistionis semen tolleretur, et hoc solum semen, quod esset purum, integrum custodiretur. Sedenim illos qui seminis illos prioris instituissent, occulte et latenter, et ignorante illa matre Virtute, cum illis octo animabus in arcam misisse etiam semen Cham, quo semen malitiae non periret, sed cum caeteris conservatum, et post cataclysmum terris redditum, exemplo caeterorum excresceret et effunderetur, et totum orbem et impleret et occuparet. De Christo autem sic sentiunt, ut dicant illum tantummodo Seth, et pro ipso Seth ipsum fuisse.
of men were wicked: for which reason [they say] that Power, which (as we have said) they proclaim as mother, also brought on a cataclysm by way of vengeance, so that both that seed of the mixture might be removed and this seed alone, which was pure, might be kept intact. But [they say] that those who had established those of the prior seed, secretly and covertly, and without that mother Power knowing, sent into the ark together with those eight souls the seed of Ham as well, so that the seed of malice might not perish, but, preserved with the rest and after the cataclysm restored to the lands, might after the example of the rest grow up and spread abroad, and both fill and occupy the whole world. Concerning Christ, moreover, they hold this view, that they say He was only Seth, and that in place of Seth it was He Himself.
CAPUT XLVIII.
Chapter XLVIII.
Praeterea Carpocratem, Cerinthum, Hebionem.
Furthermore, Carpocrates, Cerinthus, Hebion.
Carpocrates praeterea hanc tulit sectam. Unam esse dicit Virtutem in superioribus principalem, ex hac prolatos angelos atque virtutes; quos distantes longe a superioribus virtutibus, mundum istum in inferioribus partibus condidisse; Christum non ex virgine Maria natum, sed ex semine Joseph, hominem tantummodo genitum, sane prae caeteris justitiae cultu, vitae integritate meliorem: hunc apud Judaeos passum: solam animam ipsius coelo receptam, eo quod et firmior et robustior caeteris fuerit: ex quo colligeret, tentata animarum sola salute, nullas corporis resurrectiones. Post hunc Cerinthus haereticus erupit,
Carpocrates, furthermore, brought forth this sect. He says that there is one Power, principal in the higher regions; that from it were produced angels and powers; that these, standing far distant from the higher powers, made this world in the lower parts; that Christ was born not of the virgin Mary but of the seed of Joseph, begotten merely a man, though indeed better than the rest in the cultivation of justice and in integrity of life; that He suffered among the Jews; that His soul alone was received into heaven, because it was both firmer and more robust than the rest: from which he would infer, the salvation of souls alone being attempted, that there are no resurrections of the body. After him Cerinthus the heretic burst forth,
Editors' notes and page, col. 82

Footnotes

(61) ‹Carpocrates praeterea› · call in col 82

Carpocrates praeterea, etc. Gnosticorum parentem fuisse Carpocratem manifestum est. Ejus autem errores in cunis exstincti sunt. Is inter caetera commenta Testamentum Vetus rejiciebat. An idem fuerit auctor Gnosticorum et Carpocratianorum non expendo. Constat sociam aut inventricem tot scelerum fuisse quamdam mulierculam Marcellinam, quae Christi, Pauli, Homeri, et Pythagorae imagines promiscue colebat; quem cultum ridicule profanis numinibus cum sacris adhibuisse fertur imp. Alex. Severus, qui in sacrario Abrahami et Orphei, Christi et Apollinis statuas asservabat. LE PR.

"Carpocrates, besides," etc. It is clear that Carpocrates was the father of the Gnostics. His errors, however, were extinguished in the cradle. Among his other inventions he rejected the Old Testament. Whether the same man was the author of both the Gnostics and the Carpocratians I do not examine. It is established that a certain silly woman, Marcellina, was the partner or inventor of so many crimes; she worshipped the images of Christ, Paul, Homer and Pythagoras indiscriminately; a worship which the emperor Alexander Severus is said to have absurdly paid to profane deities along with sacred ones, keeping in his chapel the statues of Abraham and Orpheus, of Christ and Apollo. LE PRIEUR.

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(62) ‹justitiae cultu› · call in col 82

Sane prae caeteris justitiae cultu. Indiculus Hier: Habuisse autem illum spiritum prophetalem. RIG.

"Indeed above the rest in the practice of justice." Jerome's Little Index: "But that he had a prophetic spirit." RIGALTIUS.

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(63) ‹corporis resurrectiones› · call in col 82

Quod et firmior et robustior ex caeteris fuerit, et quo colligeret, tentata animarum sola salute, nullas corporis resurrectiones. Sic edit. princeps. Sed vulgo cum abest ex ante caeteris, tum recte ex pro et ante quo positum est. Legendum puto robustior ea caeteris fuerit. Meliusque mihi videretur, ex quo colligeret, attentata. Dein, ait Semlerus, « ex quo colligere est retenta animarum sola salute, etc., legendum censet Junius; retenta jam reposuerat Latinius. » Scribendum conjecit adnotator ad edit. Romanam hujus tractatus, constituta tantum, vel admissa anim. ROUTH.

"Because it was firmer and stronger than the rest, and by which he might conclude, the salvation of souls alone being attempted, no resurrections of the body." So the first edition. But commonly "ex" is absent before "caeteris," and rightly "ex" is put for "et" before "quo." I think "robustior ea caeteris fuerit" should be read. And "ex quo colligeret, attentata" would seem better to me. Then, says Semler, "Junius thinks one should read 'ex quo colligere est retenta animarum sola salute,' etc.; Latinius had already restored 'retenta.'" The annotator of the Roman edition of this treatise conjectured that "constituta tantum" or "admissa anim[arum]" should be written. ROUTH.

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Page

  • running head: DE PRÆSCRIPTIONIBUS.
  • marginal letters: A ‹hominum iniquas fuisse›; B ‹CAPUT XLVIII.› (letter stands in the gutter just above the heading line); C ‹animarum sola salute›; D ‹Alex. Severus› (in the commentary at the page foot)
  • old-edition numerals: 67 after justitiae
PL 2:83
similia docens. Nam et ipse mundum institutum esse ab illis dicit: Christum ex semine Joseph natum proponit, hominem illum tantummodo sine divinitate contendens, ipsam quoque legem ab angelis datam perhibens: Judaeorum Deum non Dominum sed angelum promens. Hujus successor Hebion fuit, Cerintho non in omni parte consentiens, quod a Deo dicat mundum, non ab angelis factum: et quia scriptum sit: Nemo discipulus super magistrum, nec servus super dominum. Legem etiam proponit, scilicet ad excludendum Evangelium, et vindicandum Judaismum.
teaching similar things. For he too says that the world was established by them; he puts forward that Christ was born of the seed of Joseph, contending that He was a man only, without divinity; he declares that the law itself also was given by angels, and sets forth the God of the Jews not as the Lord but as an angel. His successor was Hebion, who did not agree with Cerinthus in every respect, in that he says the world was made by God, not by angels; and because it is written: No disciple is above the master, nor a servant above the lord. He also puts forward the law, namely for excluding the Gospel and vindicating Judaism.
CAPUT XLIX.
Chapter XLIX.
Valentinum deinceps, ac ejus sequaces Ptolomaeum, Secundum, Heracleonem.
Next Valentinus, and his followers Ptolomaeus, Secundus, Heracleon.
Valentinus autem haereticus multas introducit fabulas; has ego circumducens breviter
Valentinus the heretic, moreover, introduces many fables; these I, going round them, briefly
Editors' notes and page, col. 83

Variae lectiones

58 ‹Legem etiam› · call in col 83 Esse Seml.

"Esse": Semler.

59 ‹circumducens› · call in col 83 Circumdicens Seml. circumducens Latin. circumcidens Rhen.

"Circumdicens": Semler; "circumducens": Latinius; "circumcidens": Rhenanus.

60 ‹processisse semen› · call in col 84 Semen tollit Ciacconius.

Ciacconius removes "semen".

61 ‹hanc esse› · call in col 84 Haec Seml. Sit Seml. fiat Jun

"Haec": Semler; "sit": Semler; "fiat": Junius.

62-63 ‹quia missus› · call in col 84 (63) Misisset Seml.

"Misisset": Semler.

64 ‹dicto Iao› · call in col 84 Iao tollit Seml.

Semler removes "Iao".

65 ‹Io Apelles› · call in col 84 Hoc pronuntiato appellat Rig. quae omnia Semlero tollenda videntur.

"Hoc pronuntiato appellat": Rigaltius; all of which Semler thinks should be removed.

Commentarius

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(64) ‹angelum promens› · call in col 83

Non Dominum, sed angelum promens. Deum reponere velim. Fortasse supra legendum est ab angelis pro ab illis, nisi subaudiendum hoc verbum est. ROUTH.

"Bringing forth not the Lord but an angel." I would restore "Deum." Perhaps above "ab angelis" should be read for "ab illis," unless this word is to be understood. ROUTH.

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(65) ‹Hebion fuit› · call in col 83

Hujus successor Ebion fuit. Is fuit impius qui B. Virginem hominem, non Deum peperisse dixit, qui Evangelium tantum Hebr. recipiebat; contra quem S. Joannes, apostolus idem et evangelista, suum Evangelium novissimus scripsit. B. Pauli Epistolas non admittebat, Apostolum enim apostatam vocabat. Quoniam vero de Christo primum humiliter sentiebant et loquebantur Ebionaei, sive quod ingeniis egestatem sua haeresi proderent, eorum auctor nescio quo casu mendicus dictus est. Nam Hebraeis Ebion idem ac mendicus. LE PR.

"His successor was Ebion." He was the impious man who said that the Blessed Virgin bore a man, not God; who accepted only the Gospel of the Hebrews; against whom St John, at once apostle and evangelist, wrote his Gospel, the last of all. He did not admit the Epistles of blessed Paul, for he called the Apostle an apostate. Since the Ebionites from the first thought and spoke lowly of Christ, or because by their heresy they betrayed the poverty of their minds, their founder by some chance was called "beggar." For in Hebrew "Ebion" means the same as "beggar." LE PRIEUR.

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(66) ‹scriptum sit› · call in col 83

Et quia scriptum sit: Nemo discipulus super magistrum. Indiculus Hieron.: « Carpocras, Cerinthus et Hebion, hi tres sibi successerunt, docentes omnia secundum legem, circumcidi, observare sabbata et dies festos Judaicos; Christus enim haec omnia observavit; sufficere dicentes ita esse doctorem ut magistrum. » Unde manifestum est haec ita esse distinguenda: « Et quia scriptum sit, Nemo discipulus super magistrum, nec servus super dominum, legem etiam proponit, » etc. RIG.

"And because it is written: No disciple is above the master." Jerome's Little Index: "Carpocras, Cerinthus and Hebion, these three succeeded one another, teaching everything according to the law: to be circumcised, to keep the sabbaths and the Jewish feast days; for Christ observed all these things; saying it is enough to be so as teacher as the master." From this it is clear that these words should be punctuated thus: "And because it is written, No disciple is above the master, nor servant above his lord, he also sets forth the law," etc. RIGALTIUS.

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(67) ‹etiam proponit› · call in col 83

Legem esse proponit. Sic editt. Rhenani, seu principes, sed posterae editt. Paris. priorem secutae habent etiam pro esse. Legerim, legem et jam esse proponit. Quomodo vero hoc collegerit Ebion ex verbis, quae adducuntur Scripturae sacrae, ambegissem, nisi suppeditaret istaec Indiculus Haeresium S. Hieronymo ascriptus, a Menardo editus, quem Rigaltius hic attulit: « Carpocras, Cerinthus, et Hebion. Hi tres tibi successerunt, docentes omnia secundum legem, circumcidi, observare sabbata, et dies festos Judaicos: Christus enim haec omnia observavit. Sufficere dicentes ita esse doctorem (an significat auctor magistri discipulum, aliorum doctorem?) ut magistrum. » (Matth. X, 25.) Ebionitae, ait Eusebius, docuerunt, δεῖν πάντως αὐτοῖς τῆς νομικῆς θρησκείας ὡς μὴ ἂν διὰ μόνης τῆς εἰς τὸν Χριστὸν πίστεως, καὶ τοῦ κατ' αὐτὴν βίου, σωθησομένοις. Hist. Eccl. III, 27.

"He sets forth the law as being [binding]." So the editions of Rhenanus, that is, the first editions; but the later Paris editions, following the earlier, have "etiam" for "esse." I would read "legem et jam esse proponit." How Ebion drew this from the words of sacred Scripture adduced, I should have been at a loss, had not the Little Index of Heresies ascribed to St Jerome, published by Ménard, which Rigaltius brought in here, supplied it: "Carpocras, Cerinthus and Hebion. These three succeeded one another [so printed: 'tibi'], teaching everything according to the law: to be circumcised, to keep the sabbaths and the Jewish feast days; for Christ observed all these things. Saying it is enough to be so as teacher (does the author mean the master's disciple, a teacher of others?) as the master." (Matt. 10:25.) The Ebionites, says Eusebius, taught that "they absolutely needed the observance of the law, as people who would not be saved by faith in Christ alone and the life according to it." Church History III, 27.

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(68) ‹processisse semen› · call in col 84

Legit Ciaconius processisse mentem et veritatem, argute conjiciens vocem semen ex fine vocis praecedentis et principio sequentis inscite conflatam esse, atque hanc conjecturam non possum quin probem. JUNIUS cui quidem adsentit Semlerus. — At vero vocem semen retinendum hoc loco esse, cuique patebit Tertullianum inspicienti in libro adv. Valentinianos cap. 7 et 25, ubi de his nugis disputatur. ROUTH.

Ciaconius reads "processisse mentem et veritatem," shrewdly conjecturing that the word "semen" was clumsily formed from the end of the preceding word and the beginning of the following one; and I cannot but approve this conjecture. JUNIUS, with whom Semler agrees. — But that the word "semen" should be kept in this place will be plain to anyone who looks at Tertullian in the book Against the Valentinians, chs. 7 and 25, where these trifles are discussed. ROUTH.

(printed under page 46)

(69) ‹Sermone autem et Vita› · call in col 84

De sermone autem et vita. Scilicet his, quos proxime ante appellaverat Verbum et vitam, Λόγον καὶ Ζωήν. ROUTH.

"But from Word and Life." That is, from those whom he had just called Word and Life, Logos and Zoe. ROUTH.

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(70) ‹Tricesimum autem aeonem› · call in col 84

Tricessimum autem aeonem. Indiculus Hier.: « Tricesimum itaque rotulum, quod est sapientia, concupivit Patrem videre. » LE PR.

"But the thirtieth aeon." Jerome's Little Index: "So the thirtieth little wheel, which is wisdom, desired to see the Father." LE PRIEUR.

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Page

  • running head: 83 TERTULLIANI OPERUM
  • marginal letters: A ‹similia docens. Nam et ipse mundum institutum›; B ‹Secundum, Heracleonem.›; C ‹dixit, qui Evangelium tantum Hebr. recipiebat› (in the commentary); D ‹(67) Legem esse proponit. Sic editt. Rhenani› (in the commentary)
  • old-edition numerals: 68 after ‹fabulas;›
PL 2:84
expediam. Introducit enim Pleroma et Aeones triginta: exponit autem hos per syzygias, id est conjugationes quasdam. Nam dicit in primis, esse Bython et Silentium; ex his processisse semen, Mentem et Veritatem: ex quibus erupisse Verbum et Vitam: de quibus rursum creatum hominem et Ecclesiam. Sedenim ex his quoque processisse duodecim aeonas; de Sermone autem et Vita, aeonas alios ⟨d⟩ecem: hanc esse aeonum triacontada, quae fit in Pleromate ex ogdoade et decade, ac dyodecade. Tricesimum autem aeonem, Bython illum videre voluisse, et ad videndum illum ausum esse in superiora Pleromatis conscendere. Et quoniam ad magnitudinem ipsius videndam capax non fuit, in defectione fuisse, et pene dissolutum esse, nisi quia missus ad constabiliendum illum, ille quem appellant Horon, confirmasset illum dicto Iao. Hoc pronuntiat Io Apelles.
will set forth. For he introduces a Pleroma and thirty Aeons, and he expounds these by syzygies, that is, certain conjunctions. For he says that in the first place there are Bythos and Silence; that from these proceeded a seed, Mind and Truth; that from these burst forth Word and Life; that from these in turn were created Man and Church. But further, that from these also proceeded twelve aeons, and from Word and Life ten other aeons: that this is the triacontad of aeons, which is made up in the Pleroma of an ogdoad and a decad and a dodecad. That the thirtieth aeon, moreover, wished to see that Bythos, and in order to see him dared to ascend into the upper parts of the Pleroma; and since it was not capable of seeing his greatness, that it fell into failure and was almost dissolved, had not he who was sent to stabilize it, the one whom they call Horos, strengthened it by the word 'Iao'. This Apelles pronounces 'Io'.
Editors' notes and page, col. 84

Footnotes

(71) ‹Io Apelles› · call in col 84

Hoc pronuntiatio appellat. Videtur aliquid deesse, quod suppleri possit ex iis quae leguntur lib. adversus Valentinianos: « Tam importune filiae occurrisset, ut etiam inclamarit in eam: Iao, quasi: Porro Quirites! aut, Fidem Caesaris! Inde invenitur Iao in scripturis. » RIG. — Hoc pronuntiat Io Apelles. Perobscurum hunc locum ita restituimus, rationibus partim ducti quas P. Harduinus, e soc. Jesu, in Collectaneis (Mémoires de Trévoux, avril, 1724, p. 842 et suiv.) explicuit, quanquam non Apelles sed Apella, potius putaverit legendum. Verum memoria, si minus judicio, lapsus videtur famosus auctor: contendit enim ad Valentinum utpote natione Judaeum alludendi consilium fuisse Tertulliano Apellam appellativo sensu nominanti, id est circumcisum, juxta illud Horatii (I sat. 5, v. 100) Credat Judaeus Apella, Non ego. At vero Valentinus ne Judaeus quidem, sed Aegyptius fuit, secundum quod S. Irenaeus enarrat l. I, c. 1 (Cf. Max. Biblioth. SS. Patrum auct. Margarino de la Bigne, t. XXV, f. 110), et referunt omnes historici lexicographi. Apelles autem, Marcionis discipulus et ipse haeresiarcha, coaevus Tertulliano erat, ut hoc ipso ex libro, c. 41, patet, et sane potuit Io pro Iao pronuntiare, ut, perinde atque Heracleon, de quo infra hoc capite 49, « novitate pronuntiationis videretur alia sentire. » Alterum in errorem impegit plane similem eruditus Jesuita, inducendo (p. 845 cit. operis) Tertullianum de Heracleone tanquam de judaeo homine verba facientem: neque enim alterum Judaeum, sed alterum haereticum Heracleonem Noster dixit. Praeterea, parum verisi- (continues)

"This pronouncement he calls." Something seems to be missing, which could be supplied from what is read in the book Against the Valentinians: "She had come upon the daughter so inopportunely that she even cried out at her: Iao, as if to say 'Help, citizens!' or 'Caesar's protection!' Hence 'Iao' is found in the scriptures." RIGALTIUS. — "Apelles pronounces this 'Io.'" We have restored this very obscure passage thus, led partly by the reasons which Father Hardouin of the Society of Jesus set out in the Collectanea (Mémoires de Trévoux, April 1724, p. 842 ff.), although he thought "Apella" rather than "Apelles" should be read. But the famous author seems to have slipped in memory, if not in judgement: for he maintains that Tertullian intended an allusion to Valentinus, as a Jew by nation, naming him "Apella" in the common-noun sense, that is, circumcised, after Horace's line (Satires I, 5, v. 100), "Let the Jew Apella believe it, not I." But Valentinus was not even a Jew but an Egyptian, as St Irenaeus relates, book I, ch. 1 (compare the Maxima Bibliotheca Patrum edited by Marguerin de la Bigne, vol. XXV, fol. 110), and as all the historians and lexicographers report. Apelles, however, a disciple of Marcion and himself a heresiarch, was Tertullian's contemporary, as is plain from this very book, ch. 41; and he may well have pronounced "Io" for "Iao," so that, like Heracleon, of whom below in this ch. 49, "he might seem by the novelty of his pronunciation to hold other views." The learned Jesuit fell into another, quite similar error by presenting (p. 845 of the work cited) Tertullian as speaking of Heracleon as of a Jew: for our author called Heracleon not "another Jew" but "another heretic." Besides, it is hardly lik- (continues)

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Page

  • running head: [TERTUL]LIANI OPERUM PARS II. 84 (start of head cut off at image edge)
  • marginal letters: A expediam. Introducit enim; B esse, nisi quia missus; C tur. Routh. (in Commentarius); D mosus auctor (in Commentarius)
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 2:85
Istum autem Aeonem in defectionem factum Achamoth dicit in passionibus desiderii quibusdam fuisse, et ex passionibus materias edidisse. Expavit enim, inquit, et extimuit, et contristata est, et ex his passionibus concepit et edidit. Hinc fecit coelum et terram et mare, et omnia quaecunque
But this Aeon, brought into a state of defect, he calls Achamoth, [and says] that she was in certain passions of desire, and from the passions brought forth materials. For she was terrified, he says, and was afraid, and was saddened, and from these passions she conceived and brought forth. Hence she made heaven and earth and sea, and all things whatsoever
Editors' notes and page, col. 85

Footnotes

<!-- The foot images of this page begin inside the commentary; the column images show the Variae lectiones (66) and the head of each column's commentary, which are set from them. Note (71) begins on the previous page; its opening lines there are not on this page. --> ### Variae lectiones (printed under page 47) 66 ‹contristata› · call in col 85 Contristatus Seml. subaud. aeon.

"Contristatus" (he was saddened): Semler; understand "aeon".

Commentarius

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(71) (continued) ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call on previous page

[opening lines on the previous page] ... mile videtur Judaeorum e gente Haeracleonem fuisse, cum « in partibus Siciliae docere inchoaverit. » Consule Max. Biblioth. SS. Patrum, t. XXVII, f. 547). His igitur positis exceptionibus, equidem cum Harduino censeo vocem Io, perinde atque IA, nomen Dei Hebraeis fuisse, diverso tamen modo pronuntiatum. Nomen enim Dei non tantum sub ea forma ia, ut in alleluia, sed etiam per io, ut in Joannes, Josedec, invocari apud ipsos semper licitum fuit. Nemo autem ignorat, quamvis id quoque P. Harduinum fefellerit, vetitum fuisse Judaeis Dei nomen in propria forma usurpare, idque nominis non fuisse simpliciter יו, ut volebat Harduinus (nam si res ita se habuisset, pronuntiandum fuisset ie potius, quam io aut iao vel ia), sed totius litteris יהוה id est, JEHOVAH: quapropter usu fuisse inter illos ad abbreviatam formam ia vel io recurrere, quo magis religio nominis servaretur (Cf. Buxtorf, v. הוה). Sed Valentinus quidem IAO dicere maluit, forsan quia ea forma Aegyptiaca esset: Apelles autem Io, ex Hebraico nimirum more: Heracleon vero demum, alio forte etiam ignoto vocis sono, scilicet, ut videretur alia sentire. At P. Harduinus (p. 846 confinxit per ADONAI nomen יהוה (Jehovah) pronuntiatum esse; sed quo fundamento innixus illud asseruerit, ipsum, puto, quoque latet, quanquam neminem ex eruditis praetereat Deum Adonai, loco Jehovah, religionis gratia saepe saepius fuisse dictum. Deinde (p. 847) affirmavit vir quamvis eruditissimus nominis IAO (JEHOVAH, credo, voluit dicere) genuinam originem esse, יה־הוא, hoc est DEUS IPSE. Imo vero quis nescit, modo sit in Hebraicis litteris tantisper versatus, vocem יהוה formam esse 3 personae singularis numeri futuri temporis verbi הוה (havah) τὸ esse significantis, neque usquam literam א huic nomini adjunctam esse? Reliqua scriptoris ejusdem in hunc locum, et circa vocem IAOTH praesertim deliramenta (p. 848 et 849) refutare, vel praetermittimus omnino, vel ad eousque, dum S. Irenaei (Deus uti nam velit) edamus opera, lectorem remittimus. (Cf. Tertull. I, adv. Valent. c. 14; Origen, l. IX contra Celsum; Diodor. Sicul. l. I, p. 84; Euseb., l. I, Praepar. Evang. versus finem; S. Iren., l. I, c. 4 et 18; Clem. Alex., etc.). EDD. — Dicto Jao; hoc pronuntiato appellat. Vocem Jao nescierunt editiones ante Pamelium, qui Macereum secutus est, Gallicum hujus libelli interpretem, ex Irenaeo et Epiphanio locum corrigentem. Legendum vero missus pro misisset, quod habent editt. Rhenanianae et Paris. Utraque primus proposuerat Latinius. Ad verba Hoc pronuntiatio appellat, adnotat Pamelius: Addens (Macereus in Annotationibus). Hoc pronuntiatio appellat, ac si dicat, tale sortitur nomen ille pleromatis custos, alludit ad Heracleoniarum et Marcosiorum haeresin, quae (Irenaeo lib. I, c. 9, et Epiphanio haer. 34. testibus) hoc astruebat, quod primus ille pater, qui infra vocatur Propator Bythos, pronuntiando et aperiendo os Verbum emisit, quod astans quemlibet Aeonem nomine suo appellabat. Quare recte Rhenanus lectorem remisit ad illud infra de Heracleone: « Sed novitate quadam pronuntiationis vult videri alia sentire. Introducit enim imprimis illud fuisse quod pronuntiat » Infra. Rigaltius autem ait: Videtur aliquid deesse, quod suppleri posset ex iis quae leguntur lib. adversus Valentinianos, pag. 296: Tum importune filiae occurrisset, ut etiam inclamarit in eam, Jao, quasi: Porro Quirites! aut, Fidem Caesaris! Inde invenitur Jao in Scripturis (cap. 14). Haec ille. Antea ibid. cap. 9, scripserat Tertullianus: Quaedam et huic (Horo) vis est, fundamentum, universitatis illius extrinsecus custos, quem et crucem appellant, et Lytroten, et Carpisten. Denique vocum illarum, Pronuntiatio appellat, significatio haec videtur esse: Pronuntiatione vocis Jao, h. e qui exsistit Demiurgus, sive Creator, non Bythos ipse appellatione donatur. Interea vix dubitem, quin vox Joa, quam ut dixi, nesciverunt editiones vetustissimae, in pronomen hoc male conversa esset, atque idcirco disparere hoc atque expelli e contextu debuisset. ROUTH.

[opening lines on the previous page] ... likely that Heracleon was of the Jewish race, since "he began to teach in parts of Sicily." See the Maxima Bibliotheca of the Holy Fathers, vol. XXVII, fol. 547). These exceptions being laid down, I for my part agree with Hardouin that the word "Io," just like "IA," was a name of God among the Hebrews, though pronounced differently. For it was always lawful among them to invoke the name of God not only in the form "ia," as in "alleluia," but also through "io," as in "Joannes," "Josedec." But no one is unaware, though this too escaped Father Hardouin, that the Jews were forbidden to use the name of God in its proper form, and that this name was not simply "YW," as Hardouin would have it (for had that been so, it would have had to be pronounced "ie" rather than "io" or "iao" or "ia"), but in the letters of the whole, YHWH, that is, JEHOVAH: and that for this reason it was customary among them to fall back on the abbreviated form "ia" or "io," so that the reverence for the name might be better kept (compare Buxtorf, under HWH). But Valentinus preferred to say IAO, perhaps because that form was Egyptian; Apelles, "Io," after the Hebrew manner, of course; and Heracleon, finally, perhaps with yet another unknown sound of the word, namely "so as to seem to hold other views." But Father Hardouin (p. 846) invented the idea that the name YHWH (Jehovah) was pronounced by way of ADONAI; but on what foundation he asserted it is, I think, hidden even from him, although none of the learned is unaware that God was very often called Adonai in place of Jehovah out of reverence.

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(72) ‹est› · call in col 85

Contristatus est. Sic edd. Rhenani et Paris. utraque, sed postea, Pamelio primo mutante, ut patet ex notis ejus, praestiterunt edd. Franek. et Rigaltiana contristata est. Ut vero monet Semlerus in masculino subauditur non. Itaque in hac Valentini ῥήσει contristatus restituendum curavi. Sed Tertullianus Adv. Valentinianos, cap. 9, mutato vicissim genere scribit: « Namque ex illis duodecim aeonibus, quos homo et Ecclesia ediderant novissima nata aeon, videtur soloecismus, Sophia enim nomen est — prorumpit in patrem inquirere. » Pertinere vero omnia mox dicta ad istum tricesimum aeonem Jao nominatum et Achamoth in defectione factum, mea fert sententia; sed conjicit Pamelius, interserendam, vel subaudiendam, post illa verba, Hinc fecit, vocem Demiurgus, cujus mater est Achamoth, ut conveniat cum Irenaeo et Epiphanio, imo cum Tertulliano, auctor. Et huic quidem Pamelii opinioni favere videntur verbo paulo post sequentia: « Quoniam quidem ipse fuerit de aporiatione (ἀπορίᾳ) conceptus atque prolatus. Hunc tamen instituisse istum mundum ex his materiis, quos Achamoth vel pavendo, vel timendo, vel contristando, vel sudando praestiterat. « Inest quidem his verbis ambiguitas quaedam, perinde ac fit in fabula illa Achamoth et filii Demiurgi. Haec enim scribit Tertullianus, cap. 18, ejusdem libri Adv. Valentinianos, ubi Ptolemaei, de quo paulo infra, sententias recenset: « Ab illo enim (Demiurgo), si tamen ab illo, et non ab ipsa potius Achamoth, a qua occulto, nihil sentiens, ejus, et velut sigillario extrinsecus ductu, in omnem operationem movebatur. Denique ex hac personarum in operibus ambiguitate nomen illi Metropatoris miscuerunt, distinctis appellationibus caeteris, » etc. Ait ibidem infra cap. 25: Inerat autem in Achamoth, ex substantia Sophiae matris, peculium quoddam seminis spiritalis; sicut et ipsa Achamoth in filio Demiurgo sequestraverat, ne hoc quidem gnaro. » Apud hunc vero scriptorem anonymum Jao tantum et Achamoth vel nominari, vel designari, videntur. ROUTH.

"He was saddened." So both editions of Rhenanus and of Paris; but afterwards, Pamelius being the first to change it, as is clear from his notes, the Franeker and Rigaltian editions gave "contristata est" (she was saddened). But, as Semler points out, in the masculine "non" is understood. So in this saying of Valentinus I have had "contristatus" restored. But Tertullian, Against the Valentinians, ch. 9, changing the gender in turn, writes: "For of those twelve aeons which Man and Church had produced, the last-born aeon (it seems a solecism, for Sophia is the name) bursts out to inquire into the father." That all that is said just after refers to this thirtieth aeon named Jao and to Achamoth, produced in the falling-away, is my opinion; but Pamelius conjectures that after the words "Hence he made" the word "Demiurge," whose mother is Achamoth, should be inserted or understood, so that the author agrees with Irenaeus and Epiphanius, indeed with Tertullian. And the words following shortly after seem to favour this opinion of Pamelius: "Since he himself had been conceived and brought forth from perplexity (aporia). Yet that he founded this world out of those materials which Achamoth had supplied by fearing, or dreading, or grieving, or sweating." There is indeed a certain ambiguity in these words, just as happens in that fable of Achamoth and her son the Demiurge. For Tertullian writes this in ch. 18 of the same book Against the Valentinians, where he reviews the opinions of Ptolemy, of whom a little below: "For by him (the Demiurge), if indeed by him, and not rather by Achamoth herself, by whose hidden guidance, perceiving nothing of it, and as if by the external pull of a puppet-maker, he was moved to every operation. Finally, from this ambiguity of persons in the works they mixed up for him the name of Mother-Father, the other appellations being distinct," etc. He says in the same work below, ch. 25: "But there was in Achamoth, from the substance of Sophia her mother, a certain private store of spiritual seed; just as Achamoth herself had deposited it in her son the Demiurge, without even his knowing." In this anonymous writer, however, only Jao and Achamoth seem to be named or indicated. ROUTH.

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(73) ‹prolatus› · call in col 86

De aporiatione conceptus atque prolatus. Aporiatio, haesitatio, metus, confusio. Irenaeus, « Dehinc expavisse et aporiatam, » id est, confusam. LE PR.

"Conceived and brought forth from perplexity." "Aporiatio": hesitation, fear, confusion. Irenaeus: "Then she was terrified and perplexed," that is, confused. LE PRIEUR.

(printed under page 47)

Page

  • running head: 85 LIBER DE PRÆSCRIPTI (cut off at the right edge of the image)
  • marginal letters: A Istum autem Æonem in defectionem; B Joannes, Josedec, invocari apud ipsos; C hovah, religionis gratia saepe; D nescierunt editiones ante Pamelium
  • old-edition numerals: 69 after est
  • note calls in the text: 66 after contristata; (72) after est
  • other: (72) prints "verbo paulo post sequentia" (for verba), set as printed; the Hebrew after "simpliciter" in (71) is small and blurred in the scan, read as יו
PL 2:86
sunt in eis, ob quam causam omnia infirma esse et fragilia, et caduca, et mortalia quaecunque sunt ab ipso facta : quoniam quidem ipse fuerit de apor⟨i⟩atione conceptus atque prolatus : hunc tamen instituisse istum mundum ex his materiis, quasi Achamoth, vel pavendo, vel timendo, vel contristando,
are in them, for which reason all things whatsoever that were made by him are weak and fragile and perishable and mortal: since indeed he himself was conceived and brought forth out of perplexity; that he nevertheless founded this world out of these materials, as if Achamoth, either by dreading, or by fearing, or by grieving,
Editors' notes and page, col. 86

Page

  • running head: DE PRAESCRIPTIONIBUS. 86
  • marginal letters: A ‹sunt in eis, ob quam causam›; B ‹illius extrinsecus custos› (in commentary); C ‹ma nata aeon, videtur› (in commentary); D ‹nos, ubi Ptolemaei› (in commentary)
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
  • other: column begins mid-sentence and ends with "contri-" split at the column break; "apor⟨i⟩atione" printed with a gap after r across line break apo-/r atione, letter supplied from note (73); "conceptus" and "sunt" have damaged letters; "quasi Achamoth" possibly an error for quas/quos (commentary quotes "quos"), set as printed; headings "Variae lectiones." and "Commentarius." printed across both columns and cut off at left edge, not set; rest of column is editors' commentary (notes 72-73, Rigaltius, Routh, Le Prieur), not set
PL 2:87
vel sudaudo praestiterat. Nam ex pavore, inquit, tenebrae factae sunt: ex timore et ignorantia, spiritus nequitiae et malignitatis: ex tristitia et lacrymis, humida fontium, fluminum materia, marisque. Christum autem missum ab illo propatore qui est Bythos. Hunc autem in substantia corporis nostri non fuisse, sed spiritale nescio quod corpus de coelo deferentem quasi aquam per fistulam, sic per Mariam virginem transmeasse, nihil inde vel accipientem, vel mutuantem. Resurrectionem hujus carnis negat, sed alterius. Legis et prophetarum quaedam probat, quaedam improbat: id est, omnia improbat, dum quaedam reprobat. Evangelium habet etiam suum, praeter haec nostra. Post hunc exstiterunt Ptolomaeus et Secundus haeretici, qui cum Valentino per omnia consentiunt. In illo solo differunt. Nam cum Valentinus Aeonas tantum triginta finxisset, isti addiderunt alios complures. Quatuor enim primum, deinde alios quatuor aggregaverunt. Et quod dicit Valen⟨t⟩inus Aeonem trigesimum excessisse de p⟨l⟩eromate, ut in defectionem, negant isti. Non enim ex illa triacontade fuisse hunc, qui fuerit in defectionem, propter desiderium videndi propatoris. Exstitit praeterea Heracleon alter haereticus, qui cum Valentiuo paria sentit, sed novitate quadam pronuntiationis vult videri alia sentire. Introducit enim in primis illud fuisse quod pronuntiat, et deinde ex illa monade duo, ac deiude reliquos Aeonas, deinde introducit totum Valentinum.
or by sweating, she had furnished. For from fear, he says, darkness came into being; from dread and ignorance, the spirit of wickedness and malice; from sadness and tears, the moist matter of springs, of rivers, and of the sea. And [he says] that Christ was sent by that Forefather who is Bythos. And that He was not in the substance of our body, but, bringing down from heaven some spiritual body or other, just as water through a pipe, so He passed through the Virgin Mary, neither receiving nor borrowing anything from her. He denies the resurrection of this flesh, but [affirms that] of another. Of the Law and the Prophets he approves some things and disapproves some things: that is, he disapproves of all, while he rejects some. He also has his own Gospel, besides these of ours. After him arose the heretics Ptolemy and Secundus, who agree with Valentinus in all things. In this alone they differ. For whereas Valentinus had invented only thirty Aeons, these added several others. For first they added four, then another four. And what Valentinus says, that the thirtieth Aeon went out of the Pleroma, so as to fall into defect, these deny. For [they say] that the one who fell into defect through the desire of seeing the Forefather was not from that triacontad. There arose besides Heracleon, another heretic, who holds the same views as Valentinus, but by a certain novelty of expression wishes to seem to hold other views. For he introduces, in the first place, that there was that which he pronounces, and then from that monad two, and then the remaining Aeons; then he brings in the whole of Valentinus.
Editors' notes and page, col. 87

Variae lectiones

67 ‹quasi aquam› · call in col 87 Aqua Seml.

"Aqua": Semler.

68 ‹negat, sed alterius› · call in col 87 Sed non alterius Latin. hujus carnis, sed alterius legis Jun. alterius partis, scilicet animae, mavult Seml.

"Sed non alterius": Latinius; "hujus carnis, sed alterius legis": Junius; Semler prefers "alterius partis, scilicet animae" ("of another part, namely the soul").

69 ‹Aeonem trigesimum› · call in col 87 Tricesimum al. triginta Seml.

"Tricesimum": others; "triginta": Semler.

70 ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible Addendum in censet Seml.

Semler thinks "in" should be added.

71 ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible Habere, Seml.

"Habere": Semler.

72 ‹ad Alpha Beta› · call in col 88 Alphabetum Seml.

"Alphabetum": Semler.

73 ‹ita ut adferre› · call in col 88 Ita ad ferre Seml.

"Ita ad ferre": Semler.

Commentarius

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(74) ‹sed alterius› · call in col 87

Sed alterius. Latinius legit, sed non alterius, Junius autem — hujus carnis, sed alterius legis — Malim, sed alterius partis, scil. animae, ut cap. 51. Haec SEMLER. Ut vero praedicabant Valentiniani carnalium, quos vocabant, atque animalium interitum, quod constat ex Tertulliani libro adversus illos capite 32, sic corporis spiritualis salutem sodalibus suis promittebant, quomodo ostendit Epiphanus Haeres. XXXII, cap. 7: Τὸ δὲ ἑαυτῶν τάγμα πνευματικὸν ὄν, σώζεσθαι σὺν σώματι ἄλλῳ ἐνδοτέρῳ ὄντι, ὅπερ αὐτοὶ σῶμα πνευματικὸν καλοῦσι, φανταζόμενοι. Quaproter in hunc sensum verba interpretor; Resurrectionem hujus, vel nostrae, carnis negat Valentinus, sed corporis alterius, vel spiritualis, approbat. De Ptolemaeo autem et Secundo quae proxime sequuntur, conferenda ea sunt cum Tertullanio Adv. Valentinianos, capp. 33, 38. De Valentini Evangelio videsis quae ad Reliquiar. Sacr. vol. II, p. 35, annotavi. ROUTH.

"But of another." Latinius reads "but not of another"; Junius, "of this flesh, but of another law." I would prefer "but of another part, namely the soul," as in ch. 51. So SEMLER. But just as the Valentinians proclaimed the destruction of those they called carnal and psychic, as is clear from Tertullian's book against them, ch. 32, so they promised their own fellows the salvation of a spiritual body, as Epiphanius [printed "Epiphanus"] shows, Heresies XXXII, ch. 7: "but that their own order, being spiritual, is saved with another, inner body, which they themselves, in their fancies, call a spiritual body." So I interpret the words in this sense: Valentinus denies the resurrection of this flesh, or ours, but approves that of another body, a spiritual one. As for what follows next about Ptolemy and Secundus, it should be compared with Tertullian [printed "Tertullanio"], Against the Valentinians, chs. 33, 38. On the Gospel of Valentinus see what I noted in the Reliquiae Sacrae, vol. II, p. 35. ROUTH.

(printed under page 48)

(75) ‹exstiterunt Ptolomaeus› · call in col 87

Ptolomaeus et Secundus. Hi Valentini successores fuerunt, ut et Heracleon, de quorum fabulis et anilibus commentis pauca seu potius nihil dicemus, cum eorum dogmata plenissime excutiantur apud S. Epiphanium. LE PR.

"Ptolemy and Secundus." These were successors of Valentinus, as was Heracleon too; of their fables and old wives' inventions we shall say little, or rather nothing, since their doctrines are examined most fully in St Epiphanius. LE PRIEUR.

(printed under page 48)

(76) ‹quod pronuntiat› · call in col 87

Illud fuisse quod pronuntiat. Hic etiam deesse videtur aliquid vocabuli, RIG. — Ait Semlerus deesse nomen αὐτοὸν [Greek word unclear in image], aut simile. Lucem praebebit Philastrius De Haeresibus, cap. 41: « Post hunc (Secundum) Heracleon, discipulus ipsius, surrexit, dicens, Principium esse unum, quem Dominum appellat. Deinde de hoc natum aliud, deque his duobus generationem multorum assumit principiorum, cum suis itidem delirans doctoribus, p. 91, ed. Fabricii. Sic Philastrius de Heracleone ipso; itidem de Apelle scribit infra Anonym. noster, aliam virtutem, quam dicit, Dominum dicit, cap. 51. Itaque legendum hoc loco videtur, quod Dominum pronuntiat. Sed locum aliter exposuit Pamelius supra in nota ad voces, dicto Joa; pronuntiatio appellat, a me allatus ad pag. 167, lin. 26. Certe male adnotator ad ed. Romanam addere vult nomen Valentianus post pronuntiat. ROUTH.

"That there was that which he pronounces." Here too some word seems to be missing. RIGAULT. — Semler says a noun [Greek word unclear in image], or something similar, is missing. Philastrius, On Heresies, ch. 41, will throw light: "After him (Secundus) Heracleon, his disciple, arose, saying that the Principle is one, which he calls Lord. Then that another was born of this, and from these two he takes up the generation of many principles, raving likewise with his teachers," p. 91, Fabricius's edition. So Philastrius of Heracleon himself; likewise our anonymous author writes below of Apelles, "another power, which he calls, he calls Lord," ch. 51. So it seems one should read in this place "that which he pronounces Lord." But Pamelius explained the passage otherwise above, in the note on the words "by the word Joa; the pronouncement calls," which I cited at p. 167, line 26. Certainly the annotator of the Roman edition is wrong to want to add the name "Valentianus" after "pronuntiat." ROUTH.

(printed under page 48)

(77) ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible

Columbam in Jesum venisse. An hisce nugis immorari liceat, adhuc dubito; ne tamen hoc sine monito praetereamus, α et ω, apud Graecos eumdem numerum conficiunt ac vox περιστερά: numerus autem est 801, ut hic apponitur. Unde grammaticales nugae Marcosiorum et Colarbasiorum. LE PR.

"That the dove came upon Jesus." Whether one may dwell on these trifles I still doubt; yet, not to pass this by without remark: among the Greeks, alpha and omega make up the same number as the word "peristera" (dove), and the number is 801, as is set here. Hence the grammatical trifles of the Marcosians and Colarbasians. LE PRIEUR.

(printed under page 48)

(78) ‹anchor not visible in foot image› · call not visible

Percurrunt isti. Haec aliter referuntur apud Epiphanium haer. 34 ex Irenaeo, sed vanus labor est ineptiarum. RIG.

"These run through." These things are reported differently in Epiphanius, heresy 34, from Irenaeus; but it is a vain labour of absurdities. RIGAULT.

(printed under page 48)

Page

  • running head: 87 TBRTULLIANI OPERUM (cut off at the right edge)
  • marginal letters: A ‹stando, vel sudaudo praestiterat›; B ‹lomaeus et Secundus haeretici›; C ‹reliquos Aeonas, deinde introducit totum Valenti-›; D ‹ρῳ ὄντι, ὅπερ αὐτοὶ σῶμα› (beside the commentary at the foot, not the text)
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
  • column head: the column opens with "stando," (the tail of a word hyphenated from col. 86, set whole there; not restored here)
  • misprints kept as printed: "sudaudo" for "sudando", "Valentiuo" for "Valentino", "deiude" for "deinde" (text); "Epiphanus", "Quaproter", "Tertullanio" (Commentarius 74); broken type in "Valen⟨t⟩inus" and "p⟨l⟩eromate" supplied in angle brackets
PL 2:88
CAPUT L.
Chapter L.
Marcum item et Colarbasum.
Marcus likewise and Colarbasus.
Non defuerunt post hos Marcus quidem et Colarbasus, novam haeresin ex Graecorum alphabeto componentes. Negant enim veritatem sine istis posse litteris inveniri; imo totam plenitudinem et perfectionem veritatis in istis litteris esse dispositam. Propter hanc enim causam Christum dixisse: Ego sum A et Ω. Denique Jesum Christum descendisse, id est, columbam in Jesum venisse, quae Graeco nomine cum περιστερὰ pronuntietur, habeat secundum numerum, DCCCI. Percurrunt isti ω, ψ, χ, φ, υ, τ, totum usque ad Alpha Beta, et computant ogdoadas et decadas, ita ut adferre illorum omnes vanitates ineptum sit et otiosum, quod tamen non tantum jam vanum, sed etiam periculosum sit. Alterum Deum fingunt praeter creatorem. Christum in substantia negant carnis fuisse. Negant carnis resurrectionem futuram.
After these there were not lacking Marcus and Colarbasus, who composed a new heresy out of the alphabet of the Greeks. For they deny that the truth can be found without these letters; nay rather, they hold that the whole fullness and perfection of the truth is set out in these letters. For this reason, they say, Christ said: I am the A and the Ω. Further, they say that Jesus Christ descended, that is, that the dove came upon Jesus, which, since it is pronounced in Greek as peristera, has according to number DCCCI. These men run through ω, ψ, χ, φ, υ, τ, the whole way down to Alpha Beta, and they reckon up ogdoads and decads, so that to bring forward all their vanities would be foolish and idle; and yet this is now not only vain but also dangerous. They invent another God besides the Creator. They deny that Christ was in the substance of flesh. They deny that the resurrection of the flesh is to come.
CAPUT LI.
Chapter LI.
Post haec Cerdonem, Marcionem, ejusque discipulos Lucanum et Apellem.
After these, Cerdo, Marcion, and his disciples Lucanus and Apelles.
Accedit his Cerdon quidam; hic introducit initia duo, id est duos deos, unum bonum, et alterum saevum; bonum superiorem, saevum hunc mundi creatorem. Hic prophetias et legem repudiat, Deo creatori renuntiat, superioris Dei Filium Christum venisse tractat, hunc in substantia carnis negat, in phantasmate solo fuisse pronuntiat, nec omnino passum, sed quasi passum: nec ex Virgine natum, sed
To these is added a certain Cerdo. He introduces two first principles, that is, two gods, one good and the other cruel: the good one the higher, the cruel one this creator of the world. He repudiates the prophecies and the Law, renounces God the Creator, maintains that Christ, the Son of the higher God, came, denies that He was in the substance of flesh, and declares that He existed in a phantasm alone, and that He did not suffer at all but only seemed to suffer, nor was He born of a Virgin, but
Editors' notes and page, col. 88

Footnotes

(none here: the notes printed under page 48 are set in n87) - calls in this column: 70 ‹Denique Jesum›; 71 ‹secundum numerum›; 72 ‹ad Alpha Beta›; 73 ‹ita ut adferre›; (77) ‹columbam in Jesum venisse›; (78) ‹Percurrunt isti› (n87 gives 70, 71, (77), (78) as "call not visible"; their calls stand here, col 88) [Q9b]

Page

  • running head: …LIANI OPERUM PARS II. 88 (start of head cut off at left edge)
  • marginal letters: A CAPUT L.; B non tantum jam vanum; C phantasmate solo fuisse; D (in commentary footnotes, beside virtutem, quam dicit)
  • old-edition numerals: 70 before CAPUT L.
PL 2:89
omnino nec natum. Resurrectionem animae tantummodo probat, corporis negat. Solum Evangelium Lucae, nec tamen totum recipit. Apostoli Pauli neque omnes, neque totas Epistolas sumit. Acta apostolorum et Apocalypsin quasi falsa rejicit. Post hunc discipulus ipsius emersit Marcion quidam nomine, Ponticus genere, episcopi filius, propter stuprum cujusdam virginis ab Ecclesiae communicatione abjectus. Hic ex occasione qua dictum sit: Omnis arbor bona bonos fructus facit, mala autem malos, haeresin Cerdonis approbare conatus est, eadem dicere, quae ille superior haereticus ante dixerat. Exstitit post hunc Lucanus quidam nomine, Marcionis sectator atque discipulus: et hic per eadem vadens blasphemiae genera, eadem docet quae Marcion et Cerdon docuerant. Post hos subsequitur Apelles, discipulus Marcionis, qui posteaquam in carnem suam lapsus est, a Marcione segregatus est. Hic introducit unum Deum infinitis superioribus partibus. Hunc potestates multas angelosque f⟨e⟩cisse: propterea et aliam virtutem quam dicit, Dominum dicit, sed angelum ponit. Hoc vult videri mundum institutum ad imitation⟨e⟩m mundi superioris, cui mundo permiscuisse poenitentiam; quia non illum tam perfecte fecisset, quam ille superior mundus institutus fuisset. Legem et prophetas repudiat. Christum neque in phantasmate dicit fuiss⟨e⟩, sicut Marcion, neque in substantia veri corporis, ut Evangelium docet; sed eo quod e superioribus
not born at all. He approves the resurrection of the soul only, and denies that of the body. He receives only the Gospel of Luke, and yet not the whole of it. Of the apostle Paul he takes neither all the Epistles nor the Epistles entire. The Acts of the Apostles and the Apocalypse he rejects as false. After him there emerged a disciple of his, Marcion by name, Pontic by race, the son of a bishop, cast out from the communion of the Church on account of the violation of a certain virgin. He, taking occasion from what is said, Every good tree makes good fruits, but the bad [tree] bad ones, attempted to approve the heresy of Cerdo, saying the same things which that earlier heretic had said before. After him there arose one Lucanus by name, a follower and disciple of Marcion; and he too, going through the same kinds of blasphemy, teaches the same things which Marcion and Cerdo had taught. After these follows Apelles, a disciple of Marcion, who, after he had lapsed into his own flesh, was separated from Marcion. He introduces one God in the infinite higher regions. He [says] that this one made many powers and angels; and accordingly another power also, which he speaks of, he calls Lord, but posits as an angel. By this [power] he would have the world seem to have been established in imitation of the higher world, and [he says] that it mingled repentance into this world, because it had not made it as perfectly as that higher world had been established. He repudiates the Law and the Prophets. He says that Christ was neither in a phantasm, as Marcion [says], nor in the substance of a true body, as the Gospel teaches; but in that, from the higher
Editors' notes and page, col. 89

Footnotes

(79) ‹anchor: not in view› · call not in view in the page-foot image

Post hunc discipulus ejus emersit Marcion. Is a patre proprio ob stuprum Ecclesia pulsus est. Pater enim episcopus fuit, cumque multis supplicationibus in Ecclesiam admitti ab eodem non potuisset, Romam petiit, ubi ab apostolicis viris pari ratione ejectus. Quae cum animadverteret, in Cerdonis deliramenta jurare coepit, et illius imposturas amplecti. De eodem ferunt, cum sub Aniceto pontifice Romae B. Polycarpo occurreret, ab eo petiisse, an eum nosset, respondisse B. Polycarpum: « Novi primogenitum Satanae. » LE PR.

"After him his disciple Marcion came up." He was driven from the Church by his own father for a seduction. For his father was a bishop, and when for all his many entreaties he could not get him to readmit him to the Church, he went to Rome, where he was cast out by the apostolic men on the same grounds. Seeing this, he began to swear by the ravings of Cerdo and to embrace his impostures. They relate of him that when he met blessed Polycarp at Rome under the pontiff Anicetus he asked him whether he knew him, and blessed Polycarp answered: "I know the firstborn of Satan." LE PRIEUR.

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(80) ‹anchor: not in view› · call not in view in the page-foot image

Marcion episcopi filius propter stuprum cujusdam virg. Haec etiam narrat Epiphanius. Septimius tamen libro de Praescript. haereticorum, et libris adversus ipsum Marcionem, ubi de ejecto Marcione, ac de ejus flagitiis plurima disserit stupratae virginis non meminit. Unde opinari liceat, hunccce Catalogum haereticorum non esse Tertulliani. Nam et lib. de Praescript. haereticorum, Marcionensem continentiam laudat, et Marcionem castratorem carnis nuncupat in principio librorum adversus ipsum. Irenaeus quoque notat Marcionis discipulos continentium nomen usurpasse, nuptias damnasse. RIG.

"Marcion, a bishop's son, because of the seduction of a certain virgin." Epiphanius too tells this. Yet Septimius, in the book On the Prescription of Heretics and in the books Against Marcion himself, where he says a great deal about Marcion's expulsion and his misdeeds, makes no mention of a seduced virgin. From which one may suppose that this catalogue of heretics is not Tertullian's. For in the book On the Prescription of Heretics he even praises Marcionite continence, and at the beginning of the books against him he calls Marcion a castrator of the flesh. Irenaeus also notes that Marcion's disciples usurped the name of the Continent and condemned marriage. RIGAULT.

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(81) ‹anchor: not in view› · call not in view in the page-foot image

Hic ex occasione, etc. Hunc Scripturae sacrae locum cum quaestione de origine male conjungens Marcion duos deos, Cerdonem imitatus, propterea statuit. ROUTH.

"He, taking occasion," etc. Marcion, wrongly linking this passage of sacred Scripture with the question of the origin of evil, therefore set up two gods, in imitation of Cerdo. ROUTH.

(printed under page 49)

(82) ‹anchor: not in view› · call not in view in the page-foot image

Eadem dicere. Forte, eadem dicens, nisi quis forte velit, eademque dicere. JUNIUS. Ita Rhenanus eadem dicere retinere voluerat, verbo conatus est ex praecedentibus subaudito. Supplere et ante eadem vult adnotator ad edit. Romanam. Sed fortasse eadem dicens praeferendum est. ROUTH.

"To say the same things." Perhaps "saying the same things," unless one would rather have "and to say the same things." JUNIUS. So Rhenanus had wished to keep "to say the same things," with the verb "he attempted" understood from what precedes. The annotator on the Roman edition wants to supply "and" before "the same things." But perhaps "saying the same things" is to be preferred. ROUTH.

(printed under page 49)

(83) ‹anchor: not in view› · call not in view in the page-foot image

Lucanus quidam, etc. Hic de suo nomine Lucanistas habuit. Est autem alter Lucianus nomine Marcionis discipulus, a quo Lucianistae haeretici. LE PR.

"A certain Lucanus," etc. He had the Lucanists, named after himself. There is also another disciple of Marcion, Lucian by name, from whom come the Lucianist heretics. LE PRIEUR.

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(84) ‹anchor: not in view› · call not in view in the page-foot image

In carnem suam lapsus est. Superius adnotata vide ad cap. 30. ROUTH.

"He fell into his own flesh." See what was noted above at chapter 30. ROUTH.

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(85) ‹anchor: not in view› · call not in view in the page-foot image

Infinitis superioribus partibus. Legere vult Junius infiniti. Malim reponere in infinitis superioribus partibus. Habes supra, in summis et illis infinitis partibus, cap. II, p. 158. ID.

"The infinite upper parts." Junius would read "of the infinite." I would rather restore "in the infinite upper parts." You have above "in the highest and those infinite parts," chapter 2, page 158. THE SAME [Routh].

(printed under page 49)

(86) ‹anchor: not in view› · call not in view in the page-foot image

Hoc vult videri. Legendum hinc, vel ab hoc, Junius. — An huic, i. e. ab hoc? SEMLER. — Praeferendum videtur, ab hoc. ROUTH.

"He wants this to seem." Read "hence," or "by this," Junius. — Or "to this," that is, "by this"? SEMLER. — "By this" seems preferable. ROUTH.

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(87) ‹anchor: not in view› · call not in view in the page-foot image

Animarum solarum dicit salutem. An docet pro dicit legendum? ID.

"He speaks of the salvation of souls alone." Should "teaches" be read for "speaks of"? THE SAME [Routh].

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(88) ‹anchor: not in view› · call not in view in the page-foot image

Privatas. Esotericas. Fortasse in vocibus sequentibus, sed extraordinarias, pro sed scribendum et. ID.

"Private." Esoteric. Perhaps in the following words, "but extraordinary," "and" should be written for "but." THE SAME [Routh].

(printed under page 49)

(89) ‹anchor: not in view› · call not in view in the page-foot image

Accedit Tatianus quidam. Fuit hic Justini Martyris discipulus, ac quandiu magister ipsius vixit, de religione ac fide optime sentire visus est; eodem autem mortuo, aeonas et Valentini impia dogmata secutus est. LE PR.

"A certain Tatian joins them." He was a disciple of Justin Martyr, and as long as his master lived he seemed to hold the soundest views on religion and faith; but when Justin died he followed the aeons and the impious doctrines of Valentinus. LE PRIEUR.

(printed under page 49)

Page

  • running head: 89 LIBBR DB PRÆSCRIPTI (cut off at image edge)
  • marginal letters: A omnino nec natum; B miae genera, eadem docet; C Evangelium docet; sed eo quod; D huncce Catalogum haereticorum (in the commentary notes)
  • old-edition numerals: 71 after hunc
PL 2:90
partibus descenderet, ipso descensu sideream sibi carnem et aeream coutexuisse: hunc in resurrectione singulis quibusque elementis, quae in descensu suo mutuata fuissent, in ascensu reddidisse, et sic dispersis quibusque corporis sui partibus, in coelo spiritum tantum reddidisse. Hic carnis resurrectionem negat; solo utitur et Apostolo, sed Marcionis, id est non toto. Animarum solarum dicit salutem. Habei praeterea privatas, sed extraordinarias lectiones suas, quas appellat phaneroseis Philumenes cujusdam puellae, quam quasi prophetissam sequitur. Habet praeterea suos libros, quos inscripsit Syllogismorum, in quibus probare vult, quod omnia quaecumque Moyses de Deo scripserit, vera non sint, se⟨d⟩ falsa sint.
parts He descended, by the very descent He wove together for Himself a starry and airy flesh; that He, in the resurrection, gave back in His ascent to each of the several elements what He had borrowed from them in His descent, and thus, the several parts of His body having been dispersed, He gave back in heaven only the spirit. This man denies the resurrection of the flesh; he also uses the Apostle alone, but Marcion's, that is, not the whole. He speaks of the salvation of souls alone. He has moreover private but extraordinary readings of his own, which he calls the 'manifestations' of a certain girl Philumene, whom he follows as though she were a prophetess. He has moreover his own books, which he entitled 'of Syllogisms', in which he wishes to prove that all things whatsoever Moses wrote concerning God are not true, but are false.
CAPUT LII.
Chapter LII.
Tatianum inde, et eos qui secundum Phrygas dicebantur. κατὰ Proclum, ac secundum Aeschinem, Montanistas.
Next Tatian, and those who were called 'according to the Phrygians'; those 'according to Proclus' and 'according to Aeschines', the Montanists.
His haereticis omnibus accedit Tatianus quidam, alter haereticus. Hic Justini Martyris discipulus fuit, post hunc diversa sentire coepit. Totus enim secundum Valentinum sapit, adjiciens illud, Adam nec salutem consequi posse: quasi non, si rami salvi fiant, et radix salva sit. Accesserunt alii haeretici, qui dicuntur secundum Phrygas; sed horum non una doctrina est. Sunt enim qui κατὰ Proclum dicuntur, sunt qui secundum Aeschinem pronuntiantur. Hi habent aliam communem blasphemiam, aliam blasphemiam non communem,
To all these heretics is added a certain Tatian, another heretic. He was a disciple of Justin Martyr; after him he began to hold different opinions. For he savours wholly of Valentinus, adding this, that Adam cannot even attain salvation: as if, when the branches are saved, the root too were not saved. Other heretics have come in addition, who are called 'according to the Phrygians'; but theirs is not one doctrine. For there are some who are called 'according to Proclus', there are some who are named 'according to Aeschines'. These have one blasphemy in common, another blasphemy not in common,
Editors' notes and page, col. 90

Footnotes

(90) ‹anchor: secundum Phrygas› · call in col 90

Secundum Phrygas. Unico vocabulo Cataphrygae dicuntur haeretici, quoniam in Phrygia (inferiori, Edd.) potissimum grassati sunt. Illius haereseos auctores ex ea fuerunt provincia. Apelles, Montanus, et ipsius prophetissa Prisca, seu Priscilla, et Maximilla, imperante Commodo et pontifice Sotere floruerunt. LE PR.

"According to the Phrygians." In a single word these heretics are called Cataphrygians, because they spread chiefly in Phrygia (Lower Phrygia, the editors). The authors of that heresy came from that province. Apelles, Montanus, and his prophetesses Prisca, or Priscilla, and Maximilla flourished under the emperor Commodus and the pontiff Soter. LE PRIEUR.

(printed under page 49)

(91) ‹anchor: pronuntiantur› · call in col 90

Sunt enim qui — dicantur — pronuntientur. Si quid refert me hoc fecisse, revocavi ex editionibus Rhenani et Parisina utraque dicantur pro dicuntur, et ex ed. Rhenani ultima et Parisina utra- (continues)

"For there are some who — are called — are named" [subjunctive]. If it matters that I have done this, I have restored from the editions of Rhenanus and from both Paris editions "are called" (subjunctive) for "are called" (indicative), and from the last edition of Rhenanus and both Paris (continues)

(printed under page 49)

Page

  • running head: DE PRÆSCRIPTIONIBUS. (left edge cut off in the image; column number 90)
  • marginal letters: A ‹partibus descenderet, ipso descensu›; B ‹CAPUT LII.›; C ‹blasphemiam, aliam blasphemiam non communem›; D ‹beside the footnotes, at note (88) "dum et. ID."›
  • old-edition numerals: 72 after ‹dicebantur.› (in the chapter summary)
  • misprints kept as printed: ‹coutexuisse› (for contexuisse); ‹Habei› (for Habet); ‹se⟨d⟩› (d broken in the type, supplied)
  • calls (87), (88), (89) in this column: their notes are filed in n89
PL 2:91
sed peculiarem suam: et communem quidem illam, qua in apostolis quidem dicant Spiritum sanctum fuisse, Paracletum non fuisse: et qua dicent Paracletum plura in Montano dixisse, quam Christum in Evangelium protulisse, nec tantum plura, sed etiam meliora atque majora.
but their own peculiar one: and that common one, by which they say that the Holy Spirit was indeed in the apostles, [but] that the Paraclete was not: and by which they will say that the Paraclete said more things in Montanus than Christ brought forth in the Gospel, and not only more, but also better and greater.
CAPUT LIII.
Chapter LIII.
Denique Blastum, Theodotum utrumque, Praxean et Victorinum.
Finally, Blastus, both Theodotuses, Praxeas and Victorinus.
Privatam autem blasphemiam illi qui suut κατὰ Aeschinem, hanc habent, qua adjiciunt etiam hoc, ut dicant Christum ipsum esse Filium et Patrem. Est praeterea his omnibus etiam Blastus accedens, qui latenter judaismum vult introducere. Pascha enim dicit non aliter custodiendum esse, nisi secundum legem Moysi, XIV mensis. Quis autem nesciat, quoniam evangelica gratia evacuatur, si ad legem Christum rediget? Accedit his Theodotus haereticus Byzantius: qui posteaquam Christi pro nomine comprehensus negavit, in Christum blasphemare non destitit. Doctrinam enim introduxit, qua Christum hominem tantummodo diceret, Deum autem illum negaret; ex Spiritu
But those who follow Aeschines have this private blasphemy, by which they add this also, that they say that Christ Himself is Son and Father. There is besides, joining all these, Blastus too, who wishes covertly to introduce Judaism. For he says that the Passover is to be kept in no other way than according to the law of Moses, on the fourteenth of the month. But who would not know that evangelical grace is made void if one brings Christ back to the law? To these is added Theodotus, the Byzantine heretic, who, after he had been arrested for the name of Christ and denied [Him], did not cease to blaspheme against Christ. For he introduced a doctrine by which he said that Christ was only a man, and denied that He was God; from the Spirit
Editors' notes and page, col. 91

Footnotes

(91) (continued)

que (deficit enim in ed. principe alterum orationis membrum) pronuntientur pro indicativo pronuntiantur. Primus Pamelius ex ms. Vaticano dicuntur substituit. ROUTH.

(continued) [Paris editions] "are named" (subjunctive) for the indicative "are named" (for the second member of the sentence is missing in the first edition). Pamelius was the first to substitute "are called" (indicative) from the Vatican manuscript. ROUTH.

(printed under page 50)

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Et communem quidem illam. Melius abesset particula et, fortasse ex praecedente et orta, quae quidem a Priorio in editione sua Rigaltiana et a Romano editore male omissa est. ROUTH.

"And that common one indeed." The particle "and" would be better absent; it perhaps arose from the preceding "et." It was in fact omitted, wrongly, by Le Prieur in his Rigault edition and by the Roman editor. ROUTH.

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Blastus accedens. etc. Ut ex Irenaeo constat, Blastum separasse se ab Ecclesia, quippe cum idem sanctus pater epistolam ad eum miserit De Schismate inscriptam; ita vicissim ex hoc loco causa eruitur, cur hic homo se separaverit. Nondum vero Asiatici Quartadecimani ob tempus sibi fere proprium servandi paschatis ab Ecclesia schismatici judicati erant. De Blasto confer Eusebii Hist. Eccl. V, 15, 20, et notam supra ad IRENAEI FRAGMENTUM, p. 39. ID.

"Blastus, joining them," etc. As it is established from Irenaeus that Blastus separated himself from the Church, since that holy father sent him a letter entitled On Schism, so in turn this passage brings out the reason why the man separated himself. But the Asian Quartodecimans had not yet been judged schismatics by the Church for the time of keeping Easter that was more or less peculiar to them. On Blastus compare Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History V, 15, 20, and the note above on the Fragment of Irenaeus, p. 39. THE SAME [Routh].

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Accedit his Theodotus, haereticus Byzantius. Coriarius hic fuit Byzantius. Differt autem ab alio Theodoto de quo mox loquitur Tertullianus, qui Melchisedecianorum auctor fuit. Dicebant autem hi haeretici Christum ipso Melchisedech inferiorem fuisse, quoniam Melchisedech sine patre et matre fuisse dicitur, Christum vero matrem habuisse evangelistae omnes et universa Scriptura ac traditio testatur. LE PR.

"To these is added Theodotus, a Byzantine heretic." He was a tanner of Byzantium. He is distinct from the other Theodotus of whom Tertullian speaks shortly after, who was the founder of the Melchisedecians. These heretics said that Christ was inferior to Melchisedech himself, since Melchisedech is said to have been without father and mother, whereas all the evangelists and the whole of Scripture and tradition attest that Christ had a mother. LE PRIEUR.

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Christum pro nomine apprehensus negavit. Editionis principis lectionem revocavi, ad quam notavit Rhenanus, pro nomine, hoc est, ob professionem nominis Christiani. Nam istud ὑπὲρ τοῦ ὀνόματος subaudito τοῦ Χριστοῦ, phrasis est scriptoribus veteribus solennis, quae sumpta ex Scriptura S. videtur. Videsis Reliquias Sacr. vol. III, p. 353, in notis ad S. Petrum Alex. Verumtamen postea Rhenanus in ultima sua editione haec substituit, « Qui posteaquam Christi pro nomine apprehensus est in Christum blasphemare non destitit. » Exstat haec lectio in subsequentibus editionibus. Deinde Pamelius ex codice edidit Vaticano: « Christi pro nomine comprehensos negavit. » Hoc secutus est Rigaltius. Voluerat quoque Latinius legere Christi pro nomine, non Christum pro nomine. Sed hac de re aliter sentio; et ipsa quoque lectionis quae exstat varietas ex corruptela locutionis parum intellectae orta esse videtur. Phrasis hujus exemplum exstat in Tertulliani libro De Patientia, nomen cum familia ipsius persequentes, cap. 2; et in lib. Contra Gnosticos, cap. II. Ad vocem apprehensus quod attinet, verba habes, ut apprehensum Dominum destituerint, in cap. ult. libri de Baptismo. Caeterum refert Rigaltius, emendatum a se esse librum de Praescr. Haeret. locis quinque et nonaginta ex codicibus Agobardi et Ursini. Ego in illo tractatu cum hoc libello simul conjuncto a recensione Rigaltiana plus octogies discessi. ID.

"Arrested for the name, he denied Christ." I have restored the reading of the first edition, on which Rhenanus noted: "for the name," that is, for professing the Christian name. For "for the name," with "of Christ" understood, is a set phrase among the ancient writers, which seems to be taken from Holy Scripture. See Reliquiae Sacrae vol. III, p. 353, in the notes on St Peter of Alexandria. Later, however, Rhenanus in his last edition substituted: "Who, after he was arrested for the name of Christ, did not cease to blaspheme against Christ." This reading stands in the subsequent editions. Then Pamelius published from a Vatican codex: "he denied those arrested for the name of Christ." Rigault followed this. Latinius too had wanted to read "for the name of Christ," not "Christ for the name." But on this point I think otherwise; and the very variety of readings that exists seems to have arisen from a corruption of an expression little understood. An example of this phrase occurs in Tertullian's book On Patience, "persecuting the name together with its household," chapter 2; and in the book Against the Gnostics, chapter 2. As to the word "arrested," you have the words "so that they abandoned the Lord when he was arrested" in the last chapter of the book On Baptism. Rigault reports, moreover, that he emended the book On the Prescription of Heretics in ninety-five places from the codices of Agobard and Ursinus. In that treatise, together with this little book joined to it, I have departed from Rigault's recension more than eighty times. THE SAME [Routh].

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Nullo alio prae caeteris nisi sola justitiae auctoritate. Sic edd. Rhenanianae et Paris. utraque: nulla alia editt. Franck. et Rigaltiana. Scribendum videtur, « nullo alio praecellentem caeteris, nisi sola justitiae auctoritate. »

"By nothing else above the rest except the authority of righteousness alone." So the editions of Rhenanus and both Paris editions; "by no other [authority]" the Franeker editions and Rigault's. It seems we should write: "excelling the rest in nothing else but the authority of righteousness alone."

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Victorinus. De hoc Victorino nihil apud alios scriptores. ANNOTATIO ad edit. hujus libelli Romanam. Contra Praxeam Tertullianus scripsit. ROUTH.

"Victorinus." Of this Victorinus there is nothing in other writers. NOTE on the Roman edition of this little book. Tertullian wrote against Praxeas. ROUTH.

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Page

  • running head: TERTULLIANI OPERUM (cut off at the image edge; the type looks like "TBRTULLIANI OPBRUM" in the scan)
  • marginal letters: A ‹sed peculiarem suam›; B ‹scha enim dicit non aliter›; C ‹(93) Blastus accedens (in the notes)›; D ‹Editionis principis lectionem revocavi (in the notes)›
  • old-edition numerals: (none)
PL 2:92
quidem sancto natum ex Virgine, sed hominem solitarium, atque nudum, nulla alia prae caeteris, nisi sola justitiae auctoritate. Alter post hunc Theodotus haereticus erupit, qui et ipse introduxit alteram sectam, et ipsum hominem Chri⟨s⟩tum tantummodo dicit ex Spiritu sancto, ex ⟨v⟩irgine Maria conceptum pariter et natum; sed hunc inferiorem esse quam Melchisedech, eo quod dictum sit de Christo: Tu es sacerdos in aeternum secundum ordinem Melchisedech (Psal. CIX, 4). Nam illum Melchisedech praecipuae gratiae coelestem esse virtutem: eo quod agat Christus pro hominibus, deprecator et advocatus ipsorum factus. Melchisedech facere pro coelestibus angelis atque virtutibus, nam esse illum usque adeo Christo meliorem, ut apator sit, ametor sit, agenealogetus sit, cujus neque initium, neque finis comprehensus sit aut comprehendi possit. Sed post hos omnes etiam Praxeas quidam haeresim introduxit, quam Victorinus corroborare curavit. Hic Deum Patrem omnipotentem Jesum Christum esse dicit; hunc crucifixum passumque contendit et mortuum: praeterea seipsum sibi sedere ad dexteram suam, cum profana et sacrilega temeritate proponit.
indeed Holy, born of the Virgin, but a man solitary and bare, with no other [prerogative] above the rest save only the authority of righteousness. After him another, Theodotus the heretic, burst forth, who himself also introduced another sect, and says that Christ Himself was only a man, conceived and likewise born of the Holy Spirit, of the virgin Mary, but that He is inferior to Melchizedek, because it was said of Christ: Thou art a priest for ever according to the order of Melchizedek (Ps. 109:4). For [he says] that that Melchizedek is a heavenly power of special grace: that what Christ does for men, having been made their intercessor and advocate, Melchizedek does for the heavenly angels and powers; for that he is so far better than Christ that he is without father, without mother, without genealogy, one whose beginning and end has neither been comprehended nor can be comprehended. But after all these a certain Praxeas also introduced a heresy, which Victorinus took care to strengthen. He says that Jesus Christ is God the Father almighty; he contends that He was crucified, suffered and died; moreover, with profane and sacrilegious temerity, he proposes that He Himself sits at His own right hand.
Editors' notes and page, col. 92

Footnotes

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Cum in hujusce editionis decursu firmus ratusque nobis sit animus, fragmenta quotquot et ubicumque exstant, dummodo vera vetustatis nota commendentur, in lucem ne pereant, servare iterumque colligere, haec legitur ultima libri Praescriptionum capita, seu haereticorum catalogum, quidquid viri summi clarissimique de ejus αὐθεντίᾳ secus senserint, eo loci omittere periculo duximus. De hujus fragmenti auctoritate consulendi sunt Tillemont, in notis ad Tertullian. ad calcem, t. III, p. 659, operis notissimi (Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire ecclésiastique); P. Tournemine, in Ephemerid. Trivultian., an. 1703, jub., Aug., p. 311. EDD.

Since throughout this edition our mind is firm and settled to preserve, and to gather afresh into the light lest they perish, all fragments wherever they exist, provided they are commended by a true mark of antiquity, we judged it hazardous to omit at that place these last chapters of the book of Prescriptions, or catalogue of heretics, whatever the greatest and most distinguished men may have thought otherwise about its authenticity. On the authority of this fragment, consult Tillemont, in the notes on Tertullian at the end of vol. III, p. 659, of his very well-known work (Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire ecclésiastique); and Fr. Tournemine, in the Journal de Trévoux, year 1703, jub., August, p. 311. THE EDITORS.

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Page

  • running head: …IANI OPERUM PARS II. 92 (cut off at left edge)
  • marginal letters: A quidem sancto natum ex Virgine; B sit, agenealogetus sit; C cum familia ipsius persequentes (in the Commentarius); D commendentur, in lucem ne pereant (in the Commentarius)
  • old-edition numerals: 73 after esse; 74 after agenealogetus sit,